LIBRARY
t/NIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
DAVIS
JEFFERSON DAVIS
EX-PRESIDENT OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES
OF AMERICA
BY
HIS WIFE
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. II.
NEW YORK
BELFORD COMPANY, PUBLISHERS
J8-22 EAST 18-TH
LIBRARY
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
DAVIS
COPYRIGHT BY
VABJNA JEFFERSON DAVIS,
1890.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME II
CHAPTER I.
PAGE
FROM WASHINGTON TO MISSISSIPPI i
The Task of Relating her Husband's Life in the Confeder
acy One of the most Benevolent and Patriotic of Men His
Withdrawal from the Senate Arrival at the Crutchfield
House, Chattanooga, 1-6 ; Met by Governor and State Au
thorities on Reaching Mississippi Appointed to Command
of a State Army, with rank of Major-General, on arriving at
Jackson Troops to be Raised Had the Southern States
Possessed Arsenals He did not Understand Politics, but
Understood the Art of War, 6-12.
CHAPTER II.
ELECTION AS PRESIDENT 13
The Convention of the Seceding States The Constitution
Modelled on that of the United States The African Slave
Trade Forbidden Expenditure of Public Money, 13-15 ;
No State to Levy Duties without Consent of Congress, Except
on Sea-going Vessels The Terms of President and Vice-
President Notice of Election to the Presidency of the Con
federate States Alexander H. Stephens, Vice-President,
15-19.
CHAPTER III.
MR. DAVIS CONTINUES His NARRATIVE 20
On the Way to Montgomery, Made Brief Addresses Judge
Sharkey False Reports Assumed Office of President, Feb-
iv CONTENTS.
ruary 18, 1861 Inaugural Address First Letter Written
from Montgomery, Ala., February 2oth, 20-33.
CHAPTER IV.
GOING TO MONTGOMERY APPOINTMENT OF THE CAB
INET 34
Closing up Dwelling and Abandoning Library with Reluc
tance, and the Old Flag with Sorrow Montgomery Swarm
ing with Applicants for Commissions Correspondent of the
London Times Members of the Cabinet Provisional Gov
ernment's Recommendation President Went to his Office
before Nine, came Home at Six Every Change in the Con
stitution of the old Government Jealously avoided, 34-40.
CHAPTER V.
THE OFFICE WAS NOT SOUGHT 41
Mr. Davis never Intrigued Wrong Impressions in Rela
tion to him Refuted by Hon. J. A. P. Campbell, of Missis
sippi, afterward Justice of the Supreme Court of that State
Who should be President ? The Claims of no one else
were Considered or even Alluded to Mr. Davis Came to be
the Commander-in-chief of a Country not yet Torn Loose from
the Memories of a Common Glory He Longed to Stretch
forth his Hand to the North before Blood was Spilt, 41-47.
CHAPTER VI.
PEACE PROPOSITIONS 48
The Provisional Congress before the Arrival of Mr. Davis
The Free Navigation of the Mississippi Peace Commis
sioners Mr. Z. Chandler Marshalling the States A Plan
Agreed upon by the Majority Lincoln Great Meeting in
New York, 1861 Views of Leading Newspapers Slavery in
the Territories Confederate Commissioners Sent to Wash
ington, 47-57 ; The Crooked Path of Diplomacy Prepara-
CONTENTS. v
tions made in New York and other Northern Ports for a
Military and Naval Expedition Major Anderson's Letter
The Count of Paris Libels Memory of Major Anderson Ves
sels Designed for Relief of Fort Sumter Failure of the
Manoeuvre, 57-64.
CHAPTER VII.
PREPARATIONS FOR WAR 65
Officers of the Confederate Army Captain Semmes Sent
to Buy Guns A Musket from the Tower of London Appro
priations for the Navy Mr. Seward's Views Expressed to
Mr. Dayton, Minister to France President of the Confed
eracy Calls Congress Together, April 29th President Lincoln
Calls out Seventy-five Thousand Men Manufactory of Arms
and Powder Population of the United States The North
Had all the Advantages If the South had Arms, Whole Pop
ulation would have been Enrolled Seat of Government Re
moved from Montgomery to Richmond, Va. Spottswood
Hotel Guests of the City, 65-76.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE BOMBARDMENT OF SUMTER 77
March 3d, General Beauregard, Commander of All the
Confederate Forces The Federal Fleet Hostilities Com
menced Forts Moultrie, Sumter, and Johnston Surrender
of Fort Sumter Cheered by Confederates for its Gallant
Resistance Maryland Overrun with Troops, 76, 81 ; April
19, 1861, a Body of Union Troops Fired upon Unarmed Citi
zens at Railway Depot The Relay House, at the Junction
of Washington & Baltimore Railways, Occupied by Fed
erals, May 5th General Butler Moved to Baltimore and Oc
cupied Federal Hill A Demand for the Surrender of Arms
Provost-marshal Makes Arrests Members of the Legislature
at Frederick Arrested Citizens Conveyed to Fortress Mon
roe and Imprisoned while Sick, without Blankets or Pillows,
81-85.
vi CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IX.
PAGE
THE PRESIDENT ARRIVES IN RICHMOND 86
On Arrival at Richmond Found General Lee in Command
of Army of Virginia General Johnston at Harper's Ferry
General Beauregard at Manassas Generals Huger and Ma-
gruder at Norfolk Official Letter to General Johnston, who
Desires to Retire from his Post so as to Check the Advance
of General Patterson Two First Encounters of the Northern
and Southern Troops, June n, 1861, at Bethel Church ; June
1 8th, at Bridge on Baltimore & Ohio Railroad A Disaster to
the Confederate Arms General Garnett Killed Great Ac
tivity and Commotion among the Confederates Official Cor
respondence, 86-91.
CHAPTER X.
ENGAGEMENT AT BULL RUN, AND BATTLE OF MANAS
SAS 92
July 2 ist, Cannonade Opened by the Znemy The Battle
Raged with Varied Success Around the House of Mrs. Hen-
ery was Fiercest Reports that the Field was Lost to the
Confederates Some of the Confederates Suffering from
Hunger Signs of an Utter Rout of the Enemy The Cry,
"On to Richmond," changed to " Off for Washington"
Caring for the Wounded Confederate Victory Complete at
All Points Flight of the Enemy The Army under McDow
ell, 34,127 Present for Duty The Confederate Force Num
bered 13,000 only, 92-101.
CHAPTER XI.
CONFERENCES AFTER THE BATTLE OF MANASSAS 102
An Order to Pursue the Enemy Correspondence Regard
ing the Failure to Pursue McDowell from the Field of Ma
nassas Victory Dearly Achieved through the Loss of the
Lives of so Many Brave Men Remarks on the Dispersion
of Confederate Troops after the Battle The Large Amount
CONTENTS. vii
of Fine Artillery, Small Arms, and Ammunition Captured, of
Great Benefit Generals all Content with what had been
Done Allusions to Crossing the Potomac, 102-113.
CHAPTER XII.
REFLECTIONS ON THE VICTORY 114
Confederate States Had no Disciplined Troops, were In
ferior as to the Number of, and Excellence of, Arms Great
Disparity in Artillery The Field very Extensive, Broken,
and Wooded Hulbert, of Connecticut The Day after the
Battle of Manassas T. K. Fauntleroy, 114-119.
CHAPTER XIII.
RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE FAILURE TO PURSUE 120
The President's Letters on the Subject, and General
Johnston's and General Beauregard's Replies General S.
Cooper is made Acquainted with Details, 102-137.
CHAPTER XIV.
GENERAL JOHNSTON'S CORRESPONDENCE 138
After the Battle of Manassas Confederates Camp in and
around Centreville Matters not Running Smoothly between
Generals Johnston and Beauregard at Manassas The Pres
ident Snubs General Johnston, Designating His Arguments
and Statements Utterly One-sided, and His Insinuations as
Unfounded as They are Unbecoming The Roster of the
Generals of the Confederate Army in 1861-62 Mr. Davis's
Letter to Hon. James Lyons, Richmond, Va., 138-158.
CHAPTER XV.
THE OPPOSITION OF CONGRESS TO THE PRESIDENT. . . 159
The Term of the Provisional Congress about to Close
Newly Elected Members and Senators to be Sworn in
Ships for the Destruction of the Merchant Marine of the
United States Selling Cotton to the Enemy Stringency of
viii CONTENTS.
English Cotton Market Party in Opposition to the Admin
istration To Give Entertainments or Administer the Gov
ernment Hints of His Getting Rich on His Savings One
or Two of the Generals had Their Cliques Change of Cir
cumstances Made it Impossible at Times to Act on Advice
of Congress Committees He was Abnormally Sensitive to
Disapprobation Wounds an Old Friend Unavoidably, 159-
164.
CHAPTER XVI. ]
BEAUREGARD'S LETTER 165
A Period of Inactivity Foreign Recognition Fully Ex
pected Mr. Hunter, of Virginia General Beauregard
Mentioned as Possibly Next President An Estrangement
Between Him and the Authorities at Richmond Correspon
dence to the Richmond Whig Generals Cooper and Lee,
from the President General Beauregard's Report on the
Battle of Manassas, Commented upon by General Lee Con
troversy between General Beauregard and the Secretary of
War about this Time The President to General Beaure
gard, 172-177.
CHAPTER XVII.
ROANOKE ISLAND MR. DAVIS'S INAUGURATION 178
The Year 1862 Campaigns of Confederate States Opened
Early A General Reorganization of the Cabinet, March I7th
The Enemy Unusually Active Capture of Roanoke Isl
and, an Important Outpost of the Confederates, by General
Burnside Captain O. Jennings Wise, of the Richmond
Blues, Killed His Father's Exclamation, 178-179.
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE INAUGURATION 180
A Contemporary Account of the Inaugural Ceremony,
February 22, 1862 The President and the Vice-President
Elect Received with Hearty Cheers The Oath Administered
to the President by Judge Haliburton, of the Confederate
CONTENTS.
IX
District Court Mr. Hunter, President of the Senate, pro
claimed Mr. Davis President for the Term of Six Years
Mr. Hunter Administered Oath to Vice-President, 180-183.
CHAPTER XIX.
EFFORT TO EFFECT EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS EVAC
UATION OF MANASSAS VISIT TO FREDERICKS-
BURG 184
Early in the War Confederate Government Desired a Free
Exchange of Prisoners Suspension Writ of Habeas Corpus
Martial Law Proclaimed Extended over City of Richmond
and the Adjoining Country for a Distance of Ten Miles
February 2d, General Beauregard Takes Leave of the Army
of the Potomac Instructions to General Johnston He Be
gan his Retreat March yth, in Undue Haste, from the Front
of McClellan General Early States Unnecessary Loss at
Manassas, 184-189; Correspondence The President to
General Johnston The President and General Johnston
Proceed to Fredericksburg and Make a Reconnoissance The
President Returns to Richmond to Await Further Develop
ments General Holmes Relieved of his Command and Di
rected to Report at Richmond Letters Written by Resi
dents of Fredericksburg, 189-197.
CHAPTER XX.
THE EXECUTIVE MANSION THE HOSPITALS 198
In July, Moved to the " Old Brockenbrugh House "
" The Carrara Marble Mantels were the Delight of our Chil
dren " " Lovely Mary Brockenbrugh " " Mrs. James
Grant " Impressed by the Simplicity, Sincerity, and Beauty
of the Ladies of Richmond Clothed and Cared for the Sol
diers, and Labored in the Hospitals Various Interesting
Incidents Mrs. Mary Arnold and Numerous Other Ladies
Active in all Good and Patriotic Works People Rose in
Their Might and Met Every Emergency with Self-sacrifice
and Reckless Daring The President's Health Precarious
x CONTENTS.
General Lee and the Silver Saucepan The Last Part of the
War no One had any Delicacies, 198-210.
CHAPTER XXI.
EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 211
Members of the Maryland Legislature Arrested, 1862,
under Circumstances of Great Outrage Lettres de Cachet
Drum-head Courts-martial Civilians Condemned to Death
President Lincoln's Hopes and Plans The Act of Confis
cation, July 25, 1862 Slavery Declared Abolished in all
States after January First Confederates are Willing to Have
Peace, but not at the Expense of their Constitutional Rights
President Davis's Opinions on the Proclamation The
North Bends its Energies to Subjugating the South The
Condition of Servants Thousands of Contrabands in Alex
andria Well-dressed Darkies are the Special Aversion of
the Volunteers, 211-219.
CHAPTER XXII.
MISSOURI (MONITOR) AND VIRGINIA (MERRIMAC) 220
After Disaster Victory again Crowned the Confederates in
a Fight that Revolutionized the Art of Naval Warfare The
Evacuation of Norfolk, and Destruction of the Ram Virginia,
as she could not be brought up the River A Captured Flag
It was Damp with Blood It was Borne to the President
by Colonel John Taylor Wood, 220-221.
CHAPTER XXIII.
SHILOH, 1862 CORINTH 222
February 4th, General Beauregard at Bowling Green 6th,
Surrender of Fort Henry nth, Evacuation of Bowling
Green 1 6th, Fort Donaldson Fell The Loss of Forts Henry
and Donaldson Opened River Routes to Nashville and
North Alabama General Johnston Writes to President, who
Replies Enemy Commenced Moving up Tennessee River,
March loth Confederate Force at Corinth General Bragg
CONTENTS. xi
on the Battle of Shiloh When General Johnston Fell, had
the Successes of the Confederates been Followed up, Grant
and his Army Would have Been Fugitives or Prisoners, 222-
232 ; General Folk's Report Colonel Le Baron's Statement
Colonel McCardle's Statement Opinion of a Staff Officer
Mr. Davis's Reply to a Letter from a Friend The Field
Return of the Army of Mississippi before the Battle of Shi
loh, 233-242 ; April 9th, General Halleck left for Pittsburg
Landing An Advance on Corinth Made by General Grant
Orders to General Bragg Physicians Certify that General
Beauregard is too 111 for Active Service Telegram to Gen
eral Bragg Telegram to Secretary Stanton after the Evac
uation of Corinth, 243-248.
CHAPTER XXIV.
NEW ORLEANS , 249
Depression at the Loss of Shiloh The Fall of New Or
leans a Terrible Blow General Butler Inaugurated Ruler of
the City He Hangs Mumford He is Proclaimed by Presi
dent Davis a Felon, an Outlaw, and a Common Enemy of
Mankind, to be Hanged at Sight No Commissioned Officer
of the United States Taken Captive to be Paroled before
Exchanged until Butler Meets with Condign Punishment
Butler's Atrocities Further Denounced, etc., 249-258 ; But
ler Denounced in the House of Lords December I3th, Earl
Russell said, etc. The British Government not Inclined to
Offer Mediation between North and South, 258-260.
CHAPTER XXV.
YORKTOWN AND WlLLIAMSBURG 261
February 27, 1862 Office of Commanding General Gen
eral McClellan's Account of his Movements The " Formid
able Fortifications " at Centreville Consisted of Thirty-one
Wooden Guns Federal Army Transferred to the Peninsula
Confederate Council of War Instructions to General John
ston Engagement at Williamsburg Fifth North Carolina
Annihilated General Early Wounded Supplies of Every
xii CONTENTS.
Useful Implement Failing Burning of all the Cotton in the
Country Form of Certificate Given for Cotton Burned June
10, 1862 Extract from an Old Newspaper, 261-267.
CHAPTER XXVI.
THE GUN-BOATS IN THE JAMES RIVER BATTLE OF
SEVEN PINES 268
May 9th, Mr. Davis Determined his Family Should Leave
Richmond Gun-boats Ascending the River Mr. Davis
Baptized Campaign Begins in Dreadful Earnest Mr. Davis
Sends a Letter to Mrs. Davis, 270-274 ; Writes Again, May
1 9th McClellan's Army, 156,838; Effectives Present, 105,-
825 ; Johnston's Effectives, 62, 696 ; Under Date, Mr. Davis
Writes, ' We are steadily developing for a great battle '
Sent for General Lee Johnston Moves Upon the Enemy
Rode out to Meadow Bridge to See the Action Commence
May 3ist, Firing in the Direction of Seven Pines Field of
Battle Briefly Described, 275-284 ; Report of General Long-
street Published by the War Department, Washington Mr.
Davis, June ist, Rode out Was in Danger of Getting Too
Near the Enemy Confederates in Sore Straits General
Lee in Full Command A Severe Battle General Johnston
Severely Wounded Official Reports of Losses, 284-290;
Mrs. Johnston Distressed and Watchful Some Heavy Skir
mishes Cannot Telegraph Without Attracting Attention
The Movements of the Enemy Are Slow Mississippi Troops
Lying in Camp Jackson on the Move, 291-294.
CHAPTER XXVII.
JACKSON IN THE VALLEY 295
General Jackson Forms a Junction with General Edward
Johnston, May 8th A Panic in Washington General Ewell
Holds Fremont in Check General Johnston Ties a Buck-
tail to the Color-lance General Order, Affixing a Bucktail
to the Color Staff of First Maryland Fremont Defeated at
Cross Keys by General Jackson, and General Shields at
Fort Republic The Valley of the Shenandoah Wrested from
CONTENTS. xiii
the Enemy Description, Personal Appearance of " Stone
wall " Jackson Brutality ere the Close of the War, 295-300.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
MR. DAVIS'S LITERARY PREFERENCES 301
One of the Most Disheartening Periods of the War Evac
uation of Norfolk and Destruction of the Virginia Mr.
Davis Reads " Guy Livingston " His Love of Poetry and
His Favorite Authors Fond of Moore's Melodies, 301-306.
CHAPTER XXIX.
SEVEN DAYS' BATTLES AROUND RICHMOND 306
Condensed Account by Mr. Davis Riding from Field of
Battle, Seven Pines Army in Front of Richmond The
Day after General Lee Assumed Command Modification of
Plans Evidence of General Lee's Fortitude, 306-309 ; Let
ters from the President to Mrs. Davis, June nth, I3th, 2ist,
23d, 25th, July 6th, and 7th, 310-326.
CHAPTER XXX.
FOREIGN RELATIONS UNJUST DISCRIMINATION
AGAINST Us DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE... 327
Our Representatives in Europe Announcement, Govern
ments Could not Assume to Judge Between the Combatants
Government of the Confederate States and the British
Foreign Office Dissatisfaction with the Latter Her Majes
ty's Government Does not Discriminate Justly Our Repre
sentatives Meet with Rebuffs Mr. Mason's Communications
to Lord John Russell His Lordship's Replies, 327-346.
CHAPTER XXXI.
MEMPHIS, VICKSBURG, AND BATON ROUGE 347
June 7th, Gun-boats Steam Down Tennessee River Ene
my Try to Sink the Arkansas On 27th Both Federal
Fleets Retire Siege Ended Battle of Baton Rouge, and
xiv CONTENTS.
Destruction of the Ram Arkansas to Save Her from the
Enemy, 347.
CHAPTER XXXII.
CONFEDERATE CONGRESS THE PRESIDENT'S MES
SAGEHORACE GREELEY 348
August 23d, Vote of Thanks by Congress to General J. C.
Breckinridge for Gallant Conduct Several Resolutions Of
fered in Favor of Conscription Mr. Foote's Bill for Retalia
tory Purposes Report of the Secretary of the Treasury
Report of the Postmaster-General, 348-354.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
RETALIATION FOR OUTRAGES 355
Brutal Orders of General Pope President Davis's Com
munications and Orders to General Lee on the Subject, 355-
360.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
CAMPAIGN AGAINST POPE SECOND MANASSAS
SHARPSBURG FREDERICKSBURG 361
General Jackson Sent to Engage General Pope Enemy
Forced to Withdraw The Career of General Pope, Brief,
Boastful, and Disastrous That of Lee and Jackson, Brilliant,
Audacious, and Successful A Battle Order Lost After
Battle Second Manassas Lee Crosses Potomac and Enters
Maryland Lee at Bay at Sharpsburg Federal Army,
40,000, Confederate, 14,000 Confederates Victorious ;
Passed into Virginia Again December I3th, Battle of Fred-
ericksburg, 361-365.
CHAPTER XXXV.
VISIT TO TENNESSEE BATTLE OF MURFREESBORO. . . 366
The President's Letter to Mrs. Davis from Chattanooga,
Tenn., December i5th, 366-368.
CONTENTS. xv
CHAPTER XXXVI.
PAGE
INTRODUCTION TO 1863 369
Mr. Davis Oppressed Through Reverses, but Confederates
in Hopes of Recognition by England Complaints from Sub
jugated States Andrew Johnson, Governor of Tennessee
Iron-clad Oath Administered Prisoners of War on Bread
and Water Slaves Driven from Their Homes, or Forced to
Work under Bayonet Guard Order 91 Members of Con
gress Elected under Military Government An Oath Re
quired from All the Residents of the Conquered States Mr.
Lincoln Swore in 1861 to Sustain the Constitution When
the War Closed, Who were the Victors ? Bread Riot Mr.
Davis Addressed and Dispersed the Rioters, 369-376.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
CHANCELLORSVILLE 377
April, 1863, General Hooker Crosses the Rappahannock
with 132,000 Men Lee's Army Numbered 57,000 General
Jackson Suffering from Illness Battle Begins Confederates
Rush on the Earthworks General Jackson's Cry in the Field
at Every Success His Officers Fatally Mistaken for the
Enemy's Cavalry Recital of the Terrible Incidents of Gen
eral Jackson's Death, 377-383.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
GETTYSBURG 384
May, 1863, General Lee's Army Rested Near Fredericks-
burg General Hooker's Forces Lee Began a Movement
Culminating in the Battle of Gettysburg Ewell's Corps
Routs General Milroy at Winchester and Captures Prisoners
and Stores The Federal Commander Covers Washington .
June 27th, General Lee at Chambersburg Federal Cavalry
First Encountered at Cashtown, July ist General Reynolds
Killed Cemetery Hill, Hand to Hand Conflict The Battle
Rages Mighty Feats of Valpr on the Part of Both Combat-
xvi CONTENTS.
ants Lee Defeated, but Not Disheartened The President
Sorely Tried Eulogy on His Army, 384-391.
CHAPTER XXXIX.
GENERAL LEE'S OFFER OF RESIGNATION 392
General Lee Assumes All the Responsibility of Failure at
Gettysburg His Noble Letter to the President and Offer to
Resign his Command The President's Reply, 392-399.
CHAPTER XL.
VICE-PRESIDENT STEPHENS'S COMMISSION TO WASH
INGTON 400
An Attempt to Renew Negotiations with the Federal Gov
ernment Letter of Instruction from the President to the
Vice-President Letter of Mr. Davis to President Lincoln,
400-407 ; Mr. Stephens Proceeds to Fortress Monroe under
Flag of Truce Permission to Go to Washington Refused by
the Federal Government The Military Authorities Suffi
cient to Deal with " the Insurgents " Report of the Vice-
President on the Subject, 407-411.
CHAPTER XLI.
FALL OF VICKSBURG, JULY 4, 1863 412
Dissatisfaction with the President and his Cabinet Atten
tion Directed, in January, 1863, to a Campaign with Vicks
burg as an Objective Point General Johnston Ordered, May
9th, to Proceed to Mississippi at Once and Take Chief Com
mand of the Forces The Enemy Between Jackson and Gen
eral Pemberton's Force Thirty Miles Away Pemberton
Forced to Retire to Vicksburg May iSth, Grant Invests the
City Details of the Siege General Grant Telegraphs to
Washington General Johnston Telegraphs to the Secretary
of War Grant Telegraphs to Halleck"Joe Johnston has
postponed his attack "After Forty-seven Days Vicksburg
Falls, July 1 7th Johnston Abandons Jackson and Retreats
into the Interior, 412-424.
CONTENTS. xvii
CHAPTER XLII.
PAGE
PRESIDENT DAVIS'S LETTER TO GENERAL JOHNSTON
AFTER THE FALL OF VlCKSBURG 425
Communication from the President to General Johnston
Dated Richmond, July 15, 1863 The Reasons for Con
demning the Course and Conduct of the General Given in
Detail The General's Telegrams, 425-440.
CHAPTER XLIII.
MILITARY OPERATIONS AT CHARLESTON 441
Defence of Charleston the Most Notable Event of the
Summer of 1863 Lack of Diligence on the Part of General
Beauregard July loth, a Concealed Battery Opened Fire
on the Confederate Lines Answered Briskly July i8th,
Federal Fleet Poured a Terrific Fire into Fort Wagner Af
ter a Furious Cannonade by Sea and Land for Fifty-seven
Days, the Fort and Island Evacuated on the Night of Sep
tember 6th Sabine Pass A Confederate Force of Forty-
two Men and Two Lieutenants Drives the Whole Federal
Fleet out of the Pass, 441-444.
CHAPTER XLIV.
LETTER TO His HOLINESS, THE POPE 445
Mr. Davis's Early Education Prompts Him to Write to
Rome and Thank the Pope for His Sympathy The Pope's
Reply Refers to the Archbishops of New York and New
Orleans Sends His Likeness to Mr. Davis During His Im
prisonment, 445-448.
CHAPTER XLV.
CHICKAMAUGA AND MISSIONARY RIDGE 449
The Bloody Battle of Chickamauga, August 2oth Briga
dier-General William Preston Sent to Mexico to Treat with
the New Emperor Grant's Movements He Captures Look-
xviii CONTENTS.
out Mountain Confederates Retreat Toward Tunnel Hill
General Bragg Relieved General Hardee Assigned the
Command of the Army of the West, but Declines to Accept
General Joseph E. Johnston Directed to Take the Com
mand Personally, December 16, 1863, 449-451.
CHAPTER XLVI.
CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN PRESIDENT DAVIS AND
GOVERNOR Z. B. VANCE 452
Treasonable Purposes of Holden, Editor of the Standard
The Case a Grave One Mr. Davis Begs for Information
from Governor Vance The Latter Replies Rejoinder of
the President Lincoln Referred to in Severe but Merited
Terms, 452-461.
CHAPTER XLVII.
THE MARYLAND LINE AND THE KILPATRICK AND
DAHLGREN RAID 462
An Expedition Organized by the Federals, February, 1864
Crossed Ely's Ford on the 29th, After Surprising and Cap
turing Picket At Daylight, March 1st, Marylanders Drove
in One of Kilpatrick's Flanking Parties A Despatch from
Dahlgren to Kilpatrick Captured with an Officer and Five
Men Dahlgren Attacks North Side of the City A Com
pany of Richmond Boys Under Eighteen Dahlgren Re
treats, is Shot Dead, and His Command Captured General
Wade Hampton's Report, 462-465 ; Orders Discovered on
the Body of Colonel Dahlgren Mr. Blair Amused Over the
Loss of Life and Suffering, 465-473.
CHAPTER XLVIII.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE 474
Her Britannic Majesty's Government to Observe a Course
of Neutrality Letter to President Davis from Lord Lyons,
Legation, Washington Full Copy of Earl Russell's Instruc-
CONTENTS. xix
tions Won't Permit Confederates to Build Ships of War in
any British Possession. The Cumberland and the Merrimac
The President's Reply, Proud, Pungent, and Just, 474-482.
CHAPTER XLIX.
FORT PILLOW, OCEAN POND, AND MERIDIAN 483
Generals Forrest and Chalmers Attack Federal Forces
Occupying the Fort April 12, 1864, Captured the Fort
After a Fierce Resistance, 14 Confederate Officers and Men
were Killed, and 86 Wounded ; Many Federals Taken Pris
oners Generals Finnegan and Colquitt Victorious at Ocean
Pond Expel the Enemy from Florida February 3d,
General Sherman Crosses State of Mississippi to Meridian
Joined by Federal Cavalry from Corinth and Holly Springs
General Forrest Forces Him to Make a Hasty Retreat
General Banks's Attempt to Penetrate Central Texas Fails
Totally Routed, 483-486.
CHAPTER L.
VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN, 1864 487
Grant's Theory of War He Takes Command March 17,
1864 The Army of the Potomac, 141,160 Men Lee's En
tire Effective Strength, 64,000 May 4th, Grant Begins His
March Lee Gives Him a Blow in the Wilderness Long-
street Wounded in Mistake by His Own Men Lee's Brave
Conduct Enemy Able to Rally Their Forces and Reform
Behind Their Intrenchments Both Armies Intrenched at
Spottsylvania Court House May I2th, Enemy Made a
Heavy Assault Nearly 3,000 Confederates Taken Prisoners
Eighteen Pieces of Artillery Captured Also, 487-491 ;
Grant Moves in the Direction of Hanover Junction on the
Night of the 2oth Lee Follows Him June 3d, the Two
Armies Meet at Cold Harbor 13,000 Men Placed " Hors de
Combat" in One Hour Grant, after this Battle, Moves
Toward James River Below Richmond During the Cam
paign Grant Reinforced 51,000 Men, Lee, 14,400 The Fed
eral Commander's Loss from May 4th to June 4th Mr.
xx CONTENTS.
Davis Visits General Lee An Incident on One of the Pres
ident's Lonely Rides Confederate Spirit of Devotion
Women and Children in Richmond Suffering for Food =
Death from Accident of One of the President's Children A
Sad Household, 491-497.
CHAPTER LI.
YELLOW TAVERN DEATH OF STUART 498
May 1 3th, the President Rides Out to the Front A Line
of Skirmishers Near the Yellow Tavern General Stuart Shot
His Wound Mortal President Visits His Death-bed Eu
logy on His Character Burial of the Young Hero, 498-503.
CHAPTER LII.
BOMBARDMENT OF CHARLESTON 504
August 21, 1863, Major-General Gilmore Opened Fire on
the City Before the Hour Named by Him His Object Was
to Enforce the Surrender of the City Without Complying
with the Honorable Usages of War His Purpose Was to
Reach the Heart of the City and Make it Unhabitable by
Non-combatants Threw Shells Into the City from Time to
Time Confederate Prisoners Held Confined under the Fire
of Our Batteries so as to Hinder Our Resistance, 504-507.
CHAPTER LIII.
BATTLE OF DRURY'S BLUFF, MAY 16, 1864 508
Grant's Plan of Campaign Butler Ordered to Concentrate
His Troops at City Point and Destroy the Railroad Leading to
Richmond Confederate Troops, May i4th, Reach Vicinity of
Drury's Bluff General Robert Ransom's Monograph upon
the Battle Hot Work Beauregard Censured A " Solid
Shot Struck at the Feet of President Davis "Butler Re
treats to His Lines General Beauregard's " Memorandum"
The Document Sent to General Bragg with an Endorse
ment on it by the President, 508-523.
xxi
CHAPTER LIV.
PAGE
THE LACK OF FOOD AND THE PRICES IN THE CON
FEDERACY ......... . ........................... 524
The Prisoners from the Northern Army The Confederates
in Northern Prisons Faithlessness of the Federal Govern
mentIn July, 1862, Enormous Quantities of Fractional
Notes Issued The Price of Gold in New York and in the
Confederacy, and a List of the Prices of Food and Staples in
the Latter $350 for a Ham, $12 for a Pound of Sugar, etc.
Price Lists Expenses of an Officer of Artillery en route for
Richmond Bill of Fare at the Oriental, Richmond, 524-535.
CHAPTER LV.
EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS, AND ANDERSONVILLE ____ 536
The Sufferings of the Men of the South on Johnson's
Island, and of the Men of the North at Andersonville The
South Hemmed In on All Sides The "Pens" Stragglers
Amusing Themselves in the Rear Dr. Mann in the August
Century Men Put in Irons President Davis Writes to Pres
ident Lincoln President Davis, July 20, 1862, in Secret
Session, Recommends a Certain Measure to Congress Agree
ment as to the Release of Prisoners On July 23d a Cartel
Signed by Major-General Hill and Major-General Dix The
Day After Major-General Dix Directs the Murder of Peace
ful Citizens Mr. Davis Issues a General Order, Recognizing
Pope and his Commissioned Officers Robbers General Lee
the Day after Gettysburg He Writes to General Grant, who
Replies, 536-545 A Despatch from General Grant to Gen
eral Butler Mr. Davis writes in Belford's Magazine January
and February, 1890 The Herald's Correspondent Father
Hagan The Richmond Examiner preaches Retaliation
Mr. Davis Writes to General Crafts I. Wright Extract from
Message to Confederate Congress Letter from General Grant
to General Halleck Professor Dabney, of the University of
Virginia, to the Editor of 'The Nation " A Story of Horrors"
" In a Yankee Prison "Written for the Nashville Amer*
by J. B. West Comparative Mortality of Federal and
Confederate Prisons The New York Tribune Adduces the
" Logic of Facts" The Answer to the Tribune a Curiosity
Mr. Davis Terribly Affected by the Death-rate, 545-574.
CHAPTER LVI.
JOURNEY TO CHARLOTTE 575
Darkness Closing Over the Confederacy Mr. Davis's
Headquarters to be in the Field, 575 ; Sale of Household
Goods Going Forth into the Unknown, 576 ; Depression
upon the City The Pistol " You can Force your Assailants
to Kill You" All Night in the Train, 577 ; Hardships of the
Journey Universal Consternation Mr. A. Weill's Kindness
Established in Charlotte, 578.
CHAPTER LVII.
NEARING THE END 579
As Hope Died Out in the Breasts of Rank and File, the
President's Courage Rose Calm in the Contemplation of
Disaster and Death Letter to General Lee, 579 ; Siege of
Petersburg Hotly Pressed Battery Gregg 200 against 5,000
The Fall of Fort Gregg Death of General A. P. Hill
While Endeavoring to Join his Troops, 580; General Lee
Telegraphs that he Can no Longer Hold the Lines at Peters
burg Evacuation of Petersburg, 581.
CHAPTER LVIII.
THE PRESIDENT'S ACCOUNT OF THE EVACUATION OF
RICHMOND 582
General Lee's Telegram Handed to Mr. Davis While in
Church, Sunday, April 2d Heads of Departments As
sembled, 582 ; Generous Sympathy and Patriotic Impulse
Affection and Confidence of the People Starting for Dan
ville, 583 ; How Mr. Davis Bore Defeat, 585 ; Letter of M.
H. Clarke to Mrs. Davis, 586-588.
CONTENTS. xxiii
CHAPTER LIX.
PAGB
SURRENDER OF LEE 589
Lee's Army Marching Toward Amelia Court House Re
peated Attacks The Army Subsists on Young Shoots of
Trees and Parched Corn The Retreat Continued, 589;
Attack on the Rear Guard ; Capture of Generals G. W. C.
Lee, Ewell, and Anderson, 590 ; Meeting of Generals Grant
and Lee The Interview between Lee and Grant, 592 ; Gen
eral Lee's Propositions Terms of the Surrender, 593-594 ;
" Uncle Robert, God Help You, General ! "Incident Re
lated by General G. W. C. Lee, 595 ; Major Walthall's Let
ter, 597.
CHAPTER LX.
HONORABLE MENTION ;. . . 598
A Glimpse of a Few Gallant Figures, 598 ; The Young
" Murat " of the Cavalry, 599 ; A Long List of Gallant Men,
603, 604 ; General Wade Hampton, a Fit Representative of
the Chivalry of the South, 604 ; The Meeting of General Lee
and His Son on the Bloody Field of Fredericksburg, 605.
CHAPTER LXI.
THE WASHINGTON ARTILLERY OF NEW ORLEANS . . 606
Death Often Faced Well-brushed, but Threadbare Uni
forms, 606; The "Thin Gray Line," 607; Commander
Wood's Record Capture of the Reliance, Satellite, and other
Vessels The Atlanta, 608 ; Captain Wilkinson's Deeds
Semmes, Maffitt, Pegram, Maury, Loyal, and Jones Heros
von Borcke Homage of Confederate Women, 609.
CHAPTER LXII.
LEAVING CHARLOTTE THE RUMORS OF SURRENDER. 610
111 News that Travels Fast The Treasure Train of the
Confederacy, 610 ; " If I have lost my leg and also lost my
freedom, I am miserable, indeed " Calm in the Expectation
of Great Woe Alarms The Little Bride, 611 ; Announce
ment Made -to Mr. Davis, at Charlotte, of President Lin-
xxvi CONTENTS.
Davis Been Guilty of Such Acts of Treason that he Can be
Successfully Prosecuted?" Conclusion that Mr. Davis
Could not be Convicted, 697 ; No Evidence that Mr. Davis
Was Responsible for Andersonville Prison, 698 ; Mr. Davis's
Statement of the Indignities Suffered, 700-701.
CHAPTER LXIX.
LETTERS FROM PRISON 703
Letter from Mr. Davis to Mrs. Davis, August 21, 1865
Letters Examined by the United States Attorney-General,
703 ; Confidence in the Shield of Innocence Letter to Mrs.
Davis, September 15, 1865 Letter to Mrs. Davis, Septem
ber 26, 1865.
CHAPTER LXX.
ACCOUNT OF JOURNEY TO SAVANNAH 708
Letter to Dr. Craven Dread of Paralysis for Mr. Davis,
708 ; The Rough Journey of Mrs. Davis and Family to Sa
vannah The Soldiers Open and Rob the Trunks, 709 ; Ar
rival at the Pulaski House, Savannah, 710 ; Kind Treatment
in Savannah, 711 ; Discourteous Action of the General in
Command, 712 ; Publication of the Shackling Scene in Mr.
Davis's Casemate, in the Savannah Republican The Chil
dren's Prayers for Their Imprisoned Father, 714; Robert
Proves his " Equality," 716 ; Tender of the Professional
Services of William B. Reed, of Philadelphia, 719.
CHAPTER LXXI.
LETTERS FROM PRISON 720
From Mr. Davis to Mrs. Davis, October n, 1865, 720;
Slanders as to Mr. Davis's Custody of Public Funds, 721 ;
Mr. Davis's Father was Impoverished by Losses in the Rev
olution, 722 ; Jordan's Critique, 724 ; Description of Mr.
Davis's Prison, 726 ; Mr. Davis's Uncertainty as to the Fate
of His Letters at the Hands of the Authorities, 740.
* xv
CHAPTER LXXII.
PAGE
LETTERS FROM FORTRESS MONROE ................. 741
From Mr. Davis to Mrs. Davis, January 16, 1866, 741 ;
From the Same to the Same, January 24th Improbable
Stories Told of Mr. Stephens, 742 ; Judge Campbell's In
quiry, 743 ; From Mr. Davis to Mrs. Davis, January 28th,
745 ; From the Same to the Same, February 3d, 747 ; Mr.
Davis Hears that Mr. Cass is Dying, 748 ; A Startling Opti
cal Illusion Hungry for the Children's Little Faces, 749 ;
From President Davis to Mrs. Davis Rendered Almost
Blind by Neuralgia The "Quadrilateral," 750; Letter
of March I3th, 751 ; Mr. Davis's Patience Letter of March
22d Letter of April 8th, 753 ; " Letter from My Little Pol
ly " Mr. Davis to Mrs. Davis, April 2ist, 754.
CHAPTER LXXIII.
VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS AND ADMISSION TO FOR
TRESS MONROE ................................ 756
General Wheeler an Employee in a Hardware Store Mr.
Payne's Offers of Money and Service, 756 ; Mrs. Davis's
Visit to New York City Rumor that Mr. Davis was Dying
Mrs. Davis Arrives at Fortress Monroe, May 10, 1866, 757 ;
Lieutenant Fessenden and the Baby General Miles and
" Davis's Good Health" The General's Economy of Titles,
758 ; Mrs. Davis First Sees Her Husband's Shrunken Form
and Glassy Eyes Through Prison Bars Description of his
Cell, 759 ; " Deadly Weepons "The Order under which
Mr. Davis was Put in Shackles, 761 ; " Mental Ailment,''
762 ; " This Fort Shall not be Made a Depot for Deli
cacies for Jeff Davis," 765 ; Fears that Mr. Davis Would
not Live Through the Month, 767 ; Application to Presi
dent Johnson for Some Amelioration of Mr. Davis's Suffer
ings Mr. Johnson's Reply, 768 ; Interview with the Pres
ident, 769 ; Indictment Procured Against Mr. Davis, May,
1866 Mr. Boutwell's Motion in the House, 776; Efforts
for Mr. Davis's Trial or Unconditional Discharge Oppo-
xxvi CONTENTS.
Davis Been Guilty of Such Acts of Treason that he Can be
Successfully Prosecuted?" Conclusion that Mr. Davis
Could not be Convicted, 697 ; No Evidence that Mr. Davis
Was Responsible for Andersonville Prison, 698 ; Mr. Davis's
Statement of the Indignities Suffered, 700-701.
CHAPTER LXIX.
LETTERS FROM PRISON 703
Letter from Mr. Davis to Mrs. Davis, August 21, 1865
Letters Plxamined by the United States Attorney-General,
703 ; Confidence in the Shield of Innocence Letter to Mrs.
Davis, September 15, 1865 Letter to Mrs. Davis, Septem
ber 26, 1865.
CHAPTER LXX.
ACCOUNT OF JOURNEY TO SAVANNAH 708
Letter to Dr. Craven Dread of Paralysis for Mr. Davis,
708 ; The Rough Journey of Mrs. Davis and Family to Sa
vannah The Soldiers Open and Rob the Trunks, 709 ; Ar
rival at the Pulaski House, Savannah, 710 ; Kind Treatment
in Savannah, 711 ; Discourteous Action of the General in
Command, 712 ; Publication of the Shackling Scene in Mr.
Davis's Casemate, in the Savannah Republican The Chil
dren's Prayers for Their Imprisoned Father, 714; Robert
Proves his "Equality," 716; Tender of the Professional
Services of William B. Reed, of Philadelphia, 719.
CHAPTER LXXI.
LETTERS FROM PRISON 720
From Mr. Davis to Mrs. Davis, October 11, 1865, 720;
Slanders as to Mr. Davis's Custody of Public Funds, 721 ;
Mr. Davis's Father was Impoverished by Losses in the Rev
olution, 722 ; Jordan's Critique, 724 ; Description of Mr.
Davis's Prison, 726 ; Mr. Davis's Uncertainty as to the Fate
of His Letters at the Hands of the Authorities, 740.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER LXXII.
PAGE
LETTERS FROM FORTRESS MONROE 741
From Mr. Davis to Mrs. Davis, January 16, 1866, 741 ;
From the Same to the Same, January 24th Improbable
Stories Told of Mr. Stephens, 742 ; Judge Campbell's In
quiry, 743 ; From Mr. Davis to Mrs. Davis, January 28th,
745 ; From the Same to the Same, February 3d, 747 ; Mr.
Davis Hears that Mr. Cass is Dying, 748 ; A Startling Opti
cal Illusion Hungry for the Children's Little Faces, 749 ;
From President Davis to Mrs. Davis Rendered Almost
Blind by Neuralgia The "Quadrilateral," 750; Letter
of March I3th, 751 ; Mr. Davis's Patience Letter of March
22d Letter of April 8th, 753 ; " Letter from My Little Pol
ly " Mr. Davis to Mrs. Davis, April 2ist, 754.
CHAPTER LXXIII.
VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS AND ADMISSION TO FOR
TRESS MONROE 756
General Wheeler an Employee in a Hardware Store Mr.
Payne's Offers of Money and Service, 756 ; Mrs. Davis's
Visit to New York City Rumor that Mr. Davis was Dying
Mrs. Davis Arrives at Fortress Monroe, May 10, 1866, 757 ;
Lieutenant Fessenden and the Baby General Miles and
" Davis's Good Health" The General's Economy of Titles,
758 ; Mrs. Davis First Sees Her Husband's Shrunken Form
and Glassy Eyes Through Prison Bars Description of his
Cell, 759 ; " Deadly Weepons "The Order under which
Mr. Davis was Put in Shackles, 761 ; " Mental Ailment,''
762 ; " This Fort Shall not be Made a Depot for Deli
cacies for Jeff Davis," 765 ; Fears that Mr. Davis Would
not Live Through the Month, 767 ; Application to Presi
dent Johnson for Some Amelioration of Mr. Davis's Suffer
ings Mr. Johnson's Reply, 768 ; Interview with the Pres
ident, 769 ; Indictment Procured Against Mr. Davis, May,
1866 Mr. Boutwell's Motion in the House, 776; Efforts
for Mr, Davis's Trial or Unconditional Discharge Oppo-
xxviii
sition on the Part of the Authorities to Mr. Davis's Trial
Efforts to Secure his Release on Bond, 777 ; Interview with
Mr. Stanton, 779, 780 ; Horace Greeley as One of Mr. Da-
vis's Bondsmen Mr. Shea's Letter, 780-789 ; The Tribune
Articles, 784 ; The $100,000 Paid for Mr. Davis's Arrest,
786 ; Mr. Wilson's Remarkable Resolution in Congress,
787 ; Mr. Davis Delivered to the Civil Authority and Ad
mitted to Bail, May 14, 1867 Commodore Vanderbilt Signs
the Bond Through Horace F. Clark and Augustus Schell,
788; "The Trial of Mr. Jefferson Davis, Richmond, De
cember 3d, 1867," 790-794 ; Departure from Fortress Mon
roe, 794 ; " Hats Off, Virginians," 795.
CHAPTER LXXIV.
AFTER RELEASE IN 1867, TO 1870 796
Pecuniary Prostration, 796; Mr. and Mrs. Davis Rejoin
Their Children in Canada Mr. Davis's Visit to Toronto and
Niagara, 797 ; Mr. Davis's Recognition of the Necessity of
Preparing a. History of the Confederacy Letter to General
R. E. Lee, 798 ; Death of Mrs. Davis's Mother, 800 ; Nolle
Prosequi in Mr. Davis's Case, 800, 801 ; Return to New Or
leans, via Havana, 803 ; Welcome at New Orleans The
Incident of the Methodist Minister At Lennoxville, 804 ;
Accident to Mr. Davis Threat of the Spy's Father, 805 ;
Visit to Europe, 806 ; English Hospitality, Incidents, and
Impressions, 807, 808 ; At Paris, Courtesy of the Emperor
and Empress, 809 ; Mr. Davis's Continued Ill-health Jour
ney to Scotland, 810 ; Return to the United States, 811-812.
CHAPTER LXXV.
REASONS FOR NOT ASKING PARDON MISSISSIPPI
VALLEY SOCIETY 814
Death of William Howell Davis A Heavy Blow to Mr.
Davis, 814 ; Lawsuit to Recover Brierfield Plantation De
clining Health Visit to England, 815.
CONTENTS. xxix
CHAPTER LXXVI.
PAGE
UNWILLINGNESS TO ASK PARDON MISSISSIPPI ANX
IOUS TO SEND HIM TO THE SENATE' 816
The Policy of Reconstruction A Form Instituted for Hu
miliation, 816 ; Mr. Davis's Endeavors to Preserve Silence
About Everything Political No Change of Belief, 817 ; Con
fidence of the People of Mississippi Exclusion a Test Ques
tion- " Too old to serve you as I once did," 8 1 8.
CHAPTER LXXVII.
THE WRECK OF THE PACIFIC THE MISSISSIPPI VAL
LEY SOCIETY ; . . 819
Old Age Coming on Apace Captain Howell's Gallant
Conduct in Saving the Los Angeles Resolution of Thanks
by the Passengers, 819, 820 ; Captain Howell Appointed to
the Old Pacific The Collision of a Sailing-vessel with the
Pacific " Chief, I will go down with her "On the Raft>
821 ; Death of Captain Howell The Last to Leave the Ship,
a Young, Noble, and Chivalrous Gentleman, 822 ; Organi
zation of the English and Southern Mississippi Valley So
ciety Marriage of Miss Margaret to Mr. J. A. Hayes, 823.
CHAPTER LXXVIII.
THE COMMENCEMENT AND COMPLETION OF THE
" RISE AND FALL OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES
OF AMERICA" THE DEATH OF JEFFERSON DAVIS,
JR. HONORS AWARDED BY MR. DAVIS'S COUN
TRYMEN 825
How the Work was Written Yellow Fever at Memphis
and New Orleans Death of the Last of Mr. Davis's Sons-
Crushed by the Blow, 825-828 ; Mr. Davis's Visit to Ala
bama Indescribable Enthusiasm " The Daughter of the
Confederacy," 831 ; Veterans' Day Heart Failure and Im
minent Danger, 832.
xxx CONTENTS.
CHAPTER LXXIX.
PACK
GENERAL SHERMAN'S ACCUSATIONS 833
General Sherman's Observations in the St. Louis Globe-
Democrat Mr. Davis's Letter of Denial to the St. Louis Re
publican, 833-835 ; Senator Vance's Statement, 836-837 ;
Mr. Davis to Mr. Vance Mr. Davis's Letter of November
n, 1862, 836-839 ; Account of General Sherman's Letter to
the Senate The Debate, 840-844 ; Mr. Davis's Letter to a
Senator, 845-847.
CHAPTER LXXX.
GENERAL JOSEPH E. JOHNSTON AND THE CONFED
ERATE TREASURE 848
General Johnston's Statement to Colonel Frank Burr,
848 ; Intimation of Dishonest Handling of Confederate
Treasure on the Part of Mr. Davis Refusal to Read Colonel
Burr's Report of the Conversation Before Printing History
of the Case, 849 ; Mr. Davis's Order to Mr. J. N. Hendren
Quotation from Mr. Johnston's " Narrative," 850-851;
Letter of Colonel Anderson to Mr. Davis Mr. Davis to C.
J. Wright, 852-854 ; Article in the Philadelphia Press In
dignation of the South at General Johnston's Charges, 854-
857 ; General Johnston's Letter to the Press, 858 ; Frank A.
Burr to Jefferson Davis, 859-863 ; Letter of Hon. John H.
Reagan, 863-865 ; General Beauregard's Statement to the
New Orleans Picayune, 865-866 ; Captain M. H. Clark's
Statement in the Louisville Courier- Journal, 866-877 ; Let
ter of William Preston Johnston to General Joseph R. Davis,
878-881.
CHAPTER LXXXI.
THE PROHIBITION ISSUE ... 882
Mr. Davis's Repose Greatly Disturbed by the Question of
Prohibition in Texas, 882 ; Mr. Davis's Letter to Colonel F.
R. Lubbock, 882-886 ; Letter Arouses Antagonism of Parti
sans of Prohibition, and Results in the Defeat of Prohibition
CONTENTS. xxxi
at the Polls, 886 ; Letter to Rev. W. M. Leftwich, 887-890 ;
Attack upon Mr. Davis by the Methodist Bishop and Clergy
Mr. Davis Felt Himself Wantonly Misrepresented, 895.
CHAPTER LXXXII.
THE EAST INDIA FLEET 896
Mr. Davis's Alleged Failure to Purchase the East India
Fleet "Military Operations of General Beauregard "
Judge Roman's Statements, 896 ; Mr. Trenholm's Observa
tions to General Beauregard Alleged Interview with Gen
eral Beauregard, published in the New York Sun, 897-
898 ; Mr. Trenholm to Mr. Davis, and Mr. Davis's Reply,
899; Mr. C. G. Memminger's Letter to Mr. Davis Mr.
Davis Made a Member of the Kappa Sigma Society of Bow-
doin College, 905.
CHAPTER LXXXIII.
GENERAL RANSOM'S REMINISCENCES OF MR. DAVIS. . 906
General Ransom First Meets Mr. Davis, then Secretary of
War, July 5, 1856 ; Story of the Young Kentuckian " If he
voluntarily casts his lot with the Southern States he shall
have recognition," 908 ; The First Full Regiment of Cavalry
in Richmond, October, 1861 "If We had had this Reg
iment at Manassas, Washington would have been Ours,"
909 ; An Hour to Try Every Confederate Present Mr.
Davis was on the Field Calm, Self-contained, Cheerful,
and Hopeful Mr. Davis's Familiarity with the Topography
of Richmond and Environs, 911 ; " Grumble Jones " Killed,
912 ; Dr. Wheat's Opinion of Mr. Davis, 915 ; An Incident
of Willie and his Friends, 916.
CHAPTER LXXXIV.
MR. DAVIS'S CHARACTERISTICS 918
Mr. Davis's Genial Satire His Sense of the Ludicrous ;
His Powers of Observation, 918 ; Facsimile of a Letter Ap
pealing for Mr. Davis's Help, 922 ; Mr. Davis's Sincere and
xxxii .CONTENTS.
Unostentatious Piety, his Unswerving Mental and Moral
Integrity, his Courage and Devotion to Principles, 923 ;
Pqem by Mrs. Mary A. Greer, 924 ; Would have been
President of the United States, had he been Recreant to
his Principles, 925.
CHAPTER LXXXV.
THE END OF A NOBLE LIFE, AND A NATION'S SOR
ROW OVER ITS Loss 926
He Retained his Soldierly Carriage to the Last His
Mind Wonderfully Alert His Immense Correspondence,
926; " I have much to do, but if it is God's will I must
submit" "I want to tell you I am not afraid to die,"
931 ; His Death Many Thousands Passed Weeping by his
Bier Governors of Nine States Bear him to his Rest, 932 ;
The Old Slaves' Letter, 933 ; Thornton Montgomery's Let
ter to Miss Varina, 934; The New York World's Eulogium
upon Mr. Davis The Sun's Tribute Mr. James Redpath's
Admiration, 935 ; " He conquered himself and forgave his
enemies, but he bent to none but his God," 937 ; " Clarus
et Vir Fortissimus,"
JEFFERSON DAVIS.
CHAPTER I.
FROM WASHINGTON TO MISSISSIPPI.
THE task of relating my husband's life in
the Confederacy is approached with anxious
diffidence, but it must be fairly set forth for
his justification. I am unwilling needlessly
to antagonize any part of the country, but
love my own with devotion proportionate to
the great sacrifices made in its behalf. The
memories of the Confederacy, its triumphs,
its decadence, and fall, are proud, and very
bitter. If in dwelling upon the splendid gal
lantry of our soldiers, the cheerful endurance
and unwonted labor of all classes of our wo
men, or the barbarities practised upon us,
both before and after the subjugation of our
country, I speak plainly, it is because my
memory furnishes data which the deliberate
judgment of my old age does not contradict,
and the anguish is a living pain which years
have done little to soothe, and from which the
2 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
desire for recrimination, or even for revenge,
is totally absent.
One of the most patriotic, humane, and be
nevolent of men has been portrayed as a mon
ster of ambition and cruelty, and the mistaken
policy of silence under these accusations has
fixed upon the minds of right and fair-minded
opponents their belief in the truth of the alle
gations. Here, before a jury of his peers and
the world, I would present his case as he
stated it, and with it contemporary testimony.
This proof impartially weighed will show him
to have honorably and religiously lived, and
fearlessly died. His services to his country
were many and brilliant ; to it he sacrificed
his ambitions, his prosperity, his time, health,
and happiness. He gave his all and since
he enjoyed the love and confidence of eight
millions of our own people, " verily great was
his reward."
"During the interval," wrote Mr. Davis,
" between the announcement by telegraph of
the secession of Mississippi and the receipt of
the official notification which enabled me to
withdraw from the Senate, rumors were in
circulation of a purpose, on the part of the
United States Government, to arrest members
of Congress preparing to leave Washington
on account of the secession of the States
FROM WASHINGTON TO MISSISSIPPI. 3
which they represented. This threat received
little attention from those most concerned.
Indeed, it was thought that it might not be an
undesirable mode of testing the question of
the right of a State to withdraw from the
Union." *
" No attempt was made, however, to arrest
any of the retiring members ; and, after a
delay of a few days, spent in necessary prep
arations, I left Washington for Mississippi,
passing through Southwestern Virginia, East
Tennessee, a small part of Georgia, and North
Alabama. A deep interest in the events
which had recently occurred was exhibited by
the people of these States, and much anxiety
was indicated as to the future. Many years
of agitation had made them familiar with the
ideas of separation. Nearly two generations
had risen to manhood since it had begun to be
*Mr. Davis remained a week in Washington, hoping that he
might be the person arrested. A part of this time he was ill and
confined to his bed. To him came Commodore Shubrick, Captain
Semmes, General Floyd, Colonel Chesnut, Senator Wigfall, C. C.
Clay, and others too numerous to mention, as Southern men anxious
about the fate of their country. I did not hear the conversations or
know the purport of them from my husband, but was pained to see
the deep depression under which he labored. The only time he ever
seemed cheerful was when he spoke of his hope that the moderation
of the President and his advisers would restrain the ardor of the
anti-slavery men. " If they will give me time," he said, " all is not
lost ; violence on one side and extreme measures of wrong on the
other now, will dissolve the Union." And by telegrams and letters to
every Southern State he endeavored to postpone their action.
4 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
discussed as a possible alternative. Few, very
few, of the Southern people had ever regarded
it as a desirable event, or otherwise than as
a last resort for escape from evils more in
tolerable. It was a calamity which, however
threatened, they still hoped might be averted,
or indefinitely postponed, and they had re
garded with contempt, rather than anger, the
ravings of a party in the North, which de
nounced the Constitution and the Union, and
persistently defamed their brethren of the
South.
" Now, however, as well in Virginia and
Tennessee, neither of which had yet se
ceded, as in the more southern States which
had already taken that step, the danger so
often prophesied was perceived to be at the
door, and eager inquiries were made as to
what would happen next, especially as to the
probability of war between the States.
" The course which events were likely to
take was shrouded in the greatest uncertainty.
In the minds of many there was not the un
reasonable hope (which had been expressed
by the Commissioner sent from Mississippi to
Maryland) that the secession of six Southern
States certainly soon to be followed by that
of others, would so arouse the sober thought
and better feeling of the Northern people as
to compel their representatives to agree to
FROM WASHINGTON TO MISSISSIPPI. 5
a Convention of the States, and that such
guarantees would be given as would secure
to the South the domestic tranquillity and
equality in the Union which were rights
assured under the Federal compact. There
were others, and they the most numerous
class, who considered that the separation
would be final, but peaceful. For my part,
while believing that secession was a right,
and, properly, a peaceable remedy, I had
never believed that it would be permitted to
be peaceably exercised. Very few in the
South, at that time, agreed with me, and my
answers to queries on the subject were,
therefore, as unexpected as they were unwel
come."
To wrench oneself from the ties of fifteen
years is a most distressing effort. Our
friends had entered into our joys and sorrows
with unfailing sympathy. We had shared
their anxieties and seen their children grow
from infancy to adolescence. To bid them
farewell, perhaps to meet in the near future
with a ''great gulf between us," was, " death
in life." Mr. Davis was resigning an office
which, of all others, was the most congenial to
his taste, and conducive to the increase of his
reputation. He anticipated a long and ex
hausting war, and knew that his property in
cotton planting would be utterly destroyed in
6 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
the course of the impending conflict. Deeply
depressed and supremely anxious, he made
his preparations to go home.
We left Washington " exceeding sorrow
ful," and took our three little children with
us. As we came into the Southern States the
people surrounded the train at every little
hamlet, and called Mr. Davis out. Wherever
we stayed long enough, he told them to pre
pare for a long and bloody war, and tried to
impress them with the gravity of the occa
sion. After many short speeches, he became
very much exhausted from the constant exer
tion. When the conductor noticed it he said,
." Never mind, when we stop at the next two
or three stations I will blow off steam at
' My friends and fellow-citizens/ and go off
at once ; " and so he did, much to the disgust
of the crowd.
We proceeded without accident until we
reached the Crutchfield House, at Chatta
nooga. There a crowd was gathered, among
whom was the cordial proprietor, the elder
Crutchfield. While the supper was being
prepared, a speech was called for. Mr.
Crutchfield's brother was a Union man, and
had been drinking. He began a violent ti
rade against Mr. Davis. He had twelve or
thirteen people with him who seemed to be
his companions in jollity, but who did not par-
FROM WASHINGTON TO MISSISSIPPI. 7
take of his irritation. He offered to resent
personally anything Mr. Davis might say.
The excitement became intense. The office
was in one corner of a large, unfurnished
room. News of the disturbance was brought
to me, and I went into the room. The ex
citement was at its highest pitch. A rough
man sitting on a barrel said to a negro near
him, " Tell that lady she need not be uneasy,
Jeff Davis ain't afraid. He will make his
speech." Mr. Davis proceeded at once to
make the address for which the crowd called,
and his audience closed around him with ex
pressions of affectionate respect. The dis
turber of the peace was " hustled out." The
interruption lasted about ten minutes. Much
has been made of this scene, but it was mere
ly the vagary of a drunken man, for which his
brother apologized. .
As soon as we reached Mississippi, man
after man boarded the train and accompanied
us to Jackson, until nearly a brigade was on
the cars. The Governor and the State au
thorities met Mr. Davis informally, and went
with him to a boarding-house kept by an old
lady of wonderful acumen, named Dixon,
whose husband had been a member of Con
gress. She knew intimately every man of
prominence in the State, and had no little
political influence. We were rendered very
8 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
anxious by the accounts she gave of the state
of excitement pervading everyone ; there was
no rest anywhere .
At Jackson, Mr. Davis found his commis
sion from Governor I. I. Pettus, as Major-
General of the forces of Mississippi, dated
January 25, 1861. Then began the business
of making provisions for arms, and for the or
ganization and discipline of the forces of Mis
sissippi. Governor Pettus came to Mr. Davis
to consult about the purchase of arms. He
thought 75,000 stand would be sufficient.
Again Mr. Davis was very emphatic, say
ing, "The limit of our purchases should be
our power to pay. We shall need all and
many more than we can get, I fear." Gov
ernor Pettus, once or more during the con
ference, remarked, " General, you overrate
the risk:"
There were hundreds coming to and fro
during the week of our stay, and on nearly
every occasion a warning was given to pre
pare, by rigid economy and by the establish
ment of such small factories as were practi
cable, to supply the domestic needs of those
who remained at home, and to take every
other means of making the South indepen
dent ; for a great war was impending over
the country, "of which no man could foresee
the end."
FROM WASHINGTON TO MISSISSIPPI. 9
Mr. Davis wrote thus of his arrival in Jack
son :
" On my arrival at Jackson, the capital of
Mississippi, I found that the Convention of
the State had made provision for a State
army, and had appointed me to the command,
with the rank of Major-General. Four briga
dier-generals, appointed in like manner by the
Convention, were awaiting my arrival for as
signment to duty. After the preparation of
the necessary rules and regulations, the divi
sion of the State into districts, the apportion
ment among them of the troops to be raised,
and the appointment of officers of the general
staff, as authorized by the ordinance of the
Convention, such measures as were practi
cable were taken to obtain necessary arms.
The State had few serviceable weapons, and
no establishment for their manufacture or re
pair. This fact (which is as true of other
Southern States as of Mississippi) is a clear
proof of the absence of any desire or expec
tation of war. If the purpose of the North
ern States to make war upon us because of
secession had been foreseen, preparations
to meet the consequences would have been
contemporaneous with the adoption of a re
sort to that remedy a remedy the possibil
ity of which had for many years been contem
plated. Had the Southern States possessed
io JEFFERSON DAVIS.
arsenals and collected in them the requisite
supplies of arms and ammunition, such prep
arations would not only have placed them
more nearly on an equality with the North in
the beginning of the war, but might, perhaps,
have been the best conservator of peace.
" Let us, the survivors, however, not fail to
do credit to the generous credulity which
could not understand how, in violation of the
compact of Union, a war could be waged
against the States, or why they should be in
vaded because their people had deemed it
necessary to withdraw from an association
which had failed to fulfil the ends for which
they had entered into it, and which, having
been broken to their injury by the other par
ties, had ceased to be binding upon them."
He was deeply distressed by the temper of
the people. Time and again, when visitors
left the room, Mr. Davis ejaculated, " God
help us, war is a dreadful calamity even when
it is made against aliens and strangers. They
know not what they do."
At the end of the week we returned to
Briarfield, and then my husband began to
make provisions for a long absence.
He advised with the older negroes about
the care of their families, urged them to look
after the old and helpless, and interrogated
old Bob, the oldest man on the place, as to
FROM WASHINGTON TO MISSISSIPPI. \\
the comforts he thought he might need. I
remember his study of the best rocking-chairs
for Bob and his wife Rhinah. Mr. Davis
bought him cochineal flannel for his rheuma
tism, and furnished an extraordinary number
of blankets for the old couple.*
In one of his conversations with the more
dependable of the men, he said : " You may
have to defend your mistress and her children,
and I feel I may trust you."
Mr. Davis was so careworn and unhappy
that when we were alone it was piteous to see
him. He never gave up the hope of an ad
justment and a peaceful reunion with the
North until the first blood was spilled. He
slept little and talked nearly all night. In one
of these conversations I asked the question,
how he thought the contending sections could
be pacified. He said " a guarantee of our
equal rights would bring the whole country
back to-morrow." He then spoke of a dual
presidency, but did not think the scheme prac
ticable. He said, " In any case, I think our
slave property will be lost eventually," and
then went on to speak of the cordon of cus
tom-houses which would be needful, if a com-
* When the Federal soldiers took his furniture, flannel, and other
comforts at the sacking of our plantation, they said, in answer to
Bob's remonstrance, that they did not believe he had received so
many things from us, he must have stolen them.
12 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
mercial treaty of free trade could not be made,
and of the immense standing army that would
necessarily deplete the resources of the coun
try if the slaves were still to be kept in bond
age. He went on to say that our swamp
lands, he feared, could not be cultivated by
white men. They were the most fertile lands
in the country, but they must, he feared, lie fal
low. That rivers were bad boundaries, and
must necessarily constitute ours. He wound
up, generally, by saying, " Let us pray for
that peace on earth and good-will to men that
is needful for prosperity and happiness." This
expression is copied from one of his letters at
this time, and I heard the invocation many
times during and before the war.
We both congratulated ourselves that he
was to be in the field. I thought his genius
was military, but that, as a party manager, he
would not succeed. He did not know the
arts of the politician, and would not practise
them if understood, and he did know those
of war.
CHAPTER II.
ELECTION AS PRESIDENT.
THE Convention of the seceding States
was held at Montgomery, Alabama, on Feb
ruary 4, 1 86 1. It was composed of delegates
legally appointed. Their first work was to
prepare a provisional Constitution for the
new Confederacy, to be formed of the States
which had withdrawn from the Union, for
which the style " Confederate States of
America " was adopted. The powers con
ferred upon them were adequate for the per
formance of this duty, the immediate neces
sity for which was obvious and urgent. This
Constitution was adopted on February 8th,
to continue in force for one year, unless su
perseded at an earlier date by a permanent
organization. It was modelled on the Con
stitution of the United States.
The Constitution was copied from the one
the Confederates had just relinquished, to
those who neither respected nor held its pro
visions sacred. Guided by experience, some
stronger and more explicit clauses were inter
polated. Instead of " We, the People of the
I 4 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
United States," etc., " We, the People of the
Confederate States, each State acting in its
sovereign and independent character, in order
to form a permanent Federal Government,"
was substituted. The old Constitution pro
vided that " the Congress may at any time, by
law, make or alter such regulations," etc. ; but
the words which preceded this clause in the
Confederate Constitution are, " subject to the
provisions of this Constitution." Another
clause was added to the prohibition against
" Senators and Representatives holding any
other office until the term of their official po
sition should have expired." But Congress
may, by law, grant to the principal officer in
each of the executive departments a seat
upon the floor of either House, with the priv
ilege of discussing any measures appertain
ing to his Department." This provision was
intended, as in the case of the English houses
of Parliament, to bring the heads of depart
ments in direct personal relations with the
Congress and in their phrase, to "go to the
country " upon their policy, by resignation of
their offices.
A prohibition against a protective tariff was
enacted, by granting the power to levy du
ties " necessary for revenue." * , . " Nor
shall any duties or taxes on importations from
foreign nations be laid to promote or foster
ELECTION AS PRESIDENT. 15
any branch of industry ; and all duties, im
posts, and excises, shall be uniform through
out the Confederate States." Again, in the
clause regulating the commerce, discrimina
tion between the States or Sections is pro
vided against by the prohibition against in
ternal improvements by the General Govern
ment. The two-thirds rule was insisted upon
in the appropriations of money. The African
Slave Trade was forbidden, and the introduc
tion of slaves from without the Confederacy
was forbidden, except in the case of those
States which held slaves, and which were ex
pected very soon to formally become mem
bers of the new Government, their citizens in
numbers having been already enrolled in the
Confederate army. They of course would
have the right to bring with them every spe
cies of property. The right of property in
negro slaves was reaffirmed, and provision
made against interference with it. Taxes
discriminating against any State must not be
laid, " except by a vote of two-thirds of both
houses."
The most careful precautions were taken
against the expenditure of public money ex
cept by the two-thirds rule, or by estimates
from the Executive branch approved by the
legislative branch of the Government, and the
claims against the Confederate States must
1 6 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
be heard and granted by a special tribunal
created for the purpose by Congress.
No extra compensation was to be granted
to any public contractor after the service ren
dered. No resolution or law should be voted
upon in any other manner than separately and
on its own merits.
" No State shall, without the consent of
Congress, levy duties except on sea-going
vessels, for the improvement of its rivers and
harbors navigated by the said vessels ; but
such duties shall not conflict with any treat
ies of the Confederate States with foreign
nations." The surplus revenue from these
was to be " paid into the common treasury."
Rivers flowing between the boundaries of
States were to be improved by mutual com
pacts.
The terms of President and Vice-president
were limited to one term, and extended to
election for six years.
The principal officers in the Executive De
partments might be removed at the Presi
dent's pleasure, as well as all other civil officers,
but the reasons must be presented to the Sen
ate and subject to their approval. No person
rejected by the Senate shall be reappointed
during the ensuing recess to the same office.
The rights of all the citizens of all the
States were secured in any new territory to
ELECTION AS PRESIDENT. 17
be acquired by the Confederate States by an
express guarantee.
Any three States legally assembled could
call a Constitutional Convention, and the
Amendments to the Constitution should be
concurred in by two-thirds of all the States
voting by their legislatures.
The slave trade was " hereby forbidden"
positively and unconditionally, from the be
ginning. Neither the Confederate Govern
ment nor that of any of the States could
permit it, and the Congress was expressly
" required to enforce the prohibition." The
only discretion in the matter entrusted to the
Congress was whether or not to permit the
introduction of slaves " from any of the United
States or their Territories."
Mr. Davis regarded the Confederate Con
stitution as "a model of wise, temperate, and
liberal statesmanship." He wrote :
" On the next day (February Qth) an elec
tion was held for the chief executive officers,
resulting, as I afterward learned, in my elec
tion to the Presidency, with the Hon. Alex
ander H. Stephens, of Georgia, as Vice-Pres-
ident. Mr. Stephens was a delegate from
Georgia to the Congress.
" While these events were occurring, having
completed the most urgent of my duties at the
capital of Mississippi, I had gone to my home,
VOL. II. 2
1 8 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Briarfield, in Warren County, and had begun,
in the homely but expressive language of Mr.
Clay, " to repair my fences." While thus en
gaged, notice was received of my election to
the Presidency of the Confederate States, with
an urgent request to proceed immediately to
Montgomery for inauguration.
" As this had been suggested as a probable
event, and what appeared to me adequate
precautions had been taken to prevent it, I
was surprised, and, still more, disappointed.
For reasons which it is not now necessary to
state, I had not believed myself as well suited
to the office as some others. I thought my
self better adapted to command in the field,
and Mississippi had given me the position
which I preferred to any other the highest
rank in her army. It was, therefore, that I
afterward said, in an address delivered in the
Capitol before the Legislature of the State,
with reference to my election to the Presi
dency of the Confederacy, that the duty to
which I was thus called was temporary, and
that I expected soon to be with the Army of
Mississippi again."
The messenger with the notification that
Mr. Davis had been elected President, and Al
exander H. Stephens Vice-president, of the
Confederate States, found him in our garden
assisting to make rose-cuttings ; when reading
ELECTION AS PRESIDENT. 19
the telegram he looked so grieved that I
feared some evil had befallen our family. Af
ter a few minutes' painful silence he told me,
as a man might speak of a sentence of death.
As he neither desired nor expected the posi
tion, he was more deeply depressed than be
fore. He assembled his negroes and made
them an affectionate farewell speech, to which
they responded with expressions of devotion,
and he left home next day for Montgomery.
CHAPTER III.
MR. DAVIS CONTINUES HIS NARRATIVE.
" WHILE on my way to Montgomery, and
waiting in Jackson, Miss., for the railroad train,
I met the Honorable William L. Sharkey, who
had filled with great distinction the office of
Chief-Justice of the State. He said he was
looking for me to make an inquiry. He de
sired to know if it was true, as he had just
learned, that I believed that there would be war.
My opinion was freely given, that there would
be war, long and bloody, and that it behooved
everyone to put his house in order. He ex
pressed much surprise, and said that he had
not believed the report attributing this opin
ion to me. He asked how I supposed war
could result from the peaceable withdrawal
of a sovereign State. The answer was, that
it was not my opinion that war should be oc
casioned by the exercise of that right, but that
it would be.
" Judge Sharkey and I had not belonged
to the same political party, he being a Whig,
but we fully agreed with regard to the ques
tion of the sovereignty of the States. He had
MR. DAVIS CONTINUES HIS NARRATIVE. 2!
been an advocate of nullification, a doctrine to
which I never assented, and which had at one
time been the main issue in Mississippi poli
tics. He had presided over the well-remem
bered Nashville Convention in 1849, and had
possessed much influence in the State, not
only as an eminent jurist, but as a citizen who
had grown up with it, and held many offices
of honor and trust.
" On my way to Montgomery, brief ad
dresses were made at various places at which
there were temporary stoppages of the train,
in response to the calls from the crowds as
sembled at such points. Some of these ad
dresses were grossly misrepresented in sen
sational reports, made by irresponsible parties,
which were published in Northern newspapers,
and were not considered worthy of correction
under the pressure of the momentous duties
then devolving upon me. These false reports,
which represented me as invoking war and
threatening devastation of the North, have
since been adopted by partisan writers as au
thentic history. It is sufficient answer to these
accusations to refer to my farewell address to
the Senate, already given, as reported for the
press at the time, and in connection there
with, to my inaugural address at Montgom
ery, on assuming the office of President of
the Confederate States, February the i8th.
22 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
These two addresses, delivered at the inter
val of a month, during which no material
change in circumstances had occurred, being
one before and the other after the date of the
sensational reports referred to, are sufficient
to stamp them as utterly untrue. The inau
gural was deliberately prepared and uttered
as written, and, in connection with the fare
well speech to the Senate, presents a clear
and authentic statement of the principles and
purposes which actuated me on assuming the
duties of the high office to which I had been
called."
An eye-witness wrote : " I have been hon
ored with the friendship of the late President
Davis since early in 1861. Of the volun
tary escort which met him near the Geor
gia line and went with him to Montgomery
when he first assumed the Chief Magis
tracy of the Confederacy, then consisting of
seven States, I can recall but three who are
now living Alexander Walker, Thomas C.
Howard, and myself.
" In those days there were no sleepers, and
we secured a car which had been roughly
fitted up for the use of Dr. Lewis, and which
contained a comfortable bed. Soon after an
introduction, we were at Ringgold about ten
P.M., where bonfires were blazing and where
he made a ringing speech, of which I remem-
MR. DAVIS CONTINUES tfIS NARRATIVE. 23
her the opening phrase : ' Countrymen, fel
low-citizens, Georgians ! I give your proud
est title last/ etc. He went to sleep at once
without undressing, but at every station as
we came down the line he insisted upon re
sponding to the greetings of the assembled
crowds, and always in fresh, eloquent lan
guage. In the morning, from the balcony of
the Trout House, he made a stirring address
to a crowd of some five thousand citizens,
which manifested an enthusiasm that I have
never seen equalled ; and so all the way to
and in Montgomery similar scenes were re
peated."
The President was met with acclamations
by the throng collected at Montgomery,
which, as will appear in a letter subjoined, only
depressed, while their enthusiasm gratified,
him, and in two days thereafter he was inau
gurated, and delivered his address at the
Capitol at one o'clock on Monday, February
18, 1861.
Inaugural Address of President Davis*
" GENTLEMEN OF THE CONGRESS OF THE
CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA FRIENDS
AND FELLOW-CITIZENS : Called to the difficult
and responsible station of Chief Executive of
* Delivered at the Capitol, Montgomery, Ala., Monday, February
18, 1861, at I P.M.
$4 JEFFERSON DAVte.
the Provisional Government which you have
instituted, I approach the discharge of the
duties assigned to me with an humble distrust
of my abilities, but with a sustaining confi
dence in the wisdom of those who are to guide
and to aid me in the administration of public
affairs, and an abiding faith in the virtue and
patriotism of the people.
11 Looking forward to the speedy establish
ment of a permanent Government to take the
place of this, and which by its greater moral
and physical power will be better able to com
bat with the many difficulties which arise
from the conflicting interests of separate na
tions, I enter upon the duties of the office, for
which I have been chosen, with the hope that
the beginning of our career, as a Confederacy,
may not be obstructed by hostile opposition
to our enjoyment of the separate existence
and independence which we have asserted,
and, with the blessing of Providence, intend to
maintain.
" Our present condition, achieved in a man
ner unprecedented in the history of nations, il
lustrates the American idea that governments
rest upon the consent of the governed, and
that it is the right of the people to alter or
abolish governments whenever they become
destructive to the ends for which they were
established.
MR. DAVIS CONTINUES HIS NARRATIVE. 2$
" The declared purpose of the compact of
Union from which we have withdrawn was
' to establish justice, insure domestic tran
quillity, provide for the common defence, pro
mote the general welfare, and secure the
blessings of liberty to ourselves and poster
ity ; ' and when, in the judgment of the sover
eign States now composing this Confederacy,
it had been perverted from the purposes for
which it was ordained, and had ceased to
answer the ends for which it was established,
a peaceful appeal to the ballot-box declared
that, so far as they were concerned, the gov
ernment created by that compact should
cease to exist. In this they merely asserted
a right which the Declaration of Indepen
dence of 1776 had defined to be inalienable.
Of the time and occasion for this exercise
they, as sovereigns, were the final judges,
each for itself.
" The impartial and enlightened verdict of
mankind will vindicate the rectitude of our
conduct, and He who knows the hearts of
men will judge of the sincerity with which we
labored to preserve the government of our
fathers in its spirit. The right solemnly pro
claimed at the birth of the States, and which
has been affirmed and reaffirmed in the Bills
of Rights of States subsequently admitted
into the Union of 1789, undeniably recog-
26 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
nizes in the people the power to resume the
authority delegated for the purposes of
government. Thus, the sovereign States,
here represented, proceeded to form this
Confederacy, and it is abuse of language
that their act has been denominated a rev
olution. They formed a new alliance, but,
within each State, its government has re
mained, and the rights of person and prop
erty have not been disturbed. The agent
through whom they communicated with for
eign nations is changed, but this does not
necessarily interrupt their international rela
tions.
" Sustained by the consciousness that the
transition from the former Union to the pres
ent Confederacy has not proceeded from a
disregard on our part of just obligations, or
of any failure to perform any constitutional
duty, moved by no interest or passion to in
vade the rights of others, anxious to cultivate
peace and commerce with all nations, if we
may not hope to avoid war we may at least
expect that posterity will acquit us of having
needlessly engaged in it. Doubly justified
by the absence of wrong on our part, and by
wanton aggression on the part of others,
there can be no cause to doubt that the cour
age and patriotism of the people of the Con
federate States will be found equal to any
MR. DAVIS CONTINUES HIS NARRATIVE. 27
measure of defence which honor and security
may require.
" An agricultural people whose chief in
terest is the export of a commodity required
in every manufacturing country, our true pol
icy is peace, and the freest trade which our
necessities will permit. It is alike our inter
est, and that of all those to whom we would
sell, and from whom we would buy, that there
should be the fewest practicable restrictions
upon the interchange of commodities. There
can be but little rivalry between ours and any
manufacturing or navigating community, such
as the Northeastern States of the American
Union. It must follow, therefore, that a mu
tual interest would invite good and kind of
fices. If, however, passion or the lust of
dominion should cloud the judgment or in
flame the ambition of those States, we must
prepare to meet the emergency and to main
tain, by the final arbitrament of the sword, the
position we have assumed among the nations
of the earth. We have entered upon the ca
reer of independence, and it must be inflex
ibly pursued. Through many years of con
troversy with our late associates, the North
ern States, we have vainly endeavored to
secure tranquillity, and to obtain respect for
the rights to which we are entitled. As a
necessity, not a choice, we have resorted to
2 8 JEFFERSON DA WS.
the remedy of separation ; and henceforth
our energies must be directed to the conduct
our own affairs, and the perpetuity of the
Confederacy which we have formed. If a
just perception of mutual interest shall per
mit us, peaceably, to pursue our separate po
litical career, my most earnest desire will
have been fulfilled. But if this be denied to
us, and the integrity of our territory and ju
risdiction be assailed, it will but remain for us,
with firm resolve, to appeal to arms and in
voke the blessings of Providence on a just
cause.
" As a consequence of our new condition,
and with a view to meet anticipated wants, it
will be necessary to provide for the speedy
and efficient organization of branches of the
Executive Department having special charge
of foreign intercourse, finance, military affairs,
and the postal service.
" For purposes of defence the Confederate
States may, under ordinary circumstances, re
ly mainly upon their militia ; but it is deemed
advisable, in the present condition of affairs,
that there should be a well-instructed and
disciplined army, more numerous than would
usually be required on a peace establishment.
I also suggest that for the protection of our
harbors and commerce on the high seas a
navy adapted to those objects will be re-
MR. DAVIS CONTINUES HIS NARRATIVE. 29
quired. These necessities have doubtless en
gaged the attention of Congress.
" With a Constitution differing only from
that of our fathers in so far as it is explana
tory of their well-known intent, freed from
the sectional conflicts which have interfered
with the pursuit of the general welfare, it is
not unreasonable to expect that States from
which we have parted may seek to unite
their fortunes with ours under the Govern
ment which we have instituted. For this
your Constitution makes adequate provision ;
but beyond this, if I mistake not the judg
ment and will of the people, a reunion with
the States from which we have separated is
neither practicable nor desirable. To in
crease the power, develop the resources, and
promote the happiness of a Confederacy, it is
requisite that there should be so much of
homogeneity that the welfare of every por
tion should be the aim of the whole. Where
this does not exist antagonisms are engen
dered which must and should result in sepa
ration.
<( Actuated solely by the desire to preserve
our own rights and promote our own welfare
the separation of the Confederate States has
been marked by no aggression upon others,
and followed by no domestic convulsion. Our
industrial pursuits have received no check,
3 o JEFFERSON DA VIS.
the cultivation of our fields has progressed
as heretofore, and even should we be involved
in war, there would be no considerable dimi
nution of the production of the staples which
have constituted our exports, and in which
the commercial world has an interest scarcely
less than our own. This common interest of
the producer and consumer can only be in
terrupted by an exterior force which would
obstruct its transmission to foreign markets,
a course of conduct which would be as un
just toward us as it would be detrimental to
the manufacturing and commercial interests
abroad. Should reason guide the action of
the Government from which we have sepa
rated, a policy so detrimental to the civilized
world, the Northern States included, could
not be dictated by even the strongest desire
to inflict injury upon us ; but, if otherwise, a
terrible responsibility will rest upon it, and
the sufferings of millions will bear testimony
to the folly and wickedness of our aggressors.
In the meantime there will remain to us, be
sides the ordinary means before suggested,
the well-known resources for retaliation upon
the resources of an enemy.
" Experience in public stations, of subor
dinate grade to this which your kindness has
conferred, has taught me that care and toil
and disappointment are the price of official
MR. DAVIS CONTINUES HIS NARRATIVE. 31
elevation. You will see many errors to for
give, many deficiencies to tolerate, but you
shall not find in me either a want of zeal or
fidelity to the cause that is to me highest in
hope and of most enduring affection. Your
generosity has bestowed upon me an un
deserved distinction, one which I neither
sought nor desired. Upon, the continuance
of the sentiment, and upon your wisdom and
patriotism, I rely to direct and support me in
the performance of the duty required at my
hands.
11 We have changed the constituent parts,
but not the system of our government. The
Constitution formed by our fathers is that of
these Confederate States, in their exposition
of it ; and in the judicial construction it has
received we have a lip;ht which reveals its
o
true meaning.
u Thus instructed as to the just interpreta
tion of the instrument, and ever remembering
that all offices are but trusts held for the
people, and that delegated powers are to be
strictly construed, I will hope, by due diligence
in the performance of my duties, though I may
disappoint your expectations, yet to retain,
when retiring, something of the good-will and
confidence which will welcome my entrance
into office.
" It is joyous in the midst of perilous times
32 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
to look around upon a people united in heart ;
where one purpose of high resolve animates
and actuates the whole ; where the sacrifices
to be made are not weighed in the balance
against honor, and right, and liberty, and
equality. Obstacles may retard, they cannot
long prevent, the progress of a movement
sanctified by its justice, and sustained by a
virtuous people. Reverently let us invoke the
God of our fathers to guide and protect us in
our efforts to perpetuate the principles, which
by his blessing they were able to vindicate,
establish, and transmit to their posterity, and
with a continuance of His favor, ever grate
fully acknowledged, we may hopefully look
forward to success, to peace, and to prosper-
ity."
The letter to me given below was the first
written from Montgomery, and shows none
of the elation of an ambitious, triumphant
conspirator, but rather bears the imprint of a
patriot's weight of care and sorrow.
"Montgomery, Ala., February 20, 1861.
"... I have been so crowded and
pressed that the first wish to write to you has
been thus long deferred.
" I was inaugurated on Monday, having
reached here on Saturday night. The au-
MR. DAVIS CONTINUES HIS NARRATIVE. 33
dience was large and brilliant. Upon my
weary heart was showered smiles, plaudits,
and flowers ; but, beyond them, I saw troubles
and thorns innumerable.
" We are without machinery, without
means, and threatened by a powerful oppo
sition ; but I do not despond, and will not
shrink from the task imposed upon me.
" All along the route, except when in
Tennessee, the people at every station mani
fested good-will and approbation by bonfires
at night, firing by day ; shouts and saluta
tions in both.
" I thought it would have gratified you to
have witnessed it, and have been a memory
to our children.
" Thus I constantly wish to have you all
with me. . -\ . Here I was interrupted by
the Secretary of the Congress, who brought
me two bills to be approved. This is a gay
and handsome town of some eight thousand
inhabitants, and will not be an unpleasant
residence. As soon as an hour is my own, I
will look for a house and write to you more
fully. . .
VOL. II. 3
CHAPTER IV
GOING TO MONTGOMERY. APPOINTMENT OF THE
CABINET.
IT was necessary to close up our home and
abandon all we had watched over for years,
before going to Montgomery ; our library,
which was very large and consisted of fine
and well-chosen English books, was the
hardest to relinquish of all our possessions.
After all was secured, in the best manner
practicable, I went to New Orleans en route
to Montgomery, and remained a few days at
my father's house. While there, Captain
Dreux, at the head of his battalion, came to
serenade me, but I could not command my
voice to speak to him when he came on the
balcony ; his cheery words and the enthusiasm
of his men depressed me dreadfully. Vio
lets were in season, and the captain and his
company brought several immense bouquets.
The color seemed ominous. Perhaps Mr.
Davis's depression had communicated itself
to me, and I could not rally or be buoyed up
by the cheerfulness of those who were to do
battle for us. The morituri te salutant always
greeted me as our men entered the arena.
GOING TO MONTGOMERY. 35
Captain Dreux was of the French type of
soldier, not quite of the average size, with
flashing eyes, and an exceedingly pleasant
address. His blood was the first spilled on
the Peninsula, near Yorktown. In the ardor
of his attack he exposed himself too soon and
fell mortally wounded. His body was brought
back to Richmond, and I looked upon his
face a second time, calm in death ; for him all
problems were solved and the smile of his
first youth had settled upon the rigid features.
If a soldier must fall in battle, it is not the
worst fate to be the first to seal his faith with
his blood, his comrades have time to miss and
deplore him. My journey up the Alabama
River to join Mr. Davis in Montgomery was a
very sad. one, sharing his apprehensions, and
knowing our needs to be so many, with so
little hope of supplying them.
The young men who came to tell me of
the " general's sash " they hoped to win ; the
old men who spoke of the " soldiering," as
an unlocked for circumstance, depressed me
still more. No one was bitter, but each
thought he had a perfect right to secede and
" did not mind Mr. Davis being a little slow"
A secession man said, " We see that he thinks
we ought to assert our rights, but we began
to fear that he had stayed too long up there
with the Yankees," A Mississippi man an-
36 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
swered this remark with flushing face by say
ing 1 , " Remember Mexico, sir, remember Mex
ico ; " which silenced the joker.
When we reached the hotel where the
President was temporarily lodged, the Pro
visional Congress had assembled, he had
been inaugurated, and the day of my arrival
the Confederate flag had been hoisted by the
daughter of Colonel Robert Tyler, and the
grand-daughter of the ex-President. The
family were at that time living in Mont
gomery. Mr. Davis was very averse to re
linquishing the old flag, and insisted that a
different battle-flag would make distinction
enough between the combatants ; but he was
overruled and a new one substituted, with a
blue union containing the stars in -white at
equal distances ; the flag had one broad white
and two red stripes the same width. Under
it we won our victories, and the memory of
its glory will never fade. It is enshrined
with the extinct Confederation in our hearts
forever.
The town swarmed with men desiring and
receiving commissions. Statesmen, lawyers,
congressmen, planters, merchants pressed
forward ardently to fulfil their part in the
struggle. The Hon. William C. Rives, of
Virginia, Pierce Butler, T. Butler King,
William L. Yahcey, James M. Mason, R. M.
GOING TO MONTGOMERY. 37
T. Hunter, John S. Preston, of Virginia, Will
iam Preston, of Kentucky, F. S. Bartow, of
Georgia, J. P. Mallory and Steven Mallory,
the Hon. James Chesnut, of South Carolina,
and thousands of others. Dr. Russell, a very
storm-bird of battles, the correspondent of the
London Times, came to see and report.
Very few battled for rank ; they were there
for service ; and the majority simply gave
their names ; if they had previously held rank
in the army or navy they mentioned the
grade, and left the authorities to define their
position in the Confederate army.
The house chosen for us was a gentleman's
residence, roomy enough for our purposes,
on the corner of a street and looking toward
the State Capitol. There were many charm
ing people there, who were all intent on kind
services to us ; our memory of Montgomery
was one of affectionate welcome, and if we
should have judged from the hampers of blos
soms poured out before us, it was a flowery
kingdom.
The members of the Cabinet were chosen
not from the intimate friends of the President,
but from the men preferred by the States they
represented ; but it would have been difficult
to find more honest, capable, fearless men
than they were. They established themselves
as best they could in boarding-houses and
38 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
hotels, until more leisure would enable them
to choose fitting 1 habitations.
Mr. Davis wrote of the formation of his
Cabinet thus :
" Unencumbered by any other considera
tion than the public welfare, having no friends
to reward or enemies to punish, it resulted
that not one of those who formed my first
Cabinet had borne to me the relation of close
personal friendship, or had political claims
upon me ; indeed, with two of them I had no
previous acquaintance."
Mr. Davis wished very much to appoint
the Honorable Robert Barnwell to be Secre
tary of State, on account of the great confi
dence he felt in him and of his affection for
him ; but Mr. Memminger, of South Carolina,
was pressed for Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. Barnwell therefore declined the portfolio
of State. Mr. Memminger's portfolio had
been intended for Mr. Toombs, of Georgia.
Mr. Mallory had been chairman of the Naval
Committee in the Senate, and was urged for
Secretary of the Navy.
Mr. Benjamin's legal attainments caused
him to be invited to be Attorney-General.
Mr. Reagan was appointed Postmaster-Gen
eral because of his sturdy honesty, his capac
ity for labor, and his acquaintance with the
territory of the Southern States. Mr. Leroy
-p--
) C.C. ME/ATA I NGEff .[
^&J Uy
CABINET OF THE CONFEDERACY.
GOING TO MONTGOMERY. 39
Pope Walker's name was the only one urged
by Alabama for the War Department.
The Confederate Congress declared that
the laws of the United States in force and use
in the Confederate States of America on No
vember ist were continued, until repealed by
Congress. The collectors and assistant treas-
o
urers were also continued in their offices.
The Provisional Government recommended
that immediate steps be taken to adjust the
claims of the United States Government on
the public property, to apportion the assump
tion of the common debt and all other dis
puted points " upon principles of right, jus
tice, equity, and good faith."
They passed a resolution on February I5th,
before the President's arrival at Montgomery,
that a commission of three persons should be
appointed by him as early as possible to be
sent to the Government of the United States,
for the purpose of negotiating friendly rela
tions between the two governments.
The known courage, inflexible principle,
self-denial, and devotion to duty of the Presi
dent had been personally observed by the
men of the Provisional Congress in the body
from which they had just seceded, where the
majority of its members had served with him
in the United States Congress for years.
With many of them he held relations of per.
40 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
sonal friendship, and the Executive and Leg
islative branches of the Government were in
that close accord which seemed to promise
the utmost efficiency for each.
Mr. Davis went to his office before nine
o'clock and came home at six, exhausted and
silent, but he was so gentle and patient that
Pierce Butler, who was our guest at this time,
asked me jestingly, if he was always a " com
bination of angel and seer like that." He
slept little and ate less, but seemed to derive
great comfort from the certainty that the Pro
visional Congress had a thorough co-intelli
gence with him, and would heartily co-oper
ate with the Executive in all essentials.
Now began in earnest the business of per
petuating the old Government under which
the rights of the minority had been for fifty
years fully protected, but against which a rev
olution had prevailed. Every change in the
Constitution was jealously avoided. New
and more express guarantees for the old lib
erty were sought to be enacted, so that no
future majority could have color of pretext for
overriding another minority, which might be
evolved in the future out of the divergent in
terests of the Confederate States.
7
CHAPTER V.
THE OFFICE WAS NOT SOUGHT.
ONE of the most popular political maxims
of the country, a maxim more honored in the
breach than the observance, is that " the
office should seek the man, not the man the
office." This maxim was rigidly observed by
my husband from the beginning to the end of
his long public career. He never intrigued
for any of the public positions he held, either
in person or by authorized representatives.
An active and zealous participant in all polit
ical contests, he never made a canvass for
himself, excepting during one Presidential
campaign, when a candidate on the list of
Presidential electors a vote for which was a
vote not for the men on the ticket but for Mr.
Polk, the Democratic candidate for President
of the United States.
After defeat had settled on our cause, some
malcontents stated publicly that Mr. Davis
had been a candidate for the Presidency of
the Confederate States, and that his election
to that position was the result of a misunder
standing or of accidental complications ; that
42 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
he held " extreme views," and had, at that
period, "an inadequate conception of the
magnitude of the war probably to be waged."
These expressions called out prompt con
tradiction from several eminent Confederates
who had personal knowledge of the facts.
As some of these misrepresentations have
found their way into books that may be quoted
as authorities when the present survivors of
the war are no longer here to refute them, I
deem it proper to refer to this evidence, volun
teered at a time when the events were fresh
in the memories of their contemporaries.
The Honorable J. A. P. Campbell, of Mis
sissippi, afterward Justice of the Supreme
Court of that State, wrote in 1870:
" If there was a delegate from Mississippi,
or any other State, who was opposed to the
election of Jefferson Davis as President of
the Confederate States, I never heard of the
fact. No other man was spoken of for Presi
dent in my hearing. It is within my per
sonal knowledge that the statement ' that
Mr. Davis did not have a just appreciation of
the serious character of the contest between
the seceding States and the Union ' is wholly
untrue. Mr. Davis, more than any man I
ever heard talk on the subject, had a correct
apprehension of the consequences of seces
sion, and of the magnitude of the war to be
THE OFFICE WAS NOT SOUGHT. 43
waged to coerce the seceding 1 States. While
at Montgomery, he expressed the belief that
heavy fighting must occur, and that Virginia
was to be the chief battle-ground. Years
prior to secession, in his address before the
Legislature and people of Mississippi, Mr.
Davis had earnestly advised extensive prep
aration for the possible contingency of seces
sion.
" After the formation of the Confederate
States, he was far in advance of the Consti
tutional Convention and the Provisional Con
gress, and, as I believe, of any man in it, in
his views of the gravity of the situation and
the probable extent and duration of the war,
and of the provision that should be made for
the defence of the seceding States. Before
secession, Mr. Davis thought war would re
sult from it ; and after secession he expressed
the view that the war then commenced would
be an extensive one.
"The idea that Mr. Davis was so 'ex
treme' in his views, is a new one. He was
extremely conservative on the subject of se
cession.
"The suggestion that Mississippi would
have preferred General Toombs or Mr. Cobb
for President has no foundation in fact. My
opinion is that no man could have obtained
a single vote in the Mississippi delegation
44 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
against Mr. Davis, who was then, as he is
now, the most eminent and popular of all the
citizens of Mississippi."
" The late Duncan F. Kenner, of Louisiana,
formerly a member both of the Federal and
Confederate Congress, wrote : " My recol
lections of what transpired at the time are
very vivid and positive.
" Who should be President? was the ab
sorbing question of the day. It engaged the
attention of all present, and elicited many let
ters from our respective constituencies. The
general inclination was strongly in favor of
Mr. Davis in fact no other name was so prom
inently or so generally mentioned. Next to
Mr. Davis the name of Mr. Rhett, of South
Carolina, was probably more frequently men
tioned than that of any other person.
"The rule adopted at our election was that
each State should have one vote, to be de
livered in open session, viva voce, by one of
the delegates as spokesman for his colleagues.
The delegates of the different States met in
secret session to select their candidate and
spokesman.
" Of what occurred in these various meet
ings I cannot speak authoritatively as to
other States, as their proceedings were con
sidered secret. I can speak positively, how
ever, of what took place at a meeting of the
THE OFFICE WAS NOT SOUGHT. 45
delegates from Louisiana. We, the Louis
iana delegates, without hesitation, and unan
imously, after a very short session, decided in
favor of Mr. Davis. No other name was
mentioned. The claims of no one else were
considered, or even alluded to. There was
not the slighest opposition to Mr. Davis on
the part of any of our delegation ; certainly
none was expressed ; all appeared enthusiastic
in his favor ; and, I have no reason to doubt,
felt so. Nor was the feeling induced by any
solicitation on the part of Mr. Davis or his
friends. Mr. Davis was not in or near Mont
gomery at the time. He was never heard
from on the subject, as far as I knew. He was
never announced as a candidate. We were
seeking the best man to fill the position, and
the conviction at the time, in the minds of a
large majority of the delegates, that Mr. Davis
was the best qualified, both from his civil and
military knowledge and experience, induced
many to look upon him as the best selection
that could be made.
" This conviction, coupled with his well-re
cognized conservative views for in no sense
did we consider Mr. Davis extreme in either
his views or purposes was the deciding con
sideration which controlled the votes of the
Louisiana delegation."
The Honorable James Chesnut, of South
46 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Carolina wrote: " Mr. Davis, then conspicuous
for his ability, had long experience in the
United States Senate in civil service, was re
puted a most successful organizer and admin
istrator of the military department of the
United States when he was Secretary of War,
and came out of the Mexican War with much
tclat as a soldier. Possessing a combination
of these high and needful qualities, he was
regarded by nearly the whole South as the
fittest man for the position. I certainly so
regarded him."
Honorable W. Porcher Miles, of Virginia,
formerly of South Carolina, and a member of
the Provisional Congress of 1861, wrote : " To
the best of my recollection there was entire
unanimity in the South Carolina delegation
at Montgomery on the subject of the choice
of a President. I think there was no ques
tion that Mr. Davis was the choice of our
delegation and of the whole people of South
Carolina."
Thus Mr. Davis came to be the commander-
in-chief of a country not yet torn loose from
the clinging memories of a common glory, and
which he would gladly, had it been in his
power, have merged in the United States,
even on the day of his election, could he
have offered any guarantee to the Southern
people for the exercise of their unalienable
THE OFFICE WAS NOT SOUGHT. 47
rights and the security of their lives and
property.
He approached the task of creating a na
tion with a longing beyond expression to have
his extended hand of fellowship grasped by
that of the North before blood had been
spilled, and with many humble petitions to Al
mighty God for guidance and support.
CHAPTER VI.
PEACE PROPOSITIONS.
THE Provisional Congress, before the arri
val of Mr. Davis, passed a law that the Gov
ernment should immediately take steps to
settle everything appertaining to the common
property, debts, and common obligations of
the late Union upon " principles of right, jus
tice, equity, and good faith." On February
1 5th Congress also advised and ordained
that three persons be appointed as early as
the President conveniently could, and sent
to the Government of the United States, to
" negotiate friendly relations."
As the minds of the Western people had
been much excited about the free navigation
of the Mississippi River and its tributaries, on
February 25, 1861, an act was passed "to
declare and establish free navigation of the
Mississippi River without any duty or hinder-
ance except light-money, pilotage, and other
like charges."
"All laws imposing discriminating duties
on foreign vessels or goods imported in them
were rejected." The hope cherished by the
PEACE PROPOSITIONS. 49
Congress that peace would be maintained in
clined them rather to overstep the bounds of
duty to their own country, and grant privi
leges greater than those considered due to
any other nation. The President hoped for
reunion, with guarantees against aggression
by the stronger section of the much-beloved
Union.
Within a week after his inauguration, on
February 25, 1861, Peace Commissioners
were appointed, and on the same day Messrs.
A. B. Roman, of Louisiana, Martin J. Craw
ford, of Georgia, and John B. Forsyth, of Ala
bama, were confirmed by Congress. The
politics of these Commissioners represented
strangely the three phases of opinion which
most generally prevailed in the United States
when the difference arose between the States.
Judge Roman had been a Whig, Mr. Craw
ford a States Rights Democrat, and Mr. For
syth a zealous Douglas man. No secret in
structions were given. Their own convictions
and honest and peaceful purpose were to be
their guide.
In the meanwhile Virginia, through the
General Assembly, on January 19, 1861,
adopted a series of resolutions deprecating
disunion and inviting all States that were
moved by a like desire to appoint Commis
sioners to unite with her. Ex-President John
VOL. II. 4
5 o JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Tyler, Messrs. William C. Rives, John W.
Brockenbrugh, George W. Summers, and
James A. Seddon, "five of the most distin
guished citizens of the State, were appointed
to represent Virginia in the proposed confer
ence." If any agreement could be made
they were to report to the Confederate Con
gress for ratification by each State severally.
The border States acceded and others fol
lowed. Twenty-one States were represent
ed. They met, debated, made propositions
and counter-propositions, and adjourned Feb
ruary 27th. Texas and Arkansas were not
of the number, because they were at that
time passing ordinances of secession. Mich
igan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, and the two Pa
cific States Oregon and California held
aloof. The two senators from Michigan op
posed the Peace Convention, as was afterward
learned from a correspondence read in the
Senate on February 27th, because it would
be " a step toward obtaining that concession
which the imperious slave power so insolently
demands."* Finally the writer changed his
policy and recommended that " true, unflinch
ing men " be sent, who would be " in favor of
the Constitution as it is," or, in other phrase,
* See letter of S. K. Bingham to Governor Blair of Michigan,
Congressional Globe, Second Session, 36th Congress, Part II., page
1147.
PEACE PROPOSITIONS. 51
oppose any effort at pacification of the con
tending parties. The other Senator wanted
"stiff-backed" delegates, and added that
" without a little blood-letting " the Union
would not be " worth a rush."
Mr. Z. Chandler wrote that Governor
Bingham telegraphed him, at the request of
Massachusetts and New York, to send " dele
gates to the Peace or Compromise Congress.
Ohio, Indiana, and Rhode Island are coming
in, and there is danger of Illinois ; and now
they beg us, for God's sake, to come to their
rescue, and save the Republican party from
rupture." *
A plan was finally agreed upon by the ma
jority of the States present. Its provisions
were nearly like the resolutions of Mr. Crit-
tenden, which were still under consideration
in the Senate, though rather less favorable to
the South. But the extreme Radicals ob
jected even to considering it ; they failed to
prevent its being debated, but, both Mr.
Crittenden's resolutions and the plan of the
Peace Conference, were defeated on a vote,
and so these efforts at pacification came to
naught, except that the fierce pulse-beat of
the aggressive North was felt.
Mr. Lincoln came into office, elected by a
* See the Congressional Globe, ut supra.
52 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
sectional party ; very soon after he took the
oath to administer impartial justice. There
were not wanting" men of all parties in the
North who boldly adhered to the provisions
of the Constitution, notably the New York
Tribune, the Albany Argus, the New York
Herald, and others.
A great meeting was held in New York,
January 31, 1861, where Governor Seymour
asked the pertinent question, " If successful
coercion by the North is less revolutionary
than successful secession by the South ? "
The Detroit Free Press suggested that a fire
would be opened on the rear of troops raised
to coerce a State. The Union of Bangor,
Me., spoke much to the same effect, and even
Mr. Lincoln did not care to advocate coer
cion in his inaugural. " Something new and
strange " was making its home among us,
and freemen had not yet learned its name or
determined to bid it welcome. Mr. Lincoln
deemed it better to forego filling the offices
in the South, because it would be " irritating,
and so nearly impracticable withal."
Thus far the conservative men of the North,
who, though they differed from the Confed
erates, mingled no fanaticism with the di
vergence of policies, were making strenuous
efforts to stay the ill-advised policy of coer
cion. In the United States Senate Stephen
PACE PROPOSITIONS. $3
A. Douglas offered a resolution recommending
the " withdrawal of the garrisons from all forts
within the limits of the States which had se
ceded, except those at Key West and the
Dry Tortugas, needful to the United States
for coaling stations." He said unless we
intended to reduce the seceding States to
subjection, that Sumter must revert to the
power that should hold Charleston. Pensa-
cola was entitled to Fort Pickens. " I pro
claim boldly," said the eloquent Senator, "the
policy of those with whom I act. We are for
peace."
Mr. Douglas knew that the occupation of
the fort was a standing menace and provoca
tion to the people of the South.
The Southern people had never as yet
given up the hope that the better feelings of
the masses at the North would assert them
selves, and constantly the expression was
heard, " Secession was a last resort ; would
to God it could yet be prevented." The
Southern people did not believe that the
rank and file of the North desired to oppress
them, or forcibly seize their property and de
stroy their prosperity. But the Republicans,
excited by the sound of their own threats,
became more and more intolerant and over
bearing. Mr.. Clarke, of New Hampshire,
announced in his place that amendments to
54 JEFFE&SON DAVIS.
the Constitution were not needful what was
required was obedience -to its provisions, not
amendments to it, and advised a rigorous en
forcement of the law.
His resolutions passed both houses of Con
gress without demurrers from the Southern
members. The Republicans refused all sug
gestions for compromise, and ignored the
right of the South to property in slaves, or
their rights in the Territories.
The most notable of these projects for
pacification was the series of resolutions of
fered by Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky, which
soon came to be known as the " Crittenden
Compromise."
" They proposed to amend the Constitution
by introducing articles declaring that south of
a given latitude neither Congress nor any
electoral legislature should have power to
abolish, modify, nor interfere with slavery in
the Territories ; that Congress should have
no power to abolish slavery in the District
of Columbia, or wherever else the Federal
Government had exclusive jurisdiction ; and,
finally, by an amendment providing that in
case of failure, from violence to the officer of
the law, to arrest any fugitive from labor,
the community where such failure took place
should be compelled to pay the value of such
alleged fugitive to the owner thereof, and may
PEACE PROPOSITIONS. 5$
be prosecuted for that purpose or to that ef
fect." " The adoption of this compromise in
the existing state of affairs was the last hope
of saving the Union ; but the North rejected
it, and even refused to entertain a series of
propositions still less favorable to the South
that were offered by Mr. Etheridge."
The Confederate Commissioners had been
sent to Washington. Mr. Crawford left Mont
gomery on February 2/th, and reached there
two or three days before the expiration of
Mr. Buchanan's term. He bore a letter to
the President from Mr. Davis. Mr. Bu
chanan had sent an intimation that he would
be happy to receive Commissioners from the
Confederate States, and would refer their
communications to the Senate. Mr. Craw
ford found Washington in a state of great ex
citement, and an army of office-seekers block
ing the pavement in order to interview the
President-elect Mr. Lincoln. Care and
foreboding sat upon every brow in Congress.
Mr. Buchanan " was in a state of most thor
ough alarm, not only for his home at Wheat-
land, but for his personal safety." He had
previously expressed to Mr. Davis his fear of
his homeward route being lighted by burning
effigies of himself. Actuated by this dread,
he refused to receive the Commissioners or
send any message to the Senate.
56 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
Eight days after the inauguration of Mr.
Lincoln the Commissioners announced their
presence and object.
The most concise account is found in a
message of the Confederate President, sent
April 29, 1 86 1.
" Scarce had you assembled in
February last, when, prior even to the inau
guration of the Chief Magistrate, you had
elected, you expressed your desire for the ap
pointment of Commissioners, and for the set
tlement of all questions of disagreement be
tween the two Governments upon principles
of right, equity, and good faith.
" It was my pleasure, as well as my duty,
to co-operate with you in this work of peace.
Indeed, in my address to you, on taking the
oath of office before receiving from you the
communication of this resolution, I had said
that, as a necessity, not as a choice, we have
resorted to the remedy of separating, and
henceforth our energies must be directed to
the conduct of our own affairs, and the per
petuity of the Confederacy which we have
formed. If a just perception of mutual inter
est shall permit us to peaceably pursue our
separate political career, my most earnest de
sire will then have been fulfilled.
" It was in furtherance of these accordant
views of the Congress and the Executive
PEACE PROPOSITIONS. $j
that I made choice of three discreet, able, and
distinguished citizens, who repaired to Wash
ington. Aided by their cordial co-operation
and that of the Secretary of State, every ef
fort compatible with self-respect and the dig
nity of the Confederacy was exhausted, be
fore I allowed myself to yield to the conviction
that the Government of the United States
was determined to attempt the conquest of
this people, and that our cherished hopes of
peace were unobtainable.
" On the arrival of our Commissioners in
Washington, on March 5th, they postponed,
at the suggestion of a friendly intermediator,
doing more than giving informal notice of
their arrival. This was done with a view to
afford time to the President of the United
States, who had just been inaugurated, for
the discharge of other pressing official duties
in the organization of his administration, be
fore engaging his attention to the object of
their mission.
" It was not until the twelfth of the month
that they officially addressed the Secretary of
State, informing him of the purpose of their
arrival, and stating, in the language of their
instructions, their wish to make to the Gov
ernment of the United States overtures for
the opening of negotiations, assuring the
Government of the United States that the
5 8 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
President, Congress, and people of the Con
federate States desired a peaceful solution of
these great questions ; that it was neither
their interest nor their wish to make any de
mand which was not founded on the strictest
principles of justice, nor to do any act to in
jure their late confederates.
" To this communication no formal reply
was received until April 8th. During the in
terval the Commissioners had consented to
waive all questions of form, with the firm re
solve to avoid war, if possible. They went
so far even as to hold, during that long period,
unofficial intercourse through an intermediary,
whose high position and character inspired
the hope of success, and through whom con
stant assurances were received from the Gov
ernment of the United States of its peaceful
intentions, of its determination to evacuate
Fort Sumter; and, further, that no measure
would be introduced, changing the existing
status, prejudicial to the Confederate States ;
that, in event of any change in regard to Fort
Pickens, notice would be given to the Com
missioners.
" The crooked path of diplomacy can
scarcely furnish an example so wanting in
courtesy, in candor, and directness as was
the course of the United States Government
toward our Commissioners in Washington,
PEACE PROPOSITIONS. $9
For proof of this I refer to the annexed docu
ments, taken in connection with further facts,
which I now proceed to relate.
"Early in April the attention of the whole
country was attracted to extraordinary prep
arations, in New York and other Northern
ports, for an extensive military and naval ex
pedition. These preparations were com
menced in secrecy for an expedition whose
destination was concealed, and only became
known when nearly completed ; and on the
5th, 6th, and 7th of April, transports and ves
sels of war, with troops, munitions, and mili
tary supplies, sailed from Northern ports,
bound southward.
" Alarmed by so extraordinary a demon
stration, the Commissioners requested the
delivery of an answer to their official commu
nication of March i2th, and the reply, dated
on the 1 5th of the previous month was ob
tained, from which it appears that, during
the whole interval, while the Commissioners
were receiving assurances calculated to in
spire hope of the success of their mission,
the Secretary of State and the President of
the United States had already determined to
hold no intercourse with them whatever, to
refuse even to listen to any proposals they
had to make ; and had profited by the delay
created by their own assurances, in order to
60 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
prepare secretly the means for effective hos
tile operations."
About this time a letter was written by
Major Anderson as noble as it was unselfish.
"FORT SUMTER, S. C, April 8, 1861.
" To COLONEL L. THOMAS, Adjutant- General,
United States Army.
" COLONEL : I have the honor to report that
the resumption of work yesterday (Sunday)
at various points on Morris Island, and the
vigorous prosecution of it this morning, ap
parently strengthening all the batteries which
are under the fire of our guns, shows that
they either have just received some news
from Washington which has put them on the
qui vive, or that they have received orders
from Montgomery to commence operations
here. I am preparing, by the side of my
barbette guns, protection for our men from
the shells which will be almost continually
bursting over or in our works.
" I had the honor to receive by yesterday's
mail the letter of the Honorable Secretary
of War, dated April 4th, and confess that
what he there states surprises me greatly
following, as it does, and contradicting so
positively, the assurance Mr. Crawford tele
graphed he was ' authorized ' to make. I
PEACE PROPOSITIONS. 61
trust that this matter will be at once put in a
correct light, as a movement made now, when
the South has been informed that none such
would be attempted, would produce most
disastrous results throughout our country.
It is, of course, now too late for me to give
any advice in reference to the proposed
scheme of Captain Fox. I fear that its re
sult cannot fail to be disastrous to all con
cerned. Even with his boat at our walls, the
loss of life (as I think I mentioned to Mr.
Fox) in unloading her will more than pay for
the good to be accomplished by the expedi
tion, which keeps us, if I can maintain pos
session of this work, out of position, sur
rounded by strong works which must be
carried to make this fort of the least value to
the United States Government.
" We have not oil enough to keep a light
in the lantern for one night. The boats will
have to, therefore, rely at night entirely upon
other marks. I ought to have been informed
that this expedition was to come. Colonel
Lamon's remark convinced me that the idea,
merely hinted at to me by Colonel Fox, would
not be carried out.
" We shall strive to do our duty, though I
frankly say that my heart is not in this war,
which I see is to be thus commenced. That
God will still avert it, and cause us to resort
62 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
to pacific means to maintain our rights, is
my ardent prayer.
" I am, Colonel, very respectfully,
" Your obedient servant,
" ROBERT ANDERSON,
"Major, First Artillery, commanding."
The Count of Paris libels the memory of
Major Anderson, and perverts the truth of
history in this, as he has done in other par
ticulars, by saying, with reference to the visit
of Captain Fox to the Fort, that, " having
visited Anderson at Fort Sumter, a plan had
been agreed upon between them for revictual-
ling the garrison " (" Civil War in America,"
authorized translation, vol. I., p. 137). Fox
himself says, in his published letter, " I made
no arrangements with Major Anderson for
supplying the fort, nor did I inform him of
my plan ; " and Major Anderson, in the letter
above, says the idea had been " merely hinted
at " by Captain Fox, and that Colonel Lamon
had led him to believe that it had been aban
doned.
When General Beauregard discovered that
Major Anderson was endeavoring to strength
en, in place of evacuating, Fort Sumter, the
Commissioners wrote an interrogatory note to
discover the facts, and were assured by Mr.
Seward that the Government had not reced-
PEACE PROPOSITIONS. 63
ed from his promise. On April 7th, Mr. Sew-
ard sent the message, " Faith as to Sumter
fully kept ; wait and see." On that day the
Federal fleet with a large force sailed for
Sumter, and the Commissioners left Wash
ington, hopeless of accomplishing anything.
"That these assurances were given has
been virtually confessed by the Government
of the United States, by its act of sending a
messenger to Charleston to give notice of its
purpose to use force, if opposed, in its inten
tion of supplying Fort Sumter."*
" No more striking proof of the absence of
good faith in the conduct of the Government
of the United States toward the Confederacy
can be required than is contained in the cir
cumstances which accompanied this notice.
" According to the usual course of naviga
tion, the vessels composing the expedition,
and designed for the relief of Fort Sumter,
might be looked for in Charleston harbor on
April Qth. Yet our Commissioners in Wash
ington were detained under assurances that
notice should be given of any military move
ment. The notice was not addressed to
them, but a messenger was sent to Charles
ton to give notice to the Governor of South
*See Rise and Fall of the Confederacy, Appendix L, p. "675,
vol. i.
64 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Carolina, and the notice was so given at a
late hour on April 8th, the eve of the very
day on which the fleet might be expected to
arrive.
" That this manoeuvre failed in its purpose
was not the fault of those who controlled it.
A heavy tempest delayed the arrival of the
expedition and gave time to the commander
of our forces at Charleston to ask and receive
instructions of the Government/'
CHAPTER VII.
PREPARATIONS FOR WAR.
THE troops received were tendered by in
dependent organizations, " or who may volun
teer by consent of their State " for twelve
months, unless sooner discharged. There was
a strong disinclination to a longer term being
prescribed. The arms and munitions within
the limits of the States were their property,
they were received with their State organiza
tion, and officered by the State, and on March
1 6th, the States were recommended to cede
the forts, arsenals, navy and dock yards, and
all other public establishments to the Confed
erate States. May 6, 1861, the army of the
Confederate States was lawfully established
in contra-distinction to the Provisional army.
The relative rank of the officers of the
Confederate States was regulated by the po
sition that they had previously held in the
United States army, or to which they had
been elected or appointed in their State.
The right of the States to confer the grade
of colonel was secured ; a higher grade might
be by selection.
VOL. II. 5
66 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
The three highest officers of the Confeder
ate army, " whose fame stands unchallenged
either for efficiency or zeal," were all so indif
ferent to any question of personal interest that
they had received their appointment before
they were aware it was to be conferred.
The order of their rank was : General Samuel
Cooper, Albert Sidney Johnston, and Robert
E. Lee. When General A. S. Johnston was as
signed to the West, he for the first time asked
and learned what relative position he would
serve. General Lee, in like manner, when he
was assigned to duty beyond the limits of
Virginia, learned for the first time his in
creased rank. Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel A.
C. Meyers was appointed Quartermaster-Gen
eral ; Captain L. B. Northrop was appointed
to command the Subsistence Department. He
made no memoir of his service, and Mr. Davis
could not notice it inextenso. Surgeon-Gen
eral Moore, from the Materia Medica of the
South, supplemented the lack of drugs made
contraband of war, and by the aid of his own
ingenuity and that of his corps, supplied the
surgical instruments, which were unfortunately
scarce and especially needful for the hospitals
in the field.
General Gorgas was appointed Chief of
Ordnance, and if space were permitted to
particularize the incalculable service he ren-
PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 67
dered, the offering would be gladly made to
the memory of one who was as unpretending
as he was useful and devoted to the cause.
Captain Semmes was sent to the North to
buy guns and all the available arms in the
market, and also to get machinery and arti
sans for Government arsenals and shops ; he
ably performed the service, but the interven
tion of the civil authorities prevented the de
livery of the arms and machinery. He was
also directed to buy vessels suitable for de
fensive and offensive use, but unfortunately
could find none. Major Huse was sent to
Europe, on the third day after Mr. Davis s
inauguration, to buy arms there. He found
few serviceable arms on the market, but made
such extensive contracts that, to bring them
through the blockade, was after this the only
difficulty encountered.
In the shop of the Government gun repair
ers was a musket from the Tower of London,
made in 1762 ; it might have been fired in the
Revolutionary war of 1776, taken part in the
Indian wars, in the war of 1812, in the Indian
wars of 1836 and 1837, in the Mexican war of
1845, and last in the war between the States.
The appropriations for the Navy had for
years been mainly spent upon the Northern
navy-yards, notwithstanding that much of the
timber used had been from the South. We
68 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
had not the accessories for building vessels
with the necessary celerity ; we had no pow
der depots, and no store of it on hand, no
saltpetre, and only the store of sulphur need
ful for clarifying" the cane-sugar crop.
General G. W. Rains was appointed to
establish a manufactory of ammunition, and
he brought to the work experience and zeal
which achieved a triumph that will be long
remembered. The powder of the Confeder
ate mills, under all the disadvantages that sur
rounded him, was recognized to be the best
in the world.
On April 19, 1861, President Lincoln pro
claimed a blockade, not as the effort to em
barrass and destroy the commerce of a sep
arate nation, but to subdue insurrection.
Mr. Davis wrote of the false presentation
of the case to foreign governments made by
Mr. Seward :
"As late as April 22, 1861, Mr. Seward,
the United States Secretary of State, in a de
spatch to Mr. Dayton, Minister to France,
since made public, expressed the views and
purposes of the United States Government in
the premises as follows. It may be proper to
explain that, by what he is pleased to term
' the Revolution/ Mr. Seward means the
withdrawal of the Southern States ; and that
the words italicized are, perhaps, not so dis-
PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 6 9
tinguished in the original." He wrote :
" The Territories will remain in all respects
the same, whether the revolution shall suc
ceed or fail."
" There is not even a pretext for the com
plaint that the disaffected States are to be
conquered by the United States if the revolu
tion fails ; for the rights of the States and the
condition of every being in them will remain
subject to exactly the same laws and forms of
administration, whether the revolution shall
succeed or whether it shall fail. In one case
the States would be federally connected with
the new Confederacy ; in the other they would,
as now, be members of the United States ;
but their Constitutions, laws, customs, habits,
and institutions, in either case, will remain the
same."
Mr. Lincoln said in his inaugural address :
" I have no purpose directly or indirectly to
interfere with the institution of slavery in the
States where it exists ; I believe I have no
lawful right to do so, and I have no inclina
tion to do so."
The President of the Confederacy called
the Congress together April 29th, and set be
fore them the fact that the President of the
United States had called out seventy-five
thousand men, who were first to capture our
forts. A blockade had been proclaimed to
70 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
destroy our commerce and intercept the nec
essary supplies. This he declared was in ef
fect a declaration of war. He closed his mes
sage with these words : " We protest solemnly
in the face of mankind, that we desire peace
at any sacrifice save that of honor."
No one who scrutinizes impartially the his
tory of this stirring period of Mr. Davis's life
can fail to observe the activity with which he
pressed every available resource into service,
how large was the discretion allowed to the
government agents, and how prompt and far-
reaching were his provisions. His previous
service in the United States War Department
had rendered him familiar with all the sources
of supply, and all that man could accomplish
he did to equip our army and navy to meet
the heavy odds with which they were con
fronted.
Nitre beds were established, manufactories
of arms and powder were erected with mar
vellous celerity, old arms were altered, men
were drilled and initiated in the arts of war ;
in fact, his activity was unceasing and his suc
cess abnormal.
That large and learned, if not useful, class
who after the event see lost opportunities,
criminal negligence, and a supine disregard of
the interest of the people, demonstrated by
the leaders of a cause for which they have
PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 71
staked their all, have not been silent at the
Confederate President's failure to buy every
thing needful everywhere. The fame of an
unsuccessful leader is like the picture in the
fable. Each hypercritical spectator picks out
an error and obliterates the trait, until, were
there not true artists with high aims and God-
given talents and enthusiasm, there would re
main to us no presentation of the noble fig
ure of a heroic ruler.
If Moses found, in the theocratic govern
ment he served, a golden calf lifted on high
under the blaze of the " pillar of fire by night,"
one cannot wonder at my husband's fate.
Detraction is the easiest form of criticism
or eloquence, but just, discriminating praise
requires the presence in the commentators of
many of those qualities which are commend
ed in the subject. It is probable that Junius
would have made a sorry figure in the place
of either Lords Mansfield or Chatham.
Before going further into the record of the
invasion of the seceded slave-holding States,
and the subjugation of those that still re
mained in the Union, it seems proper to
glance briefly at the relative resources of the
two powers that were so soon to be arrayed
against each other in deadly conflict a tou-
trance.
In 1860 the United States had a popula-
72 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
tion exceeding thirty -one millions in the free
States and eight millions in the South.
But the disparity between the two sections
was more pronounced in the material re
sources of war than in the population. The
Missouri was connected with the sea-board
by the best system of railways in the world,
having a total mileage of over thirty thou
sand, and an annual tonnage estimated at
thirty-six millions. The annual revenue of
this tonnage was valued at four thousand mil
lions of dollars. The manufactures of the
North represented an annual product of two
thousand millions.
The North had all the manufacturing es
tablishments necessary to produce all the
materiel of war. She had an uninterrupted
commerce with the outside world. Altogeth
er, her manufacturing resources were about
five hundred to one compared with those of
the South. She had in addition to this the
inestimable advantage of having all the work
shops of the world open to her.
Nor did Europe furnish her with the ma
teriel of war only ; but the vast immigration
that flocked from the Old World and landed
in Northern ports brought an unfailing sup
ply of recruits to her armies whenever the
emergencies of the war made a fresh levy nee
essary to refill the depleted armies in the field.
PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 73
The fury of the North was met by a cy
clone of patriotic enthusiasm that swept up
from the South. Tens of thousands of men
of both sections who had hesitated, and who
still hoped for an amicable adjustment of the
troubles between the sections, were converted
by the guns of Sumter to the belief that the
time for compromise had passed, and that
duty to their country demanded that they
should join in patriotic efforts to repel the in
vader. When this " ground swell " moved
the masses at the North, the Confederate
Congress was still in session ; Mr. Davis,
who had never underestimated our peril,
issued a proclamation calling on the States
for volunteers, and also inviting applications
for privateers to sail the high seas under
Confederate letters of marque and reprisal.
Agents were despatched to foreign coun
tries to buy small-arms, guns, and ships with
their armaments. No limit was placed upon
the amount to be purchased, or the price.
The Confederate credit was good, and their
President was willing to strain it to the ut
most. Prompt, general, and enthusiastic was
the popular response to the appeal of the
President. Railway and transportation com
panies offered the free use of their lines and
resources for the conveyance of troops and
materiel of war. The railways not only vol-
74 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
untarily reduced the charges hitherto de
manded for the postal service, but offered to
receive their pay at the reduced rates ten
dered in the bonds of the Confederacy.
The number of volunteers far exceeded the
demand or the possibility of arming them.
It was shown that if the Government had
possessed arms enough for the entire adult
white population of the Confederacy, they
could have been enrolled at this time. Not
withstanding that men have railed long and
loudly over ' volunteers having been refused,
they knew at the time that, having no wea
pons with which to arm them, to accept their
services was but to cripple the industries of
the country without increasing the ranks of
our defenders.
On May 20, 1861, the Congress resolved
that the seat of Government of the Confeder
ate States should be transferred from Mont
gomery to Richmond, and that it should ad
journ to meet there on July 2oth. It had
already become evident that Virginia would
be the battle-ground of the coming struggle,
and it was desirable, therefore, that the Con
federate Government should have its head
quarters in that State.
Anxiety and unremitting labor had pros
trated President Davis ; and, when he left
Montgomery, it was upon his bed. His mails
PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 7$
were heavy with warnings of an attempt at
assassination ; therefore it was a source of re
lief to us to know he had gone to Virginia.
A few days before he had seen a man heavily
armed peering into his room at our residence ;
he accosted him, but the man jumped over a
fence and ran out of sight. He went on, ac
companied only by his cabinet and staff, and
in advance of the rest of the family. He
was quite ill on the road and obliged to keep
his bed. The crowd that gathered at each
station would walk quietly down and look in
on his sleeping face with the greatest tender
ness ; one or two said " If he can only pull
through the war ! "
Within a week, the family followed by the
ordinary train. The country was alive with
soldiers men in butternut trousers with gray
homespun coats and epaulets of yellow cotton
fringe. Several companies of soldiers waiting
for transportation gave us very sweet sere
nades at the different stations. We reached
Richmond in the morning, and the President
met us in a carriage and four, sent down for
our use by the citizens until our own carriage
and horses came. This equipage was a trial
to us, and as soon as possible we reduced our
establishment to a carriage and pair. We
were conducted to the Spottswood Hotel as
guests of the city, until the house intended
76
for the residence of the Chief Executive
should be finished. In the hotel we were
domiciled with the cabinet and the aids, be
sides a number of ladies and gentlemen.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE BOMBARDMENT OF SUMTER.
ON March 3d, President Davis appointed
General Beauregard to the command of all
the Confederate forces in and around Charles
ton.
On arriving there, General Beauregard,
after examining the fortifications, proceeded to
erect formidable batteries of cannon and mor
tars bearing on the fort.
On April 7th, Lieutenant Talbot, an agent
of the Federal Government, conveyed a mes
sage to Governor Pickens from President
Lincoln, announcing that an attempt would be
made to supply Fort Sumter " with provisions
only," and that if the attempt be not resisted
no effort to throw in men, arms, or ammuni
tion would be made without further notice, or
in case of an attack upon the fort.
" The 'relief squadron,' as with unconscious
irony it was termed, was already under way
for Charleston, consisting, according to their
own statement, of eight vessels carrying
twenty-six guns, and about fourteen hundred
78 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
men, including the troops sent for reinforce
ment of the garrison."
Upon the receipt of General Beauregard's
telegram, that provisions would be sent to
Fort Sumter, forcibly if need be, he was di
rected by the Secretary of War to demand its
surrender at twelve o'clock, on April nth.
The demand was accordingly made in a note
borne by Colonel James Chesnut and Cap
tain Lee, with the offer of permission for Ma
jor Anderson to salute the flag he had upheld
with so much fortitude." Major Anderson
made answer on the same day, that he re
gretted that his sense of honor and of obliga
tion to his government would not permit him
to accede to the demand of General Beaure-
gard.
Next day at 4.30 A.M. the signal was given
from Fort Johnston ; the fire was gradually
followed by shots from Moultrie, Cummings'
Point, and the floating battery.
Fort Sumter did not reply until seven
o'clock. The firing continued all day. Dur
ing the bombardment a portion of the Federal
fleet rendezvoused off Charleston, but took no
part in the fight.
Early on the morning of the I3th the Con
federate batteries renewed the bombardment,
concentrating their fire on Fort Sumter, which
directed a vigorous fire on Fort Moultrie.
THE BOMBARDMENT OF SUMTER. 79
About eight o'clock in the morning, smoke
was seen issuing from Fort Sumter. The
fire of the Confederate batteries was there
upon increased and concentrated on the fort,
whose flag still floated. After this time, al
though Fort Sumter continued to fire from
time to time, the shots came at irregular
periods, amid thick smoke and bursting shells.
The Confederate soldiers, at every discharge
from the fort, jumped on the different bat
teries and cheered the garrison for its gallant
defence, while they hooted the fleet that lay
alongside the bar, an idle spectator of the
fight.
At half-past one a shot struck the flag
staff of Sumter and brought down the ensign.
By this time the condition of the fort and its
defences had become desperate ; the parapet
had been so badly damaged that few of the
guns were in position ; the smoke in the
casemates rendered it impossible for the men
to work the guns ; and the incessant toil and
excitement had utterly exhausted the garrison.
When the flag went down General Beaure-
gard sent offers of assistance, as the con
flagration was apparently on the increase.
Before the General's aids reached the fort
the flag was again displayed, but it was soon
hauled down and a white flag substituted.
Fort Sumter, had surrendered.
8o JEFFERSON DAVIS.
As an honorable testimony to the gallantry
of the garrison, Major Anderson was allowed
on leaving the fort to salute his flag with
fifty guns.
Notwithstanding the heavy and long can
nonading not a man was killed or wounded
on either side ; a mule was the only thing
slain. But, in firing the parting salute, a
cannon exploded. Four of the garrison were
mortally wounded by this accident.
The victory was celebrated in Charleston
by the firing of cannon and the pealing of
bells, and by every form of popular demon
stration of delight.
When the news reached the President of
the Confederacy his first expression was of
thankfulness that no blood had been shed ;
he said " Separation is not yet of necessity
final there has been no blood spilled more
precious than that of a mule." He then
spoke of his old friend " Bob Anderson," of
his splendid gallantry, and of his sorrow at
being separated from him.
In the North, the news produced a simul
taneous burst of execration and excitement.
For the first time the people of that section
realized that the South was in deadly earnest.
The Federal administration promptly availed
themselves of the frenzy of the people to
arouse fresh hatred of the South, and to incite
THE BOMBARDMENT OF SUMTER. 81
the young 1 men to enlist in the armies of inva
sion. Two days after Sumter surrendered
President Lincoln issued a proclamation call
ing" for 75,000 troops.
The first effect of this proclamation in. the
South was the secession of Virginia an ex
ample which was promptly followed by the
States of North Carolina, Tennessee, and
Arkansas.
That the real object of Lincoln's renewed
calls for troops was the unconditional subju
gation of the South, was soon made manifest;
for, by repeated levies, there were soon 200,-
ooo men under arms in the Northern States.
Maryland was overrun with troops ; a
garrison of 12,000 men was established at
Fortress Monroe ; in Maryland and Missouri,
the citizens were disarmed, the habeas corpus
was denied them, and civil liberty was throttled
by the mailed hand of military power.
Maryland, at the inception of secession, re
solved, for purposes of pacification and other
reasons, to remain neutral. The authorities
refused the right of United States troops to
pass through her domain with hostile intent
toward the South, announced her determina
tion not to send her troops to the soil of any
other State, and Governor Hicks officially de
manded new guarantees for her rights, and
proclaimed her sympathy with the Southern
VOL. II. 6
82 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
people. On April 19, 1861, a body of troops
was brought to the railway depot, and the
citizens, being unarmed, assailed them with
stones. The soldiers fired upon them, and
killed a few and wounded many. A few
troops passed through the town, and the
others were sent back.
The Legislature of Maryland appointed
commissioners to the two Governments. The
Confederate President, on April 2ist, in an
answer to those sent to him, expressed his de
sire for " peace, peace, with all nations and
people." The President of the United States
alleged the protection of Washington as his
only object for concentrating troops, and pro
tested that none of the troops brought through
Maryland were " intended for any purposes
hostile to the State, or aggressive against
other States."
The sequence to these pledges was, that,
on May 5th, the Relay House, at the junction
of the Washington and Baltimore railways,
was occupied by Federal troops, and General
Butler, on the I3th instant, moved to Balti
more and occupied with the United States
troops, Federal Hill. Reinforcements were
received the next day, and the General pro
claimed his right to discriminate between
" well-disposed citizens " and those who did
not agree with him, they who he opprobri-
THE BOMBARDMENT OF SUMTER. 83
ously characterized. Then followed a de
mand for the surrender of arms.
" The mayor, Charles Howard, and police
commissioners, W. H. Gatchell, and J. W.
Davis/' met and protested against the sus
pension of their functions by the appointment
of a provost-marshal, but resolved to do
nothing to obstruct General Banks in his ar
rangements for the preservation of the peace
of the city.
The provost-marshal at once commenced
a series of domiciliary visits, ostensibly in
search of arms and munitions. On July ist,
the before-named citizens were arrested. Of
the mayor, Mr. Davis said, " He was of an
old Maryland family honored for their public
services, and himself adorned by every social
virtue."
A provost-marshal was sent to Frederick,
where the Legislature was in session. A
cordon of pickets were drawn around the
town, out of which no one could go without a
permission from General Banks or his staff.
Twelve or thirteen members and some officers
of the Legislature were arrested. The quo
rum was destroyed. S. T. Willis, whose re
port in defence of the constitutional rights of
his fellow-citizens was considered cause for
imprisonment, and Henry May, a member of
Congress, were arrested.
84 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Governor Hicks found himself convinced
by these strenuous measures, and came out
in sympathy with the successful party.
Mr. Davis said : " Last in order, but first in
cordiality, were the tender ministrations of
Maryland's noble daughters to the sick and
wounded prisoners who were carried through
the streets of Baltimore, and it is with shame
we remember that brutal guards, on several
occasions, inflicted wounds upon gentlewomen
who approached these suffering prisoners to
offer them the relief of which they stood so
ardently in need." One dear and much hon
ored young friend ruined her eyes painting
photographs for sale, after having used to the
fullest extent all her own available means to
aid the Southern soldiers. Union ladies who
had held close relations with those of Con
federate sympathies, forced an entrance into
the houses of their quondam friends to make
a report of disloyalty upon them. In the
worst days of the French Revolution there
was no more insecurity for the exercise of
free opinions than that which prevailed in Bal
timore.
The citizens were conveyed to P'ortress
Monroe and eventually to Fort Lafayette,
and turned into a battery-room occupied by
twenty - four others, chiefly Marylanders.
The Government furnished an iron bed, a
THE BOMBARDMENT OF SUMTER. 85
pallet of straw, and a thin blanket ; but five
bags of straw could be found, and the rest of
the prisoners slept on the floor in their
clothes. The room was sixty-six by twenty-
two feet, with a brick floor, occupied by
thirty-eight people. It contained also five
thirty-two-pound cannon with their cumber
some carriages, occupying fully half the space
in the room.
Several of the sick were on the floor with
out either blankets or pillows. No light was
allowed. It is weary work recalling these
dreadful experiences, but the deep feeling of
hostility it aroused is seen in the appeal of
General Bradley T. Johnson in the autumn
of the next year :
" Rise at once. Remember the cells of
Fort McHenry. Remember the dungeons of
Fort Lafayette and Fort Warren ; the insults
to your wives and daughters ; the arrests ;
the midnight searches of your houses.
" Remember these your wrongs, and rise
at once in arms and strike for Liberty and
Right."
CHAPTER IX.
THE PRESIDENT ARRIVES IN RICHMOND.
RICHMOND was one great camp men hur
ried to and fro with and without uniforms and
arms, with that fixed look upon their faces
that they acquire when confronted with dan
ger and the necessity for supreme effort. A
long war debases a nation, but individuals
rise higher then and develop more quickly
than in piping times of peace.
Upon the President's arrival in Richmond
he found General R. E. Lee in command of
the army of Virginia, with the rank of Major-
General.
Many troops had been sent from other
States of the Confederacy to the aid of Vir
ginia, and the forces there assembled were di
vided into three armies, at the most important
positions threatened : one, under command of
General J. E. Johnston, at Harper's Ferry,
covering the valley of the Shenandoah ; an
other under General G. T. Beauregard, at
Manassas, covering the direct approach from
Washington to Richmond ; and the third, un
der Generals Huger and Magruder, at Norfolk
THE PRESIDENT ARRIVES IN RICHMOND. 87
and in the Peninsula between the James and,
York Rivers, covering the approach from the
seaboard. The armies of Johnston and Beau-
regard, though separated by the Blue Ridge,
had such practicable communication with each
other as to render their junction possible when
the necessity should be foreseen.
Each of the three were confronted by forces
greatly superior to their own, and it was
doubtful which would first be the object of
attack.
The temporary occupation of Harper's Ferry
was especially needful for the removal of the
valuable machinery and material located there.
The demonstrations of General Patterson,
commanding the Federal army in that region,
caused General Johnston earnestly to insist
upon being allowed to retire to a position
nearer Winchester. Under the circumstances
an official letter was addressed to him, from
which the following is an extract :
"ADJUTANT AND INSPECTOR-GENERAL'S OFFICE,
"RICHMOND, June 13, 1861.
" To GENERAL J. E. JOHNSTON, commanding
Harper's Ferry, Virginia.
" SIR : You have been heretofore instructed
to exercise your discretion as to retiring from
your position at Harper's Ferry, and taking
the field to check the advance of the enemy.
M JEFFERSON
. . . The effective portion of your com
mand, together with the baggage and what
ever else would impede your operations in the
field, it would be well to send, without delay,
to the Manassas road. . . . For these
reasons it has been with reluctance that any
attempt was made to give you specific instruc
tions, and you will accept the assurance of the
readiness with which the freest exercise of
discretion on your part will be sustained.
" Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
" S. COOPER."
The two first encounters of the Northern
and Southern troops occurred about this time.
On June n, 18.61, at Bethel Church, and on
June i8th Colonel Vaughan met the enemy
at the twenty-first bridge on the Baltimore
& Ohio Railroad, charged upon his camp,
captured and brought off two pieces of artil
lery and the enemy's flag.
While General Johnston was keeping the
army under Patterson in check in the Valley,
a disaster to the Confederate arms occurred
in West Virginia. General Garnett was de
feated at Rich Mountain by McClellan and
Rosecrans and forced to retreat. General
Garnett was killed.
The enemy in front of General Johnston
w.ere reinforced, and he, anticipating an attack
THE PRESIDENT ARRIVES IN RICHMOND. 9
by a superior force wrote, July 9, 1861, to
General Cooper, a letter of which, the follow
ing" extract is the last paragraph :
" If it is proposed to strengthen us against
the attack I suggest as soon to be made, it
seems to me that General Beauregard might,
with great expedition, furnish five or six thou
sand men for a few days. J. E. J."
The enemy did not attack General Johnston,
but the Federal army in front of Washington,
under General McDowell, advanced to attack
the army of General Beauregard at Manassas,
and a few hours before they took up their line
of march, a lady gave notice of the fact to the
Confederates, and a telegram was sent to
General Johnston :
"RICHMOND, July 17, 1861.
" To GENERAL J. E. JOHNSTON,
" Winchester, Va.
" General Beauregard is attacked. To
strike the enemy a decisive blow, a junction
of all your effective force will be needed. If
practicable, make the movement, sending your
sick and baggage to Culpepper Court- House,
either by railroad or by Warrenton.
" In all the arrangements exercise your dis
cretion.
(Signed) " S. COOPER,
" Adjutant and Inspector- General."
90 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
To this telegram General Johnston replied:
"HEADQUARTERS, WINCHESTER, VA., July 18, 1861.
"GENERAL: I have had the honor to re
ceive your telegram of yesterday.
" General Patterson, who had been at Bun
ker Hill since Monday, seems to have moved
yesterday to Charleston, twenty-three miles
east of Winchester.
" Unless he prevents it, we shall move tow
ard General Beauregard to-day.
" JOSEPH E. JOHNSTON."
After Johnston moved to join Beauregard,
he telegraphed an inquiry to Mr. Davis, re
garding his relative rank to Beauregard, and
the following answer was returned :
" RICHMOND, July 20, 1861.
" GENERAL J. E. JOHNSTON,
" Manassas, Va.
" You are a General in the Confederate
Army, possessed of the power attached to
that rank. You will know how to make the
exact knowledge of Brigadier-General Beau-
regard, as well of the ground as of the troops
and preparation, avail for the success of the
object in which you co-operate.
" The zeal of both assures me of harmo
nious action.
" JEFFERSON DAVIS."
CABINET OF THE CONFEDERACY.
THE PRESIDENT ARRIVES iti RICHMOND. 9!
Though the date of General Johnston's
commission gave him precedence, to avoid
a misunderstanding between these generals,
whose cordial co-operation was necessary to
the welfare of their country, Mr. Davis de
cided at the earliest moment to go in person
to the army.
CHAPTER X.
ENGAGEMENT AT BULL RUN, AND BATTLE OF
MANASSAS.
THE Federal Army under the command of
General McDowell reached the vicinity of
Fairfax Court-House on July I7th, and Gen
eral Bonham, commanding that advanced
post with a brigade of South Carolina troops,
fell back and took position behind Bull Run,
where, in line along that stream, were located
the different regiments, batteries, and brigades
of General Beauregard's army. The line ex
tended a distance of eight miles from Union
Mills on the right, to the stone bridge over
Bull Run on the left, where it is crossed by
the Warrenton and Alexandria turnpike.
McDowell, arriving at Centreville, threw
forward, on the i8th, a division under General
Tyler, to "-feel" General Beauregard's line,
but " not to bring on an engagement." But
General Tyler, brought forward a battery of
the Washington Artillery and opened fire
upon the Confederates. After a sharp fight
his forces were withdrawn with loss.
This affair, being one almost exclusively of
ENGAGEMENT AT BULL RUN. 93
artillery, was a notable event, and gave assur
ance that our volunteer artillery could suc
cessfully cope with the regular batteries of
the United States.*
This battalion of veterans formed the guard
of honor which followed my husband's re
mains twenty-eight years afterward, when he
was laid to rest in the Tomb of the Army of
Northern Virginia, at New Orleans.
General Johnston arrived at General Beau-
regard's headquarters on July 2Oth. While
on the march, Beauregard sent him a sugges
tion to march by Aldie and attack the rear of
the Federal right at Centreville, while his
troops from Bull Run assailed that army in
front. Johnston did not agree with this plan,
he considered it impracticable to direct the
movements of troops so distant from each
other, by roads so far separated, in such a
manner as to combine their action on a field
of battle.
Early on July 2ist, a cannonade was
opened by the enemy from the opposite bank
of Bull Run, and it was evident that he was
marching against the left of the Confederate
line of battle, at and beyond the stone bridge.
* General Beauregard, in his official report of the engagement,
says : " The guns engaged in this singular conflict on our side were
three 6-pounder rifled pieces and four ordinary 6-pounders, all of
Walton's Battalion, the Washington Artillery, of New Orleans."
94 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
The troops there stationed met the advance
with great steadiness, but were outnumbered,
and fell back to the plateau around the Henry
House.
The battle raged with varied success upon
the Henry plateau until after four o'clock,
when the Federal army yielded to a flank at
tack of Generals Kirby Smith, with Elzey,
and later Early, and were routed.
Around the house of Mrs. Henry the fight
raged the fiercest, and here were stationed
the Federal batteries. Mrs. Henry, old and
bed-ridden, was caught between the cross
fire of the artillery and was killed in her bed.
The details of the great battles of the war
I will not attempt to describe, leaving that
duty to the participants, and refer my readers
to the many able historians who have depict
ed them, and to official reports now being
published by the Government.
Where Mr. Davis was present, I will re
cord his connection therewith. He thus
wrote of this battle :
"After the delivery of the message to Con
gress, on Saturday, July 2oth, I intended to
leave in the afternoon for Manassas, but was
detained until the next morning, when I left
by rail, accompanied by my aide-de-camp,
Colonel J. R. Davis, to confer with the gen
erals on the field. As we approached Man-
ENGAGEMENT AT BULL RUN. 95
assas Railroad junction, a cloud of dust was
visible a short distance to the west of the
railroad. It resembled one raised by a body
of marching troops, and recalled to my re
membrance the design of General Beaure-
gard to make the Rappahannock his second
line of defence. It was, however, subse
quently learned that the dust was raised by a
number of wagons which had been sent to
the rear for greater security against the con
tingencies of the battle. The sound of the
firing had now become very distinct, so much
so as to leave no doubt that a general en
gagement had commenced. Though that
event had been anticipated as being near at
hand after the action of the i8th, it was both
hoped and desired that it would not occur
quite so soon, the more as it was not known
whether the troops from the valley had yet
arrived.
" On reaching the railroad junction, I found
a large number of men, bearing the usual evi
dence of those who leave the field of battle
under a panic. They crowded around the
train with fearful stories of a defeat of our
army. The railroad conductor announced his
decision that the railroad train should pro
ceed no farther. Looking among those who
were about us for one whose demeanor gave
reason to expect from him a collected answer,
96 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
I selected one whose gray beard and calm
face gave best assurance. He, however,
could furnish no encouragement. Our line,
he said, was broken, all was confusion, the
army routed, and the battle lost. I asked for
Generals Johnston and Beauregard ; he said
they were on the field when he left it. I re
turned to the conductor and told him that I
must go on ; that the railroad was the only
means by which I could proceed, and that,
until I reached the headquarters, I could not
get a horse to ride to the field where the bat
tle was raging. He finally consented to de
tach the locomotive from the train, and, for my
accommodation, to run it as far as the army
headquarters. In this manner Colonel Da
vis, aide-de-camp, and myself proceeded.
" At the headquarters we found the Quarter
master-General, W. L. Caball, and the Adju
tant-General, Jordan, of General Beauregard's
staff, who courteously agreed to furnish us
horses, and also to show us the route.
While the horses were being prepared, Col
onel Jordan took occasion to advise my aide-
de-camp, Colonel Davis, of the hazard of go
ing to the field, and the impropriety of such
exposure on my part. The horses were after
a time reported ready, and we started to the
field. The stragglers soon became numerous,
and warnings as to the fate which awaited us
ENGAGEMENT AT BULL RUN. 97
if we advanced were not only frequent, but
evidently sincere.
" There were, however, many who turned
back, and the wounded generally cheered
upon meeting us. I well remember one, a
mere stripling, who, supported on the shoul
ders of a man, who was bearing him to the
rear, took off his cap and waved it with a
cheer, that showed within that slender form
beat the heart of a hero breathed a spirit
that would dare the labors of Hercules.
" As we advanced, the storm of the battle
was rolling westward, and its fury became
faint. When I met General Johnston, who
was upon a hill which commanded a general
view of the field of the afternoon's operations,
and inquired of him as to the state of affairs,
he replied that we had won the battle. I left
him there and rode still farther to the west.
Several of the volunteers on General Beaure-
gard's staff joined me, and a command of
cavalry, the gallant leader of which, Captain
John F. Lay, insisted that I was too near the
enemy to be without an escort. We, how
ever, only saw one column near to us that
created a doubt as to which side it belonged ;
and, as we were riding toward it, it was sug
gested that we should halt until it could be
examined with a field-glass. Colonel Ches-
nut dismounted so as the better to use his
VOL. II. 7
98 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
glass, and at that moment the column formed
into line, by which the wind struck the flag so
as to extend it, and it was plainly revealed to
be that of the United States.
" Our cavalry, though there was present
but the squadron previously mentioned, and
specified in a statement of the commander
from which I will make some extracts, dashed
boldly forward to charge. The demonstra
tion was followed by the immediate retreat of
what was, I believe, the last, thereabout, of
the enemy's forces maintaining their organiza
tion, and showing a disposition to dispute the
possession of the field of battle. In riding
over the ground, it seemed quite possible to
mark the line of a fugitive's flight. Here was
a musket, there a cartridge-box, there a
blanket or overcoat, a haversack, etc., as if
the runner had stripped himself, as he went,
of all impediments to speed.
" As we approached toward the left of our
line, the signs of an utter rout of the enemy
were unmistakable, and justified the conclu
sion that the watchword of ' On to Rich
mond ' had been changed to ' Off for Wash
ington.'
" On the extreme left of our field of opera
tions, I found the troops whose opportune
arrival had averted the impending disaster,
and so materially contributed to our victory.
ENGAGEMENT AT BULL RUN, 99
Some of them had, after arriving at the
Manassas railroad junction, hastened to our
left ; their brigadier-general, E. K. Smith,
was wounded soon after going into action,
and the command of the brigade devolved
upon Elzey, by whom it was gallantly and
skilfully led to the close of the battle ; others,
under the command of General (then Colonel)
Early, made a rapid march, under the press
ing necessity, from the extreme right of our
line to and beyond our left, so as to attack
the enemy in flank, thus inflicting on him the
discomfiture his oblique movement was de
signed to inflict upon us. All these troops
and the others near to them had hastened
into action without supplies or camp-equip
age ; weary, hungry, and without shelter,
night closed around them where they stood,
the blood-stained victors on a hard-fought
field. '
" It was reported to me that some of the
troops had been so long without food as to.
be suffering severe hunger, and that no sup
plies could be got where they were. I made
several addresses to them, all to the effect
that their position was that best adapted to a
pursuit of the enemy, and that they should
therefore remain there ; adding that I would
go to the headquarters and direct that sup
plies should be sent to them promptly.
ioo JEFFERSON DAVIS.
" General (then Colonel) Early, command
ing a brigade, informed me of some wounded
who required attention ; one, Colonel Gard
ner, was, he said, at a house not far from
where we were. I rode to see him, found him
in severe pain, and, from the twitching visible
and frequent, seemed to be threatened with
tetanus. A man sat beside him whose uni
form was that of the enemy ; but he was gen
tle, and appeared to be solicitously atten
tive. He said that he had no morphine, and
did not know where to get any. I found in
a short time a surgeon who went with me to
Colonel Gardner, having the articles necessary
in the case. Before leaving Colonel Gardner,
he told me that the man who was attending
to him might, without hindrance, have re
treated with his comrades, but had kindly re
mained with him, and he therefore asked my
protection for the man. I took the name and
the State of the supposed Good Samaritan,
and at army headquarters directed that he
should not be treated as a prisoner. The se
quel will be told hereafter.
" It was late, and we rode back in the
night, say seven miles, to the army head
quarters. I had not seen General Beaure-
gard on the field, and did not find him at
his quarters when we returned ; the promise
made to the troops was therefore communi-
ENGAGEMENT AT BULL RUN. 101
cated to a staff-officer, who said he would
have the supplies sent. At a later hour, when
I met General Beauregard and informed him
of what had occurred, he stated that, because
of a false alarm which had reached him, he
had ordered the troops referred to from the
left to the right of our line, so as to be in po
sition to repel the reported movement of the
enemy against that flank. That such an
alarm should have been credited, and a night
march ordered on account of it, shows how
little the completeness of the victory was
realized."
The army under McDowell numbered,
present for duty, 34,127.
The Confederate force present at the bat
tle and engaged, was 13,000.
When the first telegram came to Richmond
announcing the victory, the President said :
" Several cannon were captured." A less
reliable report said two, but I felt sure, with
his habitually cautious habit of under-state-
ment, he would have said two, if there were
not more, and so it proved to be. He was
the only person I have ever known, who, in
moments of triumph, or while moved by per
sonal distaste, or violent anger, habitually un
derstated what was achieved, or the provo
cation offered.
CHAPTER XL
CONFERENCES AFTER THE BATTLE OF MANASSAS.
MR. DAVIS thus continued the narrative :
" At a late hour of the night, I had a con
ference with Generals Johnston and Beaure-
gard ; the Adjutant - General of the latter,
Colonel Jordan, was present, and sat opposite
to me at the table.
" When, after some preliminary conversa
tion, I asked whether any troops had been
sent in pursuit of the enemy, I was answered
in the negative. Upon further inquiry as to
what troops were in the best position for pur
suit, and had been least fatigued during the
day, General Bonham's brigade was men
tioned. I then suggested that he should be
ordered in pursuit ; a pause ensued, until
Colonel Jordan asked me if I would dictate
the order. I at once dictated an order for
immediate pursuit. Some conversation fol
lowed, the result of which was a modification
of the order by myself, so that, instead of im
mediate pursuit, it should be commenced at
early dawn. Colonel Jordan spoke across
the table to me, saying, ' If you will send the
AFTER THE BATTLE OF MANASSAS. 103
order as you first dictated it, the enemy won't
stop till he gets into the Potomac/ I believe
I remember the words very nearly, and am
quite sure that I do remember them substan
tially. On March 25, 1878, I wrote to Gen
eral Beauregard as follows :
" 'DEAR SIR : Permit me to ask you to re
call the conference held between General
Johnston, yourself, and myself, on the night
after the close of the battle of Manassas ; and
to give me, if you can, a copy of the order
which I dictated, and which your Adjutant-
General, T. J. Jordan, wrote at my dictation,
directing Brigadier-General Bonham to fol
low the retreating enemy. If you cannot fur
nish a copy of the order, please give me your
recollection of its substance.
" ' Yours respectfully,
" ' JEFFERSON DAVIS/
" To this letter General Beauregard cour
teously replied that his order-book was in
New York, in the hands of a friend, to whom
he would write for a copy of the order de
sired if it be in said book, and that he would
also write to his adjutant, General Jordan,
for his recollection of the order, if it had not
been inscribed in the order-book.
" On April 29th, General Beauregard for-
104 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
warded to me the answer to his inquiries in
my behalf, as follows :
"'NEW YORK, 63 BROADWAY, April 18, 1878.
" ' MY DEAR GENERAL : In answer to your
note, I hasten to say that, properly, Mr. Da
vis is not to be held accountable for our failure
to pursue McDowell from the field of Manas-
sas on the night of July 21, 1861.
" ' As to the order, to which I presume Mr.
Davis refers in his note to you, I recollect the
incident very distinctly.
" ' The night of the battle, as I was about
to ascend to your quarters over my office,
Captain E. P. Alexander, of your staff, in
formed me that Captain , attached to Gen
eral Johnston's army of the Shenandoah, re
ported that he had been as far forward as
Centreville, where he had seen the Federal
army completely routed, and in fuir flight
toward Washington.
" ' This statement I at once repeated to Mr.
Davis, General Johnston, and yourself, whom
I found seated around your table Mr. Davis
at the moment writing a despatch to General
Cooper.
" ' As soon as I made my report, Mr. Davis,
with much animation, asserted the necessity
for an urgent pursuit that night by Bonham,
who, with his own brigade and that of Long-
AFTER TtiE BATTLE OF MANASSAS. io$
street, was in close proximity to Centreville
at the moment. So I took my seat at the
same table with you, and wrote the order for
pursuit, substantially at the dictation of Mr.
Davis. But while writing, either I hap
pened to remember, or Captain Alexander
himself as I am inclined to believe called
me aside to remind me, that his informant was
known among us of the old army as
because of eccentricities, and in contradistinc
tion with others of the same name. When I
repeated this reminder, Mr. Davis recalled
the sobriquet, as he had a precise personal
knowledge of the officers of the old army.
He laughed heartily, as did all present.
" ' The question of throwing General Bon-
ham forward that night, upon the unverified
report of Captain , was now briefly dis
cussed, with a unanimous decision against it;
therefore, the order was not despatched.
" ' It is proper to add in this connection
that, so far as I am aware and I had the op
portunity of knowing what occurred this
was the only instance during Mr. Davis's stay
at Manassas in which he exercised any voice
as to the movement of the troops. Profound
ly pleased by the junction of the two Confed
erate armies upon the very field of battle, his
bearing toward the generals who commanded
them was eminently proper, as I have testi-
io6 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
fied on a former occasion ; and, I repeat, he
certainly expressed or manifested no opposi
tion to a forward movement, nor did he dis
play the least disposition to interfere by
opinion or authority touching what the Con
federate forces should or should not do.
" * You having, at the close of the day, sur
rendered the command, which had been left
in your hands, over both Confederate armies
during the engagement, General Johnston
was that night in chief command. He was
decidedly averse to an immediate offensive,
and emphatically discountenanced it as im
practicable.
" ' Very truly your friend,
" ' THOMAS JORDAN.
"'To GENERAL P. G. T. BEAUREGARD,
New Orleans, La/ "
" General Beauregard, in his letter forward
ing the above, wrote : ' The account given
herewith by General Jordan of what occurred
there respecting further pursuit that night,
agrees with my own recollection/
" It was a matter of importance, as I re
garded it, to follow closely on the retreating
enemy, but it was of no consequence then or
now as to who issued the order for pursuit,
and, unless requested, I should not have dic
tated one, preferring that the generals to
AFTER THE BATTLE OF MAN ASS AS. 107
whom the operations were confided would is
sue all orders to the troops. I supposed the
order, as modified by myself, had been sent.
I have found, however, since the close of the
war, that it was not, but that an order to the
same effect was sent on the night of July 2ist,
for a copy of which I am indebted to the
kindness of that chivalrous gentleman, soldier,
and patriot, General Bonham. It is as fol
lows :
* ' * HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC,
MANASSAS, July 21, 1861.
" ' (Special order, No. 140.)
" ' I. General Bonham will send, as early as
practicable in the morning, a command of two
of his regiments of infantry, a strong force of
cavalry, and one field battery, to scour the
country and roads to his front, toward Cen-
treville. He will carry with him abundant
means of transportation for the collection of
our wounded, all the arms, ammunition, and
abandoned hospital stores, subsistence, and
baggage, which will be sent immediately to
these headquarters.
" ' General Bonham will advance with cau
tion, throwing out an advanced guard and
skirmishers on his right and left, and the ut
most caution must be taken to prevent firing
into our own men.
io8 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
" ' Should it appear, while this command is
occupied as directed, that it is insufficient for
the purposes indicated, General Bonham will
call on the nearest brigade commander for
support.
" ' II. Colonel P. St. George Cooke, com
manding, will despatch at the same time, for
similar purposes, a command of the same size
and proportions of infantry, artillery, and cav
alry, on the road via Stone Bridge ; and an
other command of two companies of infantry
and one of cavalry on the road by which the
enemy retreated, toward and via Sudley's
Mills.
" ' By command of Brigadier-General Beau-
regard.
" ' THOMAS JORDAN,
" * A. A. Adjutant- General!
" ' To BRIGADIER BONHAM.' '
" Impressed with the belief that the enemy
was very superior to us, both in numbers and
appointments, I had felt apprehension that,
unless pressed, he would recover from the
panic under which he fled from the field,
rally on his reserves, and renew the contest.
Therefore it was that I immediately felt the
necessity for a pursuit of the fugitives, and
insisted that the troops on the extreme left
should retain their position during the night
AFTER THE BATTLE OF MAN ASS AS. 109
of the 2 ist, as has been heretofore stated.
In conference with the generals that night,
this subject was considered, and I dictated an
order for a movement on the rear of the
enemy at early dawn, which, on account of
the late hour at which it was given, differed
very little from one for an immediate move
ment. A rainfall, extraordinary for its vio
lence and duration, occurred on the morning
of the succeeding day, so that, over places
where during the battle one could scarcely get
a drink of water, rolled torrents which, in the
afternoon of the 22d, it was difficult to cross.
" From these and other causes, the troops
were scattered to such an extent, that but few
commands could have been assembled for im
mediate service. It was well for us that the
enemy, instead of retiring in order so as to be
rallied and again brought to the attack, left
hope behind, and fled in dismay to seek for
safety beyond the Potomac.
" Each hour of the day following the bat
tle added to the evidence of a thorough rout
of the enemy. Abandoned wagons, stores,
guns, caissons, small-arms, and ammunition,
proved his complete demoralization. As far
as our cavalry went, no hostile force was met,
and all the indications favored the conclusion
that the purpose of invasion had for the time
been abandoned.
1 10 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
" The victory, though decisive and impor
tant, both in its moral and physical effect, had
been dearly bought by the sacrifice of the lives
of many of our bravest and best, who at the first
call of their country had rushed to its defence.
" When riding to the front, I met an ambu
lance bearing General Barnard Bee from the
field, where he had been mortally wounded,
after his patriotism had been illustrated by
conspicuous exhibitions of skill, daring, and
fortitude. Soon after, I learned that my
friend, Colonel Bartow, had heroically sealed
with his life-blood his faith in the sanctity of
our cause. He had been the chairman of the
Committee on Military Affairs in the Provi
sional Congress, and after the laws were en
acted to provide for the public defence, he
went to the field to maintain them. It is to
such virtuous and devoted citizens that a
country is indebted for its prosperity and
honor, as well in peace as in war.
" Reference has been made to the disper
sion of our troops after the battle, and in this
connection the following facts are mentioned :
In the afternoon of the 22d, with a guide sup
posed to be cognizant of the positions at
which the different commands would be
found, I went to visit the wounded, and
among them a youth of my family, who, it
was reported to me, was rapidly sinking.
AFTER THE BATTLE OF MAN ASS AS. in
After driving many miles, and witnessing
very painful scenes, but seldom finding the
troops in the position where my guide sup
posed them to be, and always disappointed
in discovering him I particularly sought, I
was, at the approach of night, about to aban
don the search, when, accidentally meeting
an officer of the command to which the youth
belonged, I was directed to the temporary
hospital to which the wounded of that com
mand had been removed. It was too late ;
the soul of the young soldier had just left the
body ; the corpse lay before me.* Around
him were many gentle boys, suffering in dif
ferent degrees from the wounds they had re
ceived. One bright, refined-looking youth
from South Carolina, severely, if not fatally,
wounded, responded to my expression of sym
pathy by the heroic declaration that it was
' sweet to die for such a cause/ t
" Many kindred spirits ascended to the
Father from that field of their glory. The
roll need not be recorded here ; it has a more
enduring depository than the pen can make
the traditions of a grateful people.
* While in the agonies of pain, and parched by thirst, some of
the ambulance corps came to take private Edward Anderson to the
hospital, but he pointed to a wounded man near him, saying,
"Take him, he may recover, I cannot."
f These two incidents were never mentioned by my huba.pd. with
out glistening eyes and faltering voice.
1 1 2 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
" On the night of the 22d, I held a second
conference with Generals Johnston and Beau-
regard. All the revelations of the day were
of the most satisfactory character, as to the
completeness of our victory. The large
amount gained of fine artillery, small-arms,
and ammunition, all of which were much
needed by us, was not the least gratifying
consequence of our success. The generals,
like myself, were all content with what had
been done.
" I propounded to them the inquiry as to
what it was practicable to do. They con
curred as to their inability to cross the Po
tomac, and to the further inquiry as to an ad
vance to the south side of the Potomac,
General Beauregard promptly stated that
there were strong fortifications there, occu
pied by garrisons which had not been in the
battle, and were therefore not affected by the
panic which had seized the defeated army.
He described these fortifications as having
wide, deep ditches, with palisades which
would prevent the escalade of the works.
Turning to General Johnston, he said,
' They have spared no expense.' It was
further stated in explanation that we had no
sappers and miners, nor even the tools re
quisite to make regular approaches. If we
had possessed both, the time required for
AFTER THE BATTLE OF MAN ASS AS. 113
such operations would have more than suf
ficed for General Patterson's army and other
forces to have been brought to that locality,
in such numbers as must have rendered the
attempt, with our present means, futile.
" This view of the matter rests on the sup
position that the fortifications and garrisons
described did actually exist, of which there
seemed then to be no doubt. If the reports
which have since reached us be true, that
there was at that time neither fortifications
nor troops stationed on the south bank of the
Potomac ; that all the enemy's forces fled to
the north side of the river, and even beyond ;
that the panic of the routed army infected the
whole population bf Washington City ; and
that no preparation was made, or even con
templated, for the destruction of the bridge
across the Potomac then it may have been,
as many have asserted, that our army, fol
lowing close upon the flying enemy, could
have entered and taken possession of the
United States capital. These reports, how
ever, present a condition of affairs altogether
at variance with the information on which we
had to act. Thus it was, and, so far as I
knew, for the reasons above stated, that an
advance to the south bank of the Potomac
was not contemplated as the immediate se
quence of the victory at Manassas."
VOL. II. 8
CHAPTER XII.
REFLECTIONS ON THE VICTORY.
MR. DAVIS continued : " The victory of
Manassas was certainly extraordinary, not only
on account of the disparity of our numbers
and the inferiority of our arms, but also be
cause of many other disadvantages under
which we labored. We had no disciplined
troops, and, though our citizens were gener
ally skilled in the use of small-arms, which,
with their high pride and courage, might com
pensate for the want of training while in posi
tion, these inadequately substituted military
instruction when manoeuvres had to be per
formed under fire, and could not make the
old-fashioned musket equal to the long-range,
new-model muskets with which the enemy
was supplied. The disparity in artillery was
still greater, both in the number and kinds of
guns ; but, thanks to the skill and cool cour
age of the Rev. Captain W. N. Pendleton, his
battery of light, smooth-bore guns, manned
principally by the youths whose rector he
had been, proved more effective in battle than
the long-range rifle-guns of the enemy. The
REFLECTIONS ON THE VICTORY. 115
character of the ground brought the forces
into close contact, and the ricochet of the
round balls carried havoc into the columns of
the enemy, while the bolts of their rifle-guns,
if they missed their object, penetrated harm
lessly into the ground.
" The field was very extensive, broken, and
wooded. The senior general had so recently
arrived that he had no opportunity minutely
to learn the ground, and the troops he brought
were both unacquainted with the field and
with those with whom they had to co-operate.
To all this must be added the disturbing fact
that the plan of battle, as originally designed,
was entirely changed by the movement of the
enemy on our extreme left, instead of right
and centre, as anticipated. The operations,
therefore, had to be conducted against the
plan of the enemy, instead of on that which
our generals had prepared and explained to
their subordinate commanders. The prompti
tude with which the troops moved, and the
readiness with which our generals modified
their preconceived plans to meet the necessi
ties as they were developed, entitled them to
the commendation so liberally bestowed at
the time by their countrymen at large.
" General Johnston had been previously
promoted to the highest grade in our army,
and I deemed it but a fitting reward for the
u6 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
services rendered by General Beauregard
that he should be promoted to the same grade,
to which accordingly I promoted him at once."
" I have related how, in riding over the
field of Manassas, I encountered a Federal
soldier of whom it was said that, although he
might have retreated in safety with the Federal
army, he had remained within our lines to
nurse a wounded Confederate officer, and that
I ordered that in consideration of his human
ity he should not be treated as a prisoner of
war. After the conference of the 22d, and
because of it, I decided to return to Richmond
and employ all the power of my office to in
crease the strength of the army, so as the
better to enable it to meet the public need,
whether in offensive defensive or purely
defensive operations, as opportunity should
offer for the one, or the renewal of invasion
require for the other.
"A short time subsequent to my return, a
message was brought to me, from the prison,
to the effect that a non-commissioned officer,
captured at Manassas, claimed to have a
promise of protection from me. The name
given was Hulbert, of Connecticut. I had
forgotten the name he gave when I saw him ;
but, believing that I would recognize the
person who had attended to Colonel Gardner,
and to whom only such a promise had been
REFLECTIONS ON THE VICTORY. 117
given, the officer in charge was directed to
send him to me. When he came I had no
doubt of his identity, and explained to him
that I had directed that he should not be
treated as a prisoner, but that, in the multi
tude of those wearing the same uniform as
his, some neglect or mistake had arisen, for
which I was very sorry, and that he should
be immediately released and sent down the
river to the neighborhood of Fortress Monroe,
where he would be among his own people.
He then told me that he had a sister residing
a few miles in the country, whom he would be
very glad to visit. Permission was given him
to do so, and a time fixed at which he was to
report for transportation ; and so he left, with
manifestations of thankfulness for the kind
ness with which he had been treated. In due
time a newspaper was received, containing
an account of his escape, and how he lingered
about the suburbs of Richmond and made
drawings of the surrounding fortifications.
The treachery was as great as if his drawings
had been valuable, which they could not have
been, as we had only then commenced the
detached works which were designed as a
system of defences for Richmond."
The following letter, written by a Virginia
soldier, illustrates the kindness of manner
which characterized Mr. Davis toward all
i r$ JEFFERSON DA vis.
subordinates. He was approachable by all,
even to the lowest in rank. The latter is
given in illustration.
" On Monday, July 22, 1861, the day after
the first battle of Manassas, it was raining
very hard ; President Davis, Beauregard,
and Johnston were holding a council of
war in a tent. A young Mr. Fauntleroy, of
my company, asked me to go with him on
a little matter of business, not telling me
what it was. He took me in the direction of
the Moss mansion, and upon reaching the
arched gateway we were confronted by a sen
tinel who promptly halted us. Fauntleroy re
monstrated, telling the sentinel that he must
see President Davis ; the sentinel refused, as
President Davis was holding a council of war.
Directly President Davis came out of the
tent, Fauntleroy and myself were then allowed
to pass. We reached there almost simultane
ously with the President he was half-way up
the steps. Fauntleroy hailed him, with, ' Is
that President Davis ? ' and he, in his inimita
bly bland way replied : ' Yes, sir/ and added,
' walk up, gentlemen, out of the rain/ We
declined with thanks, and Fauntleroy then
told him that he was T. K. Fauntleroy, of
Clarke County, Virginia, and wanted a com
mission in the regular Confederate army.
President Davis asked him if he was any
REFLECTIONS ON THE VICTORY. 119
relation to Colonel Fauntleroy of the United
States army ; he replied that he was his uncle.
" The President told him he was really glad
to meet him, and that if he lived to go back to
Richmond, he would send him a commission ;
to which Fauntleroy replied : 'Can I rely upon
you, Mr. President?' I was dumfounded, but
the President was equal to the occasion, and in
a manner that no man on earth could imitate
or use, quietly and gently said, ' You can' I
can never forget it.
"A month afterward, when we were in
camp near Fairfax Court-House, one morning,
a courier came up to where we were, bear
ing a commission to T. Kinloch Fauntleroy,
as lieutenant in the regular Confederate
army ; and I need not add that he was the
happiest man I ever saw. . . .
" JOSEPH H. SHEPARD."
CHAPTER XIII.
RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE FAILURE TO PURSUE.
I CONTINUE my husband's review of the
causes and responsibility for the failure of the
Confederate army to pursue the Federals
after the victory of Manassas, for those who
loved him could scarcely give the just and
impersonal account that he has, of the mis
representations which fell thick as hail from
his detractors upon him.
" When the smoke of battle had lifted from
the field of Manassas, and the rejoicing over
the victory had spread over the land and
spent its exuberance, some who, like Job's
war-horse ' sniffed the battle from afar,' but
in whom the likeness there ceased, censori
ously asked why the fruits of the victory had
not been gathered by the capture of Wash
ington City. Then some indiscreet friends of
the generals commanding in that battle, in
stead of the easier task of justification chose
the harder one of exculpation for the imputed
failure. Their ill-advised zeal, combined, per
haps, with malice against me. induced the al
legation that the President had prevented the
FAILURE To PURSUE. 121
generals from making an immediate and vig
orous pursuit of the routed enemy.
" This, as the other stories had been, was
left to the correction which time, it was hoped,
would bring ; the sooner, because it was ex
pected to be refuted by the reports of the
commanding generals with whom I had con
ferred on that subject immediately after the
battle.
" After considerable time had elapsed it
was reported to me that a member of Con
gress, who had served on that occasion as a
volunteer aid to General Beauregard, had
stated in the House of Representatives that I
had prevented the pursuit of the enemy after
his defeat at Manassas.
" This gave to the rumor such official char
acter and dignity as seemed to me to entitle it
to notice not hitherto given. Wherefore I
addressed to General Johnston the following
inquiry, which, though restricted in its terms
to the allegation, was of such tenor as left it
to his option to state all the facts connected
with the slander, if he should choose to do
me that justice, or should see the public inter
est involved in the correction, which, as stated
in my letter to him, was that which gave it, in
my estimation, its claim to consideration and
had caused me to address him on the sub
ject :
122 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
" ' RICHMOND, VA., November 3, 1861.
" ' GENERAL J. E. JOHNSTON, Commanding
Department of the Potomac.
" ' SIR : Reports have been and are being
widely circulated to the effect that I prevented
General Beauregard from pursuing the ene
my after the battle of Manassas, and had sub
sequently restrained him from advancing up
on Washington City. Though such state
ments may have been made merely for my
injury, and in that view might be postponed
to a more convenient season, they have ac
quired importance from the fact that they
have served to create distrust, to excite dis
appointment, and must embarrass the admin
istration in its further efforts to reinforce the
armies of the Potomac, and generally to pro
vide for the public defence. For these public
considerations I call upon you, as the com
manding general, and as a party to all the
conferences held by me on July 2ist and 22d,
to say whether I obstructed the pursuit of the
enemy after the victory of Manassas, or have
ever objected to an advance or other active
operation which it was feasible for the army
to undertake.
" ' Very respectfully yours, etc.,
" JEFFERSON DAVIS/
FAILURE TO PURSUE. 123
" ' HEADQUARTERS, CENTREVILLE,
November 10, 1861.
" ' To His EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT.
" ' SIR : I have had the honor to receive
your letter of the 3d instant, in which you call
upon me " as the commanding general, and as
a party to all the conferences held by you on
July 2 ist and 22d, to say whether you ob
structed the pursuit after the victory of Ma-
nassas, or have ever objected to an advance
or other active operation which it was feas
ible for the army to undertake ? "
" ' To the first question I reply, No ; the
pursuit was "obstructed" by the enemy's
troops at Centreville, as I have stated in my
official report. In that report I have also
said why no advance was made upon the
enemy's capital for reasons as follows :
" ' The apparent freshness of the United
States troops at Centreville, which checked
our pursuit, the strong forces occupying the
works near Georgetown, Arlington, and Alex
andria ; the certainty, too, that General Pat
terson, if needed, would reach Washington
with his army of more than thirty thousand
sooner than we could; and the condition and
inadequate means of the army in ammunition,
provisions, and transportation, prevented any
serious thought of advancing upon the Capi
tol.
124 J EPPERSON DAVIS.
" ' To the second question I reply that it has
never been feasible for the army to advance
farther than it has done to the line of
Fairfax Court - House, with its advanced
posts at Upton's, Munson's, and Mason's
Hill. After a conference at Fairfax Court-
House, with the three senior general officers,
you announced it to be impracticable to give
this army the strength which those officers
considered necessary to enable it to assume
the offensive. Upon which I drew it back
to its present position. Most respectfully,
your obedient servant,
"'J. E. JOHNSTON.'"
" This answer to my inquiry was conclusive
as to the charge which had been industrious
ly circulated, that I had prevented the imme
diate pursuit of the enemy and had obstructed
active operations after the battle of Manassas,
and thus had caused the failure to reap the
proper fruits of the victory.
" No specific inquiry was made by me as
to the part I took in the conferences of July
2 ist and 22d, but a general reference was
made to them. The entire silence of General
Johnston in regard to those conferences is
noticeable from the fact that, while his answer
was strictly measured by the terms of my in
quiry as to pursuit, he added a statement
FAILURE TO PURSUE. 125
about a conference at Fairfax Court- House,
which occurred in the autumn, say October,
and could have had no relation to the ques
tion of pursuit of the enemy after the victory
of Manassas, or other active operations there
with connected. The reasons stated in my
letter for making an inquiry, naturally pointed
to the conferences of July 2ist and 22d, but
surely not to a conference held months sub
sequent to the battle, and on a question quite
different from that of hot pursuit. In regard
to the matter of this subsequent conference I
shall have more to say hereafter.
" I left the field of Manassas proud of the
heroism of our troops in battle, and of the
conduct of the officers who led them. Anx
ious to recognize the claim of the army on
the gratitude of the country, it was my pleas
ing duty to bear testimony to their merit in
every available form.
" With all the information possessed at
the time by the commanding generals, the
propriety of maintaining our position while
seeking objects more easily obtained than
the capture of the United States capital,
seemed to me so demonstrable as to re
quire no other justification than the state
ments to which I have referred, in connec
tion with the conference of July 22d. It
would have seemed to me then, as it does
126 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
now,* to be less than was due to the energy
and fortitude of our troops, to plead a want
of transportation and supplies for a march of
about twenty miles through a country which
had not been denuded by the ravages of war.
" Under these impressions and with such
feelings, I wrote to General Beauregard as
follows :
" 'RICHMOND, VA., August 4, 1861.
" ' GENERAL BEAUREGARD, Manassas, Va.
" 'My DEAR SIR: I think you are unjust to
yourself in putting your failure to pursue the
enemy to Washington to the account of short
supplies of subsistence and transportation.
Under the circumstances of our army, and in
the absence of the knowledge since acquired,
if indeed the statements be true, it would
have been extremely hazardous to have done
more than was performed. You will not fail
to remember that, so far from knowing that
the enemy was routed, a large part of our
forces were moved by you, in the night of the
2 ist, to repel a supposed attack upon our
right, and that the next day's operations did
not fully reveal what has since been reported
of the enemy's panic. Enough was done for
glory, and the measure of duty was full. Let
us rather show the untaught that their desires
* This was written after deliberation in 1887.
FAILURE TO PURSUE. 127
are unreasonable, than, by dwelling on the
possibilities recently developed, give form and
substance to the criticisms always easy to
those who judge after the event.
" * With sincere esteem, I am your friend,
" ' JEFFERSON DAVIS.' '
" I had declared myself content and grati
fied with the conduct of the troops and the
officers, and supposed the generals, in recogni
tion of my efforts to aid them by increasing
their forces and munitions, as well as by my
abstinence from all interference with them
upon the field, would have had neither
cause nor motive to reflect upon me in their
reports, and it was with equal surprise and
regret that in this I found myself mistaken.
" General Johnston, in his report, repre
sented an order to him to make a junction
with General Beauregard as a movement left
to his discretion, with the condition that, if
made, he should first send his sick and bag
gage to Culpepper Court-House. I felt con
strained to put upon his report, when it was
received, the following endorsement :
" The telegram referred to by General
Johnston in this report, as received by him at
about one o'clock on the morning of July
1 8th, is inaccurately reported ; the following
is a copy :
128 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
"'RICHMOND, July 17, 1861.
" ' GENERAL J. E. JOHNSTON, Winchester, Va.
" ' General Beauregard is attacked. To
strike the enemy a decided blow a junction of
all your effective force will be needed. If
practicable make the movement, sending your
sick and baggage to Culpepper Court-House,
either by railroad or by Warrenton. In all
the arrangements exercise your discretion.
" ' S. COOPER,
" ' Adjutant and Inspector- General!
"The word ' after' is not found in the de
spatch before the words ' sending your sick,'
as is stated in the report ; so that the argu
ment based on it requires no comment. The
order to move ' if practicable,' had reference
to General Johnston's letters of July I2th and
1 5th, representing the relative strength and
positions of the enemy under Patterson, and
of his own forces, to be such as to make it
doubtful whether General Johnston had the
power to effect the movement.
" Upon the receipt of General Beauregard's
report of the battle of Manassas, I found that
it contained matter which seemed to me out
of place, and therefore addressed to him the
following letter :
FAILURE TO PURSUE. 129
" 'RICHMOND, VA., October 30, 1861.
" ' GENERAL BEAUREGARD, Manassas, Va.
" ' SIR : Yesterday my attention was called
to various newspaper publications, purporting
to have been sent from Manassas, and to be
a synopsis of your report of the battle of July
2 ist, last, and in which it is represented that
you have been overruled by me in your plan
for a battle with the enemy, south of the Po
tomac, for the capture of Baltimore and
Washington, and the liberation of Maryland.
" ' I inquired for your long-expected report,
and it has been to-day submitted for my in
spection. It appears, by official endorsement,
to have been received by the Adjutant-Gen
eral on October i8th, though it is dated Au
gust 26, 1861.
" * With much surprise I found that the
newspaper statements were sustained by the
text of your report. I was surprised, be
cause if we did differ in opinion as to the
measure and purposes of contemplated cam
paigns, such facts could have no appropriate
place in the report of a battle; further, be
cause it seemed to be an attempt to exalt
yourself at my expense ; and, especially, be
cause no such plan as that described was
submitted to me. It is true that, some time
before it was ordered, you expressed a de
sire for the junction of General Johnston's
VOL. ii. Q
1 3 o JEFFERSON DAVIS.
army with your own. The movement was
postponed until the operations of the enemy
rendered it necessary, and until it became
thereby practicable to make it with safety to
the Valley of Virginia. Hence I believe was
secured the success by which it was attended.
" ' If you have retained a copy of the plan of
campaign which you say was submitted to me
through Colonel Chesnut, allow me to re
quest that you will furnish me with a dupli
cate of it.
" ' Very respectfully yours, etc.
" ' JEFFERSON DAVIS/
" As General Beauregard did not think it
proper to omit that portion of his report to
which objection was made, it necessitated,
when the entire report was transmitted to
Congress, the placing of an endorsement upon
it reviewing that part of the report which I
considered objectionable. The Congress in
its discretion, ordered the publication of the
report, except that part to which the endorse
ment referred, thereby judiciously suppress
ing both the endorsement and the portion of
the report to which it related. In this case
and every other official report ever submitted
to me, I made neither alteration nor eras
ure.
" That portion of the report which was sup-
FAILURE TO PURSUE. 131
pressed by the Congress has, since the war,
found its way into the press, but the endorse
ment that belongs to it has not been pub
lished. As part of the history of the time, I
here present both in their proper connection :
" ' GENERAL S. COOPER, AdjiUant and In
spector-General, Richmond, Va.
" ' Before entering upon a narration of the
general military operations in the presence of
the enemy on July 2ist, I propose, I hope not
unreasonably, first to recite certain events
which belong to the strategy of the campaign,
and consequently form an essential part of the
history of the battle.
" ' Having become satisfied that the advance
of the enemy with a decidedly superior force,
both as to numbers and war equipage, to at
tack or to turn my position in this quarter, was
immediately impending, I despatched on July
1 3th one of my staff, Colonel James Ches-
nut, of South Carolina, to submit, for the con
sideration of the President, a plan of opera
tions substantially as follows :
" ' I proposed that General Johnston should
unite, as soon as possible, the bulk of the
army of the Shenandoah with that of the Po
tomac, then under my command, leaving only
sufficient force to garrison his strong works
at Winchester, and to guard the five defensive
1 3 2 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
passes of the Blue Ridge, and thus hold Pat
terson in check. At the same time Brigadier-
General Holmes was to march hither with all
his command not essential for the defence of
the position at Acquia Creek. These junctions
having been effected at Manassas, an imme
diate impetuous attack of our combined armies
upon General McDowell was to follow, as
soon as he approached my advanced position
at and around Fairfax Court-House, with the
inevitable result, as I submitted, of his com
plete defeat and the destruction or capture of
his army. This accomplished, the army of
the Shenandoah, under General Johnston,
increased with a part of my forces and re
joined, as he returned, by the detachment left
to hold the mountain-passes, was to march
back rapidly into the Valley, fall upon and
crush Patterson with a superior force, where
soever he might be found. This, I confident
ly estimated, could be achieved within fifteen
days after General Johnston should march
from Winchester for Manassas.
" ' Meanwhile, I was to occupy the enemy's
works on this side of the Potomac, if, as I
anticipated, he had been so routed as to en
able me to enter them with him ; or if not, to
retire again for a time within the lines of Bull
Run with my main force. Patterson having
been virtually destroyed, then General John-
FAILURE TO PURSUE.
133
ston would reinforce General Garnett suffi
ciently to make him superior to his opponent
(General McClellan), and able to defeat that
officer. This done, General Garnett was to
form an immediate junction with General
Johnston, who was forthwith to cross the
Potomac into Maryland with his whole force,
arouse the people as he advanced to the re
covery of their political rights and the de
fence of their homes and families from an
offensive invader, and then march to the in
vestment of Washington, in the rear, while I
resumed the offensive in front. This plan of
operations, you are aware, was not accepta
ble at the time, from considerations which
appeared so weighty as to more than coun
terbalance its proposed advantages. In
formed of these views and of the decision of
the War Department, I then made my prepa
rations for the stoutest practicable defence of
the line of Bull Run, the enemy having de
veloped his purpose, by the advance on, and
occupation of, Fairfax Court-House, from
which my advance brigade had been with
drawn.
" ' The War Department having been in
formed by me, by telegraph, on July I7th, of
the movement of General McDowell, General
Johnston was immediately ordered to form a
junction of his army corps with mine, should
I 3 4 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
the movement in his judgment be deemed
advisable. General Holmes was also directed
to push forward, with two regiments, a bat
tery, and one company of cavalry.' '
" The order issued by the War Department
to General Johnston was not, as herein re
ported, to form a junction * should the move
ment in his judgment be deemed advisable/
The following is an accurate copy of the
order :
" ' General Beauregard is attacked. To
strike the enemy a decisive blow, a junction
of all your effective force will be needed. If
practicable make the movement, sending your
sick and baggage to Culpepper Court-House,
either by railroad or by Warrenton. In all of
the arrangements exercise your discretion.' '
" The words ' if practicable ' had reference
to letters of General Johnston of July i2th
and 1 5th, which made it extremely doubtful if
he had the power to make the movement, in
view of the relative strength and position of
Patterson's forces as compared with his own.
" The plan of campaign reported to have
been submitted, but not accepted, and to have
led to a decision of the War Department,
cannot be found among its files, nor any refer
ence to any decision made upon it ; and it
was not known that the army had advanced
beyond the line of Bull Run, the position pre-
FAILURE TO PURSUE. 135
viously selected by General Lee, and which
was supposed to have continued to be the de
fensive line occupied by the main body of our
forces. Inquiry has developed the fact that
a message, to be verbally delivered, was sent
by the Honorable Mr. Chesnut. If the con
jectures recited in the report were entertained,
they rested on the accomplishment of one
great condition, namely, that a junction of
the forces of General Johnston and Holmes
should be made with the army of General
Beauregard and should gain a victory. The
junction was made, the victory was won ; but
the consequences that were predicted did not
result. The reasons why no such conse
quences could result are given in the closing
passages of the reports of both the command
ing generals, and the responsibility cannot be
transferred to the Government at Richmond,
which certainly would have united in any
feasible plan to accomplish such desirable
results.
" If the plan of the campaign mentioned in
the report had been presented in a written
communication, and in sufficient detail to per
mit proper investigation, it must have been
pronounced to be impossible at that time, and
its proposal could only have been accounted
for by the want of information of the forces
and positions of the armies in the field. The
136 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
facts which rendered it impossible are the
following :
" I. It was based, as related from memory
by Colonel Chesnut, on the supposition of
drawing a force of about 25,000 men from the
command of General Johnston. The letters of
General Johnston show his effective force to
have been only 11,000, with an enemy 30,000
strong in his front, ready to take possession
of the Valley of Virginia on his withdrawal.
" II. It proposed to continue operations by
effecting a junction of a part of the victorious
forces with the army of General Garnett, in
Western Virginia. General Garnett's forces
amounted only to 3 or 4,000 men, then known
to be in rapid retreat before vastly superior
forces under McClellan, and the news that
he was himself killed and his army scattered
arrived within forty-eight hours of Colonel
Chesnut's arrival in Richmond.
" III. The plan was based on the improb
able and inadmissible supposition that the
enemy was to wait everywhere, isolated and
motionless, until our forces could effect junc
tions to attack them in detail.
" IV. It could not be expected that any suc
cess obtainable on the battle-field would en
able our forces to carry the fortifications
on the Potomac, garrisoned, and within sup
porting distance of fresh troops ; nor, after
FAILURE TO PURSUE. 137
the actual battle and victory, did the generals
on the field propose an advance on the Capi
tol ; nor does it appear that they since have
believed themselves- in a condition to attempt
such a movement.
" It is proper also to observe that there is
no communication on file in the War Depart
ment, as recited at the close of the report,
showing" what were the causes which pre
vented the advance of our forces and a pro
longed, vigorous pursuit of the enemy to and
beyond the Potomac."
I reproduce these evidences of the injus
tice of the slanders that attributed to my
husband the failure to follow the victory at
Manassas, because they have been repro
duced in book form, and may be regarded in
foreign lands as Confederate authorities. I
learn the refutations have not been seen by
writers who otherwise would have been im
partial historians of the war between the
States, and have far from exhausted the proof
of the absolute verity of my husband's refuta
tion ; but I have quoted enough to enable
the reader to see the gross injustice of the
accusation that he was responsible for the
non-action of our armies.
CHAPTER XIV.
GENERAL JOHNSTON'S CORRESPONDENCE.
AFTER the battle of Manassas the Confed
erate army settled down in camp at and
around Centreville.
Although after combining the armies of
Generals Johnston and Beauregard at Man
assas the command of the whole would un
questionably devolve upon General Johnston,
matters did not apparently run smoothly be
tween the two generals, and conflicts of au
thority occurred, as will appear by the follow
ing letters and telegrams.*
In fact, General Johnston brooked no in
terference with his command, even by his su
periors in the government at Richmond.
On July 24, 1861, General J. E. Johnston
wrote to General Cooper, the Adjutant-Gen
eral, as follows :
" GENERAL : Lieutenant-Colonel Maury re
ported to me this morning as A. A. G., be
ing assigned to that place by General Lee. I
had already selected Major Rhett for the po-
* Published for the first time.
GEN. JOHNSTON'S CORRESPONDENCE. 139
sition in question, who had entered upon its
duties, and can admit the power of no officer of
the Army to annul my order on the subject
nor can I admit the claim of any officer to
the command of ( the forces? being myself the
ranking General of the Confederate Army*
" Let me add that I have a high opinion of
Lieutenant-Colonel Maury as an officer, and
warm personal regard for him.
" Most respectfully,
" Your obedient servant,
" JOSEPH E. JOHNSTON,
" General C. S. A"
Upon this letter President Davis endorsed
the word, " insubordinate."
On July 29, 1 86 1, General Johnston wrote
again to General Cooper :
"HEADQUARTERS, MANASSAS, July 29, 1861.
" GENERAL : I had the honor to write to you
on the 24th instant on the subject of my rank
compared with that of other officers of the
Confederate Army. Since then I have re
ceived daily orders purporting to come from
the ' Head Quarters of the forces' some of
them in relation to the internal affairs of this
army.
* The italics are the author's.
HO JEFFERSON DAVIS.
" Such orders I cannot regard, because they
are illegal.
" Permit me to suggest that orders should
come from your office.
" Most respectfully,
" Your obedient servant,
" J. E. JOHNSTON,
" General C. S. A. "
Upon this letter President Davis also en
dorsed the word "insubordinate."
On August i, 1 86 1, President Davis wrote
to General Johnston at Manassas as follows :
" We are anxiously looking for official
reports of the battle of Manassas, and have
present need to know what supplies and
wagons were captured. I wish you would
have prepared a statement of your wants in
transportation and supplies of all kinds, to
put your army on a proper footing for active
operations. .
" I am as ever your friend,
(Signed) " JEFFERSON DAVIS."
General Johnston apparently becoming
more and more impatient and irritated at af
fairs at Centreville and at Richmond, wrote to
the President under date of September loth,
as follows :
GEN. JOHNSTON'S CORRESPONDENCE. 141
" MANASSAS, September 10, 1861.
" His EXCELLENCY, THE PRESIDENT.
" SIR : It was said that during the past
summer I have been censured by the two per
sons in Richmond highest in military rank,
for not having assumed command of this
army, and that they complain of the incon
venience to the service which had been pro
duced thereby.
" Permit me to say that this accusation is
untrue. I am, and have been, in command
of the army. Have felt the responsibility of
that command, and understood that, even if
so disposed, I could not put it aside,
" The fact that I treat General Beauregard
in the manner due to the commander of a
corps d'armee, not in the manner usual from
a United States colonel to his next in rank,
must have produced this impression. Let me
remind you, too, that in an army which has
been almost stationary, there are few orders
necessary to the commander of an army
corps.
" Having heard no specification of incon
veniences, I shall not attempt specific defence,
but will venture to say that the inconven
iences perceived in the army have been
thought by it to have been produced in Rich
mond.
" I have taken the liberty, more than once,
142 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
to suggest to you to assume the military func
tions of the Presidency, and to command on
this northern frontier. I thought my mean
ing was very plainly expressed. I find I was
mistaken, and that you regard one of the
last expressions of this idea as not applicable
to yourself. I may have written carelessly
because, being by our laws next in military
place to yourself, it did not occur to me that
anyone else could be supposed to be thought
of. In offering this suggestion, I was prompt
ed by the idea that such a course on your
part would prevent any political agitation in
the country.
" Most respectfully,
" Your obedient servant,
" J. E. JOHNSTON, General''
" I could not doubt from your letters to
me that you considered me as commanding
this army. " J. E. JOHNSTON."
"RICHMOND, VA., September 13, 1861.
" GENERAL J. E. JOHNSTON, Manassas, Va.
" MY DEAR GENERAL : Yours of the loth
instant is before me, and I can only suppose
that you have been deceived by someone
of that class in whose absence ' the strife
ceaseth.' While you were in the Valley of
Virginia, your army and that of General
GEN. JOHNSTON'S CORRESPONDENCE. 143
Beauregard were independent commands ;
when you marched to Manassas, the forces
joined and did duty together. I trust the
two officers highest in military rank in Rich
mond were too well informed to have doubted
in either case as to your power and duty.
" Persons have talked here of the command
of yourself and Beauregard as separate armies,
and complaints have been uttered to the effect
that you took the reinforcements and guns
for your own army ; but to educated soldiers
this could only seem the muttering of the un-
instructed, the rivalry of those who did not
comprehend that unity was a necessity, a law
of existence.
" Not having heard the accusations, I am
like yourself ignorant of the specifications, and
will add that I do not believe any disposition
has existed on the part of the gentlemen to
whom you refer to criticise, still less to de
tract from, you. If they believed that you did
not exercise command over the whole it was,
I doubt not, ascribed to delicacy.
" You are not mistaken in your construc
tion of my letters having been written to you
as the Commanding General. I have, how
ever, sometimes had to repel the idea that
there was a want of co-operation between
yourself and the second in command, or a
want of recognition of your position as the
144 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
senior and commanding general of all the
forces serving at or near the field of your late
brilliant achievements.
" While writing, it occurs to me that state
ments have been made, and official applica
tions received, in relation to staff officers
which suggested a contingence of separation
rather than unity in the ' army of the Poto
mac.'
" I did not understand your suggestion as
to a commander-in-chief for your army. The
laws of the Confederacy in relation to gen
erals have provisions which are new and un
settled by decisions, their provisions special,
and as the attention of Congress was called to
what might be regarded as a conflict of laws,
their action was confined to the fixing of dates
for the generals of the Confederate States
Army. " Your friend,
" JEFFERSON DAVIS."
Before the receipt of the foregoing letter
of the President, General Johnston addressed
him as follows :
" HEADQUARTERS, MANASSAS, September 12, 1861.
" SIR : I have had the honor to receive
through the War Department a copy of the
proceedings of Congress on August 31, 1861,
confirming the nominations made by the Pres-
GEN. JOHNSTON'S CORRESPONDENCE. 145
ident of the Confederate States of five Gen
erals of the Confederate Army and fixing their
relative rank.
" I will not affect to disguise the surprise
and mortification produced in my mind by the
action taken in this matter by the President
and by Congress. I beg to state further,
with the most profound respect for both
branches of the Government, that these pro
ceedings are in violation of my rights as an
officer, of the plighted faith of the Confeder
acy, and of the Constitution and laws of the
land. Such being my views, lest my silence
should be deemed significant of acquiescence,
it is a duty as well as a right on my part, at
once to enter my earnest protest against the
wrong which I conceive has been done me.
I now and here declare my claim that, not
withstanding the nominations made by the
President, and their confirmation by Congress,
I still rightfully hold the rank of first Gen
eral in the armies of the Southern Confed
eracy. I will proceed briefly to state the
grounds upon which I rest this claim.
" The act of the Confederate Congress of
March 6, 1861, section 8, amended by that
of March 14, 1861, section 2, creates the
grade of Brigadier-General as the highest
rank in their service, and provides that there
shall be five officers of that grade. The fifth
VOL. II. 10
146 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
section of the last-named act enacts * That in
all cases of officers who have resigned, or who
may within six months tender their resigna
tion from the army of the United States, and
who have been or may be appointed to orig
inal vacancies in the army of the Confederate
States, the commissions issued shall have
been one and the same date, so that the rel
ative rank of officers shall be determined by
their former commissions in the United States
Army held anterior to the secession of the
Confederate States from the United States.'
" Under these laws, on May 13, 1861, R.
E. Lee and myself were nominated as Briga
dier-Generals in the Confederate States Army.
Samuel Cooper had been nominated to the
same grade and confirmed a few weeks pre
viously.
" The nominations of myself and R. E. Lee
were confirmed by Congress promptly. Each
of the three had resigned his commission in
the United States Army in accordance with
the terms of the law. The other two had re
signed colonelcies, but the commission which
I had resigned was that of a Brigadier-Gen
eral. It is plain, then, that under these laws
I was the officer first in rank in the Confed
erate Army. Two or three days afterward,
on May i6th, Congress, by the second section
of its act of that date, enacted, ' That the five
GEN. JOHNSTON'S CORRESPONDENCE. 147
general officers provided by existing laws
for the Confederate States shall have the
rank and denomination of " General" instead
of " Brigadier-General," which shall be the
highest military grade known to the Confed
erate States. They shall be assigned to such
commands and duties as the President may
specially direct, and shall be entitled to the
same pay/ etc.
" I conceive, and I submit to the careful
consideration of the Government, that this sec
tion of the act last cited operated in two ways :
i. It abolished the grade of Brigadier-Gen
eral in the Confederate Army. 2. It at once,
by the mere force of law, raised the three of
ficers already named to the rank and denom
ination of ' General ' in the army of the Con
federate States. The right, therefore, which
I claim to my rank is founded on this act.
Congress by its act, the President by his ap
proval of it, at once made us Generals. It is
clear that such likewise was the construction
of both branches of the Government, else why
were not nominations made then ? It was a
time of flagrant war. Either we were Gener
als, or the army and country were left without
such officers. Our former grade had been
abolished. We were not Brigadier-Generals,
we were nothing, and could perform no mili
tary duty, exercise no command. I think it
148 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
clear that I was a General by the plain terms
of the law. It is plain from the action of the
President and Congress that such was their
construction, as I was at once ordered to Har
per's Ferry to take command in the valley of
Virginia, and the President soon after placed
three Brigadier - Generals under my orders.
In hurrying to assume the command in the
valley of Virginia, I did not wait for my com
mission to be sent to me. I did not doubt
that it would be made out, for I was per
suaded that it was my right, and had no idea
that there was any purpose of withholding it.
I remained two months in the valley, too ear
nestly engaged in the public service to busy
myself particularly in my personal interests.
But when the emergencies of the campaign
required me to march to Manassas, and to act
with another general officer, I appreciated
the importance and the indispensable neces
sity of not leaving the question of rank open
or doubtful between us. With this view I
transmitted a telegraphic despatch to the
President on July 2Oth, inquiring, in the sim
plest and most direct terms, what my rank
was. He replied that I was a General. The
battle of Manassas ensued on the next day.
The President came in person to participate
in it, but reached the scene of action soon af
ter the close of the struggle. The morning
GEN. JOHNSTON'S CORRESPONDENCE. 14$
after the battle he announced his purpose to
elevate General Beauregard to the rank of
General. He returned to Richmond the en
suing day. The nomination was made imme
diately on his return, and was promptly con
firmed by Congress. General Beauregard
then became a General and ranked me unless
I was such by virtue of the act of Congress
on May i6th, already referred to. Yet from
the time of General Beauregard's appoint
ment to the day of the renewed nominations
I continued to act as the commanding Gen
eral of the ' Army of the Potomac/ under the
authority of the President and of the Depart
ment of War. Thus it appears that I have
the sanction of the President to my claim of
rank under the act of Congress. In addition
to this, my rank was expressly recognized by
Congress also in the resolutions adopted by
that body returning the thanks of Congress
to General Johnston, to General Beauregard,
and to the officers and soldiers of the army
for the victory of Manassas.
" Thus stood matters when the recent nom
inations were made. But one additional name
was offered that of A. S. Johnston. His
commission in the army of the United States
had been that of Colonel. I as resigning the
higher rank in that army, was, by the provi
sions of the act of Congress of March 14, 1 86 1,
150 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
and the plighted faith of the Government of
the Confederate States, the General first in
rank in their armies. By that act and that of
May 16, 1861, the rank would stand thus : J.
E. Johnston, S. Cooper, A. S. Johnston, R. E.
Lee, G. T. Beauregard.*
" I held, and claim to hold, my rank as Gen
eral under the act of May 16, 1861. I was a
General thenceforth or never. I had the full
authority of the constitutional Government of
the Confederate States to sustain me. Here
tofore those who disputed my authority as
General have done so because they denied
the existence of the Government whose officer
I claimed to be. Now that Government joins
the hostile power in denying my authority.
When I sent back the missives of the Gov-
* In a letter from the President, in answer to one of mine regretting
that General Johnston should feel annoyed, as he was a friend and
his wife was very dear to me, I find this remark : " General Johnston
does not remember that he did not leave the United States Army
to enter the Confederate States Army, but that he entered the Army
of Virginia, and when Virginia joined the Confederacy he came to
the Confederate States ; also that in the Virginia Army he was the
subordinate of Lee, and that they were nominated to our Provisional
Congress at the same time and with the same relative rank they had
in Virginia. The Quartermaster-General had only assimilated or
protective rank, and from it derived no right to command, but by law
was prohibited from exercising command of troops." General John
ston's promotion under the old Government to be Quartermaster-
General was violently opposed in the Senate, and Mr. Davis, then a
Senator, spoke for the greater part of two hours to carry the point,
and did so, and received General Johnston's acknowledgments for
the service.
GEN. JOHNSTONS CORRESPONDENCE. 151
ernment of the United States, because they ig
nored the Government which I served and ac
knowledged, I little thought that one of the
acts of that Government would be to ignore me
as its officer, by trampling upon its own solemn
legislative and executive action. The nomina
tion seeks to annul the irrevocable part, and to
make me such only from the 4th day of July.
The present, and so far as human legislation
may operate, the future, may be controlled by
Congress. Human power cannot affect the
past. Congress may vacate my commission
arid reduce me to the ranks. It cannot make
it true that I was not a General before July
4, 1861.
" The effect of the course pursued is this:
It transfers me from the position first in rank
to that of fourth. The relative rank of the
others among themselves is unaltered. It
is plain that this is a blow aimed at me only.
It reduces my rank in the grade I hold. This
has never been done heretofore in the regu
lar service in America but by the sentence of
a court-martial as a punishment and as a dis
grace for some military offence. It seeks to
tarnish my fair fame as a soldier and as a man,
earned by more than thirty years of laborious
and perilous service. I had but this the
scars of many wounds, all honestly taken in my
front and in the front of battle, and my father's
\& JEFFERSON DAVIS.
revolutionary sword. It was delivered to
from his venerable hand without a stain of dis
honor. Its blade is still unblemished as when
it passed from his hand to mine. I drew it
in the war, not for rank or fame, but to defend
the sacred soil, the homes and hearths, the
women and children, ay, and the men of my
mother, Virginia my native South. It may
hereafter be the sword of a general leading
armies, or of a private volunteer. But while I
live and have an arm to wield it, it shall never
be sheathed until the freedom, independence,
and full rights of the South are achieved.
When that is done, it may well be a matter of
small concern to the Government, to Congress,
or to the country, what my rank or lot may be.
" I shall be satisfied if my country stands
among the powers of the world free, power
ful, and victorious, and that I as a general, a
lieutenant, or a volunteer soldier, have borne
my part in the glorious strife, and contributed
to the final blessed consummation.
" What has the aspect of a studied indig
nity is offered me. My noble associate with
me in the battle has his preferment connected
with the victory won by our common trials
and dangers. His commission bears the date
of July 21, 1 86 1, but care seems to be taken
to exclude the idea that I had any part in
winning our triumph.
GEN. JOtiNSTON^S CORRESPONDENCE. 153
" My commission is made to bear such a
date that my once inferiors in the service of
the United States and of the Confederate
States shall be above me. But it must not
be dated as of July 2ist, nor be suggestive of
the victory of Manassas.
" I return to my first position. I repeat
that my rank as General is established by
the acts of Congress of March 14, 1861, and
May 1 6, 1861. To deprive me of that rank
it was necessary for Congress to repeal these
laws. That could be done by express leg
islative act alone. It was not done, it could
not be done by a mere vote in secret session
upon a list of nominations.
" If the action against which I have pro
tested is legal, it is not for me to question the
expediency of degrading one who has served
laboriously from the commencement of the
war on this frontier, and borne a prominent
part in the only great event of that war, for
the benefit of persons neither of whom has
yet struck a blow for this Confederacy.
" These views and the freedom with
which they are presented may be unusual,
so likewise is the occasion which calls them
forth.
" I have the honor to be, most respectfully,
" Your obedient servant,
" J. E. JOHNSTON, General''
154 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
To which letter Mr. Davis briefly replied
as follows :
"RICHMOND, VA., September 14, 1861.
" GENERAL J. E. JOHNSTON :
" SIR : I have just received and read your
letter of the i2th instant. Its language is, as
you say, unusual ; its arguments and state
ments utterly one-sided, and its insinuations
as unfounded as they are unbecoming.
" I am, etc.,
" JEFFERSON DAVIS."
General Johnston in his " Narrative " re
specting the foregoing letter says :
" I wrote the President such a statement
as the preceding (referring to his rank in the
army of the United States), and also ex
pressed my sense of the wrong done me.
" But in order that the sense of injury
might not betray me into the use of language
improper for an officer to the President, I laid
aside the letter for two days, and then ex
amined it dispassionately. I believe, and was
confident that what it contained was not im
proper to be said to the President, nor im
properly said. The letter was therefore de
spatched.
" It is said to have irritated him, and that
his irritation was freely expressed."
GEN. JOHNSTONS CORRESPONDENCE. 155
Those who have read the telegrams and
letters from the President sent to General
Johnston up to the date of the above-men
tioned letter, will observe the kind, courte
ous and friendly tone in which the Presi
dent always addressed him, and it is not
to be wondered at that it produced the
"irritation'' (if nothing more) that General
Johnston mentions. That it did not inter
fere, however, with their " official " relations
will be observed in their later correspond
ence.
General Johnston's remark that the Presi
dent's irritation was freely expressed shows
either a desire to justify himself for constant
strictures upon the President, or that he ig
nored the President's reticent temper. In the
whole period of his official relation to General
Johnston, in the confidence of family inter
course, I never heard him utter a word in de
rogation of General Johnston, though he of
ten differed from him in his views of military
strategy.
Of camp gossip one would suppose that a
man so eminent as General Johnston would
take no cognizance, still less repeat it as the
substance of a charge against another.
In connection with the foregoing letter of
General Johnston, it may be as well to give
here the roster of the " Generals " of the
156 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Confederate army in 1861-62. They were as
follows :
Samuel Cooper, to rank May 16, 1861.
Albert Sidney Johnston, to rank May 30,
1 861.
Robert E. Lee, to rank June 14, 1861.
J. E. Johnston, to rank July 4, 1861.
G. T. Beauregard, to rank July 21, 1861.
Braxton Bragg, to rank April 12, 1862.
To explain even more fully the position
taken by Mr. Davis in assigning the above-
named officers to their relative rank, the
following extract is taken from " Destruction
and Reconstruction " by General Richard
Taylor. He writes :
" Near the close of President Buchanan's
administration, in 1860, died General Jessup,
Quartermaster-General of the United States
Army ; and J. E. Johnston, then Lieutenant-
Colonel of Cavalry, was appointed to the
vacancy.
" Now the Quartermaster-General had the
rank, pay, and emoluments of a Brigadier-
General ; but the rank was staff, and by law
this officer could not exercise command over
the troops unless by special assignment.
When, in the spring of 1861, the officers in
question entered the service of the Confeder
acy, Cooper had been Adjutant-General of
the United States Army, with the rank of
GEN. JOHNSTON'S CORRESPONDENCE. 157
Colonel ; Albert Sidney Johnston, Colonel,
and Brigadier- General by brevet, and on duty
as such ; Lee, Lieutenant- Colonel of Caval
ry, senior to J. E. Johnston in the line before
the latter's appointment above mentioned ;
Beauregard, Major of Engineers.
" General Beauregard, who about this time
was transferred to the Army of the West,
commanded by Albert Sidney Johnston, was
also known to have grievances. . . . In
discreet persons at Richmond, claiming the
privilege and discharging the duty of friend
ship, gave tongue to loud and frequent plaints,
and increased the confusion of the hour."
In a letter to Honorable James Lyons, of
Richmond, Va., dated August 30, 1878, Mr.
Davis says :
" In relation to the complaint of my giving
General Lee the higher rank, I have only to
say that it seems to me quite absurd. Of
the two, General Lee had the higher rank as
a cadet ; came out of Mexico with a higher
brevet ; had the higher rank in the cavalry of
the United States ; had the higher rank in
the Army of Virginia, from which they both
came to join the Confederate Army, and was
named first when both were nominated to the
Congress for commissions as Brigadier-Gen
erals of the Confederacy. It is true General
Johnston, as Quartermaster- General of the
158 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
United States, had the staff commission as
Brigadier-General. It is equally true that he
was prohibited by virtue of that commission
from assuming command of troops.
" I suppose he knew that when he was
nominated to be Quartermaster-General. I
was chairman of the Committee on Military
Affairs, reported the nomination with the rec
ommendation that he be confirmed ; that it
met serious opposition, and that all my power
and influence were required to prevent its
rejection.
" In that contest I had no aid from the
Senators of Virginia, perhaps because of their
want of confidence in Mr. Floyd.
" If Mason were living, he could tell more
of this than I am disposed to say."
An officer of the War Department at Wash
ington, when sending Mr. Davis, in Septem
ber, 1880, copies of General Johnston's letters
of March, 1862, said: "The official records
when published will not add to, but greatly
detract from, General Johnston's reputation."
He adds : " I can hardly conceive how you
(Mr. Davis) could so long have borne with
the ' snarly tone ' of his letters, which he
wrote at all times and on all pretexts."
CHAPTER XV.
THE OPPOSITION OF CONGRESS TO THE PRESI
DENT.
THE term of the Provisional Congress was
now rapidly drawing" to a close. The newly
elected senators and members were to be
sworn in, and the President's co-laborers in
the formative period of the Government were
to go out of office. Many of them were val
ued friends, and had a co-intelligence with
him born of esteem and long observation of
his habits of thought and his methods in the
United States Senate. He was loth to part
from them, and felt that their experience
would render them more useful to the Govern
ment than new men could be, even though
these might possess more ability ; so that the
year opened with an anxious sense of some
thing being out of tune.
The paramount questions of the hour were,
of course, to arm men for the contest, to pro
cure ships and equip them for the destruc
tion of the merchant marine of the United
States, and to form an effective financial pol
icy. On this last point there were many
160 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
opinions, and there had been many efforts
made by members of both houses to convince
the President of the expediency of selling
cotton to the enemy ; a larger party advo
cated the exportation of all the cotton grown
in the country to England. Where the ships
were to come from for this immense exporta
tion they did not point out ; carriers would
not be swift enough to run the blockade, and
the cotton would be captured, and serve to
supply the manufacturers of New England.
The men whose families were in need, and at
whose gin-houses the means of relief lay piled
in bulky plenty, of course leaned toward the
malcontents. When all this cumbrous and un
available wealth was burned by the Govern
ment, the dissatisfaction of some gave tongue.
The President and his advisers looked to the
stringency of the English cotton market, and
the suspension of the manufactories, to send
up a ground-swell from the English operatives
that would compel recognition, and grudged
every pound of cotton exported. Now for
the first time there appeared to be an orga
nized party in opposition to the Administra
tion. This might have been weakened by
daily social intercourse, and habituated as we
were to giving numerous entertainments of
an official character, we should gladly have
kept up the custom ; but during every enter-
OPPOSITION OF CONGRESS. 161
tainment, without exception, either the death
of a relation was announced to a guest, or
a disaster to the Confederacy was tele
graphed to the President. He was a ner
vous dyspeptic by habit, and if he was forced
to eat under any excitement, was ill after it
for days. He said he could do either one
duty or the other give entertainments or
administer the Government and he fancied
he was expected to perform the latter service
in preference ; and so we ceased to entertain,
except at formal receptions or informal din
ners and breakfasts given to as many as Mr.
Davis's health permitted us to invite. In the
evening he was too exhausted to receive in
formal visitors. The Examiner sent forth a
wail of regret over the " parsimony of the
Administration." It touched feelingly upon
the deprivation to the young people of Rich
mond of not being received in the evening,
the assumption of " superior dignity by the
satraps," etc. This became a fierce growl,
as it contemplated the awful contingency of
the " President getting rich on his savings."
It would have been much better if the
President could have met the Congress, and
the State officials as well as the citizens,
socially and often, for the magnetism of his
personality would have greatly mollified their
resentments ; but for years his physician had
VOL. II. ii
162 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
forbidden him to go at all into society in
Washington, and he found this disability
greater in Richmond, proportionately to the
burden he bore.
One or two of the generals had their little
cliques who sympathized with them. Some
disappointed politicians felt that they had
been overlooked, or their claims disregarded.
Some thought they knew that their names
had been preferred for the office which had
been conferred upon Mr. Davis ; others felt
sure that everyone except the President had
preferred them for the portfolios unworthily
held by others. In fact, it was the " Spec
tator's " allegory of the man who, dissatis
fied with his short face, was allowed to lay it
down, and yet could find none other to suit
him. To these malcontents, always non-
combatants, the blighter's hand was the Presi
dent's.
Congressional committees made earnest and
honest recommendations to him to do this or
that, ignorant of what had transpired since
they formulated their projects which were
perhaps well conceived when formed, but had
become impracticable from the change of cir
cumstances ; a politician would have flattered
and appeared to confide in them without com
municating anything, but Mr. Davis was too
sincere for this policy. To have explained
OPPOSITION OF CONGRESS. 163
these difficulties would often have exposed
the army or navy to danger ; he therefore
had to take refuge in silence ; this was in
terpreted to mean contempt or a stubborn
desire to dictate to the co-ordinate branch of
government, and increased the discontent.
He was abnormally sensitive to disapproba
tion : even a child's disapproval discomposed
him. He felt how much he was misunder
stood, and the sense of mortification and in
justice gave him a repellent manner. It was
because of his supersensitive temperament and
the acute suffering it caused him to be mis
understood, I had deprecated his assuming
the civil administration.
He was always inclined to sacrifice himself
rather than betray the trust even of an enemy.
Once, when an officer he loved had been
censured by one of the generals in a letter
marked " private," and was indicated as one
whose removal was required, the officer re
monstrated warmly with the President, and,
with the freedom of old friendship, said, " You
know me, how could I ever hold my head
up under implied censure, from you, my old
friend ? " The President, who could not ex
plain that he found no fault in him, to cover
his discomposure said, curtly, " You have, I
believe, received your orders ; I can suggest
nothing but obedience/'
164 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
His old friend left him wounded to the
quick, and Mr. Davis came home and went,
without eating, to his room and slept little. As
soon as he could speak quietly of it, he said :
" I would not sec'retly censure a man and ask
another to take the responsibility, but, as the
letter was confidential, all I could do was to
make the poor fellow too mad with me to ask
an explanation." So, little by little the Con
gress became alienated, or at least a large
portion of them with a few of the military
men. The President let the conviction gnaw
at his vitals in silence. He used to say with
a sigh, " If we succeed, we shall hear nothing
of these malcontents ; if we do not, then I
shall be held accountable by the majority of
friends as well as foes. I will do my best,
and God will give me strength to bear what
ever comes to me."
CHAPTER XVI.
BEAUREGARD'S LETTER.
THE victory at Manassas was followed by
a period of inactivity and of fancied security,
so sure did many feel that this battle would
end the war. This was shown by the de
crease of enlistments ; but President Davis
did not coincide with this view. Foreign rec
ognition was looked forward to as an assured
fact, and the politicians began at once to
speculate upon the future recipients of the
most prominent offices in the new Confeder
acy.
Mr. Hunter, of Virginia, about this time
left the Cabinet, in order, his enemies said,
that his identification with the Administra
tion should not damage his chances as Mr.
Davis's successor to the Presidency. Mr.
Davis was attached to him and thought he
did not care to share the responsibility of a
possible failure.
General Beauregard was also named in
some quarters as the next Confederate Presi
dent, the popular nominee of an honor to be
conferred six years hence. Before the puta-
166 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
live nomination he wrote the following dis
couraging letter to the Richmond Whig.
" CENTREVILLE, VA. (Within hearing of the enemy's guns.)
November 3, 1861.
" To the Editors of the Richmond Whig.
" GENTLEMEN : My attention had just been
called to an unfortunate controversy now go
ing on, relative to the publication of the sy
nopsis of my report of the battle of Manassas.
None can regret more than I do this publica
tion, which was made without my knowledge
or authority.
" The President is the sole judge of when,
and what parts of, the reports of a command
ing officer should be made public. I, indi
vidually, do not object to delaying its publi
cation as long as the War Department shall
think it necessary and proper for the success
of our cause.
" Meanwhile I entreat my friends not to
trouble themselves about refuting the slan
ders and calumnies aimed at me. Alcibiades,
on a certain occasion, resorted to a singular
method to occupy the minds of his traducers ;
let, then, " that synopsis " answer the same
purpose for me in this instance. If certain
minds cannot understand the difference be
tween patriotism, the highest civic virtue,
and office-seeking, the lowest civic occupa-
BEAUREGARD^S LETTER. 167
tion, I pity them from the bottom of my
heart. Suffice it to say that I prefer the re
spect and esteem of my countrymen, to the
admiration and envy of the world. I hope,
for the sake of our cause and country, to be
able, with the assistance of a kind Providence,
to answer my calumniators with new victor
ies over our national enemies; but I have
nothing to ask of the country, the govern-
ment, or my friends, except to afford me all
the aid they can in the great struggle we
are now engaged upon.
" I am not, and never expect or desire to be,
a candidate for any civic office in the gift of
the people or the Executive.
" The acme of my ambition is, after having
cast my mite in the defence of our sacred
cause, and assisted to the best of my ability
in securing our rights and independence as a
nation, to retire into private life (my means
then permitting), never again to leave my
home, unless to fight anew the battles of my
country.
" Respectfully, your most obedient servant,
(Signed) " G. T. BEAUREGARD."
" A true copy,
"S.W. FERGUSON, Aide-de-Camp"
Prior to the date of the above letter, in
which General Beauregard entreats his
DAVIS,
friends " not to trouble themselves about re
futing the slanders and calumnies aimed at
him" (in consequence of the publication of
the synopsis of his report of the battle of
Manassas), his relations with the Confederate
officials, " except Colonel Northrop, the Com
missary-General," " had been those of un
studied friendship." *
Having occasion to recommend the ap
pointment of an officer as Chief of Ordnance
of the "First Corps," in the place of Captain
E. P. Alexander, an accomplished officer who
had been transferred to General Johnston, he
received from a " subordinate " t in the War
Department the brief reply that " the Presi
dent did not approve the division of the ar
my into two corps, and preferred that there
should be but one chief of ordnance to the ar
my of the Potomac." At this General Beau-
regard took umbrage, esteeming himself a
better judge of such matters than the Presi
dent. This circumstance led to an estrange
ment between General Beauregard and the
authorities at Richmond, which apparently
widened as the war progressed.
The widely published synopsis of General
Beauregard's report of the battle of Man-
* Military Operations of General Beauregard, page 157.
f Colonel Alfred T. Bledsoe, Assistant Secretary of War.
JBEAUREGARD^S LETTER. 169
assas, wherein it was stated that the rejec
tion of his so-called plan of campaign, ver
bally presented by Colonel Chesnut to the
President, in the presence of Generals Lee
and Cooper, prevented the Federal army
from being destroyed before July 2ist.
The President addressed a letter to those
officers, asking them to give him their opin
ions and recollections of the interview in
question.
The letter is dated November 4th, the day
after the publication of General Beauregard's
letter, written " within hearing of the enemy s
guns!' The reply of General R. ' E. Lee
should render any further discussion of the
vexed and profitless question unnecessary.
"RICHMOND, VA., November 4, 1861.
" GENERALS COOPER AND LEE, Confederate
States Army.
" GENTLEMEN : The injurious effect pro
duced by statements widely published to
show that the army of the Potomac had been
needlessly doomed to inactivity by my rejec
tion of plans for vigorous movements against
the enemy, which were presented to me by
General Beauregard, induces me to ask you
to state what was the communication made
by that officer, through the Honorable Mr.
1 7 o JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Chesnut, on the subject of his position at
Manassas in July last, and what were the
propositions and requests then conveyed to
me.
" You are invited to refer to the introduc
tion of General Beauregard's report of the
battle of Manassas, that you may see how far
the statement made therein agrees with the
communication made to me by the Honor
able Mr. Chesnut, in the interview at which
you were present.
" I have requested General Beauregard to
furnish me with a plan of battle and campaign,
which he says in his report was submitted to
me, but have not received an answer.
" Very respectfully yours, etc.,
" JEFFERSON DAVIS."
11 COOSAWHATCHIE, S. C., November 24, 1861.
" His EXCELLENCY, The President of the
Confederate States :
" My absence on an examination of the
coast of South Carolina and Georgia has pre
vented until now my reply to your note of the
4th instant, asking what communication was
made by General Beauregard to you through
the Honorable Mr. Chesnut, on the subject
of his position at Manassas in July last, and
what were the propositions and requests con
veyed by him.
BEAUREGARD^S LETTER. 171
" I have not seen the report of General
Beauregard of the battle of Manassas, and am
unable to refer to his introductory statement
to which you call my attention. I cannot
therefore say how far it agrees with the com
munication of Mr. Chesnut. I recollect,
however, that at the interview at which I was
present Mr. Chesnut urged, on the part of
General Beauregard, the importance of rein
forcing the army of the Potomac to enable it
to oppose the Federal forces accumulating in
its front. As a means of accomplishing this
end, he suggested that a portion of the army
in the Shenandoah Valley, under General
Johnston, be ordered to join it. With the
aid thus afforded, General Beauregard thought
he could successfully resist an attack of the
enemy. Should he succeed in repulsing him,
he could in turn reinforce General Johnston.
Should General Johnston succeed in driving
back General Patterson, then in his front, he
could reinforce the army in Northwestern
Virginia. The advantages of the union of
the armies on the Potomac had been more
than once the subject of consideration by you,
and I do not recollect that at the interview in
question they were less apparent. The diffi
culty of timing the march of the troops so as
to benefit one army without jeopardizing the
object of the other, was therefore mainly con-
1 72 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
sidered, and you decided that the movements
of the enemy in and about Alexandria were
not sufficiently demonstrative as to warrant
the withdrawal of any of the forces from the
Shenandoah Valley. A few days afterward,
however, I think three or four, the reports
from General Beauregard showed so clearly
the enemy's purpose, that you ordered Gen
eral Johnston with his effective force to march
at once to the support of General Beauregard,
and directed General Holmes, with such
troops as could be spared from the defence
of the approaches of Fredericksburg to move
upon Manassas.
" The successful combination of the armies
was made, and the glorious victory of July
2 ist followed.
" I have the honor, etc.,
"R. E. LEE."
About this time a controversy arose be
tween General Beauregard and the Secretary
of War, Mr. Benjamin, caused by the organi
zation of a rocket battery for the Army of the
Potomac. Mr. Davis wrote as follows :
" RICHMOND, VA., October 25, 1861.
" GENERAL BEAUREGARD, Manassas, Va.
" MY DEAR GENERAL : Your letters of Oc
tober 2Oth and 2ist have just been referred
BEAVREGARD'S LETTER. 173
to me, and I hasten to reply without consult
ing the Secretary of War. This enables me
to say, without connecting his expressions of
feeling with the present case, that you have
alike his admiration and high personal regard,
evinced by so many signs that it cannot be
to me a matter of doubt. As the essence of
offence is the motive with which words are
spoken, I have thus, it is hoped, removed the
gravest part of the transaction.
" You were unquestionably wrong in the
order to recruit a company for the Provisional
Army. The Congress, with jealous care, re
served to men of such companies the power
of selecting their own officers. The Execu
tive could not recruit a company except for
the regular army, and as provided by law ;
to that extent he could delegate his power
to Generals in the field, but he could not
do more. I presume the objection was not,
that it was to be a rocket battery, but was
to the recruiting of a company for special
service, the commander having been selected
not by the men but by the Confederate au
thority.
" More than half of the controversies be
tween men arise from difference of education
and habits of thought. The letter in relation
to the law of organization was written like a
lawyer, and had it been addressed to one
174 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
of that profession would not probably have
wounded his sensibilities, except in so far as
to provoke debate upon the accuracy of his
position ; but it was addressed to a soldier,
sensitive as to the propriety of his motive, and
careless about the point which I am sure the
Secretary intended alone to present inatten
tion to, or misconstruction of the laws govern
ing the case._ He desired that your position
should be entirely satisfactory to you, and
that the freest scope should be given for the
exercise of your genius and gallantry in the
further maintenance of the cause, which amid
the smoke and blaze of battle, you have three
times illustrated. Prompted by that desire,
he anticipated my purpose, which had been
communicated to him, to placfe you in the
immediate command of the Army of the Po
tomac, by referring to an order which would
soon be issued, and which he hoped would
be satisfactory to you.
" Now, my dear sir, let me entreat you to
dismiss this small matter from your mind ; in
the hostile masses before you, you have a
subject more worthy of your contemplation.
The country needs all your mind and your
heart ; you have given cause to expect all
which man can do, and your fame and her
interests require that your energies should
have a single object. My prayers always
BEAUREGARD'S LETTER. 175
attend you, and with confidence I turn to
you in the hour of peril.
" Very truly your friend,
(Signed) " JEFFERSON DAVIS."
"P.S. The Secretary has not seen your
letter, and I will not inform him as to the
correspondence.
"J. D."
The Secretary, writing upon this subject to
General Beauregard, expressed his "no small
surprise " that he should have committed an
act " without warrant of law," and excused him
only on account of his motives and his defect
of judgment. This letter of Mr. Benjamin
" staggered " General Beauregard, and he,
overlooking Mr. Benjamin, referred the letter
to the President. The President replied to
the General, under date of November 10,
1 86 1, and below his letter is given entire:
" RICHMOND, VA., November 10, 1861.
" GENERAL BEAUREGARD, Manassas, Va.
" SIR : When I addressed you in relation
to your complaint because of the letters writ
ten to you by Mr. Benjamin, Acting Secretary
of War, it was hoped that you would see that
you had misinterpreted his expressions, and
would be content. But while in yours of the
1 76 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
6th instant you accept the assurance given
that Mr. Benjamin could not have intended
to give you offence, you serve notice that
your ' motives must not be called into ques
tion/ and that when your ' errors are pointed
out it must be done in proper tone and style,'
and express the fear that Mr. Benjamin ' will,
under all circumstances, view only the legal
aspect of things, and that insensibly this
army and myself (yourself) will be put into
the straight-jackets of the law/ etc. I do
not feel competent to instruct Mr. Benjamin
in the matter of style. There are few whom
the public would probably believe fit for that
task. But the other point quoted from your
letter presents matter for graver considera
tions, and it is that which induces me to
reply. It cannot be peculiar to Mr. Ben
jamin to look at every exercise of official
power in its legal aspects, and you surely did
not intend to inform me that your army and
yourself are outside of the limits of the law.
" It i my duty to see that the laws are
faithfully executed, and I cannot recognize
the pretension of anyone that their restraint
is too narrow for him.
" The Congress carefully reserved to all
volunteers the selection of their company
officers, and provided various modes for re
cruiting them into service as organized
BEAUREGARD'S LETTER. 177
bodies. When you disregarded that right,
and the case was brought to the notice of the
Secretary of War, it could but create sur
prise ; and the most mild and considerate
course which could have been adopted was
to check further progress under your order
and inform you of the errors committed.
" Very respectfully yours, etc.,
(Signed) " JEFFERSON DAVIS."
The President was in this instance, as in
every other, watching over the strict con
struction of the laws and the individual rights
of the people of each State. He looked with
anxious care to the elective rights of the men
in the army, and it is very apparent by his
first letter how anxious he was to conciliate
General Beauregard and while impressing re
strictions upon him, to avoid giving him pain.
The first letter shows his animus, the second
vindicates the law and protects the dignity of
the Secretary of War.
VOL. II. 12
CHAPTER XVII.
ROANOKE ISLAND. MR. DAVIS'S INAUGURATION.
THE year 1862 was destined to be a noted
one in the annals of the country, and the mil
itary campaigns in the Confederate States
opened early, to end only with the expiration
of the year.
Early in the year, Mr. Walker having re
signed his portfolio, a general reorganization
of the cabinet was arranged, and, on March
1 7th, the Senate made the following confirma
tions :
Secretary of State J. P. BENJAMIN.
Treasury C. G. MEMMINGER.
Secretary of War J. P. BENJAMIN.
Secretary of Navy S. R. MALLORY.
Postmaster- General J. H. REAGAN.
Attorney- General THOMAS H. WATTS.
The dissolution of his cabinet disquieted
the President greatly, and about this time the
organized opposition party began to be felt.
The enemy also manifested unusual activity.
Their first move was the capture of Roan-
oke Island, on the low coast-line of North
Carolina, for it was an important outpost of
ROANOKE ISLAND. 179
the Confederates. Its possession by the
enemy would give them access to the country
from which Norfolk drew its supplies.
On January 22, 1862, General Henry A.
Wise was placed in command.
The defence of this island consisted of six
land batteries, and after manning the guns
there were not one thousand effective men for
duty. Seven gunboats were in the Sound to
aid in its defence.
On February 8th General Burnside at
tacked the defences of the island, and with
overwhelming numbers outflanked them, and
captured almost the entire force.
In this action Captain O. Jennings Wise, of
the Richmond Blues, was killed. When he
fell on the field, with a mortal wound, one of
his men inquired if he was much hurt. His an
swer was, " Never mind me ; fight on, men,
fight on, and keep cool/' As he was being
borne from the field a random shot struck
and killed him. Nothing could have been
more pathetic than the moan of his old father,
" Oh, my brave boy, you have died for me ;
you have died for me."
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE INAUGURATION.
THE Provisional Government had expired.
The beginning of the new term of the Exec
utive and the opening of the newly elected
Congress drew nigh.
A contemporary account of the inaugural
ceremonies is quoted, as it is, perhaps, a better
description than could now be given. The sky
lowered until 10 o'clock, and then a hard rain
poured steadily down for four hours, and Mr.
Davis came in from an early visit to his office
and went into his room, where I found him,
an hour afterward on his knees in earnest
prayer " for the divine support I need so
sorely."
"RICHMOND, February 22, 1862.
" The inauguration took place at 12 o'clock
to-day, in accordance with the published pro
gramme. The two houses, of Congress met
in their respective halls at 11.30 o'clock, and
soon thereafter repaired to the hall of the
House of Representatives of Virginia. The
President and Vice-President-elect were con
ducted to the hall by the Joint Committee of
THE INAUGURATION. 181
Arrangements, the President arriving a few
minutes after 12 o'clock, and were received
by the assembly standing. The Honorable
R. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia, the President
of the Senate, occupied the seat on the right
of the President-elect ; the Vice-President
elect that of the left on the President, and the
Speaker of the House that on the left of the
Vice-President.
" Invitations to the hall, and to join in the
procession from thence to the bronze eques
trian statue of Washington, at the foot of
which the inaugural ceremony would take
place, had been extended to members of the
cabinet ; the Governor of Virginia and his
staff; the Governors of any other of the Con
federate States who might be in Richmond,
and ex-Governor Lowe, of Maryland ; the
Senate and the House of Delegates of Vir
ginia, and their respective officers ; the Judges
of the Supreme Court, and of any of the Con
federate District Court at Richmond ; the
members of the late Provincial Congress ; the
officers of the army and navy who might be
in the city ; the members of the Press ; the
mayor and the corporate authorities of the
city ; the reverend clergy and masonic and
other benevolent societies.
" These assembled, at the hour indicated,
and the procession, accompanied by an im-
1 82 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
mense crowd, moved from the hall by the
eastern door of the Capitol to the statue of
Washington on the public square.
" A temporary platform and awning had
been erected at the monument, which is a
bronze equestrian statue of great size, sur
rounded by statues of Jefferson, Henry, and
Mason. It was fortunate that an awning had
been provided, since it commenced to rain
early in the day, and has not yet stopped.
An immense crowd had assembled around
the monument, and bravely stood it out to the
last, notwithstanding the rain.*
" The President and Vice-President were
received with hearty and prolonged cheers.
Upon the restoration of order an eloquent
prayer was offered up by the Right Reverend
Bishop Johns.
" The President-elect then delivered his
inaugural address. It was characterized by
great dignity, united with much feeling and
grace, especially the closing sentence.
Throwing up his eyes and hands to heaven
he said, ' With humble gratitude and adora
tion, acknowledging the Providence which
has so visibly protected the Confederacy
during its brief, but eventful career, to Thee,
* It was a panorama of umbrellas, and a wag who took the census
of them found there were twelve blacks to one brown, eight blacks
to one green, and the blues hid their diminished heads.
THE INAUGURATION. 183
O God, I trustingly commit myself, and pray
erfully invoke Thy blessing on my country and
its cause.' ' Thus Mr. Davis entered on his
martyrdom. As he stood pale and emaciated,
dedicating himself to the service of the Con
federacy, evidently forgetful of everything but
his sacred oath, he seemed to me a willing
victim going to his funeral pyre, and the idea
so affected me that making some excuse I re
gained my carriage and went home.
" The oath to support the Constitution of
the Confederate States was then administered
by Judge Haliburton, of the Confederate
District Court for this District, a nephew of
Mrs. Washington. Mr. Hunter, President of
the Senate, proclaimed Jefferson Davis to be
President of the Confederate States of Amer
ica for the term of six years from this day.
The announcement was received with im
mense cheering.
" Mr. Hunter next administered the oath to
the Vice-President, and then made proclama
tion that Alexander H. Stephens was the
Vice-Presidentofthe Confederate States fora
similar term of six years. This announcement
was made amid great applause. There was an
effort to induce Mr. Stephens to say some
thing ; but as such a thing was not expected,
or perhaps proper, he simply made a profound
bow to the audience and returned to his seat.
CHAPTER XIX.
EFFORT TO EFFECT EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS-
EVACUATION OF MANASSAS VISIT TO FREDER-
ICKSBURG.-
ABOUT the end of January, 1862, the Con
federate Government endeavored to procure
the exchange of prisoners taken by the ar
mies of the belligerents, and an officer was sent
by General Johnston to General McClellan.
The proposition was not entertained by
the Federal Government, and our efforts to
shorten the imprisonment of the captives in
our hands met no encouragement from their
own friends.
Thus early in the war the Confederate Gov
ernment displayed its desire to secure a free
exchange of prisoners, which, had it been
carried out in good faith by the Federals,
would have saved from unavoidable suffering
and death, thousands of both armies.
In view of the near approach of the spring
campaign, President Davis issued the follow
ing proclamation :
" By virtue of the power vested in me by
law, to declare the suspension of the privilege
EVACUATION OF M AMASS AS. 185
of the writ of habeas corpus in cities threat
ened with invasion ;
"I, Jefferson Davis, President of the Con
federate States of America, do proclaim that
martial law is hereby extended over the city
of Richmond and the adjoining- country to the
distance of ten miles. And I do proclaim the
suspension of all civil jurisdiction with the ex
ception of the Mayor of the city, and the sus
pension of the privilege of the writ of habeas
corpus within the said city and surrounding
country to the distance aforesaid.
" In faith whereof I have hereunto signed
my name and set my seal, at the city of Rich
mond, on the first day of March, in the year
one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two.
(Seal.) " JEFFERSON DAVIS."
On February 2d General Beauregard took
leave of the Army of the Potomac, having been
transferred to the army in West Tennessee,
commanded by Albert Sidney Johnston.
The Federal forces then organizing in front
of Washington, under General George B.
McClellan, and estimated to number one
hundred thousand men, gave indication of ac
tive operations. General Johnston, in a per
sonal interview in Richmond, gave notice that
he considered his position as unsafe, and a
withdrawal of the army from Centreville was
1 86 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
necessary before McClellan's invasion ; the
latter accordingly addressed to him the fol
lowing letter :
" RICHMOND, VA., February 28, 1862.
" GENERAL J. E. JOHNSTON : Your opinion
that your position may be turned whenever
the enemy chooses to advance, and that he
will be ready to take the field before yourself,
clearly indicates prompt effort to disencumber
yourself of everything which would interfere
with your rapid movement when necessary,
and such thorough examination of the country
in your rear as would give you exact knowl
edge of its roads and general topography, and
enable you to select a line of greater natural
advantages than that now occupied by your
forces.
" The heavy guns at Manassas and Evans-
port, needed elsewhere, and reported to be
useless in their present position, would neces
sarily be abandoned in a hasty retreat. I re
gret that you find it impossible to move them.
" The subsistence stores should, when re
moved, be placed in positions to answer
your future wants. Those cannot be deter
mined until you have furnished definite infor
mation as to your plans, especially the line to
which you would remove in the contingency
of retiring. The Commissary-General had
previously stopped further shipments to your
EVACUATION OF MANASSAS. 187
army, and given satisfactory reasons for the
establishment at Thoroughfare.* . . ."
" I need not urge on your consideration
the value to our country of arms and muni
tions of war; you know the difficulty with
which we have obtained our small supply ;
that to furnish heavy artillery to the advanced
posts we have exhausted the supplies here
which were designed for the armament of the
city defences. Whatever can be, should be
done to avoid the loss of these guns.
" As has been my custom, I have only
sought to present general purposes and views.
I rely upon your special knowledge and high
ability to effect whatever is practicable in this
our hour of need. Recent disasters have de
pressed the weak, and are depriving us of the
aid of the wavering. Traitors show the ten
dencies heretofore concealed, and the selfish
grow clamorous for local and personal inter
ests. At such an hour the wisdom of the
trained and the steadiness of the brave pos
sess a double value. The military paradox
that impossibilities must be rendered possible,
had never better occasion for its application.
" The engineers for whom you asked have
been ordered to report to you, and further
additions will be made to your list of briga-
* Thoroughfare Gap was the point at which the Commissary-
General had placed a meat-packing establishment.
l$8 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
dier-generals. Let me hear from you often
and fully.
" Very truly and respectfully yours,
" JEFFERSON DAVIS."
The President again wrote as follows :
"RICHMOND, VA., March 6, 1862.
" GENERAL]. E. JOHNSTON : Notwithstand
ing the threatening position of the enemy, I in
fer from your account of the roads and streams
that his active operations must be for some
time delayed, and thus I am permitted to hope
that you will be able to mobilize your army
by the removal of your heavy ordnance and
such stores as are not required for active oper
ations, so that, whenever you are required to
move, it may be without public loss and with
out impediment to celerity. I was fully im
pressed with the difficulties which you pre
sented when discussing the subject of a change
of position. To preserve the efficiency of
your army, you will, of course, avoid all need
less exposure ; and, when your army has been
relieved of all useless encumbrance, you can
have no occasion to move it while the roads
and weather are such as would involve serious
suffering, because the same reasons must re
strain the operations of the enemy. . . .
" Very respectfully yours,
" JEFFERSON DAVIS,"
EVACUATION OF MAN ASS AS. 189
General Johnston began his retreat on
March 7th, but such was the confusion incident
upon moving the troops out of their winter
quarters, that it was not until the evening of
the Qth that order was restored to the re
treating column. The troops moved out on
the 8th, passed the succeeding twenty-four
hours on the roadside, and suffered much from
the inclement weather and excessive cold.
The retreat continued to the south bank
of the Rappahannock, where a halt was called,
and the troops encamped.
In the undue haste to retire from the front
of McClellan, who did not follow, nor even in
terfere with General Johnston's rear-guard,
stores, arms, clothing, etc., were abandoned
and burned, notwithstanding the urgent warn
ing of Mr. Davis in his letters of February
28th and of March 6th.
General Early, in stating the amount of un
necessary loss at Manassas, wrote as follows :
" A very large amount of stores and pro
visions had been abandoned for want of trans
portation, and among the stores was a very
large quantity of clothing, blankets, etc., which
had been provided by the States south of
Virginia for their own troops. The pile of
trunks along the railroad was appalling to be
hold. All these stores, clothing, trunks, etc.,
were consigned to the flames by a portion of
1 9 o JEFFERSON DAVIS.
our cavalry left to carry out the work of their
destruction. The loss of stores at this point,
and at White Plains, on the Manassas Gap
Railroad, where a large amount of meat had
been salted and stored, was a very serious
one to us, and embarrassed us for the remain
der of the war, as it put us at once on a run
ning stock."
The same officer subsequently wrote, in
regard to the loss of supplies :
" I believe that all might have been car
ried off from Manassas if the railroads had
been energetically operated."
On March loth the President, not then
informed of General Johnston's retrograde
movement, telegraphed him as follows :
" Further assurances given me this day that
you shall be promptly reinforced, so as to
enable you to maintain your position and re
sume first policy when the roads will permit."
The first policy was to carry the war beyond
our own border.
On March I5th the President received no
tice that the army was in retreat, and replied :
"RICHMOND, VA., March 15, 1862.
" GENERAL J. E. JOHNSTON,
" Headquarters Army of the Potomac.
" GENERAL : I have received your letter of
the 1 3th instant, giving the first official ac-
EVACUATION OF MAN ASS AS. 191
count I have received of the retrograde move
ment of your army.
" Your letter would lead me to infer that
others had been sent to apprise me of your
plans and movements. If so, they have not
reached me ; and before the receipt of yours
of the 1 3th I was as much in the dark as to
your purposes, condition, and necessities, as
at the time of our conversation on the subject
about a month since.
" It is true I have had many and alarming
reports of great destruction of ammunition,
camp equipage, and provisions, indicating
precipitate retreat ; but having heard of no
cause for such a sudden movement I was at
a loss to believe it.
" I have not the requisite topographical
knowledge for the selection of your position.
I had intended that you should determine
that question ; and for this purpose a corps
of engineers was furnished to make a careful
examination of the country to aid you in your
decision.
u The question of throwing troops into
Richmond is contingent upon reverses in the
West and Southeast. The immediate neces
sity for such a movement is not anticipated.
" Very respectfully yours,
" JEFFERSON DAVIS."
192 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
On the same day the President sent the
following telegram :
" RICHMOND, VA., March 15, 1862.
" GENERAL J. E. JOHNSTON,
" Culpepper Court-House, Va.
" Your letter of the I3th received this day,
being the first information of your retrograde
movement. I have no report of your recon
naissance, and can suggest nothing as to the
position you should take, except it should be as
far in advance as consistent with your safety.
" JEFFERSON DAVIS."
The President immediately went to Gen
eral Johnston's headquarters, and found him
on the south bank of the Rappahannock
River, to which he had retired, in a position
possessing great natural advantages.
Upon inquiring whether the south bank of
the river continued to command the other side
down to Fredericksburg, General Johnston
replied he did not know, that he had not
been there for many years.
The President and General Johnston pro
ceeded to Fredericksburg, and a reconnais
sance soon manifested that the hills on the
opposite bank commanded the town, and
therefore Fredericksburg could only be de
fended by an army occupying the opposite
EVACUATION OF M A. V ASS AS. 193
hills, for which the Confederate force was in
adequate.
While in Fredericksburg the President
and General Johnston were the guests of J.
Temple Doswell, and at his house met
a large number of ladies and gentlemen,
among whom were the Honorable W. S.
Barton, R. W. Adams, F. T. Forbes, J. L.
Marye, and the venerable T. B. Barton. In
answer to the question as to the result of the
reconnaissance, the President replied to Mr.
Doswell, during their ride, that Fredericks-
burg was " right in the wrong place " for
military defence.
Upon learning that the town was not to be
defended, young and old, with self-sacrificing
patriotism, answered, " If the good of our
cause requires the defence of the town to be
abandoned, let it be done."
The President returned to Richmond to
await the further development of the enemy's
plans.
General Johnston, in an article in the Cen
tury of May, 1885, entitled " Manassas to
Seven Pines," seems to have entirely for
gotten that Mr. Davis visited him at his
headquarters in the field after he had retreat
ed to the south bank of the Rappahannock,
and that together they went to Fredericks-
burg.
VOL. I -13
194 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
He uses these words :
" Mr. Davis's narrative that follows is dis
posed of by the proof that after the army
left Manassas the President did not visit it
until about May 14. . . . That he did
not make such a visit is proved by Major J.
B. Washington, aide-de-camp, Dr. Fauntle-
roy, surgeon, and Colonel E. J. Harvie, staff
officers, who testify that they have no recollec
tion whatever of such a visit at such a time."
While it may not be of any great importance
to history whether Mr. Davis and General
Johnston did br did not visit Fredericksburg
together, still positive proof is presented that
such a visit was made, and that General
Johnston's memory has failed him.
In the Rebellion Records, published by the
War Department at Washington, volume xi.,
part 3, page 392, will be found the following
order, issued to General Johnston by the
President, while at Fredericksburg, May 22,
1862.
"FREDERICKSBURG, VA., March 22, 1862.
tl GENERAL JOSEPH H. JOHNSTON,
" SIR : I. You will relieve Major-General
Holmes of his command, and direct him to
report at Richmond for further orders.
" II. You will detach two brigades o f m -
o
fantry and two companies of artillery, with
orders to report to Major-General Holmes with
EVACUATION OF MAN ASS AS.
195
the least delay at his headquarters in the
field.
" III. The troops when passing through
Richmond will be reported to the Adjutant-
General for any instructions which it may be
needful to give them at that point.
" Very respectfully yours,
" JEFFERSON DAVIS."
"HEADQUARTERS, DEPARTMENT OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA,
" RAPID AN, March 23, 1862.
" Special Orders, No. 83.
" Under orders of the President:
" I. Major-General T. H. Holmes, com
manding Acquia District, is relieved from the
command of that district, and assigned to
duty temporarily with General Lee, and will
report to the Adjutant and Inspector-General,
Richmond, Va., for further orders.
" By command of General Johnston.
-A. P. MASON."
The following letters, written by residents
of Fredericksburg, are also appended to prove
conclusively that Mr. Davis, and not Gen
eral Johnston, is right:
"FREDERICKSBURG, VA., August 10, 1885.
" JUDGE WILLIAM S. BARTON.
" MY DEAR SIR : In reply to your inquiry
whether I knew that President Davis visi-
196 JEFFEXSON DAVIS.
ted Fredericksburg in March, 1862, I beg to
say that I know he did. At what time of
the month it was, I cannot now state posi
tively, but my impression is, it was between
the 1 5th and the 2Oth.
" On my return from Richmond, about 9 or
10 A.M., I found President Davis, General
Johnston, and General Holmes at my house.
Very soon after General Holmes ordered me
(I was his aide) to go with the President
and General Johnston across the river, to
make a reconnoissance of the country, etc.
" On the return from the reconnoissance
across the river, I well remember, in coming
through the little town of Falmouth, the
President, at whose side I was riding at the
time, made this remark to me : ' To use a
slang phrase, your town of Fredericksburg is
right in the wrong place/ to which I replied
I was well aware of the fact, so far as its ca
pability for being defended against an invad
ing force was concerned.
" Yours truly,
" J. T. DOSWELL."
"FREDERICKSBURG, August 17, 1885.
"In March, 1862, President Davis and Gen
eral J. E. Johnston visited Fredericksburg,
and were guests of my friend and connection,
Mr. J. T. Doswell, The morning after their
EVACUATION OF MAN ASS AS. 197
arrival, they crossed to the north side of the
Rappahannock River, and were absent some
hours examining the country. On their re
turn to Mr. Doswell's house, many citizens
called to pay their respects to the President.
"The result of their examination of the lo
cality was understood here to be unfavorable
to the defence of the town itself against an
attack from the opposite bank of the river.
I am unable to give the exact date of that
visit. But some matters, personal to myself
and distinctly remembered, enable me to state
positively that it was before the arrival here
of any of General Johnston's troops on their
movement toward Yorktown, and before any
of General McQellan's transports had passed
down the Potomac River.
" W. S. BARTON/'
CHAPTER XX.
THE EXECUTIVE MANSION THE HOSPITALS.
IN July we moved to the " old Brocken-
brugh house," and began to feel somewhat
more at home when walking through the old-
fashioned terraced garden or the large airy
rooms in the seclusion of family life.
The mansion stands on the brow of a steep
and very high hill, that is sharply defined
against the plain at its foot through which
runs the Danville railway that leads to the
heart of Virginia.*
* On this plain, where the working class lived exclusively, the
" Butcher cats " laid in wait for, and were sworn to eternal enmity
against, the Hill cats. These high contending parties had a heredi
tary hate which had impelled them for nearly a hundred years to
fight whenever close enough for either stones or fists to strike. They
were the children of the poor against the gentlemen's sons. "I was,"
said a very steady painter's apprentice to me, "a Butcher cat
before I moved up on Main Street." Allegiance seemed to change
with the domicile. Woe betide the boy who stood at certain hours
on the hill alone ; a shower of stones and bricks were thrown by the
sturdy little lowlanders. The Hill cats gathered to the sound of a
shrill whistle and sallied down with hands full of like weapons, to
flee again to their hill-top as soon as they had discharged them.
There were also set battles, in which, though the Hill cats had the
advantage of position, the Butcher cats most often came out victors.
A little orphan free negro boy whom we had rescued from one of
his own color, who had beaten him terribly, lived from that time
THE EXECUTIVE MANSION. 199
The house is very large, but the rooms are
comparatively few, as some of them are over
forty feet square. The ceilings are high, the
windows wide, and the well-staircases turn
in easy curves toward the airy rooms above.
The Carrara marble mantels were the delight
of our children. One was a special favorite
with them, on which the whole pilaster was
covered by two lovely figures of Hebe and
Diana, one on either side in bold relief,
which, with commendatory taste, were not
caryatides. The little boys, Jefferson and
Joe, climbed up to the lips of these " pretty
ladies " and showered kisses on them. The
entablature was Apollo in his chariot, in basso
relievo. Another was a charming conception
of Cupid and Psyche, with Guide's Aurora
with us. Mr. Davis, notwithstanding his absorbing cares, went to
the Mayor's office and had his free papers registered to insure Jim
against getting into the power of the oppressor again. Jim Limber,
which he said was his name in his every-day clothes, who became
Jeems Henry Brooks in his best suit on Sunday, was a fearless ally
of the Hill cats. Once he came in with the blood pouring over
his face from a scalp wound made by a stone.
Mr. Davis was much troubled, for we were fond of the little boy.
He descended the hill and, relying on his popularity with children,
he made a little speech to the Butcher cats, in which he addressed
them as the future rulers of their country. They listened attentively,
nudging their approval to each other, but when he concluded, the
tallest boy said, " President, we like you, we didn't want to hurt any
of your boys, but we ain't never goin' to be friends with them Hill
cats." So the President, like many another self-appointed peace
maker, came back without having accomplished anything except an
exhausting walk.
200 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
for the entablature. A lady more in love
with art than learned in pronouncing gazet
teers, said, with pleasure shining through her
eyes, " I do so love Cupid and Pish, some
times I forget anyone is talking to me in
gazing at them."
The tastes, and to some extent the occupa
tions and habits, of the master of a house, if
he, as in this case, assisted the architect in his
design, are built in the brick and mortar, and
like the maiden's blood in the great bell, they
proclaim aloud sympathy or war with those
whom it shelters. One felt here the pleasant
sense of being in the home of a cultivated,
liberal, fine gentleman, and that he had dwelt
there in peaceful interchange of kind offices
with his neighbors. The garden, planted in
cherry, apple, and pear trees, sloped in steep
terraces down the hill to join the plain below.
To this garden or pleasance came always in
my mind's eye a lovely woman, seen only by
the eye of faith, as she walked there in
"maiden meditation."
Every old Virginia gentleman of good so
cial position who came to see us, looked pen
sively out on the grounds and said, with a tone
of tender regret, something like this : " This
house was perfect when lovely Mary Brock-
enbrugh used to walk there, singing among
the flowers ; " and then came a description
THE EXECUTIVE MANSION. 201
of her light step, her dignified mien, her sweet
voice, and the other graces which take hold
of our hearts with a gentle touch, and hold
them with a grip of steel. At first it seemed
odd, and we regretted our visitor's disappoint
ment, but after a while Mary came to us, too,
and remained the tutelar goddess of the gar
den. Her name became a household word.
" Whether Mary would approve," was a
question my husband playfully asked, when
he liked the arrangement of the drawing-
rooms.
Mrs. James Grant lived in another fine old
house next door to us, and with her we
formed a lasting friendship, which was testi
fied on her part by every neighborly atten
tion that kind consideration could suggest.
If Mr. Davis came riding up the street with
General Lee, and their staff officers clattering
after them, Mrs. Grant heard them and sent
some dainty which her housewifely care had
prepared, or fruit from her farm on the out
skirts of Richmond. If our children were ill,
she came full of hope and kind offices to
cheer us by her good sense and womanly
tenderness. The very sight of her handsome
face brought comfort to our hearts. She fed
the hungry, visited the sick, clothed the
naked, showed mercy to the wicked, and her
goodness, like the city set upon the hill, ' ' could
202 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
not be hid." Her brothers, the Crenshaws,
had great flouring mills near Richmond, and
made a noble use of their surplus in their un
ostentatious Quaker fashion. When flour be
came scarce and so high-priced as to prohibit
the use of it to the poor, they dispensed it
with glad alacrity to all who were in need.
There were numbers who received it gratui
tously and daily in small quantities from the
mills. When a great fire consumed everything
about them, the mills were untouched, and we,
who believed in a special Providence, thought
they were saved through the righteousness
of their owners.
On my first introduction to the ladies of
Richmond, I was impressed by the simplicity
and sincerity of their manners, their beauty,
and the absence of the gloze acquired by as
sociation in the merely " fashionable society."
They felt the dignity attached to personally
conducting their households in the best and
most economical manner, cared little for fash
ionable small-talk, but were full of enthusiasm
for their own people, and considered wisely
and answered clearly any practical question
which would tend to promote the good of
their families or their country.
I was impressed by a certain offishness in
their manner toward strangers ; they seemed
to feel that an inundation of people perhaps
THE EXECUTIVE MANSION.
203
of doubtful standards, and, at best, of different
methods, had poured over the city, and they
reserved their judgment and confidence, while
they proffered a large hospitality. It was the
manner usually found in English society tow
ard strangers, no matter how well introduced,
a wary welcome. In the more southern and
less thickly settled part of our country, we
had frontier hospitality because it was a ne
cessity of the case. In Virginia, where the
distances were not so great, and the candi
dates for entertainment were more numerous,
it was of necessity more restricted.
We were fortunate in finding several old
friends in Richmond. The Harrisons, of
Brandon, and the handsome daughters of Mr.
Ritchie, who had been for many years dear
and valued friends. During our stay there we
made other friends, who, if I never have the
good fortune to meet them again, will remain
to me a blessed memory. As I revert to the
heroic, sincere, Christian women of that self-
sacrificing community, it is impossible to spe
cify those who excelled in all that makes a
woman's children praise her in the gates and
rise up and call her blessed, and this tribute
is paid to them out of a heart full of tender
reminiscences of the years we dwelt with
them in mutual labor, sympathy, confidence,
and affection. They clothed and cared for
204 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
their own households, sewed for the soldiers,
made our battle-flags, and sent their dearest
and only bread-winners to give their lives for
them. They fed the hungry, cared for the
orphans, deprived themselves of every wonted
luxury to give it to the soldiers, and were
amid their deprivations so cheerful, as to ani
mate even the men with hope. When all
was lost, they awaited their fate with as much
silent courage as was evinced by the men.
The exception was a woman who did not
nurse at some hospital. I did not, because
Mr. Davis felt it was best for me not to ex
pose the men to the restraint my presence
might have imposed, and in lieu of nursing I
issued provisions which had been sent to me
from the Governor of Virginia, and other
persons charitably inclined toward the fami
lies of soldiers.
Among those who labored in the hospitals,
I recall now with great clearness Mrs. Lucy
Webb, Miss Emily V. Mason, Mrs. Phoebe
Pember, and as well, Mrs. James Alfred
Jones's beautiful young face, in a tobacco
warehouse which had been converted into a
hospital ward for desperately wounded men.
She came forward with a bowl of water and a
sponge with which she had been wetting the
stump of a suffering soldier's arm. The at
mosphere was fetid with the festering wounds,
THE EXECUTIVE MANSION. 205
and must have oppressed her greatly, for she
was as fragile as she was beautiful ; the tears
brimmed over her lovely eyes as she ex
claimed, " Oh, Mrs. Davis, there has been a
case of pyaemia here, can nothing be done ? "
We took counsel together for a moment, and
then I went to my husband, who had the
wounded men camped out, and fortunately
only one died.
Here I saw a remarkable instance of the
position our private soldiers occupied at home.
Some money had been sent to me from
Vicksburg to relieve the "boys from Warren
County." Hearing that there were several
at this hospital, I walked from one end to the
other and tried in vain to find a man who de
sired pecuniary aid. One fair - haired boy,
with emaciated face and armless sleeve, looked
up and whispered, " There is a poor fellow
on the other side who I think will take a little,
I am afraid he has no money ; my father gives
me all I want." I crossed the room and
asked the sufferer, who had neither hand, if I
could not get him something he craved. He
flushed and said, " I thank you, madam, for
your visit, but I do better than that poor fel
low over there ; he has lost his leg and suffers
dreadfully." And so on to the end of the
ward.
Mr. James Lyons and his handsome wife
206 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
dispensed a large and graceful hospitality at
Laburnum, their country home in the suburbs,
and a finer example of a high-bred Virginia
household could not have been found. The
Haxalls, McFarlands, Aliens, Archers, An
dersons, Stewarts, Warwicks, Stanards, and
others well and admiringly remembered, kept
pace with them, and bravely they bore aloft
the old standard of Virginia hospitality.
My husband's health was at this time very
precarious, and he was too weak to ride to
headquarters. General Lee came up from
camp one day evidently worn out and worried,
to find Mr. Davis lying quite ill on a divan, in a.
little morning-room in which we received only
our intimate friends. General Lee, with a bow
and excuse for coming in on the white carpet
with his splashed boots, sat down and plunged
at once into army matters ; the outlook was
not encouraging, and the two friends talked
in a circle until both were worn out. There
was a little silver saucepan on the hearth,
and the General stopped abruptly and said,
" That is a comfortable and pretty little thing,
what do you use it for?" And then what a
delight it gave me to heat steaming hot the
cafe ait lait it contained and hand it to him
in a little Sevres cup. When I attempted to
ring for a servant to bring luncheon, he said,
" This drink is exquisite, but I cannot eat ; do
THE EXECUTIVE MANSION. 207
not call a servant, it is very cozy just so ; "
then looking at the cup, he remarked, with a
twinkle in his eye, " my cups in camp are
thicker, but this is thinner than the coffee."
Behind the playful speech I saw the intense
realization he had of the coarse ways and un
comfortable concomitants of a camp, and that
he missed as keenly the refinements of life to
which he had been accustomed after four
years, as he did at first.
In the last part of the war no one had deli
cacies, invitations very common among" inti
mate friends were, " Do come to dinner or
tea, we succeeded in running the blockade this
week." This meant coffee after dinner, pre
served fruits, loaf-sugar, good tea, or some
times that which was always very acceptable
to Mr. Benjamin's palate, anchovy paste. He
used to say, with bread made of Crenshaw's
flour spread with the paste, English walnuts
from an immense tree in the grounds, and a
glass of the McHenry sherry, of which we had
a small store, "a man's patriotism became
rampant," Once, when he was invited to par
take of a beefsteak pie, of which he was very
fond, he wrote : " I have never eaten them in
perfection except in the Cunard steamers (my
cook had been chef on one), and I shall enjoy
the scream of the sea-birds, the lashing of the
sea, and see ' the blue above and the blue
2o8 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
below/ while I eat it ; so you may expect
me."
The close relations that fellowship in dan
ger brings about are sweet memories, and
are harder to relinquish than those of courtly
ceremony or triumph. Our women knitted
like Penelope, from daylight until dark. They
did it, however, not as a subterfuge, but to
clothe their families and the soldiers socks,
gloves, mufflers, under-clothing, everything
that could be worn of this fabric, was made
and admirably shaped.
Mr. W. C. Rives was an exceedingly neat,
well-dressed man always, and the careful at
tention he gave to his attire made him ap
pear much younger than his long and dis
tinguished service proved him to be. He
came by invitation to our house one morn
ing to breakfast, wearing such a beautifully
fitted suit of gray clothes, with gaiters of
the same, and they became him so well, that
some of the young men remarked upon it
and suggested that Mr. Rives must have
" run the blockade ; " he overheard them
and whispered to me, " Look at me,. my wife
knitted every stitch of these clothes herself,
and had the yarn spun and dyed first. She
even knitted covering for the buttons." It
required very close inspection by young
eyes to see that they were knitted, and the
THE EXECUTIVE MANSION. 209
dainty, soigne old gentleman looked his best
in them.
Mrs. Robert E. Lee and her daughters, all
honor to them, furnished one hundred and
ninety-six socks and gloves to Posey's Brig
ade, and this when Mrs. Lee was confined to
her chair, a hopeless victim of rheumatism,
and her daughters' time was consumed by
nursing in the hospitals.
Mrs. Mary Arnold, wife of W. T. Arnold,
of Coweta, Ga., made in the year 1863 one
thousand and twenty-eight yards of cloth, be
sides knitting gratis socks and gloves for the
soldiers.
The ladies made themselves natty little
gloves embroidered beautifully. Mrs. Pern-
berton sent me an admirable pattern, which
with increase or decrease served our whole
family. They covered their worn-out shoes
with pieces of silk and satin, drawn from old
boxes long unused ; old scraps of silk were cut
in strips, picked to pieces, carded and spun
into fine yarn, and silk stockings knitted from
it. The most beautiful hats were plaited from
palmetto, dried and bleached, as well as from
straw. The feathers from domestic fowls
were so treated that they were very decora
tive to their bonnets, and if one sometimes
regretted that millinery should be a matter of
private judgment, still, in their pretty home-
VOL. II. 1 4
210 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
spun dresses they would have passed favor
ably in review with any ladies.
All their accomplishments were pressed
into the service of the soldiers. I remember
going to one of the hospitals, to carry delica
cies to the sick. Miss Emily V. Mason sat
by one bed reading the prayers of the church
to a man in extremis, while her gentle sister,
Mrs. Roland, sat in another ward singing old-
fashioned songs to her guitar as the dying
boy would call for them, her eyes full of un
shed tears, and her voice of melody. She was
going blind and could not work, so she gave
what she could.
We had no artificial appliances at the be
ginning of the war to supplement the loss of
any member of the body. There had been,
happily, little need for such aids before the
war, and these few had been bought at the
North ; but very soon the most perfect arti
ficial limbs were made in Charleston, as good,
one maimed general told me, as those to be
had anywhere.
It is a proud memory that the people of
our country rose in their might, and met
every emergency with industry, ingenuity,
self-sacrifice, and reckless daring, worthy of
their noble cause.
CHAPTER XXI.
EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION.
THE Executive usurpation of unconstitu
tional powers became conspicuous in 1862.
One after another barrier had been passed
without shocking the people. The session of
the Maryland State Legislature had virtually
been prorogued, some of its members ar
rested and imprisoned under circumstances of
great outrage.
Men had been arrested at long distances
from the seat of government, by lettres de
cachet. The Secretary of State's bell called
the emissary, and his signature was the only
warrant. Drum-head courts - martial con
demned civilians to death by the verdicts of
military commanders. Domiciliary visits were
made at all hours for unspoken suspicions.
In fact, all civil rights were for the time sus
pended.
' President Lincoln, reasoning by analogy,
thought that the immense property in slaves
possessed by the South might be the animat
ing cause of the ardor and unanimity of the
Confederates, and conceived the project of
212 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
liberating all the slaves by a proclamation of
gradual emancipation. He hoped to com
pass the voluntary relinquishment by each
State of the right to hold them, by the man
ner of their manumission. His plan was to
make it subject to the decision of each State,
and the compensation for the loss was to
be decided upon by the State with the co
operation of the United States Government.
He said : " The leaders of the existing rebel
lion entertain the hope that this government
will ultimately be forced to acknowledge the
independence of some part of the disaffected
region, and that all the slave States north of
such part will then say, ' The Union for which
we struggled being already gone, we now
choose to go with the Southern section.' To
deprive them of this hope substantially ends
the rebellion, and the initiation of emancipa
tion will deprive them, and all States includ
ing it."
President Lincoln hoped the love of gain
would distract the counsels and alienate the
rank and file of the Confederates, but feared
that when slavery was abolished the Western
States would find no further objection to a
union with the Southern States, their natural
allies, their neighbors and congeners in man
ners and tastes, and the Union would not be
completely restored. The philanthropists and
EMANCIPA TiON PROCLAMA T/OJV. 213
agitators, however, very soon saw, after a gen
eral computation, that if the proposition should
be accepted by the States, the Government
could not assume the payment of four hun
dred billions for the manumitted slaves, even
though this might be an inadequate com
pensation to their owners. So the project of
legally emancipating the slaves by the con
sent of their owners, and by offering com
pensation for them was abandoned.
Of the Act of Confiscation, issued July 25,
1862, Mr. Lincoln wrote, July 17, 1862 :
" It also provides that the slaves of persons
confiscated under these sections shall be free.
I think there is an unfortunate form of express
ing, rather than a substantial objection to
this. It is startling to say the Congress can
free a slave without a State, and yet, were it
said that the ownership of the slave had first
been transferred to the nation, and that Con
gress had then liberated him, the difficulty
would vanish, and this is the real case. The
traitor against the general Government for
feits his slave, at least as justly as he does
any other property, and he forfeits both to
the Government against which he offends.*
* " How," said Mr. Davis, " can a people who glory in a Decla
ration of Independence which broke the slumbers of a world, de
clare that men united in defence of liberty, property, and the pursuit
of happiness are * traitors ? ' Is it henceforth to be a dictum of hu-
2i4 JEFFEASON DAVIS.
The Government, so far as theie can be own
ership, owns the forfeited slaves ; and the
question to Congress, in regard to them, is :
Shall they be made free or sold to new mas
ters ? I see no objection to Congress decid
ing in advance that they shall be free."
On September I5th, Mr. Lincoln, to a dep
utation who urged him to issue the emanci
pation proclamation without compensation or
restrictions, answered, with one of his pithy
antitheses, " Such a proclamation would have
no more effect than the Pope's tirade against
the comet."
When our army suffered defeat, he concili
ated the Radicals ; when we were victorious,
he took counsel with the more conservative
men. We were just at that time in the as
cendant, but after Sharpsburg Mr. Lincoln
felt that he was in position to issue his first
proclamation, in which he declared slavery
abolished in all States after the ist of January
succeeding, except in such States as had sub
mitted to Federal authority. After a hun
dred days he issued his second proclamation,
to take effect at once.
manity that man may no more take up arms in defence of rights,
liberty, and property ? ... Is the highwayman henceforth to
be lord of the highway, and the poor, plundered traveller to have
no property which he may defend at the risk of the life of the high
wayman ? "
EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. 21$
Then was consummated the series of ag
gressions of the anti-slavery party of the
North, extending over thirty years, which
now sought at a single dash of the pen to
annihilate four hundred billions of our pro
perty, to disrupt the whole social structure of
the South, and to pour over the country a
flood of evils many times greater than the
loss of property.
The effect of the Emancipation Proclama
tion on the people of the South was unmis
takable. It roused them to a determination
to resist to the uttermost a power that re
spected neither the rights of property nor con^
stitutional guarantees.
The authority under which this usurpation
was to be accomplished was alleged to be
derived first from a " military necessity," and
second, from the clause which gave to the
Federal Government the right " to provide
for the general welfare."
The verdict rendered by the people in their
next elections was, therefore, a protest not only
against interference with slavery in the Con
federate States, but against the suspension
of the writ of habeas corpus, and the other
usurpations of Mr. Lincoln's Administration.
The Confederates were willing to have
peace, but not to yield their rights under the
Constitution, and the projects for reconstruc-
216 ~FFJ&SO# DAVIS.
tion discussed by the North ; none of them
guaranteed our equality in the Union. The
fatal policy of compromise was still adhered
to by our enemies, and the South was in Mr.
Webster's words on another occasion, to
"get just what the North yielded, nothing."
Meanwhile, almost every family in the South
had lost some dear defender of their honor,
who had died for liberty's sake, and the
bonds of the old loving Union had been
wrenched asunder. Our people were unwill
ing to yield an inch to the aggressions of the
North, for they no longer loved the Union as
it had been distorted by our enemies, and as
sincerely detested it as the abolitionists had
before secession, though even then our peo
ple did not characterize it as " a compact
with h ." The time had passed when a
compromise of our rights would have been
willingly made, that we might fight under the
banner our fathers so manfully aided to make
the ensign of freedom to all nations.
President Davis said : " The proclamation
will have a salutary effect in calming the fears
of those who have constantly evinced the ap
prehension that this war might end by some
reconstruction of the old Union, or some re
newal of close political relations with the
United States. These fears have never been
shared by me, nor have I been able to perceive
EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. 217
on what basis they could rest. But the procla
mation affords the fullest guarantee of the im
possibility of such a result. It has estab
lished a state of things which can lead to but
one of three consequences the extermination
of the slaves, the exile of the whole white
population of the Confederacy, or absolute
and total separation of these States from the
United States."
Now the North bent its energies to the
effort of subjugating the South, cast the
Constitution to the winds, and kept their
"powder dry." But though the majority of
the Confederates knew that, without a mir
acle, they must submit to the forces of the
world arrayed against them, they felt,"
Si cadere necessi est, occurrendum discrimini.
The condition of our servants began to be
unsettled, and it was said that there were clubs
of disaffected colored men in Richmond, gen
erally presided over by a white man, who were
furnished with two thousand dollars for each
servant who ran off from our service ; however,
as we lost but two in that \\ ay, it was hoped the
negroes did not sympathize with their abduc
tors.
One young woman, who was an object of
much affectionate solicitude to me, followed
218 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
her husband off, but systematically arranged
her flight, made a good fire in the nursery,
and came to warn me that the baby would be
alone, as she was going out for a while. We
never saw her afterward, and the following
article copied in a Washington paper filled us
with grave apprehensions for the poor creat
ure's safety.
"October 7, 1862.
" There are thousands of contrabands in
Alexandria, and such another set of misera
ble beings I have never seen in this country.
Some entire houses are set apart for them,
and into these the abandoned flock in droves.
Others live in tents, and others in the open
commons of the town.
" There is already great mortality among
them, and an Alexandria physician told me
that the small-pox had already broken out,
and would undoubtedly make great ravages
in their midst as soon as the cold weather
sets in. There is little or no occupation for
these contrabands. They are, in nine cases
out of ten, lazy, good-for-nothing vagabonds,
who seem impressed with the idea that it is
the duty of the Government to provide for
them. It is certain that Cuffee finds small
favor in the eyes of the troops who are now
there, particularly since the issue of the eman
cipation decree. Every day negroes are un-
EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. 219
mercifully beaten by white soldiers, and con
sider themselves lucky to get off with whole
bones. Well-dressed darkies are the special
aversion of the volunteers, and woe be unto
them if they show themselves in fine feathers
on King Street." (Alexandria, Va.)
CHAPTER XXII.
MISSOURI, MONITOR, AND VIRGINIA (MERRIMAC).
THE Confederate hopes were not easily
daunted. After each disaster victory again
crowned our army, and our confidence kept
pace with our pride and admiration.
While the fight was going' on in Missouri,
the most dramatic contest of the war was in
progress on the waters a fight that not only
ended in a great victory for the Confederacy,
but revolutionized the art of naval warfare.
It was the fight between the Virginia
(formerly the United States frigate Merri-
mac) and the Federal fleet, including the new
iron-clad the Monitor, at Hampton Roads, in
which the Virginia sunk the Congress, and
disabled and sunk several smaller vessels,
besides silencing all the guns at Newport
News but one.
The evacuation of Norfolk necessitated the
destruction of the ram Virginia, as she could
not be brought up the James river. The
consternation was great when her loss was
known coming as it did so fast upon the
MISSOURI, MONITOR, AND VIRGINIA. 221
heels of her triumph over the Federal fleet.
The flag captured by her was brought to the
Executive mansion for the President to see.
It was borne by Colonel John Taylor Wood,
a gallant participant in the fight, and was a
bunting flag of very fine quality and large
size. I took hold of it and found it damp
with blood, and retired to my room sick of
war and sorrowful over the dead and dying
of both sections.
CHAPTER XXIII.
SHILOH, 1862. CORINTH.
ON February 4th General Beauregard ar
rived at Bowling Green and reported to his
superior officer, General Albert Sidney John
ston. On the 6th Fort Henry surrendered
after a soldierly defence.
February nth the evacuation of Bowling
Green was begun and ended on the I3th,
and General Beauregard left for Columbus,
Ky.
On the 1 6th Fort Donelson fell.
The loss of Forts Henry and Donelson
opened the river routes to Nashville and North
Alabama, and thus turned the positions both
at Bowling Green and Columbus, and sub
jected General Johnston to severe criticism.
The President was appealed to, to remove
him ; but his confidence in General Johnston
remained unimpaired. In a letter to the Pres
ident, dated March 18, 1862, General Johnston
himself writes : " The test of merit in my pro
fession, with the people, is success. It is a
hard rule, but I think it right."
In reply to the letter from which the above
SHILOH, 1862. CORINTH. 223
is an extract, the President wrote him as fol
lows :
"RICHMOND, VA., March 26, 1862.
"MY DEAR GENERAL: Yours of the i8th
instant was this day delivered by your aid,
Mr. Jack. I have read it with much satisfac
tion. So far as the past is concerned, it but
confirms the conclusions at which I had al
ready arrived. My confidence in you has
never wavered, and I hope the public will soon
give me credit for judgment, rather than con
tinue to arraign me for obstinacy.
" You have done wonderfully well, and now
I breathe easier in the assurance that you will
be able to make a junction of your two ar
mies.
" If you can meet the division of the enemy
moving from the Tennessee before it can
make a junction with that advancing from
Nashville, the future will be brighter. If this
cannot be done, our only hope is that the peo
ple of the Southwest will rally en masse with
their private arms, and thus enable you to op
pose the vast army which will threaten the
destruction of our country.
" I have hoped to be able to leave here for
a short time, and would be much gratified to
confer with you, and share your responsibili
ties. I might aid you in obtaining troops ;
no one could hope to do more unless he un-
224 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
derrated your military capacity. I write in
great haste, and feel that it would be worse
than useless to point out to you how much
depends on you.
" May God bless you, is the sincere prayer
of your friend, JEFFERSON DAVIS."
General Beauregard left Nashville on Feb
ruary 1 4th, to take charge in West Tennessee,
and made his headquarters at Jackson, on
February i7th.
He was somewhat prostrated with sickness,
which partially disabled him through the cam
paign. The two grand divisions of his army
were commanded by the able Generals Bragg
and Polk. On March 26th he removed to
Corinth.
The enemy commenced moving up the
Tennessee River March loth, with the de
sign to mass the forces of Grant and Buell
against the Confederate forces under Johnston
and Beauregard at Corinth. General Grant
assembled his army at Pittsburg Landing on
March i7th.
The Confederate force at Corinth numbered
about forty thousand, divided into four corps
commanded respectively by Major- Generals
Polk, Bragg, and Hardee, and Brigadier-Gen
eral Breckinridge. General Beauregard was
second in command under General Johnston.
SHILOH, 1862. CORINTH. 225
The orders for the march and battle of the
Confederate army were issued on the after
noon of April 3d, and the movement began
with the intention of striking the enemy at
Pittsburg Landing on the 5th, but delays,
caused by confusion and intermingling of
corps upon the road, were so great that the
line of battle was not formed in front of the
enemy's outposts until late in the evening of
that day.*
General Bragg, in a monograph on the
battle of Shiloh, says: "During the after
noon of the 5th, as the last of our troops
were taking position, a casual and partly ac
cidental meeting of general officers occurred
just in rear of our second line, near the bi
vouac of General Bragg. The Commander-
in-Chief, General Beauregard, Generals Polk,
Bragg, and Breckinridge, are remembered as
present. In a discussion of the causes of the
delay and its incidents, it was mentioned that
some of the troops, now in their third day
only, were entirely out of food, though hav
ing marched with five days 7 rations. General
* Telegram from the President.
" RICHMOND, VA., April 5, 1862,
"To GENERAL A. S. JOHNSTON, Corinth, Miss.
" Your despatch of yesterday received. I hope you will be able
to close with the enemy before his two columns unite. I anticipate
victory.
"JEFFERSON DAVIS,"
VOL. II.-I5
226 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Beauregard, confident our movement had been
discovered by the enemy, urged its abandon
ment, a return to our camps for supplies, and
a general change of programme. In this opin
ion no other seemed fully to concur ; and when
it was suggested that the enemy's supplies
were much nearer, and could be had for the
taking, General Johnston quietly remarked,
1 Gentlemen, we shall attack at daylight to
morrow. 7 The meeting then dispersed, upon
an invitation of the commanding general to
meet at his tent that evening." That meet
ing did not change their determination. " The
next morning, about dawn of day, the 6th, as
the troops were being put in motion, several
generals again met at the camp-fire of the gen-
eral-in-chief. The discussion was renewed,
General Beauregard again expressing his dis
sent ; when rapid firing in the front indica
ting that the attack had commenced, General
Johnston closed the discussion by remarking:
' The battle has opened, gentlemen ; it is too
late to change our dispositions/ He pre
pared to move to the front, and his subordi
nates promptly joined their respective com
mands, inspired by his coolness, confidence,
and determination. Few men have equalled
him in the possession and display, at the
proper time, of these great qualities of the
soldier,"
SHILOH, 1862. CORINTH. 227
The results of the first day of this famous
battle are summarily presented in the follow
ing brief report of General Beauregard :
" At 5 A.M., on the 6th instant, a reconnoi
tring party of the enemy having become en
gaged with our advanced pickets, the com
mander of the forces gave orders to begin the
movement and attack as determined upon,
except that. Trabue's brigade of Breckin-
ridge's division was detached and advanced
to support the left of Bragg's corps and line
of battle, then menaced by the enemy ; and
the other two brigades were directed to ad
vance by the road to Hamburg to support
Bragg's right ; and at the same time Maney's
regiment of Folk's corps was advanced by the
same road to reinforce the regiment of cav
alry and battery of four pieces, already thrown
forward to watch and guard Grier's, Tanner's,
and Borland's Fords of Lick Creek.
" Thirty minutes after 5 A.M. our lines and
columns were in motion, all animated evi
dently by a promising spirit. The front line
was engaged at once, but advanced steadily,
followed in due order, with equal resolution
and steadiness, by the other lines, which were
brought successively into action with rare
skill, judgment, and gallantry by the several
corps commanders, as the enemy made a
stand with his masses rallied for the struggle
228 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
for his encampments. Like an Alpine ava
lanche our troops moved forward, despite the
determined resistance of the enemy, until after
6 P.M., when we were in possession of all his
encampments between the Owl and Lick
Creeks but one ; nearly all of his field-artil
lery, about thirty flags, colors, and standards,
over three thousand prisoners, including a
division commander (General Prentiss) and
several brigade commanders, thousands of
small-arms, an immense supply of subsist
ence, forage, and munitions of war, and a
large amount of means of transportation, all
the substantial fruits of a most complete vic
tory such, indeed, as rarely have followed
the most successful battles, for never was an
army so well provided as that of our enemy.
" The remnant of his army had been driven
in utter disorder to the immediate vicinity of
Pittsburg, under the shelter of the heavy guns
of his iron-clad gunboats, and we remained
undisputed masters of his well-selected, ad
mirably provided cantonments, after twelve
hours of obstinate conflict with his forces,
who had been beaten from them and the con
tiguous covert, but only by the sustained on
set of all the men we could bring into action."
There are two words in this report which,
if they could have been truthfully omitted, it
would have been worth to us the surrender of
StilLOIf, 1862. CORINTH. 229
all "the substantial fruits of a most complete
victory." It says: " Our troops moved for
ward despite, the determined resistance of the
enemy, until after 6 P.M., when we were in
possession of all his encampments between
the Owl and Lick Creeks, but one." It was
that " one " encampment that furnished a foot
hold for all the subsequent reinforcements
sent by Buell, and gave occasion for the final
withdrawal of our forces ; whereas, if that
had been captured, and the " waters of the
Tennessee" reached, as General Johnston
intended, it was not too much to expect that
Grant's army would have surrendered ; that
Buell's forces would not have crossed the
Tennessee.
General Johnston fell at 2.30 P.M., while his
victorious army was pushing the enemy be
fore him and in the full tide of glorious victory.
" The mortal wound was from a Minie-ball,
which tore the popliteal artery of the right
leg. He did not live more than ten or fifteen
minutes after receiving it. It was not neces
sarily fatal. General Johnston's own knowl
edge of surgery was adequate for its control
by an extemporized tourniquet, had he been
aware or regardful of its nature.
" Dr. D. W. Yandell, his surgeon, had at
tended his person during most of the morning,
but finding a lar^e number of wounded men,
230 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
including many Federals, at one point, Gen
eral Johnston ordered Yandell to stop there,
establish a hospital, and give them his ser
vices. He said to Yandell, ' These men
were our enemies a moment ago, that are
prisoners now ; take care of them/ Yandell
remonstrated against leaving him, but he was
peremptory, and the doctor began his work.
He saw General Johnston no more. Had
Yandell remained with him, he would have
had little difficulty with the wound. It was
this act of unselfish charity which cost him
his life." *
When rumors began to be circulated in
Richmond that a battle had been fought and
won at Corinth, the President endured the keen
est anxiety ; when remonstrance was made
against his depression he said, " I know John
ston, and if he is alive either good or bad news
would have been communicated at once."
When at last the dreadful certainty settled
upon him that General Johnston was no more,
,he said the cause could have spared a whole
State better than that great soldier. He
wrote of him in the " Rise and Fall : "
" Sidney Johnston fell in the sight of vic
tory ; the hour he had waited for, the event
he had planned for, had arrived. His fame
* Life of A. S. Johnston, by his son.
SH1LOH, \%62.-CORINTH. 231
was vindicated, but far dearer than this to
his patriotic spirit was it with his dying eyes
to behold his country's flag, so lately droop
ing in disaster, triumphantly advancing. In
his fall the great pillar of the Southern Con
federacy was crushed, and beneath its frag
ments the best hope of the Southwest lay
buried. A highly educated and richly en
dowed soldier, his varied experience embraced
also civil affairs, and his intimate knowledge
of the country and people of the Southwest
so highly qualified him for that special com
mand, that it was not possible to fill the place
made vacant by his death. Not for the first
time did the fate of an army depend upon a
single man, and the fortunes of a country
hang, as in a balance, on the achievements
of a single army. To take an example far
from us, in time and place, when Turenne
had, after months of successful manoeuvring,
finally forced his enemy into a position which
gave assurance of victory, and had marshalled
his forces for a decisive battle, he was, when
making a preliminary reconnoissance, killed
by a chance shot ; then his successor, instead
of attacking, retreated, and all which the one
had gained for France, the other lost."
The extracts which have been given
sufficiently prove that, when General John-
232 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
ston fell, the Confederate army was so fully
victorious that, had the attack been vigorously
pressed, General Grant and his army would
before the setting of the sun have been fugi
tives or prisoners.
The command then devolved upon General
Beauregard, who checked the advance all too
soon. An hour more and the enemy would
have surrendered or perished in the Tennes
see. That this is not a reckless statement,
let us hear what the actors in the battle have
to say.
General Hardee, who commanded the first
line, says in his report :
" Upon the death of General Johnston, the
command having devolved upon General
Beauregard, the conflict was continued until
sunset, and the advance divisions were within
a few hundred yards of Pittsburg, where the
enemy were huddled in confusion, when the
order to withdraw was received!'
General Polk in his report says :
" We had one hour or more of daylight
still left, were within one hundred and fifty to
four hundred yards of the enemy's position,
and nothing seemed wanting to complete the
most brilliant victory of the war but to press
forward and make a vigorous assault on the
demoralized remnant of his forces."
SHILOH, 1862. CORINTH. 233
Statement of Colonel C. H. LeBaron.
" About 2 o'clock P.M., the first day's fight,
when the enemy held a stubborn front to us, I
was near General Bragg. He ordered me to
go to General Johnston to ask for reinforce
ments. I obeyed his command and went to
look for General Johnston. Some distance in
the rear of the line of battle, I met Major
Thomas Jordan, one of General Beauregard's
staff. I was acquainted with him, and asked
where I could find General Johnston. His
reply was, ' General Johnston has been
killed, General Beauregard is now in com
mand ; say nothing of General Johnston's
death, the army must not know it. You will
find General Beauregard back there, tell him
Major Jordan requests him to come nearer to
the front.' I went on my errand and asked
for reinforcements, but said nothing about
Major Jordan's request about coming nearer
to the front.
" I returned to General Bragg and informed
him of the death of General Johnston. The
Confederates continued to drive the Federals
from one stand to another, until about five
o'clock P.M., when the latter ceased fighting
and got under the river bank. At this time
all was quiet, except an occasional shell from
2 3 4 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
the gunboats, which went high over our
heads ; the Confederates coming up to the
front and resting. At this time, I saw at a
short distance off the Twenty-first Alabama
Regiment. Having two nephews and a cousin
in it, with numerous friends from Mobile, I
asked General Bragg's permission to go to
that regiment, which he granted. I found
them all in high spirits, feeling as if the work
had been done completely. Major Stewart, in
command, requested me to ask General Bragg
for. orders. I went back to General Bragg,
and he ordered the Twenty-first Alabama to
advance and drive the enemy into the river,
and ordered me to carry the order along the
line. I left Major Stewart and was about to
carry out General Bragg's orders, when I
met one of General Beauregard's staff, who
inquired for General Bragg. I rode back to
General Bragg with this officer, who said to
General Bragg, ' General Beauregard orders
you to cease fighting and to rest your men to
night ; ' to which General Bragg replied,
' Have you promulgated this order to the
command ? ' The officer replied, ' I have.'
General Bragg said : ' If you had not, I would
not obey it ; the battle is lost/ '
SH1LOH, 1862. CORINTH. 235
Statement of Colonel William H. Me Cardie.
" As A. A. General of the First Division of
the First Corps (Folk's), I had occasion to see
General Beauregard twice during Sunday,
April 6th. The first time I saw him was
between ten and eleven o'clock A.M. ; and the
second time was between the hours of two and
three o'clock P.M. Each time I saw him at his
headquarters, some two miles in the rear, a
distance that was constantly being lengthened
by the advance of our troops and the retire
ment of the enemy. On each occasion he
was eagerly anxious for news in regard to the
progress of the fight. While retracing my
steps to the front (with Howell Hinds) in the
afternoon, I was met by Colonel Mumford, of
the staff of General Johnston,- who informed
me of the death of General Johnston, and that
he was hastening to General Beauregard to
announce to him the sad news, and that the
command devolved upon him. Of course it
amounts to nothing when I say that I did not
see General Beauregard on the field until
after the fall of Johnston, but the conclusion
is irresistible that he was not present until
after that disastrous event. ... I have
nothing to say of the blunders of Beauregard
after the death of Johnston, for they are suf
ficiently manifest to every one. . . ."
236 JEFFERSON
As the condition of affairs on the Confeder
ate side has been plainly shown, what was
that of the enemy, and what would have been
the result of a further advance of the Confed
erates ?
Colonel Geddes, of the Eighth Iowa Volun
teers, says as follows :
" About three P.M., all communications with
the river (landing) ceased, and it became evi
dent to me that the enemy was turning the
right and left flanks of our army. . . .
"About two o'clock the whole Union right,
comprising the Forty-sixth Ohio, which had
held that flank two hours or more, was driven
back in disorder, and the Confederate forces
cut the centre off from the landing soon after
o
General Johnston's fall."
When General Beauregard sent the order
for the battle to cease, Nelson's division of
Buell's army had just arrived on the opposite
bank of the river at Pittsburg, and was pre
paring to cross and go to the rescue of a
beaten and demoralized army. The junction
of the two Federal armies that General John
ston had tried to anticipate had been made.
In the " History of the Sixth Ohio Regi
ment," by E. Hannaford, the arrival of Nel
son is thus described :
11 On reaching the river opposite the battle
field, General Nelson looked in vain for the
SHILOH, 1862. CORINTH. 237
promised boats. The two or three stern-
wheel steamers that were lying under the
eastern bank, had come over simply to avoid
the rush of the mob on the farther shore, not,
however, until after some scores of the scared
wretches had succeeded in getting on board.
" Nelson had almost to force the captains
of these boats to take his foremost regiment,
the Thirty-sixth Indiana, across ; and, hav
ing given orders to Colonel Ammen to get
his brigade over as quickly as possible and
then to follow in person, crossed to Pittsburg
Landing. He was the first to ride off the
boat, Dr. Bradford being the second. Gen
eral Buell met him on the bank, and ordered
the men formed rapidly into line as they
should arrive, and moved to the front. ' You
have had the advance throughout the march,'
said Buell, ' and here, General, is your op
portunity. There is still one hour left in
which to decide this fight.' At this time
the roar of battle sounded appallingly near ;
everything was in confusion ; thousands of
panic-stricken fugitives were cowering under
the bluff, filling the air with their cries and
lamentations ; and hundreds of teams, with
all the debris of a beaten army, were com
mingled in the utmost disorder, and covered
the landing down to the water's edge. It
was a sickening sight one that has never
238 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
been adequately described, and never can be.
Finding that words were thrown away upon
the rabble around him, General Nelson after
ward asked permission to open fire upon
them. ' Get out of the way, you d d
cowards/ he exclaimed, furiously, as a rush
was made toward one of the boats whence a
detachment of the Sixth Ohio was disembark
ing ; " get out of the way ! If you won't fight
yourselves let these men off that will. Sixth
Ohio, follow me ! '
" Upon the bluff overlooking the landing,
General Grant was met, moody and silent,
and at that moment on foot. Colonel Am-
men, having meanwhile transmitted to Colo
nels Bruce and Hazen the order to hurry the
men across, reported to Nelson upon the
bluff. The Thirty-sixth Indiana was over.
Companies A, F, and D, of the Sixth Ohio
were landing, and the Twenty-fourth, and the
remaining companies of the Sixth Ohio, were
either in the stream or in the act of disem
barking. Grant told Ammen that he wanted
him to support * that battery on the left there/
pointing, as he spoke, to Captain Stone's bat
tery ; whereupon Colonel Ammen hastened
to form such of his troops as had already ar
rived. While affairs were in this posture, a
cannon-ball came whistling between the trees,
took the head of one of Grant's orderlies off,
SHILOH, 1862. CORINTH. 239
shot away the saddle from under Lieutenant
Graves, one of Nelson's aids, and went plung
ing over the bluff into the river below, pro
ducing consternation indescribable among the
thousands herded about the landing. ' Don't
stop to form, Colonel, don't stop to form,' im
plored a staff officer, hurrying toward Colonel
Ammen ; ' we shall all be massacred if you
do ! There isn't a man out yonder, on the
left, between us and the rebels. For God's
sake, Colonel, hurry your men forward.'
. jj. . As soon as the Thirty-sixth Indiana
could be formed, and, without waiting for the
remainder of the brigade, Colonel Ammen
moved it forward ; General Buell, who had
previously examined the ground, showing
him where to post it. The position assigned
it was only about two hundred yards from the
bluff, on the extreme left of the Union line, if
line it might have been called, and behind the
crest of the hill that rises above the ravine
before described. Companies A, F, and D,
of the Sixth Ohio, formed on its left and a
little in the rear, but the rebel attack was too
far to their right to permit them to get into
action that night. In this quarter the artil
lery had been left absolutely without any or
ganized infantry support, and the handful of
troops that still remained, chiefly cannoneers,
were in extreme disorder. Had Bragg been
240 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
able to renew his assault upon this portion of
the Union lines before the opportune arrival
of Ammen's brigade in all human probabil
ity he would have forced the position."
Says a staff officer of the Tenth Brigade,
U. S. A. :
" I doubt whether, on any battle-field dur
ing the war, any set of men ever formed un
der just such circumstances as the Sixth Ohio
at Shiloh. I shall never forget the scene.
More than half of our artillery was gone, our
entire force driven into twelve or fifteen acres
of ground, a thousand wagons and nearly all
of the tents were captured, the enemy press
ing forward almost in sight ; batteries and
musketry in front, and a cross-fire of cannon
from above, and ten thousand panic-stricken
men of our own fled out of the fight, hailing
the troops just arriving with such cries as,
' We're whipped ! ' ' The fight is lost ! ' ' We're
cut to pieces ! ' ' It's no use to form ! ' ' They're
driving us into the river,' etc. In this terri
ble extremity the regiment fell quickly and
orderly into line, and at the word moved
gallantly forward. I could not resist the
temptation of riding my iron-gray close up to
the lines, and crying out, ' Bully for the Sixth
Ohio ! ' The regiment was halted a short
distance in the rear of the Thirty-sixth Indi
ana, the firing having materially slackened ;
SHILOH, 1862. CORINTH. 241
in a few minutes it ceased entirely. Within
the next half-hour the deepening darkness,
setting at rest the question of further fight
ing for that day, had decided the issue of
the struggle : ' Night and Blucher had both
come.' '
Mr. Davis, in reply to a letter from a friend,
says : " There was no need to say more than
you have said about Shiloh, concerning which,
notwithstanding his report, where little was
said of Sidney Johnston except the fact that
he was killed, Beauregard has but two sus
tained claims. One to have prepared the
order of march, which resulted in failure to
bring the troops on the ground at the time
and manner required ; and the other, to have
withdrawn the army at the moment of victory,
and thus to have sacrificed all which the skill
and heroism of Johnston had achieved."
On the morning of the 7th, the enemy,
now reinforced by Wallace's division and the
army of Buell, advanced about six o'clock and
opened a heavy fire of musketry and artil
lery.
The Confederates fought these new ene
mies with their accustomed valor and spirit,
but after the junction of Buell and Grant had
been effected, and General Johnston's plan
for fighting them in detail miscarried by the
delays incident upon getting the troops upon
VOL. II. 16
242 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
the field, a retreat to Corinth became a ne
cessity.
The field return of the army of Mississippi
before the battle of Shiloh, showed a total of
40,335. The effective force of Grant's army
was 49,3 14; reinforcements of Buell, 21,579;
total, 70,893. The casualties were as fol
lows : Confederates killed, wounded, and
missing, 10,699; Grant's army, April 6th,
11,220, leaving for duty on the 7th, 59,673.
" About 9 P.M. on the evening that we
crossed the river," says Dr. Stephens, surgeon
of the Sixth Ohio, "Lieutenant-Colonel An
derson ordered me to take charge of the old
log-house on the top of the bluff (the same
building, as it would appear, that General
Grant had occupied during the day as head
quarters), and there organize our regimental
hospital, which was accordingly done, and the
place made as comfortable as its bare walls
and our scanty supplies would permit. About
eleven o'clock our attention was called to
some general and a staff officer seated close
together on the top of two empty barrels that
stood in the middle of one of the rooms. I
thought it a strange place for them, and was
still more surprised a few minutes afterward
to hear the staff officer address his compan
ion as General Grant. Both officers appeared
to be much dejected (as was my impression
SHILOH, 1862. CORINTH. 243
at the time), very little conversation, how
ever, being carried on between them. Sev
eral times during the night, guns and pistols
were fired close around the building by some
of the demoralized troops at the landing.
This appeared to annoy the General greatly,
and once or twice he left his seat on the bar
rel, and, going to the door, cried, at the top
of his voice, ' Stop that firing ! ' Once, on re
turning to his companion, he said, ' The
cowards ! if they were to get their deserts,
the first thing to be done in the morning
would be to take a cannon and shell them out
from there.' The pair occupied their posi
tions on the top of the barrels, 'grand, gloomy,
and peculiar,' until daylight of Monday morn
ing, when they disappeared as mysteriously
as they came." *
On April 9 th, General H. W. Halleck left
St. Louis and proceeded to assume command
of the Federal force at Pittsburg Landing.
A reorganization was made in which General
Grant's divisions formed the right wing ; those
of General Buell the centre ; and those of Gen
eral Pope the left wing ; and an advance on
Corinth was commenced on April 28th, with a
force exceeding 85,000 effectives. On May
2d he had reached within eight miles of Co-
* Story of a Regiment (Sixth Ohio).
244 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
rinth, and on the 2ist his batteries were with
in three miles. His move'ments were very
slow, and at night his army was protected by
an intrenched camp ; by day he was assailed
by the Confederate skirmishers. At 9 A.M.
of the 29th, Halleck's works were substan
tially done and the siege train brought for
ward.
The force of Beauregard was less than 45,-
ooo men. He estimated that of the enemy
between 85,000 to 91,000.
General Beauregard being unable to hold
Corinth, commenced the removal of his sick
preparatory to an evacuation on May 26th, and
on the next day arrangements were made
for falling back on the 29th. The evacuation
was complete, not only the army but every
piece of ordnance was withdrawn. The re
treat was continued to Tupelo, the enemy not
interfering.
On June I4th orders were sent to General
Bragg from Richmond to proceed to Jackson,
Miss., and temporarily to assume command
of the department then under the command
of General Lovell. The order concluded as
follows :
" After General Magruder joins, your fur
ther services there may be dispensed with.
The necessity is urgent and absolute.
11 JEFFERSON DAVIS."
SHILOH, 1862. CORINTH. 245
On application to General Beauregard for
the necessary orders, he replied :
" You cannot possibly go. My health does
not permit me to remain in charge alone here.
This evening my two physicians were insist
ing that I should go away for one or two
weeks, furnishing me with another certificate
for that purpose, and I have concluded to go,
intending to see you to-morrow on the sub
ject ; and I leave you in command."
The certificate of the surgeons was as fol
lows :
" We certify that, after attendance on Gen
eral Beauregard for the past four months, and
treatment of his case, in our professional opin
ion he is incapacitated physically for the ar
duous duties of his present command, and we
earnestly recommend rest and recuperation.
(Signed) R. L. BRODIE, P.A.F.S.
" SAM. CHOPPIN."
These facts were telegraphed to the Presi
dent at once by General Bragg. Soon after
Mr. Davis sent him another telegram, renew
ing the order, and expressing his surprise
that he should have hesitated to obey, when
the original order stated " the necessity is ur
gent and absolute." Before this second tele
gram was received by General Bragg, Gen-
246 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
eral Beauregard had transferred the command
of the army to him, and had departed for
Bladen Springs. General Bragg thus de
scribes the subsequent proceedings :
" Prepared to move, I telegraphed back to
the President that the altered conditions in
duced me to await orders. In reply to this I
was immediately notified by telegraph of my
assignment to 'permanent command of the
army.'
The telegram read as follows :
"RICHMOND, June 20, 1862.
" GENERAL BRAXTON BRAGG, Tupelo, Miss.
" Your despatch informing me that General
Beauregard had turned over the command to
you and left for Mobile on surgeons' certifi
cate was duly received.
" You are assigned permanently to the
command of the department, as will be more
formally notified to you by the Secretary of
War.
" You will correspond directly and receive
orders and instructions from the Government
in relation to your future operations.
" JEFFERSON DAVIS."
As the telegrams sent to Secretary of War
Stanton, after the evacuation of Corinth, are
of such a remarkable character, and evincing
so little regard for the truth that they are
SHILOH, 1862. CORINTH. 247
amusing, I cannot refrain from adding the
following as specimens :
"HALLECK'S HEADQUARTERS, June 4th.
" General Pope with 40,000 is thirty miles
south of Corinth, pushing enemy hard. He
already reports 10,000 prisoners and desert
ers from the enemy, and 15,000 stand of arms
captured. Thousands of the enemy are throw
ing away their arms, A farmer says that
when Beauregard had learned that Colonel
Elliott had cut the railroad on his line of re
treat, he became frantic and told his men to
save themselves as best they could.
" H. W. HALLECK,
" Major-General (Commanding).
" To E. M. STANTON, Secretary of War."
" CORINTH, June 9, 1862.
" The enemy has fallen back to Saltillo
(Tupelo ?), fifty miles by rail and near seventy
by wagon road. General Pope estimates
rebel loss from casualties, prisoners, and de
sertions at over 20,000, and General Buell at
between 20,000 and 30,000. An Englishman
employed in the Confederate Commissary De
partment says they had 120,000 men in Co
rinth, and that they cannot muster much over
80,000. Some fresh graves on the road have
been opened and found Jilled with arms (?).
" H. W. HALLECK, Major -General''
$4% jEFFEtiSON DA VlS.
"CORINTH, July 3, 1862.
" . . . I am not responsible for the truth
of the statements thus communicated. . . .
" In regard to the number of prisoners and
arms taken, I telegraphed the exact language
of General Pope. If it was erroneous the re
sponsibility is his, not mine.
"H. W. HALLECK, Major-General"
CHAPTER XXIV.
NEW ORLEANS.
ALTHOUGH depressed by the loss of the
victory virtually won by General Johnston at
Shiloh, because " someone had blundered "
after his death, the people were still far from
being hopeless of final success. They knew
that we were still masters of the river south
of Fort Pillow, and they believed that we
should be able still to retain the rich valley of
the lower Mississippi.
But general disappointment and a tempo
rary feeling of alarm suddenly arose from an
event unexpected, and never hitherto feared :
the fall of New Orleans, which had been re
garded as strong enough to repel the attack
ing force. Such also had been the belief of
General Lovell, the military commander
there, as late as December 5, 1861. Chains
were stretched across the approaches to New
Orleans, and obstructions sunk in the river
at the narrowest points ; the forts had been
all strengthened ; but all these were passed.
Our new ram, the Mississippi, was destroyed
by our forces, and all the machinery and ma-
2 $d JEFFERSON DAVIS.
teriel of war was lost, and the key to the
Mississippi was in the enemy's hands. ^
The loss of New Orleans was a terrible
disaster. But deeply as its capture was de
plored by the Confederates, the spirit of the
people did not become despondent, and a
series of Confederate victories soon revived
their most ardent hopes of achieving national
independence.
General Butler was soon inaugurated as
the autocratic ruler of the city.
His course in hanging Mumford upon the
charge of hauling down the United States
flag from the Mint, of which act he was in
nocent, and in issuing " Order No. 28," ex
cited strong resentment not only in the South,
but in the North and abroad, but does not
properly come within the scope of a biography
of the President of the Confederacy. The
moral effect of his infamous " Order No. 28 "
was great, and reconciled whomsoever might
have differed from the policy of the Con
federate leaders within our borders.*
* General Butler' ' j Order 28,
" HEAD QUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF GULF,
"NEW ORLEANS, May 15,1862.
"As officers and soldiers of the United States have been subject
to repeated insults from women calling themselves ladies of New
Orleans, in return for the most scrupulous non-interference and cour
tesy on our part, it is ordered hereafter, when any female shall, by
mere gesture or movement, insult or show contempt for any officers
ORLEANS. 25!
Butler's government in New Orleans, and
his assaults upon the helpless women and non-
combatants, filled our army with horror and
indignation.
Upon the receipt of a copy of this infamous
order, President Davis issued his proclama
tion as follows :
After reciting that General Halleck had put
General Lee off by delay, to avoid either
avowal or disavowal of General Butler's cruel
course in the execution of an innocent non-
combatant, the President said :
" And whereas, the silence of the Govern
ment of the United States and its maintaining
of said Butler in high office under its author
ity for many months after his commission of
an act that can be viewed in no other light
than as a deliberate murder, as well as of
numerous other outrages and atrocities here
after to be mentioned, afford evidence only
too conclusive that the said Government
sanctions the conduct of said Butler, and is
determined that he shall remain unpunished
for his crimes ;
" Now, therefore, I, Jefferson Davis, Presi-
or soldiers of the United States, she shall be regarded and held
liable to be treated as a woman about town plying her avocation.
"By command of
" MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER.
" GEORGE C. STRONG, A. A, G."
252 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
dent of the Confederate States of America,
and in their name, do pronounce and declare
the said Benjamin F. Butler to be a felon, de
serving of capital punishment. I do order
that he be no longer considered or treated
simply as a public enemy of the Confederate
States of America, but as an outlaw and com
mon enemy of mankind ; and that in event of
his capture, the officer in command of the
capturing force do cause him to be immedi
ately executed by hanging ; and I do further
order that no commissioned officer of the
United States taken captive shall be released
on parole before exchange until the said But
ler shall have met with due punishment for
his crimes.
" And whereas the hostilities waged against
this Confederacy by the forces of the United
States under the command of said Benjamin
F. Butler have borne no resemblance to such
warfare as is alone permissible by the rules
of international law or the usages of civiliza
tion, but have been characterized by repeated
atrocities and outrages, among the large num
ber of which the following may be cited as
examples :
" Peaceful and aged citizens, unresisting
captives and non-combatants, have been con
fined at hard labor, with balls and chains at
tached to their limbs, and are still so held, in
NEW ORLEANS. 253
dungeons and fortresses. Others have been
subjected to a like degrading punishment for
selling medicines to the sick soldiers of the
Confederacy.
" The soldiers of the United States have
been invited and encouraged by general or
ders to insult and outrage the wives, the
mothers, and the sisters of our citizens.
" Helpless women have been torn from
their homes and subjected to solitary confine
ment, some in fortresses and prisons, and one
especially on an island of barren sand under
a tropical sun ; have been fed with loathsome
rations that had been condemned as unfit for
soldiers, and have been exposed to the vilest
insults.
" Prisoners of war, who surrendered to the
naval forces of the United States on agree
ment that they should be released on parole,
have been seized and kept in close confine
ment.
" Repeated pretexts have been sought or
invented for plundering the inhabitants of the
captured city by fines, levied and exacted un
der threat of imprisoning recusants at hard
labor with ball and chain.
" The entire population of the city of New
Orleans have been forced to elect between
starvation, by the confiscation of their prop
erty, and taking oath against conscience to
254 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
bear allegiance to the invaders of their coun
try.
" Egress from the city has been refused
to those whose fortitude withstood the test,
even to lone and aged women and to helpless
children ; and after being ejected from their
homes and robbed of their property, they have
been left to starve in the streets or subsist on
charity.
" The slaves have been driven from the
plantations in the neighborhood of New Or
leans till owners would consent to share the
crops with the commanding general, his
brother, Andrew J. Butler, and other officers ;
and when such consent had been extorted,
the slaves have been restored to the planta
tions, and there compelled to work under the
bayonets of guards of United States soldiers.
" Where this partnership was refused, armed
expeditions have been sent to the plantations
to rob them of everything that was suscept
ible of removal, and even slaves too aged or
infirm for work have, in spite of their en
treaties, been forced from the homes provided
by the owners and driven to wander helpless
on the highway.
"By a recent order (No. 91), the entire
property in that part of Louisiana lying west
of the Mississippi River has been sequestrated
for confiscation, and officers have been as-
NEW ORLEANS. 255
signed to duty, with orders to ' gather up
and collect the personal property, and turn
over to the proper officers, upon their receipts,
such of said property as may be required for
the use of the United States Army ; to col
lect together all the other personal property
and bring the same to New Orleans, and cause
it to be sold at public auction to the highest
bidders ' an order which, if executed, con
demns to punishment by starvation at least
a quarter of a million of human beings of all
ages, sexes, and conditions ; and of which the
execution, although forbidden to military offi
cers by the orders of President Lincoln, is in
accordance with the confiscation law of our en
emies, which he has directed to be enforced
through the agency of civil officials. And,
finally, the African slaves have not only been
excited to insurrection by every license and
encouragement, but numbers of them have
actually been armed for a servile war a war
in its nature far exceeding in horrors the most
merciless atrocities of the savages.
"And whereas the officers under the com
mand of the said Butler have been in many
instances active and zealous agents in the
commission of these crimes, and no instance
is known of the refusal of any one of them
to participate in the outrages above nar
rated ;
256 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
" And whereas the President of the United
States has, by public and official declaration,
signified not only his approval of the effort to
excite the servile war within the Confederacy,
but his intention to give aid and encourage
ment thereto if these independent States shall
continue to refuse submission to a foreign
power after the first day of January next, and
has thus made known that all appeals to the
laws of nations, the dictates of reason, and
the instincts of humanity would be addressed
in vain to our enemies, and that they can be
deterred from the commission of these crimes
only by the terms of just retribution ;
" Now, therefore, I, Jefferson Davis, Presi
dent of the Confederate States of America,
and acting by their authority, appealing to
the Divine Judge in attestation that their con
duct is not guided by the passion of revenge,
but that they reluctantly yield to the solemn
duty of repressing, by necessary seventy,
crimes of which their citizens are the victims,
do issue this my proclamation, and by virtue
of my authority as Commander-in-chief of
the Armies of the Confederate States, do
order :
" First. That all commissioned officers in
the command of said Benjamin F. Butler be
declared not entitled to be considered as sol
diers engaged in honorable warfare, but as
NEW ORLEANS. 257
robbers and criminals, deserving death ; and
that they and each of them be, whenever cap
tured, reserved for execution.
" Second. That the private soldiers and
non-commissioned officers in the army of
said Butler be considered as only the instru
ments used for the commission of the crimes
perpetrated by his orders, and not as free
agents ; that they therefore be treated, when
captured, as prisoners of war, with kindness
and humanity, and be sent home on the usual
parole that they will in no manner aid or
serve the United States in any capacity during
the continuance of this war, unless duly dis
charged.
" Third. That all negro slaves captured in
arms be at once delivered over to the execu
tive authorities of the respective States to
which they belong, to be dealt with according
to the laws of the said States.
" Fourth. That the like orders be executed
in all cases with respect to all commissioned
officers of the United States, when found
serving in company with armed slaves in in
surrection against the authorities of the dif
ferent States of this Confederacy.
" In testimony whereof I have signed these
presents and caused the seal of the Con
federate States of America to be affixed
thereto, at the city of Richmond, on this z$d
VOL. ii. 17
258 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
day of December, in the year of our Lord
one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two.
" JEFFERSON DAVIS."
In the House of Lords, on the I3th, Lord
Carnarvon called attention to General But
ler's proclamation relative to the ladies of
New Orleans, and condemned it in severe
terms as without precedent in the annals of
war. He asked if the Government had in
formation of its authenticity, and if it had pro
tested against it. He also asked if there was
any truth in the rumors of the mediation of
France and England. The success of such
mediation would depend greatly upon the
manner in which, and the time when, it was
offered, but he trusted the Government was
in position to give the subject favorable con
sideration.
Earl Russell said that, from Lord Lyons's
despatches, the Government believed the proc
lamation to be authentic, but with respect to
any action of the United States Government,
in the way of approval or disapproval, they
had no information. Lord Lyons had made
no representation to the American Govern
ment upon the subject, and he did not appear
to have any information respecting the proc
lamation upon which he could do so. For his
own part, he (Russell) hoped the American
NEW ORLEANS. 259
Government would, for its own sake, refuse its
sanction to and disapprove the proclamation.
It was important to the whole world that the
usages of war should not be aggravated by
proclamations . of this kind. He then gave
the explanation of the treatment the procla
mation referred to, but thought such procla
mation, addressed to forces which had just
captured a hostile town, was likely to lead to
great brutality. He therefore thought this
explanation was no defence for the proclama
tion, and sincerely hoped the American Gov
ernment would disavow it.
With respect to the rumors of mediation,
Earl Russell was glad the question had been
put, for the rumors were likely to lead to
much mischief. Her Majesty's Government
had made no proposal to France, and the
French Government had made no proposal
to England ; and therefore upon this subject
there had been no communications of any
kind between the two Governments. With
out, however, giving any opinion as to the
propriety of offering mediation at some future
time, if circumstances should prove favorable,
he must say that at the present time such
mediation appeared to him to be the most
inopportune. He conceived that in the em
bittered state of feeling in America, it would
not only lead to no good, but would re-
260 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
tard the time for such offer being favorably
made.
Mr. Hopwood asked if there was any
truth in the mediation rumors.
Lord Palmerston said that no communi
cation had been received from the French
Government on the subject ; and as to the
British Government, they had no intention at
present to offer mediation.
CHAPTER XXV.
YORKTOWN AND WILLIAMSBURG.
ON February 27, 1862, with the approval
of the President, the office of Commanding-
General of the Confederate forces was created
by the House of Representatives.
When General McClellan heard of the re
treat of the Confederate Army from Manassas,
he ordered a reconnoissance and ascertained
that our troops had crossed the Rapidan.
General McClellan's account of this move
ment was given in a report to the Secretary
of War, dated Fairfax Court-House, March
n, 1862, 8.30 P.M. From it I make a short
extract :
" I have just returned from a ride of more
than forty miles. Have examined Centreville,
Union Mills, Blackburn's Ford, etc. The
works at Centreville are formidable ; more
so than at Manassas. Except the turnpike,
the roads are horrible. The country entirely
stripped of forage and provisions. Having
fully consulted with General McDowell, I pro
pose occupying Manassas with a portion of
262 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
Banks's command, and then at once throwing
all the forces I can concentrate upon the line
agreed upon last week."
The " formidable fortifications" at Centre-
ville consisted of nine small earthworks con
taining thirty-one wooden guns, known at
that time as " Quakers." They were made
of pine logs, charred black, and were in some
cases mounted on wagon wheels ; where they
were not, leaves and brush were laid over the
embrasures.
This armament was indeed formidable, in
appearance at least, and had the effect of pro
ducing the impression desired upon General
McClellan. " Intelligent contrabands " made
frequent reports to him of the strong position
of the Confederates at Centreville.
The Federal army was transferred to the
Peninsula early in April, and General Mc
Clellan landed about one hundred thousand
men at Fortress Monroe. At this time Gen
eral Magruder occupied the lower Peninsula
with seven or eight thousand men.
General Magruder was then reinforced un
til his army numbered about 20,000 men.
As soon as it was definitely ascertained
that General McClellan, with his main army,
was on the Peninsula, General J. E. Johnston
was assigned to the command of that depart
ment. After spending a day on Magruder's
YORKTOWN AND WILLIAMSBURG. 263
lines, he returned to Richmond, recommend
ed the abandonment of the Peninsula, and
that a position nearer Richmond should be
taken.
The recommendation was held for consid
eration, and the President proposed to invite
to the conference the Secretary of War,
George Randolph, and General Lee, then
stationed in Richmond.
General Johnston asked that he might in
vite General Longstreet and General G. W.
Smith to be present, which was assented to.
After hearing the views expressed by the
several officers named, the President decided
to resist the enemy on the Peninsula, and,
with the aid of the navy, to hold Norfolk and
keep command of the James River.
The Confederates numbered, when General
Johnston took command, over 50,000 men.
On April i6th, an assault was made upon
the Confederate lines at Warwick, but was re
pulsed with heavy loss.
The month of April was cold and rainy,
and our men were poorly provided with shel
ter and with only the plainest rations, but la
bored steadily to perfect the defences.
By the following telegram, sent by the Pres
ident to General Johnston, the contents of
that which he had received from him will be
readily inferred.
264 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
"RICHMOND, VA., May i, 1862.
" GENERAL J. E. JOHNSTON, Yorktown, Va.
" Accepting your conclusion that you must
soon retire, arrangements are commenced for
the abandonment of the Navy Yard and
removal of public property both from Norfolk
and the Peninsula.
" Your announcement to-day that you
would withdraw to-morrow night, takes us
by surprise, and must involve enormous loss
es, including unfinished gunboats. Will the
safety of your army allow more time ?
" JEFFERSON DAVIS."
General Johnston withdrew his army from
the line of the Warwick River on the night
of April 3d. Heavy cannonading both on the
night of the 2d and 3d, concealed his inten
tion, and the evacuation was made so suc
cessfully that the enemy was surprised the
next morning to find the lines unoccupied.
The loss of public property was, as antici
pated by Mr. Davis, very great.
General Johnston, after an engagement at
Williamsburg, in which the Fifth North Caro
lina was annihilated, and the Twenty-Fourth
Virginia suffered terribly in officers and men,
and General Early was wounded, retired
from the Peninsula, and halted his army in the
vicinity of Richmond.
YORKTOWN AND WILLIAMSBURG. 265
As soon as Norfolk was evacuated, a very
severe course was adopted toward the citizens.
In consequence of some fancied offence to the
wife of General Viele, the ladies were forbid
den to speak while crossing on the ferry-boat,
and every species of indignity was inflicted
upon the townspeople. Mr. Davis's anxieties
were greatly increased by the evacuation of
the Peninsula, and the consequent losses that
he saw no speedy means to repair.
He thought it could have been held, and
yet had much faith in ,General Johnston's
military opinions, and more in his patriotism.
Our supplies -of every useful implement
were beginning to require replenishing. We
had lost large numbers of entrenching tools on
the retreat, and many heavy guns, including
some recently received and not yet mounted.
General Beauregard appealed for bells to
be melted into cannon, March 20, 1862.
These bells were contributed, and captured
by the enemy in New Orleans, and sold in
Boston at Lombard's North Wharf, East
Boston, and averaged thirty cents a pound ;
the sum for which they were sold amounted to
over $30,000. Thus resulted the sacrifice so
gladly made by individuals in the Confederacy.
In this year the Church and the world sus
tained a great loss in the death of Bishop
Meade. He had been General Lee's precep-
2 66 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
tor, and when the General went to see him,
he called him in the old simple way : " Rob
ert, come near that I may bless you."
He left a message for the Confederate peo
ple. " Tell your people to be more deter
mined than ever. This is the most unjust
and iniquitous war that was ever waged."
He was buried from St. Paul's Church, and
followed by a multitude of sincere mourners.
In these days of self-sacrifice and dumb
suffering many things were endured which
should exalt the name of Confederates.
The burning of all the cotton in the coun
try was a stupendous sacrifice, and there is
probably no man who remembers it now well
enough to state the facts. Generally it was
burned by the owner, but in a few cases the
Government agent was charged with the
duty. The following is the form of certifi
cate given for cotton burned June 10, 1862 :
" This is to certify that bales of cotton,
belonging to , was burned on his planta
tion this day.
" Provost- Marshal,
" Parish, La."
The issues for which we were battling for
tunately rendered us indifferent to the per
sonal losses we were everywhere sustaining.
YORKTOWN AND WILLIAMSBURG. 267
Mr. Davis, after hearing of the loss of our
property, the sacking of our house on Brier-
field, the destruction of our fine library, the
loss of all the blooded stock on the place, and
the demoralization of the negroes, and their
forcible deportation, wrote to me a long letter
about the army, etc., and in a paragraph said:
" You will have seen a notice of the de
struction of our home. If our cause succeeds
we shall not mourn over any personal depri
vation ; if it should not, why, ''the deluge." I
hope I shall be able to provide for the com
fort of the old negroes."
It is hard, in recalling the memory of all our
heroes who fought and fell, to individualize
their separate acts, heroism, or self-abnegation,
but here is one culled from an old newspaper.
"The officers of the Second Louisiana
Regiment, Stafford's Brigade, Johnson's Di
vision, Army of Northern Virginia, went into
the ranks as privates, not being near enough
home to recruit." No word of approval is
appended to the announcement the act
elicited no expression of surprise.
These men came of people who act rather
than write, and now they have no histori
ans ; but their names are affectionately re
called by our firesides, and their deeds here,
like the righteousness of the Hebrew war
riors, exalted their nation.
CHAPTER XXVL
THE GUN-BOATS IN THE JAMES RIVER BATTLE OF
SEVEN PINES.
ABOUT May 9th Mr. Davis insisted that we
should leave Richmond, and relieve him from
unnecessary anxiety. On the eve of the gth
there was a reception, and we were to go in
three days. A courier came to the President
with despatches, and as he passed me on his
return to the drawing-room I looked a ques
tion and he responded, in a whisper, " The
enemy's gun-boats are ascending the river."
Our guests remained quite late, and there was
no opportunity for .further conversation.
As soon as they were gone my husband told
me he hoped the obstructions would prevent
the gun-boats reaching the river, but that he
preferred we should go the next morning.
Always averse to flight, I entreated him to
grant a little delay, but he was firm, and I com
municated the news to the family. Dr. Wil
liam M. Gwin and his daughter were visiting
us, and a friend from the next corner had tar
ried beyond the rest. As soon as our dear
little neighbor was told the news, she dropped
THE GUN- BO ATS IN THE JAMES RIVER. 269
on her knees and raising her hands to heaven,
ejaculated, " Lord Jesus, save and help me."
Notwithstanding the crucial period through
which we were passing, we all laughed heart
ily, except our friend. She was a woman of
rare attainments and keen wit, and had writ
ten a journal which extended over a long pe
riod of intercourse with the greatest men of
their day at home and abroad. Such a record
of the passing show would have been almost
as valuable an addition to the history of the
time as Madame Junot's or Madame de Remu-
sat's diaries, but she burnt it at once for fear
of its being taken from her by the enemy.
We left for Raleigh, N. C., on the morning
of May loth ; the panic began some days later,
and it was pitiable to see our friends coming
in without anything except the clothes they
had on, and mourning the loss of their trunks
in a piteous jumble of pain and worriment.
The Sunday before our departure, Mr.
Davis was baptized at home by Mr. Minne-
gerode, in the presence of the Right Rev.
Bishop Johns, and a peace which passed un
derstanding seemed to settle in his heart,
after the ceremony. His religious convictions
had long occupied his thoughts, and the joy
of being received into the Church seemed to
pervade his soul.
Now the campaign began in dreadful ear-
270 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
nest. Soon after General Johnston took posi
tion on the north side of the Chickahominy ;
accompanied by General Lee, my husband
rode out to his headquarters in the field, in
order to establish a more thorough co-intelli
gence with him. General Johnston came in
after they arrived, saying he had been riding
around his lines to see how his position could
be improved. A long conversation followed,
which was so inconclusive that it lasted until
late at night, so late that they remained until
the next morning, when Mr. Davis sent me
the following letter :
"RICHMOND, May 13, 1862.
" Yesterday afternoon I went to the head
quarters of General Johnston's army, about
twenty-two or three miles from here. He
was out when we reached there, and the dis
tance was so great that after consultation it
was decided to remain, and I rode in this
morning.
" The army is reported in fine spirits and
condition. If the withdrawal from the Pen
insula and Norfolk had been with due prepa
ration and a desirable deliberation, I should be
more sanguine of a successful defence of this
city. Various causes have delayed the ob
structions and the armament of the covering
fort, while the hasty evacuation of the defences
below and the destruction of the Virginia
THE GUN-BOATS IN THE JAMES RIVER. 271
hastens the coming of the enemy's gun
boats.
" I know not what to expect when so many
failures are to be remembered, yet will try to
make a successful resistance, and if it were
the first attempt, would expect to sink the
enemy's boats."
On May i5th, the enemy's fleet of five
ships of war, among them the Monitor,
steamed up the James River, and took posi
tion within range of the fort at Drewry's
Bluff, and opened fire between eight and
nine o'clock. The little Patrick Henry was
lying above the obstructions, and co-operated
with the fort in its defence. General Lee
had also some light batteries in position on
the banks of the river to sweep the ships'
decks with cannister.
The Monitor and Galena steamed up to
within six hundred yards of the fort, the
smaller vessels were kept at long range.
When it was known in Richmond that
General Johnston's army had fallen back to
the vicinity of the city, and that the enemy's
gun-boats were ascending the James, a panic
became imminent. Many were apprehensive
that Richmond would be abandoned by the
Confederate forces.
During the engagement which ensued with
the fort the flag-ship Galena was badly in-
272 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
jured by its guns, and her crew driven be
low by the light pieces on the banks, with
many casualties. The Monitor was struck
repeatedly, but the shot did little damage,
save denting some of her plates.
At eleven o'clock the enemy drew off, out
of range, and moved down the river. The
attempt was not renewed.
Richmond breathed freer, when it was
known the danger had passed. On the
1 6th, my husband rode out to see the works
and obstructions in the James River, and
upon his return wrote to me as follows :
" . . . I returned this evening from a
long ride through rain and mud, having gone
down the James River to see the works
and obstructions on which we rely to stop
the gun-boats. The attack of ye .erday has
given an impulse to the public, and our work
ing parties have been increased so much that
a few days will now enable us to effect more
than has been done in weeks past. I reached
the fort yesterday, arriving after the firing had
ceased, and found the garrison quite elated
at their success, and each one prompt to tell
that the gun-boats were clear gone. David
was under fire and eloquent in relation to
the nervousness of the raw troops, he and
the marines being the veterans. . . .
The panic here has subsided, and with in-
THE GUN-BOATS IN THE JAMES RIVER. 273
creasing confidence there has arisen a desire
to see the city destroyed rather than surren
dered. ' They lightly talk of scars who
never felt a wound/ and these talkers have
little idea of what scenes would follow the
battering of rows of brick houses. I have
told them that the enemy might be beaten
before Richmond, or on either flank, and we
would try to do it, but that I could not allow
the army to be penned up in a city. The
boats, we ought to be, and I hope are, able
to stop. Their army, when reduced to small-
arms and field pieces, I think we can defeat,
and then a vigorous pursuit will bring results
long wished for, but not given to the wind.
. .' . . Be of good cheer and continue to
hope that God will in due time deliver us
from the hands of our enemies and ' sanctify
to us our deepest distress.' As the clouds
grow darker, and when one after another of
those who are trusted are detected in secret
hostility, I feel like mustering clans were in
me, and that cramping fetters had fallen from
my limbs. The great temporal object is to
secure our independence, and they who en
gage in strife for personal or party aggran
dizement deserve contemptuous forgetful-
ness. I have no political wish beyond the
success of our cause, no personal desire but
to be relieved from further connection with
VOL. II. 18
274 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
office ; opposition in any form can only dis
turb me insomuch as it may endanger the
public welfare. . ; V Maggie is a wise
child. I wish I could learn to let people alone
who snap at me, in forbearance and charity
to turn away as well from the cats as the
snakes. Dear little Joey may well attract ad
miration, and the people who think him like
me must have formed complimentary ideas of
my appearance. . . . Our church was
not fully attended to-day, the families have to
a great extent left town, and the excitement,
no doubt, kept away many men. Mr. Minne-
gerode was sick, Bishop Johns preached ex
temporaneously, and his address was fervent
and appropriate. I thought him more elo
quent than on any former occasion. The
resemblance to Mr. Clay is probably acci
dental."
Not receiving a definite reply to a letter
sent to General Johnston by his aide-de
camp, Colonel G. W. C. Lee, Mr. Davis
rode out to visit him at his headquarters, and
was surprised, in the surburbs of Richmond,
the other side of Gillis's Creek, to meet a por
tion of the light artillery, and to learn that the
whole army had crossed the Chickahominy.
General Johnston explained that he thought
the water of the Chickahominy would prove
THE GUN-BOATS IN THE JAMES RIVER. 275
injurious to his troops, and had therefore di
rected them to cross, and to halt at the first
good water.
General McClellan following up John
ston's movement, drew his lines nearer to the
Confederate capital. His army at this time
numbered, present and absent, 156,838 ; ef
fectives present 105,825. The army under
Johnston, 62,696 effectives.
On May iQth, my husband again wrote to
me as follows :
" . ..I have but a moment to say that
I am well as usual, and busier than hereto
fore. General Johnston has brought his
army back to the suburbs of Richmond, and
I have been waiting all day for him to com
municate his plans."
" The enemy have pushed out their pick
ets, and have found out his movements while
concealing their own."
" We are uncertain of everything, except
that a battle must be near at hand."
Under date of May 28th Mr. Davis wrote
me as follows :
" . . . We are steadily developing for
a great battle, and under God's favor I trust
for a decisive victory. The enemy are pre
paring to concentrate in advance by regular
approaches ; we must attack him in motion,
and trust to the valor of our troops for sue-
276 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
cess. It saddens me to feel how many a
mother, wife, and child will be made to grieve
in bitterness, but what is there worse than
submission to such brutal tyranny as now
holds sway over New Orleans. . . . "
Continuing Mr. Davis's narrative in refer
ence to the operations around Richmond at
this time, he said :
" Seeing no preparation to keep the enemy
at a distance, and kept in ignorance of any
plan for such purpose, I sent for General R.
E. Lee, then at Richmond, in general charge
of army operations, and told him why and how
I was dissatisfied with the condition of affairs.
" He asked me what I thought it was
proper to do. Recurring to a conversation
held about the time we had together visited
General Johnston, I answered that McClellan
should be attacked on the other side of the
Chickahominy before he matured his prepa
rations for a siege of Richmond. To this he
promptly assented, as I anticipated he would,
for I knew it had been his own opinion. He
then said : ' General Johnston should of
course advise you of what he expects or pro
poses to do. Let me go and see him, and
defer this discussion until I return/
" . . . When General Lee came back,
he told me that General Johnston proposed,
on the next Thursday, to move against the
THE GUN-BOATS IN THE JAMES RIVER. 277
enemy as follows : General A. P. Hill was to
move down on the right flank and rear of the
enemy. General G. W. Smith, as soon as
Hill's guns opened, was to -cross the Chick-
ahominy at the Meadow Bridge, attack the
enemy in flank, and by the conjunction of the
two it was expected to double him up. Then
Longstreet was to come on the Mechanics-
ville Bridge and attack him in front. From
this plan the best results were hoped by both
of us.
" On the morning of the day proposed, I
hastily despatched my office business and
rode out toward the Meadow Bridge to see
the action commence. On the road I found
Smith's division halted and the men dis
persed in the woods. Looking for someone
from whom I could get information, I finally
saw General Hood, and asked him the meaning
of what I saw. He told me he did not know
anything more than that they had been halted.
I asked him where General Smith was ; he
said he believed he had gone to a farm-house
in the rear, adding that he thought he was ill.
" Riding on the bluff which overlooks the
Meadow Bridge, I asked Colonel Anderson,
posted there in observation, whether he had
seen anything of the enemy in his front. He
said that he had seen only two mounted men
across the bridge, and a small party of infan-
278 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
try on the other side of the river, some dis
tance below, both of whom, he said, he could
show me if I would go with him into the
garden back of the house. There, by the use
of a powerful glass, were distinctly visible two
cavalry videttes at the further end of the
bridge, and a squad of infantry lower down
the river, who had covered themselves with a
screen of green boughs. The Colonel in
formed me that he had not heard Hill's guns ;
it was, therefore, supposed he had not ad
vanced. I then rode down the bank of the
river, followed by a cavalcade of sight-seers,
who I supposed had been attracted by the
expectation of a battle. The little squad of
infantry, about fifteen in number, as we ap
proached, fled over the bridge, and were lost
to sight.
" Near to the Mechanicsville Bridge I
found General Howell Cobb, commanding the
support of a battery of artillery. He pointed
out to me on the opposite side of the river the
only enemy he had seen, and which was
evidently a light battery. Riding on to the
main road which led to the Mechanicsville
Bridge, I found General Longstreet, walking
to and fro in an impatient, it might be said
fretful, manner. Before speaking to him, he
said his division had been under arms all day
waiting for orders to advance, and that the
THE GUN-BOATS IN THE JAMES RIVER. 279
day was now so far spent that he did not know
what was the matter. I afterward learned
from General Smith that he had received in
formation from a citizen that the " Beaver-dam
Creek presented an impassable barrier, and
that he had thus fortunately been saved from
a disaster." Thus ended the offensive-de
fensive programme from which Lee expected
much, #nd of which I was hopeful."
On the morning" of May 3ist my husband
wrote me as follows :
". . I packed some valuable books
and the sword I wore for many years, to
gether with the pistols used at Monterey
and Buena Vista, and my old dressing-case.
These articles will have a value to the boys
in after-time, and to you now. . . . They
will probably go forward to-day.
" Thank you for congratulations on success
of Jackson. Had the movement been made
when I first proposed it, the effect would have
been more important.
" In that night's long conference it was re
garded impossible. We have not made any
balloon discoveries. The only case in which
much is to be expected from such means will be
when large masses of troops are in motion.*
* A balloon called "the Intrepid," containing two people, ascend
ed from Richmond and hung over McClellan's camp for two hours,
about the end of July, 1862.
DAV1$.
" Yesterday morning I thought we would
engage the enemy, reported to be in large
force on the Upper Chickahominy. The re
port was incorrect, as I verified in the after
noon by a long ride in that locality.
" I saw nothing more than occasional cav
alry videttes, and some pickets with field ar
tillery.
" General Lee rises to the occasion . . .
and seems to be equal to the conception. I
hope others will develop capacity in execu
tion. . . . If we fight and are victorious,
we can all soon meet again. If the enemy re
treat to protect Washington, of which there
are vague reports, I can probably visit you."
In the meantime the enemy moved up, and
finding the crossing at Bottom Bridge unde
fended, on the 25th threw a corps across the
Chickahominy.
He afterward added another corps, and
commenced fortifying a line to Seven Pines.
Mr. Davis continued his narration in " The
Rise and Fall " of the Confederacy :
" In the forenoon of May 3ist, riding out
on the New Bridge road, I heard firing in the
direction of Seven Pines. As I drew nearer,
I saw General Whiting, with part of General
Smith's division, file into the road in front of
me ; at the same time I saw General John
ston ride across the field from a house before
GUN -SO ATS IN THE JAMES RIVE&. iSi
which General Lee's horse was standing. I
turned down to the house, and asked Gene
ral Lee what the musketry firing meant. He
replied by asking whether I had heard it, and
was answered in the affirmative ; he said he
had been under that impression himself, but
General Johnston had assured him that it
could be nothing more than an artillery duel.
It is scarcely necessary to add that neither of
us had been advised of a design to attack the
enemy that day.
" We then walked out to the rear of the
house to listen, and were satisfied that an ac
tion, or at least a severe skirmish, must be
going on.
" General Johnston states in his report that
the condition of the air was peculiarly iinfav-
orable to the transmission of sound.
" General Lee and myself then rode to the
field of battle, which may be briefly described
as follows :
"The Chickahominy flowing in front, is a
deep, sluggish, and narrow river, bordered by
marshes and covered with tangled wood.
The line of battle extended along the Nine-
mile road, across the York River railroad,
and Williamsburg stage-road. The enemy
had constructed redoubts, with long lines of
rifle-pits covered by abatis, from below Bot
tom Bridge to within less than two miles of
282 EFFgRSOtf DAVIS.
New Bridge, and had constructed bridges to
connect his forces on the north and south
sides of the Chickahominy. The left of his
forces, on the south side, was thrown forward
from the river; the right was on its bank, and
covered by its slope. Our main force was on
the right flank of our position, extending on
both sides of the Williamsburg road, near to
its intersection with the Nine-mile road. The
wing consisted of Hill's, Huger's, and Long-
street's divisions, with light batteries, and a
small force of cavalry ; the division of General
G. W. Smith, less Hood's brigade ordered to
the right, formed the left wing, and its posi
tion was on the Nine-mile road. There were
small tracts of cleared land, but most of the
ground was wooded, and much of it so cov
ered with water as to seriously embarrass the
movements of troops.
" When General Lee and I, riding down
the Nine-mile road, reached the left of our
line, we found the troops hotly engaged.
Our men had driven the enemy from his ad
vanced encampment, and he ha*d fallen back
behind an open field to the bank of the river,
where, in a dense wood, was concealed an in
fantry line, with artillery in position. Soon
after our arrival, General Johnston, who had
gone farther to the right, where the conflict
was expected, and whither reinforcement
THE GUN-BOATS IN THE JAMES RIVER. 283
from the left was marching 1 , was brought back
severely wounded, and, as soon as an ambu
lance could be obtained, was removed from
the field.
" Our troops on the left made vigorous
assaults under most disadvantageous circum-
o
stances. They made several gallant attempts
to carry the enemy's position, but were each
time repulsed with heavy loss.
" After a personal reconnoissance on the
left of the open in our front, I sent one, then
another, and another courier to General Ma-
gruder, directing him to send a force down
by the wooded path, just under the bluff, to
attack the enemy in flank and reverse. Im
patient of delay, I had started to see Gene
ral Magruder, when I met the third courier,
who said he had not found General Magruder,
but had delivered the message to Brigadier-
General Griffith, who was moving by the
path designated to make the attack.
" On returning to the field, I found that the
attack in front had ceased ; it was, therefore,
too late for a single brigade to effect anything
against the large force of the enemy, and
messengers were sent through the woods to
direct General Griffith to go back.
" The heavy rain during the night of the
3Oth had swollen the Chickahominy ; it was
rising when the battle of Seven Pines was
284 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
fought ; but had not reached such height as
to prevent the enemy from using his bridges ;
consequently, General Sumner, during the
engagement, brought over his corps as a re
inforcement. He was on the north side of
the river, had built two bridges to connect
with the south side, and, though their cover
ings were loosened by the upward pressure
of the rising water, they were not yet impas
sable. With the true instinct of the soldier
to march upon fire, when the sound of the
battle reached him, he formed his corps and
stood under arms waiting for an order to ad
vance. He came too soon for us, and, but for
his forethought and promptitude, he would
have arrived too late for his friends. It may
be granted that his presence saved the left
wing of the Federal army from defeat.
" As we had permitted the enemy to fortify
before our attack, it would have been better
to have waited another day, until the bridges
would have been rendered impassable by the
rise of the river.
" General Lee at nightfall gave instructions
to General Smith, the senior officer on that
part of the battle-field, and left with me to
return to Richmond."
Mr. Davis had a personal observation of
the left of the line of battle only. For the
operations on the right he referred to the
THE GUN-BOATS IN THE JAMES RIVER. 285
report of General Longstreet, who was in
chief command. From this report, published
by the War Department at Washington, the
following extract is taken :
" Agreeably to verbal instructions from the
Commanding General, the division of Major-
General D. H. Hill was, on the morning of
the 3 ist ultimo formed at an early hour on
the Williamsburg road, as the column of
attack upon the enemy's front on that road.
. . . . The division of Major-General
Huger was intended to make a strong flank
movement around the left of the enemy's
position, and attack him in the rear of that
flank. . . . After waiting some six hours
for these troops to get into position, I
determined to move forward without regard
to them, and gave orders to that effect to
Major-General D. H. Hill. The forward
movement began about two o'clock, and our
skirmishers soon became engaged with those
of the enemy. The entire division of General
Hill became engaged about three o'clock, and
drove the enemy back, gaining possession of
his abatis and part of his intrenched camp,
General Rodes, by a movement to the right,
driving in the enemy's left. The only rein
forcements on the field, in hand, were my
own brigades, of which Anderson's, Wilcox's,
and Kemper's were put in by the front on
286 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
the Williamsburg road, and Colston's and
Pryor's by my right flank. At the same time
the decided and gallant attack made by the
other brigades gained entire possession of
the enemy's position, with his artillery, camp-
equipage, etc. Anderson's brigade, under
Colonel Jenkins, pressing forward rapidly,
continued to drive the enemy till nightfall.
. . . The conduct of the attack was left
entirely to Major-General Hill. The entire
success of the affair is sufficient evidence of
his ability, courage, and skill."
In reference to the failure of General
Huger to make the attack expected of him,
Mr. Davis said : " Some explanation should
be given of an apparent dilatoriness on the
part of that veteran soldier, who, after long
and faithful service, now fills an honored
grave.
" It will be remembered that General
Huger was to move by the Charles City road,
so as to turn the left of the enemy and attack
him in flank. The extraordinary rain of the
previous night had swollen every rivulet to
the dimensions of a stream, and the route
prescribed to General Huger was one espec
ially affected by that heavy rain, as it led to
the head of the White-Oak swamp. The
bridge over the stream flowing into that
swamp had been carried away, and the alter-
THE GUN-BOATS IN THE JAMES RIVER. 287
natives presented to him was to rebuild the
bridge or leave his artillery. He chose the
former, which involved the delay that has
subjected him to criticism. If any should
think an excuse necessary to justify this de
cision, they are remanded to the accepted
military maxim, that the march must never be
so hurried as to arrive unfit for service ; and,
also, that they may be reminded that Huger's
specialty was artillery, he being the officer
who commanded the siege-guns with which
General Scott marched from Vera Cruz to
the City of Mexico."
General Rodes, alluding to the difficulty he
had with his infantry in getting on the field,
said: " The progress of the brigade was
delayed by the washing away of the bridge,
which forced the men to wade in water waist-
deep, and a large number were entirely sub
merged. . .- . The ground was covered
with thick undergrowth, and the soil very
marshy. It was with great difficulty that
either horses or men could get over it-
guided as they were only by the firing in
front. Only five companies of the Fifth Ala
bama emerged from the woods under a heavy
fire of artillery and musketry."
General Huger's line of march was nearer
to the swamp, and the impediments conse
quently greater than where General Rodes
288 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
found the route so difficult as to be dangerous
even to infantry.
On the next day, June ist, the enemy en
deavored to retake the works Hill's division
had captured the day before.
General Longstreet was ordered to attack
on the morning of the 3ist. The division of
General D. H. Hill drove the enemy steadily
back until nightfall. Our troops on the left
did not co-operate with General Hill. If the
battle was preconceived, why did they not
come to his aid ? Why were they so far re
moved as not to hear the first guns ?
General G. W. Smith seems not to have
been informed of the Federal works in his
front, as he says in his report :
" The enemy was driven, but they were re
inforced and held a strong position either
fortified or naturally strong. . .' . Fire
came from a low bank of an old ditch, either
drain or foundation of a fence very near the
surface of the ground."
General Smith continued : " After leaving
the wood, I heard for the first time that Gen
eral Johnston had been severely wounded,
and compelled to leave the field. This un
fortunate casualty placed me in command of
the Army of Northern Virginia. . '. . The
next morning I was compelled by illness to
leave the field."
THE GUN-BOATS IN THE JAMES RIVER. 289
Mr. Davis wrote :
" On the morning of June ist, I rode out
toward the position where General Smith
had been left on the previous night, and
where I learned from General Lee that he
would remain. After turning into the Nine-
mile road, and before reaching that position,
I was hailed by General Whiting, who saw
me at a distance, and ran toward the road to
stop me. He told me I was riding into the
position of the enemy, who had advanced on
the withdrawal of our troops, and there, point
ing, he said, ' is a battery which I am sur
prised has not fired on you.' I asked where
our troops were. He said his was the ad
vance, and the others behind him. He also
told me that General Smith was at the house
which had been his (Whiting's) headquar
ters, and I rode there to see him. To relieve
both him and General Lee from any embar
rassment, I preferred to make the announce
ment of General Lee's assignment to com
mand previous to his arrival.
" After General Lee arrived, I took leave,
and being subsequently joined by him, we
rode together to the Williamsburg road,
where we found General Longstreet, his
command being in front, and then engaged
with the enemy on the field of the previous
day's combat.
VOL. II. 19
290 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
" On the morning of June ist, the army was
withdrawn to its old position in front of Rich
mond.
" By official reports our loss, ' killed wound
ed, and missing," was 6,804; f which 4,851
were in Longstreet's command on the right,
and 1,233 m Smith's command on the left.
On the right we captured 10 pieces of artil
lery, 4 flags, a large amount of camp-equip
age, and more than 1,000 prisoners.
" Our aggregate of both wings was about
40,500. The enemy's 37,936, until Sumner's
corps crossed the Chickahominy, when the
enemy's aggregate in excess of ours was in
round numbers 16,000.
"General R. E. Lee was now in immediate
command, and thenceforward directed the
movements of the army in front of Richmond.
Laborious and exact in details, as he was vigi
lant and comprehensive in grand strategy,
a power, with which the public had not
credited him, soon became manifest in all
that makes an army a rapid, accurate, com
pact machine, with responsive motion in all
its parts. I extract the following sentence
from a letter from the late Colonel R. H.
Chilton, Adjutant and Inspector-General of
the Army of the Confederacy, because of his
special knowledge of the subject :
" ' I consider General Lee's exhibition of
THE GUN-BOATS IN THE JAMES RIVER. 291
grand and administrative talents and indomit
able energy, in bringing up that army in so
short a time to that state of discipline which
maintained aggregation through those terrible
seven days fights around Richmond, as prob
ably his grandest achievement.' '
On June 2d * and 3d my husband wrote
me the following letters :
" . . . On Saturday we had a severe
battle and suffered severely in attacking the
enemy's intrenchments, of which our Generals
were poorly informed. Some of them, and
those most formidable, were found by receiv
ing their fire. Our troops behaved most
gallantly, drove the enemy out of their en
campments, captured their batteries, carried
their advanced redoubts, and marched for
ward under fire more heavy than I had ever
previously witnessed. Our loss was heavy,
that of the enemy unknown. General J. E.
Johnston is severely wounded. The poor
* June 2, 1862, the President addressed a letter of thanks "To
the Army of Richmond."
"At a part of your operations it was my fortune to be present.
On no other occasion have I witnessed more of calmness and good
order than you exhibited while advancing into the very jaws of
death, and nothing could exceed the prowess with which you closed
upon the enemy when a sheet of fire was blazing in your faces.
. ii- . You are fighting for all that is dearest to men ; and though
opposed to a foe who disregards many of the usages of civilized war,
your humanity to the wounded and the prisoners was the fit and
crowning glory to your valor."
292 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
fellow bore his suffering most heroically.
When he was about to be put into the ambu
lance to be removed from the field, I dis
mounted to speak to him ; he opened his
eyes, smiled, and gave me his hand, said he
did not know how seriously he was hurt, but
feared a fragment of shell had injured his
spine. It was probably a shell loaded with
musket-balls, as there appears to be a wound
of a ball in his shoulder ranging down toward
the lungs. I saw him yesterday evening ; his
breathing was labored, but he was free from
fever and seemed unshaken in his nervous sys
tem. Mrs. Johnston is deeply distressed and
very watchful. They are at Mr. Crenshaw's
house, on Church Hill. I offered to share
our house with them, but his staff obtained a
whole house and seemed to desire such ar
rangement. General Lee is in the field, com
manding. General G. W. Smith has come in
this morning, sick his old disease, it is said.
" Yesterday we had some heavy skirmish
ing, and increased our stock of prisoners, but
no important result was gained. Unaccount
able delays in bringing some of our troops in
to action prevented us from gaining a decisive
victory on Saturday. The opportunity being
lost, we must try to find another. The same
point and manner of attack would not succeed
if again attempted.
THE GUN-BOATS IN THE JAMES RIVER. 293
" God- will, I trust, give us wisdom to see,
and valor to execute, the measures necessary
to vindicate the just cause.''
" RICHMOND, VA., June 3, 1862.
". * * I cannot telegraph to you of our
military operations without attracting atten
tion and exciting speculation which it is desir
able to avoid. The events of the last few
days have not varied our condition in any
decisive manner, and you have seen enough
of rumor to teach you to reject babbling.
" General Johnston is improving, and
though his confinement must be long, it is
confidently believed that his wounds will not
prove fatal. General Smith is sick, a return
of his former disease, superinduced, it is said,
by loss of sleep.
" The movements of the enemy are slow
and well concealed ; our scouts will, I hope,
succeed better hereafter, than heretofore, in
obtaining intelligence.
11 The Yankees had been eight or ten days
fortifying the position in which we attacked
them on Saturday^ and the first intimation I
had of their having slept on this side of the
Chickahominy, was after I had gone into an
encampment from which they had been driven.
" The ignorance of their works caused much
of the loss we suffered. . . .
294 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
" If the Mississippi troops, lying in camp
when not retreating under Beauregard, were
at home, they would probably keep a section
of the river free for our use, and closed against
Yankee transports.
" It is hard to see incompetence losing op
portunity and wasting hard-gotten means, but
harder still to bear is the knowledge that
there is no available remedy. I cultivate hope
and patience, and trust to the blunders of our
enemy and the gallantry of our troops for ul
timate success.
" Tell Helen that Captain Keary has been
in the column most distinguished of late.
Jackson is probably now marching
toward this side of the Blue Ridge."
CHAPTER XXVII.
JACKSON IN THE VALLEY.
ON May 8th, General Jackson formed a
junction in the valley with General Edward
Johnston.
On May 25th Generals Jackson, Edward
Johnston, and Ewell, drove the enemy across
the Potomac into Maryland. Two thousand
prisoners were taken. General Banks, the
commander-in-chief, said, " there never were
more grateful hearts in the same number of
men than when, at midday on the 26th, we
stood on the opposite shore."
General Geary moved to Manassas Junc
tion, burned his tents and destroyed a quan
tity of arms, and General Duryea telegraphed
to Washington for aid. A panic ensued in
Washington, and the Secretary of War issued
a call to the Governors of the " loyal" States
"for militia to defend the city."
Jackson pressed eagerly on to disperse
the garrisons at Charlestown and Harper's
Ferry.
General Winder's brigade drove the ene-
296 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
my in disorder from Charlestown toward the
Potomac.
When in the vicinity of Harper's Ferry,
General Jackson, with an effective force of
about fifteen thousand men, much less than
either of the two armies under Shields and
Fremont that were marching" to intercept
him, by a forced march, arrived on the night
of May 3ist at Strasburg, and learned that
General Fremont's advance was in the imme
diate vicinity.
General Ewell held Fremont in check with
so little difficulty that General Taylor de
scribed it as " offering a temptation to make
a serious attack upon Fremont's whole army."
Ashby, vigilant and enterprising, soon per
ceived this, and pointing it out to Ewell, asked
for infantry to attack the pursuing party so as
to destroy them before their supports could
get up. This force was given to him, and
just in the dusk of the evening Ashby came
upon them intrenched behind a fence. In a
moment Ashby's horse was shot dead, but
jumping to his feet he cried, "Virginians,
forward ! " and in the instant fell dead. As he
fell Colonel Johnson with the First Maryland
charged and swept the fence clear, and killed
and wounded most of the routed enemy ;
they proved to be the Pennsylvania Buck-
tails, a crack battalion under Lieutenant-
JACKSON IN THE VALLEY. 297
Colonel Kane, who was wounded and capt
ured.
Colonel Johnson's horse was killed, shot in
three places. His color-sergeant and three
corporals were shot down in instantaneous
succession at the colors, but Corporal Shanks
seized them and bore them to the end.
Two days afterward, June 8th, as the First
Maryland was moving" into the battle of Cross
Keys they passed General Ewell. He said
to the commanding officer, " Colonel Johnson,
you ought to affix a bucktail to your colors
as a trophy." Whereupon Colonel Johnson
took a bucktail from the cap of one of the men
in ranks and tied it to the color lance above
the colors, where it was carried in pride and
triumph in all the battles of the regiment.
After the battle of Port Republic, General
Ewell issued the following order :
"HEADQUARTERS THIRD DIVISION, June 12, 1862.
" General Order, No. 30.
" In commemoration of the gallant conduct
of the First Maryland Regiment on June 6th,
instant, when led by Colonel Bradley T. John
son, they drove back with loss the Pennsylva
nia Bucktail Rifles, in the engagement near
Harrisonburgh, Buckingham County, Vir
ginia, authority is given to have one of the
captured bucktails (the insignium of the Fed-
298 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
eral Regiment) appended to the color staff
of the First Maryland Regiment.
" By order of
" MAJOR- GENERAL EWELL.
. " JAMES BARBOUR, A. A. G."
At Crosskeys, on June 8th, Jackson de
feated Fremont, and on the Qth, General
Shields at Port Republic. With such eagle-
like swoop he had descended upon each army
of the enemy, that his name had come to in
spire terror. It was believed that he was
about to come down, like an avalanche, upon
Washington, with a vast army.
The magnificently equipped armies of Mil-
roy, Banks, Shields, and Fremont, had all
melted away before the resistless charges of
Jackson's hard-fighting, hard-marching, rag
ged " foot-cavalry," and the Valley of the
Shenandoah was our own again.
Jackson went into camp near Port Repub
lic,* where the valley was well wooded, and
thus closed his famous valley campaign of
1862.
A description of the personal appearance
of the now famous " Stonewall" Jackson may
prove of interest to my readers. I will there
fore insert the interesting account given by
General Dick Taylor, of their first meeting.
" The mounted officer who had been sent
JACKSON IN THE VALLEY. 299
out in advance, pointed out a figure perched
on the topmost rail of a fence overlooking the
road and field, and said it was Jackson. Ap
proaching, I saluted and declared my name
and rank, and waited for a response. Before
this came I had time to see a pair of cavalry
boots covering feet of immense size, a mangy
cap with vizor drawn low, a heavy, dark
beard, and weary eyes eyes I afterward saw
filled with intense but never brilliant light.
A low, gentle voice inquired the road and dis
tance marched that day, ' Keazle-town road,
six and twenty miles/ ' You seem to have
no stragglers.' ' Never allow stragglers/
' You must teach my people, they straggle
badly/ A bow in reply. Just then my Cre
oles started their band and a waltz. After a
contemplative suck of a lemon, ' Thoughtless
fellows for serious work/ came forth. I ex
pressed the hope that the work would be not
less well done on account of the gayety. A
return to the lemon gave me an opportunity
to retire. Where Jackson got his lemons
' no fellow could find out/ but he was rarely
without one."
He adds :
" Ere the war closed the valley of Virginia
was ravaged with a cruelty surpassing that
inflicted on the Palatinate two hundred years
ago. That foul deed smirched the fame of
3 oo JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Louvois and Turenne, and public opinion, in
what has been deemed a ruder age, forced an
apology from the ' Grand Monarque.' Yet
we have seen the official report of a Federal
General wherein are recounted the many
barns, mills, and other buildings destroyed ;
concluding with the assertion that ' A crow
flying over the Valley must carry his own ra
tions/ In the opinion of the admirers of the
officer making this report, the achievement,
on which it is based, ranks with Marengo.
Moreover, this same officer, many years after
the close of the war, denounced several hun
dred thousands of his fellow-citizens as ' ban
ditti,' and solicited permission to deal with
them as such. May we not well ask whether
religion, education, science, and art combined
have lessened the brutality of men since Wal-
lenstein and Tilly ? "
CHAPTER XXVIII.
MR. DAVIS' S LITERARY PREFERENCES.
IN one of the most disheartening periods of
the War, when Norfolk had been evacuated
and the Virginia destroyed, he came home,
about seven o'clock, from his office, staggered
up to a sofa in his little private office, and laid
down. He declined dinner, and I remained
by his side, anxious and afraid to ask what
was the trouble which so oppressed him. In
an hour or two he told me that the weight of
responsibility oppressed him so, that he felt
he would give all his limbs to have someone
with whom he could share it. I found that
nothing comforted him, and at last picked up
Lawrence's " Guy Livingstone." Knowing
that he had not read it, I thought it might dis
tract his mind. The descriptions of the horses
and the beau sabreur Guy interested him at
first, in a vague kind of way, but gradually
he became absorbed, and I read on until the
sky became gray and then pink. He was so
wrapped in the story that he took no notice
of time. When Guy's back was broken, and
when Cyril Brandon in the interview that fol-
3 02 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
lowed, struck him, my husband rose up, in the
highest state of excitement, and called out,
" I should like to have been there to punish
the scoundrel who would strike a helpless
man when he was down."
The stream of light literature which was
then just gathering into a flood, had flowed
by him, with very few exceptions, from 1845
until 1861, and he had read none of it, being
too busy with the severer studies of state
craft to attach any importance to it.
The first book bearing upon anything ex
cept governmental problems that he read with
eagerness, was the introduction to Buckle's
" History of Civilization." We read this to
gether, and he seemed to greatly enjoy the
stately fragment.
Novels were to him only a means of driving
out thoughts of more serious things. For
many years he did not read them at all, and
preferred essays, history, biography, or gov
ernmental treatises ; though he remembered
with astonishing clearness Walter Scott's
poems and novels, Cooper's novels, "The
Children of the Abbey," "The Scottish
Chiefs," Theodore Hook's, and even Miss
Edgeworth's books. There was one sporting
novel, which came out in short instalments in
the old Spirit of the Times, called " The
Handley Cross Hounds," in which he took
MR. D AVIS' S LITERARY PREFERENCES. 303
great delight, and so frequently quoted from
it that his brother declared he would cease to
take the paper if the story was continued.
One special jest in it was Jorax's statement
that " he called his horse Zerxes and his little
groom's horse Arterzerxes, 'cause Bengy rode
arter him."
His love for poetry was continuous through
out his life. In his youth he memorized a large
part of Moore's " Lalla Rookh," Byron's
"Childe Harold," -The Giaour," -Lara,"
" English Bards and Scotch Reviewers," and
especially the storm in " Don Juan," and the
" Lady of the Lake." I have often seen him
sitting at night, and, in a half-whisper, re
peating :
" Time rolls its course,
The race of yore that danced our infancy upon its knee ;
How are they blotted from the things that be ? "
His voice was musical in the extreme, and
added charm to the numberless verses he had
unconsciously committed to memory from his
favorite poets.
The fight at Coilantogle's Ford was another
great favorite of his. Fitz-James's interview
with Blanche of Devon before her death, and
Douglas's contempt of the fickle crowd who
deserted him, were two others. His recita
tion of " I saw Duncanon's Widow stand,
3 04 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
her husband's dirk gleamed in her hand,"
gave new force to the verse. He was so fa
miliar with Burns, that at almost any part of
his poems he could, when given a line, go on
to repeat those contiguous to it, especially
" The Cotter's Saturday Night," and the
" Advice to a Young Friend."
In after-years Clough's " Poems of Patriot
ism " were great favorites with him, and the
edition we have is marked all through with
passages which he admired. Milton to him
was a dreadful bore, while he was very famil
iar with Virgil, and loved to quote from him.
He read parts of Tennyson, and a little of
Browning, but had little sympathy with the
latter. Of heroic songs, he had memorized
a great number, and quoted them in intimate
intercourse with his friends \vith apposite-
ness. I never saw anyone who could resist
the charm of these recitations, when he was
in the mood. He had a lovely, high baritone
voice in song, no musical culture, but a fine
ear ; and if he heard a song rendered accu
rately and well, sang it afterward very
sweetly. One of his favorites was Moore's
" Had I the leisure to sigh and mourn, Fan
nie dearest, I'd mourn for thee." Another
was, " Has sorrow thy young days shaded ;"
and those he liked the best were, " The harp
that once in Tara's halls," and " The Minstrel
MR. DA VIS'S LITERARY PREFERENCES. 305
Boy." These were the fashionable songs
of his day, and his retentive memory kept
them intact as long as he lived. His voice
never lost its sweetness, or its upper notes,
and, when feeling very well, it was common
for him to sing in his room while arranging
his papers. There was an Indian song
which calmed our children whenever they
were obstreperous :
fi Cora wankee shangmonee, sheereerra"
notty hiee, notty hiee."
The translation he gave of so much as I
remember was, " Friends, a man walks
through your village."
He was at one time able to speak several
Indian languages rather fluently, and knew a
great deal of the Indian traditions and cus
toms, and was a more than ordinarily good
French scholar, but had learned the language
simply to read military books, and pro
nounced it as though it were English. He
was also a very good Spanish scholar, and
was fond of reading Spanish literature in his
younger days. He was also a fair classical
scholar, and never forgot his Greek and
Latin.
VOL. II. 20
CHAPTER XXIX.
SEVEN DAYS' BATTLES AROUND RICHMOND.
MR. DAVIS wrote substantially the following
account, which is condensed. For the full text
see " The Rise and Fall of the Confederate
Government."
" When riding from the field of battle
(Seven Pines) with General Robert E. Lee,
on the previous day, I informed him that he
would be assigned to the command of the
army, vice General Johnston, wounded. On
the next morning he proceeded to the field
and took command of the troops. During
the night our forces on the left had fallen back,
but those on the right remained in the posi
tion they had gained, and some combats oc
curred there between the opposing forces.
" Our army was in line in front of Rich
mond, but without intrenchments. General
Lee immediately constructed earthworks.
They were necessarily feeble because of our
deficiency in tools. It seemed to be the in
tention of the enemy to assail Richmond by
regular approaches, which our numerical in
feriority and want of proper utensils made
ROBERT E. LEE
GENERAL IN CHIEF.
r_ V - .^*--^ -- ~^*^ LC_^-~1
HENRY A. WISE. (
'"*BJ " ~~T&
OFFICERS OF THE CONFEDERATE ARMY AND NAVY.
BATTLES AROUND RICHMOND. 307
it improbable that we should be able to re
sist. ;;.;,'
" The day after General Lee assumed com
mand, I was riding out to the army, and I
found him in a house in consultation with a
number of his general officers. Their tone
was despondent, and one, especially, pointed
out the inevitable consequence of the enemy's
advance by throwing out boyaux, and con
structing successive parallels. I expressed
my disappointment at their views, and Gen
eral Lee remarked that he had, before I came
in, said very much the same thing.* I soon
withdrew and rode to the front, where Gen
eral Lee joined me, and entered into conver
sation as to what, under the circumstances, I
thought it most advisable to do. I answered,
substantially, that I knew nothing better than
the plan he had previously explained to me,
which was to have been executed by General
Johnston, but was not carried out ; that the
change of circumstances would make one mod
ification necessary it would be necessary to
bring the stronger force of General T. J. Jack-
* " Mr. Davis told me at the time that some generals of high rank
had urged in council that we should not maintain a line of defence
north of James River, and that General Lee answered, with consider
able feeling, that such a course of argument, pursued to its legitimate
results, would leave us nothing, except gradually to fall back to the
Gulf of Mexico." COLONEL WILLIAM PRESTON JOHNSTON, Bel-
ford's Magazine for June, 1890.
3 o8 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
son from the Valley of the Shenandoah. So far
as we were then informed, General Jackson
was hotly engaged with a force superior to his
own, and, before he could be withdrawn, it was
necessary to drive the enemy out of the Val
ley. For this purpose, and to mask our design
to make a junction of Jackson's forces with
those of Lee, a strong division under General
Whiting was detached to go by rail to join
General Jackson, and, by a vigorous assault,
drive the enemy across the Potomac. As soon
as he commenced a retreat which unmistakably
showed that his flight would not stop within
the limits of Virginia, General Jackson was,
with his whole force, to move rapidly on the
right flank of the enemy, north -of the Chick-
ahominy. The manner in which the division
was detached to reinforce General Jackson
was so open, that it was not doubted General
McClellan would soon be apprised of it, and
would probably attribute it to any other than
the real motive, and would confirm him in his
exaggerated estimate of our strength.
" As evidence of the daring and unfaltering
fortitude of GeneraLLee, I will here recite an
impressive conversation which occurred be
tween us in regard to this movement. His
plan was to throw forward his left across the
Meadow Bridge, drive back the enemy's right
flank, then, crossing by the Mechanicsville
BATTLES AROUND RICHMOND. 309
Bridge with another column, to attack in
front. I pointed out to him that our force and
intrenched line between that left flank and
Richmond was too weak for a protracted re
sistance, and, if McClellan was the man I took
him for when I nominated him for promotion
in a new regiment of cavalry, and subsequent
ly selected him for one of the military commis
sion sent to Europe during the War of the
Crimea, as soon as he found that the bulk of
our army was on the north side of the Chick-
ahominy, he would not stop to try conclu
sions, but would immediately move upon
his objective point, the city of Richmond.
If, on the other hand, he should behave like
an engineer officer, and deem it his first duty
to protect his line of communication, I thought
the plan proposed was not only the best, but
would be a success. Something of his old
esprit de corps manifested itself in General
Lee's first response, that he did not know en
gineer officers were more likely than others to
make such mistakes ; but, immediately passing
to the main subject, he added: " If you will
hold him as long as you can at the intrench-
ment, and then fall back on the detached
works around the city, I will be upon the
enemy's heels before he gets there/' *
* " The chief danger was that, while Lee with his main body was
assailing and turning McClellan' s right on the north side of the
316 JEFFERSON
From President Davis to Mrs. Davis.
" CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA,
"EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, June n, 1862.
". . . I am in usual health, though
the weather has been very inclement. The
roads to the different positions of the army
could not be worse and remain passable.
"The enemy is intrenching and bringing
up heavy guns on the York River railroad,
which not being useful to o^tr army nor paid
for by our treasury, was of course not de
stroyed. His policy is to advance by regular
approaches covered by successive lines of
earth - works, that reviled policy of West
Pointism and spades, which is sure to suc
ceed against those who do not employ like
means to counteract it.
" Politicians, newspapers, and uneducated
officers have created such a prejudice in our
army against labor, that it will be difficult,
until taught by sad experience, to induce our
troops to work efficiently. The greatest
generals of ancient and modern times have
Chickahominy, McClellan might make a show of resistance there,
and with his superior forces cross the Chickahominy with his main
body, and, breaking through our centre, go right into Richmond.
" The understanding with General Lee was, that President Davis
should stay with our centre, and if McClellan made that attempt he
should hold the centre as long as he could." COLONEL WILLIAM
PRESTON JOHNSTON, Belford's Magazine, June, 1890.
BATTLES AROUND RICHMOND. 311
won their renown by labor. Victories were
the results. Caesar, who revolutionized the
military system of his age, never slept in a
camp without intrenching it. France, Spain,
and Great Britain retain to this day memorials
of Roman invasion in the massive works con
structed by the Roman armies.
" I will endeavor, by movements which are
not without great hazard, to countervail the
enemy's policy. If we succeed in rendering
his works useless to him, and compel him to
meet us on the field, I have much confidence
in our ability to give him a complete defeat,
and then it may be possible to teach him the
pain of invasion, and to feed our army on his
territory. The issues of campaigns can never
be safely foretold ; it is for us to do all which
can be done, and trustingly to leave our fate
to Him who rules the universe."
Our infant son, William Howell, lay at the
point of death, and Mr. Davis, who could not
come, wrote.
" RICHMOND, June 13, 1862.
". 1 . My heart sunk within me at
the news of the suffering of my angel baby.
Your telegram of the I2th gives assurance
of the subsidence of disease. But the look
of pain and exhaustion, the gentle complaint,
' I am tired/ which has for so many years
oppressed me, seems to have been revived ;
3i2 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
and unless God spares me another such trial,
what is to become of me, I don't know. Dr.
Garnett will, I hope, reach you this morning.
He carried with him what he regarded as a
specific remedy. . . . My ease, my health,
my property, my life I can give to the cause
of my country. The heroism which could lay
my wife and children on any sacrificial altar
is not mine. Spare us, good Lord.
" I was out until late last night on the lines
of the army. The anticipated demonstration
was not made, and reconnoissance convinces
me that the reported movement of the ene
my was unfounded. He keeps close under
cover, is probably waiting for reinforcements,
or resolved to fight only behind his own
intrenchment. We must find, if possible,
the means to get at him without putting
the breasts of our men in antagonism to his
heaps of earth. Beauregard claims by tele
gram to have made a " brilliant and success
ful " retreat, and pleads his constant occupa
tion as the cause of his delay to reply to the
inquiry made through the Adjutant-General,
as to reason for his retreat and abandonment
of the Memphis and Charleston Railroad.
There are those who can only walk along
when it is near to the ground, and I fear he
has been placed too high for his mental
strength, as he does not exhibit the ability
'BATTLES AROUND RICHMOND. 313
manifested in smaller fields. The news from
the Valley of Virginia confirms the report of
the flight of the enemy, and the danger to our
troops has been mainly passed. We have
sent reinforcements who, as fresh troops, will
move in front of the old command.
I saw a little boy yesterday in the street, he
had his trousers rolled up and was wading in
the gutter ; he looked something like Jeff, and
when I persuaded him to get out of the
water, he raised his sunny face and laughed,
but denied my conclusion. Mrs. Greenhow
is here. Madam looks much changed, and
has the air of one whose nerves are shaken
by mental torture. General Lee's wife has
arrived, her servants left her, and she found
it uncomfortable to live without them."
From the President to Mrs. Davis.
"RICHMOND, VA., June 21, 1862.
" . -. ;' . We are preparing and taking po
sition for the struggle which must be at hand a
The stake is too high to permit the pulse to
keep its even beat, but our troops are in im
proved condition, and as confident as I am
hopeful of success. A total defeat of McClel-
lan will relieve the Confederacy of its embar
rassments in the East, and then we must
make a desperate effort to regain what Beau-
regard has abandoned in the West."
3H JEFFERSON DAVIS.
From the President to Mrs. Davis.
"RICHMOND, VA., June 23, 1862.
" You will no doubt hear many rumors, as
even here the air is full of them. Be not dis
turbed, we are better prepared now than we
were on the first of the month, and with
God's blessing will, beat the enemy as soon
as we can get at him. . . . I am nearly
well again. The. heat and dust are very op
pressive. The wagon-trains move along in a
cloud which quite conceals everything except
the leading team ; this, of course, refers to
the roads around our main encampments."
" General G. W. Smith, after the manner
of Beauregard, has taken a surgeon's certi
ficate, and is about to retire for a season to
recruit his health. General J. E. Johnston is
steadily and rapidly improving. I wish he
were able to take the field. Despite the crit
ics who know military affairs by instinct, he
is a good soldier, never brags of what he did
do, and could at this time render most valu
able service."
From the President to Mrs. Davis.
"RICHMOND, VA., June 25, 1862.
" . . . Skirmishing yesterday and to
day, but not of a character to reveal the pur
pose of the enemy, and designed to conceal
our own. Van Dorn is at Vicksburg, and
BATTLES AROUND RICHMOND. 315
preparing to make a desperate defence.
Bragg may effect something, since Halleck
has divided his force, and I hope will try, but
there is reason to fear that his army has been
woefully demoralized. Butler, properly sur-
named the ' beast/ has added to his claim for
infamous notoriety by his recent orders, and
report charges him with wholesale peculations,
and daily selling licenses for private gain.
" For instance, two respectable gentlemen
assured me that he sold permits for the ex
port of salt, at the rate of five dollars per
sack. How much better it would have been
had the city been left a pile of ashes ! "
The offensive-defensive campaign which
resulted so gloriously to. our arms was thus
inaugurated, and turned from the capital of
the Confederacy a danger so momentous
that, looking at it so retrospectively, it is evi
dent that a policy less daring or less firmly
pursued would not have saved the capital
from capture. The President wrote substan
tially as follows :
" General J. E. B. Stuart was sent with a
cavalry force, on June 8th, to observe the
enemy, mask the approach of General Jack
son, and to cover the route by which he was
to march, and to ascertain whether the enemy
had any defensive works or troops to inter
fere with the advance of those forces. He
316 'JEFFERSON DAVIS.
reported favorably on both these points. On
June 26th, General Stuart received confiden
tial instructions from General Lee, the execu
tion of which is so interwoven with the seven
days' battles as to be more appropriately
noticed in connection with them.
" According to the published reports, Gen
eral McClellan's position was regarded at this
time as extremely critical.
11 During the night I visited the several
commands along the intrenchment on the
south side of the Chickahominy.
" In one of these engagements our loss was
small in numbers, but great in value. Among
others who could ill be spared, here fell the
gallant soldier Brigadier-General Richard
Griffith. He had served with distinction in
foreign war, and when the South was invaded
was among the first to take up arms in de
fence of our rights.*
o
11 Our troops slept upon their arms. The
enemy retreated during the night, and by the
time thus gained, he was enabled to cross the
White Oak Creek and destroy the bridge.
" It is an extraordinary fact that, though
the capital had been threatened by an attack
from the sea-board on the right, though our
* Mr. Davis leaned over him and said, "My dear boy, I hope
you are not seriously hurt." The General grasped his hand and
said, "Yes, I think fatally ; farewell, Colonel."
BATTLES AROUND RICHMOND. 317
army had retreated from Yorktown up to the
Chickahominy, and, after encamping there
for a time, had crossed the river and moved
up to Richmond ; yet, when at the close of the
battles around Richmond McClellan retreated
and was pursued toward the James River,
we had no maps of the country in which we
were operating our generals were ignorant
of the roads, and their guides knew little more
than the way from their homes to Richmond.
It was this fatal defect in preparation, and the
erroneous answers of the guides, that caused
General Lee first to post Holmes and Wise,
when they came down the River road, at New
Market, where, he was told, was the route
that McClellan must pursue in his retreat
to the James. Subsequently he learned that
there was another road, by the Willis church,
which would better serve the purpose of the
retreating foe."
The President was on the field every day
during the seven days' fight, and slept on it
every night, and in the sixth day's fight he
had taken his position in a house near the
field and received a message from General
Lee to leave it, as the enemy's guns were
bearing upon it. Within a few minutes after
Mr. Davis left it, the house was riddled.
Even thus early the presence of foreigners
in the army of the North began to be noticed,
3 i8 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
and the ranks of the Federal Army were filled
up from this year forth with foreigners of all
sorts and conditions of men, July 18, 1862.
Of 237 dead Union soldiers who had served
in these battles under the command of Colo
nel Woodbury, of Michigan, it was said there
was but one who was American born.
These men sacked and burned without
the sympathy a common language would have
necessarily created.
" When McClellan's army was in retreat, to
the fatigue of hard marches and successive
battles, enough to have disqualified our troops
from rapid pursuit, was added the discomfort
of being thoroughly wet and chilled by the
rain. I sent to the neighboring houses to
buy, if it could be had, at any price, enough
whiskey to give each of the men a single gill,
but it could not be found.
" The foe had silently withdrawn in the
night by a route which had been unknown to
us, but which was the most direct road to
Harrison's Landing, and he had so many
hours the start that, among the general offi
cers who expressed their opinion to me,
only one thought it possible to pursue effect
ively. That was General T. J. Jackson, who
quietly said, ' They have not all got away, if
we go immediately after them.'
" ; . . General Lee was not given to
BATTLES AROUND RICHMOND. 319
indecision, and they have mistaken his char
acter who suppose caution was his vice. He
was prone to attack, and not slow to press an
advantage when he gained it. He ordered
Longstreet and Jackson to advance, but a
violent storm which prevailed throughout the
day greatly retarded their progress. The
enemy, harassed and closely followed by
the cavalry, succeeded in gaining Westover,
on the James River, and the protection of
his gun - boats. His position was one of
great natural and artificial strength, after the
heights were occupied and intrenched. It
was flanked on each side by guns of his ship
ping, as well as by those mounted in his in-
trenchments. Under these circumstances it
was inexpedient to attack him ; and our
troops, who had been marching and fighting
almost incessantly for seven days, under the
most trying circumstances, were withdrawn
in order to afford them the repose of which
they stood so much in need.
" Several days were spent in collecting
arms and other property abandoned by the
enemy, and, in the meantime, some artillery
and cavalry were sent below Westover to
annoy his transports. On July 8th, our army
returned to the vicinity of Richmond.
" The siege of Richmond was raised, and
the object of a campaign which had been
320 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
prosecuted after months of preparation, at an
enormous expenditure of men and money,
was completely frustrated.
General Lee was now gaining fast the con
fidence of all classes ; he had possessed that
of the President always. The Richmond
Dispatch of July 19, 1862, said, "The rise
which this officer has suddenly taken in the
public confidence is without a precedent. At
the commencement of the war he enjoyed the
highest reputation of any officer on the con
tinent.
" The operations of General Lee in the
short campaign which is just over were cer
tainly those of a master. No captain that
ever lived could have planned or executed a
better campaign. It was perfect in all its
parts, and will be set down hereafter as
among the models which the military student
will be required to study."
The army under General Johnston on May
3 ist, from official reports, showed an effective
strength of 62,696.
Deduct the losses sustained in the battle of
Seven Pines, as shown by the official reports
of casualties, say, 6,084 an d we have 56,612
as the number of effectives when General
Lee took command of the Army of Northern
Virginia.
Before the seven days' battles around
BATTLES AROUND RICHMOND. 321
Richmond, reinforcements to the number of
24,150 were brought to the army, so that at
the beginning of the contest with McClellan,
Lee had 80,762 effectives for battle.
If we adopt as correct the Confederate loss
as given by Swinton, say 19,000, then it would
appear that when McClellan reached the
James River with " 85,000 to 90,000 men,
he was being pursued by Lee with but
62,000."*
When the news of our great victory over
such long odds came to Raleigh, everyone
was breathless with excitement. The tele
graph office was separated by a narrow alley
from my room in the hotel. As I walked rny
ill baby to and fro by the window, a voice
came from the street, "Tell us what you
know, please." Just then a crowd filled the
alley and another voice cried, fl Boys, I can
take it off as it passes." Another one said to
me, " Do tell us it is a victory ;'' and as a tele
gram from the President to me was recorded,
every word was shouted to the crowd. At the
end of the message someone said, " Don't
hurrah, you will scare the sick baby." The
crowd could not keep silent long, and after
they reached the middle of the street they
shouted themselves hoarse. One old man
* Colonel Taylor : Four Years with Lee,
VOL. II. 21
322 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
stopped in the alley and called up " I say,
madam, we will pray for your poor baby ;
don't be down-hearted."
From the President to Mrs. Davis.
After the siege of Richmond was raised,
the President wrote to me as follows :
"RICHMOND, July 6, 1862.
" . . Had all the orders been well and
promptly executed, there would have been a
general dispersion of McClellan's army, and
the remnant which might have been held to
gether could have only reached the James
River by first crossing the Chickahominy.
Our success has been so remarkable that we
should be grateful, and believe that even our
disappointments were ordered for our gain.
McClellan certainly showed capacity in his re
treat, but there is little cause to laud a general
who is driven out of his intrenchments by a
smaller and worse armed force than his own,,
and compelled to abandon a campaign in the
preparation of which he had spent many
months and many millions of dollars, and seek
safety by flying to other troops for cover, burn
ing his depots of provisions, and marking
his route by scattered arms, ammunition, and
wagons. The reinforcements sent to him may
BATTLES AROUND RICHMOND. 323
advance. His army would never have fought
us again if we had been left to an even-handed
settlement of the issue which he made and we
joined.
"It is reported that all their forces now
available are to be sent to the James River,
and one great effort is to be made to defeat
us here. Our army is greatly reduced, but I
hope recruits will be promptly sent forward
from most of the States, and there are many
causes which will interfere with the execution
of the enemy's plans, and some things they
have not dreamed which we may do. If our
ranks were full we could end the war in a few
weeks. There is reason to believe that the
Yankees have gained from England and
France as the last extension, this month, and
expect foreign intervention if we hold them at
bay on the first of August. My great grief
at the loss of the Virginia is renewed and
redoubled by our want of her now in the
James River. The timber for the completion
of the Richmond vw& burned at Norfolk, and
the work on her has been thus greatly de
layed ; it is uncertain when she will be finished.
The batteries on the river, eight miles below
here, will stop the gun-boats, and we must in
tercept and defeat any land force which at
tempts to take them from the land side. Our
troubles, you perceive, have not ended, but
324 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
our chances have improved, so I repeat, be of
good cheer/'
I went to Richmond for a short visit im
mediately after the seven days' fight, and the
odors of the battle-field were distinctly percep
tible all over the city. The ladies during the
battles had spent the greater part of their time
on the roofs of their houses, watching the
course of the smoke and gleam of battle, and
as the lurid light drifted down to the Penin
sula they rejoiced and thanked God ; when it
shone nearer to the city they prayed for help
from above. The President slept upon the
field every night, and was exposed to fire all
day.
About this time Mr. Davis gave me news
of the Sumter.
From President Davis to Mrs. Davis.
"CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA,
"EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, July 7, iS6z.
". . . The Sumter was found to be un-
seaworthy, and as she could not be prepared at
Gibraltar, she was laid up there, the crew dis
charged, and the officers ordered to go home.
Becket sailed from Hamburg, and reached
Nassau about the middle of June on his way
home. Captain Semmes sailed from Eng
land, and reached the same port a few days
BATTLES AROUND RICHMOND. 325
thereafter, and finding orders which assigned
him to a new vessel * now under construc
tion, returned from Nassau to England to
superintend the building of his vessel, and
took Becket with him. ..." Nothing im
portant from the army to-day; the enemy are
still sending off demoralized troops, and are
said to be still receiving reinforcements. If,
as is reported, they are leaving the Southern
Coast and the Tennessee line, we may expect
another great effort in this region, and will
be able to bring up some troops to aid us."
The Confederate women looked on at the
struggle with ever-increasing interest ; they
offered their jewels, their plate, and every
thing of value they possessed which would
be useful to their country. One of these
devoted patriots said to me, " I tried, and
could not make up my mind to part with my
wedding-ring, and it was so thin from wear ;
else I think I could have given it up."
There were some quaint appeals made to
Mr. Davis, and his sympathy and sense of hu
mor brought him into correspondence with
the writers, or induced him to make as quaint
endorsements on their letters.
One girl, whose sweetheart was a gallant
soldier in the Fifth South Carolina Regiment,
* The 290, or the Alabama.
326 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
and who had fought bravely all through the
seven days' battles, made the following ear
nest request :
'" DEAR MR. PRESIDENT : I want you to let
Jeems C., of company oneth, 5th South Caro
lina Regiment, come home and get married.
Jeems is willin', I is willin', his mammy says
she is willin', but Jeems's capt'in, he ain't
willin'. Now when we are all willin' 'ceptin'
Jeems' captain, I think you might let up and
let Jeems come. I'll make him go straight
back when he's done got married and fight
just as hard as ever.
" Your affectionate friend, etc."
Mr. Davis wrote on the letter, " Let Jeems
go," and Jeems went home, married the
affectionate correspondent of Mr. Davis, re
turned to his regiment, and did fight as well
as ever.
ll
BUSH ROD Jof1f ;
CONF-EDEKATE GENERALS.
CHAPTER XXX.
FOREIGN RELATIONS. UNJUST DISCRIMINATION
AGAINST US. DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE.
MR. MASON was appointed our Representa
tive in London, Mr. Slidell in Paris, Mr. Rost
in Spain, and Mr. Mann in Belgium. I hope
Mr. Mann's memoirs, which are very full and
written from diaries, will be published, and
these will shed much light upon the diplo
matic service of the Confederacy.
The Confederate States having dissolved
their connection with the United States,
whose relations were securely and long es
tablished with Foreign Governments, it de
volved upon the Confederate States formally
to declare to these Governments her separa
tion from the United States. This the Pro
visional Congress did, but the United States
antecedently had claimed sovereignty over
the Confederate States, and the Governments
of Europe announced that they could not as
sume to judge of the rights of the comba
tants. These Governments had fallen into
the error, now commonly prevailing, that our
328 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
separate sovereignty had been merged into
one supreme Federal authority, and they
therefore announced their neutrality, and
merely recognized the existence of a state of
war. This decision was in effect hostile to
our rights, for if we were, like the United
States, belligerents, why refuse us the same
privileges of international intercourse accord
ed to the United States? Under this view
European powers recognized for a year a;
" paper blockade," forgetful that " blockades
to be binding must be effective." *
The Government of the Confederate States
remonstrated against this injustice, and was
answered by silence.
However, Her Majesty's foreign office pub
lished a despatch dated February n, 1862, in
terpolating into the agreement of the Paris
Congress, that if the blockading ships " cre
ated an evident danger of entering or leav
ing" the ports blockaded, that " should be
considered a blockade."
Soon after the right of neutral ships to
trade with English ships was abandoned by
England. The duty to recognize a belliger
ent was postponed, and all the recognized
neutral rights by which we might have been
benefited were alternately waived or asserted,
* The language of the five great powers of Europe in the Congress
at Paris, 1856.
FOREIGN RELATIONS. 329
as they might prove of service to the United
States.
The commerce of the United States was
not protected by its Government, but reclam
ation for all the loss resultant from the enter
prise of the Confederate cruisers was claimed
from, and partially accorded by Great Britain,
because our vessels were built in her ports.
Thus, though the armies of the United States
were recruited from the whole world, protec
tion was claimed for her commerce from the
same source. Had the English Government
not leaned to the side of the United States,
the fact that the ballot-boxes used at elec
tions were those of the States, and that the
vote for their secession had been unanimous,
would have been conclusive against character
izing the war as an " insurrection."
On October 3, 1862, the French minister
of foreign affairs, Monsieur Drouyn de L'Huys,
addressed a note to the ambassadors at Lon
don and St. Petersburg, proposing that these
great powers should arrange an armistice for
six months, in view of the blood shed and the
equal success of the combatants. The Eng
lish Government answered that their offer
might be declined by the United States Gov
ernment. The Russian Government an
swered that their interposition might cause
the opposite to the desired effect. For want
330 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
of co-operation, the effort was not made by
France. In May, 1861, Her Britannic Ma
jesty assured our enemies that " the sym
pathies of this country were rather with the
North than with the South," and on June i,
1 86 1, she interdicted the use of her ports to
armed ships and privateers, though the Unit
ed States claimed this right for themselves.
On June 12, 1861, the United States reproved
Great Britain for holding intercourse with the
Commissioners of the Confederate States,
" so-called," and received assurances that it
would not occur again.
On June 14, 1862, Mr. Seward justified him
self for obstructing Charleston Harbor and
other commercial inlets, by saying that three
thousand miles were more than could be suc
cessfully blockaded. He could stop up the
" large holes " by his ships, but could not
stop up all " the small ones." Her Majesty's
minister for foreign affairs, May 6, 1862, said,
" this blockade kept up irregularly has injured
thousands. Yet Her Majesty's Government
have never sought to take advantage of the
obvious imperfections of this blockade in or
der to declare it inoperative."
Her Majesty's Government interposed no
objection to the purchase of arms for the
United States, but in May, 1861, Earl Russell
entertained the complaint that the Confeder-
FOREIGN RELATIONS. 331
ate Government was buying arms at Nassau,
contraband of war, and the Confederate States
vessel was ineffectually seized, because it
touched at Nassau, at the instance of the Unit
ed States, and was made subject to a prose
cution, when simultaneously cargoes and mu
nitions of war were openly shipped to the
United States to be used in our destruction.
An example of the diplomatic blockade en
forced by the United States against our Com
missioners is given in a correspondence be
tween Earl Russell and Mr. Mason, and will
give some idea of how Mr. Mason and other
envoys were met at every turn by rebuffs un
der Mr. Seward's promptings sometimes
with evasion, but more often with the absurd
assumption that our organized government,
large and efficient army, and united popula
tion were rebels, not belligerents.
The Honorable James T. Mason had been
unavailingly trying to procure from Europe
the acknowledgment of our rights as belliger
ents before the nations of the world, and
had been from time to time met with diplo
matic evasions. The astute and watchful
ambassador from the United States, Charles
Francis Adams, had thus far forestalled every
effort to this end by presenting Mr. Seward's
exparte statements of the causes, conduct, and
prospect of an early termination of the war.
332 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Mr. Seward predicted the war would end in
thirty days. The English overestimated the
readiness of the United States for war, and
knew that the affair of the Trent had left on
their minds toward Great Britain a bitter
sense of injury. The only measure by which
Mr. Seward governed his presentation of the
condition and conduct of either section of the
States, was how much Her Majesty's Gov
ernment would believe. Our Commissioners
were, through his misrepresentation, refused
interviews with her ministers, and our as
sured success seemed to be the only avenue
to their intercourse with them. Under these
circumstances, the following correspondence
took place between Mr. Mason and Lord
John Russell :
"No. 54 DEVONSHIRE STREET, PORTLAND PLACE,
"LONDON, July 17, 1862.
" MY LORD : In late proceedings of Parlia
ment, and in reply to inquiries made in each
House as to the intention of Her Majesty's
Government to tender offices of mediation
to the contending powers in North America,
it was replied in substance, by Lord Palm-
erston and your Lordship, that Her Majes
ty's Government had no such intention at
present, because, although this Government
would be ever ready to offer such mediation
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
333
whenever it might be considered that such
interposition would avail, it was believed by
the Government that, in the present inflamed
or irritated temper of the belligerents, any
such offer might be misinterpreted, and
might have an effect contrary to what was in
tended.
" I will not undertake, of course, to ex
press any opinion of the correctness of this
view so far as it may apply to the Govern
ment or the people of the United States, but
as the terms would seem to have been ap
plied equally to the Government or people of
the Confederate States of America, I feel
warranted in the declaration that, while it is
the unalterable purpose of that Government
and people to maintain the independence
they have gained ; while under no circum
stances or contingencies will they ever again
come under a common Government with
those now constituting the United States ;
and although they do not in any form invite
such interposition ; yet they can see nothing
in their position which could make either of
fensive or irritating a tender of such offices
on the part of Her Majesty's Government,
as might lead to a termination of the war a
war hopelessly carried on against them, and
which is attended by a wanton waste of hu
man life at which humanity shudders. On
334 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
the contrary, I can entertain no doubt that
such offer would be received by the Govern
ment of the Confederate States of America
with that high consideration and respect due
to the benign purpose in which it would have
its origin. " I am, etc.,
"J. M. MASON.
"To LORD JOHN RUSSELL."
" FOREIGN OFFICE, July 24, 1862.
" SIR : I have the honor to acknowledge
the receipt of your letter of the I7th instant,
respecting the intention expressed by Her
Majesty's Government to refrain from any
present mediation between the contending
parties in America, and I have to state to
you, in reply, that in the opinion of Her
Majesty's Government, any proposal to the
United States to recognize the Confederacy
would irritate the United States, and any pro
posal to the Southern States to return to the
Union would irritate the Confederates.
" This was the meaning of my declaration
in Parliament on the subject.
" I am, etc.,
" RUSSELL.
" To JAMES M. MASON."
" No. 54 DEVONSHIRE STREET, PORTLAND PLACE,
"LONDON, July 24, 1862.
" MY LORD : In the interview I had the
honor to have with your Lordship in Febru-
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
335
ary last, I laid before your Lordship, under
instructions from the Government of the Con
federate States, the views entertained by that
Government, leading to the belief that it was,
of right, entitled to be recognized as a separate
and independent power, and to be received
as an equal in the great family of nations.
" I then represented to your Lordship that
the dissolution of the Union of the States of
North America, by the withdrawal therefrom
of certain of the Confederate States, was not
to be considered as a revolution in the ordi
nary acceptation of that term ; far less was
it to be considered as an act of insurrection
or rebellion ; that it was, both in form and
in fact, but the termination of a confederacy
which during a long course of years had
violated the terms of the Federal compact by
the exercise of unwarranted powers, oppress
ing and degrading the minority section.
That the seceding parties had so withdrawn
as organized political communities, and had
formed a new Confederacy, comprising then,
as now, thirteen separate and sovereign
States, embracing an area of 870,616 square
miles, and with a population of 12,000,000.
This new Confederacy has now been in
complete and successful operation for a period
of nearly eighteen months, has proved itself
capable of successful defence against every
336 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
attempt to subdue or destroy it, and in a war,
conducted by its late confederates on a scale
to tax their utmost power, has presented
everywhere a united people determined at
every cost to maintain the independence they
had affirmed.
" Since that* interview more than five
months have elapsed, and during" that period
events have but more fully confirmed the
views I then had the honor to present to your
Lordship. The resources, strength, and
power of the Confederate States developed
by these events, I think, authorize me to as
sume, as the judgment of the intelligence of
all Europe, that the separation of the States
of North America is final ; that under no
possible circumstances can the late Federal
Union be restored ; that the new Confederacy
has evinced both the capacity and the de
termination to maintain its independence ;
and, therefore, with other powers the ques
tion of recognizing that independence is sim
ply a question of time.
" The Confederate States ask no aid from,
or intervention by, foreign powers. They are
entirely content that the strict neutrality
which has been proclaimed between the
belligerents shall be adhered to, however un
equally it may operate, because of fortuitous
circumstances, upon them.
FOREIGN RELATIONS. . 337
" But if the principles and morals of the
public law be, when a nation has established
before the world both its capacity and its
ability to maintain the government it has
ordained, that a duty devolves on other
nations to recognize such fact, then I submit
that the Government of the Confederate
States of America, having sustained itself un
impaired, through trials greater than most
nations have been called to endure, and far
greater than any it has yet to meet, has
furnished to the world sufficient proof of
stability, strength, and resources to entitle it
to a place among the independent nations of
the earth. I have, etc.,
" J. M. MASON."
To this letter no answer was returned, and
after waiting a reasonable time Mr. Mason
addressed another letter to the minister :
Mr. Mason to Earl Russell.
"No. 54 DEVONSHIRE STREET, PORTLAND PLACE,
"LONDON, July 24, 1862.
" Mr. Mason presents his compliments to
Earl Russell, and if agreeable to his Lordship,
Mr. Mason would be obliged if Earl Russell
would allow him the honor of an interview, at
such time as may be convenient to his Lord
ship.
VOL. II. 22
338 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
" Mr. Mason desires to submit to Earl Rus
sell some views connected with the subject of
the letter he has the honor to transmit here
with, which he thinks may be better imparted
in a brief conversation."
Earl Russell to Mr. Mason.
"FOREIGN OFFICE, July 31, 1862.
" Lord Russell presents his compliments to
Mr. Mason. He begs to assure Mr. Mason
that it is from no want of respect to him that
Lord Russell has delayed sending an answer
to his letter of the 24th instant.
" Lord Russell has postponed sending that
answer in order that he might submit a draft
of it to the cabinet on Saturday next. It will
be forwarded on Monday to Mr. Mason.
" Lord Russell does not think any advan
tage would arise from the personal interview
which Mr. Mason proposes, and must there
fore decline it."
"No. 54 DEVONSHIRE STREET, PORTLAND PLACE,
"August i, 1862.
" MY LORD : In the interview I had the
honor to propose in my last note, I had in
tended briefly to submit the following views,
which I thought might not be without weight
in the consideration to be given by Her
Majesty's Government to the request for
recognition of the Confederate States, sub-
FOREIGN RELATIONS. 339
mitted in my letter of July 24th ultimo. I ask
leave now to present them as supplemental
to that letter.
" If it be true, as there assumed, that in the
settled judgment of England the separation of
the States is final, then the failure of so great
a power to recognize the fact in a formal
manner imparts an opposite belief, and must
operate as an incentive to the United States
to protract the contest.
" In a war such as that pending in America,
where a party in possession of the govern
ment is striving to subdue those who, for
reasons sufficient to themselves, have with
drawn from it, the contest will be carried on
in the heat of blood and of popular excitement
long after its object has become hopeless in
the eyes of the disinterested public.
" The Government itself may feel that its
power is inadequate to bring back the re
cusant States, and yet be unable at once to
control the fierce elements which surround it
while the war wages. Such, it is confidently
believed, is the actual condition of affairs.
" It is' impossible, in the experience of
eighteen months of no ordinary trial, in the
small results attained, and in the .manifest ex
haustion of its resources, that any hope re
mains with the Government of the United
States either of bringing about a restoration
340- JEFFERSON DAVIS.
of the dissevered Union, or of subjugating
those who have renounced it. And yet the
failure of foreign powers formally to recog
nize this condition of things disables those in
authority from conceding that fact at home.
" Again, it is known that there is a large
and increasing sentiment in the United States
in accordance with these views ; a sentiment
which has its origin in the hard teachings of
the war as it has progressed.
" It is believed (or so confidently affirmed)
that there was a large party in the Southern
States devoted to the Union, whose presence
and power would be manifested there as soon
as the public force of the United States was
present to sustain it. I need not say how
fully the experience of the war has dispelled
this delusion.
" Again, it was believed, and confidently
relied on, that in the social structure of the
Southern States there was a large population
of the dominant race indifferent, if not hostile,
to the basis on which that social structure
rests, in which they were not interested, and
who would be found the allies of those whose
mission was supposed to be in some way to
break it up.; but the same experience has
shown that the whole population of the South
is united, as one people, in arms to resist the
invader.
FOREIGN RELATIONS. 341
" Nothing remains, then, on which to rest
any hope of conquest but a reliance on the
superior numbers and the supposed greater
resources of the Northern States. I think
the results of the last (or pending) campaign
have proved how idle such expectations were,
against the advantages of a people fighting at
home and bringing into a common stock of
resistance, as a free-will offering, all that they
possessed, whether of blood or treasure a
spectacle now historically before the world.
" It is in human experience that there must
be those in the United States who cannot
shut their eyes to such facts, and yet, in the
despotic power now assumed by the Gov
ernment, to give expression to any doubt
would be to court the hospitalities of the
dungeon.
" One word from the government of Her
Majesty would encourage the people to speak,
and the civilized world would respond to the
truths they would utter, ' that for whatever
purpose the war was begun, it was continued
now in a vindictive and unreasoning spirit,
shocking alike to humanity and civilization/
That potent word would be simply to announce
a fact, which a frenzied mind could only dis
pute, that the Southern States, now in a sep
arate Confederacy, had established before the
world its competency to maintain the govern-
342 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
ment of its adoption, and its determination to
abide by it.
" To withhold it would not only seem in
derogation of truth, but would be to encour
age the continuance of a war, hopeless in its
object, ruinous alike to the parties engaged in
it, and to the prosperity and welfare of Eu
rope.
"]. M. MASON."
" To LORD JOHN RUSSELL."
' ' FOREIGN OFFICE, August 2, 1862.
" SIR : I have had the honor to receive
your letters of July 24th and ist instant, in
which you repeat the considerations which in
the opinion of the Government of the so-called
Confederate States, entitled that Government
to be recognized of right as a separate and in
dependent power, and to be received as an
equal in the great family of nations.
" In again urging the views you represent,
as before, that the withdrawal of certain of
the Confederates from the Union of the States
of North America is not to be considered as
a revolution, in the ordinary acceptation of
that term, far less of an act of insurrection or
rebellion, but as the termination of a Confed
eracy which had, during a long course of
years, violated the terms of the Federal com
pact.
FOREIGN RELATIONS. 343
" I beg leave to say, in the outset, that
upon this question of aright of withdrawal, as
upon that of the previous conduct of the
United States, Her Majesty's Government
have never presumed to form a judgment.
The interpretation of the Constitution of the
United States, and the character of the pro
ceedings of the President and Congress of
the United States under that Constitution,
must be determined, in the opinion of Her
Majesty's Government, by the States and
people in North America who have inherited,
and until recently upheld, that Constitution.
Her Majesty's Government decline altogether
the responsibility of assuming to be judges in
such a controversy.
" You state that the Confederacy has a pop
ulation of twelve millions ; that it has proved
self-capable for eighteen months of successful
defence against every attempt to subdue or
destroy it ; that in the judgment of the intelli
gence of all Europe the separation is final ;
and that, under no possible circumstances can
the late Federal Union be restored.
" On the other hand, the Secretary of State
of the United States had affirmed, in an offi
cial despatch, that a large portion of the once
disaffected population has been restored to
the Union, and now evinces its loyalty and
firm adherence to the Government ; that the
344 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
white population now in insurrection is under
five millions, and that the Southern Confed
eracy owes its main strength to the hope of
assistance from Europe.
" In the face of the fluctuating events of
the war ; the alternations of victory and de
feat ; the capture of New Orleans ; the ad
vance of the Federals to Corinth, to Mem
phis, and the banks of the Mississippi as far
as Vicksburg ; contrasted, on the other hand,
with the failure of the attack on Charleston,
and the retreat from before Richmond
placed, too, between allegations so contra
dictory on the part of the contending pow
ers Her Majesty's Government are still de
termined to wait.
(t In order to be entitled to a place among
the independent nations of the earth, a State
ought to have not only strength and resour
ces for a time, but afford promise of stability
and permanence. Should the Confederate
States of America win that place among na
tions, it might be right for other nations
justly to acknowledge an independence
achieved by victory, and maintained by a suc
cessful resistance to all attempts to over
throw it. That time, however, has not, in
the judgment of Her Majesty's Government,
yet arrived. Her Majesty's Government,
therefore, can only hope that a peaceful ter-
FOREIGN RELATIONS. 345
mination of the present bloody and destruc
tive contest may not be distant.
" I am, etc.,
" RUSSELL."
"To JAMES M. MASON, ESQ."
Thus was foiled one of our sturdy old en
voy's efforts to set his country's cause fairly
before a people loving liberty, speaking the
same language with us, and from whom we
were descended within the memory of those
then living. One bold and profound thinker
among the English governing class, Lord
Lovvther, has written an admirable exposi
tion of the dogma of State Rights, but
though many other Englishmen understood
its binding force, as nations cannot afford, as
such, to indulge sympathy for those unable
to maintain themselves against an oppressor,
they "passed by on the other side."
Throughout all this unfair discrimination,
with the world against him, environed by
enemies on all sides, the President of the
Confederate States, with admirable temper,
pursued his steady efforts to establish rela
tions with foreign Governments, though his
maintenance of the strict truth under all cir
cumstances was a disqualification he did not
underrate. His despatches are dignified mod
els of advocacy and remonstrance, and were
346 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
the admiration of the diplomats of his time.
His courage was as undaunted when he
stood for the right against the world, as his
dignity and honesty of purpose were impreg
nable, and his countrymen and his family do
not now wish it had been otherwise. The
just verdict of mankind cannot be rendered
until all who had formed a preconceived
opinion have passed away. Posterity is the
just and generous judge to whom Confeder
ates look to write his honored name high on
the shining lists of brave and self-sacrificing
heroes.
CHAPTER XXXI.
MEMPHIS, VICKSBURG, AND BATON ROUGE.
ON June 7, 1862, a fleet of gun-boats
steamed down the Tennessee River, flanking
our positions on the Mississippi River, and a
fleet moved down the Mississippi, bombarded
Island No. 10, reduced it, bombarded Fort
Pillow and reduced that fort, and then attacked
Memphis and took possession, after a manful
resistance with an inadequate force. After
this disaster followed close the siege of Vicks-
burg, which was repelled by the assistance of
our ram, the Arkansas, under Captain J. N.
Brown. From the I5th to the i8th of June, the
enemy endeavored to sink the Arkansas with
heavy shells from their mortars, and an attempt
was made to cut her out from under the bat
teries ; but it failed, with the loss of one of their
boats. On the 27th both Federal fleets re
tired, and the siege, which had lasted sixty-
seven days, was ended. Two powerful fleets
had been foiled, and a land force of from 4,000
to 5,000 men held at bay. Then followed the
battle of Baton Rouge, and the destruction of
the Ram Arkansas to save her from the enemy,
and their return to New Orleans defeated.
CHAPTER XXXII.
CONFEDERATE CONGRESS. THE PRESIDENT'S MES
SAGE. HORACE GREELEY.
IN the absence of authorized reports of the
debates in Congress which are unattainable,
if they exist, I have from scrap books com
piled excerpts to show the trend of public
opinion, and appended Mr. Davis's message
in which he treats of the recommendations
made by that body, some of which are indi
cated by the subjoined extracts.
"CONFEDERATE CONGRESS, August 23, 1862.
" Resolution of thanks to General J. C.
Breckinridge and command for gallant con
duct at the battle of Baton Rouge ; also
resolution of thanks to General Earl Van
Dorn and command, and citizens of Vicks-
burg, for their defence of that city."
" RICHMOND, August 18, 1862.
" Several resolutions were offered in the
House looking to the doctrine of lex talionis
and the enlargement of the conscription."
It was clear that these two matters would
CONFEDERATE CONGRESS. 349
occupy the attention of Congress before other
business could be entertained.
" As to the conscription, the immediate ex
tension of it to all persons capable of bearing
arms between the ages of thirty-five and for
ty-five, is rendered absolutely necessary by
the call for six hundred thousand troops by
Lincoln. There can be little doubt that these
six hundred thousand new men will be raised
by the Yankee Government by October I5th,
at the farthest."
"CONFEDERATE CONGRESS, August i8th.
" Mr. Foote, of Tennessee, offered a bill
for retaliatory purposes. Referred to Com
mittee on Military Affairs. (It recites that
the enemy refused to treat our partisan sol
diers as prisoners, and have also punished
innocent private citizens for their acts. It
provides that an officer who may have ordered
such atrocities is to be put to death, if cap
tured." An equal number of prisoners (offi
cers to be preferred) taken from the enemy,
to suffer the fate inflicted on our captured sol
diers or citizens. Also a bill to regulate
the treatment of prisoners. It provides that
any officer or private captured by our army,
who shall have committed any offence pro
nounced felonious by the laws of the Confeder
acy or any State, shall be delivered up for trial.
350 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Also, a bill to punish negroes in arms. (It
provides that Federal armies incongruously
composed of white and black shall not be held
entitled to the privileges of war, or to be held
entitled to be taken prisoners. Of such as
may be captured, the negroes shall be re
turned to their masters or publicly sold, and
their commanders to be hung or shot, as may
be most convenient.)
"Mr. Curry reported that the committee,
of which he was chairman, had waited on the
President, who said that he would communi
cate a message to the House immediately.
" Mr. Foote, resuming, also offered a bill
to retaliate for the seizing of citizens by the
enemy. (It provides that of the prisoners
held by us, a number equal to that of the citi
zens seized shall be held as hostages for their
safety, and subjected to like treatment ; any
officers, civil or military, concerned in their
seizure, shall be imprisoned during the war.^) "
President ' s Message, August 18, 1862.
" . . . The moneyed obligations of the
Confederate Government are forged by citi
zens of the United States, and publicly ad
vertised for sale in their cities, with a notor
iety which sufficiently attests the knowledge
of their Government ; and its complicity in
the crime is further evinced by the fact that
the soldiers of the invading armies are found
CONFEDERATE CONGRESS. 351
supplied with large quantities of these forged
notes, as a means of despoiling the country
people by fraud out of such portions of their
property as armed violence may fail to reach.
Two, at least, of the Generals of the United
States are engaged, unchecked by their Gov
ernment, in arming and training slaves for
warfare against their masters, citizens of the
Confederacy. Another has been found of
instincts so brutal as to invite the violence of
his soldiery against the women of a captured
city.
" . . . Retaliation in kind for many of
them is impracticable, for I have had occa
sion to remark in a former message that,*
^l,nder no excess of provocation, could our
noble-hearted defenders be driven to wreak
vengeance on unarmed men, on women, or on
children. But stern and exemplary punish
ment can and will be meted out to the mur
derers and felons who, disgracing the pro
fession of arms, seek to make public war the
occasion for the commission of the most mon
strous crimes.
" . . . The report of the Secretary of
the Treasury will exhibit in detail the opera
tions of that department. It will be seen
with satisfaction, that the credit of the Gov-
* The italics are mine.
352 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
ernment securities remains unimpaired, and
that this credit is fully justified by the com
paratively small amount of accumulated debt
notwithstanding the augmentation of our mil
itary operations.
" . ... Within a recent period we have
effected the object so long desired of an ar
rangement for an exchange of prisoners,
which is now being executed by delivery at
the points agreed upon, and which will, it is
hoped, speedily restore our brave and unfor
tunate countrymen to their places in the
ranks of the army, from which, by the for
tunes of war, they have been for a time sep
arated. The details of the arrangement will
be communicated to you in a special report,
when further progress has been made in their
execution.
" The report of the Postmaster-General
discloses the embarrassments which resulted
in the postal service from the occupation by
the enemy of the Mississippi River and por
tions of the territory of the different States.
The measures taken by the Department for
relieving these embarrassments as far as
practicable, are detailed in the report. It is
a subject of congratulation, that during the
ten months that ended on March 3d last, the
expenses of the Department were largely de
creased, while its revenue was augmented,
CONFEDERATE CONGRESS. 353
as compared with a corresponding period
ending on June 30, 1861, when the postal sys
tem was conducted under the authority dele
gated to the United States."
The London Index made the following com
ments on President Davis's message, 1862 :
" If any fault has been found with the late
message, save by those who cannot think
that the South can do any right or the North
any wrong, it is that it speaks almost too cold
ly and indifferently of the glorious achieve
ments of this summer's campaign achieve
ments which would have wrung an ample
meed of praise from the haughtiest and most
reserved of European statesmen. There is a
Roman, almost a stoical, sternness in the
manner in which the Confederate President
accepts, as matters of course, the victories
which have saved the capital ; and the ar
my might almost be disappointed did it not
know how thoroughly a ruler, himself a distin
guished soldier, appreciates the exploits which
have signalized the soldiership of the South.
Never was anything further removed from
bombast or boastfulness than the language
in which Mr. Davis announces triumphs which
would have excited enthusiasm even in phleg
matic England, and done honor to the veteran
armies of France.
" Mr. Davis's temper does not fail him,
VOL. II. 23
354 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
even when he has to speak of the wanton bar
barities suffered by the districts that have
been visited by the invaders, and of the un
exampled outrages on the laws of civilized
warfare which reflect such signal infamy on
the Federal army and on the Federal Gov
ernment. He speaks strongly, no doubt, but
in terms of just and measured reprobation,
of the crimes which have rendered a cause,
bad to begin with, utterly detestable in the
eyes of the civilized world."
CHAPTER XXXIII.
RETALIATION FOR OUTRAGES.
GENERAL POPE, commanding a new army in
Northern Virginia, having issued the most
brutal orders directed against peaceful citi
zens, the President wrote to General Lee as
follows :
"RICHMOND, VA., July 31, 1862.
" GENERAL R. E. LEE, Commanding, etc.
" SIR : On the 22d of this month a cartel for
the exchange of prisoners of war was signed
between Major-General D. H. Hill, in behalf
of the Confederate States, and Major-General
John A. Dix, in behalf of the United States.
" By the terms of that cartel it is stipulated
that all prisoners of war hereafter taken shall
be discharged on parole till exchanged.
" Scarcely had the cartel been signed when
the military authorities of the United States
commenced a practice changing the character
of the war from such as becomes civilized na
tions into a campaign of indiscriminate rob
bery and murder.
" The general order issued by the Secre-
3$6 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
tary of War of the United States in the city
of Washington, on the very day that the car
tel was signed in Virginia, directs the military
commanders of the United States to take the
private property of our people for the conven
ience and use of their armies without compen
sation.
" The general order issued by General
Pope on July 23d, the day after the signing
of the cartel, directs the murder of our peace
ful inhabitants as spies, if found quietly till
ing their farms in his rear, even outside of
his lines ; and one of his Brigadier-Gener
als, Steinwehr, has seized upon innocent and
peaceful inhabitants to be held as hostages, to
the end that they may be murdered in cold
blood if any of his soldiers are killed by some
unknown persons whom he designates as
" bushwhackers." *
" Under this state of facts, this Government
has issued the enclosed general order, recog
nizing General Pope and his commissioned
officers to be in the position which they have
chosen for themselves, that of robbers and
murderers, not that of public enemies, en-
* Major-General Pope, July 13, 1862, issued an order that if any
soldier should be fired upon on the inarch, the house nearest should
be razed to the ground ; and if any were injured where no house was
near, every household in the radius of five miles should be made to
pay such indemnity as was thought sufficient.
RETALIATION FOR OUTRAGES. 357
titled if captured to be considered as prison
ers of war.
" We find ourselves driven, by our enemies,
by steady progress toward a practice which
we abhor, and which we are vainly struggling
to avoid. Some of the military authorities of
the United States seem to suppose that bet
ter success will attend a savage war, in which
no quarter is to be given and no sex to be
spared, than has hitherto been secured by
such hostilities as are alone recognized to be
lawful by civilized men in modern times.
" For the present we renounce our right of
retaliation on the innocent, and shall continue
to treat the private enlisted soldiers of Gen
eral Pope's army as prisoners of war ; but if,
after notice to the Government at Washington
of our confining repressive measures to the
punishment only of commissioned officers,
who are willing participants in their crimes,
these savage practices are continued, we shall
reluctantly be forced to the last resort of ac
cepting the war on the terms chosen by our
foes, until the outraged voice of a common
humanity forces respect for the recognized
rules of war.
" While these facts would justify our re
fusal to execute the generous cartel by which
we have consented to liberate an excess of
thousands of prisoners held by us beyond the
358 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
number held by the enemy, a sacred regard
to plighted faith shrinking from the mere sem
blance of breaking a promise, prevents our
resort to this extremity. Nor do we desire
to extend to any other forces of the enemy
the punishment merited alone by General
Pope and such commissioned officers as
choose to participate in the execution of his
infamous orders.
" You are therefore instructed to communi
cate to the commander-in-chief of the armies
of the United States the contents of this let
ter, and a copy of the enclosed general order,
to the end that he may be notified of our in
tention not to consider any officers hereafter
captured from General Pope's army as pris
oners of war.
" Very respectfully yours,
(Signed) " JEFFERSON DAVIS."
" RICHMOND, August i, 1862.
" SIR : On June 29th last, you were in
structed by the Secretary of War to make in
quiries of the General in command of the
United States forces, relative to alleged mur
ders committed on our citizens by officers of
the United States army, and the case of Wil
liam B. Mumford, reported to have been mur
dered at New Orleans by order of Major-
General B. F. Butler, and Colonel John Owen,
reported to have been murdered in the same
RETALIATION FOR OUTRAGES. 359
manner in Missouri, by order of Major-Gen
eral Pope, were specially referred to.
" The inquiries thus made by you of Major-
General McClellan were referred by that of
ficer to his Government for reply, but no an
swer has yet been received.
" We have since been credibly informed
that numerous other officers of the armies of
the United States have, within the Confeder
acy, been guilty of felonies and capital offences
which are punishable by all law human and
divine.* A few of those best authenticated
are brought to your notice.
" The newspapers received from the en
emy's country announce as a fact that Major-
General Hunter has armed slaves for the mur
der of their masters, and has thus done all in
his power to inaugurate a servile war which
is worse than that of the savage, inasmuch as
it superadds other horrors to the indiscrimin
ate slaughter of all ages, sexes, and conditions.
11 Brigadier-General Phelps is reported to
* Notably NcNeil, a cruel and unscrupulous officer, shocked the
moral sense of all soldierly men. By his order ten secessionists
were shot at Palmyra, Mo. , because an old gentleman (a Unionist)
was missing, but who afterward turned up in Illinois. He ap
proached General McKinstry in St. Louis, and offered his hand.
The General said : " I don't shake hands with a murderer." McNeil
afterward asked three gentlemen to drink with him in the Planters'
House saloon. They turned on their heels and said : "We don't
drink with a murderer." This was the reception he met with al
most everywhere in St. Louis.
360 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
have imitated at New Orleans the example
set by General Hunter on the coast of South
Carolina.
" Brigadier- General G. N. Fitch is stated
in the same journals to have murdered in cold
blood two peaceful citizens, because one of his
men, while invading 1 our country, was killed
by some unknown person defending his home.
" You are now instructed to repeat your
inquiry relative to the cases of Mumford and
Owen, and further to ask of the Commanding
General of the enemy whether the statements
in relation to the action of Generals Hunter,
Phelps, and Fitch are admitted to be true, and
whether the conduct of those Generals is
sanctioned by their Government.
" You will further give notice that, in the
event of our failure to receive a reply to these
inquiries within fifteen days from the delivery
of your letter, we shall assume that the al
leged facts are true and are sanctioned by the
Government of the United States.
" In such event, on that Government will
rest the responsibility of the retributive or re
taliatory measures which we shall adopt to
put an end to the merciless atrocities which
now characterize the war waged against us.
"Very respectfully yours, etc.,
(Signed) " JEFFERSON DAVIS."
" GENERAL R. E. LEE, Commanding," etc.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
CAMPAIGN AGAINST POPE. SECOND MANASSAS.
SHARPSBURG. FREDERICKSBURG.
ALTHOUGH defeated, the army under Gen
eral McClellan was still a formidable force,
and might at any time threaten Richmond.
His camp at Westover was protected by
his gun-boats, and the hills had been fortified
to resist the Confederate forces.
General Lee, under the idea that a dem
onstration upon Washington would force Mc-
Clellan's withdrawal for its protection, early
in August, sent General Jackson in advance,
to engage General Pope, who commanded a
new army in Northern Virginia.
Immediately upon receiving information of
this move, McClellan began to transfer troops
to Washington, and Lee moved with the rest
of his army to join General Jackson.
After several engagements the enemy was
forced to withdraw, and the next morning
Longstreet resumed his march to join Jack
son.*
* At this time a Federal critic said : "The truth is, the rebel
generals strip their armies for a march as a man strips to run a
362 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Much desultory fighting took place on Au
gust 29th ; but on the 3Oth the enemy made
a determined attack on Jackson's front, and
Longstreet ordered his whole line forward to
the charge, and defeated Pope's army.
The career of General Pope was as brief,
boastful, and disastrous, as those of Gen
erals Lee and Jackson were brilliant, auda
cious, and successful.
Immediately after the battle of Second
Manassas, the army under Lee crossed the
Potomac and entered Maryland.
While at Frederick City * General Lee
race. Their men are ' destitute ' when they reach our lines, because
they cannot cumber themselves with supplies. They come to fight
not to eat. They march to a battle-field, not to a dress parade.
When shall our armies be found, for a like reason 'destitute in the
presence of the enemy ? '"
* Treatment of Confederate prisoners.
" There were 445 sick Confederate soldiers left in the hospital at
Frederick, Maryland, before the fight of Sharpsburg, and these were
'captured ' at a charge bayonet by the Yankees. They were hud
dled together in the German Reform Church, with five crackers a
day for rations, though the ladies of Frederick gave them what
they could spare to eat. They were then with prisoners, making a
total of 1,400, marched six miles (to the Baltimore & Ohio Rail
road, many of them falling on the way from illness), and sent to
Baltimore ; the interruption on the trip being an attempt on the part
of a sentinel to kill one of the prisoners who got off the cars to
drink at a creek.
" In Baltimore they were placed in a prison crowded to suffoca
tion. The people of Baltimore, upon hearing of their arrival,
carried them buckets of coffee and all sorts of eatables. The next
day they were marched out in charge of a Dutch captain, who, after
parading them through the principal streets, put them on board the
CAMPAIGN AGAINST POPE. 363
matured his plan of operations, and issued
his order of battle.
Unfortunately for these plans of Lee, the
battle order addressed to D. H. Hill was by
some accident lost, and fell into the hands of
McClellan, thus disclosing to him the move
ments of his adversary.* McClellan im
mediately pushed on to South Mountain
Pass, where D. H. Hill had been left to
guard the rear, while Jackson went to Har-
steamer City of Norwich, and they were soon (with the exception of
six who died on the way) within the walls of Fort Delaware, made
famous by the sufferings of our soldiers there. One of our men was
stripped and whipped by a sergeant, who accused him of stealing.
There were 2,700 prisoners there ; of this number 186 took the
oath of allegiance, and 46 died. Out of the 2,700 there were 1,500
sick, and not 200 of them will be fit for service under a month.
"The Confederate officers were treated with consideration, but
the privates experienced the most brutal usage. The prisoners who
are alluded to returned yesterday by the flag of truce." Richmond
Despatch, I3th instant.
* General Robert Ransom, in his reminiscences of Mr. Davis,
writes, in reference to General D. H. Hill and the lost order, as
follows :
"In the early summer of '63, D. H. Hill was commanding at
Richmond. He was sent thence to the army under'Bragg. I hap
pened to be present, a day or two after Hill had gone, when an
intimate personal friend of Mr. Davis rather criticised the Presi
dent for what he considered an unwise and too magnanimous act,
remarking that the ' President certainly knew that Hill was no friend
of his and was insubordinate, and had, by losing his order in '62,
thwarted the plans of General Lee in Maryland.' Mr. Davis
answered, ' Hill is a faithful soldier, General Bragg has asked for
him, and it is: not proven that he was to blame in reference to the
lost order. Besides, men are not perfect, and I can have no personal
resentment to true, brave men who are such fighters as all know
364 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
per's Ferry and Longstreet to Hagerstown.
Hill made a heroic defence, but being out
flanked, fell back toward Sharpsburg during
the night.
On the morning of September I5th, Gener
al Lee stood at bay at Sharpsburg, with bare
ly 18,000 men, and confronted McClellan's
whole army along Antietam Creek.
Colonel Walter Taylor, in his " Four
Years with Lee," says :
" The fighting was heaviest and most con
tinuous on the Confederate left. It is es
tablished upon indisputable Federal evidence,
that the three corps of Hooker, Mansfield,
and Sumner were completely shattered in
the repeated but fruitless efforts to turn this
flank, and two of these corps were rendered
useless."
" These corps numbered an aggregate of
40,000, while the Confederates from first to
last had but barely 14,000 men."
The centre had been fiercely assailed, but
was held by Longstreet with Miller's guns of
the Washington Artillery,* and a thin gray
Hill to be, no matter what their feelings may be to me individually.'
Mr. Davis has been charged with visiting personal animosity upon
those in his power who were not his personal admirers.
"This is only one instance among many refuting the unjust
assertion. He was so much a man that jealousy and envy could
not live in his great soul."
* General Lee's report of the battle.
CAMPAIGN AGAINST POPE. 365
line of infantry, some of whom stood with
unloaded guns without ammunition, but wav
ing their colors to give semblance of support.
This must be one of the severest tests to the
bravery of troops, to stand as target without
the means or the excitement of retaliating.
All honor to them.
The battle was fought against great odds,
and to have resisted this mass of men shows
of what stuff our soldiers 'were made.
All the next day Lee remained on the
battle-field, thinking McClellan would again
attack, but he, not being so minded, the Con
federate army recrossed the Potomac during
the night into Virginia.
Late in October, 1862, General McClellan
followed Lee into Virginia. Here he was re
lieved and succeeded by General Burnside.
On December i3th the battle of Freder-
icksburg was fought.
CHAPTER XXXV.
VISIT TO TENNESSEE. BATTLE OF MURFREESBORO.
THE President became anxious about affairs
in the West, and was importuned to make a
tour of observation, there. As soon as he
could leave the seat of government he went,
accompanied by one of his aids, and subse
quently wrote to me the following letter :
From President to Mrs. Davis.
"CHATTANOOGA, TENN., December 15, 1862.
" . .. , We had a pleasant trip, and with
out an incident to relate, reached this place
on the I ith, went to Murfreesboro on the 1 2th,
and leave to-day for Mississippi. The troops
at Murfreesboro were in fine spirits and well
supplied. The enemy keep close in lines about
Nashville, which place is too strongly fortified
and garrisoned for attack by troops unpre
pared for regular approaches on fortifications.
Much confidence was expressed in our ability
to beat them if they advance. . . . Last
night, on my arrival here, a telegram an
nounced the attack made at Fredericksburg.
You can imagine my anxiety. No answer to
VISIT TO TENNESSEE. 367
my inquiry for further information has yet ar
rived. If the necessity demands I will return
to Richmond, though already there are indica
tions of a strong desire for me to visit the fur
ther West, expressed in terms which render
me unwilling to disappoint the expectation.
. . . General Johnston will go directly to
Mississippi, and reinforce General Pember-
ton. Joe * was quite excited at hearing of
active operations behind us, and spoke of re
turning to his brigade. Many of the officers
inquired for Colonel Johnston and felt as I
did, regret at his absence."
The results of the campaigns of the army
of the West have been better presented than
I could tell them, even if space were granted
me for the purpose ; but my husband's life
was so full of events that I must confine my
self strictly to his personal history.
The moral effects of the campaign of 1862
were great. The disasters of the early part
of the year had been redeemed. The whole
world paid homage to the military prowess and
genius that the Confederates had exhibited.
They had raised the siege of Richmond,
threatened the Federal Capital, and driven
back the invaders of their territory to their
starting-point. " Whatever may be the fate
* General Joseph R. Davis.
368 . JEFFERSON DAVIS.
of the new nationality," said the London
Times, "in its subsequent claims to the re
spect of mankind it will assuredly begin its
career with a reputation for genius and valor
which the most famous nations might envy."
CHAPTER XXXVI.
INTRODUCTION TO 1863.
THE year 1863 opened drearily for the
President, but the Confederates generally
seemed to have, for some unexplained cause,
renewed hope of recognition by England and
France, and with this they felt sure of a suc
cessful termination of the struggle.
Mr. Davis was oppressed by the fall of
Donelson, Nashville, Corinth, Roanoke Isl
and, New Orleans, Yorktown, Norfolk, Fort
Pillow, Island No. 10, Memphis, General
Bragg's defeat at Murfreesboro, the burning
of the Virginia and the ram Mississippi, the
sinking of the Arkansas, and other minor dis
asters. The victory at Fredericksburg was
the one bright spot in all this dark picture.
Complaints from the people of the subju
gated States came in daily. Women were
set adrift across our borders with their chil
dren, penniless and separated from all they
held dear. Their property was confiscated,
the newspapers were suppressed, and the
presses sold under the Confiscation act.
In Tennessee, county officers were nom-
VOL. II. 24
37 o JEFFERSON DA VIS.
inated, and an election held. Andrew John
son, Governor of Tennessee, announced, " It
is not expected that the enemies of the
United States will propose to vote, nor is it
intended that they be permitted to vote, or
hold office ; " and an " iron-clad oath " was de
vised and forced upon all who desired any
position in the municipal or State Govern
ment, or even to engage in industrial pur
suits. A convention was held to amend the
constitution of Tennessee, and the amend
ments were ratified by twenty-five thousand
majority, when in 1860 the State vote was
one hundred and forty thousand.
Peaceful and aged citizens, unresisting cap
tives and non-combatants, were confined at
hard labor with ball and chain, others were
ironed for selling medicines to ill Confeder
ates.
Prisoners of war were placed in close con
finement, on bread and water. In fact, the
whole population were given the choice to
perjure themselves, or starve.
The slaves, after New Orleans was taken,
were driven from their homes, or if left undis
turbed were forced to work under bayonet
guard on the plantations, the owners of which
received a small percentage of the gains if
they consented to share their property with
the General, his brother, or other officers.
INTRODUCTION TO 1863. 371
Order 91 sequestrated all property west of
the Mississippi for confiscation, and officers
were assigned to the duty of gathering up
and burning all the personal effects except
such as the United States might require for
use, or intend to expose for sale at auction in
New Orleans.
Members of Congress were elected under
the military government of Louisiana. Mr.
Lincoln said, " The war power is now our
main reliance." An oath was required from
all residents of the conquered State to sup
port the Constitution and the laws passed by
Congress " during the existing rebellion,"
unless they should be modified or declared
void by the Supreme Court. One-tenth of
any State so far subjugated could demand
and obtain admission as independent States
in the Union. Provisional judges were ap
pointed to finally adjudicate all cases of equi
ty, admiralty, and criminal law, with the power
to make all rules which might be needful for
their jurisdiction. Thus the military power
of the Government in relentless grasp held
Louisiana at its mercy.
The Constitution said : " The judicial power
of the United States shall be vested in one
Supreme Court and in such inferior courts as
the Congress may from time to time ordain
and establish."
372 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Mr. Lincoln swore, in 1861, to sustain the
Constitution and the laws under it. The con
trast is sharp and significant of the progress
of a Northern revolution. " Silent leges inter
arma." Under his rule the old landmarks
seemed to be blotted out.
The horrors of military rule and recon
struction were too numerous for particulari-
zation here. I leave them to the historian.
" When the war closed, who were the vic
tors ? Perhaps it is too soon to answer that
question. Nevertheless, every day, as time
rolls on, we look with increasing pride upon
the struggle our people made for constitu
tional liberty. : The war was one in which
fundamental principles were involved ; and,
as force decides no truth, hence the issue is
still undetermined, as has been already shown.
We have laid aside our swords; we have
ceased our hostility ; we have conceded the
physical strength of the Northern States.
But the question still lives, and all nations
and peoples that adopt a confederated agent
of government will become champions of our
cause. While contemplating the Northern
States with their Federal Constitution gone,
ruthlessly destroyed under the tyrant's plea
of ' necessity/ their State sovereignty made a
byword, and their people absorbed in an ag
gregated mass, no longer as their fathers left
INTRODUCTION TO 1863. 373
them, protected by reserved rights against
usurpation the question naturally arises :
On which side was the victory ? Let the
verdict of mankind decide."-
The steady depletion of the Confederate
forces and the consequent success of the ene
my, increased the sufferings of our people ;
suffering made them querulous, and they
looked about to find the person to blame for
their misfortune. Some of them found the
culprit in the President. The most hopeful
man might be expected to lose heart under
this heavy load, but Mr. Davis's faith in God's
interposition to protect the right never fal
tered, and he steadily followed the dictates of
his conscience, nothing daunted by our misfor
tunes. Now a formidable manifestation in the
form of a bread riot occurred in Richmond.
"On April 2, 1863, Mr. Davis said that
he received word in his office that a serious
disturbance, which the Mayor and Governor
Letcher, with the State forces under his com
mand, were entirely unable to repress, was
in progress on the streets. He at once
proceeded to the scene of trouble in the
lower portion of the city, whither the ven
erable Mayor had preceded him. He found
a large crowd on Main Street, although the
mass of the rioters were congregated on one
of the side streets leading into that thorough-
374 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
fare. They were headed by a tall, daring,
Amazonian-looking woman, who had a white
feather standing erect from her hat, and who
was evidently directing the movement of the
plunderers. The main avenue was blocked
by a dray from which the horses had been
taken, and which had been hauled across the
street, and it was particularly noticeable that,
though the mob claimed that they were starv
ing and wanted bread, they had not confined
their operations to food-supplies, but had
passed by, without any effort to attack, sev
eral provision stores and bakeries, while they
had completely emptied one jewelry store,
and had also ' looted ' some millinery and
clothing shops in the vicinity. The fact was
conclusive to the President's mind that it was
not bread they wanted, but that they were
bent on nothing but plunder and wholesale
robbery.
" At the Confederate Armory in Richmond
were engaged a number of armorers and
artisans enrolled by General Gorgas, chief of
ordnance, to work especially for the Govern
ment. These men had been organized into
a military company under the command of a
captain whose bearing was that of a trained,
sturdy soldier accustomed to obey orders, and
ready to do his duty unflinchingly, no matter
what it might be. This company had been
INTRODUCTION TO 1863. 375
promptly ordered to the scene of the riot and
arrived shortly after the President.
" Mr. Davis mounted the dray above men
tioned and made a brief address to the for
midable crowd of both sexes, urging them to
abstain from their lawless acts. He reminded
them of how they had taken jewelry and fin
ery instead of supplying themselves with
bread, for the lack of which they claimed they
were suffering. He concluded by saying :
' You say you are hungry and have no
money. Here is all I have ; it is not much,
but take it/ He then, emptying his pockets,
threw all the money they contained among
the mob, after which he took out his watch
and said : ' We do not desire to injure any
one, but this lawlessness must stop. I will
give you five minutes to disperse, other
wise you will be fired on/ The order was
given the company to prepare for firing, and
the grim, resolute old Captain who, Mr.
Davis says, was an old resident of Richmond,
but whose name he does not recall gave his
men the command : ' Load ! ' The muskets
were then loaded with buck and ball car
tridges, with strict observance of military
usage, and everyone could see that when
their stern commander received orders to fire
he intended to shoot to kill. The mob evi
dently fully realized this fact, and at once be-
tf6 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
gan to disperse, and before the five minutes
had expired the trouble was over, and the
famous misnamed bread riot was at an end."
This is a succinct and truthful account of
this trouble, which created so much excite
ment at the time, and of the part which ex-
President Davis bore therein. The subject
having been recently revived and extensively
discussed, and quite a variety of statements
having been made in connection therewith,
this account of Mr. Davis will be read with
great interest, and all who personally remem
ber the scenes and incidents of that memor
able occasion will no doubt fully substantiate
its correctness.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
CHANCELLORSVILLE.
IN the latter part of April, 1863, General
Hooker crossed the Rappahannock, above
Lee's .position at Fredericksburg, with the in
tention of flanking and forcing him toward
Richmond.
His army numbered, by his own report,
132,000 men, and upon reaching Chancellors-
ville he proceeded to throw up intrenchments.
Lee's army, in the absence of Longstreet's
corps, numbered 57,000 of all arms.
General Jackson had not entirely recovered
from an attack of diphtheria and was too weak
to have been in the field, but he felt the im
portance of being present at the impending
engagement. The Federals under General
Hooker made a stand near Chancellorsville,
and the west wing of Hooker's rested at Melzi
Chancellor's farm, about two miles from Chan
cellorsville. General Jackson formed his corps
into three columns for attack and, as he wrote
in his last despatch to General Lee, trusted
" That an ever-kind Providence will bless us
with success." The Confederates rushed on
378 - JEFFERSON DA VIS.
the earthworks of the enemy and took them
in reverse; here the 1 1,000 Germans, the mer
cenaries of General Howard, fled almost with
out resistance, carrying away with them the
troops sent to their support. They did not
even pause in General Hooker's intrenched
camp, but fled in a wild rout, without hats or
muskets, to the fords of the Rappahannock.
General Jackson's battle-cry was V Press on
ward ! " At every success he raised his right
hand to heaven in prayer and thanksgiving.
Hooker was advancing a powerful body of
fresh troops to break General Jackson's cor
don about the Federal rear. While General
Hooker pressed its front and the front of
General Jackson's right, a heavy line of in
fantry was being sent through the woods, pre
ceded by a flag of truce to cover their ad
vance. It was followed closely by their line
of battle, which poured a deadly fire into the
Confederates. General Jackson had advanced
a hundred yards beyond his line, expecting to
meet our skirmishers a volley of musketry
from the enemy proclaimed their proximity,
and the General turned into the woods and
met General A. P. Hill with his staff coming
toward the party. General Jackson's officers
were mistaken for the enemy's cavalry and a
deadly fire poured in from our line of battle,
killing Captain Boswell outright and wound-
CHANCELLORSVILLE. 379
ing many others, and " woe worth the day,"
General Jackson. His right hand was pene
trated by a ball, his left forearm was torn and
broken near to the shoulder, and the artery
severed. His horse dashed toward the en
emy and lacerated the General's face and head
by dragging him under the boughs of trees ;
but he seized the rein with his right hand and
brought the animal back to our lines. He
tried to dismount, but, with an anxious look
over toward his troops, he fainted and fell
from his saddle. After some little delay he
was placed in a litter, but had only been there
a few minutes when one of his bearers was
shot down and the General fell, but Major
Leigh bore him up before he reached the
ground. Such a hurricane of shot and shell
was poured down the causeway that the rest
of the bearers fled and left Jackson on the lit
ter, where he lay with his feet to the foe.
Major Leigh and Lieutenant Smith lay down
beside their Commander and protected him
with their bodies until the firing ceased, then
the litter was borne toward our troops, when
the party met General Fender, who said he
feared he could not hold his ground. In a
feeble voice General Jackson gave his last
military order, " General Fender, you must
keep your men together and hold your
ground," The litter was carried through the
380 J'EF PERSON DAVIS.
woods to avoid the enemy's fire, the boughs
of the brushwood tore the sufferer's face and
clothing, and at last the foot of one of the
bearers became entangled in a vine ; he fell
and the General was thrown heavily upon his
wounded side, which bruised the wounds
dreadfully and renewed the hemorrhage.
Next day, when Lee and Stuart, who had
succeeded Jackson in command, had joined
forces, they captured the works of the enemy.
General Sedgwick, after being delayed
twenty-four hours by Early at Fredericks-
burg, marched to the relief of Hooker, threat
ening thereby the Confederate rear. General
Lee turned with General McLaws's five
brigades (including Wilcox's, who had fallen
back from Fredericksburg), and General An
derson with three additional brigades, turned
upon Sedgwick.
General Early brought up his troops in the
afternoon of the 4th, and the corps of Sedg
wick was broken and driven to the river, which
he crossed during the night.
On the 5th, General Lee concentrated for
another assault, but on the morning of the
6th he learned that Hooker " had sought
safety beyond the Rappahannock." * -v<
When General Jackson arrived at the field
* General Lee's report.
CHANCELLORSVILLE. 381
hospital his arm was amputated, and he
seemed to rally somewhat, and was most anx
ious to get on by easy journeys to Lexington.
The proximity of the enemy made his removal
also desirable, and it was determined to re
move him to Guinea Station. On the way
pneumonia set in, and all now felt this pre
cious life hung on a thread. Mrs. Jackson
had been sent for, and came, bringing baby
Julia. When the baby was set on his bed
side, her father caressed her with his wound
ed hand, murmuring in a faint voice, " Little
darling," from time to time. Now his darling
is " dead in her beauty," and it may be that
he is teaching her the song of the Redeemed
in the mansion prepared for her.
He rendered thanks for every service per
formed by those about him, and many times
reaffirmed his submission and trust in God,
begged his wife to speak aloud, because he
wanted to " hear every word " she said.
Mrs. Jackson, though racked by grief, joined
those about his bed in singing hymns which
seemed to quiet him. When at last he had
but a few moments to live, she announced it
to him. He answered, " I prefer it. I will
be an infinite gainer to be translated." When
his mind wandered, he called out, " A. P.
Hill, prepare for action," and several times,
" Tell Major Hawks to send forward provi-
382 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
sions for the men," even in his dying moments
being intent on ministering to them.
When General Lee heard of his extremity
he said, " Tell him I wrestled in prayer for
him last night as I never prayed, I believe,
for myself."
General Jackson died about three o'clock
in the afternoon. His last words were, " Let
us pass over the river, and rest under the
shade of the trees." All the evening before,
Mr Davis, unable to think of anything but
the impending calamity, sat silent until twelve
or one o'clock. When news came that the
General was sinking, the burthen of Mr.
Davis's regret was that he was helpless to
serve or comfort him in any way. We kept a
servant at the telegraph office to bring the
latest news, and sent one to every train, where
other people in crowds were, on the same er
rand. Before the engine slacked up in Broad
Street, the crowd shouted to the engineer,
"How is he? Is he better?" At eleven
o'clock the next morning the body was
brought down, wrapped in a handsome flag
Mr. Davis had sent for the purpose. There
was not standing room in the broad street as
the cortege moved to the Governor's house.
There we went to take a last look at the
patriot saint, whose face still bore the marks
of the anguish he had suffered. A tear
CHAN CELL ORS VILLE. 383
dropped on the face as Mr. Davis leant over
the dead hero ; and when a man came to the
mansion and attempted to talk of some busi
ness matter to him, he remained silent for a
while and then said, " You must excuse me.
I am still staggering from a dreadful blow. I
cannot think."
The body lay in state in the Capitol, where
a constant procession of weeping mourners
passed slowly by for three days and until late
in the night. When at last the beloved form
was taken to its last resting-place, the streets,
the windows, and the house-tops were one
palpitating mass of weeping women and men.
The only other scene like it that I saw during
the war was the crowd assembled when Mr.
Davis was brought through Richmond to be
bailed.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
GETTYSBURG.
IN the month of May, 1863, General R. E.
Lee's army rested near Fredericksburg, while
the Federal army under General Hooker oc
cupied their old camps across the Rappahan-
nock. Early in the month of June, finding
that the Federal commander was not disposed
again to cross swords with him, for the pur
pose of drawing him away from Virginia, so
that her people might raise and gather their
crops, Lee began a movement that culmi
nated in the battle of Gettysburg.
Ewell's corps was sent on in advance, and
at Winchester routed and put to flight the
enemy under General Milroy, capturing 4,000
prisoners and their small-arms, 28 pieces of
artillery, 300 wagons and their horses, and
large amounts of ordnance, commissary, and
quartermaster stores ; then crossing the Po
tomac, he passed through Maryland and
into Pennsylvania.*
* " HEADQUARTERS, ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA,
" CHAMBERSBURG, Pa., June 27, 1863.
"General Orders, No. 73.
' ' The Commanding General has observed with marked satisfac-
GETTYSBURG. '^85
General A. P. Hill with his three divisions
followed in his rear.
General Longstreet covered these move
ments with his corps, then passing into the
valley, he too crossed the Potomac.
To General Stuart was left the task of
tion the conduct of the troops on the march, and confidently
anticipates results commensurate with the high spirit they have
manifested.
"No troops could have displayed, or better performed, the
arduous march of the past ten days.
" Their conduct in other respects has, with few exceptions, been
in keeping with their character as soldiers.
" There have, however, been instances of forgetfulness on the part
of some that they have in keeping the yet unsullied reputation of
this army, and that the duties exacted of us by civilization and
Christianity are not less obligatory in the country of the enemy than
in our own.
"The Commanding General considers that no greater disgrace
could befall the army, and through it our whole people, than the per
petration of the barbarous outrages upon the innocent and defence
less, and the wanton destruction of private property, that have
marked the course of the enemy in our own country. Such pro
ceedings not only disgrace the perpetrators and all connected with
them, but are subversive of the discipline and efficiency of the army,
and destructive to the ends of our present movement.
" It must be remembered that we make war only upon armed men,
and that we cannot take vengeance for the wrongs our people have
suffered without lowering ourselves in the eyes of all those whose
abhorrence has been excited by the atrocities of our enemy, and
offending against Him to whom vengeance belongeth, without whose
favor and support our efforts must all prove in vain.
" The Commanding General therefore earnestly exhorts the
troops to abstain with most scrupulous care from unnecessary or
wanton injury to private property ; and he enjoins upon all officers
to arrest and bring to summary punishment all who shall in any way
offend against the orders on this subject.
" R. E. LEE, General:'
VOL. II. 25
3 86 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
watching 1 with his cavalry the movements of
the enemy.
The Federal Commander had meanwhile
disposed his force so as to cover Washington,
and learning the movements of General Lee,
he too crossed the Potomac.
On June 27th, General Lee was at
Chambersburg, while Hill, Longstreet, and
Ewell were within supporting distance.
Stuart with the cavalry was absent, and
the lack of it prevented Lee from being
apprised of the near approach of the enemy.
It was an army without " eyes and ears."
Moving forward from Chambersburg,
General Lee reached Cashtown on July ist,
where A. P. Hill was concentrating.
Here the Federal cavalry was first encoun
tered, and as Hill's troops moved forward,
they were met also by Reynolds's First Corps
of the Federal infantry.
Stuart was still absent, but Lee, feeling in
the dark, had encountered the Federal army.
Ewell's corps was called in, and a severe
engagement ensued, which lasted until night
fall, when the Federals retreated through the
town of Gettysburg, leaving in the hands of
the Confederates over five thousand prison
ers.
The Federal General Reynolds was killed.
During the night, the Federals concen-
GETTYSBURG. 387
trated and fortified a ridge of high ground
from Cemetery Hill running back of the town
on the right, to Round Top on the left. Here
they confronted Lee on July 2d. At four
o'clock on July 2d, Longstreet's corps, except
Pickett, who had not yet arrived, assailed the
extreme left of the Federal line. Longstreet
gained ground up to the Emmettsburg road,
and captured artillery and colors. General
Hood was wounded, and Generals Barksdale
and Semmes were killed.
Swell's divisions (at 8 P.M.) charged up
the Cemetery Hill, over the crest and the
stone walls, and met the enemy in a hand to
hand contest ; the crest gained, they held it
until compelled to retire by the advance of
the enemy in overwhelming force.
On July 3d, General Lee, encouraged by
the successes of the two preceding days, de
termined, to endeavor to break through the
enemy's centre, and for that purpose, Pick-
ett's division, just arrived, and numbering
4,760 officers and men, with Heth's division
on its left, and Wilcox's brigade on its right,
and with Lane's and Scales's brigades under
General Trimble, as supports, were aligned
for the attack.
At 1.30 P.M., at a signal of two guns fired
in quick succession, from a position on the
Confederate right, on the Emmettsburg road,
3 88 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
137 guns opened fire on the Federal lines,
who replied with 80. Colonel Miller Owen,
an eye-witness, gives a spirited description
of the charge.
" For nearly two hours the dreadful din
continued, until the fire of the Federal batter
ies greatly decreased or was silenced ; then
the Confederate divisions, numbering less
than 13,000 men, rose up and dressed their
ranks for the great charge on Cemetery Hill.
" It was a desperate undertaking, and the
men realized it, and were heard bidding each
other good-by from rank to rank.
" General Pickett galloped over to Gene
ral Longstreet, and said, ' General, shall I
advance ? ' Receiving no reply, he saluted
and said, ' I am going to lead my division
forward, sir/ and galloped off to put it in
motion.
"Soon afterward the gray line emerged
from the trees skirting the Emmettsburg
road, Garnett's brigade on the left, Kem-
per's on the right, and Armistead's in the
rear of the centre. Garnett had been unwell
for several days, and in spite of the excess
ive heat of the weather, was buttoned up in
a heavy blue overcoat.
" Pickett's men went forward with great
steadiness, closing up their ranks as fast as
breaches were made by the Federal artillery,
GETTYSBURG. 389
which had again opened fire. The divis
ion of Heth, now commanded by Pettigrew,
and numbering about 4,300 men, and the
supporting brigades of North Carolinians of
Lane and Scales under General Trimble,
moved forward on his left flank, and Wilcox's
Alabama brigade upon his right. Some of
the artillery moved forward also, and fired
over the heads of the advancing troops.
" The charge was watched with anxious in
terest by those of the Confederates not par
ticipating.
" Now Garnett, Kemper, and Armistead
are close up 'to the stone wall, from behind
which the enemy are lying and firing ; they
are over it, and fighting hand to hand over
eleven captured cannon ; the hillside is blue
with the smoke of cannon and musketry, and
all seems going well.
" Pettigrew has moved steadily forward on
Pickett's left, Archer's Alabama and Tennes
see brigade commanded by Colonel B. D.
Fry on the right, Pettigrew's own North
Carolina brigade, commanded by Colonel J.
K. Marshal on the right centre, General J.
Davis's Mississippi brigade on the left cen
tre, and Brockenbrough's Virginia brigade on
the left.
" These troops received the enemy's fire
until they reached a post and rail fence be-
390 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
yond the Emmettsburg road. There they
were opened upon by a galling- fire of cannis-
ter and shrapnel ; still the line remained
steady and the advance continued.
" More fences were encountered, and the
alignment was disturbed ; still on they
charged, keeping in line with Pickett.
" When within range of the enemy's line, a
heavy fire of musketry was delivered into
their ranks, yet there was no check.
" Archer's brigade reached the enemy first
in close contest, and the whole division gal
lantly dashed up to the stone wall behind
which the enemy was strongly posted.*
" Subject to a galling fire which reduced
their ranks, and finding further gallant effort
hopeless, the division fell back in some con
fusion.
" The brigades of Lane and Scales still
tenaciously hold the enemy's line that they
have crossed, and the close combat continues
in the little clump of trees on the ridge. Wil-
cox with his brigade charged on Pickett's
right flank up to the Federal line, but being
overwhelmed by numbers, withdrew.
" And now the Federals massed upon
* The fact that the right of Pettigrew's division touched Pickett's
left, is fixed in Lieutenant Finlay's (Fifty-sixth Virginia Infantry)
mind, by having shaken hands with one of Pettigrew's captains, who
exclaimed enthusiastically, "We will stand together at this wall."
JOHN B. BATCHELDOR.
GETTYSBURG. 391
Pickett's and Trimble's front, and upon their
flanks ; Garnett and Armistead were both
killed, and Kemper badly wounded. The
men were falling fast, or yielding themselves
to the overwhelming foe, the charge had
failed, and the brave survivors of this grand
assault recrossed the blood-stained field, and
reformed their depleted ranks in the wood of
Seminary Hill, from which they had lately
advanced so gallantly to the charge.
" There they found General Lee, riding
calmly up and down the lines, with only words
of encouragement upon his lips. * Never
mind,' he said, as he urged them to form,
' we'll talk of this afterward ; now, we want
all good men to rally/ ' All will be well.' "
Mr. Davis thus writes of Gettysburg in his
" Rise and Fall : "
"The battle of Gettysburg has been the
subject of an unusual amount of discussion,
and the enemy has made it a matter of ex
traordinary exultation. As an affair of arms
it was marked by mighty feats of valor, to
which both combatants may point with mili
tary pride. It was a graceful thing in Presi
dent Lincoln if, as reported, when he was
shown the steeps which the Northern men
persistently held, he answered : ' I am proud
to be the countryman of the men who as
sailed those heights/ "
CHAPTER XXXIX.
- GENERAL LEE'S OFFER OF RESIGNATION.
THE President was a prey to the acutest
anxiety during this period, and again and
again said, " If I could take one wing and Lee
the other, I think we could between us wrest
a victory from those people." At another time
he exclaimed, " With Jackson, Lee would be
on his feet."
When General Lee had returned to Vir
ginia after his repulse at Gettysburg, although
he had -withdrawn his army thoroughly organ
ized, with confidence and pride unimpaired,
and was in full possession of his legitimate
line of defence, he was conscious that all had
not been accomplished which the late advance
was designed to compass.
The tone of the public press and the senti
ment of the country indicated dissatisfaction
with the result of the campaign, from which
grander achievements had been expected than
the number of troops and extent of our re
sources justified. General Lee could not re
main entirely indifferent or unaffected by such
expressions.
GEN. LEE^S OFFER OF RESIGNATION. 393
As he paced before his camp-fire on the
night of July 4th, when his army was march
ing by on its way to the Potomac, he said to
General Longstreet in the presence of other
officers : " It is all my fault." So at Camp
Orange, with manly dignity and generosity
as remarkable as it is rare, denying no re
sponsibility, indulging in no censures, he
took upon himself alone the soul-depressing
burden of the day, and wrote to the President
the following touching and noble letter :
"CAMP ORANGE, August 8, 1863.
" MR. PRESIDENT : Your letters of July
28th and August 26. have been received, and
I have waited for a leisure hour to reply, but
I fear that will never come. I am extremely
obliged to you for the attention given to the
wants of this army, and the efforts made to
supply them. Our absentees are returning,
and I hope the earnest and beautiful appeal
made to the country in your proclamation
may stir up the whole people, and that they
may see their duty and perform it. Nothing
is wanted but that their fortitude should equal
their bravery, to insure the success of our
cause. We must expect reverses, even de
feats. They are sent to teach us wisdom and
prudence, to call forth greater energies, and
to prevent our falling into greater disasters.
394 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Our people have only to be true and united,
to bear manfully the misfortunes incident to
war, and all will come right in the end.
" I know how prone we are to censure, and
how ready to blame others for the non-fulfil
ment of our expectations. This is unbecom
ing 1 in a generous people, and I grieve to see
its expression. The general remedy for the
want of success in a military commander is
his removal. This is natural, and in many
instances proper. For, no matter what may
be the ability of the officer, if he loses the
confidence of his troops, disaster must sooner
or later ensue.
" I have been prompted by these reflections
more than once, since my return from Penn
sylvania, to propose to your Excellency the
propriety of selecting another commander for
this army. I have seen and heard of expres
sions of discontent in the public journals at
the result of the expedition. I do not know
how far this feeling extends in the army. My
brother officers have been too kind to report
it, and so far the troops have been too gen
erous to exhibit it. It is fair, however, to sup
pose that it does exist, and success is so nec
essary to us that nothing should be risked to
secure it. I therefore, in all sincerity, request
your Excellency to take measures to supply
my place. I do this with the more earnest-
GEN. LEE^S OFFER OF RESIGNATION. 395
ness because no one is more aware than my
self of my inability for the duties of my posi
tion. I cannot even accomplish what I myself
desire. How can I fulfil the expectations of
others ? In addition, I sensibly feel the grow
ing failure of my bodily strength. I have not
yet recovered from the attack I experienced the
past spring. I am becoming more and more
incapable of exertion, and am thus prevented
from making the personal examinations and
giving the personal supervision to the opera
tions in the field which I feel to be necessary.
I am so dull that in making use of the eyes
of others I am frequently misled. Everything,
therefore, points to the advantages to be de
rived from a new commander, and I the more
anxiously urge the matter upon your Excel
lency, from my belief that a younger and abler
man than myself can readily be obtained. I
know that he will have as gallant and brave an
army as ever existed to second his efforts, and
it would be the happiest day of my life to see
at its head a worthy leader ; one that would
accomplish more than I could perform, and all
that I have wished. I hope your Excellency
will attribute my request to the true reason,
the desire to serve my country, and to do all
in my power to insure the success of her right
eous cause.
" I have no complaints to make of anyone
396 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
but myself. I have received nothing but
kindness from those above me, and the most
considerate attention from my comrades and
companions in arms. To your Excellency I
am specially indebted for uniform kindness
and consideration. You have done every
thing in your power to aid me in the work
committed to my charge, without omitting
anything to promote the general welfare. I
pray that your efforts may at length be
crowned with success, and that you may long
live to enjoy the thanks of a grateful people.
" With sentiments of great esteem, I am
very respectfully and truly yours,
" R. E. LEE, General:'
"To His Excellency JEFFERSON DAVIS,
11 President of the Confederate States"
The reply to this letter by President Davis
so clearly illustrates the close and confidential
relations existing between these two distin
guished patriots, and is so honorable to both,
that it is given in full.
" RICHMOND, VA., August n, 1863.
" GENERAL R. E. LEE,
" Commanding Army of Northern Virginia.
" GENERAL : Yours of the 8th instant has
been received. I am glad that you concur
so entirely with me as to the wants of our
GEN. LEE'S OFFER OF RESIGNATION. 397
country in this trying hour, and am happy to
add that, after the first depression consequent
upon our disasters in the West, indications
have appeared that our people will exhibit
that fortitude which we agree in believing is
alone needful to secure ultimate success.
" It well became Sidney Johnston, when
overwhelmed by a senseless clamor, to admit
the rule that success is the test of merit, and
yet there is nothing which I have found to re
quire a greater effort of patience than to bear
the criticisms of the ignorant, who pronounce
everything a failure which does not equal
their expectations or desires, and can see no
good result which is not in the line of their
own imaginings. I admit the propriety of
your conclusions, that an officer who loses
the confidence of his troops should have his
position changed, whatever may be his ability;
but when I read the sentence, I was not at
all prepared for the application you were
about to make. Expressions of discontent in
the public journals furnish but little evidence
of the sentiment of an army. I wish it were
otherwise, even though all the abuse of my
self should be accepted as the results of hon
est observation.
" Were you capable of stooping to it, you
could easily surround yourself with those who
would fill the press with your laudations and
398 JEFFERSON DA VIS.,
seek to exalt you for what you have not done,
rather than detract from the achievements
which will make you and your army the sub
ject of history, and object of the world's admi
ration for generations to come.
" I am truly sorry to know that you still
feel the effects of the illness you suffered last
spring, and can readily understand the em
barrassments you experience in using the
eyes of others, having been so much accus
tomed to make your own reconnoissances.
Practice will, however, do much to relieve
that embarrassment, and the minute knowl
edge of the country which you have acquired
will render you less dependent for topograph
ical information.
" But suppose, my dear friend, that I were
to admit, with all their implications, the points
which you present, where am I to find that
new commander who is to possess the great
er ability which you believe to be required ?
I do not doubt the readiness with which you
would give way to one who could accomplish
all that you have wished, and you will do me
the justice to believe that, if Providence
should kindly offer such a person for our use,
I would not hesitate to avail of his services.
" My sight is not sufficiently penetrating to
discover such hidden merit, if it exists, and I
have but used to you the language of sober
GEN. LEE'S OFFER OF RESIGNATION. 399
earnestness, when I have impressed upon you
the propriety of avoiding all unnecessary ex
posure to danger, because I felt your country
could not bear to lose you. To ask me to
substitute you by someone in my judgment
more fit to command, or who would possess
more of the confidence of the army, or of re
flecting men in the country, is to demand an
impossibility.
" It only remains for me to hope that you
will take all possible care of yourself, that
your health and strength may be entirely re
stored, and that the Lord will preserve you
for the important duties devolved upon you in
the struggle of our suffering country for the
independence of which we have engaged in
war to maintain.
" As ever, very respectfully and truly,
(Signed) " JEFFERSON DAVIS."
CHAPTER XL.
VICE-PRESIDENT STEPfrENS'S COMMISSION TO
WASHINGTON.
As General Lee's army was marching
through Pennsylvania it was thought by the
Confederate Authorities that the time was
auspicious for renewed efforts to adjust, with
the Federal Government, the difficulties which
prevented the execution of the cartel for the
exchange of prisoners of war.
To promote these efforts, President Davis
appointed Vice-President Stephens to pro
ceed to Washington, and endeavor there to
effect satisfactory arrangements.
The letter of instructions given by Presi
dent Davis is herewith submitted :
"RICHMOND, VA., July 2, 1863.
" HONORABLE ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS,
Richmond, Va.
" SIR : Having accepted your patriotic of
fer to proceed as a military commissioner,
under flag of truce, to Washington, you will
herewith receive your letter of authority to
the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and
Navy of the United States.
OFFICERS OF THE CONFEDERATE ARMY AND NAVY.
STEPHENS^ COMMISSION. 401
" This letter is signed by me as Com-
mander-in-Chief of the Confederate land and
naval forces.
" You will perceive, from the terms of the
letter, that it is so worded as to avoid any
political difficulties in its reception. Intended
exclusively as one of those communications
between belligerents which public law recog
nizes as necessary and proper between hostile
forces, care has been taken to give no pre
text for refusing to receive it on the ground
that it would involve a tacit recognition of the
independence of the Confederacy.
" Your mission is simply one of humanity,
and has no political aspect.
" If objection is made to receiving your
letter on the ground that it is not addressed
to Abraham Lincoln as President, instead of
Commander-in-Chief, etc., then you will pre
sent the duplicate letter, which is addressed
to him as President, and -signed by me as
President. To this letter objection may be
made on the ground that I am not recognized
to be President of the Confederacy. In this
event, you will decline any further attempt to
confer on the subject of your mission, as such
conference is admissible only on a footing of
perfect equality. .
" My recent interviews with you have put
you so fully in possession of my views, that
Voj,. II. 26
402 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
it is scarcely necessary to give you any de
tailed instructions, even were I at this mo
ment well enough to attempt it.
"My whole purpose is, in one word, to
place this war on the footing of such as are
waged by civilized people in modern times,
and to divest it of the savage character which
has been impressed on it by our enemies, in
spite of all our efforts and protests. War is
full enough of unavoidable horrors, under all
its aspects, to justify, and even to demand, of
any Christian ruler who may unhappily en
gage in carrying it on, to seek to restrict its
calamities, and to divest it of all unnecessary
severities. You will endeavor to establish a
cartel for the exchange of prisoners on such a
basis as to avoid constant difficulties and com
plaints which arise, and to prevent for the fu
ture what we deem the unfair conduct of our
enemies, in evading the delivery of prisoners
who fall into their hands, in retarding it by
sending them on circuitous routes, and by de
taining them sometimes for months in camps
and prisons, and in persisting in taking cap
tive non-combatants.
" Your attention is also called to the un
heard-of conduct of Federal officers, in driving
from their homes entire communities of women
and children, as well as of men, whom they
find in districts occupied by their troops, for no
STEPHENS 'S COMMISSION. 403
other reason than because these unfortunates
are faithful to the allegiance due to their
States, and refuse to take an oath of fidelity
to their enemies.
" The putting to death of unarmed prison
ers has been a ground of just complaint in
more than one instance, and the recent exe
cution of officers of our army in Kentucky, for
the sole cause that they were engaged in re
cruiting service in a State which is claimed as
still one of the United States, but is also
claimed by us as one of the Confederate
States, must be repressed by retaliation if not
unconditionally abandoned, because it would
justify the like execution in every other State
of the Confederacy, and the practice is bar
barous, uselessly cruel, and can only lead to
the slaughter of prisoners on both sides, a re
sult too horrible to contemplate without mak
ing every effort to avoid it.
" On these and all kindred subjects you will
consider your authority full and ample to make
such arrangements as will temper the present
cruel character of the contest, and full confi
dence is placed in your judgment, patriotism,
and discretion that, while carrying out the
objects of your mission, you will take care
that the equal rights of the Confederacy be
always preserved. " Very respectfully,
" JEFFERSON DAVIS."
404 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
"HEADQUARTERS, RICHMOND, July 2, 1863.
" SIR : As Commander-in-Chief of the land
and naval forces now waging as against the
United States, I have the honor to address
this communication to you, as Commander-in-
Chief of their land and naval forces.
" Numerous difficulties and disputes have
arisen in relation to the execution of the car
tel of exchange heretofore agreed on by the
belligerents, and the commissioners for the
exchange of prisoners have been unable to
adjust their differences. Their action on the
subject of these differences is delayed and em
barrassed by the necessity of referring each
subject as it arises to superior authority for
decision. I believe that I have just grounds
for complaint against the officers and forces
under your command for breach of the terms
of the cartel, and, being myself ready to exe
cute it at all times in good faith, I am not jus
tified in doubting the existence of the same
disposition on your part.
" In addition to this matter, I have to com
plain of the conduct of your officers and troops
in many parts of the country, who violate all
the rules of war by carrying on hostilities, not
only against armed foes, but against non-com
batants, aged men, women, and children ;
while others not only seize such property as
is required for the use of your forces, but de-
$TEPHENS } S COMMISSION. 405
stroy all private property within their reach,
even agricultural implements ; and openly
avow the purpose of seeking to subdue the
population of the districts where they are op
erating, by the starvation that must result
from the destruction of standing crops and
agricultural implements.
" Still, again, others of your officers in dif
ferent districts have recently taken the lives
of prisoners who fell into their power, and
justify their act by asserting a right to treat
as spies the military officers and enlisted men
under my command who may penetrate for
hostile purposes into States claimed by me to
be engaged in the warfare now waged against
the United States, and claimed by the latter
as having refused to engage in such warfare.
" I have heretofore, on different occasions,
been forced to make complaint of these out
rages, and to ask you that you should either
avow or disclaim having authorized them ;
and have failed to obtain such answer as the
usages of civilized warfare require to be
given in such cases.
" These usages justify, and indeed require,
redress by retaliation, as the proper means of
repressing such cruelties as are not permitted
in warfare between Christian peoples. I have,
notwithstanding, refrained from the exercise
of such retaliation, because of its obvious ten-
4&6 JEFFERSON D
dency to lead to a war of indiscriminate mas
sacre on both sides, which would be a specta
cle so shocking to humanity and so disgraceful
to the age in which we live and the religion
we profess, that I cannot contemplate it with
out a feeling of horror that I am disinclined to
doubt you would share.
" With the view, then, of making one last
solemn attempt to avert such calamities, and
to attest my earnest desire to prevent them,
if it be possible, I have selected the bearer
of this letter, the Honorable Alexander H.
Stephens, as a military commissioner to pro
ceed to your headquarters under flag of truce,
there to confer and agree on the subjects
above mentioned ; and I do hereby authorize
the said Alexander H. Stephens to arrange
and settle all differences and disputes which
may have arisen or may arise in the execu
tion of the cartel for exchange of prisoners of
war, heretofore agreed on between our re
spective land and naval forces ; also to agree
to any just modification that may be found ne
cessary to prevent further misunderstandings
as to the terms of said cartel ; and finally, to
enter into such arrangement or understanding
about the mode of carrying on hostilities be
tween the belligerents as shall confine the se
verities of the war within such limits as are
rightfully imposed, not only by modern civili-
STEPHENS*S COMMISSION. 407
zation, but by our common Christianity. I
am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
" JEFFERSON DAVIS,
" Commander -in- Chief of the land and
naval forces of the Confederate States.
" To ABRAHAM LINCOLN,
" Commander-in- Chief of the land and
naval forces of the United States?'
Mr. Stephens proceeded as far as Fortress
Monroe under a flag of truce ; but when he
reached Newport News, the admiral of the
Federal fleet arrested his further progress.
The object of his mission, with a request for
permission to go to Washington, was made
known to that officer, who by telegraph com
municated with the Government at Wash
ington. The reply of that Government
was :
" The request is inadmissible. The custom
ary agents and channels are adequate for all
needful military communications and confer
ences between the United States forces and
the insurgents."
" This," subsequently wrote Mr. Davis,
" was all the notice ever taken of our humane
propositions. We were stigmatized as insur
gents, and the door was shut in our faces.
Does not this demonstrate an intent to subju
gate our States ? "
4o JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Mr. Stephens, after his return, wrote the
following :
4 'RICHMOND, July 8, 1863.
" His Excellency, JEFFERSON DAVIS :
" SIR : Under the authority and instructions
of your letter to me, on the 2d instant I pro
ceeded on the mission therein assigned with
out delay. The steamer Torpedo, commanded
by Lieutenant Hunter Davidson, of the navy,
was put in readiness as soon as possible, by
order of the Secretary of the Navy, and ten
dered for the service. At noon, on the 3d,
she started down James River, hoisting and
bearing a flag of truce after passing City
Point. The next day (the 4th), at about one
o'clock P.M., when within a few miles of
Newport News, we were met by a small boat
of the enemy, carrying two guns, which also
raised a white flag before approaching us.
" The officer in command informed Lieu
tenant Davidson that he had orders from Ad
miral Lee, on board the United States flag
ship Minnesota, lying below and then in view,
not to allow any boat or vessel to pass the
point near which he was stationed, without
his permission. By this officer I sent to Ad
miral Lee a note stating my objects and
wishes, a copy of which is hereunto annexed,
marked A. I also sent to the Admiral, to be
forwarded, another in the same language, ad-
STEPHENS' 'S COMMISSION. 4 0$
dressed to the officer in command of the
United States forces at Fortress Monroe.
The gun -boat proceeded immediately to the
Minnesota with these despatches, while the
Torpedo remained at anchor. Between three
and four o'clock P.M., another boat came up
to us, bearing the Admiral's answer, which is
hereunto annexed, marked B.
" We remained at or about this point in the
river until the 6th instant, when, having heard
nothing further from the Admiral, at twelve
o'clock M., on that day, I directed Lieuten
ant Davidson again to speak the gun-boat on
guard, and to hand to the officer in command
another note to the Admiral. This was done.
A copy of the note is here appended, marked
C. At half-past two o'clock P.M., two boats
approached us from below, one bearing the
answer from the Admiral to my note to him
on the 4th. This answer is annexed, marked
D.
" The other boat bore the answer of Lieu
tenant-Colonel W. H. Ludlow to my note of
the 4th, addressed to the officer in command
at Fortress Monroe. A copy of this is an
nexed, marked E. Lieutenant-Colonel Lud
low also came up in person in the boat that
brought his answer to me, and conferred with
Colonel Ould, on board the Torpedo, upon
some matters he desired to see him about in
4 IO JEFFERSON DAVIS.
connection with the exchange of prisoners.
From the papers appended, embracing the
correspondence referred to, it will be seen
that the mission failed from the refusal of the
enemy to receive or entertain it, holding the
proposition of such conference 'inadmissible.'
" The influence and views that led to this
determination after so long a consideration on
the subject, must be left to conjecture. The
reason assigned for the refusal by the United
States Secretary of War, to wit : that ' the
customary agents and channels ' are consider
ed adequate for all needful military ' commu
nications and conferences/ to one acquainted
with the facts seems not only unsatisfactory,
but very singular and unaccountable ; for it
is certainly known to him that .these very
agents to whom he evidently alludes, hereto
fore agreed upon in a former conference in
reference to the exchange of prisoners (one
of the subjects embraced in your letter to me),
are now, and have been for some time, dis
tinctly at issue on several important points.
The existing cartel, owing to these disagree
ments, is virtually suspended, so far as the
exchange of officers on either side is con
cerned. Notices of retaliation have been
given on both sides.
" The effort, therefore, for the very many
and cogent reasons set forth in your letter of
STMPHEN&S COMMISSION. 411
instructions to me, to see if these differences
could not be removed, and if a clearer under
standing between the parties as to the gen
eral conduct of the war could not be resorted
to by either party, was no less in accordance
with the dictates of humanity, than in strict
conformity with the uses of belligerents in
modern times. Deeply impressed as I was
with these views and feelings, in undertaking
the mission and asking the conference, I can
but express my profound regret at the result
of the effort made to obtain it, and I can but
entertain the belief that if the conference
sought had been granted, mutual good could
have been effected by it ; and if this war, so
unnatural, so unjust, so unchristian, and so
inconsistent with every fundamental principle
of American constitutional liberty, 'must
needs ' continue to be waged against us, that
at least some of the severer horrors, which
now so eminently threaten, might have been
avoided.
" Very respectfully,
" ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS."
CHAPTER XLI,
FALL OF VICKSBURG, JULY 4, 1863.
AFTER Gettysburg the non-combatants were
fecund in expedients which would have com
pelled victory, had they been adopted. But
unfortunately these military strategists agreed
on but one point, viz., that the President and
his cabinet were ignorant of the measures ne
cessary to compel victory ; these were in some
inexplicable way very derelict. The Exami
ner, as the exponent of the critics, foretold
every evil for the Confederacy, and thus dis
couraged the people, and w'eakened the
power of the President to serve them.
Subsequent to the battle of Murfreesboro,
in January, 1863, attention was concentrated
upon a campaign in Mississippi with Vicks-
burg as the objective point. Of course, this
section of country was very dear to the Presi
dent, he knew every other family in it, and
had a passionate desire to save them from
the desolation that had fallen upon our only
large city, New Orleans.
On December 28, 1862, General Sherman
FALL OF VICKSBURG. 413
made an offensive movement and was re
pulsed.
In January, 1863, General Grant landed at
Young's Point on the Mississippi River, a few
miles below, and opposite to Vicksburg, and
soon after with his large army marched into
the interior of Mississippi.
The destruction of valuable stores at Hol
ly Springs by General Van Dorn frustrated
Grant's plan of operations, and he retreated
to Memphis.
Upon General Johnston's recovery from
the wound received at Seven Pines, he had
been assigned, on November 24, 1862, to the
command of a Geographical Department in
cluding the States of Tennessee, Mississip
pi, Alabama, Georgia, and North Carolina.
Mrs. Johnston and I were very intimate
friends, and the day before his departure I
went to see them. General Johnston seemed
ill and dispirited. In answer to a hope ex
pressed by me that he would have a brilliant
campaign, he said, " I might if I had Lee's
chances with the army of Northern Virginia ; "
from which I inferred he was very averse to
leaving Virginia.
When the events occurred that have been
narrated, General Pemberton had felt severely
the need of cavalry for observation and to keep
open communications with our troops in Mis-
414 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
sissippi. As soon as General Johnston as
sumed command in person, General Pember-
ton renewed his strenuous efforts to procure it
from him, hoping to check the invading army.
General Johnston arrived at Jackson on
May 13, 1863, and telegraphed to James A.
Seddon, Secretary of War, as follows :
" I arrived this evening, finding the enemy
in force between this place and General Pern-
berton, cutting off communication. I am too
late."
In the order assigning General Johnston to
the Geographical Department of the West,
he was directed to repair in person to any
part of his command, whenever his presence
might be deemed for the time necessary or
desirable.
On May 9, 1863, General Johnston was
ordered to " proceed at once to Mississippi
and take chief command of the forces/' and
he telegraphed to General Pemberton from
Tullahoma the same day, " Disposition of
troops, as far as understood, judicious. Can
be readily concentrated against Grant's army.
When he reached Jackson, learning that
the enemy was between that place and the
position occupied by General Pemberton's
forces, about thirty miles distant, he halted
there and opened correspondence with Pem
berton, from which a confusion with conse-
FALL OF VICKSBURG. 415
quent disaster resulted, which might have
been avoided had he, with or without rein
forcements, proceeded to Pemberton's head
quarters in the field. What the confusion or
want of co-intelligence was, will best appear
from citing the important part of the de
spatches which passed between them.
On May I3th, General Johnston, then at
Jackson, sent the following despatch to Gen
eral Pemberton, which was received on the
I4th:
" I have lately arrived, and learn that Ma
jor-General Sherman is between us with four
divisions at Clinton. It is important to re
establish communications, that you may be
reinforced, if practicable. I come up on his
rear at once. To beat such a detachment
would be of immense value. The troops
here could co-operate ; all the strength you
can quickly assemble should be brought.
Time is all-important.'*
On the same day, the I4th, General Pem
berton, then at Bovina, replied :
" I have the honor to acknowledge receipt
of your communication. I moved at once
with whole available force, about sixteen
thousand, leaving Vaughn's brigade, about
fifteen hundred, at Big Black Bridge ; Tilgh-
man's brigade, fifteen hundred, now at Bald
win's Ferry,. I have ordered to bring up the
4 i6 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
rear of my column ; he will be, however, fif
teen or twenty miles behind it.
"'Baldwin's Ferry will be left, necessarily,
unprotected. To hold Vicksburg are Smith's
and Forney's divisions, extending from Sny-
der's Mills to Warrenton, numbering effec
tives, seven thousand eight hundred men.
I do not think that you fully compre
hend the position that Vicksburg will be left
in, but I comply at once with your order."
On the same day General Pemberton,
after his arrival at Edward's Depot, called a
council of war of all the general officers
present. He placed General Johnston's de
spatch before them, and stated his own views
against the propriety of an advance, but ex
pressed the opinion that the only possibility
of success would be by a movement upon the
enemy's communications.
A majority of the officers present expressed
themselves favorable to the plan indicated by
General Johnston. . . . General Pem
berton then sent the following despatch to
General Johnston :
" EDWARD'S DEPOT, May 14, 1863.
" I shall move as early to-morrow morning
as practicable, with a column of seventeen
thousand men, to Dillon's, situated on the
main road leading from Raymond to Port
FALL OF VICKSBURG. 417
Gibson, seven and a half miles from Edward's
Depot. The object is to cut the enemy's
communications and to force him to attack me,
as I do not consider my force sufficient to jus
tify an attack on the enemy in position, or to
attempt to cut my way to Jackson. At this
point your nearest communication would be
through Raymond."
The movement commenced at i P.M. on
the 1 5th. General Pemberton states that the
force at Clinton was an army corps, numeri
cally greater than his whole available force in
the field ; that " the enemy had at least an
equal force to the south, on my right flank,
which would be nearer Vicksburg than my
self in case I should make the movement
proposed. I had, moreover, positive informa
tion that he was daily increasing his strength.
I also learned, on reaching Edward's Depot,
that one division of the enemy (A. J. Smith's)
was at or near Dillon's."
On the morning of the i6th, about 6.30
o'clock, Colonel Wirt Adams, commanding
the cavalry, reported to General Pemberton
that his pickets were skirmishing with the
enemy on the Raymond road, in our front.
At the same moment a courier arrived and
delivered the following despatch from General
Johnston :
Vou II. 27
4 i8 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
" CANTON ROAD, TEN MILES FROM JACKSON,
"May 15, 1863, 8.30A.M.
" Our being compelled to leave Jackson
makes your plan impracticable. The only
mode by which we can unite is by your
moving directly to Clinton and informing
me, that we may move to that point with
about six thousand."
Pemberton reversed his column to return
to Edward's Depot and take the Brownsville
road, so as to proceed toward Clinton, on the
north side of the railroad, and sent a reply to
General Johnston to notify him of the retro
grade movement. Just as the reverse move
ment commenced, the enemy opened fire with
artillery and attacked Pemberton at Big
Black, defeated, and forced him to retire to
Vicksburg.
On the morning of the i8th, the troops
were, from right to left, on the defence, and
102 pieces of artillery, mostly field pieces,
were placed in position. Grant's army ap
peared before the city on the i8th.
Pemberton relied upon the co-operation of
a relieving army before any investment could
be made, and had endeavored to secure sup
plies for the duration of an ordinary siege.
On May 25th, General Grant telegraphed
General Halleck at Washington ; " I can
FALL OF VICKSBURG. 419
manage the force in Vicksburg and an attack
ing force of 30,000. My effective force is
50,000 ; " and General Johnston telegraphed
to Richmond that the troops he had at his dis
posal against Grant amounted to 24,000, not
including Jackson's cavalry command.
On May i8th, General Pemberton received
by courier a communication from General
Johnston containing these words: " If Hayne's
Bluff is untenable, Vicksburg is of no value
and cannot be held. If you are invested in
Vicksburg you must ultimately surrender.
Under these circumstances, instead of losing
both troops and place, we must if possible
save the troops. If it is not too late, evacuate
Vicksburg and its dependences, and march to
the northeast."
Relying upon his Government and General
Johnston to raise the siege, General Pember
ton called a council of war, laid Johnston's
communication before them, and requested
their opinion. It was unanimous that " it
was impossible to'withdraw the army from this
position with such morale and materiel as to
be of further service to the Confederacy."
He then announced his decision to hold
Vicksburg as long as possible.
On May iQth two assaults were made, on
the left and centre. Both were repulsed
and heavy loss inflicted ; the enemy then con-
420 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
fined himself to gradual approaches and
mining. Our loss was small.
How to dispose of the women and chil
dren during the siege was a problem which
could be solved in only one way, viz., they
must stay at home. Their fathers, husbands,
brothers, or sons were many of them in the
army of Northern Virginia, or in the West.
The money left with their families was all
exhausted;, all industries were at a standstill.
The interior of Mississippi had been desolated
by fire and sword, and the women and chil
dren could not exist there unprotected and
without food ; so they grappled with the ills
they knew, and remained at home. Caves
were dug in the high clay hills, and there the
non-combatants dwelt in darkness while the
shells were flying. By the light of lamps
they mended, patched, and darned for the
soldiers, knitted them socks, and rendered
every other service that brave and tender
women learn to perform in the hour of dan
ger. I saw one bright young bride, whose
arm had been shattered by a piece of shell
and afterward amputated ; and a man who
was there during the siege said, on July 26th :
" We noticed one man with his wife in his
arms she having fainted with fright at the
explosion of a shell within a few feet of her.
A shell burst in the midst of several children
FALL OF VIC KS BURG. 421
who were making their way out of danger,
and the dirt thrown up by the explosion
knocked three of them down, but fortunately
did no injury. The little ones picked them
selves up as quick as possible, and wiping the
dust from their eyes, hastened on."
The women nursed the sick and wounded,
ate mule and horse meat, and bread made of
spoiled flour, with parched corn boiled for cof
fee ; but they listened to the whistling shells
undaunted, nothing fearing except for the
lives of those who were fighting far and near.
General Grant telegraphed to Washington,
on June 8th, " Vicksburg is closely invested.
I have a spare force of about 30,000 men with
which to repel anything from the rear ; " and
on the nth, General Johnston telegraphed to
Richmond : " I have not at my disposal
half the troops necessary. It is for the Gov
ernment to determine what Department, if
any, can furnish the reinforcements required.
I cannot know here General Bragg's wants
compared with mine. The Government can
make such comparisons."
As already stated, General Johnston had
been assigned to the command of a geograph
ical department that included the State of
Tennessee, and therefore General Bragg's
command was subject to General Johnston's
orders ; but General Johnston seemed to re-
422 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
gard it differently, and telegraphed the Sec
retary of War on June I2th: "I have not
considered myself commanding in Tennessee
since assignment here, and should not have
felt authorized to take troops from that De
partment after having been informed by the
Executive that no more could be spared. To
take from Bragg a force which would make
this army fit to oppose Grant, would involve
yielding Tennessee. It is for the Govern
ment to decide between this State and Ten
nessee."
On the 1 5th he telegraphed, "I consider
saving Vicksburg hopeless." To this last
despatch the Secretary of War replied on the
1 6th : " Your telegram grieves and alarms us.
Vicksburg must not be lost, at least without a
struggle. The interest and honor of the Con
federacy forbid it. I rely on you still to avert
the loss. If better resource does not offer,
you must hazard attack. It may be made in
concert with the garrison, if practicable, but
otherwise without. By day or night, as you
think best." And again, on the 2ist: " Only
my convictions of almost imperative necessity
for action induces the official despatch I have
just sent you. On every ground I have great
deference to your judgment and military ge
nius, but I feel it right to share, if need be to
take, the responsibility and leave you free to
FALL OF V1CKSBURG. 423
follow the most desperate course the occasion
may demand. Rely upon it, the eyes and
hopes of the whole Confederacy are upon
you, with the full confidence that you will act,
and with the sentiment that it were better to
fail nobly daring, than, through priidence
even, to be inactive. I look to attack in the
last resort, but rely on your resources of gen
eralship to suggest less desperate modes of
relief. . * . 1 I rely on you for all possible
to save Vicksburg." On June 2 7th, General
Grant telegraphed General Halleck : " Joe
Johnston has postponed his attack until he
can receive 10,000 reinforcements now on their
way from Bragg's army. They are expect
ed early next week. I feel strong enough
against this increase, and do not despair of
having Vicksburg before their arrival."
After being besieged for forty-seven days
and nights, the brave troops, exposed to
burning sun and drenching nights, confined
to the narrow limits of the trench, with their
limbs cramped and swollen, and growing weak
and attenuated, felt and knew the end was
near. They had repulsed the enemy's re
peated assaults, and driven him discomfited
from the trenches ; they had taken five stand
of colors as trophies of their prowess, but
now the time had come when man could do
no more. They were physically unable to
424 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
make a sortie, and all hope of outside relief
from Johnston was gone. General Pember-
ton therefore resolved to seek terms of capit
ulation, and the city surrendered to General
Grant on July 4th.*
General Grant immediately telegraphed to
Washington. " The enemy surrendered this
morning. ,. . . ,. General Sherman will
face immediately on Johnston and drive him
from the State."
On July 1 7th, General Johnston aban
doned Jackson and retreated into the in
terior.'^
* On May 9, 1864, General Pemberton resigned his commission
and expressed his willingness to serve in the ranks ; the President
conferred on him a lieutenant-colonelcy of artillery.
f " General Johnston is retreating on the east side of Pearl River,
and I can only learn from him of such vague purposes as were un
folded when he held his army before Richmond." Letter of Presi
dent Davis to General Lee, July 21, 1863.
CHAPTER XLII.
PRESIDENT DAVIS'S LETTER TO GENERAL JOHN
STON AFTER THE FALL OF VICKSBURG.
"RICHMOND, July 15, 1863.
" GENERAL J. E. JOHNSTON, Commanding,
etc.
"GENERAL: Your despatch of the 5th in
stant stating that you ' considered ' your ' as
signment to the immediate command in Mis
sissippi ' as giving you ' a new position ' and
as ' limiting your authority/ being a repeti
tion of a statement which you were informed
was a grave error, and being persisted in af
ter your failure to point out, when requested,
the letter or despatch justifying you in such a
conclusion, rendered it necessary, as you were
informed in my despatch of the 8th instant,
that I should make a more extended reply
than could be given in a telegram. That
there may be no possible room for further
mistake in this matter, I am compelled to re
capitulate the substance of all orders and in
structions given to you, so far as they bear
on this question.
On November 24th last you were assigned,
426 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
by Special Order No. 275, to a defined geo
graphical command. The description in
cluded a portion of Western North Carolina
and Northern Georgia, the States of Tennes
see, Alabama, and -Mississippi, and that por
tion of the State of Louisiana east of the
Mississippi River. The order concluded in
the following language : ' General Johnston
will, for the purpose of correspondence and re
ports, establish his headquarters at Chatta
nooga, or such other place as in his judgment
will best secure communication with the
troops within the limits of his command, and
will repair in person to any part of said com
mand, whenever his presence may for the
time be necessary, or desirable.
" This command by its terms embraced the
armies under command of General Bragg in
Tennessee, of General Pemberton at Vicks-
burg, as well as those at Port Hudson, Mo
bile, and the forces in East Tennessee.
"This general order has never been
changed nor modified, so as to affect your
command, in a single particular, nor has your
control over it been interfered with. I have
as Commander-in-Chief given you some or
ders which will be hereafter noticed, no^t one
of them however indicating in any manner
that the general control confided to you was
restricted or impaired.
LETTER TO GENERAL JOHNSTON. 427
" You exercised this command by visiting
in person the armies at Murfreesboro, Vicks-
burg, Mobile, and elsewhere, and on January
22d I wrote to you, directing that you should
repair in person to the army at Tullahoma, on
account of a reported want of harmony and
confidence between General Bragg and his
officers and troops. This letter closed with
the following passages : ' As that army is
part of your command, no order will be neces
sary to give you authority there, as, whether
present or absent, you have a right to direct
its operations, and to do whatever belongs to
the General Commanding/
" Language cannot be plainer than this, and
although the different armies in your geo
graphical district were ordered to report di
rectly to Richmond as well as to yourself, this
was done solely to avoid the evil that would
result from reporting through you when your
headquarters might be, and it was expected
frequently would be, so located as to cre
ate delays injurious to the public interest.
" While at Tullahoma you did not hesitate
to order troops from General Pemberton's
army, and learning that you had ordered the
division of cavalry from North Mississippi to
Tennessee, I telegraphed to you that this
order left Mississippi exposed to cavalry raids
without means of checking them. You did not
428 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
change your orders* and although I thought
them injudicious, I refrained from exercising
my authority in deference to your views.
" When I learned that prejudice and malig
nity had so undermined the confidence of the
troops at Vicksburg in their commander as to
threaten disaster, I deemed the circumstances
such as to present the case foreseen in Spe
cial Order No. 275, that you should ' repair in
person to any part of said command whenever
your presence might be for the time necessary
or desirable/
" You were therefore ordered, on May Qth,
to ' proceed at once to Mississippi and take
chief command of the forces, giving to those in
the field, as far as practicable, the encourage
ment and benefit of your personal direction.'
" Some details were added about reinforce
ments, but not a word affecting in the remot
est degree your authority to command your
geographical district.
" On June 4th you telegraphed to the
Secretary of War, in response to his inquiry,
saying : ' My only plan is to relieve Vicks
burg ; my force is far too small for the pur
pose. Tell me if you can increase it, and
how much/ To which he answered on the
5th : ' I regret inability to promise more
* The italics are the author's.
LETTER TO GENERAL JOHNSTON. 429
troops, as we have drained resources, even
to the danger of several points. You know
best concerning General Bragg's army, but I
fear to withdraw more. We are too far out
numbered in Virginia to spare any/ etc.
" On June 8th the Secretary was more ex
plicit, if possible. He said : ' Do you advise
more reinforcements from" General Bragg ?
You, as Commandant of the Department,
have power so to order if you, in view of the
whole case, so determine.'
" On June loth you answered that it was
for the Government to determine what de
partment could furnish the reinforcements,
that you could not know how General Bragg's
wants compared with yours, and that the
Government could make the comparison.
Your statements that the Government in
Richmond was better able to judge of the
relative necessities of the armies under your
command than you were, and the further
statement that you could not know how Gen
eral Bragg's wants compared with yours, were
considered extraordinary ; but as they were
accompanied by the remark that the Secre
tary's despatch had been imperfectly deci
phered, no observation was made on them
till the receipt of your telegram to the Secre
tary of the 1 2th instant, stating, ' I have not
considered myself commanding in Tennessee
43 o JEFFERSON DA VIS.
since assignment here, and should not have
felt authorized to take troops from that De
partment after having been informed by the
Executive that no more could be spared.'
" My surprise at these two statements was
extreme. You had never been ' assigned to
the Mississippi command/ You went there
under the circumstances and orders already
quoted, and no justification whatever is per
ceived for your abandonment of your duties
as Commanding General of the geographical
district to which you were assigned.
" Orders as explicit as those under which
you were sent to the West, and under which
you continued to act up to May gth, when
you were directed to repair in person to
Mississippi, can only be impaired or set aside
by subsequent orders, equally explicit ; and
your announcement that you had ceased to
consider yourself charged with the control of
affairs in Tennessee because ordered to re
pair in person to Mississippi, both places be
ing within the command to which you were
assigned, was too grave to be overlooked ;
and when to this was added the assertion that
you should not have felt authorized to draw
troops from that Department (Tennessee)
' after being informed by the Executive that
no more could be spared,' I was unable to
account for your language, being entirely con-
LETTER TO GENERAL JOHNSTON. 431
fident that I had never given you any such
information.
" I shall now proceed to separate your two
statements, and begin with that which relates
to your ' not considering ' yourself command
ing in Tennessee, since assignment ' here,'
i.e., in Mississippi.
" When you received my telegram of June
1 5th, informing you that 'the order to go to
Mississippi did not diminish your authority in
Tennessee, both being in the country placed
under your command in original assignment/
accompanied by an inquiry about the infor
mation said to have been derived from me,
restricting your authority to transfer troops,
your answer on June i6th was, ' I meant to
tell the Secretary of War, that I considered
the order directing me to command here as
limiting my authority to this Department, es
pecially when that order was accompanied by
War Department orders transferring troops
from Tennessee to Mississippi.'
" This is in substance a repetition of the
previous statement without any reason being
given for it. The fact of orders being sent to
you to transfer some of the troops in your
Department from one point to another to
which you were proceeding in person, could
give no possible ground for your ' consider
ing' that Special Order, No. 275, was re-
432 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
scinded or modified. Your command of your
geographical district did not make you inde
pendent of my orders as your superior officer,
and when you were directed by me to take
troops with you to Mississippi, your control
over the district to which you were assigned
was in no way involved. But the statement
that troops. were transferred from Tennessee
to Mississippi by order of the War Depart
ment, when you were directed to repair to
the latter State, gives but half the fact, for
although you were ordered to take with you
three thousand good troops, you were told to
replace them by a greater number, then on
their way to Mississippi, and whom you were
requested to divert to Tennessee, the pur
pose being to hasten reinforcements to Pem-
berton without weakening Bragg. This was
in deference to your own opinion, that Bragg
could not be safely weakened, nay, that he
ought even to be reinforced at Pemberton's
expense ; for you had just ordered troops from
Pemberton's command to reinforce Bragg. I
differed in opinion from you, and thought
Vicksburg far more exposed to danger than
Bragg, and was urging forward reinforce
ments to that point, both from Carolina and
Virginia, before you were directed to assume
command in person in Mississippi.
" I find nothing then either in your despatch
LETTER TO GENERAL JOHNSTON. 433
of June 1 6th, nor in any subsequent commu
nication from you, giving a justification for
your saying, that you ' had not considered
yourself commanding in Tennessee, since as
signment here' (i.e., in Mississippi). Your
despatch of the 5th instant is again a sub
stantial repetition of the same statement with
out a word of reason to justify it. You say,
' I considered my assignment to the immediate
command in Mississippi as giving me a new
position, and limiting my authority to this
Department.' I have characterized this as a
grave error, and in view of all the facts can
not otherwise regard it. I must add that a
review of your correspondence shows a con
stant desire on your part, beginning early in
January, that I should change the order plac
ing Tennessee and Mississippi in one com
mand under your direction, and a constant in
dication on my part, whenever I wrote on the
subject, that in my judgment the public ser
vice required that the armies should be sub
ject to your control.
" I now proceed to your second statement,
in your telegram of June I2th, that 'you
should not have felt authorized to take troops
from that Department (Tennessee) after hav
ing been informed by the Executive that no
more could be spared.'
" To my inquiry for the basis of this state-
VOL. II. 28
434 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
ment, you answered on the i6th, by what
was in substance a reiteration of it.
" I again requested, on the I7th, that you
should refer by date to any such communica
tion as that alleged by you. You answered
on June 2Oth, apologized for carelessness in
your first reply, and referred me to a passage
from my telegram to you of May 2Oth, and to
one from the Secretary of War of June 5th,
and then informed me that you considered
' Executive ' as including the Secretary of War.
" Your telegram of June I2th was addressed
to the Secretary of War in the second person ;
it begins ' Your despatch/ and then speaks
of the Executive in the third person, and on
reading it, it was not supposed that the word
'Executive' referred to anyone but myself;
but of course, in a matter like this, your own
explanation of your meaning is conclusive.
"The telegram of the Secretary of War of
June 5th, followed by that of June 8th, con
veyed unmistakably the very reverse of the
meaning you attribute to them, and your ref
erence to them as supporting your position
is unintelligible. I revert therefore to my
telegram of May 28th. That telegram was in
answer to one from you in which you stated
that, on the arrival of certain reinforcements,
then on the way, you would have about
23,000; that Pemberton could be saved
LETTER TO GENERAL JOHNSTON. 435
only by beating Grant ; and you added,
' unless you can promise more troops we
must try with that number. The odds against
us will be very great. Can you add seven
thousand ? '
" My reply was ' The reinforcements sent
to you exceed by, say seven thousand, the
estimate of your despatch of 2 7th instant. We
have withheld nothing which it was practica
ble to give you. We cannot hope for numer
ical quantity, and time will probably increase
the disparity.'
" It is on this language that you rely to sup
port a statement that I informed you no more
troops could be spared from Tennessee, and
as restricting your right to draw troops from
that Department. It bears no such construc
tion. The reinforcements sent to you, with
an exception presently to be noticed, were
from points outside of your Department. You
had, in telegrams of May ist, 2d, and 7th, and
others, made repeated applications to have
troops withdrawn from other Departments to
your aid ; you were informed that we would
give all the aid we possibly could. Of your
right to order any change made in the distri
bution of troops in your own district, no doubt
had ever been suggested by yourself, nor
could occur to your superiors here, for they
had given you the authority.
436 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
" The reinforcements which went with you
from Tennessee were (as already explained
and as was communicated to you at the time)
a mere exchange for other troops sent from
Virginia.
" The troops subsequently sent to you from
Bragg were forwarded by him under the
following despatch from me of May 22d:
' The vital issue of holding the Mississippi at
Vicksburg is dependent on the success of
General Johnston in an attack on the invest
ing force. The intelligence from there is dis
couraging. Can you aid him ? If so, and you
are without orders from General Johnston,
act on your judgment/
" The words that I now underscore suffice
to show how thoroughly your right of com
mand of the troops in Tennessee was recog
nized. I knew from your own orders that you
thought it more advisable to draw troops from
Mississippi to reinforce Bragg, than to send
troops from the latter to Pemberton ; and one
of the reasons which induced the instruction
to you to proceed to Mississippi was the con
viction that your views on the point would
be changed on arrival in Mississippi. Still,
although convinced myself that troops might
be spared from Bragg's army without very
great danger, and that Vicksburg was on the
contrary in imminent peril, I was unwilling to
LETTER TO GENERAL JOHNSTON. 437
overrule your judgment of the distribution of
your troops while you were on the spot, and,
therefore, simply left to General Bragg the
power to aid you, if he could, and if you had
not given contrary orders.
" The cavalry sent to you from Tennessee
was sent on a similar despatch from the Sec
retary of War to General Bragg, informing
him of your earnest appeal for cavalry, and
asking hint if he could spare any. Your re
quest was for a regiment of cavalry to be sent
to you from Georgia. My despatch of May
1 8th pointed out to you the delay which a
compliance would involve, and suggested that
cavalry could be drawn from another part of
your Department, as had been previously in
dicated.
" In no manner, by no act, by no language,
either of myself or of the Secretary of War,
has your authority to draw troops from one
portion of your Department to another been
withdrawn, restricted, or modified.
" Now that Vicksburg has disastrously fal
len, this subject would present no pressing de
mand for attention, and its examination would
have been postponed to a future period, had
not your despatch of the 5th instant, with its
persistent repetition of statements which I
had informed you were erroneous and with
out adducing a single fact to sustain them, in-
438 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
duced me to terminate the matter at once by
a review of all the facts.
" The original mistakes in your telegram of
June 1 2th, would gladly have been overlooked
as accidental, if acknowledged when pointed
out. The perseverance with which they have
been insisted on, has not permitted me to
pass them by as a mere oversight, or, by re
fraining from an answer, to seem to admit the
justice of some of the statements.
" Respectfully, etc.,
(Signed) " JEFFERSON DAVIS."
Telegrams sent by General Johnston from Jackson, Miss., to
Richmond, Va.
"May 28, 1863.
"To PRESIDENT DAVIS: It is reported that the last infantry
coming leave Montgomery to-night. When they arrive I shall have
about twenty-three thousand.
" Pemberton can be saved only by beating Grant. Unless you
can promise more troops we must try with that mimber.
"The odds against us will be very great. Can you add 7,000?
I asked for another Major-General, Wilcox, or whoever you may
prefer. We want good General Officers quickly. I have to organ
ize an army and collect ammunition, provisions, and transportation."
"June 10, 1863.
"To SECRETARY OF WAR : Your despatch of June 8th in cipher
received. You do not give orders in regard to the recently ap
pointed General Officers. Please do it.
" I have not at my (disposal ? *) half the number of troops neces
sary. It is for the Government to determine what Department, if
any, can furnish the reinforcements required.
* Word not legible in cipher despatch.
LETTER TO GENERAL JOHNSTON. 439
"I cannot know General Bragg's wants, compared with mine.
The Government can make such comparisons."
"June 12, 1863.
"To THE SECRETARY OF WAR: Your despatch of 8th imper
fectly deciphered and partially answered on the loth. I have not
considered myself commanding in Tennessee since assignment here,
and should not have felt authorized to take troops from that Depart
ment, after having been informed by the Executive that no more
could be spared. To take from Bragg a force which would make
this army fit to oppose Grant would involve yielding Tennessee.
"It is for the Government to decide between this State and Ten-
"June 1 6, 1863.
" To THE PRESIDENT : Your despatch of I5th is received. I
considered the order directing me to command here as limiting my
authority to this Department. Especially when that order, accom
panied by War Department orders transferring troops^from Tennes
see to Mississippi, and whether commanding there or not, that your
reply to my application for more troops, that none could be spared,
would have made it improper for me to order more from Tennessee.
"Permit me to repeat that an officer having a task like mine, far
above his abilities, cannot in addition command other remote De
partments. . . ."
"June 20, 1863.
"To THE PRESIDENT : I much regret the carelessness of my re
ply of the i6th, to your telegram of the I5th.
" In my despatch of I2th to the Secretary of War, I referred to
the words, 'we withheld nothing which it was practicable to give.'
In your telegram of May 28th, and the telegram of the Secretary of
War to me of June 5th, except the last sentence, I considered ' Ex
ecutive ' as including the Secretary of War."
"CANDY CREEK CAMP, July 5th,
*' via JACKSON, July 7, 1863.
" To THE PRESIDENT : Your despatch of June 3Oth is received.
I considered my assignment to the immediate command in Missis
sippi as giving me a new position and limiting my authority to this
Department, The ordering of the War Department transferring
44d JEFFERSON DAVlS.
three separate bodies of troops from General Bragg's army to this -
two of them without my knowledge, and all of them without con
sulting me, would have convinced me, had I doubted these orders
of the War Department expressed its judgment of the number of
troops to be transferred from Tennessee.
" I could no more control this judgment by increasing the num
bers than by forbidding the transfer.
"I regret very much that an impression which seemed to be
natural should be regarded as a strange error. I thank your Excel
lency for your approval of the several recommendations you men
tion."
i
CHAPTER XLIII.
MILITARY OPERATIONS AT CHARLESTON.
THE defence of Charleston against a demon
stration by land and sea was the most note
worthy event of the summer of 1863. Foiled
in their naval attack in April, the next effort
was to occupy Morris Island and reduce Fort
Sumter. Owing to the lack of diligence on the
part of General Beauregard, General Gilmore
secretly placed in battery 47 pieces of artillery
in close vicinity to the Confederate pickets.
On July loth, an assaulting column 2,500
strong crept up Folly River ; the iron-clad
fleet occupied the main ship channel off Mor
ris Island. Axemen felled the interposing
trees, and the concealed battery opened fire
on the Confederate lines. The garrison was
on the alert.
Just at break of day on the nth, the Sev
enth Connecticut regiment charged the works,
and went over the outer line, through a ter
rible fire from the Confederate rifles. The
fort opened on them with three howitzers,
and they were routed.
Although this assault on Fort Wagner was
442 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
\
repulsed, the neglect to make reconnoissances
in time to prevent the battery on Folly Island
from being established, compelled the evacu
ation of Morris Island, except Forts Wagner
and Gregg.
General Beauregard subsequently used all
his engineering skill, and for two months main
tained a gallant struggle and kept the enemy
at bay.
On July 1 8th, the Federal fleet poured a
terrific fire into Fort Wagner, but without re
ducing it.
As the curtain of smoke, which had envel
oped Wagner all day, slowly lifted, the enemy
were seen debouching from their first parallel,
and advancing over the narrow approach be
tween it and the fort. The garrison of Wag
ner sallied forth from the bomb-proof and
sand hills in the rear, to take their positions
on the ramparts.
Colonel Robert G. Shaw, with his col
ored troops, led the attack. " They went
forward at a ' double quick ' with great energy
and resolution, but on approaching the ditch
they broke ; the greater part of them followed
their Colonel, mounted the parapet, and plant
ed their flag upon the rampart, where Shaw
was shot dead ; while the rest were seized
with a furious panic, and acted like wild beasts
let loose from a menagerie.
MIL1TAR Y OPERA TIONS A T CHARLESTON. 443
" They ran away like deer, some crawling
on their hands and knees."* By this time the
enemy was in full retreat, and the conflict was
virtually ended.
The demoralization of the negro troops at
the supreme moment threw the ranks of the
Federals into disorder. The converging fire
of artillery and infantry on the narrow approach
prevented a rally. Few could move within
the fatal area and live.
After the second successful defence of
Wagner, the remainder of the month of July
and the early part of August were employed
in establishing batteries to bombard Sumter.
"At 1.30 P.M. on September 6th, an at
tempt was made to carry Battery Gregg. In
five minutes the conflict was ended.
"Fort Wagner had now been held under
a furious cannonade by land and sea, night
and day, for fifty-seven days, and General
Beauregard, who had been for some time con
sidering the case, and to save the brave men
forming the garrison of Wagner from the
desperate chances of an assault, gave orders
for its evacuation." f
On the night of September 6th the island
was evacuated. The enemy had now undis-
* See Life Afloat and Ashore, Judge Cowley, page 93.
f Major Gilchrist on the Defence of Charleston,
444 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
puted possession of the entire island, includ
ing the works at Cumming's Point.
But over Sumter the Confederate flag
floated, and the demand for its surrender was
still rejected.*
Another effort to capture the fort was made
by the Federals on the evening of September
8th, and they were again repulsed. After this
repulse little more was done by the enemy
for the rest of the year. The forts and the
city were constantly bombarded, but the peo
ple ceased to be alarmed.
The activity of men of all classes was un
tiring. Under all this deadly hail they worked
with indomitable spirit. The gun-boat, Ash
ley was built, finished, and launched under
fire at Charleston.
A small earth-work near Sabine Pass, a
place of great strategical importance, a few
miles above the entrance to the Sabine River,
was attacked by a fleet of twenty-three ves
sels. The Confederate force was 42 men
and 2 lieutenants, and it drove the whole
Federal fleet out of the Pass, captured two
gun-boats, crippled a third, took 18 guns,
killed 50, and took 150 prisoners.!
* On October 16, 1862, John Mitchell, the Irish patriot, arrived at
Richmond. He had two sons in the Confederate army ; one, T. K.
Mitchell, a captain, fell at his post when in command of Fort Sumter.
f For a full account, see The Rise and Fall of the Confederate
Government, by Jefferson Davis.
CHAPTER XLIV.
LETTER TO HIS HOLINESS THE POPE.
MR. DAVIS'S early education had always
inclined him to see in the Roman Catholics
friends who could not be alienated from the
oppressed. He addressed the following let
ter to His Holiness.
" RICHMOND, September 23, 1863.
11 VERY VENERABLE SOVEREIGN PONTIFF:
" The letters which you have written to
the clergy of New Orleans and New York
have been communicated to me, and I have
read with emotion the deep grief therein ex
pressed for the ruin and devastation caused
by the war which is now being waged by the
United States against the States and people
which have selected me as their President,
and your orders to your clergy to exhort the
people to peace and charity. I am deeply
sensible of the Christian charity which has
impelled you to this reiterated appeal to the
clergy. It is for this reason that I feel it my
duty to express personally, and in the name
of the Confederate States, our gratitude for
446 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
such sentiments of Christian good feeling and
love, and to assure Your Holiness that the
people, threatened even on their own hearths
with the most cruel oppression and terrible
carnage, is desirous now, as it has always
been, to see the end of this impious war ;
that we have ever addressed prayers to
Heaven for that issue which Your Holiness
now desires ; that we desire none of our ene
my's possessions, but that we fight merely to
resist the devastation of our country and the
shedding of our best blood, and to force them
to let us live in peace under the protection
of our own institutions, and under our laws,
which not only insure to every one the en
joyment of his temporal rights, but also the
free exercise of his religion. I pray Your
Holiness to accept, on the part of myself and
the people of the Confederate States, our
sincere thanks for your efforts in favor of
peace. May the Lord preserve the days of
Your Holiness, and keep you under His di
vine protection.
(Signed) " JEFFERSON DAVIS/'
The Popes Reply.
" ILLUSTRIOUS AND HONORABLE PRESIDENT,
salutation :
" We have just received with all suitable
welcome the persons sent by you to place in
LETTER TO HIS HOLINESS THE POPE. 447
our hands your letter, dated 23d of September
last. Not slight was the pleasure we experi
enced when we learned, from those persons
and the letter, with what feelings of joy and
gratitude you were animated, illustrious and
honorable President, as soon as you were in
formed of our letters to our venerable brother
John, Archbishop of New York, and John,
Archbishop of New Orleans, dated the i8th
of October of last year, and in which we have
with all our strength excited and exhorted
those venerable brothers that, in their epis
copal piety and solicitude, they should endea
vor, with the most ardent zeal, and in our
name, to bring about the end of the fatal
civil' war which has broken out in those coun
tries, in order that the American people may
obtain peace and concord, and dwell charit
ably together. It is particularly agreeable to
us to see that you, illustrious and honorable
President, and your people, are animated with
the same desires of peace and tranquillity
which we have in our letters inculcated upon
our venerable brothers. May it please God
at the same time to make the other peoples
of America and their rulers, reflecting seri
ously how terrible is civil war, and what
calamities it engenders, listen to the inspira
tions of a calmer spirit, and adopt resolutely
the part of peace. As for us, we shall not
448 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
cease to offer up the most fervent prayers to
God Almighty, that He may pour out upon all
the people of America the spirit of peace and
charity, and that He will stop the great evils
which afflict them. We, at the same time,
beseech the God of pity to shed abroad upon
you the light of His grace, and attach you to
us by a perfect friendship.
" Given at Rome, at St. Peter's, the 3d of
December, 1863, of our Pontificate 18.
(Signed) -Pius IX."
During Mr. Davis's imprisonment, the Holy
Father sent a likeness of himself, and wrote
underneath it, with his own hand, attested by
the seal of Cardinal Antonelli, " Come unto
me, all ye who are weary and heavy laden,
and I will give you rest." The dignitary and
the man both illustrated the meek and lowly
Lord of all, whose vice-gerent he was.
CHAPTER XLV.
CHICKAMAUGA AND MISSIONARY RIDGE.
ON August 20th the bloody battle of
Chickamauga was fought and our troops slept
inside the intrenchments of the enemy. A
month later Brigadier-General William Preston
who was a gallant figure in the fight, was
sent to Mexico, with authority to recognize
and treat with the new Emperor Maximilian.
The defeat of Rosecrans's army at Chicka
mauga was complete, but the failure to
promptly follow up the victory rendered it
a barren one to the Confederates.
Bragg's army remained on the field of
battle twenty-four hours, burying the dead and
collecting arms, before the advance was begun,
and then, moving slowly, found Rosecrans
behind earthworks in and around Chatta
nooga.
Bragg immediately posted his army along
Missionary Ridge and Lookout Mountain,
and planned to drive Rosecrans out of Chat
tanooga, or to starve him into surrender.
In this situation, General Grant was as-
VOL. II. 29
450 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
signed to the command in Tennessee. On
October 23d he arrived at Chattanooga.
By his own report he found Rosecrans
practically invested. Army supplies had to be
hauled over almost impassable roads for sixty
to seventy miles. The artillery horses and
mules were starving.
Grant's first movement was to supply the
army by a shorter route, and to that end he
captured " Lookout Mountain."
The Confederate force, rendered weaker
by detaching Longstreet to Knoxville, was
overpowered by its multitudinous assailants,
and after a bloody battle retreated during the
night toward Tunnel Hill.
General Grant pursued but a short distance
beyond Chattanooga.
This disaster depressed the hopes of the
Confederates greatly ; misfortunes had of late
crowded so thick upon them. General Bragg
felt, like Sidney Johnston, that success should
be in a measure the test of a military man's
merit, and he asked to be relieved. The
President knew that General Bragg was both
an able general and a devoted patriot, and
after granting the request he invited him to be
his Chief of Staff, or, in citizen's phrase,
military counsel at Richmond.
The President cast his eyes over the roster
of gallant and educated soldiers, to get a sue-
CHICKAMAUGA AND MISSIONARY RIDGE. 451
cessor for General Bragg, and found in Gen
eral Hardee all the needful qualities for the
command of the army of the West. His
was a character, both moral and physical,
which compelled the respect and won the
affection of those he commanded, and both the
President and General Bragg were much dis
appointed by General Hardee's declining the
position. He said the responsibility was so
great that he had no confidence in his being
able to meet it as ably as some other man
might. His declension was so positive that
there was no appeal from it, and General
Joseph E. Johnston, on December 16, 1863,
was directed to personally take command.
CHAPTER XLVI.
CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN PRESIDENT DAVIS
AND GOVERNOR Z. B. VANCE.
THE dissatisfaction, which had been rather
whispered than proclaimed, now began to be
more pronounced, and the pernicious effects
were noticed in the incendiary articles pub
lished in North Carolina, while her troops
were bleeding on every field and performing
prodigies of valor. The President wrote on
this subject to the Governor of the State as
follows :
President Davis to Governor Z. B. Vance.
Confidential.
"EXECUTIVE OFFICE,
"RICHMOND, VA., July 24, 1863.
" His EXCELLENCY Z. B. VANCE,
" Governor of the State of North Carolina.
" DEAR SIR : A letter has just been re
ceived by the Secretary of State, from one of
the most distinguished citizens of your State,
containing the following passage :
" ' I have just learned that the Union or
CORRESPONDENCE WITH GOV. VANCE. 453
Reconstruction party propose holding meet
ings throughout the State. Trouble is fast
brewing here, and I fear we shall soon have
open resistance to the Government under the
leadership of that reckless politician, Holden,
Editor of the Standard!
" This is not the first intimation I have re
ceived that Holden is engaged in the treason-
enable purpose of exciting the people of North
Carolina to resistance against their Govern
ment, and co-operation with the enemy ; but I
have never received any definite statement of
facts as to his conduct beyond the assertion
that his newspaper, which I do not read, is
filled with articles recommending resistance
to the constituted authorities.
" I know not whether his hostility and that
of his accomplices is directed against the Con
federate Government alone, or embraces that
of his State ; nor am I aware whether he has
gone so far as to render him liable to criminal
prosecution.
" If, however, the facts stated in the ex
tract of the letter which I have quoted be true
(and the author is entitled to the greatest
credit), the case is quite grave enough for me
to consult with you on the subject, and to so
licit from you such information and advice as
you may be able to give me, for the purpose
of such joint or separate action as may be
454 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
proper to defeat designs fraught with great
danger to our common country.
" I write you confidentially, because there
may be error or exaggeration in the reports
about this man, and I would be unwilling to
injure him by giving publicity to the charges,
if there be no foundation for them.
" Very respectfully and truly yours,
" JEFFERSON DAVIS."
"STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,
"RALEIGH, December 30, 1803.
" His EXCELLENCY PRESIDENT DAVIS.
" MY DEAR SIR : After a careful consider
ation of all the sources of discontent in North
Carolina, I have concluded that it will be im
possible to remove it, except by making
some effort at negotiation with the enemy.
The recent action of the Federal House of
Representatives, though meaning very little,
has greatly excited the public hope that the
Northern mind is looking toward peace. I
am promised, by all men who advocate the
course, that if fair terms are rejected it will
tend greatly to strengthen and intensify the
war feeling, and will rally all classes to a more
cordial support of the Government. And, al
though our position is well known as de
manding only to be let alone, yet it seems to
me that for the sake of humanity, without
CORRESPONDENCE WITH GOV. VANCE. 455
having any weak or improper motives at
tributed to us, we might with propriety con
stantly tender negotiations. In doing so we
could keep conspicuously before the world a
disclaimer of our responsibility for the great
slaughter of our race, and convince the hum
blest of our citizens who sometimes forget
the actual situation that the Government is
tender of their lives and happiness, and would
not prolong their sufferings unnecessarily one
moment. Though statesmen might regard
this as useless, the people will not, and I
think our cause will be strengthened thereby.
I have not suggested the method of these ne
gotiations or their terms. The effort to ob
tain peace is the principal matter.
" Allow me to beg your earnest considera
tion of these suggestions.
" Very respectfully yours,
" Z. B. VANCE."
"EXECUTIVE OFFICE, RICHMOND, VA.,
"January 8, 1864.
" DEAR SIR : I have received your letter of
the 30th ult., containing suggestions of the
measures to be adopted for the purpose of
removing 'the sources of discontent' in North
Carolina. The contents of the letter are sub
stantially the same as those of the letter ad
dressed by you to Senator Dorich, extracts
456 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
of which were by him read to me. I remarked
to Mr. Dorich that you were probably not
aware of the obstacles to the course you in
dicated, and without expressing an opinion on
the merits of the proposed policy, I desired
him, in answering your letter, to invite sug
gestions as to the method of opening negocia-
tions, and as to the terms which you thought
should be offered to the enemy. I felt per
suaded you would appreciate the difficulties
as soon as your attention was called to the
necessity of considering the subject in its de
tail. As you have made no suggestions
touching the manner of overcoming the ob
stacles, I infer that you were not apprised by
Mr. Dorich of my remarks to him.
" Apart from insuperable objections to the
line of policy you propose (and to which I
will presently advert), I cannot see how the
more material obstacles are to be surmounted.
We have made three distinct efforts to com
municate with the authorities at Washington,
and have been invariably unsuccessful. Com
missioners were sent before hostilities were
begun, and the Washington Government re
fused to receive them or hear what they had
to say. A second time I sent a military offi
cer, with a communication addressed by my
self to President Lincoln. The letter was re
ceived .by General Scott, who did not permit
CORRESPONDENCE WITH GOV. VANCE. 457
the officer to see Mr. Lincoln, but promised
that an answer would be sent. No answer
has ever been received. The third time, a
few months ago, a gentleman was sent, whose
position, character, and reputation were such
as to insure his reception, if the enemy were
not determined to receive no proposals what
ever from the Government. Vice-President
Stephens made a patriotic tender of his ser
vices in the hope of being able to promote the
cause of humanity, and although little belief
was entertained of his success, I cheerfully
yielded to his suggestion, that the experiment
should be tried. The enemy refused to let
him pass through their lines to hold any con
ference with them. He was stopped before
he ever reached Fortress Monroe on his way
to Washington. The attempt again (in the
face of these repeated rejections of all con
ferences with us) to send commissioners or
agents to propose peace, is to invite insult
and contumely, and to subject ourselves to
indignity without the slightest chance of be
ing listened to.
" No true citizen, no man who has our
cause at heart, can desire this, and the good
people of North Carolina would be the last
to approve of such an attempt, if aware of all
the facts. So far from removing sources of
discontent, such a course would receive, as it
458 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
would merit, the condemnation of those true
patriots who have given their blood and their
treasure to maintain their freedom, equality,
and independence which descended to them
from the immortal heroes of King's Mountain
and other battle-fields of the Revolution. If,
then, these proposals cannot be made through
envoys, because the enemy will not receive
them, how is it possible to communicate our
desire for peace otherwise than by the public
announcements contained in almost every
message I ever sent to Congress ?
" I cannot recall at this time one instance
in which I have failed to announce that our
only desire was peace, and the only terms
which formed a sine qua non were precisely
those that you suggested, namely ' a demand
only to be let alone.' But suppose it were
practicable to obtain a conference through
commissioners with the Government of Presi
dent Lincoln, is it at this moment that we are
to consider it desirable, or even at all admis
sible ? Have we not just been apprised by
that despot that we can only expect his grac
ious pardon by emancipating all our slaves,
swearing allegiance and obedience to him
and his proclamation, and becoming in point
of fact the slaves of our own negroes ? Can
there be in North Carolina one citizen so fal
len beneath the dignity of his ancestors as to
CORRESPONDENCE WITH GOV. VANCE. 459
accept, or to enter into conference on the
basis of these terms ? That there are a few
traitors in the State that would be willing to
betray their fellow-citizens to such a degraded
condition, in the hope of being rewarded for
treachery by an escape from the common
doom, may be true. But I do not believe that
the vilest wretch would accept such terms for
himself. I cannot conceive how the people
of your State, of which none has sent nobler
or more gallant soldiers to the field of battle
(one of whom it is your honor to be), can
have been deceived by anything to which
you refer in ' the recent action in the Feder
al House of Representatives.' I have seen
no action of that House that does not indi
cate a very decided majority, the purpose .of
the majority to refuse all terms of the South,
except absolute, unconditional subjugation or
extermination. But if it were otherwise, how
are we to treat with the House of Represen
tatives ?
" It is with Lincoln alone that we would
confer, and his own partisans at the North
avow unequivocally that his purpose, in his
message and proclamation, was to shut out
all hope that he could ever treat with us on
any terms. If we break up our Government,
dissolve the Confederacy, disband our armies,
emancipate our slaves, take an oath of allegi-
460 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
ance binding ourselves to obedience to him
and disloyalty to our own States, he pro
poses to pardon us, and not to plunder us of
anything more than the property already
stolen from us, and such slaves as still re
main. In order to render his proposals so
insulting as to secure their objection, he joins
to them a promise to support with his army
one- tenth of the people of any State who will
attempt to set up a Government over the
other nine-tenths, thus seeking to sow dis
cord and suspicion among the people of the
several States, and to excite them to civil
war in furtherance of his ends. I know well
it would be impossible to get your people, if
they possessed full knowledge of these facts,
to consent that proposals should now be
made by us to those who control the Govern
ment at Washington. Your own well-known
devotion to the great cause of liberty and
independence, to which we have all com
mitted whatever we have of earthly posses
sions, would induce you to take the lead in re
pelling the bare thought of submission to the
enemy. Yet peace on other terms is impos
sible. To obtain the sole terms to which you
or I could listen, this struggle must continue
until the enemy is beaten out of his vain con
fidence in our subjugation. Then, and not
till then, will it be possible to treat of peace.
CORRESPONDENCE WITH GOV. VANCE. 461
Till then, all tender of terms to the enemy
will be received as proof that we are ready
for submission, and will encourage him in the
atrocious warfare which he is now waging 1 .
" I have the honor to be, very respectfully,
yours,
" JEFFERSON DAVIS.
" His EXCELLENCY Z. B. VANCE,
" Governor of North Carolina."
CHAPTER XLVII.
THE MARYLAND LINE AND THE KILPATRICK AND
D AH LORE N RAID.
IN February, 1864, an expedition was or
ganized in the Federal Army, of a force of
three thousand picked cavalry, to make a dash
on Richmond, release the prisoners, burn the
city, and escape by way of the Peninsula to
Old Point Comfort. On February 29th, it
started one column of four hundred men under
Colonel Ulric Dahlgren, to cross the James
River in Goochland County, above Richmond,
and the other, under Brigadier-General Jud-
son Kilpatrick, to make a direct attack on the
city, while Dahlgren attacked from the south
side.
Crossing at Ely's Ford, after surprising and
capturing the picket there, they passed in
rear of General Lee's army (capturing " en
route " a whole court martial of Confederate
officers, but passing by a camp of sixty-eight
pieces of artillery that was unprotected, and
would have fallen an easy prey), until, under
the guidance of a negro that had been sent
by Secretary Stanton, they reached the James
THE MARYLAND LINE. 463
River at Dover Mills, where a ford was sup
posed to be. Finding none, they accused
the negro guide of treachery, and barbarous
ly hung him to a tree with a leather strap.
In the winter of 1863-64, the Maryland
line, consisting of the Second Infantry, First
Cavalry, First, Second, and Third Maryland
Artillery, were stationed at Hanover Junction
to guard Lee's flank toward the Peninsula and
the railroad bridges over the North and South
Anna, on the preservation of which depended
Lee's communications with Richmond.
This movement around Lee's flank was at
once discovered, and Colonel Johnson was
directed by General Lee to look out for it.
The Maryland line cavalry was extended
in a picket line along the Pamunkey to New
Kent Court House, leaving only seventy-five
men in camp. With these, during the night,
by his scouts, Johnson located Kilpatrick's
column, and then started with sixty men and
two pieces of artillery to close up on Kilpat-
rick.
Just before daylight of March ist, the
Marylanders struck one of Kilpatrick's flank
ing parties and dr<3ve them in on the main
body. They followed the enemy through
Ashland down to the outer defences of Rich
mond ; there Kilpatrick had dismounted his
twenty-five hundred men and. was making a
464 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
regular attack on the works. General Wade
Hampton heard that the Federal cavalry was
approaching the city, and immediately moved
out to attack him.
The Marylanders drew up on his rear
picket just as, by a happy chance, an officer
and five men bearing a despatch from Dahl-
gren galloped into their arms. The de
spatch informed Kilpatrick that Dahlgren
would attack on the River Road at sunset,
that Kilpatrick must attack at the same time,
and together they would ride into Richmond.
Colonel Johnson at once drove in Kilpatrick's
picket, who, finding himself attacked in rear
at once retreated toward the White House.
The Marylanders followed him, never losing
sight of his rear-guard, and driving it in on
him whenever the ground allowed, until he
got to Tunstall's, under the protection of in
fantry sent from Williamsburg or Yorktown
for his rescue. The pursuers captured one
hundred and forty prisoners and got off with
an insignificant loss.*
Dahlgren, hearing the firing, concluded for
reasons unknown to him, that Kilpatrick had
attacked four hours before* the appointed time,
and kept under cover until dark, when he
made an attack upon the north side of the
* Lieutenant R. Bartley, Signal Officer, U. S. A., accompanying
Dahlgren,
THE MARYLAND LINE. 465
city. Here, March ist, he encountered the
company of Richmond boys (under eighteen
years of age) at the outer intrenchments, and
their fire becoming " too hot, he sounded the
retreat, leaving forty men on the field."
Continuing his retreat down the Peninsula,
he was met by a few men of the Fifth and Ninth
Virginia cavalry, and some home guards, all
under command of Lieutenant James Pollard,
Company H, Ninth Virginia cavalry, who, plac
ing his men in ambush, waited until the Fed
erals were close upon them, when a volley was
fired, and Colonel Dahlgren, who had ridden
forward and tried to discharge his pistol, fell
dead, and his command were taken prisoners.
General Wade Hampton in his report said :
" We captured upward of one hundred pris
oners, representing five regiments, many
horses, arms, etc and forced this
body of the enemy to take a route which they
had not proposed to follow, while the other
force, under Dahlgren, was prevented from
forming a junction with Kilpatrick by the in
terposing of my command between the two.
" This brought about the precipitate re
treat of Dahlgren, and his ultimate death, with
the destruction of his command."
He added : " I cannot close my report with
out expressing my appreciation of Colonel
Bradley T. Johnson and his gallant command.
VOL. II. 30
466 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
With a mere handful of men, he met the en
emy at Beaver Dam, and never lost sight of
him until he had passed Tunstall's Station,
hanging on his rear, striking him constantly,
and displaying throughout the very highest
qualities of a soldier. He is admirably fitted
for the cavalry service, and I trust it will not
be deemed an interference on my part to urge,
as emphatically as I can, his promotion." *
General G. W. C. Lee said: "A short dis
tance beyond the fortifications I met the boy
company, and some, or all, of the other com
panies of the Department battalion coming in ;
and was told, in answer to my inquiries, that
the boy company had arrived first at the in
termediate line of fortifications, and, not find
ing any troops there, had concluded that there
was an outer line."
* General Hampton presented Colonel Johnson with a sabre in
compliment for his having thus saved Richmond from capture, and
General Elzey, who commanded the Department of Richmond, is
sued an order of which the following is an extract :
"HEADQUARTERS, DEPARTMENT OF RICHMOND,
" March 8, 1864.
"General Orders, No. 10.
" . . To Colonel Eradley T. Johnson and the officers and
soldiers under his command, the thanks of the Major-General are
especially due for the prompt and vigorous manner in which they
pursued the enemy from Beaver Dam to Richmond, and thence to
Pamunkey, and down the Peninsula, making repeated charges, cap
turing many prisoners and horses, and thwarting any attempt of the
enemy to charge them."
THE MARYLAND LINE. 467
The " Department battalion " was com
posed of the clerks from all the departments
of the Government, not from the Treasury
Department alone and of a company of Rich
mond boys under eighteen years of age, and it
was this latter company that went by mistake
to Green's farm, which was not far beyond
the line of fortifications on the northern plank
road to which the " Department battalion,"
and another (Armory Battalion ?) were or
dered ; and it was this company of boys which
Jirst became engaged with Dahlgren s column,
and which had the most to do with checking
it, and perhaps driving it off.
The following special orders were discov
ered on the body of Colonel Dahlgren :
" Guides, pioneers (with oakum, turpentine,
and torpedoes), Signal Officer, Quartermas
ter, Commissary ; Scouts and pickets-men in
rebel uniform. These will remain on the
north bank and move down with the force on
the south bank, not getting ahead of them ;
and if the communication can be kept up with
out giving an alarm, it must be done ; but ev
erything depends upon a surprise, and no one
must be allowed to pass ahead of the column.
Information must be gathered in regard to the
crossings of the river, so that, should we be
repulsed on the south side, we shall know
where to recross at the nearest point. All
468 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
mills must be burned, and the canal destroyed /
and also everything which can be used by the
rebels must be destroyed, including the boats
on the river. Should a ferry-boat be seized,
and can be worked, have it moved down.
Keep the force on the south side posted of
any important movement of the enemy, and
in case of danger some of the scouts must
swim the river and bring us information. As
we approach the city the party must take great
care that they do not get ahead of the other
party on the south side, and must conceal
themselves and watch our movements. We
will try and secure the bridge to the city (one
mile below Belle Isle) and release the prison
ers at the same time. If we do not succeed,
they must then dash down, and we will try
and carry the bridge from each side. When
necessary, the men must be filed through the
woods and along the river bank. The bridges
once secured and the prisoners loose and over
the river, the bridges will be secured and the
city destroyed. The men must keep together
and well in hand, and once in the city, it must
be destroyed, and Jeff Davis and Cabinet
killed. Prisoners will go along with combus
tible material. The officer must use his dis
cretion about the time of assisting us. Horses
and cattle which we do not need immediately
must be shot rather than left. Everything on
THE MARYLAND LINE. 469
the canal and elsewhere of service to the reb
els must be destroyed. As General Custer
may follow me, be careful not to give a false
alarm. The signal officer must be prepared
to communicate at night by rockets, and in
other things pertaining to his department.
The quartermasters and commissaries must
be on the lookout for their departments, and
see that there are no delays on their account.
The engineer officer will follow to survey the
road as we pass over it, etc. The pioneers
must be prepared to construct a bridge or
destroy one. They must have plenty of
oakum and turpentine for burning, which will
be rolled in soaked balls, and given to the
men to burn when we get into the city. Tor
pedoes will only be used by the pioneers for
destroying the main bridges, etc. They must
be prepared to destroy railroads. Men will
branch off to the right with a few pioneers,
and destroy the bridges and railroads south
of Richmond, and then join us at the city.
They must be well prepared with torpedoes,
etc. The line of Falling Creek is probably
the best to work along, or, as they approach
the city, Goode's Creek, so that no re
inforcements can come upon any cars. No
one must be allowed to pass ahead, for fear
of communicating news. Rejoin the com
mand in all haste, and, if cut off, cross the
476 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
river above Richmond and join us. Men
will stop at Bellona Arsenal and totally de
stroy it, and anything else but hospitals ;
then follow on and rejoin the command at
Richmond in all haste, and if cut off, cross
the river and join us. As General Custer
may follow me, be careful and not give a
false alarm."
General Fitzhugh Lee, in a letter to the
Historical Magazine of New York, and pub
lished in the Magazine in 1870, says :
" Personally, as a man educated to be a
soldier, I deplore Colonel Ulric Dahlgren's
sad fate. He was a young man full of hope,
of undoubted pluck, and inspired with hatred
of ' rebels.'
" Fired by ambition, and longing to be at
the head of ' the braves who swept through
the city of Richmond,' his courage and en
thusiasm overflowed, and his naturally gen
erous feelings were drowned. His memoran
da and address to his troops were probably
based upon the general instructions to the
whole command.
" The conception of the expedition, I have
heard since the war, originated in General
Kilpatrick's brain. It furnishes the best
specimen of cavalry marching upon the
Federal side ; but it showed, upon the part
of somebody, a most culpable want of knowl-
THE MARYLAND LINE. 471
edge of data upon which to base such a
movement.
" I have only to add in conclusion, that
what appeared in the Richmond papers of
that period as the ' Dahlgren papers/ was
correctly taken from the papers I carried in
person to Mr. Davis ; and that those papers
were not added to or changed in the minutest
particular, before they came into my posses
sion, as far as I know and believe ; and that,
from all the facts in my possession, I have
every reason to believe they were taken
from the body of Colonel Ulric Dahlgren,
and came to me without alteration of any
kind."
When Mr. Blair came to Richmond I men
tioned Colonel Dahlgren's special orders, and
he said, " Did you believe it?" I said that
there had been no time for such a forgery, and
that there was an itinerary in the same hand
also. Upon Mr. Blair making some laughing
remark of disbelief, I offered to send for the
book, and said it had been photographed
and sent to General Meade, who was then in
our front " with an inquiry as to whether
such practices were authorized by his Govern
ment ; and also to say that if any question
was raised as to the copies, the original paper
would be submitted." No such question was
#* JEFFERSON DAVIS.
then made, and the denial that Dahlgren's
conduct had been authorized was accepted.
Mr. Blair laughed again and said: "Now,
the fact is I do not want to believe it, and if you
could convince me I would rather not look at
it." I had felt much the same unwillingness,
having been intimate with his parents. Once
Commodore Dahlgren had brought the little
fair-haired boy to show me how pretty he
looked in his black velvet suit and Vandyke
collar, and I could not reconcile the two Ulrics.
The Maryland Line, commanded by Colo
nel Bradley T. Johnson, rendered noble ser
vice in the conduct of his force against the
Dahlgren raid.
Shortly after this, Colonel Johnson promised
me that the Maryland Line should capture
a flag for me.
In the following fall, September, 1864,
there was a sharp cavalry affair between
Early's cavalry, under Lomax, and Sheridan's,
under Custer and Wilson, at Bunker Hill, in
Buckley County, now West Virginia.
Charge and counter-charge succeeded each
other back and forth the turnpike, and in one
of them Captain George M. Emack, com
manding Company B, First Maryland regi
ment, cut down the man carrying the guidon
of the opposing regiment, while he wrested
from his hand the guidon and brought it off.
THE MARYLAND LINE. 473
Emack had the luck that some men have, of
being hit almost every time he went under
fire. He was the most reckless, daring soldier
of that gallant command, and had received
sixteen wounds in battle. In fighting for the
guidon he received his seventeenth, which
sent him to hospital for a week or two.
Colonel Johnson directed him to deliver the
captured guidon to me in person, as the per
formance of the pledge of the Maryland
Line to me, with a letter announcing the ful
filment of the promise.
It was preserved as a souvenir of gallant
service, and escaped the examination of my
trunk when it was rifled at Fortress Monroe
after the capture of President Davis. I have
it now ; but a fine Pennsylvania flag sent at
another time was then taken from me, and
possibly figures as one of the recaptured
trophies of the Federal Armies.
CHAPTER XLVIII.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE.
Now that disasters threatened us from all
sides, it was determined by Her Britannic
Majesty's Government to take an open course
of so-called neutrality toward us.
"H. B. M.'s LEGATION,
"WASHINGTON, D. C, April i, 1864.
" MR. JEFFERSON DAVIS, etc., etc.,
" Richmond, Va.
" SIR: I have been instructed by Earl Rus
sell, Her Britannic Majesty's Secretary for
Foreign Affairs, to convey to you the follow
ing extract of a despatch which has been for
warded to me by his Lordship. I have chos
en the method which appeared to me to be
the only available one, under the present un
happy circumstances in which the country is
involved, and I trust that the absence of all
recognized diplomatic or consular residents, or
other agents of Her Majesty near Richmond,
will be recognized as sufficient reason for its
not being sent through usual channels. I
need scarcely say that the bearer of this des-
JEFFEKSON DAVIS, 1860-64-
VARINA ANNE DAVIS.
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 475
patch, whom you have consented to allow to
visit Richmond, has been authorized by the
Government of the United States to pass into
your lines, on the flag of truce boat, for the
purpose of delivering it, and will desire your
permission to return to Washington by the
same mode of conveyance.
" I have the honor to be, with high respect,
your obedient, humble servant,
<( LYONS."
Copy.
" You will also convey to Mr. Davis, at
Richmond, through such channel as shall be
available, and as you may in your discretion
deem proper, the formal protest and remon
strance of Her Majesty's Government against
the efforts of the authorities of the so-called
Confederate States to build war vessels with
in Her Majesty's dominions, to be employed
against the Government of the United States.
Perhaps your Lordship might best accomplish
this object by obtaining permission from the au
thorities of both belligerents to send a special
messenger to Richmond with the necessary de
spatch, in which you will transmit this para
graph, or the substance of it, together with all
that follows, to the close of this communication.
" Her Majesty's Government, in taking this
course, desire Mr. Davis to rest assured that
476 JEFFERSON D
it is adopted entirely in that spirit of neutral
ity which has been declared the policy of this
country with regard to the two belligerents
now so lamentably desolating America, and
which will continue to be pursued, with a
careful and earnest desire to make it condu
cive to the most rigid impartiality and justice.
" After consulting with the law officers of
the Crown, Her Majesty's Government have
come to the decision that agents of the
authorities of the so-called Confederate States
have been engaged in building vessels which
would be, at least, partially equipped for war
purposes on leaving the ports of this country ;
that these war vessels would undoubtedly be
used against the United States, a country
with which this Government is at peace ; that
this would be a violation of the neutrality laws
of the realm ; and that the Government of the
United States would have just ground for
serious complaint against Her Majesty's Gov
ernment, should they permit such an infrac
tion of the amicable relations subsisting be
tween the two countries.
" Her Majesty's Government confidently
rely on the frankness, courtesy, and discern
ment which Mr. Davis has displayed in the
difficult circumstances in which he has been
placed during the past three years, for a rec
ognition of the correctness of the position
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 477
which Her Majesty's Government have taken
upon this subject. No matter what might be
the difficulty of proving in a court of law that
the parties procuring the building of these
vessels are agents of the so-called Confed
erate States, it is universally understood
throughout the world that they are so, and
Her Majesty's Government are satisfied that
Mr. Davis would not deny that they are so.
Constructed as 'rams,' as these vessels are,
they would certainly be in a condition, on
leaving port, to inflict the most serious dam
age on vessels belonging to the United
States, as was shown by the destruction of
the Cumberland, United States sloop-of-war,
by the ' ram ' Merrimac, merely by the latter
being run into collision with the Cumberland.
Such vessels are, to all intents and purposes,
equipped as war vessels of a certain power,
although they be without a gun or any am
munition on board ; nor can the frequent use
of the word 'equip/ in the sense of ' to fur
nish with everything necessary for a voyage,'
be held for a moment to limit its significance
to the furnishing of a war vessel with every
thing upon her, or the ultimately putting of
which on her might be contemplated. Such
a construction cannot be entertained for an in
stant. It is clear that a hundred-and-twenty-
gun ship might be equipped for war purposes
47S JEFFERSON DAVIS.
with any fraction of her armament on board,
although she might not be so powerful or so
efficient as she would be if she had the whole
of it. A ram would be also equipped for war
purposes, although the absence of her ord
nance and ammunition might render her less
effective than she would be with them. This,
it is presumed by Her Majesty's Government,
will be conceded by Mr. Davis without fur
ther argument or illustration in support of it.
"This much being established to the per
fect conviction of Her Majesty's Government
and the law officers of the Crown, and ad
mitted, as they are convinced it must be, by
Mr. Davis, and by every other person of
sound and impartial judgment, there is not the
slightest room to doubt that it is purposed to
use the vessels in question against the United
States, a country with which this nation is at
peace and on terms of amity ; and that the per
mitting of them to leave the ports of Her
Majesty's dominions would be a violation of
the neutrality laws of the kingdom, and such
an injurious act toward the United States as
would justify the Government of that country
in seriously complaining of it as unfriendly and
offensive in the highest degree, even to the
imminent peril of rupturing the peaceful rela
tions now existing between the two countries.
" Under these circumstances, Her Majesty's
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 479
Government protest and remonstrate against
any further efforts being made on the part of
the so-called Confederate States, or the au
thorities or agents thereof, to build or cause
to be built, or to purchase or to cause to be
purchased, any such vessels as those styled
rams, or any other vessels to be used for war
purposes against the United States, or against
any country with which the United Kingdom
is at peace or on terms of amity; and Her
Majesty's Government further protest and re
monstrate against all acts in violation of the
neutrality laws of the realm.
" I have the honor to be your Lordship's
obedient servant, " RUSSELL."
The reply.
" RICHMOND, VA., C. S. A., April 6, 1864.
" To the RIGHT HONORABLE LORD LYONS,
C.B., & H. M.'s Minister to the Govern
ment of the United States.
" MY LORD : I have been instructed by the
President to acknowledge the receipt of a de
spatch from your Lordship, enclosing a copy of
a portion of a despatch from Earl Russell, H.
B. M.'s Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs,
purporting to be a ' formal protest and remon
strance of Her Majesty's Government against
the efforts of the authorities of the so-called
Confederate States to build war vessels with-
480 JEFFERSOiV DAVIS.
in Her Majesty's dominions, to be employed
against the Government of the United States.'
" The President desires me to say to your
Lordship, that while he is not unwilling to
waive, in existing circumstances, the transmis
sion of such a document through other than the
usual and proper channel, it would be incon
sistent with the dignity of the position he fills,
as Chief Magistrate of a nation comprising a
population of more than twelve millions, occu
pying a territory many times larger than the
United Kingdom, and possessing resources un
surpassed by those of any other country on the
face of the globe to allow the attempt of Earl
Russell to ignore the actual existence of the
Confederate States, and to contumeliously style
them ' so-called,' to pass without a protest and
a remonstrance. The President, therefore,
does protest and remonstrate against this stud
ied insult ; and he instructs me to say, that in
future any document in which it may be repeat
ed will he returned unanswered and unnoticed.
" With respect to the subject of the extract
from Earl Russell's despatch, the President
desires me to state, that the plea of neutrality,
which is used to sustain the sinister course of
Her Majesty's present Government against
the Government of the Confederate States, is
so clearly contradicted by their actions, that it
is regarded by the world, not even excepting
THE MARYLAND LINE. 481
the United States, as a mere cover for actual
hostility, and the President cannot but feel
that this is a just view of it. Were, indeed,
Her Majesty's Government sincere in a de
sire and determination to maintain neutrality,
the President could not but feel that they
would neither be just nor gallant to allow the
subjugation of a nation like the Confederate
States by such a barbarous, despotic race as
are now attempting it. He cannot but feel,
with the history and traditions of the Anglo-
Saxon race before him, that under a govern
ment faithfully representing the people of
Great Britain, the whole weight and power of
that nation would be unhesitatingly thrown
into the scale in favor of the principles of
free government, on which these States were
originally formed, and for which alone the
Confederate States are now struggling. He
cannot but feel that with such a government,
and with the plea of neutrality urged upon the
people as it now is, no such pitiful spectacle
could be witnessed as is now manifested by
Her Majesty's present Government, in the
persistent persecution of the Confederate
States at the beck and bidding of officers of
the United States ; while a prime minister
mocks and insults the intelligence of a House
of Commons and of the world, by excusing
the permission to allow British subjects to go
VOL. II. 31
482 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
to the United States to fight against us, by
the paltry subterfuge that it was the great de
mand for labor and the high rate of wages
that were taking them thither. He cannot
but feel that a neutrality most cunningly, au
daciously, fawningly, and insolently sought
and urged, begged and demanded by one
belligerent, and repudiated by the other, must
be seen by all impartial men to be a mere
pretext for aiding the cause of the one at the
expense of the other, while pretending to be
impartial ; to be, in short, but a cover for
treacherous, malignant hostility. .
" As for the specious arguments on the
subject of the rams, advanced by Earl Rus
sell, the President desires me to state that he
is content to leave the world and history to
pronounce judgment upon this attempt to
heap injury upon insult, by declaring that
Her Majesty's Government and law officers
are satisfied of the questions involved, while
those questions are still before the highest
legal tribunal of the kingdom, composed of
members of the Government and the highest
law officers of the Crown, for their decision.
The President himself will not condescend to
notice them.
" I have the honor to be your Lordship's
obedient, humble servant
" BURTON N, HARRISON, Private Secretary''
CHAPTER XLIX.
FORT PILLOW, OCEAN POND, AND MERIDIAN.
FORT PILLOW, situated on the east bank of
the Mississippi River, was established by the
State of Tennessee in 1861. It was afterward
fortified by the Confederate States, and ef
fectually prevented the passage of the Federal
fleet. When the Confederates abandoned
Corinth, Fort Pillow was necessarily evacu
ated also, and was immediately occupied by
an inconsiderable Federal force.
On April 12, 1864, an attack was made
upon the fort by two brigades of General N.
B. Forrest's force, under Mississippi's gallant
general, J. R. Chalmers.
The Confederates Drained the outer works
o
and drove the garrison to their main fortifica
tions. About this time General Forrest ar
rived and reconnoitred the whole position,
in doing which he had two horses shot under
him and another wounded. He discovered
a ravine leading up in the near vicinity to
the southern face of the fort, which, if seized,
would afford complete shelter for an attack
ing column.
484 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
Two ridges also gave the Confederate
sharp-shooters complete command of the inte
rior of the fort, and Forrest decided to send a
formal demand for surrender. The command
ing officer was notified that he was surrounded,
and that, " if the demand was acceded to, the
gallantry of the defence already made would
entitle all its garrison to be treated as prison
ers of war."
An answer, after considerable delay, was
brought from the fort, written in pencil on a
soiled scrap of paper, without envelope.
" Your demand does not produce the desired
effect." General Forrest read it and hastily
exclaimed : " This will not do, send it back,
and say to Major Booth that I must have an
answer in plain English yes or no."
Shortly the messenger returned with " no."
Forrest immediately prepared to make the
assault. The bugle sounded the "charge,"
and the Confederates, with a rush, cleared
the parapet and swept with their fire every
face of the work. General Forrest drove the
enemy toward the river, leaving their flag fly
ing, but they turned and fired as they ran.
The gun-boat failed them at the critical mo
ment, and stood out of range of the guns of
the captured fort. Disappointed, and now
thoroughly panic-stricken, many of the enemy
threw themselves into the river and were
FORT PILLOW. OCEAN POND. 485
drowned ; others, with arms in their hands,
endeavored to make good their escape in dif
ferent directions, but were met by flanking
parties of the Confederates and either killed
or captured. Fortunately Forrest, riding into
the fort, cut down the flag, and the firing in
stantly ceased.
On the Confederate side 14 officers and men
were killed and 86 wounded. Under a flag
of truce, a steamer came to the landing place,
and parties were allowed to come ashore to
look after their dead, and wounded, to bury
the former and remove the latter to the trans
port. Of the wounded, there were 61 34
whites and 27 colored, according to the re
ports of the Federal Surgeon at Mound City,
111., Hospital. There were taken prisoners of
war, 7 officers and 219 enlisted men (56 ne
groes, 163 whitesj) un wounded, which, with
the wounded, make an aggregate of those who
survived, exclusive of all who may have es
caped, quite 300 souls, or fully fifty-five per
cent, of all the garrison, while those who sur
vived unhurt constituted forty per cent* This
was the so-called massacre of Fort Pillow.
The year 1864 opened auspiciously for the
Confederates, and their hopes rose high after
each victory.
Campaign of Lieutenant-General N. B. Forrest.
486 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
On February 2Oth Generals Finnegan and
Colquitt, near Ocean Pond, Fla., with 5,000
men, achieved a victory over General Sey
mour's 7,000 troops that had just arrived from
Charleston Harbor. This battle expelled the
enemy from Florida.
On February 3d General Sherman, with
30,000 men, without opposition crossed the
State of Mississippi to Meridian. The Feder
al cavalry started from Corinth and Holly
Springs, and laid waste that fertile district on
their way to join Sherman. Our great cav
alry, leader, General Forrest, with 2,500 cav
alry encountered, attacked, and defeated Gri-
erson's and Smith's cavalry forces near West
Point, and sent them back to Memphis. By
this success General Forrest forced General
Sherman to make a hurried retreat through
one hundred and fifty miles of country that
his soldiers had desolated and plundered.
General Banks now attempted to pene
trate Central Texas, and destroy the Confed
erate lines of supplies which Texas still fur
nished plentifully, the transportation of them
being the only difficulty. He was completely
routed.*
* General R. Taylor : Destruction and Reconstruction.
CHAPTER L.
VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN, 1864.
GENERAL GRANT'S theory of war was, " to
hammer continuously against the armed force
of the enemy, until, by mere attrition, there
should be nothing left."
Military genius, the arts of war, the skilful
handling of troops, superior strategy, the de
votion of an army, the noble self-denial of
commanders, all must give way before the
natural forces of " continuous hammering " by
an army with unlimited reinforcements, and
an inexhaustible treasury, a well-filled com
missariat, and all directed by an unanimous
people.
The work of the Federal War Department
was based on the need for an army of a mill
ion of men. Vast stores were accumulated.
Congress, with reckless prodigality, continued
to pass the most extravagant appropriations
for organizing armies, and for maintaining the
countless forces which constituted an army of
invasion so vast, that it was hoped it would
be invincible.
Grant took command on March 17, 1864.
4 88 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
The Army of the Potomac, now massed on
the Rapidan, numbered 141,160 men. Gen
eral Lee, to oppose this vast army, had 50,-
403 muskets. The cavalry divisions were
weak, neither of them being stronger than a
good brigade. His artillery was not as heavy,
nor was his ammunition as good in quality,
as that of the enemy. Lee's entire effective
strength did not exceed 64,000 men of all
arms, at the opening of the spring campaign*
of 1864.
On May 4th General Grant began his
march.
It was doubtless expected that Lee would
retreat before this vast army, but he, on the
contrary, gave Grant such a blow in the Wil
derness that he was compelled to halt and
deliver battle.
For two days the contest raged, and only
ceased from mutual exhaustion. It was dur
ing this battle that a notable event occurred :
" Heth and Wilcox, who had expected to be
relieved, and were not prepared for the ene
my's assault, were overpowered and com
pelled to retire, just as the advance of Long-
street's column reached the ground. The
defeated divisions were in considerable dis
order, and the condition of affairs was ex
ceedingly critical. General Lee fully appre
ciated the impending crisis, and, dashing
VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. 489
amid the fugitives, called upon the men to
rally. General Longstreet, taking in the sit
uation at a glance, immediately caused his di
visions to be deployed in line of battle, and
advanced to recover the lost ground.*
Lee, with his hat in his hand, spurred his
gray charger " Traveller " to the front of his
lines to lead them in person to the charge,
but the soldiers cried out with one voice :
" Go back, General Lee." " Go back, Uncle
Robert." " To the rear, General, to the
rear, and we'll fix everything all right," and
one tall Texan stepped to his horse's side,
and taking hold of the bridle, turned him
around and led him to the rear, while the
men, aroused to enthusiastic frenzy, gave
vent to loud yells, pushed the enemy before
them, and re-established the Confederate
lines.
Longstreet having the enemy much shaken,
now received the necessary orders to pursue ;
but at the moment when a turning movement
was being executed, and a complete success
was crowning his efforts, he and the officers
with him were mistaken, by a flanking party
of his own troops, for the enemy, and fired
into. General Longstreet was seriously
wounded, and General Jenkins^ who was
* Taylor's Four Years with Lee.
490 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
riding by his side, fell dead. The forward
movement was checked, and the enemy were
enabled to rally their forces and reform be
hind their intrenchments.
Grant's next move was to gain possession
of Spottsylvania Court House, but Lee com
prehended his purpose and moved off in the
night. The heads of the opposing columns
arrived almost at the same time at their des
tination. Both armies then intrenched.
On the 1 2th, the enemy made a heavy as
sault on Ewell's front and broke through, but
were driven out with great loss. The on
slaught was a complete surprise. A redoubt
on Ewell's front was stormed at the point of
the bayonet, nearly three thousand Confed
erates were taken prisoners, and eighteen
pieces of artillery fell into the hands of the
enemy.
General Lee, attributing this success to the
want of vigilance or courage of his men, in
stantly rode to the head of a Texas regiment.
Waving his hat in the air, he prepared to
lead it forward. Spurring rapidly to his side,
General Gordon seized hold of his horse's
rein, and exclaimed, " This, General Lee, is
no place for you ; these are men who never
failed you yet, and who will not fail now."
With unanimous voice the soldiers around
them refused to advance, unless General Lee
VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. 491
went to the rear, then charging with Gordon
leading, the salient was recaptured.*
Although General Grant's army was still
so strong that, after covering the Confederate
front with double lines of battle, he still had
a sufficient force with which to outflank his
adversary and compel him to make a counter-
move to prevent his getting between him and
Richmond, he waited from the I3th to the
1 8th of May for reinforcements.
On the night of May 2Oth, General Grant
again moved away in the direction of Han
over Junction. Here Lee again confronted
him and offered battle, but Grant declined.
On May 26th he recrossed to the north
side of the North Anna River and made a
detour to the east. General Lee moved after
him, and offered him battle again at Atlee's
Station, and again it was declined. On June
3d, the two armies met on the blood-stained
field of Cold Harbor. Here the Confeder
ates threw up a light intrenchment of earth,
which Grant assaulted all along the line.
The assault was repulsed with extraordinary
slaughter. In the short space of one hour
13,000 men were placed " hors de combat."
Grant ordered a second assault in the after-
* In the Ordnance Museum, at Washington, is the stump of a large
tree that had been cut down by bullets, so close and deadly was the
musketry fire in the captured and recaptured salient.
492 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
noon. The men sullenly refused to ad
vance.
After this battle General- Grant gyrated
toward the James River, below Richmond,
crossed at City Point, and endeavored to sur
prise and capture Petersburg.
In this he was thwarted by Generals Beau-
regard and Wise, with the militia and home-
guards. He then concentrated his army
south of the Appomattox River and laid
siege to the city.
" During the campaign reinforcements
reached General Lee to the extent of 14,400
men, making 78,400 as the aggregate of all
troops engaged under him from the Wilder
ness to Cold Harbor.
General Grant received 51,000 additional
men during the same period, bringing his
total up to 192,160 men employed by him
from the Rapidan to the James.
" The Federal loss in the battles of the
Wilderness, Spottsylvania, North Anna, and
Cold Harbor is put at ' above 60,000 men '
by Mr. Swinton, in his ' History of the Army
of the Potomac."'*
" The campaign of one month, from May
4th to June 4th, had cost the Federal com
mander 60,000 men and 3,000 officers, while
* Taylor's Four Years with Lee.
VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. 493
the loss of Lee did not exceed 18,000 men
(of whom few were officers). The result
would seem an unfavorable comment upon
the choice of route made by General Grant.
General McClellan, two years before, had
reached Cold Harbor with trifling losses. To
attain the same point had cost General Grant
a frightful number of lives. Nor could it be
said that he had any important success to
offset this loss. He had not defeated his
adversary in any of the battle-fields of the
campaign, nor did it seem that he had stricken
him any serious blow. The Army of North
ern Virginia, not reinforced until it reached
Hanover Junction, and then only by about
9,000 men, had repulsed every assault, and
in the final trial of strength with a force vast
ly its superior, had inflicted upon the enemy,
in about an hour, a loss of 13,000 men." *
When the army drew closer to Richmond,
Mr. Davis's visits to General Lee, which had
been previously made as often as his execu
tive labor permitted, were paid every day,
and the spirits in which the President return
ed were dependent on the General's account
of the progress of the enemy ; his temper al
ways became more cheerful as affairs looked
darker. Mr. Davis had a childlike faith in
* John Esten Coolce, in Eclectic Magazine, May, 1872.
494 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
the providential care of the Just Cause by Al
mighty God, and a doubt of its righteous
ness never entered his mind. Often I have
heard him in the night repeating to himself
with fervor his favorite hymn,
" I'll strengthen thee, help thee, and cause thee to stand
Upheld by my righteous, omnipotent hand."
When things grew darkest, he said, " We
can conquer a peace against the world in
arms, and keep the rights of freemen, if we
are worthy of the privilege. If he had de
spaired of our cause he was too sincere to
have spoken words of hope to the soldiers.
After the army fell back to Petersburg, he
looked forward to personally taking command
in the West, and co-operating with General
Lee in one great battle which he hoped would
be decisive.
On one of the lonely rides he took to Gen
eral Lee's headquarters, a very young soldier
joined him and went with him some distance
on the road. At last the President asked
him if he was not too far from camp, consider
ing the close proximity of the enemy. Then
the boy told him, with a sheepish look, " I
joined you, sir, because you were so near
them, and I thought you ought not to be
alone. You ought to have a guard with you."
Mr. Davis noticed that he had on broken
VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. 495
shoes and proposed to change with him, but
the cheerful young" patriot laughed and said
that was no matter, shook hands warmly, and
saying, " Now I think you are safe beyond
the enemy's scouts," bade good-by.
Our soldiers fought for the love they bore
to their country, but it was a desperate fight.
They had to contend against far more dread
ful foes than the Federal army. They fought
cold, heat, starvation, and the knowledge that
their families were enduring the same priva
tions. One poor fellow from Johnson's Island,
who was dying of the want endured there,
sent for me and asked me to write to his wife
of his last hours and give her his love. " I
have a letter from my wife," he said. " She
walked my little girl, who was just a month
old when I saw her last, up and down, up and
down, and tried willow-tea, and every other
remedy she could think of for the baby's
chills ; but the doctor said nothing but quin
ine could save her ; and Madam, my wife did
not have that, so my three years old baby
died, and now I am dying, and my poor,
starving wife will have 'nothing to comfort
her ; but," he panted out, "if our folks can
quit freemen, it is all right." This spirit of
devotion was manifested by the soldiers and
officers of the Confederacy everywhere, and
when their hearts failed them from brooding
496 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
over the needs of their helpless families, the
women choked back their tears, tried to for
get their bare feet, their meagre fare, their
thousand alarms by night, and all the grinding
want that pressed them out of youth and life,
and wrote of the cheer our victories gave
them, of their prayers for success, and their
power to endure unto the end.
One noteworthy example of the self-sacri
fice of our soldiers is remembered by me
with especial pride. On June 15 and 17,
1864, the women and children of Richmond
had been suffering for food, and the Thirtieth
Virginia sent them one day's rations of flour,
pork, bacon, and veal, not from their abun
dance, but by going without the day's rations
themselves. " Yet," said a journal of that
time, " despatches from General Lee show
that nearly every regiment in his army has
re-enlisted for the war."
On April 3oth, when we were threatened
on every side, and encompassed so perfectly
that we could only hope by a miracle to over
come our foes, Mr. Davis's health declined
from loss of sleep so that he forgot to eat, and
I resumed the practice of carrying him some
thing at one o'clock. I left my children quite
well, playing in my room, and had just uncov
ered my basket in his office, when a servant
came for me. The most beautiful and brightest
VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. 497
of my children, Joseph Emory, had, in play,
climbed over the connecting angle of a ban
nister and fallen to the brick pavement be
low. He died a few minutes after we reached
his side. This child was Mr. Davis's hope,
and greatest joy in life. At intervals, he
ejaculated, " Not mine, oh, Lord, but thine."
A courier came with a despatch. He took it,
held it open for some moments, and looked at
me fixedly, saying, " Did you tell me what
was in it ? " I saw his mind was momentarily
paralyzed by the blow, but at last he tried to
write an answer, and then called out, in a
heart-broken tone, " I must have this day
with my little child." Somebody took the des
patch to General Cooper and left us alone
with our dead.
VOL. II. 32
CHAPTER LI.
YELLOW TAVERN. DEATH OF STUART.
ON the morning of May i3th, Mr. Davis
came hurriedly in from the office for his pis
tols, and rode out to the front, where Gener
als Gracie and Ransom were disposing their
skeleton brigades to repel General Sheridan's
raiders, who had been hovering around for
some days. At the Executive Mansion, the
small-arms could be distinctly heard like the
popping of fire-crackers. I summoned the
children to prayer, and as my boy Jefferson
knelt, he raised his little chubby face to me,
and said, " You had better have my pony
saddled, and let me go out to help father ; we
can pray afterward/'
Wherever it was possible, the President
went to the battle-field, and was present dur
ing the engagement, and at these times he
bitterly regretted his executive office, and
longed to engage actively in the fight.
A line of skirmishers had been formed near
the Yellow Tavern, our forces were closely
pressed, and seeing a brigade preparing to
charge on the left, General J. E. B. Stuart
YELL OW TA VERN.DEA TH OF STUAR T. 499
dashed over there to form his troops and re
pel the charge. The Federals came thunder
ing down, recognized Stuart, and fired twelve
shots at him ; he wheeled upon them and emp
tied his revolver, then checked his horse and
rode for our lines, knowing he had been mor
tally wounded. His death-wound is said to
have been dealt by a skulker concealed in a
fence corner. A bullet struck him in the hip
and passed through the abdomen. Like the
Cid, he felt the menace to the foe his pres
ence would be, and asked his staff to hold
him upon the saddle, that the enemy might
not see he was wounded. Thus supported, he
rode into our lines to die, confident of having
done his whole duty, at peace with God, and
willing, if it was His will, to leave the strug
gle and the end to His good pleasure.
His wound was found to be necessarily
mortal. His condition during Thursday,
May 13, 1864, was very changeable, with oc
casional delirium and other unmistakable
symptoms of dissolution. At these times his
mind wandered, and like the immortal Jack
son, in the lapse of reason his faculties were
occupied with the details of his command.
He reviewed, in broken sentences, all his
glorious campaign around McClellan's rear
on the Peninsula, beyond the Potomac, and
upon the Rapidan, quoting from his own
500 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
orders, with a last injunction " to make
haste."
About noon, Thursday, President Davis
visited his bedside and spent some fifteen
minutes in the dying chamber of his young
chieftain. The President, taking his hand,
said, "General, how do you feel?" He re
plied, in his strong, cheery voice, " Easy,
but willing to die, if God and my country
think I have fulfilled my destiny and done my
duty." Mr. Davis came home and knelt with
me in a prayer in which he entreated that this
"precious life might be spared to our needy
country." As evening approached Stuart's
delirium increased, and he wandered to the
battle-fields over which he had fought, then
to wife and children, and again to the front.
He held his family next only to his coun
try. A notable instance was given once,
when he was telegraphed that his first and
only child was dying ; this reply was sent
with the tears raining over his cheeks : " I
must leave my child in the hands of God,
my country needs me here, I cannot come."
General Stuart was but thirty-one years old,
yet he had attained a noble fame, and no one
dissented from the praise bestowed upon
" Beauty Stuart." He had lived void of
offence toward his fellow-men, and life was
for him one long feast of good-will toward
YELL o w TA VEkN.bEA rti o& STUAR T. ^\
them. From his boyhood, he had never
sworn oaths or drunk spirituous liquors, or
indeed indulged in any vice. With the sim
ple faith of a child, he did what his conscience
dictated. He sang, laughed, fought, and
prayed throughout all the deprivations and
hardships of the Confederate service, never
daunted, never carping at the mistakes of
others. When his young life was torn out
of his stalwart body, and in the agonies of
death he was told he could not live to see
his young wife, as she could not reach him in
the few hours left, he said gently, " I should
have liked to have seen her, but God's will
be done."
To the doctor, who sat holding his fail
ing pulse, he remarked : " Doctor, I suppose
I am going fast now. It will soon be over.
But God's will be done. I hope I have
fulfilled my duty to my country and my
God."
At half-past seven o'clock it was evident to
the physicians that death was very near, and
they announced the fact, and asked him if he
had any last messages to give. The General,
with a mind entirely self-possessed, made dis
position of his personal effects to his staff.
To Mrs. R. E. Lee, he directed his golden
spurs to be given as a dying memento of his
love and esteem for her husband. To his
5 o2 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
staff officers he gave his horses. So consid
erate was he in small things, even to his dy
ing hour, that he said to one of his staff, who
was a very heavily built man, " You had bet
ter take the larger horse ; he will carry you
better." To his young son he left his glori
ous sword.
His worldly matters closed, he turned to
the contemplation of eternity, and asked the
Reverend Mr. Peterkin, of the Episcopal
Church, of which he was an exemplary mem
ber, to sing the hymn commencing,
" Rock of ages, cleft for me,
Let me hide myself in thee,"
and joined with all the voice his strength per
mitted. He then united in prayer with the
minister. To the doctor he again said, " I
am going fast now ; God's will be done."
Thus died General J. E. B. Stuart, the great
cavalry leader and exemplary Christian, at
peace with God and man.
His wife reached the house of death about
ten o'clock on the Thursday night, about one
hour and a half after his dissolution, and the
poor young creature was utterly desolate.
Her father was a Federal general in the reg
ular army, and she was separated even from
her family in her hour of trial. General
Philip St. George Cooke, however, was an
YELL O W TA VERN. -DE A TH OF STUAR T. 503
honorable foe, and his old friends sorrowed
with her for his sake also.
No military escort accompanied the pro
cession, but our young hero was laid in his
last resting-place on the hill-side, while the
earth trembled with the roar of artillery and
the noise of the deadly strife of two armies
the one bent upon desecrating and de
vastating his native land, and the other defi
antly standing in the path, but invoking the
blessing of Heaven upon their cause. They
fought in better cheer for the memory of such
sainted leaders as Stonewall Jackson and
Beauty Stuart.
CHAPTER LII.
BOMBARDMENT OF CHARLESTON.
ON August 21, 1863, a letter without sig
nature was sent from Major-General Gilmore's
headquarters, in front of Charleston, to Gen
eral Beauregard, informing him that unless
certain extraordinary conditions were com
plied with, or if no reply thereto was received
within "four hours " after the delivery of the
letter at Battery Wagner for transmission to
Charleston, fire would be opened on the
city from batteries already established. Gen
eral Beauregard received that letter about
eleven o'clock at night, and two hours later,
when the city was in profound repose, Major-
General Gilmore opened fire on it, and threw a
number of the most destructive projectiles ever
before used against the sleeping and unarmed
population. If Major- General Gilmore only
desired to go through the barren form of giv
ing notice of his intentions without allowing
the non-combatants time to withdraw, he
would have accomplished that useless end, if,
in his haste and eagerness to begin his work,
CONFEDERATE GENERALS.
BOMBARDMENT OF CHARLESTON. $0$
he had not forgotten to sign so important a
letter.
The time allowed was four hours from the
delivery of the letter at Battery Wagner for
transmission to General Beauregard's head
quarters, five miles distant. Major-General
Gilmore knew very well that in the ordinary
course of transmission, all the time allowed
would elapse before he could receive a reply
to his demand, and he knew quite as well
that it was impossible, in the brief space of
time allowed, to remove the non-combatants
of a large and populous city. It is clear,
therefore, that due time was not allowed, and
that the object of the notification was not
that non-combatants might be removed.
The object of the foe, according to Major-
General Gilmore, was to enforce the surrender
of an important fort which he could not re
duce, for after withstanding for nearly a year
the most formidable bombardment from land
and naval batteries ever before directed on
one fort, the Confederate flag was still flying
on Fort Sumter. Failing in that, his next ob
ject was to destroy the city to its very heart,
or to make it uninhabitable by non-combatants.
Independently of the declaration of Major-
General Gilmore that his purpose was to
reach "the heart of the city," the manner in
which the fire had been directed from the
506 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
commencement, showed beyond doubt that its
object was the destruction of the city itself,
and every part of it, and not, as assumed,
to destroy certain military and naval works in
and immediately around it.
Having failed to frighten the Confederate
commander into compliance with his un
reasonable demand, Major- General Gilmore
threw a few more shells (twenty-seven in all)
into the city, for no conceivable object than to
frighten away and kill a few non-combatants,
to show how far he could throw his projectiles,
to gratify a spirit of malice, and then ceased.
From August 2ist to October 27th, not a
shot or shell was thrown into the city.
He doubtless supposed that by that time
the non-combatants, whom he supposed had
been frightened away, had returned to the
city ; for he knew well that the mass of non-
combatant population of a large city situated
as Charleston, would not, and could not,
abandon their houses permanently and be
come homeless wanderers. He knew that
the climate of the country immediately around
Charleston was considered deadly at that
season of the year to white persons, and that
if any poor people, unable to secure residences
in the sparsely settled interior, had fled, on
the beginning of the fire, to the immediately
surrounding country to escape his shells,
BOMBARDMENT OF CHARLESTON. 507
they would naturally, after so long an inter
mission of fire, return to the city to escape the
malaria, more deadly than his projectiles.
On October 27th, after an interval of
more than two months, without a word of
warning, he again opened fire and threw
shells into the city, just enough to frighten,
irritate, and kill a few non-combatants, but
not enough to produce any military result,
and then ceased firing for three weeks.
On November i7th, he again opened
and continued a very slow fire. It was
apparent that the fire was directed against
churches during the hours of public worship,
Christmas-day, 1863.
The Confederate prisoners, in the hands
of the enemy were held confined, under the
fire of our batteries, to hinder our resistance.
CHAPTER LIII.
BATTLE OF DRURY'S BLUFF, MAY 16, 1864.
GRANT'S plan of campaign was, if he should
be unable to defeat Lee, or fail to take Rich
mond, to cross the James River below Rich
mond, and possess himself of Petersburg, cut
off the supplies from the Confederate Capital,
and, reinforced by Butler with 30,000 men,
attack it from the south.
Butler was ordered to concentrate his troops
at City Point. From this base he was to de
stroy the railroad leading to Richmond. On
May 7th he telegraphed he had " destroyed
many miles of railroad, and got a position
which, with proper supplies, we can hold
against Lee's whole army."
On May loth General Butler was badly
beaten at Walthall Junction, and returned to
his intrenched lines at Bermuda Hundreds.
The Confederate troops which had been
ordered from Charleston under Beauregard,
on May I4th reached the intrenched lines in
the vicinity of Dairy's Bluff. Butler moved
forward again to confront them.
General Robert Ransom said, in a mono-
BATTLE OF DRURY'S BLUFF. 509
graph upon this battle : " Beauregard, with
headquarters at Charleston, had been urged
to send up troops from his department, but
none had arrived. Butler had moved up so
as to cut the telegraph on the turnpike, and
reach by a raiding party the railroad at Ches
ter, during the first week in May. I was near
Drury's Bluff with a battery of light guns and
Barton's and Gracie's brigades, and our com
pany of irregular cavalry. The President
came to my camp, and finding out the state
of affairs, asked if anything could be done to
retard Butler's movements, stating that as
Beauregard would not send troops, he had
been peremptorily ordered to bring them, and
that some were on the way. Knowing that
audacity was my best arm, the next morning,
with perfect leisure and with a front sufficient
to cover an army of 50,000 men, I pushed upon
Butler's advance, had a sharp skirmish, and
came near capturing a brigade and battery,
and Butler withdrew. Some of Beauregard's
troops drove him from the railroad and turn
pike, at Port Walthall. Upon Beauregard's
arrival at Petersburg he was given command
as far north as to include Drury's Bluff.
While lying near Drury's Bluff on the night
of May Qth, about ten o'clock, I got a despatch
informing me of the fall of J. E. B. Stuart,
mortally wounded, at Yellow Tavern, and that
5io JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Sheridan was expected to assault the outer
works north of Richmond, at dawn the next
day. Immediately my two movable brigades,
Grade's and Fry's, and a light battery were
hastened to and through Richmond, and I
arrived with them at the fortifications on Me-
chanicsville turnpike just in time, the morn
ing of May loth, to see a battery of artillery
there, unsupported by anything, repulse the
advance of Sheridan. During the night the
clerks and citizens, under General Custis Lee,
had spread a thin line along part of the fortifi
cations toward the west, near the Brook and
Meadow Bridge roads. Hunton's brigade was
at Chafin's Bluff, it being impracticable to with
draw it from that position. As the day ad
vanced Gracie's brigade was thrown in front of
the works and pressed forward to feel Sheri
dan, but it was soon evident that we could make
no real impression on him, and I regarded it
as almost madness with two small brigades to
engage in an open country five times my
strength, thereby leaving Richmond entirely
unprotected, except by the clerks and citizens.
Sheridan withdrew, Gracie's and Fry's bri
gades returned to near Drury's Bluff.
During the week most all of Beauregard's
troops had come up. In obedience to a de
spatch from him, at about 2 or 2.30 P.M., I met
Beauregard at Major Drury's residence, about
BATTLE OF DRURY'S BLUFF. 511
a mile from the Bluff. He was surrounded by
a large staff, and clerks were busy. He accost
ed me with much gravity, almost solemnity, in
timated to those present to withdraw, we were
alone, with perhaps the exception of two or
three persons. I remarked that I had got his
despatch and had come as quickly as possible.
He asked me if the President had told me
what I was wanted for, and to my replying
no, Beauregard said, in about these words :
* The President has ordered me to give But
ler battle at once. It is against my judg
ment, and I have protested against it, but to
no avail. You make the fight to-morrow,
and you are to command the left wing.
Among other reasons given for not fighting
was that I am without officers to command,
and particularly those who know this country.
The President said you could be spared tem
porarily, and as you know the region, I have
given you the moving part of the army, and
you will take the initiative.' By this time the
room was again filled with officers and cour
iers, and a copy of the order of battle was
handed me. After reading it and finding that
Ransom's brigade formed part of the reserve,
I asked that it might be given to me in ex
change for any I had had assigned to me,
stating that ' I had organized and commanded
it for more than a year, and that I knew it
5 1 2 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
and it knew me.' General Beauregard de
clined to make the change, saying, ' It is
the strongest brigade in my army, and I must
hold it in case of disaster.'
" My staff, couriers, and horses were in
Richmond, and were sent for ; there was not
a wagon to my division. Everything that I
could do was done to be ready. By sun
down staff and horses had arrived, and by
10 P.M., or a little later, I was in position in
front of the breastworks on Drury's planta
tion. An independent regiment of cavalry
was to move between me and the river, for
information. At the first glimpse of day
light I moved to the south of Kingsland
Creek, and at once pushed upon the enemy.
A dense fog had suddenly enveloped every
thing. The skirmishers were quickly en
gaged, and immediately a general infantry
fire. The fighting was pressed to conclusion,
and by sunrise I had captured a brigade of
infantry and a battery of artillery, and swept
and occupied about three-quarters of a mile
of the enemy's temporary breastworks, which
were strengthened by wire interwoven among
the trees in their front ; not however without
considerable loss and much confusion, owing
to the denseness of the fog. Requiring in
fantry cartridges, and knowing that delay
would mar the success gained, I sent instantly
BATTLE OF DRURY'S BLUFF. 513
to Beauregard reporting what had happened,
and asked that Ransom's brigade might
come to me at once to continue the pressure
and make good the advantage already gained.
Beauregard refused. The ammunition being
still delayed, I again begged that Ransom's
brigade be sent me, but instead of that there
came two small regiments from Georgia.
Just as they reported to me the fog lifted, the
enemy made a dash on Hoke's left and broke
Hagood's brigade ; but I threw these two
Georgia regiments upon the advancing enemy,
checked and repulsed him. After this I saw
no more of the Georgia regiments, hearing
however that by Beauregard's orders they
had gone elsewhere. At this junction, and
having been supplied ammunition, and while
clearing away some trees that had luckily
been felled by the enemy across the road, I
got an order from Beauregard to advance by
' brigades in echelon, left in front.' This
movement was begun, Gracie's brigade lead
ing and I with it. After advancing some dis
tance I heard firing to right and rear, and
galloping in that direction to ascertain its
cause, failed to find my two rearmost brig
ades where they ought to have been. The
firing had ceased, and to my anxiety I found
that a wide interval between my two left
brigades and the other troops existed. Has-
VOL. II.-33
514 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
tening on, I discovered my troops upon the
line of our breastworks. Sending word to
halt the forward brigades, and ordering the
others to their positions, I galloped to Beau-
regard, then in sight and only two or three
hundred yards off, I reported what had hap
pened, and asked that nothing similar be per
mitted. He said, ' It is as well, I am hard
pressed on the right, and we may have to
withdraw to the breastworks, and most of
our force come to the right ; I fear my flank
may be turned/ or words to that effect.
" I remained with Beauregard at his request
for perhaps an hour. The firing did not indi
cate hard fighting on the right. There was no
firing on my front. I heard, while with Beau-
regard, that the enemy was moving over the
turnpike. This was reported to Beauregard
direct. After being with Beauregard, I sup
pose an hour, I left for my command, await
ing his directions, as he had ordered me to re
main stationary till he gave different instruc
tions. Beauregard more than once, while I re
mained with him, remarked upon not hearing
anything of Whiting, and seemed nervous
about him. The day wore away, and I, be
coming more than impatient, about 3 P.M., as
I recall the time, went to seek Beauregard.
I found him with many other gentlemen, the
President, and Secretary Reagan, among
BATTLE OF DRURY'S BLUFF. 515
others, in the turnpike just north of where
the fortifications cross it. I heard no firing of
any sort except an occasional shot from a
field battery of the enemy, its shells were
thrown directly up the turnpike. While we
all stood in this locality a slight shower of
rain fell, not enough to wet anyone in even
thin clothing. A little before five o'clock, I
think, Beauregard seemed to have deter
mined upon some aggressive movement. I
was directed to have my troops ready to
move at an instant's notice, and to await or
ders. I galloped to my division and waited
with impatience and disgust till after sun
down, when the order came, ' Bivouac for
the night.' About an hour or so after sun
rise the next day, the I7th, we were ordered
to move down the river road. Proceeding to
some distance below the Howlett place, at
about 4 P.M., not having come upon the
enemy, I was relieved from command by a
commendatory order. . . . Immediately
I returned to my duties north of the James.
" Beauregard reluctantly came to the thea
tre of active war. He made verbal and writ
ten protests against giving battle to Butler.
He courted defeat by expecting it. He
showed repeatedly that he did not think vic
tory possible. He refused me Ransom's bri
gade, anticipating ' disaster.' He held me
5 i6 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
by his side for an hour and delayed or
stopped the movement of my division after
10 or ii A.M. He looked for the turning of
his flank, and was preparing for retreat to
within intrenchments while the enemy was
escaping, and not until Butler was safe at Ber
muda Hundreds did Beauregard realize that
victory complete and crushing ought, and could
easily have'been inflicted upon Butler. This,
like other of his battles, was to be fought over
on paper to establish Beauregard's record.
" The sequel to the battle of Drury's Bluff
was in keeping with Beauregard's efforts to
father upon the true and gallant Ewell, Beau-
regard's shortcomings at First Manassas,
when, utterly failing, they were laid upon an
unknown and nameless courier ; it is but an
other exemplification of that prolific incapac
ity which turned the rich fruit of the splendid
genius of Sidney Johnston at Shiloh into bit
ter ashes."
Our troops were then withdrawn to an in
ner and shorter line, closer to the works at
Drury's.
" On the afternoon of the I4th," wrote
Mr. Davis, " I rode down to visit General
Beauregard. *
|
* A letter from General Beauregard to General Bragg, dated
Weldon, April 29th, gave the names of the Federal generals com
manding forces on the Southern coast. The arrival, he said,
BATTLE OF DRURY'S BLUFF. 517
11 My first question on meeting him was to
learn why the intrenchments were abandoned.
He answered that he thought it better to con
centrate his troops. Upon my stating to him
that there was nothing then to prevent Butler
from turning his position, he said he would
desire nothing better, as he would then fall
upon him, cut off his base, etc.
" According to my uniform practice never
to do more than make a suggestion to a gen
eral commanding in the field, the subject was
pressed no further. We then passed to the
consideration of the operations to be under
taken against Butler, who had already ad
vanced from his base at Bermuda Hundreds.
I offered, for the purpose of attacking Butler,
to send General Ransom with the field force
he had for the protection of Richmond. He
of any of these officers in Virginia would indicate the transfer of
their troops thither, and concluded by saying that if it were desired
he should operate on the north side of James River, maps ought to
be prepared for him, and timbers, etc. , for bridges ; and that he
would serve with pleasure under the immediate command of General
Lee, " aiding him to crush our enemies, and to achieve the inde
pendence of our country."
To-day the President sent it back endorsed as follows: "Maps
of the country, with such additions as may from time to time be
made, should be kept on hand in the Engineer Bureau, and furnished
to officers in the field. Preparations of material for bridges, etc.,
will continue to be made as heretofore, and with such additional
effort as circumstances require.
"I did not doubt the readiness of General Beauregard to serve under
any general who ranks him. The right of General Lee to command
would be derived from his superior rank. " JEFFERSON DAVIS."
5 i8 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
reported to General Beauregard on the I5th,
received his orders for the battle, which was
to occur the next day, and about 10 P.M. was
in position in front of the breastworks. A
regiment of cavalry, not under Ransom's or
ders, was to guard the space between his left
and the river, to give him information of any
movement in that quarter.
General Whiting, with some force, was hold
ing a defensive position at Petersburg. Gen
eral Beauregard proposed that the main part
of it should advance and unite with him in an
attack upon Butler, wherever he should be
found between Dairy's and Petersburg. To
this I offered distinct objection, because of the
hazard, during a battle, of attempting to make
a junction of troops moving from opposite
sides of the enemy, and proposed that Whit
ing's command should move at night by the
Chesterfield road, where they would not prob
ably be observed by Butler's advance. This
march I supposed they could make so as to
arrive at Drury's soon after daylight. The
next day being Sunday, they could rest, and
all the troops being assigned to their positions,
they could move to make a concerted attack
at daylight on Monday.
" On Monday morning, I rode down to
Drury's, where I found that the enemy had
seized our line of intrenchments, it being un-
BATTLE oF DRURY'^S &LUFF. 519
occupied, and that a severe action had oc
curred, with a serious loss to us, before he
could be dislodged. He had crossed the main
road to the west, entering a dense wood, and
our troops on the right had moved out and
were closely engaged with him. We drove
him back, frustrating the attempt to turn the
extreme right of our line. The day was
wearing away, a part of the force had been
withdrawn to the intrenchments, and there
was no sign of purpose to make any immedi
ate movement. General Beauregard said he
was waiting to hear Whiting's guns, and had
been expecting him for some time to approach
on the Petersburg road. Soon after this the
foe, in a straggling, disorganized manner, com
menced crossing the road, moving to the east,
which indicated a retreat, perhaps a purpose
to turn our left and attack Fort Drury in rear.
He placed a battery in the main road and
threw some shells at our intrenchments, prob
ably to cover his retiring troops." *
One of the enemy's solid shot struck at the
very feet of President Davis as he stood at
the edge of the turnpike in conversation with
General Beauregard. They, without appa
rently noticing the " close call," stepped
slowly and deliberately out of range.
* Colonel W. Miller Owen : In Camp and Battle.
5 20 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
The enemy's guns soon limbered up and
moved off, and Butler was in full retreat to
Bermuda Hundreds.
On the next morning our troops moved
down the river road as far as Hewlett's, but
saw no enemy.
General Beauregard, President Davis, and
his aide, Colonel William Preston Johnston,
were standing on the earthworks listening
intently. Presently a single gun was heard
in the distance. " Ah ! " said Mr. Davis, " at
last ! " and a smile of satisfaction stole over
his face.
But that solitary gun was all, and Butler
retreated unmolested to his lines at Bermuda
Hundreds.
" Soon after the affair at Drury's Bluff,
General Beauregard addressed to me a com
munication, proposing that he should be
heavily reinforced from General Lee's army,
so as to enable him to crush Butler in his in-
trenchments, and then, with the main body of
his own force, together with the detachment
from General Lee's army, that he should join
General Lee, crush Grant, and march to
Washington." *
The following is the communication alluded
to above.
* Mr. Davis, in Rise and Fall.
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BATTLE OF DRURV^S &LUFJ?. 521
"CONFEDERATE STATES, HEADQUARTERS . DEPARTMENT
"NORTH AND SOUTH CAROLINA AND VIRGINIA,
"HANCOCK HOUSE, May 18, 1864, 9.30 P.M.
" Memorandum :
" The crisis demands prompt and decisive
action. For this, the two armies are now too
far apart, unless we consent to give up Peters
burg", and place the capital in jeopardy. If
General Lee will fall back behind the Chicka-
hominy, engaging the enemy so as to draw
him on, General Beauregard can bring up
fifteen thousand men to unite with Brecken-
ridge and fall upon the enemy's flank with
over twenty thousand effectives thus ren
dering Grant's defeat certain and decisive ;
and in time to enable General Beauregard
to return, with a reinforcement from General
Lee, to drive Butler from before Petersburg,
and from his present position. For three
days, perhaps four, Petersburg and Richmond
can be held by the forces left behind ; not
longer.
" Without such concentration nothing de
cisive can be effected, and the picture pre
sented is one of starvation. Without it Gen
eral Lee must eventually fall back before
Grant's heavy reinforcements, and the view
presented merely anticipates this movement
for offensive purposes. Meantime it is im
possible to effectually protect our lines of
5 22 jEFFERSOti DAVIS.
communication with North Carolina ; and im
possible to hold our present line in front of
Butler with a much reduced force. At pres
ent three thousand men can be spared with
safety. Day after to-morrow two thousand
more, perhaps, as our lines will probably be
stronger, if, as we expect, the forward line
can be occupied to-day.
(Signed) " P. T. BEAUREGARD,
" General Commanding."
Endorsement on the above :
" GENERAL BRAGG, Commanding, etc., etc.
" This memorandum was handed to me
this day by Colonel Melton, A. & I. Gen
eral's Department, and is referred to you for
attention. General Lee is best informed of
his situation, and his ability is too well estab
lished to incline me to adopt the opinion of
anyone at a distance as to the movements
which his army should make, either for its
preservation or the protection of its com
munications.
" If fifteen thousand men can be spared for
the flank movement proposed, certainly ten
thousand may be sent to reinforce General
Lee. If that be done immediately \ General
Lee's correspondence warrants the belief that
he will defeat the enemy in Northern Virginia.
$trt-QnrtM %mn of % fflnrttb Stela,
<^L*J dCt^i.- ^7*\
<&Ce 4C~t w ^^/^^- <* *<
^e-
6t <4Zi~ e^n^^-f e-y S 7*^*+^-^
V?^^j 'Z^^i-t.'^-f^f. /&. 2*
/i- v-^ ^J ^-**- s ^if t-^r**
J~C
^^
BATTLE OF DRURY'S BLUFF. $2$
" The advantage of that result of our suc
cess against a besieging army around Rich
mond is obvious.
(Signed) "JEFFERSON DAVIS."
"May 19, 1864."
Military courtesy required that the memo
randa should be sent to General Lee, who,
as soon as its purport was communicated to
him, ordered General Beauregard to straight
en his line, so as to reduce the number of
men required to hold it, and send the remain
der to him.
CHAPTER LIV.
THE LACK OF FOOD AND THE PRICES IN THE CON-
FEDERACY.
To those who insist that the prisoners from
the Northern army were maliciously starved,
with murderous intent, I dedicate the follow
ing statistical compilation of the prices of
provisions in Richmond and other places.
Our hapless soldiers starved and froze in
the Northern prisons in the midst of plenty,
but the benefit release would have been to
them would not have been an increase in
their comfort or in their bill of fare ; the im
provement in their state would have been in
duced by the sunshine and freedom. The
sense of abject want would have been less
insupportable in a community of depriva
tion and suffering 1 with their comrades, as
well as of active patriotic effort to serve the
country.
Some quotations are taken from the diaries
of private individuals, and also from my own
domestic experience.
If, after reading these statistics, my readers
CONFEDERATE GENERALS.
THE LACK OF FOOD. 525
will weigh the facts impartially, our vindica
tion will be complete. Thousands of men
were quartered upon us, at Andersonville and
elsewhere, for whom we had neither food,
clothes, nor medicine ; the supplies in the
country had been exhausted, the blockade
prevented manufactured goods or medicines
from being brought in to replenish our stores.
The enemy had made medicines contraband
of war, the food was not plentiful enough to
feed our armies in the field, or the officers
of the Government, much better than the
prisoners ; and the United States Govern
ment would not carry out the provisions of
the cartel for fear of reinforcing our army
by the return of the prisoners in their hands,
and their prisoners and ours died of want
and homesickness. To whom belonged the
shame and the inhumanity of the needless
sacrifice ?
In July, 1862, both sections issued fractional
notes in enormous quantities, and at first there
was a sense of relief, and they fluttered from
hand to hand " like leaves in wintry weather ; "
but gold rose in New York to ten per cent.,
and in Richmond to almost any per cent, the
traders charged. By July I4th, it had ad
vanced in New York to fifteen per cent. ;
the prices of provisions in the Confederacy
on July 19, 1862, were:
526 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Beef, pork, and mutton, 37 J cents per
pound ; shoat, 50 cents per pound ; chickens,
57 cents to $i apiece; ducks, $i to $1.50
apiece; goslings, $2; pullets, $i to $1.50
apiece ; eggs, 75 cents to $i per dozen ; but
ter, 75 cents to $i per pound.
Vegetables beans, 50 cents per bunch ;
onions, 50 cents per quart (or one shilling
apiece for the largest size) ; cymlings, $ i per
dozen; cucumbers, $i per dozen; string
beans, $2 per peck ; cabbage, 50 cents to 75
cents per head ; Irish potatoes, $6 per bush
el ; tomatoes, $[.50 per dozen; blackberries,
25 cents per quart; whortleberries, 35 cents
per quart ; plums, 50 cents per quart ;
peaches, $i per dozen.
Prices increased steadily for all varieties of
food, as the supplies decreased and the value
of Confederate money declined.
Ham was, on July 23, 1862, 75 cents per
pound ; small quarters of lamb from three to
four dollars each ; eggs, $ i per dozen ; coffee,
of poor quality, $2.50 per pound; butter, $i
and upward per pound ; tea, $5 per pound ;
boots, $20 to $25 per pair ; shoemakers'
wages, $5 per diem.
November, 1862 coffee, which had in four
months nearly doubled in price, $4 a pound ;
all good tea from $18 to $20 a pound;
butter, $1.50 to $2 a pound ; lard, 50 cents ;
THE LACK OF FOOD. 527
corn, $15 per barrel ; wheat, $4.50 a bushel ;
muslin, $6 to $8 a yard ; calico, $1.75 a yard ;
bleached cotton, $3.50 a yard; cotton, 50
cents a spool ; soap, $i a pound.
The price for coffee was now prohibitory to
those who were not speculators.
The Confederate women made a substi
tute for coffee out of parched sweet potatoes
and parched corn, and also of the grain of
rye ; for sugar they used sorghum syrup.
They wove cotton cloth for blankets, and
sewed up coverings for their feet out of
old carpets, or rather such bits as were
left after cutting them up for soldiers' blank
ets. They had only carpet or canvas soles.
Blankets could not be had, and Bishop
Meade sent his study carpet to the soldiers
for blankets. One gentleman of Halifax
County, in 1862, sent eight to be cut up for
the same purpose.
"July calico, $2.50 a yard at a bargain,
and $3.50 and $4 a yard. The ladies paid,
on January, 1863, for canvas boots made of
old sails, cut out by the shoemaker but
stitched and bound by the ladies, for sew
ing on the soles, $50. Last year he soled
them for $10, and they were blacked with
gun blacking." Shoes, $125 to $150. Ink
was made of elderberries ; flour cost $300
a barrel.
528 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
February 10, 1863. General Lee wrote
to the Secretary of War, on January 22d, that
his army was not fed well enough to fit them
for the exertions of the spring campaign,
and recommended the discontinuance of the
rule of the Commissary-General allowing
officers at Richmond, Petersburg, and many
other towns, to purchase government meat,
etc., for the subsistence of their families, at
schedule prices.
This letter was referred to the Commis
sary-General, who, after the usual delay, re
turned it with a long argument to show that
General Lee was in " error," and that the
practice was necessary, etc.
To this the Secretary responded by a
peremptory order, restricting the city officers
in the item of meat.
"Sugar is $20 per pound; new bacon,
$8; and chickens, $12 per pair. Soon we
look for a money panic, when a few hundred
millions of paper money is funded, and as
many more collected by the tax collectors.
Congress struck the speculators a hard blow.
One man, eager to invest his money, gave
$100,000 for a house and lot, and he now
pays $5,000 tax on it ; the interest is $6,000
more ; total $ i T,OOO."
Here is a notice from the livery stables in
1863;
THE LACK OF FOOD. 539
" Notice Owing to the heavy advance of
feed, we are compelled to charge the follow
ing rates for boarding horses, on and after the
first of March :
Board per month . . . . . $300
Board per day 15
Single feed. 5
, " Virginia Stables. JAMES C. JOHNSON,
W. H. SUTHERLAND,
B. W. GREEN."
The family of the President had no perqui
sites, and bought their provender as they did
their provisions, at the public marts and at
the current prices. The President must have
horses to perform his duty toward the army ;
but, after disposing of everything else avail
able, Mr. Davis had sold every horse he
could spare ; and during his absence in the
West, I sent my carriage and horses to be
sold by a dealer. Some gentlemen of Rich-
mon4 heard of it and bought the horses, and
returned them to me. The note accompany
ing them was greatly prized, but how the
horses, which of course could not be again
sold, were to be fed, could not be foreseen.
Our deprivations were far less than those
of persons not holding such high official po
sitions, but they were many. A notice written
by General R. Ransom, which is quoted in
another part of this volume, gives an account
VOL. II.-34
530 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
of a breakfast at the Executive mansion, to the
meagreness of which our necessities, not my
will, consented.
" February 2ist. I saw a ham sell to-day
for $350 ; it weighed fifty pounds, at $7 per
pound. The fear is now, from a plethora of
paper money, we shall soon be without a suf
ficiency for a circulating medium. There are
$750,000,000 in circulation, and the tax bills,
etc., will call in, it is estimated, $800,000,000."
" February 22d. The offices are closed to
day, in honor of Washington's birthday. But
it is a fast day ; meal selling for $40 per
bushel. Money will not be so abundant a
month hence."
" To-day bacon is selling for $6 per pound,
and all other things in proportion. A negro
(for his master) asked me to-day $40 for an
old, tough turkey gobbler. I passed on very
briskly."
" It is rumored by blockade-runners that
gold in the North is selling at from 200 to
500 per cent, premium. If this be true, our
day of deliverance is not far distant."
. " February 18, 1864. Sugar has risen to
'$10 and $12 a pound."
" February 2Oth. The price of turkey to
day is $60."
" March i2th. Flour at $300 per barrel ;
meal, $50 per bushel ; and even fresh fish at
THE LACK OF FOOD.
531
$5 per pound. A market-woman asked $5
to-day for Haifa pint of snap beans to plant."
" Those having families may possibly live
on their salaries ; but those who live at board
ing-houses cannot, for board is now from $200
to $300 a month. Relief must come soon
'from some quarter, else many in this com-
munity will famish."
" About noon to-day, a despatch came from
Lieutenant-Colonel Cole, General Lee's prin
cipal commissary, at Orange Court House,
dated i2th inst., saying the army was out of
meat, and had but one day's rations of bread."
"March i8th. I saw adamantine candles
sell at auction to-day (box) at $ioper pound ;
tallow, $6.50. Bacon brought $7.75 per
pound by the 100 pounds."
" Flour selling in Columbus, Ga., 75 cents
a pound, from wagons. Flour by the bushel,
$5, meal $i, in 1864."
" March 25th. Flour, $15 a barrel."
" March 29th. Great crowds are funding
their Treasury notes to-day; but prices of
provisions are not diminished. White beans,
such as I paid $60 a bushel for early this
month, are now held at $75. What shall
we do to subsist until the next harvest ? "
"April i, 1864. Tea, $22 ; coffee, $12;
brown sugar, $10; flour, $125 a barrel;
milk, $4 a quart."
532 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
Part of this diary is taken from the " Diary
of a Southern Refugee."
" The following prices are now paid in this
city : boots, $200; coats, $350 ; pants, $100 ;
shoes, $125; flour, $275 per barrel; meal,
$60 to $80 per bushel ; bacon, $9 per pound ;
no beef in market ; chickens, $30 per pair ;
shad, $20; potatoes, $25 per bushel; turnip
greens, $4 per peck ; white beans, $4 per
quart; or $120 per bushel; butter, $15 per
pound; lard, same; wood, $50 per cord.
What a change a decisive victory or defeat
would make ! "
" April 7, 1864. Sugar was $900 a barrel ;
bacon and lard fell to $8.25 a pound; corn,
$12 a bushel ; fodder, $12 a cwt. Breakfast,
$10."
" In General Lee's tent meat was eaten
twice a week. His bill of fare was a head of
cabbage boiled in salt water, sweet potatoes,
and a pone of corn-bread ; when he invited an
officer to dinner, he had to his astonishment
four inches of middling everyone refused
from politeness, and the servant excused the
smallness of the piece by saying it was bor
rowed."
"April nth. Potatoes sell at $i per
quart; chickens, $35 per pair; turnip greens,
$4 per peck, An ounce of meat daily is the
allowance to each member of my family, the
LACK OF FOOD. $33
cat and the parrot included. The pigeons of
my neighbor have disappeared. Every day
we have accounts of robberies, the preceding
night, of cows, pigs, bacon, flour; and even
the setting hens are taken from their nests."
"On July 21, 1864, wheat was $30 a
bushel."
"July 2, 1864. Tomatoes about the size of
a walnut were $20 a dozen."
" Baby shoes, in 1864,, cost $20, and for a
fine cotton dress what is now known as a
French print cotton gown unmade, $45.
Boys' shoes, $100 a pair in the spring of
" February, 1865. Gold, 60 for one.
Early York cabbage seed, $10 an ounce ; 230
defeated the Senate bill to put 200,000 negroes
in the army. Virginia alone for specie could
feed the army."
" An outbreak of the prisoners is appre
hended ; and if they were to rise, it is feared
some of the inhabitants of the city would join
them ; they too have no meat many of them
or bread either."
If a frank answer could be elicited from the
men who sincerely believe our Government
starved the prisoners in our hands, could they,
after reading these extracts, reaffirm that
opinion ?
534
JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Travelling Expenses of an Officer of Artillery en route from Rich
mond, Va., to Augusta, Ga., March and April, 1865.*
March
Tl
th.
$20 oo
T"
th,
60 oo
< <
T
>th,
Hair-cutting and shave
10 oo
- 1
--
Pair of eye-glasses
I-3C OO
.1
<
Candles
so oo
0'
i
2,700 oo
0"
th
One gallon whiskey
400 oo
(4
T
nli
One pair of pants
700 oo
<
450 oo
April
y
th
Six yards of linen .... .
I 2OO OO
it
T^
th
One ounce sul quinine
1,700 oo
Two weeks' board
700 oo
(
Bought $60, gold
6,000 oo
?
th,
900 oo
< <
Shad and sundries ....
7^ OO
2C OO
l<
12 1; oo
so oo
Prices on Bill of Fare at the Oriental Restaurant, Richmond^
January 17, 1864.
Soup, per plate
$i so
Wines, per Bottle.
Turkey, per plate
3 5
$So OO
Chicken, per plate
3 5
Madeira
CQ OO
Rock fish, per plate ....
5 oo
Port
2C OO
Roast beef, per plate. . . ,
3
Claret
20 oo
Beefsteak, per dish
3 50
Sherry
7^ OO
Ham and eggs
1 so
2 OO
Liquors, per Drink.
Fried oysters .
SOO
French brandv
3 oo
Raw oysters
3OO
Rye whiskey
2 00
Cabbage
v->w
I OO
2 OO
Potatoes
I OO
Pure coffee, per cup
Pure tea, per cup
3 oo
2 00
tie.
Porter
12 OO
Fresh milk
2 OO
Ale
12 OO
I SO
Ale one half bottle
6 oo
Cigars.
I OO
Game of all kinds in season.
Terrapins served up in every style.
* Colonel Miller Owen : In Camp and Battle with the Washing-
ton Artillery.
THE LACK OF FOOD.
535
Bill for a Dinner for Nine Poor Confederates at the " Oriental"
January 17, 1864.
Soup for nine ....
$13 5
3' 5
9 oo
24 oo
9 oo
T 3 50
14 oo
18 oo
$132 50
12 OO
250 oo
I2O OO
65 oo
20 00
2O OO
12 OO
Venison steak
5 bottles of Madeira. .
6 bottles of clai-et
I Urn cocktail
Celery . . .
Telly
Bread and butter
Coffee
J ' r, \ y
Cake
I dozen cigars
$132 50
$631 50
Approximate Value of Gold and Confederate Currency from Jan*
uary I, 1862, to April 12, 1865.
Date.
Gold.
Currency.
$IOO
$I2O
December 20 1862
IOO
loo
December 20, 1863
IOO
1,700
IOO
1, 800
December 20, 1864
IOO
2,800
January I 1865 ... . . .
IOO
7,400
IOO
c,ooo
March I, 1865
IOO
4,700
April 10, i86c . .
IOO
cxoo
CHAPTER LV.
EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS AND ANDERSONVILLE.
THE cause of all the sufferings of the men
of the South who starved and froze on John
son's Island and at Point Lookout, and those
of the North who succumbed to the heat and
exposure at Andersonville, and died for lack
of proper medicines (made contraband by
their own Government), was the violation of
the cartel for the exchange of prisoners by the
civil and military authorities of the United
States Government.
The reasons for this violation are obvious.
The South, hemmed in on the land by a
cordon of bayonets, and on the sea-coast by
the enemy's fleet, had only the male popula
tion within its borders from which to recruit
its armies ; while the North, with the ports of
the world open to her, could replace the im
mense losses incurred in battle and by cap
ture, and find ample "food for powder" in
every country and among all peoples ; so
their armies were easily augmented by large
enlistments of foreigners and negro slaves
captured in the South.
OP PRISONERS. $#
With this bountiful supply of material it
seemed to matter little to her if a few thou
sands of such rank and file were, in violation
of the cartel, detained in Southern " prison
pens." The majority of these mercenaries
had not even a common language in which to
communicate their woes to the people for
whom they were paid to fight or die.
It is undeniable that in the " pens " were
many brave and patriotic men, who, imbued
with the same devoted spirit that animated the
people of the South, had been captured in the
front line of battle bravely doing their duty ;
but there were very many more of the kind
of soldiers described by General Barlow in
the New York World of August nth. When
he was borne off the field of Antietam badly
wounded, he saw: "Stragglers who were
amusing themselves in the rear of the troops
who were fighting in the front. The country
in the rear was filled with soldiers broken up
and scattered from their commands, who were
having ' picnics/ They were lying under trees,
sleeping, cooking their coffee or other rations,
and amusing themselves outside of the ene
my's fire. This was by no means confined
to the enlisted men, but I saw officers of var
ious ranks, and men of high rank and of dif
ferent corps and divisions, who had thus de
serted their commands at the front"
5s3 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Dr. Mann, in the August Century, said in
reference to the inmates of Andersonville :
" All classes and grades of society were
represented within our prison. . . . Ne
gro soldiers ; Bowery roughs , the worst class
of all ; mechanics, farmers, gamblers, etc.
> . . . Until about August ist, there was
absolutely no check to rascality of any kind,
except our own individual physical strength
f . , * v a class of 'skulkers and gamblers, from
both the Eastern and Western armies, capt
ured in the rear by the rebel raiders.
" An organized band of over two hundred
members, selected from the most unprincipled
and healthier prisoners, bound together by
oaths, and armed with short, heavy clubs,
overran the prison pen. They committed
their depredations every night, and became a
terror to us all. They finally grew so bold
as to knock down and rob men during the
day. The gang was known as the ' Raid
ers.' They had everything their own way
for nearly three months, when it was discov
ered that several of our number had been mur
dered by them." A court composed of the
prisoners themselves was organized, and " six
of their number (Raiders) were found guilty
of murder in the first degree and sentenced
to be hung." They were .executed by the
prisoners, and " Wirz furnished material for a
EXCHANGE OF PRl$Otf&& 539
scaffold." An assemblage of this class of men
in a State would destroy the welfare of the
community, and render a bloody penal code a
dreadful necessity. How great would be the
misery of being cooped up with them under
restrictions needful for their secure detention !
Keenly alive to the misery of friend or foe,
and painfully anxious to assuage it, on July 6,
1 86 1, hearing of the capture of the schooner
Savannah with her crew, sailing under Con
federate orders, and that they had been put in
irons and brought before the courts on charge
of treason, President Davis wrote to Presi
dent Lincoln :
" It is the desire of the Government so to
conduct the war now existing as to mitigate
its horrors as far as may be possible, and with
this intent, its treatment of the prisoners cap
tured by its forces has been marked by the
greatest humanity and leniency consistent
with public obligation. Some returned home
on parole, others remained at large under
similar conditions within the Confederacy,
and all were furnished with rations for their
subsistence, such as are allowed to our own
troops. It was only after the severities to
the prisoners taken on the Savannah that
these indulgences were withdrawn and the
prisoners were held in strict confinement.
" A just regard to humanity and the honor
546
of this Government, now requires me to state
explicitly that, painful as will be the necessity,
this Government will deal out to the prison
ers held by it the same treatment and the
same fate as shall be experienced by those
captured on the Savannah, and if driven to
the terrible necessity of retaliation by your
execution of any of the officers or crew of the
Savannah, that retaliation will be extended
so far as shall be requisite to secure the aban
donment of a practice unknown to the war
fare of a civilized man, and so barbarous as
to disgrace the nation which shall be guilty of
encouraging it."
On July 20, 1862, the President, in secret
session, recommended to Congress that all
our prisoners who had been put on parole by
the United States Government be released
from the obligation of their parole. The
recommendation was urged as a retaliation
for the reckless breach of good faith on the
part of the Northern Government with regard
to the exchange of prisoners, and was accom
panied by the exposure of this perfidy in a
lengthy correspondence conducted by the
War Department. The points of this inter
esting correspondence are here extracted.
" At the time permission was asked by the
Northern Government for Messrs. Fish and
Ames to visit their prisoners in the South, our
EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS, 541
Government, while denying this permission,
sought to improve the opportunity by concert
ing a settled plan for the exchange of prison
ers. To execute this purpose our Govern
ment deputed Messrs. Conrad and Seddon as
commissioners to meet those of the Northern
Government under a flag of truce at Norfolk.
Subsequently, a letter from General Wool
informed General Huger that he, General
Wool, had full authority to settle terms for
the exchange of prisoners, and asked an
interview on the subject. General Howell
Cobb was then appointed by the Government
to negotiate with General Wool, and to set
tle a permanent plan for the exchange of pris
oners during the war. The adjustment was
then considered to have been satisfactorily
made.
" It was agreed that the prisoners of war in
the hands of each Government should be ex
changed, man for man, the officers being as
similated as to rank, etc. ; that our privateers-
men should be exchanged on the footing of
prisoners of war ; that any surplus remaining
on either side after these exchanges, should
be released, and that hereafter, during the
whole continuance of the war, prisoners taken
on either side should be paroled. In carry
ing out this agreement, our Government has
released some three hundred prisoners above
542 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
those exchanged by the North, the balance
of the complete number of prisoners in the
hands of the two Governments being so much
in our favor. At the time, however, of send
ing North the hostages we had retained for
our privateersmen, General Cobb had rea
son to suspect the good faith of the Northern
Government, and telegraphed in time to in
tercept the release of a portion of these hos
tages (among them Colonel Corcoran) who
were en route from points farther south than
Richmond, to go North under the flag of
truce at Norfolk. A number of these hosta
ges, however, had already been discharged.
" It now appears that, in contravention to
the solemn agreement of the Northern Gov
ernment, not one of our privateersmen have
been released, and the Fort Donelson pris
oners, instead of being paroled, have been
taken into the interior, where they are still
confined.
" As a judgment upon this open and shame
less perfidy of the North, it is proposed that
our prisoners who have been paroled by the
United States Government shall be released
from their obligations. There is as little
doubt of the honor of such a proposition, as
there is of its justness as a retaliatory meas
ure for an act of flagrant perfidy/'
In pursuance of this view, the President
EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS. 543
wrote substantially the following letter to
General Lee.
"RICHMOND, VA., July 31, 1862.
" On the 23d of this month a cartel for a
general exchange of prisoners was signed be
tween Major- General D. H. Hill, in behalf of
the Confederate States, and Major- General
John A. Dix, in behalf of the United States.
By the terms it is stipulated that all prisoners
of war hereafter taken shall be discharged
on parole till exchanged. Scarcely had the
cartel been signed, when the military author
ities of the United States changed the char-
o
acter of the war from that of civilized nations
into a campaign of indiscriminate robbery and
murder. The general order issued by the
United States Secretary of War in Washing
ton, on the very day that the cartel was signed
in Virginia, directs the United States com
manders to take the private property of our
people for the convenience and use of their
armies, without compensation.
" The General Order issued by Major-
General Pope, on the day after the cartel was
signed, directs the murder of our peaceful
inhabitants as spies if found quietly tilling the
farms in the rear, even outside of his lines /
and Brigadier-General Steinwehr has seized
upon peaceful inhabitants to be held as hos
tages, that they may be murdered in cold
544 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
blood if any of his soldiers are killed by some
unknown persons whom he designates as
1 bush-whackers.'
" Under this state of facts Mr. Davis issued
a General Order, recognizing General Pope
and his commissioned officers to be robbers
and murderers, and not public enemies, en
titled, if captured, to be considered prisoners
of war. We are driven by the enemy to a
course we abhor, and have vainly struggled
to avoid.
" For the present we shall not retaliate on
the innocent, and shall treat the enlisted sol
diers of General Pope's army as prisoners of
war ; but if these savage practices are con
tinued after notice to the Government at
Washington, we shall reluctantly accept the
war on the terms chosen by our foes, until the
outraged voice of a common humanity forces
a respect for the recognized rules of war.
" We have consented to liberate an excess
of thousands of prisoners held by us beyond
the number held by the enemy, but would be
justified, by the facts, in refusing to execute
the generous cartel ; yet we shrink from the
mere semblance of breaking faith, and do not
resort to this extremity.
" The punishment merited alone by Gen
eral Pope and such commissioned officers as
choose to participate in the execution of his
EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS. 545
infamous orders, will not be visited on other
forces of the United States.
" Communicate this decision to the Com
mander-in-chief of the armies of the United
States, and a copy of the enclosed general
order.
if JEFFERSON DAVIS.
" To GENERAL R. E. LEE, Commanding, etc."
On July 4, 1863, the day after the battle of
Gettysburg, General Lee, having taken 6,000
prisoners, wished to parole them on the spot,
and 2,000 were released on parole, not to
serve until properly exchanged. It was only
after their release that the Federal Com
mander informed him that no exchanges
would -be made and no paroles respected.
Therefore 4,000 Federal prisoners unneces
sarily suffered the hardship of a march, under
guard, from Gettysburg to Richmond. The
following is General Meade's telegram to his
superior officer :
"GETTYSBURG, July 4, 1863, IOP.M.
" MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK :
" . . . A proposition made by General
Lee under flag of truce, to exchange prison
ers, was declined by me.
" GEORGE G. MEADE,
" Major-General" *
* Rebellion Records, vol. xxvii,
VOL. II. -35
546 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
His action was confirmed by his Govern
ment.
On October i, 1864, when the number of
prisoners was large on both sides, General
Lee wrote to General Grant substantially as
follows :
" To alleviate the sufferings of our soldiers,
I propose the exchange of prisoners of war
taken by the armies operating in Virginia,
man for man, or upon the basis established
by the cartel."
On the next day General Grant replied :
" I could not of right accept your proposi
tion further than to exchange prisoners cap
tured within the last three days, and who have
not yet been delivered to the commanding
general of prisoners.
" Among those lost by the armies operat
ing against Richmond were a number of col
ored troops. Before further negotiations can
be had upon the subject, I would ask if you
propose delivering these men the same as
white soldiers."
General Lee said in rejoinder: "Deserters
from our service, and negroes belonging to
our citizens, are not considered subjects of
exchange."
On October 2Oth, General Grant finally
answered :
" I regard it my duty to protect all persons
EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS. 547
received into the army of the United States,
regardless of color or nationality ; when ac
knowledged soldiers of the Government are
captured, they must be treated as prisoners
of war, or such treatment as they receive in
flicted upon an equal number of prisoners
held by us."
In a despatch from General Grant to Gen
eral Butler, August 18, 1864, the former had
said :
" It is hard on our men held in Southern
prisons not to exchange them, but it is hu
manity to those left in the ranks to fight oiir
battles. At this particular time, to release all
rebel prisoners North, would insure Sher
man s defeat, and would compromise our
safety here"
Later, two more proposals were made to
the Federal authorities, but no answers were
received to either of the letters ; but General
Sherman wrote from Atlanta, on September
29, 1864, to General Hood at Palmetto, ac
knowledged the receipt of General Hood's
letter of September 27th, and very consider
ately promised to send to St. Louis for sup
plies of combs, scissors, etc., and to send a train -
with these articles for the use of the United
States prisoners of war held by Hood.
And again, Major-General Thomas, com
manding Department of the Cumberland,
548 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
on December 5, 1864, wrote to General Hood,
acknowledged the receipt of General Hood's
letter of same date, proposing the exchange of
prisoners, and declined. General Thomas's
assigned reason was : " Although I have had
quite a large number of prisoners from your
army, they have all been sent back North,
and are consequently now beyond my con
trol ; I am therefore unable to make the ex
change proposed by you."
" Finding," wrote Mr. Davis, " that ex
changes could not be made, we offered their
sick and wounded without any equivalents.
Although the offer was made in the summer,
the transportation did not arrive until Novem
ber, and the most emaciated of the poor pris
oners were then photographed and exhibited
' to fire the Northern heart.' "
One final effort was made to obtain an ex
change. Mr. Davis sent a delegation from
the prisoners at Andersonville to plead their
cause at Washington. It was of no avail.
They were refused an audience with Presi
dent Lincoln, and returned to tell their fellow-
prisoners there was no hope of relief.
In the official report of General B. F. But
ler, he said :
" General Grant visited Fortress Monroe
on April i, 1864. To him the state of the
negotiation as to exchange (Mr, Davis's prop-
EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS. 549
osition to exchange all white and free black
soldiers, leaving the question as to slaves to
be disposed of later) was verbally communi
cated, and most emphatic directions were re
ceived from the Lieutenant-General, not to
take any step by which another able-bodied
man should be exchanged until further orders
from him.
" After conversation with General Grant in
reply to the proposition of Mr. Ould to ex
change all prisoners of war on either side
held, man for man, officer for officer, I wrote
an argument showing our right to our colored
soldiers.
" This argument set forth our claims in the
most offensive form possible^ consistent with
ordinary courtesy of language, for the pur
pose of carrying out the wishes of the Lieu
tenant-General, that no prisoners should be ex
changed"
Mr. Davis, a short time before his death,
wrote a full account of the Andersonville
Prison, the condition of affairs therein, and
the causes of the mortality. This was pub
lished in Belford's Magazine for January and
February, 1890.*
It should be a complete vindication of the
Confederate authorities before all fair-minded
men.
* And afterward in pamphlet form.
550 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
That the policy of humanity to prisoners
was the fixed purpose of the Confederate
Government, is evidenced by the treatment
accorded to them as long as our necessities
enabled us to minister to their comfort. In
the second year of the war the Herald's cor
respondent wrote from Harrison's Landing,
July 22, 1862 : " Several surgeons, left behind
in care of our sick and wounded men in the
hospitals, have arrived here, and report quite
favorably their treatment by the Rebels.
" . %,-j .,..;, Father Hagan, Chaplain of the
Excelsior Regiment, Sickles's brigade, visited
the hospitals and found our wounded men re
ceiving the same attention as their own. All
the sick in Richmond our prisoners with the
others are suffering from scarcity of medi
cines, and the Confederates complain bitterly
of the action of our Government in declaring
medicines contraband of war. Quinine is
worth sixty dollars an ounce in Richmond, in
New York five dollars or less."
Who, then, took the initiative ? Did not
the North do so in making quinine contraband
of war ? Was it not better that twenty so-
called " traitors and rebels " should live than
one Northern so-called " patriot " should be
worn out on a bed of anguish for the lack of
the drug needful to his recovery?
The frantic appeals made by the Exam-
EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS. 551
iner- of Richmond, to "hoist the black flag,"
"retaliate on the Yankee prisoners for the
starvation and abuse of our prisoners while in a
land teeming with plenty," inflamed many true
men against the President, because he would
not adopt that course ; but throughout the
weary years of .these pin-pricks, which an
noyed and galled him greatly, he never re
laxed his determined stand against this das
tardly retributory policy. He answered hotly
to a member of Congress who was a pervert
to the Examiner 's views, " I would not fight
with a rope around my neck, and I will not
ask brave men to do so. As to the torture of
prisoners, I can resign my office at the call
of the country, but no people have the right
to demand such a deed at my hands." The
Examiner was ably edited, and ingenious in
ways and means to make the President odi
ous but was unable at least to engraft an ig
noble policy upon that of the Administration.
Mr. Davis, under date of February 12,
1876, wrote to his friend, General Crafts I.
Wright as follows :
o
" It would be impossible, to frame an accu
sation against me more absolutely and unqual
ifiedly false, than that which imputes to me
cruelty to prisoners. A Richmond paper,
during the war, habitually assailed me for
undue clemency and care for them ; and that
552 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
misnamed ' historian/ Pollard, in a book
written after the war, accused me of having
favored prisoners, in the hope that it might, in
the event of our failure, serve to shield me."
The Confederate President, in a message of
May 2, 1864, said: " On the subject of the
exchange of prisoners, I greatly regret to be
unable to give you satisfactory information.
The Government of the United States, while
persisting in failure to execute the terms of the
cartel, make occasional deliveries of prison
ers, and then suspend action without appar
ent cause. I confess my inability to compre
hend their policy or purpose. The prisoners
held by us, in spite of human care, are perish
ing from the inevitable effects of imprisonment
and the home-sickness produced by their hope
lessness of release from confinement. The
spectacle of their suffering augments our de
sire to relieve from similar trials our own
brave men, who have spent so many weary
months in a cruel and useless imprisonment,
endured with heroic constancy."
From a message delivered in 1865 to the
Confederate Congress, I make the following
extracts :
" I regret to inform you that the enemy
have returned to the barbarous policy with
which they inaugurated the war, and that the
exchange of prisoners has been for some time
EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS. 553
suspended. The conduct of the authorities
of the United States has been consistently
perfidious on this subject."
When the United States had an excess of
prisoners the agreement to exchange was
repudiated by them, until the fortune of war
gave us the largest number. A new cartel
was made, and for many months we restored
many thousands of prisoners in excess of those
whom they held for exchange, and encamp
ments of the surplus paroled prisoners, de
livered by us, were established in the United
States, where the men held constant com
munication with their homes.
" The prisoners taken at Gettysburg, how
ever, remained in their hands, and should
have been returned to our lines on parole, to
await exchange." Instead of executing an
exchange, pretexts were sought for keeping
the Confederates in captivity. New construc
tions of an agreement which had not been
disputed were promulgated, while we re
tained the advantage in the number of pris
oners.
The enemy declared invalid the paroles of
the prisoners captured by us, liberated on
promise not to serve until exchanged, and
those our soldiers gave under similar cir
cumstances, as binding.
Their final proposal was to settle all dis-
554 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
putes under the cartel, that we should liberate
all prisoners held by us, without the promise
to release any of those held by them.
" A systematic effort was made to quiet the
relatives and friends of the prisoners in our
hands, by the assertion that we were the
parties who refused the cartel.
" The fact was that the rations of the pris
oners were precisely the same, in quantity
and quality, as those served out to our own
gallant soldiers in the field,* and which had
supported them in their arduous campaigns.
The enemy did not pretend that they treated
prisoners by the same generous rule.
Here is a significant letter from General
Grant to Halleck.
"CiTY POINT, VA., February 18, 1865.
" Your communication of the I5th inst, with
inclosure, calling my attention to the fact that
advantage is being taken by General Beall,
Confederate agent, of the recent agreement
between Judge Ould and myself, to supply
rebel prisoners with new uniforms and blank-
* A notice in one of the Richmond journals said: "There are
now in Richmond, and at the hospitals adjacent thereto, several
thousand of our wounded in the great battles on the Rapidan. They
are in great want of almost every necessary save a stout Southern
heart, a determined will and hand. We know our citizens will sup
ply them, to the extent of their ability, with fresh diet, clean linen,
and every appliance which their economy and frugality and general
domestic order may suggest."
EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS. 555
ets, is received. The arrangement for the re
lief of prisoners of war was made at a time
when exchanges could not be made, and un
der it I see no way to prevent rebel prisoners
from being clothed. Having, however, a very
large excess of prisoners over the enemy, we
can, in making exchanges, select those who
have not been furnished with new clothing or
blankets. By this means but a very limited
number of rebel soldiers will be returned with
new uniforms. Should it become necessary,
prisoners for exchange can be required to
turn their blankets over to their comrades who
remain.
"Please give orders to General Hoffman
accordingly." *
Professor Dabney, of the University of Vir
ginia, wrote as follows in answer to an article
of The Nation condemnatory of the Con
federates for their abuse of prisoners.
" To the Editor of The Nation.
" SIR : As you state in your editorial of last
week that the diet at Johnson's Island was
' exceptionally abundant and varied/ I wish
to call the attention of your readers to certain
evidence to the contrary, which I have heard.
"After reading your article I went to a
* North American Review, March, 1886.
55 6 JEFFERSON DAVTS.
gentleman whose brother, a Confederate lieu
tenant, died, after leaving Johnson's Island,
from the effects of hardships suffered at that
place, and asked him whether his brother had
found the food ' exceptionally abundant and
varied.' Briefly stated, the lieutenant's ac
count was as follows : The food, though usu
ally satisfactory as to quality, was not always
so, as may be inferred from the fact that, in
order to have a better Christmas dinner than
was furnished him, he made soup out of some
fish-skins which he had raked out of a gutter.
As to the abundance, he heard the command
ant of the prison, whom he praised highly for
his kindness, say that he was well aware that
the prisoners did not have enough to eat, but
that he was under strict orders not to give
them any more. Delicacies were sent him by
New York and Louisville ladies, but were
intercepted by the guards or other persons
and never reached him. Moreover, in that
bitterly cold climate, he was not allowed a
blanket to cover himself at night until after
Christmas.
" I am well acquainted with a Confederate
captain now living in Richmond, a perfect
Hercules in physique, who (if I remember
rightly) weighed fifty pounds less upon leav
ing Johnson's Island than when he entered its
prison walls.
EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS. 557
"'And now let me quote from ' Leute in
den Vereinigten Staaten ' (Leipzig, i8S6j, a
work by Ernst Hohenwart (possibly a pseu
donym), a German who spent nearly thirty
years in the United States, and who fought
as an officer in the Northern army. I shall
italicize certain important phrases.
" ' Much has been said of the cruel treatment
of Northern soldiers in Southern prisons.
Having myself been a prisoner in the South
for more than thirteen months, and having
been afterward stationed with my regiment
at a place where more than twenty-five thou
sand Southern soldiers were confined, I think
I have a right to an opinion as to the rela
tive treatment of prisoners in the North and
South.
" ' It is true that the Southerners treated
their prisoners much less well than the North
erners, for the simple reason that they had
not the means to treat them better, and often,
especially toward the end of the war, them
selves suffered from want.
" 'The South wished to permit the officers,
according to European custom, to live in town
on parole and half pay. I myself and other
officers lived for some months in Raleigh, and
were granted much freedom of movement,
but the North treated Southern officers like
common soldiers, and the South afterward did
558 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
the same. So long as they were able, 'they
gave us good rations, afterward very often
spoilt bacon, cured with wood-ashes they
were short of salt * or beef cured with saltpe
tre, or fresh horse meat ; a pound of bread a
day being added, and sometimes a handful of
beans or rice. During the winter we were
unable to buy anything additional, but, as
soon as summer came, country people brought
us provisions which we were permitted to buy.
The fare of our guards was not much better
than oiir own.
" ' Of 'intentional 'cruelty I saw nothing, but
on the contrary, always found both officers
and men very friendly and obliging, and most
willing to alleviate our lot. When requested
to bring us tobacco or other articles from
town, they were always glad to do so, and /
never heard of a single instance in which such
a request was refused.
" Since writing the above I have seen an
other gentleman, who tells me that he knows
a number of Confederates who ' varied ' their
' abundant ' diet at Johnson's Island with the
flesh of rats, an article of food which was also
enjoyed by the lieutenant whom I mentioned
in the first part of my letter.
" R. H. DABNEY.
"UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA, February 2, 1890."
* Our salt had no preservative property.
EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS. 559
In this connection Senator Daniel's opinion,
expressed on January 25th, will be of interest.
He said :
"He would have turned with loathing from
o
misuse of a prisoner, for there was no char
acteristic of Jefferson Davis more marked
than his regard for the weak, the helpless, and
the captive. By act of the Confederate Con
gress and by general orders, the same rations
served to the Confederates were issued to the
prisoners, though taken from a starving army
and people.
" Brutal and base was the effort to stigma
tize him as a conspirator to maltreat prison
ers, but better for him that it was made ; for
while he was himself yet in prison, the evi
dences of his humanity were so overwhelming
that finally slander stood abashed and malig
nity recoiled.
" Even at Andersonville, where the hot
summer sun was of course disastrous to men
of the Northern clime, well nigh as many of
their guard died as of them.
" With 60,000 more Federal prisoners in
the South than there were Confederate pris
oners in the North, 6,000 more Confederates
than Federals died in prison. A cyclone of
rhetoric cannot shake this mountain of fact,
and these facts are alike immovable :
" i. Unable to get medicines in the Con-
560 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
federacy, an offer was made to buy them from
the United States for the sole use of Federal
prisoners. No answer was made.
" 2. Then an offer was made to deliver the
sick and wounded without any equivalent in
exchange. There was no reply for months.
" 3. Finally, and as soon as the United
States would receive them, thousands of both
sick and well were delivered without ex
change.
" The record leaves no doubt as to the re
sponsibility for refusal to exchange.
" Charles A. Dana, of the New York Sun,
formerly Assistant Secretary of War, nobly
vindicated President Davis while he lived,
declared him ' altogether acquitted ' of the
charge, and said of him dead, ' A majestic
soul has passed.'
" When General Lee congratulated his
army on the victories of Richmond, he said
to them : ' Your humanity to the wounded
and the prisoners was the fit and crowning
glory of your valor/ "
Here is an experience related by a respon
sible man.
A Story of Horror.
" Yesterday, in glancing over the Century
for January, under the head of ' Shooting
Into Libby,' I found two letters from Federal
soldiers about Confederate guards shooting
EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS. 561
at Federal prisoners, while resting in the win
dows of Libby. They would make it appear
that this was the amusement of the private
soldier, with the knowledge and approval of
Confederate authorities, saying : ' We never
heard instructions that we might do this or
not do that.'
" I cannot look on the Maxwell House
without remembering as bloody and gratuit
ous a tragedy as ever stained the records of
our civil war.
11 In the winter of 1864 I was city editor of
the Daily Press ; the Maxwell House, in an
unfinished condition, was then used by the
Federals as a prison for Confederate soldiers.
" One morning, as I came down-stairs and
turned down Cherry toward Union, I saw a
Federal guard taking his smoking gun from
his shoulder, while people were standing
around with expressions of horror on their
faces. On asking a citizen what was the
matter he answered, with indignation and
subdued fear : ' Look ! That Federal guard
has murdered a Confederate soldier.'
" Looking to the fourth story of the Max
well House, I saw a dead Confederate soldier
with his head lying in a window and blood
streaming from him down the walls and
spattering the pavement below. The guard
had orders to shoot any Confederate who
VOL. II. 36
562 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
appeared at a window. He told the Con
federate to go back or he would shoot. . The
boy in gray, having no idea he would do so,
responded by playfully waving his hand at the
guard. In an instant a bullet went crashing
through his brain and he was a dead man.
o
The Confederate prisoners declared they had
received no intimation of any such order.
" Now, could we not, from this instance, as
truthfully declare the fact that Federal soldiers
amused themselves at Nashville by shooting
and killing Confederate prisoners ? "
In a Yankee Prison.
Written for the Nashville American.
" It was the misfortune of the writer to be
captured on the memorable raid through
Indiana and Ohio, made by General John. H.
Morgan in July, 1863.
" I write of some of the unpublished events
occurring during an incarceration as a prisoner
of war, for twenty-two months, within a five-
acre lot on the shores of Lake Michigan, in a
place designated Camp Douglas. This prison
was for the safe-keeping of privates and non
commissioned officers. It contained an area
of about five acres, laid off into main streets
of about thirty feet width, intersected at
regular intervals by cross streets about half
the width, perhaps. Barracks were erected
EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS. 563
fronting the main avenues, intended to ac
commodate (?) about 1 80 men, and numbered
one, two, three, etc., up to sixty odd. These
were enclosed by a fence about twenty feet
high, near the top of which was a plank walk
for the Yankee guards. Each barrack had a
rebel and Yankee sergeant, the former elected
by the occupants, whose duty it was to call the
morning roll, report the escapes, deaths, etc.
My bunk was in the southeast corner of bar
rack No. 10, and my men honored me by elect
ing me their sergeant, which unenviable po
sition was held during the entire term of im
prisonment. There were at one time 11,000
prisoners confined in this small enclosure.
" He who has never suffered the torture of
continued hunger, knows nothing about the
luxury of a full meal.
" I might tell of the ravages of the small
pox, of the inconveniences and discomforts of
the itch and pediculus vestimenti, but these
were mere bagatelles, little side-shows, com
pared to other performances going on within
the big menagerie. Out of a mind replete
with memories of this prison life of twenty-five
years ago, I remember that on a cold De
cember day, early in the morning, the entire
Confederate camp was ordered to assemble
in the Yankee square. This square was just
across the fence from ours, * What's up
564 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
now ? ' was whispered from comrade to com
rade. After being disposed in battle array,
every ragged Rebel standing there with his
coat-tails flapping in the breezes off Lake
Michigan like the sails of some stranded
schooner, the process was begun of divest
ing each and everyone of us of every rag of
clothing that gave us the semblance of citi
zenship. Instead of the variegated costumes
in which we were caparisoned, we were given
a stiff, black cavalry hat, a brown-black coat
and pants, the coat being divested of half its
tail. In this unique garb we were marched
back to our quarters. What disposition was
ever made of the clothes we gave in ex
change we never took the trouble to inquire.
This was done to prevent escapes, which
had grown to be monotonously frequent. But
woe to the Reb who failed in the attempt, and
was recaptured.
" By far the largest number of escapes
from Camp Douglas were accomplished
through the aid of one of the guards. He
finally deserted with a batch of prisoners to
Canada. He had no pity for us, but a slavish
love for the $5 given him in advance by each
escaping prisoner. A lot of prisoners trying
to effect their escape one night were recapt
ured just outside the enclosure. Among
them was a son of ex-Governor McGoffin,
EXCHANGE OP PRISONERS. 565
of Kentucky. He, with the others, was sus
pended by the thumbs next morning for the
purpose of extorting the betrayal of his ac
complices. They remained as dumb as oys
ters, although suspended until the balls of
the thumbs absolutely burst open.
"This thumb business was effected by a
twine string, making a noose and placed
over the thumb of each hand ; the opposite
ends were thrown over a beam overhead. A
stout, heavy man then pulled upon the loose
ends until the victim's weight was almost en
tirely sustained by his thumbs and held thus
ad libitum.
"Another mode of punishment was called
' pointing for corn/ This consisted in stand
ing stiff-legged, stooping over and touching
the ground with the index-finger of the right
hand. If you think this little manoeuvre is
not difficult, assume the position for five or ten
minutes, and then report. I have seen a
hundred or more men in this ludicrous posi
tion at one time, and numbers faint and fall
down in line. Another mode of punishment
was to ride ' John Morgan's Mule.' This
mule was composed of six legs about twenty
feet long attached to a scantling 2+4 inches,
the narrow part of this horizontal piece being
placed upward, formed the back of this pa
tient Bucephalus, I have seen his back so
5 66 J&FPERSON DAVIS.
full that there did not remain room for an
other rider. To say that this wooden horse
was never without a rider, except at night,
would be literally true.
" The last twelve months of our imprison
ment was noted for scant rations. Hunger
was the prevailing epidemic. I will relate
the following actual occurrence as an illustra
tion of the humiliating effects of long, contin
ued hunger : At one end of our barracks was
our kitchen, and by the door of the kitchen
stood a barrel, into which was thrown the
beef bones, slop, etc. Some of these starved
creatures used to go to these barrels, fish
out the bones, and appropriate what could
be got off them to appease their terrible hun
ger. On one occasion a Yankee guard found
a prisoner engaged in this business. He
snatched the bone out of the prisoner's hand,
cocked his pistol, presented it at the hungry
prisoner, and ordered him down on his all-
fours to bark like a dog for the bone he was
holding above him, until his beastly inhu
manity was satisfied. To say that we who
witnessed this transaction were indignant is a
poor description of what we felt.
" Each barrack was supplied with wooden
spittoons placed along the aisle. A comrade
from a neighbor barrack was visiting a friend
in No, 10, and while sitting in an upper bunk
EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS. 567
attempted to spit into one of these spittoons,
but missing it, spat upon the floor. The
Yankee sergeant nosing around discovered
the spit upon the floor, and demanded of me
the name of the party who did it. Now,
there was an unwritten law among us not to
tell tales out of school, and it was kept in
violate in the presence of any torture that
might be used to extort from us information
that would subject a comrade to punishment.
I informed him that I did not know who did
it, but would not tell him if I knew. This,
of course, infuriated him. He gave me two
hours to find the person and divulge his
name. If not done at the expiration of the
time he would punish the ' hull d d bar
racks/ The information not being forth
coming, we, to the number of one hundred
or more, were ordered out into the street.
Now, the snow lay on the ground to the
depth of eighteen inches. Along the middle
of the street was a pathway leading to the
hydrant, and in this pathway we were drawn
up in line. We were then ordered to right
backward dress out into the snow up to our
knees. We were then ordered to strip from
the waist down. This command being exe
cuted, we were next ordered to sit down on
the snow. This command was complied with,
and if perchance some shivering prisoner had
568 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
involuntarily pushed his shirt or blanket be
tween himself and the dampness beneath, a
detail was sent down the line in the rear and
rudely snatched every remnant of clothing
from beneath, so that there we sat with ab
solutely nothing intervening between us and
the snow. These manoeuvres were something
new in military tactics, and doubtless never
entered the brain of such sluggards as Hardee
and Upton. How long we sat there, I do not
know ; seconds seemed hours, minutes days.
The outrage was reported to Colonel Sweet,
the commandant, but no notice was taken of it.
" For the highest type of loyalty, that un
selfish, generous, cheerful, unspotted kind,
commend me to the Confederate prisoner of
war, who for long months patiently endured
the punishment and indignities heaped upon
him by his inferiors. Day after day suffering
the pangs of hunger. All this, and the privi
lege waiting him of taking the oath and going
home any day he chose. There was simply
no limit to his patient loyalty. There was
nothing like it. " J. B. WEST,
" Ex-O. S. Co. B., Second Ky. Cav., C. S. A.
NASHVILLE, TENN."
December 14, 1861. John Hanson Thom
as, William Harrison, Charles H. Pitts, and
S, Teakle Wallis were, for their opinion's
EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS. 569
sake, confined in a room darkened with Vene
tian shutters fastened outside with iron bars,
and there were only about twenty-two to
forty-four inches over the doors by which light
came into their rooms. They were never al
lowed out for a moment for two weeks, and
the impure air was stifling, though they used
disinfectants. They were after this sent to
Fort Lafayette, where they were turned into a
casemate with a brick floor, with no other fur
niture than guns and gun-carriages. They
were not allowed their trunks for seats. All
that night they walked their rooms ; the next
day they received their trunks, and then
spread their clothes upon the floor and laid
on them. The third day, loose straw was
given them. After ten days iron bedsteads
were furnished with straw beds, but no pil
lows or covering. They were subsequently
allowed the liberty of the Fort yard for stated
hours. I have not space for many testimon
ials by men of undoubted veracity of the
cruelties inflicted on them in Northern pris
ons.
A letter from General I. R. Trimble said :
" I regret that a full statement of facts re
lating to our treatment on Johnson Island,
which I had prepared by a committee of offi
cers, was left with the secretary and is now
570 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
beyond my reach. These facts would make
all fair-minded men blush with shame.
" More than $3,000 had been retained by
officials from remittances sent to prisoners by
relatives and friends, as all our letters were
opened.
" We were once three days and nights
without any fire in our room or kitchen, dur
ing the most inclement weather of 1864.
"WALNUT SPRINGS, LONDON, O.,
" October 23, 1886."
Extracts from these letters are given that
our prisoners' side of the sufferings endured
in the North may be duly weighed by the
judgment of Northern people. No one book
would hold all the evidence which could be
adduced to prove the sufferings of our brave
men in Northern prisons. Ours was a coun
try devastated by invaders who carried a
sword in one hand and a cord and torch in
the other. The North was bountifully sup
plied with everything needful for comfort and
luxury, but the Confederate prisoners expect
ed only the bare necessaries of life, and these
were denied them. We shared our scanty
fare alike with those who came to destroy us
and were taken captive in the act, and with
the soldiers who were defending us and our
households. If it was not enough for the
EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS. 571
prisoners, no more was it sufficient to sus
tain our soldiers in their herculean strife
against a foe supplied with men and means
ad libitum.
During the stringent period of our war I was
obliged, through a tradeswoman, to sell my
carriage and horses, my handsome articles of
dress, jewelry, etc., to get the necessaries of
life, and our nephew, commanding a brigade,
came home from the front of Petersburg so
much reduced in flesh that it was remarked.
He gave as a reason that his negro ser
vant could not bear starvation as well as he
could, and he had, he supposed, given him
too much of the rations intended for him
self.
Though I recognize the reminiscence of
our devoted friend, the brilliant soldier, and
representative Southern patriot, General Rob
ert Ransom, as the exact truth, we did not
feel the deprivations of the war as onerous
until hope was dead.
Comparative Mortality of Federal and Con
federate Prisons.
A correspondent of the New York Trib
une adduces the " logic of facts," in a very
conclusive manner, in the following communi
cation :
DAVIS.
" The Elmira Gazette is authority for the
following : In the four months of February,
March, April, and May, 1865, out of 5,027
prisoners confined there, 1,311 died, showing
a death - rate per month of 6-|- per cent.,
against less than three per cent, at Ander-
sonville, or more than double at Elmira to
that at Andersonville. Again, Mr. Keiley,
in his journal of September, 1864, when con
fined there, kept a record of deaths for that
month, and states them to be 386 out of
9,500 then there, or at a rate of four per cent,
against three per cent, in Andersonville. It
must also be taken into consideration that in
the South our armies formed a barrier against
the introduction of both food and medicine,
while in our case there was abundance of
everything. " J. L. T."
The answer of the Tribune is a curiosity
of lame, impotent evasion. It says :
" We think Congress made a blunder in
not opening the whole subject ; yet we can
not deem the above statistics either trust
worthy or conclusive. Many prisoners of
war are diseased or wounded when captured ;
inadequate or unwholesome food has brought
many to the confines of the grave."
Disease and wounds, we presume, operated
on both sides of the question. Inadequate
EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS. 573
and unwholesome food as the writer above
had just shown operated very unequally on
the Southern side.
Federal prisoners in the South 270,000
Confederate prisoners in the North 220,000
Excess of Federal prisoners 50,000
Deaths in Prison.
Confederates in the North 26,436
Federals in the South 22,576
Excess of Confederates died 3>86o
But if we make our calculations from the
reports of the United States War Depart
ment, which show sixty thousand more Fed
eral prisoners and six thousand more Con
federate deaths, why, then, the per cent, is
made even still greater in favor of Southern
humanity.
Such salient points as these must ere long
constitute a part of that faithful history which
will be written as soon as passion subsides,
and other men and other times can do us jus
tice.
Mr. Davis was so painfully affected by the
death-rate and suffering of the prisoners at
Andersonville, that even in the few hours he
spent at home their condition weighed dread
fully upon his spirits. He was quite feeble,
but used to remain in his office from 10 A.M.
until seven and sometimes eight o'clock in the
574 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
evening without food. If I sent luncheon to
him he forgot to eat it, and I fell into the
habit of going to his office daily for ten min
utes to offer it to him. Whatever friend
chanced to be there partook of the refresh
ment with him. One day I found General
Lee there. Both were very grave, and the
subject of their conference was the want and
suffering at Andersonville, as portrayed by
General Winder's private letter to the Presi
dent. Mr. Davis said, " If we could only get
them across the trans-Mississippi, there beef
and supplies of all kinds are abundant, but
what can we do for them here ? " General
Lee answered quickly to this effect, " Our
men are in the same case, except that they
are free. Their sufferings are the result of
our necessities, not of our policy. Do not
distress yourself."
Disasters were reported from every quar
ter. Croakers vilified the President, and fore
told evil results from every expedient tried by
the Administration. The army and many of
the Congressmen remained, if not confident,
at least willing to fight to the end.
CHAPTER LVI.
JOURNEY TO CHARLOTTE.
DARKNESS seemed now to close swiftly
over the Confederacy, and about a week be
fore the evacuation of Richmond, Mr. Davis
came to me and gently, but decidedly, an-
nounced the necessity for our departure. He
said for the future his headquarters must be in
the field, and that our presence would only
embarrass and grieve, instead of comforting
him. Very averse to flight, and unwilling at
all times to leave him, I argued the question
with him and pleaded to be permitted to re
main, until he said: "I have confidence in
your capacity to take care of our babies, and
understand your desire to assist and comfort
me, but you can do this in but one way, and
that is by going yourself and taking our chil
dren to a place of safety." He was very much
affected and said, " If I live you can come to
me when the struggle is ended, but I do not
expect to survive the destruction of constitu
tional liberty."
He had a little gold, and reserving a five-
dollar piece for himself, he gave it all to me, as
576 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
well as all the Confederate money due to
him. He desired me not to request any of
the citizens of Richmond to take care of my
silver plate, of which we possessed a large
quantity, for, said he, " They may be exposed
to inconvenience or outrage by their effort to
serve us."
All women like bric-a-brac, which senti
mental people call their "household goods,"
but Mr. Davis called it " trumpery." I was not
superior to the rest of my sex in this regard.
However, everything which could not be
readily transported was sent to a dealer for
sale, and we received quite a large draft on a
Richmond bank as the proceeds, but in the
hurry of departure the check was not cashed,
and I have it now.
Leaving the house as it was, and taking
only our clothing, I made ready with my young
sister and my four little children, the eldest
only nine years old, to go forth into the un
known. Mr. Burton N. Harrison, the Presi
dent's private secretary, was to protect and
see us safely settled in Charlotte, where we
had hired a furnished house. Mr. George
A. Trenholm's lovely daughters were also to
accompany us to remain with friends there.
I had bought several barrels of flour, and
intended to take them with me, but Mr. Davis
said, " You cannot remove anything in the
JOURNEY TO CHARLOTTE. 577
shape of food from here, the people want it,
and you must leave it here."
The deepest depression had settled upon the
whole city ; the streets were almost deserted.
The day before our departure Mr. Davis
gave me a pistol and showed me how to load,
aim, and fire it. He was very apprehensive of
our falling into the hands of the disorganized
bands of troops roving about the country,
and said, " You can at least, if reduced to the
last extremity, force your assailants to kill you,
but I charge you solemnly to leave when you
hear the enemy are approaching ; and if you
cannot remain undisturbed in our own coun
try, make for the Florida coast and take a
ship there for a foreign country."
With hearts bowed down by despair, we
left Richmond. Mr. Davis almost gave way,
when our little Jeff begged to remain with
him, and Maggie clung to him convulsively,
for it was evident he thought he was looking
his last upon us.
In those days a special train was not con
templated, for the transportation was now
very limited, and as we pulled out from the
station and lost sight of Richmond, the worn-
out engine broke down, and there we sat all
night. There were no arrangements possible
for sleeping, and at last, after twelve hours'
delay, we reached Danville. A hospitable
VOL. II. 37
57 8 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
and wealthy citizen of that place invited me to
rest with his family, but we gratefully declined
and proceeded to Charlotte.
The baggage cars were all needing repairs
and leaked badly. Our bedding was wet
through by the constant rains that poured
down in the week of uninterrupted travel
which was consumed in reaching our destina
tion. Universal consternation prevailed
throughout the country, and we avoided see
ing people for fear of compromising them
with the enemy, should they overrun North
Carolina. We found everything packed up
in the house we had rented, but the agent, Mr.
A. Weill, an Israelite, came to meet us there,
and gave us every assistance in his power ;
and when he found there were no conven
iences for cooking, he sent our meals from his
own house for several days, refusing, with
many cordial words, any offer to reimburse
him for the expense incurred, and he offered
money or any other service he could render.
This acknowledgment of his kindness is, to
some extent, a relief to my heart, which has
borne his goodness in grateful memory for
twenty-five years.-
Mr. Harrison, after seeing us safely estab
lished in Charlotte, fearing he might be sepa
rated from Mr. Davis, and hoping to be of
use, set out for Richmond to rejoin him,
CHAPTER LVII.
NEARING THE END.
As hope died out in the breasts of the rank
and file of the Confederate Army, the Presi
dent's courage rose, and he was fertile in ex
pedients to supply deficiencies, and calm in
the contemplation of the destruction of his
dearest hopes, and the violent death he ex
pected to be his.
As late as April i, 1865, he wrote to Gen
eral Lee from Richmond, of the difficulty of
finding iron enough to keep the Tredegar
works employed, and said : " There is also
difficulty in getting iron even for shot and
shell, but I hope this may for the present be
overcome by taking some from the Navy,
which under the altered circumstances may
be spared. . . . The question is often
asked, ' will we hold Richmond,' to which my
only answer is, if we can ; it is purely a ques
tion of military power. The distrust is in
creasing, and embarrasses in many ways."
Events now rapidly culminated in the over
whelming disaster he and our brave people
had striven so energetically to avert. The
gloom was impenetrable.
580 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
The siege of Petersburg was hotly pressed
by the enemy, and there were many splendid
instances of gallantry, but for want of space I
can only cite that of Battery Gregg, which
repulsed assault after assault the Mississip-
pians, Georgians, North Carolinians, and
Louisianians, who had won honor on many
fields, fought this, their last battle, with most
terrible enthusiasm, as if feeling it to be for
them the last act in the great drama.
Two hundred against 5,000, the odds were
fearful, but they were animated by a noble
purpose and had no thought of abandoning
their post.
Fort Gregg fell, and but few of its brave
defenders survived, but those 200 men had
placed hors de combat 800 men of Gibbons's
corps.*
On the day it fell, General A. P. Hill, our
intrepid, skilful, handsome soldier, accom
panied by a single courier, while endeavoring
to join his troops at Five Forks, ran across
two Federal soldiers. Upon demanding
their surrender, they shot him down and
then retreated. His body was brought back
to Petersburg by his faithful courier,! and the
country's mourning was proportionate to her
need of him, and her high estimate of his
* Colonel Miller Owen : In Camp and Battle.
f General Gibbons so informed General Wilcox at Appomattox.
N EARING THE END. 581
skilful generalship. Our consolation was
that he was saved the pang of Appomattox.
General Lee now telegraphed President
Davis, that he could no longer hold the
lines of Petersburg, and would leave them
at night, and that this would necessitate the
evacuation of Richmond.
The enemy kept up an incessant fire upon
the lines all day, and made many unsuccess
ful assaults, ceasing his efforts only at night
fall.
At twelve o'clock that night, the last man
and the last gun of the brave army that had
defended the lines of Petersburg for a twelve
month passed over the pontoon bridge and
the retreat began that ended at Appomattox.
CHAPTER LVIII.
THE PRESIDENT'S ACCOUNT OF THE EVACUATION
OF RICHMOND.
I GIVE Mr. Davis's story of the evacuation
of Richmond in his own words.
" On Sunday, April 2d, while I was in St.
Paul's Church, General Lee's telegram an
nouncing his speedy withdrawal from Peters
burg and the consequent necessity for evacu
ating Richmond, was handed me. I quietly
left the church. The occurrence probably
attracted attention, but the people had been
beleaguered, had known me too often to re
ceive notice of threatened attacks, and the
congregation of St. Paul's was too refined, to
make a scene at anticipated danger. I went
to my office and assembled the heads of de
partments and bureaus, as far as they could
be found on a day when all the offices were
closed, and gave the needful instruction for
our removal that night, simultaneously with
General Lee's from Petersburg. The event
was foreseen, and some preparations had
been made for it, though, as it came sooner
EVACUATION OP RICHMOND. 583
than was expected, there was yet much to be
done. The executive papers were arranged
for removal.
" This occupied myself and staff until late
in the afternoon. By this time the report that
Richmond was to be evacuated had spread
through the town, and many who saw me
walking toward my residence left their houses
to inquire whether the report was true. Upon
my admission of the painful fact, qualified,
however, by the expression of my hope that
we should under better auspices again return,
they all, the ladies especially, with generous
sympathy and patriotic impulse responded,
" If the success of the cause requires you to
give up Richmond, we are content."
" The affection and confidence of this noble
people in the hour of disaster were more dis
tressing to me than complacent and unjust
censure would have been. . . .
" Being alone in Richmond, a few arrange
ments needful for my personal wants were
soon made after reaching home. Then leav
ing all else in the care of the house-keeper, I
waited until notified of the time I would de
part, and going to the station, started for
Danville, whither I supposed General Lee
would proceed with his army."
Here he promptly proceeded to put the
town in a state of defence. Energetic efforts
584 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
were made to collect supplies for General
Lee's army.
Upon his arrival at Danville, President
Davis wrote to Mrs. Davis as follows :
"DANVILLE, VA., April 5, 1865.
" . . . I have in vain sought to get
into communication with General Lee, and
have postponed writing in the hope that I
would soon be able to speak to you with some
confidence of the future. On last Sunday I
was called out of church to receive a telegram
announcing that General Lee could not hold
his position longer than till night, and warning
me that we must leave Richmond, as his army
would commence retiring that evening.
" I made the necessary arrangements and
went to my office, and then to our house, to
have the proper dispositions made there ; noth
ing had been done after you left, and but little
could be done in the few hours which re
mained before the train was to leave. . . .
The people here have been very kind, and the
Mayor and Council have offered assistance in
the matter of quarters, and have very hand
somely declared their unabated confidence.
I do not wish to leave Virginia, but cannot
decide on my movements until those of the
army are better developed."
EVACUATION OF RICHMOND. 585
From President Davis to Mrs. Davis.
" DANVILLE, VA., April 6, 1865.
" . . . In my letter of yesterday I gave
you all of my prospects which could now
be told, not having heard from General Lee,
and having to conform my movements to the
military necessities of the case. We are ar
ranging an executive office where the current
business may be transacted here, and do not
propose at this time definitely to fix upon a
point for a seat of government in the future.
I am unwilling to leave Virginia, and do not
know where, within her borders, the requisite
houses for the departments -could be found/'
While employed in preparing for the de
fence of Danville, no trustworthy information
in regard to Lee's army was received, until
Lieutenant John Sargent Wise of Virginia,
who declined to be paroled at Appomattox,
arrived, from whom it was learned that when
he left Lee's army, it was about to be surren
dered. Other unofficial information soon fol
lowed, of such circumstantial character as to
confirm these reports. How Mr. Davis bore
defeat is best described by the following let
ter, written by Mr. Davis's faithful friend, M.
H. Clarke, whose opportunities of knowing
the President were better than those of an-
586 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
other less intimately associated with him in a
time of great trial.
" CLARKSVILLE, TENN., October 6, 1890,
" MY DEAR MRS. DAVIS : The history of
his country is indissolubly woven with your
honored husband, and therefore I offer my in
dividual impressions of him in scenes which are
yet unwritten. The sum of such impressions
helps to give an idea of one phase of his many-
sided individuality, both simple and grand,
which rounded out the perfect man.
" I came out of Richmond with him, the
chief and confidential clerk of the Executive
Office, in charge of the office papers, a mem
ber of his military family, composed of his cab
inet and staff; and I was close to his person,
until he parted with me on May 6, 1865, near
Sandersville, Ga., and sent me on, in charge
of our wagon train, he leaving " everything
on wheels ' to join you.
" Thus daily and nightly he was under my
eyes, which watched over him with affection
ate and earnest solicitude.
" On that retreat (if so leisurely a retire
ment could be so called), when I saw an or
ganized government disintegrate and fall to
pieces little by little, until there was only left
a single member of the cabinet, his private
secretary, a few members of his staff, a few
EVACUATION OF RICHMOND. 587
guides and servants, to represent what had
been a powerful government, which had sus
tained itself against the soldiery of all nations
of the earth ; his great resources of mind and
heart shone out most brilliantly. Still the
head, he moved, calm, self-poised, giving way
to no petulance of temper at discomfort, ad
vising and consoling, laying aside all thought
of self, planning and doing what was best,
not only for our unhappy and despairing
people, but uttering gentle, sweet words of
consolation and wise advice to every family
which he entered as guest ; he filled my own
distressed heart so full of emotions of love
and admiration, that it could hardly contain
them.
" To me he then appeared incomparably
grander in the nobleness of his great heart
and head, than when he reviewed victorious
armies returning from well-won fields.
o
" I could give you many touching incidents
of evenings around the fireside, or noon-day
halts for rest and refreshment, of the little
children taken on his knee, of tender and
comforting answers to eager, breathless ques
tions. He left every family sanctified by his
blessed presence, adding his household words
to their treasured memories. ' Here was
where he sat ; here he slept ; he said this,
and that.' Along the route, there were pleas-
5 88 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
ant anecdotes and reminiscences to hearten
up his following 1 , and help the weary, anxious
hours during those long days from April 2d
to May 6th. Thoughtful of all details, he
gave directions about the horses, how best
to feed and care for them, remedies for the
sick ones, how to cross the rivers, and was
watchful of the comfort and health of all.
He was the father and comforter, while still
the leader and director of affairs.
" Through all these scenes, the real man
shone out and dignified the mantle of his
office. I thank God it was given to me to
see him as I did, and to have embalmed in
my heart such sweet and precious memories
of our great chief.
" To me, the last Confederate officer on
duty, he gave the great reward and honor of
two personal visits to my roof-tree, know
ing with his delicate perception how greatly
I would value them, and the commendation
that ' I gave true and faithful service to the
last/
" With profound regard, I am,
" Faithfully yours,
"M. H. CLARKE."
CHAPTER LIX.
SURRENDER OF LEE.
UPON crossing the Appomattox on the
night of April 2d, Lee's army marched tow
ard Amelia Court House. It had been his
original intention to go to Danville, but being
prevented from carrying out this purpose, he
marched toward Lynchburg.
Encumbered by a large wagon train, his
march was necessarily slow. His trains were
attacked again and again by the enemy's cav
alry, adding to the delay.
On April 4th Amelia Court House was
reached and the army, being without rations,
to appease hunger subsisted on young shoots
just putting out upon the trees and parched
corn.*
On the 5th the retreat was continued tow
ard Danville ; the intention was there to form
a junction with Johnston's army, but the
enemy had the shortest line, and at Jetters-
ville headed him off, and the march was turned
to Lynchburg, where Lee had expressed his
* The letter had been captured that asked for rations to be sent
to that point.
590 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
belief, that he could carry on the war for
twenty years.
On April 6th the rear-guard was attacked
by a large force of the enemy, and Generals
G. W. C. Lee, Ewell, and Anderson, and
many others were captured.
General Rosser, of the cavalry, captured
a body of 800 of the enemy, who had been
sent by Grant, under General Read, to de
stroy the bridge at Farmville to impede Lee's
march. Read was killed in single combat by
General Dearing, who was himself mortally
wounded.
On April 7th, Farmville was reached, and
here for the first time since leaving Peters
burg provisions were issued to the army. The
enemy still pursuing, the quartermasters be
gan to burn their wagons, and whatever they
contained was destroyed.
The enemy followed closely, crossed the
railroad bridge, and brought Lee to bay, at
tacked and were repulsed, and the retreat
continued.
On the evening of the 8th, with his army
wearied and diminished in numbers by men
falling by the wayside who had never before
abandoned their colors, but were now unable
longer to keep up with the retreating column,
General Lee decided, after conference with
his corps commanders, that he would advance
SURRENDER OF LEE. 591
the next day beyond Appomattox Court
House, and if the force reported there should
be only Sheridan's cavalry, disperse it, and
continue the march toward Lynchburg.
Gordon, whose corps had formed the rear
guard from Petersburg, and who had fought
daily for the trains, was now transferred to
the front. Next morning, April Qth, before
daybreak, he, with Fitz Lee's cavalry, moved
forward to the attack. He was confronted
by Sheridan's cavalry, and he drove them
steadily before him, and captured two pieces
of artillery. All seemed going well, when
Sheridan withdrew from the field, and then,
like the lifting of a curtain, Gordon beheld
the army of the James advancing through the
trees with ten times his number. At the same
time Longstreet, covering the rear, being
threatened by Meade with a superior force,
found it impossible to reinforce Gordon, who,
stained with powder and exhausted by his re
cent battle, reared his knightly head and said,
" Tell General Lee my corps is reduced to a
frazzle."
Lee then said, " There is nothing left but
for me to go and see General Grant." And a
flag of truce was raised to suspend hostilities
pending the interview between the command
ers.
An eye-witness thus describes General
592 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Lee's appearance when he rode off to see
Grant : " He was in full uniform, with hand
some embroidered belt and dress-sword, tall
black army hat, and buff leather gauntlets.
His horse, 'old Traveller,' was finely groomed,
and his equipments, bridle-bit, etc., were pol
ished until they shone like silver ; he was ac
companied by Colonels Marshall and Taylor,
of his staff"*
Generals Grant and Lee met at the farm
house of Mr. McLean, a gentleman, who be
fore and during the battle of Manassas, July
1 8, 1861, had resided at McLean's Ford, over
Bull Run, and moved thence to Appomattox to
be free from war's alarms. Fate directed the
steps of both armies to his fancied secure and
quiet retreat, and there the end was to come.
A suitable room having been prepared, and
the two generals being seated, General Lee
opened the interview by saying : " General
Grant, I deem it due to proper candor and
frankness to say, at the very beginning of
this interview, that I am not willing even to
discuss any terms of surrender inconsistent
with the honor of my army, which I am de
termined to maintain to the last." General
Grant replied, " I have no idea of proposing
dishonorable terms, General ; but I would be
* Colonel Miller Owen ; In Camp and Battle.
SURRENDER OF LEE.
593
glad if you would state what you consider
honorable terms."
General Lee then briefly stated the terms
upon which he would be willing to surrender.
General Grant expressed himself satisfied
with them, and the propositions were re
duced to writing.
General Lee read the propositions care
fully, and copies were made of the paper by
Colonel Marshall and General Grant's secre
tary.
While this was being done, Generals Grant
and Lee exchanged a few words of civility,
and the Federal generals who were present
were introduced to General Lee, but nothing
bearing upon the surrender was said.
General Grant having signed his note, Gen
eral Lee conferred with Colonel Marshall,
who wrote a brief note of acceptance of the
terms of surrender offered which were as fol
lows : " The officers to give their individual
parole not to take arms against the Govern
ment of the United States until properly ex
changed, and each company or regimental
commander to sign a like parole for the men
of their commands.
" The arms, artillery, and public property,
to be parked and stacked, and turned over to
the officers appointed to receive them.
" This will not embrace the side-arms of
VOL. II. 38
594 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
the officers, nor their private horses or bag
gage-
" This done, each officer and man will be
allowed to return to their homes, not to be
disturbed by the United States authority so
long as they observe their parole, and the
laws in force where they may reside."
General Lee then rose to depart, and after
bowing to the officers present, went out upon
the porch, and beckoned to his orderly to lead
up his horse. Descending the steps, he
paused a moment and looked sadly out over
the valley where his army lay, then mounted.
General Grant, who had followed and de
scended a few steps, raised his hat in respect
ful salutation, as did those who stood upon
the porch. Upon observing this courtesy,
General Lee, removing his hat, bowed low
upon his horse's neck and rode away.
" As soon as he was seen riding toward his
army, whole lines of men rushed down to the
roadside, and crowded around him to shake
his hand. All tried to show him the venera
tion and esteem in which they held him.
Filled with emotion he essayed to speak, but
could only say, ' Men, we have fought
through the war together. I have done the
best I could for you. My heart is too full to
say more/ We all knew the pathos of those
simple words, of that slight tremble in his
SURRENDER OF LEE.
595
voice, and it was no shame on our manhood
that ' something on a soldier's cheek washed
off the stain of powder ; ' that our tears an
swered to those of our grand old chieftain,
and that we could only grasp the hand of
* Uncle Robert ' and pray ' God help you,
General/ " *
There were 7,892 men of the army of North
ern Virginia who had arms in their hands at
the surrender. The total number, including
those who reported afterward, was between
26,000 and 27,000. Grant's army numbered
162,239.1
In connection with the evacuation of Rich
mond, the following incident is related by
General G. W. C. Lee :
" After I was taken prisoner at Sailor's
Creek, with the greater part of the commands
of General Ewell and General Dick Ander
son, and was on my way to Petersburg with
the officers of the three commands, we met
the United States engineer brigade under
command of General Benham, whom I knew
prior to the breaking out of the war as one
of the captains of my own corps engineers.
" He did not apparently recognize me, and
I did not make myself known to him ; but be
gan talking to General Ewell, in a loud tone
* Colonel William Miller Owen : In Camp and Battle.
f Colonel Taylor : Four Years with Lee.
596 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
of voice which could be distinctly heard by
all around.
" I heard General Benham say, among
other things, that ' General Weitzel had found,
soon after his entrance into Richmond, a letter
from General Lee giving the condition of the
Army of Northern Virginia, and what he pro
posed to do should it become necessary to
withdraw from the lines before Richmond and
Petersburg, and that the letter was immediate
ly sent to General Grant/ In answer to some
doubt expressed by General Ewell or someone
else, General Benham replied, ' Oh, there is
no doubt about the letter, for I saw it myself.'
" I received the impression at the time or
afterward, that this letter was a confidential
communication to the Secretary of War in
answer to a resolution of the Confederate
Congress asking for information in 1865.
When I mentioned this statement of General
Benham to General Lee, some time after
ward, the latter said, ' This accounts for the
energy of the enemy's pursuit. The first day
after we left the lines he seemed to be en
tirely at sea with regard to our movements,
after that, though I never worked so hard in
my life to withdraw our armies in safety, he
displayed more energy, skill, and judgment in
his movements than I ever knew him to dis
play before."
SURRENDER OF LE&. 597
In requesting the above statement from
General G. W. C. Lee, Major Walthall, then
at Beauvoir with Mr. Davis, wrote him as fol
lows :
" Besides its bearing in other respects, it
may possibly throw some light upon the yet
unexplained failure of General Lee's request
for supplies at Amelia Court House, to reach
the President or the War Department.
. , p. It seems to be certain that neither
the President, Secretary of War, Quarter-
Master - General, nor Commissary - General
ever received the requisition.
"Colonels Taylor and Marshall (of Gen
eral Lee's staff) both remember that it was
well understood that such a requisition had
been made, but cannot state with precision
either the channels through which, or the
functionary to whom, it was sent."
CHAPTER LX.
HONORABLE MENTION.
DID my space permit, I would pay special
and glad homage to the men who fought and
nobly sustained defeat, or now bear their
wounds in cheerful poverty, or who fell, ex
amples of all the noble qualities that exalt a
nation. But the scope of these memoirs
does not permit more than a glimpse of a few
of the gallant figures that crowd the memory
of every Confederate who looks backward on
the field of war.
Louisiana gave us Richard Taylor, who
fought under the eye of Stonewall Jackson in
the Valley, and whose men charged and took
Shields's batteries at Port Republic, and who
in Louisiana hurled back in disorder the mag
nificent army of Banks.
Bishop General Polk, our saintly gallant
veteran, whose death left our country, and
especially the Church, mourning ; Harry T.
Hayes, Yorke, Nicholls, Gibson, Gladden,
and Moulton, who charged with his men up
the hill at Winchester into the fort deemed
impregnable, and put Milroy's army to flight;
HONORABLE MENTION. 599
C. E. Fenner,* who, with his Batteries of
" Donaldsonville," under Maurin and Prosper
Lanclry, achieved distinction ; the Louisiana
Guard," under D'Aquin, Thompson, and
Green, all gallant gentlemen whose renown
their countrymen treasure above price.
From Georgia came Commander Tattnall,
John B. Gordon, that gallant knight whose
bravery and skill forced him through rank to
rank to the highest command. Wounded in
every battle, until at the last, at Appomattox,
he beat back Sheridan's cavalry and captured
artillery from him until within the last half-
hour's life of the Army of Northern Virginia,
when he reported his corps fought to a " fraz
zle." Then, and then only, was the emblem
of truce displayed.
Joseph Wheeler, the young " Murat " of
the cavalry, General Lawton and his no less
distinguished brother-in-law, E. Porter Alex
ander, the skilful engineer and accomplished
artillery officer, for gallantry promoted to be
Brigadier-General and Chief of Artillery of
Longstreet's Corps ; and Hardee, the scien
tific dauntless soldier ; Walker, David R.
Jones, Young, Denning, Colquitt, and a shin
ing list I have riot space to name.
Mississippi gave her Ferguson, Barksdale,
Martin, the two Adams, Featherston, Posey,
* Now Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of Louisiana.
6oo JEFFERSON D
and Fizer, who led an army on the ramparts
of Knoxville but left his arm there, and a host
of gallant men.
Alabama sent us Deas, Law, Grade, and
James Longstreet, dubbed by Lee upon the
field of Sharpsburg his " old war horse," a
stubborn fighter, who held the centre there
with a scant force and a single battery of
artillery ; the gallant Twenty-seventh regiment
of North Carolina troops, under Colonel
Cooke, stood as support, without ammunition,
but with flags waving to deceive the enemy.
Three times he repulsed the attacks of a
whole corps. When the cannoneers were
shot down, and help was needed at the guns,
his staff dismounted and took their places.
At Petersburg, when the end was near, and
Lee's lines were broken, he hurried with the
division of General Field to the breach, and
formed his troops across the line of the
enemy's victorious approach, held them at
arm's length until midnight, when the last
man and the last gun of Lee's army had
crossed the Appomattox, and he became like
Marshal Ney, the rear-guard of the once
" Grand Army ; " and Rodes, ever in the front,
who laid down his life at Winchester while
led by the indomitable Early, he was fight
ing the overwhelming force of Sheridan.
" The gallant Pelham," the boy artillerist
HONORABLE MENTION. &>i
who with one gun took position on the left
flank of Burnside's army at Fredericksburg,
and held his ground, annoyed, and threw into
confusion the troops of the enemy advancing
to charge Jackson's forces upon the hills at
Hamilton's Crossing. Just after receiving
his promotion as Lieutenant-Colonel of artil
lery, " for gallantry and skill," he met his
death, leading a squadron in a charge. Shout
ing " Forward, boys ! forward to victory and
glory ! " a fragment of shell penetrated his
skull, and his brave spirit took its flight.
Tennessee gave us Forrest, the great lead
er of cavalry, Frazier, Cheatham, Jackson,
Green, A. J. Vaughn, O. F. Strahl, Archer,
and the last, but not least, on this very incom
plete list, Cadmus Wilcox, who led his brig
ade at Gettysburg on July 2d, right into the
enemy's lines, capturing prisoners and guns,
and only failing in great results from lack of
the support looked for.
Kentucky gave us John B. Hood, one of
the bravest and most dashing division com
manders in the army. Always in the front,
he lost a limb at Chickamauga; John C.
Breckinridge, " Charley " Field, S. B. Buck-
ner, Morgan, Duke, and Preston ; the latter
with his fine brigades under Gracie, Trigg,
and Kelly, gave the enemy the coup de grdce
which terminated the battle of Chickamauga.
602 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Missouri gave us Bowen, and Green, and
Price, that grand old man, worshipped and
followed to the death by his brave patriotic
Missourians.
From Arkansas came the gallant Cleburne,
McNair, McRea, and Finnegan, the hero of
Olustee, Fla., and Ben McCullough, the old
Indian fighter who yielded his life on the bat
tle-field of Elkhorn.
From Maryland came brave Commander
Buchanan, Generals Trimble, Elzey, Charles
Winder, who laid down his life upon the field,
and George Stewart, Bradley Johnson, who
proved himself a very Bayard in feats of
arms, and our Colonel of the Signal Corps,
William Norris, who, by systematizing the
signals which he displayed under the most
furious fire, rendered inestimable service. To
Maryland we owe also Snowdon Andrews,
the brave and skilled artillery officer, who was
so desperately wounded upon the field of
Cedar Run that his surgeon reported " hard
ly enough of his body left to hold his soul."
South Carolina gave us Stephen Elliott, who
remained in beleaguered Sumter, and when
invited to take rest only did so because pro
moted and ordered elsewhere ; the Hamp
tons, Kershaw, Hugers, Ramseur, M. C. But
ler, Bee, Bonham, Bartow, Drayton, the Pres-
tons, " Dick" Anderson, Jenkins, and Stephen
HONORABLE MENTION. 603
D. Lee, commander of artillery in Virginia
and corps commander in the Army of Tennes
see, a body of fine gentlemen who illustrated
the proverbial daring of their class. She also
gave Colonel Lucius B. Northrop, a gallant
soldier of the old army, and one who, as
Commissary General, possessed Mr. Davis's
confidence unto the end of our struggle.
North Carolina sent Pettigrew, who com
manded Heth's division in the charge at Get
tysburg, wounded there, he lost his life be
fore recrossing the Potomac; and D. H. Hill,
Holmes, Hoke, Pender, Cooke, Ransom,
Lane, Scales, Green, Daniel, and the roll of
honor stretches out a shining list as I gaze
into the past. " When shall their glory fade ? "
Texas gave us Albert Sidney Johnston, and
Gregg, Robertson, William " old tige " whom
his soldiers loved Cabbell ; it is easier to spe
cify who was not a brilliant jewel in the gor
geous crown of glory than to name them all.
Florida gave Kirby Smith and Anderson
and many other gallant and true men.
And " Old Virginia " gave us her Lees,
Jackson, Early, Ewell, Pickett, Ed. Johnson,
Archer, Heth, Lomax, Bearing, Ashby, Mum-
ford, Rosser, the brothers Pegram ; and the
gallant men who fell on the heights of Get
tysburg, Garnett, Kemper, and Armistead ;
and Dabney H. Maury, who with 7,600 in-
fantry and artillery held Mobile for eighteen
days against General Canby. Had our cause
succeeded, Virginia's gallant son would have
been promoted to be Lieutenant-General.
A. P. Hill, the fierce young fighter, who,
famous in many battles, came opportunely
from Harper's Ferry to Sharpsburg, beat back
Burnside, and saved the flank of Lee's army,
but fell at last on the field of Petersburg ; from
the first hour to his last not only doing his
best, but all that man could accomplish, to
serve his country.
Patriotic enthusiasm could present no
grander picture than that of General Wade
Hampton, a fit representative man of the much
ridiculed but living and beloved chivalry of
the South, who, while looking through his
glass during a cavalry battle near Petersburg,
saw his son Preston, who, possessed of great
personal beauty, much mind, and keen wit,
had just reached his twenty-first year, fall
dead on the field, and his brother Wade stoop
over him and fall across his beautiful young
brother's body. The bereaved father thought
them both slain, and unsheathing his sword,
rode straight, not to receive their dying words,
but for the hottest part of the battle, and
fought with all his might in a hand to hand
encounter, and himself came out probably the
only division commander in the world to
HONORABLE MENTION. 605
whom a like incident has occurred with a
deep sabre cut which accentuates rather than
mars the noble contour of his face.
Or what could be more touching than the
meeting of General Lee with his young son
Robert, on the bloody field of Fredericksburg,
mounted on one of the artillery caissons of
the battery in which he was serving as a
private. He was so begrimed with smoke
and powder that the General did not know
his boy. Robert asked, " General, are you
going to put us in again ? " u Yes," said his
father, " but my boy, who are you ? "
" Why, do you not know me, father ? I am
Robbie." " God defend you, my son," an
swered the General, " you must go in again."
CHAPTER LXI.
THE WASHINGTON ARTILLERY OF NEW ORLEANS.
THE Richmond people remember well the
Washington Artillery of New Orleans, their
fresh uniforms, and the splendid crimson and
gold standard with its silver cross cannon
under which, before they " smelt powder,"
they marched in review before the President
on Union Hill. These, and other New
Orleans companies, gave dinners, danced, and
sung, and " did the thing handsomely " wher
ever money was to be spent or amusement
was to be found during their brief visits from
the field ; but while fighting their sixty battles
they performed prodigies of valor, " all that
was left of them."
But there was a different look in their eyes
after facing death so often ; the lack of food
had reduced their physique, but the laugh was
as ready as ever, their well-brushed, thread
bare uniforms were as natty and worn with as
jaunty a grace as when newly donned. Their
hospitality, albeit they could offer only pota
toes or beans, was unstinted.
The Natchez troops marched out like the
t^ ^-^ ^ u -
J E.KIRBY SMITH. 8
Sj" "TT
CONFEDERATE GENERALS.
-
THE WASHINGTON ARTILLERY. 607
Queen's Guards, a " Lah de dah " assemblage
of handsome young gentlemen born to wealth
and position, who recognized their duty to
bear their share of blows because it befitted
their birth. When the bloody work began,
however, they pushed in to the thickest of
the fight, and every woman and man in Mis
sissippi thanked God for the place of their
nativity.
Barksdale's brigade, on December n, 1862,
at Fredericksburg, prevented Burnside's army
of 100,000 men from building their pontoon
bridges, and, although bombarded by 150
pieces of artillery, held their position from 7
A.M. to 7 P.M. The same Brigade, composed of
the Thirteenth, Seventeenth, Eighteenth, and
Twenty-first Mississippi regiments, numbering
1,308 men, behind the stone wall at the foot
of Marye's Hill, repulsed Sedgwick's corps,
numbering 22,000. Under cover of a flag of
truce, the enemy charged again the " thin
gray line," and overran it through weight of
numbers, killing or capturing all the brave
defenders, with a loss to themselves of
nearly 5,000 men. The pride we felt in their
steady, dauntless courage cannot be express
ed in words.
Captain John Taylor Wood, C. S. N., up
held the name and fame of his grandsire,
General Zachary Taylor. He is the son of
608 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
the late Surgeon-General R. C. Wood, U. S.
A., than whom a better and braver man never
lived. Commander Wood destroyed several
transports and vessels of the enemy, among
them the ship Rappahannock, of 1,200 tons ;
he assisted in preparing the Virginia (Mer-
imac) for service, took part in the fight be
tween the Virginia and the Congress, Cum
berland, Wabash, Monitor, and others, and
served efficiently during the enemy's attempt
to pass Drury's Bluff.
In the summer of 1863, Lieutenant Wood
succeeded in capturing in Chesapeake Bay
the United States gun-boats Reliance, Satel
lite, and a number of other vessels, and was
promoted to be Commander in the Navy.
At Newbern, N. C., Commander Wood,
with his boat squadron, captured the United
States gun-boat Underwriter under the guns
of two of the enemy's forts. He destroyed
two gun-boats at Plymouth, N. C., when
General Hoke captured that place in 1864.
In August, 1864, the Atlanta cruised off
the north coast of the United States in the
neighborhood of New York and Boston, and
Commander Wood captured over thirty of
the enemy's vessels. For these services he
received the thanks of the Confederate Con
gress, and was promoted to be Post Captain.
Throughout all these hot encounters his piety
THE WASHINGTON ARTILLERY. 609
and gentle consideration for others was con
spicuous on every field.
The gallant Captain Wilkinson's deeds
pressed close upon those of his friend and
brother-officer, and the world will not for
get Commanders Semmes, Maffitt, Pegram,
Maury, Loyal, Jones, and other naval heroes
who are too rich in fame to need my mite.
None fought more gallantly than Heros von
Borcke, an Austrian officer of distinction, who
came to offer his sword, and was assigned to
J. E. B. Stuart's cavalry, and served with con
spicuous bravery until severely wounded ; he
left the service with broken health. The
President, loath to relinquish him, wrote to
acknowledge the aid he had given, and sent
him on a mission to England.
o
But Confederate women render their hearts'
best homage to the gallant nameless dead,
the " high privates " of our splendid army, and
to those survivors who wear their " hodden
gray " with proud memories of sacrifices made
and duty faithfully performed, for no other
reward than an approving conscience, who
labor for their daily bread without a murmur,
and are as ready now to affirm the justice of
their cause as they are to fight for the United
States. They do not say we believed we
were right then, but they loudly proclaim we
knew it then and know it now,
VOL. II. 39
CHAPTER LXII.
LEAVING CHARLOTTE. THE RUMORS OF SURREN
DER.
As time wore on all the news we received
was of that kind which is reputed to travel
fast, but did not over the broken railways, and
tangled and trailing telegraph wires. At last
came the dreadful rumor that General Lee
was retreating, and the President and his
cabinet were coming to Charlotte to meet
General Johnston and his army. I felt then
that I must obey Mr. Davis's solemn charge,
and also that I might embarrass him sadly by
remaining there.
That night the treasure train of the Con
federacy and that of the Richmond banks,
escorted by the midshipmen under the accom
plished and gallant Captain Parker, came
through Charlotte ; and as among the escort
were my brother Jefferson and Mr. Davis's
grandnephew, and there seemed to be a panic
imminent, I decided to go with my children
and servants on the extra train provided for
the treasure, which could only run as far as
Chester, as the road was broken.
JEFFERSON DAVIS HOWELL.
LEAVING CHARLOTTE. 611
We reached there in the morning and were
met by Generals John S. Preston, Hood,
and Chesnut. General Preston said, " We
of this day have no future, but we can worth
ily bear defeat ; anything that man can do I
will for you or the President." General Hood
said : " If I have lost my leg and also lost
my freedom, I am miserable indeed." And
General Chesnut bowed his dignified head
and said : " Let me help you if I can, it is
probably the last service I can render." And
these three types of Southern gentlemen
formed a noble picture as they stood calm in
the expectation of our great woe.
With much trouble an ambulance was se
cured for my family and a wagon for our lug
gage, and after dark I started to follow the
treasure train on the road to Abbeville, The
ambulance was too heavily laden in the deep
mud, and as my maid was too weak to walk
and my nurse was unwilling, I walked five
miles in the darkness in mud over my shoe
tops, with my cheerful little baby in my arms.
There were various alarms of " Yankees " at
Frog Level and other places on the road, but
about one o'clock we reached in safety a little
church in which the treasure guardians had
taken refuge. A little bride who had accom
panied her husband, who was with the bank
treasure, told me kindly, "We are lying on
612 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
the floor, but have left the communion table
for you out of respect, but the additional com*
fort of the table did not tempt one to commit
sacrilege." After a weary night we moved
on at daylight.
Captain Parker was exceedingly kind and
attentive to us. We held no communications
with the actual guardians of either the Con
federate or bank treasury.
The price for provisions on the road, from
the hostelries and even the private houses,
was fifty cents or one dollar for a biscuit, and
the same for a glass of milk. It was difficult
to feed my children except when we reached
the house of some devoted Confederate, and
then I did not like to avail of their generosity.
Finally, when it seemed we had endured
fatigue enough to have put a " girdle round
the earth," more dead than alive, we reached
Abbeville, where our welcome was as warm
as though we had something to confer. The
treasure trains, without halting, moved on
to Washington, Ga.
Mr. Armistead Burt and his wife received
us in their fine house with a generous, tender
welcome, though fully expecting that, for hav
ing given us shelter, it would be burnt by the
enemy. There we remained for a few days
resting, and in painful expectation of worse
news. It came, as we feared, all too soon.
LEAVING CHARLOTTE. 613
The following letter was received, and a
despatch announcing General Lee's surren
der.
"AUGUSTA, April 21, 1865.
" MADAME : Herewith I send despatch just
received, and which I hope will reach you
promptly.
" I send you copy of despatch announcing
the suspension of arms.
" I have the honor to be,
"Very respectfully,
" Your obedient servant,
" A. D. FRY/'
A specimen of wild rumors is appended to
show the cloud that covered .us with thick
darkness.
" COKESBURY DEPOT, Saturday Afternoon, 2.30 o'clock P.M.,
"April 22, 1865.
" MRS. DAVIS.
" MADAME : I have the honor, in compliance
with my offer, to write from this place. I
presume you heard the rumors of yesterday,
viz., that an armistice of sixty days had been
agreed upon, and General Grant had sent
couriers to the different raiding parties to that
effect ; that commissioners to negotiate terms
had been appointed, consisting on our part of
Generals Lee, Johnston, and Beauregard, and
on the part of the Yankees of Grant, Sher-
6 14 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
man, and Thomas ; also that the French fleet
had attacked the Yankee gun-boats at New
Orleans, and had taken the city. One pas
senger said that President Davis left Ninety-
six Station by stage for Augusta, Ga. ; another
that he had an escort of three hundred cav
alry, and would come the route by Abbeville.
As all the above are reports, I know nothing
positive of their reliability. The Newbury
train is now one hour and a half behind time.
If it arrives in time for the Abbeville train, I
will add a postscript if there is anything new.
If I can do anything for you, you have but to
command me. . . . P.S. 3.30. The New
bury train is in. I saw Mr. Fleetwood, from
Columbia. He says he conversed with Col
onel Urquhart, of the army, that the armistice
is positively so, and he had seen orders to
the Yankee raiders to that effect. He was
told that President Davis was escorted by
General Geary, and was on his way to Au
gusta, Ga.
" Very truly your obedient servant,
" A. A. FRANKLIN HILL,
" Major First Georgia Regulars''
A courier arrived with the news that Gen
eral Johnston's army were engaged in the
preliminary arrangements for surrender. He
also informed me of Mr. Davis's arrival in
LEAVING CHARLOTTE. 615
Charlotte, and of the announcement made to
him there of the assassination of Mr. Lincoln.
I burst into tears, the first I had shed, which
flowed from the mingling of sorrow for the
family of Mr. Lincoln, and a thorough realiza
tion of the inevitable results to the Confeder
ates, now that they were at the mercy of the
Federals.
I felt unwilling, if all was lost east of the
Mississippi River, to hamper the Confederate
President in his efforts to reach the trans-Mis
sissippi, and there by resistance enforce better
terms than our conquerors seemed willing to
grant.
Our friend, Colonel Henry Leovy, kindly
consented to meet him at the Saluda River
with a note, to say that I would not wait
his coming, but try to get out of the country
as best I might, and meet him in Texas or
elsewhere. This letter Mr. Leovy delivered,
but Mr. Davis pushed on to Abbeville, hoping
to see us before our departure. We had,
however, left there for Washington, Ga., on
the morning of the day he arrived.
Mr. Harrison arrived that day and brought
me a telegram as follows, which he had re
ceived from Mr. Davis, who had asked him
to join and take care of us.
616 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
t( CHARLOTTE, N. C, April 24, 1865.
"B. N. HARRISON, Chester, S. C.
" The hostile Government reject the pro
posed settlement, and order active operations
to be resumed in forty-eight hours from noon
to-day.
" JEFFERSON DAVIS."
About half an hour's travel out of Abbeville,
our wagons met the treasure of the Virginia
banks returning. After a few words of greet
ing to the officer in command, the train moved
on, and we continued our journey to Wash
ington.
We found the whole town in a state of
most depressing disorder. General and Mrs.
Elzey called to see me, and said that when the
news of the surrender was received there, the
quartermasters' and commissaries' stores had
been sacked, and Mrs. Elzey laughingly told
me she had picked up a card of pearl buttons
in the street which General Elzey insisted she
should throw down again, as it was " un
doubtedly public property." General Toombs
called with many kind offers of hospitality,
but I was anxious to get off before Mr. Davis
could reach Washington, fearful that his un
easiness about our safety would cause him to
keep near our train and of his being pursued
by the enemy. My young brother Jefferson
LEAVING CHARLOTTE. 617
had been paroled at Augusta, and came at
once to join and offer me his services.
Colonel Moody, a Mississippi lawyer who
was going home, and Colonel Moran, of Lou
isiana, volunteered to accompany us and take
charge of the party. Mr. Harrison, who had
rejoined us at Abbeville, was travelling with
us ; he had been an inmate of our house so
long that we were mutually attached, and he
rendered every service in his power. Added
to these were Messrs. Hathaway, Messick,
and Winder Monroe, all of Kentucky, and
some paroled Confederate soldiers who drove
the ambulance and wagons. We moved out
o
on the afternoon of the same day that we
reached Washington, and made ten miles
that afternoon.
As soon as our tents were pitched, while
we were trying to get our tea in the awkward
manner of townspeople camping out, Mr.
Davis's riephew-in-law, Mr. Richard Nugent,
came up with a note from him bidding fare
well and expressing his bitter regret at not
seeing us at Washington for consultation, and
offering a few words of counsel. Mr. Nugent
took back an answer immediately, begging
him not to seek an interview, and the ground
felt very hard that night as I lay looking into
the gloom and unable to pierce it even by
conjectures, The next day we moved on and
6i8 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
met crowds of soldiers walking" home, some
very foot-sore and depressed, but generally
cordial. I invited as many as would to take a
drive in one or the other of the wagons or the
ambulance.
On the third day one of our party found
we were to be halted by a number of dis
organized mounted Confederates, to " have a
divide," as they thought we were quartermas
ters going off with treasure. After we halted
for the night the party came up to the camp
fire, and the commander of it recognized me
as having dressed his wounded arm in Rich
mond. After many protestations of regard,
they gave us a safe-conduct to pass by another
party whom we met on the cross roads. I
explained to them that in lieu of money I had
a few groceries, my clothes, and nothing more.
One of them said, " I am sorry it is not
money, you could have kept it." Now we
began to see branches of trees newly broken
lying in the road ; evidently, from the number
of them, they indicated something, and it
gave the gentlemen in charge much uneasi
ness. Colonel Moody communicated his sus
picions to me, that we were followed by some
enemy.
At last, after a long day's journey, we
halted about sundown, and my coachman went
into town for some milk. A party of men
LEAVING CHARLOTTE. 619
met him, took the mule that he was riding,
and told him that they would have all the
mules and horses that night. Our dread was
great of being left helpless in the woods with
out transportation. Upon hearing this cir
cumstance the gentlemen parked the wagons
and tied the horses and mules inside. They
divided into watches so as to meet the rob
bers before they had made an assault.
Mr. Davis has related the rest of the jour
ney better than another could.
CHAPTER LXIII.
THE JOURNEY TO GREENSBOROUGH. THE SUR.
RENDER OF JOHNSTON.
THE President and his party moved to
Greensborough. The President telegraphed
to General Johnston from Danville that Lee
had surrendered, and on arriving at Greens-
borough, conditionally requested him to meet
him there for conference, where General Beau-
regard had his headquarters. Mr. Davis
wrote in substance of the meeting :
" In compliance with my request, General
Johnston came to Greensborough, N. C., and
with General Beauregard met me and most of
my Cabinet there. Though sensible of the
effect of the surrender of the Army of North
ern Virginia, and the consequent discourage
ment which these two events would produce,
I did not despair. We had effective armies
in the field, and a rich and productive territory
both east and west of the Mississippi, whose
citizens had shown no desire to surrender.
Ample supplies had been collected in the rail
road depots, and much still remained to be
placed at our disposal when needed.
THE JOURNEY TO GREENSBOROUGH. 621
" At the first conference of the members of
the Cabinet and the generals, General John
ston expressed a desire to open a correspond
ence with General Sherman, with a view to
suspend hostilities, and thereby to permit the
civil authorities to enter into the needful ar
rangements to end the war. As long as we
were able to keep the field, I had never
contemplated a surrender, except upon the
terms of a belligerent, and never expected a
Confederate army to surrender while it was
able either to fight or to retreat. Lee had
surrendered only when it was impossible for
him to do either, and had proudly rejected
Grant's demand until he found himself sur
rounded and his line of retreat cut off. I was
not hopeful of negotiations between the civil
authorities of the United States and those of
the Confederacy, believing that, even if Sher
man should agree to such a proposition, his
Government would not ratify it. After having
distinctly announced my opinions, I yielded
to the judgment of my constitutional advisers,
and consented to permit Johnston to hold a
conference with Sherman.
" Johnston left for his army headquarters,
and I, expecting that he would soon take up
his line of retreat, which his superiority in
cavalry would protect from harassing pursuit,
proceeded with my Cabinet and staff to Char-
622 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
lotte, N. C. On the way, a despatch was re
ceived from him, stating that Sherman had
agreed to a conference, and asking that the
Secretary of War, General Breckinridge,
should return to co-operate in it.
" When we arrived at Charlotte, on April
1 8, 1865, we received a telegram announcing
the assassination of President Lincoln. A
vindictive policy was speedily substituted for
his, which avowedly was to procure a surren
der of our forces in the field upon any terms,
to stop the further effusion of blood.
" On the same clay, Sherman and Johnston
united on a basis of agreement, which con
tained the following provisions :
"'That both of the contending parties
should maintain their status quo until either
of the Commanding Generals should give not
ice of its termination, and allow reasonable
time to his opponent.
" ' That the Confederate armies should be
disbanded and conducted to the several State
capitals, and deposit their arms and public
property in the State arsenal; each officer and
man to file an agreement to cease from acts of
war, and abide by the action of the Federal
and State authorities.
" ' That there should be recognition by the
Executive of the United States of the sev
eral State Governments, on their officers and
THE JOURNEY TO GREENSBOROUGH. 623
legislatures taking the oaths prescribed by the
Constitution of the United States ; and where
conflicting State Governments have result
ed from the war, the legitimacy of all shall
be submitted to the Supreme Court of the
United States.
" ' That all Federal Courts should be re
established, in the several States, with
powers as defined by the Constitution of the
United States and of the States, respectively.
"' That the people and inhabitants of the
States should be guaranteed, so far as the
Executive can, their political rights and fran
chises, as well as their rights of person and
property, as defined by the Constitution of
the United States and of the States, respec
tively.
" ' That the Executive authority of the
Government of the United States should not
disturb any of the people by reason of the late
war, so long as they live in peace and quiet,
abstain from acts of armed hostility, and obey
the laws.
" ' That, in general terms, war should
cease ; a general amnesty, so far as the
Executive of the United States could com
mand on condition of the disbandment of the
Confederate armies, the distribution of arms,
and the resumption of peaceful pursuits by
the officers and men hitherto composing said
624 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
armies, Not being fully empowered by our
respective principals, to fulfil these terms, we
individually and officially pledge ourselves to
promptly obtain necessary authority, and to
carry out the above programme.
' " W. T. SHERMAN, Major- General, etc.
" ' J. E. JOHNSTON, General, etc/
" I notified General Johnston that I ap
proved of his last action, but in doing so
doubted whether the agreement would be
ratified by the United States Government.
The opinion entertained in regard to Presi
dent Johnson and Stanton, his venomous
Secretary of War, did not permit me to ex
pect that they would be less vindictive after
a surrender of our army had been proposed
than when it was regarded as a formidable
body- in the field. Whatever hope others en
tertained that the war was about to be peace
fully ended, was soon dispelled by the rejection
of the basis of the agreement by the Govern
ment of the United States, and a notice from
Sherman of the termination of the armistice in
forty-eight hours after noon of April 24th. On
the 26th General Johnston again met General
Sherman, who offered the same terms which
had been made with General Lee. Johnston
accepted the terms, and the surrender was
made, his troops being paroled, and the officers
THE JOURNEY TO GREENSBOROUGH. 625
being permitted to retain their side-arms,
baggage, and private horses.
" The total number of prisoners thus par
oled at Greensborough, N. C., as reported by
General Schofield, was 36,817 ; in Georgia
and Florida, as reported by General Wilson,
52,543 ; in all under General Johnston, 89,-
360.
" General Lee had succumbed to the inevit
able. Some persons, with probably a desire
to pay a weak tribute to Lee's kind heart, or
to rob Grant of his claims to magnanimity in
the matter of the surrender, have said that
General Lee had only surrendered to stop the
effusion of blood.
" This is not true. He had no weaknesses
where his plain duty was concerned. He surren -
dered to overwhelming force and insurmount
able difficulties. In Grant's treatment of his
prisoners, let him have all the credit that can
attach to him. The surrender of Johnston was
a different affair. Johnston's line of retreat,
as chosen by himself through South Carolina,
was open and had supplies placed upon it at
various points. He had a large force, of
which over 36,000 were paroled at Greens-
borough, N. C. We had other forces in the
field, and we were certainly in a position to
make serious resistance. This was all the
more important, as such ability would have
VOL. II. 40
626 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
been of service in securing better terms in
bringing the war to an end.
" It might have been possible to have
made some arrangements that would have se
cured the political rights of the States, and
their immunity from the terrible calamities
that afterward fell upon them. General John
ston had these matters and the details of a
plan for his proposed movement fully placed
before him, with orders to execute it. He
disobeyed the order and surrendered his
army, and put every thing at the mercy of the
conquerors, without making a movement to
secure terms that might have availed to pro
tect the political rights of the people and pre
serve their property from pillage when it was
in his power."
Mr. Davis felt that General Johnston's fail
ure to attempt what might have turned out to
be his most valuable service to the people of
the South, should have tempered the violence
of his assaults upon some others who were
exerting themselves in behalf of the South.
On May 8th, General Richard Taylor
agreed with General Canby for the surrender
of the land and naval forces in Mississippi and
Alabama, on terms similar to those made be
tween Johnston and Sherman.
On May 26th, the Chiefs of Staff of Gen-
THE JOURNEY TO GREENSBOROUGH. 627
erals Kirby Smith and General Canby ar
ranged similar terms for the surrender of the
troops in the trans-Mississippi Department.
The total number thus paroled by Gener
al Canby in the Department of Alabama and
Mississippi was 42,293, to which may be add
ed less than 150 of the navy ; while the num
ber surrendered by General Kirby Smith, of
the trans-Mississippi Department, was 17,-
686.
Extract from a letter written at this time :
" .... It was at Salisbury where I
first encountered Mr. Davis during that sad
time, and I had found very pleasant quarters
at the home of the Episcopal clergyman, rec
tor of that charge. About sunset, Mr. Davis,
General Cooper, Colonel William Preston
Johnston (I think), and one or two others of
the President's staff, came to the same house.
" At tea and after tea, Mr. Davis was cheer
ful, pleasant, and inclined to talk. I remem
ber we sat upon the porch until about ten
o'clock, the President with an unlighted cigar
in his mouth, talking of the misfortune of Gen
eral Lee's surrender.
"On the following morning, at breakfast,
Mr. Davis sat at the left hand of the host.
In the midst of the meal the clergyman's little
girl, a child of only seven or eight years, came
in crying and greatly disturbed. She ap-
628 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
preached the table just between the President
and her father, and said :
" ' Oh, papa, old Lincoln's coming and go
ing" to kill us all.'
" Mr. Davis at once laid down his knife
and fork, and placing his right hand upon the
child's head, turned her tearful face toward his
own and said, with animation, ' Oh, no, my
little lady, you need not fear that. Mr. Lin
coln is not such a bad man, he does not want
to kill anybody, and certainly not a little girl
like you.'
" The child was soon pacified. I shall
never forget the kindly expression of the
President's face. .<<.<
"At Charlotte, on the i8th, I saw him
again, on the day following the assassination
of Mr. Lincoln.
" The news had reached Charlotte, but was
not credited. Somehow we learned that
General Breckinridge would be on the train
that afternoon, and with several other Ken-
tuckians I went to the depot. His first desire
was to see the President, so we went with
him to Mr. Davis. We found him sitting in
a chair in the door which opened on the side
walk. After shaking hands with General
Breckinridge, he asked immediately :
" ' Is it true, General, that Mr. Lincoln was
killed?' ' Yes, sir,' replied General Breckin-
THE yoURNEV TO CREEtiSBOROUGH. 629
ridge (who had just come from the front).
' General Sherman received a telegram this
morning that he was shot in Ford's theatre, at
Washington, last night.' Mr. Davis said
promptly, and with feeling, ' I am sorry to
learn it. Mr. Lincoln was a much better man
than his successor will be, and it will go harder
with our people. It is bad news for us.' '
The letter that follows shows General
Hampton's views of the surrender at the time,
and his loyal feeling to our cause, which, how
ever, like Mr. Davis's, were never doubted.
"YORKVILLE, May I, 1865.
" MY DEAR SIR: I left Hillsborough as soon
as I learned of the agreement made between
Generals Sherman and Johnston, and pushed
on rapidly to this point, where I arrived at
one this morning. A question arises as to
whether I was included in this convention, and
I have agreed to leave it to the Secretary of
War for his decision. The convention and
the subsequent order of General Johnston,
disbanded all the troops at once. I think you
will have to rely on a small body of picked
men to get you across the river. I will have
some such who will go on as soon as they ar
rive here, which they will do to-day or to
morrow. My own movements will depend
on your orders and wishes. It will give me
636 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
great pleasure to assist you if I can do so, and
you may rest assured that I shall stick to our
flag as long as anyone can be found to uphold
it. I have given General Wheeler my views
of this movement out West, and he will ex
plain everything to you. Should I not over
take you, I beg you to believe that you have
my earnest good wishes and my prayers for
your success. On my return to Hillsborough
on the 25th, I found to my great surprise, that
a convention had settled terms between Gen
erals Johnston and Sherman. I told Gen
eral Johnston that I did not consider myself
as bound by his convention, but as he did con
sider me so bound, that the matter should be
referred to you, and that I would abide your
decision.
" I sent a despatch to you and I have come
as rapidly as possible to this point, in hopes
of hearing from you. My plans will be deter
mined by your decision and wishes. Where-
ever and however I can best do service, there
I wish to be.
" If I remain here I shall be most happy to
render any service to Mrs. Davis. That God
may protect you and bring you back in safety
and with success, is the prayer of
" Your sincere friend,
" WADE HAMPTON.
"To his Excellency, PRESIDENT DAVIS."
JEFFERSON DAVIS \VHE.N CAPTURED.
CHAPTER LXIV.
CAPTURE OF PRESIDENT DAVIS, AS WRITTEN BY
HIMSELF.
" AFTER the expiration of the armistice I
rode out of Charlotte, attended by all but two
members of my cabinet, my personal staff, and
the cavalry that had been concentrated from
different fields of detached service. The
number was about two thousand. They rep
resented five brigade organizations. Though
so much reduced in number, they were in a
good state of efficiency, and among" their offi
cers were some of the best in our service.
" After two halts of half a day each, we
reached the Savannah River.
" I crossed early in the morning of May 4th,
with a company which had been detailed as
my escort, and rode some miles to a farm
house, where I halted to get breakfast and
have our horses fed. Here I learned that a
regiment of the enemy was moving upon
Washington, Ga., which was one of our de
pots of supplies, and I sent back a courier
with a pencil-note addressed to General
Vaughan, or the officer commanding the ad-
632 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
vance, requesting" him to come on and join
me immediately. After waiting a consider
able time I determined to move on with my
escort, trusting that we should arrive in Wash
ington in time to rally the citizens to its de
fence. When I reached there scouts were
sent out on different roads, and my conclusion
was that we had had a false alarm. The Sec
retary of State, Mr. Benjamin, being unaccus
tomed to travelling on horseback, parted from
me at the house where we stopped to break
fast, to take another mode of conveyance and
a different route from that which I was pur
suing, with intent to join me in the trans-Mis
sissippi Department. At Washington the
Secretary of the Navy, Mr. Mallory, left me
to place his family in safety.
The Secretary of War, Mr. Breckinridge,
had remained with the cavalry at the crossing
of the Savannah River. During the night
after my arrival in Washington he sent in an
application for authority to draw from the
treasure, under the protection of the troops,
enough to make to them a partial payment.
1 authorized the acting Secretary of the
Treasury to meet the requisition by the use
of the silver coin in the train. When the next
day passed without the troops coming for
ward, I wrote to the Secretary of War to de
precate longer delay, having heard that Gen-
CAPTURE OP MR. DAVIS. 633
eral Upton had passed within a few miles of
the town, on his way to Augusta to receive
the surrender of the garrison and military
material at that place, in conformity with or
ders issued by General Johnston. This was
my first positive information of his surrender.
Not receiving an immediate reply to the
note addressed to General Breckinridge, I
explained to Captain Campbell, of Kentucky,
commanding my escort, that his company was
not strong enough to fight, and too large to
pass without observation, asked him to in
quire if there were ten men who would volun
teer to go with me without question wherever
I should choose. He brought back for an
swer that the whole company volunteered on
the terms proposed. I was gratified, but felt
to accept the offer would expose them to un
necessary hazard, and told him, in any man
ner he might think best, to form a party often
men. With these ten men and five of my
personal staff, I left Washington. Secretary
Reagan remained for a short time to transfer
to Mr. Semple and Mr. Ticlball the treasure
in his hands, except a few thousand dollars.
Mr. Reagan overtook me in a few hours.
" I saw no more of General Breckinridge,
but learned subsequently that he followed our
route to overtake me, but heard of my cap
ture, and, turned to the east and reached the
634 JEFFERSON DAVlS.
Florida coast unmolested. On tJie way he
met J. Taylor Wood, and, in an open boat
they crossed the straits to the West Indies.
The cavalry command left at the Savannah
River was paroled, on the condition of re
turning home and remaining unmolested, and
fc> o
the troops inclined to accept those terms.
Had General Johnston obeyed the order sent
to him from Charlotte, and moved on the
route selected by himself, with all his cavalry,
so much of the infantry as could be mounted,
and the light artillery, he could not have been
successfully pursued by General Sherman.
His force, united to that I had assembled at
Charlotte, would have been sufficient to van
quish any troops which the enemy had be
tween us and the Mississippi River.
" Had the cavalry with which I left Char
lotte been associated with a force large enough
to inspire hope for the future, instead of be
ing discouraged by the surrender of their
rear, it would probably have gone on, and,
when united with the forces of Maury, For
rest, and Taylor, in Alabama and Mississippi,
have constituted an army large enough to at
tract stragglers, and revive the drooping spir
its of the country. In the worst view of the
case it should have been able to cross to the
trans-Mississippi Department, and, there unit
ing with the armies of E. K. Smith and Ma-
CAPTURE OF MR. DAVIS. 6 3 $
gruder, to form an army which, in the portion
of that country abounding in supplies and de
ficient in rivers and railroads, could have con
tinued the war until our enemy, foiled in the
purpose of subjugation, should have agreed,
on the basis of a return to the Union, to ac
knowledge the constitutional rights of the
States, and by a convention, or quasi-treaty,
to guarantee security of person and property.
To this hope I clung, and if our independence
could not be achieved, so much, at least, I
trusted might be gained.
" Those who have endured the horrors of
' reconstruction/ who have, under ' carpet-bag
rule,' borne insult, robbery, and imprisonment
without legal warrant, can appreciate the value
of even such a limited measure of success.
" When I left Washington, Ga., my object
was to go to the south far enough to pass
points occupied by Federal troops, and then
turn to the west, cross the Chattahoochie, and
meet the forces still supposed to be in the
field in Alabama. If there should be no pros
pect of a successful resistance east of the
Mississippi, I intended to cross to the trans-
Mississippi Department, where I believed
Generals E. K. Smith and Magruder would
continue to uphold our cause.
" After leaying Washington I overtook a
commissary and quartermaster's train, having
636 yEFF$SON DAVIS.
public papers of value in charge, and rinding
that they had no experienced woodman with
it, I gave them four of the men of my party,
and went on with the rest. On the second or
third day after leaving Washington I heard
that a band of marauders, supposed to be
stragglers and deserters from both armies,
were in pursuit of my family, whom I had not
seen since they left Richmond, but who, I
heard at Washington, had gone with my
private secretary and seven paroled men, who
generously offered their services as an escort,
to the Florida coast. I immediately changed
direction and rode rapidly east across the
country to overtake them.
" About nightfall the horses of my escort
gave out, but I pressed on with Secretary Rea
gan and my personal staff. It was a bright
moonlight night ; and just before day, as the
moon was sinking below the tree tops, I met a
party of men in the road, who answered my
questions by saying they belonged to an Ala
bama regiment ; that they were coming from
a village not far off, on their way homeward.
Upon inquiry being made, they told me they
had passed an encampment of wagons, with
women and children, and asked me if we be
longed to that party. Upon being answered
in the affirmative, they took their leave.
" After a short time, I was hailed by a voice
CAPTURE OF MR. DAVIS. 637
which I recognized as that of my private sec
retary, Burton N. Harrison, who informed me
that the marauders had been hanging around
the camp, and that he and others were on
post around it, and were expecting an assault
as soon as the moon went down. A silly story
had got abroad that it was a treasure train,
and the auri sacra fames had probably in
stigated these marauders, as it subsequently
stimulated General J. H. Wilson to send out
a large cavalry force to capture the same train.
I travelled with my family two or three days,
when, believing that they were out of the
region of marauders, I determined to leave
their encampment at nightfall to execute my
original purpose. My horse and those of my
party were saddled preparatory to a start,
when one of my staff, who had ridden into
the neighboring village, returned and told me
that he had heard that a marauding party
intended to attack the camp that night. This
decided me to wait long enough to see
whether there was any truth in the rumor,
which I supposed would be ascertained in a
few hours. * My horse remained saddled
* There was a proposition made to disembarrass us of our wagons,
to which I consented, and only asked time to get out a change of
clothes for my children ; but Colonel Moody objected to the time
necessary, and said it could be done next halt and the next day we
were captured at daybreak.
638 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
and my pistols in the holsters, and I lay down
fully dressed to rest. Nothing occurred to
rouse me until just before dawn, when my
coachman, -a free colored man who clung to
our fortunes, came and told me there was fir
ing over the branch, just behind our encamp
ment. I stepped out of my wife's tent and
saw some horsemen, whom I immediately
recognized as cavalry, deploying around the
encampment. I turned back and told my
wife these were not the expected marauders,
but regular troopers.* She implored me to
leave her at once. I hesitated, from unwill
ingness to do so, and lost a few precious
moments before yielding to her importunity.
My horse and arms were near the road on
which I expected to leave, and down which
the cavalry approached ; it was therefore
impracticable for me to reach them. As it
was quite dark in the tent, I picked up what
was supposed to be my "raglan," a water
proof light overcoat, without sleeves ; it was
subsequently found to be my wife's, so very
like my own as to be mistaken for it ; as I
started, my wife thoughtfully threw over my
head and shoulders a shawl. I had gone
perhaps fifteen or twenty yards when a trooper
* He had said as he first went out, " I hope I still have influence
enough with the Confederates to prevent your being robbed,"
CAPTURE OF MR. DAVIS. 639
galloped up and ordered me to halt and sur
render, to which I gave a defiant answer,
and, dropping the shawl and raglan from my
shoulders, advanced toward him ; he levelled
his carbine at me, but I expected, if he fired,
he would miss me, and my intention was in
that event to put my hand under his foot,
tumble him off on the other side, spring into
his saddle, and attempt to escape. My wife,
who had *been watching, when she saw the
soldier aim his carbine at me, ran forward and
threw her arms around me. Success depend
ed on instantaneous action, and recognizing
that the opportunity had been lost, I turned
back, and, the morning being damp and chilly,
passed on to a fire beyond the tent.
" Our pursuers had taken different roads,
and approached our camp from opposite direc
tions ; they encountered each other and com
menced firing, both supposing that they had
met our armed escort, and some casualties re
sulted from their conflict with an imaginary
body of Confederate troops. During the con
fusion, while attention was concentrated upon
myself, except by those who were engaged in
pillage, one of my aides, Colonel J. Taylor
Wood, with Lieutenant Barnwell, walked off
unobserved. His daring on the sea made him
an object of special hostility to the Federal
Government, and he properly availed himself
640 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
of the possible means of escape. Colonel
Pritchard went over to their battle-field, and I
did not see him for a long time, surely more
than an hour after my capture. He subse
quently claimed credit, in a conversation with
me, for the forbearance shown by his men in
not shooting" me when I refused to surrender.
" Many falsehoods have been uttered in re
gard to my capture, which have been exposed
in publications by persons there present by
Secretary Reagan, by the members of my
personal staff, and by the colored coachman,
Jim Jones, which must have been convincing
to all who desired to know the truth. We
were, when prisoners, subjected to petty pil
lage, as described in the publications referred
to, and in others ; and to annoyances such as
military gentlemen never commit or permit.
" At this time quick firing was heard on the
side of the swamp. We afterward learned
that two Federal companies of our pursu
ers had met in the gray of the morning, and
each had mistaken the other for Confederate
troops.
" While the camp was being plundered,
which was done with great celerity, there was
a shriek dreadful to hear, and our servants told
us it came from a poor creature who, in prying
up the lid of a trunk with his loaded musket,
shot off his own hand. Out of this trunk the
CAPTURE OF MR. DAVIS. 641
hooped skirt was procured, which had never
been worn but which they purported to have
removed from Mr. Davis's person. No
hooped skirt could have been worn on our
journey, even by me, without great inconve
nience, and I had none with me except the
new one in the trunk. I have long since
ceased to combat falsehood when it has been
uttered and scattered broadcast, a much less
distance than this one has been borne upon
the wings of hate and vilification, and I now
rest the case, though, could the tortures wan
tonly inflicted when he was a helpless prisoner,
have been averted from my husband by any
disguise, I should gladly have tried to per
suade him to assume it ; and who shall say the
stratagem would not have been legitimate ?
I would have availed myself of a Scotch cap
and cloak, or any other expedient to avert
from him the awful consequences of his cap
ture.
When we had travelled back a day's drive,
as we were about to get in the wagons, a
man galloped into camp waving over his
head a printed slip of paper. One of our
servants told us it was Mr. Johnson's procla
mation of a reward for Mr. Davis's capture as
the accessory to Mr. Lincoln's assassination.
I was much shocked, but Mr. Davis was quite
unconcerned, and said, " The miserable scoun-
VQI,. H.-4I
642 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
drel who issued that proclamation knew bet
ter than these men that it was false. Of
course, such an accusation must fail at once ;
it may, however, render these people willing
to assassinate me here." There was a percept
ible change in the manner of the soldiers from
this time, and the jibes and insults heaped
upon us as they passed by, notwithstanding
Colonel Pritchard's efforts to suppress the
expression of their detestation, were hard to
bear. Bitterest among these was an officer
named Hudson. He informed me he intend
ed to take our poor little negro protege as his
own, and solicitude for the child troubled us
more than Hudson's insults.
Within a short distance of Macon we were
halted and the soldiers drawn up in line on
either side of the road. Our children crept
close to their father, especially little Maggie,
who put her arms about him and held him
tightly, while from time to time he comforted
her with tender words from the psalms of
David, which he repeated as calmly and cheer
fully as if he were surrounded by friends. It
is needless to say that as the men stood at
ease, they expressed in words unfit for wom
en's ears all that malice could suggest. In
about an hour, Colonel Pritchard returned, and
with him came a brigade, who testified their
belief in Mr. Davis's guilt in the same manner.
MHI T^
MARGARET HOWELL DAVIS.
(Now Mrs. J. H. Hayes.)
m ***&
1
I
JEFFERSON HAYES DAVIS.
CAPTURE OF MR. DAVIS. 643
Men may be forgiven, who, actuated by
prejudice, exhibit bitterness in the first hours
of their triumph ; but what excuse can be of
fered for one who in cold blood, deliberately
organizes tortures to be inflicted, and super
intends for over a year their application to
the quivering form of an emaciated, exhaust
ed, helpless prisoner, who, the whole South
proudly remembers, though reduced to death's
door, unto the end neither recanted his faith,
fawned upon his persecutor, nor pleaded for
mercy.*
Mr. Davis described his entrance into cap
tivity as follows :
" When we reached Macon, I was conduct
ed to the hotel where General Wilson had his
quarters. A strong guard was in front of
the entrance, and when I passed in it opened
ranks, facing inward and presented arms.
" A commodious room was assigned to my
self and family.f After dinner I had an in
terview with General Wilson. After some
conversation in regard to our common ac-
* See Appendix for further accounts of the capture and other
matters appertaining to it.
f When dinner was brought, the negro brought in a tray covered
with a cloth, and when that was lifted it disclosed a lovely bunch
of flowers. With tears in his eyes he said, "I could not bear for
you to eat without something pretty from the Confederates." I
have one of the roses yet, and if he has gone to his reward, feel
sure that this kind act was counted him for righteousness.
644 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
quaintance, he referred to the proclamation
offering a reward for my capture. I supposed
that any insignificant remark of mine would
be reported to his Government, and feared
that another opportunity to give my opinion
of A. Johnson might not be presented, and
told him there was one man in the United
States who knew that proclamation to be false.
He remarked that my expression indicated a
particular person. I answered yes, and that
person was the one who signed it, for he at
least knew that I preferred Lincoln to himself.
" Having several small children, one of
them an infant, I expressed a preference for
the easier route by water, supposing then, as
he seemed to do, that I was to go to Wash
ington City. He manifested a courteous,
obliging temper. My preference as to the
route was accorded.* I told him that some
of the men with me were on parole, that they
were riding their own horses private prop
erty and I hoped they would be permitted
to retain them. I have a distinct recollection
that he promised me it should be done, but
have since learned that their horses were tak
en ; and some who were on parole, viz., Major
* Colonel Pritchard, though evidently laboring under an invincible
prejudice, even an active sense of hate, tried to give us as little un
necessary pain as he could, but of the horrors and sufferings on that
journey it is difficult to speak.
CAPTURE OF MR. DAVIS. 645
Moran, Captain Moody, Lieutenant Hatha
way, Midshipman Howell, and Private Messec,
who had not violated their obligation of pa
role, but were voluntarily travelling with my
family to protect them from marauders, were
prisoners of war, and all incarcerated in dis
regard of the protection promised when they
surrendered. At Augusta we were put on a
steamer, and there met Vice-President Steph
ens, Honorable C. C. Clay, General Wheel
er, the distinguished cavalry officer, and his
adjutant, General Rails.
" Burton N. Harrison, though they would
not allow him to go in the carriage with me,
resolved to follow my fortunes, as well from,
sentiment as from the hope of being useful.
His fidelity was rewarded by a long and rig
orous imprisonment. At Port Royal* we
* There a tug came out to us, bringing a number of jeering people
to see Mr. Davis, and they plied him with such insulting questions,
that he looked up at an axe fastened to the wall in the gangway ; the
look was observed, and the axe removed. From one of these peo
ple we learned that our old friend, General Saxton, was there, and
my husband thought we might ask the favor of him to look after our
little protege Jim's education, in order that he might not fall under
the degrading influence of Captain Hudson. A note was written
to General Saxton, and the poor little boy was given to the officers
of the tug-boat for the General, who kindly took charge of him.
Believing that he was going on board to see something and return,
he quietly went, but as soon as he found he was to leave us he fought
like a little tiger, and was thus engaged the last we saw of him. I
hope he has been successful in the world, for he was a fine boy, not
withstanding all that had been done to mar his childhood. Some
646 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
were transferred to a sea-going vessel, which
instead of being sent to Washington City,
anchored at Hampton Roads.
years ago we saw in a Massachusetts paper that he would bear to
his grave the marks of the stripes inflicted upon him by us. We
felt sure he had not said this, for the affection was mutual between
us, and we had never punished him.
CHAPTER LXV.
THE SEPARATION AND IMPRISONMENT OF OUR
PARTY.
BEFORE we were parted Mr. Davis told me
if we should be separated by the authorities,
to tell any of the Confederate agents I saw
that they must use all the money they could
get to pay the debts of the Confederacy. He
also told me to request Mr. O'Conor to de
fend him ; but in the meanwhile Mr. O'Con
or had volunteered his services, and he was
a tower of strength to us, to whom we owed
more than can be expressed. He passed
away before my husband, but his honored
name still lives.
After lying at anchor a few days a tug came
out, and my brother Jefferson, a paroled mid
shipman, without arms, and taken in no hostile
act, came with a cheerful face, and throwing
his arms around me, said, " They have come
for me; good-by, do not be uneasy;" the
cheery smile of the boy as he went over the
side of the vessel to an unknown fate, haunts
me yet. He and the other gentlemen of our
travelling party were taken off together to
their carefully concealed destination.
648 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
A second tug took Mr. Stephens, General
Wheeler, our friends of the staff, and Mr. Da-
vis's private secretary, who all preserved the
same quiet demeanor. On the next day a
tug with a company of German soldiers came
up. Our little Jeff ran to us, pale with hor
ror, and sobbed out, "They say they have
come for father, beg them to let us go with
him." Mr. Davis went forward, and returned
with an officer, saying, " It is true, I must go
at once." He whispered to me, " Try not to
weep, they will gloat over your grief," and
the desire to lessen his anguish enabled me
to bid farewell quietly. Mrs. Clay preserved
the same self-control. His parting from our
-children was a sacred sorrow, in which the
people on deck participated so far as observa
tion without sympathy would go. We parted
in silence. As the tug bore him away from
the ship, he stood with bared head between
the files of undersized German and other for
eign soldiers on either side of him, and as we
looked, as we thought, our last upon his
stately form and knightly bearing, he seemed
a man of another and higher race, upon whom
" shame would not dare to sit. 7 '
After a few hours Colonel Pritchard left us
here, and asked me for my waterproof, which
I thought would disprove the assertion that it
was essentially a woman's cloak, and gave to
SEPARATION AND IMPRISONMENT. 649
him. Such provisions as we had were taken
from us, and hard tack and soldier's fare was
substituted. Captain Grant, of Maine, how
ever, was a humane man, and did his best for
us. The effort was made to get a physician
for my sister, who was exceedingly ill, but Dr.
Craven accounts for our inability to do so in
his " Prison Life of Jefferson Davis," p. 77,
by saying that the orders were to allow no
communication with the ship. We were now
visited by a raiding party, headed by Captain
Hudson. They opened our trunks and ab
stracted everything they desired to have.
Among these articles were nearly all my
children's clothes. My boy Jeff seized his
little uniform of Confederate gray, and ran
up to me with it, and thus prevented its be
ing taken as a trophy. A very handsome
Pennsylvania flag, which had been captured
by General Bradley Johnson in battle, was
also taken out of my trunk. Then Captain
Hudson valiantly came with a file of men to
insist upon having my shawl, and said he
would take everything I had if I did not
yield it to him, though he offered to buy me
another to replace it. It was relinquished, as
anything else would have been to dispense
with his presence.
We were anchored out a mile or two in the
harbor, and little tugs full of mockers, male
650 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
and female, came out. They steamed around
the ship, offering, when one of us met their
view, such insults as were transmissible at a
short distance. Some United States officers
visited the ship, of whom I have no clear
memory, except of the " Roland" Mrs. Clay
gave them for the " Oliver " they offered.
Two or three of them looked into my sis
ter's state-room, with whom Mrs. Clay was sit
ting. She said, " Gentlemen, do not look in
here, it is a ladies' state-room." One of them
threw the door open and said, " There are no
ladies here ; " to which Mrs. Clay responded,
"There certainly are no gentlemen there."
They retired swearing out their wrath.
The next day General Miles and some
other officers came on board, and summoned
Mrs. Clay and me. He was quite young,
about, I should think, twenty-five, and
seemed to have newly acquired his elevated
position. He was not respectful, but I
thought it was his ignorance of polite usage.
He declined to tell me anything of my hus
band, or about our own destination, and said
" Davis " had announced Mr. Lincoln's as
sassination the day before it happened, and
he guessed he knew all about it.
All newspapers were forbidden, and the
next day we sailed under sealed orders. A
letter to Dr. Craven, but meant for my hus-
JEFFERSON DAVIS, JR.
SEPARATION AND IMPRISONMENT. 651
band, quoted elsewhere, tells all that would
interest anyone at this day. My first letter,
which contained the same narrative, addressed
to Mr. Davis, had been intercepted.
Mr. Davis wrote : " After some days' deten
tion, Clay and myself were removed to Fort
ress Monroe, and there incarcerated in separ
ate cells. Not knowing that the Government
was at war with women and children, I asked
that my family might be permitted to leave
the ship and go to Richmond or Washington
City, or some place where they had acquain
tances ; but this was refused. I then request
ed that they might be permitted to go abroad
on one of the vessels lying at the Roads.
This was also denied. Finally, I was in
formed that they must return to Savannah on
the vessel by which they came. This was an
old transport-ship, hardly seaworthy. My
last attempt was to get them the privilege of
stopping at Charleston, where they had many
personal friends. This also was refused. My
daily experience as a prisoner only served to
intensify my extreme solicitude. Bitter tears
have been shed by the gentle, and stern re
proaches have been made by the magnani
mous, on account of the heavy fetters riveted
upon me while in a stone casemate and sur
rounded by a strong guard ; but these were
less excruciating than the mental agony my
652 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
captors were able to inflict. It was long be
fore I was permitted to hear from my wife and
children, and this, and things like this, was
the power which education added to savage
cruelty/'
CHAPTER LXVI.
CRUELTIES PRACTISED AT FORTRESS MONROE.
As the most conclusive evidence of Gener
al Miles's animus, and of the methods adopted
toward Mr. Davis when he reached the fort, a
statement of events in relation to putting fet
ters upon him at Fortress Monroe is given be
low, derived from a statement of the officer of
the day, and verified by the prisoner and a wit
ness, Captain J. Titlow, of the Third Pennsyl
vania Artillery.
" When Jefferson Davis was brought to
Fortress Monroe he was confined in the gun
room of a casemate, the embrasure of which
was closed with a heavy iron grating, and
the two doors which communicated with the
gunner's room were closed by heavy double
shutters, fastened with cross-bars and pad
locks. The side openings had been closed
with fresh masonry,* the plastering of which
was soft to the touch ; the rest of the four
walls of solid masonry, the top being an arch
to support the earth of the parapet. Two
* To this disregard of Mr. Davis' s health was probably due his in
tense suffering from carbuncles and erysipelas afterward
654 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
sentinels, with muskets loaded and bayonets
fixed, paced to and fro across this small pris
on. Two other sentinels and a commissioned
officer occupied the gunner's-room, the door
and windows of which were strongly secured.
The officer of the day had the key of the outer
door, and sentinels were posted on the pave
ment in front of it. There were also sentinels
on the parapet overhead. The embrasure
looked out on a wet ditch, say, sixty feet
wide, the water in which was probably from
seven to ten feet deep ; scarp and counter
scarp revetted with dressed masonry. Be
yond the ditch on the glacis was a double
chain of sentinels, and in the casemate-rooms
on each side of his prison were quartered that
part of the guard which was not on post.
Worn down by privation, over-exertion, and
exposure, my husband was in no condition,
when thrown into prison, to resist exciting
causes of disease. The damp walls, the food
too coarse and bad to be eaten, the depriva
tion of sleep caused by the tramping of senti
nels around the iron cot, the light of the lamp
which shone full upon it, the loud calling of the
roll when another relief was turned out, the
noise of unlocking the doors, the tramp of
the sentinels who came to relieve those on
the post, produced fever, and rapidly wasted
his strength. Without mechanical aid, even
CRUELTIES AT FORTRESS MONROE. 655
though his efforts were not interrupted, no one
man could have removed the grating from
the embrasure. If that had been done, and he
could have swum across the ditch and climbed
up the revetment on the opposite side, which
is doubtful, he would there have encountered
the sentinels on the glacis. The circumstan
ces, together with many manifestations indi
cating feeling toward him, led him to the con
clusion that it was not the belief that these
things were necessary to prevent his escape,
but a purpose to inflict physical pain, and per
haps to deprive him of life.
On May 23, 1865, the officer of the day,
Captain J. Titlow, of the Third Pennsylvania
Artillery, came into his prison with two black
smiths bearing a pair of heavy leg irons coup
led together by a ponderous chain. Cap
tain Titlow, in a manner fully sustaining his
words, informed him that with great personal
reluctance he came to execute an order to
put irons upon him. Mr. Davis asked whether
General Miles had given that order, and on
being answered in the affirmative, said he
wished to see General Miles. Captain Titlow
replied that he had just left General Miles, who
was leaving the fort. Mr. Davis then asked
that the execution of the order should be post
poned until General Miles returned. Captain
Titlow said his orders would not permit that,
656 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
and that to an old soldier it was needless to say
that an officer was bound to execute such an or
der as it was given to him. Mr. Davis told
him that it was too obvious that there could be
no necessity for the use of such means to ren
der his imprisonment secure, and on Captain
Titlow repeating that his duty was to execute
his orders, Mr. Davis said it was not such
an order as a soldier could give, or should re
ceive, and he would not submit to it. That
it was evident the intention was to torture him
to death, that he would never tamely be sub
jected to indignities by which it was sought
in his own person to degrade the cause of
which he was a representative. The officer
of the day, with evident kind feeling, endeav
ored to dissuade him from resistance. The
officer of the guard came in from the front
room, and united with the officer of the day
to induce him to yield. It was needless to
show, what was very apparent, that resistance
could not be successful, and Mr. Davis's an
swer was that he was a soldier and a gentle
man, that he knew how to die, and, pointing
to the sentinel who stood ready, said, " Let
your men shoot me at once/' He faced round
with his back to the wall and stood silently
waiting. His quiet manner led the officer of
the day to suppose that no resistance would
be made, and therefore the blacksmiths were
CRUELTIES AT FORTRESS MONROE. 657
directed to do their work. As one of them
stooped down to put on the fetter, Mr. Davis
slung him off so violently as to throw him on
the floor. He recovered and raised his ham
mer to strike, but the officer of the day
stopped him ; simultaneously one of the senti
nels cocked and lowered his musket, advancing
on the prisoner, who then encountered this
assailant. But Captain Titlow now saw the
new danger and promptly interposed, telling
the sentinels they were not to fire ; then or
dered the officer of the guard to bring in four
of the strongest men of the guard without fire
arms, for the purpose of overcoming by mus
cular strength the resistance which was threat
ened. Mr. Davis had nothing with which to
defend himself, even his penknife having been
previously taken from him. The contest was
brief, which ended in his being thrown down,
four men on his body and head. He could
not see the blacksmiths when they approached
to put on the irons, but feeling one he kicked
him off from him. The smith recovered, and
with the aid which the other men could give
him, succeeded in the second attempt to rivet
one fetter and secure the padlock which held
the other. The object being effected, the
officer of the day retired with the men he had
brought in. Mr. Davis lay down on the cot,
covered his ironed limbs with the blanket,
VOL. ii. 42
658 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
and felt only a more intense contempt for
the brutality with which he was treated than
when a few minutes before he had announced
his belief that he was to be tortured to death,
and defied the power which attempted to de
grade him.
Of the dramatic account published in Dr.
Craven's book,* he said it could not have
been written by anyone who either knew the
facts, or had such personal knowledge of him
as to form a just idea of what his conduct
would be under such circumstances. The
fact, he added, was, that very little was said
either by Captain Titlow or by himself, and
that whatever was said was uttered in a very
quiet, practical manner. For himself, he
would say he was too resolved and too
proudly conscious of his relation to a sacred,
though unsuccessful cause, for such exclama
tion and manifestation as were imputed to
him by Dr. Craven's informant, and given to
the public in his book.
* The good doctor probably received the account from some un
reliable person. So revolting was the recital to all honorable and
brave men, that General Birge, of whose kind heart I had several
proofs, wrote to me not to be disturbed, the act could not have been
perpetrated ; and there are certainly many persons in the North now
who have not accepted it as a fact.
CHAPTER LXVII.
THE TORTURES INFLICTED BY GENERAL MILES.
THE following extracts from Dr. Craven's
book will best present a feature of the tort
ures inflicted by General Miles :
" May 24, 1865. Calling upon the prison
er the first time I had ever seen him closely
he presented 3 very miserable and afflict
ing aspect. Stretched upon his pallet and
very much emaciated, Mr. Davis appeared a
mere fascine of raw and tremulous nerves, his
eyes restless and fevered, his head continual
ly shifting from side to side for a cool spot
on the pillow, and his case clearly one in
which intense cerebral excitement was the
first thing needing attention. He was ex
tremely despondent, his pulse full and at
ninety, tongue thickly coated, extremities
cold, and his head troubled with a long-es
tablished neuralgic disorder. Complained of
his thin camp mattress, and pillow stuffed
with hair, adding that he was so emaciated
that his skin chafed easily against the slats ;
and, as these complaints were well founded,
I ordered an additional hospital mattress and
660 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
softer pillow, for which he thanked me cour
teously."
" May 24, 1865. On quitting Mr. Davis,
at once wrote to Major Church, Assistant-
Adjutant-general, advising that the prisoner
be allowed tobacco to the want of which,
after a lifetime of use, he had referred as one
of the probable partial causes of his illness
though not complainingly, nor with any re
quest that it be given."
After some days this request was granted.
" Complained that the footfalls of the two
sentries within his chamber made it difficult
for him to collect his thoughts ; but added
cheerfully, that with this (touching his pipe)
he hoped to become tranquil." *
" May 25th. I have a poor, frail body,"
he said, " and though in my youth and man
hood, while soldiering, I have done some
rough camping and campaigning, there was
flesh then to cover my nerves and bones ;
and that makes an important difference."
" May 26th. Happening to notice that his
coffee stood cold and apparently untasted be
side his bed in its tin cup, I remarked that
here was a contradiction of the assertion im-
* During this period Mr. Stanton is said to have gone down and
peered through the grating at the tortured man, and that General
Miles favored his friends with peeps at him when they were at all
curious,
fORTURES iNFLfctEb BY GJV. MILES. 661
plied in the old army question, ' Who ever
saw cold coffee in a tin cup ? ' referring to
the eagerness with which soldiers of all
classes, when campaigning, seek for and use
this beverage.*
" ' I cannot drink it/ he remarked, ' though
fond of coffee all my life. It is the poorest
article of the sort I have ever tasted ; and if
your government pays for such stuff as coffee,
the purchasing Quartermaster must be get
ting rich. It surprises me, too, for I thought
your soldiers must have the best ; many of my
generals complaining of the difficulties they
encountered in seeking to prevent our people
from making volunteer truces with your sol
diers whenever the lines ran near each other,
for the purpose of exchanging the tobacco we
had in abundance against your coffee and
sugar/
" I told him to spend as little time in bed
as he could ; that exercise was the best medi
cine for dyspeptic patients. . To this he an
swered by uncovering the blankets from his
feet and showing me his shackled ankles.
* This coffee was brought in the same cup, unwashed, in which
his soup had been served the day before, and whatever he tasted
cooked brought on intense pain. The bread brought to him was first
shredded through the hands of one of the soldiers, to see that it con
tained no "deadly weepons." Mr. Davis therefore decided to eat
no more than would barely sustain life, and found difficulty in do
ing this, the manner of its presentation was so revolting.
662 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
" ' It is impossible for me, doctor ; I cannot
even stand erect. These shackles are very
heavy ; I know not, with the chain, how
many pounds. If I try to move them they
trip me, and have already abraded broad
patches of skin from the parts they touch.
Can you devise no means to pad or cushion
them, so that when I try to drag them along
they may not chafe me intolerably ? My
limbs have so little flesh on them, and that so
weak, as to be easily lacerated/
" That afternoon, at an interview sought
with Major-General Miles, my opinion was
given that the physical condition of State-
prisoner Davis required the removal of his
shackles until such time as his health should
be established on some firmer basis. Exer
cise he absolutely needed, and also some alle
viation of his abnormal nervous excitement.
No drugs could aid a digestion naturally
weak and so impaired, without exercise ; nor
could anything, in the pharmacopoeia quiet
nerves so overwrought and shattered, while
the continual friction of the fetters was coun
terpoising whatever medicines could be given.
" ' You believe it, then, a medical neces
sity ? ' queried General Miles.
" ' I do, most earnestly/ "
" May 27th. Mr. Davis said : ' My physi
cal condition rendered it obvious that there
TORTURES INFLICTED JSY GEN. MILES. 66 3
could be no idea that fetters were needful to
the security of my imprisonment. It was
clear, therefore, that the object was to offer an
indignity both to myself and the cause I rep
resented not the less sacred to me because
covered with the pall of a military disaster.
It was for this reason I resisted as a duty to
my faith, to my countrymen, and to myself.
It was for this reason I courted death from
the muskets of the guard. The officer of the
day prevented that result, and, indeed,' bow
ing to Captain Titlow, ' behaved like a man
of good feeling/ . . .
" Patriots in all ages, to whose memories
shrines are now built, have suffered as bad or
worse indignities."
o
He was uneasy lest my luggage should be
again searched and rifled, and indignities of
fered. Dr. Craven wrote :
" On my remarking, to soothe him, that no
such search was probable, he said it could
hardly be otherwise, as he had received a
suit of heavy clothes from the propeller ; and
General Miles, when informing him of the fact,
had mentioned that there were quite a number
of suits there.
" ' Now, I had none with me but such as my
wife placed in her own trunks when she left
Richmond, so that her trunks have probably
been opened ; and I suppose,' he added with
664 *-fEFFER$ON
another grim smile, ' that the other clothes
to which General Miles referred, are now on
exhibition or preserved as " relics." My only
hope is that in taking my wardrobe they did
not also confiscate that of my wife and chil
dren ; but I realize that we are like him of old
who fell among a certain class of people and
was succored by the good Samaritan.' '
" May 29th. Complained of the dampness
of his cell, as one probable cause of his illness.
The sun could never dart its influence through
such masses of masonry. Surrounded as the
fort was with a ditch, in which the water rose
and fell from three to four feet with the tide,
it was impossible to keep such places free
from noxious vapors.
" Recurring to the subject of his family, Mr.
Davis asked me had I not been called upon
to attend Miss Howell, his wife's sister, who
had been very ill at the time of his quitting
the Clyde. Replied that Colonel James,
Chief Quartermaster, had called at my quar
ters and requested me to visit a sick lady on
board that vessel ; believed it was the lady he
referred to, but could not be sure of the name.
Had mentioned the matter to General Miles,
asking a pass to visit; but he objected, say
ing the orders were to allow no communica
tion with the ship."
" June ist. Except for the purpose of petty
TORTV&ES INFLICTED %Y GEN. MILES. 665
torture, there could be no color of reason for
withholding from him any books or papers
dated prior to the war."
" June 8th. Was distracted, night and day,
by the unceasing tread of the two sentinels in
his room, and the murmur or gabble of the
guards in the outside cell. He said his case
mate was well formed for a torture-room of
the Inquisition. Its arched roof made it a per
fect whispering gallery, in which all sounds
were jumbled and repeated. The torment of
his head was so dreadful, he feared he must
lose his mind. Already his memory,, vision,
and hearing were impaired. He had but the
remains of one eye left, and the glaring white
washed walls were rapidly destroying this.
He pointed to a crevice in the wall where his
bed had been, explaining that he had changed
to the other side to avoid its mephitic vapors."
" June loth. General Miles had taken
charge of his clothing, and seemed to think a
change of linen twice a week enough. It
might be so in Massachusetts. But now even
this wretched allowance was denied. The
General might know nothing of the matter ;
but, if so, some member of his staff was neg
ligent. It was pitiful they could not send his
trunks to his cell, but must insist on thus dol
ing out his clothes, as though he were a con
vict in some penitentiary. If the object were
666 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
to degrade him, it must fail. None could be
degraded by unmerited insult heaped on help
lessness but the perpetrators. The day would
come when our people would be ashamed of
his treatment. For himself, the sufferings he
was undergoing would do him good with his
people (the South). Even those who had
opposed him would be kept silent, if not won
over, by public sympathy. Whatever other
opinions might be held, it was clear he was
selected as chief victim, bearing the burden
of Northern hatred which should be more
equally distributed."
" June 1 4th. Would be glad to have a few
volumes on the conchology, geology, or bot
any of the South, and was at a loss to think
how such volumes could endanger his safe
keeping."
" June 1 8th. Mr. Davis said : ' One of the
features of the proposition submitted by Gen
eral Sherman was a declaration of amnesty to
all persons, both civil and military. Notice
being called to the fact particularly, Sherman
said, " I mean just that ; " and gave his reason
that it was the only way to have perfect peace.
He had previously offered to furnish a vessel
to take away any such persons as Mr. Davis
might select, to be freighted with whatever
personal property they might want to take
with them } and to go wherever it pleased'
TORTURES INFLICTED BY GEN. MILES. 667
" June 24th. Called on Mr. Davis, accom
panied by Captain Titlow, officer of the day.
On entering, found the prisoner, for the first
time, alone in his cell, the two guards having
been removed from it in consequence of my
report to Major-General Miles that their pres
ence was counteracting every effort for qui
eting the nerves of the patient. Mr. Davis
remarked that the change had done him
good, his last night's sleep having been un
disturbed."
" Representations in regard to the need
Mr. Davis stood in of different pabulum, both
for his eyes and mind, had been previously
made by me to Major-General Miles, and had
been confirmed, I rather believe, by Colonel
Pineo, Medical Inspector of the department,
who had visited Mr. Davis in my company on
the 1 2th of the month, having a long and
interesting conversation with the prisoner a
fact which should have been mentioned at an
earlier date ; but as the conversation was one
in which I took little part, the brief memoran
dum in my diary escaped my notice until re
vived by the fuller notes of this day's inter
view.
" While the State prisoner was yet speak
ing of the troubles of his sight, Major-General
Miles entered, with the pleasant announce
ment that Mr. Davis was to be allowed to
663
walk one hour each day upon the ramparts,
and to have miscellaneous reading hereafter
books, newspapers, and such magazines as
might be approved, after perusal at head
quarters an improvement of condition, it
must be needless to say, very pleasing to the
prisoner."
" Mr. Davis was allowed to walk on the
ramparts beside General Miles, and with two
armed men behind him.
" I only noticed that Mr. Davis was arrayed
in the same garb he had worn when entering
the cell indeed General Miles had possession
of all his other wardrobe and that while his
carriage was proud and erect as ever, not
losing a hair's breadth of his height from any
stoop, his step had lost its elasticity, his gait
was feeble in the extreme, and he had fre
quently to press his chest, panting in the
pauses of exertion. The cortege promenaded
along the ramparts of the south front, Mr.
Davis often stopping and pointing out objects
of interest, as if giving reminiscences of the
past and making inquiries of the present. He
was so weak, however, that the hour allowed
proved nearly twice too much for him, and he
had to be led back with only half his offered
liberty enjoyed."
" June 25th. From this time, the prisoner
received books and newspapers freely, chiefly
TORTURES INFLICTED BY GEN. MILES. 669
reading of newspapers,' the New York Her
ald (only occasional numbers), and of books,
histories Mr. Bancroft appearing his favor
ite American author. I recommended him to
be very moderate at first in his open-air exer
cise, gauging the amount of exercise to his
strength ; and from time to time forward, Mr.
Davis went out every day for an hour's exer
cise, the weather and his health permitting."
" July i-ith. Found prisoner very despond
ing, the failure of his sight troubling him and
his nights almost without sleep. His present
treatment was killing him by inches, and he
wished shorter work could be made of his tor
ment. He had hoped long since for a trial
which should be public, and therefore with
some semblance of fairness ; but hope de
ferred was making his heart sick.
" Mr. Davis complained this sleeplessness
was aggravated by the lamp kept burning in
his room all night, so that he could be seen at
all moments by the guard in the outer cell.
If he happened to doze one feverish moment,
the noise of relieving guard in the next room
aroused him, and the lamp poured its full
* The newspapers allowed were of those the most hostile, and ir
regularly sent. The books sent were such as General Miles chose,
though I sent a large box of books in English type, and these the
express office showed by a receipt were delivered at the fort. Mr.
Davis never received one, nor could I recover them afterward.
670 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
glare into his aching and throbbing eyes.
There must be a change in this, or he would
go crazy, or blind, or both.
" * Doctor/ he said, ' had you ever the con
sciousness of being watched ? Of having an
eye fixed on you every moment, intently scrut
inizing your most minute actions, and the
variations of your countenance and posture ?
The consciousness that the Omniscient Eye
rests upon us, in every situation, is the most
consoling and beautiful belief of religion. But
to have a human eye riveted on you in every
moment of waking or sleeping, sitting, walk
ing, or lying down, is a refinement of torture
on anything the Camanches or Spanish In
quisition ever dreamed. . . . But the
human eye forever fixed upon you is the eye
of a spy, or enemy, gloating in the pain and
humiliation which itself creates. I have lived
too long in the woods to be frightened by an
owl, and have seen death too often to dread
any form of pain. But I confess this torture
of being watched begins to prey on my rea
son. The lamp burning in my room all night
would seem a torment devised by someone
who had intimate knowledge of my habits, my
custom having been through life never to sleep
except in total darkness.' '
"July 1 5th. Called on Mr. Davis accom
panied by Captain Grill, Third Pennsylvania
TORTURES INFLICTED BY GEN. MILES. 671
Artillery, officer of the day. Found him ex
tremely weak, growing more alarmed about
his sight, which was failing rapidly. The
phenomenon had occurred to him of seeing
all objects double, due chiefly to his nervous
debility and the over-taxation of constant
reading." +
" July 30th. Found Mr. Davis in a very
critical state ; his nervous debility extreme,
his mind more despondent than ever hereto
fore, his appetite gone, complexion livid, and
pulse denoting deep prostration of all physi
cal energies. Was much alarmed, and real
ized with painful anxiety the responsibilities
of my position. If he were to die in prison,
and without trial, subject to such severities as
had been inflicted on his attenuated frame,
the world would form unjust conclusions, but
conclusions with enough color to pass them
into history.'' *
" Let me here remark that, despite a cer
tain exterior cynicism of manner, no patient
has ever crossed my path who, suffering so
much himself, appeared to feel so warmly and
tenderly for others. Sickness, as a general
rule, is sadly selfish, its own pains and infirm-
* The italics are mine, but as we heard the book from which
these excerpts are quoted was submitted to Mr. Stanton before it
was published, and its details severely curtailed, suppose this sig
nificant passage crept in unawares.
672 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
ities occupying too much of its thoughts.
With Mr. Davis, however, the rule did not
work, or rather he was an exception calling
attention to its general truth."
When I obtained permission to write letters
to my husband, the only restriction imposed
by the Government was that the Attorney-
General should read those written and re
ceived, but General Miles also claimed their
perusal, and they " had to be sent open to
General Miles, and from him, he (Mr. Davis)
understood, similarly open to the Attorney-
General."
" There was no affectation of devoutness
or asceticism in my patient ; but every oppor
tunity I had of seeing him, convinced me more
deeply of his sincere religious convictions.
He was fond of referring to passages of
Scripture, comparing text with text, dwelling
on the divine beauty of the imagery, and the
wonderful adaptation of the whole to every
conceivable phase and stage of human life.
" The Psalms were his favorite portion of
the Word, and had always been. Evidence
of their divine origin was inherent in their
text. Only an intelligence that held the life-
threads of the entire human family could have
thus pealed forth in a single cry every wish,
joy, fear, exultation, hope, passion, and sor
row of the human heart. There were mo-
TORTURES INFLICTED BY GEN. MILES. 673
ments, while speaking on religious subjects,
in which Mr. Davis impressed me more than
any professor of Christianity I had ever heard.
There was a vital earnestness in his discourse,
a clear, almost passionate, grasp in his faith ;
and the thought would frequently recur, that
a belief capable of consoling such sorrows as
his, possessed, and thereby evidenced, a real
ity a substance which no sophistry of the
infidel could discredit.
" To this phase of the prisoner's character
I have heretofore rather avoided calling at
tention for several reasons, prominent of
which, though an unworthy one, was this :
My knowledge that many, if not a majority,
of my readers would approach the character
of Mr. Davis with a preconception of dislike
and distrust, and a consequent fear that an
earlier forcing on their attention of this phase
of his character, before their opinion had been
modified by such glimpses as are herein giv
en, might only challenge a base and false im
putation of hypocrisy against one whom, in
my judgment, no more devout exemplar of
Christian faith, and its value as a consolation,
now lives, whatever may have been his polit
ical crimes."
" July 24th. While walking on the ram
parts in enforced companionship with General
Miles, who, if he was seeking a subject that
VOL. II. 43
674 ySFF&RSON DAVIS.
would not offend the almost dying man, was
singularly unfortunate in his choice of a topic,
he observed, interrogatively, that it was re
ported John C. Calhoun had made much
money by speculations, or favoring the spec
ulations of his friends, connected with this
work.
" In a moment Mr, Davis started to his
feet, betraying much indignation by his ex
cited manner and flushed cheek. It was a
transfiguration of friendly emotion, the feeble
and wasted invalid and prisoner suddenly for
getting his bonds, forgetting his debility, and
ablaze with eloquent anger against this injus
tice in ih- innnnry of our whom Ix- lovr,! ;ui,|
reverenced. Mr. Calhoun, he said, lived a
whole atmosphere above any sordid or dis
honest thought was of a nature to which
even a mean act was impossible. . . .
" Mr. Davis believed the hands of George
Wa'. lmi"i. MI not MHHV fivr from lh<* lilthinrss
of briU , ili. in w< iv id'. .- <>! ihr <lr|>;irlr.l
statesman who h.i.l \-< n thus lilx-llr<|."
11 August i6th. Prisoner suffc
but in a less critical state, the e
showing itself in his nose a
Found that a carbuncle was fc
I'-ll thi;;h, Mr. I )avis un'.inj: llii as .1 proof
of .1 ni.il.in.il atmosplinv in his cell, ivilrratinj;
li lh.it, il lli'- ( ,,\ r-niiiM-nl w.iiil'-<| |o l,r
TORTURES INFLICTED BY GEN, MILES, 675
rid of him without trial, it might take some
quicker process.' 1
" August 20th. Called with Captain Evans,
officer of the clay. Mr. Davis suffering great
prostration, a cloud of erysipelas covering
his whole face and throat. The carbuncle
much inflamed. Spirits exceedingly dejected,
evinced by anxiety for his wife and children.
That lid should di<; without opportunity of
rebuttim; in public trial the imputed conspir
acy to assassinate Mr. Lincoln, was referred
to frequently and painfully. That history
would do him justice, .md the criminal absurd
ity of the charge be its own refutation, hd
had cheerful conlidrncr while in hrallh ; but
in his feebleness and despondency, with
knowledge how powerful ihey were who
wished to allix this slain, his alarm lest it
might become a reproach to his children
grew an increasing shadow."
44 August 2 ist. Prostration increased, and
the erysipelas spreading. I )enned j| m\
duty to send a communication to Major-Gen-
dral Miles, reporting that I found the State
piisoner, I >avis, suffering severely from ery
sipelas in the face and head, accompanied by
t.hd usual prostration attending that disease.
Also that he had a small carbuncle on his left
thigh, his condition denoting a low state of
the vital forces/'
676 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
" August 23d. Said he concluded not to
lose any more spoons for me, but would re
tain the one that morning sent with his
breakfast. Unless things took a change he
would not require it long."
(This was an allusion to the desire some
of the guards had to secure trophies of any
thing Mr. Davis had touched. They had
carried away his brier-wood pipe, and from
time to time taken five of the spoons sent
over with his meals from my quarters.
. . . No knife or fork being allowed the
prisoner, ''lest he should commit suicide," his
food had to be cut up before being sent over
a needless precaution, it always seemed to
me, and more likely to produce than to pre
vent the act, by continually keeping the idea
that it was expected before the prisoner's
mind. It was in returning the trays from
Mr. Davis to my quarters, that the spoons
were taken an annoyance obviated by his
retaining one for use. This only changed
the form of trophy, however ; napkins that
he had used being the next class of prizes
seized and sent home to sweethearts by loyal
warders at the gates.) *
* Everything he laid down was taken except his bible, and at last,
when he had dropped asleep momentarily, a soldier felt in his night
gown to get a little medal I had persuaded him to wear 1 about his
neck,
TORTURES INFLICTED BY GEN. MILES. 677
" Errors, like all other men, he had com
mitted ; but stretched now on a bed from
which he might never rise, and looking with
the eyes of faith, which no walls could bar,
up to the throne of Divine mercy, it was his
comfort that no such crimes as men laid to
his charge reproached him in the whispers of
his conscience/'
"August 24th. Visited Mr. Davis with
Captain Titlow, officer of the day. Found
him slightly better in mind and body.
" Observing me brush away with my foot
some crumbs scattered near his bedside,
Mr. Davis asked me to desist ; they were for
a mouse he was domesticating the only liv
ing thing he had now power to benefit.
" Every conversation of this kind with Mr.
Davis recalled the saying of some eminent
writer, whose name has escaped me, that ' it
is a noble thing to know how to take a coun
try walk/ or words containing that idea, but
more concisely and vividly expressed."
"August 25th. The captain gave me an
order from General Miles, allowing State
prisoner Davis to have a knife and fork
with his meals hereafter. Mr. Davis was
pleased, but said he had learned many new
uses to which a spoon could be put when no
other implement was accessible. In particu
lar, it was the best peach peeler ever invent-
678 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
ed, and he illustrated as he spoke on a fruit
that lay on his table. Denying him a knife
and fork lest he should commit suicide, he
said, was designed to represent him to the
world as an atrocious criminal, so harrowed
by remorse that the oblivion of death would
be welcome. His early shackles had partly
the same object, but still more to degrade his
cause."
"September ist. Was called at daylight
by Captain Titlow, officer of the day, to see
State prisoner Davis, who appeared rapidly
sinking, and was believed to be in a critical
condition. The carbuncle on his thigh was
much inflamed, his pulse indicating extreme
prostration of the vital forces. The ery
sipelas which had subsided now reappeared,
and the febrile excitement ran very high.
Prescribed such remedies, constitutional and
topical, as were indicated ; but always had
much trouble to persuade him to use the stim
ulants so urgently needed by his condition.
" Mr. Davis renewed his complaints of the
vitiated atmosphere of the casemate, declar
ing it to be noxious and pestilential from the
causes before noticed. Mould gathered upon
his shoes, showing the dampness of the place,
and no animal life could prosper in an atmos
phere that generated these hyphomycetous
fungi. From the rising and falling of the
TORTURES INFLICTED BY GEN. MILES. 679
tides in the loose foundations of the case
mate, mephitic fungi emanated, the spores of
which, floating in the air, were thrown off
with such quantities, and such incessant repe
titions of reproduction, as to thoroughly per
vade the atmosphere, entering the lungs and
blood with every breath, and redeveloping
their poisonous qualities in the citadel of life.
Peculiar classes of these fungi were character
istic of the atmosphere in which cholera and
other forms of plague were most rankly gen
erated, as had been established by the Rev
erend Mr. Osborne, in a long and interesting
series of experimental researches with the
achromatic microscope during the cholera vis
itation of 1854, in England. Men in robust
health might defy these miasmatic influences,
but to him, so physically reduced, the atmos
phere that generated mould found no vital
force sufficient to resist its poisonous inhala
tion.
" Assured Mr. Davis that his opinion on
the matter had for some time been my own,
and that on several occasions I had called the
attention of Major- General Miles to the sub
ject. Satisfied that the danger was now seri
ous if he were longer continued in such an at
mosphere, I would make an official report on
the subject to the General Commanding, rec
ommending a change of quarters.
68o JEFFERSON DAVIS.
" Mr. Davis again spoke of the wretched
ness of being constantly watched, of feeling
that a human eye, inquisitive and pitiless, was
fixed upon all his movements, night and day.
This was one of the torments imposed on the
Marquis de Lafayette in the dungeons of
Magdeburg and Olmutz. Indeed, the par
allel between their prison lives, if not in some
other respects, was remarkable. Lafayette
was denied the use of knife or fork, lest he
should commit self-destruction. He was con
fined in a casemate or dungeon of the two
most powerful fortresses of Prussia first, and
then Austria. While in Magdeburg, he found
a friend in the humane physician, who repeat
edly reported that the prisoner could not live
unless allowed to breathe purer air than that
of his cell ; and on this recommendation the
Governor at first answering that he ' was not
ill enough yet ' the illustrious prisoner was at
length allowed to take the air, sometimes on
foot, at other times in a carriage, but always
accompanied by an officer with drawn sword
and two armed guards.
" Lafayette, however, in his second impris
onment was never shackled ; and though
treated with the utmost cruelty, no indignities
were offered to his person.
" It may be here remarked that the power
of memory possessed by Mr. Davis appeared
TORTURES INFLICTED BY GEN. MILES. 68 1
almost miraculous a single perusal of any
passage that interested him enabling him to
repeat it almost verbatim. This wonderful
gift of memorizing, and apparent universality
of knowledge, were remarked by every officer
of the day as well as myself, Mr. Davis hav
ing kindly relations with all, and conversation
suited to each visitor. As instances of this
at which I was not present myself, but heard
related from the officers immediately after
their occurrence let me mention two conver
sations.
" An officer of the day, very fond of dogs,
and believing himself well posted in all varie
ties of that animal, once entered the prisoner's
cell, followed by a bull-terrier or some other
breed of belligerent canine. Mr. Davis at
once commenced examining and criticising
the dog's points with all the minuteness of a
master, thence gliding into a general review
of the whole race of pointers, setters, and re
trievers, terriers, bull-dogs, German poodles,
greyhounds, blood-hounds, and so forth ; the
result of his conversation being best given in
the words of the dog-fancying officer : ' Well,
I thought I knew something about dogs, but
hang me if I won't get appointed officer of
the day as often as I can, and go to school
to Jeff Davis/ "
682 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
"OFFICE OF THE CHIEF MEDICAL OFFICER,
" FORT MONROE, VA., September i, 1865.
" GENERAL : I have the honor to report
prisoner Davis still suffering from the effects
of a carbuncle. The erysipelas of the face
had entirely subsided, but yesterday reap
peared. His health is evidently rapidly de
clining.
" I remain, General, very respectfully,
" Your obedient servant,
" JOHN J. CRAVEN."
The routine report merely ran :
" I have the honor to report prisoner
Davis's condition not perceivably different
from that of yesterday : very feeble ; no ap
petite."
" September ist, Mr. Davis said: 'The
women of the South had sent forth their sons,
directing them to return with wounds disab
ling them for further service, or never to re
turn at all. All they had flung into the con
test beauty, grace, passion, ornament ; the
exquisite frivolities so dear to the sex were
cast aside ; their songs, if they had any heart
to sing, were patriotic ; their trinkets were
flung into the public crucible ; the carpets
from their floors were portioned out as blan
kets to the suffering soldiers of their cause ;
women bred to every refinement of luxury,
TORTURES INFLICTED BY GEN. MILES. 683
wore home-spuns made by their own hands ;
when materials for an army-balloon were
wanted, the richest silk dresses were sent in,
and there was only competition to secure
their acceptance. As nurses of the sick, as
encouragers and providers for the combatants,
as angels of charity and mercy, adopting as
their own all children made orphans in de
fence of their homes, as patient and beautiful
household deities, accepting every sacrifice
with unconcern, and lightening the burdens
of war by every art, blandishment, and labor
proper to their sphere, the dear women of his
people deserved to take rank with the high
est heroines of the grandest days of the great
est countries.' '
" September 6th. As with the casemate,
there were to be two rooms used for the pris
oner's confinement. In the outer one a lieu
tenant and two soldiers were constantly sta
tioned on guard, having a view of the interior
chamber through a grated door. Opposite
this door was a fireplace. To its right when
facing the door, was a window heavily grated,
and with a sentinel continually on duty before
it, pacing up and down the piazza. Opposite
the window a door leading into the corridor,
but permanently fastened with heavy iron
clamps, and in this door a sliding panel in
which the face of a sentinel was continually
684 JEFFERSON DA VlS.
framed by night and day, ready to report to
his officer the first sign of any attempt on the
prisoner's part to shuffle off this mortal coil
by any act of self-violence. It was of this
face, with its unblinking eyes, that Mr. Davis
so bitterly complained in after-days ; but this
is anticipating. The prisoner, as was said of
Lafayette, is perhaps ' not sick enough yet'
and has to suffer some further weeks of ex
posure in his present casemate."
" September 22d. Called on Mr. Davis
for the first time since returning" from Rich-
o
mond, accompanied by Captain Titlow, Third
Pennsylvania Artillery, officer of the day.
Found he had been inquiring for me several
days, in consequence of suffering premonitory
symptoms of a return of the erysipelas to his
face. Reported his condition to Major-Gen-
eral Miles, respectfully asking permission to
call in Colonel Pineo, Medical Inspector of the
Department for consultation.
" Mentioned that General Terry, my old
commander, had kindly placed the carriage of
Mr. Davis at my disposal during the visit.
" Mr. Davis laughed about his carriage, and
said that since some ' Yankee ' had to ride in
it, he would prefer my doing so to another."
" September 23d. Prisoner renewed his
questions about the proposed change in his
place of confinement, begging me, if I knew
TORTURES INFLICTED BY GEN. MILES. 685
anything, even the worst that he was to be
kept as now until death put an end to his suf
ferings not to conceal it from him any longer;
that suspense was more injurious to him than
could be the most painful certainty. Assured
him that I had no further information. A
place had been selected for his incarceration
in Carroll Hall, the requisite changes in the
rooms made, and I heard no reason for his
non-transfer. If I did so, he should be in
formed immediately.*
" Mr. Davis renewed my attention to the
steady deterioration of his health, which he re
garded as chiefly due to the unfitness of his
cell for human habitation. His head had a
continued humming in it, like the whizzing of
a wound watch when its main spring is sud
denly broken. Little black motes slowly as
cended and descended between his sight, and
whatever page he was reading or object in
specting; and his memory likewise gave dis
tinct indications of losing its elasticity. The
carbuncle, however, was quite well, having
left a deep-red cicatrix where it had been,
precisely like the healed wound of a Minie
bullet. Mr. Davis had not much flesh to lose
on entering the fort, but believed he must
* The change was postponed as long as possible, as Dr. Craven
evidently thought.
686 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
have lost what little of it could be spared while
still preserving life."
" October I5th. Colonel Pelouze called for
a report .of the health of the prisoner, with
my opinion as to the advisability or necessity
of a change in his place of confinement ; visited
the new quarters in Carroll Hall, and directed
General Miles being thereto empowered by
his instructions to remove Mr. Davis from the
casemate to his new and more pleasant abode.
" Found Mr. Davis already looking much
brighter, exclaiming as I entered, ' The world
does move, after all.' The panel in the side
door opening into the corridor, in which a sen
try's face was framed, gave him some annoy
ance, and he referred again to Lafayette in
connection with the torture of a human eye
constantly riveted on his movements. If his
wish were to commit suicide, such a precau
tion would prove wholly unavailing. It looked
rather as if the wish were to drive him to its
commission."
"October 15th. Ladies and other friends
of persons in authority at the fort were let
loose on the ramparts about the hour of his
walk, to stare at him as though he were the
caged monster of some travelling menagerie.*
* School-girls headed by their teachers came down to the fort and
were allowed to intercept him in the restricted walks he took
with General Miles for a companion !
TORTURES INFLICTED BY GEN. MILES. 687
He had endeavored to rebuke this during his
last walk, when he saw a group of ladies wait
ing for his appearance, by turning short round
and re-entering his cell. Dear and valuable
as was the liberty of an hour's exercise in the
open air, there were prices at which he could
not consent to purchase it, and this was of the
number. His general treatment Mr. Davis
acknowledged to be good, though there
were in it many annoyances of detail such
as the sentry's eye always fastened on his
movements, and the supervision of his corre
spondence with his wife unworthy of any
country aspiring to magnanimity or great
ness."
" October 25th. Mr. Davis had been for
some time complaining that his light suit of
gray tweed was too thin for the increasing
cold of the days on the ramparts of the for
tress, and finding that his measure was with a
tailor in Washington, I requested a friend of
mine to call there and order a good, heavy black
pilot-cloth overcoat for the prisoner, and that
the bill should be sent to me ; and also or
dered from a store in New York some heavy
flannels to make Mr. Davis comfortable for
the winter.* These acts to me appearing
* I had also sent a box of like garments, but they had, General
Miles said, never been received ; a subsequent one, however, was
received.
688 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
innocent, and even laudable, cause great trou
ble, as may be seen by the following corre
spondence, finally leading to a peremptory
order which almost altogether broke off the
previously free relations I had exercised with
Mr. Davis.
" Mr. Davis referred to the kindness of
Captain Grisson, of the staff of General Miles,
in regard to a little matter which, though
trivial in itself, had given him much annoy
ance. It arose in this manner : He had re
quested a barber to be sent to him, as his
hair was growing too long. Captain Grisson
brought a hairdresser, but on the termination
of the operation said it was the order of Gen
eral Miles that the lopped hair should be car
ried to headquarters. To this Mr. Davis
objected, first from a horror of having such
trophies or 'relics ' paraded around the coun
try, and secondly, because he wished to send
it to Mrs. Davis ; this latter probably an ex
cuse to avoid the former disagreeable alterna
tive. Captain Grisson replied that his orders
were peremptory, but if Mr. Davis would fold
the hair up in a newspaper, and leave it on a
designated shelf in the casemate, the captain
would step over to headquarters, report the
prisoner's objections, and ask for further or
ders. This was done, and Captain Grisson
soon returned with the glad tidings that the
TORTURES INFLICTED BY GEN. MILES. 689
desire to obtain possession of these ' inter
esting relics ' had been abandoned.
" The change to Carroll Hall, as it was
loftier, had been of the greatest benefit to the
prisoner's health, the air being purer, his own
room more cheerful, and only subject to the
drawback that he had human eyes from three
directions continually fixed upon him through
the grated door entering his room, the win
dow opening on the piazza, at his left, and the
door opposite the window, with an open panel
in it, opposite which stood a sentry.
"November is.t. Called with Brevet Cap
tain Valentine H. Stone, Fifth United States
Artillery, first officer of the day from the new
regiment garrisoning the fort. . . . He
appeared to scrutinize Captain Stone with
great care, asking him all about his term of
service, his early education, etc., as if anxious
to find out everything ascertainable about
the new men into whose hands he had fallen
an operation repeated with each new officer
of the day who called to see him. Indeed,
his habit of analysis appeared universal with
the prisoner. It seemed as if he put into a
crucible each fresh development of humanity
that crossed his path, testing it therein for as
long as the interview lasted, and then care
fully inspecting the ingot which was left as the
result. That ingot, whether appearing to him
VOL. II. 44
690 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
pure gold or baser metal, never lost its char
acter to his mind. from any subsequent ac
quaintance.
" Mr. Davis said it was scandalous that
Government should allow General Miles to
review his letters to his wife. They had to
pass through the hands of Attorney- General
Speed, who should be a quite competent
judge of offensive matter, or what was deemed
offensive. General Miles had returned to
him several pages of a letter written to Mrs.
Davis, containing only a description of his
new prison in answer to her inquiries, the
general declaring such description to be ob
jectionable ; perhaps suspecting that if told
where he was, Mrs. Davis would storm the
fort and rescue him vi ct armis.
" * HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DISTRICT, FORT MONROE,
" 'November 10, 1865.
" ' SIR : The Major-General commanding
directs me to inquire of you if any orders have
been given by you, or through you, for an
overcoat for Jefferson Davis,
" 'Such a report appeared in the papers.
" ' Very respectfully,
"' A. V. HITCHCOCK,
" ' Captain and Provost Marshal!
" To which on the same date I returned the
following answer ;
TORTURES INFLICTED BY GEN. MILES. 691
" 'OFFICE OF POST SURGEON,
" ' FORT MONROE, November loth.
" ' CAPTAIN : I have received the communi
cation dated November loth, Headquarters
Military District, Fort Monroe, in which the
Major-General commanding directs you to
inquire if any orders have been given by me,
or through me, for an overcoat for Jefferson
Davis.
" ' In reply, I would respectfully state that
I did order a thick overcoat, woollen drawers,
and undershirts for Jefferson Davis. I found,
as the cold weather approached, he needed
thick garments, the prisoner being feeble in
health, and the winds of the coast cold and
piercing.
" ' I have the honor to be,
" ' Very respectfully your obedient servant,
(Signed) " ' JOHN J. CRAVEN,
" 'Brevet Lieutenant- Colonel, Surgeon
United States Army.
" < CAPTAIN A. O. HITCHCOCK, A. D. C.'
" That objection to my action in the matter
should have been made, was about the last
thing I should have expected the prisoner's
health being under my charge, and warm
clothing for cold weather being obviously one
of the first necessities to a patient in so feeble
a condition. Let me add, that Mr, Davis had
692 JEFFERSOA T DAVIS.
never asked for the warm clothing I deemed
requisite, and that sending for it, and insisting
upon its acceptance, had been with me a
purely professional act. In the valise belong
ing to Mr. Davis, which was kept at the
headquarters of General Miles, no heavy
clothing could be found, merely containing a
few articles of apparel chiefly designed for the
warm climate of the South. General Miles,
however, took a different view of my action,
to judge from the following letter :
" HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DISTRICT, FORT MONROE,
" 'November 18, 1865.
" ' COLONEL : The Major-General command
ing directs that, in future, you give no orders
for Jefferson Davis without first communicat
ing with these head districts.
" Also, that in future, your conversations
with him will be confined strictly to profes
sional matters, and that you comply with the
instructions regarding the meals to be fur
nished to prisoners Davis and Clay, and have
them delivered more promptly. Also, report
the price paid for Mr. Davis's overcoat, and
by whom paid.
" ' A. O. HITCHCOCK,
" ' Captain and A. D. C.
" 'BREVET LIEUTENANT-COLONEL). J. CRAVEN,
Post Surgeon'
TO&TI/R&S iNFLlCtEti BY GEN. MlL$. 69}
" This order I then regarded as cruel and
unnecessary, nor has subsequent reflection
changed my opinion. The meals for Mr.
Davis I had sent at hours to suit his former
habits and present desires two meals a day
at such time as he felt most appetite. I was
now ordered to send his meals three times a
day, and at hours which did not meet his
wishes, and were very inconvenient to my
family, his meals being invariably sent over
at the same hour I had mine. The order to
abstain from anything but professional con
versation was a yet greater medical hardship,
as to a man in the nervous condition of Mr.
Davis, a friend with whom he feels free to
converse is a valuable relief from the mood-
iness of silent reflection.
" ' CAPTAIN A. O. HITCHCOCK, A. D. C.
" ' CAPTAIN : I have the honor to acknowl
edge the receipt of your communication
dated Headquarters Military District, Fort
Monroe, Va., November 18, 1865 ; and in an
swer to your inquiry concerning the cost of
the coat ordered by me for Mr. Davis, I would
say:
" ' That I do not know the cost of the coat ;
I have not yet received the bill. As soon as
received, I will forward it to the Major-Gen
eral commanding. I do not know that any
694 JEFFERSON DA
person paid for the coat, having directed that
the bill should be sent to me when ordering
it.
" ' I remain, Captain, very respectfully,
" ' JOHN J. CRAVEN,
" ' Brevet Lieutenant- Colonel and Post Sur
geon and Chief Medical Officer, Military
District, Fort Monroe, Va!
" November 8th. Major Charles P. Muhl-
enburgh, Captain S. A. Day, and many
others, displaying both generosity and con
sideration in their treatment of the distin
guished captive.
" His self-control was the feature of his
character, knowing that his temper had been
high and proud, which most struck me during
my attendance. His reticence was remarked
on subjects where he knew we must differ ;
and though occasionally speaking with free
dom of slavery, it was as a philosopher rather
than as a politician rather as a friend to the
negro, and one sorry for his inevitable fate in
the future, than with rancor or acrimony
against those opponents of the institution
whom he persisted in regarding as respon
sible for the war, with all its attendant hor
rors and sacrifices.
" Mr. Davis is remarkable for the kindli
ness of his nature and fidelity to friends. Of
TORTURES INFLICTED BY GEN. MILES. 95
none of God's creatures does he seem to wish
or speak unkindly ; and the same fault found
with Mr. Lincoln unwillingness to sanction
the military severities essential to maintain
discipline is the fault I have heard most
strongly urged against Mr. Davis."
Dr. Craven concluded his diary, because his
other visits were limited to mere medical exam
inations of the prisoner's condition. Shortly
after Mr. Davis's removal to Carroll Hall, Dr.
Craven was ordered away, and Dr. Cooper,
a man equally kind-hearted and attentive, was
stationed at the fort.
CHAPTER LXVIII.
HON. HUGH MACCULLOCH'S VISIT TO JEFFERSON
DAVIS AT FORTRESS MONROE.
THE fact of the utter failure of Mr. Davis's
health could no longer be concealed by Gen
eral Miles's assurances of his comfort and the
salubrity of his surroundings, and the Hon
orable Hugh MacCulloch, Secretary of the
Treasury, determined to visit the prisoner
at President Johnson's suggestion. In his
" Men and Measures of Half a Century,"
published in 1889, he describes his inter
view with Mr. Davis at Fortress Monroe. I
have taken the liberty of condensing his
statement.
" The question what shall be done to the
Confederate leader was referred to at Mr.
Lincoln's last meeting with his Cabinet. Mr.
Lincoln merely remarked in his humorous
way : ' I am a good deal like the Irishman
who had joined a temperance society, but
thought he might take a drink now and then
if he drank unbeknown to himself. A good
many people think that all the big Confeder
ates ought to be arrested and tried as traitors.
Perhaps they ought to be, but I should be
VtSlT Id MR. DAVIS. 69?
right glad if they would get out of the country
unbeknown to me.'
" This question came up in the case of
Jefferson Davis soon after Mr. Johnson be
came President. Some action must be taken
in his case ; what should it be ? He was the
most conspicuous of the enemies of the Gov
ernment. By the people of the North he
was regarded as the arch-traitor upon whose
head vengeance should be visited. Should he
be liberated, or should he be arraigned for
treason ? and, if arraigned, should he be tried
by a military commission or a United States
court ? These were questions which re
quired careful consideration both in their legal
and political bearings.
" The legal question: 'Has Mr. Davis been
guilty of such acts of treason that he can be
successfully prosecuted ? ' was submitted to the
Attorney-General, who, after a thorough ex
amination of it and consultation with some of
the ablest lawyers in the country, came to the
conclusion that Mr. Davis could not be con
victed of treason by any competent and inde
pendent tribunal, and that therefore he ought
not to be tried. This conclusion was un
doubtedly correct. It was a revolution, a
general uprising of the South against the Gov
ernment. The war in which they had been
engaged was of such proportions that belli-
698 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
gerent rights had been accorded them by for
eign governments. Our Government, by ex
change of prisoners and other acts, had
acknowledged the fact ; treason, therefore,
could not be charged, nor could one of their
number be legally convicted of the crime. It
was clear that if Mr. Davis had been guilty of
treasonable acts, they were committed in the
Southern States, where conviction would be im
possible. The President was chagrined by the
decision, which was enforced upon the opinions
of the Attorney-General and other eminent
lawyers. He was committed by his vindictive
speeches made at the commencement of his ad-
t ministration, but he saw the correctness of it,
and from that time he pushed his generosity
to those whom he had denounced as traitors
to an extreme. Mr. Davis's position made
him the most conspicuous, but he was no more
guilty than many others against whom no
proceedings were contemplated. There was
no evidence that he was responsible for the
horrors of Andersonville, or the general treat
ment to which Union soldiers were subjected
in Southern prisons. He was, however, kept
in confinement until the spring of 1867, when
he was brought before the United States
Court at Richmond on the charge of treason,
and admitted to bail. He was not tried,
although he expressed a desire to be, nor
MACCULLOCH^S VISIT TO MR. DAVIS. 699
was he among those who asked to be par
doned.
" When the question was pending, the
President sent for me one day and said that
he would like to have me go unofficially to
Fortress Monroe, and ascertain whether or
not the reports that had reached him about
the treatment of Mr. Davis were true. . ; ;
" A few days after the request was made,
I was able to comply with it.
" On my arrival at the fortress, Mr. Davis
was walking upon the ramparts accompanied
by a couple of soldiers. I was glad to notice
that his gait was erect, his step elastic, and,
when he came nearer, that he had not the
appearance of one who was suffering in
health by his imprisonment. I spent an hour
or two in conversation with him.
" ' I was/ he said, ' in the first two or three
months of my imprisonment treated bar
barously, but now I am permitted to have a
daily walk, and my present quarters, as you
perceive, are such as a prisoner charged with
high treason ought not to complain of a cot,
a small pine table, and two cane-bottomed
chairs. The cot and chairs were hard, and of
the plainest and cheapest kind, but the room
was clean and well lighted. There was not.
much need of light, for the only book in the
room was an old treatise upon military tactics
><*> JEFFERSON DAVIS.
a subject which was not then especially in
teresting to the prisoner. Newspapers were
forbidden to him. My interview was very
pleasant. There have been few men more
gifted than Mr. Davis, and few whose oppor
tunities for intellectual culture have been
better improved. I had not known him
personally, but I knew what his standing was
among the able men of the country, and ex
pected to meet in him an accomplished gentle
man. To those who knew him well, it is not
necessary to say that I was not disappointed,
and that I was most favorably impressed with
his manner and conversation. I was his first
visitor, and he seemed to be pleased with my
visit and with the opportunity which it gave
to him for a free talk. He was indisposed to
say much about himself, and it was only by
direct questions that I learned the facts in
regard to the barbarous treatment to which
he had referred. ' I was,' he said, ' when
brought to the fortress, not only strictly con
fined to a casemate, which was little better
than a dungeon, but I was heavily ironed.
As I had been a submissive prisoner, and was
in a strong fortress, I thought that chains
were unnecessary, and that I ought not to be
subject to them. I resisted being shackled,
but resistance was vain. I was thrown vio
lently upon the floor and heavily fettered.
MACCULLOCH'S VISIT TO MR. DAVIS. 701
This was not all. The casemate in which I
was confined was kept constantly and bril
liantly lighted, and I was never relieved of the
presence of a couple of soldiers. My eyes
were weak and sensitive, I suffered keenly
from the light, and you may judge how my
sufferings were aggravated by my not being
permitted for months to have one moment to
myself.' I listened silently to this statement,
given substantially in his own language ; but
I felt as he did, that he had for a time been
barbarously treated. Chains were unneces
sary, and the constant presence of the guards
in the casemate must have been to a sensitive
man worse than solitary confinement, which is
now regarded as being too inhuman to be in
flicted upon the greatest criminals. I hap
pened to know some of his personal friends
in the West, and he had a great deal to talk
about without saying much about himself.
He seemed to be neither depressed in spirits
nor soured in temper. He could not help
saying something about the war, but he said
nothing in the way of justification or defence.
He had the bearing of a brave and high-bred
gentleman, who, knowing that he would have
been highly honored if the Southern States
had achieved their independence, would not
and could not demean himself as a criminal
because they had not. The only anxiety he
702 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
expressed was in regard to his trial, not as to
the result, but the time. He thought the
delay was unnecessary and unjust. He was
kept in prison for two years before he was
arraigned and released on bail ; and, strangely
enough, Horace Greeley and Gerritt Smith,
the distinguished abolitionists, were among
the signers of his bond." *
* Men and Measures of Half a Century, page 408.
CHAPTER LXIX.
LETTERS FROM PRISON.
MR. DAVIS'S letters will best express the
cruelties of his duress, which may be read be
tween the lines.
From Mr. Davis to Mrs. Davis.
" FORTRESS MONROE, August 21, 1865.
" I am now permitted to write to you
under two conditions, viz., that I confine my
self to family matters, and that my letter shall
be examined by the United States Attorney-
General before it is sent to you.
" This will sufficiently explain to you the
omission of subjects on which you would de
sire me to write. I presume it is, however,
permissible for me to relieve your disappoint
ment in regard to my silence on the subject of
future action toward me, by stating that of
the purpose of the authorities I know noth
ing
" I often think of ' old Uncle Bob/ and
always with painful anxiety. If Sam has re
joined him he will do all in his power for the
old man's comfort and safety.
''The Smith land had better be returned to
704 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
the heirs.* No deed was made, and the pay
ments were for movable effects and for inter
est ; their right to the land, which alone re
mains, clearly revives, since I am unable to
make the payment which is I believe due, and
shall be unable to fulfil the engagements
hereafter to mature ; therefore, the sooner
the case is disposed of, the better. . . ; ^-1
have the prayer-book you sent, but the mem
orandum placed in it was withheld. . . .
" . . . The confidence in the shield of
innocence with which I tried to quiet your ap
prehensions and to dry your tears at our part
ing, sustains me still. f If your fears have
proved more prophetic than my hopes, yet do
not despond. ' Tarry thou the Lord's leisure,
be strong, and He will comfort thy heart.'
Every day, twice or oftener, I repeat the
prayer of St. Chrysostom
" To the surgeon and regimental chaplain I
am under many obligations ; the officers of the
guard and of the day have shown me increased
consideration, such as their orders would per-
* A plantation Mr. Davis bought during the war, and which the
State law would have permitted him to retain until able to pay for it,
but, keenly alive to the rights of others, he relinquished it.
f He leaned over me in bidding good-by on the ship, and whis
pered, "No matter what proof is adduced by the North, remember
that my dying testimony was to you that I had nothing to do with
assassination, or causing any other deed unworthy of a soldier, or of
our cause." With this assurance, he bade farewell.
LETTERS FROM PRISON. 705
mit. The unjust accusations which have been
made against me in the newspapers of the day
might well have created prejudices against
me. I have had no opportunity to refute
them by proof, . . . ; and can, therefore,
only attribute the perceptible change to those
good influences which are always at work to
confound evil designs
" Be not alarmed by speculative reports
concerning my condition. You can rely on
my fortitude, and God has given me much of
resignation to His blessed will
" Men are apt to be verbose when they
speak of themselves, and suffering has a rare
power to develop selfishness, so I have wan
dered from the subject on which I proposed
to write, and have dwelt upon a person whose
company I have for some time past kept so
exclusively that it must be strange if he has
not become tiresome
<( It has been reported in the newspapers
that you had applied for permission to visit
me in my confinement ; if you had been al
lowed to do so the visit would have caused
you disappointment at the time, and bitter
memories afterward. You would not have
been allowed to hold private conversation
with me
" Remember how good the Lord has al
ways been to me, how often He has wonder-
VOL. II. 45
706 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
fully preserved me, and put your trust in
Him. ... " JEFFERSON DAVIS."
From Mr. Davis to Mrs. Davis.
" FORTRESS MONROE, VA., September 15, 1865.
" . . . As only an occasional newspaper
is given me, I cannot know whether any re
plies are made to the fictions published in re
gard to myself; as their effect is not merely
to prejudice public opinion against myself,
but extends likewise to those who were polit
ically associated with me, it would not seem
probable that even the timidity of this day
would keep silent all whose justification is the
truth
"Tell me when you write whether your
personal property, seized by the command
which captured us, has been restored. I ex
pected Generals Johnston and Sherman
would regard the expedition as contrary to
their agreements and take corresponding ac
tion, which would at least bear on the ques
tion of property claimed as the capture of
war. If they, or either of them, have done so,
the fact has not become known to me. Gen
eral Sherman, however, I observe, indignant
ly repels the idea of my having specie enough
to buy him, at the same time declining to
state his price. All I can say on the point is
that if he was to bring no more than Beadle
LETTERS FROM PRISON. 707
Bumble did, I could not have made the pur
chase."
From Mr. Davis to Mrs. Davis.
" FORTRESS MONROE, September 26, 1865.
" . . . It is true that my strength has
greatly failed me, and the loss of sleep has
created a morbid excitability, but an unseen
hand has sustained me, and a peace the world
could not give and has not been able to de
stroy, will, I trust, uphold me to meet with
resignation whatever may befall me.
" If one is to answer for all, upon him it
most naturally and properly falls. If I alone
could bear all the suffering of the country,
and relieve it from further calamity, I trust
our Heavenly father would give me strength
to be a willing sacrifice ; and if, in a lower de
gree, some of those who called me (I being
then absent) to perform their behests, shall
throw on me the whole responsibility, let us
rejoice at least in their escape, expecting for
them a returning sense of justice when the
stumbling-blocks of fear and selfishness shall
have been removed from their paths.
" The great mass, accepting the present
condition of affairs as the result of the war, and
directing their attention to the future issues
which are involved in the changes produced,
would bury the inevitable past with the sor
row which is unmingled with shame. . .
CHAPTER LXX.
ACCOUNT OF JOURNEY TO SAVANNAH.
Letter to Dr. Craven.
I WROTE to Mr. Davis, hoping from the
youth of General Miles some sympathetic
impulse, and that he would read such parts of
the letter to him as he might think unobjec
tionable ; but the letter was suppressed, and
I wrote another to Dr. Craven, intended for
Mr. Davis's information, which gives enough
of the details of our travels. After this time
I wrote often to the good doctor.
MILL VIEW (NEAR AUGUSTA, GA.), October 10, 1865.
" COLONEL JOHN J. CRAVEN : . . . I
dread paralysis for him, his nerves have been
so highly strung for years without relief. If
you can, and perhaps you may, prevail upon
the authorities to let him sleep without a
light. He is too feeble to escape, and could
not bear a light in his room when in strong
health. The sequel of these attacks has al
ways been an attack of amaurosis, and in one
of them he lost his eye. It first came on
with an attack of acute neuralgia.
ACCOUNT OF JOURNEY TO SAVANNAH. 709
" When he was taken from me on the ship,
the provost-guard and some women detect
ives came on board, and after the women
searched our persons, the men searched our
baggage.
" . . . They then told my servants that
they could go ashore if they did not desire to
go to Savannah. The husband of my faith
ful colored nurse forced her to go. I entreat
ed to be permitted to debark at Charleston, as
my sister, Miss Howell, still continued to be
ill, and I feared to return on the ship with a
drunken purser, who had previously required
Colonel Pritchard's authority to keep him in
order ; and going back, Mrs. Clay, my sister,
and myself would be the only women on the
ship but this was refused. Acting as my own
chambermaid and nurse, and the nurse also
of my sister, we started for Savannah. We
had a fearful gale, in which the upper decks
once or twice dipped water, and no one could
walk.
" God protected us from the fury of the
elements ; but the soldiers now began to open
and rob our trunks again. The crew, how
ever, gave us some protection, and one of the
officers in the engine-room gave up his cabin
and locked everything we had left up in it.
The Lieutenant of the Fourteenth Maine,
Mr. Grant, though a plain man, had the heart
710 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
of a gentleman, and took care of us with
the greatest assiduity. Some of the soldiers
and crew helped me to nurse, and saved me
many an hour of wakefulness and fatigue.
" My little daughter Maggie was quite like
an old woman ; she took her sister early every
morning for the nights were so rough I
could not sleep, because it was necessary to
hold the infant to avoid bruising it and with
the assistance of our faithful servant Robert,
who held her still while she held her sister,
she nursed her long enough for me to rest.
Little Jeff and I did the housekeeping ; it was
a fair division of labor, and not unpleasant, as
it displayed the good hearts of my children.
" Arrived at Savannah, we trudged up to
the hotel quite in emigrant fashion. My sis
ter with the baby, and Robert with the bag
gage ; I, with my two little sons, little Maggie,
in quite an old-fashioned manner, keeping all
straight and acting as parcel-carrier ; for we
could not procure any carriage and must walk
until we reached the Pulaski House, where,
after a day and night, we procured comfort
able rooms.
" A black waiter, upon answering my bell,
and being told to call my man-servant Rob
ert, replied very impertinently that, 'if he
should see Robert he would give the order,
but did not expect to see him.' When Rob-
ACCOUNT OF JOURNEY TO SAVANNAH. 711
ert heard it, he waited till all the black ser
vants had assembled at dinner, and then re
marked that he should hate to believe there
was a colored man so low as to insult a dis
tressed woman ; but if so, though a peaceable
man, he should whip the first who did so.
The guilty man began to excuse himself,
whereupon Robert said: ' Oh, it was you,
was it ? Well, you do look mean enough for
that or anything else.' From that time all
the greatest assiduity could do was done for
me, first from esprit de corps, and then from
kind feeling.
" The people of Savannah treated me with
the greatest tenderness. Had I been a sister
o
long absent and just returned to their home,
I could not have received more tender wel
come. Houses were thrown open to me,
anything and everything was mine. My chil
dren had not much more than a change of
clothing after all the parties who had us in
charge had done lightening our baggage, so
they gave the baby dresses, and the other lit
tle ones enough to change until I could buy
or make more.
" Unfortunately for me, General , who,
I hear, was ' not to the manner born/ was in
command of the district at the time. I asked
permission to see him, and as I was so unwell
that I could not speak above my breath with
;i2 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
a cold, and suffered from fever constantly
the result of exposure on the ship I wrote to
beg that he would come to see me, for his
aide had told me the night before that I could
not be permitted to leave Savannah, and hav
ing been robbed of nearly all my means, I
could not afford to stay at the hotel. Besides,
as soon as I reached the hotel, detectives
were placed to watch both me and my visit
ors, so I did not feel at liberty, thus accom
panied, to go to private houses.
"General 's aide, whose animus was
probably irreproachable, but whose orthogra
phy was very bad, was directed to tell me
that, except under very extraordinary circum
stances, he did not go out of his office, and
' all such ' (which I afterward found to mean
myself) ' as desired to see him would call at
his office/ To which I answered, that I
thought illness and my circumstances consti
tuted an extraordinary case ; but that I was
sorry to have asked anything which he ' felt
called upon so curtly to refuse.' On the fol
lowing day I went, accompanied by General
Hugh Mercer. Need I say that Gen
eral did himself justice, and verified my
preconceived opinion of him in our interview,
in which he told me he ' guessed I could not
telegraph to Washington, write to the heads
of departments there, or to anybody, except
ACCOUNT OF JOURNEY TO SAVANNAH. 713
through the regular channel approved ; ' and
I could not write to my friends, ' except
through the Provost-Marshal's office ; ' and
that I was permitted to pay my expenses, but
must remain within the limits of Savannah.
"With many thanks for this large liberty
accorded so graciously, I bowed myself out,
first having declined to get soldiers' rations
by application for them to this Government.
" In this condition I remained for many
weeks, until, fortunately for me, General Birge
relieved him, but had it not in his power,
however, to remove the restrictions any fur
ther than to take the detectives away, of whom
I heard, but did not see. General Birge per
mitted me to write unrestrictedly to whom I
pleased, and appeared anxious, in the true
spirit of a gentleman, to offer all the courte
sies he consistently could.
" My baby caught the whooping-cough,
and was ill almost unto death for some days
with the fever which precedes the cough ; and
then she slowly declined. I did what I could
to give her fresh air ; but the heat was so in
tense, the insects so annoying, and the two
rooms such close quarters, that she and I suf
fered much more than I hope you or yours
will ever know by experience.
" My most acute agony arose from the pub
lication and republication, in the Savannah Re-
7 H JEFFERSON- DA vis.
publican of the shackling scene in Mr. Davis's
casemate, which to think of stops my heart's
vibration. It was piteous to hear the little
children pray at their grace, ' That the Lord
would give father something which he could
eat, and keep him strong, and bring him back
to us with his good senses, to his little chil
dren, for Christ's sake ; ' and nearly every
day, during the hardest and bitterest of his
imprisonment, our little child Maggie had to
quit the table to dry her tears after this grace,
which was of her own composition.
" I believe I should have lost my senses if
these severities had been persevered in, for I
could neither eat nor sleep for a week; but
the information of the change effected by your
advice, relieved me ; and I have thanked God
nightly for your brave humanity.
" Though I ate, slept, and lived in my room,
rarely or never going out in the day, and only
walking out late at night, with Robert for
protection, I could not keep my little ones so
closely confined. Little Jeff and Billy went
out on the street to play, and there Jeff was
constantly told that he was rich ; that his
father had ' stolen eight millions/ etc. Little
two-year-old Billy was taught to sing, ' We'll
hang Jeff Davis on a sour apple-tree,' by giv
ing him a reward when he did so. The little
thing finally told me one day, ' You thinks
ACCOUNT OF JOURNEY TO SAVANNAH, 71$
I'se somebody; so is you ; so is father; but
you is not ; so is not any of us but me. I am
a Yankee every time/ The rough soldiers,
doubtless, meant to be kind, but such things
wounded me to the quick. They took him
and made him snatch apples off the stalls, if
Robert lost sight of him for a moment.
" Finally, two women from Maine contem
plated whipping him, because they found out
that he was his father's son ; but a man took
them off just in time to avoid a very painful
scene to them as well as to me. These
things went on in the street I refer only to
the street-teachings as these women were,
with one other, dishonorable exceptions to the
ladies in the house.
" Once, when our little boy Jeff had been
most violently assailed by an officer's wife in
the house, he came up with his face covered
with tears after having stood silent during her
abuse. I commended Jeff's gentlemanly con
duct in making no reply ; cautioned him
against ever persecuting, or distressing a
woman, or a fiend, if it took that shape, but
made application the next day for permission
to go away to Augusta ; was refused, and
then prepared the children to go where they
would not see such people.
" Hourly scenes of violence were going on
in the streets, and not reported, between the
716 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
blacks and whites, and I felt that the children's
lives were not safe. During General 's
regime, a negro sentinel levelled his gun at
my little son to shoot him, for calling him
' uncle/ I could mourn with hope if my chil
dren lived, but what was to become of me if I
was deprived of them ? So I sent them off
with many prayers and tears, but confident of
the wisdom of the decision. On the ship I
understood a man was very abusive in their
hearing of Mr. Davis, when my faithful ser
vant Robert inquired with great interest,
' Then you tell me I am your equal ? You
put me alongside of you in everything? ' The
man said, ' Certainly.' ' Then/ said Robert,
' take this from your equal/ and knocked him
down. The captain was appealed to, and
upon a hearing of the case, justified Robert,
and required an apology of the levelled level
ler.
" . . . As soon as the dear children
were gone, I hoped with my little weak baby
(you see I am very honest with you) to make
my escape out of the country to them ; but
when, upon coming to Augusta which Gen
eral Steadman gave me leave to do imme
diately upon his accession to command,
through the very kind intercession of General
Brannen, who succeeded General Birge I
was informed by a gentleman, who said he
ACCOUNT OF JOURNEY TO SAVANNAH. 717
had been told so authoritatively, that if I ever
quitted the country for any possible object, I
would no matter what befell Mr. Davis
never be allowed to return ; and then aban
doned the intention.
" My baby has grown fat and rosy as the
' Glory of France/ a rose which Mr. Davis
recollects near the gate of our house.
" Under the kind treatment I have received,
the fine country air (five miles from Augusta),
and the privacy, I have also grown much bet
ter ; can sleep and eat, and begin to feel alive
again with the frosty air, and loving words,
and letters which meet me here as in Savannah.
" The whole Southern country teems with
homes the doors of which open wide to re
ceive me ; and the people are so loving, talk
with such streaming eyes and broken voices
of him who is so precious to them and to me,
that I cannot realize I do not know them in
timately. Mr. Davis should dismiss all fears
for me. I only suffer for him. I do not meet
a young man who fails to put himself at my
disposal to go anywhere for me. I cannot
pay a doctor's bill, or buy of an apothecary.
' All things are added unto me.'
" If I have written too long a letter, my
dear sir, it is because I have not collected my
facts, but sought ' quid scribam, non quern ad
modum.' " VARINA DAVIS/'
;i8 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
"FORTRESS MONROE, VA., October 2, 1865.
" . . . My days drag heavily on. To
what, I have no means to direct, or to fore
see. Having no communication with the
outer world except with you, and in that re
stricted by the judgment of the Commanding
Officer as to what should be sent. The ex
ample you give will illustrate. The ' new
overcoat' I have not received, though, prob
ably, when the statement was published on
which you relied as telling at least one fact,
it had reached this post. The matter being
of such public importance as to have been
followed in its progress through the tailor's
shop, and down the Bay, the journals may
give you the future history before it is known
to me.
" My daily walks continue, the hour depend
ent upon General Miles s engagements* as I
only go out when he can be present.
" Deprived of the opportunity to assemble
with the members of the church, there is left
to me the spirit communion with those I daily
and nightly summon to meet together in His
name, who is ever present, and thus I have
read the morning service, including the les
sons both of the Dominical and Calendar day.
* Sometimes General Miles said he forgot, sometimes was too
busy, and often, very often, the walk was so late and so curtailed
as to do the emaciated sufferer no good, but rather harm.
ACCOUNT OF JOURNEY TO SAVANNAH. 719
How full they are of Providences. Holy in
nocence closes the mouths of fiercest beasts
and triumphs over the crafts and subtleties of
wicked men ; conscious sinfulness silences
those who came to arraign a guilty mortal
and entrap the righteous judge ; repentance
working deliverance to an oppressed and dis
persed people ; the prayers of the Church af
fecting the miraculous preservation of one
apostle from the fate which had a short time
before fallen upon another.
" I could not write daily as you wish, be
cause I am not allowed to keep stationery.
When it is specially granted it has to be
accounted for, the whole being returned writ
ten or blank, as may be. . . . With you
it is otherwise, and the Attorney-General will
probably indulge us by forwarding your letters
as often as you write. His past courtesy
warrants such expectation.
" William B. Reed, of Philadelphia, recently
tendered to me his professional services in a
very kind and handsome letter. Thomas J.
Wharton, C. E. Hooker, and Fulton Ander
son, are the Mississippi lawyers who offered
their services and were recognized as counsel
by the United States Secretary of State. I
requested permission to acknowledge their
kindness by a letter ; it was not granted/'
CHAPTER LXXI.
LETTERS FROM PRISON.
Front Mr. Davis to Mrs. Davis *
"FORTRESS MONROE, VA., October n, 1865.
" . . . On the second of this month I
was removed to a room on the second floor
of a house built for officers' quarters. The dry
air, good water, and a fire when requisite, have
already improved my physical condition, and
with increasing .health all the disturbances due
to a low vitality, it is to be expected, will dis
appear as rapidly as has been usual with me,
after becoming convalescent. I am deeply
indebted to my attending physician, who has
been to me much more than that term usually
conveys. In all my times of trouble, new evi
dences have been given me of God's merciful
love.
"*. . , 'The Herald claims to give me
regular information concerning my family, but
if it did contain such news, as I only get oc
casionally a copy, the promise would be un
fulfilled. . , . I have lately read the
* The intervening letters are simply records of suffering, depriva
tion, and fortitude under the trial.
LETTERS FROM PRISON. 721
' Suffering Saviour/ by the Reverend Dr.
Krumacher, and was deeply impressed with
the dignity, the sublime patience of the model
of Christianity, as contrasted with the brutal
vindictiveness of unregenerate man ; and with
the similitude of the portrait given of the Jews
to the fierce prosecutions which pursued the
Revolutionists after the restoration of the
Stuarts. One is led to ask, Did Sir Hen
ry Vane and the Duke of Argyle imitate
the more than human virtue of our Saviour,
or was their conduct the inspiration of a con
science void of offence in that whereof they
were accused ?
" Misfortune should not depress us, as it is
only crime which can degrade. Beyond this
world there is a sure retreat for the oppressed ;
and posterity justifies the memory of those
who fall unjustly. To our own purblind view
there is much which is wrong, but to deny
what is right is to question the wisdom of
Providence or the existence of the mediator
ial government. . . .
" Every intelligent man knows that my
office did not make me the custodian of pub
lic money, but such slanders impose on and
serve to inflame the ignorant the very ignor
ant who don't know how public money was
kept, and how drawn out of the hands of
those who were responsible for it. My chil-
Vou II. 46
722 JEFFEKSON DAVIS.
dren, as they grow up and prove the press
ure of poverty, must be taught the cause of
it ; and I trust they will feel as I have, when
remembering the fact that my father was im
poverished by his losses in the war of the
Revolution.
" Our injuries cease to be grievous in pro
portion as Christian charity enables us to for
give those who trespass against us, and to
pray for our enemies. I rejoice in the sweet
sensitive nature of our little Maggie, but I
would she could have been spared the knowl
edge which inspired her ' grace/ and the
tears which followed its utterance. As none
could share my suffering, and as those who
loved me were powerless to diminish it, I
greatly preferred that they should not know
of it. Separated from my friends of this
world, my Heavenly Father has drawn near
er to me. His goodness and my unworthi-
ness are more sensibly felt, but this does not
press me back, for the atoning Mediator is
the way, and His hand upholds me.*
" I hope the negroes' fidelity will be duly
* Little Maggie was told she might write to her father if she
said nothing objectionable to the authorities. She thought long,
and as she was then a very small girl, wrote with difficulty; after
days of labor she copied the 23d psalm "The Lord is my Shepherd,
. . " and with tearful eyes brought it to me, signed with her
name, saying, "This letter will comfort father, and will not make the
Yankees mad, will it?'' The letter was suppressed.
LETTERS FROM PRISON. 723
rewarded, and regret that we are not in a situ
ation to aid and protect them. There is, I
observe, a controversy which I regret as to
allowing negroes to testify in court. From
brother Joe, many years ago, I derived the
opinion that they should then be made com
petent witnesses, the jury judging of their
credibility ; out of my opinion on that point,
arose my difficulty with Mr. C ,* and any
doubt which might have existed in my mind
was removed at that time. The change of
relation diminishing protection, must increase
the necessity. Truth only is consistent, and
they must be acute and well trained, who can
so combine as to make falsehood appear like
truth when closely examined.
" For, say, three months after I was im
prisoned here, two hours consecutive sleep
were never allowed me ; more recently it has
not been so bad, but it is still only broken
sleep which I get at night, and by day my
attention is distracted by the passing of the
sentinels who are kept around me as well by
day as by night. I have not sunk under my
trials, am better than a fortnight ago, and
trust I shall be sustained under any affliction
which it may be required me to bear. My
* An overseer who gave up his place with us, on account of the
negroes being allowed a hearing in their own defence.
724 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
sight is affected, but less than I would have
supposed if it had been foretold that a light
was to be kept where I was to sleep, and
that I was at short intervals to be aroused,
and the expanded pupil thus frequently
subjected to the glare of a lamp. . . .
There is soon to be a change of the garrison
here. I will be sorry to part from many of
the officers, but as they are to go home I
should rejoice for such as are entitled to my
gratitude. Au reste y as I cannot control, so
I may hope for the best.
" I have not seen Jordan's * critique, and
am at a loss to know where that game was
played and was lost by my interference. If
the records are preserved they dispose sum
marily of his romances past, passing, and to
come. The events were of a public character,
and it is not possible for men to shift their
responsibility to another. Everyone who has
acted must have made mistakes, and the best
defence he can make to the public, and the
only one beneficial to his conscience, if he
has changed his theory, is to confess it ;
let him whose opinions are unchanged con
form his action to changed circumstances, and
* A publication made by General Jordan, in Harper's Monthly of
1865, calculated to inflame the minds of the North against Mr. Davis,
with a note appended by General Beauregard, scarcely less hostile
and offensive.
LETTERS FROM PRISON. 72 $
both classes may preserve their integrity and
live and work in harmony. Our life is spent
in choosing between evils, and he would be
most unwise who would refuse the compara
tive good thus to be obtained. History is
ever repeating itself, but the influence of
Christianity and letters has softened its harsh
er features. The wail of destitute women and
children who were left on the shore of Cork
after the treaty of Limerick, still rings in the
ears of all who love right and hate oppres
sion ; but bad as was the treatment of the
Irish then, those scenes of which you were
reading not long before you left Richmond,
enacted by Philip of Spain in the Low Coun
tries, were worse. The unfortunate have al
ways been deserted and betrayed ; but did
ever man have less to complain of when he
had lost power to serve ? The critics are
noisy perhaps they hope to enhance their
wares by loud crying. The multitudes are si
lent, why should they speak to save him who
hears best the words most secretly uttered ?
My own heart tells me the sympathy exists,
that the prayers from the family hearth have
not been hushed. . . .
" . . . John Mitchel has been released.
He was permitted to take leave of me through
the grates, and he offered to write to you. I
have not seen our friend Clay for some time,
726 JEFFERSON
not having been out to walk lately on account
of a series of boils, or a carbuncle with a succes
sion of points, which rose in my right armpit,
and has prevented me from putting on my coat
since the day I last wrote to you. I believe
the disease is now at an end, and but for the
rain I would have gone out to-day. I will
comply with your repeated request for a de
scription of my room, and hope the reality
may be better than you have imagined the
case to be. The room is about 18x20 feet ;
is situated at the corner in the second story
of a long two-story house which stands under
cover of the main parapet, and was built for
officers* quarters. In the centre of the end
wall, is a fireplace ; in the centre of each of
the other walls is a door. The one opposite
to the fireplace opens into the room occupied
by the officer of the guard for the day, the one
on the south side looks out on a gallery which
runs along the building, and, beyond, is a
limited view of the interior of the fort ; the
one on the north side connects with a passage
dividing the building, The doorway into the
officer's room is closed by an iron grating,
with locks on his side of it, and, turning on
hinge, affords the means of exit. The gallery
door is closed by a fixed iron grating with
glazed sash shutters outside. The passage
doorway is closed by.iron grating, and a panel
LETTERS FROM PRISON. 727
shutter into which are inserted two panes of
glass. Sentinels are no longer kept in the
room I occupy. One sentinel only now walks
back and forth along the gallery, one along
the passage, and one in the officer's room, so
as to give each of the three a view through
his door of the interior of the room. They
cause the broken sleep concerning which you
ask. I have endeavored to overcome the dis
traction and annoyance this constant passing
causes in the day, and to resist its disturbing
effect at night ; the success has not, however,
been commensurate with the effort. Former
ly the circumstances were much worse ; and,
before changes were made, a morbid condi
tion had been produced so that wakefulness
is continued by less than would have pro
duced it. My bed stands in the corner of the
walls of the gallery and officer's room ; on the
opposite corner is the water-bucket, basin and
pitcher, and a folding screen which enables
me to wash unobserved. On the gallery side
of the chimney is a recess with a shelf for
books, and pegs to hang up clothes. On the
opposite side of the chimney, a closet. The
bed is the common form of iron frame, two
mattresses, sheets, blankets, and a cover with
pillows and mosquito bar. Breakfast is sent
to me about nine ; dinner about four ; and tea
would be sent if I desired it. The food is
72$ JEFFERSON DAVIS.
suited to my condition, and I have had no oc
casion to ask for change or addition. The
chair, though coarse, is so much better than
the one I had before it, as to be comparative
ly satisfactory ; a stand, such as is commonly
used in hospital wards, serves me as a table,
and for the present there is a stool which an
swers for a washstand. My clothes are not
with me, except those in immediate use. My
valise was taken charge of by General Miles.
I have not seen it since. I much regret that
you did not keep the things which had a value
from association, instead of leaving them in
the valise.
"FORTRESS MONROE, VA., November 3,1865.
" I am sustained by a Power I know not
of. The Protector of the fatherless and the
widow, I am permitted to hope, hears your
prayer. Your trust that the Son of the
righteous will not be forsaken has also been
to me the suggestion of comfort. When
Franklin was brought before the privy council
of George III., and a time-serving courtier
heaped the grossest indignities upon him, he
bore them with composure, and afterward
attributed his ability to do so to the conscious
ness of innocence in the acts for which he was
reviled. I have no means of com-
LETTERS FROM PRISON. 739
municating with any one but you, and, as I
understand the orders, all communications to
you must pass through Washington, and be
viseed.
". . . What, under Providence, may be
in store for us I have no ability to foresee.
I have tried to do my duty to my fellow-men,
and while my penitent prayers are offered to
our Heavenly Father for forgiveness of the
sins committed against Him, I have the sus
taining belief that He is full of mercy ; and,
knowing my inmost heart, will acquit me
where man, blind man seeks to condemn.
From our mediating Saviour I humbly trust
to receive support, and, whatever may befall
me in this world, to have justice dictated by
Divine Wisdom and tempered with Divine
mercy in the next.
" Kiss dear little Winnie for me, and, as
she grows, teach her how her father loved
her when she was too young to remember.
Try to make my thanks to Mr. Schley and
the ladies equal to my gratitude. . . .
My faith tells me that our merciful Father
will give us whatever it is expedient we
should have.
"FORTRESS MONROE, November 21, 1865.
" To make the best of the existing condition
is alike required by patriotism and practical
730 JEFFERSON DA vis.
sense. The negro is unquestionably to be at
last the victim ; because, when brought into
conflict, the inferior race must be overborne ;
but it is possible to defer the conflict and to
preserve a part of the kind relations hereto
fore existing between the races, when a life
long common interest united them. The
object is worthy all the effort. To be success
ful, the policy must be as far removed from
the conservatism that rejects everything new,
as from the idealism which would retain
nothing which is old. If catch-words de
termine who shall mould the institutions and
administer the affairs of the Southern States
the deluge. Though neither a spectator
nor an actor, a life spent more in the service
of my country than in that of my family, leaves
me now unable to disengage myself from the
consideration of the public interests. . . .
The best source of patience is the assurance
that the world is governed by infinite wisdom,
and that He who rules only permits injustice
for some counterbalancing good of which the
sufferer cannot judge.
" I yielded to your renewed request, and
wrote minute description of my room, its
furniture, the beats of the sentinels, etc.; that
part of my letter was objected to * and was
* By General Miles.
LETTERS FROM PRISON. 7 3 t
rewritten accordingly. Let me renew the
caution against believing the statements of
correspondents in regard to me. To calum
niate a state prisoner and thus either grat
ify or excite hatred against him, is an old
device, and never was a fairer opportunity
presented to do so without the fear of contra
diction than is offered in my case.
" November 22d. It is six months since we
parted, and I know no more of the purpose in
regard to me than I did then. Measured by
painful anxiety for you and your helpless
charge, these months are to me many, many
years. From the anguish and doubly painful
trial, because I could learn nothing of you, I
have extracted the consolation of increased
pride and fully sustained confidence. . . .
I do take care of my health ; all the motives
you enumerate are ever before me ; and
others, of which you are less apt to think,
furnish me the strongest inducements to de
sire life and strength to vindicate my conduct,
at least to posterity, and for my family. Be
hopeful trust in " the faithful Promiser."
Let us with faith and charity look out for
a better morrow. . . . Shut out from
the ever-changing world, I live in the past
with a vividness only thus to be accounted
for.
732 JEFFZRSON DA VI$.
"FORTRESS MONROE, VA., December 7, 1865.
" I am deeply impressed by the kindness
of the Bishop, and that of the priests who
have so nobly shown their readiness to do
their Master's work in relieving the afflicted
and protecting the fatherless. They have sent
thus the sweetest solace to one in the condi
tion of Him, who went down from Jerusalem
to Jericho. I feel with you, that God has
been very good to us.
" Reagan I knew to be a true-hearted,
consistent man, and I never gave the least
heed to the newspaper reports which attri
buted to him participation in censorious re
marks against me during* his confinement at
o o
Fort Warren. Some men I had to trust be
cause of the confidence others had in them.
When disaster fell upon me their desertion
did not surprise me.
" I recently saw that Davis had been ar
rested ; also, that a general petition for his re
lease has been gotten up in North Carolina,
which it was expected would be effectual.
The proverb in relation to the desire of misery
for companionship is not realized by me in
this matter of imprisonment. I would that,
like one of old, it were for me to say, I alone
am left. To me as it must to you it is
sometimes a puzzle to find the rule of discrim
ination. In such a situation Hume's balance
LETTERS FROM PRISON. 733
is peculiarly to be sought. ... As nat
ural rights belong only to those who can
maintain them, so natural affections and ex
citements are only safe to those who are not
unnaturally restrained.
" I have been reading ' Thoughts on Person
al Religion/ by Dr. Goulburn. His instruc
tions as to prayer have impressed me particu
larly. How like is the experience of men. It
is no small encouragement to a sinner striv
ing for a better state, to find that those who
have, at least in the world's estimation, won
the crown of glory, had passed through such
tribulation as he is beset with. Did it never
occur to you how much evil is done by the
use of a text startling in its terms, and so
iterated and reiterated that any explanation of
its meaning by reference to other texts bear
ing on the same subject is lost ? It occurred
to me, after last writing to you, that something
of that kind might have happened to you in
regard to forgiveness ; and I regretted not
having pointed out the illustration of his
meaning which our Saviour gave in the par
able of the King who took an account of his
servants. When we shall pass into the fu
ture state of pure intelligence, so as to judge
not by external signs but by the inner motives,
how different men will appear to each other
from the estimates of their carnal life ! May
734 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
it not be that we shall then find our most
earnest efforts at self-examination brought us
but to a poor knowledge of ourselves ?
" Though my prison life does not give me
the quiet of solitude, its isolation as to inter
course affords abundant opportunity for turn
ing the thoughts inward ; and, if my self-love,
not to say sense of justice, would have re
sisted the reckless abuse of my enemies, I
am. humbled by your unmerited praise. It
teaches me what I ought to be, and lifts my
eyes to Him whose all-sufficient grace alone
can raise me to your ideal standard. With
the communion of the Church, I am not alone,
nor without remembrance that the burthen is
not permitted to exceed the strength. I live
and hope.
" The ' heavy erasures ' concerning which
you inquire, assuming that they were made
by me, as the Attorney-General had politely
informed you that he did not do it, were not
by my choice. To your repeated requests to
be informed as to my room, my clothes, and
the change of garrison as affecting me, I re
plied in the letter to which you refer. Two
leaves containing the answers to the two first
questions were returned to me as matter
which would not be forwarded, and they were
rewritten omitting the answers described.
Subsequently my attention was called to a
LETTERS FROM PRISON. 735
sentence on another page, responding to your
inquiry about the new garrison, and stating a
consequent alteration in the matter of senti
nels, which I was required to obliterate. I
drew the pen through it and sent it back.
General Miles afterward told me that it had
still been legible as I left it, and added some
thing not distinctly heard beyond the point
of main interest, that the letter had been sent.
" My incarceration followed four years of
terrible war. The North put forth its whole
capacity on land and sea, by ball and bayo
net, striving to retain the South in one Gov
ernment with it ; the South strained every
nerve to maintain a separate existence. By
the newspaper, to-day, I see that the North,
as represented in Congress, stands quite
united to keep the South out of the legisla
tive halls of the Union, and the South, wist
fully looking at the closed entrance, stands
outside and then she is told she has all the
time been inside. . . .
"The ways of Him who doeth all things
well are inscrutable to man. Let us learn to
say, 'not mine but Thy will be done/ The
bitterness which caused me to be so persist
ently slandered, has created a sentiment
which will probably find vent in Congressional
speeches, and test all your Christian fortitude.
Remember that the end is not yet. A fair
736 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
inquiry will show how ' false witnesses have
risen up against me and laid to my charge
things that I knew not of.' If you will recall
the very early period when I was warned by
letter that an emissary had been sent to
Montgomery to assassinate me, you will see
misconception of my position and a cruel de
sire for my destruction are not new-born.
When the truth is revealed, the more honor
able and manly of my enemies will recoil from
further association with the others. Truth
and the common sense of justice will gener
ally protect the innocent, where the trial is
according to the due course of law, and is
sure to vindicate the memory of a victim.
There is an unseen hand which up
holds me, save when my thoughts are concen
trated on the objects of my dearest love and
greatest solicitude. Perhaps He will give me
that strength hereafter. In the many friends
He has raised up for you, there is the promise
of that peace to come. . . .
" December 8th. Another day has suc
ceeded the night. The sun has risen bright,
and the cold bracing air invites animal life to
activity. To me there is the same monoton
ous round of prisoner's life in military confine
ment, such as is not known to the usages of
war in cases like mine. I am, however, thank
ful for the power to bear, and trustful that the
LETTERS FROM PRISON. 737
power will be given me to bear in patience.
In a former letter I mentioned to you that the
trunk you had sent with clothes had arrived.
I notice that the shirts are new, and it excites
the inquiry whether you have been robbed of
those which you took with your baggage when
you left me in Richmond.* ... If the field
where the events of Jordan's intrigue occurred
was near to Drury's Bluff, Colonel Melton
knows how my designs were frustrated, and
how little the promise accorded with the ac
tion on the unwise plan substituted for mine.
A letter to Mr. Seddon put it beyond the power
of anyone to falsify that affair. It was sent by
General Beauregard the day before he under
took the execution of his own plan, to account
for the change he made, and from which, when
it failed, he endeavored to escape by blaming
Whiting and Ransom. . . . .
After faithful self-examination it is permitted
to me to say, I have not done to others as
they do unto me. There is no occasion, now,
to make Frankensteins. Like ready-made
clothing, they wait in abundance for custom
ers. When Roberts gr.ew angry with Byron,
you know he charged him with being miserable
because of a soul of which he could not get
rid. The sentinel has stamped with such
* These were demanded from my trunk and given for his use to
the messenger sent for them from the fort,
VOL. II. 47
73 8 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
noise, back and forth, in front of me, that, un
til another and more quiet walker comes on,
and I recover from the effect produced by the
attempt to write under such difficulty, I will
desist.
" Somebody writing 1 from Augusta to the
Boston Advertiser, makes an extraordinary
statement about a letter said to have been
written to someone in Columbus, by Mr. A.
H. Stephens, immediately after the Hampton
Roads conference containing the assertion
<^>
that terms not humiliating to the South could
o
be obtained, but that I and my principal ad
visers did not want peace. Of course Mr. S.
could not have said anything of the sort, as
he had been twice employed to seek peace,
and, on the last occasion, made a report, writ
ten and oral, showing that no negotiation
would be entertained. He was pressed to en
large the written report by the addition of such
conclusions and impressions as the confidential
nature of a part of the conference would per
mit, but though the two other commissioners
appeared willing to do so, Mr. S. strongly
objected, arguing that' the bare recital of facts
was the best presentation of the case to the
public mind. * Now, as it would have been
dishonest to conceal from me such an oppor
tunity as is described, and treacherous to the
people to have given such an account as it
LETTERS FROM PRISON. 739
was thought would most certainly lead them
to the opposite conclusion, I take it that some
one is slandering Mr. Stephens, and so pub
licly that even a philosopher might be moved
to correct it. ... There has been cer
tainly much zeal displayed in the planting
and cultivating of prejudice against me, but
many of the stories are so absurd that it re
quired a morbid state of opinion to receive
them.
" ' Dobbin ' * always was sterling ; his father
and his mother were pure gold. Tell him how
gratefully I recognize his care for my children.
... ... . On the whole, it must be more com
fortable to be the deceived than the deceiver.
Sometimes I feel that there is a real compli
ment in the trust displayed by some of my
slanderers, to whom it must occur that, with a
single breath, I could topple over the misera
ble fabric. . . .
"In the time when nations were ruled by
arbitrary power, the Catholic priests stood
between the despots and their victims, sub
limely defying the rage of one, and divinely
bending to raise the other. From time to
time the heroic spirit of that ancient line
has been called forth, and in plague, pesti
lence, and famine, in the wilderness and on
* William Preston Johnston.
740 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
fields of blood, in the prison, on the scaf
fold, and among the deserted mourners, no
bly have they maintained the glory of their
order. . . .
(i I would write more freely if I knew that
the Attorney -General only inspected my let
ters ; but, as I send them open and don't
know how they are forwarded, and do know
that objections have been made here to the
contents of a letter enclosed to the Attorney-
General, I conclude that they are read be
fore they reach him, and may be stopped on
the way."
CHAPTER LXXII.
LETTERS FROM FORTRESS MONROE.
From Mr. Davis to Mrs. Davis.
" FORTRESS MONROE, VA., January 16, 1866.
" I had feared that our negroes would be
disturbed by the introduction of others among
them, but could not have imagined that they
would be driven away from their home by
those pretending to be their especial advo
cates. What a beast he must have been who
turned old Uncle Bob out of his house, to
find where he could a shelter for the infirm
ities of more than a hundred winters. That
claim was manifest. Of the truth, the fidel
ity, the piety which had so long secured him
the respect of all who knew him, a stranger
might plead ignorance. . . -'.
" 1 7th. I have been suffering from neural
gia in the head, and the usual effect upon the
eyes causes me to write at intervals. Indeed,
considering the circumstances, it is rather to
be wondered at that I am not worse. Once a
day it is still permitted to me to walk in the
open air ; and, though the time is brief, the
result is beneficial.
742 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
" 1 8th. The gifts with which men are
divinely endowed are various, and the re
quirements of the Lord are never beyond the
range of possibility ; for He knows our in
firmities and judges of our motives. These
man cannot know, and is therefore forbidden
to judge. We hope and pray for God's for
giveness on the ground of true repentance,
and as we cannot tell, in the case of those who
trespass against us, whether the repentance
is true or feigned, we are bound to accept the
seeming. This is possible, but is not easy for
virtue far short of the God-like or saintly ex
amples of the Redeemer, the first Christian
Martyr. . . ."
From Mr. Davis to Mrs. Davis.
"FORTRESS MONROE, VA., January 24, 1866.
" Judge Campbell, I have been told, wrote a
full account of the interview with Mr. Lincoln
and Mr. Seward, and that it has been pub
lished in the Northern papers. Mr. Hunter
promised me to write such a statement.
The stories told of Mr. Stephens are improb
able, because the meanest capacity must per
ceive that my powers and duties rested on the
organization made by the Southern States, and
that it would have been treasonable usurpa
tion to attempt to destroy the organization by
the exercise of functions given to maintain it.
LETTERS FROM FORTRESS MONROE. 743
When the Continental Congress sent Com
missioners to meet Lord Howe, who had an
nounced himself as empowered to treat for
the adjustment of the controversy between
the States and Great Britain, the Commis
sioners, on learning that the basis must be a
return to allegiance, informed his Lordship
that the Colonies having declared their inde
pendence, it was not competent for the Con
gress to return them to a state of depend
ence. In both cases, there was an obvious
mode, but it was adopted in neither, viz., to
suspend hostilities and submit propositions to
be laid before the States. Judge Campbell
made an inquiry which opened, and received
an answer which closed, that view. / sup
pose it is narrated in his statement* Ex
cluded from an opportunity to reply, slan
ders have worked without check, and have
no doubt deceived many. Again, any dolt
whose blunders necessitated frequent convic
tion, and whose vanity sought for someone
on whom to lay the responsibility of his fail
ures, could readily, and if mean enough would
now, ascribe them to me. Things done
against my known views, and of which expla
nations were written to me when success
was expected to result from the change of
.
* It was not, but much was narrated which inflamed the public
against the hapless prisoner.
744 JEFFERSOX DA KAS 1 .
plan, have lately been attributed to my or
ders. Beauregard, Hood, Hardee, and
Cobb know of a case in point, memorable by
its consequences. Generals Lee and Bragg
could give the history of the two largest arm
ies. ... I never sought to make up my
own record, intent on the discharge of my
duties in the various public positions I have
held. If the question had occurred to me,
how will this be told hereafter ? I would have
preferred to leave that task to others. Nor
is the hazard great, for the dependence of the
parts of a whole will generally correct the
perversions of recital by interested narrators.
" That power to compare and sift testimony
is as necessary to a historian as to an at
torney, and I hope the faculty will be put in
exercise proportionate to the field our time
has offered. . . .
" The New York paper containing an ac
count of the interview between the South
Carolina committee and President Johnson,
was handed to me soon after its publication.
I did not credit the statement, because I was
sure you had not in such correspondence
given expression to your personal feelings.*
* Mr. Davis refers to a misstatement of President Johnson, that I
had written him offensive letters, when I had never written him but
one, and that was an application to be allowed to go to my husband,
and this was couched in respectful terms and handed to him by
Francis P. Blair, who would not have done anything to injure me
LETTERS FROM FORTRESS MONROE. 74$
To all the trials, mental and physical, to
which I am subjected I will oppose all the
moral power I possess, that my life may be
prolonged as far as such drains will permit,
and my power to meet any future ordeal be
as great as possible to me.
" Mr. Clay, like myself, no doubt, suffers
from food unsuited to him, and to anyone in
close confinement, even were it good, I think
it would soon become so. . . ; J ;
" Bowed down by anxiety for my family, suf
fering from neuralgia and dyspepsia, covered
by the dusky cloud of falsehood and injustice,
I am supported by the conscious rectitude of
my course, and humbly acknowledging my
many and grievous sins against God, can con
fidently look to His righteous judgment for
vindication in the matters whereof I am ac
cused by man. . . ."
From Mr. Davis to Mrs. Davis.
"FORTRESS MONROE, January 28, 1866.
" Did you ever hear that Colonel MacCree
refused to dine with the Duke of Welling
ton ? He, of course, gave no reason on that
occasion, but it was well understood to be
or mine. President Johnson afterward acknowledged to the Hon
orable Reverdy Johnson, that he had made a misstatement in an
swer to my application for a copy of the putative letter.
746 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
on account of the treatment received by Na
poleon after his surrender.
" It is not long since a newspaper para-
graphist would have been rebuked by public
opinion if he had attempted, by epithets and
one-sided statements, to inflame the mind of
his readers against a prisoner waiting a trial ;
but that would have been a small offence com
pared with that of a law-maker who would seek
to produce the effect, and then, by retrospec
tive legislation, to bring it to bear upon an an
ticipated trial by endowing such prejudiced
minds with the power to judge. The minor
objections growing out of the official char
acter of the person, which, if alone, would
be great, are hidden by the magnitude of the
offence of uttering such* libellous assertion
under the circumstances which he knew sur
rounded me. That his authority was not
called for, that he was not scoffed by the mul
titude as the home-bred sentiment of fair
play demanded, shows you how deep-seated
the disease has become.
" The same conclusion as to your course is
reached by every line of thought. Trying
as it may be, you will have to make the ef
fort to leave me, for the present, out of all
your plans ; and may our Heavenly Father
strengthen your heart for the difficult task of
filling the place of both parents to our chil-
LET'IERS FROM FORTRESS MONROE. 747
dren. Tarry thou the Lord's pleasure, and
let us always remember that all He does is
right, and that hereafter it will be given to
us to comprehend His ways and say all was
well. . !<> J*'
"29th. l /- i v.j>:^ Oh, that the law-makers
had facts instead of suggestions on which to
base their action in regard to the Southern
States, j ' r r; '-. Fear not what man can
do, it is God disposes. Now I am shut
up and slander runs riot to destroy my fair
repute, but any investigation must redeem
my character and leave it for an inheritance
to my children, which in after-times they
will not be the worse for possessing. The
treatment I have received will be compared
with my treatment of others, and it will be the
reverse of the picture my enemies have drawn.
Conscious rectitude is a great support to the
sufferer, whatever may be the form or the
end of the afflictions."
" FORTRESS MONROE, VA., February 3, 1866.
" . v v Men turn to the judgment of pos
terity for the reversal of the decrees of their
contemporaries, appealing with the self-sus
taining hope of conscious rectitude, from
' Philip drunk to Philip sober.' . . u^>
"The newspapers will have informed you
of the petition in my behalf by seven thousand
748 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
ladies of Richmond and vicinity. It was not
ineffectual, it refreshed my burdened heart as
the shower revives a parched field.
" I have just heard that Mr. Cass is dying,
and regret it as well on account of my kind
feeling for him and the respect which his ami
able character commanded, as because he was
one of those on whom I felt I could rely to
vindicate my character from some of the ac
cusations made against me. After Mr. Crit-
tenden, there was no one to whom I talked so
much and so freely concerning the sectional
troubles in 1 860-61. With Mr. Crittenden I
daily conferred when we served on the com
promise committee in that winter, the record
of which shows who it was who opposed
every effort at accommodation.
" Like you, I feel sorry for the negroes.
What has been done would gradually and
measurably be corrected by the operation
of the ordinary laws governing the relation
of labor to capital, if they were let alone.
But interference by those who have a the
ory to maintain by the manufacture of facts,
must result in evil, evil only and continu
ally. . . .
" At every renewal of the assertion that the
Southern people hate the negroes, my sur
prise is renewed ; but a hostility, not now or
heretofore existing, between the races may be
LETTERS FROM FORTRESS MONROE. 749
engendered by just such influences as are in
dicated. . . .
" On the night of the I3th I was sitting be
fore the fire, because I could not sleep, and
had a startling optical illusion, such you know
as were common to me in fever ; but to my
vision, I saw little Pollie * walk across the
floor and kneel down between me and the
fire, in the attitude of prayer. I moved from
consequent excitement and the sweet vision
melted away. I have not called it a dream,
because not conscious of being asleep, but
sleep has many stages, and that only is per
fect sleep which we call Death.
" To use your expressive phrase, I am hun
gry for the children's little faces, and have ha
bitually to resist the power of tender feelings
which may not be gratified. . . . To
look only to those hopes of which man can
not deprive me, and to such relief as a record
may afford, in the event to which my enemies
refer as a means, not of learning the truth and
doing justice, but of condemnation and pun
ishment."
* The name of a sister he loved, and applied as an endearment
to little Maggie.
750 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
From President Davis to Mrs. Davis.
"FORTRESS MONROE, VA., February 17, 1866.
" 1 9th day. Mrs. Clay, after her return to
Washington, sent me a coffee-pot, to enable
me to make coffee for 'myself. Dr. Cooper
came and gave me full instructions as to its
use, making very good coffee as a part of the
lecture. I have followed directions not with
the best success ; indeed, I am led to doubt
whether cooking was designed to be my vo
cation.* . . . My eyes do not suffer much
from inflammation ; but the neuralgia of the
head sometimes renders me almost blind dur
ing the paroxysm. I recollect Frederick Ma-
ginnis f very well ; first met him at Manassas,
and had a very favorable opinion of him.
" The ' Quadrilateral ' was handed to me
and I soon found, what was not told, that it
had been sent by you. The writer has at-
* This little coffee-pot is now in my possession. In his first ef
fort at cooking he wrenched off the soldered top instead of taking off
the dripper, and he gently and apologetically explained, "I did not
learn to cook early enough."
f A colored man who was a courteous, refined gentleman in his
instincts. He offered his services to me gratuitously in Georgia,
which were accepted on the usual terms of remuneration, and he
was a second providence to us by his care of Mr. Davis after I was
allowed to go to him. He afterward married my maid, who was as
dear as she was faithful to me, and they both live now in Baltimore,
respected by all who know them.
LETTERS FROM FORTRESS MONROE. 751
tempted the very difficult task of portraying
the inconsistencies of human nature. Sir
Walter Scott alone has succeeded in doing
it. We have as much in real life as anyone
can need, and in fiction we might be treated
to pictures harmonized in coloring. The dis
closure of Ida's secret, and the slaughter of
prisoners who had laid down their arms, could
not have been done by one as true and gen
erous and brave as the hero is represented.
The horse is the best character in the book,
as I measure them. Do you recollect ' Old
Duke ' the horse I rode in the Pawnee cam
paign ? He might have stood for the por
trait, except that even in extreme age he was
not gentle. . . ."
"FORTRESS MONROE, VA., March 13, 1866.
" Your reception at Macon was such as I
anticipated from my own experience, and it
is so much the more valuable because those
friends have little demonstrativeness and no
insincerity. The kind manifestations men
tioned by you as made by the negro servants,
are not less touching than those of more cul
tivated people. I liked them, and am grati
fied by their friendly remembrance. What
ever may be the result of the present experi
ment, the former relation of the races was one
752 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
which could only incite to harshness a very
brutal nature.
"I hope the reports of growing despond
ence, because of political action leading to or
ganizations for expatriation, have been exag
gerated. All cannot go, and those who must
stay will need the help of all who can go
away. The night may seem long, but it is
the part of fidelity to watch and wait for
morning.
" Warned by a sad experience against such
calculations as would make hope sanguine and
expectation swift, I will yet hope, though in
patience, and strive to find adequate protec
tion beneath the shield of the conviction that
all things are ordered in wisdom and mercy
and love, that I may fully feel, ' Even so, Fath
er, for it is Thy will/
" . . ... In all the affairs of life we are
reduced to choosing between evils, every sit
uation having its disadvantages. You recol
lect the instructive satire of Horace on the
desire for change, etc.
" Remember me most affectionately to Ma.
Tell her that the old one hit Le Roy at last,
but that his faith held out and he never cried
' quarter.' . . .
" If my letter seems disjointed and obscure,
do not infer any physical ill as the cause. The
tramping and creaking of the sentinel's boots
LETTERS FROM FORTRESS MONROE. 753
disturb me so as to render it difficult to write
at all. . . ."
" FORTRESS MONROE, March 22, 1866.
" I am in the condition to give the highest
value to quiet, it being the thing never al
lowed to me by day or night. . . .
" The spring is slowly appearing and, as
well as the calendar, reminds me of the many
months during which I have been closely con
fined without any legal proceeding, or even
informal notice of the charges and evidence
on which I am held as a ' state prisoner.'
So I strive to possess my soul in patience, and
by every means attainable to preserve my
health against undermining circumstances.
The officers of the guard treat me with all the
consideration compatible with their position."
"FORTRESS MONROE, VA., April 8, 1866.
". . . Next to the consciousness of
rectitude, it is to me the greatest of earthly
consolations to know that those for whom I
acted and suffer, approve and sympathize.
It is common in cases of public calamity for
those who feel the infliction, to seek for some
object on which to throw the blame, and rare
ly has it happened that the selection has been
justly or generously made. . , ' . '
VOL. II. 48
754 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
(( I feel deeply indebted to Dr. Craven and
the ladies of his family for a benevolence
which had much to suppress, and nothing
selfish to excite, it, and but for which my
captivity would soon have ended in death.
" The letter from my little Polly is a sweet,
graceful image of her honest, affectionate heart.
I am sure she will be a comfort and honor to
her family in after-years. . . ."
"FORTRESS MONROE, April 21, 1866.
" . -. , The young soldier who saw you
in the cars at Binghamton reported the in
terview, and described how bright and wide
awake little Winnie was. It was a great
pleasure to me to hear an eye-witness.
" The weather is quite warm, the earth is
clothed in her bright robes of promise, the
birds sing joyously, and I will not, like the
' Bard of Avon,' complain that they are so
tuneful while ' I so weary fu' o' care.'
Though not the voice I long to hear, I draw
from it the pleasure it was designed to give
by the bounteous Creator, who did not mean
that man's happiness should be at the mercy
of man, and therefore formed him for com
panionship with nature, and endowed his soul
with capacity to feed on hopes which live be
yond this fleeting life. . . .
. . Often has it occurred in the world's
LETTERS FROM FORTRESS MONROE. 755
history that fidelity has been treated as a
crime, and true faith punished as treason. So
it cannot be before the Judge to whom all
hearts are open, from whom no secrets are
hid. Dr. Cooper has just been here to visit
me, he says all which is needful for me is air
and exercise. It was the want which Cow-
per's bird had, and hardly had bird more usu
ally sought for air and motion than I did when
I had Byron's ' Heritage of Woe.' But I am
not of Cato's creed, and do not hold that it
is man's wisdom to equal the swallow, but
man's dignity to bear up against trials under
which the lower animals would sink. Reso
lution of will may not, according to Father
Timon, prolong indefinitely our earthly exist
ence, but it will do much to sustain the tot
tering machine beyond the observer's calcula
tion. . . ./,
" 23d. You can imagine how one, shut
out from all direct communication with his
friends, dwells upon every shadow and longs
for light.
" Yesterday my walk was extended to two
hours, and I hope for the continuance of the
extension, as the good doctor has urged the
necessity for more air and exercise. . , ."
CHAPTER LXXIII.
VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS AND ADMISSION TO FOR
TRESS MONROE.
PERMISSION to leave Georgia having been at
last obtained through General Stedman's in
strumentality, Mr. Harrison kindly joined me,
and we left Georgia and went to Louisiana
and Mississippi, to find what had been left to
us.
In Vicksburg, where Mr. J. E. Davis was,
many of the negroes called with affectionate
expressions. A warm welcome was accorded
me everywhere, and especially in New Or
leans. Here I saw our dashing cavalry offi
cer, General Wheeler, serving in a hardware
store. Mr. J. U. Payne, Mr. Davis's life-long
friend, came with pressing offers of money and
service, which, when our need was greater, he
more urgently pressed upon us. It was with
difficulty that the milliners and merchants
could be persuaded to accept pay for the few
articles I could afford to buy to replenish my
wardrobe.
After a short stay which demonstrated
there was nothing to recover, Mr. Harrison,
VISIT tO NElV ORLEANS. 757
my nurse and baby, and Frederick Maginnis,
the good man mentioned in a foot-note ap
pended to Mr. Davis's letters, and I, proceed
ed to New York City, where it had been in
timated by President Johnson I should find
permission to visit my husband. We remained
in New York over ten days, but no permit
came, and I rejoined my children after a year's
absence from them.
A few days after our arrival, a rumor came
to Montreal that Mr. Davis was dying. Upon
hearing this I telegraphed the President : " Is
it possible that you will keep me from my dy
ing husband ? " He responded by a permis
sion to go, subject to conditions to be stated
at the fort, and sent a telegram from General
Miles saying that Mr. Davis was in his usual
health.
I left Montreal that night, and with my in
fant, her nurse, and Frederick went to Fortress
Monroe, arriving there at four o'clock A.M. a
cold, raw morning, on May 10, 1866, just a
year from the surrender of the Confederacy.
There was no hotel there then, and we sat in
the little open waiting-room until half-past ten.
The terror of what the parole would be, the anx
iety about my husband's health, and the poor
baby being detained in the raw weather with
out fire, made me very anxious for a messenger
from the fort. At last he came in the person
of cheery, kind young Lieutenant Fessen-
den, who snapped his fingers at the baby and
made friends with her very soon children
and animals are good judges of people, and
my baby saw in him a friendly sympathy that
quieted and drew her to him. He handed me
the parole not to take deadly weapons to my
husband, which I signed, and we went into the
casemate assigned to me.
Though covered by ten or fifteen feet of
earth and flanked by heavy masonry on one
side and earth and masonry on the other two,
the rooms were large and seemed to me a
great boon, since I could remain in -them so
near my husband. I had not been there,
however, more than a week before a chill and
fever warned me they were not wholesome
residences.
In a little while General Miles came in and
assured me of " Davis's " good health. He
showed the same economy of titles in speak
ing of my husband from the time I went there
until our departure. Sometimes he varied his
nomenclature by calling him " Jeff Davis " or
-Jeff."
He asked me if I understood the terms to
be that I was to take no " deadly weepons "
into the prison, to which I answered in the
affirmative. After a little more delay an offi
cer came and walked with me to Carroll Hall,
VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 759
on the opposite side of the fort. There were
three lines of sentries, which each required a
pass-word of the officer, and at last we as
cended a stairway, turned to the right, and
entered the guard-room, where three young
officers were sitting. Through the bars of
the inner room I saw Mr. Davis's shrunken
form and glassy eyes ; his cheek bones stood
out like those of a skeleton. Merely crossing
the room made his breath come in short gasps,
and his voice was scarcely audible.
His room had a rough screen in one corner,
a horse-bucket for water, a basin and pitcher
that stood on a chair with the back sawn off
for a washstand, and a hospital towel, a little
iron bedstead with a hard mattress, one pil
low, and a square wooden table, a wooden-
seated chair that had one short leg and rocked
from side to side unexpectedly, and a Boston
rocker, which had been sent in a few weeks be
fore. His table-cloth was a copy of the New
York Herald spread on the little table. I was
locked in with him and sent the baby home
with Frederick.
The bed was so infested with insects as to
give a perceptible odor to the room. He
knew so little of such things that he could
not imagine what annoyed him so at night,
and insisted it was some cutaneous affection.
His dinner was brought after a while by one
76o JEFFERSON DAVIS.
of the men, and was good enough, had it not
been slopped from one dish to another in the
carriage and covered by a gray hospital towel.
To a fastidious taste, rendered much more
so by illness, this was very offensive. Mrs.
Cooper had, however, added oysters to the
menu that day, and he ate one and nothing
else, but his vitality was so low that even this
small amount gave him intense gastric pain.
The passing of the three sentinels by the
doors and window rendered me, though in
strong health, so nervous I could scarcely
keep my eyes still.
He was bitter at no earthly creature, but
expressed supreme contempt for the petty
insults inflicted hourly upon him by General
Miles, who, he said, had exhausted his in
genuity to find something more afflicting to
visit upon him. Among other things, he told
me that General Miles never walked with him
on the ramparts, in enforced companionship,
without saying something so offensive and
irritating as to render the exercise a painful
effort.
Mr. Davis introduced to me the officers
that were in the guard-room Captains Day
and Brewerton, both presentable men, with
gentlemanly manners ; and it was comfort
ing to hear that our young friend, Colonel
Henry A. Dupont was on duty there, for of
VISIT TO NW ORLEANS. 761
him I expected every gentlemanly concession
and observance consistent with his duty, and
was not disappointed. These, and other gen
tlemen among the officers, were kind and
courteous to us, and the friendly regard in
duced by their considerate conduct toward
Mr. Davis has been a constant memory, and
still survives through the long years that have
intervened.
At first General Miles fixed the shortest
period and certain hours for my stay with Mr.
Davis. After many applications to spend the
evenings with him, he at last consented, but
if the General came over to the guard-room
and found us cheerfully talking together,
whether at seven, at eight, or at ten o'clock,
he left the room and sent an order for me to
go home. Once or twice he said personally
that it was " shutting up time." I entreated
him unavailingly to let me join Mr. Davis in
his walks, as he was too weak to walk alone,
and would avail himself of my arm, though he
would not lean on General Miles.
One day the General sent his orderly for
me to come to headquarters, and I went in
fear and trembling, lest someone had accused
me of carrying " deadly weepons." He re
ceived me civilly, and then said he had sent
for me to see the orders under which he had
shackled Mr. Davis. To say that my blood
762 ^EPPERSON DAVIS.
ran cold is a faint expression of the thrill that
went through me. He opened a large ledger-
book and showed me Mr. Stanton's order to
him, to adopt any means that would insure the
prisoner's safety. I told him I did not see
his warrant in this order. He said, " Mr.
Stanton knew I was going to do it, and I
thought it necessary." This is quoted from
notes taken immediately after the conversa
tion.
He said he had given Mr. Davis all that
a gentleman should require, and I suggested
to him that probably some gentlemen were
more exacting than those he knew.
Emboldened by his evident desire to explain,
I asked him why as much clean linen had not
been given as was requisite, and as many
changes of outer clothing as Mr. Davis re
quired had not been sent to his cell ; he said
he thought he had enough. To an inquiry
why all reading matter had been forbidden
him, General Miles answered that at first he
was expected to deprive him of everything ex
cept his bible, and afterward, that he had been
directed to "give him mental ailment," which
he had done. A proposition so stated I could
not dispute. He went on to say that " Davis
would not beg, was a sullen prisoner, and when
he wanted any favor, if he asked for it, it would
be given to him." I wanted to get a lighter
TO NEW ORLEANS. 763
suit of clothes that had been worn but once,
when my husband was taken prisoner. Gen
eral Miles disclaimed any knowledge of them,
and added : " I have not got them, and would
have no use for them ; they would not fit me,
you know." The interview had been so fruit
less that I terminated it as soon as possible,
and returned to the casemate.
Very soon after my arrival there General
Burton called with his cheerful, affectionate
wife, and they were, from the first day until
the last, most kind and considerate to us, as
was Mrs. William Hayes and the other offi
cers' wives in the fort, of whom there were
many and all disposed to be friendly.
Mrs. Hayes petted and loved our baby, who
returned her affection fourfold. She kindly
sent cream every day to Mr. Davis when per
mitted to do so, and Mrs. Cooper, one of our
own dear people, did everything, and more
than we could have wished, to comfort and
cheer us in our misfortune, in which her kind
husband co-operated with her cordially.
General Burton, as I accidentally learned,
which statement was afterward verified by
him, when deciding upon a casemate for me,
was advised by General Miles to put me on
the side of the fort occupied by the camp
women ; he said there was an impropriety in
associating me with the families of the offi-
764 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
h
cers ; but General Burton declined to offer me
the indignity, and assigned me a casemate in
the row with the officers' wives.
One day an orderly came for me to go to
the prison ; hitherto an officer had always ac
companied me past the sentinels. I thought
nothing of it, but when we reached the guard
room the captain on duty apologized for not
coming in person, and told me General Miles
had said a prisoner's wife had better come
over with an orderly and unattended by an
officer. It was a small matter to me, but
these refined, kind-hearted gentlemen were
unwilling to be misunderstood. General
Miles, I heard, denied giving the order, and
the officers signed a statement to the effect
that he had verbally given it before several
witnesses after guard-mounting. I think he
made no further denial.
We excused much to General Miles, whose
opportunities to learn the habits of refined
people were said to have been few, and his
sectional feeling was very bitter ; but that he
should not have been moved at the age of
twenty-six by the evident physical and men
tal anguish of his prisoner, and should have
devised ingenious tortures for him, we could
not understand.
Finally, after trying sincerely to propitiate
him, my efforts ceased. On the occasion of a
VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 765
dressing-gown having been sent to Mr. Davis
by some ladies in St. Louis, General Miles
noticed the arrival of the package addressed
to me, and the fact also that my man-servant
carried white napkins, silver table furniture,
and delicate viands of all kinds over to Car
roll Hall, the number being limited only by
my purse, to tempt my husband, who was
slowly dying in my sight, General Miles said
to me : " This fort shall not be made a depot
for delicacies, such as oysters and luxuries for
Jeff Davis. I shall have to open your pack
ages, and see that this is not done."
I lost all my hard-earned patience and told
him I was not his prisoner, and he would not
find himself justified by the laws in infringing
on my private rights. He looked at me a
moment and said, " I guess I couldn't," and
desisted.
A few days after this Mr. McCulloch came
to the fort and visited Mr. Davis. I was not
present at the interview, but obtained an audi
ence with him at Dr. Cooper's house. Gen
eral Miles remained in the room, and unwill
ing to leave the truth untold, or to annoy
him, I asked a private audience, but General
Miles said he felt he had a right to be pres
ent. Then, with an apology to him for plain
speaking, emboldened by Mr. McCulloch's
gentle, sympathetic manner, I laid the whole
766 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
case before him. When the matter of Gen
eral Miles's objection to Mr. Davis having
oysters was mentioned, Mr. McCulloch, with
a quizzical smile, said : " General, oysters are
hardly to be classed as luxuries on the sea-
coast, are they ? " Enough of this sickening
retrospect, my memory does not furnish a rec
ord of the thousand little stabs he gave his
emaciated, gray-haired prisoner. Suffice it to
say that he used his power to insult and an
noy to the utmost, and in ways previously un
known and not to be anticipated by gentlefolk.
When he was to be promoted to a higher
grade, one of his friends wrote to Mr. Da
vis for an expression of his opinion about
General Miles's conduct to him, saying that,
from Mr. Davis not having characterized
it in his book, it was hoped he would say
there had been no unsoldierly persecution of
a helpless prisoner. To this Mr. Davis sent
a most emphatic assertion of General Miles's
unmanly and cruel conduct, and also wrote a
letter to a Senator from Mississippi which
did not reach him, owing to his being out of
town when the confirmation occurred, else it
would have been read in the Senate.
Sir Hudson Lowe has received, in the years
that have elapsed since Napoleon's death, the
execration of all brave men for severities prac
tised on him in St. Helena ; but these were
VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 767
far less stringent, and the insults much less
overt and degrading to England and to him
self, than those inflicted by General Miles
upon Mr. Davis. Mr. Davis's silence in his
book was, because he did not choose to ap
peal to a public tribunal to characterize the
wrongs he could not, in his old age and
broken health, avenge.
One day General Miles came to the prison
and said something not recalled with sufficient
clearness for repetition, but of such an insult
ing character that Mr. Davis sprang at the
bars, and as General Miles recoiled, he said,
" But for these, you should answer to me,
now."
My husband sank daily, until I feared he
would not live through the month. There
was unavoidable noise in changing guard
during the night, which wakened him at each
relief. His eyes had always been intensely
sensitive to a light while sleeping, and the
light burned brightly all night in his room, and
the tramp of the sentinels was torture to him.
In his nervous condition the shifting of the
foot of an officer in the guard-room kept him
awake. They did their best to be quiet, and
he did his best to bear the noise, but it was a
weary struggle for life and a slow sinking
into death, which would have been welcome
but for the charges he was waiting to rebut
;68 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
before a lawful tribunal on earth. Dr. Coop
er exhausted his skill to support the sinking
frame which had borne up so bravely, but
nothing seemed to give relief.
I went to Washington to gain a personal
interview with the President, with whom,
though we had been in the same city at inter
vals for fifteen years, I was not acquainted.
My object was to obtain from him permission
to take the lamp out of Mr. Davis's room, and
other little ameliorations of his sufferings.
Our old friend, Dr. Thomas Miller, invited
me to his house, and I asked by a respectful
note an audience from the President. He
sent me a verbal message of a discourteous
character, in which he suggested that I should
personally see the Republican Senators and
importune them as best I might. This course
was, however, not contemplated by me.
Mr. Reverdy Johnson, Mr. Voorhies, and
Mr. Saulsbury, always quick to espouse the
cause of the helpless, went to him and re
monstrated rather sharply. Under this pres
sure he appointed an hour to see me. Gen
eral Grant also set an hour for an audience,
but the President was so late in giving audi
ence after my card was sent up that General
Grant, after waiting an hour, courteously left
his aide-de-camp to explain that he had an
engagement he must keep, but would be glad
VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 769
if he could serve me in any way, and Mr.
Davis never forgot the courtesy, nor did I.
Senator Wilson called with kind words of
sympathy also, as did my dear friends, Mont
gomery Blair and Mrs. Leigh. This was my
first and last experience as a supplicant.
The President was civil, even friendly, and
said, " We must wait, our hope is to mollify
the public toward him." I told him that the
public would not have required to be mollified
but for his proclamation that Mr. Davis
was accessory to assassination, and added,
" I am sure that, whatever others believed,
you did not credit it." He said he did not,
but was in the hands of wildly excited people,
and must take such measures as would show
he was willing to sift the facts. I then re
sponded that there was never the least in
tercourse between Mr. Davis and Booth, or
an effort to establish it, and remarked that,
" if Booth had left a card for Mr. Davis as he
did for you, Mr. President, before the assas
sination, I fear my husband's life would have
paid the forfeit ; " to which the President
bowed assent, and after a moment of silence
remarked, now this was all over, and time was
the only element lacking to Mr. Davis's re
lease.
I remarked that, having made a procla
mation predicated upon the perjury of base
VOL. II. 49
770 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
men suborned for that purpose, I thought he
owed Mr. Davis a retraction as public as his
mistake. To my astonishment, he said that
he was laboring under the enmity of many in
both houses of Congress, and if they could
find anything upon which to hinge an im
peachment they would degrade him ; and with
apparent feeling he reiterated, " I would if I
co2ild y but I cannot.^
While we were speaking, a Senator well-
known now, but of whom I had never heard,
insisted upon an audience and was admitted.
He was a lop-sided man who stood on one
leg by preference. He declined to sit, but
stood quite near me, with one leg twisted
around his stick, and threatened the Presi
dent in such a manner as would have been
thought inadmissible to one of our ser
vants. The President met his threats with
rising color but a stolid calm which was not
defiance, nor was it indignation. It was a
very painful sight to me, and I tried not to
hear. At last the Senator left, and the Presi
dent said, " I am glad you saw a little of the
difficulty under which I labor ; trust me, every
thing I can do will be done to help Mr.
Davis has he thought of asking pardon ? "
I answered " No, and I suppose you did not
expect this." He said he did not, and added
"just now I cannot withdraw the proclama-
VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 771
tion." He kindly hoped the pardon granted
to J. E. Davis had covered our property also.
I could not press him further. It was a new
phase of humanity to me, I felt sorry for a
man whose code of morals I could not under
stand. And so we parted, with kind words
and courteous manner on his part, and much
sympathy for his miserable state on mine.
Some weeks passed and Mr. Davis became
gradually worse, he ate less, and slept little ;
he had never become accustomed to the
unavoidable noise made by relieving guard
during the night watches, and he had become
so emaciated that the largest part of his thigh
measured less than an ordinarily stout man's
upper arm. I appealed to Dr. Cooper for a
medical opinion, and he wrote the following
letter:
"FORTRESS MONROE, VA., May 23, 1866.
" MADAM : I am in receipt of your com
munication of date, in which you ask of me
' how the health of your husband can be re
cruited, as you see him growing weaker and
sinking daily/
" I have done all in my power to keep his
health up, but I must own I see him becom
ing more and more weak day by day. He
has been well cared for in the matter of food ;
the tramp of the sentinels he no longer hears.
772 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
He has exercise one hour in the morning, and
as much as he wishes for after four in the af
ternoon.
" Notwithstanding, he fails, and the only
thing left is to give him mental and bodily
rest, and exercise at will.
" This can only be by having the parole of
the fort, with permission to remain with his
family now residing there.
" He will probably recuperate.
" Your obedient servant,
" GEORGE E. COOPER,
" Surgeon United States Army.
" MRS. VARINA DAVIS,
" Fortress Monroe, Va."
This was sent to Washington covered by
a stronger letter written by Dr. Cooper, of a
private nature, which we did not see.
General Miles was about this time relieved
from Fortress Monroe, to which he had been
sent apparently for the specific duty of jailor
to Mr. Davis, and the relief was great to us.
General Burton received permission, if he
thought it consistent with Mr. Davis's safe
keeping, to give him the parole of the fort by
day which the General gladly did.
As soon as our friends knew they could
visit Mr. Davis, they came almost every day.
Our great General Gordon, Preston John-
VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 773
ston, and numbers of other friends came to din
ner in the casemate, and chairs being scarce,
they sat on candle-boxes, and talked of their
and our past, and toasted in silence the glor
ious dead and less happy living heroes. But
the sufferer's improvement was almost im
perceptible, and life came back slowly into
his exhausted, emaciated body. Leaning on
my arm, and sitting on the ramparts every
few minutes of his walk, he could not accom
plish a hundred yards at first, but gradually
his muscles strengthened ; but his sleep being
broken, his improvement was checked. He
now had every comfort that I could furnish
in his little prison, but still became more and
more wasted, and had not ceased to stagger
like a drunken man.
In a month or six weeks it was com
municated to General Burton that if he
thought it was safe to offer his prisoner
the parole of the fort, he could do so. It-
was not in General Burton's kindly, gener
ous nature to hesitate, where he confided in
the honor of a man for the time subject to his
authority. The full parole of the fort was
granted, and then four rooms off the end of
Carroll Hall were set apart for us, with a kit
chen at the back, and we were as comfortable
as people could be who could " not get out."
Excursion parties came to the fort still to
774 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
peer at Mr. Davis, and one day a vulgarian
inquired of Frederick the whereabouts of
"Jeff." He answered with a bow, "I am
sorry, madam, not to be able to tell you where
he is. I do not know such a person." She in
sisted that he did, saying, are you not his ser
vant? " No, madam," he answered, " you are
quite mistaken, I have the honor to serve ex-
President Davis."
At another time, when I wanted him to ask
some of our special friends among the officers,
and notably General Burton, to see him wed
my maid, he said, " Please excuse me, I will
send them as much cake and wine as you
choose, but cannot receive people as guests
who hold Mr. Davis a prisoner." What this
judicious, capable, delicate-minded man did for
us could not be computed in money, or told in
words ; he and his gentle wife took the sting
out of many indignities offered to us in our
-hours of misfortune. They were both objects
of affection and esteem to Mr. Davis as long
as he lived.
Our sister, Miss Howell, came to the fort
and remained with us, much to Mr. Davis's
delight. The Right Reverend Bishop Lynch,
Father O'Keefe, from Norfolk, the Rever
ends William Brand, Barton, and Minnege-
rode, the latter our beloved pastor, came
often to see Mr. Davis, as well as charming-
VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 775
people from Baltimore, Richmond, Norfolk,
and the surrounding country ; they generally
remained to dinner, and left in the evening
boat ; wine and delicacies of all kinds were
pressed upon us by our friends. The Bishop
of Montreal sent green chartreuse from his
own stores, and to this powerful digestive
stimulant the little Mr. Davis ate was due.
He could only sleep when read to, and many
times the day broke on me as he slept under
the sound of my voice, with my hand on his
pulse ; at times it would stop, and then he
was wakened and a glass of chartreuse given
him, with one of half a dozen things kept
ready for him to eat. Dr. Cooper said the
walls of his heart were so weak, that a sound
sleep might prove his death if too long con
tinued ; and so he came back slowly into
life, though reduced to a walking skeleton.
Never during this extreme torture and har
rowing anxiety did his dignity give way, or
his high bearing quail before the torment.
He was too refined and dignified to be abus
ive, and too proud, in General Miles's delicate
phrase, to "beg." He suffered as only men
of his temperament can, but held aloft the
standard of Confederate fealty and Christian
virtue.
In the meanwhile, Mr. Charles O'Conor,
with every effort in his power, pushed on the
776 JEFFERSOiV DAVIS.
trial ; and Mr. John Garrett, whose first im
pulse was sympathy with the sorrows of man
kind, has most accurately related his efforts
to secure my husband's release ; and for both
Mr. Davis has always since felt the most sin
cere gratitude and affection. Want of space
has forced me unwillingly, in his case as in
that of many others, to condense their state
ments, but I quote them as they are, only
changing a few words.
" In May, 1866, an indictment was procured
against the ex-chieftain, in the United States
District Court of Virginia, held in Richmond.
On June nth, of the same year, on motion of
Mr. Boutwell, the House of Representatives,
by a vote of 105 yeas to 19 nays, resolved
that Mr. Davis ' should be held in custody
as a prisoner and subjected to a trial accord
ing to the laws of the land.' Mr. Davis, in
the meantime, was exceedingly anxious to
meet the questions arising on any indictment
which might be presented. The Constitution
of the United States guaranteed to every citi
zen a speedy trial, and he was anxious to re
ceive the advantages and enjoy the rights ot
a just, equal, and fair trial. It was not writ
ten, however, that he should be tried for
treason. Even President Johnson and Gen
eral Grant saw the mistake of his capture,
and Chief Justice Chase understood the im-
VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 777
policy of his trial. Little by little, as reason
returned, Northern men like Greeley and
Gerrit Smith came forward to do a great act
of justice, looking toward his honorable liber
ation.
" In 1867, as the May term of the United
States Circuit Court in Virginia approached,
the counsel for Mr. Davis, encouraged by his
devoted and faithful wife, determined to make
one grand effort for his trial or unconditional
discharge. The Chief Justice, the Attorney-
General, and the Secretary of War were op
posed to an early trial. Many efforts were
then made with President Johnson to procure
the pardon of Mr. Davis. He said, he made
it an inflexible rule, ' never to grant a pardon
on petition, unless it was accompanied by an
application from the individual seeking the
executive clemency/ Mr. Davis, on the
other hand, always said, ' to ask for pardon
was a confession of guilt/ and that such an
application would prejudice his case.
" As soon as it was known that the Govern
ment would not try him, a movement was set
on foot to secure his release on bond. Mrs.
Jefferson Davis heard that Mr. John W. Gar-
rett, then president of the Baltimore & Ohio
Railroad, possessed great influence over Sec
retary Stanton, and determined, if possible,
to obtain his aid in securing her husband's
778 JEFFKSON DAVIS.
release. In this respect, she could not have
selected a more influential person to accomplish
her end. Mr. Garrett and Mr. Stanton were
always warm personal friends. President
Lincoln and Secretary Stanton expressed in
the warmest terms their appreciation of the
aid which he had often rendered them.
" Upon one occasion," Mr. Garrett said,
" Charles W. Russell, formerly of Wheeling,
Va., came to my office at Camden Station
and sent in his card. Being at the moment
very much engaged, I detained him for an
hour, but hastened to see Mr. Russell as soon
as I could, and to my astonishment found him
accompanied with a lady who was closely
veiled, and who was the wife of Jefferson
Davis. After assuring them that I had not
known any lady was waiting, I asked the oc
casion of Mrs. Davis's visit. She replied
that she had just arrived from Fortress Mon
roe, where her husband was so closely con
fined that unless he could be quickly released
he would die ; that she had been informed
I possessed great influence with Mr. Stanton,
and had come to beg my active aid for the re
lease of Mr. Davis. She asked me to go to
Washington with her, but that, I assured her,
was impolitic ; I would go alone, ascertain
the prospect, and report to her. She was
stopping with Mr. John S. Gittings. During
VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 779
our conversation Mrs. Davis said that she
had received a message from Mr. McCulloch,
on his way from Fortress Monroe, that she
could rely on his aid in the matter. I went
immediately to Washington, saw Mr. McCul
loch, and told him that I had come to see
Stanton about the release of Mr. Davis.
Mr. McCulloch was thunderstruck, and said
it was useless to see Mr. Stanton, and that
Mr. Davis's release was impossible. I told
him what Mrs. Davis had said about his aid.
Finally we called in the Attorney-General,
Mr. Stansberry. Our errand was stated by
Mr. McCulloch, and the Attorney-General
remarked, after talking the matter over, that
he had seen stranger things than that done ;
that he could see no objection to my making
the effort. I told them that, notwithstanding
their unfavorable opinion, I would see Stan-
ton and make an effort for the release of Mr.
Davis. We learned at the office that the
Secretary of War was sick, and had refused
to see anyone ; but, nevertheless, I asked my
colleagues to wait, until I returned from my
visit to Mr. Stanton. I immediately drove
to his house, sent up my card, and was
promptly admitted. He was lying on a
lounge, too ill to rise. I stated frankly the
matter that had brought me to disturb his re
pose. As I expected, Mr. Stanton exhibited
780 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
much anger, but I told him that two at least
of the cabinet were willing for the release ;
that the President only waited his order for
release ; that the country would approve such
action ; and lastly, Mr. Davis's health was fail
ing, and that his death in prison would be
most embarrassing to the United States.
Our discussion was long, and often sharp, for
I was not to be set back by anything short of
a positive refusal, and that I should have
combated before the President. At last he
remarked that he would raise no objection to
the Attorney-General arranging for the re
lease. With this answer I returned to Mr.
Stansberry ; the preliminaries were arranged,
and the name of Horace Greeley was sug
gested by me and accepted by Mr. Stans
berry as one of Mr. Davis's bondsmen. It
was decided that Mr. Charles O'Conor, one
of Mr. Davis's counsel, should come to Wash
ington and arrange the terms. Reporting the
result of my interview to Mrs. Davis, it was
arranged that William Prescott Smith should
go to New York for Mr. Greeley, and bring
him to my house, and thereupon the release
of Mr. Davis was arranged."
Mr. Shea wrote a letter, of which I give
the substance, which will more accurately
relate the circumstances of Mr. Davis's re
lease than I could : " Mr. Horace Greeley
VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 781
received a letter, dated June 22, 1865, from
Mrs. Davis, written at Savannah, Ga., where
she and her family were detained under
a sort of military restraint. Mr. Davis was
at Fortress Monroe ; and the conspicuous
charge against him made by the ( Bureau of
Military Justice ' was, of being accessory to
the assassination of President Lincoln.' The
letter implored Mr. Greeley to insist upon a
speedy trial of her husband upon that charge,
and upon all other supposed cruelties that
were alleged he had inflicted. A public trial
was prayed, that the accusations might be pub
licly met, and her husband vindicated. To
this letter Mr. Greeley at once answered
Mrs. Davis, and directed it to the care of Gen
eral Birge, at Savannah. The morning of the
next day Mr. Greeley came to my residence
and placed Mrs. Davis's letter in my hand,
saying that he could not believe the charge
true. He asked me to become professionally
interested in behalf of Mr. Davis. I told Mr.
Greeley that, unless our Government was
willing to have it inferred that Wirz was
convicted and his sentence of death infiicted
unjustly, it could not now overlook the supe
rior zv/io was, at least popularly, regarded as
the moving cause of those wrongs* I thought
* The italics are the author's.
782 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
that my services before a military tribunal
would be of little benefit. I consulted with
such friends, and Mr. Henry Wilson, Gov
ernor John A. Andrew, Mr. Thaddeus Ste
vens, and Mr. Gerrit Smith. The result was
that I undertook to do whatever became feas
ible. Mr. Charles O'Conor was, from the
first, esteemed the most valuable man to lead
for the defence by Mr. Greeley and Mr. Ger
rit Smith. Public expectation looked to him,
and he had already volunteered his services
to Mr. Davis. Mr. O'Conor's personal honor
was without reproach ; his courage without
fear ; his learning, erudition, and propriety of
professional judgment conceded as pre-emin
ent.
" There was a general agreement among the
gentlemen of the Republican party whom I
have mentioned, that Mr. Davis did not by
thought or act participate in a conspiracy
against Mr. Lincoln / and none of those ex
pressed that conviction more emphatically than
Mr. Thaddeus Stevens. The single subject
on which light was desired by them was con
cerning the treatment of our soldiers while
in the hands of the enemy. The Tribune of
May 17, 1865, tells the real condition of feel
ing at that moment, and shows that it was
not favorable to Mr. Davis on this matter.
At the instance of Mr. Greeley, Mr. Wilson,
VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 783
and, as I was given to understand, of Mr.
Stevens, I went to Canada the first week in
January, 1866, taking Boston on my route,
there to consult with Governor Andrew and
others. While at Montreal I had placed in
my possession the official archives of the
Government of the Confederate States, which
I read, especially all the messages and other
acts of the Executive sent to the Senate in
its secret sessions concerning the care and
exchange of prisoners. Individually, and
through their representatives at Richmond,
the people of the South pressed upon Mr.
Davis, as the Executive and as the Comman
der-in-chief of the Army and Navy, instant
recourse to active measures of retaliation, to
the end that the supposed cruelties to their
soldiers in prison might be stayed. Mr.
Davis's conduct, under such urgency, was a
circumstance all-important in determining the
justice of the charge against himself. It was
decisively manifest, from these sources of in
formation, that Mr. Davis unflinchingly set
himself in opposition to such demands, and
declined to resort to any measure of violent
retaliation. It impaired his personal influ
ence, and brought much censure iipon him
from many in the South, who sincerely be
lieved the reports spread among the people to
be true.
784 JEFFERSON DAVIS.
" The result of my examination was that
these gentlemen, and those others in sympathy
with them, changed their former suspicion to
a favorable opinion. They were from this
time kept informed of movements made to
liberate Mr. Davis or to compel a trial. All
this took place before anyone acting on his
behalf was allowed to communicate with or
see him.
" The Tribune, at once began a series of
leading editorials demanding that our Gov
ernment proceed to a trial; and on January
1 6, 1867, Senator Howard, of Michigan, of
fered a joint resolution, aided by Mr. Sumner,
' recommending the trial of Jefferson Davis
and Clement C. Clay before a military tribu
nal or court-martial, for charges mentioned in
the report of the Secretary of War, of March
4, 1 866.' I was then credibly informed that
Mr. Thaddeus Stevens had volunteered as
counsel for Mr. Clay.
" After it had become evident that there
was no immediate prospect of a trial, the coun
sel for Mr. Davis became anxious that their
client be liberated on bail, and one of them
consulted Mr. Greeley as to the feasibility of
procuring names of persons as bondsmen
who had conspicuously opposed the war of
secession. This was easy ; and Mr. Gerrit
Smith and Commodore Vanderbilt were
VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 785
selected, and Mr. Greeley, in case his name
should be found necessary. This could not
have been accomplished had not those gentle
men, and others in sympathy with them, been
already convinced that the charges against Mr.
Davis were unfounded. An application was
made on June u, 1866, to Justice Underwood,
at Alexandria, Va., for a writ of habeas
corpus, which, after argument, was denied,
upon the ground that ' Jefferson Davis was
arrested under a proclamation of the Presi
dent charging him with complicity in the
assassination of the late President Lincoln.
He has been held/ says the decision, ' ever
since, and is now held, as a military prisoner.'
The Washington Chronicle of that date
insisted that the ' case is one well entitled to
a trial before a military tribunal ; the testi
mony before the Judiciary Committee of the
House, all of it bearing directly, if not con
clusively, on a certain intention to take the
life of Mr. Lincoln, is a most important ele
ment in the case.' This was reported to be
from the pen of Mr. John W. Forney himself,
then Clerk of the Senate. The House of
Representatives, on motion of Mr. Boutwell,
of Massachusetts, the following day passed a
resolution ' that it was the opinion of the
House that Jefferson Davis should be held in
custody as a prisoner, and subject to trial ac-
. ii. 50
786 JEFFERSON DA VIS.
cording to the laws of the land.' It was
adopted by a vote of 105 to 19.
"It is very suggestive that, in the inter
mediate time, Mr. Clement C. Clay had been
discharged from imprisonment without being
tried on either of these charges, upon which
he had been arrested, and for which arrest the
$100,000 had been paid.
" This failure to liberate Mr. Davis induced
Mr. Greeley, and those friends who were acting
with him, to meet the issue promptly and to push
the Government to a trial, or to withdraw the
charge made by its Board of Military Justice.
Mr. Greeley hastened back to New York, and
The Tribune of June 12, 1866, contained, in a
leader from his pen, this unmistakable de
mand and protest :
. " ' How and when did Davis become a pris
oner of war? He was not arrested as a pub
lic enemy, but as a felon officially charged, in
the face of the civilized world, with the foul
est, most execrable guilt that of having sub
orned assassins to murder President Lincoln,
a crime the basest and most cowardly known
to mankind It was for this that $ 1 00,000 was
offered and paid for his arrest. And the proc
lamation of Andrew Johnson and William H.
Seward, offering this reward, says his compli
city with Wilkes Booth & Co. is established
"by evidence now in the Bureau of Military
VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 787
Justice." So there was no need of time to
hunt it up.
" ' It has been asserted that Davis is re
sponsible for the death by exposure and fam
ine of our captured soldiers ; and his offi
cial position gives plausibility to the charge.
Yet, while Henry Wirz was long ago ar
raigned, tried, convicted, sentenced, and
hanged for this crime no charge has been
officially preferred against Davis. So we
presume none is to be.'
" The Tribune kept repeating this demand
during that year, and admonished the Gov
ernment of the absurdity of its position, not
daring, seemingly, to prosecute a great crim
inal against whom it had officially declared it
was possessed of evidence to prove the
crime.
" The Government did not proceed with
the trial. Another year had passed since the
capture of Mr. Davis, and now another at
tempt to liberate him by bail was to be made.
The Government, by its conduct, having
tacitly abandoned those special charges of in
humanity, a petition for a writ was to be
presented by which the prisoner might be
tried by the civil authority to answer the in
dictment for treason. Mr. Wilson, Chairman
of the Committee of Military Affairs, offered
in the Senate, on March 18, 1867, a resolution
788 JEFFERSOA r DAVIS.
urging 1 the Government to proceed with the
trial. The remarkable thoughts and lan
guage of that resolution were observed at the
time, and necessarily caused people to infer
that Mr. Wilson, at least, was not under the
delusion that the Government really had a
case on either of those two special charges
against Mr. Davis ; and a short time after
this Mr. Wilson went to Fortress Monroe to
see Mr. Davis. The visit was simply friendly,
and not for any purpose relating to his liber
ation.
" On May 14, 1867, Mr. Davis was de
livered to the civil authority ; was at once ad
mitted to bail, Mr. Greeley and Mr. Gerrit
Smith going personally to Richmond, in at
testation of their belief that wrong had been
done to Mr. Davis in holding him so long
accused upon those charges, now abandoned.
Commodore Vanderbilt signed the bond
through Mr. Horace F. Clark, his son-in-law,
and Mr. Augustus Schell, his friend.
" . . . Mr. Greeley's enormous sacrifice
to compel justice to be done to one man, and
he an enemy, should be written.
" Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, in May, 1866,
related to me how the Chief of this ' Military
Bureau ' showed him ' the evidence ' upon
which the proclamation was issued charging
Messrs, Davis and Clay with complicity in the
VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 7^9
assassination of Mr. Lincoln. He said he
refused to give the thing 1 support, and that he
said the evidence was insufficient and incredi
ble. I am not likely ever to forget the earn
est manner in which Mr. Stevens then said :
1 Those men are no friends of mine. They
are public enemies ; but I know these men,
sir. ' They are gentlemen, and incapable of
being assassins/
" GEORGE SHEA.
"No. 205 WEST FORTY-SIXTH STREET,
"NEW YORK, January 15, 1876."
In accordance with the programme ar
ranged between Mr. Garrett and the counsel
for Mr. Davis on May ist, petition to the
United States Circuit Court was presented to
Judge Underwood, at Alexandria, Va., to
grant the writ of habeas corpus.
Judge Underwood issued the writ to Mr.
Shea, who took it to Richmond and placed it
in the hands of United States Marshal Under
wood for service.
The writ was served on General Burton,
the commander of Fortress Monroe, by Mar
shal Underwood and Deputy Marshal W. A.
Duncan, on May loth. General Burton had
previously received the following orders from
Washington :
79& JEFFE&SON' DA VIS.
"WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C.
May 8, 1867.
" BREVET BRIGADIER-GENERAL H. S. BUR
TON, United States 'Army, or Commanding
Officer at Fortress Monroe.
" The President of the United States directs
that you surrender Jefferson Davis, now held
and confined under military authority at -For
tress Monroe, to United States Marshal or
deputies, upon any process which may issue
from a Federal court in the State of Virginia.
You will report the action taken by you under
this order, and forward a copy of any process
served upon you to this office.
" By order of the President,
"E. D. TOWNSEND,
" Assistant Adjutant- General!'
General Burton, in the interview with the
Marshal, at first decided to deliver Mr. Davis
to him on the following morning, but after
ward determined to obey the writ of habeas
corpus literally, requiring him to produce Mr.
Davis before the Richmond court.
The Trial of Mr. Jefferson Davis, Rich
mond, December 3, 1867.
In the United States Court, Chief-Justice
Chase on the bench, the argument was com-
VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 791
menced on the motion to quash the indictment
against Jefferson Davis.
Robert Ould, counsel for Mr. Davis, ar
gued that the fourteenth amendment pun
ished Mr. Davis by disfranchisement, and this
punishment was chosen by the voice of the
American people as a merciful substitute for
the penalties of death and confiscation con
tained in the Constitution of the United
States ; that the punishment of Mr. Davis
commenced upon the date of the adoption of
the fourteenth article, and he therefore could
not now be punished in any other way; that
the latest expression of the will of the people,
in their Constitution, was the law, and re
pealed all former provision made for those
who engaged in rebellion ; that the fourteenth
article was that latest expression, intended
expressly for and covering the cases of all
engaged in the late rebellion ; and that no
man could be punished twice for the same
offence.
R. H. Dana, Esq., counsel for the United
States, said that Mr. Quid's proposition was,
in the nature of things, entirely new, and was
unexpected to the Government counsel, and
he expected also to the court.
Chief-Justice Chase said the argument of
counsel was not unexpected to the court,
it having supposed, after the announcement
fo$ JEFFERSON DA tf/
of this motion to quash, that it was based on
the fourteenth article, that this line of argu
ment would be pursued.
Time was given the Government counsel
to confer, and the Court took a recess at noon.
After reassembling, Governor H. H. Wells
and District Attorney Beach for the Govern
ment, replied, contending that the fourteenth
amendment merely created 
