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THE  JESUIT  RELATIONS 


AND 


ALLIED  DOCUMENTS 


VOL.  XL 


The  edition  consists  of  sev- 
en hundred  and  fifty  sets 
all  numbered 


Isaac  Jogues,  S.J. 

[Statue  for  St.  Joseph's  Seminary  Hall,  Dunwoodie,  N.  V. -Joseph  Sibbel,  sculptor.] 


The  Jesuit  Relations  and  Allied  Documents 


Travels  and  Explorations 

OF  THE  Jesuit  Missionaries 

IN  New  France 

1610-1791 

THE  ORIGINAL  FRENCH,  LATIN,  AND  ITAL- 
IAN TEXTS,  WITH  ENGLISH  TRANSLA- 
TIONS AND  NOTES  ;  ILLUSTRATED  BY 
PORTRAITS,  MAPS,  AND  FACSIMILES 

EDITED  BY 

REUBEN  GOLD  THWAITES 

Secretary  of  the  State  Historical  Society  of  Wisconsin 


Vol.  XL 
HuRONs,  LOWER  Canada,  Iroquois:  1653 


CLEVELAND:   tlbe  3Burtows  JBtotbcrs 
Company,  publishers,  mdcccxcix 


Copyright,    1898 

BY 

The  Burrows  Brothers  Co 


ALL    RIGHTS    RESERVED 


The  Imperial  Press,  Cleveland 


EDITORIAL  STAFF 


Editor 


Translators  . 


Assistant  Editor 
Bibliographical  Adviser 


Reuben  Gold  Thwaites 
FiNLOW  Alexander 
Percy  Favor  Bicknell 
Crawford  Lindsay 
William  Price 
Emma  Helen  Blair 
Victor  Hugo  Paltsits 


CONTENTS  OF  VOL.  XL 


Preface  to  Volume  XL 
Documents:  — 

LXXXIII.  Breve  Relatione  d'  alcvne  missioni 
de'  PP.  della  Compagnia  di  Giesu 
nella  Nuoua  Francia.  [Remain- 
der of  Part  IIL,  completing  the 
document.]  Francesco  Gioseppe 
Bressani;  Macerata,  Italy,  July 
19.  1653       .  .  .  . 

LXXXIV.  Relation  de  ce  qvi  s'est  pass6  en 
la  ...  .  Novvelle  France,  de- 
puis  I'Ete  de  I'Ann^e  1652. 
iufques  h.  I'Et^  de  I'Ann^e  1653. 
Francois  le  Mercier;  Quebec,  Oc- 
tober 29,  1653 

Bibliographical  Data:  Volume  XL    . 

Notes         ...... 


13 


67 

253 

255 


ILLUSTRATIONS  TO  VOL  XL 


II. 


Facsimile  of  photograph,   statue  of  Isaac 

Jogues,  S.J.  .  .  .     Frontispiece 

Photographic  facsimile  of  title-page,    Re- 
lation Q>i  1652-53  .  .  -70 


PREFACE  TO  VOL  XL 


Following  is  a  synopsis  of  the  documents  con- 
tained in  the  present  volume : 

LXXXIII,  Bressani's  Breve  Relatione,  begun  in 
Vol.  XXXVIII.,  and  continuing  through  Vol. 
XXXIX.,  is  here  completed.  He  relates  —  abridg- 
ing from  the  Relation  of  1650 — the  martyrdoms  of 
the  Huron  missionaries,  Gamier  and  Chabanel,  and 
gives  sketches  of  their  lives.  The  final  chapter  of 
this  document  recounts  ' '  the  desolation  of  the  Huron 
country,  and  removal  of  the  Huron  mission  to  Ke- 
bek."  This  also  is  largely  compiled  from  Rague- 
neau's  Relation  of  1650.  Bressani  concludes  with  an 
expression  of  the  hope  still  entertained  by  the  mis- 
sionaries that,  at  some  future  time,  they  may  resume 
their  labors  among  the  Western  savages. 

LXXXIV.  This  is  the  Relation  of  1652-53,  sent 
by  the  new  superior,  Frangois  le  Mercier,  and  dated 
at  Quebec,  October  29,  1653.  The  first  chapter, 
written  by  the  Paris  editor,  recounts  the  capture 
by  an  English  vessel  of  the  ship  on  which  was 
conveyed  Father  du  Peron  and  the  Canadian  mail 
to  France.  The  Father's  papers  are  seized  and 
carelessly  flung  about  by  the  soldiers;  he  rescues 
what  he  can,  but  some  are  lost,  and  the  Relation  for 
this  year  is  not,  in  consequence,  complete. 


10  PREFACE  TO  VOL.  XL 

Le  Mercier  mentions  the  unusual  aid  sent  to  Mont- 
real this  year  —  a  hundred  artisans,  who  are  not 
only  versed  in  their  trades,  but  brave  in  war.  The 
Fathers  residing  there  recommend  special  devotions 
to  the  Virgin,  for  aid  in  repelling  the  Iroquois;  as  a 
result,  "  God's  hand  was  so  heavy  upon  the  enemy 
that  they  sued  for  peace." 

Three  Rivers  is  harassed  all  summer  by  attacks  of 
the  enemy,  which  are  graphically  described  —  espe- 
cially an  attempt  to  capture  that  village  by  surprise, 
which  is  foiled  by  the  vigilance  and  resolution  of  the 
French.  The  Iroquois  finally  begin  friendly  nego- 
tiations, and  go  away,  leaving  hostages  with  the 
French  for  the  return  of  Father  Poncet  and  a  com- 
panion, who  were  captured,  a  few  days  before,  by 
one  of  the  Iroquois  bands.  His  seizure  and  deliver- 
ance are  described  —  mainly  as  written  by  himself, 
at  the  command  of  his  superior.  The  two  French 
prisoners  are  taken  to  the  Iroquois  country,  where 
they  are  tormented  —  in  like  manner,  but  not  as 
cruelly,  as  had  been  Jogues  and  Bressani.  Poncet 
is  given,  after  a  few  days,  to  an  old  woman  in  place 
of  her  brother;  he  is  then  treated  with  the  utmost 
kindness,  and  adopted  into  the  family.  His  young 
French  companion  is,  however,  burned  to  death. 
Soon  afterward,  Poncet  is  released  by  his  captors, 
who  take  him  first  to  Fort  Orange  (Albany),  to  obtain 
some  European  garments  from  the  Dutch,  who 
treat  him  most  generously  and  hospitably;  then 
to  Three  Rivers,  where  he  is  surrendered  to  his 
countrymen. 

Le  Mercier  now  relates  in  detail  the  preliminary 
negotiations    for    peace  —  with    the    accompanying 


PREFACE  TO  VOL.  XL  11 

Speeches,  presents,  and  ceremonies  —  between  the 
Iroquois  and  the  French.  This  result  has  been 
secured  by  the  providence  of  God,  and,  next,  by  the 
influence  of  Father  Poncet.  All  the  five  tribes  join 
in  this  peace  —  the  Mohawks  consenting  last  of  all. 
Father  Poncet  returns,  somewhat  later,  and  confirms 
the  statements  of  the  Iroquois  envoys  that  their 
people  desire  peace ;  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  will 
be  made  in  the  following  spring. 

In  November,  1652,  a  party  of  Sillery  Algonkins 
had  captured  some  prisoners  of  a  tribe  not  named, 
but  probably  one  of  the  Abenaki  tribes.  As  a  result 
of  this  event,  a  treaty  of  peace  is  made  between  this 
distant  people  and  those  of  Sillery,  which  also  is 
described  in  full.  Le  Mercier  recounts  the  injuries 
suffered  by  the  French  and  their  savage  allies  from 
the  Iroquois  war  which  has  just  ended.  The  fur 
trade,  which  had  amounted  to  two  or  three  hundred 
thousand  livres  annually,  has  been  ruined;  "  f or  a 
year,  the  Montreal  warehouse  has  not  bought  a  single 
Beaver-skin  from  the  Savages."  In  consequence, 
the  whole  country  is  in  distress.  News  is  brought 
from  the  far  West,  that  the  Algonkins  and  Hurons 
who  have  fled  thither  from  the  Iroquois  are  prepar- 
ing to  come  down  to  the  French  next  year  for  trade ; 
and  several  young  Frenchmen  plan  to  go  to  these 
tribes  for  the  same  purpose.  These  prospects  are 
especially  enticing,  because  the  beaver  and  other  fur- 
bearing  animals,  having  been  left  undisturbed  for 
several  years,  have  multiplied  enormously;  and  a 
rich  harvest  of  furs  is  consequently  expected.  An- 
other resource  of  Canada  is  in  its  fertile  soil ;  and 
agriculture  there  is  now  becoming  successful.  The 
eel-fishery  is  also  highly  productive,  and  enables  the 


12  PREFACE  TO  VOL.  XL 

people  to  live  when  all  else  fails;  other  fish  also 
abound  — "  indeed,  this  country  is  the  Kingdom  of 
water  and  of  fish."  The  climate  is  very  healthful  — 
"  an  especial  blessing." 

The  peace  made  with  the  Iroquois,  detailed  in  the 
preceding  chapters,  fills  the  missionaries  with  joy, 
and  great  hope  for  the  extension  of  their  field  of 
labor.  Le  Mercier  finds  especial  encouragement  in 
the  prospect  of  establishing  a  mission  in  the  enemy's 
country,  on  or  near  Lake  Ontario.  The  Onondagas 
invite  the  Jesuits  to  do  this.  The  final  chapter  — 
summarizing  several  letters  from  Canada  which  have 
come  to  the  Paris  editor  —  mentions  that  the  Hurons 
who  took  refuge  at  Quebec  have  cleared  and  planted 
300  arpents  of  land,  thus  providing  food  for  them- 
selves. Some  of  them  have  been  clothed  through 
gifts  received  from  France,  from  friends  of  the  mis- 
sion. Several  instances  of  the  piety  of  these 
neophytes  are  recounted,  as  also  of  their  virtuous 
resistance  to  temptation. 

R.  G.  T. 

Madison,  Wis.,  February,  1899. 


LXXXIII   (concluded) 

Bressani's  Breve  Relatione 

MaCERATA:     HEREDI  D'  AGOSTINO  GRISEI,  1653 


This   document,  commenced  in    Volume   XXXVIII.,   and 
continued  throughout  Volume  XXXIX.,  is  here  completed. 


14  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES         [Vol.40 


[114  i.e.,  1 16]  CAPITOLO  SESTO. 

MORTE   DEL   P.    CARLO    GARNIER. 

NELLE  montagne  della  natione  del  Tabacco 
haueuamo  due  Miffioni,  &  in  ciafcuna  due  de' 
noftri  Padri.  La  piii  efpofta  k  i  nemici  fi  chia- 
maua  di  San  Giouanni,  come  anche  la  Terra  princi- 
pale.  Qui  haueua  fparfi  molti  fudori,  qui  bifognaua 
fpargeffe  il  fangue  il  P.  Carlo  Gamier  operario  inuitto 
di  quefte  Miffioni.  Qualche  prigione  fuggitiuo  dal 
paefe  de  nemici  ci  haueua  auuertiti  de'  lor  difegni 
d*  inueflire,  6  la  noftra  Kola,  o  le  montagne  di  San 
Giouanni,  e  li  paefani  fi  tennero  alcuni  di  in  ordine 
per  riceuerli  coraggiofamente,  e  come  fperauano, 
facilmente  disfarli,  &  era  per  altro  gente  di  cuore,  & 
auuezza  alia  guerra.  Ma  annoiandofi  finalmente  di 
tanto  afpettare,  fi  rifolfero  d'  andargli  incontro  per 
aflalirli  i  primi,  e  forprenderli.  Partirno  k  quefto  fine 
li  5.  di  Decembre,  ma  per  altra  flrada,  che  quella, 
che  prefero  i  nemici;  i  quali  hauendo  vicino  al  paefe 
prefi  due  prigioni,  feppero  da  effi  come  era  sfornito 
delle  forze  di  quelli,  che  erano  vfciti  per  incontrarli. 
E  per  non  perder'  vn  occafione  si  fauoreuole  s'  affret- 
tano,  e  li  7.  di  Decembre  circa  le  20.  hore,  fi  prefen- 
tano  alle  porte  di  San  Giouanni  si  fubitamente,  che 
lo  fpauento  hauendo  occupato  il  cuore  degli  habitanti, 
in  vece  di  refiftere,  penforno  alia  fuga,  ma  inutile 


1653]  BRESSANI'S  RELATION,  i6js  15 


[1 14  i.e.,  1 16]  CHAPTER   SIXTH. 

DEATH    OF   FATHER    CHARLES    GARNIER. 

IN  the  mountains  of  the  Tobacco  nation,  we  had 
two  Missions,  and,  in  each  of  these,  two  of  our 
Fathers.  The  one  most  exposed  to  the  enemies, 
as  also  its  principal  Village,  was  called  Saint  Jean. 
Here  Father  Charles  Garnier,  an  indefatigable 
laborer  in  these  Missions,  had  bestowed  many  labors; 
here  it  was  necessary  that  he  should  shed  his  blood. 
A  certain  fugitive  prisoner  from  the  enemies'  coun- 
try had  warned  us  of  their  design  of  investing  either 
our  Island  or  the  mountains  of  Saint  Jean;  and  the 
country  people  kept  themselves  for  some  days  in 
battle  array,  to  receive  them  courageously, —  and, 
as  they  hoped,  to  defeat  them  easily;  these  were, 
too,  people  of  courage,  and  accustomed  to  war.  But, 
at  last  growing  weary  of  so  much  waiting,  they 
resolved  to  go  to  meet  them,  in  order  to  attack  them 
first,  and  to  surprise  them.  They  started,  for  this 
purpose,  on  the  5th  of  December,  but  by  another 
route  than  that  which  the  enemies  took ;  the  latter, 
having  taken  two  captives  near  that  country,  learned 
from  these  how  destitute  it  was  of  the  forces  of  those 
who  had  gone  out  to  meet  them.  Accordingly,  in 
order  not  to  lose  so  favorable  an  opportunity,  they 
make  haste ;  and  on  the  7th  of  December,  about  the 
20th  hour,  they  appear  at  the  gates  of  Saint  Jean, 
so  suddenly  that,  terror  having  seized  the  hearts  of 
the  inhabitants,  instead  of  resisting,  they  thought  of 


16  LES  RELATIONS  DBS /^SUITES         [Vol.40 

per  la  maggior  parte,  che  furono,  6  fatti  prigioni,  5 
vccifi  di  ferro,  5  di  fuoco,  che  accefero  da  per  tutto 
per  piu  sb[r]igarri,  temendo  il  ritorno  de'  guerrieri. 
Efercitorno  per5  in  poco  tempo  flrane  crudeltk,  maf- 
fime  con  i  putti,  che  ftaccauano  dalle  mammelle  delle 
madri  per  gettar  viui  nel  fuoco.  II  Padre  Carlo 
Gamier  era  iui  all'  hora  folo  de  noflri,  ne  voile  vdir 
parlare  di  fuggire,  come  qualche  amico  gli  configliaua. 
Voile  come  gli  altri  morire,  amminiftrando  i  Sacra- 
menti,  &  efortando  tutti  alia  coftanza  nella  Fede,  & 
in  vita,  &  in  morte.  E  lo  fece  fin  tanto,  che  riceue  da 
nemici  vn'  archibugiata  con  tre  palle,  1'  vna  delle 
quali  lo  feri  nello  ftomaco,  1'  altra  nel  petto,  la  terza 
[115  i.e.,  117]  in  vna  cofcia,  che  lo  getto  ^  terra,  done 
non  manco  di  leuar  le  mani  al  Cielo,  e  dar  fegni  di 
gran  diuotione,  e  poco  doppo,  come  fuegliandofi  da 
vn  profondo  fonno,  e  riguardando  in  giro,  vidde  vn 
ferito  come  Iui,  al  quale  penso  poter  dare  qualche 
aiuto  fpirituale;  onde  prefe  dalla  caritk,  e  dal  zelo,  che 
gli  ardeua  nel  petto,  nuoue  forze,  fi  leuo,  e  fece  mezzo 
inginocchioni  due  paffi  per  auuicinarfegli ;  ma  rica- 
dendo  d'  vna  ftrana  maniera,  gli  bifogno  iui  fermarfi, 
fin  che  riprefo  animo  fece  vn  fecondo,  e  terzo  sforzo 
per  morir  nell'  efercitio  di  quella  caritk,  che  in  vita 
haueua  fempre  efercitata.  Non  fappiamo  altre  parti- 
colaritk  della  fiia  morte,  perche  vna  buona  Chriftiana, 
che  era  fpettatrice  di  quanto  qui  s'  e  detto,  fu  doppo 
quefto,  ferita  d'  vn  colpo  d'  accetta  in  tefta,  cadde,  e 
fu  iui  lafciata  per  morta.  Ma  per  diuin  volere  ne 
guari,  e  ci  narr6  quanto  di  fopra.     Ma  il  corpo  del 


1653]  BRESSANPS  RELATION,  i653  17 

flight.  But  this  was  in  vain  for  the  greater  part,  who 
were  either  taken  prisoners  or  slain  by  the  sword, 
or  by  fire, —  which  they  kindled  on  all  sides  in  order 
to  expedite  their  work,  fearing  the  return  of  the 
warriors.  They  therefore  practiced,  in  a  short  time, 
savage  cruelties, — especially  upon  the  children, 
whom  they  tore  from  their  mothers'  breasts  in  order 
to  throw  them  alive  into  the  fire.  Father  Charles 
Garnier  was  at  that  time  alone  there  of  ours;  nor 
would  he  hear  mention  of  fleeing,  as  some  friend 
advised  him  to  do.  He  wished,  like  the  others,  to 
die  while  administering  the  Sacraments,  and  exhort- 
ing all  to  constancy  in  the  Faith,  both  in  life  and  in 
death.  And  he  did  so  until  he  received  from  the 
enemies  an  arquebus  shot  with  three  balls, —  one  of 
which  wounded  him  in  the  stomach,  another  in  the 
breast,  the  third  [115  i.e.,  117]  in  his  thigh.  This 
threw  him  to  the  ground,  where  he  did  not  fail  to 
lift  his  hands  to  Heaven,  and  to  give  signs  of  deep 
devotion;  and  soon  afterward  —  as  it  were,  rousing 
himself  from  a  profound  sleep,  and  looking  about 
him  —  he  saw  one  wounded  like  himself,  to  whom^ 
Tie  thought  he  could  give  some  spiritual  aid.  From 
the  charity  and  zeal  which  glowed  in  his  breast  he 
gained,  then,  new  strength;  he  arose,  and  took,  half 
kneeling,  two  steps  in  order  to  approach  him;  but 
falling  back  in  a  strange  manner,  he  was  obliged  to 
stop  there  until,  recovering  strength,  he  made  a  second 
and  a  third  effort  to  die  in  the  exercise  of  that  charity 
which  he  had  always  practiced  in  life.  We  know  no 
other  particulars  of  his  death,  because  the  good 
Christian  woman,  who  was  a  spectator  of  what  has 
been  told,  was  then  wounded  in  the  head  with  a 
hatchet-blow,  fell,  and  was  left  there  for  dead.     But, 


18  LES  RELATIONS  DES  jASUITES         [Vol.40 

Padre  haueua  oltre  le  ferite  dell'  archibugiata,  la 
tefta  aperta  alle  due  tempie  fino  al  ceruello.  I  due 
Padri,  che  erano  nella  vicina  Miffione  riceuerono 
tutta  la  notte  i  poueri  Chriftiani  fuggitiui,  e  la  mat- 
tina  feguente  andorno  k  S.  Giouanni  per  fepellir  il 
corpo  del  lor  caro  compagno,  doue  viddero  con  gli 
occhi  proprij  gli  effetti  della  crudeltk  del  Barbaro 
nemico.  Cercarono  quel  benedetto  cadauero  vn 
pezzo  in  vano,  ma  in  fine  lo  ritrouorno  nudo  tra 
molti  altri  mezzo  arroftiti,  ne  1'  haurebbero  conofciuto, 
tanto  era  contrafatto,  fenza  1'  aiuto  d'  alcuni  buoni 
Neofiti,  che  foli  diftinfero  da  gli  altri  il  loro  caro 
Padre.  Per  fepellirlo  i  due  Padri  fi  fpogliomo 
ciafcuno  d'  vna  parte  delle  fue  vefti,  e  fe  ne  ritor- 
narono  fubito  co  i  compagni,  che  gli  affrettauano  per 
tema  de  nemici.  Ritornarono  due  di  doppo,  i  guer- 
rieri  di  S.  Giouanni,  i  quali  auuertiti  dal  fangue,  e 
da'  cadaueri  de'  piii  deboli  (che  i  nemici  vccideuano 
per  ftrada,  come  impaccio  pericolofoj  del  lor  difaftro, 
e  paffarono  fecondo  il  lor  coftume,  e  degli  antichi  la 
giornata  in  vn  profondo  filentio,  proftrati  k  terra 
fenza  alzar  gli  occhi,  e  quafi  fenza  moto  come  ftatue 
di  marmo,  o  di  bronzo,  lafciando  alle  donne  le  la- 
grime,  e  '1  pianto. 

II  P.  Carlo  Garnier  era  natiuo  di  Parigi.  Mori 
air  etk  di  44  anni,  25.  de  quali  haueua  fpefi  nella 
Compagnia,  e  13.  in  quelle  miffioni.  Dalla  pueritia 
haueua  hauuti  gran  fentimenti  di  deuotione,  maflime 
verfo  la  Beatifs.  Vergine,  che  chiamaua  fempre  col 
nome  di  Madre.     Haueua  fatto  voto  di  difender  fino 


1653]  BRESSANI'S  RELATION,  i6s3  1» 


by  divine  will,  she  recovered  from  it,  and  related  to 
us  the  foregoing.  But  the  Father's  body  had,  besides 
the  arquebus  wounds,  the  head  cut  open,  from  both 
temples  even  to  the  brain.  The  two  Fathers  who 
were  in  the  neighboring  Mission  received  the  poor 
fugitive  Christians  all  night ;  and  on  the  following 
morning  they  went  to  St.  Jean,  in  order  to  bury 
the  body  of  their  dear  companion, —  where  they  saw 
with  their  own  eyes  the  effects  of  the  Barbarian 
enemy's  cruelty.  They  looked  for  that  blessed  body 
in  vain,  for  a  time;  but  at  last  they  recovered  it, 
naked,  among  many  others  which  were  half  roasted ; 
nor  would  they  have  known  it, —  so  disfigured  it 
was, —  but  for  the  help  of  some  good  Neophytes,  who 
alone  distinguished  their  dear  Father  from  the  others. 
In  order  to  bury  him,  the  two  Fathers  both  stripped 
themselves  of  a  part  of  their  own  clothing ;  and  they 
immediately  returned  thence  with  their  companions, 
who,  for  fear  of  the  enemies,  hastened  away.  The 
warriors  of  St.  Jean  returned  two  days  later;  and, 
being  informed  of  their  disaster  by  the  blood  and  the 
corpses  of  the  weakest  (whom  the  enemies  killed  by 
the  way,  as  a  dangerous  encumbrance),  spent,  accord- 
ing to  their  custom  and  that  of  the  ancients,  the  day 
in  a  profound  silence, —  prostrated  to  the  earth  with- 
out lifting  their  eyes,  and  almost  without  motion, 
like  statues  of  marble  or  of  bronze, — ^  leaving  tears 
and  lamentation  to  the  women. 

Father  Charles  Garnier  was  a  native  of  Paris.  He 
died  at  the  age  of  44  years,  25  of  which  he  had  spent 
in  the  Society,  and  13  in  these  missions.  From  boy- 
hood, he  had  had  profound  sentiments  of  devotion, 
especially  toward  the  Most  Blessed  Virgin,  whom  he 
always  called  by  the  name  of  "Mother."     He  had 


20  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES         [Vol.40 

alia  morte  la  fua  purilTiina  Concettione,  della  quale  era 
diuotifllmo,  e  morl  la  vigilia  di  quefta  fefta  per 
andarla  k  celebrar  piu  folennemete  in  Cielo. 
[ii6i.e.,  ii8]  Effendo  giouane  tra  noftri  Conuittori 
nel  CoUegio  di  Parigi,  riceueua  ogni  mefe  dal  Padre 
alcuni  danari  per  fua  ricreatione.  Egli  li  riferuaua 
per  il  giorno  della  vacanza,  nel  quale  hauuta  licenza 
d'  vfcire,  in  vece  di  confumarli  al  giuoco,  li  portaua 
"k  i  prigioni.  Vn  di  ne  compr5  vn  libro  cattiuo  per 
abbruciarlo,  acci6  non  noceffe  k  neffuno.  Effendo 
con  alcuni  compagni,  che  entrorono  in  vn'  hofteria 
per  farui  colatione,  egli  per  non  fare  contro  le  regole 
della  Congregatione,  fi  tenne  alia  porta  come  vn 
laquay  afpettando  fino,  che  haueffero  finito. 

II  Signor  fuo  Padre  confegnandolo  al  Padre  Prouin- 
ciale  per  la  Compagnia  gli  diffe,  che  gli  daua  vn 
figlio,  che  non  haueua  mai  commeffa  vna  minima 
difobedienza.  La  fua  modeftia  veramente  Angelica 
lo  faceua  dal  principio  fteffo  del  fuo  Nouitiato  pro- 
porre  a  tutti  per  efempio.  I  Superiori  non  lo  vole- 
uano  riceuere  nella  Compagnia,  e  molto  meno  inuiare 
nel  Canada  fenza  confenfo  del  Padre,  che  fortemente 
vi  repugnaua,  ma  la  perfeuerante  coftanza  d'  anni 
intieri  ottenne  il  tutto.  Nel  viaggio  di  mare,  che 
fece  per  paffare  alia  nuoua  Francia,  fece  con  vn  gran 
zelo,  e  prudenza  notabili  conuerfioni,  tra  1'  altre  d'  vn' 
huomo  fenza  cofcienza,  ne  religione,  che  haueua 
paffati  piii  di  dieci  anni  fenza  confelTione.  Haueua 
per  quefto  vna  gratia  particolare,  &  anche  piu  maraui- 
gliofa  per  la  conuerfione  de'  Barbari,  de'  quali  fapeua 


1653]  BRESSANPS  RELATION,  i6s3  21 

made  a  vow  to  defend  her  immaculate  Conception, 
to  which  he  was  extremely  devoted  even  till  death ; 
and  he  died  on  the  eve  of  this  feast,  in  order  to  go 
and  celebrate  it  more  solemnly  in  Heaven,  [i  i6  i.e., 
II 8]  While  a  young  man  among  our  Students  at  the 
College  of  Paris,  he  received  every  month  from  his 
Father  some  money  for  his  recreation.  He  reserved 
it  for  the  day  of  the  vacation ;  when,  having  obtained 
leave  to  go  abroad,  instead  of  spending  it  in  sports, 
he  carried  it  to  the  prisoners.  One  day  he  bought 
with  it  an  immoral  book,  in  order  to  burn  it,  so  that 
it  should  harm  no  one.  Being  with  some  compan- 
ions who  entered  an  inn,  to  make  a  banquet  there, 
he,  so  as  not  to  act  against  the  rules  of  the  Congrega- 
tion, stayed  at  the  door  like  a  footman,  waiting  till 
they  had  finished. 

The  Signor,  his  Father,  on  committing  him  to  the 
Father  Provincial  for  the  Society,  told  him  that  he 
gave  him  a  son  who  had  never  committed  the  slight- 
est disobedience.  His  modesty,  truly  Angelic,  caused 
him,  at  the  very  beginning  of  his  Novitiate,  to  be  set 
before  all  as  an  example.  The  Superiors  did  not 
wish  to  receive  him  into  the  Society,  and  much  less 
to  send  him  to  Canada,  without  the  consent  of  his 
Father,  who  strongly  opposed  it ;  but  the  persevering 
constancy  of  whole  years  obtained  it  all.  On  the  sea- 
voyage  which  he  made  in  crossing  to  new  France,  he 
effected,  with  great  zeal  and  prudence,  notable  con- 
versions,—  among  others,  that  of  a  man  without 
conscience  or  religion,  who  had  spent  more  than 
ten  years  without  confession.  He  had  a  special  grace 
for  this,  and  a  still  more  wonderful  one  for  the 
conversion  of  the  Barbarians, — whose  language  he 
perfectly   knew,  and   whose  hearts  he  gained  by  a 


22  LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  J  ^SUITES  [Vol.  40 

perfettamente   la   lingua,   e   guadagnaua   con   mille 

induflrie  i  cuori.     Molti  affermano  efferfi  mutati,  e 

rifoluti  di  conuertirfi  folo  in  riguardarlo.     Era  huomo 

d'  vna  profonda  humiltk,  che  tutto  che  profeffo  de  4.  .; 

voti,   &  hauendo   ogni   cofa  eminente,  fi   ftimaua  il  1 

minimo   di  tutti  anche   non   Sacerdoti,  e  fentendofi  * 

lodare,   fi  giudicaua  caftigato  da  Dio,   e  ne   fentiua  \ 

pena  fenfibile;    onde  per  rimedio   fcopriua   fpeflo   "k 

chi  lo  lodaua  i  difetti,  che  penfaua  potergli  dare  auer- 

llone  dalla  fua  perfona.     Nell'  oratione  tra  le  occu- 

pationi  le  piii  diftrattine   era   raccoltiffimo,   e  tutto 

fuoco  dal  principle  fino  alia  fine.      Oltre  il  dormir  k 

terra,  cofa  iui  commune  k  tutti  i  noftri  Miffionanti,  fi 

feruiua  d'  vna  cintura  di  ferro  con  ftellette  d'  acciaio, 

e  con  r  iftefl^e  fi  difciplinaua.     II  viuere  non  folo  era 

di  cofe  infipidiffime,  ma  parchiffimo,  per  fame  limo- 

fina  k  famelici,  maffime  ne'  due  vltimi  anni,  che  viffe, 

ne'  quali  parte  per  neceffitk,  parte  per  edificatione, 

ancorche  delitiofamente  alleuato  in  cafa  nobile,  men- 

tre  mercenarij  in  domo  patris  abundabdt  panib^  fi  ridufl^e 

k  priuarfi  fino  del  gran  turchefco,  vnico  [117  i.e.,  1 19] 

cibo  del  paefe,  contentandofi  di  qualche  ghianda,  6 

di  qualche  amara  radice  cotta  nell'  acqua  femplice, 

fenza  fale,  fenza  pane,  5  altro  companatico.     Tre  di 

prima,   che  moriffe,   il   Superiore  della  Milfione  gli 

haueua  fcritto,  che  vedefTe,  fe  per  rimetterfi  vn  poco 

non  era  efpediente  di  ritirarfi  alquanto  da  trauagli 

eccelfiui,  ne'  quali  viueua,  e  1'  inuitaua  k  queflo  fine 

alia  refidenza  fiffa,  detta  di  Santa  Maria.     Ecco  vna 

parte  della  rifpofta.     E  vero,  dice,  che  patifco  qual- 


1653]  BRESSANI'S  RELATION,  i6s3  23 

thousand  ingenuities.  Many  affirm  that  they  became 
changed,  and  resolved  to  be  converted,  merely  by 
looking  at  him.  He  was  a  man  of  profound  humility, 
who  —  though  he  had  taken  the  4  vows,  and  was,  in 
every  respect,  of  eminent  character — esteemed  him- 
self the  least  of  all  even  of  those  who  were  not  Priests ; 
and,  if  he  heard  himself  praised,  he  thought  that  he 
was  punished  by  God,  and  felt  sensible  pain  from  it. 
Accordingly,  by  way  of  remedy,  he  often  revealed  his 
defects  to  the  person  who  was  praising  him, — which 
he  thought  might  give  the  latter  an  aversion  to  him. 
In  prayer,  even  amid  the  most  distracting  occupa- 
tions, he  was  most  collected,  and  all  fire  from  begin- 
ning to  end.  Besides  sleeping  on  the  ground, — a 
thing  common  there  to  all  our  Missionaries, —  he 
used  an  iron  belt  with  stars  of  steel;  and  with  this 
he  disciplined  himself.  His  food  was  not  only  of 
things  most  insipid,  but  extremely  moderate,  so  as 
to  give  alms  with  it  to  the  hungry,  especially  in  the 
last  two  years  that  he  lived.  During  that  time, 
partly  from  necessity,  partly  for  edification, — 
although  he  had  been  delicately  brought  up  in  a 
noble  house, —  while  merce^iarii  in  domo  patris  abunda- 
bant  panibus, — he  reduced  himself  to  the  deprivation 
even  of  turkish  corn,  the  only  [117  i.e.,  119]  food  of 
the  country ;  he  contented  himself  with  some  acorns, 
or  with  some  bitter  root  cooked  in  water  alone,  with- 
out salt,  and  without  bread  or  other  relish.  Three 
days  before  he  died,  the  Superior  of  the  Mission  had 
written  to  him  that  he  ought  to  consider  whether  it 
were  not  expedient,  in  order  to  recuperate  himself 
somewhat,  to  retire  for  a  time  from  the  excessive 
labors  in  which  he  lived;  and  invited  him,  to  this 
end,  to    the    fixed    residence    called    Sainte    Marie 


24  LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES         [Vol.40 

che  cofa  per  ragione  della  fame,  che  e  qui  grade,  & 
vniuerfale,  ma  non  vfque  ad  mortem  per  gratia  di  Dio, 
n^  lo  fpirito,  ne  il  corpo  perdono  il  lor  vigore,  non 
temo  tanto  la  fame,  quanto  temerei,  che  abbando- 
nando  le  mie  pecorelle,  in  quelli  tempi  di  miferie, 
e  pericoli  di  guerra,  done  io  fono  piii  che  mai  necef- 
fario,  non  mancaffi  all'  occafione,  che  Dio  mi  porge- 
rebbe  di  perdermi  per  lui,  rendendomi  indegno  de 
fuoi  fauori  &c.  Io  ho  affai  cura  di  me,  e  fe  mi 
trouaffi  in  vera  neceffita  di  ricuperar  le  forze,  non 
mancherei  di  partire  per  S.  Maria,  effendo  difpofto 
di  abbandonare  ogni  cofa  piu  tofto,  che  1'  obedienza. 
Ma  altro,  che  lei  non  mi  ftaccark  dalla  Croce,  done 
la  diuina  bonta  mi  ha  attaccato.  Quel  che  habbiamo 
detto  del  fuo  interiore,  e  depofitione  di  chi  1'  ha 
confeflato,  e  trattato  intimamente  piii  di  12.  anni,  il 
quale  aggiunge  quefte  parole.  Io  polio  dire  in  verity, 
che  in  quefti  12.  anni,  e  piii,  ne'  quali  mi  apriua  il 
fuo  cuore,  come  ^  Dio,  non  credo,  che  fuor  del  fonno 
ftelle  vna  fola  hora  fenza  defiderij  ardenti  di  crefcere 
in  virtii,  e  di  promouerui  il  proffimo.  Tutto  il  reil:o 
gli  era  indifferente,  parenti,  amici,  ripofo,  confola- 
tioni,  pene,  fatiche  &c.  Dio  gli  era  ogni  cofa,  e  fuor 
di  Dio  ogni  cofa  gli  era  niente.  Ma  quel,  che  fegue 
e  d'  vno  de  fuoi  compagni,  che  ad  iflanza  del  Supe- 
riore  cosi  ne  ferine.  V.  R.  mi  ordina  di  fcriuergli 
quel,  che  so  del  Padre  Gamier.  Io  penfo,  general- 
mente  parlando,  che  hauefle  tutte  le  virtii  in  grado 
eminente.  In  quattro  anni,  che  io  fono  flato  fuo 
compagno  non  gli  ho  vifto  fare  mancamento  alcuno, 


1663]  BRESSANI'S  RELA  T/ON,  1653  25 

Here  is  a  part  of  his  answer.  "It  is  true,"  he 
says,  "  that  I  suffer  something  on  account  of  hunger, 
which  is  great  and  universal  here ;  but  non  usque  ad 
mortem, —  by  the  grace  of  God,  neither  the  spirit  nor 
the  body  loses  its  vigor.  I  do  not  fear  hunger  as 
much  as  I  would  fear  that,  by  abandoning  my  sheep 
in  these  times  of  misery  and  dangers  of  war,  wherein 
I  am  more  than  ever  necessary,  I  might  be  lacking, 
in  the  opportunity  which  God  should  extend  to  me 
of  losing  myself  for  him,  by  rendering  myself 
unworthy  of  his  favors,  etc.  I  take  sufficient  care 
of  myself;  and  if  I  found  myself  in  real  need  of 
recuperating  my  strength,  I  would  not  fail  to  leave 
for  Ste.  Marie,  being  disposed  to  abandon  every- 
thing rather  than  obedience.  But  nothing  else  shall 
remove  me  from  the  Cross  to  which  the  divine  good- 
ness has  attached  me."  What  we  have  said  of  his 
inward  feelings  is  the  testimony  of  that  one  who 
heard  him  in  confession,  and  intimately  dealt  with 
him,  for  more  than  12  years,  who  adds  these  words: 
"I  may  say  in  truth  that,  in  these  12  years  and 
more  during  which  he  opened  his  heart  to  me  as  to 
God,  I  do  not  believe  that,  outside  of  sleep,  he 
remained  a  single  hour  without  ardent  desires  of 
increasing  in  virtue,  and  of  advancing  his  neighbor 
therein.  Everything  else  was  indifferent  to  him, — 
relatives,  friends,  rest,  consolations,  pains,  fatigues, 
etc.  God  was  everything  to  him ;  and,  outside  of 
God,  everything  was  naught  to  him."  But  that 
which  follows  is  from  one  of  his  companions,^  who 
at  the  request  of  the  Superior  thus  writes  of  him : 
'  *  Your  Reverence  orders  me  to  write  to  you  what  I 
know  of  Father  Gamier.  I  think,  generally  speak- 
ing, that  he  had  all  the  virtues  in  an  eminent  degree. 


26  LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  J£SU/TES        [Vol.  40 

che  fufle  direttamente  contro  qualche  virtu.  Cer- 
caua  in  ogni  cofa  Dio,  e  non  fe  fleffo,  ne  hb  mai 
potuto  giudicare,  che  operaffe  per  principio  di  natura, 
era  ardente,  e  pieno  di  zelo  per  il  progreflo  non  folo 
della  fua,  ma  di  tutte  quefte  miffioni ;  nella  diuerfitk 
degli  accidenti  fempre  1'  ifteffo,  fenza  turbarfi,  ma 
perfettamente  conforme  al  diuin  volere,  al  che  in 
quefti  vltimi  tempi  particolarmente  fi  ftudiaua.  Rif- 
pettaua  tutti  grandemente.  Mai  biafimaua  manco  i 
piii  inefcufabili,  [iiSi.e.,  120]  e  fe  gli  s' accufana 
alcun  Barbaro  alia  fua  cura  commello,  o  lo  fcufaua, 
fe  poteua,  ouero  taceua.  Tutti  i  fuoi  penlieri  erano 
di  promouere  in  quelle  miffioni  la  gloria  di  Dio,  e 
quefta  h  V  vnica  cofa,  che  mi  raccomand6  per  1'  altra 
vita,  mentre  io  flauo  per  morire  quefti  anni  addietro. 
Non  fapeua  quafi.  niente  delle  cofe  d'  Europa,  e  le 
nuoue,  che  ne  vdiua  vna  voltal'  anno  fubitole  dimen- 
ticaua,  intento  k  quell'  vnil  neceffariii,  per  il  quale 
haueua  abbandonato  ogni  cofa.  Bifognaua  quafi 
sforzarlo  "k  rifpondere  alle  lettere,  maffime  de'  fuoi, 
temendo  di  togliere  a'  Barbari  vn  momento  di  quel 
tempo,  che  gli  haueua  interamete  confacrato.  Vna 
delle  peggiori  nuoue,  che  riceuefTe  era  la  morte  di 
qualche  o  adulto,  o  putto  fenza  Battefimo,  e  temeua 
fempre  di  non  efferne  in  colpa.  L'  ho  vifto  partire 
per  viaggi  affai  longhi  in  tempi  faftidiofiffimi,  efpo- 
nendofi  "k  pericolo  di  perderfi  in  qualche  fiume,  o 
precipitio  per  aiutar  qualche  anima,  fenza  poterlo  in 
alcun  modo,  o  ritenere,  6  moderare.  Si  accomodaua 
per5  grandemente  a'  compagni,  mai  m'  hk  detta  vna 


y 

■  1 


1653]  BRESSANPS  RELATION,  ib53  27 

In  the  four  years  during  which  I  was  his  companion, 
I  did  not  see  him  commit  any  fault  that  directly 
opposed  any  virtue.  He  sought  God  in  everything, 
and  not  himself,  nor  have  I  ever  been  able  to  judge 
that  he  acted  upon  the  principle  of  nature.  He  was 
ardent  and  full  of  zeal  for  the  progress  not  only  of 
his  own,  but  of  all  these  missions;  in  the  variety  of 
events,  always  the  same,  without  vexing  himself, 
but  perfectly  conformed  to  the  divine  will, — whereto 
in  these  last  times  he  especially  applied  himself.  He 
greatly  respected  all.  He  never  blamed  a  failing, — 
even  the  most  inexcusable;  [i  i8  i.e.,  120]  and  if  some 
Barbarian,  committed  to  his  charge,  accused  him- 
self to  him,  either  he  excused  him,  if  he  could,  or 
else  was  silent.  All  his  thought  was  to  promote  in 
those  missions  the  glory  of  God ;  and  this  is  the  only 
thing  which  he  recommended  to  me  for  the  other 
life;  while  I  remained  to  die  these  years  behind 
him.  He  knew  almost  nothing  of  the  affairs  of 
Europe,  and  the  news  that  he  heard  of  them,  once  a 
year,  he  promptly  forgot, —  intent  on  that  unum  neces- 
sarium,  for  which  he  had  forsaken  everything.  It  was 
almost  necessary  to  compel  him  to  answer  letters, 
especially  from  his  friends, —  he  fearing  to  take  away 
from  the  Barbarians  a  moment  of  that  time  which  he 
had  entirely  consecrated  to  them.  One  of  the  worst 
tidings  that  he  received  was  the  death  of  either  some 
adult  or  a  child  without  Baptism;  and  he  always 
feared  to  be  at  fault  therein.  I  have  seen  him  start 
on  quite  long  journeys  in  most  disagreeable  weather, — 
exposing  himself,  in  order  to  aid  some  soul,  to  the 
danger  of  losing  his  life  in  some  river  or  chasm, — 
without  being  able  in  any  way  to  restrain  or  to 
moderate  him.     Yet  he  thoroughly  adapted  himself 


28  LES  RELATIONS  DBS  JJ^SUITES         [Vol.40 

parola  brufca,  pigliaua  fempre  il  peggio,  per  auuan- 
taggiarmi  in  ogni  cofa,  volendomi  perfuadere,  che 
ci6  lo  contentaua  piu.  Era  efattiffLnio  nell'  offer- 
uanza  delle  regole,  e  teneriffitno  nell'  obedienza. 
Per  occupatiffimo,  che  fofle,  mai  ne  lafciaua,  ne 
fminuiua  il  tempo  dell'  oratione,  efame,  5  lettura 
fpirituale,  impiegandoui  la  notte  quando  era  impedito 
il  giorno  ^  cofto  del  ripofo,  e  del  fonno.  La  purity 
in  lui  andaua  al  pari  della  modeftia,  1'  vna,  e  1'  altra 
veramente  Angelica,  ma  niente  ho  ammirato  piu,  che 
la  fua  profonda  humilt^  &c.  Queflo  fuo  compagno 
huomo  molto  virtuofo  era  anche  fuo  Confeflore,  k 
cui  quando  erano  infieme  conforme  il  coftume  de 
noftri  Miffionanti,  in  quel  paefi  fi  confeffaua  ogni  di. 
S6,  che  quelle  cofe  parranno  "k  qualchuno  forli  troppo 
minute,  ma  non  a  chi  sk  in  che  confifte  la  vera  virtii, 
&^chi  le  pefark  col  pefo  del  Santuario.  L'  habbiam 
vifto  con  infermi  fchifi  sii  le  fpalle  fare  le  3.  e  4. 
miglia  per  guadagnarli  ^  Dio;  curare  per  molto  tem- 
po, e  pill  volte  il  di,  piaghe  fchifofiffime,  &  incura- 
bili,  delle  quali  i  parenti  proprij  del  patiente 
haueuano  horrore,  con  volto  fereno,  e  pieno  di  carit^, 
per  guadagnar  quelle  anime,  che  per  effer  in  corpi 
cadauerofi  non  erano  coftato  meno  dell'  altre  al  loro 
Redentore;  e  piii  s'  auuicinauano  alia  morte,  piii 
era  diligente  in  feruirli  per  il  pericolo,  e  neceffit^ 
maggiore;  fare  le  30.  e  40.  miglia  k  piedi  ne'  gran 
caldi  della  flate  in  luoghi  pericolofiiTimi  de  nemici, 
correndo  dietro  vna  guida,  per  [119  i.e.,  121]  poter 
trouar  in  vita,   e  battezzare    qualche  moribondo,   6 


1653]  BRESSANI'S  RELA  TJON,  1653  29 

to  companions ;  he  never  said  an  abrupt  word  to  me ; 
he  always  took  the  worst,  for  the  sake  of  giving  me 
the  advantage  in  everything,  trying  to  persuade  me 
that  this  better  contented  him.  He  was  extremely 
punctual  in  the  observance  of  the  rules,  and  most 
sensitive  in  obedience.  No  matter  how  much  occu- 
pied he  was,  he  never  omitted  or  lessened  the  time 
of  prayer,  examination,  or  spiritual  reading, — em- 
ploying therein  the  night,  when  he  was  hindered  by 
day,  at  the  cost  of  rest  and  sleep.  Purity  in  him 
went  apace  with  modesty,  both  truly  Angelic;  but  I 
admired  nothing  more  than  his  profound  humility," 
etc.  This  his  companion,  a  very  virtuous  man,  was 
also  his  Confessor, — to  whom,  when  they  were 
together,  agreeably  to  the  custom  of  our  Missionaries 
in  those  countries,  he  confessed  every  day.  I  know 
that  these  things  will  perhaps  appear  to  some  too 
minute ;  but  not  to  him  who  knows  what  true  virtue 
consists  in,  and  to  him  who  shall  weigh  it  with  the 
weight  of  the  Sanctuary.  We  have  seen  him  with 
vile  sick  people  on  his  shoulders,  going  3  and  4  miles, 
to  gain  them  for  God;  tending  a  long  while,  and 
many  times  a  day,  most  filthy  and  incurable  wounds, 
of  which  the  patient's  own  relatives  had  a  horror, — 
with  a  countenance  serene  and  full  of  charity.  This 
he  did  in  order  to  gain  those  souls,  which,  though 
in  cadaverous  bodies,  had  not  cost  less  than  the  others 
to  their  Redeemer.  And,  the  nearer  they  approached 
death,  the  more  diligent  he  was  in  serving  them, 
because  of  the  danger  and  greater  necessity, —  mak- 
ing 30  and  40  miles  on  foot,  in  the  great  heat  of 
summer,  in  places  full  of  danger  from  the  enemies; 
running  behind  a  guide,  so  that  [119  i.e.,  121]  he 
could  find  alive  and  baptize  some  dying  man,  or  some 


30  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES         [Vol.40 

qualche  prigione  gik  condannato  al  fuoco,  &  hk  in 
limili  occafioni  paffata  la  notte  fmarrito  ne'  bofchi  tra 
le  neui,  e  '1  ghiaccio.  Nel  tempo  della  contagione  ci 
chiudeuano,  come  habbiam  detto,  da  per  tutto  le 
porte.  Ma  il  fuo  zelo  non  temeua  d'  efporfi  ^  mille 
pericoli,  per  penetrare  doue  fperaua  di  poter  conqui- 
ftare  vna  fola  anima  ^  Die,  Ricorreua  con  gran 
fiducia  k  gli  Angeli  di  quelle  contrade,  e  ne  prouaua 
euidente  foccorfo.  Qualche  moribondo  gli  hk  vifto 
al  lato  vn  belliflimo  giouane,  che  1'  accompagnaua, 
&  efortaua  1'  ammalato  ^  profittare  dell'  iftruttioni  del 
Padre.  Haueua  vn'  inclinatione  particolare  per  i 
piii  abbandonati,  e  per  fiero,  &  ingrato,  che  incon- 
traffe  vn  Barbaro  gli  moftraua  vn'  amore  piii  che 
materno  per  ridurlo  k  Dio.  II  fuo  zelo  non  haueua 
alcun  termine,  afpiraua  k  nuoue  terre,  &  ad  altre 
nationi  piu  remote,  &  haueua  defiderato  di  cafcar 
nelle  mani  de  gl'  Hirocheli,  per  hauer  occafione  di 
predicargli  la  Fede,  ma  Dio  gli  conceffe  il  prime 
fenza  il  fecondo.  Era  ftato  in  tutte  le  miffioni  degli 
Huroni;  n'  haueua  incominciata  piii  d'  vna,  e  tra  I'al- 
tre  quella  doue  mori.  Non  haueua  alcun'  attacco 
ne  ^  luoghi,  ne  k  perfone,  ne  k  fuoi  fteffi  trauagli; 
ogn'  occupatione  gli  era  vguale,  purche  gli  venifle 
da  Superior!,  che  gli  hanno  fatto  tal'  hora  lafciare 
le  miffioni,  doue  haueua  il  fuo  cuore  per  tirar  come 
vn  Cauallo  nelle  neui  pefi  neceffarij;  per  feruir  gli 
ammalati ;  per  far  la  cucina,  portar  legna,  e  cercar  le 
20.  e  30.  miglia  lontano  delle  lambrufche  per  fame 
il  vino  per  la  Meffa.     In  tutte  quefte  cofe  era  eguale 


1653]  BRESSANI'S  RELATION,  i6s3  31 

captive  already  condemned  to  the  fire ;  and  he  has  on 
similar  occasions  passed  the  night  astray  in  the  woods, 
amid  the  snows  and  the  ice.  At  the  time  of  the  con- 
tagion, they  shut  the  doors  on  us,  as  we  have  said, 
on  all  sides.  But  his  zeal  did  not  fear  to  expose 
itself  to  a  thousand  dangers,  in  order  to  penetrate 
where  he  hoped  he  could  make  the  conquest  of  a 
single  soul  to  God.  He  had  recourse,  with  great 
confidence,  to  the  Angels  of  those  regions,  and 
proved  their  manifest  help.  Some  dying  man  saw 
at  his  side  a  most  beautiful  youth,  who  accompanied 
him,  and  exhorted  the  sick  man  to  profit  by  the  Fa- 
ther's instruction.  He  had  a  special  inclination  for 
the  most  abandoned ;  and,  no  matter  how  proud  and 
ungrateful  a  Barbarian  he  encountered,  he  showed 
him  a  more  than  maternal  love  in  order  to  bring  him 
back  to  God.  His  zeal  had  no  limit;  he  was  aspir- 
ing toward  new  villages  and  toward  other  nations 
more  distant,  and  had  desired  to  fall  into  the  hands 
of  the  Hiroquois,  that  he  might  have  an  opportunity 
of  preaching  the  Faith  to  them;  but  God  granted 
him  the  first  without  the  second.  He  had  been  in 
all  the  missions  of  the  Hurons ;  he  had  founded  more 
than  one  of  them,  and,  among  others,  the  one  in 
which  he  died.  He  had  no  attachment  either  to 
places  or  to  persons,  or  to  his  own  labors;  every 
occupation  was  alike  to  him,  provided  it  came  to  him 
from  the  Superiors,  who  sometimes  made  him  leave 
the  missions,  in  which  he  had  his  heart,  in  order  to 
draw,  like  a  Horse,  necessary  burdens  in  the  snows; 
to  serve  the  sick,  to  do  the  cooking,  and  carry  wood; 
and  to  seek,  at  a  distance  of  20  and  30  miles,  wild 
grapes,  in  order  to  make  wine  of  them  for  the  Mass. 
In  all  these  things  he  was  equal  to  himself, —  that 


32  LES  RELATIONS  DES  j£SUITES         [Vol.40 

k  fe  fleffo,  cioe  fempre  fereno,  e  contento,  trouando 
Dio  da  per  tutto. 

Non  faremo  (^diceua)  mai  niente  per  la  falute  delV 
anime,  fe  Dio  non  ^  con  not,  e  non  c  applica  per  mezzo  de 
Superiori,  e  cercar  qualche  cofa  con  determinatione,  ^ 
cercare  fe  ^effo  In  vna  parola,  tutti  quelli,  che  lo 
conofceuano  lo  flimauano  vn  Santo. 


1653]  BRESSANPS  RELA  TION,  1653  33 

is,  always  serene  and  contented,  finding  God  every- 
where. 

We  shall  never  (he  said)  do  anything  for  the  salvation 
of  souls,  if  God  is  not  with  us,  and  does  not  apply  us 
by  means  of  the  Superiors;  and  to  seek  something  with 
determination  is  to  seek  one' s  self.  In  a  word,  all  those 
who  knew  him  accounted  him  a  Saint. 


34  LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES  [Vol.40 


CAPITOLO  SETTIMO. 

MORTE    DEL   P.    NATALE    CHABANEL. 

FV  il  fefto,  che  mori  in  quefta  Miffione  di  morte 
violenta  come  gli  altri,  non  per5  da  medefimi 
homicidi,  come  e  piu  probabile.  II  P,  Natale 
era  compagno  del  P.  Garnier;  ma  due  di  prima  dell' 
arriuo  de  nemici  era  per  ordine  de'  Superiori  partito 
da  [120  i.e.,  122]  San  Giouanni  per  la  refidenza  fifla 
di  Santa  Maria,  parte  per  la  fame,  che  era  eftrema 
in  San  Giouanni,  onde  difficilmente  poteua  nutrire 
due  foggetti,  parte  per  non  efporre  in  quel  tempi,  e 
luoghi  pericolofiffimi  due  perfone,  doue  baftaua  vna; 
ma  Dio,  che  gli  haueua  accompagnati  in  vita,  non  li 
voile  feparar  alia  morte.  Riuenendo  dunque  doue 
r  obedienza  lo  richiamaua,  dopo  18.  o  20.  miglia 
di  cattiuiffima  ftrada,  fii  fopraprefo  dalla  notte  ne' 
bofchi,  in  compagnia  di  7.  6  8.  chriftiani  Huroni,  i 
quali  ftanchi  dal  viaggio  s'  addormirono.  II  Padre 
folo  vegliaua  in  oratione.  Verfo  la  mezza  notte  in- 
tende  diuerfevoci,  e  gridi  confufi,  parte  dell'  armata 
vittoriofa,  che  haueua  1'  iileffo  di  prefa  la  Terra  di 
S.  Giouanni,  parte  de  poueri  prigioni,  che  cantauano 
fecondo  i  loro  coftumi,  canzoni  di  guerra.  II  Padre 
fueglia  i  compagni,  i  quali  fubito  fe  ne  fuggono  nel 
pivi  fecreto  de'  bofchi,  chi  quk,  chi  Ik,  slontanandofi 
dalla  ftrada,  che  1'  inimico  teneua.     Quefti  fuggitiui 


1653]  BRESSANI'S  RELA  TION,  1653  35 


CHAPTER   SEVENTH. 

DEATH  OF  FATHER  NOEL  CHABANEL. 

HE  was  the  sixth  who  died  in  this  Mission  by- 
violent  death, — like  the  others,  yet,  as  is  most 
probable,  not  by  the  same  murderers.  Father 
Noel  was  a  companion  of  Father  Garnier ;  but  two 
days  before  the  arrival  of  the  enemies  he  had  started, 
by  order  of  the  Superiors,  from  [120  i.e.,  122]  Saint 
Jean  for  the  fixed  residence  of  Sainte  Marie, — partly 
by  reason  of  the  famine,  which  was  extreme  at  Saint 
Jean,  for  which  reason  it  could  with  difficulty  sup- 
port two  persons  in  charge;  partly  in  order  not  to 
expose,  in  those  most  dangerous  times  and  places, 
two  persons,  where  one  was  enough ;  but  God,  who 
had  made  them  companions  in  life,  did  not  choose  to 
separate  them  in  death.  Returning  therefore  whither 
obedience  was  recalling  him,  he  was,  after  18  or  20 
miles  of  exceedingly  bad  road,  overtaken  by  night 
in  the  woods,  in  company  with  7  or  8  Huron  Chris- 
tians. These,  being  weary  from  the  journey,  fell 
asleep;  the  Father  alone  watched  in  prayer.  To- 
ward midnight,  he  hears  fierce  voices  and  confused 
shouts,  —  partly  from  the  victorious  expedition, 
which  had  on  the  same  day  taken  the  Village  of  St. 
Jean ;  partly  from  the  poor  captives,  who  were  sing- 
ing, according  to  their  custom,  songs  of  war.  The 
Father  awakens  his  companions,  who  hastily  flee 
away  into  the  most  secret  places  of  the  woods, — 
some  here,  some  there,  withdrawing  from  the  road, 


36  LES  RELATIONS  DES  jtSUITES         [Vol.40 

arriuando  alia  natione  del  Tabacco,  riferirono,  che  il 
Padre  gli  hatieua  feguitati  qiialche  tempo,  ma  che 
fentendofi  mancar  le  forze  diffe.  Non  importa,  che 
qui  io  muoia,  quelta  vita  e  poca  cofa,  la  felicitk  del 
Paradifo  e  il  vero  bene,  che  non  mi  puo  effer  tolto 
da  gl'  Hirochefi.  All'  Alba  il  Padre  ripiglia  la  ftrada 
per  Santa  Maria,  ma  dopo  alquanto  di  viaggio  incon- 
tra  vn  fiume,  che  gl'  impedifce  il  paffo.  Cosi  ci  ha 
riferito  vn'  Hurone  Apoftata,  che  aggiunge  d'  hauer- 
gli  fatto  palTar  il  fiume  nella  fua  canoa,  e  ritenne 
per  fcaricarlo  (k  quel,  che  diffe)  il  fuo  cappello,  &  i 
fuoi  fcritti,  con  vna  coperta,  che  ferue  in  quel  paefi 
il  di,  di  mantello,  e  la  notte  di  letto.  Quel,  che 
doppo  gli  auuenne  non  lo  fappiamo,  fe  fii  vccifo  da 
nemici,  fe  fi  fmarri  ne'  bofchi,  fe  mori  di  freddo,  6 
di  fame,  fe  tradito  da  chi  ce  ne  diede  1'  vltima  nuoua, 
e  ne  portaua  le  fpoglie,  certo  e,  che  viaggiar  in  quel 
paefi,  e  viaggiare  in  periculis  fluminu,  periculis  latronum 
&c.  periciilis  in  faljis  fratribtis,  e  quefto  e  il  piu  proba- 
bile  in  queflo  cafo,  per  non  dir  certo/  ne  difficile  k 
credere,  d'  vn  Apoftata,  che  s'  era  poco  prima  van- 
tato,  che  vcciderebbe  vno  di  noi.  II  Padre  Natale 
era  della  Prouincia  di  Tolofa.  Mori  all'  et^  di  36. 
anni,  19.  di  Religione,  e  6.  di  dimora  in  quel  paefi, 
per  i  quali  haueua  hauuta  vna  forte  vocatione,  ma  non 
gik  fenza  contrafti.  Doppo  li  4.  e  5.  anni  di  ftudio 
di  quelle  lingue  appena  poteua  farfi  intendere,  ancor- 
che  non  mancaffe  ne  d'  ingegno,  ne  di  memoria,  che 
haueua  fatto  comparir  in  Francia,  doue  hauea  infe- 
gnata  con  gran  fodisfattione  la  Rethorica.    Che  morti- 


1653]  BRESSANPS  RELATION,  i653  37 


which  the  enemy  held.  These  fugitives,  arriving 
from  the  Tobacco  nation,  reported  that  the  Father 
had  followed  them  for  a  time,  but  that,  feeling  his 
strength  fail,  he  said:  "No  matter  if  I  die  here; 
this  life  is  a  small  thing ;  the  felicity  of  Paradise  is 
the  true  good,  which  cannot  be  taken  from  me  by 
the  Hiroquois."  At  Dawn,  the  Father  resumes  the 
way  to  Sainte  Marie;  but,  after  some  journeying,  he 
encounters  a  river,  which  hinders  his  passage.  This 
report  was  given  us  by  an  Apostate  Huron,  who 
added  that  he  enabled  him  to  cross  the  river  in  his 
canoe,  and  retained,  for  landing  him  (as  he  said),  his 
hat  and  his  writings,  together  with  a  blanket,  which 
serves  in  those  countries  for  a  mantle  by  day  and  a 
bed  by  night.  What  befell  him  afterward,  we  do  not 
know, — whether  he  were  killed  by  the  enemies, 
whether  he  went  astray  in  the  woods,  whether  he 
died  of  cold  or  hunger,  or  were  betrayed  by  the  man 
who  gave  us  the  last  news  of  him  and  was  wearing 
his  spoils.^  It  is  certain  that  to  travel  in  those  coun- 
tries is  to  travel  in  periculis  fluminum,  periculis  latronum, 
etc.;  periculis  in  falsis  fratribus;  and  in  this  case  this 
is  the  most  probable,  not  to  say  certain ;  nor  is  it 
difficult  to  believe  of  an  Apostate  who  had  boasted, 
a  little  before,  that  he  would  kill  one  of  us.  Father 
Noel  was  of  the  Province  of  Toulouse.  He  died  at 
the  age  of  36  years,  19  in  Religion,  and  6  of  residence 
in  those  countries,  for  which  he  had  had  a  strong  voca- 
tion,—  but  not  indeed,  without  struggles.  After  4 
or  5  years  of  study  of  those  languages,  he  could 
hardly  make  himself  understood,  although  he  was 
not  deficient  in  either  talent  or  memory, — as  he  had 
shown  in  France,  where  he  had  taught  Rhetoric  with 
great  satisfaction .     What  mortification  [121  i.e.,  123] 


38  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES         [Vol.40 

ficatione  [121  i.e.,  123]  ad  vn'  huomo,  che  brugia  di 
zelo,  vederfi  nell'  impolTibilit^  d'  operare  per  difetto 
di  lingua ?  Secondo,  haueua  naturalmente  vna  grand' 
auerfione  al  viuere,  e  coftumi  de  Barbari  tra  '1 
fumo,  o  tra  le  neui  "k  giacer  "k  terra  tra  cani,  e  nello 
ftrepito  quafi  continue  de  grandi,  e  de  piccoli,  fenza 
poterli  ritirare  in  luogo  alcuno,  che  non  fofle  publico, 
fenz'  altra  luce  di  notte,  che  quella  d'  vn  fuoco  pieno 
di  fumo;  oltr'  i  pericoli  piii  che  quotidiani  di  cafcar 
nelle  mani  d'  vn  nimico,  che  non  hk  per  voi  altro, 
che  fuochi,  e  crudeltS,  inaudite.  Terzo.  Pareua, 
che  Dio  per  aggrauargli  la  Croce  lo  priuaffe  delle 
gratie  fenfibili,  abbandonandolo  al  difgufto,  &  alia 
triftezza  Non  e  quefta  vna  gran  proua,  maffime  fe 
dura  li  cinque,  e  li  fei  anni  intieri.^  Hor  tal  fii  quella 
di  quefto  feruo  di  Dio,  col  quale  per5  il  demonio  non 
guadagn5  mai  niente.  Gli  fuggeriua  ogni  di,  e  piii 
volte  il  dl.  Che  ritornando  in  Francia  vi  trouerebbe 
il  contento,  che  gli  mancaua,  e  temporale,  e  fpiritu- 
ale,  che  haueua  iui  altre  volte  fperimentato.  Che  vi 
trouerebbe  impieghi  proportionati  k  fuoi  talenti,  & 
inclinatione,  ne'  quali  feruirebbe  Dio  con  perfettione, 
e  fantitk,  come  tanti  altri,  k  Iui  forfe  in  molte  cofe 
inferiori  &c.  ma  non  folo  non  fi  rendeua  k  quelle 
fuggeftioni,  ma  per  attaccarfi  piu  ferma,  &  inuiolabil- 
mente  alia  S.  Croce.  Haueua  fatto  del  contrario  vn 
voto  in  quefta  forma.  Signor  mio  Giesii  Chrijio,  eke 
per  dispofitione particolare  della  vodra patertia prouidenza, 
tn  hauete,  ancorche  indeg?io,  fatto  coadiutore  de'  vojiri 
Santi  Apo^oli  in  que^a  vigna  degli  Hicroni;  mojfo  dal 


-1653]  BRESSANPS  RELATION,  j653  39 

to  a  man  who  burns  with  zeal,  to  see  himself  power- 
less to  produce  an  effect,  for  want  of  language! 
Secondly,  he  had  naturally  a  great  aversion  to  the 
manner  of  life  and  the  customs  of  the  Barbarians  — 
amid  the  smoke  or  amid  the  snows;  to  lie  down  on 
the  ground  among  dogs,  and  in  the  almost  continual 
din  of  great  and  small,  without  being  able  to  retreat 
to  any  place  which  was  not  public;  without  other 
light  by  night  than  that  of  a  fire  full  of  smoke, — 
besides  the  more  than  daily  perils  of  falling  into  the 
hands  of  an  enemy  who  has  for  you  nothing  but  fires 
and  unheard-of  cruelties.  Thirdly,  it  appeared  that 
God,  in  order  to  make  his  Cross  heavier,  deprived 
him  of  visible  graces  by  abandoning  him  to  disgust 
and  to  sadness.  Is  not  this  a  great  trial,  especially 
if  it  lasts  five  or  six  whole  years?  Now  such  was 
that  of  this  servant  of  God, —  with  whom,  however, 
the  demon  never  gained  aught.  He  suggested  to 
him  every  day,  and  many  times  a  day,  that  by 
returning  to  France  he  would  find  there  the  content- 
ment which  now  failed  him,  both  temporal  and 
spiritual,  which  he  had  experienced  there  in  the 
past ;  that  he  would  there  find  occupations  adapted 
to  his  talents  and  inclination,  wherein  he  would  serve 
God  to  perfection  and  with  holiness,  like  so  many 
others, — who  were,  perhaps,  in  many  respects  inferior 
to  himself,  etc.  But  not  only  did  he  not  yield  to 
these  suggestions,  but,  in  order  to  attach  himself 
more  firmly  and  inviolably  to  the  Holy  Cross,  he 
had,  on  the  contrary,  made  a  vow  in  this  form: 
My  Lord  Jesus  Christy — who  through  a  special  disposition 
of  your  fatherly  providence  have  made  me,  although 
unworthy,  a  coadjutor  of  your  Holy  Apostles  in  this 
vineyard  of    the    Hurons, —  moved   with    the   desire   of 


40  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES         [Vol.40 


dejiderio  di  feguire  /'  impiilfo  del  vojlro  Spirito  S.  nella 
promotione  de  Barbari  Hiironi;  lo  Natale  Chabanel  fb 
voto  alia  prefenza  del  Santifs.  Sacramento  del  Vojlro 
Saftti/s.  Corpo,  e  Sangue,  vera  Tabertiacolo  di  Dio  con 
gli  huornini,  di  perpetua  ^abilith  in  quejla  Mifjione  degli 
Huroni,  nel  modo,  che  i  Superiori  inierpretaranno,  i  quali 
diJj>orranno  fenipre  liberame?ite  di  me.  Vi  fupplico 
dunque  di  riceuermi  per  feruo  perpetuo  di  quejla  MiJJtoyie, 
Jacendomi  degno  d'  vn  si  Jublime  mini^erio.  que^o  dt  20. 
di  Giugno  1647.  giorno  del  Santijjimo  Sacramento. 

L*  vltima  volta,  che  parti  per  la  miffione  doue 
mort,  dicendo  Addio  al  fuo  Padre  fpirituale/  quefta 
volta  si  (diffej  fpero,  che  faro  da  douero  k  Dio,  ma 
con  vn'  accento  tale,  che  1'  altro  la  chiam5  voce 
d'  vna  vittima,  che  s'  immolaua,  &  aggiunfe  ad  vn 
terzo:  lo  non  so  i  difegni  di  Dio,  ma  vedo  bene,  che 
fa  vn  S.  Confefs5  ad  vn'  intimo  fuo,  che  li  setiua 
tutto  mutato,  e  che  efsedo  flato  fin'  allhora  timi- 
diffimo,  efponendofi  in  quel  viaggio  ad  euidetiflimi 
pericoli,  [122  i.e.,  124]  non  temeua  nulla.  Ma  quefta 
difpofitione,  gli  aggiunfe,  non  vien  da  me.  E  paflando 
il  di  ftelTo,  che  mori  per  la  Miffione  de  S.  Mattias, 
non  s6  fdille)  ad  vno  di  quel  Padri,  perche  1'  obedi- 
enza  mi  richiami,  ma  o  non  potro,  o  otterr6  di  ritor- 
nare  al  mio  pofto.  Bi[fo]gna  perfeuerare,  e  feruir  Dio 
fino  alia  morte,  la  quale  defideraua,  e  fperaua  ancor 
piti  dolorofa,  che  non  la  prou5.  Cos!  fcriueua  1'  anno 
inanzi  ad  vn  fuo  fratello  della  noftra  Copagnia  in 
Francia.  Poco,  dice,  ^  jnancato,  che  V.  R.  non  habbi 
hauuto  vn  fratello  martire.     Ma  Dio  domanda  per  que^o 


1653]  BRESSANPS  RELATION,  i653  41 


following  the  impulse  of  your  Holy  Spirit  in  the  advance- 
ment of  the  Huron  Barbarians,  I,  Noel  Chabanel,  viake  a 
^ow  —  in  the  presence  of  the  Most  Blessed  Sacrament  of 
Your  Most  Holy  Body  and  Blood,  true  Tabernacle  of  God 
with  men  —  of  perpetual  stability  in  this  Mission  of  the 
Hurons,  in  such  way  as  the  Superiors  shall  interpret,  who 
shall  always  freely  dispose  of  me.  I  beseech  you,  therefore, 
to  receive  me  for  a  perpetual  servant  of  this  Mission, 
making  me  worthy  of  so  sublime  a  ministry, —  this  day, 
the  20th  of  fune,  1647,  ^^^^  day  of  the  Most  Blessed 
Sacra^nent. 

The  last  time  when  he  started  for  the  mission 
where  he  died,  on  saying  Adieu  to  his  spiritual  Fa- 
ther, "  This  time  indeed"  (he  said),  "  I  hope  that  it 
will  be  in  very  truth  a  Dieu,'' — but  with  such  an 
accent  that  the  other  called  it  the  voice  of  a  victim 
going  to  be  sacrificed,  and  added  to  a  third  person : 
"  I  know  not  the  designs  of  God,  but  I  well  see  that 
he  is  training  a  Holy  Confessor. "  Father  Noel  said  to 
an  intimate  friend  that  he  felt  himself  quite  changed ; 
and  that, — although  he  had  been  until  that  time 
very  timid, —  in  exposing  himself  on  that  journey  to 
most  obvious  dangers,  [122  i.e.,  124]  he  feared  noth- 
ing. "  But  this  disposition,"  he  added,  "  does  not 
come  from  myself."  And,  passing  by  the  Mission 
of  St.  Matthieu,  on  the  very  day  when  he  died,  "  I 
know  not ' '  (he  said  to  one  of  those  Fathers)  ' '  why 
obedience  calls  me  back ;  but,  whether  or  not  I  shall 
obtain  permission  to  return  to  my  post,  it  is  neces- 
sary to  persevere,  and  serve  God  even  to  death," — 
which  he  desired  and  hoped  for,  of  even  a  more  pain- 
ful sort  than  he  found  it.  He  thus  wrote,  the  year 
before,  to  a  brother  of  his  in  our  Society  in  France: 
' '  But  little  was  lacking, ' '  he  says,  '  *  that  Your  Reverence 


42  LES  RELATIONS  DES  j£SUITES         [Vol.40 

vna  virtii  d'  vyi  altra  tempra,  che  la  fnia.  II  P.  Gabriel 
Lallement ,  vno  de  i  ire  vltimamente  vcciji,  haueua  meco 
mutato  vn  me fe  prima.  lo,  come  piii  robujio  fui  mandato 
ad  vna  mijjione  piii  lontana,  e  piu  faticofa,  ma  non  s\ 
fertile  in  palme,  come  guella,  della  quale  la  7nia  tepidezza 
m  hh  refo  indegno.  Sarh  quando  piacerh  a  Dio,  purche 
io  dal  canto  mio  non  manchi  tra  tanto  difar  martyrem 
in  vmbra,  &  martyrium  fine  fanguine.  //  furor 
degV  Hirochefi,  che  qui  rouina  ogni  cofa,  farh  forfi  vn  d\ 
il  re^o  per  i  7neriti  di  tanti  Santi,  co  i  quali  io  hb  la  con- 
folatione  di  viuer  in  grandijjima  pace,  ne'  continui pericoli 
della  vita  &c.  V.  R.  e  cote^i  Padri  della  Prouincia  Ji 
ricordino  di  me  all'  Altar e,  come  d'  vna  vittima  de^inata 
al  fuoco  degV  Hirochefi,  vt  m,erear  tot  San6loru>n  patro- 
cinio  vi6loriam  in  tarn  forti  certamine .  Dio  glie  la  diede 
nel  modo,  e  tempo,  che  meno  fperaua. 


■ 


1653]  BRESSANI'S  RELATION,  i6s3  43 

had  had  a  martyr  brother.  But  God  requires  for  this  a 
virtue  of  another  temper  than  mine.  Father  Gabriel 
Lallement ,  one  of  the  three  lately  killed,  had  exchanged 
with  me  a  month  before.  /,  as  being  more  robust,  was 
sent  to  a  more  distant  and  -more  fatiguing  mission,  but 
one  not  so  fruitful  in  victories  as  that  of  which  my 
lukewarmness  has  rendered  me  unworthy.  It  will  be 
when  God  shall  please,  provided  that  on  my  side  I 
meamvhile  fail  not,  among  so  many,  to  act  the  part  of  a 
martyrem  in  umbra,  et  martyrmm  sine  sanguine. 
The  fury  of  the  Hiroquois,  which  ruins  everything  here, 
will  perhaps  one  day  do  the  rest,  through  the  merits  of  so 
many  Saints, —  with  whom  I  have  the  consolation  of  living 
in  very  great  peace,  in  continual  dangers  to  life,  etc. 
May  Your  Reverence  and  those  Fathers  of  the  Province 
remember  me  at  the  A  Itar,  as  a  victim  destined  to  the  fire 
of  the  Hiroquois, —  ut  merear  tot  Sanctorum  patrocinio 
victoriam  in  tarn,  forti  certamine. ' '  God  gave  it  to  him, 
in  the  way  and  at  the  time  that  he  least  expected. 


44  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J^SUITES         [Vol.40 


CAPITOLO  OTTAVO. 

DESOLATIONE   DEL    PAESE    DEGLI    HURONI,  E  TRANSLA- 
TIONE  BELLA  MISSIONE  HURONA  A  KEBEK. 

LA  crudeltk  dal  Barbaro  vincitore  de  noftri  Chri- 
ftiani  nel  lor  proprio  paefe  getto  vn  tale  fpa- 
uento  ne'  loro  cuori,  clie  molti,  efuli  volontarij 
fe  ne  fuggirono  nel  piu  profondo  de  bof chi ;  altri  su 
i  fcogli  fterili  del  mar  dolce,  preferedo  i  precipitij, 
e  gli  abifli  al  fuoco  de  gl'  Hirochefi;  altri  hebbero 
ricorfo  ad  vna  natione,  che  chiamauamo  neutra,  per 
flare  all'  hora  in  pace  con  ambedue ;  altri  alle  mon- 
tagne  di  quella  del  Tabacco.  I  pochi,  che  reftauano, 
ci  efortorno  di  reftar  feco  fenza  slontanarci  piii/ 
gl'  infedeli  promettendoci  di  farfi  tutti  Chriftiani,  &  i 
Cbriftiani  d'  effer  coftanti  nella  Fede  fino  alia  morte. 
Noi  per  accomodarci  a  tutti ;  alcuni  andammo  dietro  k 
i  fuggitiui  suli  fcogli  del  mar  dolce,  e  ne  [123  i.e.,  125] 
bofcbi  da  300.  e  piii  miglia  per  confolarli,  e  coltiuare 
in  elTi  la  Fede  ancor  naf  cente;  altri  alle  montagne  del 
Tabacco;  II  refto  c'  impiegammo,  vt  disperfos  congre- 
garemus  iii  vnum,  vnendoci  k  quei  pochi,  che  con 
inftanza  ci  domandauano,  con  fperanza  di  ridurne 
degli  altri  Haueuano  quefli  fcelta  per  lor  refugio  vn' 
Kola  nel  mar  dolce,  24  o  25.  miglia  lontano  da  noi. 
Ci  bifogn6  dunque  fcafare  per  feguitarli,  e  metter 
noi  fteffi  il  fuoco  a  quel  poco,  che  nello  fpatio  di  9.  5 


1653]  BRESSANI'S  RELATION,  i6s3  45 


CHAPTER    EIGHTH. 

DESOLATION   OF   THE  COUNTRY  OF   THE    HURONS,  AND 
REMOVAL  OF  THE  HURON  MISSION  TO  KEBEK. 

THE  cruelty  of  the  Barbarian  conqueror  of  our 
Christians  in  their  own  country  threw  such  a 
terror  into  their  hearts  that  many,  voluntary 
exiles,  fled  to  the  farthest  depth  of  the  woods ;  others, 
upon  the  barren  rocks  of  the  fresh- water  sea, — pre- 
ferring precipices  and  abysses  to  the  fire  of  the  Hiro- 
quois.  Others  had  recourse  to  a  nation  which  we 
called  "  neutral,"  since  it  was  then  at  peace  with 
both  sides ;  others,  to  the  mountains  of  the  Tobacco 
nation.  The  few  who  remained  exhorted  us  to  stay 
with  them,  without  retreating  farther, — the  infidels 
promising  us  all  to  become  Christians,  and  the  Chris- 
tians to  be  constant  in  the  Faith  until  death.  That 
we  might  accommodate  all,  some  of  us  went  back  to 
the  fugitives  on  the  rocks  of  the  fresh-water  sea,  and 
into  the  [123  i.e.,  125]  woods,  300  miles  and  more, 
to  console  them,  and  to  cultivate  in  them  the  still 
incipient  Faith;  others,  to  the  mountains  of  the 
Tobacco  nation.  The  rest  of  us  employed  ourselves 
ut  dispersos  congregaremus  in  unum, — uniting  our- 
selves with  those  few,  who  urgently  asked  us,  in  the 
hope  of  winning  back  others  of  the  scattered  people. 
These  had  chosen  for  their  refuge  an  Island  in  the 
fresh-water  sea,  24  or  25  miles  distant  from  us.  We 
were  therefore  obliged  to  go  forth  to  follow  them, 


46  LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES         [Vol.40 

lo.  anni  haueuamo  eretto,  di  cafa,  e  di  Chief  a,  per 
paura,  che  i  nemici  non  profanaffero  quel  luoghi  di 
Santit^.  Chiamammo  quefl'  Kola  di  S.  Giofeppe,  e 
la  refidenza  fiffa,  che  ci  trasferimmo,  la  Refidenza  di 
S.  Maria,  col  nome  della  prima.  Quefli  bofchi  intatti 
forli  dal  principio  del  mondo  ci  riceuerono,  e  ci 
fomminiftrorno  materia  per  fortificarci  con  i  noftri 
Barbari  contro  i  communi  nemici.  Vt  fine  timore 
inimicorum  literati,  feruiffimo  al  commun  Signore. 
Haueuamo  con  noi  alcuni  fecolari  al  numero  di  40. 
che  per  diuotione  fenza  fperanza  d'  alcuna  ricopenfa 
temporale  feruiuano  quefta  Miffione,  facendo  ogni 
forte  di  meftiero,  ciafcuno  fecondo  la  propria  capa- 
city, e  tutti  quello  di  foldato,  per  difender  quel  poueri 
fuggitiui  dair  incurfioni  di  quei  fpietati.  Tutti  con 
i  Barbari  s'  impiegarono  talmente  all'  opra,  che  in  vna 
ftate  ci  trouammo  regolarmente  difefi  con  i  noflri 
Chriftiani,  i  quali  in  breue  iui  concorfero  da  varie 
parti  per  potere  con  ficurezza,  e  facility  riceuere  1'  in- 
ftruttioni  neceflarie  per  la  conferuatione,  &  augu- 
mento  della  lor  fede.  Ma  non  v'  e  in  quefta  vita 
bene  alcuno  fenza  contrapefo  di  qualche  male. 
Quefto  gran  concorfo,  che  era  il  fine  di  tutti  i  noflri 
trauagli,  porto  feco  in  parte  la  rouina  del  paefe,  che 
ellendo  nuouo,  e  non  hauendo  potuto  effer'  k  baftanza 
coltiuato  in  si  breue  tempo,  maffime  da  gente  fame- 
lica,  &  occupata  inlieme  ad  alloggiarfi,  e  fortificarfi, 
non  pote  portar'  affai  di  che  nutrire  tanta  gente 
affamata,  &  oppreffa  da  mille  difagi,  che  haueuano 
cominciato    1'    anno   inanzi.      Onde    non    oltante    le 


1653]  BRESSANPS  RELATION,  i6s3  47 

and  ourselves  to  set  fire  to  that  little  which  we  had 
built  up  in  the  space  of  9  or  10  years,  in  the  way  of  a 
house  and  a  Church,  fearing  lest  the  enemies  should 
profane  those  places  of  Holiness.  We  called  this 
Island  St.  Joseph ;  and  the  fixed  residence,  which  we 
transferred  thither,  by  the  name  of  the  first, — the 
Residence  of  Ste.  Marie.  These  forests,  unbroken, 
perhaps,  from  the  beginning  of  the  world,  received 
us  and  furnished  us  materials  for  fortifying  ourselves, 
together  with  our  Barbarians,  against  our  common 
enemies, — Ut  sine  timore  inimicorwm  liberati,  we  might 
serve  our  common  Lord.  We  had  with  us  some 
laymen,  to  the  number  of  40,  who  from  devotion, 
without  hope  of  any  temporal  recompense,  served  this 
Mission;  plying  every  sort  of  trade,  each  one  accord- 
ing to  his  proper  capacity, — and  all,  that  of  soldier, 
in  order  to  defend  those  poor  fugitives  from  the 
incursions  of  those  pitiless  foes.  All,  with  the  Bar- 
barians, so  applied  themselves  to  the  work  that  in 
one  summer  we  found  ourselves  regularly  defended, 
as  well  as  our  Christians,  who  in  a  short  time  gath- 
ered thither  from  various  quarters,  so  that  they  could 
receive  with  safety  and  facility  the  instructions  neces- 
sary for  the  preservation  and  increase  of  their  faith. 
But  there  is  not  in  this  life  any  good  without  its 
counterpoise  of  some  evil.  This  great  concourse, 
which  was  the  culmination  of  all  our  labors,  brought 
with  it,  in  part,  the  ruin  of  the  country,  which,  as  it 
was  new,  and  could  not  be  sufficiently  cultivated  in 
so  short  a  time, —  especially  by  starving  people,  and 
those  occupied,  besides  in  housing  and  fortifying 
themselves, —  could  not  yield  enough  to  feed  so  many 
people,  famished,  and  oppressed  by  a  thousand 
misfortunes  which  had  begun  the  year  before.     In 


48 


LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  /^SUITES         [Vol.  40 


molte  limofme,  che  facemmo  di  800.  facchi,  la  met^ 

di  gran  turchefco,  la  metk  di  ghiande,  che  fi  ftimauano 

in  quel  tempo  cofa  delitiofa,  e  ce  le  leuauamo  noi 

fleffi  dalla  bocca;  non  potemmo  impedire,  che  non 

ne  morifTero  1'  inuerno  le  centinaia,   e  centinaia  di 

fame.     L'  eflate  molti  haueuano  piu  tofto  differita  la 

morte,  che  prolongata  la  vita,  viuendo,  6  ne'  bofchi 

di  poche  radiche  amare,  e  frutti  faluatichi;  b  sii  i 

fcogli  di  qualche  pefciolino,  che  come  alia  sfuggita 

pefcauano  per  timore  de  nemici.     Ma  [124  i.e.,  126] 

r  Inuerno,  che  la  terra  era  coperta  di  6.  o  7.  palmi  di 

neue,  &  i  laghi,    e   fiumi   agghiacciati   non  potendo 

hauere  alcun  foccorfo,  ne  dalla  terra,  ne  dall'  acqua; 

fi   riduffero  ad  vn'   eflrema  miferia      Era  cofa  fpa- 

uentofa  il  vedere  in  vece  d'  huomini,  fcheletri  mori- 

bondi,  caminar  piu  come  ombre  di  morti,  che  come 

corpi  de'  viui;  e  nutrirfi  di  quel  che  la  natura  ha  piu 

in  horrore.-  diffotterrare  i  cadaueri,  (che  noi  fotterra- 

uamo  con  le  noftre  mani,  mancando  fpeffo  i  parenti 

de  morti  di  forze  per  farloj  per  cibarfene,  e  mangiare 

i  refli  delle  volpi,  e  de  cani.      Quid  non  mortalia  peclo- 

ra  cogis  facra  fames  ?     Gli  Huroni  prima  d'  hauer  la 

luce  della   Fede   e  vero,    che   mangiauano  i  cadaueri 

de'  loro  nemici,  ma  hebbero  fempre  horrore  di  man- 

giarfi  tra  di  loro  niente  meno,  che  gli  Europei.     Ma 

in   quell:a   occafione    la   neceffit^  oltrapafso   tutte   le 

leggi :  qualche  fratello  ha  magiato  il  morto  fratello : 

qualche  madre   i  morti   figli,  &  i   figli  doppo  morte 

non  riconofceuano,   ne  rifpettauano   i   cadaueri  de' 

proprij  padri.     Era  vn   fpettacolo  afifai  frequente  di 


1653]  BRESSANPS  RELATION,  ibs3  49 

consequence,  notwithstanding  the  many  alms  that  we 
gave, —  800  bags,  half  of  turkish  corn,  half  of  acorns, 
which  at  that  time  were  esteemed  a  delicious  article, 
and  which  we  ourselves  took  from  our  own  mouths, — 
we  could  not  prevent  hundreds  and  hundreds  of  them 
from  dying  in  the  winter  by  hunger.  In  the  sum- 
mer, many  had  rather  postponed  death  than  prolonged 
life,  by  living  either  in  the  woods  on  a  few  bitter 
roots  and  wild  fruits ;  or  on  the  rocks,  on  some  little 
fish, —  which  they  caught,  as  it  were,  by  stealth,  for 
fear  of  the  enemies.  But  [124  i.e.,  126]  in  the  win- 
ter,—  when  the  earth  was  covered  with  6  or  7  palms 
of  snow,  and  the  lakes  and  rivers  were  frozen, — un- 
able to  obtain  any  succor  from  either  the  land  or  the 
water,  they  were  reduced  to  an  extreme  misery.  It 
was  a  frightful  thing  to  see,  instead  of  men,  dying 
skeletons,  walking  more  like  shadows  of  the  dead 
than  like  bodies  of  the  living;  and  feeding  them- 
selves on  that  which  nature  has  most  in  abomina- 
tion,—  exhuming  the  corpses  (which  we  buried  with 
our  own  hands,  the  relatives  of  the  dead  often  lack- 
ing the  strength  to  do  so),  in  order  to  nourish  them- 
selves therewith,  and  eat  the  leavings  of  foxes  and 
dogs.  Quid  non  -trior t alia  pectora  cogis,  sacra  fames  ?  It 
is  true  that  the  Hurons,  before  having  the  light  of 
the  Faith,  ate  the  dead  bodies  of  their  enemies;  but 
they  always  had,  no  less  than  the  Europeans,  a  horror 
of  eating  one  another,  among  their  own  people. 
But  on  this  occasion  necessity  exceeded  all  laws:  a 
certain  brother  ate  his  dead  brother;  a  mother,  her 
dead  sons;  and  the  sons,  after  death,  did  not  recog- 
nize or  respect  the  corpses  of  their  own  fathers.  It 
was  a  quite  frequent  spectacle  to  see  two  little 
children  still  sucking  the  dry  breasts  of  their  dead 


50  LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  /^SUITES         [Vol.  40 

veder  due  bambini  fucchiar  ancor  le  fecche  mamelle 
della  morta  madre,  le  madri  fpirar  con  i  figli  nel  feno, 
6  vederli  morir  alia  mammella,  che  offeriuano  anche  k 
i  piu  grandi  vn  dopo  1'  altro  per  tirarne  piii  toflo  il 
fangue,  che  il  latte,  ma  con  refignatione  si  grande,  e 
si  chrifliana,  che  tiraua  dagli  occhi  lagrime  non  meno 
di  copaffione,  che  di  deuotione.  Habbiam  veduto 
venire  i  moribondi  da  loro  flelTi  h.  domandarci  il  Bat- 
tefimo  per  paffaporto  dell'  altra  vita;  benedicendoci 
in  vn  tepo,  che  pareua,  che  1'  impatieza  gli  douelTe 
tirare  ogni  maledittione  dalla  bocca.  Molti  ci  prega- 
uano,  che  li  fotterraffimo  ancor  fpiranti,  per  paura 
d'  effer  diuorati  da'  fuoi,  o  almeno  lafciati  nudi,  cofa, 
che  ftimano  piu  obbrobriofa  in  morte,  che  in  vita. 
Le  iftruttioni,  le  prediche,  1'  amminiftrationi  de 
Sacramenti,  mai  fono  flate  piti  frequent! ,  ne  riceuute 
con  piii  deuotione  non  folo  le  fefte,  ma  i  giorni  anche 
di  lauoro,  quefle  con  le  vifite  degli  ammalati,  e  fepol- 
tura  de  morti  erano  le  occupation!  quotidiane  de  noftri 
Padri.  S'  aggiiageua  a  quefti  mali  il  timore  de 
nemici,  che  ci  faceua  vegliar  le  notti  intiere,  per  no 
effer  come  1'  anno  inanzi  prefi  all'  improuifo.  Ma 
egli  fapendo  le  fortificationi  fatte,  e  la  vigilanza,  & 
ordine,  che  fi  guardaua  nell'  Kola,  volto  le  armi 
altroue,  come  s'  e  vifto.  Molti,  che  aiutati  dalle 
noflre  limofme  fcamporno  il  flagello  della  fame, 
furono  affaliti  da  vn  mal  contagiofo,  che  in  pochi  di 
fece  gra  flrage,  maffime  ne'  putti.  Non  vi  reftaua 
piii  che  la  guerra  per  rouinarli  affatto,  e  quefta  non 
manco,  e  cosi  furono  nell'  ifteffo  tepo  [125  i.e.,  127] 


1653]  BRESSANPS  RELATION,  i6s3  51 

mother,  the  mothers  dying  with  their  children  in 
their  laps ;  or  to  see  them  die  at  the  breast,  which 
was  offered  even  to  the  largest,  one  after  the  other, 
to  draw  thence  blood  rather  than  milk, —  but  with  sa 
great  and  so  Christian  resignation  that  it  drew  from 
the  eyes  tears,  no  less  of  compassion  than  of  devo- 
tion. We  have  seen  the  dying  come  of  their  own 
accord  to  ask  from  us  Baptism,  as  a  passport  to  the 
other  life, — blessing  us  at  a  time  when  it  seemed  that 
impatience  should  have  drawn  every  malediction  from 
their  lips.  Many  begged  us  to  bury  them  while  still 
breathing,  for  fear  of  being  devoured  by  their  peo- 
ple, or  at  least  left  naked, — a  thing  which  they  esteem 
more  shameful  in  death  than  in  life.  Instructions, 
sermons,  administrations  of  the  Sacraments,  were 
never  more  frequent;  nor  had  they  received  with 
more  devotion  not  only  the  feasts,  but  also  the  work- 
ing days ;  these,  with  visits  to  the  sick  and  the  burial 
of  the  dead,  were  the  daily  occupations  of  our  Fa- 
thers. To  these  evils  was  added  the  fear  of  the 
enemies,  which  caused  us  to  watch  whole  nights,  in 
order  not  to  be  taken  unawares,  as  in  the  year  before. 
But  they,  knowing  the  fortifications  that  were  made, 
and  the  vigilance  and  order  which  were  observed  on 
the  Island,  turned  their  arms  elsewhere,  as  was  seen. 
Many  who,  aided  by  our  alms,  escaped  the  scourge 
of  hunger,  were  attacked  by  a  contagious  disease, 
which  in  a  few  days  made  great  slaughter,  especially 
among  the  children.  There  remained  nothing  but 
war  to  ruin  them  altogether,  and  this  failed  not ;  and 
thus  they  were  at  the  same  time  [125  i.e.,  127]  smit- 
ten with  all  three  scourges.  For,  as  soon  as  the  ice 
began  to  melt  and  the  earth  to  become  bare,  our 
dying  people  went  out  from  the  Island,  in  which  they 


52  LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  J&SUITES         [Vol.  40 

percolTi  da  tutti  tre  i  flagelli;  imperoche  fubito,  chi  i 
ghiacci  cominciorno  ^  liquefarfi,e  la  terra  ^  fcoprirli,  i 
noftri  moribodi  vfcirono  dall'  Kola,  nella  quale  erano 
aflediati  dalla  fame,  per  cercarui  rimedio  nell*  acqua 
CO  qualche  forte  di  pefca.  Ma  doue  penfauano  di 
ritrouar  la  vita,  vi  riceuerno,  6  la  fchiauitudine,  5  la 
morte,  e  per  no  morir  di  fame,  molti  morirono  di 
fuoco,  prefi  da  nemici.  che  gl'  inueftiuano  da  per 
tutto,  maffime  di  notte  fenz'  alcuna  refiftenza,  effedo  i 
noftri  Huroni  diuifi  in  varie  truppe  per  neceffitk,  e 
carichi  di  donne,  e  fanciulli,  che  non  feruiuano  fe 
non  per  augumentar  lo  fpauento,  e  la  confufione. 
Venne  di  piii  nuoua  di  due  truppe  nemiche,  cbe  veni- 
uano,  vna  per  dar  il  guafto  "k  i  capi,  1'  altra  alia  gete. 
Due  de  piii  antichi  Capitani  venero  k  trouarci  in 
fegreto,  e  tennero  al  Superiore  con  alcuni  altri  Padri, 
quefto  difcorfo.  Fratello,  i  tuoi  occhi  /'  ingdnano, 
mefttre  ci  riguardi.  Tu  penfi  veder  huomini  vitii,  e  not 
non  fiamo  altro,  che  spettri,  &  a^iime  de  morti.  Quejla 
Terra,  che  calchi  ?ion  e  ferma,  s'  aprir a  quanta  prima  per 
itigoiarci,  e  ntetterci  trh  morti,  tra  qiiali  perb  gih  ci  con- 
tiamo.  QueSla  notte  in  vn  confeglio  fegreto  s'  e  rifoluto 
d'  abbandonarla  prima,  che  s'  apra.  Gli  vni  Ji  ritirano 
ne'  bo f chi,  Jiifnddoji  piii  Jicuri  trh  le  fiere,  cJi  ejpojli 
air  Hiroche/e;  altri  fe  ne  vamio  d  6.  giornate  verfo  il 
Settentr.  sii  i  fcogli  del  mar  dolce  in  compagnia  degli 
Algonchini;  altri  alia  nuoua  Suetla  500.  miglia  disidte; 
altri  dicojto  publicamente,  che  vogliono  menar  le  lor  mogli, 
e  figli,  loro  fteffi  al  paefe  de'  nemici,  doue  trouardno  vna 
grd  parte  de  lor  pareti  prigioni,  i  quali  gli  efortano  alia 


1653]  BRESSANPS  RELATION,  i653  h% 

had  been  besieged  by  hunger,  in  order  to  seek  for 
its  relief,  in  the  water  there,  certain  kinds  of  fish. 
But,  where  they  thought  to  recover  life,  they  received 
there  either  slavery  or  death ;  and,  instead  of  dying 
by  hunger,  many  died  by  fire.  These  were  seized 
by  the  enemies,  who  were  surrounding  them  on  all 
sides,  especially  at  night,  without  any  resistance, — 
our  Hurons  being  divided  into  several  bands,  from 
necessity;  and  burdened  with  women  and  children, 
who  served  only  to  augment  the  terror  and  the  con- 
fusion. Moreover,  there  came  news  of  two  hostile 
bands  that  were  on  their  way  to  make  havoc,  one 
with  the  fields,  the  other  with  the  people.  Two 
of  the  eldest  Captains  came  to  find  us,  in  secret; 
and  to  the  Superior,  in  company  with  certain 
other  Fathers,  they  made  the  following  speech: 
Brother^  thhie  eyes  deceive  thee  when  thou  lookest  at  us; 
Thou  think  est  that  thou  seest  living  men,  and  we  are 
nothing  but  ghosts,  and  souls  of  the  dead.  This  La7td 
which  thou  treadest  is  not  solid;  it  will  open  very  soon  to 
swallow  us,  and  to  put  us  among  the  dead,  among  whom, 
we  therefore  already  reckon  ourselves.  This  night,  in  a 
secret  council,  it  has  been  resolved  to  abajidon  it  before  it 
opens.  Some  retreat  to  the  woods,  accounting  themselves 
more  secure  among  the  wild  beasts  than  when  exposed  to 
the  Hiroquois;  others  are  going  away,  6  days'  journey 
toward  the  North,  upon  the  rocks  of  the  fresh-water  sea, 
in  company  with  the  Algonquins;  others  to  new  Sweden, 
500  m.iles  distant.  Still  others  openly  say  that  they 
thefnselves  will  take  their  wives  and  children  to  the  country 
of  the  enemies,  where  they  will  find  ^nany  of  their  captive 
kinsmen,  who  exhort  them  to  flight  unless  they  will  utterly 
perish.  And  what  wilt  thou  do  alone,  forsaken  by  all,  in 
this  Island?     Hast  thou  come  here  for  the  cultivation  of 


54  LES  RELATIONS  DES  j£SUITES         [Vol.40 

fuga,  fe  no  voglio  affatto  perire.  E  tu  che  farai  folo, 
abbddonato  da  tiitti  in  queji'  Ifola?  Set  tu  qui  venuto  per 
la  cultura  della  terra,  b  delV  anime?  Vuoi  tu  predicar 
la  fede  h  que^i  querci,  b  a  quejii  pini?  quejli  laghi,  e 
que^i  fiumi  ha7i  forji  orecchie  per  a/coltarti,  b  intelletto 
per  intenderti?  Done  anderai?  chifeguirai?  puoi  tu  forJi 
accompagnar  vn popolo,  che  Jl  dijjipa  in  tati  paefi?  la  mag- 
gior  parte  di  que^i  fuggitiui  trouera  la  morte,  doue  crede 
trouar  la  vita,  ma  quando  tu  liauefji  cento  corpiper  diuiderti 
in  cento  luoghi,  tu  non  lo  potrejii  fare  fenz'  ejjergligraue, 
&  onero/o,  e  ben  pre^o  in  horrore.  La  fame  gli  accom- 
pagyiarh  da  per  tutto,  e  non  Ji  efentaranno  dal  fiagello 
della  guerra,  Che  ri^nedio?  habbi  cuore,  e  te  lo  mofira- 
remo.  Guarda  verfo  Kebe^,  e  lo  vedrai.  Arditamete 
intraprendilo,  e  lo  farai  feliceniente.  Tu  deui  faluar  i 
refii  di  quefio  rouinato  paefe.  Pigliaci  ttelle  jnani  tu  che 
did,  che  ci  porti  nel  cuore.  N'  hai  vifii  piii  di  lo.  ntila 
morti  a  tuoi  piedi,  fe  a/petti  acor  vn  poco,  no  ve  ne  refla- 
rh.  neffuno,  &  inuano  f  affliggerai  [126  i.e.,  128]  di  non 
hauer  faluato  almeno  quel,  che  poteui.  Non  bifogna  piii 
confultare,  bifogna  partire,  e  tra(j)ortar  quefle  reliquie 
della  Chief  a  Hurona  alV  ombra  del  forte  di  Kebeh,  e 
quanta  prima,  gia,  che  ogn  vn  fugge  per  non  aspettar 
r  arriuo  del  nemico.  lui  la  nofira  Fede  non  folo  non 
pericolarh,  anzi  s'  auuiuarh,  vedendo  gli  efempi  degli 
Algonchini,  e  de  France  ft,  e  le  loro  car  it  h  ci  aiutaranno,  e 
quando  non  potejfero,  b  non  voleffero,  e  ci  bifognoffe  iui 
morire,  hauremo  almeno  que^a  confolatione  di  non  morire 
abbandonati  ne'  bofchi,  m.a  vicini  ci  chi  ci  rincori  in  quel 
duro  paffaggio  fenza  pregiuditio  della  nofira  Fede,  che 
piii  fiimiamo,  che  la  vita. 


1653]  BRESSANI'S  RELATION,  i6ss  55 

the  earth,  or  of  souls  ?  Wilt  thou  preach  the  faith  to 
these  oaks  or  these  pines  ?  Have  perhaps  these  lakes  and 
these  rivers  ears  to  listen  to  thee,  or  sense  to  understand 
thee  ?  Where  zvilt  thou  go  ?  Whom  wilt  thou  follow  ? 
Canst  thou  perchance  accompany  a  people  which  scatters 
itself  into  so  many  countries  ?  Most  of  these  fugitives 
will  find  death,  where  they  think  to  find  life;  but  though 
thou  hadst  a  hundred  bodies,  to  divide  thyself  in  a  hundred 
places:  thou  couldst  not  do  so  without  being  heavy  and 
burdensome  to  them,  and,  soon,  even  an  object  of  hatred. 
Hunger  will  attend  them,  everywhere,  and  they  will  not  be 
exeynpted  from,  the  scourge  of  war.  What  is  the  remedy  f 
Have  courage,  and  we  will  show  it  thee;  look  toward 
Kebek,  and  thou  zvilt  see  it.  Undertake  it  ardently,  ajid 
thou  wilt  effect  it  successfully.  Thou  must  save  the 
remains  of  this  ruined  country.  Take  us  into  thy  hands, 
thou  who  say  est  that  thou  bear  est  us  in  thy  heart.  Thou 
hast  seen  m,ore  than  lo  thousand  of  us  dead  at  thy  feet; 
if  thou  wait  a  little  longer,  not  one  of  us  will  be  left  to 
thee;  and  vainly  thou  wilt  grieve  [126  i.e.,  128]  for  not 
having  saved  at  least  what  thou  couldst.  It  is  not 
necessary  to  deliberate  longer;  it  is  necessary  to  depart, 
and  to  convey  these  remains  of  the  Huron  Church  to  the 
shadozv  of  the  fort  of  Kebek, —  and  that  as  soon  as 
possible,  now  that  every  one  is  fleeing,  in  order  not  to  await 
the  arrival  of  the  enemy.  There  our  Faith  will  not  only 
not  be  in  danger,  but,  on  the  contrary,  it  will  revive  by 
seeing  the  examples  of  the  Algonquins  and  the  French; 
and  their  charities  will  help  us.  But  even  if  they  could 
not  or  would  not,  and  if  we  must  die  there,  we  would  at 
least  have  this  consolation,  of  dying  not  abandoned  in  the 
woods,  but  near  one  who  may  encourage  us  in  that  trying 
passage,  without  prejudice  to  our  Faith,  which  we  esteem, 
more  than  life. 


56  LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  J  ^SUITES         [Vol.  40 

II  negotio  era  troppo  importante  per  non  penfarci, 
e  ne  vn  dl,  ne  due,  ne  dieci  baftauano  per  conclu- 
derlo.  Lafciar'  vn  paefe  tanto  deliderato,  tanto 
cercato,  doue  ogn'  vnohaueuail  fuocuore;  Paefe,  che 
riguardauamo,  come  la  chiaue  di  tante  miffioni  ^  mille 
popoli  fconofciuti,  e  doue  attualmente  haueuamo, 
oltre  6.  miffioni  della  lingua  Hurona,  5.  per  diuerfe 
nationi  d'  Algoncliini  non  era  piccol  negotio.  Dall' 
altro  canto  le  raggioni  de'  Barbari  ci  pareuano  fenza 
replica,  e  conuincenti.  Che  fare?  Raddoppiamo 
le  noflre  diuotioni  con  1'  oratione  delle  40.  hore. 
Coir  oratione  cofultiamo  il  Cielo,  e  con  frequenti 
confulte  conferiamo  tra  noi  le  15.  e  20.  volte  aflai  k 
lungo;  fempre  ci  pare,  che  Dio  habbi  parlato  per  la 
bocca  di  quei  Capitani.  Diceuano  la  veritk:  il  paefe 
degli  Huroni  no  era  piu  altro,  che  vn  luogo  d'  hor- 
rore,  e  di  carnificina,  e  pareua  inhabitabile  ad  altri, 
che  alle  furie  dell'  Inferno.  Douunq;  riguardauamo 
per  ritirarci,  e  ceder  alle  miferie  del  tempo,  v'  inco- 
trauamo,  e  fame,  e  guerra/  e  per  altro  fperauamo 
poterne  faluar  molti  vicino  alle  habitationi  Francefl 
con  maggior  facilita  d'  inftruirli  nella  Fede,  nella 
quale  erano  ancor  nuotii.  Bifogno  dunque  renderfi/ 
tutti  d'  vn  commun  confenfo  contro  la  propria  incli- 
natione,  confeffandofi  conuinti  dalle  raggioni  de 
Barbari.  E  perche  il  nemico  non  dormiua,  bifogn5 
affrettarne  1'  efecutione  al  pofTibile,  prima,  che  ci 
tendeffe  infidie  per  il  camino.  Abbandonammo  dun- 
que, ma  non  fenza  lagrime,  quel  caro  paefe,  che 
inaffiato  felicemente  co  i   fudori,   e   col    fangue  de' 


1653]  BRESSANPS  RELATION,  i653  57 


This  transaction  was  too  important  not  to  require 
thought,  and  neither  one  day  nor  two,  nor  ten,  were 
sufficient  to  settle  it.     To  leave  a  country  so  much 
desired,  so  much  sought  after,  where  each  one  had 
his  heart, — a  Country  which  we  regarded  as  the  key 
to  so  many  missions  to  a  thousand  unknown  peoples; 
and  where  we  actually  had,  besides  6  missions  in  the 
Huron   language,    5    for   various  nations  of  Algon- 
quins, — was  not  a  small  affair.     On  the  other  side, 
the  reasons  of  the  Barbarians  appeared  to  us  unan- 
swerable and  convincing.     What   was  to   be   done? 
We  redouble  our  devotions,   together  with   the  40 
hours'   prayer.     With    prayer    we    consult    Heaven; 
and  with  frequent  deliberations  we  confer  among  our- 
selves, 15   or  20  times,   at  considerable  length.     It 
ever  appears  to  us  that  God  has  spoken  by  the  mouth 
of  those  Captains.     They  were  telling  the  truth ;  the 
country  of  the  Hurons  was  no  longer  aught  else  than 
a  place  of  horror  and  of  slaughter,   and   appeared 
uninhabitable    to    others   than   the    furies   of   Hell. 
Whithersoever  we  looked,  that  we  might  retire,  and 
yield  to  the   miseries  of  the   time,  we  encountered 
both  hunger  and  war;  and,  besides,  we  hoped  to  be 
able  to  save  many  of  them  when  near  the  French 
settlements,    with  greater   facilities   for   instructing 
them  in  the  Faith,  in  which  they  were  still  new.     It 
was  therefore  necessary  to  yield, — all  with  a  common 
consent,     though     against     their     own     inclination, 
acknowledging   themselves   convinced   by  the    Bar- 
barians' reasons.     And  because  the  enemy  was  not 
asleep,  it  was  necessary  to  hasten  the  execution  of 
the  plan  to  the  utmost,  before  he  laid  snares  for  us 
by   the    way.     We    abandoned,    therefore,    but   not 
without  tears,   that  dear  country,  which,   blessedly 


58  LES  RELATIONS  DES  jASUITES         [Vol.40 

noftri  fratelli,  ci  prometteua  vna  copiofa  meffe,  e  ci 
daua  k  tutti  fperanza  d'  imitarli,  e  in  vita,  e  in  morte. 
L'  vnica  nollra  confolatione  fii  di  menar  con  noi  circa 
300.  perfone  d'  vna  natione  altre  volte  popolatiffima, 
rouinata  quafi  affatto  nel  tempo,  che  era  piu  fedele  k 
Dio,  il  quale  ne  haueua  tirati  i  fuoi  eletti,  e  fpopo- 
lando  qiiella  Terra,  liaiieua  popolato  il  [127  i.e.,  129] 
Cielo,  arricchito  delle  noftre  perdite.  Quefti  infelici 
refti  de  diuini  flagelli  nella  perdita  de  beni,  della 
Patria,  e  de'  parenti  no  han  perfa  la  Fede,  la  quale 
queft'  vltimo  anno  era  ftata  communicata  col  S.  Bat- 
telimo  k  piu  di  tremila  perfone,  che  hora  ne  poffe- 
dono,  come  fperiamo,  il  frutto  in  Paradifo.  Partimmo 
dagli  Huroni  al  principio  di  Maggio,  e  doppo  900. 
miglia  di  camino,  varij  difagi,  e  pericoli,  e  fpeffi. 
naufragij  arriuamo  finalmente  tutti  k  Kebek  con  per- 
fetta  fanitk  li  28.  di  Luglio  1650.  done  poco  doppo  circa 
altri  300.  ci  hano  feguitati.  Qui  acorche  1'  Illuftrifs. 
Gouernatore,  qualche  particolare,  &  i  due  Monafherij 
di  Monache  fi  fiano  caricati  fopra  le  loro  forze,  d'  al- 
cune  poche  famiglie,  nondimeno  il  forte  del  pefo  e 
caduto  fopra  le  noftre  fpalle,  che  ci  fiamo  di  buon 
cuore  caricati  dello  fpirituale,  e  temporale  del  refto, 
che  Dio  non  lafcia  fin'  hora  morir  di  fame.  M^  e 
bifognato  per  queflo  fcaricar  la  miffione  d'  alcuni 
operarij,  maffime  non  effendo  in  quefta  paucity  di 
gente,  come  prima  neceffarij.  Che  fe  il  Lettore  mi 
domandaff e,  che  diuerrk  quefta  milTione ;  fe  fi  rimet- 
ter^  vn  giorno;  fe  v'  e  fperanza  di  ritorno  per  gli 
Huroni,  e  per  i  noftri.     lo  gli  rifponderei,  che  ludi- 


1653]  BRESSANrS  RELATION,  ib53  59 

watered  with  the  sweat  and  the  blood  of  our  breth- 
ren, was  promising  us  an  abundant  harvest,  and  was 
giving  all  of  us  the  hope  of  imitating  them,  both  in 
life  and  in  death.  Our  only  consolation  was  to  take 
with  us  about  300  persons  of  a  nation  formerly  most 
populous,  but  now  almost  utterly  ruined,  at  the  time 
when  it  was  most  faithful  to  God, —  who  had  drawn 
from  it  his  elect,  and  by  depopulating  that  Land, 
had  peopled  [127  i.e.,  129]  Heaven,  which  is  enriched 
by  our  losses.  These  unhappy  remnants  from  the 
divine  scourges,  did  not,  in  the  loss  of  their  posses- 
sions, their  native  Country,  and  their  kinsmen,  lose 
the  Faith, — which  in  this  last  year  had  been  bestowed 
by  Holy  Baptism  upon  more  than  three  thousand 
persons;  these  now  enjoy,  as  we  hope,  the  fruit  of 
it  in  Paradise.  We  departed  from  the  Hurons  at  the 
beginning  of  May;  and,  after  900  miles  of  march, — 
amid  various  hardships  and  perils,  and  frequent  ship- 
wrecks,—  we  all  finally  arrived  in  perfect  health, 
on  the  28th  of  July,  1650,  at  Kebek, — whither,  soon 
afterward,  about  300  others  followed  us.  Here, 
although  the  Most  Illustrious  Governor,  a  certain 
private  citizen,  and  the  two  Convents  of  Nuns,  bur- 
dened themselves  above  their  strength  with  some 
few  families;  nevertheless  the  bulk  of  the  load  fell 
upon  our  shoulders;  but  with  good  courage  we 
charged  ourselves  with  the  spiritual  and  temporal 
interests  of  the  remnant,  whom  God  has  not  hitherto 
allowed  to  die  of  hunger.  But  on  this  account  it 
has  been  necessary  to  relieve  the  mission  of  some 
laborers, —  especially  as  they  are  not,  in  this  paucity 
of  people,  indispensable  as  before.  Now  if  the 
Reader  should  ask  me,  "  What  will  become  of  this 
mission?" — whether  it  will  be  restored  some  day; 


60  LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  jASUITES         [Vol.  40 

cia  Dei  abyffus  mult  a.  Ma  fe  il  furor  de  1'  Hirochefe  G 
reprimefle,  perche  no?  lo  so,  che  vi  fono  grandiffime 
difficolt^,  mk  qu(B  inipojjibilia  fiuit  apud  Jiomines,  poffi- 
bilia  funt  apud  Deum,  apud  quern  non  e^  impoffibile  omne 
verbum.  E  per  altro  il  mondo  non  finirk,  che  1'  Euan- 
gelio  non  fia  predicato  da  per  tutto.  Hor  verfo  1'  Oc- 
cidente  degli  Huroni  fino  al  mare  della  China  fono 
innumerabili  nationi,  quibus  nonduni  est  annunciatum 
Regnum  Dei,  bifogna  dunque  che  vn  giorno  1'  Euan- 
gelio  c'  arriui,  quando  bene  tutte  quefle  miffioni  per 
vn  tempo  finiffero,  Dio  sk  il  come.  Non  ejl  nojirum 
noffe  tempora,  vel  inonienta,  qucz  pater  pofuit  in  fiia 
potejlate.  Ma  si  bene  di  fupplicarlo,  che  quanto  prima 
Adueniat  regnii  fuuin,  e  che  fia  glorificato  da  ogni 
gente,  e  natione,  fmoho,  fiat  vnum  ouile,  &  vims  pajlor, 
&  oinnes  labia  vnum  laudemus  viuentem  in  fcecula  fcBcu- 
lorum.  Reftano  per6  ancora  nel  Canada,  circa  30. 
PP.  per  diuerfe  miffioni,  e  ftabili,  e  volanti;  ^  Tadu- 
fak;  verfo  gl'  Inglefi;  ^  gli  Atticameghi  &c.  oltre  il 
Collegio  di  Kebek,  e  le  Refideze  di  Sylleri,  de  i  tre 
fiumi,  e  di  Montreale,  nominate  al  principio,  1'  hiito- 
ria  delle  quali  fi  e  fcritta  ogn'  anno  in  Francefe.  II 
tutto  fi  farebbe  piu  fchiarito  colla  mappa,  che  fperauo 
qui  aggiungere,  ma  non  effendo  in  ordine;  chi  la 
defiderark,  la  potrk  di  qui  "k  poco  hauer  £i  parte  con 
le  figure  de  Barbari,  e  delle  loro  crudeltk. 

LAVS  DEO. 


1653]  BRESSANPS  RELATION,  ibs3  61 

whether  there  is  hope  of  a  return  for  the  Hurons  and 
for  ours, —  I  would  answer  him  that /udtcta  Dei  abys- 
sus  multa.  But  if  the  fury  of  the  Hiroquois  should 
moderate  itself,  why  not?  I  know  that  there  are 
very  great  difficulties,  but  quce  impossibilia  sunt  apud 
homines,  possibilia  sunt  apud  Deum,  apud  quern  non  est 
impossibile  oimie  verbum.  And,  furthermore,  the  world 
will  not  end  until  the  Gospel  has  been  preached 
everywhere.  Now  Westward  from  the  Hurons,  even 
to  the  sea  of  China,  are  innumerable  nations,  quibus 
nondum  est  annunciatum  Regnuin  Dei,  hence  it  is  neces- 
sary that  the  Gospel  one  day  reach  thither;  even 
though  all  these  missions  should  cease  for  a  time; 
God  knows  how.  Non  est  nostrum  nosse  tempora,  vel 
momenta,  qucB pater posuit  in  sua  potestate, — but,  indeed, 
to  beseech  him  that  Adve?iiat  regnum  suum  as  soon  as 
possible ;  and  that  he  be  glorified  by  every  people 
and  nation,  until  fiat  unum  ovile,  et  unus  pastor,  et 
ofnnes  labio  unufn  laudemus  viventem  in  scecula  sceculorum. 
As  it  is,  there  still  remain  in  Canada  about  30  Fathers 
for  various  missions,  both  stationary  and  itinerant, — 
at  Tadusak,  toward  the  English,  among  the  Attica- 
megues,  etc., — besides  the  College  of  Kebek  and  the 
Residences  at  Sylleri,  three  rivers,  and  Montreal, 
mentioned  at  the  beginning,  the  history  of  which 
has  been  written  every  year  in  French.  The  whole 
v/ould  have  been  made  clearer  with  the  map  which 
I  was  hoping  to  add  here,  but  it  is  not  ready.  Those 
who  shall  desire  it  can  have  it  a  little  while  later,  in 
separate  form,  with  pictures  of  the  Barbarians  and 
their  cruelties. 

LAUS   DEO. 


62  LES  RELA  TIONS  DBS  /^SUITES  [Vol.  40 


Tauola  de'  Capitoli. 

PRO  EM  10.       ....       pag.  I 

Parte  prima  Cap.  i .    Situationc,  &  inuentione 

della  Nuoua  Fra^icia.     .  .       Pcig-  i 

Cap.  2.     Defcrittione  del  paefe  degli  Hurojii.  .  5 

Cap.  3.     Del   /nolo,     viuere,    venire  de'    Barbari 

della  nuoua  Frajicia     .  .  .       P^g-  7 

Cap.  4.     Politica  de  Barbari  Canadefi.      .    12  [i.e.,  14] 
Cap.  5.     Religione  de'  medejimi.     .  .    19  [i.e.,  21] 

Parte  Seconda     Della  Conuerjione  de  Canadefi  alia 

Fede.  .  .  .  .28  [i.e.,  30] 

Cap.  I.     Prima    difficolth   della   Conuerfione   degli 

Huroni  pre/a  da  I  Paefe.  .  .29  [i.e.,  31] 

Cap.  2.     Seco?ida  difficoltei,  i  pericoli  del  viaggio. 

.   31  [i.e.,  33] 
Cap.  3.      Terza  difficolth,  la  lijigua.  .    54  [i.e.,  56] 

Cap.  4.      Altre  difficolth   della   Conuerfione  de  Bar- 
bari, particolarmente  degli  Huroni.       .   62  [i.e.,  64] 
Parte    Terza   Morte   d'    alcuni  PP.   della    Compa- 
gnia    di    Giesii     nelle    Miffi07ii    della     Nuoua 
Francia.  .  .  .  .72  [i.e.,  74] 

Cap.  I .     Morte  del  P.  Anna  de  Noue,  e  del  P.  Enne- 

mo7ido  Maffa.  .  .  .   72  [i.e.,  74] 

Cap.  2.     Del  P.  Ifaac  logues.         .  .   yy  [i.e.,  79] 

Cap.  3.     Refio  della  vita,  e  morte  del  P.   logues. 

102  [i.e.,  104] 
Cap.  4.     Morte  del  P.  Antonio  Daniel         105  [i.e.,  107] 


1653]  BRESSANI'S  RELATION,  i6s3  63 


Table  of  Chapters. 

PREFACE.       ....       page  i 

Part  first,    Chap.    i.      Situation    and  dis- 
covery of  New  France.  .       page  i 

Chap.  2.   Description  of  the  country  of  the  Hurons.  5 

Chap.  3.  Of  the  soil,  food,  and  dress  of  the  Bar- 
barians of  new  France.  .  .       p^g^         7 

Chap.  4.  Government  of  the  Canadian  Bar- 
barians. .  .  .  .12  [i.e.,  14] 

Chap.  5.   Religion  of  the  same.        .  .    19  [i.e.,  21] 

Part  Second.      Of  the  ConversioJi  of  the  Canadians 

to  the  Faith.    ....  28  [i.e.,  30] 

Chap.  I.   First  difficulty  in  the   Conversion  of  the 

Hurons  —  establishment  iri  the  Country.  29  [i.e.,  31] 

Chap.  2.     Second    difficulty  —  the   dangers   of  the 

journey.  .  .  .  .   31  [i.e.,  33] 

Chap.  3.    Third  difficulty  —  the  language.      54  [i.e.,  56] 

Chap.  4.     Other    difficulties   in    the   Conversion    of 

the  Barbarians,  especially  of  the  Hurons.  62  [i.e., 64] 

Part  Third.  Deaths  of  certain  Fathers  of  the 
Society  of  Jesus,  in  the  Missions  of  New 
France.  .  .  .  .   72  [i.e.,  74] 

Chap.  I.   Death  of  Father  Anne  de  Noue,  and  of 

Father  Enne^nond  Masse.  .  .   72  [i.e.,  74] 

Chap.  2.    Of  Father  Isaac  Jogues.  .   77  [i.e.,  79] 

Chap.  3.     Remainder   of   the    life    and   death   of 

Father  Jogues.  .  .  102  [i.e.,  104] 

Chap.  4.      Death      of     Father     Antoine     Daniel. 

.  .  .  .  .  105  [i.e.,  107] 


64  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES         [Vol.40 

Cap.  5.     Morte  del  P.    Gio:  di  Brebeuf,  e  P.    Ga- 

brielle  Lalleinent.  .  .  107  [i.e.,  109] 

Cap.  6.      Morte  del  P.  Carlo  Gamier.  114  [i.e.,  116] 

Cap.  7.     Morte  del  P.  Nat  ale  Chabatiel.      119  [i.e.,  121] 
Cap.  8.      Defolatione    del    Paefe  degli  Htironi,    e 
translatione  della  MiJJione  Hurona  a   Kebek.. 

122  [i.e.,  124] 


1653]  BRESSANPS  RELATION,  i633  65 


Chap.  5.     Death  of  Father  Jean  de  Brebeuf,   aiid 

Father  Gabriel  Lallement.        .  107  [i.e.,  109] 

Chap.  6.     Death      of     Father    Charles     Gamier. 

114  [i-e.,  116] 
Chap.  7.      Death      of      Father     Noel     Chabanel. 

119  [i-e.,  121] 
Chap.  8.      Desolation  of  the   Country  of   the  Hu- 
rons,    and  removal  of  the   Huron  Mission    to 
Kebek.  .  .  .  122  [i.e.,  124] 


LXXXIV 

Relation  of  16^2-53 

Paris:  SEBASTIEN  ET  GABRIEL  CRAMOISY,  1654 


SOURCE:     We  follow  a  copy  of  the  original   Cramoisy 
(H.  loi)  in  Lenox  Library,  New  York. 


RELATION 

DE  CE  Oyi  S'EST  PASSE' 

EN  LA  Mission  des  Peres 
dckCompagniedclEsvs, 

AV  PAYS  DE  LA 

NpVVELLE'  FRANCE, 

Dcpuis  lEre  de  TAnnee  1651, 
iuiqucs  a  i'Ete  dc  >'  A  nnee  1653. 

Enuoyec  au  R.  P.  Prouincial  de  la 
Prouince  de  France, 

?4r  le  Super ienr  desM'tpons  de  In  mefmi 
Compagnir. 


■^-V"^ 


A    P  A  R  I  S, 

Chez  Sebastien  Cr.AMoisyJmprimfUi 

ordinaire  du  Roy  &  de  ia  Reyne, 
Et  Gabriel  Cramoist  ,iuf;-  S.iacqucSj 
aux  Gicoenes, 


M.  DC.    LIV, 
'^r£C  FMiFlLEQE  Dr.  M9Z 


RELATION 

OF  WHAT    OCCURRED 

IN  THE  Mission  of  the  Fathers 
of  the  Society  of  Jesus, 

IN  THE  COUNTRY  OF 

NEW   FRANCE, 

From  the  Summer  of  the  Year  16^2 
to  the  Summer  of  the  Year  16^3. 

Sent  to  the  Reverend  Father  Provincial 
of  the  Province  of   France. 

By  the  Superior  of  the  Missions  of  the  same 

Society. 


PARIS, 

Sebastien    Cramoisy,    Printer   in   ordinary 

to  the  King  and  Queen, 

And    Gabriel   Cramoisy,  rue   St.  Jacques, 

at  the  Sign  of  the  Storks. 

M.   DC.   LIV. 
BY  ROYAL  LICENSE. 


72 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  /^SUITES         [Vol.  40 


Table  des  Chapitres  contenvs  en  ce  Livre. 


RELA  TION  de  ce  qui  sefl  paj^^  en  la  Mijlion 
des  Peres  de  la   Compagnie    de  I  E  S  V  s  ,  au 
Pays  de  la  Nouuelle  France  depuis  F Et^  de 
V ann^e  1652.  iufques  a  Vann^e  1653.        page 
Ch.   I.     D'vn  vaiffeau  pris  par  les  Anglois,  &  des 
memoir es  dont  il  eji  parU  en  la  lettre  precedente 

II.  De  ce  qiii  s' ejl paj^^  a  Montreal. 

III.  De  ce  qui  s' eJi pajld  aux  Trois  Riuieres. 

IV.  De  la  pri/e  &  de  la  deliurance  du  Pere  lofeph 
Poncet.  .... 

V.  De  la  Paix  faite  auec  les  Iroquois. 

VI.  De  la  Paix  faite  auec  vne  Nation  qui  habit e 
du  cojl^  du  Sud  a  regard  de  Quebec.    . 

VII.  La  Pauuret^  &  les  RicheJJes  du  Pays. 

VIII.  La    porte   ferm^e   h    V Euangile,     femble 
s'ouurir  plus  grande  que  iamais. 

Chap.   DERN.     Recueil  tir^  de  diuerfes  Lettres  ap 
porties  de  la  Nouuelle  France. 


5 
10 

22 

46 
88 

129 
146 

153 
156 


Fin  de  la  Table  des  Chapitres. 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1632-53  73 


Table  of  Chapters  contained  in  this  Book. 

RELA  TION  of  what  occurred  in  the  Mission  of 
the  Fathers  of  the  Society  (?/  J  E  S  U  S  ,  in  the 
Country  of  New  France,  from,  the  Summer  of 
the  year  1652  to  the  year  1653.  .       page  I 

Chap.   I.      Of  a  vessel  taken  by  the  English,  and  of 

the  memoirs  referred  to  in  the  preceding  letter.  5 

II.  Of  what  occurred  at  Montreal.  .  .10 

III.  Of  what  occurred  at    Three  Rivers.  .        22 

IV.  Of  the   capture   and  deliverance   of  Father 
foseph  Poncet.  .  .  .  .46 

V.  Of  the  Peace  made  ivith  the  Iroquois.  .        88 

VI.  Of  the  Peace  made  with  a  Nation  dwelling 

in  a  Southerly  direction  from    Quebec.  .      129 

VII.  The  Poverty  and  the  Riches  of  the  Country.      146 

VIII.  The  door  closed  to  the  Gospel  seems  to  open 
wider  than  ever.  .  .  .  '153 

Chap,  the  last.     Extracts  from  various  Letters 

brought  from.  New  France.       .  .  .156 

End  of  the  Table  of  Chapters. 


74  LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES         [Vol.40 


[i]  Relation  de   ce  qvi   s'eft   paffe  en  la  Miffion 

des  Peres  de  la  Compagnie  de  JESVS,  au 

Pays  de  la  Nouuelle  France,  depuis 

I'Ete  de  I'anneLe]  16^2.  iuf- 

ques  a  I'annee  1653. 

LETTRE    DU    PERE   SUPERIEUR    DE    LA    MISSION,    AU 
REUEREND    PERE    PROUINCIAL. 

MON  R.  PERE, 
Pax  Chrijli. 
Eftant  dans  le  deffein  d'informer  V.  R.  de 
I'eflat  de  nos  Miffions  en  ce  nouueau  Monde;  mon 
[2]  efprit  s'eft  trouue  partage,  entre  la  crainte  &  I'ef- 
perance.  La  perfidie  des  Iroquois,  que  nous  auons 
efprouuee  a  nos  d'efpens,  me  fait  peur:  &  les  raions 
de  bonte,  que  Dieu  a  fait  6clater  nouuellement  fur 
ces  Contrees,  bannilTant  cette  crainte,  pour  loger  en 
fa  place  vne  douce  efperance.  Si  nos  Ennemis  font 
deloyaux,  Dieu  eft  tres-fidelle :  s'ils  font  tres- 
mechans,  &  tres-cruels,  Dieu  eft  trefbon,  &  tres- 
doux:  s'ils  ont  la  penfee  de  nous  perdre,  Dieu  k  la 
volonte  de  nous  fauuer.  Nous  adorons  fa  conduitte, 
&  fur  nous  &  fur  nos  Eglifes.  le  puis  dire  auec 
verite,  que  depuis  dixhuit  ans,  que  ie  confidere  les 
refforts  de  fa  prouidence  fur  nos  petits  trauaux,  i'ay 
remarque  qu'il  n'a  iamais  eloigne  fa  veue,  ny  fes 
regards,  de  ceux  qui  prodiguent  leurs  vies  pour  fon 
honneur.     [3]  II  nous  a  releuez  en  nous  abbailTans ; 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1652-33  75 


[i]   Relation  of  what  occurred   in  the   Mission. 

of  the  Fathers  of  the  Society  of  Jesus, 

in  the  Country  of  New  France,  from 

the  Summer  of  the  year  16^2 

to    the     year     16^3. 

LETTER  FROM  THE  FATHER  SUPERIOR  OF  THE  MISSION 
TO  THE  REVEREND  FATHER    PROVINCIAL. 

MY  REVEREND  FATHER, 
Pax  Christi. 
When  I  purposed  informing  Your  Rever- 
ence of  the  state  of  our  Missions  in  this  new  World, 
my  [2]  heart  was  divided  between  fear  and  hope. 
The  perfidy  of  the  Iroquois,  which  we  have  experi- 
enced to  our  cost,  causes  me  alarm ;  and  the  rays  of 
goodness  which  God  has  recently  caused  to  shed  their 
radiance  upon  these  Countries,  banish  that  fear,  to 
put  a  sweet  hope  in  its  place.  If  our  Enemies  are 
treacherous,  God  is  very  faithful ;  if  they  are  very 
wicked  and  cruel,  God  is  very  good  and  gentle ;  if  it 
is  their  intention  to  destroy  us,  it  is  God's  will  to 
save  us.  We  adore  his  guidance,  of  both  us  and  our 
Churches.  I  can  say  with  truth  that,  in  the  eighteen 
years  during  which  I  have  observed  the  workings  of 
his  providence  over  our  little  labors,  I  have  remarked 
that  he  has  never  turned  away  his  eyes  or  hidden  his 
face  from  those  who  freely  give  their  lives  in  honor 
of  him.  [3]  He  has  exalted  us  in  abasing  us;  has 
made  us  find  life  in  death;  and,  at  the  moment  when. 


76  LES  RELATIONS  DES  j£SUITES  [Vol.40 

il  nous  a  fait  trouuer  la  vie  dedans  la  mort :  &  au 
point  que  la  nuit  d'vn  profond  defefpoir,  fe  vouloit 
emparer  de  nos  coeurs,  il  a  fait  naiftre  vn  iour,  qui 
donnera  de  I'etonnenient  iufques  dedans  la  France. 
Les  chofes  font  encor  fi  recentes,  que  nous  pouuons 
dire,  que  nous  craignons  fans  craindre,  &  que  nous 
efperons  contre  toute  efperance.  Nous  enuoyons  au 
Pere  Paul  le  leune  Procureur  de  nos  Miffions,  les 
memoires  de  nos  bonnes,  &  de  nos  mauuaifes  auan- 
tures,  pour  les  prefenter  ^  Voftre  Reuerence.  Elle 
verra  que  nous  auons  befoin  plus  que  iamais  de  fes 
prieres,  &  des  fecours  de  tous  ceux  qui  prennent  part 
k  nos  biens,  &  k  nos  maux :  qui  craignent  dans  nos 
craintes,  &  qui  efperent  dedans  [4]  nos  efperances. 
Voftre  Reuerence  fe  fouuienne,  s'il  luy  plaifl  h.  I'au- 
tel  de  ces  pauures  peuples  &  de  toutes  nos  Miffions, 
&  en  particulier  de  celuy  qui  luy  eft  de  coeur  &  par 
deuoir. 

Mon  Reuerend  Pere, 
A  Quebec  ce  2g.  Tres-humble  &  tres-obeif- 

cT  06lobre  i6^j.  fant  feruiteur,  en  Nofhre 

Seigneur. 
Francois  le  Mercier. 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1632-33  77 

the  darkness  of  a  deep  despair  was  about  to  take 
possession  of  our  hearts,  he  caused  a  light  to  dawn 
that  will  arouse  wonder  even  in  France.  These 
events  are  still  so  recent  that  we  can  say  that  we  fear 
without  fearing,  and  that  we  hope  against  all  hope. 
We  send  to  Father  Paul  le  Jeune,  Procurator  of  our 
Missions,  the  account  of  both  our  good  and  our  ill 
fortunes,  in  order  that  he  may  present  it  to  Your 
Reverence.  You  will  see  that  we  are  in  greater  need 
than  ever  of  your  prayers,  and  of  the  assistance  of 
all  those  who  take  an  interest  in  our  weal  and  woe, 
who  fear  in  our  fears  and  hope  in  [4]  our  hopes. 
Your  Reverence  will  please  to  remember  at  the  altar 
these  poor  people  and  all  our  Missions,  and,  in  par- 
ticular, him  who  is,  cordially  and  devotedly. 

My  Reverend  Father, 
Quebec,  this  2gth  Your  very  humble  and  very 

of  October y  i6^j.  obedient  servant  in   Our 

Lord, 
Francois  le  Mercier. 


78  LES  RELATIONS  DBS  J&SUITES        [Vol.40 


[S]  CHAPITRE  PREMIER. 

D'VN  VAISSEAU  PRIS  par  LES  ANGLOIS,  &  DES  MEMOIRES 

DONT   IL   EST   PARLE    EN    LA    LETTRE 

PRECEDENTE. 

LE  Pere  k  qui  on  auoit  confix  ces  memoires,  ayant 
eft6  pris  par  les  Anglois,  le  dix  feptiefme  du 
mois  de  Decembre  dernier  paffe :  les  foldats, 
qui  s'eftoient  rendus  maiftres  du  vaiffeau  qui  le  por- 
toit,  le  fouillerent,  &  le  pillerent  auffi  bien  que  les 
autres;  ils  luy  rauirent  fa  petite  Chapelle,  en  vn 
mot,  ils  luy  ofterent  iufques  k  fon  Breuiaire,  n'epar- 
gnans  n'y  Calice,  ny  Meffel,  ny  ornemens  lacerdotaux, 
non  pas  mefme  vne  mechante  couuerture,  dont  il  fe 
feruoit  les  nuits,  [6]  affes  froides,  &  affes  longues. 
lis  ouurirent  tous  les  paquets,  deplierent  tous  les 
papiers,  efperans  trouuer  quelques  pieces  dargent: 
mais  fe  voyans  fruftr^s  de  leurs  efperances,  ils  en 
decbirerent  vne  partie,  ietterent  I'autre  en  la  mer, 
ou  bien  fur  le  tillac  du  nauire,  ou  tout  le  monde 
marcboit  pefle-mefle,  les  vainqueurs  &  les  vaincus, 
les  bumilies,  &  les  Infolens.  Le  pauure  Pere  ramalla 
doucement  ce  qu'il  put  de  lettres,  de  papiers,  &  de 
memoires.  Les  vns  eftoient  en  lambeaux,  &  les 
autres  eftoient  fales,  comme  fi  on  les  eut  retires  de 
la  boue.  Les  Frangois  les  mieux  vefhus,  furent 
depouilles  tous  nuds,  pour  eftre  couuers  de  vieux 
haillons:  ils  paffoient  les  nuits  fous  le  tillac,  fans 
autre  mattelas  que  les  ordures,  &  les  falet^s  cauf^es 


1653]  RELATION  OF  1652-53  79 


[5]  CHAPTER  FIRST. 

OF    A    VESSEL    TAKEN    BY    THE    ENGLISH,    AND    OF   THE 
MEMOIRS  REFERRED  TO  IN  THE  PRE- 
CEDING LETTER. 

THE  Father  to  whom  the  above  memoirs  had 
been  entrusted,  was  taken  prisoner  by  the 
English  on  the  seventeenth  of  the  month  of 
December  last.^  The  soldiers  who  had  taken  pos- 
session of  the  vessel  that  was  bearing  him  searched 
and  plundered  him,  as  well  as  the  rest;  they  robbed 
him  of  his  little  Chapel,  and,  in  short,  pillaged  him 
even  to  his  Breviary,  sparing  neither  Chalice  nor 
Missal,  nor  sacerdotal  ornaments,  nor  even  a  wretched 
blanket  which  he  used  at  night,  [6]  the  nights  being 
rather  cold  and  long.  They  opened  all  the  packages 
and  unfolded  all  the  papers,  hoping  to  find  some 
pieces  of  money;  but,  being  disappointed  in  their 
hopes,  they  tore  up  some  of  the  papers  and  threw 
the  rest  into  the  sea  or  else  on  the  ship's  deck,  where 
all  the  people  were  walking  about,  pell-mell, — vic- 
tors and  vanquished,  the  humbled  and  the  Insolent. 
The  poor  Father  quietly  gathered  up  what  he  could 
of  letters,  papers,  and  memoirs, —  some  of  them 
being  in  tatters,  and  others  as  dirty  as  if  they  had 
been  taken  out  of  the  mud.  The  best  dressed  of  the 
French  were  stripped  quite  naked,  and  forced  to 
cover  themselves  with  old  rags.  They  passed  the 
nights  under  the  deck,  without  any  other  mattress 
than  the  filth  and  dirt  which  was  caused  by  a  crowd 


80  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J^SUITES         [Vol.40 

par  vn  ramas  de  [7]  Soldats,  des  Mattelots,  &  de 
PafTagers :  detrempees  dans  les  eaux  de  la  mer,  qui 
entroient  par  les  fabores,  &  qui  fe  couloient  entre  les 
deux  ponts,  pour  feruir  de  lits,  &  de  couuertures,  a 
ces  pauures  vaincus.  Enfin  le  nauire  fut  conduit  k 
Pleymouth  en  Angleterre. 

C'eft  icy,  ou  nos  Fran9ois  rencon trans  quelques 
vailTeaux,  &  quelques  Capitaines  leurs  compatriotes, 
tomb6s  dans  le  mefme  malheur,  furent  failis  d'vne 
nouuelie  douleur.  A  peine  leur  nauire  fut-il  entre 
dedans  le  port,  qu'il  fe  vit  inuefly  de  tous  coft^s,  de 
batteaux,  &  de  gondoles  remplis  de  marchands,  qui 
monterent  auffi-toft  fur  le  tillac,  pour  acheter  des 
foldats,  le  pillage  &  le  vol  qu'ils  venoient  de  com- 
mettre.  Le  Pere  vit  vendre  a  I'Encan  fon  Breuiaire, 
celuy  qui  I'aclieta,  ne  [8]  demanda  point  s'il  eftoit  a 
I'vfage  de  Rome,  ou  de  quelque  autre  Diocefe,  la 
piete  de  ces  bonnes  gens,  eft  d'auoir  de  largent,  & 
d'en  tirer  des  chofes  fainc5tes,  auffi  bien  que  des  pro- 
phanes.  Nos  Frangois  voyoient  mettre  a  I'encliere 
leurs  petis  meubles,  &  la  plus  part  des  paffagers 
perdirent  en  vn  iour,  ce  qu'ils  auoyent  gagne  en  plu- 
fieurs  annees  en  la  Nouuelie  France.  Quelques-vns 
d'entre  eux  difoient  que  la  perte  de  ce  nauire, 
pouuoit  monter  a  trois  cent  mille  liures.  le  ne  fcay 
£i  cela  eft  veritable,  mais  ie  fgay  bien,  qu'on  voyoit 
dans  vne  miferable  rencontre,  beaucoup  de  ioye,  & 
beaucoup  de  trifleff e :  les  vns  baiff oient  la  tefte,  & 
les  autres  la  leuoient  auec  affes  de  fafte,  fe  reiouif- 
fans,  Sicut  exultant  viclores  captd  prcedd,  quando  diuidunt 
fpolia,  [9]  Comme  des  vidtorieux,  lors  qu'ils  parta- 
gent  leur  proye,  &  leur  butin. 

II  ny  a  lieu  au  monde,  excepte  I'Enfer,  ou  il  ne  fe 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1632-53  81 

of  [7]  Soldiers,  Sailors,  and  Passengers,  and  was 
steeped  in  the  sea-water  which  came  in  through  the 
port-holes,  and  ran  along  between  the  two  decks,  to 
serve  as  beds  and  blankets  to  those  poor  vanquished 
souls.  At  last  the  ship  was  brought  to  Pleymouth 
in  England. 

Here  our  Frenchmen,  meeting  with  some  vessels 
and  Captains  from  their  own  country,  subject  to  the 
same  misfortune,  were  seized  with  a  fresh  grief. 
Scarcely  had  their  ship  entered  the  harbor,  when  it 
was  surrounded  on  all  sides  by  boats  and  gondolas 
filled  with  merchants,  who  immediately  came  up  on 
deck  to  purchase  from  the  soldiers  the  fruits  of  the 
pillage  and  theft  just  committed  by  them.  The 
Father  saw  his  Breviary  sold  at  Auction,  the  pur- 
chaser not  [8]  asking  whether  it  was  for  the  use  of 
Rome  or  of  some  other  Diocese.  The  piety  of  those 
worthy  people  consists  in  having  money,  and  in  ob- 
taining it  from  things  sacred,  as  well  as  from  things 
profane.  Our  Frenchmen  saw  their  little  belongings 
put  up  at  auction,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  pas- 
sengers lost  in  one  day  what  they  spent  several  years 
in  gaining  in  New  France.  Some  of  them  said  that 
the  loss  of  this  ship  might  reach  as  high  as  three 
hundred  thousand  livres.  I  do  not  know  whether 
that  is  true ;  but  I  do  know  very  well  that  there  was 
seen,  in  pitiful  conjunction,  much  joy  and  great 
sadness, —  some  hanging  their  heads,  and  others  rais- 
ing theirs  vaingloriously  and  rejoicing,  Sicut  exultant 
victor es  captd  prcedd,  quando  dividunt  spolia  —  [9]  "  like 
victors  when  they  divide  their  plunder  and  booty." 

There  is  no  place  in  the  universe,  except  Hell, 
where  there  are  not  found  some  good  people,  or  some 
persons  of   a  good   disposition.     Some  Englishmen 


82  LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES         [Vol.40 

treuue,  des  gens  de  bien,  ou  des  perfonnes  de  bon 
naturel,  Quelques  Anglois,  s'approchans  du  Pere, 
luy  firent  vne  petite  aumofne.  II  faut  confeffer  que 
c'eft  vne  chofe  bien  rude,  &  bien  facheufe,  de  faire, 
comme  on  dit,  naufrage  au  port.  Ce  pauure  Pere,  & 
tous  les  paffagers,  &  les  matelots  du  mefme  equipage, 
ayans  fouffert  les  fatigues  de  la  mer,  dans  vn  long 
voyage,  n'eilans  pas  loing  de  leur  patrie,  gouftans 
par  auance  le  repos,  &  la  douceur,  qu'ils  attendoyent 
de  la  veue,  &  de  la  communication  de  leurs  parens  & 
de  leurs  amis :  f e  virent  mif erablement  pris  &  enle- 
ues,  par  des  [lo]  gens,  qui  ne  portent  pas  le  nom 
d'ennemis,  mais  qui  en  font  toutes  les  adtions.  Dieu 
foit  beny  de  tout,  pour  conclufion  les  Anglois  ayans 
retenu  quelques  iours  le  Pere  k  Pleymouth,  le  firet 
paffer  au  Havre  de  Grace,  ^  la  follicitation  de  quel- 
ques Capitaines  Frangois,  dont  les  vaiffeaux  auoyent 
eft6  pris,  &  conduits  dans  ce  mefme  port.  Voila 
comme  nous  auons  receu  les  fragmens  des  memoires, 
qu'on  nous  enuoyoit. 


1653]  RELATION  OF  i6s3-S3  83 

approached  the  Father  and  bestowed  on  him  a  small 
gift  of  charity.  It  must  be  admitted,  it  is  a  very- 
harsh  and  trying  experience  to  suffer  shipwreck  in 
port,  as  the  saying  is.  This  poor  Father  and  all  the 
passengers  and  sailors  of  the  same  ship,  after  they 
had  endured  the  fatigues  of  the  sea  during  a  long 
voyage,  and  when  they  were  not  far  from  their  native 
land, — and  tasting,  in  anticipation,  the  rest  and 
delight  which  they  expected  from  seeing  and  con- 
versing with  their  relatives  and  friends, —  saw  them- 
selves miserably  captured  and  carried  off  by  [lo] 
those  who  did  not  bear  the  name,  although  they 
displayed  all  the  conduct,  of  enemies.  Let  God  be 
blessed  for  all  things.  To  conclude,  after  the  Eng- 
lish had  kept  the  Father  for  some  days  at  Pley- 
mouth,  they  sent  him  over  to  Havre  de  Grace,  at  the 
solicitation  of  some  French  Captains  whose  vessels 
had  been  captured  and  brought  into  this  same  port. 
It  is  thus  that  we  received  the  fragments  of  the 
memoirs  that  were  sent  to  us. 


84  LES  RELATIONS  DES  jtSUITES         [Vol.40 


CHAPITRE  II. 

DE   CE    QUI    S'EST    PASSE    A    MONTREAL. 

LE  fecours  extraordinaire,  qu'on  a  enuoy6  en  cette 
habitation,  an  dernier  embarquement ;  [ii]  a 
donne  de  la  ioye,  non  feulement  aux  Francois, 
qui  y  font  leur  demeure :  mais  encor  ^  tout  le  pais. 
Quelques  perfonnes  de  merite,  &  de  vertu,  qui 
ayment  mieux  eftre  connues  de  Dieu,  que  des 
hommes:  ayans  donne  dequoy  leuer  vne  bonne 
efcouade  d'ouuriers,  femblables  a  ceux  qui  rebatif- 
foient  ladis  le  Temple  de  lerufalem,  manians  la 
truelle  d'vne  main,  &  I'epee  de  I'autre:  on  a  fait 
palTer  a  Montreal,  plus  d'vne  centaine  de  braues 
Artifans;  tous  fgauans  dans  les  metiers  qu'ils  pro- 
felTent,  &  tous  gens  de  cceur  pour  la  guerre.  Dieu 
beniffe  au  centuple,  ceux  qui  ont  commanc6  cet 
ouurage,  &  leur  donne  la  gloire  d'vne  fainte  perfe- 
uerance,  pour  la  mettre  k  chef, 

Les  Peres  de  noftre  Compagnie,  [12]  qui  font  en 
cette  habitation,  voyans  que  les  Iroquois  la  mugue- 
toient  inceffamment,  faifans  des  courfes  dedans  I'lfle: 
dreffans  k  toute  heure  des  embufcades:  tenans  nos 
Frangois  fi  etroitement  affieges,  qu'on  n'ofoit  tant 
foit  peu  s'ecarter,  fans  vn  danger  euident  de  perdre 
la  vie ;  comme  il  arriua  a  vn  pauure  miferable,  qui 
pour  n'auoir  pas  fuiuy  les  ordres,  qu'on  luy  auoit 
donn6s :  tomba  malheureufement  dans  les  armes  de 
ces  chaffeurs  d'hommes.      Nos   Peres  dy-ie  voyans 


1653]  RELATION  OF  ibs2-S3  8& 


CHAPTER   II. 
OF   WHAT    OCCURRED    AT    MONTREAL. 

THE  extraordinary  assistance  that  was  sent  tO' 
this  settlement  by  the  last  shipment  [ii]  gave 
joy  not  only  to  the  French  who  live  there,  but 
also  to  the  whole  country.  Certain  persons  of  merit 
and  virtue,  who  choose  to  be  known  of  God  rather 
than  of  men,  having  given  the  means  to  raise  a  suit- 
able company  of  workmen, —  like  those  who,  in  days 
of  Yore,  rebuilt  the  Temple  of  Jerusalem,  wielding 
the  trowel  with  one  hand  and  the  sword  with  the 
other, — there  were  sent  over  to  Montreal  more  than 
a  hundred  worthy  Artisans,  all  well  versed  in  the 
trades  that  they  professed,  and  all  men  of  courage 
for  war.  May  God  bless  a  hundredfold  those  who 
began  this  work,  and  give  them  the  glory  of  a  holy 
perseverance  in  pushing  it  to  completion. 

The  Fathers  of  our  Society  [12]  who  are  at  this 
settlement  observed  that  the  Iroquois  were  inces- 
santly striving  to  obtain  it,  making  sallies  into  the 
Island,  continually  laying  ambuscades,  and  holding 
our  French  so  closely  besieged  that  no  one  ventured 
upon  a  ramble,  to  even  the  least  distance,  without 
manifest  danger  of  losing  his  life, —  as  was  shown 
by  what  happened  to  one  poor  wretch,  who,  because 
he  did  not  obey  the  orders  that  were  given  him, 
unhappily  fell  into  the  hands  of  these  hunters  of 
men.  Our  Fathers,  I  say,  seeing  the  imminence  of 
these  dangers,  induced  our  French  to  have  recourse 


«6  LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  jASUITES         [Vol.  40 

ces  dangers  fi  preffans,  porterent  nos  Frangois  a  auoir 
recours  k  la  fainte  Vierge  par  quelque  deuotion 
extraordinaire.  On  fit  des  ieufnes,  des  aumofnes,  on 
inftitua  les  oraifons  de  quarante  heures,  on  offrit 
plufieurs  communions  en  fon  honneur,  bref  on  [13] 
fit  vn  voeu  folemnel  de  celebrer  publiquement  la 
fefle  de  fa  prefentation,  demandant  ^  Dieu  par  I'en- 
tremife  de  cette  Mere  des  bontes,  ou  qu'il  arretaft  la 
fureur  de  ces  ennemis,  ou  qu'il  les  exterminaft,  s'il 
preuoyoit,  qu'ils  ne  fe  vouluffent  pas  conuertir,  ny 
rendre  "k  la  raifon ;  Chofe  Strange,  &  tres-remarquable, 
les  Iroquois  depuis  ce  temps-1^,  non  feulement  n'ont 
eu  aucun  auantage  deffus  nous,  mais  ils  ont  perdu 
beaucoup  de  leur  monde,  dans  leurs  attaques,  &  Dieu 
"k  la  parfin,  les  a  fi  fortement  touches,  qu'ils  ont  de- 
mande  la  paix. 

La  protedtion  de  cette  Reyne  des  hommes  &  des 
Anges  parut  dans  vn  certain  rencontre,  d'vne  fa5on 
toute  particuliere.  Vingt  fix  Frangois,  fe  trouuans 
renfermes  au  milieu  de  deux  cent  Iroquois,  [14] 
deuoyent  perdre  la  vie,  fans  le  fecours  de  cette  Prin- 
cefTe.  Ces  Barbares,  firent  vne  decharge  fur  eux, 
d'vn  lieu  fort  proche;  lis  tirerent  deux  cent  coups 
fans  tuer  ny  bleffer  pas  vn  des  noflres.  Ce  n'eft  pas 
qu'ils  ne  manient  tres-bien  leurs  armes;  mais  c'eft 
que  Dieu  vouloit,  en  c6t  attaque,  verifier  le  prouerbe, 
qui  dit  que  ce  que  Dieu  garde  eft  bien  gard6.  Le 
Fils  de  Marie  ne  refufe  rien  "k  fa  fainte  Mere.  II 
^carta  les  bales  des  ennemis,  &  dirigea  fi  bien  celles 
des  Fran9ois,  qu'ils  renuerferent  quantity  des  Affie- 
geans,  &  myrent  en  fuitte  ceux  qui  rechapperent  de 
la  mort,  ou  des  bleffures  notables.  I'ay  leu  dans  vne 
lettre,    que    les    chemins    par   ou    ils    paflerent    en 


1653]  RELATION  OF  i6s2-S3  87 

to  the  blessed  Virgin  in  a  special  devotional  service. 
Fasts  were  observed,  alms  were  given,  forty  hours 
of  prayer  were  entered  upon,  and  several  com- 
munions were  offered  in  her  honor.  In  short,  [13]  a 
solemn  vow  was  made  to  celebrate  publicly  the 
festival  of  her  presentation, —  with  petitions  to  God, 
through  the  mediation  of  this  Mother  of  goodness, 
either  to  stay  the  fury  of  these  enemies,  or  to  exter- 
minate them,  if  he  foresaw  that  they  were  unwilling 
to  be  converted  or  yield  to  reason.  Strange  and 
very  remarkable  Circumstance !  From  that  time  not 
only  did  the  Iroquois  not  gain  any  advantage  over 
us,  but  they  even  lost  many  of  their  own  number  in 
their  attacks;  and  God's  hand  was  finally  so  heavy 
upon  them  that  they  sued  for  peace. 

The  protection  of  this  Queen  of  men  and  of  Angels 
was,  on  a  certain  occasion,  made  evident  in  an  alto- 
gether peculiar  way.  Twenty-six  Frenchmen  were 
surrounded  by  two  hundred  Iroquois  [14]  and,  with- 
out the  aid  of  that  Princess,  would  have  surely  lost 
their  lives.  The  Barbarians  discharged  their  pieces 
at  them  from  a  position  of  close  proximity ;  and  two 
hundred  shots  were  fired  by  them,  without  killing 
or  wounding  one  of  our  men.  It  was  not  that  they 
did  not  handle  their  weapons  well.  But  it  was 
God's  will,  in  this  attack,  to  verify  the  proverb  which 
says  that  "  what  God  guards  is  well  guarded." 
Mary's  Son  refuses  his  holy  Mother  nothing.  He 
turned  aside  the  enemy's  bullets,  and  directed  those 
of  the  French  so  well  that  they  caused  many  of  their 
Assailants  to  fall,  and  put  to  flight  those  who  escaped 
death  or  serious  wounds.  I  have  read  in  a  letter 
that  the  routes  taken  by  them  in  their  flight  were 
found   all   covered   with   their   blood;    and   that,    a 


88  LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  /^SUITES         [Vol.  40 

s'enfuyans,  furent  trouues,  tous  couuers  de  leur  fang; 
&  qu'affes  long-temps  apres  leur  depart,  [15]  les 
chiens  rapportoient  des  lambeaux  de  corps  humains 
en  I'habitation  des  Francois. 

II  ne  s'eft  paff6  aucun  mois  de  I'annee,  difent  les 
memoires  qui  font  venus  iufques  a  nous,  que  ces 
Chaffeurs  ne  nous  ayent  vifites  a  la  fourdine,  tachans 
de  nous  furprendre ;  mais  enfin  le  vingt  fixiefme  de 
luin,  il  en  parut  foyxante,  de  ceux  qui  font  nommes 
par  les  Hurons,  Onnontaeronnons,  demandans  de 
loing  vn  fauf  conduit  pour  quelques  vns  d'entre  eux: 
crians  qu'ils  eftoient  enuoyes  de  la  part  de  toute  leur 
Nation,  pour  ffauoir  fi  les  Frangois  auroient  le  coeur 
difpofe  k  la  paix. 

C'eft  chofe  eftrange,  combien  ces  Infideles,  fe  fient 
en  nos  paroles,  quoy  qu'ils  n'ignorent  pas,  qu'ils 
nous  ayent  trahis,  [16]  quafi  autant  de  fois,  qu'ils  ont 
traite  auec  nous:  &  qu'ils  meritent  en  fuitte,  le  reci- 
proque.  Nos  Frangois  auoient  bien  delTein  de  leur 
rendre  le  change  faifans  main  bafle  de  ces  deloyaux, 
&  de  ces  perfides :  mais  quand  ils  les  virent  auancer 
fans  armes,  &  fans  deffence,  cette  franchife  amolit 
leur  coeur,  &  leur  fit  croire,  que  Dieu  auoit  exauc6 
les  prieres  qu'ils  luy  auoient  prefentees,  par  les  mains 
de  la  faindle  Vierge,  a  laquelle  ils  auoyent  demande 
du  fecours,  contre  vn  ennemy  fi  traiflre  &  fi  puiffant. 

Quand  ils  furent  entr6s  dans  le  Fort  de  nos  Fran- 
9ois,  &  qu'ils  eurent  expofe  les  penfees,  &  les  defirs 
de  leur  Nation :  on  ne  parla  plus  que  de  confiance, 
de  paix,  &  de  bien  veillance,  vous  euffies  dit  que 
iamais  on  ne  s'eftoit  fait  la  [17]  guerre,  &  qu'on 
n'eftoit  pas  en  difpofition,  de  iamais  la  recommancer. 
Nos  Frangois  neantmoins  eftoient  toujours  fous  leurs 


1653]  RELATION  OF  i6s2-53  89 

considerable  time  after  their  departure,  [15]  the  dogs 
kept  bringing  back  fragments  of  human  bodies  to 
the  French  settlement. 

"  There  has  not  passed,"  say  the  memoirs  which 
have  reached  us,  ' '  a  single  month  of  the  year  in 
which  these  Hunters  have  not  visited  us  by  stealth 
and  tried  to  surprise  us.  But  finally,  on  the  twenty- 
sixth  of  June,  there  appeared  sixty  of  them,  belong- 
ing to  those  who  are  called  by  the  Hurons,  Onnon- 
taeronnons,  requesting  from  afar  a  safe-conduct  for 
some  of  their  number,  and  calling  out  that  they  were 
sent  on  behalf  of  their  whole  Nation  to  learn  whether 
the  hearts  of  the  French  would  be  inclined  to  peace." 

It  is  strange  how  much  confidence  these  Infidels 
have  in  our  word,  although  they  are  well  aware  that 
they  have  betrayed  us  [16]  almost  as  often  as  they 
have  treated  with  us,  and  that  consequently  they 
themselves  deserve  like  usage.  Our  Frenchmen 
were,  indeed,  planning  to  deceive  them,  and  to  put 
these  treacherous  and  perfidious  people  to  the  sword ; 
but,  when  they  saw  them  advancing  unarmed  and 
defenseless,  such  frankness  softened  their  hearts  and 
made  them  believe  that  God  had  granted  the  prayers 
which  they  had  offered  him  through  the  mediation 
of  the  blessed  Virgin,  whom  they  had  petitioned  for 
help  against  so  faithless  and  powerful  an  enemy. 

When  they  had  entered  the  Fort  of  our  French 
people  and  had  declared  the  purposes  and  wishes  of 
their  Nation,  you  would  have  said, — since  nothing 
was  any  longer  talked  about  but  confidence  and 
peace  and  good  will, —  that  they  had  never  waged 
any  [17]  war,  and  that  they  were  indisposed  ever  to 
begin  it  again.  Our  Frenchmen  were,  nevertheless, 
always  under  arms  and  all  ready  to  fight,  although 


90  LES  RELATIONS  DES  JJ^SUITES  [Vol.40 

armes,  &  tons  prefts  de  combattre,  quoy  que  ces 
bonnes  gens  fuffent  parmy  eux,  fans  verge  ny  bafton, 
fe  contentans  de  la  feule  parole  qu'on  leur  auoit 
donn^e,  pour  toute  leur  deffence. 

On  les  traita  auec  amour,  on  receu  leurs  prefens, 
&  on  leur  en  fit  de  reciproques,  &  apres  vne  reiouif- 
fance  publique,  de  part  &  dautre:  ils  s'en  retour- 
nerent  en  leur  pays,  rauis  de  ioye,  d'auoir  trouue  des 
efprits,  &  des  coeurs  amateurs  de  la  paix.  le  trouue 
dans  quelques  memoires,  qu'ils  donnerent  parole, 
qu'on  auroit  bien-toft  de  leurs  nouuelles,  &  on  nous 
a  mand6,  que  quelques  [i8]  vns  de  cette  Nation,  font 
defcendus  a  Quebec  auec  des  prefens,  comme  il  fe 
verra  au  Cliapitre  cinquiefme,  ou  il  eft  parl6  de  la 
paix.  Pour  ceux  dont  nous  parlous  prefentement, 
on  nous  dit,  qu'en  paffant,  a  leur  retour,  par  le  Bourg 
d'Onneiout,  ils  deplierent  deuant  les  Habitans  de 
cette  Bourgade,  les  prefens  qu'on  leur  auoit  fait  a 
Montreal,  racomptans  mille  biens  des  Frangois:  ce 
font,  difoyent-ils,  des  Demons  quand  on  les  attaque : 
mais  les  plus  doux,  les  plus  courtois,  &  les  plus  affa- 
bles,  qui  foyent  au  monde,  quand  on  les  traite  d'amis: 
ils  protefterent,  qu'ils  alloient  tout  de  bon,  contradter 
vne  etroitte  alliance  auec  eux. 

Les  Onneichronnons  voulurent  eftre  de  la  partie. 
lis  deleguerent  quelque  temps  apres  vne  [19]  Ambaf- 
fade  a  Montreal,  auec  vn  grand  colier  de  porcelaine ; 
qui  t^moignoit,  que  toute  leur  Nation  vouloit  entrer 
dans  le  traite  de  paix,  que  les  Onnontaeronnons 
auoient  commance  auec  les  Fran9ois.  Et  pour  donner 
quelque  marque,  de  la  fidelite  de  leur  parole,  ils  nous 
donnerent  auis,  que  fix  cent  Iroquois  Anniehronnons, 
eftoient  partis  de   leur  pais,  h.  deiTein   d'enleuer  le 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1652-33  91 

those  simple  people  were  in  our  midst  without  rod 
or  staff,  satisfied  with  the  mere  word  that  had  been 
given  them  for  their  sole  defense. 

They  were  treated  with  kindness ;  their  presents 
were  received,  and  others  given  them  in  return ; 
and,  after  a  public  rejoicing  on  both  sides,  they 
returned  to  their  own  country,  overcome  with  joy  at 
having  found  minds  and  hearts  desirous  of  peace.  I 
find  in  some  memoirs  that  they  gave  their  promise 
that  news  should  soon  be  heard  from  them ;  and  we 
have  received  word  that  some  [18]  from  that  Nation 
came  down  to  Quebec  with  presents,  as  will  be  seen 
in  the  fifth  Chapter,  where  the  peace  is  described. 
As  for  those  of  whom  we  are  speaking  at  present, 
we  are  told  that,  on  their  way  back,  they  called  at 
the  Village  of  Onneiout  and  displayed,  before  the 
Inhabitants  of  that  Village,  the  presents  that  had 
been  given  them  at  Montreal.  They  said  a  thousand 
things  in  favor  of  the  French:  "  They  are,"  said 
they,  "  Demons  when  they  are  attacked,  but  the 
gentlest,  most  courteous,  and  most  affable  people  in 
the  world,  when  they  are  treated  as  friends."  They 
declared  they  were  really  going  to  contract  a  close 
alliance  with  them. 

The  Onneichronnons,  wishing  to  be  parties  to  it, 
some  time  afterward  sent  an  [19]  Embassy  to  Mont- 
real, with  a  large  porcelain  collar,  declaring  that  all 
their  Nation  wished  to  enter  into  the  treaty  of  peace 
that  the  Onnontaeronnons  had  begun  with  the 
French.  And,  in  order  to  give  some  proof  of  their 
sincerity,  they  informed  us  that  six  hundred  Annie- 
hronnon  Iroquois  had  set  out  from  their  country  with 
the  purpose  of  capturing  the  Village  built  by  the 
French  at  three  rivers.     This  was  found  to  be  true. 


92  LES  RELATIONS  DES  jASUITES         [Vol,  40 

Bourg  des  Fran9ois,  bafty  aux  trois  riuieres :  ce  qui 
s'efk  trotiu6  veritable.  II  faut  confeffer,  que  Dieu 
eft  vn  grand  ouurier,  &  qu'il  fait  en  vn  iour,  pour 
les  hommes,  ce  que  les  hommes  n'oferoient  quali 
efperer  en  trente  ans.  le  dirois  quafi  volontiers, 
dans  ce  changement  de  I'efprit  des  Iroquois,  ce  que 
difoient  deux  Algonquins,  il  y  a  quelques  ann6es, 
leur  canot  [20]  ayant  efl6  brife  au  milieu  du  grand 
fleuue,  ils  fe  ietterent  fur  vne  glace  flottante,  &  voy- 
ans  qu'ils  s'alloyent  perdre  fans  refource,  ils  firent 
vne  petite  priere  ^  Dieu,  quoy  qu'ils  ne  fuffent  pas 
encor  Chreftiens:  lis  ne  I'auoyent  pas  quafi  com- 
manc^e,  que  cette  glace,  quittant  le  courrant,  qui 
I'emportoit,  trauerfa  droit  aux  riues  de  ce  grand 
fleuue,  oil  s'eflant  doucement  arreftee,  ils  fe  ietterent 
incontinent  en  lieu  de  fauuete ;  &  ^  mefme  temps, 
cette  glace  qui  leur  auoit  feruy  de  batteau,  fut  fra- 
caffee  deuant  leurs  yeux  par  d'autres  glaces.  Eux 
furpris  de  ce  miracle,  ne  dirent  autre  chofe,  pour 
adtion  de  grace,  que  ces  paroles:  En  verite,  il  a  eu 
bien-toft  fait;  nous  n'auions  pas  encor  acheu6,  le 
dernier  mot  de  nos  prieres,  qu'il  nous  a  deliur6s 
[21]  du  naufrage.  Difons  le  mefme  a  I'egard  des 
Iroquois.  lis  eftoient  remplis  de  rage  &  de  fureur: 
on  prie,  on  leufne,  on  k  recours  k  la  Saindte  Vierge, 
&  k  fon  cher  Epoux  Saint  lofeph,  tant  k  Quebec, 
quaux  trois  Riuieres  &  a  Montreal,  &  ces  Barbares  font 
changes  en  vn  moment.  En  verit6  Dieu  k  eu  bien- 
toft  fait,  c'eft  vn  grand  ouurier.  Soli  Deo  honor  &■ 
gloria,  c'eft  k  luy  feul,  que  ce  grand  changement  doit 
eftre  attribu6. 

Quelque  temps  apres  le  changement,  &  le  pourparler 
de  ces  deux  Nations,  vne  trouppe  d' Iroquois  Annie- 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1652-53  93 


It  must  be  confessed  that  God  is  a  great  workman, 
and  that  he  does  for  man,  in  one  day,  what  man 
himself  would  scarcely  dare  hope  to  accomplish  in 
thirty  years.  In  this  change  of  disposition  on  the 
part  of  the  Iroquois,  I  would  be  almost  willing  to  use 
the  words  uttered  by  the  Algonquins  some  years  ago. 
Their  canoe  [20]  being  wrecked  in  the  middle  of  the 
great  river,  they  leaped  upon  a  piece  of  floating  ice ; 
and,  seeing  that  they  were  on  the  point  of  irremedi- 
able destruction,  they  offered  a  little  prayer  to  God, 
although  they  were  not  yet  Christians.  They  had 
scarcely  begun  it  when  the  piece  of  ice,  leaving  the 
current  that  was  bearing  it  away,  crossed  straight  to 
the  bank  of  the  great  river,  where  it  gently  came  to 
rest,  and  the  men  forthwith  sought  a  place  of  safety. 
At  the  same  time,  the  block  of  ice  which  had  served 
them  as  a  boat  was  shattered  before  their  eyes  by 
other  ice-blocks.  Surprised  at  this  miracle,  they 
said  in  thanksgiving  only  these  words:  "  Truly,  it 
was  soon  done ;  we  had  not  yet  finished  the  last  word 
of  our  prayers,  when  he  delivered  us  [21]  from  ship- 
wreck." Let  us  say  the  same  in  regard  to  the 
Iroquois.  They  were  filled  with  rage  and  fury ;  we 
pray,  we  Fast,  we  have  recourse  to  the  Blessed  Virgin 
and  to  her  dear  Spouse,  Saint  Joseph,  at  Quebec  as 
well  as  at  three  Rivers  and  Montreal ;  and  in  a  mo- 
ment these  Barbarians  are  changed.  In  truth,  God 
did  his  work  quickly;  he  is  a  master  workman.  Soli 
Deo  honor  et  gloria;  to  him  alone  is  this  great  change 
to  be  attributed. 

Some  time  after  the  change,  and  after  the  parley 
of  these  two  Nations,  a  band  of  Anniehronnon  Iro- 
quois invaded  the  Island  of  Montreal  for  the  purpose 
of  molesting  the  French  in  their  usual  manner.     A 


94  LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  /^SUITES        [Vol.  40 

hronnons,  s'eftant  iett^e  dans  I'lflede  Montreal,  pour 
molefter  les  Frangois  h.  leur  ordinaire,  vne  braue 
efcouade  de  Hurons  Chreftiens  furuenant  la  delTtis, 
decouurit  leur  piftes,  &  donna  la  chaff  e  h.  ces  challeurs, 
£i  [22]  viuement,  le  propre  iour  de  I'Affomption  de 
la  Sainte  Vierge,  qu'ils  prierent  \sc.  prirent]  le  Capi- 
taine  de  ces  Courreurs,  &  quatre  des  principaux  de  fa 
fuitte,  mettant  le  refte  en  deroute.  Cette  prife  a 
bien  feruy  ^  la  paix  generalle  de  tons  ces  peuples, 
comme  nous  verrons  cy-apres. 


! 


1653]  RELA  TJON  OF  1652-53  95 

gallant  company  of  Christian  Hurons,  arriving  unex- 
pectedly, discovered  their  trail,  and  gave  such  hot 
chase  after  these  hunters,  [22]  on  the  very  day  of 
the  Assumption  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  that  they  made 
prisoners  the  Captain  of  the  Skirmishers  and  four 
of  his  principal  followers,  putting  the  rest  to  rout. 
That  capture,  as  we  shall  see  hereafter,  contributed 
greatly  to  the  general  peace  of  all  these  tribes. 


96  LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  /^SUITES         [Vol.  40 


CHAPITRE  III. 

DE   CE   QUI    S'EST   PASSE   AUX   TROIS    RIUIERES. 

IE  fuiuray,  quali  de  mot  k  mot,  ce  qui  eft  couch6 
dans  quelques  lettres  venues  de  cette  Bourgade. 
Le  Capitaine  Aontarifati,  dit  I'vne  de  ces  lettres, 
que  nos  Sauuages  prirent  I'annee  paff^e,  fut  fi  fort 
regrett6  de  tous  les  cantons  des  Iroquois  d'enbas  fes 
compatriotes,  qu'auffi  toft  que  la  [23]  nouuelle  de  fa 
mort  leur  en  fut  portee,  il  fe  fit  vne  ligue  generale, 
&  vne  refolution,  de  tirer  vne  fanglante,  &  vne  cruelle 
vengeance  de  cette  mort.  Le  maffacre  de  Monfieur 
du  PlefQs  noftre  Gouuerneur,  &  de  quantity  des  princi- 
paux  de  noftre  Bourg,  n'afCouuit  point  leur  rage:  les 
tourmens  horribles,  qu'ils  firent  fouffrir  h.  tous  leurs 
prifonniers,  tant  Franjois  que  Sauuages,  n'eteignirent 
point  le  feu  de  leur  colere.  lis  firent  vn  edit  dans 
tous  leur  pays,  qu'on  ne  donneroit  plus  la  vie  k  aucun 
Huron  pris  en  guerre :  ce  qu'ils  executerent  en  fuitte, 
fur  quelques  miferables  qui  tomberent  entre  leurs 
mains.  Tout  cela  leur  parut  peu  de  chofe :  il  falloit 
pour  les  confoler  dans  la  perte  d'vn  fi  grand  homme 
en  leur  idee,  enleuer  la  Bourgade  des  [24]  trois 
Riuieres,  &  mettre  a  feu  &  k  fang  tous  les  Fran9ois, 
&  tous  les  Sauuages  qu'ils  y  rencontreroient. 

Pour  I'execution  de  ce  deffein,  vne  petite  armee 
d'Anniehronnos  vint  prendre  fon  quartier  d'Hyuer, 
k  trois  lieues  ou  enuiron  de  noftre  Bourgade,  dans  le 
fond  des  bois ;  croyant  nous  furprendre,  lors  que  les 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1632-53  97 


CHAPTER  III. 

OF   WHAT    OCCURRED    AT   THREE    RIVERS. 

I  SHALL  follow,  almost  word  for  word,  the  con- 
tents of  some  letters  that  have  come  from  this 
Village.  "  Captain  Aontarisati,"  says  one  of 
these  letters,  "  whom  our  Savages  captured  last 
year,  was  so  deeply  lamented  by  all  the  cantons  of 
the  lower  Iroquois,  his  fellow-countrymen,  that,  as 
soon  as  the  [23]  news  of  his  death  reached  them,  a 
general  league  was  formed,  and  a  resolution  taken  to 
exact  a  bloody  and  cruel  vengeance  for  his  loss.  The 
murder  of  Monsieur  du  Plessis,  our  Governor,  and 
of  many  of  the  chief  men  of  our  Village,  did  not 
glut  their  rage;  the  horrible  torments  that  they 
made  all  their  prisoners  undergo,  French  as  well  as 
Savage,  failed  to  extinguish  the  fire  of  their  wrath. 
They  issued  an  edict  throughout  their  whole  country 
that  no  one  should  thenceforth  spare  the  life  of  any 
Huron  taken  in  war ;  and  this  order  they  afterward 
executed  upon  some  wretched  victims  who  fell  into 
their  hands.  But  all  this  seemed  a  small  matter  to 
them ;  in  their  opinion,  it  was  necessary,  in  order  to 
console  them  for  the  loss  of  so  great  a  man,  to  take 
the  Village  of  [24]  three  Rivers  and  put  to  fire  and 
sword  all  the  French  and  all  the  Savages  that  they 
might  find  there. 

"  To  carry  out  this  purpose,  a  little  army  of  Annie- 
hronnons  came  and  took  up  its  Winter  quarters  at 
the  distance  of  three  leagues  or  thereabout  from  our 


98  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES         [Vol.40 


grandes  neiges,  &  les  grands  froids,  nous  feroyent 
plutoft  penfer  an  repos,  qu'a  la  guerre:  mais  Dieu 
qui  ne  vouloit  pas,  nous  donner  en  proye  k  ces  loups 
rauiflans,  nous  fit  decouurir  les  piftes  de  leurs 
efpions,  qui  s'eftoient  auanc6s  iufques  k  vne  lieue 
proche  de  noflre  Bourg.  Cela  nous  mit  dans  la 
deff enfiue.  On  fortifia  nos  Baftions,  &  nos  Courtines, 
on  redoubla  les  gardes,  &  les  fentinelles :  bref  on  fe 
[25]  tint  fi  bien  k  couuert,  que  ces  Ennemis,  dont 
nous  ne  fgauions  pas  le  nombre,  ne  trouuans  plus  de 
chaffe,  aux  enuirons  du  fort  qu'ils  auoient  dreff^, 
furent  contrains  de  fecarter,  &  d'aller  chercher  des 
viures,  en  leur  pays,  mais  ils  n'y  firent  pas  vn  bien 
long  fejour. 

Si  toft  que  la  riuiere  fut  libre,  on  ne  vit  de  tous 
coft6s,  que  de  petites  bandes  de  coureurs,  qui 
tachoient  de  furprendre  quelque  challeur,  ou  quelque 
Laboureur,  &  letter  ceux  qui  les  voudroient  fauuer, 
dans  leurs  embufcades.  Nos  Sauuages  fe  voyans  fi 
referres,  &  fi  fouuent  harceles,  prirent  courage, 
aymans  mieux  mourir  en  combattans,  que  d'eftre 
furpris,  comme  il  arriuoit  par  fois  a  quelque  Fran- 
9ois,  ou  k  quelques  vns  de  leurs  compatriotes.  Ils  fe 
refolurent  d'arrefter  I'infolence  [26]  de  ces  Trafons, 
qui  nous  venoient  brauer,  quafi  iufques  ^  nos  portes. 
Dieu  leur  a  donn6  benedidlion;  car  quoy  qu'ils 
fulTent  en  petit  nombre,  ils  ont  fouuent  pourfuiuy 
d'afT6s  groffes  trouppes:  les  contraignans  de  quitter 
leurs  armes,  leurs  batteaux  &  leur  bagage,  pour  fe 
fauuer  dans  les  bois. 

Le  neufieme  de  May,  vn  petit  canot  Algonquin 
ayant  apperceu  vne  embufcade,  cach^e  ^  labry  des 
Ifles  des  trois  Riuieres,  s'enfuit  ^  forces  de  rames,  non 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1652-S3  99 

Village,  in  the  depths  of  the  woods, — thinking  to 
surprise  us  when  the  heavy  snows  and  intense  cold 
should  make  us  think  of  rest  rather  than  of  war. 
But  God,  who  did  not  choose  to  make  us  a  prey  to 
those  ravenous  wolves,  caused  us  to  discover  the 
traces  of  their  spies,  who  had  advanced  to  within  a 
league  from  our  Village.  That  put  us  on  the  defen- 
sive :  we  fortified  our  Bastions  and  Curtains,  doubled 
our  guards  and  sentinels,  and,  in  short,  [25]  kept 
ourselves  so  carefully  protected  that  the  Enemy, 
whose  numbers  we  did  not  know,  finding  no  more 
game  in  the  vicinity  of  the  fort  which  they  had 
constructed,  were  forced  to  disperse  and  go  in  search 
of  provisions  to  their  own  country ;  but  they  did 
not  remain  there  very  long. 

"  As  soon  as  the  river  was  free,  we  saw  on  all  sides 
nothing  but  little  bands  of  skirmishers  trying  to  sur- 
prise some  hunter  or  some  Husbandman,  and  to  draw 
into  their  ambuscades  those  who  should  wish  to  save 
these.  Our  Savages,  seeing  themselves  so  hemmed  in 
and  so  often  harassed,  took  courage,  choosing  rather 
to  die  fighting  than  to  be  surprised,  as  occasionally 
happened  to  some  Frenchman  or  to  some  of  their  own 
fellow-countrymen.  They  resolved  to  put  a  stop  to 
the  insolence  [26]  of  these  Trasos  [boasters],  who 
came  to  defy  us  almost  at  our  very  doors.  God  gave 
them  his  blessing;  for,  although  they  were  few  in 
number,  they  often  gave  chase  to  some  rather  large 
bands,  and  compelled  them  to  abandon  their  arms, 
their  boats,  and  their  baggage,  in  order  to  seek  safety 
in  the  woods. 

"  On  the  ninth  of  May,  a  little  Algonquin  canoe, 
catching  sight  of  an  ambuscade  concealed  under 
shelter  of  the  Islands  of  the  three  Rivers,  took  flight 


100  LES  RELATIONS  DES  j£SUITES         [Vol.40 

pour  euiter  le  combat,  mais  pour  mettre  a  terre  en 
vn  cap,  ou  il  y  auoit  des  Fran9ois  retranch^s,  vne 
femme  qui  eftoit  dans  leur  petit  batteau,  fi  toft  quelle 
fut  en  alTurance,  ils  tournent  vifage  vers  les  enne- 
mis,  qui  les  pourfuiuoient,  ils  n'eftoient  que  trois 
[27]  hommes  dans  cette  petite  gondole,  &  les  Iro- 
quois rempliffoient  trois  de  leurs  grands  canots. 
Quand  ces  Iroquois  virent  la  refolutio  de  nos  trois 
guerriers  qui  tachoient  de  les  aborder,  ils  furet  jQ 
furpris,  &  fi  €t6n€s,  qu'ils  fe  miret  en  fuitte:  croyans 
que  d'autres  les  pourroient  pourfuiure  puis  qu'ils 
eftoient  decouuerts. 

Le  treifieme  du  mefme  mois,  Monfieur  de  Laufon 
Gouuerneur  pour  fa  Maieft6  dans  tout  le  pays,  venant 
vifiter  noftre  Bourgade:  il  arriua,  qu'a  mefme  temps 
qu'on  tiroit  le  canon  par  honneur,  pour  le  faluer, 
que  quattre  ou  cinq  Laboureurs,  qui  tenoient  le 
manche  de  leurs  charues,  dans  la  campagne  voyfine, 
furent  inueftis  par  vne  trouppe  d' Iroquois,  qui  en 
tuerent  deux.  Nos  Sauuages  les  pourfuiuirent,  mais 
vn  pen  trop  [28]  tard:  ils  trouuerent  feulement  le 
bagage  de  ces  voleurs,  qu'ils  auoient  abandonne, 
pour  courir  plus  legerement,  &  pour  fe  mettre 
plutoft  hors  des  dangers  d'eftre  attrapes. 

Le  vingt-huiti^me,  ces  Chaff  eurs  ayans  tu6  vn  petit 
enfant  Frangois,  quafi  k  la  port6e  du  fufil  de  nos 
habitations,  le  canonier,  voiant  qu'il  ny  auoit  per- 
fonne  pour  les  pourfuiure,  mit  le  feu  h.  vne  piece 
de  canon,  pour  donner  le  fignal :  mais  le  canon  creua, 
&  rompit  vne  iambe  h.  ce  pauure  homme,  qui  mourut 
pen  de  iours  apres  de  fa  blefCure. 

Le  trenti^me,  cette  mefme  bande  furprit  vn  ieune 
Huron,    que   quelques    Laboureurs   auoient   mis   en 


1653]  RELATION  OF  1652-53  101 

as  fast  as  its  paddles  could  urge  it, — not  to  avoid  an 
engagement,  but  to  put  ashore,  on  a  cape  where 
some  Frenchmen  were  intrenched,  a  woman  who  was 
in  their  little  boat.  As  soon  as  she  was  in  safety, 
they  faced  about  toward  the  enemy  that  pursued 
them,  although  they  were  only  three  [27]  men  in 
that  little  gondola,  while  the  Iroquois  filled  three  of 
their  large  canoes.  When  these  Iroquois  saw  the 
determination  of  our  three  warriors,  who  were  try- 
ing to  board  them,  they  were  so  surprised  and 
astounded  that  they  took  flight,  thinking  that  others 
might  pursue  them,  now  that  they  were  discovered. 

"  On  the  thirteenth  of  the  same  month.  Monsieur 
de  Lauson,  Governor  for  his  Majesty  of  the  whole 
country,  came  to  visit  our  Village.  At  the  same 
time  that  the  cannon  fired  a  salute  in  his  honor,  it 
happened  that  four  or  five  Husbandmen,  who  were 
plowing  in  the  neighboring  field,  were  surrounded 
by  a  band  of  Iroquois,  who  killed  two  of  them.  Our 
Savages  pursued  them,  but  a  little  too  [28]  late, — 
finding  only  the  baggage  of  these  robbers,  which 
they  had  abandoned  in  order  to  run  more  freely  and 
put  themselves  the  sooner  out  of  danger  of  being 
caught. 

"  On  the  twenty-eighth,  these  Hunters  having 
killed  a  little  French  child,  almost  within  gunshot 
of  our  settlement,  the  cannoneer,  seeing  that  there 
was  no  one  to  pursue  them,  discharged  a  piece  of 
artillery,  in  order  to  give  the  signal;  but  the  cannon 
burst,  and  broke  one  of  this  poor  man's  legs;  he  died 
from  his  wound,  a  few  days  later. 

"  On  the  thirtieth,  this  same  band  surprised  a 
young  Huron,  whom  some  Husbandmen  had  posted 
as  sentinel   at   the   edge  of  the  wood,   while  they 


102  LES  RELATIONS  DES  jlSUITES  [Vol.40 

fentinelle,  ftir  le  bord  du  bois,  pendant  qu'ils  trauail- 
loient  k  la  terre.  lis  le  menerent  dans  vn  [29]  fond, 
enuiron  k  demie  lieue  de  la  Bourgade :  oil  ils  le  firent 
alTeoir,  pour  luy  demander  en  quelle  pofture  nous 
eftions,  &  pour  apprendre  I'eftat  de  nos  affaires.  Ce 
bon  gar§on  fut  adroit,  il  leur  parla  en  forte  que  ces 
brigands,  ne  croyans  point  qu'on  les  deut  fuiure  s'ar- 
refterent  vn  peu  trop  long-temps  en  ce  lieu  pour 
leur  bien,  car  nos  Hurons  furuenans,  non  feulement 
leur  firent  lacher  leur  proye,  mais  ils  en  prirent  encor 
quelques-vns  deux  prifonniers,  qu'ils  ramenerent  au 
fort.  le  ferois  trop  long,  fi  ie  voulois  rapporter 
toutes  les  attaques,  les  pourfuittes,  &  les  prifes  qui 
fe  font  faites  de  part  &  d' autre  es  enuirons  de  cette 
Bourgade,  venons  au  fiege  qu'ils  ont  fait  "k  leur  mode. 

Quoy  que  les  Sauuages  ne  [30]  plantent  pas  de  fieges 
"k  la  fa9on  des  Europeans,  ils  ne  manquent  pas  nean- 
moins  de  conduitte  dedans  leurs  guerres :  en  voicy 
vne  preuue.  Les  Iroquois  Anniehronnons,  ayans 
deffein  d'enleuer  la  Bourgade  des  trois  Riuieres, 
plutoft  par  furprife,  que  par  force,  ils  enuoyerent 
premierement,  autant  que  ie  peux  conjedturer,  quel- 
ques  petites  trouppes  detachees  de  leur  gros,  a  Mont- 
real, &  vers  Quebec:  afin  d'occuper  nos  Fran9ois,  & 
leur  ofter  I'enuie,  aux  vns  de  defcendre  aux  trois 
Riuieres,  &  aux  autres  dy  monter ;  &  par  ce  moyen 
empefcher  le  fecours,  qu'on  auroit  peu  donner  k  la 
place  qu'ils  vouloyent  prendre. 

Cela  fait,  ils  fe  vinrent  cacher  iufques  au  nombre  de 
cinq  cent,  dans  vne  ance  fort  voyfine  du  [31]  Bourg 
des  trois  Riuieres:  la  pointe  qui  forme  cette  ance, 
les  couuroit  en  forte,  qu'on  ne  les  pouuoit  apperce- 
uoir.     La  nuit  venue,  ils  fe  diuiferent  en  trois  bandes ; 


1653]  RELATION  OF  i6s2-53  lOS 

worked  in  the  field.  They  led  him  to  a  [29]  retired 
spot,  about  half  a  league  from  the  Village,  where 
they  made  him  sit  down,  in  order  to  question  him  on 
our  situation  and  learn  the  state  of  our  affairs.  This 
good  lad  was  adroit ;  and  he  talked  with  them  in  such 
wise  that  these  brigands,  not  thinking  they  might 
be  followed,  tarried  there  a  little  too  long  for  their 
own  good;  for  our  Hurons.  coming  upon  them  by 
surprise,  not  only  made  them  release  their  prey,  but 
also  took  some  of  them  prisoners  and  carried  these 
back  to  the  fort.  I  would  take  too  much  time  if  I 
tried  to  relate  all  the  attacks,  pursuits,  and  captures 
that  were  made  on  both  sides  in  the  neighborhood 
of  this  Village.  Let  us  come  to  the  siege,  which 
they  carried  on  after  their  usual  method. 

' '  Although  the  Savages  do  not  [30]  carry  on  sieges 
in  the  manner  of  the  Europeans,  yet  they  do  not 
lack  generalship  in  their  wars,  of  which  I  will  give 
an  instance.  The  Anniehronnon  Iroquois,  purpos- 
ing to  capture  the  Village  of  three  Rivers  by  surprise 
rather  than  by  force,  sent  in  the  first  place,  as  far  as 
I  can  infer,  some  small  bands,  detached  from  their 
main  body,  to  Montreal  and  toward  Quebec.  This 
was  in  order  to  engage  the  attention  of  our  French- 
men and  make  them  indisposed  to  go  down  —  or  up, 
as  the  case  might  be  —  to  three  Rivers ;  and  by  this 
means  to  cut  off  the  aid  that  it  might  have  been 
possible  to  render  the  place  which  they  wished  to 
capture. 

"  That  done,  they  came  and  hid  themselves,  to 
the  number  of  five  hundred,  in  a  cove  that  is  very 
near  the  [31]  Village  of  three  Rivers;  they  were 
covered  by  the  point  forming  that  cove,  so  that  they 
could  not  be  perceived.     At  nightfall,  they  divided 


104  LES  RELATIONS  DES  jASUJTES         [Vol.40 

lis  enuoierent  vn  canot  de  dix  hommes,  dans  de 
petites  Ifles  qui  font  toutes  voifmes  du  fort,  &  du 
Bourg  des  trois  Riuieres,  &  ils  firet  paffer  onze  canots, 
an  dela  du  grand  fleuue  vis  ^  vis  de  ce  fort.  Le  refte 
fe  cacha  dans  les  bois  derriere  noftre  Bourgade,  voicy 
leur  penfee  dans  cette  conduitte. 

Comme  ils  voyoient  des  bleds  d'inde  plant^s  dans 
ces  petites  Ifles,  ils  creurent,  que  ceux  k  qui  ces  bleds 
appartenoient,  viendroient  du  matin  trauailler  k  leur 
champs,  comme  c'eft  la  coufbume,  &  que  ces  dix 
hommes,  qui  eftoient  en  embufcade,  prendroient  [32] 
quelqu'vn,  qu'ils  emmeneroient  dans  leur  petit  bat- 
teau,  paffant  deuant  le  fort,  afin  de  porter  les  Fran- 
cois ^  les  pourfuiure;  &  alors  les  onze  canots,  qui 
eftoient  caches  k  I'autre  riue  du  fleuue,  viendroient 
au  fecours,  &  en  fuitte,  ils  s'imaginoient  que  les 
Frangois  s'efchauffans  fortiroient  de  leur  Bourg,  & 
fe  viendroient  letter  k  la  foule  fur  les  bords  de  ce 
grand  fleuue,  partie  pour  s'embarquer,  &  deffaire  ces 
douze  canots :  partie  pour  voir  ce  combat :  &  pendant 
que  les  vns  &  les  autres,  feroient  occupes  ^  voir,  & 
^  combattre,  le  gros  qui  eftoit  cach6  derrier  la  Bour- 
gade, la  deuoit  facilemet  furprendre,  eftant  depour- 
ueue  de  la  plus  part  de  fes  Habitans.  Mais  la  chofe 
ne  reuflit  pas  comme  ils  pretendoient :  car  nos 
Sauuages,  k  qui  ces  bleds  [33]  appartenoient  ne  s'eloi- 
gnerent  point  de  leurs  cabanes  ce  iour  Ik,  qui  eftoit 
le  vingti6me  d'Aouft,  &  ainfi  perfonne  ne  branfla: 
eux  demeurans  caches,  &  nous  dans  I'ignorance,  que 
nous  euflions  de  0  manuals  voiflns. 

Le  lendemain  quelques  beftiaux  s'eftans  egar6s, 
les  Habitans  Frangois  prierent  des  Sauuages  de  les 
aller  chercher  dans  les  bois,  ou  fur  les  riues  du  grand 


1653]  RELATION  OF  i6s2-S3  105 

into  three  bands,  sent  a  canoe  with  ten  men  to  some 
small  Islands  very  near  the  fort  and  the  Village  of 
three  Rivers,  and  caused  eleven  canoes  to  proceed  to 
the  farther  side  of  the  great  river,  opposite  this  fort. 
The  rest  concealed  themselves  in  the  woods  behind 
our  Village.  In  this  disposition  of  their  forces  their 
purpose  was  as  follows : 

"  Seeing  some  Indian  corn  planted  on  those  little 
Islands,  they  thought  that  those  to  whom  this  corn 
belonged  would  come  in  the  morning  to  work  in  their 
fields,  according  to  their  custom;  and  that  the  ten 
men  in  ambush  would  capture  [32]  one  of  these  and 
carry  him  away  in  their  little  boat,  passing  in  front 
of  the  fort,  in  order  to  incite  the  French  to  pursue 
them ;  and  then  the  eleven  canoes  that  were  concealed 
on  the  other  side  of  the  river  would  come  to  the 
rescue.  Thereupon,  as  they  imagined,  the  French 
would  get  excited,  come  out  of  their  Village,  and 
rush  in  crowds  to  the  banks  of  this  great  river,  partly 
to  embark  and  put  to  rout  these  twelve  canoes, 
partly  to  see  the  engagement ;  and,  while  these  were 
engaged, — some  in  fighting,  and  others  in  looking 
on, —  the  main  body,  concealed  behind  the  Village, 
would  easily  surprise  it,  as  it  would  be  emptied  of 
the  greater  part  of  its  Inhabitants.  But  the  thing 
did  not  succeed  according  to  their  intention ;  for  our 
Savages,  to  whom  that  corn  [33]  belonged,  did  not 
go  away  from  their  cabins  on  that  day,  which  was 
the  twentieth  of  August;  and  so  no  one  moved, — 
they  remaining  in  hiding,  and  we  being  unaware 
that  we  had  such  bad  neighbors. 

"  On  the  following  day,  some  cattle  having  gone 
astray,  the  French  Inhabitants  asked  some  Savages 
to  go   and  look  for  them  in   the  woods,  or  on  the 


106  LES  RELATIONS  DES  j£SUITES  [Vol.40 

fleuue:  ceux  qui  fe  mirent  en  deuoir  d'executer  cette 
commilTion,  retourneren,t  bien-tofl  fur  leurs  pas, 
difans  qu'ils  auoient  veu  les  piftes  d'vn  grand  nombre 
de  perfonnes,  &  que  Tennemy  n'eftoit  pas  loing.  A 
mefme  temps  quelques  moiflonneurs  quittans  leur 
ouurage,  coururent  vers  la  Bourgade,  affeurans  qu'ils 
auoient  veus  de  nouueaux  [34]  vifages,  des  gens 
veftus  d'vne  fa^on  extraordinaire,  qui  fe  tenoient  "k 
couuert  dans  les  bois.  On  enuoya  des  efpions  qui 
n'ayans  rien  rencontre,  on  fit  paffer  ces  auis  pour  des 
craintes  mal  fondees,  ou  pour  des  terreurs  paniques. 

Le  vingt-deuxiefme  du  mefme  mois,  on  retourna 
au  trauail  des  moiffons,  &  pour  affurer  les  moiflon- 
neurs, on  pofa  quelques  fentinelles  ^  I'or^e  des  bois. 
Les  Iroquois  impatiens,  coururent  fur  I'vne  de  ,^ces 
fentinelles  pour  f^auoir  I'eftat  de  noftre  habitation. 
C6t  homme  gagne  au  pied,  mais  ils  I'attraperent,  & 
luy  donnerent  deux  ou  trois  coups  de  maffe,  ou  de 
hache  fur  la  tefte,  qui  I'offencerent  beaucoup,  mais 
ces  coups  ne  furent  pas  mortels.  On  ne  douta  plus 
pour  lors,  que  les  ennemis  [35]  ne  fuffent  en 
campagne,  ou  plutoft  dans  les  forets. 

Le  vingt-troifieme  ils  parurent  fur  I'eau,  auffi  bien 
que  fur  la  terre.  Le  canot  qui  s'efloit  cach6  dedans 
les  Ifles,  dont  i'ay  fait  mention,  voyant  que  perfonne 
ne  paroifToit,  quitte  fon  pofte  pour  trauerfer  la 
riuiere,  &  pour  s'aller  ioindre  "k  ces  onze  batteaux 
que  I'ennemy  auoit  mis  en  embufcade  fur  1' autre 
riue.  On  luy  donna  la  cliafTe,  non  tant  pour  le  com- 
battre,  que  pour  d^couurir  par  fon  moyen,  fi  les 
ennemis  eftoient  en  grand  nombre.  Mais  comme  on 
ne  le  put  attraper,  le  Capitaine  du  fort  enuoya  vne 
chalouppe  armee  de  bons  hommes  au  haut  du  fleuue. 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1652-53  107 

banks  of  the  great  river.  Those  who  took  it  upon 
themselves  to  execute  this  commission,  retraced  their 
steps  in  a  short  time,  saying  they  had  seen  traces  of 
a  great  many  people,  and  that  the  enemy  was  not 
far  away.  At  the  same  time,  some  harvesters,  leav- 
ing their  work,  came  running  toward  the  Village, 
declaring  that  they  had  seen  new  [34]  faces, —  those 
of  people  dressed  in  an  unusual  manner,  who  were 
keeping  themselves  hidden  in  the  woods.  Spies 
were  sent  out ;  but,  as  they  discovered  nothing,  this 
information  was  ascribed  to  ill-founded  fears  or  panic. 

"  On  the  twenty-second  of  the  same  month,  the 
men  returned  to  the  work  of  harvesting;  and,  in 
order  to  give  security  to  the  harvesters,  some  sentinels 
were  placed  on  the  edge  of  the  woods.  The  Iroquois, 
growing  impatient,  rushed  out  upon  one  of  these 
sentinels,  for  the  purpose  of  learning  the  condition 
of  our  settlement.  This  man  took  to  his  heels ;  but 
they  overtook  him,  and  gave  him  two  or  three  blows 
on  the  head  with  clubs  or  hatchets,  hurting  him 
severely,  although  these  blows  were  not  mortal. 
There  was  then  no  longer  any  doubt  that  the  enemy 
[35]  were  in  the  field,  or,  rather,  in  the  forests. 

"  On  the  twenty-third,  they  appeared  on  the  water 
as  well  as  on  the  land.  The  canoe  that  had  hidden 
among  the  Islands,  as  already  mentioned,  seeing  that 
no  one  appeared,  left  its  post  to  cross  the  river  and 
go  to  join  those  eleven  boats  which  the  enemy  had 
placed  in  ambush  on  the  other  bank.  We  gave  chase 
after  it,  not  so  much  to  fight  with  it  as  to  find  out, 
by  its  means,  whether  the  enemy  were  many  in  num- 
ber. But,  as  we  could  not  overtake  it,  the  Captain 
of  the  fort  sent  an  armed  shallop,  well  manned,  up 
the  river." 


108  LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES         [Vol.40 

Ecoutons-le  parler,  i'ay  tir6  ce  qui  fuit  de  la  copie 
de  I'vne  de  fes  lettres.  A  peine  nos  gens  etoient-ils 
[36]  eloignes  d'vn  quart  de  lieue  du  fort,  qu'ils 
apperceurent  vn  grand  nombre  de  canots,  echoiies 
dans  vne  ance :  ils  dechargent  deffus  leurs  armes  k 
feu,  &  aulii-toft  reprennent  leur  route  vers  le  fort. 
Le  Tambour,  k  qui  i'auois  commande  de  donner 
quelques  coups  de  baguettes  fur  fa  caifTe,  en  cas  que 
la  chalouppe  eut  d^couuert  I'ennemy,  me  rapella 
dans  le  fort;  comme  i'en  approchois,  ie  vy  vn  grand 
nombre  d' Iroquois,  courans  k  bride  abbatue,  comme 
on  dit,  a  trauers  les  champs,  faifant  mine  de  venir 
attaquer  la  Bourgade.  Ie  crie  aux  armes:  ie  fay 
fermer  les  portes,  &  rouler  deux  pieces  de  canon, 
que  i'auois  difpofe  pour  ce  fujet.  Ces  Barbares  au 
bruit  de  ce  tonnerre,  fe  iettent  fur  des  beftiaux  qui 
palToient  proche  du  Bourg,  ils  les  [37]  pouffent  dans 
le  bois,  &  les  ayans  maffacres,  ils  courent  fur  les 
riues  du  grand  fleuue,  dechargeans  leurs  fufils  fur 
noftre  chalouppe,  qui  fe  vit  affaillie  de  tons  coftes: 
car  les  onze  ou  douze  canots,  dont  nous  auons  parl6, 
vinrent  fondre  fur  elle,  la  voulant  contraindre  de 
s'approcher  de  la  terre  pour  eftre  battue,  &  par  eau 
&  par  terre.  On  fit  feu  de  tous  coftes :  I'air  fut  bien- 
toft  remply  de  flammes  &  de  fumee.  Ie  fit  tirer  plus 
de  vingt  coups  de  canon  en  vn  quart  d'heure,  qui 
n'eurent  autre  effet,  pour  ce  que  nos  boulets  n'eftoient 
pas  de  calibre,  que  de  faire  retirer  I'ennemy,  &  don- 
ner paffage  b.  noftre  chalouppe,  qui  fe  defendit  vail- 
lamment,  &  auec  vn  bon-heur :  car  nos  gens  tirerent 
&  blefferent  quelques  Iroquois,  &  pas  vn  deux  ne 
recent  aucun  dommage. 

[38]  Ces  demis  Demons  voyans  qu'ils  auoient  eft6 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1632-33  109 

Let  US  hear  him  speak ;  I  have  taken  what  follows 
from  the  copy  of  one  of  his  letters.^  "  Scarcely  had 
our  people  [36]  proceeded  a  quarter  of  a  league  from 
the  fort,  when  they  perceived  a  large  number  of 
canoes  that  had  stranded  in  a  cove ;  they  discharged 
their  firearms  at  these,  and  immediately  resumed 
their  course  toward  the  fort.  The  Drummer,  whom 
I  had  ordered  to  give  some  drum-beats  in  case  the 
shallop  should  discover  the  enemy,  called  me  back 
into  the  fort ;  as  I  approached  it,  I  saw  a  great  num- 
ber of  Iroquois  running  with  loose  rein,  as  the  saying 
is,  across  the  fields,  and  acting  as  if  they  were  com- 
ing to  attack  the  Village.  I  called  to  arms,  had  the 
gates  closed  and  two  pieces  of  ordnance  discharged, 
which  I  had  arranged  for  this  purpose.  Those  Bar- 
barians, at  the  noise  of  this  thunder,  rushed  upon  the 
cattle  that  were  passing  near  the  Village,  [37]  drove 
them  into  the  woods,  and,  after  butchering  them, 
ran  to  the  banks  of  the  great  river,  discharging  their 
muskets  at  our  shallop.  The  latter  found  itself 
assailed  on  all  sides ;  for  the  eleven  or  twelve  canoes 
that  we  have  mentioned,  came  and  pounced  upon  it, 
trying  to  force  it  to  approach  the  shore,  that  it  might 
be  beaten  both  by  land  and  by  water.  Fire  was 
opened  on  all  sides,  and  soon  the  air  was  full  of  flames 
and  smoke.  In  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  I  had  more  than 
twenty  cannon  shots  fired, — which,  because  our  balls 
were  not  of  the  right  caliber,  produced  no  farther 
effect  than  to  make  the  enemy  retire  and  give  passage 
to  our  shallop.  This  defended  itself  valiantly  and 
with  success ;  for  our  people  used  their  firearms  and 
wounded  a  number  of  Iroquois,  while  not  one  of 
them  received  any  injury. 

[38]  "  These  half-Demons,   seeing  that  they  had 


110  LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES         [Vol.40 

maltraites,  allerent  decharger  leur  colere  fur  nos 
bleds  d'Indes,  &  fur  nos  bleds  Frangois.  lis  coup- 
poient  tout  ce  qu'ils  pouuoient  rencontrer,  bruflans 
les  charrues,  &  les  charettes  laifT6es  en  la  campagne, 
pour  mettre  le  feu  dans  les  tas  de  pois,  &  de  bled 
qu'ils  ramaffoient :  ils  mirent  le  feu  en  quelques 
maifons  6cart6es,  tuerent  les  beftiaux  des  Peres, 
qu'on  n'auoit  peu  retirer  aff6s  toit:  en  vn  mot,  on 
eut  dit  qu'ils  eftoient  enragez,  tant  ils  faifoient 
paroiftre  de  fureur. 

le  fi  rouler  vn  canon,  fur  vn  platon,  &  ie  le  fi  tirer 
delTuseux;  les  Sauuages  s'auancerent,  faifant  quel- 
ques efcarmouches,  &  dans  ces  petits  combats  vn  de 
nos  Algonquins  recent  vn  coup  de  fuGl  [39]  au 
genoiiil,  &  nous  bleffafmes,  &  tuafmes  quelques 
Iroquois. 

Enfin  ces  Barbares  fe  retirerent  faifant  mine  d'auoir 
affoupy  leur  rage,  &  leur  vengeance:  mais  h.  deffein 
de  s'approcher  la  nuit  de  la  Bourgade  pour  y  mettre 
le  feu,  n'eftant  enuironnee  en  plufieurs  endroits  que 
de  gros  arbres.  Nous  fufmes  fous  les  armes  tant 
que  la  nuit  dura,  ie  redoublay  les  fentinelles:  le 
Trompette,  &  le  Tambour  ioiierent  quafi  tou jours  au 
fort.  On  n'entendoit  par  tout  que  ces  paroles,  qui 
val^:  la  Redoute  tira  plufieurs  coups  d'arquebufe, 
fi  bien  que  I'ennemy  qui  faifoit  fes  approches,  epou- 
uant6  par  ces  bruits,  defefpera  de  nous  pouuoir  ny 
prendre,  ny  furprendre.  ^ 

Pendant  cette  nuit,  arriua  vn  canot  Algonquin  qui 
venoit  de  la  chaffe,  &  qui  fut  bien  eflonn6  de  [40]  fe 
voir  fain  &  fauue  au  milieu  de  tant  de  dangers.  II 
arriua  aulTi  vn  canot  Fran9ois,  qui  nous  dit  que  le 
Pere  Poncet  auoit  eft6  pris  au  Cap  rouge,  es  enuirons 


1653]  RELATION  OF  i6s2-S3  HI 

been  hardly  used,  proceeded  to  vent  their  wrath  on 
our  Indian  corn  and  French  wheat.  They  cut  down 
all  that  they  could  find,  burning  the  plows  and  carts 
left  in  the  field,  in  order  to  set  fire  to  the  heaps  of 
peas  and  grain  that  they  gathered  together.  They  set 
fire  to  some  scattered  houses  and  killed  the  Fathers' 
cattle,  which  we  had  been  unable  to  place  in  safety 
soon  enough.  In  a  word,  one  would  have  said  they 
were  madmen,  so  great  fury  did  they  manifest. 

"  I  had  a  cannon  rolled  out  upon  a  level  place, ^  and 
fired  at  them.  The  Savages  advanced,  engaging  in 
several  skirmishes;  and  in  these  little  actions  one  of 
our  Algonquins  received  a  musket-ball  [39]  in  the 
knee,  and  we  wounded  and  killed  several  Iroquois. 

"  At  length,  these  Barbarians  retired,  feigning  to 
have  glutted  their  rage  and  vengeance,  but  planning 
to  approach  the  Village  at  night  and  set  fire  to  it,  as 
it  is  surrounded  in  several  places  only  by  large  trees. 
We  were  under  arms  all  night  long;  I  doubled  the 
sentinels,  and  the  Trumpeter  and  Drummer  played 
almost  constantly  at  the  fort.  Everywhere  was  to  be 
heard  only  the  cry,  '  Who  goes  there? '  The  Redout 
fired  several  arquebus  volleys ;  and,  as  a  result  of  all 
this,  the  enemy,  after  making  their  approach,  were 
frightened  by  these  noises,  and  despaired  of  being 
able  either  to  capture  or  to  surprise  us. 

' '  During  that  night  there  arrived  a  canoe  of  Algon- 
quins, who  were  returning  from  the  chase ;  they  were 
much  astonished  to  [40]  find  themselves  safe  and 
sound  in  the  midst  of  so  many  dangers.  There  also 
arrived  a  canoe  of  Frenchmen,  who  told  us  that 
Father  Poncet  had  been  made  prisoner  at  Cap  rouge, 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Quebec ;  and  that  a  squad  of 
Frenchmen  and  Christian  Savages,  full  of  determina- 


112  LES  RELATIONS  DES  jASUITES         [Vol.40 

de  Quebec;  &  qu'vne  efcoiiade  de  quelques  Frangois 
&  quelques  Sauuages  Chreftiens  bien  refolus,  pour- 
fuiuoient  ceux  qui  I'auoient  enleu6 :  mais  le  rencontre 
des  Iroquois,  qui  nous  tenoient  comme  affieges,  leur 
fit  changer  de  deffein.  Dieu  nous  enuoioit  ce 
renfort,  qui  releuant  noftre  courage,  affoiblit  autant 
le  cceur  de  nos  Ennemis. 

Le  lendemain  vingt-quatri6me  d'Aouft,  ils  fe 
r^pandirent  vne  autre  fois  dans  nos  petites  campagnes, 
recommangans  leurs  degats,  noftre  canon  les  empefcha 
bien  de  s'approcher  de  trop  pres,  mais  il  n'arrefta 
point  nos  Hurons,  [41]  qui  ayans  vne  paffion  de  fga- 
uoir  des  nouuelles  de  leurs  parens,  &  de  leurs  amis, 
pris  autrefois  en  guerre,  &  deuenus  Iroquois,  s'ap- 
procherent  doucement  des  Ennemis  pour  leur  parler. 
S'eftans  reconnus  les  vns  les  autres,  la  confiance  fe 
gliffa  petit  k  petit  de  part  &  d'autre,  fl  bien  qu'en 
pen  de  temps,  ce  ne  furent  plus  que  conferences, 
&  qu'entretiens  d' Iroquois  auec  les  Hurons:  cela 
continua  quelques  iours  en  forte  qu'on  eut  dit,  que 
iamais  on  ne  s'eftoit  battu.  Nous  faifions  bonne 
garde  de  noftre  cofte,  chacun  demeurant  en  fon  pofte, 
&  fous  les  armes.  Quelques  Hurons  du  party  Enne- 
my,  fe  vinrent  rendre  a  nous.  Comme  on  vid  ces 
grands  pourparlers,  &  qu'on  ne  doutoit  point  que  les 
Ennemis  ne  cherchaffent  I'occafion  [42]  de  nous 
furprendre,  il  fut  propofe  en  la  maifon  de  Ville,  fi 
on  les  tromperoit  eux  mefmes:  mais  il  ne  fut  pas 
iuge  a  propos,  pour  plufieurs  raifons. 

Enfin  on  en  vint  iufques  Ik,  que  les  Ennemis  s'ap- 
prochoient  de  nous  fans  armes,  ils  nous  firent  mefme  \ 

des  prefens  k  diuerfes  fois,  proteftans  qu'ils  n'auoient 
plus  d'amertume,  ny  de  venin  dedans  le  coeur.     Vn 

'i 
.1 


T. 


1653]  RELATION  OF  i6s2-53  113 

tion,  were  in  pursuit  of  his  captors,  but,  meeting 
with  the  Iroquois, —  who  were  holding  us,  as  it  were, 
besieged, —  they  were  led  to  change  their  plan.  God 
sent  us  this  reinforcement,  which  raised  our  courage 
and  depressed  proportionately  the  spirits  of  our 
Enemies. 

"  On  the  next  day,  the  twenty-fourth  of  August, 
they  once  more  dispersed  throughout  our  little  fields 
and  renewed  their  ravages.  Our  cannon  prevented 
them  from  coming  too  near,  but  did  not  deter  our 
Hurons,  [41]  who, — being  eager  to  learn  news  of 
their  relatives  and  friends  who  had  formerly  been 
taken  in  war,  and  had  become  Iroquois, —  quietly 
approached  the  Enemy,  in  order  to  speak  to  them. 
When  they  had  recognized  one  another,  confidence 
spread  little  by  little,  on  one  side  and  the  other,  to 
such  an  extent  that  in  a  short  time  there  was  nothing 
to  be  seen  but  conferences  and  interviews  between 
Iroquois  and  Hurons;  and  this  continued  for  several 
days,  so  that  one  would  have  said  there  had  never 
been  any  war  between  them.  We  kept  careful  guard 
on  our  side,  each  man  remaining  at  his  post,  and 
under  arms.  Some  Hurons  of  the  Enemy's  side 
came  and  gave  themselves  up  to  us.  When  these 
earnest  parleys  were  noticed,  and  it  was  not  doubted 
that  the  Enemy  were  seeking  an  opportunity  [42]  to 
surprise  us,  the  question  whether  we  should  not 
practice  deception  upon  them  themselves  was  pro- 
posed in  the  Town  house ;  but,  for  several  reasons, 
this  was  deemed  inadvisable. 

"  At  last,  matters  reached  the  point  that  the  Ene- 
my approached  us  without  arms,  and  even  made  us 
presents  on  several  occasions, — protesting  that  they 
had  no  more  bitterness  or  venom  in  their  hearts.     A 


114  LES  RELATIONS  DES /£SUITES         [Vol.40 

Huron  Iroquif6  s'eftant  glilT6  parmy  nos  gens, 
emmena  au  camp  Ennemy  vne  lienne  fille,  qu'il 
rencontra  parmy  nous,  &  luy  &  les  Iroquois  apprirent 
beaucoup  de  chofes  de  fa  bouche,  bonnes  &  mauuaifes. 
Elle  leur  dit,  qu'il  nous  eftoit  venu  quelque  fecours, 
qu'vne  compagnie  de  Hurons  auoit  pris  des  Iroquois 
h.  Montreal,  &  qu'on  attendoit  de  iour  k  autre,  les 
vicftorieux,  [43]  &  les  vaincus.  Cela  fut  caufe  de  leur 
retardement:  car  dans  les  prefens  que  nous  nous 
eftions  faits  les  vns  aux  autres,  ils  nous  auoient 
donn6  parole,  qu'ils  s'en  retourneroient  bien-tofl  en 
leur  pays,  mais  ils  voulurent  attendre  le  retour  de 
ces  Hurons,  qui  amenoient  de  leurs  gens  prifonniers. 
Dans  cette  treve  ou  attente,  ils  parlerent  de  rendre 
prifonniers  pour  prifonniers,  ils  promirent  de  rame- 
ner  le  Pere  Poncet,  &  le  Francois  qui  auoit  efte  pris 
auec  luy. 

Le  trentiefme  du  mois  d'Aouft,  les  Hurons  retour- 
nans  de  Montreal,  auec  leurs  prifonniers  Iroquois 
Anniehronnons,  tomberent  non  pas  tous,  mais  en 
partie  entre  les  mains  des  Ennemis  qui  les  atten- 
doient.  Nous  dirons  au  Chapitre  de  la  paix  comme 
tout  [44]  fe  paila  entre  les  Iroquois  pris  par  les 
Hurons:  il  y  auoit  vn  Capitaine  de  confideration,  il 
parla  fortement  ^  fes  compatriotes,  qu'il  trouua  defia 
tous  difpofes  ^  la  paix,  pouff^s  par  vn  efprit  plus 
fecret,  que  celuy  qui  anime  les  hommes. 

lis  enuoyerent  promptement  deux  canots  en  leur 
pays,  pour  empefcher  qu'on  ne  fit  aucun  mal  au  Pere, 
&  a  fon  compagnon,  fi  on  les  trouuoit  encor  en  vie : 
&  apres  auoir  renuoye  les  Hurons  en  noftre  fort,  les 
principaux  d' entre  eux  nous  venoient  vifiter,  entrans 
&  couchans  en  noftre  Bourgade  auec  autant  de  t^moi- 


1653]  RELATION  OF  1652-53  115 

Huron  who  had  turned  Iroquois,  stealthily  slipping 
in  among  our  people,  carried  off  to  the  Enemy's 
camp  a  daughter  of  his,  whom  he  found  with  us ;  and 
he  and  the  Iroquois  learned  from  her  mouth  many 
things,  good  and  bad.  She  told  them  that  assistance 
had  come  to  us;  that  a  company  of  Hurons  had 
captured  some  Iroquois  at  Montreal,  and  that  victors 
[43]  and  vanquished  were  daily  expected.  That  was 
the  reason  of  their  delay ;  for  in  our  interchange  of 
presents,  one  side  with  the  other,  they  had  given  us 
their  word  to  go  back  soon  to  their  own  country,  but 
said  they  wished  to  await  the  return  of  these  Hurons, 
who  were  bringing  some  of  their  people  prisoners. 
In  this  truce,  or  period  of  waiting,  they  spoke  of 
returning  prisoner  for  prisoner,  and  promised  to 
bring  back  Father  Poncet  and  the  Frenchman  who 
had  been  captured  with  him." 

On  the  thirtieth  of  the  month  of  August,  the  Hu- 
rons, returning  from  Montreal  with  their  Anniehron- 
non  Iroquois  prisoners,  fell  —  not  all,  but  a  part  of 
them  —  into  the  hands  of  the  Enemy,  who  were  wait- 
ing for  them.  We  shall  relate  in  the  Chapter  on 
the  peace  how  it  all  [44]  came  to  pass  among  the 
Iroquois  captured  by  the  Hurons.  Among  these  was 
a  Captain  of  influence,  who  spoke  in  energetic  terms 
to  his  compatriots,  whom  he  found  already  univer- 
sally in  favor  of  peace,  impelled  by  a  more  secret 
influence  than  that  which  actuates  men. 

They  straightway  despatched  two  canoes  to  their 
own  country,  to  prevent  any  harm  being  done  to  the 
Father  and  his  companion,  if  they  should  be  found 
to  be  still  alive;  and,  after  sending  back  the  Hurons 
to  our  fort,  the  chief  men  among  them  came  to  visit 
us,  entering  our  Village  and  sleeping  there  with  as 


116  LES  RELATIONS  DES  jASUITES         [Vol.40 

gnage  d'alleurance,  que  s'ils  euffent  eite  nos  plus 
fideles,  &  plus  conftans  amis.  Bref  ils  nous  ont  lailT6 
quatre  ou  cinq  de  leurs  gens  en  oftage,  proteftans 
qu'ils  rameneroient  [45]  le  Pere  dans  pen  de  iours, 
&  qu'ils  viendroient  traiter  la  paix  auec  nous,  mais 
vne  paix  veritable  &  du  fond  du  coeur:  voila  vn 
abrege  de  deux  lettres  venues  des  Trois  Riuieres,  oii 
ces  chofes  fufdites  fe  font  paff^es,  ce  qui  fuit  eft  tir6 
d'vne  troifieme  qui  a  efte  efcrite  par  vn  Pere  de  noflre 
Compagnie. 

Nous  attendons  de  iour  a  autre  le  refultat  d'vn 
Confeil,  ou  d'vne  affembl6e  generale,  que  tiennent 
nos  Ennemis  en  leur  pays,  fur  la  propofition  de  la 
paix  qu'ils  nous  ont  faite  eux-mefmes,  apres  mille 
adtes  d'hoftilite,  &  mille  efforts  de  prendre  noftre 
Bourgade  des  Trois  Riuieres.  lis  ont  eft6  fideles 
dans  la  treve  de  quarante  iours,  qu'ils  nous  auoient 
accord^es:  car  ils  n'ont  point  paru  du  tout  pendant 
ce  temps-Ik,  &  [46]  nous  auons  marche  fur  terre,  & 
vogue  fur  les  eaux,  fans  aucun  mauuais  rencontre. 
Tadjoufteray  pour  conclufion  de  ce  Cbapitre,  que  les 
Onnontaeronnons  defcendans  a  Quebec  pour  traiter 
de  la  paix,  les  Anniehronnons,  dont  nous  venons  de 
parler,  deleguerent  quelques-vns  d'entr'eux  pour 
entrer  dans  ce  mefme  traits,  comme  il  fera  remarqu6 
dans  le  Chapitre  de  la  paix. 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1632-53  117 

much  exhibition  of  confidence  as  if  they  had  been 
our  most  faithful  and  constant  friends.  In  short, 
they  left  us  four  or  five  of  their  people  as  hostages, 
solemnly  promising  that  they  would  bring  back  [45] 
the  Father  in  a  few  days,  and  that  they  would  come 
and  treat  of  peace  with  us  —  a  peace,  too,  which 
should  be  genuine  and  sincere.  The  foregoing  is 
an  abridgment  of  two  letters  that  came  from  Three 
Rivers,  where  the  above  events  occurred;  what  fol- 
lows is  drawn  from  a  third  which  was  written  by  a 
Father  of  our  Society. 

' '  We  are  daily  awaiting  the  result  of  a  Council  or 
general  assembly,  that  our  Enemies  are  holding  in 
their  own  country,  on  the  proposal  of  peace  which 
they  themselves  made  to  us  after  a  thousand  acts  of 
hostility,  and  a  thousand  attempts  to  take  our  Village 
of  Three  Rivers.  They  were  faithful  in  the  truce 
of  forty  days  which  they  granted  us;  for  during  that 
time  nothing  at  all  was  seen  of  them,  and  [46]  we 
went  our  way,  on  both  land  and  water,  without  any 
hostile  encounter."  I  will  add,  in  concluding  this 
Chapter,  that,  when  the  Onnontaeronnons  were  on 
their  way  down  to  Quebec  to  treat  of  peace,  the 
Anniehronnons,  of  whom  we  have  just  spoken,  dele- 
gated some  of  their  own  number  to  enter  into  this 
same  treaty,  as  will  be  related  in  the  Chapter  on  the 
peace. 


118  LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES         [Vol.40 


CHAPITRE  IV. 

DE    LA    PRISE   &    DE    LA   DELIURANCE    DU    PERE    JOSEPH 

PONCET. 

LES  Iroquois  ayans  malTacrez  au  mois  de  luin 
quelques  Fran9ois  au  Cap  rouge,  lieu  61oigne 
de  trois  lieues  ou  enuiron  du  fort  de  Quebec, 
furprirent  au  [47]  mefme  endroit  le  vingtiefme  du 
mois  d'Aouft  dernier  paff6  le  P.  lofeph  Poncet,  & 
vn  Fran9ois  nomme  Maturin  Franchetot.  Ce  bon 
Pere,  voyant  qu'vne  pauure  vefue  Fran9oise  auoit  du 
grain  fur  la  terre,  &  qu'elle  manquoit  de  bras  pour 
le  ramaffer,  s'en  alloit  en  ce  quartier  Ik,  chercher 
quelques  bonnes  perfonnes,  qui  la  voulufTent  aider  k 
faire  fa  petite  recolte.  II  venoit  de  parler  au  Fran- 
cois queie  vies  de  nommer,  quelques  Iroquois  fortans 
de  la  foreft  voifme,  oil  ils  eftoient  cachez  en  embuf- 
cade,  fe  jetterent  fur  eux  feparement,  &  k  I'impro- 
uilte,  &  les  entraifnerent.  On  a  commande  au  Pere 
k   fon   retour,   de  coucher   fur  le   papier   fa  prife,  &  '  ):, 

toutes  fes  auantures,  il  a  obey  auec  repugnance, 
fouhaittant  que  fes  Croix  ne  fulTent  connues  [48] 
que  du  Roy  des  crucifies:  mais  vne  partie  de  fes 
memoires  a  efte  dechiree  par  les  Anglois.  Nous 
fuiurons  dans  ce  Chapitre  ce  qui  eft  venu  entre  nos 
mains,  apres  auoir  rapporte  deux  ou  trois  petits  mots 
d'vne  lettre  efcrite  fur  ce  fujet. 

Si  toft  que  la  nouuelle  fut  apportee  h.  Quebec,  que 
les  Iroquois  auoient  enleue  le  P.  Poncet,  comme  il 
ertoit  aim6  de  tout  le  monde,  non  feulement  on  en 


1653]  RELATION  OF  ib32-S3  119 


CHAPTER  IV. 

OF  THE  CAPTURE  AND  DELIVERANCE  OF  FATHER  JOSEPH 

PONCET. 

THE  Iroquois,  having  butchered  some  Frenchmen 
in  the  month  of  June,  at  Cap  rouge, — a  place 
distant  three  leagues,  or  thereabout,  from  the 
fort  of  Quebec, —  surprised  in  the  [47]  same  place, 
on  the  twentieth  of  the  month  of  last  August,  Father 
Joseph  Poncet  and  a  Frenchman  named  Maturin 
Franchetot.  This  good  Father,  seeing  that  a  poor 
French  widow  had  some  grain  in  the  field,  and  lacked 
help  to  gather  it  in,  went  off  in  that  direction  to 
hunt  up  some  good  people  who  would  be  willing  to 
aid  in  garnering  her  little  harvest.  He  had  just 
spoken  to  the  Frenchman  mentioned  above,  when 
some  Iroquois,  issuing  from  the  neighboring  forest, 
where  they  had  been  hidden  in  ambush,  rushed  upon 
them  separately  and  unexpectedly,  and  dragged  them 
away.  The  Father  was  bidden,  upon  his  return,  to 
commit  to  paper  his  capture  and  all  his  adventures ; 
he  obeyed  with  reluctance,  desiring  that  his  Crosses 
be  known  [48]  only  to  the  King  of  the  crucified ;  but 
a  part  of  his  account  was  torn  up  by  the  English. 
After  citing  two  or  three  short  passages  from  a  letter 
written  on  this  subject,  we  shall  follow,  in  this 
Chapter,  what  has  come  into  our  hands. 

' '  As  soon  as  the  news  was  brought  to  Quebec  that 
the  Iroquois  had  carried  off  Father  Poncet,  not  only 
was  general  sadness  felt  on  his  account,  as  he  was 


120  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES         [Vol.40 

conceut  vne  triftelTe  generale :  mais  trente  ou 
quarante  Frangois,  &  quelques  Sauuages  Chreftiens, 
prirent  vne  forte  refolution  de  le  retirer  des  mains 
de  ces  Barbares,  quoy  qu'il  leur  en  couftaft.  lis 
monterent  en  canot  le  lendemain  de  fa  prife,  "k  deffein 
de  preuenir  I'Ennemy,  I'allant  attendre  en  quelque 
endroit  ou  il  deuoit  [49]  palTer,  pour  le  furprendre 
au  paflage.  On  fait  icy  tant  de  prieres,  en  public  & 
en  particulier,  depuis  leur  depart,  que  ie  ne  puis 
penfer  autre  chofe,  ou  que  Dieu  nous  le  rendra,  ou  que 
par  fon  moyen,  il  donnera  la  paix  au  dedans,  &  au 
dehors  de  ce  pauure  pais.  Et  plus  bas  das  la  mefme 
lettre,  le  P.  Poncet  fut  pris  le  vingti6me  d'Aouft  fur 
le  foir,  le  vingt-vnieme,  nos  coureurs  le  fuiuirent 
fur  la  nuit,  &  voila,  que  le  vingt-fixieme,  I'vn  des 
canots  qui  eftoient  alles  donner  la  chaffe  aux  voleurs, 
qui  remmennent,  nous  rapporte  nouuelle,  que  ces 
coureurs  fe  font  arreft^s  aux  Trois  Riuieres,  pour 
fecourir  la  Bourgade,  infeftee  par  cinq  cens  Iroquois, 
qui  la  tiennent  bouclee,  rodans  aux  enuirons  de  tous 
coftes.  Ceux  qui  font  retournez  dans  ce  canot,  nous 
[50]  difent  qu'ils  ont  trouu6  proche  I'lfle  de  faindl 
Eloy,  deux  vifages  crayonnez  auec  du  charbon,  fur 
vn  arbre,  dont  on  auoit  enleue  I'ecorce,  &  les  noms 
du  Pere  Poncet,  &  de  Mathurin  Francbetot,  ecrits  au 
deffous  de  ces  deux  vifages.  De  plus,  qu'ils  ont 
remontr^  \sc.  rencontre]  au  mefme  endroit,  vn  liure 
dans  lequel  efloit  efcrit  le  fens  de  ces  paroles :  Six 
Hurons  Iroquifez,  &  quatre  Anniehronnons,  emmen- 
nent  le  P.  Poncet,  &  Mathurin  Franchetot,  ils  ne 
nous  ont  encore  fait  aucun  mal.  C'eft  leur  couftume 
de  traiter  doucement  leurs  prifonniers,  tant  qu'ils 
font  encor  dans  la  crainte  d'eftre  attrappez.     Voila 


lfi;53]  RELATION  OF  1652-53  121 


beloved  by  all;  but  thirty  or  forty  Frenchmen,  and 
some  Christian  Savages,  firmly  resolved  to  rescue 
him  from  the  hands  of  those  Barbarians,  whatever  it 
might  cost  them  to  do  so.  They  launched  their 
canoes  on  the  day  following  his  capture,  purposing 
to  forestall  the  Enemy  by  going  to  wait  for  them  in 
some  spot  which  they  must  [49]  pass,  in  order  to 
surprise  them  as  they  went  by.  So  many  prayers 
have  been  offered  here,  in  public  and  in  private,  since 
their  departure,  that  I  can  but  think  either  that  God 
will  restore  him  to  us,  or  that  by  his  means  he  will 
give  peace  to  this  poor  country,  both  within  and 
without  its  borders. ' '  And,  farther  down  in  the  same 
letter:  "  Father  Poncet  was  captured  on  the  twen- 
tieth of  August,  toward  evening;  on  the  twenty-firat, 
toward  night,  our  scouts  followed  him ;  and  on  the 
twenty-sixth,  one  of  the  canoes  that  had  gone  in 
pursuit  of  the  robbers  who  were  carrying  him  off 
brought  back  news  to  us  that  those  scouts  had  stopped 
at  Three  Rivers  to  give  help  to  the  Village,  as  it  was 
harassed  by  five  hundred  Iroquois, — who  were  hold- 
ing it  closely  beset,  and  were  prowling  about  the 
neighborhood  in  all  directions.  Those  who  returned 
in  this  canoe  [50]  told  us  that  they  found,  near  the 
Island  of  saint  Eloy,  two  faces  drawn  with  charcoal 
on  a  tree  from  which  the  bark  had  been  removed, 
and  the  names  of  Father  Poncet  and  Mathurin  Fran- 
chetot  written  beneath  these.  Furthermore,  they 
said  they  had  found  in  the  same  place  a  book  in  which 
was  written,  in  substance,  these  words :  '  Six  Hurons, 
turned  Iroquois,  and  four  Anniehronnons  are  carry- 
ing off  Father  Poncet  and  Mathurin  Franchetot. 
They  have  not  yet  done  us  any  injury.  It  is  their 
custom  to  treat  their  prisoners  gently  as  long  as  they 


122  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES         [Vol.40 

ce  qui  m'a  eft^  recrit  fur  la  prife  de  ce  bon  Pere. 
Venons  maintenant  aux  lambeaux  de  fes  memoires, 
dont  ie  feray  vn  petit  abbrege. 

[51]  Nous  arriuafmes,  dit-il,  k  vne  Riuiere  fort 
rapide,  oil  rarm^e  qui  eftoit  all6e  aux  Trois  Riuieres 
auoit  campe.  Le  Barbare  qui  m'auoit  pris  au  Cap 
rouge,  m'ofta  le  Reliquaire  que  ie  portois  au  col,  & 
le  pendit  au  fien :  comme  il  couroit,  certain  iour  das 
les  bois,  ce  Reliquaire  s'ouurit,  &  toutes  les  Reliques 
furent  perdues,  il  ne  refta  dans  la  petite  boete  de 
cuiure,  qui  compofoit  ce  Reliquaire,  qu'vn  petit 
papier,  furlequel  i'auois  efcry  de  mon  propre  fang, 
comme  i'eflois  encore  au  pais  des  Hurons,  les  noms  de 
nos  Peres  martyrifez  en  1' Amerique,  &  vne  petite  Orai- 
fon,  par  laquelle  ie  demandois  a  Noftre  Seigneur, 
vne  mort  violente  pour  fon  feruice,  &  la  grace  d'y 
r^pandre  tout  mon  fang.  De  forte,  qu'ayant  adroite- 
ment  retird  ce  papier,  [52]  d'entre  les  mains  de  ce 
Barbare,  ie  voyois  fans  ceffe  deuant  mes  yeux,  la 
fentence  de  ma  mort,  ^crite  de  mon  propre  fang,  fi 
bien  que  ie  ne  m'en  pouuois  dedire.  I'auois  neant- 
moins  vne  penfee,  que  ces  grandes  ames,  &  ces 
braues  courages,  qui  m'auoient  precedez  en  ce  com- 
bat, auoient  efle  effedtiuement  immolez,  comme  ayans 
des  vertus  veritables,  &  que  moy  qui  n'en  auois  que 
les  ombres,  &  la  figure,  ne  ferois  crucifie  qu'en 
peinture. 

I'auois  encor  dans  mon  Breuiaire,  vne  Image  de 
S.  Ignace,  auec  Noftre  Seigneur  portant  fa  Croix, 
myftere  propre  de  noftre  Compagnie,  auquel  ayant 
toujours  efte  fort  affedtionne,  il  luy  a  pleu  de  m'y 
donner  quelque  part,  dans  les  fatigues  extraordinaires 
que  i'eus  dans  ce  chemin,  [53]   I'lmage  de  Noftre 


1653]  RELATION  OF  1632-53  123 

are  still  in  fear  of  being  overtaken.'  "  That  is  what 
was  written  to  me  concerning  this  good  Father's 
capture.  Let  us  now  come  to  the  tattered  remnants 
of  his  own  account,  of  which  I  shall  make  a  brief 
abridgment. 

[51]  "We  arrived,"  says  he,  "at  a  very  rapid 
River,  where  the  army  that  had  gone  to  Three  Riv- 
ers had  camped.  The  Barbarian  who  had  captured 
me  at  Cap  rouge  took  away  from  me  the  Reliquary 
which  I  was  wearing  on  my  neck,  and  hung  it  to  his 
own.  One  day,  when  he  was  running  in  the  woods, 
this  Reliquary  flew  open  and  all  the  Relics  were 
lost, — there  remaining  in  the  little  copper  box  com- 
posing the  Reliquary  only  a  small  piece  of  paper  on 
which  I  had  written  in  my  own  blood,  when  I  was 
still  in  the  country  of  the  Hurons,  the  names  of  our 
Fathers  martyred  in  America,  and  a  short  Prayer  in 
which  I  asked  Our  Lord  for  a  violent  death  in  his 
service,  and  the  grace  to  shed  all  my  blood  for  the 
same  cause.  It  so  happened  that,  when  I  had  adroitly 
removed  this  paper  [52]  from  that  Barbarian's  grasp, 
I  saw  constantly  before  my  eyes  the  sentence  of  my 
death  written  in  my  own  blood,  so  that  I  could  not 
revoke  it.  Nevertheless,  I  had  a  feeling  that  those 
great  souls  and  stout  hearts  who  had  preceded  me  in 
this  conflict  had  been  actually  immolated,  as  having 
genuine  virtues ;  and  that  I,  who  had  only  the  shad- 
ows and  faint  likenesses  thereof,  would  be  crucified 
only  in  appearance. 

"  I  still  had  in  my  Breviary  a  Picture  of  St.  Igna- 
tius, with  Our  Lord  bearing  his  Cross, —  a  mystery 
which  well  suited  our  Society;  and  in  which,  as  I 
had  always  felt  a  strong  affection  for  it,  he  was 
pleased  to  give  me  some  share,  in  the  extraordinary 


124  LES  RELATIONS  DES  JASUITES  [Vol.40 

Dame  de  Piti6,  entour^e  des  cinq  playes  de  fon  Fils, 
m'eftoit  auffi  reft6e;  c'eftoit  ma  plus  grande  recrea- 
tion, &  mon  reconfort,  dans  mes  detreffes:  mais  la 
crainte  que  ces  faints  portraits  ne  fuffent  m6prifez, 
me  fit  refoudre  de  m'en  priuer,  &  de  les  cacher  dans 
vn  builTon. 

le  garday  vne  petite  Couronne  de  Noftre  Seigneur, 
qui  me  refta  feule  de  tout  ce  que  ie  portois  fur  moy, 
quand  ie  fus  pris.  Ie  la  cachay  fi  bien  qu'elle  ne  fut 
iamais  apperceue  de  ces  Barbares. 

Pour  reuenir  h.  noftre  voyage.  Quand  il  fut 
queftion  de  pafler  le  Torrent,  dont  i'ay  parle:  on  me 
commanda  de  le  trauerfer  h.  beau  pied,  i'eftois  defia 
tout  moiiille,  ayant  pafl^  la  nuit,  dans  des  herbiers 
tous  trempez  de  la  bruine,  [54]  &  de  la  rof^e  de  la 
nuit,  qui  fut  fort  froide.  I'eus  de  I'eau  iufques  k  la 
ceinture  dans  ce  Torrent ;  tout  cela,  auec  le  manque 
de  nourriture,  me  caufa  de  grandes  coliques,  &  des 
peines  exceffiues.  Ie  ne  laiffay  pas  neantmoins  de 
faire  toutes  mes  deuotions  h.  I'ordinaire,  me  confolant 
doucement  auec  Noftre  Seigneur,  de  la  main  duquel 
ie  prenois  cette  Croix,  &  non  pas  de  la  main  des 
hommes. 

II  me  prit  dans  ces  trauaux,  vn  fi  grand  engour- 
diffement  en  la  jambe  gauche,  «&  ie  receuois  vne  fi 
grande  incommodite,  d'vne  groffe  ampoulle  qui  me 
vint  fous  le  mefme  pied  gauche,  que  mes  hoftes 
furent  contrains  de  faire  vn  gille,  auquel  ils  ne  s'at- 
tendoient  pas.  lis  n'auoient  plus  qu'vn  morceau  de 
chair  boiiillie,  [55]  qu'ils  auoient  gardee  de  leur  der- 
nier repas,  croyans  arriuer  en  lieu,  ou  ils  trouueroient 
des  viures :  ils  le  mangerent,  dans  la  mefme  hoftel- 
lerie,  oil  nous  auios  logez  en  tout  noftre  voyage,  fous 


I 


1653]  RELATION  OF  1652-33  125 

hardships  that  I  underwent  on  this  journey,  [53] 
The  Picture  of  Our  Lady  of  Pity,  surrounded  by  the 
five  wounds  of  her  Son,  was  also  left  me,  and  formed 
my  greatest  recreation,  and  my  consolation  in  dis- 
tress. But  the  fear  that  these  hallowed  portraits 
might  meet  with  some  indignity,  made  me  decide  to 
forego  their  possession  and  hide  them  in  a  bush. 

"  I  kept  a  little  Crown  of  Our  Lord,  which  was  the 
only  thing  left  me  of  all  that  I  had  on  my  person 
when  I  was  captured.  I  concealed  it  so  well  that  it 
was  never  perceived  by  those  Barbarians. 

"  To  return  to  our  journey:  when  it  came  to  cross- 
ing the  Stream  of  which  I  have  spoken,  I  was  ordered 
to  wade  through  it.  I  was  already  soaking  wet, 
having  passed  the  night  in  the  tall  grass,  which  was 
all  saturated  with  drizzling  rain  [54]  and  the  dew  of 
night,  the  nights  being  very  cold.  I  was  wet  up  to 
the  waist  in  this  Stream ;  and  all  that,  with  the  want 
of  nourishment,  caused  me  a  severe  colic  and  excess- 
ive pains.  I  did  not,  however,  cease  to  perform  all 
my  devotions  as  usual,  taking  comfort  quietly  with 
Our  Lord,  from  whose  hand,  and  not  from  the  hand 
of  men,  I  received  this  Cross. 

"  Amid  these  labors,  I  was  seized  with  so  great 
numbness  in  the  left  leg,  and  was  so  severely  incon- 
venienced by  a  large  blister  under  this  same  left  foot, 
that  my  hosts  were  compelled  to  halt  for  a  time,  a 
thing  which  they  had  not  expected.  They  had  only 
a  morsel  of  boiled  meat  left,  [55]  which  they  had 
kept  from  their  last  meal,  thinking  to  reach  a  place 
where  they  would  find  provisions.  They  ate  it  at 
the  same  inn  where  we  had  lodged  throughout  our 
journey, — under  the  vault  of  Heaven;  and,  as  I  felt 
extremely   exhausted,    I   had    recourse   to   my   two 


126  LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  j£SUITES        [Vol.  40 

la  voute  du  Ciel ;  &  comme  ie  me  fentois  extreme- 
ment  6puif6,  i'eus  recours  a  mes  deux  Patrons,  Saint 
Raphael,  &  Sainte  Marthe:  leur  difant  doucement 
en  mon  coeur,  que  i'aurois  bien  befoin  de  quelque 
rafraifchiffement,  dans  la  foif  que  i'endurois,  &  d'vn 
peu  de  bouillon,  dans  mon  epuifement.  A  peine 
auois-je  form6  ces  fentimens  en  mon  coeur,  que 
I'vn  de  nos  codudteurs,  m'apporta  quelques  prunes 
fauuages,  qu'il  trouua,  par  grande  auanture,  dans  les 
bois:  car  plus  de  {^is.  cens  homes  auoient  pafle  par 
cet  endroit.  Sur  la  nuit,  ayant  eu  bien  de  la  peine 
[56]  d'auoir  vn  peu  d'eau  nette,  pource  que  nous 
eftions  dans  vn  vilain  marais,  ie  me  couchay,  & 
m'endormy,  fans  autre  reconfort  que  de  malaffitude: 
mais  ie  fus  bien  eftone,  que  mon  hofte  m'eueilla,  & 
me  prefenta  vn  boiiillon,  fans  f^auoir  comment  il 
I'auoit  pu  faire. 

Le  lendemain  matin,  il  fallut  partir  fans  defieuner, 
&  marcher  auec  vne  jambe,  &  vn  pied  eflropie,  &  vn 
corps  tout  rompu:  i'attribue  la  force,  que  Dieu  me 
donna,  h.  mes  chers  Patrons,  notamment  a  S.  lofeph, 
auquel  i'auois  vn  grand  recours.  Eflans  arriuez,  a 
deux  heures  apres  midy,  proche  de  la  riuiere  qui 
defcend  au  quartier  des  Hollandois,  au  delk  de  la- 
quelle  eft  plac6  le  premier  Bourg  des  Iroquois,  on 
nous  commanda  de  nous  depoiiiller,  [57]  &  de  quitter 
ce  qui  nous  refloit  de  nos  habits  Fran9ois;  n'ayant 
plus  qu'vn  brayer,  on  ietta  fur  mon  dos,  vne  houppe- 
lande  bleue  toute  dechiree,  &  on  laiffa  k  mon  com- 
pagnon,  vn  vieux  pourpoint  de  toile  tout  rompu. 
Quelques  Sauuages  de  noftre  bande,  ayans  pris  le 
deuant,  eftoient  retournez  iufques  h.  cette  riuiere  auec 
leurs  femmes,  apportans  des  epics  de  bled  d'Inde,  & 


1653]  RELATION  OF  z6s2-53  127 

Patrons,  Saint  Raphael  and  Saint  Martha,  saying  to 
them  softly  in  my  heart  that  I  greatly  needed  some 
refreshment  in  the  thirst  from  which  I  was  suffering, 
and  a  little  broth  in  my  exhaustion.  Scarcely  had 
these  feelings  arisen  in  my  breast,  when  one  of  our 
conductors  brought  me  some  wild  plums  that  he  had 
found  in  the  woods, — by  great  good  luck,  for  more 
than  six  hundred  men  had  passed  that  spot.  Toward 
night,  after  experiencing  much  difficulty  [56]  in  find- 
ing a  little  clean  water,  because  we  were  in  a  nasty 
swamp,  I  lay  down  and  went  to  sleep,  with  no  other 
comfort  than  what  I  gained  from  my  weakness ;  but 
when  my  host  aroused  me  and  offered  me  some 
broth,  I  was  much  surprised,  not  knowing  how  he 
could  have  made  it. 

' '  On  the  following  morning  I  was  compelled  to  set 
out  without  breakfasting,  and  walk  with  one  leg  and 
one  foot  crippled,  and  my  whole  body  disabled. 
The  strength  that  God  gave  me  I  attribute  to  my 
dear  Patrons,  especially  to  St.  Joseph,  to  whom  I 
had  frequent  recourse.  At  two  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon, reaching  a  spot  near  the  river  which  flows 
down  to  the  territory  of  the  Dutch,  and  across  which 
is  situated  the  principal  Village  of  the  Iroquois,  we 
were  ordered  to  strip  ourselves,  [57]  and  give  up  what 
was  left  us  of  our  French  garments.  When  I  had 
nothing  left  on  me  but  a  breech-clout,  a  blue  great- 
coat, all  in  rags,  was  thrown  over  my  back ;  and  to 
my  companion  was  left  an  old  linen  doublet,  badly 
tattered.  Some  Savages  of  our  band,  who  had  gone 
on  ahead,  had  returned  as  far  as  this  river  with  their 
wives,  bringing  some  ears  of  Indian  corn  and  some 
native  squashes  to  our  conductors;  but  they  never 
offered  us  a  single  morsel.     It  was  late ;  we  were 


128  LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES         [Vol.40 

des  citroiiilles  du  pais  h.  nos  condudteurs,  iamais  on 
ne  nous  en  prefenta  vn  feul  morceau.  II  eltoit  tard, 
nous  eftions  k  ieun,  eftrangement  haraffez  du  chemin, 
couuers  de  haillons  fort  fales,  &  pour  rafraichiffement 
on  nous  commanda  de  chanter,  &  de  marcher  en  c6t 
equipage.  C'eftoit  le  comencement  du  triomphe  de 
nos  vidlorieux,  i'entonnay  les  Litanies  de  la  fainte 
Vierge,  [58]  le  Vent  Creator,  &  autres  Hymnes  de 
I'Eglife. 

Comme  nous  paffions  la  riuiere  des  Hollandois,  ie  | 

confeffay  mon  compagnon,  qui  fe  voulut  difpofer  k 
la  mort;  ayant  apperceu,  enuiron  quarante  ou  cin- 
quante  Iroquois,  qui  paroilToient  nous  attendre  auec 
des  baftons  ^  la  main.  On  nous  depoiiilla  tous  nuds, 
k  la  referue  de  nos  brayers,  &  on  nous  fit  pafler  au 
trauers  de  ces  Barbares,  rangez  en  haye.  lis  me 
donnerent  quelques  coups  de  houffmes  fur  le  dos: 
mais  comme  ie  doublois  le  pas,  I'vn  de  ces  bourreaux 
m'arrefta  tout  court,  me  prenant  par  le  bras,  qu'il 
eflendit,  pour  me  defcharger  vn  coup  d'vn  gros  & 
court  bafton,  qu'il  61eua  en  I'air:  ie  donnay  mon 
bras  k  Noftre  Seigneur,  croyant  qu'il  m'alloit  caffer 
&  [59]  brifer  I'os,  entre  le  coude  &  le  poignet:  mais 
le  coup  portant  fur  la  iointure,  i'en  fus  quitte  pour 
vne  meutriffure,  qui  s'efl  euanoiiie  auec  le  temps. 
Entrez  que  nous  fufmes  dans  la  Bourgade,  on  me 
fit  monter  le  premier,  fur  vn  efchaffaut,  plante  au 
milieu  de  la  place  publique,  eleue  enuiron  de  cinq 
pieds;  mon  compagnon  y  vint  bien-toft  apres  moy, 
portant  les  marques  des  baftonnades  qu'il  auoit 
receues:  on  voyoit,  entr'autres,  les  veftiges  d'vne 
fafcheufe,  &  douloureufe  cinglade,  au  trauers  de  fa 
poitrine. 


1653J  RELA  TION  OF  1652-53  129 

fasting,  extremely  fatigued  by  our  journey,  and  cov- 
ered with  very  dirty  rags ;  but  for  refreshment  were 
ordered  to  sing  as  we  walked,  thus  attired.  It  was 
the  beginning  of  our  victors'  triumph.  I  intoned 
the  Litany  of  the  blessed  Virgin,  [58]  the  Veni 
Creator,  and  other  Hymns  of  the  Church. 

"  As  we  crossed  the  river  of  the  Dutch,  I  confessed 
my  companion,  who  wished  to  prepare  himself  for 
death,  having  caught  sight  of  about  forty  or  fifty 
Iroquois  who  appeared  to  be  waiting  for  us  with 
staves  in  their  hands.  We  were  stripped  entirely 
naked,  except  our  breech-clouts,  and  were  made  to 
pass  through  these  Barbarians,  who  were  drawn  up 
in  line.  They  gave  me  some  blows  on  the  back 
with  their  switches;  but  as  I  was  quickening  my 
steps,  one  of  those  executioners  stopped  me  short, 
taking  me  by  the  arm  and  stretching  it  out,  in 
order  to  give  me  a  blow  with  a  short,  thick  stick  that 
he  raised  aloft.  I  gave  my  arm  to  Our  Lord,  think- 
ing the  man  was  about  to  break  and  [59]  shatter  the 
bone  between  the  elbow  and  the  wrist ;  but,  the  blow 
falling  on  the  joint,  I  came  off  with  a  wound  which 
disappeared  in  course  of  time.  When  we  had 
entered  the  Village,  I  was  made  to  take  the  lead  in 
ascending  a  scaffold  erected  in  the  middle  of  the 
public  place,  and  raised  about  five  feet  from  the 
ground.  My  companion  joined  me  there  soon  after- 
ward, bearing  the  marks  of  the  blows  he  had  received ; 
and,  among  others,  were  seen  the  traces  of  a  trouble- 
some and  painful  lashing  across  his  breast. 

"  I  felt  so  firm  and  calm  on  this  stage,  and  faced, 
with  so  serene  an  eye  and  mind,  those  who  were 
looking  at  me,  that  I  wondered  at  myself.  Never- 
theless,   I  felt  some  alarm  at  the  sight  of  a  certain 


130  LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  /^SUITES         [Vol.  40 

le  me  fentois  fi  fort,  &  fi  paifible  fur  ce  theatre,  & 
i'enuifageois  ceux  qui  me  regardoiet,  d'vn  oeil  & 
d'vn  efprit  fi  ferain,  que  ie  m'eltonnois  de  moy- 
mefme.  Ie  fenty  neantmoins  quelque  frayeur,  k  la 
veue  d'vn  certain  Borgne,  qui  [60]  portoit  vn  cou- 
fteau  d'vne  main,  &  vn  morceau  de  leur  pain  de 
I'autre.  Ie  me  fouuenois  que  le  bon  Pere  Ifaac 
logues,  auoit  perdu  I'vn  de  fes  poulces  fur  vn  fem- 
blable  efchaffaut,  &  ne  me  fentant  point  pour  lors, 
das  la  difpofition  de  luy  donner  mes  doigts,  ie  m'ad- 
dreflay  "k  fon  bon  Ange,  &  c6t  homme  s'eftant  auanc^, 
donna  le  pain,  qu'il  tenoit,  k  mon  compagnon,  &  puis 
fe  retira  fans  fa[i]re  aucun  mal.  Vne  pluye  furue- 
nant,  ecarta  les  fpedtateurs,  &  on  nous  conduiCt  fous 
vn  petit  toit,  k  1' entree  d'vne  cabane.  \A  on  nous 
fit  chanter,  Dieu  me  mit  dans  vne  telle  foumiffion  k 
ces  Barbares,  &  ie  m'abandonnay  fi  fortement  "k  toutes 
fortes  de  mepris,  qu'il  n'y  auoit  rien  que  ie  ne  fiffe, 
pourueu  qu'il  me  fut  commande,  &  qu'il  ne  fut  pas 
[61]  contre  la  Loy  de  Dieu.  Ie  diray  icy  en  paHant, 
ce  que  i'ay  remarque  dans  vne  lettre  particuliere. 
Que  le  Pere,  ne  reiiffiffant  pas  dans  toutes  ces  fmge- 
ries,  felon  I'idee  des  Sauuages;  qui,  par  confequent, 
eftans  moins  fatisfaits,  I'auroient  pluftoft  condamn6 
k  mort;  vn  ieune  Huron  captif  parmy  ces  peuples, 
fe  prefenta  pour  chanter,  pour  danfer,  &  pour  faire 
toutes  les  grimaces,  en  la  place  du  Pere,  qui  n'auoit 
iamais  appris  ce  meftier. 

Sur  le  foir,  pourfuit  le  Pere,  on  nous  conduifit  dans 
la  cabane  de  celuy  qui  m'auoit  pris;  &  1^  on  me 
donna  vn  plat  de  leur  fagamite,  c'eft  de  la  boiiillie 
faite  auec  de  I'eau,  &  de  la  farine  de  bled  d'Inde. 
Les  vieillards  s'eftans  affemblez,  dans  cette  cabane, 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1632-33  131 

One-eyed  man  who  [60]  carried  a  knife  in  one  hand, 
and  a  piece  of  their  bread''  in  the  other.     I  remem- 
bered that  the  good  Father  Isaac  Jogues  had  lost  one 
of  his  thumbs  on  a  similar  scaffold;  and,  not  feeling 
then  disposed  to  give  the  man  my  fingers,  I  appealed 
to   his  good   Angel;  and  the  man,  approaching  us, 
gave   my  companion  the  bread  that  he  was  holding, 
and  then   withdrew  without  doing  any  injury.     A 
shower,  coming  up  suddenly,  dispersed  the  specta- 
tors, and  we  were  conducted  to  the  shelter  of  a  little 
roof  at  the   entrance  to  a  cabin.     There  we  were 
made  to  sing ;  and  God  put  me  in  such  a  state  of  sub- 
mission to  those  Barbarians,  and  I  abandoned  myself 
with  such  fortitude  to  all  sorts  of  indignities,  that 
there  was  nothing  I  would  not  have  done,  provided  it 
were  bidden  me  and  were  not  [61]  contrary  to  God's 
Law."     I   will   say  here,    in   passing,    what   I   have 
noticed   in   a  private  letter, — namely,    that,    as  the 
Father  did  not  succeed  in  all  these  apish  tricks  in  a 
manner  satisfactory  to  the  Savages, —  who,  in  conse- 
quence, would  have  been  inclined  to  condemn  him 
to  death, — a  young  Huron,   a  captive  among  these 
people,  came  forward  to  sing  and  dance,  and  execute 
all  the  grimaces,  in  the   Father's  place,   the  latter 
having  never  learned  that  trade. 

"  Toward  evening,"  continues  the  Father,  "  we 
were  conducted  to  the  cabin  of  him  who  had  captured 
me,  and  there  I  was  given  a  dish  of  their  sagamit6, 
or  porridge  made  of  Indian  corn  and  water.  The 
old  men  having  assembled  in  this  cabin,  a  woman 
presented  a  brasse  of  Porcelain  [62]  to  enforce  her 
request  that  one  of  my  fingers  should  be  cut  off.  I 
felt  iio  farther  reluctance  at  giving  up  my  hands, 
especially  as  —  in  the  hope  which  I  had  entertained, 


132  LES  RELATIONS  DBS  J^SUITES         [Vol.40 

vne  femme  prefenta  vne  braffe  de  Porcelaine,  [62] 
pour  me  faire  coupper  vn  doigt.  le  n'eus  plus  de 
repugnance  de  donner  mes  mains;  veu  mefmement, 
que  dans  les  efperances  que  i'auois  eues  de  la  vie, 
pendant  mon  voyage,  &  dans  les  defirs  de  trauailler 
en  fuitte  k  la  paix;  ie  croyois  toufiours  qu'il  efloit 
expedient,  que  i'en  portaffe  les  marques,  &  qu'il 
m'en  coutaft  quelque  doigt.  Si  bien  que  ie  ne  m'ad- 
dreffay  plus  aux  Anges  de  ces  Barbares,  pour  euiter 
cette  croix:  mais  bien  a  Saint  Gabriel,  pour  obtenir 
la  force  de  la  fouffrir  gayement.  Le  Borgne  qui 
s'eftoit  approche  de  noftre  efchaffaut,  pour  faire  ce 
qu'il  n'executa  pas  pour  lors,  me  prit  la  main  droite, 
confiderant  mes  doigts ;  &  comme  i'auois  la  penf6e, 
que  les  doigts  de  cette  main,  m'efloient  vn  peu  plus 
neceffaires,  [63]  que  ceux  de  la  gauche:  il  la  prit, 
quittant  la  droite,  &  appellant  vn  enfant  ag6  de 
quatre  a  cinq  ans,  il  luy  donne  f on  couteau :  me  prit 
1 'index,  ou  le  fecond  doigt  de  la  main  gauche,  &  le 
fit  couper  k  cet  enfant.  I'offry  mon  fang,  &  mes 
fouffrances,  pour  la  paix :  regardant  ce  petit  facrifice 
d'vn  oeil  doux,  d'vn  vifage  ferain,  &  d'vn  coeur 
ferme :  chantant  le  Vexilla,  &  ie  me  fouuiens,  que  ie 
reiteray  deux  ou  trois  fois  le  couplet,  ou  la  Strophe, 
hnpleta  funt  qucB  concinit,  Dauid  fideli  carmine,  dicendo 
nationibus,  regnauit  a  ligno  Deus. 

L'Hymne  acheu^,  &  le  doigt  coupe,  cet  homme 
me  mit  au  col,  vne  partie  de  la  Porcelaine,  que 
cette  femme  auoit  donn6e,  &  de  1' autre  il  entoura 
mon  doigt  coupe,  qu'il  porta  k  celuy  qui  m'auoit  pris. 
Or  comme  le  fang  fortoit  [64]  de  la  playe  en  abon- 
dance,  ce  Borgne  y  voulut  appliquer  le  feu  de  fa 
pippe  k  prendre  du  tabac,  pour  I'eftancher:  ce  qui 


1653]  RELATION  OF  16^2 -S3  133 

during  my  journey,  of  saving  my  life,  and  in  my 
desire  to  work  afterward  in  the  cause  of  peace  —  I 
always  believed  it  expedient  that  I  should  bear  the 
marks  of  my  experience,  and  that  it  should  cost  me 
one  of  my  fingers.  As  a  result,  I  no  longer  appealed 
to  the  Angels  of  these  Barbarians,  in  order  to  avoid 
that  cross,  but  rather  to  Saint  Gabriel,  that  I  might 
gain  strength  to  suffer  it  cheerfully.  The  One-eyed 
man,  who  had  approached  our  scaffold  with  a  purpose 
which  he  did  not  execute  at  the  time,  took  my  right 
hand  and  examined  my  fingers;  and,  just  as  I  was 
thinking  that  the  fingers  of  that  hand  were  a  little 
more  necessary  to  me  [63]  than  those  of  the  left,  he 
took  the  latter  and  dropped  the  right.  Then  calling 
a  child,  from  four  to  five  years  of  age,  he  gave  him 
his  knife,  took  the  index  or  forefinger  of  my  left 
hand,  and  made  the  child  cut  it  off.  I  offered  my 
blood  and  my  sufferings  in  the  cause  of  peace,  regard- 
ing this  little  sacrifice  with  a  mild  eye,  a  serene 
countenance,  and  a  stout  heart;  I  sang  the  Vexilla, 
and  I  remember  that  I  repeated  two  or  three  times 
the  couplet,  or  Strophe, —  Inipleta  sunt  qucs  concinit 
David  fide li  carmine,  dicendo  nationibus,  regnavit  t  ligno 
Deus. 

' '  The  Hymn  completed  and  the  finger  cut  off,  that 
man  hung  around  my  neck  a  part  of  the  Porcelain 
beads  which  the  woman  mentioned  above  had  given ; 
and  with  the  rest  he  encircled  my  severed  finger, 
and  carried  it  to  my  captor.  Now,  as  the  blood 
flowed  [64]  from  the  wound  in  abundance,  the  One- 
eyed  man  wished  to  apply  to  it  the  fire  of  his  tobacco- 
pipe,  in  order  to  stanch  it  —  which  would  have  caused 
me  intense  pain.  But  he  was  anticipated  by  others, 
who  had   a  glowing   coal   applied  to  it  by  the  same 


134  LES  RELATIONS  DES  jASUITES         [Vol.40 

tn'auroit  caufe  vne  grande  douleur:  mais  il  fut  pre- 
uenu  par  d'autres,  qui  y  firent  appliquer  vn  charbon 
ardent,  par  le  mefme  enfant  qui  I'auoit  coupe.  Le 
fang  ne  lailTant  pas  de  couler,  on  me  I'enuelopa  quel- 
que  temps  apres,  d'vne  feuille  de  bled  d'Inde,  &  ce 
fut  tout  I'appareil  qu'on  y  mit,  iufques  k  ce  qu'on 
m'eut  donn6  la  vie.  I'abbregeray,  adjoufte  le  Pere, 
ce  qui  fuit,  puis  qu'il  me  femble  qu'on  me  Tarrache 
des  mains. 

Le  lendemain  on  nous  mena  dans  vne  autre  Bour- 
gade,  oil  fe  deuoit  tenir  vne  grande  Affemblee  des 
notables  du  pais.  Vne  femme  m'ofta  mes  fouliers, 
[65]  croyant,  peut-eflre,  qu'on  nous  alloit  executer  k 
mort.  le  fis  doc  ce  voyage  nuds  pieds,  &  nud  tefte. 
Nous  fufmes  expofez  trois  iours  &  deux  nuits,  f9a- 
uoir  eft  le  Vendredy,  le  Samedy,  &  le  Dimache,  qui 
eftoit  la  veille  de  la  Natiuite  de  la  faindte  Vierge,  a 
la  rif6e,  aux  brocards,  &  aux  infolences  des  enfans, 
&  de  tout  le  monde:  nous  participafmes  k  la  pro- 
meffe,  qui  fut  faite  au  Fils  de  Dieu,  deuant  fa  naif- 
fance.  Saturabitur  opprobrijs.  II  fera  repeu  d'op- 
probres :  c'eftoit  noftre  grand  mets,  depuis  le  matin 
iufques  au  foir,  dedans  la  grande  place  publique,  ou 
nous  eftions  expofez.  Les  vns  me  donnoient  des 
coups  de  leurs  calumets  fur  mon  doigt  coupe:  d'au- 
tres y  appliquoient  des  cendres  bruflantes :  quelques- 
vns  m'y  donnoient  des  chiquenodes:  [66]  d'autres  y 
appliquoient  le  feu  de  leur  tabac;  &  d'autres  la  pierre 
chaude  de  leurs  petunoirs.  En  vn  mot,  chacun  nous 
faifoit  quelque  mal,  felon  fa  fantaifie.  Voila  ce  que 
nous  fouffrions  au  dehors;  &  au  dedans,  nous  n'atten- 
dions,  pour  le  dernier  adte  de  cette  tragedie,  que 
des  tourmens  horribles,  &  epouuentables. 


1653]  RELATION  OF  ib52-S3  135 

child  who  had  done  the  cutting.  As  the  blood  did 
not  cease  flowing,  they  wrapped  the  wound  for  me, 
some  time  afterward,  in  a  leaf  of  Indian  corn ;  and 
that  was  all  the  dressing  applied  to  it  until  my 
life  had  been  granted  me.  I  shall  abridge  what 
follows, ' '  adds  the  Father,  ' '  since  it  appears  to  me 
as  if  it  were  being  snatched  out  of  my  hands. 

"  On  the  following  day,  we  were  conducted  to 
another  Village,  where  there  was  to  be  held  a  great 
Assembly  of  the  notables  of  the  country.  A  woman 
took  away  my  shoes  from  me,  [65]  thinking  perhaps 
that  we  were  going  to  be  put  to  death ;  accordingly  I 
made  that  journey  barefooted  and  bareheaded.  For 
three  days  and  two  nights  —  namely,  the  Friday, 
Saturday,  and  Sunday  immediately  preceding  the 
Nativity  of  the  blessed  Virgin  —  we  were  exposed  to 
the  ridicule,  the  taunts,  and  the  insolence  of  the  chil- 
dren and  of  every  one.  We  shared  in  the  promise 
that  was  made  to  the  Son  of  God  before  his  birth : 
Saturabitur  opprobriis, — '  He  shall  be  filled  with  re- 
proaches.' It  was  our  principal  dish,  from  morning^ 
until  evening,  in  the  great  public  place  where  we 
were  exposed.  Some  gave  me  blows  with  their  pipes 
on  my  cut  finger,  others  applied  to  it  burning  ashes ; 
some  gave  me  fillips  on  it;  [66]  others  applied 
thereto  the  fire  from  their  tobacco,  and  others  the 
hot  stone  of  their  pipes.  In  a  word,  every  one 
did  us  some  injury,  according  to  his  fancy.  Behold 
what  we  suffered  outwardly,  while  inwardly  we 
were  expecting,  as  the  last  act  of  this  tragedy,  only 
horrible  and  frightful  torments. 

' '  In  the  night  from  Friday  to  Saturday  they  burned 
in  the  fire  of  their  pipes  the  two  Index-fingers,  both 
right  and  left,  of  poor  Mathurin,  my  companion, — an 


136  LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES         [Vol.40 

La  nuit  du  Vendredy  an  Samedy,  ils  bruflerent 
dans  le  feu  de  leurs  calumets,  les  deux  Index  de  la 
main  gauche,  &  de  la  main  droite  du  pauure  Mathu- 
rin  mon  compagnon:  ce  qu'il  endura  auec  vne 
patience  admirable,  chantant  V Aue  maris  Jlella  dans 
fes  fouffrances.  Nous  fufmes  liez  fort  rigoureufe- 
ment,  pendant  ces  deux  nuits;  on  attacha  les  liens 
de  nos  pieds,  «&  de  nos  mains,  fi  haut,  &  d'vne  fa9on 
fi  rude  &  fi  mauffade,  [67]  que  nous  eftions  k  demy 
fufpendus  en  I'air,  ce  qui  nous  caufoit  vne  douleur 
tres-grande,  &  fi  fenfible,  qu'vn  bon  vieillard  voyant 
bien  qu'elle  efloit  infupportable,  lafcba  nos  liens, 
&  nous  foulagea  vn  petit. 

Les  Anciens  commanderent  "k  la  ieuneffe,  de  fe 
contenter,  I'vne  de  ces  deux  nuits,  de  nous  faire 
chanter  &  danfer,  fans  nous  caufer  d'autres  tour- 
mens.  Ce  qui  n'empefcha  pas,  qu'en  paffant  aupres 
des  feux,  qui  eftoient  en  la  cabane,  ceux  qui  les  en- 
touroient,  ne  nous  appliquaffent  quelque  tifon  ardent 
fur  la  chair.  le  receus  vne  bonne  part  de  ces 
brufleures. 

Le  Dimanche  fe  pafla  en  confeils  &  en  affembl^es, 
pour  fgauoir  ce  que  Ton  feroit  de  nous.  Sur  le  foir, 
on  prononga  noftre  fentence :  mais  en  des  termes,  que 
[68]  ie  n'entendy  point.  le  la  pris  pour  vne  fentence 
de  mort,  &  mon  efprit  s'y  trouua  fi  difpof6,  qu'il 
fembloit  que  ie  voyois  la  grace  toute  prefte,  pour  me 
fouftenir  dans  la  cruaut6  des  derniers  tourmens: 
mais  ma  fentence  eftoit  plus  douce.  Ie  fus  donn6  ^ 
vne  bonne  vieille  femme,  en  la  place  d'vn  hen  frere, 
pris  ou  tu6  par  ceux  de  noftre  party.  Ie  n'auois  pas 
pour  cela  la  vie  fauue :  car  cette  femme  me  pouuoit 
faire  mourir  par  tous  les  tourmens  que  la  vengeance 


1653]  RELATION  OF  1652-53  137 

operation  which  he  bore  with  admirable  patience, 
singing  the  Ave  maris  stella  in  his  sufferings.  We 
were  very  rigorously  bound  during  these  two  nights, 
the  cords  around  our  hands  and  feet  being  made  fast 
at  such  a  height,  and  in  a  manner  so  extremely 
uncomfortable,  {^'J^^  that  we  were  half  suspended  in 
the  air ;  we  suffered  in  consequence,  a  pain  of  such 
excruciating  severity  that  a  good  old  man,  seeing 
plainly  that  it  was  unbearable,  loosened  our  bonds 
and  relieved  us  a  little. 

"  On  one  of  these  nights,  the  Elders  ordered  the 
young  people  to  content  themselves  with  making  us 
sing  and  dance,  without  causing  us  further  torments. 
But  that  did  not  prevent  those  who  were  around  the 
fires  in  the  cabin  from  touching  glowing  firebrands  to 
our  flesh  as  we  passed.  I  received  a  good  part  of 
these  burns. 

"  Sunday  was  spent  in  councils  and  assemblies,  in 
order  to  determine  what  should  be  done  with  us. 
Toward  evening,  our  sentence  was  pronounced,  but 
in  terms  which  [68]  I  did  not  understand.  I  took  it 
for  a  sentence  of  death,  and  my  mind  was  so  well 
prepared  for  this  that  I  seemed  to  see  the  divine 
grace  all  ready  to  sustain  me  in  the  cruelty  of  the 
last  torments.  But  my  sentence  was  milder :  I  was 
given  to  a  good  old  woman  in  place  of  a  brother  of 
hers,  who  had  been  captured  or  killed  by  those  on 
our  side.  Nevertheless,  my  life  was  not  yet  safe; 
for  that  woman  could  have  made  me  die  in  all  the 
torments  that  could  have  been  suggested  by  revenge. 
But  she  had  pity  on  me  and  delivered  me  from  death, 
at  the  season  when  the  Church  is  wont  to  honor  the 
birth  of  the  blessed  Virgin.  I  pray  God  to  reward  that 
goodness.     As  soon  as  I  had  entered  her  cabin,  she 


138  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.40 

auroit  pu  fuggerer  a  fon  efprit:  mais  elle  eut  com- 
pafTion  de  moy,  me  deliurant  de  la  mort,  au  temps 
que  I'Eglife  honore  la  naiffance  de  la  faindte  Vierge. 
le  prie  Dieu  de  recompenfer  cette  bont6.  Si  toft 
que  ie  fus  entre  en  fa  cabane,  elle  fe  mit  k  chanter 
vne  chanfon  des  morts:  [69]  que  deux  de  fes  fiUes 
pourfuiuirent  auec  elle.  I'eftois  aupres  du  feu,  pen- 
dant ces  chants  lugubres :  on  me  fit  affeoir  fur  vne 
efpece  de  table  vn  peu  ^leu6e:  &  alors  ie  connu,  que 
i'eflois  donne  pour  vn  mort,  dont  ces  femmes  renou- 
uelloient  le  dernier  deiiil,  faifant  refufciter  le  trefpaff^ 
en  ma  perfonne,  fuiuant  leur  couftume.  Ie  rencon- 
tray  dans  cette  cabane,  vne  Algonquine  captiue, 
adoptee  dans  cette  famille;  ou  ie  me  voyois  auffi 
adopte,  comme  ie  I'auois  veue  autrefois,  &  que 
i'entendois  fa  lague,  cela  me  r^joiiit.  Ie  trouuay 
auffi  vn  Huron  de  mon  ancienne  connoiffance,  ce  qui 
augmenta  ma  ioye. 

Auffi-toft  que  ie  fus  fay  parent  de  ma  maifon,  on 
commenga  de  penf er  mon  doigt  k  la  Sauuage :  on  y 
appliqua  ie  ne  fgay  quelles  [70]  racines,  ou  ecorces 
cuittes,  qu'on  enueloppa  d'vn  chiffon  de  toille,  plus 
gras  qu'vn  torchon  de  cuifme.  Ce  cataplafme  me 
dura  quinze  iours,  fi  bien  qu'il  s'endurcit,  en  forte 
qu'il  m'eftoit  fort  incommode.  On  me  donna  vne 
demie  couuerte,  pour  me  feruir  de  robe,  &  de  lidt; 
&  quelque  temps  apres,  on  me  fit  des  chauffes,  &  des 
fouliers  ^  leur  mode :  on  me  donna  auffi  vne  vieille 
chemife  fort  graffe,  &  tout  cela  auec  tant  de  bont6 
fauuage,  &  auec  vne  fi  grande  affec5tion,  que  ie  n'ay 
point  6prouu6  plus  de  cordialite  parmy  les  Sauuages, 
qui  nous  font  amis.  De  plus,  on  alia  payer  ma  vie 
^  celuy  qui  m'auoit  pris,  par  quelques  milliers  de 
Porcelaine. 


1653 J  RELATION  OF  1652-53  139 

began  to  sing  a  song  of  the  dead,  [69]  in  which 
two  of  her  daughters  accompanied  her.  I  was  near 
the  fire  during  these  doleful  chants  and  was  made  to 
sit  down  on  a  kind  of  table  slightly  raised  from  the 
ground;  and  then  I  became  aware  that  I  was  given 
in  return  for  a  dead  man,  the  last  mourning  for  whom 
these  women  were  renewing, — causing  the  departed 
to  become  alive  again  in  my  person,  according  to 
their  custom.  In  this  cabin  I  met  a  captive  Algon- 
quin woman,  who  had  been  adopted  into  that  family, 
into  which  I  saw  myself  also  adopted.  As  I  had 
seen  her  before,  and  as  I  understood  her  language,  I 
was  delighted.  I  found  also  a  Huron  of  my  former 
acquaintance,  which  increased  my  joy. 

"  As  soon  as  I  had  been  made  a  relative  of  my 
house,  they  began  to  dress  my  finger  after  the  man- 
ner of  the  Savages, — applying  to  it  I  know  not  what 
[70]  roots  or  barks,  previously  boiled,  which  they 
wrapped  in  a  linen  rag  that  was  greasier  than  a 
kitchen-cloth.  This  poultice  lasted  me  a  fortnight, 
so  that  it  became  hard,  in  such  a  manner  as  to  cause 
me  great  inconvenience.  I  was  given  half  a  blan- 
ket, to  serve  me  as  robe  and  as  bed ;  and,  some  time 
afterward,  they  made  me  some  stockings  and  shoes 
after  their  fashion ;  I  was  also  presented  with  an  old 
and  very  greasy  shirt, — and  all  that  with  so  much 
savage  kindness  and  so  great  affection,  that  I  have 
not  experienced  more  cordiality  among  the  Savages 
who  are  friendly  to  us.  Moreover,  they  went  to  my 
captor,  and  paid  him  for  my  life  with  several  thou- 
sand Porcelain  beads. 

"  As  for  my  poor  companion,  he  was  conducted 
on  Sunday  to  another  Village  and  was  burned  on 
Monday,  [71]  the  day  of  the  Nativity  of  the   blessed 


140  LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES         [Vol.40 

Pour  mon  pauure  compagnon,  il  fut  mene  le 
Dimanche  en  vne  autre  Bourgade,  &  brufle  le 
Lundy,  [71]  iour  de  la  Natiuit^  de  la  fainte  Vierge,  qui 
m'auoit  deliure  des  la  premiere  entree  de  fa  fefte. 

A  trois  iours  de  la,  on  apporta  dans  la  Bourgade 
oil  i'eftois,  des  nouuelles  de  I'armee,  qui  eftoit  all6e 
au  Trois  Riuieres.  le  fus  vn  affez  long-temps  dans 
les  alarmes  de  la  mort,  ne  fgachant  pas,  fi  elles 
eftoient  bonnes  ou  mauuaifes:  eftant  bien  affeure, 
que  ie  ferois  I'objet  de  leurs  vengeances,  au  cas 
qu'elles  fuffen[t]  mauuaifes. 

Mais  enfin,  il  vint  vn  Capitaine,  qui  auoit  charge 
de  me  faire  donner  la  vie,  &  de  me  reconduire  aux 
Trois  Riuieres.  II  6clieut  par  vne  prouidence  toute 
particuliere,  que  cet  homme  efloit  de  la  famille,  oil 
i'auois  efte  donne,  &  frere  de  celle  qui  m'auoit  adopte 
pour  fon  frere.  II  demeuroit  dans  [72]  vne  autre 
Bourgade,  d'ou  il  m'enuoya  deux  Hurons,  pour  m'in- 
uiter  de  Taller  voir.  Ces  bones  gens  dirent  des  mer- 
ueilles  de  moy,  aux  Iroquois ;  les  aflurans,  que  iettois 
\^sc.  i'eftois]  regrette  de  tous  les  Frangois,  &  que  de 
ma  vie,  &  de  mon  retour,  dependoit  la  vie  de  leurs 
compatriotes,  qu'on  auoit  lailTes  pour  oftages  aux 
Trois  Riuieres.  Ces  difcours  me  firent  autant  confi- 
derer  que  i'auois  efte  m6prife.  Le  Capitaine  dont  ie 
viens  de  parler,  fut  rauy  me  voyant  encor  en  vie,  il 
me  donna  vn  vieux  chapeau,  qui  me  fit  plaifir,  pource 
qu'il  y  auoit  douze  iours  que  i'al[l]ois  nue  tefte.  II 
me  promis  de  me  mener  aux  Hollandois,  pour  me 
faire  habiller:  &  en  fuitte,  de  me  ramener  aux  pays 
des  Frangois. 

On  commanga,  fur  le  rapport  de  ce  Capitaine,  ^ 
faire  des  alTemblees :  [73]  &  h.  tenir  des  confeils  pour 


1653]  RELATION  OF  ibs2-S3  141 


Virgin,  who  had  delivered  me  at  the  beginning  of  her 
festival. 

"  Three  days  thereafter,  there  was  brought  to  the 
Village  where  I  was  news  of  the  army  that  had  gone 
to  Three  Rivers.  For  a  considerable  time  I  was  in 
fear  of  death,  not  knowing  whether  the  news  was 
good  or  bad,  and  being  well  assured  that  I  would  be 
the  object  of  their  vengeance,  in  case  it  were  bad. 

"  But  at  length  there  came  a  Captain,  who  was 
commissioned  to  grant  my  life,  and  to  conduct  me 
back  to  Three  Rivers.  It  happened,  by  a  very 
special  providence,  that  this  man  was  a  member  of 
the  family  to  which  I  had  been  given,  and  a  brother 
of  her  who  had  adopted  me  as  her  brother.  He  lived 
in  [72]  another  Village,  whence  he  sent  two  Hurons 
to  invite  me  to  go  and  see  him.  These  good  people 
told  the  Iroquois  marvels  about  me,  assuring  them 
that  I  was  mourned  by  all  the  French,  and  that  on 
my  life  and  my  return  depended  the  lives  of  their 
fellow-countrymen  who  had  been  left  as  hostages  at 
Three  Rivers.  These  words  caused  me  to  receive 
as  much  consideration  as  I  had  before  met  with 
indignity.  The  Captain  whom  I  have  just  men- 
tioned was  delighted  to  see  me  still  alive;  and  he 
gave  me  an  old  hat,  which  was  very  acceptable  to 
me,  inasmuch  as  I  had  been  going  bareheaded  for 
twelve  days.  He  promised  to  conduct  me  to  the 
Dutch,  in  order  to  have  me  clothed,  and  then  to  take 
me  back  to  the  country  of  the  French. 

"Upon  this  Captain's  report,  they  began  to  call 
assemblies  [73]  and  hold  councils,  for  the  purpose  of 
concluding  peace  with  the  French.  Meanwhile,  I  was 
conducted  to  fort  Orange,  occupied  by  the  Dutch, 
where    I    arrived   on   the    twentieth    of   September. 


142  LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  /^SUITES         [Vol.  40 

arrefler  la  paix  auec  les  Francois.  Pendant  lefquels 
ie  fus  mene  au  fort  d' Orange  tenu  par  les  HoUan- 
dois,  ou  i'arriuay  le  vintiefme  de  Septembre.  La 
premiere  maifon  que  ie  rencontray,  me  receut  tres- 
charitablement :  on  m'y  prefenta  dequoy  difner,  & 
entre  autres  chofes,  i'y  mangeay  des  pommes,  dont 
ie  n'auois  point  goufte  depuis  quinze  ans,  on  m'y  fit 
encor  prefent  d'vne  chemife  blanche,  vn  ieune 
homme,  pris  aux  Trois  Riuieres,  par  les  Iroquois,  & 
rachepte  par  les  Hollandois,  aufquels  il  feruoit  d'in- 
terprete,  me  vint  trouuer:  &  apres  quelque  entretien, 
me  dit  qu'il  fe  viendroit  confefler  le  lendemain  qui 
eftoit  Dimanche. 

Vne  bonne  Dame  EcofToife,  qui  s'eft  montr^e,  dans 
toutes  rencontres,  [74]  tres-charitable  aux  Frangois, 
&  qui  auoit  fait  tout  fon  pouuoir,  pour  rachepter  le 
petit  fils  de  Monfieur  Petit,  qui  eft  mort  depuis 
parmy  les  Iroquois;  me  mena  en  fa  maifon,  pour 
leuer  I'appareil  d'^corce,  ou  de  racines  que  ces  bonnes 
Iroquoifes,  dont  i'ay  parl6,  auoient  mis  fur  mon  doit, 
&  I'ayant  veu  encor  bien  malade  m'enuoya  au  fort 
d' Orange,  pour  le  faire  penfer  par  vn  Chirurgien. 
Ie  rencontray  la  le  Gouuerneur  de  ce  fort,  h.  qui  le 
Capitaine  Iroquois,  auoit  prefente  vne  lettre  de  Mon- 
fieur de  Lauzon  Gouuerneur  pour  le  Roy  fur  le  grand 
fleuue  de  faint  Laurens  en  la  nouuelle  France.  Get 
homme  me  receut  fort  froidement,  nonobftant  que  la 
lettre,  qu'on  luy  auoit  apportee,  me  recommandaft 
tres-auantageufement.  Comme  [75]  la  nuit  s'appro- 
choit,  «&  que  ie  m'en  allois  coucher  fur  le  plancher, 
fans  lit,  &  fans  foupper:  vn  Sauuage  demanda  per- 
miffion  au  Gouuerneur,  de  me  mener  en  vne  maifon 
qui  luy  eftoit  amie.     I'y  fus  coduit,  &  i'y  trouuay  vn 


1653]  RELATION  OF  1632-33  143 

The  first  family  to  whom  I  came  received  me  with 
much  charity:  I  was  given  a  dinner  and,  among 
other  things,  I  there  ate  some  apples, — a  fruit  which 
I  had  not  tasted  for  fifteen  years;  and  I  was  also 
presented  with  a  white  shirt.  A  young  man  who 
had  been  captured  at  Three  Rivers  by  the  Iroquois, 
and  ransomed  by  the  Dutch,  whom  he  served  as  inter- 
preter, came  to  find  me,  and,  after  some  conversation, 
told  me  that  he  was  coming  to  make  his  confession 
on  the  next  day,  which  was  Sunday. 

"  A  good  Scotch  Lady,  who  has  shown  herself  on 
all  occasions  [74]  very  charitable  toward  the  French, — 
and  who  had  done  all  in  her  power  to  ransom  Mon- 
sieur Petit 's  little  son,  who  has  since  died  among 
the  Iroquois,"  —  conducted  me  to  her  house,  to 
remove  the  dressing  of  bark  or  roots  which  those 
good  Iroquois  women,  of  whom  I  have  spoken,  had 
applied  to  my  finger;  and,  when  she  saw  that  it  was 
still  very  far  from  being  healed,  she  sent  me  to  fort 
Orange,  to  have  it  dressed  by  a  Surgeon.  There  I 
met  the  Governor  of  that  fort,  to  whom  the  Iroquois 
Captain  had  presented  a  letter  from  Monsieur  de 
Lauzon,  Governor  for  the  King  over  the  great  river 
saint  Lawrence  in  new  France.  This  man  received 
me  very  coldly,  although  the  letter  which  had  been 
brought  to  him  commended  me  in  the  highest  terms. 
As  [75]  night  was  approaching,  and  I  was  going 
away  to  lie  down  on  the  bare  floor,  without  bed  or 
supper,  a  Savage  asked  the  Governor  for  leave  to 
take  me  to  a  family  who  were  friendly  to  him.  I 
was  conducted  thither,  and  found  there  an  old  man 
who  received  me  with  much  kindness.  The  French- 
man whom  I  mentioned  above  was  living  in  that 
house ;  and  he  set  his  conscience  in  order  during  the 


144  LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES  [Vol.40 

vieillard,  qui  me  recent  auec  beaucoup  de  bienueil- 
lance.  Le  Fran9ois,  dont  i'ay  fait  mention  cy-deffus, 
demeuroit  en  cette  maifon :  il  mit  ordre  a  fa  con- 
fcience,  pendant  trois  nuits,  que  ie  demeuray  auec 
luy  ches  c^t  honnefte  homme,  dont  ie  voudrois 
pouuoir  reconnoiftre  la  courtoifie,  par  toutes  fortes 
de  feruices,  tant  il  me  traita  honeftement,  lors  que 
i'eltois  en  vn  eftat  le  plus  m^prifable  du  monde.  Ie 
ne  pouuois  pas  manquer  d'habits,  cet  honnefte  Gentil- 
homme  m'en  prefenta  vn  fort  honnefte;  &  ^  mefme 
temps,  vn  [^jG]  bon  Vualon,  ne  fgachant  rien  de  cet 
office,  alloit  quefter  par  les  maifons,  pour  trouuer 
dequoy  m'habiller.  On  me  dit  encor,  que  cette 
bonne  Dame  Ecoffoife,  me  preparoit  la  mefme  cha- 
rity :  mais  ie  les  remerciay  tons,  &  ie  ne  voulu  iamais 
rien  accepter,  qu'vn  capot,  &  des  bas  de  chauffes  k  la 
Sauuage,  auec  des  fouliers  Fran9ois,  &  vne  couuer- 
ture,  qui  me  deuoit  feruir  de  lit  k  mon  retour,  cette 
Dame  prit  le  foin  de  tout  cela  auec  tant  d'addreffe, 
&  tant  d'affedtion,  qu'elle  n'6pargna  aucun  ajufte- 
ment,  dont  elle  fe  pent  auifer.  Mes  hoftes  me  pref- 
f erent,  de  prendre  des  prouifions  pour  mon  voyage : 
mais  ie  me  contentay,  de  receuoir  quelques  pefches, 
d'vn  Marchand  de  Bruxelles  bon  Catholique,  que  ie 
confeffay  h.  mon  depart.  II  fallut  leur  promettre  ^ 
[yy^  tons,  que  ie  les  retournerois  voir,  I'Eft^ 
prochain:  tant  ils  me  t^moignoient  d'amour  &  de 
bienueillance. 

Sortant  du  quartier  des  Hollandois,  ie  fus  conduy 
h.  la  Bourgade  de  celuy  qui  m'auoit  pris.  L'allant 
vifiter,  il  me  rendit  mon  Breuiaire.  De  1^  nous 
allames  au  Bourg,  &  k  la  cabane  oii  i'auois  eft6  adop- 
ts,    len'y  fus  que  deux  iours:  car  on  me  vint  prendre 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1652-53  145 

three  nights  that  I  spent  with  him  under  the  roof  of 
that  worthy  man, —  whose  courtesy  I  wish  I  could 
acknowledge  by  any  kind  of  service,  so  handsomely 
did  he  treat  me  when  I  was  in  the  most  despicable 
condition  in  the  world.  I  could  not  lack  coats,  as  this 
worthy  Gentleman  presented  me  a  very  decent  one; 
and,  at  the  same  time,  a  \j^'\  good  Walloon,  know- 
ing nothing  of  this  kindness,  went  to  search  through 
the  houses,  to  find  me  the  means  of  clothing  myself. 
I  was  also  told  that  that  good  Scotch  Lady  was 
preparing  to  do  me  the  same  charity ;  but  I  thanked 
them  all,  and  would  not  accept  anything  but  a  hooded 
cloak,  and  some  stockings  of  the  Savage  fashion, 
with  some  French  shoes,  and  a  blanket  that  was  to 
serve  me  for  bed  on  my  return  journey.  That  Lady 
took  charge  of  all  this,  with  so  much  skill  and  affec- 
tion as  to  include  every  conceivable  provision  for  my 
comfort.  My  hosts  urged  me  to  take  some  food  for 
my  journey;  but  I  contented  myself  with  some 
peaches  from  a  Brussels  Merchant,  a  good  Catholic, 
whom  I  confessed  at  my  departure.  I  had  to  prom- 
ise them  \y^^  all  to  come  back  and  see  them  the  next 
Summer,  so  much  affection  and  kindness  did  they 
manifest  toward  me. 

"  Leaving  the  Dutch  settlement,  I  was  conducted 
to  the  Village  of  the  man  who  had  captured  me. 
Upon  going  to  visit  him,  he  returned  to  me  my 
Breviary.  Thence  we  proceeded  to  the  Village  and 
to  the  cabin  where  I  had  been  adopted,  where  I 
remained  only  two  days ;  for  some  one  came  to  con- 
duct me,  together  with  my  sister  who  had  given  me 
my  life,  to  the  largest  of  the  Iroquois  Villages,  for 
the  purpose  of  attending  the  councils  and  assemblies 
in  which  the  question  of  peace  was  to  be  discussed. 


146  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES         [Vol.40 

anec  ma  foeur,  qui  m'auoit  donn^  la  vie,  pour  me 
mener  en  la  plus  grande  des  Bourgades  Iroquoif es : 
afin  d'affifter  aux  confeils,  &  aux  alTemblees,  ou  on 
deuoit  parler  de  la  paix.  le  remarquay  qu'on  amaf- 
foit  par  tout  des  prefens,  pour  me  reconduire  h, 
Quebec.  Ce  n'eftoient  plus  que  feftins,  dans  lef- 
quels,  on  me  faifoit  tout  le  bon  accueil  poffible. 
Enfin  le  iour  de  S.  Michel,  [78]  il  fut  arrefte,  qu'on 
iroit  demander,  &  conclurre  la  paix  auec  les  Fran9ois, 
&  auec  leurs  Alliez,  Cette  conclufion  fut  prife,  en 
la  Bourgade,  ou  le  premier  Frangois,  le  bon  Ren6 
Goupil,  compagnon  du  Pere  Ifaac  logues,  auoit  eft6 
tue  par  les  Iroquois,  le  mefme  iour  de  S.  Michel.  le 
m'eftois  toufiours  attendu,  que  cette  fefte,  ne  fe 
pafferoit  pas,  fans  quelque  chofe  de  remarquable. 

Trois  iours  apres  cette  refolution,  on  me  dit,  que 
le  Capitaine  qui  m'auoit  conduit  au  quartier  des  Hol- 
landois,  me  conduiroit  au  pais  des  Franfois ;  non  par 
eau,  "k  caufe  des  tempeftes,  qui  font  ordinairement 
en  cette  faifon,  fur  le  lac  de  Champlain,  par  ou  il  eut 
fallupaffer:  mais  par  vn  autre  chemin,  tres-fafcheux 
pour  moy;  dautant  qu'il  falloit  marcher  fept  [79]  ou 
huit  iours  &,  pied,  dans  ces  grandes  forefts,  &  ie 
n'auois  ny  force,  ny  jambes  pour  vn  fi  grand  trauail. 
Au  bout  de  ces  huit  iournees,  on  trouue  vne  riuiere, 
fur  laquelle  on  vogue  enuiron  deux  iours,  &  puis  on 
rencontre  le  grand  fleuue  de  faint  Laurens,  dans 
lequel  fe  defcharge  cette  riuiere,  k  foixante  lieues, 
ou  enuiron,  au  delTus  de  I'lfle  de  Montreal,  affez 
proche  du  lac  nomme  1' Ontario. 

Ie  me  fouuins  pour  lors  de  S.  lofeph,  qui  porta 
Nollre  Seigneur  en  Egypte,  par  les  deferts  d' Arable, 
comme  on  croit,  ie  le  priay  de  me  feruir  de  guide,  & 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1652-33  147 

I  observed,  that  presents  were  being  everywhere 
collected,  to  accompany  my  escort  back  to  Quebec. 
There  was  nothing  but  feasting,  and  I  was  given  the 
best  possible  reception  at  these  gatherings.  At 
length,  on  St.  Michael's  day,  [78]  it  was  decreed  that 
they  should  solicit  and  conclude  a  treaty  of  peace 
with  the  French  and  their  Allies.  This  conclusion 
was  reached  in  the  Village  where  the  first  French- 
man, the  good  Ren6  Goupil,  companion  to  Father 
Isaac  Jogues,  had  been  killed  by  the  Iroquois  on  that 
very  day  of  St.  Michael.  I  had  always  expected  that 
this  festival  would  not  pass  without  some  important 
occurrence. 

"  Three  days  after  this  resolution,  I  was  told  that 
the  Captain  who  had  escorted  me  to  the  Dutch  settle- 
ment would  be  my  conductor  to  the  country  of  the 
French, —  not  by  water,  because  of  the  storms  which 
ordinarily  prevail  at  this  season  upon  lake  Cham- 
plain,  over  which  we  must  have  passed;  but  by 
another  route,  which  was  very  fatiguing  to  me,  as 
we  had  to  proceed  [79]  on  foot  through  those  great 
forests  for  seven  or  eight  days,  and  I  had  neither 
strength  nor  legs  for  so  great  an  undertaking.  At 
the  end  of  these  eight  days  is  found  a  river  upon 
which  we  proceed  by  boat  for  about  two  days,  and 
then  we  come  to  the  great  river  saint  Lawrence,  into 
which  the  first  empties  its  waters,  sixty  leagues  or 
thereabout  above  the  Island  of  Montreal,  and  not  far 
from  the  lake  called  Ontario. 

"  I  at  that  time  recalled  to  mind  St.  Joseph,  who 
bore  Our  Lord  to  Egypt  through  the  deserts  of  Ara- 
bia, as  is  believed ;  and  I  prayed  him  to  serve  me  as 
guide  and  support  in  the  fatigues  of  this  journey.  I 
had  always  had  frequent  recourse  to  his  protection  in 


148  LES  RELATIONS  DBS  j£SUITES         [Vol.  40 

de  fupport,  dans  les  fatigues  de  ce  voyage.  I'auois 
tou jours  eu  grand  recours  k  fa  protection ,  dans  tous 
mes  trauaux;  comme  auffi  k  S.  Michel,  protecfteur  de 
I'Eglife,  &  de  la  France.  Et  il  arriua,  comme  i'ay 
[80]  apris  depuis,  que  le  quatrieme  de  Septembre, 
lour  auquel  i'entray  pour  la  premiere  fois,  en  vne 
Bourgade  Iroquoife,  qu'on  chanta  h.  Kebec  le  TV 
Deum,  das  vne  petite  Eglife  dedi^e  ^  S.  lofeph,  en 
adlio  de  grace  de  ma  deliurance,  &  de  mon  retour 
aux  Trois  Riuieres;  vn  bruit  s'eftant  eleue,  fans 
qu'on  en  ait  iamais  pu  d^couurir  le  premier  autheur, 
que  ie  m'eftois  ^chappe  des  mains  de  I'Ennemy.  Et 
ce  mefme  iour,  on  alia  prefenter  le  Sacrifice  de  la 
Meffe  pour  le  mefme  fujet,  en  I'Ance  de  S.  lofeph, 
dans  vne  Eglife  dedi^e  k  Dieu,  fous  le  nom  de  S. 
Michel;  que  nous  pouuons  appeller  I'Ange  de  noftre 
paix,  puis  qu'elle  a  efte  conclue  le  iour  de  fa  fefte, 
au  pais  des  Iroquois. 

Enfin,  le  troifieme  d'Odtobre,  ie  quittay  le  dernier 
Bourg  des  [81]  Iroquois  pour  retourner  a  Quebec. 
Ie  rencontray  fur  vne  petite  coline,  vn  peu  61oign6e 
du  Bourg,  les  Capitaines,  &  les  Anciens  du  pais,  qui 
m'attendoient:  auec  les  prefens  qu'ils  enuoyoient, 
comme  les  contradts  de  la  paix.  lis  me  firent  leur 
derniere  harangue,  m ' excitant  k  lier  fortement  noftre 
nouuelle  alliance.  Mon  condudteur  s'eftant  charge 
des  prefens,  nous  pourfuiuifmes  noftre  chemin,  & 
fifmes  feulement  quatre  lieues  cette  premiere  iour- 
nee.  Tous  ceux  que  nous  anions  k  la  rencontre,  me 
faifoient  quelque  careffe  h.  leur  mode,  &  me  prioient 
de  moyenner  vne  bonne  paix  auec  les  Frangois. 

Ie  commen9ay,  &  acheuay  ce  chemin  par  terre, 
auec  des  peines  inconceuables.     Nous  partifmes  vn 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1652-53  149 

all  my  labors,  as  also  to  that  of  St.  Michael,  protector 
of  the  Church  and  of  France ;  and  it  happened,  as  I 
have  [80]  since  learned,  that  on  the  fourth  of  Sep- 
tember, the  day  on  which  I  entered  an  Iroquois 
Village  for  the  first  time,  the  Te  Deum  was  sung  at 
Kebec  in  a  little  Church  dedicated  to  St.  Joseph. 
This  was  in  thanksgiving  at  my  deliverance  and  my 
return  to  Three  Rivers, — a  report  having  arisen, 
though  the  first  author  of  it  could  never  be  discov- 
ered, that  I  had  escaped  from  the  hands  of  the 
Enemy.  On  that  same  day,  too,  the  Sacrifice  of  the 
Mass  was  offered  for  the  same  reason  at  the  Cove  of 
St.  Joseph  [Sillery],  in  a  Church  dedicated  to  God 
under  the  name  of  St.  Michael, — ^whom  we  may  call 
the  Angel  of  our  peace,  since  that  was  concluded  in 
the  country  of  the  Iroquois  on  the  day  of  his  festival. 

"  At  length,  on  the  third  of  October,  I  left  behind 
me  the  last  Village  of  the  [81]  Iroquois,  to  return  to 
Quebec.  On  a  little  hill  at  a  short  distance  from  the 
Village,  I  met  the  Captains  and  Elders  of  the  coun- 
try, who  were  waiting  for  me  with  the  presents  which 
they  sent  in  ratification  of  the  peace.  They  made 
me  their  last  harangue,  urging  me  to  bind  our  new 
alliance  firmly.  My  conductor  having  taken  charge 
of  the  presents,  we  pursued  our  journey,  accomplish- 
ing only  four  leagues  on  that  first  day.  All  those 
whom  we  met  bestowed  some  endearment  on  me, 
according  to  their  custom,  and  begged  me  to  use  my 
influence  in  concluding  a  satisfactory  peace  with  the 
French. 

"  I  began  and  completed  this  journey  by  land,  with 
inconceivable  fatigues.  We  started  upon  a  Friday, 
the  third  of  October;  [82]  and  we  arrived  at  the  first 
river  that  I  mentioned  above  on  Saturday,  the  elev- 


150  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J^SUITES  [Vol.40 

Vendredy  troifi6me  d'Ocftobre,  [82]  &  nous  arriuafmes 
"k  la  premiere  riuiere,  dont  i'ay  parl6  cy-deffus,  le 
Samedy  onzi6me  du  mois.  Nous  marchions  en 
compagnie  de  plufieurs  Iroquois,  qui  s'en  alloient  a  la 
chalTe  du  Caftor,  au  lac  de  1' Ontario:  les  pluyes,  les 
montagnes,  &  les  values,  les  torrens,  &  les  ruiffeaux, 
&  quatre  riuieres  affez  groffes,  qu'il  fallut  paffer  a 
guay,  &  fe  moiiiller  iufques  k  la  ceinture,  vne  autre 
plus  grande,  qu'il  fallut  trauerfer  auec  des  cayeux 
branflans,  &  mal  liez,  les  viures  fort  courts,  &  du  feul 
bled  d'Inde  tout  nouueau,  fans  pain,  fans  vin,  fans 
viande,  fans  aucune  chaffe,  ces  endroits  en  eftans 
depeuples:  Toutes  ces  chofes,  dif-je,  me  baftirent 
vne  Croix  fi  horrible,  &  fi  continuelle,  qu'il  me 
femble  que  ce  fut  vn  miracle  perpetuel,  que  ie  I'aye 
pu  [83]  porter,  dans  vne  peine  fi  exceffiue,  &dans  vne 
fi  grande  foibleffe.  Ce  fut  auffi  vne  merueille  bien 
particuliere,  que  mon  Guide  foit  toujours  demeure 
dans  la  douceur,  &  dans  la  patience,  me  voyant  fi 
manuals  pieton.  II  me  femble  que  ie  participay  vn 
petit  en  ce  retour,  aux  langueurs,  &  aux  defaillances 
du  Roy  des  affligez;  comme  i'auois  eu  part  en  mon 
voyage,  apres  ma  prife,  a  fes  liens  &  a  fes  agonies. 
Mais  voicy  qu'au  bout  de  ce  trauail  de  neuf  iours, 
parurent  trois  ieunes  hommes,  enuoyez  de  la  part 
des  Anciens  du  pais,  pour  donner  auis  k  mon  Con- 
dudteur,  qu'vn  Capitaine,  ^  qui  on  auoit  fait  des  pre- 
fens  aux  Trois  Riuieres  pour  ma  deliurance,  venant 
d'arriuer  au  pais,  rapportoit  que  les  oftages  Iroquois, 
laillez  [84]  dans  le  fort  des  Frangois,  auoient  elte  mis 
aux  fers,  &  qu'on  auoit  defia  cafl^e  la  tefte  a  quel- 
ques-vns  d'iceux:  ce  Capitaine  affeuroit,  qu'il  auoit 
appris  cette  nouuelle,  de  la  bouche  d'vn  Sauuage  fon 


1653J  RELA  TION  OF  1632-53  151 


enth  of  the  month.  We  proceeded  in  company  with 
several  Iroquois  who  were  going  to  hunt  the  Beaver 
about  lake  Ontario.  The  rains,  and  the  mountains 
and  valleys ;  the  mountain-streams  and  brooks,  and 
four  rivers  of  considerable  size  which  we  had  to  cross 
by  fording,  wetting  ourselves  thereby  up  to  the  waist ; 
another  larger  one,  that  had  to  be  crossed  on  rafts, 
insecure  and  badly  put  together ;  very  short  rations, 
consisting  solely  of  Indian  corn  just  picked,  without 
bread,  without  wine,  without  meat  and  without 
game,  those  regions  having  been  hunted  bare, — all 
these  things,  I  say,  formed  a  Cross  for  me  that  was 
so  formidable  and  unceasing  that  it  seems  to  me  a 
perpetual  miracle  that  I  was  able  [83]  to  bear  it, 
suffering,  as  I  was,  such  intense  pain  and  such  ex- 
treme weakness.  It  was  also  very  remarkable  that 
my  Guide  never  lost  his  gentleness  and  patience, 
although  he  saw  what  a  bad  traveler  I  was.  In  this 
return  journey,  I  seem  to  have  participated  a  little 
in  the  weakness  and  exhaustion  of  the  King  of 
the  afflicted, — as  on  my  outward  journey,  after  my 
capture,  I  had  shared  in  his  bonds  and  his  agony. 

"  But  now,  at  the  end  of  this  nine  days'  labor, 
there  appeared  three  young  men,  sent  by  the  Elders 
of  the  country  to  notify  my  Conductor  that  a 
Captain,  to  whom  presents  had  been  given  at  Three 
Rivers  for  my  deliverance,  had  just  arrived  in  the 
country  with  a  report  that  the  Iroquois  hostages  who 
had  been  left  [84]  in  the  French  fort  had  been  put  in 
irons,  and  that  some  of  them  had  already  had  their 
heads  broken.  This  Captain  declared  that  he  had 
learned  that  news  from  the  mouth  of  a  »Savage,  a 
friend  of  his.  Upon  leaving,  they  warned  my  Con- 
ductor and  his  attendants  to  be  on  their  guard,  if  they 


152  LES  RELATIONS  DES  jilSUITES         [Vol.40 

amy.  Et  partant  on  auertiffoit  mon  Conducleur  & 
fes  gens,  de  prendre  garde,  s'ils  deuoient  s'engager 
plus  anant  dans  mon  retour.  lis  me  demanderent, 
fi  ie  voulois  paffer  plus  auant,  dans  I'ellat  des  affaires. 
le  n'eus  point  de  repartie.  Mon  Condudteur  me  dit 
auec  vn  grand  courage,  que  fi  ie  luy  voulois  donner 
ma  parole,  que  ie  tafcherois  de  conferuer  fa  vie,  qu'il 
I'expoferoit  k  toutes  fortes  de  dangers,  pour  me  reme- 
ner  fain  &  fauue  parmy  les  Francois.  Ie  luy  donnay 
fort  librement,  &  ce  plufieurs  fois:  car  il  me  la 
demanda  toujours.  La  parole  donnee  [85]  &  accep- 
t6e,  nous  nous  embarquafmes,  &  pourfuiuifmes  noftre 
chemin.  Fay  fceu  depuis,  que  ce  faux  bruit  eftoit 
fonde,  fur  ce  qu'on  auoit  mis  les  fers  aux  pieds,  a  vn 
Sauuage  Algonquin,  qui  s' eftoit  enyure.  Ces  alarmes 
nous  venoient  de  temps  en  temps,  &  quelques-vns 
prenoient  plaifir  de  me  les  donner,  croyans  m'inti- 
mider:  mais  ces  gens-1^,  n'eftoient  pas  du  nombre 
de  mes  Guides,  lefquels  m'ont  toufiours  trait6  auec 
beaucoup  de  douceur. 

Comme  nous  commencions  d'approcher  de  I'lfle  de 
Montreal,  mes  gens  auoient  peur  de  rencontrer  des 
Algonquins,  &  cependant  ils  s'amufoient  fi  fort  a  la 
chaffe,  qui  es[t]  tres-abondante  en  ces  endroits  du 
grand  fleuue  faint  Laurens,  que  ce  retardement  me 
fembloit  ennuyeux.  Noftre  [86]  derniere  Croix,  fut 
le  danger  de  nous  perdre,  dans  les  bouillons  du  faut 
de  faint  Louys,  k  la  veue  de  1' habitation  de  Montreal. 
Ie  creu  quafi  trouuer,  mon  tombeau,  dans  ces  cou- 
rans:  mais  ils  ne  me  firent  autre  mal,  que  de  lauer 
le  refte  de  mes  fautes. 

Enfin  nous  abordafmes  heureufement  en  cette 
habitation,    le    vmgtquatri6me   d'Oc5tobre;    les   neuf 


1663]  RELA  TION  OF  1652-53  153 

were  to  involve  themselves  farther  in  conducting  me 
home.  They  asked  me  if  I  wished  to  go  on,  as 
affairs  then  stood,  and  I  had  no  answer.  My  Con- 
ductor, with  great  courage,  said  to  me  that  if  I  would 
give  him  my  word  to  try  to  save  his  life,  he  would 
expose  it  to  all  sorts  of  dangers  for  the  sake  of  lead- 
ing me  back,  safe  and  sound,  among  the  French.  I 
gave  it  to  him  very  freely,  and  that  many  times ;  for 
he  constantly  asked  me  for  it.  The  promise  given 
[85]  and  accepted,  we  embarked  and  pursued  our 
journey.  I  have  since  learned  that  this  false  rumor 
was  based  on  the  fact  that  irons  had  been  put  on  the 
feet  of  an  Algonquin  Savage  who  had  become  intox- 
icated. These  alarms  came  to  us  from  time  to  time, 
and  some  took  pleasure  in  reporting  them  to  me, 
thinking  to  intimidate  me;  but  those  persons  were 
not  of  the  number  of  my  Guides,  who  always  treated 
me  with  much  gentleness. 

"  As  we  began  to  draw  near  the  Island  of  Mont- 
real, my  people  were  afraid  of  meeting  with  some 
Algonquins;  and  meanwhile  they  took  such  great 
pleasure  in  hunting  —  game  being  very  plenty  in 
those  regions  of  the  great  river  saint  Lawrence  —  that 
this  delay  seemed  tiresome  to  me.  Our  [86]  final 
Cross  was  the  danger  of  being  swallowed  up  in  the 
whirlpools  of  the  saint  Louys  rapids,  within  sight  of 
the  Montreal  settlement.  I  almost  thought  I  would 
find  my  grave  in  those  currents,  but  they  did  me  no 
further  harm  than  to  wash  away  the  rest  of  my  sins. 

' '  At  last,  we  landed  safely  at  that  settlement  on 
the  twenty-fourth  of  October, —  nine  weeks  having 
passed,  in  honor  of  St.  Michael  and  all  the  holy 
Angels,  since  the  beginning  of  my  captivity.  We 
left  Montreal  on  the  twenty-fifth,   toward  evening, 


154  LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  j£SU/TES  [Vol.  4a 

femaines  accomplies  de  ma  captiuit6,  en  I'honneur 
de  S.  Michel,  &  de  tous  les  faints  Anges.  Nous 
en  partifmes  le  vingt-cinquiefme  fur  le  foir,  &  arri- 
uafmes  aux  Trois  Riuieres,  le  vingt-liuiti6me :  ou  nous 
demeurafmes  iufques  au  troifiefme  de  Nouembre. 
Le  cinquiefme,  nous  mifmes  pied  ^  terre  h.  Quebec; 
Le  fixieme,  nos  Iroquois  mes  Condudteurs,  [87]  firent 
leurs  prefens  pour  la  paix,  aufquels  on  repondit  par 
d'autres  prefens,  &ainfi  vn  Dimanche  au  foir,  quatre- 
vingt  &  vn  iour[s]  apres  ma  prife,  c'eft  h.  dire  neuf  fois 
neuf  iours  accomplis,  le  grand  affaire  de  la  paix  tant 
defiree,  fut  termine.  Les  Saints  Anges  faifans  voir 
par  ce  nombre  de  neuf,  qui  leur  *eft  dedie,  la  part 
qu'ils  prenoient  en  ce  faint  ouurage,  conduit  tout 
d'vne  autre  fagon,  que  les  affaires  des  Sauuages,  qui 
font  extremement  longs  en  leurs  affemblees,  &  en 
leurs  procedez.  le  n'ay  efte  qu'vn  mois  dans  le  pais 
des  Iroquois.  I'y  entray  le  quatrieme  Septembre. 
Fen  forty  le  troifieme  d'Odtobre.  Et  dans  ce  peu  de 
temps,  i'ay  communique  auec  les  Hollandois:  i'ay 
veu  le  fort  d'Orange:  i'ay  paffe  trois  fois  dans  les 
quatre  Bourgades  des  Iroquois  [88]  Anniehronons : 
le  refte  du  temps  de  ma  captiuite,  a  efle  employ^, 
dans  mon  all6e,  &  dans  mon  retour.  le  fus  conduy 
par  la  Riuiere  des  Iroquois,  &  par  le  Lac  de  Cham- 
plain,  &  ne  fis  en  fuite  que  deux  iournees  de  chemin 
par  terre.  Et  ie  fuis  reuenu  par  vne  autre  route:  fi 
bien  que  i'ay  paff^  par  les  deux  chemins  que 
tiennent  leurs  armees,  &  leurs  guerriers,  quand  ils 
nous  viennent  chercher.  Voila  ^  peu  pres,  ce  que 
I'obeiflance  a  exig6  de  moy,  fur  mon  voyage. 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1632-53  155 

and  arrived  on  the  twenty-eighth  at  Three  Rivers, 
where  we  remained  until  the  third  of  November. 
On  the  fifth  we  set  foot  on  shore  at  Quebec;  on  the 
sixth  our  Iroquois,  my  Conductors,  [87]  made  their 
presents  in  the  cause  of  peace,  which  were  responded 
to  with  other  presents;  and  thus,  upon  a  Sunday 
evening,  eighty-one  days  after  my  capture, —  that  is 
to  say,  just  nine  times  nine  days, — the  great  affair  of 
the  peace,  so  ardently  desired,  was  brought  to  a 
close.  The  Holy  Angels  made  manifest  by  this 
number,  nine,  which  is  dedicated  to  them,  the  share 
which  they  had  in  this  sacred  work, — which  was 
conducted  in  an  entirely  different  manner  from  the 
affairs  managed  by  the  Savages,  who  protract  to 
extreme  length  their  assemblies  and  proceedings.  I 
spent  only  one  month  in  the  country  of  the  Iroquois, 
entering  it  on  the  fourth  of  September,  and  leaving 
it  on  the  third  of  October;  and  in  this  short  time  I 
held  communication  with  the  Dutch,  saw  fort  Orange, 
and  thrice  entered  the  four  Villages  of  the  Annie- 
hronnon  Iroquois, —  [88]  the  rest  of  the  period  of  my 
captivity  being  consumed  by  my  journey  thither  and 
back.  I  was  taken  by  way  of  the  River  of  the  Iro- 
quois and  Lake  Cham  plain,  and  then  proceeded,  for 
two  days  only,  by  land ;  and  I  returned  by  another 
way,  so  that  I  passed  over  the  two  routes  taken  by 
their  armies  and  warriors  when  they  come  to  seek 
us.  That,  approximately,  is  what  obedience  required 
me  to  relate  concerning  my  journey." 


156  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J^SUITES         [Vol.40 


CHAPITRE  V. 

DE    LA    PAIX    FAITE   AUEC    LES    IROQUOIS. 

ENFIN  nous  auons  la  paix,  pleiit  k  Dieu  que  ces 
paroles,  fuffent  auffi  veritables  dans  la  bouche 
des  Francois:  qu'elles  font  [89]  douces  & 
agreables  aux  Habitans  de  la  Nouuelle  France.  Ouy, 
mais  dira  quelqu'vn,  les  Iroquois,  font  des  perfides? 
ils  ne  font  la  paix,  que  pour  trahir  plus  auantageufe- 
ment  dans  vne  nouuelle  guerre?  le  paffe  nous  eft  vn 
grand  pronoftique  du  futur?  nous  auons  defia  eu  la 
paix  auec  eux,  &  ils  I'ont  violee.  le  confefle  que 
nous  auons  eu  la  paix  auec  eux :  mais  ie  ne  f9ay  fl 
iamais  ils  I'ont  eue  auec  nous:  car  k  vray  dire,  c'e- 
ftoit  nous  qui  les  portions  ^  la  paix,  nous  les  preffions, 
&  par  prefens,  &  par  de  longs  confeils.  lis  auoient 
bien  quelque  inclination  de  s'allier  des  Fran9ois: 
mais  lis  auoient  horreur  des  Sauuages,  notamment 
des  Algoquins,  Ceux  qui  auoient  les  yeux  ouuerts, 
connoifloient  bien  que  cette  paix  n'eftoit  pas  dans  la 
parfaite  idee  des  Sauuages.  [90]  Mais,  quoy  qu'il  en 
foit  du  futur,  duquel  ie  ne  voudrois  pas  repondre, 
ny  en  I'vne  ny  en  1' autre  France:  fi  pouuons  nous 
dire  auec  verite,  que  ce  font  prefentement  les  Iro- 
quois, qui  ont  fait  la  paix.  Ou  pluftofl  difons  que 
c'eft  Dieu,  car  ce  coup  eft  fi  foudain,  ce  changement 
fl  impreueu;  ces  difpofitions,  dans  des  efprits  Bar- 
bares,  fl  furprenantes :  qu'il  faut  confeffer,  qu'vn 
genie  plus  releu6  que  I'humain,  a  conduit  cet  ouurage. 


1653]  RELATION  OF  ib52-53  1^7 


CHAPTER  V. 

OF   THE    PEACE    MADE    WITH   THE    IROQUOIS. 

AT  last  we  have  peace.  Would  to  God  that  these 
words  were  as  true  in  the  mouths  of  the 
French  as  they  are  [89]  sweet  and  agreeable  to 
the  Inhabitants  of  New  France!  "  Yes,"  some  one 
will  say,  "  but  the  Iroquois  are  treacherous,  making 
peace  only  in  order  to  betray  us  to  better  advantage 
in  a  fresh  war.  The  past  is  very  ominous  to  us  of 
the  future :  we  have  already  had  peace  with  them 
and  they  have  violated  it."  I  admit  that  we  have 
had  peace  with  them,  but  am  uncertain  whether  they 
have  ever  had  it  with  us;  for,  to  tell  the  truth,  it 
was  we  who  induced  them  to  make  peace,  urging 
them  with  presents  and  in  long  councils.  They  had, 
indeed,  some  inclination  to  ally  themselves  with  the 
French,  but  held  the  Savages,  and  especially  the 
Algonquins,  in  abhorrence.  Those  who  had  their 
eyes  open  recognized  clearly  that  that  peace  did  not 
entirely  suit  the  Savages'  notions.  [90]  But,  how- 
ever it  may  be  in  the  future, —  which  I  would  not 
like  to  answer  for,  either  as  to  old  France  or  as  to 
new, — yet  we  can  say  with  truth  that,  in  the  present 
instance,  it  is  the  Iroquois  that  have  made  peace. 
Or,  rather,  let  us  say  that  it  is  God ;  for  this  stroke 
is  so  sudden,  this  change  so  unexpected,  these 
tendencies  in  Barbarian  minds  so  surprising,  that,  it 
must  be  admitted,  a  genius  more  exalted  than  that  of 
man  has  guided   this  work.     In  the  evening  there 


158  LES  RELATIONS  DBS  j£SUITES         [Vol.40 

Le  foir,  il  n'y  auoit  rien  de  £1  liideux,  pour  ainfi  dire, 
&  de  fi  deffait,  que  le  vifage  de  ce  pauure  pays:  & 
le  lendemain,  il  n'y  a  rien  de  i^i  guay,  &  de  fi  ioyeux 
que  la  face  de  tous  les  Habitans :  on  fe  tue,  on  fe 
maflacre,  on  faccage,  on  brufle,  vn  Me[r]credy  par 
exemple,  &  le  leudy  on  fe  fait  des  prefens,  &  on  fe 
vifite  les  vns  les  autres,  [91]  comme  font  les  amis. 
Si  les  Iroquois  ont  quelque  deffein,  Dieu  a  auffi  les 
Cens.  le  m'affeure  qu'on  auoiiera,  que  ce  que  [ie] 
vay  dire,  ne  s'eft  point  fait  par  vn  pur  rencontre. 

Le  iour  de  la  Vifitation  de  la  fainte  Vierge,  le 
Capitaine  Aontarifaty  tant  regrete  des  Iroquois,  ayant 
eft^  pris  de  nos  Sauuages,  &  inftruit  par  nos  Peres, 
fut  baptife,  &  ce  mefme  iour,  ayant  efte  execute  h. 
mort,  il  monta  au  Ciel.  Ie  ne  doute  point  qu'il  n'ait 
remerci6  la  fainte  Vierge  de  fes  malheurs  &  de  fon 
bon-heur,  &  qu'il  n'ait  prie  Dieu  pour  fes  Compa- 
triotes. 

Les  habitans  de  Montreal,  comme  nous  auons 
remarqu6  cy-deffus,  ayans  fait  vn  voeu  folennel,  de 
celebrer  publiquement  la  fefte  de  la  Prefentation  de 
cette  Mere  des  bontez,  les  Iroquois  [92]  des  Nations 
plus  hautes,  les  rechercherent  de  paix. 

Ce  fut  le  iour  de  I'Affomption  de  cette  Reine  des 
Anges  &  des  hommes,  que  les  Hurons  prirent  dans 
rifle  de  Montreal,  cet  autre  fameux  Capitaine 
Iroquois,  qui  fut  caufe  que  les  Anniehronnons 
demanderent  noftre  alliance,  comme  nous  verrons 
bien-toft. 

Le  Franfois  qui  accompagnoit  le  P.  Poncet  en  fa 
prife,  ayant  efte  brufle  au  pais  des  Iroquois,  ils  done- 
rent  la  vie  au  Pere,  au  temps  que  I'Eglife  honore  la 
Natiuite  de  la  fainte  Vierge,  &  il  trauailla  en  fuite, 


1658]  RELATION  OF  1652-53  159 

was  nothing  so  unsightly,  so  to  speak,  and  so  dejected 
as  the  face  of  this  poor  country;  and  the  next  day 
there  is  nothing  so  blithe  and  joyous  as  the  counte- 
nances of  all  the  Inhabitants.  On  Wednesday,  for 
example,  there  is  mutual  killing,  butchering,  pillag- 
ing, and  burning;  but,  on  Thursday,  presents  are 
exchanged  and  visits  paid  on  both  sides,  [91]  after 
the  manner  of  friends.  If  the  Iroquois  have  some 
design,  God  also  has  his.  I  am  sure  that  it  will  be 
admitted  that  the  event  I  am  going  to  describe  was 
not  brought  about  purely  by  chance. 

On  the  day  of  the  Visitation  of  the  blessed  Virgin, 
Captain  Aontarisaty,  so  mourned  by  the  Iroquois, 
after  his  capture  by  our  Savages  was  instructed  by 
our  Fathers,  and  baptized;  and  on  that  same  day, 
after  suffering  execution,  he  ascended  into  Heaven. 
I  doubt  not  he  has  thanked  the  blessed  Virgin  for  his 
misfortunes  and  for  his  good  fortune,  and  has  prayed 
to  God  for  his  Compatriots. 

The  people  of  Montreal,  as  we  have  remarked 
above,  having  made  a  solemn  vow  to  celebrate  pub- 
licly the  festival  of  the  Presentation  of  that  Mother 
of  kindness,  the  Iroquois  [92]  of  the  upper  Nations 
sought  to  make  peace  with  them. 

It  was  on  the  day  of  the  Assumption  of  that  Queen 
of  Angels  and  of  men  that  the  Hurons  captured,  on 
the  Island  of  Montreal,  that  other  famous  Iroquois 
Captain  who  was  the  cause  of  the  Anniehronnons'  ask- 
ing for  an  alliance  with  us  —  as  we  shall  presently  see. 

After  the  Frenchman  who  accompanied  Father 
Poncet  in  his  captivity  had  been  burned  in  the  coun- 
try of  the  Iroquois,  they  gave  the  Father  his  life,  at 
the  time  when  the  Church  honors  the  Nativity  of  the 
blessed  Virgin ;  and  he  worked  thereafter  so  effectively 


160  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J^SUITES         [Vol.40 

fi  efficacement  k  la  paix,  on  plultoft  la  fainte  Vierge, 
&  les  faints  Anges,  que  le  iour  de  S.  Michel,  il  fut 
arreft^  dans  vn  Confeil  public  des  vieillards  du  pais, 
qu'on  remeneroit  le  Pere  k  Quebec,  &  qu'on  lieroit 
fortement  [93]  la  paix  auec  les  Frangois. 

Le  mefme  iour  de  la  naiffance  de  la  fainte  Vierge, 
pendant  que  les  Iroquois  Anniehronnons  concluoient 
la  paix  en  leur  pais,  on  faifoit  vne  proceffion  gene- 
rale  a  Quebec;  pour  gagner  le  coeur  du  fils,  par 
Tentremife  delamere.  On  y  fit  marcher  quatre  cens 
moufquetaires  bien  armez,  qui  faifans  leur  defcharge 
de  temps  en  temps  bien  ^  propos,  donnerent  de 
I'epouuate  aux  Iroquois,  qui  efloiet  defcendus  pour 
parler  de  la  paix,  ce  qui  leur  fit  iuger  que  cette  paix 
leur  eftoit  d'autant  plus  neceffaire,  qu'ils  remar- 
quoient  d'addreffe  en  nos  Frangois,  ^  manier  les 
armes,  dont  ils  venoient  d'experimenter  quelques 
effets,  aux  Trois  Riuieres. 

Or  dites-moy  maintenant,  fi  le  hazard,  ou  la  Proui- 
dence  ont  trauaille  [94]  dans  ces  rencontres?  &  fi  la 
deuotion  des  habitans  de  la  nouuelle  France,  &  la 
confiance  qu'ils  ont  eue  enuers  I'Epoufe  du  grand  S. 
lofeph,  Patron  de  toutes  ces  nouuelles  Eglifes,  n'a 
pas  eft6  bien  recompenfe?  paffons  outre. 

Les  Iroquois  qui  nous  faifoient  la  guerre  eftoient 
diuifez  en  cinq  Nations,  dont  voicy  les  noms  en 
langue  Huronne. 

Les  Anniehronnons,  dont  le  pais  s'appelle  Ani6. 

Les  Onneihronnons,  dont  le  principal  Bourg  fe 
nomme  Onneiout. 

Les  Onnontaeronnons,  dont  le  pais  &  la  principale 
Bourgade  fe  nomme  Onnonta6. 


1653]  RELATION  OF  ibS2-S3  161 

in  the  cause  of  peace  —  or,  rather,  the  blessed  Virgin 
and  the  holy  Ang-els  did  this  —  that  on  St.  Michael's 
day  it  was  decreed,  in  a  public  Council  of  the  elders 
of  the  country,  to  conduct  the  Father  back  to  Que- 
bec, and  conclude  a  firm  [93]  peace  with  the  French. 

On  the  same  day,  that  of  the  birth  of  the  blessed 
Virgin,  while  the  Anniehronnon  Iroquois  were  con- 
cluding peace  in  their  country,  a  general  procession 
was  celebrated  at  Quebec  for  the  purpose  of  winning 
the  heart  of  the  son  through  the  mediation  of  the 
mother.  Four  hundred  musketeers,  well  armed, 
were  made  to  join  in  this  procession ;  and  as  they 
discharged  their  pieces  from  time  to  time,  at  fitting 
moments,  they  filled  with  alarm  the  Iroquois  who 
had  come  down  to  treat  of  peace ;  and  who  were  led 
to  conclude,  from  this  exhibition,  that  peace  was  the 
more  necessary  for  them,  as  they  remarked  our 
Frenchmen's  address  in  handling  their  arms,  some 
effects  of  which  they  had  just  experienced  at  Three 
Rivers. 

Tell  me,  now,  whether  it  was  chance  or  Provi- 
dence that  was  at  work  [94]  in  these  emergencies, 
and  whether  the  devotion  of  the  people  of  new 
France,  and  the  trust  which  they  reposed  in  the 
Spouse  of  the  great  St.  Joseph,  Patron  of  all  these 
new  Churches,  has  not  been  well  rewarded.  Let  us 
continue. 

The  Iroquois  who  made  war  upon  us  were  divided 
into  five  Nations,  whose  names,  in  the  Huron  lan- 
guage, are  as  follows: 

The  Anniehronnons,  whose  country  is  called 
Anie. 

The  Onneihronnons,  whose  principal  Village  is 
named  Onneiout. 


162  LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  /^SUITES         [Vol.  40 

Les  Sonnontouaheronnons  du  pais  nomme  Sonnon- 
thouan. 

Les  Onionenhronnons,  dont  le  Bourg  s'appelle 
Onneiot6. 

[95]  Qui  ^  porte  toutes  ces  Nations,  a  prendre  des 
fentimens  de  paix,  independemment  les  vnes  des 
autres?  Nous  auons  fceu  de  bonne  part,  que  les 
Sonnontouaheronnons,  qui  font  la  plus  grande  nation 
Iroquoife,  &  la  plus  peupl6e,  penfoient  h.  la  paix  des 
le  Printemps:  auec  deffein  d'y  faire  ioindre  les 
Onioenhronnons  leurs  plus  proches  voifms. 

Nous  auons  veu  au  Chapitre  fecond,  comme  les 
Onnontaeronons,  &  en  fuitte  les  Onnejohronnons, 
font  venus  la  demander  aux   Francois  de  Montreal. 

II  ne  reftoit  plus  que  le  feul  Iroquois  Anniehron- 
non,  lequel  enfie  de  fes  victoires,  vouloit  perfeuerer 
dans  les  defirs  de  la  guerre:  mais  il  a  donne  les 
mains,  auffi  bien,  que  les  autres.  Toutes  ces  penfees 
de  paix,  &  d'alliance,  font  [96]  elles  entrees,  quafi  &, 
mefme  temps,  dans  les  efprits  farouches,  &  infolens 
de  ces  Nations,  fans  vne  prouidence  toute  particu- 
liere?  Deiis  nobis  Jicbc  otia  fecit.  Difons  plutoft.  Di- 
gitiis  Dei  ejl  hie.  Ce  coup,  eft  vn  coup  de  la  puifTance 
du  grand  Dieu.  Ce  qui  nous  confole  fortement  dans 
cette  fainte  prouidence  eft,  que  fi  quelqu'vne  de  ces 
Nations  venoit  a  fe  dementir,  il  eft  bien  croyable  que 
les  autres,  nous  ayans  recherches,  chacune  en  leur 
particulier,  ne  romperoient  pas  fi  facilement  auec 
nous,  mais  venons  au  detail. 

Les  Onnontaeronnons,  s'eftans  prefent6  au  nombre 
de  foixante  &,  Montreal,  pour  fonder  fi  les  coeur  des 
Fran9ois  auoit  quelque  difpofition  a  la  paix,  le  Gou- 
uerneur  de  la  place,  fe  deffians  deux  prudemment, 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1652-53  163 

The  Onnontaeronnons,  whose  country  and  chief 
Village  are  named  Onnonta6. 

The  Sonnontouaheronnons,  of  the  country  called 
Sonnonthouan. 

The  Onionenhronnons,  whose  Village  is  called 
Onneiote. 

[95]  Who  prompted  all  these  Nations  to  adopt 
sentiments  of  peace  independently  of  one  another? 
We  have  learned,  on  good  authority,  that  the  Sonnon- 
touaheronnons, who  constitute  the  most  extensive 
and  populous  Iroquois  nation,  were  thinking  of  peace 
as  far  back  as  last  Spring,  planning  to  induce  the 
Onioenhronnons,  their  next  neighbors,  to  join  in  it. 

We  saw  in  the  second  Chapter  how  the  Onnontae- 
ronons,  and  afterward  the  Onneiohronnons,  came  to 
ask  it  from  the  French  at  Montreal. 

There  remained  no  longer  any  save  the  Annie- 
hronnon  Iroquois  who,  puffed  up  with  his  victories, 
wished  to  persevere  in  his  desires  for  war;  but  he 
has  yielded  as  well  as  the  others.  Did  all  these 
thoughts  of  peace  and  of  alliance  [96]  come,  almost 
at  the  same  time,  into  the  fierce  and  insolent  minds 
of  those  Nations,  without  a  very  special  providence? 
Deus  nobis  hcec  otia  fecit.  Let  us  say  rather,  Digitus 
Dei  est  hie.  This  stroke  is  a  stroke  of  the  might  of 
the  great  God.  A  consideration  which,  in  this  holy 
providence,  greatly  reassures  us  is,  that  if  any  one  of 
these  Nations  should  forfeit  its  word,  it  is  very  easy 
to  believe  that  the  others,  inasmuch  as  they  each 
sought  us  individually,  would  not  so  easily  break 
with  us.     But  let  us  come  to  details. 

The  Onnontaeronnons  having  presented  them- 
selves at  Montreal,  to  the  number  of  sixty,  in  order 
to  ascertain  whether  the  hearts  of  the  French  were 


164  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J^SUITES         [Vol.40' 

leur  dit,  que  leurs  [97]  defloyautez  paff6es,  rendoi[en]t 
leurs  proportions  fort  fufpedtes,  &  que  s'ils  auoient 
quelque  amour  pour  noltre  alliance,  qu'il  falloit  le 
t^moigner  "k  Monfieur  de  Laufon  Gouuerneur  de  tout 
le  pais,  qui  eftoit  k  Quebec.  Le  Capitaine  r6pondit, 
qu'il  falloit  bien  diftinguer,  entre  Nation  &  Nation, 
que  les  Onnontaeronnons  n'eftoient  pas  infideles, 
comme  les  Iroquois  Anniehronnons,  qui  recuifent  leur 
fiel,  &  ramertume  de  leur  coeur,  au  milieu  de  leur 
poitrine,  quand  leur  langue  profere  quelques  bonnes 
paroles.  Que  pour  luy,  a  qui  toute  la  Nation  auoit 
fait  entendre  fes  intentions,  qu'il  parloit  de  toutes  les 
parties  de  fon  corps,  depuis  fes  plus  petits  orteils, 
iufques  au  fommet  de  la  tefte;  &  qu'il  n'y  auoit  rien 
dans  fon  coeur,  ny  dans  le  refte  [98]  de  fes  membres, 
qui  dementit  ce  qui  efloit  forty  de  fa  bouche,  Qu'il 
iroit  voir  le  grand  Onontio,  le  Gouuerneur  des 
Frangois,  &  qu'il  luy  feroit  fes  prefens,  dans 
lefquels  eftoient  renfermez,  les  deQrs  de  toute  fa 
Nation. 

En  effet,  il  defcendit  de  Montreal  iufques  k  Que- 
bec, faifant  foixante  lieues  fur  le  grand  fleuue.  La 
premiere  affembl6e  fe  tint  en  I'lfle  d' Orleans,  en  la 
Bourgade  des  Hurons,  a  deux  lieues  de  Quebec.  Ce 
Capitaine  fit  Staler  fes  prefens,  qui  feruent  parmy 
tous  ces  peuples  Barbares,  comme  parmy  nous,  les 
ef crits,  «&  les  Contrats.  Tout  le  monde  eftant  alTis : 
il  fe  leua,  inuoquant  premierement  le  Soleil,  comme 
vn  temoin  fidele,  de  la  fmcerite  de  fes  penfees, 
comme  vn  flambeau,  qui  banniffoit  la  nuit,  &  les 
tenebres  [99]  de  fon  coeur:  pour  donner  vn  iour 
veritable  ^  fes  paroles. 


\ 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1652-33  165 

in  any  wise  inclined  to  peace,  the  Governor  of  the 
place,  prudently  distrusting  them,  told  them  that 
their  [97]  past  acts  of  treachery  rendered  their 
proposals  highly  suspicious,  and  that,  if  they  had 
any  desire  for  an  alliance  with  us,  they  must  make  it 
evident  to  Monsieur  de  Lauson,  Governor  of  the 
whole  country,  who  was  at  Quebec.  The  Captain 
replied  that  a  careful  distinction  must  be  made  be- 
tween Nation  and  Nation ;  that  the  Onnontaeronnons 
were  not  faithless,  like  the  Anniehronnon  Iroquois, — 
who  cherish,  deep  in  their  breast,  their  rancor  and 
bitterness  of  heart,  while  their  tongues  are  uttering 
fair  words.  He  said  that,  as  for  him,  whom  the 
whole  Nation  had  acquainted  with  its  sentiments,  he 
spoke  with  every  part  of  his  body,  from  his  little 
toes  up  to  the  top  of  his  head,  and  that  there  was 
nothing  in  his  heart,  or  in  any  of  his  other  [98] 
members,  that  gave  the  lie  to  what  had  come  out  of 
his  mouth ;  and  that  he  would  go  and  see  the  great 
Onontio,  Governor  of  the  French,  and  would  offer 
him  his  presents,  in  which  were  enclosed  the  wishes 
of  his  entire  Nation. 

In  fact  he  did  go  from  Montreal  down  to  Quebec, 
voyaging  sixty  leagues  upon  the  great  river.  The 
first  assembly  was  held  on  the  Island  of  Orleans,  in 
the  Village  of  the  Hurons,  two  leagues  distant  from 
Quebec.  This  Captain  displayed  his  presents, 
which,  among  all  these  Barbarous  tribes,  have  the 
same  use  that  writings  and  Contracts  have  with  us. 
When  every  one  was  seated,  he  arose,  and  first  in- 
voked the  Sun  as  a  faithful  witness  of  the  sincerity 
of  his  intentions,  and  as  a  torch  that  banished  the 
night  and  the  darkness  [99]  from  his  heart,  to  let  in 
a  veritable  daylight  upon  his  words. 


166  LES  RELATIONS  DES  jASUITES         [Vol.40 

Ces  prefens  confiftoient  en  caltors,  &  en  porcelaine, 
&  chacun  d'eux  auoit  fon  nom,  &  faifoit  voir  le  defir 
de  celuy  qui  parloit,  &  de  ceux  qui  I'auoient  delegue. 

Le  premier,  fe  donnoit  pour  effuyer  les  larmes, 
qu'on  iette  ordinairement,  "k  la  nou[u]elle  des  braues 
guerriers  maflacrez  dans  les  combats. 

Le  fecond,  deuoit  feruir  d'vn  breuuage  agreable, 
contre  ce  qui  pourroit  refler  d'amertume,  dans  le 
coeur  des  Frangois,  pour  la  mort  de  leurs  gens. 

Le  troifieme,  deuoit  fournir  vne  ecorce,  ou  vne 
couuerture,  pour  mettre  fur  les  morts,  de  peur 
que  leur  regard,  ne  renouuellat  les  anciennes  que- 
relles. 

[loo]  Le  quatrieme,  eftoit  pour  les  enterrer,  &  pour 
fouler  bien  fort,  la  terre  deffus  leurs  foffes:  afin 
que  iamais  rien  ne  fortit  de  leurs  tombeaux  qui  put 
attrifter  leurs  parens,  &  caufer  dans  leurs  efprits, 
quelque  Amotion  de  vengeance. 

Le  cinquieme,  deuoit  feruir  d'enueloppe,  pour  fl 
bien  empaqueter  les  amies,  qu'on  n'y  touchaft  plus 
d'orefnauant. 

Le  fixieme,  pour  nettoyer  la  riuiere,  foiiillee  de 
tant  de  fang. 

Le  dernier,  pour  exhorter  les  Hurons  d'agreer  ce 
qu'Onontio,  grand  Capitaine  des  Fran9ois,  deuoit 
conclure  touchant  la  paix. 

Comme  il  fe  faut  accouftumer,  aux  couftumes,  & 
aux  fa9ons  de  faire,  des  peuples  qu'on  veut  gagner, 
quand  elles  ne  font  pas  eloignees  de  la  raifon :  Mon- 
fieur  le  [loi]  Gouuerneur,  rendit  parole  pour  parole, 
&  prefens  pour  prefens. 

Le  premier  fut  donne,  pour  faire  tomber  la  hache 
d'armes,    des   mains  de  I'lroquois  Onnontaeronnon. 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1652-53  167 

These  presents  consisted  of  beaver-skins  and  por- 
celain; and  each  of  them  had  its  name,  and  testified 
the  desire  of  the  speaker  and  of  those  who  had  dele- 
gated him. 

The  first  one  was  given  to  wipe  away  the  tears 
that  are  commonly  shed  upon  hearing  of  the  brave 
warriors  killed  in  battle. 

The  second  was  intended  to  serve  as  a  pleasant 
draught  to  counteract  whatever  of  bitterness  might 
remain  in  the  hearts  of  the  French,  because  of  the 
death  of  their  people. 

The  third  was  to  furnish  a  piece  of  bark,  or  a 
blanket,  to  put  over  the  dead,  for  fear  the  sight  of 
them  might  renew  the  old-time  dissensions. 

[100]  The  fourth  was  to  bury  the  dead  and  tread 
down  the  earth  very  hard  over  their  graves,  in  order 
that  nothing  might  ever  issue  from  their  tombs  that 
could  sadden  their  relatives,  and  arouse  any  feeling 
of  revenge  in  their  bosoms. 

The  fifth  was  to  serve  as  a  wrapping  for  packing 
away  the  implements  of  war  so  securely  that  they 
would  never  be  touched  again  in  the  future. 

The  sixth,  to  make  clear  the  river,  stained  with  so 
much  blood. 

The  last,  to  exhort  the  Hurons  to  accept  whatever 
decision  Onontio,  the  great  Captain  of  the  French, 
should  choose  to  make  concerning  peace. 

As  one  must  needs  adapt  himself  to  the  customs 
and  methods  of  procedure  of  those  whom  he  wishes 
to  win,  when  those  customs  are  not  unreasonable, 
Monsieur  the  [loi]  Governor  gave  back  speech  for 
speech  and  present  for  present. 

The  first  was  given  to  make  the  war-hatchet  fall 
from  the  hands  of  the  Onnontaeronnon  Iroquois. 


168  LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES         [Vol.40 

Le  fecond,  pour  brifer  la  chaudiere,  ou  il  faifoit 
cuire  les  hommes,  qu'il  prenoit  en  guerre. 

Le  troifieme,  pour  leur  faire  quitter  les  couteaux, 
qui  feruoient  ^  cette  boucherie. 

Le  quatrieme,  pour  leur  faire  mettre  bas  leurs 
arcs,  &  leurs  fleches,  &  autres  armes. 

Le  cinqui6me,  pour  effacer  les  peintures,  &  les 
couleurs  rouges,  dont  ils  fe  barboiiillent  le  vifage, 
quand  ils  vont  en  guerre. 

Le  fixieme,  pour  cacher  fi  bien  les  canots,  ou  les 
batteaux  qu'ils  font  pour  les  combats,  qu'ils  ne 
puiffent  iamais  plus  les  retrouuer. 

[102]  Ces  Contradts  palTez:  tout  le  monde  s'en 
r6joiiit.  Ces  Ambaffadeurs,  ou  ces  Deleguez  pour 
la  paix,  emporterent  leurs  Capots,  leurs  couuertures, 
leurs  chaudieres,  &  autres  femblables  denr6es,  en 
quoy,  ^  mon  auis,  confiftoient  leurs  prefens.  Ils 
promirent  que  dans  quelque  temps,  ils  rapporteroient 
des  nouuelles,  de  la  ioye  vniuerfelle  de  toute  leur 
Nation.  Venons  maintenant  aux  Iroquois  Annie- 
hronnons,  les  plus  orgueilleux,  «&  les  plus  fuperbes, 
de  toutes  ces  Contr6es.  Ce  font  eux,  qui  ont  maf- 
facre  le  P.  Ifaac  logues,  bruflez  le  P.  lean  de  Bre- 
beuf,  &  le  P.  Gabriel  Lallemant,  &  plufieurs  autres 
Frangois. 

Ces  Thrafons,  ayans  pris  refolution  de  furprendre, 
&  de  mettre  k  feu,  &  ^  fang,  le  Bourg  des  Trois 
Riuieres,  comme  nous  auons  veu  [103]  cy-defCus:  & 
trouuans  plus  de  refiflance  qu'ils  n'auoient  penfe, 
furent  changez  quafi  en  vn  moment.  Dix  ou  douze 
d'entr'eux,  parurent  auec  vn  Guidon  blanc,  fur  le 
grand  fleuue,  s'approchans  du  fort,  &  crians,  qu'ils 
vouloient  parlementer,   &  traiter  de  paix:  &  qu'on 


lfio3]  RELATION  OF  i6s2 -S3  169 

The  second,  to  break  the  kettle  in  which  he  cooked 
the  men  whom  he  captured  in  war. 

The  third,  to  make  them  throw  down  the  knives 
used  in  this  butchery. 

The  fourth,  to  cause  them  to  lay  down  their  bows 
and  arrows  and  other  arms. 

The  fifth,  to  wash  off  the  paint  and  the  red  dyes 
with  which  they  besmear  their  faces  when  they  go 
to  war. 

The  sixth,  to  hide  so  carefully  the  canoes  or  boats 
that  they  make  for  use  in  war,  that  they  shall  never 
be  able  to  find  them  again. 

[102]  These  Agreements  exchanged,  everybody 
rejoiced  over  the  event;  and  the  peace  Ambassadors, 
or  Delegates,  carried  away  their  Cloaks,  their  blan- 
kets, their  kettles,  and  other  like  commodities, — in 
which,  I  believe,  their  presents  consisted.  They 
promised  that  they  would,  in  a  short  time,  bring 
back  news  of  the  universal  joy  of  their  entire  Nation. 
Let  us  come  now  to  the  Anniehronnon  Iroquois,  the 
proudest  and  most  arrogant  people  of  all  these 
Regions.  It  was  they  who  murdered  Father  Isaac 
Jogues,  and  burned  Father  Jean  de  Brebeuf ,  Father 
Gabriel  Lallemant,  and  several  other  Frenchmen. 

These  Thrasos,  after  resolving  to  surprise  and  put 
to  fire  and  sword  the  Village  of  Three  Rivers,  as  we 
have  seen  [103]  above,  and  finding  more  resistance 
than  they  had  expected,  were  changed  almost  in  a 
moment.  Ten  or  twelve  of  their  number  appeared 
on  the  great  river  with  a  white  Flag,  approaching  the 
fort,  and  calling  out  that  they  wished  to  parley  and 
to  treat  of  peace,  and  that  some  one  should  be  sent 
to  them  for  the  purpose  of  hearing  what  they  had  to 
say.     The  one  who  presented  himself,  on  the  part 


170  LES  RELATIONS  DES  j£SUITES         [Vol.40 

leur  enuoyaft  quelqu'vn  pour  les  ecouter.  Celuy 
qui  fe  prefenta,  de  la  part  des  Frangois,  commen9a 
par  des  inuedtiues,  leur  reprochant  leurs  fourbes,  & 
leurs  perfidies.  Tu  es  vn  ieune  homme,  repondit  le 
Capitaine  de  ces  Iroquois,  nous  auons  demande  quel- 
qu'vn qui  nous  ecoutaft,  &  non  pas  vn  ieune  homme 
pour  nous  venir  parler.  Vas  t'en  voir  tes  vieillards, 
&  ceux  qui  determinent  de  vos  affaires,  prend  langue 
d'eux,  &  puis  tu  parleras.  le  f9ay,  repart  le  Fran- 
gois,  leurs  fentimens:  ils  [104]  croyent  tons,  que  vous 
efles  des  trompeurs,  qui  ne  f9auez  que  c'eft  de  tenir 
voftre  parole.  Va  les  confulter,  &  dis  leur,  que  nous 
auons  de  bonnes  penfees:  &  que  noftre  coeur  n'a  plus 
de  venin.  Le  Frangois  remonta  au  fort;  on  s'affem- 
bla  en  la  maifon  de  Ville,  &  on  creut,  que  ces 
Barbares,  n'auoient  aucune  volonte  de  la  paix:  mais 
qu'ils  cherchoient  les  occafions  de  nous  furprendre. 
C6t  homme  les  retoume  voir.  le  vous  auois  bien  dit, 
leur  fit-il,  que  i'auois  connoiffances  des  penfees  de 
nos  Anciens.  lis  vous  prennent  tous  pour  des  fourbes, 
&  pour  des  gens  auec  lefquels  il  ne  faut  point  parler, 
que  par  la  bouche  de  nos  canons.  Si  vous  auiez  des 
penfees  de  paix,  vous  parleriez  de  nous  rendre  vn  de 
nos  Peres,  &  vn  Francois,  que  vos  gens  ont  pris  de- 
puis  [105]  peu,  es  enuirons  de  Quebec.  Ce  Capitaine 
fut  furpris  k  cette  nouuelle,  n'ayant  point  de  con- 
noiffance  de  cette  prife.  le  n'ay  pas  fceu,  repart-il 
qu'on  ait  pris  des  Fran9ois:  mais  ie  m'en  vay  pre- 
fentement  enuoyer  deux  canots  en  diligece  en  noftre 
pais;  afin  d'empefcher  qu'on  ne  leur  faffe  aucun  mal, 
&  ie  te  donne  parole,  que  s'ils  font  encor  viuans,  tu 
les  verras  bien-toft  das  vos  habitations. 

Cet  homme  parloit  d'vn  tel  accent,  que  fon  cceur 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1652-53  171 


of  the  French,  began  with  invectives,  reproaching 
them  with  their  acts  of  knavishness  and  perfidy. 
"  Thou  art  a  young  man,"  returned  the  Captain  of 
these  Iroquois ;  * '  we  asked  for  somebody  to  listen  to 
us,  and  not  for  a  young  man  to  come  and  talk  to  us. 
Off  with  thee,  to  see  thy  elders  and  those  that  have 
the  direction  of  your  affairs ;  take  thy  speech  from 
them,  and  then  thou  shalt  speak."  "  I  know  their 
sentiments,"  replied  the  Frenchman;  "they  [104] 
all  think  you  are  deceivers  who  know  not  what  it  is 
to  keep  your  word."  "  Go  and  consult  them,  and 
tell  them  that  we  have  good  intentions,  and  our  hearts 
have  no  more  venom."  The  Frenchman  went  up  to 
the  fort  again;  there  was  an  assembly  at  the  Town 
hall,  and  it  was  the  opinion  that  these  Barbarians 
had  no  peaceful  intentions,  but  were  seeking  oppor- 
tunities to  surprise  us.  The  man  went  back  again 
to  see  them,  and  said  to  them:  "  I  had  told  you 
plainly  that  I  was  acquainted  with  the  thoughts  of 
our  Elders :  they  take  you  all  for  knaves,  and  for 
people  with  whom  no  communication  must  be  held 
except  by  the  mouths  of  our  cannon.  If  you  had 
thoughts  of  peace,  you  would  speak  of  restoring  to 
us  one  of  our  Fathers  and  a  Frenchman,  whom  your 
people  captured  [105]  a  short  time  ago  in  the  vicinity 
of  Quebec."  That  Captain  was  surprised  at  this 
news,  having  no  knowledge  of  the  capture.  "  I  did 
not  know,"  returned  he,  "  that  any  Frenchmen  had 
been  captured;  but  I  will  go  at  once  and  send  two 
canoes  with  all  haste  to  our  country,  in  order  to  pre- 
vent any  harm  being  done  them ;  and  I  give  thee  my 
word  that,  if  they  are  still  alive,  thou  shalt  soon  see 
them  in  your  settlements." 

This   man    spoke   in   such  a  tone   that  his  heart 


172  LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES         [Vol.40 

parut  s'accorder  auec  fes  paroles.  Mais  vn  rencontre 
arriua  fur  ces  entrefaites,  qui  fit  iuger,  que  ce  petit 
rayon  de  paix,  qui  commencoit  k  poindre,  s'alloit 
6teindre  des  fa  premiere  naillance.  Nos  Fran9ois 
s'imaginoient,  que  ces  Barbares,  ayans  appris,  que 
nos  Hurons  tenoient  quelques-vns  de  leurs  gens 
prifonniers,  [io6]  demandoient  la  paix  pour  leur 
fauuer  la  vie :  &  par  ie  ne  f 9ay  quel  malheur,  dif ons 
pluftoft  par  vne  fecrette  prouidence,  ces  prifon- 
niers tomberent  en  leurs  mains,  en  la  fagon  que  ie 
vay  dire. 

Vn  Capitaine  Huron  allant  en  guerre,  fut  auerty 
par  les  Fran9ois  qui  font  a  Montreal,  qu'il  y  auoit 
des  ennemis  dedans  leur  Ifle;  ce  Capitaine,  comme 
nous  auons  defia  remarque,  les  cherche,  les  trouue  k 
la  pifte,  les  pourfuit,  les  attaque,  &  les  ayant  deffaits, 
il  prit  leur  Capitaine,  &  quatre  des  principaux  de  fes 
gens;  or  comme  il  ne  ffauoit  pas,  qu'il  y  eut  vne 
arm6e  d' Iroquois  aux  Trois  Riuieres,  &  qu'il  falloit 
palTer  par  Yk,  pour  defcendre  a  Quebec:  oil  il  vou- 
loit  mener  fes  prifonniers,  il  alia  iuftement  donner 
dans  les  [107]  panneaux,  comme  on  dit.  Car  lors 
qu'il  y  penfoit  Ie  moins,  &  qu'il  defcendoit  douce- 
ment  fur  Ie  grad  fleuue;  s'entretenant  de  la  paix, 
&  de  la  guerre,  auec  fes  prifonniers,  il  apperceut 
de  loin,  I'armee  Iroquoife:  &  il  fe  vid,  quafi  en  vn 
moment,  de  vidtorieux,  vaincu:  &  de  triomphant, 
captif.  Vne  partie  de  fes  gens,  toumant  Ie  cap  de 
leurs  petits  batteaux  vers  la  terre,  fe  fauuet  au  plu- 
floft  vers  les  bois :  les  autres,  ne  voulans  pas  reculer, 
furent  fur  Ie  point  de  mallacrer  leurs  cinq  captifs, 
pour  mourir  plus  glorieufemet,  felon  les  idees  du 
pais  dans  Ie  fang  de  leurs  ennemis,     Mais  Dieu  retint 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1632-53  173 

seemed  to  be  in  accord  with  his  words.  Meanwhile, 
however,  an  incident  took  place  which  made  us  think 
this  little  ray  of  peace  that  was  beginning  to  dawn 
was  going  to  be  extinguished  at  its  very  birth.  Our 
French  people  imagined  that  those  Barbarians,  upon 
learning  that  our  Hurons  were  holding  some  of  their 
men  as  prisoners,  [106]  were  asking  for  peace  in 
order  to  save  the  lives  of  the  latter;  and,  by  some 
misfortune  or  other  —  or  let  us  rather  say,  by  an 
inscrutable  providence  —  these  prisoners  fell  into 
their  hands  in  the  manner  I  am  about  to  describe. 

A  Huron  Captain,  upon  starting  out  to  war,  was 
warned  by  the  French  at  Montreal  that  there  were 
some  enemies  within  the  confines  of  their  Island. 
This  Captain,  as  we  have  already  noted,  hunted  for 
them,  and  traced,  pursued,  and  attacked  them;  and 
after  defeating  them,  he  captured  their  Captain  and 
four  of  his  principal  followers.  Now,  as  he  did  not 
know  that  there  was  an  army  of  Iroquois  at  Three 
Rivers,  and  as  he  was  obliged  to  pass  by  that  place 
in  going  down  to  Quebec,  whither  he  wished  to  con- 
duct his  prisoners,  he  fell  right  into  the  [107]  trap, 
as  the  saying  is.  For,  when  he  was  least  expecting 
such  a  thing,  and  was  quietly  proceeding  down  the 
great  river,  talking  with  his  prisoners  about  peace 
and  war,  he  caught  sight  of  the  Iroquois  army  from 
a  distance,  and  saw  himself  changed,  almost  in  a 
moment,  from  victor  to  vanquished,  and  from  being 
triumphant  to  being  himself  a  captive.  Part  of  his 
men,  turning  the  prows  of  their  little  boats  toward 
the  land,  ran  away  as  fast  as  they  could  toward  the 
w^oods;  the  others,  not  wishing  to  retreat,  were  on 
the  point  of  butchering  their  five  prisoners, — that 
they  might  die  the  more  gloriously,  according  to  the 


174  LES  RELATIONS  DES  JJ^SUITES         [Vol.40 

leur  bras,  defia  leu6  pour  ramener  le  coup.  II  leur 
donna  des  penfees  de  vie,  &  de  paix,  a  la  veue  de  la 
mort,  &  dans  les  apparences  de  la  continuation  d'vne 
cruelle  guerre.  [io8]  Aaoueate  Capitaine  des  Hu- 
rons,  s'addrelTant  au  Capitaine  Iroquois  fon  captif, 
nomme  Aronhieiarha,  luy  dit:  Mon  neueu,  (c'eft  vn 
terme  d'amiti^  vfit^  parmy  ces  peuples)  ta  vie  eft 
entre  mes  mains,  ie  te  peux  tuer,  &  me  fauuer  auCTi 
bien  que  les  autres,  ou  me  ietter  au  milieu  de  tes 
gens,  pour  en  maffacrer  autant  qu'il  me  feroit 
poffible :  mais  ton  fang,  &  celuy  de  tes  gens,  ne  nous 
retireroit  pas  des  malheurs,  oii  vos  armes  nous  ont 
iettez.  Nous  auons  parle  d'alliance,  puis  que  la  paix 
eft  plus  precieufe  que  ma  vie,  i'aime  mieux  la  rif- 
quer,  dans  le  deflein  de  procurer  vn  fi  grand  bien  "k 
mes  petits  neueux,  que  de  venger  par  I'effufion  de  ton 
fang,  la  mort  de  mes  Anceftres.  Au  moins  mour- 
ray-ie  honorablement,  fi  on  me  tue,  apres  t'auoir 
donne  la  vie.  [109]  Et  toy,  fi  tu  me  laiffe  m'alTacrer 
par  tes  parens,  le  pouuant  empefcher,  tu  pafTeras  le 
refte  de  tes  iours,  dans  le  deshonneur ;  tu  feras  tenu 
pour  vn  lafche,  d'auoir  fouffert  qu'on  mit  k  mort, 
celuy  qui  venoit  de  te  donner  la  vie.  Le  Capitaine 
Iroquois  repartit :  Mon  oncle,  tes  penfees  font  droites. 
II  eft  vray,  que  tu  me  peux  ofter  la  vie :  mais  donne 
la  moy,  pour  te  la  conferuer.  La  gloire  que  i'ay 
acquife  a  ma  Nation,  par  mes  vi(5toires,  ne  me  rend 
pas  fi  peu  cofiderable,  das  I'efprit  de  mes  Compatri- 
otes,  que  ie  ne  puiffe  t'affeurer  de  la  vie,  toy  &  tes 
gens.  Si  les  miens  te  veulent  attaquer,  mon  corps 
te  feruira  de  bouclier.  Ie  fouffrirois  pluftoft,  qu'ils 
me  brulafCent  k  petit  feu,  que  de  me  rendre  m6pri- 
fable  iufques  k  ce  point,  de  ne  pas  honorer  voftre 


1653]  RELA  TJON  OF  1632-53  175 

notions  of  the  country,  in  their  enemies'  blood.  But 
God  stayed  their  arms,  already  raised  to  deal  the 
blow,  and  gave  them  thoughts  of  life  and  of  peace, 
at  the  sight  of  death  and  when  there  were  indications 
of  the  continuation  of  a  cruel  war.  [108]  Aaoueate, 
Captain  of  the  Hurons,  addressing  his  captive  —  the 
Iroquois  Captain,  Aronhieiarha  —  by  name,  said  to 
him:  "My  nephew"  (that  is  a  term  of  friendship 
used  among  these  tribes),  "  thy  life  is  in  my  hands: 
I  can  kill  thee  and  make  my  escape  with  the  others, 
or  rush  into  the  midst  of  thy  people  and  kill  as  many 
of  them  as  possible.  But  thy  blood  and  that  of  thy 
people  would  not  deliver  us  from  the  ills  into  which 
your  arms  have  thrown  us.  We  spoke  of  alliance. 
Since  peace  is  more  precious  than  my  life,  I  choose 
to  risk  the  latter,  for  the  sake  of  insuring  so  great  a 
blessing  to  my  grandnephews,  rather  than  to  avenge 
the  death  of  my  Ancestors  by  shedding  thy  blood. 
At  least  I  shall  die  honorably,  if  I  am  killed,  after 
having  given  thee  thy  life.  [109]  And  if  thou,  on 
thy  part,  suffer  me  to  be  killed  by  thy  kinsmen, 
being  able  to  prevent  it,  thou  shalt  pass  the  rest  of 
thy  days  in  dishonor  and  shalt  be  deemed  a  dastard 
for  having  allowed  to  be  put  to  death  one  who  had 
just  given  thee  thy  life."  The  Iroquois  Captain 
made  answer:  "  My  uncle,  thy  thoughts  are  right. 
It  is  true,  thou  canst  take  my  life;  but  give  it  to  me, 
in  order  that  I  may  save  thine  own.  The  glory  that 
I  have  won  for  my  Nation  by  my  victories  does  not 
render  me  of  so  little  consequence  in  the  minds  of 
my  Compatriots  that  I  cannot  secure  to  thee  thy  life, 
and  that  of  thy  people  as  well.  If  my  people  wish  to 
attack  thee,  my  body  shall  serve  thee  as  a  shield.  I 
would  rather  suffer  them  to  burn  me  by  a  slow  fire 


176  LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES         [Vol.40 

bien-fait,  [no]  &  mon  retour,  par  voftre  deliurance. 
Les  Onnontaeronnons,  qui  portoient  les  prefens, 
dont  nous  venons  de  parler,  "k  Onnontio,  c'efl  ^  dire 
k  Monfieur  le  Gouuerneur,  pour  difpofer  fon  efprit  k 
la  paix,  s'eftans  embarquez  k  Montreal,  auec  ces  deux 
Capitaines  vidtorieux,  &  vaincu,  voyans  la  medaille 
tourn^e,  &  la  face  des  affaires  bien  cbang^e,  par  le 
rencontre  de  cette  armee  Iroquoife,  fe  mirent  du 
cofte  des  Hurons,  &  protefteret,  tout  haut,  que  fi  on 
attaquoit  leurs  condudleurs,  car  c'efhoient  les  Hurons 
qui  les  auoient  embarqu6s,  qu'ils  expoferoient  leur 
vie  pour  eux.  Aronhieiarba  Capitaine  Iroquois  leur 
dit,  ne  craignes  point.  le  vous  donne  parole,  que 
nous  ferons  receus  fauorablement.  lis  [m]  auoient 
fait  alte  pendant  ce  difcours.  lis  pouffent  leurs 
canots  vers  I'Armee  qui  les  ayant  reconnus  enuoie 
dix-buit  grands  canots  au  deuant  deux.  lis  fe  virent 
inueftis  de  tons  coftes  en  vn  moment,  ces  canots 
venoient  tous  auec  vn  efprit  de  paix :  iufques  la,  que 
celuy  qui  les  commandoit,  ayant  parle  en  peu  de  mots 
au  Capitaine  Iroquois  captif,  fon  compatriote,  enuoia 
du  monde  k  terre,  pour  cbercber  les  Hurons  fuyards, 
&  leur  donner  affurance  de  la  vie,  &  de  la  paix. 
Aaoueate  Capitaine  Huron,  fe  voyat  au  milieu  de  fes 
Ennemis,  dont  les  t6moignages  de  bienueillance,  luy 
paroiffoient  des  marques  de  trabifon :  &  leurs  careffes, 
des  indices  de  fa  mort,  ou  pluftofl  de  mille  morts, 
auant  que  de  mourir:  fe  leue,  &  pour  f'animer  aux 
fouffrances,  [112]  cbante  d'vn  ton  tout  martial,  fes 
anciens  proiieffes;  II  rapporte  le  nombre  d' Iroquois 
qu'il  a  tu6s,  les  cruautes  qu'il  a  exerce  fur  eux, 
&  celles  dont  il  efpere,  que  fes  neueux  vengeront 
quelque  iour,  les  tourmens  qu'il  va  fouffrir. 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1632-53  177 

than  to  render  me  contemptible  to  the  extent  of  not 
honoring  your  benefaction  [no]  and  my  return,  by- 
setting  you  free." 

The  Onnontaeronnons  who  were  bearing  the  pres- 
ents which  we  have  just  mentioned,  to  Onnontio, — 
that  is,  to  Monsieur  the  Governor, — in  order  to 
incline  his  heart  to  peace,  after  embarking  at  Mont- 
real with  these  two  Captains,  victor  and  vanquished, 
and  seeing  the  tables  turned  and  the  aspect  of  affairs 
reversed  by  meeting  with  this  Iroquois  army,  put 
themselves  on  the  side  of  the  Hurons,  and  stoutly 
maintained  that,  if  any  one  attacked  their  escort, — 
for  it  was  the  Hurons  who  had  taken  them  into  their 
boats, — they  would  risk  their  own  lives  for  them. 
Aronhieiarha,  the  Iroquois  Captain,  said  to  them: 
*  *  Fear  not ;  I  give  you  my  word  that  we  shall  be 
favorably  received."  They  [in]  had  halted  during 
this  conversation,  after  which  they  urged  their  canoes 
toward  the  Army,  which,  after  reconnoitering  them, 
sent  eighteen  large  canoes  to  meet  them.  They  saw 
themselves  surrounded  on  all  sides  in  a  very  short 
time;  but  these  canoes  all  came  with  peaceful  in- 
tent,—  so  entirely  so,  that  their  commander,  after 
holding  a  brief  interview  with  the  captive  Iroquois 
Captain,  his  countryman,  sent  some  men  ashore  to  look 
for  the  runaway  Hurons  and  give  them  assurance  of 
life  and  peace.  Seeing  himself  in  the  midst  of  his 
Enemies,  whose  testimonials  of  good  will  seemed  to 
him  signs  of  treachery,  and  their  caresses  signs  of 
his  death, —  or,  rather,  of  a  thousand  deaths  before 
the  final  one, — Aaoueate,  the  Huron  Captain,  arose 
and,  in  order  to  give  himself  courage  for  suffering, 
[112]  sang,  in  a  martial  tone,  his  former  deeds  of 
prowess.     He  related  the  number  of  Iroquois  he  had 


178  LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES         [Vol.40 

Tu  n'es  ny  captif,  ny  en  danger  de  mort,  luy  r^pon- 
dent  les  Iroquois,  tu  es  au  milieu  de  tes  freres,  & 
tu  f9auras  que  le  Frangois,  le  Huron  &  1* Iroquois, 
quitte  la  chanfon  de  guerre,  entonne  vne  chanfon 
de  paix,  qui  commence  auiourd'huy  pour  ne  finir 
iamais. 

Vous  eftes  des  perfides,  repart  le  Capitaine  Huron, 
voflre  coeur  eft  enuenim^,  voftre  efprit  eft  remply  de 
fourbes,  fi  vous  paries  de  paix,  ce  n'eft  que  pour  vfer 
d'vne  [113]  trahifon  plus  funefte,  &  pour  nous  & 
pour  les  Fran9ois.  le  ne  connoy  que  trop  vos  rufes. 
Contentes  vous  maintenant,  de  manger  la  tefte  des 
Hurons:  mais  fgach^s  que  vous  ne  ten^s  pas  encor 
les  autres  membres.  Mes  gens  ont  encor  des  pieds, 
&  des  mains ;  des  iambes  &  des  bras :  cela  dit,  il  tend 
le  col  pour  eftre  coup6 :  mais  voyant  que  perfonne  ne 
mettoit  la  main  au  coufleau,  brufles  moy  done,  leur 
dit-il,  n'epargn^s  point  vos  fupplices:  aufll  bien 
fuis-ie  mort.  Mon  corps  eft  deja  deuenu  infenfible, 
ny  vos  feux,  ny  vos  cruaut^s  n'eftonnent  point  mon 
coeur,  i'ayme  mieux  mourir  auiourdhuy,  que  de 
vous  eftre  redeuable  d'vne  vie,  que  vous  ne  me 
donnas,  qu'k  dellein  de  me  I'ofter  par  vne  trahifon 
funefte. 

Tu  paries  trop  rudement  k  tes  [114]  Amis,  r6pon- 
dent  les  Iroquois,  noftre  coeur  s'accorde  auec  nos 
paroles. 

le  vous  connoy  bien,  repart  Aoueat6,  voftre  efprit 
eft  gamy  de  fept  doublures,  quand  on  en  a  tir6  vne, 
il  en  refte  encor  fix.  Dites-moy  de  grace,  fi  cette 
trahifon  que  vous  machinez  fi  adroitement,  eft  la  der- 
niere  de  vos  malices?     Vous  vous  eftes  oubliez  des 


1653J  RELA  TION  OF  1652-33  179 

killed,  the  cruelties  he  had  perpetrated  upon  them, 
and  those  with  which  he  hoped  his  nephews  would 
some  day  avenge  the  torments  he  was  himself  about 
to  endure. 

"  Thou  art  neither  a  captive  nor  in  danger  of 
death,"  the  Iroquois  answered  him;  "thou  art  in 
the  midst  of  thy  brothers ;  and  thou  must  know  that 
the  Frenchman,  the  Huron,  and  the  Iroquois  are 
dropping  the  war-song  and  are  beginning  a  song  of 
peace,  which  begins  to-day,  to  last  forever." 

"  You  are  faithless  rogues,"  rejoined  the  Huron 
Captain;  "  your  hearts  are  full  of  venom,  and  your 
minds  of  knavishness ;  if  you  talk  of  peace,  it  is  only 
to  employ  a  [113]  treachery  more  baleful  both  for  us 
and  for  the  French.  I  know  your  wiles  only  too 
well.  Content  yourselves  now  with  eating  the  head 
of  the  Hurons ;  but  know  that  you  do  not  yet  hold 
the  other  members.  My  people  still  have  feet  and 
hands,  legs  and  arms."  Saying  this,  he  offered  his 
throat  for  them  to  cut ;  but  seeing  that  not  a  man 
put  his  hand  to  his  knife,  "  Burn  me,  then,"  he  said 
to  them;  "  do  not  spare  your  tortures, — all  the  more, 
as  I  am  a  dead  man.  My  body  has  already  become 
insensible ;  and  neither  your  fires  nor  your  cruelties 
will  shock  my  courage.  I  would  rather  die  to-day 
than  be  indebted  to  you  for  a  life  which  you  give  me 
only  with  the  intention  of  depriving  me  of  it  by  some 
dire  treachery." 

"  Thou  speakest  too  harshly  to  thy  [114]  Friends," 
returned  the  Iroquois;  "  our  hearts  are  in  accord 
with  our  words." 

"I  know  you  well,"  rejoined  Aoueate;  "your 
minds  are  furnished  with  seven  linings,  and  when 
one  of  them  is  taken  away,  there  are  still  six  remain- 


180  LES  RELATIONS  DES  jf.SUITES         [Vol.40 

paroles  mutuelles,  que  s'eftoient  donn^es  nos  An- 
ceftres,  lors  qu'ils  prirent  les  armes  les  vns  centre  les 
autres.  Que  fi  vne  fimple  femme,  fe  mettoit  en  de- 
uoir  de  d^couurir  la  Su[e]rie,  d'arracher  les  baftons 
qui  la  fouftiennent,  que  les  vidlorieux  poferoient  les 
armes,  &  prendroient  les  vaincus  k  mercy.  Vous 
auez  viole  cette  loy :  car  non  f eulement  vne  femme ; 
mais  le  grand  Capitaine  des  Frangois,  a  [115]  d^cou- 
uert  cette  Suerie  funefte,  ou  fe  prennent  les  conclu- 
fions  de  la  guerre ;  il  a  par  fes  prefens,  arracli6  les 
baftons  qui  la  fouftiennent,  tafchant  de  gagner  les 
Nations  que  vous  appuyez,  &  vous  meprifans  fa 
bonte,  vous  auez  foule  aux  pieds  les  ordres,  &  la 
parole  de  vos  Anceftres.  lis  en  rougiffent  de  bote 
au  pays  des  Ames,  voyans  que  vous  violez,  auec  vne 
perfidie  infupportable,  les  loix  de  la  nature,  le  droit 
des  Gens,  &  toute  la  fociete  humaine. 

Get  homme  preffa  ce  point  fi  fortement,  que  le 
Gapitaine  Iroquois,  fut  cotraint  d'auoiier  qu'ils 
auoient  tort,  &  que  dorefnauant  les  cbofes  pafferoient 
d'vn  autre  air. 

lis  furent  long-temps  dans  cette  contefte.  Le  Hu- 
ron ne  pouuant  croire  ce  qu'il  voyoit;  &  les  Iroquois 
[i  16]  ne  pouuant  luy  perfuader,  que  c'eftoit  vrayemet 
tout  de  bon,  qu'ils  auoient  des  penf^es  de  la  paix. 

Quoy  qu'il  en  foit,  les  Iroquois,  non  feulement  ne 
firent  aucun  mal  aux  Hurons,  mais  ils  ne  parlerent 
plus  que  de  feftins,  &  de  rejoiiilTance,  tant  la  face 
des  affaires  fe  vit  chang6e  en  vn  moment. 

Enfin,  apres  quelques  entretiens  d'amiti^,  vn 
Gapitaine  Iroquois  s'addreffant  au  Gapitaine  Huron, 
&  le  congediant  auec  honneur,  luy  dit,  Mon  Frere, 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1632-33  181 

ing.  Tell  me,  I  beg  you,  whether  this  treachery 
that  you  are  devising  with  such  skill  is  the  last 
of  your  knavish  tricks.  You  have  forgotten  the 
exchange  of  promises  that  took  place  between  our 
Ancestors, —  when  they  took  up  arms,  the  one  side 
against  the  other, — to  the  effect  that  if  a  mere  woman 
should  undertake  to  uncover  the  Sweat-house  and 
take  away  the  stakes  supporting  it,  the  victors  should 
lay  down  their  arms  and  show  mercy  to  the  van- 
quished. You  have  violated  this  law ;  for  not  merely 
a  woman,  but  the  great  Captain  of  the  French  has 
[115]  uncovered  this  ill-omened  Sweat-house  where 
decisions  of  war  are  adopted.  By  his  presents  he 
has  taken  away  the  stakes  that  support  it,  trying  to 
win  the  Nations  which  you  are  upholding;  and  you, 
scorning  his  kindness,  have  trampled  under  foot  the 
orders  and  the  promise  of  your  Ancestors.  They 
blush  with  shame,  in  the  land  of  Souls,  at  seeing 
you  violate,  with  an  unbearable  perfidy,  the  laws  of 
nature,  the  law  of  Nations,  and  all  human  society." 

That  man  pressed  this  point  so  urgently  that  the 
Iroquois  Captain  was  forced  to  admit  that  they  were 
in  the  wrong,  promising  that  in  the  future  things 
should  go  differently. 

They  were  a  long  time  engaged  in  this  altercation, 
the  Huron  being  unable  to  believe  what  he  saw,  and 
the  Iroquois  [116]  unable  to  persuade  him  that  they 
were  really  in  earnest  in  entertaining  thoughts  of 
peace. 

But,  whatever  the  state  of  affairs,  the  Iroquois  not 
only  did  no  harm  to  the  Hurons,  but  they  also  talked 
of  nothing  but  feasting  and  rejoicing, — so  greatly 
was  the  aspect  of  affairs  changed  in  a  moment. 

At   length,    after    some    interchange   of   friendly 


182  Ll::5  RELATIONS  DES  j£SUITES  [Vol.40 


Et  Sagon,  prens  courage,  vas  faire  reuerdir  les  cam- 
pagnes  des  Frangois,  par  les  bonnes  nouuelles  de  la 
paix,  que  nous  voulons  auoir  auec  eux,  &  auec  tous 
leurs  Alliez.  On  luy  rend  tout  fon  bagage,  &  celuy 
de  fes  gens,  k  la  referue  d'vne  arquebufe  qui  s'eftoit 
egar^e.  Ce  Capitaine  Huron,  ne  penfant  pas  encor 
[117]  eftre  en  affurance,  s'ecrie,  Quoy  done,  ofte-t'on 
les  armes  h.  vn  homme,  qui  fe  trouue  feul  entre  cinq 
cens?  A  mefme  temps  on  iette  h.  fes  pieds,  cent 
arquebufes,  pour  en  choifir  vne,  en  la  place  de  la 
Cenne,  que  quelque  foldat  auoit  enleuee.  Cela  fait, 
il  s'embarque,  auec  le  peu  de  fes  gens  qui  luy 
reftoient ;  &  auec  les  Ambaffadeurs  d'Onnontae,  pour 
voguer  droit  a  la  Bourgade  des  Trois  Riuieres. 

Ce  Capitaine,  qui  eft  Chreftien,  a  dit  depuis  k  vn 
de  nos  Peres,  qu'il  ne  creut  point  auoir  la  vie  fauue, 
iufques  a  ce  qu'il  vit  fon  canot,  hors  la  port6e  des 
moufquets  de  I'arm^e  ennemie:  c'eft  pour  lors  qu'il 
s'^cria  auec  S.  Pierre,  le  f9ay  maintenant  que  Dieu 
m'a  deliur6  de  la  main  des  Iroquois. 

Nos  Frangois  qui  ne  f9auoient  [118]  rien,  de  ce  qui 
fe  pafloit  dans  le  camp  des  Ennemis,  furent  bien 
eftonnez,  apprenans  ces  nouuelles.  lis  ne  fgauoient 
quafi,  s'ils  les  deuoient  croire:  mais  enfin  ils  fe  ren- 
dirent,  quand  ils  eurent  auis,  qu'vn  Capitaine  Iroquois 
Anniehronnon,  nomme  Andioura,  vouloit  defcendre 
^  Quebec,  pour  porter  des  prefens  a  Onnontio,  & 
I'allurer  des  volotez  qu'ils  auoient  tous  de  faire  vne 
vraye  paix. 

C6t  homme  partit  des  Trois  Riuieres,  au  commen- 
cement du  mois  de  Septembre,  &  auffi-toft  qu'il  fut 
arriue  h.  Quebec,  ayant  rendu  fes  premieres  vifites,  il 
expofa  fes  prefens,  dont  voicy  la  fignification. 


i 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1632-53  183 

words,  an  Iroquois  Captain,  addressing  the  Huron 
Captain  and  dismissing  him  with  honor,  said  to  him : 
"  My  Brother,  Et  Sagon,  cheer  up,  go  and  make  the 
fields  of  the  French  green  again  with  the  good  news 
of  the  peace  that  we  wish  to  have  with  them  and 
with  all  their  Allies."  All  his  baggage  was  restored 
to  him,  together  with  that  of  his  followers,  with  the 
exception  of  an  arquebus  which  had  been  lost.  The 
Huron  Captain,  not  yet  believing  [117]  that  he  was 
in  safety,  cried  out :  ' '  How  is  this,  do  you  take  away 
a  man's  arms  when  he  is  alone  among  five  hundred  ?  " 
Immediately  a  hundred  arquebuses  were  thrown 
down  at  his  feet,  for  him  to  choose  one  in  place  of 
his  own,  which  some  warrior  had  carried  away. 
That  done,  he  embarked  with  the  few  of  his  people 
who  were  left  him,  and  with  the  Ambassadors  from 
Onnontae,  to  proceed  directly  to  the  Village  of  Three 
Rivers. 

This  Captain,  who  is  a  Christian,  has  since  told 
one  of  our  Fathers  that  he  did  not  regard  his  life  as 
out  of  danger  until  he  saw  his  canoe  beyond  the 
range  of  the  hostile  army's  muskets;  then  he  cried 
out  with  St.  Peter:  "  I  know  now  that  God  has  deliv- 
ered me  from  the  hand  of  the  Iroquois." 

Our  French,  who  knew  [118]  nothing  of  what  was 
going  on  in  the  Enemy's  camp,  were  greatly  aston- 
ished at  learning  this  news.  They  scarcely  knew 
whether  to  believe  it,  but  finally  allowed  themselves 
to  do  so,  when  they  received  word  than  an  Annie- 
hronnon  Iroquois  Captain,  Andioura  by  name,  wished 
to  go  down  to  Quebec,  in  order  to  carry  some 
presents  to  Onnontio  and  assure  him  of  the  desires 
they  all  felt  to  conclude  a  genuine  peace. 

This  man  set  out  from  Three  Rivers  in  the  begin- 


184  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J^SUITES         [Vol.40 

Le  premier  efloit,  pour  ^claircir  le  Soleil,  obfcurcy 
par  les  nuages,  &  par  les  troubles  de  tant  de  guerres. 

[119]  Le  fecond  eftoit  vn  mets,  qu'il  prefentoit  ^ 
Onnontio,  Gouuerneur  des  Frangois:  afin  qu'eflant 
repeu,  il  ^coutaft  plus  facilement  les  paroles  de  la 
paix,  puis  que  les  longs  difcours,  ne  font  pas  agre- 
ables,  k  ceux  qui  font  k  ieun. 

Le  troifieme  deuoit  feruir  de  cure  oreille :  afin  que 
les  harangues  fur  vn  fujet  fi  aimable,  entraflent  plus 
nettement  dans  fon  efprit. 

Le  quatrieme  fe  donnoit  pour  dreffer  vne  Habita- 
tion Fran9oife  dedans  leurs  terres,  &  pour  y  former, 
auec  le  temps,  vne  belle  Colonie. 

Le  cinquieme,  pour  faire  qu'vn  mefme  coeur,  &  vn 
mefme  efprit,  animaft  dorefnauant,  tons  ceux  qui 
feroient  compris  dans  ce  traite  de  paix. 

Le  Cxi6me  efloit  vn  canot,  ou  [120]  vn  batteau, 
pour  porter  Onnontio  en  leur  pays,  quand  il  voudroit 
donner  vne  vifite  ^  fes  Alliez. 

Le  fepti^me  portoit  vne  priere,  ^  ce  qu'on  les 
laiflaft  rembarquer  en  paix,  pour  retourner  en  leur 
pays,  lors  qu'ils  viendroient  vifiter  leurs  amis  Fran- 
cois, Algonquins,  &  Hurons. 

Le  huitieme,  demandoit  que  la  chaffe  fut  commune, 
entre  toutes  les  Nations  confeder^es,  &  qu'on  ne  fit 
plus  la  guerre  qu'aux  Elans,  aux  Caftors,  aux  Ours, 
&  aux  Cerfs,  pour  goufler  tons  enfemble  les  frians 
mets,  qu'on  tire  de  ces  bons  animaux. 

Monfieur  le  Gouuerneur  r^pondit  par  d'autres 
prefens,  qu'il  fit  expliquer  par  fon  Interprete,  k  la 
fa9on  de  ces  peuples. 

Le  premier  fe  donnoit,  pour  redreffer  1' efprit 
d'Andioura,  c'efl  le  [121]  nom  du  Capitaine  Iroquois, 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1632-53  185 

ning  of  the  month  of  September,  and  as  soon  as  he 
arrived  at  Quebec,  after  paying  his  first  visits,  he 
displayed  his  presents,  their  meaning  being  as 
follows: 

The  first  was  to  make  bright  the  Sun,  darkened  by 
the  clouds  and  the  disturbances  of  so  many  wars. 

[119]  The  second  was  a  dish  which  he  presented  to 
Onnontio,  Governor  of  the  French,  in  order  that, 
after  satisfying  his  hunger,  he  might  listen  more 
readily  to  the  words  of  peace,  as  long  speeches  are 
not  pleasing  to  those  who  are  fasting. 

The  third  was  to  serve  as  an  ear-pick,  in  order 
that  the  harangues  upon  so  pleasant  a  theme  might 
enter  his  mind  more  distinctly. 

The  fourth  was  given  for  the  building  of  a  French 
Settlement  within  their  territory,  and  for  the  forma- 
tion there,  in  course  of  time,  of  a  fine  Colony. 

The  fifth,  to  cause  that  one  and  the  same  heart 
and  spirit  should,  in  the  future,  animate  all  those 
who  should  be  embraced  in  this  treaty  of  peace. 

The  sixth  was  a  canoe  or  [120]  boat,  for  carrying 
Onnontio  to  their  country  when  he  wished  to  pay  a 
visit  to  his  Allies. 

The  seventh  bore  a  petition  that  they  be  allowed 
to  embark  again  in  peace  and  return  to  their  coun- 
try, when  they  came  to  visit  their  French,  Algonquin, 
and  Huron  friends. 

The  eighth  asked  that  the  hunting  might  be 
shared  by  all  the  confederated  Nations,  and  that 
there  might  be  no  more  war  except  on  the  Elks, 
Beavers,  Bears,  and  Deer, — in  order  that  all  might 
enjoy  together  the  dainty  dishes  that  are  obtained 
from  these  good  animals. 

Monsieur  the  Governor  made  answer  by  means  of 


186  LES  RELATIONS  DES  j£SUITES  [Vol.40 

qui  venoit  d'expofer  fes  prefens.  Si  ton  efprit  eft 
encor  tortu,  luy  dit  le  Truchement,  voicy  dequoy  le 
redrelTer,  afin  que  tes  penf^es  foient  droites. 

Le  fecond,  eftoit  pour  I'alTurer,  que  nous  n'auios 
plus  qu'vn  coeur  auec  luy,  &  auec  tous  ceux  de  fa 
Nation. 

Le  troifi6me,  pour  concourir  auec  eux,  k  drefler  & 
applanir  les  chemins  d'vn  pays  k  1' autre:  afin  de  fe 
vifiter  les  vns  les  autres,  auec  plus  de  facility. 

Le  quatrieme,  pour  eftendre  vn  tapis,  ou  vne  nappe 
aux  Trois  Riuieres,  ou  fe  tiendroient  les  confeils,  & 
les  affemblees  de  toutes  les  Nations. 

Le  cinquieme,  pour  difpofer  vn  lieu  dans  leur 
pays,  oil  feroient  expofez,  les  prefens  d'Onnontio. 

[122]  Le  fixieme,  eftoit  pour  rompre  les  liens,  qui 
tenoient  captif  en  leur  pays  le  Pere  lofeph  Poncet, 
que  tous  les  Fran5ois  honoroient,  &  qu'ils  deman- 
doient  auec  inftance. 

Le  feptieme,  pour  le  releuer  de  la  place,  oil  il  eftoit 
couch6,  116,  &  garotte. 

Le  huitieme,  pour  luy  ouurir  la  porte  de  la  cabane, 
oil  il  eftoit  log6. 

Le  neufi^me,  pour  adoucir  les  fatigues,  qu'il  deuoit 
fouffrir  en  fon  chemin,  ^  fon  retour. 

Le  dernier  prefent,  eftoit  compofe  de  fix  capots  ou 
efpeces  de  cafaques,  de  fix  tapabors,  &  de  deux 
grands  colliers  de  porcelaine,  qui  furent  offerts  aux 
fix  Ambaffadeurs,  pour  les  defendre  contre  les  iniures 
du  temps,  dans  leur  voyage,  &  pour  foulager  les 
peines,  [123]  qu'ils  deuoient  fouffrir  en  chemin. 

II  fe  fit  quelques  harangues,  apres  la  diftribution 
de  ces  prefens.  Noel  Tekouerimat  Algonquin, 
inuec5tiua  puiffamment  contre  la  perfidie  des  Iroquois, 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1632-53  187 

other  presents,  which  he  caused  to  be  explained  by 
his  Interpreter,  after  the  manner  of  these  peoples. 

The  first  was  to  set  aright  the  mind  of  Andioura, — 
the  [121]  name  of  the  Iroquois  Captain  who  had  just 
displayed  his  presents.  "  If  thy  mind  is  still 
twisted,"  said  the  Interpreter  to  him,  "  here  is  some- 
thing with  which  to  straighten  it,  in  order  that  thy 
thoughts  may  be  right. ' ' 

The  second  was  to  assure  him  that  we  had  thence- 
forth only  one  heart  with  him  and  with  all  the  people 
of  his  Nation. 

The  third,  to  unite  with  them  in  straightening  and 
clearing  the  roads  from  one  country  to  the  other,  in 
order  that  visits  might  be  exchanged  with  greater 
ease. 

The  fourth,  to  spread  a  carpet  or  mat  at  Three 
Rivers,  on  which  might  be  held  the  councils  and 
assemblies  of  all  the  Nations. 

The  fifth,  to  prepare  a  place  in  their  country  for 
displaying  the  presents  from  Onnontio. 

[122]  The  sixth  was  to  break  the  bonds  that  held 
captive,  in  their  country.  Father  Joseph  Poncet, 
whom  all  the  French  honored  and  asked  for  with 
urgency. 

The  seventh,  to  raise  him  from  the  place  where 
he  was  lying  bound  and  tied  fast. 

The  eighth,  to  open  for  him  the  door  of  the  cabin 
where  he  was  lodged. 

The  ninth,  to  mitigate  the  fatigues  that  he  must 
suffer  on  his  return  journey. 

The  last  present  was  composed  of  six  hooded 
cloaks,  or  cassocks  of  a  certain  kind,  six  riding-caps, 
and  two  large  porcelain  collars;  these  were  pre- 
sented to  the  six  Ambassadors  to  protect  them  against 


188  LES  RELATIONS  DES  JASUITES  [Vol.40 

leur  reprochant  qu'ils  auoient  tue  par  cinq  ou  fix  fois 
de  leurs  Anceflres,  "k  I'heure  mefme  qu'ils  remenoiet 
des  prifonniers  Iroquois  en  leur  pays,  pour  recher- 
cher  la  paix.  Que  les  Algonquins  auoient  receu  auec 
honneur,  tous  les  Iroquois  qui  les  efloient  venus 
vifjter  en  leur  pays.  Qu'au  refte,  que  s'ils  auoient 
delTein  de  contradter  vne  veritable  alliance,  ils  ren- 
uoyroient  plufieurs  femmes,  qu'ils  retenoient  dans  la 
captiuite;  que  fi  elles  efloient  marines,  leurs  maris 
les  pourroient  fuiure,  pour  demeurer  auec  elles  au 
pays  des  Algonquins;  [124]  &  que  fi  ce  pays  ne  leur 
eftoit  pas  agreable,  qu'ils  les  pourroient  remener  au 
lieu  d'ou  ils  les  auroient  amen^es:  que  c'eft  ainfi 
qu'en  vfoient  leurs  Alliez,  qui  demeurent  fur  les 
riuages  de  la  mer,  en  I'Acadie. 

Vn  Capitaine  Huron  repartit,  qu'il  falloit  mainte- 
nant  oublier  les  anciennes  querelles,  &  que  fi  1' Iro- 
quois auoit  mal  traite  les  Algonquins,  qu'il  leur 
rendoit  la  pareille,  ayant  rabaiffe  leur  infolence,  par 
vne  autre  infolence:  &  que  le  Ciel  punit  ordinaire- 
ment  au  double,  ceuxqui  abufent  de  fes  faueurs  dans 
leurs  vidtoires. 

Monfieur  le  Gouuerneur  fit  dire  par  fon  Truche- 
ment,  qu'il  auoit  toufiours  defir6  d'eftre  le  Mediateur 
de  la  paix  publique.  Qu'il  n'auoit  point  encor  pris 
les  armes  contre  les  Iroquois,  &  que  [125]  s'il  eut 
donne  liberty  "k  fes  gens  de  les  attaquer,  qu'il  y  a 
long-temps  que  leurs  Bourgades  feroient  reduites 
en  cendre.  Qu'ils  auoient  tres-bien  fait  de  recher- 
cher  fon  alliance:  pource  qu'il  fe  laffoit  de  crier  fl 
fouuent;  la  paix,  la  paix.  Que  fi  prefentement,  on 
ne  la  faifoit  pas  auec  fmcerite,  que  les  perfides  6prou- 
ueroient  la  colere  des  Frangois.     Qu'au  refte  Annon- 


',1 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1632-53  189 

the  inclemency  of  the  weather  on  their  journey,  and 
to  lighten  the  fatigues  [123]  which  they  must  undergo 
on  the  way. 

After  the  distribution  of  these  presents,  a  number 
of  speeches  were  made.  Noel  Tekouerimat,  an 
Algonquin,  inveighed  forcibly  against  the  perfidy  of 
the  Iroquois, — reproaching  them  with  having  killed, 
on  five  or  six  occasions,  some  of  the  Algonquins' 
Ancestors  at  the  very  time  when  the  latter  were  con- 
ducting some  Iroquois  prisoners  back  to  their  own 
country,  in  order  to  seek  peace ;  while  the  Algon- 
quins had  received  with  honor  all  the  Iroquois  who 
had  come  to  their  country  to  visit  them.  Besides, 
he  said,  if  they  purposed  the  formation  of  a  genuine 
alliance,  they  would  send  back  a  number  of  women 
whom  they  were  holding  in  captivity ;  if  these  were 
married,  their  husbands  could  follow  them,  to  dwell 
with  them  in  the  country  of  the  Algonquins;  [124] 
and  if  this  country  did  not  please  them,  the  Iroquois 
could  take  them  back  to  the  place  whence  they  had 
brought  them.  Such,  he  said,  was  the  usage  of  their 
Allies  who  dwelt  on  the  sea-coast  in  Acadia. 

A  Huron  Captain  made  answer  that  the  old  disputes 
must  now  be  forgotten;  that,  if  the  Iroquois  had 
treated  the  Algonquins  ill,  he  was  paying  them  back 
like  for  like,  in  humbling  their  insolence  by  another 
insolence;  and  that  Heaven  generally  punishes  in 
tv/ofold  measure  those  who  abuse  its  favors  in  their 
victories. 

Monsieur  the  Governor  made  reply  through  his 
Interpreter,  to  the  effect  that  he  had  always  desired 
to  be  the  Mediator  of  public  peace ;  that  he  had  not 
yet  taken  up  arms  against  the  Iroquois ;  and  that, 
[125]  if  he  had  permitted  his  people  to  attack  them, 


190  LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  /£SUITES        [Vol.  40 

hiaf6,  c'eft  Monfieur  de  Maifonneuue,  Gouuerneur  de 
Montreal,  deuoit  aborder  au  plutoft,  &  qu'il  amenoit 
quantity  de  foldats,  pour  ranger  nos  ennemis  h.  leur 
deuoir. 

Vn  Capitaine  Huron  conclud  le  confeil,  par  vne 
petite  harangue  fort  61oquente,  preffant  les  Iroquois, 
de  ramener  au  pluftoft  le  Pere  Poncet.  S9achez, 
leur  difoit-il,  qu'il  eft  le  Pere  des  Fran9ois,  des 
Algonquins,  &  des  Hurons;  [126]  &  qu'il  nous  en- 
feigne  a  tous  le  chemin  du  Ciel,  chacun  en  noftre 
langue.  Soyez  afleurez  que  la  paix,  qui  fera  con- 
firmee par  la  deliurance  d'vn  tel  perfonnage,  fera 
inuiolable  de  noftre  cofte ;  &  que  vous  la  cimenterez 
plus  fortemet,  en  le  rendant  aux  Frangois,  que  fi 
vous  nous  rameniez  vn  monde  entier  de  Hurons, 
voire  mefme  d'autres  Frangois,  fi  vous  les  teniez 
dans  la  captiuite. 

Les  harangues  finies,  &  les  prefens  donnez,  & 
acceptez  de  part  &  d' autre:  on  t^moigna  quelques 
r^jouiffances  de  tous  coftez,  &  en  fuite  les  Ambaffa- 
deurs    Onnontaeronnons,     &    Anniehronnons,    s'en  ji 

retournerent  en  leur  pays.  .  ^ 

Tout  cela  fe  paffa  au  mois  de  Septembre:  mais 
enfin,  le  Pere  lofeph  Poncet  paroiffant  k  Quebec,  le 
cinqui6me  de  Nouembre,  [127]  remplit  tous  les  coeurs  ; 

des  Frangois,  de  ioye,  &  d'allegrelle.     Les  lettres  &  ; 

les  memoires,  qui  parloient  de  fon  arriu^e,  &  des 
confeils  tenus  pour  la  conclulion  de  la  paix,  ont  efte 
perdus,  dans  le  vaiffeau  pris  par  les  A.nglois.  Voicy 
deux  petits  mots,  tirez  d'vne  lettre  ecrite  k  vne 
perfonne  de  condition,  qui  difent  beaucoup  en  peu 
de  paroles.  II  a  done  pleu  h.  Dieu,  d'exaucer  nos 
prieres,  &  de  nous  rendre  le  bon  Pere  Poncet.     Sept  , 


1653]  RELATION  OF  1652-53  191 

their  Villages  would  have  been  long  ago  reduced  to 
ashes.  He  said  they  had  acted  very  wisely  in  seek- 
ing an  alliance  with  him,  because  he  was  tired  of  so 
often  crying,  "  Peace,  peace!  "  And,  if  now  it  were 
not  made  with  sincerity,  the  faithless  ones  would 
feel  the  wrath  of  the  French.  Furthermore,  Annon- 
hias6  —  that  is.  Monsieur  de  Maisonneuve,  Governor 
of  Montreal  —  was  expected  to  arrive  very  soon;  and 
he  was  bringing  with  him  a  large  force  of  soldiers  to 
impose  respectful  behavior  upon  our  enemies. 

A  Huron  Captain  closed  the  council  with  a  short 
harangue  of  great  eloquence,  in  which  he  urged  the 
Iroquois  to  bring  back  Father  Poncet  at  the  earliest 
moment.  "  Know,"  he  said  to  them,  "  that  he  is 
the  Father  of  the  French,  of  the  Algonquins,  and  of 
the  Hurons,  [126]  and  that  he  teaches  us  all,  each  in 
his  own  language,  the  way  to  Heaven.  Be  assured 
that  the  peace  which  shall  be  confirmed  by  the  deliv- 
erance of  such  a  personage  will  be  inviolable  on 
our  side,  and  that  you  will  seal  it  more  firmly  by 
restoring  him  to  the  French  than  if  you  brought 
back  to  us  a  whole  world  of  Hurons  or  even  of  other 
Frenchmen, — supposing  them  to  be  in  captivity." 

The  harangues  concluded  and  the  presents  inter- 
changed, rejoicing  was  manifested  on  all  sides;  and 
then  the  Ambassadors,  Onnontaeronnon  and  Annie- 
hronnon,  returned  to  their  own  country. 

All  this  occurred  in  the  month  of  September;  but 
at  length  Father  Joseph  Poncet,  appearing  at  Quebec 
on  the  fifth  of  November,  [127]  filled  the  hearts  of 
all  the  French  people  with  joy  and  gladness.  The 
letters  and  memoirs  which  told  of  his  arrival  and  of 
the  councils  held  for  the  establishment  of  peace, 
were  lost  in  the  vessel  taken  by  the  English.^     Here 


192  LES  RELATIONS  DES  jASUITES         [Vol    40 

Iroquois  I'ont  ramene  auec  huit  prefens;  qui  font 
les  premices,  de  ceux  que  leurs  Anciens  doiuent 
apporter  au  Printemps,  pour  eftablir  la  paix  gene- 
rale,  qui  femble  conclue.  Le  Pere  Poncet  affure  fur 
fa  vie,  de  la  fmcerite  des  intentions  des  Ennemis. 
Dieu  veiiille  qu'il  ne  fe  trompe  pas.  Amen,  Amen. 
[128]  Ces  derniers  Ambaffadeurs,  voyans  que  la 
faifon  s'auangoit,  &  que  les  glaces  les  pourroient 
arrefter  en  cbemin  dans  vn  long  voyage,  expoferent 
bri^uement  leur  legation,  donnerent  leurs  prefens, 
auec  affurance,  que  la  paix  qu'ils  faifoient  feroit 
inuiolable  de  leur  coft6,  &  apres  auoir  pris  cong6, 
&  receu  des  temoignages  reciproques  de  la  bonne 
volont^  des  Frangois,  ils  leur  laifferent  le  plaifir  & 
la  ioye,  qu'apporte  vne  paix  fi  long-temps  defir^e. 
Bon-heur  que  ie  fouhaitte  k  la  France,  de  toute 
I'eftendue  de  mon  coeur. 


1653J  RELA  TION  OF  1652-53  193 

are  two  short  extracts  taken  from  a  letter  written  to 
a  person  of  quality;  they  say  much  in  a  few  words: 
"  God  has,  then,  been  pleased  to  answer  our  prayers 
and  give  back  to  us  the  good  Father  Poncet,  Seven 
Iroquois  escorted  him  home  with  eight  presents, 
which  are  an  earnest  of  those  which  their  Elders 
are  to  bring  in  the  Spring  for  the  establishment 
of  the  general  peace,  which  seems  to  be  decided 
upon.  Father  Poncet  pledges  his  life  for  the  sincer- 
ity of  the  Enemy's  intentions.  God  grant  he  may 
not  be  deceived.     Amen,  Amen." 

[128]  "  These  last  Ambassadors,  seeing  that  the 
season  was  advancing,  and  that  the  ice  might  bar 
their  way  on  a  long  journey,  briefly  stated  the  pur- 
pose of  their  embassy,  and  gave  their  presents  with 
the  assurance  that  the  peace  they  were  making  would 
be  inviolable  on  their  side.  Then,  after  taking 
leave,  and  receiving  reciprocal  testimonials  of  the 
good-will  of  the  French,  they  left  with  the  latter  the 
pleasure  and  joy  resulting  from  a  peace  so  long 
desired, — a  happiness  which  I  wish  to  France  with 
all  my  heart." 


194 


LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES         [Vol.  40 


[129]  CHAPITRE  VI. 

DE    LA    PAIX    FAITE    AUEC  VNE    NATION  QUI  HABITE  DU 
COSTE    DU    SUD   A    L'EGARD    DE    QUEBEC. 

IL  femble  que  Dieu  ait  voulu  donner,  vne  paix 
vniuerfelle,  h.  la  Nouuelle  France.  Plaife  k  fa 
Bonte,  de  la  rendre  flable,  &  folide.  Neuf  Al- 
gonquins,  de  la  Refidence  de  faindt  lofeph  k  Sillery, 
eftans  allez,  au  mois  de  Nouembre,  a  la  chaffe  du 
Caftor,  s'ecarterent  de  quatre  iournees,  des  riues  du 
grand  fleuue,  du  cofte  du  Sud-efl,  c'efl  k  dire,  entre 
rOrient  &  le  Midy.  Comme  ils  marchoient,  k  la 
pointe  du  iour,  dans  ces  grandes  forefts :  cherchans 
quelques  lacs,  ou  quelques  riuieres,  oil  les  Caftors 
baftirent  leurs  maifons:  [130]  ils  rencontrerent  les 
piftes  de  quelques  hommes.  Ils  crurent  auffi-toft, 
que  c'eftoient  des  Iroquois.  lis  marchent  fur  leurs 
brifees,  &  fur  leurs  traces,  quittans  la  chaffe  des 
Caftors,  pour  chaffer  aux  hommes.  Ils  doubloient 
le  pas,  mais  fans  bruit,  pour  n'eftre  decouuerts. 
Enfin  ils  trouuerent,  deuant  que  le  Soleil  parut,  cinq 
hommes  endormis,  dans  vne  cabane  paffagere,  qu'ils 
auoient  dreffee,  h.  la  fa9on  des  chaffeurs.  lis  fe  iettent 
auCQ-toft  fur  leur  proye.  L'vn  d'iceux  voulat  vfer 
de  refinance,  fut  arrefte  par  vn  coup  de  fufil,  qu'vn 
Algonquin  luy  tira  dans  la  cuiffe.  En  vn  mot,  ils  fe 
virent  dans  les  liens  des  hommes,  quafi  deuant  que 
d'eftre  deliurez  des  liens  du  fommeil. 

Auffi-toft  que  nos  gens  eurent  fait  cette  prife,   ils 


1653]  RELATION  OF  I652-S3  195 


[129]   CHAPTER  VI. 

OF   THE    PEACE     MADE    WITH    A    NATION    DWELLING   IN 
A    SOUTHERLY    DIRECTION    FROM    QUEBEC. 

IT  seems  to  have  been  God's  will  to  give  a  universal 
peace  to  New  France;  may  it  please  his  Good- 
ness to  render  it  stable  and  lasting.  Nine  Al- 
gonquins  of  the  Residence  of  saint  Joseph  at  Sillery, 
going  to  hunt  Beaver  in  the  month  of  November, 
turned  aside  from  the  banks  of  the  great  river  and 
went  four  days'  journey  toward  the  Southeast,  that 
is,  in  a  direction  between  the  East  and  the  South. 
While  they  were  proceeding  at  daybreak  through 
those  vast  forests,  seeking  some  lakes  or  rivers  where 
the  Beavers  built  their  houses,  [130]  they  came  upon 
the  trail  of  some  men.  They  immediately  thought 
that  these  were  Iroquois,  and  they  followed  close 
upon  their  heels,  leaving  the  hunting  of  Beavers  in 
order  to  hunt  men.  They  quickened  their  pace,  but 
noiselessly,  in  order  not  to  be  discovered.  At  length 
they  found,  before  the  Sun  rose,  five  men  asleep  in 
a  temporary  cabin,  which  they  had  erected  after  the 
manner  of  hunters.  They  immediately  pounced 
upon  their  prey,  one  of  whom,  wishing  to  use  resist- 
ance, was  quieted  by  a  musket-shot  delivered  him 
in  the  thigh  by  an  Algonquin.  In  a  word,  they  saw 
themselves  in  the  bonds  of  men,  almost  before  they 
were  delivered  from  the  bonds  of  sleep. 

As  soon  as  our  party  had  made  this  capture,  they 
lost  all  thought  [131]  of  Beavers,  and  brought  their 


/ 


196  LES  RELATIONS  DES  jtSUITES         [Vot  .  40 

perdent  la  penf6e  [131]  des  Caftors,  ramenans  ces 
captifs  k  Sillery.  Or  comme  il  y  auoit  en  cette  Reli- 
dence,  vn  ramas  de  diuerfes  Nations,  dont  vne  partie 
n'eftoient  pas  encor  Chreftiens:  ils  receurent  ces 
captifs  d'vne  eftrange  fa9on.  On  les  charge  de 
coups  de  baftons,  on  leur  arrache  les  ongles,  on  leur 
coupe  quelques  doigts,  on  leur  applique  des  tifons  de 
feu:  bref  on  les  traite  en  Sauuages,  &  comme  des 
ennemis  des  Sauuages.  Noel  Tekouerimat,  bon 
Chreftien,  &  Capitaine  de  cette  Refidence,  ayant 
ouy  parler  ces  prifonniers,  dit  tout  haut,  qu'ils 
n'eftoient  pas  Iroquois,  &  qu'il  doutoit  fort,  qu'ils 
fuflent  de  leurs  Alliez.  lis  font,  difoit-il,  Abnaquiois 
ou  voifins,  «&  amis  des  Abnaquiois.  II  ajouftoit, 
qu'eftant  vers  les  coftes  de  la  Nouuelle  Ang[l]eterre, 
au  dernier  [132]  voyage  qu'il  auoit  fait,  au  pais  des 
Abnaquiois,  il  croyoit  auoir  veu  quelqu'vn  de  ces 
vifages.  Cela  arrefta  le  coup  de  leur  mort:  mais 
il  n'appaifa  pas  la  fureur  de  ceux,  qui  eftans  en- 
ragez  contre  les  Iroquois,  fouhaitoient  d'aifouuir 
leur  vengeance  fur  ces  pauures  miferables.  Et  pour 
les  faire  mourir  auec  quelque  luftice,  ils  dirent,  qu'il 
fe  falloit  affembler  pour  deliberer  de  leur  vie,  ou  de 
leur  mort. 

Noel,  qui  vit  bien  que  la  paffion,  &  non  la  raifon, 
affembloit  ceconfeil,  ne  s'y  voulut  pas  trouuer.  Les 
fadtieux  ne  laiff ent  pas  de  paff er  outre ;  ils  condam- 
nent  au  feu  ces  pauures  vi(5times.  Noftre  Capitaine 
Chreftien  voyant  ce  defordre,  fait  des  prefens  pour 
rachepter  leur  vie.  On  fait  derechef  vne  aff emblee : 
on  donne  la  [133 J  vie  a  quatre,  &  on  veut  brufler  le  \ 

cinquieme.      Mais  Noel,  voyant  que  ces  affembl^es  'j' 

n'eftoient   pas    de  toutes    les    Nations    interreff6e&  % 


1663]  RELATION  OF  i6s2 -S3  197 

captives  back  to  Sillery.  Now,  as  there  was  at  this 
Residence  a  gathering  from  different  Nations,  a  part 
of  whom  were  not  yet  Christians,  they  gave  the 
prisoners  a  strange  reception.  They  were  belabored 
with  blows;  their  nails  were  torn  out,  and  some  of 
their  fingers  cut  off ;  firebrands  were  applied  to  their 
bodies;  and,  in  short,  they  were  treated  like  Savages 
and  enemies  of  Savages.  Noel  Tekouerimat,  a  good 
Christian  and  the  Captain  of  this  Residence,  after 
hearing  these  prisoners  talk,  said  emphatically  that 
they  were  not  Iroquois,  and  that  he  doubted  very 
much  whether  they  were  Allies  of  the  latter.  "  They 
are,"  said  he,  "  Abnaquiois,  or  neighbors  and  friends 
of  the  Abnaquiois."  He  added  that,  when  he  was  in 
the  neighborhood  of  New  England,  on  the  last  [132] 
journey  he  had  made  to  the  country  of  the  Abnaquiois, 
he  thought  he  had  seen  one  of  those  faces.  This 
statement  arrested  their  execution,  but  did  not  ap- 
pease the  fury  of  those  who,  being  enraged  against 
the  Iroquois,  wished  to  wreak  their  vengeance  upon 
these  poor  wretches.  And  in  order  to  make  them 
die  with  some  show  of  Justice,  they  said  an  assembly 
must  be  held  to  deliberate  upon  their  life  or  death. 
Noel,  seeing  plainly  that  passion  and  not  reason 
was  calling  this  council,  would  not  attend  it.  The 
factious  element  did  not  cease  its  proceedings,  but 
condemned  these  poor  victims  to  the  flames.  Our 
Christian  Captain,  seeing  this  lawless  conduct,  made 
presents  for  the  ransom  of  their  lives.  Again  an 
assembly  was  called,  and  [133]  four  of  the  men  were 
given  their  lives,  while  it  was  desired  to  burn  the 
fifth.  But  Noel,  seeing  that  these  assemblies  were 
not  composed  of  all  the  Nations  interested  in  the 
war,  exclaimed  that  a  general  council  of  all  the  chief 


198  LES  RELATIONS  DES  j£SUITES         [Vol.40 

dedans  la  guerre;  s'ecrie,  qu'il  faut  tenir  vn  confeil 
vniuerfel,  de  tous  les  principaux,  qui  fe  trouuoient 
pour  lors  au  pays,  &  qu'il  ne  falloit  pas  proceder  k 
la  legere,  dans  des  affaires  fi  importans:  oil  il  s'agif- 
foit  de  la  vie  des  hommes,  &  peut-eftre  d'vne  nou- 
uelle  guerre.  C^t  auis  fut  fuiuy.  On  s'affemble,  les 
Capitaines  haranguent  h.  leur  tour.  L'auis  commun, 
&  le  plus  vniuerfel,  fut,  qu'ils  eftoient  tous  cou- 
pables,  ou  tous  innocens,  &  par  confequent  qu'ils 
deuoient  tous  mourir,  ou  qu'il  leur  falloit  donner  la 
vie  k  tous.  La  deffus,  comme  la  paix  n'eftoit  pas 
encor  faite  auec  les  Iroquois,  Noel  Tekouerimat  parle 
fortement,  difant  [134]  que  nous  auions  affez  d'enne- 
mis  fur  les  bras,  qu'il  ne  falloit  pas  en  multiplier  le 
nombre ;  que  ces  pauures  gens  ne  venoient  point  en 
guerre;  que  c'eftoient  des  Chaffeurs,  &  qu'il  les 
falloit  renuoyer  en  leur  pays. 

Les  principaux  du  Confeil,  fuiuans  cette  penfee, 
conclurent  qu'il  n'en  falloit  faire  mourir  aucun:  & 
qu'il  eftoit  a  propos  d'en  renuoyer  deux  en  leur 
pays:  pour  donner  auis  h.  leur  Nation,  de  ce  qui 
s' eftoit  paff6.  On  les  fit  venir  fur  I'heure  mefme 
dans  railemblee:  ou  ils  parurent  liez,  &  tous  nuds, 
excepte  leur  brayer.  Ils  s'affirent  a  platte  terre, 
pour  entendre  leur  fentence,  qui  les  rejouyt  fort. 
Vn  Capitaine  prenant  la  parole,  fit  vne  petite  haran- 
gue, leur  difant,  qu'ils  auoient  tous  la  vie:  que  pas 
vn  d'eux  ne  mourroit:  [135]  qu'ils  eftoient  libres. 
A  mefme  temps,  on  coupe  leurs  liens,  qu'on  iette  au 
feu,  on  les  fait  leuer  debout:  on  leur  donne  ^  chacun 
dequoy  fe  couurir:  &  on  les  exborte  a  chanter,  &  h. 
danfer,  &  k  fe  rejouyr,  puis  qu'ils  eftoient  parmy 
leurs    amis.      Ce    commandement    fut    execute    fur 


w 


1653]  RELATION  OF  i6s2-33  199 

men  then  in  the  country  must  be  held;  and  that 
they  must  not  proceed  lightly  in  affairs  of  such 
importance,  wherein  human  life,  and  perhaps  a  new- 
war,  were  concerned.  This  advice  was  followed,  a 
meeting  was  held,  and  the  Captains  made  speeches, 
each  in  his  turn.  The  common  and  most  general 
opinion  was  that  the  prisoners  were  all  guilty  or  all 
innocent;  and  that,  consequently,  they  ought  all  to 
die,  or  all  be  given  their  lives.  Thereupon,  as  peace 
had  not  then  been  made  with  the  Iroquois,  Noel 
Tekouerimat  spoke  in  emphatic  terms,  saying  [134] 
that  we  had  enough  enemies  on  our  hands,  and  their 
number  must  not  be  multiplied ;  that  these  poor  men 
did  not  come  to  make  war  on  us,  but  were  Hunters ; 
and  that  they  must  be  sent  back  to  their  own 
country. 

The  chief  men  of  the  Council,  in  accordance  with 
this  sentiment,  decided  that  not  one  of  them  should 
die ;  and  that  the  fitting  course  was  to  send  back  two 
of  the  number  to  their  own  country  for  the  purpose 
of  informing  their  Nation  of  what  had  occurred. 
Forthwith  they  were  made  to  enter  the  assembly, 
where  they  appeared  bound  and  wearing  nothing 
except  around  their  loins.  They  squatted  on  the 
ground  to  hear  their  sentence,  which  rejoiced  them 
greatly.  A  Captain  took  the  word,  and  made  them 
a  short  harangue, —  telling  them  that  they  were  all 
given  their  lives,  that  not  one  of  them  should  die, 
[135]  and  that  they  were  free.  At  the  same  time 
their  bonds  were  cut,  and  thrown  into  the  fire ;  they 
were  raised  from  the  ground,  and  each  was  given 
some  clothing ;  and  they  were  exhorted  to  sing  and 
dance  and  rejoice,  since  they  were  among  their 
friends.     This  order  was  executed  on  the  instant, — 


200  LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  /^SUITES         [Vol.  40 

I'heure,  promptement,  ioyeufement,  &  magnifique- 
ment,  difent  les  memoires,  qui  font  venus  iufques  k 
nous. 

Apres  quelque  temps  de  r^jouyffance:  on  en  ren- 
uoya  deux  en  leur  pays,  &  on  retint  les  trois  autres 
en  oftages.  Leur  commiffion  contenoit  trois  articles, 
diftinguez  par  trois  petits  baftons,  qu'on  leur  mit  en 
main.  Le  premier  port,  qu'on  les  renuoyoit  pour 
expofer  aux  principaux  de  leur  Nation,  comme  ils 
auoient  efte  pris,  &  deliurez.  Le  fecond,  [136]  qu'ils 
retournaffent,  au  commencement  de  I'Efte  fuiuant. 
Le  troilieme,  qu'ils  retiraffent  des  mains  d'vne  Na- 
tion, qui  leur  eft  amie,  &  voiGne,  nomm^e  Sokoueki; 
quelques-vns  de  leurs  parens  captifs  depuis  deux  ans: 
&  qu'il  les  amenaffent  k  Sillery,  s'ils  auoient  deQr 
de  contradter  alliance,  auec  les  peuples  qui  s'y 
retirent  ordinairement :  &  que  la  veue  de  ces  captifs, 
adouciroit  les  yeux  de  ceux  qui  ne  les  auoient  pas 
regardez  de  bonne  grace,  &  qu'ils  feroient  le  noeud 
de  I'ancienne  amitie,  qu'ils  auoient  eue  autrefois  par 
enfemble.  Ces  bonnes  gens  fe  voyans  declarez 
innocens  ne  demanderent  point  reparation  des  torts, 
qu'on  leur  auoit  faits.  lis  ne  fe  plaignirent  point, 
des  coups  de  baftons,  qu'on  leur  auoit  donnez,  ny 
des  feux,  qu'on  auoit  appliques  [137]  fur  leurs  corps, 
lis  ne  prefferent  point  la  reftitution  des  ongles,  qu'on 
leur  auoit  arrachez,  ny  des  doigts,  qu'on  leur  auoit 
coupez.  Tous  ces  preludes  font  comptez  pour  neant : 
pourueu  qu'on  n'ofte  point  la  vie;  le  refte  pafle 
comme  vn  petit  ieu.  Les  femmes,  difent-ils,  en 
fouffriroient  bien  autant  fans  mot  dire. 

lis  partirent  au  commencement  de  Decembre,  de 
I'an  1652.  &  ils  parurent  fur  le  grand  fleuue,  k  la  fin 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1652-33  201 

"  promptly,  joyfully,  and  in  fine  style,"  as  the  account 
says  which  has  reached  us. 

After  some  time  of  rejoicing,  two  of  them  were 
sent  back  to  their  own  country,  and  the  three  others 
were  retained  as  hostages.  Their  commission  em- 
braced three  articles,  distinguished  by  three  little 
sticks  that  were  put  into  their  hands.  The  purport 
of  the  first  was,  that  they  were  sent  home  to  describe 
to  the  chief  men  of  their  Nation  how  they  had  been 
captured  and  delivered.  The  second  said  [136]  that 
they  must  come  back  again,  at  the  beginning  of  the 
following  Summer.  The  third  was  a  petition  that 
they  should  rescue  from  the  hands  of  a  Nation  called 
Sokoueki,  friends  and  neighbors  of  theirs,  some  of 
the  petitioners'  kinsfolk,  who  had  been  two  years  in 
captivity ;  and  that  they  should  bring  them  to  Sillery, 
if  they  desired  to  form  an  alliance  with  the  peoples 
who  commonly  resort  thither.  The  sight  of  these 
captives  would,  it  was  urged,  soften  the  looks  of 
those  who  had  not  regarded  them  favorably;  and 
they  would  serve  to  tie  the  knot  of  the  old-time 
friendship  that  had  once  been  maintained  between 
them.  These  simple  souls,  finding  themselves 
declared  innocent,  demanded  no  reparation  for  the 
injuries  done  them.  They  did  not  complain  of  the 
blows  inflicted,  or  of  the  fire  that  had  been  applied 
[137]  to  their  bodies.  They  did  not  urge  the  restitu- 
tion of  nails  torn  out,  or  of  fingers  cut  off.  All  these 
preliminaries  are  accounted  as  nothing;  provided 
life  is  not  taken,  the  rest  passes  for  a  little  sport. 
Even  women,  they  say,  would  endure  as  much 
without  a  murmur. 

They  departed  in  the  beginning  of  December  of 
the  year   1652,   and  made   their  appearance  on  the 


202  LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES  [Vol.  40 

du  mois  de  May,  de  I'an  paff6  1653.  Si  toft  qu'ils 
apperceurent  la  demeure  des  Fran9ois,  &  des  Sau- 
uages  de  Sillery,  ils  firent  refonner  leurs  tambours, 
en  figne  de  paix,  &  de  r^jouyffance.  Ils  amenoient 
deux  vieillards,  des  plus  confiderables  de  leur  pays, 
chargez  de  prefens,  qui  eftoient  comme  les  ordres,  & 
les  commiffions,  [138]  qui  leur  auoient  efl6  donn^es. 
Les  Algonquins  accourans  fur  les  riues  du  grad  fieuue, 
&  ne  voyans  point  les  captifs,  qu'ils  auoient  deman- 
dez,  furent  d'abord  m^contens:  mais  ces  AmbalTa- 
deurs  fgachans  bien,  qu'ils  manquoient  au  point  le 
plus  important,  rendirent  de  li  fortes  raifons  de  leur 
proced6:  qu'ils  calmerent  les  efpris  des  mecontens. 
Peut-eftre  que  ces  captifs  eftoient  morts.  Les 
memoires,  &  les  lettres  que  i'ay  receues,  n'en  difent 
rien. 

Les  efprits  eftans  appaifez.  Ces  nouueaux  hoftes 
furent  appellez  au  confeil,  le  lendemain  de  leur  arri- 
u6e.  L'allemblee  fe  tint  en  vne  fale  de  noftre  petite 
maifon,  oil  nous  receuons,  &  ou  nous  inftruifons  les 
fauuages.  On  commen9a  par  1' exhibition  des  pre- 
fens, qu'on  eftendit  fur  vne  corde,  qui  trauerfoit 
[139]  toute  la  fale.  Ce  n'eftoient  que  des  coliers  de 
porcelaine  fort  larges,  des  bracelets,  des  pendans 
d'oreilles:  &  des  calumets,  ou  petunoirs.  Chacun 
ayant  pris  fa  place :  le  plus  ancien  de  ces  Ambafla- 
deurs,  prit  la  parole,  difant  k  toute  I'affiftance,  qu'il 
venoit  de  d^plier  raffe(5tion,  &  I'amiti^  de  ceux  de  fa 
nation,  figuree  fur  ces  coliers ;  que  leur  coeur  eftoit 
tout  ouuert,  qu'il  n'y  auoit  aucun  ply,  qu'on  voyoit 
dans  fes  paroles,  le  fond  de  leurs  ames.  Et  Ik-deffus, 
tirant  vn  autre  grand  collier,  il  1' eftendit  au  milieu 
de  la   place,   difant.      Voila  le   chemin,   qu'il   faut 


1653]  RELATION  OF  ib32-S3  203 

great  river  at  the  close  of  the  month  of  May  of  last 
year,  1653.  As  soon  as  they  caught  sight  of  the 
settlements  of  the  French  and  the  Savages  of  Sillery, 
they  had  their  drums  beaten,  in  sign  of  peace  and 
rejoicing.  They  escorted  two  of  the  most  influential 
elders  of  their  country,  laden  with  presents  represent- 
ing the  orders  and  commissions  [138]  that  had  been 
given  them.  The  Algonquins,  hastening  to  the 
banks  of  the  great  river,  and  not  seeing  the  captives 
whom  they  had  asked  for,  were  displeased  at  first ; 
but  the  Ambassadors,  well  aware  of  their  negligence 
in  the  most  important  point,  gave  such  forcible  rea- 
sons for  their  conduct  as  to  appease  all  dissatisfaction. 
Perhaps  those  captives  were  dead;  the  memoirs  and 
letters  which  I  have  received  say  nothing  about  it. 

Displeasure  being  allayed,  these  new  guests  w^ere 
summoned  to  the  council  on  the  day  after  their 
arrival.  The  assembly  was  held  in  a  hall  of  our 
little  house,  where  we  receive  and  instruct  the 
savages.  It  was  opened  by  the  exhibition  of  the 
presents,  which  were  stretched  upon  a  cord  extending 
[139]  quite  across  the  hall.  They  consisted  merely 
of  porcelain  collars  of  great  size,  of  bracelets,  and 
ear-rings ;  and  of  calumets,  or  tobacco-pipes.  When 
each  one  had  taken  his  place,  the  oldest  of  these 
Ambassadors  began  to  speak,  and  said  to  all  present 
that  he  came  to  manifest  the  affection  and  friendship 
of  the  people  of  his  nation,  as  symbolized  by  these 
collars;  that  their  hearts  were  entirely  open,  and 
there  was  not  a  single  fold  in  them ;  and  that  in  his 
words  were  seen  their  inmost  thoughts.  Thereupon, 
taking  another  large  collar,  he  stretched  it  out  in  the 
middle  of  the  room,  and  said:  "  Behold  the  route 
that  you  must  take  to  come  and  visit  your  friends. ' ' 


204  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES         [Vol.40 

tenir,  pour  venir  vifiter  vos  amis.  Ce  colier  ei?toit 
compofe  de  porcelaine  blanche,  &  violette,  en  forte 
qu'il  y  auoit  figures,  que  ce  bon  homme  expliquoit  "k 
fa  mode.  Voila,  difoit-il,  les  lacs,  [140]  voila  les 
riuieres,  voila  les  montagnes,  &  les  vallees,  qu'il  faut 
paller;  voila  les  portages,  &  les  cheutes  d'eau.  Re- 
marquez  tout;  afin,  que  dans  les  vifites,  que  nous 
nous  rendrons  les  vns  aux  autres,  perfonne  ne  s'e- 
gare.  Les  chemins  feront  maintenant  faciles:  on  ne 
craindra  plus  les  embufcades.  Tous  ceux  qu'on  ren- 
contrera,  feront  autant  d'amis. 

Cela  fait,  il  fe  leue,  &  s'approchant  des  prefens 
eftendus,  comme  i'ay  defia  dit,  il  en  donna  I'explica- 
tion,  comme  on  feroit  d'vn  enigme,  touchant  les 
perfonnages  du  tableau,  les  vns  apres  les  autres. 
Voila,  faifoit-il,  monflrant  le  premier  prefent,  le 
liure,  ou  le  papier,  ou  font  peints  les  ordres,  & 
les  commiffions,  que  i'ay  receues  de  mon  pays,  & 
les  affaires  que  i'ay  "k  vous  communiquer.  [141] 
Quiconque  meprifera,  ce  que  porte  cette  peinture,  ou 
c6t  6crit,  merite  qu'on  luy  caffe  la  tefte. 

Touchant  le  fecond  prefent,  qui  faifoit  vne  grande 
ceinture  de  porcelaine.  Allons  mes  freres,  leuez- 
vous,  &  ceignez-vous  de  cette  ceinture,  &  allons  de 
compagnie  k  la  chaCfe  de  I'Elan,  &  du  Caflor. 

Le  troifieme,  eftoit  compofe  de  quelques  baftons 
de  porcelaine,  qu'ils  portent  "k  leurs  oreilles,  fi  prodi- 
gieufement  percees,  qu'on  y  paffe  aifement  vn  gros 
baflon  de  cire  d'Efpagne.  Voila,  s'ecria-il,  pour 
percer  vos  oreilles :  afin  que  nous  puifiions  nous  parler 
les  vns  les  autres,  comme  font  les  amis,  &  que  nous 
alTiflions  aux  confeils  les  vns  des  autres. 


J 

J 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1632-53  205 

This  collar  was  composed  of  white  and  violet-colored 
porcelain,  so  arranged  as  to  form  figures,  which  this 
worthy  man  explained  after  his  own  fashion. 
"  There,"  said  he,  "are  the  lakes,  [140]  there  the 
rivers,  there  the  mountains  and  valleys  that  must  be 
passed;  and  there  are  the  portages  and  waterfalls. 
Note  everything,  to  the  end  that,  in  the  visits  that 
we  shall  pay  one  another,  no  one  may  get  lost.  The 
roads  will  be  easy  now,  and  no  more  ambuscades 
will  be  feared.  All  persons  who  are  met  will  be  so 
many  friends." 

That  done,  he  arose ;  and,  approaching  the  pres- 
ents as  they  hung  there,  in  the  manner  I  have  already 
described,  he  gave  an  explanation  of  them,  as  one 
would  of  an  enigma,  regarding  the  personages  of  the 
picture,  one  after  the  other.  "  There,"  said  he, 
pointing  to  the  first  present,  "  is  the  book,  or  the 
paper,  wherein  are  painted  the  orders  and  commis- 
sions that  I  have  received  from  my  country,  and  the 
matters  that  I  have  to  communicate  to  you.  [141] 
Whoever  shall  lightly  esteem  the  purport  of  this 
painting  or  writing,  deserves  to  have  his  head 
broken." 

Concerning  the  second  present,  composed  of  a  large 
belt  of  porcelain,  he  said:  '''  Come,  brothers,  arise 
and  gird  yourselves  with  this  belt;  and  let  us  go 
together  to  hunt  the  Elk  and  the  Beaver. ' ' 

The  third  was  composed  of  some  sticks  of  porce- 
lain, worn  by  them  in  their  ears,  which  are  pierced 
with  such  very  large  holes  as  easily  to  receive  a 
great  stick  of  Spanish  wax.  ' '  Those, ' '  he  exclaimed, 
"  are  for  piercing  your  ears,  in  order  that  we  may 
speak  to  one  another  as  friends  are  wont  to  do,  and 
that  we  may  take  part  in  one  another's  councils." 


206  LES  RELATIONS  DES  j£SUITES         [Vol.40 

Le  quatrieme,  compofe  de  fix  grands  coliers,  pour 
les  fix  Nations,  [142]  auec  lefquelles  ces  Ambaffa- 
deurs  renouuelloient  leurs  alliances,  reprefentoit 
les  robes,  dont  elles  fe  deuoient  reueflir. .  Comma 
nous  n'auons  plus  qu'vn  coeur,  il  ne  faut  plus  qu'vne 
fa9on  d'habits,  ou  de  robes:  afin  que  tous  ceux 
qui  nous  verrot,  croyent  que  nous  fommes  tous 
freres,  veftus  de  mefme  parure ;  &  que  celuy  qui  en 
offenfera  I'vn,  offenfera  I'autre. 

Cela  fait:  ce  bon  homme  s'affit  au  milieu  de  la 
place.  II  prend  deux  grands  petunoirs,  faits  d'vne 
pierre  verte,  belle,  &  fort  polie,  longs  d'vne  coudee, 
c'eftoit  le  cinquieme  prefent.  II  en  remplit  vn  de 
tabac,  il  y  met  le  feu,  &  en  fucce,  ou  en  tire  la  fumee 
fort  grauement.  Toute  I'affembMe  le  regardoit,  ne 
f9acliant  pas  ce  qu'il  vouloit  dire.  Enfin  apres  auoir 
[143]  bien  petune  k  fon  aife.  Mes  freres,  dit-il,  ces 
deux  pipes,  ou  ces  deux  petunoirs,  font  a  vous.  II 
faut  dorefnauant,  que  nous  n'ayons  plus  qu'vn  fouffle, 
&  qu'vne  feule  refpiration,  puis  que  nous  n'auons 
plus  qu'vne  mefme  ame. 

Et  venant  au  fixieme  prefent,  qui  confiftoit  en  des 
liens  de  porcelaine,  enfilez  en  braffes,  &  en  quelques 
coliers.  Ah!  mes  freres,  s'ecria-t'il,  que  les  liens  de 
ces  pauures  prifonniers,  nous  ont  mis  en  grand  dan- 
ger de  tous  coftez !  mais  enfin  les  voila  bas ;  le  danger 
eft  paff6.  Vos  Peres,  ont  autrefois  contradle  alliance, 
auec  nos  Anceftres:  cela  s'eftoit  mis  en  oubly:  vn 
manuals  rencontre,  a  fait  du  mal  k  nos  gens,  & 
du  bien  k  toutes  nos  Nations:  car  nous  ne  nous 
connoiffions  plus :  nous  eftions  6garez,  &  nous  voila 
reiinis.  Ouy,  [144]  mais  nos  pauures  gens,  ont  les 
doigts  coupez?  on  les  a  baltonnez?  on  les  a  tourmen- 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1632-33  20'! 


The  fourth,  comprising  six  large  collars,  for  the 
six  Nations  [142]  with  whom  these  Ambassadors 
were  renewing  their  alliances,  represented  the  robes 
with  which  these  nations  ought  to  reclothe  them- 
selves. "As  we  have  henceforth  only  one  heart, 
we  need  only  one  kind  of  coat  or  robe,  in  order  that 
all  who  shall  see  us  may  understand  that  we  are  all 
brothers,  clothed  in  the  same  costume,  and  that  he 
who  shall  offend  one  of  us  will  offend  the  others." 

That  done,  this  good  man  seated  himself  in  the 
middle  of  the  room  and  took  two  large  tobacco-pipes, 
a  cubit  in  length  and  made  of  a  beautiful,  highly- 
polished  green  stone;  these  constituted  the  fifth 
present.  He  filled  one  of  them  with  tobacco,  applied 
fire  to  it,  and  sucked  or  drew  the  smoke  from  it  with 
great  gravity.  All  the  assembly  looked  at  him,  not 
knowing  what  he  meant.  At  length,  after  he  had 
[143]  smoked  very  much  at  his  ease,  "  My  brothers," 
said  he,  "  these  two  tobacco-pipes  are  yours.  We 
must  in  the  future  have  only  one  breath  and  a  single 
respiration,  since  we  have  only  one  and  the  same 
soul." 

And  coming  to  the  sixth  present,  which  consisted 
of  porcelain  strung  in  brasse-lengths,  and  in  a  number 
of  collars,  "  Ah,  my  brothers,"  he  cried,  "  in  what 
great  dangers  on  all  sides  have  we  been  placed  by  the 
bonds  of  those  poor  prisoners !  But  at  length  they 
are  loosed,  and  the  danger  is  past.  Your  Fathers 
formerly  contracted  an  alliance  with  our  Ancestors. 
That  had  been  forgotten,  and  an  unlucky  event  caused 
harm  to  our  people  and  good  to  all  our  Nations ;  for 
we  had  ceased  to  know  one  another,  we  had  gone 
astray,  and  lo!  we  are  reunited.  Yes,  [144]  but  have 
not  our  poor  people  had  their  fingers  cut  off?  have 


208  LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  J&SUITES         [Vol.  4a 

tez?  ce  n'efl  pas  vous,  mes  freres,  qui  auez  fait  ce 
coup.  Ce  font  ces  mefchans  Iroquois,  qui  vous  ont 
tant  fait  de  mal.  Volire  veue  bleff6e  par  ces  mal- 
heureux,  nous  a  pris  pour  des  ennemis:  vous  nous 
auez  frapez,  croyans  f rapper  des  Iroquois.  C'eft  vne 
m^prife:  nous  n'en  difons  mot. 

Son  difcours  finit.  Noel  Tekouerimat,  Capitaine 
de  Sillery,  prit  la  parole,  au  nom  de  tous  les  autres 
Capitaines.  II  remercia  fort  humainement  ces  Am- 
baffadeurs,  les  loiiant  de  ce  qu'ils  auoient  de  1' amour 
pour  la  paix,  &  pour  la  bonne  intelligence,  auec 
les  Alliez  de  leurs  Anceftres.  Et  pourfuiuant  fon 
difcours,  il  fit  voir  ^  toute  I'affemblee,  &  notamment 
[145]  aux  Hurons,  qui  s'eftoient  monftrez  fort  con- 
traires  aux  penfees  de  la  paix,  prenans  ces  prifonniers 
pour  de  vrais  ennemis,  combien  il  eftoit  important, 
de  ne  fe  point  precipiter,  en  des  affaires  de  telle 
confequence :  combien  il  efloit  "k  propos,  de  renoUer 
I'ancienne  amitie,  qu'ils  auoient  eue  auec  ces  peuples. 

Pour  conclufion:  les  Ambaffadeurs,  voyans  qu'ils 
auoient  efte  ecoutez  fauorablement,  qu'on  auoit  agree 
leurs  prefens,  &  relafche  leurs  prifonniers,  fe  mirent 
a  danfer,  &  k  entonner  vne  chanfon,  de  toute  I'eften- 
due  de  leur  voix,  &  de  toute  la  force  de  leur  poulmon : 
leur  chanfon  ne  portoit  que  ces  trois  mots:  C'eft 
maintenant  qu'il  fe  faut  rejouyr,  puifque  nos  prefens 
sot  acceptez.  La  ieuneffe,  par  le  comandement  [146] 
des  Capitaines,  fe  mit  de  la  partie,  pour  rendre  la 
ioye  publique :  les  ieunes  homes  dangans  k  part,  & 
les  filles  "k  part,  fe  fuiuans  neantmoins  les  vns  les 
autres,  a  la  mode  du  pays.  Ainfi  fe  termina  toute 
cette  ceremonie. 


1653]  RELATION  OF  i6s2-S3  209 

they  not  been  beaten  and  tortured  ?  It  is  not  you, 
my  brothers,  who  dealt  this  blow ;  it  is  those  wicked 
Iroquois,  who  have  done  you  so  much  harm.  Your 
eyes,  injured  by  those  wretches,  took  us  for  enemies, 
and  you  struck  us,  thinking  you  were  striking  Iro- 
quois.    It  was  a  mistake ;  we  will  say  nothing  about 

it."9 

His  speech  ended,  Noel  Tekouerimat,  Captain  of 
Sillery,  took  the  word,  in  the  name  of  all  the  other 
Captains.  He  thanked  these  Ambassadors  very 
kindly,  praising  them  for  entertaining  a  love  for 
peace  and  a  good  understanding  with  their  Ancestors' 
Allies.  And,  continuing  his  speech,  he  made  it 
manifest  to  all  the  assembly,  and  especially  [145]  to 
the  Hurons,  —  who  had  shown  themselves  much 
opposed  to  thoughts  of  peace,  taking  these  prisoners 
for  real  enemies, — how  important  it  was  not  to  act 
with  precipitation  in  affairs  of  such  consequence; 
and  how  fitting  it  was  to  reestablish  the  old-time 
friendship  they  had  had  with  these  peoples. 

In  conclusion,  the  Ambassadors,  seeing  that  they 
had  been  heard  with  favor,  that  their  presents  had 
been  accepted,  and  their  prisoners  set  free,  began  to 
dance,  and  to  sing  a  song  with  the  full  volume  of 
their  voices  and  all  the  strength  of  their  lungs. 
Their  song  contained  only  these  few  words:  "  Now 
is  the  time  to  rejoice,  since  our  presents  are  accepted. 
By  order  of  the  Captains,  the  young  people  [146] 
joined  them,  in  order  to  render  the  joy  public, — the 
young  men  dancing  by  themselves  and  the  girls  by 
themselves,  following  one  another,  however,  after 
the  manner  of  the  country.  Thus  ended  that  whole 
ceremony. 


210  LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  /^SUITES         [Vol.  40 


CHAPITRE  VII. 

LA    PAUURETE    &    LES    RICHESSES    DU    PAYS. 

JAMAIS  il  n'y  eut  plus  de  Caflors  dans  nos  lacs,  & 
dans  nos  riuieres:  mais  iamais  il  ne  s'en  eft 
moins  veu  dans  les  magafms  du  pays.  Auant 
la  defolation  des  Hurons,  les  cent  canots  venoient  en 
traite,  tons  chargez  de  Caftor.  Les  Algonquins  en 
apportoient  de  tons  coftez,  &  chaque  annee,  on  en 
auoit  pour  deux  cens  &  pour  [147]  trois  cens  mil 
liures.  C'eftoit-1^  vn  beau  reuenu,  dequoy  contenter 
tout  le  monde,  &  dequoy  fupporter  les  grandes 
charges  du  pays. 

La  guerre  des  Iroquois  a  fait  tarir  toutes  ces 
fources.  Les  Caftors  demeurans  en  paix,  &  dans  le 
lieu  de  leur  repos.  Les  flottes  de  Hurons  ne  defcen- 
dent  plus  a  la  traite.  Les  Algonquins  font  depeu- 
plez:  &  les  Nations  plus  efloignees,  fe  retirent  encore 
plus  loin,  craignans  le  feu  des  Iroquois.  Le  magafm 
de  Montreal,  n'a  pas  achepte  des  Sauuages  vn  feul 
Caftor,  depuis  vn  an.  Aux  Trois  Riuieres,  le  peu 
qui  s'y  efl  veu,  a  efte  employe  pour  fortifier  la  place, 
ou  on  attendoit  I'ennemy.  Dans  le  magasin  de  Que- 
bec, ce  n'eft  que  pauuret6;  &  ainfi  tout  le  monde  a 
fujet  d'eftre  m6content,  n'y  [148]  ayant  pas  de  quoy 
fournir,  au  payement  de  ceux,  a  qui  il  eft  deu:  & 
mefme  n'y  ayant  pas  de  quoy  fupporter  vne  partie 
des  charges  du  pays,  les  plus  indifpehfables. 

Les  riuieres  les  plus  profondes,  &  les  plus  riches 


I 


1653]  RELATION  OF  1652-53  211 


CHAPTER  VIL 

THE   POVERTY  AND  THE  RICHES  OF  THE  COUNTRY. 

NEVER  were  there  more  Beavers  in  our  lakes 
and  rivers,  but  never  have  there  been  fewer 
seen  in  the  warehouses  of  the  country.  Be- 
fore the  devastation  of  the  Hurons,  a  hundred  canoes 
used  to  come  to  trade,  all  laden  with  Beaver-skins; 
the  Algonquins  brought  them  from  all  directions; 
and  each  year  we  had  two  or  [147]  three  hundred 
thousand  livres'  worth.  That  was  a  fine  revenue 
with  which  to  satisfy  all  the  people,  and  defray  the 
heavy  expenses  of  the  country. 

The  Iroquois  war  dried  up  all  these  springs.  The 
Beavers  are  left  in  peace  and  in  the  place  of  their 
repose;  the  Huron  fleets  no  longer  come  down  to 
trade ;  the  Algonquins  are  depopulated ;  and  the 
more  distant  Nations  are  withdrawing  still  farther, 
fearing  the  fire  of  the  Iroquois.  For  a  year,  the 
warehouse  of  Montreal  has  not  bought  a  single 
Beaver-skin  from  the  Savages.  At  Three  Rivers, 
the  little  revenue  that  has  accrued  has  been  used  to 
fortify  the  place,  the  enemy  being  expected  there. 
In  the  Quebec  warehouse  there  is  nothing  but  pov- 
erty ;  and  so  every  one  has  cause  to  be  dissatisfied, 
there  [148]  being  no  means  to  supply  payment  to 
those  to  whom  it  is  due,  or  even  to  defray  a  part  of 
the  most  necessary  expenses  of  the  country. 

The  deepest  and  most  abundant  rivers  of  the  earth 


212  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES         [Vol.40 

de  la  terre,  feroient  bien-toll  k  fee,  fi  leurs  eaux  s'ef- 
coulans  dans  la  Mer,  les  fourees  n'en  fournilToient 
plus  de  nouuelles.  Les  Villes,  &  les  Prouinces  plus 
proches  de  la  Mer,  qui  en  auroient  eft6  autrefois  les 
plus  richement  arrouf^es,  auroient  tort  de  fe  plaindre, 
des  Prouinces  plus  voifmes  des  fourees,  comme  fi  elles 
retenoient  toutes  les  eaux  pour  elles,  &  les  enuoyoient 
au  public. 

Ce  font  les  Iroquois,  dont  il  f e  faut  plaindre :  car 
ce  font  eux,  qui  ont  arrefte  les  eaux  dedans  leurs 
fourees.  le  veux  dire,  que  ce  font  eux  qui  empef- 
chent  tout  le  commerce  [149]  des  Caftors,  qui  ont 
toujours  efte  les  grandes  richeffes  de  ce  pays. 

Mais  maintenant,  fl  Dieu  benit  nos  efperances,  de 
la  paix  auec  les  Iroquois,  on  fera  bonne  guerre  aux 
Caftors,  &  ils  trouueront  le  chemin  des  magaCns  de 
Montreal,  des  Trois  Riuieres,  &  de  Quebec,  qu'ils 
ont  oublie  depuis  ces  dernieres  annees.  Les  Nations 
fuperieures  defcendront  auec  ioye,  &  apporteront  les 
Caftors,  dont  ils  ont  fait  amas  depuis  trois  ans. 

Ce  Printemps,  trois  canots  arriuerent  aux  Trois 
Riuieres,  de  I'ancien  pays  des  Hurons,  ou  plutofl  du 
profond  des  terres,  les  plus  cach6es  de  ces  coftez-lk: 
oil  diuerfes  families  fe  font  retirees  hors  le  commerce 
de  tout  le  refte  des  hommes,  crainte  que  les  Iroquois 
[150]  ne  les  y  allaffent  trouuer. 

Ces  trois  canots,  conduits  par  vn  Sauuage  Chre- 
ftien,  eftoient  de  quatre  Nations  differentes,  qui  nous 
ont  apport6  d'excellentes  nouuelles.  Sgauoir,  qu'ils 
s'affemblent,  en  vn  tres-beau  pays,  enuiron  "k  cent 
cinquante  lieues,  plus  loin  que  les  Hurons,  tirans 
vers  rOccident,  au  nombre  de  deux  mille  hommes, 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1652-33  213 

would  soon  be  dry  if,  when  their  waters  ran  into  the 
Sea,  the  springs  ceased  to  furnish  fresh  supplies. 
The  Cities  and  Provinces  nearer  the  Sea,  and  for- 
merly the  most  abundantly  watered  by  it,  would  be 
wrong  to  complain  of  the  Provinces  nearer  the  water- 
sources,  as  if  they  retained  all  the  water  for  them- 
selves and  sent  it  out  to  the  public. 

It  is  the  Iroquois  of  whom  complaint  must  be 
made,  for  it  is  they  who  have  stopped  the  water  at 
its  fountainhead.  I  mean,  it  is  they  that  are 
preventing  all  the  trade  [149]  in  Beaver-skins,  which 
have  always  been  the  chief  wealth  of  this  country. 

But  now,  if  God  bless  our  hopes  of  peace  with  the 
Iroquois,  a  fine  war  will  be  made  on  the  Beavers,  and 
they  will  find  the  road  to  the  warehouses  of  Mont- 
real, Three  Rivers,  and  Quebec,  which  they  have 
forgotten  during  these  later  years.  The  upper 
Nations  will  come  down  with  joy,  and  will  bring 
the  Beaver-skins  which  they  have  been  amassing  for 
the  past  three  years. 

This  Spring,  three  canoes  arrived  at  Three  Rivers 
from  the  former  country  of  the  Hurons, —  or,  rather, 
from  the  depths  of  the  most  hidden  recesses  of  those 
regions,  whither  several  families  have  withdrawn, 
out  of  all  communication  with  the  rest  of  mankind, 
for  fear  lest  the  Iroquois  [150]  might  go  and  find 
them  there. 

These  three  canoes,  led  by  a  Christian  Savage, 
contained  people  from  four  different  Nations,  who 
brought  us  excellent  news.  This  was,  that  they  were 
gathering  together,  to  the  number  of  two  thousand 
men,  in  a  very  fine  country  about  a  hundred  and 
fifty  leagues  farther  away  than  the  Hurons,  toward 
the    West;  and   that   they  were    to   come  the  next 


■214  LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES  [Vol    40 

&  qu'ils  doiuent  venir  de  compagnie  le  Printemps 
prochain,  apporter  grand  nombre  de  Caftor,  pour 
faire  leurtrafic  ordinaire,  &ponr  fe  fournir  de  poudre 
&  de  plomb,  &  d'armes  k  feu ;  afin  de  fe  rendre  plus 
redoutables  aux  ennemis. 

De  plus,  toute  noftre  ieuneffe  Frangoife,  efl  en 
delTein  d'aller  en  traite,  trouuer  les  Nations  difper- 
fees,  gk  «fe  Ik,  &  ils  efperent  d'en  reuenir  chargez, 
des  Caflors  de  [151]  plufieurs  ann6es. 

En  vn  mot,  le  pays  n'eft  pas  depeupl6  de  Caflors, 
&  ce  font  fes  mines  d'or,  &  fes  richeffes;  qu'il  n'y  a 
qu'k  puifer  dans  les  lacs,  &  dans  les  ruifCeaux :  ou  il 
y  en  a  d'autant  plus,  qu'on  en  a  moins  pris  ces  der- 
nieres  annees,  craignant  de  s'ecarter,  &  d'eftre  pris 
des  Iroquois.  Ces  animaux  d'ailleurs  fe  multiplians 
en  grande  abondance. 

Pour  ce  qui  eft  de  la  fertilite  des  terres,  elles  font 
icy  de  bon  rapport.  Les  grains  Francois  y  viennent 
heureufement :  &  nous  pouuons  en  cela,  nous  paffer 
des  fecours  de  la  Frace,  quelque  nombre  que  nous 
foyons  icy.  Plus  qu'il  y  aura  d'habitans,  plus  ferons- 
nous  dans  1' abondance. 

Le  beftail,  &  les  lards,  font  vne  douceur  au  pays, 
qu'autrefois  on  [152]  n'ofoit  efperer.  Le  gibier  y 
foifonne ;  &  la  chaffe  des  Orignaux,  n'eft  pas  pour  y 
manquer. 

Mais  I'anguille  y  eft  vne  manne,  qui  furpafle  tout 
ce  qu'on  en  pent  croire.  L'experience  &  I'induftrie 
nous  y  a  rendus  fi  fgauans,  qu'en  vne  feule  nuit,  vn 
ou  deux  hommes,  en  prendront  des  cinq,  &  fix  mil- 
liers:  &  cette  pefche  dure  deux  mois  entiers;  dont 
on  fait  prouifion  abondamment  pour  toute  I'ann^e : 
car    I'anguille    eft   icy  d'vne   excellente  garde,    foit 


1653]  RELATION  OF  i6s2-53  215 

Spring  in  company,  to  bring  a  large  number  of 
Beaver-skins,  for  the  purpose  of  doing  their  ordinary 
trading  and  furnishing  themselves  with  powder,  lead, 
and  firearms,  in  order  to  render  themselves  more 
formidable  to  the  enemy. 

Moreover,  all  our  young  Frenchmen  are  planning 
to  go  on  a  trading  expedition,  to  find  the  Nations 
that  are  scattered  here  and  there ;  and  they  hope  to 
come  back  laden  with  the  Beaver-skins  of  [151] 
several  years'  accumulation. 

In  a  word,  the  country  is  not  stripped  of  Beavers; 
they  form  its  gold-mines  and  its  wealth,  which  have 
only  to  be  drawn  upon  in  the  lakes  and  streams, — 
where  the  supply  is  great  in  proportion  to  the  small- 
ness  of  the  draught  upon  it  during  these  latter  years, 
due  to  the  fear  of  being  dispersed  or  captured  by  the 
Iroquois.  These  animals,  moreover,  are  extremely 
prolific. 

Concerning  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  it  is  here  very 
productive.  The  French  grains  yield  excellent 
crops,  and  in  that  respect  we  can  do  without  aid  from 
France,  however  numerous  we  may  be  here.  The 
more  settlers  there  shall  be,  the  greater  plenty  shall 
we  enjoy. 

Beef  and  bacon  are  here  delicacies,  which  formerly 
we  [152]  did  not  dare  to  hope  for.  Game  is  abun- 
dant, and  there  is  no  lack  of  Moose-hunting. 

But  the  eel  constitutes  a  manna  exceeding  all 
belief.  Experience  and  ingenuity  have  rendered  us 
so  expert  in  catching  them  that  one  or  two  men  will 
take  five  or  six  thousand  in  a  single  night ;  and  this 
fishing  lasts  for  two  whole  months,  in  which  an 
ample  provision  of  them  is  made  for  the  whole  year; 
for  the  eels  here  have  excellent  qualities  for  keeping, 


216  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES         [Vol.40 

fech6e  au  feu,  foit  fal6e:  &  elles  font  beaucoup 
meilleures,  que  toutes  les  anguilles  de  la  France. 

La  pefche  du  Saumon,  «&  de  I'Efturgeon,  y  eft  tres- 
abondante  en  fa  faifon.  Et  k  vray  dire,  c'eft  icy,  le 
Royaume  des  eaux  &  des  poiffons. 

Le  pays  eft  tres-fain,  on  y  voit  [153]  fort  peu  de 
maladies.  Les  enfans  y  font  &  tres-beaux,  &  tres 
faciles  k  eleuer.     C'eft  vne  benedidtion  particuliere. 


I 


1653]  RELATION  OF  ib52-53  217 

wiiether  dried  by  fire  or  salted,  and  are  much  better 
than  any  eels  in  France. 

Salmon  and  Sturgeon  are  very  plentiful  in  their  sea- 
sons; to  tell  the  truth,  this  country  is  the  Kingdom 
of  water  and  of  fish. 

The  country  is  very  healthful,  [153]  remarkably 
few  diseases  being  seen  here;  and  children  are 
very  comely  and  easy  to  rear.  That  is  an  especial 
blessing. 


218  LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  J  ^SUITES         [Vol.  40 


CHAPITRE  VIII. 

LA    PORTE    FERMEE   A    L'EUANGILE,    SEMBLE    S'OUURIR 
PLUS  GRANDE  QUE  JAMAIS. 

LE  plus  grand  mal  qu'ait  fait  la  guerre  des 
Iroquois,  c'eft  d'auoir  extermin6  nos  Eglifes 
naiffantes,  defolant  le  pays  des  Hurons,  d6peu- 
plant  les  nations  Algonquines ;  faifant  mourir  cruelle- 
ment  &  les  Pafleurs,  &  le  troupeau :  &  empefchant 
qu'on  ne  paffafl  plus  outre,  aux  Nations  eloignees, 
pour  en  faire  vn  peuple  Chreftien. 

Maintenant,  cette  paix  nouuelle,  nous  ouurira  vn 
grand  chemin,  [154]  vers  les  Nations  fuperieures, 
dont  la  guerre  nous  auoit  chaffe.  Le  zele  de  nos 
Peres,  les  y  porte  defia  auec  amour,  &  auec  ioye, 
comme  au  centre  de  leurs  defirs. 

Mais  ce  qui  les  anime  dauantage,  &  ce  qui  fera  vn 
moyen  bien  puiffant,  pour  conferuer  la  paix  auec  les 
Iroquois,  c'eft  I'ouuerture  que  Dieu  nous  donne,  pour 
aller  faire  vne  Refidence  au  milieu  du  pays  ennemy, 
fur  le  grand  lac  des  Iroquois,  proche  des  Onnontae- 
ronnons.  Le  chemin  en  eft  tres-aif6,  n'y  ayant  que 
deux  cheutes  d'eau,  ou  il  faut  mettre  pied  k  terre,  & 
faire  vn  portage  qui  n'eft  pas  long :  ou  il  feroit  facile 
de  faire  quelque  petit  reduit,  pour  auoir  le  commerce  % 

libre,    &   pour   fe  rendre   maiftres   de   ce  grand  lac:  u 

d'oii  par  apres  on  pent  aller  aux  Nations  eloign6es, 
&  mefme  [155]  dans  I'ancien  pays  des  Hurons;  fans  i 

nous  voir  obligez  a  ces   peines  inconceuables,   que 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1632-53  219 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE  DOOR  CLOSED  TO  THE  GOSPEL  SEEMS  TO  OPEN 

WIDER  THAN  EVER. 

THE  greatest  evil  wrought  by  the  Iroquois  war  is 
the  ruin  of  our  infant  Churches;  for  it  laid 
waste  the  Huron  country,  depopulated  the 
Algonquin  nations,  cruelly  put  to  death  both  Pastors 
and  flock,  and  prevented  any  farther  passage  to  the 
remote  Nations,  in  order  to  make  of  them  a  Chris- 
tian people. 

Now,  this  new  peace  will  open  for  us  a  highroad 
[154]  to  the  upper  Nations,  whence  the  war  has 
driven  us  away.  The  zeal  of  our  Fathers  already 
impels  them  thither  with  love  and  joy,  as  toward  the 
object  of  their  desires. 

But  what  still  more  animates  them,  and  what  will 
be  a  very  effectual*  means  of  maintaining  the  peace 
with  the  Iroquois,  is  the  opening  which  God  gives 
us  for  establishing  a  Residence  in  the  midst  of  the 
enemy's  country,  on  the  great  lake  of  the  Iroquois, 
near  the  Onnontaeronnons.  The  route  thither  is 
very  easy,  there  being  only  two  waterfalls  where  it 
is  necessary  to  land  and  make  a  portage, —  a  short 
one  at  that ;  and  there  it  would  be  easy  to  construct 
a  small  redout  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  free 
communication  and  of  making  ourselves  masters  of 
this  great  lake.  Thence,  we  can  afterward  make 
journeys  to  the  distant  Nations,  and  even  [155]  into 
the  former  country  of  the   Hurons,   without  being 


220  LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES         [Vol.40 

nous  auons  pris  autrefois,  de  porter  &  canots,  & 
bagage  fur  nos  6paules,  pour  Suiter  les  precipices 
d'eau,  &  les  torrens  itnpetueux,  qui  ne  font  pas 
nauigables. 

Les  Iroquois  Onnontaeronnons,  nous  inuitent  eux- 
mefmes,  &  nous  attirent  par  prefens:  ils  nous  ont 
defign6  la  place,  &  nous  en  ont  fait  vn  recit,  comme 
d'vn  lieu  le  plus  heureux  qui  foit  en  toutes  ces  con- 
tr6es.  II  le  fera,  plus  mille  fois  qu'ils  ne  le  croyent, 
£i  Dieu  acheue  c6t  ouurage,  &  fi  les  Anges  tutelaires 
des  peuples  qui  font  k  conuertir,  nous  aident  en  ce 
deffein.  Car  k  vray  dire,  ce  feroit-la  le  coeur  d'vne 
terre,  qui  doit  deuenir  fainte,  puis  qu'elle  eft  rachep- 
t€e  du  fang  du  Fils  de  [156]  Dieu,  &  qu'il  eft  temps 
qu'il  y  foit  ador6.  Nous  demandons  pour  ce  fujet 
des  ouuriers,  que  nous  attendons  par  le  premier 
embarquement. 


1653]  RELATION  OF  i6s2-S3  221 

obliged  to  undergo  those  inconceivable  fatigues  of 
former  times,  when  we  had  to  carry  both  canoes  and 
baggage  on  our  shoulders  in  order  to  avoid  the 
waterfalls  and  impetuous  floods  which  are  unnaviga- 
ble.i"' 

The  Onnontaeronnon  Iroquois  invite  us  of  their 
own  accord,  and  solicit  our  coming  by  presents; 
they  have  assigned  a  place  to  us,  and  have  described 
it  to  us  as  the  finest  spot  in  all  those  regions.  It 
will  be  a  thousand  times  more  so  than  they  think,  if 
God  complete  this  work,  and  if  the  guardian  Angels 
of  the  peoples  to  be  converted  aid  us  in  this  project. 
For,  in  truth,  that  spot  would  be  the  heart  of  a  land 
destined  to  become  holy,  since  it  has  been  ransomed 
with  the  blood  of  the  Son  of  [156]  God,  and  since  it 
is  time  he  were  worshiped  there.  For  this  purpose 
we  ask  for  laborers,  and  we  expect  them  by  the  first 
ship  that  sails. 


222  LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES         [\^ol.  40 


CHAPITRE  DERNIER. 

RECUEIL   TlKt    DE    DIUERSES    LETTRES    APPORTEES    DE 
LA   NOUUELLE   FRANCE. 

LE  pais  des  Hurons,  qui  nourrifCoit  trente  h.  trente- 
^  cinq  mille  ames,  dans  ^I'eftendue  de  dix-fept  h. 
dix-huit  lieues  feulement,  ayant  efte  pill6, 
mine,  brufle:  ceux  qui  font  echappez  de  ce  grand 
naufrage,  fe  font  retirez  en  diuerfes  Nations.  Vn 
bon  nombre  s'eft  venu  ietter  entre  les  bras  des 
Fragois,  &  notamment  des  Peres  de  noftre  Compagnie, 
qui  les  ont  fi  fortement  fecourus,  qu'on  ecrit,  [157] 
qu'ils  auoient,  cet  Ete  dernier,  enuiron  trois  cens 
arpens  de  terre,  enfemenc^  de  leurs  bleds  d'Inde, 
c'efl  ^  dire,  qu'il  a  fallu  abbattre  trois  cens  arpes  de 
bois :  pour  faire  cette  grande  explanade,  tres-vtile  k 
cette  nouuelle  Colonie,  qui  a  maintenat  dequoy  fe 
nourrir:  mais  non  pas  encor  dequoy  fe  couurir.  II 
eft  vray,  que  Dieu  qui  a  foin  des  petits  oyfeaux,  ne 
les  a  pas  mis  en  oubly:  car  des  perfonnes  de  piet6, 
&  de  vertu,  leurs  ayans  enuoye,  par  aumofnes,  quel- 
ques  couuertures,  on  les  a  diuifees  en  quatre :  pour 
couurir  quatre  petits  orphelins  de  chacune.  D'autres 
fouhaittans  de  faire  porter  leurs  noms,  a  quelques 
nouueaux  conuertis,  leur  ont  fait  tenir  quelques 
prefens,  qui  ont  feruy  d'habits,  au  pere,  &  ^  la  mere, 
&  quelquefois  k  tous  leurs  enfans. 

[158]   I'ay  leu  ce  qui  fuit,  dans  vne  lettre,  ^crite 
par  vne  bonne  Mere  Vrfuline.     Nous  auons  appris, 


1653]  RELATION  OF  1652-53  223 


CHAPTER  THE  LAST. 

EXTRACTS  FROM  VARIOUS  LETTERS  BROUGHT  FROM 

NEW  FRANCE. 

THE  country  of  the  Hurons,  which  sustained  from 
thirty  to  thirty-five  thousand  souls  within  a 
stretch  of  territory  of  only  seventeen  or  eight- 
een leagues,  having  been  pillaged,  laid  waste,  and 
burned,  those  who  escaped  this  general  wreck  took 
refuge  among  various  Nations.  A  large  number 
came  and  threw  themselves  into  the  arms  of  the 
French,  and  especially  of  the  Fathers  of  our  Society. 
The  latter  gave  them  such  substantial  aid  that,  as 
we  learn  by  letter,  [157]  they  had  this  last  Summer 
about  three  hundred  arpents  of  land  planted  with 
their  Indian  corn, —  that  is,  it  was  necessary  to  fell 
three  hundred  arpents  of  timber  in  order  to  make 
that  great  esplanade,  a  work  of  much  utility  to  this 
new  Colony,  which  has  now  the  means  of  feeding 
itself,  but  not  yet  the  means  of  providing  itself  with 
clothing.  It  is  true,  God,  who  cares  for  the  little 
birds,  has  not  forgotten  it;  for  certain  persons  of 
piety  and  virtue  sent  it,  out  of  charity,  some 
blankets,  which  were  cut  into  quarters,  that  with 
each  blanket  four  little  orphans  might  be  clothed. 
Others,  wishing  to  have  their  names  borne  by  some 
new  converts,  have  caused  presents  to  be  given 
them,  which  have  served  to  clothe  the  father,  the 
mother,  and  sometimes  even  all  their  children. 

[158]  I  read  the  following  in  a  letter  written  by  a 


224  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES         [Vol.40 

que  noftre  Seminarifle  Huronne,  qui  fut  prife,  il  y  a 
enuiron  dix  ans,  par  les  Iroquois:  eftoit  marine  en 
leur  pays.  Qu'elle  eftoit  la  maiftrelle  dans  fa  cabane, 
compofee  de  plulleurs  families.  Qu'elle  prioit  Dieu 
tous  les  iours,  &  qu'elle  le  faifoit  prier  par  d'autres: 
ce  qui  paroift  d'autant  plus  eftonnant,  qu'elle  n'auoit 
qu' enuiron  treize,  ou  quatorze  ans,  quand  elle  fut 
enleu6e  par  ces  Barbares.  Nous  auons  fa  foeur  en 
noftre  maifon,  qui  eft  vne  ieune  vefue,  d'vne  mo- 
deitie  rauilTante,  fort  addonnee  ^  I'oraifon:  elle  en 
fait  tous  les  iours  autant  que  les  Religieufes:  elle 
eft  dans  vne  prefence  de  Dieu,  quafi  continuelle :  & 
fon  efprit  eft  fi  eclaire,  &  fi  remply  de  lumieres, 
[159]  &  de  raifons,  pour  I'exercice  de  la  vertu:  qu'on 
void  bien  qu'elle  eft  gouuernee,  par  vn  Efprit  plus 
haut,  &  plus  fublime,  que  I'efprit  humain. 

Les  pere,  &  mere,  de  I'vne  de  nos  Seminariftes 
(que  la  pauuret^,  nous  contraint,  de  tenir  en  vn  fort 
petit  nombre)  eftans  venus  voir  leur  fille,  ag6e  d' en- 
uiron dix  ans,  luy  dirent,  que  la  paix  fe  faifant  auec 
les  Iroquois,  ceux  qu'il  auoit  connu  en  ce  pays-Ik,  o^ 
il  auoit  efte  captif,  I'inuitoient  d'y  aller  demeurer, 
auec  toute  fa  famille:  &  Ik-delTus,  ils  luy  deman- 
derent,  fi  elle  ne  feroit  pas  bien  aife  d'eftre  de  la  partie, 
&  de  fuiure  fon  pere,  &  fa  mere.  Comment  done, 
repondit-elle,  n'eftes-vous  point  honteux,  de  vouloir 
quitter  le  pays  de  la  priere,  pour  aller  en  vn  lieu,  ou 
vous  ferez  en  danger,  de  [160]  perdre  la  Foy?  Ne 
fgauez-vous  pas  bien,  que  les  Iroquois  ne  croyent 
pas  en  Dieu,  &  qu' eftans  parmy  eux,  vous  viuerez 
comme  eux?  Allez,  fi  vous  voulez,  en  ce  miferable 
pays:  mais  ie  ne  vous  fuiuray  pas,  ie  ne  quitteray 
iamais  les  filles  faintes,  fi  vous  m'abandonnez.     Ses 


1653]]  RELA  TION  OF  1632-53  225 

good  Ursuline  Mother:  "  We  learned  that  our 
Huron  Seminarist,  who  was  captured  about  ten  years 
ago  by  the  Iroquois,  was  married  in  their  country ; 
that  she  was  the  mistress  in  her  cabin,  which  con- 
tained several  families ;  that  she  prayed  to  God  every 
day ;  and  that  she  induced  others  to  pray  to  him. 
This  appears  the  more  wonderful,  as  she  was  only 
about  thirteen  or  fourteen  years  old  when  she  was 
carried  away  by  those  Barbarians.  We  have  in  our 
house  her  sister,  who  is  a  young  widow  of  charming 
modesty,  and  greatly  given  to  prayer.  She  prays 
every  day,  as  long  as  do  the  Nuns  themselves;  she 
lives  almost  constantly  in  the  presence  of  God;  and 
her  soul  is  so  illuminated,  and  so  filled  with  light 
[159]  and  with  motives  for  the  exercise  of  virtue, 
that,  plainly,  she  is  governed  by  a  Spirit  more 
exalted  and  sublime  than  that  of  man. 

'  *  The  father  and  mother  of  one  of  our  Seminarists 
(our  poverty  compels  us  to  maintain  them  in  very 
small  numbers)  came  to  see  their  daughter,  who  was 
about  ten  years  old.  They  told  her  that,  as  peace 
was  being  made  with  the  Iroquois,  those  whom  her 
father  had  known  in  that  country,  where  he  had  been 
a  captive,  were  inviting  him  to  go  and  dwell  there 
with  all  his  family;  and,  thereupon,  they  asked  her 
whether  she  would  not  like  to  be  one  of  the  party 
and  follow  her  father  and  mother.  'What?'  she 
rejoined ;  '  are  you  not  ashamed  to  wish  to  leave  the 
country  of  prayer,  and  go  to  a  place  where  you  will 
be  in  danger  of  [160]  losing  the  Faith?  Are  you  not 
well  aware  that  the  Iroquois  do  not  believe  in  God, 
and  that,  being  among  them,  you  will  live  as  they 
do?  Go,  if  you  will,  to  that  wretched  country,  but  I 
shall   not   follow  you;  I  will  never  leave  the  holy 


226  LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES         [Vol.40 

parens,  honorans  fon  courage,  raflurerent  qu'ils  ne 
s'^loigneroient  pas  de  la  maifon  de  priere. 

Les  faints  Peres,  parlans  de  la  chaftete,  la  font 
palTer,  pour  vne  vertu  def cendue  des  Cieux :  pour 
vne  beaut6,  inconnue  h.  la  nature:  &  pour  I'vne  des 
plus  belles  filles,  ou  des  plus  beaux  fruits  de  la  grace. 
Ce  fruit  commence  k  paroiftre,  dans  les  vergers 
de  ces  nouuelles  Eglifes.  I'apprends  qu'vn  ieune 
Huron,  ag6  d'enuiron  trente  ans,  fortement  follicit6, 
depuis  [i6i]  quatre  ans,  de  fe  marier:  a  tou jours 
refifte.  Enfin,  comme  fes  proches,  le  prelloient 
extraordinairement,  par  des  confiderations  puifTantes : 
il  alia  trouuer  I'vn  des  Peres,  qui  ont  foin  de  cette 
Eglife,  &  luy  dit  ce  peu  de  paroles.  Mon  Pere, 
on  me  dit  tous  les  iours,  marie  toy;  quelle  eft  ta 
penfee?  determine  moy.  Le  Pere  luy  repartit,  qu'il 
n'efloit  pas  defendu  de  fe  marier:  qu'il  le  pouuoit 
faire.  Oiiy,  mais  repart  le  ieune  homme,  lequel  des 
deux  eft  plus  agreable  ^  Dieu ;  de  f e  marier,  ou  de 
ne  fe  pas  marier?  Le  Pere  luy  r^pondit,  que  ceux 
qui  renon9oient  aux  plaifirs  de  la  terre,  pour  mieux 
feruir  Iesvs-Christ,  luy  eftoient  plus  agreable. 
C'eft  affez,  replique  ce  bon  Neophyte,  il  ne  faut  plus 
me  parler  de  mariage.  [162]  Adieu  mon  Pere,  ie 
n'auois  que  ce  mot  k  te  dire. 

Le  Pere,  qui  nous  a  fait  part  de  c6t  entretien, 
adjoufte,  qu'ayant,  certain  iour,  rencontre  vne  vefue 
affez  ieune,  venant  du  trauail :  luy  dit,  la  voyant  fort 
mal  veftue,  marchant  pieds  nuds,  k  caufe  de  fa 
pauurete.  leanne,  (c'eft  le  nom  qu'elle  a  receue  au 
Baptefme)  la  peine  que  tu  prends,  pour  nourrir  tes 
pauures  enfans,  me  fait  croire,  que  tu  ferois  bien 
foulagee,    fi   tu   prenois    quelque    bon    mary,   qui    te 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1652-33  227 

maidens  if  you  forsake  me.'  Her  parents  respected 
her  courage,  and  assured  her  that  they  would  not  go 
away  from  the  house  of  prayer. 

"  The  holy  Fathers,  in  speaking  of  chastity,  affirm 
it  to  be  a  virtue  descended  from  Heaven,  a  beauty 
unknown  to  nature,  and  one  of  the  fairest  daughters, 
or  one  of  the  finest  fruits,  of  heavenly  grace.  This 
fruit  is  beginning  to  appear  in  the  orchards  of  these 
new  Churches.  I  learn  that  a  young  Huron,  who  is 
about  thirty  years  old,  and  has  been  for  the  past  four 
years  strongly  urged  [161]  to  marry,  has  always 
resisted.  At  length,  when  his  relatives,  by  weighty 
arguments,  pressed  him  with  unusual  persistence  to 
take  this  step,  he  went  in  quest  of  one  of  the  Fathers 
who  have  charge  of  that  Church,  and  thus  briefly 
addressed  him :  '  My  Father,  I  am  told  every  day  to 
marry;  what  is  thy  opinion?  Decide  for  me.'  The 
Father  answered  him  that  it  was  not  forbidden  to 
marry,  and  that  he  could  do  so.  *  Yes,'  returned  the 
young  man ;  '  but  which  of  the  two  is  more  pleasing 
to  God,  to  marry  or  not  to  marry?'  The  Father 
replied  that  those  who  renounced  the  pleasures  of 
earth,  for  the  sake  of  serving  Jesus  Christ  better, 
were  more  acceptable  to  him.  '  That  is  enough,' 
rejoined  this  good  Neophyte ;  *  there  must  be  no 
more  talk  of  marriage  to  me.  [  1 62]  Good-bye,  Father ; 
that  is  all  I  had  to  say  to  thee. ' 

' '  The  Father  who  communicated  this  conversation 
to  tis  adds  that,  meeting  one  day  a  widow,  still  quite 
young,  on  her  way  from  work,  and  seeing  that  she 
was  very  poorly  clad, —  she  was  walking  barefoot 
because  of  her  poverty, — ^he  said  to  her:  *  Jeanne' 
(that  is  the  name  which  she  received  at  Baptism), 
'  the  trouble  thou  takest  to  feed  thy  poor  children 


228  LES  RELATIONS  DBS  j£SUITES         [Vol.40 

fecourlit.     La  pauure  femme  r6pondit  par  les  yeux, 

verfant  beaucoup  de  larmes.     Helas,  fit-elle,  oh.  trou- 

ueray-ie  vn  mary,  femblable  k  celuy  que  i'ay  perdu? 

II   faut    confeffer,    luy   dit    le    Pere,  que   c'eftoit  vn 

grand  homme  de  bien:  mais  il  n'eft  pas  itnpoffible 

d'en  trouuer  vn  femblable,  qui  te  [163]  fecoure  autant 

que   celuy   que   Dieu   t'auoit  donn6.      II   n'importe, 

r6pond-elle,    ie   ne   veux  pas   me   remarier.     II   y  a 

long-temps,    que   i'aurois  vefcu  comme   fceur,   auec 

mon  mary,  li  on  m'eut  permis  de   faire  ma  volonte. 

Le  delir  que  i'ay  de  me  fauuer,  m'eloigne   du  mari- 

age.     Oiiy,   mais   tu    ne   laifferas  pas  de  te   fauuer 

eflant  mariee  ?     II  eft  vray :  mais  ie  ne  f erois  pas  fi 

agreable  k  Iesvs-Christ.     Luy  as-tu  promis,  de 

ne  te  plus  remarier?  non  pas:  mais  i'ay  delTein  la 

premiere  fois  que  ie  me  communieray,  de  luy  dire 

ces  paroles.     Mon  Dieu,  ie  renonce  aux  plaifirs  du 

mariage.     Ie    prefere    ton    plaifLr    au    mien.       Les 

plaifirs    d'icy   bas    font    courts,    ceux    du    Ciel    font 

eternels.     Ceux  qui  ne  gouftent  pas,  les  bons  fenti- 

mens  des  Sauuages,  [164]  diront  que  celuy-cy,  vient  >, 

plutoft    de    I'efprit   de    Dieu,    que    de    I'efprit    d'vn  \ 

Sauuage. 

Comme  les  bons  arbres,  produif ent  de  bons  frui<5ts : 
cette  genereufe  Chreftienne  a  vne  fiUe,  qui  fuit  les 
faintes  inclinations  de  fa  bonne  mere.  Cette  enfant 
demeure  auec  les  Religieufes  hofpitalieres,  feruant 
d'lnterprete  aux  pauures  Hurons  malades;  dont  il  y 
en  a  eu  bon  nombre  toute  I'annee,  dans  cette  maifon 
de  mifericorde,  EUe  a  I'efprit  fi  bon,  qu'elle  a 
appris  en  moins  de  deux  ans,  la  langue  Frangoife,  & 
en  fuitte,  ^  lire  &  k  ^crire:  en  forte,  qu'elle  deuance 
les  petites  Fran9oifes.     EUe  eft  d'vn  fi  bon  naturel, 


1653]  RELATION  OF  1652-S3  22& 

makes  me  think  that  thy  lot  would  be  much  lighter 
if  thou  wouldst  take  some  good  husband  to  help 
thee.'  The  poor  woman  made  answer  with  her  eyes, 
shedding  many  tears.  '  Alas !  '  said  she ;  *  where 
shall  I  find  a  husband  like  the  one  I  have  lost?'  '  It 
must  be  admitted, '  replied  the  Father,  *  that  he  was 
a  very  excellent  man ;  but  it  is  not  impossible  to  find 
one  like  him,  to  [163]  aid  thee  as  much  as  did  he 
whom  God  had  given  thee.'  '  It  makes  no  differ- 
ence, '  she  answered ;  '  I  am  determined  not  to  marry 
again.  If  I  had  been  permitted  to  do  as  I  wished,  I 
would,  long  ago,  have  lived  with  my  husband  as  a 
sister.  Regard  for  my  salvation  estranges  me  from 
the  thought  of  marriage.'  '  Yes,  but  wilt  thou  not 
be  saved  just  the  same,  even  if  thou  art  married?' 
'  It  is  true,  but  I  would  not  be  so  acceptable  to 
Jesus  Christ.'  '  Hast  thou  promised  him  not  to 
marry  again  ? '  '  No ;  but  I  intend,  the  first  time  I 
receive  communion,  to  say  these  words  to  him:  "  My 
God,  I  renounce  the  pleasures  of  marriage.  I  prefer 
thy  pleasure  to  my  own.  The  pleasures  here  below 
are  short;  those  of  Heaven  are  eternal."'  Those 
who  take  no  delight  in  the  Savages'  good  impulses, 
[164]  will  say  that  this  one  was  rather  inspired  by 
the  spirit  of  God  than  that  it  originated  in  the  mind 
of  a  Savage. 

"  As  good  trees  bring  forth  good  fruit,  this  noble 
Christian  woman  has  a  daughter  who  inherits  the 
holy  inclinations  of  her  good  mother.  This  child 
lives  with  the  hospital  Nuns,  acting  as  Interpreter 
for  the  poor  Huron  patients,  of  whom  there  has 
been  a  goodly  number  all  the  year  in  that  house  of 
mercy.  She  is  so  intelligent  that  she  mastered  the 
French  language  in  less  than  two  years;  and  then 


230  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J^SUITES  [Vol.40 

que  iamais  elle  ne  s'excufe,  dans  la  correction  de  fes 
petits  deffauts:  &  li  on  accufe  quelqu'vne  [165]  de 
fes  compagnes,  elle  dit,  pour  I'ordinaire,  que  c'eft 
elle  qui  a  fait  la  faute:  &  qu'elle  n'a  point  d'efprit. 
II  n'y  a  pas  long-temps,  qu'elle  a  fait  fa  premiere 
Communion;  &  pour  preuue,  qu'elle  connoiffoit 
celuy  qui  la  venoit  vifiter,  elle  s'offrit  d'elle-mefme 
k  luy,  le  fuppliant  de  la  retenir  en  fa  maifon,  &  de 
luy  faire  la  grace  d'eftre  Religieufe.  Elle  a  vne  li 
forte  creance,  qu'il  luy  accordera  cette  faueur,  qu'elle 
ne  veut  iamais  fortir  du  Monaftere,  oil  elle  eft :  pour 
aller  voir  fa  bonne  mere,  &  fes  parens,  qui  ne  font 
qu'^  deux  lieues  de  Quebec.  Et  s'ils  la  viennent 
voir,  elle  a  fi  peur,  qu'ils  ne  luy  parlent,  de  mettre 
le  pied  hors  de  cet  Hofpital,  qu'elle  les  expedie  en 
quatre  paroles.  Ce  qui  eft  peu  ordinaire  a  des 
enfans:  mais  [166]  celuy  qui  done  le  poids  aux 
vens,  &  qui  fe  plaift  dans  I'innocence,  rend  leurs 
coeurs  folides,  &  leurs  langues  difertes,  quand  il  luy 
plaift. 

Difons  en  paffant,  puis  que  nous  parlons  de  1' Hof- 
pital, ce  que  i'ay  leu  dans  vn  bout  de  lettre,  qu'vn 
Sauuage  fort  opiniaftre,  &  fort  eloign6  de  la  Foy, 
ayant  efte  porte  en  cette  maifon  de  Dieu,  pour  y  eftre 
penf6,  fut  fi  furpris,  &  fi  eftonne,  voyant  la  douceur, 
la  bonte,  la  modeftie,  &  la  charite  de  ces  bonnes 
Meres,  qu'il  ne  faifoit  autre  chofe,  que  de  reiterer 
ces  paroles;  Mais,  que  pretendent  ces  filles,  qu'at- 
tendent-elles  de  ces  malades  qui  n'ont  rien?  elles 
donent  leurs  viures,  leurs  moyes,  leur  trauail.  auec 
tant  de  bont6,  &  on  ne  leur  donne  rien !  II  faut  [167] 
bien,  qu'elles  efperent  d'autres  biens,  apres  cette 
vie?  ces   penf6es  liquefierent   ce   coeur  de  fer,  qui  fe 


1653J  RELA  TION  OF  1652-53  231 

learned  to  read  and  write,  so  that  she  outstrips  the 
little  French  girls.  She  is  of  so  excellent  a  disposi- 
tion that  she  never  excuses  herself  when  her  little 
faults  are  corrected ;  and  if  any  one  of  her  companions 
is  accused  of  error,  [165]  she  is  wont  to  say  that  it  was 
she  who  committed  the  offense,  and  that  she  has  no 
sense.  Not  long  ago  she  made  her  first  Communion ; 
and,  in  proof  that  she  knew  him  who  had  just  visited 
her,  she  voluntarily  offered  herself  to  him,  implor- 
ing him  to  retain  her  in  his  house  and  graciously 
permit  her  to  become  a  Nun.  She  has  so  strong  a 
faith  that  he  will  grant  her  this  favor,  that  she  is 
determined  never  to  leave  the  Convent  where  she 
is,  for  the  purpose  of  going  to  see  her  good  mother 
and  her  relatives,  who  live  at  a  distance  of  only  two 
leagues  from  Quebec.  And,  if  they  come  to  see  her, 
she  is  so  afraid  that  they  will  speak  to  her  of  leaving 
this  Hospital,  that  she  dismisses  them  with  very  few 
words  —  an  unusual  thing  for  children  to  do.  But 
[166]  he  who  gives  force  to  the  winds,  and  who  takes 
pleasure  in  innocence,  m.akes  their  hearts  strong  and 
their  tongues  eloquent  when  he  chooses. ' ' 

Let  us  relate  in  passing,  since  we  are  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  Hospital,  what  I  read  in  a  scrap  of  a 
letter.  A  Savage  who  was  very  headstrong  and 
much  opposed  to  the  Faich,  upon  being  carried  to 
that  house  of  God  for  the  purpose  of  having  a  wound 
dressed,  was  so  filled  with  surprise  and  wonder  at 
seeing  the  gentleness,  the  goodness,  the  modesty,  and 
the  charity  of  those  good  Mothers,  that  he  did  nothing 
but  exclaim  over  and  over  again:  "  Why,  what  do 
these  girls  mean  ?  What  do  they  expect  from  those 
sick  people  who  have  nothing?  They  give  their 
food,  their  means,  their  labor,  with  so  much  kind- 


232  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES         [Vol,  40 

rendit,  &  s'eftant  fait  Chreftien,  il  fit  paroiftre,  que 
la  charity  eftoit  vn  bon  Predicateur. 

Mais  pour  dire  encor  deux  mots  de  la  purete,  qui 
s'eftablit  dans  quelques  ames  d'^lite.  Vne  autre 
ieune  veufue,  paroift  fi  retiree,  depuis  la  mort  de 
fon  mary,  que  mefme,  elle  ne  repond  aucun  mot  aux 
hommes,  qui  feroient  capables  de  luy  parler  de  man- 
age. Le  Pere,  qui  a  foin  de  fon  ame,  en  voulant 
f9auoir  la  raifon:  elle  la  rendit  en  ces  termes.  II  y 
a  long-temps,  que  i'ay  promis  k  Dieu,  que  iamais 
plus  ie  ne  me  marierois.  C'eft  pour  fon  honneur,  & 
non  pour  mon  contentement,  ce  que  i'en  fay.  C'efl 
affez  vefcu  auec  les  [i68]  hommes,  ay-je  dit  en  moy- 
mefme :  Ie  fgay  bien  que  je  fuis  encor  ieune,  &  que 
ie  fuis  capable  d'auoir  des  enfans,  qui  feroient  mon 
foutien:  ie  me  priue  volontiers  de  cet  appuy.  II 
n'importe  que  ie  fois  pauure:  mais  il  importe  que 
i'ayme  Dieu.  Ie  n'ay  qu'vne  petite  fille,  c'eft  mon 
enfant  vnique:  i'ay  dit  fouuent  k  Noftre  Seigneur, 
la  voila :  fi  tu  me  la  veux  ofter,  ie  ne  laiff eray  pas 
de  t'aymer:  ie  ne  fouhaite  fa  vie  que  pour  te  feruir. 
Qu'on  en  die  ce  que  Ton  voudra,  ce  langage  du 
coeur,  eft  eloquent  deuant  Dieu.  Si  quelques  hommes 
ne  le  gouftent  pas,  quantity  d'Anges  y  prennent 
plaifir. 

Voicy  vne  deuotion  bien  innocente.  Quelques 
femmes  Huronnes,  font  entrees  dans  vn  combat,  "k 
qui  rendroit  plus  d'honneur  [169]  k  la  fainte  Vierge, 
&  par  leur  bonne  vie,  &  par  les  prieres  qu'elles  luy 
adrefToient,  notamment  en  recitant  fon  Chapelet.  II 
y  en  a  telle,  qui  s'endormant  V Aue  Maria  en  la 
bouche,  la  continue  k  fon  reueil,  comme  fi  le  fommeil 
ne  I'auoit  point  interrompue.     Et  afin  que  le  nombre 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1652-53  233 

ness ;  and  they  are  given  nothing  in  return !  They 
must  [167]  certainly  hope  for  other  blessings  after 
this  life."  These  thoughts  melted  that  heart  of 
iron,  and  it  yielded;  and,  becoming  a  Christian,  he 
made  it  evident  that  charity  was  a  good  Preacher. 

But, — to  say  a  word  or  two  more  regarding  the 
purity  that  has  been  implanted  in  some  elect  souls, — 
another  young  widow  has  become  so  reticent  since 
her  husband's  death,  that  she  does  not  even  answer 
those  men  who,  perchance,  might  address  her  on 
the  subject  of  marriage.  When  the  Father  who  has 
the  care  of  her  soul  wished  to  know  the  reason  of 
this,  she  gave  it  to  him  as  follows:  "  A  long  time 
ago  I  promised  God  that  I  would  never  marry  again. 
It  is  in  his  honor,  and  not  for  my  own  pleasure,  that 
I  act  thus.  '  Enough  of  living  with  [168]  men!  '  said 
I  to  myself.  I  am  well  aware  that  I  am  still  young, 
and  that  I  could  have  children  who  would  be  my 
dependence;  but  I  voluntarily  deny  myself  that 
support.  Whether  or  not  I  be  poor  matters  not ;  but 
it  is  of  importance  whether  I  love  God  or  not.  I 
have  only  a  little  daughter ;  she  is  my  sole  child.  I 
have  often  said  to  Our  Lord :  '  There  she  is :  if  it  be 
thy  will  to  take  her  from  me,  I  shall  not  cease  to 
love  thee ;  I  wish  her  to  live  only  that  she  may  serve 
thee.'  "  Say  what  you  will,  this  language  of  the 
heart  is  eloquent  before  God.  If  there  are  men  who 
do  not  appreciate  it,  there  are  many  Angels  who  take 
pleasure  in  it. 

The  following  is  an  instance  of  devotion  of  a  very 
innocent  kind.  Some  Huron  women  joined  in  a  con- 
test as  to  who  should  pay  the  greatest  honor  [169] 
to  the  blessed  Virgin,  both  by  exemplary  living,  and 
by  addressing  prayers  to  her, — and  this  especially  by 


234  LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  y£SUITES         [Vol.  40 

de  fois  qu'elles  le  difent,  foit  honorable  ^  leur  bonne 
Mere:  elles  mettent  k  chaque  fois,  vne  de  leurs 
perles,  ou  de  leurs  diamans  h.  part;  ce  font  leurs 
grains  de  porcelaine.  Elles  apportent  tous  les  Di- 
manches,  au  Pere  qui  les  conduit,  le  petit  amas 
qu'elles  ont  fait  pendant  la  femaine:  afin  de  tirer  de 
ce  magafin,  dequoy  faire  vne  Couronne,  &  vne 
Echarpe,  ^  la  fa9on  du  pays,  h.  Timage  de  la  fainte 
Vierge.  Le  Pere  a  marqu6  dans  vn  papier,  [170] 
qu'il  s'eft  trouu6  cinq  mille  de  ces  perles,  depuis 
rAffomption,  iufques  au  quinzi6me  d'Odtobre.  le 
m'affure,  que  tous  ceux  qui  font  enrolez  en  la 
Confrairie  du  Rofaire,  ne  recitent  pas  li  fouuent  leur 
Chapelet,  que  ces  bonnes  Neophytes. 

II  faudroit  maintenant  parler  de  la  Refidence  de 
faint  lofeph  a  Sillery.  De  la  Refidence  des  Trois 
Riuieres.  De  la  Miffion  de  fainte  Croix  k  Tadouffac. 
De  la  Miffion  de  S.  lean  en  la  nation  des  Pores-Epics. 
De  la  Miffion  des  Poiffons  blancs.  De  la  Miffion  des 
Abnaquiois.  Des  peuples  appellez  les  Nipifiriniens ; 
les  Piskitang:  les  Algonquins  de  la  petite  Nation,  & 
autres,  qu'on  a  commence  d'inflruire  en  la  foy:  mais 
ie  n'ay  pas  affez  d'inftrudtion  pour  parler  en  [171] 
detail  de  tous  ces  peuples  &  de  toutes  ces  Nations. 
Ie  rapporteray  quelque  petite  chofe,  de  ce  qui  eft 
venu  entre  mes  mains. 

Vne  femme,  nomm6e  Geneuiefue,  ayant  vn  fils 
malade,  age  d'enuiron  huit  h.  neuf  ans,  fit  tout  fon 
polfible,  pour  luy  faire  recouurer  la  fant6,  ou  pour  le 
difpofer  h.  vne  fainte  mort,  en  cas  que  Dieu  le  voulut 
retirer  de  ce  monde.  Elle  follicitoit  les  Religieufes 
Hofpitalieres,  &  les  Vrfulines,  de  prier  inceffamment 
pour  luy:  Elle  importunoit  fouuent   nos   Peres,   les 


1653]  RELATION  OF  1652-53  235 

reciting  the  Rosary.  There  are  those  among  them 
who,  falling  asleep  with  the  Ave  Maria  on  their  lips, 
continue  it  upon  awaking,  as  if  sleep  had  not  inter- 
rupted it.  And,  in  order  that  the  frequency  with 
which  they  repeat  it  may  be  to  their  good  Mother's 
honor,  they  put  aside,  each  time,  one  of  their 
pearls  or  diamonds, —  these  are  their  porcelain  beads. 
Every  Sunday,  they  bring  to  the  Father  who  directs 
them  the  little  pile  they  have  amassed  during  the 
week,  in  order  to  draw  from  this  store  the  material 
for  making  a  Crown,  or  Scarf,  after  the  fashion  of 
the  country,  for  the  image  of  the  blessed  Virgin. 
The  Father  has  noted  down  on  paper  [170]  that  these 
pearls  amounted  to  five  thousand,  from  the  day  of 
the  Assumption  to  the  fifteenth  of  October.  I  am 
sure  that  not  all  those  who  are  enrolled  in  the 
Confraternity  of  the  Rosary  recite  their  Chaplets  as 
often  as  do  these  good  Neophytes. 

I  ought  now  to  speak  of  the  Residence  of  saint 
Joseph  at  Sillery,  the  Residence  of  Three  Rivers, 
the  Mission  of  the  holy  Cross  at  Tadoussac,  the 
Mission  of  St.  Jean  in  the  Porcupine  nation,  the 
Mission  of  the  Poissons-blancs,  the  Mission  of  the 
Abnaquiois;  of  the  people  called  the  Nipisiriniens, 
of  the  Piskitangs,  of  the  Algonquins  of  the  petite 
Nation,  and  of  others  whose  instruction  in  the  faith 
has  been  begun.  But  I  have  not  sufficient  informa- 
tion to  speak  in  [171]  detail  of  all  these  peoples  and 
all  these  Nations.  I  will  relate  a  little  circumstance, 
taken  from  what  has  come  into  my  hands. 

A  woman  named  Geneviefve,  who  had  a  sick  son 
about  eight  or  nine  years  of  age,  did  her  utmost  to 
make  him  recover  his  health,  or  to  prepare  him  for 
a  holy  death,  if  God  should  will  his  removal  from. 


236  LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  jASUITES  [Vol.  40 

priant  de  le  vifiter,  &  de  le  fortifier:  en  vn  mot, 
de  faire  en  forte,  qu'il  allafl  droit  au  Ciel,  fans 
rien  rencontrer  en  fon  chemin  qui  I'arreftat.  Elle 
auoit  cette  penfee  en  I'efprit,  que  Dieu  follicit6  par 
les  prieres  de  fes  amis,  &  touch6  [172]  de  compaffion, 
^  la  veue  des  bonnes  difpofitions  de  fon  enfant,  luy 
rendroit  la  fante,  ou  s'il  le  vouloit  appeller  k  foy, 
qu'il  le  deliuroit,  des  peines  qu'on  fouffre  pour 
I'ordinaire,  apres  la  mort.  Ce  motif  luy  donnoit  vn 
foin  fi  violent,  &  de  I'ame,  &  du  corps  de  c6t  enfant 
fort  innocent,  qu'elle  fe  rendoit  importune  k  tout  le 
monde,  &  k  fon  fils  mefme :  luy  demandant,  s'il  n'ou- 
blioit  rien  en  fes  Confeffions,  &  s'il  auoit  douleur  de 
fes  pechez.  Ce  pauure  enfant,  luy  difoit  par  fois, 
ne  vous  attriftez  point,  ma  mere,  mon  coeur  n'eft  pas 
mechant,  il  n'y  a  rien  qui  le  puiffe  gafter:  i'ay  dit 
au  Pere,  tout  ce  qu'il  y  auoit  de  manuals.  Or  comme 
la  maladie  augmentoit  tons  les  iours :  Quelques  Jon- 
gleurs, ou  Medecins  du  pays,  parens  [173]  de  la  mere 
de  c6t  enfant,  luy  dirent,  qu'ils  trouueroient  bien  le  % 

moyen  de  guerir  le  malade.  Elle  fit  au  commence- 
ment la  fourde  oreille:  voyant  bien,  qu'ils  fe  vou- 
loient  feruir  de  leurs  fuperfl:itions,  &  de  leurs 
badineries  ordinaires:  mais  enfin,  fe  voyant  preffee, 
le  grand  amour,  qu'elle  auoit  pour  la  fant6  de  fon 
fils,  qui  eftoit  fon  enfant  vnique,  la  fit  diffimuler,  &  ^ 
demy  condefcendre  ^  leurs  volontez.  lis  abordent 
doucement  c6t  enfant,  luy  demandent  s'il  ne  feroit 
pas  bien  aife  de  guerir:  il  repond  qu'ouy;  il  faut 
done,  repartent-ils,  que  vous  permettiez  qu'on  vous 
chante,  &  qu'on  dreffe  vn  Tabernacle,  pour  confulter 
les  Genies  de  I'air,  touchant  voftre  mal.  Non  pas 
cela,  dit-il,  non  pas  cela.     Et  fe  tournant  [174]  vers 


1653]  RELATION  OF  ib52-53  237 

this  world.     She  begged  the  Hospital  and  Ursuline 
Nuns  to   pray  for  him   without   ceasing;  she  often 
importuned  our  Fathers,  asking  them  to  visit  him,  to 
strengthen  him,  and,  in  short,  to  take  such  measures 
as  would  insure  for  him  a  straight  path  to  Heaven 
without  encountering  any  obstacle  on  the  way.     She 
thought  that   God,   solicited  by  the  prayers  of  his 
friends,   and  touched  [172]  with  compassion  at  the 
sight  of  her  son's  good  qualities,  would  restore  him 
to  health ;  or  that,  if  it  were  his  will  to  call  him  to 
himself,  he  would  exempt  him  from  the  pains  that 
are    ordinarily    suffered    after    death.      This    idea 
inspired  her  with  such  excessive  solicitude  for  both 
the  soul  and  the  body  of  that  innocent  child,  that 
she  rendered  herself  troublesome  to  every  one, — 
and   even   to   her   son,   whom    she   would   question 
whether  he  were  forgetting  anything  in  his  Confes- 
sions, and  whether  he  were  sorry  for  his  sins.     That 
poor  child  would  say  to  her  sometimes:  "  Do  not 
grieve,    mother;   my  heart  is  not  wicked,    there   is 
nothing  that  can  spoil  it ;  and  I  have  told  the  Father 
all  that  was  evil  in  it. ' '     Now,  as  the  illness  increased 
every  day,   some    Jugglers,   the    Physicians  of   the 
country,  relatives  [173]  of  this  child's  mother,  told 
her  that  they  would  infallibly  find  a  remedy  to  cure 
the  patient.     At  first  she  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  their 
words,   seeing  plainly  that  they  wished  to  employ 
their  superstitious  rites  and  customary  buffooneries ; 
but  at  last,  seeing  herself  hard  pressed,  her  great 
desire  to  restore  her  son  to  health  —  he  was  her  only 
child  —  caused    her  to  dissemble,    and   partially   to 
comply  with  their  wishes.     They  softly  approached 
the  child,  and  asked  him  if  he  would  not  be  glad  to 
become  well  again ;  he  replied  that  he  would.     '  *  You 


238  LES  RELATIONS  DBS /^SUITES        [Vol.40 

fa  mere,  il  s'6crie,  ie  ne  veux  point  aller  en  Enfer. 
Ces  chofes  font  deffendues:  en  vn  mot,  il  fit  voir, 
par  gefles,  &  par  paroles,  qu'il  abhorroit  toutes  ces 
f uperftitions :  mais  comma  ce  n'eftoit  qu'vn  enfant, 
&  qu'il  perdoit  fes  forces,  &  fa  vigueur,  ces  longleurs 
pafferent  outre.  lis  luy  pendent  au  col,  trois  petits 
rondeaux  faits  de  brins  de  pore-epic  de  la  grandeur 
d'vn  petit  ietton,  difans  que  fon  mal  cacli6  dans  les 
inteftins,  eftoit  de  mefme  grandeur,  &  qu'il  le  falloit 
faire  fortir.  lis  luy  demandoient  foigneufement,  s'il 
ne  voyoit  rien  dans  fes  fonges,  auquels  tous  ces 
Barbares  ont  grande  creance.  II  repondit,  qu'il  auoit 
veu  vn  canot.  Auffi-toft,  on  luy  en  fit  faire  vn  petit, 
qui  luy  fut  apporte,  afin  de  contenter  le  genie,  ou 
[175]  le  Demon  des  fonges.  Remarquez  que  tout 
cela  fe  faifoit  en  cacbette,  dans  la  profondeur  de  la 
nuit,  de  peur  que  les  Peres,  n'en  euffent  connoiffance. 
Enfin  comme  ces  remedes  n'auoient  aucun  effet,  les 
longleurs  prennent  leurs  tambours,  ils  hurlet,  ils 
chantent,  ils  foufflent  le  malade,  ils  font  feftin  d'vn 
chien  roux,  pour  arrefter  le  cours  de  fa  maladie :  mais 
au  lieu  de  foulager  ce  pauure  enfant,  fa  fievre 
redouble  auec  vne  telle  vehemence,  qu'il  s'ecrie,  qu'il 
brule,  qu'il  fent  defia  le  feu  de  1' Enfer,  &  qu'on  le 
tue.  A  ces  cris,  ces  beaux  medecins  fe  retirent,  la 
mere  6pouuant6e,  ouure  les  yeux,  palle  le  refte  de  la 
nuit  en  pleurs,  &  en  larmes,  tranfperc6e  de  douleur, 
d'auoir  donne  quelque  creance  a  ces  charlatans,  &  k 
ces  trompeurs. 

[176]  Le  Pere  qui  a  foin  de  ce  quartier,  arriuant 
le  matin,  pour  voir  le  malade:  cette  pauure  femme, 
I'aborde,  &  luy  dit  en  pleurant.  Alon  Pere,  allons 
k  la  Chapelle,  ie  defire  de  me  confefl^er:  k  peine  y 


1653]  RELATION  OF  1652-53  239 

iQUSt,  then,"  they  rejoined,  "  allow  us  to  sing,  and 
to  put  up  a  Tabernacle  for  consulting  the  Genii  of 
the  air  in  regard  to  your  ailment."  "Not  that!" 
he  exclaimed,  "not  that!"  And,  turning  [174]  to 
his  mother,  he  cried :  "  I  do  not  want  to  go  to  Hell ; 
those  things  are  forbidden."  In  short,  he  showed 
by  word  and  gesture  that  he  abhorred  all  those  super- 
stitions; but,  as  he  was  only  a  child  and  was  losing 
his  strength  and  vigor,  the  Jugglers  continued  their 
operations.  They  hung  about  his  neck  three  little 
disks,  made  of  porcupine  quills  and  of  the  size  of 
small  counters, —  saying  that  his  ailment,  hidden  in 
the  intestines,  was  of  the  same  size,  and  must  be 
made  to  come  out.  They  carefully  inquired  of  him 
whether  he  saw  anything  in  his  dreams, —  all  these 
Barbarians  having  great  faith  in  dreams.  '  He  replied 
that  he  had  seen  a  canoe.  Immediately  they  had  a 
small  one  made  and  brought  to  him,  in  order  to 
satisfy  the  genie  or  [175]  Demon  of  dreams.  Note 
that  all  this  took  place  in  secret,  in  the  dead  of  night, 
for  fear  lest  the  Fathers  should  gain  knowledge  of  it. 
Finally,  as  these  remedies  produced  no  effect,  the 
Jugglers  took  their  drums,  yelled,  sang,  blew  upon 
the  patient,  and  feasted  on  a  red  dog,  in  order  to 
arrest  the  course  of  the  malady.  But,  instead  of 
relief,  the  poor  child's  fever  redoubled,  with  such 
vehemence  that  he  cried  out  that  he  was  burning, 
that  he  already  felt  the  fire  of  Hell,  and  that  he  was 
being  killed.  At  these  cries  the  worthy  physicians 
withdrew;  the  mother  opened  her  eyes  in  alarm,  and 
passed  the  rest  of  the  night  in  lamentations  and  tears, 
pierced  with  grief  at  having  reposed  any  faith  in  those 
charlatans  and  deceivers. 

[176]  When  the  Father  in  charge  of  that  district 


240  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J^SUITES         [Vol.  4a 


fut-elle  entr6e,  qu'elle  fe  iette  par  terre,  verfant 
quantity  de  larmes,  pouffant  tout  haut  ces  paroles 
entrecoupees  de  fanglots.  C'eft  moy  qui  fay  mourir 
mon  fils.  Ce  font  mes  pech^s  qui  luy  oftent  la  vie. 
C'eft  moy  qui  le  tue.  le  fuis  coupable,  &  il  eft  inno- 
cent, le  merite  la  mort ;  &  il  merite  de  viure,  fut-il 
ainfi,  que  ie  mouruffe,  &  non  pas  luy:  car  il  eft  bon, 
&  ie  fuis  mefchante.  I'ay  facli6  celuy  qui  a  tout  fait, 
que  feray-ie  pour  I'appaifer?  &  fe  tournant  vers  le 
Pere,  elle  tire  vn  grand  collier  de  porcelaine  de  fon 
fein,  &  luy  dit,  voila  pour  appaifer  [177]  celuy  que 
i'ay  fafcli6,  offre  luy  ce  prefent  par  les  mains  des 
pauures:  prie  pour  moy  mon  Pere,  afin  que  mes 
pecli6s,  ne  foient  point  imputes,  a  mon  enfant:  & 
que  la  porte  du  Ciel,  ne  luy  foit  point  fermee.  Ie 
luy  preparois  vne  belle  robe  de  caftor,  ie  te  I'appor- 
teray  mon  Pere,  &  tu  la  penderas  en  quelque  lieu, 
dedans  I'Eglife:  elle  parlera  pour  moy,  &  f era  voir 
k  tout  le  monde,  mon  pecli6,  &  ma  repentance. 

Enfin  fon  pauure  petit  Eftienne,  c'eft  ainfi  qu'il 
s'appelloit,  mourut  faindtement.  Cette  pauure  mere 
le  baifant  apres  fa  mort,  luy  difoit,  pardonne  moy 
mon  fils,  c'eft  moy  qui  t'ay  fay  mourir  par  mes 
pech6s,  pardonne  a  ta  mere,  elle  a  peut-eftre,  faly  ta 
pauure  [178]  ame,  permettant  ces  fotifes,  &  ces 
fuperftitions,  fur  ton  petit  corps.  Ie  crains  que  cela 
ne  t'empefche,  I'entr^e  du  Paradis.  Et  le  voulant, 
elle-mefme  enfeuelir,  elle  luy  ioignit  fes  deux  petites 
mains,  comme  s'il  eut  prie  Dieu:  mettant  fon  Chap- 
pelet  a  I'entour,  &  fon  petit  Crucifix  entre  fes  doigts. 
Voila  mon  fils,  luy  difoit-elle,  I'image  de  celuy  qui  a 
netoye  tes  peches.  C'eft  luy  qui  te  logera  dans  fa 
maifon,  oil  iamais  plus  tu  ne  pourras  mourir. 


1653J  RELA  TION  OF  1632-53  241 

arrived  in  the  morning  to  see  the  patient,  this  poor 
woman  accosted  him,  and  thus  addressed  him  with 
tears:  "  Father,  let  us  go  to  the  Chapel;  I  wish  to 
be  confessed. ' '  Scarcely  had  she  arrived  there,  when 
she  threw  herself  on  the  ground,  shedding  many 
tears  and  exclaiming  aloud,  her  words  interrupted 
by  sobs:  "  I  am  making  my  son  die.  My  sins  are 
taking  away  his  life;  I  am  killing  him.  I  am  guilty, 
and  he  is  innocent.  I  deserve  death,  and  he  deserves 
to  live.  Would  I  could  die  in  his  stead;  for  he  is 
good,  and  I  am  wicked.  I  have  displeased  him  who 
made  all  things.  What  shall  I  do  to  conciliate 
him?  "  And,  turning  to  the  Father,  she  drew  from 
her  bosom  a  large  porcelain  collar,  and  said  to  him : 
"  That  is  to  appease  [177]  him  whom  I  have  offended. 
Offer  him  this  present  through  the  poor.  Pray  for 
me,  my  Father,  in  order  that  my  sins  may  not  be 
imputed  to  my  child,  and  the  door  of  Heaven  be 
closed  against  him.  I  was  making  him  a  fine  beaver- 
skin  robe;  I  will  bring  it  to  thee,  Father,  and  thou 
shalt  hang  it  somewhere  inside  the  Church.  It  will 
speak  for  me,  and  show  to  every  one  my  sin  and  my 
repentance." 

Finally,  her  poor  little  Estienne  —  for  that  was  his 
name  —  died  a  holy  death.  The  poor  mother  kissed 
him  after  his  death,  and  said  to  him:  "  Forgive  me, 
my  son;  it  is  I  who  made  thee  die  by  my  sins.  For- 
give thy  mother;  she  has  perhaps  defiled  thy  poor 
[178]  soul  by  permitting  those  foolish  and  supersti- 
tious rites  to  be  performed  over  thy  little  body.  I 
fear  that  may  prevent  thy  entrance  into  Paradise." 
And,  wishing  to  bury  him  herself,  she  joined  his 
little  hands  as  if  in  prayer  to  God,  winding  his 
Rosary  about   them    and    placing  his  little  Crucifix 


242  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES         [Vol.40 


\ 


I 


Voicy  vne  grace  bien  particuliere  arriii6e,   k  vne  \ 

bande  de  bons  Chrefliens,  qui  voguoient  fur  le  grand 
fleuue,  fur  la  fin  de  I'Hyuer.  Les  glaces  les  entou- 
rans  de  tous  coftez,  «&  fe  jettans  les  vnes  fur  les 
autres:  en  forte  [179]  qii'ils  ne  voyoient  aucun  moyen  ^ 

d'efchapper,  attendans  ^  tous  momens  vn  debris,  de 
leur  petit  vaiffeau:  le  Pere  qui  les  accompagnoit ; 
voyant  bien  que  fans  vn  fecours  du  Ciel,  c'eftoit  fait 
de  leurs  vies :  les  fit  mettre  en  priere.  Chofe  eitrange, 
vous  euffies  dit,  que  leur  oraifon  6cartoit  ces  grands 
corps  de  glaces,  &  les  faifoit  fuir,  pour  leur  donner 
paffage:  le  coup  fut  fi  foudain,  qu'il  les  eftonna  tous. 
Et  pour  marque,  que  c'eftoit  vne  faueur  extraordi- 
naire, I'effet  fut  grand  pour  leurs  ames,  aulfi  bien 
que  pour  leurs  corps,  dautant  que   ce   prodige,   les  '■ 

rendit  plus  fermes  a  la  Foy,  &  augmenta  fortement 
leur  confiance  en  Dieu. 

Ce  qui  fuit  n'eft  pas  moins  [i8o]  etonnant.  Vn 
Chreftien  malade  k  la  mort,  fut  prie,  follicite,  & 
preff6,  par  fes  parens,  &  par  fes  amis,  de  fe  laiffer 
penfer  a  la  fayon   des  Sauuages:  c'eft  "k  dire,  auec  '■ 

des  cris,  des  hurlemens,  &  des  tambours,  dont  fe  fer- 
nent  les  longleurs,  croyans  par  ce  tintamarre,  epou-  \ 

uanter  le  Manitoti,  qui  ofte  la  vie  aux  hommes.  Ce 
bon  Neophyte  les  rebuta,  difant,  qu'il  aymoit  mieux  % 

mourir,  que  de  fouffrir  ces  badineries,  &  ces  fuperfti-  i; 

tions,  plus  propres  k  faire  mourir  vn  malade,  qu'^  le  rf 

guerir:    mais   comme  il   vid,    que  ces   longleurs,    fe  '' 

difpofoient  k  le  foufler,  mal-gre  fes  refiftaces,  il  fe 
feruit  du  peu  de  force  qui  luy  reftoit,  pour  fortir  de 
la  cabane,  &  pour  fe  traifner  dans  le  bois.  Chofe 
eftrange  ^mefure  [i8i]  qu'il  s'61oigne  de  ces  Sorciers, 
il  s'approche  de  la  fant6:  en  forte  qu'il  fut  guery 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1652-53  243 

between  his  fingers.  "  There,  my  son,"  said  she  to 
him,  "  is  the  image  of  him  who  has  washed  away 
thy  sins.  He  will  give  thee  a  place  in  his  house, 
where  thou  canst  never  die  any  more." 

The  following  is  an  instance  of  very  special  grace 
shown  to  a  band  of  good  Christians  who  were  jour- 
neying on  the  great  river,  toward  the  end  of  Winter. 
They  were  surrounded  on  all  sides  by  blocks  of  ice, 
which  were  dashed  upon  one  another  in  such  a 
way  [179]  that  they  saw  no  means  of  escape,  but 
expected  every  moment  that  their  little  bark  would 
be  crushed.  The  Father  who  was  with  them,  seeing 
plainly  that  without  Heaven's  help  they  would  lose 
their  lives,  made  them  resort  to  prayer.  Strangely 
enough,  you  would  have  said  their  prayer  dispersed 
those  great  masses  of  ice,  and  put  them  to  flight,  in 
order  to  give  passage  to  the  men.  This  took  place 
so  suddenly  as  to  astonish  them  all.  And,  in  proof 
that  it  was  an  extraordinary  favor,  the  effect  upon 
their  souls  as  well  as  upon  their  bodies  was  remark- 
able, inasmuch  as  this  miracle  rendered  them  stronger 
in  the  Faith,  and  greatly  increased  their  trust  in 
God. 

The  following  is  not  less  [180]  wonderful.  A 
Christian  who  was  fatally  ill  was  urged  in  the  strong- 
est terms,  by  his  relatives  and  friends,  to  allow 
himself  to  be  treated  after  the  manner  of  the  Sav- 
ages,—  that  is,  with  shouting,  yelling,  and  drumming, 
which  the  Jugglers  employ,  thinking  by  this  din  to 
frighten  away  the  Manitou  who  deprives  men  of 
their  lives.  This  good  Neophyte  repulsed  them, 
saying  that  he  chose  to  die  rather  than  allow  these 
apish  and  superstitious  ceremonies,  more  liable  to 
kill  than  to  cure  a  patient.     But,  seeing  the  Jugglers 


v 


244  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J^SUITES         [Vol.40 

quafi    en    vn    inftant,    auec    vne  ioye   de    fon   coeur, 

&  vn  dtonnement  de  tons  ceux  qui  le  tenoient  pour  f 

mort. 

Ce  que  ie  vay  dire,  efl  digne  d'eftre  fceu.  Deux 
ieunes  filles  Chreftiennes,  fe  voyans  pourfuiuies,  par  |' 

deux  ieunes  hommes,  fe  iettent  dans  les  forefts,  qui  \-^ 

couurent  ce  grand  pays:   elles  coururent  fi  fort,   «&  ■; 

entrerent  fi  auant,  dans  ce  pays  perdu :  qu' elles  furent 
deux  mois  fans  paroifkre.  On  les  cherche,  on  les 
appelle,  point  de  nouuelles,  la  peur  les  auoit  li  bien 
61oign6es  qu'on  les  tenoit  pour  mortes:  car  n'ayat 
port6  aucun  viure,  auec  elles,  chacun  croyoit,  que  la 
faim  les  auroit   6gorg6es.     [182]    Enfin   apres  auoir  ! 

bien  couru,  &  bien  marcli6  dans  ces  grands  bois,  elles  4 

fe  trouuerent  fur  les  riues,  de  la  grand'  Riuiere  de 
S.  Laurens,  oii  ayant  apperceu  vn  vaiffeau  Fran9ois, 
qui  montoit  "k  Tadouffac,  elles  appellerent,  &  firent 
figne,  qu'on  les  embarquaft,  ce  qui  fut  fait. 

Bref  elles  arriuerent  en  bonne  fante  au  logis  de 
leurs  parens:  n'ayans  vefcu,  tout  ce  temps-Ik,  que 
de  racines,  &  de  petits  fruidts  Sauuages,  qu'elles  trou- 
uoient  dans  les  bois.  Non  in  folo  pane  viuit  homo,  ces 
paroles,  pouuoient  eftre  prifes  au  pied  de  la  lettre  k 
leur  egard. 

Vne  autre  ieune  fille,  ne  fe  ietta  pas  dans  ce 
danger,  mais  elle  y  ietta  vn  impudent  qui  la  preffoit 
[183]  auec  violence :  car  prenant  vn  coufteau  en  main, 
elle  luy  alloit  planter  dans  la  gorge,  ou  dans  le  fein, 
fi  fa  mere  accourant,  n'eut  retenu  fon  bras. 

Le  Pere  qui  a  eft6  en  Miffion  dans  le  lac  de  S. 
lean,  dit,  qu'vne  fille  le  vint  prier,  de  luy  donner  le 
Baptefme.  II  luy  demande,  fi  quelqu'vn  de  nos 
Peres,  I'auoit  inftruite;  elle   dit  que  non,  &  qu'elle 


1653]  RELATION  OF  I6S2-S3  245 

preparing  to  blow  upon  him  despite  his  opposition, 
he  made  use  of  the  little  strength  left  him  to  go  forth 
from  his  cabin  and  drag  himself  into  the  woods. 
Strange  to  relate,  the  farther  [i8i]  he  went  from  those 
Sorcerers,  the  nearer  he  came  to  health,  so  that  he 
was  cured  almost  in  a  moment, —  to  the  delight  of 
his  heart,  and  the  astonishment  of  all  those  who 
considered  him  as  dead. 

What  I  am  about  to  relate  is  worthy  of  publication. 
Two  young  Christian  girls,  seeing  themselves  pur- 
sued by  two  young  men,  fled  into  the  forests  which 
cover  this  great  country.  They  ran  so  hard,  and 
penetrated  so  far  into  that  wild  region,  that  they 
were  not  seen  again  for  two  months.  People  searched 
and  shouted  for  them,  but  there  was  no  news  of 
them.  Fear  had  driven  them  so  far  away  that  they 
were  accounted  dead ;  for,  as  they  had  taken  no  food 
with  them,  all  believed  that  hunger  must  have 
caused  their  death.  [182]  At  length,  after  they  had 
run  and  walked  a  long  distance  in  those  vast  forests, 
they  found  themselves  on  the  bank  of  the  great  River 
St.  Lawrence,  where,  perceiving  a  French  vessel 
that  was  on  its  way  up  to  Tadoussac,  they  hailed  it 
and  made  signs  to  be  taken  aboard,  which  was  done. 

In  brief,  they  arrived  in  good  health  at  their 
parents'  lodge,  having  lived  all  that  time  on  nothing 
but  roots  and  small  Wild  fruits  that  they  found  in 
the  woods.  Non  in  solo  pane  vivit  homo, —  these  words 
admitted  of  a  literal  interpretation  in  their  case. 

Another  young  girl  exposed  to  a  like  danger  not 
herself,  but  an  impudent  fellow  who  was  importuning 
her  [183]  with  violence.  Taking  a  knife  in  her  hand, 
she  was  about  to  plant  it  in  his  throat  or  in  his  breast, 
had  not  her  mother  ran   up   and  stayed  her  arm. 


246  LES  RELATIONS  DES  /^SUITES         [Vol.40 

n'a  iamais  veu,  de  gens  faits  comme  nous,  portans 
des  robes  noires:  mais  qu'elle  a  demeur6  auec  des 
Chreftiens,  qui  luy  ont  appris  k  prier  Dieu,  &  qui 
luy  ont  fait  connoiftre  Timportance  du  Baptefme. 
Le  Pere  voyant  fa  candeur,  fon  zele,  fon  alTiduit^,  & 
fa  perfeue  ranee  k  demander  cette  grace,  ne  luy  of  a 
refufer.  On  a  accord6  cette  mefme  faueur  ^  enuiron 
[184]  vne  centaine  de  Sauuages,  de  ceux  qui  trafiquent 
ordinairement  en  ce  quartier-1^. 

FIN. 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1652-33  'iAI 

The  Father  who  has  been  acting  as  Missionary  at 
the  lake  of  St.  John  says  that  a  girl  came  and  begged 
him  to  give  her  Baptism.  Upon  his  asking  her  if 
any  of  our  Fathers  had  instructed  her,  she  said 
"  No,"  and  that  she  had  never  seen  any  one  dressed 
like  us,  wearing  a  black  robe ;  but  that  she  had  lived 
with  some  Christians  who  had  taught  her  to  pray  to 
God,  and  had  made  her  understand  the  importance 
of  Baptism.  The  Father,  seeing  her  candor,  her 
zeal,  her  assiduity,  and  her  perseverance  in  asking 
for  this  grace,  dared  not  refuse  her.  This  same 
favor  was  granted  to  about  [184]  a  hundred  of  the 
Savages  ordinarily  trading  in  that  district. 

END. 


248  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES         [Vol.40 


« 


Extraid  du  Priuilege  du  Roy. 

PAR  Grace  &  Priuilege  du  Roy  donn^  "k  Paris,  & 
fign^  Cramoisy,  il  eft  permis  k  Sebas- 
TIEN  Cramoisy,  Marchand  Libraire  Iur6 
en  rVniverfite  de  Paris,  &  Imprimeur  ordinaire  du 
Roy  &  de  la  Reyne,  Bourgeois,  ancien  Efcheuin,  & 
ancien  luge  Conful  de  cette  Ville  de  Paris,  d'imprimer 
ou  faire  imprimer  vn  Liure  intitule,  Relation  de  ce  qui 
s'ejl  pafk^ en  la  MiJ^ion  des  Peres  de  la  Compagnie  de  Iesvs, 
au  Pays  de  la  Nouuelle  France,  ^s  ann^es  1652.  &  1653. 
enuoy^e  au  R.  P.  Prouincial  de  la  Prouince  de  France,  & 
ce  pendant  le  temps  &  efpace  de  neuf  ann^es  confe- 
cutiues,  auec  defenfes  k  tous  Libraires  &  Imprimeurs 
d'imprimer  ou  faire  imprimer  ledit  Liure,  fous  pre- 
texte  de  deguifement,  ou  changement  qu'ils  y  pour- 
roient  faire,  k  peine  de  confifcation,  &  de  I'amende 
port^e  par  ledit  Priuilege. 


I 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1652-53  249 


Extract  from  the  Royal  License. 

BY  Grace  and  License  of  the  King,  given  at  Paris 
and  signed  "  Cramoisy,"  permission  is 
given  to  Sebastien  Cramoisy,  Book- 
seller under  Oath  in  the  University  of  Paris,  and 
Printer  in  ordinary  to  the  King  and  Queen,  Citizen, 
former  Alderman,  and  former  Judge-Consul  of  this 
City  of  Paris,  to  print  or  cause  to  be  printed  a  Book 
entitled.  Relation  de  ce  qui  s' est  pass^  en  la  Mission  des 
Peres  de  la  Compagnie  de  Jesus,  au  Pays  de  la  Nouvelle 
France,  ^s  ann^es  1652,  et  1653.  envoy^e  au  R.  P.  Pro- 
vincial de  la  Province  de  France.  And  this  during  the 
time  and  space  of  nine  consecutive  years,  forbidding 
all  Booksellers  and  Printers  to  print  or  cause  to  be 
printed  the  said  Book,  under  pretext  of  any  disguise 
or  change  that  they  might  make  therein,  under 
penalty  of  confiscation  and  of  the  fine  provided  by 
the  said  License. 


250  LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.40 


Permiffion  du  R.  P.  Prouincial. 

NOVS  Francois  Annat  Prouincial  de  la 
Compagnie  de  Iesvs  en  la  Prouince  de 
France,  auons  accord^  au  fieur  Sebastien 
Cramoisy,  Marchand  Libraire  Iur6  en  1' Vniuerfit6 
de  Paris,  &  Impriineiir  ordinaire  du  Roy  &  de  la 
Reyne,  Bourgeois,  ancien  Echeuin  &  ancien  luge 
Conful  de  cette  Ville  de  Paris,  I'impreffion  des  Rela- 
tions de  la  Nouuelle  France.  Fait  ^  Paris  ce  lo. 
Feurier  1654. 

Francois  Annat. 


1653]  RELA  TION  OF  1652-33  251 


Permission  of  the  Reverend  Father  Provincial. 

WE,  FRANgois  Annat,  Provincial  of  the 
Society  of  Jesus  in  the  Province  of 
France,  have  granted  to  sieur  Sebastien 
Cramoisy,  Bookseller  under  Oath  in  the  Univer- 
sity of  Paris  and  Printer  in  ordinary  to  the  King  and 
Queen,  Citizen,  former  Alderman,  and  former  Judge- 
Consul  of  this  City  of  Paris,  the  printing  of  the  Rela- 
tions of  New  France.  Done  at  Paris,  this  loth  of 
February,  1654. 

Francois  Annat. 


i 


I 

I 

i 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  DATA:    VOL  XL 

LXXXIII 

For  a  bibliographical  account  of  this  document, 
see  Vol.  XXXVIIL 

LXXXIV 

In  presenting  the  text  of  the  Relation  of  1652-53 
(Paris,  1654),  we  follow  the  original  Cramoisy  edi- 
tion, from  the  copy  in  the  Lenox  Library.  The 
prefatory  epistle  of  the  superior,  Fran§ois  le  Mercier, 
is  dated  on  p.  4,  "A  Quebec  ce  29.  d'Octobre  1653." 
The  "  Priuilege"  is  not  dated;  but  the  "  Permiffion," 
signed  by  the  Provincial,  Fran9ois  Annat,  was  "  Fait 
^  Paris  ce  10.  Feurier  1654."  This  annual  is  no.  loi, 
in  Harrisse's  Notes. 

Collation:  Title,  with  verso  blank,  i  leaf;  "Table 
des  Chapitres,"  pp.  (2);  prefatory  epistle  from  Le 
Mercier  to  the  Provincial,  pp.  1-4;  text  (9  chaps.) 
pp.  5-184;  "  Extraict  du  Priuilege  du  Roy,"  with 
verso  blank,  i  leaf;  "Permiffion  du  R.  P.  Prouin- 
cial, ' '  with  verso  blank,  i  leaf.  S^'gnatures :  a  in  two, 
A-L  in  eights,  M  in  two,  N  in  four. 

In  the  Harvard  copy,  line  17  of  p.  132  ends  with 
"  de,"  and  line  18  begins  with  the  same  word.  This 
duplication  is  removed  in  the  Lenox  copy.  On  p.  159, 
line  15,  of  the  Harvard  copy,  we  find  "  fa-famille;  " 
but  in  the  Lenox  copy  it  is  corrected  to 
"  fa  famille."  The  Harvard  copy  is,  therefore, 
apparently,  the  earlier  impression. 


254  BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  DATA:   VOL.  XL 

Copies  of  this  Relation  have  been  sold  or  priced  as 
follows:  Harrassowitz  (1882),  no.  37,  priced  at  120 
marks;  O'Callaghan  (1882),  no.  1233,  sold  to  Library 
of  Parliament  of  Canada  for  $15,  and  had  cost  him  a 
like  amount;  Barlow  (1890),  no.  1303,  sold  for  $27.50; 
Dufosse,  priced,  at  different  times,  between  1891- 
1893,  at  200  and  265  francs.  Copies  are  to  be  found 
in  the  following  libraries:  Lenox,  Harvard,  Brown 
(private),  Marfshall  (private),  Ayer  (private),  St.  Mary's 
College  (Montreal),  Laval  University  (Quebec), 
Library  of  Parliament  (Ottawa),  British  Museum,  and 
Bibliotheque  Nationale  (Paris). 


NOTES  TO  VOL.  XL 

(Figures  in  parentheses^  following  number  of  note,  refer  to  pages 

of  English  text.) 

1  (p.  25). —  Martin,  who  largely  avails  himself  in  the  translation 
of  these  biographical  sketches,  of  the  MS.  of  1652,  says  that  this 
correspondent  was  Father  Leonard  Garreau.  Bressani  here  draws 
freely  from  the  Relation  of  1650  (vol.  xxxv.). 

2  (p.  37). —  "An  autograph  note  of  Father  Paul  Ragueneau, 
appended  to  the  precious  MS.  of  1652,  and  affirmed  under  oath, 
leaves  us  no  doubt  upon  this  point.  This  missionary  states  that  he 
obtained,  from  most  trustworthy  witnesses,  the  following  details. 
The  Huron  apostate,  named  Louis  Honareenhax,  finally  avowed 
that  he  had  killed  Father  Noel,  out  of  hatred  to  the  faith;  for,  since 
he  and  his  family  had  embraced  the  faith,  all  kinds  of  misfortunes 
had  befallen  them."  According  to  this  note,  the  murderer  and  his 
entire  family  were  objects  of  "  the  divine  vengeance,  of  which  the 
Iroquois  were  the  instruments." — Martin's  Bressany,  p.  276,  note. 

3  (p.  79). —  The  Father  here  mentioned  was  Joseph  du  Peron 
(vol.  xxii.,  note  3);  he  sailed  from  Quebec  Nov.  10,  1653. 

4  (p.  log). — The  commandant  of  Three  Rivers  at  this  time  was 
Pierre  Boucher  (vol.  xxviii.,  note  18).  After  the  death  of  Duplessis, 
this  post  was  commanded  by  Boucher  and  La  Poterie,  in  irregular 
alternation,  until  September,  1667. 

5  (p.  III). —  Platon:  a  corrupt  form  of  plateau  (vol.  xix.,  note  4). 

6  (p.  131). —  Carr  describes  the  process  by  which  the  Indians 
made  bread  from  com  (as  also  from  beans,  acorns,  or  other  vege- 
table products) ;  it  was  baked  in  hot  ashes,  or  on  broad  stones  placed 
over  a  fire.  The  ash-cake,  johnny-cake,  and  pone,  still  used  by 
whites,  are  survivals  of  the  aboriginal  cuisine. —  "  Food  of  Ameri- 
can Indians,"  in  Amer.  Antiq.  Soc.  Proc,  vol.  x.,  part  i.  pp.  181, 
182. 

7  (p.  143). —  Pierre  le  Petit,  a  settler  upon  the  Jesuit  lands  at 
Beauport,  had  a  wife  and  two  infant  children.  The  boy,  Joseph, 
born  in  July,  1647,  was  carried  away  by  the  Iroquois  when  barely 
three  years  old  (vol.  xxxv.,  p.  43).     In  the  passage  here  cited,  enter- 


i 


i 


266  NOTES  TO  VOL.  XL 

renient  is  apparently  a  lapsus  calami  for  enleuement,  in  the  light 
of  Poncet's  mention  of  the  child's  death  among  the  Iroquois. 

8  (p.  191). —  Interesting     contemporary     documents      regarding  » 

Canadian  affairs  at  this  juncture  are  the  letters  of  Marie  de  1' Incarna- 
tion. Writing  from  Quebec,  Aug.  30,  1653,  she  mentions  Poncet's 
capture,  and  the  siege  of  Three  Rivers  by  the  Iroquois;  and  adds: 
' '  But  the  reverend  Father  Mercier,  superior  of  missions,  has  so  for- 
tified this  place  that  the  French  people  here  are  safe.  .  .  .  Those 
wretches  have  so  devastated  these  districts  that  we  have  sometimes 
believed  that  we  would  be  obliged  to  return  to  France.  .  .  .  Now 
the  harvests,  which  are  abundant,  are  being  gathered.  With  that, 
too,  aid  is  coming  from  France,  which  is  a  consolation  to  all  the 
people ;  for  it  would  have  been  deplorable  if  matters  had  come  to 
the  extremity  of  abandoning  the  country.  More  than  2,000  French 
settlers,  who  have  made  great  outlays  in  order  to  establish  them- 
selves here,  would  be  destitute,  having  no  property  elsewhere." 

In  another  letter, —  dated  1653  (month  and  day  not  g^ven),  and 
addressed  to  the  Ursuline  superior  at  Tours, —  Mother  Marie  makes 
a  statement  of  especial  interest,  in  view  of  the  credit  given  by  most 
historians  to  Frontenac  for  planning  the  erection  of  the  fort  which 
bore  his  name:  "  At  present,  a  peace  is  being  negotiated;  and  there 
is  talk  of  sending  Gospel  laborers  to  establish  a  great  mission  at 
Ontario,  which  is  ten  days'  journey  above  Montreal.  It  is  intended 
to  take  soldiers  there  also,  and  to  build  a  fort,  in  order  to  make  the 
place  secure. — because,  as  that  post  will  be  in  the  midst  of  several 
important  tribes,  it  will  be  a  resort  for  those  who  shall  go  to 
announce  the  Gospel." 

The  name  "  Ontario  "  was  not,  as  far  as  is  known,  applied  at  that 
early  date  to  any  fixed  settlement,  whether  of  French  or  Indians ; 
but  the  lake  —  otherwise  known  as  Lac  des  Iroquois,  Lac  St.  Louis, 
and  Lac  Catarakoui  —  was  already  called  Ontario  (vol.  xxi.,  p. 
191  —  its  first  mention  by  that  name  in  the  Relations),  and  would 
be  first  reached  from  Montreal  at  the  place  known  as  Catarakoui, 
where  Fort  Frontenac  was  erected  (July,  1673),  the  site  of  the 
present  city  of  J  Kingston.  ^„The  name  Ontario  means,  according  to 
many  writers,  "beautiful  lake."  Upon  this  rendering,  Hale  re- 
marks: "This,  doubtless,  is  the  meaning  conveyed  to  an  Iroquois 
of  the  present  day,  unless  he  belongs  to  the  Tuscarora  tribe.  But 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  termination  to  (otherwise  written  zyo, 
uo,  eeyo,  etc. )  had  originally  the  sense,  not  of  '  beautiful, '  but  of 
'great.'  It  is  derived  from  the  word  wiyo,  which  signifies  in  the 
Seneca  dialect  'good,'  but  in  the  Tuscarora  'great.'  .  .  .  On- 
tario is  derived  from  the  Huron  yontare,  or  ontare,  '  lake ' 
(Iroquois,   oniatare),   with  this  termination.     It  was  not    by  any 


f 


NOTES  TO  VOL.  XL  257 

means  the  most  beautiful  of  the  lakes  which  they  knew ;  but  .  .  . 
it  was  to  both  of  them  emphatically  '  the  great  lake.'  " —  Iroquois 
Book  of  Rites  (Phila.,  1883),  p.  176. 

Another  letter  from  Mother  Marie,  dated  Sept.  6,  1653,  written  to 
the  Ursuline  superior  at  Dijon,  gives  a  graphic^  account  of  the 
events  related  in  our  text.  After  mentioning  the  rumors,  current 
in  the  summer,  of  Iroquois  attacks,  and  the  belief  of  the  French 
colonists  that  these  were  false  reports,  she  adds:  "  But  the  reverend 
Father  superior  of  the  missions  —  a  man  very  zealous  for  the  public 
welfare,  who  considers  it  necessary  to  remain  continually  upon  his 
guard  —  labored  energetically  to  secure  the  fortification  of  that  set- 
tlement of  Three  Rivers.  This  was  contrary  to  the  opinion  ^of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  place  themselves, — who,  devoted  to  their  own 
personal  affairs,  had  no  inclination  to  quit  these  in  order  to  labor  on 
the  fortress.  Notwithstanding  the  hindrances  encountered  by  the 
Father  in  his  undertaking,  the  fortifications  were  completed,  and  all 
the  inhabitants  were  protected  from  sudden  attacks  by  the  enemy. 
Hardly  three  weeks  had  passed,  when  600  Iroquois  (by  whom  we 
had  been  threatened)  appeared,  with  the  intention  of  putting  all  to 
fire  and  sword,  without  sparing  age  or  sex, — which  they  would  cer- 
tainly have  accomplished,  if  the  place  had  been  in  the  condition  in 
which  they  expected  to  find  it.  All  those  who  lived  in  the  Huron 
village,  being  informed  of  the  enemy's  approach,  immediately  took 
refuge  within  the  fort,  and  consequently  they,  as  well  as  the  French, 
escaped  slaughter.  So  true  is  it  that  the  Iroquois  intended  to 
exterminate  all  and  render  themselves  masters  of  the  place,  that 
they  had  brought  their  wives  and  children,  and  all  their  baggage,  in 
order  to  establish  themselves  there." — See  Richaudeau's  edition  of 
the  Let  ires,  t.  ii.,  pp.  11-25. 

9  (p.  209). — Concerning  the  use  of  wampum,  see  vol.  viii.,  note 
70,  and  vol.  xxvii.,  note  24;  of  tobacco  on  ceremonious  occasions, 
vol.  vi,,  note  25. 

10  (p.  221). — This  passage,  and  a  similar  statement' by  Marie  de 
VlncamaXXon  (note  8,  ante),  would  indicate  that  the  Jesuits  had 
anticipated  by  twenty  years  Frontenac's  plan  of  building  a  fort  for 
the  control  of  Lake  Ontario. 


1