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THE JESUIT RELATIONS

AND

ALLIED DOCUMENTS

VOL. XXI

The edition consists of sev-
en hundred and fifty sets
all numbered

No.

-i.

The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents

Travels and Explorations

of the Jesuit Missionaries

in New France

1610-1791

THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITAL-
IAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH TRANSLA-
TIONS AND NOTES ; ILLUSTRATED BY
PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND FACSIMILES

EDITED BY

REUBEN GOLD THWAITES

Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin

Vol. XXI

Quebec and Hurons: 1641-1642

Cleveland: Gbe JBurrows JBrotbete
Company, publishers, mdcccxcviii

Copyright, 1898

BY

The Burrows Brothers Co

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

The Imperial Press, Cleveland

EDITORIAL STAFF

Editor

Translators

Assistant Editor
Bibliographical Adviser

Reuben Gold Thwaites
Finlow Alexander
Percy Favor Bicknell
William Frederic Giese
Catharine S. Kellogg
Crawford Lindsay
William Price
Hiram Allen Sober
Emma Helen Blair
Victor Hugo Paltsits

CONTENTS OF VOL. XXI

Preface to Volume XXI . . -9

Documents: —

XLIV. Relation de ce qvi s'est passe" en la Nov-
velle France, es annees 1640. et 1641.
[Chaps, ix.-xiii. of Part I., and Part
II., concluding the document.] Paul
le Jeune; Kebec and Paris, undated.
Jerome Lalemant; Ste. Marie aux Hu-
rons, May 19, 164 1 . . 19

XLV. Lettre au P. Etiehne Charlet, Assistant
de France a Rome. Charles Lalemant;
Paris, February 28, 1642 . . 268

XLVI. Lettre a son frere. Charles Gamier; des

Hurons, May 22, 1642 . . 274

XLVII. Memoire touchant les Domestiques.

[ Jerome Lalemant ; 1642] . .292

Bibliographical Data: Volume XXI . 309

Notes . . . . . . 311

PREFACE TO VOL. XXI

Following is a synopsis of the documents contained
a the present volume :

XLIV. In Vol. XX., we gave the first eight chap-
ters of Part I. of the Relation of 1640-41 ; the re-
mainder of this part (written by Le Jeune at Quebec,
without date) is herewith presented, also the whole
of Part II. (the Huron report, by Jerome Lalemant,
dated May 19, 1641), thus completing the Relation.

Commencing with Chap, ix., Le Jeune recounts
the capture (February, 1641) of Francois Marguerie
and Thomas Godefroy by the Iroquois, who take them
away to their own country. The two Frenchmen at
first expect death ; but the Iroquois decide, at a coun-
cil, to liberate the prisoners in the spring; mean-
while, the latter are treated by their captors " like
their own children." In June, a numerous band of
Iroquois appear before Three Rivers, with their pris-
oners, of whom they send Marguerie, on parole, to
demand an interview with the commandant ; Champ-
flour immediately sends to Quebec for Montmagny.
The latter hastens, with armed men and vessels, to
Three Rivers; and a long parley ensues between
him and the Iroquois, in which many speeches and
presents are mutually made. The Iroquois are full
of treachery ; it is obvious that they wish only to
patch up an alliance with the French, in order to

10 PREFACE TO VOL. XXI

have better opportunity for attacking the allied Hu-
rons and Algonkins. Finally, finding Montmagny
their match in sagacity and adroitness, they openly
show their hostility, but are quickly dispersed by
shots from the French cannon, — fortunately, not till
after they have liberated the two prisoners.

About the same time, Father Brebeuf narrowly
escapes capture by another Iroquois band, while on
his way from the Huron country to Quebec. Reach-
ing his destination in safety, lie tries to secure an
escort for the returning Hurons, to protect them from
the enemy. He obtains a few French soldiers, and
some Christian Indians from St. Joseph ; but, on
arriving at Three Rivers, dissensions arise among
the Algonkins who await them there, on account of
the presence of two Abenaki Indians who have come
to render satisfaction for the murder in their country
of Makheabichtichiou, the Montagnais chief, for some
time a resident at St. Joseph. The Algonkins with-
draw their promises to help escort the Hurons, and
Champflour is unwilling to expose the Christian
Indians to the danger of defeat ; but news is brought
that the Iroquois marauders have gone home, and
the way is now clear. The Hurons accordingly
return in peace, accompanied by Ragueneau and
Menard. Certain other Hurons who came down to
Three Rivers, spread calumnies about Brebeuf, de-
claring that he has conspired with the Iroquois to
ruin the Hurons.

Le Jeune gives an account of the mission recently
f < >rmed at Tadoussac, the credit for which is mainly
due to the neophytes of St. Joseph, who, visiting
their Tadoussac tribesmen, commend to the latter the
Christian faith by both word and deed. In June,

PREFACE TO VOL. XXI 11

1640, a missionary (De Quen, according to Roche-
monteix) is sent to them, for whom they erect a bark
house and chapel combined, and listen attentively to
his teachings. He spends the month of June with
them, finds them very teachable and affectionate,
and baptizes about fifteen.

An important event occurs late in the summer of
1641, — the coming of the Sieur de Maisonneuve,
with the first installment of the new colony at Mont-
real. With them comes also the Jesuit De la Place.
But a little while before the coming of the fleet, the
missionaries drape their altars in mourning for the
death of Francois de Gand, one of the Hundred As-
sociates, and a pious and benevolent man; and that
of the Chevalier de Sillery, founder of the Christian
Indian settlement at St. Joseph. Le Jeune also
mentions the death, last year, of Rene Rohault, the
first to give money for the education of the Indian
children.

The death of De Sillery had at first checked the
aid given by him to the Canadian missions ; but other
wealthy persons in France, who " are not willing that
this great work should cease," are supplying this
deficiency. One of these wishes to charge himself
with the settlement of an Indian family, — building
them a house, and supporting them during the first
year. The Father recounts some of the acts of devo-
tion performed in Europe for the benefit of these
missions. Among these, " there has been found,
even in the country, a Cure so zealous for the salva-
tion of the poor Savages, and Parishioners so full of
kindness, that they have made three general proces-
sions and seventy-five fasts; they have taken the
discipline a hundred and twenty-four times: they

12 PREFACE TO VOL. XXI

have offered eighteen almsgivings, and a great many
prayers, — all for the conversion of these tribes; is
not that delightful? " Being told of the deep inter-
est thus manifested in their welfare, the Christian
Indians inform Le Jeune that they have resolved to
spend a whole day in fasting and prayer for these
good friends across the sea.

He is encouraged, by the success already attained
in their enterprise, to predict great things for the
future, — the assembling and colonization of the St.
Lawrence tribes at Quebec and Three Rivers, and of
the Ottawa tribes, the Hurons, " and even some Hi-
roquois," at Montreal; he even trusts that the gospel
shall one day penetrate into the regions of the South
and West. For this last, as well as for the Company's
trade, and the safety of the French colonists, it is
absolutely necessary that the Iroquois should be over-
come. Le Jeune mentions their methods of warfare,
and complains that the Dutch supply them with fire-
arms. He closes the Relation with some extracts from
letters he has received from Claude Pijart, describing
his labors among the Indians of Lake Nipissing, the
prospect among whom is encouraging; and from
Pierre Pijart, who has been on a mission among the
Tobacco tribe, with whom he finds many Algonkins.
He also hears there of certain Southern tribes, who
' plant and harvest Indian corn twice a year, and
their last harvest was made in December."

Jerome Lalemant opens the Huron Relation by stat-
ing that, ' ' in their seven missions, they have preached
the Gospel to 16,000 or 17,000 Barbarians." Two of
these missions are new, — one being for the benefit
of the Algonkins, and in the charge of Raymbault and

PREFACE TO VOL. XXI 13

Claude Pijart, who have been sent from Quebec for
this especial work. As the savages are now in good
health, and have been blessed with an abundant
harvest, they have, in general, become tolerant of
the missionaries, who no longer encounter serious
hindrances to their efforts, — although they are sore-
ly tried by the worldliness, fickleness, and supersti-
tious follies of their hearers.

The evangelists now possess ' ' a little Church com-
posed of about thirty Frenchmen, and about fifty
Savages making profession." These last have re-
mained constant, since the panic and storms of the
previous year; and it is they who form the leaven
that shall yet be effectual among these tribes. Lale-
mant sees the urgent necessity of rendering Indian
marriages stable; "and — inasmuch as one of the
principal causes of their dissolution comes from this,
that one of the parties is not able to supply the needs
and necessities of the other, which causes that other
to go and seek them elsewhere — one of the most
effective means of binding them indissolubly will be
to assist them in such a case." He is greatly encour-
aged by the aid promised him from France for this
very purpose. " Certain persons of merit have re-
solved to make perpetual foundations of the ten or
twelve 6cus necessary for the establishment of these
marriages," setting aside a sum of money to produce
the above income. Some of these persons are child-
less, and " believe that they might here gain chil-
dren for God and for themselves, by this manner of
holy adoption; " and, to keep their memories green,
" they desire that their names should be given to the
families proceeding from these marriages procured
by the efforts of their charity."

14 PREFACE TO VOL. XXI

Each of the Huron missions has a chapter, in Lale-
mant's report, assigned to its work and progress for
the past year. The residence of Ste. Marie is the
headquarters of all the Jesuit missions; hither all the
gospel laborers come for their annual reunion, and
it is likely to become a refuge for the Christian In-
dians who find it too hard to resist the heathen influ-
ences around them. As it is, these converts come
on Saturday evenings, from even twelve leagues'
distance, to celebrate the Sabbath with their teachers.

Montmagny's prudent and just treatment of the
savages has done them much good ; they admire his
liberality, yet fear his sternness. Certain tribes,
under this dread, have rendered satisfaction to the
missionaries for the injuries inflicted upon them.

On November 2, the Fathers depart from Ste. Marie
on their itinerant missions, leaving Chastellain alone
to guard the house, and entertain the Christian
Indians who might come hither.

Most of the Huron converts are found in the vil-
lage of Ossossane, where was established the first of
these missions, La Conception. The pillar of this
little church was Joseph Chihwatenhwa, slain last
year by the Iroquois ; but this disaster seems on the
whole to have confirmed the other Christians in their
faith. ' We could hardly desire more content and
satisfaction than we receive from this little flock.
It appears to us like a small lump of gold refined
in the furnace of many tribulations." Joseph's
brother, Teondechorren, is converted, and takes his
dead brother's name; the missionaries have much
hope from him. A new chapel has been erected
there, where regular services are held. In one of
his missionary journeys, Father Le Mercier falls into

PREFACE TO VOL. XXI 15

the water, while crossing the ice, and barely escapes
death.

The missions of St. Joseph and of St. Jean Bap-
tiste — respectively the most southern and the most
eastern in the Huron region — are under the care of
Fathers Daniel and Le Moyne. This is a laborious
field, on account of its great extent ; and dangerous,
because the forest trails are infested by the Iroquois.
An Iroquois prisoner is baptized, before his torments
begin. A man who in health had scorned the truth,
and abused its preachers, sends for these when he is
about to die ; and his soul is, by baptism, saved from
endless woe.

Next is mentioned the mission to the Tobacco
Nation, where the difficulties of their work are unusu-
ally great, because this tribe, not going to the trad-
ing posts of the French, know but little of them,
and look upon them as utter strangers. However,
the missionaries, who last year were driven from the
villages of these people, are now at last tolerated,
and some Indians even desire instruction.

The new mission to the Neutral Nation is under-
taken by Br6beuf and Chaumonot. This tribe and
their country are described, as also their relations
with other tribes about them, and their customs.
From this region the missionaries have a wide out-
look upon other tribes hitherto unknown to them
except by name ; and they recount various items of
information concerning these. Lalemant mentions
the journey of the R£collet Daillon, in 1626, to this
Neutral tribe. He then relates the present experi-
ences of Br6beuf and Chaumonot ; the former, hav-
ing a widespread reputation as a sorcerer, is greatly
dreaded by the Neutrals, who for some time perse-

16 PREFACE TO VOL. XXI

cute the Fathers, and threaten them with death.
The latter are compelled to retreat; but at the vil-
lage of Teotongniaton, they find an oasis in the
desert — a good woman receives them into her house,
and treats them with the utmost kindness. This
opportunity enables them to compare the Neutral
language with the Huron, to their great aid in using
the Indian tongues. One village in this tribe " gives
them the hearing that their Embassy merited" —
Khioetoa, largely inhabited by the Awenrehronons,
part of which tribe had, as we have already seen (Vol.
XVII.), earlier fled to the Hurons. After returning
from this mission, Chaumonot is attacked by an
Indian, who attempts to kill him; but the Father
escapes with only a slight wound.

The final chapter details the work among the
Nipissing Indians, who winter in the Huron country,
not far from Ste. Marie. Raymbault and Claude
Pijart minister to these people during the winter,
and to other Algonkins who have come hither, and
find them all much more docile and receptive than
the Hurons.

The Relation ends with a specimen of the Huron
language (accompanied by a French translation), for
which Lalemant chooses " one of the most ordinary
communions which Joseph Chihwatenhwa, that ex-
cellent Christian, had with God toward the end of
his days."

XLV. Charles Lalemant writes from Paris (Feb-
ruary 28, 1642) to Father Charlet, at Rome, in regard
to Le Jeune's request to the French government for
assistance in driving the Iroquois out of Canada, and
the Dutch from New Amsterdam. Lalemant thinks
the former can be done, and states that Richelieu is

PREFACE TO VOL. XXI 17

well disposed thereto ; but he thinks the latter scheme
costly, impracticable, and useless. He asks Char-
let's opinion on the matter.

XLVI. Charles Gamier writes to his brother (May
22, 1642), from the Huron country. He regrets that
his letter of last year failed to reach Quebec in time
for the returning French fleet, and is therefore still
waiting for its despatch. After various religious
exhortations, Gamier speaks of another brother
(mentioned in last year's letter), " the poor prodigal
child;" and he cites letters written by the latter,
which indicate much affection, and a desire to return
to God. The writer then mentions the present status
of the Huron mission, and outlines his own work
(apparently in the village of St. Joseph, or Teanaus-
tayae). A good convert there has given one end of
his cabin for a chapel, where the services of the
church are regularly held. This man and his family
are earnest Christians, and various instances of their
piety and devotion are recounted. Other converts
are mentioned, and a baptism for which he secures
opportunity through a mass offered in honor of a
saint.

XLVII. Jerome Lalemant sends to the Father
General (apparently in 1642) a memoir upon the don-
nes employed in the Huron mission. He explains
why these laymen are more desirable than the coad-
jutors of the Society; also what arrangements had
been made with the provincial of France (1638) for
this service. The whole plan has been opposed by
some of their superiors ; but Lalemant urges that the
Society accept the donnas, — not only in the Huron
country but in all the missions of New France, —

18 PREFACE TO VOL. XXI

binding them by certain vows, and providing for
their lifelong support. To this memoir are ap-
pended forms of acceptance and contract with a
donne\ and of consecration on the latter's part.

R. G. T.

Madison, Wis., April, 1898.

XLIV (concluded)

Relation of 1640-41

Paris: SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, 1642

Chaps, i.-viii. of Part I. were presented in Volume XX.;
we herewith give chaps, ix.-xiii. of Part I., and all of Part
II., thus concluding the document.

20 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

[136] CHAPITRE IX.

DE LA PRISE DE DEUX FRANCOIS CONDUITS AU PAIS

DES HIROQUOIS, & DE LEUR RETOUR

AUX TROIS RIUIERES.

SOUS le nom d'Hiroquois nous entendons fix Na-
tions, ennemies des Hurons, des Algonquins,
des Montagnais, & maintenant des Francois,
nous auons des peuples au Sud, tirat du cofte de
l'Acadie: ils s'eftendent a l'0[u]eft de la Virginie,
dedans les terres; Or comme leurs Bourgades font
eloignees, les vnes des autres, il n'y a que la feule
Nation des Agnieeronons, a proprement parler, qui
fe foit declaree ennemie des Frangois; elle a trois
Bourgades bien peupl£es, fituees affes proches les
vnes des autres fur trois petites montagnes; il eft
vray que ces Nations fe preftent la main dans leurs
guerres, comme font auffi celles qui ont quelque com-
merce auec les Francois: Les Agnieeronons tuerent
vn Francois en leur pais, il y a plufieurs annees, con-
tre le droit commun [137] des peuples; car il eftoit
enuoye* auec quelques Sauuages, pour traiter la paix
auec eux. L'an 1633. le fecond iour de Iuin, ils
tuerent en trahifon trois autres Francois, fort proche
du fleuue que nous appellons les Trois Riuieres : De-
puis ce temps la ils ont mafTacre' plufieurs Hurons, &
Algonquins, come i'ay fait voir 6s Relations prece-
dentes; En vn mot, ils font venus a tel point d'info-
lence, qu'il faut voir perdre le pais, ou y apporter
vn remede prompt & efficace : Si les Francois eftoient

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 21

[136] CHAPTER IX.

OF THE CAPTURE OF TWO FRENCHMEN WHO WERE

TAKEN TO THE COUNTRY OF THE HIROQUOIS,

AND THEIR RETURN TO THE THREE RIVERS.

UNDER the name of Hiroquois we include six
Nations, who are enemies of the Hurons, of
the Algonquins, of the Montagnais, and now
of the French. We have these people at the South,
stretching from the coast of Acadia; they extend
from Virginia Westward into the interior. Now, as
their Villages are distant from one another, there is
only the one Nation of the Agnieeronons, properly
speaking, which has declared itself the enemy of the
French ; this nation has three well-peopled Villages,
situated rather near each other, on three little moun-
tains ; it is true that these Nations lend a hand to
one another in their wars, as do also those who have
some intercourse with the French. Several years
ago, the Agnieeronons killed a Frenchman in their
own country, contrary to the common law [137] of
peoples, for he had been sent with some Savages to
negotiate a peace with them. On the second day of
June, in the year 1633, they treacherously killed
three other Frenchmen, very near the stream which
we call the Three Rivers. Since that time, they
have massacred many Hurons and Algonquins, as I
have shown in preceding Relations : in a word, they
have reached such a degree of insolence, that we
must see the country lost or bring to it a prompt and

22 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 21

rallies les vns aupres des autres, il leur feroit bien
aife de maiftrifer ces Barbares ; mais eftans difper-
f6s, qui deca, qui dela, nauigeans a toute heure fur
le grand fleuue dans des chaloupes, ou dans des
canots; ils peuuent eftre aifement furpris de ces
traiftres, qui chafTent aux hommes, comme on fait
aux belles, qui peuuent offenfer fans eftre quafi
offenfes: car eftans decouuerts, ils n'attendent pas
pour l'ordinaire le choc ; mais ils font plutoft hors de
la portee de vos armes, que vous n'eftes en difpofition
de les tirer. Voyons maintenant ce qu'ils ont fait
depuis l'an pafTe.

[138] Sur la fin de l'Automne ils partirentde leur
pais enuiron quatre vingts & dix homes, ils fe r£pan-
dirent, qui deca qui dela, dans les petits fleuues, &
dans les riuieres, ou ils fgauent que les Sauuages nos
allies vont chercher les caftors, vne trentaine ayas
trouue leur proie au deffus de Montreal, l'enleuent
en leur pais, les autres s'en vindrent roder a l'entour
de 1' Habitation des Trois Riuieres. Deux ieunes
Francois, l'vn Interprete en la Langue Algonquine,
pour Meffieurs de la Nouuelle France, nomme Fran-
cois Marguerie, 1' autre appelle Thomas Godefroy,
qui eft frere d'vn honnefte habitant du pais, eftans
alles faire vn tour a la chaffe, furent decouuerts par
ces Barbares, qui fuiuans la trace de leurs raquetes,
imprimees fur la neige, les aborderent a pas de lar-
rons pendant la nuidt, & tout a coup fe voulans jetter
fur eux, flrent des cris & des hurlemens epouuen-
tables ; l'vn des deux Francois eut loifir de pref enter
fon arquebufe au premier qui le voulut faifir; mais
par vn bon-heur, ou plutoft par vne prouidence de
nof tre Seigneur, elle fait vne fauffe amorce : Si elle

1641 - 42] RELA TION OF 1640 - 41 23

efficacious remedy. If the French were gathered
near one another, it would be very easy for them
to master these Barbarians; but being dispersed,
some here, some there, gliding at all hours over the
great river in shallops, or in canoes, they can be
easily surprised by these traitors, who hunt men as
we do wild beasts, who can injure and scarcely be
injured, — for, when they are discovered, they do not
ordinarily await attack, but are beyond the reach of
your arms before you are in readiness to discharge
them. Let us see now what they have done within
the last year.

[138] Toward the end of Autumn about ninety men
set out from their country; they scattered them-
selves, some here, some there, by the little streams
and by the rivers, where they know that our Savage
allies go in search of beavers. About thirty of them
having found their prey above Montreal, carried it
away to their own country ; the others came to prowl
around the Settlement of the Three Rivers. Two
young Frenchmen, — one an Interpreter of the Algon-
quin Tongue for the Gentlemen of New France,
named Francois Marguerie ; the other called Thomas
Godefroy, who is brother to a worthy inhabitant of
the country,1 — having gone on a hunting trip, were
discovered by these Barbarians, who, following the
track of their snowshoes imprinted on the snow,
approached them with stealthy steps during the
night, and suddenly attempting to spring upon them,
uttered frightful shrieks and howls. One of the two
Frenchmen had time to present his arquebus to the
first one who endeavored to seize him ; but by good
luck, or rather by a providence of our Lord, it flashed
in the pan. If it had taken fire, [139] and he had

24 LES RELATIONS DES jESUITES [Vol.21

euft pris feu, [139] & qu'il euft tue ce Barbare, ils
auroient tous deux perdu la vie, il en fut quitte pour
vn coup d'epee que luy darda fon ennemy dans la
cuiffe; l'autre Francois s'eftant leue promptement au
bruit, met la main a l'epee, vn Hiroquois luy tire vn
coup de fleche, qui luy paffa fous le bras; vn autre
le voulant aborder, fit vne mauuaife demarche, &
tomba dans la neige, auffi-toft le Frangois luy pre-
fente Tepee nue a la gorge, les Hiroquois le regar-
doient faire fans branler,. pas vn ne faifant mine de
l'empefcher, ou de le tuer, de peur qu'il ne tranfper-
gaft. fon ennemy, qu'il auoit a fes pieds: Enfin ce
ieune homme voiant qu'il feroit maffacre en vn in-
ltant, s'il paffoit outre, jette bas fon epee & fe rend,
pour auoir loifir de penfer a fa confcience, quoy qu'il
fe fuft confeffe & communie le Dimanche precedent,
aimant mieux eftre brufle, rofty, & mange, que de
mourir dans cette precipitation fans penfer a. Dieu.
Voila done ces deux pauures victimes entre les mains
de ces Tygres, ils les lient, les garottent, les emmei-
nent en leur pais auec des cris & des huees, ou plu-
toft auec des hurlemens de loups. [140] Aians neant-
moins reconnu qu'ils eftoient Frangois, ils ne les
traiterent pas comme ils font les Sauuages, vfans
d'vne plus grande douceur; car ils ne leur arrache-
rent ny les ongles des doigts, ny ne les meurtrirent
en aucune partie de leur corps.

Cependant comme ils ne retournoient point au iour
affigne, on commence a douter qu'il ne leur foit
furuenu quelque malheur: on attend encor quelque
temps, mais comme ils ne paroiffoient point, les Fran-
gois les vont chercher au lieu ou ils auoient dit qu'ils
iroient chaffer, ils rencontrerent vne perche plantee

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 25

killed this Barbarian, both of them would have lost
their lives; he came off with only the stroke of a
javelin which the enemy thrust into his thigh. The
other Frenchman, having promptly risen at the noise,
seized his sword; a Hiroquois shot an arrow at him,
which passed under his arm. Another, intending to
approach him, made a false step and fell into the
snow; immediately the Frenchman presented his
naked sword at his throat ; the Hiroquois saw him
do this without stirring, — not one made a show of
hindering him, or of killing him, for fear he might
transfix his enemy whom he had at his feet. At
length this young man seeing that he would be mas-
sacred in a moment, if he went further, threw down
his sword and surrendered, in order that he might
have leisure to examine his conscience, although he
had confessed and received communion the preced-
ing Sunday, — preferring to be burned, roasted, and
eaten, to dying in this headlong haste without think-
ing upon God. Behold, then, these two poor victims
in the hands of these Tigers ; they bind them, pinion
them, and take them away into their own country
with shrieks and yells, or rather with the howling of
wolves. [140] Nevertheless, having recognized that
they were Frenchmen, they did not treat them as
they do the Savages, but used greater gentleness ; for
they neither tore off their finger-nails, nor mutilated
them in any part of their bodies.

However, as they did not return on the day ap-
pointed, their friends began to suspect that some
misfortune had happened to them ; they were awaited
some time longer, but as they did not appear, the
French went to seek them in the place where they
said they were going to hunt ; they found a pole fixed

26 LES RELATIONS DBS JE SUITES [Vol.21

dans la neige, a laquelle efhoit attache vn mefchant
papier, grifonne auec vn charbon ; ils le prennent, le
lifent, treuuent ces paroles efcrites: Les Hiroquois
nous ont pris entr6s dedans le bois : Ils entrent dans
le bois, treuuent vn gros arbre duquel on auoit frai-
chement enleue l'6corce, fur lequel eftoient efcrits
ces mots auec du charbon : Les Hiroquois nous ont
pris la nuidt, ils ne nous ont fait encor aucun mal,
ils nous emmeinent en leur pais ; il y auoit quelques
autres paroles qu'on ne put lire. Cecy [141] arriua
enuiron le vingtiefme de Fevrier: Ce coup eftonna vn
peu nos Francois, qui recommanderent a Dieu auec
ferueur, ces deux pauures captifs ; on chercha toutes
les voyes poffibles pour les deliurer, mais on ne voioit
point de iour a cet affaire : Nos Sauuages voifms nous
difoient, que c'eftoit fait de leur vie, qu'ils auoient
efte boiiillis & roftis, & manges; mais Dieu qui fe
plaift d'exaucer les prieres de ceux qui ont confiance
en fa bonte, en difpofoit autrement; il nous les a
rendus, & nous auons appris ce qui fuit, de leurs
bouches.

Nous arriuafmes dans la Bourgade de ceux qui nous
ont pris, apres dix-fept on dix-huidt iours de chemin ;
au bruit de noflre arriuee chacun accourt pour nous
voir, non feulement les Bourgades voifmes, mais
encor les autres Nations fe vouloient donner ce
contentement, de voir des captifs Francois; on nous
faifoit tenir debout a toute heure, pour nous contem-
pler depuis la tefte iuf ques aux pieds : Quelques- vns
fe mocquoient de nous, d'autres nous menacoient de
nous brufler, d'autres nous portoient companion;
quelques [142] Hiroquois qui auoient efte prifon-
niers a Kebec, & aux Trois Riuieres, & qui auoiet

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 27

in the snow, to which was attached a wretched paper,
scribbled upon with a coal; they took it, read it, and
found these words written : ' ' The Hiroquois have
captured us: go into the woods." They entered the
woods, and found a large tree from which the bark had
recently been removed, and on which were written
these words with charcoal : ' ' The Hiroquois have
captured us to-night ; they have not yet done us any
harm, — they are taking us away to their own coun-
try; " there were some other words which could not
be read. This [141] happened about the twentieth
of February. This blow somewhat bewildered our
Frenchmen, who fervently commended to God these
two poor captives ; all possible ways were sought to
deliver them, but none seemed feasible. Our neigh-
boring Savages told us, that it was all over with
them, that they had been boiled or roasted, and
eaten ; but God, who is pleased to grant the prayers
of those who have confidence in his goodness, dis-
posed of them otherwise; he restored them to us,
and, from their own lips, we learned what follows:
' ' We arrived at the Village of those who captured
us, after a journey of seventeen or eighteen days.
At the report of our arrival, every one ran to see
us, — not only the neighboring Villages, but also the
other Nations wished to have the satisfaction of see-
ing the captive Frenchmen ; they made us stand up
at all hours, that they might look us over from head
to foot. Some derided us, others threatened to burn
us, others had compassion on us; some [142] Hiro-
quois who had been prisoners at Kebec, and at the
Three Rivers, and who had been favorably treated
by the French, looked kindly on us, and told us that
we should not die. One among them, to whom

28 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

efte" fauorablement traites des Fran9ois, nous regar-
derent de bon ceil, & nous dirent que nous ne mour-
rions point ; vn entre autres que Francois Marguerie
auoit fort careffe\ & que nos Peres auoient fecouru
dans fa neceffite, dit tout haut, que les Francois
efloient bons, & qu'il ne les falloit pas faire mourir:
Vn bienfait n'efl iamais en oubly deuant Dieu, il en
fcait rendre la recompenfe en fon temps ; il fait bon
exercer des adtes de charite & de mifericorde pour
fon amour.

Vn ieune prifonnier Algonquin, a qui les Hiro-
quois auoient donne la vie, reconnoiffant nos Fran-
cois, leur dit: Prenes courage, vous ne mourres point,
puis que vous fcaues prier Dieu, il ne manquera pas
de vous fecourir. Ie ne fcay pas fi ce ieune homme
auoit quelque confiance en fon fouuerain Seigneur;
mais quoy que e'en foit, il s'eft fauue des mains de
fes ennemis.

Nonobflant tous ces difcours, ces ieunes hommes
auoient tout fujet de craindre, fe voyans au milieu
de la barbarie & [143] de la cruaute, fans fecours
d'aucune creature. II n'y alloit pas moins que du
feu, de la rage, & de la dent de ces barbares, qui
exercent des tourmens eftranges fur leurs prif onniers.

Quelques Sauuages des Nations plus hautes, ne
voulans pas irriter les Francois, firent des prefens, a
ce qu'on deliuraft ces deux pauures captifs: Enfin
on tint confeil dans le pais, & la conclufion fut prife
de traiter de paix auec les Francois; cela fait, on
promet aux prif onniers qu'on les remenera au Prin-
temps aux Trois Riuieres. En attendant on les donne
en garde a deux chefs de families, qui les traiterent
comme leurs enfans. L'vn d'eux voyant que fon

1641 - 42] RELA TION OF 1640 - 41 29

Francois Marguerie had been very kind, and whom
our Fathers had aided in his necessity, said aloud
that the Frenchmen were good, and must not be put
to death." An act of kindness is never forgotten by
God, — he knows how to reward it in his own time;
it is well to practice acts of charity and mercy, for
the sake of his love.

A young Algonquin prisoner, whose life had been
spared by the Hiroquois, recognizing our French-
men, said to them: " Take courage, you will not
die ; inasmuch as you know how to pray to God, he
will not fail to succor you." I do not know whether
that young man had any confidence in his sovereign
Lord; but, at all events, he escaped from the hands
of his enemies.

Notwithstanding all these declarations, these young
men had every reason for fear, seeing themselves in
the midst of barbarism and [143] of cruelty, without
help from any creature. The question was of noth-
ing less than fire, and of the fury and teeth of these
barbarians, who practice strange tortures on their
prisoners.

Some Savages of the upper Nations, not wishing
to irritate the French, made presents that these two
poor captives might be set free. At length a coun-
cil was held in the country, and they concluded to
negotiate peace with the French ; that being done,
they promised the prisoners that in the Spring they
should be taken back to the Three Rivers. In the
meantime, they were given in keeping to two heads
of families, who treated them like their own chil-
dren. One of these, seeing that his prisoner prayed
to God night and morning, and that he made the
sign of the Cross before each meal, asked him what

30 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol.21

prifonnier prioit Dieu foir & matin, & qu'il faifoit
le figne de la Croix deuant le repas, hiy demanda ce
que fignifioit ce figne facre, ayant eu pour refponfe,
que le Dieu qui a fait le ciel & la terre, les animaux
& tous les bleds, conferuoit ceux qui l'honoroient, &
qui auoient recours a luy; ie veux done faire le
mefme, refpond-il, afin qu'il me conferue & qu'il me
nourriffe.

Vne autre fois plufieurs de ces Barbares [144] inui-
terent l'vn de leurs prifonniers a chanter a la Fran-
goife: tenes vous done dans le refpect, fit-il, car le
Dieu du Ciel & de la terre, que nous honorons par
nos voix & par nos Cantiques, vous pourroit chaftier
rudement, fi vous entries dans quelque mepris; ils
promirent tous de ne point rire, & de fe comporter
fagement; le Frangois entonne V Aue maris Jiella,
qu'ils efcouterent la tefte baiffee auec beaucoup de
modeftie & de refpect, temoignant par apres que ce
chant leur auoit aggree : La faincte Vierge qui fai-
foit tous les iours chanter cet Hymne a Kebec, pour
la deliurance des prifonniers, preuoyoit des lors leur
liberte, & peut-eftre encor demandoit a fon fils la
conuerfion de ces peuples, qui entendront bien-toft
le clairon de l'Euangile, fi l'ancienne France ayme la
Nouuelle, comme vne fceur aifnee doit aymer fa
Cadette.

Or ces deux pauures Frangois fe trouuans incom-
modes dans les rigueurs du froid/ car ils auoient
donne partie de force, partie de bon gre\ le meilleur
de leurs habits a ces Barbares; l'vn deux ayant
connoiffance de la langue Angloife, [145] 6criuit aux
Holandois qui fe font empares d'vne partie de l'Aca-
die, qui appartient au Roy, les fuppliant d'auoir pitie

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 31

this sacred sign meant ; having had for answer that
the God who had made heaven and earth, the ani-
mals, and all the grains, preserved those who honored
him and who had recourse to him, — " I wish then
to do the same," responded he, " that he may pre-
serve me and feed me."

Another time several of these Barbarians [144]
invited one of their prisoners to sing after the French
fashion. " Then," answered he, " be respectful ; for
the God of Heaven and of earth, whom we honor by
our voices and by our Hymns, could punish you
severely, if you should begin any scornful actions; "
they all promised not to laugh, and to conduct them-
selves discreetly. The Frenchmen intoned the Ave
maris stella, to which they listened, their heads being
bowed with much modesty and respect; they de-
clared afterward that the song had pleased them.
The blessed Virgin who caused that Hymn to be sung
every day at Kebec for the deliverance of the pris-
oners, foresaw from that time their liberty, and
perhaps also asked from her son the conversion of
these tribes, who will very soon hear the clarion of
the Gospel, if old France love the New, as an elder
sister should love the Younger.

Now, these two poor Frenchmen being distressed
by the severity of the cold, — for, partly through
force, and partly out of good will, they had given
the best of their clothing to these Barbarians, — one
of them, having a knowledge of the English lan-
guage, [145] wrote to the Hollanders who have seized
a part of Acadia, which belongs to the King, beg-
ging them to have pity upon their poverty ; he used
a beaver skin for paper, a little stick for a pen, and
some rust or soot sticking to the bottom of a kettle,

32 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

de leur mifere; il fe feruit de la peau d'vn caftor
pour papier, d'vn petit bafton pour plume, & de la
cralTe ou fuie attachee au deffous d'vn chauderon,
pour encre ; le Sauuage a qui appartenoit ce caftor,
le portant aux Hollandois, ils reconnurent cette efcri-
ture, & touches de compaffion, ils enuoyerent a ces
deux pauures prifonniers vne couple de chemifes,
deux couuertures, quelques viures, & vne efcritoire,
& du papier, auec vn mot de lettre. Le Sauuage
rendit tout fidelement, excepte la lettre, difant que
l'efcriture des Francois eftoit bonne, mais que celle
des Hollandois ne valoit rien. Francois Marguerie
aiant du papier, efcriuit toute l'hiftoire de leur prife,
& pour ce qu'ils craignoient que les Hollandois n'en-
tendiflent pas la langue Francoife, il coucha fa lettre
en Francois, & en Latin comme il put, & en Anglois,
il croit qu'elle fut portee; mais il ne vit point de
refponce, les Hiroquois fans doute ne leur voulurent
pas rendre. Ils ne voulurent auffi iamais leur per-
mettre [146] d'aller vifiter les Hollandois, ces gens
leur difoient, ils font cruels, ils nous mettront aux
fers, ils pilleront nos Compatriotes, s'ils viennent
en ces quartiers, pour vous deliurer. Les Francois ne
croioient rien de tout cela; d'ailleurs, ils ne vouloient
pas s'efchapper des mains de ces Barbares, pour les
mieux difpofer a vne bonne paix.

Sur la fin du mois d'Auril, la conclufion de recher-
clier cette paix auec les Francois, eftant prife, cinq
cens Hiroquois ou enuiron, partirent de leur pais
bien arm^s, ramenant auec eux les deux Francois:
quelques-vns s'en retournerent, d'autres fe debande-
rent du gros, pour s'en aller au deuant des Hurons,
& des Algonquins, a deffein de piller, de tuer, & de

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 33

for ink. The Savage to whom the beaver belonged
carrying it to the Dutch, they understood this writ-
ing, and, touched with compassion, they sent to these
two poor prisoners a couple of shirts, two blankets,
some provisions, an inkstand, some paper, and a
short letter. The Savage delivered all faithfully
except the letter, saying that the writing of the
French was good, but that of the Hollanders was
worth nothing. Francois Marguerie, having paper,
wrote the whole history of their capture ; and, as
they feared the Hollanders might not understand the
French language, he inscribed his letter in French,
and in Latin as he was able, and in English. He
believed that it was carried; but he saw no reply, —
the Hiroquois doubtless were not willing to deliver
one. Neither would they ever permit them [146] to
visit the Dutch. " Those people," said they to
them, " are cruel, — they will put us into irons, they
will plunder our Countrymen, if they come into
these quarters to liberate you." The Frenchmen
believed nothing of all this; besides, they did not
wish to escape from the hands of these Barbarians,
in order that, being with them, they might better
incline them to an advantageous peace.

Toward the end of the month of April, the deci-
sion to seek this peace with the French having been
made, five hundred Hiroquois, or thereabouts, set
out from their country, well armed, taking with them
the two Frenchmen. Some went back, others broke
from the ranks in great numbers to go and meet the
Hurons and the Algonquins, with the design of pil-
laging, killing, and massacring all those whom they
could surprise ; the remainder went directly to the
Three Rivers. On the fifth of June, at daybreak,

34 LES RELA TIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol. 21

maffacrer tout ceux qu'ils pourroient furprendre, le
reite tire droit aux Trois Rmieres. Le cinquiefme
de Iuin, fur le point du iour parurent vingt canots,
plus bas que la demeure des Francois, tous charges
d'hommes bien armes; il en parut d'autres au milieu
de la riuiere dans le mefme equipage : Voila auffi-toft
l'alarme parmy les Francois, & parmy les Algon-
quins, qui [147] demeurent aupres de nous, ceux-cy
s'dcrient que c'eftoit fait de leurs gens, qui eftoient
alles chaffer au caftor ; la-deff us vn canot Algonquin
fortant de l'embouchure du rleuue, que nous appel-
lons les Trois Riuieres, fut pris de fes ennemis a la
veue des Francois & des Sauuages, fans qu'on luy
peut donner aucun fecours, comme on eftoit dans
cette alarme parut vn autre canot, conduit par vn
homme feul, fortant du quartier de l'ennemy, tirant
vers le fort des Francois, ce canot portoit vn petit
guidon pour marque de paix, on iette les yeux fur
fon nocher, a l'habit il paroiffoit comme vn Sauuage,
mais a la voix on reconnut que c' eftoit Francois Mar-
guerie, l'vn des deux prifonniers, ayant mis pied a
terre, on le conduit au fort pour faluer le fieur de
Chanflour, qui le commande ; tout le monde accourt,
chacun l'enibraffe, on le regarde comme vn homme
refufcite, & comme vne vidtime echappee du cou-
fteau, qui l'alloit facrifier, & du feu qui l'alloit con-
fommer; on luy fait quiter fes haillons, on le reueft
a la Francoife, chacun eft dans la ioye, on le traite
auec amour; & apres les [148] premieres careffes,
chacun fe met dans le filence pour l'ecouter: II dit
done que les Hiroquois fouhaitans 1' alliance des
Francois, les auoient doucement traites; qu'ils
eitoient partis cinq cens du pais, qu'on en voioit trois

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 35

twenty canoes appeared below the habitation of the
French, all laden with well-armed men; others
appeared in the middle of the river, equipped in like
manner ; immediately there was an alarm among the
French, and among the Algonquins who [147] dwell
near us ; these last cried out that all was over with
their people who had gone to hunt beavers. At that
moment, an Algonquin canoe, going out of the
mouth of the stream which we call the Three Rivers,
was taken by its enemies in the sight of the French
and of the Savages, without any one being able to
render it assistance. While we were in this alarm,
another canoe appeared, guided by a single man,
coming out from the quarter of the enemy and ad-
vancing toward the fort of the French ; this canoe
carried a little flag, as a sign of peace. We cast our
eyes upon the pilot ; in dress he appeared to be a
Savage, but by the voice we recognized that it was
Francois Marguerie, one of the two prisoners. Hav-
ing set foot on land, he was conducted to the fort,
that he might pay his respects to the sieur de Chan-
flour, who commands there. Every one ran, each
one embraced him, — he was looked upon as a man
raised from the dead, and as a victim escaped from
the knife that was ready to sacrifice him, and from
the fire that was ready to consume him ; they made
him abandon his rags, and reclothed him like a
Frenchman. All were full of joy, and treated him
affectionately, and after the [148] first caresses every
one became silent, in order to listen to him. He
said then, that the Hiroquois, desiring the alliance
of the French, had treated them mildly; that they
had set out from the country five hundred in num-
ber, of whom three hundred and fifty were seen

86 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

cens cinquante roder fur la grande riuiere, a la veue
du fort, qu'ils l'auoient depute pour parler de paix
auec les Francois, & non auec les Sauuages, Algon-
quins, & Montagnais, qu'ils hai'flent a mort, & qu'ils
veulent exterminer entierement; lis ont, dit-il,
trente-fix arquebufiers, auffi adroits que les Francois,
le refte eft fort bien arme a la Sauuage ; ils font munis
de poudre, de plomb, d'arcs, & de fleches, d'epees,
& de viures abondamment : Ils s'attendent qu'on leur
fera prefent de trente bonnes arquebufes, ce font
gens refolus, aufquels il ne fe faut fier que de bonne
forte; veu mefme qu'vne femme Algonquine, habi-
tuee depuis quelque temps dans leur pais, de laquelle
ces Barbares fe cachoient peu, nous a aduertis en fe-
cret, que ces peuples fe vouloient feruir de nos corps
comme d'vne amorce, pour prendre tous les Sau-
uages nos confederes, perdre tout le pais, [149] & fe
rendre maiftres abfolus de la grande Riuiere; i'ay
commiffion, faifoit-il de retourner fans delay, ils ont
retenu auec eux mon compagnon pour hoftage; &
moy ie leur ay donne parole que ie les reuerrois au
plutoft. Le fieur de Chanflour donna pour refponfe,
que c6t affaire eftant de grande importance, il falloit
que le grand Capitaine des Francois en f uft aduerty ;
qu'on ne doutoit pas qu'il n'agreafl les recherches de
la paix, qu'on luy alloit deleguer des Meffagers, &
qu'il feroit dans peu de temps aux Trois Riuieres.
Noftre prifonnier & vn Francois qui l'accompagne, fe
rembarque auec cette refponfe, aflaifonnee de quan-
tity de viures & de petites douceurs, pour gagner ces
Barbares; Ils approuuerent noftre procede, mais ils
ne laifferent pas de fe bien fortifier, en attendant la
venue d'Onontio, c'eft ainfi qu'ils appellent Mon-

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 37

prowling along the river, in sight of the fort; that
they had deputed him to speak concerning peace with
the French, but not with the Savages, — the Algon-
quins, and the Montagnais, whom they hate unto
death, and whom they wish to exterminate entirely.
" They have," said he, " thirty-six arquebusiers, as
skillful as the French, — the remainder are very well
armed in Savage fashion ; they are abundantly fur-
nished with powder, with lead, with bows, arrows,
and javelins, and with provisions. They are hoping
that a present will be given them, of thirty good
arquebuses; they are resolute people, whom you
must trust only with reserve, since an Algonquin
woman, — who has lived for some time in their coun-
try, and from whom these Barbarians concealed
little, — warned us in secret that these people wished
to use our bodies as a bait, in order that they might
take all the Savages, our confederates, ruin the whole
country, [149] and make themselves absolute masters
of the great River. I am commissioned," said he,
' ' to return without delay ; they have retained with
them my companion as hostage, and I have given
them my word that I will see them again as soon as
possible." The sieur de Chanflour gave as answer,
that, this matter being of great importance, it was
necessary that the great Captain of the French should
be notified of it, — that they did not doubt he would
approve of the pursuit of peace, that they were going
to send Messengers to him, and that he would short-
ly be at the Three Rivers. Our prisoner, and a
Frenchman who accompanied him, reembarked with
this answer, set off by a quantity of provisions and
little presents, in order to win these Barbarians.
They approved our procedure, but they did not neg-
lect to fortify themselves well, while awaiting the

38 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.21

fieur le Gouuerneur. lis renuoyerent vne autre fois
Francois Marguerie & Thomas Godefroy fon concap-
tif, fuppliant le Capitaine des Trois Riuieres, de les
venir voir pour parlementer, en attendant la venue
du grand Capitaine. Le Pere Paul [150] Ra[g]ueneau
& le fieur Nicolet, tous deux bien verfes en la Langue
Huronne, qui a du rapport auec la Langue Hiro-
quoife, s'y tranfporterent au lieu du Capitaine, qui,
auec raifon, ne voulut pas quitter fon fort: Arriues
qu'ils furent dans le reduit de ces Barbares, ils leur
temoignerent, que les Francois auoient receu vn
grand contentement a la veue de leurs Compatriotes,
qu'ils prenoient tous plaifir aux nouuelles de la paix,
& qu'on les auoit enuoyes fcauoir ce qu'ils fouhai-
toient du Capitaine, qu'ils auoient demande: Ils ref-
pondirent, qu'ils vouloient parler, c'eft a dire, qu'ils
vouloient faire des prefens, tant pour nous rendre
nos prifonniers, que pour nous inuiter a faire vne
Habitation vers leur pais, ou toutes les Nations Hi-
roquoif es aborderoient pour leur commerce : II leur
fut refpondu, qu'on les ecouteroit volontiers, mais
qu'on attendoit le grand Capitaine, auquel on auoit
donne aduis de tout ce qui f e paff oit : Ils firent de
longues harangues de l'eitat de leur pais, des defirs
qu'auoient toutes les Nations Hiroquoifes, de fe voir
li<§es auec les Francois ; & pour preuue de leur parole,
[151] ils font vn petit prefent par auance, en atten-
dant la venue d'Onontio.

Le lendemain trois canots ennemis fe vindrent
promener deuant le fort, a la portee de la voix ; l'vn
des plus ag6s de cette efcoiiade s'6cria a pleine tefte,
parlant aux Sauuages! Preftes moy l'oreille, ie viens
pour traiter la paix auec toutes les Nations de ces
quartiers, auec les Montagnais, auec les Algonquins,

1641 - 42] RELA TION OF 1640 - 41 39

coming of Onontio, — it is thus they call Monsieur
the Governor. They again sent back Francois Mar-
guerie and Thomas Godefroy his fellow captive,
beseeching the Captain of the Three Rivers to come
and parley with them while awaiting the arrival of
the great Captain. Father Paul [150] Ragueneau and
the sieur Nicolet, — both well versed in the Huron
Language, which is related to the Hiroquois Lan-
guage,— went to them instead of the Captain, who,
with reason, was unwilling to leave his fort. Hav-
ing arrived at the rendezvous of these Barbarians,
they stated to them that the French had had great
satisfaction in seeing their Countrymen: that they
all took pleasure in the news of peace ; and that they
themselves had been sent to learn what was desired
from the Captain whom they had asked to come.
They replied that they wished to talk, — that is to
say, that they wished to make presents, — not only
about restoring our prisoners, but about inviting us
to make a Settlement near their country, to which
all the Hiroquois Nations could come for their trade.
They were answered, that they would be willingly
heard, but that we were awaiting the great Captain,
who had been informed of all that had occurred.
They made long harangues upon the condition of
their country, and upon the desire that all the Hiro-
quois Nations had to see themselves allied with the
French; and, as evidence of their sentiments, [151]
they made a little present beforehand, while await-
ing the coming of Onontio.

The next day three hostile canoes moved up and
down before the fort, within hearing; one of the old-
est men belonging to this squadron cried with a loud
voice, speaking to the Savages: " Listen to me! I
come to treat for peace with all the Nations of these

40 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol.21

auec les Hurons, la terre fera toute belle, la riuiere
n'aura plus de vagues, on ira par tout fans crainte:
Vn Capitaine Algonquin reconnoiffant la fourbe de
c£t impofteur, luy refpondit d'vne voix plus forte, &
d'vn ton piquant: Ie reprefente toutes les Nations
que tu as nominees, en leur abfence, & ie te dy de
leur part, que tu es vn menteur : Si tu venois pour
parler de paix, tu deliurerois du moins vn de nos
prifonniers, felon noftre couftume ; tu ne f erois aucun
acte d'hoftilite, & tous les iours tu es aux aguets
pour nous furprendre, tu maff acres tous ceux que
tu peux attraper/ cela dit, chacun fe retire en fon
quartier.

Cependant le canot qu'on auoit depefche" a Kebec,
fit vne tres-grande diligence: [152] Monfieur le Gou-
uerneur ayant receu les nouuelles, arma en vn inftant
vne barque & quatre chaloupes, prit auec foy le Pere
Vimont noftre Superieur, vogue contre les vents &
contre les marees ; mais voiant que la barque n'auan-
coit point, il prend le deuant auec fes chaloupes ; les
matelots & les foldats ramoient a toutes forces : En-
fin, ils arriuerent aux Trois Riuieres plutoft qu'on
n'efperoit. Si toft que l'ennemy les apperceut, il fe
reff erra dans fon fort ; il eftoit neantmoins fi enrage
contre les Algonquins, qu'vne heure auparauant que
Monfieur le Gouuerneur les allaft treuuer, ils fe
jetterent fur vn canot Algonquin, conduit par deux
hommes & vne femme; celle-cy fut tu£e, l'vn des
hommes fut pris prifonnier, & 1' autre fe fauua. Le
iour precedent Anerab'i, Capitaine de guerre des plus
hauts Algonquins, s' eftoit fauue de leurs mains, les
ayans apperceus de loin a remboucheure du grand
Lac, voifin des Trois Riuieres, oil ils gardoient toutes
les auenues, par la multitude de leurs canots.

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 41

parts, with the Montagnais, with the Algonquins,
with the Hurons; the land shall be beautiful, the
river shall have no more waves, one may go every-
where without fear." An Algonquin Captain, per-
ceiving the knavery of this impostor, answered him
in a louder voice, and in a harsh tone: " I represent,
in their absence, all the Nations thou hast named;
and I tell thee, in their name, that thou art a liar.
If thou earnest to treat for peace, thou wouldst de-
liver at least one of our prisoners, according to our
custom, and thou wouldst commit no act of hostility;
but every day thou art on the watch to surprise us,
and thou massacrest all whom thou canst entrap."
This being said, each one retired to his own quarters.
In the meantime, the canoe that had been sent to
Kebec made all possible haste. [152] Monsieur the
Governor, having received the news, armed in a trice
a bark and four shallops, took with him Father Vi-
mont, our Superior, and voyaged against winds and
against tides ; but, seeing that the bark did not ad-
vance, he took the lead with his shallops, the sailors
and soldiers rowing with all their might. At length
they arrived at the Three Rivers, sooner than they
had hoped. As soon as the enemy perceived them,
they withdrew into their stronghold; they were,
however, so enraged against the Algonquins that, an
hour before Monsieur the Governor went to them,
they fell upon an Algonquin canoe, managed by two
men and one woman ; the latter was killed, one of
the men was taken prisoner, and the other escaped.
On the preceding day, Anerawi, a war Captain of the
upper Algonquins, had escaped from their hands,
having seen them far off at the mouth of the large
Lake near the Three Rivers, all the avenues of which
they guarded with a multitude of their canoes.

42 LES RELATIONS DES j£SUITES [Vol.21

[153] CHAPITRE X.

DE LA DELIURANCE DES PRISONNIERS FRANCOIS, & DU

POURPARLER DE PAIX, AUEC LES

HIROQUOIS.

MONSIEUR le Cheualier de Montmagny, ayant
appris des prifonniers Francis, l'humeur de
ces Barbares, & reconnu leur malice par leurs
adtions, fe comporte auec vne grande prudence &
dexterite ; il s'en va moiiiller l'ancre deuant leur fort,
a la portee du mouf quet ; ces Barbares luy font vn
falue de trente-fix ou quarante coups d'arquebufe,
fort adroitement ; cela fait, deux canots d'Hiroquois
le vindrent aborder, dans lefquels ils fit embarquer
le Pere Ragueneau & le fieur Nicolet, pour aller
reprefenter les deux prisoniers, les tirer de leurs
mains, & entendre les propofitions de la paix, qu'ils
venoient rechercher: Ils entrent done tous quatre
dans le reduit, ou fort des Hiroquois, qu'ils trouuent
[154] affis en rond, en affes bon ordre, fans tumulte
& fans bruit ; ils firent aff eoir les deux mediateurs de
la paix fur vn bouclier, & les deux prifonniers a
terre, les liant par forme de contenance, pour mon-
ftrer qu'ils eftoient encor captifs. La deffus, l'vn
des Capitaines, nomme Onagan, fe leue, prend le
Soleil a tdmoing de la fincerite de fon procede, puis
parle en ces termes.

Ces deux ieunes hommes que vous voyes, font
Hiroquois, ils ne font plus Francois, le droit de la

1641 - 42] RELA TION OF 1640 - 41 43

[153] CHAPTER X.

OF THE DELIVERANCE OF THE FRENCH PRISONERS

AND THE PARLEY CONCERNING PEACE

WITH THE HIROQUOIS.

MONSIEUR the Chevalier de Montmagny, hav-
ing learned from the French prisoners, the
mood of these Barbarians, and having dis-
covered their malice by their actions, conducted him-
self with great prudence and tact. He cast anchor
before their fort, within musket-range; these Bar-
barians made, very adroitly, a salute of thirty-six or
forty shots from their arquebuses. That being
done, two canoes came from the Hiroquois to meet
him, on board of which were put Father Ragueneau
and the sieur Nicolet, that they might go and speak
for the two prisoners, withdraw them from their
hands, and hear the propositions for the peace which
they came to seek. All four then entered the strong-
hold or fort of the Hiroquois, whom they found [154]
seated in a circle, in very good order, without tumult
and without noise. They had the two negotiators of
the peace sit upon a shield, and the two prisoners
on the ground, binding these as a matter of form, to
show that they were still captives. Thereupon, one
of the Captains, named Onagan, arose, took the Sun
as a witness of the sincerity of his proceeding, and
then spoke in these terms:

" These two young men whom you see, are Hiro-
quois, they are no longer Frenchmen, the right of

44 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

guerre les a fait noftres ; jadis le feul nom de Fran-
cois nous jettoit la terreur dedans Tame, leur regard
nous donnoit l'epouuante, & nous les fuions comme
des Demons, qu'on n'ofe aborder; mais enfin, nous
auons appris a changer les Francois en Hiroquois,
ces deux que vous voy6s deuant vos yeux, ont efte"
pris cet hyuer par vne efcouade de nos ieunes gens.
Se voyans entre nos mains, ils eurent peur qu'on ne
les mal-traitaft ; mais on leur dit, que les Hiroquois
recherchoient l'alliance des Francois, & qu'on ne
leur feroit aucun tort: Si cela eft, dirent-ils, que l'vn
de [155] nous retourne vers les Francois, pour les
informer de vos bonnes volontes, & que l'autre s'en
aille en voftre pais: nous repliquafmes, qu'il eftoit
plus a propos qu'ils vinffent tous deux confoler toutes
les Nations Hiroquoifes par leur prefence, puis qu'elles
auoient toutes de l'affedtion pour les Francois: En
effet, les peuples les plus eloigned, nous ont fait des
prefens pour leur fauuer la vie ; il ne falloit point
de fes attraits pour nous donner de l'amour, & de
l'affedtion vers vous, nos cceurs y eftoient defia tout
portes, vous fcaures d'eux qu'on les a traittes en
amis, & non en efclaues : fl toft que le Printemps a
paru, nous nous fommes mis en chemin pour les
ramener ; ils font encor Hiroquois, mais tout mainte-
nant ils feront Francois; difons plutofl qu'il feront
Francois, & Hiroquois tout enfemble: car nous ne
ferons plus qu'vn peuple : difant cela, il prit les mains
du Pere Ra[g]ueneau, & du fieur Nicolet, delegu£s
pour traitter la paix, puis les touchant au vifage, &
fur le menton, leur dit: Non feulement nos cou-
ftumes, feront vos couftumes, mais nous ferons fi
6troittement vnis, que nos mentons [156] fe reuefti-

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 45

war has made them ours ; formerly the mere name
of Frenchmen struck terror to our hearts, their look
appalled us, and we fled from them as from Demons,
whom one does not dare to approach ; but at last, we
have learned to change Frenchmen into Hiroquois.
These two whom you see before your eyes were tak-
en this winter by a squad of our young men. Find-
ing themselves in our hands, they feared lest they
should be ill treated; but they were told that the
Hiroquois were seeking the alliance of the French,
and that no one would harm them. ' If that be so,'
said they, ' let one of [155] us return to the French, to
inform them of your good intentions, and let the
other go away into your country.' We replied that
it would be more to the purpose if both of them
should come to comfort all the Hiroquois Nations by
their presence, since these all had affection for the
French. Indeed, the more distant tribes made us
presents, in order to save their lives. Their attrac-
tions were not needed to inspire in us love and affec-
tion towards you, our hearts were already wholly
inclined thereto ; you will learn from them that they
have been treated as friends, and not as slaves. As
soon as Spring appeared, we set out upon our way
to bring them back ; they are still Hiroquois, but im-
mediately they will be French ; let us rather say that
they will be French and Hiroquois at the same time,
for we shall be only one people." Saying that, he
took the hands of Father Ragueneau, and of the
sieur Nicolet, the delegates to negotiate peace, then
touching them on the face and on the chin, he said
to them: " Not only shall our customs be your cus-
toms, but we shall be so closely united that our chins
[156] shall be reclothed with hair, and with beards

46 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

ront de poil, & de barbe comme les voftres. Apres
quelques autres ceremonies, il s'approche des captifs,
brife leurs liens, les jette pardeffus la palliffade de
leur fort; s'ecriant, Que la riuiere emporte fi loin ces
liens, que iamais il n'en foit de memoire, ces ieunes
gens ne font plus captifs, leurs liens font brifes, ils
font maintenant tous voftres : Puis tirant vn collier
de Porcelaine, il le prefente aux Mediateurs de la
paix, auec ces paroles: Gardes pour vn iamais ce
collier, comme vne marque de leur pleine & entiere
liberte ; puis faifant apporter deux pacquets de peaux
de caftors: le ne veux pas, fit-il, vous rendre tous
nuds a vos freres, voila dequoy leur faire chacun vne
belle robe. II fit en fuite quantite de prefens, felon
la couftume du pais, ou le mot de prefens fe nomme
parole: Pour faire entendre que c'eft le prefent qui
parle plus fortement que la bouche, il en fit quatre
au nom des quatre Nations Hiroquoifes, pour mar-
que, qu'elles fouhaitoient noftre alliance; eleuant
vne robe de caflor: Voicy, dit-il, l'eftendart que vous
planteres fur voflre fort, lors que vous verres paroiftre
nos [157] canots fur cette grande riuiere; & nous
autres voiant ce fignal de voftre amitie, nous aborde-
rons auec affurance a vos ports; tirant vn autre
collier de porcelaine, il le mit en rond fur la terre:
Voicy, dit-il, la maifon, que nous aurons aux Trois
Riuieres, quand nous y viendrons traiter auec vous,
nous y petunerons fans crainte, puis que nous aurons
Onontio pour frere.

Les Deputes pour la paix, temoignerent a ces Bar-
bares vne grande fatisfadtion de tout ce qui s'eftoit
pafTe en ce confeil; ils adioufterent, qu'[i]ls s'en
alloient faire vn ample rapport de tout a Monfieur le

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 47

like yours." After some other ceremonies, he ap-
proached the captives, broke their bonds, and tossed
these over the palisades of their fort, exclaiming:
" Let the river carry these cords so far away that
there may never be a remembrance of them ; these
young men are no longer captives, — their bands are
broken, they are now wholly yours." Then taking
a Porcelain collar, he presented it to the Negotiators
of the peace with these words : ' ' Keep forever this
collar, as a sign of their full and entire liberty."
Then causing two packages of beaver skins to be
brought, " I do not wish," said he, " to restore you
wholly destitute to your brothers; here is something
to make for each of them a beautiful robe." He
made then a number of presents, according to the
custom of the country, in which the term " present '
is called " the word," in order to make clear that it
is the present which speaks more forcibly than the
lips ; he made four of these in the name of the four
Hiroquois Nations, as a sign that they desired our
alliance. Lifting up a beaver robe, " Behold," said
he, " the standard that you shall plant upon your
fort, when you shall see our canoes appear [157]
upon this great river ; and, when we see this signal
of your friendship, we shall land with confidence at
your ports." Taking another porcelain collar, he
put it on the ground in the form of a circle; " See,"
said he, " the house that we shall have at the Three
Rivers, when we come there to trade with you; we
shall smoke therein without fear, since we shall have
Onontio for a brother."

The peace Deputies expressed to these Barbarians
a great satisfaction in all that had taken place in this
council ; they added that they were going to make a

48 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol.21

Gouuerneur, lequel ne leur pourroit parler que le iour
fuiuant, pource qu'il eftoit defja tard; ils emportent
les prefens, & remenent les deux prifonniers mis en
liberte" : Comme ils fortoient, ce Capitaine leur cria;
Dites a Onontio, que nous le prions de cacher les
haches des Montagnais & des Algonquins fous fa robe,
pendant que nous traiterons de la paix ; Ils promirent
de leur cofte, quils ne courroient aucun canot Algon-
quin, & qu'ils ne leur drefferoient aucune embufche ;
mais leur promeffe n' eftoit que perfidie : car les Fran-
cois [158] n'eftoien[t] quafi pas retires au port des
Trois Riuieres, qu'ils pourfuiuirent quatre canots
Algonquins qui reuenoient de la chaffe, bien charges
de viures & de pelteries; a peine les hommes fe
purent-ils fauuer, tout leur bagage fut pille, & vne
pauure femme chargee de fon enfant, fut prife.

Monfleur le Cheualier de Montmagny iugea par le
rapport qui luy fut fait, & par la contenance qu'il
remarqua en cet ennemy rufe & deloyal, que la crainte
des armes Francoifes luy faifoit fouhaiter la paix
auec nous, pour pouuoir auec plus de liberte" maffa-
crer, mefme deuant nos yeux, les peuples qui nous
font confederes: Neantmoins, comme il eft prudent
& adroit, il rechercha les moyens d'induire ces Bar-
bares, a entrer dans vne bonne paix vniuerfelle auec
toutes les Nations qui nous font alliees : Le lende-
main, iour de Saindt Barnabe, ces Barbares, qui n'o-
foient aborder du fort, pour crainte des Algonquins,
attendoient auec impatience Monfieur le Gouuerneur:
Mais les vents & la pluie l'arrefterent, il ne s'embar-
qua que le iour fuiuant, dans fes chaloupes, [159]
chargees de foixante & dix hommes bien armes/ il
s'en vient moiiiller deuant leur fort: mais la mau-

1641 -42] RELA TION OF 1640-41 49

full report of the whole to Monsieur the Governor,
who would not be able to speak to them until the
following day, because it was already late ; they car-
ried away their presents, and took back the two
liberated prisoners. As they were going away, this
Captain called to them : " Say to Onontio that we beg
him to conceal the hatchets of the Montagnais and
of the Algonquins under his robe, while we are
negotiating peace." They promised, on their part,
that they would chase no Algonquin canoe, and that
they would set no ambush for them ; but their prom-
ise was only perfidy, for the Frenchmen [158] had
hardly withdrawn to the port of the Three Rivers
before they pursued four Algonquin canoes, which
were returning from the chase well laden with pro-
visions and with pelts ; the men were scarcely able to
escape, all their baggage was plundered, and a poor
woman, burdened with her child, was taken.

Monsieur the Chevalier de Montmagny judged
from the report that had been made to him, and from
the behavior that he had observed in this crafty and
treacherous enemy, that the fear of the French arms
made them desire peace with us in order that they
might be able to massacre with more liberty, even
before our eyes, the tribes which are our confeder-
ates ; nevertheless, as he is prudent and skillful, he
sought means of inducing these Barbarians to enter
into a firm, universal peace with all the Nations
which are allied to us. The next day, the feast of
Saint Barnabas, these Barbarians, who did not dare
to approach the fort, for fear of the Algonquins,
awaited with impatience Monsieur the Governor ; but
the winds and the rain detained him, so that it was
not until the following day that he set out in his

50 LES RELATIONS DES JE~ SUITES [Vol.21

uaife foy de ces Barbares les rendans coupables, les
fit entrer en deffiance, fondee fur le retardement d'vn
iour, qu'on auoit pris pour le mauuais temps, & fur
les adtes d'hoitilite" qu'ils auoient commis, fe doutans
bien que nous en auions connoiffance : On attendoit
qu'ils viendroient querir les Deputes de la paix,
comme ils auoient defia fait; mais la deffiance les
arrefta: Ils pouffent vn canot vuide vers nos cha-
loupes, inuitans Monfieur le Gouuerneur, le Pere
Ra[g]ueneau, & le fieur Nicolet, de s'embarque[r]
pour les aller trouuer; leur deffein eftoit de les maffa-
crer, a ce qu'vn ieune Algonquin, qui f e fauua de leurs
mains, nous rapporta puis apres: Ce procede tout
brutal, fit qu'on fe tint plus fur fes gardes que iamais:
On inuite les Capitaines de venir ecouter nos paroles,
comme on auoit efte Ecouter les leur ; a cela, point
de nouuelle: on les preffe d'enuoyer quelques Hu-
rons, de ceux qui fe font naturalifes parmy eux, &
qui font deuenus Hiroquois; ils en firent de grandes
difficultes: [160] Enfin, deux aborderent nos cha-
loupes dans vn canot, ils regardoient par tout, s'ils
ne verroient point quelque Algonquin cache parmy
nous; n'en ayant apperccu aucun, trois Capitaines
Hiroquois s'embarquerent dans vn autre canot: nous
ayans approches a la portee du piftolet, ils inuiterent
Onontio, c'eft Monfieur noftre Gouuerneur, a parler,
c'eft a dire, a faire fes prefens.

Ie ne deduiray point la harangue qu'il leur fit faire
par fon truchement, fuffira de dire deux petits mots de
la facon qu'il leur fit offrir fes prefens, fe conformant
aux loix de ces peuples, fes dons furpaffoient de
beaucoup ceux de ces Barbares.

II en fit vn pour remerciement de la bonne chere

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 51

shallops, [159] laden with seventy men, well armed.
He came to anchor before their fort; but the bad
faith of these Barbarians making them guilty, aroused
in them distrust, based upon a day's delay which was
caused by the bad weather, and upon the acts of
hostility which they themselves had committed, sus-
pecting with reason that we had knowledge of them.
We expected that they would come for the Deputies
to the peace, as they had already done, but their mis-
trust hindered them. They pushed an empty canoe
towards our shallops, inviting Monsieur the Govern-
or, Father Ragueneau, and the sieur Nicolet to em-
bark and come to them ; their design was to slay
them, as a young Algonquin who had escaped from
their hands told us afterward. This wholly brutal
proceeding caused us to be more than ever on our
guard. The Captains were invited to come and listen
to our words, as we had listened to theirs ; no news
from that ! They were urged to send some Hurons,
those who had been naturalized among them, and
had become Hiroquois; to this they raised great
objections. [160] At last, two approached our shal-
lops in a canoe; they looked around on all sides, to
see if some Algonquin might not be concealed among
us ; but not perceiving any, three Hiroquois Captains
embarked in another canoe; when they had ap-
proached within pistol-shot, they invited Onontio,
that is, Monsieur our Governor, to speak, — in other
words, to offer his presents.

I shall not relate the speech he made to them by
his interpreter ; it will suffice to say a few words of
the manner in which he offered his presents to them,
in compliance with the code of these peoples; his
gifts surpassed by far those of the Barbarians.

52 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol.21

qu'ils auoient fait a nos Fran9ois en leur pais, il offrit
des couuertures pour les nattes qu'ils auoient efte-
dues fous eux pendant la nuidt, il donna des haches
pour le bois qu'ils auoient couppe durant l'hiuer,
pour les chauffer, des robes ou des capots pour les
auoir reueftus, des coufteaux en la place de ceux
dont ils s'eftoient feruis, coupant la tefte aux [161]
cerfs, dont ils leur auoient fait feftin: D'autres pre-
fens pour les Nations qui recherchoient noftre alli-
ance, & d'autres encor pour marque qu'ils verroient
fur nos baftions des eftendarts de paix: & qu'ils
trouueroient vne maifon d'affeurance aupres de nous.
Tous ces prefens furent acceptes de ces Barbares,
auec de grands temoignages d'affedtion en appa-
rence: mais comme ils ne voyoient point d'arque-
bufes dot ils auoient vne paffion eflrange, ils dirent
qu'on n'auoit point parle de la rupture des liens de
nos captifs, qu'ils auoient mis en liberie' ; la-deffus on
leur fait encor d'autres prefens pour auoir couppe ces
liens : mais on ne parloit point d'armes a feu, qui eftoit
le plus ardent de leurs fouhaits, cela les incita a par-
ler derechef ; ils pref entent done vn collier de porce-
laine pour nous inuiter a faire vne habitation dans
leur pais. Ils en donnent vn fecond pour feruir de
traidt, ou de rames a nos barques pour y monter ; ils
en offrent vn troifiefme au nom de la ieuneffe Hiro-
quoife, a ce que leur oncle Onontio grand Capitaine
des Francois, leur fit prefent de quelques [162] arque-
bufes, ils en tirent vn quatriefme pour marque de
paix qu'ils vouloient contradter auec les Montagnais,
auec les Algonquins, & auec les Hurons nos allies ;
ils produifent quelques peaux de caitor pour affeu-
rance qu'eltans de retour en leurs Bourgades, ils

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 53

He made one as thanks for the good cheer that had
been given to our Frenchmen in their country, — he
offered blankets, for the mats that had been spread
under them during the nights ; he gave hatchets, for
the wood that had been cut in order to warm them
in the time of winter; robes or hoods, for having
reclothed them; knives, in the place of those that
had been used in cutting off the heads of [161] deer,
of which they had made them feasts. Some other
presents were for the Nations who sought our alli-
ance, and others still, as a sign that they should see
upon our bastions the standards of peace, and that
they should find a house of security near us.

All these gifts were accepted by these Barbarians —
apparently with great evidences of affection ; but as
they saw no arquebuses, for which they have a
strange longing, they said we had not spoken of
breaking the bonds of our captives whom they had
set at liberty. Thereupon, still other presents were
made to them for having struck off these bonds ; but
as we did not mention firearms, which was the most
ardent of their wishes, that incited them to speak
again. They then presented a porcelain collar as an
invitation to us to make a settlement in their coun-
try ; they gave a second one to serve as a convey-
ance, or as oars to our barks, that we might ascend
thither ; they offered a third one in the name of the
Hiroquois youth, that their uncle Onontio, the great
Captain of the French, might present to them some
[162] arquebuses; they brought forward a fourth one
as a pledge of the peace which they wished to make
with the Montagnais, with the Algonquins, and with
the Hurons, our allies. They produced some beaver
skins, as security that on returning to their Villages

64 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.21

feroient vne affembl6e generale des perfonnes plus
confiderables de toutes les Nations Hiroquoifes, pour
publier par tout la generofite & la liberalite des Fran-
cois: Bref, ils font vn dernier prefent, pour temoi-
gner qu'ils donnoient vn coup de pied aux Hollan-
dois, auec lefquels ils ne vouloient plus auoir de
commerce, difoient-ils : Remarques, ie vous fupplie en
paflant, le procede de ces peuples, & ne me dites
plus, que les Sauuages font des beftes brutes ; affu-
rement ils ne manquent pas de bonne education:
Leur deffein efloit de faire vne paix fourree auec
nous pour fe deliurer de la peur qu'ils ont de nos
armes, & pour maflacrer, fans crainte, nos confede-
res : Nous pouuoient-ils plus nnement induire a leur
donner des armes? Se pouuoient-ils plus nnement
infinuer en noftre amitie? qu'en nous rendant nos
prifonniers, [163] nous offrant des prefens, qu'en
t6moignant qu'ils vouloient entrer en bonne intelli-
gence auec ceux que nous protegions en leur pre-
fence, qu'en nous inuitant en leur pais, nous affurans
qu'ils nous preferoient aux Hollandois, nous extol-
lans pardeffus le commun des hommes : Voila leur
conduite qui manque a la verite, du vray Efprit des
enfans de Dieu; mais non pas de 1' efprit des enfans
du fiecle. Monfieur noftre Gouuerneur plus auife,
& plus prudent que ces bonnes gens ne font rufes,
demanda l'auis du Reuered Pere Vimont, & du Pere
Ragueneau, fur le prefent fujet; mais s'eftans excu-
f6s de parler en matiere de guerre, il conclud, apres
auoir recueilly les penfees des principaux de ceux
qui l'accompagnoient, qu'il ne falloit point faire la
paix auec ces peuples, a l'exclufion de nos confede-
res; autrement, qu'onpourroit entrer dans vne guerre

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 55

they would call a general assembly of the most dis-
tinguished persons of all the Hiroquois Nations in
order to publish everywhere the generosity and the
liberality of the French ; in short, they made a last
present to declare that they would give a kick to the
Dutch, with whom they no longer wished to have
any intercourse, they said. Observe, I beseech you
by the way, the procedure of these people and no
longer tell me that the Savages are brute beasts; cer-
tainly they do not lack good training. Their design
was to make a patched-up peace with us, so as to be
free from the dread they have of our arms, and to
massacre, without fear, our confederates. Could
they more artfully induce us to give them arms?
could they more ingeniously insinuate themselves
into our friendship, than by restoring to us our pris-
oners [163] and offering to us gifts, than by indicat-
ing their willingness to be on good terms with those
whom we protect in their presence, than by inviting
us into their country, assuring us that they prefer us
to the Dutch, extolling us above the generality of
men? Such is their conduct, which lacks indeed the
true Spirit of the children of God, but not the spirit
of the children of the world. Monsieur our Govern-
or, more discreet and prudent than these simple
people are crafty, asked the advice of the Reverend
Father Vimont, and of Father Ragueneau, on the
present occasion; but, they having excused them-
selves from speaking upon a matter of war, he con-
cluded, after having gathered the opinions of the
leading men who accompanied him, that he ought
not to make peace with these people to the exclusion
of our confederates, — otherwise, we might enter into
a more dangerous war than that which we wished to

56 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 21

plus dangereufe que celle qu'on voudroit euiter : car
fi ces peuples auec lefquels nous viuons tous les iours,
& qui nous enuironnent de tous cofi£s nous atta-
quoient, comme il fe pourroit faire, fi nous les aban-
donnions; ils nous donneroient [164] bien plus de
peine que les Hiroquois. De plus, fi les Hiroquois
auoient vn libre acces dans nos ports, le commerce
des Hurons, des Algonquins, & des autres peuples qui
viennent vifiter les magazins de Meffieurs de la Nou-
uelle France, feroit entierement rompu: le dy bien
dauantage, que des a prefent le commerce fe va
perdre, fi on n'arrefte les courfes de ces Barbares:
Enfin, ny Monfieur noftre Gouuerneur, ny aucun des
Francois, ne fe pouuoient refoudre a jetter dans la
gueule de l'ennemy les nouueaux Chreftiens, qui fe
profeffent publiquement Francois: Auffi eft-il vray
que noftre bon Roy, que Dieu beniffe dans le temps,
& dans l'eternite, les regarde & les reconnoift pour
fes Sujets, dans le don qu'il a fait de ces contrees a
Meffieurs de la Nouuelle France.

Monfieur le Cheualier de Montmagny penetrant la
force de ces raifons, iugea qu'il falloit faire parler
nettement les Hiroquois; il leur fit dire, que s'ils
vouloient vne paix vniuerfelle, qu'elle leur feroit
accordee, auec vne grande fatisfaction des Francois,
& de [165] leurs confederes; & que fi le prefent qu'ils
auoient fait aux Algonquins, pour entrer en paix auec
eux, efloit fans feintife, qu'ils deliuraffent prefente-
ment l'vn des prifonniers dont ils s'eftoient nouuelle-
ment faifis, telle eftant la couftume des peuples amis
& confederes : Ils refpondirent, que le iour fuiuant
ils pafferoient le grand fieuue, pour s'en venir traiter
de cet affaire auec les Algonquins dans noftre fort,
& que nous nous retiraffions. Monfieur le Gouuer-

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 57

avoid : for if these peoples, with whom we live day
by day, and who surround us on all sides, attacked
us, as they might do, should we abandon them, they
would give us [164] much more trouble than the
Hiroquois. Moreover, if the Hiroquois had free
access to our ports, the trade of the Hurons, of the
Algonquins, and of the other tribes who come to the
warehouses of the Gentlemen of New France, would
be entirely stopped; I say still more, — that from
this very moment the trade is going to be ruined
unless the inroads of these Barbarians be prevented.
After all, neither Monsieur our Governor, nor any
of the Frenchmen, could decide on throwing into the
jaws of the enemy the new Christians who publicly
profess themselves Frenchmen : it is also true that
our good King, whom may God bless in time and in
eternity, looked upon them and recognized them as
his Subjects in the gift that he made of these regions
to the Gentlemen of New France.

Monsieur the Chevalier de Montmagny, appre-
hending the force of these reasons, judged that it
would be necessary to make the Hiroquois speak
plainly ; he gave notice to them that, if they wished
a universal peace, it would be granted to them with
great satisfaction by the French, and by [165] their
confederates ; and that, if the present which they had
made to the Algonquins for the purpose of entering
into a peace with them were without pretense, they
would immediately deliver one of the prisoners they
had recently seized, such being the custom of friend-
ly and allied nations. They replied that on the fol-
lowing day they would cross the great river, in order
to come and treat of this affair with the Algonquins
in our fort, and that we should withdraw. Monsieur
the Governor, seeing well that their design was to

58 LES RELATIONS DES JE~ SUITES [Vol.21

neur voiant bien que leur deffein eftoit de s'enfuir
dans l'obfcurite- de la nuidt, repliqua, qu'il fouhaitoit
remener auec foy vn captif Algonquin, pour le ren-
dre a fes freres allies, en temoignage de la paix qu'ils
vouloient conclure. lis firent femblant d'en vouloir
donner vn ; mais enfin ils refpondirent : qu'on fe reti-
raft, & que cet affaire eftant important, ils en con-
fereroient entr'eux pendant la nuidt: Monfieur le
Gouuerneur leur fit refpondre, qu'ils en traitaffent,
a la bonne heure; mais qu'il ne s'eloigneroit point
qu'il n'euft veu le cours de leur refolution. Comme
on parlementoit, voila fept canots Algonquins, igno-
rans de la venue de [166] l'ennemy, qui paroiffoient
au haut du grand fleuue, remplis d'hommes, & de
chaffe, & de caftors; les ieunes guerriers Hiroquois
les ayans apperceus, fe retenoient a peine, les mains
leur demangeoient, comme on dit; mais la prefence
de nos chaloupes armees, & de la barque, qui n'ayant
pu encor monter, commenca a paroiftre, tirant vers
nous auec fes voiles defployes, les arrefta, & les fit
retirer dans leur fort, auec quelques paroles de met-
tre au plutoft vn captif Algonquin en liberie. On
attend l'effet de leurs promeffes; il s'ecoule vne
bonne demie heure dans vn profond filence, puis tout
a coup on entend vn tintamarre & vn cliquetis de
haches, fi horrible & fi epouuentable, vne cheute &
vn debris de tant d'arbres, qu'il fembloit que toute la
forefi s'en alloit renuerfer; & alors on connut leur
fourbe plus que iamais. Monfieur le Gouuerneur les
voulant mettre tout a fait dans leur tort, deuant que
d'en venir aux mains, fe delibera de pafler la nuidt
fur l'eau auec fa barque & fes chaloupes, pour les
empefcher de fuir & pour les fonder encore vne fois
fur leurs penfees de la paix.

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 59

escape in the obscurity of the night, replied that he
desired to take back with him an Algonquin captive
in order to restore him to his allied brothers, as an
evidence of the peace which they wished to conclude.
They pretended a willingness to give up one; but
they finally replied that we should retire, and that,
this affair being important, they would confer upon
it among themselves during the night. Monsieur
the Governor had them told that they might treat of
it at their pleasure, but that he would not withdraw
until he had seen the course of their resolution.
While they were parleying, lo! seven Algonquin
canoes, — ignorant of the coming of [166] the enemy,
and filled with men, and game, and beavers, — ap-
peared above on the great river. The young Hiro-
quois warriors, having perceived them, with diffi-
culty restrained themselves, — their hands itched, as
one says; but the presence of our armed shallops
and of the bark — which, not having yet been able to
ascend, began to appear drawing toward us with its
sails unfurled — stopped them, and caused them to
retire into their fort with some talk of setting at
liberty, as soon as possible, an Algonquin captive.
The execution of their promises was awaited ; a full
half -hour slipped by in profound silence ; then sud-
denly was heard so horrible and frightful an uproar
and clashing of hatchets, a fall and wreck of so
many trees, that it seemed as if the whole forest
were being overthrown ; and then we were more
than ever aware of their knavery. Monsieur the
Governor, wishing to put them completely in the
wrong before coming to hostilities, decided to spend
the night on the water with his bark and shallops,
in order to prevent their flight, and to sound them
yet once more on their opinions concerning peace.

60 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

[167] CHAPITRE XL

DE LA GUERRE AUEC LES HIROQUOIS.

LE lendemain matin Monneur le Cheualier de
Montmagny, fait equiper vn canot auec vn
guidon pour inuiter les Capitaines a parler,
ils mefprifent le canot, & le guidon, & le herault, ils
nous chargent de brocards, auec des huees barbaref-
ques, il nous reprochent qu'Onontio ne leur a point
donne a manger d'arquebufes: c'eft leur facon de
parler, pour dire qu'il ne leur en a point fait prefent ;
ils arborent vne cheuelure, qu'ils auoient arrachee a
quelque Algonquin, deffus leur fort comme vn gui-
don, denotant la guerre; ils tirent des fleches fur nos
chaloupes; toutes ces infolences firent ref oudre Mon-
fieur le Gouuerneur, de leur donner a manger des
arquebufes, non a la facon qu'ils demandoient, il fit
d£charger fur leur fort, les pieces de fonte de la
barque, les pierriers des chaloupes & toute la [168]
mouf queterie : tout cela fe fit auec vne telle ardeur
des Francois, & auec vn tel redoublement, qu'encor
bien que l'ennemy par vne rufe qu'on n'attenderoit pas
des Sauuages, fe fut mis en feurete ; neantmoins il
prit vne telle 6pouuante, qu'auffi-tofl qu'il fe vit cou-
uert des tenebres de la nuidt, il emporte fes canots
au trauers du bois, pour s'aller embarquer vn quart
de lieue plus haut que nous, & fe fauuer de nos
mains; eftant decouuert on le voulut fuiure, les cha-
loupes rament de toutes leurs forces : mais le vent &

1641 - 42] RELA TION OF 1640 - 41 61

[167] CHAPTER XL

OF THE WAR WITH THE HIROQUOIS.

THE next morning, Monsieur the Chevalier de
Montmagny had a canoe equipped with a flag,
in order to invite the Captains to a parley ; they
despised the canoe, the flag, and the herald. They
assailed us with jeers and barbaric yells; they re-
proached us that Onontio had not given them arque-
buses to eat — this is their way of speaking, to say
that he did not make them a present of these ; they
erected above their fort, as a flag denoting war, a
scalp which they had taken from some Algonquin;
they shot arrows at our shallops. All these acts of
insolence made Monsieur the Governor resolve to
give them arquebuses to eat, but not in the way that
they asked : he ordered to be discharged upon their
fort the brass pieces of the bark, the swivel guns of
the shallops, and all the [168] musketry; all this was
done by the French with such ardor, and so repeat-
edly, that although the enemy, by a stratagem that
would not be expected from the Savages, indeed put
themselves in safety, they nevertheless took such
fright that, as soon as they were shielded by the
darkness of the night, they carried their canoes
through the woods, that they might embark a quar-
ter of a league further above us and escape from our
hands. When this was discovered, we resolved to
pursue them ; the shallops were rowed with all force,
but the adverse wind and tide hindered them. Some

62 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

la mar£e contraires les arrefterent ; quelques canots
Algonquins leur voulurent donner la chaffe, comme
ils eftoient en petit nombre, a comparaifon des Hiro-
quois, Monfieur le Gouuerneur les rappella : vn ieune
homme Algonquin, qui eftoit depuis deux ans par-
my les Hiroquois s'eftant fauue dans cette retraite,
nous rapporta que ces Barbares auoient eu peur de
nos canons, que fi on les eut peu aborder qu'on
les auroit defaits, c'eft a dire qu'on les auroit mis en
fuite dans les bois; car d'en tuer beaucoup, c'eft ce
que les Francois ne doiuent pas pretendre, dautant
[169] qu'ils courent comme des cerfs, ils fautent
comme des daims; ils connoiffent mieux les eftres
de ces grandes & 6pouuantables forefts que les beftes
fauuages, qui les ont pour demeure, les Francois
n'oferent s'engager aifement dans ces grands bois.

Apres leur retraite on reconnut leur rufe & leur
adreffe plus que iamais, ils auoient vn fort afles
proche des riues du grand fleuue; d'oii ils nous par-
loient; ils en auoient vn autre fecret plus eloigne
dans les bois; mais fi bien fait & fi bien muny, qu'il
eftoit a l'epreuue de toutes nos batteries. Or fe dou-
tant bien que nous en pourrions venir aux mains,
dans la refolution qu'ils auoient, de continuer la guerre
auec les Sauuages nos allies, ils mirent pendant la
nuidt leurs canots en fauuete ; ils tranfporterent dans
leur fecond fort tout leur bagage, ou ils fe retirerent
eux-mefmes en cachettes, & arm que nous penfaffions
qu'ils eftoient dans le premier, contre lequel nous
tirions, n'ayans pas connoiffance du fecond; ils y
tenoient toufiours du feu allume, ils y laifferent aulii
leurs arquebufiers, [170] lef quels apres auoir tire" quel-
ques coups, en fortirent pour nous choifir de plus

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 63

Algonquin canoes attempted to give them chase ; but,
as they were few in number compared with the Hir-
oquois, Monsieur the Governor called them back.
A young Algonquin, who had been for two years
among the Hiroquois, and who escaped in this retreat,
reported to us that these Barbarians were afraid of
our cannon, and that if we had been able to approach
them they would have been defeated, — that is to say,
we should have put them to flight in the woods ; for,
as to killing many of them, that is something to
which the French cannot pretend, inasmuch [169] as
they run like deer, they bound like harts, and they
know better the ways of these vast and dreadful for-
ests than do the wild beasts, whose dwelling they
are ; the French did not lightly venture to entangle
themselves in these dense woods.

After their retreat we saw, more than ever, their
cunning and ability ; they had a fort rather near the
shore of the great river, from which they spoke to
us; they had another, hidden further within the
woods, but so well constructed and so well supplied
that it was proof against all our resources. Now,
mistrusting that we might come to hostilities with
them, on account of the resolution they had made to
continue war with our Savage allies, during the
night they put their canoes in safety; they trans-
ported all their baggage to their second fort, to which
they themselves secretly retired; and, to the end
that we should believe them to be in the first one at
which we were firing, having no knowledge of the
second, they kept therein a fire continually burning.
They left there also their arquebusiers, [170] who,
after having fired some shots, came out to take closer
aim at us, skulking behind trees and shooting very

64 LES RELA TIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 21

pres, fe cachans d'arbres en arbres, tirans fort adroite-
ment; ils dechargeoient toute leur fureur fur la
barque, fcachans que Monfieur le Gouuerneur eftoit
dedans ; & en effet, fi elle n'euft efte bien pauoifee, ils
auroient bleff e & tue plufieurs de nos hommes ; vne
£pee Frangoife paroiffant au deffus des pauois, fut
emportee d'vn coup d'arquebuze, plufieurs cordages
couppes, & les pauois tous remplis de bales. Ils
firent leur retraite dans vne bonne conduite ; car ils
enchargerent a leurs arquebufiers de combatre vail-
lamment, comme ils firent, pendant qu'ils tranfporte-
rent a trauers des marais & des bois, leur bagage &
leurs canots, pour n'eftre point apperceus. La nuidt
venue ils 6uaderent, comme i'ay remarque cy-deflus :
Voila comme la guerre, auec ces peuples, s'eft decla-
red plus que iamais ; mais voions ce qui f uit.

Ils efhoient partis cinq cens bons guerriers de leur
pais, comme i'ay defia dit, vne trouppe s'en eftoit
allee au deuant des Hurons, pour leur dreffer des
embufches, [171] & les attendre comme on attend
vne belle a la fue ; eftans aux aguets, ils apperceurent
deux canots qui nous amenoient le Pere de Brebeuf ,
& quelques Francois ; mais les ayans decouuerts vn
peu tard, dans vn lieu ou ils fe pourroient fauuer a
force de rames, ils les laifferent paffer fans leur donner
la chaffe, ny fans fe decouurir: Ce fut vn grand trait
de la bonte, & de la prouidence de noftre Seigneur
enuers le Pere, & enuers ceux qui l'accompagnoient:
car cinq autres canots de Hurons, venans vn peu
apres, furent attaques de ces voleurs, qui en maffa-
crerent quelques-vns, d'autres fe fauuerent, d'autres
tomberent tous vifs entre leurs mains, pour eitre le
ioiiet des flammes & de leur rage, & la pafture de

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 65

skillfully. They let loose their whole fury upon our
bark, knowing that Monsieur the Governor was there-
in ; and truly, if it had not been well shielded, they
would have wounded and killed several of our men, —
a French sword, being visible above the screens,
was carried away by an arquebus shot, many ropes
were cut, and all the screens were filled with balls.
They effected their retreat with good management,
for they had charged their arquebusiers to fight val-
iantly, as they did, so that they might not be per-
ceived while they carried across marshes and woods
their baggage and their canoes. When night came
they made their escape, as I remarked above. Thus
the war with these tribes has broken out more fierce-
ly than ever; but let us see what followed.

They had set out from their own country five hun-
dred warriors strong, as I have already said; one
band had gone to meet the Hurons, in order to set
ambushes for them, [171] and to await them as one
awaits a wild beast in its flight. While these were
on the watch, they perceived two canoes which were
bringing to us Father de Brebeuf and some French-
men, but having descried them rather late, in a place
where it was possible to escape by vigorous pad-
dling, they let them go on without pursuing them or
revealing themselves. It was a great proof of the
goodness and of the providence of our Lord towards
the Father, and towards those who accompanied him ;
for five other canoes filled with Hurons, coming
shortly after, were attacked by these robbers, who
massacred some of them; others escaped, and others
fell alive into their hands, to be the sport of flames
and of their rage, and to be the food of their wretched
stomachs. Such is the funeral and such the tomb

66 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

leurs malheureux eftomachs: Voila les funerailles,
& le fepulchre que nous attendons, fi iamais nous ve-
nons a tomber entre les griffes de ces tigres, & dans
la fureur de ces Demons.

L'vn de ceux qui fe fauuerent de cette embufcade,
tira droit aux Trois Riuieres, les autres remonterent
vers les Hurons, pour auertir ceux qui defcendoient,
du danger ou ils s'eftoient perdus. Quelque [172]
temps apres cette defaite, le Pere Paul Ragueneau,
& le Pere Rene Menard, remontans au pais des Hu-
rons, conduits par quelques canots, firent rencontre
de huidt ou dix Sauuages, qui leur dirent, que c'eftoit
fait de leur vie s'ils paff oient outre ; que l'ennemy
ne s'eftoit pas encor retire. A cette nouuelle inopi-
nee, ces canots retournent aux Trois Riuieres, pour
demander fecours aux Algonquins ; ceux-cy les ex-
hortent de donner iufques a Kebec, pour obtenir
quelques armes du fort, & quelque affiftance des Sau-
uages Chreftiens de Saindt Iofeph, promettans de fe
ioindre a cette efcorte. Le Pere de Brebeuf, le Pere
Ragueneau, & le bon Charles Sondatfaa fe chargent
de cette commiffion, ils viennent voir Monfieur le
Gouuerneur, qui fit embarq[u]er quelques foldats bien
armes, & bien refolus, les recommandans aux nou-
ueaux Chreftiens de Sain<5t Iofeph, qui armerent
huidt canots de leur part, pour ce mefme deffein.
Comme ils eftoient prefts de partir, arriuent deux
Sauuages, du pais des Abnaquiois, qui difent pour
nouuelles, que tout le pais des Hiroquois ne refpire
que la [173] guerre. Que les Anglois ont quitte l'ha-
bitation qu'ils auoient a Quinibequi ; qu'vn nomine"
Makheabichtichib', dont i'ay parle cy-deffus, auoit
efte miferablement maffacre en leur pais, par vn

1641 - 42] RE LA TION OF 1640 - 41 67

that awaits us, if ever we happen to die by the claws
of these tigers, and the fury of these Demons.

One of those who had escaped from this ambuscade
went at once to the Three Rivers, the others ascended
towards the country of the Hurons, to warn those
who were coming down of the danger by which they
might be lost. Some [172] time after this defeat,
Father Paul Ragueneau and Father Rene Menard,
while reascending to the country of the Hurons,
escorted by some canoes, met eight or ten Savages
who told them that their lives would be lost if they
went further, as the enemy had not yet withdrawn.
At this unexpected news, these canoes returned to
the Three Rivers for the purpose of asking assistance
from the Algonquins ; these last exhorted them to go
as far as Kebec in order to procure arms from the
fort, and aid from the Christian Savages of Saint
Joseph, — promising themselves to meet that escort.
Father de Brebeuf, Father Ragueneau, and the good
Charles Sondatsaa undertook this commission ; they
came to Monsieur the Governor, who shipped some
well-armed and very resolute soldiers, commending
them to the new Christians of Saint Joseph, who on
their part armed eight canoes for the same purpose.
When they were ready to set out, two Savages arrived
from the country of the Abnaquiois, who told as news
that the whole country of the Hiroquois breathed
only [173] war; that the English had abandoned
the settlement they had made at Quinibequi; and
that a man named Makheabichtichiou, of whom I
have spoken above, had been wretchedly slain in
their own country, by an Abnaquiois nearer to the sea.
They said that this deed was done in drunkenness ;
that all his Countrymen had strongly disapproved of

68 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

Abnaquiois plus voifm de la mer : que ce coup s'eftoit
fait dans l'yurognerie, que tous fes Compatriotes l'a-
uoient fort improuue\ & qu'ils eftoient enuoies pour
fatisfaire aux parens & aux allies, & a toute la Nation
du defundt; Or comme fes parens eftoient pour la
plufpart aux Trois Riuieres, ces deux Abnaquiois
s'embarquerent auec la flotte, pour les aller trouuer;
le bruit de leur venue aiant defia couru, nos guer-
riers, qui auoient receu dans leurs canots ces deux
Ambaffadeurs, furent affes mal receus des Algon-
quins.

On leur dit d'abord, que ces Algonquins fe vou-
loient faifir des Abnaquiois, pour les mettre a mort,
contre le droidt de toutes les Nations ; car ils venoient
pour traiter de la paix. lean Baptifte EtinechKatfat,
& Noel Negabamat, qui font les deux principaux
Chefs de Sain<5t Iofeph, voians que les Algonquins
fe tenoient preffes, & que quelques-vns d'eux eftoient
[174] armes, commandent a ceux qui les fuiuoient,
de faire alte, & de charger leurs arquebufes a balle :
La-deffus, vn ieune Algonquin s'auance le coufteau
en la main pour le jetter fur l'vn des Abnaquiois;
mais celui-cy faifant vne demarche en arriere, luy
prefente le bout de fon arquebufe : Les Algonquins
s'6crient, que c'eft vne feinte, que leur couftume eft
d'6pouuanter ceux qui apportent nouuelle de la mort
de quelqu'vn de leur Nation, quoy qu'ils viennent
comme Delegues & comme Mediateurs de la paix.

A ces paroles chacun s'arrefte, on fe vifite, quoy
qu'afles froidement, les Abnaquiois traitent leur
affaire, & vn Capitaine Algonquin, proche parent de
l'vn de nos Chreftiens de Sainct Iofeph, l'abordant,
& le faliiant, luy dit: Mon nepueu, ie fuis bien aife

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 69

it, and that they had been sent to give satisfaction to
the parents and to the relatives and to the whole
Nation of the deceased. Now, as his relatives were
for the most part at the Three Rivers, these two
Abnaquiois had embarked with the fleet to go to them ;
the report of their arrival having already spread,
our warriors, who had taken into their own canoes
these two Ambassadors, met a rather unfriendly
reception from the Algonquins.

They were told at first, that these Algonquins
were inclined to seize the Abnaquiois, that they
might put them to death, contrary to the law of all
Nations ; for they came to treat of peace. Jean Bap-
tiste Etinechkawat and Noel Negabamat, who are
the two principal Chiefs of Saint Joseph, seeing that
the Algonquins were crowding together, and that
some were [174] armed, commanded those who were
following them to make a halt and to load their
arquebuses with balls. At these words, a young
Algonquin advanced, knife in hand, to thrust it at
one of the Abnaquiois, but this last, taking a step
backward, presented to him the muzzle of his arque-
bus. The Algonquins exclaimed that it was a
feint, — that their custom is to terrify those who
bring news of the death of any one of their Nation,
even though they come as Delegates and as Media-
tors of peace.

At these words, each one stood still ; they looked,
although rather coldly, on the Abnaquiois discussing
their affair; and an Algonquin Captain, a near rela-
tive of one of our Saint Joseph Christians, approach-
ing and addressing him, said: " My nephew, I am
very glad at thy coming." " And I," said this young
Christian, " was much astonished, on landing at the

70

LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 21

de ta venue: Et moy, fit ce ieune Chreftien, ie me
fuis trouue bien eftonne a Vabord des Trois Riuieres,
voyant qu'on mettoit la main aux armes. Quoy
done, faifois je a part moy, fommes nous defia arri-
u6s au pais de l'ennemy? Ouand ie fuis party de
Sainct Iofeph, ie difois dans mon coeur, ie trouueray
mes [175] parens aux Trois Riuieres, ie feray bien
confole de les voir, & auffi-tofl que i'ay mis pied a
terre, i'ay rencontre le pais des Hiroquois; car on
nous a commande de charger a balle : Y as-tu char-
ge, luy dit fon oncle? ouy, refpond-il, i'ay mis deux
balles dans mon arquebufe. Aurois-tu tire" fur tes
parens? i'aurois obei a nos Capitaines, & tire a tort
& a trauers ; Ie fuis du party de ceux qui croyent en
Dieu. Ces refponfes me font dautant plus voir la
force de la foy, que les Sauuages font etroitement
lies a leurs parens : mais Iefus-Chrift eft venu rom-
pre ce lien. Vent feparare homincm aduerfus patron
/num.

Ce tumulte eftant appaife, le fieur de Chanfiour fit
appeller les principaux Sauuages, Montagnais, &
Algonquins, il leur fit demander quand ils partiroient
pour efcorter les Hurons. Les Algonquins firent
figne a lean Baptifte EtinechKaHat Capitaine Monta-
gnais, que e'eftoit a luy a parler, fa harangue ne com-
prit qu'vn feul mot: Ie fuis Francois, dit-il, ie n'ay
rien a dire dauantage, ce mot en valloit dix-mille, il
vouloit dire qu'il eftoit Chreftien, & Francois tout
enfemble, [176] qu'il eftoit preft d'obeir aux volon-
t6s de celuy qui commandoit aux Francois, & que
dans vne affaire fi preffe, il n'eftoit pas queflion de
long difcours, mais de marcher fans delay.

L'Apoftat tfmafatiKeie prit la parole, dit mille

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 71

Three Rivers, to see that arms had been seized.
' Indeed,' said I to myself, ' have we already arrived
in the country of the enemy ? ' When I left Saint
Joseph, I said in my heart, ' I shall find my [175]
relatives at the Three Rivers, — I shall surely be con-
soled by seeing them ; ' but as soon as I had set foot
on land I found the country of the Hiroquois, for we
were commanded to load with balls." " Didst thou
load?" said his uncle to him. "Yes," responded
he, " I put two balls into my arquebus." " Wouldst
thou have fired on thy relatives ? ' "I would have
obeyed our Captains, and fired right and left: I am
on the side of those who believe in God." These
responses made me see the strength of faith so much
the more as these Savages are closely bound to their
relatives: but Jesus Christ came to break this bond.
Veni separare hominem adversus patrem suum.

When this tumult was appeased, the sieur de Chan-
flour ordered the chief Montagnais and Algonquin
Savages to be called, and to be asked when they
would set out to escort the Hurons. The Algon-
quins made a sign to Jean Baptiste Etinechkawat, a
Montagnais Captain, that this was for him to say;
his speech was comprised in a single word, — " I am
a Frenchman," said he, " I have nothing more to
say. ' ' This word was worth ten thousand ; he meant
that he was a Christian and a Frenchman at the same
time, [176] that he was ready to obey the will of him
who commanded the French, and that, in so urgent
an affair, it was not a question of much speaking, but
of marching without delay.

The Apostate Oumasatikeie began to speak with a
thousand impertinences ; at last he came to the con-
clusion that the enemy had departed, and conse-

72 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

impertinences/ Enfin, il conclud que 1'ennemy eftoit
party, & par confequent qu'il n'eftoit pas befoin de
faire efcorter les Hurons.

Charles Sondatfaa Huron, harangue la deffus puif-
famment, reprefente le danger, preffe les Algonquins ;
mais il parla a des oreilles fermees, qui fortirent de
l'affemblee, fi toft qu'ils eurent tire leur coup; il
s'agit done maintenant de voir fi les huidt canots de
Chreftiens qui portoient quelques foldats Francois,
pafferoient outre auec les Hurons. Leur petit nom-
bre, a comparaifon de l'ennemy, eftoit pour les
epouuanter, on demande aux foldats Francois, fi fe
voyans deftitues du fecours des Algonquins, ils vou-
droient bien marcher plus auant: ils refpondent auec
vne conftance vraiement genereufe, que Monfieur le
Gouuerneur leur ayant commande d'accompagner les
[177] Sauuages Chreftiens de Saincft Iofeph, qu'ils
ne les quitteront iamais pour aucun danger ; la foy a
ie ne fgay quel lien, qui vnit les cceurs, les foldats au
retour dirent tout plain de bien de nos Neophytes,
& nos Neophytes ne fe pouuoient affes loiier des
foldats. Voila done nos foldats Fracois prefts de
s'embarquer, fi ces huict canots de Chreftiens veulent
marcher: On leur demande, quelle eftoit leur pen-
f£e; ils refpondent, que ce n'eit pas a eux d'en deter-
miner, qu'ils eftoient tous difpofes; de receuoir l'or-
dre & le commandement des Francois: cela mit en
peine le fieur de Chanfiour & tous ceux qui eftoient
prefens; pas vn n'opina iamais, qu'il leur falluft
commander ce voiage, perfonne ne voulant expofer
ces bons Neophytes dans les grands dangers qu'on
apprehendoit ; Ce petit nombre de Chreftiens, difoit
quelqu'vn, eft comme le leuain, qui doit faire leuer

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 73

quently that there was no need of giving an escort
to the Hurons.

Charles Sondatsaa, a Huron, thereupon vigorously-
harangued, — he pictured the danger and urged the
Algonquins ; but he spoke to those who had closed
ears, and who rushed from the assembly as soon as
they had inflicted their blow. The question now
was, to see if the Christians in these eight canoes,
which also bore a few French soldiers, would go on
with the Hurons ; their small number in comparison
with the enemy was enough to terrify them. The
French soldiers were asked if, seeing themselves
destitute of help from the Algonquins, they were
willing to go on further ; they answered with a truly
generous firmness that, Monsieur the Governor hav-
ing commanded them to accompany the [177] Chris-
tian Savages of Saint Joseph, they would never aban-
don them on account of any danger. Faith has an
indescribable bond which unites hearts. The sol-
diers, on their return, spoke in the highest terms of
our Neophytes, and our Neophytes could not suffi-
ciently praise the soldiers. Here then were our
French soldiers ready to embark, if the Christians
in these eight canoes wished to go on. They were
asked what their opinion was ; they answered that it
was not for them to decide it, that they were wholly
disposed to receive the orders and commands of the
French. This troubled the sieur de Chanflour, and
all those who were present; not even one voted that
they ought to command this voyage, no person was
willing to expose these good Neophytes to the great
dangers that were dreaded. " This small number
of Christians," said someone, "is like the yeast
which ought to leaven the whole mass of Christianity

74 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

toute la maffe du Chriftianifme en ces contrees; s'il
eft defait, les Infideles fe rendront plus difficiles que
iamais, & nous accuferont d'auoir jette a la mort ceux
qui ontreceu noftre creance. Sur ces difficulties, les
pauures [178] Hurons fe voyans abandonnes de tout
fecours, eftoient bien en peine, & nous auffi bien
qu'eux ; car le Pere Paul Ragueneau, & le Pere Rene
Menart, les deuoient accompagner.

Enfin, noftre Seigneur nousconfola; car au mefme
temps qu'on vouloit partir, arriue vn canot de
Huron, qui nous apprend, que l'ennemy s'eftoit reti-
re: Si bien que les Peres font paffes, auec le bon
Charles Sondatfaa & les autres Hurons, fans autre
mal que les grandes fatigues d'vn chemin tres-affreux.

Quelque temps apres leur depart, arriuerent quel-
ques autres canots de Hurons, qui calomnierent puif-
famment le pauure Pere de Brebeuf; ils difoient,
qu'ayant rencontre vn Huron fauue des mains de
l'ennemy, ils auoient appris de luy ce que ie vais
raconter. Eftant entre les mains des Hiroquois,
difoit ce prifonnier echappe\ l'vn d'eux m'a tenu ce
difcours: Nous auons connoiffance, & bonne intel-
ligence auec les Francois veftus de noir, qui font en
voftre pais, & notamment auec vn certain que vous
nommes Echon, c'eft ainfi qu'ils appellent le Pere
lean de Brebeuf; [179] cet homme a paffe l'hyuer
dans la Nation neutre, oil il a eu communication auec
les Hiroquois nos confederes, il s'eit lie auec eux &
auec nous, pour vous perdre: Courage, leur difoit-il,
nous fommes entr£s dans le pais des Hurons pour
les exterminer; nous en auons defia fait mourir
grand nombre par nos prieres ; comme par de puif-
f ans charmes ; mais nous n ' auons pti les confommer

1641 -42J RELATION OF 1640-41 75

in these regions ; if they are defeated, the Unbeliev-
ers will become more troublesome than ever, and
will accuse us of having forced to their death those
who have received our belief. " On account of these
objections, the poor [178] Hurons, seeing themselves
abandoned by all aid, were much distressed, and we
as well as they; for Father Paul Ragueneau and
Father Rene Menart were to accompany them.

At length, our Lord consoled us ; for, at the very
time they had resolved to set out, a Huron canoe
arrived, and we learned that the enemy had retired ;
so that the Fathers went on with the good Charles
Sondatsaa and the other Hurons without any other
discomfort than the great fatigues of a most fright-
ful road.

A short time after their departure, some other
canoes arrived, bearing Hurons, who greatly slan-
dered poor Father de Brebeuf ; they said that, hav-
ing met a Huron who had escaped from the hands of
the enemy, they had learned from him what I am
going to relate. ' ' Being in the hands of the Hiro-
quois," said this escaped prisoner, "one of them
spoke to me in this wise : ' We have an acquaintance
and a good understanding with the black-robed
Frenchmen who are in your country, and especially
with a certain man whom you call Echon,' " — it is
thus tb ey name Father Jean de Brebeuf ; [ 1 79] ' ' ' this
man spent the winter among the neutral Nation,
where he had communication with the Hiroquois,
our confederates ; he combined with them and with
us that he might ruin you. " Take courage," said
he to them ; "we entered into the country of the
Hurons in order to exterminate them; we have al-
ready caused a great number of them to die by our

76 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

entierement, il faut que vous les acheuies par vos
guerres, & par vos furprifes; quand ils feront tout a
fait detruits, nous irons demeurer auec vous en voftre
pais. Nos confeder6s nous aians donne" aduis de tout
cecy, nous vous fommes venus dreffer des embufches,
nous auons reconnu Echon, nous l'auons vifite pen-
dant la nuidt, il nous a fait des prefens, nous l'auons
laiffe" paffer, il nous a auerty des canots qui le
fuiuoient ; & voila comment vous eftes tomb6s entre
nos mains, difoient les Hiroquois a ce prifonnier, au
rapport de ces calomniateurs, qui controuuoient ces
impoftures, pour nous perdre. Saindt Paul a bien
raifon de dire, que, Si in hac vita tantiim in Chrijlo
/per antes [180] Jumus, miferabiliores Junius omnibus ho-
minibus: Si nous n'attendons rien en l'autre vie, nous
fommes plus miferables que le refte des hommes:
Car ceux pour qui nous donnons nos vies dans des
trauaux immenfes, nous procurent la mort par des
voyes les plus iniques du monde.

Auant que de conclure ce chapitre il faut que ie
remarque vn traidt de generofrte de nos Chreftiens
de Saindt Iofeph, pendant le fejour qu'ils ont fait aux
Trois Riuieres; leur Capitaine aiant dit en pleine
ailembl£e, qu'il eftoit Francois, puis qu'il auoit
embraff6 leur creance: Vn certain Infidele, homme
impudent, luy voulut faire vn affront, & a tous fes
gens; fe promenant a l'entour de fa cabane, luy cria
tout haut: Va-t'en done, Francois, va-t'en, a la bonne
heure, en ton pais, embarque toy dans les Nauires,
puis que tu es Francois, paffe la mer, & t'en va en
ta patrie, il y a trop long-temps que tu nous fais icy
mourir. Ce Capitaine me vint trouuer tout fur l'heure,
fans rien repartir: Mon cceur veut eftre mef chant,

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 77

prayers, as by powerful charms; but we have not
been able to destroy them entirely. You must give
the finishing stroke to them, by your wars and by
your sudden attacks; when they shall be wholly
destroyed, we will dwell with you in your country."
When our confederates had informed us of all this,
we came to lie in ambush for you. We recognized
Echon, and visited him at night; he made us pres-
ents, and we let him go away. He apprised us of
the canoes which were following him, and thus you
have fallen into our hands,' ' said the Hiroquois to
this prisoner, according to the report of the calumni-
ators who contrived these impostures in order to
ruin us. Saint Paul was quite right in saying that,
Si in hac vita tantkm in Christo sper antes [180] sumus,
miserabiliores sumus omnibus hominibus. If we expect
nothing in the other life, we are more miserable than
the rest of men ; for those to whom we give our lives
in these immense labors, procure our death by the
most iniquitous means in the world.

Before concluding this chapter, I must notice an
act of magnanimity in our Christians of Saint Joseph,
during the sojourn they made at the Three Rivers;
their Captain having said in open assembly that he
was a Frenchman, since he had embraced their be-
lief, a certain Unbeliever — an impudent man, wish-
ing to affront him and all his people — walked around
his cabin, and cried aloud to him: " Go then, thou
Frenchman, that is right, go away into thine own
country. Embark in the Ships, since thou art a
Frenchman ; cross the sea, and go to thine own land ;
thou hast for too long a time caused us to die here."
This Captain came to me immediately, without reply-
ing a word. " My heart wishes to be wicked," said

78

LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.21

difoit-il, maisie ne luy obeiray pas; fi ie n'auois [181]
quitte mes anciennes facons de faire, i'abatrois bien
l'orgueil de c£t impudent; mais puis qu'il ne faut
pas eftre Chreftien a demy, ie ne luy diray mot, ie ne
luy feray aucun mal ; ie fcay bien qu'ils difent que
ie n'ay point d'efprit d'auoir embraffe la foy, ils
m'accufent de les faire mourir, pource que ie les ay
inuites de fe faire inftruire; leurs calomnies m'au-
roit troubl6 en autre temps: mais puis que i'ay donn6
ma parole a Dieu, ie veux faire tout ce qui m'eft com-
mande1, ie ne leur feray aucun reproche ; ce qui me
feroit bien facile, non feulement pource que leur vie
n'eit pas meilleure que la noftre, mais pource que ie
n'ay iamais receu aucun de leurs prefens, quoyque
nous leur en aions fait par plufieurs fois. La grace
a d'eftranges effets; auffi eft-il vray, que le Dieu
qui la donne, eft vn Dieu tout-puiffant.

1641 - 42] RELA TION OF 1640 -41 79

he, " but I shall not obey it; if I had not [181] given
up my old habits, I would certainly lower the pride
of that impudent man ; but since one must not be a
halfway Christian, I will say no word to him, I will
do him no harm. I know well that they say I have
no sense, because I have embraced the faith; they
accuse me of causing their death since I have begged
them to be instructed. Their calumnies would have
troubled me, formerly ; but, as I have given my word
to God, I intend to do all that is commanded me. I
will not cast at them any reproach, which would be
very easy for me to do, — not only because their life
is no better than ours, but because I have never
received any of their presents, although we have
several times made presents to them." Grace has
strange effects ; it is also true that the God who gives
it is an all-powerful God.

80 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.21

[182] CHAPITRE XII.
d'vne mission faicte a tadoussac.

ENCOR que les Sauuages de Tadouffac foient
quad les premiers que nos vaiffeaux rencon-
trent, ft eft-ce qu'on ne leur a porte les bonnes
nouuelles de l'Euangile qu'apres plufieurs autres, &
encor faut-il confeffer que ce n'eft pas nous qui les
auons attires; mais nos Neophytes, ou nouueaux
Chreitiens de la Refidence de Saindt Iofeph. Comme
ils fe font vifites de part & d'autre, & qu'ils ont veu
que les principaux Sauuages de cette Refidence,
faifoient profeffion publique de la foy, ils s'en font
mocqu^s au commencement: mais enfin, le bon ex-
emple & le bon difcours de leurs Compatriotes, leur
ont fait aimer ce qu'ils haiTfoient, & rechercher ce
qu'ils abhorroient. L'an paffe nos Neophytes, com-
me i'ay remarque, les allerent inuiter par vn beau
prefent, de venir demeurer auec eux a Saindt Iofeph,
[183] pour entendre parler des biens de l'autre vie;
Ils refpondirent par vn autre prefent, qu'ils n'eltoient
point allienes de la foy; mais qu'ils defiroient qu'on
les vint inftruire en leur pais : En effet, ils delegue-
rent Charles MeiachkaSat, qui n'eftoit pas encor bap-
tife, pour venir querir vn Pere de noftre Compagnie,
& l'emmenerent a Tadouffac, oil quelques Sauuages
des peuples du Sagne, fe deuoient auffi trouuer;
comme le Pere qu'ils demandoient eitoit occupe
ailleurs, on leur promit qu'on ne manqueroit pas de
les fecourir au Printemps.

1641 - 42] RELA TION OF 1640 -41 81

[182] CHAPTER XII.

OF A MISSION HELD AT TADOUSSAC.

ALTHOUGH the Savages of Tadoussac are al-
most the first ones that our vessels meet, yet
the good news of the Gospel was carried to
them only after it had been taken to many others ;
and still it must be confessed that it was not we who
won them, but our Neophytes, or new Christians of
the Residence of Saint Joseph. When they visited
one another on both sides, and saw that the chief
Savages of this Residence made public profession of
the faith, they derided them in the beginning; but,
at length, the good example and the good conversa-
tion of their Tribesmen made them love that which
they had hated, and seek that which they had ab-
horred. Last year our Neophytes, as I have observed,
went to invite them by means of a fine present to
come and dwell with them at Saint Joseph, [183] that
they might hear of the blessings of the other life.
They answered by another present that they were
not estranged from the faith, but desired that some
one should come and instruct them in their own
country. Indeed, they appointed Charles Meiach-
kawat, who was not yet baptized, to come for a Father
of our Society, and conduct him to Tadoussac, where
would also be found some Savages of the tribes from
the Sagne ; as the Father for whom they asked was
occupied elsewhere, they were promised that we
would not fail to assist them in the Spring.

82 LES RELATIONS DES j£~ SUITES [Vol.21

Le douziefme de May, le Capitaine de Tadouffac
vint fommer noftre Reuerend Pere Superieur de fa
promeffe, le Pere luy accorda tres-volontiers celuy
de noftre Compagnie qu'il demandoit: fi toft que nos
Chreftiens de Saindt Iofeph eurent connoiffance de
ce voyage, ils vindrent trouuer le Pere, le fuppliant
de parler a Tadouffac, c'efl a dire, de faire des pre-
fens pour attirer a Saindt Iofeph le reliqua de ces
pauures peuples. Prie Monfieur noftre Capitaine,
luy difoient-ils, qu'il parle auffi, peut-eftre qu'ils
refpedteront [184] fa parole, s'ils viennent demeurer
auec nous, nous parlerons de noftre cofte, c'eft a
dire, nous leur ferons des prefens pour applanir la
terre, fur laquelle ils placeront leurs cabanes, ou
leurs maifons. Monfieur le Gouuerneur voiant que
ce deffein tendoit a la gloire de noftre Seigneur, fit
fon prefent auec lequel nous ioignifmes le noftre,
pour les offrir felon l'inftrudtion que nos Neophytes
nous auoient donnee; car ils nous informerent par le
menu, comme il falloit parler. Cela fait, le Pere
monte dans vne barque, qui defcendoit a Tadouffac,
les vents contraires le retarderent affes long temps
en chemin, mais ecoutons-le parler de fon voyage.

Le Mercredy veille du tres-Saindt Sacrement, vn
canot de Sauuages nous vint aborder, comme ie vy que
les vents, qui fembloient vouloir faire quelque treue
auec nous, recommencoient leur guerre, ie m'em-
barquay auec eux, promettant a nos Francois, que ie
leur viendrois dire la faincte Meffe le iour fuiuant,
fi le temps le permettoit; les Sauuages m'emmene-
rent en vn lieu oil il n'y auoit ny terre ny [185] bois;
c'eftoit fur des roches, ou ils auroient paff6 la nuidt
fans autre couuerture que le ciel, fi ie ne me fuffe

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 83

On the twelfth of May, the Captain of Tadoussac
came to our Reverend Father Superior to claim the
fulfillment of his promise ; the Father most willingly
granted him the one of our Society for whom he
asked. As soon as our Saint Joseph Christians were
aware of this voyage, they came to the Father im-
ploring him to speak to Tadoussac, — that is to say,
to make presents in order to draw to Saint Joseph
the remains of these poor tribes. " Beg Monsieur
our Captain," said they to him, "to speak also, —
perhaps they will respect [184] his word; if they
come to dwell with us, we will speak on our own
part," — that is to say, " we will make them pres-
ents,"— "that they may clear up the ground on
which they shall place their cabins or their houses."
Monsieur the Governor, seeing that this plan tended
to the glory of our Lord, made his present, with
which we joined our own, that we might offer them
according to the instructions given us by our Neo-
phytes, for they informed us minutely how we should
speak. This done, the Father entered a bark which
was going down to Tadoussac, and contrary winds
detained him for some time on the way ; but let us
hear him speak of his voyage.

" On Wednesday, the eve of the most Holy Sacra-
ment, the Savages came in a canoe to meet us ; as I
saw that the winds, which had seemed inclined to
make a truce with us, were recommencing their war,
I set out with them, promising our Frenchmen that
I would come to say holy Mass for them on the fol-
lowing day, if the weather permitted. The Savages
conducted me to a place where there was neither
soil nor [185] tree; it was on the rocks, where they
would have passed the night with no other covering

84 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

trouue auec eux ; ie les excite incontinent a chercher
quelque mef chant lieu pour nous cabaner ; en ayant
fait rencontre, ils jettent leurs ecorces fur cinq ou fix
perches : & bien leur en prit, & a moy aufii, dit le
Pere ; car nous fufmes battus toute la nuidt du vent
& de la plui'e,

Le lendemain ne pouuant aborder la barque, ie
paffay la grande fefte de noftre Seigneur dans cette
maifon tres-pauure des biens de la terre, mais riche-
ment pourueue des biens du ciel : La meilleure par-
tie des Sauuages eftoient Chreftiens; ie leur parlay
de l'honneur qu'on rendoit ce iour la au Fils de Dieu
auec pompe & magnificence, dans toute l'Europe:
La-deffus ie dreffe vn petit Autel pour dire la faincte
Meffe; ils m'aidoient auec tant d'affection que i'en
eftois tout attendry : voyans que le lieu ou ie deuois
marcher, eftoit tout humide & fangeux, ils jettent par
terre vne robe pour me feruir de marchepied. I'eften-
dy vne petite nappe de communion au trauers de la
cabane, pour feparer les [186] fideles d'auec les infi-
deles: La deffus ie commence la faincte Meffe, non
fans eftonnement, que le Dieu des dieux s'abaiffaft
vne autre fois, dans vn lieu plus chetif que Tellable
de Bethleem ; ces bonnes gens fe vouloient con-
feffer & communier, mais ie les remis au Dimanche
fuiuant; les Sauuages qui n'eftoient pas baptifes,
garderent vn profond filence pendant ce diuin Sacri-
fice/ auffi ont-ils bonne enuie d'eltre Chreftiens.

La tempefte nous retint deux iours & deux nuidts
prifonniers fous ces ecorces, plus ouuertes qu'vne
porte cochere : Comme nous fongions a noftre depart,
le fieur Marfolet qui commandoit la barque, m'efcri-
uit ce peu de mots par vn ieune Sauuage, qui m'ap-

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 85

than the sky if I had not been with them. I urged
them immediately to seek a place, however poor,
where we might erect a cabin ; having found one,
they spread their sheets of bark on five or six poles,
and well it was for them, and for me also," said the
Father, " for we were beaten all night by the wind
and the rain.

" The next day, not being able to approach the
bark, I spent the great feast of our Lord in this
house, — very poor in worldly goods, but richly pro-
vided with the blessings of heaven. The greater
part of the Savages were Christians; I told them of
the honor that was paid on that day to the Son of
God, with pomp and magnificence, in the whole of
Europe. Then I erected a little Altar that I might
say holy Mass ; they aided me with so much affection
that I was greatly moved thereby ; on seeing that
the place where I should walk was very damp and
muddy, they threw a robe upon the ground to serve
me for a carpet. I stretched a little altar cloth across
the cabin, to separate the [186] faithful from the un-
believers ; then I began holy Mass, not without aston-
ishment that the God of gods should stoop once more
to a place more wretched than the stable of Bethle-
hem. These good people wished to confess and
receive communion, but I put them off until the fol-
lowing Sunday. The Savages who had not been
baptized maintained a profound silence during this
divine Sacrifice, and they also had a great desire to
be Christians.

The tempest detained us two days and two
nights, prisoners under this bark shelter, which was
more open than a courtyard. As we were thinking
of our departure, the sieur Marsolet,3 who com-

86

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 21

porta la lettre; le Sauuage furnomme' Boyer, eft arri-
ue* en noftre barque, il dit, qu'il vous eft venu querir
tout expres, pour vous mener a Tadouffac ; il vous at-
tend icy, faites luy, s'il vous plaift, vn petit mot de ref-
ponfe ; i'ay donne" au prefent porteur vn peu de pain &
de pruneaux, fcachant bien que vous en auies befoin.
Aiant receu ce petit mot, ie vais trouuer [187] la
barque, le Sauuage qui eftoit venu au deuant de
moy, me preffe d'entrer a Tadouffac, difant, que tous
ceux qui eftoient la, fouhaitoient ardemment d'eftre
inftruits: Ie m'y tranfporte dans les canots qui me
vindrent querir; eftant arriue, ils me temoignerent
toute forte de bonne volonte, ils m'accueillirent tous
auec beaucoup de bienueillance ; ie vifite les malades,
ie trouue vne femme en danger, ie l'inftruy, ie la
baptife, & Dieu l'enleue au ciel: Cuius vult, mifere-
tur, Dieu choifit ceux qui luy plaift; cette pauure
femme attendoit ce paffeport pour entrer en Paradis.
Si toft que ie fus arriue, pourfuit le Pere, les Sau-
uages me baftirent vne maifon a leur mode, elle fut
bien-toft dreffee, les ieunes hommes vont chercher
des ecorces, les filles & les femmes, des branches de
fapin pour la tapiffer d'vn beau verd, les hommes
plus ages, en font la charpente, qui confifte en quel-
ques perches qu'ils arrondirent en berceau; on iette
la-deflus des Ecorces de frefne ou de pruff e ; & voila
vne Eglif e & vne maifon bien-toft bailie : Au com-
mencement ie fongeois, [188] oil on coupperoit les
Scorces pour faire des feneftres: mais la maifon
eftant faite, ie reconnu qu'il ne falloit point prendre
cette peine ; car il y auoit aff£s de iour & de lumiere
fans feneftres, ie dreffe la dedans vn Autel, ie fay
ma petite retraite tout aupres, & ie me trouue plus

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 87

manded the bark, wrote me these few words, and a
young Savage brought me the letter: ' The Savage
surnamed Boyer has come to our bark ; he says he
has come expressly for you, to take you to Tadous-
sac. He awaits you here; send him, if you please, a
word of reply. I have given to the bearer of this a
little bread and some prunes, knowing well that you
have need of them.'

" When I received these few words, I went to
[187] the bark; the Savage who had come to meet
me urged my going to Tadoussac, saying that all
who were there ardently desired to be instructed ; I
went there in the canoe which came for me. When
I arrived, they manifested to me every sort of good
will ; they all received me with great friendliness. I
visited the sick ; I found a woman dangerously ill ; I
instructed and baptized her, and God took her to
heaven. Ciijiis vult, miseretar, God chooses whomso-
ever he pleases. This poor woman was waiting for
this passport that she might enter Paradise.

" As soon as I had arrived," continued the Father,
" the Savages built me a house after their fashion.
It was soon set up ; the young men went to search
for bark, the girls and the women for branches of fir,
to line it with a beautiful green; the older men did
the carpentry, which consisted of some poles that
they bent to form a bower, and spread thereon the
bark of ash or of spruce; and lo! a Church and a
house were quickly built. In the beginning, I won-
dered [188] where they would cut the bark, so as to
make windows; but, when the house was finished, I
saw that it was not necessary to take that trouble,
for there was enough air and light without windows.
I erected within an Altar; I made my little retreat

88 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

content, & auffi bien loge, que dans vn Louure; la
porte feule me mettoit en peine, car ie defirois la
pouuoir fermer quand ie fortirois, les Sauuages qui ne
fe feruent que d'vne ecorce, ou d'vne peau pour fer-
mer leurs cabanes, ne me fembloient pas afles bons
charpetiers pour fermer, mon palais; Mais Charles
Meiachkab'at, me monftra que fi; il s'en va chercher
deux bouts de planche, les cloiie par enfemble, fait
vne petite porte : i'auois auec moy vn cadenat pendu
a vn petit fac, il trouue l'inuention de s'en feruir
pour fermer ma maifon a clef: me voila done loge
comme vn petit Prince dans vn Palais, bafty en trois
heures : comme ie craignois l'importunite des enfans,
le Capitaine fait vn grand cry par les cabanes, &
recommande a la ieuneffe de ne point entrer en ma
demeure, que par ma permiffion : Ieuneffe, difoit-il,
& [189] vous enfans, refpedtes noftre Pere, alles le
vifiter: mais quand il priera, ou qu'il fera empefche,
retires vous fans bruit, portes luy du poifTon, quand
vous en prendres ; les enfans me fuiuoient par tout,
& m'appelloient leur Pere; ils m'apportoient de leur
pefche, & ie leur donnois vn peu de galette ; en vn
mot, i'eftois en paix quand ie voulois, dans ma mai-
fon d'6corce; car ie pris la liberte des le premier
commencement, de renuoyer tous ceux que ie vou-
drois, quand i'auois quelque empefchement : encor
que ce foit chofe inoiiie, qu'vn Sauuage refufe la
porte de fa cabane a vn autre Sauuage, perfonne
neantmoins ne fe formalifoit de la facon d'agir du
Pere : II faut des voftre premiere entree donner le
ply que vous defires a ces bonnes gens, capables de
raifon, & ils ne s'eftonnent pas que nous ayons des
facons de faire differentes des leurs.

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 89

hard by, and I was more content than in a Louvre,
and as well lodged. The door alone troubled me,
for I desired the means of fastening it when I went
out ; the Savages, who use only a piece of bark or a
skin to close their cabins, did not seem to me suffi-
ciently good carpenters to make my palace secure ;
but Charles Meiachkawat showed me that they were.
He went in search of two pieces of board, nailed
them together, and made a little door; I had with
me a padlock dangling from a small bag, and he dis-
covered a way of using it to lock up my house.
Here I am, then, lodged like a young Prince, in a
Palace built in three hours. As I apprehended an-
noyance from the children, the Captain made a great
shout among the cabins and charged the young
people not to enter my dwelling except with my
permission: ' O youth! ' said he, ' and [189] you, O
children ! respect our Father. Go and visit him ;
but when he is praying, or is engaged, retire without
noise; carry him fish, when you catch them.' The
children followed me everywhere, and called me
their Father; they brought me their fish, and I gave
them a little biscuit ; in a word, I was at peace in my
house of bark, when I chose to be, for I took the
liberty from the very beginning of sending away all
whom I would, when I was occupied." Although
it is an unheard-of thing for a Savage to refuse the
door of his cabin to another Savage, nevertheless, no
one took offense at the Father's manner of dealing
with them. It is necessary from the very beginning
to give the bent you desire to these simple people ;
they are reasonable, and are not surprised that our
ways are different from theirs.

" Some time after my arrival, I made for the Sav-

90 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

Quelque temps apres mon arriu£e ie fis feitin auec
les Sauuages d'vn bled d'Inde, qu'ils aimet beau-
coup, ie l'auois fait apporter expr6s dans la barque
pour ce fujet, ie voulu parler pendat ce feftin, mais
les Sauuages [90 i.e., 190] ayans 6uente mon def-
fein, me remirent en vn autre temps; fur le foir le
fieur Marfolet & moy, voulans produire les prefens
de Monfieur le Gouuerneur & les noflres, le Capi-
taine nous courut au deuant, & me parla en ces ter-
mes. Mon Pere, il n'efl pas befoin de nous faire des
prefens pour nous inuiter a croire en Dieu, nous y
f ommes defia tous ref olus : le Ciel eft vne affes grande
recompenfe, nous ne defirons point d'eftre orgueil-
leux, ny nous vanter d'eftre honoris de vos prefens,
pour toute parole fumt, que vous nous enfeignies le
chemin du ciel: Sans entrer en d'autres difcours,
tous ceux que vous voi£s icy font dans la refolution
de'prier, mais non pas de quitter leur pais pour mon-
ter la haut; il apporta plufieurs raifons, pour faire
voir qu'il leur eftoit important, de ne fe point retirer
de Tadouffac: En effet, fon difcours eftoit bon, mais
f onde fur les confiderations humaines & temporelles :
Voila done nos prefens arreftes, Charles MeiachKabiat,
qui s'eft retire, comme i'ay defia dit, de Tadouffac,
pour viure en enfant de Dieu, a Sainct Iofeph, leur
parla plufieurs fois tres-fortement, [191] mais par-
deffus leur ported ; car les hommes ne fe deprennent
pas fi toft des interefts de la terre, quoy qu'elle ne
foit qu'vn point, a comparaifon du ciel. Ah ! ie voy
bien, fit ce bon-homme, que le Diable vous arreite
icy, il vous donne des penfees, que vous feres pau-
ures, fi vous quittes voftre pais, il vous fait apprehen-
der que les richefTes de la terre font de grande

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 91

ages a feast of Indian corn, which they like exceed-
ingly; I had had it brought in the bark expressly
for this purpose. I meant to speak during this feast,
but the Savages [90 i.e., 190] having discovered my
intention, put me off until another time. Toward
evening, when the sieur Marsolet and I wished to
exhibit the presents of Monsieur the Governor and
our own, the Captain ran to meet us, and spoke to
me in these terms : ' My Father, there is no need of
making us presents to invite us to believe in God;
we have all before this resolved to do so. Heaven
is a sufficiently great recompense ; we do not wish to
be proud, nor to boast of being honored by your
presents ; let it suffice for all speech that you teach
us the way to heaven. Without entering upon fur-
ther discussion, all those whom you see here have
resolved to pray, but not to leave their country to
ascend the river.' He brought forward many rea-
sons to show that it was important to them, not to
withdraw from Tadoussac. In fact, his remarks
were good, but based upon human and temporal con-
siderations. Thus, then, we were checked in mak-
ing our presents. Charles Meiachkawat who had
retired, as I have already said, from Tadoussac, that
he might live as a child of God at Saint Joseph,
spoke to them several times, very earnestly, [191]
but above their comprehension, for men do not
promptly lay aside the interests of the world, although
that be but a point in comparison with heaven.
' Ah ! I see well, ' said this good man, ' that the Devil
detains you here ; he gives you notions that you will
be poor if you abandon your country, — he makes
you imagine that the riches of the earth are of great
importance ; and how will all that help you at the

92

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 21

importance; & que vous feruira tout cela a l'heure
de la mort? il voit bien qu'il ne fcauroit vous rauir la
volonte que vous aues de croire en Dieu ; il vous jet-
tera dans l'impofiibilite de l'executer, vous attachant
en vn lieu, ou vous ne pouues eftre inftruits: Si toft
que vous ne verres plus le Pere, vous ne penfer6s
plus a Dieu; qui vous confeillera dans vos difficultes?
qui vous empefchera de retomber dans vos chants
fuperftitieux, & dans vos feftins? Si quelqu'vn a vn
tambour, qui prendra la hardieffe de luy ofter? Nous
les auons tous jettes, dires-vous? comme fi vous n'en
pouui£s pas refaire d'autres: Moy mefme, encor que
ie croye de tout mon cceur, il me femble que quand ie
fuis long-temps abfent des [192] Peres, que mes
vieilles idees veulent retourner; voila pourquoy,
quand ie deurois eftre le plus pauure du monde, ie ne
les quitteray iamais. Ce bon Neophyte ne ceffoit
matin & foir, & la nuidt mefme, de preffer fes Com-
patriotes, de venir demeurer aupres de ceux qui enfei-
gnent le chemin de falut. Les Sauuages preffes de
ces raifons, ne concluoient pas qu'il falluft monter a
Kebec, mais qu'il eftoit a propos que nous defcen-
diffions a TadoufTac, pour y dreffer vne Maifon, afin
de les inftruire: Les Nations voifmes y viendront
demeurer, difoient ils, elles embrafferont la foy fans
contredit: Mais ce pais eft fi miferable, qu'a peine y
trouue-t'on de la terre pour leurs fepulcres, ce ne font
que rochers, fteriles & affreux, fi neantmoins Mon-
fieur le general, & la flotte de Meffieurs de la Nou-
uelle France, qui paffe tous les ans quelque mois a
Tadouffac, y faifoit baftir vne maifon par leur ordre,
comme Monfieur du PlefQs Bochart auoit commence,
cela feroit du bien a tout fon equipage & aux pau-

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 93

hour of death? He well knows that he cannot
deprive you of the determination that you have to
believe in God ; but he will put you under the impos-
sibility of carrying it into effect, by keeping you in
a place where you cannot be instructed. As soon as
you no longer see the Father, you will no longer
think of God ; who will counsel you in your difficul-
ties? who will hinder you from falling back into your
superstitious chants, and into your feasts? If any
one have a drum, who will have the hardihood to
take it from him? " We have thrown them all
away," you say — as if you could not make others!
Although I myself believe with all my heart, yet it
seems, when I am a long time absent from the [192]
Fathers, that my old ideas are inclined to return;
this is why, even should I become the poorest crea-
ture in the world, I would never leave them.' This
good Neophyte did not cease morning and evening,
and even at night, to urge his Tribesmen to come
and dwell with those who teach the way of salva-
tion. The Savages, when urged by these reasons,
concluded, not that it was necessary to ascend to
Kebec, but that it was expedient for us to descend
to Tadoussac, and set up a House there, that we
might instruct them. ' The neighboring Tribes
will come and dwell there, ' they said, ' they will un-
questionably embrace the faith. ' But the country
is so wretched, that soil is scarcely found therein for
their graves; there are only barren and frightful
rocks. If, nevertheless, Monsieur the general, and
the fleet of the Gentlemen of New France, which
passes some months of every year at Tadoussac,
should cause a house to be built there by their order,
like the one Monsieur du Plessis Bochart3 had com-

94 LES RELATIONS DES j£SUITES [Vol.21

ures Sauuages ; car quelques Peres de noftre Compa-
gnie fe pourroient retirer la, [193] depuis le Prin-
temps iufques au depart des vaiffeaux, pour fecourir
les Francois & les Satmages dans leurs befoins fpiri-
tuels; d'y demeurer pendant l'hyuer, c'eft chofe que
ie ne conf eillerois a aucun Francois ; car les Sauuages
s'en eloignent pendant ce temps-la, abandonnans leur
rochers au froid, & a la neige, & aux glaces, dont on
voioit encor quelques reliquats, cette annee bien
auant dans le mois de Iuin. Au refte, ie ne doute
nullement, que fi la fureur des Hiroquois peut eftre
arreftee, que tous les Sauuages de Tadouffac, du Sa-
gne, & de plufieurs autres petites Nations, ne montent
plus haut, fi on continue de les fecourir; mais voions
toutes les remarques du Pere.

Pendant le feiour que i'ay fait la, ces bonnes gens,
dit-il, m'appelloient ordinairement a leurs confeils,
ils me communiquoient leurs petites affaires, ils m'in-
uitoient a leurs f eftins, me traitant comme leur pere :
Ils firent vn feftin fur les foffes de leurs morts, incon-
tinent apres mon arriuee, auquel ils emploierent
huidt orignaux & dix cafhors; le Capitaine haran-
guant, dit, que les ames des defundts [194] prenoient
grand plaifir a l'odeur de ces bonnes viandes, ie vou-
lus parler pour ref uter cet erreur ; mais ils me dirent,
ne te mets pas en peine, ce n'efl pas cela qui nous
empefchera de croire, nous allons bien-toft jetter a
bas nos vieilles facons de faire.

Voicy comme i'emploiois le temps auec eux, d£s le
petit iour, qui eftoit enuiron trois ou quatre heures du
matin, ie m'en allois faire prier Dieu par les cabanes;
puis ie difois la faindte Meffe, oil tous les Chreftiens
qui eftoient defcendus a Tadouffac, pour aller en

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 95

menced, that would be a benefit to all their crews,
and to the poor Savages; for some Fathers of our
Society could withdraw there [193] in the Spring and
remain until the departure of the vessels, so that
they might aid the Frenchmen and the Savages in
their spiritual needs. To dwell there during the
winter is a thing I should never advise any French-
man to do ; for the Savages go away at that time,
abandoning their rocks to the cold and the snow and
the ice, of which some remains are still seen this
year very late in the month of June. Moreover, I
do not doubt in the least that, if the fury of the Hi-
roquois can be checked, all the Savages of Tadous-
sac, and of the Sagne, and of many other small
Tribes, will go farther up the river, if we continue
to aid them. But let us hear all the observations
of the Father.

" During the stay I made there, these good peo-
ple," said he, " invited me ordinarily to their coun-
cils; they imparted to me their little affairs; they
asked me to their feasts, treating me as their father.
They made a feast over the graves of their dead, im-
mediately after my arrival, at which they served eight
moose and ten beavers; the Captain, haranguing,
said that the souls of the deceased [194] took
great pleasure in the odor of these good viands. I
wished to speak, in order to refute this error, but
they said to me : ' Do not be troubled ; this will not
hinder our believing, and we are going soon to throw
aside all of our old customs.'

" See how I employed my time among them. At
daybreak, which was about three or four o'clock in
the morning, I went and offered up prayers to God
in their cabins; then I said holy Mass, at which all

96 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.21

traicte, aliiitoient tous les iours, fe confeffans & com-
munians affes fouuent. La Meffe eftans dite, ie me
retirois a l'6cart, hors le bruit des cabanes, pour vac-
quer vn petit a moy mefme, i'allois en fuitte vifiter
les malades, puis i'affemblois les enfans pour leur
faire le Catechifme, le Soleil ne regloit ny mon leuer,
ny mon coucher, ny l'heure de mes repas : mais la
feule commodity qui n'efloit guere auantageufe ny
fauorable au corps.

Ie donnois vn temps apres le difner, tantoft aux
hommes, & puis aux femmes [195] qui s'affembloient
pour eftre inftruites, & fur le foir, apres m'eftre reti-
re" quelque temps, ie faifois faire les prieres auec vne
inftrudtion publique, oil les enfans rendoient compte
deuant leurs peres & meres, de ce qu'ils auoient
apris au Catechifme, cela les encourageoit, & confo-
loit infmiment leurs parens.

Ten ay veu de fi ardens a fe faire inftruire, qu'ils
ont paffe les nuidts auprtis de nos Chreftiens, fe fai-
fans dire & redire vne mefme chofe, pour la mettre
dans leur memoire. I'interrogeois les plus ages
publiquement comme des enfans, & tous me ren-
doient compte de ce que ie leur auois enfeigne : En
vn mot, fi cette Miffion eft penible, elle eft affaifon-
nee de beaucoup de confolation.

Ie leur difois certain iour, que quelques Francois
m'auoient dit a mon depart de Kebec, que ie ferois
d'eux tout ce que ie voudrois deuant la venue des
Vaiffeaux; mais qu'a l'abord des Nauires, on ne les
pourroit plus retenir, qu'ils feroiet yures depuis le
matin iufques au foir: L'vn d'eux prenant la parole,
me dit auec bonne grace; Mon Pere, fay gageure
auec [196] ceux qui font dit cela, & nous te ferons

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 97

the Christians who had come down to Tadoussac, in
order to trade, were present every day, — not unfre-
quently making confession and receiving commun-
ion. Mass having been said, I withdrew apart, be-
yond the noise of the cabins, in order to have a little
time for myself; afterward I visited the sick, then I
brought the children together, to teach them the
Catechism. The Sun did not regulate my rising up,
or my lying down, or the hour of my repasts, but
convenience alone, which was hardly advantageous
or favorable to my body.

" I gave some time after dinner, — now to the men,
and then to the women, [195] who assembled that they
might be instructed ; and toward evening, after hav-
ing retired by myself for some time, I had prayers
offered, with a public instruction, when the children
gave an account before their fathers and mothers of
what they had learned in the Catechism ; this encour-
aged them, and infinitely gratified their parents.

' ' I have seen some of them so eager to be instructed
that they have spent whole nights with our Christians
waiting to be told and retold a single thing, that it
might be fixed in their memories. I questioned pub-
licly the most aged, as I did the children, and all
gave me an account of what I had taught them. In
a word, if this Mission is arduous, it is enriched with
much consolation.

"Ona certain day, I told them that some French-
men had said to me, on my leaving Kebec, that I
could do with them anything I would, before the
arrival of the Vessels ; but that on the landing of the
Ships they could no longer be restrained, — that they
would be intoxicated from morning until night.
One of them, beginning to speak, said to me good-

98 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

gagner; car affurement nous ne nous enyurerons
point, demeure auec nous iufques a la flotte, & nous
t'apporterons toutes les boiffons que nous aurons, tu
en feras l'Echanfon & le diftributeur, tu nous en
verferas de tes mains, & nous ne pafferons point la
mefure que tu nous donneras.

Ie vy aborder icy quelques ieunes gens du Sagne,
qui n'auoient iamais veu de Francois ; ils furent bien
eftonnes de m'entendre parler leur Langue: Ils
demandoient de quel pais i'eftois; on leur dit, que
i'eftois de Kebec, & de leurs parens; mais ils n'en
pouuoient rien croire: car nos barbes mettent vne
difference quafi effentielle, pour ainfi dire, entre vn
European & vn Sauuage: I'ay communique auec
quelques families, venues des Terres, ce font gens
fimples, & tres-capables de receuoir le bon grain, &
la riche femence de l'Euangile.

Eftant certain iour en vne affemblee, ou les Sau-
uages traitoient d'enuoyer la ieuneffe en marchan-
dife vers ces Nations plus eloignees ; ie me pref entay
pour les accompagner, arm de parler de Dieu a [197]
ces pauures peuples : cela les mit vn peu en peine,
car ils ne veulent pas que les Francois ayent con-
noiffance de leur commerce, ny de ce qu'ils donnent
a ces autres Sauuages pour leurs pelteries; & cela fe
garde fi bien que perfonne ne le fcauroit decouurir:
Ils me faifoient les chemins horribles & epouuan-
tables, comme ils le font en effet; mais ils en aug-
mentoient l'horreur pour m'etonner, & pour me diuer-
tir de mon deffein. Aiant reconnu leur crainte,
ie me mets a difcourir des malheurs, & des biens
eternels; les voiant touches, ie leur demanday, s'ils
feroient bien aifes que ces pauures peuples de leur

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 99

naturedly: ' My Father, make a wager with [196]
those who told thee that, and we will see that thou
dost win, for assuredly we will not be intoxicated.
Remain with us until the fleet comes, and we will
bring thee all the liquors that we have, — thou shalt
be the Cupbearer and the distributer of them ; thou
shalt pour them out for us with thine own hand, and
we will not exceed the measure that thou shalt give
us.'

" I saw some young men of the Sagne here, who
had never seen any Frenchmen; they were much
astonished to hear me speak their own Language.
They asked from what place I was ; they were told
that I was from Kebec, and was one of their rela-
tives ; but they could not believe it at all, for our
beards put a difference, almost essential, so to speak,
between a European and a Savage. I have had in-
tercourse with some families from the Interior; they
are simple people, and very capable of receiving the
good grain and rich seed of the Gospel.

" Being present, on a certain day, at a meeting
where the Savages discussed sending their young
men with merchandise to these more distant Tribes,
I offered to accompany them, that I might speak of
God to [197] those poor people; this somewhat
troubled them, for they are unwilling that French-
men should have a knowledge of their trade, and of
what they give to other Savages for their furs, and
this they keep so secret that no one is able to dis-
cover it. They described to me the horrible and
frightful roads, as they are, indeed; but they mag-
nified the horror of them so as to astound me and
divert me from my plan. Having perceived their
apprehension, I began to discourse upon eternal woes

100 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

connoiffance, tombaffent dans ces feux: lis refpon-
dent, que non. II les faut done inftruire, reparty-je,
Qui le fera fi vous me fermes la porte? II eft vray,
dit l'vn des principaux, il faut qu'il foit permis au
Pere d'aller par tout, il n'eft point charge ny de cou-
fteaux, ny de haches, ny d'autres marchandifes, e'eft
noltre Pere, il nous aime, ie fuis d'auis qu'il aille ou
il voudra. Tous les autres s'y eftans accordes; vn
Capitaine s'ecria: Va ou tu voudras, mon Pere, la
porte t'eit ouuerte [198] dans toutes les Nations dont
nous auons connoiffance, nous t'y porterons dans nos
canots ; mais demeure auec nous pour ce Printemps :
car eftant venu pour nous inftruire, il ne faut pas
nous quitter que nous ne fcachions les prieres, tu
pourras aller vifiter ces bonnes gens vne autre annee.
Les voiant dans cette apprehenfion ie leur dis, qu'ils
fcauoient bien mon deffein: II eft vray, fit l'vn des
principaux, le Pere ne vient pas icy pour nos pelte-
ries, il n'a aucune marchandife entre les mains, il
nous aime, e'eft noftre Pere, il faut que la porte luy
foit ouuerte par toutes les Nations dont nous auons
connoiffance ; Tous les autres f urent de mefme auis ;
mais ils me prierent neantmoins de refter la : Ceux
qui n'eftoient pas baptifes, me demanderent des
Chreftiens pour les embarquer & pour parler de ma
part a ces peuples. Ie mis des prefens entre les
mains de deux Chreftiens pour inuiter deux Nations
a venir prefter l'oreille aux bonnes nouuelles de
l'Euangile; Ils me renuoyerent d'autres prefens auec
parole, que fi ie voulois m'arrelter a Tadouffac, qu'ils
y viendroient, l'vn de nos Chreftiens de [199] Sainct
Iofeph, frere d'vn Capitaine des Sauuages qui font
dedans les Terres, l'inuitant de venir voir leurs

1641 - 42] RELA TION OF 1640 - 41 101

and blessings; and, seeing them touched, I asked
them if they would be content that these poor peo-
ples of their acquaintance should fall into those fires.
They answered, ' Certainly not.' ' They must then be
instructed,' I replied: ' who will do it, if you shut
the door to me? ' ' It is true,' said one of the chiefs;
1 the Father must be permitted to go anywhere ; he
is not laden with knives, or hatchets, or any goods, —
he is our Father, and he loves us ; I am of opinion
that he should go wherever he will. ' All the others
having agreed to this, a Captain exclaimed: ' Go
whither thou wilt, my Father: the door is open to
thee, [198] to all the Tribes with which we have
acquaintance. We will take thee there in our canoes ;
but remain with us for this Spring, because, having
come to instruct us, thou oughtst not to leave us until
we have learned the prayers ; thou canst go and visit
these good people another year.' When I saw them
thus afraid, I told them that they were well aware
of my purpose. ' It is true,' said one of the chiefs;
' the Father does not come here for our furs ; he has
no merchandise in his hands. He loves us, he is our
Father ; the door to all the Tribes with which we
have acquaintance must be opened for him. ' All the
others were of the same opinion, but they, never-
theless, besought me to remain there. Those who
had not been baptized asked me for Christians who
might embark with them, and speak in my place to
these peoples. I put some presents into the hands
of two Christians in order that they might invite two
Tribes to come and lend ear to the good news of the
Gospel. They sent back to me other presents, with
a message that, if I would stay at Tadoussac, they
would come there. One of our Christians of [199]

102 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol.21

champs, & leurs bleds, pour 1' inciter a cultiuer la
terre; celuy-cy refpondit: Trauailles courageufe-
ment, pries les Francois de vous aider fortement a
defricher la terre, ft toft que vous aures des bleds,
pour nous pouuoir fecourir, nous irons tous vous voir,
& demeurer aupres de vous ; mais nous craignons les
Hiroquois.

Quelque temps apres Charles MeiachKatfat alia de
luy mefme, inuiter vne autre Nation, de croire en
Dieu, il trouua ces gens fi bien difpofes, qu'il s'en
eftonna ; voicy comme il entra en difcours auec eux :
comme ils auoient defia ouy parler de noftre creance,
par le bruit qui en court par tout ces grands bois ; ils
luy demanderent s'il en auoit quelque connoiffance :
Ouy dea, fit-il, moy mefme ie fuis baptife, & ie croy en
celuy qui a fait le ciel & la terre ; Inftruy done,
dirent-ils, ce pauure malade, que tu as vifite, & qui
s'en va mourant, il l'aborde, luy parle du pouuoir de
Dieu fur tous les hommes, du recours qu'il deuoit
auoir en luy, le fait prier, [200] & demader fecours a
fa bonte; Le malade apres cette priere, fe trouue a
demy guery, il fe leue, il marche, auec l'eflonnement
de fes Compatriotes, Charles les voyant attentifs,
leur parle de la creation du mode, de 1' Incarnation
du Verbe; en vn mot, leur enfeigne ce qu'il a appris;
& nous eftans las de parler, il fe retiroit feul, recitoit
fon chapellet, & s'entretenoit en quelque faindte pen-
f6e, fe pourmenant a l'6cart; fans auoir 6gard fi fes
gens s'en eftonnoient, ou non, imitant ce qu'il auoit
veu faire au Pere, qui inftruifoit les Sauuages de
Tadouffac. Si toft qu'il rentroit dans la cabane du
malade, tous les autres Sauuages accouroient, ils fe
mettoient en rond a l'entour de luy, dans vn profond

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 103

Saint Joseph, brother to a Captain of the Savages who
are in the Interior, inviting him to come and see
their fields and their grain, so that he might incite
him to cultivate the land, the latter responded:
' Work courageously; beg the French to aid you
energetically in clearing the land; as soon as you
shall have grain, so that you can assist us, we will
all go to see you and remain with you ; but we fear
the Hiroquois.' "

Some time after this, Charles Meiachkawat went,
on his own account, to invite another Tribe to be-
lieve in God ; he found these people so well disposed
that he was surprised. This is the way in which he
entered upon the subject with them: as they had
already heard of our faith, by the report of it which
had spread throughout these great forests, they
asked him if he had any knowledge of it: " Yes,
indeed," said he; "I myself have been baptized,
and I believe in him who made heaven and earth."
"Then," said they, "instruct this poor sick man
whom thou hast visited, and who is dying." He
approached him, spoke to him of the power of God
over all men, and of the recourse he should have to
him, and caused him to pray [200] and to ask aid of
God's goodness. The sick man after this prayer was
half cured ; he arose and walked, to the astonish-
ment of his Tribesmen. Charles, seeing them atten-
tive, told them of the creation of the world, of the
Incarnation of the Word, — in short, he taught them
what he had learned from us. Being weary of
speaking, he went away alone, recited his rosary,
and communed with himself in holy thoughts, —
walking apart, regardless whether his people were
astonished at it or not, imitating what he had seen
done by the Father who instructed the Savages at

104

LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol. 21

filence, & luy les inftruifoit felon fa port£e, ne fca-
chant plus que dire, il fe mit a crier fi fort contre
leurs fuperftitions, contre leurs feftins a tout man-
ger, monftrant la brutalite de leurs mceurs, & benif-
fant Dieu, d'auoir quitte fon ancienne barbarie, il
dit tant de chofe contre l'inutilite, & la folie de leurs
tambours que tous ceux qui en auoient, les allerent
tout foudainement querir, & les mirent en mille [201]
pieces en fa prefence, cela l'eftonna, & le confola
fort : quand il f ut de retour, il ne fcauoit fe compren-
dre : NiKanis, me faifoit-il, ie les ay penfe amener icy
auec moy; s'il euffent eu dequoy acheter des viures
pour paffer l'hiuer, ils m'auroient fuiuy, tous ceux
que i'ay veus font dans la refolution de fe faire in-
ftruire, & de quitter leurs anciennes couflumes, pour
embraffer les noftres. Enfm, ie ne doute point que
toutes ces pauures petites Nations qui font dans les
bois, ou nos Chreftiens frequentent, ne fe viennent
ranger au bercail de l'Eglife, fi on les peut fecourir.
Pour conclufion, le Pere arriua a Tadouffac le
fecond iour de Iuin, & en fut rappelle le vingt-neuf,
il baptifa quatorze ou quinze Sauuages, notamment
des enf ans & des perfonnes agees ; il en auroit bap-
tife bien dauantage, fi ces pauures gens euffent efte"
en vn lieu, ou ils pourroient eftre conferues en la
foy, tout cela arriuera en fon temps: Le Dieu qui
les a touches, & qui les appelle, leur ouurira la porte,
& leur donnera le moyen d'executer fes faindtes
volont6s. Ainfi foit-il.

1641-42] R EL A TION OF 1640 -41 105

Tadoussac. As soon as he reentered the cabin of the
sick man, all the other Savages ran toward him;
they placed themselves around him in a circle, in
profound silence, and he instructed them according
to his ability. No longer knowing what to say, he
began so strongly to denounce their superstitions and
their eat-all feasts, — showing the brutality of their
manners, and blessing God that he had forsaken his
old barbarism, — and said so many things against the
uselessness and the folly of their drums, that all
those who had these went immediately for them,
and broke them into a thousand [201] pieces in his
presence ; this astonished him and greatly consoled
him. When he came back, he did not know how to
contain himself. " Nikanis," said he to me, " I did
think of bringing them here with me ; if they had
had anything with which to buy provisions to suffice
for the winter, they would have followed me. All
those whom I saw are resolved to be instructed, and
to abandon their old customs in order to embrace
ours. ' ' Indeed, I do not doubt that all those poor
little Tribes that are in the woods to which our
Christians resort, will come and place themselves
within the fold of the Church, if they can be assisted.
To conclude, the Father arrived at Tadoussac on
the second day of June, and was recalled thence on
the twenty-ninth. He baptized fourteen or fifteen
Savages, principally children and aged persons; he
would have baptized many more, if these poor peo-
ple had been in a place where they could have been
kept in the faith ; all that will come in its own time.
God, who has touched them and who calls them,
will open to them a door and will give them the
means of accomplishing his holy will. Amen.

106 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.21

[202] CHAPITRE XIII.

DES BONNES ESPERANCES, & DES OBSTACLES, DE LA
CONUERSION DES SAUUAGES.

LA venue des Vaiffeaux apporte ordinairement vn
meflange de ioie & de trifteffe; nous auons
receu du contentement a la veue des hommes
de Meffieurs de Montreal, pource que leur deffein eft
entierement a. la gloire de noftre Seigneur, s'il reiiffit.
Ce contentement a receu du meflange par le retarde-
ment du fieur de Maifon-neufue qui commande ces
hommes, lequel a relafche trois fois en France; &
enfin eft arriue fi tard, qu'il ne fcauroit monter plus
haut que Kebec pour cette annee ; & Dieu veiiille que
les Hiroquois ne ferment point les chemins, quand il
fera queftion de paffer plus auant. Quiconque a pris
vne forte refolution de trauailler pour Iefus-Chrift,
doit aimer la Croix de Iefus-Chrift. Non eft difcipu-
lus fuper viagiftrnm. La Croix eft [203] l'arbre de
vie, qui porte les fruidts du Paradis, & folia ligni ad
fanitatem gentium . La conuerfion des Sauuages ne fe
fera que par la Croix.

Ce nous eft encor vne douce confolation, de voir
que les longues fatigues de la mer n'ont point alter6
la fante des paffagers qui viennent groffir noftre
petite Colonie ; le Pere Iacques de la Place & noftre
Frere Ambroife Broiiet font arriues en bonne fante,
Dieu mercy. Vne ieune Damoifelle, qui n'auoit pas
pour deux doubles de vie en France, a ce qu'on dit,

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 107

[202] CHAPTER XIII.

OF THE GOOD PROSPECTS FOR THE CONVERSION OF
THE SAVAGES, AND OBSTACLES THERETO.

THE arrival of the Vessels ordinarily brings a
mingling of joy and sorrow. We took satis-
faction in seeing the men of the Gentlemen of
Montreal, because their design is wholly for the
glory of our Lord, should it succeed. This satisfac-
tion was alloyed by the delay of the sieur de Maison-
neufve,4 who commands these men, and who put
into port three times while in France ; and, at last,
he arrived so late that he was not able to ascend the
river above Kebec this year. God grant that the
Hiroquois may not shut up the roads, when it shall
be a question of going farther forward. Whoever
has made a strong resolution to work for Jesus
Christ ought to love the Cross of Jesus Christ. Non
est discipulus super magistrum. The Cross is [203] the
tree of life, which bears the fruits of Paradise, et
folia ligni ad sanitatem gentium. The conversion of
the Savages will be made only by the Cross.

It was however a welcome consolation to us to see
that the long hardships of the voyage had not
impaired the health of the passengers who came to
increase our little Colony; Father Jacques de la
Place 5 and our Brother Ambroise Brouet arrived in
good health, thank God. A young Lady, who had
not in France two doubles' worth of life, as they
say, lost more than half of it on the Vessel, so much

108

LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

en a perdu plus de la moitie dans le Vaiffeau, tant
elle a fouffert; mais elle en a trouue a Kebec plus
qu'elle n'en auoit embarque a la Rochelle ; les hom-
mes de trauail arriuent ordinairement icy, le corps
& la dent bien faine ; & fi leur ame a quelque mala-
die, elle ne tarde gueres a recouurer vne bonne fante.
L'air de la Nouuelle France eft tres-fain pour Tame
& pour le corps. On nous a dit, qu'il couroit vn
bruit dans Paris, qu'on auoit mene en Canada, vn
Vaiffeau tout charge de filles, dont la vertu n'auoit
l'approbation d'aucun Dodteur; c'eft vn faux bruit,
i'ay [204] veu tous les Vaiffeaux, pas vn n'eftoit
charge de cette marchandife. Changeons de propos.
II n'y auoit pas long-temps que nos Autels auoient
porte le deiiil de la mort de Monfieur Gand, quand la
flotte a paru ; cet homme de bien f ecouroit f ortement
les Sauuages qui f e retirent a Sained Iofeph : Leurs
conuerfions luy touchoient les yeux, & gagnoient le
cceur. II eft mort dans vn fublime exercice de pa-
tience; en vn mot, il eft mort comme il auoit vefcu,
c'eft a dire, en homme qui cherche Dieu auec verite.
A peine auoit-on acheue les derniers deuoirs qui luy
eftoient deubs, qu'il nous a fallu vne autre fois reue-
ftir de noir nos Chappelles, pour faire le feruice de
Monfieur le Commandeur de Sillery, Monfieur de
Montmagny noftre Gouuerneur, Monfieur le Cheua-
lier de rifle, & plufieurs autres, y affifterent ; Quel-
ques Sauuages voulurent communier ce iour la, &
tous prierent pour fon ame, n'ignorans pas les gran-
des obligations qu'ils ont a ce fainct Homme, qui a
jette les fondemens de l'arreft de ces pauures peuples
errans, en la Refidence de [205] Sainct Iofeph.
Pleuft a Dieu, que ceux qui fuccederont a l'affedtion

1641-42] RELA TION OF 1640-41 109

did she suffer ; but she has found at Kebec more life
than she had when she sailed from la Rochelle. The
workmen generally arrive here with very sound bo-
dies and teeth ; and if their souls have any sickness,
it is not long before they recover good health. The
air of New France is very healthy for the soul and
for the body. We have been told that it was
reported in Paris, that there had sailed to Canada a
Vessel laden with girls whose virtue had not the
approval of any Doctor; it is a false report, — I have
[204] seen all the Vessels, not one was laden with
these wares. Let us change the subject.

Our Altars had not been a long time in mourning
for the death of Monsieur Gand,6 when the fleet ap-
peared. This man of wealth actively aided the Sav-
ages who retired to Saint Joseph ; their conversion
moved him to tears, and won his heart. He died in
a sublime practice of patience ; in a word, he died as
he had lived, — that is to say, as a man who seeks
God in truth. Hardly had we finished the last serv-
ices which were his due, when we were again obliged
to drape our Chapels in black, that we might perform
the service for Monsieur the Commander de Sillery ; 7
Monsieur de Montmagny, our Governor, Monsieur the
Chevalier de l'lsle, and many others were present
thereat. Some Savages wished to receive commun-
ion on that day, and all prayed for his soul, know-
ing the great obligations under which they are to
this holy Man, who has laid the foundations for the
settlement of these wandering tribes, in the Resi-
dence of [205] Saint Joseph. May it please God that
those who shall profit by the kind interest of this
noble Man may see a slight portion of the great re-
ward that he is enjoying in heaven. His death had

110 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

de ce grand Homme, viffent vn petit brin des gran-
des recompenfes dont il ioiiit dedans les cieux. Sa
mort auoit arrefte le fecours qu'il nous donne: Mais
i'apprens que quelques perfonnes de merite n'ont
pas voulu que ce grand ouurage ceffaft, fortifians nos
bras qui s'alloient affoiblir par le deces de ceux qui
meritent de porter le nom de vrais Peres des Chre-
ftiens Sauuages.

Monfieur le Marquis de Gamache defundt, a merite"
le premier, de porter ce tiltre ; car il a ouuert la pre-
miere porte aux grandes Millions que nous auons en-
treprifes en ces derniers confms du Monde. Son fils
s'eftant donne a noflre Compagnie, finit fes iours
l'an paffe, auec la couronne d'vne riche perfeue-
ran[c]e en la vertu ; ils voient maintenant tous deux,
combien faindtement & vtilement ces grandes libera-
lites font emploiees, & comme vne belle adtion faite
dans les temps, fructifie pour l'Eternite.

On m'a fait voir vne deuotion, dont ie ne doute
nullement que le Saindt Efprit n'en foit l'autheur,
la Charite" eft induftrieuf e ; [206] vn homme de me-
rite & de condition, veut prendre le foin d'vne famille
de Sauuages, il deftine vne centaine d'efcus pour luy
baftir vne petite maifon; il veut qu'on luy efcriue le
nombre des perfonnes qui la compofent, & comme
ils s'appellent : II demande ce qu'ils auront de befoin
pour s'eftablir, la premiere annee, & quel ordre il
faut garder pour la faire fubfiiter: Cette inuention
ne vient point d'Archimede, mais d'vn plus grand
efprit. Voila iuftement le moien de donner a Iefus-
Chrift tous les defcendans de cette famille, & nati
natorum, & qui nafcentur ab Mis. Tous les enfans de
leurs enfans, leurs neueux, & leurs arriere-neueux

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 111

checked the aid that he gave us; but I learn that
some persons of merit are not willing that this great
work should cease, and they are strengthening our
hands which were being weakened by the decease of
those who are worthy to bear the name of true
Fathers of the Christian Savages.

Monsieur the Marquis de Gamache,8 deceased, was
the first who deserved to bear this title, for he opened
the first door to the great Missions that we have un-
dertaken in these last limits of the World. His son,
having consecrated himself to our Society, ended his
days last year, with the crown of a rich perseverance
in virtue ; both of them now see how devoutly and
how usefully these great gifts have been employed,
and how a noble action performed in time bears fruit
for Eternity.

An act of piety has been brought to my notice, of
which, I do not at all doubt, the Holy Ghost was the
inspirer; Charity is skillful. [206] A man of merit
and of position wishes to provide for a family of Sav-
ages ; he has set apart a hundred ecus to build them
a small house, he wishes to be told the number of
persons who compose this family, and how they are
named; he asks what will be needed to establish
them for the first year, and what rule must be ob-
served for their support. This thought did not come
from Archimedes, but from a higher spirit. This is
precisely the way in which to give to Jesus Christ
all the descendants of this family, et nati natorum, et
qui nascentur ab Mis. All the children of their chil-
dren, their nephews, and their latest posterity will
believe in God. He who converts a sinner in France,
ordinarily converts but one man ; he who attracts to
the faith the head of a Savage family, attracts to it

112 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

croiront en Dieu. Qui conuertit vn pecheur en
France, ne conuertit ordinairement qu'vn homme:
Qui appelle a la foy vn chef de famille Sauuage, y
appelle tous fes defcendans ; vfque ad tertiam & qaar-
tam generationcm, & vitrei. Ie ne fcaurois croire que
Dieu ne verfe toft ou tard, fes benedictions fur la
famille de ceux qui procurent l'amplincation de la
famille de Iefus Chrift fon Fils.

I'vferay de redites, fi ie fais mention [207] des
grandes prieres, des grandes deuotions, des ieufnes,
& des autres mortifications qui fe font en beaucoup
d'endroits de 1' Europe, pour la conuerfion de ces
peuples, notament en quelques Maifons de Filles
fignalees en vertu. Ie fcay vn Monaftere, ou depuis
plufieurs ann6es il y a inceTamment iour & nuict,
quelque Religieufe deuant le S. Sacrement, follici-
tant ce Pain de vie, de fe faire donner a connoiflre,
& de fe faire goufter aux pauures Sauuages. II s'eft
trouue mefme dans la campagne vn Cure fi zele pour
le falut des pauures Sauuages, des Paroiffiens fi pleins
de bonte, qu'ils ont fait trois proceffions generales,
foixante & quinze ieufnes, cent vingt-quatre difcipli-
nes, dix-huidt aumofnes, & quantite de prieres, pour
la conuerfion de ces peuples; cela n'eft-il pas rauif-
fant? Ie prie le grand Berger d'auoir vn foin tout
particulier de ce bon Pafteur, & de fon trouppeau.
Quand on me dit que les ames les plus faindtes de la
France, preffent les cieux pour pleuuoir des bene-
dictions fur ces contrees. Quand nous voions de
ieunes filles delicates, renfermees dans leurs maifons,
fur les riues de [208] noftre grand fleuue, prendre
part aux trauaux de ce nouueau Mode, auec vne
gaiete nompareille : Quand ie confidere vne Dame,

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 113

all his descendants, usque ad tertiam et qnartam gene-
rationem, et ultra. I can only believe that sooner or
later God will pour his blessings upon the families of
those who procure the extension of the family of
Jesus Christ his Son.

I shall make use of repetitions, if I mention [207]
the earnest prayers, devotions, fasts, and other self-
denials which are made in many places in Europe,
for the conversion of these peoples, and especially in
the Houses of some Nuns remarkable for piety. I
know a Monastery where for several years there has
been, continually, day and night, some Nun before
the Blessed Sacrament, soliciting this Bread of life to
make itself known to the poor Savages, and enjoyed
by them. There has been found, even in the coun-
try, a Cure so zealous for the salvation of the poor
Savages, and Parishioners so full of kindness, that
they have made three general processions, and sev-
enty-five fasts; they have taken the discipline a
hundred and twenty-four times ; they have offered
eighteen almsgivings, and a great many prayers, —
all for the conversion of these tribes; is not that
delightful? I pray the great Shepherd to have a
very special care of this good Pastor, and of his flock.
When I am told that the most saintly souls of France
urge heaven to pour out its blessings upon these
countries ; when we see delicate young girls, shut up
in their houses on the banks of [208] our great river,
taking part in the labors of this new World with
unparalleled cheerfulness; when I observe a Lady,
more than a thousand leagues distant from her own
country, giving her means, and her life for these
Barbarians, preferring a roof of bark to a ceiling of
azure, taking more pleasure in conversing with Sav-

114 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

eloignee de plus de mille lieues de fon pais, donner
fes biens, & fa vie, pour ces Barbares, preferer vn
toidt d'ecorce a vn lambris d'azur, prendre plus de
plaifir a conuerfer des Sauuages, qu'a vifiter les plus
Grands de la Cour : Quand ie contemple vne ieune
Damoifelle, a qui vn frimas donnoit le rheume en
France, trauerfer l'Ocean, pour venir denier nos
grands hiuers : Et cela, pour dire trois bonnes paro-
les a quelque Sauuage deuant fa mort, & en voir
quelqu'vn de fes propres yeux, inuoquer le faindt
Norn de Dieu. Quand ie voy des Sauuages deuenus
Predicateurs, & des mangeurs de chair humaine,
s'approcher de la Table de Iefus-Chrift, auec vne
modeftie, & auec des fentimens de vrais enfans de
Dieu ; ie ne puis quafi douter, que Dieu qui a com-
mence le grand ouurage de la conuerlion de ces peu-
ples, ne le conduife a chef, malgre tous les obftacles
qui s'y rencontrent.

Ie racontois il n'y a pas long temps a [209] nos
Sauuages Chreftiens, les fecours que les ames d'elite
leur donnoient, les grandes prieres qu'on faifoit
pour eux en France ; cela les toucha : Mais comme
ils paroiffent fort froids, ils n'en firent paroiftre pour
lors aucun femblant : Le lendemain deux des princi-
paux me vindrent trouuer, & me dirent; NiKanis,
nous nous fommes affembles fur ce que tu nous
difois hier, nous fommes pauures, nous n'auons pas
le moyen de reconnoiftre ceux qui nous affiftent;
mais nous auons conclu que nous ieufnerions pour
eux, & que nous prierions pour ceux qui prient tant
Dieu pour nous : Nous ieufnerons fans boire ny man-
ger tout le iour, difoient ces bons Neophytes; cette
refolution me toucha, & me fit dire : Que ceux qui

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 115

ages, than in visiting the greatest Nobles of the
Court; when I behold a young Lady, to whom, in
France, a white frost would give a cold, crossing the
Ocean, and coming to defy our long winters, and
that, in order to speak a few helpful words to some
Savage before her death, and with her own eyes to
see some of them invoke the sacred Name of God;
when I see Savages become Preachers ; and when I
see eaters of human flesh draw near to the Table of
Jesus Christ with modesty, and with the feelings of
true children of God, — I can scarcely doubt that
God, who has begun the great work of conversion
among these tribes, will bring it to completion, not-
withstanding all the obstacles that may be encoun-
tered.

Not long ago, I told [209] our Christian Savages
of the aid that elect souls were giving them, and of
the fervent prayers that were offered for them in
France. That touched them ; but, as they appear
very cold, they seemed to take no notice of it then.
The next day, two of the leading men came to me
and said: " Nikanis, we have met together because
of what thou didst tell us yesterday ; we are poor,
we have no way of repaying those who aid us ; but
we have decided that we will fast for them, and that
we will pray for those who pray to God so much for
us. We shall fast, without eating or drinking all
daylong," said these good Neophytes. This reso-
lution moved me and made me say: " May those
who plead before divine Justice for the Savages gain
their cause, through the favor of Jesus Christ. ' '

I am neither a Prophet, nor the son of a Prophet,
as says the proverb ; but, seeing what God has done
in one France and in the other for the salvation of

116 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol.21

plaident pour les Sautiages deuant la diuine Iuftice,
gagneront leur caufe en faueur de Iefus Chrifl.

Ie ne fuis pas Prophete, ny fils de Prophete, comme
dit le prouerbe ; mais voiant ce que Dieu fait pour
le falut des Sauuages, en l'vne & l'autre France, ie ne
doute quafi pas qu'on ne voie vn iour ce que ie vay
remarquer.

Premierement, ie m'attens que Saindl [210] Iofeph
fera peuple d'Abnaquiois, de Berfiamites, de Sau-
uages de Tadouffac, de la Nation du Pore-Epic, des
b'papinachib'eKhi, des b'mamiHeKhi ; ce font petits peu-
ples dans les Terres, qui fe rallieront auec nos Neo-
phytes de Saindt Iofeph, & qui en appelleront encor
d'autres petit a petit. Ces Nations ont oiiy parler
de Iefus-Chrift, fa Dodtrine leur femble belle & agre-
able, l'exemple de leurs femblables, qui fe font faits
Chreftiens, les touche puiffamment ; mais le peu de
fecours que nous leur pouuons donner, & la fureur
des Hiroquois, les empefche de nous venir ioindre.

Secondement, les AttiKamegues, & les autres Na-
tions, dont ie ne fcay pas les noms, qui font dedans
les Terres, prendront place aux Trois Riuieres; ils
l'auroient defia fait, n'eftoit la crainte de leurs enne-
mis communs, les Hiroquois. Ce font peuples bons
& dociles, bien aifes a gagner a Iefus-Chrift.

En troifieme lieu, les Algonquins, tant de l'lfle,
que de la petite Nation, les Onontchataronons, & plu-
fieurs autres, qui font en ces quartiers la ; quelques
Hurons, & mefme encor quelques Hiroquois, [211]
habiteront vn iour en l'lfle de Montreal, & es lieux
circonuoifms. Cette Ifle doit eftre vn grand abord
de plufleurs peuples. Ie ne dy pas des Hurons, des
plus hauts Algonquins, & des Hiroquois; ce que i'ay

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 117

the Savages, I scarcely doubt that one day will be
seen what I am going to remark.

First, I expect that Saint [210] Joseph will be
peopled by Abnaquiois, by Bersiamites, by Savages
from Tadoussac, by the Porcupine Tribe, by the
Oupapinachiwekhi, and the Oumamiwekhi ;9 these
are unimportant tribes in the Interior, who will rally
about our Neophytes of Saint Joseph, and who will
also, by degrees, call others. These Tribes have
heard of Jesus Christ, — his Doctrine seems to them
beautiful and desirable ; the example of their fellow
tribesmen who have become Christians, touches them
powerfully ; but the little assistance that we can give
them, and the fury of the Hiroquois, hinder their
coming to join us.

Secondly, the Attikamegues, and other Tribes of
which I do not know the names, who are in the Inte-
rior, will settle at the Three Rivers; they would
already have done so, but for the fear of their com-
mon enemy, the Hiroquois. They are good and
docile peoples, very easily won to Jesus Christ.

In the third place, the Algonquins, — as well those
of the Island as of the petite Nation, the Onontcha-
taronons, and many others who are in those quar-
ters,— some Hurons, and even also some Hiroquois,
[211] will one day dwell on the Island of Montreal
and in neighboring places. This Island ought to be
a great resort for many tribes. I do not say of the
Hurons, the upper Algonquins, and the Hiroquois,
what I have said of the Attikamegues, of the Kakwa-
zakhi, and of the Bersiamites; these latter are lambs,
and the former are fierce as wolves; but habitabit
lupus cum agno, et puer parvulus minabit eos.

In the fourth place, after Montreal, Video turbam

118 LES RELATIONS DES jESUITES [Vol.21

dit des AttiKamegues, des KaKb'azakhi, & des Berfia-
mites, ceux-cy font des agneaux, & ceux la font
farouches comme des loups : mais, habitabit lupus cum
agno, & pucr paruulus minabit cos.

En quatriefme lieu, apres Montreal: Video turbam
magnam quant dinumerare nemo potest ex omnibus genti-
bus; Ie voy au Midy, & a l'Occident, vn grand nom-
bre de Nations qui cultiuent la terre, qui font toutes
fedentaires; mais qui iamais n'ont oiiy parler de
Iefus-Chrift, la porte nous eft fermee a tous ces
peuples, par les Hiroquois, il n'y a dans toutes ces
grandes eftendues que les Hurons, & quelques autres
Nations circonuoifmes, a qui nous aions porte les
bonnes nouuelles de l'Euangile; mais encor les faut-
il aborder par des chemins horribles, par des longs
detours, par des dangers continue! s d'eftre boiiillis,
& roftis, & puis deuores a belles dents par les mife-
rables Hiroquois. Nous [212] ne perdons point cou-
rage pour cela, nous croyons que Dieu fera iour dans
ces tenebres, & que quelque grand Genie ouurira la
porte a l'Euangile de Iefus-Chrift, dans ces vaftes
co trees, & que l'ancienne France fauuera la vie a la
Nouuelle, qui fe va perdre fi elle n'efl fortement, &
promptement fecourue, le commerce de ces Meffieurs,
la Colonie des Francois, & la Religion qui commence
a fiorir parmy les Sauuages font a bas, fi on ne
dompte les Hiroquois. Cinquante Hiroquois font
capables de faire quitter le pais a deux cens Francois,
non pas s'ils combatoient de pied ferme; car en tel
cas, cinquante Francois deferoient cinq cens Hiro-
quois: li les Hollandois ne leur donnoient point
d'armes a feu. Si ces Barbares s'acharnet a nos
Francois, iamais ils ne les laifferont dormir d'vn bon

1641-42] RELATION OF ib4o-4T 119

magnam quam dinumerare nemo potest ex omnibus genti-
bus; I see at the South and at the West a great num-
ber of Tribes that cultivate the land and that are
entirely sedentary, but have never heard of Jesus
Christ; the door to all these peoples has been shut
against us by the Hiroquois. In all these vast tracts
there are only the Hurons, and some other neighbor-
ing Tribes, to whom we have carried the good news
of the Gospel ; but then we are obliged to approach
them by horrible roads and long detours, and in con-
tinual danger of being boiled or roasted and then
eagerly devoured by the wretched Hiroquois. We
[212] do not lose courage on account of this; we
believe that God will make a light in this darkness,
and that some powerful Spirit will open the door to
the Gospel of Jesus Christ in these vast regions, and
that old France will save the life of the New, which
is going to be lost, unless it be vigorously and speed-
ily succored; the trade of these Gentlemen, the
French Colony, and the Religion which is beginning
to flourish among the Savages, will be subverted, if
the Hiroquois be not overcome. Fifty Hiroquois are
capable of making two hundred Frenchmen leave the
country, — not if they fought unflinchingly, for in
that case fifty Frenchmen would rout five hundred
Hiroquois, if the Dutch did not give them firearms.
If these Barbarians become enraged at our French-
men, they will never let them sleep soundly; a Hiro-
quois will remain for two or three days without food
behind a stump, fifty paces from your house, in
order to slay the first person who shall fall into his
ambush. If he be discovered, the forest serves him
for an asylum ; where a Frenchman would find only
hindrance, a Savage will bound as lightly as a deer.

120 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

fommeil, vn Hiroquois fe tiendra deux ou trois iour[s]
fans manger derriere vne fouche, a cinquante pas de
voftre maifon, pour maffacrer le premier qui tombera
dans fes embufches ; s'il eft decouuert, les bois luy
feruent d'azile, ou vn Francois ne trouuera que de
l'embaras, vn Sauuage y fautera leftement comme vn
cerf, le moien de refpirer dedans ces [213J preffes, fi
on n'a ce peuple pour amy, ou fi on ne l'extermine,
il faut abandonner a leur cruaute tant de bons Neo-
phytes, il faut perdre tant de belles efperances, &
voir rentrer les Demons das leur empire.

Ie penfois finir ce chapitre ; mais voicy quelques
fragmens de lettre qui en feront vne bonne conclu-
fion. Ie party l'an paffe, des Trois Riuieres, dit le
Pere Claude Pijart pour aller au pais des Nipifirini-
ens, Dieu nous deliura des embufches des Hiroquois,
& d'vn naufrage, oil ie penfay perdre la vie, les Sau-
uages qui me conduifoient ayans mis le pied en l'eau
dans vn torrent, contre le courant duquel ils traif-
noient le canot qui me portoit, la rapidite de l'eau
leur ayant fait quitter prife, ie me vy emporte par le
torrent dans vne precipitation d'eau toute pleine
d'horreur, i'eftois tout viuant a deux doigts de la
mort, quand vn ieune Huron qui eftoit refte feul
auec moy dans le canot, faute allegrement dans les
bouillons d'eau, pouffe le canot hors du courant, &
en fe fauuant luy-mefme, me fauua, & tout noftre
petit bagage: Fay encouru encor d'autres dangers:
defquels, Eripnit me Doviinus, & mater miferieordicz.
Dieu m'a [214] deliure\ & la Mere de Mifericorde.
Nous auons fait quelques courfes c£t hiuer, Dieu a
recompenfe nos petits trauaux, de quelques ames
predeftinees, qui fembloient n'attendre que le S.

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 121

What opportunity is there to take breath, in such
[213] anxieties? If we do not make friends with
these people, or if they be not exterminated, we
must abandon to their cruelty many good Neophytes ;
we must lose many beautiful hopes, and see the
Demons reenter their empire.

I thought to finish this chapter ; but here are some
fragments of a letter which will be a good conclusion.
" I set out last year from the Three Rivers," says
Father Claude Pijart, "to go to the country of the
Nipisiriniens. God delivered us from the ambushes
of the Hiroquois, and from a shipwreck, in which I
thought I should lose my life ; the Savages who were
conducting me having stepped into the water, in a
torrent against the current of which they were drag-
ging the canoe that bore me, and the rapidity of the
water having made them lose their hold, I saw my-
self being carried away by the torrent into a precip-
itous rush of water full of horror. I was, while full of
life, at two finger-lengths from death, when a young
Huron, who alone had remained with me in the canoe,
sprang nimbly into the seething water, pushed the
canoe out of the current, and, in escaping himself,
saved me and all our little baggage. I encountered,
besides, other dangers, from which Eripuit me Donii-
nus, et mater misericordics. God [214] and the Mother
of Mercy delivered me. We have made several jour-
neys this winter; God has rewarded our humble
labors with some predestined souls, that seemed only
to await Holy Baptism that they might enter heaven.
Our usual dwelling place during the winter has been
in the country of the Hurons, which we left on the
eighth of May, that we might go and instruct the
Nipisiriniens. We say holy Mass every day in their

122 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

Baptefme pour aller au ciel ; noflre demeure ordi-
naire pendant l'hiuer, a efte au pais des Hurons que
nous auons quitte le huictiefme de May, pour aller
inftruire les Nipifiriniens, nous difons tous les jours
la faindte Meffe dans leurs cabanes, faifans vn petit
retranchement, ou vne petite Chapelle de nos couuer-
tures: ces peuples me femblent fort doux, bien mo-
defies, & nullement fuperbes: ils font bons mefna-
gers, les femmes ne fcauent que c'eft d'oifiuete, les
ieufnes enfans vont a la pefche, fi toft qu'ils font vn
peu grandelets, la ieuneffe tefmoigne vne grande
ardeur a apprendre ce que nous leur enfeignons de la
doctrine de Iefus-Chrift, ils font fort portes a chan-
ter, les hommes vont en traite, ou en marchandife
vers d'autres Sauuages, du cofte- du Nord, d'ou ils
rapportent quantite de pelteries, vn feul Sauuage
ayant fa prouifion de bleds, auoit de refle trois cens
caflors, qui font la meilleure monoi'e du pais, fi Dieu
donne fa benediction a ces pauures [215] gens, on
aura befoin d'vn bon nombre de braues ouuriers, qui
s'addonnent a la langue Algonquine, tous ces pais cy
font remplis de gens qui la parlent, i'efpere que nos
Nipifiriniens defcendront aux Trois Riuieres, auec
le Pere Charles Raimbault, trouues-vous, s'il vous
plaift, en ces quartiers la, auec les nouueaux Chre-
ftiens, leur exemple & leurs difcours auront beaucoup
de pouuoir fur nos Sauuages.

Dans vne autre lettre, voltre R. ne fgauroit croire
combien elle feroit la bien-venue en ces quartiers-
cy, pour y affermir nos Miffions errantes; ie prie
noftre Seigneur qu'il difpofe le tout a fa plus grande
gloire. Ie n'ay rien de nouueau depuis ma derniere,
finon que le Pere Paul Ragueneau, & le Pere Me-

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 123

cabins, making a little recess, or a little Chapel, with
our blankets. These peoples seem to me very gen-
tle, truly modest, and in no wise proud ; they are very
thrifty, — the women do not know what idleness is,
and the children go to fish as soon as they are some-
what grown. The young people show a great eager-
ness to learn what we teach them of the doctrine of
Jesus Christ, and they are much given to singing.
The men go to trade or barter with other Savages in
the North, whence they bring back a quantity of
furs; one Savage alone, having his supply of grain,
had besides three hundred beavers, which are the
best money of the country. If God give his blessing
to these poor [215] peoples, we shall need a goodly
number of brave workers, who will devote them-
selves to the Algonquin tongue; all these regions
are filled with people who speak it. I hope that our
Nipisiriniens will go down to the Three Rivers with
Father Charles Raimbault ; I beg you to be present,
if you please, with the new Christians, in that neigh-
borhood; their example and their conversation will
have much influence with our Savages.

From another letter: " Your Reverence can hard-
ly believe how welcome you would be in these parts,
for the establishing of our itinerant Missions ; I pray
our Lord that he may order all things to his great-
est glory. I have no news since my last letter, ex-
cept that Father Paul Ragueneau and Father Menard
arrived here in good health, on the day preceding
the Assumption; in the evening, prayers were
chanted in our Chapel of bark, in Latin, in Algon-
quin, and in Huron. What you have been told con-
cerning the men who are beyond the Sagne is true ;
our Nipisiriniens, returning not long since from the

124 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

narcl, font arriues icy en bonne fante, la veille de
l'Affomption; le foir les prieres furent chantees en
noftre Chapelle d'ecorce, en Latin, en Algonquin, &
en Huron; Ce qu'on vous a dit des hommes qui font
au dela du Sagne, eft veritable, nos Nipifiriniens
retournes depuis peu des Kyriftinb'ns, qui trafiquent
en la mer du Nord, nous affeurent qu'ils ont trouue
quatre cens hommes qui parlent tous Montagnais,
cela monte a quatre mille ames.

[216J Voicy deux mots du Pere Pierre Pijart; Pay
eite en Miffion a la Nation du petun : i'ay veu deux
Bourgades qui parloient Algonquin, en l'vne def-
quelles les hommes vont tous nuds fans referue ; il
eft affeure que les peuples de la Nation de feu,
parlent auffi Algonquin, & vne autre Nation qu'on
appelle Ab'anchronons, voila vne belle eftendue pour
nos Peres, qui apprendront cette langue, voila de-
quoy animer leur zele: vn prifonnier de la Nation
de feu, ma dit, qu'il auoit appris en fon pais, qu'on
trouuoit certains peuples au Mydy de ces contrees,
qui femoient & recueilloient deux fois l'annee, du
bled d'Inde, & que la derniere recolte fe faifoit au
mois de Decembre, ce font les paroles du Pere.

Quiconque arreftera ou domptera la fureur des
Hiroquois, ou qui fera reiiffir les moiens de les gai-
gner, ouurira la porte a Iefus-Chrift dans toutes ces
contrees, c'eft vn grand honneur que Dieu fait aux
hommes de les rendre participans des trauaux de la
Croix de fon Fils, en la conuerfion des ames.

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 125

Kyristinouns,10 who trade on the Northern sea, as-
sured us that they found four hundred men who all
speak Montagnais, — that is equivalent to four thou-
sand souls."

[216] Here are a few words from Father Pierre
Pijart: " I have been on a Mission to the tobacco
Nation ; I found two Villages where Algonquin was
spoken, in one of which the men go entirely nude.
It is asserted that the people of the fire Nation, and
of another that is called the Awanchronon Nation,
also speak Algonquin ; here is a fine extent of coun-
try for our Fathers who shall learn this language, —
here is indeed something to animate their zeal. A
prisoner belonging to the fire Nation told me that he
had heard, in his own country, that there were found
certain people at the South of those lands, who
planted and harvested Indian corn twice a year, and
that the last harvest was made in the month of
December." These are the Father's own words.

Whoever shall check or vanquish the fury of the
Hiroquois, or shall succeed in means of winning them,
will open the door to Jesus Christ in all these regions
It is a great honor that God grants to men, to make
them partakers in the labors of the Cross of his Son,
for the conversion of souls.

126 LES RELATIONS DES j£SUITES [Vol.21

Relation de ce qvi s'eft pafse de plus remar-

quable en la Mifsion des Peres de la Com-

pagnie de Iefus avx Hvrons pays de la

Nouuelle France, depuis le mois de

Iuin de 1'annee mil fix cens quarante,

iufques au mois de Iuin de 1' an-

nee 1641. Addressee au R. P.

Iacques Dinet Prouincial de

la Comp. de Iesvs, en

la Prouince de France.

M. DC. XLII.

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 127

Relation of the most remarkable things that oc-
curred in the Mission of the Fathers of the
Society of Jesus in the Huron country of
New France, from the month of June in the
year one thousand six hundred and forty,
to the month of June in the year
1 64 1. Addressed to the Reverend
Father Jacques Dinet, Provincial
of the Society of Jesus, in
the Province of France.
M. DC. XLII.

128 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.21

PAX CHRIST!

MON R. PERE,
La Relation de cette ann6e que i'enuoye a
voftre Reuerence, luy fera voir comme nos
Peres qui eitoient icy, ont efte diftribuez en fept
Miffions, oil ils ont prefche & publie l'Euangile a
feize ou dix-fept mille Barbares. Si les fouffrances
endur^es dans vn li noble employ, font la mefure des
efperances que nous deuons auoir de la conuerfion de
ces peuples; nous auons occafion de croire qu'en fin
de ces pauures infideles nous en ferons de bons Chre-
ftiens: & quelque refiftance que la terre & l'enfer
apportent aux deffeins que nous auons, nous n'en
perdrons pas vn poindt de noftre confiance. Le fang
de Iefus-Chrift qui a efte refpandu pour eux auffi [4]
bien que pour nous, y fera en fin adore : & non feule-
ment les Hurons, mais quantite de nations encore
plus peuplees qui nous enuironnent quafi de toutes
parts, s'affujettiront a ce grand Roy de gloire, a qui
toutes les nations de la terre doiuent en fin rendre
hommage. Ce font ces feules efperances qui fouftien-
nent tous nos trauaux; & afin qu'elles ne foient pas
vaines, ie fupplie V. R. de nous affifter de fes SS. &
prieres,

De V. R.

De la refidence fixe de Tres-humble & tres-obei*f-

S Marie aux Hurons, fant feruiteur en N. S.
ce 19. de May 1641. H L'ALEMANT.

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 129

PAX CHRIST/.

MY REVEREND FATHER,
The Relation of this year, that I send to
your Reverence, will show you how our Fa-
thers who were here, have been distributed in seven
Missions, in which they have preached and published
the Gospel to sixteen or seventeen thousand Bar-
barians. If the sufferings endured in so noble an
employment are a measure of the hopes which we
should entertain for the conversion of these tribes,
we have reason to believe that at last we shall make
good Christians of these poor unbelievers : and what-
ever resistance earth and hell may bring to the de-
signs that we have, we shall not for that lose a jot of
our confidence. The blood of Jesus Christ, which
was shed for them as [4] well as for us, shall be at
last adored there ; and not only the Hurons, but a
multitude of nations still more populous, which sur-
round us on almost all sides, will submit themselves
to this great King of glory, to whom all the nations
of the earth shall at last render homage. It is these
hopes alone that sustain all our labors; and to the
end that they be not vain, I supplicate Your Rever-
ence to assist us by your Holy Sacrifices and prayers.

Your Reverence's
From the permanent Very humble and very

residence of Ste. Marie obedient servant in Our
among the Hurons, this Lord,
19th of May, 1641. H. L'ALEMANT.

130 LES RELATIONS DES JE~ SUITES [Vol.21

[5] CHAPITRE I.
DE l'estat general du christianisme en ces

CONTREES.

NOS Barbares ayans iouy cette ann6e d'vne par-
faite fante\ & des fruidts d'vne belle & heu-
reufe recolte, ne nous ont pas rebute dans nos
vifites, ny fait fi mauuais vifage que la precedente.
Ie ne fcay toutesfois ce que nous leur deuons pluftoft
fouhaitter, l'aduerfite ou la profperite; lamaladie, ou
la fante. Car fi les fains ne deuiennent pas plus fages
au temps de l'vne que de l'autre; quelques malades
au moins durant les maladies, nous donnent en mou-
rant, l'affeurance, ou du moins l'efperance de leur
bonheur.

Depuis le mois de Iuin de l'annee precedente, iuf-
ques au mois de Nouembre enfuiuant, noftre occupa-
tion a [6] efte, d'entretenir ce peu de Chreftiens qui
nous eftoient reflez apres la bouraf que del'hyuer pre-
cedent: de faire quelques courfes aux Millions en-
commencees; & nous difpofer aux Millions de l'hyuer.

Sur le milieu de l'Automne, ayant confidere nos
forces en la langue, & ce qu'il y auoit a faire aupres
des peuples, aufquels on auoit par le pafTe publie
TEuagile; nous trouuames que fans faire tort aux
cinq Miffions de l'annee precedente, nous pouuions
en entreprendre deux nouuelles: l'vne de la langue
Huronne, & l'autre de l'Algonquine; & celle-cy a la
faueur de deux de nos Peres nouuellement arriuez
de Quebeq, & enuoyez a ce dellein.

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 131

[5] CHAPTER I.

OF THE GENERAL CONDITION OF CHRISTIANITY IN

THESE COUNTRIES.

OUR Barbarians having enjoyed this year perfect
health, and the fruits of a great and prosper-
ous harvest, have not rebuffed us in our visits,
nor cast so black looks upon us as in the preceding
year. I do not know, nevertheless, which we ought
rather to wish them, — adversity, or prosperity; sick-
ness, or health. For, if the healthy do not become
wiser in time by one than by the other, some sick
ones, at least during their maladies, give us in dying
the assurance — or, at all events, the hope — of their
happiness.

From the month of June in the preceding year,
until the month of November following, our occupa-
tion [6] was to keep together the few Christians who
had remained with us after the violent storm of the
preceding winter ; to make some trips to the Missions
already begun ; and to prepare ourselves for the
Missions of the winter.

Towards the middle of Autumn, — having consid-
ered our proficiency in the language, and what there
was to do among the peoples to whom we had
proclaimed the Gospel in the past, — we found that,
without doing harm to the five Missions of the pre-
ceding year, we could undertake two new ones, — one
in the Huron language, and one in the Algonquin;
and this last, with the help of two of our Fathers

132 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

Nous voila done incontinent apres diftribuez en
fept millions, oil on a prefche & publie le Royaume
de Dieu a feize ou dix fept mille Barbares de diuer-
fes nations. II n'y a eu bourg ny bourgade, cabane
ny feu oil on a pu. aborder, oil on ne fe foit acquite"
de fa fondtion. Et fi nous n'y voyons tant de con-
uerfions que nous defirerions, au moins [7] auons
nous la confolation de trouuer dans les efprits beau-
coup plus de difpofition a la Foy que les annees pre-
cedentes.

Cependant c'efl vne chofe pitoyable que de voir
les idees & les imaginations dans lefquelles le malin
efprit entretiet encore ces pauures peuples. Les vns
entrent dans des frayeurs auffi toft qu'ils nous voy-
ent, & demandent fi la maladie ne reuient point auec
nous: les autres apres nous auoir entendu n'ont
autre replique fmon qu'ils n'ont point d'efprit.
Quelques vns deuant que de s'engager, demandent fi
on leur donne affeurance qu'ils vieilliront: d' autres
font inftance que nous entreprenions done tout en-
femble la guerifon de tous les malades, puis que nous
defendons les feftins & les danfes de ceremonie, qui
font les remedes du pays. D 'autres demandent de-
quoy ils viuront, & a quoy ils pafferont leur temps,
puis qu'on leur defend de defrober, & d entretenir
les femmes. D'autres ne ceffent de protefter qu'ils
croyet, auec mille complaifances & cajolleries, qui
n'aboutiffent [8] en fin qu'a demander ou defrober
quelque chofe f'ils peuuent.

II s'en trouue qui efcoutent ferieufement, & con-
fentent volontiers a tout, demeurans couaincus de la
verite; mais preffez d'en venir a l'execution, & de
quitter toutes leurs fuperftitions ; & particulierement

1641 -42] RELA TJON OF 1640-41 133

recently arrived from Quebeq, and sent for this pur-
pose.

Behold us then, immediately after, distributed
among seven missions, where we preached and pub-
lished the Kingdom of God to sixteen or seventeen
thousand Barbarians of divers tribes. There was no
village or hamlet, cabin or fireside, to which we could
approach, where we did not discharge our duty.
And if we do not see in them so many conversions
as we might desire, at least [7] we have the consola-
tion of finding in their minds much more inclination
to the Faith than in preceding years.

Notwithstanding, it is a pitiable thing to see the
ideas and imaginations in which the evil spirit still
keeps these poor tribes. Some of them are seized
with fright as soon as they see us, and ask if the
malady does not return with us ; others, after having
heard us, have no reply except that they have no
mind. Some, before pledging themselves, ask if we
will assure them that they shall grow old ; others en-
treat that we should then undertake wholly the heal-
ing of all the sick, since we forbid the feasts and the
ceremonious dances, which are the remedies of the
country; others ask upon what they shall live, and
how they shall spend their time, since they are for-
bidden to steal, and to cherish the women; others do
not cease to protest that they believe, with a thou-
sand politenesses and flatteries, which end [8] at last
only in asking for something or in stealing it if
they can.

There are some who listen seriously and consent
willingly to everything, remaining convinced of the
truth ; but on being urged to come to the performance
of it, and to forsake all their superstitions, — and

134 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

leurs AafKSandiKs ou diables familiers, vrais ou ima-
ginaires, perdent courage, ne pouuans fe refoudre a
quitter ce que depuis tant de fiecles ils fe font per-
fuadez eftre le principe de leur conferuation & de celle
de leur famille, & la fource de tout leur bon-heur.

On trouue a 1' ordinaire parmy cette pouffiere quel-
que perle, ie veux dire quelque ame predeftinee, qui
profite de nos vifites. Mais le nombre en eft en
eff et tel que celuy des predeftinez, petit en comparai-
fon des autres. Le nombre de ceux qui ont eft6
baptifez cette annee eft d'vne centaine, dont plu-
fieurs font morts heureuf ement : fans parler de plu-
fieurs petits enfans decedez qui auoient efte baptifez
les annees precedentes.

[9] Apres tout, nous voyons icy au milieu de cette
grande Barbarie, vne petite Eglife copofee d'vne
trentaine de Francois, & d'vne cinquantaine de Sau-
uages faifans profeffion, affiftez & fauorifez continu-
ellement d'vne Prouidece de Dieu toute fpeciale;
nous ne pouuos penfer autre chofe, finon que c'eft
vn peu de leuain qui fe forme petit a petit, qui en
fon temps produira fon effet.

Or en quelque temps que ce foit qu'il plaife a
Dieu donner benediction pleine & entiere a cet ou-
urage; par ou il faudra comencer, ce fera d'arrefter
& affermir les manages qui n'ot icy aucune flabilite,
& fe ropent plus facilemet que les promeffes que les
enfans fe font en Frace les vns aux autres. Et d'au-
tant qu'vne des principales caufes de leur diffolutio,
vient de ce que quelqu'vne des parties ne peut four-
nir a l'autre fes befoins & neceffitez, ce qui fait
qu'elle les va chercher ailleurs; l'vn des plus puif-
fans moyens de les lier auec indiffolubilite fera de
les affifter en telle rencontre.

1641 - 42] RELA TION OF 1640 -41 135

especially their Aaskwandiks or familiar demons, real
or imaginary, — they lose courage, not being able to
resolve on abandoning that which for so many ages
they have persuaded themselves to be essential to
their preservation and that of their families, and the
source of all their good fortune.

We find generally in this dust some pearl, I mean
some predestined soul, which profits by our visits.
But the number of these is indeed like that of the
elect, — small in comparison with the others. The
number of those who have been baptized this year
is about a hundred, of whom several have died hap-
pily,— without speaking of many little children
deceased, who had been baptized in preceding years.

[9] After all, we find here, in the midst of this
great Barbarism, a little Church composed of about
thirty Frenchmen, and about fifty Savages making
profession, assisted and continually favored by a
very special Providence of God : we can believe no
other thing, but that it is a bit of leaven which, little
by little, is growing, and which in its own time will
produce its effect.

Now — in whatever time it may be that it please
God to give full and entire blessing to this work —
the way by which we must begin will be to fix and
confirm the marriages, which have here no stability,
and are broken more easily than the promises which
children make to one another in France. And, — in-
asmuch as one of the principal causes of their disso-
lution comes from this, that one of the parties is not
able to supply the needs and necessities of the other,
which causes that other to go and seek them else-
where,— one of the most effective means of binding
them indissolubly will be to assist them in such a case.

136 LES RELATIONS DES JE~ SUITES [Vol.21

Ie ne fcaurois affez admirer la Prouidence diuine,
ny affez adorer fa bote" & [10] mifericorde, en ce
qu'ayant infinue vn petit mot de ce fuiet, aux prece-
dentes Relatios, il luy a pleu fufciter tout plein de
faindtes ames, dont la charite a furmonte toutes nos
efperances: en forte que nous auons affeurance, au
moins pour quelque temps, qu'il ne tiendra pas aux
moyens d'affifter plufieurs de ces pauures barbares,
que leurs manages ne foient redus ftables. C'eft a
quoy moyennant cette affiftance, nous auons com-
mence a trauailler.

Quelques perfonnes de merite ne fe contentant pas
d'vne aumofne paffagere, ont refolu de faire des fon-
dations perpetuelles de ces dix ou douze efcus, auec
lefquels ie difois qu'on pouuoit affermir chacun de
ces manages; afin qu'ils y foient continuellement
appliquez par l'ordre des Peres de noftre Compagnie,
tandis que la Foy fe trouuera fermemet enracin£e
dans les conjoints, & dans les maifons: & au cas
qu'elle vint a manquer en eux, qu'on la puiffe proui-
gner dans d'autres families qui fe Chriftianiferont ;
a quoy le fonds de telle rente fera defline. Ce qui
eft en [i i] effet eftablir & entretenir le Chriftianifme
dans ces contrees, par vne deuotion auffi iudicieufe
que charitable.

Entre ceux qui fe font portez a cette charite, s'en
font trouuez quelques vns, a ce que i'apprens, defga-
gez du mariage & fans enfans; ou mefme qui ont
toufiours vefcu libres de ce lien, qui ont creu qu'ils
pouuoient icy acquerir des enfans pour Dieu & pour
eux, par cette voye de faindte adoption, & pour per-
petuer leur nom en cette terre d'Eglife naiffante,
lors qu'il fe perd en la leur. Et faire que par ce

1641 - 42] RELA TION OF 1640 - 41 137

I cannot sufficiently admire divine Providence, nor
sufficiently adore his goodness and [10] mercy, —
since, having slightly alluded to this subject in pre-
ceding Relations, it has pleased him to quicken many
holy souls, whose charity has surpassed all our hopes ;
so that we have assurance, at least for some time,
that means will not be lacking to assist many of these
poor barbarians, that their marriages may be rendered
stable. It is for this purpose, with the help of this
aid, that we have begun to work.

Certain persons of merit, not being contented with
a temporary alms, have resolved to make perpetual
foundations of the ten or twelve ecus with which I
said that each of these marriages could be established ;
so that they may be continually thus employed, by
order of the Fathers of our Society, while the Faith
shall be firmly rooted in these husbands and wives and
in their families ; and in case it happen to be lacking
in them, that we may propagate it in other families
which shall be Christianized ; the principal for such
income shall be set aside for this. This is in [11]
truth to establish and maintain Christianity in these
regions, by a devotion as judicious as charitable.

Among those who are inclined to this charity have
been found some, as I learn, who are freed from
marriage and without children, or even who have
always lived free from such bond, and who have
believed that they might here gain children for God
and for themselves, by this manner of holy adoption,
and thus perpetuate their names in this land of a ris-
ing Church, when these are lost in their own. And
to cause that by this means remembrance of them
may be always more present in the prayers of these
people, they have desired that their names should be

138 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol.21

moyen leur memoire y fuft toufiours plus prefente
dans les prieres; ils ont defire" que leur nom fuft
donne aux families prouenantes de ces manages,
procurez par les efforts de leur charite. Nous en
attendons la memoire pour commencer a executer
leur deffein, pendant que le liure de vie conferuera
le nom de tous, pour rendre vn iour a vn chacun
felon fon merite & charite" ; c'eft dequoy nous fuppli-
ons tres-humblement la diuine Maiefte.

Tant de faindtes penfees & inuentions pour fecou-
rir nos pauures Sauuages, [12] jointes au courage de
Meffieurs de la Compagnie de la Nouuelle France,
qui ne fe rebuttent d'aucune difgrace du temps,
pour faire marcher le principal de nos affaires, qui
depend beaucoup de leur refolution & bonne volonte\
nous confirme dans la penfee que Dieu toft ou tard
fera quelque chofe de grand.

1641 - 42] RELA TION OF 1640 -41 139

given to the families proceeding from these mar-
riages, procured by the efforts of their charity. We
are awaiting the list of these, that we may begin the
execution of their design ; while the book of life will
preserve the names of all, in order one day to render
to each one, according to his merit and his charity :
for this we supplicate most humbly the divine Maj-
esty.

So many holy thoughts and plans for aiding our
poor Savages [12] joined to the courage of Messieurs
of the Company of New France, — which is never dis-
heartened by any misfortune of the times in advanc-
ing the chief object of our work, which depends much
upon their firmness and good will, — confirm us in the
opinion that sooner or later God will do some great
thing.

140 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

CHAPITRE II.

DE LA RESIDENCE FIXE & MISSION DE SAINCTE

MARIE.

DV nombre des Peres que nous eftions dans les
Huros, au temps de la derniere Relation, le
Pere Paul Ragueneau, & le Pere Iofeph Pon-
cet defcendirent a QuebeK l'Efte dernier pour y
paffer l'Hyuer, & fur le commencement de 1' Au-
tocrine arriuerent icy le Pere Claude Pijart, & le Pere
Charles Raymbault pour la langue Algonquine, qui
accomplirent le mefme nombre de [13] tre[i]ze Peres
que nous eftions l'an paffe\ Celt en cette Maifon
de la Mere de Dieu oil quelquefois l'annee nous nous
voyons tous reiinis, & mefme nous efperons qu'elle
pourra feruir de retraidte aux pauures Sauuages Chre-
ftiens, qui fe fentans emportez par le torrent des
defbauches & des couftumes barbares & infernales du
Pays, demeurans dans les bourgs, auront moyen de
fe fauuer du naufrage fe retirant proche de nous:
quelques vns l'ont defia fait, & nous donnerons volon-
tiers le voifmage aux families entieres qui voudront
s'en approcher, dont d'aucuns nous ont donne parole.
Quoy qu'il en foit, ce nous eft a tous vne confola-
tion bien fenfible de voir icy arriuer de deux, trois,
& quatre lieue's loin les Samedys au foir nombre de
nos Chreftiens qui s'y rangent des bourgades plus
proches pour y celebrer le Dimanche, & rendre tous
enfemble au milieu de cette Barbarie, les homages

[1641 -42 RELA TION OF 1640-41 141

CHAPTER II.

OF THE PERMANENT RESIDENCE AND MISSION OF

SAINTE MARIE.

OF the number of Fathers who were with us in
the Huron country at the time of the last Re-
lation, Father Paul Ragueneau, and Father
Joseph Poncet went down to Quebek last Summer
to spend the Winter there ; and, toward the begin-
ning of Autumn, Father Claude Pijart and Father
Charles Raymbault came here, on account of [their
knowledge of] the Algonquin language; and they
complete the same number of [13] thirteen Fathers
which we had last year. It is in this House of the
Mother of God that at some time in the year we see
ourselves all reunited ; and we even hope that it may
serve as a retreat to the poor Christian Savages,
who, — feeling themselves carried away by a torrent
of debaucheries, and by the barbarous and infernal
customs of their Country, while dwelling in their
own villages, — will have a means of escaping ship-
wreck by taking refuge near us ; some of them have
already done so, and we shall willingly welcome as
neighbors entire families who may wish to approach
us, some of whom have given us their word.

At all events, it is a very great consolation to us
to see arrive here from two, three, and four leagues'
distance on Saturday evenings, a number of our
Christians, who dispose themselves in villages very
near [the residence], in order to celebrate Sunday

142 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

qui depuis [14] la creation du monde y auoient efle
deniez a celuy qui feul les meritoit. Nombre d'Al-
gonquins ayant hyuerne cet hyuer pres de nous,
c'efloit vn doux motet d'entendre en mefme temps
les loiianges de Dieu en trois & quatre langues ; en
vn mot, ie puis dire que cette maifon eft la maifon
de paix, iufques la mefme que les Sauuages qui ail-
leurs nous font plus ennemis & les plus infolens
contre nous, prennent ce femble des fentimens & vne
humeur toute contraire, lors que nous les voyons
chez nous. Nous efperons qu'auec le temps les
chofes s'adouciront de plus en plus, & qu'en fin on
les verra reduits en leur deuoir.

L'ordre que Monfieur le Cheualier de Montmagny
noftre Gouuerneur, apporta l'an paffe au temps qu'ils
eftoiet defcendus en traidte pour punir & reprimer
les infolences qu'icy haut ils auoient commis contre
nous, a eu defia de bons effects dans l'efprit de ces
Barbares, qui apres leur retour n'ont pas moins ad-
mire la fageffe de fa conduite & de fa iuflice fur le
paffe, qu'ils ont [15] redoute ces menaces pour l'ad-
uenir. Iufques la mefme que quelques nations enti-
eres nous ont icy rendu iuflice du tort que nous
auions receu de quelques vns d'entr'eux pour euiter
la punition & le reproche qu'ils craignoient de rece-
uoir la bas aux trois Riuieres. C'eft fagement fe
feruir de fon authority, de reduire fous les loix de la
iuflice vn peuple barbare, efloigne de trois cens
lieues de vous; & c'efl employer faindlement fon
pouuoir, de le rendre efficace pour maintenir en paix
les Predicateurs de la Foy, dans vn pais ou l'impiete
& l'infolence ont regne depuis le commencement du
monde. Vn tel appuy de l'Euangile ne feruira pas

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 143

therein, and in the midst of this Barbarism to render
all together the homage which since [14] the crea-
tion of the world has been there denied to him who
alone has merited it. A number of Algonquins hav-
ing wintered near 11s this year, it was a sweet
anthem to hear at the same time the praises of God in
three or four languages ; in a word, I can say that this
house is the house of peace, — so much so, that the
very Savages who elsewhere are most hostile and
most insolent towards us, take on an appearance of
feeling and disposition wholly different, when we
see them in our home. We hope that, with time,
matters will become more and more quiet, and that,
at last, we shall see the people brought to their duty.
The order that Monsieur the Chevalier de Mont-
magny, our Governor, established last year at the
time when they went down to the trade, in punish-
ing and repressing the acts of insolence that had
been committed against us up here, has already had
a good effect on the minds of these Barbarians.
They, after their return, did not less admire the wis-
dom of his conduct and of his justice in the past than
they [15] feared his menaces for the future; indeed,
even a few entire tribes have rendered us justice
here for the wrong we had received from some among
them, in order to avoid the punishment and the re-
proach which they feared to receive down at the
three Rivers. It is using his authority wisely to
bring under the law of justice a barbarous people,
three hundred leagues from you, and it is a pious
employment of power to render it efficacious in main-
taining in peace the Preachers of the Faith, in a
country where impiety and insolence have reigned
from the beginning of the world. Such a support of

144 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 21

moins a la conuerlion de ces peuples, que ceux mel-
mes qui leur annoncent la parole de Dieu. II n'y a
que Dieu feul qui en puille eftre la iufte recompenfe :
nous le prions que cela foit.

Le 2. iour de Nouembre nous quittafmes tous la
maifon, nous feparant auec autant de ioye pour com-
mencer nos Millions, que nous en auions reffenty,
nous voyans tous de compagnie. [16] Le Pere Pierre
Chaltelain y fut laifle tout feul pour y receuoir &
entretenir les Chreftiens, & pouruoir a la paix & au
repos du dedans & du dehors, lors que les Sauuages
y aborderoient : ce qu'il a fait auec vne benediction
de Dieu particuliere.

Le foin de la Million qui porte le nom de cette
Maifon, qui comprend quatre ou cinq bourgs des plus
voifins eftoit efcheu au Pere Ifaac Iogues, & au Pere
Francois du Peron, y ayans eu les mefmes emplois &
les mefmes difficultez que nous verrons dans les
Miffions fuiuates: ils ont auffi. participe aux coniza-
tions qu'il y a de trauailler dans la vigne du grand
Maiftre qui nous y employe.

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 145

the Gospel will not avail less for the conversion of
these tribes than even they who announce to them
the word of God. It is God alone who can be there-
for the just reward; we pray that so it may be.

On the 2nd day of November, we all left the
house, — separating, in order to begin our Missions,
with as much joy as we had experienced in finding
ourselves all together. [16] Father Pierre Chaste-
lain was left there quite alone, to receive and enter-
tain the Christians, and provide for peace and quiet
within and without when the Savages should ar-
rive,— which he did with a special blessing of God.

The care of the Mission which bears the name of
this House, and which includes four or five of the
nearest villages, fell to Father Isaac Jogues, and to
Father Francois du Peron ; having had therein the
same employments and the same difficulties that we
shall see in the following Missions, they have like-
wise participated in the consolations that there are
in laboring in the vineyard of the great Master who
employs us therein.

146 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

[17] CHAPITRE III.

DE LA MISSION DE LA CONCEPTION.

LE Pere Francois le Mercier a eu le principal foin
de cette Miffion ; i'ay eu la confolation de l'y
accompagner & de voir f ouuent de mes yeux le
plus agreable obiedt, & le plus grand threfor que
nous ayons en ces contrees. Celt la premiere
Eglife qui y foit, compofee de quelque nombre de
Chreftiens qui viuent en la crainte de Dieu, & l'ado-
rent en verite au milieu d'vne nation qui depuis cinq
mille ans n'a recogneu que les demons pour maiftres.
La plus part de ces bons Chreftiens fe retrouuent
dans le principal bourg de la Miffion, qui s'eftend fur
plufieurs autres bourgs & bourgades.

C'eft de ce bourg de la Conception, (qui porte le
nom de toute la Miffion) qu'eftoit ce braue & gene-
reux Chreftien Iofeph Chihb'atenhSa, dont il a efte" fi
fouuent parle dans les relations [18] precedentes, &
que les Iroquois maffacrerent l'Efte paffe, s'eftans
ruez inopinement deffus luy.

Qui n'euft iuge que tout l'edifice ne deuft tomber
en ruyne apres vne mort fi funeite, ce femble, de
celuy que tous, tant infideles que Chreftiens, regar-
doiet comme le pilier & la colomne de cette petite
Eglife naiff ante ? Et fur qui en effect nous iettions
les yeux comme fur vn Apoftre de ce pays, puis que
ne refpirant que la gloire de Dieu, n'ayant de l'amour
que pour luy, & ne faifant eftat que des veritez de

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 147

[17] CHAPTER III.

OF THE MISSION OF LA CONCEPTION.

FATHER Francois le Mercier has had the prin-
cipal care of this Mission ; I have had the satis-
faction of accompanying him to it and of often
seeing with my own eyes the most pleasing object,
and the greatest treasure that we have in these re-
gions,— that is, the first Church which was planted
here composed of a small number of Christians who
live in the fear of God, and adore him in truth, in
the midst of a nation which for five thousand years
has recognized only demons as masters. The great-
er part of these good Christians are found in the
chief village of the Mission, which extends over
several other villages and hamlets.

It was to this village of la Conception (which
bears the name of the whole Mission) that the brave
and generous Christian Joseph Chihwatenhwa be-
longed, of whom there has been so often mention in
preceding relations, [18] and whom the Iroquois
slew last Summer, having rushed unexpectedly upon
him.

Who would not have thought that the whole edifice
must fall into ruin after the apparently so disastrous
death of him whom all, unbelievers as well as Chris-
tians, regarded as the pillar and column of this little
rising Church? and upon whom, in truth, we had
looked as an Apostle of this country, since — existing
only for the glory of God, having love only for him,

148 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

la foy, qui fans ceffe efclairoient fon efprit, & ani-
moient quafi tous f es delirs ; non f eulement il en auoit
les qualitez, mais auffi en auoit fait fouuent l'office
au peril de fa vie, n'y ayant lieu dans toutes ces con-
trees oil de fon viuat nous ayons mis le pied, que par
tout il n'y ait prefche hautement des grandeurs de
celuy qu'ils deuoient adorer pour Dieu, & des obliga-
tions que nous auons au Sang & a. la Croix de Iefus-
Chrift.

Mais tant s'en faut que la foy ait receu aucun dom-
mage de ce coup dans le [19] cceur des Croyans que
pluftoft elle femble s'eftre affermie plus qu'aupara-
uant.

Sa femme, qui fembloit deuoir eftre la plus abba-
tue de cet accident, nous a dit que lors que la nou-
uelle luy en fut apportee, elle demeura quelque teps
interdite, fans penfer a rien, & que la premiere pen-
fee qui luy vint, fut ce que fi fouuent elle auoit en-
tendu dire au defundt en plufieurs occafions. Celuy
qui en ejl le maijlre en a dispofe" de la forte, qu y ferions-
nous? Elle s'eft en fuitte comportee de la forte dans
fon affliction, que ie ne fcai ce que pourroit faire de
mieux vne des meilleures Chreftiennes de noltre
Europe. Plufieurs de la famille nous ont dit que les
difcours que fi fouuent le defundt leur auoit faits
pendant fa vie, ne les ayans point conuaincu de fon
viuant, au temps de fa mort, leur reuindrent dans
1' efprit, & les toucherent fi fort, qu'ils conceurent ce
que iamais ils n'auoient bien entendu, & prirent refo-
lution de changer de vie.

En effet fon frere aifne nomme Teondechorren,
qui auparauant n'auoit fait beaucoup d'eftat de fes
inftrudtions, [20] & bons aduis, nous vint trouuer trois

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 149

relying only upon the verities of the faith, which
unceasingly illuminated his mind and animated
almost all his desires — he not only had the qualities
of one, but he had even performed the office of one
at the peril of his life. There was no place in all
these regions, in which we had set foot while he
lived, where he had not boldly preached the great-
ness of him whom they ought to adore as God, and
the obligations under which we are to the Blood and
to the Cross of Jesus Christ.

But so far from the faith having received any harm
from this blow, in the [19] hearts of the Believers,
it seems rather to have become firmer than before.

His wife — who, it seemed, should have been the
most cast down by this occurrence — told us that,
when the news of it was brought to her, she remained
some time speechless, without realizing anything;
and that the first thought which came to her was
what she had so often heard the deceased say on many
occasions. He zvho is the master of it has thus arranged
it; what could zve do in the matter ? She afterward so
bore herself in her affliction, that I do not know how
any one of the best Christians in our Europe could
have done better. Several of the family told us that
the conversations which the deceased had so often
held with them while he lived — not having con-
vinced them in his lifetime — came again into their
minds at the time of his death, and so forcibly
affected them that they apprehended that which
they had never well understood, and made resolu-
tions to change their lives.

In fact, his elder brother named Teondechorren,
who before had not had a high regard for his instruc-
tions [20] and good advice, came to us three days

150

LES RELA TIONS DES JE~SUITES [Vol. 21

iours apres le maffacre, pour nous demander inftam-
ment le Baptefme. On 1' examine, on le fonde, on
le trouue inftruit & informe" de tout ce qui eftoit
neceffaire a cela. On prit toutesfois quelque temps
pour mieux encore recognoiftre fa difpofition, a
laquelle ne trouuant rien a redire, il fut baptife a la
fefte de la Natiuite de Noftre Dame. On luy donna
le nom de Iofeph, qui eft le nom du defunct, dans
l'efperace que Ton eut que la vertu de fon feu frere,
auffi bien que fon nom refufciteroit en fa perfonne.
Nous ne fcauons pas quels en feront les progrez &
l'iffue, mais a ce commencement nous ne receuons
pas moins de contentement de luy que nous en auons
receu autresfois de feu fon frere, lors qu'il commenca
d'eftre Chreftien, voire mefme y trouuons-nous quel-
que chofe de plus, auec cette difference neantmoins,
que fon frere n'auoit eu perfonne deuant foy qu'il
eut pu imiter: mais celuy-cy a eu l'exemple de fon
frere, qui femble auoir efte toute la caufe de fon bon
heur.

[21] La conuerfion de ce nouueau Iofeph femble
d'autant plus confiderable, qu'il a trempe vingt ans
durant dans l'exercice de l'Ab'taenhrohi ou feftin &
danfe de feu, le plus diabolique, & cependant le plus
ordinaire remede des maladies qui foit dans le pays.
II nous a confirme tout ce qui en a defia efte efcrit
autrefois: & nous a raconte* qu'enuiron l'aage de
vingt ans, il fe mit par fantafie de ieuneffe a fuiure
ceux qui s'en mefloient: mais que comme il eut veu
qu'il n'auoit pas comme les autres, les mains & la
bouche a l'efpreuue du feu, il fe gardoit bien de tou-
cher a ce qui eftoit trop chaud, mais qu'il en faifoit

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 151

after the murder, to ask us urgently for Baptism.
He was examined, was sounded, and was found
instructed and informed upon all that was necessary
for it. However, some time was taken in order the
better further to observe his disposition, in which
finding nothing to criticize, he was baptized on the
feast of the Nativity of Our Lady. We gave him
the name of Joseph, which was the name of the
deceased, in the hope we had that the virtue of his
late brother, as well as his name, might be made to
live again in his person. We do not know what will
be the progress and outcome for him, but at this be-
ginning we are not receiving less satisfaction from
him than we received formerly from his late brother,
when he began to be a Christian ; nay, we even find
in him something more, — yet with this difference,
that his brother had had no one before him whom he
could imitate ; but this one has had the example of
his brother, which seems to have been the whole
cause of his good fortune.

[21] The conversion of this new Joseph seems so
much the more important, as he had been for twenty
years steeped in the practice of the Aoutaenhrohi, or
festival and dance of fire, — the most diabolical, and,
at the same time, the most general remedy for mala-
dies that there is in the country. He has corrobo-
rated for us everything that has been already written
about it ; and he related to us that when about twen-
ty years old he began, through a youthful fancy, to
follow those who turned their attention to this ; but
when he saw that he had not, like the others, hands
and mouth which were fireproof, he was very care-
ful not to touch what was too hot, but he made only

152 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

feulement le femblant, & couuroit fon ieu du mieux
qu'il pouuoit.

Au bout de quelque temps il eut vn fonge, dans
lequel il fe vid afsifter a vne de ces danfes ou feftins,
& manier le feu comme les autres, & entendit en
mefme temps vne chanfon, laquelle il fut eftonne a
fon refueil de fcauoir en perfection. Au premier
feftin qui fe fit de cette nature, il fe mit a chanter fa
chanfon, & voila petit a petit qu'il fe [22] fent en-
trer en f ureur : il prend les braizes & les pierres arden-
tes auec les mains & les dents du milieu des braziers,
il enfonce fon bras nud tout au fonds des chaudieres
boiiillates, le tout fans lezion ny douleur; en vn mot
le voila maiftre paffe. Et depuis, l'efpace de vingt
ans il luy eft arriue quelquefois d'affifter a trois &
quatre feftins ou danfes de cette nature en vn iour,
pour la guerifon des malades.

II nous a affeure que tant s'en faut pour lors qu'on
fe brufle, qu'au contraire on fent de la fraifcheur aux
mains & a la bouche, mais que le tout fe doit faire
en fuitte & dependemment de la chanfon qu'on a
apprife dans le fonge; qu'autrement rien d'extraordi-
naire ne fe fait.

II nous difoit en outre que pour lors de temps en
temps il fe voyoit en fonge affifter a ces feftins, &
que la on luy donnoit ou preftoit quelque chofe qu'il
portoit fur foy pendant la ceremonie. Cela lui eftoit
vn aduertiffemet qu'il ne falloit pas qu'il l'entreprit
la premiere fois, qu'il n'eut fur foy ce qu'il auoit veu
en fonge, [23] ce qui faifoit qu'a la premiere danfe
il declaroit fon defir, & auffi toft on luy iettoit ce qu'il
auoit declare luy eftre neceffaire pour iouer fon per-
fonnage. Cela a mon iugement, fe doit appeller de

1641-42] RELA TION OF 1640-41 153

a pretense of doing it and played his part to the best
of his ability.

At the end of some time he had a dream, in which
he saw himself present at one of these dances or
festivals, and handling fire like the others, and he
heard at the same time a song, which he was aston-
ished to know perfectly on awaking. At the first
feast of this kind which was made, he began to sing
his song, and behold, by degrees he [22] felt himself
becoming frenzied, — he took the burning embers
and the hot stones with his hands and with his teeth
from the midst of the live coals, he plunged his bare
arm to the bottom of the boiling kettles, and all with-
out any injury or pain, in a word, he was master of
his trade. And since then for the space of twenty
years, it has befallen him sometimes to be present at
three or four festivals or dances of this kind in one
day, for the healing of the sick.

He assured us that, far from being burned then,
one felt, on the contrary, a coolness of the hands
and mouth ; but that all must be done following and
depending upon the song that has been learned in
the dream; that otherwise nothing extraordinary
takes place.

He told us, besides, that then from time to time
he saw himself in dreams present at these feasts, and
that then something was given or lent him that he
should wear about his person during the ceremony.
This was a warning to him that he must not under-
take it the next time, unless he had about him that
which he had seen in his dream ; [23] for this reason,
at the next dance, he declared his wish, and immedi-
ately there was thrown him that which he had de-
clared to be necessary to him, in order that he might

154 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

fon vray nom, renouuellement d'hommage & de recon-
noiffance que le malin efprit tire de teps en teps
de ces patmres Peuples, come des efclaues de fa
puiffance.

Maintenant ce pauure home eft tout ratiy , de fe
voir en l'eflat oil il eft. II va fouuent fe reprefen-
tant qu'il eft comme vn prisonier de guerre de ces
quartiers, efchappe de la main de fes ennemis; pen-
dant que fes compagnons attachez aux liens, font a
la veille de fouffrir d' horribles tourmens: ce font fes
propres penfees. II a tout d'vn coup rompu auec
toutes les fuperftitions du pays ; & en tous les f eftins
oil il a efte inuite depuis fon baptefme, il a gene-
reufement garde la liberte que nous demandons de
nos Chreftiens en telles rencontres: & par tout ou il
fe trouue, il fait ouuertemet profeffion de ce qu'il eft.
II a voulu que la volonte du defunct, fut executee,
touchant la petite Therefe fa niepce, [24] & qu'elle
fut menee a QuebeK, & mife entre les mains des Meres
Vrfulines, refolu a tout ce que Dieu en ordonneroit.
Et en vn mot, il nous donne tout contentement.

Ce bon homme iufques icy n'eftoit pas beaucoup
confiderable parmy ceux de fa Nation : mais depuis
qu'il s'eft fait Chreftien il a efte regarde de tout
autre ceil par les Capitaines mefmes, & les plus con-
fiderables de fon bourg, qui l'ont voulu mettre dans
les affaires. Or vn iour comme il fe fut engage a
nous rendre quelque feruice (c'eftoit pour faire le
voyage de la Nation Neutre, & afsifter au retour les
Peres qui y eftoient en Mifsions) s'eitant en mefme
temps rencontre qu'on le voulut employer pour les
affaires du public, il tafcha de ioindre l'vn auec l'au-
tre, & en propofa les expediens au Confeil: mais

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 155

play his part. This, in my judgment, ought to be
called by its true name, a renewal of homage and of
recognition that the evil spirit now and then draws
from these poor Tribes, as from slaves to his power.

Now this poor man is wholly charmed at finding
himself in his present condition. He is often imagin-
ing that he is like a prisoner of war in these quarters,
escaped from the hands of his enemies, while his
companions, bound with chains, are on the eve of
suffering horrible torments; these are his own
thoughts. He broke away, at once, from all the
superstitions of his country ; at all the feasts to which
he has been invited since his baptism, he has cour-
ageously kept the liberty that we ask for our Chris-
tians on such occasions; and, wherever he has been,
he has openly made profession of what he is. He
wished that the will of the deceased should be car-
ried out, concerning the little Therese, his niece, —
[24] that she should be taken to Quebek and put into
the hands of the Ursuline Mothers, — saying that he
was resolved upon anything that God should order
concerning her; in a word, he gives us complete
satisfaction.

This good man, until now, was not of much impor-
tance among those of his Tribe; but since he has
become a Christian he has been looked upon in a
very different light by the Captains themselves, and
by the most influential men of his village, who have
wished to employ him in public affairs. Now, one
day, when he had engaged to render us a certain serv-
ice (it was to make a journey to the Neutral Nation,
and to attend on their return the Fathers who were
there on Missions), having found that they wished
to employ him at the same time in public business,

156 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 21

n'ayant peu eftre agreez par ceux qui y prefidoient,
les deux affaires eftans deuenus incompatibles, il pria
qu'on ne trouuaft point mauuais qu'il ne fe meflaft
point de celles du Public, faifant vne proteftation
folemnelle, Que par tout [25] 011 il s'agiroit du
feruice de Dieu & du noftre, il n'y auoit affaire qu'il
ne poftpofaft a celle la.

Sa femme d'vn tres-bon efprit & d'vne belle hu-
meur eftant deuenue Catechumene en mefme temps
que fon mary fut baptif£, fut en fin baptifee elle
mefme a Pafques dernier, & nominee Catherine:
nous en efperons beaucoup. Plaife a Dieu benir
ce mariage confirme Chref tiennement dans toute la
ftabilite fouhaitable.

Ce n'eft pas feulement fur la famille du defunct.
Iofeph Chihb'atenhb'a, que les benedictions du Ciel
font tombees heureufement depuis fa mort, mais
nous en voyons des effects pleins de confolation fur
tous les autres Chreftiens qui compofent cette petite
Eglife; car a. peine pourrions nous defirer plus de
contentement & de fatisfadtion que nous receuons de
ce petit troupeau, qui nous paroift comme vne petite
maffe d'or ef puree a la fournaife de plufieurs tribu-
lations, qui ont en fin fepare le vray d'auec le faux:
de forte que nous ne voyos prefque plus perfonne
parmy nos Chreftiens, [26] de la fincerite duquel
nous ayons fuiet de douter.

Le bruit eftat venu au bourg de la Coception enui-
ron la my-Iauier, que nos PP. de la Miffio des Apoft.
aux Khionotatehronons s'eftoiet perdus das les nei-
ges, en retournat ici faire vn tour, quelques vns de
ces bos Chrefties auffi toft fe miret en deuoir de les
aller chercher ou fecourir; mais les ayat trouue" a. 2.

1641 - 42] RELA TION OF 1640 - 41 157

he endeavored to join one with the other, and pro-
posed expedients for that to the Council. But, as
these could not be accepted by those who presided
thereat, — the two affairs having been incompatible, —
he begged they would not take it amiss should he
not engage in the Public business, making a solemn
protestation, that whenever [25] it was a question of
the service of God or of ourselves, there was no busi-
ness which he would not defer thereto.

His wife, who has a very good mind and a beauti-
ful disposition, having become a Catechumen at the
same time that her husband was baptized, was finally
herself baptized last Easter, and named Catherine:
we hope much from her. May it please God to bless
with all desirable stability this marriage which has
been confirmed in a Christian manner.

It is not only upon the family of the deceased
Joseph Chihwatenhwa, that the blessings of Heav-
en have fallen favorably since his death ; but we see
its effects, full of consolation, on all the other Chris-
tians who compose this little Church; for we could
hardly desire more content and satisfaction than we
receive from this little flock. It appears to us like a
little lump of gold refined in the furnace of many
tribulations, which have at last separated the true
from the false; so that we scarcely see any person
among our Christians [26] whose sincerity we have
reason to doubt.

The report having reached the village of la Con-
ception, about the middle of January, that our Fa-
thers of the Mission of the Apostles to the Khionon-
tatehronons had been lost in the snow, in returning
here to make a trip, a few of these good Christians
immediately set about going to seek or aid them ; but

158 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

ou 3. lieues du bourg qui s'en venoiet, apres auoir
pafTe- la nuit das les bois affez heureufemet par vne
bone rencontre ou pluftoft coduite de Dieu ; ils priret
le deuat pour faire preparer a mager a ces pauures
PP. qui n'auoiet mange de ce iour.

Le defunt depuis le trafport de noftre demeure
hors de so bourg, auoit deftine" vne partie de fa
cabane pour vne chapelle. Cela de fon viuat n'auoit
pu eftre execute, fa mort eftat furuenue au teps que
le bourg chageoit de place, & que chacun fe faifoit
vne nouuelle cabane. Mais au mois d'Odtobre enfui-
uant, le tout fe trouuat difpofe\ la Chappelle fort
comode y fut dreflee, & la premiere Meffe dite le 14.
du mefme mois. C'eft en cette [27] Chapelle (de
laquelle en noftre abfence ce nouueau Chreftien a la
clef) que s'affemblet matin & foir les Chrefties, pour
faire leurs prieres, aufquelles prefide le Chreftien le
plus ancie & le plus cofiderable pour le preset, de
cette petite Eglife, nome Rene TfondihS'ane. C'eft
luy fur tous qui a le foin de remarquer le Saincl lour.
c'eft a dire, le Dimanche: ce qu'il fait auec les
autres, difant tous les iours de la femaine vne dixaine
de fon chapellet a ce deffein.

Ils s'affemblent en cette mefme Chapelle, tous les
Dimaches, ou pour entendre la Mefle & l'inftrudtio
publique lors que nous y somes, ou pour dire en
communaute leur chapellet. Quad ils penset que
nous ne somes pas pour nous trouuer auec eux le
Dimache, raremet quelqu'vn d'eux maque-il a fe
trouuer chez nous pour celebrer ce S. iour. Celui
dot ie parlois maintenat Rene Tfondihb'ane y a paffe
quelquefois les 8. iours. Or deuant que coclure ce
qui appartient a cette petite Eglife ; ie ne puis ob-

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 159

having found them 2 or 3 leagues from the village
to which they were coming, — after having passed
the night safely in the woods by a favorable chance,
or rather a leading of God, — they preceded them,
in order to have food prepared for these poor Fathers,
who had eaten nothing that day.

The deceased, after the transfer of our residence
from his village, had intended to give a part of his
cabin for a chapel. This during his life could not
be accomplished, his death happening at the time
the site of the village was being changed, and when
every one was making himself a new cabin. But in
the month of October following, everything having
been arranged, a very comfortable Chapel was set up,
and the first Mass was said on the 14th of the same
month. In this [27] Chapel (of which in our absence
this new Christian has the key) the Christians as-
semble morning and evening in order to say their
prayers, at which the oldest Christian — and at pres-
ent, the most influential one of this little Church —
presides, who is named Rene Tsondihwane. It is he,
above all, who has the care of observing the Holy
Day, that is to say, Sunday; which he does in the
presence of the others, saying every day of the week
a decade of his rosary for this purpose.

They meet together in this same Chapel, every
Sunday, either to hear Mass and the public instruc-
tion when we are there, or to repeat in common their
rosary. When they think that we are not to be
with them on Sunday, some one of them rarely fails
to be present with us, that he may celebrate this
Holy day. He of whom I was just speaking, Rene*
Tsondihwane, has sometimes spent 8 days with us.
Now, before concluding what concerns this little

160 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol.21

mettre ce qui eit arriue a ce bon Sauuage, qui eitoit
bien capable d'6branler la foy, fi Dieu ne l'eut affifte
bie particulieremet.

[28] II eft aage d'enuiron foixante ans. Au com-
mencement qu'il fut en aage de faire des feftins &
d'y affifter, il eut vn fonge dans lequel il luy fut
defendu de faire iamais feftin de chien, ny fouffrir
qu'on luy en fift, qu'autrement malheur luy arriue-
roit: il auoit toufiours eu vn grand foin d'obferuer
ce fonge, iufques a ce que l'annee paffee au com-
mencement de 1 hyuer, eftant alle en vifite en quel-
que bourg, quelque fien amy luy defira faire feftin
de chien: il fe fouuint auffi toft de fon fonge, toutes-
fois penfant en mefme temps qu'il eftoit Chreftien &
que fes fonges ne luy deuoient plus eftre confide-
rables, il accepta le feftin. II ne fut pas pluftoft de
retour a fa maifon que voila vne fienne fille & vn de
fes fils malades, & en fuitte qui meurent. Ce coup
l'efbranfla, & luy fit faire le faux pas, que nous auons
remarque en la precedente Relation. Mais s'eftant
releue de fa cheute au bout de quelques iours, par
l'afiiftance & les bonnes paroles de feu noftre Chre-
ftien, qui l'ayant premierement gaigne a Dieu, le
regaigna derechef cette feconde [29] fois. II nous
auoit depuis done beaucoup de contentement, mais
voicy vne occafion dans laquelle il a du tout repare
la faute de fa cheute par la fermete de fa foy, & par
la conftance qu'il y a fait paroiftre.

Rene done vn peu apres fon baptefme, fe trouuant
a la pefche auec noftre feu Chreftien Iofeph ChihSa-
tenhb'a; celuy-cy vint a fonger tout ce qui en effet
luy eft arriue enuiron quatorze mois apres. Scauoir
que trois ou quatre Iroquois l'attaquoient, que s'eftant

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 161

Church, I cannot omit what happened to this good
Savage, which was perhaps enough to shake his faith,
if God had not very specially helped him.

[28] He is about sixty years old. At the begin-
ning, when he was at an age to make feasts and to
be present at them, he had a dream, in which he was
forbidden ever to make a dog feast, or to permit that
any one should make one for him, or else misfortune
would happen to him. He had always taken great
care to obey this dream, until last year, at the begin-
ning of winter, having gone on a visit to some vil-
lage, one of his friends desired to make a dog feast
for him. He immediately remembered his dream;
nevertheless, thinking at the same time that he was
a Christian and that his dreams ought no longer to
be important to him, he accepted the feast. He had
no sooner returned to his house than he found one of
his daughters and one of his sons sick, who afterward
died. This stroke unsettled him, and caused him to
make a false step, which we noticed in the preced-
ing Relation. But having recovered from his fall at
the end of a few days, by the assistance and the good
words of our late Christian, — who, having first won
him to God, won him anew this second [29] time, —
he has since given us great satisfaction ; but here is
an occasion upon which he wholly repaired the error
of his fall by the firmness of his faith and by the
constancy which he displayed.

Rene, a short time after his baptism, was fishing
with our late Christian Joseph Chihwatenhwa, and
the latter happened to dream all that really befell
him about fourteen months afterward, — namely, that
three or four Iroquois attacked him; that, having
defended himself, he was thrown to the ground ; that

162 LES RELATIONS DES j£SUITES [Vol.21

defendu il auoit efte" teraffe, qu'on luy auoit enleue"
fa mouftache/ & qu'on luy auoit donne" vn coup de
hache a l'endroit de la tefte d'oii on la luy auoit en-
leuee. Le feu Chreftien s'efueillant apres ce fonge,
s'addreffe a Rene fon compagnon. Ah! mon cama-
rade, dit-il, c'eft a ce coup que fi nous n'eflions
Chreftiens, il nous faudroit auoir recours a nos chan-
fons & feftins, pour effacer le malheur de mon fonge :
mais ce n'eft pas luy qui a efte" le maiftre de nos
vies; c'eft celuy qu'on nous a enfeigne, & en qui nous
croyons, qui feul en difpofera [30] felon fon bon plaifir.
Et la deffus luy racote le fonge que ie vies de dire.
Nous auos fuiet de pefer que ce mefme fonge lui
reuint plufieurs f ois depuis : car ceux de la f amille
deposet que fouuet le matin ils l'ont entedu parler
en fe reueillant, & dire (Efl-ee toy qui en es le maijlrel
non, non, il riy a que Dieu qui en difpofera. Or ce qu'il
auoit fonge" luy eftant arriue de poindt en poind:, &
le bruit eftant das le pays, qu'il eftoit mort pour
n' auoir pas garde" fon fonge, qui le menacat des
ennemis, luy comandoit vn facrifice ou feftin de 2.
chiens : cela eftoit bie capable de reueiller das l'ef-
prit du pauure Rene, auffi bien que des autres bons
Chrefties, la creance generale, & la deference que
tous ces Peuples rendet en fonge, come au maiftre
de la vie & de la mort. II a plu toutefois a Dieu le
deliurer de cette fetation, & affermir du tout fon
efprit & fon courage. II eft le premier a foudre les
difficultez qui fe prefentent la deffus, qui ne font pas
petites.

Come nous eftions a fa cabane cet hyuer, on luy
vint apporter la nouuelle qu'vn fie fils auoit efte pris
des ennemis, [31] & emmene vif en leurpays. Cette

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 163

they took off his scalp, and gave him a blow with a
hatchet on the head from which they had removed
it. The late Christian awaking after this dream,
spoke to Rene\ his companion. " Ah, my comrade,"
said he, "it is now, if we were not Christians, that
we should be obliged to have recourse to our songs
and feasts, in order to efface the calamity of my
dream. But it is not that which is the master of our
lives, — it is he of whom they have taught us, and in
whom we believe, who alone disposes of it [30] ac-
cording to his good pleasure." And thereupon he
related to him the dream that I have just stated. We
have reason to think that this same dream returned
to him several times afterward ; for members of his
family declared that often in the morning they heard
him speak on awaking, and say, Art thou the master
of it? No, no, it is only God who shall dispose of it. Now
that which he had dreamed having happened to him
in every point, and the report being abroad in the
country that he had died on account of not having
observed his dream, — which, menacing him with
enemies, commanded him to make a sacrifice or feast
of 2 dogs, — this was very likely to revive in the
mind of the poor Rene, as well as those of the other
good Christians, the general belief and deference
that all these Tribes render to a dream, as to the
master of life and of death. However, it pleased
God to deliver him from this temptation, and to
strengthen thoroughly his spirit and his courage.
He was the first to solve the difficulties which are
therein presented, and which are not trifling.

As we were in his cabin this winter, the news was
brought to him that one of his sons had been taken
by the enemy, [31] and led away alive into their

164 LES RELATIONS DBS JESUITES [Vol. 21

nouuelle le toucha de premier abord, & come ren-
trant en foy mefme, helas! mon Dieu, dit-il, que
puis-ie trouuer a redire apres ce que vous en auez
ordonne?

Voila l'eftat de noftre petite Eglife naiflante, das
laquelle fi nous ne voyos pas vn grad troupeau, au
moins auos no9 la cofolation d'y voir la crainte de
Dieu, & le feruice de fa Maiefte en recomadation.
Sur tout, pedant l'Aduet & le Carefme on n'a pas
maque matin & foir a l'iffue de leurs prieres, de leur
faire vne petite inftrudtion en comun, pour eitablir
das leur efprit & dans leur cceur les principes de
la vie Chreftiene Le fruidt s'en eft enfuiuy tel que
nous euffions pu fouhaitter.

Nous auos vifite tous les autres bourgs & bour-
gades appartenates a cette Miffion, nous en fommes
reuenus auec cette penfee, que toft ou tard ils feront
& nous, ou pluftoft a Dieu. Ie ne puis obmettre la
fmguliere obligation que nous auons a Dieu, de nous
auoir conf erue le Pere Francois le Mercier ; qui en
l'vn des voyages d'hyuer paffant par necemte par
deflus vn lac glac6, fe vid plutot [32] tombe dans
l'eau, qu'il ne fe fut apperceu de la foibleffe de la
glace. Quelques Sauuages qui venoient apres luy
s'arrefterent tout court, fongeans plus au danger ou
ils eftoient qu'a fecourir le Pere; ce qu'ils ne voy-
oient pas mefme pouuoir faire fans fe mettre dans vn
plus grand danger. Le Pere eftendant fes coudes fe
fouftenoit le moins mal qu'il pouuoit de glace en
glace, & en fin ayant rencontr6 vn endroit vn peu
plus ferme que le relte, fe hazarda de faire vn effort,
& leuer vne jambe fur la glace. Le Sauuage le
moins efloigne de luy le voyant en cet eftat, met bas

1641-42] RELA TION OF 1640-41 165

country. This news moved him at first, and, as if
communing with himself, " Alas! my God," said
he, " what can I find amiss in that which you have
ordered for him ? ' '

This is the condition of our little, growing Church,
in which, if we do not see a great flock, at least we
have the consolation of seeing the fear of God and
the service of his Majesty honored. Above all, dur-
ing Advent and Lent, we have not failed morning
and evening, at the close of their prayers, to give
them a little instruction in common, in order to estab-
lish in their minds and in their hearts the principles
of the Christian life. Such fruit has followed there-
from as we could have desired.

We have visited all the other villages and hamlets
appertaining to this Mission ; we have returned from
them with this thought, that sooner or later they
will belong to us, or rather to God. I cannot pass
over the peculiar obligation under which we are to
God, for having preserved to us Father Francois le
Mercier, who in one of his winter journeys, passing
by necessity over a frozen lake, happened [32] to fall
into the water, before he had perceived the weak-
ness of the ice. A few Savages who were following
him stopped suddenly, thinking more of the danger
in which they were, than of helping the Father,
which they saw not even the possibility of doing
without putting themselves into a greater danger.
The Father, stretching out his elbows, supported
himself as well as was possible, from one cake of ice
to another; and at length, having chanced on a place
a little firmer than the rest, he ventured to make an
effort, and lifted his leg upon the ice. The Savage
least distant from him, seeing him in this condition,

166 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

vn fac de bled qu'il auoit fur le dos, & s'approche
doucement du Pere, & le faififfant par l'efpaule &
par la jambe, il fit vn effort pour le tirer; mais y
fentant trop de refinance, il le quitte pour retourner
promptement en lieu de plus grande afleurance. La
apres auoir confidere' le Pere, qui de fon coite* conti-
nuoit a faire ce qu'il pouuoit pour faciliter le fecours
dont il auoit befoin, il ne fe put tenir qu'il ne retour-
naft faire vn fecond effort plus grand que le premier,
par lequel [33] en fin il tira le Pere hors de l'eau.

Voila quelques-vns des hazards qui font inf eparable-
ment attachez a la recherche de nos pauures brebis
errantes en ces quartiers, ainfi que nous verrons en-
core cy apres, mais ce font les delices des feruiteurs
du bon Pafteur.

1641-42] RELA TION OF 1640-41 167

put down a sack of grain which he had on his back,
cautiously approached the Father, and, seizing him
by the shoulder and the leg, made an effort to draw
him out; but finding him too heavy, he left him,
that he might return quickly to a place of greater
safety. There, after having looked at the Father,
who on his part continued to do what he could to
facilitate the help of which he had need, he could
not refrain from returning to make a second effort,
greater than the first, by which [33] at last he drew
the Father out of the water.

These are some of the dangers that are inseparably
attached to the search for our poor wandering sheep
in these regions, as we shall see still further herein-
after; but these are the delights of the servants of
the good Shepherd.

168 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

CHAPITRE IV.

DES MISSIONS DE S. IOSEPH AUX ATTINGUEENONGNA-

HAK, & DE S. IEAN BAPTISTE. AUX

ARENDAERONONS.

CES deux Miffions font affez heureufement peu-
plees pour donner vn raifonnable employ a
fix & a huict ouuriers : mais le peu de nombre
que nous fommes dans les Hurons, n'eftant pas mef-
me fuffifant de fournir deux Peres a chaque Miffion,
nous nous fommes veus obligez de reiinir ces deux
fous le foin du Pere Antoine Daniel, & du Pere Si-
mon le Moyne. Leur peine en eft accreue notable-
ment, quand mefme il n'y auroit que la diitance des
bourgs [34] qu'ils doiuent cultiuer dont les chemins
de l'vn a l'autre, font tres-fouuent infeftez des Iro-
quois ennemis des Hurons ; mais leur ioye croift a
proportion puis que les demarches que Ton fait a la
conquefte d'vne feule ame, font autant de pas vers
le Ciel.

On va brufler vn Iroquois en vn bourg affez efloi-
gne ; quelle confolation de partir dans le fort des
chaleurs de l'Efte pour deliurer cette pauure victime
de l'enfer qui luy eft prepare. On l'aborde, & on
l'inftruit lors mefme qu'il gemit fous la cruaute des
fupplices, incontinent la foy trouue place dans fon
cceur; il recognoilt & adore pour autheur de fa vie,
celuy dont iamais il n'auoit entendu le nom qu'a
l'heure de la mort. II recoit la grace du Baptefme,

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 169

CHAPTER IV.

OF THE MISSIONS OF ST. JOSEPH TO THE ATTINGUEE-

NONGNAHAK, AND OF ST. JEAN BAPTISTE

TO THE ARENDAERONONS.

THESE two Missions are sufficiently well peopled
to give adequate employment to six or eight
workers ; but the small number that we have
among the Hurons not being even ample enough to
furnish two Fathers to each Mission, we have found
ourselves obliged to unite these two under the care
of Father Antoine Daniel and of Father Simon le
Moyne. Their labor has been thereby considerably
increased, were one to mention only the distance of
the villages [34] in which they are to teach, as the
paths from one to the other are very often infested
by the Iroquois, the enemies of the Hurons; but
their joy increases in proportion, since the steps that
one takes for the conquest of a single soul are so
many steps towards Heaven.

An Iroquois was to be burned in a rather distant
village ; what a consolation to set out, in the height
of Summer heat, in order to deliver this poor victim
from the hell which was prepared for him ! He
was approached and instructed, even while he was
groaning under the cruelty of tortures; suddenly
faith found a place in his heart, — he recognized and
adored, as the author of his life, him whose name
he had never heard until the hour of his death. He
received the grace of Baptism, and then longed only

170 LES RELATIONS DES J ^SUITES [Vol.21

& ne refpire plus qu'au Ciel: on redouble les feux &
les flammes, & tout ce que la cruaute fournit a des
efprits enragez de fureur. Ce nouueau, mais ce
genereux Chreftien monte fur l'efchafaut qui eft le
lieu de fon fupplice, a la veue de mille perfonnes qui
font fes iuges, fes bourreaux [35] & fes enemis ; efleue
& fes yeux & fa voix vers le Ciel, n'y ayant rien deffus
la terre qui arrefte fon cceur; il s'efcrie d'vne voix
vigoureufe, & fait fcauoir a tout le monde les caufes
d'vne ioye qui paroift fur fon front dans le plus fort
des tourmens qu'il endure: Io fakhrihotat de SaraKtf-
nentai, onne ichien aihei aronhiae eeth de Eihei.
Soleil qui es tefmoin de mes tourmens, efcoute mes
paroles ; ie f uis fur le poind: de mourir : mais apres
cette mort, c'eft le Ciel qui fera ma demeure. II
redouble & repete fouuent ces mots, & meurt dedans
ces douces efperances : Quel bon-heur pour cette ame ?
mais quelle ioye reffent celuy qui a couru huict &
dix lieues pour luy procurer cette grace. Cet heu-
reux prifonnier fe nommoit TehondaKS'ae, & en fon
baptefme Iofeph n5 du bourg das lequel il fut brule\
Dans le bourg de S. lean Baptifte, vn ieune hom-
me tomba fubitement malade, & malade a la mort,
fouuent depuis quelques annees on luy auoit parle"
de Dieu, foit a QuebeK oil il [36] auoit efte fept ou
huidt mois dans noftre feminaire, foit apres fon re-
tour au pais dans les frequentes vifites qu'on auoit
fait en fa cabane; mais iamais ny la foy ny la crainte
de Dieu n'eftoit entree en cet efprit; fes difcours
n'eftoient rien que des calomnies contre nous, que
des blafphemes contre Dieu, & ce fembloit des mar-
ques infaillibles d'vne ame reprouuee. Que les pen-
tees de Dieu font efloignees des noftres ! Ce ieune

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 171

for Heaven ; they increased their fires and flames,
and everything that cruelty supplies to spirits mad-
dened by rage. This new but courageous Chris-
tian,— having ascended the scaffold which was the
place of his torment, in the sight of a thousand peo-
ple who were his judges, his executioners, [35] and
his enemies, — raised both his eyes and his voice to
Heaven, there being nothing upon the earth to at-
tract his heart; and, shouting in a loud voice, made
known to every one the cause of a joy which appeared
on his brow in the fiercest tortures that he was endur-
ing: " Io sakhrihotat de Sarakounentai, onne ichien
aihei aronhiae eeth de Eihei; ' " Sun, who art wit-
ness of my torments, listen to my words. I am at
the point of death ; but, after this death, Heaven
shall be my dwelling. " He repeated and reiterated
often these words, and died in this sweet hope.
What happiness for that soul ! but what joy does he
experience who has sped eight or ten leagues that
he may procure for him this grace ! This fortunate
prisoner was named Tehondakwae, and in his bap-
tism, Joseph — the name of the village in which he
was burned.

In the village of St. Jean Baptiste, a young man
fell suddenly sick, and sick unto death. For several
years he had been often spoken to concerning God, —
both in Quebek, where he [36] had been seven or
eight months in our seminary, and, after his return
home, in frequent visits that had been made to his
cabin ; but neither faith nor the fear of God had ever
entered his soul ; his words were nothing but calum-
nies against us, but blasphemies against God, and
seemed infallible signs of a reprobate soul. How
remote from ours are the thoughts of God! This

172 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

homme n'eft pas pluftoft tombe" malade qu'il ouure
de luy-mefme les yeux a la verite: la crainte de l'en-
fer que iufqu'alors il auoit repute des fables, luy fait
penfer au Paradis: helas! s'efcrie il, ie me meurs, &
les Peres ne font pas icy. Courez, ie vous en prie,
mon frere, en quelque part qu'ils foient (dit-il a. vn
fien frere aifne principal Capitaine de cette nation)
courez vide, & qu'ils fcachent au pluftoft le peril ou
ie fuis. Ce frere part en hafte & vient trouuer nos
Peres a 12. lieues de la. Dieu fcait de quelle part
ils volerent a ce pauure malade, qui leur ouure les
bras, leur demande pardon, & foufpire apres le Bap-
tefme. Quand [37] Dieu difpofe vne ame & luy
parle au profond du cceur, il ne faut pas tant de pa-
roles. II recoit bien toft le Baptefme, & enfemble
la paix de l'efprit, & ce peu qui luy reftoit de vie, il
1' employe iufqu'au dernier moment a. le deliurer du
malheur eternel.

Quelque reuolte que puiffe eftre vn efprit contre
les veritez de noftre foy, il ne faut pas defefperer de
luy auant la mort. Si Dieu qui ell: feul offenfe
attend l'heure de noftre falut auec tant de patience &
de longanimite, c'eft a. nous a fuiure fes conduites,
& adorer en tout les refforts de fa diuine prouidence.

Nous l'auons veu encore depuis peu en la perfonne
d'vn autre ieune homme du bourg fainct. Ignace
nomme Iofeph TeS'atirhon. Le Seminaire de QuebeK
1' auoit nourry deux ans entiers, & n'en eftoit forty
qu'auec la grace de Chreftien & la crainte de Dieu:
mais en cet aage il eft bien difficile de conferuer vn
fi precieux threfor dans le regne de l'impudicite: fe
reuoyat dans fon pais, il n'eft pas long-temps fans
fe voir engage dans les vices qui y paffent pour des

1641 - 42] RELA TION OF 1640 - 41 173

young man had no sooner fallen sick than he of his
own accord opened his eyes to the truth ; the fear of
hell, which until then he had considered a fable,
made him think of Paradise : ' ' Alas ! ' exclaimed
he, "I am dying, and the Fathers are not here.
Run to them, I beg you, my brother, wherever they
may be " (said he to one of his elder brothers, chief
Captain of this tribe) "run quickly, and let them
know as soon as possible the peril in which I am."
This brother set out in haste and came to our
Fathers, who were 12 leagues distant. God knows
with what anxiety they flew to this poor sick man,
who opened his arms to them, asked their pardon,
and longed for Baptism. When [37] God prepares a
soul, and speaks to the depths of a heart, many words
are not needed. He very soon received Baptism and
at the same time peace of mind ; and the little that
remained to him of life he employed, even to the
last moment, in saving himself from eternal woe.

However rebellious a soul may be against the
truths of our faith, we must not despair of it before
death. If God, who is the only one injured, await
the hour of our salvation with so much patience and
long-suffering, it is for us to follow his leadings and
to reverence in all things the movements of his
divine providence.

We have seen this again recently, in the person of
another young man of the village of saint Ignace,
who was named Joseph Tewatirhon. The Seminary
of Quebek had maintained him two whole years, and
he went out from it with the grace of a Christian and
the fear of God ; but at such an age it is very difficult
to preserve so precious a treasure in the reign of
shamelessness, — when he was again in his own

174 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

[38] vertus. Nos remonftrances & les touches de
Dieu le reduifoient de fois a autres en fon deuoir,
mais quoy dans les Hurons auffi bien qu'au milieu
de la France, qui n'eft pas fortifie d'vn fecours extra-
ordinaire du Ciel, fe voit bien toft retombe dedans
fon malheur; & le pis eft, que plus on tobe, plus on
enfonce auant dedas le precipice, vn abyfme en attire
vn autre ; & bien fouuent la foy f e voit eftouffee au
milieu de tant de pechez. Nous craignios ce mal-
heur pour ce ieune Chreftien; mais le moment de
fon falut eftoit venu. II eft furpris d'vn accident de
feu qui penfa l'emporter fur le champ: ce feu en
eftouffe vn plus infernal qui deuoroit fon ame : il ne
fallut plus penfer qu'au Ciel ; nos Peres y courent &
luy preftent affiftance. La Mere de Mifericorde qu'il
reclama iufques a la mort sas doute le fecourut en ce
moment, d'ou dependoit l'eternite; & nous fit voir
que pas vn ne fe perd de ceux que Dieu choifit pour
fes efleus.

Noftre confolation parmy nos peines eft d'aller
ainfi de bourg en bourg, [39] de village en village
recueillir ces efpics de froment que les Anges fepa-
rent de l'yuroye, pour que dans le Ciel ils compofent
cette couronne des efleus, qui a coufte tant de fueurs
& de fatigues au Fils de Dieu.

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 175

country, it was not long before he was seen drawn
into the vices which there are accounted [38] virtues.
Our remonstrances and the strokes of God brought
him back, from time to time, to his duty; but, among
the Hurons as well as in the midst of France, he who
is not fortified by an extraordinary help from Heaven,
is seen to fall again very soon into his wretched-
ness. And the worst is, that the more he falls, the
more he plunges forward toward the precipice, — one
abyss leads to another; and very often faith is found
stifled in the midst of so many sins. We feared this
misfortune for this young Christian, but the moment
of his salvation had come. He was overtaken by an
accident of fire which was near destroying him on
the spot; this fire extinguished a more infernal one
that was devouring his soul, — it was necessary now
to think only of Heaven. Our Fathers ran to him,
and lent him assistance. The Mother of Mercy,
whom he implored until death, without doubt aided
him in that moment on which eternity depended,
and made us see that not one of those whom God
has chosen as his elect is lost.

Our consolation in the midst of our trials is to go
thus from town to town, [39] from village to village,
gathering these ears of grain that the Angels are
separating from the tares, so that in Heaven they
may compose that crown of the elect, which has cost
so many labors and fatigues to the Son of God.

176 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 21

CHAPITRE V.

DE LA MISSION DES APOSTRES AUX KHIONONTATE-
HRONONS OU NATION DU PETUN.

LE P. Charles Gamier & le P. Pierre Pijart ont
en le foin de cette Miffion; a la culture de
laquelle ils n'ont rien oublie de tout ce qu'on
pouuoit attendre de bons ouuriers. Les difficultez fe
trouuent d'autant plus grandes en cette Miffion, que
cette Nation n'eft point du nombre de celles qui def-
cendent [pour] la traite des Hurons, ceux qui s'en
attribuent, ne le permettant pas comme nous auons
defia dit autrefois. Ce qui fait qu'ils nous confiderent
comme eft/rangers, & comme perfonnes auec [40]
lefquelles ils n'ont aucune liaifon. Mais en outre
les calomnies ordinaires de ceux parmy lef quels nous
viuons, rempliffans tous les iours leurs oreilles, &
leurs efprits, ils ne nous regardent que d'vn ceil fou-
pconneux, de quelque malheur que nous leur venons
apporter; d'oii vient qu'ils tournent incontinent en
mal tout ce qu'ils nous voyent faire, & fur tout les
adtionslesplusfaindtes; n'apportans au refle autre
raifon de leur defiance, que le fujet que leur en don-
nent les Hurons par leurs difcours.

Pour adoucir & appriuoifer ces efprits, nous iu-
geafmes qu'il feroit a propos, que les Peres allans
cette ann6e en leur Miffion, fiffent le poffible pour y
tenir quelque affemblee generale des principaux du
pays, pour les informer deueme[n]t de nos intentios.

1641 -42] RELA TION OF 1640-41 177

CHAPTER V.

OF THE MISSION OF THE APOSTLES TO THE KHIO-
NONTATEHRONONS OR TOBACCO NATION.

FATHER Charles Gamier and Father Pierre
Pijart have had care of this Mission, in the in-
struction of which they have neglected nothing
that could be expected of good workers. The diffi-
culties are so much the greater in this Mission, as
this Nation is not of the number of those that go
down for the Huron trade, — those who claim the
trade for themselves not permitting it, as we have
already said. This causes them to look upon us as
strangers, and as persons with [40] whom they have
no connection. But, besides the ordinary calumnies
of those among whom we live, which fill their ears
and minds continually, they look upon us only with
an eye suspicious of some misfortune that we have
come to bring them ; for which reason, they put
forthwith a bad construction on everything that they
see us do, and above all on the most holy acts; never-
theless they bring forward no other motive for their
mistrust, than the cause that the Hurons give them
for it by their conversation.

In order to soothe and calm these minds, we
judged it would be fitting that the Fathers when
they went on their Mission this year, should do their
best to hold there some general meeting of the chief
men of the country, in order duly to inform them of
our intentions. And since they saw no better means

17S LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

Et ne voyans meilleur moyen d'arriuer la, que celuy
des pre fens, ils en emporterent auec eux, & eftans
arriuez au pays donnerent a entendre leur deffein.

Ie ne fcay fi iamais affaire y a efte debattue
comme celle-la; les vns agreans la propofition, les
autres ne voulans ou'ir [41] parler ny d'affemblee, ny
de prefens venans de noflre main, difans haut &
clair, que c'eftoit le charme duquel nous nous vou-
lions feruir, pour miner le pais, comme nous auions
fait iufques icy ceux ou nous auions efte. L'affem-
blee toutesfois fe tint, mais les prefens y furent refu-
fez: ce qu'on gaigna fut, qu'en cette affemblee des
plus Notables du Pays, noftre commiffion de la part
de Dieu leur fut fignifiee, & l'obligation intimee de
reconnoiftre & honorer fa Maiefte diuine, & N. Seign.
Iefus-Chrift, comme le maiftre de leur vie & de leur
falut. Peut-eftre y auoit-il la quelque Predeftine,
qui en fon temps fera fon profit d'vn fi faindt
difcours.

Depuis ce temps, les Peres n'ont pas laiffe d'aller
par tous les bourgs & bourgades de leur departement,
& y ont fait leur fondtion auec toute liberte, comme
ayans vn pouuoir independant de toutes ces ceremo-
nies. Et ils y ont trouue tout autre vifage & accueil
que celuy que leur auoit voulu donner a entendre vn
Capitaine, qui en plein Confeil leur fit commande-
ment de vuider au pluftoft [42] le pais s'ils n'eftoient
fages; voire mefme il n'y a point eu de bourg, ou
depuis ils ayent efte mieux receus que celuy ou
demeure ce Capitaine, les habitans s'efforgans, ce
femble, de reparer la faute de leur chef. Mais ils
en demeurent la pour le prefent, & ne parlent point
encore tout de b5 d'ebraffer la Foy. Nous verrons,

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 179

of accomplishing this than that of presents, they
carried some with them ; and, after arriving in the
country, they made known their purpose.

I do not know that ever any matter was argued
there as this was, — some agreeing to the proposi-
tion, others not wishing to hear [41] mentioned
either the meeting, or presents coming from our
hands, saying boldly and clearly, that this was a
charm which we intended to use in order to ruin
their country, as we had hitherto ruined those in
which we had been. However, the meeting was
held, but the presents were refused ; what we gained
was that, in this assembly of the most Notable men
of the Country, our commission in the name of God
was declared to them, and the obligation of recogniz-
ing and honoring his divine Majesty and Our Lord
Jesus Christ as the master of their lives and their
salvation, was enjoined upon them. Perhaps there
was present some Predestined soul, which in its own
time will profit by so blessed a discourse.

Since that time, however, the Fathers have gone
through all the villages and hamlets of this district,
and have discharged their duties therein with all
freedom, as having a power independent of all these
ceremonies; and they have found in these people a
totally different manner and reception from that
which had been intimated to them by a Captain, —
who, in open Council, gave them a command to
vacate [42] the country as soon as possible, if they
were wise. Indeed, there has been no village in
which they have since been better received than in
the one where this Captain dwells, — the inhabitants
endeavoring, it would seem, to repair the fault of
their chief ; but they stop there for the present, and

180 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol.21

auec le temps, ce que la conftance produira dans ces
efprits, fi ce n'eft que Dieu follicite par quelques
faindtes ames, ait agreable d'ouurir vn cliemin plus
court.

Nous commencons a douter fi les fleaux & les puni-
tions qui arriuent a ceux qui mefprifent les vifites
& douces femonces du Ciel, ne ferot point vne des
inuentions de fa bonte, pour faire ouurir les yeux a
ces pauures aueugles. Quoy que s'en foit, il eft
afleure qu'au bourg d'Ehb'ae furnomme S. Pierre &
S. Paul principal bourg de cette Miffion, d'oii le P.
Gamier fut chaffe" l'ann6e paffee, tous les malheurs
imaginables sot arriuez deuat la fin de l'annee. La
plus part des cabanes furent bruflees par les enne-
mis, enuiro trois mois apres [43] Plufieurs font morts
de faim, de froid, ou de verole; d'autres ont pery
dans les eaux ; plufieurs ont efte pris des ennemis.
En fin, la chofe a paru fi extraordinaire, qu'vn Capi-
taine d'vn bourg voifin l'a bien fceu remarquer, n'at-
tribuat a autre caufe la defolation de ce bourg, qu'au
refus qu'ils auoiet fait des Predicateurs de l'Euangile
l'an paffe.

Ie groffirois de beaucoup ce Chapitre fi i'auois
entrepris de declarer icy par le menu tout ce qu'il a
fallu que les Peres ayent fouffert de ces Barbares
l'efpace de 4. ou 5. mois qu'a dure le temps principal
de leur Miffion. Car pour ne rien dire de ce qui eft
commun a tous les Miffionnaires de ces contrees, dont
on a pu voir quelque chofe das la derniere Relation,
& qui a eft6 d'autant plus cofiderable cette annee, que
les neiges icy ont efte extraordinairemet hautes.
Alias vn iour d'vn bourg a vn autre, chargez de leur
pacquet, fortis qu'ils furent d'vn petit boquet, ils seti-

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 181

do not yet speak of embracing the Faith in earnest.
We shall see, in time, what constancy will produce
in these people, unless God, solicited by some devout
souls, be pleased to open a quicker way.

We begin to question if the scourges and punish-
ments, which happen to those who despise the calls
and sweet invitations of Heaven, may not be one of
the expedients of his goodness, to cause the eyes of
these poor blind ones to be opened. At all events,
it is certain that to the village of Ehwae, surnamed
St. Pierre and St. Paul, — the principal village of this
Mission, whence Father Gamier was driven last
year, — all imaginable misfortunes happened before
the end of the year. The greater part of the cabins
were burned by the enemy about three months
afterward. [43] Many died of hunger, of cold, or of
smallpox; others perished in the water, and many
were taken by the enemy. In fact, the matter ap-
peared so extraordinary that the Captain of a neigh-
boring village might well notice it, — attributing the
desolation of this village to no other cause than to
the refusal they made to the Preachers of the Gospel,
last year.

I would greatly lengthen this Chapter if I un-
dertook to set forth here in detail all that the Fa-
thers were compelled to suffer from these Barbarians,
in the space of the 4 or 5 months that the prin-
cipal term of their Mission continued, — to say noth-
ing of that which is common to all the Missionaries
of these regions, of which something could be seen
in the last Relation, and which has been so much
the more considerable this year, as the snow has
been here extraordinarily deep. One day, as they
were going from one village to another, laden with.

182 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 21

ret foudain chacu. vne main les faifir par les efpaules,
& vne voix criant ; vous eftes morts ! Auffi toft ils f e
virent par terre. Ils [44] n'attendoient en fuitte rien
moins que le coup de hache ou de coufteau; mais
rien autre chofe ne s'enfuiuit. Ils fe releuent done, &
apperceurent des Sauuages tous nuds, qui s'enfuyoient
l'vn d'vn code, l'autre de l'autre, fans qu'on ait pu
fcauoir ny conjedturer ce qu'ils auoient pretendu en
cette action, ou ce qui auoit arrefte leur deffein.

Vne autre fois faifans voyage, ils fe rencontrerent
das les neiges iufques au deffus des genoux, les pieds
dans l'eau, & le vet fi rude, que deux Sauuages faifans
ce mefme iour le mefme chemin, y moururent de froid.
Vne chofe remarquable fe paffa a la mort de l'vn des
deux. Celuy-cy faifoit le voyage auec vne fienne
fceur iumelle: la voyant en auffi grand danger de
mourir que luy, il prit la peau d'Ours, dont eftoit
couuerte fa fceur, & luy donna fa peau ou robe de
Caftor, comme eftant chaude : & en effet la fille ref-
chappa, & le ieune homme mourut.

A propos de cet a<5te de piete, i'en diray icy vn
autre arriue a la Nation Neutre pendant que nos
Peres y eftoiet [45] vn ieune enfant allant puifer de
l'eau dans vne riuiere glacee, tomba dans le trou: vn
fien frere en ayant efte aduerty s'en court auffi toft,
& fe iette apres luy: il fut fi heureux que d'attrap-
per fon petit frere, & le retirer de l'eau par vn autre
trou, encore affez a temps pour luy fauuer la vie.

La confolation que les Peres ont receu a la fin de
leur voyage, a efte, outre quelques enfans baptizez
l'annee paffee qu'ils ont trouue morts, & d'autres
qu'ils ont nouuellement baptife ; de voir generalement
parlant ces Peuples adoucis & appriuoifez de la moi-

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 183

their bundles, when they issued from a little thicket,
each one felt a hand seize him by the shoulder and
a voice cried: " You are dead men! ' Immediately
they found themselves upon the ground. They
[44] expected next nothing less than a blow from a
hatchet or a knife ; but nothing else followed. Then
they arose, and perceived the naked Savages who
were fleeing, some to one side, and some to the
other, without being able to know or to conjecture
what they had intended by this action, or what had
arrested their design.

At another time, when they were making a jour-
ney, they found themselves in snow above their
knees, their feet in water, and the wind so rough,
that two Savages, taking on that same day that same
path, died therein from cold. A remarkable thing
occurred at the death of one of the two. This latter
was making the journey with a twin sister; seeing
her in as great danger of death as himself, he took
the Bear skin with which his sister was covered, and
gave her his Beaver skin or robe, as it was warm;
and, in fact, the girl escaped, and the young man
died.

In connection with this act of piety, I will speak
here of another, that occurred in the Neutral Nation
while our Fathers were there. [45] A young child
went to draw water from a frozen river and fell into
the hole ; one of his brothers, having been told of it,
immediately ran and threw himself in after him ; he
was so fortunate as to seize his little brother and
draw him out of the water by another hole, and also
in time enough to save his life.

The consolation that the Fathers had at the end
of their stay was, — besides some children baptized

184 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 21

tie plus que l'annee paffee: plufieurs qui commen-
cent a entendre volontiers parler de Dieu, & quelques
vns mefmes qui fembleroient fuffifamment difpofez
pour le Baptefme, fi l'experience ne nous auoit fait
voir qu'en fait de Barbares, le pluftoft baptifer n'eft
pas le meilleur. Quelques Algonquins de ce quar-
tier commencent mefme defia a prier & chanter les
loiianges de Dieu. L'exemple de quelques-vns de
leur langue qu'ils ont veu icy en noftre maifon, & [46]
d'autres dont ils ont entendu parler, leur donne, ce
femble quelque faindte emulation. Dieu la leur
veuille accroiftre & confirmer.

Ces Algonquins nous font d'autant plus confide-
rables que nous fcauons qu'ils ont commerce auec des
Nations Occidentales, ou nous n'auons encore pu
trouuer moye d'aborder. Peut-eftre eft ce la la porte
que Dieu en fon temps nous ouurira, fi nous luy
fommes fideles a ce que nous auons en main.

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 185

last year, who they found had died, and others
whom they recently baptized, — to see, generally
speaking, these People gentler and more docile by
half than they were last year ; many of them begin
willingly to hear of God, and a few of them would
even seem sufficiently prepared for Baptism, if ex-
perience had not shown us that, as regards Barbari-
ans, immediate baptism is not best. Some Algon-
quins in these parts begin even now to pray, and to
sing the praises of God. The example of some of
their own tongue, whom they have seen here in our
house, and [46] of others of whom they have heard,
gives them, it appears, some holy emulation. May
it please God to increase and strengthen it in them !
These Algonquins are especially important to us,
as we know that they have dealings with the West-
ern Nations, which we have not yet found any means
of reaching. Perhaps this is the door that God in his
own time will open to us, if we are faithful to him
in that which we have in hand.

186 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.21

CHAPITRE VIII. [i.e., vi.]

DE LA MISSION DES ANGES AUX ATTIKADARON

[SC. ATTI8ANDARONS] OU PEUPLES

DE LA NATION NEUTRE.

C? EST icy vne des Miffions nouuelles, que nous
auons commence cette annee a vne des Na-
tions des plus confiderables qui foit en ces
contrees. II y auoit long-temps que Ton iettoit les
yeux de ce cofte la, conformement au fouuenir de
tout plein de perfonnes. Mais n ombre d'ouuriers en
langues eftrangeres ne fe trouuent ou ne fe forment
pas fi toft; fi le S. [47] Efprit n'y met la main d'vne
facon extraordinaire: lors particulierement qu'on eft
deftitue- du fecours & de l'amftance de Maiftres, Tru-
chemens ou Interpretes qui les enfeignent; comme
nous le fommes en ces quartiers.

En outre, ce n'eftoit pas l'ordre d'aller aux extre-
mitez, fans paffer par le milieu; & de s'appliquer a
cultiuer les Nations plus efloignees, deuant que d'a-
uoir trauaille aux plus proches. Ce qu'ayant efte
fait les annees precedentes, nous nous trouuames en
eftat, au commencement de l'Automne, de pouuoir
deftiner deux Ouuriers a cette Mifsion, fans faire
aucun tort aux precedentes.

Celuy fur lequel le fort tomba, fut le P. lean de
Brebeuf, lequel ayant autrefois efte choifi pour nous
introduire le premier, & etablir en ces cotrees; &
Dieu luy ayant donne pour ce regard vne fmguliere

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 187

CHAPTER VIII. [i.e., vi.]

OF THE MISSION OF THE ANGELS TO THE ATTIWAN-

DARONS, OR PEOPLES OF THE

NEUTRAL NATION.

THIS is one of the new Missions that we have
begun this year, to one of the most important
Nations in these regions. For a long time,
according to the recollection of many persons, we
had cast our eyes on this quarter. But many work-
ers in strange languages are not found, or very
quickly trained, unless the Holy [47] Ghost engage
therein in an extraordinary manner ; especially when
one is destitute, as we are in these parts, of the aid
and assistance of Masters, Dragomans, or Interpret-
ers, who teach them.

Besides, our orders were, not to go to the limits
without passing through the centre, or devote our-
selves to teaching more distant Nations before labor-
ing among those nearer. As this had been done in
preceding years, we found ourselves at the beginning
of Autumn ready and able to allot two Workers to
this Mission without doing any harm to the former
ones.

The lot fell upon Father Jean de Brebeuf, who
before had been the first one chosen to introduce and
establish us in these regions ; and as God had given
him for this purpose a special blessing, — namely, in
the language, — it seemed that this ought to be to us
a presumption of what his divine Majesty demanded

188 LES RELATIONS DES JE~ SUITES [Vol.21

benedidtio, nomement en la lague ; il sebloit que ce
no9 deuoit eftre vn preiuge de ce que fa diuine
Maieft6 demadoit en ce rencotre, ou il eftoit queftio
d'vne introduction toute nouuelle, dans vne Nation
differente de langage, au moins en plufieurs chofes,
[48] & ou (s'il plaifoit a Dieu donner fa benediction)
il feroit neceffaire d'eftablir vne demeure fixe & per-
manente, qui feroit la retraitte des Miffionnaires d'a-
lentour, comme celle-cy ou nous fommes a prefent,
l'eft des Miffionnaires des quartiers de deca.

Celuy qui luy fut donne pour compagnon fut le
Pere Iofeph Marie Chaumonot, venu de France l'an-
nee d'auparauant que Ton auoit reconneu tres-propre
pour les langues.

Cette nation eft grandement peuplee : Ton y conte
enuiron quarante bourgs ou bourgades. Partant de
nos Hurons pour arriuer aux premiers & plus proches,
on chemine quatre ou cinq iournees; c'eft a dire,
enuiron quarante lieues, tirant toufiours droit au
Sud. De forte que nous pouuons dire, que fi. felon
la derniere & plus exadte obferuation qu'on a pu
faire, noftre nouuelle maifon de Saincte Marie (qui
eft au milieu du pais des Hurons) eft a quarante-
quatre degrez & enuiro vingt & cinq minutes d'efle-
uation, l'entree de la Nation Neutre du cofte de nos
[49] Hurons, aura d'efleuation 42. degrez & demy ou
enuiron. Car de penfer en faire pour le prefent vne
plus exadte recherche & obferuation das le pais
mefme, c'eft ce qui ne fe peut. La veue du feul
inftrument feroit pour porter a l'extremite ceux qui
n'ont pu foufrrir celle des efcritoires, comme nous
verrons cy apres.

Du premier bourg de la Nation Neutre, que Ton

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 189

on this occasion in which it was a question of an en-
tirely new introduction into a Nation different in lan-
guage, at least in many respects, [48] and in which
(if it should please God to grant his blessing) it
would be necessary to establish a fixed and perma-
nent dwelling, which should be the retreat of the
neighboring Missionaries, as this one, in which we
are at present, is for the Missionaries of the quarters
on this side.

He who was given to him as companion was Fa-
ther Joseph Marie Chaumonot, who came from France
the year before, and had been acknowledged very
gifted in languages.

This nation is very populous ; about forty villages
or hamlets are counted therein. Setting out from
our Huron people to reach the first and nearest
villages, we travel four or five days, — that is to say,
about forty leagues, — going always directly South.
So we can say that if, according to the latest and
most exact observation which we have been able to
make, our new house at Sainte Marie (which is in
the midst of the Huron country) is in forty-four de-
grees and about twenty-five minutes of latitude, the
entrance to the Neutral Nation from the side of our
[49] Huron people will have a latitude of 42 degrees
and a half, or thereabouts. For to think of making,
for the present, a more exact research and observation
in the country itself, is what cannot be done. The
sight of the instrument alone would drive to extremi-
ties those who have not been able to endure that of
inkstands, as we shall see hereafter.

From the first village of the Neutral Nation which
one finds on arriving there from this place, and
continuing to travel South or Southeast, it is about

190 LES RELATIONS DES j£SUITES [Vol.21

rencontre y arriuant d'icy, continuant de cheminer
au Midy ou Sudeft, il y a enuiron quatre iournees de
chemin iufques a l'emboucheure de la Riuiere ft
celebre de cette Nation, dans 1' Ontario ou lac de S.
Louys. Au deca de cette Riuiere, & non au dela,
comme le marque quelque Charte, font la plus part
des bourgs de la Nation Neutre. II y en a trois ou
quatre au dela, rangez d' Orient a l'Occident, vers la
Nation du Chat, ou Erieehronos.

Cette Riuiere ou Fleuue, eft celuy par lequel fe
defcharge noftre grand lac des Hurons, ou Mer
douce; qui fe rend premierement dans le lac d'Erie,
ou de la Nation du Chat; & iufques la elle [50] entre
dans les terres de la Nation Neutre, & prend le no
d'Onguiaahra, iufques a ce qu'elle fe foit defchargee
das 1' Ontario ou lac de faindt Louys, d'oii en fin fort
le fleuue qui paffe deuant QuebeK, dit de S Lau-
rens. De forte que fi vne fois on efloit maiflre de la
cofte de la mer plus proche de la demeure des Iro-
quois, on monteroit par le fleuue de fainct Laurens
fans danger, iufques a la Nation Neutre, & au dela
de beaucoup; auec efpargne notable de peine & de
temps.

Suiuant l'eftime des Peres qui y ont efte, il y a
bien au moins douze mille ames dans toute l'eftendue
du pays qui fait eftat de pouuoir encore fournir qua-
tre mille guerriers, nonobftant les guerres, la famine,
& la maladie qui depuis 3. ans y ont extraordinaire-
met regne\

Apres tout, ie croy que ceux qui ont autre fois
donne tant d'eftendue a cette Nation, & luy ont don-
ne" tant de peuples ont entendu par la Nation Neutre,
toutes les autres Nations qui font au Sud & Suroueft

1641 - 42] RELA TION OF 1640 - 41 191

four days' journey to the entrance of the so celebrated
River of that Nation, into the Ontario or lake of St.
Louys. On this side of that River, — and not beyond
it, as a certain Chart indicates, — are the greater part
of the villages of the Neutral Nation. There are three
or four beyond, ranging from East to West, towards
the Nation of the Cat, or Erieehronons.

This Stream or River is that through which our
great lake of the Hurons, or fresh-water Sea, emp-
ties; it flows first into the lake of Erie, or of the
Nation of the Cat,11 and at the end of that lake, it [50]
enters into the territory of the Neutral Nation, and
takes the name of Onguiaahra,1- until it empties into
the Ontario or lake of saint Louys, whence finally
emerges the river that passes before Quebek, called
the St. Lawrence. So that, if once we were masters
of the coast of the sea nearest to the dwelling of the
Iroquois, we could ascend by the river saint Lawrence
without danger, as far as the Neutral Nation, and far
beyond, with considerable saving of time and trouble.

According to the reckoning of the Fathers who
have been there, there are at least twelve thousand
souls in the whole extent of the country, which re-
lies upon being still able to furnish four thousand
warriors, notwithstanding the wars, famine, and sick-
ness which for 3 years have been unusually prevalent
there.

After all, I believe that those who formerly as-
cribed such an extent to this Nation, and assigned
to it so many tribes, understood by the term " Neu-
tral Nation," all the other Nations which are South
and Southwest of our Hurons, — which indeed are
very numerous, but which in the beginning [51] hav-
ing been only confusedly known, were comprised

192

LES RELATIONS DES jESUITES [Vol. 21

de nos Hurons, qui en effedt font en grand nombre,
mais qui au commencement [5 1] n'ayans efte connues
que confuf6ment, auoient efte prefque coprifes fous
vn mefme nom. La cognoiffance plus grande qu'on
a eue depuis ce temps la, foit de la langue, foit du
pais, a fait qu'on a diftingue dauantage.

Au refte, de plufieurs Nations differentes dont on
a maintenant la cognoiffance, il ne s'en trouue pas
vne qui n'ait commerce ou guerre auec d'autres plus
efloignees. Ce qui confirme qu'en effet la multitude
eft grande de ces Peuples qui nous reftent a voir : &
que s'il n'y a pas encore grade moifso a faire il y a
de grands champs a labourer & femer,

Nos Francois qui les premiers ont efte" icy, ont
furnomme cette Nation, la Nation Neutre, & non
fans raifon. Car ce pais eftant le paffage ordinaire
par terre de quelque Natio d' Iroquois & des Huros
ennemis iurez ; ils fe coferuet en paix egalemet auec
les deux. Voire mefme autresfois les Hurons & les
Iroquois fe rencontrans en mefme cabane ou mefme
bourg de cette Nation, les vns & les autres eftoient
en affeurance tant qu'ils ne fortoient a la campagne ;
[52] mais depuis quelque temps la furie des vns con-
tre les autres eft fi grande qu'en quelque lieu que ce
foit, il n'y a pas d'affeurance pour le plus foible,
particulierement s'il eft du party Huron, pour lequel
cette Nation, pour la plus part, femble auoir moins
d'inclination.

Nos Hurons appellent la Nation Neutre Attib'an-
daronK, comme qui diroit, Peuples d'vne langue vn
peu difference: car quant aux Nations qui parlent
d'vne langue qu'ils n'entendent aucunement, ils les
appellent AKtfanaKe, de quelque Nation qu'ils puif-

1641-42] RELA TION OF 1640-41 193

almost under one and the same name. The greater
knowledge that we have gained since that time, both
of the language and of the country has made us
more discriminating.

Besides, of many different Nations with whom we
now have acquaintance, there is not found one that
has not trade or war with others more distant; this
assures us that really there is a great multitude of
these Tribes, which remain for us to see ; and that,
if there are not yet abundant harvests to gather,
there are great fields to plough and to sow.

Our Frenchmen who were first here surnamed this
Nation " the Neutral Nation," and not without rea-
son ; for this country being the ordinary land route
of some Iroquois Tribes and of the Hurons, who are
sworn enemies, they keep themselves equally in
peace with both.13 Nay, even, formerly the Hurons
and the Iroquois, when they met in the same cabin
or in the same village of this Nation, were both in
security so long as they did not go out into the fields ;
[52] but for some time the rage of one against the
other has been so great that, in whatever place they
be, there is no security for the most feeble, — espe-
cially if he be of the Huron side, for which this Na-
tion, for the most part, seems to have less inclination.

Our Hurons call the Neutral Nation ' ' Attiwanda-
ronk," which is to say " Peoples of a slightly differ-
ent language : " for, as to the Nations who speak a
language which they in no wise understand, they call
them " Akwanake," — of whatever Nation they may
be, — which is to say, " strangers." Those of the
Neutral Nation, reciprocally, for the same reason call
our Hurons Attiwandaronk.

We have every reason to believe that not long ago

194 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

fent eftre, comme qui diroit eftrangers. Ceux de la
Nation Neutre reciproquement pour la mefme raifon
appellent nos Hurons Attib'andaronK.

Nous auons tout fujet de croire qu'il n'y a pas
long temps qu'ils ne faifoient tous qu'vn Peuple, &
Hurons & Iroquois, & ceux de la Nation Neutre ; &
qu'ils viennent d'vne mefme famille, ou de quelques
premieres Touches abordees autrefois aux coftes de
ces quartiers. Mais que par fucceffion de temps, ils
fe font efloignez & feparez les vns [53] des autres,
qui plus, qui moins de demeure, d'interefts & d'af-
fedtion : de forte que quelques vns font deuenus enne-
mis, d'autres Neutres, & d'autres font demeurez
dans quelque liaifon & communication plus particu-
liere.

Ces Peuples qui font Neutres entre les Hurons &
les Iroquois, ont de cruelles guerres auec d'autres
Nations Occidentales ; & particulierement auec les
Atfiftaehronons, ou Nation du Feu : de laquelle l'an
paffe ils prirent cent prifonniers, & cette annee, y
eftans retournez en guerre auec vne arm£e de deux
mille hommes, ils en ont encore amene plus de cent
feptante: enuers lefquels ils fe comportent quafi
auec les mefmes cruautez que les Hurons enuers
leurs ennemis; toutesfois ils ont cela de plus, qu'ils
bruflent les femmes prifonnieres de guerre, auffi bien
que les hommes: ce que ne font pas les Hurons, qui,
ou leur donnent la vie, ou fe contentent de les affom-
mer a la chaude, & emporter quelque partie du corps.

Le viure & le veftir de cette Nation ne femble pas
beaucoup different de celuy [54] de nos Hurons. Ils
ont le bled d'Inde, les faizoles & les citroiiilles en
efgale abondance. La pefche pareillement y femble

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 195

they all made but one People, — both Hurons and
Iroquois, and those of the Neutral Nation ; and that
they came from one and the same family, or from a
few old stocks which formerly landed on the coasts
of these regions. But it is probable that, in prog-
ress of time, they have become removed and sepa-
rated from one [53] another — some more, some less —
in abode, in interests, and in affection ; so that some
have become enemies, others Neutral, and others
have remained in some more special connection and
communication .

These Tribes which are Neutral between the
Hurons and the Iroquois, have cruel wars with other
Western Nations, and especially with the Atsistae-
hronons, or Fire Nation, — from which they took last
year a hundred prisoners; and this year, having
returned there for war with an army of two thousand
men, they again brought away more than a hundred
and seventy, toward whom they conduct themselves
with almost the same cruelties as the Hurons do
towards their enemies. However, they practice the
further cruelty of burning the women prisoners of
war, as well as the men, — which is not done by the
Hurons, who either give them their lives, or content
themselves with knocking them down in the heat of
the moment, and bearing off some portion of their
bodies.

The food and the clothing of this Nation do not
greatly differ from those [54] of our Hurons : they
have Indian corn, beans, and squashes in equal
plenty; the fishing likewise seems equal, as regards
the abundance of fish, of which some species are
found in one region, that are not in the other. The
people of the Neutral Nation greatly excel in hunt-

196 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

efgale, pour l'abondance de poiffon, dont quelques
efpeces fe trouuent en vn lieu, qui ne font point en
l'autre. Ceux de la Nation Neutre l'emportent de
beaucoup pour la chaffe des Cerfs, des Vaches & des
Chats fauuages, des loups, des beftes noires, des
Caftors & autres animaux, dont les peaux & les
chairs font precieufes. L'abondace de chair y a efte"
grande cette annee pour les neiges extraordinaires
qui font furuenues, qui ont facilite* la chaffe. Car
eftant chofe rare que de voir dans le pais plus d'vn
demy pied de neige, il y en auoit cette annee plus de
trois pieds. lis ont auffi quantite de coqs d'Inde fau-
uages, qui vont par troupes dans les champs & dans
les bois.

Pour le rafraifchiffement des fruidts, il ne s'y en
trouue pas plus qu'aux Hurons, fi ce n'eft des cha-
ftaignes dont ils ont quantite, & des pommes de bois
vn peu plus groffes.

Ils vont couuerts d'vne peau fur la chair nue com-
me tous les Sauuages; mais [55] auec moins de rete-
nue que les Hurons pour le braye, dot plufieurs ne
fe feruet point du tout: d'autres s'en feruent, mais
pour 1' ordinaire de la forte qu'a grad peine ce qui ne
fe doit voir fe trouue cache. Les femmes toutefois
font ordinairement couuertes au moins depuis la cein-
ture iuf ques aux genoux. Ils f emblent plus defbordez
& impudents en leurs impudicitez, que nos Hurons.

Ils paffent leurs peaux auec beaucoup de foin &
d'induftrie, & s'eftudient a les enjoliuer en diuerfes
facos ; mais encore plus leur propre corps, fur lequel
depuis la tefte iufqu'aux pieds ils font faire mille
diuerfes figures auec du charbon picque" dans la chair,
fur laquelle auparauat ils ont trace leurs lignes. De

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 197

ing Stags, Cows, wild Cats, wolves, black beasts,14
Beaver, and other animals of which the skin and the
flesh are valuable. The supply of meat has been
great there this year on account of the heavy snows
which have fallen and which have facilitated hunt-
ing ; for it is a rare thing to see in the country more
than half a foot of snow, and they have had this year
more than three feet. They have also multitudes of
wild Turkeys, which go in flocks through the fields
and woods.

As for the refreshment of fruits, not more of them
are found there than among the Hurons, unless it
be chestnuts, of which they have plenty; and wild
apples, a little larger than these.

They cover the bare flesh with a skin, like all Sav-
ages; but [55] with less modesty than the Hurons
as to the breech cloth, which many do not use at
all ; others use it, but generally in such a way that
with great difficulty is that concealed which should
not be seen. The women, however, are ordinarily
covered, at least from the waist as far as the knees;
they seem more dissolute and shameless in their
licentious acts than are our Hurons.

They dress their pelts with much care and skill,
and study to beautify them in many ways ; but still
more their own bodies, upon which, from the head
even to the feet, they cause to be made a thousand
different figures with charcoal pricked into the flesh,
upon which previously they have traced their lines, —
so that sometimes one sees the face and breast orna-
mented with figures, as are in France the helmets,
breastplates, and gorgets of military men ; and the
remainder of the body is appropriately decorated.

As for the rest of their customs and manners, they

198 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

forte qu'on leur void quelquefois le vifage & l'eito-
mac figure, come le font en France les morions & les
cuiraffes & les hauffecols des gens de guerre, & le
refte du corps a l'aduenant.

Pour le refte de leurs couftumes & facos de faire,
ils font prefque en tout seblables aux autres Sauuages
de ces contrees ; fpecialemet en leur irreligio & gou-
uernemet, [56] foit politiq; foit ceconomiq;.

II y a toutesfois quelques chofes en quoy ils fem-
blent vn peu differens de nos Hurons Premierement,
ils paroiflent plus grads, plus forts & mieux faits.

Secondement, l'affedtio enuers leurs morts, fem-
ble eftre bien plus grande. Nos Hurons inconti-
nent apres la mort, portent les corps au cimetiere, &
ne les en retirent que pour la fefte des Morts : ceux
de la Nation Neutre, ne portent les corps au cime-
tiere que le plus tard qu'ils peuuent, lors que la pour-
riture les rendroit infupportables. D'ou ce fait que
les corps paffent fouuent l'hyuer entier dans les ca-
banes ; & les ayant vne fois mis dehors fur vn ef chaf-
faut pour pourrir, ils en retirent les os le pluftoft
qu'il fe peut, & les expofent en veue, arrangez de cofte
& d'autre dans leurs cabanes, iufques a la fefte des
Morts. Cet objedt qu'ils ont deuant les yeux, leur
renouuellant continuellement le reffentiment de leurs
pertes, leur fait ordinairement ietter des cris, & faire
des lamentations tout a fait lugubres, le tout en chan-
fon. Mais cela ne fe fait que par les femmes.

[57] La troifiefme chofe en quoy ils femblent diffe-
rens de nos Hurons, c'eft en la multitude & qualite"
des fols. On ne trouue autre chofe, allant par le
pays, que des gens qui font ce perfonnage auec toutes
les extrauagances poffibles, & libertez qu'ils pren-

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 199

are, in almost all things, like the other Savages of
these regions, especially in their irreligion and
government, [56] whether political or domestic.

However, there are some things in which they
seem a little different from our Hurons. First, they
appear taller, stronger, and better proportioned.

Secondly, their affection toward their dead seems
to be much greater. Our Hurons immediately after
death carry the bodies to the burying ground and
take them away from it only for the feast of the
Dead. Those of the Neutral Nation carry the bodies
to the burying ground only at the very latest mo-
ment possible when decomposition has rendered them
insupportable; for this reason, the dead bodies often
remain during the entire winter in their cabins; and,
having once put them outside upon a scaffold that
they may decay, they take away the bones as soon
as is possible, and expose them to view, arranged
here and there in their cabins, until the feast of the
Dead. These objects which they have before their
eyes, renewing continually the feeling of their losses,
cause them frequently to cry out and to make most
lugubrious lamentations, the whole in song. But
this is done only by the women.

[57] The third respect in which they seem differ-
ent from our Hurons, is in the multitude and sort of
lunatics. In going through the country, one finds
nothing else but people who play this part with all
possible extravagances, and any liberties they choose,
and who are suffered to do all that is pleasing to
them, for fear of offending their demon. They take
the embers from the fire, and scatter them around ;
they break and shatter what they encounter, as if
they were raving, — although in reality, for the most

200 LES RELATIONS DES jESUITES [Vol.21

nent, & qui font toleres de faire tout ce qui leur
plaiit, crainte de defplaire a leur demon. lis iettent
& efparpillent les braifes des foyers, rompent &brifent
ce qu'ils rencontrent, comme s'ils eftoient furieux,
quoy qu'en effect, pour la plus part ils foient auffi
prefens a eux mefmes, que ceux qui ne font pas ce
perfonnage. Mais ils fe comportent de la forte, pour
donner, difent-ils, ce contentement a leur demon
particulier, qui demande & exige cela d'eux : fcauoir a
celuy qui leur parle en fonge, & qui leur fait efperer
raccompliffement de leurs fouhaits pour le bon
fuccez de la chaff e.

Les Peres eftans en ces quartiers apprirent que les
Oneiochronons (qui font vne des cinq Nations d' Iro-
quois) auoiet vne facon de gouuernement fort particu-
lier. Les hommes & les femmes y [58] manient
alternatiuement les affaires: de forte que fi. c'eft
maintenat vn home qui les gouuerne, ce fera apres
fa mort vne femme, qui de fon viuant les gouuernera
a fon tour, excepte ce qui regarde la guerre ; & apres
la mort de la femme, ce fera vn homme qui repren-
dra derechef le maniement des affaires.

Quelques anciens racontoient a nos Peres qu'ils
auoient cognoiffance d'vne certaine Natio Occidetale,
vers laquelle ils alloiet faire la guerre, qui n'eftoit
pas beaucoup efloignee de la mer. Que les habitas
du lieu y pefchoiet les Vignots, qui font vne efpece
d'huiftres, dont l'efcaille fert a faire la pourcelaine,
qui font les perles du pais. Voicy la facon qu'ils
defcriuent leur pefche. Ils obferuent quand la mer
mote aux endroits ou ces Vignots abondent ; & lors
que la violence des riots les pouffe vers le bord, ils fe
iettent a corps perdu dans les eaux, & fe faififfent

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 201

part, they are as self-collected as those who do not
play this character. But they conduct themselves in
this way, in order to give, they say, this satisfaction
to their special demon, who demands and exacts this
of them, — that is to say, to him who speaks to them
in dreams, and who makes them expect the fulfill-
ment of their wishes for good success in hunting.

While the Fathers were in these quarters, they
learned that the Oneiochronons (who form one of the
five Iroquois Nations) had a very peculiar form of
government. The men and the women therein [58]
administer alternately the affairs ; so that, if now it
is a man who governs them, after his death it will
be a woman, who during her life will govern them
in her turn, except in what regards war ; and, after
the death of the woman, it will be a man who will
resume again the administration of affairs.

Some old men related to our Fathers that they had
acquaintance with a certain Western Nation, against
which they were going to make war, and which was
not far removed from the sea; that the inhabitants
of the place fished for Vignots, that are a kind of
oyster, the shell of which serves to make porcelain
beads, which are the pearls of the country. This is
the way they describe their fishing: they observe
when the sea rises in places where these Vignots
abound, and when the violence of the waves drives
them towards the shore, they throw themselves
headlong into the water and seize those that they
can catch. Sometimes they find them so large, that
it is all they can do to stretch their arms around one
of them. Now, many affirm that it must be [59]
young men, who have not yet had knowledge of
woman, who can carry on this fishery, as otherwise

202 LES RELATIONS DES JE~SUITES [Vol.21

de ceux qu'ils peuuent atrapper. lis en trouuent
quelquefois de fi gros, que c'eft tout ce qu'ils peu-
uent faire que d'en embraffer vn. Or plufieurs
affeurent, qu'il faut que ce foient [59] ieunes gens
qui n'ayent encore eu cognoiffance de femme, qui
faffent cette pefche, qu'autrement ces animaux fe
retiret d'eux. Ie m'en rapporte a la verite.

lis racontoient que ces mefmes Peuples ont vne
efpece de guerre auec certains animaux aquatiques,
plus grands & plus legers a la courfe que les Ori-
gnaux. Les ieunes gens vont agacer das l'eau ces
animaux, qui ne manquent pas auffi toft de gaigner
la terre, & pourfuiure leurs agreffeurs. Ceux-cy fe
fentans fuiuis de trop pres, iettent quelque piece de
cuir, come fouliers fauuages, a ces animaux qui s'ar-
reftet & s'amufent, pendat que les chafTeurs gaignent
le deuat: qui autant de fois qu'ils fe fentent fuiuis
de trop pres, font le mefme que la premiere fois,
iufques a ce qu'ils foient arriuez a vn fort ou embuf-
cade d'vne troupe de leurs gens, qui enuironnans la
befte, s'en rendent en fin les maiftres. Voila ce que
nous auons apris de plus confiderable de ces contrees.

Plufieurs de nos Francois qui ont efte icy, ont fait
autrefois voyage" en ce pais de la Natio Neutre, pour
en tirer les [60] profits & les auantages de pelleterie,
& autres petites denrees qu'on en peut efperer.
Mais nous n'auons cognoiffance d'aucun qui y foit
paffe a deffein d'y prefcher l'Euangile, fmon du
Reuerend Pere Iofeph de la Roche Daillon Recolledt ;
qui en 1626. y fit vn voyage, & y paffa l'hyuer. Mais
les Francois qui eftoient pour lors icy, ayans appris
le mauuais traittement qu'il y auoit receu; craignans
que les chofes ne paffaffent a l'extremite, le retour-

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 203

these creatures withdraw from them. I will not
decide the truth of this.

They related that these same Tribes have a kind
of war with certain aquatic animals larger and lighter
in running than the Moose. The young men go into
the water to tease these animals, which do not fail
immediately to gain the land and pursue their assail-
ants. The latter finding themselves too closely fol-
lowed, throw some piece of leather, as the shoes of
the savages, to these animals, which stop and amuse
themselves therewith, while the hunters gain the
advance, and as often as they see themselves fol-
lowed too closely they do the same that they did at
first, until they have arrived at a fort or ambush of
a band of their people, who, surrounding the beasts,
make themselves at last their masters. These are the
most important things we have learned in these
regions.

Many of our Frenchmen who have been here have,
in the past, made journeys in this country of the
Neutral Nation for the sake of reaping [60] profit and
advantage from furs and other little wares that one
might look for. But we have no knowledge of any
one who has gone there for the purpose of preach-
ing the Gospel, except the Reverend Father Joseph
de la Roche Daillon, a Recollect,15 who in 1626 made
a journey thither, and spent the winter there. But
the Frenchmen who were then here, having learned
the evil treatment that he had received there, fear-
ing lest matters should go to the extreme, went for
him, and brought him back in the Spring of the fol-
lowing year. The zeal which led the aforesaid Fa-
ther to make this journey, as soon as he had set foot
in the Huron country, not having permitted him to

204 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol.21

nerent querir, & ramenerent au Printemps de l'annee
d'apres. Le zele qui porta le fufdit Pere a faire ce
voyage, auffi toft qu'il eut mis le pied aux Hurons,
ne luy ayant pas permis de fe former auparauant a
la langue ; & f e trouuant la plus part du temps fans
Truchement, il eftoit contraint d'inftruire ceux qu'il
pouuoit, pluftoft par fignes que de viue voix. comme
il raconte luy-mefme en vne fienne lettre imprim6e.
Cela ioint aux mauuais tours que luy ioiierent pour
lors les Hurons ; qui craignoient le tranfport de la
traidte, femblables a ceux dont nous parlerons tan-
toft, ne luy permit pas en fi [61] peu de temps, de
faire ce qu'il euft defire pour le feruice de Dieu.

Quatorze ans done apres, les deux Peres de noftre
Compagnie, qui ont eu charge de cette Miffion, par-
tirent de cette Maifon de S. Marie, le fecond iour de
Nouembre de l'annee paff6e 1640.

Arriuez qu'ils furent a S. Iofeph ou Teanauftajae
dernier bourg des Hurons, ou ils deuoient faire leurs
prouifions pour leur voyage, & trouuer des guides
pour le chemin. Ceux qui leur auoient donne parole
leur ayant manque, ils ne peurent faire autre chofe,
que de s'addreffer au Ciel, apres quel que voeu fait,
le Pere de Brebeuf, rencontra vn ieune homme qui
n'auoit aucun deffein de faire ce voyage, ie ne fcay
par quel mouuement il s'addreffa a luy, quoy que
e'en foit, ne luy ayant dit que ces deux mots, Quio
acK^e : fus allons nous-en de copagnie : ce ieune
homme fans refiftance les fuiuit fur le champ, & leur
tint fidelle compagnie. Ils auoient auec eux deux de
nos Francois domeftiques, tant pour les affifter en
leur voyage que pour predre le pretexte de trafiquer
par leurs [62] mains, & paffer comme marchands dans

1641 -42] RELA TION OF 1640-41 205

train himself beforehand in the language, and he
being the greater part of the time without an Inter-
preter, he was constrained to instruct those whom
he could, rather by signs than by word of mouth, as
he himself relates in one of his printed letters. This,
joined to the evil tricks which were played on him
then by the Hurons, — who feared the removal of
their trade, as did those of whom we shall speak pres-
ently,— did not permit him in so [61] short a time,
to do what he had desired for the service of God.

Then, fourteen years afterward, the two Fathers
of our Society who have had charge of this Mission
set out from this House of Ste. Marie the second day
of November of last year, 1640.

When they had arrived at St. Joseph, or Teanaus-
taiae, — the last village of the Hurons where they were
to make provision for their journey, and find guides
for the way, — -those who had given them a promise
having failed them, they could do nothing else than
appeal to Heaven ; after having offered a prayer,
Father de Brebeuf met a young man who had no
thought of making this journey. I do not know by
what impulse he addressed him; however, having
said to him only these two words, " Quio ackwe,"
" Come, let us go away together," this young man,
without opposition, immediately followed them, and
remained their faithful companion. They had with
them two of our French domestics, as much to assist
them in their journey as to make a show of trading
with their [62] help, and to pass as merchants in the
country, in case that without this inducement the
doors of the cabins should be shut against them, as
in reality happened.

They slept four nights in the woods; and on the

206 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

le pais, en cas que fans cette cofideratio les portes
des cabanes leur deufset eftre ferm6es, comme en
effet il fut arriue\

lis coucherent quatre nuidts dans les bois, & le
cinquiefme iour ils arriuerent au premier bcmrg de
la Nation Neutre, nomme KandScho, qu'ils furnom-
merent de tous les Saindts.

Comme on n'ignoroit pas la mauuaife difpofition
des efprits de ces Peuples, abreuuez feulement de
tons les mau[u]ais difcours qui s'eftoient tenus de
nous en nos quartiers les annees paffees, & qui n'en
auoiet d'ailleurs autre conoiffance ; on iugea a propos
d'y aller auec prefens & de vifer a quelque affemblee
des Capitaines & Anciens que Ton efclairciroit de
nos intentions.

II falloit pour ce deffein s'addreffer a celuy des
Capitaines qui manie les affaires du public, nomme'
Tfohahiffen. Son bourg efloit au milieu du pais:
pour y arriuer il falloit paffer par plufieurs autres
bourgs & bourgades: aufquelles les Peres arriuans
ils eftoient tous eflonnez, que l'effroy auoit march6
deuant eux, & auoit par tout fait fermer [63] les
portes des cabanes. Le nom d'Echon (qui eft celuy
que les Sauuages ont done de tout temps au P. de
Brebeuf) retentiffoit par tout, come celuy d'vn des
plus fameux forciers ou demons qu'on fe fut iamais
imagine. Toutefois le pretexte de la traite adou-
ciffoit tout, & cete confideratio les fit arriuer affez
heureufemet iufques au bourg de ce principal Capi-
taine, qui fe trouua eftre alle a la guerre, pour ne
reuenir qu'au Printeps. Nos Peres s'adreflent a ceux
qui en fon abfence faifoient les affaires, ils leur ex-
pofent leur deffein de publier l'Euangile par toute

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640- 41 207

fifth day they arrived at the first village of the Neu-
tral Nation, named Kandoucho, to which they gave
the surname of " all Saints." 10

As we were not ignorant of the evil tendency in
the minds of these People, — saturated solely with all
the ill-natured remarks that had been made concern-
ing us in our quarters in past years, and who, besides,
had no other knowledge of us, — we deemed it expe-
dient to go to them with presents, and to have in
view some assembly of the Captains and Aged men
whom we could enlighten as to our intentions.

For this purpose it was necessary to apply to one
of the Captains, named Tsohahissen, who managed
the public affairs. His village was in the midst of
the country ; 17 in order to reach it, we were obliged
to pass through many other villages and hamlets, on
arriving at which the Fathers were much surprised
to find that terror had gone before them and had
caused [63] the doors of the cabins everywhere to be
closed. The name of Echon (which the Savages
have given at all times to Father de Brebeuf) re-
sounded on all sides, as that of one of the most
famous sorcerers or demons that had ever been imag-
ined. However, the pretext of trade made every-
thing easy, and this consideration enabled them to
reach quite successfully even the village of the chief
Captain, who chanced to be away at war, and would
not return until Spring. Our Fathers appealed to
those who were conducting the affairs in his absence ;
they explained to them their plan of publishing the
Gospel throughout the extent of these territories, and
of forming, by this means, a special alliance with
them. As a proof of this, they had brought a collar

208 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 21

l'eflendue de leurs terres, & de contracter par ce
moyen vne particuliere alliance auec eux. Pour
preuue dequoy ils auoient apporte vn collier de deux
mille grains de pourcelaine, dont ils defiroient faire
prefent au Public.

Les Capitaines apres auoir tenu confeil, diret pour
refponfe, Que le chef du pais eftat abfent, on ne
pouuoit deuat so retour accepter les Preses, qui fel5
leurs couftumes, les obligeoient a en faire de reci-
proques. Que fi nous voulions attedre iufques la
nous pouuions cependant [64] aller librement dans
le pais, pour y donner telle inftruction qu'il nous
plairoit.

Rien, ce femble, ne pouuoit arriuer plus a propos
pour donner temps d'informer en particulier quel-
ques-vns des plus Anciens, & commencer a appriuoi-
fer ces efprits fauuages. Mais deuant que commen-
cer, les Peres iugerent a propos de retourner fur
leurs pas pour reconduire nos domefliques hors du
pais ; puis reprendre pour la f econde f ois leur che-
min, & commencer leur fondtion. Ce qu'ils firent,
mais le pretexte de la traidte leur manquant, ils
eurent bien a fouffrir en fuitte de mille calomnies
qu'on fufcitoit a l'occaflon de leur voyage.

Nos Hurons difoient, qu'Echon mettant pour la
premiere fois le pied dans leur pais, auoit dit: I'y
feray tant d'annees, pedant lefquelles i'en feray mou-
rir tant, & puis i'iray ailleurs en faire autant, iuf-
ques a ce que i'aye perdu toute la terre.

D'autres difoient, qu'Echon apres auoir fait mou-
rir par maladie vne partie [65] des Hurons, eftoit
alle faire alliance auec les Sonontb'ehronons, qui
font vne Nation d' Iroquois, la plus redoutee & la

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 209

of two thousand porcelain beads, which they desired
to present to the Public.

The Captains, after having held a council, said in
reply that, as the chief of the country was absent,
they could not accept the Presents before he came
back, since according to their customs this would
oblige them to make others in return; but, if we
were willing to wait until then, we could in the mean-
time [64] go freely into the country, in order to give
therein such instruction as we pleased.

Nothing, it seems, could have happened more op-
portunely for giving time to instruct in private some
of the most Aged men, and to begin to tame these
fierce spirits. But, before commencing, the Fathers
deemed it expedient to retrace their steps, in order
to lead our domestics out of the country, then to take
for the second time their way, and begin their duties.
This they did, but the pretense of trade failing
them, they had much to suffer afterward from a
thousand calumnies which were stirred up on account
of their journey.

Our Hurons related that, when Echon set his foot
in their country for the first time, he had said: " I
shall be here so many years, during which I shall
cause many to die, and then I shall go elsewhere to
do the same, until I have ruined the whole land."

Others related that Echon, after having caused the
death, by disease, of a part [65] of the Hurons, had
gone to make an alliance with the Sonontwehronons,
who form one of the Iroquois Nations, — the one most
feared by the Hurons, and the one nearest to them,
as the former are distant but a day's journey from
the last village of the Neutral Nation, on the side of
the East, which is named Onguiaahra, the same name

210 LES RELATIONS DES j£SUITES [Vol.21

plus voifine de nos Hurons; comme n'eftans efloi-
gnez que d'vne iournee du dernier bourg de la
Nation Neutre du cofte de l'Orient, nomine Onguia-
ahra, du mefme nom que la Riuiere. Qu'il les eftoit
alle trouuer pour leur faire prefent de colliers de
pourcelaine & fers de flefche, & les exciter a venir
acheuer de miner le pais.

D'autres nous aduertiffoient a l'oreille, que nous
priffions garde a cette affaire. Qu'il n'y auoit eu
autre caufe du maffacre d'vn de nos Francois fait icy
il y a quelques annees, que des voyages femblables,
qui mettoient le pais en ialoufie, & en crainte du
tranfport de la traite.

D'autres difoient que lors qu'on auoit enterre cet
excellent Chreftien Iofeph Chib'atenhb'a, Echon fe
tournant du cofte du pais des Sonontb'ehronons, qui
l'auoient tue\ dit tout haut (Sonontb'ehronon, c'eft
fait de toy, tu es mort) & qu'auffi toft apres le Pere
s'eftoit achemine" [66] vers leur quartier pour leur
porter la maladie ; laquelle en effedt f e trouuoit parmy
les ennemis bien forte, pendant le fejour des Peres a
la Nation Neutre. Surquoy les Hurons nous prioient
de prendre bon courage, & de faire mourir tous leurs
ennemis.

Ie ne fcay fi depuis leur depart iufques a leur re-
tour il s'eft paffe fepmaine, qu'on ne nous foit venu
apporter nouuelles, qu'ayans efte trouuez dans la
Nation Neutre par les ennemis, ils auoient eft6 maf-
facrez de leur main. Mais ie ne fcay s'il y a a dou-
ter, fi ces bruits ne venoient point de la part des Bar-
bares de nos quartiers mefmes, qui couuoient de
long temps quelque mauuais deffein, qu'ils voyoient
ne pouuoir iamais executer plus impunement que

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 211

as the River. They said he had gone to visit them,
in order to make them a present of porcelain collars
and arrowheads and to instigate their coming to com-
plete the ruin of the country.

Some warned us privately to beware of this under-
taking, as there had been no other cause for the
murder of one of our Frenchmen, that occurred here
some years ago, than just such journeys which made
the country uneasy and fearful of a transference of
trade.

Others said that when that excellent Christian,
Joseph Chiwatenhwa, was buried, Echon, turning in
the direction of the country of the Sonontwehrononsy
who had killed him, said aloud (" Sonontwehronon,
it is all over with thee, — thou art dead "); and that,,
immediately after, the Father had proceeded [66]
toward their district, that he might carry the disease
to them, — which in truth was raging fiercely among
the enemy during the sojourn of the Fathers in the
Neutral Nation. Upon this, the Hurons begged us
to have good courage and to cause the death of all
their enemies.

From the departure of these Fathers until their
return, I do not know that a week passed without
some one's coming to bring us news that, these hav-
ing been found in the Neutral Nation by the enemy,
they had been slain by their hands. But I cannot
doubt that these reports came from the Barbarians
of our own region, who for a long time were medi-
tating some evil design that they saw no possibility
of ever executing with more impunity than then, —
such a murder being likely to be attributed to any
one else rather than to them ; and, it being com-

212 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

pour lors, ce maffacre deviant eftre attribue" a tout
autre pluftoft qu'a eux; & lequel fe faifant dans vne
Nation eftrangere, leur pais n'en demeuroit aucune-
ment refponfable.

Quoy que e'en foit, il eft affeure qu'vn de nos Hu-
rons, nomine" AtfenhoKHi, neveu d'vn des principaux
Capitaines de [67] ce pais, en compagnie d'vn autre
Huron a efte par plufieurs bourgs de la Nation Neu-
tre, lors que nos Peres y eftoient; fe difant enuoye"
de la part des Capitaines & anciens de ce quartier,
auec prefens de haches qu'il moftroit, pour doner
aduis aux Capitaines que Ton fe defift de ces Fran-
cois, s'ils ne vouloiet voir la ruine du pais, pour ne
nous auoir pas preuenu. Et ces porteurs d'aduis
adiouftoient qu'en cas qu'o fift refus de faire le coup,
que la refolutio eftoit prife aux Huros, de l'executer
incontinent apres le retour des Peres : & que la chofe
eut defia efte" executee fi nous ne nous fuffions tous
raffemblez enfemble en vne mefme maifon.

Cet Ab'enhoKb'i ayant en fon chemin rencotre* les
Peres das vn bourg, leur fit mille careffes, & les
inuitoit & quafi forcoit de cotinuer a cheminer plus
auat das" le pais auec luy. Mais eux ayas a faire ail-
leurs le laifferent aller. Depuis ayas apris les dif-
cours & propofitios du perfonage ils ont fait reflexion
auec quelques Sauuages du pais, fur le deffein que
pouuoit auoir cet Ab'enhoKh'i, les preffant fi fort [68] de
faire voyage auec luy ; & ils n'en ont rien coniect-ure"
que de mauuais.

Celuy-cy, quoy que le plus dangereux, ne fut pas
toutefois le plus effronte. Mais vn nomine Oentara
eftant venu a la Nation Neutre, apres auoir entre-
tenu le pais de tous les mauuais difcours & calom-

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 213

mitted in a strange Nation, their own country would
be in no wise responsible.

However, it is certain that one of our Hurons,
named Awenhokwi, a nephew of one of the chief
Captains of [67] this country, in company with an-
other Huron, had been through many villages of the
Neutral Nation while our Fathers were there, and
said he had been sent in the name of the Captains
and aged men of this neighborhood, with presents
of hatchets, which he showed, in order to inform the
Captains that they should beware of these French-
men unless they were willing to see the country
ruined from their not having anticipated us. And
these bearers of advice added that, in case they
should refuse to carry out the scheme, the Hurons
had resolved to accomplish it immediately after the
return of the Fathers ; and that the thing would have
been done before this, had we not all been gathered
together in the same house.

While this Awenhokwi was on his way, he met the
Fathers in a village, showed them a thousand atten-
tions, invited them and almost forced them to con-
tinue traveling further into the country with him;
but they having business elsewhere let him go on.
Afterward, when they had heard of the speeches and
propositions of this fellow, they consulted with some
Savages of the country concerning the design this
Awenhokwi could have had in urging them so strong-
ly [68] to make the journey with him, and they
surmised nothing but evil therein.

This man, although the most dangerous, was not
however the most shameless. But one named Oen-
tara, who came to the Neutral Nation, after having
entertained the country with all the evil speeches

214 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

nies, dont les precedences Relations font pleines:
Que nous nouriffions la maladie a noftre maifon : que
nos efcritures n'eftoient que forcelleries : que nous
auions fait mourir tout le monde dans les Hurons,
fous pretexte de prefens: que nous nous difpofions
a faire mourir tout le refte de la terre. Adiouftoit,
qu'on euft hardiment a nous fermer par tout les
portes des cabanes, fi on n'en vouloit bien toft voir
la defolation. Et il fut fi impudent que de fouftenir
le tout en prefence de nos Peres, & de quelques an-
ciens du pais, qui voulurent confronter les vns auec
les autres.

Or quoy que le Pere de Brebeuf refuta pertinem-
ment tous ces mauuais efprits, leur fermat a tous la
bouche, & les rempliffant de conf ufion : Si eft-ce que
[69] le venin vne fois iette ne fortoit pas fi facile-
ment du cceur de ces pauures barbares qui craignet
tout, pour ne pas conoiftre celuy qui feul merite
d'eftre craint & redoute\ Et plufieurs autres Hurons
furuenus la deffus, qui confLrmoient tous ces difcours,
donnerent en fin tant d'ombrages de nous aux chefs
.& aux Capitaines; qu'au bout d'enuiron deux mois
& demy que les Peres auoient commence leur
fondtion, ceux a qui ils s'eftoient adreffez au com-
mencement, pour tenir confeil, & qui auoient ren-
uoye 1' affaire au retour de Tfohahiffen principal
Capitaine, les manderet & leur declarerent le pou-
uoir qu'ils auoient de decider les affaires preffantes,
en l'abfence de Tfohahiffen. Qu'ils commencoient
a iuger que noftre affaire eftoit de cette nature, &
partant qu'ils en vouloient deliberer fur le champ.
La deffus faifans mine de tenir confeil, & deliberer
fur cet affaire defia refolue par entr'eux, l'vn d'eux

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 215

and calumnies with which the preceding Relations
are filled, — that we had bred the malady in our own
house; that our writings were only sorceries; that
we had caused every one among the Hurons to die,
under pretense of presents; that we were arranging
to bring all the rest of the world to the grave, —
added that they should everywhere boldly close the
doors of the cabins against us, unless they wished
shortly to see desolation therein; and he was so
impudent as to affirm everything in presence of our
Fathers, and some aged men of the country, who had
desired to confront them with each other.

Now, although Father de Brebeuf pertinently
refuted all these evil persons, silencing each one and
filling them with confusion, still [69] venom once
dropped into the heart of these poor barbarians is not
very easily cast out ; for they fear everything, since
they do not know him who alone is worthy to be
feared and dreaded. And many other Hurons arrived
unexpectedly at that time, who confirmed all these
remarks, and, in fact, inspired the chiefs and Cap-
tains with so many suspicions respecting us, that at
the end of about two months and a half after the Fa-
thers had entered upon their duties, those to whom
they had spoken at first about holding a council, and
who had deferred the matter until the return of
Tsohahissen, the chief Captain, sent for them and
declared that they had power to decide pressing
affairs in the absence of Tsohahissen, that they be-
gan to think our undertaking was of this nature, and
that, therefore, they would deliberate upon it imme-
diately. Thereupon they made a pretense of hold-
ing a council to consider this matter, which was
already resolved upon among them ; and one of them

216 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

s'approcha des Peres pour leur intimer le refultat,
qui eftoit; qu'on refufoit leur prefent. Les Peres
dirent que ce n'efloit pas la feule [70] chofe qui les
amenoit; mais principalement le defir de leur don-
ner la conoiffance d'vn Dieu, & de fon Fils Iefus-
Chrift noftre Seigneur, & partant qu'ils defiroient
fcauoir s'ils refufoient d'eftre enfeignez, auffi bien
qu'ils refufoient le prefent. A cela ils refpondirent,
Que pour la Foy qu'on leur auoit prefchee, ils l'accep-
toient, n'y trouuans rien que de bon: mais que pour
le prefent ils le refufoient abfolument.

Les Peres affez contens & fatisfaits de cette ref-
ponfe, comme penfans auoir le principal de ce qu'ils
pretendoient, qui eftoit la liberie de prefcher & pu-
blier l'Euangile dans le pais, iugeret cependat a pro-
pos de demander la caufe du refus du prefent, difans
auoir eu commiffion de le faire, & eftre obligez de
redre copte de ce refus. Ils dirent au comencement
que le Fife eftoit pauure, & qu'ils n'auoiet moyen de
leur en faire de reciproque. Les Peres firet refponfe
que s'il n'y auoit que cela, ils ne fiffent point de
difficulte d'accepter le preset, qu'ils renoncoient au
retour, & a la recognoiffance de cette nature ; qu'il
leur fuffifoit [71] qu'ils nous tinff ent pour freres. Ils
perfifterent au refus, & ne pouuans apporter de
pretexte qui ne fufl auffi toft leue" ; en fin le chef du
Confeil dit, He ! quoy doc, ignorez-vous ce qu' Ab'en-
hoKSi dit, & eft venu faire icy? & en fuitte le danger
ou vous eftes, & ou vous mettez le pais? A cela on
s'efforca de refpondre comme au refte; mais on ne
trouua plus d'oreille capable d'etedre, il fallut fe
retirer.

Les Peres cependant ne fe tinrent pas chaffez du

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 217

went to the Fathers to notify them of the result,
which was, that their present was refused. The Fa-
thers said that this was not the only [70] thing which
had brought them, but the principal thing was the
desire to give them a knowledge of the one God, and
of his Son Jesus Christ, our Lord ; and therefore they
would like to know if they refused to be taught, since
they had refused the present. To that they answered
that, as for the Faith which had been preached to
them, they accepted it, finding therein nothing but
good; but as for the present, they refused it abso-
lutely.

The Fathers were sufficiently content and satisfied
with this answer, because they believed they had
gained the principal thing to which they aspired,
which was the liberty of preaching and publishing
the Gospel in the country ; however, they deemed it
fitting to ask a cause for the refusal of the present,
saying they had been commissioned to give it and
would be obliged to render an account of this refusal.
They said, at first, that the Treasury was poor, and
that they had no means of making one in return.
The Fathers answered that if it were only that, they
should have no difficulty in accepting the present, as
they themselves disclaimed a compensation or reward
of this nature; that it would suffice [71] that they
should regard us as brothers. They persisted in the
refusal, and, not being able to bring forward any
pretext which was not immediately set aside, at last
the chief of the Council said: " Ah! indeed, do you
not know what Awenhokwi said, and came here to
do? and do you not know besides, the danger in
which you are and in which you are putting the coun-
try?" They endeavored to reply to this as to the

218 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

Pais par l'iffue de ce Confeil. lis iugerent bien
toutefois que fi par le paffe ils auoient eu de la peine,
allans par les bourgs, ils en auroient d'orefnauant
plus que iamais. En effect, ils n'approchoient pas
pluftoft d'vn bourg, qu'on crioit de tous coftez, voicy
les Agb'a qui viennet (c'eft le no qu'ils donnent a
leurs plus grads ennemis) barrez vos portes : de forte
que les Peres fe prefentans aux cabanes pour y
entrer felon l'ordre & la couftume du pais, n'y trou-
uoient pour l'ordinaire que vifage de bois, n'eftans
regardez que comme des forciers qui portoient la
mort & le malheur par tout: que fi [72] d'aucuns les
receuoient, c'eftoit fouuent par crainte qu'ils ne fe
vangeaffent du refus, que pour l'efperance qu'on
euft de grand profit, Dieu fe feruant de tout pour
nourrir fes feruiteurs.

Au refte, il n'eft pas croyable dans quelles fray-
eurs les difcours de nos Hurons auoient iette les
efprits de ces pauures Barbares, defia de leur naturel
extremement defians, particulierement des eftran-
gers, & fur tout de nous, def quels ils n'auoient iamais
entendu que du mal. Tous les difcours & les calom-
nies forgees par nos Hurons, les annees precedentes,
ayant des lors remply leurs oreilles & leurs efprits.
La feule veue des Peres faits & veitus d'vne facon
fi efloignee de la leur, leurs d-marches, leurs geites,
& tous leurs deportemens leur fembloient autant de
conuicftion & de confirmation de ce qu'on leur auoit
dit. Les Breuiaires, efcritoires & efcritures eftoient
cenfez par eux inltrumens de magie: s'ils fe met-
toient a prier Dieu, c'eftoit iuftement dans leur idee,
exercice de forciers. On difoit qu'allans au ruiffeau
pour lauer leurs [73] plats, ils empoifonnoient les

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 219

rest; but as no one was found willing to listen, it
was necessary to withdraw.

Notwithstanding, the Fathers did not consider
themselves driven out of the Country by the result
of this Council. However, they thought that if, in
the past, they had had trouble in going through the
villages, they possibly would have more than ever in
the future. Indeed, they no sooner approached a
village, than from all sides was screamed: " These
are the Agwa who are coming" (this is the name
they give to their greatest enemies), " fasten your
doors; " so that the Fathers coming to cabins in
order to enter them, according to the rule and cus-
tom of the country, found there generally only closed
doors; for they were looked upon as sorcerers who
carried death and misfortune everywhere. And if
[72] any received them, it was more often through
fear that a refusal might be resented than for the
hope they had of great gain, — God utilizing all
things to maintain his servants.

Besides, it is inconceivable into what terrors the
reports of our Hurons had put the minds of these
poor Barbarians, — already by nature extremely sus-
picious, particularly of strangers; and above all of
us, of whom they have never heard anything but
evil; all the reports and calumnies forged by our
Hurons in preceding years, have, since that time,
filled their ears and their minds. The very sight of
our Fathers, clothed and arrayed in a fashion so
different from their own, their gait, their gestures,
and all their manners, seemed like convincing proof
and confirmation of what they had been told. Bre-
viaries, inkstands, and writings were considered by
them as instruments of magic ; if the Fathers began

220 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 21

eaux : que par toutes les cabanes par tout ou ils paf-
foient, les enfans eftoient faifis d'vne toux & d'vn
flux de fang: que les femmes deuenoient fteriles.
Bref, il n'y auoit malheur prefent & a venir, dont ils
ne fuffent confiderez comme la fource. Et plufieurs
de ceux chez lefquels eftoient logez les Peres, n'en
dormoiet ny iour ny nuidt: ils n'ozoient toucher a
leur refte, ils rapportoient leurs prefens, tenans tout
pour fufpedt. Les bonnes vieilles fe tenoient defia
pour perdues, & ne regrettoient que leurs petits
enfans, qui euffent pu repeupler la terre.

Les Capitaines intimidoient les Peres de l'arrmee
des Sonontb'ehronons, qu'ils affeuroient n'eftre pas
loin. D'autres ne diffimuloient pas que nos prefens
n'ayant pas efte acceptez, c'eftoit a dire, qu'il n'y
auoit point d'affeurance pour eux au pais. L'info-
lence fuptout, & la tyrannie de quelques holies eftoit
infupportable, qui leur commandoient comme a des
efclaues, & vouloient en tout eftre obeis. Quelque-
f ois ils ne leur [74] donoient prefque rie pour viure ;
& d'autresfois ils les cotraignoiet d'aller chez tous
leurs parens, pour manger ce qu'on leur prefenteroit,
& puis payer ce qu'ils ordonneroient.

Bref on ne parloit plus que de tuer & mager ces
deux pauures Peres. Les fols cependant couroient
par le bourgs & par les cabanes. Trois vne fois
pour vn coup entrerent nuds come la main, das la
cabane oil ils eftoient ; & apres y auoir fait plufieurs
tours de leur meftier, s'en allerent: d'autres fois ces
fols s'en venoient affeoir proche d'eux, & deman-
doient a foiiiller dans leurs facs; & apres leur auoir
rauy ce qu'ils auoient entre les mains, s'en alloient
faifans les fols. Bref, il femble que les Peres fuffent

1641 - 42] RELA TION OF 1640 -41 221

to pray, it was, in their thought, only the perform-
ance of sorcerers. It was said that when they
went to the brook to wash their [73] dishes, they
poisoned the water ; that in all the cabins, wherever
they went, the children were seized with a cough
and a bloody discharge ; and that the women became
barren. In short, there was no misfortune present
or to come, of which they were not considered the
source. And many of those persons, in whose cab-
ins the Fathers were lodged, did not sleep either day
or night : they dared not touch the food they left,
and they brought back their presents, holding every-
thing in suspicion. The poor old women considered
themselves as already lost and only regretted their
grandchildren, who might have been able to repeo-
ple the land.

The Captains threatened the Fathers with the
arrival of the Sonontwehronons, who, they asserted,
were not far away. Others did not conceal that as
our presents had not been accepted, that meant there
was no security for them in the country. Above all
the insolence and the tyranny of some of their hosts
were insupportable, who commanded them as slaves,
and wished to be obeyed in all things. Sometimes
they [74] gave them almost nothing for food ; and at
other times they compelled them to go to the cabins
of all their relatives, to eat what was set before them,
and then to pay what they should dictate.

In short, they spoke of nothing but of killing and
eating these two poor Fathers. In the meantime,
the madmen were running through the villages and
the cabins. Once, three of them, as bare as one's
hand, suddenly entered the cabin in which the Fa-
thers were, and, after having performed several tricks

222 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

comme vne balle de laquelle fe ioiioiet les demons
an milieu de cette Barbarie, mais auec ordre de la
diuine Prouidence, que rien ne leur manquait.
Comme en effect en quatre mois qu'ils ont efle la,
rien iamais ne leur a manque de ce qui eftoit necef-
faire pour la vie, ny gifte, ny nourriture fufnfante,
& fe font toufiours bien portez parmy des peines [75]
& des incommoditez, qui fe peuuent mieux conceuoir
qu'expliquer. Leur induftrie confiftoit a faire pro-
uifion de quelque pain cuit fous la cendre, a la mode
du pais, qu'ils conferuoient les trente & quarante iours
durant, pour s'en feruir dans la neceffite.

Les Peres ont parcouru en leur voyage dix-huicts
bourgs ou bourgades, a toutes lefquelles ils ont donne
vn nom Chreftien, duquel nous nous feruirons cy
apres aux occafions. Ils fe font arreitez particuliere-
ment a dix, aufquels ils ont donne autat d'inftruction
qu'ils ont pu trouuer d'audiece. Ils font eftat d'en-
uiron cinq ces feux, & de trois mille perfonnes que
peuuet cotenir ces dix bourgades, aufquels ils ont
propofe & public l'Euangile. Mais il eft bien diffi-
cile que le fon n'en ait retenty dans tout le pais.
Nous ne faifons toutefois eftat dans noftre fupputa-
tion que de ces trois mille.

Or les Peres ne voyans pas les efprits affez difpo-
fez, les bruits & les frayeurs s'augmentans toufiours
de plus en plus, iugerent a propos de retourner fur
leurs pas, & s'en reuenir au premier bourg de
[67 i.e., 76] Kandb'cho ou de tous les Saincts; oil ils
f embloient eftre le moins mal venus ; & la trauaillant
a l'inflruction des habitans du lieu, atendre le Prin-
temps que nous auios arrefle de les renuoier querir.
Mais Dieu en difpofa autrement, & de leur cofte & du

1641 - 42] RELA TION OF 1640 - 41 223

of their trade, went away ; at other times, these mad-
men came to sit down by them, and asked to search
their pouches, and, after snatching what they had in
their hands, went away, feigning insanity. In a
word, it seemed that the Fathers were like a ball
with which the demons in the midst of this Barba-
rism were playing, but with a command from divine
Providence, that nothing should be lacking to them, —
for, really, in the four months that they were there,
they lacked nothing that was necessary to life, nei-
ther lodging, nor sufficient food ; and they were always
in good health, amid hardships [75] and inconven-
iences which can be better imagined than explained.
They showed their ingenuity by laying in a supply
of bread, baked under the cinders after the manner
of the country, and which they kept for thirty or
forty days, that they might have it in case of neces-
sity.

The Fathers in their journey passed through eigh-
teen hamlets or villages, to all of which they gave a
Christian name, which we shall use hereafter when
occasion arises. They made a special stay at ten,
where they gave instruction as often as they could
find a hearing. They estimated about five hundred
fires, and three thousand persons, that might be con-
tained in these ten villages in which they set forth
and published the Gospel; but it is very probable
that the tones thereof have resounded throughout the
country. However, in our reckoning we rely only
upon the three thousand.

Now as the Fathers saw that these people were not
sufficiently willing, and the reports and terrors were
continually increasing more and more, they deemed
it expedient to retrace their steps, and return to the

224 LES RELATIONS DES JE'SUITES [Vol.21

noitre. Car pour eux eftans arriuez a my-chemin
de leur retour, au bourg de Teotongniaton, furnom-
me" de S. Guillaume; la neige furuint en fi grande
quantite, qu'il leur fut impoffible de pafler outre. Ce
malheur, s'il le faut ainli appeller, fut caufe du plus
grand bien, & de la plus grande confolation qu'ils
ayent receu en tout leur voyage. Car n'ayans pu
fubfifter en aucun lieu en paix & en repos, pour eflu-
dier au moins quelque peu le langage du pais, & fe
rendre encor plus capables d'agir al'aduenir; ils fe
trouuerent dans ce bourg logez chez vne hofteffe,
qui s'eftudioit de leur donner autant de contentement
que tous les autres par le paffe leur auoient donne
fuiet de defplaifir.

Elle auoit vn foin tout particulier de leur faire la
meilleure chere qu'elle pouuoit. Et voyant qu'a
caufe du Carefme [77] ils ne mangeoient point de
chair, dont cependant en cette faifon elle auoit abo-
dance, & de laquelle feule on faifoit a manger dans
fa cabane ; elle prenoit la peine de leur faire vn pot
a part, affaifonne de poiffon, beaucoup meilleur
qu'elle n'eut fait pour elle mefme. Elle prenoit vn
fingulier plaifir de les inftruire en la langue, leur
didtant fyllabe par fyllabe les mots, comme feroit vn
maiftre a vn petit ef colier ; leur didtant mefme des
Narrations entieres, telles qu'ils les defiroient. A
fon exemple les petits enfans, qui ailleurs par tout
s'enfuyoient ou fe cachoient en leur prefence, icy a
l'enuy des vns des autres leur rendoient mille bons
offices; & ne fe pouuoient laffer de les entretenir, &
leur donner tout contentement, foit pour la langue,
foit pour quoy que ce fuffc.

Ce n'eit pas tout. Toutes les autres cabanes du

1641 - 42] RELA TION OF 1640 - 41 225

first village of [67 i.e., 76] Kandoucho, or all Saints,
in which they seemed to be the least unwelcome ;
and, laboring there for the instruction of the inhab-
itants of the place, to wait until Spring, when we had
engaged to send for them. But God arranged differ-
ently both for them and for us. For when they had
arrived midway on their return journey, at the village
of Teotongniaton, surnamed St. Guillaume,18 snow
unexpectedly came, in so great quantity that it was
impossible for them to go further. This misfortune,
if such it must be called, was the cause of the great-
est good and the greatest comfort they had had in
their whole journey : for, while they had been un-
able to live anywhere in peace and quiet, — so as to
study, at least somewhat, the language of the coun-
try, and become still better qualified for work in the
future, — in this village they happened to lodge in
the cabin of a woman, who endeavored to give them
as much satisfaction as all the others in the past had
given them occasion for sorrow.

She took most special care to give them the best
fare that she could; and, when she saw that on ac-
count of Lent [yy~\ they ate no meat, — of which, not-
withstanding, she had an abundance at that season,
and on which alone the inmates of her cabin lived, —
she took the trouble of making them a separate dish
seasoned with fish, which was much better than she
would have made for herself. She took rare pleas-
ure in teaching them the language, dictating the
words to them, syllable by syllable, as a teacher
would do to a little pupil ; she even dictated to them
entire Narrations, such as they desired. In imitation
of her, the little children, who everywhere else ran
away or kept out of their sight, vied with one another

226 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol.21

bourg, ne ceffant de crier apres elle qu'elle euft a
chaffer les Peres; & a l'intimider de tous les mal-
heurs dont on les faif oit les porteurs ; elle fe moc-
quoit de tout, & refutoit fi pertinemment toutes les
calomnies qu'on [78] leur impofoit, qu'elle recon-
noiffoit n'eftre qu'impoftures, parce qu'elle voyoit &
remarquoit elle mefme en leurs facos de faire, que
nous n'euffions pu le faire plus pertinemmet. Lors
que quelqu'vn la menacoit de la mort, & de la def-
lation de fa famille, qui s'enfuiuroit apres le depart
des Peres, & ce pour les auoir accueillis en fa mai-
fon : elle repliquoit que c'eftoit vne chofe ordinaire
aux homes de mourir, & qu'elle s'y attedoit bie ; mais
que ceux qui parloient de la forte, eftoiet ceux-la
mefme qui la vouloient enforceler, & faire mourir
elle & fes enfas. Qu'au refte, elle aimeroit mieux
s'expofer & fa famille au danger de la mort, que de
les congedier en vn temps, ou ils pourroient perir
dans les neiges.

Non feulement elle auoit a refpodre a ceux de de-
hors, mais encore a quelques vns de fa propre cabane,
qui luy reprochoient entr'autres chofes, que fon pere
eftat forcier, ce n'eftoit pas merueille fi elle fe plai-
foit tant a retirer des forciers, mais cela ne l'efbran-
loit non plus que le refte. Les petits enfas auoiet
d'ordinaire des querelles fur ce mefme fuiet auec
leurs copagnos ; iufques a f e battre pour [79] la de-
fefe des PP. Ce qui eft fur tout cofiderable eft que
cette bone femme ne fe laffa iamais ny ne fouffrir tat
d'importunitez, ny de cotinuer fon foin & fa bone
chere enuers les Peres iufques au iour de leur depart.
Le feul regret qui relta aux Peres fe feparas d'auec
elle, fut de ne lui pouuoir encore doner le bie que no9

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 227

here in rendering them a thousand kind services, and
could not be weary in talking with them, and giving
them every satisfaction, either in the language or
whatever it might be.

This is not all. In all the other cabins of the vil-
lage, they did not cease to cry after her that she must
drive away the Fathers, and they intimidated her
with all the misfortunes of which these were consid-
ered the bearers. She laughed at everything, and
so cleverly refuted all the calumnies that were [78]
loaded upon them, — which she discovered to be only
impostures, because she herself was considering and
observing their manner of proceeding, — that we our-
selves would not have been able to do so more perti-
nently. When any one menaced her with death, and
the desolation of her family, — which would follow
after the departure of the Fathers, and this for hav-
ing welcomed them to her house, — she replied that
it was a common thing for men to die, and that she
indeed expected to die ; but that those who were talk-
ing in this way, were themselves the ones who were
attempting to bewitch her and to cause her and her
children to die ; however, she would prefer exposing
herself and her family to the danger of death, to
sending the Fathers away at a time when they might
perish in the snow.

Not only was she obliged to reply to those with-
out, but also to some within, her own cabin, who
reproached her, among other things, with her father's
being a sorcerer, — saying that it was no wonder she
took such delight in receiving sorcerers; but this
did not disturb her more than the rest. The little
children frequently had quarrels over this same sub-
ject with their companions; they even fought in [79]

228 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.21

somes venus aporter aux plus barbares de ces cotrees ;
la difpofitio pour ce faire n'eftant pas encore fuffi-
fante. lis efperet que les bones prieres de ceux qui
entendront parler de cette hofpitalite, obtiedront
raccompliffement de ce qu'ils ont comence a operer
dans fon efprit.

Le plus grad defplaifir que receut cete feme, fut
de ne pouuoir epefcher la violece qu'elle voyoit fou-
frir a ces PP. Vn fol de fa cabane fe mit a cracher
fur le p. Chaumonot, a luy dechirer fa fotane, a le
vouloir bruler, a chater tat d'iniures, & a faire tat de
tintamares plufieurs nuits durat, que les PP. ne puret
dormir. D'autres venoiet qui leur enleuoiet en fa
prefence par force ce qu'ils auoient de plus precieux,
& pour toute fatisfadtion ne parloient de rien moins
que de les brufler, & peut-eftre l'euffent-ils fait, [80]
fi leurs bons Anges n'y euffent mis la main.

Le pere de ceite bonne hofteffe furuenant fur la
fin, agrea tout ce que fa fille auoit fait pour les Peres,
& leur tefmoigna vne fort particuliere affedtion, pro-
mettant de nous venir voir a noftre maifon. Ie prie
noftre Seigneur que fes pas ne foient pas perdus.

Ce fut fans doute vne prouidence de Dieu toute
fpeciale, que le retardemet des Peres en ce lieu: car
en vingt cinq iours qu'ils demeurerent en cette ca-
bane, ils eurent le moyen d'ajulter le Didtionnaire,
& les Peuples [sc. Regies] de la langue Huronne, a
celle de ces Peuples, & faire vn ouurage qui feul
meritoit qu'on fift vn voyage de plufieurs annees
dans le pais : nos Sauuages fe plaifans beaucoup plus
auec ceux qui parlent leur propre langue, qu'auec
ceux qui n'en font qu'approcher, qu'ils tiennent iuf-
ques la pour elirangers.

1641 - 42] RELA TION OF 1640 - 41 229

defense of the Fathers. It was especially noticeable
that this good woman was never impatient in bear-
ing so many annoyances, and in continuing her atten-
tions and good cheer to the Fathers until the day of
their departure. The only regret which the Fathers
experienced in separating from her, was their inabil-
ity to give her then the blessing which we came to
bring to the most barbarous of these regions, as her
inclination to receive this was not yet sufficient.
They hope that the fervent prayers of those who
shall hear of this hospitality will obtain the accom-
plishment of that which they had begun to effect in
her mind.

The greatest sorrow this woman had, was that she
could not prevent the outrages which she saw these
Fathers endure. A madman of her own cabin began
to spit upon Father Chaumonot, to tear his cassock,
to attempt burning it, and to call him very hard
names ; and during several nights he made so great a
din that the Fathers were not able to sleep. Others
came, who took away from them by force, in her
presence, their most precious things; and, for all
amends, spoke of nothing less than of burning
them, — and perhaps they would have done so, [80]
had not their good Angels interfered.

Toward the last, the father of this good hostess
came unexpectedly, and approved of all that his
daughter had done for the Fathers ; and he expressed
a very special liking for them, promising to come
and see us in our own house. I pray our Lord that
his steps may not be in vain.

The delay of the Fathers in this place was, doubt-
less, an exceptional providence of God: for, in the
twenty-five days that they remained in this cabin,

230 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

D'autre part nous autres ne receuans icy que rare-
ment de leurs nouuelles ; les Hurons a qui on con-
fioit les lettres, les perdans en chemin, ou les iettans
par [81] malice ou par crainte; nous eftions en peine
de ce qui fe paffoit. Ce qui nous fit refoudre a y
enuoyer quelques vns qui les accompagnaffent a leur
retour, a quoy s'offrirent volontiers nos Chreftiens
de la Conception, nonobftant tous les bruits qui cou-
roient de ce qui fe paffoit, dont deux accompagnez
de deux de nos domeftiques firet le voyage ; Et il
pleut a Dieu nous les rendre apres huict. iours de
chemin & de fatigue dans les bois, le propre iour de
S. Iofeph, Patron du pais, encore affez a teps pour
dire la Meffe, qu'ils n'auoient peu dire depuis leur
depart.

Pendant toutes ces bourafques & tepefies, les Peres
n'ont pas laiffe de pouruoir au falut des petits en-
fans, vieillards, & malades qu'ils ont peu. aborder,
& qu'ils en ont trouue capables. En tous ces dix-
huidt bourgs qu'ils ont vifite, il ne s'en eft trouue
qu'vn, fcauoir celuy de Khioetoa, furnomme de faint
Michel, qui leur ayt donne l'audience que meritoit
leur Ambaffade. Dans ce bourg s'eft refugie depuis
quelques annees, pour la crainte de leurs ennemis,
[82] vne certaine Nation eftrangere, qui demeuroit
au dela d'Erie ou de la Nation du chat, nominee
Atfenrehronon, qui femble n'eftre venue en ces quar-
tiers que pour ioiiyr du bonheur de cette vifite, & y
auoir efte* conduite par la prouidence du bon Pafleur,
pour y entendre fa voix. On les a fumfamment in-
ftruits: mais les Peres n'ont pas iure a propos de
paffer encore outre a les baptizer ; le faindt Efprit fera
meurir cette femece qu'on a iette* dedas leurs cceurs,

1641 - 42] RELA TION OF 1640 - 41 231

they were able to harmonize the Dictionary and the
Syntax of the Huron language with those of these
Tribes, and accomplish a work which of itself would
deserve that one make a stay of several years in the
country, — as our Savages take much more pleasure
in those who speak their own language than in those
who only attempt it, and whom they consider for
that reason as strangers.

On the other hand, we ourselves only rarely re-
ceived news of them, — the Hurons, to whom they
intrusted letters, losing them on the journey, or cast-
ing them away through [81] malice or through fear;
we were anxious about what was taking place. This
made us resolve to send some people who should
accompany them on their return, for which service
our Christians of la Conception willingly offered
themselves, notwithstanding all the reports which
were current of what was happening. Two of these,
accompanied by two of our domestics, made the jour-
ney ; and it pleased God to return them to us after
eight days of travel and fatigue in the forest, the
very day of St. Joseph, the Patron saint of the coun-
try, and they even came early enough to say Mass,
which they had not been able to say since their
departure.

During all these gusts and tempests, the Fathers
had not failed to provide for the salvation of the
little children, the old men, and the sick, whom they
could approach and whom they found fitted therefor.
In all the eighteen villages which they visited, there
was found only one, to wit, that of Khioetoa, sur-
named saint Michel, which had given them the hear-
ing that their Embassy merited. Some years ago,
through fear of their enemies, there took refuge in

232 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol.21

& en fon teps on ira recueillir la moiffon qu'on a defia
arroufe de tant de fueurs.

C'eft en cette Nation que les Peres firent le
premier Baptefme d'Adultes, en la perfonne d'vne
bonne vieille, qui auoit defia prefque perdu l'oiiye.
Au Baptefme de laquelle eft remarquable l'affect-ion
d'vne bonne femme de la mefme cabane, qui feruit
aux Peres de truchement, luy declarant les myfteres
de noftre Foy, plus clairement & efficacement, que
les Peres, difent-ils, n'auoient fait auparauant a elle
mefme. La pauure femme n'eut rien a repliquer,
fmon que pour eftre defia vieille, elle [83] auroit
trop de peine d'arriuer iufques au Ciel: en outre
qu'elle n'auoit rien dont elle petit faire prefent aux
Peres : & qu'il eut fallu attedre fes enfans qui eftoient
a la chaff e, arm d'auoir d'eux les habits neceff aires
pour fe parer. II fut facile de la contenter la deffus :
& elle fut en fin heureufement baptizee. Deux ou
trois autres adultes ont auffi participe au bonheur de
cette vifite : Et quelque nombre de petits enfans, qui
par aduance s'en font allez au Ciel. Entr' autres vn
petit Huron aage de deux ans qui eftoit pour lors a
la Nation Neutre, & f e trouua malade : il en refchapa
pour ce coup, mais quelques mois apres, retourne
qu'il fut au pais, il fut tue par les ennemis entre les
bras de fa mere.

Les Peres ont remarque en leurs memoires, qu'vne
des plus fpeciales Prouidences de Dieu en leur en-
droit a efte" qu'on leur eut enuoye* pour les ramener,
vn de nos domeftiques, qui l'annee pafT6e fut atteint
& gafte de petite verole. Car les Barbares de ces
contr6es le voyant fe defabufoient de la creance qu'on
leur auoit donnee, & das laquelle [84] ils eftoient;

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 233

this village [82] a certain strange Nation, who had
dwelt beyond the Erie or cat Nation, called Awen-
rehronon ; and they seemed to have come into these
quarters only to enjoy the good fortune of this visit,
and to have been led by the providence of the good
Shepherd, that they might hear his voice therein.
They were sufficiently instructed; but the Fathers
did not think it expedient to go still further, and
baptize them. The holy Ghost will cause this seed
that has been dropped into their hearts to ripen, and,
in his own time, the harvest that has been already
watered by so many tears will be gathered.

It is in this Nation that the Fathers administered
the first Adult Baptism, in the case of a good old
woman, who had already nearly lost her hearing. A
remarkable thing at her Baptism was the devotion of
a good woman of the same cabin, who served the
Fathers as interpreter, making known to her the
mysteries of our Faith, — more clearly and effectually
than the Fathers had to herself, in the first place, so
they said. The poor woman had nothing to reply,
except that, as she was now old, she [83] would have
too much trouble to reach Heaven ; besides, she had
nothing of which she could make the Fathers a pres-
ent, and she must await her children who were hunt-
ing, so as to have the necessary garments to adorn
herself. It was easy to satisfy her regarding these
things, and she was, at last, safely baptized. Two
or three other adults participated in the happiness of
this visit, and a small number of little children, who
have gone early to Heaven, — among others, a little
Huron boy two years old, who was then with the
Neutral Nation, and was sick. He recovered from
that attack, but, a few months after, when he returned

234 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.21

Que nous eftions des demons immortels, & maiitres
des maladies, dont nous difpofions a noftre bon plai-
fir, puifque fi peu de chofe a efle capable de com-
mencer a. leur defiller les yeux; ils pourront bien,
auec le temps, fe defabufer entierement, & fe rendre,
en ce faifant, plus capables des lumieres & des vifites
du ciel. Cependant nous voyons affez que c'eft Dieu
feul qui nous a protegez das cette nation eftrangere,
puifque mefme dans les Hurons qui nous font alliez,
fouuent on y a attente fur nos vies. Voicy vn acci-
dent qui eft arriue depuis peu.

Le Pere Iofeph Marie Chaumonot retourne de la
Nation Neutre, fut quelque temps apres donne pour
compagnon au Pere Antoine Daniel, qui comencoit
en fon quartier les Miffions d'Efte. Arriue qu'ils
furent a faindt Michel, bourg de la Miffion de faindt
Iofeph, vn ieune efceruele, dont le diable s'eftoit
defia voulu feruir pour plufieurs autres mefchants
coups contre nous, prend la refolution d'en tuer vn
des deux. II fe cache a cofte d'vne cabane, [85] ou
les Peres efloient en vifite, pour inftruire ; de laquelle
eftans fortis il prend fon temps, qu'ils auoient le dos
tourne ; & prenant de la main gauche le chapeau du
Pere Chaumonot, qui marchoit le dernier, luy def-
charge de la main droite vn coup de pierre qu'il te-
noit, fur le haut de la tefte nue. Ie ne fcay ce qui
empefcha le mal qu'il auoit enuie de faire ; tant y a
que celuy cy s'aperceuant que fon coup ne reuffiffoit
pas comme il auoit pretendu, il court a vne hache, la
leue pour la rabatre fur le Pere. Mais dans cet
entre-deux, le Pere Daniel fon compagnon, & quel-
ques Hurons accourent, qui arrefterent le bras & le
coup. Vn de nos Chreftiens de ce bourg, voyant le

1641 - 42] RELA TION OF 1640 - 41 235

to his own country, he was killed by the enemy in
the arms of his mother.

The Fathers remarked in their account that one of
the most special Providences of God, in respect to
them, was that one of our domestics, who last year
was attacked and marked by smallpox, had been
sent to bring them back : for the Barbarians of these
regions, when they saw him, were disabused of the
belief they had received, and which [84] they held, —
that we were undying demons, and masters of mala-
dies, of which we disposed at our good pleasure.
Since so slight a thing was enough to begin the open-
ing of their eyes, in time they may indeed be entire-
ly disabused, and become thereby more fit for the
enlightenment and the visitations of heaven. How-
ever, we see well that it is God alone who has pro-
tected us in this strange nation, since even among
the Hurons, who are our allies, our lives have often
been attempted. Here is an incident that happened
not long ago.

Shortly after Father Joseph Marie Chaumonot
returned from the Neutral Nation, he was given as
companion to Father Antoine Daniel, who was begin-
ning the Summer Missions in his district. When
they had arrived at saint Michel, a village of the Mis-
sion of saint Joseph, a harebrained young fellow,
whom the devil had already attempted to use in sev-
eral other wicked deeds against us, resolved to kill
one of these two. He concealed himself near a cab-
in [85] where the Fathers were making a visit of
instruction; when they went out and had turned
their backs, he chose his time, and with his left hand
seizing the hat of Father Chaumonot, who was walk-
ing last, he dealt him a blow on his bare head with

236 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

Pere Chaumonot en cet eftat, entreprend fa cure &
fa giierifon. En effet n'ayant trouue que contufion
& tremeur en la partie ofTenfee, il la fcarifie auec vne
pierre, la fouffle, & l'abreuue de faliue, puis il appli-
que deffus le maftic de certaines racines, auec quoy
il le mit en eftat de nous reuenir voir le ledemain :
Quant au meurtrier, la iuftice qui s'en [86] enfuiuit
fut, que quelques-vns de fes plus proches luy dirent
qu'il n'auoit point d'efprit. Nous fupplions noftre
Seigneur de deuenir le Pere de ces pauures aueugles,
& qu'ils foient en fin fes heri tiers, nos coheritiers &
confreres.

1641 - 42] RELA TION OF 1640 - 41 237

a stone tie was holding in his right hand. I do not
know what prevented the harm he desired to do ; how-
ever this latter, perceiving that his act had not suc-
ceeded as he had expected, ran for a hatchet and
raised it to let it fall upon the Father. But at this
point, Father Daniel, his companion, and a few Hu-
rons came in haste and kept back the arm and the
blow. One of our Christians in this village, seeing
Father Chaumonot in this condition, undertook to
care for him and to heal him. Having actually found
only a bruise and swelling in the injured part, he
scarified it with a stone, breathed thereon, and mois-
tened it with saliva ; then he applied to it the gum of
certain roots, by which he was enabled to return to
us the next day. As for the murderer, the punish-
ment which [86] followed him was, that some of his
nearest relatives told him that he had no sense. We
beseech our Lord to become the Father of these poor
blind creatures, and that they may at last be his
heirs, and our fellow heirs and brothers.

238 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

CHAPITRE VII.

DE LA MISSION DITE DV SAINCT ESPRIT AUX NIPISSI-

RINIENS.

LES AfKiKb'anehronons felon nos Hurons, ou
Nipiffiriniens felon les Algonquins, font vne
Nation de la langue Algonquine, qui tient plus
des errantes que des fedentaires. lis femblent auoir
autant de demeures, que l'annee a de faifons : au Prin-
temps partie demeurent pour la pefche, ou ils la pen-
fent meilleure, partie s'en va en traite a des peuples
qui s'affemblent au riuage de la mer du Nort, ou
glaciale [87] fur laquelle ils voguent dix iours, apres
en auoir fait trente par les riuieres pour y arriuer.

En efte" ils fe raffemblent tous, fur le paffage des
Hurons aux Francois, au bord d'vn grand lac qui
porte leur nom efloigne de Quebeq enuiron deux cens
lieues, & de nos Hurons enuiron feptante, de forte
que leur demeure principale eft comme aux deux
tiers du chemin de Quebecq a nos Hurons.

Enuiron le milieu de l'Automne ils partent pour
s'aprocher de nos Hurons, fur les terres defquels ils
paffent ordinairement l'hyuer: mais deuant que d'y
arriuer, ils pefchent du poiffon le plus qu'ils peuuent,
lequel ils font fecher: c'eft la monnoye ordinaire de
laquelle ils acheptent leur principale prouifion de
bled, quoy qu'ils viennent garnis de toute autre mar-
chandife, eftans gens riches & accommodez. Ils cul-
tiuent quelque peu de terre proche de leur demeure

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 239

CHAPTER VII.

OF THE MISSION CALLED "THE HOLY GHOST," TO
THE NIPISSIRINIENS.

THE Askikwanehronons, according to our Hu-
rons ; or Nipissiriniens, according to the Algon-
qmns, — form a Nation of the Algonquin tongue
which contains more wandering than settled people.
They seem to have as many abodes as the year has
seasons, — in the Spring a part of them remain for
fishing, where they consider it the best; a part go
away to trade with the tribes which gather on the
shore of the North or icy sea, [87] upon which they
voyage ten days, after having spent thirty days upon
the rivers, in order to reach it.

In summer, they all gather together, on the road
of the Hurons to the French, on the border of a
large lake which bears their name, and is about two
hundred leagues distant from Quebeq, and about
seventy from our Hurons; so that their principal
dwelling place is, as it were, two-thirds of the way
from Quebecq to the country of our Hurons.

About the middle of Autumn, they begin to ap-
proach our Hurons, upon whose lands they generally
spend the winter; but, before reaching them, they
catch as many fish as possible, which they dry. This
is the ordinary money with which they buy their
main stock of corn, although they come supplied
with all other goods, as they are a rich people and
live in comfort. They cultivate a little land near

240 LES RELATIONS DES J ^SUITES [Vol.21

d'Eft6: mais c'eft plus pour delices, & pour manger
en verd, que pour en faire mefnage.

[88] Nos Peres de Quebec, & des Trois-riuieres,
ayans par le paffe heureufement trauaille a la culture
de tous les peuples errans, qui eftoient les plus
proches d'eux, les ayans tantoii tous rendus homes
& Chreftiens, iettoient les yeux fur cette Nation, la
plus proche de la derniere qui eft defcendue, pour fe
venir habituer proche d'eux. Mais comme ils ne
venoient plus a la Traite, a raifon de quelque em-
pefchement qu'y mettoient les autres d'au-deffous,
on ne fcauoit comme entamer cette affaire. L'Efte
paffe Dieu eut agreable de difpofer les chofes de la
forte, qu'ils fe refolurent de fonder le gue, & d'en-
uoyer quelque canots a la Traite aux Francois. Ils y
arriuerent heureufement, fans aucun empefchement,
& rie ne pouuoit venir plus a propos pour ce que
nous pretendions.

On leur parle done, non pas de quitter leur pais,
& fe venir ranger proche des autres Algonquins defia
habituez: mais bien de receuoir auec eux quelques
vns de nos Peres, pour les initruire. Ils tefmoigne-
rent qu'ils l'auoient [89] fort agreable. Ce qui fit
que les Peres Claude Pijart, & Charles Raymbaut,
partans de la bas pour nous venir affifter, eurent
charge de s'offrir en paffant, a eux. Mais ne les
ayans pas trouue a leur demeure d'Efte, & ayans ap-
pris qu'ils deuoient venir hyuerner en nos quartiers,
ils aborderent icy, fans perdre efperance d'y voir
ceux pour lefquels particulierement ils eftoient
enuoyez.

Ils n'ont pas efte fruftrez de leur attente. Ces
Sauuages quelque temps apres arriuerent, au nombre

1641-42] RELA TION OF 1640-41 241

their Summer dwelling; but it is more for pleasure,
and that they may have fresh food to eat, than for
their support.

[88] Our Fathers at Quebec, and at the Three
rivers, — who in the past have successfully labored
for the improvement of all the wandering tribes
which were nearest to them, and have made nearly
all of them men and Christians, — cast their eyes
upon this Nation, the nearest to the last one which
came down in order to settle near them. But as
these no longer came for Trade, on account of some
opposition which others from below made against
them, they did not know how to broach this matter.
Last Summer, God was pleased so to order things
that they themselves resolved to feel their way, and
to send some canoes for the Trade with the French.
They arrived safely, without any difficulty, and noth-
ing could have happened more opportunely for that
which we desired.

Consequently we spoke to them, not of abandon-
ing their country and coming to place themselves
near the other Algonquins already settled, but rather
of receiving a few of our Fathers among them, that
they might be instructed; they declared that this
would be [89] very acceptable to them. This is why
Fathers Claude Pijart, and Charles Raymbaut, set-
ting out from below to come and help us, had direc-
tions to offer themselves, on the way, to them. But
not having found them at their Summer dwelling,
and having learned that they were to come and win-
ter in our quarters, they landed here without losing
hope of seeing those to whom they were specially
sent.

They were not disappointed in their expectation.

242 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

d'enuiron deux cent cinquante ames, & prirent en ce
pais vn tel departement, pour leur hyuernement,
qu'il femble que ce foit le faindt Efprit, & point autre
qui les ayt conduit.

Ce fut a deux portees d'arquebuze de noftre mai-
fon, du mefme cofte de la riuiere, fur laquelle elle
eft fituee, qu'ils prirent leur place. C'eftoit iufte-
ment pour n'auoir rincommodite* de leur voyfinage,
& pour n'en eftre d'ailleurs fi efloignez, que nos Peres
ne peuffent commodement, tous les iours, [90] les
aller trouuer pour les inftruire ; a quoy ils n'ont pas
manque.

II faut aduoiier que ces fortes de Nations ont ie ne
fcay quelle difpofition d'efprit, plus grade pour la
femence de la Foy que nos Hurons. Les Peres ne
les eurent pas entretenu quinze iours, qu'ils s'af-
fedtionneret entieremet a les efcouter: & n'auoient
point plus grand contentement que lors qu'on leur
faifoit chanter les grandeurs de Dieu, les articles de
la creance & des Commandemens. Bref , il ne fe peut
rien voir de plus complaifant, que la facon & maniere
auec laquelle d'abord ils fe comportent auec les
Peres.

Le principal Capitaine de cette Nation nomme
SiKafoumir, fit au commecement vn cry public ; que
chacun eut a prier & honorer Dieu, de la maniere
que l'enfeignoient les Francois.

Les petits enfans en fuitte fe mirent & s' applique-
rent de forte a aprendre les premiers principes de la
Foy, qu'en peu de temps ils s'y trouuerent notable-
ment aduancez.

Ils ne font aucune difficult^ de laiffer inftruire &
baptifer leurs malades. [91] Voire mefme quelques

1641-42] RELA TION OF 1640-41 243

These Savages, numbering about two hundred and
fifty souls, arrived shortly after, and took such a
district in this country, for their winter quarters, that
it seems to have been the holy Ghost, and no other,
who guided them.

They chose their ground on the same side of the
river, upon which we were, and at two arquebus
shots from our house. It was precisely from not
being inconvenienced by their nearness to us, and
also from our not being very distant from them, that
our Fathers were easily able, every day, [90] to go
and instruct them ; which they did not fail to do.

We must admit that Tribes like these have an in-
describably greater aptitude of heart for the seed of
Faith than have our Hurons. The Fathers had not
talked with them for a fortnight, before they took
the utmost delight in listening to them; and they
had no greater satisfaction than when they were
taught to chant the greatness of God, the articles of
belief, and the Commandments. In a word, noth-
ing more pleasing can be found, than the way and
manner in which, from the first, they bore them-
selves toward the Fathers.

In the beginning the chief Captain of this Tribe,
named Wikasoumir, made a public announcement
that every one should pray to God and honor him,
in the way taught by the French.

After that, the little children began to learn the
first principles of the Faith, and applied themselves
so, that in a short time they were found remarkably
advanced therein.

They make no difficulty about permitting their
sick to be instructed and baptized ; [91] some of them
even contribute willingly to their own instruction.

244 LES RELATIONS DES jESUITES [Vol.21

vns d'eux contribuent volontiers a leur inftrudtion.
Quelques-vns ont efte baptifez en cet eftat, a qui il a
pleu Dieu de rendre la fante\

Les Peres toutesfois ne fe font point encore pu
refoudre d'en baptifer aucun qui fiat en fante, pour
inflance qu'ils ayent fait de l'eftre, defirans vne plus
logue efpreuue de leur refolution & conftance: &
pour ce faire ils ont pris refolution de les fuiure, la
part ou ils iroient refte d'annee : & par mefme moyen
s'aduancer & fe fortifier toufiours de plus en plus
en l'vfage de leur lague, qui fe trouue en plufieurs
chofes differente de celle dont ils ont eu la premiere
teinture, auec les Algonquins des quartiers d'en bas.
Ils partirent dicy le huidtiefme de May, veille de
rAfcenfion, tous enfemble de compagnie, auec efpe-
rance d'arriuer a la principale demeure de cette
Nation a la Pentecofte. Plaife a cet adorable Efprit
dont leur MifQon porte le nom, prendre en mefme
temps vne parfaicte poffeffion des efprits, & des
cceurs de ces pauures [92] Peuples, & des noftres, y
regner eternellement.

La commodite qu'il y auoit d'initruire les Nipinl-
riniens, a raifon du voyfmage, & la bonne difpofltio
qu'ils faifoient paroiftre a receuoir 1'inftruct.ion, fit
que dans le peu de temps que dure leur hyuerne-
ment: on ne peut fe refoudre de les quitter, pour
s'appliquer a d'autres de mefme langue, qui eftoient
venus auffi hyuerner dans le pais. Le Pere Claude
Pijart, toutefois vifita quelques autres endroits: en
l'vn def quels il trouua bien cinq cens perfonnes
affemblees, de diuerfes Nations, aufquelles en paffant
il annoca le Royaume de Dieu, & leur fit chanter fes
loiianges. Prefque par tout il y trouua quelque pre-

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 245

A few have been baptized in that condition, to whom
it pleased God to restore health.

Nevertheless the Fathers have not yet been able
to decide upon baptizing any one who is in health,
although they have been urgently entreated to do
so, as they desire to make a longer proof of their firm-
ness and constancy; and, in order to do this, they
resolved to follow them to the place where these
were going for the rest of the year, and by this very
means to advance and become still more and more
proficient in the use of their language, — which in
many respects appears to be different from that of
which they had the first smattering with the Algon-
quins in the districts below. They set out from
here, all together, on the eighth of May, the day
before the Ascension, with the hope of arriving at the
principal dwelling place of this Tribe by Whitsun-
day. May it please that adorable Spirit whose name
their Mission bears, to take perfect possession both
of the minds and hearts of these poor [92] Tribes,
and of our own, and to reign therein eternally.

The opportunity we had of instructing the Nipis-
siriniens, on account of their nearness, and the great
aptitude they showed in receiving instruction during
the short time that their wintering lasted, made us
unable to abandon them and devote ourselves to
others of the same language, who had also come to
winter in the country. However, Father Claude
Pijart visited a few other places, in one of which he
found perhaps five hundred persons gathered to-
gether of different Tribes, to whom, in passing, he
spoke of the Kingdom of God, and caused them to
sing God's praises. Nearly everywhere he found
some predestined soul, which was only awaiting his

246 LES RELATIONS DES JESUTTES [Vol.21

deftine, qui n'atendoit que fa vifite, pour s'en aller
au Ciel. En voicy vn exemple affez remarquable.

Les Tontthrataronons, Nation Algonquine, hyuer-
noient au nombre de quinze cabanes, fur les terres
de la Million de faindt lean Baptifte aux Arendaehro-
nons. Le Pere Claude Pijart [93] les allant vifiter,
y receut toute forte de bon accueil. Le foir eftant
venu, comme il eftoit pres de s'endormir, il entend
vne voix plaintiue; il demade que c'eft? on luy dit
que c'eftoit vne pauure vieille malade, qui eftoit en
la cabane voyfme, qui s'en alloit mourir. Le Pere
demade a Taller voir, le chef de la cabane, Capitaine
confiderable, fe leue, & allume vn flambeau, c'eft a
dire vne efcorce d'arbre: & le Pere eftant en peine
d'eau pour le baptefme, ce Capitaine luy fait promp-
tement fondre de la neige; le Pere entre, inftruit
cette pauure creature, l'interroge; elle luy donne
toute fatisf action, comme fi elle eut efte inftruite de
longue main, il la baptife, & vn peu apres elle meurt
heureufement.

Le Pere trouua en tous ceux qu'il vifita, vne fem-
blable difpofition d'efprit, a celle qu'il auoit trouue
aux Nipifsiriniens ; mais beaucoup meilleure en ceux
qui auoient le plus fait de voyages, & hante dauan-
tage les magazins de nos Francois aux Trois-riuieres,
& a Quebeq depuis quelques annees en 5a. [94]
Nous verrons ce qu'auec le teps, & auec le renfort
que nous efperos de cette lague, nous pourrons faire
dauantage a l'aduenir, pour toutes ces pauures brebis
errates, tat de l'vne que de l'autre lague.

Ie ne fcaurois me perfuader que le manquement du
progrez de cette affaire, doiue venir du cofte dont on
nous menace en France, qui eft l'impuiffance de four-

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 247

visit, that it might ascend to Heaven. I will note a
rather remarkable instance of this.

The Tontthrataronons, an Algonquin Tribe, num-
bering" about fifteen cabins, were wintering upon the
lands of the Mission of saint Jean Baptiste to the
Arendaehronons. Father Claude Pi j art, [93] on go-
ing to visit them, received from them every manner
of hearty welcome. When the evening came, as he
was almost asleep, he heard a plaintive voice; he
asked what it was, they told him that it was a poor
sick old woman, who was in the next cabin, and who
was dying. The Father begged to go and see her;
the head of the cabin, an important Captain, arose and
lighted a torch, — that is to say, a piece of bark; and,
the Father being at a loss for water for the baptism,
this Captain quickly melted some snow for him. The
Father entered, instructed this poor creature, and
questioned her; she gave him full satisfaction, as if
she had been long before instructed ; he baptized her,
and shortly after she died happily.

The Father found in all those whom he visited, a
disposition of mind similar to that which he found in
the Nipissiriniens ; but it was much better in those
who had traveled most, and had most frequented the
warehouses of our Frenchmen at the Three rivers
and at Quebeq for some years past. [94] We shall
see that with time, and with the reinforcement that
we are hoping for in this language, we shall be able
to do more, in the future, for all these poor wander-
ing sheep, as well of the one language as of the
other.

I cannot believe that the lack of progress in this
matter ought to come from the quarter whence they
in France threaten us, — which is their inability to

248 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol.21

nir aux frais de l'entretien & entreprife de tous ces
deffeins. Le maiftre du banquet qui nous enuoye
pour inuiter & forcer nos eftropiats, d'entrer dans la
fale du feftin, n'a que trop de puiffance & de fageffe,
pour nous maintenir & fouftenir iufques au bout: &
il n'eft pas croyable qu'il nous vueille laiffer en ft
beau chemin. Parmy tant de faindtes & genereufes
ames, qui font maintenant en France, qui femblet
n'auoir autre occupation, que de voir oil & en quoy
elles pourrot employer, pour le feruice de Dieu &
de leur Redepteur; & par ce moyen s'affeurer ce peu
de bies de la terre, dont la mort ne leur fait que trop
voir qu'ils n'en peuuent autrement auoir que l'vfu-
fruidt; quelle apparence [95] de defefperer de voir,
deuant que de mourir, cette maifon fixe de faindte
Marie matrice de tous les Miffionnaires ; & chacune
de ces fept Millions & celles encore qui fuiuront, Dieu
aidant, cy apres eftablies & fondles a perpetuity :
particulierement n'eftant queftion que de la nourri-
ture & entretie de deux ouuriers Euangeliques en
chaque Miffion. Ces Miffions portet des titres & des
nos affez capables de fatisfaire a la deuotion de ceux
qui en voudroient eftre les Peres : mais fi leur incli-
natio les portoit a les nommer autrement, ie ne voy
aucune loy qui les peiit empefcher d'en eftre tout
enfemble & les peres & les parains, Le faindt Efprit
au faindt iour de la defcente duquel ie ferme cette
Relation, fera le maiftre & le condudteur de cette
affaire ; laquelle auffi bien que toutes les autres qui
regardent ces contrees, ie ne puis affez recommander
aux SS. prieres & deuotions de ceux qui en auront
quelque cognoiffance.

1641-42] RELA TION OF 1640-41 249

supply means for undertaking and maintaining all
these plans. The master of the feast, who sends us
to invite and constrain our crippled ones to enter the
banquet hall, has only too much power and wisdom
not to support and sustain us to the end ; and it is
not conceivable that he would forsake us in so glori-
ous a path. Among the many devout and generous
souls that are now in France, — and that appear to
have no other occupation than that of seeing where
and in what they may be able to use, for the service
of God and their Redeemer, and by this means to
secure, these few worldly goods, of which death shows
them only too well that they can otherwise have but
the usufruct, — what probability [95] of discourage-
ment can there be of seeing before death this perma-
nent house of sainte Marie, the mother of all the
Missionaries, and each one of these seven Missions,
and those also which shall follow hereafter, by the
help of God, established and endowed forever; and
especially as the question is only of the support and
maintenance of two Evangelistic workers in each
Mission? These Missions bear titles and names
sufficiently fitted to satisfy the devotion of those who
might wish to be Fathers of them ; but if their in-
clination lead them to change the names, I know no
law which can hinder their being, at the same time,
both fathers and godfathers of them. The holy
Ghost, on the blessed day of whose descent I am clos-
ing this Relation, will be the master and guide of
this affair, — which, as well as all the others that con-
cern these regions, I cannot sufficiently commend
to the Sacrifices, prayers, and devotions of those who
shall have any knowledge of them.

250

LES RELATIONS DES J ^SUITES [Vol.21

Q

[96] /"~"\ VELQVES vns ont sovliaitte de voir vn ef
chantillon de la langue Huronnc pour en
rccognoijire V ccconomie & leur facon de s'e-
noncer: ie n ay pit choifir ricn de meilleur qiivn des
entrcties des plus ordinaires qu' cut auec Dieu fur la fin
de fes tours Iofcph ChihttatenhXa ce braue Chrejlicn dont
nous auons fait mention ; on y pourra par mefme moyen
rccognoiflre V Efprit de Dieu qui le pouffoit.

s

Seigneur Dieu

A chietfendio DiS

a la bonne heure
ytoeKti ichien
c'eft toy

Ifa ichien

connois :
tere

gnois;

terre :

que voila, & ce Ciel que voila:

dechen, din de Ka aronhiaie

fait nous autres qui fommes appellez

chiae dajontfe

Tout ainfi comme

en fin done

ie te

onne

ichien

one-

maintenant

ie te co-

nonhtfa

onen-

qui as fait

cette terre

"ateienonc

li de Ka on-

)ila:

tu

nous as

liaie :

ifa

sKtfaati-

ppellez

hommes.

ab'aatfi.

nous autres

fommes

To ichien iotti

maiftres du canot

dio

de la cabane

de anonchia

[97] me
hiotti

onionhb'a ichien atfatfen-

que nous auons fait canot, &

de ia aab'ahonichien, din

que nous auons fait cabane ; de mef-

C'eft peu

Oehron

de tout ce

de ftan lefta

aab'anonchichien ;
tu es maiftre toy

de fa chieb'endio de
toutesfois que nous

itochien nendi

que nous auons ;
nonaen ;

peu de temps
i'ondab'aK

to ati
qui nous as cree.

sKbaatichiai.

fommes maiftres

dab'ab'endio

feulement
ato

1641-42]

RELA TION OF 1640-41

251

[96] f*~\ ERTAIN persons have desired to see a specimen

C

of the Huron language, in order to ascertain
its structure and their methods of expression.
I ca?inot select a?iy thing better than one of the most ordi-
nary communions which Joseph Chihzuatenhwa, that excel-
lent Christian whom we have mentioned, had with God
toward the end of his days; by the same means can be
recognized the Spirit of God which animated him.

God,
Diou

at last, then,
onne ichien

I know

onen-

I know

onen-

this earth

de ka on-

thou hast

isa skwaati-

SLord
A chiewendio

thee, happily now

tere outoekti ichien nonhwa

thee. It is thou who hast made

terre : Isa ichien sateienondi

that we behold, and this Heaven that we behold :

dechen, din de ka aronhiaie :

made us who call ourselves men.

chiae daionwe awaatsi.

Just as we ourselves are

To ichien iotti onionhwa ichien awawen-

masters of the canoe which we have made a canoe, and

dio de ia aawahonichien, din

of the cabin which we have made a cabin, so ai-

de anonchia aawanonchichien ; to ati

[97] so thou art master, thou who hast created us.

hiotti de sa chiewendio de skwaatichiai.

It is for a short time, however,

Oehron itochien

of all that we have ;

de stan iesta nonaen ;

that we are masters

nendi dawawendio

a short time only

iondawak ato

252

LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 21

nous forames les maiftres

ababendio

fait canot,

chien,

fait cabane,

chien,

nous les maiftres

ien.

ichien
mes appellez

en vie,

& pour lors
to haonoe

du canot
de ia
& de la cabane

din de anonchia

peu de temps feulement

i'ondabak ato

Quant a toy

Tan de fa

tu feras le maiftre
chiebendio

que nous auons

aabahoni-

que nous auons

aabanonchi-

en fommes-

ababendio

pour touliours

aondechaon

de nous qui fom-

abaton de aionb'e

hommes: & pendant que Ton eft encore

abaatfi: din d'affon aondhai.

pourroit on douter que tu n'en fois le maiftre

aioehron ati chiebendio?

principalement tu es le maiftre quand

aat anderaKti chiebendio de

nous venons a mourir.

aab'enhei.

tu es maiftre
chiebendio

Toy feul
Sonba
parfaitement ;
aat;

tout a fait

aat aKhiaondi

il n'y en a pas aucun

ftan dba tfatan

autre auec toy.

ta tefti.

principalement

aat

principalement
aat
c'eft toy
ifa ichien
c'eft toy auffi
ifa ichien

Tues

Ifa ichien

deurions craindre; tu es

ifa ichien
deurions aimer ; parce que

hbeha ; aerhon

[9S] fant & veritablement

aat attoain aa

extremement: tres- veritablement

hbe : daaK attoain aa

qui font hommes, & aux autres

nonbe, din d'ba

ny les vns ny les autres ne font point puiilans,

ftan ichien deKa te hattindabr,

hommes ny les demons: non non

be din d'ondaKi: ftan ichien

celuy que nous
aiefatandihi ;

celuy que nous

aiefannon-
qui es tres-puif-

aat iftabt

qui nous ayme

aat sKbannon-

quant aux autres

atan d'ba

qui font demons,

d'ondaKi,

nj les

enon-

ils ne-
te hat-

1641-42]

RELA TION OF 1640-41

253

are we masters of the canoe

which we have

awawendio

deia

aawahoni-

made a canoe,

and

of the cabin

which we have

chien,

din de anonchia

aawanonchi-

made a cabin ;

a short time

only

are

chien,

iondawak

ato

awawendio

we masters thereof. As for thee,

forever

ien.

Tan de sa

aondechaon

1

shalt thou be master

of us who are

ichien

chiewendio

awaton de aionwe

called

men:

and while

we are still

awaatsi :

din d'asson

aondhai.

in life,

can we doubt

that thou art the master of it ?

aioehron ati

chiewendio ?

And, then,

especially

thou art the master when

to haonoe

aat anderakti

chiewendio de

welcome to die

Thou alone,

entirely,

aawenhei.

Sonwa

aat akhiaondi

art master

completely ;

no other is there

chiewendio

aat;

stan dwa tsatan

beside thee.

Thou art

principally

he whom we

ta testi.

Isa ichien

aat

aiesatandihi ;

ought to fear,

thou art

principally

he whom we

isa ichien

aat

aiesannon-

ought to love ;

because

it is thou who art most power-

hweha ;

aerhon isa ichien

aat istaout

[9S] ful, and truly thou art also

aat attoain aa isa ichien

to the utmost. Most truly, as

hwe : daak attoain aa atan

who are men, and

nonwe, din

neither these nor those

stan ichien deka te

men nor demons;

we din d'ondaki

for others
d'wa

are powerful,
hattindaour,

no, no,
stan ichien

he who loves us

aat skwannon-

for others

d'wa

who are demons,

d' ondaki,

neither

enon-

they

te hat-

254

LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

font point puiffans

tindabr

les demons,

ondaKi,

de plus auffi
eba ichien

ils ne

te on-

nous ayment pas.
Kinnonhbe.

C'eft pourquoy

Ondaie ati

re ie rends graces,

atones

gnoifle.

ha.

d'vne facon particulie-

anderaKti

qu*il me co-

ahaiente-

en fin

onne

maintenant
nonhba

de ce que tu as voulu

d'iferi

Extremement tu nous ayme

Daat anderaKti sKbannobe

maintenant ie me confacre a toy moy que

nonb'a onataanKbas de KiiK-

en fin maintenant ie te fais mon maiftre tu es

hon : onne ichie nonhba onbendiofti da-

principalement le maiftre de moy que voicy ordonne

aK chiebendio de K'iiKhon fen-

feulement de moy que voicy : n'importe que ie
dionran itoch dek'iiKhon: niane to de

fouffre ie penferay feulement,

eatonnhontaiona, eerhon itochien

chien

voicy :

aduifera

dionraan

[99] que voicy

khon.
tures

feulement

itochien

Toy

Ifa ichien

en noftre famille:

d'abahbatfia:

ie n'y fuffes prefent,

te ikhontak,

en noftre famille ie penferay

d'ab'ahb'atfia, eerhon

qui principalement nous

ily

ehe-

de moy
de K'ii-

ichien

mais pour moy

tan nendi,

i'y euffes efte
ikhontak,

daak

le maiftre abfolu
daak abendio

tu nous as tous pour crea-

ab'etti sKbaatab'an

encore bien que

abanchkran ichien de

& quelque accident nous arriuaft

chia flan onataban

feulement, celuy la void

itochie, tehaagnra

a pour creatures :

f onaataban aa :

ie ne fuis rien du tout,

ftan ichien ea teen,

nonobftant

oont ichien

quand bien

de te

nous fufiions morts,
aiabenheonnen,

1641-42] RELATION OF 1640-41 255

are not powerful, these demons ; moreover, they

tindaour ondaki, ewa ichien te on-

do not love us.
kinnonhwe.

For this, now in a special manner

Ondaie ati nonhwa anderakti

I render thanks, that thou hast permitted me to

atones d'iseri ahaiente-

know thee. To the utmost dost thou love us : at last,

ha. Daat anderakti skwannowe : onne

now, I consecrate myself to thee, myself whom

chien nonwa onataankwas de kiik-

thou beholdest ; at last now I take thee for my master ; thou art
hon : onne ichien nonhwa onwendiosti da-

entirely the master of him who is before thee. Direct,

ak chiewendio de k'iikhon. sen-

thou alone, me whom thou beholdest. It does not matter what I
dionran itoch de k'iikhon: nian6 to de

suffer ; I shall think only, ' ' He

eatonnhontaiona, eerhon itochien ehen-

will order for me alone — he, the absolute master of myself
dionraan itochien daak awendio de k'ii-

[99] now before thee. ' ' Thou thyself, thou holdest us all as thy crea-

khon. Isa ichien awetti skwaatawan

tures in our family : even although

d'awahwatsia: awanchkran ichien de

I should not be present there, and some accident should happen to us
te ikhontak, chia stan onatawan

in our family, I shall think simply, "He sees it

d'awahwatsia eerhon itochien, tehaagnra

who above all holds us as his creatures."

ichien daak sonaatawan aa:

As for me, I am nothing at all ; if, indeed,

tan nendi, stan ichien ea teen, de te

I had been there, nevertheless we might have died,

ikhontak, oont ichien aiawenheonnen,

256

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 21

quand bien i'y euffes efte.
de te ikhontaK.
dement ieremercie!

rakti atones aa!

pour ce qui regarde tes deff eins :
ftaat ifendionrb'ten aa:

Voila done
Onne ichien

voila
onne ichien

que gran-

ande-

que ie te cognois

onentere

ger

dionraenton
que chofe:

ie penferay
eerhon

ie ne veux pas f on-

teWaftato aen-

fi en noftre famille il arriuera quel-
d'ab'ahb'a[t]iia, t'eabanK:
feulement, il y aduifera

itochien, ehendionran

Dieu

de Dib'

qui nous aime

fonnanhbe

nous ayme :
nannonhb'e

[ioo] riche:

haf en :
tend Dieu:
de Diou:
prendray garde

teienfta itochien

bien aife

fen itochien

kibanne
auffi toft
ichien

parce que
aerhon

le diable

oki
que font les glorieux

attinaendae

en vain

atochien

font riches :

daie d'ondakiouane

nous entrefurpaffoiis pas

tehbichegnonch

foit qu'il ait deffein qu'ils

din d'eherhon ahat-
ie penferay feule-
eerhon ito-

de Dieu qui

de Diou To-

que celu)'- la foit
ahoivih'ane-
ie ne fgay ce que pre-

ilan ne iherhai

&

ea-

ilefl

akief-

que les riches foient pecheurs:

d'aorrihouanderafKo dao-

fans qu'on s'en appergoiue: voila

tebahente : onne

qui les accompagne. Helas! e'eft

hib'ei. O! onek

quelques hommes qui

nonb'e d'b'a on-

non affeurement nous ne

6 ichien te onata-

foit riches foit pauures.

de ondakib'at din d'e-

deuiennent pauures en leur famille :

tieffaha to d'attib'atfia:

ment voila le deffein

chien kond'ihondionrb'ten

foit qu'il ait deffein

din d'eherhon
ie penferay feulement
eerhon itochien

i'en feray d'autant plus en crainte,
anderakti eatandihi,

a la fagon que ie vis:

t'iondhai:

1641-42]

RELA T10N OF 1640-41

257

.even had I been there.

de te ikhontak.

ly I thank thee !

rakti atones aa!

in what concerns thy plans.

staat isendionrouten aa :

Behold, then,
Onne ichien
Behold,
onne ichien

how great-

ande-

how I discern thee

onentere

I will not
tewastato aen-

think,

dionraenton
I shall think
eerhon

"What if in our family something should happen?"

d'awahwa[t]sia, t'eawank:

only, " He will attend to it,

itochien, ehendionran

God,

de Diou

who loves us. ' '
sonnanhwe :

If he intend
din d'eherhon

shall become poor in their family, I shall think

tiessaha to d'attiwatsia : eerhon

ly, " Behold the purpose of God

chien kond'ihondionrouten de Diou

loves us!" Or, if he intend

nannonhwe: din d'eherhon

that they

ahat-

mere-

ito-

who
SO-

[100] rich,

hasen

God means."
de Diou:
would be careful

teiensta itochien

very easy

sen itochien

because,
kiwanne: aerhon
at once the devil
ichien oki

in vain

atochien

are rich:

daie d'ondakiouane

excel one another

tehwichegnonch

I shall think only,

eerhon itochien

Much more would I fear this,

anderakti eatandihi,

that it shall be

ahokiwane-

" I do not know what

stan ne iherhai

and

ea-

how I lived. It is

t'iondhai : akies-

for the rich to be sinners:

d'aorrihouanderaskon dao-

without their being aware of it,

tewahente :
who accompanies them. Alas !

hiwei
that play the braggart

attinaendae

O!

behold

onne

it is

onek

who
on-

some men
nonwe d'wa

surely we do not

6 ichien te onata-

whether rich or poor,

de ondakiwant din d'e-

258

LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 21

eflas.

pauures

kaota

heure

qui nous aime

ikouannonhoue

Tu nous ayme egalement
Chia te skbannonhbe ichien

&les
d'ab-

mercie,

nes,

moy que voicy
ek'iikhon,
fecoue de moy

hiatehoue

[101] pendant que

d'affon

d'eftat, toy feul

doron, fonhba

& les riches. O

din d'aokibane. O

qu'en fin ie te cognois

onne onentere

Dieu;

de Dib ;

d'autant plus

anderakti ichien
me voila
onne ichien

tout ce

enftan iefta

nous viuons .•
aiond'hay :

vniquement

to hara

que c'eft done a la bonne

outoekti

en tes defTeins toy

ti fendionrbten de

d'autant plus ie re-

anderaKti ato-

ie m'abandonne a toy

onatonchiens

maintenant que ie

nonhoua aak-

que nous eftimons

ab'andoronkoua

en fin done ie n'en fais plus

onne ichien tesKan-

difpofe de moy

fendionran de

que voicy qui en es le maiftre.

K'iiKhon daat chieouendio aa.

C'eut efte beaucoup
AioutektiK

que les hommes foient :

onb'e ichien aionton,
uroit t'en remercier
tones

feulement
ichien

nonobftant
oont ichien

que tu euffes voulu

de te ferinen
on de-
aion-

il y auroit encore beaucoup dont

aebane ichien aio-

on iouyroit fur la terre de toutes

tenhnraKbat deK'ondechen iaen de fta

les chofes que tu nous as laiffees: mais de plus en cela
iefta skbaentandi : onek ichie ko-

grandement tu nous as oblige ; que tu as vou-

daie

anderakti skbatharatadi ;

d'iferi,

lu,

qu'ils aillent au ciel

quad ils mour-

aronhiaie ichien ahendeta

de hendi-

ront

la ou a iamais

ils vi-

hei

to ati de aondechahaon ichie

n de to

1641-42]

RELA TION OF 1640-41

259

Equally thou lovest us,

essas. Chia te skwannonhwe ichien

poor and the rich. Ah !

kaota din d'aokiwane. O

at last I see thee in thy designs,

onne onentere ti sendionrouten

who lovest us, O God ;

ikouannonhotie de Diou;
thank thee, especially

nes, anderakti ichien

I who am before thee
ek'iikhon,
cast from me
hiatehoue

[101] while

d'asson

care for them.

doron,

who am in thy presence,

k'iikhon

Behold me

onne ichien

all things

enstan iesta

we live ;

both the

d'aou-

happily

outoekti

thyself

de

especially do I

anderakti ato-

do I resign myself to thee,

onatonchiens

now as I

nonhoua aak-

that we value

awandoronkoua

at last now, I no longer

aiond'hay : onne ichien teskan-

Thou alone and solely, do thou dispose of me

sonhwa to hara sendionran de

thou who art my master.

daat chieouendio aa.

we can enjoy
tenhnrakwat

This alone would have been much,

Aioutektik ichien

that men should exist ; nevertheless

on we ichien aionton, oont ichien

to thank thee that there is still much

tones aewane ichien

upon the earth
dek'ondechen

the things which thou hast given us : but
iesta skwaentandi : onek

especially hast thou laid us under obligation — that thou hast willed

daie anderakti skwatharatandi ; d'iseri,

that they should go to heaven when they

aronhiaie ichien ahendeta de hendi-

die, there where forever they shall

hei to ati de aondechahaon ichien de to

that thou shouldst will

de te serinen

we ought

aion-

that

aion-

among all

iaen de stan

moreover in this
ichien kon-

260 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

uront. Ie ne veux pas maintenant examiner ce que

aondhei. Tebaflato nohb'a aatoretta flaat

c'eft veritablement du Paradis ie prefumerois

ioKirren de aronhiae, anaendaek

par trop de moy fi ie penfois, que ie recherche ce que

itochien de erhai, t'aiatoretta;

e'en eft; aufli bien ie ne fuis rien cela feul me

onek inde ea te ondaie ichien aib-

deuroit fuffit de ce que ie fgay ce que e'eft de tes com-

toektiK de erribatere ti chieben-

[102] mandemens. En fin voila que maintenant ie croy

dbten. Onne ichien nonhba rihbiofla

& tout debon: il n'y a rien du tout dont ie

daak attoain aa : flan ichien agnaktan ta

doute aucunement, car tu n'es

tebaendionrhatandik, onek inde te

point menteur tu dis toufiours la verite

chiendachibane ara ito ti chrieieriata

quoy que tu dife : cela me fuffit, que tu ayes

de flan chihon: ondaie is en to, difen

dit: ie ne vous ref uferay rien dans le ciel,

ftan tebanonflatindihai de aronhaie :

parce que quoy que ce foit ne t'eft difficile

onek inde flan iefla te fatandoronkban-

de plus tu nous aime. Voila le fujet

diK, eba ichien skb'annobe. Kondaie ne-

de mon efperance ta parole. N'eft

akhrendaentakba ti chieb'endb'ten. Ou

il pas done vray que nous deuons plus faire de difficul-
ichien teskandoron attoain

te de fouff rir pendant noftre vie : voila

ab'atonnhontaiona affon aiondhai: Kon-
ce qui en arriuera: d'autant plus nous en tire-

daie echa aabank : ebane eab'ateng-

rons de profit dans le ciel : outre que on efl

nrakbat earo[n]haie : eb'a ichien tetfaon-

1641-42]

RELA TION OF 1640-41

261

I do not intend now

Tewastato nonhwa
Paradise ;

de aronhiae,

live.

aondhei.

really is

iokirren

too much,

itochien

it is ; moreover,

onek inde
to suffice me
toektik
[102] mandments are.

dcmten.

and wholly in earnest ;
daak attoain aa:

have the least doubt,

tewaendionrhatandik ,

lie,
chiendachiwane

whatever thou sayest: it

de stan chihon : ondaie

said:

to inquire what

aatoretta staat

I would presume

anaendaek

if I thought

de erhai,

I am nothing. This

ea te ondaie

that I know

de erriwatere

At last, then, now

that I could search out what

t'aiatoretta ;

alone ought
ichien aiou-

what thy com-

ti chiewen-
I believe

Onne ichien nonhwa rihwiosta

nothing there is at all of which I

stan ichien agnaktan ta

for thou dost not

onek inde te

always thou speakest the truth

ara ito ti chrieieriata

is enough for me, that thou hast
is en to, disen

" Nothing will I refuse you in heaven,"

stan tewanonstatindihai de aronhaie :

because, whatever it be, it is not difficult for thee ;

onek inde stan iesta te satandoronkwan-

thou lovest us. This is the cause

skwannowe. Kondaie nen-

moreover
dik, ewa ichien

of my hope,

akhrendaentakwa

then, true that
ichien

to suffer

awatonnhontaiona
would happen

even thy word. Is it not,

ti chiewendouten. Ou

we might have more hardships

teskandoron attoain

during our lives? This

asson aiondhai : Kon-

so much the more would we
daie echa aawank : ewane eawateng-

gain thereby in heaven ; and, besides, one

nrakwat earo[n]haie : ewa ichien tetsaon-

202

LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

moins tenant de fa vie quand on eft dans l'affliction

nonfte d'aondhai d'aotetfirati.

Ah! veritablement ce n'eft plus vne chofe a craindre

Ou ! ichien tesKandoron

que la mort, c'eft pour neant

de enheon, onek atochien

[103] fi fort de mourir pendant que

de enheon t'affon

ment nous n'auons point d'efprit,

te onediont:
qu'au ciel on va

aronhiae haient

precifement

aat

me temps

noe

Nous fommes femblables

To itochien iotti

pendant que nous viuons :

d'aff on aiondhai :

ceux qui vont en traite
ichien d'onnonches:

fi on fe refioiiit,

aontones,

voila

onne

feulement

itochien

bout

dionhia

en deuroit il arriuer

haiab'ank

mourir, on deuroit penfer

aiaenrhon

ie feray au bout

quand on eft fur le retour:

onne tfaoonhaKe:
que nous allons arriuer,
tfonaonhaK,

de nos fouff ranees:
nonatonnhontaionan :

que nous craignons

ti aSatandiK

nous viuons: veritable-

adiodhai: 6 ichie

en mefme temps

to haonoe ichie

en mef-

to hao-

au ciel.

de arohiae.

a ceux qui vont en traite,

d'aononches,

ils fouffrent continuellement

te hotonhontai'onach

ie vous laiff e a penfer

aioehron ati

on penfe

aenrhai

lors que l'on meurt,

d'onna aihei,

on eft heureux
aionkb'afta

nous voicy au

onne abe-

de mefme

to ati

lors que l'on eft fur le poinct de

don'ontaiheonche,

feulement tout maintenant

itochien
de me peines.

eendionhia

mon fentiment

daie nendi hib'aendionrbten

Dieu: en fin done

dio Dib : onne ichien

d'atonnhontaionach.

ie ne crains plus

tesKatadiK

onba toat

Voila

Kon-

Seigneur

de chiben-

la mort,

enheo

1641-42]

RELA TION OF 1640-41

263

clings less

nonste

Ah! truly

Ou ! ichien

death ;

de enheon,

[103] so greatly

to life when one is in affliction.

d'aondhai d'aotetsirati.

it is no longer a thing to be feared,

teskandoron

it is for naught that we fear

onek atochien ti awatandik

to die, while we are living ; tru-

iy

de enheon t'asson adiondhai : 6 ichien

we have no mind: for at the moment

one goes
haient

precisely

aat

te onediont

that to heaven

aronhiae

moment

noe

We are like

To itochien iotti

while we are living :

d'asson aiondhai:

those who go to trade.
ichien d'onnonches:
if one be happy,

aontones,

only, "Look,

itochien onne

end

dionhia
ought it to be

to haonoe ichien

when one dies, at that

d'onna aihei, to hao-

one is happy in heaven.

aionkwasta de aronhiae.

those who go to trade,

d'aononches,

they suffer continually

te hontonnhontaionach

I leave you to imagine

aioehron ati

one thinks

aenrhai

see, we are at the

onne awen-

Thus

to ati

when one is at the point of

don'ontaiheonche,

"Now

onwa toat

These are

when one is returning home :

onne tsaoonhake:

we are going to arrive ;

tsonaonhak,

of our sufferings."
nonatonnhontaionan

haiawank

death ; one ought to think only,

aiaenrhon itochien

I shall be at the end of my trials. ' '

eendionhia d'atonnhontaionach.

my thoughts,

daie nendi hiwaendionrouten

God : at last, now I no longer fear

dio Diou : onne ichien teskatandik

Kon-

Lord

de chiwen-

death.

enheon

264 LES RELATIONS DES JE' SUITES [Vol.21

-r—

ie me refioUiray quand ie feray fur le poindt de

eatones ichien de K'iheonche.

[104] mourir. Ie ne veux pas m'afniger m'at-

Teb'aftato eatonhontaiona eb'a-

triftant pour la mort de quelqu'vn de mes

endionrachenK de eathei de KennohoK,

proches, ie penferay feulement, il en difpofe

eerhon itochien, hendionran de

Dieu, il aura deffein qu'ils partent, qu'en Pa-

Di8, eherhon ichien aionrasKb'a, aron-

radis lis aillent, & pour moy ie penferay feu-

hiae ichien haient, endi-de eerho ichie,

lement, grandement il les airae, puis qu'il a voulu

anderakti faonnonhb'e, de hab'eri,

qu'ils partent, & que parfaidtement ils foient heureux.

ahonrasKb'a, anderadti ahonKb'afta.

1641-42] R EL A TION OF 1640 -41 265

I shall rejoice when I am at the point of

eatones ichien de k'iheonche.

[104] death. I will not mourn and be

Tewastato eatonnhontaiona ewa-

sad at the death of any of my

endionrachenk de eathei de kennonhonk,

relatives; I will consider only, " It is ordered

eerhon itochien, hendionran de

by God ; he intends that they should depart, that to Par-

Diou, eherhon ichien aionraskwa, aron-

adise they may go. ' ' And, for myself, I shall think on-

hiae ichien haient, endi-de eerhon ichien,

ly, " How greatly he loves them, since he has willed

anderakti saonnonhwe, de haweri,

that they should depart, and that perfectly they should be happy !"

ahonraskwa, anderacti ahonkwasta.

XLV — XLVII
Miscellaneous Documents, 1642

XLV. — Lettre du P. Charles Lalemant au P. Etienne Char-
let, a Rome ; Paris, 28 fevrier, 1642

XLVI. — Lettre du P. Charles Gamier a son Frere ; des
Hurons, 22e may, 1642

XLVII. — Memoire touchant les Domestiques ; [par Hierosme
Lalemant, 1642]

SOURCE: Document XLV., we obtain from Rochemon-
teix's Jtsaites et la Nonvelle-France, ii., pp. 470, 471.
No. XLVI. is from a contemporary copy of the original. No.
XLVII. is from a copy by Rev. Thomas Hughes, S.J., of the
original, ex MSS. Soc. Jes. — this being, so far as we are
aware, the first publication of the document.

268 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

[470] Lettre du P. Charles Lalemant au P. Etienne

Charlet, Assistant de France

a Rome.

Paris, 28 feVrier 1642.

M0NR-P"

J'ai re9u celle qu'il a plu a V. R. de m'es-
crire en faveur des affaires pour lesquelles le P. Le
Jeune est verm faire un tour en ce pais. Or, quoique
toutes les affaires de la Nouvelle- France me soient
extremement recommandees, si est-il vrai que ce
que votre R. m'en escrit, augmente beaucoup mon
affection, suivant laquelle je n'ai pas manque de l'as-
sister. II a obtenu dix mille escus pour envoyer des
hommes par de la, afin de fortifier contre les Iroquois
et empescher leurs courses. II eut bien encore de-
sire un secours plus puissant pour chasser ceux qui
entretiennent les dits iroquois dans cette guerre, en
leur fournissant des armes a feu, mais cette entre-
prise a este jugee tres hasardeuse: i° parce qu'on
ne sait pas leurs forces ; 20 quand on les scauroit, il
faudrait une somme notable pour fournir a la des-
pense des hommes et des vaisseaux qui seront n6ces-
saires a ce dessein ; 30 apres tout cela, on ne seroit
pas asseure* de l'emporter, et si le coup manquait,
voila. une grande despense que nous aurions faict au
Roy sans aucun succez, ce qui feroit que nous ne
serions plus ouis, lorsque nous aurions besoing de

1641-42] C. LALEMANT TO CHARLET 269

[470] Letter from Father Charles Lalemant, to

Father Etienne Charlet, Assistant

of France at Rome.

Paris, February 28th, 1642.

My Reverend Father,
Pax Christi.
I have received what it has pleased Your
Reverence to write me in favor of the affairs for
which Father Le Jeune has just made a journey to
this country.19 Now, although I am extremely inter-
ested in all the affairs of New France, yet it is true
that what your Reverence has written me about these
greatly increases my affection, according to which I
have not failed to assist him. He has obtained ten
thousand ecus, with which to send men over there to
fortify against the Iroquois, and prevent their incur-
sions. Indeed, he would also have desired more
effectual assistance, in order to drive away those who
are sustaining the said iroquois in this war, and fur-
nishing them with firearms. But this enterprise has
been deemed very hazardous: 1st, because their
strength is not known. 2nd, if it were known, a
considerable sum would be needed to defray the ex-
penses of the men and ships that would be necessary
for this purpose. 3rd, after all that, we would not
be certain of prevailing over them; and, if the at-
tempt failed, what great outlays we would cause the
King without gaining anything, which would result
in our not being listened to when we might need

270 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

quelque secours plus aise; 40 je veux que nous em-
portions la place par force; je demande apres cela,
qui est-ce qui asseurera nos flottes contre ceux qui
auront este chassez, et mesme le pais qu'ils tasche-
ront de surprendre comme nous les aurons surpris:
et est a remarquer que c'est la Compagnie [471] des
Indes qui tient la cette habitation, qui s'en ressentirait
si on l'avait enlevee; 50 si le coup manque, cela ne
laissera pas de les animer contre ceux de Kebec et
fourniront plus que jamais des armes aux Iroquois et
se pourront bien joindre a eux pour nous faire du
mal dans le pais ; 6° quelle assurance certaine avons-
nous que cela obligera les Iroquois de faire la paix
avec nos sauvages ; et pourtant, c'est sur l'asseurance
de cette paix que tout ce dessein est basty. Or, on
demande si sur cette seule esperance dont nous
n'avons pas d'asseurance, on doibt faire une despense
certaine d'une si grande somme necessaire pour ce
dessein, et s'exposer dans les dangers ci dessus
remarquez. Je prierais volontiers votre R. de me
faire escrire son sentiment la dessus et arm qu'elle
puisse mieux le donner, voicy les raisons que le P.
Le Jeune produit pour poursuivre l'entreprise.

Si on ne chasse ces gens la par composition ou par
armes le pais est toujours en danger de ruine, la
mission en danger de se rompre, les religieuses en
danger de retour et la colonie se peut perdre, la porte
de l'evangile est fermee a quantity de nations fort
peuplees, nos peres dans les perils d'estre pris et
brulez.

II y a esperance qu'on les peut chasser, M. de
Noyers lui a faict esperer comme de la part de Mon-
seigneur le Cardinal, et a comme donne parole qu'on

1641-42] C. LALEMANT TO CHAR LET 271

some lesser help. 4th, I grant that we might take
the place by force; I ask, after that is done, who
will secure our fleets against those that have been
driven away, and likewise the country, which they
will try to surprise as we shall have surprised them?
And it is to be observed that it is the Company [471]
of the Indies20 that occupies the settlement there,
and that would resent it if that were removed. 5th,
if the attempt failed, that would certainly incite
them against the people of Kebec, and they would
furnish more arms than ever to the Iroquois; they
might, indeed, join with them to do us harm in the
country. 6th, what certainty have we that that will
oblige the Iroquois to make peace with our savages?
and yet it is upon the assurance of such peace that
this whole project is founded. Now we ask if, upon
this hope alone, of the fulfillment of which we have
no certainty, we should make a definite outlay of so
great a sum as is necessary for this purpose, and
should expose ourselves to the dangers mentioned
above? I would like to request your Reverence to
have your opinion of this matter written to me ; and,
in order that you may better give it, here are the
arguments that Father Le Jeune urges in favor of
undertaking the enterprise :

If these people are not driven away by making
terms with them, or by force of arms, the country is
always in danger of being ruined, the mission of be-
ing broken up, the nuns of returning, and the colony
of being destroyed ; the door of the gospel is closed
to many very populous nations, and our fathers are
in peril of being taken and burned.

There is hope that they can be driven away.
Monsieur de Noyers has encouraged him to expect,

272 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

donnera ce qu'il faut pour les chasser, pourveu que
leurs forces ne soient pas excessives.

De composition il n'y a point d'apparence, car on
lui a dit qu'il n'en fallait point attendre, d'autant
que c'estoient des Arabes; il fault done y aller par
force. Voila ses raisons.

Je prie done V. R. de me faire escrire la dessus
son sentiment.

1641-42] C. LALEMANT TO CHARLET 273

as if on the authority of Monseigneur the Cardinal,
and has almost promised, that whatever is necessary
to expel them will be given, provided their forces
are not too great.

Of making terms with them there is no prospect, —
for he was told that it could not be expected from
them, inasmuch as they were Arabs ; therefore, force
must be used with them. These are his arguments.

I pray Your Reverence, then, to have your opinion
of this matter written to me.

274 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

Lettre du P. Charles Gamier a son Frere.

MON TRES CHER FRERE,
La paix de N. S. J. C. soit auec vo
Ce Me fut vne affliction enuoyee du Ciel
quand j appris Tan passe an mois de septembre que
la letre que je vo auois ecri pendant lete etoit arriuee
a quebec auec plusieurs autres apres le depart des
Vaisseaux po retourner en f ranee: Mais il me fut
d'autant plus facil de me resigner a la Volont6 de
Dieu que j'estois assure que je n'auois peu faire mes
letres ny les Enuoyer plus tost j'espere que N. S.
aura suplee abondam1. par soy meme a la Consolaon
qu'il vo eut donne par mes letres puisque vous dites
qu'il s'en sert d'ordinaire po vo en donner j'espere
que Cette letre se joindre a quebec a Celle que je
vous ecriuais l'an passe et pour repondre premiere-
ment a Celle que je recu de Vous l'ete dernier datt£e
a Falaix Le 4e. de Mars. Continuez je vo en prie de
plus en plus a benir dieu des graces qu'il ma fait et
me Continue de faire de Jour en jours C est un des
principaux tesmoignages que vous me puissiez don-
ner de votre Amour en mon endroit ou pour mieux
dire puisqu'il ny a rien a separer entre nous deux, et
que no ne sommes q'un Cceur, Cest un tres Sl. et
tres profitable entretien po nous que de remercier
dieu Continuellem1 des faueurs qe. no a fait. Car Je
Les regardes Commune a lun et a lAutre.

II ny a que mes peschez et mes Ingratitudes et mes

1641-42] GARNIER TO HIS BROTHER 275

Letter from Father Charles Gamier to his Brother.

MY DEAREST BROTHER,
The peace of Our Lord Jesus Christ be
with you.
It was a Heaven-sent affliction to Me when I
learned, in the month of September last year, that
the letter which I had written to you during the sum-
mer had reached quebec, with several others, after
the departure of the Vessels returning to france ; But
it was all the easier for me to resign myself to the
Will of God, because I was sure that I had not been
able to write my letters or Send them sooner. I
hope that Our Lord will have abundantly compen-
sated, through himself, for the Consolation which he
might have given you through my letters, since you
say that he commonly uses them to afford you some.
I hope that This letter will join, at quebec, That
which I wrote to you last year, and so as to answer
first That which I received from You last summer,
dated at Falaix The 4th of March. Continue, I beg
you, more and more to bless God for the favors that
he has shown me, and Continues to show me from
Day to day. It is one of the principal testimonies
that you can give me of your Love toward me ; or to
speak more correctly, since there is nothing to sepa-
rate us two, and since we are but one Heart, It is
a very Holy and very profitable converse for us to
thank God Continually for the favors that he has
bestowed on us. For I regard Them as Common to
us Both.

276 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

Infidelitez Continuelles aux quelles Vous n'auez point
de part je vous supplie neamoins de tout mon Coeur
dy enprendre par charite" non pas vous en chargeant,
mais Vous tenant oblige de faire des Efforts Conti-
nued po les Aneantir par vos SS. SS. prieres &c et
je Vo puis assurer qu'en Ce faisant vo auancez bien
la gloire de Dieu dans les Hurons. Car dieu m'ay-
ant donne par sa bonte quelques Auantages de grace
et de nature po le seruir en Cette Mission, je suis
assure qe l'abbus qe je fais de Ses Graces et la negli-
gence qe j'apport a son Sl. seruice empesche gran-
dem1. un employ fructueux du Talent quil ma donne"
Au reste mon cher frere je Vous prie de traiter dou-
cem'. Votre Coeur et ne jamais l'humilier par la Con-
sideration de Vos imperfections qu'en mesme terns
Vous ne le releuiez par une Confiance nlialle en
notre bon Mre. mais j'espere receuoir Cette Annee de
Vos letres par lesquelles vous me mendrez que N. S.
a mis Votre Coeur dans un estat de Consistance et de
fermete, je le prie quil y mette le mien Au plutost.
je me suis apperceu par la grace De Dieu q'une des
choses qui m'empeschoit de seruir Dieu etoit que Je
demandois trop de moy meme et qe dans les desseins
que je me formois je regardois plutost Ce qui m'e-
toit a desirer, qu'a entreprendre et que je n'auois pas
assez d'Egard a l'etat de perfection et de Vertu ou
j'estois, et a la mesure de la grace que dieu me don-
noit sans doute je Croy qu'il y faudroit bien Auoir
egard, et quil ne faudroit pas deuancer 1 'unique
guide de nos Coeurs si je pouuois receuoir de N. S.
quelque bon mot po votre bien et po votre Consola-
tion je vous le dirois de fort bon Coeur par ceque vo
le voulez mais quoy que Ce sera quand il plaira a

1641-42] GARNIER TO HIS BROTHER 277

It is only my sins, and my Ingratitude, and my
Continual Unfaithfulness, in which You have no
part ; I nevertheless beg you with all my Heart to
take some part therein for charity, — not burdening
yourself with them, but holding Yourself obliged to
make Continual Efforts to Abolish them by means of
your Holy Sacrifices, prayers, etc. ; and I can assure
You that by So doing you are indeed promoting the
glory of God among the Hurons. For God, in his
goodness, having given me some Advantages of grace
and nature, to serve him in This Mission, I am sure
that the abuse which I make of His Graces, and the
negligence that I bring to his Holy service, greatly
hinder a fruitful employment of the Talent that he
has given me. Howbeit, my dear brother, I beg
You to treat Your Heart gently, and never to humble
it by the Survey of Your imperfections without at
the same time uplifting it by a filial Confidence in
our good Master. But I hope to receive letters from
You This Year, in which you will send me word that
Our Lord has put Your Heart in a condition of Sta-
bility and firmness; I pray him that he so dispose
mine As soon as possible. I have perceived, by the
grace Of God, that one of the things which hindered
me from serving God, was that I required too much
of myself; and that, in the plans which I formed, I
rather considered What was to be desired by me
than to be undertaken ; and that I had not sufficient
Respect for the state of perfection and Virtue that I
was in, and for the measure of grace which God was
giving me; undoubtedly I Believe that one should
certainly Consider this, and not anticipate the sole
guide of our Hearts. If I could receive from Our
Lord some good word for your weal and for your

278 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol.21

Dieu mais Je me plains encor de vous qui ne me vou-
lez rien mander de Ce que vo Croyez me pouuoir
seruir. etant quitte des etudes vous auez en effet
plus de facilite a vous entretenir auec dieu et moins
de diuertissements Dieu dispose tout po notre bien
je len benis de tout mon Cceur et le prie de vous Con-
duire au point de perfection ou il vous appelle. Je
vous aduoue p5 moy que j ay tousiours eu de la peine
a Conceuoir quoment il se trouuoit des personnes
dans de bonnes religions qui ne trouuassent par le
Moyen de s'entretenir soy mesme se prescriuant quel-
ques occupations quand la relligion ne leur en Impose
je ne scay quels sentiments ont telles personnes de
L'Oraison de la lecture de la bible des sts. PP. des
Vies des Saintes et quoy quils puissent repondre
qu'ilz ne prennent pas plaisir a l'estude au moins
seroient ils honteux de repondre qu'ils n'ayment l'o-
raison et quand ils en auroient de l'auersion s'y de-
uroient ils s'y adonner vn peu et au bout d'un peu de
terns un peu d'auantage, et ainsy faisant je ne doutte
point qu'ils ne vinsent a y trouuer du Contentem1 non
habet amaritudinem Conversao Illius Pour vo mon
tres cher frere je vo estime bien heureux si dieu
Vous appelle a Cette Intime Communication Auec
Luy qe s'il vo Jette dans L'Ambaras des affaires je
vo prie prenez bon Courage il ny a point de fonction
dans la relligion a laquelle Dieu no appelle ou no ne
le puissions et deuions louer. j'espere quil no en
fera la Grace a tous deux et quil n5 mettra ou il faut
qe. no soyons ne no en mettons point en peine soit que
vo soyez ou Auec sl. Pierre ou Auec sl. Jean quid ad
te no suffise que C'est luy qui no y mettra p5 Ce qui
regarde la demande qe le sl. Esprit fit po vo le jour

1641-42] GARNIER TO HIS BROTHER 279

Consolation, I would tell you it with very good
Heart, because you wish it: but what then? This
will be when it shall please God; but I still com-
plain of you, who will send me no word of What you
Believe you can serve me in. Being free from stud-
ies, you have in fact more facility for conversing
with God, and fewer distractions. God disposes
everything for our good : I bless him for it with all
my Heart, and pray him to Lead you to the point of
perfection whither he calls you. I avow to you, for
my part, that I have always found it difficult to Con-
ceive how there happened to be persons in good
religions who could not discover the Means to enter-
tain themselves by prescribing to themselves some
occupations, when religion Imposes none on them.
I know not what opinions such persons have of Pray-
er, of the reading of the bible, of the holy Fathers,
of the Lives of the Saints ; and although they may
answer that they take no pleasure in study, at least
they would be ashamed to answer that they do not
love prayer. And, even though they had aversion
for it, they ought to apply themselves to it a little, —
and, after a little time, a little more ; and by so do-
ing, I doubt not that they would come to find Con-
tentment in it: non habet amaritudinem Conversatio
Illius. As for you, my dearest brother, I account
you very happy if God call You to This Intimate Com-
munication With Him; and, if he Cast you into Per-
plexity of business, I beg you, take good Courage, —
there is no office in religion to which God calls us,
wherein we cannot and should not praise him. I
hope that he will grant both of us the Grace thereto,
and that he will place us where we ought to be ; let
us not trouble ourselves herein, whether you be

280 LES RELA TIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol. 21

de Votre profession jen remercie sa diuine Bonte de
Ce qu'il vo Confirme dans l'esperance de la voir ac-
complie vn jor. et je le prie de tout mon Cceur quil
l'accomplise quand ce sera pr. sa gloire allons mon
cher frere tous deux au Martyr eamus et nos et mori-
amur Cum illo. helas C'est en sa bonte et Miseri-
corde que no mettons toutte notre Confiance quand
a Ce qui est de vo reuoir encor vne fois Ce me seroit
vne Consolaon bien particuliere mais je prie Dieu
qu'il en face ce que est po sa gloire faschons touttes
fois et quand que no no Ressouuiendrons l'un de
1' autre de jetter et arrester no veiie sur J. C. Et Cest
en luy que no trouuerons toutte nre Consolaon force
et Vertu Si jauois principalem1. egard a mon Inte-
rest je desirerois que vo R. P. Prouincial Vous enuoy-
ast souuent accompagner des Predicateurs affin qe ne
dependant point dun sacristain vo me donnassiez plus
de part a vos sts. SS. Je Vous remercie bien fort de
Ceque Vo lauez fait Comme vous me le demandez
Continuons a prier po le pauure Enfant prodigue il
est Vray qu'il me fait grandissime Compassion il me
mande qu'il a ete fort Console de mes letres et qu'il
les a lu et relu po s'entretenir plus longtems dans
les pensees de mes bonnes Instructions et ouurir la
porte de son Cceur a Dieu qu'il s'imaginoit parler a
son Ame par ma bouche. II m'offre son seruice po
m'enuoyer tout Ce que je luy demanderay, je suis
tout a vous dit il et tout Ce que je possede (que je
ne deurois pas posseder ne desistons pas de prier et
de faire prier dieu po luy taschez de faire que quel-
ques personnes des Votres Continuent de le Visiter
et moy aussy je tascheray de luy procurer le meme
ma Cousinne Bue, son gendre et ma Cousinne Chau-

1641-42] GARNIER TO HIS BROTHER 281

With st. Peter or With st. John, — quid ad te ?
Suffice it for us that He is the one who will so be-
stow us. Concerning the request which the holy
Ghost made for you on the day of Your profession,
I thank his divine Goodness for the Fact that he
Confirms you in the hope of seeing it one day ful-
filled ; and I pray him with all my Heart that he fulfill
it when it shall be to his glory. Let us both go,
my dear brother, to Martyrdom ; eamus et nos et mori-
amur Cum Mo. Alas, It is in his goodness and Mercy
that we put our entire Confidence. As for seeing
you once again, This would be a very special Con-
solation to me : but I pray God that he do in the
matter what is for his glory. Let us try, at all
events, whenever we Remember each other, to direct
and fix our gaze upon Jesus Christ ; And in him we
shall find all our Consolation, strength, and Virtue.
If I had respect mainly to my own Interest, I would
desire that your Reverend Father Provincial would
send You often, to accompany Preachers; so that,
not depending on a sacristan, you might give me
more share in your holy Sacrifices. I thank You
very much for having done so. As you request of
me, let us Continue to pray for the poor prodigal
Child ; it is True that he arouses in me exceeding
great Compassion. He sends me word that he has
been much Consoled by my letters, and that he has
read and reread them, in order to maintain himself
longer in the thoughts of my good Instructions, and
to open the door of his Heart to God, — that he fan-
cied that God spoke to his Soul through my lips.
He offers me his service to send me Whatever I shall
ask of him; "I am wholly yours," he says, "and
Whatever I possess (which I ought not to possess). ' '

282 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol.21

fourneau m'ont Escrit Je leur recriray dieu aydant —
Mais parlons un peu des Hurons Vo sauez bien que
les Annees precedentes no auions passe l'hiuer a la
Mission des Apostres ou Nation du Petun et d'autres
auoient ete a la nation Neutre on Mission des Anees
et que no Auions entrepris de Cultiuer Ces nations
aussy bien qe Celle des hurons mais Cette annee no
auons seulem1. fait quelques voyages a la mission des
apostres sans y guere arrester et auons quitte la na-
tion neutre tant accause qe, le P. jean de brebeuf qui
y auait ete l'annee precedente est demeure en hyuer
a Quebec Coe par Ceque l'experience no a appris que
Ces peuples cy ne se Conuertissent qu'apres vne
longue et solide instruction, si bien que no auons
reuny Cet hyuer no ff. les reduisant a la Culture
Bourgs principaux des Hurons Le P. Mercier et Le
P. Ragneau ont passe" L' Hyuer a Instruire le bourg
de L'lmmaculee Conception Le R. P. L'allemant et
le P Chaumonetle Bourg de Sl. Michel et de sl. Jean
bapt. Le P. Chatelin et le P. Pijart faisoient des
Courses a quelques bourgs les plus proches de Cette
Maison et Le P. Le Moyne et moy avons eu po par-
tage le bourg de s4. Joseph par tout no auons plus
concu d'esperance que jamais mais no Voyons bien
que Ce ne sera pas sans trauail et longanimity que
dieu veut planter son Eglise en Ces quartiers il a
plu a sa bonte de no donner des Chrestiens en tous
Ces bourgs susnommez mais particulierem1. dans
Celuy de l'lmmaculee Conception et dans Celuy de
Sl. Joseph Comme etant les deux bourgs ou on a tra-
uaill6 depuis longtems et meme ou no auions eu des
residences lespace de plusieurs annees et po vo parler
plus particulierem1. de mon occupation no allions

1641 -42J GARNIER TO HIS BROTHER 283

Let us not cease to pray and to have others pray to God
for him ; try to arrange that some persons of Yours
Continue to Visit him; and I, too, will try to procure
for him the same. My Cousin Bue, her son-in-law,
and my Cousin Chaufourneau, have Written to me ; I
will write back to them, God helping.

But let us speak a little of the Hurons. You know
well that, in the preceding Years, we had spent the
winter in the Mission of the Apostles, or Nation of
the Tobacco ; and others had been in the Neutral
nation, or Mission of the Angels; and that we Had
undertaken to Cultivate These nations as well as That
of the hurons ; but This year we have merely made
some journeys to the mission of the apostles, — hardly
more than stopping there, — and have left the neu-
tral nation, — both because Father jean de brebeuf,
who had been there the year before, has remained
for the winter at Quebec; And Because experience
has taught us that These peoples become Converted
only after a long and solid instruction. Therefore
we have reunited our brethren This winter, — hold-
ing them to the Culture of the principal Villages of
the Hurons. Father Mercier and Father Ragneau
have spent The Winter in Instructing the village of
L'Immaculee Conception; The Reverend Father
L'allemant and Father Chaumonot, the Village of
St. Michel, and that of st. Jean baptiste. Fa-
ther Chatelin and Father Pijart made Excursions to
some villages nearest This House, and Father Le
Moyne and I had for our portion the village of st.
Joseph. Everywhere we have conceived more hope
than ever; but we See, indeed, that It will not be
without labor and long-suffering, that God will plant
his Church in These quarters. It has pleased his

284 LES RELATIONS DES jtSUITES [Vol.21

tous les jours pour instruire quelques chrestiens du
bourg de sl. Joseph mais eux et no etions priuez de
la Consolation de la ste. Messe n'y ayant pas de cha-
pelle dans Ce bourg Ce qui no etoit le plus sensible
en Ce point etoit de ne pouuoir mettre les chrestiens
dans l'exercice de la Deuotion N. S. suscita vn de
Nos chrestiens qui s'offrit de no donner un bout de
sa Cabanne enfermant la porte par ou il sortoit et se
resoluant de sortir par l'Autre bout de sa Cabanne
sans doute s*. Joseph no procura Cette faueur no fimes
done une petitte chapelle a Ce bout de Cabanne qui
porte Le Nom de s1. Joseph elle fut preste pour sa
f este no y auons depuis assemble nos chrestiens auec
bien de la Consolation et Cet exercice de deuotion
leur a bien serui ils y venoient po la plus part enten-
dre la messe tous les jours et tous les Samedys ils sy
Venoient Confesser reglem1. deux de Nos francois
etant Venus trauailler a Cette Chapelle nomme Es-
tienne Totihri leur fit mil Caresses estimant quon
luy faisoit une Grande faueur et Cepandant il n'est
pas Croyable de Combien de Commoditez il se pri-
uoit bouchant Ce bout de sa Cabanne et donnant la
place ou ils reseruoient d' ordinaire leur bled et leur
bois mais j estois bien aise de lentretenir dans la pen-
see que Dieu luy faisoit bien de l'honneur et en effet
en Comme je luy en dit a Cette fin que plusieurs per-
sonnes en france auoient employe tout leur bien a
faire batir des chapelles je fus bien etonne q'une
demye heur apres Ce bon jeune homme me vint ap-
porter de la part de sa mere la Robe de Castor dont
elle se Couuroit disant quelle en faisoit present a
Ceux qui trauaillent a la chapelle Cette action no
toucha d'autant plus qe nous scauions qe Ces pauures

1641-42] GARNIER TO HIS BROTHER 285

goodness to give us Christians in all Those above-
mentioned villages, — but particularly in That of
rimmaculee Conception and in That of St. Joseph,
As being the two villages in which we have worked for
a long time, and in which we even had had residences
during several years. Now to tell you more especially
of my own occupation, we went every day to instruct
some christians of the village of St. Joseph; but
they and we were deprived of the Consolation of holy
Mass, there being no chapel in This village. What
we felt most deeply in This matter was that we could
not practice the christians in the exercise of Devo-
tion. Our Lord raised up one of Our christians, who
offered to give us one end of his Cabin, — closing the
door by which he went out, and resolving to go out
through the Other end of his Cabin; no doubt st.
Joseph procured us This favor. We then built a
little chapel at That Cabin's end, which bears The
Name of st. Joseph; it was ready for his feast.
We have since then assembled our christians with
much Consolation, and This exercise of devotion has
served them well. They came to it, for the most
part, to hear mass every day; and every Saturday
they Came thither to regular Confession. Two of
Our frenchmen having Come to work at This Chapel,
one Estienne Totihri showed them a thousand
Courtesies, thinking that they did him a Great favor;
and Yet it is Incredible, how Many Conveniences he
deprived himself of, by closing That end of his Cab-
in, and giving the place in which they usually stored
their corn and their wood. But I was very glad to
maintain him in the thought that God did him much
honor; and in fact, When I told him, to This end,
that several persons in france had employed all their

286 LES RELATIONS DES jlSUITES [Vol.21

Gens etoient fort mal Couuerts et qu'il faisoit bien
froid no luy tesmoignasmes que Dieu prenoit plaisir
auoir leur bonne volonte" et leur rendisme leur Robe
Cette famille no donne bien de la Consolaon elle Com-
prend le dit etienne sa femme Madeleine, sa mere
Christienne et Vn jeune Homme frere d'Estienne qui
fut Batise a Pasques et nomme Paul J'oubliois de
parler de la petitte fille d'Estienne nomme Catherine
elle na que deux Ans et fait jolim*. le signe de la
Croix et prend elle meme de l'Eau benite et Vne
fois se mit a Crier sortant de la chapelle accause que
sa mere qui la portoit ne luy auoit donne le loisir d'en
prendre il la f allut reporter en prendre le bon etienne
et sa femme et son frere scauent fort bien leurs pri-
eres et leur Cathechisme et en notre absence ils pre-
nent le soin de faire prier Dieu les autres chrestiens
de Ce bourg qui ne sont pas encor beaucoup Car Je
ne tiens Compte que des bonnes no auons encor ba-
tise dieu mercy a Pasques vn homme de Ce bourg de
40 Ans nomme Ahatsistari II a receu Le nom d'Eus-
tache C'est vn homme d un naturel noble et gene-
reux grand guerrier et qui dieu aydant en attirera
apres soy plusieurs s'il Continue bien Comme il a
bien Commence priez Dieu pour luy et pour tous les
autres Coe aussy po touttes nos Missions il y a plus
de chrestiens a la Conception qua Sl. Joseph et Certes
il y en a qui font tres bien graces a Dieu Le frere du
defunt Joseph qui prit au bateme lenom de son frere
est merueilleusem1. change" et Auance fort en Vertu
aussy fait sa femme Catherine aussi fait Neueu pierre
sa Niece Cecile &c On batisa l'An passe a Quebec
vn Jeune homme nomme Tsondatsa qui etoit alle
dans le Canot du P. Brebeuf lequel fait tres bien il

1641-42] GARNIER TO HIS BROTHER 287

wealth in having chapels built, I was much aston-
ished that, a half-hour later, This good young man
came to bring me, on behalf of his mother, the Beaver
Robe with which she Covered herself, — saying that
she made a present of it to Those who work at the
chapel. This act touched us the more because we
knew that These poor People were very poorly Cov-
ered, and that it was very cold weather. We assured
him that God took pleasure in having their good
will, and we gave them back their Robe. This
family gives us much Consolation ; it Includes the
said etienne, his wife Madeleine, his mother Chris-
tienne, and A young Man, Estienne's brother, who
was Baptized at Easter and named Paul. I was for-
getting to speak of Estienne's little daughter, named
Catherine; she is only two Years old and prettily
makes the sign of the Cross, and herself takes holy
Water; and Once she began to Cry, on leaving the
chapel, because her mother, who was carrying her,
had not given her leisure to take some : it was neces-
sary to carry her back to get it. The good etienne,
his wife, and his brother know their prayers and
their Catechism very well ; and in our absence they
take care to have the other christians of This village,
who are not yet many, — For I make Account only
of the good ones, — pray to God. We further bap-
tized at Easter — thank God — a man of This village
40 Years old, named Ahatsistari. He received The
name of Eustache. He is a man of a noble and gener-
ous nature, a great warrior, and one who — God help-
ing— will draw after him many others, if indeed he
Continues As he has Begun ; pray to God for him
and for all the others, As also for all our Missions.
There are more christians at la Conception than at

288 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

y a de la Consolation a l'entendre parler a ses Com-
patriotes des Misteres de notre ste. foy mais la rela-
tions Vous apprendra le Reste et le tout Car Ce que
Jay ecrit icy nest que pour Vous donner un petit
Auant goust des faueurs que N. S. no fait N. S. ma
fait la grace de batiser Cette automne vn petit en-
fant Auec des Circonstances qui vous donneront de
la Consolation. Jauois Euite trois batailles au Pere
et a la mere de Cet enfant sans pouuoir obtenir d'eux
la permission de pouuoir batiser Ce petit moribond.
Je m'addresse a fre. Joseph notre bon chrestien et a
vne Certaine Bienheureuse du Serron d'ltalie dont
le P. Poncet ma donne des reliques elle Auoit vn
talent de batiser les Enfants qui sans elle fussent
morts sans batesme je dis en leur Honneur vne
messe Votiue le lendemain m'estant arreste Auec vn
de nos Peres deuant vne Cabanne du Bourg Le Pere
de Cet enfant vint a sortir de sa Cabanne aportant
son fils sur son dos qui etoit depuis deux jours dans
vne grande oppression auec quelque Espece de Raille
Cet enfant no voyant dit a son Pere Ceux la, son Pere
luy dit que Cestoit des francois Cet enfant ajouta
ouy. etant rentre dans sa Cabanne la pensee luy
vint de no enuoyer guerir p5 batiser son fils et Ce a
loccasion du mot qu auoit dit Enfant en no voyant J y
allay le batiser dieu mercy II mourut la nuit sui-
uante priez le et tant d'Autres petites Anges qu'ils
auancent la Conuersion de leur pays et quils prient
Auec vo pour moy je vo prie de me recommander
bien particulierem1. au Prieres des RR PP. bernard
prosper et bertaud. Le R P. Lallem1. le P. chaste-
lain Le P. Pijart et N. F. Scot se recommande bien

1641-42] GARNIER TO HIS BROTHER 289

St. Joseph, and Certainly there are some who do
excellently, thanks to God. The deceased Joseph's
brother, who at his baptism took his brother's name,
is wonderfully changed, and greatly Advances in
Virtue, as do his wife Catherine, his Nephew pierre,
his Niece Cecile, etc. They baptized at Quebec last
Year a Young man named Tsondatsa, who had gone
in Father Brebeuf's Canoe — who is doing very well;
there is Consolation in hearing him speak to his Fel-
low countrymen about the Mysteries of our holy
faith : but the relation will apprise You of the Rest
and of everything. For What I have written here
is only to give You a little Foretaste of the favors
which Our Lord shows us. Our Lord has done me
the grace of baptizing, This autumn, a little child
With Circumstances which will give you Consolation.
I had Undergone three battles with the Father and
the mother of This child, without being able to ob-
tain from them the permission to be able to baptize
This little dying one. I address myself to brother
Joseph, our good christian, and to a Certain Blessed
du Serron in Italy,21 of whom Father Poncet gave
me some relics : she Had a talent for baptizing Chil-
dren who, without her, would have died without bap-
tism ; I say in her Honor a Votive mass. The next
day, having stopped With one of our Fathers before
a Cabin of the Village,— The Father of This child
came to leave his Cabin, carrying his son on his
back; — he had been for two days greatly oppressed
with some Sort of Rattle in the throat. This child,
seeing us, said to his Father: " Those yonder? " —
his Father told him that They were french. This
child added, "Yes." Having returned to his Cabin
the thought came to him to send and fetch us to bap-

290 LES RELATIONS DES JE~ SUITES [Vol.21

fort a vos Prieres il mont promis de se ressouuenir
de Vo dans leurs prieres Je suis.

C. G.

des Hurons. ce 22e. may 1642.

mon tres cher fr. je vo prie de me mander si je me
suis autrefois oblige a dire quelques messes reglem*.
pour no chaque mois je ne m en souuiens pas et je
ne le pourrois pas faire no perdons icy souuent nos
messes quoy que d'ailleurs no en soyons assez char-
gez je ne vo parle pas des C. dont je vous escriuis il
y a deux ans po vo obtenir vne bonne mort et vne
promte deliurance du purgatoire j'en dis quelques
fois po vous quand je le puis.

1641-42] GARNIER TO HIS BROTHER 291

tize his son, and That on account of the word which
the Child had said on seeing us. I went thither to
baptize him, thank God; He died the following night.
Pray to him, and so many Other little Angels, that
they may advance the Conversion of their country,
and that they pray With you for me. I beg you to
commend me very particularly to the Prayers of the
Reverend Fathers bernard, prosper, and bertaud.
The Reverend Father Lallemant, Father chastelain,
Father Pijart, and Our Brother Scot urgently com-
mend themselves to your Prayers ; they have prom-
ised to remember You in their prayers. I am,

C. G.

From the Hurons, this 22nd of May, 1642.

My dearest brother, I beg you to send me word
whether I formerly bound myself to say any masses
regularly for us each month. I do not remember it,
and I could not do so ; we often lose our masses here,
although we are withal quite burdened therewith.
I do not speak to you of the Rosaries about which I
wrote to you two years ago, to obtain for you a pious
death and a prompt deliverance from purgatory. X
say them for you sometimes, when I can do so.

292 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.21

+

Memoire touchant les Domestiques

Qui se donnent a Nre Compagnie
aux Hurons.

LA difficulte qu'il y a de faire monter icy haut, et
encore plus d'y entretenir plusieurs personnes,
a toujours fait juger entre plusieurs autres
raisons, qu'outre les Ouvriers Evangeliques neces-
saires pour la besongne que Dieu nous y presenteroit,
le moins qu'on pourroit auoir icy d' autres personnes
seroit le meilleur. Et d'autant qu'un Seculier Do-
mestique peut faire tout ce que feroit un Frere Coad-
iuteur ; et non pas un Coadiuteur ce que peut faire
un Domestique, come de porter et se servir d'arque-
buze &c on a tousiours differe a y receuoir des Freres
Coadiuteurs, et a-on souhaite d'auoir en leur place
des Domestiques Seculiers, qui se donnassent pour
le reste de leur vie aux seruices de nos Peres qui
sont icy aux Hurons.

Le Pere Hierosme Lallemant partant de France
Tan 1638 traita de cette affaire auec le R. P. Provin-
cial le feu P. Estienne Binet, et receut par escrit son
consentem*. pour la reception de tels Domestiques ; et
de plus vne forme de reception 011 Contract civil pour
telles personnes, fait sur vn qui auoit autrefois este"
passe a la Province de Champagne, et aggree de N.
R. P. General.

Le R. P. Binet toutefois laissa libre d'y adiouter,
ou retrancher ce qui se trouveroit necessaire sur les

1641-42] MEMOIR ON THE DONNAS 293

+

Memoir concerning the Domestics

Who give themselves to Our Society
among the Hurons.

THE difficulty that exists in bringing many per-
sons up here, and still more in maintaining
them, has, among other reasons, always made
us judge that, beyond the Gospel Laborers necessary
for the work that God should present to us, the fewer
other persons we could have here, the better. And
inasmuch as a Secular Domestic can do all that a
Brother Coadjutor would do, and as a Coadjutor can-
not do what a Domestic can, such as carrying loads,
using an arquebus, etc., we have always deferred
receiving Brother Coadjutors here, and have desired
to have in their places Secular Domestics, who would
give themselves for the rest of their lives to the serv-
ice of our Fathers who are here among the Hurons.

Father Hierosme Lallemant, upon leaving France
in the year 1638, discussed this matter with the Rev-
erend Father Provincial, the late Father Estienne
Binet, and received in writing his consent for the
reception of such Domestics, — and, furthermore, a
form of reception or civil Contract for such persons,
worded according to one which had formerly been
granted to the Province of Champagne, and accepted
by Our Reverend Father General.

The Reverend Father Binet, however, left them
free to add thereto, or take away, what might be
found necessary to add or take away for each oc-

294 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 21

lieux d'estre adjoute ou retranche. II adjouta qu'il
pensoit que le dit Donne de la Prouince de Cham-
pagne auoit fait quelque voeu.

Le P. Hierosme Lalemant, passant par Quebek,
communiqua le tout au R. P. Paul le Jeune, pour lors
Superieur; qui agrea toute 1' affaire, et adiouta de
luy mesme, qu'il pensoit qu'il seroit a propos de leur
faire faire quelques voeux ; laissant toutef ois le tout
a ce que nos Peres des Hurons en jugeroient.

Arrive que fut le P. Hierosme Lalemant aux Hu-
rons, il proposa 1' affaire aux Peres qui y etoient, qui
tous jugerent convenable qu'ils fissent quelques
voeux: et dautres ne semblerent plus a propos que
ceux qui se font d'ordinaire a nre Compie. et condi-
tioned, comme ceux qui s'y font, mais avec la diffe-
rence essentielle de vceux de Religion et de Devo-
tion, semblable a celle qui se retrouve aux vceux que
font les Novices devant la fin de leur Nouiciat ; ou
de quelque Penitent, qui les voudroit faire a son
Confesseur. En suite done six ou sept ont ete receus
de cette maniere. Mais quelques vns desirant se
donner d'une facon plus devote et plus despoiiillee,
que celle qui etoit portee dans le Contract Civil ; vne
Forme de se donner fut dressee, conforme a leur
devotion, laquelle semblant desgager plustost notre
Compie. de toute obligation, que de la charger, ne
sembloit pas deuoir receuoir plus de dimculte
qu'aucune autre.

L'annee 1639, fut enuoye en France le memoire de
tout ce qui s' etoit passe\ touchant cet article; & par
consequent les deux sortes de se Donner. Et l'an-
nee suivante 1640 lettres sont venues de la part des
Superieurs : Qu'on nageoit pas en cette affaire deux

1641-42] MEMOIR ON THE DONNAS 295

casion. He added that he thought the said Donne of
the Province of Champagne had made some vow.

Father Hierosme Lalemant, passing through Que-
bek, communicated all this to Reverend Father Paul
le Jeune, at that time Superior, who was favorable
to the whole matter, and added, of his own accord,
that he thought it would be well to have them make
some vows, — leaving it all, however, to the judg-
ment of our Fathers who are among the Hurons.

When Father Hierosme Lalemant reached the Hu-
ron country, he proposed the matter to the Fathers
who were there, who all judged it proper that they
should make some vows ; and none seemed more suit-
able than those which are commonly made in our
Society, and conditional, like those which are made
therein, — but with the essential difference between
vows of Religion and vows of Devotion, similar to
that which is found in the vows made by Novices be-
fore the end of their Novitiate, or by some Penitent
who would like to make them to his Confessor. Ac-
cordingly, six or seven were afterward received in
this way. But, as some desired to give themselves
up more devotedly and unreservedly than in the man-
ner provided by the Civil Contract, a Form of dona-
tion was arranged, conformable to their devotion, —
which, appearing rather to relieve our Society of all
obligation, than to burden it, seemed unlikely to
encounter more objection than any other.

In the year 1639, the relation of all that had taken
place regarding this matter was sent to France, and
consequently the two methods of Donation. And in
the following year, 1640, letters came from the
Superiors, saying that they did not in this affair,
approve two things, — one, that we should require

296 LES RELATIONS DES JE~SUITES [Vol.21

choses. L'vne qu'on leur eut fait faire des vceux:
L'autre que dans le Contract on oblige toute nostre
Compagnie, ou il neut fallu obliger que la mission
des Hurons a les assister le reste de leurs iours.

En suite done de ces aduis, on a premierement
dresse le Contract, fait sur celui qui s'est Donn6 le
de[r]nier, cette annee, en la facon qu'on l'envoye,
lequel on renuoira approuve ou improuve, de qui il
appartient: et en cas d'improbation, on enuoyra
quelq3 autre forme de Contract, selon laquelle on
puisse doresnauant agir auec assurance, & stabilite,
quand il en sera besoin. Car pour le passe, il n'y
en a eu aucun de fait, qui ne puisse estre pris, selon
qu'on aura agreable de 1' interpreter, & ainsi il ne
sera besoin de rien reformer aux precedens.

Or en quelq3 facon que le Contract se dresse, il sem-
ble a propos d'aduertir de deux choses. La premiere,
que le plus aduantageux et charitable qu'on le pour-
ra faire, pour ceux qui se donnent, sera le plus iuste,
et le meilleur, et le plus expedient pour nous ; veu
la necessite que nous auons de telles personnes, qui
soient d'aage competent, et de merite selon leur con-
dition ; et la difficult^ d'en recouurer icy et ailleurs,
pour vn pays tel que celuy cy. La seconde, Qu'il ne
semble pas raisonnable d'obliger a eux la seule mis-
sion des Hurons, mais en outre toutes celles de la
Nouvelle France.

i°. Parce qu'ils ne se donnent pas seulement pour
les Hurons, mais pour le service des Peres de toute
la nouvelle France ; qui en eff et par tout en pourra
bien auoir besoin ; comme dez a present les Peres qui
sont allez aux Nipissiriniens, en ont ou deuoient auoir
un. Voyre mesme on en a receu, et en pourra-on

1641-42] MEMOIR ON THE BONNES 297

them to make vows ; the other, that in the Contract
our entire Society is bound, while only the Huron
mission should have been bound, to assist them all
the rest of their days.

Accordingly, after these advices, the Contract was
drawn up this year for the first time in the manner
in which it is sent, worded with reference to him
who has last Given himself ; and it will be sent back,
approved or disapproved, by him to whom that apper-
tains ; and in case of disapproval, some other form
of Contract will be sent, according to which we can
henceforth act with assurance and stability, when
there shall be need therefor. For, in regard to the
past, there has been none, in fact, which could not
be taken according to the approval of the interpreter ;
and thus there will be no necessity of amending any-
thing in previous contracts.

Now, in whatever manner the Contract is drawn
up, it seems wise to notice two considerations. First,
that the more advantageous and charitable are the
terms that can be offered those who give themselves,
the more just, the better, and the more expedient it
will be for us, — considering the need we have of
such persons, who should be of suitable age, and of
a merit conformable to their condition ; and the
difficulty of getting them, here and elsewhere, for a
country such as this is. Secondly, it does not seem
reasonable to lay the Huron mission alone under obli-
gation to them, but all those of New France besides.

i st. Because they do not give themselves solely
for the Hurons, but for the service of the Fathers of
all new France, who, in fact, may have great need of
them everywhere, — as, at present, the Fathers who
have gone to the Nipissiriniens have or ought to have

298 LES RELATIONS DES j£ SUITES [Vol.21

receuoir la bas cy aprez qu'on iugera peut estre a
propos de nous enuoyer icy haut ; et reciproquement
de ceux d'icy haut, la bas: auquel cas, se trouueroit
vne grande confusion dans les affaires, si quelques
missions seulement leur estoient obligees, et non pas
toutes.

2°. Par ce qu'il ne semble juste, que de jeunes
gens a la fleur de leur aage se donnent a la Compie.,
pour luy rendre en ces quartiers de meilleurs ser-
vices, que des Freres Coadiuteurs, en vn pays bar-
bare, plein de tant de dangers et d'incommoditez ; et
n'avoir cependant que des asseurances de leur vie
si foibles; comme seroit quelques aumosnes qu'on
fait a quelq3 mission particuliere, ou quelque legere
fondation. En outre en ces quartiers les missions
dependent de la phantasie de nos barbares : Or on au-
roit de la peine de se justifier deuant Dieu, et deuant
le monde, s'il falloit renuoyer telles personnes, pour
la seule rupture d'vne telle mission.

3°. Cette procedure tiendra toutes les missions de
la Nouvelle France bien plus vnies, quand les Peres
et les Domestiques seront communs a toutes les mis-
sions. Pour ne point parler des inconueniens de la
Separation de biens des missions de la Nouuelle
France, qui auec le temps se trouvera impossible, ou
suiette a de grandes disgraces, et diuorces d'esprits
et d' affections.

Quant a l'article des vceux, on a retranche toutes
les ceremonies exterieures : comme de prononcer la
forme tout haut, le iour de la reception ; Item la
Renouation publique qui s'en faisoit; et le tout se
passe maintenant au particulier d'vn chacun, auec la
direction du Confesseur.

1641-42] MEMOIR ON THE DONNES 299

one of them. Indeed, they have received some, and
may receive hereafter some down there, whom it
may be judged expedient, perhaps, to send to us up
here ; and likewise some of those up here may be
sent down there, — in which case, there would be a
great confusion in our affairs if some missions alone
were bound to them, and not all.

2nd. Because it does not seem just that young
men in the flower of their youth should give them-
selves to the Society, — to render it in these regions
better service than Brother Coadjutors, in a barba-
rous country, full of so many dangers and discom-
forts,— and yet have only such weak assurances of a
livelihood, as would be the alms that have been
given to some particular mission, or some trifling
fund. Besides, in these quarters, the missions de-
pend upon the whims of our barbarians. Now we
would be at a loss to justify ourselves before God
and before the world, if it were necessary to send
back such persons, merely on account of breaking
up a certain mission.

3rd. This plan will keep all the missions of New
France much more united, if the Fathers and Domes-
tics are common to all the missions, — not to speak
of the inconveniences arising from a Division of the
property of the missions of New France, which will
in time be found impossible, or will be subject to
great misfortunes, or to diversity of ideas and inter-
ests.

As for the matter of the vow, all external ceremo-
nies have been discontinued, such as pronouncing
the form aloud on the day of reception; Also, the
public Renewal of it which they made. All is now
done privately by each one, under the direction of
his Confessor.

300 LES RELATIONS DES j£SUITES [Vol.21

Or ces voeux particuliers nous sont plus aduanta-
geux et necessaires en ce pays, qu'on ne penseroit de
premier abord, n'y ayant icy aucun moyen de retenir
le monde en bride, que par la voye de la conscience.
II est a propos de se representer des Domestiques
qui ont le maniement de tout le temporel ; et d'autres
Domestiques passagers, qui sont a la maison: auec
lesquels aussi bien qu'auec les Sauvages se pourroient
passer beaucoup de choses, contre le bien de la
maison, sans beaucoup de scrupule de la part de nos
Donnez, s'ils n'etoient retenus par quelq3 lien extra-
ordinaire de conscience. On en peut facilement
apercevoir plusieurs autres aduantages, que ie serois
trop long de deduire.

Voyla pour les difficultez du passe. Pour le futur,
on est en peine de la maniere comme on pourra
rendre les Donations, qu'ils font, valides; veu les
difficultez survenues, et representees par Monsr. le
Gouverneur, en la donation que Cousture faisoit a sa
mere, de tout ce qui luy apartenoit en France: la
mesme difficulte se retrouvera encore plus grande,
leur arrivant quelq3 succession de nouveau, de la-
quelle ils voudront disposer.

A propos de cecy, est a remarquer que ceux qui se
Donnent, apres auoir signe le Contract auec le Supe-
rieur, font vne declaration de ce qu'ils ont, et leur
apartient, et de ce qu'ils desirent qu'il en soit fait:
de quoy on fait vn memoire signe de la main de celuy
qui fait cette disposition, qu'on enuoye aux Procu-
reurs de Quebek et de France, pour mettre en execu-
tion autant qu'ils le peuuent.

[Endorsed: Memoire po Les Donnes aux Hurons
quand le Procr. uiendra a la Congron.

De Canada, Des Oblats.]

1641-42] MEMOIR ON THE DONNE'S 301

Now these private vows are more advantageous
and necessary to us in this country, than one would
at first suppose, since we have here no means of re-
straining people except by way of conscience. It is
well to take into consideration Domestics who have
the management of temporal matters, and other tran-
sient Domestics who are in the house, — with whom,
as well as with the Savages, many things could take
place contrary to the good of the house, without
much scruple on the part of our Donnes, if they were
not retained by some extraordinary bond of con-
science. One can easily perceive other advantages,
which it would take me too long to enumerate.

These were the difficulties of the past. As to the
future, we are troubled to know in what manner the
Donations that they make can be rendered valid, —
considering the difficulties that arose, and that were
represented by Monsieur the Governor, over the
donation that Cousture- made to his mother of all
that belonged to him in France. The same difficulty
will prove still greater, if some new inheritance
come to them, of which they shall wish to dispose.

In reference to this, it is to be remarked that those
who Give themselves, after having signed the Con-
tract with the Superior, make a declaration of what
they have, and what belongs to them, and of what
they wish to be done with it, — a memorandum of
which is made, signed by the hand of him who makes
this disposition, which is sent to the Procurors of
Quebek and of France, to be put into execution as
soon as possible.-3

[Endorsed: Memoir concerning the Donnes, among
the Hurons, when the Procuror shall come to the
Congregation.

From Canada; Of the Oblates.]

302 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol.21

[Form of Contract, accompanying above Docu-
ment ; written by the same hand :]

+

Je soubsigne Superieur des Missions de la Compie.
de Jesus aux Hurons, certifie par ces presentes,
Que Jean Guerin nous ayant instamment represent^
son desir, de se consacrer au Service de Dieu et de
nostre Compie. en se voiiant pour le reste de sa vie,
au service de nos Peres qui sont aux Hurons, et autres
endroits de la Nouuelle France, ainsy qu'on iugera
estre pour la plus grande gloire de Dieu; Iceluy
nous ayant donne suffisante preuve de sa piete et
fidelite; Nous, l'acceptons par ces presentes, comme
Donne, en qualite de Serviteur Domestiq3 sa vie du-
rant, pour continuer les mesmes services que pour le
passe, ou autres tels qu'aviserons bien estre, aux
dits Hurons, ou ailleurs : luy promettant de nre part,
de l'entretenir selon sa condition en son viure et ves-
tir, sans autres gages ou pretensions de sa part, et
de le soulager charitablement en cas de maladie, ius-
ques a la fin de sa vie, sans le pouuoir congedier en
ce cas, sinon de son consentement. Pourueu que de
son coste il continue a viure auec probite, diligence
et fidelite a nre service, ainsy que par ces presentes il
promet et s'oblige.

Fait a la Residence fixe de Sainte Marie aux Hu-
rons, ce

[In the copy is added :

19 de Mars 1642.

hierosme Lalemant (with paraph)

Jean Guerin]

1641-42] MEMOIR ON THE DONNE'S 303

[Form of Contract, accompanying above Docu-
ment ; written by the same hand :]

+

I, the undersigned, Superior of the Missions of the
Society of JESUS among the Hurons, certify by these
presents, that Jean Guerin 24 having earnestly repre-
sented to us his desire to consecrate himself to the
Service of God and of our Society, by vowing him-
self for the rest of his life to the service of our Fa-
thers who are among the Hurons, and in other places
of New France, as shall be decided to be for the
greater glory of God, — the Same having given us
sufficient proof of his piety and fidelity: We, by
these presents, accept him as Donne in the capacity of
a Domestic Servant during his lifetime, to continue
in the same services as in the past, or in such others
as we shall deem advisable, among the said Hurons,
or elsewhere; promising, on our part, to maintain
him according to his condition with food and cloth-
ing, without other wages or claims on his part, and
to care for him kindly in case of sickness, even to
the end of his life, without being able to dismiss him
in such case, except with his own consent ; provided
that, on his part, he continue to live in uprightness,
diligence, and fidelity to our service, even as by
these presents he promises and binds himself to do.

Done at the permanent Residence of Sainte Marie
of the Hurons, this —

[In the copy is added:

19th of March, 1642.

hierosme Lalemant (with paraph)

Jean Guerin]

304 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

[Form of Donation ; also in same hand :]

+
Je Soubsigne declare que de ma propre et franche
uolonte, ie me suis donne a la Compagnie de JESUS
pour seruir et assister de tout mon pouuoir et Indus-
trie les Peres de ladicte Compagnie qui travaillent
au salut et a la conuersion des ames, et particuliere-
ment ceux qui sont employez a la conuersion des
pauvres sauvages et barbares de la Nouuelle France
aux Hurons, et ce en telle forme et habit que Ton
uoudra, et que Ton jugera plus a propos pour la plus
grande Gloire de Dieu — sans plus rien pretendre au
monde que de uiure et mourir auec lesdicts Peres en
quelque part du monde ou il Me faille trouuer auec
eux, laissant en leur libre disposition tout ce qui me
regarde et pouroit appartenir (sauf ce qui se trouu[e]ra
declare dans un memoire particulier dresse a cette
fin) sans que ie desire que du reste on en fasse aucun
inuentaire desirant tout quitter pour Dieu sans
aucune reserue ou resource que de Lui mesme. En
foy dequoy iay signe la presente declaration que ie
prie Dieu de benir et d'auoir pour jamais agreable;
Faict a la Residence de Ste Marie aux Hurons ce 23
de Decembre. 1639

le Coq [with paraph]

Je soubs-signe Superieur de la Mission de la Com-
pagnie de Jesus aux Hurons certifle auoir accepte la
susdite donation entant que besoin est a ce qu'elle
sortisse son plain et entier effet selon les formes et

1641-42] MEMOIR ON THE DONNE'S 305

[Form of Donation ; also in same hand :]

+

I, the Undersigned, declare that of my individual
and free will I have given myself to the Society of
Jesus, to serve and assist with all my power and dili-
gence the Fathers of the said Society, who work for
the salvation and conversion of souls, and particular-
ly those who are employed in the conversion of the
poor savages and barbarians of New France among
the Hurons, and this in such method and dress as
shall be required, and as shall be judged most suit-
able for the greater Glory of God, without claiming
anything else whatever except to live and die with
the said Fathers in whatever part of the world I am
required to be with them ; leaving to their free dis-
position all that concerns me and may belong to me
(except what shall be found declared in a special
memorandum drawn up for this purpose), without
desiring that any inventory besides should be made
of it, — wishing to give up all for God without any
reserve, or any resource except Himself. In attesta-
tion of which I have signed the present declaration
which I pray God to bless and forever find accept-
able. Done at the Residence of Ste. Marie of the
Hurons, this 23rd of December, 1639.

le Coq25 [with paraph]

I, the undersigned, Superior of the Mission of the
Society of Jesus to the Hurons, certify that I have
accepted the aforesaid donation, insomuch as it is
needful that it should have its full and entire effect,

306 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.21

l'esprit de nostre Compagnie dont le susdit donateur
a este" deiiement informe.

Fait au mesme Lieu An, et Jour.

Hierosme Lalemant [with paraph]

le Coq [with paraph]

1641-42] MEMOIR ON THE DONNAS 307

according to the forms and the spirit of our Society,
of which the aforesaid donator has been duly in-
formed.

Done in the same Place, Year, and Day.

Hierosme Lalemant [with paraph]

le Coq [with paraph]

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL XXI

XLIV

For particulars of this document, see Vol. XX.

XLV

Charles Lalemant writes in French from Paris,
February 28, 1642, to Father Etienne Charlet, assist-
ant of France, at Rome. We find the document in
Rochemonteix's J c suites et la Nouvelle- France, ii., pp.
470, 471 ; but that editor does not give the location
of the original.

XLVI

In publishing this letter (written in the Huron
country, May 22, 1642) of Charles Gamier to his
brother, — see reference thereto, in Bibliographical
Data to Document No. XLII., in Vol. XX., — we
follow a contemporary copy, presumably by a member
of the Garnier family in France ; this apograph is now
in the archives of St. Mary's College, Montreal. It
is supposed that the original is not now in existence.

XLVII

This is a memoir written by Jerome Lalemant, —
although unsigned, — apparently in the year 1642.
The original is in the domestic archives of the So-
ciety of Jesus. We are indebted for our copy thereof
to Rev. Rudolf J. Meyer, S.J., assistant to the Father
General, and to Rev. Thomas Hughes, S.J., who
have added two brief documents in the same chirog-
raphy, which are attached to the original MS.

NOTES TO VOL. XXI

(Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages

of English text.)

i (p. 23). — For sketch of Marguerie, see vol. x., note 4.

Thomas Godefroy, sieur de Normanville, was a brother of Jean
Godefroy de Linctot, and a relative of Jean Paul Godefroy (vol. ix.,
note 4). Like them, he was an Indian interpreter under Champlain.
During the English occupation of the country, he remained in
Canada, and resided at Three Rivers from 1634 to the end of his
life. On the occasion described in our text, he escaped from the
hands of the Iroquois ; but in the summer of 1652 he was slain by
them, near Three Rivers.

2 (p. 85). — For sketch of Marsolet, see vol. v., note 35.

3 (p. 93). — For sketch of Duplessis-Bochart, see vol. v., note 34.
It has generally been assumed by historians that Duplessis-Bochart
and Duplessis-Kerbodo were the same person. But Suite queries
this, adducing various circumstances which render it probable that
these were different persons, and that Duplessis-Kerbodot did not
arrive in Canada until 165 1 (Bulletin des Recherches Historiques,
vol. ii., pp. 178- 182).

4 (p. 107). — The colony of Montreal was a religious enterprise.
Its founders were Jerome Royer de la Dauversiere, receiver of taxes
at La Fleche, in Anjou ; and Jean Jacques Olier, a young priest of
Paris. To both these men came, at nearly the same time (about
1636), the idea of founding a religious colony at Montreal; uniting
their designs, they formed (1640) an association of, at first, but six
members — a number increased, within two years, to forty-five,
largely persons of rank and wealth. Notable among these was
Madame de Bullion, who gave 42,000 livres for the erection and sup-
port of a hospital for the colony. They secured from the intendant
Lauson (vol. vi., note 2) a grant of Montreal Island (vol. xii., note
13) ; and in 1641 sent thither forty soldiers and laborers, to begin the
new settlement. These men were under the command of Paul de
Chomedey, sieur de Maisonneuve, an experienced soldier, and a man
of great piety and courage. He was accompanied by Mile. Jeanne
Mance, — a young woman belonging to an honorable family of

312 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES

Nogent-le-Roi, near Langres, — who, like the other associates, was
inspired by religious zeal for the conversion of the savages. At their
arrival, the season was too far advanced for such an enterprise, so
they spent the winter at Quebec ; proceeding to Montreal in the fol-
lowing spring, they took possession of the island on May 17, 1642.
They were joined by Madame de la Peltrie; and, in 1643, additional
colonists came from France, under command of Louis d'Ailleboust,
The new settlement was named Ville-Marie, in honor of the Virgin
Mary, to whom it was especially dedicated.

Meanwhile, two religious orders were founded in France for the
benefit of the new colony, — by Dauversiere, at La Fleche, the Hos-
pital nuns of St. Joseph; and by Olier, at Vaugirard, a society of
priests, that soon developed into the Seminary of St. Sulpice, in
Paris. The hospital endowed by Madame de Bullion was built in
1644; and the nuns of St. Joseph came to Montreal in 1659. As for
the religious interests of the colony, its earliest spiritual advisers
were Jesuits from Quebec; but in May, 1657, the Sulpitians replaced
them. Six years later, the Associates of Montreal surrendered the
colony to the Sulpitians (vol. xii., tiote 13).

The earliest publication concerning the foundation of Montreal
appeared in 1643, probably at Paris: Les Veritables motifs de
MM. et Dames de la Societe de N. D. de Montreal pour la conver-
sion des Sauvages de la Nouvelle France, — a defense of their
project, called forth by hostile criticisms. This has been reprinted
(1880), by the Societe Historique of Montreal, with introduction and
notes by Abbe H. A. Verreau. This editor regards the work as the
production of Olier; but Faillon thinks it was written by Laisne de
la Marguerie, an associate of Olier's. Frangois Dollier de Casson's
Histoire de Montreal covers the period 1640-72; this MS. was pub-
lished, in 1871, by the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec.
The same society had published (1840) the MS. Histoire du Canada,
by Abbe de Belmont (superior of the seminary at Montreal,
1713-24), which relates many particulars of the early history of this
city. See also Faillon's Col. Frati.; Parkman's Jesuits; Vie de
Mademoiselle Mance (Paris, 1854; 2 vols.); and De Launay's
Relig. Hospit. de St. Joseph.

5 (p. 107). — Du Marche and Turgis (vol. viii., notes 18, 19) were
replaced in the Miscou mission (1637) by Nicolas Gondoin and
Jacques de la Place. The former soon returned to France ; but De
la Place, aided by Claude Quentin, remained until 1640, when they
were compelled, by illness and lack of means, to return to Quebec.
De la Place must have gone to France in the autumn of that year ;
for he came thence with Mile. Mance (note 4, ante) in the summer
of 1 641. He was in Miscou the following year, and apparently

NOTES TO VOL. XXI 313

remained there until the autumn of 1647, when he went back to
France; but in August, 1649, returned to Quebec, where he labored
for several years. In November, 1653, he was sent to Three Rivers,
to replace Richard; the Journ. des Je" suites mentions his arrival at
Quebec (August, 1657) from that place, but it is uncertain whether
he spent the time between those dates at Three Rivers. He
returned to France Sept. 6, 1658.

The brother Ambroise Brouet is mentioned in the Relations of
1656 and 1657 as going to the Iroquois country.

6 (p. 109). — Concerning M. de Gand, see vol. vii., note 22.

7 (p. 109). — For sketch of Chevalier de Sillery, see vol. xiv., note 12.

8 (p. in). — The gifts of Marquis de Gamache and his son are
referred to in vol. vi., note 9.

9 (p. 117). — Concerning the Abenaki tribe, see vol. xii., note 22;
the Porcupine, vol. xiv., note 13; the others here mentioned,
vol. xviii., notes 11, 13.

10 (p. 125). — Regarding the Kiristinouns (Crees), see vol. xviii.,
note 15.

11 (p. 191). — Concerning the Eries, or Cat Nation, see vol. viii.,
note 34, p. 302. Parkman (Jesuits, p. xlvi) thinks that this tribe
were the Carantouans of Champlain. He also says of the Neutrals
(p. xliv, note 3): " They, and not the Eries, were the Kahkwas of
Seneca tradition." This statement gives the scope of a considera-
ble controversy among antiquarians as to the identity of the
Kahkwas. Marshall agrees with Parkman; he says (Niagara
Frontier, p. 6, note): " The latter [Eries] lived south of the west-
ern end of Lake Erie until they were destroyed by the Iroquois, in
1655. The Kah-kwas were exterminated by them as early as 1651.
On Coronelli's map, published in 1688, one of the villages of the lat-
ter, called ' Kakouagoga, a destroyed nation, ' is located at or near
the site of Buffalo."

Several other writers take the opposite ground, arguing that the
Eries were the Kahkwas. Morgan says (League of the Iroquois,
p. 337) that the Eries were known to the Iroquois by the name
Ga-qua-ga'-o-no [o-no signifying merely "the people at"]; that
" they were an offshoot of the Iroquois stock, and spoke a dialect of
their language." He adds: "It is a singular fact that the
Neuter Nation, who dwelt on the banks of the Niagara river, and
who were expelled by the Iroquois about the year 1643, were
known among them as the Je-go'-sa-sa, or Cat Nation. The word
signifies ' a wild cat ; ' and, from being the name of a woman of great
influence among them, it came to be the name of the nation." Cf.
Schoolcraft, Notes on the Iroquois (N. Y., 1846), pp. 176-179, 221;

314

LES RELA TIONS DES /^SUITES

he narrates (as told him by an Alleghany chief, Ha-yek-dyoh-kunh
— called by the English " Jacob Blacksnake ") the tradition of the
final contest between the Senecas and Kahkwas. This chief " stated
that the Kah-Kwahs had their chief residence, at the time of their
final defeat, on the Eighteen-mile creek. The name by which he
referred to them, in this last place of their residence, might be writ-
ten perhaps with more exactitude to the native tongue, Gah-Gwah-
ge-o-nuh. " Cf. vol. viii., of this series, note 41.

J. G. Henderson, of Chicago, after referring to above citations,
and to Coronelli's map, writes us as follows: "On another map,
' without title or maker's name,' which Parkman thinks was of date
about 1673 {La Salle, p. 452), — but evidently of later date, because
the Ohio is laid down as entering the Mississippi, a fact not known
until a later period, — at the east end of Lake Erie we find the
' Kakouagoga, a nation destroyed ' (Winsor's Narr. and Crit.
Hist., vol. iv., pp. 215, 217). So far as I know, this Kakouagoga of
Coronelli's map (1688), and the same name and legend found on the
anonymous map above referred to, are the only instances where the
Kah-kwas are mentioned under that name upon any map. A strong
argument for the identity of this tribe with the Eries is found in the
Indian name of Eighteen Mile Creek, a small stream entering Lake
Erie southwest of Buffalo. Marshall {Niagara Frontier, p. 35)
gives its Seneca name as Gah-gwah-ge'-gd-aa/z, ' the residence of
the Kah-kwas.' In a document executed by the Senecas in 1797, the
name of this stream is given as Koghquauga { U. S. Statutes at
Large, vol. vii., p. 602); and, in a treaty with the Senecas in 1802,
we find it written Kogh-quaw-gu {Id., p. 71). Morgan also gives
the Seneca name of Caugwaga Creek, Erie county, N. Y., as Ga-
gwa-ga, ' the creek of the Cat Nation ; ' and an Indian village in
Cattaraugus county as Ga-qua -ga-o-no Wa-a'-guen-ne-yuh, ' the trail
of the Eries' {League of the Iroquois, p. 466). This village must
have been thus named because it was on the ancient trail leading
from the Senecas to the Kahkwas. A careful examination of all
available data shows that the home of the Eries was south of Lake
Erie, bordering on the lake ; and it is highly probable that Eighteen
Mile Creek — the Kogh-quaw-gu of the Senecas — marked the east-
ern limit of their territory, while the Neutrals occupied the north
side of the lake, — their territory extending, perhaps, across the
Niagara river, but never stretching around the end of the lake
westward. But it is possible, after all, that the term Kah-kwas
was applied alike to both the Neuters and Eries. Morgan states
elsewhere that ' it seems probable that the two were bands of the
same nation ; ' and he adds that both the Eries and Neutrals spoke
dialects so near the Seneca, that the three could understand one

NOTES TO VOL. XXI 315

another's speech (Systems of Cojisanguinity, p. 152). Indeed, he
suggests that the Cakwas or Eries, are supposed to have been a
subdivision of the Senecas (Indian Miscellanies, p. 227). The
term Attiwandaronk — signifying ' those who speak a somewhat
different language' — was applied to the Neuters by the Hurons,
and vice versa; and this name would be equally applicable to the
Eries, from either a Huron or Seneca standpoint. Considering also
their other appellation, 'the Cat Nation,' it is certainly a curious
coincidence, if nothing more, that the Neuters, too, were known to
the Iroquois as Je-go'-sa-sa, ' the Cat Nation.' "

It is desirable here to consider what animal is meant by chat
sauvage, the "wild cat" so often mentioned by early writers, espe-
cially in connection with the Erie tribe. Some suppose it to be the
common American wild cat, Lynx rufus, or possibly the Canadian
lynx, Lynx Canadensis. J. G. Henderson, in a paper read before
the Amer. Asso. for Adv. of Science, at its meeting of 1880, takes
issue with this idea, saying: " These two species of lynx were not
differentiated by the early French explorers, who classed both as
wolves, under the appellation loup cervier; while they gave to the
raccoon the name chat sauvage. Sagard clearly distinguishes these
animals (Canada, Tross ed., pp. 679, 680), as loups cervier s
(lynxes), named by the Hurons Toutsitonte; common wolves,
Anatisqua; and 'a species of leopard, or wild cat, that they call
Tiron.' He adds: ' In this vast extent of land there is a country
that we surname "the Nation of the Cat," on account of these
cats, — small wolves or leopards which are found in their country,
which furnish their robes. These cats are hardly larger than
foxes; but they have fur closely resembling that of the common
wolf, for I myself was deceived in choosing between them.' " This
view is corroborated by Clapin (Diet. Catiad.-Francais), who de-
fines chat sauvage as the raton of France (raccoon, — given by
Littre as Ursus lotor, but generally known to scientists as Procyon
lotor, belonging to Procyonidce, a group coordinate with Ursidar).

We may here note another animal sometimes called " wild cat " —
Mustela pennanti, of the Mustelida, another group of the great
Arctoid order ; it is commonly known as "fisher," "black cat,"
"black fox," or "pekan." This last name is a Canadian-French
word, and was used as early as 1684, for it occurs in a document of
that date, "Memoir touching the expenses incurred by Sieur de
Lasalle at Fort Frontenac," — a translation of which is given in
N. Y. Colon. Docs., vol. ix., pp. 216-221.

12 (p. 191). — Onguiaahra: Niagara. Cartier, when at Hochelaga
(Montreal), heard vague rumors of the great cataract. Champlain's
map of 1632 locates it quite definitely, at the western end of Lake

316 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES

St. Louis (Ontario); he describes it as "a fall of water at the end
of the falls of St. Louis, — very high, in descending which many
kinds of fish are stunned." Its location on the map shows that
" sault St. Louis" is a mere slip of the pen, or a typographical er-
ror, for " lac St. Louis." Sanson's map of 1656 gives it as " Ongiara
Sault; " Coronelli (1688) names it Niagara. O'Callaghan's index to
TV. Y. Colon. Docs, enumerates thirty-nine other variants on this
name. Ragueneau mentions the cataract (in Huron Relation of
1648, chap, i.), as "of frightful height."

The name Niagara, or Onguiahra, is generally regarded as of Mo-
hawk (or the kindred Neutral) origin, and signifying " neck," refer-
ring to the strip of land between Lakes Erie and Ontario, cut off by
this river. The easternmost village of the Neutrals, probably near
the Falls, bore the same name. Concerning Lalemant's statement
in the text, that the Neutrals had forty villages, A. F. Hunter says:
" So many village sites are found at the present day in the districts
north of Lake Erie that this estimate is fully confirmed."

Valuable information in regard to this region is given in Mar-
shall's Niagara Frontier (Buffalo, 1881); Coyne's Country of Neu-
trals; and Holley's Niagara (N. Y., 1872). For the physical his-
tory of the river, see Gilbert's paper in S?nithsonian Rep., 1S90,
pp. 231-258.

13 (p. 193). — For information regarding the Neutrals, see vol.
viii., notes 34, 41, and vol. xviii., note 19. Cf. Harris's Catholic
Church in Niagara Peninsula (Toronto, 1S95), chap. i.-v.

14 (p. 197). — These "black beasts" were black squirrels (vol.
xvii., note 8). Concerning the "cow," see vol. ix., note 33; the
"wild cat," note 11, ante.

15 (p. 203). — For sketch of the Recollet Daillon, see vol. iv.,
note 23.

16 (p. 207). — Kandoucho (All Saints) was, according to Lalemant,
the Neutral village nearest the Hurons; but opinions as to its loca-
tion are conflicting. The most satisfactory suggestion is that of
Arthur Harvey (Toronto Mail, Dec. n, 1SS5) — that the site of Kan-
doucho was probably one of those found at Lake Medad, Halton
county, Ont. Lalemant here states that this village was between
four and five days' journey from Teanaustayae, and (near the begin-
ning of this chapter) four days from the mouth of Niagara River.
This halfway position between the two points named corresponds
very closely to that of Lake Medad. This locality was used as a
place of residence by the aborigines for some time after the arrival
of the French, as may be inferred from the numbers of French relics
found there. Numerous other remains have been found, including

NOTES TO VOL. XXI 317

some bonepits which were examined by B. E. Charlton of Hamilton,
Ont., all showing that it was a place occupied for a long time by the
Neutrals. Lalemant's estimate of the position of Kandoucho as
about latitude 420 30' is inconsistent with our present knowledge, but
he appears to have made no instrumental observation. His men-
tion of its distance from the Hurons, forty leagues, renders probable
its location at Lake Medad. Ragueneau says that in 1648 the Neu-
tral village nearest the Hurons was only thirty leagues distant
(Huron Relation of 1648, chap. i. and iv.); and that the Senecas
captured it in that year. But, during this interval of eight years,
the Neutrals may have moved nearer to the Hurons, and established
new villages. — A. F. Hunter.

Coyne conjectures that Kandoucho may have been not far from
the present Brantford; Clark, as cited by Harris {Niagara Penin-
sula, p. 341), says that it was not far from Brampton, Peel county.
It should be noted that Lalemant states its distance as " about forty
leagues [from the Hurons], going all the time directly South."
Daillon, in journeying to the Neutrals (1626), arrived at their first
village in six days from the Tobacco Nation (Sagard's Canada,
Tross ed., pp. 799,800); he does not give its name, although it is
supposed to have been Kandoucho.

17 (p. 207). — Tsohahissen's village would seem to be identical with
the Notre Dame des Anges of Sanson's map, located on the west
side of Grand River, near Brantford, Ont. ; the Jesuits would nat-
urally give to the chief village of the Neutrals the name of their
mission to that tribe, " Mission des Anges." — A. F. Hunter.

Coyne thinks that N. D. des Anges was at the Neutral village of
Kandoucho (see preceding note), and that the village of Tsohahis-
sen was the S. Alexis of Sanson's map; and he conjectures that the
latter was upon the site now indicated by the ' ' Southwold Earth-
work " — an aboriginal fortification still remaining, in the township
of Southwold, Elgin county, Ont. {Country of Neutrals, pp. 1-3,
13, 14.).

18 (p. 225). — Teotongniaton (St. Guillaume) was probably — as
suggested by Coyne {ut supra, p. 19) — the place mentioned by
Ragueneau (Huron Relation of 1651, chap, ii.) as captured in 1651 ;
but Coyne thinks that it " was perhaps in the vicinity of Woodstock,
Ont." Harris opposes this view {Niagara Peninsula, pp. 340,
341) ; but the locations therein conjectured are equally unacceptable.
A more probable site than any one of these is in Beverley township,
lot 12, concession 7; there many iron tomahawks have been found,
indicating a conflict. This location for St. Guillaume would also
agree with the text, as it is halfway between Kandoucho and the
village of Tsohahissen. Four miles east of this site is another, at

318

LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES

which 300 iron tomahawks have been picked up ; this is in the same
township, in lot 26, concession 8. Another Neutral village had been
captured in the [previous autumn by the Iroquois, as stated by Ra-
gueneau; and the occurrence of these two sites in Beverley, both
bearing tokens of conflict, suggests the strong probability that here
stood St. Guillaume and the other captured village just mentioned. —
A. F. Hunter.

19 (p. 269). — Le Jeune mentions this journey, and his errand, in
the introductory note at the beginning of the Relation of 1640-41.

20 (p. 271). — Reference is here made to the Dutch West India
Company, chartered June 3, 1621 — successor to the United New
Netherland Company, which received its charter Oct. 11, 1614.
O'Callaghan, in History of New Netherland (N. Y., 1855), vol. L,
p. 89, thus characterizes the new association: "It was modelled
after that granted in the beginning of the seventeenth century to the
celebrated East India Company, with which body it was designed to
co-operate in extending national commerce, in promoting coloniza-
tion, in crushing piracy, but, above all, in humbling the pride and
might of Spain." Under its auspices were formed the settlements
of New Netherlands on the Delaware and Hudson rivers, and the
" patroon " system inaugurated (1629). The West India Company
practically ruled the Dutch colonies in that region until their cap-
ture by the English (1664).

21 (p. 289). — This was Franchise du Serron, of St. Severin, Italy.

22 (p. 301). — Guillaume Couture, an interpreter, and for a time a
Jesuit donne, came from Rouen to Canada, probably in 1641. In
the following year, he was captured with Jogues, because he would
not abandon the Father, and with him suffered cruel tortures from
the Iroquois, — who, however, took him back to Three Rivers, after
a captivity of two years. Soon afterward, he returned to their
country with Iroquois envoys, to negotiate a peace between them
and the French, in which effort he succeeded. Returning to Quebec
in April, 1646, he seems to have severed his connection with the
Jesuits ; for the Joum. des Jesuites mentions that the Fathers, at a
consultation held Apr. 26, approved Couture's marriage. That
event, however, appears on the registers only under date of Nov. 16,
1649, — his wife being Anne Aymard; they had ten children. In
164S, he obtained a grant of land at Cote de Lauson; he became a
captain of militia, and a judge in his seignior y. In 1666, he was
sent to the Dutch at Albany on a mission concerning public affairs.
His death occurred in 1702.

23 (p. 301). — This Me'tnoire regarding the donnes summarizes the
reasons for their employment in the Canadian missions, and the con-

NOTES TO VOL. XXI 319

troversy aroused thereby. Notwithstanding the explanations made
in this document by Lalemant, Vitelleschi ordered (Jan. 25, 1643)
the dissolution of this branch of the mission service ; but further
remonstrance and explanation from Lalemant, accompanied by a
modification in the terms and requirements of the donnes' connec-
tion with the Society, finally procured (Dec. 25, 1644) the revocation
of this decree. During the continuance of the Huron mission, these
donnes rendered it invaluable service. On this subject, see Roche-
monteix' sje'sia'les, vol. i., pp. 388-395.

24 (p. 303). — Jean Guerin was another of these donnes; his name
does not often occur in records of the time, but Lalemant, in the
Relation of 1663, chap, viii., says that Guerin had been in the em-
ploy of the Jesuits over twenty years, and eulogizes his virtue,
devotion, and fidelity. He had served the missionaries in all their
fields of labor — among the Iroquois, Hurons, Abenakis, and Algon-
kins. His last voyage was with the ill-fated Menard (vol. xviii., note
5); they left Three Rivers in August, 1660, and Menard perished in
the forests of Wisconsin, a year later. In September, 1662, Guerin,
while still in the mission service, was killed by the accidental dis-
charge of a gun. Laverdiere, Shea, and other historians have made
Guerin the companion of Menard at the time of his death ; but this
opinion is controverted by Campbell, in his "Menard" (Parkman
Club Pubs., Milw., no. 11), pp. 11, 12; he maintains that Guerin
was left behind by Menard, in charge of the infant church at
Keweenaw Bay, and that the latter was accompanied by a French
armorer, or blacksmith.

25 (p. 305). — Regarding Le Coq, see vol. xix., note 5.

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