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Full text of "The Jesuit relations and allied documents : travels and explorations of the Jesuit missionaries in New France, 1610-1791 Volume 6"

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VOL. VI 


THE JESUIT RELATIONS 


AND 


ALLIED DOCUMENTS 



Th
 editl.0n c01lsists of sev- 
en Izulldred a1ld fifty sets 
all 1l1unbered 


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-HE PROrr-RTY OF 
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The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents 


TRA\TELS AND EXPLORATIONS 
OF THE JESUIT lYIISSIONARIES 
IN NE\V FRANCE 


1610- 1 79 1 


THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITAL- 
IAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH TRANSLA- 
TIONS AND NOTES; ILLUSTRATED BY 
PORTRAITS, l\IAPS, AND FACSIMILES 


EDITED BY 


REUBEN GOLD THW AITES 
Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin 


Vol. VI 
QUEBEC: 1633- 1 6 34 


CLEVELAND: Ube JSurrowa JSrotberø 
aompan
, PUBLISHERS. :\llICCC XCVII 



"" 


COPYRIGHT, 1897 
BY 
THE BURROWS BROTHERS Co 


ALL RIGHTS RESERVED 


The ImþerÙzl Press, Cleveland 



EDITORIAL STAFF 


Editor REUBEN GOLD THW AITES 


Translator from the 
French J ORN CUTLER COVERT 
Assistant Translator from 
the French MARY SIFTON PEPPER 


Translator from the 
Latin 
Translator from the 
Italian 


WILLIAM FREDERIC GIESE 



IARY SIFTON PEPPER 


Assistant Editor EMMA HELEN BLAIR 
Bibliographical Adviser VICTOR HUGO PALTSITS 



CONTENTS OF VOL. VI 


PREFACE TO VOLUME VI 
DOCUMENTS :- 
XXI. Relation de ce qvi s'est pa
sé en la 
Novvelle France, en l'année 1633. 
[Conclusion.] Paul Ie JOlliL''' Paris, 
16 34 5 
XXII. Lettre au R. P. Provincial de France, à 
Paris. Paul It: Jeulle,. Québec, 16 34. 33 
XXIII. Relation de ce qui s'est passé en La 
N ovvelle France, en l' année 1634. 
[Chapters i.- ix.] Paul Ie Jeune,. 
Iai- 
fon de N. Dame des Anges, en )J ou- 
uelle France, August 7, 16 34 9 1 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: Volume VI 3 1 9 
NOTES 3 2 5 



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ILLUSTRATION TO VOL. VI 


1. Photographic facsimile of title-page, Le 
Jeune's Relation of 16 3 6 . 94 



PREFACE TO VOL. VI 


Following is a synopsis of the documents contained 
in the present volume: 
XXI. In the final installment of Le Jeune's Rela- 
tion for 16 33 (the first part was presented in our 
Vol. V.). the superior describes the coming (July 28), 
of the Hurons to Quebec, and the conference that 
was held between them and the French. The mis- 
sionaries make arrangements to return with these 
savages, to labor in their country: but, at the last 
moment, complications arise fronl the murder of a 
Frenchman by up-country natives, and in conse- 
quence the Hurons refuse passage to the Fathers. 
Le Jeune closes with an earnest appeal for help in 
their work in Christianizing the denizens of the great 
wilderness. 
XXII. This is a letter from Le Jeune to his pro- 
vincial, written in the year 1634, but not bearing 
specific date. He describes the condition of the 
Quebec mission; states that at last the Huron country 
is open to them, and Brébeuf and others have gone 
thither. He, with Buteux, will go to the new set- 
tlement at Three Rivers, for which he gives his rea- 
sons at length. The narrator recites their difficulties 
with the hired 'workmen brought from France: and 
asks that these may be replaced by lay brothers of 
their own order. He mentions several of these 



2 


PREFACE TO VOL. VI 


brothers by name, describing their abilities and dis- 
positions. The field of missionary work is widening, 
and the superior tells how it ought to be occupied, 
and how many should be assigned for each station. 
He requests the provincial to appoint another supe- 
rior in Canada, as his duties are too heavy for him. 
More missionaries are asked for, and a special peti- 
tion is entered for the appointment, in this connec- 
tion, of his friend Benier. 
Le J eune describes the dwelling of the Jesuits at 
Quebec, and asks for means to fence in a tract of land 
for their cattle, and to erect a small house for the 
herders; also, to repair their buildings, injured by 
the English. He plans how they may provide a por- 
tion of their own food, hitherto wholly brought from 
France: and describes the crops they have thus far 
raised, with the effect of the climate on each. He 
deprecates the formation of too many missions, pre- 
ferring to strengthen those already formed; and re- 
lates the kind help given them by the Company of 
New France. 
In conclusion, our author rehearses the difficulties 
of reaching the wandering tribes; asks for a semi- 
nary for the children; expresses a desire to send some 
of these to France for education; and requests aid to 
enlarge the Quebec mission. The manuscript which 
has come down to us, lacks some of its final pages, 
but appears to be substantially complete. 
XXIII. This document is Le J eune's Relation of 
1634, closed at the mission house in Quebec, August 
7th of that year, and sent to his provincial at Paris. 
The following abstract covers the first nine chapters 
(out of a total of thirteen), which is all we have space 
for in the present volume. 



PREFACE TO VOL. VI 


3 


Le J eune, as the superior of his order in New 
France, describes the good conduct and piety of the 
French settlers, and the wisdom and goodness of the 
governor, Champlain. An account is given, from 
hearsay, of the sudden death of Jacques Michel, a 
profane Huguenot, a tragedy which is thought to 
have been a direct punishment for his blasphemies. 
This is followed by a long description of the conver- 
sion and baptism of certain savages, and the happy 
death of some of these. A definite plan is advocated 
for the conversion of the natives in the neighborhood 
of Quebec: that the French, their protectors, should 
make themselves more formidable to the common 
enemy, the Iroquois; that the friendly natives should 
be systematically taught agriculture, and induced to 
become sedentary, and, while thus acquiring this tech- 
nical education, should be aided with food; that semi- 
naries should be established, in which Indian children, 
both boys and girls. can be educated at Quebec. 
The superior then gives a detailed account of the 
religious belief, traditions, and superstitions, of the 
:Montagnais tribe, among whom he had passed the 
preceding winter,- their fasts, rites, and customs. 
He praises their intelligence, contentment, fortitude, 
good nature, generosity; but condemns their filthy 
habits, their inveterate habit of mockery and ridicule, 
their fierce cruelty towards enemies, their disposi- 
tion to utter slander, their deceitfulness, gluttony, in- 
temperance, vile language, and impudent habits of 
begging. He enumerates the animals, birds, fishes, 
fruits, and roots eaten by the savages. Their nu- 
merous feasts are described, and the customs and 
superstitions connected therewith; also, their mode 
of hunting elks, beavers, and other animals, and of 



4 


PREFACE TO VOL. VI 


fishing, both by nets and harpoons. He also de- 
scribes some of the fauna peculiar to Canada,- the 
singing marmot, the skunk, the squirrels, and the 
humming-bird. 


We take much pleasure in announcing that ar- 
rangements have been concluded with :11r. Victor 
Hugo Paltsits, of the staff of Lenox Library, to fur- 
nish notes for and to revise the Bibliographical Data 
for our series, his services commencing with the 
present volume. l\1r. Paltsits is one of the members 
of the Bibliographical Society of London, and an ex- 
pert of wide repute in this important field. 
We are under obligations to the Rev. Rudolph 
Meyer, S. J., of Rome, for valuable advice and en- 
couragement; and to the Rev. T. O'Leary, of Edge- 
grove, Pa., for kindly suggestions. 


R. G. T. 


MADISON, WIS. April, 1897. 



XXI (concluded) 


LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1633 
PARIS: SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, 1634 


Continued from Vol. V. 



6 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


Le 4. on tint encore vn confeil: i'y affiftay auec Ie 
P. Brebeuf, car on deuoit parler de l'embarquement 
de nos Peres. Le fieur de Chãplain fit fes prefens, 
qui correfpondoyent en valeur à ceux que les Hurons 
luyauoyent faict. Receuoir des prefens des Sau- 
uages, c'eft s'engager à rendre Ie reciproque. On 
parla de plufieurs chofes en ce confeil, entr'autres 
les Hurons demanderent l'eflargiffemët du prifonnier 
Sauuage qui [293 i.e., 193J a tué nouuellement vn 
François, cõme i'ay remarqué cy deffus. Le fieur de 
Champlain fit merueille fur ce poind, pour faire voir 
aux Hurons qu'il n'eftoit pas à propos de Ie mettre en 
liberté; & qu'ayant tué vn Frãçois qui ne luy auoit 
fait aucun tort, il meritoit la mort. Les Hurons furent 
fatisfaits des raifons qu'on leur apporta. On parla 
encore de l'amitié contractée entr'eux & les François, 
& que nos Peres allans en leur pais confirmeroyent 
puiffamment cette amitié. Les Hurons eftoient les 
plus contens du monde: ceux qui deuoyent embar- 
quer & conduire nos Peres auoyent defia receu Ie 
loyer de leur peine future, nous leur auions mis 
entre les mains leurs paquets ou leur petit bagage: 
nous eftions allé coucher au Magafin Ie Pere de Nouë 
& moy auec nos trois Peres, pour les voir monter Ie 
lendemain de grand [I94J matin dans leurs petits ca- 
nots, & leur dire Ie dernier adieu, quand tout à coup 
noftre ioye fut changée en trifteffe. Sur les dix ou 
onze heures du foir vn Sauuage borgne de la nation 
de l'Ifle grandement allié de la nation du prifonnier 
s'en alla crier par les cabannes de tous les Sauuages 
qu'on fe donnaft bien garde d'ebarquer aucun Fran- 
cois, & que les parens du prifonnier eftoyent aux 
aguets fur la riuiere pour tuer les Frãçois s'ils les 


, 



1633-34] 


LE .IEUNE'S RELA TION, 1633 


7 


On the 4th, another council was held; I was pres- 
ent with Father Brebeuf, because the embarkation of 
our Fathers was to be talked over. Sieur de Cham- 
plain made his presents, which corresponded in value 
to those that the Hurons had made him. To accept 
presents from the Savages is to bind oneself to return 
an equivalent. A great many things were spoken of 
in this council; among others, the Hurons asked for 
the liberation of the Savage prisoner who [293 i.e., 
193J had recently killed a Frenchman, as I stated 
above. Sieur de Champlain sought earnestly to make 
the Hurons understand that it was not right to restore 
him to liberty; and that, having killed a Frenchman 
who had done him no harm, he deserved death. 
The Hurons were satisfied with the reason given 
them. They spoke also of the friendship contracted 
between them and the French, saying that it would 
be greatly strengthened by the Fathers going into 
their country. The Hurons were the happiest people 
in the world. Those who were to embark and to 
carry the Fathers in their canoes had already received 
pay for their future trouble; we had placed in their 
hands the parcels or little baggage of the Fathers. 
We had gone to the Storehouse to sleep, Father 
de N ouë and I, with our three Fathers, that we 
might see them off early the next [I94J morning in 
their little canoes, and might say to them our last 
farewell, when all at once our joy was changed into 
sadness. At about ten or eleven o'clock that night, 
a one-eyed Savage, belonging to the Island tribe, 
closely allied to the tribe of the prisoner, went among 
the cabins of all the Savages crying out that they 
should be careful not to take any Frenchmen in their 
canoes, and that the relatives of the prisoner were on 



8 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


pouuoyent attrapper au pafIage. Le Dimanche pre- 
cedent ceux de la nation de ce prifonnier auoyent 
tenu confeil auec les capitaines des 1\Iontagnaits, des 
Sauuages de l'ifle, & des Hurons, pour voir comme 
ils pourroyent impetrer la grace de ce prifonnier. 
Les Hurons furent fuppliez de la demander: efians 
efconduits ce Sauuage de l'Ifle allié de la nation de 
l'homicide fit ce [195] cri public par les cabanes, 
qu'on n'èbarquaft aucun Francois fi on ne Ie vouloit 
mettre en danger euident de fa vie. Ayant ouy ce 
cry, & Ie Pere Brebeuf qui l'efcoutoit m'ayant inter- 
preté ce qu'il vouloit dire, ie m'en allay auec Ie Pere 
de 
ouë au fort, pour en donner aduis au Sieur de 
Champlain. Nous efiions couchez dans Ie magafin 
des François, à l'entour duquel efioyet cabanez les 
Sauuages. Le Fort nous fut ouuert, & apres auoir 
declaré Ie fubiet de noftre venue pendant la nuiét, 
nous retournafmes d'où nous eftiõs partis: nous 
trouuâmes en chemin les Capitaines des Sauuages en 
confeil, aufquels Ie Truchement, felon que Ie Sieur 
de Champlain luy auoit commandé, de clara qu'on leur 
vouloit parler encor vne fois deuant leur depart. Le 
lendemain au point du iour vn Sauuage alla faire 
vne autre criée par les [196J cabanes, difant qu'on ne 
partiroit point encore ce iour là, & que la ieunefIe 
fe tint en paix, & que ceux qui n'auoyent pas traitté 
toutes leurs marchandifes, la traittafIent. Sur les 
huiét ou neuf heures du matïn, Ie fieur de Champlain 
afIembla de rechef les Capitaines des Hurons, Ie Sau- 
uage de l'Ifle qui auoit faiét ce cri publicq, & Ie Capi- 
taine des 
lontagnaits. II delnanda à ce Sauuage 
pourquoy il auoit fait cette deffence: il repartit que 
tout Ie païs eftoit en alarme, & qu'il s'alloit perdre fi 



1633-34] 


LE JEUNE'S RELA TIOl\/, I633 


9 


the watch along the river to kill the Frenchmen, if 
they could catch them during the passage. On the pre- 
vious Sunday some Savages of the same tribe as the 
prisoner had held a council with the captains of the 
1\lontagnaits, of the island Savages, and of the Hu- 
rons, to determine how they might secure the pardon 
of this prisoner. The Hurons were besought to ask it. 
They refused, and this Island Savage, whose tribe 
was allied to the tribe of the murderer, raised this 
[19SJ general cry among the cabins, warning every 
one not to give passage to a Frenchman, unless they 
wished to place him in evident danger of his life. 
Having heard the cry, and Father Brebeuf, who was 
listening, having interpreted its meaning to me, I 
went with Father de N ouë to the fort to give infor- 
mation of the same to Sieur de Champlain. We had 
been sleeping in the storehouse of the French, around 
which the Savages were encamped. The Fort was 
opened to us; and, after having made known the ob- 
ject of our night visit, we returned to the place 
whence we had departed. Upon the way we found 
the Captains of the Savages in council, to whom the 
Interpreter, according to the order of Sieur de Cham- 
plain, declared that he desired to talk to them once 
more before their departure. The next morning, 
at daybreak, a Savage passed through the [19 6 ] 
camp proclaiming that they were not to depart that 
day; and that the young men should keep the peace, 
and that those who had not sold all their merchan- 
dise should sell it. About eight or nine in the morn- 
ing, sieur de Champlain again assembled the Cap- 
tains of the Hurons, the Island Savages who had 
made this outcry, and the Captain of the :Montagnaits. 
He asked the Sayage why he had aroused that oppo- 



10 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


on embarquoit des François pour Ies conduire aux Hu- 
rons, car les parents du prifonnier ne manqueroiët 
d'en tuer quelqu'vn, & que Ià deffus la guerre feroit 
declarée. Que les Hurons mefmes feroient de la par- 
tie, car voulans defendre les François, on s'en pren- 
droit à eux; & qu'ainfi tout Ie païs feroit perdu. 
Qu'il n'auoit [197] point fait de defence, mais donné 
aduis de la mefchante volonté qu'auoient Ies parents de 
l'homicide: que fi on deliuroit Ie prifonnier que tous 
ces troubles tomberoient d'eux mefme, & que la ri- 
uiere & tout Ie païs feroit libre. On demanda aux 
Hurons s'ils ne perfiftoient pas dans la volonté de 
nous conduire en leur païs, ils refpondirent que la 
riuiere D'eftoit pas à eux, & qu'on prit garde auec ces 
autres nations s'ils pourroient paffer en affeurance: 
que pour eux ils ne demandoient pas mieux que d'em- 
barquer des François. Ie remarquay la prudence de 
ces Sauuages, car iis tefmoignerent tellement l'affec- 
tiõ qu'ils nous portoient qu'ils ne vouloient point 
choquer les nations par lefquelles ils doiuent paffer 
venans à Kebec: l'vn d'eux s'addreffant à ce Sauuage 
de l'Ifle Iuy dit, prefte l'oreille maintenant, ne dy 
[198] point quand nous ferons Ià hault en ton pays, 
que nous n'auons point parlé pour Ie prifonnier, nous 
auons fait ce que nous auons peu: mais que veux tu 
que nous difions aux raifons du fieur de Champlain? 
Les François nous font amis à tous, s'il ne tenoit qu'à 
nous nous les embarquerions. II faut confeffer que 
les Hurons monftroient grande inclination de mener 
nos Peres. Le fieur de Champlain voyant ce change- 
ment fi fubit fit tout ce qu'il peut, & nous donna li- 
berté de propofer toutes les raisõs que n0 9 pourriõs 
pour faire en forte que nos peres fe peuffent mettre 



]633-34] 


LE JEU.NE'S RELA TIQN, I633 


11 


sition; he answered that the whole country was in a 
state of alarm, and that it would be lost if the French 
were embarked to be taken to the Hurons, for the 
relatives of the prisoner would not fail to kill some 
of the party and that thereupon war would be de- 
clared; that the Hurons even would be dragged into 
it; for, if they defended the French, they would be 
attacked, and that thus the whole country would be 
lost; that he had [197] not aroused any opposition, 
but had merely made known the wicked designs of 
the murderer's relatives; that, if the prisoner were re- 
leased, these troubles would immediately be ended, 
and that the river and the whole country would be 
free. The Hurons were asked if they still adhered 
to their wish to take us to their country. They an- 
swered that the river was not theirs, and that great 
caution must be observed in regard to those other 
tribes, if they were to pass by in security. As far as 
they were concerned, they asked nothing better than 
to furnish passage to the French. I observed the 
discretion of these Savages, for they gave evidence 
of their affection for us, in such manner as not to 
offend the tribes through which they must pass in 
coming to Kebec. One of them, addressing the Is- 
land Savage, said: "Now listen ; when [198] we shall 
be up there in thy country, do not say that we have 
not spoken in behalf of the prisoner; we have done all 
that we could, but what answer wouldst thou have 
us make to the reasons given by sieur de Champlain? 
The French are the friends of all of us; if it depend- 
ed only upon us, we should embark them." It must 
be confessed that the Hurons showed a strong in- 
clination to take our Fathers with them. Sieur de 
Champlain, seeing this so sudden change, did all in 



12 


LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


en chemin: il apporta des raifons tres-fortes, & tres- 
pertinentes. 11 fe feruit de menaces. II leur pro- 
pofa la paix & la guerre, bref on ne pouuoit rien 
fouhaitter dauâtage. A tout cela ce Sauuage repartit 
qu'on ne ponnoit pas tenir la ieuneffe, & qu'il [199] 
dõnoit aduis de leur mauuais deffein, & qu'on atten- 
dit pour cette année, qu'ils dechargeroient leur cho- 
lere contre les Hiroquois leurs ennemis, & qu'à lors 
la riuiere feroit libre. N e vous en prenés point à 
nous, difoit iI, s'il arriue quelque mal-heur: car nous 
n'y fcaurions donner ordre. Là deffus pour gagner ce 
Sauuage ie demande la grace du prifonnier ayant au 
prealable conuenu auec Ie fieur de Champlain, le- 
quel me repartit quïl y alloit de fa vie, & que nofire 
grand Roy luy demanderoit conte de cet homme 
qu'on auoit tué: ie Ie prie donc de furfoir l'execu- 
tion de fa mort iufques à ce qu'on eut parlé au Roy 
pour fçauoir fa volõté. Et là deffus pourfuiuant ma 
pointe, ie m'addreffe aux Sauuages, leur faifant pa- 
roifire l'affection que nons auions pour eux. Que 
nous ne pourfuiuions iamais la mort de perfonne: 
[200] que nous tafchions de mettre la paix par tout. 
Le Sieur de Champlain adioufioit des merueilles de 
fon cofié, difant que nous parlions à Dieu, que nous 
efiions aimez de ceux qui nous cognoiffoyêt, qu'il 
n'en vouloit poit d'autres tefmoins que les Hurons 
mefmes qui nous auoyent tant cheris: que nous al- 
lions pour leur en feigner de gran des chofes. Les 
Hurons repartirent que cela alloit bien, & que nous 
auions propofé vn bon expediêt de retarder la mort 
de ce Sanuage iufques à ce que nous euffions des nou- 
uelles de nofire grand Roy. Ie preffe donc ce Sau- 
uage de l'Ifle, fçauoir mon fi les parents de ce prifon- 



1633-34] 


LE JEUlÇE'S RELA TIOJ.V, I633 


13 


his power, and gave us liberty to advance all the rea- 
sons we could, to the end that our fathers might be 
set on their way. He urged very strong and very per- 
tinent reasons; he used threats; he proposed peace 
and war; in short nothing more could be desired. 
But to all this the Savage answered that they could 
not restrain their young men; that he [I 99J had 
given warning of their wicked intentions, and that 
the French ought to postpone their departure for this 
year; that they would vent their anger upon the Hiro- 
quois, their enemies, and then the river would be 
free. "Do not blame us," said he, " if misfortune 
overtakes you; for we could not restore order.' , 
Thereupon, in order to win over this Savage, I asked 
for the pardon of the prisoner, having previously 
agreed upon this with sieur de Champlain, who re- 
plied to me that it was a matter of life and death with 
him, and that our great King would ask him to give 
an account of the man who had been killed. I 
begged him to suspend the execution of the death sen- 
tence, until the King might be spoken to, and his 
will learned. And thereupon, following my point, I 
addressed the Savages, representing our affection for 
them; saying that we had never sought the death of 
anyone; [zooJ that we everywhere tried to promote 
peace. Sieur de Champlain did admirably on his 
part, saying that we talked to God; that we were 
loved by all who knew us, that he wanted no other 
witnesses of this than the Hurons themselves, who 
had cherished us so dearly; that we were going to 
teach them great things. The Hurons answered that 
it was yery well, that we had proposed a good ex- 
pedient; that of postponing the death of this Savage 
until we should have news from our great King. I 



14 


LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


nier fçachans que nous plaidions pour luy, ne nous 
laifferoient pas paffer s'ils nous rencontroyent? Que 
veux tu que ie te die? refpondit-il, ils font enragez: 
fi Ie prifonnier ne fort il n'y a point d'affeurance. 
lIs ne pardonneront [201] à perfonne. Là deffus Ie 
Truchement repartit: S'ils font les diables, nous les 
ferons auffi. En vn mot Ie Sieur de Champlain les 
intimida, & leur did qu'ils fe donnaffent garde eux- 
mefmes: & fi vn Sauuage eftoit apperceu auec des 
armes, qu'il donneroit permiffion à fes gens de Ie tirer 
& de Ie mettre à mort, & qu'ils l'auoyent menacé luy- 
mefme à caufe qu'il va feul: mais que d'orenauant il 
ne marcheroit plus en enfant, mais en foldat. Ie 
fuis amy de tous, vous eftes mes amis, difoit-il aux 
Hurons, ie vous cheris, i'ay mis ma vie pour vous, ie 
la mettray encore: ie vous protegeray, mais ie fuis 
ennemy des mefchans. 
On dira que Ie Capitaine de la nation de ce meur- 
trier fe deburoit faifir de ceux qui ont mauuaife vo- 
lonté contre les François. il eft vray, mais i'ay defia 
remarqué cy deffus que ces [202] Sauuages n'ont au- 
cune police, & que leur Capitaine n'a point cette au- 
thorité. Ce qu'il peut faire, c'eft de prier ces mef- 
chans de fe diuertir de leurs deffeins, voire mefme il 
eft arriué autrefois que les Sauuages craignans plus 
les Europeans qu'ils ne les craignent maintenant, fi 
quelqu'vn de leurs hommes auoit quelque volonté de 
tuer vn François, foit qu'il eut fongé qu'ille debuoit 
faire, ou autrement, les autres Ie flattoyent, & luy 
faifoyent des prefens de peur qu'il n'executaft fon 
mauuais deffein, & qu'il ne perdift par ce moyen tout 
Ie païs. Maintenant c'eft beaucoup qu'ils aduertiffent 
les François qu'ils fe tiennent fur leurs gardes, comme 



1633-34] 


LEJEUNE'S RELATION, r6.J.J 


15 


then importuned the Island Savage, asking him 
whether the prisoner's kindred, if they knew that we 
were pleading for him, would not allow us to pass if 
they encountered us. "\Vhat dost thou wish me to 
sa y ?" he answered, "they are furious. If the pris- 
oner is not liberated, there is no safety; they will 
pardon [201] no one." Thereupon the Interpreter 
replied: "If they act the part of devils, so will we." 
In a word, Sieur de Champlain intimidated them, 
saying they must look out for themselves; that if a 
Savage was seen with arms, he would give permis- 
sion to his men to fire upon him and kill him; that 
they [the savagesJ had threatened him himself, be- 
cause he went about alone; but hereafter he would 
not go around like a child, but like a soldier. "I am 
a friend to all, you are my friends," said he to the 
Hurons; "I love you; I have risked my life for you, 
I will risk it again; I will protect you; but I am the 
enemy of evil-doers." 
It will be said that the Captain of the tribe of the 
murderer ought to have seized all those who had 
wicked designs against the French. It is true; but I 
have already remarked above that these [202J Savages 
have no system of government, and that their Cap- 
tain has no such authority. What he can do, is to 
ask these wicked people to give up their designs. 
Indeed, it has happened before, when the Savages 
feared the Europeans more than they do now, if one 
of their men wanted to kill a Frenchman, either hav- 
ing dreamed that he was to do it, or from other 
cause, the others flattered him and made him pres- 
ents, fearing that he would carry out his wicked in- 
tentions, and in this way they might lose the whole 
country. Now it is a great deal if they warn the 



16 


LES RELA TIOXS DES .IÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


ils ont fait n'a pas long telnps, difans qu'il y auoit 
quelques ieunes hommes qui efpioient dans les bois 
s'ils trouueroient quelque François à l'efcart pour 
l'affommer, & ainfi on [203] n'efi point en affeurance 
parmy ces peuples; difons neantmoins, Qui lzabitat 
Ùl adilltorio Altij]imi, ill þrotcétioJlc Dei cæli COJJlmora- 
bitllr. 
Mais concluons ce confeil. Le Pere Brebeuf voyãt 
que sõ voyage efioit rompu, & que ce feroit temerité 
de l'entreprendre non pour la crainte de la mort, car 
ie ne les vy iamais, fi refolus luy, & fes deux cõpa- 
gnons Ie Pere Daniel, & Ie Pere Dauoft, qu'alors 
qu'on parla qu'ils pourroient laiffer la vie au chemin 
qu'ils entreprenoient pour la gloire de noftre Sei- 
gneur: mais comme ils engageoient les François à 
vne guerre contre ces peuples au cas qu'on les mit à 
mort, nous iugeafmes auec l'aduis du fieur de Cham- 
plain que la conferuation de la paix entre ces nations 
eftoit preferable à la confolation qu'ils auroient de 
mourir en telle occafion. Le Pere Brebeuf voyant 
[204] donc ce paffage fermé pour cette année, apo- 
ftropha les Hurons, & leur dit: Vous eftes nos freres, 
nous voulions aller en voftre pais pour viure & mourir 
auec vous: mais puifque la riuiere eft bouchée, nous 
attendrons à l'année qui vient que tout fera paifible. 
C'eft vous qui ferés la plus grande perte, car mainte- 
nant que ie commence à vous pouuoir parler fans 
truchement, ie voulois vous enfeigner Ie chemin du 
ciel, & vous découurir les grandes richeffes de l'autre 
vie; mais ce mal-heur vous priue de tous ces biens. 
Ils repartirent qu'ils en eftoient bien marris, & qu'vne 
année feroit bien-toft paffée. 
A l'iffuë de cette affemblée nous nous en allafmes 



1633-34] 


LEJEUNE'S RELATION, I633 


17 


French tu be on their guard, as they did not long 
ago, saying that there were some young men who 
were prowling about in the .woods to kill any French- 
man that they might find by himself; and thuf' we 
r203] are not safe among these people. Let us say. 
however: Qui Itabitat ill adjutorio A ltissÙlli, Ùl protecti- 
olle Dei cæli COllllJlorabitur. 
But to the conclusion of this council. Father Bre- 
beuf seeing that his journey was broken up. and that 
it would be foolhardy to undertake it,- not through 
fear of death, because I never sa"\Y them morc reso- 
lute, both he and his two companions, Father Daniel 
and Father Davost, than when they were told that 
they might lose their lives on the road which they 
were about to take for the glory of our Lord; but as 
they would invoh-e the French in war against these 
people, in case they were killed,- we agreed with 
f'ieur de Champlain, that the preseryation of peace 
among these tribes was preferable to the consolation 
they would experience in dying on such an occasion. 
:Now Father Brebeuf, seeing [204] the way closed for 
that year, addressed the Hurons, saying: " You are 
our brothers, we wish to go to your country to live 
and die with you; but, as the river is closed, we shall 
wait until the coming year, when all will be peace- 
able. It is you who will sustain the greater loss; 
because now, as I am beginning to be able to talk to 
you without an interpreter, I wish to teach you the 
way to heaven, and to reveal to you the great riches 
of the other life; but this misfortune deprives you of 
an these blessings." They replied that they were 
very sorry, and that a year would very soon pass 
away. 
lTpon the dispersion of this assembly, we went 



If! 


LES RELA TI01VS DES .IÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


par les cabanes retirer Ie petit bagage de nos Peres 
que nous auions defia mis entre les mains des Sau- 
uages pour Ie porter en leur [205] pais. Ces pauures 
gens efioient bien fafchez de cet accident, & quel- 
ques-vns du village de la Rochelle dirent au Pere 
que s'il youloit venir, qu'ils l'embarqueroyent, & 
qu'ils efperoyent Ie pouuoir faire paffer: mais c'efioit 
fe mettre luy & eux & les François en danger. Voila 
donc l'efperãce d'entrer aux Hurons perdue pour 
cette année. Ie prie Dieu qu'il nous ouure la porte 
l'an prochain. Voicy deux raifons plus fortes que 
deux groffes ferrures qui femblent l'auoir fermée 
pour vn long temps. 
La premiere efi tirée de l'interefi des Sauuages de 
rIfle, des Algõquais, & des autres nations qui font 
entre Kebec & les Hurons. Ces peuples voudroyent 
bien que les Hurons ne defcendiffent point aux Frã- 
çois pour traitter leurs pelleteries, afin de rcmporter 
tout Ie gain de la traitte, defirans eux-nlefmes aller 
recueillir les [206] marchandifes des peuples circon- 
uoifins pour les apporter aux François: c'efi pourquoy 
ils ne font pas bien aifes que nous allions aux Hu- 
rons, s'imaginans qu'on les follicite de defcendre, & 
que les François efians auec eux, on ne fçauroit fi 
aifémèt leur fermer Ie paffage. La feconde raifon 
efi tirée de la crainte des Hurons: ils voyent que les 
François ne veulent point receuoir de presès pour la 
mort de leurs hommes quand on en a tué quelqu'vn: 
ils craignent que leur ieuneffe ne faffe quelque mau- 
uais coup, car ils feroient obligez d'mnener vif ou 
mort celuy qui auroit cõmis quelque meurtre, au bien 
de rompre auec les François. Cela les tient en 
ceruelle, d'ailleurs, Ie fieur de Champlain leur tef- 



1633-34] 


LE JEUNE'S RELATION, I633 


19 


through the cabins, to get the little baggage of our 
Fathers that we had already placed in the hands of 
the Savages to be carried to their [205] country. 
These poor people regretted this unfortunate affair 
very much; and some of those of the village of la 
Rochelle said to the Father that, if he wished to go 
with them, they would carry him, and they hoped to 
give him a peaceful passage. But that would be plac- 
ing himself and them and the French in danger. 
Thus the hope of going into the Huron country is 
lost for this year. I pray God to open the door for 
us next year. Below are two reasons, stronger than 
two great locks, which seem to have closed it to us 
for a long time. 
The first is found in the interests of the Island Sav- 
ages, the Algonquains, and the other tribes which 
are between Kebec and the Hurons. These people, 
in order to monopolize the profit of the trade, prefer 
that the Hurons should not go down the river to 
trade their peltries with the French, desiring them- 
selves to collect the [206] merchandise of the neigh- 
boring tribes and carry it to the French; that is why 
they do not like to see us go to the Hurons, thinking 
that we would urge them to descend the river, and 
that, the French being with them, it would not be 
easy to bar their passage. The second reason may 
be found in the fear of the Hurons, who see that the 
French will not accept presents as a compensation for 
the murder of one of their countrymen; they fear 
that their young men may do some reckless deed, for 
they would have to give up, alive or dead, anyone 
who might have committed murder, or else break 
with the French. This makes them uneasy. Aside 
from this, as sieur de Cham plain has told them that 



20 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. Ö 


moignant qu'il n'y a point de vraye amitié fi on 
ne s'entreuifite les vns les autres: ils defiret gran- 
demet, du moins en apparece, de nous auoir [ 20 7J 
en leur païs. Dieu a placé des limites dans les 
temps, qu'on ne fcauroit outrepaffer: quand Ie mo- 
ment fera arriué auquel il a deliberé de donner fe- 
cours à ces nations, il n'y a digue ny barriere qui 
puiffe refifier à fa puiffance. 
Au refie cõme ie ne cognois point les fecrets ref- 
forts de fa prouidence, ie n'ay peu en cor iufques à 
prefent m'attrifier de ce retardement de nos Peres. 
Autant que nous pouuons conieéturer par les appa- 
rences humaines il y auoit efperance d'vne grande 
moiffon: mais ayant fait tout ce que nous auons peu 
pour enuoier des ouuriers à cette recolte, nous croy- 
ons que Ie maifire du champ n'a pas voulu qu'on y 
mifi encore la faucille: fi ce coup efi vn coup de fa 
bõté, qui void au delà de nos penfées quïl foit beny 
pour vn iamais: fi c'efi vn coup de fa iufiice qui ait 
voul u [208 J chafiier fi rigoureufement nos offenfes, 
qu'il foit encor beny au delà des temps. Nous de- 
tefions la caufe de ce chafiiment, & adorons la main 
qui nous frape, auec vne tres-grande confiance que 
celuy qui a tiré la lumiere des tenebres. tirera du 
bien de ce malheur. NOS Peres ne ferõt point icy 
oififs. Le Pere Brebeuf leur fera leçon to us les iours 
foirs & matins de la langue des Hurons. Ie me fens 
moy-mefme fort porté d'aller à cette efchole, afin 
que fi V. Reuer. me veut enuoyer l'an qui vient auec 
eux i'aye defia quelque auance: ie n'ay encor rien 
cõclud d'affeuré fur ce point: i'y veux pefer p19 à 
loifir deuãt Dieu. 
Pour retourner à nos Hurons, Louys Amantacha 



1633-34] 


LE j'EUNE'S RELA TION, I633 


21 


there is no true friendship unless visits are inter- 
changed, they are very desirous, at least in appear- 
ance, to have us [207] in their country. God has set 
limits to time, which man cannot pass. "\Vhen the 
moment shall haye come which he has fixed for giv- 
ing succor to these tribes, there will be neither dike 
nor barrier that can resist his power. 
However, as the secret resources of his providence 
are hidden from me, I have not been able, up to the 
present time, to look with regret upon this delay of 
our Fathers. As far as we are able to foresee with 
our human vision, there are hopes of a great harvest; 
but, having done all that was in our power to send 
laborers to this field, we believe that the master 
thereof does not wish the sickle to be yet used upon 
it. If this blow is a blow from the kindness of him 
who sees beyond our thoughts, may he be forever 
blessed. If it is a stroke of his justice for the [208] 
severe chastisement of our offences, still be he blessed 
beyond all time. \Ve hate the cause of this chastise- 
ment, and adore the hand that strikes us, very confi- 
dent that he who drew light out of darkness will draw 
good from this misfortune. Our Fathers will not be 
idle here. Father Brebeuf will teach them every 
day, evening and morning, the language of the Hu- 
rons. I myself feel very much inclined to go to this 
school, in order that, if Your Reverence should wish 
to send me with them next year, I may already have 
made some progress; I have decided nothing certain 
yet upon this point; I wish to think about it more at 
my leisure before God. 
To return to our Hurons: Louys Amantacha, seeing 
that we were not going to his country, and that he 
was to leave us next morning at daybreak, came to 



22 


LES RELATIO.f\,7S DES JÉSUITES 


[V OL. 6 


voyant que nous n'alliõs point en fon païs, & qu'il 
s'ê deuoit aller Ie lendemain au poinét du iour, il s'en 
vint coucher en nôtre petite maifon pour fe confeffer 
& [209] cõmunier encore vne fois auant fon depart; 
ce qu'il fit, nous donnãt vne grande confolation, & 
Ie iour fuiuãt 6. Aoufi tous Ies Hurons troufferent 
bagage; & en moins de riê enleuerêt leurs maifons 
& leurs richeffes, & les emporterêt auec eux pour 
s'en feruir pendant Ie chemin d'enuiron 300 lieuës 
qu'on conte de Kebec en leur païs. I'entretins quel- 
que têps Louys Amãtacha, ie Ie fonday Ie mieux qu'il 
me fut poffible; car les Sauuages font affez complai- 
fans & diffimulez: ie ne trouuay rien que de bon en 
luy, c'efi 1'vn des bõs efprits que i'aye veu parmy 
ces peuples V. R. me permettra s'il luy plaifi, de Ie 
recommãder à fes prieres & à celles de tous nos Peres 
& Freres de fa prouince; car fi vne fois 1'efprit de 
Dieu s'empare de cete arne, ce fera vn puiffant fe- 
cours pour ceux qui porteront les bonnes nouuelles 
de 1'Euãgile en ces contrées, & [210] au contraire 
comme il a frequeté les Anglois, s'il fe porte au mal 
il gafiera tout: mais nous auõs p19 fujet d'efperer Ie 
bie, que de craindre Ie mal. 11 femble d'ailleurs que 
Dieu vueille ouurir les trefors de fa mifericorde à ces 
pauures Barbares qui nous fouhaittent, du moins à 
ce qu'il femble auec affeétion. Ie voy vn grand de fir 
en nos Peres de deuorer toutes ces difficultez qui fe 
rencontrent dãs l' efiude de ces langues, & vous diriez 
quafi que Dieu les a arrefiez pour les acquerir icy 
plus cõmodement, afin qu'ils puiffet à mefme temps 
mettre le feu en diuers endroits des Hurons quand fa 
Maiefié leur y donnera entrée. Ie ne crains qu'vne 
chofe en ce dilayement, que l' Ancienne Frãce ne fe 



1G33-34] 


LE JEUNE' S RELA TI01V, I633 



3 


sleep in our little house, in order to confess and [ 20 9] 
to receive holy communion once more before his de- 
parture. This he did, causing us great consolation; 
and on the following day, August 6th, all the Hurons. 
packed their baggage, and in less than no time took 
away their houses and their riches, and carried them 
off, to use them on the road of about 300 leagues, which 
is the distance reckoned to be between Ke bec and 
their country. I talked for some time with Louys 
Amantacha, and sounded him as well as I could; for the 
Savages are quite artful and dissimulating. I found 
nothing but good in him; he is one of the admirable 
characters that I have seen among these people. 
Your Reverence will permit me, if you please, to rec- 
ommend him to your prayers and to those of all our 
Fathers and Brothers in your province; for, if once 
the spirit of God takes possession of this soul, he will 
be a powerful reinforcement for those who will carry 
the good news of the Gospel into these countries; 
and, [210] on the contrary, as he has associated with 
the English, if he be inclined to evil, he will ruin 
everything; but we have more reason to hope for 
good than to fear evil. Besides, it seelns that God 
desires to open the treasures of his mercy to these 
poor Barbarians, who look upon us with affection; at 
least, judging from appearances. I see a great desire 
among our Fathers to overcome all the difficulties 
which are encountered in the study of these lan- 
guages; and you might ahnost say that God has de- 
tained them that they may learn them more conven- 
iently here, and may, at the same time, kindle the 
fire in a number of places among the Hurons, when 
his 
lajesty shall have opened to them the way. I 
only fear one thing in this delay; that Old France 



24 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


laffe de fecourir la Nouuelle voiãt que la moifíon 
tarde tant à meurir: mais qu'ã fe fouuienne que les 
potirõs naifíent en vne nuict, & qu'il faut [III i.e., 211] 
des années pour meurir les fruicts de la palme. On a 
efié 38 ans à ce que i'ay ouy dire, auant que de rien 
faire au Brafil. Combien a on attendu aux portes de 
la Chine? Dieu vueille qu'õ y foit bie entré de 
l'heure que ie parle. Ceux qui courent, & qui s'eí- 
chauffent fi fort íe lafíent bien fouuent plus qu'ils 
n'auancent. Ie ne dy pas cecy pour reietter bien 
loing la conuerfion des Sauuages. Si nos Peres 
fufíent entrés cette année aux Hurõs ie m'attendois 
de reícrire à V. R. l'an pro chain que, rcccjJcrat Samm'ia 
'i1crbllm Dei, que ces barbares auoient receu la foy; 
ce fera quãd il plaira à ccluy duquel déped ce grãd 
ouurage: car à mõ aduis les hõmes y peuuent bien 
peu, quoy qu'ils n'y doiuent efpargner ny leurs tra- 
uaux, ny leur sãg, ny leur vie. ô qui verroit dans 
l'vne des grandes ruës de Paris ce que ie voyois il y 
a trois iours aupres du grand fleuue S. [212] Laures, 
cinq ou fix cens Hurõs vefius à la Sauuage, les vns 
de peaux d'ours, les aut res de peaux de cafior, & 
d'autres de peau d'Eí1an. tous hõmes bien faits, d'vne 
riche taille, hauts, puifíans, d'vne bõne pafie, d'vn 
corps bifJourny; qui les verroit dy ie demãdans fe- 
cours, & proferans les parolles que diíoit ce Macedo- 
nien à fainc<t Paul, Trallficlls illlVlaccdolliam adiulla llOS: 
Venés, fecourés nous, apportés en nofire païs Ie flam- 
bea u qui n' y a iamais ef clairé! ô que ce í peétacle 
donneroit de cõpaffion à ceux qui ont tant foit peu 
d'amour de celuy qui a veríe tout sõ fang pour ces 
ames qui fe perdent tous les iours faute que perfonne 
ne Ie recueille pour leur appliquer. 



1633-34] 


LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, I633 


2.3 


may fail to gi,-e New [France] the necessary aid, see- 
ing that the harvest is so slow in ripening. But let it 
be remembered that mushrooms spring up in a night, 
while it requires [II I i.e. 2 I IJ years to ripen the fruits 
of the palm. It was 38 years, as I have heard, before 
anything was accomplished in Brazil. How long 
have they been waiting at the gates of China? :May 
it be God's will that they have been received there 
at the hour when I write. Those who run and be- 
come greatly heated often weary themselves more 
than they advance. I do not say this to defer for a 
long time the conversion of the Savages. If our Fa- 
thers had gone among the Hurons this year, I ex- 
pected to write to Your Reverence next year that 
reccpcrat Samaria 'i.'erbuJIl Dei,. that these barbarians 
had received the faith. That will be when it shall 
please him upon whom all of this great work de- 
pends; for, in my opinion. men can accomplish but 
very little here, although they should spare neither 
their labor, nor their blood, nor their lives. Oh, 
whoever would see in one of the great streets of Paris 
what I saw three days ago near the great river St. 
[212] Lawrence, five or six hundred Hurons in their 
Savage costumes,- some in bear skins, others in 
beaver, and others in Elk skins, all well made men 
of splendid figures, tall, powerful, good-natured, and 
able-bodied,- whoever would see them, I say, ask- 
ing help and uttering the word of that 11acedonian 
to saint Paul: Trallsiens ill filaccdoJliam adjuva nos,. 
"Come, help us, bring into our country the torch 
which has never yet illuminated it!" Oh, what com- 
passion this spectacle would excite in these people, 
however little love they have for him who shed his 
blood for these souls that are being lost every day, 



26 


LES RELA TIO
V
"" DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. (i 


1\Iais il eft tan toft temps de m'auifer que ie n'efcry 
plus vne lettre, mais vn liure, tant ie fuis long: ce 
n'eftoit pas mõ deffein de tãt efcrire, les feuillets fe 
font multipliés infenfiblemèt, [2I3J & m'ont mis en 
tel point qu'il fault que i'enuoie ce brouillard pour 
ne pouuoir tirer & mettre au net ce que ie croirois 
debuoir eftre prefenté à V.R. I'efcriray vne autre 
fois plus precifemêt & plus affeuremêt. On fe fie 
beaucoup en ces premiers cõmêcemens, cõme i'ay dit, 
au rapport de ceux qu'on croid auoir prattiqué les 
Sauuages. PIllS 'l'alct oClllatus tcJlis quàlll decem auriti. 
I'ay remarqué qu'apres auoir veu quelque aétion 
commune à deux ou trois Sauuages, on l'attribue in- 
continent à toute la Nation: L'argument qui fe fait 
du denombremet des parties eft fautif s'il ne les com- 
prèd toutes ou la plus grande partie. Aiouftés qu'il 
y a quantité de peuples en ces contrées qui con- 
uiennent en plufieurs chofes, & differêt en beau coup 
d'autres; fi bien quãd on dit que les Sauuages ont 
couftume de faire quelque aétion, cela peut eftre 
vray [214] d'vne nation, & non pas de l'autre: Le 
temps eft Ie pere de la verité. 
C'eft affez pour cette année: mille & mille aétions 
de graces des foins & de la charité de .V.R. en nôtre 
endroit & à l'endroit de tant de pauures peuples 
qu'elle oblige nous faisãt icy fubfifter; car quoy que 
nous faifiõs peu, fi eft ce que i'efpere que nous don- 
nerõs commencement à ceux qui viendrõt apres nous, 
& qui feront beaucoup. Nous sõmes tous en bonne 
fanté par la grace de noft. Seigneur, & fuppliõs V. 
R. d'vn mefme cæur de nous enuoier des perfonnes 
capables d'apprêdre les langues. C'eft ce que ie voy 
maintenant de plus neceffaire pour Ie bie des ames 



1633-34] 


LEJEUA'E'S RELA TION, IÓ.JJ 


27 


because no one gathers it up to apply it to their sal- 
vation. 
But it is about time for me to reflect that I am no 
longer writing a letter, but a book, I have made it so 
long. It was not my intention to write so much; 
the pages have insensibly multiplied [2 I3J and I am 
so situated that I must send this scrawl, as I am un- 
able to rewrite it and to make a clean copy of it, such 
as I think ought to be presented to Your Reverence. 
I shall write another time more accurately, and with 
more assurance. In these beginnings, as I have 
said, much confidence is given to the reports of those 
who are believed to have had experience among the 
Savages. PittS 'i'ald ocztlatus testis quà11l decem auriti. 
I have observed that, after having seen two or 
three Savages do the same thing, it is at once re- 
ported to be a custom of the whole Tribe. The ar- 
gument drawn from the enumeration of parts is 
faulty, if it does not comprehend all or the greater 
part. Add to this that there are many tribes in these 
countries who agree in a number of things, and 
differ in many others; so that, when it is said that 
certain practices are common to the Savages, it may 
be true [2 14 J of one tribe and not true of another. 
Time is the father of truth. 
This is enough for this year; I offer thousands 
and thousands of thanks for the interest and charity 
of Your Reverence in our behalf, and in behalf of 
the many poor people whom you bless by keeping us 
here; for, although we do but little, yet I hope that 
we shall make a beginning for those who are to come 
after us and who will do a great deal. Weare all in 
good health, by the grace of our Lord; and we be- 
seech Your Reverence, with one heart, to send us 



28 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


en ces pays. Pour la terre, ie luy en enuoie des 
fruiéts, ce font des efpics de formet, de feigle & 
d'orge, que nous auõs femé pres de nôtre maifonnette. 
Nous ramafsâmes l'an paffé quelques touffes de fegle 
que [2 I 5] nous trou uions çà & la parm y des pois: ie 
contay en quelques vnes 60 épics, en d'autres 80, en 
d'autres 112. Nous battifmes ces glannes, & en 
tirâmes vn peu de feigle, qui nous paiera bie cette 
année la peine qu'il nous donna de Ie glãner l'an 
paffé. Le peu de fourmet que nous auons femé de- 
uant les neiges eft fort beau, celuy qu'on a femé au 
printemps ne meurira point, car c'eft du bled d'hyuer: 
il faudroit auoir du bled marfais & du bled fans 
barbe, on dit qu'il eft meilleur. L'orge eft plus beau 
qu'en Frãce: & ie ne doute point que fi Ie pays eftoit 
découuert qu'on ne rencõtraft des vallées tres fertiles. 
Les bois font maligns, ils nourriffent les froids en- 
gendrent les petites gelées produifent quantité de ver- 
mines, cõme des fauterelles, des vers, des pucerõs qui 
mangent notamment Ie iardinage: nous nous éloigne- 
rons d'eux petit à [216] petit sãs toutefois bouger d'vne 
place. Ie r'entre en difcours contre ma penfée, quit- 
tons tout pour nous recõmander aux prieres, & 
Sainéts Sacrifices de'T.R. & de toute fa prouince. 
Ie croy que cette miffiõ eft bie auãt dãs fon cæur, 
& que ces pauures Sauuages y ont bõne place: celuy 
là y eft auffi auec eux qui eft en verité 
D. V. R. 
Tres-obligé & tres-obeiffant feruiteur 
felon Dieu 


P A YL LE IEVKE. 



1633-34] 


LE JEUNE'S RELA TIOiV, I633 


29 


persons capable of learning the languages. It is 
what I now believe to be most necessary for the wel- 
fare of the souls in this country. As to the soil, I 
send you some of its fruits; they are heads of wheat, 
of rye, and of barley, that we planted near our little 

 
house. \Ve gathered last year a few WISpS of rye 
1\ 
that [2 IS] we found here and there among the peas; 
I counted in some of them 60 kernels, in others 80, 
in others 112. vVe threshed these gleanings and 
took from them a little rye, which ,vill this year pay 
us very well for the trouble that we had in gleaning 
it last year. The little wheat which we sowed be- 
fore the snows is very beautiful; that which was 
sown in the spring will not ripen, because it is win- 
ter wheat. We must have some 1Iarch wheat, and 
some that is beardless, for these are said to be the 
best. The barley is finer than in France; and I have 
no doubt that, if this country were cleared, very fer- 
tile valleys would be found. The woods are trouble- 
some; they retain the cold, engender the slight 
frosts, and produce great quantities of vermin, such 
as grasshoppers, worms, and insects, which are es- 
pecially destructive in our garden; we shall rid our- 
selves of them, little by [216] little, without, how- 
ever, leaving the place. I resumed this discourse 
unintentionally; let us cut it short, to recommend 
ourselves to the prayers and to the Holy Sacrifices 
of Your Reverence and of your whole province. I 
believe that this mission is cherished by you, and that 
these poor Savages occupy a good place in your heart. 
He also is there with them who is, in truth, 
Of Your Reverence, 
The greatly obliged and very obedient servant, 
in God, 


PAUL LE jEUNE. 



30 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


Extraid du Priuilege du Roy. 


P AR Grace & Priuilege du Roy il eft permis à Se- 
baftien Cramoify, marchand Libraire Iuré en 
l'Vniuerfité de Paris d'imprimer ou faire im- 
primer vn Iiure intitulé Relation de ce qui s' efl paßé en 
la Nouuellc Frallce ell l' allnée mil fix cells trellte trois, 
Emwyée au R.P. Barthelemy IaquÙlOt ProuÙzcial de la 
Compagnie de Ie.fus CJZ la prouÙzce de France, Par Ie Pere 
Paul Ie Ieulle de la me.fme Compagllie, Superieur de la 
Refidcnce de l
ebek: & cependant Ie temps & efpace 
de cinq années cõfecutiues. Auec defenfes à tous 
Libraires & Imprimeurs d'imprimer ou faire itnpri- 
mer ledit liure fouz pretexte de defguifement, ou 
changement qu'ils y pourroient faire, à peine de 
confifcation, & de l'amende portée par ledit Priuilege. 
Donné à Sainét Germain en Laye Ie 10 Decembre, 
mil fix cens trente trois. 
Par Ie Roy en fon confeil. 
Poiéteuin. 



Hi33-34] 


LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, r633 


31 


Extract from the Royal License. 


B y Grace and License of the King, permission is 
granted to Sebastien Cratnoisy, Bookseller un- 
der Oath, of the University of Paris, to print or 
to have printed a book entitled: Relation de ce qui s' est 
þassl cn la Nouvelle France CJl l' all1u/c mil six CCllS trl'llte 
trois, Ell'i.'Oyée au R. P. Barthelcmy JaquÙlOt PrO'i.,Ùlcz"al 
de la Compagllie dc Jt'sus ell la province de France, Par 
Ie Perl' Pall I Ie JCll1le de la lIleSlllC Compagllie, Supcrieur 
de la Rcsidence dt' Kcbek: and this during the time 
and space of five consecutive years. Prohibiting 
all Booksellers and Printers from printing or hav- 
ing printed the said book, under any pretext of dis- 
guise or change that they may make in it, on penalty 
of confiscation and of the fine proyided by the said 
License. Given at Sainct Germain en Laye, on the 
loth of December, one thousand six hundred and 
thirty-three. 


By the King in council. 
Poictevin. 



XXII 


LETTRE DU LE JEUNE 


au R. P. Provincial à Paris 


QUEBEC: 1634 


SOURCE: Reprinted from Carayon's Prl'1llzlTC lIJissio/l, 
pp. 122 - 156. 



34 


LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES 


(VOL. 6 


[122J Lettre du P. Paul Ie Jeune, au R. P. Provin- 
cial de France à Paris. 


(Coþlëe sur l'autograþhe conservé atex archives du 
.Iésus à Rome.) 


QUÉBEC, 1634. 


M ON REVEREND PERE, 
Pax Christi. 
Les Iarmes qui me tombent des yeux à la veuë 
des leUres de V. R. arrestent ma plume; je suis dur 
comme bronze, et cependant son affection m'a telle- 
ment amoly, que la joye me fait pleurer et me fait 
donner mille benedictions à Dieu. 0 quel cæur! 
quel amour! quelle volonté elle a pour nous! je ne 
sçay comme y correspondre, sinon de Iuy dire ecce 
me, me voilà tout entier entre ses mains et pour Ie 
Canada et pour Ia France et pour tout Ie monde, ad 
majorem Dei gloriam. J e me voy si foible à tout, et 
Dieu si puissant pour tout, qu'il me semble qu'il n'y 
a plus rien à désirer ny à refuire. On m'escrit que 
V. R. a donné pour les pauvres Canadiens jusques 
à l'image de son oratoire. M. de Lauson 1 [123] dit 
que son affection n'a point de limites, et qu'il mettra 
la mission en tel estat, qu' on sera contraint de pro- 
curer la continuation d'un si grand bien. Tout Ie 
monde confesse que Dieu est pour nous, puisque Ie 
cæur des supérieurs, qui est entre ses mains, est tout 
à nous. Le moyen d'estre insensible à tant de biens, 
1 Jean de Lauson, intendant de la compagnie des Cent-Associés, 
et qui fut plus tard gouverneur de la N ouvelle- France. 



1633-34] LE JEUNE TO THE PRO VIXCIAL 35 


[122] Letter from Father Paul Ie Jeune, to the Rev- 
erend Father Provincial of France, at Paris. 


(CoPÙd from the autograPh preserved in the archives of the 
Gesù, at Rome.) 


QUEBEC, 1634. 
M y REVEREND FATHER. 
The peace of Christ be with you. 
The tears which fall from my eyes at the sight 
of the letters of Your Reverence, stop my pen; I am 
hard as bronze, and yet your love has so greatly sof- 
tened me, that joy makes me weep and causes me to 
utter a thousand blessings to God. Oh, what a heart! 
What love! What good win you show toward us! 
I do not know how to respond to it except by say- 
ing to you, "ecce me J. behold me altogether in your 
hands, for Canada, for France, and for all the world, 
ad nzajorem Dei gloria1ll. " 1 I behold myself so weak 
in all things, and God so mighty in all things, that it 
seems to me there is nothing more to be desired nor 
to be avoided. They have written me that Your 
Reverence has given for the poor Canadians even the 
very image from your oratory. .:\1. de Lauson* [123] 
says that his affection is boundless: and that he will 
put the mission in such a state, that they will be 
obliged to secure the continuance of so great a bless- 
ing. Everyone acknowledges that God is for us, 
since the hearts of the superiors, which are in his 
hands. are all for us. How can we be insensible to 
* Jean de Lauson, 2 intendant of the company of the Hundred As- 
sociates, who was later governor of New France.- [Carayon.] 



36 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


et d'avoir Ie cæur et les yeux secs, dans une pluie de 
tant de bénédictions! Mais entrons en affaire; je 
n'épargneray ny l'encre ni Ie papier, puisque V. R. 
supporte avec tant d'amour mes longueurs et mes 
simplicités. Après l'avoir remerciée de tout mon 
cæur du secours qu'il luy a plu nous envoyer, comme 
aussy des vivres et des rafraîchissements, je luy des- 
criray tout l'estat de cette mission. 
Commençons par ce qui s'est passé cette année. 
Nous avons vescu dans une grande paix, Dieu mercy, 
entre nous, avec nos gens, et avec tous nos françois. 
J e suis grandement édifié de tous nos Pères. Le P. 
Brebeuf 1 est un homme choisy de Dieu pour ces 
pays; je l'ay laissé en ma place six mois durant, neuf 
jours moins, que j'ay hiverné avec les sauvages: 
tout a procédé toujours en paix. Le [124J Danie1 2 
et Ie P. Davost 3 sont paisibles. I1s ont bien estudié 
à la langue huronne; j'ay tenu la main qu'ils ne 
fussent point divertis de cet exercice que ie croy 
estre de tres grande importance. Le P. Masse 4 que 
je nomme quelquefois en riant, Ie Père Utz"le, est bien 
cognu de V. R. 11 a eu soin des choses domestiques 
et du bestial que nous avons, en quoy il a très-bien 
1 Jean de Brébeuf, d'une famille noble de Normandie, l'un des 
premiers missionnaires jésuites venus en Canada en 1625, et qui fut 
martyrisé au pays des Hurons en 1649 par les Iroquois. 
!l Antoine Daniel, natif de Dieppe, arrivé l'année précédente 1633, 
et martyrisé par les Iroquois, en 1649. 
3 Ambroise Davost, arrivé l'année précédente, en même temps que 
Ie P. Daniel. 
4 Le P. Ennemond Masse, Ie même qui avait évangélisé les sau- 
vages de l' Acadie, dès 1'année 16II, avec Ie P. Biard. Il vint en 
Canada en 1633 et mourut en la résidence de Saint-Joseph de Sillery, 
en 1646, à l'âge de 72 ans. 



1633-34] 


LEJEUNE TO THE PROVINCIAL 


a7 


so many benefits, and keep our hearts and eyes dry, 
in a downpouring of so many blessings! But let us 
enter upon affairs; I shall spare neither ink nor 
paper, since Your Reverence endures with so much 
love my tediousness and my simplicity. After hav- 
ing thanked you with all my heart for the help which 
you have been pleased to send us, as well as for the 
food and fresh supplies, I will describe to you fully 
the state of this mission. 
Let us begin with what has occurred this year. 
We have lived in great peace, thank God, among our- 
selves, with our working people, and with all the 
french. I have been greatly pleased with all our 
Fathers. Father Brebeuf * is a man chosen of God 
for these lands; I left him in my place for six 
months, with the exception of nine days, while I 
passed the winter with the savages. Everything 
went on peacefully during that time. [I 24J Father 
Daniel t and Father Davost:l: are quiet men. They 
have studied the Huron language thoroughly, and I 
have taken care that they should not be diverted 
from this \vork, which I believe to be of very great 
importance. Father 
Iasse, S whom I sometimes play- 
fully call Father Useful, is well known to Your Rev- 
erence. He has had the care of the domestic affairs 


* Jean de Brébeuf, of a noble family of Normandy, one of the first 
jesuit missionaries, came to Canada in 1625, and was martyred in 
the country of the Hurons, in 1649, by the Iroquois.- [Carayon.] 
t Antoine Daniel, a native of Dieppe, arrived the preceding year, 
1633, and was martyred by the Iroquois in 1649.-[Carayon.] 

 Ambroise Davost arrived the precedmg year, at the same time 
as Father Daniel. 3_[Carayon. J 

 Father Ennemond :\Iasse, the same one who had evangelized 
the savages of Acadia in the year 16n with Father Biard. He came 
to Canada in 1633 and died at the residence of Saint-Joseph de Sil- 
lery, in 1646, at the age of 72 years.-[Carayon.] 



3ö 


LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES 


[YOL. 6 


réussy. Le Père De Nouë \ qui est d'un bon cæur, 
a eu soin de nos ouvriers, les conduisant dans leur tra- 
vail tout à fait difficile en ces commencemens. Notre 
Frère Gilbert 2 s'est [de] fait mieux porté cet hyver 
que l'autre; aussi n'a-t-il pas été si rigoureux. Je l'ay 
mis dans sa liberté de retourner à cette année; il a 
mieux aimé rester. N ous verrons comme il réussira 
avec nostre Frère Liégeois 3 lequel à mon [125] ad- 
vis, fera très-bien. Je suis Ie plus imparfait de tous 
et Ie plus impatient. J'ay passé l'hyver avec les 
Sauvages, comme je viens de dire. La faim nous a 
pensé tuer; mais Dieu est si présent dans ces difficul- 
tés, que ce temps de famine m'a semblé un temps 
d'abondance; n 'estoit que je crains d'excéder, je ra- 
conterais à V.R. les sentiments que Dieu donne en 
ce temps-là. J'avoue que je sentois parfois la faim, 
et que souvent ces paroles me venoient en la bouche: 
Palion 1lostrum qllotidiaml1ll da 1lobis hodie
' mais jamais 
je ne songe les avoir prononcées sans adjouster cette 
condition sz: ita placitum est ante tc. J e disois par fois 
ces autres de saint Xavier d'un assez bon cæur: Do- 
minc, lie nu' his eripias malis, nisz. ad majora pro tuo 
1ZOlllÙZe rescrves. J'estois consolé jusques dans mon 
sommeil; mais laissons cecy, car Dieu agissoit pour 
lors. V oicy ce que je suis: sitost que nous fusmes 
secourus des créatures, je devins malade de corps et 
d'âme, Dieu me faisant voir ce qu'il est et ce que je 
suis. J' estois impatient, dégousté, cherchant la re- 
I Anne De Nouë, natif de Champagne. venu au Canada en 1626 
et martyr de son zèIe en 16-1-6. On Ie trouva geIé sur Ie Saint-Lau- 
rent. 
2 II vint au Canada en même temps que Ie P. Lejeune, en 1632. 
3 Le Frère Jean Liégeois, qui périt victime de Ia haine des Iro- 
quois, près de Sillery, en 1655. 



1633-34] 


LE .IEUNE TO THE PROVINCIAL 


39 


and of our cattle, in which he has succeeded very 
well. Father de Nouë,* who has a good heart, has 
had the care of our laborers, directing them in their 
work, which is very difficult in these beginnings. 
Our Brother Gilbert t has felt better this winter 
than the last, as it has not been so severe. I gave 
him liberty to return this year, but he preferred to 
remain. "\Ve shall see how he will succeed with our 
Brother Liégeois:t: who, in my [125] opinion, will 
do very well. I am the most imperfect of all and 
the most impatient. I have passed the winter with 
the Savages, as I have just said. Famine almost 
killed us; but God is so present in these difficul- 
ties, that this time of famine seemed to me a time 
of abundance; were it not that I am afraid of weary- 
ing you, I would recount to Your Reverence the sen- 
timents with which God inspired me at that time. 
I confess that I sometimes experienced hunger, and 
that often these words came to my lips: Panem nos- 
trum quotidiaml11l da nobis hodie,. but I think I never 
pronounced them without adding this condition: si 
ita placitulIl est ante tc. I also occasionally repeated 
these words of saint Xavier with a very good heart: 
Domine, tie me Ius eripias malis, nisi ad majora pro tuo 
nomine reserves. I was consoled even in my sleep; 
but let us leave this. for God was acting then. This 
is what I am: as soon as we were assisted by 
creatures, I became sick in body and in soul, God 
causing me to see what he is and what I am. I 
* Anne De Nouë, native of Champagne, came to Canada in the 
year 1626 and was a martyr to his zeal in 1646. He was found 
frozen upon the Saint Lawrence.- [Carayon.] 
t He came to Canada the same time as Lejeune, 1632.- [Carayon.] 

 Brother Jean Liégeois, who perished as a victim of Iroquois 
hatred. near Sillery, in r655.-[Carayon.] 



40 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


traite en notre petite maison. Je taschois bien d'ar- 
rêter cet estat de misere; mais, comme mes passions 
sont toute viciées, je choppois à tous coups, ne rappor- 
tant rien de ce voyage que mes deffaults. ]'ai couché 
dans la Relation les causes pour lesquelles je suis re- 
venu peu sçavant en leur langue; c' est asses de ce 
point. Pour [126] ce qui touche nos hommes, ils en- 
ten dent tous les matins la sainte Messe devant leur 
travail; Ie soir ils viennent tous à la chapelle, où on 
fait les prières que j'envoye à V. R. Nous chantons 
vespres les festes et les dimanches, et on leur fait 
quasi tous les dimanches une exhortation. Outre 
cecy, on presche à Kébec; on y chante aussy les 
vespres, parfois la grande Messe. Voilà sommaire- 
ment nos occupations de cette année passée; la Rela- 
tion en parle plus amplement. 
Pour l' année que nous allons commencer au départ 
des vaisseaux, voicy comme nous serons distribués 
et ce que nous ferons. 
Le P. Brebeuf, Ie P. Daniel et Ie P. Davost, avec 
trois braves jeunes hommes et deux petits garçons, 
seront aux Hurons. Enfin nostre Seigneur leur a 
ouvert la porte. M. Duplessis 1 y a grandement con- 
tribué, disons 1\1. de Lauson, qui luy avait sans doute 
recommandé ce point, dont il s'est très-bien acquitté, 
comme V. R. verra par la lettre que Ie P. Brebeuf 
m'a envoyée du chemin des Hurons. Je croy qu'ils 
sont maintenant bien près du lieu où ils prétendent 
aller. Ce coup est un coup du ciel; nous espérons 
une grande moisson de ces pays. Le P. [127] Bre- 
I Duplessis-Bochart, général de la flotte, comme on l'appelait 
alors, qui fut plus tard nommé gouverneur des Trois-Rivières, et 
qui fut tué par les Iroquois, Ie 19 août 1652. 



1633-34] 


LE JEUNE TO THE PRO VLYCIAL 


41 


was impatient, disgusted, seeking a retreat in our 
little house. I tried to put an end to this condition 
of misery; but, as my passions are altogether de- 
praved, I stumbled at every step, bringing back 
nothing from this journey except my faults. I have 
set down in my Relation the reasons why I returned, 
knowing little about their language; enough upon 
this subject. As [126] to what concerns our men: 
every morning they hear holy :Mass before their 
work, and in the evening all come to chapel, where 
the prayers which I send to Your Reverence are re- 
cited. We sing vespers on feast days and sundays, 
and almost every sunday an exhortation is made to 
them. Besides, there is preaching at Kébec, where 
they also sing vespers, and occasionally a high Mass. 
This is the outline of our occupations during this last 
year; the Relation speaks thereof more fully. 
For the year which we are about to begin at the 
departure of the ships, this is the way in which we 
shall be distributed and what we shall do: 
Father Brebeuf, Father Daniel, and Father Davost, 
with three brave young men and two little boys. will 
be among the Hurons. At last our Lord has opened 
to them the door. 1\1. Duplessis * has aided greatly 
in this; let us say 1\1. de Lauson, who has without 
doubt recommended this affair to him, of which he 
has acquitted himself very well, as Your Reverence 
will see by the letter which Father Brebeuf has sent 
me on his way to the Hurons. I believe that they 
must now be quite near the place where they intend 
to go. This stroke is a stroke from heaven: we shall 
* Duplessis-Bochart, general of the fleet, as he was then called; 
who was later made governor of Three Rivers and killed by the 
Iroquois on the 19th of August, 1652.- [Carayon.] 



42 


LES RELA TIOiVS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


beuf et Ie P. Daniel se jetèrent dans les dangers de 
bien souffrir; car ils s'en allèrent sans bagages ny 
sans Ia monnoie nécessaire pour vivre. Dieu y a 
pourvu, car M. Duplessis a tenu la main que tout 
passas1. Voilà pour les Hurons. 
Nous demeurerons aux Trois-Rivières, Ie P. Bu- 
teux 1 et tnoy. Ce lieu est sur Ie grand fieuve, 3 0 
lieues plus haut que Kébec, sur Ie chemin des Hu- 
rons; on Ie nomme les Trois-Rivières pour ce qu'une 
certaine rivière qui vient des terres se dégorge dans 
Ie grand fieuve par trois embouchures. Nos Fran- 
çois commencent là cette année une habitation; il y 
fault deux de nos Pères. ray esté fort longtemps en 
balance qui y pourroit aller. Le P. Brebeuf et Ie P
 
de N ouë estoient d' advis que je demeurasse à Kébec; 
mais j'ay recognu que Ie P. Lalemant 2 appréhendoit 
cette nouvelle detneure, y croyant qu'il n'en revien- 
droit pas si on I'yenvoyoit, s'offrant néanmoins de 
bon cæur à faire ce q u' on voudroi 1. II est vra y 
qu'il y tneurt ordinairetnent quelques personnes en 
ces comtnencemens; mais la mort n' est pas tou jours 
un grand mal. 
Après avoir recotnmandé l'affaire à nostre Sei- 
gneur, [128] je me suis résolu d'y aller moy-mesme 
pour Ies raison suivantes: 
1 0 ray creu que je ne faisois rien contre Ie dessein 
de V.R. quittant Ia maison pour sept ou huit mois; 
car je peux retourner au printemps, je ne sçay néan- 
moins si je reviendray devant la venuë des vaisseaux; 
1 Le P. Jacques Buteux, natif d' Abbeville, en Picardie, qui fut 
tué par les Iroquois, Ie 10 de mai 1652. 
2 Le P. Charles Lalemant, l'un des trois premiers missionnaires 
jésuites venus à Québec, en 1625. 



1633 -34] 


LE JEUNE TO THE PRO VINCIAL 


43 


hope for a great harvest from this country. Father 
[ 12 7] Brebeuf and Father Daniel exposed themselves 
to great suffering; for they went away without bag- 
gage, or without the money necessary to live. God 
has provided therefor, as M. Duplessis has taken care 
that all should go well. So much for the Hurons. 
"\Ve shall live at Three Rivers, Father Buteux * 
and 1. This place is upon the great river, 3 0 leagues 
farther up than Kébec, upon the way to the Hurons; 
it is called Three Rivers, because a certain river 
which flows through the land empties into the great 
river by three mouths. Our French people are this 
year beginning a settlement there, and two of our 
Fathers must be there. 4 I have been doubtful for a 
long time as to who should go. Father Brebeuf and 
Father de 
ouë thought that I should remain at Ké- 
bec; but I perceived that Father Lalemant t was ap- 
prehensive of this new abode, believing that he would 
never return if he were sent there, offering himself 
freely, however, to do what should be desired. It is 
true that sonle persons generally die in these begin- 
nings, but death is not always a great evil. 
A.fter haying commended this affair to our Lord, 
[128] I resolved to go there myself, for the following 
reasons: 
1St. I belieyed that I was doing nothing contrary 
to the designs of Your Reverence in leaving the 
house for seven or eight months, for I can return in 
the spring; however, I do not know whether I shall 
come back before the coming of the ships. More- 
* Father Jacques Buteux,5 a native of Abbeville, in Picardie, who 
was killed by the Iroquois on the 10th of May, 1652.- [Carayon.] 
t Father Charles Lalemant. one of the first three jesuit mission- 
arie<.;, came to Quebec in 16
5.-[Carayon.] 



44 


LES RELA TI01VS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


de plus, je laisse entre les mains d 'une personne qui 
fera mieux que moy cent fois, quis ego su 1ll.'1 un atome 
à comparaison de luy. Je doutois de son estomac 
pour les prédications de Kébec; mais I' auditoire est 
petit, et il ne trouve aucun inconvénient en cela; 
2 0 J'ay creu que notre Seigneur aurait pour agré- 
able que je donnasse ce contentement au Père, de ne 
point quitter Kébec, où nous SOlnmes desjà un petit 
accommodés, et que s'il y a du danger, que je Ie dois 
prendre pour moy; 
3 0 Le fils de Dieu mourant en croix nous a déter- 
Ininés à la croix, il ne la faut donc pas fuir quand elle 
se presente; c' est Ina plus forte raison, on souffre il 
est vray dans une nouvelle habitation, notamment 
précipitée comme celle-là. Je ne sçay comme sera 
faite la Inaison; estre pesle-mesle avec des artisans, 
boire, manger, dormir avec eux; ils ne sçauroient 
faire là aucune provision de quoy que ce soit; tout 
cela ne m'estonne point; les cabannes des sauvages 
que j'ay habitées cet hiver [129] sont bien pires. Le 
P. Buteux me resjouit: car il prend cela de bon cæur; 
je Ie voy fort resolu à la croix. V. R. a raison de 
dire que c'est l'esprit qu'il faut avoir. Nous estudie- 
rons là la langue, quoy qu'avec moins de commodité 
qu'à Kébec, à cause du logement, où il y aura un 
plus grand tintamarre que dans les cabanes des sau- 
vages; car nos français avec lesquels nous serons tous 
ensemble, ne sont pas si paisibles et si patiens que 
ces barbares. De plus je voulois prendre cet hiver 
un sauvage avec moy à Kébec pour m'instruire, puis 
que je commence à les pouvoir interroger: cela ne se 
pourra pas faire aux Trois-Rivières, mais il n'importe, 
je feray ce que je pourray. 



1633-34] LE .IEU1VE TO THE PRO VINCIAL 45 


over, I leave it in the hands of a person who will do 
a hundred times better than I, for quis ego sum t an 
atom in comparison with him. I had some doubts in 
regard to the strength of his yoice for preaching at 
Kébec; but the audience room is small, and he does 
not find any inconvenience therein. 
2nd. I thought that it would be more agreeable to 
our Lord that I should give the Father this satisfac- 
tion, that he need not leave Kébec, where we are 
rather comfortably situated; and that, if there be any 
danger, I ought to take it upon Inyself. 
3 rd . The son of God, dying upon the cross, has 
obligated us to bear the cross, so we should not 
flee from it when it presents itself; this is my strong- 
est reason, for in truth there is suffering in a new 
settlement, especially in one established so hurriedly 
as that one. I do not know how the house will be 
arranged; we shall be mixed up with workingmen, 
drinking, eating, and sleeping with them; they can- 
not make other provision for us of any kind whatever. 
All this does not appall me, for the cabins of the 
savages, in which I lived this winter. [129] are much 
worse. Father Buteux pleases me greatly, for he 
takes this cheerfully; I see him strongly determined 
to bear the cross. Your Reverence is right in saying 
that this is the kind of spirit that we should have. 
\Ve shall study the language there, although less ad- 
vantageously than at Kébec, on account of the lodg- 
ing, in which there will be a greater hubbub than in 
the cabins of the savages; for our french people, 
with whom we shall be in company, are not so calm 
and patient as these barbarians. Furthermore, I 
had intended this winter to keep a savage with me 
at Kébec to instruct me, since I am beginning to be 



46 


LES RELA TIO.NS DES .IÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


Resteront à Kébec Ie P. Lallemant, Ie P. Masse, Ie 
P. de Nouë et nos deux Frères avec tous nos hommes. 
La douceur et la vertu du P. Lallemant tiendra tout 
en paix, et fera réussir Ie travail de nos gens. En- 
voyer Ie P. de Nouë et Ie P. Brebeuf aux Trois- 
Rivières, je ne voyois point d'apparence, 1 0 pour ce 
que Ie P. de 
ouë gouverne ici nos hommes; 2 0 Ie 
Pere Buteux eust perdu une année, il n'auroit rien 
fait du tout en la langue; 3 0 SaNs calidus est, lied alio- 
qUÙl optimus, P. de Nouë
. il faUoit done que Ie P. Lal- 
lemant ou moy y allassions: j'ay pris Ie sort pour 
moy, croyant laisser la maison en plus gran de paix 
que si je fusse demeuré, [130] je croy que V. R. ap- 
prouvera mon procedé; du moins j'ay pensé suivre en 
cecy Ie mouvement de Dieu: qu'il soit loué pour un 
jamais! Voilà ce que nous ferons cette année. C'est 
une grande occupation que de bien souffrir, Dieu nous 
en fasse la grace! Parlons main tenant de nos servi- 
teurs domestiques. 
J'ay dit que nous avions esté en paix de tous costés. 
Les murmures qui arrivent par fois et les escapades ne 
doivent pas estre mis dans les grands désordres, quand 
on se releve aussy tost qu'on est tombé, et quand 
la chute n'est pas grande. Quelques-uns de nos 
hommes ont quelque fois témoigné quelque impa- 
tience; mais nous avons subject de benir Dieu, car 
rien ne s'est passé de notable. Voici les causes de 
leurs mécontentemens. 
1 0 C'est Ie naturel des artisans de se plaindre et de 
gronder. 
2 0 La diversité des gages les fait murmurer: un 
charpentier, un briquettier et autres, gagneront beau- 
coup plus que les manæuvres, et cependant ils ne tra- 



1633-34] 


LE .IEUNE TO THE PROVliVCIAL 


47 


able to question them; this cannot be done at Three 
Rivers; but it is of no importance, I shall do what 
I can. 
There will remain at Kébec, Father Lallemant, Fa- 
ther Masse, Father de N ouë, and our two Brothers, 
with 
ll our men. 6 The gentleness and virtue of 
Father Lallemant will hold all in peace, and will 
cause the work of our people to prosper. I did not 
think it feasible to send Father de N ouë and Father 
Brebeuf to Three Rivers,- 1st, because Father de 
N ouë looks after our men here; 2nd, Father Buteux 
would have lost a year, he would have done nothing 
at all in the language; 3rd, Salis calidus est, lice! alio- 
quin optimus, P. de Nouë,. so Father Lallemant or I my- 
self had to go. I have chosen this lot for myself, 
believing that I should leave the house in greater 
peace than if I remained, [130] and I believe that 
Your Reverence will approve my action; at least I 
thought I was following in this an itnpulse from 
God; may he be forever praised! So that is what we 
shall do this year. It is a great occupation, to suffer 
nobly; may God give us grace for it! Let us speak 
now of our household servants. 
I have said that we lived peacefully on all sides. 
The murmurs and escapades which occasionally hap- 
pen should not be placed in the list of great dis- 
orders, when one rises as soon as he has fallen, and 
when the fall is not great. A number of our men 
have occasionally shown some impatience; but we 
have reason to bless God, for nothing of importance 
has happened. Here are the causes for their dis- 
content. 
1St. It is the nature of working people to complain 
and to grumble. 



4
 


LES RELA TIOJ.VS DES .IESUITES 


[VOL. 6 


vaillent pas tant, je yeux dire qu'ils n'ont pas tant de 
peine que les autres, à raison qu'ils font leur mestier, 
et les autres font des choses fort difficiles: Ùzde querz'- 
motlzæ. IIs ne considèrent pas qu'un maistre masson 
a moins de peine qu'un manæuvre, quoy qu'il gagne 
davantage. 
[131] 3 0 La plus part ne font point leurs mestiers, 
sinon pour un peu de temps; un cousturier, un cor- 
donnier, un jardinier et les autres se trouvent eston- 
nés, quand il faut traisner du bois sur la neige; en 
outre ils se plaignent qu'ils oublieront leur art. 
4 0 II faut confesser que les travaux sont grands en 
ces commencemens: les hommes sont les chevaux et 
les bæufs; ils apportent ou traisnent les bois, les 
arbres, la pierre; ils labourent la terre; ils la hercent. 
Les mouches de l'esté, les neiges de l'hyver,et mille 
autres incomodités sont importunes: des jeunes gens 
qui travailloient à l'ombre dans la France, trouvent 
icy un grand changement. J em' estonne que la 
peine qu'ils ont, en des choses qu'ils n'ont jamais 
faites, ne les fait crier plus hault qu'ils ne crient. 
50 Ils sont tous logés dans une mesme chambre, 
et, COlnme ils n'ont pas tous leurs passions bien domp- 
tées et qu'ils sont d'hunleurs bien différentes, ils ont 
des subjects de discord sans subject. 
6 0 Comme il faut que nous passions par leurs 
mains, ne les pouvant renvoyer quand ils manquent, 
et comme ils voyent qu'un baston n'est pas bien servi 
en notre main pour les chastier, ils font plus aisément 
des renchères, qu'ils ne feroient avec des séculiers 
qui les presseroient fort et ferme. 
Que V. R. pèse toutes ces raisons, s'illuy plaict, 
[132] et elle nous aidera à benir Dieu; car avec tout 



1633-34] LE JEU1VE TO THE PROVINCIAL 49 


2nd. The difference in wages makes them com- 
plain: A carpenter, a brickmaker, and others will 
earn more than the laborers, and yet they do not 
work so much; I mean that it is not so hard for them 
as for the others, because they are following their 
professions, and the others are doing more laborious 
things: Ùzde qucrÙJlolliæ. They do not consider that 
a master-mason may exert himself less than a la- 
borer, although he earns more. 
[131] 3rd. The greater part do not follow their 
trades, except for a short time; a tailor, a shoemaker, 
a gardener, and others, are amazed when required to 
drag some wood over the snow; besides, they com- 
plain that they will forget their trades. 
4th. It must be confessed that the work is great in 
these beginnings; the men are the horses and oxen; 
they carry or drag wood, trees, or stones; they till 
the soil, they harrow it. The insects in summer, 
the snows in winter, and a thousand other incon- 
veniences, are very troublesome. The youth who in 
France worked in the shade find here a great differ- 
ence. I am astonished that the hardships they have 
to undergo, in doing things they have never done be- 
fore, do not cause them to make a greater outcry than 
they do. 
5th. They all lodge in one room; and, as they 
have not all learned to control their passions, and 
are of dispositions altogether different, they have 
occasions for causeless quarrels. 
6th. As we are more or less dependent upon them, 
not being able to send them back when they fail to 
do right, and as they see that a stick for the purpose 
of chastising them is of little use in our hands, they 
are much more arrogant than they would be with 



50 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


cela nous n'avons pas laissé de passer l'année paisi- 
blement, tançant quelques uns, en punissant quel- 
ques autres, quoyque très rarement, dissimulant fort 
souvent, Deus s'it ill æterllll1Jl beJledictus! et, comme ce 
n' est pas assés que la paix soit chez nous, mais il la 
faut très-profonde, s'il y a moyen, j'estinle qu'il se- 
rait bon de faire ce que je vay dire. 
11 ne faudroit icy que des hommes de bon travail: 
voila pour quoy il seroit bon que nous eussions trois 
braves Frères pour les menus offices de la maison, 
pour la cuisine, la boulangerie, la cordonnerie, la 
cousturierie, Ie jardin, la sacristie, les lessives, la ser- 
rurerie, Ie soin du bestial, du laitage, du beurre, etc. 
On diviseroit tous ces offices entre ces trois bons 
Frères, et ainsy on seroit délivré de donner des gages 
à des ouvriers qu'on occupe en ces offices, et qui se 
plaignent quand on les occupe en d'autres choses. 
Tous nos hommes seroient dans les grosses besognes, 
et par consequent je supplie V. R. de nous envoyer 
deux bons Frères. Nostre Frère Liegeois, qui com- 
mence fort bien, sera Ie troisième. Pour notre Frère 
Gilbert peut-estre Ie renvoira-t-on: sinon il travail- 
lera à la menuiserie tout doucement, car il est desjà 
bien cassé et gêné d 'une rupture. \T oicy les Frères 
sur lesquels j'arresterois ma pensée, si V. R. Ie trou- 
voit bon: nostre [133] Frère Claude Frémont et notre 
Frèrc Ie serrurier, qu'elle nous promet par ses lettres 
d'envoyer l'an prochain. Je ne cognois ni luy ni 
l'autre; on me dit qu'ils sont tous deux paisibles et 
de bon travail. Si cela est, V. R. nous les donnera, 
s'illuy plaist. On en pourroit bien enyoyer un aux 
Hurons ou aux Trois-Rivières, selon Ie cours des 
affaires. 



1633-34] LE JEUNE TO THE PRO VINCIAL 51 


laymen, who would urge them with severity and 
firmness. 
Your Reverence will weigh all these reasons, if you 
please, [132] and will aid us in praising God; for 
notwithstanding all this, we have not failed to pass 
the year peaceably, reprimanding some, punishing 
others, though rarely - very often pretending not to 
see; Deus sit Ùl ætcrllUJ1l bClledictus! and, as it is not 
enough that peace should dwell among us, but that 
it should be firmly established, if it be possible, I 
deem it best to do what I am about to say. 
Only good workmen are needed here; hence it 
would be well for us to have three capable Brothers, 
to perform the minor duties of the house,- cooking, 
baking, making shoes, making clothes, looking after 
the garden, the sacristy, washing, tinkering, caring 
for the cattle, the milk, butter, etc. All these du- 
ties would be divided among these three good Broth- 
ers, and thus we would be relieved of giving wages to 
workmen who are occupied with these duties, and who 
complain when they are given other things to do. 
All our men should be engrossed with the heavy 
tasks, and consequently I beg Your Reverence to 
send us two good Brothers. Our Brother Liegeois, 
who is beginning very well, will be the third. As to 
our Brother Gilbert, perhaps he will be sent back; if 
not, he will work slowly at carpentry, for he is al- 
ready broken down and hindered by a rupture. The 
following are the Brothers upon whom my choice 
would fall, if it please Your Reverence; our [133] 
Brother Claude Frémont and our Brother the lock- 
smith, whom you promised in your letters to send us 
next year. I do not know either of them, but I am 
told that they are both peaceable and good workmen. 



52 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


Avec ces bons Frères, il nous faut avoir icy pour 
Ie moins dix hommes de bon travail pour les basti- 
ments et pour la terre et pour faucher, pour tout en 
un mot. Qui en pourroit encore davantage, seroit Ie 
meilleur: ceux cy travaillant tous dans les grosses 
besoignes, ne se plaindront pas de ceux qui font les 
menus offices. N ous avons desjà quatre de ces 
hommes: reste pour six à envoyer, et nous renvoi- 
rons l'an qui vient to us ceux que nous avons, excepté 
ces quatre. Voilà quel doit estre l'estat de la maison 
pour l'an qui vient quant au travail, si V. R. Ie 
trouve bon: dix bons ouvriers et trois ou quatre de 
nos Frères, sçavoir est, N ostre Frère Liegeois, N. 
Frère Claude Frémont, N. Frère Ie serrurier, dont 
je ne scay pas Ie nom, et nostre Frère Gilbert, s'il 
demeure. Pour les six ouvriers que nous demandons, 
voicy leurs mestiers: deux charpentiers forts, dont 
l'un pour Ie moins entende à dresser un bastiment, 
en un mot qu'il sçache bien son mestier; un menui- 
sier, et trois hommes [134J de travail qui puissent 
estre appliqués à déserter la terre, à tirer la scie de 
long (il n'est pas necessaire qu'ils sçachent ce mes- 
tier, mais quïls ayent la volonté et les forces pour Ie 
faire), à faucher, à aider les charpentiers, masson, 
briquetier, auprès du bestial, à tout ce qu'on voudra; 
il faut des hommes forts pour cela et de bonne vo- 
lonté. Si on ne peut avoir deux charpentiers, qu'il 
en passe un bon pour Ie moins, et en la place de 
l'autre, un homme de travail, comme je Ie viens de 
descrire. J e parleray encore de cecy ailleurs, afin 
que si un vaisseau manquoit, l' autre porte de nos nou- 
velles. 11 est bien aisé de dépeindre bon ouvrier, 
mais bien difficile de Ie trouver. Je feray voir ail- 



1633-34] LE .IEUNE TO THE PRO VINCIAL 53 


If this be true, Your Reverence will send them to 
us, if you please. One of them could be easily sent 
to the Hurons or to Three Rivers, according to the 
course of events. 
With these good Brothers, we should have here at 
least ten men capable of building, cultivating, and 
reaping,- in a word, of doing everything. \Vho- 
ever could do still more, would be the best; these 
who are altogether occupied with the heavy work, 
will not complain of those who perform the minor 
duties. \Ve have already four of these men, so there 
remain six to be sent; and we shall send back next 
year all those we have, except these four. The fol- 
lowing ought to be the arrangement of the house- 
hold for the coming year in regard to work, if it so 
please Your Reverence: ten good workmen and 
three or four of our Brothers; namely, Our Brother 
Liegeois, Our Brother Claude Frémont, Our Brother 
the locksmith, whose name I do not know, and our 
Brother Gilbert, if he remain. In regard to the six 
workmen for whom we ask, the following will be their 
trades: two strong carpenters, at least one of them un- 
derstanding how to erect a building,- in a word, let 
him understand his trade; a joiner, and three work- 
men [134] who can be employed in clearing the 
land, in using the pit saw (they need not know this 
trade, but must have only willingness and strength 
to do it), in reaping, in helping the carpenters, the 
mason, the brickmaker, in watching the cattle, in 
doing everything that is required of them; for this, 
strong men are needed, and those who are willing. 
If we cannot have two carpenters, let one good one, 
at least, come over; and, instead of the other, such 
a workman as I have just described. I shall speak 



54 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


leurs à V. R. la necessité que nous avons de ces dix 
hommes. 
Pour les quatre qui désirent ou désiroient entrer en 
notre Compagnie, je lui diray quO Ambroise, qui a si 
bien contenté à Orléans et aiUeurs, et mesme qui a 
rendu icy de bons services, s' en vouloit aller cette 
année. 11 est d'un bon naturel et bon ouvrier. S'il 
contente, nous prierons V. R. de Ie recevoir l'an qui 
vient, si non il n'obtiendra aucune lettre de reCOffi- 
mandation. Pour Louys, il fait merveille dans son 
mestier; quand on l'applique à autre chose, il est 
mescontent: les grosses besognes qui sont icy Ie de- 
couragent aussy bien que Robert Hache. I1s sont 
tous deux bons enfants, mais ils n'ont pas assés de 
[135J courage et peut estre de force pour les travaux 
de Canada. I1s demandoient quasi de s' en retourner 
cette année; mais la crainte de n 'estre pas reçeus les 
a arrestés. Nous verrons comme ils feront doresna- 
vant; ils ont bonne volonté. 
Quant à Jacques Junier, il est constant dans Ie bien. 
]'aimerois mieux en verité dix hommes comme lui, 
que dix autres. 11 y a longtemps qu'il demeure sur 
Ie païs; je luy ay dit de la part de V. R. qu'il seroit 
reçu repassant en France. Deux choses empesche- 
ront qu'il n'y retourne cette année: la première, il a 
grande difficulté de se mettre sur mer, s'y trouvant 
fort mal; la seconde, à peine la maison se peut-eUe 
passer de luy, tant il nous est nécessaire en toutes 
façons. C'efi un jeune homme que ne dit mot, mais 
qui fait beaucoup. Comme je représentois au P. Lal- 
lemant que V. R. nous Ie renvoiroit au plus tost, il 
m'a dit: <<La difficulté qu'a nostre R. P. Provincial 
de luy laisser faire icy son noviciat provient d'une 



1633-34] LEJEU.YE TO THE PROVINCIAL 55 


again of this matter elsewhere, to the end that, if 
one of our ships fail to arrive, the other will bear 
our letters. It is very easy to describe a good work- 
man, but quite difficult to find one. I shall explain 
to Your Reverence elsewhere our need of having 
these ten men. 
As to the four who desire or were desiring to enter 
our Society, I will tell you that Ambroise, who gaye 
f:uch satisfaction at Orleans and elsewhere, and who 
eyen here rendered some good services, wished to 
go away this year. He has a good disposition and 
is an excellent workman. If he gives satisfaction, we 
will beg Your Reverence to receive him next year; 
if not, he will not secure any letter of recommenda- 
tion. As for Louys, he does wonders in his trade; 
but when he is given something else to do, he is dis- 
contented. The rough and heavy work to be done 
here discourages him, as well as Robert Hache. 
They are both good boys, but they have not enough 
[135] courage, and perhaps not enough strength, for 
the work in Canada. They almost asked to return 
this year, but the fear of not being received stopped 
them. \Ve will see how they do from now on; they 
show great willingness. 
As to Jacques Junier, he perseveres in doing right. 
In truth I would prefer ten men like him to ten oth- 
ers. He has now been a long time in the country; 
and I have told him, on the part of Your Reverence, 
that he would be received when he went back to 
France. Two things prevent his returning this year: 
the first is that it is exceedingly disagreeable for him 
to make a sea voyage, as he becomes very sick; the 
second, that the house can scarcely get along without 
him, he is so necessary to us in every way. He is a 



56 


LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


croyance qu'il a que cela ne soit pas bien trouvé à 
Rome ou bien de quelques uns de nos Pères; car sans 
cela, il aime tant la mission, qu'il le laisseroit icy, 
estant notamment informé de la douceur de ce bon 
garçon, auquel il ne manque que 1 'habit pour estre 
religieux, et s'il fait dans la religion com me il fait au 
monde, on sera content de luy. ]'escriray [136] 
donc, m'a-t-il dit, à Rome, afin qu'on nous accorde 
cette faveur, qui nous est importante pour Ie bien de 
la maison; informés-en N. R. P. ProvinciaL)) C'est 
ce que je fay par la présente. S'il faut enfin qu'il 
passe, il passera. Dieu est Ie maistre de tout. J e 
supplie V. R. me pardonner s'il luy semble que je 
parle avec moins de respect dans me
lettres; je ne 
veux rien absoluement, mon R. P., que ce que vous 
jugés devant Dieu. J e parle selon que je croy la né- 
cessité, ce me semble. 
Parlons des Pères dont cette mission auroit besoin. 
Il en faudroit deux aux Hurons; s'ils font la paix 
avec les Iroquois, comme elle se traite à ce qu' on dit, 
il en faudroit bien davantage; car il faudroit entrer 
dans tous les peuples stables. Si ces nations viennent 
à recevoir la foy, elle crieront à la faim, et on ne leur 
pourra donner à manger, faute des personnes qui sça- 
chent les langues. De plus les Frères qui seroient 
parmi les Hiroquois, travailleroient à entretenir la 
paix entre eux et les Hurons; néanmoins sur l' incer- 
titude de cette paix, nous ne demandons que deux 
Pères pour les IIurons. Il faut un supérieur aux 
Trois-Rivières, et deux Pères pour demeurer à Ke- 
bec, proche de nos françois: voilà cinq prestres et 
deux Frères; voyons la nécessité qu'il y a d'avoir 
tant de monde. 



1633-34] 


LEJEUNE TO THE PROVhVCIAL 


57 


young man who says nothing, but does much. As I 
was representing to Father Lallemant that Your Rev- 
erence would send him back to us as soon as possible, 
he said to me: "The difficulty which our Reverend 
Father Provincial will have, in allowing him to make 
his novitiate here, arises from his belief that it would 
not be approved at Rome, nor indeed among some of 
our Fathers; were it not for this, he loves our mis- 
sion so much that he would leave him here, especial- 
ly if he were informed of the amiability of this good 
boy, who needs only the gown to be a religious; and, 
if he conducts himself in religion as he does in the 
world, they will be satisfied with him. I shall write 
[136] now to Rome," said he, "to the end that they 
may grant us this favor, which is inlportant for the 
good of our house; inform Our Re\.erend Father 
Provincial of this." I am doing so through this let- 
ter. If he must return, he will return. God is the 
master of all. I beg Your Reyerence to pardon me 
if I seem to speak with a lack of respect in my let- 
ters; I wish absolutely nothing, my Reyerend Father, 
except what you deem best before God. I speak as I 
believe it needful, as it seems to me. 
Let us speak of the Fathers whom this mission 
needs. 
Two are needed among the Hurons; if they make 
peace with the Iroquois, for I am told that it is being 
negotiated, a number more will be needed, as we 
must enter all the stationary tribes. If these people 
receive the faith, they will cry with hunger, and 
there will be no one to feed them, for lack of persons 
who know the languages. Moreover, the Brothers 
who should be among the Hiroquois would exert 
themselves to preserve the peace between them and 



58 


LES RELA TIONS DES .fÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


Pour les deux Pères qu'on envoira aux Hurons, 
[137J ils pourroient estre envoiés de là à la nation 
Neutre, ou parmy les Hiroquois, ou en quelque autre 
nation, ou bien estre retenus dans les Hurons mesmes, 
qui sont au nombre de trente mille âmes, en fort peu 
de païs. Pour Kébec, je demande deux Pères; si Ie 
P. Lallemant est supérieur, il demeurera avec les 
PP. :ßlasse et de Nouë, et avec nos gens pour faire 
réussir la maison; les deux Pères seront au fort, où on 
parle de leur bastir une maisonnette ou une cham bre ; 
ils prescheront, entendront les confessions, adminis- 
treront les sacrements, diront la sainte messe à nos 
françois: bref i Is f eron t l' office de pasteur, et a ppren- 
dront la langue des sauvages. les allans voir quand ils 
cabaneront proche d'eux. Ils auront un garçon, qui 
leur apportera toutes les semaines leurs vivres de 
nostre maison esloignée du fort d'une bonne demie 
lieue. 
Je demande un supérieur aux Trois-Rivières, pour 
ce que ce n' est pas trop de tenir là trois Pères, afin 
qu'il y en ait toujours deux libres pour les sauvages. 
Que si V. R. n'en veut envoyer que deux, Ie P. Bu- 
teux à qui j'aprendray cette année ce que je pourray 
de la langue, demeurera avec lui à Kébec ou aux 
Trois-Rivières, et moy avec l'autre; mais à mon advis 
ce n' est pas trop de trois pour les Trois- Ri vières: l' un 
sera pour nos françois, les deux autres pour les sau- 
vages, voir mesme il se pourra [138J faire qu'on en 
envoira l'un d'eux aux Hurons avec les deux qu'il 
y faut faire passer. Je me do ute bien que Ie Pere 
Brebeuf en pourra demander plus de deux; si bien 
que si V. R. nous peut donner cinq Peres et deux 
Frères, ce ne sera pas trop. Je me souviens de ce 



1633 - 34] 


LE JEUNE TO THE PROVINCIAL 


59 


the Hurons; nevertheless, on account of the uncertain- 
ty of this peace, .we ask for only two Fathers to go to 
the Hurons. There must be a superior at Three 
Rivers, and two Fathers must remain at Kébec, near 
our french people; so this makes five priests and 
two Brothers. Let us see what need there is of hav- 
ing so many men. 
As for the two Fathers who will be sent to the Hu- 
rons, [I 37] they could be sent from there to th e N eu- 
tral tribe, or among the Hiroquois, or to some other 
tribe; or even be kept among the Hurons, who num- 
ber thirty thousand souls in a very small extent of 
country. For Kébec, I ask two Fathers; if Father 
Lallemant is superior, he win remain with Fathers 
:Masse and de Nouë, and with our people, to ensure 
the success of the house; the two Fathers will be at 
the fort, where they talk of building them a little 
house or a room; they will preach, will hear confes- 
sions, will administer the sacraments, and will say 
holy mass for our french people; in short, they will 
perform the office of pastors, and will learn the lan- 
guage of the savages, going to visit them when they 
encamp around the place. They will have a boy, 
who wil1 every week bring them their food from our 
house, distant from the fort a good half league. 
I ask a superior for Three Rivers, for it is not too 
much to keep three Fathers there, so that there may 
be always two free for the savages. But if Your 
Reverence wishes to send only two, Father Buteux, 
to whom I shall this year teach what I know of the 
language, will remain with the one at Kébec, or at 
Three Rivers, and I with the other; but it seems to 
me three are not too many for Three Rivers; one 
will be for our french people, the two others for the 



60 


LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


que je lui ay autrefois entendu à dire, (( ad þallca at- 
tend ens facile e1ll11lciat; j'ay bien Ie monde qu'il fault, 
mais je ne dy pas où on trouvera de quoy Ie nourrir.)) 
A cela je n'ay point de répartie. Je me restreins Ie 
plus qu'il m 'est possible; car pour Ie bien de cette 
mission, i1 faudroit bien plus de monde que nous 
n' en demandons. 
J'ay icy deux humbles supplications à faire à V. 
R. Je les fay au nom de Jésus Christ de toute l'es- 
tendue de mon cæur: mon R. P., je conjure V. R. 
de me décharger. Je dy quelquefois aux petites 
croix qui me viennent: (( Et encor celIe là, et tant 
que vous voudrés, ô mon Dieu.)) Mais à celles que 
Ie P. Lallemant m'a apporté dans les lettres de V. 
R. qui me continuoient en charge je l'ay dy plus de 
trois fois, mais avec une rétraction de cæur qui ne 
pouvoit boire ce calice. En vérité, mon R. Père, je 
n'ay pas les talens, ny les qualités, ny la douceur re- 
quise pour estre supérieur; de plus, je Ie dy et il est 
vray, c'est un grand détourbier pour l'estude de la 
langue; je dy un très grand détourbier, diray-je 
mesme que cecy, cette année, nuit au salut peut-être 
[139J de quelques sauvages. J'apprend que les Sau- 
vages qui sont aux Trois-Rivières sont tous malades et 
meurent en grand nombre. Le P. Brebeuf mesme 
qui a passé par là, m'escrit qu'il seroit à propos que 
j'y allasse: je suis dans les écritures, je n'ay rien 
on peu de choses prestes, les vaisseanx seront bien 
tost prests, à faire voile; je seray surpris de mes 
lettres et informations, que j'envoie à V. R. touch ant 
nos besoins; je me dépêche tant que je peux. Si je 
n'estois point Superieur, je serois délivré de tout ce- 
la; il y a longtemps que je serois là hault. J e me dis- 



1633-34] LE .IEUNE TO THE PRO VINCIAL 61 


savages; indeed, it may [138] happen that one of them 
will be sent to the Hurons, with the two who must 
go up there. I am inclined to think that Father Bre- 
beuf may ask more than two; so that, if Your Rev- 
erence can send us five Fathers and two Brothers, it 
will not be too many. I often call to mind what I 
once heard him say, "ad pallca attCJldeJ1S facile enu1Z- 
ciat,o I have indeed as many people as I need, but I 
do not say where the food will be found to nourish 
them." To that I have no answer. I am restricting 
myself as much as I can; because, for the good of 
this mission, it would be well to have more people 
than we are asking. 
Just here I have two humble requests to make of 
Y our Reverence. I make them in the name of Jesus 
Christ from the very depths of my heart. :1Iy Rever- 
end Father, I beg Your Reverence to discharge me. 
I sometimes say to the little crosses which come to 
me, "And this also and as many as you wish, 0 my 
God. " But to those which Father Lallemant has 
brought me in Your Reverence's letters, which con- 
tinue me in my charge, I have said this more than 
three times, but with a shrinking of the heart which 
could not drink this cup. In truth, my Reverend 
Father, I have not the talents, nor the qualities, nor 
the mildness, necessary to be superior: besides, I say 
it, and it is true, it is a great disturbance in the 
study of the language; I say a very great disturb- 
ance,- I will even say that this, during the present 
year, is preventing the salvation, perhaps, [139] of 
some savages. I learn that the Savages who are at 
Three Rivers are all sick, and are dying in great 
numbers. Also Father Brebeuf, who passed through 
there, writes me that it would be fitting that I should 
go there; I am busy with the letters, I have nothing 



62 


LES RELATIONS DESIESUITES 


[VOL. 6 


pose pour y aller tout à fait jusques au printemps ou 
jusques à la venue des vaisseaux. Je n'ay pas l'es- 
prit capable de tant de choses: Ie soin de nos gens, 
tant de sortes de petits travaux qu'il y a, bref tout 
s'addresse au Supérieur, et cela Ie divertit infiniment, 
notamment à Kebec, où nous sommes bon nombre de 
personnes. Adjoutés les sermons, confessions, vi- 
sites: je veux croire que tout cela empescheroit peu 
Ie P. Lallemant de l'estude de la langue; pour moy, 
je Ie dy devant Dieu, cela m'en détourne grandement. 
Depuis Ie mois d'avril, auquel je retournay d'avec les 
sauvages, je n'ay pas regardé un seul mot de leur 
langue. Le P. Lallemant, qui n'est pas si assidu à 
l'estude, a voulu, au commencement de sa venue, 
prendre un petit garde au travail de nos hommes. 
Enfin il s'en [140] est défait, me confessant ingénue- 
ment, ce qu'il n'avoit pas voulu croire, qu'il estoit 
impossible d'estudier avec ce soin. On donne un 
temps tout libre à ceux qui estudient dans nos classes; 
ils ont de braves maistres; ils ont de bons livres; ils 
sont logés commodément: et moy qui suis sans livres, 
sans maistres, mallogé, pourray-je bien estudier avec 
un soin qui m'occupe quasi tout entier bien souvent? 
V. R. considerera cecy devant Dieu, s'il luy plaist; 
je ne veux que sa plus gran de gloire. II est vray 
que je me bas contre mon ombre; Ie temps parle 
pour moy: il y a plus de trois ans (ou il y aura à la 
venue des vaisseaux) que je suis en charge; Ie Père 
Lallemant estant ce qu'il est, et demeurant à Kebec, 
contentera infiniement. J e remercie desjà par avance 
V. R. de ce qu'elle m'accordera cette requeste. 
V oicy la seconde. 
Le P. Benier m'escrit qu'il ne se sçauroit consoler 



1633-34] LE .IEUNE TO THE PRO VLYCIAL 63 


or very little ready; the ships will soon be ready to 
sail away; I shall not have my letters and reports 
prepared to send Your Reverence in regard to our 
needs, but I am hurrying as much as possible. If I 
were not Superior, I would be free from all this and 
would have been up there a long time ago. I am pre- 
paring to go there and remain until spring, or until 
the coming of the ships. I have not a mind capable 
of so many things: the care of our people, little diffi- 
culties of so many kinds, in short, all are brought to 
the Superior; and that distracts him greatly, especially 
at Kebec, where we are quite numerous. Add to this 
the sermons, confessions, and visits. I am willing to 
think that all these things would not greatly interfere 
with Father Lallemant's study of the language; as 
for me, I say it before God, it distracts me greatly 
therefrom. Since the month of April, when I re- 
turned from my stay with the savages, I have not 
looked at a word of their language. Father Lalle- 
mant, who is not so studious, wished, when he first 
came, to pay a little attention to the work of our men. 
Finally he got [140J rid of this duty, confessing to 
me frankly, what he had been unwilling to believe, 
that it was impossible to study with this care. Time 
altogether free is given to those who study in our 
classes, they have good teachers, they have good 
books, they are comfortably lodged; and I, who am 
without books, without masters, badly lodged, shall 
I be able to study, engrossed with cares which very 
often occupy me almost entirely? Your Reverence 
will consider this before God, if you please; I wish 
only his greater glory. It is true that I start at my 
own shadow; but time speaks for me,- it is more 
than three years (or will be at the coming of the 
ships) since I have been in charge; Father Lallemant, 



64 


LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


de ce qu'il ne vient point en Canada, sinon dans la 
veue de ses péchés qui l' en empêchent; il me prie 
d'escrire à Rome pour luy. Je dy tout mon cæur à 
V. R. il espère que de là on luy ouvrira la porte, les 
Provinciaux luy fermans en France. J'en ay escry, 
comme il m'en supplie; mais ce n'est pas de là que 
j'attend ma plus grande consolation, mon R. P. Per- 
mettés moy, que je Ie demande pour Dieu, au nom 
de Dieu et en Dieu, pour Ie salut de plusieurs [141] 
âmes; je renonce entièrelnent à tout ce qu'il y auroit 
de déréglé dans mon affection; non, mon R. P., ce 
n'est point l'affection de la créature qui parle. Si. V. 
R., à qui Dieu se communique plus abondamment qu'à 
un pauvre pécheur, juge dans un dénuement de tout 
en la présence de Jesus Christ, qu'il soit plus néces- 
saire en France et auprès d'une femme 1, qu'au mi- 
lieu de ces peuples barbares, je ne Ie demande plus: 
11lajore11l Dei gloriam spccto. S'il rend tant soit peu 
plus de services à Notre Seigneur où il est, qu'il ne 
feroit en la Nouvelle France, qu'il y demeure, au 
nom de Dieu; c'est là où je Ie souhaitte. Mais si V. 
R. juge que Dieu Ie veuille icy, je Ie demande de 
tout mon cæur. La crainte que j'ay qu'il n'arrive 
quelque changement, me fait conjurer v. R. de nous 
donner selon Ie cæur qu' elle a pour nous: Si je sça- 
vois que celui qui luy pourra succeder dût hériter de 
son amour, je ne serois pas si importun; car il est 
vray que je suis honteux de tant presser. 
Encore ce coup, mon R. P., qui sera conforme à son 
affection: donnez-nous, s'il vous plaist, Ie P. Benier, 
et Ie P. Vimont, si Ie P. Benier ne passe pendant 
qu'elle est en charge, je ne l'attend plus; [142J je Ie 


J Le P. Benier était confesseur de la princesse X ***. 



1633-34] LE .I E UNE TO THE PRO VINCIAL 65 


being what he is, and dwelling at Kebec, will give 
great satisfaction. I thank Your Reverence in ad- 
vance for granting me this request. Here is the 
second. 
Father Benier writes me that he would be inconsol- 
able at not coming to Canada, if he were not con- 
fronted with his sins, which prevent him from it; he 
begs me to write to Rome for him. I tell Your Rev- 
erence frankly that he hopes they will open to him, 
from there, the door which the Provincials have 
closed to him in France. I have written them, as he 
requested me; but it is not from there that I expect 
my greatest consolation, my Reverend Father. Per- 
mit me to ask him for God, in the name of God, and 
in God, for the salvation of many [141] souls; I re- 
nounce entirely anything immoderate in my affection; 
no, my Reverend Father, it is not the affection of the 
creature which speaks. If Your Reverence, to whom 
God communicates himself more fully than to a poor 
sinner, should deem, in the presence of Jesus Christ, 
uninfluenced by any motive whatsoever, that he is 
more necessary in France and near a woman * than in 
the midst of these barbarous people, I ask for him no 
more; maj'orem Dei gloriam spedo. If he renders more 
service to Our Lord where he is, however little it may 
be, than he would in New France, let him remain 
there, in the name of God; it is there where I wish 
him to be. But if Your Reverence thinks that God 
wishes him here, I ask for him with all my heart. 
My fear that some changes may occur makes me con- 
jure Your Reverence to give to us according to your 
affection for us. If I knew that he who may succeed 
you would inherit your love, I would not be so im- 
portunate; for truly I am ashamed to be so urgent. 
* Father Benier was c.onfessor of the princess X ***.- [Carayon.] 



66 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


demanderay tant à Dieu, et j'ay une confiance en 
luy, qu'il nous Ie donnera. 
V. R. trouvera-t'elle bon que je parle encore une 
fois librement pour un moment de temps. Le P. LaI- 
lemant Supérieur à Kebec, Ie P. Vimont et Ie P. Bu- 
teux demeureront au fort, Ie P. Benier, Ie P. Pinette 
ou Ie P. Garnier, et Ie P. Le J eune aux Trois-Ri- 
vières. Le P. Pinette ou Ie P. Garnier, et Ie P. Mer- 
cier, qui est au colIége de Paris, pour les Hurons; je 
ne cognoy pas ce dernier, mais on m'en dy du bien. 
Pardonnez moi mon R. Père, pardonnez moi mes sot- 
tises, j'entend que toutes mes demandes soient des 
refus, si elles ne sont conformes aux volontés de Dieu, 
qui me seront déclarées par celIe de V. R. que j'em- 
brasseray de tout mon cæur jusques à Ia mort, si je 
puis et ultra. J e ne peux ny ne veux déterminer de 
moyen aucune façon, ny des autres; je propose avec 
amour et confiance et avec indifference; mais je de- 
mande Ies meilleurs ouvriers que je peux, pour ce 
qu'il faut icy, en vérité, des esprits qui viennent à Ia 
croix et non aux conversions, qui soient extrêmement 
souples et dociles: autrement il n'y a icy plus de paix 
et par conséquent point de fruit. Il faut la chasteté 
de nos constitutions tout-à-fait angélique; il ne faut 
qu'estendre la main pour cueillir Ia pomme du péché. 
[143] C'est à ce coup que mes longueurs seront en- 
nuieuses; car ce n'est pas encor fait. Parlons de 
l'estat auquel est notre maison 1 pour Ie présent. 
Nous avons une maison qui a quatre chambres bas- 
ses: la première sert de chapelle, la seconde de ré- 
fectoire, et dans ce réfectoire sont nos chambres. 
II y a deux petites chambres passables, car elles sont 
1 Notre-Dame des Anges, près de Québec. 



1633-34] LE .IEUl'{E TO THE PROVINCIAL 67 


Yet this one favor, my Reverend Father, which will 
be in harmony with your affection; give us, if you 
please, Father Benier and Father Vimont. If Father 
Benier does not come over while you are in charge, I 
shall never expect him; [142] I shall ask for him fer- 
vently from God, and I am confident that he will give 
him to us. 
Will Your Reverence overlook it if I continue a 
moment longer to speak freely? Father Lallemant 
being Superior at Kebec, Father Vimont and Father 
Buteux will remain at the fort; Father Benier, Fa- 
ther Pinette, or Father Garnier, and Father Le J eune, 
at Three Rivers. Father Pinette, or Father Garnier, 
and Father Mercier, who is at the college of Paris, 
for the Hurons; I am not acquainted with the last 
named, but they speak well of him to me. Pardon 
me, my Reverend Father, pardon me my foolishness; 
I expect that all my requests will be refused, if 
they are not conformable to the will of God, which 
will be declared to me through that of Your Rever- 
ence, and which I shall embrace with all my heart, 
even unto death, and beyond, if I can. I cannot, and 
do not wish, to decide for myself in any way, nor for 
others; I suggest with love and confidence, and with 
indifference; I ask for the best workers that I can 
have, because such are needed here,- in truth, men 
who come for the sake of the cross and not for con- 
versions, who are extremely pliant and docile; other- 
wise there will be no longer any peace here, and con- 
sequently no fruit. The altogether angelic chastity 
demanded by our constitutions is necessary here; one 
needs only to extend the hand to gather the apple 
of sin. 
[143J It is at this point that my tediousness will 
become wearisome; for it is not yet finished. Let 



68 


LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


de la grandeur d'un horn me en quarré; il y en a deux 
autres qui ont chacune huict pieds; mais il y a deux 
lits en chaque chambre. Voila pour six personnes 
fort étroitement; les autres, quand nous étions tous 
ensemble, couchoient au grenier. La troisième 
grande chambre sert de cuisine; la quatrième c'est 
la chambre de nos gens: voilà tout nostre logement. 
Dessus nous est un grenier, si bas qu'on n'y sçauroit 
10ger; nous y montons avec une échelle. 
II yavoit un autre bastiment de mesme grandeur 
vis-à-vis de celuy-cy. Les Anglois en ont bruslé la 
moitié; l'autre moitié est couverte seulement de bou- 
sillée; elle sert de grange, d'estable, et de menuise- 
rie. Nos gens, cette année, ant fait des aix, ont esté 
quérir les arbres dans les bois; ils ont mis des portes, 
des fenestres par tout; ils ont fait les petites chambres 
au réfectoire, quelques meubles, tables, [144J esca- 
beaux, crédences pour la chapelle et autres choses 
semblables; ils ont enfermé notre maison de grands 
pieux de sapin, nous faisant une belle cour d'environ 
cent pieds en quarré, Ie Pere de Nouë conduisant cet 
ouvrage. Ces pieux ont quatorze pieds de hault; il 
y en est entré près de douze cent. Cela est beau à 
voir et bien utile. Nous y avons mis de bonnes 
portes, que Louys a bien ferrés; avec tout cela on a 
cultivé, labouré, et ensemencé nos terres défrichées: 
voilà les plus gros ouvrages de nos gens, et l'estat de 
la maison. 
V oicy ce qu'il faut faire doresnavant: 
11 faut dresser une petite maison en une pointe de 
terre, qui est vis-à-vis de nous 1 . II n'y a que la ri- 
vière à passer; l'eau tourne quasi tout à l'entour de 
1 La pointe aux Lièvres, à l'entrée de la rivière Saint-Charles. 



1633-34] LE .IEUNE TO THE PROVINCIAL 69 


us speak of the condition of our house * at the pres- 
ent time. We have a house which contains four 
rooms below: the first serves as chapel, the second 
as refectory, and in this refectory are our rooms. 
There are two little square rooms of moderate size, 
for they are proportioned to a man's height; there 
are two others) each of which has a dimension of 
eight feet; but there are two beds in each room. 
These are rather narrow quarters for six persons; the 
others, when we are all together, sleep in the garret. 
The third large room serves as kitchen, and the 
fourth is the room for our working people; this is 
our entire lodging. Above is a garret, so low that no 
one can dwell there; to this we mount with a ladder. 
There was another building of the same size, op- 
posite this one. The English burned half of it, and 
the other half is covered only with mud; it serves us 
as a barn, a stable, and a carpenter's room. Our 
workingmen this year have made boards, have gone 
to the woods to get the trees, have placed doors and 
windows throughout, have made the little rooms in 
the refectory, some furniture, tables, [144] stools, 
credence-tables for the chapel, and other similar 
things; they have enclosed our house with large 
poles of the fir tree, making for us a fine court about 
a hundred feet square, being superintended in this 
work by Father de N ouë. These poles are fourteen 
feet high, and there are about twelve hundred of 
them. It looks well, and is quite useful. We have 
placed some gates therein, which Louys has bound 
with iron. In addition to all this, we have cultivat- 
ed, tilled, and seeded our cleared lands. So these 
are the more important works of our people, and the 
condition of the house. 


· Notre Dame des Anges.
 near Quebec.- [Carayon.] 



70 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


cette pointe, faisant une peninsule. N ous avons com- 
mencé à la fermer de pieux du costé de la terre, et 
nous logerons là dedans notre bestial, sçavoir est, les 
vaches et les cochons; il faut à cet effet dresser là 
une petite maison, pour ceux qui en auront soin, 
comme aussy de bonnes estables bien abbritées contre 
le froid. 
L'an passé, on nous envoya un homme pour char- 
pentier qui ne l'estoit pas, ce qui est cause qu'on n'a 
point basty cette année, ce qui nous a fait un [145] 
grand tort. 11 faut en outre achever de dresser ce 
bastiment bruslé par les Anglois. On est après de- 
puis la venue des navires, qui nous ont apporté un 
charpentier; il faut des planches pour Ie couvrir, faire 
les portes, fenestres, etc. II nous faut faire une 
grange pour mettre ce qu' on recueillera de la terre. 
II faut faire un puis: nous allons querir l'eau à deux 
cents pas de la maison; c' est une grande peine, 1 'hi- 
ver notamment qu'il faut casser la glace de la rivière 
pour avoir de l'eau. 11 faut raccommoder et agran- 
dir notre cave, que nous avons entretenue jusques icy. 
II faut redresser plus de la moitié du bastiment ou 
nous logeons, et recouvrir tout, car il pleut et neige 
par tout: au commencement nos Pères ne firent qu'un 
meschant todis, pour se loger; les Anglois Ie négli- 
geans, il seroit desjà par terre, si nous ne fussions 
retournés pour l'entretenir; ce ne sont que des plan- 
ches et de petites lattes, sur lesquelles on a bousil1é. 
11 faut du monde pour Ie bestial; il faut labourer et 
ensemencer Ie peu que nous avons de terre; il faut 
faucher et faire la moisson; il faut faire Ie bois de 
chaufage, qu'on va desjà quérir assés loing sans char- 
rette; il faut faire de la chaux. 



1633-34] 


LEJEUNE TO THE PROVINCIAL 


71 


The following i
 what must be done in future: 
We must erect a small house upon a point of land 
which is opposite.* We need only cross the river to 
reach it; the water almost surrounds this point, 
forming a peninsula. We have begun to enclose it 
with stakes on the land side, and we shall keep there 
our cattle; that is, our cows and pigs; for this pur- 
pose we must build a little house) for those who will 
take care of them, and also some good stables shel- 
tered from the cold. 
Last year they sent us a man as a carpenter who 
was not one; and for this reason there has been no 
building this year, which has done us [145] great 
harm. We must also repair the damages in the 
building burned by the English. They have been 
doing this since the coming of the ship, which 
brought us a carpenter; we must have planks with 
which to cover it, and make doors, windows, etc. 
We must make a barn in which to put our crops. 
We must have a well; we have to go for water two 
hundred steps from the house, which causes us great 
trouble, especially in the winter, when we have to 
break the ice of the river in order to get it. We 
must repair and enlarge our cellar, which until now 
we have kept in good order. We must rebuild more 
than half of the building where we now are, and put 
a new roof upon it, for the rain and snow penetrate 
everywhere; at first, our Fathers made only a miser- 
able hut in which to live; the English neglecting it, 
it would have fallen to the ground if we had not re- 
turned to preserve it; it is made only of planks and 
small laths, upon which some mud has been plastered. 
We must have people to look after the cattle; the 
little ground that we have must be tilled and sown; 
* La pointe aux Lièvres, at mouth of river Saint Charles.- [Carayon.] 



72 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


II y a mille choses que je ne sçaurois rapporter: 
que V. R. voie si c'est trop de dix personnes pour 
tout cela. Nous en demanderions vingt ou trente, 
[146] s'il y avoit de quoy les nourrir et payer; mais 
nous nous restreignons à dix, avec trois de nos 
Frères, et encore ne sçay-je si on pourra fournir, en 
France, ce qu'il faut pour cecy et pour nous, tant il 
y va de dépenses. 


Ce qu' on peut prétendre de cette maison pour soulager la 
missz"on et fraz"s qu' elle doit faire pour notre elltret-ien. 
II y a quatre gros articles qui font la plus grande 
dépense de cette mission: les lards qu'on envoie, Ie 
beurre, les boissons et les farines; avec Ie temps, Ie 
pays peut fournir cecy. Pour les lards, si dès cette 
année nous eussions esté bastis, il n'en eût point fal- 
Iu envoyer, ou pas tant, l'année prochaine: nous 
avons deux grosses truies qui nourrissent chacune 
quatre petits cochons; il a fallu nourrir cela tout 
l'esté dans notre cour à découvert. Le P. Masse 
nous a esIevé ce bestial. Si cette pointe dont j'ay 
par1é estoit fermée, on les mettroit là, et on ne leur 
donneroit rien I' esté; je veux dire que dans quelque 
temps nous aurons du lard pour notre provision, c'est 
un article de 400 livres défalqué. Pour Ie beurre, 
nous avons deux vaches, deux petites genisses et un 
petit taureau. M. de Caen laissant icy son bestial, 
voyant qu'il se fust perdu, nous retirasmes trois 
vaches; de [147] la famille, qui est icy, trois autres; 
eux et nous avons donné à M. Giffard chacun une 
vache; il nous en reste ce que je viens de dire. 
Faute de logement, elles nous coustent plus qu'elles 
ne valent: car il faut détourner nos gens de choses 



1633-34] LE .IEUNE TO THE PRO VI1YCIAL 73 


the harvest must be cut and gathered in. We must 
prepare firewood, which they have to get at some 
distance away, and without a cart. We must have 
some lime made. 
There are a thousand things which I cannot men- 
tion, but Your Reverence may see whether ten per- 
sons are too many for all this. We would ask for 
twenty or thirty, [146] if there were anything with 
which to feed and maintain them; but we restrict 
ourselves to ten, with three of our Brothers; and 
even then I do not know if they will be able to fur- 
nish, in France, what will be necessary for these and 
for us, so great are the expenses. 
fVlzat may be expected of tltis house for tIle ass'istance of 
tIle misS'ion, and the expenses necessary for our support. 
There are four staples which make up the greatest 
expense of this mission: the pork, butter, drinks, and 
flour, which are sent; in time, the country may fur- 
nish these things. As to pork, if from the begin- 
ning of this year we had had abuilding, no more of 
it, or not much, would have had to be sent next year; 
we have two fat sows which are each suckling four 
little pigs, and these we have been obliged to feed all 
summer in our open court. Father :Masse has raised 
these animals for us. If that point of which I have 
spoken were enclosed, they could be put there and 
during the summer nothing need be given them to 
eat; I mean that in a short time we shall be provided 
with pork, an article which would save us 400 livres. 
As to butter, we have two cows, two little heifers, 
and a little bull. M. de Caen having left his cattle 
here when he saw that he was ruined, we took of 
them three cows, and for [147J the family which 
is here, three others; they and we each gave to 



74 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


plus nécessaires; elles gastent ce que nous avons se- 
mé, et on ne les peut garder dans ces bois, les 
mouches les tourmentent. Elles sont venues trois 
ans trop tost; mais elles fussent mortes, si nous ne 
les eussions recueilly; nous les avons prises comme 
abandonnées. Avec Ie temps elles donneront du 
beurre pour la provision, et des bæufs pour labourer, 
et parfois de la chair. 
Pour la boisson, il faudra faire de la bierre; mais 
nous attendrons encore que nous soyons bastis, et 
qu'il y ait une brasserie dressée: ces trois articles 
sont assurés avec Ie temps. Pour les blés, on a dou- 
té si la terre, où nous sommes, n'estoit point trop 
froide. Allons par ordre, et voyons la nature du sol: 
voicy deux années que tout ce qui est du jardinage, 
qui ne Iève que trop, a été mangé par Ia vermine, 
qui provient ou du voisinage des bois, ou de ce que 
la terre n'est pas bien encor exercée et puri:fiée ny 
aérée. Au milieu de I'esté, cette vermine meurt, et 
nous avons de fort beaux jardinages. 
Pour Ies arbres fruitiers, je ne scay ce qui en sera. 
Nous avons deux allées, l'une de cent pieds [148J et 
plus, l'autre plus grande, plantées de sauvageons de 
part et d'autre fort bien repris; nous avons huit ou 
dix antes de pommiers et poiriers qui sont aussy fort 
bien reprises: nous verrons comme cela réussira. 
J'ay queIque créance que Ie froid nuit grandement 
aux fruits; dans quelques années nous en aurons I' ex- 
périence. On a vu icy autre fois des belles pommes. 
Pour Ie bled d'inde, il meurit bien l'an passé; 
cette année il n'est pas beau. 
Pour Ies pois. je n'en ay point veu chez nous de 
beaux; la terre pousse trop. Ils réussissent fort bien 



1633-34] 


LEJEUNE TO THE PROVINCIAL 


75 


M. Giffard 8 a cow, so we have remaining the number 
that I have just stated. For lack of a building, they 
cost us more than they are worth, for our working 
people are obliged to neglect more necessary things 
for them; they spoil what we have sown; and they 
cannot be tended in the woods, for the insects tor- 
Inent them. They have come three years too soon, 
but they would have died if we had not taken them 
in; we took them when they were running wild. In 
time they will provide butter, and the oxen can be 
used for plowing, and will occasionally furnish meat. 
As to drinks, we shall have to make some beer; but 
we shall wait until we have built, and until a brew- 
ery is erected; these three articles are assured, with 
time. As to grains, some people are inclined to 
think that the land where we are is too cold. Let us 
proceed systematically, and consider the nature of 
the soil: these last two years all the vegetables, which 
come up only too fast, have been eaten by insects, 
which come either from the neighborhood of the 
woods, or from that land which has not yet been 
worked and purified, nor exposed to the air. In 
midsummer these insects die, and we have very fine 
vegetables. 
As to the fruit trees, I do not know how they will 
turn out. "\Ve have two double rows of them, one of 
a hundred feet [148] or more, the other larger, 
planted on either side with wild trees which are well 
rooted. We have eight or ten rows of apple and 
pear trees, which are also very well rooted; we shall 
see how they will succeed. I have an idea that cold 
is very injurious to the fruit, but in a few years we 
shall know from experience. Formerly, some fine 
apples have been seen here. 



76 


LES RELATIONS DES/ÉSUITES 


[V OL. 6 


chez cette famille qui est en lieu hault et plus aéré. 
Le seigle a réussy deux ans. Nous en avons semé 
pour en faire l' expérience; il est fort beau. 
L' orge peut aussy réussir. Reste pour Ie froment: 
nous en avons semé à l'automne en divers temps; il 
s'en est perdu en quelque endroit soubs les neiges; 
en un autre en droit il s'est si bien conservé qu'on ne 
voit point en France de plus beau bled. Nous ne 
sçavons pas bien encor Ie temps qu'il faut prendre 
pour semer devant l'hiver; la famille qui est icy a 
toujours semé du bled marsais, qui meurit fort bien 
en sa terre. Nous en avons semé un peu cette an- 
née; nous verrons s' il meurira. Voila les q uali tés 
du sol où nous sommes. 
J e rapporte tout cecy, pour ce que M. de Lauson [149] 
nous mandoit que nous transportassions nos gens aux 
Trois-Rivières, où l'on va faire une nouvelle habita- 
tion, disant que tout meuriroit mieux en ce quartier 
là. On a esté bien en branle s'ille falloit faire; du 
moins on y vouloit envoyer trois ou quatre hommes. 
J'ay toujours creu qu'il ne falloit point diviser nos 
forces, et qu'il falloit faire réussir une maison, qui 
fût par après Ie soutien des autres; qu'il falloit voir 
Ie bien devant que d'y rien entreprendre. Enfin ceux 
qui sont passés les premiers mandent que la terre y 
est fort sabloneuse; que tous y meurira mieux pour 
un temps, mais que ce sol sera bien tost las. Je m'en 
vay demeurer là, comme j'ay dit, avec Ie P. Buteux; 
nous verrons ce qui en est. Quand la terre seroit 
très-bonne, je ne serois pas d'advis qu'on quittast Ie 
soin de cette maison où nous sommes: c'est l'abord 
des vaisseaux; ce doit estre Ie magasin, Ie lieu de re- 
fuge; la comodité pour Ie bestial, à cause des prai- 



1633-34] LE JEUNE TO THE PROVINCIAL 77 


As to the indian corn, it ripened very nicely the 
past year, but this year it is not so fine. 
As to peas, I have seen no good ones here; their 
growth is too rapid. They succeed very well with this 
family, who live in a higher and more airy location. 
The rye has succeeded well for two years. We 
planted some as an experiment, and it is very fine. 
Barley succeeds also. There remains the wheat; 
we sowed some in the autumn, at different times; in 
some places it was lost under the snow, in others it 
was so well preserved that no finer wheat can be seen 
in France. We do not yet know very well which 
time it is best to take before winter to put in the 
seed; the family living here has always sown spring 
wheat, which ripens nicely in their soil. We sowed 
a little of it this year, and will see whether it ripens. 
So these are the qualities of our soil. 
I report all this because M. de Lauson [149] wrote 
to us that we should transport our people to Three Riv- 
ers, where they were going to make a new settlement, 
saying that everything would ripen better in that quar- 
ter. There was much hesitation as to whether it 
should be done; at least they wanted us to send three 
or four men there. I have always thought that our 
forces should not be divided, and that one house 
should be made successful, which might afterward be 
the support of the others; for it is necessary to see 
some result before undertaking anything else. In 
fact, those who went there first send word that the 
soil is very sandy, and that all would mature better 
for a time; but that this soil will soon be exhausted. 
I am going to live there, as I have said, with Father 
Buteux; we shall see what there is in it. Even if 
the soil is very good, I do not think that the care of 
this house, where we are, should be given up: it is 



78 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


ries, y est grande; pour les farines, au pis aller on 
peut avoir des seigles, mais j'espère qu'on aura aussy 
de bon froment, et que Ie temps enseignera qnand il 
Ie faut semer; si Ie bled marsais meurit, Ie fourment, 
Ie seigle et l'orge viendront icy fort bien. Tirons 
quelques conclusions de ce qu'il faut faire. 
Primo, il se faut bastir pour nous loger, et les ani- 
maux et les bleds. 
[150] Secundo, il faut semer maintenant ce qui est 
nécessaire, seulement pour Ie bestial, et tascher, au 
plus tost dans peu d'années, d'avoir des lards et du 
beurre. 
Tertio, estans logés, tous nos gens s'appliqueront 
à la terre, à défricher et cultiver, pour avoir des bleds. 
Voilà ce me semble 1'0rdre qu'il faut faire garder 
pour Ie temporel; quand on sera basty, on ne tiendra 
plus ny charpentiers, ny artisans, mais seulement 
des défricheurs et Iaboureurs, pour l' entretenement 
de la maison. On empruntera par fois du fort un ar- 
tisan, donnant un homme en sa place pour Ie temps 
qu'on Ie tiendra. 
Ou bien ce qui me semble Ie meilleur, on tiendra 
serviteurs, domestiques, et on nourrira des hommes 
qui défricheront et cultiveront la terre à moitié, et 
ainsy, estans interessés dans leur travail, on n' aura 
que faire de se mettre en peine d' eux. 11 y a encore 
d u temps pour penser à cela. 
V oicy une autre affaire: 
On parle de commencer de nouvelles habitations 
e
 divers endroits, et d'avoir là de nos Peres. J'ay 
une pensée, que nous ne sçaurions pas entreprendre 
de nous loger et bastir partout; ce sera bien tout si 
nous faisons bien réussir Ie lieu où nous sommes, et 



1633-34] LE .IEU.NE TO THE PROVLVCIAL 79 


the landing place of the ships, it ought to be the 
storehouse, or place of refuge; the advantages for 
raising cattle here, on account of the meadows, are 
great. As to the cereals, if the worst comes to the 
worst, we have oats, but I hope that we shall also 
have good wheat, and that time will show us when it 
ought to be sown; if the spring grains ripen, wheat, 
oats, and barley will be produced here very well. 
From this, let us draw some conclusions as to what 
should be done. 
First, we must build some place where we our- 
selves can stay, and can keep our animals and crops. 
[150] Second, we must now sow what is necessary 
for the cattle, and try as soon as possible, in a few 
years, to have some pork and butter. 
Third, being lodged, all our working people will 
apply themselves to clearing and cultivating the land, 
in order to have grains. The following is the order 
which it seems to me we ought to follow, in regard 
to the temporal; when we shall have built, we shall 
no longer keep any carpenters or artisans, but only 
woodchoppers and laborers, for the maintenance of 
the house. Occasionally we shall borrow an artisan 
from the fort, giving a man in his place for the time 
during which we shall keep him. 
Or rather, what seems to me better, we shall keep 
domestic servants, and shall maintain men who win 
clear and cultivate the land by shares, and thus, being 
interested in their work, we shall not have to take any 
trouble for them. There is still time to think of that. 
Here is another matter: 
They are talking about beginning new settlements 
in different places, and of having there some of our 
Fathers. I have an idea that we could not undertake 
to settle and build everywhere; it will be all we can 



80 


LES RELA TI01...-S DES .IÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


partant, pour les autres habitations, deux ou trois de 
nos Peres, ou deux Peres et un garçon y pourront 
[151] aller, et ces messieurs les logeront et entretien- 
dront, et fourniront tout ce qu'il faudra pour l'église 
ou chapelle, s'il leur plaist. Nous allons Ie P. Bu- 
teux et moy, comme j'ay desjà dit, demeurer aux 
Trois-Rivières expressement pour assister nos fran- 
çois, car nous n'irions pas sans cela; cependant nous 
portons des meubles pour la sacristie, et habits pour 
nous, et, ce que je trouve plus étrange, nos propres 
vivres que nous leur donnerons: car nous mangerons 
avec eux, faute de logis où nous puissions nous re- 
tirer. N ous faisons cela volontiers, car j' apprend 
que ces messieurs nous aiment fort, et nous assistent 
tant qu'ils peuvent, selon l'estat de leurs affaires; 
aussy faisons nous, et ferons nous tout ce que nous 
pourrons en leur considération: car outre que nous 
portons aux Trois Rivières jusques à de la cire et de 
la chandelle, nous avons envoyé aux Hurons trois ou 
quatre personnes plus que nous n'eussions fait, n'es- 
toit leurs affaires que j'ay recommandées à nos 
hommes. II est vray qu'ils ont donné quelque chose 
pour ce subject, à ce que m'a dit Ie Pere Lallemant. 
Je ne desire pas les importuner; mais je sçay leur 
aise qu'ils sçachent que nous les servirons de bon 
cæur, et que nous esperons qu'ils donneront ce qu'il 
faut pour l'entretien de [nos] Pères aux nouvelles ha- 
bitations, et qu'ils monteront leur chappelle, comme 
ils ont fait cette année celIe [r 52] de Kébec 1; et 
I (<L'an 1634, Messieurs de la Compagnie ont envoyé pour cent 
escus de meubles et ornements entre autres l'image de saint Joseph 
en bosse qui est sur l'aute1.>> Catalogue des bienfazïeurs de 
Notre-Dame de Recouvrance (Archives du Séminaire de Qué- 
bee). 



1633-34] 


LEJEUJ.VE TO THE PROVINCIAL 


81 


do if we make the place where we are prosper; and 
therefore, for the other settlements, two or three of 
our Fathers, or two Fathers and a boy, can [r 5 rJ go 
to them, and these gentlemen will lodge and main- 
tain them, and will furnish everything for the church 
or chapel that they see fit. \Ve are going, Father 
Buteux and I, as I have said, to live at Three Rivers 
expressly to assist our countrymen, for we would not 
go, were it not for that; however, we are going to 
take furniture for the sacristy, and clothes for our- 
selves, and, what seems to me stranger still, our own 
food, which we shall give to them; for we shall eat 
with them, for lack of a dwelling where we might be 
by ourselves. We do this willingly, for I learn that 
these gentlemen are very much attached to us, and 
assist us as much as they can, according to the con- 
dition of their affairs; also we do, and will do, all 
that we can for their sakes; for, besides carrying with 
us to Three Rivers everything, even to the wax and 
the candles, we have sent to the Hurons three or 
four more persons than we should have done, were 
it not for their affairs which I have entrusted to 
our men. It is true, that they have given some- 
thing for this object, according to what Father Lalle- 
mant has told me. I do not wish to importune them; 
but I am aware that they are glad to know that 
we will serve them willingly, and that we shall ex- 
pect them to give what is necessary for the main- 
tenance of [our] Fathers in the new settlements; and 
that they will furnish their chapel, as they have 
done this year this one [r 52] at Kébec; -}Eo and that 
* .. In the year 1634 the Gentlemen of the Society sent one hundred 
ecus' worth of furniture and ornaments, among others the figure of 
saint Joseph in relief, which is over the altar." Catalogzee of the 
benefactors 0/ Notre-Dame de Recozevrance. (Archives of the 
Seminary at Québec.) - [Carayon.], 



82 


LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


qu'ils donneront aussy des gages et des vivres aux 
hommes que nous tiendrons en leur considération; et 
pour leurs affaires soit dans les Hurons, soit ailleurs, 
nous tenons ces hommes avec nous, afin qu' ils ne se 
débauchent avec les Sauvages et ne donnent mauvais 
exemple, comme ont fait autrefois ceux qui yestoient. 
V oila pour Ie temporel de cette mission; si je me sou- 
viens d'autre chose, je l'escriray en un autre en droit. 
Venons au spirituel. 
Premièrement nous esperons une gran de moisson 
avec Ie temps dans les Hurons, plus grande et plus 
prochaine si on y peut en voyer beaucoup d'ouvriers 
pour passer dans les nations voisines, Ie tout soubs la 
conduite et l'ordonnance du Supérieur qui sera aux 
Hurons. Ces peuples sont sédentaires et en grand 
nom bre; j' espère que Ie P. Buteux sçaura dans un an 
autant du langage montagnais qui j'en sçay, pour 
l'enseigner aux autres, et ainsy j'iray où on voudra. 
Ce n' est pas que j' attende rien de moy; je tacheray 
de servir pour Ie moins de compagnon. Ces peuples, 
où nous sommes, sont errans et en fort petit nombre; 
il sera difficile de les convertir, [153J si on ne les ar- 
reste; j'en ay apporté les moyens dans la Relation. 
Pour Ie Seminaire, hélas! pourroit-on bien avoir 
un fond pour cela? Dans les bastimens dont j'ay 
par1é, nous désignons un petit lieu pour Ie commen- 
cer, attendant qu'on fasse exprès un corps de logis 
pour ce subject. Si nous estions bastis, j' espérerois 
que dans deux ans Ie P. Brebeuf nous envoiroit des 
enfants hurons; on les pourroit instruire icy avec 
toute liberté, estans éloignés de leur parens. 0 Ie 
grand coup pour la gloire de Dieu, si cela se faisoit! 
Quant aux enfants des Sauvages de ce pais-cy, il y 



1633-34] LE JEUNE TO THE PRO VIi'lCIAL 83 


they will give also wages and food to the men whom 
we shall keep for their sakes; and on their account, 
either among the Hurons, or elsewhere, we keep 
these men with us, in order that they may not be- 
come debauched with the Savages and show a bad 
example, as those did who were here formerly. This 
is all there is to be said for the temporal interests of 
this mission; if I remember anything else, I shall 
write it in another place. 
Let us come to the spiritual. 
First, we shall hope to have in time a great har- 
vest among the Hurons,- greater and nearer, if we 
can send there many laborers to pass into the neigh- 
boring tribes, all to be under the leadership and com- 
mand of the Superior who will be among the Hurons. 
These people are sedentary and very populous ; I 
hope that Father Buteux will know in one year as 
much of the montagnais language as I know of it, in 
order to teach it to the others, and thus I shall go 
wherever I shall be wanted. It is not that I expect 
anything of myself, but I shall try to serve at least as 
a companion. These people, where we are, are wan- 
dering, and very few in number; it will be difficult to 
convert them, [153] if we cannot make them station- 
ary; I have discussed the means for doing this, in my 
Relation. 
As to the Seminary, alas! if we could only have a 
fund for this purpose! In the structures of which I 
have spoken, we marked out a little place for the be- 
ginning of one, waiting until some special houses be 
erected expressly for this purpose. If we had any 
built, I would hope that in two years Father Brebeuf 
would send us some h uron children; they could be 
instructed here with all freedom, being separated 



84 


LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


aura plus de peine à les retenir; je n'y voy point 
d'autre moyen que celuy que touche V. R. d'envoyer 
un enfant tous les ans. en France: ayant esté là deux 
ans, il y reviendra sçachant la langue; estant desjà 
accoustumé à nos façons de faire, il ne nous quittera 
point et retiendra ses petits compatriotes. Notre 
petit Fortuné, qu'on a renvoyé pour estre malade, et 
que nous ne pouvons rendre à ses parens, car il n'en 
a point, est tout autre qu'il n'estoit, encor qu'il n'ait 
demeuré que fort peu en France; tant s'en faut qu'il 
courre après les Sauvages, il les fuit, et se rend fort 
obéissant. En vérité il m'estonne: car il s'encouroit 
incontinent aux cabanes de ces barbares sitost qu' on 
lui disoit un mot; il ne pouvoit [154] souffrir qu'on 
luy commandast quoy que ce fust: maintenant il est 
prompt à ce qu'il peut faire. Je voulois envoyer 
cette année une petite fille, que la famille, qui est icy, 
m'a donnée, peut-être encore un petit garçon, selon Ie 
désir de V. R. 11ais 
1.. de Champlain m'a dit que M. 
de Lauson luy avoit recommandé de ne laisser passer 
aucun Sauvage petit ou grand. Je l'avois prié l'an 
passé du contraire; j' ay quelque pensée que Ie P. 
Lallemant a quelque part en ce conseil et en cette 
conclusion. V oicy les raisons pourquoy ils jugent 
qu'il n'est pas expédient qu'il en passe: 1 0 L'ex- 
emple des deux qui sont passés, et qui se sont perdus. 
J e respond que Louys 1 Ie Huron, fut pris et corrom- 
pu par les Anglois, et encor a-t-il fait icy Ie debvoir 
de chrestien, se confessant et communiant, l' an pas- 
sé, à sa venue et à son départ de Kébec; il est main- 
tenant prisonnier des Hiroquois. Pour Pierre Ie 
1 Louis Amantacha, surnommé de Sainte-Foy, qui avait été bap- 
tisé en France. 



1633-34] 


LE .fEUNE TO THE PROVI.NCIAL 


85 


from their parents. Oh, what a great stroke for the 
glory of God, if that were done! 
As to the children of the Savages in this country, 
there will be more trouble in keeping them; I see no 
other way than that which Your Reverence suggests, 
of sending a child every year to France. Having been 
there two years, he will return with a knowledge of 
the language, and having already become accustomed 
to our ways, he will not leave us and will retain his 
little countrymen. Our little Fortuné, who has been 
sent back because he was sick, and who can not return 
to his parents, for he has none, is quite different from 
what he was, although he has lived only a little while 
in France; so far from mingling with the Savages, 
he runs away from them, and is becoming very obe- 
dient. In truth he astonishes me, for he used to 
begin to run to the cabins of the barbarians as soon 
as we said a word to him; he could not [I 54] suffer 
anyone to command him, whoever he might be; now 
he is prompt in whatever he does. This year I 
wished to send a little girl, who was given me by 
the family, that lives here, and perhaps also a little 
boy, according to Your Reverence's wish. But M. 
de Chatnplain told me that 11. de Lauson had recom- 
mended him not to let any Savage go over, sm
ll or 
great. I begged him last year to allow this to be 
done; I have an idea that Father Lallemant has some 
share in this advice and in this conclusion. Here are 
the reasons why they think that it is not expedient 
for them to go over: I st. The example of the two 
who haye gone over and who have been ruined. I an- 
swer that Louys * the Huron was taken and cor- 
rupted by the English; and yet he has here per- 
* Louis Amantacha, surnamed Sainte-Foy, who was baptized in 
France.- [Carayon.] 



86 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


montagnais 1, mené [155] en France par les Pères Ré- 
colets, estant icy de retour, il fuyoit les Sauvages: 
on Ie contraignit de retourner avec eux pour ap- 
prendre la langue, qu'il avoit oubliée; il n'y vouloit 
pas aller, jusque là qu'il dit: On me force, mais si 
j'y retourne une fois on ne m'aura pas comme on 
voudra. Les Anglois sont survenus là-dessus, qui 
1'0nt gasté; adjoustés que je n'ay point veu sauvage 
si sauvage et si barbare que luy. 
i 'autre raison du P. Lallemant est que ces enfans 
cousteront à nourrir et entretenir en France, et la 
mission est pauvre. S'ils sont en un collége, on de- 
mandera pension; s'ils sont ailleurs, cela retardera 
les aumônes que feroient les personnes qui les nour- 
riront. Je répond que les collèges ne prendront point 
de pension, et quand il en faudroit, je trouve la chose 
si importante pour la gloire de Dieu, qu'il la faudroít 
donner. Le P. Lallemant commence à gouster roes 
raisons; car je l'assure qu'on ne peut retenir les petits 
Sauvages, s'ils ne sont dépaïsés ou s'ils n'ont quelques 
camarades qui les aident à demeurer volontiers. 
Nous en avons eû deux: en l'absence des sauvages, 
ils obéissoient tellement quellement; les sauvages 
estoient-ils cabanés près de nous, nos enfants n' es- 
toient plus à nous, nous n'osions leur rien dire. 
Si nous pouvons avoir quelques enfants cette [15 6 ] 
J Ou Pierre-Antoine Patetchoanen, (( qui depuis cinq ans (1620 - 5) 
avoit été envoyé en France par nos religieux de Kébec; lequel 
après avoir été bien instruit et endoctriné aux choses de la foy, fut 
baptizé et nommé par deffunt M. Ie Prince de Guiménée, son parrain, 
Pierre Antoine, qu'il entretint aux études jusques après sa mort, 
que l'enfant fut congru en la langue latine, et si bon françois, qu'es- 
tant de retour à Kébec, nos religieux furent contraints Ie renvoyer 
pour quelque temps entre ses parens, afin de reprendre les idées 
de sa langue maternelle, qu'il avoit presque oublié.)) (F. Sagard.) 



1633-34] 


LE ./EUJ\YE TO THE PRO VIXCIAL 


87 


formed the duties of a christian, confessing and tak- 
ing communion last year at his arrival, and at his de- 
parture from Kebec; he is now a prisoner of the Hi- 
roquois. As to Pierre the montagnais *, taken [155] 
into France by the Récolet Fathers, when he re- 
turned here, he fled from the Savages; he was com- 
pelled to return among them, in order to learn the 
language, which he had forgotten; he did not wish 
to go, even saying: "They are forcing me; but, if I 
once go there, they will not get me back as they 
wish." At that time the English came upon the 
scene, and they have spoiled him; I may add that I 
have not seen a savage so savage and so barbarous as 
he is. 
Father Lallemant's other reason is that it will cost 
something to maintain these children in France, and 
the mission is poor. If they are in a college, their 
board will have to be paid; if they are elsewhere, 
that will diminish the alms which would be given 
by the persons who support them. I answer that 
the colleges will not take anything for board; and, if 
it were necessary to pay this, I find the affair so im- 
portant for the glory of God, that it ought to be 
given. Father Lallemant begins to appreciate my 
reasons, for I assured him that we could not retain 
the little Savages, if they be not removed from their 
native country, or if they have not some companions 
* Pierre-Antoine Patetchoanen, .. who, five years ago, (1620- 5) 
was sent into France by our religious of Kébec; after having been 
taught and instructed in the doctrines of the faith, be was baptized 
and named by the deceased M. Ie Prince de Guiménée, his god- 
father, Pierre Antoine, who maintained him at his studies up to the 
time of his death, until the child became so well versed in the lat- 
in language, and so good a frenchman, that having returned to 
Kébec, our religious were obliged to send him back for a little 
while to his parents, so that he might regain the ideas of his native 
tongue, which he had almostforgotten. "l
 (F. Sagard.) - [Carayon.] 



88 


LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


année, je feray mon possible pour les faire passer, du 
moins deux garçons, et cette petite fille, qui trouvera 
trois maisons pour une. On m'en demande en plu- 
sieurs endroits. Si M. Duplessis m'écoute, au nom 
de Dieu, soit. Quant Ie P. Lallemant aura expéri- 
menté la difficulté qu'il y a de retenir ces enfants 
libertins, il parlera plus haut que moy. 
V. R. voit, par tout ce qui a esté dit, Ie bien que 
l'on peut espérer pour la gloire de Dieu de toutes ces 
contrées, et combien il est important, non-seulement 
de ne rien divertir ailleurs de ce qui est donné pour 
la mission de Kebec, mais encore de trouver quelque 
chose pour faire subsister du moins une maison qui 
serve de retraite aux N ostres, qui serve de séminaire 
pour des enfants et pour les Nostres qui apprendront 
un jour les langues, car il y a quantité de peuples 
différens tous en langage. 
Voici encore. . . . . 


(Le reste manque au 11lanuscr-Ü.) 



1633-34] LE .IEUNE TO THE PRO V INCIAL 89 


who help them to remain of their own free will. \Ve 
have had two of these: in the absence of the savages 
they obeyed tolerably well, but when the savages 
were encamped near us, our children no longer be- 
longed to us, we dared say nothing. 
If we can have some children this [156] year I shall 
do all I can to have them go over, at least two boys 
and this little girl, who will find three homes for one. 
Several places have asked me for them. If M. Du- 
plessis listens to me, in the name of God, so let it be. 
\Vhen Father Lallemant shall have found out the diffi- 
culty there is in keeping these wild children, he will 
speak more peremptorily than I do. 
Your Reverence sees, through all that has been 
said, the benefits to be expected for the glory of God 
from all of these countries, and how important it is, 
not only not to divert to some other places what is 
given for the mission at I
ebec, but still more to find 
something for the maintenance at least of a house 
which may serve as a retreat for Our Associates, as a 
seminary for children, and for Our Brothers who will 
one day learn the languages, for there are a great 
many tribes differing altogether in their language. 
Still further . . . . . 


(The rest of this mallllscript Ù lacking.) 




XXIII 


LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 16 34 


PARIS: SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, 16 35 


SOURCE: Title-page and text reprinted from the copy of 
the first issue, in Lenox Library. Table des Chapitres, from 
the second issue, at Lenox. 
Chaps. i.- ix., only, are given in the present volume; the 
concluding portion will appear in Volume VII. 



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RELATION 


OF \VHAT OCCURRED 
IN 
NEvV FRANCE, 
IN THE YEAR 1634. 
Sent to the 
REVEREND FATHER PROVINCIAL 
of the Society of JESUS in the 
Province of France. 


By Father Paul It> JeU1lC, of tIle same Society, 
Superior of tile Reside1lce of Kebec. 


PARIS, 
SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, Printer in ordinary to the King. 
Ruë St. Jacques, at the Sign of the Storks. 
M DC. XXXV. 
BY ROYAL LICENSE. 



96 


LES RELATIONS DES/ÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


[iii] Extraiét du Priuilege du Roy. 


P AR Grace & Priuilege du Roy, il eft permis à 
Sebaftien Cramoify, Imprimeur o[r]dinaire du 
Roy, marchand Libraire Iuré en l'Vniuerfité 
de Paris, d'imprimer ou faire imprimer vn liure inti- 
tulé, Relatio1l de ce qui s' ejl paffé en la Nou21elle France 
en l' anllée mil fix cellS tre1lte-qllatre, Enuoyée au Rew:re1ld 
Pere Bartlzelem)' Iaquinot, ProuÙzcial de la Compagnie de 
IESvs ell la ProuÙzce de France, Par Ie P. Paul Ie Ieulle 
de la me/me Compagnie, Superieur de la Refidellce de Ke- 
bec: & cependant Ie temps & efpace de neuf années 
confecutiues. Auec defenfes à tous Libraires & Im- 
primeurs d'imprimer ou faire imprimer ledit liure, 
fons pretexte de defguifement, ou changement qu'ils 
y pourroient faire, à peine de confifcation, & de l' a- 
mende portée par ledit Priuilege. Donné à Paris Ie 
8. Decembre mil fix cens trente-quatre. 
Par Ie Roy en fon Confeil, 
YICTON. 



1633-34] 


LE JEUNE'S RELA TION. I6J1- 


97 


[iii] Extract from the Royal License. 


B y the Grace and License of the King, permission 
is granted to Sebastien Cramoisy, Printer in 
ordinary to the King, Bookseller under Oath 
in the University of Paris, to print or to have printed 
a book entitled, Relation dc ce qui s' est pass! en la Nou- 
velle France Cll /' allJlée 11lzt six CellS trellte-quatre, EIl'lloyée 
au Revercnd Pere Bart Ilclemy J aquÙlOt , Pr01JÌ11âal dc la 
Compagnie de JESUS CIl la Pro'villce de FranCl', Par Ie P. 
Paul Ie JCllllC de la 11lesme Compag1lie, Superieur de la 
Residence de Kebcc : and this during the time and space 
of nine consecutive years. Prohibiting all Booksell- 
ers and Printers to print or to have printed the said 
book, under pretext of any disguise or change which 
they may make therein, under penalty of confiscation 
and the fine provided by said License. Given at 
Paris, the 8th of December, one thousand six hun- 
dred thirty-four. 


By the King in Council, 
YICTON. 



98 


LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


[I] Relation de ce qvi s'est passé en la Novvelle 
France svr Ie Grand FIeuue de S. Laurens 
en l'année mil fix cens trente-quatre. 


M ON R. PERE, 
Les Lettres de voftre Reuerence, les tef- 
moignages de fon affeétion pour la cõuerfion 
de ces peuples, les effets de fon amour en noftre en- 
droit, la venuë de nos Peres qu'illuy a pleu nous en- 
uoyer pour renfort cette année, les defirs qu' ont vn fi 
grand nom bre des noftres de venir en ces contrées 
facrifier leurs vies & leurs trauaux pour la gloire de 
Noftre Seigneur: Tout cela ioinét auec Ie bon fuccez 
qu'eurent [2] les vaiffeaux l'an paffé à leur retour, & 
l'heureufe arriuée de ceux qui font venus cette année, 
auec Ie zele que tefmoignent :Meffieurs les affociez de 
la Compagnie de la nouuelle France pour la conuer- 
fion de ces peuples barbares. Tous ces biens ioinéts 
enfemble venãs fondre tout à coup dans nos grands 
bois par l'arriuée de 1\Ionfieur du Pleffis General de 
la flotte qui nous met dãs la ioüiffance des vns, & nous 
apporte les bonnes nouuelles des autres, nous comblent 
d'vne confolation fi grande, qu'il me feroit bien diffi- 
cile de la pouuoir bien expliquer: Dieu en foit beny 
à iamais, fi fa bonté continuë de fe refpandre fur ces 

1effieurs, comme nous l'en prions de toute l'eftenduë 
de noftre cæur, tant d'ames plongées dans vne nuiét 
d'erreur qui dure depuis vn fi long-temps, verront en 
fin Ie iour des veritez Chreftiennes: Et noftre bon 



1633-34] 


LE /EUNE'S RELA TION. r6.J4 


99 


[I] Relation of what occurred in New France on 
the Great River St. Lawrence, in the year 
one thousand six hundred thirty-four. 


M y REVEREND FATHER, 
The Letters of your Reverence, the evi- 
dences of your desire for the conversion of 
these people, the effects of your love for us, the com- 
ing of our Fathers whom you have been pleased to 
send this year for our reinforcement, the desires of 
so many of our society to come to these countries and 
sacrifice their lives and their labors for the glory of 
Our Lord: All this, added to the successful return of 
[2J our ships last year, and the fortunate arrival of 
those which have come this year, with the zeal which 
the Honorable associates of the Company of new 
France show for the conversion of these barbarous 
people,- all these blessings together, pouring down 
at once into our great forests through the arrival of 
Monsieur du Plessis, General of the fleet, who makes 
possible for us the enjoyment of some, and brings us 
good news of the others, overwhelm us with a satis- 
faction so great that it would be exceedingly difficult 
to express it well. God be forever praised for these 
blessings! If his goodness continues to be bestowed 
upon these Gentlemen, as we pray it may be with all 
our hearts, many souls plunged in a night of error, 
which has already lasted so long a time, will at last 
see the light of Christian truth. And our good King, 
Monseigneur the Cardinal, the Honorable Associates, 



100 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


Roy, Monfeigneur Ie Cardinal, Meffieurs les Affociez, 
Monfieur Ie Marquis de Gamache grand appuy de 
noftre Miffion & quantité d'autres, par la faueur def- 
quels Ie Sang du Fils de Dieu leur fera vn iour appli- 
qué, auront la gloire & Ie merite d'auoir contribué à 
vne fi fainéte æuure. 
[3] Ie diftingueray la Relation de cefte année par 
chapitres, à la fin defquels ie mettray vn iournal des 
chofes qui n'ont autre liaifon que la fuitte du temps 
auquel elles font arriuées. Tout ce que ie diray tou- 
chant les Sauuages, ou ie l'ay veu de mes yeux, ou ie 
l'ay tiré de la bouche de ceux du pays, nommément 
d'vn vieillard fort verfé dans leur doétrine, & de 
quantité d'autres auec lefquels i'ay paffé fix mois peu 
de iours moins, les fuiuant dans les bois pour ap- 
prendre leur langue. 11 eft bien vray que ces peuples 
n'ont pas to us vne mefme penfée touchant leur cre- 
ance, ce qui fera paroiftre vn iour de la contrarieté 
entre ceux qui traiéteront de leurs façons de faire. 



1633-34] 


LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, r6.J4 


101 


the 
Iarquis de Gamache, 9 a great supporter of our 

Iission, and a number of others, by whose favor the 
Blood of the Son of God will some day be applied to 
these souls, will have the glory and the merit of hav- 
ing contributed to so blessed a work. 
[3] I shall divide the Relation of this year into 
chapters, at the end of which I shall add a journal of 
things which have no other connection than the order 
of time in which they happened. All that I shall 
say regarding the Savages, I have either seen with 
my own eyes, or have received from the lips of na- 
tives, especially from an old man very well versed 
in their beliefs, and from a number of others with 
whom I have passed six months with the exception 
of a few days, following them into the woods to learn 
their language. It is, indeed, true that these people 
have not all the same idea in regard to their belief, 
which will some day make it appear that those who 
treat of their customs are contradicting each other. 



102 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


CHAPITRE 1. 


DES BONS DEPORTEMENS DES FRANÇOIS. 


N OUS auons paffé cette année dans vne grande 
paix & dans vne tres- bonne intelligence auec 
nos François. La fage conduitte & la pru- 
dence de Monfieur de Champlain Gouuerneur de Ke- 
bec [4J & du fleuue fain6\: Laurens qui nous honore 
de fa bien-veillance, retenant vn chacun dans fon de- 
uoir, a fait que nos paroles & nos predicatiõs ayent 
efté bien receuës, & la Chappelle qu'il a fait dreffer 
proche du fort à I 'honneur de noftre Dame, a donné 
vne belle commodité aux François de frequenter les 
Sacremens de l'Eglife, ce qu'ils ont fait aux bonnes 
Feftes de l'année, & plufieurs tous les mois auec vne 
grande fatisfaction de ceux qui les ont affiftez. Le fort 
a paru vne Academie bien reglée, Monfieur de Cham- 
plain faifant faire lecture à fa table Ie matin de quelque 
bon hiftorien, & Ie foir de la vie des Sainds; Ie foir 
fe fait l'examen de confcience en fa chambre & les 
prieres en fuitte qui fe recitent à genoux. 11 fait fon- 
ner la falutation Angelique au commencement, au 
milieu & à la fin du iour fuiuant la couftume de l'E- 
glife. En vn mot nous auons íubied de nous confo- 
ler voyans vn chef fi zelé pour la gloire de N oftre 
Seigneur & pour Ie bien de ces Meffieurs. 
Croiroit-on bien qu'il s'eft trouué vn de nos Fran- 
çois en Canada qui pour contrecarrer les diffolutions 
qui fe font ailleurs [5J au Carnaual, eft venu Ie Mardy 



1633-34] 


LE /EUNE'S RELATION, r634 


103 


CHAPTER I. 


ON THE GOOD CONDUCT OF THE FRENCH. 


W E have passed this year in great peace and on 
very good tenns with our French. The 
wise conduct and prudence of Monsieur de 
Champlain, Governor of Kebec [4] and of the river 
saint Lawrence, who honors us with his good will, 
holding everyone in the path of duty, has caused 
our words and preaching to be well received; and 
the Chapel which he has had erected near the fort, 
in honor of our Lady, has furnished excellent facili- 
ties to the French to receive the Sacraments of the 
Church frequently, which they have done on the 
great Feast Days of the year, and many every month, 
to the great satisfaction of those who administered 
them. The fort has seemed like a well-ordered Acad- 
emy; Monsieur de Champlain has some one read at 
his table, in the morning from some good historian, 
and in the evening from the lives of the Saints; 
then each one makes an examination of his conscience 
in his own chamber, and prayers follow, which are 
repeated kneeling. He has the Angelus 10 sounded 
at the beginning, in the middle, and at the end of 
the day, according to the custom of the Church. In 
a word, we have reason to console ourselves when we 
see a chief so zealous for the glory of Our Lord and 
for the welfare of these Gentlemen. 
Could it be believed that there is one of our 
Frenchmen in Canada, who, to offset the licentious- 



104 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. '6 


gras dernier, pieds & teílé nuë fur la neige & fur la 
glace depuis Kebec iufques en noftre Chappelle, c'eft 
à dire vne bonne demie lieuë, ieufnant Ie mefme iour 
pour accomplir vn væu qu'il auoit fait à Noftre Sei- 
gneur, & tout cela fans autres tefmoings que Dieu & 
nos Peres qui Ie rencontrerent. 
Pendant Ie fainct temps de Carefme, non feulement 
l'abftinence des viandes defenduës & Ie ieufne s'eft 
gardé, mais auffi tel s'eft trouué qui a fait plus de 
trente fois la difcipline, deuotion bien extraordinaire 
aux foldats & aux artifans tels que font icy la plus 
part de nos François. 
V n autre a promis d' employer en æuures pies la 
dixiefme partie de tous les profits qu'il pourra faire 
pendant tout Ie cours de fa vie. Ces petits efchantil- 
Ions font voir que l'Hyuer n'eft pas fi rude en la nou- 
ueUe France qu'on n'y puiffe recueillir des fleurs du 
Paradis. 
Ie mettray en ce lieu, ne fçachant où Ie mieux pla- 
cer ailleurs, ce qu'vn de nos François tres-digne de 
foy & recogneu pour tel, nous a raconté de Iacques 
Michel Huguenot qui amena les Anglois en [6] ce 
pais cy: Ce miferable la veiUe de fa mort ayant vomy 
cõtre Dieu & contre noftre fainét Pere Ignace mille 
blafphemes, & s'eftant donné cette imprecation qu'il 
vouloit eftre pendu s'il ne donnoit vne coupple de 
foufilets auant la nuiét du iour fuiuant à vn de nos 
Peres qui eftoit pris de l' Anglois, vomiffant contre 
luy des iniures fort mefíeantes, il fut furpris bien toft 
apres d'vne maladie qui luy ofta toute cognoiffance & 
Ie fit mourir Ie lendemain comme vne befte: Quatre 
circonftãces de ce rencontre donnerent de l' eftonne- 
ment aux Huguenots mefmes, la maladie qui Ie prit 



]633-34] 


LE .IEUNE'S RELATION, r6.J4 


105 


ness which is carried on in other places [5] during 
the Carnival, came on last shrove Tuesday, with bare 
head and feet, over the snow and ice from Kebec all 
the way to our Chapel; that is, a good half league, 
fasting the same day, to fulfill a vow made to Our 
Lord; and all this was done without any other wit- 
nesses than God, and our Fathers who met him. 
During the holy time of Lent, not only abstinence 
from forbidden meats and fasting were observed, but 
there was a certain one who took the discipline more 
than thirty times,- extraordinary devotion in soldiers 
and artisans, such as are the greater part of our 
Frenchmen here. 
Another has promised to use the tenth part of the 
profits he may make, during the course of his whole 
life, in works of piety. These little samples show 
that the Winter in new France is not so severe that 
some flowers of Paradise may not be gathered there. 
I shall insert here, not knowing where better to 
put it, what one of our Frenchmen, quite worthy of 
credence, and so acknowledged, told us about Jacques 
Michel,11 a Huguenot, who brought the English to 
[6] this country. This wretch, having upon the eve 
of his death, vomited forth a thousand blasphemies 
against God and against our holy Father Ignatius, 
and having uttered this imprecation, that "he would 
be hanged if he did not give a couple of slaps before 
the next evening to one of our Fathers who was tak- 
en by the English," uttering the most unseemly in- 
suI ts against him, was soon afterwards overtaken by 
an illness which bereft him of all conciousness, and 
caused him to die the next day like a beast. Four 
circumstances in this incident astonished the Hugue- 
nots themselves,- the illness which seized him a few 



106 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


quelques heures apres fes blafphemes, l'erreur des 
Chirurgiens qui eftoient en nombre, lefquels don- 
nerent des remedes foporiferes à vn letargique, fon 
trefpas fi foudain & fans cognoiffance, expirant fans 
qu'aucun s'en apperceuft quoy qu'il y euft fix hommes 
aupres de luy, la fureur des Sauuages enuers fon 
corps qui le deterrerent & Ie pendirent felon fon im- 
precation, puis le ietterent aux chiens? Les Anglois 
qui efioient dans Ie fort de Kebec ayant fceu cette 
hifioire tragique, dirent tous efionnez, que fi les Ie- 
{uites {çauoient tout cela qu'ils en feroient des 
miracles. 
[7] Or nous Ie fçauons maintenant & cependant 
nous n'en ferons ny prodiges ny miracles: mais nous 
dirons feulement qu'il ne fait pas bon blafphemer 
contre Dieu ny contre fes fainéts, ny fe bander contre 
fon Roy trahiffant fa patrie: Mais venons maintenant 
à nos Sauuages. 



1633-34] 


LE JEUNE'S RELA TIO
V, JÓ.J4 


107 


hours after his blasphemies; the mistake of the Sur- 
geons, who were numerous, in giving soporific reme- 
dies to a man in a lethargy; his so sudden and un- 
conscious death, expiring without anyone perceiving 
it, although there were six men around him; the 
rage of the Savages against his body, which they dis- 
interred and hanged, according to his imprecations, 
and then threw to the dogs. The English, who were 
in the fort at Kebec, having heard this tragic story, 
were amazed; and said that, if the J esui ts knew all 
that, they would make miracles out of it. 
[7] Now, we do know it, and yet we will make 
neither prodigies nor miracles out of it; but we will 
only say that it is not well to blaspheme against God 
or his saints, nor to strive against one's King to be- 
tray one's country. But now let us come to our 
Savages. 



108 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


CHAPITRE II. 


DE LA CONUERSION, DU BAPTESME & DE L'HEUREUSE 
MORT DE QUELQUES SAUU AGES. 


Q VELQUES Sauuages fe font faiéts Chreftiens 
cette année, trois ont efté baptifez ceft H yuer 
en mon abfence, en voicy Ies particularitez 
toutes pleines de confolation que nos Peres m'ont ra- 
conté à mon retour. 
Le premier eftoit vn ieune homme nommé Safouf- 
mat aagé de 25. à 30. ans, les François Ie furnom- 
moient Marfolet: Le ieune homme entêdant vn iour 
vn Truchement parler des peines d' Enfer & des re- 
compenfes du Paradis, luy dit, mene [8] moyen 
France pour eftre inftruiét, autrement tu refpondras 
de mon arne, donc eftant tombé malade il fut plus 
aifé de 1'induire à fe faire Chreftien, Ie Pere Brebæuf 
m'a donné de luy ce memoire. 
"Ayant appris Ia maladie de ce ieune hõme ie Ie 
" fus vifiter, & Ie trouuay fi bas qu'il auoit perdu Ie 
" iugemêt, nous voila dõc dans vn regret de ne Ie pou- 
" uoir fecourir, ce qui fit prêdre refolution à nos Peres 
" & à moy de prefenter à Dieu Ie lendemain Ie Sacri- 
" fice de la Meffe à l'honneur du glorieux S. Iofeph 
"Patron de cette nouuelle France, pour Ie falut & 
"conuerfion de ce pauure Sauuage: à peine auiõs 
"nous quitté l' Autel qu'on nous vint aduertir qu'il 
"eftoit rentré en fon bon fens, nous Ie fufmes voir, 
"& 1'ayans fondé nous Ie trouuafmes remply d'vn 



1633-34] 


LE .fEUNE'S RELATION, r6j4 


109 


CHAPTER II. 


O.r-; THE CONVERSION, BAPTISM, A.r-;D HAPPY DEATH 
OF CERTAIN SAVAGES. 


S 011E Savages have become Christians this year; 
three have been baptized this Winter during 
my absence. Here are the very encouraging 
particulars of these baptisms, which our Fathers re- 
lated to me upon my return. 
The first was a young man named Sasousmat, 
from 25 to 30 years of age, whom the French have 
surnamed Marsolet. This young man, having one 
day heard an Interpreter talk about the pains of Hell 
and the rewards of Paradise, said to him; "Take [8] 
me to France to be instructed, otherwise thou wilt be 
responsible for my soul. " Then, having fallen sick, 
it was easier to induce him to become a Christian. 
Father Brebæuf gave me this account of him. 
" Having learned of the illness of this young man, 
" I went to visit him, and found him so low that 
"he had lost his reason. Behold us now greatly 
" troubled at not being able to help him, and so we 
" resolved, our Fathers and I, to offer to God the 
" next day the Sacrifice of the Mass in honor of the 
" glorious S1. Joseph, Patron of this new France, for 
" the salvation and conversion of this poor Savage; 
" scarcely had we left the Altar, when they came to 
" tell us that he had recovered his senses; we went 
"to see him, and, having sounded him, we found 
" him filled with a great desire to receive Holy Bap- 



110 


LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


Ii grand defir de receuoir Ie S. Baptefme, nous diffe- 
.. rafmes neantmoins quelques iours pour luy donner 
Ii vne plus grande infiruétion. En fin il m'enuoya 
"prier par nofire Sauuage nommé Manitougatche, & 
"furnommé de nos Frãçois Ia Naffe que ie l'allaffe 
"baptizer, difant que la nuiét precedente il m'auoit 
"veu en dormant venir en fa Cabane pour luy con- 
"ferer ce Sacremet, & qu'auffi-tofi [9] que ie m'e- 
" fiois affis aupres de luy que rout [tout] fon mal s'en 
" efioit allé, ce qu'il me confirma quand ie Ie fus voir: 
" ie luy refufay neantmoins ce qu'il demandoit pour 
" animer dauantage fon defir, fi bien qu'vn autre Sau- 
" uage qui efioit prefent ne pou uant fouffrir ce retarde- 
" ment, me demanda pourquoy ie ne Ie baptizois point 
" puis qu'il ne falloit que ietter vn peu d'eau fur luy 
.. & que s'en efioit fait, mais luyayant reparty que ie 
"me perdrois moy mefme fi ie baptizois vn infidelle 
" & vn mécreant mal infiruiét: Ie malade fe tournant 
" vers vn François, luy dit, Matchounon n'a point 
" d'efprit, c'efi ainfi que s'appelloit cet autre Sauuage, 
.. il ne croit pas ce que dit Ie Pere, pour moy ie Ie 
" crois entierement. Sur ces entrefaites les Sauuages 
"voulans décabaner & tirer plus auãt dans les bois 
" Manitougatche qui commeçoit à fe trouuer mal, nous 
" vint prier de Ie receuoir & Ie pauure malade auffi en 
" no fire maifon, nous prifmes refolution d'auoir foin 
" des corps, pour aider les ames que nous voyons bien 
.. difpofées pour Ie Ciel. On met dõc fur vne traine 
" de bois ce bon ieune homme, & on nous l'amene fur 
" la neige, nous Ie receuons auec amour & [10] l'ac- 
" commodons Ie mieux qu'il nous efi poffible, luy tout 
" remply d'aife & de contentement de fe voir auec 
"nous, tefmoigna vn grand defir d'efire baptizé, & 



1633-34] 


LE .IEUNE' S RELA TION, 1634 


111 


" tism; we deferred this. however, for a few days, in 
" order to instruct him more fully. At last he sent 
" word to me, through our Savage named Manitou- 
" gatche, and surnamed by our French, " la Nasse, " 
C C that I should come and baptize him, saying that the 
"night before he had seen me in his sleep, coming 
C C to his Cabin to administer to him this Sacrament; 
c, and that, as soon [9] as I sat down near him, all his 
" sickness went away; he confirmed this to me when 
" I saw him. Nevertheless I refused his request, in 
" order the more to stimulate his desire, so that an- 
"other Savage who was present, not being able to 
"bear this delay, asked me why I did not baptize 
" him, since it was only necessary to throw a little 
" water upon him, and then all would be done. But, 
" when I answered him that I would myself be lost, if 
c, I baptized an infidel and a poorly-taught unbeliev- 
" er, the sick man, turning to a Frenchman, said, 
" C Matchounon has no sense '-it was thus they called 
" the other Savage-' he does not believe what the 
"Father says; as for me, I believe it entirely.' 
" Meanwhile, the Savages wishing to change their 
" camp and to go farther into the woods, Manitou- 
" gatche, who began to feel ill, came to beg us to re- 
"ceive him and the poor sick man also into our 
C chouse; and so we decided to care for the bodies, in 
" order to aid the souls, which we saw were well dis- 
" posed toward Heaven. So this worthy young man 
" was placed upon a wooden sledge, and brought to 
"us over the snow. We received him with love, and 
"[10] made him as comfortable as we could. He 
" was full of gladness and satisfaction to see himself 
" with us, evincing a great desire to be baptized and 
" to die a Christian. The next day, which was the 



112 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


" de mourir Chrefiien. Le Iëdemain qui efioit Ie 26. 
"de Ianuier efiant tombé dans vne grãde fyncope 
" nous Ie baptizafmes, croyãs qu'il s'en alloit mourir, 
"Iuy donnans Ie nom de François en l'honneur de S. 
" François Xauier, il reuint à foy, & ayant appris ce 
" qui s'efioit paffé, il fe monfira plein de ioye d'efire 
" fait Enfant de Dieu, s'entretenant toufiours iufques 
"à Ia mort, qui fut deux iours apres, en diuers actes 
" que ie luy faifois exercer tantofi de Foy & d'Efpe- 
"rance, tantofi d' Amour de Dieu & de regret de l'a- 
" uoir offencé, il prenoit en cela vn plaifir fort fenfi- 
" ble, & recitoit tout feul auec de grands fentimens ce 
"qu'on Iuy auoit enfeigné, demandant vn iour pardon 
"à Dieu de fes pechez, il s'accufoit tout haut foy- 
"mefme comme s'il fe fufi confeffé, puis la memoire 
" luy manquant, Enfeigne moy (me difoit-il) ie fuis 
" vn pauure ignorant, ie n'ay point d'efprit, fuggere 
" moy ce que ie dois dire; vne autre fois il me pria 
"de luy ietter de l'eau benifie pour l'aider à auoir 
" douleur de fes pechez, [I I] cela m' efionna, car nous 
" ne luy auions pas encores par1é de I'vfage de cette 
" eau, nous ayant inuité à chanter aupres de Iuy quel- 
" ques prieres de I'Eglife, nous Ie voyõs pendant ce 
" fainét exercice les yeux efieuez au Ciel auec vne 
"pofiure fi deuote que nous efiions tous attendris, 
" admirans les grãdes mifericordes que Dieu operoit 
" dedans cette arne, qui en fin quitta fon corps fort 
" doucement Ie 28. de Ianuier pour aller ioüir de Dieu. 
Quand la nouuelle de fa conuerfion & de fa mort 
fut fceuë de nos François à Kebec, il y en eut qui iet- 
terent des larmes de ioye & de contentemens, benif- 
fans Dieu de ce qu'il acceptoit Ies premices d'vne 
terre qui n'a prefque porté que des efpines depuis la 
naiffance des fiecles. 



1633-34] 


LE .fEU1VE'S RELA TIO.N, I6.J4 


113 


H 26th of January, as he had fallen into a deep stu- 
H por, we baptized him, believing that he was going 
" to die. We gave him the name François, in honor 
,. of St. François Xavier. He regained conscious- 
" ness, and, having learned what had taken place, 
H expressed his joy at having been made a Child of 
"God. He passed his time constantly until his death, 
" which was two days later, in different acts that I 
"caused him to practice, sometimes of Faith and 
" Hope, sometimes of the Love of God, and of re- 
"morse for having offended him. He took a very 
" obvious pleasure in this, and repeated all alone 
" with deep feeling what had been taught him. One 
" day, while he was asking pardon of God for his 
" sins, he accused himself aloud, as if he were mak- 
" ing his confession; then, his memory failing (he 
" said to me): 'Teach me; I am a poor ignorant crea- 
"ture, I have no understanding; suggest to me 
H what I ought to say.' Another time he begged me 
" to sprinkle some holy water upon him, to help him 
" to be sorry for his sins. [I I] I was surprised at 
" this, for we had not yet spoken to him of the use 
" of this water; when, at his request, we sang some 
" prayers of the Church in his presence, we saw him 
" during this holy service with eyes raised toward 
" Heaven in an attitude of such devotion that we 
" were all greatly touched, admiring the wonderful 
" effects of mercy that God was bringing about in this 
" soul, which finally left the body on the 28th of Jan- 
" uary, to go and enjoy God." 
When the news of his con version and death became 
known to our French at Ke bec, some of them shed 
tears of joy and satisfaction, blessing God for accept- 
ing the first fruits of a land which has borne little 
else than thorns since the birth of the centuries. 



114 


LES RELATIONS DES./ÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


II arriua vne chofe bië remarquable peu d 'heures 
apres fa mort, vne grãde lumiere parut aux fenefires 
de nofire maifon, s'éleuant & s'abbaiffant par trois 
fois, l'vn de nos Peres vid cét efclat, & plufieurs de 
nos hommes qui fortirent incontinent, les vns pour 
voir fi Ie feu n'efioit point pris en quelque endroit de 
la maifon, les autres pour voir s'il efclairoit, n'ayans 
trouué aucun vefiige de cette flamme ils creurent [12] 
que Dieu declaroit par ce prodige la lumiere dont 
ioüiffoit cette ame qui nous venoit de quitter. Les 
Sauuages de la Cabane du defunét virent dans les bois 
où ils s'efioient retirez cette lumiere, ce qui les efpou- 
uenta d'autant plus qu'ils creurent que ce feu efioit 
vn prefage d'vne future mortalité en leur famille. 
I'efiois pour lors (moy qui efcris cecy) à quelques 
quarante lieuës de Kebec dãs la cabane des freres du 
defunét, cette lumiere s'y fit voir à mefme temps & à 
mefme heure, comme nous l'auons remarqué; depuis 
Ie Pere Brebæuf & moy confrontans nos memoires, 
& mon hofie frere du trefpaffé l'ayant apperceuë fortit 
dehors tout efpouuanté, & la voyant redoubler s' efcria 
d'vne voix fi efionnante, que tous les Sauuages & moy 
auec eux fortifmes de nos cabanes: ayant trouué mon 
hofie tout efperdu ie luy voulus dire que ce feu n'e- 
fioit qu'vn efclair, & qu'il ne falloit pas s'efpouuanter, 
il me repartit fort à propos que I' efclair paroiffoit & 
dif paroiffoit en vn moment, mais que cette flãme 
s'efioit pourmenée deuant fes yeux quelque efpace 
de tëps: de plus, as-tu iamais veu, me dit-il, efclairer 
ou tonner dans vn froid fi [13] cuifant comme efi ce- 
luy que nous reffentons maintenãt? II efi vray qu'il 
faifoit fort froid, ie luy demanday ce qu'il croyoit dõc 
de ces feux, c'efi, me fit-iI, vn mauuais augure, c'efi, 



1633-34] 


LEJEUNE'S RELA TION, I6.J4 


115 


One quite remarkable thing happened a few hours 
after his death. A great light appeared at the win- 
dows of our house, rising and falling three times; one 
of our Fathers saw the flash, as did several of our 
men, who went out immediately, some to see if a part 
of our house had not taken fire, the others to see if 
it were lightning. Having found no trace of this 
fire, they believed [12] that God was declaring 
through this phenomenon the light that was being 
enjoyed by the soul that had just left us. The Sav- 
ages belonging to the Cabin of the deceased saw this 
light in the woods, where they had withdrawn, and 
it frightened them all the more as they thought it 
was a foreshadowing of future deaths in their family. 
I was then (I who am writing this) some forty 
leagues from Kebec, in the cabin of the brothers of 
the dead man; and this light appeared there at the 
same time and at the same hour, as we have since 
observed, Father Brebæuf and I, by comparing our 
notes. 
Iy host, brother of the deceased, having per- 
ceived it, rushed out in horror; and, seeing it re- 
peated, cried out in such astonishment, that all the 
Savages, and I with them, rushed out of our cabins. 
Having found my host all distracted, I tried to tell 
him that this fire was only lightning, and that he 
need not be frightened; he answered me very aptly 
that lightning appeared and disappeared in an in- 
stant, but that this fire had moved before his eyes for 
some time. "Besides, " said he to me, " hast thou 
ever seen lightning or thunder in such piercing [13] 
cold as that which we are feeling now? " It was in- 
deed very cold. I asked him then what he thought 
of these fires. "It is, " he said, " a bad omen, it is a 
sign of death." He added that the lVlanitou, or devil, 
fed upon these flames. 



116 


LES RELA TIONS DES ./ÉSUITES 


[V OL. 6 


vn figne de mort il m' adioufia que Ie 1\1anitou ou Ie 
diable fe repaiffoit de ces flammes. 
Pour retourner à no fire bien-heureux defunét, nos 
Peres l'enterrerent Ie plus folemnellemet qu'il leur 
fut poffible, nos François s'y trouuans auec beaucoup 
de deuotiõ. Manitougatche nofire Sauuage ayant veu 
tout cecy en outre, confiderant que nous ne voulions 
rien prendre des hardes ou des robbes du trefpaffé, 
lefquelles il nous offroit, il refia fi edifié & fi efionné 
qu'il s'en alloit par les cabanes des Sauuages, qui 
vindrent bien-tofi apres à Kebec, raconter tout ce 
qu'il auoit veu, difant que nous auions donné toute Ia 
meilleure nourriture que nous euffions à ce pauure 
ieune homme que nous en auions eu vn foin cõme s'il 
eufi efié nofire frere, que nous nous efiions incom- 
modez pour Ie loger
 que nous n'auions rien voulu 
prendre de ce qui luyappartenoit, que nous l'auiõs 
enterré auec beaucoup d'hõneur. Cela en toucha fi 
bie quelques-vns, [14] notãment de fa famille, qu'ils 
nous amenerent fa fille morte en trauail d' enfant pour 
l'enterrer à nofire façon, mais ìe P. Brebæuf Ies ren- 
contrant leur dit, que n'ayãt pas efié baptizée nous ne 
la pouuiõs mettre dans Ie Cimetiere des enfans de 
Dieu. De plus fçachant qu'ils font ordinairement 
mourir l' enfant quand la mere Ie laiffe fi ieune, croy- 
ans qu'il ne fera que languir apres fon deceds, Ie Pere 
pria 1\Ianitouchatche d'obuier à cette cruauté, ce qu'il 
fit volontiers, quoy que quelques-vns de nos François 
efioient defia refolus de s'en charger au cas qu'on Iuy 
voulufi ofier la vie. 
Le fecond Sauuage baptizé a efié nofire 1\1anitou- 
chatche autrement la Naffe, i'en ay par1é dans mes Re- 
lations precedentes, il s'efioit comme habitué aupres 



1633-34] 


LE .fEUNE' S RELA TION, Z6.J4 


117 


To return to our happy deceased. Our Fathers 
buried him with as much solemnity as they could, 
our Frenchmen being present and showing great de- 
votion. 1\lanitougatche, our Savage, having seen all 
this, and also observing that we did not wish to ac- 
cept any of the belongings or clothes of the deceased, 
which he offered us, was so pleased and astonished 
that he went about among the cabins of the Savages 
who came soon afterward to Kebec, relating all that 
he had seen,- saying, that we had given the best 
food we had to this poor young man, that we had 
nursed him as if he had been our own brother, that 
we had inconvenienced ourselves in order to give 
him a lodging, that we had not consented to take any- 
thing that belonged to him, and that we had buried 
him with a great deal of honor. Some of them were 
so touched by this, [14] especially his own family, 
that they brought us his daughter, who had died in 
childbirth, to bury her in our way; but Father Bre- 
breuf, meeting them, told them that, as she had never 
been baptized, we could not put her in the Cemetery 
of the children of God. Besides, knowing that they 
usually kill the child when its mother leaves it so 
young, thinking that it will languish after her death, 
the Father begged Manitouchatche to prevent this 
cruel act, which he did willingly; although some of 
our French People had determined to take charge of 
the child themselves, if a disposition were mani- 
fested to kill it. 
The second Savage to be baptized was our Manitou- 
chatche, otherwise, la Nasse, of whom I have spoken 
in my former Relations. He had begun to get ac- 
customed to our ways before the capture of the coun- 
try by the English, having commenced to clear and 



118 


LES RELA TIOlVTS DES ./ÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


de nous auant la prife du pais par les Anglois, com- 
mençant à defricher & à cultiuer la terre, Ie mauuais 
traiétement qu'il receut de ces nouueaux hoftes l'ayãt 
efloigné de Kebec, il tefmoignoit par fois à Madame 
Hebert qui refta icy auec toute fa famine qu'il fou- 
haittoit grandement noftre retour. Et de fait fi toft 
qu'il fceut noftre venuë il nous vint voir, & fe cabana 
[15J tout aupres de noftre maifon, difant qu'il fe vou- 
loit faire Chreftien, nous afíeurant qu'il ne nous quit- 
teroit point fi nous ne Ie chaffions, auffi ne s'eft-il pas 
beaucoup abfenté depuis que nous fommes icy, cette 
communication luy a fait conceuoir quelque chofe de 
nos myfteres. Le feiour qu'a fait en noftre maifon 
Pierre Antoine Ie Sauuage fon parent Iuy a feruy, 
d'autant que nous luy auõs declaré par fa bouche les 
principaux articles de noftre creance. 0 que les iuge- 
mens de Dieu font pleins d'abifmes! Ce miferable 
ieune homme qui a efté fi bien inftruiét en France 
s'eftant perdu parmy les Anglois, comme i'efcriuis 
l' an paffe, eft deuenu apoftat, renegat, excommunié, 
athée, valet d'vn Sorcier qui eft [on frere: Ce font 
Ies qualitez que ie luy donneray cy apres parlant de 
Iuy: & ce pauure vieillard qui a tiré de fa bouche in- 
feétée les veritez du Ciel, a trouué Ie Ciel, Iaifíant 
l' Enfer pour partage à ce renegat, fi Dieu ne luy fait 
de grandes mifericordes: 
Iais fuiuans noftre route, 
apres la mort de Frãçois Safoufmat dont nous venons 
de parler, ce bon homme ennuyé de n'auoir auec 
qui s'entretenir: car pas vn de nous ne fçait [16] en- 
cores parfaiétement la langue, fe retira auec fa 
femme & auec fes enfans, mais Ia maladie dont il 
eftoit 
efia attaqué, s'augmentant, il prefíe fa femme 
& fes enfans de Ie ralnener auec nous, efperant Ia 



1633-34] 


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119 


cultivate the land; the bad treatment he received 
from these new guests drove him away from Kebec; 
he sometimes expressed to :Madame Hebert, who re- 
mained here with her whole family, his strong desire 
for our return. And, in fact, as soon as he heard of 
our arrival, he came to see us, and settled [15] near 
our house, saying that he wished to become a Chris- 
tian, and assuring us that he would not leave us un- 
less we chased him away; indeed he has been away 
from us very little since we have been here. This 
intercourse has made him understand something of 
our mysteries. The sojourn made in our house by 
Pierre Antoine,12 a Savage and a relative of his, has 
been of use to him, inasmuch as we have declared to 
him through his lips the principal articles of our 
faith. Oh, how unfathomable are the judgments of 
God! This wretched young man, who was so well 
instructed in France, having been ruined among the 
English, as I wrote last year, has become an apostate, 
renegade, excommunicate, atheist, and servant to a 
Sorcerer who is his brother. These are the qualities 
which I shall assign to him hereafter, when speaking 
of him. And this poor old man, who has received 
from his infected lips the truths of Heaven, has found 
Heaven, leaving Hell as the heritage of this renegade, 
unless God shows him great mercy. But, continuing 
our story: after the death of François Sasousmat, of 
whom we have just spoken, this good man, wearied at 
not having anyone with whom to converse,- for not 
one of us yet [16] knows the language perfectly,- 
went away with his wife and children; but, the disease 
wi th which he was already affected increasing, he 
urged his wife and children to bring him back to us, 
hoping for the same charity he had seen us practice 



120 


LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


mefme charité qu'il auoit veu exercer enuers fon com- 
patriote, on Ie receut à bras ouuerts, ce qu'ayant ap- 
perceu, il s'efcria, ie mourray maintenant content 
puis que ie fuis auec vous. Or comme fes erreurs 
auoient vieillyauec luy, nos Peres recogneurent qu'il 
penfoit autant & plus à la fanté de fon corps qu'au 
falut de fon arne, tefmoignant vn grand defir de 
viure, remettant fon Baptefme iufques à mon retour, 
neantmoins comme il f' alloit affoibliffant ils fouhait- 
terent de Ie voir vn petit plus affeétiõné à noftre cre- 
ance, ce qui les incita d'offrir à Dieu vne neufuaine à 
1 'hõneur du glorieux Efpoux de la fainéte Vierge 
pour Ie bien de fon arne, Ie cõmencement de cette de- 
uotion fut Ie commencement de fes volontez plus 
ardantes, il fe monftra fort defireux d'eftre inftruit 
commençant à mefprifer fes fuperftitions, il ne vou- 
lut plus dormir qu'il n'euft au prealable prié Dieu, 
ce qu'il faifoit encores deuant & apres fa refeétion, 
[17] fi bien qu'il differa vne fois plus de demie-heure 
à mãger ce qu'õ luy auoit prefenté, pource qu'on ne 
luy auoit pas fait faire la benediétion, demandant au 
Pere Brebæuf qu'il luy fift dire douze ou treize fois 
de fuitte pour la grauer en fa memoire. C'eftoit vn 
contentement plein d'edification, de voir vn vieillard 
de plus de foixante ans, apprendre d'vn petit François 
que nous auons icy, à faire Ie figne de la Croix, & 
autres prieres qu'il luy demandoit. Le Pere Bre- 
bæuf voyant que fes forces fe diminuoient, & que 
d'ailleurs il eftoit affez inftruiét, luy dit que fa mort 
approchoit, & que s'il vouloit mourir Chreftien, & 
aller au Ciel, qu'il falloit eftre baptifé. A ces pa- 
roles il fe monftra fi ioyeux qu'il fe traifna luy mefme 
comme il peut en noftre chapelle, ne pouuant at- 



1633-34] 


LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, I634 


121 


toward his fellow-savage. He was received with 
open arms, perceiving which, he cried out, " Now I 
shall die happy, since I am with yOU!" But as his 
errors had grown old with him, our Fathers recog- 
nized that he thought as much and even more of the 
health of his body than of the salvation of his soul, 
showing a great desire to live, and putting off his 
Baptism until my return; nevertheless, as he was 
continually growing weaker, they wished to see him 
show more interest in our belief; this induced them 
to offer to God a novena in honor of the glorious 
Spouse of the holy Virgin, for the welfare of his 
soul. The beginning of this devotion was the begin- 
ning of more earnest inclination on his part; he 
showed himself very desirous of being instructed, 
and began to despise his superstitions. He would no 
more go to sleep unless he had first prayed to God, 
which he did also before and after eating,- [17] to 
such an extent that he once deferred, for more than 
half an hour, eating what had been presented to him, 
because they had not had him offer the benediction, 
asking Father Brebæuf to have him say it twelve or 
thirteen times in succession, to engrave it upon his 
memory. I t was very edifying to see an old man 
more than sixty years of age learn from a little 
French boy, whom we have here, to make the sign of 
the Cross, and other prayers that he asked to be 
taught. Father Brebæuf, seeing that his strength 
was failing, and also that he was well enough in- 
structed, told him that death was approaching; and 
that, if he wished to die a Christian and go to Heav- 
en, he must be baptized. At these words he showed 
such joy that he dragged himself as well as he could 
to our chapel, not being able to wait until our Fa- 



122 


LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


tendre que les Peres qui preparoient ce qu'il falloit 
pour conferer ce Sacrement Ie vinffent querir: vn de 
nos François, fon Parrain, luy donna Ie nom de 
Ioseph. Deuant & pendant fon baptefme, qui fut Ie 
troifiéme d' Auril, Ie Pere l'interrogeant fommaire- 
ment fur tous les [18J articles du Symbole, & fur les 
commandemens de Dieu, il refpondit nettement & 
courageufemët qu'il croyoit Ies vns, & s'efforceroit 
de garder Ies autres fi Dieu luy rendoit la fanté, 
monftrant de grands regrets de l'auoir offenfé: fa 
femme & l'vne de fes filles eftoient prefentes, celle- 
là ne pouuoit tenir les larmes & l'autre fe monftroit, 
toute eftonnée, admirant la beauté des fainétes cere- 
monies de l'Eglife. 
Ie retournay de mon hyuernement d'auec les Sau- 
uages, fix iours apres fon baptefme, ie Ie trouuay bien 
malade, mais bien content d'eftre Chreftien. Ie l'em- 
braffay comme mon frere, bien refioüy de Ie voir en- 
fant de Dieu, nous continuafmes de l'inftruire, & de 
luy faire exercer des aétes des vertus, notamment 
Theologales, pendant l'efpace de douze iours, qu'il 
furuefcut apres fon baptefme. 
Les Sauuages defirans Ie penfer à leur mode auec 
leurs chants, auec leurs tintamarres, & auec leurs 
autres fuperfti[tiJons, tafcherent plufieurs fois de 
nous l'enleuer iufques là, qu'ils amenerent vne traine 
pour Ie reporter, & l'vn de [19J leurs forciers ou ion- 
gleurs Ie vint voir exprés pour Ie débaucher de noftre 
creance: mais Ie bon Neophyte tint ferme, refpon- 
dant qu'on ne Iuy parlaft plus de s'en aller, & qu'il 
ne nous quitteroit point, que nous ne l"enuoyaffiõs. 
Ce n'eft pas vne petite marque de l'efficacité de la 
grace du fainét Baptefme, de voir vn homme nourry 



1633-34] 


LE j'EUNE'S RELATION. I634 


123 


thers, who were making the necessary arrangements 
for administering this Sacrament, could go after 
him. One of our Frenchmen, his Godfather, gave 
him the name Joseph. Before and during his bap- 
tism, which took place on the third of April, the Fa- 
ther examining him briefly upon all the [18] articles 
of the Creed, and upon the commandments of God, 
he answered clearly and courageously that he believed 
the former, and would endeavor to keep the latter if 
God would restore him his health, and showed great 
regret for having offended him. His wife and one of 
his daughters being present, the one could not keep 
back her tears, and the other was greatly bewildered, 
admiring the beauty of the holy ceremonies of the 
Church. 
I returned from my winter sojourn with the Sav- 
ages, six days after his baptism, and found him very 
sick, but very glad to be a Christian. I embraced 
him like a brother, greatly rejoiced at seeing him a 
child of God. \Ve continued to teach him and to 
have him practice acts of virtue, especially the Theo- 
logical Virtues [faith, hope, and charity], during the 
twelve days that he survived his baptism. 
The Savages, wishing to care for him in their way, 
with their songs, their uproar, and their other super- 
stitions, tried several times to take him a wa y from 
us, even going so far as to bring a sledge upon which 
to take him back, and one of [19] their sorcerers or 
jugglers came to see him, for the express purpose of 
enticing him away from our belief; but the good N e- 
ophyte held firm, answering that they should not 
speak to him about going away, and that he would 
not leave us unless we sent him away. It is no 
slight indication of the efficacy of the grace of holy 



124 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


depuis foixante ans & plus, dedans la Barbarie, habi- 
tué aux façons de faire des Sauuages, imbu de leurs 
erreurs & de leurs refueries, refifter à fa propre 
femme, à fes enfans, & à fes gendres, & à fes amis & 
à fes compatriotes, à fes 1Vlallitoufiouets, forciers ou 
iongleurs, non vne fois, mais plufieurs pour fe ietter 
entre les bras de quelques eftrangers, proteftant qu'il 
veut embraffer leur creance, mourir en leur Foy & 
dedans leur maifon. Cela fait voir que la grace peut 
donner du poids à l'ame d'vn Sauuage naturellement 
inconftante. 
En fin, apres auoir inftruit noftre bon Iofeph du 
Sacrement de l'Extreme-Onction, nous luy confe- 
rafmes, & iuftement Ie Samedy Sainét fon ame par- 
tit de fon corps, pour s'en aller celebrer [20J la fefte 
de Pafques au Ciel. L'vn de fes gendres l'ayant veu 
fort bas, eftoit demeuré aupres de luy pour voir 
comme nous l'enfeuelirions apres fa mort, defirant 
qu'on luy donnaft vne Caftelogne & fon petunoir, 
pour s'en feruir en l'autre monde: mais comme il 
alloit porter la nouuelle de cette mort à la femme du 
deffunét, nous l'enfeuelifmes à la façon de l'Eglife 
Catholique, honorant fes obfeques Ie mieux qu'il 
nous fut poffible. :1Ionfieur de Champlain pour tef- 
moigner l'amour & l'honneur que nous portons à 
ceux qui meurent Chreftiens, fift quitter Ie trauail à 
fes gens, & nous les enuoya pour affifter à l'office, 
nous gardafmes Ie plus exaétement qu'il nous fut 
poffible les ceremonies de l'Eglife, ce qui agrea infi- 
niment aux parens de ce nouueau Chreítien; vne 
chofe neantmoins leur depleut quand on vint à mettre 
le corps dans la foffe, ils s'apperceurent qu'il y auoit 
vn peu d'eauë au fonds, à raifon que les neiges fe fon- 



1633-34] 


LEJEUNE'S RELATION, I634 


125 


Baptism, to see a man who had been steeped for over 
sixty years in Barbarism, accustomed to all the ways 
of the Savages, imbued with their errors and with 
their illusions, resist his own wife, his children, his 
sons-in-law, his friends and his fellow-savages, his 
.J.'V!fl1Zitousz"oucls, sorcerers or jugglers, not once but 
many times, to throw himself into the arms of stran- 
gers, protesting that he wished to em brace their be- 
lief, to die in their Faith and in their house. This 
shows that grace can give stability to the soul of a 
Savage, who is by nature inconstant. 
Finally, after having instructed our good Joseph 
in the Sacrament of Extreme Unction, we adminis- 
tered it to him; and on that very day, Holy Satur- 
day, his soul left the body and went to celebrate [20] 
Easter in Heaven. One of his sons-in-law, when he 
saw him very low, remained near him to see how we 
would bury him after death, wishing us to give him 
his Castelogne [blanket] and his tobacco pouch, for 
use in the other world; but, when he went to carry 
the news of this death to the wife of the deceased, 
we buried the latter according to the custom of the 
Catholic Church, showing as much honor as we could 
in the funeral ceremonies. :Monsieur de Champlain, 
in order to give proof of the love and honor we bear 
those who die in the Christian Faith, had his people 
leave their work, and sent them to us to attend the 
services; we followed as closely as possible the cere- 
monies of the Church, which was very acceptable to 
the relatives of this new Christian. There was one 
thing, however, which displeased them; when we 
came to put the body in the grave, they noticed that 
there was a little water in the bottom, caused by the 
snow melting just then and dropping into it; this 



126 


LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


doient pour lors & degouttoient là dedans, cela leur 
frappa 1'imagination, & comme ils font [2 I] fuperfti- 
tieux les attrifta vn petit. Cet erreur ne fera pas 
difficile à combatre quand on fçaura bien leur langue; 
voila à mon aduis les premiers des Sauuages adultes 
baptifez, & morts conftans en la foy dans ces con- 
trées. 
Le troifiefme Sauuage baptifé cette année, eftoit vn 
enfant âgé de trois à quatre mois feulement, fon Pere 
eftant en cholere contre fa femme, fille de noftre bon 
Iofeph, foit pource qu'elle Ie vouloit quitter, ou qu'il 
eftoit touché de quelque ialoufie, il print 1'enfant & 
Ie ietta contre terre pour l' affommer: V n de nos 
François furuenant là deffus, & fe fouuenant que 
nous leurs auions recommandé de conferer Ie Ba- 
ptefme aux enfans qu'ils verroient en danger de mort, 
au cas qu'ils ne nous peuffent appeller, il prit de 
1'eauë & Ie baptiza: ce pauure petit neantmoins ne 
mourut pas du coup, fa mere Ie reprit & 1'emporta 
auec foy dans Ies If1es quittant fon mary, qui nous a 
dit depuis qu'il croit que fon fils eft mort, fa mere 
eftant tombée dans vne maladie qu'il iuge morteUe. 
Le quatriefme eftoit fils d'vn Sauuage [22] nommé 
Khiouirineou, fa mere s'appelloit Ouitapimoueou, ils 
auoiêt donné nom à leur petit Itaouabififiou fes pa- 
rens me promirent qu'ils nous 1'apporteroient pour 
l'enterrer en noftre cimetiere au cas qu'il mourut, & 
qu'ils nous Ie donneroient pour 1'inftruire s'il guerif- 
foit, car il eftoit malade, faifans ainfi paroiftre Ie 
contentement qu'ils auoient que leur petit fils receut 
Ie fainét Baptefme: Ie Ie baptifay donc, & luy don- 
nay Ie nom de lean Baptifte, ce iour eftant 1'oétaue 
de ce grand Sainét. Le fieur du Chefne Chirurgien 



1633-34] 


LE JEU1VE'S RELA TI01\
 I6.J4 


127 


struck their imagination, and as they are [:n] super- 
stitious, saddened them a little. It will not be diffi- 
cult to combat such errors, when we know their lan- 
guage well. These are, as far as I know, the first 
adult Savages in these countries who have been bap- 
tized and died firm in the faith. 
The third Savage baptized this year was a child 
only three or four months old: the Father, being an- 
gry at his wife, daughter of our good Joseph, either 
because she wanted to leave him, or because he had 
a touch of jealousy, took the child and threw it 
against the ground, to kill it. One of our French- 
men happening along just then, and remembering 
that we had recommended them to administer Bap- 
tism to children whom they saw in danger of death, 
in case they could not call us took some water and 
baptized it; this poor little child did not die immedi- 
ately, however; its mother took it and carried it away 
with her to the Islands, leaving her husband, who 
has since told us that he believes his child is dead, as 
its mother had been taken with a disease which he 
thought was mortal. 
The fourth was the son of 
 Savage [22] named 
Khiouirineou, the mother's name was Ouitapimou- 
eou, and they had named their little child Itaouabi- 
sisiou. His parents had promised me that they would 
bring him to us to be buried in our cemetery, if he 
died; and, if he recovered,- for he was very sick,- 
they would give him to us to be educated, thus show- 
ing their satisfaction that their little son should re- 
ceive holy Baptism. So I baptized him and gave 
him the name Jean Baptiste, that day being the oc- 
tave of this great Saint. Sieur du Chesne, Surgeon 
of the colony, who willingly comes with me through 



128 


LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


de l'habitation, qui vient volontiers auec moy par les 
Cabanes, pour nous aduertir de ceux qu'il iuge en 
danger de mort fut fon parrain. 
Le cinquiefme fut baptizé Ie mefme iour, fon Pere 
auoit tefmoigné au fieur Oliuier truchement, qu'il 
eut bien voulu qu'on euft fait à fon fils ce qu'on fait 
aux petits enfans François, c'eft à dire qu'on l'euft 
baptizé, Ie fieur Oliuier m'en ayant donné aduis i'al- 
lay voir 1'enfant, ie differay Ie baptefme pour quel- 
ques iours, Ie trouuant encore plein de vie; en fin Ie 
P. Buteux & [23J moy l'eftans retournez voir, nous 
appellafmes Monfieur du Chefne, qui nous dit que 
l'enfant eftoit bien mal. ie demanday à fon Pere s'il 
feroit content qu'on Ie baptizât, tres-cõtent (fit-il,) s'il 
meurt ie Ie porte ray en ta maifon, s'il retourne en 
fanté il fera ton fils, & tu 1'inftruiras. Ie Ie nommé 
Adrian du nom de fon Parrain, il fe nommoit aupara- 
uant Pichichich, fon Pere eft furnommé des François 
Baptifcan, il s'appelle en Sauuage Tchimaouirineou, 
fa mere Matouetchiouanouecoueou. Ce pauure petit 
âgé d'enuiron 8. mois s'enuola au Ciel, la nuiét fui- 
uante fon Pere ne manqua pas d'apporter fon corps, 
amenant auec foy dix-huiét ou vingt Sauuages, 
hommes, femmes & enfans, ils 1'auoient enueloppé 
dans des peaux de Caftor, & pardeffus d'vn grand 
drap de toile, qu'ils auoient achepté au magazin, & 
encore pardeffus d'vne grande efcorce redoublée. Ie 
déueloppay ce pacquet, pour voir fi l' enfant eftoit 
dedans, puis ie Ie mis dans vn cercueil que nous luy 
fHmes faire, ce qui agrea merueilleufement aux Sau- 
uages: car ils croyent que l'ame [24J de l'enfant fe 
doit feruir en 1'autre monde de 1'ame, de toutes les 
chofes qu'on luy donne à fon depart, ie leur dis bien 



1633-34] 


LE .IEUNE'S RELA TION. r6.J4 


129 


the Cabins, to advise us of those whom he considers 
in danger of death, was his godfather. 
The fifth was baptized the same day. His Father 
made known to sieur Olivier, the interpreter,13 that 
he would be very glad if they would do to his son 
what was done to little French children; meaning 
that they should baptize him. Having been in- 
formed of this by sieur Olivier, I went to see the 
child, but deferred baptism for a few days, as the 
child was still full of vitality. At last, Father Bu- 
teux and [23] I, having gone to see him, called 1Ion- 
sieur du Chesne, who told us that the child was very 
sick. I asked his Father if he would like to have us 
baptize him. "I should be very glad" (he an- 
swered); "if he dies, I will carry him to thy house; 
if he recovers, he shall be thy son, and thou shalt in- 
struct him." I named him Adrian, after his God- 
father; before this he was called Pichichich; his 
Father has been surnamed by the French Baptis- 
can,- he was called, in Savage, Tchimaouirineou, 
his mother lvlatouetchiouanouecoueou. This poor 
little child of about eight months flew away to Heav- 
en. The following night, his Father did not fail to 
bring the body, having with him eighteen or twenty 
Savages, men, women, and children. They had 
wrapped it in Beaver skins, and over that was a large 
piece of linen cloth, which they had bought at the 
store, and over all a great double piece of bark. I 
unrolled the parcel to see if the child was inside; 
then I laid it in a coffin which we had made for it, 
and this pleased the Savages wonderfully, for they 
believe that the soul [24] of the child will use in the 
other world of souls all the things that have been 
given to it at its departure. I told them indeed that 



130 


LES RELA TI01YS DES .IÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


que cette ame efioit maintenant dedans Ie Ciel, & 
qu'elle n'auoit que faire de toutes ces pauuretez neãt- 
moins nous les laiffafmes faire, de peur que fi nous 
les euffions voulu empefcher, ce que i'aurois peu 
faire, (car Ie Pere chanceloit defia,) les autres ne nous 
permiffent pas de baptizer leurs enfans quand ils fe- 
roient malades, où du mains ne les apportaffent point 
apres leur mort. Ces pauures gens furent rauis, voy- 
ants cinq Pre fires reuefius de furplis honorer ce petit 
ange Canadien, chantant ce qui efi ordonné par l'E- 
glife, couurans fon cercueil d'vn beau parement, & 
Ie parfemant de fleurs: nous l'enterrafmes auec toute 
la folemnité qui nous fut poffible. 
Tous les Sauuages affifioient à to utes les ceremo- 
nies, quand ce vint à Ie mettre en la foffe, fa mere y 
mit fon berceau auec luy & quelques autres hardes 
felon leur coufiume, & bien-tofi apres tira de fon 
laid dans vne petite [25] efcuelle d'efcorce qu'elle 
bruila fur l'heure mefme. Ie demanday pourquoy 
elle faifoit cela, vne femme me repartit, qu'elle don- 
noit à boire à l'enfant, dont l'ame beuuoit de ce laiét. 
Ie l'infiruifis là deffus, mais ie parle encores fi peu 
qu'à peine me pût elle entendre. 
Apres l'enterrement nous fifmes Ie fefiin des morts, 
donnans à manger de la farine de bled d'Inde, meilée 
de quelques pruneaux à ces bonnes gens, pour les in- 
duire à nous appeller quand eux ou leurs enfans fe- 
ront malades. Bref ils s'en retournerent auec fort 
grande fatisfaétion, comme ils firent paroifire pour 
lors, & particulierement deux iours apres. 
Le Pere Bl1teux retournant de dire la 1Ieffe de l'ha- 
bitation, comme il vifitoit les Cabanes des Sauuages, 
il rencontra Ie corps mort du petit lean Baptifie qu'on 



1633-34] 


LE JEUNE'S RELATION, r634 


131 


the soul was now in Heaven, and that it had no con- 
cern whatever with these trifling things. N everthe- 
less we let them go on, for fear that, if we tried to 
prevent them,- which I might have done (for the 
Father already wavered) - the others would not per- 
mit us to baptize their children when they were sick, 
or at least would not call us after they died. These 
simple people were enchanted, seeing five Priests 
in surplices honoring this little Canadian angel, 
chanting what is ordained by the Church, covering 
the coffin with a beautiful pall, and strewing it with 
flowers. We buried him with all possible solemnity. 
All the Savages were present during the entire 
ceremony. When it came to lowering him into the 
grave, his mother placed his cradle therein, with a 
few other things, according to their custom; and 
soon after she drew some of her milk in a little [25] 
bark ladle, which she burned immediately. I asked 
why this was done, and a woman answered me that 
she was giving drink to the child, whose soul was 
drinking this milk. I instructed her upon this point, 
but I still speak the language so poorly that I scarce- 
ly made her understand me. 
After the burial we had the funeral feast, giving 
some Indian cornmeal mixed with prunes to these 
simple people, to induce them to call upon us when 
they or their children were sick. In short, they 
went away very much pleased, as they showed us 
then, and more particularly two days later. 
Father Buteux, as he was visiting the Cabins of 
the Savages on his return from saying Mass at the 
settlement, saw the dead body of little Jean Baptiste, 
which they were wrapping up like the other. His 
parents, although sick, promised to bring him to us. 



132 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


enueloppoit comme l'autre, fes parents, quoy que ma- 
lades, luy promirent de l'apporter chés nous. On m'a 
defia fait recit (dit la mere) de l'honneur & du bon 
traiétement que vous faictes à nos enfans, mais ie ne 
[26] veux point qu'on deueloppe Ie mien. Là deffus 
Ie Pere du premier trefpaffé luy difi, on ne fait point 
de mal à l'enfant on ne luy ofie point fes robbes, on 
regarde feulement s'il eft dedans Ie pacquet, & fi 
nous ne fommes point ttompeurs, elle acquiefça & 
prefenta fon fils pour efire porté dans no fire Cha- 
pelle, dans laquelle Ie Pere Buteux nous l'amena en 
la compagnie de fes parens & des autres Sauuages; 
nous l'enterrafmes auec les mefmes ceremonies que 
l'autre, & eux luy donnerent auffi fes petits meubles 
pour paffer en l'autre monde, nous fifmes encores Ie 
feftin qu'ils font à la mort de leurs gens, bien ioyeux 
de voir ce peuple s'affeétionner petit à petit, aux 
fainétes aétions de l'Eglife Chrefiienne & Catholique. 
Le quatorziefme de Iuillet ie baptizay Ie fixiefme, 
c'eftoit vne petite Algonquine aagée d'enuiron vn an, 
ie ne l'euffe pas fi toft fait Chreftienne, n'efioit qui 
fes parens s'en vouloient aller vers leur pays. Or 
iugeant auec Monfieur du Chefne, que cet enfant 
trauaillé d'vne fieure ethique, eftoit en [27J danger de 
mort, ie luy conferay ce Sacrement, elle fut appellée 
Marguerite, on la nommoit en Sauuage ltfemiclltz"gou- 
ckiouifcoueóu, c'[ e Jft à dire, femme d'vn European, fon 
Pere fe nomme en Algonquain Pichibabicll, c'eft à dire 
Pierre, & fa mere Chichip, c'eft à dire vn Canard, ils 
m'ont promis que fi cette pauure petite recouure fa 
fanté qu'ils me l'apporteroient, pour la mettre entre les 
mains de l'vne de nos Françoifes, comme ce peuple 
eft errant, ie ne fçai maintenant où elle eft, ie crois 



]633-34] 


LE JEUJVE'S RELA TION, I634 


133 


" They have already told me," (said the mother) " of 
the honor and kind treatment you show to our chil- 
dren, but I do not [26J wish mine to be unrolled." 
Thereupon, the Father of the one who had died first 
said to her, " They do no harm to the child; they do 
not take off any of its clothes; they only look to see 
if it is inside the parcel, and if we are deceiving 
them." She acquiesced, and presented her son to 
be carried into our Chapel, into which Father Buteux 
brought him to us, together with his relatives and 
other Savages. We buried him with the same cere- 
monies as the other, and they gave him also his be- 
longings, to pass with him into the other world. We 
again held the feast that is made at the death of their 
people, very happy to see them, little by little, ac- 
quiring an affection for the holy offices of the Chris- 
tian and Catholic Church. 
On the fourteenth of July, I baptized the sixth, a 
little Algonquin girl about a year old. I would 
not have made this child a Christian so soon, had it 
not been that its parents wished to go to their own 
country. Now, believing with :Monsieur du Chesne 
that this child, who was suffering from hectic fever, 
was in [27J danger of death, I administered this 
Sacrament. She was called Marguerite; her Savage 
name was .l1Iemz.chtz"gollchÙmiscoueoll, meaning, "wife of 
a European; " her Father was called in Algonqauin, 
Pichibabicll, that is to say, "Stone," and her mother 
Chichip, meaning" a Duck." They have promised me 
that if this poor little child recovers its health, they 
will bring it to me, to be placed in the hands of one 
of our French Women. As this is a wandering tribe, 
I do not know now where she is; but I believe she 
is not far from Paradise, if she is not already there. 



134 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


qu'elle n'eft pas loing du Paradis, fi elle n'y eft defia. 
La feptiefme perfonne que nous auons mis au 
nombre des enfans de Dieu, par Ie Sacrement de Ba- 
ptefme, c'eft la mere du petit Sauuage, que nous auions 
nommé bien-venu; elle s'appelloit en Sauuage Ourou- 
tiuoucoueu, & maintenant on 1'appel1e Marie, ce beau 
nom luy a efté donné, fuiuant Ie væu qu'auoit fait 
autresfois Ie R. Pere Charles l' Allement, que la pre- 
miere Canadienne que nous baptizerions, porteroit Ie 
nom de la fainéte Vierge, & Ie premier Sauuage, ce- 
luy de [28J de fon glorieux Efpoux fainét Iofeph, nous 
n'auions point cognoiffance de ce væu, quand les 
autres ont efté baptizés. I'efpere que dans fort peu 
de iours il fera entierement accomply: mais pour re- 
tourner à noftre nouuelle Chreftienne, 1'ayant trou- 
uée proche du fort de nos François, abandonnée de 
fes gens, pource qu'elle eftoit malade, ie luy deman- 
day qui la nourriffoit, elle me refpondit que les Fran- 
çois luy donnoient quelque morceau de pain, & que 
quelques vns reuenans de la chaffe, luy iettoient par 
fois en paffant vne tourterelle, fi vous vous voulez 
cabaner, luy dif-je, proche de noftre maifon, nous 
vous nourrirõs, & vous enfeignerons Ie chemin du 
Ciel; Elle me repartit d'vne voix languiffante, car 
elle eftoit fort mal, helas! i'y voudrois bien aller, 
mais ie ne fçaurois plus marcher, aye pitié de moy, 
enuoye moy querir dans vn Canot. Ie ny manquay 
pas Ie lendemain matin 23. Iuillet ie la fis apporter 
proche de noftre maifon; la pauure feme me demã- 
doit bien fi elle n'entreroit point chez nous, elle s'at- 
tedoit que nous luy feriõs la mefme [29J charité que 
nous auions fait aux deux premiers baptizés, mais ie 
luy refpõdis qu'elle eftoit feme, & que nous ne pou- 



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135 


The seventh person whom we have placed among 
the number of the children of God, through the Sac- 
rament of Baptism, is the mother of the little Savage 
whom we named "bien-venu; " she is called, in Sav- 
age, OllrolttillOltCOUell, and now her name is Marie. 
This beautiful name was given to her in pursuance 
of a vow once made by Reverend Father Charles l' Al- 
lement, that the first Canadian Woman whom we 
should baptize should bear the name of the holy Vir- 
gin; and the first Savage, that [28] of her glorious 
Spouse, saint Joseph. We did not know about this 
vow, when the others were baptized; I hope that in 
a very few days it will be entirely fulfilled. But 
to return to our new Christian. When I found her 
near the French fort, abandoned by her people, be- 
cause she was sick, I asked her who fed her; she an- 
swered that the French gave her a few morsels of 
bread, and that, on their return from the chase, they 
occasionally threw her a pigeon. "If you wish to 
stay near us," I said, "we will care for you, and will 
teach you the way to Heaven." She answered me 
in a weak voice, for she was very sick, "Alas! I would 
indeed like to go there, but I can no longer walk; 
have pity upon me, send some one in a Canoe to 
fetch me." I did not fail to do this; and on the 
next day, the 23rd of July, I had her brought near 
our house. The poor woman asked me if she were 
not to go inside, expecting us to show her the same 
[29] charity that the first two who had been baptized 
had received; but I told her that, as she was a woman, 
we could not lodge her in our house, which is very 
small; that we would, however, carry her something 
to eat to her Hut, and that every day I would go to 
see and teach her. She was satisfied with this. 'V"hen 



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uions pas la lager dãs nôtre maisõnette qui efi fort 
petite, que neãtmoins nous luy porterions à manger 
dans fa Cabane, & que tous les iours ie l'irois voir 
pour l'infiruire, elle fut contente. Quand ie com- 
mençay à luy parler de la fainéte Trinité, difant, que 
Ie Pere, & Ie F[iJls & Ie fainét Efprit, n'efioient 
qu'vn Dieu qui a tout fait: ie Ie fçay bien, me fit-elle, 
ie Ie crois ainfi; Ie fus tout efionné à cette repartie, 
mais elle me dit que nofire bon Sauuage Iofeph luy 
rapportoit par fois ce que nous luy difions, cela me 
consola fort, car en peu de temps elle fut fuffifam- 
ment infiruiéte pour efire baptizée: i'efiois feulement 
en peine de luy faire conceuoir vne douleur de fez 
pechez, les Sauuages n'ont point en leur langue, fi 
bien en leurs mæurs, ce mot de peché: Ie mot de 
mefchanceté & de malice fignifie parmy eux vne ac- 
tion contre la pureté, à ce qu'ils m'ont dit: i'efiois 
donc en peine de luy faire conceuoir vn deplaifir d'a- 
uoir offencé [30J Dieu, ie luy leus par plufieurs fois 
les Commandemens, luy difant que celuy qui à tout 
fait haïffoit ceux qui ne luy obeïffoient pas, & qu'elle 
luy dit qu'elle efioit bien marrie de l'auoir offencé: 
La pauure femme qui auoit bien retenu les deffences 
que Dieu a fait à tous les hommes de mentir, de pail- 
larder, de defobeïr à fes parents, s'accufa tout feu Ie de 
toutes fes offences par plufieurs fois: difant de foy 
mefme, celuy qui as tout fait aye pitié de moy, IESVS, 
Fils de celuy qui peut tout, fais moy mifericorde: ie 
te promets que ie ne m'enyureray plus ny que ie ne 
diray plus de paroles des honnefies, que ie ne menti- 
ray plus, ie fuis marrie de t'auoir fafché, i'en fuis 
marrie de tout mon cæur, ie ne mens point, aye pitié 
de moy, fi je retourne en fanté, ie croiray toufiours 



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137 


I began to speak to her about the holy Trinity, say- 
ing that the Father, the Son, and the holy Spirit, 
were only one God, who has made all things, " I 
know that well," she replied, " I believe it." I was 
greatly astonished at this answer, but she told me 
that our good Savage Joseph occasionally reported to 
her what we told him. This was a great consolation 
to me, for in a short time she was sufficiently in- 
structed to be baptized. My only trouble was to 
make her feel sorrow for her sins. The Savages 
have not this word" sin" in their language, though 
they certainly have it in their customs. The word 
for wickedness and malice, among them, means a 
violation of purity, as they have told me. So I was 
puzzled to know how to make her understand sorrow 
at having offended [30] God. I read her the Com- 
mandments several times, telling her that he who 
made all things hates those who do not obey him; 
and that she should tell him she was very sorry for 
having offended him. The poor woman, who well 
remembered that God forbids all men to lie, to be 
wanton, to disobey their parents, accused herself 
over and over again of all these offences. She said 
of her own accord, " Thou who hast made all things, 
have mercy upon me; JESUS, Son of him who hath all 
power, have compassion upon me. I promise thee that 
I will not get drunk any more, that I will not utter bad 
words any more, that I will not lie any more. I am 
sorry for having angered thee, I am sorry with all my 
heart. I am not lying, have mercy upon me. If I 
recover, I will always believe in thee, I will always 
obey thee. If I die, have mercy upon my soul." 
As I saw her thus minded, and feared beside that 
she might die suddenly, for she was very ill, I asked 



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[V OL. 6 


en toy, ie t'obeiray toufiours, fi ie meurs aye pitié de 
mon ame; l'aiant donc veuë ainfi difpofée, craignant 
d'ailleurs qu'elle ne mourufi fubitement, car elle 
efioit fort malade, ie luy demanday fi elle ne vouloit 
pas bien efire baptizée, ie voudrois bien encore viure, 
me dit-elle, [3 I] ie cogneu qu'elle s'imaginoit que 
nous ne donnions point Ie baptefme qu'à ceux qui de- 
uoient mourir incontinent apres; ie luy fifi entendre 
que nous efiions tous baptizés, & que nous n'efiions 
pas morts, que Ie baptefme rendoit plutofi la fanté 
du corps, qu'il ne l'ofioit; baptife moy donc au plu- 
tofi me fit elle: ie la voulus efprouuer, il efioit arriué 
quelques canots de Sauuages à Kebec, ie luy dis, 
voila vne compagnie de tes gens qui vient d'arriuer, 
fi tu veux t'en aller auec eux, ils te receuront, & ie te 
feray porter en leurs cabanes; la pauure creature fe 
mit à pleurer & à fanglotter fi fort, qu'elle me toucha, 
me tefmoignant par fes larmes qu'elle vouloit efire 
Chrefiienne, & que ie ne la chaffaffe point: enfin 
voiant fon mal redoubler, nous prifmes refolution de 
la baptizer promptement; ie luy fifi entendre qu'elle 
pourroit mourir la nuiét, & que fon ame s'en iroit 
dans les feux, fi elle n'efioit baptizée: que fi elle vou- 
loit receuoir ce facrement en nofire Chappelle, que 
ie l'y ferois apporter dans vne couuerture, elle tefmoi- 
gna qu'elle [32] en efioit contente: ie m'en yay, luy 
difie, preparer tout ce qu'il fault, prends courage, ie 
t'enuoieray bien-tofi querir: la pauure femme n'eut 
pas la patience d'attendre, elle fe traifne comme elle 
pût, fe repofant à tous coups, en fin elle arriua à 
nofire maifon eiloignée de plus de deux cent pas de 
fa cabane, & fe jetta par terre n'en pouuant plus, 
efiant reuenuë à foy, ie la baptizay en pre fence de 



1633-34] 


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139 


her if she would not like to be baptized. "I would 
like to live longer," she replied. [3 I] I saw she 
imagined that we only gave baptism to those who 
were to die immediately afterwards. I made her un- 
derstand that we were all baptized and we were not 
dead, that baptism restored health to the body rather 
than took it away. "Baptize me then as soon as pos- 
sible, " she answered. I wanted to try her. Some 
canoes of Savages having arrived at Kebec, I said to 
her: "Here is a company of thy people just arrived; 
if thou wishest to go away with them, they will re- 
ceive thee, and I will have thee taken to their cabins. " 
The poor creature began to weep and to sob so vio- 
lently, that I was touched, proving to me by her tears 
that she wanted to be a Christian, and that she did 
not want me to drive her away. At last, when we 
saw that she was growing much worse, we decided 
to baptize her at once. I made her understand that 
she might die that night, and that her soul would go 
into the flames if she were not baptized; that if she 
wished to receive this sacrament in our Chapel, I 
would have her conveyed there in a blanket. She 
showed that she [32] was satisfied with this. "I am 
going away," I said to her, " to prepare what is nec- 
essary, take courage, I will send for thee soon." 
The poor woman did not have the patience to wait, 
but dragged herself along as well as she could, rest- 
ing at every step, until at last she arrived at our 
house more than two hundred steps from her cabin, 
and threw herself upon the ground completely ex- 
hausted. When she recovered herself, I baptized 
her in the presence of our Fathers and of all our 
men. She answered confidently all the questions I 
put to her in following the order of the administra- 



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LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


nos Peres, & de tous nos hommes: elle me refpondit 
brauement à toutes les demandes que ie luy feis, fui- 
uant l'ordre de conferer ce Sacrement aux perfonnes 
qui ont l'vfage de raifon: N ous la reportafmes dans 
fa cabane toute pleine de joie, & nous remplis de 
confolation voiant la grace de Dieu operer dans vne 
ame où Ie diable auoit fait fa demeure fi long temps. 
Cecy arriua Ie premier iour d' Aoufi. 
Le lendemain quelques François m' efiant venus 
voir, l'allans vifiter, ils la trouuerent tenant vn Cru- 
cifix en main, & l'apofirophant fort doucement! Toy 
qui efi mort pour moy, fais moy mifericorde, ie 
veux croire en [33] toy toute ma vie, aye pitié de 
mon ame; Ie rapporte expreffement toutes ces parti- 
cularitez, pour faire voir que nos Sauuages ne font 
point fi barbares qu'ils ne puiffent efire faits enfans 
de Dieu: I'efpere que là où Ie peché a regné, que la 
grace y triomphera, cette pauure femme veit encores 
plus proche du Ciel que de la fanté. 
Ie concluerray ce Chapitre par vn chafiiment affez 
remarquable d'vne autre Canadienne, qui ayant fer- 
mé l'oreille à Dieu pendant fa maladie, femble auoir 
efié rejettée à fa mort. Le Pere Brebæuf l'ayant 
efié voir, pour luy parler de receuoir la foy, elle fe 
mocqua de Iuy, & mefprifa fes paroles: fa maladie 
l'ayant terraffée, & les Sauuages voulans decabaner, 
la porterent à cette honnefie famille, habituée icy de- 
puis vn affez long temps; mais n'ayãt pas où la loger, 
ces Barbares la trainerent au fort, fi nous n'euffions 
efié fi efioignez, affeurément ils nous l'auroient ame- 
née; car ie me doute qu'ils la prefentoiêt à nos Fran- 
çois, voyans que nous auions receu auec beaucoup 
d'amour les deux Sauuages morts Chrefiiens. [34] 



1633-34] 


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141 


tion of this Sacrament to persons who have the use 
of their reason. vVe bore her, all full of joy, back to 
her own cabin; and we ourselves were greatly com- 
forted at seeing the grace of God working in a soul 
where the devil has so long made his habitation. 
This happened the first day of August. 
The next day, some French people, who came to 
see me, went to visit her, and found her holding a 
Crucifix in her hand, and addressing it in a low 
voice: "Thou who hast died for me, be merciful to 
me; I wish to believe in [33] thee all my life; have 
pity upon my soul." I report all these details pur- 
posely, that you may see that our Savages are not so 
barbarous that they cannot be made children of God. 
I hope that there, where sin has reigned, grace will 
triumph. This poor woman is still living, nearer to 
Heaven than to health. 
I shall finish this Chapter with an account of the 
very remarkable punishment of a Canadian Woman, 
who, having closed her ear to God during her sick- 
ness, seems to have been rejected at her death. 
vVhen Father Bre bæuf went to see her, to speak to 
her about receiving the faith, she laughed at him 
and scorned his words. Having been prostrated by 
sickness, and the Savages wishing to break camp, 
they carried her to this worthy family who have lived 
here for quite a long time; but, as they had no place 
to keep her, these Barbarians dragged her to the 
fort; if we had not been so far away, they would no 
doubt have brought her to us, for I am inclined to 
think that they presented her to our Frenchmen be- 
cause we had received with so much kindness the 
two deceased Christian Savages. [34] Monsieur de 
Champlain, as it was already late, gave her shelter 



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LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


Monfieur de Champlain voyant qu'il eftoit defia tard 
luy fift donner Ie couuert pour vne nuiét, ceux qui 
eftoient dans la chambre où on la mit furent con- 
traints d'en fortir, ne pouuans fupporter l'infeétion 
de cette femme. 
Le iour venu Monfieur de Champlain fift appeller 
quelques Sauuages, & leur ayant reproché leur cru- 
auté d'abandonner cette creature qui eftoit de leur na- 
tion, ils la reprirent & la trainerent vers leurs Ca- 
banes, la rebutans comme vn chien, fans luy donner 
Ie couuert. Cette miferable fe voyant delaiffée des 
fiens, expofée à la rigueur du froid, demãda qu'on 
nous fift appeller; mais cõme il n'y auoit point là de 
nos François, les Sauuages ne voulurent pas prendre 
la peine de venir iufques en noftre maifon, efloignée 
d'vne bonne lieuë de leurs Cabanes, fi bien que la 
faim, Ie froid, la maladie, & les enfans des Sauuages, 
à ce qu'on dit, la tuerent; nous ne fufmes aduertis 
de cette hiftoire tragique que quelques iours apres fa 
mort: s'il y auoit icy vn Hofpital il y auroit tous les 
malades du [35] pays, & tous les vieillards, pour les 
hommes nous les fecourerons, felon nos forces, mais 
pour les femmes il ne nous eft pas bien íeant de les 
receuoir en nos maifons. 



1633-34] 


LE .IEUNE'S RELA TION, I6.J4 


143 


for one night. Those who were in the room where 
she was placed, had to leave, as they could not bear 
the odor from this woman. 
In the morning, Monsieur de Champlain caused a 
number of the Savages to be called; and, being re- 
proached by him for their cruelty in abandoning this 
creature, who was of their tribe, they took her and 
dragged her toward their Cabins, repulsing her as 
they would a dog, and giving her no covering. This 
wretched woman, finding herself abandoned by her 
own people and exposed to the severity of the cold, 
asked that we should be called. But, as there were 
no Frenchmen there, the Savages did not care to take 
the trouble to come all the way to our house, a good 
league from their Cabins; so that hunger, cold, dis- 
ease, and the children of the Savages, as it is re- 
ported, killed her. We did not hear of this tragedy 
until some days after her death. If we had a Hos- 
pital here, all the sick people of the [35] country, 
and all the old people, would be there. As to the 
men, we will take care of them according to our 
means; but, in regard to the women, it is not becom- 
ing for us to receive them into our houses. 



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[VOL. 6 


CHAPITRE III. 


DES MOYENS DE CONUERTIR LES SAUUAGES. 


L E grand pouuoir que firent paroifire les Portu- 
gais au commencement dedans les Indes Orien- 
tales & Occidentales, ietta l'admiration bien 
auant dedans l'efprit des Indiens, fi bien que ces 
peuples embrafferent quafi fans contreditte la creance 
de ceux qu'ils admiroient. Or voicy à mon aduis les 
moyens d'acquerir cet afcendant, pardeffus nos Sau- 
uages. 
Le premier efi d'arrefier les courfes de ceux qui 
ruinent la Religion, & de fe rendre redoutable aux 
Hiroquois, qui ont tué de nos hommes, comme cha- 
cun fçait, & qui tout fraifchement ont maffacré deux 
cent Hurons, & en [36J ont pris plus de cent prifon- 
niers. V oila felon ma penfée la porte vnique, par la- 
queUe nous fortirons du mefpris, où la negligence de 
ceux qui auoient cy-deuant la traide du pays, nous 
ont ietté par leur auarice. 
Le fecond moyen de nous rendre recomman- 
dables aux Sauuages, pour les induire à receuoir 
nofire fainde foy, feroit d'enuoyer quelque nombre 
d'hommes bien entendus à defricher & cultiuer la 
terre, lefquels fe ioignants auec ceux qui fçauroient 
la langue, trauaiUeroient pour les Sauuages, à cõdi- 
tion qu'ils s'arrefieroient, & mettroient eux mefmes 
la main à l'æuure, demeurants dans quelques maifons 
qu'on leur feroit dreffer pour leur vfage, par ce 



1633-34] 


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145 


CHAPTER III. 


ON THE MEANS OF CONVERTING THE SAVAGES. 


T HE great show of power made at first by the 
Portuguese in the East and West Indies in- 
spired profound admiration in the minds of the 
Indians, so that these people embraced, without any 
contradiction, the belief of those whom they admired. 
N ow the following is, it seems to me, the way in 
which to acquire an ascendancy over our Savages. 
First, to check the progress of those who over- 
throw Religion, and to make ourselves feared by the 
Iroquois, who have killed some of our men, as every 
one knows, and who recently massacred two hundred 
Hurons, and [36] took more than a hundred prison- 
ers. This is, in my opinion, the only door through 
which we can escape the contempt into which the 
negligence of those who have heretofore held the 
trade of this country has thrown us, through their 
avance. 
The second means of commending ourselves to 
the Savages, to induce them to receive our holy 
faith, would be to send a number of capable men to 
clear and cultivate the land, who, joining themselves 
with others who know the language, would work for 
the Savages, on condition that they would settle 
down, and themselves put their hands to the work, 
living in houses that would be built for their use; 
by this means becoming located, and seeing this mir- 
acle of charity in their behalf, they could be more 



146 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


moyen demeurants fedentaires, & voyants ce miracle 
de charité en leur endroit, on les pourroit infiruire & 
gaigner plus facilement. M'entretenant cét Ryuer 
auec mes Sauuages, ie leurs communiquois ce def- 
fein, les affeurant que quand ie fçaurois parfaiéte- 
ment leur langue, ie les aiderois à cultiuer la terre, fi 
ie pouuois auoir des hommes, & s'ils fe vouloient [37] 
arrefier, leurs reprefentant la mifere de leurs courfes, 
qui les touchoit pour lors affez fenfiblement. Le 
Sorcier m'ayant entendu, fe tourna vers fes gens, & 
leur dit, voyez comme cette robe noire ment hardi- 
ment en nofire prefence; ie luy demandy pourquoy 
il fe figuroit que ie mentois, pource, dit-il, qu'on ne 
voit point d'hommes au monde fi bans comme tu dis, 
qui voudroient prendre la peine de nous fecourir fans 
efpoir de recompenfe, & d'employer tant d'hommes 
pour nous aider fans rien prendre de nous; fi tu fai- 
fois cela, adjoufia-il, tu arrefierois Ia plufpart des 
Sauuages, & ils croiroient taus à tes paroles. 
Ie m'en rapporte, mais fi ie puis tirer quelque con- 
clufion des chofes que ie vois, il me femble qu'on ne 
doit pas efperer grande chofe des Sauuages, tant 
qu'ils feront errants; vous les infiruifés auiourd'huy, 
demain la faim vous enleuera vas auditeurs, les con- 
traignant d'aller chercher leur vie dans Ies fleuues & 
dans les bois. L'an paffé ie faifois Ie Catechifme en 
begaiant à [38] bon nombre d'enfans, les vaiffeaux 
partis, mes oyfeaux s'enuolerent qui d'vn cofié qui 
de l'autre, cette année que ie parle vn petit mieux, 
ie les penfois reuoir, mais s'efians cabanez de là Ie 
grand fleuue de S. Laurens, i'ay efié frufiré de mon 
attente. De Ies vouloir fuiure, il faudroit autant de 
Religieux qu'ils font de cabanes, encor n'en vi en droit 



1633-34] 


LEJEUNE'S RELATION, z634 


147 


easily instructed and won. While conversing this 
Winter with my Savages, I communicated to them 
this plan, assuring them that when I knew their lan- 
guage perfectly, I would help them cultivate the 
land if I could have some men, and if they wished 
[37] to stop roving, - representing to them the 
wretchedness of their present way of living, and in- 
fluencing them very perceptibly, for the time being. 
The Sorcerer,I4 having heard me, turned toward his 
people and said, "See how boldly this black robe 
lies in our presence." I asked him why he thought 
I was lying. "Because, " said he, " we never see in 
this world men so good as thou sayest, who would 
take the trouble to help us without hope of reward, 
and to employ so many men to aid us without taking 
anything from us; if thou shouldst do that," he 
added, .. thou wouldst secure the greater part of the 
Savages, and they would all believe in thy words." 
I may be mistaken; but, if I can draw any conclu- 
sion from the things I see, it seems to me that not 
much ought to be hoped for from the Savages as long 
as they are wanderers; you will instruct them to-day, 
to-morrow hunger snatches your hearers away, forcing 
them to go and seek their food in the rivers and 
woods. Last year I stammered out the Catechism to 
a [38] goodly number of children; as soon as the 
ships departed, my birds flew away, some in one 
direction and some in another. This year, I hoped to 
see them again, as I speak a little better; but, as 
they have settled on the other side of the great river 
St. Lawrence, my hopes have been frustrated. To 
try to follow them, as many Religious would be 
needed as there are cabins, and still we would not at- 
tain our object; for they are so occupied in seeking 



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[VOL. () 


on pas à bout; car ils font tellement occupez à quefier 
leur vie parmy ces bois, qu'ils n'ont pas Ie loifir de 
fe fauuer, pour ainfi dire. De plus ie ne crois point 
que de cent Religieux, il yen ait dix qui puiffent re- 
fifier aux trauaux, qu'il faudroit endurer à leur 
fuitte. Ie voulus demeurer auec eux l' Automne der- 
nier, ie n'y fus pas huiét iours, qu'vne fieure violente 
me faifit, & me fifi rechercher nofire petite maifon, 
pour y trouuer ma fanté: Efiant guary ie les ay vou- 
lu fuiure pendant l'Hiuer, i'ay efié fort nlalade la 
plufpart du temps: ces raifons & beaucoup d'autres 
que ie deduirois, n'efioit que ie crains d'efire lõg, me 
font croire qu'on trauaillera beaucoup, & qu'on auan- 
cera fort peu, fi on n'arrefie ces Barbares, [39] de 
leur vouloir perfuader de cultiuer d'eux-mefmes fans 
efire fecourus, ie doute fort fi on Ie pourra obtenir de 
long temps; car ils n'y entendent rien: De plus où 
retireront ils ce qu'ils pourront recueillir, leurs ca- 
banes n' efiants faites que d' efcorce, la premiere gelée 
gafiera toutes les racines & les citroüilles qu'ils au- 
roient ramaffées. De fenler des poids & du bled 
d'Inde, ils n'ont point de place dans leurs todis; mais 
qui les nourrira pendant qu'ils cõmanceront à defri- 
cher; car ils ne viuent quafi .qu'au iour la iournée, 
n'ayãt pour l'ordinaire au temps qu'il faut défricher 
aucunes prouifions. En fin quand ils fe tueroiêt de 
trauailIer, ils ne pourroient pas retirer de la terre la 
moitié de leur vie, iufques à ce qu'elle foit défrichée, 
& qu'ils foient bien entendus à la faire profiter. 
Or auec Ie fecours de quelques braues ouuriers de 
bon trauail, il feroit aifé d'arrefier quelques familIes, 
veu que quelques vns m'en ont def-ja parlé, s'accou- 
fiumans d'eux mefmes petit à petit à tirer quelque 
chofe de la terre. 



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their livelihood in these woods, that they have not 
time, so to speak, to save themselves. Besides, I do 
not believe that, out of a hundred Religious, there 
would be ten who could endure the hardships to be 
encountered in following them. I tried to live 
among them last Autumn; I was not there a week 
before I was attacked by a violent fever, "\vhich caused 
me to return to our little house to recover my health. 
Being cured, I tried to follow them during the 'Vin- 
ter, and I was very ill the greater part of the time. 
These reasons, and many others that I might give, 
were I not afraid of being tedious, make me think 
that we shall work a great deal and advance very 
little, if we do not make these Barbarians stationary. 
[39J As for persuading them to till the soil of their 
own accord, without being helped, I very much 
doubt whether we shall be able to attain this for a 
long time, for they know nothing whatever about 
it. Besides, where will they store their harvests? 
As their cabins are made of bark, the first frost will 
spoil all the roots and pumpkins that they will have 
gathered. If they plant peas and Indian corn, they 
have no place in their huts to store them. But who 
will feed them while they are beginning to clear the 
land? For they live only from one day to another, 
having ordinarily no provisions to sustain them dur- 
ing the time that they must be clearing. Finally, 
when they had killed themselves with hard work, 
they could not get from the land half their living, 
until it was cleared and they understood how to make 
the best use of it. 
N ow, with the assistance of a few good, industri- 
ous men, it would be easy to locate a few families, 
especially as some of them have already spoken to 



150 


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[VOL. 6 


Ie fçay bien qu'il y a des perfonnes de [4 0 J bon 
iugement, qui croyent qu'encor que les Sauuages 
foient errants, que la bonne femence de l'Euangile ne 
laiffera pas de germer & de fruétifier en leur arne, 
quoy que plus lentement, pource qu'on ne les peut 
inftruire que par reprifes. Ils fe figuret encor que 
s'il paffe icy quelques familles comme on a def-ja 
commencé d'en amener, que les Sauuages, prendrõt 
exemple fur nos François, & s'arrefteront pour cul- 
tiuer la terre. Ie fus frappé de ces penfées au com- 
mencement que nous vinfmes icy, mais la cõmunica- 
tiõ que i'ay euë auec ces peuples, & les difficultez 
qu'ont des hõmes habituez dans l'oifiueté, d'embraffer 
vn fort trauail, comme eft la culture de la terre, me 
fõt croire maintenant que s'ils ne font fecourus, ils 
perdront cæur, notamment les Sauuages de Tadouf- 
fac. Car pour ceux des trois riuieres, où nos Fran- 
çois font faire vne nouuelle habitation cette année, 
ils ont promis qu'ils s'arrefteront là & qu'ils femeront 
du bled d'Inde; ce qui me femble n'eft pas tout à 
faiét affeuré, mais probable, pour autant que leurs 
predeceffeurs ont eu autresfois [41J vne bonne bour- 
gade en cet endroiét, qu'ils ont quittée pour les inua- 
fions des Hiroquois leurs ennemis. 
Le Capitaine de ce quartier là, m'a dit que la terre 
y eftoit fort bonne, & qu'ils l'aimoient fort s'ils de- 
uiennent fedentaires, comme ils en ont main tenant 
la volonté, nous preuoyons lá vne moiffon plus fe- 
conde des biens du Ciel, que des fruiéts de la terre. 
Le troifiefme moyen d'eftre bienvoulu de ces 
peuples, feroit de dreffer icy vn feminaire de petits 
garçons, & auec Ie temps vn de filles, foubs la con- 
duitte de quelque braue maiftreffe, que Ie zele de la 



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me about it, thus of themselves becoming accustomed, 
little by little, to extract something from the earth. 
I know well there are persons of [40] good judgment 
who believe that, although the Savages are nomadic, 
the good seed of the Gospel will not fail to take root 
and bring forth fruit in their souls, although more 
slowly, as they can only be instructed at intervals. 
They imagine also that, if a few families come over 
here, as they are already beginning to do, the Sav- 
ages will follow the example of our French and will 
settle down to cultivate the land. I myself was im- 
pressed with these ideas, when we first came over 
here; but the intercourse which I have had with 
these people, and the difficulty that men accustomed 
to a life of idleness have in embracing one of hard 
work, such as cultivating the soil, cause me to believe 
now that if they are not helped they will lose heart, 
especially the Savages at Tadoussac. As to those of 
the three rivers, where our French People are going 
to plant a new colony this year, they have promised 
that they will settle down there and plant Indian 
corn; this seems to me not altogether assured, but 
probable, inasmuch as their predecessors once had 
[4 1 ] a good village in that place, which they aban- 
doned on account of the invasions of their enemies, 
the Hiroquois. 15 
The Captain of that region told me that the land 
there was quite good, and they liked it very much. 
If they become sedentary, as they are now minded to 
do, we foresee there a harvest more abundant in the 
blessings of Heaven than in the fruits of the earth. 
The third means of making ourselves welcome to 
these people, would be to erect here a seminary for 
little boys, and in time one for girls, under the di- 



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LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES 


[VOL. 6 


gloire de Dieu & l'affeétiõ au falut de ces peuples, 
fera paffer icy, auec quelques Compagnes animées de 
pareil courage. Plaife à fa diuine Majefté d'en in- 
ípirer quelques vnes, pour vne fi noble entreprife, & 
leur faffe perdre l'apprehenfion que la foibleffe de 
leur fexe leur pourroit caufer, pour auoir à traueríer 
tant de mers, & viure parmy des Barbares. 
A ce dernier voyage des femmes enceintes font 
venuës, & ont aifemêt furmonté ces difficultez, comme 
auoient [42J faiét d'autres auparauant. Il y a auffi du 
plaifir d'appriuoifer des ames Sauuages, & les cultiuer 
pour receuoir la femence du Chriftianifme. Et puis 
l'experience nous rend certains, que Dieu qui eft bon & 
puiffant enuers tous, au refpeét neantmoins de ceux 
qui s'expofent genereufemêt & fouffrent volontiers 
pour fon feruice, il a des careffes affaifonnées de tant 
de fuauitez, & les fecoure parmy leurs dangers d'vne 
fi prompte & paternelle affiftance, que íouuent ils ne 
fentent point leurs trauaux, ains leurs peines leur 
tournent à plaifir, & leurs perils à confolation fingu- 
liere: 
Iais ie voudrois tenir icy où nous fommes les 
enfans des Hurons. Le Pere Brebæuf nous faiét ef- 
perer que nous en pourrons auoir, s'il entre auec nos 
Peres dans ces pays bien peuplez, & fi on trouue de- 
quoy fonder ce feminaire. La raifon pourquoy ie ne 
voudrois pas prêdre les enfans du pays dans Ie pays 
meíme, mais en vn autre endroiét, c'eft pour autant 
que ces Barbares ne peuuent fupporter qu'on chaftie 
leurs enfants, non pas mefme de paroles, ne pouuans 
rien refuíer à vn [43J enfant qui pleure, fi bien qu'à 
la moindre fantaifie ils nous les enleueroient deuant 
qu'ils fuffent inftruiéts; mais fi on tient icy les pe- 
tits Hurõs, ou les enfans des peuples plus eí1oignez, 



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LE JE , U.J.VE S RELA TIO_V, r634 


J.33 


rection of some brave mistress, whom zeal for the 
glory of God, and a desire for the salvation of these 
people, will bring over here, with a few Companions 
animated by the same courage. 1Iay it please his 
divine :Majesty to inspire some to so noble an enter- 
prise, and to divest them of any fear that the weak- 
ness of their sex might induce in them at the thought 
of crossing so many seas and of living- among Bar- 
barians. 
In the last voyage there came some women who 
were pregnant, and they easily surmounted these 
difficulties, as others had [42] done before them. 
There is also some pleasure in taming the souls of 
the Savages, and preparing them to receive the seed 
of Christianity. And then experience makes us feel 
certain that God, who shows his goodness and power 
to all, has, nevertheless, for those who expose them- 
selves freely and suffer willingly in his service, favors 
seasoned with so much sweetness, and succors them 
in the midst of their dangers with so prompt and 
paternal assistance, that often they do not feel their 
trials, but their pain is turned to pleasure and their 
perils to a peculiar consolation. But I would like to 
keep here, where we are, the children of the Hurons. 
Father Brebæuf leads us to hope that we shall have 
some, if he goes with our Fathers into those well- 
peopled countries, and if there is anything with 
which to found a seminary. The reason why I 
would not like to take the children of one locality 
[and teach them] in that locality itself, but rather in 
some other place, is because these Barbarians cannot 
bear to have their children punished, nor even scold- 
ed, not being able to refuse anything to a [43] crying 
child. They carry this to such an extent that upon 



154 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


il en arriuera plufieurs biens: car nous ne ferõs pas 
importunés ny deftournés des peres en l'inftruction 
des enfants; cela obligera ces peuples à bien traitter. 
ou du moins à ne faire aucun tort aux François qui 
feront en leur pays. Et en dernier lieu nous obtien- 
drons, auec la grace de Dieu noftre Seigneur, la fin 
pour laquelle nous venons en ce pays fi eí1oigné, fça- 
uoir eft la conuerfion de ces peuples. 



1633-34] 


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155 


the slightest pretext they would take them away 
from us, before they were educated. But if the little 
Hurons, or the children of more distant tribes, are 
kept here, a great many advantages will result, for 
we would not be annoyed and distracted by the 
fathers while instructing the children; it will also 
compel these people to show good treatment to the 
French who are in their country, or at least not to 
do them any injury. And, lastly, we shall obtain, 
by the grace of God our Lord, the object for which 
we came into this distant country; namely, the con- 
version of these nations. 



156 


LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


CHAPITRE IV. 


DE LA CREANCE, DES SUPERSTITI01\S, & DES ERREURS 
DES SAUUAGES :\IONTAGNAIS. 


I ' A Y defia mandé, que les Sauuages croyoient 
qu'vn certain nõmé Atachocam auoit creé Ie 
monde, & qu'vn nommé }Iefíou l'auoit reparé. 
I'ay interrogé là deffus ce fameux Sorcier & ce vieil- 
lard, auec lefquelles i'ay paffé [44J l'Hyuer, ils m'ont 
refpondu, qu'ils ne fçauoient pas qui efioit Ie premier 
Autheur du mõde, que c'eítoit peut-eftre Atahochã, 
mais que cela n'eftoit pas certain qu'ils ne parloient 
d' Atahocam, que comme on parle d'vne chose fi eí1oi- 
gnée, qu'õ n'en peut tirer aucune affeurance, & de 
fait Ie mot Nitatahokan en leur lãgue, fignifie, ie ra- 
cõte vne fable, ie dis vn vieux conte fait à plaifir. 
Pour Ie 
Ieffou, ils tiennent qu'il a reparé Ie monde 
qui s'eftoit perdu par Ie deluge d'eau, d'où appert 
qu'ils ont quelque traditiõ de cette grande inondation 
vniuerfelle qui arriua du temps de N oë, mais ils ont 
rem ply cette verité de mille fables impertinentes. 
Ce 
Ieffou allant à la chaffe fes loups Ceruiers dont il 
fe feruoit au lieu de chiens, eftans entrez dans vn 
grand lac ils y furent arreftez. Le :Meffou les cher- 
chant par tout, vn oyfeau luy dit qu'il les voyoit au 
milieu de ce lac, il y entre pour les retirer, mais ce 
lac venant à fe defgorger couurit la terre, & abifma 
Ie monde, Ie 
Ieffou bien eftõné, enuoya Ie corbeau 
chercher vn morceau de terre pour rebafiir cet ele- 



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157 


CHAPTER IV. 


ON THE BELIEF, SUPERSTITIONS, AND ERRORS OF THE 
MONTAGNAIS SAVAGES. 


I HAVE already reported that the Savages believe 
that a certain one named Atachocam had created 
the world, and that one named 
Iessou had re- 
stored it. 16 I have questioned upon this subject the 
famous Sorcerer and the old man with whom I passed 
[44] the Winter; they answered that they did not 
know who was the first Author of the world,- that 
it was perhaps Atahocham, but that was not certain; 
that they only spoke of Atahocam as one speaks of a 
thing so far distant that nothing sure can be known 
about it; and, in fact, the word "Nitatahokan" in 
their language means, " I relate a fable, I am tell- 
ing an old story invented for amusement. " 
As to the :Messou, they hold that he restored the 
world, which was destroyed in the flood; whence 
it appears that they have some tradition of that 
great universal deluge which happened in the time 
of Noë, but they have burdened this truth with a 
great many irrelevant fables. This :Messou went to 
the chase, and his Lynxes, which he used instead of 
dogs, having gone into a great lake, were held there. 
The 
fessou, seeking them everywhere, was told by 
a bird that it had seen them in the midst of this 
lake. He went in, to get them out; but the lake 
overflowed, covering the earth and swallowing up 
the world. The 
Iessou, very much astonished, sent 



158 


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[VOL. 6 


ment, mais il [45] n'en peut trouuer, il fift defcendre 
vne Loutre dãs l'abifme des eauës, elle n'en peut rap- 
porter, enfin il enuoya vn rat mufqué, qui en rapporta 
vn petit morceau, duquel fe feruit Ie :Meffou, pour 
refaire cette terre où no us fommes, il tira des flefches 
aux troncs des arbres, lefquelles fe conuertirent en 
brãches, il fift mille autres merueilles, fe vengea de 
ceux qui auoient arrefté fes Loups Ceruiers, époufa 
vne Ratte mufquée, de laquelle il euft des enfans qui 
ont repeuplé Ie monde, voila cõme Ie Meffou a tout 
reftably. Ie touchay l'an paffé cette fable, mais de- 
firant raffembler tout ce que ie fcay de leur creance, 
i'ay vfé de redittes. Noftre Sauuage racõtoit au Pere 
Brebæuf que fes compatriotes croyent qu'vn certain 
Sauuage auoit receu du Meffou Ie don d'immortalité 
dans vn petit pacquet, auec vne gran de recommanda- 
tion de ne la point ouurir, pendãt qu'il Ie tint fermé 
il fuft immortel, mais fa femme curieufe & incredule, 
voulut voir ce qu'il y auoit dans ce prefent, l'ayant 
deployé, tout s'enuola, & depuis les Sauuages ont 
efté fujets à la mort. 
[4 6 ] Ils difent en outre, que to us les animaux de 
châque efpece ont vn frere aifné, qui eft cõme Ie 
principe & cõme l'origine de tous les indiuidus, & ce 
frere aifné eft merueilleufement grand puiffãt. L'aif- 
né des Caftors, me difoiêt-ils, eft peut-eftre auffi gros 
que noftre Cabane, quoy que fes Cadets (i'entêds les 
Caftors ordinaires) ne foient pas tout à faiét fi gros 
que nos moutons; or ces aifnez de tous les animaux 
font les cadets du Meffou, Ie voila bien apparêté, Ie 
braue reparateur de l'Vniuers, eft Ie frere aifné de 
toutes les beftes. Si quelqu'vn void en dormant 
l'aifné ou Ie principe de quelques animaux, il fera 



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159 


a raven in search of a little piece of ground, with 
which to rebuild this element [the earth], but he [45] 
could not find any; he made an Otter descend into 
the abyss of waters, but it could not bring back any; 
at last he sent a muskrat, which brought back a 
little morsel, and the l\Iessou used this to rebuild 
this earth which we inhabit. He shot arrows into 
the trunks of trees, which made themselves into 
branches; he performed a thousand other wonders, 
avenged himself upon those who had detained his 
Lynxes, and married a muskrat, by whom he had 
children who have repeopled this world. So this is 
the way in which the 1Iessou restored all things. I 
touched upon this fable last year, but, desiring to 
recapitulate all I know about their beliefs, I have re- 
peated many things. Our Savage related to Father 
Brebæuf that his people believe that a certain Sav- 
age had received from Messou the gift of immortality 
in a little package, with a strict injunction not to open 
it; while he kept it closed he was immortal, but his 
wife, being curious and incredulous, wished to see 
what was inside this present; and having opened it, 
it all flew away, and since then the Savages have 
been subject to death. Ii 
[46] They also say that all animals, of every spe- 
cies, have an elder brother, who is, as it were, the 
source and origin of all individuals, and this elder 
brother is wonderfull y great and powerful. The 
elder of the Beaver, they tell me, is perhaps as large 
as our Cabin, although his Junior (I mean the ordi- 
nary Beaver) is not quite as large as our sheep. Now 
these elders of all the animals are the juniors of the 
Messou. Behold him well related, this worthy re- 
storer of the Universe, he is elder brother to all 



160 


^ LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


bonne chaffe, s'il void l'aifné des Cafiors, il predra des 
Cafiors, s'il void l'aifné des Efians, il prendra des 
Efians, iouyffans des cadets par la faueur de leur 
aifné qu'ils ont veu en fonge. Ie leur demanday où 
efioient ces freres aifnez, nous n' en fommes pas bien 
affeurez, me difoient-ils, mais naus penfons que les 
aifnés des oyfeaux font au ciel, & que les aifnez des 
autres animaux font dans les eauës. lIs recon- 
noiffent deux principes des faisons, l'vn [47] s'appelle 
Nipilloukhe, c'eft celuy qui ramene Ie Printemps & 
l'Efié. Ce nom vient de NipÙz, qui en leur langue 
fignifie Ie Printemps. L'autre s'appelle Pipounoukhe 
du nom de Pipoun, qui fignifie l'Hiuer, auffi rameine 
ilIa faifon froide. Ie leurs demandois fi ce Kipi- 
noukhe & Pipounoukhe eftoient hõmes ou animaux 
de quelque autre efpece, & en quel endroiét ils de- 
meuroient ordinairement,. & ils me refpondirent 
qu'ils ne fçauoient pas bien cõme ils eftoient faiéts, 
encor qu'ils fuffent bie affeurez qu'ils efioiet vinants; 
car ils les entendent, difent-ils, parler ou bruire, no- 
tãment à leur venuë, fans pouuoir difiinguer ce 
qu'ils difent; pour leur demeure, ils partagent Ie 
mõde entre-eux, l'vn fe tenant d'vn cofté, l'autre de 
l'autre, & quand Ie temps de leur ftation aux deux 
bouts du mõde, eft expiré l'vn paffe en la place de 
l'autre fe fuccedans mutuellement,. yo oila en partie la 
fable de Cafior & de Pollux. Quand Nipinoukhe re- 
uient, il ramene auec foy la chaleur, les oyfeaux, la 
verdure, il rend la vie & la beauté au mõde, mais Pi- 
pounoukhe rauage tout, [48] eftant accompagné de 
vents fraids, de glaces, de neiges, & des autres ap- 
panages de l'Hiuer; lIs appellent cette fucceffion de 
l'vn à l'autre Ackite.fcatouetk, c'eft à dire ils paffent 
mutuellement à la place rvn de l'autre. 



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beasts. If anyone, when asleep, sees the elder or 
progenitor of some animals, he will have a fortunate 
chase; if he sees the elder of the Beavers, he will 
take Beavers; if he sees the elder of the Elks, he 
will take Elks, possessing the juniors through the 
favor of their senior whom he has seen in the dream. 
I asked them where these elder brothers were. "'V e 
are not sure, " they answered me, " but we think the 
elders of the birds are in the sky, and that the elders 
of the other animals are in the water." They recog- 
nize two progenitors of the seasons; one [47] is called 
NipÙlOukhe, it is this one that brings the Spring and 
Summer. This name comes from NipÙz. which in 
their language means Springtime. The other is 
called Pipounoukhe, from the word Pipoun. which 
means vVinter; it therefore brings the cold season. 
I asked them if this Nipinoukhe and Pipounoukhe 
were men, or if they were animals of some other 
species, and in what place they usually dwelt; they 
replied that they did not know exactly what form 
they had, but they were quite sure they were lh
ing. 
for they heard them, they said, talking or rustling, 
especially at their coming, but they could not tell 
what they were saying. For their dwelling place 
they share the world between them, the one keeping 
on one side, the other upon the other; and when the 
period of their stay at one end of the world has ex- 
pired, each goes over to the locality of the other, re- 
ciprocally succeeding each other. Here we have, in 
part, the fable of Castor and Pollux. 'Vhen Nipi- 
noukhe returns, he brings back with him the heat, 
the birds, the verdure, and restores life and beauty 
to the world; but Pipounoukhe lays waste every- 
thing, [48] being accompanied by the cold winds, 



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[VOL. 6 


De plus, ils croyent qu'il y a certains Genies du 
jour, ou Genies de l'air, ils les nomment KIu"c1u"kollai 
du mot Klticlzikoll, qui veut dire Ie jour & rair. Les 
Genies, ou Kkicltikollai, connoiffent les chofes futures, 
ils voyet de fort loing, c'efi pourquoy les Sauuages 
les confultent, non pas tous Inais certains iongleurs, 
qui fçauent mieux bouffonner & amufer ce peuple 
que les autres. Ie me fuis trouué auec eux quand 
ils confultoient ces beaux Oracles, voicy ce que i'en 
ay remarqué. 
Sur l'entrée de la nuiét, deux ou trois jeunes 
hommes drefferent vn tabernacle au milieu de nofire 
Cabane, ils plãterent en rond fix pieux fort auãt 
dans terre, & pour les tenir en efiat,ils attacherent au 
haut de ces pieux vn grand cercle, qui les enuiron- 
noit tous; cela fait ils entourerent cet Edifice de Ca- 
fielognes, laiffant Ie haut du tabernacle [49] ouuuert, 
c'efi tout ce que pourroit faire vn grand homme, 
d'atteindre de la main au plus haut de cette tour 
ronde, capable de tenir 5 ou 6 hommes debout. 
Cette maisõ efiãt faite, on efieint entierement les 
feux de la cabane, iettant dehors les tifons, de peur 
que la flãme ne donne de l'efpouuãte à ces Geniés ou 
Kkicltikollai, qui doiuent entrer en ce tabernacle, 
dans lequel vn ieune iongleur fe gliffa par Ie bas, re- 
trouffant à cét effeét la couuerture qui l'enuirõnoit, 
puis la rabbattãt quand il fut entré, car il fe faut 
bien donner de garde qu'il n'y ait aucune ouuerture 
en ce beau palais, u.non par Ie haut. Le jongleur en- 
tré, commença doucement à fremir, comme en fe 
plaignãt, il efbranloit ce tabernacle fans violence au 
cõmencement, puis s'animant petit à petit, il fe mit à 
fiffier d'vne façon fourde, & comme de loin: puis à 



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163 


ice, snows, and other phenomena of Winter. They 
call this succession of one to the other Ackitescatoueth 
. 
meaning that they pass reciprocally to each others' 
places. 
Furthermore, they believe that there are certain 
Genii of light, or Genii of the air, which they call 
Kkichikouaz" from the word Kkicltikou, which means 
" light" or "the air." The. Genii, or Kkichikouaz., 
are acquainted with future events, they see very far 
ahead; this is why the Savages consult them, not all 
[the savages] but certain jugglers, who know better 
than the others how to impose upon and amuse these 
people. I have chanced to be present when they 
consulted these fine Oracles, and here is what I have 
observed. 
Towards nightfall, two or three young men erected 
a tent in the middle of our Cabin; they stuck six 
poles deep into the ground in the form of a circle, 
and to hold them in place they fastened to the tops 
of these poles a large ring, which completely en- 
circled them; this done, they enclosed this Edifice 
with Castelognes,18 leaving the top of the tent [49] 
open; it is all that a tall man can do to reach to the 
top of this round tower, capable of holding 5 or 6 
men standing upright. This house made, the fires 
of the cabin are entirely extinguished, and the brands 
thrown outside, lest the flame frighten away the 
Genii or Kltichikouaz., who are to enter this tent; a 
young juggler slipped in from below, turning back, 
for this purpose, the covering which enveloped it, 
then replaced it when he had entered, for they must 
be very careful that there be no opening in this fine 
palace except from above. The juggler, having en- 
tered, began to moan softly, as if complaining; he 



164 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


parler comme dans vne bouteille, à crier comme vn 
chat-huant de ce pays-cy, qui me femble auoir la voix 
plus forte que ceux de France, puis à hurler, chanter, 
variant de tõ à tous coup, finiffant par ces fyllabes, 
lto ho, hi hi, gUt: gu'i nioué, & autres [50J femblables cõ- 
trefaifant fa voix en forte qu'il me fembloit oüir ces 
marionnettes que quelques bateleurs fõt voir en 
France: 11 parloit tãtofi Mõtagnais, tantofi Algon- 
quain, retenãt toufiours l'accent Algonquain, qui eft 
gay, cõme Ie Prouençal. Au commencement, cõme 
i'ay dit, il agitoit doucement cét edifice, mais cõme i1 
s'alloit toufiours animant, il entra dans vn fi furieux 
enthoufiafme, que ie croyois qu'il deuft tout brifer, 
efbranlant fi fortement, & auec de telles violences fa 
maifon, que ie m'eftonnois qu'vn homme eufi tant de 
force: car comme il eut vne fois cõmencé à l'agiter, 
il ne ceffa point que la confulte ne fuft faite, qui dura 
enuiron trois heures: Comme il changeoit de voix, les 
Sauuages s'efcrioient au commencemët moa, moa, 
efcoute, efcoute: puis inuitãs ces Geniés, ils .leurs 
difoiët, Pitoukhecou, Pz"touKhecou, entrez, entrez. Ð'au- 
trefois cõme s'ils euffent refpondu aux hurlements du 
jongleur, ils tiroient cefie afpiration du fond de la 
poitrine, ho, lzo. I'efiois affis comme les autres re- 
gardant ce beau myftere auec defence de parler: 
mais cõme ie ne leur [5 I] auois point voüé d'obeïf- 
fance, ie ne laiffois pas de dire vn petit mot à la tra- 
uerfe: tantoft ie les priois d'auoir pitié de ce pauure 
jongleur, qui fe tuoit dans ce tabernacle: d'autrefois 
ie leur difois qu'ils criaffent plus haut & que leurs 
Geniés eftoient endormis. 
Quelques vns de ces Barbares s'imaginët que ce 
jongleur n'eft point là dedans, qu'ils eft tranfporté 



1633-34J 


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165 


shook the tent at first without violence; then be- 
coming animated little by little, he commenced to 
whistle, in a hollow tone, and as if it came from 
afar; then to talk as if in a bottle; to cry like the 
owls of these countries, which it seems to me have 
stronger voices than those of France; then to howl 
and sing, constantly varying the tones; ending by 
these syllables, ho ho, lti hz., guigui, nioué, and other [50] 
similar sounds, disguising his voice so that it seemed 
to me I heard those puppets which showmen exhibit 
in France. Sometimes he spoke Montagnais, some- 
times Algonquain, retaining always the Algonquain 
intonation, which, like the Provençal, is vivacious. 
At first, as I have said, he shook this edifice gently; 
but, as he continued to become more animated, he 
fell into so violent an ecstasy, that I thought he 
would break everything to pieces, shaking his house 
with so much force and violence, that I was aston- 
ished at a man having so much strength; for, after 
he had once begun to shake it, he did not stop until 
the consultation was over, which lasted about three 
hours. Whenever he would change his voice, the 
Savages would at first cry out, moa, moa, "listen, 
listen;" then, as an invitation to these Genii, 
they said to them, Pitoukhccou, Pitoukhecou, " enter, 
enter. " At other times, as if they were replying to 
the howls of the juggler, they drew this aspiration 
from the depths of their chests, ho, ho. I was seated 
like the others, looking on at this wonderful mys- 
tery, forbidden to speak; but as I [5 IJ had not vowed 
obedience to them, I did not fail to intrude a little 
word into the proceedings. Sometimes I begged 
them to have pity on this poor juggler, who was 
killing himself in this tent; at other times I told 



166 


LES RELA TIO^
S DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


fans fçauoir ny ou, ny cõment. D'autres difent que 
fon corps eft couché par terre, que fon ame eft au 
haut de ce tabernacle, où eUe parle au commence- 
ment, appellant ces Geniés, & iettant par fois des 
eftinceUes de feu. Or pour retourner à noftre con- 
fultation, les Sauuages ayant ouy certaine voix que 
contrefit Ie jongleur, poufferet vn cris d'allegreffe, 
difants qu'vn de ces Geniés eftoit entré: Puis s'ad- 
dreffants à luy, s'efcrioient, Tepouaclti, tepouaclti, ap- 
pelle, appelle; fçauoir eft tes compagnõs; Ià deffus 
Ie jongleur faifant du Geniés, changeant de ton & de 
voix les appelloit: cependant noftre forcier qui eftoit 
preset prit fon tambour, & chantant auec Ie iongleur 
qui eftoit dans Ie tabernacle, Ies autres [52] refpon- 
doient: On fit dancer quelques ieunes gens, eil- 
tr'autres l' Apoftat qui n'y vouloit point entendre, mais 
Ie forcier Ie fit bien obeir. 
En fin apres mille cris & hurlements, apres mille 
chants, aprés auoir dancé & bien efbranlé ce bel edi- 
fice, Ies Sauuages croyãs que les Geniés ou K z.chi- 
kouai eftoient entrez, Ie forcier les confulta: illeur 
demanda de fa fanté (car il eft malade) de celle de fa 
feme qui l'eftoit auffi. Ces Geniés, ou pluftoft Ie 
jongleur qui les contrefaifoit, refpondit que pour fa 
feme eUe eftoit defia morte que c' en eftoit fait, i' en 
euffe bien dit autant que luy, car il ne faUoit efire ny 
prophete, ny forcier pour deuiner cela; d'autãt que 
la pauure creature auoit Ia mort entre les dents: 
pour Ie forcier, ils diret qu'il verroit Ie Printemps. 
Or cognoifsãt fa maladie, qui eft vne douleur de 
reins, ou pour mieux dire, vn appanage de fes lubri- 
citez & paillardifes, car il eft fale au dernier poind, 
ie Iuy dis voyant qu'il eftoit fain d'ailleurs, & qu'il 



1633-34] 


LE JEU!{E'S RELA TION, I634 


167 


them they should cry louder, for the Genii had gone 
to sleep. 
Some of these Barbarians imagined that this jug- 
gler was not inside, that he had been carried away, 
without knowing where or how. Others said that his 
body was lying on the ground, and that his soul was 
up above the tent, where it spoke at first, calling 
these Genii, and throwing from time to time sparks 
of fire. Now to return to our consultation. The 
Savages having heard a certain voice that the juggler 
counterfeited, uttered a cry of joy, saying that one of 
these Genii had entered; then addressing themselves 
to him, they cried out, Tcpollacki, tepollacki, "call, 
call; " that is, " call thy companions." Thereupon 
the juggler, pretending to be one of the Genii and 
changing his tone and his voice, called them. In 
the meantime our sorcerer, who was present, took 
his drum, and began to sing with the juggler who 
was in the tent, and the others [52] answered. Some 
of the young men were made to dance, among others 
the Apostate,12 who did not wish to hear of it, but 
the sorcerer made him obey. 
At last, after a thousand cries and how Is, after a 
thousand songs, after having danced and thoroughly 
shaken this fine edifice, the Savages believing that the 
Genii or Kickikouaz o had entered, the sorcerer con- 
sulted them. He asked them about his health, (for 
he is sick), and about that of his wife, who was also 
sick. These Genii, or rather the juggler who coun- 
terfeited them, answered that, as to his wife, she was 
already dead, that it was all over with her. I could 
have said as much myself, for one needed not to be 
a prophet or a sorcerer to guess that, inasmuch as 
the poor creature was already struck with death; in 



168 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


beuuoit & mangeoit fort biè, que non feulement il 
verroit Ie printemps, mais encore 1'Efié, fi quelque 
autre accident [53] ne luy furuenoit, ie ne me fuis 
pas trompé. 
Apres ces interogations, on demanda à ces beaux 
oracles s'il y auroit bien tofi de la neige, s'il y en au- 
roit beaucoup, s'il y auroit des Eflans ou Orignaux, 
& en quel endroiét ils efioient, ils repartirent ou 
plutofi Ie iongleur, contrefaifant toufiours fa voix, 
qu'ils voyoient peu de neige & des orignaux fort 
loing, fans determiner Ie lieu, ayãt bien cette pru- 
dence de ne fe point en gager. 
Voila comme fe paffa cette confulte, apres laquelle 
fe voulut arrefier Ie iongleur: mais comme il efioit 
nuiét, il fortit de fon tabernacle, & de no fire cabane 
fi vifiement, qu'il fufi dehors auant quafi que ie m'en 
apperçeuffe. Luy & tous les autres Sauuages qui 
efioient venus des autres Cabanes à ces beaux my- 
Heres, eftans partis, ie demanday à l' Apofiat, s'il 
efioit fi fimple de croire que ces Geniés entraffent 
& parlaffent dans ce tabernacle, il fe mit à iurer fa 
foy, qu'il a perduë & reniée, que ce n'efioit point Ie 
iongleur qu'il parloit, ains ces Kltic1tikouai ou Genies 
[54] du iour, & mon hofie me dit, entre toy mefme dans 
Ie tabernacle, & tu verras que ton corps demeurera en 
bas, & ton ame montera en hault: I'y voulu entrer, 
mais comme i'efiois feul de mõ party, ie preueu 
qu'ils m'auroient faiét quelque affront, & comme il 
n'yauoit point de tefmoins, ils fe feroient vantez, 
que i'aurois recogneu & admiré la verité de leurs 
myfieres. 
Or j'auois grande enuie de fçauoir de quelle nature 
ils faifoient ces Geniés, l' Apofiat n'en fçauoit rien. 



1633-34] 


LE .I E UNE'S RELA TION, I6.J4 


169 


regard to the sorcerer, they said that he would see 
the Spring. Now, knowing his disease,- which 
was a pain in the loins, or rather an infirmity result- 
ing from his licentiousness and excesses, for he is 
vile to the last degree,- I said to him, seeing that 
he was otherwise healthy, and that he drank and ate 
very heartily, that he would not only see the spring 
but also the Summer, if some other accident [53] did 
not overtake him, and I was not mistaken. 
After these interrogations, these fine oracles were 
asked if there would soon be snow, if there would be 
much of it, if there would be Elks or Moose, and 
where they could be found. They answered, or 
rather the juggler, always disguising his voice, that 
they saw a little snow and some moose far away, 
without indicating the place, having the prudence 
not to commit themselves, 
So this is what took place in this consultation, 
after which I wished to get hold of the juggler; but, 
as it was night, he made his exit from the tent and 
from our little cabin so swiftly, that he was outside al- 
most before I was aware of it. He and all the other 
Savages, who had come from the other Cabins to these 
beautiful mysteries, having departed, I asked the 
Apostate if he was so simple as to believe that the 
Genii entered and spoke in this tent. He began to 
swear his belief, which he had lost and denied, that 
it was not the juggler who spoke, but these Khichikouai 
or Genii [54J of the air, and my host said to me, 
" Enter thou thyself into the tent, and thou wilt see 
that thy body will remain below, and thy soul will 
mount on high." I did want to go in; but, as I was 
the only one of my party, I foresaw that they might 
commit some outrage upon me, and, as there were 



170 


LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


Le forder voyant que i'efuantois fes mines, & que 
i'improuuois fes niaiferies, ne me Ie vouloit point en- 
feigner, fi bien qu'il fallut que ie me feruiffe d'in- 
dufirie: Ie Iaiffay efcouler quelques fepmaines, puis 
Ie jettant fur ce difcours, ie luy parlois comme admi- 
rant fa doétrine, Iuy difant qu'il auoit tort de m'ef- 
conduire, puifque à toutes les quefiions qu'il me fai- 
foit de nofire croyance, ie luy refpõdois ingenument, 
fans me faire tirer l' oreiUe: En fin il fe Iaiffa gagner 
à fes propres loüanges, & me defcouurit les fecrets 
de l'efcole: voicy la fable qu'il me raconta, touchant 
Ia nature [55J & l'effence de ces Geniés. 
Deux Sauuages confultans ces Geniés en mefme 
temps, mais en deux diuers tabernacles, 1'vn d'eux, 
homme tres-mefchant, qui auoit tué trois hõmes à 
coup de haches par trahifon, fufi mis à mort par Ies 
Geniés, lefquels fe tranfportans dans Ie tabernacle de 
l'autre Sauuage pour luy ofier la vie, auffi bien qu'à 
fon compagnon, ils fe trouuerent eux mefmes fur- 
pris; car ce iongleur fe defendit fi bien, qu'il tua l'vn 
de ces Klziclzikouai, ou Geniés, & ainfi l' on a fçeu 
comme ils efioient faiéts, car ce Geniés demeura 
fur la place. Ie luy demanday donc de queUe forme 
il efioit, il efioit gros comme Ie poing, me fit-iI, fon 
corps efi de pierre, & vn peu long; Ie conceu qu'il 
efioit faiét en cone, gros par vn bout, s'aUant tou- 
fiours appetiffant vers l' autre. Ils croiêt que dans 
ce corps de pierre il y a de la chair & du fang, car 
la hache dont ce Genié fufi tué refia enfanglan- 
tée. Ie m'enquefiay s'ils auoient des pieds & des 
ailes, & m'ayant diét que non, & comment donc, leur 
fif-ie, peuuent ils entrer ou voler dans ces taber- 
nacles, [56J s'ils n'ont ny pieds nyaHles, Ie forcier 



1633-34] 


LEJEU.NE'S RELATIO.N, I634 


171 


no witnesses there, they would boast that I had rec- 
ognized and admired the truth of their mysteries. 
Now I had a great desire to know the nature of 
these Genii; the Apostate knew nothing about them. 
The sorcerer, seeing that I was discovering his 
mines, and that I disapproved of his nonsense, did 
not wish to explain anything to me, so that I was 
compelled to make use of my wits. I allowed a few 
weeks to pass; then, springing this subject upon 
him, I spoke as if I admired his doctrine, saying to 
him that it was wrong to refuse me, since to all the 
questions which he asked me in regard to our belief, 
I answered him frankly and without showing any re- 
luctance. At last he allowed himself to be won over 
by this flattery, and revealed to me the secrets of 
the school. Here is the fable which he recounted to 
me touching the nature [55] and the character of 
these Genii. 
Two Savages having consulted these Genii at the 
same time, but in two different tents, one of them, a 
very wicked man who had treacherously killed three 
men with his hatchet, was put to death by the Genii, 
who, crossing over into the tent of the other Savage to 
take his life, as well as that of his companion, were 
themselves surprised; for this juggler defended him- 
self so well that he killed one of these Khicldkouai or 
Genii; and thus it was found out how they were 
made, for this One remained in the place where he 
was killed. Then I asked him what was his form. 
" He was as large as the fist," he replied; "his 
body was of stone, and rather long." I judged that 
he was cone-shaped, large at one end, and gradually 
becoming smaller towards the other. They believe 
that in this stone body there is flesh and blood, for 



172 


LES RELA TIOfllS DES /ÉSUITES 


(VOL. 6 


fe mit à rire, difant pour folution, en verité cefie 
robe noire n'a point d'efprit, voila comme ils me 
payent quand ie leurs fais quelque obiectiõ à laquelle 
ils ne peuuent refpondre. 
Comme ils faifoient grand cas du feu que iettoit ce 
iongleur hors de fon tabernacle, ie leur dis, nos Fran- 
çois en ietteroient mieux que luy, car il ne faifoit 
voler que des efiincelles de quelque bois pourry qu'il 
porte auec foy, comme ie me perfuade, & fi i'euffe eu 
de la refine, ie leur euffe faiét fortir des flammes. 
lIs me contefioient qu'il efioit entré fans feu dans 
cette maifon, mais de bonne fortune, ie luy auois 
veu donner vn gros charbon ardant qu'il demanda 
pour petuner. 
V oila leur creance touchant les principes des chofes 
bonnes: Ce qui m' efionne, c' est leurs ingratitudes, 
car quoy qu'ils croyent que Ie Meffou a reparé Ie 
monde, que Nipinoukhé & PipounouKhe rameinent 
les faifons, que leur KhichiKouai leurs apprënent où 
il y a des Ef1ans, ou Orignaux, & leurs rendent milles 
autres bôs offices: fi eft ce que ie n'ay peu iufques 
icy recognoifire [57] qu'ils leur rendent aucun hon- 
neur: i'ay feulement remarqué que dans leurs fefiins, 
ils iettent par fois quelques cuillerées de greffe dãs 
Ie feu, prononcant ces parolles Papeouekou, PapeoueKou, 
faites nous trouuer à manger, faites nous trouuer à 
manger: ie crois que cette priere s'addreffe à ces 
Genies, aufquels ils prefentent cette greffe comme la 
chofe la meilleure qu'ils ayent au monde. 
Outre ces principes des chofes bonnes, ils recog- 
noiffent vn Manitou, que nous pouuons appeller Ie 
diable, ils Ie tiennent comme Ie principe des chofes 
mauuaifes, il efi vray qu'ils n'attribuent pas grande 



1633-34] 


LEJEUNE'S RELA TION, I6.J4 


173 


the hatchet with which this Spirit was killed was 
bloody. I inquired if they had feet and wings, and 
was told they had not. "Then how," said I, " can 
they enter or fly into these tents, [56] if they have 
neither feet nor wings?" The sorcerer began to 
laugh, saying in explanation, " In truth, this black 
robe has no sense." This is the way they pay me 
back when I offer some objections to something which 
they cannot answer. 
As they made a great deal of the fire which this 
juggler threw out of his tent, I told them that our 
Frenchmen could throw it better than he could; for 
he only made a few sparks fly from some rotten wood 
which he carried with him, as I am inclined to 
think, and if I had had some resin I could have made 
the flames rise for them. They insisted that he en- 
tered this house without fire; but I had happened to 
see some one give him a red-hot coal which he asked 
to light his pipe. 
So that is their belief touching the foundations of 
things good. \Vhat astonishes me is their ingrati- 
tude; for, although they believe that the Messou has 
restored the world, that Nipinoukhé and Pipounou- 
khe bring the seasons, that their Khichikouai teach 
them where to find Elks or Moose, and render them 
a thousand other good offices,- yet up to the present 
I have not been able to learn [57] that they render 
them the slightest honor. I have only observed that, 
in their feasts, they occasionally throw a few spoon- 
fuls of grease into the fire, pronouncing these words: 
Papeouekou, Papcouekou / " Make us find something to 
eat, make us find something to eat." I believe this 
prayer is addressed to these Genii, to whom they pre- 
sent this grease as the best thing they have in the 
world. 



174 


LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


malice au Manitou, mais à fa femme, qui eft vne 
vraye diableffe: Ie mary ne hait point les hommes, 
il fe trouue feulement aux guerres, & aux combats, 
& ceux qu'il regarde font à couuert, les autres font 
tués: voila pourquoy mon hofte me difoit, qu'il pri- 
oit tous les iours ce Manitou de ne point ietter les 
yeux fur les Hiroquois leurs ennemis, & de leur en 
donner toufiours quelqu'vn en leurs guerres. Pour 
la femme du Manitou, elle eft [58] caufe de toutes 
les maladies qui font au mõde, c' eft elle qui tuë les 
hommes, autrement ils ne mouroient pas, elle fe re- 
paift de leur chair, les rongeant interieurement, ce 
qui faiét qu' on les voit amaigrir en leurs maladies: 
elle a vne robe des plus beaux cheueux des hommes 
& des femmes qu' elle tuë, elle paroift quelquefois 
comme vn feu, on l'entend bien bruire comme vne 
flamme, mais on ne fçauroit diftinguer fon langage: 
d'icy procedent à mon aduis ces cris & ces hurlemens, 
& ces batements de tambours qu'ils font alentour de 
leurs malades, voulans comme em pefcher cette dia- 
bleffe de venir dõner Ie coup de la mort: ce qu'elle 
faiét fi fubtilement, qu'on ne s'en peut defendre, car 
on ne la voit pas. 
Deplus, les Sauuages fe perfuadent que non feule- 
ment les hommes & les autres animaux: mais auffi que 
toutes les autres chofes font animées, & que toutes 
les ames font immortelles, ils fe figurent les ames 
comme vn ombre de la chofe animée, n'ayans iamais 
ouy parler d'vne chofe purement fpirituelle, ils fe 
reprefentent l'ame de l'hõme, [59] comme vne image 
fombre & noire, où comme vne ombre de l'homme 
mefme, luy attribuant des pieds, des mains, vne 
bouche, vne tefte, & toutes les autres parties du corps 



1633-34] 


LE .IEU1VE' S RELA TI01V, z6.J4 


175 


Besides these foundations of things good, they rec- 
ognize a :Manitou, whom we may call the devil. 
They regard him as the origin of evil; it is true that 
they do not attribute great malice to the Manitou, 
but to his wife, who is a real she-devil. The hus- 
band does not hate men. He is only present in wars 
and combats, and those whom he looks upon are pro- 
tected, the others are killed. So for this reason, my 
host told me that he prayed this l\1:anitou every day 
not to cast his eyes upon the Hiroquois, their ene- 
mies, and to always give them some of them in their 
wars. As to the wife of the Manitou, she is [58] the 
cause of all the diseases which are in the world. It 
is she who kills men, otherwise they would not die; 
she feeds upon their flesh, gnawing them upon the 
inside, which causes them to become emaciated in 
their illnesses. She has a robe made of the most 
beautiful hair of the men and women whom she has 
killed; she sometimes appears like a fire; she can be 
heard roaring like a flame, but her language cannot 
be understood. From this, in my opinion, come 
those cries and howls, and those beatings of the 
drum which they make around their sick, as if to 
prevent this she-devil from giving the deathblow, 
which she does so secretly that no one can defend 
himself therefrom, for he does not see her. 
Furthermore, the Savages persuade themselves 
that not only men and other animals, but also all 
other things, are endowed with souls, and that all 
the souls are immortal; 17 they imagine the souls as 
shadows of the animate objects; never having heard 
of anything purely spiritual, they represent the soul 
of man [59] as a dark and sombre image, or as a 
shadow of the man himself, attributing to it feet, 



176 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


humain. Voila pourquoy ils difent que les ames 
boiuent & mangent, auffi leurs dõnent-ils à manger 
quand quelqu'vn meurt, iettant la meilleure viãde 
qu'ils ayent dãs Ie feu, & fouuêt ils m'ont dit qu'ils 
auoient trouué Ie matin de la viande rongée la nuiét 
par les ames. Or m'ayans declaré ce bel article de 
leur croyance, ie leurs fis plufieurs interogations. 
Premierement, où alloient ces ames apres la mort de 
1 'homme, & des autres creatures; elles vont, dirent 
ils, fort loin, en vn grãd village fitué où Ie Soleil fe 
couche: Tout voftre pays, leur dif-je (fçauoir eft 
1 ' Amerique) eft vne grande IDe, comme vous tefmoi- 
gnez l'auoir appris: comment eft ce que les ames des 
hommes, des animaux, des haches, des coufteaux, 
des chaudieres; bref les ames de tout ce qui meurt, 
ou qui s'vfe, peuuent pafíer l'eau pour s'en aller à 
ce grand village que vous placez où Ie foleil fe couche, 
trouuent [60J elles des vaiffeaux tous prefts pour 
s'embarquer & trauerfer les eaux? non pas, mais elle 
vont à pied, me dirent-ils, paffants les eaux à gay en 
quelque endroiét: & Ie lTIoyen, leur fis-ie, de paffer à 
gay Ie grand Ocean que vous fçauez eftre fi profond, 
car c'eft cette grãde mer qui enuironne voftre pays, 
tu te trompe, refpondent-ils, où les terres font con- 
jointes en quelque endroiét, ou bien il y a quelque 
paffage guayable par où pafíent nos ames: & de faiét 
nous apprenons que l'on n'a peu encore pafTer du 
cofté du Nord, c'eft à caufe (leur repartis-ie) des 
grãds froids qui font en ces mers, que fi vos ames 
prênent cette route elles feront glacées & toutes 
roides de froid, deuant qu'elles arriuent en leurs vil- 
lages. 
Secondement ie leur demande, que mangeoient ces 



1633-34] 


LEJEUNE'S RELATION, z6.J4 


177 


hands, a mouth, a head, and all the other parts of the 
human body. Hence this is the reason that they say 
the souls drink and eat, and therefore they give them 
food when anyone dies, throwing the best meat they 
have into the fire; and they have often told me that 
the next morning they find meat which has been 
gnawed during the night by the souls. Now, having 
declared to me this fine article of their faith, I pro- 
pound to them several questions. "First, where 
do these souls go, after the death of man and other 
creatures?" "They go," they say, " very far away, 
to a large village situated where the Sun sets." 
" All your country," I say to them (meaning Ameri- 
ca), "is an immense Island, as you seem to know; 
how is it that the souls of men, of animals, of hatch- 
ets, of knives, of kettles,- in short, the souls of all 
things that die or that are used, can cross the water 
to go to this great village that you place where the 
sun sets? do they [60J find ships all ready to em- 
bark them and take them over the water? " "N 0, 
they go on foot," they answer me, " fording the wa- 
ter in some places. ' , "And how," I respond, " can 
they ford the great Ocean which you know is so 
deep, for it is this great sea which surrounds your 
country?" "Thou art mistaken," they answer; 
" either the lands are united in some places, or there 
is some passage which is fordable over which our 
souls pass; and, indeed. we know that no one has 
yet been able to pass beyond the North coast." "It 
is because (I answer them) of the great cold in those 
seas, so that if your souls take this route they will 
be frozen and all stiff from cold, before they reach 
their villages." 
Secondly, I ask them, " What do these poor souls 



178 


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[VOL. 6 


pauures ames, faifant vn fi long chemin, elles 
Inangent des efcorces, dirent-ils, & du vieux bois 
qu' elles trouuent dans les forefts, ie ne m' eftonne 
pas, leur refpõdis-je, fi vous auez fi peur de la mort, 
& fi vous la fuiez tant, il n'y a guere de plaifir d'al- 
ler manger du vieux bois & des efcorces en l'autre 
VIe. 
[61) Tiercement. Que font ces ames eftant arri- 
uées au lieu de leur demeure? pendant Ie iour elles 
font affifes tenans leur deux coudes fur leur deux ge- 
noux, & leur teftes entre leur deux mains, pofture 
affés ordinaire aux Sauuages malades: pendant la 
nuiét elles vont & viennent, elles trauaillent, elles 
vont à la chaffe, ouy mais, repartis-ie, elles ne voient 
goutte la nuiét, tu es vn ignorant, tu n'as point d'ef- 
prit, me firent ils, les ames ne font pas comme nous, 
elles ne voyent goutte pendant Ie iour, & voyent fort 
clair pendant la nuiét, leur iour eft dans les tenebres 
de la nuiét, & leur nuiét dans la clarte du iour. 
En quatriefme lieu, à quoy chaffent ces pauures 
ames pendant la nuiét? elles chaffent aux ames des 
Caftors, des Porcs epics, des E11ans, & des autres ani- 
maux, fe feruãs de l'ame des raquettes, pour marcher 
fur l'ame de la neige, qui eft en ce pays là: bref 
elles fe feruent des ames de toutes chofes, comme 
nous nous feruõs icy des chofes mefmes. Or quant 
elles ont tué l'ame d'vn Caftor, ou d'vn autre ani- 
mal, cefte ame meurt elle tout a faiét, ou bien a elle 
vne autre ame qui s'en aille en quelque [62) autre 
village? Mon forcier demeura court à cette de- 
mande; & cõme il a de l'efprit, voyant qu'il s'alloit 
enferrer s'il me refpõdoit direétemët, il efquiua Ie 
coup: car s'il m'eut dit que l'ame mouroit entierre- 



1633 - 34] 


LE/EU.A'E'S RELATION, I634 


1ï9 


eat, making so long a journey? "They eat bark," 
they said, "and old wood which they find in the 
forests." "I am not astonished," I replied, " that 
you are so afraid of death, that you shun it so great- 
ly; there is hardly any pleasure in going and eating 
old wood and bark in another life. " 
[61J Thirdly; "What do these souls do when they 
arrive at their dwelling place? " "During the day- 
time, they are seated with their two elbows upon 
their two knees, and their heads between their two 
hands, the usual position of sick Savages; during 
the night, they go and come, they work, they go to 
the chase." "Oh, but they cannot see at all during 
the night," I rejoined. "Thou art an ignoramus, 
thou hast no sense," they answered; "souls are not 
like us, they do not see at all during the day, and see 
very clearly at night; their day is in the darkness of 
the night, and their night in the light of the day. " 
"In the fourth place, what are these poor souls 
hunting during the night?" "They hunt for the 
souls of Beavers, Porcupines, 
Ioose, and other ani- 
mals, using the soul of the snowshoes to walk upon 
the soul of the snow, which is in yonder country; in 
short, they make use of the souls of all things, as we 
here use the things themselves." "Now, when 
they have killed the Roul of a Beaver, or of another 
animal, does that soul die entirely, or has it another 
soul which goes to some [62J other village?" My 
sorcerer was nonplused by this question; and as he 
is quick-witted, he dodged the question, seeing that 
he was going to involve himself if he answered me 
directly; for if he had answered me that the soul 
would die entirely, I would have told him that when 
they first killed the animal its soul would have died 



180 


LES RELA TIONS DES ./ÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


ment, ie luy aurois dit que quand on tuoit premiere- 
ment l'animal, fon ame mouroit à mefme temps: s'il 
m'euft dit que cefte ame auoit vne ame qui s'en 
alloit en vn autre village, ie luy euffe fait voir que 
chaque animal auroit felon fa doétrine plus de vingt, 
voire plus de cent ames, & que Ie mõde deuoit eftre 
remply de ces villages où elles fe retirent, & que ce- 
pèdãt on n'en voyoit aucun. Cognoiffant dõc qu'il 
s'alloit engager, il me dit, tais toy, tu n'as point 
d'efprit, tu demande des chofes que tu ne fçais pas 
toy-mefme, fi i'auois efté en ces pays-Ià, ie te refpon- 
drois. 
En fin ie luy dis que les Europeans nauigeoient 
par tout Ie monde, ie leur dec1aray, & leur fis voir 
par vne figure ronde, quel eftoit Ie pays où Ie foleil 
fe couche à leur regard, l'affeurant qu'on n'auoit 
point trouué ce grand village, que tout cela n'étoit 
que refueries, que les ames des hommes feulement 
eftoiêt [63J immortelles, & que fi elles eftoient bõnes, 
elles s'en alloient au ciel, que fi elles eftoient mef- 
chantes, e1les defcendoient dans les enfers pour y 
eftre brulées à iamais, & que chacun receuroit felon 
fes æuures. En cela, dit-il, vous mentez vous autres, 
d' affigner diuers endroiéts pour les ames, elles vont 
en vn mefme pays, du moins les noftres: car deux 
ames de nos cõpatriotes font reuenuë autresfois de ce 
grand village, & n0 9 ont appris tout ce que ie t' ay dit, 
puis elles s' en retournerent en leur demeure: ils ap- 
pellent la voye lactée, Tcltipaï 11lelKcllau, Ie chemin 
des ames, pource qu'ils penfent que les ames fe 
guindent par cette voye pour aller en ce grand vil- 
lage. 
Ils ont en outre vne grande croyãce à leurs fonges, 



1633-34] 


LE .fEU1VE'S RELA TION, I634 


181 


at the same time; if he had answered that this soul 
had a soul which went away into another village, I 
would have shown him that every animal would 
have, according to his doctrine, more than twenty, 
indeed more than a hundred souls, and that the world 
would have to be full of these villages to which they 
withdrew, and yet no one had ever seen one of them. 
Recognizing that he was about to entangle himself, 
he said to me, "Be silent, thou hast no sense; thou 
askest things which thou dost not know thyself; if I 
had ever been in yonder country, I would answer 
thee. " 
At last, I told them that the Europeans navigated 
the whole world. I explained to them and made 
them see by a round figure what country it was 
where the sun sets according to their idea, assuring 
them that no one had ever found this great village, 
that all that was nothing but nonsense; that the 
souls of men alone were [63] immortal; and, that if 
they were good, they would go to heaven, and if 
they were bad they would descend into hell, there to 
burn forever; and that each one would receive ac- 
cording to his works. "In that," he said, " you lie, 
you people, in assigning different places for souls,- 
they go to the same country, at least, ours do; for 
the souls of two of our countrymen once returned 
from this great village, and explained to us all that I 
have told thee, then they returned to their dwelling 
place." They call the milky way, Tchipaï meskenau, 
the path of souls, because they think that the souls 
raise themselves through this way in going to that 
great village. 
They have, besides, great faith in their dreams, 
imagining that what they have seen in their sleep 



182 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


s'imaginans que ce qu'ils ont veu en dormant do it 
arriuer, & qu'ils doiuent executer ce qu'ils ont refué: 
ce qui eft vn grand malheur, car fi vn Sauuage fonge 
qu'il mourra s'il ne me tuë, il me mettra à mort à la 
premiere rencontre à l'efcart. Nos Sauuages me de- 
mandoiët quafi tous les matins, n'as-tu point veu de 
Caftors, ou d'Orignac [64J en dormant: & cõme ils 
voyoiët que ie me mocquois des fonges, ils s'efton- 
noient, & me demandoient à quoy crois-tu donc, fi tu 
ne crois a tes fonges? ie crois en celuy qui a tout fait, 
& qui peut tout; tu n'as point d'efprit, comment 
peus-tu croire en luy, fi tu ne Ie vois pas? Ie ferois 
trop long de rapporter toutes les badineries fur ces 
fujects, reuenons à leurs fuperftitions qui font fans 
nom bre. 
Les Sauuages font grands chanteurs, ils chantent 
comme la plufpart des nations de la terre par recrea- 
tion, & par deuotion; c'eft à dire en eux par fuperfti- 
tion: Les airs qu'ils chantent par plaifir font ordi- 
nairement graues & pefants, il me femble qu'ils ont 
par fois quelque chofe de gay, notamment les filles: 
mais pour la plufpart, leurs chanfons font maffiues, 
pour ainfi dire, fom bres, & malplaifantes: ils ne 
fçauent que c'eft d'affembler des accorts pour compo- 
fer vne douce harmonie. Ils proferent peu de paroles 
en chantant, variants les tons, & non la lettre. l' ay 
fouuent ouy mon Sauuage faire vne longue chanfon 
de ces trois mots Kaie, llir, klti'gatolltaollim, [65J & tu fe- 
ras auffi quelque chofe pour moy: Ils difent que nous 
imitons les gazoiiillis des oyfeaux en nos airs, ce 
qu'ils n'improuuent pas, prenans plaifir quafi tous 
tant qu'ils font à chanter, ou à ouÏr chanter, & quoy 
que ie leur die que ie n'y entendois rien, ils m'inui- 



1633-34] 


LE JEUNE S RELA TIOJ\
 I634 


183 


must happen, and that they must execute whatever 
they have thus imagined. This is a great misfor- 
tune, for if a Savage dreams that he will die if he 
does not kill me, he will take my life the first time 
he meets me alone. Our Savages ask almost every 
morning, " Hast thou not seen any Beavers or :Moose, 
[64] while sleeping?" And when they see that I 
make sport of their dreams, they are astonished and 
ask me, " \Vhat does thou believe then, if thou dost 
not believe in thy dream?" "I believe in him who 
has made all things, and who can do all things." 
" Thou hast no sense, how canst thou believe in 
him, if thou hast not seen him? " It would take too 
long to relate all their silly ideas upon these sub- 
jects; let us return to their superstitions, which are 
numberless. 
The Savages are great singers; they sing, as do 
most of the nations of the earth, for recreation and 
for devotion, which, with them, means superstition. 
The tunes which they sing for pleasure are usually 
grave and heavy. It seems to me that occasionally 
they sing something gay, especially the girls, but 
for the most part, their songs are heavy, so to speak, 
sombre and unpleasant; they do not know what it is 
to combine chords to compose a sweet harmony. 
They use few words in singing, varying the tones, 
and not the words. I have often heard my Savage 
make a long song with these three words, Kaie, 1lir, 
khigatoutaouim, [65] "And thou wilt also do something 
for me." They say that we imitate the warbling of 
birds in our tunes, which they do not disapprove, as 
they nearly all take pleasure both in singing and in 
hearing others sing; and although I told them that I 



184 


LES RELATI01\1S DES/ÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


toient fouuent à entonner quelque air, ou quelque 
priere. 
Pour leurs chãts fuperftitieux, ils s'en feruent en 
mille aétions, Ie forcier & ce viellard, dont i'ay par- 
lé, m'en donnerent la raifon: deux Sauuages, di- 
foient ils, eftans jadis fort defolés, fe voyans à deux 
doigts de la mort faute de viure, furent aduertis de 
chanter, & qu'ils feroient fecourus; ce qui arriua, car 
ayans chanté, ils trouuerent à manger: de dire qui 
leur donna ceft aduis, & comment, ils n'en fçauent 
rien: quoy que s'en foit, depuis ce temps là toute 
leur religion confifte quafi à chanter, fe feruans des 
mots les plus barbares qu'ils peuuent rencontrer: 
Voicy vne partie des paroles qu'ils chanterent en vne 
longue fuperftition qui dura plus de quatre heures, 
Aia.ré manitou, aia.rt 1Jta1lÙOU, aia.ré manitou, aldllam, 
IleflÙl/tam, [67 i.e., 66J Ilan/tan, hCllÙzakht ho.rt IleninaKht, 
enigouano ba/lano alli/ll ouibini nanillaouai nanahouai 
nanalzouai aouiht aha/lé aoui/lé: Pour conc1ufion, IlO! 
IlO! /w! Ie demanday que vouloient dire ces parolles, 
pas vn ne m'en peut donner 1 'interpretation : car il 
eft vray que pas vn d'eux n'entend ce qu'il chante, 
finon dans leurs airs, qu'ils chantent pour fe recréer. 
Ils joignent leurs tambours à leurs chants, ie de- 
man day l'origine de ce tambour, Ie veillard me dit, 
que peut efire quelqu'vn auoit eu en fonge qu'il eftoit 
bon de s'en feruir, & que de là l'vfage s'en eftoit 
enfuiuy. Ie croirois pluftoft qu'ils auroient tiré cette 
fuperftition des peuples voifins, car on me dit (ie ne 
fçay s'il eft vraiy) qu'ils imitent fort les Canadiens 
qui habitent vers Gafpé, peuple encore plus fuper- 
ftitieux que celuy-cy. 
Au refie, ce tambour eft de la grandeur d'vn tam- 



1G33- 34] 


LE JEU1VE'S RELATION, I634 


18.1 


did not understand anything about it, they often in- 
vited me to sing some song or prayer. 
As for their superstitious songs, they use them for 
a thousand purposes, for which the sorcerer and that 
old man, of whom I have spoken, have given me the 
reason. Two Savages, they told me, being once in 
great distress, seeing themselves within two finger- 
lengths of death for want of food, were advised to 
sing, and they would be relieved; and so it happened, 
for when they had sung, they found something to 
eat. As to who gave them this advice, and how it 
was given, they know nothing; howeyer, since that 
time all their religion consists mainly in singing, 
using the most barbarous words that come into their 
minds. The following are some of the words that 
they sang in a long superstitious rite which lasted 
more than four hours: A zOasl maJlitou, aiasl mallitou, 
aias! manitoll, ahiham, hchillham, [67 i.e., 66] /tallhaJl, 
hCJlÙlak/ll hosl /lozillak/lé, CJligollaJlO ba/tallo aJlihé ouibÙti 
lltlllÙzaollai Jlalla/lOuai Ilanahollai aOlli/u' a/la/lé aOllihé / 
concluding with !to! ho! ho! I asked what these 
words meant, but not one could interpret them to 
me; for it is true that not one of them understands 
what he is singing, except in the tunes which they 
sing for recreation. 
They accompany their songs with drums. I asked 
the origin of this drum, and the old man told me 
that perhaps some one had dreamed that it was a 
good thing to have, and thus it had come into use. I 
thought it most probable they had derived this super- 
stition from the neighboring tribes; for I am told (I 
do not know how true it is) they imitate to a great 
degree the Canadians who live toward Gaspé, a tribe 
still more superstitious than those of this country. 



11'6 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


bour de bafque, il eft compofé d'vn cercle large de 
trois ou quatres doigts, & de deux peaux roidement 
eftenduës de part & d'autre: ils mettent dedans des 
petites pierres ou [68 i.e., 67J petits callious pour 
faire plus de bruit: Ie diametre des plus grands tam- 
bours eft de deux palmes ou enuiron, ils Ie nomment 
chiclzigolla1Z, & Ie verbe 1llþagalzimaJl, fignifie ie fais 
ioüer ce tambour: ils ne fe battent pas comme font 
nos Europeans: mais ils Ie tournent & remuent, pour 
faire bruire les caillous qui font dedans, ils en 
frappent Ie terre, tantoft du bard, tantoft quafi du 
plat, pendant que Ie forcier fait mille fingeries auec 
ceit inftrument. Souuent les affiftans ont des batons 
en mains, frappant tous enfemble fur des bois, ou 
manches de haches qu'ils ant deuant eux, ou fur 
leurs 011 raga llS, c'eft à dire, fur leurs plats d'efcorce 
renuerfés: Auec ces tintamarres, ils ioignent leurs 
chants & leurs cris, ie dirois volontiers leurs hurle- 
ments, tant ils s'efforcent par fois, ie vous laiffe à 
penfer la belle mufique: ce miferable forcier auec 
lequel mon hofte, & Ie renegat, m' ont fait hiuerner 
contre leurs promeffes, m' a penfé faire perdre la tefte 
auec fes tintamarres: car tous les iours à l' entrée de 
la nuiét, & bien fouuent fur la minuiét, d'autrefois 
[68J fur Ie iour il faifoit l'enragé. I'ay efté vn affez 
long temps malade parmy eux, mais quoy que ie Ie 
priaffe de fe moderer, de me donner vn peu de repos, 
il en faifoit encore pis, efperant trouuer fa guerifon 
dans ces bruits qui augmentoient mon mal. 
I1s fe feruent de ces chants, de ce tambour, & de 
ces bruits, ou tintamarres en leurs maladies, ie Ie de- 
claray affez amplement l'an paffé, mais depuis ce 
temps là, i'ay veu tant faire de fottifes, de niaiferies, 



1633-34] 


LE /EU.NE'S RELA TION. L634 


187 


.As to this drum, it is the size of a tambourine, and 
is composed of a circle three or four finger-lengths 
in diameter, and of two skins stretched tightly over 
it on both sides; they put inside some little pebbles 
or [68 i.e., 67J stones, in order to make more noise; 
the diameter of the largest drums is of the size of two 
palms or thereabout; they call it c1ticltigouan, and the 
verb Jllpagallillla11 means, "I make this drum sound." 
They do not strike it, as do our Europeans; but they 
turn and shake it, to make the stones rattle inside; 
they strike it upon the ground, sometimes its edge 
and sometimes its face, while the sorcerer plays a 
thousand apish tricks with this instrument. Often 
the spectators have sticks in their hands and all 
strike at once upon pieces of w09d, or upon hatchet 
handles which they haye before them, or upon their 
ollragans,. that is to say, upon their bark plates turned 
upside down. To this din they add their songs and 
their cries, I might indeed say their howls, so much 
do they exert themselves at times; I leave you to im- 
agine this beautiful music. This miserable sorcerer 
with whom my host and the renegade made me pass 
the winter, contrary to their promise, almost made 
me lose my head with his uproar; for every day,- 
toward nightfall. and very often toward midnight, at 
other times [68J during the day,- he acted like a 
madman. For quite a long time I was sick among 
them, and although I begged him to moderate a lit- 
tle and to give me some rest, he acted still worse, 
hoping to find his cure in these noises which only 
made me worse. . 
They make use of these songs, of this drum, and 
of this noise or uproar, in their sicknesses. I ex- 



188 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


de badineries, de bruits, de tintamarres à ce malheu- 
reux forcier pour fe pouuoir guerir, que ie me laffe- 
rois d'efcrire & ennuierois voftre reuerence, fi ie luy 
voulois faire lire la dixiefme partie de ce qui m'a 
fouuent laffé, quafi iufques au dernier poinét. Par 
fois ceft homme entroit comme en furie, chantant, 
criant hurlant, faifant bruire fon tambour de toutes 
fes forces: cependant les autres hurloient comme 
luy, & faifoient vn tintamarre horrible auec leurs 
baftõs, frappans fur ce qui eftoit deuant eux: ils fai- 
foient danfer des ieunes enfans, puis des :filles, puis 
des femmes; il baiffoit [69] la tefte, fouffioit fur fon 
tambour: puis vers Ie feu, il fiffioit comme vn fer- 
pent, i1 ramenoit fon tambour foubs fon menton, l'a- 
gitant & Ie tournoyant: il en frappoit la terre de 
toutes fes forces, puis Ie tournoyoit fur fon eftomach : 
il fe fermoit Ia bouche auec vne main renuerfée, & de 
l'autre, vous euffiez dit qu'il vouloit meUre en pieces 
ce tambour, tant il en frappoit rudement la terre: il 
s'agitoit, il fe tournoit de part & d'autre, faifoit quel- 
ques tours à l'entour du feu, fortoit hors la cabane, 
toufiours hurlant & bruyant: il fe mettoit en mille 
poftures; & tout cela pour fe guerir. Voila comme 
ils traiétent les malades. I'ay quelque croyance 
qu'ils veulent coniurer la maladie, ou efpouuanter la 
femme du :Manitou, qu'ils tiennent pour Ie principe 
& la caufe de tous les maux, comme i' ay remarqué cy 
deff us. 
Ils chantent encore & font ces bruits en leurs fue- 
ries, ils croiroient que ceUe medecine, qui eft la meil- 
leure de toutes, celles qu'ils ont, ne leur feruiroit de 
rien, s'ils ne chantoient en fuant: Ils plantent des 
baftons en terre faifants [60 i.e., 70] vne efpece de 



1633-34] 


LE /EU1\?E'S RELA TION, I634 


189 


plained it quite fully last year; but since that time I 
have seen so much foolishness, nonsense, absurdity, 
noise, and din made by this wretched sorcerer in or- 
der to cure himself, that I should become weary in 
writing and would tire your reverence, if I should 
try to make you read the tenth part of what has often 
wearied me almost beyond endurance. Occasionally 
this man would enter as if in a fury, singing, crying 
and howling, making his drum rattle with all his 
might; while the others howled as loudly as he, and 
made a horrible din with their sticks, striking upon 
whatever was before them; they made the little 
children dance, then the girls, then the women; he 
lowered [69] his head and blew upon his drum, then 
blew toward the fire; he hissed like a serpent, drew 
his drum under his chin, shaking and turning it 
about; he struck the ground with it with all his 
might, then turned it upon his stomach; he closed his 
mouth with the back of one hand, and then with the 
other; you would have said that he wanted to break 
the drum to pieces, he struck it so hard upon the 
ground; he shook it, he turned it from one side to 
the other, and, running around the fire several 
times, he went out of the cabin, continuing to howl 
and bellow; he struck a thousand attitudes, and all 
this was done to cure himself. This is the way they 
treat their sick. I am inclined to think that they 
wish to conjure the disease, or to frighten the wife 
of :Manitou, whom they hold as the origin and cause 
of all evils, as I have said above. 
They sing and make these noises also in their 
sweating operations. They believe that this medi- 
cine, which i" the best of all they have, would be of 
no use whatever to them if they did not sing during 



190 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[Y OL. 6 


petit tabernacle fort bas: car yn grand homme efiant 
affis là dedans, toucheroit de fa tefie Ie hault de ce 
todis, qu'ils entourent & couurent de peaux, de 
robes, de couuertures: Ils mettent dans ce four quan- 
tité de groffes pierres qu'il[s] ont faid chauffer, & 
rougir dans vn bon feu, puis fe gliffent tous nuds 
dans ces eftuues, les femmes fuent par fois auffi bien 
que les hommes: d'autrefois ils fuent tous enfemble, 
hommes, & femme peDe & meDe: ils chantent, ils 
crient, ils hurlent dans ce four, ils haranguent: par 
fois Ie forcier y bat fon tambour. Ie l'efcoutois vne 
fois comme il faifoit du prophete là dedans, s'efcri- 
ant qu'il yoyoit des Orignaux, que mon hofie fon 
frere en tueroit, ie ne peus me tenir que ie ne luy 
diffe, ou plufiofi à ceux qui efioient prefens, & qui 
luy prefioient l'oreille comme à vn oracle, qu'il efioit 
bien croyable qu'on trouueroit quelque maDe, puif- 
que on auoit defia trouué & tué deux femelles, luy 
cognoiffant où ie vifois, me dit en grondant, il efi 
[61 i.e., 71] croyable que cette robe noire n'a point 
d' ef prit: Ils font tellement religieux en ces crieries, 
& autres niaiferies, que s'ils font fueries pour fe gue- 
rir, ou pour auoir bonne chaffe, ou pour auoir beau 
temps, rien ne fe feroit s'ils ne chantoient, & s'ils ne 
gardoient ces fuperfiitions. I'ay remarqué que quand 
les hommes fuent, ils ne fe veulent point feruir des 
robes des femmes pour entourer leur fueries, s'ils en 
peuuent auoir d'autres: bref quand ils ont crié trois 
heures ou enuiron dans ces efiuues, ils en fortent 
tous mouil1és & trempés de leur fueur. 
Ils chantent encore & battent Ie tambour en leur 
fefiins, comme ie declareray au chapitre de leurs ban- 
quets: ie leur ay veu faire Ie mefme en leurs con- 



1633-34] 


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]91 


the sweat. They plant some sticks in the ground, 
making [60 i.e., 70] a sort of low tent, for, if a tall 
man were seated therein, his head would touch the 
top of this hut, which they enclose and cover with 
skins, robes, and blankets. They put in this dark 
room a number of heavy stones which they have had 
heated and made red-hot in a good fire, then they 
slip entirely naked into these sweat boxes. The 
women occasionally sweat as well as the men. 
Sometimes they sweat all together, men and women, 
pellmell. They sing, cry and groan in this oven, 
and make speeches; occasionally the sorcerer beats 
his drum there. I heard him once acting the prophet 
therein, crying out that he saw }'loose; that my host, 
his brother, would kill some. I could not refrain 
from telling him. or rather those who were pres- 
ent and listened to him as if to an oracle, that it 
was indeed quite probable that they would find a 
male, since they had already found and killed two 
females. When he understood what I was driving 
at, he said to me sharply, " Believe [61 i.e., 71] me, 
this black robe has no sense." They are so supersti- 
tious in these uproars and in their other nonsense, 
that if they have sweats in order to cure themselves, 
or to have a good hunt, or to have fine weather, [they 
think] nothing would be accomplished if they did 
not sing, and if they did not observe these supersti- 
tions. I have noticed that, when the men sweat, 
they do not like to use women's robes with which to 
enclose their sweat boxes, if they can have any oth- 
ers. In short, when they have shouted for three hours 
or thereabout in these stoves, they emerge complete- 
ly wet and covered with their sweat. 
They also sing and beat drums in their feasts, as I 



192 


LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


feils, y entremeí1ant d'autres iongleries: Pour moy 
ie me doute que Ie forcier en inuente tous les iours 
de nouuelles pour tenir fon monde en haleine: & 
pour fe rendre recommandable: ie luy vis vn certain 
iour prêdre vne efpée, la mettre la pointe en bas, Ie 
manche en hault (car leurs efpées [72] font em man- 
chées à vn long bafion) il mit vne hache proche de 
cette efpée, fe leu[a] debout, fit ioüer fon tambour, 
chanta hurla à fon accoufiumée, il fit quelques mines 
de dancer, tourna à l'entour du feu: puis fe cachant, 
il tira vn bonnet de nuiét, dans lequel il y auoit vne 
pierre à efguifer, ilIa met dans vne cullier de bois, 
qu'on effuya exprés pour cefi effeét, il fit allumer vn 
flambeau d'efcorce, puis donna de main en main Ie 
flambeau, la cueiller, & la pierre, qui efioit marquée 
de quelques raies, la regardans tous les vns apres les 
autres, philofophant à mon aduis fur cette pierre, 
touchant leur chaffe, qui efioit Ie fubieét de leur con- 
feil ou affemblée. 
Ces pauures ignorants chantent auffi. dans leurs 
peines, dans leurs difficultez, dans leurs perils & dan- 
gers: pendant Ie temps de nofire famine, ie n'enten- 
dois par ces cabanes, notãment la nuiét, que chants, 
que cris, battements de tambours, & autres bruits; & 
demandant ce que c'efioit, mes gens me difoient 
qu'ils faifoient [73] cela pour auoir bonne chaffe, & 
pour trouuer à manger, leurs chants & leurs tam- 
bours paffent encore dans les fortileges que font les 
forciers. 
11 faut que ie couche icy, ce que ie leurs vis faire 
Ie douxiefme Feurier, comme ie recitois mes heures 
fur Ie foir, Ie forcier fe mit à parler de moyaïamtkeou, 
il fait fes prieres, dit-il: puis prononçant quelques 



1633-34] 


LE /EUNE'S RELA TION, I6.J4 


193 


shall explain in the chapter upon their banquets. I 
have seen them do the same thing in their councils. 
mingling therein other juggleries. For my part, I 
suspect that the sorcerer invents every day some 
new contrivance to keep his people in a state of agi- 
tation, and to make himself popular. One day I saw 
him take a javelin and turn the point down and the 
handle up (for their javelins [72] have a long stick 
for a handle); he placed a hatchet near this javelin, 
stood up, pounded on his drum, uttered his usual 
howls, pretended to dance, and walked around the 
fire. Then, concealing himself, he drew out a 
nightcap, in which there was a whetstone which he 
placed in a spoon made of wood, which had been 
wiped expressly for this purpose; then he lighted a 
bark torch, and passed from hand to hand the torch, 
the spoon, and the stone, which was marked with 
stripes,- all examining it attentively, one after the 
other, and philosophizing, as it seemed to me, over 
this stone, in regard to their chase, which was the 
subject of their council or assembly. 
These poor wretches sing also in their sufferings, 
in their difficulties, in their perils and dangers. 
During the time of our famine, I heard nothing 
throughout these cabins, especially at night, except 
songs, cries, beating of drums and other noises; 
when I asked what this meant, my people told me 
that they did [73] it in order to have a good chase, 
and to find something to eat. Their songs and their 
drums also playa part in the witchcraft of the sor- 
cerers. 
I must set down here what I saw them do on the 
twelfth of February. As I was reciting my hours, 
toward evening, the sorcerer began to talk about 



194 


LES RELrl TIO..VS DES JÉSUITES 


[V OL. 6 


paroles, que ie n' entendis pas, il adioufta Niganipa- 
hau ; ie Ie tueray auffi toft: la penfée me vint qu'il 
parloit de moy, veu qu'il me haïffoit pour plufieurs 
raifons, comme ie diray en fon lieu: mais notamment 
pource ce que ie tafchois de faire veoir que tout ce 
qu'il faifoit n'eftoit que badinerie & puerilité: Sur 
cette penfée qu'il me vouloit ofter la vie, mon hofte 
me va dire, n'as tu point de poudre qui tuë les 
hommes? pourquoy, luy dif-ie, ie veux tuer quel- 
qu'vn, me refpond il? ie vous laiffe à penfer fi i'ache- 
uay mon office fans diftraétion, veu que ie fçauois fort 
bien qu'ils n'auoient garde de faire mourir aucun de 
leurs gens, & que Ie forcier In' auoit menacé de mort 
[74] quelques iours auparauant, quoy qu'en riant, me 
dit il apres: mais ie ne m'y fiois pas beaucoup, voy- 
ant donc ces gens en aétion, ie r'entre dans nloy- 
mefme, fuppliant noftre Seigneur de m'affifter, & de 
prendre ma vie au Inoment & en la façon, qu'illuy 
plairoit: neantmoins pour me mieux difpofer à ce fa- 
crifice, ie voulus voir s'ils penfoient en may, ie leur 
demanday donc où eftoit l'homme qu'ils vouloient 
faire mourir, ils me repartent qu'il eftoit vers Gafpé 
à plus de cens lieuës de nons. Ie me mis à rire, car 
en verité ie n'euffe iamais penfé qu'ils euffent entre- 
pris de tuer vn homme de cens lieuës loin. Ie m' en- 
quis pourquoy ils luy vouloient ofter la vie. On me 
refpondit que ceft homme eftoit vn forcier Canadien, 
lequel ayant eu quelque prife auec Ie noftre, l'auoit 
menacé de mort, & luyauoit donné la maladie, qui Ie 
trauailloit depuis vn long temps, & qui l'alloit eftouf- 
fer dans deux iours, s'il ne preuenoit Ie coup par fon 
art: ie leurs dis que Dieu auoit deffendu de tuer, & 
que nous autres, ne faifions mourir perfonne: cela 



1633-34] 


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195 


me: az"amthcou, " He is making his prayers;" then, 
pronouncing some words which I did not under- 
stand, he added: Nigampahau, "I will kill him at 
once." The thought occurred to me that he was 
speaking of me, seeing that he hated me for several 
reasons, as I shall state in the proper place; but es- 
peciall y because I tried to show that all he did was 
mere nonsense and child's play. Just as I was think- 
ing that he wanted to take my life, my host said to 
me, " Hast thou not some powder that kills men? " 
" Why? " I asked. "I want to kill some one," he 
answered me. I leave you to imagine whether I 
finished my prayers without any distraction; for I 
knew very well that they were disinclined to kill 
any of their own people, and that the sorcerer had 
threatened me with death [74] some days before,- al- 
though only in jest, as he told me afterward; but I 
did not have much confidence in him. Now see- 
ing these people bustling about, I retired within 
myself, supplicating our Lord to help me, and to 
take my life at the moment and in whatever man- 
ner would be pleasing to him. Nevertheless, to 
better prepare myself for this sacrifice, I wished to 
learn if they had me in mind, and so I asked them 
where the man was that they wished to kill; they 
answered me that he was in the neighborhood of 
Gaspé, more than a hundred leagues away from us. 
I began to laugh, for in truth I had never dreamed 
that they would undertake to kill a man a hundred 
leagues away. I inquired why they wished to take 
his life. They answered that this man was a Cana- 
dian sorcerer, who, having had some trouble with 
ours, had threatened him with death and had given 
him the disease from which he had suffered so long, 



196 


.LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES 


(VOL. 6 


n'empefcha point [75J qu'ils ne pourfuiuiffent leur 
pointe. Mon hofie preuoiant Ie grand bruit qui fe 
deuoit faire, me dit, tu auras mal à la tefie, va-t en 
en l'autre cabane voifine: non, dit Ie forcier, il n'y a 
point de mal qu'il nous voye faire. On fit fortir 
tous Ies enfans & toutes Ies femmes, horfmis vne qui 
s'affit aupres du forcier: Ie demeuray donc fpeétateur 
de leurs myfieres, auec tous les Sauuages des autres 
cabanes qu' on fit venir: Efians tous affis, voicy vn 
ieune homme qui apporte deux paux ou pieux fort 
pointus, mon hofte prepare Ie fort compofé de petits 
bois formez en langue de ferpêt des deux cofiez, de 
fers de flefches, de morceaux de coufieaux rompus, 
d .vn fer replié comme vn gros hameçon, & d' autres 
chofes fembIabIes, on enuelopa tout cela dans vn 
morceau de cuir: Cela fait, Ie forcier prend fon tam- 
bour, tous fe mettent à chanter & hurler, & faire Ie 
tintamarre que i'ay remarqué cy deffus: apres quel- 
ques chanfons, la femme qui efioit demeurée fe leue, 
& tourne tout à l'entour de la cabane par dedans, 
paffant par deriere Ie [76J dos de tous tant que nous 
efiions. S'efiant raffiffe, Ie magicien prend ces deux 
pieux, puis defignant certain endroit, commence à 
dire; voila fa tefie (ie crois q u 'il en tendoi t de l' homme 
qu'il vouloit tuer) puis de toutes ces forces, il plante 
ces pieux en terre, les faifant regarder vers l'en- 
droiét, où il croioit qu'eftoit ce Canadien. Là deffus 
mon hofie va ayder fon frere, il fait vne affez grande 
foffe en terre auec ces pieux: cependant les chants & 
autres bruits continuoient inceffemment. La foffe 
faite, les pieux plantez, Ie valet du forcier, i'entens 
l' Apofiat, va querir vne efpée, & Ie forcier en frappe 
l'vn de ces paux, puis defcend dans la foffe, tenant la 



16H3-34] 


LE /EUNE'S RELA TION, I634 


197 


and which was going to consume him in two days, if 
he did not prevent the stroke by his art. I told 
them that God had forbidden murder, and that we 
never killed people; that did not prevent them [75J 
from pursuing their purpose. :My host, foreseeing 
the great commotion which was about to take place, 
said to me, "Thou wilt have the headache; go off 
into one of the other cabins near by." "N 0, " said 
the sorcerer, "there will be no harm in his seeing 
what we do." They had all the children and women 
go out, except one who sat near the sorcerer; I re- 
mained as a spectator of their mysteries, with all the 
Savages of the other cabins, who were summoned. 
All being seated, a young man comes bearing two 
pickets, or very sharply-pointed sticks; my host pre- 
pares the charm, composed of little pieces of wood 
shaped at both ends like a serpent's tongue, iron 
arrow-points, pieces of broken knives, bits of iron 
bent like a big fishhook, and other similar things; 
all these are wrapped in a piece of leather. When 
this is done, the sorcerer takes his drum, all begin to 
chant and howl, and to make the uproar of which I 
spoke above; after a few songs, the woman who had 
remained arises, and goes all around the inside of the 
cabin, passing behind the [76] backs of the people 
who are there. When she is reseated, the magician 
takes these two stakes; then, pointing out a certain 
place, begins by saying, " Here is his head," (I be- 
lieve he meant the head of the man whom he wished 
to kill); then with all his might he drives these stakes 
into the ground, inclining them toward the place 
where he believed this Canadian was. Thereupon 
my host comes to assist his brother; he makes a tol- 
erably deep ditch in the ground with these stakes; 



198 


LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


pofture d'vn homlne animé qui tire de grands coups 
d'efpée & de poignard; car il auoit l'vn & l'autre 
dans cette aétion d'homme furieux & enragé. Le 
forcier prend Ie fort enuelopé de peau, Ie met dans la 
foffe, & redouble les coups d'efpée à mefme temps 
qu'on redoubloit Ie tintamarre. 
En fin ce myftere ceffa, il retire l' efpée & Ie poi- 
gnard tout enfanglanté, les iette deuant les autres 
Sauuages; on recouure [77] vifte la foffe, & Ie magi- 
cien tout glorieux, dit que fon homme eft frappé, 
qu'il mourra bien toft, demande fi on n'a point en- 
tendu fes cris: tout Ie monde dit que non, horfmis 
deux ieunes hommes fes parens, qui difent auoir ouy 
des plaintes fort fourdes, & comme de loing. 0 qu'ils 
Ie firent aife, fe tournant vers moy, il fe mit a rire, 
difant, voyez cette robe noire qui nous vient dire 
qu'il ne faut tuer perfonne: Comme ie regardois at- 
tentiuement l'efpée & Ie poignard; il me les fit pre- 
fenter, regarde, dit-il, qu'eft cela; c'eft du fang, 
repartis-je, de qui? de quelque Orignac ou d'autre 
animal, ils fe mocquerent de moy, difants que c' e- 
ftoit du fang de ce Sorcier de Gafpé; comment, dif 
je, il eft à plus de cent lieuës d'icy? il eft vray font- 
ils, mais c' eft Ie Manitou, c' eft à dire Ie Diable, qui 
apporte fon fang pardeffous la terre. Or fi c' eft 
hõme eft vrayement Magicien, ie m'en rapporte, 
pour moy i'eftime qu'il n'eft ny Sorcier ny Magicien, 
mais qu'il Ie voudroit bien eftre: tout ce qu'il faiét 
felon ma penfée n'eft que badinerie, [7 8 ] pour amu- 
fer les Sauuages, il voudroit bien auoir communica- 
tion auec Ie Diable ou Manitou, mais ie ne crois pas 
qu'il en ait: fi bien me perfuaday-je, qu'il y a eu icy 
quelque Sorcier, oU quelque Magicien s'il eft vray ce 



1633-34] 


LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, I634 


1
9 


meanwhile the songs and other noises continue inces- 
santly. The ditch made and the stakes planted, the 
servant of the sorcerer, I mean the Apostate, goes in 
search of a sword, and the sorcerer strikes with it one 
of these pickets; then he descends into the ditch, as- 
suming the posture of an excited man who is striking 
heavy blows with the sword and poniard; for he has 
both, in this act of_a furious and enraged man. The 
sorcerer takes the charm wrapped in skin, puts it in 
the ditch, and redoubles his sword-cuts at the same 
time that they increase the uproar. 
Finally, this mystery ends, and he draws out the 
sword and the poniard all covered with blood, and 
throws them down before the other Savages; the 
ditch [77] is hurriedly covered up, and the magician 
boastfully asserts that his man is struck, that he will 
soon die, and asks if they have not heard his cries; 
they all say" no," except two young men, relatives 
of his, who say they have heard some very dull 
sounds, and as if far away. Oh, how glad they make 
him! Turning toward me, he begins to laugh, say- 
ing, " See this black robe, who comes here to tell us 
that we must not kill anyone." As I am looking 
attentively at the sword and the poniard, he has them 
presented to me. "Look," he says, "what is that?" 
"It is blood," I answer, "of what? Of some Moose 
or other animaL" They laugh at me, saying that it 
is the blood of that Sorcerer of Gaspé. "How? " I 
answer them, " he is more than a hundred leagues 
away from here." "It is true," they reply, " but 
it is the Manitou; that is, the Devil, who carries his 
blood under the earth." Now if this man is really 
a Magician, I leave you to decide; for my part, I 
consider that he is neither Sorcerer nor Magician, 



200 


LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


qu'ils difent des maladies & des guerifons, dont ils 
me parlent: c'efi chofe efirange, que Ie Diable qui 
apparoifi fenfiblement aux Ameriquains Meridio- 
naux, & qui les bat & les tourmente de telle forte, 
qu'ils fe voudroient bien deffaire d'vn tel hofie, ne 
fe communique point vifiblement ny fenfiblement à 
nos 
auuages, felon ce que ie crois. Ie fçais qu'il y 
a des perfonnes d'opinion contraire, croyans aux rap- 
ports de ces Barbares, mais quand ie les preffe, ils 
m'aduoüent tous, qu'ils n'ont rien veu de tout ce 
qu'ils difent, mais feulement qu'ils l'ont oüy dire à 
d'autres. 
Ce n'eft pas Ie mefme des Ameriquains Meridio- 
naux, nos Europeans ont oüy Ie bruit, la voix & les 
coups que ruë Ie Diable fur ces pauures efclaues: & vn 
François digne de creance, [79] m'a affeuré l'auoir 
oüy de fes oreilles: furquoy on me rapporte vne 
chofe tres remarquable, c'eft que Ie Diable s'enfuit, 
& ne frappe point ou ceffe de frapper ces miferables, 
quand vn Catholique entre en leur compagnie, & 
qu'il ne laiffe point de les battre en la prefence d'vn 
Huguenot, d'où vient qu'vn iour fe voyans battus en 
la compagnie d'vn certain François, ils luy dirent, 
nous nous eftonnons que Ie diable nous batte, toy 
efiant auec nous, veu qu'il n'oferoit Ie faire quand 
tes compagnons font prefents. Luy fe douta incon- 
tinent que cela pouuoit prouenir de fa religion, (car 
i1 efioit Caluinifte) s'adreffant donc à Dieu, il luy 
promift de fe faire Catholique fi Ie diable ceffoit de 
battre ces pauures peuples en fa presece: Le væu 
fait, iamais plus aucun Demon ne molefta Amari- 
quain en fa compagnie, d'où vient qu'il fe fift Catho- 
lique, felon la promeffe qu'il en auoit faiéte; mais 



1633-34] 


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201 


but that he would like very much to be one. All 
that he does, according to my opinion, is nothing but 
nonsense [78] to amuse the Savages. He would like 
to have communication with the Devil or Manitou, 
but I do not think that he has. Yet I am persuaded 
that there has been some Sorcerer or Magician here, 
if what they tell me is true about diseases and cures 
which they describe to me; it is a strange thing, in 
my opinion, that the Devil, who is visible to the 
South Americans, and who so beats and torments 
them that they would like to get rid of such a guest, 
does not communicate himself visibly and sensibly to 
our Savages. I know that there are persons of con- 
trary opinion, who believe in the reports of these 
Barbarians; but, when I urge them, they all admit 
that they have seen nothing of that of which they 
speak, but that they have only heard it related by 
others. 
Anlong the South Americans it is different. Our 
Europeans have heard the noise, the voice, and the 
blows that the Devil deals to these poor slaves, 
and a Frenchman, worthy of belief, [79] has assured 
me that he heard it with his own ears. In regard to 
this, a very remarkable thing is reported to me; it is 
that the Devil takes flight, and does not strike or 
else ceases to strike these wretches, when a Catholic 
enters their company, and that he does not cease to 
strike them in the presence of a Huguenot. From 
this it happened that, one day, seeing themselves be- 
ing beaten in the presence of a Frenchman, they said 
to him, " We are astonished that the devil beats us 
when thou art with us, seeing that he does not dare 
to do it when thy companions are here." It sud- 
denly occurred to him that this might come from his 



202 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


retournons à nofire difcours. I'ay veu deux autre- 
fois faire les mefmes fortileges à nofire Magicien pre- 
tendu, & [80] garda toutes les ceremonies fufdites, 
horfmis qu'il changea de fort, car vne fois il fe feruit de 
quatre bafions faits en forme de fufeaux à filer, finon 
qu'ils efioient plus gros, & qu'ils auoient comme des 
dents en certains endroits: II fe feruit encore du 
bout de la queuë & du pied d'vn Porc épic, & quel- 
ques poils d'Orignac, ou de Porc épic, liez enfemble 
en petit faiffeau: I' autrefois il fe feruit encore de 
ces fufeaux, d'vn pied de Porc épic, ou d'vn autre 
animal, d'os de quelque befie, d'vn fer femblable, & 
celuy qu'õ attache à vne porte pour la tirer, & de 
quelques autres badineries: fon valet Ie renegat luy 
tenant tout cela prefi, & battant Ie tambour pendant 
que fon Maifire efioit occupé dans la foffe. Voila 
vne partie des aétions efquelles fe retrouuent leurs 
chants, leurs cris, hurlemens & tintamarres. 
Leur Religiõ, ou plufiofi fuperfiitiõ, confifie encore 
à prier: mais, ô mon Dieu! queUes oraifons font ils? 
Le matin les petits enfans fortans de la Cabane, s'ef- 
crient à pleine tefie, Cacollakhi [8 I] Pakhais A mi.fcou- 
akhi, Pakhais Mou.fouaKki, Pakhais : venez Porcs épics, 
venez Cafiors, venez Elans, voila toutes leurs prieres. 
Les Sauuages eternuans, & quelquefois mefme en 
autre temps, difent pendant l'Hiuer, criants tout 
haut Etouctaiall miraouÍ1zalll an MiroufcamiKhi, ie fe- 
rois bien aife de voir Ie Printemps. 
D'autrefois ie leur ay oüy demãder Ie Printemps, 
ou la deliurance du mauuais, & autres chofes fem- 
blables; & tout cela fe faiét par defirs qu'ils expri- 
ment, criants tant qu'ils peuuent, ie ferois bien aife que 
ce iour continuafi, que Ie vent fe changeafi, &c. De 



1633-34] 


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203 


religion (for he was a Calvinist); so, addressing him- 
self to God, he promised to become a Catholic if the 
devil ceased beating these poor people in his pres- 
ence. After this vow was made, never afterward 
did any Demon molest an American in his com- 
pany, on account of which he became a Catholic ac- 
cording to his promise. But let us return to our 
story. I have seen our pretended Magician perform 
the same witchcraft on two other occasions. [80] 
He observed all the above mentioned ceremonies, 
except that he changed the charm, for once he made 
use of four sticks made in the shape of spindles, ex- 
cept that they were heavier, and that they had some- 
thing like teeth in certain places. Also he used the 
end of the tail and the foot of a Porcupine, and some 
hairs of the Moose and of the Porcupine, bound 
together in a little sheaf. Another time he used 
these spindles also, and a foot of the Porcupine 
or of another animal, the bone of some beast, an 
iron similar to that which they fasten to a door to 
pull it open, and some other absurd things. His 
servant, the renegade, held all these things ready 
for him, and beat the drum while his Master was oc- 
cupied in the ditch. These are a part of their actions, 
among which are mingled their songs, their cries, 
their howls and uproar. 
Their Religion, or rather their superstition, con- 
sists besides in praying; but 0, my God, what pray- 
ers they make! In the morning, when the little 
children come out from their Cabins, they shout, Ca- 
couakki, [8 I] Pakhais A miscouakhi, Pakhais Mousouakhi, 
Pakhais, " Come, Porcupines; come, Beavers; come, 
Elk; " and this is all of their prayers. 
When the Savages sneeze, and sometimes even at 



204 


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[VOL. 6 


dire à qui ces fouhaits s'adreffent, ie ne fçaurois, car 
eux mefmes ne Ie fçauent pas, du moins ceux à qui 
ie l'ay demandé ne m'en ont pû infiruire. 
I'ay remarqué cy-deffus qu'ils prient Le Manitou 
de ne point ietter les yeux fur leurs ennemis, afin 
qu'ils les puiffent tuer: voila toutes les prieres & 
oraifons que i'ay oüy faire aux Sauuages, ie ne fçay 
s'ils en ont d'autres, ie [82] ne Ie crois pas. 0 que 
ie me fentois riche & heureux parmy ces Barbares, 
d'auoir vn Dieu à qui ie peuffe adreffer mes fouhaits, 
mes prieres & mes væux! & qu'ils font miferables 
de n' auoir point d' autres defirs, que pour la vie pre- 
fente! I'oubliois à dire icy, mais ie I'ay couché cy- 
defIus, qu'ils ont vne Image ou efpece de facrifice, 
car ils iettent au feu de la greffe qu'ils recueillent fur 
la chaudiere où cuit la viande, faifants cette pri ere 
Papeouekou, Papeouekou, faiétes nous trouuer à man- 
ger, faiétes nous trouuer à manger: ie crois qu'ils 
adreffent cette oraifon à leur Khichekouai, & peut-efire 
encore les autres; voicy vne fuperfiition qui m'a 
bien ennuyé. 
Le vingt-quatriefme de Nouembre, Ie Sorcier af- 
fembla les Sauuages & fe retrancha auec des robes & 
des couuertures en vn quartier de la Cabane; en forte 
qu'on ne Ie pouuoit voir, ny fes compagnons: il s'y 
trouua vne femme auec eux qui marquoit fur vn 
bafion triangulaire long de demie picque, toutes les 
chanfons qu'ils difoient, ie [83] priay vne femme de 
me dire ce qu'ils faifoient dans ces retranchemens, elle 
me refpondit qu'ils prioient; nlais ie croy qu'elle me 
fifi cette refpõfe, pour ce que quand ie faifois oraifon, 
eux me demandans ce que ie faifois, ie leurs difois, 
Nataïamilziau 1/l'lßi ca Klzicltitât, ie prie celuy qui a 



1633-34] 


LEJEUNE'S RELATION, I634 


205 


other times, during the \Vinter, they cry out in a 
loud voice, Etouctaian miraouillalll all MirouscamikhZ:, 
" I shall be very glad to see the Spring." 
At other times, I have heard them pray for the 
Spring, or for deliverance from evils and other similar 
things; and they express all these things in the form 
of desires, crying out as loudly as they can, " I 
would be very glad if this day would continue, if the 
wind would change," etc. I could not say to whom 
these wishes are addressed, for they themselves do 
not know, at least those whom I have asked have 
not been able to enlighten me. 
I have remarked above that they pray The 1Iani- 
tou not to cast his eyes upon their enemies, in order 
that they may be able to kill them. These are all 
the prayers and orisons which I have heard the Sav- 
ages make; I do not know whether they have oth- 
ers,- I [82] do not think they have. Oh, how rich 
and happy I consider myself among these Barbarians, 
to have a God to whom I can address my desires, my 
prayers and my vows! And how miserable they are 
not to have any other desires than for the present 
life! I was forgetting to say here, although I have 
mentioned it above, that they have an Imitation or 
kind of a sacrifice, for they throw upon the fire 
grease which they skim from the kettle where the 
meat is cooking, uttering this prayer, Papeouekou, 
Papeouekou, "make us find something to eat, make us 
find something to eat." I believe that they address 
this prayer to their Kkidlckouai, and perhaps to others 
besides. The following is a superstition which 
greatly annoyed me. 
On the twenty-fourth of November, the Sorcerer 
assembled the Savages, and entrenched himself with 



206 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


tout faiét: & ainfi quand ils chantoient, quand ils hur- 
loient, battans leurs tambours & leurs baftons, ils me 
difoient qu'ils faifoient leurs prieres, fans me pouuoir 
expliquer à qui its les addreffoient. Le renegat m 'a 
dit que cefte íuperftition, qui dura plus de cinq 
heures, íe faifoit pour vn mort, mais comme il ment 
plus fouuent qu'il ne dit vray, ie m'en rapporte à ce 
qui en eft: ils appellent cette fuperftition Ouechibou- 
an, en íuitte de ces longues oraifons, Ie Sorcier donna 
Ie patron d'vn petit fac couppé en forme de jambe à 
vne femme pour en faire vn de cuir, qu'elle remplit 
à mon aduis de poil de Caftor, car ie maniay cette 
jambe qui me fembla molaffe, & pleine d'vn poil 
affez doux, ie demanday prou ce que c'eftoit, [84] & 
pourquoy on faifoit ce petit íac tortu, mais iamais on 
ne me Ie voulut dire. Ie íçeu feulement qu'ils l'ap- 
pelloient Manitoukathi, c'eft à dire, jambe du Mani- 
tou, ou du Diable; elle fut long temps penduë dans 
la Cabane au lieu où s'affeoit Ie Sorcier; depuis on la 
donna à vn ieune homme pour la porter penduë au 
col, elle eftoit des appartenances de ces longues pri- 
eres, que ie viens de cotter, mais ie n'ay peu fçauoir 
à quel deffein cela fe faifoit. 
Ils gardent par fois encore vn ieufne fort rigoureux, 
non pas tous, mais quelques vns qui ont enuie de 
viure long temps; mon hofte voyant que ie ne man- 
geois qu'vne fois pendant Ie Carefme, me dit que 
quelques vns d'entre eux ieufnoient pour auoir vne 
longue vie; mais m'adjoufta qu'ils íe retiroient tous 
íeuls dans vne petite Cabane à part, & que là ils ne 
beuuoient ny mãgeoient quelquefois huiét iours, quel- 
quefois dix iours durant: d'autres m'ont dit qu'ils 
fortent comme des íquelets de cette Cabane, & que 



1633-34] 


LEJEUNE'S RELATION, I634 


207 


some robes and blankets in one quarter of the Cabin, 
so that neither he nor his companions could be seen. 
There was a woman with them, who marked on a tri- 
angular stick, half a spear in length, all the songs they 
recited. I [83] begged a woman to tell me what 
they were doing in this enclosure, and she answered 
me that they were praying; but I believe she made 
this response because, when I prayed and they asked 
me what I was doing, I told them, Nataïamihiau 
11lissi ca Klziclzitât, " I am praying to him who made 
all things;" and so when they sang, when they 
howled, and beat their drums and their sticks, they 
told me that they were making prayers, without 
being able to explain to me to whom they were ad- 
dressed. The renegade told me that this supersti- 
tious rite, which lasted more than five hours, was 
performed for a dead person; but, as he lies oftener 
than he tells the truth, I give it for what it is worth. 
They call this superstition Oueclzibouall. After these 
long orisons, the Sorcerer gave the pattern of a little 
sack, cut in the form of a leg, to a woman, to make 
one of leather. This she filled, I thought, with 
Beaver hair, for I felt the leg and it seemed to me 
light and full of soft hair. I asked often what it 
was, [84] and why they made this little crooked sack, 
but they never told me. I only know that they call 
it Ma1litoukathi,. meaning, leg of the Manitou, or of the 
Devil; for a long time it was hung in the Cabin, at 
the place where the Sorcerer was seated; afterward, 
it was given to a young man to wear hung from his 
neck. It was one of the accompaniments of these 
long prayers, which I have just described; but I 
have not been able to find out for what purpose it 
was used. 



208 


LES RELATIONS DES /ÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


par [85] fois on en rapporte à demy-morts, ie n'ay 
point veu de ces grands ieufneurs, fi bien de grãds 
difneurs: vray eft que ie n' ay point de peine à croire 
cét excez, car toutes les fauffes religions font pleines 
de puerilitez, ou d'excés, ou de faletez. 
I'ay veu faire vne autre deuotion au Sorcier, la- 
queUe, comme ie crois, n'appartient qu'à ceux de fa 
profeffion; on luy dreffe vne petite Cabane eíloignée 
d'vn jet de pierre ou de deux des autres, il fe retire 
là dedans pour y demeurer feul huiét iours, dix iours, 
ou plus ou moins: Or vous l' entendez iour & nuiét 
crier, hurler, & battre fon tambour; mais il n'eft pas 
tellement folitaire, que d'autres ne luy aillent aider 
à chanter, & que les femmes ne Ie vifitent, c'eft là où 
il fe commet de grandes faletez. 
Les Sauuages font encore fort Religieux enuers 
leurs morts; mon hofte, & Ie vieillard dont i'ay fou- 
uent faiét mention, m'ont confirmé ce que i'ay def-ja 
efcrit vne autrefois, que Ie corps mort du deffunét ne 
fort point par la [86] porte ordinaire de la Cabane, 
ains on leue l'efcorce de l'endroiét où 1'hom[me] eft 
mort, pour faire paffer fon cadaure. 
De plus, difent ils, l'ame fort par la cheminée, ou 
par l'ouuerture qu'ils font au haut de leurs todis, ils 
frappent à coups de bafton fur leurs Cabanes, afin 
que cette ame ne tarde point, & qu'elle ne s'accofte 
de quelque enfant, car elle Ie fairoit mourir: ils en- 
terrent les robbes, les chaudieres, & autres meubles 
auec Ie trefpafIé, pource qu'ils rayment, & afin auffi 
qu'il fe ferue de l'ame de toutes ces chofes en l'autre 
vie. I1s iettent comme i'ay def-ja dit, la meilleure 
viande qu'ils ayent au feu, pour en donner à manger 
à l'ame du deffunét, qui mange l'ame de ces viandes: 



1633-34] 


LEJEUNE'S RELATION, 1634 


209 


Now and then they observe a very rigorous fast,- 
not all of them, but certain ones who desire to live a 
long time. My host, seeing that I ate only once a 
day during Lent, told me that some of their people 
fasted in order to have a long life; but he added that 
they withdrew alone into a little Cabin apart from 
the others, and while there they neither drank nor 
ate, sometimes for eight and at other times for ten 
days; others have told me that they emerge from 
this Cabin like skeletons, and that sometimes [85] 
they are brought out half dead. I have not seen any 
of these great fasters, but I have seen great diners. 
In truth I have no difficulty in believing in these ex- 
cesses, for all false religions are full of nonsense, of 
excesses, or of uncleanness. 
I have seen another devotion performed by the 
Sorcerer, which, I believe, belongs only to those 
of his profession. They erect for him a little Cab- 
in distant from the others a stone's throw or two, 
into which he retires to remain there alone eight or 
ten days, more or less. N ow day and night he can 
be heard crying, howling and beating his drum; but 
he is not so solitary that others do not go to help 
him sing, and that the women do not visit him, and 
it is here that great licentiousness is carried on. 
The Savages are also very Religious in regard to 
their dead. My host, and the old man of whom I 
have spoken, confirmed what I have already written 
before, that the body of the deceased does not go out 
through the [86] common door of the Cabin, but the 
bark is raised at the place where the dead man is, in 
order to make a passageway for the corpse. 
Furthermore, they say that the soul goes out 
through the chimney, or at the opening which they 



210 


LES RELA TIONS DES ./ÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


ils n'efiendent point les corps de leur long comme 
nous faifons les enfeuelliffants, mais ils les accrou- 
piffent & accourciffent comme vne perfonne qui efi 
affife fur les talons: ils couppent vn petit touffet de 
cheueux du deffunct, pour prefenter à fon plus 
proche parent. Je n'en fçay [87J pas la raifon. Mais 
faifons vne autre lifie de leurs fuperfiitions & de 
leur ignorance, celles que ie viens de rapporter, con- 
cern en t en quelque façon leur religion ridicule; les 
fuiuantes Ie peuuent proprement appeller fuperfii- 
tions. 
Les Sauuages ne iettent point aux chiens les os des 
Cafiors, Porcs épics femmelles, du moins certains os 
determinez; bref ils p[rJennent garde tres-foigneufe- 
ment que les chiens ne mangent aucun os des oyfeaux 
& des autres animaux qui fe prennent au lacs, autre- 
ment ils n'en prendront plus qu'auec des difficultez 
incomparables: encore y a-illà dedans mille obferua- 
tions, car il n'importe que les vertebres ou Ie croupion 
de ces animaux foient données aux chiens, pour Ie 
refie il faut Ie jetter au feu; toutefois pour Ie Cafior 
pris à la rets, c'efi Ie meilleur de ietter fes os dans vn 
fleuue, c'efi chofe efirange qu'ils recueillent & ra- 
maffent ces os, & les conferuent auec tant de foin, 
que vous diriez que leur chaffe feroit perduë s'ils 
auoient [88] contreuenu à leurs fuperfiitions: comme 
ie me mocquois d' eux, & que ie leurs difois que les 
Cafiors ne fçauoient pas ce que l'on faifoit de leurs 
os; ils me refpondirent, tu ne fçais pas prendre les 
Cafiors, & tu en veux parler: deuant que Ie Cafior 
foit mort tout à faid, me dirent-ils, fon ame vient 
faire vn tour par la Cabane de celuy qui Ie tuë, & re- 
marque fort bien ce qu'on fait de fes os; que fi on les 



1633-34] 


LE JEU1VE'S RELA TION, 1634 


211 


make at the top of their huts. They strike heavy 
blows with a stick upon the Cabins. that this soul 
may not delay, and that it may not come near a child, 
for it would kill it. They bury with the dead tnan 
his robes, his kettles, and other belongings, because 
they love him, and also in order that he may make 
use of the soul of all these things in the other life. 
They throw, as I have already said, the best meat 
they have into the fire, to give something to eat to 
the soul of the deceased, which eats the soul of this 
food. They do not stretch out the bodies of their 
dead lengthwise, as we do those of our dead, but 
they place them in a crouching position like a person 
who is seated upon his heels. They cut a little tuft 
of hair from the dead man to present to his nearest 
relative. I do not know [87] why they do this. But 
let us make another list of their superstitions and of 
their ignorance, as what I have just reported con- 
cerns in some manner their ridiculous religion; the 
following may properly be called superstitions. 
The Savages do not throw to the dogs the bones of 
female Beavers and Porcupines,- at least, certain 
specified bones; in short, they are very careful that 
the dogs do not eat any bones of birds and of other 
animals which are taken in the net, otherwise they 
will take no more except with incomparable difficul- 
ties. Yet they make a thousand exceptions to this 
rule, for it does not matter if the vertebræ or rump 
of these animals be given to the dogs, but the rest 
must be thrown into the fire. Yet, as to the Beaver 
which has been taken in a trap, it is best to throw 
its bones into a river. It is remarkable how they 
gather and collect these bones, and preserve them 
with so much care, that you would say their game 



212 


LES RELA TIONS DES ./ÉSUITES 


[VOL. () 


donnoit aux chiens, les autres Caftors en feroient ad- 
uertis: c'eft pourquoy ils fe rendroient difficiles à 
prendre, mais ils font bien aifes qu' on iette leurs os 
au feu, ou dans vn fleuue, la rets notamment qui les 
a pris en eft bien contente. Ie leur dis que les Hiro- 
quois au rapport de celuy qui eftoit auec nous, iet- 
toient les os de Caftor aux chiens, & cependant qu'ils 
en prenoient fort fouuent, & que nos François pre- 
noient du gibier plus qu'eux (fans comparaifon) & 
que neantmoins nos chiens en mangeoient les os, tu 
n'as point d'efprit, me firent-ils, ne vois tu pas que 
vous & les Hiroquois cultiuez la terre [89] & en re- 
cueillez les fruiéts, & non pas nous, & partant que ce 
n'eft pas la mefme chofe: ie me mis à rire enten- 
dant cette refponfe impertinente; Ie mal eft que ie 
ne fais que begua yer, que ie prends vn mot pour 
l'autre, que ie prononce mal, & ainfi tout s'en va Ie 
pI us fouuen t en rifee; Que c' eft vne gran de peine 
de parler à vn peuple fans l'entendre. De plus, en 
leurs feftins à manger tout, il faut bien prendre garde 
que les chiens n'en gouftent tant foit peu, mais de 
cecy en vn autre chapitre. 
Ils croyent que la greíle a de l'efprit & de la con- 
noiffance, comme mon hofte faifoit feftin pendant 
cet Hiuer, il dit à vn ieune homme, va t'en aduertir 
les Sauuages de l'autre Cabane qu'ils viennent 
quand ils voudront que tout eft preft, mais ne porte 
point de flambeau, il eftoit nuiét & il greíloit fort & 
ferme: i'entends auffi les Sauuages fortans de leurs 
Cabanes, s' écrier à leurs gens, ne nous éclairez 
point, car il greíle. Ie demanday par apres la raifon 
de cela, on me refpõdit que la grêle auoit de l'ef- 
prit, & qu'elle haïffoit [90] la lumiere, ne venant or- 



1633-34] 


LE ./EU1\íE'S RELA TION, r634 


213 


would be lost if they [88] violated their superstitions. 
As I was laughing at them, and telling them that 
Beavers do not know what is done with their bones, 
they answered me, "Thou dost not know how to 
take Beavers, and thou wishest to talk about it." Be- 
fore the Beaver was entirely dead, they told me, its 
soul comes to make the round of the Cabin of him 
who has killed it, and looks very carefully to see 
what is done with its bones; if they are given to the 
dogs, the other Beavers would be apprised of it and 
therefore they would make themselves hard to cap- 
ture. But they are very glad to have their bones 
thrown into the fire, or into a river; especially the 
trap which has caught them is very glad of this. I 
told them that the Hiroquois, according to the reports 
of the one who was with us, threw the bones of the 
Beaver to the dogs, and yet they took them very 
often; and that our Frenchmen captured more game 
than they did (without comparison), and yet our dogs 
ate these bones. "Thou hast no sense," they re- 
plied, " dost thou not see that you and the Hiroquois 
cultivate the soil [89] and gather its fruits, and not 
we, and that therefore it is not the same thing? " I 
began to laugh when I heard this irrelevant answer. 
The trouble is, I only stutter, I take one word for an- 
other, I pronounce badly; and so everything usually 
passes off in laughter. What great difficulty there 
is in talking with people without being able to under- 
stand them. Furthermore, in their eat-all feasts 
they must be very careful that the dogs do not taste 
even the least of it; but of this in another chapter. 
They believe that the hail has understanding and 
knowledge. \Vhen my host was giving a feast, that 
\Vinter, he said to a young man, " Go tell the Sav- 



214 


LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES 


[VOL. () 


dinairement que fur la nuiét: que fi on portoit des 
flambeaux dehors, elle eefferoit, dont ils feroient 
bien marris, car elle fert à prendre l'Originac. Voila 
des gens bie entendus aux meteores, ie leur dis que 
la greíle n' eftoit autre chofe que l' eau de la pluye, 
qui fe congeloit par la froidure, laquelle s'augmen- 
tât fur la nuiét par l'eloignement du Soleil, il gre- 
110it pluftoft qu'en plein midy: ils me repartirent à 
l'ordinaire, tu es vn ignorant, ne vois tu pas qu'il a 
faid froid tout Ie iour, & que la greíle a attendu la 
nuiét pour venir; Ie voulus repartir que la nuée 
n'eftoit pas encore difpofée, mais on me dit eca titou 
eca titOlL nama KlzitirillijiJl, tais toi, tais toi, tu n' as 
pas d'efprit: voila la monnoye dont ils me payent, 
& dont ils payent bien fouuent les autres fans s'alte- 
rer. 
10n hofte coupoit par fuperftition Ie bout de 
la queuë de tous les Caftors qu'il prenoit, & les enfi- 
loit enfemble. Ie demanday pourquoy, Ie vieillard 
me dit, e'eft vne refolution ou vne promeffe qu'il a 
faiét, afin de prendre beaucoup de Caftors de fça- 
uoir à qui il fait ce væu [91J ny Iuy, ny moy ne Ie 
fçaurions dire. 
Ils Inettent au feu vn certain os plat de Porc épic, 
puis ils regardent à fa couleur s'ils feront bonne 
chaffe de ces animaux. 
Quand quelqu'vn de leurs gens s'eft egaré dans les 
bois, voyans qu'il ne retourne point en la Cabane, ils 
pendent vn fufil à vne perche pour Ie redreffer; & 
cela fait, me difoient ils, qu'il voye du feu, & qu'il 
reconnoffe fon chemin: quand vn efprit s'eft vne 
fois egaré du chemin de la verité, il donne bien 
auant dans l'erreur. 
. 
1ais à propos de leur fufil, ie diray cy qu'il n'eft 



1633-34] 


LE .fEUNE'S RELA TION, 1634 


215 


ages of the other Cabin that they may come when 
they wish, that everything is ready; but do not carry 
a torch." It was night, and there was a very heavy 
hailstorm. So I heard the Savages going out from 
their Cabins, crying to their people, " Do not make 
any light for us, because it hails." I afterward 
asked the reason for this, and they answered me that 
the hail possessed intelligence, and that it hated [90] 
the light, usually coming only at night-time; that, 
if torches were carried out of doors, it would stop, 
and they would be very sorry for this, for it helped 
them to capture the :Moose. See how intelligent 
these people are about atmospheric phenomena. I 
told them that the hail was nothing but the water of 
the rain, congealed by the cold, which was greater 
at night on account of the absence of the Sun, and 
so it hailed then oftener than in the middle of the 
day. They answered me in their usual way, " Thou 
art an ignoramus; dost thou not see that it has been 
cold all day long, and that the hail has waited un- 
til night to come?" I tried to tell them that the 
clouds had not yet gathered, but they said, eca titou 
eca titou nama Kllitirillisill, "keep still, keep still, thou 
hast no sense." This is the money with which they 
pay me, and with which they very often pay the 
others without any variation. Through superstition, 
my host cuts off the end of the tail from all the Bea- 
vers he takes, and strings them together. I asked 
why; and the old man told me that it was a resolu- 
tion or promise that he had made in order to take 
many Beavers. As to whom he made this vow, [91] 
neither he nor I would be able to tell. 
They put upon the fire a certain flat bone of the 
Porcupine; then look at its color attentively, to see 
if they will hunt these animals with success. 



216 


LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


pas faid comme les noftres; ils ont pour meche Ia 
peau d'vne cuiffe d'vn aigIe, auec Ie duuet qui prëd feu 
aifement, ils battent deux pierres de mine enfemble, 
comme nous faifons vne pierre à fufil, auec vn mor- 
ceau de fer ou d'acier: au lieu d'allumettes. ils fe 
feruët d'vn petit morceau de tondre, c'eft yn bois 
pourry & bien feché, qui bruíle aifement & inceffam- 
mët iufques à ce qu'il foit confommé: ayant pris feu 
ils Ie mettent dans l'efcorce de Cedre puluerifée, & 
fouffiant [92] doucement cette écorce s'enflamme. 
Voila comme ils font du feu. I' auois porté vn fufil 
françois auec moy, & cinq ou fix allumettes, ils s'e- 
ftonnoient de la promptitude auec laquelle i'allumois 
du feu, Ie mal fut que mes allumettes furent bien toft 
vfées, ayant manqué d'en porter vn peu dauãtage. 
Ils ont encore vne autre efpece de fufil, ils tour- 
nent vn petit bafton de Cedre, de ce mouuement fort 
du feu qui allume du tondre: mais comme ie n'ay 
point veu l'vfage de ce fufil plus familier aux Hu- 
rons qu'aux 110ntagnais, ie n'en diray pas dauantage. 
Quand quelqu'vn d'eux a pris vn Ours, il y a bien 
des ceremonies deuant qu'il foit mangé, vn de nos gens 
en prit vn. Voicy ce qu'on obferua. 
Premierement l'Ours eftant tué, celuy qui l'a mis 
à mort ne l'apporte point, mais il s'en reuient à la 
Cabane en donner la nouuelle, afin que quelqu'vn 
aille voir la prife comme chofe precieufe; car les Sau- 
uages preferent la chair d'Ours à toutes leurs autres 
viandes: il me femble que Ie ieune Caftor ne luy cede 
en rien, mais l'Ours a [93] plus de graiffe. Voila pour- 
quoy il eft plus aimé des Saul1ages. 
Secondement l'Ours a[p]porté toutes les filles nu- 
biles, & les ieunes femmes mariées qui n'ont point 



1633-34] 


LE JEUJ\lE' 5 RELA TIOJ\l, I634 


217 


'Vhen some one of their men is lost in the woods, 
seeing that he does not return to his Cabin, they 
hang a fuse to a pole to direct him, and, that done, 
they tell me that he sees the fire and finds his way 
back. \Vhen the mind has once strayed from the 
path of truth, it advances far into error. 
But, in regard to their fuse, I will say here that it 
is not made like ours. For wick they use the skin 
of an eagle's thigh, covered with down, which takes 
fire very easily. They strike together two metallic 
stones, just as we do with a piece of flint and iron or 
steel; in place of matches, they use a little piece of 
tinder, a dry and rotten wood which burns easily and 
continually until it is consumed. \Vhen they have 
lighted it, they put it into pulverized Cedar bark; 
and, by gently [92] blowing, this bark takes fire. 
That is how they light their fires. I brought a 
french fuse with me, and five or six matches. They 
were astonished at the ease with which I could light 
a fire; the trouble was that my matches were soon 
éxhausted, as I had failed to bring enough. 
They have still another kind of fuse. They twist 
a little Cedar stick, and this friction causes fire, which 
lights some tinder; but, as I have never seen them 
use this fuse, which is more familiar to the Hurons 
than to the 
Iontagnais, I will say no more about it. 
\Vhen some one of them has taken a Bear, there 
are extensive ceremonies before it is eaten. One of 
our people took one, and this is what they did: 
First, the Bear having been killed, the man who 
killed it did not bring it back, but he returned to the 
Cabin to impart the news, so that some one might go 
and see the prize, as something very precious; for 
the Savages prefer the meat of the Bear to all other 



218 


LES RELA TIGJ\'S DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


encore eu d' êfans, tan t celles de la Cabane où l' Ours 
doit eftre mangé, que des autres voifines, s'en vont 
dehors, & ne rentrent point tant qu'il y refte aucun 
morceau de cet animal, dont elles ne gouftent point: 
11 negeoit & faifoit vn temps fort fafcheux, il eftoit 
quafi nuiét quãd cét Ours fut apporté en noftre Ca- 
bane: tout à l'heure les femmes & les filles forti rent, 
& s'en allerent Cabaner ailleurs Ie mieux quelles peu- 
rent non fans patir beaucoup, car ils n' ont pas toufiours 
des écorces à leur commandemèt pour dreffer leur 
maifon, qu'ils couurêt en tel cas de brâches de Sapin. 
En troifiefme lieu, il faut bien éloigner les chiens, 
de peur qu'ils ne lechent Ie fang, ou ne mangent les 
os, voire les excremens de cette befte, tãt elle eft 
cherie. On enterre ceux-cy fous Ie foyer, & on iette 
ceux-Ià au feu; voila ce que i' obferuay en cette fu- 
perftitiõ. On fit deux banquets de cét Ours, [94] 
l'ayant fait cuire en deux chaudieres, quoy qu'en 
mefme temps. On inuita les hõmes & les femmes 
âgées au premier feftin, lequel acheué, les femmes 
fortirent, puis on depèdit l'autre chaudiere, dont on 
fit feftin à manger tout entre les hommes feulement. 
Cela fe fit Ie foir de la prife; Ie lendemain fur la 
nuiét, ou Ie fecond iour, ie ne m'en fouuiens pas 
bien, l'Ours eftant entierement mangé, les ieunes 
femmes, & les filles retournerent. 
Si l'oifeau qu'ils nomment Ollicltcatcltall, qui est 
quafi de la groffeur d'Yne pie, & qui luy reffemble, 
(car il eft gris aux endroiéts que la pie eft noire, & 
blanc ou elle eft blanche) fe prefente pour entrer dans 
leur Cabane, ils Ie chaffent fort foigneufernent, 
pource difent ils, qu'ils auroient mal à la tefte: ils 
n'ê dõnent point de raifon ils l'ont, fi on les croit, 



1633-34] 


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VE'S Rr.LA TION, I6.N 


219 


kinds of food; it seems to me that the young Beaver 
is in no way inferior to it, but the Bear has [93] more 
fat, and therefore the Savages like it better. 
Second, the Bear being brought, all the marriage- 
able girls and young married women .who have not 
had children, as well as those of the Cabin where the 
Bear is to be eaten, and of the neighboring cabins, go 
outside, and do not return as long as there remains a 
piece of this animal. which they do not taste. It 
snowed, and the weather was very seYere. It was 
almost night when this Bear was brought to our Cabin; 
immediately the women and girls went out and 
sought Shelter elsewhere, the best they could find. 
They do this not without much suffering; for they 
do not always have bark at hand with \vhich to make 
their house, which in such cases they cover with 
branches of the Fir tree. 
In the third place, the dogs must be sent away, 
lest they lick the blood, or eat the bones, or even the 
offal of this beast, so greatly is it prized. The latter 
are buried under the fireplace, and the former are 
thrown into the fire. The preceding are the observa- 
tions which I made during the performance of this 
superstition. Two banquets are made of this Bear, 
[94] as it is cooked in two kettles, although all at the 
same time. The men and older women are invited 
to the first feast, and, when it is finished, the ,vomen 
go out; then the other kettle is taken down, and of 
this an eat-all feast is made for the men only. This 
is done on the evening of the capture; the next day 
toward nightfall, or the second day, I do not exactly 
remember, the Bear having been all eaten. the young 
women and girls return. 
If the bird which they call Ouichcatchall, which is 



2:W 


LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


experimenté, ie les ay veu prendre Ie gefier de cét 
animal, Ie fendans & regardans dedans fort attentiue- 
ment; mon hofte me dit, fi ie trouue dedans vn petit 
os d'Originac (car cét oyfeau mange de tout) ie tue- 
ray vn Orignac, fi ie trouue vn os d'Ours, ie [95J tue
 
ray vn Ours, & ainfi des autres animaux. 
Dans la famine que nous auons enduré, nos Sa-u- 
uages ne voulurent point manger leurs chiens, pource 
que fi on tuoit vn chiê pour Ie manger, vn hòme fe- 
roit tué à coups de hache, difoiet-ils. 
:ßIon hofte iettant quelques branches de pin dans 
Ie feu, il preftoit l'oreille au bruit qu'elles feroient 
en fe bruí1ant, prononçant quelques paroles; ie luy 
demanday pourquoy il faifoit cette ceremonie, pour 
prendre des Porcs épics, me refpond iI, de dire quel 
rapport il y a de ces branches bruí1ées auec leur 
chaffe, c' eft ce qu'ils ne íçauent pas, & ne fçauroient 
íçauoir. 
Ils ne mangent point la moëlle des vertebres ou de 
l'efpine du dos de quelque animal que ce foit, car ils 
auroient mal au dos, & s'ils fourroient vn bafton 
dans ces vertebres, ils fentiroiêt vne douleur, comme 
fi on Ie fichoit dans les leur. Ie Ie faifois expres de- 
uant eux pour les defabufer, mais vn mal d'efprit fi 
grand, comme eft vne íuperftition inueterée depuis 
tant de fiec1es, & fuccée auec Ie laid de la nourrice 
[96J ne fe guerit pas en vn moment. 
Ils ne mangent point les petits embrions d'Ori- 
gnac, qu'ils tirent du ventre de leurs meres, fin on à 
la fin de la chaffe de cét animal, la raifon eft que 
leurs meres les aiment, & qu'elles s'en rendroient 
fafcheufes & difficiles à prendre, fi on mangeoit leur 
fruiét fi ieune. 



1633-34] 


LE JEU.NE'S RELATIO}\/, I634 



21 


nearly the size of the magpie, and which resembles 
it (for it is gray in the places where the magpie is 
black, and white where it is white), tries to get into 
their Cabins, they drive it away very careful1y, be- 
cause, they say, they would have a headache; they 
do not give any reason for this, but have, if they are 
to be believed, learned it by experience. I have seen 
them take the throat of this animal, split it open, and 
look into it very attentively. :\Iy host tells me, .. If 
I find inside a little bone of the l\loose (for this bird 
eats everything) I shall kill a :\-loose; if I find a bone 
of the Bear, I [95J shall kill a Bear; " and so on with 
other animals. 
In the famine which we endured, our Savages 
would not eat their dogs, because they said that, if 
the dog was killed to be eaten, a man would be killed 
by blows from an axe. 

I y host, throwing some pine branches into the fire, 
listened attentively to the noise which they made in 
burning, and pronounced some words. I asked him 
why he went through this ceremony; ,. To capture 
Porcupines," he answered me. What connection 
there is between these burning branches and their 
hunting, they neither do nor can explain. 
They do not eat the marrow of the verte bræ or 
backbone of any animal whatever, for they would 
have a backache; and, if they were to thrust a stick 
into these vertebræ, they would feel the pain the 
same as if some one had driven it into theirs. I did 
it purposely, in their presence, to disabuse them; 
but a disease of the mind so great as is a superstition 
firmly established for so many centuries, and drunk 
in with the nurse's milk, [96J is not eradicated in a 
moment. 



222 


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[VOL. 6 


lIs ne reconnoiffent que dix Lunes en l'année, i'en- 
tends la plufpart des Sauuages, car i'ay fait auouër au 
Sorcier qu'il y en auoit douze. 
lIs croyent que la Lune de Feurier eft plus lõgue 
de plufieurs iours que les autres, auffi la nomment ils 
la grande Lune; Ie leur ay demanday d'où venoit l'E- 
clypse de Lune & de Soleil; ils m'ont refpondu que 
la Lune s'éc1ypfoit ou paroiffoit noire, à caufe qu'elle 
tenoit fon fils entre fes bras, qui empefchoit que I' on 
ne vift fa clarté. Si la Lune a vn fils, elle eft ma- 
riée, ou l'a été, leur dif-je, oüy dea, me dirent ils" 
Ie Soleil eft fon mary qui marche tout Ie iour, & elle 
toute la nuiét; & s'il s'ec1ypfe, ou s'il s'obfcurcit, 
e'eft qu'il prend auffi par fois Ie fils qu'il a eu de [97] 
la Lune entre fes bras: oüy, mais ny la Lune ny Ie 
Soleil n'ont point de bras, leur difoif-je, tu n'as 
point d'efprit: ils tienent toufiours leur arcs bandés 
deuant eux, voila pourquoy leurs bras ne paroiffent 
point; & fur qui veulent ils tirer? hé qu'en fçauons 
nous. Ie leur .demanday que vouloient dire ces 
taches qui fe font voir en la Lune; tu ne fçay rie du 
tout, me difoient ils; c'eft vn bonet qui luy eouure 
la tefte, & non pas des taches. Ie m' enquis pour- 
quoy Ie fils du Soleil & de la Lune n'eftoit pas luifant 
eomme fes parents, ains noir & obfcur; nous n'en 
íçauons rien, me firent ils, fi nous auions efté au Ciel 
nous te refpondrions. Au refte ils croyent qu'ils 
vièt quelquefois en terre, & quand il fe pourmene en 
leur pays, ils meurent en grand nõbre. Ie leur ay 
demandé s'ils n"auoiet point veu de Cometes, ces 
Eftoilles à longue queuë, & ce que c'eftoit; nous en 
auons veu, me dirent ils, c' eft vn animal qui a vne 
grande queuë, 4. pieds, & une tefte, no us voyons 
tous cela, difoiet-ils. 



1633-34] 


LE JEU.A-E'S RELA TION, I634 


223 


They do not eat the little embryos of 
Ioose, which 
they take from the wombs of the mothers, except at 
the end of the chase for this animal. The reason is 
that their mothers love them, and they would become 
angry and difficult to capture, if their offspring were 
eaten so young. 
They recognize only ten l\Ioons in the year,- I 
mean the greater part of the Savages, for I made 
the Sorcerer admit that there are twelve. 
They believe that the February :Moon is longer 
by several days than the others, and therefore they 
call it the great 
Ioon. I asked them whence came 
the Eclipse of the Moon and of the Sun. They 
ans\vered that the 1Ioon was eclipsed, or appeared to 
be dark, because she held her son in her arms, which 
prevented her brightness from being seen. "If the 
l\Ioon has a son, she is married, or has been, " I told 
them. "Oh, yes," they replied, "the Sun is her 
husband, who walks all day, and she all night; and 
if he be eclipsed, or darkened, it is because he also 
sometimes takes the son which he has had by [97] 
the 1Ioon, into his arms." "Yes, but neither the 
1Ioon nor the Sun has any arms," I answered them. 
"Thou hast no sense; they always hold their drawn 
bows before them, and that is why their arms do 
not appear." "And whom do they wish to shoot?" 
"Ah, how do we know?" I asked them what those 
spots meant that appear on the 
loon. "Thou know- 
est nothing at all," they said; "it is a cap which cov- 
ers her head, and not spots." I inquired why the 
son of the Sun and of the :Moon was not bright like 
his parents, but black and gloomy. "We do not 
know, " said they; "if we had been in the Sky, we 
might answer thee." Furthermore, they think that 



224 


LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


Ie les interrogeay íur Ie tonnerre, ils me dirent 
qu'ils ne fçauoient pas quel animal c'eftoit, qu'i! man- 
geoit les ferpents [98] & quelquefois les arbres, que 
les Hurons croyêt que c'eft vn oifeau fort grãd in- 
duit à cette creãce, par vn bruit fourd que fait vne 
efpece d'hirondelle qui paroift icy l'Efté: Ie n'ay 
point veu de ces oiíeaux en France, i'en ay tenu icy, 
il a Ie bec, & la tefte, & la figure du corps, cõme vne 
hirondelle, ftnõ qu'il eft vn peu plus gros; il fe pour- 
mene Ie foir en l'air, faifant vn bruit pefãt par re- 
prifes. Les Hurons difent qu'il fait ce bruit du der- 
riere, cõme aufft l'oifeau qu'ils pêfent eftre Ie tõ- 
nerre, & qu'il n'ya qu'vn feul hõme qui voye cét 
oifeau, & encore vne fois en fa vie; c'eft ce que m'ê 
dit mõ vieillard. 
Voila vne partie de leurs fuperftitiõs; que de 
poufftere dedans leurs yeux, & qu'il y aura de peine à 
la faire fortir, pour leur faire voir Ie beau iour de la 
verité. Ie croy neãtmoins, que qui fçauroit parfait- 
tement leur langue, pour les payer promptement de 
bonnes raifons, qu'ils fe mocqueroient eux mefmes 
de leurs fottifes: car par fois ie les rendois honteux & 
cõfus, quoy que ie ne parle quafi que par les mains, 
ie veux dire par ftgnes. 
Ie veux conclurre ce chapitre par vn eftõnement; 
on fe plaint en France d'vne [99] Meffe, ft elle paffe 
vne demie heure; Ie Sermon limité d'vne heure 
íemble par fois trop long, à peine exerce l'on ces 
actes de Religion vne fois la femaine, & ces pauures 
ignorants crient & hurlent à toute heure. 
Le Sorcier les affemble fouuent en plein minuic1, 
à deux heures, à trois heures du matin. dãs vn froid 
qui gele tout; iour & nuid il les tient en haleine, 



1633-34] 


LE .IE U1VE 'S RELA TIO
V, I6.J4 


22.) 


he comes now and then upon earth; and, when he 
walks about in their country, many people die. I 
asked them if they had never seen Comets, those 
Stars .with long tails, and what they were. "\Ve 
have seen them," they answered: "it is an animal 
that has a long tail, 4 feet, and a head: we can see 
all that," they said. 
I asked them about the thunder; they said that. 
they did not know what anÌ1nal it was; that it ate 
snakes, [98J and sometimes trees; that the Hurons 
believed it to be a very large bird. They were led 
to this belief by a hollow sound made by a kind of 
s\vallow which appears here in the Summer. I have 
not seen any of these birds in France, but have ex- 
amined some of them here. They have a beak, a 
head, and a form like the swallow, except that they 
are a little larger; they fly about in the evening, re- 
peatedly making a dull noise. The Hurons say that 
they make this noise from behind, as does also the 
bird which they think is the thunder; and that there 
is only one man who has seen this bird, and he only 
once in his lifetime. This is what myoid man told 
me. 
These are some of their superstitions. How much 
dust there is in their eyes, and how much trouble 
there will be to remove it that they may see the 
beautiful light of truth! I believe, nevertheless, 
that anyone who knew their language perfectly, in 
order to give them good reasons promptly, would 
soon make them laugh at their own stupidity; for 
sometimes I have made them ashamed and confused, 
although I speak almost entirely by my hands, I 
mean by signs. 
I am going to conclude this chapter with a sur- 



226 


LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


employans non vne ou deux heures, mais trois & 
quatre de fuitte, à faire leurs deuotions ridicules. 
On fait fortir les pauures femmes de leurs Cabanes, 
fe leuãts en pleine nuict, emportants leurs petits en- 
fans parmy les neiges chez leurs voifins. Les 
hommes harafIez du trauail du iour, ayant peu man- 
gé & couru fort lõg temps, au moindre cry qu'on leur 
faiét quittent leur fommeil, & s'en viennent prompte- 
ment au lieu où fe fait Ie Sabbat, & ce qui femblera 
au delà de toute creance. Ie n'ay iamais veu former 
aucune plainte parmy eux, ny aux felnmes ny aux 
hommes, ny mefme aux enfans, chacun fe montrant 
prompt & allaigre à la voix du Sorcier ou du jon- 
gleur, helas! mon Dieu, les ames qui vous aiment 
feront [100] elles fans fentiment, voyants plus de 
paffion pour des folies, que pour la verité? Belial efi- 
il plus aimable que IESVS? pourquoy dõc efi-il plus 
ardãment aimé, obey plus promptement, & plus deuo- 
tement adoré? mais pafIons outre. 



1633-34] 


LE JEUI\TE'S RELA TIO-,-V, I634 


227 


prise; they complain in France of a [99] Mass, if it 
lasts more than half an hour; a Sermon limited to an 
hour seems too long; those Religious services are 
performed hardly once a week; and yet those poor 
ignorant people cry and how I all the time. 
The Sorcerer often brings them together at mid- 
night, or at two or three o'clock in the morning, in a 
cold which freezes everything. Day and night he 
holds them with bated breath, during not one nor 
two hours, but three or four in succession, to per- 
form their ridiculous devotions. They make the 
poor women go out from their Cabins, rising at mid- 
night and carrying their little children over the snow 
to their neighbors. Men, harassed by the work of 
the day, who have eaten but little and hunted a long 
time, at the first cry waken and promptly betake 
themselves to this Witches' Sabbath; and, what will 
seem beyond all belief, I have never known a single 
complaint to arise among them, neither among the 
women nor the men, nor even the children, each one 
showing himself prompt and glad to obey the voice 
of the Sorcerer or juggler. Alas, my God, will the 
souls that love you be [100] without feeling, when 
they see more zeal shown for folly than for truth? 
Is Belial more lovely than JESUS? Why then is he 
more ardently loved, more promptly obeyed, and 
more devotedly adored? But let us pass on. 



228 


LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


CHAPITRE V. 


DES CHOSES BO
:-JES QUI SE TROUUE
T DANS LES 
S_-\UUAGES. 


S I nous commençons par les biens du corps, ie di- 
ray qu'ils les poffedèt auec auantage: ils font 
grands, droicts, forts, bien proportionnez, 
agiles, rien d'effeminé ne paroifi en eux. Ces pe- 
tits Damoifeaux qu'õ voit ailleurs, ne font que des 
hõmes en peinture, à comparaifon de nos Sauuages. 
I'ay quafi creu autrefois que Ies Images des Empe- 
reurs Romains reprefentoient pluftofi l'idée des 
peintres, que des hommes qui euffent iamais efté, 
tant leurs teftes font groffes & puiffãtes, mais ie voy 
icy fur les épaules de ce peuple les teftes de Iules 
Cefar, de Pompée, d' Augufie, d'Othon, & des autres 
que i'ay veu en France, tirées fur [101] Ie papier, ou 
releuées en des medailles. 
Pour I' efprit des Sauuages, il eft de bõne trempe, 
ie croy que les ames font toutes de mefme eftoc, & 
qu'elles ne different point fubftantiellemèt; c'eft 
pourquoy ces barbares ayans vn corps bien fait, & les 
organes bien rangez & bien difpofez, leur efprit doit 
operer auec facilité: la feule education & infiroétion 
leur mãque, leur ame eft vn fol tres bon de fa na- 
ture, mais chargé de toutes les malices qu'vne terre 
delaiffée depuis la naiffance du mõde peut porter. 
Ie compare volõtiers nos Sauuages auec quelques 
villageois, pource que les vns & les autres font ordi- 



1633-34] 


LE .IEUNE'S RELA TION, I6.J4 


229 


CHAPTER V. 


ON THE GOOD THINGS WHICH ARE FOUND A:\10XG THE 
SAVAGES. 


I F we begin with physical advantages, I will say 
that they possess these in abundance. They are 
tall, erect, strong, well proportioned, agile; and 
there is nothing effeminate in their appearance. 
Those little Fops that are seen elsewhere are only 
caricatures of men, compared with our Savages. I 
almost believed, heretofore, that the Pictures of the 
Roman Emperors represented the ideal of the paint- 
ers rather than men who had ever existed, so strong 
and powerful are their heads; but I see here upon 
the shoulders of these people the heads of Julius 
Cæsar, of Pompey, of Augustus, of Otho, and of oth- 
ers, that I have seen in France, drawn upon [101] pa- 
per) or in relief on medallions. 
As to the mind of the Savage, it is of good quality. 
I believe that souls are all made from the same 
stock, and that they do not materially differ; hence, 
these barbarians having well formed bodies, and or- 
gans well regulated and well arranged, their minds 
ought to work with ease. Education and instruction 
alone are lacking. Their soul is a soil which is nat- 
urally good, but loaded down with all the evils that 
a land abandoned since the birth of the world can 
produce. I naturally compare our Savages with cer- 
tain villagers, because both are usually without edu- 
cation, though our Peasants are superior in this re- 



230 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


nairement fans inftruétion; encore nos Payfans font- 
ils precipuez en ce point: & neantmoins ie n'ay veu 
perfonne iufques icy de ceux qui font venus en ces 
contrées, qui ne confeffe & qui n'aduoiie franchement 
que les Sauuages ont plus d'efprit que nos payfans 
ordinaires. 
De plus. fi c'eft vn grand bien d'eftre deliuré d'vn 
grand mal, nos Sauuages font heureux, car les deux 
tyrans qui donnent la gehenne & la torture à vn 
grand nombre de nos Europeans, ne regnent [102] 
point dans leurs grands bois, i'entends l'ambition & 
l'auarice; Comme ils n'ont ny police, ny charges, ny 
dignitez, ny cornman dement aucun, car ils n'obe- 
yffent que par bien-veillance à leur Capitaine; auffi 
ne fe tuet ils point pour entrer dãs les honneurs, 
d'ailleurs comme ils fe contentent feulement de la 
vie, pas un d'eux ne fe donne au Diable pour acque- 
rir des richeffes. 
Ils font profeffion de ne fe point fafcher, non pour 
la beauté de la vertu, dõt ils n' ont pas feulemet Ie 
nom mais pour leur contentement & plaifir, ie veux 
dire, pours s'affranchir des amertumes que caufe la 
fafcherie. Le Sorcier me diíoit vn iour, parlant 
d'vn de nos François, il n'a point d'efprit, il fe fafche, 
pour moy rien n'eft capable de m'alterer; que la 
famine nous preffe, que mes plus proches paffent en 
l' autre vie, que les Hiroquois nos ennemis maffacrent 
nos gens, ie ne me fafche iamais, ce qu'il dit n'eft pas 
article de foy; car comme il eft plus fuperbe qu'au- 
CUn Sauuage, auffi l'ay ie veU plus fouuent alteré 
que pas vn d'eux; vray eft que bien fouuent il fe re- 
tenoit, & fe commãdoit auec violence, notamment 
[ 10 3] quand ie mettois au iour fes niaferies. Ie n'ay 



Ib33-34] 


LE JEUNE'S RELATIOiV, I634 


231 


gard; and yet I have not seen anyone thus far, of 
those who have come to this country, who does not 
confess and frankly admit that the Savages are more 
intelligent than our ordinary peasants. 
110reover, if it is a great blessing to be free from 
a great evil, our Savages are happy; for the two ty- 
rants who provide hell and torture for many of our 
Europeans, do not reign [102] in their great forests,- 
I mean ambition and avarice. As they have neither 
political organization, nor offices, nor dignities, nor 
any authority, for they only obey their Chief through 
good will toward him, therefore they never kill each 
other to acquire these honors. Also, as they are con- 
tented with a mere living, not one of them gives 
himself to the Devil to acquire wealth. 
They make a pretence of never getting angry, not 
because of the beauty of this virtue, for which they 
have not even a name, but for their own contentment 
and happiness, I mean, to avoid the bitterness caused 
by anger. The Sorcerer said to me one day, speak- 
ing of one of our Frenchmen, "He has no sense, he 
gets angry; as for me, nothing can disturb me; let 
hunger oppress me, let my nearest relation pass to the 
other life, let the Hiroquois, our enemies, massacre 
our people, I never get angry." \Vhat he says is not 
an article of faith; for, as he is more haughty than 
any other Savage, so I have seen him oftener out of 
humor than any of them; it is true also that he often 
restrains and governs himself by force, especially 
[ 10 3] when I expose his foolishness. I have only 
heard one Savage pronounce this word, NÙlicllca- 
tillÙZ, "I am angry," and he only said it once. But I 
noticed that they kept their eyes on him, for when 
these Barbarians are angry, they are dangerous and 
unrestrained. 



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[VOL. 6 


iamais veu qu'vn Sauuage prononcer cette parole, 
NillicllcatillÙz, ie fuis fafché encore; ne la profera il 
qu'vne fois: mais i'aduertis qu'on prit garde à luy, 
car quand ces Barbares fe fafchent, ils font dangereux 
& n'ont point de retenuë. 
Qui fait profeffion de ne fe point fafcher, doit faire 
profeffion de patience; les Sauuages nous paffent tel- 
lemet en ce poinét, que nous en deurions eftre con- 
fus: ie les voyois dans leurs peines, dans leurs tra- 
uaux fouffrir auec allegreffe. Mon hofte admirant 
la multitude du peuple que ie luy difois eftre en 
France, me demandoit fi les hommes eftoient bons, 
s'ils ne fe fafchoient point, s'ils eftoiet patients. Ie 
n'ay rien veu de fi patient qu'vn Sauuage malade; 
qu'on crie, qu'on tempefte, qu'õ faute, qu'on dãfe, 
il ne fe plaint quafi iamais. Ie me fuis trouué auec 
eux en des dangers de grandement fouffrir; ils me 
difoient nous ferõs quelquefois deux iours, quelque 
fois trois fans manger, faute de viure, prends cou- 
rage, CltillÙlé, aye l'ame dure refifte à la peine & au 
trauail, garde toy de la trifteffé, autrement tu feras 
malade; regarde que nous ne laiffons pas de rire, 
[104] quoy que nous mangions peu, vne chofe pref- 
que feule les abbat, c' eft quand ils voyent qu'il y a 
de la mort; car ils la craignet outre mefure; oftez 
cette apprehenfion aux Sauuages, ils fupporteront 
toute fortes de mefpris & d'incommoditez, & toutes 
fortes de trauaux & d'injures fort patiemmet: Ie pro- 
duiray plufieurs exemples de tout cecy dans la fuitte 
du temps, que ie referue à la fin de ces chapitres. 
Ils s'entraiment les vns les autres, & s'accordent 
admirablement bien; vous ne voyez point de difputes, 
de querelles, d'inimitiez, de reproches parmy eux, les 



1633-34J 


LEJEUNE'S RELATION, I634 


233 


Whoever professes not to get angry, ought also to 
make a profession of patience; the Savages surpass 
us to such an extent, in this respect, that we ought 
to be ashamed. I saw them, in their hardships and 
in their labors, suffer with cheerfulness. My host, 
wondering at the great number of people who I told 
him were in France, asked me if the men were good, 
if they did not become angry, if they were patient. 
I have never seen such patience as is shown by a sick 
Savage. You may yell, storm, jump, dance, and he 
will scarcely ever complain. I found myself, with 
them, threatened with great suffering; they said to 
me, "We shall be sometimes two days, sometimes 
three, without eating, for lack of food; take courage, 
Chihz"né, let thy soul be strong to endure suffering and 
hardship; keep thyself from being sad, otherwise 
thou wilt be sick; see how we do not cease to laugh, 
[104] although we have little to eat." One thing 
alone casts them down,- it is when they see death, 
for they fear this beyond measure; take away this 
apprehension from the Savages, and they will endure 
all kinds of degradation and discomfort, and all kinds 
of trials and suffering very patiently. Later, I shall 
give several examples of this, which. I am reserving 
for the end of these chapters. 
They are very much attached to each other, and 
agree admirably. You do not see any disputes, quar- 
rels, enmities, or reproaches among them. Men 
leave the arrangement of the household to the wom- 
en, without interfering with them; they cut, and de- 
cide, and give away as they please, without making 
the husband angry. I have never seen my host ask 
a giddy young woman that he had with him what be- 
came of the provisions, although they were disap- 



234 


LES RELA TIOJ\'S DES JÉSUITES 


[V OL. 6 


hômes laiffent la difpofition du mefnage aux femlnes 
fans Ies in quieter ; elles coupent, elles tranchent, 
elles donnent comme il leur plaUt, fans que Ie mary 
s'en fafche. Ie n'ay iamais veu mon hofte demãder 
à vne ieune femme eftourdie qu'il tenoit auec foy, 
que deuenoiêt les viures, quoy qu'ils diminuaffêt affez 
vifte. Ie n'ay iamais oüy les femmes fe plaindre 
de ce que l' on ne les inuitoit aux feftins, que les 
hommes mangeoient les bons morceaux, qu'elles tra- 
uailloient inceffamment, allans querir Ie bois pour Ie 
chauffage: faifants les Cabanes, paffans les peaux, & 
s'occupans en [105] d'autres æuures affez penibles, 
chacun fait fon petit affaire doucement, & paifible- 
ment fans difpute. 11 eft vray neantmoins qu'ils 
n'ont point de douceur ny de courtoifie en leurs pa- 
roles, & qu'vn François ne fçauroit prendre l'accent. 
Ie ton & 1'afpreté de leur voix à moins que de fe 
mettre en cholere, eux cependant ne s'y mettrent pas. 
lIs ne font point vindicatifs entr' eux, fi bien enuers 
leurs ennemis. Ie coucheray icy vn exêple capable 
de confondre plufieurs Chreftiens. Dans les pref- 
fures de noftre famine, vn ieune Sauuage d'vn autre 
quartier nous vint voir, il eftoit auffi affamé que nous; 
Ie iour qu'il vint fut vn iour de ieufne pour luy & 
pour nous, car il ny auoit dequoy manger: Ie lende- 
main nos chaffeurs ayãs pris quelques Cafiors, on fit 
fefiin auquel il fut tres biê traitté, on luy dit en outre 
qu'õ auoit veu les pifies d'vn Orignac, & qu'on 1'iroit 
chaffer Ie lendemain; on l'inuita à demeurer, & qu'il 
en auroit fa part, luy refpõdit qu'il ne pouuoit efire 
dauantage; s'efiant doncques enquis du lieu où étoit 
la befie, il s'ê retourna: Nos Chaffeurs ayans trouué 
& tué Ie lendemain [106] cefi Elan, l'enfeuelirent 



1633-34] 


LE JEUNE'S RELATIO.N, I6.J4 


2J5 


pearing very fast. I have never heard the women 
complain because they were not invited to the feasts, 
because the men ate the good pieces, or because they 
had to work continually,- going in search of the 
wood for the fire, making the Houses, dressing the 
skins, and busying themselves in [105] other very 
laborious work. Each one does her own little tasks, 
gently and peacefully, without any disputes. It is 
true, however, that they have neither gentleness nor 
courtesy in their utterance; and a Frenchman could 
not assume the accent, the tone, and the sharpness 
of their voices without becoming angry, yet they 
do not. 
They are not vindictive among themselves, al- 
though they are toward their enemies. I will here 
give an example that ought to confound many Chris- 
tians. In the stress of our famine, a young Savage 
from another quarter came to see us, who was as 
hungry as we were. The day on which he came 
was a day of fasting for him and for us, for there was 
nothing to eat. The next day, our hunters having 
taken a few Beavers, a feast was made, at which he 
was well treated; he was told besides that the 
trail of a l\Ioose had been seen, and that they were 
going to hunt for it the next day; he was invited to 
remain and to have his share of it; he answered that 
he could stay no longer, and, having inquired about 
the place where the animal was, he went away. Our 
Hunters, having found and killed this Elk the [106] 
next day, buried it in the snow, according to their 
custom, to send for it on the following day. Now, 
during the night, my young Savage searched so well, 
that he found the dead beast, and took away a good 
part of it without saying a word. \Vhen the theft 



236 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


dãs la neige, felon leur couftume, pour l'enuoyer que- 
rir au iour [uiuãt. Or pendãt la nuict mon ieune 
Sauuage cherche fi bie, qu'il trouue la befte morte, & 
en enleue vne bõne partie fans dire mot, Ie larcin con- 
nu par nos gens, ils n'entrerent point en des furies, 
ne donnerent aucune malediétion au voleur; toute 
leur cholere fut de [e gauffer de luy, & cependãt c'e- 
ftoit pre[que nous ofter la vie, que de nous dérober nos 
viures, car nous n'en pouuions recouurer. A quelque 
temps de là, ce voleur nous vint voir, ie luy voulus 
repre[enter la laideur de [on crime, mon hofte m'im- 
pofa filence, & ce pauure hõme rejettant [on larcin 
fur les chiens, nõ [eulement fut excufé, mais encore 
receu pour demeurer auec nous dans vne me[me Ca- 
bane. Il s'en alIa donc querir fa femme, qu'il appor- 
ta fur [on dos, car elle ales iambes fans mouuement; 
& vne ieune parente qui demeure auec luy apporta 
[on petit fils, & tous quatre prirent place en noftre 
petit todis, fans que iamais on leur aye reproché ce 
larcin, ains au contraire on leur a tefmoigné tres-bõ 
vifage, & les a-on traittez comme [107] ceux de la 
maifon. Dites à vn Sauuage, qu'vn autre Sauuage a 
dit pis que pendre de luy, il baiffera la tefte, & ne 
dira mot: s'ils fe rencõtrent par apres tous, ils ne 
feront nõ plus de [emblant de cela, comme fi rie n'a- 
uoit efté dit, ils [e traitteront comme freres, ils n' ont 
point de fiel enuers leur nation. 
Ils font fort liberaux entr' eux, voire ils font eftat 
de ne rie aimer, de ne point s'attacher aux bies de la 
terre, afin de ne [e point attrifter s'ils les perdet. Vn 
chie dechira n'a pas longtemps vne belle robe de Ca- 
ftor à vn Sauuage, il eftoit Ie premier à s'en rire; l'vne 
de leurs grãdes injures parmy eux, c'eft de dire cét 



1633-34J 


LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, 1634 


237 


became known to our people, they did not get into a 
rage and utter tnaledictions against the thief,- all 
their anger consisted in sneering at him; and yet this 
was almost taking away our life, this stealing our 
food when we were unable to obtain any more. Some 
time afterward, this thief came to see us; I wanted 
to represent to him the seriousness of his offence, but 
my host imposed silence; and when this poor man 
attributed his theft to the dogs, he was not only ex- 
cused, but even received to live with us in the same 
Cabin. Then he went for his wife, whom he carried 
upon his back, for her legs are paralyzed; a young 
female relative who lives with him brought his little 
son; and all four took their places in our little hut, 
without ever being reproached for this theft; on the 
contrary they were received very kindly, and were 
treated as if [107] belonging to the family. Tell a 
Savage that another Savage has slandered him, and 
he will bow the head and not say a word; if they meet 
each other afterward, they will pretend not to know 
anything about it, acting as if nothing had been said. 
They treat each other as brothers; they harbor no 
spite against those of their own nation. 
They are very generous among themselves and 
even make a show of not loving anything, of not be- 
ing attached to the riches of the earth, so that they 
may not grieve if they lose them. Not long ago a 
dog tore a beautiful Beaver robe belonging to one of 
the Savages, and he was the first one to laugh about 
it. One of the greatest insults that can be offered to 
them, is to say, "That man likes everything, he is 
stingy." If you refuse them anything, here is their 
reproach, as I remarked last year: Kltisakltitall Sak- 
hz.ta, "Thou lovest that, love it as much as thou 



238 


LES RELA TIOJ\'S DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


homme aime tout, il efi auare: fi vous leur refufez 
quelque chofe, voicy leur reproche, comme ie remar- 
quay l' an paffé, Khifakhita1l SaKkita, tu aime cela, 
aime Ie tantque tuvoudras: ils n'ouurent point la 
main à demy quand ils donnent, ie dis entr'eux, car 
ils font ingrats au poffible enuers les efirangers. V ous 
leur verrez nourrir leurs parents, les en fans de leurs 
amis, des femmes vefues. des orphelins, des vieillards, 
fans iamais leur rien reprocher, leur donnans abon- 
damment [108] quelquefois des Originaux tous en- 
tiers; c'efi veritablement vne marque d'vn bon cæur, 
& d'vne ame genereufe. 
Comme il y a plufieurs orphelins parmy ce peuple; 
car de puis qu'ils fe font adonnez aux boiffons de vin 
& d' eau de vie, ils meurent en grand nõbre; ces 
pauures enfans font difperfez dans les Cabanes de 
leurs oncles, de leurs tantes, ou autres parents, ne 
penfez pas qu'on les rabrouë, qu'on leur reproche 
qu 'ils mãgent les viures de la maifon, rien de tout cela, 
on les traitte comme les enfans du pere de famille, 
ou du moins peu s'en faut, on les habille Ie mieux 
qu'on peut. 
I1s ne font point delicats en leurs viures, en leur 
coucher, & en leurs habits, mais ils ne font pas nets; 
lamais ils ne fe plaignent de ce qu'on leur donne, 
qu'il foit froid, qu'il foit chaud, il n'importe, quand 
la chaudiere efi cuitte, on la partage fans attêdre per- 
fonne, non pas mefme Ie maifire de la maifon, on luy 
garde fa part qu' on luy prefente toute froide. Ie 
n'ay point oüy plaindre mon hofie de ce que l'on ne 
l'attendoit pas, n'efiant qu'à deux pas de la Cabane. 
I1s couchêt fur la terre bien fouuent; à l'enfeigne 
des [109] efioiles. I1s pafferõt vn iour, deux & trois 



1633-34] 


LE JEUNE'S RELA TI01V, I634 


239 


wilt." They do not open the hand half-way when 
they give,- I mean among themselves, for they are 
as ungrateful as possible toward strangers. You will 
see them take care of their kindred, the children of 
their friends, widows, orphans, and old men, never 
reproaching them in the least, giving them abun- 
dantly, [108J sometimes whole 
Ioose. This is truly 
the sign of a good heart and of a generous soul. 
As there are many orphans among these people,- 
for they die in great numbers since they are addicted 
to drinking wine and brandy,-these poor children 
are scattered among the Cabins of their uncles, aunts, 
or other relatives. Do not suppose that they are 
snubbed and reproached because they eat the food of 
the household. Nothing of the kind, they are treated 
the same as the children of the father of the family, 
or at least almost the same, and are dressed as well 
as possible. 
They are not fastidious in their food, beds, and 
clothes, but are very slovenly. They never complain 
of what is given them; if it be cold, if it be warm, it 
does not matter. When the food is cooked, it is di- 
vided without waiting for anyone, not even the mas- 
ter of the house; a share is reserved for him, which 
is given to him cold. I have never heard my host 
complain because they did not wait for him, if he 
were only a few steps from the Cabin. They often 
sleep upon the ground, at the sign of the [109J stars. 
They will pass one, two, and three days without eat- 
ing, not ceasing to row, hunt, and fatigue themselves 
as much as they can. It will be seen in the course 
of this relation, that all I have said in this chapter is 
very true; and yet I would not dare to assert that I 
have seen one act of real moral virtue in a Savage. 



240 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


iours fans manger, ne laiffans pas de ramer, chaffer, 
& fe peiner tant qu'ils peuuent. L'on verra dans la 
fuite de cette relation, que tout ce que i'ay dit en ce 
chapitre eft tres-veritable, & neãtmoins ie n'oferois 
affeurer que i'aye veu exercer aucun aéte de vraye 
vertu morale à vn Sauuage: Ils n' ont que leur feul 
plaifir & contentement en veuë, adjouftez la crainte 
de quelque blafme, & la gloire de paroiftre bons chaf- 
feurs; voila tout ce qui les meut dans leurs operations. 



Jü33-34] 


LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, I634 


241 


They have nothing but their own pleasure and satis- 
faction in view. Add to this the fear of being 
blamed, and the glory of seeming to be good hunt- 
ers, and you have all that actuates them in their 
transactions. 



242 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL 6 


CHAPITRE VI. 


DE LEURS VICES & DE LEURS IMPERFECTIONS. 


L ES Sauuages eftans remplis d'erreurs, les õt auffi 
de fuperbe & d' orgueil. L'humilité nai{t de la 
verité la vanité de l'erreur & du menfonge; ils 
font vuides de la connoiffance de la verité, & par con- 
fequent tres remplis d'eux mefmes. Ils s'imaginent 
que par droit de naiffance ils doiuent ioüir de la liber- 
té de afnons Sauuages, ne rendant aucune fubieétion 
à qui que ce foit, fin on quand il leur plaift: lIs m' ont 
reproché cent fois que nous [110] craignõs nos Capi- 
taines, mais pour eux qu'ils fe mocquoient & fe gauf- 
foient des leur: toute l'authorité de leur chef eft au 
bout de fes leures, il eft auffi puiffant qu'il eft elo- 
quent; & quand il s'eft tué de parler & de haranguer, 
il ne fera pas obey s'il ne plaift au Sauuages. 
Ie ne crois pas qu'il y aye de nation fous Ie ciel 
plus mocqueufe & plus gauffeufe que la nation des 
Montagnais, leur vie fe paffe à manger, à rire, & à 
railler les vns des autres, & de tous les peuples qu'ils 
cognoiffent; ils n'ont rien de ferieux, finon par fois 
l'exterieur faifans parmy nous les graues & les rete- 
nus: mais entr' eux font de vrais badins, de vrais en- 
fans qui ne demandent qu'à rire. Ie les [c]achois 
quelquefois vn petit, notamment Ie Sorcier, les appel- 
lant des enfans, leurs tefmoignãs que ie ne pouuois 
affeoir aucun jugement affeuré fur toutes leurs ref- 
ponfes; car fi ie leur demandois d'vn, ils me difoient 



]633-34] 


LE JEUNE'S RELATI01V, I634 


243 


CHAPTER VI. 


ON THEIR VICES AND THEIR IMPERFECTIONS. 


T HE Savages, being filled with errors, are also 
haughty and proud. Humility is born of truth, 
vanity of error and falsehood. They are void of 
the knowledge of truth, and are in consequence, main- 
ly occupied with thought of themselves. They imag- 
ine that they ought by right of birth, to enjoy the lib- 
erty of \Vild ass colts. rendering no homage to anyone 
whomsoever, except when they like. They have re- 
proached me a hundred times because we [110] fear 
our Captains, while they laugh at and make sport of 
theirs. All the authority of their chief is in his 
tongue's end; for he is powerful in so far as he is 
eloquent; and., even if he kills himself talking and 
haranguing, he will not be obeyed unless he pleases 
the Savages. 
I do not believe that there is a nation under heav- 
en more given to sneering and bantering than that 
of the :Montagnais. Their life is passed, in eating, 
laughing, and making sport of each other, and of all 
the people they know. There is nothing serious 
about them, except occasionally, when they make a 
pretense among us of being grave and dignified; but 
among themselves they are real buffoons and genuine 
children, who ask only to laugh. Sometimes I an- 
noyed them a little, especially the Sorcerer, by call- 
ing them children, and showing them that I never 



244 


LES RELA TIO./\7S DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


d'autre, pour trouuer fuiet de rire & de gauffer: & 
par confequent ie ne pouuois connoiftre quand ils 
parloient ferieufement, ou quand ils fe mocquoient. 
La conclufion ordinaire de leurs difcours & de leurs 
entretiens, eft en verité nous nous fommes [I I I] bien 
mocqnez d'vn tel. 
I'ay fait voir dans mes lettres precedentes combien 
les Sauuages font vindicatifs enuers leurs ennemis, 
auec queUe rage & queUe cruauté ils les traittent, les 
mageants apres leur auoir fait fouffrir tout ce qu'vn 
demon incarné pourroit inuenter, cette fureur eft 
comn1une aux femmes, auffi bien qu'aux hommes; 
voire Inefme elles les furpaffent en ce poinét. I'ay 
dit qu'ils mangent les poux qu'ils trouuent fur eux, 
non pour aucun gouft qu'ils y trouuet, mais pource 
qu'ils veulent mordre ceux qui les mordent. 
Ce peuple eft fort peu touché de cOlnpaffion, quand 
quelqu'vn eft malade dans leurs Cabanes, ils ne 
laiffent pas pour l'ordinaire de crier, de tempefter, 
& de faire autant de bruit, cõme fi tout Ie monde 
eítoit en fanté; ils ne fçauent que c'eft de prendre 
foin d'vn pauure malade, & de luy donner des viandes 
qui luy font bonnes: s'il demande à boire, on luy en 
donne, s'il demande à manger, on luy en prefente, 
finon on Ie laiffe là: de 1 'inuiter auec amour & chari- 
té, c'eft vn langage qu'ils n'entendent pas; tant 
qu'vn malade pourra manger, ils Ie porteront [112] 
ou Ie traifneront auec eux; ceffe-il de manger, ils 
croient que c'eft fait de fa vie, ils Ie mettent à mort, 
tant pour Ie deliurer du mal qu'il endure, que pour fe 
foulager de la peine qu'ils ont de Ie porter quand ils 
vont en quelqu'autre endroit. I'ay admiré auec cõ- 
paffion la patiece des malades que j'ay veu parmi eux. 



1633-34] 


LEJEUNE'S RELATION, I634 


24.) 


could place any reliance upon all their answers; be- 
cause, if I questioned them about one thing, they 
told me about something else, only to get something 
to laugh and jest about; and consequently I could not 
know when they were speaking seriously, or when 
they were jesting. The usual conclusion of their dis- 
courses and conversations is: "Really, we did make 
[I 1 I] a great deal of sport of such and such a one." 
I have shown in my former letters how vindictive 
the Savages are toward their enemies, with what 
fury and cruelty they treat them, eating them after 
they have made them suffer all that an incarnate 
fiend could invent. This fury is common to the 
women as well as to the men, and they even surpass 
the latter in this respect. I have said that they I at 
the lice they find upon themselves, not that they like 
the taste of them, but because they want to bite those 
that bite them. 
These people are very little moved by compassion. 
\Vhen anyone is sick in their Cabins, they ordinarily 
do not cease to cry and storm, and make as much 
noise as if everybody were in good health. They do 
not know what it is to take care of a poor invalid, 
and to give him the food which is good for him; if 
he asks for something to drink, it is given to him, if 
he asks for something to eat, it is given to him, but 
otherwise he is neglected; to coax him with love and 
gentleness, is a language which they do not under- 
stand. As long as a patient can eat, they will carry 
[112] or drag him with them; if he stops eating, they 
believe that it is all over with him and kill him, as 
much to free him from the sufferings that he is en- 
during, as to relieve themselves of the trouble of tak- 
ing him with them when they go to some other place. 



246 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. I) 


Les Sauuages font mefdifants au de là de ce qu'on 
en peut penfer; ie dis mefme les vns des autres, ils 
n'efpargnent pas leurs plus proches: ils font auec 
cela fort diffimulez; car fi l'vn médit d'vn autre, il s'en 
mocquent à gorge defploiée: fi l'autre paroift là def- 
fus, illuy tefmoignera autant d'affeétion, & Ie trait- 
tera auec autant d'an10ur, comme s'ill'auoit mis iuf- 
ques au troifiefme ciel à force de Ie loüer. La raifon 
de cecy prouient à lllon aduis de ce que leurs detrac- 
tions & mocqueries, ne fortent point d'vn cæur en- 
fielé, ny d'vne bouche empeftée, mais d'vne ame qui 
dit ce qu'elle penfe pour fe donner carriere: & qui 
veut tirer du contentement de tout, voire mefme des 
mefdifances, & des gaufferies: c'eft pourquoy ils ne 
fe troublent point; quoy qu'on leur die que d'autres 
fe font mocqués [113] d'eux, ou qu'ils ant bleffé leur 
renõmée: tout ce qu'ils repartent ordinairement à ces 
difcours, c'eft mama z'rÙzijioll, il n'a point d'efprit. il 
ne fçait ce qu'il dit: & à la premiere occafion ils 
payeront leur detraéteur en mefme monnoye, luy ren- 
dants Ie reciproque. 
La menterie eft auffi naturelle aux Sauuages que la 
parole, non pas entr'eux, mais enuers les eftrangers: 
en fuitte dequoy l'on peut dire, que la crainte & l'ef- 
poir, en vn mot, que l'intereft eft la mefure de leur 
fidelité, ie ne me voudrois cõfier en eux qu 'autãt 
qu'ils craindroient d'eftre punis s'ils manquoient à 
leur deuoir, ou qu'ils efpereroient d'eftre recompen- 
fés s'ils eftoient fideles. Ils ne fçauent que c'eft 
d'eftre fecrets, de tenir leur parole, & d'aimer auec 
conftance; notamment ceux qui ne font pas de leur 
nation, car ils font de bon accord parmy eux, & leurs 
mefdifances & railleries, n'alterent point leur paix, & 
leur bonne intelligence. 



16;
3-34] 


LE JEUNE' 5 RELA TION, I634 


24ï 


I have both admired and pitied the patience of the 
invalids whom I have seen among them. 
The Savages are slanderous beyond all belief; I say, 
also among themselves, for they do not even spare 
their nearest relations, and with it all they are de- 
ceitful. For, if one speaks ill of another, they all 
jeer with loud laughter; if the other appears upon 
the scene, the first one will show him as much affec- 
tion and treat him with as much love, as if he had 
elevated him to the third heaven by his praise. The 
reason of this is, it seems to me, that their slanders 
and derision do not come from malicious hearts or 
from infected mouths, but from a mind which says 
what it thinks in order to give itself free scope, and 
which seeks gratification from everything, even from 
slander and mockery. Hence they are not troubled 
even if they are told that others are making sport of 
[113] them, or have injured their reputation. All 
they usually answer to such talk is, mama irÙzisioll, 
" He has no sense, he does not know what he is talking 
about;" and at the first opportunity they will pay their 
slanderer in the same coin, returning him the like. 
Lying is as natural to Savages as talking, not 
among themselves, but to strangers. Hence it can 
be said that fear and hope, in one word, interest, is the 
measure of their fidelity. I would not be willing to 
trust them, except as they would fear to be punished 
if they failed in their duty, or hoped to be rewarded 
if they were faithful to it. They do not know what 
it is to keep a secret, to keep their word, and to love 
with constancy,- especially those who are not of 
their nation, for they are harmonious among them- 
selves, and their slanders and raillery do not disturb 
their peace and friendly intercourse. 



248 


LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


Ie diray en paffant que les Sauuages 110ntagnais 
ne font point larrons, l'entrée leur eft libre dans les 
demeures des François, parce qu'ils ont la main 
feure: [114] mais pour les Hurons, fi on auoit autant 
d'yeux qu'ils ont de doigts aux mains, encore ne les 
empefcheroit-on pas de dérober, car ils dérobent auec 
les pieds: ils font profeffion de ce meftier, & en fuitte 
d'eftre battus fi on les defcouure. Car cõme i'ay def- 
ia remarqué, ils porteront les coups que vous leur 
donnerez patiemment; non pas en reconnoiffance de 
leur peché, mais en punition de leur ftupidité, s'e- 
ftans laiffez furprendre en leur larcin. Ie laifferay à 
parler d'eux aux Peres qui les font allez voir, dont 
i'enuierois la condition, n'efioit que celuy qui nous 
affigne nos departemês eft toujours aimable, & tou- 
jours adorable, quelque part ou portiõ qu'il nous 
dõne. 
Il eft du manger parmy les Sauuages, comme du 
boire parmy les yurognes d'Europe: ces ames feiches 
& toujours alterées, expireroient volõtiers dãs vne 
cuue de maluoifie, & les Sauuages dans vne marmite 
pleine de viande; ceux-là ne parlent que de boire, & 
ceux cy que de manger. C'efi faire vne efpece d'af- 
front à vn Sauuage, de refufer les morceaux qu'il pre- 
fente. Vn certain voyant que i'auois remercié mon 
hofie, qui me [I 15] prefentoit à manger, me dit, tu 
ne l'aime pas, puis que tu l'efconduits: Ie luy dis 
que noftre couftume n'eftoit pas de mãger à toutes 
heures, que neantmoins ie prendrois ce qu'il me don- 
neroit, pourueu qu'il ne m'en donnafi guieres fou- 
uent. Ils fe mirêt tOllS à rire, & vne vieille me dit, 
que fi ie voulois eftre aimé de leur nation, il falloit 
que ie mangeaffe beaucoup. Quand vous les traittez 



IG33 - 3-1 ] 


LEJEUNE'S RELATiON, I634 


249 


I will say in passing that the )'lontagnais Savages 
are not thieves. The ùoors of the French are open 
10 them, because their hands can be trusted; [114] 
hlt, as to the Hurons, if a person had as many eyes 
as they have fingers on their hands. he could not 
pre Tent them from stealing, for they steal with their 
feet. They make a profession of this art, and expect 
to be beaten if they are ùiscovered. For, as I have 
a1reaè.y remarked, they will endure the blows which 
you gi7e them, patiently, not as an acknow1edgnlellt 
of their fault, but as a punishment for their stupidity 
in allowing themselves to be detected in their theft. 
I will leave the description of them to our Fathers 
who are going there, whose lot I would envy, were 
it not that he who assigns us our departments is al- 
ways worthy of love and always adorable, whatever 
part or portion he may give us. 
Eating among the Savages is like drinking alllong 
the drunkards of Europe. Those dry and ever-thirs- 
ty souls would willingly end their lives in a tub of 
malmsey, and the Savages in a pot full of meat; those 
over there, talk only of drinking, and these here only 
of eating. It is giving a sort of insult to a Savage to 
refuse the pieces which he offers you. A certain one, 
seeing that I had declined what my host [I 15] offered 
me to eat, said to me, "Thou dost not 10ye him, 
since thou refusest him." I told him that it was not 
our custom to eat at all hours; but, nevertheless, I 
would take what he would give me, if he did not give 
it to me quite so often. They all began to laugh; 
and an old woman said to me that, if I wished to be 
loved by their tribe, I must eat a great deal. 'Vhen 
you treat them well, they show their satisfaction 
with your feast in these words, tapoué llimitisoJl, ., I 



21)0 


LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


bie, ils témoignent Ie contentement qu'ils prennent 
en voftre feftin par ces paroles tapo21t! n Ï1n it if 011 , en ve- 
rité ie mange: comme fi leur fouuerain contentement 
efioit en cette aétion: & à la fin du banquet, ils di- 
ront pour aétion de graces. tapoué 1tikltifp0U11, veritl- 
blemet ie fuis faoul; c'efi à dire, tu m'as bien trait- 
té, i'en ay iufques à creuer; i'ay defia me femble re- 
marqué cecy. Ils croyent que c'eft befiife & ftupidité 
de refufer: Ie plus grãd cõtentement qu'ils puiffent 
auoir en leur Paradis, qui eft Ie ventre. Ie m'écrie- 
rois yolõtiers, Ô iufte iugement de Dieu. que ce peuple 
qui met fa derniere fin à mãger foit toufiours affamé, 
& ne foit point repeu que comme les chiens, car 
leurs feftins les plus fplendides ne font pour [116] 
ainfi dire, que les os & les reliefs des tables d' Europe; 
La premiere aétion qu'ils font Ie mat in à leur refueil, 
c'eft d'efiendre Ie bras à leur efcuelle d'efcorce gar- 
nie de chair, & puis de manger. Au commencemet 
que ie fus auec eux, ie voulus introduire la couilume 
de prier Dieu deuant que de manger & de fait ie don- 
nois la benedictiõ quand ils Ie vouloiet faire: mais 
l' Apoftat me dit, fi vous voulez prier autant de fois 
qu'on mangera dans la Cabane, preparés vous à dire 
voftre Belledicite plus de vingt fois auant la nuiét. Ils 
finiffent Ie iour comme ils Ie commencent, ils ont en- 
core Ie morceau à la bouche, ou Ie calumet pour petu- 
ner, quand ils mettent la tefte fur Ie cheuet pour re- 
pof er . 
Les Sauuages ont toufiours efté gourmands, mais 
depuis la venuë des Europeans, ils font deuenus telle- 
ment yurognes, qu'encore qu'ils voyent bien que ces 
nouuelles boiffons de vin & d'eau de vie, qu'on leur 
apporte depeuplèt leurs pays, & qu'eux mefmes s'en 



] 63
 - 34] 


LE .IEUNE' 5 RELA TIO,^" I634 


251 


am really eating," as if their highest content were in 
this action: and at the end of the banquet, they will 
say as an act of thanks, tapoué llikltispoUJl, "I am real- 
ly full:" meaning, "Thou hast treated me well; I 
am full to bursting." It seems to me that I have 
spoken of this before. They believe that it is foolish 
and stupid to refuse; the greatest satisfaction that 
they can have in their Paradise is in the stomach. I 
do not hesitate to exclaim: Oh, how just is the judg- 
ment of God, that these people, who place their ul- 
timate happiness in eating, are always hungry, and 
are only fed like dogs; for their most splendid feast- 
ings are, [116J so to speak, only the bones and 
the leav. IgS of the tables of Europe! Their first 
act, upon awakening in the Inorning, is to stretch 
out their arms toward their bark dish full of meat, 
and then to eat. \Vhen I first began to stay with 
them, I tried to introduce the custom of praying to 
God before eating, and in fact I pronounced a bless- 
ing when they wanted it done. But the Apostate 
said to me, ,. If you want to pray as Inany times as 
they will eat in your Cabin, prepare to say your Bc- 
1lcdicitc more than twenty times before night." They 
end the day as they begin it, always with a morsel in 
their mouths, or ",tith their pipes to smoke when 
they lay their heads on the pilloW" to rest. 
The Savages have always been gluttons, but since 
the coming of the Europeans they have become such 
drunkards, that,- although they see clearly that 
these new drinks, the wine and brandy, which are 
brought to them, are depopulating their country, of 
which they themselves complain,- they cannot ab- 
stain from drinking, taking pride in getting drunk 
and in making others drunk. It is true that they die 




52 


LES RELATIO
VS DES .I ÉS UITES 


[VOL. f) 


plaignent; ils ne fçauroient s'abftenir de boire, fai- 
fants gloire de s'enyurer, & d'enyurer les autres. 11 
est vray qu'ils meurèt en grand [117] nombre, mais ie 
m'eftonne encore comme ils peuuent fi long temps 
refifter, car donnez à deux Sauuages deux & trois 
bouteilles d'eau de vie, ils s'aiIeoiront. & fans man- 
ger boirõt l'vn apres l'autre, iufques à ce qu'ils les 
ayent vuidées. La compagnie de ces Meffieurs eft 
merueilleufement loüable, de defendre la traitte de 
ces boiffons. 
Ionfieur de Champlain fait tres fage- 
ment de tenir la main que ces deffences foient gar- 
dées. I'ayappris que Mõfieur Ie General du Pleffis 
les a fait obferuer à Tadouffac. On m'auoit dit que 
les Sauuages eftoient affez chaftes, ie ne parleray pas 
de tous, ne les ayãt pas tous frequentez, mais ceux 
que i'ay conuerfez font fort lubriques, & hõmes & 
femmes. Dieu que I aueuglemèt? quel bõ-heur du 
peuple Chreftien? que Ie chaftiement de ces Barbares! 
au lieu que par admiratiõ nous difons affés fouuent, 
IESVS qu'eft cela! mon Dieu qui a fait cela? cesvi- 
lains & ces infames prononcent les parties des-hon- 
neftes de l'homme & de la femme. I1s ont incef- 
famment la bouche puante de ces ordures, & mefmes 
iufques aux petits enfãts, auffi leur difois-je par fois, 
que fi les [I 18] pourceaux & les chiens fçauoient par- 
ler, ils tiendroient leur langage. 11 eft vray que fi 
1 'impudique Sorcier ne fun pas venu dãs la Cabane 
où i'eftois, i'auois gaigné cela fur mes gens, qu'au- 
cun n'ofoit parler des chofes des-honneites en ma pre- 
fence, mais cét impudent authorifoit les autres. Les 
femmes vn peu âgées fe chauffent prefque toutes 
nuës, les filles & les ieunes femmes, font à l'exte- 
rieur tres-honnefiement couuertes, mais entre elles 



1633-34] 


LE .IEUXE'S RELA TION, I634 


2.')3 


in great [I I7J numbers; but I am astonished that 
they can resist it as long as they do. For, give two 
Savages two or three bottles of brandy, they will sit 
down and, without eating, will drink, one after the 
other, until they have emptied them. The company 
of these Gentlemen is remarkably praiseworthy in 
forbidding the traffic in these liquors. 1Ionsieur de 
Champlain very wisely takes care that these restric- 
tions are observed, and I have heard that 
Ionsieur 
the General du Plessis has had them enforced at Ta- 
doussac. 19 I have been told that the Savages are tol- 
erably chaste. I shall not speak of all, not having 
been among them all; but those whom I have met 
are very lewd, both men and women. God! what 
blindness! How great is the happiness of Christian 
people! How great the chastisement of these Bar- 
barians! In place of saying, as we do very often, 
through wonder, "JESUS! what is that? My God! 
who has done that?" these vile and infamous people 
pronounce the names of the private parts of man and 
woman. Their lips are constantly foul with these 
obscenities; and it is the same with the little chil- 
dren. So I said to them, at one time, that if [I I 8J 
hogs and dogs knew how to talk, they would adopt 
their language. Indeed, if the shameless Sorcerer 
had not come into the Cabin where I was, I should 
have gained thus much from my people, that not one 
of them would dare to speak of impure things in my 
presence; but this impertinent fellow ruled the oth- 
ers. The older women go almost naked, the girls 
and young women are very modestly clad; but, 
among themselves, their language has the foul odor 
of the sewers. It must be admitted, however, that 
if liberty to gorge oneself in such filth existed among 



254 


LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


leur disfcours font puants, comme des cloaques. 11 
faut neãtmoins aduouër que fi la liberté de fe gorger 
de ces immondices eftoit parmy quelques Chreftiens, 
cõme elle eft parmy ces peuples, on verroit bien 
d'autres monftres d'excez qu'on ne voit pas icy; veu 
mefme que nonobftant les loix Diuines & humaines, 
la diffolution y marche plus à defcouuert que non pas 
icy. Car les yeux n'y font point offenfez. Le feul 
Sorcier a fait en ma prefence quelque aétion brutale, 
les autres battoient feulement mes oreilles, mais s'ap- 
perceuants que ie les entendois, ils en eftoient hon- 
teux. 
Or comme ces peuples connoiffent bien cette cor- 
Tuption, ils prennent pluftoft [119] les enfans de leurs 
fæurs pour heritiers, que leurs propres enfans, ou de 
leurs freres, reuoquans en doute la fidelité de leurs 
femmes, & ne pouuãts douter que ces nepueux ne 
foient tirez de leur fang, auffi parmy les Hurons, qui 
font plus fales que nos :Montagnais; pource qu'ils 
font mieux nourris, l'enfant d'Yn Capitaine ne fuc- 
cede pas à fon pere, mais Ie fils de fa fæur. 
Le Sorcier me difant vn iour que les femmes l'ai- 
moient, car au dire des Sauuages, c'eft fon genie que 
de fe faire aimer de ce fexe. Ie luy dis que cela 
n'eftoit pas beau qu'vne femme aimaft vn autre que 
fon mary; & que ce mal eftãt parmy eux, luy mefme 
n'eftoit pas affeuré, que fon fils qui eftoit là prefent, 
fut fon fils. II me repartit, tu n'as point d'efprit: 
vous autres François vous n'aimez que vos propres 
enfans, mais nons, nons cheriffons vniuerfellement 
tous les enfans de noftre nation, ie me mis à rire, 
voyant qu'il philofophoit en cheual & en mulet. 
Apres toutes ces belles qualitez, les Sauuages en 



Iti33-34] 


LE JEU1VE' S RELA TIOj\;
 I634 


'>
- 
....ùù 


some Christians, as it does among these people, one 
would see very different exhibitions of excess from 
what are seen here; for, even despite the laws, both 
Divine and human, dissoluteness strides more openly 
there than here. For here the eyes are not offended. 
The Sorcerer alone has been guilty of any brutal ac- 
tion in my presence; the others only offended my 
ears, but, perceiving that I heard them, they were 
ashamed. 
::Now, as these people are well aware of this cor- 
ruption, they prefer to take [119J the children of 
their sisters as heirs, rather than their own, or than 
those of their brothers, calling in question the fideli- 
ty of their wives, and being unable to doubt that 
these nephews come from their own blood. Also 
among the Hurons,- who are more licentious than 
our 
Iontagnais, because they are better fed,- it is 
not the child of a Captain but his sister's son, who 
succeeds the father. 
The Sorcerer told me one day that the women were 
fond of him, for, as the Savages say, it is his demon 
that makes the sex love him. I told him that it was 
not honorable for a woman to love anyone else ex- 
cept her husband; and that, this evil being among 
them, he hitnself was not sure that his son, who was 
there present, was his son. He replied, "Thou hast 
no sense. You French people love only your own 
children; but we all love all the children of our 
tribe." I began to laugh, seeing that he philoso- 
phized in horse and mule fashion. 
With all these fine qualities, the Savages have an- 
other, more annoying than those of which we have 
spoken, but not so wicked; it is [120 J their importu- 
nity toward strangers. I have a habit of calling these 



2.')6 


LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


ont encore vne autre plus onereufe que celles dont 
nous auons par1é, mais non pas fi mefchante; c'efi 
[120] leur importunité enuers les efirangers. I'ay 
coufiume d'appeller ces cõtrées lá, Ie pays d'importu- 
nité enuers les efirangers, pource que les mouches, 
qui en font Ie fymbole, & Ie hierogliphique, ne vous 
laiffent repofer ny iour ny nuiét: pendant quelques 
mois de l' Efté, elles nous affaillent auec telle furie, 
& fi continuellement, qu'il n'y a peau qui foit à l'ef- 
preuue de leur aiguillõ: tout Ie monde leur paye de 
fon fang pour tribut. I'ay veu des perfonnes fi en- 
flées apres leurs picqueures, qu'on croyoit qu'ils per- 
droient les yeux, qui ne paroiffoient quafi plus: or 
tout cela n'efi rien, car enfin cette importunité fe 
chaffe auec de la fumée, que les mouches ne fçau- 
roient fupporter, mais ce remede attire les Sauuages: 
s'ils fçauent l'heure de vofire difner, ils viênent tout 
exprez pour. auoir à manger, ils demandet inceffam- 
ment, mais auec des preffes fi reïterées, que vous di- 
riez qu'ils vous tiennent toufiours à la gorge: faites 
leur voir quoy que ce foit, s'il eft tant foit peu à leur 
vfage: ils vous diront l'aime tu? donne Ie moy. 
Vn certain me difoit vn iour, qu'en fon [12 I] pays 
on ne fçauoit point conjuguer Ie verbe do, au prefent, 
encore moins au preterit: les Sauuages ignorent tel- 
lemet cette coniugaifon, qu'ils ne vous donneroient 
point la valeur d'vne obole, s'ils ne croient, pour ainfi 
dire, retirer vne pifiole; ils font ingrats au dernier 
poin t. 
Nous auons icy tenu & nourry fort long temp
 
noftre Sauuage malade, qui fe vint ietter entre nos 
bras pour mourir Chrefiien, cõme i'ay remarqué cy- 
deffus: tous ces cõpatriottes efioient efiõnez du bon 



1633-34] 


LE JEUiVE' S RELA TIO[l.
 r634 


257 


countries, "the land of importunity toward stran- 
gers," because the flies, which are the symbol and 
visible representation of it, do not let you rest day or 
night. During certain Summer months, they attack 
us with such fury, and so continually, that no skin is 
proof against their sting, and everyone pays his 
blood as tribute. I have seen persons so swollen 
after being stung by them, that one would think 
they would lose their eyes, which can scarcely be 
seen; now all that is nothing, for this annoyance can 
be dispelled by means of smoke, which the flies can- 
not stand, but this remedy attracts the Savages,- if 
they know our dinner hour, they come purposely to 
get something to eat. They ask continually, and 
with such incessant urgency, that you would say 
that they are always holding you by the throat. If 
you show them anything whatever, however little it 
may be adapted to their use, they will say, "Dost 
thou love it? Give it to me." 
A certain man said to me one day, that in his [12 I] 
country they did not know how' to conjugate the verb 
do, in the present, and still less in the past. The Sav- 
ages are so ignorant of this conjugation, that they 
would not give you the value of an obole,20 if they 
did not expect, so to speak, to get back a pistole; for 
they are ungrateful in the highest degree. 
\Ve have kept here and fed for a long time our sick 
Savage, who came and threw himself into our arms 
in order to die a Christian, as I have stated above. 
All his fellow-savages were astonished at the good 
treatment we gave him; on his account, his children 
brought a little Elk meat, and they were asked what 
they wished in exchange, for the presents of the Sav- 
ages are always bargains. They asked some wine and 



258 


LES RELATI01VS DESJÉSUITES 


[YOLo 6 


traittement que nous luy faifions, fes enfants en fa 
confideration, apporterent vn peu de chair d'Elan; 
on leur demanda ce qu'ils vouloient en efchange. car 
les prefents des Saunages font des Inarchez: ils de- 
manderent du vin & de la poudre à Canon, on leur 
repart qu'on ne leur en pouuoit donner; que s'ils vou- 
10ient autre chofe que nous euffions, on leur donne- 
roit tres volontiers, on leur donna fort bien à manger, 
& pour conc1ufion ils remporterêt leurs viandes, puif- 
qu'on ne leur donnoit ce qu'ils demandoient, mena- 
çant qu'ils viendroient requerir leur pere, ce qu'ils 
firent; mais Ie bon hõme ne voulut pas [122] nous 
quitter; de cét échantillon, iugez de la piece. 
Or ne penfez pas qu'ils fe comportent ainfi entr' 
eux, au contraire, ils font tres reconnoiffants, tres 
liberaux, & nullement importuns enuers ceux de leur 
nation. S'ils fe cõportent ainfi enuen; nos François, 
& enuers les autres eftrangers, c'eft à mon aduis que 
nous ne voulons pas nous allier auec eux comme freres, 
ce qu'ils fouhaitteroient grandement; mais ce feroit 
nous perdre en trois iours: cars ils voudroient que 
nous allaffions auec eux manger de leurs viures tant 
qu'ils en auroient, & ils viendroièt auffi manger les 
noftres tãt qu'ils dureroièt: & quand il n 'yen auroit 
plus, nous nous metterions tous à en chercher d'autres. 
Voila leur vie qu'ils paffent en feftins pendãt qu'ils 
ont dequoy; mais comme nous n'entendons rien à 
leur chaffe, & que ce procedé n'eft pas loüable, on ne 
veut pas leur prefter l'oreille. C'eft pourquoy ne 
nous tenants point comme de leur nation, ils no us 
traittent à la façon que i'ay dit. Si vn eftrãger quel 
qu'il foit fe iette de leur party, iis Ie traitteront 
comme eux. Vn ieune Hiroquois, auquel [ 12 3] ils 



1633-34J 


LE .I E UNE'S RELA TION, I634 


259 


Gunpowder, and were told that we could not give 
them these things; but that, if they wished some- 
thing else that we had, we would give it to them very 
gladly. A good meal was given them, and finally 
they carried back their meat, since we did not give 
them what they asked for, threatening that they 
would come after their father, which they did; but 
the good man did not wish [122] to leave us. From 
this sample, judge of the whole piece. 
N ow do not think that they act thus among them- 
selves; on the contrary, they are very grateful, very 
liberal, and not in the least importunate toward those 
of their own nation. If they conduct themselves 
thus toward our French, and toward other foreigners, 
it is because, it seems to me, that we do not wish to 
ally ourselves with them as brothers, which they 
would very much desire. But this would ruin us in 
three days; for they would want us to go with them, 
and eat their food as long as they had any, and then 
they would come and eat ours as long as it lasted; 
and, when there was none left, we would all set to 
work to find more. For that is the kind of life they 
live, feasting as long as they have something; but, 
as we know nothing about their mode of hunting, 
and as this way of doing is not praiseworthy, we do 
not heed them. Hence, as we do not regard our- 
selves as belonging to their nation, they treat us in 
the way I have described. If any stranger, whoever 
he may be, unites with their party, they will treat 
him as one of their own nation. A young Hiroquois 
whose [ 12 3] life they had spared, was like a child of 
their own family. But if you carryon your affairs 
apart from them, despising their laws or their cus- 
toms, they will drain from you, if they can, even 



260 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


auoient donné la vie, efioit comme enfant de la mai- 
fon; que fi vous faites vofire mefnage à part mefpri- 
fants leurs loix,ou leurs coufiumes ils vous fucceront 
s'ils peuuent iufques au fang. II n'y a mouche, ny 
guefpe, ny taon, fi importun qu'vn Sauuage. 
Ie fuis tantofi las de parler de leurs defordres, di- 
fons quelque chofe de leur faleté, & puis finiffons ce 
chapitre. 
lIs font fales en leurs habits, en leurs pofiúres 1 , en 
leurs demeures, & en leur manger, & cependant i1 
n'y a aucune inciuilité parmy eux; car tout ce qui 
donne du contentement aux fens, paffe pour honefie. 
I'ay dit qu'ils font fales en leurs demeures, l'adue- 
nuë de leurs Cabanes efi vne grange à pourceaux. 
lamais ils ne balient leur maifon, ils la tapiffent au 
cõmencement de branches de pin, mais au troifiefme 
iour ces brãches font pleines de poil, de plumes, de 
cheueux, de coupeaux, de raclure de bois, & cepen- 
dant ils n'ont point d'autres fieges, ny d'autres lids 
pour fe coucher, dõt l'on peut voir de queUe faleté 
peuuent efire chargez leurs habits: vray efi que ces 
ordures [ 12 4] & faletez ne paroiffent pas, tant deffus 
leurs robes, que deffus les nofires. 
Le Sorcier quittant nofire Cabane pour vn temps, 
me demanda mon manteau, pource qu'il faifoit froid, 
difoit-il; comme fi i'euffe efié plus difpenfé des loix 
de l'Hiuer que non pas luy: ie luy prefiay, s'en 
efiant feruy plus d'un mois, en fin i1 me Ie rëdit fi 
vilain, & fi fale, que i' en efiois honteux, car les 
flegmes & autres immondices qui Ie couuroient, luy 
donnoient vn autre teinture. Le voyant en cét efiat, 
ie Ie dépliayexprez deuant luy, afin qu'ille vit; con- 
noiffant bien ce que ie voulois dire, il me dit fort à 



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261 


your blood. There is not an insect, nor wasp, nor 
gadfly, so annoying as a Savage. 
I am rather tired of talking about their irregulari- 
ties; let us speak of their uncleanness, and then end 
this chapter. 
They are dirty in their habits, in their postures, 
in their homes, and in their eating; yet there is no 
lack of propriety among them, for everything that 
gives satisfaction to the senses, passes as propriety. 
I have said that they are dirty in their homes; the 
entrance to their Cabins is like a pig-pen. They 
never sweep their houses, they carpet them at first 
with branches of pine, but on the third day these 
branches are full of fur, feathers, hair, shavings, or 
whittlings of wood. Yet they have no other seats, 
nor beds upon which to sleep. From this it may be 
seen how full of dirt their clothes must be; it is true 
that this dirt [ 12 4] and filth does not show as much 
upon their clothes as upon ours. 
The Sorcerer leaving our Cabin for a while, asked 
me for my cloak, because it was cold, he said, as if I 
more than he were exempt from the rigors of Win- 
ter. I lent it to him, and, after having used it more 
than a month, he returned it to me at last so nasty 
and dirty, that I was ashamed of it, for it was cov- 
ered with phlegm and other filth which gave it a 
different color. Seeing it in this condition, I pur- 
posely unfolded it before him, that he might see it. 
Knowing very well what I meant, he quite aptly re- 
marked to me, "Thou sayest that thou wouldst like 
to be a Montagnais and Savage, like us; if that is so, 
do not be troubled about wearing the cloak, for that 
is just the way our clothes look." 
As to their postures, they follow their own s'.veet 



262 


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[VOL. 6 


propos, tu dis que tu veux eftre Mõtagnais & Sau- 
uage comme nous, fi cela eft, ne fois pas marry d' en 
porter l'habit; car voila comme font faites nos robes. 
Quand eft de leur pofture, elle fuit la douceur de 
leur commodité, & non les regles de la bien feance: 
les Sauuages ne preferent iamais ce qui eft honnefie à 
ce qui eft deleétable. l' ay veu fouuent Ie pretendu 
magicien couché tout nud, hormis vn mechant bray- 
er plus fale qu'vn torch on de cuifine, plus noir qu'vn 
écouillõ de four, retirer vne de fes [125] iambes contre 
la cuiffe, & mettre l' autre fur fon genoüil releué, hara- 
guant fes gens en cette pofture, fon auditoire n'auoit 
pas plus de grace. 
Pour leur manger, il eft tant foit peu plus net que 
la mangeaille que l'on donne aux animaux, & non 
pas encore toufiours, ie ne dis rien par exaggeration, 
i' en ay goufté & vefcu quafi fix mois durante N ous 
auiõs trois écroüélés en noftre Cabane, Ie fils du Sor- 
cier qui les auoit à l'oreille d'vne façon fort fale, & 
pleine d'horreur; fon neueu qui les auoit au col, vne 
fille qui les auoit fous vn bras; ie ne fçay fi ce font 
vrayes efcroüelles, quoy qu'il en foit, ce mal eft plein 
de pus, couuert d'vne croute fort horrible à voir: ils 
en font quafi tous frappez en leur ieuneffe, tant pour 
leur faleté, que pource qu'on ne fait point de difficul- 
té de boire & de mãger auec des malades. Ie les ay 
veu cent fois patroüiller dans la chaudiere où eftoit 
noftre boiffon cõmune, y lauer leurs mains, y boire à 
pleine tefte comme les beftes, reietter leurs reftes là 
dedans; car c'eit la couftume des Sauuages, y four- 
rer des baftons demy brulés, & pleins de cendre, y 
plonger de [126] leur vaiffelle d' efcorce pleine de 
graiffes, de poil d'Orignaux, de cheueux, y puifer de 



1633-34] 


LE .IEUNE'S RELA TION, I634 


263 


wills, and not the rules of good breeding. The Sav- 
ages never prefer what is decent to what is agreeable. 
I have often seen the pretended magician lie down 
entirely naked,- except a miserable strip of cloth 
dirtier than a dish-cloth, and blacker than an oven- 
mop,-draw up one of his [125] legs against his thigh. 
place the other upon his raised knee, and harangue 
his people in this position, his audience being scarce- 
ly more graceful. 
As to their food, it is very little, if any, cleaner 
than the swill given to animals, and not always even 
as clean. I say nothing in exaggeration, as I have 
tasted it and lived upon it for almost six months. 
We had three persons in our Cabin afflicted with 
scrofula,- the son of the Sorcerer, whose ear was 
very disgusting and horrid from this disease; his 
nephew, who had it in his neck; and a daughter, who 
had it under one arm. I do not know whether this 
is the real scrofula; whatever it is, this sore is full of 
pus, and covered with a horrible-looking crust. They 
are nearly all attacked by this disease, when young, 
both on account of their filthy habits, and because 
they eat and drink indiscriminately with the sick. I 
have seen them a hundred times paddle about in the 
kettle containing our common drink; wash their 
hands in it; drink from it, thrusting in their heads, 
like the animals; and throw into it their leavings; 
for this is the custom of the Savages, to thrust sticks 
into it that are half-burned and covered with ashes; 
to dip therein [I:
6] their bark plates covered with 
grease, the fur of the Moose, and hair; and to dip 
water therefrom with kettles as black as the chim- 
ney; and after that, we all drank from this black 
broth, as if it were ambrosia. This is not all; they 



264 


LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


I' eau auec des chaudrons noirs cOln[ me] la cheminée: 
& aprés tout cela, nous beuuions tous de ce broüet, noir 
comme de l'ambroifie. Ce n'est pas tout, ils reiettët 
là dedãs les os qu'ils ont rongé, puis vous mettent de 
l'eau ou de la neige dans la chaudiere, la fõt boüiUir, 
& voila de l'hipocras. Vn certain iour des fouliers 
venant d'efire quittés, tomberent dãs nofire boiffon, ils 
fe lauerent à leur aife, on les retira fans autre cere- 
monie puis on beut apres eux comme fi rien ne fut ar- 
riué. Ie ne fuis pas bien delicat, fi efi-ce que ie n' eus 
point de foif tant que cette maluoifie dura. 
Iamais ils ne lauent leurs mains exprés pour man- 
ger, encore moins leur chaudiere, & point du tout la 
viande qu'ils fõt cuire, quoy que Ie plus íouuent (ie 
Ie dis comme ie l' ay veu cent & cent fois) eUe foit 
toute couuerte de poil de befies, & de cheueux de 
leurs tefies: Ie n'ay iamais beu aucun boüillon par- 
my eux, qu'il ne m'aye faUu jetter quãtité de ces 
poils & de ces cheueux, & bien d' autres ordures; 
comme des charbons, des petits [127] morceaux de 
bois, & mefme du bafion dont ils attifent Ie feu, & 
remuent bien fouuent ce qui efi dans la chaudiere: 
ie les ay veu par fois prëdre vn tifon ardët, Ie mettre 
dãs la cendre pour l' efieindre: puis quafi fans Ie fecoü- 
er, Ie tremper dãs la chaudiere ou trempoit nofire 
difner. 
Quand ils font fecherie de la chair, ils vous iette- 
ront par terre tout vn cofié d'Orignac, ils Ie battent 
auec des pierres; ils marchent deffus, Ie foulent auec 
leurs pieds tout fales, les poils d'hõmes & de befies, 
les plumes d'oifeaux s'ils en ont tué, la terre & la 
cendre; tout cela s'incorpore auec la viande, qu'ils 
font quafi durcir comme du bois à la fumée; puis 



1633-34] 


LE JEUNE'S RELATION, I6.J4 


265 


throw therein the bones that they have gnawed, 
then put water or snow in the kettle, let it boil, and 
behold their hippocras. One day some shoes, which 
had just been taken off, fell into our drink; they 
soaked there as long as they pleased, and were with- 
drawn without exciting any special attention, and 
then the water was drunk as if nothing whatever had 
happened. I am not very fastidious, but I was not 
very thirsty as long as this malmsey lasted. 
They never wash their hands expressly before eat- 
ing, still less their kettles, and the meat they cook, 
not at all,- although it is usually (I say this because 
I have seen it hundreds of times) all covered with 
the animal's hairs, and with those from their own 
heads. I have never drunk any broth among them, 
from which I did not have to throw out many of 
these hairs, and a variety of other rubbish, such as 
cinders, little [127] pieces of wood, and even sticks 
with which they have stirred the fire and frequently 
stirred up the contents of the kettle. I have occa- 
sionally seen them take a blazing brand and put it in 
the ashes to extinguish it, then, almost without shak- 
ing it, dip it into the kettle where our dinner was 
simmering. 
When they are engaged in drying meat, they will 
throw down upon the ground a whole side of the 
Moose, beat it with stones, walk over it, trample upon 
it with their dirty feet; the hairs of men and of ani- 
mals, the feathers of birds, if they have killed any, 
dirt and ashes,- all these are ground into the meat, 
which they make almost as hard as wood with the 
smoke. Then when they come to eat this dried 
meat, all goes together into the stomach, for they 
have not washed it. In fact, they think that we are 



266 


LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


quand ils viennent à manger de ce boucan, tout s'en 
va de compagnie dans l'efiomach, car ils n'ont point 
d'eau de defpart: en vn mot ils croient que nous n'a- 
uons point d'efprit de lauer nofire viande, car vne 
partie de la graiffe s'en va toufiours auec l'eau. 
Quand la chaudiere commence a boüillir, ils re- 
cueillent l'écume fort foigneufement, & la mangent 
auec delices: ils m'en prefentoient auec faueur, ie la 
trouuois bonne durant nofire famine, mais depuis 
[128] venant par fois ales remercier de ce prefent, ils 
m'appelloient fuperbe & orgueilleux: ils chaffent au 
rats & aux fouris par plaifir, comme aux lieures, & les 
trouuent également bons. 
Les Sauuages ne mangent pas comme nos François 
dãs vn plat, ou autre vaiffeHe commune à tous ceux 
qui font à table; l'vn d'entr'eux defcend la chaudiere 
de deffus Ie feu, & fait les parts à vn chacun, prefen- 
tant par fois la viande au bout d'vn bafion, mais Ie 
plus fouuent sãs prendre cefie peine, il vous iettera 
vne piece de chair toute brulante, & pleine de graiffe, 
cõme on ietteroit vn os a vn chië; difant lVaKlli- 
mitcldmi, tiens, voila ta part, voila ta nourriture; fi 
vous eftes habile-homme, vous la retenés auec les 
mains, finon garde que la robe ne s'en fente, où que 
les cendres ne feruent de fel, puifque les Sauuages 
n'en ont point d'autre. 
Ie me fuis veu bien empefché au commencement, 
car n'ofant couper la chair qu'ils me donnoient dãs 
mon plat d'écorce de peur de Ie bleffer, ie ne fçauois 
comment en venir à bout, n'ayant point d'affiette. 
En fin il fe faUut faire tout à tout, deuenir Sauuages 
auec les Sauuages: Ie [129J iettay les yeux fur mon 
compagnon, puis ie tafchay d'efire auffi braue homme 



1633-34] 


LE .IEUNE'S Rr.'LA TIùN, I6.J4 


267 


very foolish to wash our meat, for some of the grease 
goes away with the water. 
When the kettle begins to boil, they gather the 
scum very carefully and eat it as a delicacy. They 
gave some to me as a favor, and during our famine 
I found it good; but since [128] then, when I some- 
times happened to decline this present, they called 
me fastidious and proud. They take delight in hunt- 
ing rats and mice, the same as rabbits, and find them 
just as good. 
The Savages do not eat as we French do, from a 
dish or other vessel, common to all those at the 
table; but one of them takes down the kettle from 
the fire and distributes to each one his share; some- 
times presenting the meat at the end of a stick. but 
oftener without taking this trouble, he will throw 
you a piece of meat boiling hot, and full of grease, 
as we would throw a bone to a dog; saying, Naklzi- 
mitchillli, "Take it! this is thy share, here is thy 
food. " If you are quick, you catch it in your hands; 
otherwise, look out that your gown does not catch it, 
or that the ashes do not serve as salt, for the Sav- 
ages have no other. 
I found myself very much embarrassed, in the be- 
ginning; for not daring to cut the meat they gave 
me in my bark dish, for fear of spoiling the dish, I 
did not know how to manage it, not having any 
plate. Finally I had to become all to all, and a 
Savage with the Savages. I [129J cast my eyes 
upon my companion, then I tried to be as brave a 
man as he was. He took his meat in his open hand, 
and cut from it morsel after morsel, as you would do 
with a piece of bread. But if the meat is a little 
tough, or if it slips away from the knife from being 



268 


LES RELA TIOl'lS DES JÉSUITES 


[V OL. {) 


que luy. 11 prend fa chair à pleine main, & vous la 
couppe morceaux apres morceaux, comme on feroit 
vne piece de pain, que fi la chair eft vn peu dure, ou 
qu' elle cede au coufteau pour eftre trop molaffe; ils 
vous la tiennent d'vn bout par les dents, & de l' autre 
auec la main gauche, puis la main droitte iouë là def- 
fus du violon, fe feruãt de coufteau pour archet: & 
cecy eft fi commun parmy les Sauuages, qu'ils ont vn 
mot propre pour exprimer cette aétiõ, que nous ne 
pouuons expliquer qu' en plufieurs paroles & par cir- 
cumloqution. Si vous efgarez voftre coufteau, comme 
il n'y a point de couteliers dans ces grãds bois, vous 
eftes condamnez à prendre voftre portion à deux 
belles mains, & mordre dans la chair & dans la graiffe 
auffi brauement, mais non pas fi honneftement que 
vous feriez dans vn quartier de põme; Dieu fçait fi les 
mains, fi la bouche, & vne partie de la face reluifent 
par apres? Ie mal eft que ie ne fçauois à quoy m'ef- 
fuyer; de porter du linge, il faudroit vn mulet, ou 
bien faire tous les jours la [130J leffiue: car en moins 
de rie tout fe change en torchon de cuifine dans leurs 
Cabanes. Pour eux ils torchêt leurs mains à leurs 
cheueux, qu'ils nourriffent fort longs, d'autrefois à 
leurs chiens: ie veis vne femme qui m' apprit vn fe- 
cret, elle nettoya fes mains à fes fouliers, ie fis Ie 
mefme; ie me feruois auffi de poil d'Orignac, & de 
branches de pin, & notamment de bois pourry pulue- 
risé, ce font les effuyemains des Sauuages; on ne 
s'en fert pas fi doucement comme d'vne toile d'Hol- 
lande, mais peut-eftre plus gayement & plus ioyeufe- 
ment. C'eft affez parlé de ces ordures. 



1633-34] 


LE /EUJ.VE' S RELA TION, 16.14 


269 


too soft, they hold one end of it with their teeth, and 
the other with the left hand, then the right hand 
plays upon it in violin fashion, the knife serving as 
a bow. And this is so common among the Savages, 
that they have a word to express this action, which 
we could only explain with several words and by 
circumlocution. If you were to lose your knife, as 
there are no cutlers in these great forests, you are 
compelled to take your share in your two hands, and 
to bite into the flesh and into the fat, as bravely but 
not so politely, as you would bite into a quarter of an 
apple. God knows how the hands, the mouth, and a 
part of the face shine after this operation. The 
trouble was, I did not know upon what to wipe them. 
To carry linen with you would require a mule, or a 
daily [130] washing; for, in less than no time, every- 
thing is converted into dish-cloths in their Cabins. 
As to them, they wipe their hands upon their hair, 
which they allow to grow very long, or else, upon 
their dogs. I saw a woman who taught me a secret; 
she wiped her hands upon her shoes, and I did the 
same. I also used 1100se fur, pine branches, and, 
especially, powdered rotten wood. These are the 
hand-towels of the Savages. One does not use them 
as pleasantly as a piece of Holland linen, but per- 
haps more gaily and joyously. Enough has been 
said of their filth. 



270 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 
 


CHAPITRE VII. 


DES VIANDES & AUTRES METS DONT MANGENT LES SAU- 
UAGES, DE LEUR ASSAISONNEMENT, & 
DE LEURS BOISSONS. 


E NTRE les animaux terreftres ils ont des Elans, 
qu' on appelle ordinairement icy des Origenaux, 
des Caftors, que les Anglois nomment des 
Bieures, des Caribõs, qualifiez par quelques vns afnes 
Sauuages: ils ont encore des Ours, [13 I] des Blereaux, 
des Porcs épics, des Renards, des Lieures, des Sif- 
fleurs ou Roffignols, c'eft vn animal plus gros qu'vn 
Lieure; ils mangent en outre des l\1arthes, & des Ecu- 
rieux de trois ef peces. 
Pour les oifeaux, ils ont des Outardes, des Oyes 
blãches & grifes, des Canards de plufieurs efpeces, des 
Sarcelles, des Bernaches, des Plongeurs de plufieurs 
fortes; ce font tous oifeaux de riuiere. lIs prennent 
encore des Perdrix ou de Gelinottes grifes, des Bec- 
caffes & Becaffines de quantité d'efpeces, des Tourte- 
relIes, &c. 
Quand au Poiffon, ils prennent en vn temps des 
Saulmons de diuerfes fortes, des Loups marins, des 
Brochets, des Carpes, & Efturgeons de diuerfes ef- 
peces, des Poiffons blancs, des Poiffons dorez, des 
Barbuës, des Anguilles, des Lamproyes, de L' efplanc, 
des Tortues & autres. 
lIs mangent en outre quelques petits fruiéts de la 
terre, des framboifes, des bleuës, des fraifes, des noix 



1633-34] 


LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, I6.J4 


271 


CHAPTER VII. 


01\ THE MEATS AND OTHER DISHES WHICH THE SAV- 
AGES EAT, THEIR SEASONING, AND 
THEIR DRINKS. 


A MONG their terrestrial animals they have the 
Elk, which is here generally called the Moose; 
Castors, which the English call Beavers: Cari- 
bOU,21 by some called the Wild ass; they also have 
Bears, [13 I] Badgers, Porcupines, Foxes, Hares, 
Whistler or Nightingale,- this is an animal larger 
than a Hare; 2".l they eat also Martens, and three kinds 
of Squirrels. 
As to birds, they have Bustards, white and gray 
Geese, several species of Ducks, Teals, Ospreys and 
several kinds of Divers. These are all river birds. 
They also catch Partridges or gray Hazel-hens, W ood- 
cocks and Snipe of many kinds, Turtle doves, etc. 
As to Fish, they catch, in the season, different kinds 
of Salmon, Seals, Pike, Carp, and Sturgeon of various 
sorts; Whitefish, Goldfish, Barbels, Eels, Lampreys, 
Smelt, Turtles, and others. 
They eat, besides some small ground fruits, such 
as raspberries, blueberries, strawberries, nuts which 
have very little meat, hazelnuts, wild apples sweeter 
than those of France, but much smaller; [332 i.e., 
132] cherries, of which the flesh and pit together are 
not larger than the pit of the Bigarreau cherry in 
France. They have also other small Wild fruits of 
different kinds, in some places Wild Grapes; in short, 



272 


LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


qui n'ont quafi point de chair, des noifettes, des 
pommes fauuages plus douces que celles de France, 
mais beaucoup plus petites; [332 i.e., 132J des cerifes, 
dont la chair & Ie noyau enfemble ne font pas plus 
groffes que les noyaux des Bigarreaux de France. Ils 
ont encore d'autres petits fruiéts Sauuages de diuerfes 
fortes, des Lambruches en quelques endroiéts: bref 
tout ce qu'ils ont de fruiét (oftez les fraifes & les 
framboifes qu'ils ont en quantité) ne vaut pas vne 
feule efpece des moindres fruiéts de l'Europe. 
Ils mangent en outre des racines comme des oignons 
de martagons rouges, vne racine, qui a gouft de re- 
gliffe, vne autre que nos François appellent des cha- 
pelets, pource qu'elle eft diftinguée par næuds en 
forme de grains, & quelques autres en petit nombre. 
Quand la grande famine les preffe, ils mangent des 
racleures ou des efcorces d'vn certain arbre, qu'ils 
nomment Miclzta'll, lefquels ils fendent au Printeps 
pour en tirer vn fuc doux comme du miel, ou cõme 
du fucre: à ce que m' ont dit quelques vns, mais à 
peine s'amufent ils à cela tant il en coule peu. 
Voila les viandes & autres mets, dont fe repaiffent 
les Sauuages des contrées où nous fommes; l' obmets 
fans doute [133] plufieurs autres efpeces d'animaux, 
mais ils ne me reuiennent pas maintenant en la me- 
Inoire. 
Outre ces viures que ce peuple tire de fon pays fans 
cultiuer la terre, ils ont encore des farines & des bleds 
d'lnde; qu'ils troquent pour des peaux d'Orignac 
auec les Hurons, qui defcendent iufques à Kebec, ou 
iufques aux trois riuieres. Ils acheptet encore du 
Petun de cette nation, qui quafi tous les ans en a por- 
té en grande quantité. 



1633-34J 


LE JEUNE' S RELA TIVN, 1634 


273 


all the fruits they have (except strawberries and 
raspberries, which they have in abundance) are not 
worth one single species of the most ordinary fruits 
of Europe. 
They eat, besides, roots, such as bulbs of the red 
lily; a root which has a taste of liquorice; another 
that our French People call "rosary," because it is 
distinguished by tubers in the form of beads; and 
some others, not very numerous. 
 
When they are pressed by famine, they eat the 
shavings or bark of a certain tree, which they call 
.ðlichtall, which they split in the Spring to get from it 
a juice, sweet as honey or as sugar;24 I have been 
told of this by several, but they do not enjoy much 
of it, so scanty is the flow. 
These, then, are the meats and other articles of 
food upon which the Savages, of these countries 
where we are, subsist. I omit, without doubt, [133J 
several other species of animals, but I do not recall 
them at present. 
Besides these foods, which this people find in their 
own country without cultivating the soil, they have 
also cereals and Indian corn, which they trade for 

Ioose skins with the Hurons, who come down as far 
as Kebec or the three rivers. They also buy Tobac- 
co from that nation, who bring large quantities of it 
with them every year. 25 
Besides, they get from our French People galette, 
or sea biscuit, bread, prunes, peas, roots, figs, and 
the like. You have here the food of these poor people. 
As to their drinks, they make none, either from 
roots or fruits, being satisfied with pure water. It 
is true that the broth in which they have cooked the 
meat, and another broth which they make of the 



244 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


(VOL. 6 


De plus, ils ont de nos François de la galette, du 
bifcuit, du pain, des pruneaux, des pois, des racines, 
des figues, & chofes femblables. Voila dequoy fe 
nourrit ce pauure peuple. 
Quand à leurs boiffons, ils n'en font aucune ny de 
racines ny de fruiéts, fe contentans d'eau pure, il eft 
vray que Ie boüillon dans lequel ils ont cuit la viãde, 
& vn autre boüillon qu'ils font d'os d'Elan concaffez 
& brifez, feruent auffi de boiffon. Vn certain villa- 
geois difoit en France, que s'il eufi efié Roy il n'eut 
beu que de Ia greffe, Ies Sauuages en boiuent affez 
fouuent, voire mefme ils la mangent & mordent de- 
dans, quand [134] elle eft figée, comme nous morde- 
rions dans vne pomme. Quand ils ont faiét cuire vn 
Ours bien gras ou deux ou trois Cafiors dans vne 
chaudiere, vous Ies verriez ramaffer & recueillir la 
greffe fur Ie boiiillõ, auec vne large cuillier de bois, 
& goufier cette liqueur comme Ie plus doux Parochi- 
mel qu'ils ayent: quelquesfois ils en rempliffent vn 
grand plat d'efcorce, qui faiét la ronde à l'entour 
des conuiez au fefiin, & chacun en boit auec plaifir. 
D'autres ayant ramaffé cette greffe toute pure, ils 
iettent dedans quantité de neige; ce qu'ils font en- 
core dans Ie boüillon gras, quand ils veulent boire vn 
peu froid, vous verriez de gros morceaux de greffe 
figée fur ce breuuage. & neantmoins ils Ie boiuent & 
l'auallent comme de l'Hipocras. Voila à mon aduis 
toutes les fortes de boiffons qui fe retreuuent parmy 
nos Sauuages, & dont ils m' ont faiét goufier en Hi- 
uer. II a efié vn temps qu'ils auoient horreur de nos 
boiffons d'Europe, mais ils fe vendroient maintenant 
pour en auoir tant ils les ayment. Ie me fuis quafi 
oublié de dire qu'ordinairement ils boiuent chaud ou 



](j33- 34] 


LE .IEU1VE'S RELA TION, I6.J4 


2ï.) 


ground and broken bones of the Elk, serve as bever- 
ages. A certain peasant said in France that, if he 
were King, he would drink nothing but grease; the 
Savages do drink it very often, and even eat and bite 
into it, when [134] it is hard, as we ,vould bite into 
an apple. 'Vhen they have cooked a very fat Bear, 
or two or three Beavers, in a kettle, you will see them 
skim off the grease from the broth with a large 
wooden spoon, and taste this liquor as if what they 
had were the sweetest Parochimel. Sometimes they 
fill with it a large bark dish, and it goes the rounds 
of the guests at the feast, each one drinking with 
pleasure. At other times, having gathered this clear 
grease, they throw into it a quantity of snow; this 
they do also in their greasy soup, when they wish to 
drink it somewhat cool. You will see great lumps 
of grease floating on the top of this drink, and yet 
they swallow it like Hippocras.:ffl These are, I believe, 
all the kinds of beyerages to be found among the 
Savages. and which they had Ine taste during the 
Winter. There was a time when they had a horror 
of our European drinks; but they have now become 
so fond of these, that they would sell themselves to 
get them. I almost have forgotten to say that they 
generally drink everything warm or tepid, and some- 
times blame me [135] when they see me drink cold 
water, telling me that I will become thin, and that it 
win chill me even to the bone. 
Also, they do not mix their eating and drinking as 
we do; but they first distribute the meat or other 
dishes; then, having eaten what they want, they di- 
vide the broth, or it is put in a certain place, and 
each one goes and drinks as he likes. 
Let us say, in concluding this subject, that with 



276 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


tiede; ils me tançoien t [135] par fois, me voyan t boire 
de l'eau froide, me difants que ie ferois maigre, & 
que cela me refroidiroit iufques dans les os. 
De plus, ils n'entremeí1ent point Ie manger & Ie 
boire comme nous, mais on difiribue premierement la 
chair ou les autres mets, puis ayant mangé ce qu'ils 
veulent, on partage Ie boüillon, où on Ie met en cer- 
tain endroiét, & chacun y va boire qui vent. 
Difons pour conc1ufion de ce poind, que les Sau- 
uages auec tant d'animaux, tant d'oifeaux & de poif- 
fons, font quafi toufiours affamez; la raifon eft, que 
les oifeaux & les poiffons font paffagers, s'en allant 
& retournãt à certain temps, & auec cela ils ne font 
pas trop grands gybboyeurs, & encore moins bons mé- 
nagers, car ce qu'ils tuent en vn iour ne void pas 
l'autre, excepté l'Elan & l' ...L\nguille, dont ils font fe- 
cherie quand ils en ont en gran de abondance, fi bien 
que pendant Ie mois de Septembre & octobre, ils 
viuent pour la plus part d'anguilles frefches en No- 
uembre, Decembre, & fouuent en Ianuier, ils mangent 
leurs anguilles boucanées, & quelques Porcs epics 
[13 6 ] qu'ils prennent pendant les petites neiges, cõme 
auffi quelques Caftors s'ils en trouuent. Quand les 
grandes neiges font venuës ils man gent l'Orignac frais, 
ils Ie font feicher pour fe nourrir Ie refte du temps 
iufques en Septembre, auec quelques oifeaux, quel- 
ques Ours & Caftors qu'ils prennent au Printemps & 
pendant l' Efté: Or fi toutes ces chaffes ne donnent 
point (ce qui n'ariue que trop fouuent pour eux) ils 
fouffrent grandement. 



1633-34] 


LE /EUNE'S RELA TION, I634 


2;7 


all their animals, birds and fish, the Savages are al- 
most always hungry; the reason for this is, that the 
birds and fish are migratory, going and returning at 
certain times. Besides, they are not very great 
hunters, and are still poorer managers; for what they 
kill in one day is not seen the next, except the Elk 
and Eels, which they dry when they have them in 
great abundance. So that, during the months of 
September and October, they live for the most part 
upon fresh eels; in November, December and often 
in January, they eat their smoked eels, some Porcu- 
pines, [136] which they take during the lighter snow- 
falls, as also a few Beavers, if they find them. When 
the heavy snows come, they eat fresh Moose meat; 
they dry it, to live upon the rest of the time until 
September; and with this they have a few birds, 
Bears, and Beavers, which they take in the Spring 
and during the Summer. Now, if the hunt for all 
these animals does not succeed (which with them oc- 
curs only too often) they suffer greatly. 



278 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


CHAPITRE VIII. 


DE LEURS FESTIKS. 


I L n'y a que les chaffeurs effeétiuemet & ceux qui 
l'ont efté, qui foient ordinairement conuiez aux 
feftins, les femmes vefues y vont auffi: notam- 
ment fi ce n' eft pas vn feftin à manger tout, les filles, 
les femmes mariées, & les enfans en font quafi tou- 
fiours exc1us. Ie dis quafi toufiours, car par fois on 
les inuite, ie leur ay veu faire des Acoltmagoucltallai, 
c'eft à dire des feftins à ne rien laiffer, aufquels tout 
Ie monde fe trouuoit, les [137] hõmes, femes, & pe- 
tits enfans: quand ils ont grãde abondance de viures, 
les femmes font quelquefois des feftins par entr' elles, 
où les hõmes ne fe trouuet point. 
Leur façon d'inuiter eft fans fard & fans ceremonie, 
quand tout eft cuit & preft à manger (car on n'inuite 
perfonne auparauant) quelqu'vn s'en va par les Ca- 
banes où font ceux qui doiuent eftre conuiez, ou bien 
mefme on leur criera ce mot du lieu où fe faiét Ie fe- 
fiin klzi1latoll1Jligaouinaouau, vous efies inuitez au ban- 
quet, les hommes aufquels ce mot s'adreffe, ref- 
pondent !to ho, & prenant fur l'heure mefme leur plat 
d' efcorce & leur cueiller de bois, s' en viennent en la 
Cabane de celuy qui les traitte. Quand tous les 
hommes ne font pas inuitez, on nomme ceux qu'on 
veut conuier; Ie defiaut de ceremonies faiét épargner 
beaucoup de paroles à ces bõnes gens. II me femble 
qu'au fiec1e d'or on faifoit comme cela, finon que la 



1633-34] 


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279 


CHAPTER VIII. 


ON THEIR FEASTS. 


O NL Y actual hunters, and those who have been 
hunters, are usually invited to their feasts, 
to which widows go also, especially if it is 
not an eat-all feast. The girls, married women, and 
children, are nearly always excluded. I say nearly 
always, for occasionally they are invited. I have 
known them to have Acoumagouc/zallai, that is to say, 
feasts where nothing is to be left, to which everyone 
was invited, [137] men, women, and little children. 
\Vhen they have a great abundance of food, some- 
times the women have a feast of their own, where 
the men are not found. 
Their way of inviting is straightforward and with- 
out ceremony. \Vhen all is cooked and ready to eat 
(for no one is invited before), some one goes through 
the Cabins of those who are to be invited; or else 
they will cry out to them this word, from the place 
where the feast is given, khÙzatoJlmi'gaouiJlaouall, "You 
are invited to the banquet." The men to whom this 
word is addressed, answer, /ZO IlO, and straightway 
taking their own bark dish and wooden spoon, corne 
to the Cabin of the one who is to entertain them. 
\Vhen all the men are not invited, those who are de- 
sired are named. The absence of ceremony spares 
these simple people many words. It seems to me 
in the golden age they must have done like this, 
except that then cleanliness was in higher fayor than 
among these people. 



280 


LES RELATIONS DES/ÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


netteté y eftoit en plus gran de recommandation que 
parmy ces peuples. 
Dans tous les feftins, comme auffi dans leurs repas 
ordinaires, on donne à vn chacun fa part, d'où vient 
qu'il n'y en a [138] que deux ou trois qui ayet les 
meilleurs morceaux, car ils ne les diuifent point: ils 
donneront par exemple la langue d'vn Orignac, & 
toutes fes appartenances à vne feule perfonne, la 
queuë & la tefte d'vn Caftor à vn autre; voila les 
meilleures pieces, qu'ils appellent lVla.fcanou, la part 
du Capitaine. Pour les boyaux gras de l'Orignac, 
qui font leurs grands delices, ils les font ordinaire- 
ment roftir & en font goufier à tous, comme auffi d'vn 
autre mets, dont ils font grand eftat, c' eft Ie gros 
boyau de la befte rem ply de greffe, & rofty auec vne 
cor de qui pend & tourne deuant Ie feu. 
Au refte ils font magnifiques en ces feftins, car ils 
ne prefentent que les bonnes viandes les feparants 
exprés, & donnant à chacun tres abondamment, 
quand ils en onto 
Ils ont deux fortes de feftins, les vns à manger 
tout, les autres à mãger ce qu' on voudra, remportant 
Ie refte pour en faire part à leur famine. Cette der- 
niere façon me femble loüable, car il n'y a point d'ex- 
cez, chacun prend autant qu'illuy plaifi de la portion 
qui luy eft donnée; [139] voire i'oferois dire que c'eft 
vne belle inuention pour conferuer l'amitié entr'eux, 
& pour fe nourrir les vns les autres: car ordinairement 
les peres de famille ne mangent qu'vne partie de leurs 
mets, portans Ie refte à leurs femmes & à leurs en- 
fans, Ie mal eft qu'ils font trop fouuent des feftins 
dans la famine que nous auons enduré: fi mõ hofie 
prenoit deux, trois, & quatre Caftors, tout auffi toft 



1633-34] 


LE JEU.J.VE'S RELA TIOJ.V, I6.J4 


2"1 


In aU the feasts, as well as in their ordinary re- 
pasts, each one is given his part, from which it hap- 
pens that [138] only two or three have the best pieces, 
for they do not divide them. For exanïple, they 
will give the tongue of a 
Ioose and all the giblets 
to a single person, the tail and head of a Beaver to 
another; these are the best pieces, which they call 
JlaSCaJlOll, "the Captain's part." As to the fat intes- 
tines of the l\loose, which are their great delicacies, 
they usually roast them and let everyone taste them, 
as they do another dish, which they hold in high es- 
teem,- namely, the large intestine of the beast filled 
with grease, and roasted, fastened to a cord, hanging 
and turning before the fire. 
Also they are very magnificent in these feasts, for 
they only offer the good meat, separating it express- 
ly, and giving to each one very abundantly, when 
they have it. 
They have two kinds of feasts,- one at which 
everything is eaten; the other at which the guests 
eat what they please, carrying away the rest to divide 
with their fatnilies. This last feast seenlS to me 
praiseworthy, for there is no excess, each one taking 
as much as he likes of the portion given to him; 
[139] indeed, I would venture to say that it is a hap- 
py invention to preserve friendship among them, and 
for each to help feed the others. For usually the 
heads of families only eat a part of their share, car- 
rying the rest to their wives and children. The 
trouble is that their feasts come too often. In the 
famine through which we passed, if my host took 
two, three, or four Beavers, immediately, whether it 
was day or night, they had a feast for all the neigh- 
boring Savages. And if those people had captured 



2S2 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


fut-il iour, fut-il nuiét on en faifoit fefiin à tous les 
Sauuages voifins; & fi eux auoient pris quelque 
chofe, ils en faifoient de mefme à mefme temps: fi 
que fortant d'vn fefiin vous aUez à vn autre, & par 
fois encore à vn troifiefme, & vn quatriefme. Ie leur 
difois qu'ils ne faifoient pas bien. & qu'il valoit 
mieux referuer ces fefiins aux iours fuiuans, & que 
ce faifant nous ne ferions pas tant prefíez de la faim; 
ils fe mocquoient de moy. demain (difoient-ils) nous 
ferons encore fefiin de ce que nous prendrons; oüy 
mais Ie plus fouuent ils ne prenoient que du froid & 
du vent. 
Pour leurs fefiins à ne rien laiffer, ils font tres 
blamables, & c'est neantmoins l'vne de leurs grandes 
deuotions, car ils [I40J font ces fefiins pour auoir 
bonne chaffe, il fe faut bien donner de garde que les 
chiens n'en goufient tant foit peu, tout feroit perdu, 
leur chaffe ne vaudroit rien: Et remarquez que plus 
ils mangent plus ce fefiin eft efficace; de là vient 
qu'ils dõneront à vn feul homme, ce que ie ne vou- 
drois pas entreprendre de manger, auec trois bons 
difneurs, ils creueroient plufioft, pour ainfi dire, que 
de rien laifíer. Vray qu'ils fe peuuent ayder les 
vns les autres; quand quelqu'vn n'en peut plus, il 
prie fon compagnon de l'affifter, où bien l'on fait 
paffer fon refte pardeuant les autres qui en prennent 
chacun vne partie, & apres tout cela s'il en refte on 
Ie iette au feu; celuy qui mange Ie plus eft Ie plus 
eftimé, vous les entendez raconter leurs proüeffes de 
gueule, fpecifiants la quantité & les parties de la befte 
qu'ils ont mãgé; Dieu fçait queUe mufique apres Ie 
banquet, car ces Barbares donnent toute liberté à 
leur eftomach & à leur yentre, de tenir Ie langage qui 



1633 -3-1] 


LE /EUlv'l":' S RELA TION, r6.J4 


283 


something, they had one also at the same time; so 
that, on emerging from one feast, you went to an- 
other, and sometimes even to a third and a fourth. 
I told them that they did not manage well, and that 
it would be better to reserve these feasts for future 
days, and in doing this they would not be so pressed 
with hunger. They laughed at me. "To-morrow" 
(they said) "we shall make another feast with what 
we shall capture." Yes, but l110re often they cap- 
tured only cold and wind. 
As to their "leave-nothing" feasts. they are very 
blamable; and yet this is one of their great devo- 
tions, because they [140] make these feasts in order 
to have a successful chase. They must be very care- 
ful that the dogs taste nothing of this, or all will be 
lost, and their hunting will be worthless. And no- 
tice that, the more they eat, the more efficacious is 
this feast. Hence it happens that they will give, to 
one man, what I would not undertake to eat with three 
good diners. They would rather burst, so to speak, 
than to leave anything. True. they can help each 
other; when one can eat no more, he begs his com- 
panions to assist him; or else he may pass the re- 
mains of his part along to the others, who each one 
take some of it, and after all this, if anything re- 
main, it is thrown into the fire. The one who eats 
the most is the most admired. You will hear them 
describing the prowess of their jaws, naming the 
quantity and the parts of the beast which they have 
eaten. God knov
's what kind of music follows this 
banquet, for these Barbarians gh;e full liberty to their 
stomachs and bellies, to utter whatevèr sounds they 
please, in order to relieve themselves. As to the 
odors that are then exhaled in their Cabins, they are 



284 


LES RELA TI01VS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


leur plaift pour fe foulager; quand aux odeurs qu'on 
fent pour lors dans leurs Cabanes, eUes font plus 
fortes que l'odeur des rofes, mais eUes ne font pas fi 
douees, YOUR les voyez haleter [141] & souffler comme 
des gens remplis iufques au gofier; & de faiét eomme 
ils font nuds, ie les voyois enflez iufques à la gorge, 
encore ont ils du courage là dedans, leur eæur retient 
ee qu'on luy donne, ie n'ay veu que l'eftomaeh du 
Sorcier mécontent de ce qu' on luy auoit donné, quan- 
tité d'autres en approehoient de bien prés, mais ils 
tenoient bon. I'en ay veu par fois de malades apres 
ces excez. 
Mais venons à l'ordre qu'ils gardent en ces ban- 
quets; Ceux qu' on doit traitter eftans conuiez à la 
façon que i'ay dit, ils s'en viennent auec leur ollragall, 
ou efcueUe leur cuillier, ils entrent dans la Cabane 
fans ceremonie, chacun prenant fa place comme il 
vient, ils s'affeoient en rond à l'entour de la chau- 
diere qui eft fur Ie feu, renuerfant leur plat deuant 
eux, leurs fieges, c' eft la terre couuerte de branches 
de pin, il n 'y a point de prefeance, toutes les parties 
d'vn eercle font auffi courbées, & auffi nobles les vnes 
que les autres, quelquesfois l'vn d'eux dira à celuy 
qui entre Outaiappitou, viens icy, fieds toy là. 
Chacun ayant pris fa place & s'eftant affis en forme 
de Guenon, retirant fes [142] jambes contre fes euiffes, 
fi c' eft vn feftin à manger tout, on ne dit mot, on 
chante feulement, & s'il y a quelque Sorcier ou lIfani- 
toufiou, il bat fon talnbour; vray qu'ils ne font pas 
toufiours fi religieux qu'ils ne tiennent quelque petit 
difeours. Si Ie feftin n'eft pas à ne rien laiffer, ils 
s'entretiennent vn peu de temps de leurs chaffes, ou 
d'autres chofes femblables, Ie plus fouuent de gauf- 
feries. 



1633-34] 


LE JEUNE'S RELA TI01\', r634 



S5 


stronger than the perfume of roses, but not so sweet. 
You see them pant [141] and blow, like people 
full up to their throats; and, in fact, as they are 
naked, I saw that they were swollen as high as their 
necks. Still, with it all, they have mettle there in- 
side, for their stomachs retain what is given them. 
I have known only the Sorcerer's stomach to be dis- 
satisfied with what it received; many others came 
very near it, but they held their own. Occasionally, 
I have seen some of them sick after these excesses. 
But let us notice the order which they observe in 
these banquets. Those who are to be entertained 
having been invited in the way I have stated, they 
come each with his ollragall, or dish, and his spoon, 
and enter the Cabin without ceremony, each one tak- 
ing his place as he comes. They seat themselves 
around the kettle which is over the fire, turning their 
plates upside down before them. Their chairs are 
the ground, covered with pine branches: and no 
order of precedence is observed. All the members 
of the circle are alike bent forward; and one is as 
noble as the other. Sometimes one will say to an- 
other who enters, Outaiappitou, "Come here, sit thou 
there. " 
Each one, having taken his place, sits in the pos- 
ture of a monkey, drawing up his [142] legs against 
his thighs. If it is an eat-all feast, not a word is said, 
they only sing; and if there is a Sorcerer or 1tfaJli- 
tousiou present, he beats his drum; true, they are not 
always so strict that they do not hold some little con- 
versation. If it is not a leave-nothing feast, they 
have a little conyersation about their hunting, or the 
like, but most frequently about their pranks. 
After some talk, the server of the feast, who is 




86 


LES RELA TIONS DES ./-ESUITES 


[VOL. 6 


Apres quelques difeours, Ie diftributeur du feftin, 
qui eft ordinairement celuy qui Ie fait, defcend la 
chaudiere de deffus Ie feu, ou les chaudieres s'il y en 
a plufieurs, les mettãt deuant foy, & lors il fait quel- 
que harãgue ou femet à chãter, & tous les affiftans 
auec luy: quelquefois il ne faiét ny l'vn ny l'autre, 
mais feulement il dit les mots de l'entrée du feftin 
qui ne s'obmettent iamais, e'eft à dire qu'il declare 
dequoy il eft compofé: par exemple il dira, hommes 
qui eftes icy afIemblez, c' eft vn tel qui faiét Ie feftin, 
ils refpondent tous du fond de l'eftomac IIÔ-ô-ô,le fe- 
Hin eft compofé de chair de Caftor, ils pouffent de re- 
chef leur afpiration Izô-ô-ó, i1 y a auffi de la farine 
[143J de bled d'Inde IIÔ-Ô-Ô, refpondent ils, à chaque 
diuerfité de mets. 
Pour les feftins moins folemnels, celuy qui Ie faiét 
=,'addreffant à quelqu'vn de fes amis, ou de fes pa- 
rents, illuy dira, mon coufin, ou mon oncle, voila Ie 
Caftor que i'ay pris, nous Ie mangerons maintenant, 
& alors tout Ie monde dit fon hô-ô-ô, & voila Ie feftin 
ouuert, duquel on ne fort point, que les mots par lef- 
quels on Ie conclud ne foient diéts. Cela fait, Ie di- 
ftributeur ramaffe quelquefois la greffe de deffus la 
chaudiere & la boit luy tout feul, d'autres fois il en 
fait part à fes amis, quelquefois il en remplit vn 
grand & profond plat qui fe prefente à to us les con- 
uiez comme i'ay dit, & ehaeun en boit fa part; fi Ie 
feftin eft de pois, de farine, de bled d'Inde, ou de 
chofes femblables demy liquides, il prend les Oura- 
galls, ou efcuelles d'vn chacun, & diftribue la chau- 
diere, Ie plus efgalement qu'il luy eft poffible, leurs 
rendant leurs plats bien garnis, fans regarder par 
quel bout il commence; il n'y a ny honneur ny 



Hj33-34] 


LE JEUiY.P.:'S RELA TIO
V, I634 


21':7 


usually the one who gives it, takes down the kettle 
from the fire,- or the kettles, if there are several,- 
and, placing them before him, he makes a speech or 
begins a song, and all the others join in. Sometimes 
he does neither, but simply says the words at the 
opening of the feast, 'which are never omitted,- 
namely, he declares of what it is composed; for ex- 
ample, he will say, "
Ien who are assembled here. it 
is such and such a one who gives this feast." They 
all answer in deep chest tones, Izô-ô-ô. .. The feast is 
composed of the flesh of Beavers." They again ut- 
ter this aspiration, hô-ô-ô. "There is also some [143] 
Cornmeal." Hô-ó-ó, they respond, to each of the 
different dishes. 
As to their less solemn feasts, the one who gives 
them addresses each one of his friends, or relatives, 
and says to him, ":My cousin, or my uncle, here is a 
Beaver that I have taken, we will now eat it;" and 
then everyone utters his hô-ó-ô / and 10, the feast 
has begun, from which they do not emerge until the 
words with which they are to terminate it are ut- 
tered. When this is done, the distributor some- 
times collects the grease from the kettle and drinks 
it all by himself; at other times, he shares it with his 
friends; then again, he fills a large, deep dish which 
is offered to all the guests, as I have said, and each 
one drinks his share. If the feast is of peas, flour, 
Cornmeal, or such half-liquid things, he takes the 
Ouragans, or dishes, of each one and divides what is 
in the kettle, as equally as he can, returning their 
plates to them well filled, without noticing at what 
end he began. There is neither honor nor disgrace 
in being served first or last. If the feast is of meat, 
he draws it out with a pointed stick, [144] puts it into 



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blaf me d' eftre party Ie premier ou Ie dernier. Si Ie 
feftin eft de viande, ilIa tire auec vn bafton pointu, 
[144] la met dans des plats d'efcorce deuant foy, puis 
ayant ietté les yeux fur Ie nombre des conuiez, ilIa 
diftribue comme illuy plaift, donnant à chacun abon- 
damment, non pas egalement. Car il donnera les 
friants morceaux à fes confidents, voire mefme quand 
il a donné à tous vne bonne piece, commençant par 
ceux qui ne font pas de fa Cabane, il rechargera iuf- 
ques à deux & trois fois & non pas pour les autres, 
perfonne ne s' offence de ce procedé, car c' eft la cou- 
ftume. 
II prefente ordinairement la chair au bout d'vn 
bafton, nommant la piece ou la partie de l'animal 
qu'il donne, en cette façon; fi c'eft la tefte d'vn Ca- 
ftor, ou d' Afne fauuage, ou d'autre animal, il dira 
Nichta KOllSligollallime; Mon coufin, voila ta tefte, fi 
c'eft vn efpaule, il dira voila ton efpaule, fi ce font 
des boyaux, il en dira de mefme; d'autresfois ils 
difent fimplemet, KhÙnitchÙlli, voila ton mets: mais 
prenez garde qu'ils n'ont point l'equiuoque en leur 
langue que nous auons en la noftre. On raconte 
d'vn certain, lequel rencontrant fon amy, luy dit par 
courtoifie, fi i'auois quelque chore digne de vous,ievous 
inuiterois à def-jeufner en [145] noftre maifon, mais 
ie n'ay rien du tout, fon valet l'entendant luy repartit 
à la bõne foy, excufez-moy Monfieur, vous auez vne 
tefte de veau, cela dit en lãgage 1vIontagnais n' a rien 
de ridicule, pource qu'ils n'õt point d'equiuoque en 
ces termes, les mots qui fignifient ma tefte propre & 
la tefte d'animal qui m'eft donnée eftants differents. 
Celuy qui fait Ie. fefiin & qui Ie diftribue ne fait 
iamais fa part, il fe contente de voir manger les autres 



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some bark dishes before him; then, having cast his 
eyes over the number of guests, he distributes it as 
he pleases, giving to each one abundantly, but not 
equally. For he will give the dainty morsels to his 
intimate friends; and, even when he has given to 
each of them a good piece, beginning with those 
who are not of his Cabin, he will serve them again, 
eyen two or three times, and not the others. Noone 
is offended at this proceeding, for it is the custom. 
He usually offers the meat on the end of the stick, 
naming the piece or part of the animal which he is 
giving in this way; if it is the head of a Beaver or 
of a wild Ass, or some other animal, he will say, 
iVichta Koltstigollallimc, "11 Y cousin, here is thy head; " 
if it is the shoulder, he will say, "Here is thy shoul- 
der;" and if it is the intestines, he will name it in 
the same way; at other times they simply say, Klli- 
mitcltimi, "Here is thy meat." But bear in mind 
that they have not the ambiguity in their language 
that we have in ours. They tell a story about a cer- 
tain one, who, meeting his friend, said to him through 
courtesy, "If I had something worthy of you I would 
invite you to breakfast at [I4SJ our house, but I have 
nothing at all." His servant hearing him, answered 
in good faith, "Excuse me, Sir, you have a calf's 
head." If this were said in the :Montagnais language, 
there would be nothing ridiculous in it, for they have 
nothing ambiguous in such terms,- the words which 
mean " my own head" and " the head of an animal 
which is given me," being altogether different. 
The one who gives the feast and who serves it 
never takes part therein, but is satisfied in watching 
the others, without keeping anything for himself. 
However, when there is a scarcity of food, as soon as 




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(VOL. 6 


fans fe rien retenir pour foy; neantmoins quand il y 
a peu de viures, fi toft qu'il a tiré la viande de la 
chaudiere, fon voifin ou fon amy choifit les meilleurs 
morceaux par courtoifie, & les met à part; puis quand 
tout eft diftribué, il les prefente au difiributeur 
mefme, luy difant vn tel, voila ton Inets, il refpond 
comme tous les autres, IIÔ-Ô-Ô. 
Ils ont quelques ceremonies, que ie n' entèds pas 
bien faifant fefiin d'vn Ours, celuy qui l'auoit tué, 
fit rofiir fes entrailles fur des branches de pin, pro- 
nonçant quelques paroles que ie n' entendis pas, il y 
a quelque grand myfiere là dedans: de plus on luy 
dõna l'os du cæur de l'animal, qu'il porte dans une 
petite bource matachiée, penduë à fon col; faifans 
fefiin d'Orignac, [146J celuy qui luyauoit donné Ie 
coup mortel, & qui faifoit Ie fefiin, apres auoir distri- 
bué la chair, ietta de la grefíe dans Ie feu, difant: pa- 
pcouekou, papeouckoll, i'ay defia expliqué ce que cela 
veut dire. 
Le fefiin difiribué, fi c' efi à manger tout, chacun 
mange en filence, quoy que quelqu'vns ne laifíent 
pas de dire vn petit mot en pafíant: aux autres fe- 
fiins, encore qu'il foit permis de parler ordinairement, 
ils parlent fort peu, s' efionnans des François qui 
caufent aut ant & plus en table qu'en autre temps: 
auffi nous appellent-ils des Oyes babillardes. Leurs 
bouches font quafi grofíes comme des æufs, & c'efi 
Ie plaifir qu'ils prennent à gouf1er & à fauourer ce 
qu'ils mangent, qui leur ferme la bouche, & non 
1 'honnefieté: V ous prendriez trop de plaifir à leur 
voir afíaillir dãs leurs grandes efcuelles d' efcorce, vn 
Cafior boüilly, ou rofiy, notamment quand ils 
viennent de la chaffe, ou de leur voir étudier vn os: 



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the meat is taken from the kettle, his neighbor or 
friend chooses the best pieces for politeness and puts 
them aside; then when all is distributed, he presents 
them to the distributor himself, saying to him, "Here 
is thy meat," and he answers like all the others, hó-ð-ó. 
They have some ceremonies which I do not wen 
understand, when they have a Bear feast; the one 
who has killed it has the entrails roasted over some 
pine branches, pronouncing some words which I do 
not comprehend. There is some great mystery in 
this; also they give him the heart-bone of the animal, 
which he carries in a little embroidered purse hung 
around his neck. When they have a Moose feast, 
[146] the one who has given it its deathblow, and 
who gives the feast, after having distributed the 
flesh, throws some grease into the fire, saying, þaþe- 
ouekou, paþeoltekou, of which I have already explained 
the meaning. 
The feast distributed, if it is an eat-all, each one 
eats in silence, although some do not fail to say a 
word or two from time to time. In the other feasts, 
although they are usually permitted to speak, they 
speak very little, and are astonished at the French 
who talk as much and more at the table than at any 
other time, so they call us cackling Geese. Their 
mouths are almost as large as eggs, and it is the de- 
light they have in tasting and relishing what they 
eat that closes their mouths, and not politeness. 
You would take genuine pleasure in seeing them at- 
tack, in their great bark dishes, a boiled or roasted 
Beaver, especially when they have just come from 
the chase, or in seeing them tackle a bone. I have 
seen them hold the foot of a Moose in their two hands 
by one end, the mouth and the teeth doing duty at 



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[VOL. 6 


ie les ay veus tenir vn pied d'Orignac à deux mains 
par vn bout Ia bouche, & les dents faifants leur de- 
uoir de l'autre: en forte qu'ils me fembloient vouloir 
iouër de ces longues flutes d' Allemagne, finon qu'ils 
alloient vn peu trop fort, pour auoir long temps 
bonne haleine: [147] quand ce qu'ils mangent leur 
agrée, vous leur entendez dire de fois à autre, ainfi 
que i'ay defia remarqué, taþoué nimitifon, en verité ie 
mange, cõme fi on en doutoit. Voila Ie grand tef- 
moignage qu'ils rendent du plaifir qu'ils prennent à 
vofire fefiin; au refie ayant fuccé, rongé, brifé les os 
qui leurs efcheent pour en tirer la greffe & Ia mouëlle, 
ils les rejettent dans Ia chaudiere pleine de boüillõ 
qu'ils doiuent boire par apres, il efi vray qu'aux bã- 
quets à tout manger, ils font deliurez de cette inciui- 
lité, car il n'y a point d' os. 
Ayans mangé les mets qu'on a prefenté, on difiri- 
bue Ie boüillon de la chaudiere, dont chacun boit fe- 
lon fa foif, fi c'efi vn banquet de deuotion, c'efi à 
dire, à ne rien laiffer, quelquefois il faut auffi boire 
tout Ie boüillon; d'autrefois il fuffit qu'on mãge toute 
Ia viande, efiant libre de boire ce qu' on voudra du 
boüillon. Quand Ie Maifire du fefiin void qu' on ceffe 
de mãger, il dit les paroles qui terminent Ie banquet, 
qui font celles-cy, ou autres femblables, Egou Khé 
Khiouiecou : or vous vous en irez, fupplé, quand il 
vous plairra: Ie fefiin conclud, quelques vns de- 
meurent vn peu de temps pour difcourir, d'autres 
s' en vont auffi tofi délogeans fans trompette; c' eft à 
[14 8 ] dire, qu'ils fortent fans dire mot, par fois ils 
difent, Nz"khiouan, ie m'en yay, on leur refpond Nz"a- 
gouté, allez à la bonne-heure, voila Ie grand excez de 
leurs compliments. 



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293 


the other, so that they seem to me to be playing on 
those long German flutes, except that they go at it 
with a little too much force to hold their wind long. 
[147] When they are eating something that they are 
very fond of, you will hear them say from time to time, 
as I have already remarked, taþoué IlÙnitÙ01l, " I am 
really eating;' as if anyone doubted it. This is the 
great proof that they offer of the pleasure they ex- 
perience at your feast. Now having sucked, gnawed, 
and broken the bones which fall to them, to get out 
the grease and marrow, they throw them back into 
the kettle of broth which they are to drink afterward. 
It is true that at the eat-all banquets this unmanner- 
ly trick is not practiced, for there are no bones. 
Having eaten the meats that have been offered, 
the broth is served from the kettle, each one drink- 
ing of this according to his thirst. If it is a banq
et 
of devotion, that is to say, a leave-nothing feast, 
sometimes they are also obliged to drink all the 
broth. At other times, it is enough if they eat all 
the meat, being free to drink what they want of the 
broth. When the Master of the feast sees them stop 
eating, he pronounces the words which terminate the 
banquet, which are the following, or others like 
them: Egou Khé KhiouÙcou, "Now you will go away; 
return this feast when you please." The feast con- 
cluded, some remain a little while to talk, and others 
leave immediately, going out without trumpets; that 
[148] is, they go out without saying a word; some- 
times they say, Nz"khiouall, "I am going;" the answer 
is, Niagouté, "Go then." See the profuseness of 
their compliments. 



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[VOL. 6 


CHAPITRE IX. 


DE LEUR CHASSE & DE LEUR PESCHERIE. 


C OMMENÇONS par I'Elan, quand il y a peu de 
neiges, ils Ie tuent a coups de fleches, Ie pre- 
mier que nous mangeafmes fut ainfi mis à 
mort, mais c' eft vn grand hazard quand ils peuuent 
approcher de ces animaux à la portée de leurs arcs, 
car ils fentent les Sauuages de fort loing, & courent 
auffi vifte que les Cerfs. Quand les neiges font pro- 
fondes, ils pourfuiuent l'Elan à la courfe, & Ie tuent 
à coups d'efpées, qu'ils emmanchent à de longs ba- 
ftons pour cét effeét: ils dardent ces efpées quand ils 
n'ofent ou ne peuuent aborder la befte, ils pour- 
fuiuent par fois deux & trois iours vn de ces animaux, 
les neiges n'eftant, ny affez dures ny affez profondes 
d'autrefois vn enfant les tueroit quafi, car la neige 
venant à fe glacer apres quelque petit dégel, ou quel- 
que pluye, elle bleffe ces pauures Orignaux, qui ne 
vont pas loing fans eftre maffacrez. 
[149J On m'auoit dit que l'Elan eftoit grand cõme 
vn mulet d' Auuergne, il eft vray qu'il a la tefte 
longue cõme vn mulet, mais ie Ie trouue auffi gros 
qu'vn bæuf, ie n'en ay veu qu'vn feul en vie, il eftoit 
ieune, à peine Ie bois ou les cornes Iuy fortoient de 
la tefte, ie n'ay point veu en France ny geniffe, ny 
bouuillon, qui approchât de fa groffeur, ny de fa hau- 
teur; il eft haut monté comme Ie Cerf, fon bois eft 
haut branchu & plat en quelque façon, non rond 



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295 


CHAPTER IX. 


ON THEIR HUNTING AND FISHII\G. 


L ET us begin with the Elk. When there is very 
little snow, they kill it with arrows, the first 
that we ate being taken in this way. But it is 
a great stroke of luck when they can approach these 
animals within range of their bows, as they scent 
the Savages at a great distance, and run as fast as 
Deer. When the snow is deep, they pursue the Elk 
on foot, and kill it with thrusts from javelins which 
are fastened on long poles for this purpose, and 
which they hurl when they dare not or cannot ap- 
proach the beast. Sometimes they chase one of these 
animals for two or three days, the snow being neither 
hard nor deep enough; while at other times a child 
could almost kill them, for, the snow being frozen 
after a slight thaw or rain, these poor Moose are hurt 
by it, and cannot go far without being slaughtered. 
[149] I had been told that the Elk was as large as 
an Auvergne mule. True, its head is as long as 
that of a mule, but I find it as large as an ox. I 
have only seen one of them alive; it was young, and 
the branches or horns were just emerging from its 
head; I never sawin France either a heifer or young 
bullock that was as big or as high as it was. It is 
tall and erect, like the Deer; its horns are lofty, 
branching, and somewhat flat, not round like those 
of a Deer; I speak of the horns that I have seen, 
but there may be other kinds. I have been told 



296 


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[VOL. 6 


comme celuy des Cerfs, ie parle des bois que i'ay 
veu, peut-eftre yen a-il d'autre façõ. Quelqu'vn m'a 
dit que la femelle portoit toufiours deux petits, & 
toufiours maíle & femelle; mes Sauuages, au con- 
traire, difent qu' elle en porte tantoft vn tantoft deux, 
& qu'vne feule fois ils en ont trouué trois dans vne 
femelle, ce qui les eftonna comme vn prodige. 
I'ay quelque penfée qu'on pourra auec Ie temps 
domeftiquer ces animaux, qu'on s'en pourra feruir 
pour Ie labourage, & pour tirer des tranées fur la 
neige, ce feroit vn grand foulagement. 
Quand les Sauuages ont tué plufieurs Elans, & paf- 
fé plufieurs iours en feftins, ils penfent à leur proui- 
fion & à leur feicherie, ils vous étendrons fur des 
perches les deux coftez d'vn grand Orignac, en ayant 
ofté [150] les os: fi la chair eft trop épaifIe, ils la 
leuet par laichent, & en outre la tailladent; afin que 
la fumée la defIeiche & la penetre par tout, lors 
qu'elle commence à ce feicher ou boucaner, ils la 
battent auec des pierres, la foulent aux pieds, afin 
qu'il n'y demeure de dans aucun fuc qui la puifIe cor- 
rompre, enfin eftant bien boucané, ils la plient & la 
mettent en paquets, voila leur prouifion, Ie boucan 
eft vn pauure manger, la chair fraifche de l'Elã eft 
fort aifée à digerer, elle ne dure point dãs l'eftomac; 
voila pourquoy les Sauuages ne la font point tant 
cuire: Pour Ie gouft, il me femble que la chair d'vn 
bæuf ne cede point à la chair d'vn bon Elan. 
Le Caftor ou Ie Bieure fe prend en plufieurs façõs. 
Les Sauuages difent que c'eft l'animal bien aymé 
des François, des Anglois, & des Bafques, en vn mot 
des Europeans; i'entendois vn iour mon hofte qui di- 
foit en fe gaufIant, Mißi picoutau ami/colt, Ie Caftor 



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297 


that the female always bears two little ones, always 
male and female. On the contrary, my Savages tell 
me that she sometimes bears one, and sometimes two; 
and that once they found three in a female, which 
astonished them as if it were a prodigy. 
I have sometimes thought that, in time, these ani- 
mals might be domesticated, and could be used to 
till the soil and to draw sledges over the snow, 
which would be a great comfort. 
When the Savages have killed a number of Elks, 
and passed several days in feasting, they begin to 
think about drying them and laying them away. 
They will stretch upon poles the two sides of a large 
Moose, the bones thereof having [ISO] been removed. 
If the flesh is too thick, they raise it in strips and 
slash it besides, so that the smoke may penetrate 
and dry all parts. When they begin to dry or smoke 
this meat, they pound it with stones and tramp it 
under foot so that no juice may remain to spoil it. 
At last, when it is smoked, they fold and arrange it 
in packages, and this forms their future store. Dried 
meat is poor food, but the fresh meat of the Elk is 
very easy to digest. I t does not remain long in the 
stomach, therefore the Savages do not cook it much. 
In regard to taste, it seems to me that beef is not in- 
ferior to good Elk meat. 
The Castor or Beaver is taken in several ways. The 
Savages say that it is the animal well-beloved by the 
French, English and Basques,- in a word, by the 
Europeans. I heard my host say one day, jokingly, 
Missi picoutau amiscou, "The Beaver does everything 
perfectly well, it makes kettles, hatchets, swords, 
knives, bread; and, in short, it makes everything." 
He was making sport of us Europeans, who have 



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[VOL 6 


fait toutes chofes parfaiétement bien, il nous faid des 
chaudieres, des haches, des efpées, des couteaux, du 
pain, bref il fait tout; il fe mocquoit de nos Europe- 
ans qui fe paffionnent pour la peau de cefi animal, 
& qui fe battent à qui dõnera Ie plus à ces Barbares, 
pour en auoir: [151] iufques là que mon hofie me dit 
vn iour me monfirant vn fort beau couteau, les An- 
glois n'ont point d'efprit, ils nous donnent vingts 
couteaux comme celuy là pour vne peau de Cafior. 
Au Printemps, Ie Cafior fe prend à l'attrappe amor- 
cée du bois dont il mange: les Sauuages font tres- 
bien entendus en ces attrapes, lefquelles venant à fe 
detendre, vne groffe piece de bois tombe fur l'ani- 
mal & l'affomme, quelquefois les chiens rencontrant 
Ie Cafior hors la Cabane, Ie pourfuiuent & Ie prennent 
aifement; ie n'ay point veu cette chaffe, mais on 
m'en a par1é, & les Sauuages font grand efiat d'vn 
chie qui set & découure cét animal. 
Pendant l'Hiuer ils Ie prennent à la rets & foubs 
la glace, voicy comment; on fend la glace en long, 
proche de la Cabane du Cafior, on met par la fente 
vn rets & du bois qui fert d'amorce, ce pauure ani- 
mal venant chercher à manger s'enlace dans ces filets 
faids de bonne & forte ficelle double, & encore ne 
faut il pas tarder à les tirer, car ils feroiêt bien tofi 
en pieces, efiãt forty de l'eau par l'ouuerture faite en 
la glace, ils l'affõment auec vn gros bafiõ. 
L'autre façon de Ie prendre fous la glace efi plus 
noble, tous les Sauuages n'en ont [152] pas l'vfage, 
mais feulement les plus habiles; ils brifent à coups 
de haches la Cabane ou maifon du Cafior, qui efi en 
effeét admirable, il n'y a moufquet qui la tranfperce 
à mon aduis, pendant l'Hiuer elle efi bafiie fur Ie 



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299 


such a fondness for the skin of this animal and who 
fight to see who will give the most to these Barbari- 
ans, to get it; [151] they carry this to such an ex- 
tent that my host said to me one day, showing me a 
very beautiful knife, "The English have no sense; 
they give us twenty knives like this for one Beaver 
skin." 
In the Spring, the Beaver is taken in a trap baited 
with the wood it eats. The Savages understand per- 
fectly how to handle these traps, which are made to 
open, when a heavy piece of wood falls upon the ani- 
mal and kills it. Sometimes when the dogs encoun- 
ter the Beaver outside its House, they pursue and 
take it easily; I have never seen this chase, but have 
been told of it; and the Savages highly value a dog 
which scents and runs down this animal. 
During the Winter they capture them in nets and 
under the ice, in this way: They make a slit in the 
ice near the Beaver's House, and put into the hole a 
net, and some wood which serves as bait. This poor 
animal, searching for something to eat, gets caught 
in a net made of good, strong, double cord; and, 
emerging from the water to the opening made in the 
ice, they kill it with a big club. 
The other way of taking them under the ice is 
more noble. Not all the Savages use [152] this 
method, only the most skillful; they break with 
blows from the hatchet the Cabin or house of the 
Beaver, which is indeed wonderfully made. In my 
opinion no musket ball can pierce it. During the 
Winter it is built upon the shore of some little river 
or pond, is two stories high, and round. The ma- 
terials of which it is composed are wood and mud, so 
well joined and bound together that I have seen our 



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[VOL. 6 


bord de quelque petit Reuue, ou d'vn efiang faide à 
double efiage, fa figure efi ronde, les materiaux dont 
elle efi compofée font du bois & de la terre, fi bien 
liez & vnis par enfemble, que i'ay veu nos Sauuages 
en plein Hiuer fuer pour y faire ouuerture à coups 
de haches, l'efiage d'embas efi dãs ou fur Ie bord de 
l'eau, celuy d'enhaut efi au deffus du Reuue, quand 
Ie froid a glacé les Reuues & les efiãgs, Ie Cafior fe 
tient retiré en l'efiage d'êhaut, où il a fait fa proui- 
fion de bois pour manger pendant l'Hiuer; il ne laiffe 
pas neantmoins de defcendre de cefi efiage en celuy 
d'embas, & de celuy d'embas il fe gliffe fous les 
glaces, par des trous qui font en ce bas efiage, & qui 
refpondent fous les glaces: il fort pour boire & pour 
chercher du bois qu'il mange, lequel croifi fur la riue 
des efiangs, & dans les efiangs mefme; ce bois par 
embas efi pris dans les glaces, Ie Cafior Ie va couper 
par deffous, & Ie porte en fa maifon. Or les Sau- 
uages ayans brifé cette maifon, ces pauures animaux, 
qui font par fois en grand nombre [153] fous vn 
mefme toict, s'en vont fous les glaces, qui d'vn cofié, 
qui d'vn autre, cherchans des lieux vuides & creux 
entre l'eau & la glace, pour pouuoir refpirer: ce que 
fçachans leurs ennemis, ils fe vont pourmenans fur 
l'efiang ou fur Ie Reuue glacé, portans vn long ba- 
fion en main, armé d'vn cofié d'vne tranche de fer, 
faite comme vn cifeau de Menuifier, & de l'autre 
d'vn os de Baleine, comme ie croy; ils fondent la 
glace auec cefi os, frappans deffus & prenans garde 
fi elle fonne creux, & fi elle donne quelque indice de 
fa concauité, alors ils couppent la glace auec la tranche 
de fer, regardãs fi l'eau n'efi point agitée par Ie mou- 
uement ou par la refpiration du Cafior: fi l'eau re- 



1633-34] 


LEJEUNE'S RELA TIOiV, I634 


301 


Savages in Midwinter sweat in trying to make an 
opening into it with their hatchets. The lower story 
is in or upon the edge of the water, the upper is above 
the river. When the cold has frozen the rivers and 
ponds, the Beaver secludes himself in the upper 
story, where he has provided himself with wood to 
eat during the Winter. He sometimes, however, de- 
scends from this story to the lower one, and thence 
he glides out under the ice, through the holes which 
are in this lower story and which open under the ice. 
He goes out to drink and to search for the wood that 
he eats, which grows upon the banks of the pond and 
in the pond itself. This wood at the bottom is fast- 
ened in the ice and the Beaver goes below to cut it 
and carry it to his house. N ow the Savages having 
broken this house, these poor animals, which are 
sometimes in great numbers [153] under one roof, 
disappear under the ice, some on one side, some on 
the other, seeking hollow and thin places between 
the water and ice, where they can breathe. Their 
enemies, knowing this, go walking over the pond or 
frozen river, carrying a long club in their hands, 
armed on one side with an iron blade made like a Car- 
penter's chisel, and on the other with a Whale's bone, 
I believe. They sound the ice with this bone, striking 
upon it and examining it to see if it is hollow; and if 
there is any indication of this, then they cut the ice 
with their iron blade, looking to see if the water is 
stirred up by the movement or breathing of the 
Beaver. If the water moves, they have a curved 
stick which they thrust into the hole that they have 
just made; if they feel the Beaver, they kill it with 
their big club, which they call ca ouikackit / and, 
drawing it out of the water, go and make a feast of 



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[VOL. 6 


muë, ils ont vn bafiõ recourbé qu'ils fourrent dans Ie 
trou qu'ils viennent de faire, s'ils fentent Ie Cafior, 
ils Ie tuêt auec leur grand bafion, qu'ils appellent ca 
ou'ikachz"t, & Ie tirans de 1'eau, en vont faire curée 
tout auffi tofi, fi ce n'efi qu'ils ayent gran de efpe- 
rance d'en prendre d'autres: Ie leur demandois pour- 
quoy Ie Cafior attendoit là qu' on Ie tuafi, où ira iI, 
me difoiêt ils, fa maifon efi rompuë, les autres en- 
droits où il peut refpirer entre 1'eau & la glace font 
caffez, il demeure là dans 1'eau, cherchant de l'air, 
cependant on 1'affomme, il fort quelquefois [154] par 
la Cabane, ou par quelque trou, mais les chiens qui 
font là, & qui Ie fentent, & l' attendent, l' ont bien 
tofi attrapé. 
Lors qu'il y a quelque Reuue voifin, ou quelque 
bras d'eau conjoinét à 1'efiang où ils font, ils fe coulêt 
la dedans; mais les Sauuages barrent ces Heuues 
quand ils les découurent, ils caffent la glace & fichent 
quantité de pieux les vns pres des autres, en forte 
que Ie Cafior ne peut euader par là. I'ay veu de 
grands lacs qui fauuoient la vie aux Cafiors, car nos 
gens ne pouuans caffer tous les endroiéts où ils pou- 
uoient refpirer, auffi ne pouuoient ils attraper leur 
proye; 11 y a quelquefois deux menages de Cafiors 
dans vne mefme Cabane, c'efi à dire deux maíles & 
deux femelles auec leurs petits. 
La femelle en porte iufques à fept, quatre, cinq, 
fix pour l'ordinaire, ils ont quatre dents, deux embas 
& deux en haut merueilleufemêt aterées, les autres 
deux font petites, mais celles-cy font grandes & tran- 
chantes, ils s'en feruent pour couper les bois de leur 
prouifion, & les bois dont ils batiffent leur demeure, 
ils aiguifent ces dents quand elles font emoucées, les 



1633-34] 


LEJEUNE'S RELATION, I634 


303 


it at once, unless they have great hopes of taking 
others. I asked them why the Beaver waited there 
until it was killed. "Where will it go?" they said 
to me; "its house is broken to pieces and the other 
places where it could breathe between the water and 
ice are broken; it remains there in the water, seek- 
ing air, and meanwhile it is killed." Sometimes 
[154] it goes out through its House, or some hole; 
but the dogs which are there, scenting and waiting 
for it, have soon caught it. 
\Vhen there is a river near by, or an arm of water 
connecting with the pond where they are, they slip 
into that; but the Savages dam up these rivers when 
they discover them, breaking the ice and planting a 
number of stakes near each other, so that the Beaver 
may not escape in that direction. I have seen large 
lakes which saved the lives of the Beavers; for our 
people, not being able to break all the places where 
they could breathe, therefore could not trap their 
prey. Sometimes there are two families of Beavers 
in the same House, that is, two males and two fe- 
males, with their little ones. 
The female bears as many as seven, but usually 
four, five, or six. They have four teeth, two below, 
and two above, which are wonderfully drawn out; 
the other two are small, but these are large and 
sharp. They are used to cut the wood for their food, 
and the wood with which they build their house; 
they sharpen these teeth when they are dull, by rub- 
bing and pressing them against [155] each other, 
making a little noise which I have myself heard. 
The Beaver has very soft fur, the hats made of it 
being an evidence of this. It has very short feet 
which are well adapted to swimming, for the nails 



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[VOL. 6 


frottans & preffants les vnes contre [I55J les autres, 
faifans vn petit bruit que i'ay oüy moy-mefme. 
Le Caftor a Ie poil fort doux, les chapeaux qu'on 
en fait en font tefmoins, il a des pieds forts courts & 
fort propres pour nager, car ils ont vne peau conti- 
nue entre les ongles, à la façon des oyfeaux de riuiere, 
ou des loups marins, fa queuë eft toute platte, affez 
longuette faide en ouale; i'en mefuray vne d'vn gros 
Caftor, elle auoit vne paulme & huiét doigts ou enui- 
ron de longeur, & quafi vne paulme de la main en 
largeur, elle eftoit affez épaiffe, elle eft couuerte, non 
de poil, mais d'vne peau noire figurée en écailIes: ce 
ne font pas pourtant de vrayes écailles: on prend icy 
Ie Caftor pour vn animal amphiuie, voila pourquoy 
on en mange en tout temps: ma penfée eft que fa 
greffe fonduë approche plus de l'huille que de la 
greffe, la chair en eft fort bonne, elle m'a femblé vn 
peu fade au Printemps, & non pas en Hiuer; Au 
refte fi fa peau furpaffe la peau du mouton, la chair 
de mouton furpaffe à mon aduis celIe de Caftor; tant 
pource qu'elle eft de meilleur gouft, comme auffi que 
Ie Moutõ eft plus gros qu'vn Caftor. 
Le Porc épic fe prend à l'attrape & à la courfe, Ie 
chien l'ayant découuert, il eft [I56J mort s'il n'eft 
bien prés de fon gifte, qu'il faiét fous de grandes 
roches, fous lefquelles s' eftant retiré, il eft en lieu 
d'affeurance; car ny les hõmes, ny les chiens, ne fe 
fçauroient gliffer là deffous, il ne peut courre fur la 
neige, voila pourquoy il eft bien toft affommé, & n'eft 
guere plus gros qu'vn gros cochon de laiét, fes pointes 
ou piquerons font blãcs, longuets & affez minces, en- 
trelaffez & entremeflez d'vn poil noir ou grifate: I'ay 
veu en France des armes où il y auoit des pointes de 



1633-34] 


LE /EUNE'S RELA TION. I634 


30.5 


are united by skin, in the same way as those of river- 
birds or seals; its tail is entirely flat, quite long and 
oval-shaped. I measured one of a large Beaver; it 
was a palm and eight fingers or thereabout in length, 
and almost one palm of the hand in width. It was 
quite thick, and was covered, not with hair, but with a 
black skin looking like scales; however, these are not 
real scales. The Beaver here is regarded as an am- 
phibious animal, and therefore it is eaten in all sea- 
sons. My idea is that the grease when melted is 
more like oil than grease; the flesh is very good, but 
it seems to me a little stale in the Spring, and not so 
in Winter. But if the pelt of the Beaver excels the 
pelt of the sheep, the flesh of the sheep is superior, 
in my opinion, to that of the Beaver,-not only be- 
cause it tastes better, but also because the Sheep is 
larger than the Beaver. 
The Porcupine is taken in a trap, or by coursing. 
The dog having discovered it, it is sure to be [156J 
killed if it is not very near its abode, which it makes 
under large rocks; having reached this, it is in a 
place of safety, for neither men nor dogs can crawl 
into it. It cannot run upon the snow, and is therefore 
very soon put to death. It is hardly larger than a 
good-sized sucking-pig. Its points or quills are 
white, long, and rather thin, interlaced and mixed 
with black or grayish hair. In France I have seen 
specimens of the Porcupine with quills three times 
longer and ten times thicker, and much stiffer than 
those of the Porcupines of this country. The Savages 
have told me that near the Saguenay river, toward 
the North, these animals are much larger. They 
singe them as we do pigs in France; and, after they 
are scraped, they are boiled or roasted, and are quite 



306 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


Porcs épics trois fois plus longues & dix fois plus 
grofIes & bie plus fermes que celles des Porcs épics 
de ce païs cy: les Sauuages m' ont dit que veTS Ie 
Beuue de Saguenay, tirãt vers Ie Nord, ces animaux 
y eftoient bien plus gros. Ils les brulent comme 
nous faifons les pourceaux en France, puis les ayant 
raclez, les font boüillir ou roftir, Ie manger en eft 
bon, afiez dur neantmoins, notalnment des vieux, car 
les ieunes font tendres & delicats; mais ils n'ap- 
prochent point, ny de nos Porcs Sangliers, ny de nos 
Porcs domeftiques. 
Ceft animal ales pieds tortus, & les iette en dehors, 
fes piquerons ont cette qualité, s'ils piquet vn chien 
ou quelque persõne, ils entrent incefIamment, s'infi- 
nuans ou glifIans petit à petit, & s'en allans refIortir 
par [I 57] la partie oppof ée à leur en trée; par exem pIe 
s'attachans au dos de la main, ils la tranfperceront & 
fortiront par Ie dedans. I'ay fouuent veu les chiens 
tous herifIez de fes pointes entrées defia à demy 
quand leurs Maiftres les retiroient. V oulant confi- 
derer Ie premier qu'on apporta en la Cabane où ie de- 
meurois auec les Sauuages, ie l'empoignay par la 
queuë, & Ie tiray vers moy, tous ceux qui me regar- 
doient fe mirent à rire, voyans cõme ie procedois; & 
de faiét quoy que i'eufIe tafché de Ie prendre dex- 
tremet, fi eft-ce que quantité de ces petites lances s'at- 
tacherent à mes mains, car il n'y a aiguille fi pointuë, 
ie les retiray auffi toft, & les iettay dans Ie feu. 
L'Ours au Printemps fe prend à l'attrape, l'Hiuer 
ils Ie trouuet dans des arbres creux où il fe retire, paf- 
fans plufieurs mois fans manger, & cependant il ne 
laifIe pas d'eftre fort gras, ils couppent l'arbre pour 
faire fortir la proye qu'ils afIomment fur la neige, où 
bien à la fortie de fon gifte. 



1633-34J 


LEJEUNE'S R
LATION, r634 


307 


edible, although rather tough, especially the old 
ones, but the young ones are tender and delicate. 
But in taste they are not equal to either our Wild 
Boar or our common Pig. 
This animal has crooked feet, which it turns out- 
ward. Its quills have this peculiarity: if they stick 
into a dog or person they keep on penetrating, insin- 
uating themselves or slipping in, little by little, and 
coming out [157J opposite where they entered. For 
example, if they stick into the back of the hand they 
will go through it, and come out on the inside. I 
have often seen dogs bristling with these quills. al- 
ready thrust half-way into them when their 11asters 
draw them out. \Vishing to examine the first one 
that was brought into the Cabin where I was staying 
with the Savages, I caught it by the tail and drew it 
toward me. All those who were looking on began 
to laugh at the way I went at it; and, in fact, al- 
though I had tried to take hold of it adroitly, never- 
theless a number of these little spears stuck into my 
hand, for there is no needle so sharp. I immediate- 
ly drew them out, and threw them into the fire. 
Bears are taken in a trap, in the Spring. In the 
\Vinter they are found in hollow trees, to which they 
withdraw, passing several months without eating, 
and yet they continue to be very fat. They fell a 
tree, to make their prey emerge, which they kill 
upon the snow, or as it is coming from its abode. 
Hares are caught in nets, or are killed with arrows 
or darts. I have already stated elsewhere that these 
animals are white during the snow, and gray at other 
times. They seem to me to be a little higher and 
more rough-footed than those of France. They kill 
[15 8 ] 
Iartens and Squirrels in the same way. These 



308 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


11s prennent les Lieures au lacet, ou les tuent auec 
leurs arcs ou matras: i'ay defia remarqué autrefois 
que ces animaux font blancs pendant les neiges, & 
gris en autre temps, ie les tronue vn peu plus hauts 
& plus pattus que ceux de France. Ils tuent les 
r I 5 8 ] Marthes & les Efcurieux en mefme façon; voi- 
la les chaffes d'animaux terreftres que i'ay veu. 
Pour les oifeaux, ils en tuent quelques vns auec 
leurs arcs, fe feruans de fleches & de Matras, mais 
c'eft fort raremet: depuis qu'ils ont traitté des armes 
à feu auec les Anglois, ils font deuenus demy Gib- 
boyeurs, quelques vns d'entr'eux tirent affez bien; 
mon hofte eft 1'vn de leurs meilleurs harquebufiers, 
ie luy ay veu tuer quelques Ontardeaux, quelques 
Canards & Becaffines, mais leur poudre eft bien toft 
vfée. 
Quand à leur pe{che, ils fe feruent de rets, cõme 
nous qu'ils traittent des François, & des Hurons: ils 
ont vne façon particuliere de pefcher Ie Saulmon, 
mais ne m'y eftant pas trouué, ie n'en diray rien. 
Pour l' Anguille, ils la pefchent en deux façons 
auec vne naffe, où auec vn harpon. I1s font des 
naffes auec aiIez d'induftrie, longnes & groffes, ca- 
pable de tenir cinq & fix cens anguiUes: la mer eftant 
baffe, ils les placent fur Ie fable, en quelque lieu 
propre & reculé, les affeurans en forte que les marées 
ne les emportent point: aux deux coftez ils ramaffent 
des pierres qu'ils étendent comlne "ne chaifne ou 
[159] petite muraille de part & d'antre, afin que ce 
poiffon qui va toufiours au fond rencontrãt ceft ob- 
ftac1e, fe gliffe doucement vers l'emboucheure de la 
naffe où Ie conduifent ces pierres; la mer venant à 
fe groffir, counre la naffe, puis fe rabaiffant, on la va 



1633-34] 


LE .IEUNE'S RELA TI01V, I6.J4 


309 


are the methods of hunting terrestrial animals, so 
far as I have seen theln. 
As to the birds, some are killed with bows, arrows 
and Darts being used; but this is done rarely. Since 
they have come into possession of firearms, through 
their traffic with the English, they have become fair 
Huntsmen, some of them shooting very well. My 
host is one of their best musketeers; I have seen him 
kill Bustards, Ducks and Snipes; but their powder 
is very soon exhausted. 
As to their fishing, they use nets as we do, which 
they get in trade from the French and Hurons. They 
have a special way of fishing for Salmon; but, not 
having seen it, I will not speak of it. 
In regard to Eels, they fish for them in two ways, 
with a weir and with a harpoon. They make the 
weirs very ingeniously, long and broad, capable of 
holding five or six hundred eels. \Vhen the water 
is low, they place these upon the sand in a suitable 
and retired spot, securing them so that they are not 
carried away by the tides. At the two sides they 
collect stones, which they extend out like a chain or 
[159] little wall on both sides; so that this fish, which 
always swims toward the bottom, encountering this 
obstacle, will readily swim toward the mouth of the 
net, to which these stones guide it. \Vhen the sea 
rises, it covers the net; then, when it falls, they go 
and examine it. Sometimes they find there one or 
two hundred Eels in a single tide, at other times three 
hundred, often none at all; at other times six, eight, 
ten, according to the winds and the weather. When 
the sea is rough, many of them are taken; when it 
is calm, few or none, and then they have recourse to 
their harpoon. 



310 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. h 


vifiter: par fois on y trouue cët ou deux cëts An- 
guilles d'vne marée, d'autrefois trois cët, quelquefois 
point du tout, quelquefois, fix, huiét, dix, felon les 
vents & les temps: Quand la mer eft agitée, on en 
prend beaucoup, quand elle eft calme, peu ou point, 
mais alors ils ont recours à leur harpon. 
Ce harpon eft vn inftrument, composé d'vl1 long 
bafton, gros de trois doigts, au bout duquel ils at- 
tachent vn fer pointu, lequel ils armet de part & 
d'autre de deux petits baftons recourbés, qui fe 
viennent quafi ioindre au bout de la pointe du fer: 
quand ils viennent à frapper vne anguille de ce har- 
pon, ils l'embrochent dans ce fer les deux bafton ad- 
joinéts, cedans par la force du coup, & laifsãs entrer 
l'anguille; puis fe referrans d'eux mefme, car ils ne 
s'ouurent que par la fecouffe du coup, ils empefchent 
que l'anguille embrochée ne refforte. 
Cette pefche au harpon, ne fe fait ordinairement 
[160] que la nuiét, ils fe mettët deux Sauuages dans 
vn canot, l'vn derriere qui Ie gouuerne & qui rame, 
& l'autre eft deuant, lequel à la faueur d'vn flambeau 
d'écorce, attaché à la prouë de fon vaiffeaux, s'en va 
cherchant la proye de fes yeux, rodans doucement 
fur Ie bord de ce grãd fleuue, apperceuãt vne An- 
guille, il lance fon harpon fans Ie quitter, la perce 
comme i'ay dit, puis la iette dans fon canot; il y en 
a tel qui en prendra trois cens en vne nuiét, & bien 
dauantage, quelquefois fort peu. C'eft chose eftrange 
de la quantité de ce poiffon qui fe retrouue en cette 
grãde riuiere, és mois de Septembre & d'Oétobre, & 
cela deuant l'habitation de nos François, dont quel- 
ques vns de ceux qui ont demeuré plufieurs années 
fur Ie pays, fe font rendus auffi experts en cét art 
que les Sauuages. 



Hm3-34] 


LE .IEUNE'S RELA TI01V, I6.J4 


311 


This harpoon is an instrument composed of a long 
pole, two or three fingers thick, at the end of which 
they fasten a piece of pointed iron, which is provided 
on both sides with two little curved sticks, which al- 
most come together at the end of the iron point. 
\Vhen they strike an eel with this harpoon, they im- 
pale it upon the iron, the two pieces of stick yielding 
by the force of the blow and allowing the eel to en- 
ter; then closing of themselves, because they only 
open through the force of the blow, they prevent the 
impaled eel from getting away. 
This harpoon fishing is usually done [160] only at 
night. Two Savages enter a canoe,- one at the 
stern, who handles the oars, and the other at the 
bow, who, by the light of a bark torch fastened to 
the prow of his boat, looks around searchingly for 
the prey, floating gently along the shores of this 
great river. \Vhen he sees an Eel, he thrusts his 
harpoon down, without loosening his hold of it, 
pierces it in the manner I have described, then 
throws it into his canoe. There are certain ones who 
will take three hundred in one night, and even more, 
sometimes very few. It is wonderful how many of 
these fish are found in this great river, in the months 
of September and October; and this immediately in 
front of the settlement of our French, some of whom, 
having lived several years in this country, have be- 
come as expert as the Savages in this art. 
It is thought that this great abundance is supplied 
by some lakes in the country farther north, which, dis- 
charging their waters here, make us a present of this 
manna that nourishes us, not only during all the time 
of Lent and other fish days, but also at other seasons. 
The Savages dry these long fish in smoke. After 
they are brought into their Cabins, they let them 



312 


LES RELATIONS DES.lÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


On croit que cette grande abondance, prouient de 
quelques lacs des pays plus hauts, qui venans à fe 
dégorger nous font prefent de cette manne, qui nous 
nourrit, non feulement tout Ie Carefme & autres 
iours de poiffons, mais auffi en autre tëps. 
Les Sauuages font fecherie de ces lõgs poiffons à 
la fumée; eftans apportez dans leurs Cabanes, ils les 
laiffent vn peu de [I6IJ temps égoufter, puis leur 
couppent la tefte & la queuë, ils les ouurent par Ie 
dos, puis les ayans vuidées ils les tailladent. afin que 
la fumée entre par tout: les perches de leurs Cabanes 
en font toutes chargées, eftans bien boucanées, ils 
les accouplent & en font de gros paquets, en mettans 
enuiron vne centaine enfemble; voila leurs viures 
iufques à la neige qui leur donne de l'Orignac. 
Ils tuent Ie Loup marin à coups de bafton, Ie fur- 
prenant lors que fortant de l'eauë, il fe va éguayer 
fur quelques roches au Soleil, car ne pouuant courir, 
s'il eft tant foit peu eiloigné de fon element i1 eft 
perdu. 
C'eft assez pour ce chapitre, ie ne fais pas profeffion 
de tout dire, mais feulement de remarquer vne partie 
des chofes qui m'ont femblé deuoir eftre efcrites. qui 
vondra auoir vne pleine cognoiffance de ces contrées, 
qu'illife ce qu'en a efcrit :Monfieur de Champlain, fi 
faut il auant que ie paffe outre; que ie dife deux 
mots de quatre animaux, que ie n'ay point veu en 
France, ie ne fçay 011 les loger, finõ au bout de ce 
chapitre. 
L'vn fe nomme des Sauuages OuÙzaj"coll, [162J nos 
François l'appellët Ie fiffieur ou Ie Roffignol, ils luy 
ont donné ce nom, pource qu'encore qu'il foit de la 
chaffe des animaux terreftres, il chante neantmoins 



lli33 - 34 ] 


LE .IEUNE'S RELA TIO.l.V, I634 


313 


drain a [161J little while; then, cutting off their 
heads and tails, they open them up the back, anù 
after they are cleaned, they are cut with slits, so that 
the smoke may thoroughly penetrate them. The 
poles of their Cabins are all loaded with these eels. 
After being well smoked, they are piled together in 
large packages, about a hundred being placed in 
each. Here you have their food up to the season of 
snow, which brings them the .:\loose. 
They kill the Seal with blows fronl a club, sur- 
prising it when it comes out of the water. It goes 
to Sun itself upon the rocks, and not being able to 
run, if it is ever so little distant from its element it 
is lost. 
This is enough for this chapter. I do not pretend 
to tell everything, but only to jot down some of the 
things which seem to me worthy of record. \Vho- 
ever wishes to gain a full knowledge of these coun- 
tries should read what :Monsieur de Champlain has 
written about theln. But, before I pass on, I must 
say a few words about four animals that I have never 
seen in France. I do not know where to place them, 
except at the end of this chapter. 
One of them is called by the Savages OUillllSCOll; 
[162J our French call it the whistler or Kightingale.t-
 
They have given it this name, because although it 
belongs to terrestrial animals, yet it sings like a 
bird; I might say that it whistles like a well taught 
Linnet, were it not that I think it only knows one 
song; that is to say, it has not a great variety of 
tones, but it says very well the lesson that nature 
has taught it. It is about the size of a Hare and has 
a reddish skin. Some have assured me that it rolls 
itself into a ball, and, like the Ðornlouse, it sleeps 



:-n4 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


[VOL. 6 


cõme vn oifeau, ie dirois volontiers qu'il fiffie comme 
vne LinoUe bien inftruite, finon qu'il m'eft aduis 
qu'il ne fçait qu'vne chanfon, c'eft à dire qu'il n'a pas 
vne grande varieté de tons, mais il dit tres-bien la le- 
çon que la nature luy a apprife. 11 eft enuiron de la 
groffeur d'vn Lieure, d'vn poil roux; quelques vns 
m'ont affeuré qu'il fe roule en peloton, & que comme 
vn Liron il dort tout l'Hiuer, fans qu'on Ie puiffe ré- 
ueiller, ie n'en ay point veu que l'Efté, ceft animal 
eft vn excellent manger, ny Ie Lieure n'en approche 
pas. 
L'autre eft vn animal baffet, de la grandeur des 
petits chiens, ou d'vn chat, ie luy donne place icy, 
non pour fon excellence, mais pour en faire vn fym- 
bole du peché; i'en ay veu trois ou quatre, il eft d'vn 
poil noir affez beau & luifant, il porte fur fon dos 
deux rayes toutes blãches, qui fe ioignãs vers Ie col & 
proche de la queuë, font vne ouale qui luy dõne tres- 
belle grace; la queuë eft touffuë & [163] bien fournie 
de poil, comme la queuë d'vn Regnard, ilIa porte re- 
trouffée, cõme vn Efcurieux, elle eft plus blanche que 
noire, vous diriez à l'æil notãment quant il marche, 
qu'il meriteroit eftre nonuné Ie petit chien de Jupi- 
ter; mais il eft fi puant, & iette vne odeur fi empe- 
ftée, qu'il eft indigne d'eftre appellé Ie chien de Plu- 
ton, il n'y a voirie fi infeéte; ie ne l'aurois pas creu fi 
ie ne l'auois fenty moy mefme, Ie cæur vous manque 
quafi quand vous en approchez, on en a tué deux dans 
noftre court; plufieurs iours apres il fëtoit fi mal par 
tout noftre maifon, qu'on n'en pouuoit fupporter 1'0- 
deur. Ie croy que Ie peché que fentit fainéte Cathe- 
rine de Sienne, deuoit eftrc de mefme puanteur. 
Le troifiénle eft vn Efcurieux volant, il y en a icy 



16:
3-34J 


LE JEUNE' S RELA TION, 1634 


31i) 


all Winter, it being impossible to awaken it. I have 
only seen this animal in thé Summer; it is excellent 
eating, and excels the Hare. 
The other is a low animal, about the size of a little 
dog or cat. I mention it here, not on account of its 
excellence, but to make of it a symbol of sin. I have 
seen three or four of them. It has black fur, quite 
beautiful and shining; and has upon its back two 
perfectly white stripes, which join near the neck and 
tail, making an oval which adds greatly to their grace. 
The tail is bushy and [1631 well furnished with hair, 
like the tail of a Fox; it carries it curled back like 
that of a Squirrel. It is more white than black; and, 
at the first glance, you would say, especially when it 
walks, that it ought to be called Jupiter's little dog. 
But it is so stinking, and casts so foul an odor, that 
it is unworthy of being called the dog of Pluto. No 
sewer ever smelled so bad. I would not have be- 
lieved it if I had not smelled it myself. Your heart 
almost fails you when you approach the animal; 
two have been killed in our court, and several days 
afterward there was such a dreadful odor throughout 
our house that we could not endure it. I believe 
the sin smelled by sainte Catherine de Sienne must 
have had the same vile odor. 
The third is a flying Squirrel. There are three 
kinds of squirrels here. The first are the common 
squirrels, which are not so beautiful as those in 
France. The others, which our French call Swiss, 
because they are spotted upon the back, are very 
beautiful and quite small. The flying Squirrels are 
rather pretty, but their chief merit lies in their fly- 
ing. Not that they have wings, but they have a cer- 
tain piece of skin on [164] both sides, which they 



316 


LES RELA TIOJ\TS DES .IÉSUITES 


[YoLo () 


de trois efpeces. Les vns font communs, & font non 
fi beaux que ceux de France, les autres que nos Fran- 
çois nomment Suifíes, pour eftre bigarrez íur Ie dos, 
font tres-beaux & fort petits; les Efcurieux volans 
font affez beaux, leur excellence confifte en ce qu'ils 
volent; ce n'eft pas quïls ayent des aHles, mais ils 
ont vne certaine peau aux [164] deux coftez, qu'ils 
replient fort proprelnent contre leur ventre quand ils 
marchent, puis l'eftendent quand ils volent. Leur 
vol n'eft pas à mon aduis de longue haleine, i'en ay 
veu voler vn, il fe fouftenoit fort bien en l'air, mon 
hofte me l'auoit donné; ie Ie voulois enuoyer à V. R. 
mais la mort, la deliuré d'vn fi lõg voïage. 
Le quatriéme fe nomme de nos François l'oifeau 
mouche, pource qu'a peine eft il plus gros qu'vne 
abeille, d'autres l'appellent l'oifeau fleur, pource qu'il 
íe nourrit fur les fleurs, c'eft à mon iugenlent l'vne 
des grãdes raretez de ce païs cy, & vn petit prodige de 
la nature, Dieu me femble plus admirable en ce petit 
oifeau qu'en vn grand animal, il bruit en volans 
comme vne abeille; ie l'ay veu quelquefois íe foufte- 
nir en l'air, becquetant vne fleur, fon bec eft longuet, 
fon plumage me fetnbloit d'vn verd paré; ceux qui 
l'appellent l'oifeau fleur diroient mieux en mon iuge- 
ment, Ie nommant la fleur des oiíeaux. 



16
3-34J 


LE JEUiYE' S RELA TION, 1634 


;H7 


fold up very neatly against their stomachs when 
they walk, and spread out when they fly. I do not 
think they take long flights; I saw one of them fly- 
ing, and it sustained itself very well in the air. :\fly 
host gave me one; I would send it to Your Rever- 
ence, but death has freed it from so long a voyage. 
The fourth is called by our French the fly-bird, 
because it is scarcely larger than a bee; others call 
it the flower-bird, because it lives upon flowers. It 
is in my opinion one of the great rarities of this 
country, and a little prodigy of nature. God seems 
to me more wonderful in this little bird than in a 
large animal. It hums in flying, like the bee; I 
have sometimes seen it hold itself in the air and 
stick its bill into a flower. Its bill is rather long, 
and its plumage seems to be a mottled green. Those 
who call it the flower-bird would, in my opinion, 
speak more correctly if they would call it the flower 
of birds. 




BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. VI 


XXI 


See Volume V. for particulars of this document. 


XXII 
The incomplete letter from Paul Ie Jeune to his 
provincial, dated at Quebec, 1634 (without month or 
day), we obtain from Carayon's Prcmièrc JlissÙm, pp. 
122 - 156. The original, written in French, is in the 
archives of the Gèsu, at Rome, where in 1858 it was 
copied for Carayon, by Father Martin; this apograph 
now rests in the archives of St. }'Iary's College, Mont- 
real. 


XXIII. 


In reprinting the text of Le Jeune's Relation of 1634 
(closed at Quebec, August 7), we follow the example 
of the first edition (Paris, 1635), in the Lenox Libra- 
ry; but the ., Table des Chapitres" we obtain from 
that library's copy of the second edition, as this fea- 
ture is not a part of the first. These two editions are 
known to bibliographers as " H. 60" and" H. 6 I," 
respectively, because referred to in Harrisse's Notes, 
nos. 60 and 61. The" Privilege" bears date, De- 
cember 8, 1634, four months and a day later than the 
date of the document. 
Collation of first editioll: Title, with verso blank, 1 
1.; Privilege, with verso blank, I 1.; text, pp. 1 - 342. 
The signatures of the text are in eights, except Y 
which is in six, the last three leaves being blank, one 
of which is usually pasted to the cover. There are 



320 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


two copies of this edition (H. 60) in the Lenox Libra- 
ry. In one of these the paragraph of fourteen lines 
beginning, " Le 24. du mefme mois" is, through an 
error, given on p. 327, after the paragraph commenc- 
ing with " Le prelnier de I uillet. " In the other copy 
this is corrected by transposition, the former para- 
graph appearing on p. 326. This peculiarity serves 
to fix the priority of editions; for in H.61 the re- 
printer has followed the corrected issue of H. 60 in 
this respect, though not line for line. This is like- 
wise true of the A yignon edition, noticed below. 
The second edition collates as follows: Title, with 
verso blank, I 1.; text, pp. 1- 342; "Table des Cha- 
pitres," I 1.; "Extraict du Priuilege du Roy," with 
verso blank, 1 1. The signatures are A - Y in eights; 
sig. Y consists of text, 3 11.; table, ] 1.; privilege, 1 
1.; blank, 3 11. 
The pagination is quite erratic. In two copies of 
the first edition which we have examined, the follow- 
ing errors appear in both: 132 mispaged 332: 229 
mispaged 129; 321 and 322 mispaged 323 and 324; 
335 mispaged 33. In the first issue of this edition 66 
and 67 are mispaged 67 and 68, and 70 and 71 are 
Inispaged 60 and 6 I; but in the second issue of this 
edition these latter Inistakes have been corrected. In 
the second" edition 220, 221, 281,310, and 321-336 
are mispaged 200, 121, 283, 210, and 323-338, re- 
specti vel y . 
The second edition (H. 61) is in every way a re- 
print, varying from the first edition in line and page- 
lengths, in contractions, in line-endings, in text, in 
folio headings, and in typographic style. \Vhile the 
title-pages of both editions end similarly, line for 
line, the type of the first edition is generally larger 



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DA TA: VOL. VI 32] 


than that of the second; L' ANNE'E and l\I DC. xxxv in 
the first, are printed L' ANNEE and M. DC. xxxv, in 
the second edition. In the Privilege of the first edi- 
tion the head ornament consists of eighteen parts, 
bisected by four dots; but in the second there are but 
seventeen parts without a division. The word" con- 
fecutiues " in the first is printed "cõfecutiues" in 
the second; many similar differences in the text, too 
numerous to mention here, are evident. Among 
other differences may be noted the fact that whereas, 
in the first edition, native words are sometimes set in 
Roman and sometimes in Italic, they are uniformly 
in Italic in the second edition. 
There is still another, a third, edition of this Rela- 
tion of 1634, which may be designated as the A vi- 
gnon edition. The only copy known to us is in the 
Lenox Library. It is imperfect; for almost half of 
the upper part of the title-page, half of leaf A4 (pp. 
7 and 8), and nearly the whole of the last four pages 
(413-416) are lacking. It was reprinted, together 
\vith the Relation of 1635, and the following title is 
restored by conjecture, through the help of the word- 
ing of similar lines in other Relations. 
[Relations] I d[e ce qvi s'est passé] I en [la Nov- 
velle France,] I en [les années 1634 et 1635.] I En- 
uoyée a[u R. Pere Provincial de] Ila CompagniE e de 
Iesvs en la] I Prouince de F[ rance.] I Par Ie Pere 
Ie Ievne de la m[ efme] I Compagnie, Superieur de 
la I Refidence de Kebec. I [A cross patti] I En Avi- 
gnon, I De l'Imprimerie de Iaqves Bramereav, I Im- 
primeur de fa Sainctetè, de la Ville, & I V"niuerfité. 
Auec permifsion des Superieurs I M. DC. XXXY!. I 
Collation: Title, with verso blank, I 1.; preface 
headed" A 1IESSIEVRS," etc., pp. (8); Le J eune's Re- 



3ii 


LES RELrl TIOXS DES .IÉSClTES 


lation of 1634, pp. 1-269; p. 270 blank; Relation of 
1635, pp. 271 - 336; Brébeuf's Huron Relation, pp. 
337 - 39 2 ; Perrault's Relation of Cape Breton, pp. 
393 -4 00 ; " Divers Sentitnens," pp. 4 01 -416. Sig. a 
in five, and A- Cc in eights. Sig. 0 is by mistake 
printed 00; pp. 27, 152.212,323, and 345 are mis- 
paged ii, 52, 122, 223, and 245, respectively. There 
is a special preface, as follows, covering eight un- 
n urn bered pages: 


A Messievrs les Prefect, Asfiftans, Confeillers, & Confreres 
de la grande Congregation de N. Dame erigée au 
College d' Auignon fous Ie tiltre de I'im- 
maculee Cõception de la Vierge. 


M ESSIEVRS, 
Voiey des 
I";auuages qui fortent de leurs fon:Jls, þour fe 
þroduire au lour dans la France, &.:> changer d' air &0 d' humeur 
dans Ie þlus aKreablej"ezour du monde. lIs [2] 'llie1l1lClZt de þaroijlre 
à la Cour, ou l'OIZ a þris þlaifir a voir ees vifages d'vn autre 1Il0nde: 
Ie Roy It;'s à veus eomme I'vne des wnquejles dl'j"a þieté &0 ee/uy qui 
luy a þrej"ozltf eet/e Relation å eu Ie mejine acezu:il que Ie eourrier 
qui luy l1uyoit þorté II's lLOultelles d''iJ11e ProuÙzee gaigllée. Ce 
grand Genic de I' Ejlat VenllJlt de forcer l' Here}ie dans fes meif- 
leures villes, afait þaj"ser ellcore fun zele au de/a des mers, þour y 
dOJtJler la chaffe å " Idolatrie, iufqlles dans fes forefls. II efl vray 
qu'if afallu þlus dej"ueuy que dej"ang ell VIle guerre, d'oÙ I'on 
ne þretendoit autre aua1ltage quefur des alllt'S, (;-... où "OIL Ill' [3] vou- 
loil den gaigner que fur des efþrits, qui ne fOllt diffidles a ejlre 
7.1aÙICllS, que þarce qu'ils fOltt froþ foibles. VOltS verrez des catf- 
rumenes, chez qui la þremiere dijþojiflon þour eflre Chrejliens, c'efl 
de dt'uenir HOlllmes.. &0 þt'uteflre que VOltS bt!Jlirez auec 11loy les 
trauaux de ccs cOl1queralzs de la CroÚ:, que la charilé arrache dlt 
fein de leur þatrie þour chall-ger Ie Cid de la Frãce en VIZ clzinat 
qUi'iIOlÏ d'autn's aflres que ccltlti-lY, &-... oi't I'on n'a rien de rom- 
mun auec nous que les Elemells. Au rt'jle ie vous þrefente t--et 
ouurage COJJl11le 'ime þiece qui ejl loult: acquije å voflre .JfaijlreJTe, 
&0 que i'aþþends eomme [oJ] Vll anatheme voué å eel augufle Ora- 
toire oÙ la Reyne du Ciel '(Ioit autollr dt-'fes Autds l'vne des þlus 
honorables ajsemblées quij"olent 01 Frana. Vous aurez de la 



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DA TA: VOL. VI 323 


[olz/olatÙJJZ lì voir dl's Pays inconnus, qui dOJlJlent des /eruiteurs tÌ 
."" A R IE, &0 la þaffion que VOltS auez þour /a gloire, vous fera 
þrendre vos Ùltt!rejls dll/IS Il'S heureux þrogrez que as commen- 
ceme/IS nOlts þrome/tult, þlli/que la creance du Fils e.Jlla þremiere 
d(fþojition tÌ l' h01l1leUr de la J[ere: vous e.Jles les dome.Jliques de 
I'vn ë
 de l' autre.. ë
 voicy dcs Estrangers qui cherchent de 
lafaueur, &0 qui e/þerent que C011l11lC .J!" A R IE [5] agréera Ie 
bOlt acclleil que j"es dt'uotsferollt aux n01t1teaUx j"ubiets de J E 5 V S 
alifsi IE S V S les'l/erra de bon æil,ji les deuots de JJf A R IE les 
luy þrej"entt!nt. Que ji 110S Canadois à leur abord vous/aluent de 
11lauuai/e grace, .J.fe/sieurs, Ire VOltS rebletez þas.. ce /ont les com- 
þlÙnens d'vll þl'uþle qui voit Plus /ouuent des Elans que des 
hommes, ë
 que nos François aþþriuoijent à la vie ciuilc, /ous des 
caballes. Ie j"çay bien que dans l' <flat ou VOltS les verrez 'iJOUS ne 
kur donnere::; al/OOI al/tre raþþort aucc JIOUS que celuy de la 
figure, &0 qUt' vous iugerez que dans Ie rang des natures intclli- 
gentes, [6] ils comþo/ent VIle e/þece nouuelle, entre I' hõme &0 la 
be.Jle: &0 cela me/me à mon zitgO'lët doit /entir à les faire mieux 
rcceuoir, þuijque vous lirez /ur as faas mal-failtes les obligatiiJs 
i11lmortelles que vous auez à celte ProuideJlce qui à contribué 
autant de þerfections dijft'rentes þour 'i'OUS rendre accomþ lis , 
qtt'dle a laiJ1é de difauts dalls les corþs, &0 dans les e/þrits de nos 
þauures Sauuages. Peltle.Jlre qlu' Ie commerce qu'ils ont auec 
nos François leur j"era ,<./ne leçon ordÙlaire de cclte humanité dont 
,wus tenons efcho/e Oltuerte à tozete I' Euroþe. Qui /çait ji as 
11l1ldes Jleriles feront VII iour l'vne dcs [7] belles þarties du monde. 
Pourrions n01tS bioI dl,/auoücr que ces belles ProuÙlces que llOltS 
habitõs maintenant, &0 oÙ les Nations eJlrangeres 'iIÙ:nnent faire 
I'amour aux Graces, n'ayolt ejlé autrefois la Noultclle France.
 
&0 les Peres de ccux qui viennent eJludier chez nous l' art de viure 
auec les hommes, n'ont-ils þasfait þa/ser nos anceJlres þour des 
Barbares? Que ji nos Peres on! /eulement adoré des Dit'ttx d'or 

 de marbre, }WS Sauuages ne j"ont þas þlus Ùnþies, þour eJlre 
fuþer.Jlitieux auec 1Il0ÙlS de de/þell/e.. &0 toujiours ils auront cet 
aleantage lju'ils lie þerdrol1t þas tant a brufler leurs It/oles. Que 
Ji [8] vous agrées (fifefsieurs) ale l!ifre, të rnloubleray mes væus 
&0 mes þrieres þour haJler la conuerjioll de ces þeuþles afin ljue 
ma þreffe fitë Plus /ouuent, &0 trauaille fur que/que ouurage þlus 
grand ou vous recognoijlrez ljue ie fUts. 


.JIESSIEVRS, 
Vofire tres-humble & tres obeiffant feruiteur. 
I AQVES BRA:\I E R EAV. 



324 LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES 


The A yignon has one peculiarity which we have 
not seen noted elsewhere. Signature F ends on p. 
9 6 with the catch-word" Pour." In commencing 
the next sheet, signature G, the printer begins with 
the word "Pour" found near top of p. 130 of the 
Paris first issue; from that point, he continues his 
type-setting, seemingly without discovering that he 
has omitted the whole of the matter from line 4, p. 
12 5, to line 3, p. 130 of the Paris first edition. 
Harrisse's descriptions (nos. 60, 61, and 64) are en- 
tirely useless, being in these titles very inaccurate. 
There are errors and omissions, too, in Sabin, vol. 
xvi., p. 537, nos. iii. and iv. As the statelnents of 
other catalogues and bibliographies are generally 
based on these, we omit, in this case, to refer to them. 
Copies of the Paris editions have been sold or priced 
as follows: Barlow (1889), no. 1274, $25.; O'Cal- 
laghan (1882), no. 1215. first edition, $9.; no. 121 3, 
second edition, but called there first, $65.- it had 
cost him 68 francs; Moore sale, pt. 2 ( 18 94), no. 639, 
second edition, $10.; Dufossé, of Paris, priced ( 18 9 1 
and 1892) at 150 francs; Harrassowitz, of Leipzig, 
priced (1882) at 180 marks. Copies of the Paris edi- 
tions, first or second, may be found in the following 
libraries: Lenox (2 editions), Harvard, Library of 
Parliament (Ottawa), Brown (private), British Muse- 
um, and Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris. 



NOTES TO YOLo VI 


(F(l[ures in þarclltheses,following numbl>r of nott', refer to þages 
of English text.) 


I (p. 35).- This was the motto of the Society of Jesus; It was a 
favorite expression with Loyola, and was adopted by him as the rule 
of his life. It became thus the rule of the Jesuit order, expressing 
the consecration of the lives of its members" to the greater glory of 
God." 
2 (p. 35).- Jean de Lauson (or Lauzon), one of the most influen- 
tial men in the affairs of Canada during more than thirty years, was 
born in 1582. In 1627, he was a member of both the state and privy 
councils; a member of the tribunal known as II requêtes de l'hotel," 
whose office was to bring petitions of individuals before the royal 
council; and president of the grand council. In the same year, he 
was appointed intendant of Richelieu's Company of New France, 
holding this post for about ten years. He acquired, for both himself 
and his family, large seigniories; the most important of these was 
the island of Montreal, which, however, he transferred (Aug. 7, 
1640) to Dauversière and his associates, who founded the 1\Iontreal 
colony. 
In January, 1651, Lauson was appointed governor of Canada, 
where he arrived in October following. Nine days later, he married 
(as his second wife) Anne Després, sister-in-law of Sieur Duplessis- 
Bochart (see vol. v., note 3
). Lauson's administration, lasting till 
the end of 1656, was marked by quarrels with the Montreal colony, 
and by general disaffection among the residents of Canada. He 
cared less, apparently, for the needs or welfare of the country than 
for his own aggrandizement; and he was unfitted, by age and by 
lack of resolution, for the position he held, -especially at this time, 
when the Iroquois were a constant menace to the entire St. Law- 
rence region. He was, however, friendly to the Jesuits, and con- 
ferred many favors upon them. He died in February, 1666. 
3 (p. 37).- Davost and Daniel had arrived, with the latter's 
brother, at the Grand Cibou (Cape Breton), in 1632; and in the fol- 
lowing year they went thence to Quebec with Champlain (see vol. v., 
notes 53, 54). 
4 (p. 
3).- Concerning Three Rivers, 
ee vol. iv., note 2-t. 



326 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


5 (p. 43).- Jacques Buteux was born at Abbeville, April II, 1600; 
and at the age of twenty entered the Jesuit novitiate at Rouen. His 
studies were pursued at La Flèche; he was an instructor at Caen 
during 1625 - 29, and superintendent of the school at Clermont, 16 33- 
34. In the latter year, he was sent to the Canada mission, and in 
September went with Le J eune to the new settlement of Three 
Rivers. Here he remained (as superior, during 1639-
2, and 1647- 
52), ministering to the Montagnais and Algonkin tribes, among whom 
he frequently journeyed. His death occurred May IO, 165 2 , while 
ascending the St. Maurice River, on a journey to the country of the 
Attikamègues; attacked by a hostile band of Iroquois, he was slain 
by them, and thrown into the river. Buteux, though of frail and 
delicate physique, was filled with zeal for the conversion of the sav- 
ages, and longed for the glory of a martyr's death. Mother Mary of 
the Incarnation writes that his was" an incredible loss to the mis- 
sion. " 
6 (p. .n).-All our melt: a number of skilled artisans had been 
sent over in 163-t, with Le Jeune; and they proceeded, under De 
Nouë's direction, to rebuild the Jesuit residence, which had suffered 
greatly during the capture of Quebec and the English occupation. 
They also built a small house for the priests in charge of Cham- 
plain's chapel, Notre Dame de Récouvrance (see vol. iv., note 20). 
7 (p. 69).- Notre- Dame des A 1tges: this name was given first by 
the Récollets to their convent at Quebec (see vol. iv., note 22); the 
Jesuits adopted the appellation for their own church and residence 
not far distant, on the site once occupied by Cartier's fort, at the 
confluence of the St. Charles and Lairet rivers. The Jesuits were 
granted, in 1626, a seigniory on the St. Charles, which was named 
N otre- Dame des Anges. 
8 (p. 75).- Robert Giffard, sieur of Beauport, was born in 1587, at 
Mortagne, France. He was a physician, and SuIte says that he had 
an appointment in that capacity, on the ships that were annually 
sent to Canada. In 1627, he had a hunting-lodge at La Canardière, 
where two Frenchmen were murdered by the Indians. He left Can- 
ada, upon its seizure by the English; but having obtained (Jan. 15, 
16 34) the concession of Beauport, below Quebec, he, in the following 
May, conducted thither a colony, under the escort of Duplessis-Bo- 
chart. He was (after Hébert) the first real colonist in Canada, the 
first who obtained from the soil support for his establishment. Lists 
of Giffard's censitaires are given by SuIte (Can.-Français, vol. ii., 
pp. 5 0 - 52, 57). In 1647, he obtained another and larger grant of 
land, known as the fief St. Gabriel. He transferred a part of this 
concession to the Hurons of New Lorette, Maïch 13, 1651; another 
part to the hospital nuns (which order one of his daughters had 



l\TO TES TO VOL VI 


327 


jomed two years before), Aug. 20, 1652; and the remainder to the 
Jesuits, Nov. 2, 1657, but five months before his death. In Septem- 
ber, 1648, Giffard was elected a member of the colonial council. In 
August, 1652, his daughter :Marie Louise (then aged thirteen) mar- 
ried Charles de Lauson, son of the governor. Giffard was a promi- 
nent and public-spirited citizen of New France. 
9 (p. IOI).-:
ïcholas Rohault, Marquis de Gamache (or Gama- 
ches), was a nobleman of Picardy. His eldest son, RenéRohault, was 
born ::\Iay 25, 1609, not far from Amiens, in which city he was a pupil 
at the Jesuit college. René became a novice in that order, March 9, 
1626, at Paris,-largely through the influence of Coton, then provin- 
cial of France, whose death occurred but ten days later. Upon en- 
tering his novitiate, René persuaded his father to give the Jesuits a 
part of his own patrimony, for the establishment of a school in con- 
nection with their Canadian mission. De Gamache accordingly gave 
them, for his son, 16,000 écus of gold (Charlevoix erroneously says 
6,000): and added, as a personal gift from himself, an annuity of 
3,000 li\-res, to be paid as long as he should live. René pursued his 
studies successively at Paris, Amiens, Eu, and La Flèche, and 
preached three years at Eu, where he died June 29, 1839. 
Le Jeune had opened, about the beginning of 1633. at the resi- 
dence of Notre Dame des Anges, a school for such Indian children 
as he could collect from wandering families or parties camping near 
Quebec, - :\Iontagnais or Algonkin. In the summer of 1636, a few 
boys were brought from the Huron country by Daniel and Davost; 
and these, with two lads who had been presented to Le Jeune, were 
the nucleus of the ., seminary" or boarding-school that had been so 
ardently desired by the missionaries, Récollet as well as Jesuit. 
After continuing this school nearly five years, the Jesuits abandoned 
it, in order to carryon the college at Quebec (which had been estab- 
lished through the gift of De Gamache), and an Indian settlement 
at Sillery.-See Creuxius' Hist. Canad., pp. 7, 8; and Rochemon- 
teix's Jésuzïes, vol. i., pp. 205 - 209, 280- 28 7. 
10 (p. 101).- Kingsford says (Canada, vol. I., p. 130): "One regu- 
lation which Champlain instituted remains in force to this day. He 
directed that, in New France, the Angelus should be rung at morn- 
ing, mid-day, and evening,-a social as well as a religious neces- 
sity, in a community where there were few clocks, watches, or sun- 
dials. 
"The Angelus is so called from the short Latin prayer made at 
the hour indicated by the ringing of the church bell. In summer 
the morning hour is six, in winter it is seven; the bell is also rung 
at noon, and at seven in the evening. .. The devotion of the Ange- 
lus was instituted by Pope John XXII., in 13 16 . 



328 


LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES 


II (p. 105).-Cf. with this account of Jacques Michel, that given 
by Champlain, in Voyages (1632), pp. 230, 252,256-262. 
12 (p. I 19 ).- Concerning Pierre An tome (Pastedechouan), the Mon- 
tagnais interpreter, see vol. v., nùte 33. 
13 (p. 129)'- For sketch of Oliver Le Tardif, see vol. v., note 49. 
I4 (p. 147).- The Sorcerer: Carigonan, a noted medicine man 
among the Montagnais, and a brother of Pierre Antoine. A third 
brother, with whom Le Jeune lived while wintering with the tribe, 
was named Mestigoit. 
15 (p. 151).-The abandonment of the Indian village at Three 
Rivers, here referred to, would seem to have occurred some time 
after the League of the Five Nations was formed (soon after 1600). 
See vol. v., note 52. 
16 (p. 157).-See Le Jeune's account of legends regardmg Messou 
and Atahocan, vol. v., pp. 153- 157, and note 41. Cf. the" compara- 
tive study of the Nanibozhu legend" given by Chamberlain inJour- 
nal of American Folk-Lore, vol. iv. (1891), pp. 193-213; and vol. 
v., p. 291. 
I7 (p. 159).-This curious legend suggests the Greek myth of 
Pandora. Cf. a story related by Le Clercq, in his Relation de la 
Gasþesie (Paris, 1691), pp. 310-326, of a soul that was brought back 
by a bereaved father from the Land of Souls, and lost through the 
curiosity of a woman
 On the ideas of immortality current among 
the aborigines, see Sagard's Canada, pp. 497, 498; Champlain's 
Voyages (1632), part i., p. 127; Tailhan's Perrot, pp. 40-43, 184, 
185; Schoolcraft's Ind. Tribes, vol., iii., p. 60, and vol. v., p. 79: and 
Parkman'sJesuits, pp. lxxx.-lxxxiii. 
18 (p. 163).- Castelol{ne: a woolen blanket. The name, origin- 
ally a commercial term, and used especially in Normandy, seems to 
have been derived from Catalonia, Spain, where this article was 
manufactured. Clapin's Dictionnaire Canadien-Français (Mont- 
real, 1894) states that the name" castelogne" is still used in Can- 
ada, to designate a home-made rug of odds and ends. 
19 (p. 253).-The 11,fercure Franfois, vol. xix. (1633), p. 841, thus 
speaks of the influence of liquor on the Indians, and Champlain's at- 
titude toward the traffic, in an account of the latter's voyage to 
Canada (1633), written by "a reliable person who made the voyage 
with him:" "Our Savages-not only men, but women and girls- 
are such lovers of brandy that they get swinishly intoxicated, since 
the English made them acquainted with this beverage, which causes 
numberless quarrels among them. When they get tipsy, they fight, 
and batter each other with their fists; they break into the cabins, 
and tear them in pieces; and in this state they may do some foul 
deed, and murder uS,-as some time ago they threatened a sailor, 



1\"OTES TO VOL. VI 


329 


and, if he had not thrown himself into the water, I know not what 
they might have done to him,-and thence would arise broils and 
commotion throughout the country. Sieur de Champlain, consider- 
ing this, and realizing the misfortunes that would arise therefrom, 
deems it expedient to issue a stringent prohibition of traffic, in any 
manner whatsoever, in brandy,-under penalty of corporal punish- 
ment, and loss of his wages, for anyone caught in selling brandy 
and wine." 
The missionanes of all the orders, notably the Jesuits, persistently 
opposed the sale of liquor to the Indians; but in this course they 
aroused powerful and unscrupulous enemies, as we shall see in later 
volumes. 
20 (p. 257).-Obole: a small copper coin of early French currency, 
named from the Greek òßoJ..ú... Its value was one-half that of a denier 
tournois (which equaled one-twelfth of a sou). The obole is men- 
tioned as early as 1329. The word is used in the present text, how- 
ever, to signify, in a general way, a very small sum, in the same 
manner that the English often use the word" penny, " or .. farthing. " 
21 (p. 271).-For information on the elk and moose, see vol. ii., 
note 34; on the caribou, see vol. iii., 1zote 17. 
22 (p. 271).- The whistler, or nightingale: so named from the 
shrill whistle it utters on the approach of an enemy. The hoary 
marmot, or whistler ( A rctomys þruinoslts): a hibernant rodent, of 
the Sciuridæ or squirrel family; its flesh is esteemed a delicacy by 
the Indians, who also sew the skins into robes or blankets. 
23 (p. 273).-Concerning these roots, see vol. v., note 29. The 
II rosary" is doubtless Aþios tuberosa.. its roots were and still are 
used as food by the aborigines. It has been found as far north as 
latitude 47 0 , on the Lower St. Lawrence. It is figured and described 
by Charlevoix, in Plantes Princiþales de I'A11lérique Seþte1ttri- 
onale (Paris, 1744), p. 21. 
24 (p. 273).-Michtan: the sugar-maple (Accr saccharinum). 
This tree was found, by early explorers, growing abundantly 
throughout Canada and the Atlantic region. Lafitau tells how the 
Indians made sugar from its sap (ilfæurs des Sauva/:es, part ii., 
pp. 154- 157) and gIves a pictorial illustration of the process. Cf. 
Schoolcraft's Ind. Tribes, vol. ii., pp. 55, 56; Bouchette's British 
Dominions in N. America (London, 1832), pp. 371, 372; and Carr's 
.. Food of Amer. Inds, " Am. Alttiq. Soc. Proc., vol. x., part i., p. 170. 
25 (p. 273).-The early explorers found tobacco cultivated by the 
natives along the entire Atlantic coast. Cartier saw it in use on the 
St. Lawrence; Champlain, under cultivation at San Domingo and 
on the coast of Maine; Strachey, on the James River (where it was 
called aþooke). The Northern species was Nicotiana rustica, 


" 



330 


LES RELA TIO..VS DES JÉSUITES 


smaller and of milder quality than N. tabacum of the SoutH. It 
was generally known among the Indians as þetun (a word of Bra- 
zilian origin).-See Pickering's Chron. His!. of Plmtts, pp. 741, 742. 
Champlain mentions it (Laverdière's ed., p. 50) as II tobacco, also 
called petung, or Queen's plant." It is figured by De Bry in 
Wyth's Portraits of bzhabitants of Virginia (1590), plates I, 22,- 
reprinted by Langley (N. Y., 1841). For descriptions of its prepara- 
tion and use, see Cartier's Brief R écit (Tross ed.), p. 31; Lescar- 
bot's NOltv. France, pp. 838, 840; Lafitau's Mæurs des Sauvages, 
part ii., pp. 126-139' Lescarbot says: II The good Tobacco that 
comes from Brazil costs sometimes an écu the pound." Tobacco 
was highly prized by the American Indians, and often figured in 
their myths, religious rites, and sacrifices; much information con- 
cerning these is given by Jour. Amer. Folk-Lore. 
The pipes used in smoking were often elaborately carved and 
otherwise ornamented. Creuxius has an illustration (Hist. Canad., 
p. 76) of an Indian smoking a long pipe; Schoolcraft gives descrip- 
tions and engravings of various sculptured pipes, in Ind. Trzöes, 
vol. i., pp. 72, 74; vol. ii., p. 511. Cf. Bureau of Eth11010gy Re- 
þort, 1890-91, pp. 323-354, etc.: and 1891-92, pp. 128-134. The 
pipe was ceremoniously smoked at councils, especially when a treaty 
was under consideration. 
26 (p. 2i5).- Hiþþocras: an old medicinal drink composed of wine 
with an infusion of spices and other ingredients, used as a cordial.- 
Century DiclÙmary (N. Y., 1889)' 




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