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The edition consists of sev- 
en hundred and fifty sets 
all numbered 


Gabriel Lalemant, S.J. 

The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents 

Travels and Explorations 

OF THE Jesuit Missionaries 

IN New France 




Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin 

Lower Canada, Hurons: 1649 


Companie, publishers, mdcccxcviii 

Copyright, 1898 


Thk Burrows Brothers Co 


The Imperial Press, Cleveland 



Translators . 

Assistant Editor 

Reuben Gold Thwaitbs» 
r FiNLOW Alexander 
Percy Favor Bicknell 
Crawford Lindsay 
William Price 
Hiram Allen Sober 
Emma Helen Blair 

Bibliographical Adviser Victor Hugo Paltsits- 


Preface to Volume XXXIV . • 9 

Documents : — 

LXVIII. Epistola ad R. P. Vincentium Caraf- 

fam, Praepositum Generalem Socie- 
tatis Jesu, Romse. Jacobus But eux; 
Tria flumina, September 21, 1649 • 20 

LXIX. Recit veritable du Martjn-e at de la 

Bien heureuse mort, du Pere Jean de 
Brebœuf et du Pere Gabriel L'Ale- 
mant En la Nouvelle france. Chris- 
tophe Regnaut; n.p., [1649?] • 24 

LXX. Journal des PP. Jésuites. Hier asme 
Lalemant; Quebek, January - De- 
cember, 1649 . . «3* 

LXXI. Relation de ce qvi s'est passé en ... . 

la Nouuelle France, es années 1648. 
& 1649. P^'^^ Ragueneau; Sainéte 
Marie aux Hurons, May i, 1649 . 67 

Bibliographical Data: Volume XXXIV . 237 

Notes ...... 245 


I. Portrait of Gabriel Lalemant, S.J.; photo- 
engraving frota oil portrait by Donald 
Guthrie McNab . . . FrontispUce 

II. Facsimile of handwriting of Gabriel Lale- 
mant ; selected from his copy of Cheva- 
lier de Sillery's donation to the Jesuits, 
dated Paris, February 22, 1639 Facing 24 

III. Photographic facsimile of title-page, Reta' 

tionoi 1648-49 . . -70 

IV. Site of old Huron village of Ossossané; 

photo-engraving from water-color sketch 
by Father Felix Martin, made on the spot 
in 1855 . . . Facing 105 

V. Portrait of Arthur Edward Jones, S.J., 
archivist of St. Mary's College, Mon- 
treal ; from a recent photograph Facing 249 
VI. Map of Huronia, by A. E. Jones, S.J. 

At end of volume 


Following is a synopsis of the documents contained 
in the present volume : 

LXVIII. This is a letter by Buteux to the father 
general, dated at Three Rivers, September 21, 1649. 
In reply to a note from the latter, the missionary 
returns thanks for promised aid, which is especially 
needed at this time, when the French are continually 
harassed by Iroquois raids. The little settlement of 
Three Rivers is so slightly defended that the French 
are in daily peril of their lives ; but all connected 
with the mission — not only the priests, but their 
servants — are ready to lay down their lives, if need 
be, for the sake of the little Indian church which 
they have there founded. 

LXIX. This is a vivid and sympathetic account 
of the martyrdom of Brébeuf and Gabriel Lalemant, 
written by Christophe Regnaut, one of the donnés 
in the Huron mission. Although he did not witness 
this tragedy, he obtained full particulars of it from \ 
the Christian Hurons taken captive by the Iroquois, } <l 
who were present throughout the horrible torments / ' 
inflicted upon the unfortunate Jesuits. He relates/ 
these in detail, and then describes the condition of 
the martyrs* remains, which he has helped to bring 
from St. Ignace to Ste. Marie, and afterward carefully 
examines, finding that the appearance of the bodies 



fully confirms the statements of the Hurons. The 
bones of these victims are carried to Quebec, * * where 
they are held in great veneration. ' ' 

LXX. The annals of the Quebec colony are con- 
tinued by the Journal des Jésuites for 1649. Little is 
recorded for January outside of the usual list of Ne^w- 
year's gifts; but ** on the 19th, occurred the first 
execution by the hand of the hangman, in the case 
of a Creature of 15 or 16 years, a thief." At the 
same time, Abraham Martin is imprisoned on a 
scandalous charge connected with this poor girl ; but 
^' his trial is postponed till the arrival of the vessels." 
A few weeks later, *' the 2nd execution of Justice 
took place.** 

Little else of importance occurs during the cold 
season. ** The winter's Work was to pile sand for 
building and wood for heating. * * The bonfire was 
again made, this year, on St. Joseph's eve; " but the 
material was separated from the spiritual." At the 
governor's request, Lalemant kindles the fire. " The 
river St. Charles became open on the 27th and 28th, 
and sowing was begun." 

Early in May, news comes from Three Rivers and 
Montreal that famine^revails there. There is also 
great scarcity at Quebec ; but the Jesuits are able to 
aid the people there, with ** more than 40 casks of 
grain," for seed and for food. On June 6, thirty-four 
Frenchmen are sent to the Huron country. A grant 
of two leagues of land, opposite Montreal, is made 
to the Jesuits. 

'* At 3 rivers, no bonfire was made on St. John's 
day, — the governor claiming that the warehouse 
ought to make it, and the warehouse referring it to 
the governor." The usual fisheries, especially that 


of salmon, are this year almost a failure, except that 
of sturgeon, of which unusual numbers are caught. 

In July, thirty Abenaki Indians come to Quebec; 
but they are forbidden to come hither again. They 
bring the first news of the year from France, for the 
fleet has not yet arrived. Savages from Tadoussac 
also bring items of information which they have 
gathered from the fishermen on the coast. On the 
20th, the sad tidings come from Huronia that those 
tribes are destroyed, and that some of the Fathers 
have become martyrs. A few weeks later, aid is 
sent to the Huron mission, — a detachment of sol- 
diers, and several donnés. 

The long-delayed fleet finally arrives, August 23 
and 24; it brings a new missionary, Charles Albanel. 
Another ship had, in March, left France for Canada ; 
but, as it has not arrived, it is accounted lost; the 
Jesuits thus incur a loss of 4,000 livres. 

September 20-22, Father Bressani arrives from 
the Huron country, with two bands of Indians; and 
the French traders and soldiers come down, bringing 
5,000 livres* weight of beaver skins. Bressani sets \ 
out on his return to the Huron mission ; but, a few j q 
days later, he comes back with his Huron compan- / p< 
ions, who — probably through fear of the Iroquois — y 
refuse to go beyond the river Des Prairies. When 
the last vessel returns to France, it conveys an 
Iroquois captive. This year's trade amounts to 
100,000 livres. A number of Hurons come down to 
Three Rivers and Quebec to spend the winter ; they 
are aided by the Jesuits with food, blankets, etc. 

At the departure of the vessels, this year, begins 
'' an exaction of 20 sols on each passenger ticket, to 
be paid to the Grovemor's secretary ; and money was 


taken from the fines, for salary or perquisites to the 
same secretary, and to other ofiBcers.** The king 
has *' appropriated 19,000 livres for the affairs of the 
country ; ' ' and out of this sum a defensive wall is 
begun at Sillery. The masonry of the Jesuits* 
building is finished, this season, and the roof put 
on. Their estate of Notre Dame des Anges is 
rented, at 100 ecus. 

LXXI. The Relation of 1648-49 contains only 
Ragueneau's report of the Huron mission for the 
vear ending May i, 1649. ^^ recounts the destruc- 
^^^^yiion of that mission, the martyrdom of three priests, 
Vand the dispersion of the Huron converts, in a 
Sîanguinary raid made by the Iroquois. Accompany- 
ing it is a brief note from Lalemant, superior of 
the Canadian missions, to his provincial in France, 
explaining why he sends this year no report for the 
rx St. Lawrence missions. 

^^^s. Ragueneau begins by relating the capture, by the 
1) Iroquois, of the mission village of St. Joseph 
(Teanaustayé), on July 4 of the preceding summer 
(1648). Father Daniel, in charge of that mission, is 
killed while encouraging his flock to resist the 
enemy, whose sudden and unexpected attack finds 
the Christians at their little church, attending the 
celebration of mass. They make such resistance 
as they can, but it avails little; the enemy soon 
master the village, and set it on fire, massacring the 
helpless inhabitants — men, women, and children 
alike. Daniel soon sees that all is lost; and he 
hastens through the cabins, baptizing all whom he 
can reach, that at least their souls may be saved. 
Finally, as the enemy approach the church, Daniel 
goes forth alone to meet them, that he may engage 


their attention, and give his disciples a better oppor- 
tunity to escape. They overwhelm him with arrow 
and gun shots, and throw his naked corpse into the 
flames which are consuming the church, — truly a 
noble funeral pyre. While they delay thus, many 
of the converts are enabled to escape; but many 
others are slain or captured — especially mothers 
burdened with their infants. Ragueneau describes 
the zeal and devotion which animated Daniel 
throughout his missionary career; and the appari- 
tions of his departed spirit which were visible to his 
brethren. In the capture of St. Joseph, about 700 
Hurons are slain or taken captive; but a much 
larger number than this escape, and take refuge 
in other villages, — many at Ste. Marie. The relief, 
both temporal and spiritual, needed by these desolate 
fugitives casts a heavy burden upon the mission,^^ 
Early in September, a reinforcement arrives, con- 
sisting of four additional missionaries, and a score 
of Frenchmen besides. This gives the Fathers new 
courage, and they even strive to extend their labors 
to more distant tribes. They maintain eleven mis- 
sions, — eight Huron, and three Algonkin. ** Every- 
where, the progress of the Faith has surpassed our 
hopes, — most minds, even those formerly most 
fierce, becoming so docile, and submissive to the 
preaching of the Gospel, that it was sufiBciently 
apparent that the Angels were laboring there much 
more than we." About 1,800 persons have been 
baptized during the year, not including those bap- 
tized by Daniel at the destruction of St. Joseph. A 
new mission has been established among the Ottawas 
on Manitoulin Island. The writer gives a brief 
survey of the older missions in the country, among 


which La Conception (Ossossané) is conspicuous for 
the number and zeal of its Christians; numerous 
instances of their piety are related. In this mission, 
the Father in charge has entire control of his people, 
and is regarded as the chief of all their captains, 
'he other missions show the blessed results of 
these noble examples ; and the superior is rejoiced 

1^ \ at the piety and devotion which he sees everywhere 
among the native Christians. '* But what has most 
delighted me is, to see that the sentiments of the 
Faith have so far entered these hearts, which we 
formerly called Barbarian, that I may truthfully 
say that grace has stifled in many of them the fears, 
the desires, the joys, and the feelings of Nature." 
^^ '' The blessings of Heaven were flowing down in 
abundance upon these peoples," when another and 
more crushing blow was dealt them by their enemies. 
On March i6, 1649, a thousand Iroquois, well 
armed — * ' mostly with firearms, which they obtain 
from the Dutch, their allies" — make a sudden 
attack, at daybreak, on the village of St. Ignace (not 
more than ten miles southeast of Ste. Marie itself). 
This place, although well fortified, is taken * * almost 
without a blow," the people being asleep ; and nearly 
all of them are slain or captured. Not stopping 
here, the enemy immediately proceed to the attack 
of St. Louis, the next village on the road to Ste. 
Marie. This, although bravely defended by its few 
warriors, is soon captured and burned; and the 
enemy cast into the flames all whom they cannot take 
with them as prisoners — the old, the sick and 
y ^wounded, and the little children. Here occur two 

^^ more martyrdoms; Father Jean de Brébeuf and 
/ Gabriel Lalemant are in charge of this mission, and 


they refuse to desert their flock in order to save their \ 
own lives ; and, like Daniel, they devote themselves \ 
to comforting, encouraging, or baptizing all who I 
need their ministrations. At last, the enemy forceps/ 
an entrance, and most of the Christians are made 
prisoners, as well as the two Fathers. The Iroquois 
plan to attack Ste. Marie next ; but a partial defeat 
of their advance-guard, and a sudden panic which, 
on St. Joseph's day, seizes them, induce them to give 
up this scheme. They accordingly depart home- 
ward, after having burned to death many captives, 
most of these being Christians. 

A chapter is devoted to '* the blessed deaths " of 
Fathers Brébeuf and Lalemant; this is mainly a 
repetition, in somewhat different form, of Regnaut's 
account in document LXIX. preceding. Ragueneau 
adds a sketch of Gabriel Lalemant's life and charac- 
ter, with a copy of certain pious meditations written by 
the latter and found after his death ; he also devotes 
more than a fourth part of this Relation to a similar 
account of Brébeuf, — recounting at length the 
religious experiences and visions, and praising the 
virtues, of this pioneer missionary. For the former, 
he finds material in the personal memoirs written 
by Brébeuf at his superior's command. 

Ragueneau concludes this Relation with a review 
of * * the present state of Christianity, and means of 
helping these Peoples." The blows dealt by theV 
Iroquois have filled the Huron land with consterna- A 
tion, and its people are dispersing in every direction. J 
To add to their wretchedness, famine is raging^' 
everywhere — worse than for fifty years past. The\ 
Jesuits help all whom they can ; in less than a year, \ 
they have received and aided at Ste. Marie over 1 ^ 


6,cxx) persons. Fifteen villages have been abandoned 
by their inhabitants, who have fled — some westward, 
to the Tobacco tribes; others to St. Joseph (Charity) 
Island in Georgian Bay ; others still talk of going to 
the Manitoulin Islands. To this last refuge the 
Fathers intend at first to follow their flock, abandon- 
ing their residence of Ste. Marie ; they consider it a 
central and convenient location from which to extend 
their work among the Northern and Western Algon- 
kin tribes, and to maintain the trade of these with 
Quebec and Three Rivers. Ragueneau's final deci- 
sion, however, is to go to St. Joseph Island, whither 
most of the fugitive Hurons decide to flee. To that 
island the residence of Ste. Marie will be transferred; 
and it will be, as at the old location, the center of 
mission activities in Western Canada. A letter is 
appended, written by Chaumonot, who during the 
past year has been in charge of a mission on St. 

This Relation^ as originally published, ends with 
Chaumonot* s letter; but the second edition appends 
a postscript, containing additional news — brought 
y a later vessel from Canada — of the fortunes of 
the Huron mission. One of the letters thus re- 
ceived — written from St. Joseph Island, in August, 
1649 — states that three hundred Huron families 
w have taken refuge on that island; and that the 

\ \ Jesuits have also gone thither, having abandoned 
^ Ste. Marie. Here all suffer fearful privations; for, 
^^ having fled from their cultivated fields to a wilder- 
/ ness, they must resort for food to wild roots and 
.' fruits. The Fathers are, however, consoled by the 
eagerness of these people to embrace the Faith; 
^during the past thirteen months, they have baptized 


over 2 , /oo^perspusu. besides those who received that 
nte^rthe hands of the martyrs, at the storming of 
their villages. The Paris editor adds the description 
of a terrible shipwreck which occurred last summer 
oflf the Great Banks ; and the miraculous rescue, by 
an English vessel, of the lost ship's crew, when, 
reduced to the last extremity, they were about to eat 
the flesh of one of their own number. This ship- 
wreck is apparently that of the vessel mentioned as 
lost, by Lalemant, in the Journal des Jésuites^ in the 
last entry under August, 1649 (q.v. in the present 

In this volume, we take pleasure in presenting an 
excellent portrait of Rev. Arthur Edward Jones, S.J., 
the learned archivist of St. Mary's College, Montreal, 
in whose keeping are many of the precious literary 
remains of the early Jesuit missionaries in New 
France. To Father Jones's friendly counsels and 
active bibliographical assistance the Editor has, from 
the first inception of the present enterprise, been 
deeply indebted. We also publish herewith Father 
Jones's map of Huronia, made for this series ; and his 
accompanying notes, which have geographical as well 
as antiquarian interest. 

R. G. T. 

Madison, Wis., November, 1898. 


Miscellaneous Documents, 1649 

LXVIU. — Epistola P. Jacobi Buteux ad R. P. Vincentium 

Caraffam, Praspositum Generalem Societatis 
Jesu; ad Tria flumina, 21 septembri, 1649 

LXIX. — Recit veritable du Martyre et de la Bien heu- 
reuse mort, du Pere Jean de Brebœuf et du Pere 
Gabriel L'Alemant, par Christophe Regnaut; 

LXX. — Journal des PP. Jésuites, en l'année 1649 

SOURCES: Doc. LXVIIL is from Martin's apograph of 
the original Latin (ex, M SS, Soc. J es.), in the archives of 
St. Mary's College, Montreal. Doc. LXIX. we take from 
Brymner's Report on Canadian Archives^ 1884, pp. xiv, 
XV, Ixiii-lxvii. Doc. LXX. we obtain from the original 
MS. in the library of Laval University, Quebec. 


Epistola Patris Jacobi Buteux ad R. P. Vincentium 

Caraffam, Praepositum Generalem 

Societatis Jesu. 

P. Vine. Caraffa, R. G. S. J. Pax Christi. 
Venere litterae P***. V* 3°. Calendas octobris 
datœ in nostras manus. . . . Commodum ctun 
nos undique mala circumstarent, foris pugnae quas 
truculenti barbari hostes infensissimi X*^ nominis 
concitarent, intus timorés ne copiosa neophytorum 
multitudo a nobis deseratur per sylvas pecudis instar, 
ut prius, erratura ; qui consolatur humiles consolatus 
est nos per litteras P*** V® in quibus subsidium 
nobis pollicetur, tum operariorum ex Gallia, quos 
jam excepimus, tum sacrificiorum ex Patribus socie- 
tatis quod speramus, quod si usquam iis indiguimus, 
hoc maxime tempore, cum in aperto salutis discri- 
mine versamur. Eosdem quippe cruciatus et acerbi- 
tates (Ni deus avertat) subituri sumus quas Patres 
nostri apud Hurones subiere, ut ex ipsorum litteris 
V* P*^ constabit. hic enim ad Tria flumina, ubi 
Gallorum simul ac sylvéstrium curam gerimus, nulla 
propugnacula, nisi lignea, nulla mœnia, nisi paludes 
\Jor pali or pala] quae facile concipiant ignem, nulla 
domus nisi corticea vel straminea in quibus degitnus 


Letter of Father Jacques Buteux to the Very 
Reverend Father Vincent Caraffa, Gen- 
eral of the Society of Jesus. 

VERY Reverend Father in Christ, 
Father Vincent Caraffa, Very Reverend 
General of the Society of Jesus, Pax Christi. 
Your Paternity's letter, dated September 29, came 
tous. . . . Just when misfortunes were surround- 
ing us on all sides : conflicts without, which the fierce 
barbarians, most vindictive enemies of the Christian 
name, were stirring up; fears within, lest a great 
multitude of neoph5rtes be abandoned by us, to wan- 
der, as before, like beasts through the forests. He 
who consoles the lowly has consoled us through Your 
Paternity's letter, in which you promise relief to 
us, — not only those workmen from France whom we 
have already received, but also what we hope for in 
the way of masses from the Fathers of the society ; 
if ever we have needed these, we need them most at 
this time, when we are involved in manifest peril of 
our safety. For indeed we are likely to undergo 
the same tortures and afflictions (Unless God avert 
them) which our Fathers among the Hurons have 
undergone, as will be evident to Your Paternity from 
their own letters. For here at Three rivers, where 
we take charge of the French as well as of the sav- 
ages, there are no defenses except of wood ; no walls 
except palings, which easily catch fire ; there is no 
house except of bark or thatch ; and in these we live^ 


niillateniis muniti contra barbares incursus et incen- 
dia. Si Deus pro sua bonitate me peccatorem illorum 
furori committat, libens volensque pro ipsius gloria 
proque ovibus meis ponam animam quam non facio 
pretiosiorem illorum salute. Ea plane sunt mente 
quotquot hic agunt Patres fratresque nostri, imo et 
domestici, quinque sumus omnino ex societate, très 
sacerdotes, fratres duo, domestici sex quorum opera 
magnopere indigemus in excolenda terra, juvandisque 
in id ipsum sii vestribus ; neophy tos dico et maxime 
novella germina hujus anni ; quibuscum provolvimur 
omnes pedibus V* P*^. ipsius sanctam benedictionem 

Jac. Buteux 
Ad Tria flumina 
21 septembri 1649 


with no defense against barbarian attacks and fires. 
If God in his goodness deliver me, a sinner, to their 
fury, gladly and willingly for his glory, and for my 
sheep, will I lay down my life, which I do not hold 
more precious than their salvation. Of quite the 
same disposition are all of our Fathers and brethren 
who live here, — nay, even the domestics. We are 
five in all, of the society, — three priests and two 
brethren; and we have six domestics, whose labor 
we greatly need for cultivating the earth, and for 
aiding the savages in the same way. I mean the 
neophytes, and especially the newly-sprouted plants 
of this year, — with whom we all are prostrate at Your 
Paternity's feet, expecting to receive your holy 

Jacques Buteux. 

At Three rivers, 
September 21, 1649. 


Récit veritable du Martyre et de la Bien heu- 
reuse mort, du Pere Jean de Brebœuf et du 
Pere Gabriel L'Alemant En la Nouvelle 
france, dans le pays des hurons par 
les Iroquois, ennemis de la Foy. 

LE Pere Jean de Brebœuf et le Pere Gabriel L'A- 
lemant partirent de nostre cabane, pour aller à 
vn petit Bourg, nommé St Ignace esloigné de 
nostre cabane, enuiron vn petit quart de Lieiie pour 
instruire les Saunages, et les nouueaux Chrétiens de 
ce Bourg. Ce fut le i6"* Jour de Mars au matin que 
nous apperceumes vn grand feu, au lieu ou estoient 
allés ces deux bons Peres ; Ce feu nous mist fort en 
peine. Nous ne sçauions si c'estoit des ennemis ou 
bien que le feu auroit pris a quelque cabane de ce 
village. Le R^ Pere Paul Raguenau nostre Supé- 
rieur, prist aussi tost la Resolution denuoyer quel- 
qu'vn pour sçauoir ce que ce pourrait estre. Mais 
nous n'eusmes pas plus tost pris le dessein d*y aller 
voir que nous apperceumes plusieurs saunages dans 
le chemin qui venoient droit à nous. Nous pensions 
tous que ce fust des Iroquois, qui nous venoient atta- 
quer, mais les ayant considérés de plus près nous 
apperceumes que c'estoient des hurons, qui s'enfuy- 
oient de la meslée et qui s* estoient eschappés du 
combat; Ces panures saunages nous faisoient grand 
pitié, Ils estoient tous blessés. LVn auoit la teste 
cassée, l'autre le bras rompu; L'autre vne flèche 


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1649] REGNA UT* S REPOR T 26 

A veritable Account of the Martyrdom and Blessed 

death of Father Jean de Brebœuf and of 

Father Gabriel UAlemant, In New france, 

in the country of the hurons, by the 

Iroquois, enemies of the Faith. 

FATHER Jean de Brebœuf and Father Gabriel 
L'Alemant^ had set out from our cabin, to go 
to a small Village, called St. Ignace, distant 
from our cabin about a short quarter of a League, to 
instruct the Savages and the new Christians of that 
Village. It was on the i6th Day of March, in the 
morning, that we perceived a great fire at the place 
to which these two good Fathers had gone. This 
fire made us very uneasy ; we did not know whether 
it were enemies, or if the fire had caught in some of 
the huts of the village. The Reverend Father Paul 
Raguenau, our Superior, immediately Resolved to 
send some one to learn what might be the cause. 
But no sooner had we formed the design of going 
there to see, than we perceived several savages on 
the road, coming straight toward us. We all thought 
it was the Iroquois who were coming to attack us ; 
but, having considered them more closely, we per- 
ceived that they were hurons who were fleeing from 
the fight, and who had escaped from the combat. 
These poor savages caused great' pity in us. They 
were all covered with wounds. One had his head 
fractured ; another his arm broken ; another had an 


dans l'œil; l'autre auoit la main couppée d'un coup 
de hache. Enfin la journée se passa à receuoîr dans 
nostre cabane tous ces panures blessés, et a regarder 
par compassion, le feu et le lieu ou estoient ces deux 
bons Peres. Nous voyons le feu et les barbares, 
mais nous ne peûmes voir aucun des deux Peres. 

Voicy ce que nous dirent ces Saunages de la prise 
du Bourg de St Ignace et des Peres Jean de Brebœuf 
et Gabriel L'AUemant. 

Les Iroquois sont venus au nombre d'enuiron douze 
cents hommes, ont pris nostre vilage, ont pris le Pere 
Brebœuf et son compagnon, ont mis le feu par toutes 
les cabanes. Ils vont décharger leur rage sur ces 
deux Peres, car ils les ont pris tous deux et les 
ont dépouillez tous nuds, et attachez chacun à vn 
posteau. Ils ont les deux mains liées ensemble. 
Ils leur ont arraché les ongles des doigts, Ils leur ont 
déchargé vne gresle de coups de baston sur les 
épaulles, sur les reins, sur le ventre, sur les jambes, 
et sur le visage n'y ayant aucune partie de leur corps 
qui n'ay t enduré ce tourment ; Ils nous dirent encore ; 
quoyque le Pere de Brebœuf fust accable soubs la 
pesanteur de ces coups de baston. Il ne laissoit pas 
de tousiours parler de Dieu et d'encourager tous les 
nouueaux Chretiens qui estoient captifs comme luy, 
de bien souffrir, afin de bien mourir pour aller de 
compagfnie avec luy dans le Paradis. Pendant que 
ce bon Pere encourageoit ainsi ces bonnes gents, vn 
miserable huron renégat, qui demeuroit captif auec 
les Iroquois, que le Pere de Brebœuf auoit autrefois 
instruit et baptisé. L'entendant parler du Paradis et 
du St Baptesme fut irité et luy dist, Echon, c'est le 
nom du Pere de Brebœuf en Huron, Tu dis que le 

1649] REGNA UT' S REPOR T 27 

arrow in his eye ; another had his hand cut off by a 
blow from a hatchet. In fine, the day was passed in 
receiving into our cabins all these poor wounded 
people, and in looking with compassion toward the 
fire, and the place where were those two good Fathers. 
We saw the fire and the barbarians, but we could not 
see anything of the two Fathers. 

This is what these Savages told us of the taking of 
the Village of St. Ignace, and about Fathers Jean de 
Brebœuf and Gabriel L'Allemant: 

** The Iroquois came, to the number of twelve hun- 
dred men ; took our village, and seized Father Bre- 
bœuf and his companion ; and set fire to all the huts. 
They proceeded to vent their rage on those two 
Fathers ; for they took them both and stripped them 
entirely naked, and fastened each to a post. They 
tied both of their hands together. They tore the 
nails from their fingers. They beat them with a 
shower of blows from cudgels, on the shoulders, the 
loins, the belly, the legs, and the face, — there being 
no part of their body which did not endure this tor- 
ment. * * The savages told us further, that, although 
Father de Brebœuf was overwhelmed under the 
weight of these blows, he did not cease continually 
to speak of God, and to encourage all the new Chris- 
tians who were captives like himself to suffer well, 
that they might die well, in order to go in company 
with him to Paradise. While the good Father was 
thus encouraging these good people, a wretched 
huron renegade, — who had remained a captive with 
the Iroquois, and whom Father de Brebœuf had for- 
merly instructed and baptized, — hearing him speak 
of Paradise and Holy Baptism, was irritated, and said 


Baptesme et les souflfrances de cette vie meine droit 
en Paradis, tu irras bien tost, Car ie te vais baptiser 
et te bien faire souffrir, afin d'aller au plus tost dans 
ton Paradis: Le barbare ayant dit cela, prist vn 
chaudron plein d'eau toute bouillante, et le renverse 
sur son corps par trois diuerses fois en derision du 
St baptesme. Et a chaque fois qu'il le baptîsoit de 
la sorte le barbare lui disoit par railleries picquantes 
va au Ciel, car te voila bien baptisé. Apres cela ils 
luy firent souffrir plusieurs autres tourments: Le i' 
fut de faire rougir des haches toutes rouges de feu 
et les appliquer sur les reins et soubs les aisselles, 
Ils font vn collier de ces haches toutes rouges de feu 
et le mettent au col de ce bon Pere. Voicy la façon 
que iay veu faire ce collier pour d'autres captifs; Ils 
font rougir six haches prennent vne grosse hart de 
bois vert passent les 6 haches par le gros bout de la 
hart, prennent les deux bouts ensemble et puis le 
mettent au col du patient. Je nay point veu de tour- 
ment qui m'ait plus esmeu a compassion que celuy là. 
Car vo^ voyez vn homme tout nud, lié a vn posteau, qui 
ayant ce collier au col, ne seroit [se. sçait] en quelle 
posture se mettre Car s'il se penche sur le deuant 
celles de dessus les epaulles pèsent dauantage ; s'il 
se veut pencher en arrière, celles de son estomach 
lui font souffrir le mesme tourment; s'il se tient tout 
droit sans pencher de coste ny d'autre. Les haches 
ardantes de feu, appliquées egallement des deux 
costez luy donnent vn double supplice. 

Apres cela ils luy mirent vne ceinture d'ecorce 
toute pleine de poix et de raisiné et y mirent le feu 
qui grilla tout son corps. Pendant tous ces tour- 
ments, le Pere de Brebœuf souffroit comme vn rocher 

1649] REGNA UT' S REPOR T 29 

to him, ** Echon,** that is Father de Brebœuf's name 
in Huron, ** thou sayest that Baptism and the suffer- 
ings of this life lead straight to Paradise ; thou wilt 
go soon, for I am going to baptize thee, and to make 
thee suffer well, in order to go the sooner to thy 
Paradise. * * The barbarian, having said that, took a 
kettle full of boiling water, which he poured over his 
body three different times, in derision of Holy bap- 
tism. And, each time that he baptized him in this 
manner, the barbarian said to him, with bitter 
sarcasm, ** Go to Heaven, for thou art well baptized.*' 
After that, they made him suffer several other tor- 
ments. The I St was to make hatchets red-hot, and 
to apply them to the loins and under the armpits. 
They made a collar of these red-hot hatchets, and 
put it on the neck of this good Father. This is the 
fashion in which I have seen the collar made for 
other prisoners: They make six hatchets red-hot, 
take a large withe of green wood, pass the 6 hatchets 
over the large end of the withe, take the two ends 
together, and then put it over the neck of the suf- 
ferer. I have seen no torment which more moved 
me to compassion than that. For you see a man, 
bound naked to a post, who, having this collar on his 
neck, cannot tell what posture to take. For, if he 
lean forward, those above his shoulders weigh the 
more on him; if he lean back, those on his stomach 
make him suffer the same torment ; if he keep erect, 
without leaning to one side or other, the burning 
hatchets, applied equally on both sides, give him a 
double torture. 

After that they put on him a belt of bark, full of 
pitch and resin, and set fire to it, which roasted his 
whole body. During all these torments. Father de 


insensible aux feux et aux flammes, qui estonnoient 
tous les boureaux qui le tourmentoient. Son zèle 
estoit si grand qu'il prescboit tousjours a ces infidel- 
les pour tascher a les conuertir ; ses boureaux indi- 
gnez contre luy de ce qu'il leur parloit tousjours de 
Dieu et de leur conuersion. Pour Tempescher den 
plus parler ils luy coupèrent la langue et les leures 
dembas et denhaut. Apres cela ils se mirent tous a 
luy decharner toute la chair des jambes, des cuisses 
et des bras iusqu'aux os, et la mettent rostir devant 
lui pour la manger. 

Pendant qu'ils le tourmentoient de la sorte ces 
misérables se moquoient de luy, en luy disant, Tu 
vois bien que nous te traitons d'amy puisque no^ 
serons cause de ton bonheur Eternel, remercie no^ 
donc de ces bons offices que no^ te rendons, car plus 
tu souffriras, plus ton Dieu t'en recompensera. 

Ces bourreaux voyant que ce bon Pere commen- 
çoit à deuenir foible, ils le firent asseoir contre terre, 
et l'vn deux prenant vn couteau, luy coupent la peau 
qui couure le crane de la teste, vn autre de ces bar- 
bares, voyant que le bon Pere alloit bientost mourir, 
luy fait vne ouverture au dessus de la poitrine et luy 
arrache le cœur le fait rostir et la mange. D'autres 
vinrent boire son sang tout chaud, qu'ils beuuoient 
avec les deux mains disant que le Pere de Brebœuf 
auoit esté bien courageux a souffrir tant de mal, 
qu'ils luy auoient fait et qu'en beuuant son sang ils 
deuiendroient courageux comme luy. 

Voila ce que nous auons appris du Martyre et de 
la bien-heureuse mort du Pere Jean de Brebœuf par 
plusieurs Chretiens saunages dignes de foy qui 
ont tousjours esté presents depuis que le bon Pere 

1649] REGNA UT* S REPORT 31 

Brebœuf endured like a rock, insensible to fire and 
flames, which astonished all the bloodthirsty wretches 
who tormented him. His zeal was so great that he 
preached continually to these infidels, to try to con- 
vert them. His executioners were enraged against 
him for constantly speaking to them of God and of 
their conversion. To prevent him from speaking 
more, they cut oflf his tongue, and both his upper 
and lower lips. After that, they set themselves to 
strip the flesh from his legs, thighs, and arms, to the 
very bone ; and then put it to roast before his eyes, 
in order to eat it. 

While they tormented him in this manner, those 
wretches derided him, saying: ** Thou seest plainly 
that we treat thee as a friend, since we shall be the 
cause of thy Eternal happiness ; thank us, then, for 
these good offices which we render thee, — for, the 
more thou shalt suffer, the more will thy God reward 
thee. ' • 

Those butchers, seeing that the good Father began 
to grow weak, made him sit down on the ground; 
and, one of them, taking a knife, cut off the skin 
covering his skull. Another one of those barbarians, 
seeing that the good Father would soon die, made an 
opening in the upper part of his chest, and tore out 
his heart, which he roasted and ate. Others came 
to drink his blood, still warm, which they drank 
with both hands, — saying that Father de Brebœuf 
had been very courageous to endure so much pain as 
they had given him, and that, by drinking his blood, 
they would become courageous like him. 

This is what we learned of the Martyrdom and 
blessed death of Father Jean de Brebœuf, by several 
Christian savages worthy of belief, who had been 


fut pris jusqu'à la mort. Ces bons Chrestiens estoient 
captifs des Iroquois et les menoient en leur pays po^ 
les faire mourir, mais nôtre bon Dieu leur fist la 
grace de se pouuoir sauver par les chemins et no^^ sont 
venus raconter tout ce que iay mis par escrit. 

Le Pere de Brebœuf fut pris le i6* jour de Mars 
au matin avec le Pere Lalemant en Tannée 1649. 
Le Pere de Brebœuf mourut le mesme jour de 
sa prise sur les 4 heures du soir. Ces barbares 
jetterent le reste de son corps dans le feu, mais la 
graisse qui restait encor a son corps esteignit le feu 
et ne fut point consommé. 

Je ne doute point que tout ce que ie viens de 
raconter ne soit vray et ie le signerois de mon sang, 
puisque iay veu faire le mesme traitem* aux captifs 
Iroquois que les saunages hurons avoient pris en 
guerre, a la reserve de Teau bouillante que ie nay 
point veu verser sur aucun. 

Je m'en vay vo^ décrire au vray ce que iay veu du 
Martyre et de la B h mort du Pere Jean de Brebœuf 
et du Pere Gabriel L'alemant des le lendemain matin 
que nous eusmes assurance du depart de Tennemy, 
nous allasmes sur la place, chercher le reste de leur 
corps, au lieu ou ils auoient este faits mourir. Nous 
les trouuames tous deux, mais vn peu escartez Tvn 
de Vautre ; on les rapporte à nostre cabane, et on les 
exposa sur des escorces de bois ou ie les considéré à 
loisir plus de deux heures de temps, pour voir si ce 
que les saunages nous auoient dit de leur martyre et 
de leur mort estoit vray; je considéré prem*t. Le 
Corps du Pere de Brebœuf qui faisoit pitié à voir, 
aussi bien que celuy du Pere L'alemant; le Pere de 
Brebœuf auoit les jambes, les cuisses et les bras tous 

1649] REGNA UT' S REPORT 83 

constantly present from the time the good Father 
was taken until his death. These good Christians 
were prisoners to the Iroquois, who were taking them 
into their country to be put to death. But our good 
God granted them the favor of enabling them to 
escape by the way ; and they came to us to recount 
all that I have set down in writing. 

Father de Brebœuf was captured on the i6th day 
of March, in the morning, with Father Lalemant, in 
the year 1649. Father de Brebœuf died the same 
day as his capture, about 4 o'clock in the afternoon. 
Those barbarians threw the remains of his body into 
the fire ; but the fat which still remained on his body 
extinguished the fire, and he was not consumed. 

I do not doubt that all which I have just related is 
true, and I would seal it with my blood; for I have 
seen the same treatment given to Iroquois prisoners 
whom the huron savages had taken in war, with the 
exception of the boiling water, which I have not seen 
poured on any one. 

I am about to describe to you truly what I saw of 
the Martyrdom and of the Blessed deaths of Father 
Jean de Brebœuf and of Father Gabriel L'alemant. 
On the next morning, when we had assurance of the 
departure of the enemy, we went to the spot to seek 
for the remains of their bodies, to the place where 
their lives had been taken. We found them both, 
but a little apart from each other. They were 
brought to our cabin, and laid uncovered upon the 
bark of trees, — where I examined them at leisure, 
for more than two hours, to see if what the savages 
had told us of their martyrdom and death were true. 
I examined first the Body of Father de Brebœuf, 
which was pitiful to see, as well as that of Father 


dechamez iusqu'aux os ; jay veu et touché quantité 
de grosses ampoules qu'il auoit en plusieurs endroits 
de son corps; de l'eau bouillante que ces barbares 
lui auoient versé en dérision du St Baptesme. Jay 
veu et touché la plaie d'vne ceinture d'écorce toute 
plaine de poix et de raisiné qui grilla tout son corps. 
Jay veu et touché les bruleures du Colier des haches 
quon luy mist sur les epaulles et sur l'estomach; Jay 
veu et touché ses deux leures qu'on luy auoit coup- 
pées a cause qu'il parloit tous jours de Dieu pendant 
qu'on le faisoit souffrir. 

Jay veu et touché tous les endroits de son corps, 
qui avoit receu plus de deux cents coups de baston ; 
Jay veu et touché le dessus de sa teste ecorché ; Jay 
veu et touché louverture que ces barbares luy firent 
po^ luy arracher le cœur. 

Enfin, jay veu et touché toutes les playes de son 
corps, comme les saunages nous l'avoient dit et 
assuré ; nous enseuelismes ces précieuses Reliques le 
Dimanche 21"^* jour de mars 1649 avec bien de la 

J'euz le bonheur de les porter en terre et de les 
inhumer, auec celles du Pere Gabriel l'alemant; 
Lorsque nous partismes du pays des hurons nous 
levasmes les deux corps de terre et nous les mismes 
a bouillir dans de forte lesive. On gratta bien tous 
les os, et on me donna le soin de les faire seicher ; Je 
les mettois tous les jours dans vn petit four de terre, 
que nous auions, après l'avoir vn peu chauffé Et 
estant en état de les serrer on les enueloppa separém^ 
dans de l'étoffe de soye Puis on les mist en deux 
petits coffres, et nous les apportasmes a Québek, ou 
ils sont en grande veneration. 

1649] REGNA UT' S REPORT 36 

L'alemant. Father de Brebœuf had his legs, thighs, 
and arms stripped of flesh to the very bone ; I saw 
and touched a large number of great blisters, which 
he had on several places on his body, from the boil- 
ing water which these barbarians had poured over 
him in mockery of Holy Baptism. I saw and touched 
the wound from a belt of bark, full of pitch and 
resin, which roasted his whole body. I saw and 
touched the marks of burns from the Collar of hatch- 
ets placed on his shoulders and stomach. I saw 
and touched his two lips, which they had cut oflf 
because he constantly spoke of God while they made 
him suffer. 

I saw and touched all parts of his body, which had 
received more than two hundred blows from a stick. 
I saw and touched the top of his scalped head ; I saw 
and touched the opening which these barbarians had 
made to tear out his heart. 

In fine, I saw and touched all the wounds of his 
body, as the savages had told and declared to us ; we 
buried these precious Relics on Sunday, the 21st day 
of March, 1649, with much Consolation. 

I had the happiness of carrying them to the grave, 
and of burying them with those of Father Gabriel 
Talemant. When we left the country of the hu- 
rons, we raised both bodies out of the ground, and 
set them to boil in strong lye. All the bones were 
well scraped, and the care of drying them was given 
to me. I put them every day into a little oven which 
we had, made of clay, after having heated it slight- 
ly ; and, when in a state to be packed, they were 
separately enveloped in silk stuff. Then they were 
put into two small chests, and we brought them to 
Québek, where they are held in great veneration. 


Ce n'est pas vn Docteur de Sorbonne qui a 
composé cecy vous le voyez bien; cest vn reste 
d'Iroquois et vne personne qui a vescu plus qu'il ne 
pensoit, qui est et sera toujours. 

Votre Très Humble et très obéissant serviteur, 

Christophe Regnaut. 

1649] REGNA UT* S REPORT 37 

It is not a Doctor of the Sorbonne who has com- 
posed this, as you may easily see ; it is a relic from 
the Iroquois, and a person who has lived more than 
thought, — who is, and shall ever be. 

Your Very Humble and very obedient servant» 

Christophe Regnaut.* 



Journal des Pères Jésuites, en Tannée 


lANUIER. 1649. 

wts funestes. T E i^. lour fut apportée la nouuelle des 3. 

I j riu. de la suffocaon en prison de trois 
soldats; par la fumée de charbon, & 
d*eau de vie; c'estoient yurognes blasphéma- 
teurs, & mutins. 

Mons'. le gouu. enuoya le matin son som- 
melier apporter deux bouteilles de vin d'Es- 
pagne, vn coq d'Inde, & vn Agnvf dei. 
Estreines. Autant au p. Vimon, & le double de vin 

d'Espagne au p. le leune. 

les Hospitalières nvf enuoyerent vn baril 
de vin d'Espagne, & deux Chapons. 

les Vrsul**. rien, mais leur ayant enuoyé 

vne couple de bouquets de fleurs aussy bien 

qu'aux Hospitalières, elles enuoyerent le soir 

vn Chapelet auec vne médaille en reliquaire. 

Hyuer Sur la fin de l'année, & au commêcem*. de 

la nouuelle le froid fut excessif. 

le donné vn petit liure a Mademoys. la 
gouuemante & vne croix de relique a Mons*^. 
le gouu. vn gerson a son Nepueu. 
P. duperon. le P. duperon propter. N. vint demeurer a 

Quebek le t 24. 
cûon de Justice le 19. premiere execution de la main du 




Journal of the Jesuit Fathers, in the year 


JANUARY, 1649. 

ON the I St Day, news was brought from Melancholy deaths, 
3 rivers of the suffocation of three 
soldiers in prison, by the fumes of 
charcoal and brandy; they were drunken 
blasphemers, and mutineers. 

Monsieur the governor sent his butler in 
the morning, to bring us two bottles of Span- 
ish wine, a Turkey, and an Agnus dei ; 

The same to father Vimon, and twice as New-year's gifts, 
much Spanish wine to father le Jeune. 

The Hospital nuns sent us a cask of Spanish 
wine, and two Capons. 

The Ursulines sent nothing; but — as we 
sent a few bouquets of flowers to them, as well 
as to the Hospital nuns — they sent at evening 
a Rosary with a reliquary medal. 

Toward the end of the year, and at the Winter, 

beginning of the new one, the cold was ex- 

I gave a little book to Mademoyselle the 
governor's wife, and a relic-cross to Monsieur 
the governor ; a gerson to his Nephew. 

Father duperon, propter N., came to live at Father duper on, 
Quebek on the 24th. 

On the 19th, occurred the first execution by Execution of Justice, 
the hand of the hangman, in the case of a 




leurs gras. 

boureau sur vne Creature de 15. ou 16. ans 
laronesse: on accusoit en mesme temps M. 
Abraham de Taucir violée ; il en fut en prison, 
& son procès différé a Tarriuée des vais- 
seaus: & le 15. de feburier La 2®. execuon de 


le lour de la purificaon on fit côe les années 
precedétes, on fournit la Cire de la paroisse, 
mais auec resoluon de ne la plvf fournir quand 
l'Eglise seroit faite: vn de nos ff. en surplis 
porta a Mons*^. & a Mademoys. la gouuernante, 
deux bougies plvf honneste, il y en auoit 
deux autres prestres p*^. deux des Messieurs 
du Conseil qu'on pensoit qui y deussêt 
assister, mais ils n'y assistèrent pas. Mons*". 
de S*. Sauueur n'y assista pas, n'y paroissant 
point de besoin, les litanies après vespres. 
a l'ordinaire des f es tes de noe Dame, il 
n'y eut qu'Instruction deuant le benediction, 
& vn mot de noe dame après l'Euangile, c'est 

les lours gras a l'ordinaire, salut après 
Vespres le dimanche a la paroisse ; le lundy a 
l'hospital, le mardy aux Vrsul**. a 4. heures, 
ils exposent le S*. Sacrem*. des le matin : cela 
se fait pour les affaires publiques du pa3rs, 
& auec quelque estoit [se. effort — Laverd,'] 
d'approcher a ce qui se fait en france. 

Nos pp. de Sillery furent inuités de nvf 
venir voir. 




Creature of 15 or 1 6 years, a thief. At the 
same time, they accused Monsieur Abraham 
of having violated her; he was imprisoned 
for this, and his trial was postponed till 
the arrival of the vessels. On the 15th of 
february, The 2nd execution of Justice took 


On the Day of the purification, we did as in 
preceding years; we furnished Wax for the 
parish church, but with the resolution to fur- 
nish it no more, when the Church should be 
finished. One of our brethren, in surplice, 
carried to Monsieur the governor and to 
Mademoyselle his wife two handsomer tapers. 
There were two other priests to do the same 
for two of the Gentlemen of the Cotmcil, — 
who, it was thought, were to be present ; but 
they were not present. Monsieur de St. 
Sauveur did not assist, as there appeared to 
be no need therefor. Litany after vespers, 
as usual at the feasts of our Lady. There 
was merely Instruction before the blessing, 
and a word about our lady after the Gospel ; 
this is enough. 

Shrovetide as usual; benediction after 
Vespers on sunday, at the parish church ; on 
monday at the hospital, on tuesday at the 
Ursulines', at 4 o'clock. They expose the 
Blessed Sacrament from morning forward: 
that is done in behalf of the country's aflfairs, 
and with some effort to approach what is done 
in france. 




Predicâons du 


ia St. losêph. 

le Mercredy des Cendres côe Tannée prece- 

MARS. 1649. 

le p. Vimont prescha Ce Caresme aux 
Vrsul". & aux Hospitalières le Mercredy & 
le Vendredy, & faisoit le Catéchisme a la 
paroisse, le p. bailloquet les Dimâches aux 

le finis la Conferêce des Assemblées des 
vendredys pendant Vhyiier par vne reueiie 
g***^ des actions p*". aduertir des défauts ; & les 
deux dernières par la lecture des reigles des 
prestres & des Coadiuteurs, mais celles-cy vn 
lour de feste ou Dimâche. en ces Conferen- 
ces ordinaires du Vendredy, ie lisois les reigles 
ou le dernier traité de rodriguez qui ê excel- 
lent & bien propre. 

le Trauail de l'hyuer fut a amasser du sable, 
& du bois p*". bastir & se chaufer. 

On refit cette année le feu la veuille de S*, 
loseph, mais on separa le materiel d'auec le 
spirituel ; on fit le salut sur les 6. heures, & 
sur les 7. Mons*". le gouu. me vint prier de 
m'y trouuer, & voulut que i'y misse le feu, 
ie Ty mis Aux Vrsul**. côe Tan passé mais 
l'on oublia T oraison p*^. la fondatrice, pro 
deuotis amicis. 

le lour le tout alla côe Tan passé & alla bien. 

le lour de S*. loachim se fit la vesture de la 
sœur de bologne dite de S^ Dominique aux 




Our fathers of Sillery were invited to come 
and see us. 
Ash Wednesday, as last year. 

MARCH, 1649. 

Father Vimont preached This Lent at the 
Ursulines' and at the Hospital nuns', on 
Wednesday and Friday, and heard the Cate- 
chism at the parish church ; father bailloquet 
on Sundays at the Ursulines'. 

I ended the Lecturing at the friday Assem- 
blies held during the winter, with a general 
review of the actions for warning in regard to 
faults; and the two last, by reading the rules 
for priests and Coadjutors y — but the latter, on 
a feast- Day or Sunday. At these usual Fri- 
day Lectures, I read the rules or the last 
treatise of rodriguez,^ which is excellent and 
very suitable. 

Thé winter's Work was to pile sand for 
building, and wood for heating. 

The bonfire was made again this year, on 
the eve of St. Joseph's day ; but the material 
was separated from the spiritual. Benedic- 
tion was held about 6 o'clock; and, about 7, 
Monsieur the governor came to beg me to 
attend, and wished me to start the fire, which 
I did. At the Ursulines', the same as last 
year; but the prayer for the fotmdress, and 
that/r^ devotis amicis^ were forgotten. 

On the Day, everything took place as last 
year, and went well. 

On St. Joachim's Day occurred the investi- 
ture of sister de bologne, — called sister St. 
Dominique, — at the Ursulines'.* 

Lenten Preaching. 


St. Joseph's day. 


Dimdche de la 


départ des saunages Bntiiron ce temps vn peu auparauant par- 
tirent les saunages pour leur grande chasse 
auec S*. Denys & le fils de Thomas hayot. 

le Dimâche de la Passion a 1* hospital le tout 
côe l'an passé excepté qu'on y chanta le 
laudate D. ôes gentes, au lieu de D™"* 
saluû fac regê; mais il ne faut ny l'vn ny 
l'autre mais au lieu de cela adiouster après 
l'Aue regina, l'oraison pro deuotis amicis 
au singulier p*^. Mad. la duchesse d'Eguillon 
la fondatrice. 

le lour de l' Annonciaon on decouurit la Croix 
& Images dubiû ê vtrû fieri debeat, baste p'. 
vn tableau ou statue de nôe Dame, mais non 
la Croix &c. 

Le Dimanche des rameaus le tout côe l'an 
passé : vn de nos ff . en surplis porta a mons'. 
le gouu. son rameau (Madem. la gouu. n'y 
estoit pas, on luy en eut porté si elle y eut 
esté auec son mary) & le mesme ensuite alla 
porter deux rameaus a Mons*^. de Chauigny & 
a mons*^. Giffar côe du Conseil le reste a l'or- 
dinaire du pain bénit: i'aduertis qu'il falloît 
tenir les rameaus a la passion, & a l'Eleuâon 
& ce dernier n'est pas vray mais seulem^ le 
i'*^. le chanté seul la passion. 

1649. AURIL. 

le Tout a la sepmaine S*, a peu près côe l'an 
passé le lauem*. des pieds a l'hospital le leu- 
dy a 2. h. après midy, où i'officié comme 
supérieur l'heure estant commode, ie ne 

Dimâche des 




About this time, or a little before, the sav- 
ages started for their great hunt, with St. 
Denys and the son of Thomas hayot.*^ 

On Passion Sunday at the hospital, every- 
thing occurred the same as last year, — except 
that the laudate Dominum omnes gentes was 
sung, instead of Domine salvunt fac regent. 
However, neither the one nor the other is 
proper ; but, instead of that, there should be 
added after the Ave regina the prayer pro 
devotis amicisy in the singular, in behalf of Ma- 
dame the duchess d'Eguillon, the foundress. 

On Annunciation Day the Cross and Images 
were uncovered ; dubium est utrum Jieri debeat ^ — 
suffice it for a picture or statue of our Lady, 
but not the Cross, etc. 

On palm Sunday, all took place the same 
as last year. One of our brethren, in surplice, 
carried to monsieur the governor his palm 
(Mademoyselle the governor's wife was not 
there ; they would have carried one to her, if 
she had been there with her husband); and 
the same brother afterward went to carry two 
palms to Monsieur de Chavigny and to mon- 
sieur Giffar, as members of the Council. The 
rest, as is usual with the consecrated bread. 
I gave notice that the palms must be held at 
the passion and at the Elevation, — and this 
last is not correct, but only the ist. I sang 
the passion alone. 

1649, APRIL. 

All took place in Holy week very nearly as 
last year ; the washing of feet at the hospital 

Departure of the 

Passion Sunday. 


Palm Sunday^ 


l'auois fait les années précédentes a raison 
que l'heure estoit Incommode le matin: ce 
faisant a telle heure expedit ad aedificat™. 
Super", haec f acere : aux Vrsul**. le matin la 
I". Cônion de leurs filles i'y presché demy 
sonnerie du ieudy et Les Vrsul**. & Hospitalières : ne firent point 
samedy saint. ^^ j ^^^^ ^ j^ ^^^^^ ^^ sonnant le Ieudy après 

nvf, ou le Samedy deuant nvf; mais elles 
manquèrent en ce que elles ne sonnerét pas 
auec nvf car elles le doiuent faire soit le Ieudy 
soit le Samedy: mais sur tout le Samedy soit 
qu'elles ayent dit les prophéties soit qu'elles 
ne les ayant pas dites ; elles peuuent sonner 
la clochete de l'Eleuâon pendant le gloria si 
elles ont fait deuant mais non la grosse 
cloche de dehors, elles le doiuent faire seulem*. 
quand la paroisse a commêce & sonner auec 
• elle. 
Semaine SU. les Vrsul**. firent vne faute remarquable 

en ce que pendant les ténèbres des 3. lours, 
ils n'eurent de chandelier Triangulaire, ny 
Cierge allumés sur l'Autel sinon le i^. ou 2. 
lour deux cierges blancs. 

le p. le leune publia a Sillery le Dimàche 
des rameaus qu'il falloit aller a la paroisse 
mais qu'il auoit obtenu côgé heureux de Com- 
munier a Sillery. 

Le Dimanche de Pasque, le p. Vimont a 
la fin de sa Messe fit quelque chose de sem- 
blable a ce que fit le p. le leune l'an passé ; 


was on Thursday afternoon, at 2 o'clock, 
at which I officiated, as superior, the hour 
being convenient. I had not done so in the 
preceding years, because the hour was Incon- 
venient in the morning; doing this at such 
an hour, expedit ad œdijicationem Superiorem 
hcBc facere. At the Ursulines', in the morn- 
ing, was the ist Commtmion of their girls; I 
preached there half an hour. 

The Ursulines and Hospital nuns made no Bell-ringing an My 
mistake, in truth, by ringing after us on ihursday and easier 
Thursday, or before us on Saturday ; but they ^^* 

were at fault in this, that they did not ring 
with us. For they ought to do so, either on 
Thursday or on Saturday , but especially on Satur- 
day, — whether they have or have not said the 
prophecies. They may ring the Elevation 
bell during the gloria, if they have finished 
before us, but not the great bell outside, — 
this they should do only when the parish bell 
has begun, and should ring with it. 

The Ursulines made a remarkable mistake Holy IVeek. 
in that, during the tenebra of the 3 Days, they 
had no Triangular candlestick or Taper lighted 
on the Altar, — save, on the ist or 2nd Day, 
two white tapers. 

Father le Jeune announced at Sillery, on 
palm Sunday, that they must go to the parish 
church ; but that he had fortunately obtained 
leave to receive Communion at Sillery. 

On Easter Sunday, father Vimont at the 
end of his Mass did something similar to what 
father le Jeune did last year. Experience 
showed me that it would be quite proper that, 


r experience me fit voir qu'il seroit bien a pro- 
pos qu'au lieu d'vn sermon le matin, des cinq 
heures qu'il y a du monde a l'Eglise il seroit 
a propos qu'il y eut vn Pere qui entretint le 
monde iusques a la i*. Messe, siue ex libro 
par exemple des meditaons de Dupont, soit de 
la feste soit de la Communion ; on se pouroit 
mettre au lutrin le tournant commodem*, p'. 
estre entendu : & a la grande Messe sufl&t vn 
quart d'heure après l'Euâgile a l'ordinaire. 

Mons'. de S*. Sauueur ne fut point trop 
viste aux leçons du Samedy S*, mais il fut 
a son ordinaire trop long aux litanies, il 
m'assista bien a son ordinaire. le chanté seul 
la passion le Vendredy. 

l'aduertis le lour de pasque que le salut se 
fairoit le soir sur les 7. h. & les lours suiuans 
le salut aux maisons religieuses a l'issue de 
vespres de la paroisse. 

le grand effort du lour de pasque & la 

grande presse cessa après la grande Messe, il 

y eut 4. messes. 

Dtmanchedt le Dimanche de Quasimodo l'aduertis des 

Quasimodo principaux défauts de la paroisse qui nvf 

pouuoient faire craindre la colere de Dieu. 
Yûyage de tUfef. l'allé aux Exercices le Mardy d'après scauoir 

feoié le 13. noe f. feoté alla aux 3. riu. en chaloupe 

auec 8. ou 9. matelots excellens, il partit le 
22. & en reuint le 29. mais il falloit attendre 
plvf tard on risqua trop, les glaces n'estant 
pas encore passées, on se trouua bien 


instead of a sermon in the morning, — as soon 
after five o'clock as there are people in the 
Church, — there should be a Father to occupy 
the people until the ist Mass: sive ex libro ^ — 
for instance, with the meditations of Dupont ; 
or about the feast, or the Communion. One 
might take one's place at the lectern, turning 
it conveniently to be understood ; and, at high 
Mass, a quarter-hour is sufficient after the 
Gospel, as usual. 

Monsieur de St. Sauveur was not too fast at 
the lessons of Easter Even ; but, as usual with 
him, he was too slow with the litany. He 
assisted me satisfactorily, as is his wont. I 
sang the passion alone, on Friday. 

I gave notice on easter Day that the bene- 
diction would take place at evening about 7 
o'clock;® and, on the following Days, the bene- 
diction at the religious houses at the end of 
vespers at the parish church. 

The great stress of easter Day, and the 
great crowd, ceased after high Mass. There 
were 4 masses. 

On Low Sunday I gave warning of the Ltm Sunday. 
principal shortcomings of the parish, which 
might cause us to fear the wrath of God. 

I went into Retreat on the subsequent Tues- Our brother feoU s 
day, — namely, the 13th. Our brother feoté journey. 

went to 3 rivers in a shallop with 8 or 9 excel- 
lent sailors; he left on the 22nd, and came 
back on the 29th, but he should have waited 
till later. They risked too much ; the ice not 
yet having passed away, they found them- 
selves much embarrassed. The journey. 



5A Marc 


Mort funeste. 


Si. Michel 



embaras^é ; le voyage ce neantmoins fut fort 
heureux il raporta 14 ou 15. banques de grain 
p'. le moins. 

le lour de S*. Marc qui fut le Dimanche, on 
fit procession aux Vrsul*. seulem*., il n'y auoit 
que cela de faisable, après Vespres. 

la riuiere de S*. Charles se rompit le 27. & 
28. & on commença a semer 

le dernier d'Auril vn vieillar M", valet au 
magazin soubçonné de larcin, & menacé de 
Justice, se trouua perdu, on crut qu'il s'alla 


retour des Chaloupes des 3. riu. & de Mont- 
real, où partout on trouua famine : nvf secou- 
rusmes le monde icy bas p'. la semence, & 
pour la nouriture & ce au nombre de plvf de 
[blank space] par 16. banques de blé enuoyé 
des 3. riu. & plusieurs poinçons de pois & de 
blé d'Inde: & de plvf par la mouture du 
moulin, le tout faisant plvf de 40. banques 
de grain. 

le 8. le fus dire la messe basse a S*. Michel 
de Sillery & voila tout ce qui y fut fait de 
Solemnité cette année, hoc ê nihil; neq. 

le 9. partit le p. Druilletes p*". Tadousac 
auec l'Epinay. 

Ce mesme lour fut fait la procession a l'Is- 
sue de vespres, on alla a l'hospital, puis par 
M'. Hebou, & par la grande allée on vint aux 




despite this, was very successful ; he brought 
back at least 14 or 15 casks of grain. 

On St. Mark's Day, which was on Sunday, 
we made a procession to the Ursulines' ; only 
that was feasible, after Vespers. 

The river St. Charles became open on the 
27th and 28th, and sowing was beg^n. 

On the last of April, an old man, — Head 
servant at the warehouse, — suspected of theft 
and threatened with Justice, proved to be 
lost ; it was believed that he went to drown 


Return of the Shallops from 3 rivers and 
Montreal, where famine was found on all 
sides. We succored the people down here, in 
the matter of seed and food, — and this to the 
number of more than [blank space], — with 16 
casks of wheat sent from 3 rivers, and several 
puncheons of peas and Indian com; and, 
furthermore, by the grist of the mill, — 
making in all more than 40 casks of grain. 

On the 8th, I went to say low mass at 
St. Michel de Sillery, and that is all that was 
done there in the way of Solemnity this year ; 
hoc est nihil, neque expedit. 

On the 9th, father Druilletes left for Ta- 
dousac with I'Epinay.'' 

This same Day the procession was made at 
the Conclusion of vespers; we went to the 
hospital, then past Monsieur Hebou's; and, 
along the grande allée, we came to the Ursu- 
lines'. That went well; the other half of the 

St, Mark, 


Sad death. 


St, Michel, 





Vùtte a V hospital: 

fuite (Tyroguois 

Voyage aux 3, riu, 

&* a Montreal. 

Massacre &* Capture 

réciproque de Sauua- 

ges, &» ctvn fran- 


feste Dieu 

Voyage aux Hurons, 

Vrsul**. cela alla bien; l'autre demy tour 
ayant esté fait l'an passé par le Cap atix 
diamans, la grange &c. 

on Chanta a l'hospital & aux Vrsul**. quel- 
ques articles des litanies de la vierge, & 
ensuite fut dite l'oraison defende, & celle des 
rogâons: puis a l'hospital o crux aue, & l'orai- 
son de la messe de cruce ; & aux Vrsul**. l'An- 
tienne de S*. loseph & l'oraison a l'ordinaire 
selon ce qu'en dit le rituel, p'. les Eglises où 
les processions passent, on porta le Cierge 
paschal a la procession. 

Au commencem*. de may ie fis visite a 

le 17. nous partismes p^ les 3. riu. Nvf y 
arriuasmes le lendemain ; & deux lours après 
s'enfuirent trois yroquois Captifs. Nous en 
partismes le 29. pour Montreal, où le 30. fut 
pris vn pauure françois serrurier. 


le !"■. de luin nvf arriuasmes a Montreal; le 
trois qui estoit le lour de la feste de Dieu, on 
ne fist procession nulle part a raison de la 
pluye ; mais le Dimanche on la fit a Quebek & 
a Montreal, où ie porté le S*. Sacrem*. 12. 
soldats marchans deuant teste Couuerte quod 
graue mihi admodû fuit, nec deinceps tole- 
randû : 

Ce mesme 6. de luin partirent ceux qui s'en 
alloient aux Hurons au nombre de 34 françois ; 
& deux Hurons, dans douze Canots. 




circuit was made last year by way of the Cap 
aux diamans, the grange, etc. 

At the hospital and at the Ursulines*, we 
Sang some articles of the litany of the virgin, 
and then was said the prayer défende^ and that 
of rogation; then, at the hospital, o crux 
ave^ and the prayer of the mass de cruce; and 
at the Ursulines', the Anthem of St. Joseph 
and the prayer as usual, — according to the 
tenor of the ritual, for the Churches by which 
the processions pass. The paschal Taper was 
borne in the procession. 

At the beginning of may, I made a visita- 
tion at the hospital. 

On the 17th, we left for 3 rivers. We ar- 
rived there the next day, and, two Days later, 
three Captive yroquois fled. We started on 
the 29th for Montreal, where, on the 30th, a 
poor french locksmith was captured. 


On the ist of June, we arrived at Montreal. 
On the third, which was the Day of Corpus 
Christi, we made no procession anywhere, on 
account of the rain ; but on Sunday one was 
made at Quebek, also at Montreal, where I 
bore the Blessed Sacrament; 12 soldiers 
marched in front, their heads Covered, — 
quod grave mihi admodum fuit, nee deinceps tole- 

On that same 6th of June, those who were 
going to the Hurons left, — to the number of 
34 frenchmen and two Hurons, in twelve 

Visitation at the 

Flight of some 


Journey to $ rivers 

and to Montreal, 

Massacre^ and 

twofold Capture of 

Savages and of a 


Corpus ChristL 

Journey to the 



a Lieues de Terre a 
nous concédées. 

Pesche extraordin. 

d'Esturgeon a 


A Igonq, pris par Les 

yroquois tues. 

feu de la SK lean. 

la pesche mdque icy 


le pris possession des deux lieues de terre 
vis a vis de Montreal, de la Concession de M. 
de Lauzon. 

On prit plvf de 300. Esturgeons en 1 5 . leurs 
a Montreal pendant noe seiour. 

Nvf en partismes le 1 1 . & arriuasmes aux 
3. riu, le lendemain; où nvf apprismes la 
prise de 14. Algonq. par les yroquois au dessvf 
du 2. sault des 3, riu. 

Vn peu après arriua le grand basteau de 
montreal, qui aportoit les Saunages, & leur 
pelleterie, saunages dis-ie Algonq. qui estoient 
allés en traite a la petite nation; 3. d'entr'eux 
ayant esté surpris du feu pris a la poudre 
qu'ils auoient, vn ou deux estoient morts, & 
vn 3*^. demeuré sur le lieu bien malade: ils 
apportèrent la nouuelle de 7. Yroquois tués 
par ceux de la petite nation. 

on ne fit point de feu a la S*. lean aux 3. 
riu. le gouuem^. prétendant que le magazin 
le deuoit faire & le magazin s'en remetant au 
gouuemeur. on en fit a Quebek ce fut le p. 
Vimont au défaut d'autre. 

Nvf partismes des 3. riu. le 26. nvf fusmes 
icy de retour le 27. arriuant, nvf apprismes 
qu'vn panure matelot s'estait noyé; & qu'il n'y 
auoit eu que peu de pesche, le poisson ayant 
manqué & tout le monde ayant leué ses rets 
après vn moys de temps perdu. Il y eut force 
Esturgeon de prix qui ayda le monde a viure : 
mais de saulmon si peu que rien. 




I took possession of the two leagues of land 
opposite Montreal, from the Grant of Monsieur 
de Lauzon. 

More than 300 Sturgeon were taken in 15 
Days, at Montreal, during our sojourn. 

We started thence on the nth, and arrived 
the next day at 3 rivers, where we learned of 
the capture of 14 Algonquains by the yroquois, 
above the 2nd sault from 3 rivers. 

A little later, arrived the great boat from 
montreal, which brought the Savages and 
their peltry, — Algonquain savages, I mean, 
who had gone to trade with the petite nation. 
3 of these having been surprised by fire catch- 
ing in some powder that they had, one or two 
had died ; and a 3rd had remained on the spot, 
very sick. They brought news that 7 
Yroquois had been killed by those of the 
petite nation. 

At 3 rivers, no bonfire was made on St. 
John's day, — the governor claiming that the 
warehouse ought to make it, and the ware- 
house referring it to the governor. They 
made one at Quebek : it was father Vimont 
who took part therein, for want of another. 

We left 3 rivers on the 26th, and returned 
hither on the 27th. On arriving, we learned 
that a poor sailor had been drowned^ and that 
there had been but little fishing, — the fish 
having failed, and every one having taken up 
his nets after a month of time lost. There 
were plenty of fine Sturgeon, which helped 
people to live; but there were few if any 

2 Leagues of Land 
granted to us. 

Extraordinary catch 

of Sturgeon at 


Algonquains taken 
by The Yroquois, 

Yroquois killed. 

St. John's fire. 

The fishery dawn 
here is a failure. 



Depari dé Mr, bouT' 

don &• du p. baillù- 



j». nouuelUs de 

&* des Murons. 
Leur destruction. 

la St, Ignace. 

JUILLET 1649. 

le i*'. partit M. bourdon dans vne barque 
p'. aller roder iusques a gaspé & ramasser des 
commodités; auec luy allèrent 12. ou 15. habi- 
tans; & le pere bailloquet p'. s* arrester a 
Tadousac, & assister quelque temps le p. 

le 16. & 17. arriuée des Abnakiois au nom- 
bre de 30. ausquels on signifie, qu'ils n'ayent 
plvf a venir & qu'ils seront pillés s'ils re- 
uiennent. . . Ils apportèrent lettres des 
Anglois. il y en auoit vne de Madem. de 
repentigny a son mari du 31. de Juillet 1648. 
ou estoit la mort de M', de chastelets, 

Ité vint de Tadousac par la voye des 
saunages le retour du p. lyonne a Misk«, les 
troubles de france &c. & le peu d'esperâce de 

le 20. la nuit arriuerent les tristes nouuelles 
de la destruction des Hurons, 6* du martyre 
des 3. pp. V. relatione huivf anni. 

les Abnaquiois repartent & emportent 20. 
paquets de Castor. 

le lour de S*. Ignace se passa en cette 
maniere : on ne fit point de salut la veuille ; le 
Jour grande messe ; Vespres & sermon a l'hos- 
pital chantées par les MM. & le salut aux 


le 2. retourne M bourdon, auec le p. baille- 




JULY, 1649. 

On the I St, Monsieur bourdon sailed in a 
bark, to cruise as far as gaspé, and pick up 
commodities; with him went 12 or 15 hab- 
itans. Father bailloquet also went, to stop 
at Tadousac and assist father Druilletes for 
some time. 

On the 1 6th and 17th, the Abnakiois arrived, 
to the number of 30 ; they are notified that 
they are not to come again, and that their 
goods will be plundered if they return. . . 
They brought letters from the English. 
There was one from Mademoyselle de repen- 
tigny to her husband, dated 31st of July, 
1648, with news of the death of Monsieur de 

Iteniy came from Tadousac, by way of the 
savages, news of father lyonne's return to 
Miskou ; of the troubles in france, etc. ; and 
of the uncertainty as to the vessels. 

On the 20th at night, arrived the sad news 
of the destruction of the Hurons, and of the 
martyrdom ofj fathers. Vide relationem hujus 

The Abnaquiois take their departure, and 
carry away 20 bundles of Beaver. 

The Day of St. Ignatius passed in this 
manner : there was no benediction on the eve ; 
high mass was said on the Day ; Vespers and 
sermon at the hospital, sung by the Mothers; 
and benediction at the Ursulines*. 


On the 2nd, Monsieur bourdon returns 

Departure of 

Monsieur bourdon 

and father 



jst news from 

and from the 


Their destruction. 

St. Ignatius. 


retour de Mr, bour- 

Voyage des Murons, 

depart de nos Domes- 

le P. Ch, albanel 

arriuée des vais- 

Le P, delaplcLce 
Le f. Liégeois. 

perte de ^ooott. 

Depart de 2, vais- 
L, P. Lyonne. 

Arriuée du p. 

&* des marchans 
françois des Murons, 

quet. le voyage fut assés heureux, il apporta 
sel, morue &c. 

le 7. nouuelles de Tamuée d'vne 20*. de 
Hurons aux 3. riu. & ensuite le 12. depart des 
soldats & Domestiques p'^. les Hurons Tour- 
méte, roger, Oliueau, raison. 

le mesme 12. depart de maurice, & de pierre 
oliueau p^. les 3. riu. 

Visite generalle des grains du pays. 

le 23. arriuée de trois vaisseaus, & entr'au- 
tres le lendemain du Cardinal; le p. Charles 
Albanel, de la prouince de Toulouse vint dans 
le premier, & le p. la place & nôe f . liégeois 
le lendemain dans le Cardinal auec Medar. 

le nauire Nœuf , parti de f rance au moys de 
mars, n'estant arriué, il fut censé perdu, nvf 
y perdismes la valeur de 4000II. 


le 7. Arriua le vaisseau du Cap poulet dans 
lequel estoit le p. lyonne. 

le 19. repartit nôe f. liégeois auec TAnglois; 
& vn peu auparauant repartit le Cap. faloup. 

Arriuée du p. bressany auec les deux bandes 
Tvne des Hurons & Tautre du chemin,- 'le 22. 
les françois raporterent pesant cinq mille de 
Castor qui estoit plvf de 26. mille liures p*". 
eux. & desfosses soldat auec son frère qui y 
auoient esté vn an aux Hurons apportèrent p'. 
leur part 747II. pesant qui leur fut payé a 4. 
francs la liure, & l'autre a 51t. 5. s. 




with father bailloquet ; the journey was quite 
successful : he brought salt, codfish, etc. 

On the 7th, news of the arrival of 20 Hurons 
at 3 rivers; and then, on the 12th, departure 
of the soldiers, and of Domestics for the Hu- 
rons, — Tourmente, roger, Oliveau, and raison. 

On the same 12th, departure of maurice 
and pierre oliveau, for 3 rivers. 

General inspection of the grains of the 

On the 23rd, the arrival of three vessels, 
and, among others, next day, of the CardinaL 
Father Charles Albanel,® of the province of 
Toulouse, came in the first; and father la 
place and our brother liégeois, the next day, 
in the Cardinal with Medar. 

The ship NœuJ, which sailed from france 
in the month of march, not having arrived, 
was accounted lost. We lost thereby the 
value of 4.000 livres. 


On the 7th, Captain poulet's vessel Arrived, 
in which was father lyonne. 

On the 19th, our brother liégeois left again 
with the Anglais ; and, a little previously, 
Captain faloup. 

Arrival of father bressany with two bands — 
one from the Huron country, and the other 
encountered on the way. On the 22 nd, the 
french brought back five thousand livres' 
weight of Beaver, which was more than 26 
thousand livres for them; one desfosses, a 
soldier, with his brother, who had been a year 

Return of Monsieur 

Journey to the 

Departure of our 

Father Charles 

Arrival of the 

Father delapiace^ 
Brother ZJegeois. 

Loss 0/4000 Uvres. 

Departure of M 

Father Lyonne. 

Arrival of father 

and of the french 

traders from the 



Arrimée de la nde le 27. aniua le p. André richar; 8t le 28. 
» ^^^- r ^ôe f . f euuille ils vinrent an bord de la nôe 

/% Alfa. Rtchar» 

f.feuviUe, Dame, qni n'arriua icy que le moys d'oct. 

depart &» retour du le 28. repartit le p. bressany p'. les Hurons, 
p. bressany. ^ j^ ^^ Charles Albanel pour Montreal. 


le 3. repartit le p. bressany des 3. riu. auec 
4. Canots. 

le 7. partit le Capit. Poulet, & enuiron le 

mesme temps retourna le p. bressany auec ses 

Hurons qui arriués a la riu. des prairies 

rebroussèrent chemin. 

depart des derniers le dernier d* octobre partit le p. le leune 

vaisseaux dans la fregate & tout l'équipage auec vn 

yroquois captif Ite la nôe dame. 
Traite de cette Cette année la traite arriua a 100. poinçons^ 

année. j^g rescriptions a cent mille liures. 

Sur la fin de ce mesme mois partit le p. 
Druilletes p*". aller hyuemer auec les Sau- 


barque de Montreal, La barque p^. Montreal partie d'icy le 27. 

de Sept, arriua a Montreal le 3. de non. & fut 
de retour icy le 22. ou 23. 
40. heures &* In^ le i*^. Dim. de TAduent qui tomboit le 
ulgences. ^^ ^^ firent les 40. h. a l'hospital auec 

Indulgence pleniere, & ce l'espace de 4. 

le 2°". les mesmes Indulgences aux Vrsul^. 
le tout en vertu du pouuoir & d'vn priuilege 


among the Hurons, brought for their share 
747 livres' weight, for which they were paid at 
4 francs a livre, and the rest at 5 livres, 5 sols. 

On the 27th, arrived father André richar; Arrivalo/ iJUno^tte 
and, on the 28th, our brother feuville. They Dame. 

came on board the nostre Dame, which did not ^^l^randré Richar. 
- .- - ^ ^ ^ Brother feuvtlle. 

arrive here until the month of October. 

On the 28th, father bressany left again for Departure and 

the Hurons, and father Charles Albanel for return of father 
Montreal. ^"""^^■^• 


On the 3rd, father bressany left 3 rivers 
again, with 4 Canoes. 

On the 7th, Captain Poulet sailed; and 
about the same time father bressany returned 
with his Hurons, — who, having arrived at 
the river des prairies, had turned back. 

On the last day of October, father le Jeune Departure of the 
sailed in the frigate, also the entire crew, with a ^^^t vessels. 
captive yroquois. Item, sailed the nostre dame. 

This year the trade reached 100 puncheons ; Trade for this year. 
the orders, a hundred thousand livres. 

About the end of this same month, father 
Druilletes departed to winter with the Savages. 


The bark for Montreal, which sailed from Barhfor Montreal. 
here the 27th of September, arrived at Mont- 
real on the 3rd of november, and returned 
hither by the 22nd or 23rd. 

On the I St Sunday in Advent, which fell 40 hours, and 
on the 28th, the 40 hours' devotion was ob- Indulgences. 
served at the hospital, with plenary Indul- 
gence, — and this for the space of 4 Days. 



particulier enuoyé au super', d'icy pour 15. 
Murons fyu4rnans. Plusieurs Hurons hjniemoîent îcy bas 20. 

aux 3. riu. & 20. Icy bas, dont vn moitiée ou 
enuiron logeoit a l'hospital p'. les assister 
nvf donnasmes de premier abord vne barique 
d'Anguille, & vne barique de blé d'Inde, & 
6. Couuertures 2, paires de raquette &c. p'. 
leur Cabane v. Infra. 

FIN DE l'année. 1649. 

maltostes. Cette année au depart des vaisseaus on com- 

mença a faire payer 20. s. pour le billet du 
passage au secretaire du Gouuemeur : & prist- 
on sur les amendes dequoy payer ou gratifier 
le mesme secretaire & autres oflBciers. 
Muraille dé SilUry Cette mesme année on commença la mu- 
raille de Sillery sur les deniers de la Commu- 
nauté: c'est a dire les 190001t. affectés par le 
roy p*^. les affaires du pays. 
bastinunt Noe bastiment aussy fut acbeué quant a la 

massonerie du dehors & couuert, mais le 
dedans n'estoit encores fait 
Exhortoons. l'allé a Sillery les moys de nou. & Dec. vn 

vendredy faire exhortaon Itë en lanuier 
feburier, & Mars. 
Employs le p. bressany prechoit a l'Eglise, & le p'. 

Vimont y faisoit le Catéchisme, 
le P. la place y estoit procureur & Ministre. 
9$ damé dos Angos. On loiia nôe dame des Anges p*^. le prix de 

cent escvf sans aucune charge. 




On the 2nd, the same Indulgences at the 
Ursulines*, — all by virtue of the authority 
and special privilege sent to the superior here 
for 15 years. 

Many Hurons wintered here below, — 20 at 
3 rivers, and 20 down Here, — half of whom, or 
thereabout, lodged at the hospital. To assist 
them, we gave them, at the start, a cask of 
Eels, and a barrel of Indian com ; also 6 Blan- 
kets, 2 pairs of snowshoes, etc. For their 
Cabin, vide Infra, 


This year, at the departure of the vessels, 
there began an exaction of 20 sols on each pas- 
senger ticket, to be paid to the Governor's 
secretary; and money was taken from the 
fines, for salary or perquisites to the same 
secretary, and to other oflBcers. 

This same year, the wall at Sillery was 
begun with the Community's funds, — that is 
to say, the 19,000 livres appropriated by the 
king for the aflfairs of the country. 

Our building also was finished as to the 
outside masonry, and covered ; but the inside 
was not yet done. 

I went to Sillery in the months of november 
and December, on a friday, to give an exhor- 
tation ; iteniy in January, february, and March. 

Father bressany preached at the Church, 
and father Vimont taught Catechism there. 

Father la place was procuror and Minister 

We rented nostre dame des Anges at the 

Hurons to spend the 


Wall at Sillery. 




Nostre dame des 



f. pierre A Sillery les sauTiages se retirèrent de 

iauuages de Sillery. T enclos des la Toussaincts & s'en allèrent 

dans le bois : nôe f . pierre & robert le Coq y 
passèrent Thyuer a la forge. 
Nuiet de Noel les matines de Noel se dirent côe Tan passé ; 

on pouroit se contenter de sonner le dernier 
vn peu deuant lo. h. le tout alla bien le p. 
bressany y dit la messe de minuit & y prescha, 
il y auoit pendant matines quatre Confesseurs : 
trois suflBsent i'allé dire la messe de minuit 
aux Vrsul**. auec vne basse messe ensuite, & 
la dernière sur les 9. h. 

On alla les deux f estes suiuantes aux reli- 
gions p"^. y saluer la S*. Vierge & leur Creche, 
on y dit les litanies de la Vierge, & Noe a la 
Vouuelles des s- riu, Nouuelles des 3. riu. par Hurons & Algonq. 

le dernier lour au soir ie donné des Images 
de velin. 

/estes de Noel 




Brother pierre. 
Savages of Sillery, 

Christmas Night. 


price of a hundred ecus, without any encum- 

At Sillery, the savages withdrew from the 
-enclosure as early as All Saints* day, and 
went away to the woods ; our brother pierre 
and robert le Coq spent the winter there, at 
the forge. 

Christmas matins were said, the same as 
last year ; one might be satisfied with ringing 
the last bell a little before lo o'clock. All 
went well ; father bressany said the midnight 
mass and preached. There were four Confess- 
ors during matins; three are enough. I went 
to say the midnight mass at the Ursulines*, 
with a low mass following, and the last one 
about 9 o'clock. 

We went, on the two following feast-days, to Christmas festivals. 
the religious houses, in order to salute there 
the Blessed Virgin and their Manger. We 
said the litanies of the Virgin and of the 
Infant Jesus, at the close. 

News from 3 rivers, by the Hurons and News from s rivers. 
Algonquains. On the last Day, at evening, 
I gave Images in vellum. 


Relation of 1648-49 


SOURCE: For the body of the Relation, we follow the 
"Lamoignon copy" of the first edition, in Lenox Library; 
for the addendum (pp. 104- 114, original pagination), the 
Lenox copy of the second edition. 



en hMiflion des Pcres delà Com- 
pagnie de I E s V 5 auï Hurons, pays 
de la NouucUe France, es années 
KS48. & I«45l. 



Suftrieur Jet Mtfiùm àt U Cemftgmede 

1 E s V s , //1 /4 Ntwtfile Frdiice. 

Parle P'. Pavl RAcvENEAv,dcIi 

mcfmc Compagnie, 

rmr U fmt K r M R. p. primiuijl itc If 

mtj it Compagna. 



Sebasti EN CHAM») I 
ImptÌRieinordÌnaÌT«dul1.oy, I r"^ ''■""' 


M. DC. L. 





in the Mission of the Fathers of the 
Society of J E s US among the Hurons, 
a country of New France, in the years 
1648 and 1649. 

Sent to 


Superior of the Missions of the Society of 

Jesus, in New France. 

By Father Paul Ragueneau, of the 

same Society. 

To be forwarded to the Reverend Father Pro- 
vincial of the same Society. 


t nf ! " *■* " !.r ^ V ".u ' VV ) ™ë saint 
Print- ) Printer in ordinary to tlie King [ j ^^ 

^ by j and to tlie Queen Regent, ^ gign of 


Gabriel Cramoisy. 

M. D C. L. 

the Storks. 


Table des Chapitres contenvs en cette Relation. 

RELATION de ce qui s'ejl pajfé en la Mijfion 
des Peres de la Compagnie de lESVS aux 
Hurans pays de la Nouuelle France ^ es années 
mil fix cens quarante-huOl & mil fix cens qua^ 
rante-neuf. .... pag. i 
Chap. I. JDe la prife des Bourgs de la Mijfion de 
S. lojeph^ VEJléde Fannie miljix cens quarante- 
huiâl. . . . . .8 

II. EJiat du Chrijiianijme en ces Pays^ V Hyuer 

de la mejme année mil fix cens quarante-huiâl. 17 

III. De la prije des Bourgs de la Mijfion de S. 
Ignace^ au mois de Mars de F année 1649. • 33 

IV. De Pheureuje mort du P, lean de Brebeujy & 

du Pere Gabriel Lallement. . . -44 

V. Quelques remarques Jur la vie du Pere lean de 
BrebeuJ. . . . . • $8 

VI. EJlat prejent du Chrijiianijme y & des moyens 

de Jecourir ces Peuples. . . .86 

1649] RELA TION OF i648'4ç 78 

Table of the Chapters contained in this Relation, 

RELATION of what occurred in the Mission 
of the Fathers of the Society of JESUS 
among the HuronSy a country of New France^ 
in the years one thousand six hundred and 
forty-eight and one thousand six hundred and 
forty-nine. .... page x 
Chap. I. Of the capture of the Villages of the 
Mission of St. Joseph^ in the Summer of the 
year one thousand six hundred and forty-eight. 8 

II. State of Christianity in these Countries^ in the 
Winter of the same year^ one thousand six hun- 
dred and forty-eight. . . «17 

III. Of the capture of the Villages of the Mission 
of St. Ignace f in the month of March of the year 
1649. . . . . «33 

IV. Of the blessed deaths of Father Jean de 
Brebeuf and Father Gabriel Lallement. . 44 

V. Some remarks on the life of Father Jean de 
Brebeuf. . . . . • 58 

VI. Present state of Christianity^ and means of 
helping these Peoples. . . .86 


Extraidl du Priuilege du Roy, 

PAR grace & Priuilege du Roy, il eft permis à 
Sebastien Cramoisy Marchand Libraire 
Iure en rVniuerfité de Paris, & Imprimeur 
ordinaire du Roy & de la Reyne Regente, Bourgeois 
& ancien Efcheuin de cette Ville de Paris, d'impri- 
mer ou faire imprimer vn Liure intitulé, Relation de 
ce qui s'ejl pajfé en la MiJJion des Peres de la Compagnie 
de Iesvs aux Hurons^ pays de la Nouuelle France^ es 
années 1648. & 1649. Enuoyée au R. P, 1er of me Laie- 
mani Supérieur des Mijiions de la Compagnie ^aSf I E S V s , 
en la Nouuelle France^ &c. Et ce, pendant le temps 
& ef pace de dix années conf ecutiues ; auec def enf es 
à tous Libraires & Imprimeurs, d'imprimer ou faire 
imprimer ledit Liure, fous prétexte de déguifement 
ou changement qu'ils y pourroient faire, à peine de 
confifcation & de l'amende portée par ledit Priuilege. 
Donné à Paris en Décembre 1649. 

Signé, Par le Roy en fon Confeil, 


1649] RELA TION OF 1048-49 76 

Extract from the Royal License. 

BY grace and Privilege of the King, Sebas- 
tien Cramoisy, Sworn Merchant Book- 
seller in the University of Paris, and Printer 
in ordinary to the King and to the Queen Regent, 
Citizen and sometime Alderman of this City of Paris, 
is permitted to print, or cause to be printed, a Book 
entitled. Relation de ce qui s* est passé en la Mission des 
Peres de la Compagnie de JESUS aux Huronsy pays de 
la Nouvelle France y es années 1648. et 1649. Envoyée au 
R. P. Jerosme Lalemant Supérieur des Missions de la 
Compagnie ^ J E S U S , en la Nouvelle France ^ etc. And 
this, during the time and space of ten consecutive 
years; with prohibition to all Booksellers and 
Printers to print, or cause to be printed, the said 
Book, under pretext of disguise or alteration that 
they might make in it ; under penalty of confiscation, 
and the fine imposed by the said License. Given 
at Paris, in December, 1649. 

Signed By the King in his Council, 



Permiffion du R. P. Vice-Prouincial. 

NOVS Louis le Mairat Vice-Prouincial de la 
Compagnie de Iesvs en la Prouince de 
France, auons accordé pour I'aduenir^au Ceur 
Sebaftien Cramoify Marchand Libraire, Imprimeur 
ordinaire du Roy & de la Reyne Regente, Bourgeois 
& ancien Efcbeuin de cette Ville de Paris, l'impreffion 
des Relations de la Nouuelle France. Fait à Paris 

ce 24. Nouembre 164g. 

Lovis LE Mairat. 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648-49 77 

Permission of the Rev. Father Vice- Provincial. 

WE, Louis le Mairat, Vice- Provincial of the 
Society of Jesus in the Province of France, 
have granted for the future to sieur Sebas- 
tien Cramoisy, Merchant Bookseller, Printer in 
ordinary to the King and to the Queen Regent, 
Citizen and sometime Alderman of this City of Paris, 
the right to print the Relations of New France. 
Done at Paris, this 24th of November, 1649. 

Louis LE Mairat. 


[i] Relation de ce qvi s'eft paffé en la Miffion 

des Peres de la Compagnie de Iesvs aux 

Hurons pays de la Nouuelle France, 

es années 1648. & 1649. 

Av R, P. Hier of me Lalemani^ Supérieur des Mi/sions de la Com' 
pagnie de Iesvs ^ en /a Nouuelle France, 

Pax Chrifti. 

Cette Relation que tadrejfe à vojlre Reuerence^ 
luy fera voir les progrez de la Foy fur ces peuples, 
plus notables que iamais ils n'auoient eflé par le paffé. Et 
en fuite la defolation de ces Pays, dans le temps [2] que le 
Chrifiianifme y a paru auec plus grand éclat. Ce qui 
nous confole dans ces defolations, cefi que le Ciel s* en- 
richit de nos pertes, & fe remplit des dépouilles de cette 
Eglife militante, qui fe fouflient dedans V orage, 6r qui 
dans le plus fort des miferes qui V accueillent de toutes 
parts, fe maintient fortement dans fa foy, & s'anime 
dans Vef per ance d*vne vie immortelle, qui efi fon vnique 
fupport. Nous voyons fouurage de nos mains difiipé, ou 
plufiofl Vouurage de la main de Dieu feul ; quantité 
d*Eglifes naiff antes, qui portent fur elles me f mes la vraye 
marque du Chrifiianifme, ie veux dire la croix de lefus 
Chrifl: vn grand nombre de nos Chrefliens qui ont paffé 
par le fil de Fefpée; les autres qui ont fouffert 6r les feux 
& les flammes: des hommes, des femmes & des enfans; 
& ceux qui ont efchappé le fléau de la guerre, contraints 
d^ abandonner leurs biens, leurs maifons, leur pays; 6r 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648- 4c 79 

[i] Relation of what occurred in the Mission 

of the Fathers of the Society of Jesus 

among the Hurons, a country of New 

France, in the years 1648 and 1649. 

To ike Reverend Father Hierosme Lalemant^ Superior of the 
Missions of the Society of J es v s in New France, 

Pax Christi. 

This Relation which I address to your Reverence 
will show you the progress of the Faith with regard 
to these peoples y — more notable than ever it had been in the 
past; and, next, the desolation of these Countries during the 
time [2] in which Christianity has appeared in them with 
greatest luster. What consoles us in these desolations is^ 
that Heaven becomes enriched by our losses, and is filled 
with the spoils of this Church militant, — which sustains 
itself in the storm, and which, at the climax of the mis- 
eries which assail it on all sides, maintains itself stead- 
fastly in its faith, and animates itself in the hope of an 
immortal life, which is its sole support. We see the work 
of our hands scattered, — or, rather, the work of the hand 
of God alone: a number of rising Churches which bear 
upon themselves the true mark of Christianity, — I mean 
to say, the cross of Jesus Christ, We see a great number 
of our Christians, who have died by the edge of the sword; 
others, who have suffered both the fires and the flames, — 
men, women, and children; and those who have escaped 
the scourge of war, constrained to abandon their goods, 
their houses, their country, and to go into the woods, — to 


d'aller mourir dans les bois de me/ai/es & de faim ^ pour 
fuir [3] vne mort plus cruelle. Ce nous ejl vn bon-heur^ 
qu*vne partie de cette croix vrayement pe fante, foit à nous 
me f mes nofir e partage, que nous ayons veu de nos frères y 
refpandre leur fang, & y endurer des tourmens, dont la 
caufe les pourra bien faire paffer quelque iour pour mar- 
tyrs; qu'il n'y en ait pas vn de nous qui ne puiffe efperer 
de les fuiure, au milieu des braziers ardens, où ils ont efié 
confumez: & que maintenant r efiat des affaires foit tel, 
que nous f oyons heureufement necejiitez de beaucoup f ouf 
frir, & de tout craindre, au feruice du grand Maifire 
dont nous annonçons les grandeurs en ces pays Barbares. 
Nous adorons fes diuines conduites, & fur nous & fur 
noflre troupeau; nous le beniffons du pajié\ & nous atten- 
dons auec amour, & ie puis dire auec la ioye de noflre 
cœur, ce que noflre nature pourroit redouter dauantage, 
car c*efl ainfi qu'il mérite luy feul d'eflre feruy. Nous 
le prions que fes diuines volontez f oient accomplies [4] fur 
nous, Sr en la vie & en la mort: vofire Reuerence nous 
afiiflera pour cet effet de fes prières, & tous ceux qui ont 
quelque amour pour la conuerfion de ces Peuples. 


De la Maifon de Sainâle 
Marie aux Hurons, ce i . 
iour de May 1649. 

Vofire tres-humble & obeyffant 
feniiteur en noflre Seigneur 
Pavl Ragveneav. 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648^ 4c 81 

die from privations and hunger , in order to avoid [3] a 
more cruel death. It is a blessing for us that a part of 
this truly heavy cross is our portion for ourselves; that 
we have seen some of our brethren there shedding their 
blood and enduring torments^ the cause of which may in- 
deed enable them to pass some day for martyrs; that there 
is not one of us who may not expect to follow them, in the 
midst of the burning fires, wherein they have been con- 
sumed; and that now the state of affairs is such that we are 
happily compelled to suffer much, and to fear everything, 
in the service of the great Master whose grandeur we 
announce in these Barbarous countries. We adore his divine 
guidance, over both us and our flock; we bless him for the 
past; and we await with love — and, I may say, with 
joy in our hearts — that which our nature would especially 
dread; for it is thus alone that he deserves to be served. 
We pray him that his divine will be accomplished [4] upon 
us, both in life and in death. Your Reverence will assist 
us for this purpose with your prayers, as will all those 
who have any love for the conversion of these Peoples, 


From the House of Sainte Marie 
among the Hurons, this \st day 
of May, 1649. 

Your very humble and obedient 
servant in our Lord, 
Paul Ragueneau. 


[5] Av R. Pere le Pere Clavde de Lingendes, Pro- 

uincial de la Compagnie de Iesvs 

en la Prouince de France. 

La Relation des Hurons que tenuoye à vojire 
Reuerence, luy fera voir la déroute & la de/ola- 
tion de ces pauures nations d'enhaut, le majfacre de la 
fleur de nos Chrejliens, la mort glorieufe de trois de 
leurs PaJieurSy & leur retraitte, auec vne partie de leur 
troupeau, dans vne Ifle de leur grand lac. 

Après tout, le Baptefme de plus de deux mille Sauuages, 
le courage & V efperance pour faduenir, dont Dieu remplit 
les efprits & les cœurs de tous ceux qui font parmy Us 
Hurons, me fait beaucoup efperer pour Vauenir, 

[6] Monfieur d* Ailleboufl no/ire Gouuerneur, a fait le 
pojfible pour fecourir le pais en cette occafion, y enuoyant 
des forces & des munitions pour rejijler aux ennemis : en- 
uiron foixante François y font montez cette année en deux 
bandes, dont la premiere deuoit retourner cette Automne, 
& r autre hiuerner dans le pats: nous ne fçauons pas encore 
le fuccés de leur voyage, ie prie Dieu qu'il f oit heureux, 

le nenuoye pour cette année autre relation à Vofire 
Reuerence, que celle des Hurons, non pas que nous man- 
quions de fuiet de donner autant de confolation à Vofire 
Reuerence, que iamais pour les MiJJions d'icy bas, où les 
Ckrefiiens Sauuages vont croijfant en nombre, âr en vertu 
au delà de toutes nos efperances; mais pour interrompre 
le cours des Relations ordinaires d'icy bas, dont la continu- 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648^ 4g 83 

[5] To the Reverend Father, Father Claude de 

Lingendes, Provincial of the Society of 

Jesus in the Province of France. 

The Relation of the Hurons which I send to 
your Reverence will show you the discomfiture and 
desolation of those poor upper nations, the massacre of the 
flower of our Christians, the glorious death of three of 
their Pastors, and their retreat with a part of their flock 
into an Island of their great lake. 

After all, the Baptism of more than two thousand Sav- 
ages, and the courage and hope for the future wherewith 
God fills the minds and hearts of all those who are among 
the Hurons, cause me to hope much for the future, 

[6] Monsieur d'Ailleboust, our Governor, has done his 
utmost to help the country on this occasion, sending thither 
forces and munitions to resist the enemies: about sixty 
Frenchmen have gone up thither this year in two bands, 
the first of which was to return this Autumn, and the 
other to winter in the country. We do not yet know the 
outcome of their journey ; I pray God that it be fortunate, 

I do not send for this year any other relation to Your 
Reverence than that of the Hurons, — not that we lack 
cause for furnishing as much consolation as ever to Your 
Reverence in regard to the Missions down here, where the 
Savage Christians are increasing in number and in virtue 
beyond all our hopes, — but in order to interrupt the course 
of the usual Relations for this lower region. Their 
continuation without intermission, particularly on the 


ation fans relafche^ particulièrement dans la rencontre 
(Tvne relation fi extraordinaire [7] des pais d'enkaut, 
pourroit fembler importune & affeâlée. 

Les Iroquois nous ont vn peu donné de repos icy bas; 
mais ie ne /çay fi ce fera pour long-temps: nojlre confola- 
tion efl que les differences des temps font aujji bien fuiettes 
à Dieu que celles des lieux ^ & que nous ne deuons eflre que 
trop contens de tout ce quii plaira à fa diuine Maiefté 
d'en ordonner, 

Quoy que c'en foity Voflre Reuerence voit affez que nous 
auons befoin d'vn fecours extraordinaire de fes fainils 
Sacrifices & Prières; c'eft ce que nous la prions tres-hum- 
blement de nous oâlroyer, & ce que nous efperons entièrement 
de fa bontés & charité en noftre endroit^ 

De Quebec ce 8. Seruiteur très-humble & 

Septembre 1649. tres-obeyffant en N. S. 


1649] RELA TION OF 1648- 4c 8& 

occasion of so extraordinary a relation [7] for the upper 
countries y might seem intrusive and affected. 

The Iroquois have given us a little repose down here y but 
I know not whether it will be for long. Our consolation 
is y that the differences of times are as subject to God as 
those of places; and that we ought to be only too content 
with everything which it shall please his divine Majesty to 

Be this as it may, Your Reverence sufficiently sees that 
we have need of extraordinary help from your holy Sacri- 
fices and Prayers, which we very humbly pray you to 
grant us, and which we confidently expect from your 
goodness and charity toward us, 

From Quebec, this Sth Very humble and very obe- 

of September, 1649. dient servant in Our Lord, 




lOSEPH, l'esté de l'année 1648. 

L 7 ESTÉ dernier de Tan paffé 1648. les Iroquois 
ennemis des Hurons, leur enleuerent deux 
bourgs frontiers, dont la plufpart des hommes 
de defenf e eftoient f ortis, quelques- vns pour la chafle, 
quelques autres pour des deffeins de guerre, qui ne 
purent leur reiiflir. Ces deux places frontières fai- 
foient la Miffion, que nous nommions de S. lofeph ; 
dont le bourg principal comptoit enuiron 400. famil- 
les, oil la Foy fe fouftenoit depuis long-temps auec 
éclat, & où les Chreftiens alloient croiffans en nombre, 
& plus encore en faincSteté, par les trauaux infatigables 
du Pere Antoine Daniel, vn des premiers Millionaires 
de ces contrées. 

A peine le Pere acheuoit-il la Meffe, & les Chre- 
fliens, qui felon leur couflume auoient remply 
l'Eglife après le leuer du [9] Soleil, y continuoient 
encore leurs dénotions, qu'on crie aux armes, & à 
repouffer Tennemy, lequel eflant venu à l'improuifle, 
auoit fait fes approches de nuit. Les vns courent au 
combat, les autres à la fuite, ce n'efl qu'effroy & que 
terreur par tout. Le Pere fe iettant des premiers où 
il voit le peril plus grand, encourage les fiens à vne 
genereufe defenfe: & comme s'il euft veu le Paradis 
ouuert pour les Chreftiens, & T Enfer fur le poincJt 
d'abifmer tous les Infidèles, il leur parle d'vn ton fi 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648^49 87 



LAST Summer, in the past year, 1648, the Iro- 
quois, enemies of the Hurons, took from them 
two frontier villages, from which most of the 
defenders had gone forth, — some for the chase, and 
others for purposes of war, in which they could meet 
no success. These two frontier places composed the 
Mission which we named for St. Joseph ; ® the prin- 
cipal of these villages contained about 400 families, 
where the Faith had long sustained itself with luster, 
and where the Christians were increasing in number, 
and still more in holiness, through the indefatigable 
labors of Father Antoine Daniel, one of the earliest 
Missionaries in these regions. 

Hardly had the Father ended Mass, and the Chris- 
tians — who, according to their custom, had filled the 
Church after the rising of the [9] Sun — were still 
continuing their devotions there, when the cry arose, 
"To arms! and repel the enemy!'* — who, having 
come unexpectedly, had made his approaches by 
night. Some hasten to the combat, others to flight : 
there is naught but alarm and terror everywhere. 
The Father, among the first to rush where he sees 
the danger greatest, encourages his people to a brave 
defense ; and — as if he had seen Paradise open for 
the Christians, and Hell on the point of swallowing 
up all the Infidels — he speaks to them in a tone so 


animé de Tefprit qui le poffedoit, qu'ayant fait 
brefche dans les cœurs, qui îufqu'alors auoient eflé 
les plus rebelles, il leur donna vn cœur Chreftien. 
Le nombre s'en trouue 11 grand, que ne pouuant pas 
y fuffire, les baptizant les vns après les autres, il fut 
contraint de tremper fon mouchoir en l'eau (qui 
eftoit tout ce que la neceffité luy prefentoit alors) 
pour répandre au pluftofl cette grace fur ces panures 
Saunages, qui luy crioient mifericorde, fe feruant de 
la façon de baptizer qu'on appelle par afperfion. 

Cependant l'ennemy continuoit fes attaques plus 
f urieuf ement que iamais : & fans doute que ce fut vn 
grand bonheur [lo] pour le falut de quelques- vns, 
qu'au moment de leur mort, le Baptefme leur eût 
donné la vie de l'ame, & les mit dans la pofleilion 
d'vne vie immortelle. 

Comme le Pere eût veu que 1' Iroquois fe rendoit 
maiftre de la place, au lieu de prendre la fuite auec 
ceux qui l'inuitoient de fe fauuer en leur compagnie; 
s'oubliant de foy-mefme, il fe fouuint de quelques 
vieillards & malades, qu'il auoit de long-temps 
difpof ez au Baptême : il parcourt les cabanes, il les 
va rempliffant de fon zèle, les Infidèles mefmes luy 
prefentans leurs enfans à la foule, pour en faire des 

Cependant l'ennemy défia vicStorieux auoit mis 
tout en feu, & le fang des femes mefme & des enfans 
îrritoit leur fureur. Le Pere voulant mourir dans 
fon Eglife, la trouue pleine de Chreftiens, & de 
Catéchumènes qui luy demandent le Baptême. C'e- 
floit bien pour lors que leur foy animoit leurs prières, 
& que leur cœur ne pouuoit démentir leur langue. 
Il baptize les vns, donne l'abfolution aux autres, & 

1649] RELA TION OF lò^JS- 4c 89 

animated with the spirit which was possessing him, 
that, having made a breach in hearts which till then 
had been most rebellious, he gave them a Christian 
heart. The number of these proved to be so great 
that, unable to cope with it by baptizing them one 
after the other, he was constrained to dip his hand- 
kerchief in the water (which was all that necessity 
then offered him), in order to shed abroad as quickly 
as possible this grace on those poor Savages, who 
cried mercy to him, — using the manner of baptizing 
which is called '* by aspersion." 

Meanwhile, the enemy continued his attacks more 
furiously than ever; and, without doubt, it was a 
great blessing [10] for the salvation of some that, at 
the moment of their death. Baptism had given them 
the life of the soul, and put them in possession of 
an immortal life. 

When the Father saw that the Iroquois were 
becoming masters of the place, he, — instead of taking 
flight with those who were inviting him to escape 
in their company, — forgetting himself, remembered 
some old men and sick people, whom he had long ago 
prepared for Baptism. He goes through the cabins, 
and proceeds to fill them with his zeal, — the Infidels 
themselves presenting their children in crowds, in 
order to make Christians of them. 

Meanwhile the enemy, already victorious, had set 
everjrthing on fire, and the blood of even the women 
and children irritated their fury. The Father, wish- 
ing to die in his Church, finds it full of Christians, 
and of Catechumens who ask him for Baptism. It 
was indeed at that time that their faith animated 
their prayers, and that their hearts could not belie 
their tongues. He baptizes some, gives absolution 


les confole tous de Tefperance la plus douce des 
Saindts, n'ayant quafi d'autres paroles en bouche que 
celles-cy; Mes Frères [ii] nous ferons auiourd'uy 
dans le Ciel. 

L'ennemy fut aduerty que les Chrefliens s'efloient 
rendus en très-grand nôbre dans l'Eglife; & que 
c'efloit la proye la plus facile, & la plus riche qu'il 
eût pu efperer. Il y accourt auec des hurlemens 
barbares, & des cris étonnans. Au bruit de ces 
approches, Fuyez mes Frères, dit le Pere à fes 
nouueaux Chrefliens, & portez auec vous voflre foy 
iufqu'au dernier foûpir. Pour moy (adioufla-t'iV ie 
dois mourir icy, tandis que i'y verray quelque ame à 
gagner pour le Ciel ; & y mourant pour vous f auuer, 
ma vie ne m'efl plus rien; nous nous reuerrons dans 
le Ciel. En mefme temps il fort du coflé d'où vient 
l'ennemy, quis'arrefle dans l'eflonnementdevoir vn 
homme feul luy venir au rencontre, & mefme recule 
en arrière, comme s'il eût porté fur fon vifage la 
terreur, & l'eflfroy d'vne compagnie toute entière. 
Enfin s'eflans vn peu reconnus, & s'eftonnans d'eux- 
mefmes, ils s'animent les vns les autres, ils Tenui- 
rônent de toutes parts, ils le couurent de flèches, 
iufqu'à ce que l'ayans frappé d'vn coup mortel, d'vne 
arquebufe qui le perça de part en part tout au milieu 
de la poicStrine, il tomba prononçant [12] le nom de 
Iesvs, en rendant heureufement fon ame à Dieu; 
vrayment en bon Pafleur, qui expofe & fon ame & 
fa vie pour le falut de fon troupeau. 

Ce fut alors que ces Barbares fe ruèrent fur luy, 
auec autant de rage que fi luy feul eût eflé l'obiet de 
leur haine. Ils le dépouillent nud, ils exercent fur 
luy mille indignitez, éfc il n'y en eût quafi aucun, qui 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648- 4g 91 

to others, and consoles them all with the sweetest 
hope of the Saints, — having hardly other words on 
his lips than these: ** My Brothers, [11] to-day we 
shall be in Heaven/' 

The enemy was warned that the Christians had 
betaken themselves, in very great number, into the 
Church, and that it was the easiest and the richest 
prey that he could have hoped for; he hastens 
thither, with barbarous howls and stunning yells. 
At the noise of these approaches, * * Flee, my Broth- 
ers," said the Father to his new Christians, *' and 
bear with you your faith even to the last sigh. As 
for me '* (he added), ** I must face death here, as long 
as I shall see here any soul to be gained for Heaven ; 
and, dying here to save you, my life is no longer 
anything to me ; we shall see one another again in 
Heaven." At the same time, he goes out in the 
direction whence come the enemy, who stop in 
astonishment to see one man alone come to meet 
them, and even recoil backward, as if he bore upon 
his face the terrible and frightful appearance of a 
whole company. Finally, — having come to their 
senses a little, and being astonished at themselves, — 
they incite one another; they surround him on all 
sides, and cover him with arrows, until, having 
inflicted upon him a mortal wound from an arquebus 
shot, — which pierced him through and through, in 
the very middle of his breast, — he fell. Pronounc- 
ing [12] the name of Jesus, he blessedly yielded up 
his soul to God, — truly as a good Pastor, who exposes 
both his soul and his life for the salvation of his flock. 

It was then that those Barbarians rushed upon him 
with as much rage as if he alone had been the object 
of their hatred. They strip him naked, they exercise 


ne vouluft prendre la gloire de luy auoir donné fon 
coup, mefme le voyant mort. 

Le feu cependant confumoît les cabanes, & lors 
qu'il eût gagné iufqu'à l'Eglife, le Pere y fut ietté 
dans le plus fort des flammes, qui en firent bien toft 
vn holocaufte entier. Quoy qu'il en foit, il n'eût pu 
eflre plus glorieufement confumé que dans les feux, 
& les lumières d'vne Chapelle ardente. 

Tandis que l'ennemy s'arrefte fur le Pafteur de 
cette Eglife, fon pauure troupeau diffipé auoit tou- 
fiours plus de loifir de f e f auuer ; & plufieurs en eflFet 
fe rendirent en lieu d'afl!eurance, redeuables de leur 
vie à la mort de leur pere. Les autres ne purent 
fe fauuer afl!ez promptement, principalement des 
panures mères defolées, qui fuccomboient fous la 
pef auteur de trois [13] & quatre enfans; ou qui 
s'eftans voulu cacher dans l'épaiffeur des bois, s'y 
voyent découuertes par les cris innocens d'vn âge 
qui fe trahit foy mefme, appellant fur foy le malheur 
qu'il craint dauantage. 

Il y auoit quatorze ans que ce bon Pere trauailloit 
en cette Mifliô des Hurôs auec vn foin infatigable, vn 
courage généreux dans les entreprifes, vne patience 
infurmontable, vne douceur inalterable, & auec vne 
charité qui fçauoit tout excufer, tout fupporter & 
tout aymer. Son humilité efloit fincere, fon obeyf- 
fance entière, & touCours prefle à tout pâtir & à tout 
faire. Son zèle l'a accompagné iufqu'à la mort, qui 
ne l'a pas furpris au dépourueu, quoy qu'elle ait eflé 
bien f ubi te. Car il portoit toufiours fon ame entre 
fes mains, y ayant plus de neuf ans, qu'il demeuroit 
dans les places les plus frontières de ce pays, & dans 
les Miflions les plus expofées à l'ennemy, attendant 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648-40 98 

Upon him a thousand indignities; and there was 
hardly any one who did not try to assume the glory 
of having given him the final blow, even on seeing 
him dead. 

The fire meanwhile was consuming the cabins; 
and when it had spread as far as the Church, the 
Father was cast into it, at the height of the flames, 
which soon made of him a whole bumt-oflfering. Be 
this as it may, he could not have been more glori- 
ously consumed than in the fires and lights of a 
Chapelle ardente. 

While the enemy delayed around the Pastor of that 
Church, his poor scattered flock had at least more 
leisure to escape; and many, in fact, betook them- 
selves to a place of safety, — indebted for their lives 
to the death of their father. The others could not 
escape promptly enough, — especially some poor dis- 
tressed mothers, who succumbed beneath the burden 
of three [13] or four children; or who, having 
attempted to hide themselves in the depth of the 
forest, saw themselves discovered there through the 
innocent cries of an age which betrays itself, calling 
upon itself the misfortune which it most fears. 

It was fourteen years during which this good 
Father had been working in this Mission of the 
Hurons, — with an indefatigable care, a generous 
courage in enterprises, an insurmountable patience, 
and an unalterable meekness; and with a charity 
which knew how to excuse everything, bear every- 
thing, and love every one. His humility was sincere ; 
his obedience was thorough, and always ready to 
endure all and to do all. His zeal accompanied him 
even to death, which did not surprise him unexpect- 
edly, although it was very sudden. For he always 


auec efperance & amour le bonheur de la mort, qui 
luy efl écheuë en partage. 

Mais fans doute que la Prouidence de Dieu Tauoit 
conduit à cette mort d'vne façon particulière; n'y 
ayant que deux iours qu'il auoit fait vne confeflion 
generale, [14] & qu'il auoit acheué en cette Maifon 
de Sainéte Marie, les Exercices Spirituels de la Com- 
pagnie, dans vne retraite de huiét iours, qu'il auoit 
pris exprés pour vaquer à Dieu feul, & fe difpofer 
au paffage de l'Eternité. Ce fut là qu'il s'enflamma 
plus que iamais, dans les defirs de répandre & fon 
fang & fa vie pour le f alut des âmes : en telle forte 
qu'ayant finy fes Exercices, il ne voulut pas prendre 
mefme vn iour de repos, fe fentant appelle de Dieu 
dans les trauaux de fa Miflion ; où il porta ce feu du 
Ciel, dont fans doute fon ame eftoit plus embrafée, 
que iamais fon corps ne l'ayt efté, quoy que fainéte- 
mët confumé dans le milieu des flammes. Il s 'eftoit 
f eparé de nous le fécond iour de Juillet ; le lendemain 
eflant arriué en fa Miflion, il prefcha à tous les Chre- 
ftiens, & en confeffa vn grand nombre, leur difant 
qu'ils fe preparaffent à la mort. Le 4. iour de Juillet, 
lors mefme que l'ennemy parut, il ne faifoit que fortir 
de l'autel, & prefchoit derechef à ces bons Neophytes 
des ioyes du Paradis, & du bonheur de ceux qui 
meurent au feruice de Dieu. C'eftoit fes derniers 
entretiens, eftant plus proche de la mort qu'il ne 
penfoit^ mais [15] Dieu l'y conduifoit auec autant de 
fainéteté, que s'il en eût eu quelque affeurance. 

C'eft le premier de noftre Compagnie, qui foit 
mort en cette Miflion des Hurons. Il eftoit natif de 
Dieppe, de parens tres-honneftes & très gens de 
bien; il fembloit n'eftre né que pour le falut de ces 

1649] RELA TION OF i648''4ç 96 

bore his soul in his hands, — it being over nine years 
that he had spent in the most frontier districts of 
this country, and in the Missions most exposed to 
the enemy, — awaiting with hope and love the bless- 
ing of the death which fell to his portion. 

But, no doubt, the Providence of God had led him 
to this death in a special manner ; for it was only 
two days since he had made a general confession, 
[14] and had finished, in this House of Sainte Marie, 
the Spiritual Exercises of the Society in a retreat of 
eight days, which he had taken expressly for dealing 
with God alone, and for preparing himself for the 
passage to Eternity. It was there that he became 
more than ever inflamed with the desire to lavish 
his blood and his life for the salvation of souls, — in 
such sort that, having finished his Exercises, he 
would not take even a day of rest, feeling himself 
called by God to the labors of his Mission, whereinto 
he bore that fire from Heaven with which, no doubt, 
his soul was more ablaze than ever his body has been, 
though blessedly consumed in the midst of the flames. 
He had separated himself from us on the second day 
of July ; the next day, having arrived in his Mission, 
he preached to all the Christians, and confessed a 
g^eat number of them, — telling them that they 
should prepare themselves for death. On the 4th 
day of July, at the very time when the enemy 
appeared, he had just left the altar, and was again 
preaching to those good Neophytes about the joys of 
Paradise, and the happiness of those who die in the 
service of God- These were his last discourses, — 
being nearer to death than he thought; but [15] God 
was conducting him thither with as much blessed- 
ness as if he had had some assurance of it. 


Peuples, & n'auoit point de defir plus violent que 
de mourir pour eux. Nous efperons que dans le 
Ciel, tout ce pays aura en fa perfonne vn puiffant 
interceffeur auprès de Dieu. 

Quoy que quelques raisos m'obligeafsët peut-eftre, 
d'eftre plus referué à publier ce qui fuit, toutefois 
i'ay creu deuoir en rendre à Dieu la gloire qui luy en 
eft deuë. Ce bon Pere s'apparut après fa mort à vn 
des noftres par deux diuerfes fois. En Tvne il fe fit 
voir en eftat de gloire, portant le vif age d'vn homme 
d'enuiron trente ans, quoy qu'il foit mort en l'âge de 
quarante-huiét. La plus forte penfée qu'eut celuy 
auquel il s'apparut, fut de luy demander, comment 
la diuine bonté auoit permis, que le corps de fon 
feruiteur fuft traitté fi indignement après fa mort, & 
tellement réduit en poudre, que mefme nous [i6] 
n' enflions pas eu le bonheur d'en pouuoir recueillir 
les cendres. Magnus DominuSj & laudabilis nimis^ 
refpondit-il, Oiiy Dieu eft grand, & adorable à tout 
iamais : il a ietté les yeux fur les opprobres de ce fien 
feruiteur, & afin de les recompenfer en Dieu, grand 
comme il eft, il m'a donné quantité d'ames qui 
eftoient dans le Purgatoire, lefquelles ont accom- 
pagné mon entrée, & mon triomphe dans le Ciel. 

Vne autrefois il fut veu aflifter à vne affemblée 
que nous tenions, touchant les moyens d'auancer la 
Foy en ces pays: & alors il paroiffoit nous fortifiant 
de fon courage, nous rempliffant de fes lumières, & 
de l'efprit de Dieu dont il eftoit tout inuefty. 

Quoy qu'il en foit, il nous a laiffé après foy l'ex- 
emple de toutes fes vertus, & à tous les Saunages, 
mefmes Infidèles, vne affecStion fi tendre pour fa 
mémoire, que ie puis dire en vérité, qu'il a rauy le 
cœur de tous ceux qui iamais l'ont connu. 

1649] RELATION OF IÒ48 -49 »7 

He is the first of our Society who has died in this 
Mission of the Hurons. He was a native of Dieppe, 
being bom of very honest and worthy parents. He 
seemed to have been bom only for the salvation of 
these Peoples, and had no stronger desire than to die 
for them. We hope that in Heaven all this country 
will have in him a powerful intercessor before God. 

Although some reasons might oblige me, perhaps, 
to be more reserved in publishing what follows, I 
have nevertheless believed it my duty to render to 
God the glory .which is due him herein. That good 
Father appeared after his death to one of ours, on 
two different occasions ; on one, he showed himself 
in a state of glory, wearing the aspect of a man about 
thirty years old, although he died at the age of forty- 
eight. The thought which most readily occurred to 
the person to whom he appeared was, to ask him how 
the divine goodness had permitted the body of his 
servant to be so unworthily treated after his death, 
and so reduced to powder that we even [i6] had 
not had the happiness of being able to gather up 
its ashes. Magnus Dominusy et laudabilis nitnisj he 
answered, — '* Truly, God is great and adorable for- 
ever ; he has regarded the reproaches cast upon this 
his servant, and, in order to recompense them in 
God, great as he is, he has given me many souls 
which were in Purgatory, — who have accompanied 
my entrance into Heaven and my triumph there." 

Another time, he was seen to be present at an 
assembly that we held in regard to means for advanc- 
ing the Faith in these countries, — when he appeared, 
strengthening us with his courage, and filling us 
with his light, and with the spirit of God with which 
he was completely invested. 


Vne partie de ceux qtii s'eftoient efchappez de la 
prife & incendie de cette Million de Sainét lofeph, 
vinrent f e réfugier proche de noflxe maif on de Sainéte 
Marie. Le nombre de ceux qui y auoient efté [17] 
tuez ou emmenez captifs, efloit bien d'enuiron fept 
cens âmes, la plufpart de femmes & enfans. Le 
nombre de ceux qui fe fauuerent fut bien plus g^and. 
Nous tafchâmes de les fecourir de noflre pauureté, 
de reueflir les nuds, de repaiflre ces panures gens qui 
f e mouroient de faim ; de pleurer auec les affligez, & 
de les confoler dans Tefperance du Paradis. Pourueu 
que Dieu tire fa gloire de nos pertes, elles nous 
feront toufiours aymables ; & ce nous eft allez, quoy 
qui puille nous en coufter, pourueu que nous voyïôs 
le nombre des Ellens s'accroiftre pour Tetemité, 
puifque c'eft pour le Ciel que nous trauaillons, & non 
pas pour la terre. / 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648-40 99 

Be this as it may, he has left behind him with us 
the example of all his virtues ; and with all the Sav- 
ages, even the Infidels, so tender an affection for his 
memory, that I may say in truth that he has ravished 
the hearts of all those who have ever known him. 

A part of those who had escaped from the capture 
and burning of that Mission of Saint Joseph came to 
take refuge near our house of Sainte Marie. The 
number of those who had there been [17] killed or 
taken captive was probably about seven hundred 
souls, mostly women and children ; the number of 
those who escaped was much greater. We tried to 
assist them out of our poverty, — to clothe the naked, 
and to feed those poor people, who were dying of 
hunger; to mourn with the afllicted, and to console 
them with the hope of Paradise. If only God receive 
his glory from our losses they will always be a source 
of gladness to us ; and that is enough for us, what- 
ever it may cost us, provided that we see the number 
of the Elect increase for eternity, since it is for 
Heaven that we labor, and not for the earth. 





LE retour viétorieux de la flotte Huronne, qui 
eftoit defcenduë aux trois riuieres dés le Prin- 
temps, & le fecours de quatre de nos Peres, 
& d'vne vingtaine de François, qui arriuerent heureu- 
f ement icy au commencement du mois de Septembre, 
[18] fut vn coup de l'amour de Dieu fur ces Peuples, 
& le falut de plufieurs âmes, qu'il vouloit difpofer 
pour le Ciel. Car nous eflans veu plus capables de 
porter plus au loin la parole & le nom de Dieu, noftre 
nombre eftant augmenté de dix huiét de nos Peres 
que nous eftions icy, vne quinzaine fe partagèrent en 
onze diuerfes Millions, me f entant obligé d'en enuoyer 
la plus grande part fans autre compagnie, finon des 
Anges tutelaires de ces Peuples; ayant donné les 
quatre Peres nouueaux venus pour feruir de féconds, 
dans les Mifllons les plus laborieufes, oii y rendant 
quelque affiflance, ils y pûffent en mefme temps 
apprendre la langue du pays. 

De ces onze Mifllons, huit ont eflé pour le peuple 
de la langue Huronne; & les trois autres pour les 
Mifllons de la langue Algonquine. Par tout, les pro- 
grez de la Foy ont furmonté nos efperances; la pluf- 
part des efprits, mefme autrefois les plus farouches, 
fe rendans C dociles & fi fouples à la predication de 
TEuangile, qu'il paroiffoit affez que les Anges y 
trauailloient bien plus que nous. 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648^40 101 



THE victorious return of the Huron fleet, which 
had gone down to three rivers in the Spring, 
and the aid received, — four of our Fathers, and 
a score of Frenchmen, who fortunately arrived here 
at the beginning of the month of September, — [18] 
was an act of God's love over these Peoples, and the 
salvation of many souls whom he wished to prepare 
for Heaven. For, finding ourselves more capable of 
bearing to a greater distance the word and the name 
of God, — our number being increased above the 
eighteen of our Fathers who were here, — fifteen were 
distributed among eleven various Missions. I felt 
myself obliged to send the greater part of them with- 
out other company save that of the guardian Angels 
of these Peoples, having given the four newly-arrived 
Fathers to serve as assistants in the most arduous 
Missions, — where, while rendering some assistance, 
they could at the same time learn the language of the 

Of these eleven Missions, eight have been for the 
people of the Huron tongue, and the three others for 
the Missions of the Algonquin language. Every- 
where, the progress of the Faith has surpassed our 
hopes, — most minds, even those formerly most fierce, 
becoming so docile, and so submissive to the preach- 
ing of the Gospel, that it was sufl&ciently apparent that 


Le nombre de ceux qui ont receu le [19] fainâ 
Baptefme depuis vn an, eft d'enuiron dix-huit cens 
perfonnes; fans y comprendre vne foule de monde 
qui furent baptizez par le Pere Antoine Daniel, le 
iour de la prife de Sainét lofeph, dont nous n'auons 
pu tenir compte : aufll peu que de ceux que le Pere 
lean de Brebeuf , & le Pere Gabriel Lalemant, bapti- 
zerent à la prife des bourgs de la Mifllon de fainA 
Ignace, comme nous dirons cy-aprés. Ce nous eft 
allez que le Ciel en ait tenu bon compte, puifqu'à 
vray dire, ces Baptêmes n'ont efté que pour enrichir 
l'Eglife triomphante. 

Nous ne fçauons pas encore le fuccés d'vne nou- 
uelle Million, que nous commençâmes l'Automne 
dernier dans vne Nation Algonquine, elloignée enui- 
ron foixante lieues de nous. Vn de nos Peres y fut 
enuoyé pour hyuemer auec ces Peuples, qui nous 
preffoient depuis quelques années de les aller in- 

Nous n'auons pu en receuoir aucunes nouuelles, 
depuis huit mois qu'il nous quitta. Ce dont nous ne 
pouuons douter, eft, qu'il y aura eu beaucoup à 
fouflfrir: mais ce qui nous confole, c'eft que nous 
fçauons bien, que par tout les fouflfrances [20] ont 
efté le vray prix de la conuerllon des Nations 
conquifes au Royaume de lefus-Chrift. Ces peuples 
habitent dans vne Ille, qui a de tour enuiron foixante 
lieues dedans noftre grand Lac ou Mer douce, tirant 
vers l'Occident. Cette Ille fe nomme Ekaentoton, qui 
a donné le nom aux peuples qui l'habitent: nous 
l'auons nommé l'IUe de Sainéte Marie. 

La Million de la Conception eftant plus ancienne 
que toutes les autres, non feulement a continué de 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648-40 103 

the Angels were laboring there much more than we. 

The number of those who have received [19] holy 
Baptism within a year is about eighteen hundred 
persons, without including therein a multitude of 
people who were baptized by Father Antoine Daniel 
on the day of the capture of Saint Joseph. Of these 
we have been as little able to keep account, as of 
those whom Father Jean de Brebeuf and Father 
Gabriel Lalemant baptized at the capture of the 
villages in the Mission of saint Ignace, as we shall 
relate hereafter. It is enough for us that Heaven 
has kept good account of them ; since, truly speak- 
ing, these Baptisms have served only to enrich the 
Church triumphant. 

We do not yet know the success of a new Mission 
which we began last Autumn in an Algonquin 
Nation, about sixty leagues distant from us. One 
of our Fathers was sent thither to winter with those 
Peoples, who had been urging us for several years 
to go and instruct them. 

We have not been able to receive any news of him 
during the eight months since he left us. What we 
cannot doubt is, that he must have had much to 
suflfer there: but what consoles us is, our certain 
knowledge that everywhere sufferings [20] have been 
the price due for the conversion of the Nations 
conquered for the Kingdom of Jesus Christ. These 
peoples inhabit an Island which has a circumference 
of about sixty leagues, in our gfreat Lake or fresh- 
water Sea, as we go toward the West. This Island is 
named Ekaentoton, which has given the name to the 
peoples who inhabit it ; we have named it the Island 
of Sainte Marie.*** 

The Mission of la Conception, being older than 


porter les fruits les plus murs pour le Ciel ; mais elle 
s'eft tellement formée dans Tefprit veritable du 
Chriflianifme, qu'elle a feruy d'exemple & de modèle 
à toutes les autres Nations, qui ont veu en f es mœurs 
ce que peut la Foy dans vn pays, quoy que Barbare 
quand il eft deuenu Chreftien. Les hommes, les 
femmes, & les enfans y ont fait vne profefllon fi 
publique de ce qu'ils vouloient eftre iufqu'à la mort, 
que fouuent les nations voifines ne leur donnoient 
point d'autre nom, Cnon en les nommant la Nation 
des Chreftiens. 

En eflfet, leurs Capitaines y ont efté ardens à fou- 
ftenir la foy; & toutes les familles s'y font foufmifes 
fi généralement, [21] que ne reftant plus parmy eux 
que fort peu d'Infidèles, les Chreftiens n'y ont plus 
voulu tolérer aucune de leurs anciennes couftumes, 
qui eftoient de refte de l'Infidélité, ou qui heurtoient 
les bonnes mœurs. 

Dés le commencement de l'Hyuer, ces bons Neo- 
phytes affemblerent vn Confeil general, pour conférer 
des moyens d'affermir la Foy parmy eux. Leur 
conclufion fut qu'il falloit venir trouuer le Pere qui 
a foin de cette Mifllon, afin qu'il retranchaft dans 
leurs couftumes, celles qui font contraires à la Foy ; 
qu'il corrigeaft des autres de foy indifférentes, tout 
le mal qui pourroit en quelque façon en corrompre 
l'vfage: Qu'ils luy obeïroient de tout poindt, & le 
regarderoiët comme portant la parole de Dieu, & en 
fuitte le premier de leurs Capitaines. Le meilleur 
eft, qu'ils ont tenu en cela leur parole, & qu'aux 
moindres doutes qui pouuoient furuenir, les Capi- 
taines mefmes venoient au Pere pour receuoir fes 
ordres, & les exécuter. 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648-49 106 

all the others, not only has continued to bear the 
ripest fruits for Heaven, but it has become so fash- 
ioned in the true spirit of Christianity that it has 
served as example and model for all the other Nations, 
which have seen in its morals what the Faith can do 
in a country, although Barbarian, when it has become 
Christian.*^ Men, women, and children there have 
made so open a profession of what they wished to 
be till death, that often the neighboring nations 
gave them no other name save this, " the Nation of 

In fact, their Captains have been ardent there in 
maintaining the faith ; and all the families have so 
generally submitted themselves to it [21] that, as 
very few Infidels remained among them, the Chris- 
tians would no longer tolerate any of their former 
customs which remained from Infidelity, or which 
clashed with good morals. 

At the beginning of the Winter, these good Neo- 
phytes assembled a general Council, in order to confer 
upon means of strengthening the Faith among them. 
Their conclusion was that it was necessary to apply 
to the Father who has charge of that Mission, that 
he might cut off, in their customs, those which are 
contrary to the Faith; that he should correct in 
others, unimportant in themselves, all evil which 
might in any way corrupt the use of them ; and that 
they would obey him in every point, and would 
regard him as bearing the word of God, — and, here- 
after, as the chief of their Captains. The best is, 
that they have kept their word in that ; and that in 
the slightest doubts which could arise, the Captains 
themselves came to the Father to receive and execute 
his orders. 


Sur la fin de THyuer, quelques Infidèles plus opini- 
aftres, ayans voulu pour la guerifon d'vn malade, 
auoir recours à de certains [22] remèdes, où Timpu- 
dicité eft comme dans fon règne, les filles tenant à 
honneur en ces rencontres, de proftituer leur honneur 
mef me : on ne pût en trouuer aucune qui vouluft y 
entendre. Quelques Capitaines Infidèles des Nations 
voifines, qui auoient efté appeliez pour fauorifer ce 
deffein & y prefter leur voix, furent côtraints de f e 
retirer auec leur confuCon, ayans trouué & des 
cœurs à Tefpreuue, & des oreilles qui n'eftoient plus 
ouuertes que pour les paroles du Ciel. 

Voicy vn coup de zèle qui m'a paru confiderable, 
en vn vieillard, âgé prés de quatre-vingts ans, qui ne 
peut auoir de chaleur que ce que la Foy luy en donne. 
En vne recreation publique, où la couftume du pays 
eft, qu'aux guerriers entrans dans vne efpece de 
fureur martiale, il foit permis de rompre & de brifer 
les portes des cabanes, comme on feroit donnant 
Taffaut, & attaquant quelque place ennemie : vn cer- 
tain Infidèle homme de g^and credit, pour faire vn 
coup hardy, & croit-on pour fe venger, fous vn pré- 
texte fpecieux, de quelque refus que les Chref liens luy 
auoient fait, de quelque chofe où ils y craignoient du 
péché; entreprit de rompre [23] la porte de TEglife, 
& d'abattre vn arbre, au haut duquel eftoit pendue 
la cloche qui fonnoit pour le fignal des Meffes & des 
Prières publiques: & afin de faire fon coup auec plus 
d*afl!eurance, cet Infidèle alloit penetrant les cabanes, 
& chantant d'vn ton animé de fureur, que fon fonge 
luy auoit commandé d'abattre la cloche des François: 
c'eft à dire que felon les couftumes de ce païs, c'euft 
efté vn crime inotiy, de s'oppofer le moins du monde 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648" 49 107 

Toward the end of the Winter, some of the more 
stubborn Infidels having wished, for the cure of a 
sick man, to have recourse to certain [22] remedies, 
wherein indecency is, as it were, in its kingdom, — 
the girls deeming it an honor, on these occasions, to 
prostitute their honor itself, — not one of these Chris- 
tians could be found who would listen to it. Some 
Infidel Captains of the neighboring Nations, who had 
been called in to aid this design, and to lend their 
voices to it, were constrained to withdraw, to their 
own confusion, — having found both hearts that were 
proof against temptation, and ears which were no 
longer open save for the words of Heaven. 

Here is an act of zeal which has appeared to me 
considerable, in an old man aged nearly eighty years, 
who can have no warmth but that which the Faith 
gives him. It happened at a public recreation, where 
the custom of the country is, that the warriors, enter- 
ing into a kind of martial fury, are permitted to 
burst open and break in the doors of the cabins,— 
as they would do while giving assault, and attacking 
some hostile place. A certain Infidel, a man of great 
credit for making a bold stroke, — and, as is supposed, 
in order to avenge himself, under a specious pretext, 
for some refusal which the Christians had given him 
in some matter wherein they feared sin, — undertook 
to break open [23] the door of the Church, and to 
fell a tree, at the top of which was hung the bell 
which rang as a signal for Masses and for public 
Prayers. In order to deal his blow with more assur- 
ance, this Infidel went about, entering the cabins, 
and singing, in a tone animated with fury, that his 
dream had commanded him to strike down the 
Frenchmen's bell. This means that, according to 


à rexecution dVn fonge proclamé C publiquement. 
Vn bon vieillard Chreftien entendant ces menaces, 
eut recours à noftre Seigneur, & Tadorant, luy oflFrit 
fa vie, pluftoft que de permettre vne infolence, qu'il 
iugeoit deuoir eftre à l'opprobre du Chriftianifme. 
Après auoir fait fa prière, entendant la voix de l'In- 
fidèle qui s'auançoit la hache en main ; fur le poindt 
de rabattre fon coup, il f e met entre deux : Vn coup 
de hache, difoit-il, tombera mieux deffus ma tefte, 
que fur vne maifon confacrée à l'honneur de Dieu. 
L'Infidèle eft tout eftonné: Non, non, dit le Chre- 
ftien, ie profeffe publiquement que pour ma mort, 
ie ne veux pas qu'on en tire aucune iuftice ; ny le 
public, ny celuy [24] qui m'aura affommé n'en feront 
point en peine : mais ie ne puis voir de mes yeux que 
la faindteté d'vne maifon, où Dieu eft adoré, foit 
ainfi profanée, & que la voix foit abatuë, qui nous 
inulte à l'inuoquer, (c'eft ainfi qu'il nommoit la 
cloche de l'Eglife.) L'Infidèle, qui felon la couftume 
de ces Païs, euft deu pluftoft fe faire maffacrer que 
d'arrefter fon coup; fe trouua fi furpris par cette 
forte d'oppoCtion, que iamais il n'euft attendue, qu'il 
deuint plus froid que du marbre ; admirant & le zèle 
de ce bon vieillard, & s'admirant foy-mefme, d'auoir 
trouué vne reCftance, & fi puifl^ante à fon deffein, & 
enfemble fi douce, dans vn procédé qui en effedt 
n'auoit rien de la Nature. 

Les autres Mifllons ont efté puiffamment aidées de 
ces exemples, qui ont prefché plus haut que nos 
paroles. Et fans doute que les Anges du Ciel ont 
pris plaifir de voir en toutes les contrées de ce païs, 
la Foy y eftre refpeétée, & les Chreftiens y faire gloire 
de ce nom, qui y eftoit en opprobre il n'y a que fort 

1649 J RELA TION OF 1648- 49 109 

the customs of this country, it would have been an 
unheard-of crime to oppose in the least degree the 
fulfillment of a dream proclaimed so openly. A good 
old Christian, hearing these threats, had recourse to 
our Lord, and, adoring him, offered him his life, 
rather than to permit an insolence which, he judged, 
would be/âo the reproach of Christianity. After 
having offered his prayer, hearing the voice of the 
Infidel, — who was advancing, hatchet in hand, on 
the point of dealing his blow, — he puts himself in 
between. ** A blow from the hatchet,** he said, 
* * will better fall on my head than on a house conse- 
crated to the honor of God.** The Infidel is quite 
astonished. *' No, no,** said the Christian, '* I openly 
profess that, as regards my death, I do not wish that 
any justice be exacted for it; neither the public, nor 
the man [24] who should kill me, will be in trouble 
about that. But I cannot be a witness of such 
profanation to the holiness of a house where God is 
adored ; nor can I consent that the voice be brought 
low which summons us to invoke him** (thus he 
named the Church bell). The Infidel — who, accord- 
ing to the custom of these Countries, ought rather 
to have let himself be slain than to stop his own 
blow — found himself so surprised by this kind of 
opposition, which he had never expected, that he 
became colder than marble, — both admiring the zeal 
of that good old man, and wondering at himself for 
having met with resistance, at once so earnest in its 
purpose and so gentle, through a working which 
indeed had nothing of Nature about it. 

The other Missions have been efl&ciently aided by 
these examples, which have preached louder than our 
words; and, no doubt, the Angels of Heaven have 


peu d'années. Pour moy, ie n'euffe iamais creu pou- 
noir voir après cinquante ans de trauail, la dixième 
partie de la pieté, de la vertu, & de [25] la faindteté 
dont par tout i*ay eftè témoin dans les vifites que i'y 
ay faites de ces Eglifes, qui ont eftè fe produifant au 
milieu de T Infidélité. Ce m'a efté vne ioye tout à 
fait fenCble, de voir la diligence des Chreftiens, qui 
preuenoit le leuer du Soleil, pour venir aux prières 
publiques : & que ces panures gens haraffez de tra- 
uail, vinffent à la foule auant la nuit, rendre à Dieu 
de nouueaux hommages; de voir les enfans imiter 
la pieté de leurs pères, s*accouftumans dans cet âge 
innocent, d'offrir à Dieu leurs peines, leurs douleurs 
& leurs petits trauaux. Souuêt de petites filletes allât 
dans la foreft y couper quelque bois de chauffage, 
n'auoir point d'entretien plus aimable, que de dire 
leur Chapelet, & d'vne faindte emulation, prendre 
tout leur plaifir à qui furmonteroit fes petites com- 
pagnes en cette pieté. Mais ce qui m'a le plus rauy, 
c'eft de voir que les fentimens de la Foy, foient 
entrez fi auant dans des cœurs, qu'autrefois nous 
appellions Barbares, que ie puis dire en vérité, que 
la grace y a eftouffé en plufieurs, les craintes, les 
defirs, & les ioyes les fentimens de la Nature. 

Vn petit enfant de fix ans eftoit extrêmement [26] 
malade dans la Miffion de faindt Michel. Sa mere 
ne pouuant contenir fes larmes, voyant l'excès de la 
douleur, & les approches de la mort de ce fien fils 
vnique : Ma mere, luy dit cet enfant, pourquoy pleu- 
rez vous? vos larmes ne me rendront pas la fante: 
mais plufloft prions Dieu enfemble, afin que ie fois 
bien-heureux dans le Ciel. Après quelques prières. 
Mon fils, luy dit fa mere, il faut que ie te porte à 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648-49 111 

taken pleasure in seeing, in all the regions of this 
country, the Faith respected, and the Christians glory- 
ing in that name which was in reproach there only a 
very few years ago. As for me, I would never have 
believed that I could see, after fifty years of labor, 
the tenth part of the piety, the virtue, and [25] the 
holiness of which I have everywhere been witness in 
the visits that I have made to these Churches, which 
have been arising in the midst of Infidelity. It has 
been a most heartfelt joy to me, to see the diligence 
of the Christians, which anticipated the Sunrise, in 
order to come to the public prayers, and how these 
poor people, harassed with toil, would come in a 
crowd before night, to render new homage to God ; 
to see the children imitate the piety of their fathers, — 
accustoming themselves, at that innocent age, to oflfer 
to God their pains, their griefs, and their little labors. 
Often little girls, going into the forest to cut some 
firewood there, have no more delightful conversation 
than to say their Rosaries ; and, with a holy emula- 
tion, they take all their pleasure in seeing who might 
surpass her little companions in this piety. But what 
has most delighted me is to see that the sentiments 
of the Faith have so far entered these hearts, which 
we formerly called Barbarian, that I may truthfully 
say that grace has stifled in many of them the fears, 
the desires, the joys, and the feelings of Nature. 

A little child of six years was extremely [26] sick 
in the Mission of saint Michel. His mother was 
unable to contain her tears, seeing the excess of his 
pain, and the approach of death to this her only son. 
*' My mother," said to her this child, *' why do you 
weep ? your tears will not give me back my health ; 
but rather let us pray to God together, so that I may 


Saindte Marie, afin que les François te rendent la 
fanté. Helas ma mere, luy dit ce petit innocent, i'ay 
vn feu qui brufle dans ma tefte, pourroient-ils bien 
l'efteindre? ie ne fonge plus à la vie ; n'en ayez point 
aucun defir pour moy : mais ie vous auertiray de ma 
mort, & quand elle fera proche, ie vous prieray de 
me porter à Saindte Marie, car ie veux y mourir, & 
y eflre enterré auec les excellens Chrefliens. En 
eflfet, quelques iours après, cet enfant aduertit fa 
mere que fa mort efloit proche, qu'il efloit temps de 
l'apporter. Cefi la couflume en ces païs, quand 
quelqu'vn efl proche de mourir, de faire vn feftin 
folennel où on inuite tous les amis, & les perfonnes 
les plus confiderables, enuiron vne centaine. La 
mere ne voulut [27] pas manquer à ce deuoir, defirant 
aufll aduertir tout le monde, des fentimens que fon 
fils auoit pour la Foy. Cet enfant ayant veu les 
préparatifs du feflin. He quoy! ma mere, luy dit-il, 
voulez vous me faire pécher fi proche de ma mort ; ie 
renonce à toutes ces f uperflitions du païs ; ie veux 
mourir en bon Chreflien. Cet enfant croyoit que 
cette couflume f ufi au nôbre des défendues ; & quoy 
que fa mere excellente Chreflienne, Taffeurafl qu'il 
n'y auoit aucun mal en cela, iamais il ne la voulut 
croire, & ne put fe refoudre à luy condefcendre, que 
le Pere qui a foin de cette Mifllon, ne l'eufl affeuré 
qu'en ce feflin il n'y auoit aucun péché. Ce petit 
Ange nous fut apporté, & il mourut entre nos bras, 
priant iufqu'à la mort, & nous difant qu'il alloit droit 
au Ciel, qu'il prieroit Dieu pour nous, & mefme il 
demanda à fa mere, pour qui de fes parens elle vou- 
loit qu'il priaft dauantage, lors qu'il feroit auprès de 
Dieu, que fans doute il feroit exaucé. Il l'a efté, car 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648- 4g 118 

be very happy in Heaven." After some prayers, his 
mother said to him, '* My son, I must carry thee to 
Sainte Marie, so that the French may restore thee 
thy health." ** Alas! my mother,*' said to her this 
little innocent, * ' I have a fire burning in my head ; 
could they indeed quench it ? I no longer think of 
life, — have no desire of it for me; but I will warn 
you of my death, and, when it is near, I will pray 
you to carry me to Sainte Marie, for I wish to die 
there, and to be buried there with the excellent 
Christians." In fact, some days later, this child 
warned his mother that his death was near, and that 
it was time to carry him to us. It is the custom in 
these countries, when any one is near death, to make 
a solemn feast to which are invited all the friends 
and the most considerable persons, — about a hun- 
dred. The mother would not [27] fail in this obliga- 
tion, — desiring also to apprise all the people of the 
sentiments which her son had toward the Faith. 
This child, having seen the preparations for the feast, 
said to her : * * What ! my mother, would you have 
me sin so nigh to my death ? I renounce all these 
superstitions of the country ; I wish to die a good 
Christian." This child believed that that custom 
was among the number of those forbidden; and 
although his mother, an excellent Christian, assured 
him that there was no evil in that, he would never 
believe her, and could not resolve to comply with her 
wish, until the Father who has charge of that Mission 
had assured him that in that feast there was no sin. 
This little Angel was brought to us ; and he died in 
our arms, praying even till death, and telling us that 
he was going straight to Heaven, and that he would 
pray to God for us ; and he even asked his mother 


peu de temps après fa mort, vn fien oncle des plus 
rebelles à la Foy qui fuft en ces païs, & vne fienne 
tante, nous demandèrent l'inflruétion, & fe font faits 

[28] Vne petite fille de cinq ans de la Million de 
fainét Ignace, de parens Infidèles, venoit tous les 
iours aux prières matin & foir, & s'eftoit maintenue 
fi conflamment dans ce deuoir, mefme contre la 
volonté, & les defenfes de fes parens, que nous ne 
pûmes luy refufer le Saindt Baptefme; voyât que 
l'efprit de la Foy fuppleoit abôdâment en elle, les 
années qui pouuoient luy manquer, pour difpofer 
auec liberté de foy-mefme, en vne affaire oîi la grace 
a plus de droit que la nature. Quelque temps après, 
cet enfant tomba malade : les parens Infidèles ayans 
recours aux fuperftitiôs du païs, enuoyerët quérir le 
Magicien, ou à mieux dire vn impofleur, qui faifoit 
profeflion de ce meflier d'enfer. Ce iongleur ne 
manque pas à fon ordinaire, de dire qu'vn certain 
Demon auoit réduit leur fille en cet état ; & que pour 
le chaffer, il falloit faire prefent à la malade de quel- 
ques parures & omemens d'habits, dont les filles de 
cet âge font affez defireufes. La petite malade, quoy 
qu'elle fuft bien baffe, eut toutefois affez de force, 
& fa foy luy donna affez de courage pour démêtir 
cet impofteur: le fuis Chreftienne, dit-elle à fes 
parens, les Diables n'ont plus [29] aucun pouuoir 
fur moy; ie ne confens point au péché que vous 
venez de faire, ayant confulté les Demons; ie ne 
veux point de leurs remèdes. Dieu feul me gué- 
rira; que ce Magicien fe retire. Les pere & mere, 
& toute l'afllftance furent bien eftonnez de cette 
reprimende fi innocente, mais toutefois fi efficace. 

1649] RELA TION OF i648-4g 116 

for which of his relatives she wished him to pray 
chiefly, when he should be near God, — saying that 
no doubt he would be heard. He has been; for, 
shortly after his death, an uncle of his, one of those 
most rebellious against the Faith in these countries, 
and an aunt of his, asked us for instruction, and 
have become Christians. 

[28] A little girl of five years, at the Mission of 
saint Ignace, of Infidel parents, came every day to 
prayers, morning and evening. She had so constantly 
adhered to this duty, even against the wishes and the 
prohibitions of her parents, that we could not refuse 
her Holy Baptism, — seeing that the spirit of the 
Faith was abundantly compensating in her for the 
years that she might lack in order freely to dispose 
of herself in a matter wherein grace has more right 
than nature. Some time after, this child fell sick ; 
the Infidel parents, having recourse to the supersti- 
tions of the country, sent to fetch the Magician, — 
or, to speak more correctly, an impostor who made 
profession of that trade of hell. This juggler does 
not fail to say, as is his wont, that a certain Demon 
had reduced their daughter to that state ; and that, 
in order to expel him, it was necessary to present 
the patient with some embellishments and ornaments 
of clothing, of which the girls of that age are suffi- 
ciently desirous. The little sick girl, although she 
was very low, nevertheless had strengfth enough, and 
her faith gave her courage enough, to belie this 
impostor. ** I am a Christian," she said to her 
parents; '* the Devils have no longer [29] any power 
over me. I do not consent to the sin that you have 
just committed, in consulting the Demons ; I do not 
wish their remedies. God alone will cure me; let 


qu'on fit retirer ce iongleur, ne voulans pas attrifter 
cette enfât malade: mais leur eftonnemët s'accreût 
lors que le iour mefme cette enfant demanda d'eftre 
portée à TEglife, affeurant qu'elle g^eriroit, comme 
en eflfet il arriua. Ce coup a efté la conuerfion du 
pere & de la mere, qui ont pris la foy de leur fille, & 
ont receu le Baptême après elle, beniffans Dieu de 
les y auoir appeliez auec tant de douceur. 

Vne ieune fille de quinze ans, des plus accôplies du 
païs, encore Catéchumène, auoit efté prife captifue 
fur la fin de THyuer de Tan paffé: mais toutefois les 
ennemis luy auoient donné la vie, & elle demeuroit 
auec eux dans fa captiuité. Elle eftoit fille & fœur 
de deux excellentes Chreftiennes qui ne regrettoient 
rien dauantage dans la perte qu'ils auoient fait, finon 
que cette pauure captine n'eût pas [30] encore efté 
baptizée. Elle auffi dans fa captiuité ne s'oublioit 
pas de fa foy, & fouuent s'écrioit à Dieu: Mon Dieu, 
& le Dieu de ma mere & de ma fœur qui vous 
connoiffent mieux que moy, et qui vous feruent fi 
fidèlement, ayez pitié de moy: ie n'ay pas efté 
baptizée, faites moy cette grace auant que de mourir. 
Vn iour comme cette pauure affligée eftoit dans vn 
champ de bled d'Inde, qu'elle femoit pour ceux 
dont elle eftoit efclaue; elle entendit des voix du 
Ciel, qui chantoient vne mufique rauiffante dans 
l'air, du chant de nos Vefpres, qu'elle auoit autrefois 
entendues. Elle regarde autour de foy, croyant que 
quelques François l'abordaffent : mais elle ne voit 
rien autre chofe. Elle fe met à genoux, elle prie 
Dieu de tout fon cœur, & conçoit vne ef perance de f e 
voir deliurée de fa captiuité, fans en voir les moyens, 
ny aucune apparence. Quelques iours par après 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648- 4c 117 

this Magician go away." The father and mother, 
and all those present, were much astonished at this 
rebuke, — so innocent, but yet so efficacious that they 
made that juggler withdraw, not wishing to grieve 
this sick child. But their astonishment increased 
when, on that very day, this child asked to be car- 
ried to the Church, asserting that she would get 
well, — as, in fact, it happened. This event has been 
the means of converting the father and the mother^ 
who have adopted their daughter's faith, and have 
received Baptism after her, — blessing God for having 
called them with so much gentleness. 

A young girl of fifteen years, among the most 
accomplished in the country, still a Catechumen, had 
been taken captive toward the end of last year's 
Winter ; the enemies, however, had spared her life, 
and she remained with them in her captivity. She 
was the daughter and sister of two excellent Chris- 
tians, who had no greater regret in the loss which 
they had incurred, than that this poor captive had 
not [30] yet been baptized. She, too, in her captiv- 
ity did not forget her faith, and often exclaimed to 
God: "My God, — and the God of my mother and 
my sister, who know you better than I, and who 
serve you so faithfully, — have pity on me! I have 
not been baptized; grant me this favor before I die.**^ 
One day, when this poor afflicted one was in a field 
of Indian com, which she was planting for those 
whose slave she was, she heard voices from Heaven 
which were singing a ravishing music in the air, 
from the chant of our Vespers, which she had 
formerly heard. She looks about her, supposing 
that some Frenchmen would accost her ; but she sees 
nothing else. She kneels down, and prays to God 


le mef me luy aniua ; elle f e lette encore à genoux 
auec les mefmes fentimens. Enfin ayant pour la 
troifiéme fois entendu ces naefmes voix du Ciel, & 
Tentant fes confiances redoublées, & fon courage plus 
animé, elle prie Dieu, & fe iette dans vn chemin 
qu'elle [31] ne connoiffoit pas, pour reuenir en ces 
païs; fans viures, fans prouifions, fans ef corte, mais 
non pas fans la conduite de celuy feul qui Tauoit 
infpirée, & qui luy donna allez de forces pour arriuer 
icy, ayant fait plus de quatre-vingts lieues, fans aucun 
mauuais rencontre. 

Elle nous demanda le Baptême dés le iour de fon 
arriuée, & voyant la main de Dieu fur elle auec tant 
d'amour, nous ne pûmes la dififerer. Elle efloit 
venue droit en cette maifon de Saindte Marie, quoy 
que fon chemin plus court l'eufl porté au bourg d'où 
efloient fes parens. Du depuis elle a toufiours 
augmenté en ferueur, & ne peut fe laffer de raconter 
à tout le monde les mifericordes de Dieu. Souuent 
dans fa captiuité elle fe veid foUicitée à ce qu'elle ne 
pouuoit accorder fans perdre l'innocence, & iamais 
on ne pût tirer de fa bouche, mef me vn feul mot 
d'agreement. lufque-là mefme que la voyant de 
cette humeur, qui ne plaif oit pas à ces Barbares impu- 
diques, d'aucuns auoient fouuent parlé de l'affom- 
mer ; & elle attendoit cette mort auec patience, aimant 
mieux mourir que de commettre aucun péché. 

Ce chapitre n'auroit point de fin, fi ie [32] voulois 
raconter les efifedts de la grace fur ces panures Sau- 
nages, que nous admirons tous les iours, & dont nous 
bénirons Dieu à tout iamais dans le Ciel, fans laflltude 
& fans dégouft. le ne puis toutefois omettre vn 
fentiment allez vniuerfel de quantité de bons Chre- 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648" 4c 121 

which we admire every day, and for which we will 
bless God forever in Heaven, without weariness and 
without distaste. I cannot, however, omit a suflB- 
ciently prevailing sentiment of many good Chris- 
tians, who — having lost all their property, their 
children, and what they had most precious in this 
world, and being even upon the point of under- 
going a voluntary exile from their country which 
they were forsaking in order to avoid the cruelty of 
the Iroquois, their enemies — thanked God for it, and 
said to him : * * My God, may you be blessed ; I cannot 
regret these losses, since the Faith has taught me 
that the love which you have for the Christians is 
not in regard to the goods of this world, but for 
eternity. I bless you in my losses, with as good a 
heart as I have ever done ; for you are my Father, 
and it is enough that I know that you love me, that 
I should be content with all the evils which can 
happen to me." 

But what most astonishes me in these encounters 
is, that these feelings do not come at a late hour, 
after nature and passion might have possessed the 
first [33] emotions of the heart; grace often antici- 
pates them, and becomes mistress even of the first 
impulses, which incline toward Heaven more readily 
than to the things of earth. May God be forever 
blessed for this. 



de la prise des bourgs de la mission de s. 

ignace, au mois de mars de 
l'année 1649. 

LES progrez de la Foy alloient croiffant de iour en 
iour, & les benedidtions du Ciel découloient en 
abondance fur ces peuples, lors que Dieu a 
voulu en tirer fa gloire par des voyes adorables, & 
qui font du reffort de fa diuine prouidence, quoy 
qu'elles nous ayent eflé bien rudes, & qu'elles ne 
fuffent pas dans nos attentes. 

Le 16. iour de Mars de la prefente année 1649. ^ 
donné commencement à nos malheurs, fi toutefois 
c'efl vn malheur, ce qui fans doute a efté le falut de 
plufieurs des efleus de Dieu. 

[34] Les Iroquois ennemis des Hurons, au nombre 
d'enuiron mille hommes, armez à Tauantage, & la 
pluf part d'armes à feu, qu'ils ont des HoUandois leurs 
alliez, arriuerent de nuidt à la frontiere de ce pays, 
fans qu'on euft eu aucune cognoiffance de leurs 
approches; quoy qu'ils fuffent partis de leur pays 
depuis l'Automne, chaffans dans les forefts tout le 
long de l'Hyuer, & ayans fait deffus les neges prés 
de deux cens lieues d'vn chemin tres-penible pour 
nous venir furprendre. Ils reconnurent de nuit 
l'eflat de la premiere place fur laquelle ils auoient 
deffein, qui eftoit entourée d'vne paliffade de pins, 
de la hauteur de quinze à feize pieds, & d'vn foffé 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648-49 128 




OF THE YEAR 1 649. 

THE progress of the Faith kept increasing from 
day to day, and the blessings of Heaven were 
flowing down in abundance upon these peoples, 
when Gk)d chose to derive from them his glory in 
ways which are adorable, and which belong to the 
jurisdiction of his divine providence, — although they 
have been very severe for us, and were not in our 

The 1 6th day of March in the present year, 1649, 
marked the beginning of our misfortunes, — if, how- 
ever, that be a misfortune which no doubt has been 
the salvation of many of Gk)d's elect. 

[34] The Iroquois, enemies of the Hurons, to the 
number of about a thousand men, well furnished 
with weapons, — and mostly with firearms, which 
they obtain from the Dutch, their allies, — arrived by 
night at the frontier of this country, without our 
having had any knowledge of their approach; 
although they had started from their country in the 
Autumn, hunting in the forests throughout the Win- 
ter, and had made over the snow nearly two hundred 
leagues of a very difficult road, in order to come and 
surprise us. They reconnoitered by night the condi- 
tion of the first place upon which they had designs, — 
which was surrounded with a stockade of pine-trees, 


profond, dont la nature auoit puiffamment fortifié ce 
lieu par trois codez, ne refiant qu'vn petit efpace 
plus foible que les autres. 

Ce fut par là que Tennemy fit irruption à la pointe du 
iour, mais fi fecretement & promptement, qu'il efloit 
maiftre de la place auant qu'on fe naifl en defenfe, le 
monde eftant alors dans vn profond fommeil, & n'ay- 
ant pas eu le loifir de fe reconnoiflre. Ainfi ce bourg 
fut pris quafi fans coup ferir, n'y ayant eu que dix 
Iroquois [35] de tuez, tous les Hurons, hommes, 
femmes & enfans ayant eflé vne partie mafl^acrez fur 
l'heure mefme, les autres faits captifs, & referuez à 
des cruautez plus terribles que la mort. 

Trois hommes feulement s'efchaperent quafi nuds 
à trauers les neges; qui portèrent l'allarme & l'efpou- 
uente à vn autre bourg plus prochain, éloigné enuiron 
d'vne lieuë. Ce premier bourg efloit celuy que nous 
nommions de Sainét Ignace, lequel auoit eflé aban- 
donné de la pluf part de fon monde dés le commence- 
ment de l'Hyuer; les plus craintifs & les plus clair- 
voyans s'en eflant retirez dans l'apprehenfion du 
danger: ainfi la perte n'en fut pas fi confiderable, & 
ne monta qu' enuiron à quatre cens âmes. 

L'ennemy ne s'arrefle pas là, il pourfuit dedans 
fa vidtoire, & auant le Soleil leué il fe prefente en 
armes, pour attaquer le bourg de Saindt Louys, forti- 
fié d'vne palifl^ade allez bonne. Les femmes pour la 
plufpart, & les enfans n'en faifoient que fortir, au 
bruit de la nouuelle qui efloit arriuée des approches 
de riroquois. Les gens de meilleur cœur enuiron 
quatre-vingts perfonnes, refolus de fe [36] bien défen- 
dre, repouffent auec courage le premier & le fécond 
affaut, ayans tué à l'ennemy vne trëtaine de fes 

1Ô49] RELA TION OF 1648-49 126 

from fifteen to sixteen feet in height, and with a deep 
ditch, wherewith nature had strongly fortified this 
place on three sides, — there remaining only a little 
space which was weaker than the others. 

It was at that point that the enemy made a breach 
at daybreak, but so secretly and promptly that he was 
master of the place before people had put themselves 
on the defensive, — all being then in a deep sleep, 
and not having leisure to reconnoiter their situation. 
Thus this village was taken, almost without striking 
a blow, there having been only ten Iroquois [35] 
killed. Part of the Hurons — men, women, and chil- 
dren — were massacred then and there; the others 
were made captives, and reserved for cruelties more 
terrible than death. 

Three men alone escaped, almost naked, across the 
snows ; they bore the alarm and terror to another and 
neighboring village, about a league distant. This 
first village was the one which we called Saint Ignace, 
which had been abandoned by most of its people at 
the beginning of the Winter, — the most apprehensive 
and most clear-sighted having withdrawn from it, 
foreboding the danger ; thus the loss of it was not 
so considerable, and amounted only to about four 
hundred souls. 

The enemy does not stop there ; he follows up his 
victory, and before Sunrise he appears in arms to 
attack the village of Saint Louys, which was fortified 
with a fairly good stockade. Most of the women, 
and the children, had just gone from it, upon hear- 
ing the news which had arrived regarding the 
approach of the Iroquois. The people of most cour- 
age, about eighty persons, being resolved to [36] 
defend themselves well, repulse with courage the 


hommes les plus hazardeux, outre quantité de bleffez. 
Mais enfin le nombre l'emporte, les Iroquois ayans 
fappé à coups de haches la paliffade de pieux, & 
s'eftans fait paffage par des brèches affez raifon- 

Sur les neuf heures du matin, nous apperceûmes 
de noflre maifon de Saindte Marie, le feu qui confu- 
moit les cabanes de ce bourg, où l'ennemy entré 
vidtorieux auoit tout mis dans la defolation, iettant 
au milieu des flammes les vieillards, les malades, les 
enfans qui n'auoient pas pu fe fauuer, & tous ceux 
qui eftant trop blefl^ez, n'eufl^ent pas pu les fuiure 
dans la captiuité. A la veuë de ces flames, & à la 
couleur de la fumée qui en fortoit, nous iugeafmes 
afl^ez de ce qui en efloit, ce bourg de SainA Louys 
n'eflant pas efloigné de nous plus d'vne lieuë. Deux 
Chrefliens qui s'efchaperentde l'incendie, arriuerent 
quafi au mefme temps, & nous en donnèrent afl!eu- 

Dans ce bourg de Saindt Louys efloient alors deux 
de nos Peres, le Pere lean de Brebeuf, & le Pere 
Gabriel Lallement, [37] qui auoient foin de cinq 
bourgades affez voifines, lefquelles ne faif oient qu* vne 
des onze Mifllons, dont nous auons parlé cy-deffus; 
nous la nommions la Mifllon de S. Ignace. 

Quelques Chrefliës auoient prié les Peres de con- 
feruer leur vie pour la gloire de Dieu, ce qui leur eût 
eflé aufll facile, qu'à plus de 500. perfonnes qui forti- 
rent à la premiere alarme, & eurent tout loifir d'arri- 
uer en lieu de feureté, mais leur zèle ne leur pût 
permettre, & le falut de leur troupeau leur fut plus 
cher que l'amour de leur vie. Ils employèrent tous 
les momens de ce temps-là, comme les plus précieux 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648-49 127 

first and the second assault, having killed among the 
enemy some thirty of their most venturesome men, 
besides many wounded. But, finally, number has 
the advantage, — the Iroquois having undermined 
with blows of their hatchets the palisade of stakes, 
and having made a passage for themselves through 
considerable breaches. 

Toward nine o'clock in the morning, we perceived 
from our house at Sainte Marie the fire which was 
consuming the cabins of that village, where the 
enemy, having entered victoriously, had reduced 
everjrthing to desolation, — casting into the midst of 
the flames the old men, the sick, the children who 
had not been able to escape, and all those who, being 
too severely wounded, could not have followed them 
into captivity. At the sight of those flames, and by 
the color of the smoke which issued from them, we 
understood sufficiently what was happening, — this 
village of Saint Louys not being farther distant from 
us than one league. Two Christians, who escaped 
from the fire, arrived almost at the same time, and 
gave us assurance of it. 

In this village of Saint Louys were at that time 
two of our Fathers, — Father Jean de Brebeuf and 
Father Gabriel Lallement, [37] who had charge of 
five closely neighboring villages ; these formed but 
one of the eleven Missions of which we have spoken 
above ; we named it the Mission of St. Ignace. 

Some Christians had begged the Fathers to pre- 
serve their lives for the glory of God, — which would 
have been as easy for them as for the more than 500 
persons who went away at the first alarm, and had 
abundant leisure to reach a place of security; but 
their zeal could not permit them, and the salvation 


qu'ils euffent iamais eu au inonde; & pendant la 
chaleur du combat, leur cœur n'eftoit que feu pour le 
falut des âmes. L'vn eftoit à la brèche baptizant les 
Catéchumènes, l'autre donnant Tabfolution aux Neo- 
phjrtes, tous deux animans les Chreftiens à mourir 
dans les fentimens de pieté, dont ils les confoloient 
dans leurs miferes. Aufll iamais leur foy ne fut plus 
vifue, ny l'amour qu'ils eurent pour leurs bons Peres 
& leurs Pafleurs. 

Vn Infidèle voyant les affaires dans le defefpoir, 
parla de prendre la fuite: vn [38] Chreflien nommé 
Eftienne Annaotaha, le plus confiderable du pays pour 
fon courage, & fes exploits fur l'ennemy, ne voulut 
iamais le permettre. He quoy, dit-il, pourrions nous 
bien abandonner ces deux bons Peres, qui pour nous 
ont expofé leur vie? L'amour qu'ils ont eu de noftre 
falut, fera la caufe de leur mort: il n'efl plus temps 
pour eux de fuir à trauers les neges? mourons donc 
auec eux, & nous irons de compagnie au Ciel. 

Cet homme s'efloit confeffé généralement fort peu 
de iours auparauant, ayant eu vn préfentiment du 
danger où il f e veid enueloppé ; & dif ant qu'il vouloit 
que la mort le trouuafl difpofé pour le Ciel. Et en 
effet, il s'efloit mis dans la ferueur d'vne façon fi 
extraordinaire, aufll bien que quantité d'autres Chre- 
fliens, que iamais nous ne pourrons affez en bénir 
les conduites de Dieu fur tant d'ames predeflinées, 
dont fa diuine Prouidence va conduifant auec amour 
tous les momens, & de la vie & de la mort. 

Toute cette troupe de Chrefliens tombèrent pour 
la plufpart en vie, entre les mains de l'ennemy, & 
auec eux nos deux Peres Pafleurs de cette Eglife. 
Ils ne furent [39] pas tuez fur le lieu. Dieu les 

1 649] RELA TION OF 1648^ 49 129 

of their flock was dearer to them than love for their 
own lives. They employed all the moments of that 
time, as the most precious which they had ever had 
in the world ; and, during the heat of the combat, 
their hearts were only fire for the salvation of souls. 
One was at the breach, baptizing the Catechumens; 
the other, giving absolution to the Neophjrtes, — both 
animating the Christians to die in the sentiments of 
piety, with which they consoled them in their mise- 
ries. Accordingly, never was their faith, or the love 
which they had for their good Fathers and Pastors, 
more lively. 

An Infidel, seeing affairs in a desperate condition, 
spoke of taking to flight; a [38] Christian, named 
Estienne Annaotaha, the most esteemed in the coun- 
try for his courage and his exploits over the enemy, 
would never allow it. "What!" he said, *' could 
we ever abandon these two good Fathers, who for us 
have exposed their lives ? The love which they have 
had for our salvation will be the cause of their death ; 
there is no longer time for them to flee across the 
snows. Let us then die with them, and we shall go 
in company to Heaven." 

This man had made a general confession a very 
few days previously, — having had a presentiment of 
the danger wherein he saw himself involved, and 
saying that he wished that death should find him 
disposed for Heaven. And indeed he, as well as 
many other Christians, had abandoned himself to 
fervor in a manner so extraordinary, that we shall 
never be sufficiently able to bless the guidance of 
God over so many predestinated souls, for whom his 
divine Providence continues directing with love all 
the moments, both of life and of death. 


referuoit à des couronnes bien plus grandes, dont 
nous parlerons cy-aprés. 

L'Iroquois ayant fait fon coup, & tout réduit en feu 
le bourg de Saindt Louys ; retourna fur f es pas dans 
le bourg de Saindt Ignace, où ils auoient laiffé vne 
bonne gamifon, afin que ce leur fufl vne retraite 
affeurée en cas de natalheur ; & que les viures qu'ils y 
auoient trouuez, leur feruiffent de rafraifchiffemens, 
& de prouifions pour leur retour. 

Le foir du mefme iour ils enuoyerent des décou- 
ureurs pour reconnoiflre Teftat de noflre maifon de 
Saindle Marie ; lef quels ayans fait leur rapport dans 
le Confeil de guerre, la conclufion fut prife de venir 
nous attaquer le lendemain matin, fe promettans vne 
vidtoire, qui leur feroit plus glorieufe, que tous les 
fuccez de leurs armes par le paffé. Nous eflions en 
eflat de bonne defenfe, & ne voyons aucun de nos 
François, qui ne fufl refolu de vendre bien cher fa 
vie, & de mourir en vne caufe, qui eflant pour les 
interefls de la Foy, & la maintien du Chriflianifme 
en ces pays, efloit plus la caufe de Dieu que la noflre : 
aufll noflre plus grande confiance efloit en luy. 

[40] Cependant vne partie des Hurons qui s'appel- 
lent Atinniaoenten (c*efl à dire la nation de ceux qui 
portent vn Ours en leurs armoiries) ayans armé en 
hafle, fe trouuerent le lendemain matin dixfeptiéme 
de Mars, enuiron trois cens guerriers qui attendans 
vn plus puiffant fecours, fe tenoient f ecretement aux 
auenuës, à deffein de f urprëdre quelque part Tennemy . 

Enuiron deux cens Iroquois s*eflans détachez de 
leur gros pour prendre le deuant, & venir commencer 
l'attaque de noflre maifon, eurent au rencontre quel- 
ques auant-coureurs de cette troupe Huronne, qui 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648- 4c 131 

All this band of Christians fell, mostly alive, into 
the hands of the enemy; and with them, our two 
Fathers, the Pastors of that Church. They were [39] 
not killed on the spot; God was reserving them 
for much nobler crowns, of which we will speak 

The Iroquois having dealt their blow, and wholly 
reduced to fire the village of Saint Louys, retraced 
their steps into that of Saint Ignace, where they had 
left a good garrison, that it might be for them a sure 
retreat in case of misfortune, and that the victuals 
which they had found there might serve them as 
refreshments and provisions for their return. 

On the evening of the same day, they sent scouts 
to reconnoiter the condition of our house at Sainte 
Marie ; their report having been made in the Council 
of war, the decision was adopted to come and attack 
us the next morning, — promising themselves a vic- 
tory which would be more glorious to them than all 
the successes of their arms in the past. We were 
in a good state of defense, and saw not one of our 
Frenchmen who was not resolved to sell his life very 
dear, and to die in a cause which — being for the 
interests of the Faith, and the maintenance of Chris- 
tianity in these countries — was more the cause of 
God than ours; moreover, our greatest confidence 
was in him. 

[40] Meanwhile, a part of the Hurons, who are 
called Atinniaoenten (that is to say, the nation of 
those who wear a Bear on their coat of arms), having 
armed in haste, were at hand the next morning, the 
seventeenth of March, about three hundred war- 
riors, — who, while awaiting a more powerful help. 


prirent affez toft la fuite, après quelque efcarmouclie, 
& furent pourfuiuis vifuement iufqu'à la veuë de 
noftre fort ; quantité ayant efté tuez dans le def ordre 
au milieu des neges. Mais les plus courageux des 
Hurons, ayans tenu pied ferme contre ceux qui s'at- 
tachèrent au combat auec eux, eurent du bon de leur 
cofté, & contraignirent T Iroquois de fe réfugier dans 
la paliffade du bourg de Saindt Louys, laquelle n'auoit 
point efté bruflée, mais feulement les cabanes. On 
força ces Iroquois dans cette paliffade, & on en prit 
enuiron trente de captifs. 

[41] Le gros des ennemis ayant entendu la défaite 
des fiens, vint fondre fur nos gens tout au milieu de 
leur vidtoire. C'eftoit l'élite des Chreftiens du bourg 
de la Conception, & quelques autres du bourg de la 
Magdelaine. Leur courage ne s'abbatit pas, quoy 
qu'ils ne fuffent qu' enuiron cent cinquante. Ils fe 
mettent en prières, & fouftiennent l'affaut d'vne 
place, qui ayant efté fi fraifchement prife & reprife, 
n'eftoit plus d'vne defenfe raifonnable. Le choc fut 
furieux de part & d'autre, nos gens ayans fait quan- 
tité de forties, nonobftant leur petit nombre, & ayans 
contraint l'ennemy fouuent de lafcher pied. Mais le 
combat ayant continué affez auant dans la nuit, ne 
reftant plus qu'vne vingtaine de Chreftiens bleffez 
pour la plufpart, la vidtoire demeura entière entre 
les mains des Infidèles, quoy qu'elle leur eut coufté 
bien cher ; leur Chef ayant efté grief uement bleff é, 
& y ayans perdu prés de cent hommes fur la place, 
de leurs meilleurs courages. 

Toute la nuit nos François font en armes, atten- 
dans de voir à nos portes cet ennemy vidtorieux. 
Nous redoublons nos dénotions, qui eftoient le plus 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648-49 133 

secreted themselves in the ways of approach, intend- 
ing to surprise some portion of the enemy. 

About two htmdred Iroquois having detached them- 
selves from their main body, in order to get the start 
and proceed to the attack of our house, encountered 
some advance-guards of that Huron troop. The latter 
straightway took flight after some skirmishing, and 
were eagerly pursued until within sight of our fort, — 
many having been killed while they were in disorder 
in the midst of the snows. But the more courageous 
of the Hurons, having stood firm against those who 
joined combat with them, had some advantage on 
their side, and constrained the Iroquois to take refuge 
within the palisades of the village of Saint Louys, — 
which had not been burned, but only the cabins. 
These Iroquois were forced into that palisade, and 
about thirty of them were taken captives. 

[41] The main body of the enemy, having heard 
of the defeat of their men, came to attack our people 
in the very midst of their victory. Our men were 
the choicest Christians of the village of la Concep- 
tion, and some others of the village of la Magdelaine. 
Their courage was not depressed, although they were 
only about one hundred and fifty. They proceed to 
prayers, and sustain the assault of a place which, 
having been so recently captured and recaptured, 
was no longer adequate for defense. The shock was 
furious on both sides, — our people having made many 
sallies, notwithstanding their small number, and 
having often constrained the enemy to give way. 
But, — the combat having continued quite far into the 
night, — as not more than a score of Christians, 
mostly wounded, were left, the victory remained 
wholly in the hands of the Infidels. It had, however. 


fort de nos [42] efperances, noflre fecours ne pouuant 
venir que du Ciel. Nous voyans à la veille de la 
fefte du glorieux Saindt lofeph, Patron de ce pays, 
nous nous fentifmes obligez d'auoir recours à vn Pro- 
tedteur fi puiffant. Nous fifmes vœu de dire tous les 
mois chacun vne Meffe en fon honneur, l'efpace d'vn 
an entier, pour ceux qui f croient Preftres : Et tous 
tant qu'il y auoit de noionde icy, y ioignirent par vœu 
diuerf es Penitences, afin de nous difpof er plus fainc5te- 
ment à Taccompliffement des volontez de Dieu fur 
nous, foit pour la vie, foit pour la mort: nous conû- 
derans tous comme autant de vidtimes confacrées à 
Noflre Seigneur, qui doiuent attendre de fa main 
l'heure qu'elles feront immolées pour fa gloire, fans 
entreprendre d'en retarder, ou de vouloir en hafler 
les momens. 

Tout le iour fe paffa dans vn profond filence de 
part & d'autre; le pays eftant dans l'eflEroy, & dans 
l'attente de quelque nouueau malheur. 

Le dixneufiefme, iour du grand Saindt lofeph, vne 
efpouuente fubite fe ietta dans le camp ennemy, les 
vns fe retirans auec defordre, les autres ne fongeans 
qu'à [43] la fuite. Leurs Capitaines furent contraints 
d'obeyr à la terreur qui les auoit faifis. Ils préci- 
pitent leur retraite, faifant fortir en hafte vne partie 
de leurs captifs, chargez au defl!us de leurs forces, 
comme des chenaux de voiture, des dépouilles qu'em- 
portoient les vidlorieux, qui referuoient à quelque 
autre occafion de les faire mourir. 

Pour les autres captifs qui leur reftoient deftinez à 
mourir fur le lieu, ils les attachèrent à des pieux 
fichez en terre, qu'ils auoient difpofez en diuerfes 
cabanes, où en fortant du bourg, ils mirent le feu de 

1649] RELA TION OF iÒ48'4g 135 

cost them very dear, as their Chief had been seriously 
wounded, and they had lost nearly a hundred men 
on the spot, of their best and most courageous. 

All night our French were in arms, waiting to see 
at our gates this victorious enemy. We redoubled 
our devotions, in which were our strongest [42] 
hopes, since our help could only come from Heaven. 
Seeing ourselves on the eve of the feast of the glori- 
ous Saint Joseph, the Patron of this country, we felt 
ourselves constrained to have recourse to a Protector 
so powerful. We made a vow to say, every month, 
each a Mass in his honor, during the space of a whole 
year, for those who should be Priests. And all, as 
many as there were people here, joined to this, by 
vow, sundry Penances, to the end of preparing us 
more holily for the accomplishment of the will of 
God concerning us, whether for life or for death ; for 
we all regarded ourselves as so many victims conse»- 
crated to Our Lord, who must await from his hand 
the hour when they should be sacrificed for his glory, 
without undertaking to delay or to wish to hasten 
the moments thereof. 

The whole day passed in a profound silence on 
both sides, — the country being in terror and in the 
expectation of some new misfortune. 

On the nineteenth, the day of the great Saint 
Joseph, a sudden panic fell upon the hostile camp, — 
some withdrawing in disorder, and others thinking 
only of [43] flight. Their Captains were constrained 
to yield to the terror which had seized them ; they 
precipitated their retreat, driving forth in haste a 
part of their captives, who were burdened above 
their strength, like packhorses, with the spoils which 
the victorious were carrying off, — their captors 


tous coftez; prenans plaifir à leur depart, de fe 
repaiftre des cris efpouuentables que pouffoient ces 
pauures vidtimes au milieu de ces flammes, oii des 
enf ans grilloient à coflé de leurs mères ; où vn mary 
voyoit fa femme roflir auprès de foy, où la cruauté 
mefme eufl eu de la compafllon, dans vn fpeélacle 
qui n'auoit rien d'humain, finon l'innocence de ceux 
qui efloient au fupplice, dont la plufpart efloient 

Vne vieille femme efchapée du milieu de cet 
incendie, en porta les nouuelles au bourg de Sainét 
Michel, où il y auoit enuiron [44] fept cens hommes 
en armes, qui courrent fus à l'ennemy: mais n'ayans 
pu l'atteindre après deux ioumées de chemin ; partie 
le manquement de viures, partie la crainte de com- 
battre fans auantage vn ennemy encouragé de fes 
vidtoires, & qui auoient pour la plufpart des armes à 
feu, nos Hurons en ayans fort peu ; toutes ces chof es 
les obligèrent de retourner fur leurs pas, fans auoir 
rien fait. Ils trouuerent fur les chemins de temps 
en temps diuers captifs, qui n'ayâs pas allez de force 
pour fuiure le vainqueur, qui precipitoit fa retraite, 
auoient eu la tefle fendue d'vn coup de hache, les 
autres refloient demy bruflez à vn poteau. 

1649] RELA TION OF i&48''4ç 137 

reserving for some other occasion the matter of 
their death. 

As for the other captives who were left to them, 
destined to die on the spot, they attached them to 
stakes fastened in the earth, which they had arranged 
in various cabins. To these, on leaving the village, 
they set fire on all sides, — taking pleasure, at their 
departure, in feasting upon the frightful cries which 
these poor victims uttered in the midst of those 
flames, where children were broiling beside their 
mothers; where a husband saw his wife roasting 
near him ; where cruelty itself would have had com- 
passion at a spectacle which had nothing human 
about it, except the innocence of those who were in 
torture, most of whom were Christians. 

An old woman, escaped from the midst of that fire, 
bore the news of it to the village of Saint Michel, 
where there were about [44] seven hundred men in 
arms, who charged upon the enemy ; but, not having 
been able to overtake him after two days* march, 
partly the want of provisions, partly the dread of 
combatting without advantage an enemy encouraged 
by his victories, and one who had mostly firearms, 
of which our Hurons have very few, — all these things 
obliged them to retrace their steps, without having 
done aught. They found upon the roads, from time 
to time, various captives, who — not having strength 
enough to follow the conqueror, who was precipitat- 
ing his retreat — had had their heads split by a blow 
of the hatchet; others remained, half burned, at a 



DE l'heureuse mort DU P. lEAN DE BREBEUF, & 


DEZ le lendemain matin que nous eûmes affeu- 
rance du depart de Tennemy, ayant eu auant 
cela des nouuelles certaines, par quelques 
captifs ef chapez, de la mort du Pere lean de Brebeuf , 
& du Pere Gabriel Lallement, nous enuoyafmes [45] 
vn de nos Peres, & fept autres François, chercher 
leurs corps au lieu de leur fupplice. Ils y trouue- 
rent vn fpeAacle d'horreur, les reftes de la cruauté 
mefme: ou pluftoft les reftes de l'amour de Dieu, 
qui feul triôphe dans la mort des Martyrs. 

le les appellerois volontiers, s'il m'eftoit permis, 
de ce nom glorieux, non pas feulement à caufe que 
volontairement, pour l'amour de Dieu, & pour le 
falut de leur prochain, ils fe sot expofez à la mort, 
& à vne mort cruelle fi iamais il y en eût au monde ; 
ayans pu facilement & fans péché, mettre leur vie 
en affeurance, s'ils n'euffent efté plus remplis de 
l'amour de Dieu, que d'eux-mefmes. Mais bien 
plûtoft à caufe qu'outre les difpofitions de charité 
qu'ils y ont apporté de leur part, la haine de la Foy, 
& le mefpris du nom de Dieu, ont efté vn des motifs 
des plus puiffans, qui ait agi dans l'efprit des Bar- 
bares, pour exercer fur eux autant de cruautez que 
iamais la rage des tyrans en ait fait endurer aux 

1649] RELA TION OF 164S- 4g 139 




AS early as the next morning, when we had assur- 
ance of the departure of the enemy, — having 
had, before that, certain news, through some 
escaped captives, of the deaths of Father Jean de Bre- 
beuf and of Father Gabriel Lallement, — we sent [45] 
one of our Fathers and seven other Frenchmen to 
seek their bodies at the place of their torture. They 
found there a spectacle of horror, — the remains of 
cruelty itself: or rather the relics of the love of God, 
which alone triumphs in the death of Martyrs. 

I would gladly call them, if I were allowed, by 
that glorious name, not only because voluntarily, for 
the love of God and for the salvation of their neigh- 
bor, they exposed themselves to death, and to a cruel 
death, if ever there was one in the world, — for they 
could easily and without sin have put their lives in 
safety, if they had not been filled with love for God 
rather than for themselves. But much rather would 
I thus call them, because, in addition to the chari- 
table dispositions which they have manifested on 
their side, hatred for the Faith and contempt for the 
name of God have been among the most powerful 
incentives which have influenced the mind of the 
Barbarians to practice upon them as many cruelties 
as ever the rage of t5rrants obliged the Martyrs to 


Martyrs, qui ont triomphé & de la vie & de la mort, 
dans le plus fort de leurs fupplices. 

Dés le moment qu'ils furent pris captifs, on les 
dépouilla nuds, on leur arracha [46] quelques ongles, 
& l'accueil dont on les receut entrant dans le bourg 
S. Ignace, fut d'vne grefle de coups de baflons fur 
leurs efpaules, fur les reins, fur les iambes, fur 
l'eftomac, fur le ventre, & fur le vifage, n'y ayant 
partie de leur corps qui n'eût deflors enduré chacune 
sô tourmët. 

Le Pere lean de Brebeuf accablé fous la pefanteur 
de ces coups, ne perdit pas pour tout cela le foin de 
fon troupeau ; f e voyant entouré de Chrefliens qu'il 
auoit inflruits, & qui efloient dans la captiuité auec 
luy. Mes enfans, leur dit-il, leuons les yeux au Ciel 
dans le plus fort de nos douleurs, fouuenons nous 
que Dieu efl le tefmoin de nos fouffrances, & en fera 
bien-tofl noftre trop grande recompenfe. Mourons 
dans cette foy, & efperons de fa bonté l'accompliffe- 
ment de fes promeffes. l'ay pitié plus de vous que 
de moy ; mais f ouftenez auec courage le peu qui refte 
de tourmens ; ils finiront auec nos vies ; la gloire qui 
les fuit n'aura iamais de fin. Echon, luy dirent- ils, 
(c'eft le nom que les Hurons donnoient au Pere) 
noftre efprit fera dans le Ciel, lors que nos corps 
fouffriront en terre. Prie Dieu pour nous qu'il nous 
falle mifericorde, nous l'inuoquerons [47] iufqu'à la 

Quelques Infidèles Hurons, anciens captifs des 
Iroquois, naturalifez auec eux, & anciens ennemis de 
la Foy, furent irritez de ces paroles, & de ce que nos 
Peres dans leur captiuité n'auoient pas la langue cap- 
tiue. Ils coupent à l'vn les mains, ils percent l'autre 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648-49 141 

endure, who, at the climax of their tortures, have 
triumphed over both life and death. 

As soon as they were taken captive, they were 
stripped naked, and [46] some of their nails were 
torn out ; and the welcome which they received upon 
entering the village of St. Ignace was a hailstorm of 
blows with sticks upon their shoulders, their loins, 
their legs, their breasts, their bellies, and their 
faces, — there being no part of their bodies which 
did not then endure its torment. 

Father Jean de Brebeuf , overwhelmed under the 
burden of these blows, did not on that account lose 
care for his flock; seeing himself surrounded with 
Christians whom he had instructed, and who were in 
captivity with him, he said to them: ** My children, 
let us lift our eyes to Heaven at the height of our 
afflictions ; let us remember that God is the witness 
of our sufferings, and will soon be our exceeding 
great reward. Let us die in this faith ; and let us 
hope from his goodness the fulfillment of his prom- 
ises. I have more pity for you than for myself ; but 
sustain with courage the few remaining torments. 
They will end with our lives ; the glory which fol- 
lows them will never have an end." '* Echon," they 
said to him (this is the name which the Hurons gave 
the Father), * * our spirits will be in Heaven when our 
bodies shall be suffering on earth. Pray to God for 
us, that he may show us mercy ; we will invoke him 
[47] even until death." 

Some Huron Infidels — former captives of the Iro- 
quois, naturalized among them, and former enemies 
of the Faith — were irritated by these words, and 
because our Fathers in their captivity had not their 
tongues captive. They cut off the hands of one, and 


d'alaines aiguës, & de pointes de fer, ils leur appli- 
quent fous les aixelles & fur les reins, des haches 
toutes rouges de feu, & leur en mettent vn collier à 
l'entour du col, en forte que tous les mouuemens de 
leurs corps leur donnoient vn nouueau f upplice : car 
voulans fe pancher en deuant, les haches toutes en 
feu qui pendoient par derrière, leur brufloient toutes 
les efpaules ; & s'ils penf oient à éuiter cette douleur, 
fe plians vn peu en arrière, leur eflomac, & leur 
poidtrine trouuoient vn femblable tourment; de 
demeurer tous droits fans pancher de cofté ny d'au- 
tre, ces haches ardentes appliquées également de 
tous coftez leur eftoient vn double fupplice. Ils leur 
mirent des ceintures d'ef coree toute pleine de poix & 
de rafine, où ils mirent le feu qui grilla tout leurs 

Dans le plus fort de ces tourmens, le [48] Pere 
Gabriel Lallement leuoit les yeux au Ciel, ioignant 
les mains de fois à autres, & iettant des foûpirs à 
Dieu qu'il inuoquoit à fon fecours. Le Pere lean de 
Brebeuf fouflEroit comme vn rocher, infenfible aux 
feux & aux flammes, fans poufl!er aucun cry, & 
demeurant dans vn profond filence, qui eftonnoit fes 
bourreaux mef mes ; fans doute que fon cœur repof oit 
alors en fon Dieu. Puis reuenant à foy, il prefchoit 
à ces Infidèles, & plus encore à quantité de bons 
Chreftiens captifs, qui auoient compafllon de luy. 

Ces bourreaux indignez de fon zèle, pour l'empef- 
cher de plus parler de Dieu, luy cernèrent la bouche, 
luy coupèrent le nez, & luy arrachèrent les léures : 
mais fon fang parloit bien plus haut que n'auoient 
fait fes léures, & fon cœur n'eflant pas encore arra- 
ché, fa langue ne laiffa pas de luy rendre feruice 

1649] RELA TION OF tÒ48''4g 143 

pierce the other with sharp awls and iron points ; 
they apply under their armpits and upon their loins 
hatchets heated red in the fire, and put a necklace of 
these about their necks in such a way that all the 
motions of their bodies gave them a new torture. 
For, if they attempted to lean forward, the red-hot 
hatchets which hung behind them burned the shoul- 
ders everywhere ; and if they thought to avoid that 
pain, bending back a little, their stomachs and breasts 
experienced a similar torment ; if they stood upright, 
without leaning to one side or the other, these glow- 
ing hatchets, touching them alike on all sides, were a 
double torture to them. They put about them belts 
of bark, filled with pitch and resin, to which they set 
fire, which scorched the whole of their bodies. 

At the height of these torments, [48] Father 
Gabriel Lallement lifted his eyes to Heaven, clasp- 
ing his hands from time to time, and uttering sighs 
to God, whom he invoked to his aid. Father Jean 
de Brebeuf suffered like a rock, insensible to the fires 
and the flames, without uttering any cry, and keep- 
ing a profound silence, which astonished his execu- 
tioners themselves: no doubt, his heart was then 
reposing in his God. Then, returning to himself, 
he preached to those Infidels, and still more to many 
good Christian captives, who had compassion on him. 

Those butchers, indignant at his zeal, in order to 
hinder him from further speaking of God, girdled 
his mouth, cut off his nose, and tore off his lips; but 
his blood spoke much more loudly than his lips had 
done; and, his heart not being yet torn out, his 
tongue did not fail to render him service until the 
last sigh, for blessing God for these torments, and 


iufqu'au dernier f oûpir, pour bénir Dieu de ces tour- 
mens, & pour animer les Chrefliens plus puiilamment 
qu'il n'auoit iamais fait. 

En derifion du faindt Baptefme, que ces bons Peres 
auoient adminiftré fi charitablement mefme à la 
brefche, & au plus chaud de la méfiée ; ces malheu- 
reux, ennemis [49] de la Foy, s'aduiferent de les 
baptizer d'eau bouillante. Tout leur corps en fut 
ondoyé plus de deux & trois fois, auec des railleries 
piquantes qui accompagnoient ces tourmens. Nous 
te baptizons, difoient ces miferables, afin que tu fois 
bienheureux dans le Ciel ; car fans vn bon Baptefme 
on ne peut pas eflre fauué. D'autres adioufloient 
en fe mocquant, Nous te traitons d'amy, puifque 
nous ferons caufe de ton plus grand bonheur là haut 
au Ciel : remercie nous de tant de bons oflSces, car 
plus tu fouffriras, plus ton Dieu t'en recompenfera. 

C'efloient des Hurons Infidèles, anciens captifs des 
Iroquois, anciens ennemis de la Foy, qui autrefois 
ayans eu afl!ez d'inflrudtion pour leur falut, en mef- 
vfoient auec impieté, en efifet pour la gloire des 
Peres ; mais il efl bien à craindre que ce ne f ufi aufll 
pour leur propre malheur. 

Plus on redoubloit ces tourmens, les Peres prioient 
Dieu que leurs péchez ne fufl!ent pas la caufe de la 
reprobation de ces panures aueugles, aufquels ils 
pardonnoient de tout leur cœur. C'eft bien mainte- 
nant qu'ils difent en repos, Tranjiuimus [50] per 
ignem, & aquam^ 6r eduxiûi nos in refrigeriunt. 

Lors qu'on les attacha au poteau, où ils foufifrirët 
ces tourmens, & où ils deuoient mourir, ils fe mirent 
à genoux, ils l'embrafllerent auec ioye, & le baiferent 
faindtement comme l'obiet de leurs deCrs, de leurs 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648- 4c 146 

for animating the Christians more vigorously than 
he had ever done. 

In derision of holy Baptism, — which these good 
Fathers had so charitably administered even at the 
breach, and in the hottest of the fight, — those 
wretches, enemies [49] of the Faith, bethought them- 
selves to baptize them with boiling water. Their 
bodies were entirely bathed with it, two or three 
times, and more, with biting gibes, which accom- 
panied these torments. '*We baptize thee," said 
these wretches, ''to the end that thou maystbe 
blessed in Heaven ; for without proper Baptism one 
cannot be saved." Others added, mocking, "We 
treat thee as a friend, since we shall be the cause of 
thy greatest happiness up in Heaven ; thank us for 
so many good oiBSces, — for, the more thou sufferest, 
the more thy God will reward thee. ' * 

These were Infidel Hurons, former captives of the 
Iroquois, and, of old, enemies of the Faith, — who, 
having previously had sufficient instruction for their 
salvation, impiously abused it, — in reality, for the 
glory of the Fathers ; but it is much to be feared that 
it was also for their own misfortune. 

The more these torments were augmented, the 
more the Fathers entreated God that their sins should 
not be the cause of the reprobation of these poor blind 
ones, whom they pardoned with all their heart. It 
is surely now that they say in repose, Transivimus 
[50] per ignem et aquam; et eduxisti nos in refrigerium. 

When they were fastened to the post where they 
suffered these torments, and where they were to die, 
they knelt down, they embraced it with joy, and 
kissed it piously as the object of their desires and 
their love, and as a sure and final pledge of their 


amours, & vn gage affeuré, & le dernier de leur falut. 
Ils y furent quelque temps en prières, & plus long- 
temps que ces bourreaux ne voulurent leur en 
permettre. Ils creuerent les yeux au Pere Gabriel 
Lallement, & appliquèrent des charbons ardens dans 
le creux d'iceux. 

Leurs fupplices ne furent pas en mefme temps. 
Le Pere lean de Brebeuf fut dans le fort de fes tour- 
raens enuiron trois heures, le mefme iour de fa prife 
le i6. iour de Mars, & rendit Tame fur les quatre 
heures du foir. Le Pere Gabriel Lallement endura 
plus longtemps, depuis les fix heures du foir, iuf- 
qu'enuiron neuf heures du lendemain matin dix- 
feptiefme de Mars. 

Auant leur mort, on leur arracha le cœur à tous 
deux, leur ayant fait vne ouuerture au deffus de la 
poidtrine ; & ces Barbares s'en repeûrent inhumaine- 
ment, beuuant leur fang tout chaud, qu'ils puifoient 
en [5 1] fa fource d'vne main facrilege. Eflans encore 
tout pleins de vie, on enleuoit des morceaux de chair 
de leurs cuiffes, du gras des iambes & de leurs bras, 
que ces bourreaux faifoient roftir fur des charbons, 
& les mangeoient à leur veuë. 

Ils auoient tailladé leurs corps en diuerfes parties, 
& pour accroiftre le fentiment de la douleur, ils 
auoient fourré dans ces playes des haches toutes en 

Le Pere lean de Brebeuf auoit eu la peau arrachée 
qui couure le crane de la tefte : ils luy auoient coupé 
les pieds, & décharné les cuiffes iufqu'aux os, & luy 
auoient fendu d'vn coup de hache, vne mâchoire en 

Le Pere Gabriel Lallemët auoit receu vn coup de 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648-4Ç 147 

salvation. They were there some time in prayers, 
and longer than those butchers were willing to permit 
them. They put out Father Gabriel Lallement's 
eyes and applied burning coals in the hollows of the 

Their tortures were not of the same duration. 
Father Jean de Brebeuf was at the height of his tor- 
ments at about three o'clock on the same day of the 
capture, the i6th day of March, and rendered up his 
soul about four o'clock in the evening. Father 
Gabriel Lallement endured longer, from six o'clock 
in the evening until about nine o'clock the next 
morning, the seventeenth of March. 

Before their death, both their hearts were torn 
out, by means of an opening above the breast ; and 
those Barbarians inhumanly feasted thereon, drink- 
ing their blood quite warm, which they drew from 
[51] its source with sacrilegious hands. While still 
quite full of life, pieces of flesh were removed from 
their thighs, from the calves of the legs, and from 
their arms, — which those executioners placed on 
coals to roast, and ate in their sight. 

They had slashed their bodies in various parts; 
and, in order to increase the feeling of pain, they 
had thrust into these wounds red-hot hatchets. 

Father Jean de Brebeuf had had the skin which 
covered his skull torn away; they had cut ofif his 
feet and torn the flesh from his thighs, even to the 
bone, and had split, with the blow of a hatchet, one 
of his jaws in two. 

Father Gabriel Lallement had received a hatchet- 
blow on the left ear, which they had driven into his 
brain, which appeared exposed ; we saw no part of 
his body, from the feet even to the head, which had 


hache fur l'oreille gauche, qu'ils luy auoiët enfoncé 
iufque dans la ceruelle qui paroiffoit à découuert; 
nous ne vifmes aucune partie de fon corps, depuis les 
pieds iufqu'à la tefle qui n'eut eflé grillée, & dans 
laquelle il n'eut eflé bruflé tout vif; mefme les yeux 
où ces impies auoient fourré des charbons ardens. 

Ils leur auoient grillé la langue, leur mettant à 
diuerfes fois dans la bouche, des tifons enflammez, 
& des flambeaux d'écorce: [52] ne voulans pas qu'ils 
inuoquafl!ent en mourant, celuy pour lequel ils 
fouffroient, & qui iamais ne pouuoit mourir en leur 
coeur. l'ay fceu tout cecy de perfonnes dignes de 
foy, qui l'ont veu, & me l'ont rapporté à moy-mefme, 
& qui alors efloient captifs auec eux, mais qui ayant 
eflé referuez pour eflre mis à mort en vn autre temps, 
ont trouué les moyens de fe fauuer. 

Mais laifl!ons ces obiets d'horreur, & ces monflres 
de cruauté; puis qu'vn iour toutes ces parties feront 
doliées d'vne gloire immortelle, que la grandeur de 
leurs tourmens fera la mefure de leur bonheur, & 
que dés maintenant ils viuent dans le repos des 
Saindts, & y feront pour vn iamais. 

Nous enfeuelifmes ces pretieufes reliques, le 
Dimanche 2 1 . iour de Mars, auec tant de conf dation, 
& des fentimës de deuotion fi tendres, en tous ceux 
qui afllflerent à leurs obfeques, que ie n'en fçache 
aucun qui ne fouhaittafl vne mort femblable, pluflofl 
que de la craindre ; & qui ne f e creufl tres-heureux 
de fe voir en vn lieu, où peut-eflre à deux iours de 
là, Dieu luy feroit la grace de répandre & fon fang, 
[53] & fa vie en vne pareille occafion. Pas vn de 
nous ne pût iamais gagner fur foy, de prier Dieu pour 
eux, come s'ils en eufl!ent eu quelque befoin: mais 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648-49 149 

not been broiled, and in which he had not been 
burned alive, — even the eyes, into which those 
impious ones had thrust burning coals. 

They had broiled their tongues, repeatedly put- 
ting into their mouths flaming brands, and burning 
pieces of bark, — [52] not willing that they should 
invoke, in dying, him for whom they were suffer- 
ing, and who could never die in their hearts. I have 
learned all this from persons worthy of credence, 
who have seen it, and reported it to me personally, 
and who were then captives with them, — but who^ 
having been reserved to be put to death at another 
time, found means to escape. 

But let us leave these objects of horror, and these 
monsters of cruelty; since one day all those parts 
will be endowed with an immortal glory, the great- 
ness of their torments will be the measure of their 
happiness, and, from now on, they live in the repose 
of the Saints, and will dwell in it forever. 

We buried these precious relics on Sunday, the 
2 1st day of March, with so much consolation and 
such tender feelings of devotion in all those who 
were present at their obsequies, that I know none 
who did not desire a similar death, rather than fear 
it ; and who did not regard himself as blest to stand 
in a place where, it might be, two days thence, God 
would accord him the grace of shedding both his 
blood [53] and his life on a like occasion. Not one 
of us could ever prevail upon himself to pray to God 
for them, as if they had had any need of it; but 
our spirits were at once directed toward Heaven, 
where we doubted not that their souls were. Be 
this as it may, I entreat God that he fulfill upon 


nofire efprit fe portoit incontinent au Ciel, où il ne 
•doutoit point que ne fuffent leurs âmes. Quoy qu'il 
en foit, ie prie Dieu qu'il accompliffe deffus nous fes 
volontez iufqu'à là mort, comme il â fait en leurs 

Le Pere Gabriel Lallement eftoit venu le dernier 
au combat, & toutefois a rauy heureufement vne des 
premieres couronnes. le veux dire, que n'y ayant 
que fix mois qu'il efloit arriué en cette Miffion des 
Hurons, & le dernier de tous ; il a eflé choifi de Dieu 
pour eflre vne des premieres vidtimes immolées à la 
haine du nom Chreflien, & de la Foy. 

Il y auoit plufieurs années qu'il demandoit à Dieu 
auec des larmes & des foûpirs, d' eflre enuoyé en cette 
Miflion du bout du monde, nonobflant fa complexion 
tres-delicate, & que fon corps n'eût point de forces, 
finon ce que l'efprit de Dieu, & le defir de fouffrir 
pour fon nom pouuoient luy en donner. le ne puis 
enuier au public vn efcrit fecret de fa main, que i'ay 
trouué après fa mort, des motifs qu'il [54] auoit eus 
de fouhaitter fi ardemment 1' employ de ces Miffions. 
Voicy fes propres termes. 

Cefi mon Dieu mon Sauueur, i. pour me reuan- 
cher des obligations que ie vous ay : car fi vous auez 
abandonné vos contentemens, vos honneurs, voflre 
fanté, vos ioyes & voflre vie, pour me fauuer moy 
mif érable; n'efl-il pas plus que raifonnable que 
i'abandonne à voflre exemple toutes ces chofes, pour 
le falut des âmes que vous eflimez voflres, qui vous 
ont confié voflre fang, que vous auez aymées iufqu'à 
la mort, & defquelles vous auez dit, Quod vni ex mini- 
mis mets fecijlis^ mihi fecijlis. 

2. Quand bien mefme ie ne ferois point émeu par 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648-49 161 

US his will, even to death, as he has done in their 

Father Gabriel Lallement was the last to come to 
the combat, and yet has fortunately borne away one 
of the first crowns. I mean to say that, although it 
is but six months since he arrived in this Mission of 
the Hurons, — and that, last of all, — he has been 
chosen by God as one of the first victims sacrificed 
to the hatred for the Christian name and Faith. 

For several years, he had been asking God, with 
tears and sighs, to be sent to this Mission in the end 
of the world, notwithstanding his very delicate con- 
stitution, and the fact that his body had no strength 
except what the spirit of God, and the desire of suflfer- 
ing for his name, could give him. I cannot grudge 
to the public a private writing from his hand, which 
I found after his death, concerning the motives which 
he [54] had had, for so ardently desiring occupation 
in these Missions. Here are his own words: 

** It is. my God, my Savior, ist, to make good the 
obligations which I feel toward you : for if you aban- 
doned your contentments, your honors, your comfort, 
your joys, and your life, in order to save me, wretched 
one, — is it more than reasonable that I abandon, 
after your example, all these things for the salvation 
of souls, — which you esteem yours, which have cost 
you your blood; which you have loved even until 
death, and of which you have said. Quod uni ex mini- 
mis meis fecistis^ mihi fecistis f 

*' 2. Even though, indeed, I were not moved by a 
spirit of gratitude, in making you these burnt-offer- 
ings of myself, I would do so with all my heart in 
consideration of the grandeurs of your adorable 
Majesty, and of your infinitely infinite goodness, — 


vn efprit de gratitude, à vous faire ces holocauftes 
de moy-mefme, ie le ferois de tout mon cœur en con- 
fideration des grandeurs de voflre adorable Maiefté, 
& de voflre bonté infiniment infinie, qui mérite qu'vn 
homme s'immole à voflre feruice, & qu'il fe perde 
heureufement foy-mefme, pour accomplir fidèlement 
ce qu'il iuge eflre de voflre volonté fur luy, & des inf pi- 
rations particulières qu'il vous plaifl luy donner, pour 
le bien de voflre [55] plus grande gloire. 

3. Puis que i'ay eflé fi mif érable que de tant 
offenfer voflre bonté, ô mon Iesvs, il efl iufle de 
vous fatisfaire par des peines extraordinaires: & 
ainfi ie dois marcher deuant voflre face, le refle de 
ma vie, le cœur humilié & contrit dans la foufifrance 
des maux, que vous auez le premier foufiferts pour 

4. le fuis redeuable à mes parens, à ma mere, à 
mes frères, & ie dois attirer fur eux les eflfets de vos 
nûfericordes. Mon Dieu ne permettez iamais qu'au- 
cun de cette famille, pour laquelle vous auez eu tant 
d'amour, perifl!e en voflre prefence, & qu'il foit du 
nombre de ceux qui vous doiuent blafphemer éter- 
nellement. Que ie fois pour eux la viélime, Quoniant 
ego in flagella paratus /um; hic vre^ hic /eca, vt in œler- 
nutn par cas. 

5. Oiiy mon Iesvs, & mon amour, il faut aufll 
que voflre fang verfé pour les Barbares aufll bien que 
pour nous, foit appliqué eflScacement pour leur falut ; 
& c'efl en quoy ie veux coopérer à voflre grace, & 
m'immoler pour eux. 

6. Il faut que voflre nom foit adoré, que voflre 
Royaume foit eflendu par toutes les [56] Nations du 
monde; & que ie confomme ma vie pour retirer des 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648" 4g 168 

which deserves that a man sacrifice himself to your 
service, and that he blessedly cast himself away, in 
order to accomplish faithfully what he judges to be 
your will concerning him, and special inspirations 
which it pleases you to give him for the good of 
your [55] greater glory. 

' * 3 . Since I have been so wicked as to ofif end so 
greatly your goodness, O my Jesus, it is right to 
make amends to you by extraordinary pains: and 
thus I must walk before your face the remainder of 
my life, with my heart humbled and contrite in the 
endurance of the evils which you first suffered for 

* * 4. I am indebted to my parents, to my mother, 
and to my brothers, and I must draw upon them the 
effects of your mercies. My God, never permit that 
any of this family, for which you have had so much 
love, shall perish in your presence, or that he be of 
the number of those who are destined to blaspheme 
you eternally. Let me be for them the victim, — 
Quoniam ego in flagella paratus sum; hie ure^ hie seca^ 
ut in œternum parcas, 

''5. Yes, my Jesus and my love, it must there- 
fore be that your blood, shed for the Barbarians as 
well as for us, be elBScaciously applied for their salva- 
tion ; and this is wherein I wish to cooperate with 
your grace, and to sacrifice myself for them. 

** 6. It must be that your name be adored, that 
your Kingdom be extended through all the [56] 
Nations of the world ; and that I consume my life, 
in order to withdraw from the hands of Satan, your 
enemy, these poor souls who have cost you both your 
blood and your life. 

'* 7. Finally, if it be reasonable that some one 


mains de Satan voflre ennemy, ces panures âmes, 
qui vous ont confié & voflre fang & voflre vie. 

7. Enfin s'il efl raifonnable, que quelqu'vn fe 
porte d'amour à donner ce contentement à lefus- 
Chrifl, au peril de cent mille vies, s'il en auoit 
autant, auec la perte de tout ce qui efl de plus doux, 
& agréable à la nature ; tu ne trouueras iamais per- 
fonne qui foit plus obligé à l'entreprendre que toy. 
Sus donc, mon ame, perdons nous faintement, pour 
donner ce contentement au cœur facré de lefus- 
Chrifl; il le mérite, & tune peux t'en difpenfer, fl 
tu ne voulois viure & mourir ingrate à fon amour. 

Ce font là les motifs qui auoient animé fon zèle à 
venir mourir auec nous, au milieu de cette barbarie. 
Il n'efloit rien de plus innocent que luy, ayant quitté 
le monde dés fa tendre ieuneffe : & depuis dixneuf 
ans qu'il efloit Religieux de noflre Compagnie, ayant 
toufiours marché auec vne confcience fi pure, que la 
moindre ombre, ie ne diray pas du péché, mais des 
penfées qui en approchent, & qui n'ont rien de crimi- 
nel, ne feruoit que [57] pour l'ayder à s'vnir dauan- 
tage à Dieu. 

Depuis fon arriuée icy dans les Hurons, il s'efloit 
appliqué auec tant d'ardeur à apprendre vne langue 
ingrate, fi iamais il y en eut au monde, & en fuite y 
auoit fait tant de progrez, que nous ne doutions point 
que Dieu ne voulufl fe f eruir de luy en ces païs, pour 
l'aduancement de fa gloire. Sa charité ne trouuoit 
point de difference entre l'eflude des fciences plus 
hautes, qui l'auoient occupé iufqu'alors, & les difl&- 
cultez efpineufes d'vne langue barbare, qui n'a rien 
d'attrayant, Cnon autant que le zèle du falut du pro- 
chain y fait rencontrer de beautez. Ce n'efl pas vne 

1649J RELA TION OF 1648-49 166 

incline, from love, to give this satisfaction to Jesus 
Christ, — though at the risk of a hundred thousand 
lives, if he had so many, and with the loss of every- 
thing which is sweetest and most agreeable to 
nature, — thou wilt never find any one who is more 
obliged to undertake it than thou. Up then, my soul, 
let us blessedly cast ourselves away, in order to give 
this satisfaction to the sacred heart of Jesus Christ ; 
he deserves it, and thou canst not forego it, if thou 
wouldst not live and die ungrateful to his love." 

Such are the motives which had animated his zeal 
to come and die with us in the midst of this barba- 
rism. There was no one more innocent than he, for 
he had left the world since his tender youth ; and, in 
the nineteen years since he had been a Religious of 
our Society, he had always walked with a conscience 
so pure that the least shadow, — I will not say of sin, 
but of thoughts which approach it, and are not at all 
criminal, — served only [57] to aid him in uniting 
himself more to God. 

After his arrival here among the Hurons, he had 
applied himself with so much ardor to learn the 
language, — thankless, if ever there were such a one 
in the world, — and subsequently had made in it so 
much progress, that we did not doubt that God 
wished to use him in these countries for the advance- 
ment of his glory. His charity found no difference 
between the study of the higher sciences, which had 
occupied him until then, and the thorny dilBSculties 
of a barbarous language, which has nothing attractive 
about it, — except in so far as zeal for the salvation 
of one's neighbor leads one to find beauties in it. It 
is not one of the least difficulties in these countries, 


des peines des plus petites en ces païs, qu'il faille 
deuenir enfant pour apprendre à parler à l'âge de 39. 

Après tout, fa courfe a eflé bien-toft confommée, 
mais en ce peu de temps, il a remply les attentes que 
la terre & le Ciel pouuoient auoir de fes trauaux. 
Il eft mort en la caufe de Dieu, & a trouué en ces 
païs, la Croix de lefus-Chrift, qu'il y cherchoit, dont 
il a porté deffus foy les marques bien fanglantes. 

Quoy que quittant le monde, il eût quitté la part 
que fa naiffance luy donnoit à [58] des charges hono- 
rables: toutefois ie puis dire auec vérité, que la 
Tobbe qu'il a empourprée de fon fang, eft mille fois 
plus pretieufe que la pourpre, & les plus hautes 
efperances, que le monde luy euft pu promettre. 

Il nafquit à Paris, le 31. d'Odtobre de l'année 1610. 
n entra en noftre Compagnie le 24. de Mars de 
l'année 1630. Il y eft mort dans vn lidt de gloire le 
17. de Mars de la prefente année 1649. Les Hurons 
le nommoient Atironta. 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648-49 1^7 

that it is necessary to become a child at the age of 
39 years, in order to learn to speak. 

After all, his course has been quickly finished ; but 
in this little time he has fulfilled the expectations 
which earth and Heaven could have for his labors. 
He has died in the cause of God, and has found in 
these countries the Cross of Jesus Christ which he 
sought in them, — of which he has borne upon 
himself the truly bloody marks. 

Although, in leaving the world, he had left the 
share which his birth gave him in [58] honorable 
oiBSces, yet I can say, with truth, that the robe which 
he has crimsoned with his blood is a thousand times 
more precious than the purple, or the loftiest expecta- 
tions which the world could have promised him. 

He was bom at Paris, on the 31st of October in 
the year 16 10. He entered our Society on the 24th 
of March in the year 1630; he died in it, upon a bed 
of glory, on the 17th of March in the current year, 
1649. ^^^ Hurons named him Atironta. 





LE Pere lean de Brebeuf auoit efté choîfi de Dieu, 
pour eftre le premier Apoftre des Hurons, le 
premier de noftre Compagnie qui y ait mis le 
pied, & qui n'y ayant pas trouué vn feul Saunage qui 
inuoquaft le nom de Dieu, y a fi heureufement tra- 
uaillé pour le falut de ces panures Barbares, qu'auant 
fa mort il a eu la confolation d'y voir prés de fept 
mille baptizez, & la Croix de lefus-Chrift, arborée [59] 
par tout auec gloire, & adorée en vn païs, qui depuis 
la naiflance du monde n'auoit iamais eflé Chreflien. 
Il fut enuoyé en la Nouuelle France Tannée 1625. 
par le Reuerend Pere Pierre Coton ; & pour fon coup 
d'effay, pour fon premier apprentillage, il hjniema 
errant dedans les bois, auec les peuples Montagnez 
plus voifins de Kebec, où il eut beaucoup à foufifrir, 
attendant TEfté de Tannée fuiuante 1626. qu'il monta 
icy aux Hurons, deuorant les difl&cultez de ces 
langues barbares, auec vn fuccés fi heureux, qu'il 
fembloit n'eftre né que pour ces païs, accommodant 
fon naturel, & fon humeur aux façons d'agir de ces 
peuples, auec tant de conduite, f e faifant tout à tous 
pour les gagner à lefus-Chrifl, qu'il leur auoit rauy 
le cœur, & y eftoit vniquement aymé, lors qu'il fut 
contraint de retourner en France Tannée 1629. les 
Anglois s'eflans rendus les maiflres de ce païs, & 

1649] RELA TION OF iÔ4ê''4ç 169 




FATHER Jean de Brebeuf had been chosen by 
God to be the first Apostle of the Hurons, the 
first of our Society who set foot there, — and 
who, not having found there a single Savage who 
invoked the name of God, labored there so success- 
fully for the salvation of those poor Barbarians that 
before his death he had the consolation of seeing 
nearly seven thousand baptized there, and the Cross 
of Jesus Christ planted [59] everjrwhere with glory, 
and adored in a country which, from the birth of the 
world, had never been Christian. 

He was sent to New France in the year 1625, by 
the Reverend Father Pierre Coton ; and for his first 
attempt, his first apprenticeship, he spent the winter 
roving in the woods, with the Montagnais tribes 
nearest Kebec, in which life he had much to suffer, 
until the Summer of the following year, 1626. He 
then came up here to the Hurons, devouring the 
difficulties of these barbarous languages with a suc- 
cess so felicitous that he seemed to have been bom 
only for these countries. He adapted his own nature 
and temperament to the customs among these peo- 
ples, with so much ability, — becoming all things to 
all men, in order to win them to Jesus Christ, — that 
he had ravished their hearts, and was singularly loved 
there, when he was constrained to return to France, 


ne voulans pas y fouffrir les Prédicateurs de la Foy. 

L'Anglois ayant efté contraint de lafcher prife, & 
fe retirer d'vn païs qu'il occupoit iniuftement ; le 
mefme Pere y fut renuoyé Tannée 1633 en laquelle il 
fe veid [60] obligé d'li3ruemer encore à Kebec, n'ayât 
pu monter aux Hurons que la f uiuante année ; défia 
maiflre en la langue, & remply des efperances qu'il 
auoit de la conuerfion de ces peuples. 

Il falloit vn homme accomply pour vne fi haute 
entreprife, & fur tout d'vne fainteté eminente. Cefi 
ce qu'il ne voyoit pas en foy-mefme, mais ce que 
tous ceux qui l'ont connu ont toufiours admiré en 
luy ; vne vertu à qui rien ne manquoit, & qui f em- 
bloit luy eftre naturelle ; quoy que ce qui paroifloit 
au dehors, ne fufl rien en comparaifon des threfors 
de grace, dont Dieu l'alloit enrichillant de iour en 
iour, & des faneurs qu'il luy faifoit. 

Souuent Noftre Seigneur s'efl apparu à luy, quel- 
quefois en eftat de gloire, mais d'ordinaire portant 
fa Croix, ou bien y eftant attaché; qui imprimoit 
dedans fon cœur des defirs fi ardens de beaucoup 
fouffrir pour fon nom, que quoy qu'il eut beaucoup 
fouffert en mille occafions, des peines, des fatigues, 
des perfecutions, des douleurs; tout ne luy eftoit 
rien, & fe plaignoit de fon malheur, croyant que 
iamais il n'auoit rien fouffert, & que Dieu ne le 
trouuoit pas digne de luy faire porter la [61} 
moindre partie de fa Croix. 

Noflre Dame luy eft aufll tres-fouuent apparue, qui 
d'ordinaire laiffoit en fon ame des defirs de fouffrir, 
mais auec des douceurs fi grandes, & vne telle fouf- 
mifllon aux volontez de Dieu, qu'en fuite fon efprit 
en demeuroit dans vne paix profonde, & dans vn 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648- 4c 161 

in the year 1629, — the English having made them- 
selves masters of this country, and not being willing 
to suffer in it the Preachers of the Faith. 

The Englishman having been constrained to let go 
his hold, and to withdraw from a country which he 
occupied unjustly, the same Father was sent back to it 
in the year 1633, when he found himself [60] obliged 
to winter again at Kebec, being unable to go up to the 
Hurons before the following year, — though he was 
already master of the language, and was filled with the 
hopes that he had for the conversion of these tribes. 

For so high an enterprise was required an accom- 
plished man, and especially one of eminent holiness. 
This is what he did not see in himself, but what all 
those who have known him have always admired in 
him, — a virtue in which nothing was wanting, and 
which seemed to be natural to him, although that 
which appeared without was nothing in comparison 
with the treasures of grace wherewith Grod continued 
to enrich him, from day to day, and with the favors 
which he showed him. 

Often, Our Lord appeared to him, — sometimes in 
a state of glory, but usually bearing his Cross, or 
indeed, being attached to it ; these visions implanted 
in his heart such ardent desires to suffer much for 
his name, that, although he had greatly suffered on 
a thousand occasions, — diflBculties, fatigues, persecu- 
tions, griefs, — all was naught to him, and he com- 
plained of his misfortune, — believing that he had 
never suffered anything, and that God did not find 
him worthy of having him bear the [61] least share 
in his Cross. 

Our Lady also appeared to him very often ; she 
usually left in his soul desires for suffering, but with 


fentîment efleué des grandeurs de Dieu, Tefpace de 
pluOeurs iours. 

L'année 1640. qu'il paffa tout THyuer en Miffiô dans 
la Nation Neutre, vne g^âde croix luy apparut, qui 
venoit du cofté des Nations Iroquoifes. Il le dît 
au Pere qui Taccompagnoit ; lequel luy demandant 
quelques particularitez plus grandes de cette appari- 
tion, il ne luy ref pondit autre chofe, fino que cette 
croix eftoit fi grande, qu'il y en auoit afl!ez pour 
attacher non feulement vne perfonne, mais tous tant 
que nous eftions en ces païs. 

Il auoit eu commandement d'efcrire ces chofes 
extraordinaires, qui fe paffoient en luy, au moins 
celles dont il pourroit plus aifément fe reffouuenir, 
car elles eftoient trop fréquentes, & le foin du falut 
du prochain, à peine luy donnoit-il quelque loifir 
d'écrire de fois à autre. Voicy les deux dernières 
chofes que i'ay trouuées [62] dans fes mémoires. 

Quantité de croix me font apparues, que i'embraffois 
toutes très- volontiers. La nuit fuiuante eftant en 
oraifon, me conformant aux volontez de Dieu fur 
moy, & luy difant, Fiat voluntas tua^ Domine quid me 
vis facer e ? i'ay entendu vne voix qui m'a dit, Toile ^ 
Lege. Le iour eftant venu, i'ay pris en main le petit 
liure de l'Imitation de-Iefus-Chrift, & fans defl!ein ie 
fuis tombé fur le chapitre De regiâ via /anâlœ crucis. 
Depuis ce temps-là, i'ay fenty dans mon ame vne 
grande paix, & vn repos dans les occafions de fouflfrir. 

Sur le foir eftât en oraifon deuât le très- faint 
Sacrement, i'ay veu en efprit fur mes habits, & fur 
les habits de tous nos Peres, fans qu'aucun en fuft 
excepté, des taches toutes de fang, ce qui m'a laifl!é 
dans vn fentiment d'admiration. 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648^49 168 

feelings so serene, and such submission to the will of 
God, that afterward his spirit remained for the space 
of several days in deep peace and in a lofty realiza- 
tion of the greatness of Grod. 

In the year 1640, when he spent the whole Winter 
on a Mission to the Neutral Nation, a g^eat cross 
appeared to him, which came from the direction of 
the Iroquois Nations. He mentioned it to the Father 
who accompanied him; the latter asking him for 
some further details of this apparition, he answered 
him only this, that this cross was so great that it was 
adequate to hold not only one person, but all of us 
who were in these countries. 

He had been commanded to write these extraor- 
dinary things which occurred within his soul,— at 
least, those which he could most easily remember ; 
for they were too frequent, and care for the salva- 
tion of his neighbor hardly gave him any leisure to 
write from time to time. Here are the last two 
items which I have found [62] in his memoirs. 

" Many crosses appeared to me, all of which I 
very gladly embraced. On the following night, 
while in prayer, — conforming myself to the will of 
God concerning me, and saying to him. Fiat voluntas 
tua, Domine; quid me vis facere? — I heard a voice 
which said to me. Toile, Lege. The day having come 
on, I took in hand the little book of the ' Imitation 
of Jesus Christ ; * ^ and, without design, I fell upon 
the chapter. De regia via sanctœ crucis. From that 
time I felt in my soul a great peace, and repose in 
occasions of suffering. 

" Toward evening, being in prayer before the 
most blessed Sacrament, I saw in spirit, upon my 
clothes and upon the clothes of all our Fathers, 


Nous n'en fçauons pas dauantage, & fi peut-eftre 
Dieu n'a point voulu nous aduertir, & par ces croix, 
& par ce fang, qu'il nous fera la mefme grace, dont 
il a voulu recompenfer les mérites de ce bon Pere, 
de mourir pour fon nom, & de répandre noflre fang 
pour l'eftabliflement de fa gloire. Quoy qu'il en 
foit, nous le [63] prions que fa tres-fainte volonté foit 
accomplie fur nous iufqu'à la mort. 

Ce bon Pere fe fentoit tellement porté de procurer 
la gloire de Dieu, & n'auoir que cela en veuë, que 
plus d'onze ans auant fa mort, il s'obligea par vœu, 
de faire & de patir tout ce que le refle de fa vie il 
pourroit reconnoiflre deuoir eflre à la plus grande 
gloire de Dieu; vœu qu'il renouuelloit tous les iours 
à l'autel, au temps de la tres-fainte Communion. 

Du depuis ie ne voy rien de plus frequent dans fes 
mémoires, que les fentimens qu'il auoit de mourir 
pour la gloire de lefus-Chrifl. Sentio me vehenunter 
impelli ad moriendum pro Chrijlo. Defirs qui luy conti- 
nuoient les huit & les dix iours de fuitte. Enfin 
voulant fe faire vn holocaufte, & vne vic5time con- 
f aeree à la mort : & afin de preuenir plus faintement 
le bon-heur du mart)nre qui l'attendoit, il s'y votia 
par vœu qu'il conceut en ces termes: 

Quid retribuam tibi, Domine mi lefu^ pro omnibus quœ 
retribuirli mihif Calicem tuum accipiam, & nomen 
tuum inuocabo. Voueo ergo in con/peélu œterni Patris 
tuif fanatique Spiritus, in con/peâtu facratijiimœ Matris 
tuŒy cajtifèimique eius fponji lofephi; coram Angelis^ 
[64] Apojìolis & MartyribuSy fanStifque meis parentibus 
Ignatio, & Francifco Xauerio\ Voueo inquam tibi. Do- 
mine mi lefu^ fi mihi vnquam indigno famulo tuOy Mar- 
tyrij gratia mifericorditer à te oblata fuerity me huic 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648- 49 166 

without any exception, spots all of blood, — which 
left me in a sentiment of admiration. ' ' 

We know nothing further of this ; and yet perhaps 
God has not chosen to warn us, by those crosses and 
that blood, that he will accord us the same favor 
with which he has chosen to recompense the merits 
of this good Father, — to die for his name, and to 
shed our blood for the establishment of his glory. 
Be this as it may, we [63] pray him that his most 
holy will be fulfilled regarding us, even to death. 

This good Father felt himself so inclined to pro- 
cure the glory of God, and to have only that in sight, 
that, more than eleven years before his death, he 
bound himself by a vow to do and suffer all that, 
during the remainder of his life, he might recognize 
as requisite to the greater glory of God, — a vow 
which he renewed every day at the altar, at the time 
of the most holy Communion. 

From that time, I see nothing more frequent in 
his memoirs than the desires which he had to die for 
the glory of Jesus Christ : Sentio me vehementer impelli 
ad moriendum pro Christo, — desires which continued 
with him eight or ten days in succession. Finally, 
wishing to become a burnt-offering, and a victim 
consecrated to death, and in order to anticipate more 
holily the happiness of the martyrdom which was 
awaiting him, he devoted himself to it in a vow 
which he conceived in these terms : 

Quid retribuam tibi^ Domine mi Jesu^ pro omnibus qua 
retribuisti mihi f Calicem tuum accipiam^ et nomen tuum 
invocabo. Voveo ergo in conspectu œterni Patris tui^ 
sanctique Spiritus, in conspectu sacratissimce Matris tuœ^ 
castissimique ejus sponsi Josephi; coram AngeliSy [64] 
Apostolis et Martyribus^ sanctisque meis parentibus 


gratiœ non defuturum: fie vt in pofterum lierre miki 
nunquatn velitn^ aut qua fefe afferent moriendi pro te 
ouafiones declinare^ {nifi ita fieri ad maiorem gloriam. 
tuam iudicareni) aut iam infliêlum mortis iêlutn^ non 
aeceptare gaudenter. Tibi ergo Domine mi lefu^ & /an- 
guinem & corpus ^ & /piritum meum iam ab hoc die gau^ 
denter afferò^ vt pro te fi ita dones, moriar; qui pro me 
mori dignatus es. Fae vt fic viuam^ vt ita mori tandetn 
me velis. Ita Domine calicem tuum aecipiam^ & nomen 
tuum inuocabo. le/u^ le/u, le/u. 

Mon Dieu & mon Sauueur lefus, que pourray-ie 
vous rendre pour totis les biens, dont vous m'auez 
preuenu? le prendray de voftre main le calice de 
vos fouffrances, & i'inuoqueray voftre Nom. le fais 
donc vœu en la prefence de voftre Pere Etemel, & 
du Saint Efprit, en la prefence de voftre Mere tres- 
f aeree, & de fon tres-chafte efpoux Saindt lofeph, 
deuant les Anges, les Apoftres & Martyrs, & mes 
bien-heureux Peres Sainc5t Ignace, & S. [65] François 
Xauier: oiiy, mon Sauueur lefus, ie vous fais vœu 
de ne iamais manquer de mon cofté à la grace du 
martyre, fi par voftre infinie mifericorde vous me 
la pref entez quelque iour, à moy voftre indigne f erui- 
teur. le m'y oblige en telle façon, que ie prêtes que 
tout le refte de ma vie, ce ne me foit plus vne chofe 
licite, qui demeure en ma liberté, de fuir les occa- 
fions de mourir, & de refpandre mon fang pour vous. 
(N'eftoit que dans quelque rencontre ie iugeafl^e pour 
lors, qu'il fuft des interefts de voftre gloire, de m'y 
comporter autrement.) Et quand i'auray receu le 
coup de mort, ie m'oblige à l'accepter de voftre 
main, auec tout l'agreement, & la ioye de mon cœur. 
Et partant, mon aimable lefus, ie vous ofifre dés 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648-49 167 

Ignatio, et Francisco Xaverio; Voveo^ inquanto tibi, 
Domine mi Jesu^ si mihi unquam indigno famulo tuo, 
Martyrii gratia misericorditer à te oblata fuerit^ m£ huic 
gratia non defuturum: sic ut in posterum licere mihi 
nunquam velim, aut quœ sese offerent moriendi pro te oc- 
casiones declinare ^ (nisi ita fieri ad major em gloriam tuam 
judicarem) aut jam inflictum mortis ictum, non acceptare 
gaudenter. Tibi ergo. Domine mi JesUy et sanguinem 
et corpus, et spiritum meum jam ab hac die gaudenter 
offerOy ut pro te^ si ita dones, moriar; qui pro me mori 
dignatus es. Foc ut sic vivam^ ut ita mori tandem me 
velis. Ita, Domine, calicem tuum accipiam, et nomen tuum 
invocaboy Jesu, Jesu, Jesu. 

' * My God and my Savior Jesus, what can I render 
to you for all the benefits which you have conferred 
upon me? I will take from your hand the cup of 
your sufferings, and I will invoke your Name. I 
then make a vow, — in the presence of your Eternal 
Father and of the Holy Ghost; in the presence of 
your most sacred Mother, and of her most chaste 
spouse, Saint Joseph ; before the Angels, the Apostles 
and Martyrs, and my blessed Fathers Saint Ignatius 
and St. [65] Francis Xavier, — yes, my Savior Jesus, 
I make a vow to you never to fail, on my side, in 
the grace of martyrdom, if by your infinite mercy 
you oflfer it to me some day, to me, your unworthy 
servant. I bind myself to it in such a way that I 
intend that, during all the rest of my life, it shall no 
longer be a lawful thing for me, when remaining at 
my option, to avoid opportunities of dying and of 
shedding my blood for you. (Save only that, in some 
emergency, I should judge that, for the time being, 
it might be to the interests of your glory to behave 
otherwise in the matter.) And when I shall have 


auiourd'huy, dans les fentimens de ioye que i*en ay, 
& mon fang, & mon corps, & ma vie ; afim que ie ne 
meure que pour vous, fi vous me faites cette gprace, 
puifque vous auez bien daigné mourir pour moy. 
Faites que ie viue en telle façon, qu'enfin vous 
m*odtro3rïez cette faueur, de mourir fi heureufement. 
Ainfi mon Dieu, & mon Sauueur, ie prendray de 
voilre main le calice de vos fouffrances, & i'inuoque- 
ray voftre [66] Nom, Iesvs, Iesvs, Iesvs. 

Souuent les Infidèles ont confpiré fa mort. Si 
quelque malheur eftoit arriué au païs, c'eftoient les 
lefuites qui en eftoient la caufe, & Echon le premier 
de tous. Si la pefte regnoit, & fi les maladies conta- 
gieufes depeuploient quelques bourgs, c'efloit luy 
qui par fes fortileges faifoit venir ces Demons de 
l'enfer, auec lefquels on l'accufoit d'auoir commerce. 
La famine ne paroifl!oit icy que par fes ordres ; & fi la 
guerre ne leur eiloit pas fauorable, c'efloit Echon 
qui auoit des intelligences f ecrettes auec leurs enne- 
mis, qui fous main receuoit d'eux des penfions pour 
trahir le païs, & n'eftoit venu de la France, finon 
pour exterminer tous les peuples auec lefquels il 
agiroit, fous le prétexte d'y venir annoncer la Foy, 
& de procurer leur bonheur. En vn mot, le nom 
d' Echon a eflé l'efpace de quelques années, tellement 
en horreur, qu'on s'en feruoit pour efpouuenter les 
enfans, & fouuent on a fait croire à des malades, 
que fa veuë eftoit le Demon qui les auoit enforcelez, 
& qui donnoit le coup de mort. Mais fon heure 
n'eflant pas venue, tous ces mauuais defl!eins qu'on 
auoit contre luy, ne feruoient qu'à [67] augmenter fa 
confiance en Dieu, & faire qu'il marchaft tous les 
iours comme vne vic5time confacrée à la mort, qu'il 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648-4^ 169 

received the stroke of death, I bind myself to accept 
it from your hand with all pleasure, and with joy in 
my heart. And consequently, my beloved Jesus, I 
offer to you from to-day, in the feelings of joy that I 
have thereat, my blood, my body, and my life; so 
that I may die only for you, if you grant me this 
favor, since you have indeed condescended to die for 
me. Enable me to live in such a way that finally 
you may grant me this favor, to die so happily. 
Thus, my God and my Savior, I will take from your 
hand the cup of your sufferings, and I will invoke 
your [66] Name, Jesus, Jesus, Jesus." 

Often the Infidels conspired for his death. If any 
misfortune had befallen the country, it was the 
Jesuits who were the cause of it, and Echon the 
chief of all. If pestilence prevailed, and contagious 
diseases depopulated certain villages, it was he who 
by his spells caused those Demons of hell to come, 
with whom he was accused of having dealings. 
Famine appeared here only by his orders; and, if 
the war were not favorable to them, it was Echon 
who had a secret understanding with their enemies ; 
who surreptitiously received pensions from them, for 
betraying the country; and who had come from 
France only to exterminate all the tribes with whom 
he should deal, under the pretext of coming to 
announce the Faith there, and of procuring their 
welfare. In a word, the name of Echon has been, 
for the space of some years, held in such abhorrence 
that it was used for terrifying the children; and 
often sick people have been made to believe that his 
look was the Demon who had bewitched them and 
who gave the death-blow. But his hour was not come ; 
all those evil designs which they had against him 


n'attendoit qu'auec amour, mais dont il n'ozoit pas 
aduancer les momens. 

Noftre Seigneur luy donna fouuent à connoiftre, 
qu'il nous tenoit en fa protedtion, & que les puîffan- 
ces d'enfer pouuoient bien entrer en rage contre 
nous, mais qu'elles n'efloient pas déchainées. L'an- 
née 1637. qu'on crioit par tout le païs, au meurtre! & 
au mallacre ! comme fi nous enflions efté les autheurs 
des maladies contagieufes qui rauageoient par tout, 
& qu'on auoit conclu de nous exterminer, vne troupe 
de Demons s'apparurent diuerfes fois à luy, tantoft 
comme des hommes qui entroient en fureur, d'autres- 
fois comme des monftres efpouuentables, des ours, 
des lions, des chenaux indomptez, qui veulent fondre 
deffus luy. Ces fpec5tres ne luy donnoient aucune 
horreur, ny aucun mouuement de crainte ; il iettoit 
fa confiance en Dieu. Il leur difoit. Faites fur moy 
ce que Dieu vous permet, car fans fa volonté vn 
cheueu ne tombera pas de ma tefte. Et à ces mots, 
tous ces Demons difparoifl!oient en vn moment. 

[68] D'autrefois il voyoit la mort attachée les mains 
par derrière, à vn poteau, proche de luy, qui tafchoit 
de s'élancer auec fureur : mais ne pouuant pas rompre 
les liens dont il la voyoit retenue, elle tomboit à fes 
pieds fans force, & fans vigueur, ne pouuant pas luy 

L'année 1640. eftant à la Nation Neutre, il dit vn 
foir au Pere qui efloit auec luy, que la mort comme 
vne fquelette décharnée, s'eftoit prefentée à luy en 
le menaçant, & ne fçachant que cela vouloit dire, il 
fut bien eftonné que le lendemain matin, vn de nos 
bons amis, Capitaine du bourg où ils eftoient, vint 
apporter les nouuelles à nos Peres, qu'vn Huron 

1649] RELA TION OF i&4S'4ç 171 

served only to [67] augment his confidence in God, 
and to cause that every day he walked like a victim 
devoted to death, which he awaited only with loving 
desire, but of which he dared not speed the moments. 

Our Lord often gave him to understand that he 
held us in his protection, and that the powers of hell 
might indeed become furious against us, but that 
they were not unchained. In the year 1637, when 
the cry arose throughout the country, " Murder 
them!*' ** Massacre them!" — as if we had been 
the authors of the contagious diseases which ravaged 
everywhere, — and when they had decided to exter- 
minate us, a troop of Demons appeared to him at 
sundry times. These were now like men who were 
becoming enraged, at other times like awful mon- 
sters, — bears, lions, untamed horses, — which strove 
to fall upon him. These spectres gave him no horror, 
nor any impulse of fear ; he placed his confidence in 
God. He said to them, '* Do upon me that which 
God permits you ; for without his will a hair will 
not fall from my head." And at these words, all 
those Demons disappeared in a moment. 

[68] At other times, he saw death attached, with 
hands behind, to a post near him, endeavoring to 
spring forward in fury ; but, unable to burst the bonds 
with which he saw it restrained, it fell at his feet 
without strength and without vigor, powerless to 
hurt him. 

In the year 1640, being in the Neutral Nation, he 
said one evening to the Father who was with him 
that death, like a fieshless skeleton, had appeared to 
him threatening him. Not knowing what that signi- 
fied, he was much astonished when, the next morn- 
ing, one of our good friends, Captain of the village^ 


Infidèle nommé Aoenhokoui, f raifchement arriué à la 
Nation Neutre, & député des anciens du pays, ayant 
conuoqué le Confeil, y auoit fait prefent de neuf 
haches (ce font en ce païs de grandes richeffes) à ce 
qu'ils affommaffent nos Peres, & que les conf equences 
de ce meurtre ne pûffent pas tomber fur les Hurons. 
Cette affaire auoit occupé le Confeil toute la nuit, 
mais enfin les Capitaines de la Nation Neutre, ne 
voulurent pas y entendre. 

[69] Il puifoit cet efprit de confiance en Dieu dans 
Toraifon, dans laquelle il eftoit fouuent tres-efleué, 
vn feul mot luy donnant de l'entretien les heures 
entières; non pas à fon efprit, de Tinacftion duquel il 
fe plaignoit pour l'ordinaire; mais à fon cœur, qui 
fauouroit les étemelles veritez de la Foy, & qui s'y 
tenoit attaché auec repos, auec amour & auec ioye : & 
nonobftant cette facilité d'entretien auec Dieu, il fe 
preparoit à l'oraifon, aufll exac5tement que feroit vn 
Nouice dans fes premiers commencemens. 

Le iour, les neceflltez du prochain ne luy permet- 
tant pas de vacquer feul à feul auec Dieu, felon 
l'eftenduë des defirs de fon cœur, il preuenoit l'heure 
ordinaire, fe leuant de très-grand matin; quoy que 
pour le mefme fuiet, il perçaft tous les iours bien 
auant dans la nuit, iufqu'à ce que la nature n'en pou- 
uant plus, & le f ommeil le contraignant de f uccomber, 
il fe couchoit à terre, tout habillé comme il efloit, vne 
piece de bois luy feruant de cheuet, & ne donnant au 
corps, que ce qu'il n'euft pas pu luy dénier en con- 
fcience. Tantoft ie treuue en fes efcrits, que Dieu 
dans l'oraifon l'a détaché de tous les fens, [70] & Ta 
vny à foy, tantoft qu'il a efté rauy en Dieu, & 
l'embraffoit auec efifort; d'autresfois il dit, que tout 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648-49 178 

where they were, came to bring the news to our 
Fathers that an Infidel Huron, named Aoenhokoui, — 
recently arrived in the Neutral Nation, and a deputy 
from the elders of the country, — having convoked 
the Council, had made a present there of nine hatch- 
ets (these are great riches in this country), in order 
that they should strike our Fathers dead, and that 
the consequences of this murder might not fall upon 
the Hurons. This aflfair had occupied the Council 
all night; but finally the Captains of the Neutral 
Nation would not listen to it. 

[69] He derived this spirit of confidence in God 
from prayer, in which he was often much uplifted. 
A single word would give him a theme for whole 
hours, — not to his intellect, of whose inaction he was 
wont to complain, but to his heart, which relished 
the eternal truths of the Faith, and which remained 
attached to them with serenity, with love, and with 
joy. And, notwithstanding this facility of converse 
with God, he prepared himself for prayer as punctil- 
iously as a Novice would do in his early stages. 

By day, — his neighbor's needs not allowing him 
to occupy himself in solitude with God, according to 
the extent of his heart's desires, — he anticipated 
the usual hour, rising very early. Nevertheless, for 
the same reason, he urged every day far into the 
night, until nature was powerless to go further ; and, 
sleep constraining him to succumb, he lay upon the 
ground, — fully dressed as he was, and a piece of 
wood serving him as pillow, — giving to the body 
only what he could not, in conscience, have denied it. 
At one time I find in his writings that, while he was 
in prayer, God detached him from all his senses, 
[70] and united him to himself; again, that he was 



/ fon cœur s'eft tranfporté en Dieu par des eflans 

i d'amour qui eftoient extatiques. Mais fur tout, cet 

* amour eftoit tendre à l'endroit de la f aeree per- 
; fonne de lefus-Chrift, & de lefus-Chrift patiffant. 

* Souuent il fentoit cet amour, comme vn feu, qui 
\ s'eflant enflammé dans fon cœur, alloit croifl^ant de 
; iour en iour, & confumant en luy l'impureté de la 
t nature, pour y faire régner l'efprit de grace, & 

* l'efprit adorable de lefus-Chrifl. 

Aux feftes de la Pentecofte de l'année 1640. eflant 
; de nuit en oraifon, en la prefence du tres-faincSt 

* Sacrement, il fe veid en vn moment inuefti d'vn 

grand feu, qui brufloit fans rien confumer, toutes les 
chof es qui eftoient là autour de luy : & tandis que 
ces flammes durèrent, il fe fentoit intérieurement 
enflammé de l'amour de Dieu, plus ardemment qu'il 
n'auoit iamais fait. 

Il a eu quantité de notables apparitions de Noflre 
Dame, de Saindt lofeph, des Anges & des Sain<5ts. 
Il voyoit vn iour vne haute montagne toute couuerte 
de S*** [71] Vierges, qui eftoient dans la gloire, en 
forte que depuis le pied de la montagne iuf qu'au 
fommet, les rangs alloient diminuant, iufqu'à ce 
qu'ils fufl!ent réduits à l'vnité, qui eftoit Noflre 
Dame, afllfe fur le fommet de cette colline. 

Quelquesfois à la veuë des feuls habits, dont la 
tres-faindte Vierge luy apparoiffoit eftre veftuë, & 
des franges qui pendoient au bas de fa robe, il eftoit 
tellement occupé, & abforbé des éclats de fa gloire, 
qu'il n'ozoit pas leuer les yeux plus haut, crainte 
d'eftre opprimé de l'excès des lumières qui iailliroient 
de fon vif age. 

Mais ce n'eftoient pas là les graces qu'il defiroit,. 

1649] RELA TION OF 1048-49 176 

enraptured in God, and fervently embraced him ; at 
other times, he says that his whole heart was trans- 
ported to God by bursts of love which were ecstatic. 
But above all, this love was tender with respect to 
the sacred person of Jesus Christ, and of Jesus Christ 

Often he felt this love as a fire, which, having 
inflamed itself in his heart, kept increasing from day 
to day, and consuming in him the impurity of 
nature, in order to cause the spirit of grace and the 
adorable spirit of Jesus Christ to rule in him. 

At the feasts of Pentecost in the year 1640, — being 
at night in prayer, in the presence of the most blessed 
Sacrament, he saw himself in a moment invested 
with a gjreat fire, which burned, without consuming 
aught, everjrthing which was there around him : and, 
while these flames lasted, he felt himself inwardly 
on fire with the love of God, more ardently than he 
had ever been. 

He had many notable apparitions of Our Lady, of 
Saint Joseph, of the Angels, and of the Saints. He 
saw one day a high mountain all covered with Blessed 
[71] Virgins, who were in glory, — in such sort that, 
from the foot of the mountain even to the summit, 
the ranks continued to decrease, until they were re- 
duced to a unit, which was Our Lady, seated on the 
summit of that hill. 

Sometimes, merely at the sight of the clothes with 
which the most blessed Virgin appeared to him to 
be clad, and of the fringes which hung at the bottom 
of her robe, he was so much occupied and absorbed 
in the luster of her glory that he dared not raise his 
eyes higher, for fear of being oppressed with the 
excess of the lights which might flash from her face. 


ny qu'il euft iamais defirées. Et il tenoit ces faneurs 
là fi fecretes & cachées, finon à ceux aufquels il ne 
pouuoit en confcience rien celer, que iamais il n'en a 
parlé, ny mefme donné à qui que ce foit le moindre 
indice. Et la conclufion qu'il en tiroit à chaque fois, 
eftoit de s'en humilier dauantage, de fe défier de foy- 
mefme, de s'eftimer le moindre de la maifon, & de 
craindre que le Diable ne le trompaft. Enfin iamais 
il ne s'eft conduit par ces veuës, quoy que fouuent 
Dieu luy eût [72] donné à connoiftre les chofes efloi- 
gnées, & mefme luy donnaft de grandes lumières 
dans le f ecret des confciences, & le profond des cœurs. 
Mais il fe conduifoit vniquement fur les principes de 
la Foy, par les mouuemens de Tobel'llance, & les 
lumières de la raifon. 

Vn iour parlât en oraifon à N. Seigneur, & luy 
difant. Domine^ quid me vis facete? il entendit cette 
refponfe que lefus-Chrift fit autrefois à S. Paul: 
Vade ad Ananianty & ipfe dicet tibi quid te oporteat 
facete: & depuis ce temps-là il fut fi confirmé dans 
les refolutions qu'il auoit, de ne chercher iamais 
autre conduite que celle de 1' obey finance; que ie puis 
dire en vérité, que cette vertu eftoit parfaite en luy : 
ne regardant que Dieu en la perfonne du Supérieur, 
luy découurant fon cœur auec vne fimplicité d'enfant ; 
vne docilité entière aux refponfes qu'on luy donnoit, 
acquiefçât fans refiftance à tout ce qui luy eftoit dit, 
quoy que contraire à f es inclinations naturelles : non 
feulement pour ce qui paroiffoit aux yeux des 
hommes, mais dans le profond de fon cœur, où il 
fçauoit que Dieu recherchoit la veritable obey finance. 

[73] Il difoit qu'il n'eftoit propre qu'à obeyr, & 
que cette vertu luy eftoit naturelle; à caufe que 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648^49 177 

But those were not the favors which he desired, 
nor which he had ever desired. And he kept those 
favors so secret and concealed, except to those from 
whom he could not in conscience conceal an5rthing, 
that he never spoke of them, nor even gave any one 
at all the least indication of them. And the conclu- 
sion which he drew from them, every time, was to 
humiliate himself further, to distrust himself, to 
esteem himself the least of the household, and to fear 
lest the Devil should deceive him. Finally, he 
never guided himself by these visions, although 
often God had [72] given him to understand things, 
afar off, and even gave him gjreat illuminations in 
the secret place of conscience, and in the depth 
of the heart. But he guided himself solely by the 
principles of the Faith, through the operations of 
obedience and the lights of reason. 

One day, speaking in prayer to Our Lord, and 
saying to him. Domine, quid me vis facete? — he heard 
this answer, which Jesus Christ formerly made to St. 
Paul : Vade ad Ananiam, et ipse dicet tibi quid te oporteat 
facete. And from that time he was so confirmed in 
the resolutions which he had, of never seeking other 
guidance than that of obedience, that I may say, in 
truth, that this virtue was perfect in him, — seeing 
only God in the person of the Superior, discovering 
his heart to him with a child's simplicity, showing 
an entire docility to the answers which were given 
him, and acquiescing without resistance in everything 
which was said to him, although contrary to his 
natural inclinations, — not only in that which ap- 
peared to the eyes of men, but in the depth of his 
heart, where he knew that God sought the true 


n'ayant pas gprand efprit, & gprande prudence, & 
qu'eftant incapable de fe conduire foy-mefme, il auoit 
autant de plaifir à obeyr, qu'vn enfant qui n'a pas 
aflez de forces pour marcher, prend plaifir à fe laiffer 
porter dans le fein de fa mere, en quelque lieu qu'il 
faille aller. Agnoui in me nullum effe talentum (dit-il 
en vn papier qu'il efcriuit l'année 1631.) tantum pro- 
num effe me ad obediendum^ mihi vi/us /um aptus ad 
ianuam cujlodiendam^ ad triclinium parandum^ adculinani 
faciendam, Geram me in Societate, ac fi effem mendicuSy 
per gratiam admiffus in Societatem^ & omnia mihi cogi- 
tato fieri ex mera gratia. Et toutefois il efloit d'vn 
tres-excellent iugement, & d'vne prudence aulli 
faindte, & autant dégagée des paillons, qui nous 
trompent pour l'ordinaire, que ie l'admirois tous les 
iours dans la conduite des affaires, dont on le conful- 
toit, ou dont on luy donnoit le maniement. 

Il auoit demandé entrant en la Compagnie, d'eflre 
Frère Coadiuteur ; & auant que faire f es vœux, il le 
propofa derechef, s'eflimant indigne du Sacerdoce, & 
très-propre [74] pour les offices les plus hûbles, def- 
quels en effet il s'acquittoit excellemmët, toutes les 
fois qu'on l'y a appliqué, foit par neceffité, foit quel- 
quefois pour obeyr en cela à fon humilité. Mais il 
n*eftoit pas moins capable des grandes chofes. Et 
lors qu'il a efté Supérieur de cette Miffion, & que i'ay 
eu le bien d'eflre fous luy, i'admirois fa conduite, fa 
douceur qui gagnoit les cœurs, fon courage vrayement 
généreux dans les entreprifes, fa longanimité à atten- 
dre les momens de Dieu, fa patience à tout fouffrir, 
& fon zèle à tout entreprendre ce qu'il voyoit pour 
la gloire de Dieu. 

Il eft bien vray que fon humilité luy faifoit em- 

1«49] RELA TION OF 1648-49 179 

[73] He said that he was fit only to obey, and that 
this virtue was natural to him, because — not having 
great intelligence and gjreat prudence, and being 
incapable of guiding himself — he had as much 
pleasure in obeying as a child, who, not having enough 
strength to walk, takes pleasure in allowing himself 
to be carried in his mother's bosom, to whatever 
place it is necessary to go. Agnovi in me nullum esse 
talentum (he says in a paper which he wrote in the 
year 163 1), tantum pronum esse me ad obediendum; 
mihi visus sum aptus ad januam custodiendam^ ad tricli^ 
nium parandum^ ad culinam faciendam. Geram me in 
Societate^ ac si essem mendicus, per gratiam admissus in 
Societatemy et omnia mihi cogitabo fieri ex mera gratia. 
And yet he had a very excellent judgment, and a 
prudence as holy ; and he was so detached from the 
passions which usually deceive us that I admired him 
every day in the conduct of the affairs wherein he 
was consulted, or of which he was given the manage- 

He had asked, on entering the Society, to be a 
Brother Coadjutor; and, before taking his vows, he 
proposed this again, esteeming himself unworthy of 
the Priesthood, and best fitted [74] for the humblest 
offices, — which, in fact, he discharged extremely 
well whenever he was directed to them, either 
through necessity, or sometimes in obedience to his 
own humility. But he was not less capable of gjreat 
things ; and when he was Superior of this Mission, 
and when I had the benefit of being under him, I 
admired his management ; his gentleness, which won 
hearts; his courage, truly generous in enterprises; 
his long-suffering in awaiting the moments of God ; 
his patience in suffering everything ; and his zeal in 


braffer auec plus d'amour, plus de ioye, & ie puis dire 
auec plus d'inclination de nature, les chofes les plus 
humbles, & les plus pénibles; fi on eftoit en vn 
voyage, il portoit les plus pefans fardeaux; s'il 
falloit aller par canaux, il ramoit depuis le matin 
iufqu'au foir: c'eftoit luy qui fe iettoit tout le pre- 
mier à l'eau, & en fortoit tout le dernier, nonobftant 
les rigfueurs du froid & des glaces ; f es iambes nues 
en eftoient toutes rouges, & fon corps tout tranfi. Il 
efloit le premier leué [75] pour faire le feu & la cui- 
fine, & le dernier couché de tous, acheuant de nuit 
f es prières, & fes dénotions : & quelque harafl^é qu'il 
fuft, quelques fatigues qu'il fupportaft, par des che- 
mins qui font horreur, & dans lef quels les corps les 
plus robufles perdent courage ; après tous les trauaux 
du iour, & quelquefois de trente iours de fuite, fans 
repos, fans rafraifchifl!emens, fans relafche, fouuent 
mefme n'ayant pas le moyen de prëdre vn feul repas 
auec loifir ; il trouuoit toutefois le loifir de s'acquiter 
de tout ce que nos règles demâderoiët d'vn homme, 
qui ne feroit point dans ces empreffemës, n'obmet- 
tant aucune de fes dénotions ordinaires, quelque 
occupation qui luy puft furuenir. AuCQ difoit-il 
quelquefois, que Dieu nous donnoit le iour pour agir 
auec le prochain, & les nuits pour conuerfer auec luy. 
Et ce qui efloit de plus remarquable dans ces fatigues, 
qu'il prenoit defl!us foy, c'efl qu'il le faifoit fi paifible- 
ment, & fi adroitement, qu'on euft cru à le voir, que 
fa nature y eufl trouué fon compte. le fuis vn bœuf > 
difoit-il faifant allufion à fon nom, & ne fuis propre 
qu'à porter la charge. 

Aux fouffrances continuelles, qui font [76] infepa- 
rables des emplois qu'il auoit dans les MiCQons, dans 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648- 4c 181 

undertaking everything which he saw for the glory 
of God. 

It is very true that his humility caused him to 
embrace with more love, more joy, — and, I may say, 
with more natural inclination, — the humblest and 
the most painful duties. If we were on a journey, 
he bore the heaviest burdens ; if it were necessary 
to go through channels, he rowed from morning till 
evening ; it was he who first sped to the water, and 
left it the very last, — notwithstanding the rigors of 
the cold and ice, when his bare legs were all red 
therefrom, and his body all chilled. He was the first 
to rise, [75] to make the fire and to cook, and the 
last of all in bed, finishing by night his prayers and 
his devotions. And, however harassed he was; 
whatever fatigues he endured, over roads which 
cause horror, and in which the most vigorous bodies 
lose courage; after all the labors of the day, — and 
sometimes thirty days in succession without rest, 
without refreshments, without relaxation, often even 
not having the means to take a single meal with 
leisure, — he nevertheless found time to acquit him- 
self of all which our rules would require from a man 
who should not be so urgently employed, omitting 
none of his usual devotions, whatever occupation 
might come unexpectedly upon him. Accordingly, 
he sometimes said that God gave us the day for deal- 
ing with our neighbor, and the night for conversing 
with him. And what was most remarkable in those 
fatigues which he took upon himself is, that he did 
this so quietly and so cleverly that one might have 
supposed, to see him, that his nature had found its 
motive therein. '* I am an ox," he said, alluding to 
his name, '* and am fit only to bear burdens." 


les voyages, en quelque lieu qu'il f uft ; & à celles que 
la charité luy faifoit embraffer fouuent au deffus de 
f es forces, quoy qu'au deffous de fon courage ; il y 
adîouftoit quantité de mortifications volontaires, des 
difciplines ioumalieres, & fouuent deux fois chaque 
iour, des ieufnes tres-frequens, des cilices, des 
ceintures de pointes de fer, des veilles qui perçoient 
bien auant dans la nuit. Et après tout fon cœur ne 
pouuoit fe raffafier des fouflfrances, & il croyoit 
n'auoir iamais rien enduré. Fort peu d'années auant 
fa mort, efcriuant de foy-mefme, il en parle en ces 
termes: Tintui nteam reprobationem^ ed quòd nitnis /uà-- 
utter haâlenus mecunt egerit Deus, tunc bene de mea falute 
/peraboy cùm patiendi occajiones fe dederint. l'ay eu 
crainte que ie ne fois du nombre des reprouuez, voy- 
ant que Dieu m'a traité iufqu'à maintenant auec tant 
de douceur: alors i'efpereray que Dieu me voudra 
faire mifericorde, lors que fa bonté me fournira les 
occafions de fouffrir quelque chofe pour fon amour. 
Et toutefois nous pouuons dire que fa vie n'a eflé 
qu'vne fuite de croix, & de fouflfrances. 

{.71^ Quand il luy arriuoit quelque humiliation, il 
en beniCfoit Dieu, & en reflCentoit vne ioye intérieure, 
difant à ceux aufquels il ne pouuoit cacher tous les 
mouuemens de fon cœur, que ce n'efloient pas des 
humiliations pour luy, à caufe qu'en quelque bas 
lieu qu'il pufl eftre, il fe voyoit toufiours plus haut 
qu'il ne vouloit; & qu'il auoit autant de pente à def- 
cendre toufiours plus bas, qu'vne pierre qui iamais n'a 
de pente à monter. AuflQ prioit-il les Supérieurs de 
l'humilier; & le bon efl, que quand pour coopérer à 
la grace de Dieu fur luy, on ne l'efpargnoit pas, on 

1649] RELA TION OF i&48'49 18» 

To the continual sufferings which are [76] insepa- 
rable from the duties which he had in the Missions, 
on the journeys, in whatever place he was; and to 
those which charity caused him to embrace, — often 
above his strength, although below his courage, — he 
added many voluntary mortifications: disciplines 
every day, and often twice each day; very frequent 
fasts; haircloths, and belts with iron points; vigils 
which advanced far into the night. And, after all 
these, his heart could not be satiated with sufferings, 
and he believed that he had never endured aught. 
A very few years before his death, writing of him- 
self, he speaks of the matter in these terms : Titnui 
meatn reprobationem, ed quod nimis suaviter hactenus 
mecum egerit Deus; tunc bene de ntea salute sperabo^ cum 
pat tendi occasiones se dederint^ — ** I have been afraid 
lest I be of the number of the reprobate, seeing that 
God has treated me hitherto with so much mildness : 
then I shall hope that God will choose to show me 
mercy, when his goodness shall furnish me oppor- 
tunities of suffering something for his love." And 
yet we may say that his life was but one continuation 
of crosses and of sufferings. 

\yf\ When any humiliation befell him, he blessed 
God for it, and felt from it an inward joy, — sajring to 
those from whom he could not conceal all the emo- 
tions of his heart that those were not humiliations 
for him, because in whatever low place he might be, 
he always saw himself higher than he wished ; and 
that he had as much inclination for descending 
continually lower as has a stone, which never has a 
tendency to rise. Accordingly, he begged the Supe- 
riors to humiliate him ; and the good thing is that 
when, in order to cooperate with the grace of God 


trouuoit touCours vn efprit efgal, vn cœur content, 
& vn vifage tout remply de douceur. 

Cette douceur eftoit en luy la vertu qui fembloît 
fumager au deffus de toutes les autres, elle eftoit à 
Tefpreuue de tout. Depuis douze ans que ie Tay 
connu, que ie Tay veu fuperieur, inférieur, efgal à 
tout le monde ; tantofl dans les affaires temporelles, 
tantoft dans les trauaux, & les fatigues des Millions, 
agiffant auec les Saunages Chreftiens, Infidèles, 
Ennemis ; dans les f ouffrances, dans les perf ecutions 
& calomnies, iamais ie ne Tay veu ou en [78] cholere, 
ou mefme dans l'apparence de quelque indignation. 
Souuent mefme quelques-vns ont voulu le picquer 
exprés, & le furprendre dans les chofes qu'ils croy- 
oient luy deuoir eflre plus fenûbles: mais toufiours 
fon œil eftoit bening, fes paroles dans la douceur, & 
fon cœur dans le calme. Aufll Noftre Seigneur 
luy auoit donné nommément cette grace. 

L'année 1634. faifant les Exercices Spirituels de 
la Compagnie, noftre Seigneur s'apparut à luy cou- 
ronné d'épines, & luy dit ces mots: Habebis deinceps 
vnâlionem Spiritus in verbis tuis: Tu auras dorefnauàt 
en tes paroles l'ondlion du Saindl Efprit. Et l'année 
1640. en fon adlion de g^ace après la faindle Mede, 
il veid & fentit vne main qui oignoit & fon cœur, & 
les puiffances de fon ame, d'vn baume facré. Ex 
qua vifione, /umnta animi mei pax^ & tranquillitas^ con- 
fecuta eft, adioufte-t'il dans fes mémoires. 

Fort peu de iours après cette viûon, vne fedition 
s'eftant efleuée contre nous dans le bourg Saindt 
lofeph, dans laquelle il auoit efté bien battu, & auec 
luy quelques-vns de nos Peres/ les Capitaines mefmes 
eftans les boute-feux qui allumoient la fedition, [79] 

1649] RELA TION OF 1Ò48- 4g 186 

Upon him, we did not spare him, we always found 
an even spirit, a contented heart, and a most serene 

This sweetness of temper was the virtue in him 
which seemed to float above all the others; it was 
proof against everything. In the twelve years dur- 
ing which I have known him, when I have seen him 
as superior, as inferior, or as the equal of all, — now 
in temporal affairs, now in the labors and fatigues of 
the Missions; dealing with the Christian Savages, 
with Infidels, with Enemies; in sufferings, in perse- 
cutions, and in calumnies, — never have I seen him 
either in [78] anger, or even in the appearance of 
any indignation. Often, indeed, some persons have 
specially endeavored to annoy him, and to attack him 
unawares at what they believed must be his most 
sensitive points; but his look was always benign, 
his words were in mildness, and his heart in calm- 
ness. Accordingly, Our Lord had especially given 
him this grace. 

In the year 1634, while accomplishing the Spiritual 
Exercises of the Society, our Lord appeared to him, 
crowned with thorns, and said to him these words: 
Habebis deinceps unctionem Spiritus in verbis tuiSy — 
' ' Thou shalt have henceforth in thy words the anoint- 
ing of the Holy Spirit." And in the year 1640, 
in his act of thanks after holy Mass, he saw and 
felt a hand which anointed both his heart and the 
powers of his soul with a sacred balm. Ex qua 
visioney sutntna animi mei pax^ et tranquillitaSy consecuta 
est, — he adds in his memoirs. 

A very few days after this vision, a sedition arose 
against us in the village of Saint Joseph, in which 
he was severely beaten, and with him some of our 


animans la populace contre nous, qui nous chargeoit 
d'iniures, & menaçoit de nous brufler; Le foir 
comme le Pere remercioit Dieu de tout ce qui efloit 
amué, f entant toutefois en fon cœur quelque detreffe, 
prouenant de la crainte que ces malheureux n'em- 
pef chaff ent les progrés de la Foy : Noflre Dame luy 
apparut, qui auoit le cœur tranf percé de trois ef pées : 
& en mefme temps il fentit vne voix intérieure, qui 
luy difoit que la tres-faindte Vierge auoit toufiours 
eflé parfaitement foufmife aux volontez de Dieu, 
quoy que fouuent fon cœur eufl eflé bien auant dans 
l'afflidtion, & qu'il deuoit la prendre en fon aduerfìté, 
pour exemple de ce que Dieu vouloit de luy. 

L'huile de cette douceur n'efleig^oit point les 
ardeurs de fon zèle, mais plûtofl elle Tenflammoit, 
& efloit vn des moyens des plus puiffans, que Dieu 
luy eufl donné pour gagner les cœurs à la Foy. Il 
le reconnoifl luy mefme en ces termes, dans quelques 
remarques qu'il efcriuoit l'année 1638. faifant vne 
reueuë de l'eflat de fon ame. Dieu, dit-il, par fa 
bonté, m'a donné vne manfuetude, bénignité & 
charité, à l'endroit de tout le monde : [80] vne indif- 
ference à quoy que ce f oit ; vne patience à f ouffrir 
les aduerfitez : & fa même bonté a voulu que par ces 
talens qu'il m'a donnez, ie m'aduâce en la perfection, 
& que ie conduife les autres à la vie étemelle. Et 
partant, adioufle-t'il, ie feray dorefnauant mon 
examen particulier, voyât fi en effet ie fais vn bon 
vfage de ces talens, dont ie fuis refponfable. 

Voicy vne chofe bien remarquable, qui luy arriua 
l'année 1640. durât le temps de fa retraite pour les 
Exercices Spirituels; il l'efcrit en ces termes: Enuî- 
fageant l'enormité de mes péchez, & leur nombre 

1649] RELATION OF 1048-49 ^87 

Fathers, — the Captains themselves being the fire- 
brands which kindled the sedition, [79] exciting 
against us the populace, who loaded us with insults, 
and threatened to bum us. At evening, when the 
Father was thanking God for all that had happened, — 
feeling, nevertheless, some distress in his heart, 
proceeding from the fear lest those wretches should 
impede the progress of the Faith, — Our Lady ap- 
peared to him, having her heart pierced with three 
swords; and at the same time he was aware of an 
inward voice, which told him that the most blessed 
Virgin had always been perfectly submissive to the 
will of God, although often her heart had been deep 
in affliction : and that he must take her in his adver- 
sity for an example of what God wished from him. 

The oil of this mildness did not extingfuish the 
ardor of his zeal, but rather inflamed it, and was 
one of the most powerful means which God had 
given him for winning hearts to the Faith. He 
acknowledges this himself in these terms, in some 
remarks that he wrote in the year 1638, while making 
a review of the state of his soul. " God," he says, 
* ' through his goodness has given me a gentleness, 
benignity, and charity with respect to every one; 
[80] an indifference to whatsoever may happen; a 
patience for suffering adversities ; and the same good- 
ness has willed that, through these talents which he 
has given me, I shall advance to perfection, and shall 
lead others to eternal life. And consequently," he 
adds, *' I will henceforth make my examination 
thorough, to see whether I indeed make a good use 
of those talents, for which I am responsible." 

Here is a truly remarkable thing, which happened 
to him in the year 1640, during the time of his retreat 


innombrable, i'ay veu Noftre Seigneur, qui d'vne 
mifericorde infinie, m'eftendoit fes bras amoureux 
pour m'embraffer; qui me pardonnoit le palle, & 
s'oublioit de mes péchez; qui reffufcitoit en mon 
ame, & fes dons & fes graces; qui m'appelloit à fon 
amour, & me difoit ce qu'autrefois il a dit à Sainét 
Paul, Vas eleflionis ejl ijie, vt portet nomen meunt in 
gentibus, amendant ibi quanta oporteat eutn pro nomine 
meo pati. Entendant ces paroles, ie l'en ay remercié, 
ie m'y fuis offert, & luy ay dit, Quid me vis facere f 
fac me virum /ecundum cor tuum^ nihil me in pojlerutn 
/eparabit à charitate tua^ non nuditas^ [8i] non gladius^ 
non mors, &c. 

C'efloit dans l'ardeur de ce zèle, qu'il s'offroit tres- 
fouuent à Dieu, à fouffrir tous les martyres du 
monde, pour la conuerfion de ces peuples. O mon 
Dieu, que n'efles vous connu! efcriuoit-il quelque 
temps auant de mourir ; que ce pays Barbare n'efl-il 
tout conuerty à vous! que le péché n'en eft-il aboly ! 
que n'efles vous aimé ! Oiiy, mon Dieu, û tous les 
tourmens que les captifs peuuent endurer en ces 
païs, dans la cruauté des fupplices, deuoient tomber 
fur moy, ie m'y offre de tout mon cœur, & moy feul 
ie les fouffriray. 

En vn autre endroit, il ef crit ces mots : Deux iours 
confecutifs i'ay reffenty en moy vn g^and defir du 
martyre, & d'endurer tous les tourmens que les 
Martyrs ont foufferts. 

Ce qui luy donnoit ce courage, eftoit d'vn coflé la 
défiance de foy-mefme, & d'autre part la confiance 
en Dieu, dans la conformité entière qu'il auoit à fes 
diuines volontez. Vn iour luy demandant fi eflant 
pris des Iroquois, il n'auroit pas vne repugnance bien 

1649] RELA TION OF j64S''4ç 189 

for the Spiritual Exercises. He writes it in these 
terms : ' ' Contemplating the enormity of my sins, 
and their countless number, I saw Our Lord, who, 
with an infinite mercy, was holding out his loving 
arms to embrace me. He pardoned me the past, 
and forgot my sins ; he restored in my soul both his 
g^f ts and his graces ; he called me to his love, and 
said to me what formerly he said to Saint Paul : Vas 
electionis est iste, ut port et nomen meum in gentibus; osten- 
dam ibi quanta oporteat eutn pro nomine meo pati. 
Hearing these words, I thanked him for them, I 
offered myself for that, and said to him : Quid me vis 
facer e ? fac m.e virum secundum cor tuum; nihil me in 
posterum separabit à charitate tua: non nuditasy [8i] 
non gladius, non mors,' etc. 

It was in the ardor of this zeal that he offered him- 
self very often to Grod, to suffer all the martjrrdoms 
in the world, for the conversion of these peoples. 
*' O my Grod, why are you not known?" he wrote 
some time before dying ; * * why is this Barbarous 
country not all converted to you? Why is not sin 
abolished from it? Why are you not loved? Yes, 
my Grod, if all the torments which the captives can 
endure in these countries in the cruelty of the tor- 
tures, were to fall on me, I offer myself thereto with 
all my heart, and I alone will suffer them. ' * 

In another place, he writes these words: *' Two 
days in succession, I have felt in me a great desire 
for martyrdom, and for enduring all the torments 
which the Martjrrs have suffered." 

What gave him this courage was, on one side, 
distrust of himself ; and, on another side, confidence 
in God, in the complete conformity which he had to 
his divine will. One day, asking him whether, if he 


grande, s'ils le faif oient dépouiller nud? Non, me 
ref pondit- il, [82] car ce feroit la volonté de Dieu ; & 
alors ie ne fongerois pas à moy mefme, mais à Dieu. 
Luy demandant s'il n'auoit point d'horreur du feu? 
le le craindrois, dit-il, fi i'enuifageois ma f oibleffe ; car 
la picqueure d'vne mouche feroit capable de m'impa- 
tienter: mais i'efpere que Dieu m'afliftera toufiours, 
& aydé de fa grace, ie ne crains pas plus les tourmens 
effroyables du feu, que la picqueure d'vne efpingle. 

le n'aurois iamais fait, de parcourir les vertus qtii 
eftoient en luy. le puis dire auec vérité, que i'ay de 
quoy en compofer vue vie toute entière, qui feroit 
pleine de lumières, qu'il auoit très-grandes dans les 
voyes de la faindteté, & des faneurs de Dieu fur luy, 
qui eftoient extraordinaires ; & de la fidélité continu- 
elle, auec laquelle il correfpondoit à ces graces, auûl 
bien dans les petites chof es, que dans les grandes ; 
car il n'eftimoit rien de petit au feruice de Dieu. 

Sa pauureté eftoit fi dépouillée, que mefme il 
n'auoit pas vne feule médaille, ny quoy que ce foit en 
ce monde, dont il vouluft auoir l'vfage, finon pour la 
feule necefllté. L'année 1637. noftre Seigneur luy 
fit voir vn fuperbe Palais, richement [83] bafty, dans 
des beautez inconceuables, & tant de varietez fi fur- 
prenantes, qu'il en eftoit tout rauy hors de foy, & ne 
pouuoit pas fe comprendre foy mefme. Comme ce 
Palais eftoit vuide, n'y ayant perfonne dedans, il luy 
fut donné à entendre, qu'il eftoit préparé pour ceux 
qui demeuroient dans de panures cabanes, & qui s'y 
étoient condamnez pour l'amour de Dieu. Ce qui le 
confola beaucoup. 

Sa chafteté eftoit à l'ef prenne, & en cette matière 
fes yeux eftoient fi fidèles à fon cœur, qu'ils n'auoient 

1649] RELA TION OF J648-4Ç 191 

were taken by the Iroquois, he would not feel a very 
great repugfnance if they had him stripped naked, 
* * No, * ' he answered me, [82] * * for it would be the will 
of God ; and then I should not think of myself, but 
of God. ' * Being asked whether he had not a horror 
of the fire, ** I would fear it," he said, ** if I contem- 
plated my weakness ; for the sting of a fly would be 
able to vex my patience. But I hope that God will 
always assist me, and, aided by his grace, I no more 
fear the terrible torments of the fire than the prick- 
ing of a pin." 

I would never be at an end of perusing the virtues 
which were in him. I may say, with truth, that I have 
material for composing a whole biography of them, — 
which would be full of the glorious illuminations 
which he had in the ways of holiness ; of the favors 
of God toward him, which were extraordinary ; and 
of the continual fidelity with which he responded to 
those favors, as well in little things as in g^eat ones, 
for he esteemed nothing little in the service of God. 

His poverty was so destitute that he had not even 
a single medal, nor anything at all in this worid of 
which he desired to have the use, unless for neces- 
sity alone. In the year 1637, our Lord showed him 
a superb Palace, richly [83] built, in beauties incon- 
ceivable, and in so many and such surprising varieties, 
that he was quite ravished out of himself, and could 
not comprehend even his own feelings. As this 
Palace was empty, — there being no one in it, — it 
was given him to understand that it was prepared 
for those who should dwell in poor cabins, and who 
had condemned themselves to these for the love of 
God ; this greatly consoled him. 

His chastity was proof ; and in that matter his eyes 


point de veuë pour les obiets, qui euffent pu endom- 
mager la pureté. Son corps n'eftoit point rebelle à 
Tefprit, & au milieu de l'impureté mefme, qui reg^e 
ce femble en ce païs, il viuoit dans vne innocence 
auffi grande, que s'il fuft demeuré au milieu d'vn 
defert inacceflible à ce péché. Vne femme £e pre- 
fenta vn iour à luy, en vn lieu allez ef carte, luy 
portant vne parole deshonnefte, & le fouffle d'vn feu 
qui ne pouuoit venir que d'vn tifon d'enfer. Le Pere 
fe voyant ainfi attaqué, fit fur foy le figne de la croix, 
fans refpondre aucun mot, & ce fpedtre dég^ifé fous 
habit d'vne femme, difparut au mefme moment. 

[84] La pureté de fa confcience efloit comme la 
prunelle de l'œil qtii ne peut foufifrir la moindre 
petite pouffiere, ny vn feul g^ain de fable. Dés 
l'année 1630. il efcrit qu'il ne fentoit en foy-mefme 
aucune attache à aucun péché véniel, ny le moindre 
plaifir du monde ; que fa volonté en efloit efloignée 
comme de fon plus grand ennemy, & qu'il choifiroit 
pluflofl toutes les peines des enfers, que le moindre 
péché. Et toutefois vn peu après le mefme iour, il 
adioufle ces mots : Ne me Deus tanguant infruôluofatn 
arborent /ucciderei^ oraui vt me dintitteret adhuc hoc 
anno y & promifi me meliores fruéltis allaturum. Crainte 
que Dieu ne me coupaft par la racine, comme vn arbre 
fans fruit, ie l'ay prié qu'il me laiffafl encore cette 
année fur pied, & luy ay promis que ie luy porterois 
des fruits meilleurs que par le paffé. 

Il luy efchappa vne fois de dire à vn de nos Peres, 
que depuis qu'il étoit aux Hurôs, il n'auoit recherché 
pas mefme vne feule fois fon goufl au manger. 
Pour moy, quoy que ie l'aye pratiqué tres-intime- 
ment, autant qu'homme du monde, ie n'ay iamais 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648-49 193 

were so faithful to his heart, that they had no sight 
for the objects which might have soiled purity. His 
body was not rebellious to the spirit ; and in the midst 
of impurity itself, — which reigns, it seems, in this 
country, — he lived in an innocence as great as if he 
had sojourned in the midst of a desert inaccessible 
to that sin. A woman presented herself one day to 
him, in a place somewhat isolated, uttering to him 
unseemly language, and breathing a fire which could 
come only from a firebrand of hell. The Father, 
seeing himself thus attacked, made upon himself the 
sign of the cross, without answering any word ; and 
this spectre, disgpiised beneath a woman's dress, 
disappeared at the same moment. 

[84] The purity of his conscience was like the 
apple of the eye, which cannot suffer the least little 
dust, or a single grain of sand. From the year 
1630, he writes that he felt in himself no attachment 
for any venial sin, nor the least pleasure in the 
world; that his will was as averse to it as to his 
greatest enemy; and that he would rather choose 
all the pains of hell than the least sin. And yet a 
little after, on the same day, he adds these words: 
Ne me Deus tanquam infructuosam arborent succiderei^ 
oravi ut me dimitteret adhuc hoc annoy et promisi me me- 
liores fructus allaturum^ — * * For fear that God should 
cut me off at the root, as a fruitless tree, I have 
prayed him that he still suffer me to stand, this year ; 
and I have promised him that I would yield him 
better fruits than in the past. ' * 

It once escaped him to tell one of our Fathers, 
that, since he had been among the Hurons, he had 
not sought even a single time his own taste in 
eating. As for me, — though I have been very 


pu reconnoiftre en luy aucune faute, non feulement 
qui fuft péché, mais non pas [85] mefme contre la 
moindre de nos Règles. Aufli c'efloit vn de fes bons 
propos depuis prés de ving^ ans: Difrumpar potiUs 
quant vt voluntarù régulant vllam infringam. Et cette 
exadtitude n'efloit pas feulement en ce qui paroiffoit 
à la veuë, mais penetroit dans le plus profond de fon 
cœur. Nullum in corde commercium ntiki habendum 
cum creaturis. Tout le commerce de mon cœur fera 
auec Dieu, les creatures ne me feront plus rien. 
Numquam quiefcam^ numquam dicam fatis; ie ne pren- 
dray aucun repos, iamais ie ne diray que i'auray aflez 

Plus de quinze ans auant que de mourir, dans les 
mémoires qu'il efcriuoit, faifant la reueuë de fa con- 
fcience de mois en mois, voicy ce qu'il dit de foy- 
mefme : le fens en moy vn grand defir de mourir, 
pour iouïr de Dieu ; ie fens vne grande auerfion de 
toutes les chof es créées, qu'il faudra quitter à la mort. 
Cefi en Dieu feul que repofe mon cœur, & hors de 
luy tout ne m'efl rien, finon pour luy. 

Sa mort a couronné fa vie, & la perfeuerance a e fié 
le cachet de fa fainteté. Il efl mort âgé de 56. ans. 
Il nafquit le 25. de Mars de l'année 1593. iour de 
l'Annonciation de Noftre Dame, d'honnefles parens, 
[86] dans le Diocefe de Bayeux. Il entra en noflre 
Compagnie l'année 16 17. le cinquième iour du mois 
d'Odlobre. Il efl mort en prefchant, & faifant les 
fonctions vrayement Apofloliques, & d'vne mort que 
meritoit le premier Apoflre des Hurons. Son mar- 
tyre fut accomply le 16. iour de Mars de la prefente 
année 1649. 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648-4Ç 196 

intimately associated with him, as much as any man 
in the world, — I have never been able to recognize 
in him any fault, not only what was sin, but not [85] 
even what infringed the least of our Rules. This 
also was one of his good sayings for nearly twenty 
years: Disrumpar potiUs quant ut voluntarïè regulam 
ullam infringam. And this exactness was not only 
in that which appeared to the sight, but penetrated 
into the deepest recess of his heart. Nullum in corde 
commercium mihi habendum cum creaturis^ — ** The 
whole converse of my heart shall be with God ; crea- 
tures shall no longer be aught to me. ' ' Numquam 
quiescam^ numquam, dicam satisy — '' I will take no rest; 
never will I say that I shall have done enough. * * 

More than fifteen years before dying, in the 
memoirs that he wrote, making the review of his 
conscience from month to month, — here follows 
what he says of himself : * * I feel in me a great desire 
to die, in order to enjoy God ; I feel a great aversion 
for all things created, which it will be necessary to 
leave at death. It is in God alone that my heart 
rests; and, outside of him, all is naught to me, 
except for him." 

His death has crowned his life, and perseverance 
has been the seal of his holiness. He died at the 
age of 56 years. He was bom on the 25th of March 
in the year 1593, the day of the Annunciation of Our 
Lady, — of worthy parents, [86] in the Diocese of 
Bay eux; he entered our Society in the year 16 17, on 
the fifth day of the month of October. He died while 
preaching, and exercising truly Apostolic offices, — 
and by a death which the first Apostle to the Hurons 
deserved. His martyrdom took place on the i6th 
day of March in the current year, 1649. 





EN fuite des pertes arriuées, vne partie du pays 
des Hurons s'eft veuë dans la def dation, quinze 
bourgs ont efté abandonnez, chacun fe diflipant 
où il a pu dans les bois & forefls, dans les lacs & 
riuieres, & dans les Ifles plus inconnues à l'ennemy. 
Les autres f e font retirez dans les Nations voifines» 
plus capables de f oûtenir les efforts de la guerre. En 
moins de quinze iours, noflre Maifon de Sain(%e Marie 
fe veid dépouillée de tous coflez & Tvnique qui refla 
fur pied, dâs ces lieux de terreur, plus expofez aux 
incurfions de Tennemy: ceux qtii auoiët quitté leurs 
anciennes [87] demeures, y ayans mis le feu eux- 
mefmes, crainte qu'elles ne feruiffent de retraite & 
de fortereffes aux Iroquois. 

Ce qui augmente la mifere publique, c'efl que la 
famine a efté grande cette année en toutes ces con- 
trées, plus qu'on ne l'auoit veu depuis cinquante ans: 
la pluf part n 'ayans pas de quoy viure, & eftans con- 
traints ou de mâger du gland, ou bien d'aller chercher 
dans les bois des racines fauuages, dont ils fouftien- 
nent vne mif érable vie: encore trop heureux de 
n'eftre pas tombez entre les mains d'vn ennemy, 
mille fois plus cruel que les beftes féroces, & que 
toutes les famines du mode. La pefche en nourrit 
quelques- vns. Mais après tout, en quelque endroit 

1649] RELA TION OF iÒ48-4g 197 




IN consequence of the losses incurred, a part of the 
country of the Hurons is seen to be in desola- 
tion ; fifteen villages have been abandoned, the 
people of each scattering where they could, — in the 
woods and forests, on the lakes and rivers, and among 
the Islands most unknown to the enemy. Others 
have taken refuge in the neighboring Nations, more 
capable of sustaining the stress of war. In less than 
fifteen days, our House of Sainte Marie has seen 
itself stripped bare on every side, and the only 
one which remained standing in these places of 
terror, most exposed to the incursions of the ene- 
my, — those who had left their former [87] dwellings 
having set fire to these themselves, fearing lest 
they should serve as retreat and fortresses to the 

What increases the public misery is, that famine 
has been prevalent this year in all these regions, 
more than it had been seen in fifty years, — most of 
the people not having wherewith to live, and being 
constrained either to eat acorns, or else to go and 
seek in the woods some wild roots. With these they 
sustain a wretched life, — still too happy not to have 
fallen into the hands of an enemy a thousand times 
more cruel than the wild beasts, and than all the 
famines in the world. Fishing supports some of 


que nous allions, nous n'y voyons rien que des croix, 
des miferes prefentes, & des craintes d*vn plus g^and 
mal; la mort eftant à la pluf part, le moindre des 
maux qui leur puiffe arriuer. 

Les efperances du Paradis que la Foy fournit aux 
Chrefliês, font Tvnique confolation qui les fouflient 
dans ces rencontres, & qui leur fait eflimer plus que 
iamais, les auantages du bon-heur qu'ils poffedent; 
qui ne peut leur eflre rauy, ny par les cruautez des 
Iroquois, ny par les [88] langueurs d'vne famine, qui 
va les pourfuiuant dans leur fuite, & de laquelle ils 
ne peuuent fuyr. 

Nous auons tafché toutefois de fecourir de noflre 
pauureté, vne partie de ces panures Chrefliens, & 
depuis ces miferes publiques, qui commencèrent il 
n'y a pas vn an, nous en auons receu dans rhofpice 
de cette Maifon de Saindte Marie, plus de fix mille 
de compte fait; & tous les iours le nombre croifl 
aufll bien que leurs miferes, que Dieu en foit beny à 
tout iamais. Quoy qu'il arriue, ce nous doit eflre 
allez qu'il en tire fa gloire : & s'il luy plaifl augmen- 
ter la foy de ces peuples, multipliant fes croix, & fur 
eux & fur nous ; noflre cœur y efl préparé, nous les 
embrafferons auec ioye, & nous luy dirons fur la 
montagne de Caluaire d'aufli bon cœur, que s'il nous 
auoit tranfporté fur la montagne de fa gloire, Bonum 
ejl nos hic effe. 

le parle de la forte, à caufe que ie crains qu'on ne 
craigne par trop pour nous, JSJlimati /umus ficut oues 
occifionis^ fed in his omnibus /uperatnusy propter eunt qui 
dilexit nos. Depuis la naiffance du Chriftianifme, & 
depuis que lefus-Chrifl n'a rachepté le monde, que 
par fon fang refpandu fur la [89] Croix, nous fommes 

1649] RELA TION OF i648'4ç 199 

them. But, after all, to whatever place we go, we 
see there nothing but crosses, present miseries, and 
fears of a greater evil, — death being, for most, the 
least of the evils that can befall them. 

The hopes of Paradise which the Faith furnishes 
to the Christians are the only consolation which sus- 
tains them at this critical time, and which makes 
them more than ever esteem the advantages of the 
blessing which they possess, which cannot be snatched 
from them, either by the cruelties of the Iroquois or 
by the [88] prostration of a famine which continually 
pursues them in their flight, and from which they 
cannot escape. 

We have, nevertheless, tried to assist, out of our 
own poverty, a part of these poor Christians; and 
since those public miseries, which began not a year 
ago, we have received in the hospice of this House 
of Sainte Marie more than six thousand, by actual 
count ; and every day the number increases, as well 
as their miseries. May Grod be blessed forever. 
Whatever befalls, it must be enough for us that he 
derive his glory from it; and if it please him to 
augment the faith of these peoples by multiplying 
his crosses both upon them and upon us, our hearts 
are prepared for it, and we shall embrace them 
with joy ; and we will say to him upon the mountain of 
Calvary, with as good heart as if he had transported 
us upon the mountain of his glory, Bonum est nos hic 

I speak in this way because I fear lest too much 
fear be felt for us. estimati sumus sicut oves occisio' 
nis, sed in his omnibus superamus, propter eunt qui diUxit 
nos. From the birth of Christianity, and since Jesus 
Christ redeemed the world only through his blood 


affeurez que la Foy n'a efté plantée en aucun lieu du 
monde, qu'au milieu des croix & des fouffrances. 
Ainfi ces defolations nous confolent, & au milieu de 
la perfecution, dans le plus fort des maux qui nous 
attaquent, & des plus grands malheurs dont on nous 
puiffe menacer, nous fommes tous remplis de ioye, 
& noftre cœur nous dit que iamais Dieu n'a eu vn 
amour plus tendre pour nous, que celuy qu'il a main- 

Au refte il ne faut pas croire que tout foit perdu. 
Non ejl abbreuiata manus Domini. Les Chreftiens qui 
font fugitifs, n'ont pas perdu leurs âmes auec leurs 
biens, ils portent dans leur cœur la vraye Foy, qui 
fait en eux vue Eglife viuante. Les Peuples qui 
reftent à conuertir, font du domaine de lefus-Chrift, 
qui nous donne allez de lumières, pour pouuoir efpe- 
rer raifonnablement que nous pourrons en faire vn 
peuple tout Chreftien : nonobflant les pertes paUées, 
& les defolations qui ont precede. Il efl vray que le 
plus fort de nos ef perances efl en Dieu f eul ; mais il 
en efl de mefme dans toutes les affaires qui ne font 
pas du reffort de la nature. Oîi feroit noflre mérite 
& noflre foy, fi nous ne marchions [90] à trauers ces 
obfcuritez? où noflre confiance en Dieu, fi noflre 
appuy efloit tout entier fur les moyens humains? 
Qui veut voir trop clair en fes affaires, ne s'aban- 
donne pas affez aux conduites de Dieu, & ce n'efl 
plus en Dieu qu'il fe confie, mais en foy-mefme. 
Nous prions noflre Seigneur, que iamais il ne 
permette en nous vne infidélité fi grande, dans le 
maniement des affaires qu'il nous a mifes en main, 
qui font les fiennes plus que les noflres. 

Voicy les penfées que nous auons; le temps y 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648" 4c 201 

shed upon the [89] Cross, we are assured that the 
Faith has not been planted in any region of the 
world except in the midst of crosses and sufferings. 
Thus these desolations console us; and in the 
midst of persecution, at the climax of the evils 
which attack us, and of the greatest misfortunes with 
which one can threaten us, we are all filled with 
joy, and our hearts tell us that Grod has never 
had a more tender love for us than that which he 
now has. 

Moreover, it must not be supposed that all is lost. 
Non est abbreviata mamis Domini. The Christians who 
are fugitives have not lost their souls with their 
goods; they bear in their hearts the true Faith, 
which makes of them a living Church. The Peoples 
which remain to be converted are of the domain of 
Jesus Christ, who gives us sufficient enlightenment 
to enable us reasonably to hope that we can make 
from them a people wholly Christian, notwithstand- 
ing the past losses and desolations which have 
preceded. It is true that the strongest of our hopes 
is in God alone ; but it is the same in all affairs which 
are not of the jurisdiction of nature. Where would 
our merit and our faith be, if we did not journey [90] 
through these obscurities? where our confidence in 
Grod, if our support were altogether upon human 
agencies? He who wishes to see too clearly in 
his affairs, does not sufficiently abandon himself 
to the guidance of Grod ; and it is no longer in God 
that he trusts, but in himself. We pray our Lord 
that he may never permit in us so great unfaith- 
fulness in the management of the affairs which he 
has put in our hands, — which are his own, more 
than ours. 


donnera pins de ionr. Il eft difficile qne la Foy 
fubûfte en ces païs, fi nons n'anons vn lieu, qui foit 
comme le centre de toutes nos Miffions; d'où nous 
puiffions enuoyer les Prédicateurs de l'Euangile, dans 
les Nations répandues en toutes ces contrées, & où 
nous puiffions nous r'affembler de fois à autres, pour 
y conférer des moyens que Dieu nous fournira de 
procurer fa gloire, & des lumières qu'il nous donnera 
pour cet effet. Cette maifon de Saindte Marie, où 
nous auons efté iufqu'à maintenant, eftoit dans le 
lieu le plus auantageux pour ce deffein, qu'on eût pu 
choifir, en quelque part que nous [91] euffions eflé. 
Mais les affaires eflant dans Teftat où nous les 
voyons maintenant, ce f eroit vne témérité à nous de 
demeurer en vn lieu abandonné, d'où les Hurons fe 
retirans, & où les Algonquins ne pouuans plus auoir 
aucun commerce, pas vn ne viendroit nous y voir, 
finon les Ennemis qui déchargeroient fur nous feuls 
tout le poids de leurs armes. Ainfi nous fommes 
refolus de fuiure noftre troupeau, & fuïr auec les 
fuyans, puifque nous ne viuons pas icy pour nous 
mefmes, mais pour le falut des âmes, & pour la 
conuerfion de ces Peuples. 

Mais les bourgades Hurones, qui fe font difperfées, 
ayant pris diuerfes routes en leur fuite; les vns 
s'eftans iettez dans des montagnes que nous appel- 
ions la Nation du Petun, où trois de nos Peres culti- 
uoient cet hyuer dernier, trois Miffions diuerfes ; les 
autres ayans pris party dans vne Ifle, que nous nom- 
mons rifle de S. lofeph, où nous commençâmes, il y 
a prés d'vn an, vne nouuelle Miffion : Enfin les autres 
eftans dans le deffein d'aller dans des Ifles plus efloi- 
gnées de noftre grâd Lac ou Mer douce ; Nous f uiurons 

1649] RELA TION OF 1&4S-4Ç 203 

These are the opinions that we have ; time will 
shed more light on them. It is diflScult for the 
Faith to remain alive in these countries, unless we 
have a place which may be, as it were, the center of 
all our Missions ; whence we can send the Preachers 
of the Gospel into the Nations who are spread abroad 
in all these regions; and where we can assemble 
from time to time, in order to confer there on the 
means which God will supply to us for procuring his 
glory, and on the light that he shall give us for that 
purpose. This house of Sainte Marie, where we 
have been until now, was at the most advantageous 
location that we could have chosen for this purpose, 
wherever we [91] might have been. But, affairs 
being in the condition in which we see them now, it 
would be but rashness in us to dwell in a forsaken 
place, whence the Hurons had retired, and where 
the Algonquins were unable to have further trade ; 
not one would come to see us there, unless the Ene- 
mies, who would discharge upon us alone the whole 
weight of their hostility. Consequently, we are 
resolved to follow our flock, and to flee with the 
fleeing, since we do not live here for ourselves, but 
for the salvation of souls, and for the conversion of 
these Peoples. 

But the Huron villages, which have become scat- 
tered, have taken various routes in their flight, — 
some having fled to the mountains where dwell those 
whom we call the Tobacco Nation, where three of 
our Fathers were cultivating, this last winter, three 
separate Missions; others having taken their stand 
on an Island which we name St. Joseph Island,^' 
where we began, nearly a year ago, a new Mission ; 
others, finally, having the intention of going into the 


ceux-cy, & nous tâcherons d'eftablir noftre principale 
demeure, [92] & le centre de nos Millions, dans vne 
Ifle que nous nommons Tlfle de Saindte Marie, que 
les Hurons appellent Ekaentoton. C'eft cette Ifle 
dont i'ay parlé dans le fécond Chapitre, où i'ay dit 
que nous commençâmes l'Automne dernier, vne nou- 
velle Million, parmy les peuples Algonquins qui 
l'habitent, & qui eft éloignée de nous enuiron foixante 

Cette Ifle nous a paru deuoir eftre vne demeure 
plus conuenable à noftre delTein ; à cauf e que de ce 
lieu nous pourrons plus que d'aucun autre, vacquer 
à la conuerûon des Hurons, & des Algonquins : car 
nous approcherons des Algonquins Efkiaeronnon, 
Aoechifaeronon, Aoeatûoaenronnon, & d'vne infinité 
d'autres peuples alliez, tirant touCours vers l'Occident 
& nous efloignant des Iroquois nos Ennemis. De ce 
mefme lieu, nous pourrons aulli enuoyer par canot 
vers la Nation du Petun, & vers les Peuples de la 
Nation Neutre, qui nous défirent, quelques-vns de 
nos Peres, qui auront foin des Mifllons de ce cofté là. 
De plus en cette Ifle de Sainóte Marie, nous ferons 
toufiours dans la commodité plus grande que d'aucun 
autre lieu, d'entretenir & conferuer le [93] commerce 
des Algonquins & des Hurons, auec nos François des 
Trois- Riuieres & de Kebec: ce qui eft neceffaire, & 
pour le maintien de la Foy en toutes ces contrées, 
& pour le bien des colonies Françoifes, & le fouftien 
de la Nouuelle France. Mais il faut attendre ce 
temps là, auec patience & courage ; car ie croy que 
pour quelques années, nos Hurons auront de la peine 
à faire ce voyage, eftans prelTez de la famine, & obli- 
gez de fuïr le fléau de la guerre. Quand ils auront 

1649] RELA TION OF 164S-4Ç 206 

more distant Islands of our great Lake or fresh- water 
Sea. We will follow the latter, and we will try to 
establish our principal dwelling, [92] and the center of 
our Missions, in an Island which we call Sainte Marie 
Island, which the Hurons call Ekaentoton.^® It is 
this Island of which I spoke in the second Chapter, 
in which I said that we began last Autumn a new 
Mission, among the Algonquin peoples which inhabit 
it, and which is about sixty leagues distant from us. 
This Island, it has seemed to us must be a more 
suitable abode, for our purpose, because in that place 
we shall be better able than in any other to occupy 
ourselves with the conversion of the Hurons and of 
the Algonquins ; for we shall approach the Eskiaeron- 
non, Aoechisaeronon, and Aoeatsioaenronnon Algon- 
quins and countless other allied peoples, continually 
proceeding Westward, and removing ourselves from 
the Iroquois our Enemies. From that same place, we 
shall be able also to send, by canoe, to the Tobacco 
Nation and the Peoples of the Neutral Nation, who 
desire us, some of our Fathers, who will take charge 
of the Missions in that quarter. Moreover, in that 
Island of Sainte Marie we shall always be able, more 
conveniently than in any other place, to maintain and 
preserve the [93] trade of the Algonquins and Hu- 
rons with our French at Three Rivers and at Kebec, — 
which is necessary for the maintenance of the Faith 
in all these regions, for the good of the French 
colonies, and for the support of New France. But 
we must await that time with patience and courage ; 
for I believe that our Hurons will have difficulty for 
several years in making this voyage, being beset with 
famine and obliged to flee the scourge of war. When 
they shall have had leisure to come to themselves, 



eû le loiCr de fe reconnoiftre, alors ils pourront 
retrouuer le chemin de Kebec, non feulement par la 
grande Riuiere de S. Laurent, qui peut-eftre fera 
touûours trop infedtée des Ennemis Iroquois; mais 
par des voyes écartées, par lefquelles ils pourront 
faire ce voyage auec plus de feureté. 

Cette Ifle de Saindte Marie efl abondante en poiffon ; 
& les terres y font bonnes pour eftre cultiuées, felon 
le rapport qui nous en eft fait. Volontiers nous 
mettrons la main à la charuë, pour y viure à la fueur 
de noftre vifage, & de noftre trauail, fi les viures 
nous manquent d'ailleurs: car iufques à maintenant 
c'eftoient les bourgades Hurones qui nous fournif- 
f oient leur [94] bled d'Inde, qui a efté le principal 
& quafi le total de noftre nourriture. Nous n'efti- 
mons pas cet employ indigne de nos foins: & s'il 
eftoit necefTaire de nous rendre efclaues de nos enne- 
mis mefmes, afin de trouuer les moyens de conferuer 
dans la captiuité la Foy de ces Eglifes, que Dieu a 
fait naiftre au milieu de la barbarie ; & d'annoncer à 
tous les Peuples qui reftent à conuertir en ces con- 
trées, le nom de Dieu qu'ils n'ont pas encore adoré; 
Volontiers nous abandonnerions & noftre liberté, & 
nos vies, à la cruauté des Iroquois, & nous irions 
mourir au milieu de leurs feux & de leurs braziers. 

Nous ne fçauons pas ce que Dieu nous referue, & 
fi peut-eftre vn bûcher & les flammes ne feront point 
noftre partage, aufli bien qu'à nos Frères qui y font 
morts depuis fi peu de iours, pour la caufe de Dieu. 
Quoy qui puifl^e nous arriuer nous ferons trop heureux 
d'auoir confommé nos vies à fon feruice, puis qu'il 
mente que tous les hommes s'immolent pour fa gloire ; 
& qu'ils n'ayent pas vn feul moment de vie, finon 

1649] RELA TJON OF i648'-4ç 207 

then they will be able again to find the way to Ke- 
bec, not only by the great River of St. Lawrence, — 
which perhaps will always be too much infested 
with the Iroquois Enemies, — but by sequestered 
routes, over which they can make this voyage with 
more security. 

That Island of Sainte Marie abounds in fish ; and 
the lands there, according to the report made to us 
about them, are good for cultivation. We will gladly 
put our hands to the plough, in order to live there by 
the sweat of our brows and by our own labor, if pro- 
visions fail us otherwise, — for hitherto it was the 
Huron villages which furnished us their [94] Indian 
com, which has been the bulk and almost the total 
of our food. We do not esteem this occupation un- 
worthy of our cares; and, — if it were necessary for 
us to become slaves of our enemies themselves, that 
we might find means to preserve, during the captiv- 
ity, the Faith of these Churches which God has 
raised up in the midst of barbarism ; and to announce, 
to all the Peoples which remain to be converted in 
these regions, the name of God, which they have 
not yet adored, — gladly would we abandon both our 
liberty and our lives to the cruelty of the Iroquois, 
and we would go to die in the midst of their flames 
and fires. 

We know not what God reserves for us, and 
whether a stake and the flames will not perhaps be 
our portion, as well as that of our Brethren who have 
died here within so few days for the cause of God. 
Whatever may befall us, we shall be too happy to 
have spent our lives in his service, since he deserves 
that all men sacrifice themselves for his glory ; and 
that they have not a single moment of life except for 


pour fon faindt amour, & pour le falut des âmes, 
qu'il a aimées iufques à la mort. 

[95] Depuis ce que deffus efcrit, la pluf part des 
bourgades Huronnes qui s'eftoient dilllpées, ayant 
deCr de fe reiinir dans Tlfle de S. lofeph; douze des 
Capitaines les plus confiderables, font venus nous 
coniurer au nom de tout ce panure Peuple defolé, 
Que nous enflions pitié de leur mifere; Que fans 
nous ils fe voyoient la proye de l'ennemy; Qu'auec 
nous ils s'eftimoient trop forts pour [ne pas] fe 
défendre auec courage : Que nous enflions compai&on 
de leurs venues, & des panures enfans Chrefliens; 
Que tous ceux qui refloient d'Infidèles, eftoient tous 
refolus d'embraffer noftre Foy, & que nous ferions 
de cette Ifle, vne Ifle de Chrefliens. 

Après auoir parlé plus de trois heures entières, 
auec vne eloquence auflì puiffante pour nous fléchir, 
que l'art des Orateurs en pourroit fournir au milieu 
de la France, à la pluf part de ceux qui appellent ces 
pays barbares ; ils firent montre de dix grands col- 
liers de pourcelaine (ce font les perles & les diamans 
de ces pays) ils nous dirent que c'eftoit là la voix de 
leurs femmes & enfans, qui nous faifoient prefent du 
peu qu'il leur reftoit dans leur mifere; Que nous fça- 
uions afl!ez en quelle eftime [96] ils auoient ces colliers, 
qui font leurs ornemens, & toute leur beauté ; mais 
qu'ils vouloient que nous fceufllons que la Foy leur 
feroit plus pretieufe que leurs biens, & que nos 
inftrudtions leur feroient plus aymables, que tout ce 
que la terre leur pourroit fournir de richeffes. Qu'ils 
faifoient ces prefens, pour faire reuiure en nos per- 
fonnes le zèle & le nom du Pere Echon (c'eft le nom 
que les Hurons ont touûours donné au Pere lean de 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648-4^ 20» 

his holy love, and for the salvation of the souls which 
he loved even until death. 

[95] Since the above writing, most of the Huron 
villages which had become scattered have conceived 
the desire to reunite in the Island of St. Joseph ; and 
twelve of the most considerable Captains have come 
to entreat us, in the name of all this poor desolate 
People, that we should have pity on their misery. 
They said that, without us, they saw themselves the 
prey of the enemy; that, with us, they esteemed 
themselves too strong not to defend themselves with 
courage; that we must have compassion on their 
widows, and on the poor Christian children; that 
those who remained Infidels were all resolved to 
embrace our Faith ; and that we would make that 
Island an Island of Christians. 

After having spoken more than three whole 
hours, — with an eloquence as powerful to bend us as 
the art of Orators could furnish, in the midst of 
France, to most of those who call these countries 
barbarous, — they made a display of ten large collars 
of porcelain (the pearls and diamonds of these coun- 
tries) ; they told us that that was the voice of their 
women and children, who made us a present of the 
little which was left to them in their misery. They 
added that we knew well enough in what esteem [96] 
they held these necklaces, which are their ornaments 
and all their beauty; but that they wished us to 
know that the Faith would be more precious to them 
than were their goods; and that our instructions 
would be held dearer by them than all the riches which 
the earth could furnish them. They said that they 
made these presents in order to revive in our persons 
the zeal and the name of Father Echon (the name 


Brebeuf.) Qu'il auoit efté le premier Apoftre du 
pays; Qu'il eftoit mort pour les aflifter, iuf qu'au 
dernier foufpir; Qu'ils efperoient que fon exemple 
nous toucheroit, & que nos cœurs ne pouuoient pas 
leur refufer de mourir auec eux, puis qu'ils vouloient 
viure Chreftiens. 

En vn mot leur eloquence nous emporta, ou 
pluftoft la dif pofition de leurs âmes, & les raif ons que 
la nature pouuoit leur fournir. Nous ne pûmes 
douter que Dieu n'eût voulu nous parler par leur 
bouche, & quoy qu'à leur abord, nous enflions tous 
eflé dans vn autre deffein, nous nous trouuâmes tous 
changez auant leur depart, & d'vn commun confente- 
ment nous crûmes qu'il falloit fuiure Dieu, la part 
où [97] il nous vouloit appeller, quelque peril qu'il 
pût y auoir pour nos vies, & quelque efpaiffeur de 
ténèbres où nous puiflions refier, pour la fuitte du 
temps futur, qui n'efl pas en noftre pouuoir. 

Ainfi noftre defl!ein eft de tranf porter tout le gros 
de nos forces, & cette maifon de faindte Marie dans 
rifle de S. lofeph, qui fera le centre de nos mifllons, 
& enfemble le bouleuart de ces pays. Nous auons 
befoin plus que iamais des prières de \\ France. 
Quoy qui puifl!e nous arriuer, nous portons auec ioye 
nos âmes entre nos mains, & noftre mort fera noftre 
defir, pourueu que nos vies ne foient confommées 
que pour le maintien de la Foy, & la gloire de Dieu 
en toutes ces contrées. 

Il ne fera pas hors de propos d'adioufter en ce 
Chapitre la lettre qu'écrit le Pere qui auoit foin de 
cette Mifllon, au R. P. Hierôme Lalemant Supérieur 

1649] RELA TION OF 1649-49 211 

which the Hnrons have always given to Father Jean 
de Brebenf) ; that he had been the first Apostle to 
the country; that he had died in order to assist them 
even to his last sigh; that they hoped that his 
example would touch us, and that our hearts could 
not refuse to die with them, since they wished to 
live as Christians. 

In a word, their eloquence — or, rather, the dispo- 
sition of their souls, and the reasons which nature 
could supply to them — conquered us. We could 
not doubt that God had chosen to speak to us by their 
lips; and although, at their coming, we all had 
entertained another design, we all found ourselves 
changed before their departure, and with a common 
consent we believed that it was necessary to follow 
God in the direction whither [97] he chose to call 
us, — whatever peril there might be in it for our 
lives, and in whatever depth of darkness we may 
continue, — for the remaining future, which is not in 
our power. 

Our design is, therefore, to transfer the entire body 
of our forces, and this house of sainte Marie, to the 
Island of St. Joseph, which will be at once the center 
of our missions, and the bulwark of these countries. 
We have need more than ever of the prayers of 
France. Whatever may befall us, we carry with joy 
our souls in our hands, and our death will be our 
desire, — provided that our lives be spent only for 
the maintenance of the Faith and the glory of God 
in all these regions. 

It will not be inappropriate to add, in this Chapter, 
the letter which the Father who had charge of that 
Mission writes to the Reverend Father Hierome 


à Kebec, puis qu'elle nous donne vne plus ample 
cognoiffance de Teftat de cette Million. 

Pax ChriJìL 

MON Reverend Pere, 
Après la mort du petit Jacques Doiiard [98] 
affafliné l'an paffé, ie me fouuins d'auoir offert à Dieu 
en holocaufte ce que i'auois de plus cher en ce monde, 
dans la penfée qui me venoit, qu'il n'y auoit rien 
pour pretieux qu'il fuft, dont nous [ne] deuffions 
aimer l'aneantiffement, pourueu que d'iceluy quel- 
que gloire en reuinft à Dieu ; entre autres chof es que 
i'oflfrois à Dieu comme celles que ie cheriffois le plus 
au monde, eftoient les Chreftiens de la Conception 
dont i'auois le foin, & puis la maifon de S. Marie ; 
le bon Dieu a accepté mon offrande. Tous mes pan- 
ures Chreftiens de la Conception à la referue de 3. 
ou 4. ont efté tuez, ou pris captifs par les Iroquois, 
& la maifon de faindte Marie a efté deftruite, quoy 
que plus doucement, qu'à ce que ie m'eftois refolu 
dés long-temps auparauant en mes meditations. 
Mais les bons Peres de Brebeuf & Lalemant ont 
offert à Dieu vn bien plus agréable f acrifice, non aliena, 
non /ua, fed feipfos immolando. Pretieux holocaufte 
de ces vertueux Peres, que ne puis-ie vous faire con- 
tinuer en ma perfonne? ce fera quand il plaira à 
Dieu ; tous tant que nous f ommes de Peres icy nous 
n'auons iamais plus aimé noftre vocation qu'après 
auoir veu qu'elle [99] nous peut efleuer iufques à la 
gloire du martyre; il n'y a que mes imperfeélions 
qui m'en puiffent faire quitter ma part ; Helas mon 
Reuerend Pere, que i'ay befoin d'humilité, & de 

1649] RELA TION OF ló^-^ 21S 

Lalemant, Superior at Kebec, since it gives us a more 
ample knowledge of the state of that Mission. 

Pax Christi. 

MY Reverend Father, 
After the death of little Jacques Douard, [98] 
who was assassinated last year," I remember that I 
offered to God, as a bumt-offering, the dearest thing 
I had in this world. I did this, in the thought which 
came to me that there was nothing, however precious 
it might be, the annihilation of which we ought not 
to delight in, provided that some glory accrued from 
the same to God. Among other things which I was 
offering to God, as those which I cherished the most 
in the world, were the Christians of la Conception, 
of whom I had charge, and then the house of Ste. 
Marie ; the good God has accepted my offering. All 
my poor Christians of la Conception, except 3 or 4, 
have been killed or taken captive by the Iroquois ; 
and the house of sainte Marie has been destroyed, 
although more quietly than I had persuaded myself 
it would be, long before, in my meditations. But the 
good Fathers de Brebeuf and Lalemant have offered 
to God a much more agreeable sacrifice, non aliena, 
non sua, sed seipsos immolando. Precious burnt-offer- 
ing of those virtuous Fathers ! why can I not continue 
you in my person? This will be when God shall 
please. We all, as many Fathers as we are here, 
have never loved our vocation more, than after hav- 
ing seen that it [99] can raise us even to the glory of 
martyrdom ; there is nothing but my imperfections 
which can make me g^ve up my part. Alas, my 
Reverend Father, how I need humility and purity 
of heart, in order to be able to aspire to the honor 


pureté de cœur pour pouuoir afpirer à rhonneur que 
le bon Dieu a fait à fon nepueu : fi V. R. la demande 
pour moy au bon lefus par les mérites de fes quatre 
grands feruiteurs les PP. logues, Daniel, de Brebeuf , 
& Lalemant, i'efpere qu'elle me l'obtiendra, & en 
fuite le bon lefus me pourroit bien faire la grace de 
mourir pour Taduancement de fon Royaume ; le fuis 
depuis vn mois à Ah^endoe Tlfle de S. lofeph, où la 
pluf part de nos panures Hurons fe font réfugiez; 
c'efl icy où ie vois vne partie des miferes que la 
guerre, & la famine, ont caufé à ce panure peuple 
defolé, leur nourriture ordinaire n'eft plus que de 
gland, ou d'vne certaine racine amere qu'ils nomment 
otfa, & bienheureux encore qui en peut auoir, ceux 
qui n'en ont pas, viuent partie d'ail cuit fous les 
cendres, ou dans l'eau fans autre fauce, & partie de 
poiffon boucané, dont ils affaifonnent l'eau toute pure 
qu'ils boiuent, comme ils faif oient auparauant leur 
fagamité; il s'en trouue [loo] encore de plus panures 
que tout cela, qui n'ont ny bled, ny gland, ny ail, 
ny poiffon, & font de panures malades qui ne fçau- 
roient chercher leur vie ; adiouftez à cette pauureté, 
qu'il faut qu'ils trauaillent à défricher de nouuelles 
forefts, à faire des cabanes, & à faire des paliffades 
pour fe garantir l'année qui vient de la famine, & de 
la guerre, en forte que les voyant vous ingériez que 
ce font de panures morts déterrez. le voudrois pou- 
uoir reprefenter à toutes les perfonnes affeélionnées 
à nos Hurons, l'eflat pitoyable auquel ils font réduits: 
certainement elles ne pourroient fe contenir de fan- 
gloter & de pleurer à chaudes larmes. Helas que ie 
leur dirois volontiers de la part de tout ce panure 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648-4Ç 21& 

which the good God has shown your nephew! If 
Your Reverence ask it for me from the good Jesus, 
through the merits of his four g^eat servants, Fa- 
thers Jogues, Daniel, de Brebeuf, and Lalemant, I 
hope that you will obtain it for me ; and then the 
good Jesus might indeed gfive me grace to die for the 
advancement of his Kingdom. I have been for a 
month at Ahwendoe, on the Island of St. Joseph, 
where most of our poor Hurons have taken refuge ; 
it is here that I see a part of the miseries which war 
and famine have caused to this poor desolate people. 
Their ordinary food is now nothing but acorns, or a 
certain bitter root which they name otsa; and yet, 
fortunate is he who can have any of these. Those 
who have none, live partly on garlic baked under the 
ashes, or cooked in water, without other sauce ; and 
partly on smoked fish, wherewith they season the 
clear water which they drink, as they formerly did 
their sagamité. There are found [100] still poorer 
ones than all that, — who have neither com, nor 
acorns, nor garlic, nor fish, and are poor sick people 
who cannot seek their living. Add to this poverty 
that they must work to clear new forests, make cab- 
ins, and erect palisades, in order to secure themselves 
in the coming year from famine and war; indeed, 
seeing them, you might conclude that these are poor 
corpses unearthed. I would that I could represent, 
to all the persons having affection for our Hurons, 
the pitiful state to which they are reduced ; certainly 
they could not contain themselves from sobbing, and 
shedding warm tears. Alas! how gladly would I 
tell them on the part of all this poor people, Misere- 
mini meiy miseremini meiy saltern vos, amici mei, quia 
manus Domini tetigit me. The most benign Jesus was 


peuple, Miferemini mei^ miferemini mei^ faltem vos 
amici nteiy quia manus Domini tetigit me. Le tres-benin 
lefus fut touché de compaffion à la veuë d'vne feule 
veuue, dont on portoit le fils en terre; comment 
feroit-il poflible que ces imitateurs de lefus-Chrifl, 
ne fuffent émeus à pieté [se. pitié] à la veuë des cen- 
taines, & centaines de venues dont non feulement les 
enf ans, mais quafi les parents ont eflé outrageufement 
ou tuez, ou emmenez captifs, & puis [ici] inhumaine- 
ment bruflez, cuits, déchirez, & deuorez des ennemis. 
Ceux qui me touchent dauantage ce font les panures 
venues, & orphelins de la Conception, qui efloit le 
Bourg communément nommé par les Hurons le Bourg 
Croyant, & ce auec raif on ; car il y auoit fort peu 
d*infideles de refte: l'hyuer palTé il ne s'y efloit 
commis aucun péché public, les Chreftiens eflans les 
plus forts pour empef cher les Infidèles qui en euffent 
voulu faire. Entre autres il y eut vn defir d'vne 
Danfe D^tetha, à laquelle le Meneflrier venu d'vn 
autre Bourg vouloit annexer vn feftin d'Endak«andet; 
ce qu'ayans entendu les Chreftiens ils s'y oppoferent 
fi puifl!amment, qu'il n'y eut pas vn Capitaine qui 
vouluft en faire la criée ; de forte que le Meneftrier 
fut contraint de vuider, & de s'en retourner auec fa 
courte honte à fon Bourg : ce fut la dernière aélion 
que firent nos Chreftiens en profeflion de leur Foy, 
car trois iours après les Iroquois les tuèrent, n'en 
ayant emmené que fix prifonniers, tout le refte ayant 
combattu genereufement iufques à la mort pour la 
defenfe de leur patrie. On m'a dit que Charles 
Ondaiaiondiont voyant que l'ennemy [102] les empor- 
toit à force de monde f e mit à genoux pour prier 
Dieu, & que fort peu après il fut tué d'vn coup 

1649] RELA TION OF i64ê'-4ç 217 

touched with compassion at the sight of a single 
widow, whose son they were carrying to the grave ; 
how would it be possible that these imitators of Jesus 
Christ should not be moved to pity at the sight of 
the hundreds and hundreds of widows, — whose chil- 
dren not only, but almost all their kindred, have 
been either outrageously killed, or taken captive, 
and then [loi] inhumanly burned, cooked, torn, and 
devoured by the enemy ? Those who touch me still 
more are the poor widows and orphans of la Concep- 
tion, which was the Village commonly named by the 
Hurons "the Believing Village," — and that with 
reason, for there were very few infidels left. Last 
winter, there had not been any public sin committed 
there, — the Christians being the strongest, so that 
they could hinder the Infidels who might have wished 
to commit such. Among others, there was a desire 
for a Doutetha Dance, — to which the Musician, who 
had come from another Village, wished to annex a 
feast of Endakwandet. Having heard of this, the 
Christians opposed it so vigorously that there was 
not one Captain who was willing to make the proc- 
lamation of it; the Musician was therefore con- 
strained to depart, and to return abashed to his own 
Village. This was the last act that our Christians 
accomplished in profession of their Faith ; for, three 
days later, the Iroquois killed them, having taken 
away only six of them as prisoners, — all the rest 
having bravely fought, even to death, for the defense 
of their native country. I have been told that Charles 
Ondaiaiondiont, seeing that the enemy [102] was 
overwhelming by dint of numbers, knelt to pray to 
Grod ; and that, a very little later, he was killed by 
an arquebus shot. Acowendoutie, of Arentet, bap- 


d*arquebuze. Aco«end«tie d'Arentet baptize là bas, 
fut trouué les mains iointes après fa mort, ce fut vn 
des Hurons qui retrouuerent le corps du Pere de Noue 
les mains iointes, fans doute qu'il l'a voulu imiter, 
le veux pour acheuer ma lettre faire part à V. R. de 
la prière que fit le bon René Tfondih^annen au 
depart des Chrefliens de la Côception qui alloient au 
deuant de Tennemy: Seigneur Dieu, Maiflre de nos 
vies, ayez pitié des Chrefliens qui vont rencontrer les 
Iroquois, ne les abandonnez pas, de peur que le pro- 
grés de la Foy ne foit retardé par vos ennemis, s'ils 
ont le deffus. Quoy que le bon homme n'obtinfl 
pas Teflfet de fa prière, il ne laiffa pas de venir adorer 
Dieu, en fuite de la mort de Tfoendiai fon gendre, 
& de la captiuité d'Ihanneufa fon fils. l'entendis 
encore la prière qu'il fit en telle forme. Mon Dieu ce 
qui eft arriué que nos frères font morts eft le meil- 
leur, nous n'auons point d'efprit nous autres homes 
qui pretendiôs que l'iffuë n'arriue-t'elle ainfi? vous 
feul cônoiffez ce qui doit eftre pour le mieux. Pour 
[103] lors nous aduouërons dans le Ciel quand nous y 
arriuerons, que les chef es font bien arriuées ainfi qu'el- 
les font arriuées, & qu'elles ne f croient pas bien allées, 
fi elles fufl!ent arriuées autrement. V. R. voit par là 
que diligentibus Deum omnia cooperantur in bonum. l'ay 
eu l'honneur d' eftre enuiron trois fepmaines durant 
Maiftre en la langue Huronne de fon bon Nepueu, 
incredibile eji diâlu quantum infudaret linguœ addifcendœ^ 
quantûmque proficeret. In prœmium iûiufmodi folertia 
nonnulli putarunt fuijfe illi à Deo concejfam tam felicem 
morte, La peine qu'il prenoit à apprendre la langue 
Huronne, & le progrez qu'il y faifoit eft prefque 
incroyable; quelques- vns de nos Peres ont eftimé 

1649] R£LA TION OF 1648^49 219 

tized over there, was found, after his death, with his 
hands clasped ; he was one of the Hurons who recov- 
ered the body of Father de Noue, with his hands 
clasped, and, no doubt, he desired to imitate him. I 
wish, at the close of my letter, to communicate to 
Your Reverence the prayer oflFered by the good René 
Tsondihwannen at the departure of the Christians 
of la Conception, who were going to meet the ene- 
my: " Lord God, Master of our lives, have pity on 
the Christians who are going to encounter the Iro- 
quois; do not abandon them, lest the progress of the 
Faith be retarded by your enemies, if they have the 
upper hand. * * Although the good man did not obtain 
the eflFect of his prayer, he nevertheless came to 
adore God, in consequence of the death of Tsoendiai, 
his son-in-law, and of the captivity of Ihanneusa his 
son. I again heard the prayer which he made, in 
this form: " My God, what has happened, that our 
brothers have died, is the best; we have no sense, 
we men who demand, ' Why does the issue not hap- 
pen thus ? * You alone know what must be for the 
best. As for [103] that time, we will avow in Heav- 
en, when we shall arrive there, that matters, as they 
have come about, have well happened ; and that they 
would not have gone well if they had happened 
otherwise.*' Your Reverence sees by that, that dilù 
gentibus Deunt omnia cooperantur in bonunt. I had the 
honor to be, for about three weeks. Instructor in the 
Huron language to your good Nephew, — incredibile 
est dictu quantum insudaret Ungues addiscendœ quantum- 
que proficeret. In prœmium istiusmodi solertiœ nonnulli 
putarunt fuisse UH à Deo concessam tarn felicem mortem. 
"The pains that he took in learning the Huron 
language, and the progress that he made in it, are 


que Dieu a recompenfé cette grande diligence de 
cette heureufe mort. Adieu mô Reuerend Pere, 
Que V. R. ne s^ oublie pas en /es 
SS. facrificeSy & prières de 

Son tres-humble & tres-obeyffanl 
feruiteur I. M. Chavmonot, 
de la Compagnie de I E s v s . 

De rifle de S. lofeph, 
ce I. luin 1649. 

1649] RELA TION OF ià48''4ç 221 

almost incredible ; some of our Fathers have thought 
that God has rewarded this great diligence by that 
blessed death." Adieu, my Reverend Father; 
Let not Your Reverence forget, in your 
Holy sacrifices and prayers. 

Your very humble and very obedient 
servant, J. M. Chaumonot, 
of the Society of Jesus. 

From the Island of St. foseph, 
this 1st of June, 1649. 


[From second edition of the Relation:'^ 

[^04] T'^EPVIS qve cette Relation a paru au iaur^ vn 
\ J vaijfeau nouuellement arriué de ce nouueau 
Monde y nous a rendu quelques lettres ajfez 
amples j qui parlent de ce qui s'eft paffé aux Hurons^ nous 
n'en mettrons icy quvn petit échantillon, referuant le rejle 
en /on temps. 

LES Bourgades Huronnes {dit vn Pere de la Compagnie 
écriuant du pays des Hurons) s'eflant dii&pées en 
diuers endroits, le plus gros de ces peuples s* eft réfugié 
en la Nation du Petun, d'où i'ay grand peur que la 
crainte des ennemis ne les chaiïe. D ' autres ont dellein 
d'eftablir vne Colonie à Kebec, où vn Capitaine s'eft 
tranfporté tout exprès, au trauers de mille dangers, 
pour voir fi les François aggreeroient leur dellein, 
& s'ils leur pourroient donner quelque fecours. 
En vérité cette pauure Eglif e eft digne de compailion. 
le ne doute point que nos Peres qui font là ne les 
reçoiuent à bras ouuerts, & ne les fecourent felon leur 
petit [105] pouuoir. Il les faut confoler dans la defo- 
lation generale de tout leur pays; c'eft vn peuple 
nouuellement acquis à Dieu, il ne l'abandonnera pas. 
Trois cens familles quafi toutes Chreftiennes, fe 
font retirées dans Tlfle de S. lofeph. Nous ayans 
priez de nous ioindre auec eux, nous auons mis le 
feu dans noftre maifon de SaincSte Marie de peur que 
l'ennemy ne s'en emparât. Cet edifice paroiffoit 
magnifique aux yeux des Saunages; nous 1* auons 
quitté le quinziefme iour de May de cette année 

1649] RELA TION OF 104^^^ 223 

[From second edition of the Relation:] 

[104] ^INCE this Relation was published^ a vessel y 
^) recently arrived from that new World, has 
brought us letters of considerable length, 
treating of occurrences among the Hurons. We shall give 
here merely a brief specimen of these letters, reserving the 
remainder until its proper time. 

WHEN the inhabitants of the Huron Villages (says 
a Father of the Society, writing from the country 
of the Hurons) were scattered in different directions, 
the great mass of these peoples sought refuge with 
the Tobacco Nation, whence I greatly fear the dread 
of the enemy may drive them. Others purpose 
planting a Colony at Kebec, whither a Captain made 
his way through a thousand dangers, expressly to see 
whether the French would approve their plan and be 
able to render them some assistance. Verily, this 
poor Church is worthy of compassion. I doubt not 
that our Fathers who are there would receive its 
members with open arms, and succor them to the 
best of their slender [105] ability. In the general 
devastation of their whole country, they need con- 
solation. They are a people newly won to Grod, and 
he will not forsake them. 

Three hundred families, nearly all Christian, took 
refuge on St. Joseph Island. Being entreated to 
join them, we set fire to our house at Sainte Marie, 
lest the enemy might take possession of it. This 
was a magnificent edifice, in the eyes of the Savages. 


1649. ^o^ f^^s quelque petit retour de la Nature: 
car il Va fallu deftruire, au point qu'il eftoit capable 
de receuoir les pauures vieillards, & les perfonnes 
malades ou vfées, & caiïées dans des trauaux capa- 
bles de terraiïer des Geans. Nous auons aui& aban- 
donné les terres, & les champs, d'où dépendoit vne 
bonne partie de noftre nourriture ; & nous voila dans 
vne foreft, plus dénuez de fecours, que nous n'eftions 
à noflre premier abord dans ce pays. lamais nous 
ne fûmes plus contens, & iamais nous n 'auons eu de 
fubjecSts d'vne plus fenfible trifteffe. 

Depuis deux mois ou enuiron que nous [106] fom- 
mes entrez dans cette Ifle, Dieu nous a fi puillamment 
fecourus, que nous croyons eflre en eflat d'vne iufte 
defiFenfe, en forte que l'ennemy auec tous fes efforts, 
nous eft peu redoutable dans noftre Réduit : mais il 
règne dans toute la Campagne du continent voifin de 
noftre Ifle ; & en f uitte il nous iette dans vne famine 
plus rude que la guerre. Les Hurons que nous auons 
fuiuis ont quitté leurs terres auffi bien que nous, & 
en mefme temps il faut qu'ils fe fortifient, & qu'eux 
& nous baftiflions des maifons, ou pluftoft des 
cabanes; & fi nous voulons recueillir des bleds l'an 
prochain, il faut abbattre des forefts pour auoir des 
champs & des campagnes. Ces trauaux trauerfez 
par la crainte des ennemis font bien pefans, il n'y a 
que Dieu qui les puiffe addoucir. 

Ce n'eft pas tout, comme ces pauures Gens n'ôt 
ny chaff e, ny pefche, ny bleds, ils s'efcartêt qui deçà 
qui delà pour trouuer du gland & des racines ; nos 
Peres qui ne les peuuent abandonner, les accompa- 
gnent quand ils font en quelque nombre, aimans 
mieux perir de faim, que de leur dénier le pain de 

1649] RELA TION OF j&48^4ç 226 

We left it on May fifteenth of the present year, 1649, — 
not without some little return of Natural feeling ; for 
we were forced to destroy it at the very time it might 
have sheltered the poor old people and all who were 
sick or exhausted, or shattered by labors capable of 
prostrating Giants. We also abandoned the lands 
and fields whereon our sustenance largely depended ; 
and here we are in a forest, more destitute of succor 
than when we first came to this country. Never 
were we more filled with content, and never have we 
had cause for keener sorrow. 

During the two months, or thereabout, since we 
[106] came to this Island, Grod has rendered us such 
effectual succor that we believe ourselves to be in a 
complete state of defense, so that the enemy, despite 
all he can do, is little dreaded by us in our Intrench- 
ments ; but he holds sway on all the Mainland near 
our Island, and consequently reduces us to a state of 
famine more terrible than war. The Hurons whom 
we followed left their lands, just as we did ; and they 
are forced to fortify themselves, and both they and 
we are obliged to build houses, — or, rather, cabins, — 
all at the same time ; while, if we wish to harvest 
any grain next year, we must clear away forests in 
order to have fields and open lands. These labors, 
hindered by the fear of the enemy, are indeed 
arduous, and God alone can lighten them. 

That is not all. As these poor People have neither 
hunting, nor fishing, nor grain, they scatter hither 
and thither in quest of acorns and roots. Our Fa- 
thers, unable to forsake them, accompany them when 
they constitute any considerable body, — preferring 
to perish with hunger rather than deny them the 
bread of the Gospel. [107] In this service, acorns 


l'Etiangile, le [107] gland & les racines fort ameres, 
leur f emblent vn mets plus délicieux dans cet exer- 
cice, que les plus friands morceaux de l'Europe. 
Ceux qui n'ont iamais goufté Dieu fans les creatures, 
ne fçauent pas combien il efl doux pris tout feul 
pour ainfi parler. Non ex /ola pane viuit homo. 

Quoy qu'il en foit, ces miferes nous doiuent 
fembler d'autant plus agréables, qu'elles nous don- 
nent plus abondâment ce que nous venons chercher 
en ce bout du monde. Les Saunages nous ont tant 
& tant de fois reproché que la foy efloit l'vnique 
caufe de leurs calamitez. Il efl vray que cette vaine 
perfuaCon nous a fait beaucoup fouflfrir, & qu'elle a 
mis les armes en la main de plufieurs de ces bar- 
bares, contre les Peres nouuellement maHacrez; & 
après tout nous voyons à l'œil, que la Croix qui a 
fait mourir le Fils de Dieu, donne la vie à ces peuples, 
& que les perf ecutions engendrent la foy. Depuis la 
mort du Pere Antoine Daniel, qui fut le quatriefme 
de luillet Tan paffé mil six cens quarante-huit, iuf- 
ques à la mort du Pere lean de Brebeuf & du Pere 
Gabriel Lallemant bruflez & mangez le 16. & 17. du 
mois [de Mars] de cette année 1649. nous [108] auons 
baptize plus de treize cens perf onnes : & depuis les 
derniers maffacres iufques au mois d'Aoufl, nous en 
auons baptize plus de quatorze cens. Voila TEglife 
Chreftienne accrue de plus de [deux] mille fept cens 
âmes en treize mois, fans copter ceux qui furent 
baptizez à la Brèche, & ceux qui ont efté faits Chre- 
ftiês es autres endroits. Tant ces paroUes font 
véritables, Sanguis Martyrum femen ejl Chrijlianarum : 
le fang des Martyrs, 11 on les ofe ainû nommer, eli la 
gpraine & la femence des Chrefliens. 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648-^ 227 

and exceedingly bitter roots seem to them a dish 
more delicious than the daintiest morsels of Europe. 
Those who have never tasted God without any crea- 
ture comforts know not how sweet he is, taken all 
alone, so to speak. Non ex solo pane vivit homo. 

At all events, these hardships cannot but seem all 
the more acceptable to us, the more abundantly they 
^ve us what we have come to seek in this remote 
comer of the world. Many a time have the Savages 
reproached us with the assertion that the faith was 
the sole cause of their calamities. That groundless 
belief has, it is true, caused us much suffering, and 
it aroused many of these barbarians to hostilities 
against the Fathers who were recently murdered; 
and yet we see plainly that the Cross, which caused 
the death of the Son of God, gives life to these 
people, and that persecutions beget faith. From the 
death of Father Antoine Daniel, which occurred July 
fourth of last year, sixteen hundred and forty-eight, 
up to that of Father Jean de Brebeuf and of Father 
Gabriel Lallemant, who were burned and eaten on 
the 1 6th and 1 7th of the month of March in the pres- 
ent year, 1649, we [108] baptized more than thirteen 
hundred persons; and, from the latter murders up 
to the month of August, we baptized more than 
fourteen hundred. Thus the Christian Church was 
increased by more than two thousand seven hundred 
souls in thirteen months, without counting those 
baptized at the Breach [i.e., the storming of the 
Huron villages], and those who were made Chris- 
tians in other places. So true are those words. 
Sanguis Martyrutn semen est Christianorum — ** The 
blood of the Martyrs," if they may be so named, '* is 
the seed and germ of Christians. ' * 


le m'oubliois qiiafi de vous dire, qu'on a trouué vn 
papier dans les efcris du Pere Gabriel Lallemant, 
par lequel on cognoit, que deuant qu'il arriuât en la 
Nouuelle France, il s'eftoit voilé & confacré à Noftre 
Seigneur, pour receuoir de fa main vne mort vio- 
lente, foit en s'expofant au tour des peftiferez en 
TAncienne France, foit en la pourfuitte du falut des 
Saunages en la Nouuelle. Adjouflant que ce luy 
feroit vne faueur de mourir pour fa gloire en la fleur 
de fon âge. Cette grace luy a eflé abondamment 

Pour conclufion, il y a long-temps que l'expérience 
nous apprend que les [109] biens qui nous font venus 
de la Croix de lefus-Chrifl, fe recueillent & fe com- 
muniquent bien plus efficacement par les croix & par 
les fouflFrances, que par les profperitez. Cefi ce qui 
nous confole dans nos perfecutions, & dans nos difet- 
tes. Ne laiffez pas neantmoins de nous fecourir tant 
que vous pourrez, Dieu ne veut pas que nous trauail- 
lions tout feuls en Taccompliffement de fon ouurage: 
quantité d'Ames fainctes doiuent participer à cet 
honneur. Sainct Paul dit qu'il efl mort & qu'il eft 
viuant; c'eft ainfi que Dieu traite cette nouuelle 
Eglife, pour laquelle il n'y a perfonne entre nous 
qui ne deflre de donner fa vie, & de refpandre fon 

Puis que nous auons inféré le fragment (Tvne lettre dans 
cette feconde edition^ ie croy quii ne fera pas mal à propos 
d'ajoufler vn trait fort remarquable ^ ou plufiofl vn mi- 
racle de la diuine Prouidence^ fur V equipage d'vn Vaiffeau^ 
qui efloit party ce Printemps dernier pour aller en la 
Nouuelle France, Ce vaiffeau voguant en pleine 
mer, allez proche du grand banc, où on pefche les 

1649] RELA TION OF 1&48-49 229 

I nearly forgot to tell you that, among Father 
Gabriel Lallemant's manuscripts, was found a paper 
from which we learned that, before coming to New 
France, he had devoted and consecrated himself to 
Our Lord for the purpose of receiving from his hand 
a violent death, either in exposing himself among 
the plague-stricken in Old France, or in seeking to 
save the Savages in the New, — with the added clause 
that he would esteem it a favor to be allowed to die 
for his Lord's glory in the flower of his age. That 
favor was granted to him richly. 

In conclusion, experience taught us long ago that 
the [109] blessings which have come to us from the 
Cross of Jesus Christ are much more effectively 
received and communicated by crosses and suflFerings 
than by prosperity. That is what consoles us amid 
persecution and want. Do not, however, cease to 
render us all the succor in your power, as it is not 
God's will that we should labor entirely alone in per- 
forming his work ; many holy Souls are to share that 
honor. Saint Paul says that he is dead, and yet 
alive ; thus it is that God treats this new Church, for 
which there is not one among us who does not wish 
to give his life and shed his blood. 

Since we have inserted a part of a letter in this second 
edition^ I believe it will not be out of place to add a very 
remarkable incident^ — or rather^ a miracle wrought by 
divine Providence on the crew of a Vessel which set sail 
this last Spring for New France. While this vessel was 
sailing on the open sea, — at no great distance from 
the great bank, where the cod-fishery is carried 
on, — the mainmast broke its step, or came out of it, 
and pierced the Ship's bottom, so [no] that a flood 
of water rushed in. The crew, composed of about 


moulues, fon gprand mats rompit fa ca[r]lingTie, ou 
en fortit, & tranfperça le fond du Nauire, en [iio] 
forte que les eaux y entrèrent en grande abondance. 
L'équipage compofé d'enuiron trente-fept perfonnes, 
s'efforce d'arre fier cette fource: Les vns tirent à la 
pompe, les autres puifent auec des féaux. Quelques- 
vns iettent les canons, & la charge du Nauire en la 
mer : mais ils ne peuuët auec tous leurs efforts épui- 
fer ce torrent qui abyma le Nauire en peu de temps. 
Comme ils auoient deffein de faire pefcherie, ils 
auoient embarqué trois Chalouppes, dans lefquelles 
ils fe ietterent, fans auoir le moyen d'embarquer 
aucuns viures auec eux; on nous a rapporté qu'ils 
n'auoient fauué qu'vn peu d'eau de vie. Les voila 
donc fans bifcuit & fans eau douce, dans trois petits 
batteaux flottans à la mercy des vents & des ondes, 
qui venoient d'engloutir leur Nauire. Ils ne voyoient 
que le Ciel & la mer, eflans efloig^ez de plus de cent 
lieues des plus prochaines terres. L'vne de ces trois 
Chalouppes s'écarta des deux autres dans vne nuit, ou 
dans quelque tempefte : nous ne f çauons pas encor ce 
qu'elle efl deuenuë. Les deux autres ayant recours 
aux vœux & aux prières, s'addreffent à la tres-faincte 
Vierge, comme au [m] refuge ordinaire des panures 
abandonnez. Ils voguèrent treize iours fur ces aby- 
mes d'eaux, & firent enuiron trois cens quarâte lieues 
fans manger & fans boire, finon vne petite goutte 
d'eau de vie ; quelques- vns difent, que f ouuent ils fe 
contentoient de tremper vn baflon dans cette liqueur, 
& qu'ils le fucçoient deux fois le iour pour toute 
nourriture. le ne fçay lequel des deux efl plus 
eftonnant, ou qu'ils aient vefcu fi long- temps fans 
manger, ou qu'ils foiët demeurés tant de iours fans 

1649] RELA TION OF 1648-49 231 

thirty-seven persons, strove to check this flow, — sonoie 
working the pump, others dipping water with buck- 
ets, while still others threw overboard the cannon 
and the Ship's cargo ; but with all their efforts they 
could not overcome that torrent of water, and it soon 
sank the Vessel. As they were intending to fish, 
they had lowered three Shallops, into which they 
leaped without being able to take any provisions with 
them, — only a little brandy being saved, as we were 
told. Behold them, then, with no biscuit or fresh 
water, in three small boats floating at the mercy of 
the winds, and of the waves which had just swallowed 
up their Ship. They saw nothing but Sky and sea, 
being more than a hundred leagues from the nearest 
land. One of these three Shallops became sepa- 
rated from the two others in the night, or in some 
storm, and we do not yet know what became of it. 
The occupants of the two others, having recourse to 
vows and prayers, appealed to the most holy Virgin, 
as to the [i 1 1] usual refuge of poor forsaken mortals. 
Thirteen days they pursued their way over those 
watery depths, accomplishing about three hundred 
and forty leagues, eating nothing, and drinking 
naught but a mere drop of brandy, — often contenting 
themselves, as some say, with wetting a stick in that 
liquor, and sucking it twice a day as their sole nour- 
ishment. I know not which is more marvelous, 
their living so long without eating, or their continu- 
ing so many days on the broad Ocean without per- 
ishing. When they felt their strength ebbing away, 
they talked of drawing lots to see which of them 
should serve the others for food. One of the num- 
ber, who was rather stout and fleshy, said to them : 
*' Do not resort to chance; I see no one in the 


perir au beau milieu de l'Océan. Comme ils fe 
fentoient aflfoiblir, ils parlèrent de tirer au fort, pour 
voir qui d'eux tous feruiroit d'aliment aux autres. 
L'vn d'eux affez gpros & affez replet, leur dit, Ne 
tentez point le hazard, ie n'en voy point dans la 
trouppe qui vous puiffe mieux nourrir que moy. Sur 
ces entrefaites parut vne tortue de mer auprès de 
leurs Chalouppes, ils s'en faififfent, & l'ayant embar- 
quée ils en fuccerent le fang qui les foutint quelque 
peu de tëps. La vigueur qu'ils auoiët tirée de ce 
froid aliment, eflant paffée, ils parlèrent derechef de 
tirer au fort à qui feroit mangé des autres. Tout le 
monde s'y accorde, [i 12] Enfin le fort tomba fur ce 
bon gros garçon qui s'efloit pref enté ; Hé bien, leur 
dit-il, ne vous difoy-je pas bien que Dieu vouloit que 
vous me mangeafliez? Voila donc la victime toute 
prede : mais comme les François ne font pas des Sau- 
nages, l'horreur de manger de la chair humaine, & 
encor toute crue (car il eft bien croyable qu'ils n'a- 
uoient ny bois, ny foier) fit que l'vn deux monta fur 
le haut du mats pour ietter fa veuë le plus loing qu'il 
pourroit fur la mer, de bonne fortune il apperceut 
vn Vaiffeau, il s'écrie, Nauire, Nauire, ie voy vn 
Nauire. A cette parole tout le monde commence à 
reuiure; ils tirent droit à ce Vaiffeau qui fut bien 
eftonné voyant tant de monde. Ils fe iettent à 
genoux, prians qu'on leur fauuât la vie. C'eftoient 
des Anglois, qui au commencement firent difl&culté 
de les receuoir, difans qu'ils n'auoient pas affez de 
viures pour tant de perfonnes. Ils les fupplient à 
mains iointes de leur donner feulement tous les iours 
le gros d'vn poulce de bifcuit pour les empefcher de 
mourir. Quelques femmes Angloifes qui fe trouue- 

1649] RELATION OF 1648-49 238 

company better able to aflFord you nourishment than 
myself. " At this juncture a sea- turtle appeared near 
their Shallops. They seized it, dragged it in, and 
sucked its blood, which sustained them for some little 
time. When the strength derived from this cold 
nutriment had passed away, they again talked of 
drawing lots to decide who should be eaten by the 
others. All agreed to this. [112] Finally, the lot 
fell to that good, stout youngster who had already 
oflFered himself. ** There," said he to them, ** did 
not I tell you that it was God's will that you should 
eat me?" There was the victim, then, all ready; 
but as the French are not Savages, their abhorrence 
of eating human flesh, — and raw at that (for it will 
readily be believed that they had neither wood nor 
fireplace), — made one of them climb to the mast- 
head, to take as wide a view as possible of the sea. 
By good luck, he saw a Vessel, and cried out, ** A 
Ship, a Ship! I see a Ship!" At that word, all 
began to breathe new life ; and they made straight 
for that Vessel, whose crew were greatly surprised 
at seeing so many men. The Frenchmen fell on 
their knees, and prayed that their lives might be 
saved. The others were Englishmen, who at first 
objected to receiving them, saying they had not 
enough food for so many. The French implored 
them, with clasped hands, only to give them daily 
a piece of biscuit as large as one's thumb, to keep 
them from dying. Some English women on board 
this Vessel threw themselves at their husbands' feet, 
and besought them [113] to take pity on those poor 
shipwrecked men, — oflFering even to fast a part of 
the time, for their sake. The men, moved by these 
good women's tenderness, received the suppliants; 


rent dans ce Vaiffeau, fe ietterent aux pieds de lenrs 
maris, les conjurans [113] d'auoir pitié de ces panures 
naufragans, s'offrant mefme de ieûner vne partie du 
temps en leur conûderation. Les hommes fléchis par 
la tendreffe de ces bonnes femmes, les receurent ; Et 
pour premier mets, ils leur donnèrent à chacun vn 
verre d'eau douce, & puis vn peu de bouillie: Le 
lendemain ils leur en donnèrent vn peu dauantage, 
pour eflarg^r petit à petit leur eftomach, retreffy par 
vn fi long ieufne. En vn mot ils leur fauuerent la 
vie, & puis les menèrent en Tlfle de Madère, où ils 
les déchargèrent. Ces bonnes gens furent allez mal 
traitez, à ce qu'ils difent, iufques à ce qu'ayans fait 
rencontre d'vn Pere de noflre Compagnie; & luy 
ayans raconté leur déconuenuë, les habitans de cette 
Ifle voyans que nos Peres les fecouroient, leur don- 
nèrent fort amoureufement toutes les chofes dont ils 
auoient befoin. Ce naufrage a caufé bien de la perte 
à nos Peres de la Nouuelle France, & à plufieurs de 
f es habitans : mais Dieu foit beny que les hommes fe 
f oient fauuez, nous n'en auôs appris les particularitez 
qu'en gros, & comme à baftons rompus. L'vne des 
plus remarquables eft que ces panures [114] naufra- 
gans eftans arriuez en France, font allez tous enfem- 
ble accomplir leurs vœux es maifons de la Saincte 
Vierge à Saumur, & de Saincte Anne en Bretagne, 
deuant que de rentrer en leurs propres maifons, ny 
faluër aucuns de leurs parens ou amis. 


1649] RELA TIO.N OF 1648- 49 236 

and they gave to each, as a first dish, a glass of fresh 
water, and then a little pap. The next day they 
gave them a little more, to enlarge their stomachs 
by degrees, contracted as they were by so long a 
fast. In short, they saved their lives, and then took 
the men to the Island of Madeira, where they landed 
them. These good people were treated rather ill, 
according to their account, until they met with a 
Father of our Society and told him about their disas- 
ter; then the residents on that Island, seeing that 
our Fathers lent them aid, readily gave them every- 
thing they needed. This shipwreck caused serious 
loss to our Fathers in New France, and to many of 
its inhabitants; but God be blessed that the men 
were saved. ^^ We have learned the circumstances 
from them only in general, and, as it were, in frag- 
ments. One of the most noteworthy details is that 
those poor [114] shipwrecked men, upon arriving in 
France, went in a body to fulfill their vows in the 
house of the Holy Virgin at Saumur, and in that of 
Saint Anne in Brittany, before returning to their own 
houses, or greeting any of their relatives or friends. 





This is a Latin letter written by Jacques Buteux 
to the father general (Caraffa), dated at Three Rivers, 
September 2 1 , 1649. The original MS. rests in the 
archives of the Society, where, presumably in 1858, 
Father Martin made a copy of it. Six years later, 
Martin's translation of it into French was published 
in Carayon's Première Mission^ pp. 247-253. In the 
present publication, we follow Martin's Latin apo- 
graph, now in the archives of St. Mary's College, 
Montreal, and our English translation is made there- 


Christophe Reg^aut, a donné in the Huron mis- 
sion, was sent with others, in the spring of 1649, ^^ 
recover the bodies of the martyred Fathers Brébeuf 
and Gabriel Lalemant. This is his report of the 
expedition, with such particulars of their deaths as 
he could learn from Indian eye-witnesses. It is a 
graphic and interesting account, but is without date. 
We infer from the style, however, that it was written 
not long after the event, therefore have given it 
this order in our chronologfical arrangement. 

The original MS. was obtained in Paris by Doug- 
las Brjnnner, archivist of the Dominion of Canada, 
and rests in the archives at Ottawa. Mr. Brymner 


published the text of the original, and his English 
translation thereof, in his Report on Canadian Archives^ 
1884, pp. xiv, XV, Ixiii-lxvii. We have here fol- 
lowed him in both, save a few verbal changes in the 


For bibliographical particulars of th^ Journal des 
Jésuites, see Vol. XXVII. 


The Relation of 1648-49 (Paris, 1650) consists only 
of Ragueneau's Huron report to his superior. 
Jerome Lalemant did not render a personal account 
in this year to the provincial of the order in France. 
Ragueneau's Relation is represented by three French 
editions, and two distinct Latin versions. In re- 
printing the French text, we follow a copy of the 
first edition in the Lenox Library, known there as 
the ** Lamoignon copy." But the addendum be- 
ginning, ^^ Depvis qve cette Relation,'' is taken from the 
Lenox copy of the second edition — the edition in 
which it first appeared. The first edition is usually 
referred to as '* H. 90," and the second as ** H. 91,'* 
because described in Harrisse's Notes, nos. 90 and 91. 
For the sake of convenience, and as a distinguishing 
mark, we shall use Harrisse's numbering. 

Collation of H. co (first edition) : Sig. â in four, 
consisting of one blank leaf; title, with verso blank, 
I leaf; ** Table des Chapitres,*' i leaf; '* Priuilege," 
with ** Permiflion " on the verso, i leaf; Ragueneau's 
letter to his superior, Jerome Lalemant, pp. 1-4; 
Lalemant's introductory epistle to the provincial, 
Claude de Lingendes, pp. 5-7; text, pp. 8-103; 



verso of p. 103, blank. A letter from Chaumonot, 
dated ''De rifle de S, lofeph, ce i. luin 1649," begins 
on p. 97, and concludes this edition. Signatures: â 
in four, A - F in eights, and G in four. There is no 

The second edition (H. 91) is an entirely distinct 
edition from the preceding, and is diflFerently com- 
posed. The title-pages agree so exactly in matter, 
punctuation, capitalization, and line-endings, that 
transcription would g^ve them the appearance of 
identity ; but they are not the same. The tail of the 
Q in ** QVI," in the third line, varies in the two 
editions, and the ornament in H. 91 (the second edi- 
tion) is a simple composition of printer's elements, 
such as enter into the make-up of head-ornaments. 
The tail-piece on p. 2 of the ** Table des Chapitres" 
in H. 90, is lacking in H. 91 ; and the two editions 
have différent ornamental initials and head-orna- 
ments throughout. The second edition has also an 
addendum of eleven pages, beginning on p. 104, 
which is headed ''DEPVIS QVE CETTE Relation;' 

Collation of H. çi (second edition): Title, with 
verso blank, i leaf ; * ' Table des Chapitres, ' ' i leaf ; 
Ragueneau's letter to Lalemant, pp. 1-4; Lalemant's 
epistle to the provincial, pp. 5-7; text, pp. 8-103; 
^' Depvis qve cette Relation,'' pp. 104- 1 14; ** Priuilege " 
on p. 115, and *' Permiffion" on p. 116. Signatures: 
a in two, A-G in eights, H in two. There is no 

The third edition of this Relation was printed at 
Lille, and is much smaller in size than the Paris 
editions. Harrisse {Notes, no. 92) had not seen it, 
but bases his title and description on Mr. James 


Lenox's desiderata list of Livres Curieux (New York, 
1854), no. 86. A de visu description follows: 

Relation | de ce qui s'efl paffé | en la Million des 
Peres | de la Compagnie | de lesvs | avx Hv- 
rons, I Pays de la Nouuelle France, es | années 1648. 
& 1649. I Enuoyée | av R. P. Hierosme Laie- 
mant, | Supérieur des Mifllons de la Compagnie | de 
lesvs, en la Nouuelle France. | Par le P. Pavl 
Rag^eneav, de la | mef me Compagnie. | Pour la faire 
tenir au R. P. Prouincial de la | mefme Compagnie. | 
[Cut £?/■ I H S, surrounded by rays and four cherubs'] \ 

A Lille, I De l'Imprimerie de la Vefve de Pierre 
de I Rache, à la Bible d'Or, 1650. 

Collation of H. Ç2 (third edition) : Title, with verso 
blank, i leaf; Ragueneau's letter to Lalemant, pp. 
3-5; Lalemant's epistle to the provincial, pp. 6-8; 
text, pp. 9- 1 10; ^^ Depvis qve cette Relation^'' pp. 
Ill- 121 ; ** Table des Chapitres," pp. (2); ** Appro- 
bation," p. (i). Sigfnatures: A- G in eights, H in 
four, and I in two. The privilege and permission of 
former editions are replaced by the ** Approbation," 
which was ** Faict à Lille ce 2. de Mars 1650," and is 
signed by '' lEAN PARENT Prestre Cenfeur des 
Liuresy There is no mispaging. 

There are two distinct Latin versions of the Rela- 
tion of 1648-49. The first is Gobat's translation, 
which follows the first French edition (H. 90), and 
appeared in the same year as the original text. It is 
Harrisse's no. 93. A description follows: 

Narratio | Historica | eorvm, quae So- | cietas lesv 
in I Nova Francia | Fortiter egit, & paffa eft, | Annis 
M.DC.XLIIX. & XLIX. I è Gallico in Latinum tran- 
flata I a P. Georgio Gobat | eiufdem Societatis 
lesv I Theologo. | {Ornament] 


Œniponti. | Tjrpis Hieronymî Agricolse. | Anno 
1650. I Cum facnltate Superiorum. 

Collation: Title, with verso blank, i leaf; " Epis- 
tola Dedicatoria," pp. (12); *' Interpretis. Ad Lec- 
torem Praefatio," pp. (10); Ragueneau's letter to 
Lalemant, pp. i - 5 ; Lalemant's epistle to the provin- 
cial, pp. 6-10; text, pp. 11-228; '* Proteftatio In- 
terpretis," pp. 229-232; table, entitled *' Elenchvs 
hvivs libelli capitnm," pp. (2); *' Menda," with verso 
blank, i leaf. Signatures: A-L in twelves, the 
last two leaves being blank. Sigfnature K4 is 
misnumbered L4; and page 213 is misprinted as 
113. Œnipons is the Latin form for Innspruck, the 
capital of Austrian Tyrol. The Ag^cola family of 
printers carried on business there as early as the 
latter part of the sixteenth century. 

The second Latin version, poorly described by 
Harrisse {Notesy no. 99), has already been referred 
to in our Vol. XIV., pp. 283-284. It is in fact only 
an excerpt from the first Paris edition of Rague- 
neau's volume; and the rather free translation is 
g^ven in a condensed form. It ends with the para- 
graph that speaks of Brébeuf 's death crowning his 
life, and which corresponds to pp. 85 and 86 of the 
first Paris edition, and to pp. 187 and 188 of Gobat's 
Latin version. The volume of which it forms part 
I. is described as follows: 

Progressvs Fidei | Catholicae | in Novo Orbe. | I. | 
Jn Canada, Si ve | Noua Francia. | IL | Jn Cochin 
China. | III. | In magno Chinensi | Reg^o : | De quo 
R. P. Nicolaus Trigautius | Societ. lesv libris V. 
copiose & accurate | fcripfit. | {Six lines and orna- 
inent\ \ 

Colonise Agrippinae, | Apud Joannem Kinchium 


fub I Monocerote veteri. | Anno M. DC. LUI. | Per- 
miffu Superior. & Priuil. S. C. M. general. 

Collation: Title, with ** Lectori," etc., on the 
verso, I leaf; text of Part L, pp. 3-34; text of 
Part n., pp. 34-49; text of Part IIL, pp. 49-60; 
** Omnia | ad maiorem | Dei | gloriam, | piorumque 
Catholicorum | consolationem. | ," with verso blank, 
I leaf. The volume is extremely rare, the only 
copy known to us being in the private library of 
John Nicholas Brown, of Providence, R. I. 

Copies of the first Paris edition are in the following 
collections : Lenox, Brown (private), Ayer (private), 
Laval University (Quebec), Public Library of Toronto, 
British Museum, and Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris). 
Copies have been sold or priced as follows : Maison- 
neuve, of Paris, priced (1878) at 200 francs; Barlow 
sale (1890), nos. 1296 and 1297, sold for $5 and $6, 
respectively; Chadenat, of Paris, priced (1890) at 280 
francs; Dufossé, of Paris, priced (1891 and 1892) at 
200 and 150 francs, respectively; Dodd, Mead & Co., 
priced in list no. 42 (April, 1896), at $55. 

Copies of the second Paris edition are in the fol- 
lowing collections: Lenox, Brown (private), Laval 
University (Quebec), Library of Parliament (Ottawa), 
and British Museum. Copies have been sold or priced 
as follows: O'Callaghan sale (1882), no. 1228, sold for 
$50, and had cost him $37.50 in gold; Harrassowitz 
(1882), no. 33, priced at 160 marks; Chadenat, 
priced (1889, 1890, and 1893) at 250, 200, and 250 
francs, respectively; Barlow sale (1890), no. 1298, 
sold for $70; and Dufossé (1891), priced at 200 francs. 

Copies of the third or Lille edition are in Lenox 
and Harvard libraries. We have no record of copies 
sold or offered. 


The Latin version of Gobat is in the following 
collections : Lenox, Harvard, Brown (private), British 
Museum, and undoubtedly, in several of the other 
collections of Relations. It is often catalogued vaguely, 
and apart from the French volumes, and hence does 
not appear under its proper heading. Copies have 
been sold or priced as follows: Ledere (1878), 
no. 2578, priced at 130 francs; O'Callaghan (1882), 
no. 1227, sold for $12; and Barlow (1890), no. 1016, 
sold for $2 1 . 


(Figures tn panntheses, following number ofnote^ refer to pagei 

of English text.) 

X (p. 35). — Gabriel Lalemant, nephew of Jerome and Charles, 
was bom at Paris, Oct 10, 1610, the youngest of a family of six, — 
all of whom, except the second son, entered the religious life; as 
also did the mother, after Gabriel's death. He became a Jesuit 
novice Mar. 24, 1630; he was an instructor at Moulins, 1632-35 and 
1641-44, the intervening time being spent at Bourges and La 
Flèche : and, later, was prefect of the college at Bourges for two* 
years. Departing thence in June, 1646, he came to Canada, where 
he spent two years in ministrations at the French settlements on 
the St Lawrence. He arrived in the Huron country in Aug^t, 
1648, and his martyrdom took place on March 17 following. 

Rochemonteix (Jésuites^ t ii., p. 87, note) says that some letters 
of Gabriel are in existence, written to his eldest sister. 

2 (p. 37). —This doctmient, preserved in the Canadian archives, 
was obtained by Brymner in Paris, as explained in Canad, Archives, 
1884, p. XV. It is cited by Rochemonteix {Jésuites^ t ii., pp. 
89-90), who mentions it as " a letter addressed from Quebec to the 
Jesuits of Caen, in 1678." This statement is, however, open to 
question ; it is derived from a few lines at the end of the letter, 
which appear to be explanatory of Regnaut's ecclesiastical status in 
later 'years. Brymner thus prints them in the Archives (p. Ixv.): 
Christophe Regnaut, coadiuteur Frere aux Jésuites de Caen t6j8 
compagnon des pères brebœuf et Lallemand cy-dessus; and his 
accompanying translation renders this as " Coadjutor Brother with 
the Jesuits of Caen, 1678, companion of Fathers Brebœuf and Lalle- 
mand above mentioned." It appears to be simply a note of 
explanation identifying the writer, and may have been added by 
some other hand. Brymner' s rendition is made more probably 
correct by the information given in Journ, des Jésuites, — that, on 
Nov. I, 1650, Christophe Renant (Renaut) and another, who are 
expressly mentioned as being then domestici perpetui, or donnés, 
left Quebec for France ; his name does not again appear in the 
Journal, or in the Relations. 


Reg^aut's account of the martyrdom, doubtless written soon after 
the event, is evidently the basis for that given in chap. iv. of the 
Huron Relation for 1649. Rochemonteix publishes (Jésuites^ t. iL, 
pp. 464-465) a short letter from Gamier, of similar tenor. Another 
epistle describing the tragic death of these Fathers — dated Sept 
15, 1649, ^^ unsigned, and apparently a fragment — is found in the 
Bibliothèque Royale of Brussels ; for a copy of this, we are indebted 
to the courtesy of J. van den Gheyn, S.J., conservator of MSS. in 
that library ; it traverses the same ground as the other documents 

3 (P- 43)* — ^o^ information regarding Rodriguez, see voL xxvii, 
note 17. 

4 (P* 43)* — Sœur de bologne (Boulogne): see voL xxxiL, note x8. 

5 (p. 45). — Nicolas, sieur de St Denis, was the second son of 
Jean Juchereau, sieur de Maure; the latter was brother of Noel, 
sieur des Chastelets (vol. xxvii., note 14). Nicolas married (Sept 
22, 1649) Marie Thérèse Giffard, then less than ten years old; they 
had twelve children. In April, 1656, St Denis obtained an estate 
at Kamouraska, now St Roch des Aulnais; in 1663, he was a mem- 
ber of the Tadoussac trading company. His death occurred in 
October, 1692. 

Concerning Hayot, see vol. xxviiL, note 25. 

6 (p. 49). — At this point, a few lines are crossed off. "probably 
by Father Jerome himself, since the rest of the paragraph, which is 
also in his handwriting, appears on the margin facing this " (Quebec 
ed. ot Journal), The passage referred to reads thus, when trans- 
lated: ''et hoc male, — I was obliged to correct myself, and say 
that it would be held about 4 or 5 o'clock, ut fossint redire domum 
qui sunt remoti, seu longe distant,^* 

7 (p. 51). — L'Epinay was Guillaume Couillard (vol. xii., note 27). 

8 (p. 59). — Charles Albanel, a native of Auvergne, was bom in 
1 61 6, and entered the Jesuit novitiate at the age of seventeen. He 
was an instructor in various colleges, — Cahors, Carcassonne, Mau- 
riac, Aurillac, — and pursued his theological studies at Toumon. 
Joining the Canadian mission in 1649, he was employed at various 
French settlements, but mainly at Tadoussac, from which post he 
made numerous journeys into the neighboring regions, spending at 
least four winters among the Montagnais savages. In 1666, he 
accompanied De Tracy's expedition against the Iroquois. Albanel's 
most notable and important voyage was in 1671-72, to Hudson 
Bay ; it is claimed that this was the first French expedition and the 
iirst overland journey thither, — although Radisson makes the claim 
in his Journal {Prince Soc, Pubs., no. 16, 1885) that he and Groseil- 


liers reached the waters of Hudson Bay, overland from Lake 
Superior, in 1660 -6i. The Relation of 1672 contains Albanel's 
Journal of this voyage ; he went, accompanied by Paul Denys de 
St Simon, — by direction of Talon, intendant of Canada, — to take 
possession of that region in the name of the French king. In 1674 
he again went to the Bay, that he might continue the missionary 
labors begun on his previous journey ; but he was imprisoned by 
the English already stationed there (see sketch of Groseilliers, voL 
xxviii., note 32), and sent back to Europe. Upon regaining his 
freedom, he returned to Canada (July 22, 1676), and at once began 
work in the Ottawa missions; he was stationed at Green Bay (De 
Pere), Wis., from that time until 1683, and perhaps longer, and held 
the office of superior in 1677-78. The remainder of his life was 
spent in these missions; he was at Sault Ste. Marie in 1695, where, it 
is probable, his death occurred, Jan. 11, 1696. 

Rochemonteix says of Albanel (Jésuites, L ii., pp. 372, 373): 
" There was in him more of the explorer than of the missionary; he 
would rather travel than make converts, and observe new nations 
than evangelize them;'* and he cites letters from Albanel's supe- 
riors, which indicate that, for many years, they were not satisfied 
with him, from the standpoint of religion. His later years, 
however, made due amends for such deficiency. 

9 (p. 87). — Regarding the siteof Teanaustayé (St. Joseph), see vol. 
ziii., note 2. Cf. Father Jones's opinion, as given in his notes on the 
map of Huronia, at the end of this volume. 

10 (p. 103). — This was the island afterward known as Manitoulin; 
the Ottawa tribe dwelt there (voL xiv., note 9). 

11 (p. 105). — La Conception mission was located at the Indian 
village of Ossossané; Hunter (vol. v., note 60) identifies its site as 
in the sixth concession, Martin as in the eighth, of Tiny township. 
We take pleasure in presenting to our readers (facing p. 105 of this- 
volume) an illustration of the site of Ossossané, as identified by 
Martin, from a water-color sketch made by him in 1855. The original 
sketch is in the archives of St Mary's College, Montreal» where it is 
to be found on p. 93 of Martin's "Blue Volume" (MS.), entitled 

Voyage et Recherches dans f ancien pays des Hurons en tSsS' The 
auûior makes therein the following observations on this site: "It 
seems to me to correspond fully with the description of Ossossané 
which we have. The point projects into the lake nearly 300 feet 
The hillock of sand which it forms is extensive enough for a large 
village. The ground, on the side toward the land, is level with the 
surrounding shores, and, consequently, the place is not easy of 
access. Without doubt will be found, some day, about a quarter of 


a leafi^ae inland, the tomb of which Father de Brébeof has given as 
a description, and at which he saw solemnised the Feast of the 

13 (p. 163). — Regarding the authorship of this book, see voL 
zzv., note 3. 

13 (p. 203). — This island, called by the Hnrons Ahoendoe, — on 
Dn Creuz's map, Gahoendoe, — is now known as Christian Island; 
it is eighteen miles from Penetanguishene. The name of Charity 
Island has also been applied to it 

14 (p. 213). — In the last chapter of the Relation of 1648, Ragne» 
neau gives an account of this murder, and of the reparation* accord- 
ing to savage custom, made therefor by the Hurons. 

15 (P- 235 ). — The ship thus lost was probably that mentioned in 
Journ. des Jésuites, at p. 59 of this volume. 






[Arthur Edward Jones was bom in Brockville, Ont, Nov. 17, 1838. 
At the age of nineteen, he entered the Jesuit novitiate, at Angers, 
France; he studied four years there and at Amiens and Vais. 
Returning to Canada, he spent a year as instructor in St Mary's 
College, Montreal, pursuing his studies at Boston and at Pordham, 
N. Y. Prom January, 1864, until the summer of 1870, he was a 
professor at Pordham ; and during the next four years he studied 
theology at Woodstock, Md., being ordained there July 2, 1873. 
Another year he spent as a professor in St Prancis Xavier's Col- 
lege, New York City, and then went to Canada. Since 1876, — except 
one year (1881-83) at Guelph, Ont, — he has ministered to the 
church of the Gesù, connected with St Mary's College at Montreal. 
Since 1880, he has also been archivist of that college; and, for the 
last eight years, editor of the Canadian Messenger. 

The map at the end of this volume has been prepared by Pather 
Jones after long research, and with great care, for a monograph 
upon the above subject, — the MS. of which he has kindly loaned to 
us for use in the present series. Prom it we select and condense 
the following notes upon the localities of Indian and mission villages 
named .in the Jesuit Relations, In his monograph, Pather Jones 
has also made elaborate philological studies of the Huron names <3/L 
these places, and discussed both the names and sites of various 
localities mentioned by Champlain and Sagard ; but space will not 
allow us to quote from these. — Ed. J 

The map used in determisong the sites of Huron villages and per- 
manent encampments is that of Simcoe County in Miles's Atlas of 
Ontario (Toronto, 1879). The present map can be only theoretical 
in locating the above-mentioned sites, except as regards the two 
mission residences named Ste. Marie, — one on the River Wye, the 
other on Christian Island, — for these two sites alone are known with 
absolute certainty, the ruins of the old forts thereon remaining to 
the present day. Since, however, no distances from Ste. Marie II. 
to other points are given in the Relations^ save that to Ste. Marie 
I., the latter is the only accurate point of departure in reconstruct- 
ing the map of Huronia, — an enterprise which offers, in this very 


fact, a problem of seriotis diffictilty ; since we need another point for 
establishing a base-line from which distances may be reckoned to 
our entire satisfaction. I trust, however, to show that this difficulty 
is not insuperable. 

Nearly sdl the distances mentioned in the old records are given in 
leagues; but these distances are not mathematically accurate, — 
they were never actually measured, and, consequently, are but 
approximate. They are, moreover, often modified by such expres- 
sions as environ^ une petite lieUe^ deux grandes lieiies, etc. It is 
well known, also, that leagues of different lengths were in use in 
France, — varying both at different periods, and in different parts 
of the country. Clifton-Grimaux (London and Paris, last ed.) 
makes the " league " equivalent to four kilometers, or 2.4233 English 
miles; the "posting league," to 2,000 toises, or 3,898.07 meters, or 
2.4221 English miles; the " marine league*' (twenty to a degree of 
longitude), to 5. 556 meters, or 3.45 statute miles, or three geographical 
miles. Worcester (Boston, 1882) states that the " common league '* 
of Prance is equivalent to 2.76 statute miles, and the *' legal league '* 
to 2.42 of these. As for the estimates of distance made in the Rela- 
tions^ they were not only approximate, but must also have been 
more or less affected by various circumstances, — as the familiarity 
of the writers with the region in question, inequalities in its surface, 
greater or less difficulty in the trail followed, and its deviations 
resulting from lakes, hills, or other natural obstructions. 

The prevailing opinion that Indian villages were generally remote 
from the lake-shore, or from watercourses, so as to escape observa- 
tion, seems to me baseless, especially if it be formulated as a rule 
for general application ; the choice of location must have depended 
upon various circumstances. Powerful tribes had little hesitation in 
selecting prominent sites for their villages, as witness the Iroquois 
"castles" along the Mohawk River. Moreover, I find no mention 
made of any contrary practice. When a tribe had encountered a 
long series of reverses, we can easily understand that it might 
strive to establish its transient dwellings in more secluded spots; 
but such was the case with the Hurons during only the last few 
years preceding their expulsion from their old homes. Sagard, 
who had lived among these tribes, gives some hints as to the loca- 
tions of their villages, — of which, in his time, there were about 
twenty-five, large and small, — in his Grand Voyage (Tross éd.), 
p. 80. These were strongholds, he tells us, not only on account of 
their artificial defenses,— palisades and barred gateways, — but also 
because of the configuration of the ground. " The Hurons chose a 
site with fine discrimination, that it should be in close proximity 
to some convenient stream; on an eminence, and surrounded, if 


possible, by a natural depression in the soil, similar to a moat; and 
permitting the construction of a circular barrier, with the village in 
one compact mass within, — leaving, however, a wide empty space 
between the dwellings and the walls, the better to do battle, and to 
defend themselves against an enemy who might attack them ; while 
they could, as opportunity offered, make sorties." The description 
of Ossossané given by Father Charles Gamier, though not as 
complete, tallies with the above. 

In this connection, it should be borne in mind that ossuaries are 
not indications of village sites, although they were never far removed 
from the Indian towns. As numerous dans, and even tribes, united 
in celebrating the "Feast of the Dead" at stated intervals, the 
place of final sepulture was so chosen as to be within easy distance of 
the most remote villages taking part in the burial ceremonies. A 
profusion of hatchets or arrow-heads, moreover, is not always a cer- 
tain indication of a village site. They may mark the place where a 
hostile encounter occurred; but these, as the Relations inform U8« 
often took place at considerable distances from towns or villages. 
Another element of uncertainty in the identification of sites is found 
in the supposed frequency of change in location of a village, as the 
wood in its vicinity became scarce, — although I think that the im- 
portance of this consideration has been overestimated. It should 
not be too strenuously urged, especially with reference to the prin- 
eipal fortified centers in the Huron country. " La Pointe," as the 
missionaries often called the peninstda lying west and north of 
Penetang^ishene Bay, was thickly strewn with village sites; and 
even the region south and east of this, between the Coldwater and 
Nottawasaga Rivers, was so studded with Indian settlements as to 
preclude the removal of any considerable village far from its orig- 
inal site. However, some changes of locality are known to have 
occurred; in some of these cases, new names were given to the 
villages. The Relations mention many new places, which seem to 
have been unknown to Champlain and Sagard; while some names 
appear on Du Creux's map which are not to be found elsewhere. 

In locating sites upon the accompanying map, I have, while keep- 
ing in mind the above-named considerations, followed, as closely 
and conscientiously as possible, the statements made in the Rela^ 
lions and other old records; and I have endeavored to use the little 
definite knowledge on this subject which we possess, as stepping- 
stones to what is tmknown or uncertain. But I cannot claim abso- 
lute certainty for these conclusions, which, as I feel, can be little 
more than an approximation to the truth; which, also, will doubt- 
less be in some cases modified by the discoveries made in local 
research. I trust, however, that this contribution to Huronian 


archaeology may aid in making such researches more systematic 
and accurate. 

St€, Marie L — Located in township of Tay, on lot 16 of third 
concession, on the line subdividing the lot This site is positively 
known, since the ruins of the old fort still remain; but its location 
is so accurately described in the Relation of 1640 that it could be 
identified with certainty, even if no vestige of its buildings were 
left See voL xiz. of this series, pp. 133-135; also Quebec éd., 
p. 63, col. 2. 

Ste, Marie IL^ On north side of the great bay which indents the 
southeast coast-line of Christian Island. The remains of this fort 
also are visible, lying about 120 feet from the lake-shore. This 
«ite was probably first visited by Father Pierre Chazelle, S. J., in 
1844; but in June, 1845, it was also examined by Rev. G. Hallen, 
who made a tracing of the remains. Father Martin's MS. notes 
<i856) give, among others, the following interesting details: " This 
fort is a square flanked by four bastions, and solidly built of stone 
•and mortar, — much more regular in shape than that of Ste. Marie I. 
The walls, in their present condition, stand in some places nearly 
«even feet above ground; according to Ragueneau, they were orig- 
inally fourteen feet high. In the center of the fort is a cistern, nine 
feet square, in solid masonry; within, it is about four feet deep; 
and there are indications that it once had a flooring of planks. A 
wall which extends some sixteen feet within the enclosure abuts, at 
right angles, upon the west curtain ; what its object was, would be 
difficult to determine. There are traces of a moat around the fort; 
but the trees which cover the site, and the marshy nature of the 
ground in the immediate vicinity, render it difficult to ascertain the 
dimensions. The foundations of the fort are bedded deeply in the 
soil, and the joining of the masonry affords evidence of careful 
workmanship and skilled labor. In 1848. interesting and significant 
relics were found in the northwest bastion by Mr. Boucher, of Pene- 
tanguishene." This fort is mentioned in the Relation of 1649 (p. 225 
of this volume; Quebec ed., p. 31, coL i), and in that of 1650 (Quebec 
ed., p. 3, coL 2). 

Ossossané (LsL Rochelle, La Conception). — In township of Tiny, 
lot 18 in eighth concession; Point Varwood, on Nottawasaga Bay. 
The distance from this point to Ste. Marie I. is, in a bee-line, a 
trifle over eight miles. If it can be made clear that this was the 
site of Ossossané, a very satisfactory base-line for further computa- 
tions is thus assured. In the Relations, the distance between 
Ossossané and Ste. Marie I. is given as about three leagues ; see 


Relation of 1640 (vol. xx., p. 81; Quebec ed., p. 103. col. i), where 
Joseph Chihwatenhwa is mentioned as residing at that distance from 
Ste. Marie; and, as a resident at La Conception (Ossossané), in 
Relation of 1641 (vol. xzL, p. 147; Quebec ed., p. 63, coL i). This 
village must have been originally situated on the lake-shore, since 
the first Frenchmen who visited it gave it the name of La Rochelle, 
the great fortified seaport of Prance, — an appellation which would 
be naturally suggested by such a location, and by its fortifications. 
Sagard gives some description of this place {Canada^ Tross éd., 
p. 200) ; and Charles Gamier, writing thence to his brother Henry 
(Apr. 28, 1638), says: " This village has been named by the French 
La Rochelle, as it was formerly situated on a height within a cir- 
cumjacent moat, the handiwork of nature." The characteristic 
features mentioned above find, it appears, their replica in the con- 
formation of the ground at Point Varwood. The position I assign 
to Ossossané is that of the old La Rochelle ; the site of this village 
was often shifted, but within a small radius, so that it was never 
far from Point Varwood. Brébeuf mentions one of these changes, 
in Relation of 1636 (voL x., p. 291 ; Quebec éd., p. 134, coL i): *' All 
the souls of eight or nine Villages had reached la Rochelle. . . . 
We were lodged a quarter of a league away, at the old Village." 
Father Martin was, I believe, the first to determine the site of Ossos- 
sané, and made (1856) a sketch of Varwood Point, which is repro- 
duced in this volume, facing p. 105. 

Ihonatiria (St. Joseph I.). — In Tiny, on lot 6 of twenty-first 
concession ; Todd's Point Martin (and Parkman, nearly) located 
this site on the north side of the outer Bay of Penetanguishene, a 
little inland, near the line between lots i and A of the sixteenth 
concession in Tiny. But this does not agree with the mention in 
Relation of 1637 (vol. xiii., p. 229; Quebec éd., p. 149, coL 2) of 
Ondichaouan as " a large Island which we can see from here," that 
is, from Ihonatiria. The only large island which could be seen 
from the Martin site is that named on Du Creux's map Schionde- 
kiaria (now Prince William Henry, or Beausoleil Island); while in 
sight of Ihonatiria, as located on the map herewith given. Du Creux 
places a large island (now called Giant's Tomb), with the name 
Ondiocana. This name would seem — remembering the variations 
in nomenclature found on the maps and in written narratives of that 
early time, and the many causes of those differences — to be practi- 
cally synonymous with the Ondichaouan of Le Mercier. The lat- 
ter' s statement, above quoted, seems to me to establish the real site 
of Ihonatiria. This village, moreover, must have been in very 
close proximity to the lake, as is clearly implied in the speech of 
Aenonsto Brébeuf, given in the Relation of 1636 (vol. x., p. 243; 


Quebec éd., p. 124, ooL 2). Ihonatiria was distant from Ossossané 
four leagues, as stated in Relation of 1636 (voL x., p. 291 ; Quebec 
éd., p. 134, col. i), and elsewhere. To this distance the site of the 
former, as above identified, corresponds better than that assigned 
by Martin and Parkman. 

Teanaostaiai (Teanaustayé, St Joseph II.).— In township of 
Flos, on lot I of third concession. Martin located it on Penetan- 
g^iishene Road, two miles N. W. from Craighurst, and about 131^ 
miles N. E. from the site I have assigned. My conclusion is derived 
from a careful comparison of various statements in the Relations^ 
regarding distances of Teanaostaiaë from Ihonatiria and Ossos- 
sané; e. g.. Relation of 1646 (vol. zxx., p. 99; Quebec éd., p. 79, 
coL i), Relation of 1644 (vol. zxvi., p. 211; Quebec éd., p. 76, 
coL 2), Relation of 1635 (voL viii., p. 139; Quebec éd., p. 39, coL i). 

Scanonaenrat (St Michel). — In Flos, on lot 71 of second conces- 
sion ; ^yi, miles N. E. of Elm vale, and two miles S. W. by S. of 
Waverly. It was three leagues from Ste. Marie I., according to 
Relation of 1646 (voL xxx., p. 91, 95; Quebec éd., p. 78, coL i), and 
iX leagues from Teanaostaiaë, Relation of 1639 (vol. xvii., p. 87; 
Quebec éd., p. 72, col. i). Cf. the map of Du Creux, who locates 
this mission nearly as I have done, but a little nearer to Cranberry 

Toanche. — This village is mentioned by Brébeuf, in Relation of 
1635 (voL viii., pp. 89-93; Quebec éd., p. 28), as having changed 
its location between his two sojourns in that country. The earlier 
site 1 believe to have been the same as the Otouacha of Champlain 
(Laverdière's ed. of Voyages^ p. 514-515); this I would locate on 
the east side of Douglas or Thunder Bay, in Tiny township, on lot 
12 of nineteenth concession. The later site, mentioned by Brébeuf 
(ut supra J, must have been on lots 6 and 7 of the same concession, 
about i^ miles S. S. E. of Point Todd; it was also known as 

Arontaen. — In Tiny, on lot 20 of seventeenth concession; about 
lyi miles N. W. of La Fontaine. This village seems to be identical 
with Champlain's Carhagouha and Carantouan, and Du Creax*s 

A rente, — The only definite location of this village is that of Du 
Creux. I judge it to be on lot 10 or 20 of thirteenth concession in 
Tiny ; about i % miles southerly from La Fontaine. 

Tondakhra (Tondakea of Du Creux). — I place it (a little north 
of Du Creux's site) on lot 20 or 21 of twentieth concession in Tiny; 
four mUes N. W. of La Fontaine, and about a mile S. E. of Clover 


Onnentuatù — Probably on lot 9 of fourteenth concession in Tiny; 
but this is only an approximate location, as the Relations do not 
mention any distances from this village to others on the Point. 

Khinonascarani. — In Tiny, lots 33 and 34 of nineteenth conces- 
sion; 3^ miles N. W. of La Fontaine; opposite south point of Chris- 
tian Island, but a little inland. Three villages were grouped under 
that name, at two leagues from Ihonatiria, according to Relation of 
1637 (voL ziii., p. 135; Quebec ed., p. 138, coL i). 

Oinrio, — In Tiny, on lot 10 of seventeenth concession; about ^y^ 
miles N. E. of La Fontaine, and about four miles N. W. of Penetan- 
guisbene. It was distant one league from Ihonatiria, says the 
Relation of 1637 (vol. xiii., p. 169; Quebec ed., p. 137, col. i); and 
its people had at one time formed part of the same community with 
those of Ihonatiria andToanché (voL ziv., p. 23); see also Relation 
of 1635 (voL viii., pp. 91, 95, 105; Quebec ed., pp. 28, 31). 

A nonatea, — In Tiny, on lot 5 of seventeenth concession ; about 
three miles N. W. from Penetanguishene. 

Angoutenc (Angwiens). — In Tiny, on lot 12 of tenth concession, 
nearly a mile S. £. of St Patridc's. It was three-quarters of a 
league from Ossossané, according to Relation of 1638 (vol. xv., 
p. 33; Quebec ed., p. 34, col. i); and, in 1636, was being fortified 
with the usual palisade. 

5/. François Xavier. — In Tiny, on lot 95 west, Penetanguishene 
road ; about three-quarters of a mile west of Wyebridge. This is 
about the position given it on Du Creuz*s map. 

5/. Louis, — In township of Tay, on lot 9 of sixth concession ; on 
east bank of Hog River, about \y{ miles from its mouth. This 
corresponds to Du Creux's location. It was one league from Ste. 
Marie I., and was fortified with palisades, according to Relation of 
1649 (present volume, pp. 125-127; Quebec éd., pp. 10, 11). 

St, Denis, — In Tay, loto of fourth concession; about one mile 
N. N. W. of Vasey, on east bank of Hog River (following Du 

St, Jean, — In Tay, lot 6 of eleventh concession ; a little west of 
Fesserton (also Du Creux's location). Some have confounded this 
mission with that of St Jean Baptiste; but their difference is clearly 
shown in the Relation of 1640 (vol. xix., p. 167, and vol. xx., 
pp. 19-31; Quebec éd., p. 70, coL i, and p. 90). 

Ste, Anne, — In Tay, on lot 9 of fourth concession ; nearly 3 |i 
miles N. N. W. of ,Vasey. It occupied the site given by Du Creux 
as that of Keiotia. This and the four preceding villages were 
grouped together to form the mission of Ste, Marie I. 


Taenhaientaron (St Ignace L). — In township of Medonte, on lots 
14 and 15 of third concession; about lyi, miles north of Mount St. 
Lonis P. O. ; on the east bank of Sturgeon River, as shown on Du 
Creuz's map. According to Relation of 1639 (vol. zviL, p. 99; 
Quebec éd., p. 74, coL 3), it was two leagues fxom St. Joseph (Teanaos- 
taiaë); and, as stated in Relation of 1644 (voL zzviL, p. 29; Que- 
bec éd., p. 99, coL i), six leagues from St Jean Baptiste. 

5/. Ignace IL — In Medonte, on lot 24 of eighth concession; half- 
way between Vasey and Coldwater. But the one linear distance 
given in the Relations is not sufficient, alone, to determine its site ; 
it might as well be placed in the fourth, fifth, sixth, or seventh con- 
cessions. I have chosen the above location, on account of the state- 
ment made in Relation of 1649 (present volume, p. 137; Quebec éd., 
p. 13, coL i) regarding the delay of the people of St Midiel in pur- 
suing the Iroquois after the latter had destroyed St Ignace. No 
Huron name for St Ignace II. is given in the Relations, 

St. Joachim. — In Medonte, on lot 22 of eighth or ninth conces- 
sion. The former location would accord better with that given on 
Du Creux*s map ; but I have placed this site on the ninth conces- 

Ste. Elizabeth. — Located by Du Creux in township of North Oril- 
lia, a little S. W. of Washago P. O. It should not be forgotten that 
this was not a Huron, but an Algonquin, mission, undertaken for 
the benefit of the tribes about Lake Nipissing, who came south to 
spend the winters, sometimes near the villages of the Point, some- 
times along the shores of Lakes Simcoe and Couchiching ; and the 
mission to them was therefore, like themselves, nomadic. 

St. Jean Baptiste. — In township of Oro, on lots 20 and 21 of 
eleventh concession ; on the N. W. side of Hawkstone C. H. This 
is doubtless identical with the Cahiagué of Champlain, and possibly 
with the Contarea of the Relations; though I think it probable that 
Contarea was somewhat farther east than St Jean Baptiste. The 
Relation of 1644 (voL xxvii., p. 37; Quebec éd., p. 100, coL 2) states 
that the mission of Ste. Elizabeth was at first near that of St Jean 
Baptiste; but on Du Creux*s map (1660), they are located at a 
considerable distance apart The reason for this is, doubtless, that 
toward the close of the Huron mission most of the wandering Al- 
gonquins had chosen their winter quarters to the north, rather than 
to the south, of Lake Couchiching. In view of the nomadic and 
inconstant habits of these tribes, we may safely accept the correct- 
ness of the sites assigned by Du Creux to the above missions, pro- 
vided we refer them to the last years of the Jesuit mission in Huro- 
nia, and suppose that, in previous years, the mission center of Ste. 


Elizabeth was at the Algonkin encampments described as being 
dose to the Arendaronon village of St Jean Baptiste, in the vicinity 
of Hawkstone. This line of reasoning has been followed in the 
present map.