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London : D. NUTT. 

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printed bt webtheiheb, lea k 00. 


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APOCALYPSE OF MOSES. By F. C. Contbbabe 216 


"As Others Saw Him" 776 

Back "Die Geschichtb des JCd. Volkes" 168 

BEBLrxER^s "Geschichtb der Juden in Rom" 353 

Babdowitz " Orthoobaphie des AlthebbaIsohen ... 367 

Chables, B. H. "Ethiopio Book op Jubilees" 546 

Dbummond's ** Via, Vebitas, Vita " 548 

FbiedlIndeb (M.) "Zub Ektstehungsobsohichtb des 

Cheistenthums " 664 

GoLDSMiDT "Das Buoh deb Schopfuno 360 

Habkayy ON THE Qabaite Al-Qibqisaki 365 

KOnio's " Intboduction to the Old Testament " ... 329 


Nathanel Ibn Yeshaya's " Light of Shade, and Lamp 

OF Wisdom" 350 

Maimonides* Ababic Commentabt to the Mishnah ... 846 

Ratner's " Intboduction TO THE Sedeb Olam " ... 348 


Simon, Lady, " Recobds AND Eeflbctions " 164 

Simon (O. J.), "Faith and Expebienge" 770 

St&ack^s "Intboduction to the Talmud" 338 


LITERATURE. By Prof. F. Max MDlleb 173 

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DEATH, BURIAL, MOURNING. By A. P. Bendeb 101, 259 


Db. S. Keauss 270 

(See also p. 567). 


Sacebdote 711 


Abbahams 75, 236, 428 



IDEAL IN JUDAISM. By Rev. M. Joseph 169 



ComfBEABE 607 

ISAIAH, GLEANINGS FROM. By G. H. Skipwith 470 


JEWISH ARABIC LITURGIES. IL By Db. H. Hibschpeld. ... 418 

« JUBILEES " : NEW TRANSLATION OF. By Rev. R. H. Chables 297 

Gbay 658 

BIBLE. By Pbof. D. Kaufmann 178 

PERLES (JOSEPH). By Pbof. W. Bachbb 1 

(See also p. 364.) 

Rev. G. Mabgoliouth 119 

PHILO : FLORILEGIUM PHILONIS. By C. G. Montefiobe ... 481 


F. C. Contbeabe 7.55 

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Davis, AND Rev. Dr. E. King 459 


ABRAHAM. By K. Kohler 581 


SECTS. By Prof. W. Backer 687 



Cowley 121 



I. Text Concluded 145- 

II. Corrections AND Notes 729^ 


I. By Dr. Neubauer 361 

II. By Dr. M. FriedlAnder 564 

By Rev. M. Adler 630 

ZAMORA, ALFONSO DE. By Dr. A. Neubauer 398 

ZUNZ, LEOPOLD. By Lector L H. Weiss ... 36& 


B. L. Abrahajis. 

M. Adler. 

W. Bacher. 

A. Bender. 

L. Blau. 

J. Ebtun Carpenter. 

R. H. Charles. 

F. C. Conybeabe. 

6. A. Cooke. 

A Cowley. 

E. Davis. 

N. Davis. 
M. FriedlInder. 
G. Buchanan Gray. 
S. J. Halberstam. 


J. Jacobs. 

D. Kaupmann. 

E. G. King. 


S. Krauss. 

A. Law. 

D. S. Marooliouth. 

G. Marooliouth. 


F. Max MtfLLER. 
A. Neubauer. 

G. Sacerdote. 
S. Schechter. 
G. H. Skipwith. 
I. H. Weiss. 

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Vol. VII. 

OCTOBER, 1894. 

No. 25, 


JOSEPH PERL^. By Prof . W. Bachkb 

GOSPEL. By C. G. Montkfiobb 

By B. LioKBL Abbahams 

IV. ByjLP. Bbndeb 

the Rey. G. Marooliouth 

ByA. CoWiiBT 



CRITICAL irOl^OES.— Lady Simon's Records and Reflections: 
By AucB Law. Baeck's Die C^esohiclite des jiidisohen 
Volkes nnd seinee Litteratur, tibersichtlich dargestellt: By 
Dr. H. HlBSCHFEL^. Note by the anthor of '' The Ideal of 
Jndmism.^ Correctiosi ta Vol. VI., p. 707 : By Dr. Nbubaueb 






D. NUTT, 270—271, -5TRAND, 

jPH^e Three SkiUwnfif, Awnmal Suh4eniftion, Pott 

C /v 


ESTJft iinX«Z8ECZ:Z> 



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STOCKS, SHAKES, and ANNUITIES Pu.'based aad Sold. 


For the enooangeineni of Thrltr hi. Bank reoevea sm*'. 4 a deposit, and allow 
Intercut Monthly, on each completea ; ' . 



THE BIRKBSCK ALMANACK, wion hxh tartlcuhuTb, pcA 

FRANCI3 Vv:n3CR0FT. Manager. 



SCARABS^; The History, Manui 
Religious Symbolism of the Se6 
Anciant Egypt, Phoenicia, Sardin > 
etc. ; als'^ Remarks on the 
Philosophy, Arts, Ethics, F 
Ideas as to the Immortality o 
etc.' of the Ancient Egyptia* 
ciajis, etc.. 



*'The Quabbalah," "The P];>' ophical Writings of 
Ibn Gfdhir ,- etc. 

:,ure and 
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Crown 8yo*, zxyI* /7 pp. Cloth, 12s. net 

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OCTOBER, 1894. 


The modem science of Judaism was not invented by 
Rabbia Bappoport (in his creative period), Luzzato, 
Znnz, E^rochmal, Dukes, GrStz, Munk, Derenbourg, Stein- 
schneider, Jost, Neubauer — to mention but a few of the best 
names — ^these were no Rabbis as far as their office and 
dignity are concerned. It was not their outward position, 
but their inward mission that led these men to scientifically 
cultivate the field of Judaism and its literature, and to create 
the solid foundation of our present-day Jewish science. 
But partly contemporaneous with these, partly their 
successors, there have also been found Jewish pastors — the 
religious guides of large communities, those holding most 
important pulpits, who laboured very successfully to build 
up this many-sided branch of learning, and gave practical 
proof that the modem Rabbi is as well adapted to cultivate 
and develop the new science of Judaism as those Rabbis 
of former centuries were fitted to deal with and advance 
the Jewish learning of their own times. It will suffice to 
name but such men as Frankel, Geiger, Sachs, Jellinek, 
Low and Kayserling in order to make it clear what part 
the Rabbis have taken in this great work of our century, 
viz., the founding and building ug^.j^-^^^^ffJl^gajige. The 



2 The Jewuh Quarterly Reoiew. 

connection between the official post of Rabbi and Jewish 
science (solely dependent upon the spontaneous activity of 
individuals), was strengthened when Rabbinical seminaries 
arose, the almost exclusive business of which consists in 
endowing their disciples with scientific qualifications, so as 
to fit them the better for their future office. And since, on 
the other hand, the number of those in other walks of life, 
who devoted themselves to Jewish learning and cultivated 
its literature, has during the last decades gradually become 
less, it naturally follows that a closer bond of union has 
arisen between Jewish learning and the Rabbinate, which 
has the significance of a real union, considering the nature 
the historical origin, and the mission of this office : with the 
result that the dignity of the position of Rabbi is enhanced 
by reason of its devotion to learning, and that literary 
activity is invested with a sort of halo by the very dignity 
of the Rabbinic position. As a matter of fact, the conno- 
tation, so to speak, of the term Rabbi implies a Jewish 
scholar; while it depends of course upon the gifts, the turn 
of mind and the career of each individual, as to whether 
be will take part in originating or advancing any work and 
in enriching the storehouse of literature. The Breslau 
Seminary has the merit of having impressed its disciples 
with this duty of the modern Rabbi, namely, that he should 
be actively engaged in the paths of science and literature : 
and to those of its disciples who were the earliest to pro- 
ceed from its walls belongs the merit that they ever kept 
this ideal of duty before them, and knew how to combine 
the exercise of the laborious and many-sided office of 
Babbi with a successful literary career. As the first and 
most important among these, it was customary to name the 
man who has but lately been taken from our midst at the 
early age of barely sixty years. And Joseph Perles will in 
future, too, be named as the pattern of a modem Rabbit 
whose calling was Jewish learning, as the type of a modem 
Jewish scholar, who, with the utmost love and devotion, 
discharged the duties of teacher and leader of a large 

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Joseph Perks, S 

congregation. But the virtues of Rabbi and scholar which 
Joseph Perles combined within himself reposed upon the 
stable foundation of the best qualities of a brave and noble 
heart, so that he presented the rare example of an 
harmonious life ever actively directed towards the highest 
ideals, and had a fascinating influence upon all who came 
in contact with him, impressing them with the example of 
an accomplished and sympathetic personality. But in 
these pages we do not intend to pourtray his personality, 
nor to speak of his labours as Rabbi. These pages are to 
be devoted to his literary activity ; and within the bio- 
graphical limits of this notice there shall appear the picture 
of his life-work, by means of which he joined the ranks of 
the leading workers in the field of Jewish learning, upon 
which he himself made a substantial advance, and by means 
of which he has secured for his memory a reputation far. 
beyond the term of his earthly existence. 

Joseph Perles was bom at Baja, a small town in 
Southern Hungary, on the 25th of November,^ 1835. He 
was the son of the Rabbinic Assessor (Dayan), Baruch 
Perles, who was descended from an old family of Rabbis. 
In a brief note on the expulsion of the Jews from Prague in 
1744 (Frankel's Monatsschrift, 1866, p. 231), Joseph Perles 
mentions a work printed in 1739, the author of which 
was his ancestor, who was Dayan in Prague (the work 
is ethical, and cited in Benjacob's Bibliographical Lexicon, 
p. 379, No. 2441). 

The family name Perles (or Perls) is traced back, accor- 
ding to an ancient tradition, to Perl, the second wife of 
the " hohe Rabbi Low " — the renowned Rabbi of Prag, 
after whom it is said her children surnamed themselves 

' In hiB short Vita^ attached to his Doctor's Dissertatioii, Perles gives the 
26th of December as the day of his birth. But it seems that this was 
afterwards found to be incorrect, for the date communicated to me bj 
letter bj his youngest son, Felix Perles, and that which appeared in the 
obttnary notice of the MUnohsner neuette Nachrickten^ was the 25th of 

A 2 

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4 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

(v. Kaufmann, Monats,^ xxxvii. 384). The education which 
fell to the lot of young Perles was quite in consonance 
with so learned a descent. He was in early life introduced 
to a knowledge of Biblical and Rabbinic literature, and was 
at the same time sent to the Gymnasium in his native city, 
at which he received a certificate for proficiency. The Jewish 
community of Baja belonged to those of Hungary who 
were in the van of culture and the most progressive and 
enlightened in matters of religion. It therefore offered the 
most favourable spiritual atmosphere for the comprehensive 
cultivation of a youth aspiring to the office of Rabbi, both 
as regards Jewish and general knowledge. And Perles had 
the good and rare fortune, when his own city could offer 
him no more in the way of higher knowledge, that pro- 
videntially the seat of learning was founded, at which he 
could prepare himself in so beneficial a manner for his 
future profession. In the same summer in which he passed 
the highest class of the Gymnasium, there was opened in 
Breslau (August 10th, 1854) the Jewish-Theological Semi- 
nary, which Perles entered in 1855, matriculating at the 
same time at the University. Both Seminary and Uni- 
versity offered the richest opportunity for the acquisition 
of sound knowledge and for the scientific training of the 
mind. While at the seminary the teaching and example of 
men like Frankel, Gratz, Bemays, Zuckermann and Joel in- 
troduced him to the various branches of Jewish learning, he 
applied himself at the University during seven "semesters" 
to Oriental, philosophic, and historical studies. Of Oriental 
languages he studied with great zeal in addition to Arabic 
and Persian, chiefly Syriac, under the direction of Bernstein, 
the best Syriologist of his time. The exact knowledge of 
this language, and also his thorough acquaintance with 
Persian, were most significant for his later etymological 
researches. But the study of Syriac bore rich fruit even 
during his University career : I mean his critical researches 
into the Peschito, the important products of which he set 
down in his Dissertation for the Degree of Doctor (to 

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Joseph Perlea, 5 

which we shall refer more fully), his renowned "Melete- 
mata Peschitthoniana."^ 

Two years before the appearance of his Dissertation 
Perles had already appeared in public as a worker in 
literature, by means of a series of anonymous reviews 
signed with the Greek tt, which appeared in the 6th, 7th 
and 8th Annuals (1857-1859) of the '' Manatsschrifi fur Ge- 
icIUchte und Wmenschaft dea Judenthums" It shows the 
remarkable esteem and confidence which he received from 
the editor of the Monatsschrift, Director Frankel, that he 
entrusted his youthful student with reviews of the most 
varied literary subjects ; and we might specially dwell 
upon the fact as most suggestive, that the first work upon 
which Perles had to give his opinion was actually written 
by one of the teachers at the seminary. It was the mono- 
graph of Zuckermann : " Ueber Sabbath-Jahrcyclus und 
Jubel-Periode " (6th Annual, pp. 194-198). These reviews, 
the first-fruits of Perles* literary work, by no means bear 
the impress of youthful production, and they already 
give evidence of the characteristics of his later efforts. 
Strict relevancy, a careful avoidance of all general 
observations not belonging to the subject, the gift of 
brief and clear language, simple and perspicuous state- 
ments, an almost obvious dislike of any attempt at 
rhetorical display — these peculiarities which differentiated 
Perles as a scientific and literary author, and from which 
ensued a certain refreshing dryness and plainness in 
harmony with the severity of his material — these 
characteristics are akeady apparent in those reviews by 
which he anonymously made his dihut in the literary 
world. It is true that they concern themselves chiefly 
with giving a thorough survey of the contents of the book 
under criticism ; but they are not devoid of expressions 
of judgment in which we find resoluteness, and, where 

' Meletemata Peschitthoniana : Dissertatio Inau^ralis. Vratislaviae, 56 
pp. Vide Monatsschrift (1859), pp. 223-225, and Ben Chananja, 2nd Ann., 
pp. 871-378. 

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6 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

necessary, unreserved severity combined with benevolent 
appreciation and grateful praise. 

The works he reviewed are further a valuable testimony 
to the fact that Perles accustomed himself in early years 
to those branches of literature on which his later activity 
was spent : the History of Exegesis, Researches into the 
language of the Talmud and into Archaeology, Legend and 
the History of Literature. He treats of Low's '* Hamaph- 
teach, Introduction to the Holy Scriptures and History of 
Exegesis" (6th Annual, pp. 433-436), Jehuda Ibn Koreisch's 
Ris^le, edited by Barges and Goldberg (ib., pp. 470-473), 
Beer's Life of Abraham (8th Ann., pp. 315-316), Kayser- 
ling's Sephardim (ib., pp. 41-44). Perles discussed at 
greater length, this time giving his name, and adding 
copious remarks and original explanations concerning 
words, Lewysohn's Zoology of the Talmud (ib., pp. 354-359, 
390-396). His delight in etymology is evidenced in his 
review of the ** Etudes sur la formation des racines semifiques," 
by Abbe Leguest (7th Ann., pp. 231-236). His knowledge of 
Italian, which stood him in good stead in his later works, is 
shown in his treatment of some speeches by Lelio della 
Torre (ib., pp. 315-316). We might specially refer to his 
review of two Hebrew works, the Hebrew translation of 
the Koriln by Reckendorf (6th Ann., pp. 357-359), and the 
philosophic encyclopaedic work of I. Barasch, with an 
introduction by Rappoport (ib., pp. 274-278). In the latter 
Perles expresses his disapproval of treating in the Hebrew 
language modem scientific themes. And as far as I am 
aware he never published his researches in a Hebrew garb, 
although the short preface attached to his edition of his 
father-in-law's work on the Targum clearly shows that 
he knew how to write Hebrew simply and well As 
early results of his lexicographical studies we ought to 
mention his explanation of several foreign words occurring 
in the Halachoth Qedoloth, which Frankel attached to his 
own review of an article by Reifmann (8th Ann., pp. 158- 
160). Had this review been consulted in the preparation 

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Joseph Perles. 7 

of the glossary fotind in the new edition of the Ebdachoth 
Gedoloth (by Hildesheimer), it would have been an 

In the year 1857 Perles gained ont of seven candidates 
the prize for an essay on Moses Nachmanides' Commentary 
on the Pentateuch, and this work appeared in th^ MonaU- 
%ehrijl as the first independent product of the young 
scholar.^ His taste for the historical treatment of literary 
subjects and his capacity to seize on the vital and essential 
parts of a scientific work were shown to be already highly 
developed in this essay, which included an adequate 
discussion of the historical environment and importance 
of Nachmanides. The spirit of Frankel, who set the 
subject of the essay and with whom Nachmanides' Com- 
mentary was a favourite, as well as the spirit of Perles 
himself, may be said to be well reflected in the following 
sentence employed by him to characterise the subject of 
his work: — "Thus Nachmanides proves himself to be a 
man of moderate progress, clinging to the old views 
hallowed by centuries, yet following the tide of his own 
age and taking account of the spirit of the time/' In these 
words Perles, to a certain extent, expressed the nature 
both of his teacher Frankel and of his own views. Perles' 
work on Nachmanides remains a valuable and lasting con- 
tribution to the history of exegesis. The characteristics 
and contents of this Pentateuch Commentary are fully 
given, as well as the sources, and all literary and historical 
references. In a supplement which appeared two years 
later^ Perles treats of Nachmanides' teachers, the chronology 
of his halachic works, his halachic authorities, and edits 
also his epistle to the French Rabbis on the subject of 
Maimonides' writings.* With this work Perles commenced 

* " Cber den Geist dee Oommentars des B. Mows b. Nachman zum Pen- 
tateach and dber sein YerhaltniBaznmPentateach-CoininentarBasohiV* 
Monatuehrift (1858), pp. 81-97, 113-116, 117-136, 146-169. 

* «Kachtr&g« fiber B. Moees b. Nachman." MoiMtstchHft (1860), pp. 

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8 The JetHsh Quarterly Review, 

his labours as a careful editor of the unpublished. stores 
of literature. 

On the 30th of March, 1859, Perles received the degree of 
Doctor from the Breslau University, having passed the 
Examination summa cum lau4e, a rare distinction. He 
dedicated his Dissertation to " his most-beloved Teachers '* 
{prcBceptorihuB dikctissimu), G. H. Bernstein and Zacharias 
Frankel. This Dissertation for the Doctorate was, as it 
seldom happens with such attempts, truly epoch-making. 
Within somewhat narrow limits it contained a fulness of 
most interesting matter and many new points of view. 
His subject was in the main nothing less than that 
the old Syriac Translation of the Bible, though it had been 
preserved by the Christian Church alone, was yet a product 
of Judaism, and, like the other ancient Jewish Trans- 
lations of the Bible, reflected the Jewish exegesis of the 
Bible as well as Jewish traditions. This view has, it is true, 
been combated, and with good reason partly narrowed 
down ; but it advanced to a considerable degree the know- 
ledge of the Peschito, and for the first time brought to light 
its historical setting. I may just refer in passing to the two 
theses which Perles appended to his Doctor-Dissertation, in 
order, as was the custom at the time, to defend his views in 
public — subjects germane to the comparative researches of 
the author and which have not yet received adequate con- 
sideration: — " Traditionum qtue in re divina valent, similis apud 
Arahea atque apud Judwos est ratio ;" and " Cabhalistarum 
doctrine cum Ssufiorum arete cohceret** 

In the summer of 1859 Perles made a stay in his native 
town, and he employed his run through the Hungarian 
capital in looking through the Hebrew and other Oriental 
MSS. contained in the National Museum of Hungary. A 
short account of the former he contributed to Low's Ben 
Chananja,^ which periodical contained other contributions 

^ *^Die Hebraica im nngariachen Nationalmuseams in Pest." Ben 
Chananja, 2nd Ann., p. 571. Details concerning these manuscripts are 

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Joseph Perks. 9 

from his pen in 1859 and 1860 ^ his intention to refer to 
the other Oriental MSS. in the proper place was not carried 
out. In the course of the last two years of his student- 
ship at Breslau, Perles published two most valuable and 
interesting archaeological studies, having collected scraps of 
material with the greatest industry and care, which contri- 
buted greatly to the understanding of these subjects.* He 
further published some reviews and notices.' The time was 
approaching when he was to leave College and take up the 
profession for which he had been preparing himself with so 
much diligence and devotion. Before he had reached the 
end of his College term at Breslau he received a call in the 
autumn of 1861 as Rabbi of the Brildergemeinde of Posen ; 
but it was not before the 30th of April, 1862, that Perles, 
in conjunction with his two colleagues, M. Gudemann, at 
present Rabbi in Vienna, and M. Rahmer, at present 
Rabbi in Magdeburg, was at a public celebration declared 
fully qualified to undertake the position of Rabbi and 
Preacher. It was the first celebration of its sort at the 
Breslau Rabbinical Seminary, and one can quite understand 
the following proud terms in which the Director reported 
upon it in the Monataschrift, 12th Ann., p. 66: — "This 

giTen by Sam. Kohn, Die KehrdUoken Handsohriften de$ ungarUchen 
Katumal-museumt : Berlin, 1877. 

1 ^ Cber den Ansdmok HDH^ als Bezerohnong der Anf erstehung." B. Ch. 
n. 466. "* Die Nabataer im Thalmnd and Midrasoh." B. Gh. III. 81. 
** ChryBostomus und die Juden." Ih,, 569-671. 

* " Die jMische Hochzeit in naohbiblischer Zeit," Monat9»chrift (18G6), 
3S9-360, appeared in separate form : Leipzig, 1860. **Die Leicben-Feier- 
lichkeiten im naobbibliscben Jndenthnm," ih,^ 1861, pp. 345-355, 376-394, 
alBO separately printed : Breelan, 1861. Botb appeared in Englisb in the 
Hebrew Characteristics of the American Jewish Publication Society: New 
York, 1875. 

' The reviews are now signed with the initials J J*., and refer to — Die 
Fabdn de$ Sophos, of Landsberger (9th Ann., 71-74) ; Don Joseph Nasi, of 
M. A. Levy (*^., 118, 119) ; Die Juden-Frage, of M. Kalisoh (i*., 387-391) ; 
Ueher die Chronik des Sulpicius Severus, of J. Bemays (10th Ann., 152- 
155). Vide also, in 8th Ann., pp. 319, 320, a note npon das Targomwort 
OJO^n. Ih,, 435, concerning several remarkable statements made by a 
Persian lexicographer relating to a Jewish money-forger. 

Digitized by 


10 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

Institution has now by means of these young men re- 
deemed the promise which it made to the public at the 
time of its inception ; then it could but beg for the con- 
fidence of its supporters, now it has the consciousness of 
not having abused that trust." 

Perles worked for a whole decade in Posen. Concerning his 
position there we have the following statement of a trust- 
worthy writer (in a necrologue in the laraelitische Wbchen- 
schri/t, March 30th, 1894) : " Perles was a very young man 
when he came to Posen ; but even then he was invested 
with a certain dignity and loftiness of mind which made 
him respected by the entire large congregation. Not that 
he had the talent or the desire to cast a halo about his 
own person ; there was, in fact, no one simpler and plainer 
than he was. That sanctimoniousness of the pastor, 
which, however much it may impress the ignorant, is 
repugnant to and repels the enlightened, was foreign to 
Perles' nature; it was, in truth, abhorrent to him. But, 
nevertheless, there was a charm about his personality 
which captivated those who were admitted into his family 
circle. For fortune had favoured him with a helpmate 
who had the most exalted notions concerning the dignity 
of the office of preacher, and who cherished the thought 
that it was within the power of a preacher's wife — ^aye, 
that it was incumbent on her — to help and even sustain 
her husband." 

It was on June 2nd, 1S63, that Perles contracted the ma- 
trimonial alliance, which proved a truly happy one, with the 
partner of his life, as she is described in the words I have 
just quoted. Now she and her two exemplary sons mourn 
the loss of husband and father, so early taken from their 
midst ; but what a source of comfort must the widow find 
in the recollection of three decades passed together with 
her husband in a work so heartily taken up and jointly 
carried out to the blessing of both ! The father-in-law of 
Perles, who died in 1885, was a learned merchant, who 
made the Targumim his favourite study, and whose Hebrew 

Digitized by 


Joseph Perks, 11 

Cofnmentary on Targnm Onkelos may be described &s the 
best and most thoroughly scientific manual, free from* 
dilettantic speculation, which exists for the study of the 
Targtim. It was edited by Perlesin 1888.^ 

Almost simultaneously with his marriage Perles was able 
to publish the first-fruits of his studies in Posen — ^the 
monograph concerning R. Salomon b. Abraham b. Adereth 
(Adret), which, in consequence of its subject-matter, stands 
in close relation to his prize essay on Nachmanides? Conspi- 
cuous in it appears the controversy regarding the Philo- 
sophy and Freedom of the Study of Science, in which Sa- 
lomon b. Adereth took a leading part, and which is presented 
to the reader by Perles by means of a careful analysis of the 
most important collection of statements upon the subject 
contained in the book Minchath Kenaoth. In the Appendix 
Perles publishes two hitherto unknown writings of S. b. 
Adereth,* and the preface to Jacob b. Anatoli's homiletic- 
philosophical work, which subsequently appeared in a 
complete form. 

The archives of the congregation at Posen gave Perles an 
opportunity of turning his attention to another pha«se of 
Jewish history. He wrote the History of the Jetcs in 
Pos^i,* according to Professor Kaufmann's opinion (Sup- 

' Binre Onkelos, Scholia znm Targfnin Onkelos von Simon Bamch 
Schefftel. Bdited after the death of the author by Dr. J. Perles : Munich, 
1888. 288 pp. 

' R, Salomo "b, Ahraham h» Adereth. Sein Lehen und seine Schrifteny 
nebst handsohriftlichen Beilagen znm ersten Male heransgegeben : Bres- 
lau, 1863. 83 and 61 pp. See Remsws by Frankel iMonatsschri/t, 12th 
Aim., pp. 183 and 188) and Geiger {Jiidische Zeitschrift, 2nd Ann., pp. 69 
and 63). The work is dedicated *' in loying devotion *' to Dr. H. Graetz, 
*' the valued teacher and friend.'* 

' Thej are : The beginning of a commentary upon the Agada of the 
Babylonian Talmud (24*56) ; A polemical treatise defending the Jewish 
religion against the attacks of a Mohammedan. In the latest volume 
of the Z, d. M. G. (vol. 48, pp. 39-42), Schreiner shows that these attacks 
on the part of an unknown Mohammedan are identical with those of the 
Mohammedan polemical writer, Abft Mohammed Ibn 'Hazm. 
« Jfonatssehrift, 13th Ann. (1864), 281-295, 321-334, 361-373, 409-420, 

Digitized by 


12 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

plement to the Allgemeine Zeitung, of Munich, March 17th, 
1894) " the most important monograph in German which has 
appeared to this day on the subject, distinguished alike by 
the evidence it affords of researches into archives, and of 
deep acquaintance with what has been written on the topic 
by Rabbis of the Middle Ages and modern times." To the 
same class of writings belongs the work which was pub- 
lished two years later, Recordi Concerning the History of the 
Jewish Provincial Synods in Poland.^ 

Such historical studies in nowise drew Perles away from 
his never-ending task of investigating and explaining the 
language of the Talmudic and Midrashic literature. 

When I. Levy's Chaldee Lexicon of the Targumim, etc., 
appeared, Perles contributed to the first six parts most 
valuable appendices, chiefly concerned with Persian.* 
In an interesting article he points to an older worker in 
the field of Rabbinic vocabulary, and shows that many of 
the explanations of foreign words given by M. Sa^chs are 
already to be found in De Lara's work,* and that his 
etymologies are often to be preferred to those of later 
scholars. He soon showed in how masterly a manner he 
had conquered the subject of Talmudic etymology by the 
appearance of a very important work, the last that he 
finished in Posen. Few books present, within such narrow 
limits, such a richness of material combined with a host of 
fresh views and observations as his Etymological Studies,* 

449-461 ; 14th Ann. (1865), 81-93, 121-136, 165-178, 206-216, 266-263. In 
separate form : Breslan, 1865. 

» Monatssohrift, 16th Ann. (1867), 108-111, 162-154, 222-226, 304-308 

« Zu dem ChalddUchen Wdrterbuoh von Babbiner Dr. J. Levy. MonaU' 
schrift, 15th Ann., 148-153 ; 16th Ann., 297-303. 

' David Cohen de Lara's RabbinUches Lexicon Kheter KheUunnah, 
Ein Beltrag zur Geschichte der rabbinischen Lexicographie. Monati- 
schrift, 17th Ann. (1868), pp. 224-232, 255-264, separately: Breslan, 1868. 

4 " Etymologische Studien znr Ennde der rabbinischen Sprache and 
Alterthumer. Monatsschri/t, 19th Ann. (1870), 210-227, 263-267, 310-326, 
876-384, 416-431, 467-478, 493-524, 558-567. Also printed in separate form 
(with a short preface and foar registers): Breslan, 1871. 

Digitized by 


Joseph Per lei. 13 

which deserve to rank with such works as Michael Sachs' 
Contributions to the Science of Language and Archaeology. 
Both Perles and Sachs, had a two-fold object, namely, by 
means of proper etymologies, to advance the knowledge 
of the Eabbinic texts, and to deepen the historical know- 
ledge of Rabbinic antiquities. 

It is difficult, considering the nature of the subject, to 
give in a few sentences an idea of this work. Perles, as was 
his custom, did not furnish it with any general introduction, 
but plunges his readers at once medias in res, inasmuch as 
he uses a string of examples to show how a right etymo- 
logy is conditional upon a previous correction of the 
text He makes ample use of this need for copious 
textual emendation, but never in a capricious and 
unscientific manner. The etymological studies of Perles 
may be regarded as a rare and rich fund for the explana- 
tion of foreign words, Greek as well as Persian, occurring 
in Rabbinic literature, and they carry out the author's 
wish as expressed in the preface to the special edition, that 
" they might advance the scientific enquiry into the yet 
much-confused language of Rabbinic literature." ^ 

The decisive period of the Franco-German war was an 
important turning-point in the life of Perles. The Jewish 
congr^ation of Munich elected him their Rabbi, and he 
was thus transferred from the provincial city of Posen to 
the capital of Bavaria, in which it was his lot to labour 
incessantly until the very end of his life. On the first day 
of Shevuoth, May 26th, 1871, he delivered his Installation 
Sermon, from which we would extract a few sentences and 
give them as a sample of the sense in which Perles re- 

* A few of the writings of Perles during his labours in Posen have yet 
to be noted here : — " A Review of S. Kohn De Pentateucho Samari- 
tano." Monataschrift, 14th Ann. (1866), pp. 856-359. " Die Leichenver- 
brennong in den alten Bibelversionen," id., 18th Ann., pp. 76-81. A 
Review of Stein, Talmndische Terminologie," iJ., 473-477. In 1864 
there appeared ** GottesdienstUche Vortrage/' held in the Synagogue of 
the Jewish Gommonity of Posen, in aid of the Riesser-Stiftnng : Posen, 

Digitized by 


14 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

garded his vocation and the manner in which he discharged 
its duties: — "I regard it as the first and indispensable 
demand made upon the conscientious guide of a congrega- 
tion, that he be impressed with the exalted and important 
character of his office, which is, that he is the bearer and 
proclaimer of pure and unadulterated doctrine, and that 
he shall ever have present before his mind the weighty 

responsibility which rests upon his shoulders I 

regard it as the second demand made upon the conscientious 
guide of a congregation, that he shall never tire in the task 
of proclaiming those truths of which he has become con- 
vinced by reason of his uninterrupted investigation of the 
Word of GJod, such truths, the acquisition of which have 
only become possible for him by reason of his contact with 

noble spirits and earnest thinkers. I regard it as 

the third and highest demand made upon the conscientious 
guide of a congregation that, by means of the example of 
his own life, he should point the way to his congregation 
in morality and uprightness of charallcter. .... I shall 
conscientiously make enquiry into the present condi- 
tions of the congregation and see what is necessary for the 
development of its religious life. I shall oppo'ise that want 
of moderation which flies to extremes, the unconditional 
reverence of all that is ancient, simply because it is 
ancient, and the unconditional apotheosis of all that is 

new, simply because it is new It shall be my 

earnest endeavour to bring about, in conjunction with my 
congregation, an adequate and proper form of divine ser- 
vice in harmony with the times, one that shall satisfy both 
the mind and the heart, one that while it will draw to the 
House of God the cultured members, the younger genera- 
tion, our wives and daughters, shall not repel from its 
midst that faithful band of fellow- worshippers who belong 
to the old school."^ 

> *^ Antrittspredigt gehalten bei der tTbemahme seinoB Amtee als Rabbi- 
ner der israelitiBchen ColtuBgemeinde MUnohen. Prooeeds to be devoted 
to the sick and wounded in the G^man army " : Munich, 1871. 15 pp. 

Digitized by 


Joseph Perks, 15 

Perles was, in fact, the conscientious guide of his 
congregation, to the members of which, in the sixth 
year of his ministration among them, on the occasion of 
the fiftieth (jubilee) celebration of the Synagogue, he 
addressed the following words :^ "As in the paat half- 
century, so shall there be proclaimed during the coming 
time in this Synagogue the principles of truth, the fear 
of (Jod, and the love of one's fellow-man; there shall 
be reared and educated in this place a generation of 
peace — peace with God, with the State, with the com- 
munity, and with society at large." And God's blessing 
rested upon the efforts of Perles. Just as he offered his 
congregation the best at his disposal as regards the trea- 
sures of mind and heart and the power of the will, in the 
same manner did his congregation give him the best that 
a congregation is able to offer its pastor — unlimited con- 
fidence, an affection begotten of unbounded respect, full 
appreciation of his instruction, and reverence for his per- 
sonality. Under his lead the Munich community, the largest 
in Southern Germany, grew in outward dignity and internal 
possessions ; and coming generations will find an evidence 
of his activity as Rabbi in the new Synagogue, which was 
founded mainly by his efforts, and consecrated on the 16th 
September, 1887, and which stands as "a monumental 
work of architecture, much admired," and which, in 
a city abounding in works of art, "ranks among the 
numerous large and beautifid houses of prayer, or at least 
takes a modest place in their midst." In the Dedication 
Sermon,' from which these words are taken, Perles, while 
apostrophising the pulpit, the seat of his own eloquence, 
makes the following remarks : " O place whence words of 
instruction flow, be thou and remain for all times a seat of 

^ Predigt znr fUnfzigjahrigen Jabelfeier der Sjnagofce zu Munohen, 
am 1. Pesach-Tage, 5636 (April 9th, 1876) : Mnnich, 1876. 20 pp. 

' Beden znm Abechiede Ton der alten nnd zur Einweihung der nenen 
Sjnagoge in MUnchen, am 10. xmd 16. September, 1887: MUnohen, 1887. 
18 pp. 

Digitized by 


16 The Jetciah Quarterly Review. 

fruitful impulse and religious teaching. Let all impatient 
expressions, all words of hatred and enmity, be ever banished 
from thy midst ! May vanity and arrogance be foreign to 
those who preach from thee ! From this spot may the in- 
exhaustible treasure- stores of God's word be unlocked for 
the thorough instruction of the congregation assembled, so 
as to arouse a clear understanding of life's duties, a right 
and proper conception of the higher truth, a strengthening 
of the conscience and of the heart, a cheerful disposition 
in the fulfilment of those duties which devolve upon us 
as Germans and as Israelites, as citizens of the narrower and 
of the wider Fatherland ! O that this might be brought 
about in the spirit of truth, of love, and of peace ! " We 
would utter the wish that all succeeding occupants of this 
pulpit, once and for ever hallowed by Perles himself, will 
work in the midst of the congregation in this self -same 

Munich, with its rare collection of printed and manuscript 
works, supplied the zeal of Perles, untiring in investigation, 
with never-ending means and subjects for fresh activity. 
Just as he once jocularly said, in reviewing the Jewish- 
German Chrestomathy^ of his learned friend. Max 
Griinbaum, the well-known investigator of the legendary 
literature, that he " lived in Munich, I would fain 
say, in the Royal and National Library of Munich," 
so was also henceforth the life of Perles, as a scholar 
and learned author, indissolubly bound up with this 
famous Library. Munich, moreover, possessed in Abraham 
Merzbacher one of the most high-minded lovers of Jewish 
literature, who had formed a large and valuable collec- 
tion of printed books and manuscripts, and with whom 
Perles associated himself in true friendship. One of the 
few addresses of Perles^ which have appeared in print 
is a funeral oration on the occasion of the death of his 

» Monatstchrift, 3l8t Ann. (1882) pp. 128-138. 

* "Trauerrede an der Bahre des am 21. Sivan (4. Juni 1885) ver- 
ewigten Herm Abraham Merzbacher" : Miinchen, 1886. 12 pp. 

Digitized by 


Joseph Perks. 17 

friend. Perles pays a warm tribute of eulogy^ also to the 
learned and indefatigable R. N. Rabbinowicz, who was en- 
abled by the help of Merzbacher to collect and publish his 
Varice Lectiones to the Babylonian Talmud. As for Perles 
himself, he too possessed a toleiubly important and ever- 
growing private library, which contained many valuable 
and rare works, and which, as I am informed by his son 
Felix, numbers over three thousand volumes. As an 
instance of his personal relations, I would cull the follow- 
ing words from the obituary notice of a Munich news- 
paper :* " The respect in which the deceased was held was 
deeply rooted, not alone in the Jewish circles of Munich, 
Bavaria, and Germany, but also in the circles of Christian 
theology of both denominations. As scholar Dr* Perles was 
greatly honoured by the late Bishop Haneberg, formerly 
Abbot of the Benedictine Order here, and by Dr. 
Dollinger. The Rabbi of this city stood in constant com- 
munication on matters of learning with a number of 
eminent Catholic theologians." 

The first important work which Perles published while in 
Munich follows, as far as concerns its contents, close upon 
his etymological studies. It consists of fifteen larger and 
smaller studies upon philological and archasological subjects 
growing out of Rabbinic literature.' There is evidence here 
of the abundant use made of the Midrash MSS. contained 
in the Munich Library. Soon followed a contribution to 
comparative folklore, a subject to which Perles had always 
paid great attention ; he pointed out with much learning and 
in a convincing manner the Jewish sources of the Thotisand 
and one Nights.^ He published both works in separate 
form, dedicating them to " Herr Abraham Merzbacher, the 

> ** Beilagre zor Allgemeinen Zeitang/' vom 4. December 1888. 

* "MtLQcbener Neneste Nachrichten," vom 6. Marz 1894. 

' ** Miscellen zor rabbiniBohen Sprach- nnd Alterthumskunde." Mo- 
natssehri/i, 2l8t Ann. (1872), pp. 251-273, 358-876. 

* *' Babbinisohe Agada*8 in 1001 Naoht. Ein Beitrag znr Geschichte 
der Wandenmg orientalisolier Marcben.'* Monatttchrift, 22nd Ann. (1873), 
pp. 14-34, 61-85, 116-125. 


Digitized by 


18 The Jewish Quarter^ Beview. 

friend and patron of Rabbinic studies."^ He edited 
simultaneously a highly interesting Mid rash, which in his 
thorough and masterly manner he showed to be a monu- 
ment of the Byzantine influence upon Judaism,' and 
described the " Memorialbook of the Pf ersee Community/' 
which, like other memorial books of this sort that have been 
brought to light in modem times, contained several accounts 
of persons and events of former times.' A discovery in 
the Munich Library soon led him into quite another field. He 
found in a well-preserved codex the oldest Latin translation 
of the MAre of Maimonides, with the result that the Latin 
rendering of the MAre by Giustiniani (Justinianus), which 
appeared in Paris in 1520, was proved to be none other than 
a faulty copy of this very translation. He published these 
and other important results of his investigations of MSS., 
together with specimens from them in another and larger 
treatise.* Rare Hebrew printed books, chiefly belonging 
to mediaeval popular literature, and manuscripts chiefly bear- 
ing on the Liturgy, form the subject-matter of the article 
published in 1876, entitled : " Bibliographische Mitthei- 
lungen aus Munchen."* In the next year he gave an account 
of the contents of a work in the Merzbach collection of 
MSS., important in many directions, viz., the commentary 
upon the Piyutim by Abraham b. Asriel of Bohemia, 
and he published out of it several explanations of the 
Text given by the great Exegete, R. Samuel b. Meir.* In a 

1 << Zur rabbinisohen Sprach- nnd Sagenkimde " : Breslan, 1878. x. 
and 99 pp. 

' ^'Thron and Oirons des Eonigs Salomo." MofuUssohrift^ 2lBt Ann,, 
pp. 122-139. Also in eeparate form. Breslaa, 1878. 

' Mojuittsohrift, 22nd Ann., pp. 508-615, 572. 

* " Die in einer Miinohener Handsohrif t aof gAfundene erste lateinisohe 
t^bersetzung des Maimonidisohen Ftlhrers." Monat4iohri/ty 24th Ann. 
(1875), pp. 9-24, 67-86, 99-110, 149-159, 209-218, 261-265. Also in separate 
form : Breslan, 1875. 

* MatuUisohrift, 25th Ann., pp. 350-375. 

* "Das Bach ^Artlgath Habboeem des Abraham b. Asriel."* Monati' 
iehrift, 26th Ann. (1877), pp. 360-873. Also in separate form : Krotosohin, 

Digitized by 


Joseph Perles. 19 

collection of Responsa of the I7th century, he thought he 
had found some mention of the unfortunate Uriel Acosta ; 
but his surprising discovery met with serious doubt.^ 

The Breslau Seminary, to the memory of whose first 

director, Zacharias Frankel, Perles in 1875, also devoted a 

faithful and mournful tribute,^ celebrated on August 10th, 

1879, the twenty-fifth anniversary of its establishment. At 

the request of the former students of the institution, Perles 

issued in celebration of the event a remarkable monument 

of mediaeval literature, which led him back once again to 

that period of ferment and strife with which, on the occasion 

of his monograph on Solomon b. Adereth, he had identified 

himself. His edition is based upon the only extant MS- 

which happened to be contained in the Munich Library.' 

When the Revues des Utudes Juivea was established, 
Perles became one of the contributors, and wrote in the 
third volume two articles concerning some disputed 
Talmudic expressions, offering divers bold hypotheses 
in relation to them.* The same year there appeared in 
the Z.d.D.M,G. a splendid review of a Syriac work, 
use being made of some newly expounded Talmudic ex- 
pressions and phrases.^ And now a long pause ensued 
in his publications, only broken by the appearance 
(1882) of the review already referred to, of Griine- 
baum's Jewish-German Chrestomathy, but which was 

* ♦* Eine neaerschlossene Qnelle tlber Uriel Acosta.'' Monnttsohrift^ 26th 
Ann, (1877), pp. 193-213. In separate form: Krotoschin, 1877. Vide 
G&demann and G-raets on the same {Monats,, ib., pp. 327-330). In the 27th 
Ann. of the Afonatsschri/ty pp. 317-324, Perles described " Eine hebra^che 
Handscbrif t der Fiirstlibh Oettingen-Wallersteinischen Bibliothek." 

» " Worte der Erinnenmg " : Miinohen, 1 875. 12 pp. 

> *' E^alonymns ben Ealonymns. Sendsohreiben an Joseph Easpi " : 
MiLDchen, 1879. Vide Steinsohneider, Mebr, Bibliographies vol. XXI., pp. 
115-118 ; Neubaner-Renan, Les Serivaim Juives de XVI, nhcle^ pp. 95-99. 

* "Revme des itudes Juives," III., 1881, pp. 109-120: "Etudes Tal- 

^ **Bemerkangen zn Bmns^achan." Sjrisch-Bdmisohes Rechtsbnoh 
aofldem fOnften Jahrhundert. Z.d.DM. Q,, XXXV., pp. 139-141, 725-727. 

B 2 

Digitized by 


20 The Jewish Quarterly Revietc, 

ultimately ended by the work which came as a 
joyful surprise to all friends of Jewish learning, in 
which Peries united the rich fruits of long years of 
study and the results of a diligent and thoroughgoing 
course of literary enquiry.^ This book, which is de- 
dicated to Leopold Zunz on his ninetieth birthday, 
consists in a series of studies reproducing newly-dis- 
covered or newly-adduced materials with a copiousness 
and variety rarely met with, the titles of which can 
give but a very inadequate idea of the richness of 
its contents. Its headings may nevertheless be re- 
peated here : (i.) The small Aruch ; (ii.) The"] Makre 
Dardeke and the Munich MS. of the same; (iii.) Elia 
Levita's Nomenclature; (iv.) Jewish- German Glosses by 
a disciple of R. Moses Hadarshan of the 13th century ; 
(v.) Unpublished letters of the years 1517 — 1555. As 
was Peries' manner, there was not even the shortest 
introduction attached to this collection of studies, brist- 
ling as it did with new data and explanations. The 
history of Hebrew and Rabbinic Lexicography, the history 
of the Humanist literature, the history of the beginnings 
of Jewish learning among Christians, the history of 
manners and customs, and middle High German philology 
(as well as French and German), receive a rich addition 
from the important, ample and trustworthy materials 
presented in this volume. To the same class of litera- 
ture as the " Contributions " belongs an article which 
appeared two years later in the Retme des Etudes Juives 
on the Jewish Scholars of Florence.* Peries continued his 
investigations concerning the small Aruch in a neat 
article forming the beginning of the (Jerman portion 
of the Gratz-Jubelschrif t, the appendix to which contains 

> *^Beitrage znr G^schiohte der hebriiisohen nnd aramaischen Sta- 
dien " : Miinchen, 1884. 247 pp. 

' " Les sayantB joifs h, Florence ^ I'^poque de Lanrent de M^ois.'* 
Retue det Etude* Juivet, XII. (1886), pp. 244-257. Separately: Paris, 

Digitized by 


Joseph Perks, 21 

some highly learned contributions to the History of lite- 
rature, specially to that of the habits and customs of the 
Jewish people.^ 

In 1888 Perles edited the work on the Targum, written 
by his father-in-law, to which reference has already been 
made, and allowed, apparently through continued ill- 
health, a somewhat long pause to ensue before he again 
rejoiced the hearts of friends and adorers with the fruits of 
his uninterrupted labours. Then in a tolerably lengthy 
publication he wrote of the Sicilian Bible Exegete Aboul- 
rabi,' who had become famous by reason of his free and 
original views, and dealt more briefly with the Legend of 
Asenath.' The reappearance in the autumn of 1892, 
after a long interval, of the Monatsschrift, for many years the 
home of his literary activity, afforded Perles a welcome 
opportunity to publish what he had been collecting for 
some time, new Contributions to Bahbinic Philology and 
Arehceology} Here again, after a lapse of twenty years, he 
proved himself to be still the tried master of etymological 
studies. It seemed as if he returned with renewed 
pleasure and undiminished vigour to his favourite inves- 
tigations. Partially collating the results of former in- 
quiries, partially widening their range and presenting 
new matter, he wrote a most fascinating article upon 
"Jewish Byzantine Relations."* Everything tended to 
show that a new period of active originality and fruitful 
research had begun in his life. Even his health had 

* "Die Beraer Handschrift des kleinen Aruch." JubeUchrift zum 
siebadgsten Gebnrtetage des Prof. Dr. H. Graetz : Breslaii, 1887, pp. 1-38. 

' '^Ahron b. Gersou Abonlrabt" Bevue des Mtides Juives^ XXI. 
(1890), pp. 246-269. 

> ** La l^gende d' ABenath, fiUe de Dina et f emme de Joseph.'* JRevue 
des Etudes Juives, XXII. (1819), pp. 87-92. Perles let this article appear 
in Hnngarian in the 8th Ann. of the Magyar Zoidd Szemle, pp. 249-252. 

* Monatsschrift, 37th Ann. (new series, 1st Ann.), 1892-1893, pp. 6-14, 
64-68, 111-116, 174-179, 356-878. 

» *' Bjzantmisohe Zeltsohrift," heransgegeben von Earl Knunbacher. 
VoL IL, pp. 569-584. 

Digitized by 


22 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

become better. In the summer of 1892 he visited, 
after a long absence, his native place in Hungary, to 
which, in spite of his having become a thorough German, 
he was deeply attached, watching with sustained interest 
the social and literary movements of the Jewry in 

In the spring of 1893, on my return from a mournful 
journey to Paris (whither I had gone to pay my last 
respects to a dear brother of mine), I spent almost an 
entire day in the family circle of Perles, and realised the 
picture of the noblest form of domestic life of a man 
who found in his vocation, his learning, and his near and 
dear ones, the concentration of all fortune and felicity, the 
picture of a man who looked into the future with the 
fullest confidence and security. There was no trace then 
of a shattered constitution ; he showed me some new and 
valuable acquisitions to his library, and spoke of continuing 
his contributions to Rabbinic philology, and of other work 
that he had in view. Full of pride, justified in a father, he 
spoke of the progress made by the younger of his two sons 
(the elder had already earned for himself distinction as an 
ophthalmologist), who seems to have inherited the talent 
for languages and the spirit for research, as well as the 
philological turn of mind, which characterised his father, 
and whom he trained to continue his vocation and his 
scientific labours. When I bade him "Auf Wieder- 
sehen," I little dreamt that my words would never be 
realised. In the beginning of the following year the news 
spread of his serious illness, though the hope of his re- 
covery was not abandoned. When I forwarded to him, in 
the middle of February, the Hebrew poems of my late 
father, which had just appeared, he thanked me through 
his son, at the same time informing me that he was pro- 
gressing slowly. But the hope was vain. On Sunday, 
March 4th last, Joseph Perles breathed out his noble soul, 
and on the 6th his mortal' remains were laid to their 
eternal rest, amid the deepest manifestations of wide-felt 

Digitized by 


Joseph Perles. 23 

mourning, in the cemetery belonging to the Israelitish 
community of Munich. His name and memory are 
honoured and blessed among the Jews of Hungary, whence 
he sprang, as they are honoured and blessed in the Jewry 
of Germany, in whose midst and for whose welfare he 
laboured. But he will be ever mentioned in the annals of 
Jewish learning among the best spirits, among those whose 
life was one uninterrupted work in spreading this learning 
and advancing the knowledge of this science. Blessed be 
his memory ! 

W. Bagheb. 

Budapest, May, 1894. 

Digitized by 


24 The Jetcish Quarterly Review. 


My title sounds presumptuous. It is not, however, pre- 
sumptuously meant. I merely wish to indicate the limits 
of my intention. It would be foolish and unnecessary on my 
part to attempt to give any systematic representation of the 
religious doctrine contained in the Fourth Gospel. In the 
case of St. Paul it was almost obligatory, even to a writer 
who was bold enough to print his first impressions, to cast 
them into the form of exposition. The readers for whom 
he specially wrote were not only, as he imagined, un- 
familiar with the actual wording of the Pauline Epistles, 
but from upbringing, association and temperament, were 
unable, without eflfort and assistance, to understand 
or appreciate their meaning. On the other hand, though 
the Epistles of Paul are not fully to be explained or 
understood without a study of the religious and in- 
tellectual environment of their author, they can, never- 
theless, to some extent be expounded from themselves, 
or, at any rate, from data known to the average Jewish 
reader of magazines. But as regards the Fourth Gospel 
the case is different in both directions. It is at once 
harder and easier than the Epistles. Let a fairly-cultivated 
Jew, ignorant of the New Testament (the two qualifications 
are at present quite compatible), read the Epistles to the 
GaJatians and the Romans, and I believe his main sensa- 
tion will be one of bewilderment j let him read the Fourth 
Gospel, and he will at all events think he understands a fair 
amount of it. Moreover, in a sort of way he will under- 
stand it ; for the oppositions between " spirit " and " fiesh," 
or " of this world " and " not of this world," the meta- 
phorical and spiritual use of words like " bread," " light," 

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Notes on the Religious Value of the Fourth Gospel 25 

" life," and many others, have become familiar to him in 
other ways. Yet, per contra, he who would fully under- 
stand " St. John " must understand two of his predecessors. 
It is true that the Jewish outsider can partially under- 
stand and partially appreciate the Fourth Gospel far more 
readily than he can appreciate and understand St. Paul. 
And yet properly to understand that Gospel you must in 
the first place understand Paul. And, secondly, to pro- 
perly understand that Gospel you must be acquainted 
with and even understand Philo. But Philo, though, as I 
imagine, no savour of unorthodoxy attaches to his name, 
is necessarily no more than a name to all but the professed 

It would not be difficult to assign other reasons for the 
comparative comprehensibility of the Fourth Gospel, in 
spite of its dependence upon two obscure or even unknown 
quantities. For one thing there is the style so lucidly 
clear and simple, so different from the involved and excited 
utterances of Paul. Then, again, just because the Fourth 
Gospel is so much further removed from Judaism, it is 
easier for a Jew to understand it. The period of conflict and 
creation is nearly over; the Gentile Church is fully formed. 
The Law is no longer a burning question ; the opposition 
of faith and works, no longer prominent, is even partially 
reconciled, for "faith" has become the supreme "work." 
The Pauline paradoxes have done their duty ; they have 
been absorbed and disappeared. In spite of the subject 
and its tragedy, we have passed into a serener air. Again, 
as the books on " St. John " fully explain, the death of 
Christ is no longer the main feature of the Gospel. There 
is a sense in which that death and its effects are still a 
stumbling-block to the Jew, even as they were when first 
enunciated by the daring genius of St. Paul — a stumbling- 
block in two senses: impossible to accept, difficult to 
appreciate or understand. 

Once more putting questions of authorship on one side, 
there seems much more agreement among theologians 

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26 The Jetcish Quarterly Review, 

as regards the Fourth Gospel than as regards St. Paul. 
There seems less room for endless diversities of interpreta- 
tion. Even on the critical side the commentators on St. 
Paul differ a good deal one from the other, so that much 
time is taken up by one man in pointing out the degrees 
of error in others. But in explaining St. John, the ex- 
ponents of the critical school show a much greater unani- 
mity. Of course, there are varieties, and you learn things 
in one book which you do not find in another. Still the 
views of Pfleiderer, and Thoma, and the two Holtz- 
mann's, and Scholten, and Martineau, and Cone, all bear 
a very marked likeness to each other; and there is a 
fair amount of repetition as you pass from the first book 
to the second, and from the second to the third and fourth. 
The consequence is that anybody who will work a little 
at Philo, should be able with the help of some two or 
three of these scholars to get a very fair idea of the 
contents of the Fourth Gospel. 

A principal question which I have set before myself 
in reading, and in reading about, the " Gospel according to 
St. John " is, What is the religious value of this book to 
those who have not been brought up in Christianity, and 
who do not believe in some of its most distinctive dogmas ? 
What is its religious value to the average modern Jew ? 

For a Jew to ask this question is partly but not entirely 
equal to asking without qualifications " What is the religious 
value of the Fourth Gospel ? " Such an identification is 
only conceited in appearance. Each one of us in estimating 
the leligious worth of another creed, is bound to re- 
gard his own belief to a considerable extent as a fixed 
standard of value. The Christian judges Buddhism 
favourably by its real or supposed resemblances to Chris- 
tianity, and so on. But this identification need not and 
should not be complete. To the more philosophic believer 
at any rate, no religion (his own included) is ever perfect, 
and none is without its partial though perhaps temporary de- 
fects. One religion may be onesided in one respect, a second 


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Notes on the Religiom Value of the Fourth Gospel 27 

in another. A third may have the defects of its qualities. 
The exaggerations of one religion may be of a certain use 
to the opposite exaggerations of another. It is, therefore, 
quite possible that certain points in the Fourth Gospel, 
themselves perhaps not wholly true or accurate, may be 
of religious value to a Jew. He may realize their onesided- 
ness, while they help him to correct his own. 

It must at once be allowed that this method of approach- 
ing the Fourth Gospel is the one of all others which would 
probably be least sympathetic to its author. I assume that 
the main contention of the Gospel — ^the contention or argu- 
ment Ifidd down in its opening prologue {e.g., i. 1-14) or in its 
closing verse (xx. 31) — is false : and then I coolly proceed to 
ask. What is its religious value ? As the believer would 
answer, ''Infinite," so might he maintain that the un- 
believer must answer, " Nil." For the object of the Gospel 
is not to teach ethics ; it is not to teach any aspect of reli- 
gion, or any phase of the spiritual or moral life, which 
may be independent of or only mediately connected with 
its supreme and central propositions, that the Eternal and 
Divine Word became flesh, that Jesus was the Christ, the 
Son of God, and that he is the Way, the Truth, and 
the life. As Thoma most rightly says, " Die Lehre des 
Johannesevangeliums ist eigentlich nichts anderes als Chris- 
tologie*' ^ " The doctrine of the Fourth Gospel is pure 
Christology." Does it not seem ridiculous that any one 
should find religious value in a book the essential and 
all-pervading object of which he, ab initio, assumes to 
be untrue ? If we want a florilegium of ethical and reli- 
gious sayings, we should go elsewhere than to the Fourth 
Gospel, where almost every verse is made subservient to 
and dependent on the main doctrine and purport of the 
whole. "Take away the Oodhead of Christ," says Dr. 
Martineau, '* and there is not an incident or a speech in the 
Fourth Gospel which does not lose its significance."' 

* Thoma, I>if OeneiU det Johannes- Evangeliumt, 1882, p. 302. 

* Mardnean, The Seat of Authority in Religion, 1890, p. 426. 

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28 The Jetoish Quarterly Review. 

What, then, can be the value of this book to the Unitarian 
or the Jew ? Is it not almost an affront to the book and 
almost an insult to its author to ask the question, when 
you defiantly shut your ears to the very thing they have 
to say ? Yet the Unitarian, Dr. Martineau, can find in this 
same Gospel at least " one vital element " of permanent 
value. And so, perhaps, may a Jewish reader, though (put- 
ting the central proposition on one side) he finds some 
things that are ethically and spiritually dangerous, and as 
he hopes erroneous, find also others which are ennobling, 
beautiful and true. 

Few persons, at any rate, be their religion what it may, 
can read the Fourth Gospel through without yielding to 
its spell. Few persons, I imagine, can remain proof to 
its remarkable fascination. May I briefly indicate wherein 
probably (to the outsider) the causes of this fascination 
consist ? 

First of all there comes the beauty of the manner, apart 
from the matter of the book. Its simplicity and eleva- 
tion of style, the sustained dignity and, occasionally, the 
dramatic power, all hold the interest of the reader. The 
greatest subjects in heaven or on earth are dealt with, and 
while the sentences are clear and unadorned, the sense of 
grandeur is usually well maintained. We feel that we are 
reading the work of a genius, and, moreover, the work of one 
who has full control over his material, his thought and his 
words. How delightfully the shortness and pointedness of 
St. John contrast with the diffuse rhetoric of Philo. The 
very same ideas sometimes offend us in the one writer which 
charm us in the other. A single crisp verse takes the 
place of pages of involved and florid rhetoric. The taste of 
the one was doubtless excellent for his own age and en- 
vironment ; the taste of the other still seems excellent to 
our own. A thought strangely expressed in Philo fails to 
arrest our attention. The same thought in the Fourth 
Gospel compels reflection or astonishment. Again, the 
Fourth Gospel, like so many other books, both of the 

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Notes on the Religioue Value of the Fourth Chspel. 29 

Hebrew and the Christian Scriptures, is alone of its kind. 
It is very short ; but there is no other book exactly re- 
sembling it. Like the Prophets, the Psalms, or the Epistles 
of St. Paul, it has a uniqueness and isolation of its own. 

But these reasons have only skimmed the surface. Others 
lie deeper. Most fairly cultivated persons, who are not 
naturally indifferent to one important side of our complex 
humanity, will be attracted by the spirituality of the book, 
by its idealism. This Fourth Gospel has, I suppose, gone a 
good way to form the religious consciousness of civilised 
humanity such as it now existwS, and we have not yet, I 
imagine, got beyond — ^it may be hoped that we never shaJl 
get beyond — these oppositions between the seen and the un- 
seen, the outward and the inward, the flesh and the spirit, 
which our Gospel has helped to make a permanent item in 
the forms and categories of cultivated, and even unculti- 
vated, thought. When Plato talks about the true beauty 
and the true goodness, unseen and yet real, more real far 
than the world of sense, when he speaks of a life that is 
death, and of a death that may be life, though his 
ideals be often " vacant forms of light," they will always 
awaken a sympathetic response from our higher nature 
— a yearning, sometimes vague and untutored, but not 
phantastic or spectral, towards a truth and goodness 
of which we could not dream if they were not real. 
So with the Fourth Gospel. On the purely religious side 
it has been the great source for those spiritual anti- 
theses and truths with which mankind is now familiar. 
And great primal phrases such as "God is a spirit," 
the " Bread of Life," " Peace not as the world giveth," in 
their striking simplicity and at their fountain source, 
will always, I should imagine, continue to attract and 
fascinate the spiritual and religious consciousness of man. 
Connected with this spirituality, or only another expres- 
sion of it, is the symbolic language of the Gospel. As 
artistic limits of length and degree are not outstripped, 
the double meaning with which the actions and words of 

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30 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

Christ are often charged cannot fail to cause pleasure and 
profit. The scene where Christ washes his disciples* feet is 
in itself striking and beautifiil, but its inner and symbolic 
meanings, half concealed and half revealed, add materially 
to its effect. As sometimes we feel that the respondents in 
the Platonic dialogues are made to misapprehend the mean- 
ing of the questions too clumsily, so sometimes the gross 
misconceptions of Christ's auditors are exaggerated in the 
Gospel But the spiritual use of such words as light and 
darkness, slavery and freedom, bread and water, life and 
death, through their very background of material applica- 
tion, moves our admiration and quickens our discernment. 
The spirituality of the Gospel liberates and,appeals to what 
is spiritual in ourselves ; we are not reminded of or im- 
pelled to any particular duty, but we are rendered alert and 
responsive to that ever-recurrent opposition of sense and 
spirit, on which much that is best and noblest in life seems 
to depend. There is a possible danger in this. A mere 
tickling of the spiritual instincts, a mere spiritual palpita- 
tion, may be of little use or even of positive harm to our 
moral nature, and may not make us fulfil the better, but 
even the worse, our definite duties and obligations. It is 
much better to fulfil these well and not to appreciate the 
ethereal spirituality of the Fourth Gospel, than to suc- 
ceed in the latter and to fail in the former. Moreover 
these sundered capacities are quite, possible and probably 
not unfrequent. But the fascination, beyond which at this 
stage I should perhaps not have gone, is independent of 
the question of ethical profit and loss. 

What has been said of the spirituality and symbolism of 
the Fourth Gospel applies in even greater measure to its 
mysticism. Putting aside the religious tmlue of mysticism, 
whether generally or for the average modem Jew, there 
can be no question of the fascination which mystic religious 
sentiment, if expressed with adequate simplicity and con- 
ciseness, exercises upon the mind and the feelings. These 
qualifications are eminently complied with in the Fourth 

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Not€9 on the JReligwus Value of the Fourth Ooapel SI 

Gospel. The eternal need of a Qod within as well as a 
Grod without, of breaking down or bridging over the gulf 
which seems to separate the human from the divine, and 
of yet maintaining the separateness and " personality " of 
both — these needs are felt and realised in the Fourth 
Gospel with considerable power and penetration, and for 
the believer of its main hypotheses, they are largely satis- 
fied and appeased. 

To these causes of fascination there may perhaps be 
added, not only the beautiful use of the ideas of love and 
sacrifice, a use so beautiful that we are apt to overlook the 
limitation of their range, but also the fact, however 
unconscious the average reader may be of it, that the 
author of the Fourth Gospel is a philosopher, and that his 
book is a form of popularised, or rather religionised, 
philosophy, transfigured by his genius and by his faith. 
The simplicity of this Gospel is not the simplicity of nature. 
It is the elaborate simplicity of art. It is carefully wrought 
out and worked up. Even while we admire, we feel that our 
admiration puts us into the category and fold of the elect. 
We are initiated into the mystery, and those who accept 
the Gospel become, as it were, the chosen few out of the 
condemned mass — in the world, but not of the world. 
Unconsciously to ourselves we philosophise, and this 
philosophy may truly be called divine. More even thaji 
with Plato, we are elevated and carried out of ourselves. 
In Plato we are invited to side with Socrates ; in the Fourth 
Gospel we are invited to side with Christ. The distinction 
fascinates. We seem to breathe a purer and rarer air, and 
this higher atmosphere quickens and gladdens us. We 
are free and even bidden to enter within the holy place, to 
take our seats and be enrolled in the spiritual aristocracy 
of the world. 

Such might be said to be some of the causes of that 
fascination which the Gospel of St. John is likely to 
exercise upon most cultivated and religious minds even 
outside the pale of believing Christianity. And these 

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32 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

causes of its fascination are partly the causes of its abiding 
religious value. Nevertheless, emotional fascination is one 
thing, critical appreciation is another. And upon this a 
due appraising of the Fourth Gospel must largely depend. 

Religious belief, while not without its intellectual 
basis, is notoriously different from belief in matters of 
science or history. I believe that in the year 84?1 A.D. 
a battle was fought at Fontenay. Firmly as I believe 
this, it has not, as an isolated fact, any effect upon 
my thought, feelings, character, actions, happiness, or 
power. I believe that there is a good God in the ordinary 
sense of that word ; or I believe that there is a devil into 
whose power I may fall for all eternity, or I believe that 
an aspect of God became flesh at a particular time, and 
while I believe these things to be facts, just as true as the 
occurrence of the battle of Fontenay in the year 841, 
they may also have a tremendous effect upon my life and 

The power and influence of true belief are intensely pro- 
minent in the Fourth Gospel In its emphatic insistence 
on truth, as in its frequent use of the very word, it is 
at once separated from the Synoptics (aXrjdeia occurs 
between twenty and thirty times in John, once in 
Matthew). The true knowledge of the only true God, and 
of Jesus Christ, his Son, is in itself eternal life : the lack, 
still more the rejection, of that knowledge, is in itself the 
absence or the forfeiture of that life. The whole man is 
transformed by his belief. 

We shall, I think, find that the Fourth Evangelist 
goes beyond even this, and here we shall probably part 
company with him. To all Jews, presumably to all 
liberal Christians, the action of God on man is not de- 
termined by the accuracy of his belief about God. We 
do not believe that the relation of God to man is different 
in the case of a Jew and in the case of a Christian. We 
realize that varying religious beliefs may and do have 
varying effects upon character, but so far as God is con- 

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Notes on the Religious Value of the Fourth OospeL 83 

cemed we do not believe that he has other laws of in- 
fluence and judgment for those who believe concerning 
him more truly or less truly, or even for those who have 
failed to find him altogether. Least of all do we believe 
that these variations of belief affect the destiny of the 
soul beyond the grave. And in these negations, which can 
also be presented as the most solemn affirmations, we find 
comfort and consolation, even as we find glory and rest. But 
inconsistently, as we believe, with the justice of God and the 
universalism of his providence, the author of the Fourth 
(Sospel did presumably believe that the result of true 
belief is not merely the moral and spiritual transformation 
of the believer, but the bestowal on him by God as a gift 
of his grace, the prerogative of eternal life, the special 
influx of the divine spirit. 

Once more. Not merely is it true that religious be- 
lief may ethically transform, but it is also true that 
the essential character of your belief, as realised and 
appropriated by you, is partly dependent upon your prior 
or present ethical condition. The interaction and inter- 
relation of morality and religion are notoriously complex 
in the extreme. Every man, good or bad, is at once 
capable of believing that a great battle was fought at 
Fontenay in 841. As the belief in the battle has no effect 
upon him hereafter, so it makes no demand upon him 
beforehand. But the belief in God — and here is one aspect 
of its solemnity — is not as easy as the belief in the battle. 
At all events there is, I apprehend, a sense in which it is 
true to say, that though a scamp can believe in God as 
well as a saint, his belief must be of a different texture 
and complexion. He may believe ; he cannot realise. He 
may say that he believes in communion with God, but that 
belief in it which is more than verbal, because based on 
experience and feeling, he cannot possibly possess. With- 
out goodness a man cannot sound the depths of belief in 
God. A man may be very good, and not believe in God 
— and this is where the Johannine writers (like Philo) 


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34 The Jewish Quarterly Revieto. 

were naturally in the wrong — but he cannot adequately 
realise God and not be good. "He that loveth not, 
knoweth not God; for God is love/' It is a great 

While we shall have to reject the Fourth GospeVa 
dualism, and its identification of the good man and the be- 
liever, we must always bear in mind that it was written when 
Christianity was still comparatively new, and fresh adult 
adherents, drawn from Paganism, were continually coming 
in. We can hardly appreciate the ethical effect which the 
discarding of heathenism, and the adoption of Christianity, 
may have had upon such persons. The recollection of it 
may also serve to partly excuse the peculiar dogma of the 
Evangelist, that he who rejected Christianity was morally 
bad. Among ourselves religion and morality grow up 
together, and their intermixture and interaction are far 
more subtle and complicated than anything which the 
writer of the Fourth Gospel could possibly have conceived. 

Proceeding now from these points of view to the main 
religious ideas of this remarkable book, we perceive that 
what it contains is a new revelation of God in his own 
nature and in his relation to man. And by God must be 
also included those other aspects or phases of him, which are 
known as the Word or the Son, and €« the Holy Spirit or 
the Spirit of Truth. We are told that before the advent of 
the Incarnate Son none knew the Father, for none can come 
unto the Father but through the Son. So tremendous an 
assertion, that the true nature of God was unknown before 
Christ, makes us ask what fuller revelation of God is given 
in this Gospel than we had known before, whether 
through the Old Testament, Philo, or the Synoptics? 
Now, apart from the metaphysical question of a distri- 
bution of the divine nature and function among double or 
triple aspects within the Godhead itself, there is very little 
in the Fourth Gospel to make good this claim. There is, 
indeed, far less than in the Synoptics, where Jesus, with 
perhaps one exception, never casts so overwhelming a 

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Notes on the Religious Value of the Fourth Oospel, 35 

disparagement upon the religious knowledge of the 
generations which had preceded him. We find one 
statement of grand simplicity and permanent value : " God 
is spirit, and they that worship him must worship in spirit 
and truth." It cannot be said that the statement con- 
tains a truth which was wholly new, for it is already 
implied in Isaiah and Philo.^ But in its setting, in its final 
overthrow of that dangerous localization of deity which 
stiU attached to the temple of Jerusalem, in its bold and 
distinct denial of the notion that God can be nearer to one 
spot than to another, its value is undoubted and abiding. 
It takes its place with the 139th Psalm as one of the 
great spiritual possessions of humanity. With this ex- 
ception, the Fourth Gospel contains little that is of 
value to the outsider about God, even as regards the 
more metaphysical relations of his being. In v. 17 : " My 
Father worketh until now," we get the idea of God's cease- 
less activity, which, however, is more clearly enunciated by 
the Evangelist's predecessor, Philo.* On the moral side we 
notice that the appellation Father is used far more to mark 
the relation of God to the Word than to man. Scholten 
has pointed out that the use of the term is reserved for the 
Logos: man may be the child of God; Christ is his son,* 
Passing over the restricted character of God's beneficence, 
of which there will be more to say later on, it is also 
true, as Cone observes, that the Evangelist "shows no 
predilection for dwelling on the goodness and mercy of 
God, and in this respect he is not to be compared with 
some of the prophets and psalmists, and even with Philo." ^ 
It is not unnatural that the Jew, familiar with a catena of 

* Cp. Reuss : Historie de la Theohtgie CJirHienne an iihcle Ajpostolique, 
Vol. II. p. 433. 

* Cp. especially I. Alleg. III. (M. I. 44) : " God neyer ceases to create, 
bnt as it is the property of fire to bum, and of snow to be cold, so also it 
is the property of God to create." 

' Scholten : Das Evangelium nach Johannes^ 1867, p. 82. 

* Cone : The Oospel aiid its earliest Interpretations ^ p. 275. Why 
''even withPhilo"? 

C 2 

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36 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

the best and noblest sayings about God in those psalmists 
and prophets, rejects with something like indignation 
the right of the Fourth Evangelist, whose divine hero 
prays not for the world which he has come to save, 
to assert that the Father was not known before the 
coming of the Son, or to teach the Jew something more of 
the nature and goodness of God than he already knew and 
revered. If the Jesus of the Synoptics claims this right, 
there is something to be said for its accuracy. Challenged 
by the Fourth Gospel I deny it. But it must not be over- 
looked that the First Epistle of St. John has succinctly 
summed up in a single formula or epigram the ethical 
truths about the nature of God already enunciated by 
earlier writers. " God is love," on the ethical side, ranks 
worthily with " God is spirit," on the metaphysical side. 
For both we are grateful. But I have sometimes wondered 
whether, if goodness or righteousness had been used in- 
stead of love, and if it had been said, therefore, " God is 
righteousness," or " God is goodness," rather than " God is 
love," the religion of Christ would have been stained by 
so many sins and cruelties committed in his name. Per- 
haps, however, human nature, in its corruption and blind- 
ness, is indifferent to the meaning of words. 

When we pass from God as he is in himself, io God in 
his relation to the world, we are at once plunged into 
the theory of the Logos. It is true that the Logos con- 
stitutes part of the eternal nature of Gkxi, as well as the 
predominant factor in his dealings with the universe ; but 
to the Evangelist the importance of the Logos centres in 
its incarnation and in its relations with humanity. 
Consistently with my special purpose, I do not propose 
to give any analysis of the doctrine of the Logos or of its 
genesis. I am only concerned with its value. Seeing, 
then, that the doctrine may be represented as an adap- 
tation of the Philonic theory to the person and story of 
Christ, we can hypothetically regard it under two aspects, 
distinguishable in our thought, though not in its author's. 

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Nates on the Religious Value of the Fourth Oospel. 37 

first as a division or separation of the single Godhead into 
divers aspects or phases ; secondly, as the incarnation of 
one particular aspect in the person of Christ. 

Now to those who stand outside the Christian pale, 
these various aspects of Qod are only ideal. We make 
them for our purposes because we conceive that they may 
approximately answer to that which we think must be 
included in Qod's own nature, and in his relation to the 
world. With our human capacities and knowledge, we do 
not presume to take the immense further step of con- 
structing any hypothesis as to the relation of these ideal 
aspects to each other. Most of us would, I think, feel that 
any introduction of such human relationships (for they 
can only be human) between the aspects of the one 
and only true Qod, would be an infringement of the 
Unitarian point of view, a violation of monotheistic purity. 
What we lose thereby in warmth and colour we gain in 
truth, sublimity and self-restraint. 

But even the strictest monotheist may recognize that 
the ideal separation of the Divine unity into various 
aspects may have had in the past, and may have in the 
present, a religious value of its own. It is in the change 
of aspects into persons that the danger begins ; in the 
second pcurt of the Athajiasian creed rather than in the 
first. For the theory of a Logos, or of a spirit, or of both, 
represents one way of realising to ourselves, whether 
popularly or philosophically, that relation of Qod to the 
world and to man which we not only tvant to be true, but 
which we also trust is true ; that relation, in other words, 
which not only satisfies our feeling, but our thought. 
The metaphysical diflBculties, for which the Logos seemed 
a solution to Philo, no longer press so hardly upon us. 
Qod in his lonely greatness must be kept apart from the 
world; God, in his perfect purity and abstractedness, is 
unapproachable and unknowable by man. And yet a way 
there must be in which God and the world, and God and 
ifi^n^ must be brought together, just as a way there must 

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88 The Jewish Quarterly Renew. 

be in which the self-sufficing God must be conceived to 
have created both the world and man. These oppositions 
and difficulties, of which we caji easily find traces in the 
Fourth Gospel, scarcely hamper and trouble us to-day as 
they troubled and hampered the Alexandrian divines and 
philosophers of eighteen hundred years ago. For one 
thing, we are less worried by the conception of matter as 
something in itself opposed or resistent to God. For 
another, we are perhaps less sensitive of logical difficulties 
in matters of religion, more willing to leave them unsolved, 
but to believe them soluble. But, perhaps, also, we are 
less easily taken in by the creations of our own thought. 
We do not suppose that we have really bridged the gulf 
or solved the puzzle by any theory of a Divine " Word " or 
a Divine " Spirit." We merely put back the difficulty 
another step. Just as, on the moral side, the theory of a 
devil, with which the Fourth Gospel thinks it can take 
away from God the responsibility of giving over to evil 
the souls which he himself has created, merely removes the 
problem in one form to raise it more sharply in another, 
so the theory of the Logos does not really harmonise the 
dual aspects of the Divine nature, it merely expresses them 
more clearly. 

Nevertheless, a Logos theory is not an arbitrary and 
even immoral hypothesis like the theory of a devil We 
feel that while God is omnipresent and infinite, he must 
also be self-conscious. Not less than " personal," we say, 
however much he may be more. He is something in him- 
self, to himself, and for himself; above and beyond the 
world. We call him " transcendent." But then comes the 
recoil. He is also something for the world and for our- 
selves. We are not wholly without God. " Whither shall 
I go from thy spirit, and whither shall I flee from thy 
presence ? " God is omnipresent. Moreover, there is reason 
in the world, and above all there is self-conscious reason in 
man. There is a relation, partly constant and partly 
variable — constant as regards God, variable as regards our- 

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Notes on the Heligious Value of the Fourth Oospel. 39 

selves — between us and him. He is "there," though we 
see him not. He is within us, though he is also without. 
We grope for words to express this realised feeling and this 
believed truth. The psalmist speaks of the Holy Spirit 
within him; Philo speaks of the Logos. Some such 
hypothesis, some such method of verbally expressing in 
separate terms this aspect of the Divine, we may perhaps 
always stand in need of. It is possible that a too exclusive 
consideration of God as the transcendent cause (though not 
without its justification), a too complete avoidance of those 
other appellations of him, the manysided One, which the 
Hebrew Scriptures, the Alexandrian philosophers, and the 
older Rabbinical writers created or employed, may have 
reacted not without prejudice upon the religion of our 
later Judaism. It may to some extent have robbed us of 
those elements of "personal religion" which are partly 
conditioned, or, at least, aided by emphasizing more 
markedly, through the help of separate words and titles, 
the "immanent" aspect of God's complex personality and 

We feel at any rate that a theory such as that of the 
Logos has a distinct value in helping us to realize that 
aspect of God turned outwards to the world and to man, 
which seems as much a part of him as any other. Human 
thought and human love are not merely the gift of God, 
but as the product of reason are themselves partly divine. 
Man is created in the image of God, says Genesis : through 
thy light we see light, says the Psalter. We can commune 
with God and aspire towards him, because, in however 
fragmentary a degree, we are akin to hiuL And if akin to 
him, this means that there is a sense in which, though we 
are we and God is God, he may be said to be within us as 
we may also be said to be within him. *' There is a sense " 
in which these seductive words have a meaning and a 
value: although let it never be forgotten that there is a 
sense, only too easily reewhed, in which they can become 
dangerous, immoral and untrue. 

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40 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

For these reovsons such a theory ba the Philonic Logos 
has not only an historical interest, but also, as I venture to 
think, something of permanent and religious value. Per- 
haps its value is not wholly out of relation to its vague and 
floating character, to its inconsistencies and contradictions. 
We feel that the theory cannot be hardened into a fixed 
dogma ; it is always more or less metaphorical or symbolic 
— a way of expressing the inexpressible. For these reasons 
too the Logos of the Fourth Gospel may also have its value 
even to outsiders. Whether /or them it has greater religious 
worth than the Logos of Philo may well be doubted. 
They cannot accept a human relationship between the two 
aspects of the one God, and therefore the love of the Father 
to the Son, and the love of the Son to the Father, however 
movingly and delicately expressed, is for them meaningless 
and inapposite. The single and complete incama4)ion of the 
Logos at a particular time and place gives the theory, to 
their eyes, something of that hard and fast chaoraxjter which 
the fluid nature of Philo's Logos avoids. Listead of a con- 
stant divine and spiritual operation, we have — at all events 
for the period of the incarnation — something mechanical, 
sensuous, spasmodic, magical It seems as if the work of 
the Logos before Christ had been a failure, and a new and 
miraculous method was conceived as necessary. The gra- 
dual development of God's purpose in human history seems 
interrupted by a divine interposition, which comes athwart 
and between the relation of God to man both before it and 
after. Such considerations will seem both unphilosophic 
and unmeaning to those who take their stand upon the 
dogma of Christ's divinity ; but I think they may partially 
explain the impression which that dogma makes upon those 
who have been from their very childhood brought up in 
a difierent environment and with difierent notions of the 
divine nature and rule. 

If we pass to the relation of the Evangelist's Logos — 
that is, of Jesus Christ — to man, and of man to the Logos, 
we are immediately confronted by the intense Johannine 

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Notes on the Beligioua Value of the Fourth Oospel 41 

dualism. The main object of the incaomation is to save ; 
but then there is only a certain number for whom salvation 
is possible. Those who are potentially good attend to the 
words of Christ, and believe in him and in his works; those 
who are potentially children of God, become so de facto by 
the life and death of the incarnate Logos and by the Spirit 
which he sends. But more than the children of God are 
the children of the Devil. For them no salvation is pos- 
sible. Their life is no true " life," and with the end of their 
earthly existence their separate personality is concluded. 
For the children of GJod the " life eternal," begun on earth, 
is continued in heaven ; for the children of this world, that 
is, for the children of the Devil, there would appear to be 
no hope. Their end is not eternal punishment, but sheer 
annihilation. In no other point is the Fourth Gospel more 
antipathetic to the outsider than in this. We object to this 
dualism, both in itself and in its test. That it is but the 
culmination of a tendency does not make it truer or more 
acceptable. There is a dualism discernible in the Psalter 
and in other portions of the Hebrew Scriptiures ; but it is 
not so theoretic and complete as the dualism of " St. John." 
It is more natural and ordinary ; the dualism of the average 
hot-blooded patriot, not the thought-out dualism of the 
philosopher in his study. Jewish particularism is very 
objectionable ; to identify the enemies of your people with 
the enemies of God, the Gentile with the wicked, is utterly 
repugnant to our modem notions of justice and religion. 
But this particularism was happily not part and parcel of 
the real Jewish creed. It could be, and has been, easily got 
rid of. The Johannine doctrine involves a particularism 
more deadly than the Jewish form of it, because it is more 
intertwined with the very essence of the Evangelist s creed, 
and receives a more theoretic and logical basis. It is, there- 
fore, less easily got rid of. 

Philo too teaches a dualism analogous to the dualism of 
" St John." But as R6ville, in his admirable pamphlet. La 
doctrine du Logos dans la quatrikme Evangile et dans les ceuvres 

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42 The Jewish QtmHerly Review. 

de Philon, has well pointed out, Philo's dualism is less sharply- 
defined, less consistent and less irreversible. Between 
the two extremes there are various shades and modifica- 
tions of character, partly inclining towards the flesh, partly 
aspiring towards God. Moreover Philo admits the possibility 
of a passage from one division to the other; he finds 
a place for Repentance. But in the Fourth Gospel, those 
who belong to Christ's flock believe and are saved, those 
who do not belong to it cannot believe. The "world" 
cannot receive the spirit : it knows him not. Those who 
are not of God cannot hear his words. He that is of 
the "earth" cannot receive that which comes from 
"heaven." The Fourth Gospel knows nothing of Re- 
pentance. The very word jj^rdvoui is not found in it. 
Those who receive the words of Christ no longer include 
a contingent of publicans and sinners; they are morally 
good.^ A forgiveness of sins is only cursorily mentioned : 
it is inconsistent with the main doctrine, an importation 
from without, or rather a survival of a rejected element. 
It is true that the wrath of God abides on the unbeliever, 
but this would seem to be not so much because the un- 
believer can help his unbelief, but because God, as pure 
light and goodness, must by his own nature be eternally 
hostile to what is corrupt, evil and diabolic. The 
intense dualism of the writer is finally and consummately 
revealed to us in the great prayer in the seventeenth 
chapter, where Christ is made to say, " I pray not for the 
world, but for those whom thou hast given me." Surely 
the defenders of the Gospel's authenticity and historical 
character do Jesus of Nazareth an evil turn. Surely 
"I come to call sinners to repentance," "Father, forgive 
them, for they know not what they do," were more 
characteristic of the historic Jesus than all the elaborate 
speeches of " St. John." 

For the exquisite beauty of the Fourth (Jospel tends to 

' Oaoar Holtzmann, Das Johannes Evangeliuni^ 1887, p. 89. 

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Note^ on the ReUgioua Value of the Fourth OospeL 43 

blind us to the full meaning and implication of its dualistic 
doctrine. We do not realise that all the love which God 
and the Logos, God's son, bear to the world is only to an 
elect portion, and that the sublimer pity of the Synoptic 
Gospel to the outcast and the sinner is wholly and ne- 
cessarily wanting. Nor do we easily realise that the 
human reflection of that love is ojily to be exercised within 
the brotherhood of believers. If it be charged against the 
Rabbis — with some truth and with some falsehood — that 
they interpreted the Jove of one's neighbour enjoined in 
Leviticus to mean the love of one's fellow-Jew, it may with 
bett^er accuracy be said that the love enjoined by the 
famous " new commandment " of St. John is restricted to 
fellows in faith. Is love restricted by race much more 
objectionable than love restricted by creed ? 

Moreover, the moving splendour and calm assurance of 
language, which adds so greatly to the Gospel's perennial 
charm, has tended to make men think that its dualism, if 
not justified in itself, was justified by the environment 
and age in which the author lived. I find this excuse for 
the Evangelist in Thoma,' and I find it also, where it 
seems far more surprising, in Dr. Martineau. He speaks 
of the " inevitable but imperfect dualism forced upon 
human thought by the contrasts of experience." " A new 
religion," he goes on to say, 

giveB birth to an entrancing affection, and, going apart with its own 
entbosia^m, sees all else at variance with it, and needing either con- 
yenion or rejection. It cannot live without its outcasts : the Israelite 
has his Gentiles : the apostle Paul his false " brethren," that '* make 
th** cross of Christ of none effect " through their *' dead works " ; 
and now the mysterious evangelist, who finds in union with Christ the 
whole spiritual distance annihilated between the life of man and God, 
looks upon a world made up of dissolute Paganism and embittered 
Judaism as in the mass delivered over to the power of evil. Between 
the low pa^Nons that reign there of greed and lust, of ambition and 
envy, and the aspimtions and trust, the humility and love that breathe 
through the prayers and sweeten the inner life of a true Christian 

' Tboma, Die OenetU des Johannes JEvangeliumt, 1882, p. 283. 

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44 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

community, the contrast presents itself to him as little less than 
infinite ; so that onlj now does the genuine history of humanity open, 
with the planting of a nacred colony in the midst of the dark con- 
tinent of earthly ain and shame.^ 

Now, in the first place, the immense ethical difference 
between " conversion " and " rejection " is somewhat ignored 
by their dose juxtaposition in this passage; but in the 
second, what right has Dr. Martineau even to imply 
that the world upon which the author of the Fourth 
Gtoapel " looked forth " was not only seemingly to the 
Evangelist, but really made up of a " dissolute paganism " 
and an "embittered Judaism"? Within the Christian 
pale, nought but aspirations and trust, humility and love ; 
without, nothing but greed and lust, ambition and envy ! 
At the very period when the Fourth Gospel was composed, 
Paganism was not without its spiritual revival and its 
ethical nobility. Surely there were many Pagans who 
rejected Christianity and yet led lives of purity and good- 
ness ; and as for Judaism, was there no spirituality among 
its martyrs and heroes who perished in all the sublimity of 
perfect faith at the scaffold and by the sword ? It is a 
mournful fact that the good men among the Jews thought 
that the good men among the Christians were bad, and 
vice versd; but it is still more mournful to perpetuate 
their error, and to think that either side could arrogate 
to itself an exclusive possession of goodness, humility and 

A number of points relative to the moral and religious 

^ Seat qf Authority^ p. 493. Still more one-sided is a passag^e on 
p. 434 : " This intense moral dualism in the Johannine writings, which 
allows no gradations, drives aU antitheses into contradictions, and 
invokes G-od and devil to settle every disputed cause, doubtless Indicates 
that the interval had become practically hopeless between the spiritual 
ideal of life and character reached by the Christian conscience, and the 
low types of motive and conduct into which the unconverted Judaism 
and heathenism had set.*' If one met this sentence in any unorthodox 
German Protestant divine, one would pay no notice. It seems to belong 
to their business to misrepresent Rabbinic Judaism ; it lies, perhaps, 
in their blood. But from the English Dr. Martineau it is amazing. 

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Notes on the Religious Value of the Fourth Gospel, 46 

condition of the world before and at the advent of Christ 
are left obscure. Those who " come to the light," that is, 
believe in Christ, are good. Did then the Incarnation- not 
increase the capacity of human goodness ? Did it merely 
give the means of acquiring "truth," the chance of a 
fuller bliss, a purer enlightenment, but not the power 
of becoming more good? The command to love one 
another is described as new. Were then people not 
really good before Christ, but only potentially so, 
seeing that the only definition of goodness recog- 
nized by the Evangelist seems to be love ? If they 
were in any true sense good, why should they have been 
in danger from the devil ? The redemption of the good 
seems less urgent than the redemption of the evil, and yet 
the purpose of the Incarnation is for the sake of the good 
and not for the sake of the evil. The Logos shone into 
the world before it became flesh. The darkness did not 
apprehend it. But was that darkness universal both 
among the Jews and among the heathens ? Were there 
good men who died before the Incarnation, and in 
what sense? What knowledge of God, what light 
had they, whether in Judaea or outside it? One 
of the best features in the Qospel is its universalism, 
for on this point the author is no inept disciple of 
St. Paul. Gentiles rather than Jews come readily to the 
light. Other sheep there are not of this fold. But what 
then of all the great mass of heathen who died before 
Christ came ? Was the pre-Christian action of the Logos 
too feeble to generate in them the spiritual life ? Was 
nobody bom anew, or born from above, whether Gentile 
or Jew, in all that immense period of waiting and prepara- 
tion ? If yes, why did not this normal auction of the Logos 
and the grace of God suflSce ? If not, and if no man was 
" spiritual," could any have been good? Are we to suppose 
that the new birth euid the true goodness which it includes 
were coincident with Christ? And lastly, was every- 
body before Christ annihilated at death, or are we to 

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46 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

believe with Dr. Martineau that two or three obscure and 
doubtful passages refer to a resurrection and a judgment 
both of punishment and of reward for the endless genera- 
tions of the dead ? ^ Just in proportion as the Fourth 
Gospel leaves us with no clear answer to questions 
such as these its religious value seems to me to halt and 
f aiL If you set up a great religious theory, involving mighty 
miracles and tremendous presuppositions, you should at 
least make that theory complete. A religious Weltanschau- 
ung, which intellectually and morally is fraught with 
difficulty, should at least be co-extensive with the world 
which it seeks to interpret. If in crucial points of urgency 
and moment, it leaves us in the lurch and in the dark, 
if it not only does not satisfactorily explain the facets of 
history and human nature, but even ignores them, its 
religious value, both theoretically and practically, is, I 
venture to think, most seriously impaired. 

We pass from these unexplained and unsolved difficulties 
to consider how " eternal life," in the bestowal of which are 
contained both the prerogative and the mission of Christ, is 
won, and wherein it consists. So far as it is bestowed 
ab extra, as a gift from without, it does not concern us. 
So far as it is conditioned by the fact of Christ's death 
and by a participation in baptism and the eucharist, it also 
lies outside our sphere. Whatever spiritual meanings the 
author attached to these material processes, he would appa- 
rently have believed that they exercised upon the rightly 
disposed person a special and semi-miraculous influence. He 
would probably have objected to any abolition of these 
ceremonies, just as Philo objected to a merely spiritual 
interpretation of the Pentateuchal laws.^ But the details 
of his views do not affect our present enquiry, just as the 
degree of atoning or sanctifying efficacy which he assigned 
to the death of Christ is of little importance to the outsider 

* tSeat of Autharity in Rtligion^ p. 439, n. 1. 

* Cp. Pfleiderer, Da^ UrchHxtinthum^ p. 774. 

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Notes on the ReUgiom Value of the Fourth Oospel 47 

except historically. What we want to know is how this 
eternal life can be won by man. We have already seen that 
the attainment of it is, partially at any rate, predetermined. 
Those who have not the spiritual germ within them can 
not be quickened by the spiritual sun. For them darkness 
is light and light is darkness. The opportunity of salva- 
tion to the one class is but the means of completer dam- 
nation to the other. Therefore it is that the "judgment" 
of Christ is one of sifting : the rejected become worse and 
worse as the light shines brighter and brighter. But in 
addition to all this, human effort is needed for the acquisi- 
tion of life eternal, and there is a method by which it can 
be won. This may not be wholly logical, but it is certainly 
more in accordance with experience and fact So in Philo 
all spiritual attainment is due to the grace of God, 
and Philo's insistence on this point, implying man's in- 
capacity to move upward without divine help and the 
necessity of humility, is quite parallel to John v. 41-44 and 
viL 18 ; but, nevertheless, there is room and need for moral 
effort and endeavour. You are reborn by the spirit, and 
the spirit is given you from above; and yet you may 
struggle to attain the spirit, or at any rate to develop the 
potentialities of the divine gift. Any obscurity and incon- 
sistency here need not surprise us: no one can precisely 
allocate to man and God their exact share in the moral 
and religious development of the human character. Yet 
most religious persons feel that there are both human and 
divine agencies helping towards the ultimate product. 

Now, in most of the higher religions, the attainment of 
the best life is supposed to depend upon two main ele- 
ments. One of these elements is moral and one is 
religious. These separations are somewhat misleading, 
but nevertheless they have their uses. The elements may 
also be described thus : eternal life is partly won by works 
and partly by faith. 

Which element comes first in time and in importance ? 
The modem and Jewish view is that the ethical element 

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48 The Jemsh Quarterly Review, 

comes first. What society needs is the most developed 
goodness ; with what fashions and dogmas of religious be- 
lief this goodness is combined is of inferior moment. 
That belief is of the greatest value to society which has 
the best ethical effect upon its believers. Moreover, we 
recognise that in faith, do and say what we will, there 
does enter an intellectual element which is not wholly 
under the control of our will. We are aware, though Philo 
was not, that a man may be very good who is an Atheist 
or an Agnostic, though we are far from thinking that 
society would not morally degenerate if Atheism and 
Agnosticism were immensely to increase. That we become 
good by doing good is still true. And the content of 
"life eternal" is interpenetrated by morality. Remove 
morality and it is vague, ascetic, selfish — a refined egoism. 

But this ethical element is not unaffected by the other 
element, which consists in man's attitude towards Gk)d, in 
his belief in him, his love of him, his more or less con- 
stant sense of his abiding omnipresence. " Solet enim 
dei amator illico etiam hominum amator esse." Yet while 
these two elements influence and interact upon each other, 
we feel that the primary one of the two is morality. If 
we may separate inseparables, we might say : Through 
morality to religion. 

And in the Fourth Gk)spel the need of these two elements 
is also recognised. But, on the whole, the emphasis seems 
placed on the wrong feictor, on faith rather than on 
morality. Through religion to morality, rather than 
through morality to religion, is the tendency of the Gospel. 
In this respect, the First Epistle of St. John takes a saner 
and more ethical line. But both Oospel and Epistle incline 
to identify the one element with the other or to gloss over 
the difference between them. 

As we have already seen, the man who believes in 
Christ is at least potentially good. The bad man is an 
unbeliever, and even the reverse holds also true — the un- 
believer is a bad man. Now, apart from bis metaphysical 

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Note* on the Religiom Value of the Fourth Ooepel. 49 

and i priori dualism, what reason has the Evangelist to say 
that the unbeliever is morally bad ? " Every one that doeth 
evil hateth the light." " Except ye believe that I am he, ye 
shall die in your sins." The second quotation seems, with 
doubtful consistency, to imply that even in spite of sin, 
belief may be won and sin destroyed (cp. v. 14). You 
might argue that only those who were hardened to good- 
ness could be insensible to the moral beauty of Christ's 
words, or doubt that he was inspired. The argument is 
plausible though not convincing. But even if admitted, 
it does not suit the case. For what the moral beauty of 
Christ's words can never prove is that the speaker of 
them was metaphysically connected with Deity, the In- 
carnation of the eternal Word.^ 

It is, however, also true that the Gospel teaches morality 
as the condition precedent of faith. " If any man willeth 
to do his will, he shall know of the teaching, whether it 
be of God, or whether I speak from myself." " He that 
doeth the truth cometh to the light." " He that keepeth 
my commands, loveth me." And this teaching is whole- 
some and sound. Let God and duty prove themselves to 
you in your life by living on as if they truly were.' The 
Epistle is more definite still on this point. "If a man 
say, I love God, and hateth his brother, he is a liar"; 
through the love of man we pass to the love of God. Prac- 
tically this teaching comes to this : theoretic belief is of no 
spiritual value ; the test of true faith is that it should rest 
on a moral basis and issue in a moral life. Through 
morality to religion, and when there, from religion to 
morality. These excellent utterances of the Epistle {e.g., 

1 Cp. ChaTaanes' La Religion dans la Bible, II. p. 183 :— "Gertee Jdsos 
me r^y^e la yeritable vie ; mais en qnoi oela me proave-t-il qa*il est od 
tee divin incam^ 7 Poorquoi YeatM>n abBolument que je le oroie pour 
aimer la Tie qui m^e k Dieu? . . . Cette th^oeophie est nn hors- 
d*(BaTTe dangerenx. 0*eet eUe qui est canse qne notre autenr ae soit ei 
maUieii^ieiiMment exprim6, par exemple, lorsqu'U 6orivait : * Qnioonqae 
croit que J^eoe est le Ohrist, eet n6 de Dieu.' " 

» T. H. Oreen, "Address on Faith." Works, HI., p. 273. 


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50 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

** whosoever doeth not righteousness is not of God, and he 
that loveth not knoweth not God"), suflSce to give it 
value to the outsider as to the insider, to the Jew as to 
the Christian. 

But, as we have seen, neither Epistle nor Gospel stops 
there. They do not merely say, morality shall be the test 
of your faith, and the method by which you reach it. 
They have led the way to the dangerous doctrine that 
unbelief is necessarily as much moral as intellectual. If 
you can win faith by goodness, you miss it because of vice- 
The unbeliever is a sinner. It seems to me that for the 
terrible consequences of this doctrine, the Johannine 
writings are partially responsible. Their matchless beauty 
tends to hide the danger and the cruelty of the doctrine 
which they preach. For let us pass from the work of a 
great genius such as the Fourth Gtospel to the writings of 
a soulless fanatic, and what do we find there? The 
fanatic would be reprobated now by all; nevertheless, 
views such as his have had great influence in the world, 
and if he had been asked to justify them, he could have 
quoted the Fourth Gospel with great cogency and aptitude 
for his uncharitable purpose. That Gospel undoubtedly 
maintains that moral evil is the root of unbelief. And is 
not this what Dr. Gumming, as quoted by George Eliot, in 
that striking essay of hers, on Evangelical Teaching, in the 
Westminster Review of October, 1855, also maintained ? 

I onoe met with an acute and enlightened infidel, with whom I 
reasoned day after day, and for hours together ; I submitted to him 
the internal, the external, and the experimental evidences, but made 
no impression on his scorn and unbelief. At length I entertained a 
suspicion that there was something morally, rather than intellectualiy 
wrong, and that the bias was not in the intellect, but in the heart. 
One day, therefore, I said to him : ** I must now state my oonricuon, 
and you may call me uncharitable, but duty compels me ; you are 
living in some known and gross sin." The man's countenance 
became pale; he bowed, and left me. 

One point more. The author of the First Epistle of St 
John is urgent to impress upon his readers the importance 

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Notes on the ReligiouB Value of the Fourth GhspeL 51 

of morality. In simple adages of great power and beauty 
he preaches, as we have seen, the noble doctrine that the 
doer of righteousness is begotten of God, and that the lover 
of God must be also a lover of man. But there is another 
side to this picture. Even with him the element of faith 
frequently overcomes and predominates over the element 
of morality. That he should be blind to goodness outside his 
own community is natural But what of the sinners within 
its pale ? He cannot consistently maintain the paradox 
that the man who calls himself a Christian is not a 
Christian if he be a sinner. It conflicts with language 
and experience. He therefore equivocates. The Christian 
sins, but it is a '^sin not unto death." What is a sin 
unto death ? It is clearly apostasy. Therefore the intel- 
lectual sin of abandoning a belief in Christ would seem to 
be more unpardonable in the author's eyes than a moral sin 
of indefinite intensity. Here again we are confronted with 
a false doctrine which has worked grievous evil in the 
history of the world. The believer's sins are judged by a 
different standard from the sins of his imbelieving neigh- 
bour. No longer "Ye are my people: there/ore will I 
visit upon you all your iniquities." But rather, *' Whoso- 
ever believeth that Jesus is the Christ is begotten of God ; 
and whosoever is begotten of God doeth no sin." The 
individual who is proudly conscious that he so believes 
and is so begotten, may rapidly become convinced that 
he is incapable of sin. Take care of your faith, and your 
deeds will take care of themselves — a perversion doubtless 
of the Epistle's general doctrine, but not without possible 
support from the ambiguous language of a document which 
exalts faith at the expense of morality even while it 
attempts indissolubly to combine the two.^ 

The content of eternal life, according to the Fourth 
Gospel, we have already heard defined as the knowledge of 
the only true God and of Jesus Christ, the Divine Word 

> Cp. Chayannea* La Religion dans la Bible ^ p. 184. 
D 2 

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52 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

made flesh. But it would be improper to infer from this 
single passage that no ethical elements entered into its com- 
position. With equal or greater injustice the same attack 
might be made on Philo when he defines this life as a taking 
refuge with the true God (17 Trpo? to ov Kara(\>xrfri)\ or 
where in many other similar passages he gives to it an 
exclusively religious character. The moral element is 
certainly not wanting in the Fourth Evangelist, though by 
the very purpose and object of his Gospel moral teaching 
as such is very slightly dwelt upon. But in the flush and 
glow of his spiritual enthusiasm, faith in Christ seemed 
necessarily to involve a regeneration of the whole man. 
Man receives by it the fullest truth and highest know- 
ledge, and it so transforms his character as to bring out its 
best and divinest possibilities. Personal devotion and 
emotional love are part and parcel of that knowledge of 
the Son and of the Father wherein life eternal consists. To- 
day we are bound to separate, at least in language, our 
moral and religious life more clearly, and the intellectual 
element in "faith," through its very difficulty, presses 
itself the more strongly and distinctly upon our atten- 

All the same, the ethics of the Fourth Gospel are cer- 
tainly its lecwt original part. If you subtract all that 
seems a reproduction of Paul and all that seems a re- 
production of Philo, you have little left that is at 
once admirable and new. So, for example, with the con- 
ception of spiritual freedom and the slavery of sin (viii. 
31-36). So also, in the main, with the conception of self- 
glory as preventing the possibility of spiritual enlighten- 
ment. As with Socrates the vain man who thinks he 
knows but is really ignorant is intellectually hopeless and 
helpless, so to our Evangelist they who love the glory of 
men more than the glory of God are also those who think 
they see but are really blind. ** If they were blind they 
would have no sin ; but now they say We see ; therefore 
their sin remaineth." To this conception also there are 

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Notes on the Beligiom Value of the Fourth Ooepel. 63 

several parallels, both in the Epistles of Paul and in the 
treatises of Philo. 

Yet everyone who reads the Gospel and Epistles of 
St. John with a fair measure of sympathy, will pro- 
bably find in them a certain ethical elevation. They 
are not only spiritual in religion, but also in morality. 
And when in this essay the word "morality" has 
been used, and all things in heaven and earth have been 
appraised by a moral standard, I have always had in 
mind the fullest connotation that could possibly be given 
to this expansive term. I was not thinking only of 
mere work-a-day and bourgeois morality (though this, as 
Bauwenhoff says, includes a good part of man's moral 
worth), but of the morality which is exhibited in self-sacri- 
fice and devotion. Morality does not stop short of love ; 
and, though the highest morality to our modern notions 
does not consort with useless a^eticism or isolation, it 
does, I should imagine, always include that antagonism to 
the " world," in one specific and spiritual sense, which is 
characteristic of the Johannine writings. The precise 
meaning which their authors gave to the word koc/jlo^ has 
doubtless passed away. We do not approve their anti- 
thesis between this world and auother world when they 
mean by it that this world is under the sway of diabolic 
agencies. Nevertheless, softened and modified though our 
notions of the " world " may be, there is a sense in which 
we do find ethical meaning and religious value in the 
famous sentences : " Love not the world, neitlier the things 
that are in the world. If any man love the world, the love 
of the Father is not in him. For all that is in the world, 
the lust of the fiesh, and the lust of the eyes, and the 
vainglory of life, is not of the Father, but is of the world. 
And the world passeth away, and the lust thereof ; but he 
that doeth the will of God abideth for ever." So far as 
these words are true, they are true for those without, as 
well as for those within, the limits of Christianity ; and, 
seeing that the measure of abiding truth which they con- 

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54 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

tain is nowhere else, to my knowledge, more simply and 
effectively expressed, the outsider, as well as the insider, 
may rightly render them both gratitude and admiration. 

Ethics certainly owes more to the Epistle than to the 
Gospel. It is undoubtedly true that in the long speeches in 
the Gospel, " the ethical teaching of the Synoptic Christ falls 
wholly into the backgroimd." ^ Not unconnected, I should 
imagine, with this lack of ethics is another fact pointed 
out by the same acute commentator, that the predominance 
of the Fourth Gospel in the Christian Church has regularly 
produced a tendency to asceticism and mysticism, from the 
days of Clement of Alexandria to those of Schleiermacher.* 
The one positive moral command of the Johannine Christ 
is that contained in the word arfOTrq, or love. "A new 
commandment I give unto you, that ye love one another." 
But is not this, it may pertinently be asked, sufficient and 
all inclusive ? 

Without attempting to depreciate in a nasty or grudging 
spirit the value of so famous an injunction, it must be 
pointed out that this love is merely reciprocal. It is re- 
stricted to the fellow disciple, and is thus in sharp and 
violent contrast to the bidding of the Synoptic Jesus. The 
particularism of race is exchanged for the new and more 
dangerous particularism of creed. Leviticus xix. 18 is 
perhaps supplemented by Luke x. 33, and enlarged by 
Matthew v. 44 ; it is not improved by John xiii. 34. That 
is no new command which does not go beyond the old. 
Enlargement fulfils, and therefore Matthew v. 44 does not 
(it may be contended) contradict Matthew v. 17, but 
John xiii. 34 is not only in conflict with Leviticus xix. 18, 
but with Matthew v. 17 as welL And the supplementary 

» " Die sittliolie Verktindiguiig des synoptischen ChristuB tritt voU- 
kommen in ihuen znrfick." (O. Holtonazm, p. 89.) 

* "Das Hervorheben des johanneisclien ChristiiBbildes vor dem synop- 
tiaohen hatte in der Eirche regelmassig ein Ueberwiegen des weltf remden 
Lebens der Christen znr Folge, in Askese und Mystik, von Clement Alezan- 
drinns an bis auf Sohleiermacher xind Lnthardt." (0. HolUmann, p. 

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NoteB on the R$ligiom Value of the Fourth Oospel. 65 

command of Leyiticus xix. 34 finds no parallel in St. John. 
The stranger in creed need not be loved. Too accurately 
has Christianity recognised the difference : too closely has 
she followed the Christ of the Fourth Gospel rather than 
the Christ of the First. 

Nevertheless within the limit of the brotherhood, the 
force and beanty with which the command of love is urged 
and emphasized, cannot be gainsaid. All of us may be 
grateful for such passages, and can apply them in our own 
way. As a picture of the love which lays upon itself 
willingly the lowliest duties, the scene where Christ washes 
the feet of his disciples will always retain its power. 
This service of love is to rise to the heights of sacrifice. 
" Qreater love hath no man than this, that a man lay down 
his life for his friends.'' But it is again characteristic of the 
Evangelist that whereas to Paul the supremacy of Christ's 
sacrifice consisted in his dying for sinners, those whom his 
death benefits in the Fourth Gospel are no longer aaeffeU, 
but ifUXjoi, not the ungodly, but the good. The dualism is 
preserved unto the end. 

One integral portion of the Evangelist's conception of 
love has thus far been omitted. The followers of Christ 
are to love one another. But wherefore ? By what force 
or example is this love to be set in motion, stimulated, 
maintained ? Here we come to the great and distinctive 
ethical motive characteristic of the Fourth Gospel. The 
love of man to man is conditioned by the love of man 
for Christ, and of Christ for man. It may also be said to 
be partly conditioned by the love of God both for Christ 
and man. (But we must always remember that neither 
QoA nor Christ has love for the man who will not or cannot 
be saved by faith in the Incarnate Son.) 

No outsider would dream for a moment of denying the 
ethical power which the love of man for Christ and the belief 
in the love of Christ for man have exercised in human his- 
tory. This is not the place to consider how far that power can 
be, has been, or is supplied by Judaism with its more direct 

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56 ITie Jetmh Quarterly Review, 

appeal and immediate relationship to God the Father. It 
is probably harder to love God, and to feel the joy of loving 
him, than to love Christ; and it must not be forgotten 
that this emotional feeling of love and of joy in loving — 
reaching up to and passing into a mystic feeling of union 
and communion with the beloved and Divine object — ^may, 
within certain limits, have excellent ethical results. Now, 
as Rauwenhoff has so clearly pointed out, every excite- 
ment of feeling, however noble the feeling may be, par- 
takes to some extent of the character of enjoyment. 
This enjoyment is easier if the spiritual is clothed 
in sensuous forma An image impresses us much more 
keenly than an abstract conception. For how, he adds, 
could the worship of Jesus and the worship of Mary have 
so obscured the worship of God in Christianity if it were 
not that the humanised God appeals so much more to the 
feelings than the Infinite One ? ^ 

It is certainly true that one element in the love of Christ 
and also in the conception of God, produced by the Christian 
theory, can never be filled up by concentrating our love 
upon God alone. It is the element of sacrifice. Christians 
are convinced of God's love for man, because he sent his 
Son to save them. They love God the more because they 
think he so sacrificed himself. And the exemplar of 
human love is given them to all time in the divine sacrifice 
of Christ. It has been said in this Review by a gentle 
and gifted Christian writer, that if we say that self- 
sacrifice is the greatest of the virtues, but that it has not 
been or cannot be displayed by God, then God's character is 
less noble than man's. This argument appears to me to 
assimilate the divine and the human nature too closely. 
To resist temptation is a human virtue, but it cannot 
be attributed to God: the same might be said of other 
virtues that imply efibrt. Is there not still a truth in the 
Aristotelian diptum, that we praise virtue (and virtue is 

* Rauwenhoff, Wijtlegeerte van den Oodsdunstf 1887, pp. 176, 176 
(German translation, p. 117). 

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Notes on the Rdigiom Value of the Fourth Gospel 57 

human), tov<; deoif^ Sk fuiKapL^o/jbev 1 At any rate the 
"inner contradiction" of which Hausrath speaks in the 
conception of a being who is both God and man, the vivid 
feeling that " human life becomes an empty phantom (ein 
leei'er Schein) if it is lived by a God," prevent those who 
stand without the Christian pale from realising how the 
notion of a Divine sacrifice, offered at a given moment in 
time and once for all, can be assimilated with the idea of 
God, or what exact meaning it can convey.^ 

It may be questioned whether the Fourth Gospel, though 
it lays so much stress upon the love which Christ bore to 
his disciples, has been the Gospel which has chiefly contri- 
buted to create that wonderful figure of the pitying and 
suffering martyr, the divine ideal of humanity, in whom 
so many countless souls have foimd comfort in trouble, 
strength in temptation, light in darkness, and love amid 
hate. "Inasmuch as ye did it unto one of these my 
brethren, even these least, ye did it unto me." Such 
sayings, and others like them, are more characteristic of 
the Synoptic than of the Johannine Christ. Are they not 
also more characteristic of a conception of Christ in which 
he reveals the love of God and the " divine image " of man, 
inasmuch as, though inspired, he was, nevertheless, human, 
and not God himself, incarnate and complete ? It would 
be very interesting to consider what share the human or 
Unitarian conception has really had in the motive power 
for good which the worship and love of Christ have pro- 
duced in the course of the ages. Or is that motive power 
dependent upon a belief in his absolute divinity ? Can we 
have no Father Damiens without the Incarnation ? 

Putting these ultimate questions on one side, let us note 
some peculiar features of the Fourth Gospel's conception 
of human and divine love, and how these are partially 
modified in the first Epistle. In the Gospel the Logos, still 
more than in Philo, occupies the position of intermediary 

* Cp. HanBrath, Xeutegtamentliche Zeitgetchichtef iY.,'p, 493, ^». 

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58 The Jewish QaaHerly Eevietc. 

between God and man. Through the Son to the Father ; 
other approach there is none. Where such a theory is 
merely metaphysical, as we may say it is in Philo — for 
whom the aspect of Deity revealed in the Logos is 
the means whereby man may ultimately pass to the 
fuller knowledge and love of the absolute God — ^it is 
not objectionable. The danger of its presentment in the 
Fourth Gospel is that the Logos is no longer merely 
a philosophical aspect of God, but a "person" in our 
modem sense of the word, who became flesh for a 
definite period of time. If you say " only through the Son 
to the Father" with this definite and personalised sense 
attaching to the Son, you run near to sajdng that the 
Father cannot be known except by those who may have 
heard of, and hearing may believe in, the dogma of the 
pre-existent, incarnate and resurrected Son. And this 
implies, as it seems to me, an improper and intolerant 
limitation of the knowledge and love of God to the 
followers of a particular creed. 

In the Gospel the love of the Father is mainly directed 
to the Son. That love is insisted on several times with 
marked emphasis. On the other hand, the love of the Son 
for the Father is only once alluded to (xiv. 31). The love 
of the Son is directed mainly to his disciples. The love of 
the disciples is directed to the Son. The love of God by 
man is only * once alluded to (v. 42). The object of 
Christian love in this Gospel is not the Father, but the 
Son. Yet it is only fair to say that the Father's love for 
those who are capable of loving the Son, and hence of 
winning life eternal, is the motive of the incarnation. " He 
that loveth the Son will be loved of the Father. The 
Father loveth you because ye have loved the Son." Finally 
the love of the Son for them conditions and causes the love 
of the disciples for each other. "A new commandment 
I give unto you, that ye love one another ; even as 1 loved 
you, that ye may also love one another," 

In contrast with this markedly mediatorial position of 

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Notes <m the Beligious Value of the Fourth Oospel. 59 

the Son in the Gospel stands the relation of the believer 
to Qod in the Epistle. That relation is more immediate, and 
therefore more sympathetic with the Jewish point of view. 
Professor Pfleiderer would, of course, be outraged to hear 
that what he calls, "die tie/sinnige Erfaaaung dee Kemee 
der christlichen JReligion" and the immediate relation of the 
human soul to the Divine Father — enger und ein/acher in 
the Epistle than in the Gospel — is essentially Jewish. And 
yet, outraged as he and his friends would be by such a 
statement (as if Rabbinic Jews could possibly know any- 
thing of an immediate love of God by the individual 
believer), it is nevertheless strictly true. Moreover, this 
love of God is brought into direct relation with the 
love of man. None can love God if he love not his 
brother. When Professor Pfleiderer asks whether it 
would not have been possible for the Church to have 
abided by the teaching of the Epistle in this respect, and 
whether it could not have thus avoided many quarrels, 
useless alike for piety and for morality, his Jewish readers 
are in full accord with him.^ Such has ever been the con- 
tention of Judaism, to put no separable divine " person " 
between man and God. It is running on the same uncon- 
sciously Jewish lines when Cone, quoting and following 
Pfleiderer, remarks that the author of the Epistle " estab- 
lishes an immediate relation of the soul to God, which 
Christian theologians since Paul have unhappily dis- 
regarded, apparently solicitous lest the person of Christ 
should not be sufficiently exalted and his mediatorial office 
magnified." ' 

One more characteristic and essential feature of "life 
eternal,'* according to the Johannine conception of it, 
remains. That element may fitly be called mystic. It is 
the glad and keen consciousness of God and of his love, 
the sense of nearness to him, by our being in him and 
his being in us, which is often supposed to constitute 

» Pfleiderer, Das UrohrUtenthumy p. 799. 
* Cone, p. 326. 

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60 7^ Jewish Quarterly Review. 

the core of the inner religious life. In the Fourth 
Gospel this consciousness is once more strictly limited to 
the Christian believer. It is so limited because it partly 
depends on a definite and supernatural act, namely, the 
bestowal of the Spirit to the disciples after the death of 
Christ The gift of that Spirit is not granted in various 
measures to those who seek God by many creeds and 
divers pathways. It is rigidly restricted to those who seek 
the Father through the adoration of the Son. They only 
are capable (through their incipient spiritual nature) of 
receiving it. It is therefore necessary, before the doctrine 
of the Fourth Gospel can be appreciated by the outsider, to 
disentangle it of the narrow and circumscribing form in 
which it is presented. As it stands, it is too closely con- 
nected with a miraculous dispensation of a supernatural 
gift at a particular season, and too limited in its application 
and its sphere, to be true generally and for all time. The 
parallel presentment of the theory in Philo may be arid 
and rhetorical, yet it is more human, because it is consonant 
with a variety of creeds. Many of those who have extolled 
the Johannine mysticism seem to forget its narrowness. 
But mysticism above all things should be broadly human. 

It is "the intimate relation between God and man" 
which the Fourth Gospel teaches— at least for the 
believer. " K a man love me, he will keep my word ; 
and my Father will love him, and we will come unto 
him and make our abode with him." " He that abideth 
in me, and I in him, the same beareth much fruit." " I 
will pray the Father, and he will give you .... the 
spirit of truth .... he abideth with you, and shall be in 
you." ** Even as thou. Father, art in me and I in thee, 
that they also may be in us ; that they may be one, even 
as we are one ; I in them, and thou in me, that they may 
be perfected into one ; . . . . that the love wherewith 
thou lovedst me may be in them, and I in them " — in 
other words, God's immanence in man, and man's glad 
consciousness of that immanence and love of it. 

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Noie^ on the Religious Value of the Fourth Oospel 61 

As an introduction to the study of this subject, many 
people might find it useful to read those pages of 
Eauwenhoff's book which deal with what he calls the 
Psychological Fonns of Religion, Intellectualism, Mystic- 
ism, and " Moralism/'^ To the Understanding, to the 
Feelings (or rather to Oemiif), and to the Will, are there 
assigned their proper part and function both in the 
religious history of the past, and in the religious life of 
the individual. He shows that of these three forms, 
"Moralism,** which lays the stress of religious life on 
moral action, is on the whole the most important and 
the most wholesome. 

Judged from the oatdde, moralism presents little attraction, 
espeoially when compared with mysticisin {Mystih), Putting aside 
eTerything which savonrs of emotion, God is considered as the 
Bopreme Lawgiver, and the test of piety is exclusively sought for 
in firtne. Man's future is usually regarded as a reward or rt^tri- 
bution of the nse to which he has put his life on earth.* 

There is an undoubted onesidedness in " Moralism," but 
nevertheless that onesidedness is not religiously so dan- 
gerous as the onesidedness of " Intellectualism " and 
" Mysticism." 

In a onesided emphasis of Morality lies an adequate means 
to prevent the practical character of religion being misconceived 
— an error into which " intellectualism *' so readily falls — and at 
the same time a means to prevent religion being made sensuou;), 
which is the besetting danger of mysticism. If for a ** Moralist '' 
religions life becomes little more than a discharge of what he thinks 
to be his duty, he is at least preserved both from sterile orthodoxy 
and from an immoral running riot of the religious emotions. The 
discipline of the moral consciousness may never lead to the sunny 
heights, whereon the purest life of religious sentiment is passed : 
it keeps men at any rate upon the right path. No such sins can be 
charged to the school of Kant as to the school of Calvin or of 

' Pp. 109 — 124, in the German translation. 

* Banwenhoff, p. 180, German translation, p. 120. 

> Banwenhoff, p. 182, German translation, p. 122. 

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62 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

Nevertheless, religion needs and implies something more 
than mere " moralism " can supply : — 

The one-sided conception of religion as a sanctifying power which 
acts upon the will is nnable to perceive that there is also something 
else in religion which can never be dispensed with without harm. 
The unio myttica^ the yearning of the heart to a more intimate rela- 
tion with Deity, for that '* Thou in me and I in thee/' which forma 
the fundamental thought of the theology of the Fourth Gospel, may 
easily lead the way to hurtful aberrations. It, nevertheless, always 
remains a truly religions phenomenon and an essential constituent of 
the normally-developed religious life. To this mystic union and 
yearning, "moralism,*' to its own great loss, can do no justice ; for it 
thereby fiiils to realise that in these emotions lies the great motive 
which lifts morality above legalism, and so ennobles the consciousness 
of duty till it becomes a mighty impulse and passion towards moral 
perfection. " Thou shalt " will presumably always remain the basis 
of all morality ; but when religion transforms it into " God wills," 
and Gk>d is no longer a mere lawgiver, but the object of heartfelt love 
and spiritual desire, you reach the " Da quod jubes et jube quod vis," 
which unites religion and morality, and brings morality to its highest 
possible perfection.* 

This unio mystica of which Rauwenhoff here speaks is 
the source or the content of those blissful experiences 
wherein, according to Oscar Holtzmann, the perennial 
value of the Fourth Gospel consists. He says : — 

The blissful experiences which Christ declares concerning himself 
in Matthew xi. 25-30, and to which Paul briefly alludes (Gikl ii. 20), 
are described in the Fourth G^wpel as the permanent possession of the 
Christian community (x. 14, xiv. 20-24, xv. 10, 11-16, xvi. 12-16, 
33). They are, in short, the experiences which accrue to the indi- 
vidual from his consciousness of the love of God and the redemption 
through Christ. In its expression of this thought lies, to my idea, 
the absolute and eternal value of the Johannine Gospel' 

Now, if Rauwenhoflf be right, and if the yearning of the 
spirit towards a closer relation and communion with God be 
in truth an essential constituent of the properly developed 
religious life, the presentment of that yearning and of its 

^ Bauwenhoff, p. 181 ; German Translation, p. 121. 
' Dot Johannesevangeliumy p. 90. 

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Note^ on the Religiom Value of the Fourth Gospel, 63 

satisfaction in the Fourth Gospel will probably always re- 
tain its attraction and its value, however unnecessary and 
even intolerable Jews and Theists may find it to split up 
the Deity into two so markedly personal aspects as the 
Father and the Son, and however repugnant it may be to 
them to put any mediatorial agency — human and divine in 
one — between the human soul and God. Philo's less 
personal Logos is in this respect far more universal and 
less restrictive than the Johannine Christ. 

" Nearer, my God, to thee " is a true and fundamental 
feeling of the religious mind. Their sense of the nearness 
of God is the stepping stone on which men have risen to 
the consciousness of the " Unio mystica." This nearness 
is fully recognised and asserted in the Hebrew Scriptures. 
God is described as near, because, in the first place, he is 
lovingly omniscient. " The Lord is nigh unto all them that 
call upon him, to all that call upon him in truth." " The 
Lord is nigh unto them that are of a broken heart, and 
saveth such as be of a contrite spirit" 

This certainty of God's saving solicitude, his ever 
present and watchful care of those who pray to him in 
truth, passes over into a glad sense of communion. It is 
not merely that the Old Testament psalmist believed 
in God's protective nearness, but he also felt that nearness 
as a possession and a joy. This feeling was partly, as we 
know, conditioned by the Temple, but it was perfectly real, 
and it reaches classic and forcible expression in such 
Psalms as the 63rd, the 73rd, the 84th, and several 
others. It is quite a mistake to suppose that this living 
sense of communion with God was lost by the Rabbis. 
Both in the Old Testament and in the Talmud it is, 
however, purely popular. It has not been given any 
foundation in religious psychology or metaphysics, showing 
how this sense of communion with God and nearness of 
God is based upon a theory of man's nature and God's 
immanence. It could, as I imagine, only receive such a 
foundation by the fructifying contact of Greek philosophy. 

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64 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

And I believe that it is this union of practical Hebrew 
religiousness with Greek philosophy which has produced 
that religious mysticism, that idea of " Thou in me and I 
in thee," which constitutes a main conception of the Fourth 
Gospel. So, too, in the famous speech attributed to 
St. Paul in the seventeenth chapter of the Acts, we 
may notice, I believe, this union of Greek and Hebrew. 
"That they should seek God, if haply they might feel 
after him, and find him, though he is not far from each one 
of us," is a Hebrew thought, hardly going beyond what 
might have been said by a Psalmist or a BabbL But the 
philosophical justification of the divine nearness passes 
beyond the Hebraic limit. And it is just this philosophic 
justification which is, to our modern notion, the kernel or 
essence of the whole — iv avr^ yctp ^Afiev tccd Kivovfi^da /cal 
iafUv \ " In him we live and move and have our being." It 
may be noted that J. Holtzmann in his Commentary 
cites a curious parallel from the Greek rhetorician Dion 
Chrysostom. One could, perhaps, find other parallels in 

The Hebrew had no definite theory of man's nature or of 
God's ubiquity. He was not in the least disturbed by 
any philosophical difficulties about a God outside the world 
who must be "far" from man. He had no difficulty in 
finding God: or rather he had no doubt as to the road. 
Through goodness unto God: but not through perfection. 
Pride stood in the way : to the repentant sinner the path 
lay open. " To them that repent he granteth a return, and 
he cheereth them that fail in hope.*' He had no theory of 
God being within him and of himself being in God, but 
without the theory he prfiwjtically realised its results. 

I do not say that for the Jew reared mainly on the Old 
Testament, the Liturgy and Rabbinical excerpts, there is 
nothing in this respect to be gained from Philo and the 
Fourth Gospel. We want the justification as well as the 
simpler and more popular expressions of that faith which 
it seeks to justify. Nor can we afford to lose this union 

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NoieB on the Religious Value of the Fourth Gospel. 65 

of Greek and Hebrew thought as exemplified in the 
Johannine Gospel For it is no mere union : it is religious 
genius working upon its twofold material with majestic 
effect and thriUing beauty. Nor again would I for a 
moment deny that, owing to the absence of this union 
between Greek and Hebrew, and also to the greater 
difficulty of loving God and feeling him near than of 
loving and feeling near the less abstract Christ, the Jewish 
religion, at any rate from the days of Moses Mendelssohn, 
the rationalist, has been somewhat exposed to the dangers 
of " Moralism." Hence it is that a sympathetic study of the 
Johannine writings may help some of us (without the least 
infraction of our purer monotheism) to a more vivid and 
habitual sense of communion between ourselves and God, 
and a keener consciousness of the Divine presence. 

Dr. Martineau, the great Unitarian philosopher and 
divine, goes further than this, and becomes, as I think, not 
only unjust to the Judaism, whether Palestinian or Hellen- 
istic, which had preceded Christianity, but exaggerates the 
debt we owe to the Fourth Gospel itself. In the Johannine 
theology he tells us " there is contained one vital element, 
which, however questionably reached, transcends in truth 
and power the level of the Synoptists' Gospel.'* 

It BO coDstraes the personality of Christ, so avails itself of his 
characteristics, as to abolish the difference of essence between the 
Divine and the human nature^ and substitute for the obedience of 
dependence the sympathy of likeness and the fellowship of trust. In 
appearance, it unites the qualities of God and man in one case only, 
and centres the blended glory in a single incarnation. But there it 
does not end. The unexampled spectacle of such ** grace and truth/' 
of heavenly sanctity penetrating all human experiences, startles and 
wins hearts that never were so drawn before^ and wakes in them a 
capacity for that which they reverence in another. This attraction of 
afSnity there could not be, were there not divine possibilities secreted 
and a divine persuasion pleading in each soul. There cannot be a 
chasm of forbidding antipathy and alienation, rendering for ever 
inaccessible to man the very ** beauty of holiness " which he already 
adores ; nor is there any hindering curse to be bought off, before he 
can enter on the new life of self -consecration. There is no longer 

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66 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

need of despair at the seemingly hopeless task of climbing the 
heavens and finding the anapproacbable God. For He himself comes 
unsought, and lifts the latch of our nature when we thought the door 
was shut, and makes his abode with us (John xiy. 23), seeking us 
with his love, finding us with his truth, and claiming us with his 
righteousness. Thus does the Pat*aclete perpetuate and universalise 
the impersonation of the Son of God in the Son of Man, and carry it 
through the spiritual history of the world, and convert the life of 
Humanity itself into a Theophany.* 

He emphasizes the newness of the Johannine teaching 
in another passage more definitely still — 

And so the great end is reached, that the mingling of the Divine 
and the human in Christ is not there on its own account, as a gem 
of individual biography, unique and unrepeated ; but as the type 
and the expression of a fact in the constitution of our nature. The 
intimate relation between God and man, which declared itself in 
the utterance, ** I am not alone, but the Father is with me," belongs 
to the essence of the soul and consecrates every human life. Nor 
is it anything but simple and indisputable truth to say that the 
consciousness of this has taken its commencement from the expe- 
rience and religion of Jesus, and has imparted to Christendom 
its deeper tone of feeling, its higher conception of purity, and its 
inextinguishable hope for humanity.' 

Now I think it is nothing but " simple and indisputable 
truth " to deny that the consciousness of the intimate 
relation between God and man took its commencement 
from the experience and religion of Jesus. He probably felt 
that relation with intense keenness, but the relation itself, 
as a known joy and satisfaction, is far older. It existed 
among the men who wrote the Psalter, and, mirabik dictu, 
it existed among the men who wrote the Talmud. " The 
chasm of forbidding antipathy and alienation, the hinder- 
ing curse to be bought off," never existed for the Jewish 
consciousness at all, and therefore it wa.s not the Fourth, 
or any other Gospel, which did away with them. 
There never existed as a dominant feature in the Jewish 
religion, from Isaiah to Jesus, or from Jesus to Mendels- 

» Seat oj Authority^ p. 449. » Ihld,, p. 509. 

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Note% on the jReligioiis Value of the Fourth OonpeL 67 

sohn, any "despair at the seemingly hopeless task of 
climbing the heavens, and finding the unapproachable 
God." Therefore, it was not the Fourth, or any other 
Gospel, which had to annul a non-existent despair. 

Whether we indeed can say that there is no 
diflFerencB of essence between the Divine and the humaji 
nature, so that we should be grateful to the Fourth Gospel 
for abolishing it, is another and more doubtful question. 
So far as this merely means that *' there are divine (i.e, 
rational) passibilities secreted and a divine persuasion 
pleading in each soul," that there is an affinity between the 
human and the divine reason, and therefore between 
human and divine goodness, we may admit it ; but in 
that case the double theory of the Fourth Gospel, first, 
that only a select number of men possess this affinity, 
and secondly, that the sense of it was never wakened and 
the power of it never realized before the teaching of Christ, 
or since his advent by unbelievers, is wholly and radically 
false. When, therefore, it is said of the Fourth Gospel 
that it is (me writing out of others, which teaches this affi- 
nity and its possible issues, however " questionable " the 
manner of its presentment of the doctrine may be, we accept 
and register the claim. But when the discovery and the 
sense of glad communion with God, and of the intimate 
relation between the human and the divine, is asserted to 
be the patent and prerogative of one religion only and of 
a single book, we are bound to demur and to protest. We 
render our homage to the genius of the Fourth Evangelist : 
we recognise his great contribution to the spiritual store 
of humanity, but, in homely, though pregnant language, we 
must not give him more than his due, nor in order to 
pay our debt of gratitude to the Hellenistic Christian, 
rob the Jew, whether from Palestine or Alexandria, of all 
we owe him and still shall owe. 

Of the Fourth Gospel an outsider can say and feel what 
a student of philosophy can feel and say of the great 
philosophers. Such a student may learn and profit from 

£ 2 

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68 The Jewinh Quartei'lp Review, 

them all, though he be a disciple and follower of none. So 
Dr. Martineau says of the philosophers whose teachings he 
expounds so lucidly in his Ethical Theories, that there is 
none to whom he is not grateful for intellectual service or 
delight. So to the outsider a great work of genius such as 
the Fourth Gospel must always be suggestive, helpful, sti- 
mulating. There must be many ways of expressing the 
inexpressible, many ways, in other words, of setting forth 
by and to our human minds the nature of God and of his 
relation to man. One way will seem truer to us than 
another, but the less true in one respect may be the more 
true in another ; and in whatever form a theory of God 
may be presented, and however unacceptable it may seem, 
it may yet contain aspects and germs of valuable truth, 
which in another form, though, as a whole, purer and 
truer, are either wanting or less prominent So from 
the doctrine of the Logos, as it is presented to us both by 
Philo and the Fourth Evangelist, we may find something 
to learn and to cherish, some religious profit and truth for 
the nurture and benefit of our souls. The Logos of Philo 
is more abstract, but also more impersonal ; far less capable 
of rousing emotion and enthusiasm, but at the same time 
less invasive of the Divine unity. There is nothing in the 
Philonic Logos to stimulate affection or move to self-sacri- 
fice ; no ideal of love and pity to imitate and adore ; but 
at the same time no devolution of the Divine perfections 
upon any aspect of Deity separate or separable from the 
self-sufficient and infinite Father. For these reasons the 
two presentments of the Logos theory have, for the out- 
sider, each its own merits and each its own defects. The 
identification of the Logos with Jesus, and the plenary in- 
carnation of the Godhead in the person of Christ, were 
fraught, as it seems to him, with peculiar danger. The Jew 
as well as the Unitarian can, I should imagine, largely 
appreciate and concur in the judgment of Dr. Mackintosh, 
who says : — 
The moment the Ohoroh, by recognising the divinity of Ghrist, 

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Notes on the EeligmiM Value of the Fourth Gospel. 69 

abandoned the position of monotheism pure and simple, it placed 
itself on an inclined plane, or on what a popular preacher has called 
the *' down grade " ; and that it should descend, sooner or later, to the 
worship of the Virgin and the saints was inevitable. Nothing but the 
OTangelic doctrine in its purity and freshness — the liying conception 
of God as our heayenly Father-— could deliyer the soul of man from 
the spirit of fear and diffidence before the Unseen Power so as to 
enable it to dispense with the Logos idea, and, consequently, with all 
inferior and subordinate agents of the diyine will. The monotheistio 
doctrine, in its physical or non-moral aspects, is to this day, and 
alwajTB has been, the strength of Mahometanism. In the moral and 
humane aspect of it, as presented by Jesus, it has yet to prove the 
iteength of Ghnstianity by the overthrow of all competing cults, and 
of superstition in every shape.* 

But this moral and humane aspect of the monotheistic 
doctrine is nothing but the purest Judaism. What seems 
to one student a return to the best and earliest Christian 
teaching seems to another a return to the best and most 
developed presentation of Judaism. The doctrine of Jasus 
may be regarded either as pure Christianity or pure 
Judaism. Either way of looking at it contains a truth. 

Nevertheless, though men may possibly learn to dispense 
with the "Logos-idea," they will scarcely without detriment 
to the richness and variety of their religious life, dispense 
with some of the thoughts which it fostered and diffused. 
To the Jew the Evangelist's " Even as thou, Father, art in 
me, and I in thee, that they also may be in us" will seem 
to involve a false and needless subtlety of distinction in 
the Divine nature. But the Epistle's simpler doctrine: "If 
we love one another, God abideth in us ;" " he that abideth 
in love, abideth in God, and God abideth in him," remains, 
and the Jew and the outsider may seek to appropriate and 
realize its truth as well as the Christian believer. "Love '' 
is more universal than "wisdom," and therefore the 
Epistle's doctrine is in this sense wider and nobler than 
the equivalent and parallel teaching of Philo, for whom 

« Tkf Natural ffigtory of the ChrUtian Eeligion. By Dr. William 
HackintOBh. 1894. p. 503. 

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70 r/k? Jemsh Quarterly Review, 

the soul of the wise is inhabited by God. The fool may 
transcend the philosopher : Parsifal is nearer God than 
Faust. And with these sayings of the Johannine epistle 
we may fitly combine the adage of the Acts : " In him we - 
live and move and have our being." For this more abstract 
statement, which, as we have seen, gives an Hellenic and 
philosophic justification to the Hebrew idea of God's near- 
ness and omniscience, goes also beyond the notion which it 
justifies. Its value to many persons consists in this, that 
without destroying or infringing upon the idea of God's 
transcendence, it uses the omnipresence of God in such a 
way as to make man himself contained in that Divine 
ubiquity. Of course it does not really explain the true 
relation of God to man, and it is liable to perversion. 
If we are in God, we are a part of God, and if we are 
a part of God, every aspect of ourselves is equally divine. 
What then becomes of goodness and sin ; and where is 
their difference ? What becomes of human responsibility, 
without which no moral life is possible, and the facts of 
morality incapable of explanation ? If God is in nature, 
we may try to believe that its horrors are really beneficent, 
its cruelty imaginary, its malignancy merely apparent; but 
what we must not try to believe is that our own sin and 
our own vileness are only apparent too, or that they can 
be explained away by any theories of " absolute idealism " 
or of divine immanence. These lead perilously near to 
many pantheistic aberrations. The Jewish conception of 
God and of his relation to man will take its stand upon 
the separate self-consciousness of both man and God. 
Judaism will, I imagine, thoroughly concur with that 
splendid chapter of Dr. Martineau's " Study of Religion," 
in which he deals with Pantheism. 

The voluntary nature of moral beings must be saved from 
Pantheistic absorption, and be left standing, as, within its sphere, a 
free cause other than the Divine, yet homogeneous with it ... . Are 
we then to find God in the snnshine and the rain, and to miss him in 
o«r thought, our duty, and onr love ? Far from it. He is with ns 

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Notes on the Religious Value of the Fourth Gospel, 71 

in both ; only in the former it is his immanetU life^ in the latter his 
transcendent with which we are in communion. It is not indeed Be 
that, nnder the mask of our personality, does our thinking, and prays 
against onr temptations, and weeps our tears ; these are truly our 
own ; but they are in presence of a sympathy free to answer, spirit 
to spirit, neither merging in the other, but both at one in the same 
inmost preferences and affections.* 

But within these limitations, the doctrine, " In him we 
live and move and have our being," or " Thou in me and I 
in thee," has still its value. It is a way of expressing this 
farther truth, not only that God helps man as from with- 
out, but that in the Psalmist's phrase the Divine Spirit 
helps him from within. It means that man is only then 
most free when he may most fitly be called the child of 
Grod, and that at his best the difference between his action 
and the action of God in him falls away. He is then most 
himself, when he is most at one with God : " Not my work, 
but God in me." It implies not merely that God, if you 
are good and humble, helps you in your toil, sustains you 
in your struggle, and lifts you to himself, but that all your 
best work and striving are part and parcel of the divine 
process of things, links in the chain of evolution, lapped 
round and embraced by the divine infinitude, but yet a 
portion of it, however infinitesimal, fulfilling its allotted 
space, and necessary to the whole. It looks away from 
sin and lust and madness, and thinks only of the good, 
whether in failure or success, and it finds in this thought 
of man's best life as lived in God — the everlasting arm« 
beneath us and ai*ound — a consolation and a solace, a sus- 
tainment and a strength, which no mere outward God, 
however wise, powerful and good, could possibly inspire. 

I feel inclined to ask in conclusion whether there is 
anything in these selected excellencies of the Johannine 
writings which is not in full accord with Judaism, or 
which is out of harmony with the main drift and current 
of its teaching. ITie answer, I believe, is " None." 

> Study of Religion, 2nd ed., Vol. ii., p. 167, 179. 

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72 Th$ Jewish Quarterly Review. 

For certainly the spiritual or symbolic use of words 
like life and death, light and darkness, bread and water, is 
not un- Jewish. We find it in the Hebrew Scriptures. That 
" God is a Spirit," is, as we contend, in easier accord with 
Jewish than with Christian orthodoxy, and the true 
method of his worship, indicated by the Evangelist, is now 
as axiomatic in the Jewish as in the Christian Church. 
If the adage that " God is love," may be looked upon as a 
brief summing up in three words of such verses as Psalm 
cxlv. 8 and 9, and other parallel paiSsages ,• if love is good- 
ness raised to the highest power, then is the doctrine 
of the Johannine Epistle the doctrine also of the modern 

Nor is there any reason why the Immanence of God, so 
far as we hold it to be true, should not be taught and 
maintained by Judaism. It suits certain theologians to 
caricature the Jewish " transcendental " or " outside *' 
God, but Jews need not be irritated by these foolish 
misrepresentations. So long as we suffer no violation 
of the Divine unity and spirituality, we are free to 
teach, as even orthodox Jews throughout the ages have 
taught, an immanent as well as a transcendent aspect 
of the Divine Being. So long as we keep rigidly within 
the limits of Theism, we may include within our con- 
ception of God, and of His relation to man, whatever truth 
we can find in the idea of the " Divine within the human.'* 
The oldest historic Theism of the world is serviceable 
still. And lastly there is one more point in the catalogue 
of the Fourth GospeFs merits which we may also with, 
I trust, increasing accuracy, accept as consistent with 
Judaism — I mean its universalism. Indeed, the Judaism 
of to-day is far more universal than the Gospel. For we 
have attained to a universalism of creed, as well as of race, 
and the famous " other sheep I have, which are not of this 
fold," if we only interpret the Shepherd as God, is nowhere 
now preached more earnestly than from Jewish pulpits. 
I trust that in God's own good time it will become a 

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Notes on the Religious Value of the Fourth Cfospel. 73 

principle of action, as well as of faith, so that when the 
bond of race shall be recognised as obsolete, the bond of 
religion shall wax firmer and still more firm. Community 
in religious practice shall yet, perchance, be wedded to 
community in religious belief, and in this union shall lie 
the Jewish kinship of the future. To cru77ev€9 ovx aifuiTt 
fierpelrai fiovovy 'rrpuTav€vovcnj<i a\rj0€Ca<;, aXKcL Trpd^ecov ofioio- 
rr^Ti Kcu dripa r&v avT&y, We may well take to heart and 
apply, with due measure of enlargement and difference, 
these striking words of the Alexandrian sage. 

NOTE. — From some friendly hands, through which this article 
passed in proof, I received certain criticisms upon it, of part of 
whidi the following is the substance : — 

" You are not so sympathetic a critic of the Fourth Gospel as of 
P^oL Parts of it, at any rate, you interpret in too narrow and 
lit^-al a way. For example, your judgment of the writer's ethical 
point of view is not as wide and scholarly as it should be. You touch 
his weak points, it is true, but you do not distinguish finely in doing 
so. A fuller attempt to search for the humanity of the author, his 
character, the possible influences round him, and the purpose with 
which he wrote, would not have altered your main conclusions, but 
would yet have given a more sympathetic tone to your criticism, and 
have been more impressive to yoar readers. 

" You isolate the Fourth Gospel too severely ; you criticise it rather 
too much as if its sayings had been written yesterday for our special 
edification. Now, in the author's day, there would have been pro- 
bably far fewer examples of a belief which was a mere intellectual 
assent, and so, too, the divorce between belief and action would not 
have been as common as it is now. ' In the glow of the moment,* to 
use your own words, while not forgetting the wideness of God's 
mercies, a man might yet have asserted that between the believer in 
Christ and the non-believer, not as a matter of intellect, but in a 
moral and spiritual sense, the difference was real and wide. It was the 
very spirituality and idealism of the author which drove him to assume 
that the whole man was transformed by his belief, so that ' believer ' 
and 'unbeliever' tended to become synonymous with 'righteous' and 
' unrighteouB.' And if, on the other hand, he asserted that only the 
good could believe, that in a sense is accepted by you also, for you say 
that the scamp cannot realize God. You seem readily to perceive 

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74 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

and allow for enthtisiasin and excitement in Panl, bat not in the 
Fourth Evangelist. Bat perhaps there is excitement, though of a 
different kind, in the Eyangelist too. It is a sort of intellectual white- 
heat. Thus throughout it seems as if the criticism was a little harder 
and cruder than it should, or need have been, because yon have not 
taken a sufficiently historical and understanding view of the whole. 

"Perhaps the new truth (as it seemed to him) came upon the 
writer of the Fourth Gospel like a dazzling blaze of light, which 
half -blinded him, as Paul, some think, was physically hilf- blinded, 
by its very excess of splendour. He looks out, ever after, with what 
one might perhaps rather oddly call a dualistic vision up >n the world. 
But he was not a philanthropist like PauL Keenly ansious that the 
light which he saw should shine throughout the world, he was im- 
patient and incredulous of tha<*e who passed it by. Possibly, never- 
thele'^s, you might have been more accurate had you shown more 
tenderness for the man who said so mach about love, but who in his 
intense antagonism to sin, or to what he too rashly thought sin, 
seemed unable, or was afraid to let love come in." 

How far this criticism is cogent I cannot now inquire. It is at any 
rate interesting and suggestive. Any stray reader of the article will, 
I am sure, be glad to read its Note. 


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The Expulsion of the Joes from England in 1290. 75 

ENGLAND IN 1290.^ 

The expubion of the Jews from England by Edward I. is 
a measure concerning the causes of which no contemporary 
historian gives, or pretends to give, any but the most 
meagre information. It was passed by the King in his 
*' secret council," of the proceedings of which we naturally 
know nothing. Of the occasion that suggested it, each 
separate writer has his own account, and none has a claim 
to higher authority than the rest ; and yet there is much 
in the circumstances connected with it that calls for ex- 
planation. How was it that, at a time when trade and 
the need for capital were growing, the Jews, who were 
reputed to be among the great capitalists of Europe, were 
expelled from England ? How did Edward, a king who 
was in debt from the moment he began his reign till the 
end, bring himself to give up the revenue that his father 
and grandfather had derived from the Jews ? How could 
he, as an honourable king, drive out subjects who were 
protected by a Charter that one of his predecessors had 
granted, and another had solemnly confirmed ? To answer 
these questions we must consider what was the position 
that the Jews occupied in England, how it was forced 
on them, and how it brought them into antagonism at 
various times with the interests of various orders of the 
EjQglish people, and at all times with the teachings of the 
Catholic Church. We shall thus find the origin of forces 
strong enough when they converged to bring about the 
result which is to be accounted for. 

1 The Arnold prize in the Uniyersity of Oxford was awarded to this 
Bmy in 1894. 

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76 The Jetciih Quarterly Review. 

I. — ^The Jews from their Arrival to 1190. 

Among the foreigners who flocked to England at, or 
soon after, the Conquest were many families of French 
Jews. They brought with them money, but no skill in 
any occupation except that of lending it out at interest. 
They lent to the King when the ferm of his counties, or his 
feudal dues were late in coming in ; ^ to the barons, who, 
though lands and estates had been showered on them, 
nevertheless often found it hard, without doubt, to procure 
ready money wherewith to pay for luxuries, or to meet 
the expense of military service ; and to suitors who had to 
follow the King's Court from one great town to another, 
or to plead before the Papal Curia at Rome.* 

But though they thus came into contact with many 
classes, and had kindly relations with some, they remained 
far more alien to the masses of the people around them 
than even the Normans, in whose train they had come to 
England. Even the baron must, a hundred years after the 
Conquest, have become something of an Englishman. He 
held an estate, of which the tenants were English ; he 
presided over a court attended by English suitors. In 
battle he led his English retainers. He and the English- 
man worshipped in the same church, and in it the sons of 
the two might serve as priests side by side. But the Jews 
remained during the whole time of their sojourn in Eng- 
land sharply separated from, at any rate, the common 
people aroimd them by peculiarities of speech, habits and 
daily life, such as must have aroused dread and hatred in 
an ignorant and superstitious age. Their foreign faces 
alone would have been enough to mark them out. 
Moreover, they generally occupied, not under compulsion, 
but of their own choice, a separate quarter of each town 

* J. Jaoobs, Jews of Angevin England^ 43-4 ; 64-5. 

' Of. the account of the litigation of Richard of Anesty in Palgraye*8 
Ri$e and Progreu of the English Commontoealthf Vol. II. (Proofs and 
lUustrations), pp. xxiv.-xzvii. 

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The Eoapukion of the Jews from England in 1290. 77 

in which they dwelt^ And in their isolation they 
lived a life unlike that of any other class. None of 
them were feudal landowners, none farmers, none villeins, 
none ipembers of the guilda They did not join in 
the national Watch and Ward. They alone were for- 
bidden to keep the mail and hauberk which the rest 
of the nation was bound to have at hand to help in pre- 
serving the peace.^ They were not enrolled in the Frank- 
pledge, that society that brought neighbours together and 
taught them to be interested in the doings of one another 
by making them responsible for one another s honesty. 
They did not appear at the Court Leet or the Court Baron, 
at the Town-moot or at the Shire-moot. They went to no 
church on Sundays, they took no sacrament ; they showed 
no signs of reverence to the crucifix ; but, instead, they 
went on Friday evening and Saturday morning to a syna- 
gogue of their own, where they read a service in a foreign 
tongue, or sang it to strange Orientfd melodies. When 
they died they were buried in special cemeteries, where 
Jews alone were laid.* At home their very food was dif- 
ferent from that of the Christians. They would not eat 
of a meal prepared by a Christian cook in a Christian 
house. They would not use the same milk, the same wine, 
the same meat as their neighbours. For them cattle had 
to be killed with special rites ; and, what was worse, it 
sometimes happened that, some minute detail having been 
imperfectly performed, they rejected meat as unfit for 
themselves, but considered it good enough to be oflcred 
for sale to their Christian neighbours.* The presence of 

' See Jewries of Oxford and Winchester, in the plans in Norgate's 
England under Angevin Xhtgs^ I., pp. 31, 40 ; and Jewry of London, de- 
scribed in Papers of Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition^ pp. 20-52. 

* Chronica Rogeri de Hoveden (RoUs Series) II., 261 ; Oesta Eenrici 
II, et Ricardi I, (Rolls Series), I. 279. 

* Oesta Eenrici II, et Rioardi I, (R. S.), I. 182 ; CTironioa Rogeri dt 
Eaveden (R. S.), U, 137. 

* Depping, Zes Juift dans le Moyen Age, 170 ; Jacobs' The Jews of 
Angevin England, 54, 178 ; Statutss of the Realm (Edition of 1810), I. 202 

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78 The Jetmh Quartei^ly Review. 

Christian servants and nurses in their households made it 
impossible that any of their peculiarities should remain 
unobserved or generally unknown.* 

Thus, living as semi-aliens, growing rich as usurers, and 
observing strange customs, they occupied in the twelfth 
century a position that was fraught with danger. But, 
almost from their first arrival in the country, they had 
enjoyed a kind of informal Royal protection,* though, as 
to the nature of their relations with the King during the 
first hundred and thirty years of their residence, very 
little is known. It was probably less close than it after- 
wards became, for the liability to attack and the need for 
protection had not yet manifested themselves. 

But, at the end of the eleventh century, there began to 
spread throughout Europe a movement which, when it 
reached England, converted the vague popular dislike of 
the Jews into an active and violent hostility. While 
the Norman conquerors were still occupied in settling 
down in England, the King organising his realm, 
and the barons enjoying, dissipating, or forfeiting their 
newly-won estates, popes and priests and monks had been 
preaching the Crusade to the other nations of civilised 
Europe. At one of the greatest and most imposing of all 
the Church Councils that were ever held, where were pre- 
sent lay nobles and clerics of all nations^ attending each as 
his own master, and able to act on the impulse of the 
moment. Urban II., in 1095, told the tale of the wrong that 

(Judiciam PiUorie) and 203 (Statntum de Pistoribos). See also Leet 
Jurisdiction in Norwich (Selden Society, 1891), p. 28, where, in a list of 
ameroements inflicted at the Leet of Nedham and Maneoroft, the follow- 
ing entry oconrs :— ** De Johanne le Pastemakere quia yendidit Games 
quas Jndei vooant trefa, 2s." . 

* lllLajiei, Sacorum ConcUioruvi Collection Venice, 1775, XX. 399; Wilkins, 
Concilia Magnae JSritanniae^ I. 691, 675, 719; Qe^ta Htnrici 21. et 
Bicardi I, (R. S.), L 230. Chronica Rogeri de ffoveden (B. S.), II. 180. 

6 Of. the words of John*8 Charter :=** Libertates et oonsuetudines 
•icnteas habueront tempore Henrioi ayi patris nostri. — Botuli Chartarum^ 
p. 93. 

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The Expukion of the Jews from England in 1290. 79 

Christieuis had to suffer at the hands of the enemies of 
Christ. He told his hearers how the Eastern people, a 
people estranged from Ood, had laid waste the land of the 
Christians with fire and sword ; had destroyed churches, 
or misused them for their own rites ; had circumcised 
Christians, poured their blood on altars and fonts, scourged 
and impaled men, and dishonoured women.* Such denun- 
ciations, followed by the appeal to all present to help 
Jerusalem, which was " ruled by enemies, enslaved by 
the godless, and calling aloud to be freed," excited, 
for the first time in Europe, a furious and fanatical 
hatred of Eastern and non-Christian races. The Jews 
were such a race, as well as the Saracens, and be- 
tween the two the Crusaders scarcely distinguished. 
Before they left home and fortune to fight God's enemies 
abroad, it was natural that they should kill or convert 
those whom they met nearer home. Through all central 
Europe, from France to Hungary, the bands that gathered 
together to make their way to the Holy Land fell on the 
Jews and offered them the choice between the sword and 
the font.^ 

The disasters that followed the first Crusade brought 
with them an increase in the ferocity of the attacks to 
which the Jews of Continental Europe were subjected, and 
S. Bernard, when he preached the second Crusade, found 
that he had revived a spirit of fanaticism that he was 
powerless to quell. He had wished for the reconquest of 
the Holy Land as a result that would bring honour 
to the Christian religion ; but his followers and imitators 
thought less of the end than of the bloodshed that was 

• ReeueU des HUtorient des Croisades—EistorieM Ocoidentaux (Parig, 
1866), III. 321, 727. Of. espeoiaUy (p. 727), Altaria suis foeditatibns 
inqninata snbvertont, Ohristianos circnmoidunt, ornoremque oironm- 
cisionis aut Bnper altaria fondant ant in yasis baptisterii immergnnt 
(Robert! Monachi HUtoria Iherosolimitarut). 

1 Nenbaner and Stem, Hehrdisohe JSerichte Uber die Judenver/olgungen 
wdArend der KreuzcsfQge ; Hefele, ConeUienge^ohichte^ Y., 224, 270 ; Graetz, 
Ge»r.hieUe der Juden (second edition) VI., 89-107. 

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80 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

to be the means. A monk, "who skilfully imitated the 
austerity of religion, but had no immoderate amount of 
learning," ^ went through the Rhineland preaching that all 
Jews who were found by the Crusfiuiers should be killed 
as enemies of the Christian faith. It was in vain that 
Bernard appealed to the Christian nations whom his elo- 
quence had aroused, in the hope that "the zeal of God which 
burnt in them would not fail altogether to be tempered 
with knowledge." He himself narrowly escaped attack : 
and the Jews suffered from the second Crusade as they had 
suffered from the first.^ 

England was so closely related to the Churches of the 
Continent that it could not fail to be affected by the great 
movement. But the lirst Crusade was preached when the 
Conquest was still recent, and the Normans had no leisure 
to leave their new country ; the second, during the last 
period of anarchy in the reign of Stephen. 

Thus there were, during the first hundred years after the 
Council of Clermont, few English Crusaders. Yet the Cru- 
sading spirit, working in a superstitious mediaeval popula- 
tion, called forth a danger that was destined to be as fatal 
to the English Jews as were the massacres to their brethren 
on the Continent. The Pope who preached the first Cru- 
sade had told his hearers that Eastern nations were in the 
habit of circumcising Christians and using their blood in 
such a way as to show their contempt for the Christian 
religion. This charge was naturally extended to the Jews 
as well. What alterations it underwent in its circulation it 
is hard to say; but in 1146, a tale was spread among the 
populace of Norwich, and encouraged by the bishop, that 
the Jews had killed a boy named William, to use his blood 
for the ritual of that most suspicious feast, their Passover. 
The story was supported by no evidence more trustworthy 
than that of an apostate Jew, which was so worthless that 

• 0. U. Hohn, Oeschickte der Ketzer im MUtelalter^ III. 17. 
' Graetz, OeschicMe der Juden (second editioii), VI., 165-170. Of. 
Hefele, V., 498, n 2. 

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The Expulsion of the Jews from England in 1290. 81 

the Sheriff refused to allow the Jews to appear in the 
Bishop's Court to answer the charge brought against 
them, and took them under his protection. But the 
popular suspicion of the Jews lent credibility to the 
story, and so terrible was the feeling which was aroused 
that many of the Jews of Norwich dispersed into other 
lands, and of those who remained many were killed by the 
people in spite of the protection of the Sheriff.^ The accu- 
sation once made naturally recurred, first at Gloucester, in 
1168, and then at Bury St. Edmund's, in 1181. "The 
Martyrs " were regularly buried in the nearest church or 
religious house, and the miracles that they all worked 
would alone have been enough to continually renew the 
belief in the tenible story.^ 

Under the firm reign of Henry II., anti-Jewish feeling 
found no further expression in act. The King, like his 
predecessors, gave and secured to the Jews special privi- 
leges so great as to arouse the envy of their neighbours. 
They were allowed to settle their own disputes in their 
own Beth Din, or Ecclesiastical Court, and in so far to enjoy 
a privilege that was granted only under strict limitations 
to the Christian Church.* They were placed, apparently, 
under the special protection of the royal oflScers of each 
district.* They lived in safety, and they made coasiderable 
contributions to the Royal Exchequer. 

The death of Henry II. and the accession of Richard I., 
the lij^st English Crusading King, might naturally have 
been expected to bring trouble to the rich and royally 

> Jaoobe, Ojf. Cit.. 20, 257. 

' HUtoria et Cartularium Monoiterii S, Petri Oloucestriae^ R. S., I., 
21 ; Chronica Joeelini de Brakclmda (Camden Society), 12, 113-14 ; 
AmnaU* Moruutici (R. 8.), L, 843, XL, 347; Matt. Paris, Chronica 
Maiora (B. S.), IV., 877, V., 518 ; Jacobs* Jew* of Angevin Engla^^, 19 ; 
and cf. Chronicles of Reigns of Stephen^ Henry 11,^ Richard J. (Bolls 
Series), I., 311. 

* Materials for History of Thomas Bechet (Rolls Series), IV. 148 ; 
Jacobs, Jews of Angewn England, 43, 165. 

* Cf . the protection given to Jews of Norwich by the Sheriff, Jacobs, 

VOL. vn. F 

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82 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

favoured infidels of the land where the blood accusation 
had its birth. The interregnum between the death of one 
King and the proclamation of the " peace *' of his successor 
was always a time of danger and lawlessness during the 
first two centuries after the Conquest, and the growth of 
the crusading spirit, and of the popular belief in the ti-uth 
of the blood accusation, caused all the forces of disorder to 
work in one direction, viz., against the Jews. The day of 
Richard's coronation was the first opportunity for a great 
exhibition of the anti-Jewish fanaticism of the populace. 
The nobles from all paorts of the country brought with them 
to London large trains of servants and attendants, who were 
left to occupy themselves as best they might in the streets, 
while their lords were present at the ceremony. The Jews, 
who had been refused permission to enter the Abbey, took 
up a prominent position outside. Their appearance ex- 
asperated the crowd, and in the mediaeval world a crowd 
was irresistible. While the service was proceeding, the 
Jews were fiercely attacked by the " wild serving men " of. 
the nobles and the lower orders of citizens. One at least 
was compelled to accept baptism to save himself from 
death. Later in the same day, when the King and mag- 
nates were banqueting in the palace, the attack was re- 
newed. The strong houses of the Jewry were besieged 
and fired, and the inhabitants were massacred. But soon 
"avarice got the better of cruelty," and in spite of the 
efforts of the King's officers the city was given up to 
plunder and rapine.^ 

Though the King was bitterly angry at what had hap- 
pened, the first attempt at punishment showed him how 
powerless he was against the forces hostile to the Jews. 
Had the offenders been nobles or prominent citizens, he 
could, when the first irresistible disorder had subsided, have 
taken vengeance at his leisure. But what could he do 
against a collection of serving-men and poor citizens, whom 

' Chronicles of the Beigns of Stephen^ Henry II., and Richard 1, (BoUs 
Series), I. 294-9. 

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The Expuhion of the Jews from England in 1290. 83 

no one knew, who had come together and had separated in 
one day? When he departed for the Crusades, he left 
behind him all the materials for more outbreaks of the same 
kind. In the more populous towns Crusaders were con- 
tinually gathering together in order to set out for the Holy 
Land in company : and they, aided by the lower citizens, 
clerics, and poor countrymen, and in some cases by ruined 
landholders, fell on and killed the Jews wherever they had 
settlements in England, at Norwich, York, Bury St. Ed- 
munds, Lynn, Lincoln, Colchester, and Stamford.^ Again 
the Royal officers were unable to touch the offenders. When 
the Chancellor arrived with an army at York, the scene of 
the most horrible of all the massacres, he found that the 
murderers were Crusaders, who had long embarked for the 
Holy Liand, peasants and poor townsmen who had retired 
fh)m tlie neighbourhood, and bankrupt nobles, who had 
fled to Scotland. The citizens humbly represented that they 
were not responsible for the outrage and were too weak to 
prevent it. No punishment was possible except the inflic- 
tion of a few fines, and the Chancellor marched back with 
his army to London.* 

It was clear that the King must strengthen his con- 
nection with the Jews. He could not afford to lose them 
or to leave them continually liable to plunder. They were 
too rich. In 1187, when Henry II. had wanted to raise a 
great sum from all his people he had got nearly as much 
from the Jews as from his Christian subjects. From the 
former he got a fourth of their property, £60,000, from the 
latter a tenth, or £70,000.* It is of course improbable 
that, as these figures would at first seem to show, the 
Jews held a quarter of the wealth of the kingdom, but 

* Badnlft de Diceto, Opera Eistorica (K.S.), II. 75-6. Jacobs, Jetos of 
Angetin EngUnid^ 176 ; Chronicles of the Beigns of Stephen^Senry 11.^ and 
Biehard I. (Bolls Series), L 309-10, 812-322. 

* Chronicles of the Beigns of Stephen, Henry IL, arul Biehard I, 

' Jacobs, Jews of Angevin England^ pp. 91-6 ; Gervase of Canterbury 
(BJS.) I. 422. 

F 2 

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84 The Jewish Quarterly Remew. 

they were as useful to the King as if they had He had 
a far greater power over their resources than over those 
of his other subjects ; their wealth was in moveable pro- 
perty, and what was still more important, it was concen- 
trated in few hands. It was easily found and easily 
taken away.^ 

n. The Constitution of the Jewry. 

Richard s policy, or his councillors*, was simple. On the 
one hand, in order to encourage rich Jews to continue to 
make England their home, he issued a charter of protection, 
in which he guaranteed to certain Jews,^ and perhaps to 
all who were wealthy, the privileges that they had 
enjoyed under his father and great-gi*andfather. They 
were to hold land as they had hitherto done; their 
heirs were to succeed to their money debts; they 
were to be allowed to go wherever they pleased 
throughout the country, and to be free of all tolls and 
dues. On the other hand he asserted and enforced his 
rights over them and their property by organising a com- 
plete supervision of all their business transactions. In 1194 
he issued a code of regulations, in which he ordered that 
a register of all that belonged to them should be kept for 
the information of the treasury. All their deeds were to 
be executed in one of the six or seven places where 
there were establishments of Jewish and Christian clerks 
especially appointed to witness them; they were to be 
entered on an official list, and a half of each was to be 
deposited in a public chest under the control of royal 
officers.' No Jew was to plead before any one but the 
King's officers, and special Justices were appointed to hear 

1 For instanoe, the enormoDS wealth of Abraham fil Babbi, Jumet 
of Norwich and Aaron of Lincoln. Jacobs, Op, Cit., 44, 64, 84, 90, 91. 
• Bymer, Fcedera I. 51. 
' Chronica Rogeri de Hoveden (B.S.), III. 266-7. 

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The Expukion of the Jewsfrom England in 1290. 85 

their cases and exercise a general control over their 

Their constitution underwent various modifications under 
Richard's successors. The privileges which had at first been 
granted to certain Jews by name were extended by John 
to the whole community ; ^ and the royal hold over them 
was tightened by an edict, issued in 1219, which ordered 
the Wardens of the Cinque Ports to prevent any Jews who 
lived in England from leaving the country.' 

This elaborate constitution did not indeed afford com- 
plete security against a repetition of the massacres of 1189 
and 1190, but its existence was a more solemn and official 
recognition than had been given before of the fact that 
the King was the sole lord and protector of the Jews, and 
that he would regard an injury done to them as an injury 
to himself. And thus it went far to secure to him 
his revenue and to them their safety. From this 
time forward, the Jews yielded to the king, not 
simply irregular contributions, such as the £60,000 they 
had paid to Henry II., and the sums they had paid to Long- 
champ towards the expenses of Richard's Crusade,* but a 
steady and regular income. They paid tallages, heavy 
reliefs on succeeding to property, and a besant in the 
pound, or ten per cent, on their loan transactions ; they 
were liable to escheats, confiscation of land and debts, and 
fines and amercements of all kinds.^ Their average annual 
contribution to the Treasury, during the latter part of the 
twelfth century, was probably about a twelfth of the whole 
Ro3'al revenue,* and of the greater part of what they owed 
the realisation was nearly certain. Other debtors might 
find in delay, or resistance, or legal formalities, a way of 

* Chronicon Johannis Brompton in Twysdea'a HUteria AnglicafUd 
Seriptoreg X., col. 1258. 

* Rotuli Ckartantm (Record Commission), p. 08. 

* Tovey, Anglia Judaica, 81. 

* Oesta Henrici IL et Rlcard, L (R.S.), II. 218 ; M. Paris, Chronica 
Majora (E.S.) II. 381, and Jacobs, 162-4. 

* Jacobs, 222, 228-30, 239-40. « Ibid. 828. 

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86 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

avoiding payment. But the Jews were in thr King's hands. 
He could order the sheriffs of the county to distrain on 
defaulters, and there wa,s no one between the sheriffs and 
the Jews.^ He could despoil them of lands and debts. He 
could imprison them in the royal castles. In the reign of 
John, all the Jews and Jewesses of England were thrown 
into prison by his command, and are said to have been 
reduced to such poverty that they begged from door to 
door, and prowled about the city like dogs.* The only 
way they had of removing any of their property from his 
reach was by burying it. Whereupon the King, if he had 
any suspicion that a Jew had more treasure than was 
apparent, might order him to have a tooth drawn every 
day until he paid enough to purchase pardon.' 

Powerless as the Jews were against royal oppression in 
England, the position that was offered to them by Richard 
and John was no worse than that of their co-religionists 
in other countries of Europe. Those of Germany were the 
Emperors Kammerknechte ;^ those of France had been 
expelled in 1182, and though they were soon recalled, might 
at any time be expelled again.* A Jew in a feudalised 
country was liable to be the subject of quarrel between the 
lord on whose estate he dwelt and the king of the country, 
and he could be handed about, now to the one and now to 
the other.^ The right to live and to be under jurisdiction, was 
everywhere still a local privilege that had to be enjoyed by 
the permission of a lord, lay or clerical, and had to be paid for. 
In England, the Jews, so long as they were protected by 
the King, were at any rate under the greatest lord in 

» Jacobs, 222. 

» M. Paris, Chronica Majora (R.S.) II. 528 ; Annales MonagtUi (E.S.) 
I. 29, II. 2G4, III. 32, 451 ; Chronicles of Laneroost (Maitland Club), p. 7. 
' M. Paris, Chronica Majora II., 528. 

* Depping, Les Juifs dans le Moyen Age, 185. 

* Bouquet, Recueil des Historiens des Oaules etdela France, xvii. 9. 

6 Depping, Les Juifs dans le Moyen Age, 59, 60, 185, 194. Of. Rotuli 
Chartarum, I. 76 {Carta WUlielmi Marescalli, de quodam Judaeo apud 

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The Expuhian of the Jews from England in 1290. 87 

the land. The towns where especially they wished to 
settle for the purposes of their business, were, thanks to 
the policy of William the Conqueror, mostly on the royal 
domain. And the royal power acting through its local 
officers was used to the full to protect the Jews. The 
sheriflfe of the counties were especially charged to secure 
to them personal safety and the enjoyment of the im- 
munities that had been granted to them.^ 

The arrangement by which Jewish money-lenders 
received on English soil the protection of the King against 
his own subjects was not very honourable to either of the 
parties. But the King had no compunction, and the Jews 
had no choice. It could endure so long as the royal power 
was strong enough to override the objections of barons and 
abbots to a measure in favour of their creditors, of the 
towns to an encroachment on their privileges, and of the 
Church to the royal support of a body of infidel usurers. 

At the end of the twelfth century neither towns nor 
landholders nor Church were in a position to offer any 
effectual protest. In the thirteenth century the strength 
of the opposition of each of these three orders grew steadily. 
But in each it pursued a separate course, though to the 
same end ; and each order struck its decisive blow at a 
different moment. Hence the various forms of opposition 
must be separately considered. 

III. — ^The Conflict with the Towns. 

The towns were the first to carry out a practical and 
effective anti-Jewish policy. It was they that suffered 
most keenly and constantly from the presence of the 
Jews. They had bought, at great expense, from King or 
noble or abbot, the right to be independent, self-governing 
communities, living under the jurisdiction of their own 

Tovey, Anglia Judaica, 78-9. 

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88 The Jfiidsh Quarterly Review. 

officers, free from the visits of the royal sheriffs, and paying 
a fixed sura in commutation of all dues to the King or the 
local lord ; and yet many of them saw the King protecting 
in their midst a band of foreigners, who had the royal per- 
mission to go whithersoever they pleased, who could dwell 
among the burgesses, and were yet free not only from all 
customs and dues and contribution to the ferra,^ but even 
from the jurisdiction of those authorities which were respon- 
sible for peace and good government.^ This was exasperat- 
ing enough ; but there was more and worse. The exclusion 
of the sheriff and the King's constables was one of the 
most cherished privileges of towns, but, wherever the 
Jews had once taken up their residence, it was in danger 
of being a mere pretence. At Colchester, if a Jew was 
unable to recover his debts, he could call in the King's 
sheriffs to help him. In London, Jews were "warrantised*' 
from the exchequer, and the constable of the Tower had 
a special jurisdiction by which he kept the pleas between 
Jews and Christians. At Nottingham, complaints against 
Jews, even in cases of petty assaults, were heard before 
the keeper of the Castle. At Oxford the constable called 
in question the Chancellor's authority over the Jews; 
contending that they did not form part of the ordinary 
town-community.' Moreover, the debts of the Jews were 
continually falling into the King's hands, and whenever 
this happened, his officers would no doubt penetrate into 

' Stamford was an exoeptioii in this respect, Madoz, IHrma Burgi^ 
p. 182. 

' Et Jndaei non intrabnnt in placitam nisi coram nobis ant coram illis 
qni turres nostras custodierint in qnorum baUivis Jndsei manserint, 
Rot. Chart., 93. 

' Cntts, Colchegter, 123 ; Tovey, Aiiglia J., 50 ; Forty -Seventh Report 
of Deputy-Keeper of Public Records, 306 ; Lyte, Hutory of the Uni- 
versity of Oxford, 69 ; Papers of Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition, 
35-6 ; De Antiquis Legibfts Liber (Camden Soc.), p. 16, (A.D. 1249, Nam 
rex concessit quod Jndei qui antea warantizati fuerunt per breve de 
scaccario, de cetero placitassent coram civibus de tenementis suis in 
Londoniis). Chronica Jocelini de Brahelond (Camden Soc.), p. 2, (Venit 
Jndens portans literas domini regis de debito sacristae). 

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TRe Expukion of the Jem from England in 1290. 89 

the town to make on behalf of the royal treasury a 
collection such as had never been contemplated when the 
burgesses made their agreement, which was to settle once 
and for all their payment to the King.^ 

In some of the towns the feeling against the Jews was 
expressed in riots as early as the reign of John, and the 
beginning of that of Henry III. But the King in each 
case took stem measures of repression. John told the 
mayor and barons of London that he should require the 
blood of the Jews at their hands if any ill befell them.^ 
In Gloucester and in Hereford, the burgesses of the town 
were made responsible for the safety of the Jews dwelling 
amongst them. In Worcester, York, Lincoln, Stamford, 
Bristol, Northampton, and Winchester, the sheriffs were 
charged with the duty of protecting them against injury.* 
Such measures only increased the ill-feeling of the 
burgesses. At Norwich in 1234 the Jewry was fired and 
looted.* The Jews were maltreated and beaten, and were 
only saved from further harm by the timely help of the 
garrison of the neighbouring castle. At Oxford the 
scholars attacked the Jewry and carried off " innumerable 

But the towns soon began to use a far more efiective 
method than rioting in order to rid themselves of the 
Jews. Just as they had found it worth while to pay 
heavily for their municipal charters, so now they were 
willing to pay more for a measure which would secure 
them in the future against a drain on their revenues and 
a violation of their privileges. Whether a town held its 

' Cp. Chronica Mona^erii de Melsa (R.S.), I., If7. Interea mortuns 
eet AarozL Jadaens Lincolniae, de quo jam dictum est, et oompnlsi sumasy 
regis edicto totnm quod illi debuimus pro Willielmo Fossard infra breve 
tempos donuno regi persolvere. 

» Rymer, Fcedera, I.. 89. 

* Calendar of Patent Rolls from 1281 to 1292, p. 15 ; Tovey, Anglia 
Judaiea, 77, 78, 79. 

* Torej, 101, Norfolk Antiquarian MUcellavy, I., 826. 

* AHn€Ue9 Monastiei (KoUs Series), iv. 91. 

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90 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

charter from the King or was still dependent on an inter- 
mediate lord, the motive was equally stronp^. An abbot 
or a baron would be glad to second the efforts made by 
the inhabitants of one of his vills to expel a portion of 
the populace which took much from the resources whence 
his revenue came and added nothing to them.^ The abbot 
of Bury St. Edmund's induced the King to expel the Jews 
from the town in 1190.* The burgesses of Leicester 
obtained a similar grant from Simon de Montfort in 1231, 
those of Newcastle in 1234, of Wycombe in 1235, of South- 
ampton in 123G, of Berkhampsted in 1242, of Newbury in 
1244, of Derby in 1263 ; at Norwich the citizens complained 
to the King, but without any result, of the harm that they 
suffered through the growth of the Jewish community 
settled in the city.' In 1245 a decree in general terms was 
issued by Henry III., prohibiting all Jews, except those to 
whom the King had granted a special personal license, from 
remaining in any town other than those in which their co- 
religionists had hitherto been accustomed to live.^ This 
series of measures did not simply deprive the Jews in 
England of a right which had been solemnly granted them 
and which they had long enjoyed. It went much further. 

* EspeciaUj irritating mnst have been the fact tliat the one restriction 
on the business of Jews, as money-lenders, was the order that forbade 
them to take in pledge the land of tenants on the royal demesne. W. 
Prynne, The Second Part of a Short Demurrer to the Jews' long dU* 
continued remitter, etc., London, 1656, p. 35 ; Norfolk Antiquarian Mit- 
cellany, I. 328. 

' Chronica Joeelini de Brakelonda (Oamden Society), p. 38. 

' Thompson, Leioetter, 72 ; Madoz, Eitt. of Exchequer , I. 260, notes 
and P ; J. E. Blunt, Ettahliihment and Residence of Jews in England, 
45 ; Papers Anglo- J. H. Ex. 190 ; Prynne, The Second Part of a Short 
Demurrer, etc., p. 37 ; Norfolk Antiquarian Miscellany, I. 326, (De Judeis 
dicebant quod major multitudo manet in civitate sna qoam solebat, 
et quod Jndei qui aliis locis dissainati (sic) faeront yenemnt ibidem 
manere ad dampnom civitatis). 

* Prynne, The Second Part of a Short Demurrer, etc., p. 75 ; Madox, His- 
tory of the Exchequer, I. 249 : Et quod nnUos Jndaeus reoeptetur in 
aliqna villa sine speoiali licentia Beg^, nisi in yillis illis in qoibns 
Jndaei manere consneTemnt. 

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The Expulsion of the Jeics from England in 1290. 91 

For, by circumscribing the area in which they could carry 
on their business, and so diminishing their opportunities 
of acquiring wealth, it threatened their very existence in a 
land where their wealth alone secured them protection. 

IV. — The Conflict with the Barons. 

At the same time that the towns were making their 
attack on the Jews in their own way, there was growing 
up within the baronial order a new party, stronger than 
the towns in the elements of which it was composed and 
in its capacity for joint action, and filled, on account of the 
private circumstances of its members, with a deeper 
hatred of the Jews than the greater barons, who had 
hitherto represented the order, had ever known. For the 
old Baronial party which had forced Magna Carta on 
John was too rich to be seriously indebted to the Jews, and 
the anti-Jewish feeling of its members must have been 
blunted by the fact that, when they had to pay their debts, 
they could raise the money by benevolences levied on their 
tenanta^ Moreover some of them imitated on their own 
estates the King's policy of sharing in the profits of 
usury.* Hence they were little influenced by personal 
grievances, and it was no doubt partly from political con- 
siderations, and partly as a concession to the lesser and 
poorer members of their order, that they had introduced 
into Magna Carta certain limitations of the power of the 
Jews, or of their legatee, the King, over the estates of 

' Jacobs, mTeivs of Angevin England, 269-271. 

' M. Paris, Chronica Major a, V. 245. Of. the article in the Constitations 
enacted by Walter de Cantilape, Bishop of Worcester, at his diocesan 
STDod in 1240 : Quia vero parom refert, an qnis per se vel per aliom incidat 
in crimen nsnramm, prohibemns ne qnis Ghristianns Judseo pecnniam 
committat, ut earn Jadseos aimulate sno nomine proprio mntnet ad nsnram. 
WiUdns, MagruB Britannia Concilia, I. 676,676. Stubbs, 8deot Charters, 

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92 The Jewish Quarterly Revieu), 

debtors, a measure which, small a.s it was, was repealed on 
the re-issues of the charters, when, during the minority 
of Henry III., the Barons had to undertake the duty of 
Government. And yet even the greater Barons must have 
felt, after twenty years' experience of the personal Govern- 
ment of Henry III., that an alteration in the Royal system of 
managing the Jewry was necessary if their order was ever 
to succeed in the constitutional struggle in which it was 
engaged. They knew that many of those among the King's 
acts which they hated worst would have been impossible 
but for the Jews. It was by money extorted from them 
that he had been enabled to prolong his expeditions in 
Brittany and Gascony, to support and enrich his foreign 
favourites, and to baffle the attempts of the Council to 
secure, by the refusal of supplies, the restoration of Govern- 
ment through the customary officers. In 1230, and again in 
1239, he took from them a third of their property ; in 1244, 
he levied a tallage of 60,000 marks ; in 1250, 1252, 1254, 
and 1255 he ordered the royal officers to take from them 
all that they could exact, after thorough inquisition and the 
employment of measures of compulsion so cruel as to make 
the whole body of Jews in England ask twice, though 
each time in vain, for permission to leave the country. 
Thus the whole Baronial order was for a time united, on 
the ground of constitutional grievances, in a policy which 
found its expression in the successful attempt of the 
National Council in 1244 to exact from the King the right 
of appointing one of the two justices of the Jews, so as to 
gain a knowledge of the amount of the Jewish revenue, 
and a power of controlling its expenditure.* 

1 For the nature and duration of the earlier straggle between the king 
and the barons, see Stubbs, Constitutional HUtory of England (Library 
Edition), II., 40, 44, 63, 67, 69-77. For the king's acts of extortion from 
the Jews, see Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora^ III., 194, 643 ; IV., 88 ; 
v., 114, 274, 441, 487 ; Madox, History of the Exchequer, I., 224-5, 229 ; 
Prynne, Second Part of a Short Demurrer, 40, 48, 66, 70, 76, 57. For the 
appointment by the Council of one Justice of the Jews, M. Paris, Chronica 
Majora, iv. 367. 

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The Expuhion of the Jeicsfrom England in 1290. 93 

But such a measure did nothing to relieve the personal 
grievances of the lower baronage, and it was naturally 
from this class that further complaints proceeded. Its 
members, unlike the greater barons, made no profit from 
the encouragement of usury. On the other hand, they 
were among the greatest sufferers from the practice^ 
Many a one among them must, when summoned to take 
part in the King's foreign expeditions, have been com- 
pelled to pledge some land to the Jews in order to be 
able to meet the expenses of service; and no doubt the 
Jews derived from such transactions, a large share of the 
profits that enabled them to make their enormous contri- 
butions to the exchequer. A landholder's debt to a Jew 
would, when once contracted, have been, under any cir- 
cumstances, difficult to pay off. But the lower baron- 
age, or knight's bachelors, were threatened, when they 
had fallen into debt, with new dangers, the knowledge 
of which intensified their hatred of the whole system of 
money-lending. " We ask," they said in the petition of 
1259, " a remedy for this evil, to wit, that the Jews some- 
times give their bonds, and the land pledged to them, to 
the magnates and the more powerful men of the realm, 
who thereupon enter on the land of the lesser men, and 
although those who owe the debt be willing to pay it with 
usury, yet the said magnates put off the business, so that 
the land and tenements may in some way remain their 
property, .... and on the occasion of death, or any 
other chance, there is a manifest danger that those to 
whom the said tenements belonged may lose all right in 

The special wrongs of the lower baronage were, in the 
course of the Civil War, temporarily lost sight of. Never- 
tiieless, the action of the whole baronial party throughout 
the war contributed greatly, though indirectly, to the ulti- 
mate banishment of the Jews from England. Just as the 

> Stubbs, Select ChaHert, 386-6. 

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94 The Jevskh Quarterlt/ Review. 

towns had, by their measures of exclusion, weakened the 
mercenary bond that united the Jews to the King, so now 
the barons, by their wholesale destruction of Jewish 
property, worked, as unconsciously as the towns had done, 
to the same end. They attacked and plundered the Jewry 
of London twice in the course of the war, and destroyed 
those of Canterbury, Northampton, Winchester, Cambridge, 
Worcester, and Lincoln. Everywhere they carried oflf or 
destroyed the property of their victims. In London they 
killed every Jew that they met, except those who accepted 
baptism, or paid large sums of money. They took from 
Cambridge all the Jewish bonds that were kept there, and 
deposited them at their head-quarters in Ely. At Lincoln 
they broke open the official chests, and " trod underfoot in 
the lanes, charters and deeds, and whatever else was 
injurious to the Christians." ^ " It is impossible," says a 
chronicler, in describing one of these attacks, " to estimate 
the loss it caused to the King's exchequer." 

V. — ^The BKaiNNiNQ OF Edward's Policy of Restric- 

When the Civil War was over, the position of the King's 
son Edward as, on the one hand, the sworn friend of the 
lower baronage, and, on the other hcmd. the leader of the 
Council and the most powerful man in England,' made it 
impossible that the Jews should continue to carry on their 
business under the royal protection as they had hitherto 
done. And Edward's personal character and political ideals 
were such as to make him execute with vigour the policy 

> Annates MonaHici, H. 101, 363, 371, III. 230, IV. 141, 142, 145, 
449, 460 ; Liber de Antiquu Legihut (Camden Society), 62 ; Chronicle of 
Pierre de Langtoft (R. S.), II., 151 ; Chronicle of William de Rishanger 
(Camden Sodetj), 24, 25, 126 ; Florentii Wigomiensis Chronioon ex 
Chronicis (English HiBtorioal Society), II. 192. 

» Tout, Edward Z, 13, 89. 

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The Rtpulsian of the Jews from England in 1290. 95 

towards the Jews that was forced on him by his relations 
with the lower baronage. He was a religious prince, one 
who could not but have felt qualms of conscience at seeing 
the " enemies of Christ " carrying on the most unchristian 
trade of usury in the chief towns of England. He was 
a statesman, the future author of the Statutes of Mort- 
main and Quia Umptores, and he wished to see the work of 
the nation performed by the united action of the nation, 
and its expenses met by due contributions from all the 
National resources. But in so fax* as the Jews had any 
hold on English land they prevented the realisation of this 
ideal Sometimes they took possession of land that was 
pledged to them, and then the amount of the feudal re - 
venue and the symmetry of the feudal organisation suffered, 
though the King might gain a great deal in other ways ; * 
very often they secured payment in money of their debts 
by bringing about an a»greement for the transfer to a 
monastery of the estates that had been pledged to them as 
security,* and then the land came under the *' dead hand *'; 
sometimes they contented themselves with a perpetued 
rent-chai^,' and then it would be hard, if not impossible, 
for the struggling debtor to discharge his feudal obliga- 

The indebtedness of the Church must have shocked 
Edward's sympathies as a Christian, just as much as the 
indebtedness of the lay landholders thwarted his schemes 

' Palgrftve, Botuli Curia JRegU (Record Commission), II., 62 (Judaoi 
habeant seisiiuim) ; Oesta abbatitm Moneuterii S, Alhani (B. S.), I., 401 ; 
HaeUoruM Ahhrematio (Record Ck>mmi88ion), p. 58 ; Jacobs, pp. 90, 234. 

* Chromcles cf the Abbey of Mdta (RoUs Series), I., 173, 174, 306, 367, 
374, 577 ; IL, 65, 109, 116 ; Arohaological Journal^ vol. 88, pp. 189, 190, 
191, 192. 

* Blunt, EstablUhment and BeHderioe of the Jevoi in England, 136 ; 
Prynne, Second Part of a Short Dem/urrer, p. 106. 

* A very long list of landowners indebted to the Jews conld be ex- 
tracted from Ifadoxy Sietory of Exchequer, Vol. I., p. 227, eq. Of. Prynne, 
Second PaH, eta, pp. 96, 98, 106 ; Calendar of Patent Rolls from 1281 
to 1292, p. 25. 

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96 The Jewish Quarierh/ Review. 

as a statesman. For the condition of ecclesiastical estates 
was indeed deplorable. They had begun to fall into debt 
in the twelfth century, no doubt in consequence of the 
expense that was necessary for the erection of great build- 
ings, and their debts had gone on growing, partly in conse- 
quence of bad management, partly through the necessity of 
fulfilling the duties of hospitality by keeping open house 
continually, partly through the exactions of the Pope and 
the King. The Bishop of Lincoln pledged the plate of his 
cathedral, the Abbot of Peterborough the bones of the 
patron-saint of his Abbey ; at Bury St. Edmunds each 
obedientiary had his own seal, which he could apply to bonds 
which involved the whole house; and loans were freely 
contracted which accumulated at 50 per cent.^ Hence in 
the thirteenth century Matthew Paris wrote that "there 
was scarcely anyone in England, especially a bishop, who 
was not caught in the meshes of the usurers."* "Wise 
men knew that the land was corrupted by them." ^ The 
literary documents of the latter half of the century fully 
confirm these accounts. The See of Canterbury was 
weighed down with an ever-growing load of debt when 
John of Peckham first went to it.* The buildings of 
the cathedral were becoming dilapidated for want of 
money to repair them.* Those of the neighbouring Priory 
of Christ Church were in an equally bad state, and its 
revenue was equally encumbered.* The bishop of Norwich 
was so poor that in spite of the extortions regularly 
practised by his officials, he had to borrow six hundred 
marks from the Archbishop of Canterbury.^ The Bishop 
of Hereford had been compelled to seek the intervention 
of Henry III., in order to obtain respite of his debts to 

* Oetta Henrici II, (R. S.), I., 106 ; Giraldi CamhrensU Opera (B. S.), 
VII., 36 ; Cronioa Jooelini de Brakelonda (Camden Soc.), p. 2. 

» III., 328. » V. 189. 

* Letters of John qf Peckham (Bolls Series), I., 20, 156, 
» Ibid.y I., 203. 6 Ibid,, I., 841. 

7 /dui., I., 177, 187. 

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The Expukion of the Jews from England in 1290. 97 

the Jews.^ The Abbey of Glastonbury was weighed down 
by " immeasurable debts/' and, in order to save it from 
further calamities, the Archbishop had to order a reorgani- 
sation of expenditure so thorough as to include regulations 
concerning the number of dishes with which the abbot 
might be served in his private room.' The Prior of Lewes 
asked permission to turn one of his churches from its right 
use, and to let it for five years to any one who would hire 
it, in order that he might thus get together some money to 
help to pay off what the priory owed.' The Church of 
Newneton could not afford clergymen.* Even the great 
Monastery of St. Swithin's, Winchester, in spite of the 
revenue that its monks drew from the sale of wine and fur 
and spiceries, and from the tolls paid by the traders who 
attended its great annual fair, was always in debt, some- 
times to the amount of several thousand pounds.* Except 
in the cutting down of timber and the granting of life 
annuities in return for the payment of a lump sum, the 
religious houses had no resources except the money-lenders.^ 
They borrowed from English usurers, from Italians, from 
Jews, and from one another.'' 

If the lay and ecclesiastical estates of England were to 
be freed from their burdens, heroic measures were neces- 
sary. The barons had done their part in the work by 
carrying off or destroying such bonds as they could find. 
But the financial revolution, to be effective, must be carried 
out by due process of law. 

When, on the restoration of tranquillity, the Council 
under Ekiward's influence began its attempt to redress the 
grievances against which the barons had been fighting, the 

> BobertB, Exoerpta e Rot, Finittm (Record Commission), II., 68. 

> Letters of John of Peckham, I., 261. * Ihid,, I., 380. 
« Ibid., L, 194. 

• Obedientiary BolU of 8, SwUhin% Winchester (Hsmpehire Record 
Societj), 1892, pp. 10, 18. 

• Letters qf John of Peckham, I., 244 ; Eitchin, Winchester, 65 ; 
Obedientiary Rolls of 8, Swithin's, pp. 22, 25. 

' Cf. Letters of John of Peckham, I., 642. 

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98 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

first measare in the programme of reform was one for the 
relief of the debtors to the Jews. Any interference with 
Jewish business would, of course, entail a loss to the Royal 
Exchequer, and, honest and patriotic as Edward was, his 
poverty was so great that he could not afford to sacrifice 
any of his resources. But the exhausting demands that 
the King had made on the Jews in the time of his difficul- 
ties, and the terrible destruction of their property that had 
taken place during the war, must have so far diminished 
the revenue to be derived from the Jews as to make the 
possible loss of it a far less serious consideration than it 
would have been twenty yeara earlier. Accordingly, at the 
feast of St. Hilary in 1269, a measure, drawn up by Walter 
of Merton, was passed, forbidding for the future the aliena- 
tion of land to Jews in consequence of loan transactions. 
All existing bonds by which land might pass into the hands 
of Jews were declared cancelled ; the attempt to evade the 
law by selling them to Christians was made punishable 
with death and forfeiture ; and none to such effect was to 
be executed in future.^ 

But this was only a slight measure compared with what 
was to follow. The Jews might still €tcquire land by pur- 
chase, and needy lords and churches, when forbidden to 
pledge their lands, were very likely, under the pressure of 
necessity, to sell them outright. Already the Jews were 
"seised" of many estates,* and, according to the story 
of an ancient historian,* they chose this moment to 
ask the King to grant them the enjoyment of the privi- 
leges that regularly accompanied the possession of land, 
viz., the guardianship of minors on their estates, the right 
to give wards in marriage, and the presentation to livings. 
Feudal law recognised the two former privileges, and the 

* Tovey, Anglia Judaica^ 176-7. 

* Oefta Ahbatum MonoHerii S, Alhani (RoUs Series), I. 401 ; Placu 
torum Ahhreviqtio (Record Commission), p. 58, col. 2. 

* De AntiqnU Legihus Liber (Camden Society), 234 $q. 

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The Expuhion of the Jem from England in 1290. 99 

Chnrch recognised the latter,^ as incidental to the possession 
of real property. It was strange, however, that the Jews 
should present a demand for new social privileges of this 
kind to a council that had already shown its determination 
to deprive them of their old legal rights ; and it was only 
natural that the churchmen should take the opportunity 
of denouncing their " impious insolence." Certain of the 
councillors were at first in favour of granting the Jews' 
request ; but a Franciscan friar, who obtained admittance 
to the Council, pleaded that it would be a disgrace to 
Christianity, and a dishonour to God. The Archbishop of 
York, and the Bishops of Lichfield, Coventry, and Worcester 
were present, and argued that the *' perfidious Jews " ought 
to be made to recognise that it was as an act of the King's 
grace that they were allowed to remain in England, and 
that it was outrageous that they should make a demand, 
the granting of which would allow them to nominate the 
ministers of Christian churches, to receive the homage of 
Christians, to sit side by side with them on juries, assizes 
and recognitions, and perhaps ultimately to come into 
possession of English baronies. Edward and his equally 
religious cousin, the son of Richard, King of the Romans, 
were present at the council to support the argument of the 
Bishops,* and not only were the original requests refused, 
but the Jews were now forbidden by the act of the King 
and his Council to enjoy a freehold in "manors, lands, 
tenements, fiefs, rents, or tenures of any kind," whether 
held by bond, gift, enfeoffment, confirmation, or any other 
grant, or by any other means whatever. They were for- 
bidden to receive any longer the rent -charges which 
had been a common form of security for their loans. 
Lands of which they were already possessed were to 
be redeemed by the Christian owners, or in default of 
them, by other Christians, on repayment without interest 

* Hefele, ConcUiengesohichte, V., 1028. 
» Annalei Mimastici (R.S.), IV., 221. 
a 2 

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100 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

of the principal of the loan in consequence of which they 
had come into the hands of the Jews. In the interest 
of parochial revenues, Jews were forbidden to acquire 
houses in London in addition to those which they already 

B. Lionel Abrahams. 
(To be continued,) 

Blunt, EitaUUhment and Residence^ eto., 184-9. 

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Death, Burial, and Mourning, 101 




As the soul is leaving the body, a threefold call is heard 
from Heaven, *0 son of Adam, hast thou abandoned 
the world, or has the world abandoned thee; hast thou 
gathered of the world, or has the world gathered of thee ; 
hast thou slain the world, or has the world slain thee ?" 
{Muhamm, Eschat, eh. viii.) 

In this moment the sound occasioned by the divorce of 
soul from body reaches from one end of the world to the 
other, but none hears it (T.B. Jotna, 206 ; Pirqe E. JEliezer, 
ch, xxxiv.). It is stated, however, in Tblin m>!^ nSDD (Beth 
Ha-Mid., Jellinek, I., p. 153) that the sound is heard by 
the cock alone. 

As the soul of the Jew wings its flight to the Soul of 
the universe, those present rend their garments, and express 
their resignation to the will of God by reverently exclaim- 
ing, ^V^ 1-^ "^^^ " Blessed be the true Judge !" 

When the last breath has left the body, and no trace 
of life can be discerned, the eyes of the dead are reverently 
closed, generally by the eldest son, but, failing him, by 
the nearest relative (Zohar, Ed. Krotoschin "f? Thw 'D, 
169flr. In pn** "inPD, 128a, it says that it is but 
right that this office of love should be performed by the 
heir, and that the act in itself is beneficial to the 
deceased). It is distinctly stated however, that one is 

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102 The Jewish Quarterly Bevietc. 

" guilty of death/* if one closes the eyes before one is 
fully satisfied that life is wholly extinct (T.B. Semach, I.), 
or even tt7D3n rw^^T* D37, i.e., while the soul is in the act 
of emerging from the body {MisL Shabb. xxiii. 4), as seems 
to have been usual among the Arabs. This custom is 
reputed to be one of great antiquity. Thus there is sup- 
posed to be an allusion to it already in Gen. xliv. 4, 
where God tells Jacob in a vision : " Joseph shall put his 
hands upon thine eyes " (Nachmanides, Comm, in loco). It 
is likewise not confined to the Jews. The practice was 
observed by the ancient Greeks and Eomans (cf. Hom. 
jn. XL 453 ; Odi/s, XL 426 ; xxiv. 296 ; Eurip., Phoen, 1465 
and ffec, 430 ; Virg. ^w., IX. 487 ; Ovid, Heroid. I. 102 ; 
Euseb., Hist Eccl VII. ch. xxii. § 9). It represents one of 
the directions given by Bar Hebraeus in his well-known 
Book of Coiviuct {Die Ca nones Jacob's von Edessa, Ed. C. 
Kayser, p. 152); and it also prevails among the Egyp- 
tians. "When the rattles in the throat, or other symp- 
toms, show that a man is at the point of death, an attendant 
(his wife or some other person) turns him round to place 
his face in the direction of Mekkah and closes his 
eyes." {Modem Egyptians, Stanley Lane-Poole, 1875, 
II. ch. xxviii.) 

The " motif " of this custom is explained in pn^ nn370 
128a). As man is supposed to behold the Shechina in 
the moment when he expires, it is not proper that his 
eyes should be permitted to rest upon a profane object 
after this divine vision. He is likewise deemed un- 
worthy to obtain a view of yonder sphere, until this 
world has been completely hidden from his sighi Pliny 
{Nat, Hist, xi. § 150, quoted by Mr. Frazer) also assigns 
fiLS a reason for the custom, that the dead should be seen 
for the last time, not by man, but by Heaven. Mr. Frazer, 
however, is of opinion that its basis is to be sought else- 
where. *'The very general practice of closing the eyes 
of the dead appears to have originated with a simUar 
object (that the ghost might not be able to find his way 

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Death, Burial, and Mourning. 108 

back) ; it was a mode of blindfolding the de€ul, that he 
might not see the way by which he was carried to his 
last home. At the grave where he was to rest for ever, 
there was, of course, no motive for concealment, hence 
the Romans, and apparently the Siamese, opened the eyes 
of the dead man at the funeral pyre, just as we should 
unbandage the eyes of an enemy after conducting him 
to his destination. In Nuremberg, the eyes of the corpse 
were actocJly bandaged with a wet cloth. In Corea, they 
put blinkers, or rather blinders, on his eyes ; they are 
made of Uack silk and are tied with strings at the back 
of his hsad. The Jews put a potsherd, and the Russians 
coins, on each of his eyes. The notion that if the eyes 
of the dead be not closed his ghost will return to fetch 
away another of the household still exists in Bohemia, 
Grermany, and England" {^Journal of the Anthropological 
Institute^ xv. 64ff.). 

But while this explanation is no doubt, in the main, the 
correct one, is it not possible that the Jews, who, as his- 
tory proves, had a remarkable capacity for spiritualising 
every heathen usage which they assimilated, may have 
originally had no other motive in carrying out this 
practice than that set forth in pn> nn370 ? It seems to 
have been a general belief among the Jews that man was 
privileged to catch a passing vision of his Creator just 
as the soul was leaving the body ; and we find even Job, 
when sunk in the slough of despond, breathing a confident 
hope that he will himself behold God with his own eyes 
(Job xix. 27). Thus it was only natural that such a 
people should have considered it sacrilege to suffer any- 
thing earthly to be seen by eyes which had once peered 
beyond the mysterious veil which cannot be riven by the 
soul of man while it remains in contact with aught that 
is subject to corruption. 
y Besides the eyes, the mouth is closed, and the cheek- 
bones are bound together, to prevent them dropping 
asunder (T.B. Semach. I. and references). 

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104} The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

The Bible records an isolated instance of kissing the 
dead (Gen. 1. 1). But this act of Joseph's was probably 
due to nothing else but an irresistible impulse of affection. 
In the Book of Jubilees it is recorded that when Rebekah, 
accompanied by Isaac, found Abraham dead in his bed, the 
son of the patriarch fell upon his father's face and kissed 
him. But, of course, there is no historical foundation for 
this incident Among the ancient Eomans, if not an uni- 
versal, still it was not an uncommon habit, apparently, to 
give the dying a last kiss in order to catch the parting 
breatL The passages from which this is inferred are Cic. 
Ver, V. 45 ; Virg. ^n. IV. 684 (quoted by Becker). There 
is also some reference (though it is likewise not very dis- 
tinct) in Lucian, De Luctu (Ed. Heitland) § 13, to the 
custom among the Greeks of a father and mother em- 
bracing their departed son (Trepix^d€\<;=^* tiyxng his arms 
around " the corpse). The modem Greeks, when bidding 
farewell to a dead relative, usually imprint a kiss upon the 
lips of the corpse '{Customs and Lore of Modem Greece, 
Rennell Rodd, p. 129). The Copts and the Druses likewise 
kiss their dead before interment (Vide Social History of 
the Races of Mankind, Featherman, Div. V. 254-482). But 
the practice does not seem to have been generally popular 
in ancient times. In the book niDn nm% a philosophical 
and cabbalistic commentary on the Pentateuch, quoted 
by pn'» "tn37» (1016) the kiss which Joseph imprinted 
upon his deceased father is explained as the "kiss of 
leave-taking," one of the three kinds of kisses recognised 
as permitted by the law of decency {Schir. Hasch. Rab, 
I. 14), the other two being the kiss of homage and the 
kiss on meeting those near and dear to ona Hence the 
author infers from Gen. 1. 1 that it is proper to kiss a dead 
relative in token of farewell In Mid.. Ijekach Tob, or Pesikta 
Sutarta (Ed. Buber) I. 121a, Joseph's kiss is likewise 
described as HT^D btt? np>tt71 For examples of this latter 
type of kiss see 1 Kings xix. 20, where Elisha asks permis- 
sion of Elijah to go and kiss his father and mother before 

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Death, Buriul, and Mourning. 105 

consecrating himself to the ministry of God ; and Acts xx. 
37f , where the people fall upon the neck of Paul on the 
eve of his departure from their midst, and kiss him. 
pn** nn^a itself remarks that when one's son or daughter 
dies one is not allowed to kiss them, notwithstanding the 
instance cited above of a son embracing his deceased father. 
We find the same view expressed in D>TDnn nSD, para- 
graph 236. And there are no other examples of such a 
practice in post-Biblical Jewish Literature. 

An hour after death has taken place, the corpse is 
reverently lifted, while straw is spread under it, a prayer 
(for the text of which tfide pn^ 1237^, p. 55), being recited 
the while. The feet of the dead are turned towards the 
door, and a black cloth is stretched over the body (T.B. 
Shabb. 161a; cf. Sirach xxxviii. 16, "And then cover his 
body according to the custom "). The ancient Greeks also 
placed the dead on a couch in the same posture, and among 
the Romans, the corpse was laid out on a state-bed in 
the atrium with its feet turned towards the door. ( Vide 
Seyfiert's Diet of Class. Antiqs. Ed. Nettleship and Sandys.) 
I come now to the ancient mode of announcing that a 
death had occurred in a household. This was done by the 
sound of the Shouphar and work was at once temporarily 
suspended, so that all might be enabled to participate 
in the ol^equies (T.B. Moed, Eat 276). The Jews had 
great reluctance to communicating evil tidings to those 
concerned (Cf. Prov. x. 10; xviL 27; and see Zunz, 
ZuT Qtsehichte und Literatur, p. 308.) Thus, when Rabbi 
Jehuda ha-N&si was dying at Sepphoris, the inhabi- 
tants said: He who brings us the news that Rabbi is 
no more, shall be put to death. Bax Eappara looked 
down from a window attired as a mourner, with garments 
rent and head covered, and spoke thus: "Brethren, the 
strong and the feeble have had a contest for the possession 
of the Tables of the Law, and the strong have asserted 
their claim successfully and have taken the Tables unto 
themselves." Thereupon the people burst forth : "Rabbi 

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106 The Jeiokh Quarterly Review, 

is dead !" " You have declared it," he answered, "not I " 
(T. B. Kethuh 104a; T. J. Kilaim ix. 3 ; Kohel Bab. vii. 12). 
Likewise when Rab Kahana was dangerously ill, the 
Eabbis sent Rabbi Joshua bar Rab Idi to him, and he 
found Rab Kahfitna dead He returned with rent garments 
and dissolved in tears, when the Rabbis asked, " He is 
dead, is he not?" "You have announced the fact," he 
replied, "not I" (T.B. Pesach, 3b). 

While on this subject, I may mention another peculiar 
usage of the Jews supposed to be connected therewith, 
which is observed on the occasion of a death and which has 
been adopted by other nations, between some of whom 
there is no ethnological affinity. Hence it is impossible to 
trace its original birth-place. All the water in the house 
at the time when the death occurs, is immediately poured 
out, and the same is done in a few of the adjoining dwell- 
ings on either side (D>bin nipn 'd L. M. Landshuth, xxx.). 
Various attempts have been made to explain this practice 
satisfactorily; but in the multitude of reasons there is 

The Kolbo offers two alternative explanations of the 
afore-mentioned custom, thereby throwing doubt upon the 
veracity of either. 

(1.) As it is objectionable to communicate bad news to 
any one directly, water is poured out to make manifest to 
the neighbours and passers-by that a death has taken 

(2.) It symbolises the fact that the Angel of Death 
cleanses his dripping knife in water after it has been 
steeped in gall, and all water is poured away in case he 
may dip the bloodstained weapon into any vessel that 
comes across his path, and so scatter death broadcast 
(See also pn*' nMD, 1116). 

Mr. Frazer, a recognised authority on such matters, 
thinks the practice is to be traced to a fear " lest the ghost 
should fall in €Uid be drowned." 

In support of Mr. Frazer's plausible theory, we may note 

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Death, Burial, and Mourning. 107 

that in Haute Bretagne, as well as in Basse Bretagne, 
when there is a death in the house, the water which is 
found in the vessels is thrown out for fear lest the soul of 
the deceased should he drowned in it (Coutumea de la Haute 
Breiagne, P. S^biUot, 155f). Also Mr. Andrew Lang tells 
us (" Folklore of France," in Folklore Record, I. 101) that 
" the water in the house must be poured out of pitchers and 
glasses (as among the Jews), lest the flying soul should 
drown itself" (Cf. Souchfe, Croyances, Priaages et Traditions 
IHvers, p. 6). In Germany, the water and milk which may 
be left in uncovered vessels at tlie moment when a death 
has taken place, are immediately thrown out. This is 
done, according to some, because the departed soul, on its 
return to wash off its pollution after having discarded its 
earthen envelope, might be drowned ; according to others, 
because one should not expose one's self to the risk of 
taking a draught of the sins of the deceased (Liebrecht, 
Zur Volkskunae, p. 350). 

That there was a current belief that the soul might 
perform a lustration after it had passed out of its 
ephemeral frame is shown by the following. In some 
parts of Bohemia, after a death, the water-bath is emptied, 
because, if the ghost happened to bathe in it and anyone 
drank of it afterwards, he would be a dead man in the year 
(James G. Frazer in Journal of Anthrop, Inst. xv. 64!ff). 
There is a German tradition to the same effect (Liebrecht, 
Zur Volkskunde, p. 350). It is Ukewise an Indian burial 
custom, that after the death of a person, milk and water 
are placed in an earthen vessel in the open air, and the 
relatives exclaim : " Departed one, here bathe " (the com- 
mentary adds) " and here drink " (Ibid, p. 351). 

In some cases another reason altogether different is 
assigned for the practice, whilst in others, no explanation 
seems to be forthcoming, it having possibly been lost in 
process of transmission from one generation to another. 

" In many parts of Germany, in modem Greece and in 
Cyprus, water is poured out behind the corpse as it is being 

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108 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

carried from the house, in the belief that if the ghost 
returns, he will not be able to cross it. Sometimes, by 
night, the Germans pour holy water before the door, the 
ghost is then thought to stand and whimper on the further 
side " (James G. Frazer in Journal of Anihrop, Inst, xv. 
64ff). A somewhat confusing explanation of the custom 
as observed in Cyprus, is given in " Notes on Greek Folk- 
lore" (E. M. Edwards) in Folklore Journal, II. 170: "In 
Cyprus, after the funeral has passed out of the street, they 
pour from a large vessel the water which it contains, and 
then throw down the vessel This custom is referred to 
the bfiisins of lustral water, ' '^ipytfia* which were placed 
at the doors of the house in which there was a deceased 
person, to be used by those who had touched the body, but 
with the Cypriotes it is thought to be for the refreshing of 
the soul that has left the body, or according to another 
version, for washing off the blood from the sword of the 
Archangel Michael, who is supposed to be invisible after 
having taken the soul of the departed." In Corfu, the 
poor people throw water from the windows, when a funeral 
has passed by {Customs and Lore of Modem QreecCy Rennell 
Rodd, p. 124.) Similarly, in some parts of Calabria 
(Castrovellari and Nocara) and of Germany, all the vessels 
are emptied at death (James G. Frazer, Journal ofAnthrop- 
Inst, XV. 64ff). That the practice was also prevalent in 
ancient Greece is shown by an inscription found in lulis 
(Tzia) which prohibits it : iiriZe to vi<op iic)(ev (Dittenberger, 
Syllog, Inscrip, Oraec, II., No. 468). Among the Poljmesians, 
" as soon as the corpse was committed to its last resting- 
place, the mourners selected five old cocoa-nuts, which were 
successively opened, and the water poured out on the 
ground {Anthropological Religion, Max Miiller, p. 278)« 
" In Burma, when the coflin is being carried out, every vessel 
in the house that contains water is emptied" (James O. 
Frazer, Journal of Anthrop, Inst xv. 64ff). In the north- 
east of Scotland, all the milk in the house is poured out 
on the ground (Folklore of North-East Scotland, W. 

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Death, Burial, and Mourning. 109 

Gregor, p, 206). The same custom is observed in parts of 
England, and thus the vulgar expression "kicking the 
bucket " is explained, evidently deriving its origin fix)m 
the act of turning over the pail and upsetting the water 
(Liebrecht, Zur Volkihunde, p. 351). 

Furthermore, an examination of versions of the custom 
in vogue among various races, seems to point to its possible 
derivation from four other causes than that suggested by 
Mr. Frazer. 

1. All water remaining in open vessels after a death had 
occurred was regarded as unclean, and people were afraid 
of being contaminated by it. 

2. It represented an offering in honour of the dead. 

3. It is a survival of the practice of providing food for 
the departed spirit, in anticipation that it would return 
in quest of nourishment. 

4. It is a symbol of the pouring-out of the soul before 

With reference to the first, we know from numerous 
passages in the Bible the precautions taken by the ancient 
Hebrews against being defiled by contact with the dead, 
as well as the remedial measures necessary in the event 
of such a mishap. But it is a special passage in the book 
of Numbers (xix. 14f) which, according to some authorities 
forms the basis of the custom referred to above. " This 
is the law when a man dieth in a tent: Every one 
that cometh into the tent and every one that 
is in the tent, shall be unclean seven days. And 
every open vessel, which hath no covering bound upon it 
is unclean" (Vide Buxtorf, Synagoga Judaica,ch. xxxiii.). 
Even modem Jews, as they leave the graveyard, wash 
their hands, while reciting some verses of Scripture. In 
ancient Greece and Rome, the mourner had to be cleansed 
by lustration from the contaminating presence of death. 
" At the door of the Greek house of mourning was set the 
water-vessel (dpBdviov), that those who had been within 
might sprinkle themselves and be clean; while the 

Digitized by 


110 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

mourners returning from a Roman funeral aspersed with 
water, and stepping over fire, were by this double process 
made pure " ( Vide Tylor, Primitive Culture, ii. 398). In 
the former case, the water had to be brought from another 
house, in which no dead body lay {Poll, viii. 65). " In 
modern Greece, Cappadocia and Crete, persons returning 
from a funeral wash their handa In Samoa, they wash 
their faces in hot water. In ancient India, it was enough 
merely to touch water. In China, on the fifth day after a 
death, the mourners wash their eyes and sprinkle their 
faces three times with water. The Wends of Geiszlitz, 
make a point of passing through running water as they 
return from a burial ; in winter, if the river is frozen they 
break the ice in order to wade through the water " (James 
Q. Frazer, Journ, of Anthrop, Inst, xv. 64ff.). It is a Mala- 
gasy custom that after a funeral the mourners all wash 
their dress, or at least dip a portion of it in running water 
(" Malagasy Folklore, etc.,'* James Sibra, Junr., in Folklore 
Record II.). Among a number of South African tribes, 
whose manners, customs, superstitions, and religions have 
been described by the Rev. J. Macdonald [Journ, of Anthrop. 
Imt,, xix.), " those who handled the body were unclean, and 
had to bathe in running water before associating with other 
men, or partaking of food." And Professor Max Muller 
relates of the Indians [Anthropological Religion, p. 254), 
that '* when they have come to a place where there is stand- 
ing water, they dive once, throw up a handful of water, 
pronounce the name of the deceased and his family (Gotra), 
go out from the water, put on new garments, wring the 
others once, spread them out towards the north, and then 
sit down till they see the stars or the sun." It also appears 
that in parts of Scotland, the chairs, etc., in the house are 
sprinkled with water, and the clothes of the de^d are 
treated in like manner (W. Gregor, Folklore of N.E, 
Scotland, p. 206). 

Thus we see how wide-spread is the belief that the 
occurrence of a death in a house tenJs to promote general 

Digitized by 


Death, Burial, and Mourning, 111 

As to the possibility of the emptying of the water 
representing a libation to the dead, or an offering on its 
behalf, with the object of assisting the soul of the departed 
towards beatitude, the sacrifices to the manes are familiar 
to all students of classical history. To the Jews, however, 
such sacrifices were strictly forbidden. Embodied in the 
declaration to be recited by the Israelite who should be 
privileged to enter the Promised Land, and to fulfil the law 
of tithe, was the following : — " I have not given thereof to 
the dead ; I have hearkened to the voice of the Lord my 
God ; I have done according to all that thou hast com- 
manded me " (Deut. xxvi. 14 ; cf. Book of Jubilees, c. xxii.). 
Yet there are some traces of the violation of this prohibition 
by the chosen people. Does not the Psalmist, in his suc- 
cinct poetical history of the Children of Israel, reproach 
them with having eaten the sacrifices of the dea.d ? (Ps. 
cvi 27; but possibly the author is thinking of Deut. 
xxxiL 38.) 

That water might have formed part of such sacrifices 
gains credence from the foUowing : — 

In India, " the man who is performing the obsequies, when 
the body is placed in an urn (after burning), walks three 
times raund the place, turning his left to it, and with a 
Sami branch sprinkles milk and water over it, reciting a 
verse, R.V. x. 16, 4. Again, on the day of the new moon 
after the obsequies, the performer of the expiatory service 
for the dead pours out a continuous stream of water, re- 
citing a verse, RV. x. 16, 9 " (Max Miiller, Anthropological 
BeUgiony p. 268). If a wife, or one of the chief Gurus 
(a father or Ak&rja dies), they pour out water consecrated 
in such a manner that the dead shall know it to be given 
to them (" Apastamba : Aphorisms of the Sacred Laws of 
the Hindus/' II. 8—10, in Vol. III. of Sacred Books of the 
East). The custom of giving offerings to the dead lingers, 
to a similarly slight extent, among the Buddhists. At the 
interment, after the body is laid in the grave, wrapped in 
linen, another doth is placed over it, and the monk takes 

Digitized by 


112 The Jewinh Quarterly Review, 

hold of the comer of this cloth ; and while another person 
pours water on the upper end of the corpse, the monk says, 
"As water rolling down from higher ground, flows over 
the lower land, so may that which is given in this world 
benefit (the pr^tas or) the departed" (Vide Buddhism, 
Primitive and Present, in Magadha and in Ceylon, T. W. 

On the whole, there is no reliable evidence to support 
the conjecture that the Jews were accustomed to ofier 
libations to the dead. 

On behalf of the assumption that the pouring out of the 
water is a survival of the widely prevalent custom of pro- 
viding refreshment for the departed soul, there is certainly 
more to be said. 

It is well known that the ancients imagined that the 
ghost of the departed would need the same nourishment in 
its new abode that it had required in its earthly home. 
Among the Assyrians and Babylonians " it was believed 
that the spirits of the dead needed sustenance in their new 
home, and clay vases were accordingly placed in the 
tombs, some of them filled with dates and grain, others 
with wine and oil ; but a more bountiful provision was 
made in the case of water, which, it was thought, was 
wholesome to drink only when it was fresh and running" 
(Social Life among the Assyrians and Babylonians, A. H, 
Sayce, Chap. IV.). Among the Arabs, too, " the dead are 
thirsty rather than hungry, and water and wine are poured 
upon their graves. Thirst is a subtler appetite than 
hunger, and therefore more appropriate to the disembodied 
shades, just as it is from thirst rather than from hunger 
that the Hebrews, and many other nations, borrow meta- 
phors for spiritual longings and intellectual desires" 
(Religion of the Semites, W. Robertson Smith, p. 217). In 
India, "one requirement of a burning-ground (SmasSna, 
the place for burying as well as burning) is that the water 
should run down from it on all sides" (Max Mliller, 
Anthropological Religion, p. 243). When one of the Yese- 

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Death, Burial, and Mourning, 113 

dees (a race inhabiting several valleys near Mosul and 
ancient Nineveh) is at the point of death, " a * eawal ' is 
called in, who pours a quantity of water into the mouth of 
the dying man ; and if at his arrival, life is already extinct, 
the ceremony is performed before the body is consigned to 
the grave " (Social History of the Races of Mankind, Feather- 
man, Div. v., p. 63.) Likewise among the Nubas, as soon 
as the mortal remains are committed to the earth, vessels 
filled with water are placed by the side of the grave 
{Ibid., p. 263). 

It certainly seems difficult to believe that even in 
primitive times, man should have thought that water 
poured out promiscuously, and at some distance from the 
grave, could serve the useful purpose of supplying re- 
freshment for the thirsty soul of the dead underneath the 
ground. But the act of placing food and drink in vessels 
on the tomb is altogether diflTerent, and the modern 
practice of pouring out the water on the occasion of a 
death may be a filtered form of this ancient and almost 
universal custom. 

With regard to the fourth possible explanation sug- 
gested above, it is oidy entitled to consideration because it 
may represent the current interpretation of the custom in 
rationalistic times, when its real drift had been forgotten 
for some generations, and it became necessary to invent a 
pedigree for it. 

Inman, in Ancient Faiths, etc., I. 85 (quoted by Liebrecht), 
remarks : " The ancient Egyptians, and the Jewish people 
to the present day, have the custom of pouring out all the 
water contained in any vessel in a house where a death 
has taken place, under the idea that as the living being 
comes by water, so does it make its exit through water." 
What this is intended to convey is not quite clear. We 
know, of course, that the theory of some of the ancients was 
that man was created from water. But the popular Jewish 
belief was that God formed the first man of dust gathered 
from the four comers of the earth, so that in whatever 


Digitized by 


114 The Jemah Quarterly Bevieta. 

part of the world it might be his lot to die, no portion of 
the ground " from whence he was taken " could refuse to 
receive his remains on the pretence that it had no kinship 
with him {Pirqe It. Eliezer^ Chap, xi., etc.) But the prob- 
able drift of Inman's explanation is that water, fresh and 
flowing, represents life; and water, stale and stagnant, 
typifies death. Or at least, this is the sense in which I 
interpret his statement. 

" Springing water " is symbolical of life. Thus it is 
designated "living" in Gen. xxvi. 19, Lev. xiv. 5-20, and 
Song of Songs iv. 15. God is the " fountain of living 
waters," «>., the source of life (Jer. ii. 13, xvii. 13). Bileam 
predicts of Israel : " Waters shall flow from his buckets," 
t>., he shall live and flourish (Numb. xxiv. 7). "The 
righteous is like a tree planted by streams of water," Le,, 
receiving continual moisture, so that he never ceases from 
yielding fruit (Jer. xvii. 8 ; Ps. L 3). Water cleanses 
from moral filthiness, ».e., regenerates the soul (Ezek. 
xxxvi. 25). Thus "springing" (t>., "living") water is 
used for the purification of one who has been defiled by 
contact with the dead (Numb. xix. 17). Likewise, at the 
ceremonial of cleansing the leper, the birds that were em- 
ployed had to be killed over running (t.e., living) water 
(Lev. xiv. 5f ; cf. LXX., t. /.). And when Aaron and his 
sons entered the tent of meeting, they had to wash with 
water that they should not die, since having been pre- 
viously unclean (in a ritual sense), they required to be 
purified before approaching the sacred symbols of the 
fountain of life (Exod. xxx. 20). For " water puts off" the 
deadness; it is one of the means by which we must be 
bom again " {Th$ Witness of Hermas to the Four Gospels, 
C. Taylor, p. 88). " Except a man be bom of water and 
of the spirit, he cannot enter the kingdom of heaven" 
(John iii. 5). Thus Jesus offers the woman of Samaria 
"living water" which shall spring up into eternal life 
(John iv. lOf). And on the day when God's unity and 
universal sovereignty shall be acknowledged by all man- 

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Death, Burial, and Moummg, 115 

kind, living waters shall come forth from the apparently 
inanimate Jerusalem, after which the holy city shall 
dwell safely, i.e., have a new lease of life (Zech. xiv. 8). 
Likewise in Ezekiel's dream of the regenerated Jeru- 
salem (xlvii. 1-12), perennial waters flow on all sides, 
nourishing fruit-yielding trees that shall never fail, 
because the waters issue out of the sanctuary where dwells 
"the Source of living waters." In this connection it is 
worthy of record that the ancient Assyrians and Baby- 
lonians made " little rivulets by the tombs, through which 
a constant supply of water could be kept flowing for the 
spiritual needs of the dead." This represented " the water 
of life," of which we hear so often in the inscriptions. 
Pure water was indispensable in all religious ceremonies, 
and ancient legends recorded that there was a ** spring of 
life " bubbling up beneath the throne of the spirits of the 
under-world, of which whoever drank would live for ever. 
It was of this spring that the water which ran in number- 
less rills through the cities of the dead was a symbol and 
outward sign " (Social Life among the Assyriam and Baby- 
loniam, A. H. Sayce, ch. iv.). 

On the other hand, the pouring away of water is 
figuratively equivalent to death. Thus when we die we 
are " as water (t>., life) poured out upon the ground, that 
cannot be gathered up again " (2 Sam. xiv. 14 ; cf. Targ, in 
loco). Job compares a man who dieth and wasteth away to 
waters failing {i,e., poured out) from the sea (Job xiv. llf ). 
And David poured out the water that the three mighty 
men had fetched' for him in jeopardy of their lives 
(2 Sam. xxiii 16) as an outward sign of the death they 
had risked. Again, we are taught that "the blood is 
the life," therefore it is not to be eaten, but to be poured 
out on the earth as water (Deut. xii. 23, 24; xv. 23). " I 
am poured out like water," exclaims the Psalmist (Ps. 
xxii. 15), I.e., I am drawing near to the end of my 
life. " Waters flowed over my head ; I said, I am cut 
oflT/* is the metaphor employed in Lam. iii. 54. " Pour 

H 2 

Digitized by 


116 The Jewish Quarierli/ Review. 

out thine heart like water," the poet addresses the 
daughter of Zion (Lam. ii. 19), i.e,, exhaust thy vitality in 
weeping, that God may take pity upon thy children. 
Further, when all Israel had assembled to acknowledge 
their sin in worshipping the Baalim and the Ashtaroth, 
they poured out water before the Lord, to show that the 
" old Adam " had passed away (1 Sam. vii. 6). And when 
an end shall come upon the four comers of the land, '' all 
knees shall be weak (properly " go ") as water," ie,, cease 
to exist (Ezek. xxi. 12). 

Thus the pouring-out of the water at a death may be an 
outward sign of the pouring-out of a human soul before 

Yet another idea seems to have been extant among the 
Indians, but I have not found a parallel to it. It is that 
the sprinkling of water drives away the spirits hovering 
round the place of burial, just as the Jews believed that 
the kindling of light in the room of the dead had the effect 
of causing the demons wandering about to vanish. Thus, 
in India, " when they have reached the place (of interment) 
the performer walks three times round the spot with his 
left side turned towards it, sprinkles water on it with a 
Saml branch and says (to the imaginary spirits) : — 

" Go away, disperse, remove from hence ; 
The fathers have made this place for him, 
Tama grants him this resting-place, 
Sprinkled with water day and night.'* 


When it is said that the place is sprinkled with water 
day and night, this implies that it ought to be thus honoured 
by the relatives of the dead. (Max MtQler, Anthropological 
Religion, p. 245.) 

It is a remarkable fact that in Jerusalem, the sanctuary 
of Jewish tradition, this custom is not in vogua Thus 
Joseph Schwarz, writing to his brother from the Holy City 
in the year 1837, says : " Here they know nothing of the 
practice of pouring out the water in the house of the dead 

Digitized by 


Death, Burial, and Mourning, 117 

or in its vicimtj *' (Wissens, Ztachr./, Jiid. Theol,, Qeiger, 
1839, iv. 159). 

Besides the custom of which I have written at such 
length, it is also usual to turn the mirrors towards the wall 
or to cover them up entirely in the house of the dead 
(See Taylor, The Dirge of Cohekth, Jewish Quarterly 
Review, IV. 539). Likewise in parts of Germany, the 
moment anyone dies, everything of a bright colour or glit- 
tering aspect, such as looking-glasses, windows, pictures, 
and clocks, is veiled in white cloth till after the funeral 
(Liebrecht, Zur VoUcakunde, p. 350; H.R, in Folklore 
Journal, vi. p. 77). In parts of Scotland, at a death, the 
mirrors used to be turned to the wall, or were covered up 
{Death and Burial Cuetoma, Scotland, James F. Frazer, in 
Fblklore Journal, iiL p. 281). Notably, in Ross-shire when 
a death takes place . . . looking-glasses are removed from 
the apartment in which the death occurs and the body is 
to be laid out (Folklore Journal, vi. p. 263). 

Mr. Frazer regards the custom as having arisen from the 
fear " that the soul projected out of the person in the shape 
of his reflection in the mirror, might be carried off by the 
ghost of the departed, which is commonly supposed to linger 
about the house till the burial " (The Golden Bough, i. 146). 

Might it not rather be traceable to a fear lest the dis- 
embodied spirit, wandering about in search of its former 
abode, might project itself into the mirror in which it 
beheld its likeness, and thus be irretrievably injured ? 

An explanation given by a writer (H. Prahn) in Ztschr, 
d. Vereina /. Volkskunde (L, p. 185) is that, if the looking- 
glasses in the room of the corpse were not covered up, 
people would be prone to see the coffin twice (the coffin 
itself and its counterfeit presentment), and that would 
betoken a second death in the house during the current 

In the event of a death taking place on the Sabbath, 
some of the rites detailed above must not be carried out 
until the termination of the Day of Rest These are the 

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118 The Jewish Quarterly Beview. 

closing of the eyes, the stretching out of the hands and 
feet, and the covering of the head ( Fide T.B. Shabb. 306, 
436, 1426). 

The corpse may, however, be washed and anointed on 
the Sabbath, provided the limbs be not strained out of 
joint ; the pillow may be moved from under the head, and 
the body may be laid on sand that it keep the longer from 
putrefaction ; the jaws may also be tied, not to force them 
closer, but to prevent them dropping lower (Mish, Shabb. 
xxxiiL 5). 

The reason for only a partial observance of the rites 
connected with the dead on the Sabbath is that they in- 
volve a profanation of the Day of Rest, which is only per- 
mitted in the case of a /enn^ person (See T.B. Shabb. 1516). 
Thus we are told that King David having died on the 
Feast of Weeks, which fell coincidently with the Sabbath, 
Solomon asked the Sanhedrin who had come to greet him 
on his accession (we must pass over the anachronism), 
whether the corpse might be removed on the Day of Rest. 
They replied : The Mishna teaches that the corpse may be 
covered and washed, but no limb dare be moved (Ruth. Bab. 
L 17). On High Festivals, however, the dead may be cared 
for as on week days. 

On no account is it permitted to leave the corpse alone 
from the moment death has supervened. The reason 
assigned by pn> "iMD (1126) is that evil spirits, which are 
of course incorporeal (cf. Mid. Tanch. ed. Buber Gen. 66), 
and, as such, anxious to effectuate their completeness, which 
they can only do by becoming incarnate, might avail 
themselves of the opportunity of entering into the dead 

How pathetic and refreshing in its natural simplicity is 
an explanation such as this, which comes to us as an echo 
from the distant, boundless realms of the primitive 

A. P. Bender. 
{To be continued.) 

Digitized by 


Persian Hebrew MS8. 119 


The British Museum recently acquired a small collection of 
MSS. from Teheran, which will be of special interest to 
students who combine a sufficient mastery of Persian with 
a knowledge and appreciation of Hebrew literature. It 
will be best to arrange them in the numerical order which 
they occupy in the Oriental Series of the Museum MSS., 
after prefixing the general statement that they are all 
written in the Hebrew character, but that the language is 
Persian : — 

1. A Persian translation of the Psalms, followed by 
several liturgical poems in the same language. Dated A.D. 
1822. [Or. 4,729.] 

2. "Haft Paikar" (i.e,, the Seven Images) of NizamL 
Eighteenth century. [Or. 4,730.] 

3. Timsal Namah, known as the " Story of the Seven 
Vizirs," in the redaction of Rabbi Yehudah ; the legends of 
EUdad the Danite; Makhzan ul-pand (ie,, Treasury of 
Advice), etc. Nineteenth century. [Or. 4,731.] 

4. The Prince and the Sufi (t.e,, Barlaan and Josaphat), 
in metrical form, translated from Abraham ben Hasdai's 
nnani ^T^n ^n. Nineteenth century. [Or. 4,732.] 

5. Bible Stories in Persian verse, by MoUa Shahin. Dated 
AJ>. 1702. [Or. 4,742.] 

6. Daniyal Namah, or History of Daniel, by Khwajah 
BukharaL Dated a.d. 1816. [Or. 4,743.] 

7. Another copy of the work named under 4, followed by 
liturgical poems in Hebrew and Persian. Dated A.u 1812. 
[Or. 4,744.] 

8. The Divan of Hafiz. Dated A.D. 1739. [Or. 4,745.] 

Digitized by 


120 I%e Jeunsh Quarterly Review. 

In order to complete the account of the Persian Hebrew 
MSS. in the Museum, it will be useful to draw attention to 
the following numbers in the " Descriptive List of the 
Hebrew and Samaritan MSS. in the British Museum ": — 
Or. 2,452 (p. 11); Or. 2,459-60 (p. 21); Or. 2,466 (p. 42); 
Or. 2,453 (p. 69) ; Or. 2464 (p. 72) ; Or. 2,456 (p. 85). The 
first three are Biblical ; the fourth contains Persian glosses 
on Maimonides* 37Tan nDD; the fifth Jami's Tusuf and 
Sulaikha, etc. ; the sixth is a Vocabulary of diflScult words 
in the Bible, with explanations in Persian ; and the last is 
a treatise on compound medicaments, preceded by a calendar 
for the reading of the Torah and niaibn pnns. 

G. Margoliouth. 

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The SamaHtan Liturgy, and Reading of the Law. 121 




It is not intended to attempt here a description of Sa- 
maritan literature, a satisfactory account of which is to 
be found elsewhere,* nor even to deal exhaustively with 
the liturgical section of it, but simply to call attention 
(so far as is possible within the limits of an article) 
to some of the chief points of interest in the latter. 
With the exception of the few hymns published by Gesenius 
in 1824, and the fuller selection of Dr. M. Heidenheim 
in recent years, the Liturgy is only accessible in MSS., 
80 that its extent and elaborate chara-cter have not been 
very generally recognised. To give some idea of this, it 
may be mentioned that the collection in the Berlin 
library, for example, consists of some twelve stout quarto 
volumes — ^not to mention duplicates. Much of this, of 
course, is biblical: the rest will shortly be published, 
with a translation, by the Clarendon Press. 

The interest of the compositions consists not in their 
antiquity, for the earliest date that can be certainly 
assigned to any is the fourth century c.E., but in the view 
they present of the religious development of an obscure 
tribe surrounded by conflicting religious systems, and yet 
holding aloof from all. The beginning of the Liturgy, as 
at present constituted, may be safely placed in the time of 
Baba Rabba^ 322 to 362 c.E., who, according to a chronicle,* 

1 See Natt, A Sketeh of Samaritan History ^ Dogina^ and Literature^ 
London, 1874. 

* GaUed Eltholideh, of Tarious dates. Edited by Neubauer, with trans- 
lation, in the Journal Atxatique^ 1869, p. 885 seq. 

Digitized by 


122 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

restored the services of the Synagogue. That some sort of 
Liturgy was in use pre^'iou8ly is indeed probable, and some 
of the existing prayers, of which no author is named, may 
have formed part of it ; but there is no proof one way or 
the other. It is more than probable that the earlier 
Liturgy consisted of passages of the Law almost exclusively. 
Under the direction of Baba Rabba a new departure was 
apparently made, a large and important body of prayers 
and hymns for various occasions being composed by 
Marqah^ and Amram Darah. Amram's work is called after 
him the ^MTiT, and their joint productions form the larger 
part of the Defter {hL(\>depa\ a common Arabic word for book. 
Before them stand a few prayers for daily and Sabbath 
use, whose authors are not named, and also the so-called 
prayers " of Joshua b. Nun," " of Moses b. Amram," and 
" of the Holy Angels." These may be from the earlier 
Liturgy. The following from the opening prayer, to be 
said at the beginning of every service, will give some idea 
of their general character^ : — 

" I stand before thee at the door of thy mercy, O Lord I 
my God, and the God of my fathers, to speak forth thy 
prcdse and thy manifold greatness, according to my feeble 
strength, for I know' mine infirmity this day, and consider 
in my heart that thou. Lord, art God in heaven above and 
upon the earth beneath ; there is none else beside him. 
Wherefore in thy hands I stand, and turn my face towards 
the chosen place. Mount Gerizim, the house of God, toward 
Luz, the mount^ of thine inheritance and of thy presence, 
the place which thou hast made thy dwelling, O Lord, the 

^ Seyeral pieces were published bj Heidenheim in his VierteljahrsschHft^ 
patiimj more in his Sanuiritanische Liturgies Leipzig, 1885. Part of a 
oommentarj by him was edited by Banetii (Des Samaritanen Marqah 
. . . Abhandlwng, Berlin, 1888), and another part of the same by E. 
Monk (2Vt Samaritanert Marqah UrzaMung, etc, Berlin, 1890, v. Jbwish 
QuABTEBLT Bbyiew), both from the oniqae MS. at Berlin. 

* It is cited as l^Om nriD ^. The text published by Heidenheim, Op. 
eit., p. ISO, is here OOTrected from two MSS. 

' Dent iy. 39. * Bxod. xt. 17. 

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The Samaritan Liturgy, and Reading of the Law, 123 

sanctuary, O Lord, which thy hand hath fashioned. The 
Lord shall reign for ever and ever, for great is the Lord 
above all gods: righteous and upright is he. This, my 
prayer, is to the Preserver, the Living, for it goeth up to 
the Unseen, before him who knoweth the unseen things. 
Where is any God that helpeth his worshippers but thou ? 
Blessed be thy name for ever. There is no God but one ! '' 
The Defter contains by far the most important, the ear- 
liest, and most frequently-used pieces. It would seem, in 
fact, that until the fourteenth century this was a sort of 
Corpus Liturgicuntf whence selections were made for special 
occasions. In the eleventh and twelfth centuries, C.E., this 
corpus was further extended (as was the case with Rabbini- 
cal liturgies) by the admission into the Defter of hymns 
and prayers by Abulhassan (mon ^), the Tyxian,^ who 
died some time before 1070, and Ab Gelugah (ronb^ n«), 
about the middle of the twelfth century, possibly a grand- 
son of the former. Considering the miserable condition of 
the people from the fourth century onward, it is not likely 
that they produced much liturgical work in the interval, 
It is not, however, impossible that some has been lost, for 
even in Samaria they had prayer-book revisers who omitted 
older and better prayers to make room for the recent com- 
positions of their friends. This was certainly the fate of 
some of Ab Gelugah's work, for two long prayers of his 
in Cod. Vat iii. are not found either in the Berlin copy or 
in the two copies belonging to the Earl of Crawford.^ This 
second period, which was poor in liturgical work, was 
exceedingly rich in theology. Abulhassan himself was the 
author of polemical and exegetical works, and Abu Said, 

* Eltholideh mentions oolonies of Samaritans at Aoco, Gaza, Gerar, 
Gsesarea, Bamasons, and in Egypt. Jacob, who wrote the continoation of 
Eltholideh in the middle of the fourteenth centnr j, was priest at Damas- 
cus, and there was a congregation there stiU in the sixteenth oentor j ; 
but it must have died out soon after. 

' Or perhaps some of the prayers were only local. Ab G^logah belonged 
to Acco. 

Digitized by 


124j The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

probably his son, wrote the Arabic version of the Penta- 

The third period of liturgical composition began in the 
fourteenth century. Up to that time, it will be remem- 
bered, there existed only the Defter in an extended form ; 
there were no special services, properly speaking, for Feasts 
or Fasts. The credit of iirst starting these is due to Pioihas 
b. Joseph, High Priest at Shechem from 1331 to 1387, a 
man who, though his sphere of action was restricted, fully 
deserves the title of " Great." By his own writings and by 
encouragement of others he gave an impulse to religion and 
to literature which lasted through the next two centuries, 
and can hardly be said, even yet, to have entirely died 
away. To his time and influence belong not only all the 
special services, but also the Chronicle of Abul/ath, and 
other works on grammar, lexicography, theology, and the 
like.^ The writers of liturgy, with whom alone we are 
now concerned, are, of course, unknown outside the narrow 
circle of Samaritan history. The most famous are : Abisha, 
son of the great Pinhas (not to be confounded with the 
biblical Abisha), an author second only to Marqah in 
popular esteem ; his brother Eleazar, often called, for the 
sake of distinction, 37ttrn« pITW "^rw ; Abisha's son, Pinhas, 
with his guardian, Abd Allah b. Shelomoh, a prolific 
writer; and Saad Allah, or Saad ed-Dln. These all come 
within the century 1330 — 1430. The evidence for their 
dates is very much scattered, but fairly well established. 
As an instance of the way in which it has to be gathered, 
and of the curious phenomenon of personal history mixed 
up with liturgical composition, the following, by Pinhas 
b. Abisha, from a hymn for the Day of Atonement, 

> For other writers, see Natt, op, cU,, pp. 138, teqq. Also Wreechner, 
Sanharitanuohe Traditionen^ Berlin, 1888, pp. xrii. $eqq,^ whoee oondnaiona 
differ from mine in some points. 

' I am inclined alio, with Vilmar {Ahulfalthi Annates, Goths, 1865, 
p. xxxri.), to ascribe the ** invention ** of the famous roll of Abisha to 
this Pinhas. 

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The Samaritan Liturgy, and Reading of the Law. 125 

may be of interest ^ : — ** Before we read in the Book 
of Moses the Prophet, I will make mention of that 
which is meet to be remembered ; for that which is 
worthy is stored up in my thoughts, concerning the 
pious ones (?) your ministers. The head of them is my 
grandfather Pinhas, and after him came the affliction (t.^., 
death ?) of my father. I saw not his face, and he beheld 
not my face, nor taught me his words nor the divisions of 
the Scripture. After him was none left save only my 
uncle Eleazar. By him I was cherished, and my heart was 
strengthened. I was left (?) an orphan, yet he ceased not 
to love me. But behold the star (»>., Abd Allah b. Shelomoh) 
who taught me and brought me up ! The Lord reward his 
work with good, cmd command the blessing upon him ! " 
etc. The next important Liturgist is Abraham ('»!5np), early 
in the sixteenth century — the last, perhaps, who can claim 
much literary merit. The remaining authors are chiefly 
indebted to Marqah, Abisha, and the earlier writers for 
such inspiration as they can show ; they are for the most 
part either members of the Danfi family, as Marj4n (also 
called ni3D 3H), and Meshalmah, in the last century ; or of 
the LeviticaP family, as Tobiah (also called Ghaz^l), and 
his son Shelomoh in the present century. The latest com- 
position I have seen is by Pinhas b. Isaac, written within 
the last twenty years. The present priest, Jacob b. Aaron 
b. Shelomoh b. Tobiah, seems to inherit the scribendi 
KcucoriOe^ of his family. 

At the risk of being tedious, the above very imperfect 
list is given to show the range of this class of literature. 
The names have been identified and dates assigned (in the 
absence of history) only by a careful examination of the 
epigraphs of all available MSS. 

' From M8. Samar,, e. 5 f oL 68^, in the Bodleian Librarj. The text ia 
not quite certain, bat I hare no opportanity of collating it at present. 

* The '* Honse of Aaron " died oat in 1624, np to which time the priest 
called himaelf hx^yi^ \T\2\\ The office then went to another branch, the 
priest being called M^n {HSn. 

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126 The Jewish Quarterly Beriew. 

Before proceeding to describe the contents of the Liturgy, 
it may be well to say a word as to their language. All is 
not Samaritan which comes from Samaria. The name 
should properly be restricted to the Aramaic dialect of the 
Targum; that is to say, the language spoken by the 
Samaritans in the fourth century c.E. Its form, however, 
is not very well fixed even by Petermann's splendid edition, 
and a careful examination of his various readings shows 
not only a great variety of forms and of words, but a 
distinct Hebraizing tendency in at least one of the MSS. 
(C.) used.^ In this dialect are written the compositions of 
the first Liturgical period, by Marqah, Amram, etc. Since 
these are numerous, and the MSS. (at least of some texts) 
are many, it might be thought that they would help con- 
siderably in fixing the forms of the dialect. But this is 
not 80. The oldest Liturgical MS. now in Europe (of the 
Defter, in the Vatican) is not earlier than the fourteenth 
century, when the dialect had already long been supplanted 
in popular use by Arabic. Later MSS. vary so much that 
it is often difficult to* decide whether, e.g., lb for rh, CD 
for ]1D, and more important differences, are due merely 
to the carelessness of the scribe. Even when the text is 
tolerably certain it is often difficult to interpret. The 
following from a Litany of Marqah will illustrate this. 
The text, which is quite certain, is : — 

]«i )b "^mtt ]M pD bv rh r^P^ pw*^ P^ )^ '^nitt rh^n 

: imnn )^w:i n'^mn )b n'^oD 

•' Praise and glory let us speak, before we turn away from 
this place, to him who endureth for ever, the Almighty 
who giveth us life freely, though we anger him wantonly. 
Whether thou give us life or death, both are in the power 
of thy majesty!" 

Heidenheim * translates HDS p n3DQ wfw " dem Gotte 

^ These maj be due to local differences of translation. 
« Virrteljahrsschri/t, vol. ii. (1866), p. 487. 

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The Samaritan Liturgy, and Beading of the Law, 127 

bereitet von dem Verganglichen." Geiger^ corrects " with- 
out ceasing, from henceforth." Geiger translates rrVrj "his 
strength"; but the word is rfj'^O, "the power," the equi- 
valent in meaning (and probably in sound) of nbM. 
Heidenheim translates pD bv rh ]'»3ptt ]3W1 pa ]b '»mD, 
"our protector is destroyed, and we bewail our protector." 
Both translate mmn " thou art merciful." 

In the second period (eleventh and twelfth centuries) the 
language is still Aramaic, but it was by then "a tongue not 
underst€Lnded of the people." It has an admixture of He- 
brew, and many words already must be explained from 
Arabic. In the third period the language is Hebrew, which 
deteriorates more and more in quality, until it reaches its 
complete decadence as it approaches our own time. It 
was clearly in no sense a living language, and W6W only 
employed, as among the Jews, because it was the sacred 

We may now pass to the arrangement of the religious 
year, which depends upon the two conjunctions (nia:5) of 
the sun and moon (1.) of Pesah, (2.) of Succoth. The 
calculation of these is so important that, according to Ben 
Manir (MS, Samar, E. 2, foL 136., in the Bodleian Library), 
the secret of it comes down preserved " from the days of 
the creation, from the angels to the father of mankind, 
from Noah to Shem and Eber, to Abraham, the son of 
Terah, to him who dwelt at Gerar, to him who said, * How 
dreadful,' to Moses, who received the Law, to Aaron, the 
venerable priest, to Eleazar, who offered the incense, to 
Phinehas, who stayed the plague, and set up the calculation 
on Mount Qerizim, by the oak of Moreh," etc But the word 
nms not only meant the conjunction of sun and moon, 
which regulates the beginning of the month, it has the 
secondary meaning of an assembly of the congregation, for 
the purpose of paying the half -shekel (Exod. xxx. 13). 
"Why is it called niD2?" says Abisha "Because in it 

^ Z.d.M. O., xxi., p. 181. 

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128 The Jewish Quarterly Revieu?, 

Israel are gathered together in their assemblies, which are 
hallowed, .... and they take and give every man a 
ransom for his soul."^ 

Taking the festivals in order, there is then a special 
service for the Sabbath of the rWG^ of Pesah,* which is 
'^'^ nria nr\r^ — for the first of Nisan— for Pesah and 
Mazzoth — for the six Sabbaths following — ^for Pentecost 
(]'»a7Dn). In the latter part of the year there is the 
Sabbath of the nia:5 of Succoth— the first of Tishri,» 
B7T1P HnpD rrsT\r\ pnDT yymw — the ten penitential days, 
nirr^bon "^ttV — the great Day of Atonement, when the 
service lasts the whole of the twenty-four hours, the 
whole Law is read, and at the end of it they exhibit the 
great roll said to have been written by Abisha, in the 
thirteenth year after the children of Israel entered 
Canaan. Then follow the seven days of Succoth 
and the festival of the eighth day of Succoth, called 
'»3'»aB7n Tyia-^'* . nriD nam im.* For each of these 
occasions (except the Day of Atonement) there is a short 
form of evening prayer, a form for the morning prayer, 
and generally, as for ordinary Sabbaths, a form for the out- 
going (pIDD) of the festival. On the great festivals of Pesah, 
Mazzoth, Hamsin, and Succoth, they make a 3n, or 
pilgrimage to the sacred mountain, Gerizim. An interesting 
account of the noDn 2n, when the Paschal saxjrifice is still 
slain, and the lambs eaten on Mount Gerizim, is given by 
Mills,* who witnessed the ceremony in 1860. The services 

^ During a visit I paid to N&blns in the spring of this jear, the priest 
informed me that the niDV of Pesah was to commemorate the meeting 
of Moses and Aaron (Exod. iv. 27), and that of Saccoth in memory of 
the death of Aaron. The MIDV falls two lunar months before the 
festival from which it has its name ; or rather the date of the festival 
depands on the date of the HID^. 

* See below, in the order for the Reading of the Law. 

* They do not use the ceremony of the Shophar, 

* There is no mention of n^lfl nnot^, but they begin the Law on the 
Sabbath after ^3^D*^n lyiD : see below. 

* Nahlti4 and the Modern Samaritans^ pp. 248 seqq* 

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The Samaritan Liturgy, and Reading of the Law, 129 

for the three other pilgrimages are much alike. That for 
the niSDH an directs that " the people and the elders shall 
assemble at the door of the synagogue before dawn," when 
certain parts of the Law are recited. Then they march up 
the mountain to the twelve stones which they believe to 
have been placed there by Joshua, according to Deut. 
xxvii. 4, reading Gerizim for Ebal. Taking off their shoes 
(for it is holy ground) "they shall approach them and 
bow down and kiss them"; then, after several prayers, 
" they shall descend to the altar of Adam," reciting the pas- 
sage from Marqah's Litany, quoted above (p. 126) — thence 
to the altar of Seth, the altar of Isaac, and the altar of 
Noah, where the service comes to an end. 

The other festival services resemble one another in their 
general plan. They open with the ^iDp (see below) ; then 
follow certain general prayers, among others the b37 
"f am nriD quoted above, then sections of the Law 
usually a;CCompanied by parts of the Durr&n or Marqah. 
Next come short ascriptions of praise (nana?'*) interspersed 
with either psissages of the law or hymns. Here is an 
example of a nnna?'* from the service for the niDOn niD!^ : 
" The God of gods in his greatness blessed and sanctified 
this day of the Sabbath of the conjunction, which is the 
gate of the feasts of the Lord, which he appointed by the 
hand of the great prophet Moses, the man of God. Happy 
art thou, O holy people ! if thou pray with heart and soul 
and say earnestly : And the Lord God planted [then the 
readers answer] A garden in Eden . . . . " Then follow 
more passages from the Law, and afterwards the distinctive 
part of the service, hymns specially composed for the 
occasion. Besides the festival services, there are special 
prayers for marriage, circumcision, and burial. The ^IDp, 
a great feature of the Liturgies, requires some description. 
The following is a specimen from the beginning of the 
^nsm ^IDp: **and God remembered Noah and every 
living thing (Gen. viii. 1) ; and I will remember my cove- 
nant which is between me and you (Gen. ix. 15), and I 

VOL. VJI. 1 

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130 The Jeunsh Quarterly Review, 

will look upon it that I may remember the everlastings 
covenant* to the end ^ (Gen. ix. 16) ; and God remembered 
Abraham (Gen. xix. 29); and God remembered Rachel 
(Gen. XXX. 22)/' and so on. It will be seen that it simply 
consists of biblical passages containing a mention of 
remembering, strung together without any connection. 
Sometimes the rjlDp is made up of whole verses, sometimes, 
as in this specimen, of short fragments. Various explana- 
tions of these selections have been proposed. Perhaps the 
truth may be that they served originally, when the 
Liturgy consisted chiefly of biblical passages, as headings 
of the parts to be recited (something like the Talmudic 
D'»3D^D), and that afterwards, when the services grew in 
length, the headings only were read. 

Now even a cursory inspection of the contents of the 
festival services in the light of the chronology here 
sketched will show that they date no farther back, as men- 
tioned above, than the fourteenth century. The question 
then arises, Whence came the plan of these special services, 
and whence the views expressed in the later hymns ? A 
few passages in answer to the latter question may perhaps 
indicate the answer to the former. If the Samaritans, 
while priding themselves on observing the law in every 
detail, did not develop certain doctrines till late in their 
history, the Pentateuch cannot indicate them with any 
clearness. But it is well known that the Samaritans 
reject all the Jewish Canon except the five books of Moses ;* 
and from the fact that they have no dealings with the 
Jews, it is generally supposed that they have no acquaint- 
ance with Jewish literature either canonical or rabbinical 
If it can be shown that the contrary is true, we shall be 
justified in suspecting that most of the later developments 
of doctrine, which they hold in common with the Jews, as 

' 7.^., to the end of the section : see note 2 on the Order for reading the 

' Their book of Joahna, in Arable, is quite different from the biblioal 
book, and oomparatively late. 

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The Samaritan Liturgy^ and Reading of tlie Law, 131 

well as the general plan of the liturgy, may be referred 
to Jewish sources. The Talmudic passages relating to 
intercourse with Samaritans have been often quoted/ so 
that it is unnecessary to go into them here. Let us see 
what evidence there is from the Samaritan side. It is ad- 
mitted that their Targum ^ bears some relation to Onqelos, 
and Abu Said (11th century) was evidently indebted to 
Saadiah in making his version. He was in fact led to 
translate the Law because he found the people using 
Sctfwiiah's work, under the impression that it was by 

But even in the 14th century, when it might be sup- 
posed that there was less intercourse, we find the same. 
Li the " Legends of Moses,"* reference is made to Moses 
Maimonides, who is cursed as a heretic and perverter of 
the Law : and the history of Saul, David and Solomon is 
noticed, with an endeavour to cast discredit upon them. 
The last is especially singled out for condemnation as being 
the cause of schism in Israel by building the " rival" Temple 
at Jerusalem. In the same treatise a passage of Isaiah 
(ii. 3), dbByTT^a '»> nntl min M!:n P'^SD >D, is quoted 
and explained in the sense that '' the true law shall desert 
Jerusalem, the abode of falsehood," and thus the passage is 
made to bear a meaning agreeable to Samaritan bitterness. 
Heidenheim in his notes,* points out several parallels in the 
•' Legends " with Rabbinical literature, and argues that the 
writer had a good knowledge of Midrash. He also thinks 
that the use of the phrase " Ancient of Days " shows an 
acquaintance with the book of Daniel — but it may perhaps 
be derived rather from the Kabbala, a knowledge of which 
is, from other places, probable. By far the most remark- 

' See Natt, op, oit,, pp. 42 and 43, note. 

* The date of the Samaritan Targum can no more be fixed than that of 
Onqeloe. Traces, however, already ocoar in Marqah of the existence of 
some sort of Targum, though it was perhaps onlj oral. 

' Translated by Dr. Leitner in Heidenheim's Vierteljahrnchriftj toI. 
iv., pp. 184 seqq. * Ibid.^ p. 212. 

I 2 

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132 The Jewish Quarterly Betnew. 

able, however, in this connection is a commentary by an 
unknown author, on part of Genesis.^ It was written in 
Arabic in 1053 CE. The author quotes in Hebrew illustra- 
tive passages from the books of Joshua, Samuel, Kings, 
Isaiah, Elzekiel, Psalms, Job, Nehemiah, and Chronicles, 
besides the Mishna. His quotations are adduced for gram- 
matical, not doctrinal or polemical, purposes. Again, 
Abulfath, in compiling his Chronicle in 1356, seems to 
have made a careful study of the historical books of the 
Bible, even going so far as to imitate the phraseology of 
the Hebrew original in some cases.* Somewhat later the 
commentator Ibrahim quotes Eccl. xii. 7 : bM DWH rmm 
xh mn: nwH D'»r6«n, and Ezek. xxii. 22 : Tinn rp^ y^nn^ 
niD. The same willingness to borrow (of course without 
acknowledgment) may be observed in the Liturgies. In a 
hymn for the Day of Atonement, Abd Allah b. Shelomoh 
says: viD37ai » T^nD D'»N-iinn bD mi D'^nsoa u^i^mn 
♦ crrfbMn bDD >'» bna "^d D'^rf^iDi onnoan rh rr^y^ D'^w-iian 
" The heavens declare, and also all creation, the glory of 
the Eternal ; and his terrible works show to us, in things 
hidden and revealed, that the Eternal is great above all 
gods." Cf. Psalm xix. 2 : ^1WV^^^ b« TIM D'^nDDD D'^Q»n 
y'^p-in T2D VT. The words D'»N-iinn bs mi look as though 
they had been added by Abd Allah to complete the thought 
which he considered inadequately expressed in the Psalm. 
In the same hymn he says : Drraa^l D^DB? T rf^n fvwv T^ 
Dni«n:5 bDb nmn fwnn T^X " Hast not thou made with- 
out hands the heavens and their heavens, and created by a 
word all the host of them ? " Cf . Ps. xxxiii. 6 : >> 'nnm 
aO!: bD VS nny) WV^ U^T^W, Farther on, in the same 
hymn, he says: in« iDTiT nwib yr\p wribrt, "Our God is 
nigh unto him that seeketh him," as Ps. cxlv. 18: nnp 
ntstQ ^nvnjy^ na^s bDb VMnp bDb •»>. But Abd Allah 
may have been copying from Amram, whose words are 

■ Pabliahed by Dr. Neabauer in Jaum. A$iat,^ for 1873. 

» See Vilmar^ op. cit., p. xcriii, and cf. pp. Iviii and Ixxxriii. teq. 

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The Samaritan Liturgy, and Reading of the Law. 133 

nearer to the Psalm: nnA nnp ipi^TV "picb iwpn ]Mf?S 

■pTQC??, "Prayers shall be made unto thy name in truth .... 
thou art nigh unto them that worship thee." The whole 
of this hymn of Abd Allah is exceptionally full of Biblical 
parallels. He seems, like other writers, to have known 
Ps. cxlv. thoroughly, perhaps from the fact of its popularity 
among the Jews.^ In a hymn of Abisha we read : iDMnn 
naby piDT nHTT^ M^n ^{i^ir^^ rvi^^n bDb, " The beginning 
of all wisdom and the end thereof is the fear of him who 
fashioned the world." Cf. Prov. L 7: iT^a^Mn '»'» riMT* 
rnPT (Targ. : 'n^ «rbrn wya^n WVn) and Prov. iii. 19 : 
ir»n» piD V^M TD'* rm^rXD, >'» — the two having been 
read together. 

CJoincidences of thought are of course commoner. In 
some hymns in the Defter addressed to the Law (nm nnriD) 
the writer says : TOn yn^SOA V?5ai D'^^n ^VT^^ nrXA ]«T, 
•* Thou feedest with life them that hear thee, and crownest 
with grace them that read thee.** Farther on : nn nn bD 
WM Ty?23 TDK bD ]nQD HA, " Every great plague thou 
makest to cease : all healing cometh through thee." In the 
next hymn: l&Tpa in TTXTn '♦D'TO in U'^'^m "{rrDA in 
rP32b n^DDT in nn«a7D3, "It is the healing of life: it 
cleanseth the spirit: ithalloweththe soul: it converteth the 
heart" So in the hymn which follows, it is called nODIp 
irm, *' The restoring of our life," and '»'»m bboa, " The 
word of life." The similarity of these hymns to Ps. cxix. 
in general is so striking, that it is sufficient to mention the 
fact ; but other passages may also be compared, as Pa xix. 8 
ieq.: "^TToam uniST '»'» >Tipo 0733 rQ'»B7D TV^'^'^n '»> mm 
'w n-iiniD '♦^ rwn^ u^t^ mr^MD rro, '»'» ni2ttD db. So the 
Law is caUed often n'^ro n'»n3. It is curious to observe 
that on Ps. xix. 8, Rashi says of the Torah : n-i*»M» M^n D3 
'131 BTDl&D, and refers to Prov. vi. 23, while the Samaritan 
writer of the hymn quoted goes on to say, without much 

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134 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

consequence of thought : yhy\ yo'^ xwn n'niMDb' '♦D^T ^^\h 

nOD'^MI nVbn -r^aD n DV bD, **It (the Torah) is not 

like the lights (of heaven), for they set and rise every day, 
but this is the great roll which gives light among us night 
and day." It looks as though he had read Rashi's com- 
ment and was anxious to correct his comparison, since else- 
where the Torah is compared to the sun. 

These passages are only meant as a slight indication of 
the extent of the Samaritan debt to Jewish literature, 
which will become more evident on a careful study of the 
texts. Nor is this surprising. Jewish literature was 
easily accessible at least to the learned among Samaritan 
writers, and through their means the later Jewish teaching, 
by its harmony with the divine law, could not fail 
eventually to gain general acceptance. Much might be 
written on this gradual development of the implicit teach- 
ing of the Torah ; but the source of a doctrine is often 
diflScult to trace, while the borrowing of a phrase is more 
easily detected, and it is for this reason that the above 
instances only are here chosen. 


The order for reading the Law may suitably be added to 
the above remarks on the Liturgies. After the learned 
articles of Dr. Biichler, which lately appeared in this 
Keview, it will perhaps not be uninteresting to notice the 
Samaritan system, as the subject has not been hitherto 
treated. The text, of which the following is a translation, 
is in Arabic, prefixed to a MS. (Peterijann, i.) of the 
Samaritan Pentateuch, in the Royal Library at Berlin. I 
copied it during my last visit there, and give it here 
precisely as in the text (though the Hebrew quotations 
are not always exact) only adding the references ajid 
numbering the Sabbaths, for convenience. The text is 
dated A.H. 1172. The cycle, it will be observed, is for one 

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The Samaritan Liturgy, and Reading of the Law. 135 

" If God will ! We will set forth in this place the 
arrangement of the order of the holy Law, according to the 
Sabbath days every year, the course whereof has continued 
from the earliest times unto our day. This is the order of 
each book severally. The order of the first book in an 
ordinary year is for thirteen Sabbaths, beginning with the 
last Sabbath of the seventh month [Tishri] ; that is to say, 
the Sabbath immediately succeeding the festival of the 
eighth, and ending with the last Sabbath of the tenth 
month. But when the first of the seventh month falls on 
a Friday, then a fifth Sabbath is reckoned in that month, 
and an additional division is necessary, because the sections 
must suffice for two Sabbaths in the seventh month, 
namely, the fourth and fifth Sabbaths. If there be a fifth 
Sabbath in the eighth, or ninth, or tenth month, then the 
aforementioned extra section will be necessary, making 
fourteen Sabbaths. When the first of the seventh month 
is a Sabbath, the extra divu»ion is not necessary, because 
in that case the order is only begun on the fifth Sabbath. 
But God knows besi^ This is the complete division of the 
first book in an ordinary year, as follows : — 

(1) From iTtwnn to DIM Vl>\ Gen. iv. 25 ; (2) from rTI 
D-W to inb b«, viii. 2P ; (3) from inb bw to ^^ ^^, xii. 1 ; 
(4) from ^bib to Dmn« *»n'»1 (sic) xvii. 1; (5) from *»n'»l 

> This is to say, if Tishri 1st be a Sabbath, then the eighth day of 
Saccoth (Tishri 22nd), will be the fourth Sabbath of the month. But it' 
is laid down above that the law is to be begun on the Sabbath after Tishri 
22nd. Hence the fifth Sabbath of Tishri only necessitates an extra sub- 
division when Tishri 1st is a Friday. 

« The Samaritan text of the Law is divided into sections {\^)ip)i which 
are carefully marked in all MSS.,and their total number given at the 
end of each book. In doubtful casea, as here, this division is important, 
since they always end the lesson with the end of a section, and the words 
quoted in the text, are always the beginning of anew section, except when 
the first words are not distinctive. Hence this 13^ ?X cannot be G-en. vi. 
6, where the words end the section, but must mean the section beginning 
)2^ ^K C'* "*Ofe^^1), viii- 21, in the middle of the verse. The pVp are 
given in Walton's Polyglot, and in Petermann*s Targum, but not in 

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136 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

nrrOA to IpQ '»'^'), xxL 1 ; (6) from TpQ '^*»1 to ^pT Dm3«1, 

xxiv. 1; (7) from ^pT Dm:wi to pryr rrb^n nb«x xxv. 19; 
(8) from pri^ rrh^n rht^^ to vbai npr> «ar»x xxix. l; (9) 

from vban npr'^ WtD*»1 to n3>T Wimi, xxxiv. 1; (10) from «2mi 
na^T to T-iin ^DW xxxix. 1; (11) when there is no addi- 
tional Sabbath, as explained, the lesson shall be from ^DV) 
X^^ri to nn^^n rpy^ Mn*»i, xliil 26 ; but when there is the 
additional Sabbath, the lesson shall be from xv\r\ ^DVI to 
1Tb> ^OVb"), xli. 60; and (11a) from rvh"^ ^DVbl to NS'^1 
nn^^n ^di>, xliiL 26 ; (12) from nr^^n fpv NS*»i to ^im bS> 
xlviii 3 ; (13) from ^nw bS to the end of the book. 

As regards the order of the Holy Law in an intercalated 
year, the first book shall then be divided between eighteen 
Sabbaths, beginning in the 7th month and continuing to 
the last Sabbath of the 11th month, including the fifth 
Sabbath which must fall in one of the five months, to wit : 
the 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, or 11th month. But a subdivi- 
sion is made at ItV ^Dvbl to allow for the fifth Sabbath, 
whether it be in an ordinary or an intercalated year. 

The following is the division of the first book in an 
intercalated year : — 

(1) From n^^Kin to 37T DTMHI, Gen. iv. 1 ; (2) from DlwrT) 
37T to >33n '^3«1, iv. 17; (3) from ^aan *»3«1 to ^db bw, viii. 21; 

(4) from inb bw to -^b Tb' ^- ^5 (^) ^^^ 1^ 1^ ^ ^^^"^ 
rrOA, xvii. 1; (6) from Dn:^ '^mi to TpQ »1, xxi. 1; (7) 
from TpD >'^') to pT Dmn«1, xxiv. 1 ; (8) from pT Dmn«') 

to Tpn'^ mbin nbwi, xxv. 19 ; (9) from xi^"^ riTbin rh^^ to 

rb3i npr> ^m^\ xxix. l; (lO) from vbin np37'^ HQ?^') to Dp*»1 

npr\ xxxi. 17; (11) from npr'^ Dp'^') to n3n «2rni, xxxiv. l; 

(12) from r\T^ M2rm to np37> nB?*»X xxxvii. 1 ; (13) from 

npr^ nar^i to rrxn ppy^\ xxxix. 1; (14) from ^^r\ nov') ^ 
rxh> ^Dvbx xli. 50; (15) ffom itV ppyh^ to ^Dv wn^') 
nrr^nn, xliii. 26; (16) from nn^^n t\u)> ^G^^ to niD» nbm, 
xlvi 8; (17) from mD» nb«') to *»1Q7 bS, xlviii. 3; (18) from 
>"VD bS to the end. Throughout the reading of the first 
book shall be said, after the lesson, the first^ DV riM nUD» 
' The text has '' seoond " erased, ** first *' being written in the margin. 

Digitized by 


The Samaritan Liturgy, and Reading of the Law. 137 

roam, Exod. xx. 8 (where the Samaritan text has niDlD 
for -11DT). 

In soioe intercalated years it happens that there are 
two fifth Sabbaths, the first of them when the 7th month 
b^ins on Friday, and the second occurriag in the 11th 
month. When this happens a further division, besides the 
above, will be necessary, and it shall take place at m9 p, 
thus : from "^Ttt^ b«, xlviii. 3, to ms p, xlix. 22, and from 
rPiD 7n to the end. But this is of rare occurrence. And 
God most High is above all and knows all ! 

The order of the second book is for eight Sabbaths be- 
ginning with the first Sabbath of the 11th month and 
extending to the last Sabbath of the 12th month. If the 
year contain an interccdary month the Sabbaths are to be 
reckoned in the 12th month and in the last month. If a 
fifth Sabbath fall in one of the two months in which this 
book is read, then the order is for nine Sabbaths : the place 
(of the extra division) being nQ7!3 VU'X Exod. xv. 22. The 
following is the order of the second book : — 

(14) From ma» rbA to nnT O, Exod. vii. 9 (8) ; (15) from 
nnT "^D to pnw bwi, xii. 1. On these two Sabbaths, after 
the lesson, shall be said also the first n^», Exod. xx. 8 ; (16) 
from prw bw") to "^whwn »in2, xix. 1. This is the section 
appointed for the day of the conjunction (i>.. nODn niD2r), 
and after the section is to be read HtDD '^3, Exod. xxx. 12. 
K there be a fifth Sabbath, as mentioned, the lesson shall be 
from prw btn to nttWD V0^\ xv. 22, and (I6a) from rWD V0^^ 
to "^mham iDTnn, xix. 1 ; (17) from ^mhDn »inn to ^'n'sP^ 
rvynn >b, xxv. 2 ; (18) from nDTin ^b ^^Xi^^ to nn-m rm, 

xxix. 1 ; (19) from -am mi to naWD bw ^JTI, xxxi. 18 ; (20) 
from rWD bw ^mi to D*»ttnpn riM m^^X xxxvi. 20; (21) from 
D^'Onpn rw »37'»1 to the end. From the Sabbath after the 
conjunction to the lesson niin mi> there shall be said after 
the lesson, nm nnSi, Ex. xxxi. 13, and on the last (of those) 
Sabbaths (%je. No. 19) the passage mentioned closes the 
lesson, and the reader shall read with a loud voice n'bbnD 
nai> mn, xxxi. 14, and the congregation shall finish the 

Digitized by 


138 The Jeunsh Quarterly Review. 

reading from the place rQ»n n«bMnQ7'» '^33 naQ71, xxxi. 16, 
to the end of the passage. On the last two Sabbaths (t.e. 
Nos. 20 and 21), after the lesson, shall be said \^ \^ -^^^ 
mr, Lev. xix. 2. 

The order of the third book is for eight Sabbaths, every 
year, without addition or exception. They are the first two 
Sabbaths of the first month (Nisan) and the six Sabbaths 
in Hamfi,sln, ending with the Sabbath of Amalek, The 
order is as follows : — 

(22) From rwd bw Kip^l to T^nw riM "^IS, Lev. vi. 2; (23) 
from yir{\^ ns '^12: to pnw HQ7'»i, ix. 22. On these two 
Sabbaths, after the lesson, is to be said "^TS^ID, xxiii. 2.^ 

(24) from pHM HQ7^1 to the first nQ7M IM a?^«\ xiii. 38 ; 

(25) from ntt^M 1M a?^W1 to ^-inM, xvi. 1; (26) from nns to 
DD-T^^rpni, xix. 9; (27) from D3-i*»2pni to '^iriD, xxiii. 2; 
(28) from ^T^^ltt to ^rw'or^:! DM, xxvi. 3; (29) from ^rv\pn:i DM 
to the end. On the Sabbath of D^n, the Sabbath of ma, 
the Sabbath of D^b^'M and the Sabbath of ^on, after the 
lasson, shall be said DrnDDI, xxiii. 15. On the Sabbath of 
ni^rn and the Sabbath of pbD^, after the lesson, shall be 
said ni^yno? nrna?, Deut. xvi. 9. 

The order of the fourth book is for eight Sabbaths, but 
in some years it extends over only seven Sabbaths, namely, 
when no fifth Sabbath falls in any of the first four months, 
for the beginning of this book takes place on the Sabbath 
next after the festival of the Pilgrimage of the Harvest 
{^'^^'pn m T^yia), and extends to the first Sabbath of the 
fifth month, as follows: — 

(30) From ^yo in-ran to nnp '^sn a?Mn rw Ntt?3, Num. iv. 

2 ; (^31) from nnp '^Dn XD^n riM Ntt?3 to pHM b« -ai, viii. 2 
(1). On those two Sabbaths, after the lesson, shall be said 
pHM bw nm ; (32) from yin^ b« im to -f? nbo?, xiii. 2; (33) 
from ^b nba? to mp np'^x xvi. 1 ; (34) from mp np'^^ to 
D'^DwibD nQ7D rhJD% xx. 14 ; (35) from D*»Dsba ntt7D rhJD'>^ 
to orDD, xxvi. 11 (10). On these four Sabbaths, after the 

^ Then foUow Pesah and Mazzoth, with their proper lessons. 

Digitized by 


The Samaritan Liturgy, and Reading of the Law. 139 

lessons, shall be said *»3nip HN *»i!r, xxviii. 2 ; (36) from 
oroD to npbon "^mi, xxxi. 32 ; (37) from nsbor\ '^r\^^ to the 
end of the book. On these two Sabbaths, after the lesson, 
shall be said the second "T^Da?, Deut. v. 12, to the end of the 
section (ver. 15). If there be no fifth Sabbath in any of 
the four months named above, the lesson, from DPIDQ to the 
end of the book, shall be taken as one. — And God is more 

The following is the order of the fifth book for eight 
Sabbaths, beginning with the second Sabbath of the 5th 
month and extending to the second Sabbath of the 7th 
month, called the Sabbath of Hiscanti^ If a fifth Sabbath 
fall in the 5th or 6th month, the order shall be for nine 
Sabbaths, dividing at DTlS D'^as (xiv. 1). In some years 
this Sabbath, called Hiscanti, does not occur, because, when 
the first of the 7th month falls on a Thursday, it (Hiscanti) 
coincides with the Day of Atonement ; and if the first of 
the 7th month fall on a Sabbath, it (Hiscanti) will be the 
Sabbath of the ten days of Penitence. In such case the 
order of the fifth book will be for seven Sabbaths, and the 
completion of the Holy Law will take place on the last 
Sabbath of the 6th month, and its lesson will be increased 
so as to finish the book, from ntn Dl'^n to the end of the 
Holy Law.* 

The order is as follows : — 

(38) From Dnnm nfb« to ^mxb IKi, Deut. iv. 5, and 
after the lesson is to be said the second "TtDa?, Deut v. 12 ; 
(39) from >rn^ iMn to DD«^n*» *»D, vii. 1. This is the lesson 
appointed for the day of the conjunction {i,e,, niDDH niD2r). 
In the last section of it, ^bHtt7'» *»D rr>n\ vi. 20, the reader shall 
read with a loud voice l^'^mnrf? '»*» rntt73 na?N, ver. 23, and 
the congregation shall finish it together, with a loud voice, 

^ rO^DH should stand for ri^^pH, but it apparently has some reference 
to Num. zxiL SO (^ri33pnV the only place in the Pentateuch where the 
word occurs. 

s The first Sabbath of the 7th month, having a proper lesson in any 
case, is not counted. 

Digitized by 


140 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

from 13W), ver. 24, to the end of the passage. After that 
they say NO^n '^D, Exod. xxx. 12 ; (40) from DDK^n*» *»D to 
un:iv nnR "^d, xi. 31; (41) from Dn» nnS "^d, to d^iddw, 
xvi. 18. When there occurs a fifth Sabbath, as mentioned 
above, the lesson shall be from Dnnr DHS >D to DHS D^Dn, 
xiv. 1, and (41a) from DPS 0*^33 to D'^IDDW, xvi. 18 ; (42) 
from D*»IDQW to the first ntt7H Q7'^H np*» *»D, xxii. 13 ; -(43) 
from ntt^M tt^'^N np^ ^D to mn DVn, xxvi. 16 ; (44) from 
mn Dvn to i«n'» ^d n'^ni, xxx. 1 ; (45) from ifcc* *»d mni 
to the end of the Holy Law. If the order happen to be for 
seven Sabbaths, as afore mentioned, then the (last) lesson 
shall be from nm DVn to the end of the Law. And God 
is more wise ! 

After the Sabbath of the conjunction, shall be said at the 
end of the lesson ^D^^l, Deut. xxxiii. 28 (?), and on the 
Sabbath of the lesson nQ7« W^H np"^ *»D (No. 43), the end of 
which is the passage nbDH "^D xxvi. 12-15, the reader shall 
read with a loud voice, *»3n>^2 niDM bM "^n^WV (ver. 14), 
and the congregation shall finish it together from v\pwn 
TtDTp p37ttD (ver. 15) to the end of the passage. And God 
most High is above all and knows all ! " 

A. Cowley. 

Digitized by 


The Ideal Minister of the Talmud, 141 


Talmud Babli, Taanith, Mishnah, 15a, Oemara 16a and b. 


MISHNAH. — ^What is the order of service for the 
[seven]* fasts? 

They brought the Ark [containing the Scrolls of the 
Law] into an open place of the city and sprinkled ashes 
upon it, and upon the head of the Prince, and upon the 
head of the Chief of the Beth Din, and every man placed 
ashes upon his own head. An Elder said before them 
words of great solemnity : — " Our brethren, it is not 
said of the men of Nineveh, ' And God saw their sackcloth 
and their fasting ' ; but, ' And God saw their works that 
they turned from their evil way ' ; and in Holy Writ it is 
said, * Rend your hearts and not your garments.' " 

They stood in prayer, and brought before the Ark an 
Elder who was qualified, and who had children, and whose 
house was free from transgression, so that his heart should 
be perfect in prayer , and he said before them twenty-four 
blessings — the eighteen blessings of the Amedah, and 
added six thereto ; and these are they : — 

'' In my distress I cried unto the Lord, and he heard 
me ; 

" I will lift up mine eyes unto the hills . . . '* ; 

" Out of the depths have I cried unto thee, O Lord " ; 
" A prayer of the afflicted when he is overwhelmed." 

* These Beven fasts were appointed by the Sanhedrin to f oUow a series 
of six in the event of the continuanoe of the drought in Palestine.] 

Digitized by 


142 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

Rabbi Judah says he need not say mariDT and ntiSW ; 
but he could say in their place : — 

" If there be in the land famine, if there be pestilence *' ; 

" The word of the Lord that came to Jeremiah concern- 
ing the dearth." 

And he completed them in the following manner : — 

For the first he said : — ** He who answered Abraham on 
Mount Moriah, may he answer you, and listen to the voice 
of your cry this day. Blessed art thou, O Lord, who 
redeemest Israel." 

For the second he said : — " He who answered our fathers 
by the Red Sea, may he answer you, and listen to the 
voice of your cry this day. Blessed art thou, O Lord, who 
rememberest forgotten thinga" 

For the third he said : — *' He who answered Joshua in 
Gilgal, may he answer you, and listen to the voice of your 
cry this day. Blessed art thou, O Lord, who hearest the 

For the fourth he said : — " He who answered Samuel in 
Mizpah, may he answer you, and listen to the voice of your 
cry this day. Blessed art thou, O Lord, who hearest 

For the fifth he said : — " He who answered Elijah on 
Mount Carmel, may he answer you, and listen to the voice 
of your cry this day. Blessed art thou, O Lord, who 
hearest prayer." 

For the sixth he said : — " He who answered Jonah from 
the whale, may he answer you, and listen to the voice of 
your cry this day. Blessed art thou, O Lord, who answer- 
est in the time of sorrow." 

For the seventh* he said : — " He who answered David, 

and Solomon, his son, in Jerusalem, may he answer you, 

and listen to the voice of your cry this day. Blessed art 

thou, O Lord, who hast compassion upon the earth "... 

GEMARA.— . . . The Rabbis have learnt:— "They 

* The introdaotion of the *' seventh " is explained in the Gem&ra. 

Digitized by 


The Ideal Minister of the Talmud. 143 

stood in prayer." Even if he were an Elder, and a man of 
learning, they did not appoint him unless he was qualified. 
Who was qualified ? 

The Ideal Minister 
{Suggested by the reply of the Gemara), 

Behold him humble and with nought of wealth, 

Except the righteousness within his soul 

And knowledge which adorns his noble mind, 

More precious than the riches of the earth. 

Gentle and meek and lowly in his ways, 

Knowing his wisdom comes not from himself. 

Labour despising not nor scorning toil, 

The curse of labour to*a blessing turns. 

And he hath children, fashioning his heart 

Unto the feelings of a father's love, 

So that with fervour and with earnestness 

He prayeth for the sons of other men ; 

And unto all he is compassionate 

As hath a father pity on his son. 

Closed are his portals to unrighteousness, 

Guilt findeth not a place beneath his roof. 

His fame is perfect and his name unstained, 

From youth through life's career unknown to sin. 

Unto the people ever welcome he, 

For there dwells that in him which lures the heart, 

A perfect and a wondrous sympathy, 

Embracing all their sorrows and their joys ; 

Breathing the word of comfort in their woe, 

Rejoicing in the welfare of their lives. 

What can surpass the sweetness of his voice. 

Revealing all the beauty of his soul ; 

Digitized by 


144 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

Unto his heedful hearers, gathered round, 

Intoning solemn words of holiness. 

Enthralled they listen when he reads the Law ; 

The sacred words sink deep in every heart, 

And leave an impress of authority, 

Holding them there with true and mighty force. 

They hear from him the Prophet's holy words. 

The thunder of their warning and reproach, 

The bitter lamentation for their sin, 

The pleadings and the promises of good ; 

And in the sound outpouring from his lips, 

They seem to hear the Prophet's voice again. 

And when he reads the books of Holy Writ, 

Telling of glory which hath passed away, 

His throbbing heart wells forth in song so sweet. 

It seems an echo of the voice Divine, 

Inspiring them with hope that yet once more 

The glory will return which hath been theirs. 

His lips are steeped in wisdom handed down 

In golden links unbroke from sire to son, 

LoQg treasured race-traditions old and dear. 

To be preserved through ages yet unborn. 

Speaking in glowing words of metaphor. 

He shows the beauty of their ancient faitL 

His prayers mount up like incense from the shrine, 

And bear a people's anguish to the Throne. 

And when he stands before the sabred Ark, 

A thousand prayers unite and rise as one. 

This is the chosen Minister of God, 

To lead his people in the righteous way ; 

Yet not alone a picture of the mind, 

A dream of what a minister must be, 

Behold the Rabbis in their wisdom gazed 

On Rabbi Iscah, Immi's noble son. 

Nina Davis. 

Digitized by 


Agadath Shir Hashirim. 145 


{Concluded from Vol. VI., p. 697). 

[ 'n rmn9 ] 
too DnHswa D*K3 ^>enB^ -p rm k^w ♦ pn8rn JlTXan ^iK (K 
^dS • dijjdS nir K^ne^ kSk p-rn ^k p-itJ^n nWan *3K «"•? niDiKn 

oniDnn pia d^w 'tb^ id nw n^K^itrne' tiid • d^poyn najriB^ 
•fB^iTQ (126a) ant ^B' mayi dK^Kna Ttrni kod nnin^ ane^ n^nK' 805 
D^KUD rn • nnpn pnisn nw pDyo {wSK^n vn ^tnpch ly^an 
n^nom doion vm dnoD^ r);2i:i n^n tb^hi dnoni d^^^Kni d^a^y 
'TDiKi -i^B^n pDo dn^n rn rrwih iran ♦ dn^^DD pnoiy inni^am 
d^poyn naenB' pirn nWan ok idjo -p^ • ^kd on^Sn *d '^^ iniK 
rw ^no^K ♦ piB^n nSvnn ok k"*? : d^iyn Kintr *d^ najr wddb' sio 
roB^B' IK B^i • m^B' noK • d^n p "tb^ iSye^ {vs dipoS 'x^ 
^rane^ ly dnD3 n^no n^ni d^n iin^ nTB^ p^rm n*n nr • d^poy 
'w B^i : B^3 ny d^D ikd ^d d*n^K oy^enn '3B^ • iDiDina d*Dn 
nD 1DDD3 dsn ^pD^ya cm iin^ 'tb^ m^tr nyB^a d^pDyn r\:^m^ 
iS^nnn • in^na ^y dSKoe^m oa^D^a dnD^n vni dn^^y dn^B^K^a 815 
'IK • mn ^npn b nyoni doino no 'iki • {nyovDi d*Dn "tb^ 
nK roni -p^^ "^^^ •"'^^^^ "P ^J^^ k^i *Dy^ d^D3 ^n^B^ n^npn 
j^oDi • HBiD rwv "pi pipo^ d^Dn ntn^i d*D h^ paon aip^ dsn 
ymr* vt"« b^ki vtDDa napa riBneo pipan nn nsn isb^ ^ 
wy K^i tiiD d^ hv non dipDn dn^^y nSyn nyB^ nniK • ov^anS 820 
•p^ • rrw 'TD1K rni d^n ^ nnKi hb^du |n*^iiD nnK p^no k^k 
p nSyBO dipD^ "xw dni3K n? k^t :pTB^n nSvan ok idw 
nnryi W^d no^n nr k^i : p-irn n^van idk3 is^ • B^n jb^dd 
nyeo ^kot nt k^t : Bt<n jb^dd iino i^yB^ nyBa dipoS nB^ 

: nviK DiOD nSyB' 825 


Digitized by 


146 The Jemah Quarterly Review. 

•p • D^mnn pa nfeo r\:mt^T\^ -pns D^Hinn |^3 T\yffW2 (3 
'iVDD i^nvi 1^ nyra dw ^hd^k ♦ niDiKn pa d^w 'tb^ 

D^mnn naK^ nnn n^cn^^ (1266) nn^^niu dk D^ninn p rimh 

X nnK D^D ini 830 
iniK nwn dn^BO nrn nienn to ♦ 'y\ ij^n ^Xy3 nifinoi 

njmDB^ HBT^Dn "tb^ loip n^ • '3*d in od^ itoj; k^b^ ny "le^ vn 
'ui ly^n ^vya niDW «"•? : ytDB^ii ne^a '^^ inn "«5t< ^3 itdki 
1^ pno o^*K linn nK3 nin niDnne' Tn3 dipo^ ntDK 'tb^ nn 835 
*mDn i^^va '^ no D^*p^ • pn^vi xm\ qkid n^n k^ t'y ^ wip-a 
nDDD nnK k^ in-nn nanS ^mon *iK ♦ ^D^n^ pintD vnoi ♦naa^i 

V-MD1 • l^^Vn IB^^ UIDTU ♦ IDVyO K^S D13D 1^ W HDH K^ *nW 

: KVD3 T"® ^^DO 'JB' HD D^^p^ mm nnn i^k • ^3r6 pino 
i^^K nnnK *^y i^:ni ^btd ^b' nn nt p\n n^3 '?« *iN^in (T 840 

: ni2Kn 
ID nmnn^ naw nrn n^inn no ♦ 'ii niB^^B^N3 ^ilDfiD Gl 
13^K nSinn to rh\rh "ib^ 1^3 hd^ vC^ : n^waS povD 'x^ 
13^K nrn -»nn id • *rD rwDn ne k^k khd na kSi n^^m k^ ^dik 
: D^DDH nmBn nn^Kn ^oyo k^k iniDni p^ip «Si niDoo b^id 845 
'JB^ HDD HB^ nr • ^3*pann w^d^i ♦ ^B^N^S HPin I^KDB^ 
^3B^ HDB^ ^B^-i^ nnn i^KtDB^ «"•? : iniKon ynt hbid pD^^ yh\o 
i^^K H5^-i^ nnn '^kdb' k"t : nDipo pD^ni npnro ^kdb^h • n'apn 

D^B^n* m HDHK nr^ ♦ D^B^n^ niii Dantt ^nyae^n (t ^^ 

iy niy i3Dn fe6 Dnni Bnpon nu nw dn^on "ib^^ n'^npn tokb^ 
■iBiB^ yipnDi dnn d3 kw^d 'jb' hd d**p^ • dn^rn 10 h^p \}nx^T^ 
la^D niDy^ K^B' n^Dpn '^B^n 'ui n-nyn dK nw d&< j lyDB^n 

ntDD K"T • 'IVDD miKDV n^< K^VinB' ^tDD • nWDM TOK3 "p • niD^D 
^^nn •»1W KIHB^ l^DD niKDV 1K-Jp3B^ 'IB^D niKDVD ]n)H yOB^ 855 

♦ nnDTOH nK yrjnrD ^<1nB' ^dd mB^n m^^^KD (I27a) n s wa 

w n1^<DVD K"T : ni^^^K V?m^ '^^ ^ip -uto ^im '^* ^ip 'jb^ hdd 

: y*KDi »DVD dD^OT nn nvD^on hv nmno dK • nwn r\)h^'vo, 

Digitized by 


Agadath Shir Hashirim, 147 

xTwA Diip «3^ x^^rm 'iSipn i^*k Ki HT Hin ^TIT 'jlp (H 
p^np mjnr me^ lown h\p jttxw iri : k3 n? n^n nn Sip Wn 860 
nnw nnen pcc^ id^ ♦ po'wo rrt^yi p^em nitDipD rrwv^ k^S 

trScn Tfiij^ 'TtDK • pr u^ ^5» • 'wi ^axS ♦tn HtoH (ID 

• TDU^ IK K'l : .TTZDIK iniK HfiWI * {pT ISt dSij6 T^naD T'*^ 865 

nrtx^ TtD^ ♦ 3py* nsy rxso nD '^B' nD3 • th\v kSk naiyS tk 
: noipD^ mtin K^-«r nrDBTi riK Dipon ^ ^p • dSiya *^wh Dipon 
K'n : roDi ^"£0 nKi3 Dipon to^ ♦ ^yhrw^ nnK idij; nr nan 

• 6 ninnDj mm npc^. K3V jvdb^ • rwon nr noAnn p m^e^ 

• rrwD Kn Kin noSi ♦ iSr6 miKnp pnv ititdd Tyn ^o *:0 rMHi^ 870 

• noro Siro Kintr in ^ v:i ^330 ni^D nr • nSij; hvr\^ p^no 
te Kineo -iw Kine^ 'nan v^ 'dwt no3i : n)j tweo ikdd '^b' 
HKD PB103 *nn^n 'n^n 'ok y pn nK j^^ne^ iv5 n^npn ^mt • t^» 
'TB^ 6«^ kSk • pavn p Ka Kin ixch\ : nDB^a Kip* ^mx^ mron 
*nmrn tdk3 -p S^ae^a • jifivS iiiiDn dnoy nSa Sii^as |1dvS 875 
Kin p\-6 • peitn p k3 rhryy nn n^m ^ptm 'dk pi ♦ jidvo 
iS< n^n^ nab mneS '-idk3 -pS • ina^ dipoS • DmS l^in 

: Di-nn nye^ kSk naiy \jh dnjri ♦ mio nye^ 
Dip mvh 'IK t*K • nSiKin K^n it • '131 "h ^ONI HIT HiJ^ (^ 
ne^PM wnwB^ 'fc^ ^ f^**'* V^ ^'^W nnwDnK^ • aen^ Kinc^ kSk 88O 

: nion 
1^ \h T^m ri^ Dran na^n (I27ft) nay VHOn HiH ^3 (K^ 

: nny^B'n ^d^ 

• wn Torn ny ♦ x^pn^in nwo 6*k ♦ pK3 1^ni D^iXiH (2^ 

^ 'ttDKi mi naj; k^t : nay* D^vny "t^or '35r noD ni^So h^ wm 885 
*3i«fe ni^bo ^ p3T j^iinr "qidS iKan?' iv3 ♦ ^n^Ti i^ *»ip 
m IDK K^n : najn D»DTin Ti^n '3B^ no D^*pS • t"6y piy onon 
: Dni^ nn"n -jS nw j«nn*S n'npn 'iKe^ ova ^n**xn i^ ^oip pna 
ijrani innnK 5|ii-i njne n^ne^ 'tb^ iS^k ♦ j/^DH ^WPll ^WV (1^ 

• nSw) nn^vn ptn kSk • -nn^v mSe^ oy imo oipon i^k d^S 890 
^Kior ^n*i 'IK Kin pi • 'iai 6k pyvn no n«w3 'ik Kin pc^ 

K 2 

Digitized by 


148 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

D*n nnnK p nriK-iBO • nav^ i^«wd3b^ "ib^ nD35 ir j^on ^una 
K^» n'npni • in*a5 njna kv^ • nnnn tinn vo^m piod^ -uid 
nDn^o HK^^fir iy toh^d b^k Kine^ y^nin i6i nn^» njno *rii5 895 

• pnc^a njnD ^<v^ : ya^ '^^ pronSo b^k '^» '3b^ nra • njnB *r:33 
T\^\ yai^n njne kv^ ♦ |viw npnv e^niS '3B^ • npi^^ Kir n'npm 
D^^^nD J iB^-i3 nxne^ yniai '3tr • yniDS npnva kv^ n'^npni • D^v^m 
•T'npni ♦ Dion ^y njnD n^vi • i5b>.T i^v^n niK^ nnon pna n:ii^ 
^3B^ innn^y IT j^DH nana k't : ami n^v -p^mi 'ob' ♦ na^D nSit 900 
HDn nmn HD^ ivD ♦ nnn n^nnna nv^nn 'jb' nD3 • »3^ %n 
n^DH 'D« • n^^y nSa*p ♦ iS KB^a^ne^ n^ nB^ bt^^d kihb^ t^^ 

• i^DH ^3rK3 inm yoiB^ ^3ki nan *^ 'dik • nniK nK-» ♦ nnimS 
n^iKan nr ^^^<■«D *i'Knn 'tb^^ n'apn id inK^ • any n^ip rv^rw 
nyaB'a iIbt^d hstb' b>KytDB^ '"11 pyoB^ "\ nD^a "ib^S n'lpn K^anr 905 
nSy^ 'DK1 ♦ nn« fnon n«5^-in kvo ♦ thms^h pSiy wb^ dhwh 

ny n^iDoi • *y^3BVi y^inB' ny d^id ib^ i3 ^a^n pi (I28a) non 
IV3 • r\ior\ 113 Klip HM injoy ny • on^a^a nipSmi • nn^ iy^:inr 
Sy • inn^ ^y ^^1^<il^ kuhb' Kin ^na 'dk on^ie^ hbwh y^anB^ 
K"! X niVD3 i^ip ^ynDBTi D^aitD d*bw3 ^^^<•^o *ifcnn idw h^k 910 
n^HB' HB^ ^ iSipa 'TB^^ nD ini3 nry^K 'i 'dk : i^ip o^nDB'n 
•^3^^ nB^ '3B^ hdd ♦ ^d ^-^ d^^b^ ny 'tb^ ^5i Bnni sb'v 'nyoa 

: Dn^^onn 3iy i^ip ^3 m:i^ ^ipa 

^3Ki n^n^K '»^ *33K 'DKB^ nyB^n ^ nn ♦ 'iii lS ^iKl ^S nn (lb 915 
nynnjo • d^^b^ib^s nynn : DnDyn teo n^iio ^S on^^ni 'dkbo iS 
Dy iS^« -pKV ^3D ynn yn* • 'ui wn^n "ib^ nyi-» 'jr 'ib^ jik 

: 'TB^ nwyniD nuynBO ♦ D^S'jxn IDil DVn PlIfi^lT ly (r 
i^^H D^^^vn 1D31 i»y *33 Sni jn*^ nayriB^s Dvn niD^ ny k't 920 
JO Dm^K piBW tan^ ^a« niDt • 'iai nn i^ rrcn 31D : di^ »j3 

J Dnnan 
Dn^aa i^^K D^aiDp • Do^prn D^nvon i^*k D^'tJTIB^ \h ITHK Clb 
'TB^ ^ mo iinS D333 nsiB^ ♦ D^^nan p. -niv "tb^ iti vrw 

Digitized by 


Agadath Shir Sashirim. 149 

•■noD iwoi tD^n^n iKtri i^*k n'^i^^ D^bno -no^nDi p3V nnni 925 

nfe DmnK ^ ijnt kvo^i D^nvo^ niws^w nup^ni d^d D^Sn^ni 
[ 'a rrano ] 

W3 ♦ ^Bffii nariKtr hk ^ntrpa nMa ^aaj^to Sjr (k 

ffapn |n^ 'dk • nTnnn n^a K^^B' pUD vn nsi^ra 'tb^ innpw 930 
^ rm^p pK nnyD n i^nnpo dhk p« • wkvo vh) vnbpa 
mnwD nw • wD-iK K^i vnrnH wa pnv* nw DniaK npya^ Dipoa 

s ')!) IV nv (168i) 

Mi) an 'Tgn^ n'npn 'd«w ♦ n^a HMIDKI Ki HDIpK Q 

/UJT naroa • ^B^3 nanwr n« nB^pn^^ : mn nnn nw D3^ 31d 936 

7n n»w nye^a mm* Yk ♦ nM^ *mb^ ^jr k't : dn^ena neiD 

Siw innK T)^ mv^i vnKVO kSi vnBT?3 ^ikb^ ^^tho mn 

'TB^ p>6 i^Dn b)v^ rht^ Tya n331D^<1 K3 noipK k''t : ^imoS 

: ni^inan pa i^dj; -innoD nn "nn iS iidkb' 

Toa ^iW5^ ra ^d^d mnine^ nya^a ♦ liS'iK N7l VHTPIN (T 940 
»6i iwnK K'T : DiBn kihk^ nno ^1W5^ n^ni niDDn ^ dn^yn 
n*3 im 'DK^ ^^y>7\ nanx n»D jtiin nK Mncr in n^n no udik 
♦a ^ npta m-»in -nn Sk ♦ *dk nu ^k vnKnne^ njr nTnan 
naron nnn mina nanw ^ inSAu i«voi nnron ^y ^i^Din^ 'le^* 

: 'TB^ ^ niianipn nw n"3pn h^ k^i 945 

i6ni Mnw rhvn -laTO.n |d *di ♦ imDH jfi n'jiy JIKT ^D (1 

•••QTO pK3 inKVO* '3B^ HD d^^p^ 13TO3 ^KVID dn« ^n^T ^^<*VtD5 

no >6k • vn jbtd *di • iw niitDns nmon p rhw rm *d ^<''*T 
npw p*M niDiKn b -p ♦ nv^ i^in «intr dipD b ntn twi 950 
»6r toVd • ten npax teo n^u^i no mopo j 'ivdd 'x^ "hw 
wn ntn ion no • dn-»3K nt • no miDpo «'i : dite dn^on vn 
n'lpn 1^ iDK -pi • d^pnvn teS wc\ Dm3« hd • dnxj^nn teS 
pDiW^TTO pnv* nt mnSi *nniDn nna m pnv* n« "h :i'n^rh 
teo • wnte naron n:i ^ pnv* *Tpp3 -p mron ^na te n^n^n nn 955 

Digitized by 


150 The Jewish Quarterly Retnew. 

n:n^i id r\iopo k"*! : yov ^^ pan '^ hdd ypi^ m ^n np3K 

an^ (129a) ♦ n'? a^iD Dma^i D^rr ihba nrt (t 

:D>Dne^ 96D 

D^ K'n : nS^an it mBT?3i aion new m ^anna • ^ttx^n new 

■TDK^ ]3 hv 'iB' • mm nr • nDrto onoa dhd^d dhb' note 
a^3D Dnu^3 DHJ^ ptron nr rtdyzh^ Tn»o n^n : '^ r\yorho icDa 

• nonp iDJTDn ♦jb^ tr^inni ':»> • onD^e^ i^^ 'tb^ nn>3D fcri n^ 
D^K nanwD K^rre^ n nonD no ♦ D^n^D hd^^b^ n:n «"•» : 'w 

nr nt^^^ moo n:n «"•» : o^iTa n« nt i^niK rn ip wtki 970 
nojnDnii nrn • xh\VT\ fea rnii n^nc' no^j? ^y td^^ nni noSc^ 

• n^TOn -nonn hk isn ':b^ • -noin ^ k^ rh^^ n*n k^i iniste 
ntn • in^n "r^ ^y d^ ^ irn • nn^n "ik^ hv ^^^ T\vrh irn 
*:bd royro, niA ^id^ n^n k^ moo ^y t)Ki ♦ ihdd ^ Kb>K e^ k^ 

nK' Diipnin p nty^^K '-i ^k^b^ ovn ann nin« d^id • nijn nmn 975 
nujniD in^3yo vnc^ ni^^b nnao • iDn^ ^p nnn b^k itDC^ Di^a 

nt i!?B^ ♦ Di^B^ Di^B^nB^ ♦ naSe^ ^'^an h nrv jvisn (o 

nnn doik ^^B' 'jb^ no D^>p^ D^Bnpn i^^k ♦ jwn^n ^vyo • piKn 

:nn«n Bnpn 980 
inT'Bn 5|DD D^pBnno Dnioyn i^^k ♦ tpa riB^ VTlOy (* 
HDnen n paiK nDio : iino anr mias n^B^i ♦ nnia^n nt nnr 
i^^K nnnK tjivi Din • id^-jki n^Dn rorss^ n^B^i • p3T« ^ 
: Dn^ iD"ia }n 'tb^ ibw^ no nioixn i^-'K D^Bnn^ nwno nini^n 

• K-13: Bnpon n^no n^B'Knao D^iyn nna it (129^) pn^DK le'n 935 
Dnnn i^^k ^idd nB^ vtidp ^bi^ ^bo jvw pK Kip>i nm 'ae^ 

^B> i^^^ye ♦ y^'5in nr ant im^ai • onioya j^nxn ^33 ^y jnoiy inc^ 
niB^Bj i^''K • nanx tjiri win ♦ nuDn kdd nt pnx la^no • Db^j^ 

Digitized by 


Agadath Shir Hashirim, 161 

rM iTa "iwt 'x^ • D^pnvn niB^ ijod d*:b^i ikdd pdd odwdi 

V^ • T^^ *^'* ^^ I3^^nn "•^"^^^ '"^"^^"^^ ^^^"'^ ^S5 "^^"^ * ^^^ ^" ^2 

-nnw DrrQK jnt '3B^ n'npn nic uhkb' D^pnvn niB^w ♦ nan« 
n>BTO in niBneni ^tne^ ni:3D b^ ^aniK ^wn^ 'ik Hin pi 

: Dwn oy nu'iynD D>pnv nic^j i^hi • niDii6D ^ktb^ 995 

'XT noD D^n ^y loftc i^ mo^*]^ moyn • i^ Di^nK' i?Dn rwsnr^ 
ysrp nrnfffp Dni« ^iD^nD • n'apn on^ 'd« • nyi d^ij6 hi^d^ '^» 
nD* n^ r-inoB^ • o^d nn mnDy it in:inn Dvn >B^nn nis^o 
nny Hinc^ D^K^D *D^3 niDwn ^5 n^^mi n:^Kv k"i : o^Ki^on looo 
'w yf^i 'xy • nv^i Dwo Dva loynD Kinc' niDyni niMni • v^J? 
'^ '» • niD^on jon i^ K^ni • nh^v iyi nnjnD irv inn on-'^y 
'Dw i6k ivnwD Dni nnx nyi D^iy i^d '^^ • iyi dSij6 ti^o^ 

* *mK Dnnboni omtDynK^ ny ni^-'^n vh) no^o ^^ pK ^n^nD *i\irh 

r« rt>iin DnxB^ D^D^ ta iDi^ ^Kptn* -ibd3 niKnv kvid nnx pK 1005 
p^v nna D^reno i^yi '3b^ ♦ dshid^ nirnnK^ ny nisSoi ni^^^n "h 

• n^WDn nD^ i^n< iwinn W2 h"^ : nsi^on ""h nn\ni 'iw • 'ui 
Drai • '131 nb ^y inn cnwDi 'i« win pe^ inn^ n^npn h^n^x^ 
mwsn D^Ti ^n^ai ':b^ • enpon n^n po^nn • in^ nnoB' (I30a) 

Tt*2h n:*3fir nnns' inoinn ova igk i^ moy^B^ moya k"*! : D-'oya loio 
Dvai • n^an hv iia^ni cvn nro d^kii oyn ^di '^ : cnpon 
: n>nn nx no^K^ -p^ne^ Dv ♦ n^ nnoe^ 

[ 'i nans ] 

Ds-naa DnDSn nai -p • «w) ^ naiaa nioin^ i^^n D^^^^yn no 
Tyao • '"v^ in^wD innai td niTHD ine^ D^3*yn no • onxn ^3^ya ioi5 
nmac iwy lA »3d^ r'l^w onxw D^naitro on ^no^ • nnov^ 
•pj^^ : nnDva mm nan jtjny DnxBO ^nDV^ lyaD h^i j nni^K 
i^v • ny^^n mo ib^^b^ • piroa d^do new n^n nt * wvt^ iiya 
ninyo pt po t^ inje^aa D^^mn nnya n"w : inD^ iD^ne^ 'x^ 

Digitized by 


152 The Jewish Quarterly Reniew. 

nna: mn \ihv nillXpn 11^3 n'apn h^ hd^i : DWa fW\ 1020 
j*K n^iSBn niDiKHD p^i58r tnxa inna: h^ "p nmvpn i6« jaip^ 

: Dna r« ^'ow niD^«nD d^idb' i^^ 5|^k rwxao i6k dhd nna^ 
: hny pa pa ^nao n^w rox^n nt ^^HinfiE^ ^iBTI blPia 
^ipn HK yoc^i '3B^ pK^^ nciD ^ ino^aa nr • ^ae^n eina •c'l 1025 
: rvm panoi •wdw la^ : D^ai-on *X5^ rao nanen ^jnD r^je lano 
^aen* i^^k inpn ponn n^ea : 'K^a^n i^^k niw T^a^tD1 k^t 
: pnK t^ V3*p pa n^rre^ f >vn nr • nnb^ npao niemtDn 

DmaK n*n nt • Dnia^an ^d^k^ ^a r^y n^n \yor\ n^K Dipo^ nvtn 1030 
: \yor\ cj^k wa noW) in^i • ^ po »a3K Dipon ^^ 'dws^ 

D^ynn • \^Tm (1306) ntro nt DnfiJ^ ^^B^^ *1^^*1B^ *iB^ ^^^ 

J a^ai prin^ nr Donca 
nr n^ia^n nyaa ^k • Dmax n^n nr ♦ lian ^H Sk ^^7 t'?K 

: pnv* n^n io85 
l^K K^i : apj^ T\'^r\ nr ♦ ^a pN Ditol W^JH Hfi^ ^\^ (T 
l^ia • ine^ rr0 n« onnaK npn '3B^ rrm Dnnax nr "iion in ^ 
^Syai D^yen pa n^n k^ apy^ nsi nt na px didi ^n^^yi ne* 

no ^nt n^a^ int^K W3n jm'jO ^flK hSd pia'?^ ^riM (PI 1040 
n^nc^ *D ^aK^ k^k ♦ p^a^ idb' trsp^ noh • p:a^ idb^ ktP3k> enptDn 
a^Bo nwa^nD vni:iy rn^K^ ny dbtd rr nsn \ih py noi De6 n^iy 
p3a^D ^nw K^n : ira^* hff^ d^3W Da>KDn vn^ dk 'jsr nD D«p^ 
niK^n : noy Dan« »n^^an enpon noD n^osrn nx ^n^^anw nb 
jna^Sn nt • ponni i^:k^ «w-id : n^^nna »a Dn^DKne^ • n^tDw swtd io45 
♦ DO^D \W • DnD3 nnno nviK • niyoD twni D^yanx -laioa 
: DnD^i nviWD o^yi rne^ tn^3»a nnaync^ 
HD^ ^ ♦T'^W nnxa *3»naa^ ♦n'ja *niPlK ^i^nM*? (b 
nnxa nn^« nn-i nnnx i^Dn nW D^a^o na npirn^ non nam 
'Dw la^ • noai noa nnx ^y t)ian ^a nxi i^*k nnan n^aw io50 
a^n n« ^ nn^ nic • nb ^n^nic »:»naa^ k'i : nb ^ninK ♦a^nab 

: nv-ian ^ t^ n*nw 

Digitized by 


Agadath Shir Hashirim, 153 

10V Kirnr pnvn rwo m ^ nS^ *|WnSB^ nifi^tDfl flfiU (N^ 1055 
m^ m rVD P*«^ ^Dw iDiy Kinsr non^D nitro m K"n : minnD 

rrw : D^oae^n nx (I3ia) -p^ae^ apy^ nr i:ib6 nnn :hrv\ B^ai 

^iy: p K'T : 'TB^o Wa n\nB' rP-^ "t ♦ n'?3 ^TOPIN SlJ^J p (1^ 1060 

J Dinnn -iBDn ^K^n ^v^p i^^k nb ^ninx 
vn p WHBf D^^non ^ DTTBH HT D^ilDH DI^S yxhv^ 0^ 
no • '3iDn DTiDD 1^: no^i • jntD fin )o^in on^BWi Dw 'ib^ 
rpn ranBoi onvoa pvy tnrnn 'tb^^ na • ijniB ijnii ntn ponn 
Dn-o oy DnoD niDpn m o^aion dttb k't : iKvn lovy ijno 1065 

5 i^nhv n")B3 n^HB^ 
new y\'hr\ m ^k!?V3 nsn nt ♦ pfiipl nip D13131 ^TTJ H* 
'IK B^i : n^^ nB^ i^KD pB^n hbw ini« ntnni ^:^d -in^ 
: D^^^Kn njr6 ^i6va d^ddhi ^K^a^ nfcnni nn^i hb^^ ntnn oipon 
in^ laon iini pnHi 'ob^ noa • mm pn« n^n nr po^pi n:p K"n io7o 

: in« ntoi nnx nto 
ino^ n*np oiponB' p^yo nr ♦ D*^n D^fi *1N1 D^3i j^^fi (ItD 
rj» K*! : nanpD inn* »di hki '^ no D^^p^ ia D^pnvn nx 
na^D inw hihb^ ntn naion no pn^ p d^^tw D^»n onD nxa o^:) 
T'j» 'TB^ nn ino^ nrny oipon -p • n^ti:i nnnpa ik oiaa nn« 1075 
Kin ni^n hv D^vn noK^ ^ia» ik ♦ onDi nia^BB^i nvip n^^ai 
WW K^) wyi b« kS • onnn W 'oik Kin k^ nnionn hv ^aK ^nio 
i^n< *3dS oa-n nn^n m^:n nKoioa '-jb^^ 'iki ♦ 'ib^ n-'a ^Si^^i ^k 
5 D^iy^ mno Dn^ n*n k^ pKn nKOioa ik n^03 nKoioa 'ok 

: BHpon n^aa nowr D^K^a^n i^^k p^a^ p d^^tioi k^i 108O 
Ka^ Tnp^ D*pnvn 'ik nnK ikd^d ♦ p^n ^Klll jlfiX ^1^ (TtD 
nWi imaao pa^ nn onDB^a onD fe k^i podtbk k^ panv p^K 
ninnnB^ p^n ♦Kiai pe^ my K^n : pj^ p »30Dia ^a on^^sS 
fei p*n ni^3 nK^ao ok 'ik Dinn • it oy it nKai D^:an^ nn^ny 
fei jujv ni^i nrao ok 'ik pevni (13U) t omn ^1 nian 1085 

Digitized by 


154 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

'x^ no d^^f6 ime nnw rw53 pi in»3^a di^ inw Diponi iiDvn 

[ 'n nonD ] 

in 1^^ nDB^a dj; niD ♦nmc * 'wi ^DB^a pj^ ^nD ^n^K (N 
: Dipon *ani« in i^^ • Dnn in^en ine^ Dnn ibK • nwaipn ipr 
nDp«wn HKT nD • ba ni^i p ^h'H ^ *l^ n^B^ ^iK (1 1090 
K"! : Dnvo niSa n y^on Mana ^n^v : n^wD ni^i nt "vw io3 
v^p pimni mn jb^S hot: D^iyn n*n nt •ny ^aSi nanj^ ^^k 
rran ^ya^ ntDM D^iyn n^^ rrtD^ 'w n>n la^py ^^n : mijn oipon 
n:^K^ OK • pnei nrn ♦ -)3d D^xna vne^ pne k^i d^^^ new 
'36^ nD5 • miyo Diponi jb^^ nruM Kinsr n^iwn nt * tp ♦n^i 1095 
n^iKan niyo Diponi • 'ui B'ob^ mtoD nnxi »n«^^ peviD *niiyn 
Dm^ pD^ nn nn povn pi mton p n^ "inxi n^^nn onnn p 
: nnn3 nync^ fin n'*Dn nvoyon n« 8^3*^^ nt b pev^ Dinni 
nt iy ^3^1 n^^ ok k^i • irn^ fy^ db^ inat^B^ no yy b 
'iB^^ 'IK DipDn ny ^3^1 n:*B^ ok k*t ; nnoKi »dtid n^iw noo 
'iKT Dvn iry^K Yk : ^n^T^ *ninK 'h ♦nns iy »n^i nonr^ »3k . 
n^3 ^Di MniK pnm pd:d3 vn nine Knns' n^s^D h22 i?o 
DipDn n^^ -p*D^ • p*n3 'ib^ i^y^i iDinn idodh ^k ^iy: iKnB^ 
• n^^DKn D^Bn^ dhk ^no ^y DD^nn inne DnS 'dki ^ktb^^ d*k^33 
DoiDo nrn^ pn^ny 'ib^b^ ju >d^^ it nn »ninK ^ »nnD k't iio5 
T01K nsn niDB^ p pyoB^ : ^n^hv P^n-io n'apni ni^^ntDm nityoa 
D^DO Dn^ nBny Diponi pSdhdd pi »ninK "h »nnD 'ib^S 'ik n'3pn» 
B^K niKD ysiK iDyi skid naiD B^ns iDiy nnron hk dwi Dm 
nnDiD nK (I32a) ]rh ^nn:i 'ob^ no D^^p^ n^iw Dn^ po Diponi 
P^tDi3 '-jB^i n-iin^ nKio 13-100 DB^ Dn^ nT»3 n^»noni • db^ luo 
lioy p^Di3i pKni • in 3inD DB^nB' nun naioo \'>'^r) hk pn^ini 
.• DnyoB^ poy 03i ♦ di» ni^ 3Kioi dhk 'jb^ no D^p^ 3kioi 
in^a '-JB^S *iB^ 3iin id mon n^a Dn^ nriy oo^nB^ 'yn:> w» Yk 
.IH<31 po^Dno i^iDi 3K101 poy ann^B' iww pa^ *d^ nn mon 
PK3 in ^ pD3Dno DiTrni aiyon ♦d^oi pB^ia naiten pynipi ins 
iB«*K *K piosB' D^oDnn nK nonS p^vo 'ib^i inoa nvn^ p^wi 

Digitized by 


Agadath Shir Saahirim. 155 

urn • D*oo D^pon )h ncny nxn n^n djdjk^ ^d ^k^ po^ D^nnD 
nniM • "nsnp in*^i • db« -udw rreiDn^ • pM nnro '^xh noiyi lo 
nTB> lAi^ nr« nKtn niinn ^Dr x^n tdd n« k^^d jein npc^ 1120 

fe ^131 poD 1^ Ki nnjiDni *n^nn ^nin« ^ ^nno D**pD nKV03 

• pBtrr ^m n« W5^ '»> no d^**?^ • nnvn ht^m pron^ pi nnto 
'XT no D«p^ ^Di-6 DB' nnw nneni • Din« niD^ ^lon «6e^ Tjr 

IB^ non DnK n"npn Dn^ 'dk •So K^tw nrtnc^ :Say njn* db^ 1125 
MDiTD r«a 'TB^i ntonnS j^D^ano mto >dSd nn n-niy oto mn 
mn Wtb^ 'OKI nnn 3^wd n^npm • d^o^ ny^K^ d^itS jo^npoi 
nn niia^ 'x^S ]n)2 'w c^ian nfei * mnDn ^^ ii3D nionnS 
'iC' no tr»pS • DTOp DnSn kxi^ .T'npni imiB^ pKa jni mpon 
■noinSi in^^i ni^ tS w nnroni Dhn D^iaa onSai >^ Mvn 1130 

•onpoB^ liop 031 niSro 3x101 ditic 'x^ no d^^S 'n^sSi 

naiD ^ niK3i nioMno pi yioc^ nnw i^n mown Sdi (132^) 
nr» '-r* ^31 pTn ^31 niDne isy nnno ^ ioi3 ini i3p Syi 
KD3 'x^ nmoi Dn^pn nx jnip Diponi nS*BK3B' rrtn mirh 
•jS3po icini f^ano vni ^Sy ion ^»jnDi 'xr no D^^pS •ni33n 1135 

: ^n^^jn ^in« ^S ^nne 'x^ no D^pS 
DnS Toyo n^3pni yhh^ni^ ini ^S nxi^B^ nnD3 HIT? ^3K (1 
nt "mnm r^fiS xinn Dr3 r3B'nB' jw i3 pcnn^S ^n^yns? -ni3 non 
: imy fei mp k^vio Kinc^ 11313 nx^ nra: i3y pon ''IM : n^tro 
KinB' Dni3D 'icn DnDB^ npSnoo nrsB^n nn vnxw hSi 1^^153 luo 
161 vnwip K'l ♦ ♦iiy 161 vmnp low t3S • D*non nw onS nmo 
nfe iy DnDye mc^ n^yc^ ^on n^OB^n npSnoiC' nyB^3 ♦ 03y 
inDoS *rB^ 3iiDn p o^n 3113^ inxn 3ii3n p moB^n npSnoo 
inaooi nnn jneo Sy Dmi3n Syo M 1133 dti 'db' no3 nnn 

• noinS n3Tooi •n3Ton Sy noiy ">'» ^nn<ii 'jb^ no3 ♦n3ToS nnn iU5 
n3B^ 3ie '3r nD3 • :A noinoi nomn ^ noiy '^» n« ^nnn 'jb^ 

"^ 1133 Toyn 'x^ no3 • D^nnn inS m n^DOi • 'wi « n:D Sy 
nsB^ 310 '3B^ no3 • 1310^ D>nnn mo : TyS Dipo ib^ inn ^ 
nn : '»^ onDB' onDB^n 'x^ no3 ♦ onDB^ i3ion p • 1310 pK3 

Digitized by 


166 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

"jDio iD^ • Ypn j^anr ny T\it)n vh K^m n:^D8rn n« ins^aD 'tt* 1150 

: 03P K^i vnmp 

H^T : na^n^D ^iwd mihc' cnpon no la-wn • nnho 11a 
in>8? nx^iT ^DK^D^ niKn mn^^e^ Dva Tya D>aaiDn '•WDwn ^iwvD 
• D^-10^8? »mpBn D^enT ^n^oin ^j; 'jb^ '• W2 noinn ^ inojr 1155 
niKn nin3 ova n 'h'h^n ^dv 'i ^ W3 io»:n 'n 'tDK (I33a) 
pi D^Dp m3 pon ^ipD ':b^ no W'^jh nvD^on p jne^S ^«niiS 
Dy nion Kin n"3pn nr 3i oy hidt ponn pon ^ip -tdw Kin 
Sy nnv' n^ J^^"^ "P "^nKi • fiKn Sd ^an^ itw ^^^i '^^ 11 

»-ttDiK niDiK3K^ D^neon D^B^il PlB^n inD *|Tn Hfi (H 

^D ^K ^1DnK TK '3B> HDi • DDDy n^3 Dnaiy DHKC^ nD^ SktC^ 

no^ : nnK d5b^ nay^i ^^ dm d^is Knp^ nnna nsc' Dn^yn 
ip'h K^K^ 'le^i n'apn^ yae^^ inmyr k^k • i^nyac^n nDDt^^ igvq 
nK nsriK^ dv Dnn^KB^ ^D^ nnK nn ity^K Yk : nnyo fv "vw ii65 
inK i^^S i^B' niDiKn ^d 1^ lynK^^tr niB^ poy ^k '^8r nDD d^d^dh 
DipD^ yac^^ Dn^ny )n n^ DnnnK^ 1^ lyne^ac' DipD3i nnyo r'xr 
: i:ny3B^n nD58? now hd^ • nnyo fv •inK i^^^ k^ hwd^i 
DHKi • nninn nK )ni3 ^3KB^ nv nn DHKI HX nil (* 

: niDiKn p ynsj Kine^ 1170 
'TB^ hv piD^n nK K^D Kinsr nyc^a ♦ Tfi DHi IB^K^ (K^ 
: n^TDn nsn nt D^^n^n vniviip ]MiD un)p:f? 

t niKniDn i^^k ♦ a'^ni n«m^ a^ 

i^K • D^JKiB^ vninB8r • nini^n i^^k DB^ian Hi'nya Vvh CP 

:nnaKn 1175 
: ^nsn »iD^ loyi ntw d:3:b^ Dva ♦ B^gf ni&y VplB^ (lb 

[ '1 nans ] 

'TB^ nsnsr -inn nnn natD in^i '3b> dvi ♦ n^ii ^^i^ nJK (K 
: nytj^ ntmp k^k n*n» k^i D^iy ncnnp ♦j^d onuo 
^ mip^i ^an t^ iwip^ «wn nn^sr on ♦ ^^ Ti^ ^ti*^ q 
nn -iDw iD^ in^^Ki rmhm noD pipa pi Kin^sKt 3*wa pi * m ix80 

Digitized by 


AgacbUh Shir SasAmm. 157 

lo^ niK3V '^* nT p '3B> TOD Ti^^ n*njf Kin nnx niy : wA n* 
nx KT3W n'apn k-idb^ n^^^ya 'i« \n jkdd • y^i ^yi ivir nn Sjr 
TT p '3B^ TO D^*p^ K2h TTW Kin pi ^5^0 nn Sj^ i"i* p D^iyn 

5 tvv (1385) nn ^y KU^ niKDlf '^» 

DTK *333 • D^xrwa nynn ^ nm nnS ^^k 'dk • nnnKn p-po 

: DnnDnD nTay iDyo k^^ 
n^ 'IK inw nic nnsTD dtkw ♦ mnni W^n HN HB^ H 
: 13TOK -)3D • Dnn^n injD -pj^ : nnni inoip nw 
p • nernp nSiDB^ itn hmn no ♦ D^'?mn ^TJ^3 ^^^3^E^ (1 1190 
D^aipni D^aiDPD^ lovn njno ^nK^ D^^mn -ny : DWip '"«^ 
D»ab dSid 'jb' • inD n^^^n j^kk^ D^aS^^ i^wdj D-'ycnni • nnew^ 
ono^ TOTa DTK 13DO BT?^D DTKH HK KinB' ntn abn no ♦ DnD^^K 

: 11D new DT^3 t^KB^ D^a^D^ 1^3 p^ ^1D^ W^K 

D^jtDw •on* ^Kvri DnTnK nsn m ♦ rf\:ht3 T)tiT\ D*B^B^ (H 1195 
Vw ninB«wn i^^k • tddd pK nio^i • na^nn ^kvi^ i^^k d^wS^b 

: TBDD Dn^ 

• af?yio rttm rhsnso *nD^K • 'iii ^nfiH ^WV tVT\ nriK (t3 
N^ D^niii iD3Dn ^ nwD 'dk • ni^rh irinc' nye^a ikt no 
iKa j6 iKD pK D^iOKn i^^nnn ♦ fTKn neo onnp^i Dnptnnni 1200 
innnK jw^n ikv^ • D^iyn nK t)iTc6i nw^^Kn hk f vp^ kSk i:>^k 
TP innnK pdtit n^^ni >b^ p^hk vn Dn^^K pniDKn id»:i 
IV31 TT^n ninK iS ^D3 abi • nTin^afir non W tb^d^ ly^ansr 
nBDi V3E>^ D^D iSboi nHK nniiv nivi idv 'tb^s ly^^nsr ikvidb^ 
•nnK^DMci D^oion nc^on ^^nc^a DnK3 to *:dd DnS 'ik •onoe^ 1206 
ir^nn nwD *»S iksbo • ^btw 13k D^iyn dhtdkb^ wn k^ 1^ ntDK 
ifa Dni> 'DK • p^y ^n D^^B^n nK i^kt db' itdk ♦ njn pKn naT 
Jnttnn nw3 hikt tdk3 -p^ • tb^ d^3b^ 'tb^ noii hddb' Don do 
m vflrnBf TTTS nnw ni^3 w inr 163 nfipB^in flNT ^fi 
:rwD Kanjo nvD^n ^y nmn n^^DKn hd ♦ r^eS nmin n^^DKi 1210 
no • noro nri h^dSd nv • ttib^ idd nspB^^n riKt ^d k't (134a) 
nvDn nisho rh>r\\so p • ronrM pKa tna^ n^nSni nDn ^Aj 
•T'apnw • TTV 103 HDpr^ tikt ^d k't : d^ij6 K^onT^a n^^n 

Digitized by 


158 The Jewish Quarterly Revtew, 

I '"iVD ruHD ^K '»^ cpc^i '^ • HK^no Hin HDpB^nn D^iy^ nniD «^ao 
intf^n no : nonD mn nia^D ne* "irr ira nape^on nw nD K'n 1215 
inD^^HD m ^ iriD^^T k^i nt^ non nr h^ niWD k^ nonni rua^n 
riryo ^bS ^3pD DiK i6« xn^ ttip^ pie^ ^pnvn px -p m ^ 
nK 1130 DipDn ID nn^n n« imno ine^ n:n^ni nonn no 

; n^pnvn 
n^tnh • Dnn^K nr ^ron ^3^«n niKi^ ♦ ^rni^ DJN T\yi ha (K^ i2:?o 
nnn nniDDB^ viane^ apy^ nr n^iionn iv^n pnv^ nt jDin nmon 

D« mn :naio i^wd:k^ ^3^d in od^ icnpwB' 'tb'^ on 

vh^ ^D mm* '"la *dv 1"^ : ti3k -d^hij '-«5^ -p yayBD i^d ^nc^jn 
iniK nn yaya d*vp win pb kdb^ nno • hd jni* liw twk run 1225 

• niXD ^ nniax nm^K |niK i^k^xid {n> inw ipnn ppi^ jn 

nvD^D n"npn 1!? nKine^ 'ik nnx p^io «an p mm* Yk : v^i"i 
nD3D n mc'n "iwn nmi nim ':k^ • V3i nw laye^ nn*ny \m 1230 
noi ^33 nirste n n*!?y D^van jkv my ne^e^ dk^ n^ni • 'tb^ 
nnnDD nn^mB^ nyBnn niD^o n omyn b noB^ ibdwi • ]m 
'1)^2 vnr 'TB^* i^*« *:nbB^ *b^: *nyn* k^ k^t : pB^ ^dd K^ano 
'TB^ MOH • inD *i3ya p^B^m Dipon i^wboi ♦ n^iK3^ i*dvd vw 
*Dy nuD-TO "iDW HD^ • 1^ ns-ia i^on Dy rnBn* (1346) ur nn 1235 
ntoB^ mmr pin *D*a 'ib^* i^*k ^^noB' *b^w *nyn* no^ k't :m3 
H'T : pBiD^ 'TB^ mriDB^ Dvn nr m: 'i^v k^t • pn* Sy n^iw 

[ 'T ntt;nD ] 

n^apn^ D*i)B^n^ p^ny D^iy *iO ^sb^ n^a'?1B^n ^aiB^ *aiBf (K 
*3iB^ iry^K '"1 5 min tnon nn^ iruB^ tiid j*D*n on^ tnu Kim 1240 
TiiD nt nnK nr noy^i nvnrh jn^ny D^non dhb^ h^d^ib^h *nw 
TKn 0^13 'IK "ity^^K '1 : nnn nnn pKn p n^ nnn id!?db^ 
n^moD : nnn k^b^oi k*b^3 • ikdd hv nnn t^oi ^^ nmo 
mm* Vk : dohdo nni nSmoD n*nB^ yB^^K ^b^ i^)^ nt D^^non 

Digitized by 


Agadath Shir Sashirim. 159 

lojiS \n^rm vh^ "ivh 'dk • D^j«ro K^n nh)}h lan^o no ♦d ^id* 1245 

rww Di^K t>«5^ iini • 3jni ivjw j«^^k ^ in^^K ^ -in nr 

1^ • Dn^j^B in no ♦ anj M D^'?j^ja ytsjf^ ifi* no o 

*niwe ^1Dn 'ob^ noD • oniB^i DnDyo D^^:n i^np^B^ o^^^nn 1250 
l^ip ivreo • ni50 '-r* vnis^ ^no^K • ^oya 1003 ^n • i^n^^ajnDi 
•«M0> • 'wi n3B^3 DnDj^D B^e^ '»^ noa nnyion ^^ora D^en^n ^:-iS 
mr\ DTKBO • D^33 in^yD iD^ no k^t : n^a "h iinn D^^n j^ 
^^n?D T3 • Sy3oa i^n nio nos on^ 'ik vn nnn h^ iS^-ia 
i6k nio maDH n*n 16 on^ 'w vn mown ^d nnan n« 'x^ 1255 
iB^ no iTn • 'wi Djr an^nna '3B^ noD 2>i^ na iok: la^ • n:h 
put n> nrjnD : DmaK na an: na ^ktb^^ n'apn 'ok i^oye 

: Dinn newS 

T»a o^aoj ion fc6e^ me^n m ^non pK yvi^ 

• D^^B'iK^a niiD iHD^n nony ^260 
(185a) 'awa niana t^'^v : pnn^o it ♦ hlib^ *|1K*IX (H 
laini pKvr p no jnv d*ik jwi nv^y^ j^o^ano inco D^oann i^^k 

• iM^n Tjr n*a nsn nt • proi ^3D noiv Haoa hbk : D^ai^ jni3 

: pWDia B^ D*na noa mioi le^fcna dik n^nc' 
twa^ p^ny jnc^ 'x^ac^ D^^nn on p3r\H2 ^B^KT n'?!'! (1 1265 
Tna • ^>0Taa i**^ irfcn k'i : panxa inriaS ine^ i^^Kn D^a^oa 
D^ni D»*^n Ta • D^^pi n'apn ^ itwi ^oian nna in^^K n^ytj^ 
mm Dipon ^ ntu nvnS mv nnx nivo n^a b^b^ Sa '-iB^aB^ 
S>rD Tjw ni^pon nje 3v^i • apr n>n nt D^oma iiw< n^o • D>»po 

• DnDn ^y 1^ ho^ ne^ nt • D^onna -iidk t^o k't : D^onna 1270 

: n3 "in ntn nnion nn ^k n^y ':»> 
n\y3 ja m jwin^^ Tatne^ h)m n^n nt llton po '^am (^ 
m An< 'w n^n nti b^k p^* «^« * ^^^^^ *"b^ ^^^^^ * nmon 
fan^ rp 'w • ^anS aan ^ya j^p n^ni D^iyn n^^nn vnB' ^ani j^p 
i^^aK DTK nBW no i6k inw 1^ amw DiponB^ ^oa inio D^iyn na 1275 
' t»i 1^ in: Ta • nS^nn D^iyn nw jeiaB^ -pna vnina Sy lo^^B^nB^ 
fAw p Tino • iniK mnB^ n^^ v6vt inio b^K t^^ki iKan: ^aK 

Digitized by 


160 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

m Vp yhv ^itDnn W Dipon S'k • vnnn ^an wm • p^^^a ntsop 
• lann* Kim vVp nnon nriK Dipon i^ 'dk • ^an i^ on • prvi 
DipDH "h rh'^y^ 'IK nnK p^^o • n»D^ n^nc' pp Dp^i -idio i^^ 1280 
IdS • insoy nj; rnov i^j; i6i \m if^w lai: Kini wnc^ Dipo 
^ rail ^ani rP ^3*" •"^^''i ^^ ^^ • 0*^^*5^ ^'^^^ ^3^*» "^0K3 

piDnnD pB' • DDnpwn ^Vjn ddk D^WDin vnnw • inpwn Tr»it 1285 
1D1K nn« nn • nnionn (1355) k^ npwn j^ki • p\pd> prim 
i6ni ♦ TO^ rm ie^ antn o»jd hk npn 'nvo ife pc^ rAxr 
jnv n^iB^ not^ nio^ ^no nonno n^ne^ k^k ptw idb' hst aiat 
nnviK b nK npn nnD no^ yocis^ fVD ♦ inioD e^^ m j^wr 
: antn ^^^io nx np^i np^ ^an hki tSdh n^a nnviK nni '*> n^a 1290 
xhvh Ka n^B^ nn • D^-ieaa r\yh^ niB^n KXi nn T\:h D* 
nin^a nin*a pxai i^D^ano )ni x oSiy^ xa n^iK^n 'tb^^ dh^ 'wi 
Dn^Sy • noi D^K^3 n^^3B^ • "^h p^ia^ p^kb^ D^^^pr nin>a r\rmtr\ na 

: 'IK 'nan 

DM np^vn new W dik oa i^^k n^^ IJH^i D^Ninn (T 
npnv ^ niryD ^ Dn« ^:a la • mn o^ipa m p:nio d*ktiw 
Ka in>^K nr ^dv "i'k • Dnao ^a w^nne ^ : D^ipa niaa pnw 
w^ n^nn ih^Sk nnx dk i^ DnDiK Dm • \T\h^ »3k '"ur^^ Dn^ 'dki laoo 
niyi : p-i^atD ijkb' d^hd k^k • inoto wk pKjr D^no k^i • D^ntD 
h rm^sr om^ nene ^S bh^d i^ 'i« ^^ki in>^K xa^ dk ^dv Yk 

: D^3B^ Dii D^Bnn • nnK 

[ 'n rrano ] 

Sb^ Bnpn nn m ♦ ^ax nB^O piV ^^ HNS "[iTl^ ^0 (K 
Dnan nyaB' i^^k • "^nthn *dk no ^k iK>aK t^^h^k : nro laos 
HK-TD »3nn • nv p \rh rwno pB^ena 'tb^^ hk-idi noiy nnwne^ 
nmo ♦j^aa : imj^ Sai mp Dn^ niriD n^^^ • iiaan Koa pS 

Digitized by 


Agadath Shir Hashirim, 161 

I rwnrh ^^ny pnv Dn^ hk-td ^jrae^a 

TBT* noa nxtn ncvn no • ^22 ^y oikb^ 1^ 'ok i3TO^ nxv^e^ 
imo^ rwvnj' iVD • n'npn (I36a) Doten ^d^ i^d ^^D^ Kin nDi 
nran '1 ♦ ^^n■nw niBnn nnn r im''3K ^y 13KK^ ^^^kk' )h nioK 
|ni 'Tj^ ^VK anpno pyn n^ni niDiD^ pyo^ nwD 13S niv 'ik nsn 1316 
O'DiD «|K Dn>ni^Di Dn^ninoKi urvMV Dn^33i onnr^ v^y pyio 
Dv D^niK T^no ki.-ib^ onvtD pK nK n'po pyn hmi d^bi d^khd 
nn^mr • irnS^ rh^n ntxri -pK in^nn nofi^ tdk3 -p^i ♦ jn^ t)-)nD 

: mW ^SnnD n^anno pKn 
p '^ yho ^^H K-)p*i '2^ nn^2 ♦ ^1^ Sy DHIPli ^JiS^E^ (1 1320 
l'i>*Dnn THD • TpnT ^ onina i3^ ^y oninD Dm^K idk^ d^db^h 
pnra PK "p •DID nnn pKi d-ik ^k^ nn^niynt ^y lonoB' i^^n 
nK 3nK n'apnc^ nanKn nn^*n nty • nanK niM n)v ^3 : dig 
• 'iii D'DiD ^ nnry^ '-^^ Dmi^n nn 'jb^ ♦ annjo nD^a 'i«?^ 
^ nria ^ K^nnc' ina on^^y n'apn K^nnc' niDD le^ 'ok 1325 
noD3 Dnn 'ik jn: '1 : 'ivo ynD kb^di D^n hv mooi '3B^ ♦ 'ivo 
nc9 : n^yr Di^3 inooi >dk one' nictc *in ':b^ ♦ nn-'C^n ^y ^> 
'3r hvner' i3» in*^K o^^Dne^ nwpn nn^^n nc^ • nwp ^ikbo 
•'ui 'TB^ ^33 inna nty ^3 niK3V '-jb^ nh^k '^^^ ^nwp K^p 
161 'TB^ ^ onsm BT53M vnuK noyB^ oipo^ ip'h )n'hvh )h n^n 1330 
'uc Kin pi • pBnDi^ aiB^ ip nBp3 T3"ii^ n''3pn 1^ 'ok • p nB^ 
10m • nBp3 -piiv n'spn ^k • ^^0*3 noKi di^ n^n^ in*pTn^3 
J^wn • in^^K ^ in^^on^ ^Dnv dhk 1^1 • D3^n^K -idk^ ^oy lona 
nnno ^kd kvi^ nvrh '-»b^ h^ pin t^ny • ri> nsn^B' bv ^dbh 
Vk • '1J1 n3nS^ iB'i-ipi • B^^ '"iB^^ "11K n*n> ti6^ • nnsn kd3 1335 
nj^sB'n *3s^ p3iy pB' b^ ^ nnnj b^ yB'in^ '1 h^ rnK p won 
11x6 ^n3J^ (163^) niBn n^WBOi b^3 p3"iiyoi d^o ^ nnn:3 
13^ • nnn^n ^3 riK ^3n^ ]n')hh niBn n^no 3nmD ^^n b nK 

: n^ n3n^B^ b^ ^dbh n*DBn noK: 

nnnK K^n it^K ♦ nanxn HK niai'? I'jDV ah Q'T) d^o (t i34o 


Digitized by 


162 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

nnp^no e^i mn ^nn ':b^ • d^k^^kh *n: ^y n^iao k^hb^ bvh n 
m^ny • ry^ryi^rx nw nuD^ ibv i6 D^ni d^d k't • -nan iina 
D*3i n^D H"! : minn nw nnDD m^ny n3*Ki rv\^i:on riK naso 

-)B>D>K *K D3nK ^ninKB^ nanw in*n pn nx k^« in* d« :W 13 
D^pD *yni d^d ^«n*n '^b^ : i^ nn* tn nansa ^n^a pn b nw 
^y in^DD pKKn:i \^^vci\v rw'^rh nn-i3« ^b^ v:a *33d d^dhd pttw 
EniDDH DB^a jniK pDinoi ^npn 

DHB' rh nsnK^ iTTiiiai ono nn^M nr • HitSp 137 niHN (n 
nBT3 no • D0V3Kn n« no^iBD nrwi o^^^yS npiv n:ni3 nrxi la 

^B^ nn no 'ui niop w^ nins k"! • 'iai pn^w oy^Dn ^12J 
vn K^i n*K3 vn id one^ n^ pKjr nx: nB^«^ pon pn^e^ in^vtn 
nn nt • niayriD^ na lan^c^ Dvn ^nins^ ntry3 no : d*31d innryo 

: Dp*n« ^ ij 

wn HD^ ^B^ • '01 ^D3 m^t3 T\h^ n^M nam dk (d 

IK inoB^ T''y ^y oipon i^ ^ino* no ^y n^nn^ 'dkb^ inw^ non 
no^ "ID1K p-i3 B^K *i*i p irySw K3K : i^nr nn nriy nVa ^y 

• n^n niijy pxi ODn '^d b^^k r^y onoiK rnB' inK^ non lann 

: ni3yi noDn ini3 *3nn 'ror\ Vk • n^n noDn pwi v^y '^d b^k 

nnna >rK >:k 'tb^ hd^d mow • niSn03 *3E^1 na*in *iN (^ !< 
^B'^KD K^i n:^Dn "in ^b'jkd k^i ^inon in ^b'^kd k^ niiiBVin 

• >3 B^ PD3-IBD1 p^D^DD O B^ D^'^nV B'* D*D3n I^K ^3K * DID 

: Di^B> nKViDD vryn *n^M *3K 'ob' (I37a) 

iK3B^ D^MB^n nTB^ i!?*K • pcH Sj;33 na^E^'? n^n di3 (n* 

• DnDiA Di3n jn3 • 'ui D''3n D^oy poy *in 'iB' o^^ion d*i3 n^^y i 
n^ini Bvn in*3 nx ^^m D^B^n* nx nnnni noyB^ ivn^n^ m 

B^K • 131 '-)B^ n*3 niMV '** DID *D 'JB' DID IKIpDB' ^DD^ '"W nK 

: 'iii riDD K*D* 

• nnn« nw: p n^u^ nioi K^nB^ 'ib^ no^D ir 0^333 niB^ITl (J* 
l^ip^ D*D*BT?D D^Dn onnK n^n iwa nx idid n''Dpn px id*d^ i 
n:B^i novy odd fcnpD pbhbd jnB^ inn^D^ni o^DDn i!?>k *3iy*tDB^n 

Digitized by 


Agadath Shir Haahirim. 163 

: ^^ly^DK'n i^ipS onnn onan 
b^ DySn nx p^n idk^ or ^hd-'K ^ktj^^ ii3d nn TTO, (1^ 
• p^Dy m • 'ui '^DK^i "iin«D D^ns^Di Dipo nnw 'ac' 'ic'^ nx 1375 

onDn n*B^« p^^k nn^ jn:i dhk *di*?« b n« np^i p*?Dy rh\i^ r\v^ 

1^ noyc^ Dv ^no^K ma nx onoiA D^riKoi "h^ ^h\^r\^ d^d^h 1380 
^ nino^ K^ *^ imxr on^ 'dki '^n d^hhd onS in: 3kidi poy 
^ nts^i Km n^nn nw po nn« jiniK^ tvDC' hd^dh lan: id^b^ 
Dr >nD^K 'tb^ nuD mn • '^^'n ma «"n : DDori tnn nsn wdd 
TO^ n33B^ DB'D • 'wi ninntD nync' ntn ^^ no3 pb^ oy^n idkb' 
nn mn k't : nyoc': in^-'en wnnc^ ns mnon rhvrv\ mnD^ i385 
pBi6 inK D^K^ ':b^ i^yni idiphk oy nna ^nnDc^ dv ^no-'K 
nn mn k't : d^t db6 h^td^ om^ nn«i loimx db6 naron 
•Q31 minn nw D^^p (I37ft) kSb' in^niy p onv p rn« ^o^n *nD^K 
: ^\ah2 rr\\T\ Dinn miyn iiv '3K^ • mina ipoyn^ k^jt '^^ hv 
Kin Dn^i^a npiSno ^ddk' ^^mi omo ^d^3 • ^nD*« • nn mn K'^n 1890 
pn K31 nnr ^ p^ipno D^B^mSo on^o^n ni«D n^oen Kin omo 
Dn^D^nni iry^K n^yi uini nmo ^k' rnw min^n u p^ysi P'idd p 
K-mDp nnjnni loniiK ^b'^k in^e^ nyc' nniK ni^i^o nv3D iDnni loy 
DnnD^nni iry^K n^yi • nDinn vnB^ u^mr\ ^d pkddd vni D^cm^ hv 
nniK by • D^i^n npibno n^Bi nye^ nniK K"nnDp ^k^3K b wni loy 1395 
n^b^KH nBiyb ik nvb i^ ^dii nn mn noK nye^ 

[The notes to the foregoing Midrash will be given in a 
subsequent number of this Review.] 


L 2 

Digitized by 


164 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 


Reeords and RqfleetionSy selected from her writiDgs daring half s 
century (April 3rd, 1840, to April 3rd, 1890), by Lady Simon. 
[Wertheimer, Lea and Co., London.] 

Matthbw Arnold, writing of Heine, refers much of the poet's 
inspiration and genins to the inner promptings of the two great spirits 
under whose inflnenoe he came^the spirit of Greece, and the spirit 
of Judasa. "Both these spirits,'* he goes on to say, "reach the 
infinite, which is the true goal of all poetry and all art — the Greek 
spirit by beauty, ih£ Hebrew spirit by sublimity" * 

It is precisely this sublimity of the Hebrew spirit which is so finely 
illustrated in the work before us. Those of us who haVe taken note 
of the emotion which the mere contemplation of the Deity, stirred in 
the ancient Jewish mind, those of us who are familiar with the 
Hebraistic passion for the Monotheistic conception as exemplified in 
the prophetical writings, the Psalms, or the Book of Job, we who 
have observed that intense spiritual craving for the simplification of 
all moral and religious truth, which — doctrinal or philosophical con- 
siderations apart — dominates the writings of the greatest Jewish 
reformers, from St. Paul to Spinoza, we, I repeat, can bear witness 
to the admirable justness of Matthew Arnold's criticism. 

The elements of this sublimity are more easily assumed than 
analysed. It is a gift peculiar to Judaism. Milton alone, among the 
Gentiles, can be said to have caught the spirit of it, and its possession 
largely constituted his greatness. This sublimity of spirit defies all 
attempts at definition ; it is something rarer and finer than enthusiasm, 
though, perhaps, falling short of actual, conscious worship. 

It has nothing in common with that condition, either of mad 
religious frenzy or of sensuous visionary ecstasy, which has been 
frequently associated with weak, ignorant credulity and debased 
forms of religious superstition. 

The materialistic tendencies of modem thought and the application 
of critical methods have done so much to stifi^ this impassioned out- 

> Essays in Criticism. The italics here and elsewhere are my own. 

Digitized by 


Critical Notices. 165 

poaring of the soul to God, that the possession of individual testimony 
as to the workings of the Divine within us becomes more and more 
precious in proportion to its rarity. 

Regarded from this point of view, Lady Simon's Records and 
Reflections afford invaluable evidence as to the vitality of this 
religious spirit among the Jews of the present day. From cover to 
cover the work is characterised by one uplifted accent of religious 
exhortation and spiritual harmony. It exhibits a soul elevated above 
the things of this world, contending upon those spiritual heights to 
which its divine aspirations enable it to soar. 

These Reflections are of particular value and interest to the 
thoughtful reader as illustrating the unbroken continuity of the 
Hebraistic idea of God, which to^ay is apparently at one with that 
of the noblest Old Testament inspiration. 

The Jewish conception of God is the outcome of the sublimity 
of the Hebrew spirit. Aspiration was, and is, characteristic of the 
Jewish mind. The Jew looked away from himself, outwards, upwards; 
never like the surrounding nations, downwards. From the very 
beginning of things, the Hebrew mind was dissatisfied with itself. 
Not content to be alone, it first conceived the notion that man was 
made for the knowledge of something outside and above him, but 
which he himself possessed in smaller measure. Examining the 
character of his own aspirations, and believing himself to be made in 
the image of the G^ he was seeking, he deduced the nature of the 
Deity from the infinite yearnings of his own spirit. He longed, with 
a desire he could not adequately express, for communion with that 
higher power of intelligence to which he felt his own spiritual nature 
to be akin. It was just because he realised his affinity with and 
relations to the Divine, that the Jew rejected all notion of an abstract 
Deity, as also of one who needed to be propitiated and dreaded. He 
utterly repudiated the idea of God a^ an Abstraction, an Ethical 
Principle, an Element, or a First Cause ; his soul yearned after a 
living personal Deity, the spiritual Father, whose son he felt himself 
to be : — " My soul thirsteth for Ood, Jor the lioing Ood " (Psalm 

To the Hebrew, €k>d was the infinite expansion of his own finite 
intelligence, the answer to his craving for sympathy, love and guid- 
ance ; his spiritual Father, not far off, but very nigh to him ; the 
Friend that sticketh closer than a brother. The Hebrew mind be- 
came saturated with the idea of the nearness and omnipresence of an 
Almighty Father, so that daily, hourly communion with this God of 
infinite love and tenderness became, and is still, the Jewish ideal of 

Digitized by 


166 The Jewish Quarterly Eevtew. 

Thus a complete absence of all mental semlity, a complete exclu- 
sion of all slavish dread, was a marked characteristic of the Hebrais- 
tic mental and spiritnal attitude. The pious Hebrew ** walked with 
God/* conversed with him as with a most intimate and loving 

It is an error to attribute — as many do — the doctrines of human 
dignity to the teaching of Christ alone. Certainly Christ and his 
followers taught it, but then Christ himself was bom a Jew, and as 
such had learnt it from his youth upwards. 

The Eighth Psalm exquisitely embodies the Hebrew estimate of 
man's dignity : *' Thou hast made him a little lower than the angels^ 
and hast crowned him with glory and honour.*' 

It is in his subtle delineation of Adam's Hebraistic attitude that 
Milton's genius becomes so apparent : Adam walks and converses with 
God in the garden, and entertains the Archangel Raphael as little 
more than an equal. 

It was Abraham's proudest title to be called ^ the friend of Qod." 

This elevated view of man's relations to the Divine ennobled the 
Hebrew mind, and gave it that self-respect and dignity which has 
never ceased to distinguish it. 

It is just such a noble, enlightened Deism as this which is set forth 
in the pages now before us. 

There is scarcely a line, certainly not a page, which does not testify 
to the joy and privilege of daily, hourly communion with God, the 
*' Father of the spirits of all flesh *' (p. 2), as well as to the abiding 
sense of God's presence (p. 73). The author of these E^cttons 
refers to the conviction of God's nearness to us as *' the most purify- 
ing influence possible to man '* (p. 37). God is a refuge in distress, a 
very present help in trouble. Not even the bitterest domestic 
bereavements can shake this faith in the infinite love of God. It 
is this implicit reliance upon God's wisdom and goodness which 
sustains her in hours of most severe affliction. This conception of 
God and of his love for man is, we read, the " basis of Judaism." 

The mission of Israel, as defined by Lady Simon, is to propagate 
those true ideas about God which alone can stimulate men to righte- 
ousness ; and she expresses it as her innate conviction that many of 
the miseries of human life, as well as *^ all the cruelties and all the 
persecutions that darken history, are the resolt of ignorance concern- 
ing God " (p. 70). 

By walking with God the Israelite lives in the light of his coun- 
tenance, and is influenced by God's love, mercy, peace, and righteous- 
ness. The Jewish law of life is summed up in the twice-quoted 
precept of the prophet Micah : " What doth the Lord require of 

Digitized by 


Critical Notices. 167 

thee bat to do justly, and to loye mercy, and to walk hambly with 
thy God ? ' (Micah vi. 8.) 

It will be observed how, in the Jewish religion, the greatest stress 
is laid, not npon belief, but upon righteous acts, which, after all, are 
bat the outcome of a noble faith. Thus, the Jewish religion is 
essentially a practical one ; the life, not the creed, is emphasized. 

This passive bearing of witness is, I take it, one of the distinguish- 
ing features of Judaism, past and present. The Jews were rarely an 
actiTely proselytizing nation. They are perhaps the only example in 
history of an eminently religious community, which, whether in or 
out of power, was characterised by a general absence of religious 
fanaticism of the kind referred to. They never regarded it seriously 
as their mission to compel others, either by force or argument, to 
share their beliefs. 

Their interpretation of the mission of Israel is far other, and 
can have no other source than that of Divine inspiration ; it is to live 
the life of God, to convince by example rather than by precept. 
This duty of bearing witness to the truth is scattered throaghout the 
Old and New Testament, and was the prophetical and apostolic, as, 
centuries of persecution past, it has at length become the Christian 

Inasmuch as Lady Simon's R^flectioTis were not originally set down 
with any idea of publication, the fact that the book is not put forth 
as a contribution to the controversial literature of the day seems 
to me to enhance its value as a factor in that mission of Judaism 
which its author has so much at heart. 

The Jews hold a position which is unique in history. 

Deism is the civilised world's most ancient, as it seems likely to 
be its latest, religion. 

The intellectual world has as it were — racial traditions of course apart 
— come back to Judaism. This goes far to prove, if, in the face of 
such evidence as the Mosaic theocracy, or St. Paul's missionary 
system, proof were needed, that the Hebrew mind has a genius 
for religion, and for its most sublime expression. 

I cannot close this notice without referring to an objection which, 
from a pitiful and mistaken sense of loyalty, is often weakly urged 
against Jewish writings, that, elevated as is their tone of thought, 
there is no mention of Christ in their pages. 

But from the Jewish standpoint this silence is perfectly logical, 
and argues nothing either as to appreciation or non- appreciation of 
the Christian ideal, any more than the very rare reference made to 
ICartin Luther in modem Protestant writings argues any depreciation 
of that great refonner's work in effecting the breach with Rome. I 

Digitized by 


168 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

am not aware that in the above pages from which I have quoted 
any allusion is made to the prophet Elijah, and jet I am convinced 
that his name is one of the peculiar boasts of Judaism. Things are 
sometimes too generally admitted to require especial reference, and 
so it is with the Jewish appreciation of Christ. From the Deistic 
standpoint, leaders of thought among the Jews have long since done 
ample justice to the beauty of Christ's teaching and character. 
The question of his divinity is another matter which need not be 
entered upon here. 

Did space permit, I should have liked to enlarge upon the many 
pointjs of general interest, which a perusal of Lady Simon's book 
suggests. The character of the work is such that it cannot fail to 
attract a wide circle of readers : one will prize it as a treasury of 
scriptural quotation ; another, perhaps, will read it for the references 
to eminent personages of the day which it contains ; a third for the 
charm of the author's style ; a select company among us will delight 
in the pure and rarefied spiritual atmosphere which we seem to 
breathe in its pages ; but its noble toleration, its tender, gentle 
humanity must touch us all. 

Alice Law. 

Die Oesekiehte des judisehen VoUtes und seiner Litteratur^ ubersieht' 
lick dargestelli von Dr. S. Baeck. Kaufmann, Frankfort on the 
Main, 1894. 

Thb fact of a book like Dr. Baeck's Oesekiehte appearing in a 
second edition is sufficient evidence of its importance. Tet it may 
not be superfluous to point out its merits to a public which has not 
too many opportunities of instructing itself in the history of its 
ancestors ; for the English edition of Graetz*8 comprehensive work 
is, apart from its being somewhat far from perfection, too voluminous 
and expensive to become popular. This aim is much better attained 
by Dr. Baeck's book, which, in a single volume, gives an excellent 
sketch of the whole of the Jewish history and literature from the 
Babylonian exile down to the present age. A particularly pleasing 
feature in the new edition is the literary appendix, which contains 
translations from the principal works of Jewish writers, beginning 
with the Greek period. The selection, although not complete, is 
sufficient, the translations are clear and carefully made. Entirely, but 
unjustly, omitted, is the modem pulpit literature, which is closely 

Digitized by 


Critical Notices. 169 

ooDnected with the history of the emancipation of the Jews. The 
essential part of Znnz's Gottesdienstliche Vprtrdge is nothing hut the 
early history of the sermon, and its last chapter treats of the 
later development of pulpit oratory. On the other hand, it would 
have been wise to leave contemporaries entirely unmentioned ; 
for, to give only one reason, it is but natural that those persons with 
whom tiie author is at aU personally acquainted, are made prominent, 
whilst others of equal merit are not spoken of at all. History has 
only to deal with what is past. 

I should like to call attention to a few slight inaccuracies. The 
introduction of the square alphabet into Hebrew writings was not so 
■imple a proceeding as Dr. Baeck seems to imagine. It was not a 
spontaneous reform, but a development which took centuries. The 
remark on the invention of the vowel signs is likewise inaccurate. 
The so-called Babylonian ones are, without exception, superlinear. It 
is by no means so certain that this system is older than the Tiberian, 
nor has it been entirely supplanted by the latter, as it appears in 
Temenian MSS. of quite recent date. It is altogether injudicious to 
speak of these and other unestablished facts with so much certitude, 
or to connect names with them. 

Among more modem events the representation of the Damascus affair 
requires some rectification. The author should not have omitted the 
name of the late Dr. L. Loewe, whose merit it was— as we leam from 
Sir Moses Montefiore's 2>uirte5 (vol. i., p. 252) — to have discovered the 
use of the term pardon (afoo) instead of acquittal (itldk vetervihh) in 
the FirmSn for the release of the captives. It was due to his 
exertions that the terms were altered accordingly. For pardoning is 
only the condoning of a crime committed or believed to be committed- 
It should not remain unmentioned that the book is capitally got up, 
for which the enterprising publisher deserves great credit. I think 
I may advocate the translation of the book into English. 

H. H. 

Note by the Author of *<The Ideal in Judaism." 

Bt the courtesy of the editors I am enabled to offer a few observa- 
tions in reply to the Bev. Harold Anson's valuable notice of my 
▼olume of sermons which appeared in the July number of this 
It is not usual for an author to appeal against the judgment of 

VOL. vn. M 

Digitized by 


170 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

a critio ; and if I depart from the practice in this instance it is ia 
order to save, not mjself, but Jewish opinion and teaching from 
misconception. Each indiridual Jew, however obscure, becomes 
exalted hj outsiders into a type, and there is some danger of my 
doctrine, as it is set forth by my reviewer, being taken to represent 
the doctrine of my people. I purposely frame the last sentence in 
this way, because, despite the genera) fairness and even kindliness of 
his observations, Mr. Anson has not quite accurately represented some 
of my views. 

He thinks, for example, that I have treated '' contemptuously '^ the 
religious observances of the Old Testament, meaning by ^ religions 
observances " the Mosaic sacrificial rite, and he quotes in his support 
my statement that the modem conception of the Divine Being will 
not permit us to think that He can find delight in animal sacrifices^ 
a statement made in the teeth of the many positive injunctions to 
offer sacrifice which are contained in the Pentateuch. But if I am 
guilty of contemptuous conduct in this respect, I err in the best of aU 
good company— in the company of the Hebrew Prophets and Psalm- 
ists, who declared unequivocally that the Supreme Being has no 
delight in sacrifices, and that the sacrifice He has chosen is a contrite 
spirit. It is strange to find a Christian, who is bound by the noblest 
and the most characteristic traditions of his religion to insist upon 
^* inwardness,*' taking a Jew to task for his lack of sympathy with 
" the effete ceremonial of a semi-civilised world." 

My reviewer, moreover, is disappointed at the absence of any reference 
in " The Ideal '' to the truth that God still demands sacrifice, though 
sacrifice of a **more costly, because personal*' kind. He has evidently 
forgotten my citation from the Boraitha of B. Meir, to which he 
himself had already alluded with approval : " This is the way of the 
religious life ; thou shalt eat thy morsel of bread with salt, and 
dnnk water by measure, sleep on the earth, and live a life of sorrow." 
The quotation is introduced into the sermon entitled *^ The Suffer- 
ing Messiah," which from first to last is an appeal for this *^ personal " 
sacrifice which God so dearly loves. 

Mr. Anson is surprised that I mention the Founder of Christianity 
so seldom, and thinks that the terms in which I speak of him are " not 
very laudatory." There are two allusions to Jesus in my book, and if 
they are so few, it is because the subjects dealt with did not call 
for more numerous references. The passages in question ooonron 
pages 9 and 33 respectively. In the former Jesus is described as 
** that central figure whose sufferings and charm of character move 
our neighbours to alternate sympathy and emulation '* ; in the 
latter his '^ winning character " is acknowledged. These, I venture 

Digitized by 


Critical Notices. 171 

to sabmit, can hardly be called anajrmpathetio allasions. As to the 
fairness of my description of Christianity — how far it is essentially 
a dogmatic system, and whether it is possible for a Christian to deny 
the Terbal accuracy of the (Gospels, and yet preserve unimpeached his 
character for orthodoxy — this raises a vexed question which obviously 
cannot be discussed in a note. But since I am charged with being 
" not OTcr-sympathetic '' towards Christianity, I may appropriately 
call attention to my designation of the Christian Watch-Night 
Service as " an impressive ceremony " (page 62), and to my allusion 
to the open door of the City Church, " with its silent invitation to 
busy men," which I call " inexpressibly beautiful." (Page 117.) 

Far more serious is Mr. Anson's opinion that Judaism, as I expound 
it, has no place for the conception of an immanent, urging, loving 
God. This is a familiar objection on the lips of our Christian 
brethren, and is all the more inexplicable seeing that the Hebrew 
Scriptures, which are equally accessible to Christians and Jews, are 
tor ever crying out against it. I hope, in an early number of this 
Bejiew, to show how groundless this objection is, by expounding in 
detail Jewish doctrine on the question at issue. Meanwhile, as regards 
my treatment of the subject in '* The Ideal," I would submit that 
Mr. Anson has scarcely given to the book, as a whole, that attentive 
consideration which might have been expected from so conscientious 
a reviewer. Many of the sermons, I would urge, aim at the satisfac- 
tion of that " very real need " which, in his opinion, my book has ** left 
ansnpplied.'* The sermon on ** The Rainbow," in particular, dwells 
almost exclusively upon the love of God for His earthly children, and 
upon the revelation of His goodness which is to be discerned in human 
character. " There is no life so gloomy," to quote a brief passage 
from that discourse, " but some rays of comfort shall steal in to illumine 
it ; and though a whole city- full of rebellion and sin separate God 
from men as with a thick cloud, yet shall that barrier be pierced again 
and again by the sweet tokens of His mercy. .... And truly it is 
man's mercy to man that is the most eloquent witness of the Divine 
love. Every pang assuaged by human agency, every soothing, encou- 
raging word that is spoken to still the complaining, to strengthen the 
despairing spirit, every deed of true charity, every grasp of a friend's 
hand, every ray of light that falls upon our life from the soul 
of our beloved, is a manifestation of God's mercy. Those virtues of 
men and women by the exercise of which they bless one another, are 
as truly God's angels as are the tranquillity and the strength that 
will sometimes mysteriously find their way into our disquieted hearts, 
coming we know not whence." And then, if I may be permitted one 
more extract, there is the sermon, entitled, *'The Penitential Season," 

Digitized by 


172 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

which, like the season that suggested it, would be utterly unmean- 
ing, did not Judaism number among its essential constituents the 
belief in €k>d's infinite love, which is freely extended to the contrite 
•inner : — "Tear after year this season returns, with its call to repent- 
ance, eloquent of a love, a pity, a sympathetic recognition of human 
needs that is Divine. * Return, ye erring children,* it cries, in the 
name of the Most High ; * I will heal your waywardness. Let not 
your self-reproaches keep you back. My love is all-powerful ; it will 
receive you, it will comfort you. If you suffer because of the thought 
of your disobedience, you shall suffer no more.' Wise, indeed, are 
they who heed the sublime message, who, touched by its very mer- 
cifulness, hasten to lay the homage of their contrition before the 
Throne of Grace ; who read, and judge, and reform their lives under 
the tranquil influences of these days ; who discern their God in the 
still small voice of His loving appeal, and wait not till He is revealed 
by the mighty tempest of His rebuke.'' And the sermon ends with a 
prayer, breathing precisely the same spirit. 

MoRKis Joseph. 


Professor Bacher, who saw the MS. during his short visit to the 
Bodleian Library, read L 11, jxp-© ni [npiV]; 1. 17, [|K in]; 1. 18, 
n^V^yO [t5KD!?K] TOKIK^)!); ibidem, the word «mW ought to 
follow the word «ni*V (1. 19) ; L 19, [«nna^ 1]D. Dr. Harkavy ia 
abo of opinion that the Arabic fragment (ff. 705 to 707) is by f Dll 
(Haf s^ ben Tatsliah ; it is certainly not by Samuel ben Hofni. 

A. N. 

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duction to the Chronicle called Seder Olam Bahba ; Dr. 
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Dr. L. Bardowioz's Studien zur Geschichte der Orthographie 
des Althebraischen ; L. Qoldschmidt's Das Buoh der Sondp- 

fung : By Dr. H. HiBSOHFELD 829 

LITERARY GLEANINGS. -XII The Hebrew Bible in Shorthand 

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Emancipation or Extermination? 

By L. EBBKBA, Professor at the University of Bmsseli. 

With a Prefatory Note by THEODORE MOMMSEN. 

Translated by BELLA LOWY. 

Editor of Oraetz' ** History of the Jews." 

Demy 8to» Z.-208 pp., Map, olotb, oncnt, Sa. 6d. 

*^* The Original has been unanimously rect*gnised as the ablest statement of 

the Jewish Question in Russia, 

** Professor Errera has done good service to the canse of what Professor 
Mommsen rightly calls common-sense and humanity by his temperate and 
authentic statement of the facts of the case.'* — The Times. 

" We trust that this volume will be widely read, for it is a highly impor- 
tant contribution to contemporary history." — The Irish Times. 

** Professor Errera by no means overdraws the grim picture of the most 
recent expulsions. He says that the simple solution of the Jewish question 
may be summed up in one word, Emancipation." — The Sunday Times. 

" An important pro-Jewish work. It will be remembered that the trans- 
lator performed the same office in a very admirable manner for Oraets 
♦ History of the Jews.' ''^HocU. 

'* The book has been well translated, and is an authority on one of the 
saddest scenes in this * Huoian Comedy.' " — Aeademy. 

" A sad and sickening story of oppression, * a Heartrending Picture,' and 
the * Darkest Blot on our century.' " — Scotsman. 

** No better popular sketch of the history of the Jewish question in Russia 
has been placed within the reach of English readers. *— Jewish Chronicle. 

'* A tremendous indictment on the Jew-baiting policy of M. PobMonosteT, 
which was sanctioned by the late Tzar." — Daily Chronicle. 

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JANUARY, 1898. 



The proper biography of a scholar is an autobiography, 
•that is to say, a biography written by himself, written in 
his own books. The circumstances of his life may concern 
his friends, but in most cases they need nob be published, 
whether they are meant to gratify the vanity of the 
survivors, or the vulgar curiosity of the public at large. 
No one could -wish for a better or fuller autobiography in 
that sense, than may be found in the published works of 
James Darmesteter. They speak for themselves, and they 
require a very short commentary only to explain their 
origin and their purpose. It is right that we should know 
that James Darmesteter had the good fortune of being bom 
as the son of poor, but high-minded parents, poor Jews, 
who seem to have lived for their children only, and to 
have cherished no ambition but to prepare their sons for 
a useful and honourable career in life. And in this they 
succeeded beyond all expectation. Arsfene, the elder 
brother of James, was a rising scholar when he died at a 
very early age. The Dictionary of the French Icmguage, 
which he prepared and began to publish, will be a lasting 
monument of his industry, his leaimp^pr^^lf^^i^|g?g^,^<;ity. 

VOr- VII. N y^ 


174 The Jewish Quarterly Bevietc. 

The younger brother, James, had secured to himself a 
foremost place in the brilliant ranks of French scholarship, 
when he likewise died comparatively early, at the age of 
forty-nine. One more feature has to be mentioned to ex- 
plain the spirit in which James Darmesteter devoted his 
life with unflagging energy to his special studies. He was 
deformed, and his frail body was to him a constant 
reminder of the uncertainty of life. It was likewise a 
very valid excuse for him for declining to waste his precious 
hours in performing the so-called duties of society. He 
rather shrank from society, and even among his friends he 
often seemed impatient to return to his quiet study, and to 
his oldest and dearest friends, his books. Later in life, and 
more particularly after his marriage, this retiring dis- 
position may have yielded to a sense of what he owed to 
his wife and to his friends. Still he always remained self- 
contained, aloof from the world, and truly at home 
in his own world only, the world of ancient thought, as 
preserved and revealed to us in the Sacred Books of the 
East. I did not know James Darmesteter in his younger 
days. But I began to hear of him from our common 
friends in Paris, and I was able to take his true measure 
when he sent me his first important publication, Haurvatdt 
et Ameretdty Essai sur la Mythohgie de FAvesta, 1875, and 
his Orniazd et Ahriman, leur origines et leur histoire, 1877. 
In these treatises he gave proof, not only of his mastery of 
Zend, the sacred language of the Avesta, but likewise of a 
critical knowledge of comparative philology and compara- 
tive mythology. As a specimen of what he could do as a 
classical and comparative scholar, he published about the 
same time in the Hecueil des Travaux originatix et traduits 
relatifs d la Philologie et d FHistoire Litt^raire, an essay 
written in Latin, " De Conjugatione Latini Verbi Dare.'* 
What struck me in all these writings was a mind that could 
not brook anything obscure or nebulous, a mind that did 
not rest till it had discovered the rational beginnings of 
mythological and linguistic formations, however irrational 

Digitized by 


Jame^ Darmesteter. 175 

and xmintelligible in their later appearance, a mind that 
could grasp a large array of facts, put them in order €uid 
present them in language both clear and bold. 

When therefore I had to look out for a scholar to 
undertake the arduous task of translating the Avesta for 
the Sacred Books of the East, I fixed at once on James 
Darmesteter as most likely to fall in with my own views, 
that is to give a translation of these difficult documents 
such as could be given at the time, taking account of all 
that had been done before him, avoiding as much as 
possible all controversy, and adding only such notes as 
were required to enable students, ignorant of Zend, to 
understand the fragmentary remains of the ancient faith 
of Media and Persia. I was pleased to find that the young 
scholar was willing to accept my proposal, and the almost 
unanimous expression of opinion on the value of his labours, 
as published in vol. iv. (1880), and in vol. xxiii. (1883) 
of my Sacred Books of the Bast, has proved that my choice 
had been right. I was disappointed, however, when my 
excellent coUaboratcur declined to undertake the translation 
of the Tasna and the YispSrad, not feeling himself, as he 
declared, quite prepared as yet for that work. He felt con- 
vinced, he said, that these chiefly h'turgical treatises required 
for their proper interpretation an ocular knowledge of the 
sacrifices as still performed by the Mobeds of Bombay. As I 
could not well leave the gap unfilled, I followed the advice 
of Darmesteter himself, €uid €U5cepted the ofler of the Rev. 
Dr. Mills, who had been working for years at the Tasna, 
and whose translation of Yasna, Visperad, Af rlnagjLn, G&hs 
and Miscellaneous Fragments, published in 1887, successfully 
completed the traDslation of the Avesta which I had promised 
in the Sacred Books of the Bast, In Darmesteter's decision 
to postpone his own translation of the Yasna, we can see the 
same caution and the same impartiality which distinguish 
all his work. It is well known that there are two schools of 
Zend scholarship, which, to judge from the severe criticisms 
which they pass on each other, seem irreconcilable with 

N 2 

Digitized by 


176 The Jewish Quarterly Beview. 

regard to the method that should be followed in the inter- 
pretation of the Avesta. One school, chiefly represented 
by Haug, Benfey, Roth and others, see the true key to the 
meaning of the Avesta in the Veda and comparative 
philology ; the other school, led by Spiegel and his pupils, 
consider the tradition, as handed down in Pahlavi and 
Farsi literature, and in the customs and opinions of living 
Mobeds, the safest guide of the student of the Zoroastrian 
religion. "We may take it for granted that much is to be 
said in support of either view, considering the eminence 
of the scholars who have taken a leading part in these dis- 
cussions. The first successful attempts at a scientific analysis 
of the Zend language came from comparative philologists 
and Sanskrit students, such as Bopp, Lassen, "Windisch- 
mann and others, and after the publication of the 
Veda, Vedic scholars, such &s Benfey and Roth followed 
in their track. They certainly brought out wonderful 
coincidences between the language, the mythology and 
the religion of the Vedic poets and the Avestic law-givers. 
Burnouf, however, himself the author of some brilliant 
discoveries as to the common fund of words and thoughts 
in the Veda and the Avesta, was nevertheless one of the first 
who pointed out that the tradition handed down from at 
least Sa^ssanian times, should not be neglected by European 
scholars. Much as he criticised Anquetirs translation, 
which was entirely based on tradition, and on tradition 
often misunderstood, he availed himself of it whenever 
he could do so with the good conscience of a scholar. Dar- 
mesteter, following his example, showed the same good 
sense in trying to make use of everything that had been 
preserved in the traditions of the Mobeds, though always 
with the provision that it must not be in conflict with 
the principles of critical scholarship. Such was his faith 
in the continuity of tradition, particularly with regard to 
the ceremonial, that soon after his appointment as Pro/es- 
9eur des Langues et Littiratures de VIran at the ColUge 
de France in 1885, he accepted a scientific mission from 

Digitized by 


James Darmesteter. 177 

the French Government to India. One of his chief objects 
was to witness at Bombay the performance of the Parsi 
ceremonial, and though he did not succeed in being ad- 
mitted into the Holy of Holies, he saw and heard enough, 
with the help of some really learned Parsi priests, to gain 
a clear insight into the liturgical framework of the Zoro- 
astrian faith. But he gained even more by examining a 
number of Zend, Pahlavi, and Parsi MSS. in the possession 
of native scholars at Bombay ; he learned Guzerathi, and 
was thus enabled to hold converse with native scholars 
and also to avail himself of several Guzerathi translations of 
Zend texts. He succeeded even in adding some fragments to 
what had been published before of the ancient Zend litera* 
ture, and he expressed a confident hope that a more syste- 
matic search might still bring to light some portions of the 
Avesta which existed in the third, and the fourth, possibly 
even in the ninth century A.D., but which have vanished 
since. After having done all this work at Bombay, Darme- 
steter travelled on to Afghanistan, in order to study the 
Pushtu language, and he succeeded not only in collecting 
a number of Afghan songs (published in Chants Populaires 
des Afghans, 1880-90), but likewise in discovering in the 
language now spoken at Kabul a distant descendant of 
Zend or Pahlavi. This was an important discovery, for it 
once more secured to the language of the Afghans its 
proper place in the pedigree of the Iranian branch, of which 
it had been deprived by Dr. Trumpp, who had tried to 
prove that the Afghan dialect was a direct descendant of 
Sanskrit, and more closely related to the modern verna- 
culars of India than of Persia. It is extraordinary how his 
delicate constitution could have stood the wear and tear of 
this journey, which, though much easier now than it was 
in Anquetil's time, is nevertheless both exciting and 
fatiguing, particularly if, as in Darmesteter's case, it was 
filled with the uninterrupted work of copying MSS., 
learning new languages, and delivering addresses both 
before English and native audiences. Darmesteter had, if 

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178 The Jewish Qtiarterly Review. 

not an iron frame, an iron will, and visible as were often 
the signs of his bodily suflFerings, he never would allow 
himself to complain. He would never say how tired he 

And this combination of a delicacy and cautiousness 
almost feminine, with the courage of a lion» seems to form 
the distinctive character of the literary work that was to 
follow his return from India. We have seen how he shrank 
from translating the Tasna and Visp^rad till he had 
exhausted all the materials which might prove helpful; 
we can see the same prudence and circumspection in every 
line of his translation, in every note in which he weighs 
the translation of other scholars, and finally decides be- 
tween the claims of the Vedic and of the traditional schools 
of interpretation. But when he has once surveyed the whole 
evidence, he shrinks from no consequences, and few scholars 
have given proof of greater scientific courage than he has 
done in the Introduction to his French translation of the 
Avesta. This translation appeared in the Annates du Music 
Ouimet in three volumes 4to. This magnificent collection of 
translations of Oriental texts is published in Paris at the 
expense of a private gentleman, M. Quimet, a rich mer- 
chant, who devotes a large portion of the fortune which he 
has made in the East to the furtherance of a better know- 
ledge of the literary treasures of the East. In this collection 
Darmesteter published his new translation not only of the 
Vendidad, the Yashts, and the Khorda-Avesta (vol xxii., 
1892), but likewise of the VispSrad and the Yasna (voL 
XXL, 1892), which he had hesitated to translate for my 
collection of the Sacred Books of the Bast, The third 
volume (xxiv., 1893) contained the translation of Zend 
fragments lately discovered, and last, not least, his impor- 
tant essay, Recherches sur la Formation de la Litt^ature et 
de la Religion des Zoroastrtens. It was in this treatise that 
he boldly dethroned the Avesta from its antiquity, ajid 
brought it down from 1500 B.C. to the beginning of the 
Christian era. Such an act requires what I call scientific 

Digitized by 


Jame8 Darmesteter, 179 

eourage. It is certainly a very common weakness of 
scholars, more particularly of Oriental scholars, to wish to 
assign as remote a date as possible to the literary works 
which they have brought to light. It is the same in China, 
in Babylon, in Egypt, in Palestine, and in India. 
Dates such as 5000, 3000, 2000, and 1000 B.c. are freely 
assigned to inscriptions or to books, though no honest 
scholar can suppress misgivings that the scaffolding on 
which these dates repose may some day collapse, and be 
replaced by a chronology of much humbler proportions. We 
are too apt to forget that real chronology is possible with syn- 
chronisms only, and that when we once ascend to 2000 to 
5000 B.C. there are few synchronisms left. There are no nails 
by which we can fasten the parallel dates of China, India, or 
Babylon. When there is a certain willingness all seems 
plausible enough. The Avesta having at first been assigned 
to the age of VishtAspa, the half mythical father of Darius> 
was afterwards raised to the age of 1200 or even 1500 B.C. 
This was done chiefly on the supposition that the Avesta 
was a branch of ancient Vedic poetry, and that therefore it 
could not be much later than the Veda. But what the 
exact relation of the Avesta to the Veda was has never bs 
yet been fully explained, and the very date of the Veda 
belongs to those which require what I call a certain amount 
of willingness on the part of those who accept them. The 
date of 1200 B.c. or 1500 B.C., which I suggested for the 
Veda, and the dates of the successive periods of Vedic litera- 
ture previous to the rise of Buddhism in India, have formed, 
I believe, a useful working hypothesis, but they cannot claim 
to be more than that. It is curious, however, that at the 
very time when the date of the Avesta has been so much 
depressed, that of the Veda should, on the strength of 
purely astronomical calculations, have been raised to 3000, 
nay even to 5000 B.c. To me, all these dates, I must con- 
fess, seem to be as problematical now as when I wrote my 
preface to the fourth volume of the Rigveda in 1862, in 
which this astronomical chronology was fully discussed. 

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180 The Jewish Quarterli/ Review. 

The ar^ment constructed by Darmesteter in proof of 
the recent date of the Avest^ is extremely sagacious, and 
yet I cannot say that I am quite convinced by it. In 
order to arrive at a mutual understanding, both the 
defenders and the opponents of the antiquity of the Avesta 
and of other sacred books of the East ought, first of all, to 
distinguish very carefully between the date of a book, in 
the form in which we possess it, and the date of the original 
composition of its component parts. I still hold, in spite of 
all assertions to the contrary, that the existence of books, 
in our sense of the word, can nowhere be traced beyond 
about 600-700 b.c. A book, as we understood the term, pre- 
supposes the existence of an alphabet, abundance of writing 
materials, paper, reeds and ink, and most of all, the presence 
of a reading public. Alphabets, consisting of consonants 
and vowels, existed, as is well known, at a much earlier 
time ; but it is a long cry from alphabets used in inscrip- 
tions and even in treaties and other official documents, to 
books in alphabetic writing intended to be read by an 
educated public. If we call Babylonian cylinders or 
Egyptian hieratic papyri, books — and there is no harm in 
doing this — the age of books would have to be put back 
very considerably, possibly to the reign of Yfio, in the 
twenty-fourth century B.C. But if we retain its destination 
for a reading public as an essential feature of a book, I 
doubt whether we can prove the existence of such a thing 
in any part of the world previous to 600-700 B.c. But 
if that is so, it by no means follows that the earlier centuries 
were entirely illiterate. On the contrary, the more we 
become acquainted with ancient literature the clearer does 
it become that there was everywhere a period of oral 
literature, composed and handed down by memory only. 
It is difficult for us to realise this, because our memory has 
become something totally different from what it was in 
ancient times, when writing and reading were unknown, 
nay, from what it still is in countries such as India, where, 
though there exist MSS., the Veda can properly be learnt 

Digitized by 


James Darmeateter. 181 

from the mouth of a tecwjher only. That people may know 
the whole of the Veda by heart is a simple fact that can 
easily be verified by anybody inclined to doubt it. while 
the accuracy of oral tradition, as superior even to that of 
MSS., is equally attested in India at the present day. The 
possibility of composing long poems without paper, pen and 
ink, forms generally the greatest diflSculty. It is absurd, 
we have been told again and again, to suppose that 
Homer could have composed the Iliad and the Odyssey 
without paper, pen, and ink. But on this point also 
we have now indisputable evidence to the contrary. 
The Kalevala may not be as great a poem as the 
Iliad, but it is certainly as large a poem, and it 
was within the memory of man that Lonnrot and others 
wrote it down for the first time from the mouth of the 
people, many of whom could neither read nor write, 
whether in Finnish or in Swedish. It must, therefore, have 
been composed by the aid of memory alone. I mention this 
in order to show that if Darmesteter had proved that the 
Avesta was not written down before the Arsacide or 
Sassanicm rulers of Persia, he would not have proved 
thereby that it did not exist as oral literature at a much 
earlier time. His aorguments against the early date of a 
written Avesta are so strong that it will be difficult alto- 
gether to upset them. To begin with, we have no MSS. 
of the Avesta before the thirteenth century A-D., nor is it 
likely that more ancient Zend MSS. will ever be discovered. 
There are, no doubt, the Pahlavi translations, which belong 
to the fourth century, and were still in existence at the 
time when the Dinkart was written, say 900 A-D. {Sacred 
Books oj the East, Vol. V., p. Ixiv.) But what is that 
compared with the Sarssanian and the AchsBmenian periods, 
with the date assigned to Vishtdspa and Darius^ to say 
nothing of the earlier dates ranging from 1200 to 1500 B.C.! 
Taking his stand on the Dinkart as translated for the 
first time by West in the Sacred Books of the Bast, Vol. 
XXXVII., Darmesteter has made it clear that there is 

Digitized by 


182 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

trustworthy evidence of at least three anterior collections 
of the Avesta. The account given of the first composition 
can hardly claim to be called historical, except in so far as it 
records a belief current at the time. We read that the 
twenty-one Nasks of the Avesta were the work of Ahura 
Mazda, and that they were formed from the twenty-one 
words of the Ahura Vairya prayer. These twenty-one 
Nasks were supposed to have been presented by 5iOroaster 
to King VtshtSsp, who ordered two copies to be made, one 
to be deposited in the treasury of Shd;pig&n, the other in the 
National Library. 

Approaching historical times, the Dinkart goes on to 
state that the copy in the National Library was burnt by 
Alexander's soldiers, while the other was carried off by the 
Greeks to be translated into their own language. This 
occurrence is more or less confirmed by Greek writers. 
We enter on really historical ground when we are told that 
one of the Parthian kings of Persia — Valkhash — was the 
first to order the fragments of the Avesta to be collected. 
This Valkhash has, with great plausibility, been identified 
by Darmesteter with Vologeses I., the contemporary of 
Nero, 37-68 a.d. 

The next collector was the founder of the new Sassanian 
dynasty of Persia, Ardashir (211-241 A.D.). His chief 
assistant in the restoration of the old national religion 
was Tansar. A famous letter of his, translated from the 
original Pahlavi into Arabic by Ibn al Moqaffa, the well- 
known translator of Kalila va Dimnah (about 850 A.D.), and 
from Arabic into Persian by Muhammed bin ul Hassan 
(1210 A.D.), has lately been discovered by Darmesteter cuid 
published in the Journal Asiatique, 

Next came Ardashir's son Sh&hp<ihr, who reigned from 
241 to 272. He made great efforts to collect all that could 
still be recovered of ancient Avestic literature, not only in 
Persia, but, as we are told, in India and Greece also. He 
took particular interest in philosophical and scientific 
writings, such as were once comprised in the Avesta. Lastly, 

Digitized by 


James Darmesteter, 183 

Sh&hp{dir n., the son of Auhrmazd (309-379), convoked a 
kind of ecclesiastical council in order to put an end to the 
division of religion into various sects. The orthodox party 
was represented by Adarbad, the son of Mahraspand, and an 
attempt was made to put an end to all forms of dissent, 
and, at the same time, to close the sacred canon. 

Darmesteter argues very correctly that, accepting these 
statements as historical, there would have been every oppor- 
tunity for adding portions to the Avesta as late as the time 
of the council under Sh&hp{ihr II., that is to say, about as 
late as the Council of Nicsea. He meets the objection 
that Zend was at that time a dead language by the state- 
ment that, though dead, Zend was still studied and 
written at that time. The spoken and official language 
during the Sassanian period was Pahlavi, as preserved in 
contemporary inscriptions, and in translations of the 
Avesta ; but the S€U3red language, he thinks, continued to 
be understood by the priests. If that was so, it was of 
course possible that religious and philosophical ideas pre- 
vailing in neighbouring countries, whether India, Palestine, 
or Egypt, should have found their way into the Avesta. 
And here Darmesteter inverts, and at the same time 
strengthens, his argument by pointing out in the Avesta, 
even in that small portion which has come down to us, 
ideas which, as he thinks, could only have reached Persia 
either from a Jewish, from a Greek, or from an Indian 

It is difficult to do full justice to the sagacity with 
which Darmesteter has searched for traces of these three 
influences, particularly if one does not oneself consider 
them BA quite conclusive. Still, even without being con- 
vinced, one cannot help admiring the learned pleading of 
the great Zend scholar. 

The fact that deva^ or daeva, the name for gods in Sans- 
krit, is used in Zend as the name of evil spirits, was 
formerly explained as the result of a religious schism that 
took place at a very early time among Vedic Aryas, and 

Digitized by 


184 I%e Jewish Quarterly Review. 

led to the establishment of the Masdayasnian faith in 
opposition to the ancient Polytheism of the Vedic wor- 
shippers. Darmesteter, on the contrary, would have us 
believe that the name deva was borrowed at a much later 
time to designate the false gods of India and of other 
neighbouring nations, and was then transferred to all the 
evil spirits of the Zoroastrian mythology. But shall we 
suppose that such names as Indra, Saurva, and Naunghaithya 
(in Sanskrit, Indra, iSarva, and N^satya) existed in Zend as 
names of evil spirits, but that they were not called by the 
general name of daevas till a much later time, when the 
Masdayasnians had learnt this name as that of the idols 
of their Indian neighbours ? 

Darmesteter takes Buiti^ the name of a daeva, or evil 
spirit in the Avesta, who was to have killed Zarathushtra, 
as another name borrowed from India after the rise of 
Buddhism in that country. The name occurs once as 
Buidhi, which he identifies with the Sanskrit, Bodhi Dar- 
mesteter would wish us to believe that the composer of 
the Nineteenth Fargard of the Vendid&d, where this name 
occurs, had been brought in contact with Indian Bud- 
dhism, and that, though he regarded it as a hostile religion, 
he yet borrowed from it the account of the temptation of 
Zarathushtra by Angra Mainyu, in imitation of Buddha's 
temptation by M&ra. 

As this argument is hardly strong enough by itself, 
Darmesteter has tried to support it by the fewjt that in one 
of the Yashts Oaotema occurs represented as an impostor. 
Oautama is certainly one of the many names of Buddha, 
but as Gautama was the name of a large family in India, 
why should not Oaotema have been a common name in 
Persia also ? 

That Buddhism had reached Persia at the time of 
Ardashir (211-241 A.D.), 8uid even earlier, may well be 
admitted, but that a contact of Zoroetstrianism with Bud- 
dhism should have left no traces beyond those two names 
of Buiti and Oaotema, and that they ^ould have become 

Digitized by 


JameB Darmesteter. 185 

the names of the adversaries of the half -mythical Zara- 
thushtra, is more diflGicult to believe. 

So much for the supposed Indian influences. The 
Jewish influence on the Avesta is admitted by Darmes- 
teter himself to be less perceptible; but he points out 
traces of it in the general character of the Pentateuch and 
the Avesta. Both have the same object, he says, namely, 
to write the history of the Creation, and the history of the 
race, the Jewish on one side, the Iranian on the other ; to 
inculcate the • worship of a supreme deity, Jehovah or 
Ahura Mazda, and to teach a moral code, communicated 
by them to their prophets, whether Moses or Zara- 
thushtra. All these features, however, might be traced in 
other religions also, and would scarcely suffice to prove a 
borrowing from the Pentateuch on the part of the author, 
or authors, of the Avesta. More special coincidences are 
the creation of the world in six days in the Pentateuch, 
and the creation of the world in six periods in the Avesta.^ 
The succession of these six periods, however, is different in 
the two Bibles. Instead of light, heaven, sea, earth, plants, 
stars, animals, and man, we have in the Avesta heaven, 
water, earth, plants, animals, and mankind (Bundahish, i. 28) 
as the creation of the six periods. 

The account of the Deluge also, no doubt, has many points 
of similarity ; but likewise some important differences. 

It is true that the division of the earth among the three 
sons of Noah is more or less closely matched by the 
division of the earth among the three sons of ThraStaona 
Airya, Sairima, and Tura; but Thra^taona is not Yima, 
and it is Yima in the Avesta who corresponds to the 
character of Noah in the Pentateuch, and not Thrafitaona. 
Again, that Moses was preceded by three patriarchs, Abra- 
ham, Isaac, and Jacob, and Zarathushtra by three saints, 
Vivanghvat, Athwya, and Trita, is certainly curious, but 
hardly sufficient to support a conclusion such as Darme- 
steter tries to erect on it. 

1 Mentioned in an Jfrin only, and in Yt, 13, 86. 

Digitized by 


186 ITie Jetpish Quarterly Review, 

Admitting that there are certain similarities between 
the Pentateuch and the Avesta, it would not follow that 
they must be due to a direct exchange of thought between 
the Persians and the Jews dispersed in Asia during the 
first centuries before and after the Christian era. Several 
of the traditions mentioned by Darmesteter as transferred 
from Palestine to Persia, are now known to have formed 
part of the most ancient Semitic folklore, preserved to us 
in the cuneiform inscriptions of Chaldaea. Therefore, if 
borrowed at all from a Semitic source, the borrowing 
might have taken place very long before the first century 
B.C., and no argument could be derived from it as to the 
late date of our Avesta. 

Far more powerful than his arguments in support of 
Indian and Jewish influences reaching the Avesta during 
the Parthian period, are, to my mind at least, Darmesteter's 
arguments in favour of Greek, and more particularly of 
Neo-Platonic thoughts having found admission into the 
Avesta about the beginning of the Christian era. 

That the Zoroastrians believed in four great periods of the 
world, each lasting 3,000 years, is known firom Theopompos, 
who may have seen the very MS. of the Avesta which was 
carried off by the soldiers of Alexander, and likewise from 
the Avesta. According to Theopompos, the Magi believed 
that the good and the evil spirits reign at first alternately, 
that during the third period they struggle, while during 
the fourth the good prevail. The 2iOroa8trians, while 
agreeing as to the four periods of 3,000 years each, and as 
to the struggle carried on between Ahura Mazda and 
Angra Mainyus during the third, begin the fourth period 
with the birth of Zoroaster, and end it with the final 
destruction of Ahriman and the resurrection to eternal life. 
They differ even more essentially from the account given 
by Theopompos with regard to the first and second periods. 
Thus the Bundahieh (i. 8) declares that in the first period 
Ormazd produced a spiritual creation, and that for three 
thousand years his creatures remained in a spiritual state, 

Digitized by 


James Darmeateter, 187 

without corruption (amMt&r), without motion, and in- 
tangible. It was in the second period only that the world 
became material, while Ahriman remained in confusion. 
This conception of a spiritual creation preceding the 
material creation is so clearly a repetition of the Neo- 
Platonic conception of a xoafw^ vot^to^ preceding the Kocfjuy; 
oparo^ (in Zend the sti gaithya and the ati mamyava), that 
Darmesteter took it confidently as a late importation from 
Greece or Alexandria. The objection that it occurs in the 
Bundahish, which could not have been written before the 
Mohammedan conquest of Persia (a.d. 650), and which for 
other reasons has been assigned to a.d. 881,^ he meets by 
showing that, though the Bundahish is of recent date, its 
materials are probably taken from the Ddmddt, one of the 
twenty-one original Nasks, which, to judge from an 
analysis of it in the Dinkart, treated of the creation of 
the spiritual world and of its change into the material. He 
actually quotes from the Pahlavi version of the VendidM 
a fragment of the lost Zend original of that work, 
in which the question is asked, '* How long did the creation 
of the good spirit last V thus leaving no doubt that such 
a work existed in Zend, and what the chief subject of that 
lost Nask must have been. 

All this shows how careful a pleader Darmesteter could 
be, and how conscientiously his case was prepared; but 
we must remember that the idea of a spiritual, followed by 
a material creation, strange as it may sound to some of us, 
is not so peculiar in itself that it could have occurred to one 
mind only, to that of Plato, and have been handed down in 
one school only, that of the Neo-Platonists of Alexandria. 
On the contrary, the rudiments of the theory of the Logas 
— that is, the Spiritual Creation — proceeding from the 
Supreme Spirit, are to be found in places which Greek 
influence could not possibly have reached. In a well-known 
hymn of the Rigveda, V&fc, or Speech, is represented as hold- 
ing the same, or a very similar place, as the Logos in Philo ; 
» Sacred Book* of the Ikut^ Vol. V., p. xliii. 

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188 The Jewish Quarterly Beptetc, 

and even among uncivilised races, such as the Elamaths 
and other Red Indian tribes, we meet with utterances 
which imply the recognition of a spiritual as well as a 
material creation, such as "Our Old Father created the 
world by thinking and willing."^ If in the Avesta, or 
even in the Bundahish, we could point out a single Greek 
word such as Logos, we should be as ready to admit Neo- 
Platonic influences in the Avesta as in the Fourth Gospel ; 
but without such evidence we ought, I think, to leave it an 
open question whether the theory of a spiritual and a 
material creation was of native growth in Persia, or bor- 
rowed from Greek philosophers. 

In order to be quite fair, we ought still to 
mention what Darmesteter has to say about the 
Amshaspands. The Amshaspands, or Amesha Spentas, 
the Holy Immortals, cure six in number, and form, as it 
were, the staff of Ahura Mazda. They are : — 

1. VohU'Mand, ie., Good Mind, the Guardian of flocks 
and of man. 

2. Asha-Vahista, ie,. Perfect Righteousness, the Guardian 
of fire. 

3. Khshathra-Vairyay ie., Good Government, the Guardian 
of metals. 

4. Spentordrmaiti, ie., Holy Piety or Humility, the 
Guardian of the earth. 

5. Haurmtdt, i.e,, Health, the Guardian of water. 

6. Ameretdt, i.e., Immortality, the Guardian of plants. 
These six Spirits were known to Plutarch in the first 

century A.D., though he may not always have understood 
their character quite accurately. He explains Vohu-Mand 
as ^609 eifvoia^, Asha-vahista as deo^ aXrjdeia^, Khshathra- 
vairya as 0e6^ eifvofila^, Bpenta-drmaiti as ^£09 ao<f>la(;, 
Haurvat&t as ^€09 irXotkov, Ameretdt as rh errl T0J9 KoXoi^ 

It is quite dear that these divine beings are not, like 

> Gifford Lecturei, VoL IV., p. 383. 

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James Darmedeter, 189 

the oldest Gods in the Avesta, of physical origin. The 
question is, Were they abstractions formed by the 
Mazdayasnians themselves, or were they borrowed from 
Greece ? The names are certainly Persian, and in the case 
of Haurvatdt and Anieretdt, Darmesteter has himself in 
one of his earliest essays established their Vedic ante- 
cedents. He has also shown that all of them began with 
abstractions, not intuitions, and that it was by a natural 
after-growth that they became personal, and were at last 
connected with physical phenomena. Nevertheless, he 
now holds that these Amshaspands, and more particularly 
the first and most important of them, Vohu-mand, the 
Good Mind, represented a thought borrowed from Neo- 
Platonism, that he was, in fact, the representative of the 
Logos, as taught at Alexandria, as known to Philo, and 
as transferred to Palestine by Jews who had been living 
in Alexandria. No one could doubt that this doctrine 
of the Logos might have been carried from Alexandria to 
Persia, just as it might have been to Jerusalem by such 
men as Apollos, a Jew mighty in the Scriptures, who wa^ 
bom at Alexandria, or by the Synagogue of the Alex- 
andrians, mentioned in the Acts, or by the author of the 
Foui"th Gospel, who, whatever his name, was certainly 
no stranger to the doctrines of the Neo-Platonists. The 
manner in which this Second Person, or the Good Mind» 
is spoken of in the Avestic writings reminds one most 
forcibly of expressions used of the Logos by philosophers, 
and of the Son by the Christians of Alexandria, such as 
St. Clement and Origen. He is called^ the first-born of 
all beings, through whom in the beginning Ahura created 
the world and the true religion. He is the type of the 
human race, and at last the intercessor between Ahura 
and man, to obtain forgiveness of sins. 

It must be confessed that to a student fresh from Philo 
or from Origen, these coincidences sound startling; and 

' Darmesteter, III., p. ns. 

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190 The Jeuoiih Quarterly Review. 

yet we must always remember that if the development 
of the Logos in the Neo-Platonic sense from the funda- 
mental conceptions of Plato and Aristotle, was natural 
and intelligible, considering the necessity of having some 
kind of connecting link between the transcendent Deity 
and the phenomenal world, so would be the parallel 
development of the Vohu-Mand, as the instrument through 
which Ahura Mazda was able to create and to rule the 
world. This may seem a very lame argument, yet, though 
I am not satisfied by it, I cannot forget that the whole 
system of Angels and Archangels has always been 
supposed to have been borrowed by the Jews from the 
2iOroa8trian, rather than by the Zoroastrians from the 
Jews. And while in the Avestic writings we find not a 
single foreign name borrowed from a Jewish source, we 
actually find one Zend name at least in the book of Tobit. 
One of the evil spirits created by Ahriman to oppose 
Ormazd and his six Amshaspands, was Aeshma, and this 
Aeshma, under the form of AeshmS daevd, has been proved 
by Kohut and Windischmann, to have been the original 
of Asmodeus, This shows the direction of a stream of 
thought flowing from Persia to Judaea, but not from 
Judaea to Persia. 

One more difficulty has to be mentioned which prevents 
us from accepting Darmesteter's theory of the late and 
Neo-Platonic origin of the Amshaspands. "We saw that 
there were six Amshaspands, and Darmesteter himself 
admits that five of them were later developments of the 
original idea embodied in Vohu-Man6. The third of these 
Amshaspands is called in the Avesta Khshathra-Vairya, 
generally translated by Good Government, but meaning 
literally Strong Government This is pure Zend, and 
very near to the corresponding Sanskrit words Kshatra 
and Vtfya, We have hitherto supposed that this name 
was gradually corrupted to Khaahtarvar, ShatrSvar, Shah- 
r^var, and ShehrtHr. Fortimately, we can fix the date 
of one of these corruptions from coins which were 

Digitized by 


Janiea Darmesteter. 191 

struck by Indo-Scythian rulers such as Kanishka 
(about 78 A.D.), and Huvishka (111-129 A.D.). On one 
of the coins of Huvishka we read the name Raoreoro 
or Baoreoar, which is as exact a rendering of Shah- 
rSvar as it was possible to give in the Indo-Scythian 
Greek alphabet.^ We are now asked to believe that the 
Mazdayasnians knew nothing of their Khnhathra-Vairya 
till about the first or second century after Christ, that 
is, till about the very time when this Persian Deity was 
borrowed by the Indo-Scythian rulers of India, under the 
corrupt form of ShahrSvar or Raoreoro. This seems 
altogether impossible, while the former theory, that the 
old form Khahathra-Vairya became changed to SMhrevar 
in the course of centuries and in obedience to the phonetic 
laws of Persian, and was adopted in that modern form by 
Huvishka, is simple, intelligible, and, as far as I can judge, 
indisputable. The ideas, too, which lie imbedded in 
Khshathra- Vairpa, must surely have passed through a long 
process before they could dwindle down to the meaning 
conveyed by Shahrimr, 

It may seem hardly fair in an obituary notice to enter 
upon a criticism of the opinions of a departed scholar. 
Still, as I said at the beginning, the true life of a scholar 
is written in his books, and they are of more interest than 
the smcdl events which mark the stations of his pilgrimage 
on earth. Nor should I wish to be understood as if I 
undervalued Darmesteter's arguments in support of a late 
date of the Zend Avesta ; all I wish to say is that I am not 
convinced, though I feel at the same time that the facts 
and arguments he has brought together on his side of the 
question, can never again be ignored, and deserve, if they 
are to be demolished at all, to be demolished by a better 
Zend scholar than I can claim to be. It is to be regretted 
that in discussing questions of scholarship, one is always 
supposed to be discussing persons rather than things. The 

< See Stein, Zoroastriao Deities on Indo-Scythian coins, in Oriental 
and Babylonian Record^ August, 1887, p. 161. 

O 2 

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192 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

true scholar, however, cares not about who is right, but 
only about what is right. It happens, not unfrequently, 
that the man whose views in the end prove to be wrong, 
possesses and displays a far greater amount of sound know- 
ledge than he who seems almost to divine the truth, and is 
able to unravel at once the most confused tangle of facts 
and arguments. Darmesteter possessed, certainly, a vast 
amount of positive knowledge, nor did he allow this burden 
to weigh down his critical ffiiculty or his brilliant combina- 
tion. His arguments are always to the point, his work- 
manship is always clean and sharp-cut. It seems the very 
consciousness of his strength that makes him attempt the 
most difficult tasks, which no one before him has ventured 
to approach. As I said in another article, his essay on the 
modern date of the Avesta, has fallen like a bomb into the 
peaceful camp of Zend scholars, and no one has yet 
succeeded in quenching it or carrying it away. I am the 
last person to undertake this dangerous task, but I could 
not, in giving an account of Darmesteter's literary achieve- 
ments, suppress altogether the doubts which remain in my 
mind after a careful study of his work. 

Darmesteter himself avoided, as much as possible, any 
literary feuds. He preferred to discuss opinions rather 
than men. He would often controvert certain views, and 
establish new facts, without once mentioning the names 
of those who were responsible for them. Still even he did 
not altogether escape from personal conflicts, and his con- 
troversy with Dr. de Harlez, now happily forgotten, is 
but another instance how two scholars of very high merit 
can say most painful things of each other, while all the 
time working, and working well, each in his own way, 
in the same noble cause, in the conquest of truth. There is 
no doubt that Darmesteter's last thesis will continue the 
subject of fierce controversy for years to come, but now that 
the author of it has been taken away from us, it will no 
doubt be carried on with the respect due to the dead, which 
is so often denied to the living. 

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Jamea Darmeateter. 193 

My account of the literary labours of Darmesteter, which 
I was unexpectedly asked to write, is chiefly confined to 
the publications which had brought me in contact with him, 
and which were, therefore, quite familiar to me. Even if 
at Oxford I had been able to procure some of his other 
works, I should not have had time to read them, still less 
to judge them. But the following list of his publications, 
which I partly owe to the kindness of friends, will give an 
idea of his wide interests, and his comprehensive studies. 

" Le Mahdi depuis les origines de Tlslam." 

" Jemrud et la l^gende de Jemshid" (Joum. Aaiat, 8* 
s^rie, torn. viii.). 

"Points de contact entre le MahabhArata et le Sh&h- 
Nameh " (ibid, t x. p. 6). 

" Les inscriptions de Caboul " (ibid. t. xi., p. 491). 

" L'apocalypse de Daniel *' {Melanges Reiner, p. 405). 

"Souvenirs bouddhistes sur TAfghanistaji " (Joum. 
Asiat, 8* s6rie, t. xv., p. 195). 

"La grande inscription de Qandahar" (Ibid. t. xv., p. 

" Etudes Iraniennes," 2 vols., Paris, 1883. 

" Essais orientaux," Paris, 1883. 

" Les Prophfetes dlsrael," Paris, 1892. 

"L'apocryphe persan de Daniel" ("Bibl. des Hautes 
fitudes," fasa 73.) 

In the JSevue des etudes Juives. 

" Les six feux dans le TeJmud et dans le Bundahish " 
(tom. L. p. 186). 

"David et Rama " (t. II, p. 300). 

" Textes Pahlavis relatifs au Judaisme " (xviiL 1, xix. 41). 

" Chants populaires des Afghans, pr6c6d6s d'une introduc- 
tion sur la langue, llustoire et la litt^rature des Afghans," 

This list may give an idea of his indefatigable industry. 
Darmesteter had for many years to support himself by his 
pen, and he did me the honour at that time to translate 
my Hibbert Lectures into French, Origine et DSvehppe- 

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194 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

ment de la Religion^ Mudes d la lumiire des Religions de 
tinde, 1879. His struggle for life must often have been 
very severe and very painful, but his laat years were 
rendered bright and sunny by the tendemeas of a devoted 
friend. Though he had accepted the editorship of a great 
French Review, a step which his colleagues and friends 
regretted, he did not become unfaithful to his Oriental 
studies. To the very last day of his life he worked hard 
at a new edition of his translation of the Avesta, for the 
Sacred Books of the East. Few only of the works con- 
stituting that large series, have as yet had the honour of a 
second edition, and it does great credit to the public in 
England and abroad that they should have discovered the 
exceptional value of the labour garnered in those two 
volumes. It will be no easy task to arrange the materials 
which he has left for publication, but the first volume is 
nearly printed, and the introduction, containing his latest 
views on the Avesta, is almost ready for press. Happy as he 
was in his birth, he was even happier in his death. After 
a cheerful conversation with his wife on some literary plans, 
he rested in his chair, while the bright sunlight streamed 
down upon him through the window of his library, a part- 
ing greeting from Mithra, the friend of light and truth, 
whom he had served so faithfully during his life on earth. 
He fell asleep unconsciously, and never opened his eyes 

F. Max MtJixER. 

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Sonie Aspects of Rabbinic Theohgy. 195 



The visible kingdom may be viewed from two aspects, 
national and universal. In the following pages I will try 
to give the outlines of this idea as they are to be traced 
in Rabbinic literature. 

*' Before God created the world," we read in the chapters 
of R. Eliezer, '' there was none but God and his great name. 
' The great name is the tetragrammaton/ " the name expres- 
sive of his being, the " I am." All other names, or rather 
attributes, such as Lord, Almighty, Judge, Merciful, indica- 
tive of his relation to the world and its government, had 
naturally no meaning before the world was created. The 
act of creation again is a manifestation of God's holy will 
and goodness ; but it requires a responsive goodness on the 
part of those whom he intends to create. " When the holy 
one, blessed be he, consulted the Torah as to the creation 
of the world, she answered, * Master of the (future) world, 
if there be no host, over whom will the King reign, and if 
there be no peoples praising him, where is the glory of the 
King V The Lord of the world heard the answer, and it 
pleased him." * 

To effectuate this object, the angels already in existence 
did not suflBce. " When God had created the world," one 
of the later Midrashim records, " he produced on the second 
day the angels with their natural inclination to do good, 
and an absolute inability to commit sin. On the following 
days he created the beasts with their exclusively cuoimal 

* Ghapter III. The thong^ht of the world, and espeoiaUj man, haying 
beam oreated for (Jod's glory, is very common in Jewish literature. Cp. 
Perth Kinfan Torah^ at the end ; Tanehuma Bereshit, § 1. 

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196 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

desires. But he was pleased with neither of these extremes. 
If the angels follow ray will, said God, it is only on 
account of their impotence to act in the opposite direction. 
I shall, therefore, create man who will be a combination of 
both angel and . beast, so that he will be able to follow 
either the good or the evil inclination."^ His evil deeds 
will place him below the level of the brutes, whilst his 
noble aspirations will raise him above the angels. 

In short, it is not slaves, heaven-bom though they may be, 
that can make the kingdom glorious. God wants to reign 
over free agents, and it is their obedience which he desires 
to obtain. Man becomes thus the centre of creation, for he 
is the only object in which the kingship could reveal itself 
in full manifestation. Hence it is, as it would seem, 
that on the sixth day, after God had finished all his work, 
that God became King over the world.' 

Adam the first invites the whole creation over which he 
is master " to clothe God with majesty and strength," and 
to declare him King, and he and all beings join in the song, 
" The Lord reigneth, he is clothed with majesty," which 
forms now the substance of the 93rd Psaim.' God can now 
rejoice in his world. This is the world inhabited by man, 
and when he viewed it, as it appeared before him in all its 
innocence ?Lnd beauty, he exclaimed : " My world, that 
thou wouldst always look as graceful as thou lookest 

This state of gracefulness did not last long. The free 
agent abused his liberty, and sin came into the world, dis- 
figuring both man and the scene of his activity. RebellioE 
against God was characteristic of the generations thai 
follow. Their besetting sin, especially that of the genera- 
tion of the Deluge, which had to be wiped out from the 

» Quoted in the P"OD, § 58. 

' See Roth Hathanah^ 31a, assaming, of course, that the words *]VD' 
\Ty7V on the second day came into the text by a clerioal error. Cp. DH 
a,l. Ahoth d^R, Nathan, Appendix 76^, and the Mishnah, ed. Lowe, 191a. 

s Chapters of B. Eliezer, XI. « Oenetis R,, IX, 

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Some Aspects of Rabbinic Theology, 197 

face of the earth, was that they said : " There is no judge 
in the world." ^ They were the reverse of the faithful of 
later generations, who proclaimed God s government and 
kingship in the world every day.* They maintained that 
the world was forsaken by God, and said unto God, " De- 
part from us, for we desire not the knowledge of thy 
ways" (Job xxi. 14).' The name of God was profaned by 
transferring it to abominations (or idols), and violence and 
vice became the order of the day.* By these sins God was 
removed from the world in which he longed to fix his 
abode, and the reign of righteousness and justice ceased. 
The world was thus thrown into a chaotic state of dark- 
ness for twenty generations, from Adam to Abraham, all of 
them continuing lo provoke God.* With Abraham the 
light returned,* for he was the first who called God 
master ^^ITH), a name which declares God to be the Ruler 
of the world, and concerned in the actions of men.^ 
Abraimm was also the first great missionary in the world, 
the friend of God, who makes him beloved by his creatures, 
and wins souls for him, bidding them, as he bade his 
children, to keep the way of the Lord, to do righteousness 
and judgment.^ It was by this activity that Abraham 
brought God again nearer to the world ; • or, as the Rabbis 
express it in another passage, which I have already had 
occasion to quote : Before Abraham made God known to his 
creatures he was only the God or the King of the heavens, 
but since Abraham came (and commenced his prosel3rtising 
activity) he became also the God and the King of the 
earth ;^<^ Jacob is also supposed by the Rabbis to have 

' Ahatk d'R. ydthan, 47^ and pozaUela. 

< See Midrash Tillvn, B., lib. * See SynhedHn, 108a. 

* Meehilta, 67b. See also PseudthJofuUhan, Gen. TV. 26. 

^ See Aboth, V. 1, and oommentaries. ' Oenesu B,, III., § 3. 

' Beraehfth, 7b. See MK^nD to the passage. 

* See Siphre, 73^, and parallels. 

* PmUa B.y lb, and Peiihta F., ISb. 

*• Siphre, 134*, -where the word iTtD oocnrs. 

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198 The Jetciah Quartei^ly Review. 

taught his children before his death the ways of Grod 
whereupon they received the yoke of the kingdom of 
heaven.^ Hence the patriarchs (as models and propa- 
gators of righteousness) became, as I have mentioned 
above, the very throne of God, his kingdom being based 
upon mankind's knowledge of him, and their realisation 
of his nearness.* 

But the throne of God is not secure as long as the re- 
cognition of the kingship is only the possession of a few 
individuals. At the very time when the patriarch was 
teaching righteousness, there were the entire communities 
of Sodom and Gomorrah committed to idolatry and the 
basest vices,' whilst in the age of Moses Pharaoh said : 
" Who is the Lord that I should obey his voice ? "* The 
kingship is therefore uncertain until there exists a whole 
people " which knows Grod," sanctified unto his name, and 
devoted to the proclamation of his unity.* " If my people," 
God says to the angels, ** decline to proclaim me as King 
upon earth, my kingdom ceases also in heaven." Hence 
Israel says unto God, *' Though thou wast from eternity 
the same ere the world wets created, and the same since the 
world has been created, yet thy throne was not established 
and thou wast not known ; but in the hour when we stood 
by the Red Sea, and recited a song before thee, thy king- 
dom became firmly established and thy throne was firmly 
set." * The establishment of the kingdom is indicated in 
the eighteenth verse of the song, where it is said, " The 
Lord shfiJl be King for ever and ever." But even more 
vital proofs of their readiness to enter into the kingdom 
Israel gave on the day of " the glorious meeting " on Mount 
Sinai, when they answered in one voice: ''All that the 

1 Numbers R., II., § 8. See also Oen. 12., and paraUels. 

* See Jewish Quabtebly Review, VI., p. 422. 
' Synhedrinj lOSa, and parallels. 

« See Maimonidee* M. T. VH K"D DI^V m37n, etc., which Beems to be a 
paraphrase of some Midrash. 

* See Exod, R, xxiii. * Midrash to Song of Songs MS. 

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Some Ay>ect8 of Rabbinic Theology, 199 

Lord hath said we will do, and be obedient " ^ (Exod. 
xxiv. 7). This unconditional surrender to the will of Qod 
invested Israel, according to the Rabbis, with a special 
beauty and grace.* And by the manifestation of the 
knowledge of God through the act of the revelation the 
world resumes its native gracefulness, which makes it 
again heaven-like, whilst God finds more delight in men 
than in angels.' 

There is a remarkable passage in the Mechilta, in which 
Israel is strongly censured because in the song at the 
Red Sea, instead of using the present tense, l!?9 'n, " God is 
King,'* they said Tiba> 'n, *' God shall be King " thus defer- 
ring the establishment of the kingdom to an indefinite 
future.* Israel had accordingly some sort of foreboding of 
the evil times to come, a foreboding which was amply 
justified by the course of history. Israel soon rebelled 
against the kingdom. There was the rebellious act of the 
Golden Calf, which took place on the very spot where the 
kingdom was proclaimed, and which was followed by 
other acts of rebellion against God.* The sons of 
Samuel were called Bene Belial — men who threw off the 
yoke of God • and denied the kingdom of heaven.^ The 

> Petikta B., I7a, 

* See Midrash Agadah, ed. B., 171a. Op. tlie Targnm to Song of Songs, 
Yu. 7. * See Eoeod, M,, LL, § 8, and parallels. 

* See MechUta, 44a, in the name of B. Jose of GkJilee. The text in 
the editions is corrupt. In the Midrash Haggadol it runs : — 1170^ 't\ 

ODD • KU^ nmj;^ TVi xhwh -p^o^ 'n vhtK niD^oi r\xm ona no^K^ 
nD nx Dn^y 3b^i •^^Da nine 9\}im ixhn nyne did k3 *3 no 
-yirm DmiK on in^mi in^jno ikvi ipv ^3K • ae^ on^^y • d^t 
HiDi onvtDD nyonc' )fij • Tim apjn nnoB^ t'*'^ P"^* r»T 
D^n "pni rwy^i \:hr\ hvctir* oil • t^d^ nyoajy. op. Targum Onkeios 

to this verse, who seems to have had the same difficulty as B. Jose, which 
Nachmanidee did not apparently appreciate, unless he oyerlooked the 
passage from the Mechilta, 

* See Numh. J2., VII., § 2. • See Siphre, 93>. 

' See Yalhut Samvel^ § 86. The marginal reference to Torath Kohanim 

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200 The Jemsh Quarterly Review. 

division of the ten tribes under Jeroboam was also re- 
garded as a rebellion against the kingdom of God. The 
Rabbis seem to have had a tradition that the original 
reading in 2 Samuel xx. 1 was bsna7> 1>nbrf? a7^M, " Every 
man to his gods, O Israel."^ Even the princes of Judah at 
a later time " broke the yoke of the Holy One, blessed be 
he, and took upon themselves the yoke of the King of 
Flesh and Blood." The phrase, "broke" or "removed" 
the yoke, is nqt uncommon in Rabbinic literature, 
and has a theological meaning. The passage just cited 
refers probably to some deification of Roman emperors 
by Jewish apostates, and not exactly to a political 

Yet, notwithstanding all these relapses, one great end 
was achieved, and this was, that there existed a whole 
people who did once select God as their King. Over the 
people as a whole, as already hinted, God asserts his right 
to maintain his kingdom. Thus the Rabbis interpret 
Ezekiel xx. 33, " Without your consent and against you 
will I (God) be King over you " ; and when the elders of 
Israel remonstrate, " We are now among the Gentiles, and 
have therefore no reason for not throwing off the yoke of 
his kingdom," the Holy One answers, " This shall not come 
to pass, for I will send my prophets, who will lead you 
back under my wings." ' The right of possession is thus 
enforced by an inner process, the prophets being a part of 
the people; and so there will always be among them a 
remnant which will remain true to their mission of preach- 
ing the kingdom. The remnant is naturally small in 

(39d) refers only to the first lines of the passage, which Schottgen (1149) 
confused. See Koheleth Rahbah, I., § 18. 

> The rebellion of the Belial Sheba, the son of Bichri, is only a prelude 
to that effected by Jeroboam. See Midrash Shemuel B,, o. 14, § 4, and 
notes, and 39a. 

« See Aboth d'R. Nathan, c. 20. See, however, Bacher*s Agada der 
Tatmaiten, I., 68, note 1, and the reference there to Weiss. Cp. the Beth 
Talmud, II. 333-84. 

> See Torath Kohanim, 1125. Op. Synhedrin, 105a, and parallels. 

Digitized by 


Some Aspects of Rabbinic Theology. 201 

number, but is sufficient to keep the idea of the kingdom 
alive. " God saw," say the Rabbis, " that the righteous 
were sparse ; he therefore planted them in (or distributed 
them over) all generations, as it is said in 1 Samuel i. 8, 
' For the pillars of the earth are the Lord's, and he has set 
the world upon them.'" The pillars, according to the Rab- 
binical explanation, are the righteous, who, by the fact of 
their being devoted to the Lord, form the foundation of 
the spiritual world.^ 

I will now try to sum up in some clearer way the results 
to which the preceding sentences, mostly consisting of 
Rabbinical quotations, may lead us. We learn first that 
the kingdom of God is in this world. In the next world, 
if we understand by it the heavens, or any other sphere 
where angels and ethereal souls dwell, there is no object in 
the kingdom. The term, " Kingdom of Heaven," must 
therefore be taken in the sense in which heaven is equiva- 
lent to God, but not locally, as if the kingdom were located 
there. The term na? ni3ba in the Prayer-book,^ the 
kingdom of the Almighty, may be safely regarded as a 
synonym of D'^DB? niDba. 

This kingdom again is established on earth by man's 
consciousness that God is near to him, whilst nearness of 
God to man means the knowledge of God's ways to do 
righteousness and judgment, in other words, the sense of 
duty and responsibility to the heavenly King who is 
concerned in and superintends our actions. "The hill 
of the Lord," and '*the tabernacle of God" in the 
Pjialms, in which only the workers of righteousness and 
the pure-hearted shall abide, are kingdoms of God in 

The idea of the kingdom is accordingly ethical, not 
escliatological, and it was in this sense that the Rabbis 
considered the patriarchs and the prophets as the preachers 

' rma,386. 

* Beginning n^p^ p hv (p. 77 of Rev. S. Singer's Edition). 

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202 TJie Jemsh Quarterly Memew. 

of the kingdom. It is not even identical with the law or 
the Torah. Why do we read, ask the Rabbis, first the 
Shema (/.«., Deut. vi, 4-9), and afterwards the section Deut. 
xi. 13, commencing with the words : " And it shall come to 
pa,ss if ye will hearken diligently unto my command- 
ments," This is done, say the Rabbis, to the end that we 
may receive upon ourselves first the yoke of the kingdom 
and afterwards the yoke of the commandments.^ The 
law is thus only a necessary consequence of the kingdom, 
but it is not identical with it. Another remarkable pas- 
sage, in which the kingdom is distinguished from the 
Torah, is the following, alluding to Zech. ix. 9 : "'Rejoice 
greatly, O daughter of Zion, .... behold thy King is 

coming unto thee ' God says to Israel : * Ye righteous 

of the world, the words of the Torah are important for 
me ; ye were attached to the Torah, but did not hope for 
my kingdom. I take an oath that with regard to those 
who hope for my kingdom I shall myself bear witness for 

their good These are the mourners over Zion who 

are humble in spirit, who hear their offence and answer 
not, and never claim merit for themselves." Lector Fried- 
mann, in his commentary on the Pesikta, perceives in this 
very obscure passage the emphatic expression of the im- 
portance of the kingdom, which is more universal than 
the words of the Torah ; the latter having only the aim of 
preparing mankind for the kingdom.* But from another 
passage it would seem that Israel could derive the same 
lesson from the Torah itself, if they would only read 
it rightly. I refer to Siphre in Deut. xxxii. 29, where 
we read : " Had Israel looked properly into the words 
of the Torah which were revealed to them, no nation 
would have ever gained dominion over them. And 

> Berachoth^ 13a. 

* See Pesikta Rahhathi^ 159a, text and notes (especially note ^3). 
There are, however, very grave doubts as to the age and character of aU 
these Metsianio Pesiktoth, See Friedmann's interesting note, ihid.^ p. 164a 
and &, though he defends their genuineness. 

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Some Aspects of Rabbinic Theology, 203 

wha.t did she (the Torah) say unto them ? Receive 
upon yourselves the yoke of the kingdom of my name ; 
outweigh each other in the fear of heaven, and let your 
conduct be mutual loving-kindness."^ The conditions of 
the kingdom are thus, mainly at least, ethical : The fear of 
God and the love of one's neighbour. Nor again is the 
kingdom of God political. The patriarchs in the mind of 
the Rabbis did not figure as worldly princes, but as 
teachers of the kingdom. The idea of theocracy in opposi- 
tion to any other form of government was quite foreign to 
the Rabbis. There is not the slightest hint in the whole 
Rabbinic literature that the Rabbis gave any preference to 
a hierarchy with an ecclesiastical head who pretends to be 
the vice-regent of God, to a secular prince who derives his 
authority from the divine right of his dynasty. Every 
authority, according to the creed of the Rabbis, was ap- 
pointed by heaven ; * but they had also the sad experience 
that each in its turn rebelled against heaven. The high 
priests, Menelaus and Alcimus, were just as wicked and as 
ready to betray their nation and their God as the laymen, 
Herod and Archelaus, who owed their throne to Roman 

If, then, the kingdom of God was thus originally in- 
tended to be in the midst of men and for men at large (as 
represented by Adam), if its first preachers were like 
Abraham ex-heathens, who addressed themselves to 
heathens, if again the essence of their preaching was 
righteousness and judgment, and if, lastly, the kingdom 
does not mean a hierarchy, but any form of government 
conducted on the principles of righteousness, judgment, 

» Siphre, 138fl. Perhaps we ought to read DnDK' instead of ^DB'. Cp. 
also "Wnn, c 28 : " And thus said the holy one, blessed be he, My be- 
loved children, do I miss anything which yon could give me 7 I want 
nothing from yon but that you love each other, respect each other, and 
that no sin or ugly thing be found among you.** 

* See Berachothy 58a. With regard to Borne in particular, see Abodah 

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204 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

and charitableness, then we may safely maintain that the 
kingdom of God, as taught by Judaism in one of its aspects, 
is universal in its aims. 

But, (>n the other hand, it cannot be doubted that 
the idea of the kingdom is occasionally so strongly con- 
nected with the Israelites as to appear almost inseparable 
from them. This is its national aspect. The Israelites, as 
we have seen, are the people, who, by their glorious acts on 
the Red Sea, and especially by their readiness on Mount 
Sinai to receive the yoke of the kingdom, became the very 
pillars of the throne, with whom even the angels have to 
reckon. To add here another passage of the same nature, 
I will quote the saying of R. Simon, who expresses the 
idea in very bold language. Speaking of the supports of 
the world, and Israel's part in them, he says : '* As long 
as Israel is united into one league (that is, making bold 
front against any heresy denying the unity or the supre- 
macy of God), the kingdom in heaven is maintained by 
them; whilst IsraeVs falling off from God shakes the throne 
to its very foundation in heaven.^ " Jerusalem, which the 
Prophet (Jer. iii. 17) called the throne of the Lord, becomes 
identified with it ; and Amalek, who destroyed the holy 
city, becomes guilty of rebellion against God and his king- 
dom.^ Therefore neither the throne of God nor his holy 
name is perfect (that is to say, not fully revealed) as long 
as the children of the Amalekites exist in the world.' And 
just as Israel are the bearers of the name of God, so the 
Amalekites are the representatives of idolatry and every 
base thing antagonistic to Gk>d, so that R. Eleazer of 
Modyim thinks that the existence of the one necessarily 
involves the destruction of the other. " When will the name 
of the Amalekites be wiped out ? he exclaims. Not before 
both the idols and their worshippers cease to exist, when 
God will be alone in the world and his kingdom established 

» See Midrash Sfwmuel, V., § 11, and references. Cp. Baoher, II. 140, 
rote 1. 

2 PfMikta j5., 2%a. * Pfsikta F,, oln, and parallels. 

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Some Aspects of Rabbinic Theohgy. 205 

for ever and ever." ^ These passages, to which many more 
of a similar nature might be added, are the more calculated 
to turn the kingdom of heaven into a kingdom of Israel, 
when we remember that Amalek is only another name for 
his ancestor Esau, who is the father of Edom, who is but 
a prototype for Rome. With this kingdom, represented 
in Jewish literature by the fourth beast of the vision of 
Daniel,* Israel according to the Rabbis is at deadly feud, a 
feud which began before its ancestors even perceived that 
the light of the world is perpetually carried on by their 
descendants, and will only be brought to an end with history 
itself.' Thf contest over the birthright is indicative of 
the struggle for supremacy between Israel and Rome. It 
would even seem as if Israel despairs of asserting the 
claims of his a.cquired birthright, and concedes this world to 
Esau. " * Two worlds there are,' Jacob says unto Esau, ' this 
world and the world to come. In this world there is eating 
and drinking, but in the next world there are the righteous, 
who with crowns on their heads revel in the glory of the 
divine presence. Choose as first-bom the world which 
pleases thee.' Esau chose this world." * Jacob's promise 
to join his brother at Seir meant that meeting in the distant 
future, when the Messiah of Israel will appear and the Holy 
One will make his kingdom shine forth over Israel, as it is 
said (Obadiah i. 21) : " And saviours shall come up on Mount 
Zion to judge the mount of Esau ; and the kingdom shall 
be the Lord's." ^ Thus the kingdom of heaven stands in 
opposition to the kingdom of Rome, and becomes connected 
with the kingdom of Israel, and it is in conformity with 
this sentiment that a Rabbi, picturing the glorious spring, 
in which the budding of Israel's redemption will first be 
perceived, exclaims : " The time has arrived when the reign 
of the wicked will break down and Israel will be redeemed ; 

^ MechiUa, 56a and b, ^ See Lev, i2., XII., and parallels. 

» Oeneru R., LXI., §§ 6, 7 and 9. 

« Quoted from a Midrash in a Parma MS. Cp. XIX., T21"n 
^ (?CTten# iZ., LXXVUI., and paraUels. 

VOL. vn. P 

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206 The Jewish Quarterly Remew. 

the time is come for the extermination of the kinpjdom ot 
wickedness ; the time is come for revelation of the kingdom 
of heaven, and the voice of the Messiah is heard in 
our land." ^ 

This is only a specimen of dozens of interpretations of 
the same nature, round which a whole world of myths and 
legend grew up, in which the chiliastic element, with all 
its excesses, was strongly emphasised. I cannot enter 
here into the details of those legends. They fluctuate 
and change with the great historical events and the 
varying influences by which they were suggested.* But 
there are also fixed elements in them which are to be 
found in the Rabbinic literature of almost every age and 
date. These fixed elements are : — 

1. The faith that the Messiah will restore the Kingdom 
of Israel, which under his sceptre will extend over the 
whole world. 2. The notion that a last terrible battle will 
take place with the enemies of God (or of Isra,el), who will 
strive against the establishment of the kingdom, and who 
will finally be destroyed. 3. The conviction that it will 
be an age of both material as well as spiritual happiness 
for all those who are included in the kingdom.' 

Now even Christianity, in which the Messianic element 
is so predominant, and in which, according to the best 
authorities, the chiliastic element is so early " that it may 
be questioned whether it ought not to be regarded as a 
Christian dogma," dispensed with it as early as the fourth 

' See Peiihta jB., 50fl, and PeHkta Jl, 75a, text and notes. 

' Principal Drummond's book, The Jewish Messiah, is still the best 
work on the subject. A thorough re-examination of aU the materials 
as to their real Jewish character and their age would be the more desir- 
able, as since the appearance of this work many MSS. and Midrashim have 
been discovered. See Gfidemann, Monatsschrift^ 1893, p. 351. 

3 Whether the Kingdom of the Messiah is identical with the Kingdom 
of God, or only a preparation for it, is not quite clear. In one of the 
versions of the weU known Midrash of the Ten Kings after the Messiah, 
the kingdom comes back to its first master, that is, God, who was the first 
King after the creation of the world. See Chapters of R. Eliezer, XL 

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Some Aspects of Rabbinic Theology, 207 

century. Judaism, which has never shown a great ten- 
dency to convert folklore into dogma, whilst, on the other 
hand, it has felt a strong reluctance to assume authority in 
matters falling within the province of prophecy, had 
neither the necessity nor the opportunity of disowning 
these chiliastic details. When the Church became trium- 
phant, and "the profession of the Christian faith wa,s 
attended with ease and honour," the doctors of Chris- 
tianity could afford to spiritualise or to explain away the 
idea of the millennium, from which the early martyrs de- 
rived so much comfort and strength. But Judaism had 
then to enter on a new and terrible era of persecution and 
suffering, which gave a fresh impulse to the creation of 
new Messianic apocalypses or to the spinning out of the 
old onea 

The process of spiritualisation, as it was partly under- 
taken by Maimonides, and others, had therefore to be 
postponed to a later period. The theological consequences 
of this delay were that, in the meantime, the two ideas of 
the Kingdom of Heaven, over which God reigns, and the 
Kingdom of Israel, in which the Messiah holds the sceptre, 
became confused with each other. 

But this delay was not quite an unmixed evil. To a 
certain extent I even feel grateful for it. The worst that 
can be said of this confusion is, that it has both narrowed, 
and to some extent even materialised, the notion of the 
kingdom. On the other hand, however, it also contributed 
towards investing it with that amount of substance and 
reality which are most necessary, if an idea is not to 
become meaningless and lifeless. It is just this danger to 
which ideas are exposed in the process of their spiritualisa- 
tion. That " the letter killeth, but the spirit giveth life," 
is a truth of which Judaism, which did depart very often 
from the letter, was as conscious as any other religion. 
Zei-achya ben Shealtiel, in his Commentary to Job ii. 14,^ 

* Pablished in the ^^ l^^pH, a collection of commentaries to Job. 

P 2 

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208 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

goes even as far as to say, '' Should I explain this chapter 
according to its letter I should be a heretic, because I 
would have to make such concessions to Satan's powers 
which are inconsistent with the belief in the Unity. 'I 
shall therefore interpret it according to the spirit of 
philosophy." But, unfortunately, there is also an evil 
spirit which sometimes possesses itself of an idea and 
reduces it to a mere phantasm. The history of theology 
is greatly haunted by these unclean spirits. The best 
guard against them is to provide the idea with some 
definiteness and reality before we permit ourselves to look 
out for the spirit. 

This was the service rendered by the connection of the 
Kingdom of Israel with the Kingdom of Grod. In the first 
plaice, it fixed the kingdom in this world. It had of course 
to be deferred to some indefinite period, but still its locale 
remained our globe, not unknown regions in another 
world. It was extended from the individual to a whole 
nation, thus making the idea of the kingdom visible and 
tangible. The whole nation, with all its institutions, civil 
and ecclesiastical, becomes part and parcel of the Kingdom 
of God. 

By this fsict, it is true, the Kingdom of God becomes 
greatly nationalised. But even in this nairowed sense, 
Israel is only the depository of the kingdom, not the ex- 
clusive possessor of it. The idea of the kingdom is the 
palladium of the nation. According to some, it is the 
secret which has come down to them from the patriarchs;^ 
according to others, the holy mystery of the angels over- 
heard by Moses, which Israel continually proclaims.* It 
has to be emphasised in every prayer and benediction,* 
whilst the main distinction of the most solemn prayers of 
the year on the New Year's Day consists in a detailed 
proclamation of the Kingdom of God in all stages of 

See SiphrCf 72 J, and the very instmotiye notes by the editor. 
« Deut, B.y n. » See Berachoth, 12a. 

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Some Aspects of Rabbinic Theohgy, 209 

history, past, present, and future. " Before we appeal to 
his mercy," teach the Kabbis, "and before we pray for 
redemption, we must first make him King over us." ^ 
We must also remember that Israel is not a nation in the 
common sense of the word. To the Rabbis, at least, it is 
not a nation by virtue of race or of certain peculiar poli- 
tical combinations. As R Saadyah expressed it, 'O'^mDIM '^^ 
n'»nmra D« "^D lin'mi rD3>« ("This nation is only a 
nation by reason of its Torah"); * and if we could imagine 
for a moment Israel giving up its allegiance to God, the 
Rabbis would be the first to sign its death-warrant as a 
nation. The prophecy (Isaiah xliv. 5), "Another shall 
subscribe with his hands unto the Lord," means, according 
to the Rabbis, the sinners who return unto him from their 
evil ways, whilst the words, " And surname himself by the 
name of Israel," are explained to be proselytes who leave 
the heathen world and join Israel* It is then by these 
means of penitence and proselytism that the Kingdom of 
Heaven, even in its connection with Israel, expands into 
the universal kingdom to which sinners and Gentiles are 

The antagonism between the Kingdom of God and the 
kingdom of Rome, which is brought about by the connec- 
tion of the former with that of Israel, suggests also a most 
important truth : Bad Oovetmnient is incompatibk with the 
Kingdom of Ood. As I have already said, it is not the form 
of the Roman Government to which objection was taken, 
but its methods of administration and its oppressive rule. 
It is true that they tried " to render unto Caesar the things 
that were Caesar's and unto God the things that were 
God's." Thus they interpreted the words in Ecclesiastes 
vii. 2 : "I counsel thee, keep the king's commandments and 
that in regard of the oath of God," in the following way : 
"I take an oath from you, not to rebel against the (Roman) 

' See Siphre, 19&, and Roth Ilashanah, 16a. 

« nijrni nWION, III. ' MechUta, rob, and paraUels. 

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Government, even if its decrees against you should be most 
oppressive; for you have to keep the kings commands. 
But if you are bidden to deny God and give up the 
Torah, then obey no more." And they proceed to iUus- 
trate it by the example of Hananiah, Mishael, and 
Azariah, who axe made to say to Nebuchadnezzar : " Thou 
art our king in matters concerning duties and taxes, but in 
things divine thy authority ceases, and therefore * we will 
not serve thy gods, nor worship the golden image which 
thou hast put up.'"* But compromises forced upon them 
by the political circumstances of the time must not be re- 
garded as desirable ideals or real doctrine. Apart from 
the question as to the exact definition of things falling 
within the respective provinces of Caesar and of God — a 
question which, after eighteen hundred yeai^' discussion, is 
still unsettled — there can be little doubt that the Rabbis 
looked with dismay upon a government which derived its 
authority from the deification of might, whereof the 
emperor was the incarnate principle. '* Edom recognises no 
superior authority, saying, "Whom have I in heaven."^ It 
represents the iron (we would say blood and iron), a metal 
which was excluded from the tabernacle, as the abode of 
the divine pea<;e,* whilst their king of flesh and blood, 
whom they flatter in their ovations as being mighty, wise, 
powerful, merciful, jast, and faithful, has not a single one 
of all these virtues, and is even the very reverse of what 
they imply."* 

But besides these theological differences the Rabbis 
held the Roman Government to be thoroughly corrupt in 
its administration ; Esau preaches justice and practises 
violence. Their judges commit the very crimes for which 
they condemn others. They pretend to punish crime, but 
are reconciled to it by bribery. Their motives are selfish. 

> See Tanchuma HJ, § 10, and Lev, i2., XXXIIL 

« Lev. R., Xin. 

» See Exod. J2., XXXV. 7. * MeehUta, 35tf. 

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Some Aspects of Rabbinic Theology, 211 

never drawing men near to them, except in their own 
interest and for their own advantage. As soon as they see 
a man in a state of prosperity, they devise means how to 
possess themselves of his goods. In a word, Esau is 
rapacious and violent, especially the procurators sent out to 
the provinces, where they rob and murder, and when they 
return to Rome pretend to feed the poor with the money 
they have collected.^ Such a government was, according 
to the Rabbis, incompatible with the Kingdom of Heaven, 
and therefore the mission of Israel was to destroy it.^ 

The third essential addition made to the Kingdom of 
God by its connection with the Kingdom of Israel is, as I 
have said, the feature of material happiness. The Rabbis 
pictured it in gorgeous colours : The rivers will flow with 
wine and honey, the trees will grow bread and delicacies, 
whilst in certain districts springs will break forth which 
will prove cures for all sorts of diseases. Altogether, 
disease and suffering will cease, and those who come into 
the kingdom with bodily defects, such as blindness, deaf- 
ness, and other blemishes, will be healed. Men will 
multiply in a way not at all agreeable to the laws of 
political economy, and will enjoy a very long life, if they 
will die at alL War will, of course, disappear, and warriors 
will look upon their weapons as a reproach and an offence. 
Even the rapacious beasts will lose their powers of doing 
injury, and will become peaceful and harmless.' Such are 

> See Lev. R,, ibid. ; Abath, II. 3 ; Uxod. R., XXXI. ; Pesikta B., 95 J. In- 
teresting is a passage in Mommsen's History of Homey IV., which shows 
that the Babbis did not greMj exaggerate the cruelty of the Roman 
Government. ''Any one who desires/* says our greatest historian of Rome, 
" to fathom the depths to which men can sink in the criminal infliction, 
and in the no less criminal endurance of an inconceivable injustice, may 
gather together from the criminal records of this period the wrongs which 
Roman gfrandees could perpetrate, and Greeks, Syrians, and Phoenicians 
could suffer." Cp. Joel's Blicke^ I., 109. How far matters improved 
under the emx>erors, at least with regard to the Jews, is still a question. 

2 Beraehoth, 11 a. See D"l, a.l. 

' See, for instance, Kethuboth^ Ilia; Shabbotk, 6Sa; Gen. i2., XII.; 
Exod. R., XIL 

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212 The Jetoish Quarterly Review. 

the details in which the Rabbis indulge in their descrip- 
tions of the blissful times to come. I need not dwell upon 
them. There is much in them which is distasteful and 
childLjh. Still, when we look at the underlying idea,' we 
shall find that this idea is not without its truth. The 
Kingdom of God is inconsistent with a state of social 
misery, engendered through poverty and want. Not that 
Judaism looked upon poverty, as some author has sug- 
gested, as a moral vice. Nothing can be a greater mistake. 
The Rabbis were themselves mostly recruited from the 
artisan and labouring classes, and of some we know that 
they lived in the greatest want. Certain Rabbis have 
even maintained that there is no quality becoming Israel 
more than poverty, for it is a means of spiritual purifica- 
tion.^ Still, they did not hide from themselves the terrible 
fact that abject poverty has its great demoralising dangera 
It is one of the three things which makes man transgress 
the law of his Maker.^ 

But even if poverty would not have this effect, it would 
be excluded from the Kingdom of Heaven, as involving pain 
and suffering. The poor man, they hold, is dead as an in- 
fluence, and his whole life, depending upon his fellows, is a 
perpetual passing through the tortures of helL* But it is 
a graceful world which Gtod has created, and it must not 
be disfigured by misery and suffering. It must return to 
its perfect state when the visible kingdom is established. 
As we shall see in a future essay, Judaism was not wanting 
in theories, idealising suffering and trying to reconcile man 
with its existence. But, on the other hand, it did not 
recognise a chasm between flesh and spirit, the material 
and the spiritual world, so as to abandon the one for the 
sake of the other. They are both the creatures of God, the 
body as well as the soul, and hence both the objects of 
his salvation. 

Chagi^a^ 9b. • Erubin, ilb, 

' Xedarim^ 7ft, and Berachoth^ 6&. 

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Some Aspects of Rabbinic Theology, 213 

In a remarkable book, containing the conversations of a 
Jewish Mystic of the present century, R. Nachman of 
Braslaw, there a question is put by one of his disciples to 
this effect : " Why did God, in whom everything originates, 
create the quality of scepticism ? " The Master's answer was : 
" That thou mayest not let the poor starve, putting them 
off with the joys of the next world, instead of supplying 
them with food." 

I too venture to maintain with the mystic that a good 
dose of materialism is necessary for relijsrion that we may 
not starve the world. It was by this that Judaism was 
preserved from the mistake of crying inward peace, when 
actually there was no peace ; of speaking of inward liberty, 
when in truth this spiritual but spurious liberty only served 
as a means for persuading man to renounce his liberty 
altogether, confining the Kingdom of God to a particular 
institution and handing over the world to the devil. 

This is not the place to enter into the Charity-system 
of the Rabbis, or to enlarge upon the measures taken 
by them so as to make charity superfluous. But having 
touched upon the subject of poverty, a few general 
remarks will not be out of place. In that brilliant Gospel 
of the second half of the nineteenth century, which is known 
under the title of Ecce Homo, we meet the following state- 
ment : " The ideal of the economist, the ideal of the Old 
Testament writers, does not appear to be Christ's. He feeds 
the poor, but it is not his great object to bring about a state 
of things in which the poorest shall be sure of a meal." I 
am happy to say that this was included in the ideal of the 
Rabbis. They were not satisfied with feeding the poor. 
Not only did they make the authorities of every community 
responsible for the poor, and would even stigmatise them as 
murderers if their negligence should lead to starvation and 
death ;^ but their great ideal was not to allow man to be 
poor, not to allow him to come down into the depths of 

* See Satah, 38&, and Jerttshalmi, ibid., 23(2. 

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214 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

poverty. They say : " Try to prevent it by teaching him a 
trade, or by occupying him in your house as a servant, or 
make him work with you as your partner."^ Try all 
methods before you permit him to become an object of 
charity, which must degrade him, tender as our dealings 
with him may be. 

Hence their violent protests against any sort of money 
speculation which must result in increasing poverty. " Thou 
lendest him money on the security of his estate with the 
object of joining his field to thine, his house to thine, and 
thou flatterest thyself to become the heir of the land ; be 
sure of a truth that many houses will be desolate."^ Those 
again who increase the price of food by axtificial means, 
who give false measure, who lend on usury, and keep back 
the com from the market, are classed by the Rabbis with 
the blasphemers and hypocrites, and God will never forget 
their works.* 

To the employers of workmen again they say: "This 
poor man ascends the highest scaffoldings, climbs the 
highest trees. For what does he expose himself to such 
dangers, if not for the purpose of earning his living ? Be 
careful, therefore, not to oppress him in his wages, for it 
meajis his very life."* On the other hand, they relieved the 
workman from reciting certain prayers when they interfered 
with his duty to his master. * 

From this consideration for the employer and the em- 
ployed a whole set of laws emanate which try to regulate 
their mutual relations and duties. How far they would 
satisfy the modem economist I am unable to say. In 
general I should think that, excellent as they may have 

* See Torath Kohanim, 109&, and Maimonides' Mithnah Torah, 11 13^1 
T"^ 'HI rn v'D D^OJ? ni^no. see also the older oommentaries on Aboth, 
I., 5. 

* Pesichta of Lament, R., 22, on Is. v. 8. 

» See Ahoth d^R. Nathan, 43J ; Baha Bathra, 90a. 

* See Siphre, 123 J, and B, Mezia^ 123*, and Berachoth, 16a. 

* Berachoth, 17 a. 

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Some Aspects of Rabbinic Theology, 215 

been for their own times, they would not quite answer to 
our altered conditions and ever varying problems. But 
this need not prevent us from perceiving, in any efforts 
to diminish poverty, a divine work to which they also 
contributed their share. For if the disappearance of 
poverty and suffering is a condition of the Kingdom of 
the Messiah, or in other words, of the Kingdom of God, 
all wise social legislation in this respect must help towards 
its advent. 


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It is almost certain that in this Apocalypse we have one 
of those Jewish apocryphs which, like the Book of Enoch, 
exercised a formative influence upon the earliest Christi- 
anity. For two ideas are prominent in it which have been 
perpetuated in the younger religion, namely, that of bap- 
tism by trine immersion after repentance and forgiveness 
of sins, and that of the resurrection in the flesh and 
restoration to the Garden of Eden of the descendants of 
Adam. The former of these two ideas is conveyed in ch. 
xxxvii., the latter in chs. xxviii., xxxvii., xxxix. and xliii. 

The following text of the Apocryph is translated from 
the ancient Armenian Version, which in turn seems to 
have been made not from a Greek, but from a Syriac or 
Ethiopic, or even Arabic text. Thus in ch. xxix. the 
words "nard" and "cinnamon" are explained respectively 
as "phajlaseni" and "daraseni," and these synonyms are 
perhaps Arabic terms, though one of them occurs once in 
Ethiopic literature, probably €ts a transliteration. The 
frequent Syriacisms, however, strongly suggest a Syriac 
original. The date of the Armenian Version is not easy to 
assign with any precision, the MS. from which I copied 
it being as late as the year A.D. 1539. As regards language, 
however, it is old, and probably anterior to 1000 A.D. ; it 
might even belong to the fifth or sixth century. There is 
a peculiar use observable in it of the dative for the 
genitive, which is not characteristic of Armenian in any 
age, and may, perhaps, reflect the idiom of the language 
from which the version was made. 

The Greek Text was first published by Tischendorf in 
a volume of Apocrypha, under the title of Apocalypse of 
Moses, from four MSS., of which the earliest belongs to the 

Digitized by 


On the Apocalypse of Moses. 217 

eleventh century, and is preserved in the library of Milan. 
This MS., which only contains the beginning and end of 
the piece, has been republished more critically by Ceriani 
Tischendorf s other three MSS. are equally fragmentary and 
much later. His Text is, therefore, an eclectic one, and com- 
prises many readings which never stood together in any one 
Text. The Armenian, however, which I here translate, is 
both a real Text and an ancient one, as is clear from the 
way in which it cuts across the Greek codices, following 
now one and now another. It must, therefore, be taken 
account of by any one who wishes to get at the Text as it 
originally stood. I have printed in italics passages which 
are absent from all the Greek codices, and which may 
represent either additions due to the Armenian translator 
and to his archetype, or lacunae in the Greek tradition. 
Where the sense of the Armenian depaxts from all the 
Greek codices alike, or agrees with one of them and not 
with others, I have often appended a note explanatory of 
the same. 

There is one remarkable variant in the Armenian. In 
ch. xxxvii. we read in it that Adam is thrice immersed in 
a sea not made with hands, as if the Greek original were 
dxeipOTTolrjrov \lfivqv ; but the Greek MSS. have ax^potMray 
XlfMVffy. At first glance the Armenian reading seems the 
better one, for it recalls the temple not made with hands 
of Mark xiv. 58, and ''the house not made with hands 
which is everlasting in the heavens " of Paul's II. Ep. to 
Cor. V. 1, and also the irepirofirj dxe^poiroirjrcy; of Ep. to 
Col. ii. 11. It is suitable to think of Adam, who has been 
caught up into the second heaven, as being baptised in a 
sea or laver not made with hands. On the other hand, the 
parallels which I have quoted from the Visio PauU make 
it very likely that the Greek has here retained the original 
reading, and that the Armenian reflects the brilliant emen- 
dation of some Greek scribe who could not allow an Acheru- 
sian lake to figure in his conception of heaven. 

In the Greek MSS. this piece is entitled "The History 

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218 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

of the life of Adam and Eve, revealed by Gtod to Moses his 
servant, when he received the tablets of the Law of the 
Covenant from the Lord a hand, instructed by the archangel 
Michael." In the Armenian the Apocryph is entitled simply 
the " Book of Adam," and at the end of it is written in the 
MS., in the lower margin, this scholium : "Ye should know, 
brethren, that this history of the first created (7r/>G)T(wrXa- 
<rr(ov) was revealed at the command of God by Michael, the 
archangel, to the first prophet, Moses. Glory to God." 
That this piece of information is relegated in the Armenian 
to a scholium, whereas in the Greek MSS. it is embodied in 
the title, makes it probable that it is a late addition in 
itself, and that the Armenian title, " The Book of Adam," 
is the true one. It also diminishes the force of Tischen- 
dorf s argument, based on the Greek title, that this Apo- 
cryph is part of a longer history. There is no internal 
reason for supposing this to be so, for the Apocryph is, 
as it stands, a self-contained whole, needing nothing to 
complete it. 

There are several other ** books of Adam " in the library 
of Etschmiadzin, but all of them of a late and trifling des- 
cription: some of them were versifications of this Apocryph. 
One of them, contained in an enormous folio for reading in 
church, is entitled " A History of the Repentance of Adam 
and Eve, the First-created. How they Fared." This be- 
gins with a long and tedious lament uttered by Adam on 
being expelled from the garden. At the close of it, it is re- 
lated that Adam and Eve's bodies were laid by Sem (Shem) 
in his portion, in a place now called Shamajtoun, i,e., " the 
house of Shem." But afterwards they were moved, and 
Eve's was laid in a cave at Bethlehem, wherein Christ was 
bom of the Virgin Mary, just over Eve's tomb; while 
Adam's was removed to Golgotha, where Jesus was cruci- 
fied for our salvation directly over the head of Adam. 
This latter treatise is, therefore, a Christianised version of 
our Apocryph ; and though I copied the greater portion of 
it, I do not think it merits to be published. 

Digitized by 


On the Apocalypse of Moses, 219 

Prof. Marr, of the University of Petersburg, has printed 
some portions of the Adam book here translated in an 
article on Armenian apocryphs, contained in the Transac- 
tions (or Bulletin) of the Eastern Section of the Ruasian 
Imperial Archaeological Society, 1890-91, Vols. V., VI., p. 
228. I have made my translation from a photographic 
copy of the book which I made on the spot. The MS. is 
a small quarto, well written in double columns. It contains 
many other apocryphs of a similar nature to this one. Prof. 
Jajic has lately published an old Slavonic book of Adam, 
which I have not had an opportunity of comparing with 
the Greek and Armenian. It would no doubt prove a 
valuable aid towards the determination of the earliest form 
of the Text. 

Fred. C. Conybeare. 

From the MS. No. 1,631 (198fl-212a) of the library of Etschmiadzin, 
written A.D. 1539 :— 

(Ch. i.) A history > of the life of Adam and Eva, the first-created, 
after their expulsion from the garden of delight. 

Adam took his wife Eva and went to a place which was in the 
region of the East, full opposite the garden of delight. And there he 
dwelt for eighteen years and two months ; and after that Adam 
approached his wife Eva, and she conceived and bore two sons, Anlojs* 
(i.<?., without light), who is called Gain, and Barekhooh' (i.e., well- 
minded), who is called Habel. (Ch. ii.) But subsequently, while Adam 
and his wife were sleeping, Eva saw a dream. Then Eva awoke 
Adam, and told the dream to Adam, and said as follows : — " My 
lord, I saw in a dream by night, that blood of our son Abel was 
poured^ into the mouth of Cain, his brother, and he drank the 
blood of his brother. But Habel prayed him to leave him a little 
of bis blood. But he hearkened not unto him, but instantly drank 

' The Greek Codices have not only the title as translated in the Arm., 
but also this previous one : ^4ijyi|<rif Kai iroXirem *AiaiA cai Hwac fiav 
TrpuroTrXdffTiav diroKaXvipOtiffa wapd, 9tov Muvay ry 0e(idrrovTt avrov ots 
tAq TtXdKos Tov vSftov rrjc SiaOfiKtjg Ik x^'P^C Kvpiov iSi^aro^ SiSaxOtig vvo 
rov dpxayykXov Mixa^X. 

' Tif ch. has Sid^iaTov. Ceriani, dSid^iaroVf which answers to the Arm. 

» The Grk. has 'A/iiXajSlc. 

* " Filled." The Grk. has paXXofAtvov it't rb (TTOjia, 

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220 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

it all ; and there remained no other blood in his stomach, bat he 
Yomited it all oat." When Adam heard this he said unto her :-^ 
<< Arise, and let us go to see our children and learn what hath happened 
unto them, lest the enemy be warring against them. (Ch. iii) And 
they went and found that Habel had been slain by the hands of his 
brother Cain. And God said to the archangel Michael : *' Gk> and say 
onto Adam : The mystery of the dream which thou didst see, tell it 
not to thy son Cain. For he is a son of destruction.^ And say to 
Adam : * But do thou not sorrow, for I will giye to thee another son 
in his place, who shall tell unto thee all that thou art about to do.' '* 
And all this the archangel Michael by the behest of God said to 
Adam. But Adam kept all that was said in his heart. Likewise also 
hi9 wife. But Eva continually sorrowed in her soul for their son 

(Oh. iv.) But after that Adam again approached his wife Era and 
she conceived and bore Seth. And Adam said to Eya : ** Lo, we have 
begotten a son in place of Habel, whom Cain slew. Let us then arise 
and give glory and praise to God." (Ch. v.) And there came to be 
sons of Adam in number thirty,* and the length of his life which he 
lived on the earth was 930 years. And after that it happened unto 
him to fall sick. And Adam called with a loud voice and said : ** Let 
there be summoned all my sons together before me, that I may behold 
them before I die.'' And they were all gathered together, for they 
were living apart each by himself in his own place.* Then said Seth 
his son unto Adam : ^' O my father, what is thy sickness and injury ?" 
And he made answer and said unto him : 

" Woes many and inextricable hem me round, O my child.*' (Ch. 
vi.) Seth said unto him : ^' O my father, surely thou art bringing to 
mind the delight and the enjoyment of the garden of God, and the 
diverse variety of fruits of which thou didst daily eat ? And because 
of that sorrow of thine is thy sickness. Should this be so ? O my 
sire, tell me, and I will go and bring to thee of the fruit of the garden 
of life. For I will go and will place dnst^ on my head, and will 
lament hefore it, and will beseech the Lord God; and the Lord 
heareth the voice of the prayer of his servant, and sendeth his angels, 
and will fulfil my desire ; and I will bring unto thee of the fruit of the 
garden of life (to be) thy food, that, tasting of it, thou mayest be made 
whole of thy sickness." Adam said unto him : " It cannot be so, my 
child Seth, but many sicknesses and woes without escape beset me.*' 

' Grk. : hpyiiQ vUq, 

« Grk. adds " and daughters thirty.** 

* "And they . . . place **]. Grk. has ^v yiip oUtoBiica ^ yn ci'c rpia fdpij, 

« In Grk. : "dung.** 

Digitized by 


On the Apocalypse of Moses, 221 

Said Seth unto him : " And how ^ came there to be woes unto thy sick- 
nen? Tell me, father mine.*' (Oh. vii.) Adam saith unto him :*' iT^ar 
mey my ehM, with patience. When God created me and thy mother 
Eva, because of whom I am dying, he also gave me a command to 
taste of and enjoy all the fruits of the garden, but of one tree he com- 
manded me not to taste thereof. Arid he saith to me : ^ If ye eat erf 
the same with death shall ye die'' ; and that time was near when angels 
looked to your mother Eva for her to render homage before God. And 
when the angels had departed afar from her, then the enemy, under- 
standing that I am not near at haml^ nor yet the angels y^ came and 
conversed with her^ and gave her of the fruit, and she did eat of it, and 
came and gave unto me, and I did eat. (Oh. viii.) And^ then God 
was angry with us, and at the same hour he came into the garden ; 
and the Lord spake to me with a terrible voice and said : ' Adam, 
where art thou ? Why hidest thou thyself from my face ? For a 
house cannot be hidden from its builder.' But forasmuch as ye 
have transgressed my command and have not kept my edict, so there- 
fore will I bring upon thy flesh per<)ecutions and many woes, as it 
were seventy in number." And the first of ills which shall smite 
thee will be an affliction of the eyes. But the second blow will fall 
on thine ears ; and thus, one by one, there shall be woes and strokes 
that befall all thy members."* (Ch. ix.) And when Adam had said 
all this to his sons, he drew a deep sigh, and said : " What shall I do, 
for (in) great sorrow is my soul ? ** 

But Eva wept bitterly, and said to Adam : " My lord, rise up, and 
the half of the woes of thy soul thou shalt give to me, aod I will 
bear them. Because on my account did this come upon thee, and 
by reason of me wilt thou be in toiL"^ And Adam said unto her : 

^ This answers to irwc <roi, read in Tisch. ; iro<roi is read by Ceriani^s 
MS. D. 

' In place of the words italicised, the Grk. has simply : ^i' ol xal AwoOvri- 
OKufiiv, which, however, MS. C omits. Cp. Protevang., c. xiii., p. 25. 

' In place of the words italicised, the Grk. has xai tivpiv ahrrjv fiSvov ; 
bat adds equivalent words : lyviucMC ^^t o^*^ <<M* €yyt<r^a ttOrrig ovn ol 
ayioi dyyiXoi later in the sentence after the clause : *' She did eat of it." 

* The Grk. codd., except D, prefix : 5rc dk i<i>dyoiJiiv Afi^ortpot. 

^ D omits this clause : " For a house," etc., and adds instead these 
words : ^ Did I not tell thee not to eat of the tree ? And I said to the 
Lord : The woman, whom thou gavest me, she g^ve me from the tree, and 
I did eat. And the Lord said to me." 

• Ceriani's MS. D reads, "seventy-two." The rest, "seventy." 

' The Grk. MS. D adds : " Through me in the sweat of thy brow thou 
eatest thy bread ; through me thou sufferest all things." The other Grk. 
codd. omit. 


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222 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

J* Do thou arise, and thy son Seth, and do ye go near to the garden 
and cast dust upon your heads and lament exceedingly with tears, 
and beseech God if he will perhaps have pity on me and send his 
angels into the garden of delight, and give unto me of the fruit 
from which proceedeth the anointing of pity; ^ and ye shall anoint 
my person therewith in order that I may, perhaps, be healed of my 
woes/' (Cb. X.) But they arose and went opposite to the garden ; 
and when they came into the road,' then Eva looked and beheld her 
son Seth, that a wild beast fought with him. And Eva wept bitterly, 
and cried : '* Woe to me, woe to me, woe to me I For if it be unto me 
to come unto the day of resurrection, all sinners of my progeny will 
come to curse me, and will say : [Cursed be Eva^ for] she has not kept 
safe the observance of the Lord her God, \and because of this me shall 
all die with death'' . And having looked'] she said to the beast : "O evil 
beast, art thou not afraid to wage war against the image of God? *' 
(Ch. xi.) Then that wild beast called out and said : *' thou woman, 
'tis not from us that there was a beginning of greed (TrXcovf^m),' but 
from thee. For from thee was the beginning [of the loosing] of wild 
beasts. For when thy mouth was opened to eat of the fruit of the 
tree, of which God commanded you not to eat of the same, and thou 
didst eat and transgress the commandment of God, then our nature 
changed into disobedience to men. And now therefore [bandy not 
words with tne, but hold thy peace^ for] thou canst not bear it if I 
begin to chide thee." (Ch. xii.) But Seth said to the beast : " Shut 
thy mouth and be silent, and hold off from the image of God 
until the day of judgment.** Then said that wild beast to Seth : 
** Behold, I stand aloof from the image of God, and I go 
to my dwelliog place.'* (Ch. xiii.)' But Seth and his mother Eva 
having got quit of the mild beast^ came nigh to the garden of the Lord^ 
and they wept and lamented, and prayed the Lord to send his angels 
and give unto them the anointing of pity.* And the Lord sent the 
archangel Michael and said to Seth : " Man of God, weary not thyself 
concerning this quest of thine, about the tree in which flows the oil 
of compassion, that thou mayest anoint with it thy father Adam. 
For in the present this shall not be ; but going thou shalt behold 
thy father end his earthly (or temporal) life. And his time is at 
band. For after three days he will pass away (lit. exchange), and 

' So Tov iXcovc has dropped out of all the Greek codd. after rh IXoioy 
(for which, however, B has iXtog), The sending of Seth for the oil of 
pity is also told in the Descensus Christi ad Liferoe {Bvang, Apoeryph,^ 
p. 308). 

' MS. D omits this clause. * The Grk. adds, *' and of wailing.'* 

* Ceriani's D has rb IXfoc tov kXaiow, 

Digitized by 


On the Apocalypse of Moses, 223 

thou shalt behold bis translation (lit. change to above), glorious and 
terrible."* When the angel of the Lord had said this, he ascended 
from them into Heaven, (Ch. xiv.) But Seth and his mother came and 
returned' to where Adam was placed and lay in sickness. And Adam 
said to Eva : '* Eva, what hast thou done unto me, because thou 
hast brought upon me wrath exceeding, which* also shall be inherited 
by all the race of my offspring." What answer doth she give and 
make to him ? •* Woe unto me, woe unto me, woe unto me, because 
I was deceived, obeying the deceitful words of the serpent.** And 
when Eva had said this, they began to weep and lament bitterly. 
And when they ceased from their lamentation, an awful sorrow 
overcame* Adam. But his sons along with Eva sat around the bed 
of their father and wept exceedingly. (Ch. xv.) Said to them their 
mother Eva : ** Children, so your father dies, and I with him ; and 
now, my children, give ear unto me, and I will relate to you the envy 
... of the adversary, by what crafty means he robbed us of the 
garden of delight and of eternal lifef And she began to say as 
follows : ^^God, who loveth man and is meroifuly fashioned me and your 
father Adam ; and placed us in the garden of delight, to govern and rule 
over all things which grew therein. But from one tree he commanded 
us to abstain from the same ; the which Satan beheld, {to wit) our glory 
and honour ; and having found the serpent the wisest animal of all 
which are on the whole earth, (Ch. xvi.) he approached him and said to 
him* : ' I behold thee wiser than all animals, and I desire^ to reveal 

' The Greek has : '* Do thou again go to thy father, since the measure of 
his life is fulfilled. And as his soul goes forth, thou art about to behold his 
ascent Cavodov) all terrible." ' Grk. : '* returned to the tent where." 

' The rest of this chapter is much briefer in the Greek, as follows : 
*' which is death, dominating all our race. And he saith to her : ' Summon 
all our children and our children's children, and inform them of the mode 
of our transgression.' " 

* The Armenian Text is not quite intelligible here. 

* Instead of the passage in italics the Greek Texts read in the follow- 
ing sense : " And it happened, as we were guarding the paradise, each of 
us kept the portion assigned him by G^. But I guarded in my portion 
the south and west. But the devil went into the portion of Adam, where 
were the male beasts. For God divided them for us, and apportioned the 
males to your father, but the females to me. And each of us watched. 
And the devil spake to the serpent and said : Rise up and come to me. 
And he arose and went to him. And the devil said to him." 

' The Greek Text of Geriani (D) has " And I associate with thee. Why 
dost thou eat of the tares of Adam and not of the garden ? Arise, and we 
will cause him to be expelled from the garden, as we also were expelled 
through him. The serpent said," etc. 

Q 2 

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224 The Jewish Quarterly Bemew, 

unto thee the thought which is in my heart and to unite (with) 
thee. Thou seest how much worth Qod has bestowed on the 
man. But we have been dishonoured ; so hearken unto me and 
oome, let us go and drive him out of the garden, out of which 
we have been driven because of him.' The serpent saith unto him : 
< I fear to do this thing, lest the Lord be wrath with me.' Satan said 
to him : ' Fear not concerning this, but do thou only become a vessel 
unto me, and I will deceive them by thy mouth in order to ensnare 
them.' (Ch. xvii.) And instantly the serpent hung himself from and 
lay along the wall of the garden ; and when the angels went forth to do 
homage, then Satan having taken the form of an angel, sang the songs 
of praise. And I looked and saw him there on the wall in the form of 
an angel. And he spake and said to me : ' Art thou Eva ? ' And I 
say to him, ' Tes, I may be.' And he saith to me, *• What mayest 
thou be doing in yonder garden of thine ? * And I say to him, * Gk>d 
placed me here.'* And be saith to me, * And how (is it that) God 
commanded thee not to eat of all the trees which are in this garden of 
thine ? * And I say to him, ' *Ti6 not so ; but we eat of all, except 
of a single tree which is in the middle of the garden, which €k>d 
commanded us not to eat of the same ; saying unto us : '* If ye eat 
of the same, with death shall ye die." ' (Gh. xviii.) Then saith the 
serpent unto me : * As God is alive, my soul hath exceeding sorrow 
because of thee,' and I desire not thy ignorance. But take and eat 
of yonder fruit ; and then forthwith shalt thou know the honour of 
that tree.' And I say unto him, *I fear lest the Lord be wroth 
with me, even as he commanded us.' And he saith unto her {8ic\ 

* Fear not, for when thou shalt eat of the same, thine eyes shall be 
opened unto a knowledge of good and evil.' For the Lord knew 
that whenever ye shall eat, ye shall become like God to know good 
and evil. And being jealous of you because thereof, he forbade you 
to eat of the same. And now do thou take and eat of the fruit, and 
thou shalt behold the highest glory.' (Gh. xix.) And when I heard 
these words spoken by him, I opened the door of the garden and 
entered into the garden of delight ; for I was without when the 
serpent spake unto me. Bat he went in after me and said to me, 

* Gome after me, and I will give to thee of the fruit.' And he began 

* The Grk. has : " God placed us here to guard and eat out of it The 
devil answered by the month of the serpent : Ye do well, but ye do not 
eat of all that grows. And I said : We eat of all, save of one tree only, 
which is in the middle of the garden," etc. 

> The Grk. adds : '* because ye are as cattle.** 

* The Grk. has : '* thine eyes shall be opened, and ye shall be as gods 
knowing good and evil." 

Digitized by 


On the Apocalypse of Moses, 225 

to walk before me, and I after him. And when we had gone a little 
way, he turned back and said to me craftily : * I will not give thee of 
yonder fruit to eat, unless thou swear unto me, that when thou eatest 
it, thou wilt give also to thy husband to eat of the same/ And not 
understanding his crafty language of deceit, I further say to him, * I 
know not how I may swear to thee, but whatsoever I know I will 
say. And now then I swear to thee on the throne of the 
Lord and on the Cherubin which hear it up and hold it^ and on the 
tree of life, that when I shall have eaten, I will give also to my 
husband, even as thou tellest me to swear.' When he heard 
the oath which I sware unto him, he came instantly and drew 
nigh unto the tree, and took and gave to me of the fruit forth- 
with ; the offspring of his wickedness,* that is to say of desire. 
For desire is the leader in all sin. And he took hold of the 
bough of the tree of knowledge, and bent it down to the earth, 
and I took and eat of the fruit thereof. (Gh. xz.) And at once 
my eyes were opened, and I knew that I was naked of the right- 
eousness with which I had dad myself. And I wept bitterly, and I 
said unto the serpent : ' Why hast thou done this thing, offspring 
of wickedness, and why hast thou deceived me and deprived me of 
my glory ? * I also wept much, because of the oath which I had sworn 
unto him. But he, when he heard this, at once went down from the 
tree and disappeared ! And I sought on my part for leaves in order to 
cover my shame, and I found them not. For there rested not upon 
my body the leaf of any of the trees* except of the fig-tree only. And 
I took thereof and girdled myself and hid the nakedness of my body. 
(Gh. xxi.) And I cry out to your father, and say : * Adam, where art 
thou. Arise and oome unto me, and I wiU shew thee wonderful 
things.'* And when your father cometh to me, I repeat to him the 
words of lawlessness, which drove us out of our glory. And I 
opened my lips, because Satan gave unto me to speak the words of 
hlasphetny and of contumacy. And I say unto him : * Gome, my lord 
Adam, hearken unto my words, and eat of the fruit of the tree of 
which the Lord commanded us that we should not eat of the 
same, and thou shalt become God.'^ Tour father made answer 
unto me and said : *I fear lest God be angry with me.' And 
I say unto him : * Fear not, for when thou shalt eat it, it shall 
be thine to know good and evil.' And he hearkened to my words 
of temptation, and tasted of the fruit, and at once his eyes were 

> The Grk. has : '' the poison of his wickedness." 
' The Grk. adds row liiov fiipovc, 

• In the Grk. : " a great mystery." 

* In the Grk. : " become as a god." 

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226 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

opened, and be knew the nakedness of his person. And he said 
to me : ' O thou woman, why hast thon done this thing nnto me, and 
hast depriyed me of the glory of God ? ' (Gh. xzii.) And in that hoar 
we heard the voice of Michael the archangel, sounding his trumpet and 
saying to all the angels : ^Thus saiih the Lord of Hosts : **Gome ye all, 
and go down with me into the garden, and hear the judgment with ' 
which I shall will to judge Adam." * And when we heard the sonnd of 
the trumpet of the archangel Michael and the words which he spake, 
we say one to the other : ' Behold the Lord is about to come into this 
garden in order to judge us,* and we were afraid, and hid ourselves. 
And the Lord God came into the garden sitting upon a chariot of 
Gherubin, and all the angels gave praise before him. And when he 
entered into the garden all the plants which are in tbe garden 
instantly blossomed and burgeoned, all* which were around Adam ; 
likewise, also, those which were around me. And the throne of the God- 
head was set at the tree of life. (Gh. zxiil) And the Lord God cried 
aloud to thy father Adam and said : ' Adam, where art thou hidden ? 
Dost thou think thyself hidden from my all-seeing eyes, that I should 
not find thee? For the house is not bidden from him that builded 
it.' Then thy father made answer to him and said : ^ My Lord, 'tis 
not that we hide from thee,* but we are naked, and we thorght 
thou wouldst not find us. But we fear thee, for we are naked.* 
And God said unto him : * And who taught thee that thon wast 
naked (except) that thou hast transgressed my commandment which 
I gave thee and hast not kept it ? ' Then thy father pondered my 
word which I said unto him,* that I will preserve thee without fear 
before God. He turned to me and said : * Why hast thou done this 
thing?' And^ I say unto him: *Lord, the serpent deceived me.' 
(Gh. xxiv.) Then the Lord God said to thy father Adam : * Foras- 
much as thou hast done this, and hast not kept my commandment, 
but bast listened to the voice of thy wife, the earth shall be cursed in 
thy works. For thou shalt woik it, and it shall not give thee its 
strength ; but thorns and thistles shall it biing forth for tbee, abd by 
the sweat of thy brows thou shalt eat thy bread." And turning to 

1 The Grk. has : ** both those of the portion of Adam and of my portion 

* The Grk. has : " We hide as thinking that we are not found by thee, 
but we fear, because we are naked," etc. 

* The Grk, adds : " when I wished to deceive him." 

^ In the Grk. : ** And I remembered the word of the serpent, and said 
that the serpent deceived me." 

* The Grk. adds a long gloss here, which is not in the Armenian, as fol- 
lows : ** and shalt be in many sorts of labour ; thou shalt weary and not win 

Digitized by 


On the Apocalypse of Moses. 227 

the serpent, he said unto him : * Forasmuch as thou hast done this 
thing, and hast become the vessel of sbame, and hast deceived the 
upright' in heart, cursed shalt thou be among all brutes and dumb 
animals, and thou sbalt be deprived of thy food, whence thou didst 
eat, and shalt eat dust all the days of thy life. Upon thy navel and 
thy belly shnlt thou go, and shalt be deprived of thy hanHs and thy 
feet ; and there shall not be left to thee an ear, nor wings, nor any of 
thy other members for thee to have,^ forasmuch as by thine evil 
devices thou hast worsted and deceived these beings, and hast caused 
them to be expelled from the garden of delight. And I will place 
enmity between thee and this woman, between thy seed and hers ; 
they shall serve thy head, and thou shalt serve the sole of their foot 
until the day of judgment.' (Ch. xxv.) And the Lord turned and 
said to me": * Forasmuch as thou hast listened to this serpent, 
despising my commandment, thou shalt be in empty paius and pangs 
that cannot be alleviated. Thou shalt bear many children in sorrow, 
and ^ in thy labours thou shalt be straitened, and in thy life and in 
thy distress thou shalt make confession, and shalt say : *'0 Lord God, 
save me in this present, and henceforth I will not turn me to the 
same sinning in my flesh.'* ^ 

(Two lines undecipherable) 

Concerning the enmities which the 

enemy hath sown in thee. And there thy turning shall be to thy 
husband, and he shall rule over thee.' (Ch. xxvii.) And thereafter 
the Lord gave a command to his holy angels to drive us out of the 
garden of delight. And when they had driven and led us out, we 
lamented much and wept bitterly. And your father Adam saith to 
me : * Grant me a little respite, that I may pray to God who loveth 
man, in order that he may perhaps have compassion on me, for I 

rest, be pressed hard by bitterness and not taste of sweetness, be oppressed 
by heat and straitened by cold. And thou shalt weary much, and not 
be rich, and shalt grow fat, but not reach thine end, and those beasts 
which thou roledst shall rise up against thee and rebel, because thou hast 
not kept my commandment." 

' TohQ "KopfniivovQ, ^ Li the Grk. : Iv '*y kokI^ vov, 

' The Greek Text puts this address to Eve before that made to the 
serpent, transposing chs. xxv. and xxvi. 

* The Grk. continues: **and in one hour thou shalt come and destroy 
thy life because of thy great necessity and pains. And thou shalt con- 
fess," etc. 

^ Two lines are illegible in the Armenian. The Grk. continues : " And 
therefore I will judge thee by thy words, because of the hatred which the 
enemy put in thee," etc. 

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228 The Jevnsh Quarterly Review, 

alone siimed.' And the angels granted him a little respite from 
diiving us out ; and Adam called ont with a loud Yoioe, and said, 
lamenting : * Remit unto me, Lord, my transgressions, whatsoever I 
have done.* Then said the Lord to his angels : * Wherefore have ye 
given them respite, and expel them not from the garden ? Did I not 
of myself make (them) ?* or have I judged them unjustly V But the 
angels fell on their faces, and said : * Just art thou. Lord ; and 
righteous are thy judgments.' (Gh. xxviii.) And the Lord turned to 
Adam and said to him : ' I will not permit thee now and henceforth 
to be there in the garden.' And Adam made answer and said to the 
Lord : ' O my Lord and my God, I pray thee bestow on me of the 
tree of life, that I may eat thereof before I go forth from the garden 
of life.' God again spake with Adam, and said : 'In this present thou 
shalt not receive of ^e same, for we have enjoined on the cherubim 
with the flaming sword to guard the path, unto the end that thou 
mayest not taste thereof and abide deathless for ever. But there 
shall be unto thee' thy war, which the enemy has sown for thee. But 
when thou shalt remove thyself from the garden and keep thyself 
from all wickedness, and bear in mind death ;' after thine ending, in 
the coming of the resurrection, I will raise thee up, and then I will 
give to thee of the fruit of life and thou shalt abide deathless for 
ever.' (Gh. xxix.) And the Lord, having said this, commanded the 
angels to drive us out of the garden. And then your father Adam 
wept bitterly in the garden before the angels. And the angels say 
unto him : ' What wilt thou that we do to thee, Adam ? ' Adam 
made answer to the angeb : * I know that ye now drive me forth, but 
suffer me to take some fragrant thing from the garden, in order that 
when I shall be outside it, and am offering oblations to God, the Lord 
may listen unto my prayers.' (Gh. zxx.) But the angels approached the 
Lord, and said: ' Hojili Hojil,'^ which %$ translated King eternal. And 
he bade be given to Adam incense of sweet odour (cvcodiar) from the 
garden. And the Lord God bade that Adam be brought before him, 
that he might receive the incense of sweet odour and the seeds of his 
food, giving leave unto his angels. And Adam came before the Lord. 
And the Lord God bade there be given to him four things, which are 
the following : crocus, which is saffron ; and nard, which is phajla- 

' The Grk.^*' Sorely the transgression is not mine ? " 

' " Thou shalt have the war," etc. 

• In Grk.: "As wishing to die [but Codex C *as about to die'], then 
when the resurrection again comes I will raise thee up, and then shall be 
given thee of the tree of life," eta 

« In the Grk. : «' 'laiiX aiwvu /3a<riXcv." 

Digitized by 


On the Apocalypse of Moses, 229 . 

seni ; > and calanms, wliich is a reed ; and cinnamon, which is 
daraseni ;> and many other seeds among those things which we eat. 
And when he had received all these, we went forth from the garden, 
and we beheld ourselves placed in this earth. (Oh. xxzi.) And now, 
my children, I have discoursed to yon about everything, and con- 
cerning the chicanery of the enemy {and harv, that hy his deceit^ he 
.... us). But do ye forthwith be on your guard, lest ye also 
forfeit the glory of Gk>d." (Ch. xzxii.) And all this did Eva relate 
to her sons ; and Adam lay before them much afflicted in his sickness.' 
But Eva and her sons hegan to weep and lament. 

And when they were silent there arose Adam from his sleep. And 
Eva said unto him : *^ Wherefore dost thou die and I remain alive, my 
lord ? Or for how long a time do I (wait to) come after thine end- 
ing ? Acquaint me with the truth J^ Said Adam unto Eve : "It is 
not any concern of thine (lit. for thee) to ask concerning this, because 
thou wilt (? not) delay to follow after me, but alike we shall die 
together, and they will place thee near to me in the same spot. But 
when I shall die cover me* ; and suffer not any one of thy sons to 
behold^ me, until the angel shall ordain what is to be done concerning 
me. For God neglects me not, but seeks out the vessels which he 
fashioned. Now, therefore, arise and remain in prayer until there 
shall pass forth my spirit from my body this day into the hand of 
my Lord who gave it unto me. Oh^ for I kuow not, how I' shall 
meet my €h*eator, lest haply he be wroth concerning me, or on the 
contrary he may have pity on me in his compassion." Then Eva arose 
and went without, and fell on her face on the earth, and wept and 
lamented bitterly, and spake as follows: '*I have sinned against thee, 
O God ; I have sinned against thee, Father of aU ; I have sinned 
against thee, O Lord ; I have sinned also against thy angels !* I have 
sinned against thee^ Lover of mankind ; I have sinned against thee and 
thy cherubim ; I have sinned against thee. Lord, and against thy 
immoveable throne ; I have sinned against thee, Lord ; I have sinned 
against the holiness of thy saints ; I have sinned against thee, Lord, I 
have sinned unto heaven and before thee, O Lord. For sin and trans- 
gressions have from me originated in the world.'' And as she offered 
up this prayer, the angel of the Lord came unto her in a human shape 

> The homonyms added are, perhaps, Arabic. The Greek Text has not 

> The Grk. adds: "but he had one more day before he quitted his 

* The God. A has coXv^crc, but B C raroXt^ere. 

* In the Grk. : " to touch me/* 

» Iq the Grk. : " how we,'' « In Grk. : " Thy chosen angels." 

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230 The Jetmh Quarterly Bevtetc. 

(tldos)y^ and having aroused her from sleep, said to her : " Stand strong, 
thoa woman, in thy adoration.' For behold Adam, thy husband, has 
passed away from his flesh. And do thon look and behold his spirit 
ascending unto heaven to his Maker to be before him." (Gh. xxziii.) 
But Eva having arisen cleansed with her hands her face * Jron her 
excessive tears ; for her eyes were swollen with weeping. And having 
raised her eyes to heaven, she beholds a fiery chariot raised aloft by 
four fiery beasts,^ and the tongue of man is too weak to tell forth the 
sheen of their glory. And they bore his spirit to the place wherein 
(?) is Adam in the flesh. And angels went before the chariot. But 
when they came nigh to that place, the chariot stopped along with 
the cherubin and Adam upon it ; she beheld also censers of gold and 
three canopies, and angels went with fragrant incense taking the 
censers, and came in haste into the holy tabernacle, and kindling fire 
they cast the incense into the censers, and the smoke of the incenee 
so went forth as to overshadow the firmament of heaven. And the 
angels prostrated themselves in adoration before God, crying all of 
them aloud and saying : " Elidjil, which is being translated Lord, king 
of eternity y vouchsafe remission to Adam, for he is thine image and 
the work of thy spotless hands." (Oh. xzxiv.) Eva beheld yet other* 
marvels before God. And Eva wept bitterly. And Eva turned and 
spake, and said to Seth her son: *^My child, stand firm over the body* 
of thy father, and come to me and see what no one hath seen with 
his eyes. And behold how all the angels beseech the Lord concerning 
thy father Adam." (Oh. zzxv.) But Seth arose and went to his 
mother, and said unto her : ** Why weepest thou, mother mine ? " 
His mother made answer to him and said to him : ** Do thou look up 
and see with thine eyes the firmi^ment of heaven opened,^ and the 

' In the Grk.: "Lo there came to her the angel of humanity (r^c 
&vBpfair6TfiT0Q)** ' In the Grk. : " Rise up from thy repentance.*' 

• In G^k. simply : " laid her hand on her face." 

* The Grk. has : " A chariot of light moved on by f otir bright eagles, of 
which no one bom of the womb could tell the glory nor behold their 
countenance, and angels preceding the chariot. When they came to the 
place where lay your father Adam, the chariot halted, and the seraphim 
were between your father and the chariot. And I saw gold censers and 
three cups ; and lo, all the angels with frankincense and with censers and 
the cups (or vials) came to the altar and blew them, and the vapour of 
the incense hid the firmaments," etc. 

* In Grk. : " yet two other mysteries before God." 

• In Grk. : " rise up from the body." 

' In Grk. : <* behold the seven firmaments opened, and see with thine 
eyes how the body of thy father lies on its f aoe, and all the holy angels 
with it, praying for it and saying." 

Digitized by 


On the Apocalypse of Moses. 231 

soul of thy father, how he falls down before God on his face, aod all 
the angfls beseech the Lord in bis behalf, thus saj^ing : * Vouchsafe, 
O Lord, remission unto Adam, thou who art God long-sifffering and 
art Lord of all. For he is thine image.' Therefore, my child Seth, 
what* shall come unto me, when I t^hall stand before the unseen God. 
And who then may be yonder two men, the Echiops, who stand before 
God, beseeching the Lord for thy father AdamV" (Oh. xxxvi.) Seth 
said unto her : "O my mother, yonder two men whom thou beholdest 
are the son aud the moon, who stand and beseech God, falling upon 
their &ces, concerning my father Adam." And Eva saith unto him : 
" And where may be their light ? How darkened do they appear ! " 
Seth made answer and said : ** *Tis not because their light is laid aside 
from them, but their light appeareth not before the father of light.* 
Because their sheen is clouded over by glory and by the mighty sheen of 
the face of the father of light^^ (Ch. xxxvii.) And as Seth spake this 
word unto his mother Eva, on a sudden one of the archangels blew 
his trumpet, and instantly all the angels arose, who were fallen on 
their faces before God. And they called out with a loud uproar and 
with terrible voice : " Blessed is the glory of the Lord by his creatures. 
For that he hath taken pity on those ttiat were fashioned by his 
hands, upon Adam.'* And when the angels had cried out this aloud, 
there came one of the six-winged cherubin and caught up Adam and 
bore him into a sea not made with hands, and washed him three 

' In Grk. : " What shall be this ? and when shall it be g^ven over into 
the hands of the unseen father and of our God ? But who are the two 
Ethiops," etc. 

> In Grk. : ^* before the light of the whole, the father of lights, and 
therefore is their light hidden and lost." 

• In Grk. : " i^piraaiv rbv 'ASafi^ xai dirriyayiv ahrov tiq Tt^v axipovtriaif 
XifAVfjv Kai air'iXoucnv avrbv rpirov/* So Ceriani's codex D ; but Tischen- 
dorf reads : fipiraatv rbv ^ki%ii tl; rijv dxipou<rat* Xifivriv Kai dirsTrXwiv 
ahrbv ivuir lov OcoD, and on &x^P^^^^^ he has this note : Ita coniecimus 
scribendum esse pro ytpoutriaQy quod in codice esse dicitur. Poterat enim 
scribi dxtpovtridBa, Hind vero similiter in Apocalypei Paul! legitur, ubi 
sect. 22 est: hrav Sk fAtravoriay xai fitravrdOy rov j3cov, vapadiSorai rtp 
"i/lixf^K '^^i pdXKovaiv avrbv il^ Tt)v ^Ax^povaap Xifivriv, In the same sec- 
tion of the Apoo. Pauli we read that rf dx^povoa Xifivtf was in the land of 
the gentle ones who inherit the earth, in a region where the souls of the 
just are kept. Its waters were brighter than gold and silver, and none 
might enter it, except after rejientance of their sins. The Syriao version 
of the Apoo. Pauli renders it '* the sea of Eucharista." In § 31 of the 
same Apocryph the phrase recurs c^m r^c xoXt mc kqI t^q dxipovanQ Xlfivvc 
Kai r^c vie riit ^yaOic 

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232 The Jemsh Quarterly Revietc. 

And af^in he broaght and placed him before God ; and he spent 
three hours, faUen on his face on the earth. But after this be 
stretched forth his hand, who is lord of all, he that sat on his throne. 
And having taken Adam, he gave him into the hand of Michael the 
archangel, sayiog to him : "Bear him unto the second heaven' and lei 
him repose until the day of the great renewal, which I will bring (as) 
salvation in the midst of the earth, because of Adam and all kit 
children, '' Then Michael the archangel took Adam and they bore 
him and gave him repose in the place where the Lord commanded 
him. And all the angels sang a strain of praise and the songs of 
angels. They marvelled at God*B love of man, and at the acceptable 
pardon of Adam. But after so much rejoicing, which there was 
concerning Adam, Michael the archangel spake unto the father 
of light concerning Adam^ and said to him : '* Lord, let all the angels 
be gathered together before God, each according to his order." 
And they were all gathered together, some having censers in their 
hands and others harps and trumpets.' And behold the Lord as- 
cended in glory upon the four winds, and the cherubim took hold of 
and held the winds. And angels came down from heaven and went 
before him, all of them, and descended unto the earth, at the spot in 
which was lying the body of Adam. And having come thither, the 
Lord entered into the garden with the heavenly hosts. Then the 
phmts and fruit-bearing trees all blossomed forth together, and there 
breathed forth a sweet odour, so that all who were born of Adam, 
were stupefied and fell into a deep sleep, from the odour wafted to 
them from the bloom and blossom of the garden. But Seth alone 
was not stupefied : for the Lord wished to shew unto him the wonders 
which he was about to work. Bnt the Lord God' having looked, beheld 
the body of Adam lying just as it was on the earth. He was much 
distressed in his love of man, and he said : ** O Adam, wherefore hast 
thou done this, for if thou hadst kept my conmiandment, which I 
gave to thee, they would not be rejoicing who have brought thee into 
yonder place of thine ? But now I say to thee, that when my sal- 
vation shall be manifested to the world, I will turn their rejoicing into 
sorrow ; but thy sorrow I will turn into rejoicing. For I will restore 
thee unto thy primal glory,^ and seat thee on a throne of thy 

* In the Grk. : " Lift him up into the paradise as far as the third heaven, 
and leave him there till that great day and terrible of my economy, which 
I will bring about in the world." 

' In the Grk. : '< and others trumpets and vials." 

* According to Tisohendorf s Text Seth was '' distressed." In all the 
Grk. MSS., however, there is some flaw here. 

* In Grk. : " will restore thee to thine empire." 

Digitized by 


On the Apocalypse of Moses, 233 

deceiver. And he shall oome to that place, wherein thon art now 
lying, and he shall hehold thee become hightr than himself. And 
then he himself shall be jadged and all his worshippers. And I send 
him into thegehenna ofjire. And he shall be mnch affrighted and will 
sorrow, beholding thee sitting on his throne.'' (Ch. xl.) And when 
God had spoken these words to Adam, the archangel Michael again 
said* : " Gome to the kingdom, which is in the second heaven, and thou 
shalt take there three linen robes, white and purple, and thalt bring 
them hither.'* And he went and fulfilled that which was com- 
manded of the Lord. And God commanded Michael the archangel 
to envelop the body of Adam, saying thus : ** Spread ye out those 
fine linen cloths of yours and envelop him, and bring ye of the oil 
of anointing, of fragrant smell, and scatter it over him." And the 
archangels Michael and Uriel did as the Lord commanded them. 
And when they had enfolded the body of Adam, Gk>d commanded 
them to bring the body of Abel the just. And they bore and laid 
it before God. And God commanded them to bear in like manner 
linen cloths, aod envelop the body of Abel the just ; because his 
body was not wrapped up by anyone, from the day on upon which 
Cain slew his brother. For Cain himself was desirous to keep it,' 
but was not able ; for that the earth would not receive his body. 

But there was a voice of summoning from the earth to Cain 
saying : " I am not willing to receive the body of the first-formed, 
which they received from me." And the angel having taken the body 
of Abel, they placed it on a stone, until they had buried the body of 
Adam. But the Lord God commanded the angels to lift up his body and 
carry it into the region of the garden unto that place in which the Lord 
had taken clay (or dust) and fashioned Adam. And he commanded 
that they should cleave the earth asunder and bury them together. 
And the Lord gave command to seven holy archangels to come and 
bring forth from the kingdom many odours. And the archangels 
came and brought them, even as the Lord commanded. And they 
laid the fragrant (spices) in the place in which he commanded them 

> Aocording to the Grk. ch. xl. begins thus : " After this God said to 
the archangel Michael : Strew linen clothes and cover the body of Adam ; 
and bring ye oil of the oil of fragrance and pour it out on it. And the 
three great angels tended him. And when they had finished tending 
Adam, God bade the body of Abel also to be brought." 

' In the Grk. : '* Cain often wished to hide it, but could not. For his 
body would leap up from the ground and a voice issued from the earth, 
saying, A second creation shall not be hidden in the earth, until there be 
given up to me the first creation which was taken from me, the dust (of 
me) from whom it was taken." 

Digitized by 


234 The Jewish Quarterli/ Review. 

to set down their bodies. And then they took the body of the tirain 
and laid them in the place in which they had cloven asunder the 
sepulchre; and they covered it over with clay (or dust). (Ch. xli.) 
And the Lord God cried ont to the body of Adam and said : " Adam, 
Adam." Bathe nttered a cry, saying* : "Lo, here am I, Lord." And 
the Lord said : "Aforetime I said unto thee that dust thou wast and 
to dust shouldst thou return. But mightily' do I give thee good 
tidings of my power and unto all nations of the sons of men, who are 
of thy children.** (Gh. xlii.) When he said this, the Lord God made 
a sign (or monument)*, triangular, and with it sealed their sepulchre ; 
that no one might come nigh thereunto for six days, until the dust 
return whence it was taken. And when he had completed all this 
our Lord ascended into heaven in glory. ButEvadid not comprehend 
where was laid his body. She was filled with great sorrow and wept 
bitterly because of his death, and again because of not knowing his 
body, what it was become. For as we said before, all were stupefied 
together with Eva, in that time in which the Lord descended into the 
garden of delight concerning the body of Adam. And so all these 
marvels took place ; but no one of them knew, but only Seth, their 
son. But after this, when the time of Eva's end came, she arose 
even of herself, and fell to praying with tears and said : " Lord God 
of all natures, Greator of creation, separate me not from the body of 
thy servant Adam. For thou didst even make me out of the body of 
Adam, and from his bones didst thou even fashion me ; and I pray 
thee, make me worthy, who am unworthy, (and make worthy) the sinful 
body of thy hand- maid ; that it be not separated from the body of 
Adam, even as aforetime I was together with, him in yon garden. 
For though we had transgressed thy command, we were not 
divided from one another." And when she had finished this prayer, 
she looked up to heayen and smote ber breast, and said : " my Lord, 
and God of aU, receive my spirit in peace,*' And having said this^ she 
slept, committing her spirit into the hands of angels, (Gh. xliii.) But 
thereafter Michael the archangel along with three archangels 
lifted up the body of Eva, and took and buried it in the place in 

* In the Grk. : ** the body answered from the earth and said.** 
' In the Grk.: ** Again I announce to thee the resurrection. I will 
raise thee in the resurrection with every race of men sprang from thy 

' In the Grk. : '' God made a seal and sealed the tomb, that no one 
might do aught to it in the six days, until his rib revert to him. Then 
the Lord and his angels proceeded unto their place. But Eve also after 
the fulfilling of six days fell asleep. But while she still lived, she wept 
bitterly becaose of the falling asleep of Adam." 

Digitized by 


On the Apocalypse of Moses, 235 

which lay the body of Adam and of Abel the just. And thereafter 
Michael the archangel cried aloud to Seth and said : '* Thus* shalt 
thou bury every man who shall die until the day of the coming again 
aud of the resurrection." And having thus laid down the law, he 
saith to him : *' On the seventh day thou shalt rest and rejoice in it. 
For on this day the Lord and all his angels (? caid) : * Let us rejoice 
with all the spirits of the just ones who may be upon the earth.' " 
And when Michael the archangel had said this to Seth, forthwith he 
ascended into heaven along with the three archangels, giving thanks 
unto and glorifying God. And they sang songp, saying : " AUelouiah, 
Allelouiah, Holy^ Holy^ Holy, Lord of Hosts, glory to God Almighty 
for ever and ever."' 

Lord God of thy holy archangels and angels, and of all the powers 
of heaven, and of the first created ones Adam and Eva, through their 
intercession have pity on the owner of this book, Mabdas Gregory, and 
his wife Selene Qou-sin), and bis sons Thdrwand and Parsam, and on 
all the blood of his neighbours, and on the writer of the same, and on 
those who shall read and give ear to it and who say the Amen. 

* In the Grk. Michael says : " Thus bury every man who dies until the 
day of resurrection ." And after giving him this law he said to him : *' Beyond 
six days ye shall not mourn ; but on the seventh day rest and be joyful 
on it, because in it (we) God and the angels rejoice with the just soul 
which has passed away (r^c luraaTdario) from earth." 

' The Greek ends here. The rest is an addition of the Armenian trans- 
lator or scribe. 

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236 The Jetciah Quarterly Review, 



{Continued from p. 100.) 

VI. — The Prohibition of Usury. 

Very soon after the passing of the Statute of 1270, 
Edward left England to join the second Crusade of St. 
Louis, and did not return till 1274, two years after he 
had been proclaimed king. At once he took up with 
characteristic vigour, and with the help and advice of a 
band of statesmen and lawyers, the work of administrative 
reform that he had already begun as heir-apparent. He 
recognised that the state of affairs established in 1270 
could not endure, since, under it, the Jews, while practi- 
cally prevented from lending money at interest, now that 
the law forbade them to take in pledge real property, the 
only possible security for large loans, were nevertheless 
still nothing but usurers, allowed by ancient custom and 
royal recognition to carry on that one pursuit as best they 
could, and prevented by the same forces from carrying on 
any other. Edward, with his usual love for " the defini- 
tion of duties and the spheres of duty," ^ felt that it was 
necessary to define for the Jews a new position, which 
should not, as did their present position, condemn them 
to hopeless struggles, nor demand from him acquiescence 
in what he believed to be a sin. 

For the Church had never ceased to maintain the 
doctrine of the sinfulness of usury which Ambrose and 
Clement, Jerome and Tertullian, had taught in strict 
conformity with the communistic ideas of primitive 
Christianity. It is true that till the eleventh century 

' Stubbs, Constitutional History^ II., 116. 

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The Expuhion of the Jews from England in 1290, 237 

usury and speculative trading generally had nob been 
active eDOUgh to call for repression, nor would the Church 
have been strong enough to enforce on the Christian world 
the observance of its doctrine. It could not follow up 
the attempt made by the Capitularies of Charles the Great 
to prevent laymen from practising usury, and it had to 
rest content with enforcing the prohibition on clerics.^ 
But the growth under Hildebrand of the power of the 
Church over every-day life, and the elevation of the moral 
tone of its teaching that resulted from its struggles with 
the temporal power, enabled it to adopt with increasing 
effect measures of greater severity. Hildebrand, in 1083, 
decreed that usurers should, like perjurers, thieves, and 
wife-deserters, be punished with excommunication;^ and 
the Lateran General Council of 1139. when exhorted by 
Innocent II. to shrink from no legislation as demanding 
too high and rigorous a morality, decreed that usurers 
were to be excluded from the consolations of the Church, 
to be infamous all their lives long, and to be deprived of 
Christian burial.^ The religious feeling aroused by the 
Crusades still further strengthened the hold on the 
Christian world of characteristically Christian theory, 
while the prospect of the economic results that they 
threatened to bring about in Europe, awoke the Church 
to the advisability of putting forth all its power to 
protect the estates of Crusaders against the money-lenders. 
Many Popes of the twelfth century ordained, and St. 
Bernard approved of the ordinance * that those who took 
up the Cross should be freed from all engagements to 
pay usury into which they might have entered. Innocent 
III. absolved Crusaders even from obligations of the kind 
that they had incurred under oath, and subsequently 
ordered that Jews should be forced, under penalty of 

» Ashley, Economic IfUtnry and Theory, I., 126-32, 148-50. 

* Hefele, Cifneilienge«ehichte, V., 176. 

• iWrf., 438-441. * Jacobs, Tlu Jewt of Angevin England, 23. 

Digitized by 


238 The Jetmh Quarterly Review, 

exclusion from the society of Christians, to return to 
their crusading debtors any interest that they had already 
received from them.^ 

Stronger even than the influence of the Crusades was 
that of the Mendicant Orders. The Dominicans, who 
preached, and the Franciscans, who " taught and wrought *' 
among all classes of people throughout Europe, carried with 
them, as their most cherished lesson, the doctrine of poverty. 
It was by the teaching of this doctrine, and by the practice 
of the simple unworldly life of the primitive Church, that 
the founders of the two orders had been able to give new 
strength to the ecclesiastical institutions of the thirteenth 
century. And their teaching, if not their practice, made 
its way from the Casiuncula to the Vatican. Cardinal 
Ugolino, the dear friend of S. Francis, became Gregory 
IX. ; Petrus de Tarentagio, of the order of the Dominicans, 
became Innocent IV. ; and Qirolamo di Ascoli, the " sun '* 
of the Franciscans, was soon to become Nicholas IV. 
Moreover, the work of formulating and publishing to the 
world the oflScial doctrines of the Church was in the 
hands of the Mendicants. A Dominican, Raymundus de 
Penaforte, w€w entmsted by Gregory IX. with the 
preparation of the Decretals, which formed the chief 
part of the canon law of the Church.* And friars of 
both orders codified with indefatigable labour the moral 
law of Christianity, and set it forth in hand-books, or 
SumnuB, which were universally accepted as guides for 
the confessional, and which all agreed in condemning 
usury.' Hence, the doctrine of its sinfulness was taught 
throughout Christian Europe, by priests and monks, by 
Dominican preachers and Franciscan confessors, who could 
enforce their lesson by the use of their power of granting 

> Corpus Juris Canmioi (Leipzig, 1839), II., 786. 

' Raamer, Qesohickte der Hohenstaufen und ihrer Zeit^ III., 681. 

■ Endemann. Studien in der Romanisoh-Kanonistischen Wirtksckafts* 
und Hechtslehre^l.^ 16-18. Stinteing, Oeschichte der Popularen Literatur 
des RSmisch' Canonischen Reehts. 

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The Expukion of the Jews from England in 1290. 239 

or refusing absolution. How strong and violent a public 
opinion was thus created is best shown in the lines in 
which Dante, the contemporary of Edward I., tells with 
what companions he thought it fit that the Caursine 
usurers should dwell in hell.^ 

There was every reason why the hatred of usury should 
be as strong in England as anywhere. The Franciscan 
movement had spread throughout the country, and had 
found among Englishmen many of its chief literary 
champions.^ And the Englishman's pious dislike of 
usury had been strengthened by many years of bitter 
experience. Italian usurers had in the previous reign 
gone up and down the country collecting money on behalf 
of the Pope, and lending money on their own account at 
exorbitant rates of interest.' From some of the magnates 
they obtained protection (for which they are said to have 
paid with a share of their profits),* but to the great body 
of the Baronage, to the Church and the trading classes, 
their very name had become hateful. One of them, the 
brother of the Pope's Legate, had been killed at Oxford.* 
In London Bishop Roger had solemnly excommunicated 
them all, and excluded them from his diocese.* 

No English king who wished to follow the teachings of 
Christianity could willingly countenance any of his sub- 
jects in carrying on a traflSc which was thus hated by the 
people and condemned by all the doctors of Christendom. 
Even Henry III. was once so far moved by indignation and 
religious feeling as to expel the Caursines from his king- 
dom,^ and had religious scruples about the retention of 
the Je\\rs.® But, as has been shown, he could not do with- 

' E pero lo minor giron suggella, 
Del segno sno e Sodoma e Gaorsa. 

Inferno, XI. 49, 50. 

* Monumenta FrancUcana (Rolls Series), XLV., L., 10, 38-9, 61. 

* Macpherson, AnnaU of Commerce, I., 899-400. 

* M. Paris, Chronica Majora, V., 245. * Ibid., III., 482-3. 
« Ibid., III., 332-3. 7 Ibid., IV., 8. 

^ M. Paris, Hi^foria Anglornm, III., 104. 

R 2 

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240 Th0 Jewish Quarterly Review. 

out the Jewish revenue. Edward was not only free from 
dependence on that source of income, but he was also a far 
more religious king than his father. He was a man to 
obey the behests of the Church, instead of setting them at 
naught with an easy conscience, as his father had done. 
In the second year of his reign the Church, by a decree 
passed at the Council of Lyons, demanded from the Chris- 
tian world far greater efforts against usury than ever 
before.^ Till this time, though Popes and Councils had 
declared the practice accursed, churches and monasteries 
had had usurers as tenants on their estates, or had even 
possessed whole ghettos as their property.^ Now this was 
to be ended, and it was ordained by Gregory X. that no 
community, corporation, or individual should permit 
foreign usurers to hire their houses, or indeed to dwell 
at all upon their lands, but should expel them within 
three months. Edward, in obedience to this decree, ordered 
an inquisition to be made into the usury of the Florentine 
bankers in his kingdom with a view to its suppression, 
and allowed proceedings to be taken at the same time 
and with the same object against a citizen of London.' 
And the events of the last reign enabled him to pro- 
ceed to what at first seems the far more serious task of 
bringing to an end the trade that the Jews had carried 
on under the patronage, and for the benefit, of the Royal 

For the Jews could no longer support the Crown in 
times of financial difficulty as they had been able to do in 
previous reigns. The contraction of their business that 

* Ashley, Economic BUtory and Theory , I. 150 j Labbeat, Sacrotaneta 
Concilia, xi. 991, 2. 

' Depping, Les Juifs dans le Moyen Age, 202, 207 ; Moratori, Antigui' 
totes Italica Medli Aevi, L 899, 900 ; Ninth Report of the Historical 
Manuscripts Commissionj p. 14 (No. 264). 

» Fitrty-fourth Report of Deputy-Keeper tf Public Records, pp. 8, 9, 72 ; 
The QuestUm whether a Jew, etc., bj a Gentleman of Linoolns Inn, 
London, 1753 ; Appendix, § 18. 

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The Hxpubion of the Jews from England in 1290. 241 

was the result of their exclusion from many towns, and 
the losses that they had suffered through the extortions of 
Henry III. and the plundering attacks of the barons, had 
very greatly diminished their revenue-paying capacities, 
and the legislation of 1270 must have affected them still 
more deeply. At the end of the twelfth century they had 
probably paid to the Treasury about £3,000 a year, or 
one-twelfth of the whole royal income,^ and for some parts 
of the thirteenth century the average collection of tallage 
has been estimated at £5,000 ;^ but in 1271 — by which 
time the royal income had probably grown to something 
like the £65,000 a year which the Edwards are said to 
have enjoyed in time of peace^ — Henry III., when pledging 
to Richard of Cornwall the revenue from the Jewry, 
estimated its annual value, apart from what was yielded 
by escheats and other special claims, at no more than 
2,000 marks.* And while the resources of the Jews had 
feUen off, the needs of the Crown had increased. Not 
only must Edward have conducted his foreign enterprises 
at a much greater cost than did his predecessors, under 
whom the English knighthood had been accustomed to 
serve without serious opposition, but, in addition, he had 
to make the best of a vast heritage of debt that his father 
had left him.* He had to seek richer supporters than the 
Jews, and such were not wanting. 

The Italian banking companies were the only organisa- 
tions in Europe that could supply him with such sums of 
money as he needed. From all the greatest cities of Italy — 
from Florence, Rome, Milan, Pisa, Lucca, Siena, and Asti 
— ^they had spread to many of the chief countries of Europe, 

■ Jacobs, 328. ' Papers Anglo-JetoUh Hut, ExhiMtwn, 195. 

» Stubbs' ConstUutioma History II., 601. 

4 Bymer, Foedera, I. 489. Gf . Pnblio Beoord Office, Q, R, Miscellanea, 

* Chronicles Ed, I. and II. (ed. Stnbbs), Vol. I., p. c. Of. Forty-second 
Jteport cf Deputy-Keeper ef Public Records, p. 479 (At tbe beginning of 
his reign Edward sajs, in his writs to the sheriffs, ** Pecunise plarimxun 
indigemna "). Forty -third Report ^ 419. 

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242 The Jewish Quarterly Beview. 

to France, England, Brabant, Switzerland, and Ireland.^ 
They were merchants, money-lenders, money-changers, and 
international bankers, and in this last occupation their 
supremacy over all rivals was secured by the great advan- 
tage which the wide extent of their dealings enabled them 
to enjoy, of being able to save, by the use of letters of 
credit on their colleagues and countrymen, the cost of the 
transport of money from country to country.^ They were 
thus the greatest financial agents of the time. They trans- 
acted the business of the Pope. At the Court of Rome 
ambassadors had to borrow from them.^ In France their 
position was established by a regular diplomatic agreement 
between the head of their corporation and Philip III.* 
In England they had in their hands the greater part of the 
trade in com and wool ;* and the protection and favour of 
English kings was often besought by the Popes on their 
behalf in special bulls.® 

Edward began his reign in financial dependence on the 
Italians. His father had in the earliest period of his per- 
sonal government incurred obligations to them which he 
himself, as heir apparent, had to increase considerably 
at the time of his Crusade.^ When in later years be 
needed money to pay his army, he borrowed it from them ; 
when he diverted to his own use the tenth that was voted 
for his intended second Crusade, they gave security for 
repa3rment.* So great were the amounts that they ad- 
vanced to him, that between 1298 and 1308 the Friscobaldi 

' MtiratoTi, Antiquitates ItaZica Medii Aevi (Dissertatio XYI) ; Bop- 
ping, La Jui/f dans le Mnyen Age, 213-6 ; Bymer, Foedera, I., 644. 

' Macpherson, AnnaU of Commerce, I. 405, 6 ; and see Pemxzi, Storia 
del Commeroio e del Banchieri di Firenze, 170. 

' PertuEzi, 169 ; \Archaeologiaj zxyiii. 218, 219. 

^ Mnratori, ArUiquitates Italicae Medii Aem, I. 889. 

* AreJuieologia, xxviil 221 ; Oonningham, Growth of Englith Industry 
and Commerce, Early and Middle Ages, Appendix D ; Perazzi, Storia dd 
Commercio, 70. 

• Eymer, Foedera, I. 660, 828, 905. 

^ Archaeologia, xxviiL 261-272. • Rynxer, Foedera, I. 644, 788. 

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The Expulsion of the Jem from England in 1290. 243 

ianchi alone, one of the thirty-four companies that 
J employed,^ received in repayment nearly £100,000.* 
e was compelled to favour them, although he attempted 

stop their usury. He gave them a charter of privi- 
ges.^ He presented them with large sums of money, 
e bestowed on the head of one of their firms high office 

Gascony. At various times he placed under their charge 
te collection of the Customs in many of the chief ports in 

Edward's close connection with a body of financiers so 
ch and powerful made the Jews unnecessary to him. If 
3 was not to disobey the decree of the Council of Lyons, 
3 must either withdraw his protection from them or else 
>rbid them any longer to be usurers. To withdraw his 
rotection from them would be to expose them to the 
Dpular hatred, the danger from which had been the justi- 
cation.of the relations that had been established between 
rown and Jewry after 1190, and still existed. He chose 
le second alternative. In 1275 he issued a statute, in 
hich he absolutely forbade the Jews, as he had just for- 
idden Christians,* to practise usury in the future. He 
ave warning that usurious contracts would no longer be 
aforced by the king's officers, and he declared the making 
B them to be an offence for which henceforth both parties 
rere liable to punishment. To ensure that all those 
ontracts already existing should come to an end as quickly 
R possible, he ordered that all movables that were in 
ledge on account of loans were to be redeemed before the 
oming Blaster.* 

VIL— Edward's Policy: The Jews and Trade. 

Thus the Jews, already shut out from the feudal and 
Qunicipal organisation of the country, were forbidden by 

1 Perazxl, 174. * Arohaeologia, xxviii. 244-5. 

• Ibid, 231 , Note L * Peruzri, 172-6. 

* Tie Queition whether a Jew, etc. Appendix, §18. Prynne, A 8hoi t 
Jktmrrer, 58. * Blmit, EetablUhment and Beeidenee, etc., 139-144. 

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244 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

one act of legislation to follow the pursuit in which the 
kings of England had encouraged them for two hundred 

However, for the hardships imposed by the Christian 
Church there was an approved Christian remedy. Thomas 
Aquinas, the greatest authority on morals in Europe in the 
thirteenth century, had written : ** If rulers think they 
harm their souls by taking money fix)m usurers, let them 
remember that they are themselves to blame. They ought 
to see that the Jews are compelled to labour as they do in 
some parts of Italy." ^ A Christian king, and one whom 
Edward revered as his old leader in arms and as a model 
of piety, had already acted in accordance with the teach- 
ing of Thomas Aquinas. In 1253 St. Louis sent from the 
Holy Land an order that all Jews should leave France 
for ever, except those who should become traders and 
workers with their hands.* And now, when Edward was 
forbidding the Jews of England to practise usury, he 
naturally dealt with them in the fashion recommended by 
the great teacher of his time and adopted by the saintly king. 
" The King also grants," said the Statute of 1275, " that 
the Jews may practise merchandise, or live by their labour, 
and for those purposes freely converse with Christians. 
Excepting that, upon any pretence whatever, they shall not 
be levant or couchant amongst them ; nor on account of 
their merchandise be in scots, lots, or talliage with the 
other inhabitants of those cities or boroughs where they 
remain ; seeing they are talliable to the King as his own 
serfs, and not otherwise. . . . And further the King 
grants, that such as are unskilful in merchandise, and 
cannot labour, may take lands to farm, for any term not 
exceeding ten years, provided no homage, fealty, or any 
such kind of service, or advowson to Holy Church, be 
belonging to them. Provided also that this power to farm 

* Thomas Aquinas, Ojntseulutn, XXI. (^Ad Dueissam Brabantiae in 
Vol. XIX. of the Venice edition, 1775-88.) 
» M. Paris, Chronica Majora^ V. 361, 2. 

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The Expulsion of the Jews from England in 1290. 245 

lands, shall continue in force for ten years from the making 
of this Act, and no longer." ^ 

The 16,000^ Jews of England were thus called upon 
to change at once their old occupation for a new one, and 
the task was imposed upon them under conditions which 
made it all but impossible of fulfilment. They were 
forbidden to become burgesses of towns ; and the effect of 
the prohibition was to make it impossible for them, in most 
ports of England, to become traders, for it practically ex- 
cluded them from the Gild Merchant. It is true that some 
towns professed that their Gild was open to all the 
inhabitants, whether burgesses or not, so long as they took 
the oath to preserve the liberties of the town and the king's 
peace.^ But most of the Gilds were exclusive bodies, to 
which all non-burgesses would find it hard to gain 
admission^^ and Jewish non-burgesses, though not as a 
rule kept out by a disqualifying religious formula,* would 
on fiwjcount of the unpopularity of their race and religion, 
find it trebly hard.® As non-Gildsmen, they would be at 
a disadvantage both in buying goods and in selling them. 
They would find it hard to buy, because, in some towns at 
any rate, the Gildsmen were accustomed to " oppress the 
people coming to the town with vendible wares, so that no 
man could sell his wares to anyone except to a member of 
the society." ' They would find it in all towns hard to sell, 
in some impossible. In some towns non-Gildsmen were 
forbidden to deal in certain articles of common use. 

■ Blnnt, Establishment and Residence^ eta, 141. 

' This is the namber of those who left the coantry in 1290. Flores 
HUtoHarum (Rolls Series), iii. 70. Probably the number of tliose in the 
oonntrj in 1275 was about the same. 

* Gross, Ths GUd Merchant, I. 88. * Ibid., I. 39-40. 

* Ibid, n., 68, 138, 214, 243, 267. 

* One Jew alone is known to have beoome a member of a Gild daring: 
the residenoe of the Jews in England before 1290. He became a citizen 
at the same time. His election took place in 1268 (Eitchin's^TTincA^x^^^- 
Hittorie Totom Series, p. 108), After 1276 it woold have been iUegal. 

' Gross, Th€ GUd Merchant, I. 41. 

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246 T}^ Jewish Quarterly Review, 

such as wool, hiJes, grain, untanned leather, and unfuUed 
cloth ; in others, as in Southampton, they might not 
buy anything in the town to sell again there, or keep 
a wine tavern, or sell cloth by retail except on market day 
and fair day, or keep more than five quarters of com in a 
granary to sell by retail. There were even towns where 
the municipal statutes altogether forbade non-Qildsmen 
to keep shops or to sell by retail.^ 

It was almost as difficult for Jews to become agriculturists 
or artisans, as to become traders. They were allowed by 
the statute to farm land, but for ten years only, and they 
were far too ignorant of agriculture to be able to take 
advantage of the permission. They could not work on the 
land of others as villeins, because, even if a Christian lord 
had been willing to receive them, they would have been 
prevented by their religion from taking the oath of 

Only under exceptional conditions could they work at 
handicrafts. A Jew who possessed manual dexterity might, 
as was sometimes done in the thirteenth century, have 
worked for himself at a cottage industry, and might, though 
the task would have been a hard one, have gained a 
connection among Christians, and induced them to trust 
him with materiala^ But many crafts were at the time 
coming under the regulations of craft-gilds. Certainly as 
early as the beginning of the fourteenth century, there 
were in London fully-organised gilds of Lorimers, 
Weavers, Tapicers, Cap-makers, Saddlers, Joiners, Girdlers, 
and Cutlers.* In Hereford there were Gilds for nearly thirty 
trades.* It was probably very often the case, as it was with 
the Weavers' Gild in London, that a craft-gild existing 

> Gross, The OUd Merchant, I. 45, 46, 47. 

* Liher Custumarum (Bolls Series), 215. 

* Ochenkowski, Englandt Wirthsehaftliche Entwiclulung im Autgange 
dea Mittelaltcrs, 51-4. 

« Liher CuituiMtrum (Bolls Series) 80-81, 101-2, 121 ; Liher Albu» (BoUb 
Series), 726, 734. Bilej, Memorials qf London, 179. 
5 Johnson, Cuttomt (f Hereford, 115-6. 

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The Expulsion of the Jews from England in 1290. 247 

in any town could forbid the practice of the craft in the 
town to all who had not been elected to membership, or 
earned it by serving the apprenticeship that the Gild's 
statute required.^ The period required by the Lorimers* 
statute was ten years, by the Weavers', seven, and in some 
cases certainly, and probably in all, the apprenticeship had 
to be served under a freeman of the city.* The apprentice 
who had served his time, was still, in some towns and 
industries, unable to practise his craft, unless he became a 
citizen and entered the frank pledge.^ It was diflScult for 
a Jewish boy to become an apprentice, for the Church 
threatened to excommunicate any Christian who received 
into his house, as an apprentice would naturally be received, 
a Jew or Jewess ; it was impossible for a Jewish man to 
become a citizen, for the king forbade his Jewish " serfs " 
to be in scot and lot with the other inhabitants of the cities 
in which they lived. 

Excluded from the trades and handicrafts of the towns, 
the Jew might try other means of earning a livelihood. 
He might attempt to travel with wares or with produce, 
from one part of England to another, or he might be an 
importer or an exporter. But wholesale trade of this kind 
would be open to those alone who had command of a large 
capital. And this was not the only dilBSculty in the way. 
If the Jew went about the country with his goods from 
fair to fair, or from city to city, he would do so at very 
great risk. He would have to travel over the high roads, 
the perils of which made necessary the Statute of Win- 
chester, and are recounted in the words of its preamble, 
de jour en jour roberieSy homicides, arsons, plus sovenerement 
sont fetes que avaunt ne soleyent} If he survived the 
dangers of the road and reached a fair, he would find 

> lAber CustumariMi, 41S-425, 

• Liber Ciutumarum, 78, 81, 124. RUey, Memorials qf London, 179, 

• Liber (Msiumaruvi^ 79, Oohenkowski, Op. CU,, 64. 

• StQhbB, Select Charters, 470. 

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248 The Jeiciah Quarterly Revietr. 

there an assemblage made up in part of '* daring persons," 
such as those, who, in spite of the orderly traders and 
citizens, had caused the massa^cre at Lynn, in 1190,^ or 
those who, at Boston killed the merchants and plundered 
their goods, until "the streets ran with silver and gold,"* 
or those citizens of Winchester who, in the reign of Henry 
III., carried on for a time a successful conspiracy to rob all 
itinerant merchants who passed through the country.' 
With his foreign face and striking badge, he would be the 
first mark for the hatred of the riotous crowd. And if he 
escaped violence and robbery, he had still to fear the officials 
of the lord of the fair, who exercised for the time unlimited 
and irresponsible power, and who, according to the regula- 
tions of some fairs, could destroy the goods of any trader 
if their quality did not please them.* When he had 
managed to escape from the mob and the officials, his 
difficulties were not over. He might make his bargains, 
but there was no court of justice to which he could appeal 
to enforce the completion of any transaction that required 
a longer time than that of the duration of the fair. Redress 
for any injustice committed at a fair, or for the failure to 
carry out an agreement made there, could be obtained only 
through application made by the mimicipality of the com- 
plainant to that of the wrong-doer.* The Jew had no 
municipality to present his claims. If those with whom 
he had transactions deceived him or refused to pay him, he 
was helpless. There was no power to which he could 

If instead of going to a fair he tried to sell, in a town, 
produce from another country or a diflFerent part of 
England, he was in a position of even greater difficulty. 

* Jacobs, 116. 

' Walsingbam, HUtoria Anglicana (BoUa Series), L 30. 
' M. Paris, Chronica Majora, v. 56-8. 

* Ochenkowski, Englands wirthfchaftliche Fntwickelung, 157. 

s Gmmingham, Qrowth of BnglUh Industry and Commerce, Early and 
Middle Ages, 175. 

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The Expulsion of the Jews from England in 1290. 249 

Tn a strange town he was as much an alien as in a strange 
country, and there was scarcely any limit to the vexations 
and sufferings that on that account he would have to endure. 
In London, for example, alien merchants were forbidden to 
remain in the city for more than forty consecutive days. 
While they were there they might not sell anything by retail, 
nor have any business dealings at all with any but citizens. 
There was a long list of articles that they were altogether 
forbidden to buy. They might not stow their goods in 
houses or cellars ; they had to sell within forty days all 
that they had brought with them; they were allowed 
neither to sell anything after that time, nor to take 
anything back with them. They were continually annoyed 
by the oflScers of the city.^ All these disadvantages the 
Jew would have to endure to the full while competing with 
many powerful organisations which were engaged in foreign 
trade, and had, after long struggles, secured from the king 
special charters of privilege. Such were the companies 
of the merchants of Germany, who had their steelyard in 
London and their settlements at Boston and Lynn ; the 
Flemings, who had their Hanse in London ; the Gascons 
who enjoyed a charter; the Spaniards and Portuguese; the 
Florentines, most powerful of all, and the Venetians, 
whose enterprise was, at the beginning of the fourteenth 
century at any rate, carried on under the auspices of the 

The last opportunity for the Jews was to take part in 
the export of English produce. English wool W€w the 
most important article of international trade in Western 
Europe. It was brought from monasteries and landholders 
chiefly by the rich and powerful companies of Flemish 

* Liber Cuttumarum (Bolls Series), xxxiv.-xlTiii., 61-72 ; Liber Albv-t, 
xcv., xovi., 287 ; Macpherson, Annals of Commerce y I. 388-9. 

' LUter Cuttumarum and Liber Albun, as referred to in preceding note : 
Cunningham, Growth of EnglUh Industry and Cominerce, Early and 
Middle Ages, 181-6 ; Ochenkowski, Englandt wirthschqftliehe Entwicke' 
lung, 180 ; Calendar of State Papers ( Venetian^, lx.-lxix. ; Pemzzi, Storia 
dH Banchieri e del Commercio di Firenze, 70. 

Digitized by 


250 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

and Italian merchants, and sent to Flanders and Italy to be 
woven and dyed.^ The Jews had, apparently, long taken 
some slight part in wholesale trade,' but the amount of 
capital that it required, and the power of the rivals who 
held the field, made it impossible for many of them to take 
to it immediately as a substitute for money-lending. 
Still it was the only form of enterprise in which they 
would not be at a hopeless disadvantage, and some Jews, 
those probably who had a large capital and were able to 
recall it from the borrowers, followed the example of the 
Italians, and made to landholders advances of money to be 
repaid in corn and wool.* 

VIII. — The Temptations of the Jews. 

But even for those Jews who were rich enough to take 
part in wholesale trade, there was still a great temptation 
to transgress the prohibition against usury. All the legal 
machinery that was necessary for the due execution and 
validity of agreements between Jews and Christians — the 
chest in which the deeds were deposited, and the staffs 
of officers by whom they were registered and supervised 
— were still maintained in some towns, since they were 
necessary alike for the recovery, by the ordinary process, 
of the old debts (many of which, in spite of the order for 
summary i*epayment in the Statute of 1275, still remained 
outstanding/ and for the registration of any new agree- 

* Ganningham, Grnwth^ etc., 185 ; Maopherson. AnnaU of Commerce, 
pp. 415, 481 ; Calendar of State Papev (^Venetian), lxvi.-lxvii. 

* Jacobs, 66-7 ; Areh^ologieal Journal, xxxviii. 179. 

* This was the procedure adopted by the Italians : They paid down 
a sum as earnest-money, and then took a bond (Peruzzi, 70). Cf. Tovey, 

* For pledjres still unredeemed, land still in the hands of the Jews 
and old debts still unpaid long after the Statutes of 1270-1275 had been 
passed, see MSS. in Public Record Office (^QueeiCt Revi^mbranrerg 
MUrellanea, 557, 13-23) ; Rymer. 1. 570 ; John of Peckham, I. 937 ; 
Calendar of Potent Ridh, 12H1-1292, p. 81; Frynne, Second Demurrer, 
pp. 74 and 80 (=154). 

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The EitpuhUm of the Jem from England in 1290. 251 

ments that might be made for the delivery of com and 
wool, or for the repayment of money lent ostensibly 
without interest. There was no lack of would-be bor- 
rowers to co-operate with the Jews in using this machinery 
in order to make agreements on which, in spite of the 
prohibition of usury, money might profitably be lent. The 
demand for loans was great, far too great to be satisfied, 
as the Church thought it reasonable to expect,^ by money 
advanced without interest ; and owing to the progress of 
the change from payment of rents in kind or service to 
payment in cash,* it was steadily growing. It had been 
met by the money of the Italian bankers, of the Jews, of 
English citizens, and, as is freely hinted by writers of the 
time, of great English barons, who secretly shared in the 
transactions and the profits of the Jewish and foreign 
usurers.* The supply had suddenly been checked by the 
simultaneous prohibition of all usury whether of Jews or of 
Christians. Now a Jew who wished, by collusion with a 
borrower, to evade the law against usury, had only to study 
the methods that had been followed by the Caursines, and 
those that were still followed by the Italians and acquiesced 
in by the heads of the religious houses with whom they 
had dealings. The Caursines, for example, sometimes 
avoided the appearance of usury by lending 100 marks 
and receiving in return a bond, acknowledging a loan of 
£100.* Sometimes they lent money for a definite period, 
on an agreement that they were to get a " gift," in return 
for their kindness in making the loan, and ** compensation " 
in case it were not repaid in time.* Sometimes by a still 
more elaborate device, the Italians combined their two 

^ LabbenSf Saerotaneta Concilia^ XI. 649-50. 

* Vinogradoff, Villeinage in Englandy 179, 307. 

» M. Paris, V. 245 ; Wilkina, Cone,, I. 675 ; De Antiq, Legihut, 234 8q. 
(Archbishop of York's remarks on the oormption of the Great Council and 
on ^efautoret of Jews.) 

* M. Paris, Chronica Minora, V. 404-5. 

* Muratori, Antiquitates Italicoi Medii Aevi, I., 893. 

Digitized by 


252 The Jewish Quarterly Revieu). 

professions of money-lenders and merchants, by inducing 
a monastery which had borrowed money, to acknowledge 
the receipt, not only of the money, but also of the price of 
certain sacks of wool which it bound itself in due time to 
supply.^ The Jews, no doubt, followed the example of 
the Caursines and of the Italians. In official registers, 
which are still extant, there are mentioned bonds which 
secured to Jewish creditors a lartjje payment in money 
together with a small payment in kind, and which doubt- 
less represent collusive transactions, in which the offence of 
usury was to be avoided by the substitution of a recom- 
pense in kind for interest in money. Other bonds for 
repayment of money alone are mentioned in the same 
registers as having been executed after 1275, and every one 
of the kind that was executed between that date and the 
date of the amendment of the Statute against usury may 
be safely considered to represent a transaction which was 
an offence, either veiled or open, against the prohibition. 

The temptation to transgrcvss the Statute of 1275 could 
appeal only to Jews with capital, but on the poorer Jews 
other temptations acted with even more strength and even 
worse results. 

The only reputable careers known to have been 
open to the poorer Jews were to become servants in the 
houses of their rich co-religionists,* or else to imitate in a 
humble way their tinancial transactions, either by keeping 
pawnshops,^ or by carrying on, in towns where there was 
no recognised Jewry, business of the same kind as that 
of the rich money-lenders in the larger Jewish settlements. 
To follow these pui-suits was now impossible, in consequence, 
not only of the prohibition of usury, but also of the strict- 
ness with which Edward enforced the old legislation 

llotuli Parliamentorumy I. 1, 2. 

» Royal Letters (RoUs Series), II. 24. 

' Le4!t JutUdietion of Norvowh (Selden Society), p. 10; Cf. Aneren 
Riwle (Camden Society), 395. " Do not men account him a g^ood friend 
who layeth his pledjje in Jewry to redeem his companion ? " 

Digitized by 


The Expulsion of the Jewejrom England in 1290. S58 

against the residence of Jews in towns where there did no 
exist a chest for the deposit of Jewish debts, and a staff of 
clerks to witness and register them.^ There was thus 
nothing to which the poorer Jews could turn. Crowded 
as unwelcome intruders into a small and decreasing number 
of towns, without legal standing or industrial skill, hated 
by the people and declared accursed by the Church, they 
were bidden to support themselves under conditions whidi 
made the task impossible unless they could take by storm 
the citadel of municipal privilege which bade defiance to 
the " greatest of the Plantagenets " throughout his reign. 

Under such conditions degeneration was inevitable. Some 
of the Jews are said to have taken to highway robbery 
and burglary;' some went into the House of Converts, 
where they got l^d. a day and free lodging.' But to the 
dishonest there was open a £Etr more profitable form of 
dishonesty than either of those already mentioned, viz., 
clipping the coin. 

The offence had long been prevalent. In 1248 such 
mischief had been done that, according to Matthew Paris 
" no foreigner, let alone an Englishman, could look on an 
English coin with dry eyes and unbroken heart" ^ It was 
in vain that Henry III. issued a new coinage, so stamped 
that the device and the lettering extended to the edge of 
the piece,* and caused it to be proclaimed in every town, 
village, market-place, and fair that none but the new pieces 
with their shapes unaltered should be given or taken in 
exchange.* The opportunity for dishonesty was too tempt- 
ing. The coins that actually circulated in the country 

* RTiner, Foedera^ I. 603, 634 ; Papers of the Anglo-Jewuh Hittorioal 
XxhibUim, 187-190. 

* Calendar of Patent RolU^ 1381-1292, p. 98; Papers Anglo- Jeuiish Hist. 
Ex, 167. 

* See DietUmary of PsiUieal JEoonomy, Article Jbws, (Hoiue for 

* Chronica Majora, V. 16. 

* Annates Monastici (Rolls Series), II. 339. 
< M. Paris, Chronica Majora, Y. 16, 16. 


Digitized by 


254 The Jennsh Quarterly Review, 

were of many different issues/ they were not milled at ther 
edges,' they were so liable to damage and mutilation of all 
kinds that their deficiency of weight had to be recognised 
and allowed for.' Hence anyone who had many coins 
passing through his hands could secure an easy profit by 
clipping off a piece from each one before he passed it 
again into circulation. In the early part of the reign of 
Edward I., such was the deficiency in the weight of genuine 
coins (an annalist of the period estimates it at 50 per cent.),'* 
and such the amount of false coin in circulation, that the 
price of commodities rose to an alarming height, foreign 
merchants were driven away, trade became completely dis- 
organised, shopkeepers refused the money tendered to them, 
and the necessities of life were withdrawn from the mar- 
kets.^ The E^ng had to promise to issue a new coinage, 
but the announcement of his intention only increased the 
general disturbance. The Archbishop of Canterbury com- 
plained that in consequence of the disturbance of circulation, 
he could not find anyone, except the professional usurers, 
from whom he could borrow money on which to live during 
the interval before the revenues of his see began to come 
in.* When the King at this period of his reign went to 
a priory to ask for money, the first and most cogent of the 
excuses that he heard was that "the House was im- 
poverished by the change in the coinage of the realm." ' 
Public opinion ascribed to the Jews the greatest share in 
the injuries to the coinage. " They are notoriously forgers 
and clippers of the coin," says Matthew Paris.^ And that 
the suspicion was not absolutely without justification is 
shown by the fact, that early in Henry IIL's reign, the 

* Buding, AnnaU of the Chinage, L 179. 
' Ashley, Economic HUL^ Theory, I. 169. 

* Ashley, I., 215, n. 95 ; cf. Jaoobs, 73 and 226. 

* Annales MonaHici (Bolls Series), IV. 278. 

' Annales Monastioi, IV. 278 ; Liher dutumarum^ 189. 

^ John of Peokham, Registrum EpUtolarvm (BoUs Series), I. 22. 

' Annales Monastici III. 295. ^ Historia Anglorum, III. 76. 

Digitized by 


The Expukion of the Jem from England in 1290. 255 

community made a payment to the King in order to secure 
as a concession the expulsion from England of such of its 
members as might be convicted of the crime.^ When in- 
quiries were ordered into the causes of the debasement, in 
1248, it was generally considered that the guilt would be 
found to rest with the Jews.* The oflScial verdict included 
them with the Caursines and the Flemish wool-merchants 
in its condemnation.* 

It was not unnatural that Edward, when the evil re- 
appeared in his reign, should share the general suspicion 
against the Jews, seeing that they had only recently begun to 
give up dealing in money, while mfiuay of the poorer among 
them must have become, since 1275, desperate enough to 
be ready to take to any tempting form of dishonesty. The 
King's indignation at the suffering that had been caused 
by the injury done to the old coinage, and at the expense 
that was involved in the preparation of the new issue 
which had become necessary, prompted him to act on his 
suspicions, and to take a measure of terrible severity 
in order to make sure of the apprehension of the most 
probable culprits. When, in 1278, he was making prepa- 
rations for an inquiry into the whole subject of the 
coinage, he caused all the Jews of England to be im- 
prisoned in one night, their property to be seized, and 
their houses to be searched. At the same time the gold- 
smiths, and many others s^inst whom information was 
given by the Jews, were treated in the same way.* 

The prisoners were tried before a bench of judges and 
royal officers. There can be no doubt that many innocent 
men were accused, even if they were not condemned. 
At a time when all the Jews in England were imprisoned, 
there was a great temptation for Christians to bring false 
accusations against those among them whom they dis- 
liked on personal or religious grounds, especially as there 

' Tovey, 109 ; Madoz, RiHory of the Exchequer I. 245, z. 
» M. Paris, Chronica Majora, IV. 608. 

» Ihid,, V. 16. * Annalcft Mnnastiei, IV. 278. 

s 2 

Digitized by 


266 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

was a good chance of extorting hush-money from the 
accused, or, in case of condemnation, of concealing from 
the escheators some of their property.^ The Jews and the 
King recognised the danger. One Manser of London, for ex- 
ample, was wise enough to sue that an investigation might 
be held into the ownership of tools for clipping that were 
found on the roof of his house.* The King, anxious that 
punishment should fall only on the guilty, issued a general 
writ, in which the various motives for false accusation were 
recited, and it was ordered that any Jew against whom no 
charge had been brought by a certain date might secure 
himself altogether by paying a fine.' Nevertheless, a large 
number both of Jews and Christians were found guilty. Of 
the Christians only three were condemned to death, though 
many others were heavily fined. For the Jews, however, 
there was no mercy. Two hundred and ninety-three of 
them were hanged and drawn in London, and all their 
property escheated to the King. A few more had been 
condemned, but saved their lives by conversion to 

The activity with which Jews took part, or were supposed 
to take part, in the debasement of the coinage, and in the pro- 
hibited practice of usury,* must have aroused in the mind of 
the King some misgivings on the subject of his new policy. 
Nevertheless, he did not as yet desp€dr of its ultimate 

> Calendar af Patent Rolls from 1281 to 1292, 128, U7, 173, 176. 213, 
291, 451 ; Chron, Ed. /., I. 93 ; Rotuli Parliamentorum, I. 51a; Bjmer, 
Fadera, I., 570. 

' Papers AnglO'Jetoish Historical Exhibition^ 42-3. 

» Tovey, 211-13. 

« Chroniclee of Edward i. and Edward IT, (Bolls Series), L, 88 ; 
Chronicon Petroburgense (Camden Society), 29. 

* ** Whereas in the time of our ancestors, kings of England, 
loans at Interest were wont and were allowed to be made by Jews 
of our kingdom, and much of such profits fell into the hands of 
those our ancestors, as the issues of onr Jewry; and we, led on 
by the loye of Grod, and wishing to foUow more devoutly in the 
path of the Holy Church, did forbid unto all the Jews of our 
kingdom who had Tioiously lived from such loans, that none ot them 
henceforth in any manner be guilty of resorting to loans at interest, 
but that they seek their living and sustain themselves by other legitimate 

Digitized by 


The Ewpubion of the Jews from England in 1290. 257 

success. The crimes of the Jews were no greater than 
those of the Christians around them, though they called 
forth heavier punishment. Christians clipped and coined ; 
Christians still lent money on usury .^ And a certain 
amount of crime among Jews could not but be looked for 
as a natural result of the terrible difficulties in the way of 
the social revolution that had been demanded of them. 
Edward saw that he had been trying to do too much at 
once. The Jews could not change their occupation as 
suddenly as he had wished. The country could not do 
without money-lenders. By making the lending of money 
at interest a penal offence, and thus encouraging debtors 
and creditors to keep their transactions secret, Edward had 
weakened the supervision that had been exercised by the 
Treasury, since 1194, over the business and property of 
the Jews, and thus he had increased the chance of fraud in 
the collection of tallages, and in the apportionment of the 
share of each estate that had long been claimed by the 
Crown as the succession due on Jewish property.* But he 
had not stamped out usury, though the Statute of 1275 
had forbidden it He had not even secured the redemption 
of all pledges of Christians from the hands of the Jews, 
though the Statute of 1275 had demanded it. And, there- 
fore, in order that he might not keep on the Statute Book 
a law of which the effective administration was impossible, 

work and merchandise, especially since hj the fayonr of Holy Ohnroh 
they are suffered to seU and Utc among Christians. Nererthelees. 
afterwards, in a blind and eyil spirit, taming to eyil, under colour of 
merchandise and good contracts and coTenants, what we established 
by rational thought, premeditating mischief anew, they do it 
with Christians by means of bonds and divers instruments, which 
remain with the Jews, and in which, on a given debt or contract, 
they put double, treble, or quadruple more than they lend to the 
Christians [this reads like an exaggeration!, penally abusing the name 
of usury. . . .'* {Papers Anglo-Jewish Historical Bcphibitionj 225-6). 

^ For Coining, see Ruding, Annals qf the Coinage 1. 197 ; Calendar qf 
Patent Rolls from 1281 to 1292, 97 ; Abbreviatio Kotulorum Originalium 
(Record Commissien), 49 ; Peckham, Negistrum Epistolarumy 1. 146. For 
Usury, Ibrty-fourth Report of the Deputy-Keeper of the Publie Records, 

Ep. 8 and 9 ; Aroheeologia, XXVIII., 227-9; Peckham, II., 642 ; and for a 
kter period, Rotvli Parliamentorum, II. 332tf, (VII.) 350ft. 
' Papers of Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition^ p. 192 (note 64), and 
p. 222. 

Digitized by 


258 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

he mitigated the severity of the provisions of 1276, and 
issued, probably a few years later, a new Statute, in which 
he prescribed certain conditions under which usury was to 
be permitted. He allowed loans to be made under con- 
tract for the payment of interest at the rate of half a mark 
in the pound yearly, but for three years only ; and, in order 
to reduce the temptation to conclude secret transctctions, 
restored legal recognition to all debts of the value of £20 
or upwards that were made under the prescribed condi- 
tions, and were registered before the chirographer and 
clerk, and threatened heavy penalties against all who 
should lend up to that amount without registration.^ 

Edward was wise in thus substituting for his earlier, 
harassing measure, one that allowed for gradual change, 
and that attempted to control the evil of which the imme- 
diate suppression was impossible. But the few years' 
experience that he had already had ought to have made 
him go farther still. It ought to have shown him that it 
was hopeless to expect the Jews to give up usury so long 
as the greater part of them were practically excluded 
from all other pursuits, and that, if ever he was to bring to 
a successful issue the policy that he had inaugurated, he 
would have to find some means of enabling them to work 
side by side with Christians, and to compete with them on 
equal conditions. 

Such a task would have been full of difficulties, the 
greatest of which resulted from the active hostility with 
which the rulers and teachers of the Christian Church in 
the thirteenth century, unlike their predecessors, regarded 
the Jews. The growth and nature of this hostility must 
now be considered. 

B. Lionel Abrahams. 
{To be continued.) 

* Papers of Anglo-Jtwish Historical Exhibition, pp. 224-9. 

Digitized by 


Death, Burial, and Mourning, 259 



HE next step preliminary to burial is to prepare the 
>rpse by a process of purification for its journey to its 
emal home. This sacred task is usually fulfilled by the 
lembers of a religious confraternity known as MlJT^p MTS^^, 
ho have voluntarily taken upon themselves to discharge 
1 the rites connected with death and burial Their 
Buried duties are covered by the word avyKOfxi^eiv, occur- 
mg in Acts viii. 2. 

The water required for the cleansing of the dead has to 
e warmed. The ceremonial of washing the corpse must 
ot be performed by one person alone, not even in the 
ase of a child. The dead must likewise not be moved 
rom one position to another by fewer than two persons. 
?he corpse is first laid on a deal board, with its feet turned 
owards the door, and covered with a clean sheet. The 
K)dy is undressed as far as the inner shirt, which is then 
ent through from the breast downward in such a manner 
;hat the corpse shall remain covered throughout. The 
iorpse is now washed from head to foot in lukewarm water, 
luring which process the mouth is covered, so that no water 
ihould trickle down it. 

First, the dead lies with face lifted upward ; it is next 
inclined upon the right side while the left side and part 
[)f the bcu^k are being washed, and is then turned on to the 

Digitized by 


260 The Jewish Quarterly Beview. 

left side while the right side and the remainiDg portion oi 
the back are being subjected to the same treatment, th( 
corpse being afterwards laid on its back. In some casei 
the nails are cut, but generally they are simply cleaned 
with a special kind of pin, while the hair i.s often arrangec 
in the manner in which it was worn in life. In ancieni 
times the hair was cut (T. B. Moed. Kat, 86), but it is non 
only washed, and nine measures of cold water are sub 
sequently poured over the corpse (during which, in some 
plfitces, the dead is settled in an upright position), and thij 
constitutes the actual religious purification technicallj 
known as rpjo©. 

While this ceremonial is being carried out, some versei 
are recited by those who officiate, concluding with th( 
words : " And I will sprinkle clean water upon you, and 
you shall be clean " (Ezekiel xxxvL 25). 

The corpse is, of course, thoroughly dried, care being 
taken not to leave it uncovered the while. Women 
have to undergo the same process of purification at ih( 
hands of their own sex. In Acts ix. 37 we have an 
instance of a woman being washed before burial in Neiv 
Testament times. 

The board on which the corpse lay is cleansed, and all 
the water that may have been spilt around about is cleared 
up, so that no one should pass over it. The overturning oi 
the board is fraught with danger, and any one might di( 
in consequence within three days afterwards (Testament oj 
R Jehuda Chasid. VL). 

It was formerly the custom also to anoint the corpse 
after cleansing, with various kinds of aromatic spices 
ty^ryo ^V Q'^P^?* It will be remembered that when Mar} 
was reproached with an unnecessary waste of ointment 
Jesus exclaimed, ''SulBfer her to keep it against the daj 
of my burial" (John xiL 7). And we find it recorded 
that a mixture of myrrh and aloes, about 100 lbs. weight 
was subsequently brought for the body of Jesus (Ibid 
xix. 39). The custom of actual embalming, as understood 

Digitized by 


Death, Burial, and Mourning. 261 

by ihe Egyptians, does not seem to have found favour with 
the Jews, as instances of the practice are extremely rare in 
the history of Israel 

The legendary character of stories such as that Herod 
preserved the corpse of a girl in honey for seven years, 
and that the corpse of Eleazer bar Simeon was confined 
in a garret for twenty-two years is, as Perles truly remarks, 
self -apparent. 

For examples of swathing the corpse in spices, cf . Matt, 
xxvi. 12; Mark xiv. 8; xvi. 1; Luke xxiii. 56; xxiv. 1; 
John xix. 39 f. 

After the rite of purification has been carried out in 
the customary manner, the corpse is clothed in grave- 
vestments, commonly called ^'•DnDn {Mish. Sanhed, vi. 5), 
or metaphorically MnilT, provision for a journey (T.B. 
JSrub. 41a). They are identical with the aivSwv of the New 
Testament (cf. Matt xxvii. 59, etc.), being made of white 
linen (^TD) without the slightest ornament, and must be 
stainless. They are usually the work of women, and are 
simply pieced together, no knots being permitted, accord- 
ing to some, in token that the mind of the dead is dis- 
entangled of the cares of this life, but in the opinion of 
others, as representing the expression of a wish that the 
bones of the dead may be speedily dissolved into their 
primitive dust {Eokiach, 816). 

The outfit of the dead usually comprises n532JD, a cap 
or mitre, n'»''D3DD, breeches, naVlD, shirty DDno, a garment 
resembling a surplice, and myn, girdle. No corpse, male 
or female, must be clothed in less than three garments. 
Over these is placed the prayer cloak n^bls, usually worn 
by the Jews during divine worship, with one of the fringes 
torn off the comer to which it is attached. In the case of 
women, an apron, ni3^, is supplied instead of D^'^oaDD. 
Women also dispense with the n^^, as it is not worn by 
members of the female sex in life. Very frequently the white 
shroud used by strict Jews on New Year's Day, the Day 
of Atonement, and the Passover "night of observance/' 

Digitized by 


262 The Jetmh Quarterly Reeifiw. 

forms part of their grave apparel. " It is the custom in 
some countries that the bride presents the bridegroom with 
this article on the wedding day*' {The Jewish Religion^ 
Friedlander, p. 492, Note 2). The cerements correspond to 
the garments worn by the High Priest in days of old. The 
regulations (set forth above) with regard to the TXyyt^ and 
the mode of dressing the dead are post-Talmudic ; see the 
D^'^nn IDD, a work compiled early in the last century, by 
Rabbi Simeon Frankfurter, and edited with an English 
translation and notes, under the title of Book oflAfe, by the 
Rev. B. H. Ascher. 

The making of the several vestments to be worn by the 
departed is esteemed as a n^sp and we are told {Ruth 
Rab., I. 8) that the kindness which Naomi's daughter-in- 
law showed to the dead (Ruth i. 8) consisted in her having 
prepared grave-clothes for them. Apropos of this, the 
Targ. Jerus. has a remarkable rendering of Deut. xxvi. 14 : 

: naV ^^^^ ''^n? ^) ^a^^P '^ai^ ""pf?^^ ^\ "I have not 

defrayed therefrom the expense of grave-vestments." (For 
a note on this interpretation, see Qeiger's Urschrift, p. 479.) 

It is strange that T3^?«?, "a mingled stuff, wool and 
linen together," prohibited for ordinary garments in Levit. 
xix. 19 and Deut. xxii. 11, may be used for the purpose 
of cerements (Mish, Kilaim ix. 4). 

The garments worn by the dead are referred to in the 
following passages of the New Testament : Matth. xxvii. 
69; Mark xv. 46 ; Luke xxiii. 53; John xi. 44; xx. 7; 
xix. 40 ; Acts v. 6. 

The cerements were not invariably composed of the 
simplest material, nor were they "always white." Until 
about fifty years after the destruction of the Jewish State, 
gross extravagance was practised in the dressing of the 
dead. (Cf. Josephus, Ant, XV. iii. 4 ; XVI. vii. 1 : XVIL ix. 
3; Wars of Jews, 1. xxxiii. 9.) 

Thus we are told (T. B. Moed Kat. 27b) that formerly 
the outlay concurrent on a death in a household was so 
great, that the suffering of the mourners was thereby 

Digitized by 


Death, Bui^l, and Mourning, 26S 

intensified, and the anxiety of having to provide the 
necessary expenses was often a greater source of sorrow 
to the bereaved than the actual loss they had sustained. 
Hence Rabban Gamliel left an injunction that he was not 
to be buried in many grave-vestments, and it is reported 
that he was interred in a simple linen shroud (see 
Toaafoth, i I.). 

We also find in the Testaments of the Twelve Patri- 
archs that Judah's last command to his family, which he 
joined with the injunction to lay him in Hebron, was a 
protest against, their enwrapping him in costly robes 
(Tesiamenta XII. Patriarchum, Ed. Sinker, p. 79. Cf. 
Chrysostom, Somil., 84). The Kolbo enjoins (§ 114) that 
the dead should not be attired in splendid vestments, 
so as not to put to shame those who, may not have the 
means to provide them. Thus in process of time a gar- 
ment costing a sus became popular (T.B. Moed Kat, 27b)^ 
and the Jews have since been interred in the simplest and 
most inexpensive raiment (cf. Josephus c. Apion, ii. § 27). 
Up to the age of the Rabbis, the cerements used to be of 
different colours, such as red, white, green and variegated 
(Cf. T. J. Eilaim, ix. 14). Afterwards white predominated, 
and has since prevailed, doubtless because it is emblematical 
of purity and simplicity. Rabbi Jochanan requested to be 
buried in garments that were neither entirely white nor 
entirely black, so that should he come hereafter among the 
righteous he should feel no shame, and should his lines fall 
among the impious, he should have no reason to blush. 
(Ibid.) Rabbi Joshia wished to be buried in white gar- 
ments, because he did not feel ashamed of his deeds. 
{Beresh. Bab. xcvL 5). Rabbi Jannai is reported to have 
addressed his children before death: "Bury me not in black 
garments, nor in white ; not in black, because I might be 
found righteous, and I should then be as a mourner among 
bridegrooms ; not in white, in case I should be approved 
in the sight of God, and I should then be as a bridegroom 
among mourners. Buiy me rather in vestments that are 

Digitized by 


264 The Jetoish Quarterly Rewew. 

saturated with fine oil and have come from a maritime 
town." (T3.8habb,lUa.) 

In T. B. MegiUa, 266, it is stated that antiquated scrolls of 
the Law, which were no longer fit for use in the syna- 
gogue, were employed for clothing the dead. 

Interment in a simple reed-mat, n^3p \tD rtSTTO, was con- 
sidered as a token of disrespect to the dead, and suggested 
in the eyes of the people that the departed had been 
placed under ban, and could not be united with the bands 
of spirits pervading the world. Thus, in the course of a 
conversation between two departed spirits, overheard by 
a Rabbi who was passing the night in the burying-place, 
one of the spirits remarked that she was buried in a mat 
of reeds, and could not therefore leave the grave (T. B. 
Beraeh, 186). 

The Rabbis seem to have been much exercised as to 
whether in the time of the resurrection the dead would 
come forth from their tombs naked or clothed. Rabbi Ibo 
(or, according to some. Rabbi Nathan) deduced from Job 
xxxviiL 14, that a man will arise from the grave in the 
same garments which he wore when he entered it (Kohel. 
Bab, V. 10). Rabbi Meir argued, a minare ad mqforem, that 
if a mere grain of wheat, which is deposited in the ground 
in all its nakedness, comes forth at a later date with an 
abimdance of vesture, how much more should the righteous, 
who are interred in grave garments (T. B. Sanhed. 906, and 
cf. 1 Cor. XV. 37f). We also find a similar opinion expressed 
in T. B. Kethub 1116, ^mo^'obn 'nTDy'»H7 D>pn2 y>l>nv 
** Likewise Aischa asked the Messenger of God (Mohammed), 
Will no one awake clothed on the day of the resurrection ? 
No one, he replied, but the prophets, their families (the 
martyrs), and those who fasted regularly in Ragab, 
Schab&n, and Ramad^ ** {Muhamm, Eschat ch. xxviii.). 

The Jews were not the only nation of antiquity who 
bestowed such care upon the purification of their dead 
prior to interment. The Syrians (according to Bar He- 
braeus. Book of CondtAct, 36e?.) likewise washed their dead, 

Digitized by 


Deaths Burial, and Mourning. 266 

afterwards clothed them in linen vestments. Jacob 
Idessa, however, explains that the washing of the dead, 
ii the'Nestorians regarded as an ordinance of the 
rch, was nowhere commanded; it only became a re- 
dsed custom because at first those who died from 
re ulcers were washed and anointed with fragrant oil 
)n8ecTation, and the practice was afterwards extended 
11 alike. The laity and inferior clergy had their whole 
es washed ; monks, nuns, anchorites, and the superior 
rj had only the head, hands, and feet cleansed {Die 
}ne8 Jacob's von Edesaa, p. 152.) With reference to 
Nestorian ritual of the washing of the dead, see an 
"esting article by Isaac H. Hall in Sebraica, IV. 82. 
learned author states that the dead is apparelled in 
e garments as in the days of his wedding. The 
aritans are likewise prepared for burial by their own 
ds ; the whole body is washed, but especially the head 
oe), mouth, nose, face, ears, both inside and out (all 
Mohammedan fashion), and lastly the feet (Fragments 

Samaritan Targum, etc., John W. Nutt). The Man- 
ns also have a sacrament of the dying, referred to by 
ffi, 120 seq. They pour first hot and then cold water 

the head of the dying man, and subsequently array 
in the rast&, in which he is to be interred. Dying 
out this ablution and attire causes the soul to remain 
o the last day among the Matartll's (Die Mandaisehe 
Hon, A, J. Wilhelm Brandt, 82). When one of the 
iyreeyah dies, the liody is well soaked, and is washed 

warm water. The corpse is then wrapped in a white 
ad Likewise among the Abyssinians, the body is 
)ped in a white cotton shroud (Social Races of Mankind, 
herman, Div. V., 496f., 619). It was the custom in 
«e that the women should wash and anoint the body, 
then clothe it in clean white garments (Lucian, De 
M. § 11 ; Sophocles, (Edip. Colon. 1602 f. ; Homer, Iliad, 
H. 350 ; XXIV. 582 ; Odyss., XXIV. 4). It was also a 

with the Romans for the body to be bathed in hot 

Digitized by 


266 Ths Jewish Quarterly Retnew. 

water and then anointed (SeyflTert's Diet, of Class. Antiqs.): 
Among the Assyrians and Babylonians, " the corpse was 
wrapped in mats of reed and covered with asphalt ; it was 
clothed in the dress and ornaments that had been worn 
during life — the woman with her earrings in her ears, her 
spindle- whorl ajid thread in her hands ; the man with his 
seal and weapons of bronze or stone ; the child with his 
necklace of shells" (Social Life among the Assyrians and 
Babylonians, A. H. Sayce, Chap. IV.). 

The Jews in ancient times had also a number of valuable 
articles deposited with them in the grave {Semach, VIII.). 
Thus, when Hyrcanus opened the sepulchre of David he took 
out of it three thousand talents ( Josephus, Ant. XIIL viiL 4 ; 
XVI. vii 1). In like manner, Aristobulus was buried with 
many ornaments (Idem, Ant. XV. iii. 4). With regard to the 
Syrians the Patriarch John complains that costly garments 
and all kinds of finery were buried with the dead {Ehed- 
Jesu in Mai-a-a-O, 258, quoted by Kayser). In Greece, too, 
many tombs have been found to contain various articles 
that had been dear or useful to the living (Max Miiller, 
Anthropological Beligion, p. 264). Among the Polynesians it 
was customary to bury with the dead some article of value ; 
a female would have a cloth mallet laid by her side, whilst 
her husband would enjoin his friends to bury with him a 
favourite stone adze, or a beautiful white shell worn by 
him in the dance (Tbid, p. 277). Among various South 
African tribes, ''the ornaments, rings, armlets, tobacco 
pipes, and articles of apparel worn by the departed are 
placed in the grave, as well as his broken spear, walking- 
stick, and other small personal effects " (Rev. J. Macdonald, 
in Joum. of Anthrop, Inst XIX.). In the case of the Jews, 
symbols and souvenirs of the calling of the deceased were 
sometimes suspended from the coflSn {Semach. VIII.), modem 
Jews often deposited in the grave a bag filled with earth 
(by preference, dust of the Holy Land) which is placed 
under the head of the corpse. 

When the dead has been thoroughly prepared for burial 

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Death, Burial, and Mourning. 267 

lie is placed in a coflSn in a sleeping posture, the hands 
and feet being stretched out to their fullest lengtL The 
corpse must on no account be left in the attitude known as 
VISOp, ie,, squeezed together as fish are sometimes packed, 
the head of one being pressed against the feet of another, 
and so on (T. J. Nasir, ix. 3). The corner of the prayer 
cloak, of which a fringe was torn ofi", is left hanging out of 
the coffin. 

There is some uncertainty as to whether the dead were 
buried in ancient times with or without a coffin. 

In early Biblical times there is certainly no mention of a 
coffin being used for the corpse, with the solitary exception 
of the case of Joseph (Gen. 1. 26), and his interment in a 
coffin was no doubt owing to the fact that the Egyptians 
employed a kind of wooden case called ]i")^, to contain 
the embalmed dead. In the passages in the New Testament 
bearing upon the subject there is also no trace of such a 

In the Ta<*taments of the Twelve Patriarchs, however, it 
is remarked that they were placed in a coffin prior to 
burial. With regard to Simeon (p. 8 ; cf. Book of Jubilees, 
cL xlvi), it is added that the coffin was of wood which did 
not decay. But this is, of course, only fanciful. 

At the same time the Talmud contains several names for 
coffins, and the precise instructions which it gives with 
regard to the manner of interring persons of difierent 
status unquestionably points to the fact that a coffin was 
generally employed to contain the mortal remains in Rab- 
binic times. (Cf. T. B. Moed Eat 24ft MDpDlb:i or MDpDlbl, 
= ^'kaiaaoKoiieiov{dlso Semach III., and Targ. Jon, on Gen, 
1. 26) ; T. J. Moed Kai. I. 1, ]nM btt7 ]nM ; T. J. Moed Eat 
I. 5, yv \\D ynA\ T. J. KiMm, IX. 3, p-iM; T. B. MoedKat. 
86, DnD3D ynA.) 

From these titles it would seem that coffins were made 
either of wood or of stone. For further particulajps with 
regard to the material of the coffin, see T. B. Moed Eat 8b; 
T. J. Moed Eat 1. 5. 

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268 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

The lid of the coffin (according to Bashi on Shabb. 1626) 
was called V^ti, and each of the side-walls pDll. R Jacob 
Tarn (on Keihub. 4>b) and R Chananel (on Chull 72b), on 
the contrary, take V?ti to be the stone used to confine the 
coffin in the grave, and ptM the stone set at each side 
for the purpose of strengthening the stone above in its 

A one-day old child (as among the modem Egyptians) 
is not borne to the grave in a coffin, but in one's arms. A 
child of thirty days has a miniature coffin that is easily 
portable D"»^QaHni MDpDlb:i. The same rule applies to children 
under twelve months. A child aged from twelve months 
to three years is placed in a coffin that can be carried on 
one's shoulders i'\nDy) HDpDf?! A child that has com- 
pleted the age of three, or advanced beyond it, is re- 
garded as an adult, and conveyed to the grave on a bier 
(Semach. HI.). 

In modem times poor and rich Jews alike are interred 
in a plain coffin, and conveyed to the grave in a hearse 
without trappings. 

It appears that a stone used to be placed on the coffin of 
persons excommunicated by the Ecclesiastical Authorities 
of the Jews (T. B. Berach. 19a; Moed Kat 15a). Thus 
we are told {Mi%h, JEdiyoth, v. 6) that Akabya ben 
Mahalallel died under ban, and the Beth-Din cast stones 
upon his coffin. K Jehuda says, however, that it was 
Eliezer ben Chanoch who was " banned." When he died a 
stone was laid on his coffin by order of the Beth-Din. 
Hence it is to be inferred that one throws stones upon the 
co&n of one who has been excommunicated and died under 
ban. In Semach. Y. it states that when an excommunicated 
person (miDQ = airoawdy^o^, John ix. 22) dies, a repre- 
sentative of the community should place a stone on his 
coffin as a symbol of the fulfilment of the punishment of 
r6^pD. The custom was, however, abolished by the 
Babbis of the Hiddle Ages. It was possibly based on the 
case of Achan, who, having been as it were excommuni- 

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Death, Burial, and Mourning. 269 

cated for having taken of a devoted thing (^ID), had 
a great heap of stones raised over him (Josh. vii. 26). Cf. 
also 2 Sam. xviiL 17, where the same is related of Absalom. 
But it appears that a similar custom prevails among the 
Arabs. (See Waldemar Sonntag, Die Todtenbesfallung, 
p. 197.) 

A. P. Bendeb. 

(To he continued.) 


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270 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 


This essay will deal with a personage whose name has been 
kept in darkness for 1500 years, and concerning whom 
there is a risk that he might sink in oblivion. Many know 
him not; those who know him do not appreciate him; 
those who appreciate him, appreciate him not as a Jew. 

I have undertaken to make him known and appreciated 
according to his worth, but specially to reclaim him an4 
give him a place in Jewish history and science. 

1. Life ofDomninus. — He is mentioned by Hesychius and 
Suidas in the article Jofivivo^ by the former briefly, by the 
latter more fully. We get some little information concern- 
ing him from Marinus in the biography of Proclus.^ We 
have, therefore, but three sources for our information, of 
which Suidas is the most important. 

Suidas (ed. Bernhardy, L, 1432) begins as follows: — 
" Domninus, by race a Syrian, of Laodicea, or Larissa, a 
town in Syrisi, a disciple of Syrian, a cotemporary of 
Proclus. Thus it is stated by Damascius.'** 

The same account is given by Hesychius (ed. Flach, p. 
60), who, however, puts immediately after the name the 
words (f>CK6ao^ Svpo^. Marinus (ed. Boissonade), cap. 26, 
also states that Syrian was the teacher of Domninus, who 

> Marinus was a native of Flayia Neapolis, in Palestine, disciple of 
Proclus, and his successor to the Chair of Philosophy at Athens in 485 
A.D. One of his pupils was Agfapius. 

' AofivtvoQf Sv/Doc rh ylvoc, iirb rt Aaoiuniac ical AapioirtiQ irAiwc Svp<ac» 
ftaOiiriJQ ^vpuMPov Kal rov UpSicXov <rti^^o<rf|r^Ci ^ ^1<'*^ AafidvKio^, 
Damascius was a pupil of Marinus and his sucoessor at Athens; vide 
Photius, Myrioliblim (ed. Rotomagi, 1653), p. 411. 

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Domninus, a Jewish Philosopher of Antiquity. 271 

hailed from Syria.^ Hesychius states, in addition, that 
the philosopher Qesius was a pupil of Domninus.* 

These data are sufficient to determine the age in which 
Domninus lived. Syrian died in 450 A.D., Proclus was 
bom in 412 and died in 485. Marinus, the disciple of 
Proclus, flourished about 480;' but Marinus speaks of 
Domninus as though deceased, and consequently he could 
not have been alive about 480. We know, further, that 
Domninus attained a high age (Suidas styles him yrjpcuo^), 
and his birth could, accordingly, not be fixed later than 400. 

Domninus lived, therefore, between 400 and 480 A.D. We 
know very little about his life. We shall find, later on, 
that he once stayed at Athens, in company with Plutarch 
the philosopher, and that he was there seized with a violent 
illness. Whether he was the head of the Neo-Platonic 
school at Athens, it is impossible to decide; Marinus speaks 
of him as though he succeeded Syrian in the direction of 
this school,* but there are cogent reasons for doubting the 
accuracy of that statement.* It is nevertheless certain that 
he was surrounded by pupils. Suidas mentions the tebct 
that he rejected a certain pupil named Asklepiodotos.* 
Proclus calls Domninus his companion.^ 

2. The Religion of Domninus.— Snidos forms no favourable 
opinion of him. " In his mode of life,'- he says, " he was 
not so remarkable as to deserve the title of philosopher," ® 
and in justification of his opinion he narrates the following 
anecdote: '^ It happened in Athens that iEsculapius proposed 

» CI ZeUer, FhUosophie der Oriechen^ 2nd edit., Leipzig, 1868. Vol. III. 
PL 3, p. 691. 

' 8uh voce TkmoQy p. 40 ed. Flaoh ; xide below. 

' Vide E. l&.xasik,Oetohiokte d. grieehuehen Prata (2nd ed., Berlin, 1868). 
Vol II., pp. 477 and 486. 

* Proolns, Cp. 26, .... Ic r^c Svpiac ^1X996^ xal SiadSx^ Aofivivif. 

^ ZeUer, as above. 

At the end of the article. I do not know why ZeUer makes no men- 
tion of this fact. 

' Proclus in Tim. 34 B. iraifto^, Gf. Zeller, looo leeto, note 8. 

' i/v ik oifii TtiP Zwv^v &Kpog, olov d\fi0&c ^tX6ffo^ov tiwilv, 


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272 The Jewish Quarterly Bemetc. 

one and the same cure to Plutarch, the Athenian, and to 
Domninus, the Syrian ; the latter was subject to frequent 
attacks of spitting of blood, so much so that he was named 
after this disease (?). I am unacquainted with the former's 
malady ; the cure consisted in their eating much port 
While Plutarch did not keep to this prescription, though 
there was nothing in his religion to forbid it . . . Domninus, 
on the other hand, following the dream in contradiction to 
his law (which is in vogue among the Syrians), and caring 
nothing for Plutarch s example, ate of this flesh both on 
this occ&sion and subsequently. It is said that if he omitted 
to partake of it for but a single day, he had a fresh attack 
of his illness, until he again stuffed himself with it" ^ 

It is not diflSicult at first sight to understand that a 
Syrian, to whom the prohibition not to eat pork was a 
national one, could only have been a Jew. It is well 
known that Jews are often styled Syrians by both Greek 
and Latin authors. The refusal to eat pork is in itself 
no clear evidence that the person must have been a Jew, 
for we have reliable accounts which state that other races, 
besides the Jewish, abstained from pork;* but Suidas 
speaks of a national law which prohibits the eating of 
swine's flesh, and such a law is known to Judaism alone^ 
whilst among other people it is but a voluntary act of 

Plutarch, being a heathen, could have partaken of swine's 
flesh, but he did not do so, while Domninus the Jew 

* 6 ydtp ^AOfivritrtv *A<fcXifiriAc i^v airijv laetp kxP^fV^^'' nXoirra^y 
Tt rf *AOfivaiift leai rf Svpy Aoftvivy. rotary fdv alfi' AwowHoyrt woX' 
XdxtQ Kai rovTo ^kpovrt r^c v6irov rb Svofia, Ueivift ik oifK oUa o, n veyomi- 
k6ti, ^ it laffic iiv inwiirXatrOai xo'P^l^v Kpiotv. *0 likv Sk UXovrapxoc ••« 
^v iffxtTo T^c Toiavrric ^yuiaQ icatroc oifK ov9tic airrf wapav6ftov Kara ri, 
wdrpia . . . AofivivoQ ik oi KarA OtfAiv frtioBtic rtp dvilptf, Otpiv role 5:^i|p#cc 
wdrptoVf oifik wapadfiyfiari rtf liXovr&pxtf XP*I*<*/*«*'<»C> ^^yi rdn ted 'ifvBujf 
Ad T&v Kpt^v, Xiytrai irov, fiLav il SdXttirtv ^fdpav dytvoro^j iitiTiBto^m 
rb vaOrjfia 7ravrwc» ^^Q Avfir\rio9ri. 

« Midroih Koheleth Rabbah on I. 8 (p. Btf, ed. WUna) K3? H^njP, cte. 
Vide Blau in the Hungarian periodical Magyar-Ztidd-SzemU, XL, 286. 

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Domninus, a Jewish Philosopher of Antiquity, 273 

followed the advice of iEsculapius in preference to the 
dictates of his religion. Suidas, therefore, lays stress upon 
this weakness of his as sufficient reason to deny him the 
title of philosopher, whilst society ridiculed him and 
invented the story about him that he had ever after to feed 
himself with the flesh of swine. But, further, Plutarch 
himself refers in unmistakable language to the Jewish faith 
of Domninus, inasmuch as he enquires of the god ^scula- 
pius whether he would prescribe for the Jew also as medi- 
cine the flesh of swine.^ But there is really no necessity 
for inferring indirectly what was the faith professed by 
Domninus, for Hesychius states clearly that Domninus was 
a Jew.* 

In the course of this article we shall touch upon a few 
further details, which only become intelligible upon the 
supposition that they have reference to Judaism. 

3. TJie Works of Domninus, — Suidas entertains no high opi- 
nion of the scientific labours of Domninus: ''In mathematics 
he was well grounded ; in other branches of learning all 
too superficial. Hence the cause of his having perverted 
many of Plato's teachinga^ We thus learn incidentally what 
Hesychius clearly states, that Domninus adhered to the 

* & HciroTa i^ti, ri Si Av irpooirakas 'loviaitfi votrovvrt raitrtiv nifv vSvov, 

* S. V. riffcoc (p. 40, ed. Flach). The passage is as follows (Domniis 
and Donminns are, of oonrse, one and the same) : — r#9<oC} laTpooo^urrtit, 
TltTpaioQ t6 yivoff iiri Zi^viavo^, Ka^Acuv Sk ^6/jivov rbv iavrov BiidffKaXoVf 
^loviaiov bvra cai ro^c iraipovQ tig lavrbv fi(Ta<fTri9dfitrog 6\iyov iravrac, 
fravraxy iyvupiZfro xai fdya tXioc tlxfv. ovtoq KuQitpOiaat rkxvfiv larp&v 
KaO* iavrbv wdvruv. As from these words it appears that this Opsins 
played an important part in the life of Donminns, we wiU add here 
another charaoteristic of this person according to Photios, Bihliothecaf 
p. 825: Magnum honorem Gesins oonsecntos est, non solom qnod arte 
medica yaleret et doceiido et operando, sed etiam ob omnem aliam emdi- 
tionem, Dialeotiois sese instmens. 

> 'Bv liiv toIq fiaOffuaetv iieavbc ivrip, Iv Sk toXq SKKoig ^iKovo^rifiatfiv 
|iriiroXa<5r<poc (the text is not quite correct in this place), ^i^ xai iruXAd 
tUv TWdr^voQ oUtiotc doldfffiaviv fdrptil/t. We must observe that from 
o'ttHov do^aeiia may be deduced that by birth and education Domninoa 
belonged to quite a different circle, t.«., he was a Jew. 

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274 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

philosophy of Plato.^ On account of his perversion of the 
Platonic philosophy, he was attacked by Froclus in a special 
work, whereupon Domninus published his views in a col- 
lected form in the work Kadaprrucrj r&y Boyudrfov nxdrcovo^ 
(The Teachings of Pkdo purified).^ This work is lost 

A Manual of Mathematics {efxelpiZiov)^ with Domninus, or 
Domnius of Larissa, a philosopher, as author, is occasionally 
quoted, and is still extant in MS. As regards name, place 
and tendency, our Domninus might have been the author ; 
but this book is generally ascribed to the renowned Helio- 
dorus, who also came from Larissa.' 

Marinus relates that shortly before his death, Syrian 
commissioned his pupils, Proclus and Domninus, to write a 
commentary upon the Orphic hymns or the oracles {Xxrfia). 
Domninus chose the former, Proclus the latter, but nothing 
came of the project.* We therefore possess not a single 
work written by Domninus. 

4. Theurgic Science in the Neo-Platonic School — The Orient 
was always the classic ground for crass superstition and 
witchcraft, and it appears that this craft of ancient Baby- 
lon and Chaldaea was continued by the Neo-Platonic school 
under the cloak of a branch of science. These philosophers, 
whom we meet in the immediate company of Domninus, 
were all much occupied with such theurgic sciences. It is 
positively asserted of Plutarch, for instance, that he was 
quite a master in the science ; that, in fact, in his case it 
was a sort of heritage.* The same we find in the instance, 
too, of Proclus, the fellow-student of Domninus. Proclus 
sets about his work with Chaldaic formulae of prayer 
(<rv(rrd<7a)9), i.e., with prayers, the object of which is to pro- 
pitiate the Godhead on man's behalf; with Formulae of 
Oaths (eiTi^ta*), and tcith ineffable magic wheels {cuf>e^icToi, 

^ S. ▼. Domninns, typa^j/i Kara riv rov nX<irwvoc ^o^aoyiorwv. 

* Snidas, in the passage quoted. 

' Vide Pauly*8 R^al EncycUtp., II., p. 1228. 

* Proel, cp. 26. Zeller, III., pt. 2, p. 691, note 2. 

* Zeller, p. 677, note 1. 

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DommntM, a Jetoish Philoscpher of Antiquity, 275 

<rTp6<f>aXoi,)} Proclus had adopted these things while in 
the house of Plutarch. Both the pronunciation (iKifxivriai^) 
and the mode of application (of those magic wheels) he had 
acquired from Asklepigeneia, the daughter of Plutarch ; she 
was, in fact, the only one who had received these things 
by tradition from the great Nestor, in addition to all kinds 
of theurgic arts which she acquired from her father.* 

Who does not perceive in all this a relation to Judaism ? 
A reference to the mystic prayers and the secret theory of 
the chariot (hmid nwVDi) ? And an Ineffable Name ! Can 
this be aught else but the Tetragrammaton, the ineffable 
name of God in Hebrew ? Even the term " Chaldaic," as 
applied to prayers, probably means "Hebrew," or such as were 
composed for and by Jews. It is true that the Greeks also 
had their mysteries, and the whole might, if pressed, refer 
to Greek conditions ; but the personages included in this 
environment are so imbued with the Jewish spirit,' that 
we feel constrained to judge their mode and aspects of life 
from the Jewish point of view. 

But this is certain beyond doubt, that in Domninus' circle 
theurgic arts were practised. And although Domninus is 
not directly mentioned as having practised such arts, yet 
his Syrian descent leaves no doubt in our mind that he 
must have been addicted to them even more than his Gfreek 
friends ; as a proof, his very cure, as we saw above, was 
the result of a dream. Domninus must, therefore, be re- 
garded as the type of a Greek Jew towards the end of the 
fifth century, and his life has, accordingly, a real historical 

5. A Speaking-Machine in Ancient Times.^To understand 
aright the life of Domninus and his circle, we must have a 

' Marinas, Proelus, op. 28. ZeUer, p. 678, note 1. 

• Marinns, Proclus^ op. 28. 

* Domninus was a Jew, his pnpil G^os came from Petra, in Idnmsa. 
Marinas, the biographer, oame from Flavia Neapolis, in Palestine ; the 
name of Syrian may not be accidental. Plutarch resided with Domninas 
the Jew, and Proclas resided at the house of Plutarch. 

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276 The Jetmh Quarterly Review, 

knowledge of a marvellous arrangement which existed in 
olden times, viz., the speaking-machine. It sounds strange, 
but it is nevertheless true, that a sort of telephone or 
phonograph dates from antiquity. 

The work of a Syrian philosopher, Oinomaos,^ IlepX 
KuvuTfiovy is also cited by the title Kwo^ aino^vla? What 
does this mean ? " The very voice of the dog." 

Crusius has set it down that in ancient times there existed 
an apparatus which, at the request of its owner, began to 
speak automatically. According to Lucian, in specially 
important cases, a scientific apparatus was set in motion in 
the oracle of iEsculapius, presided over by the false prophet 
Alexander. Such oracles {avro^vm^ fiavreveaOcu) were quite 
current. This matter becomes as clear as we could wish it 
when we take into account what Suidas relates under the 
head of Domninua. After he, accordingly, relates that Plu- 
tarch had refused to eat the flesh of swine, as had been 
ordered him by iEsculapius for the cure of his sickness, he 
continues as follows : ** He (Plutarch) arose from his slum- 
bera, supported himself on his bed with his fists and stared 
at the figure of ^sculapius (for it happened that he slept 
in the court of the temple), and exclaimed : ' O Lord ! what 
would thou prescribe for a Jeiv if he had such an iUness ? 
Wouldst thou bid him to gorge himself with porkV Where- 
upon the figure spoke, and, lo, iEsculapius furthermore 
sufi^ered another most sonorous expression to proceed from 
it, giving a remedy for the disease." * 

Considering that this speaking-meu^hine is first mentioned 
by Oinomaos, the Palestinian, and was employed by persons 
in Athens who formed, 8is it were, a Jewish circle, we may 
infer that the speaking-machine was well known to, perhaps 
even invented by, Jews. At least Cumont (Alexandre 

> Also in the Talmnd DID^^SK. 

* All these details are ooUected by Cmsias in the RKeinUchet Museum^ 
New Series, voL XLFV., p. 809. 

■ ravra ilrtv 6 dk 'AffcXiy^idc avrUa &wo tov dyaXfiaroc ififiiXivrarov 
3f^ Ti%a ^Boyyov hipav vwiypn^aro Otpantiav rtf xaOn, 

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Domninus, a Jetciah Philosopher of Antiquity, 277 

d*Abonoticho8f p. 27) is of opinion that it was no Greek 
invention, but Oriental (Syrian or Egyptian). 

To the lover of history the sketch which is here presented 
of the life of Domninus, drawn as it is from ancient sources, 
will not be less pleasing because even when pieced together 
from materials of varied style and sources, the result is but 
a fragment. 

Samuel Krauss. 

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278 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 


The history of the "humanistic" movement among the 
Jews of Italy has yet to be written. Though the know- 
ledge of Latin possessed by Jews in other countries was 
not as low as is generally considered to be the case, we 
have still to note that it was owing to the culture of Italy, 
and specially to the influence of the humanists, that the 
knowledge of Latin literature first spread among the Jews. 
We have evidence of this not alone in the translation of 
several pieces of ancient classical literature into Hebrew, 
but also in the employment of Latin for purposes of 
scientific expression. 

But with the language were introduced into the tents of 
Jacob also the scientific spirit, the comparative study and 
appreciation of the national literature, aesthetics and 
criticism. It is by no accident that the founder of 
modern Jewish science, Azarya di Rossi, came from Italy. 

The following small contribution to the history of 
Jewish belles-lettres in Italy I now submit as an instance 
on the philological side of a Latin treatise by a Jew, the 
subject-matter serving as an example from the Jewish 
point of view of a modem scientific diatribe. I am 
indebted to the kindness of Prof. Dr. Walter Friedensburg 
and the Royal Prussian Historical Institute in Rome for 
having given me the opportunity of rescuing it from con- 
cealment among the archives of the Vatican and bringing 
it to the light of day. 

Lazarus de Viterbo acts as the defender of his co- 
religionists before his patron, the learned Cardinal 

Digitized by 


Lazartts De Viterbo's Epistle to Cardinal Sirleto. 279 

Gulielmo Sirleto, inasmuch as he repels the absurd 
reproach, that the Jews had falsified those portions of 
the text of Holy Writ which seemed to contain proofs 
of the truth of Christianity. 

The charge was not q* new one; it was ever raised 
against the Jews afresh without intermission, in spite 
of hundredfold refutations, by both Mohammedans and 
Christians alike. In Bome, the accusation that the Jews 
had, out of hatred of the Christians, tampered with the 
text of their sacred records, was first again levelled at the 
Jews in 1555 with terrible fury by the fanatic Franciscus 
Torensis, in his work : De sola lectione legis et prophetarum 
Judom cum Mosaico ritu, et cultu permittenda. 

It did not suffice him that the towns of Italy were 
smoking with the stakes upon which the Talmud was 
burnt at the bidding of the Pope and his Inquisitors ; he 
would fain have sacrificed at the same time the entire 
Jewish writings, the commentators of Holy Writ who 
had escaped death by fire. The Inquisition had already 
arrogated to itself the right to watch the printing of 
Jewish books ; the text of Jewish books had to a certain 
extent to receive its impress from Rome; all that was 
wanting to complete the matter was that it be prescribed 
to the Jews how the text of Holy Writ had to be read — 
that text which they had saved out of the storms of ages, 
the purity of which they had guarded as never any other 
work had been guarded. 

It was not by accident that Cardinal Sirleto was the 
man before whom the question as to the integrity of the 
Hebrew text was to be heard. 

Not only his study of the Hebrew language, evidenced 
by his Adnotationes in Paahnoa in the Antwerp Polyglot 
of 15G9, but also his official position, rendered this question 
one of deep interest to him. Cardinal from the 12th 
March, 1665, Protector and Judge of all Catechumens and 
Neophytes from the end of 1567, the Oracle of the Tri- 
dentine Council, which he advised from Rome with the 

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280 The Jewish Quarterly Bevtetc. 

fulness of his world-wide scholarship— it was Sirleto's task 
to occupy himself uninterruptedly with Jewish questions 
social and literary, so much so that aiccording to Dejob's 
investigations^ his papers remain even for the present 
time a valuable source of information, and an unearthed 
treasure for modern Jewish history. Filled rather with 
the spirit of Marcello Cervini, afterwards Pope Marcello II., 
whose memory is blessed in Jewish history'^ in spite of the 
short duration of his office as Pope — filled rather with his 
spirit than with that of the dark intolerance of Pope Paul 
IV., Sirleto possessed the kindness and forbearance to 
lend an ear to reasonable arguments, though they came 
from the Jewish side. It was his special knowledge of the 
subject that made Hebrew as dear to him as the classical 

Lazarus de Viterbo is on this account confident at the 
outset of finding in this influential Cardinal an advocate of 
his righteous cause. He proceeds from the view that the 
Holy language, the instrument of the world's creation and 
of Revelation, also produced the crown of all literatures, 
namely the Bible. With liberal and cultured mind and 
critical eye, Lazarus praises the fervour of the Psalms, the 
flights of Isaiah and the inimitable sweetness and tender- 
ness of the Song of Songs. 

How could the Jews, the depositaries of these treasures, 
have dared to lay hands upon such sacred possessions, 
seeing that their entire history is a proof that they believed 
with all confidence that they possessed in these writings 
God's own word. For what else, he adds with clever irony, 
than this conviction could have kept them steadfast in 
their faith, unless it was the fortune and peace, the pro- 
tection and security of which they could boast in the 
profession of that faith ? 

Nay, a glance at the condition of these documents 
as now extant proves with how great a fidelity and 

" Bevus det Mudei Juitet, IX., 77, «g. • Eaufmann, ih., IV., 88, iq. 

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Lazarus De Vit^bo's Epistk to Cardinal Sirleto. 281 

devotion they guarded the integrity of their texts. For 
unless it had been so, how would it have been possible 
that, despite their dispersion over the earth and all the 
vicissitudes of their career, such a uniformity could have 
existed in the text of the Sacred Scriptures, that the Bible 
of an Italian Jew differs in no wise from one found in the 
other countries of the inhabited globe ! 

That which was accomplished by straining all the powers 
of industry and memory till the time of Ezra, in whom, 
in spite of Elias Levita, our author with rash faith 
sees the founder of the system of Hebrew vocalisation 
and accentuation, this marvellous coincidence in the 
tradition and reading of the sacred texts, this was the 
work, after Ezra, of the Massora On the alert for 
every characteristic of the text, it established out of 
affectionate consideration, by counting every striking gram- 
matical and orthographical peculiarity, a fence round about 
the Sacred Scriptures which guarded them against the 
intrusion of errors and corruptions. Looking at the 
Massora alone, which has been able to accomplish the most 
marvellous results by means of the labours, incomparable 
as they are in point of devotion and self-sacrifice, of those 
responsible for the counting and classification of verses, 
words, and even letters, one would have thought that the 
mere idea would have been silenced and not suffered to be 
expressed, that a people which had demonstrated to the 
world such marvellous industry and self-denial could have 
wilfully and wickedly tampered with the text of these 
records. But the very examples which are brought 
forward to substantiate the charge, show on closer investi- 
gation that they are without foundation, for internal 
evidence as well as the older translations bear testimony to 
the truth of Jewish tradition. And though the audacious 
charge was proclaimed even from the pulpits of Rome, 
possibly by Jewish converts of the type of Andrea de 
Monti,^ and appeared before the tribunal of the judge on 

> Rev%iey IX.. 87, tq. 

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282 The Jetcish Quarterly Review, 

scientific and learned questions — ^a position which in the 
opinion of Lazarus de Viterbo Cardinal Sirleto held at the 
time — ^yet the accusation that the Jews had altered the 
text of the Old Testament had to fall to the ground. 

Lazarus de Viterbo is not unknown in the history of 
Jewish literature. He is the one who as Eliezer Mazliach 
b. Abraham Cohen, published about the year 1685 at 
Venice, through Juan di Gara, his Italian translation of 
Moses Riete's ethical poems D'^bMWn ]iyD^ under the title : 
I tenipio di oratori. It is in the familiar reflective style of 
the Hebrew ; names of places which occur frequently are 
reproduced in Hebrew or Aramaic equivalents, as e.g., Posen 
is rendered HMD TS, Cracow MD^D, and he gives Viterbo the 
origin of the family name, as Mnnn ^^ to remind one of 
the Tahnudic "Onn ^n {Joma, 77 a; Bdba K, 23 b). 

There is no necessity for us to conjecture that Isaac b. 
Abraham Cohen de Viterbo, whose acquaintance we make 
as Babbi of Siena in 1573, was his brother, for David de 
Pomis clearly tells us so in the Introduction to his Lexicon 
Zemach David. He mentions the fact with pride that 
through his wife, whom he lost early in life, he became 
the brother-in-law of these excellent brothers, Eliezer, the 
learned and pre-eminent physician, and Isaac, a renowned 
authority, both as Talmudist and philosopher.^ 

When Joseph of Foligno was about to marry, in 1573, 
at Pesaro, JuUa, the widow of his brother David who had 
died without issue, and who at the same time was the 
sister of his deceased wife, Sulpicia — ^when, in other 
words, he wished to avail himself of the right of marrying 
his deceased brother's wife, and he obtained the sanction of 
all the important Rabbis of Italy, we find that R. Isaac b. 
Abraham Cohen de Viterbo of Siena was among those who 

> Cf. Dukes in Orient, IV., 486, n. 30. 

« HiiK^-i D^icn^n miDNi non n^^x* h^ ninw nn^nc^ nw nw* 
Tnnoai pr\2^'o KDni Dan itj^W t\7^^ mnnm njnn nirtea 
Dona na^DD rhn^n "^mrs urv^x; ^nin si^oi^^Dni pwn vhk pnv^ 

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Lazarm De Viterho's Epistle to Cardinal Sirleto. 283 

were foremost in giving their opinion in favour of the 
permission.^ If I rightly understand the words in which 
Isaac cites a similar case which occurred in his youth, it 
would seem that Rome was the native plcwje of these two 
brothers, and that in that city permission was given by the 
Rabbinate to a man named Ephraim, who was equally 
anxious to avail himself of the law of the Levirate. 

Besides being renowned for their Rabbinic scholarship, 
these two brothers were famous in the medical profession. 
Isaac, whom his brother-in-law David de Pomis (himself 
distinguished as physician and lexicographer) does not 
style as such, is yet called in his decision upon the question 
regarding the Levirate, not only Gaon, but also President of 
the Physicians, while Eliezer is singled out by David him- 
self as a renowned physician. It is hoi unlikely that, on 
this account, he stood in the relation of physician in 
ordinary to Cardinal Sirleto, and that it was this close 
relationship to the Prince of the Church that impelled him 
to write his Epistle concerning the integrity of the text 
of the Hebrew Bible. 

David Kaufmann. 



(Rome : Vat Arch, Var, Pol. 47, fol \0\\) 

mmo et R^o D»» 8. R.E. Cardinali Sirleto domino meo 


Inter eximias pneclarasqae animi tai dotes R"^*' ac 111°^* Presnl 

ac yirtutes prope divinas, qaibos csateris omaibas toe setatis 

hominibus antecelles, veritatis, amor, mazime in te relacet, cam 

apertam anam dumtazat aurem dicenti inclines, alteram yero claasam 

contradicenti apertam serves, adeo qood inclinatio tna ad utramqae 

partem semper eqaalis permanet, cam ergo mnlti arbitrantur hebreoa 

ipsos at Ohristianoram intentiones aofagerent sacras scriptaras 

plaribos in locis depravasse proptereaqae ajant, illis correctione 

> ^TW iriD, III. 2io, Carmoly, Hittoire dei medecins Juifs^ p. 163, and 
Mortara, K^^^K *D3n niDTD, p. 69. 

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284 The Jetoish Quarterly Sevietv. 

opus ease, com hoc semper 2dgre passas aim an hoc sit yerum nee 
ne, enitar panels. D. T. Ill"^<> demonstrare, qne tanqnam jndez non 
iniqnns, sqna lancia yel eosdem nefando crimine accnsabis, rel sacris 
canonibas favebis eosdemque a calnmniatoribus defendes, reliqnnm 
est nt D[eum] 0[ptimnm] M[azimnm] deprecer ut Te tanqnam 
ornam«ntnm atqne secatis nostras decns, incolnmem et snperstitem 
Gonsenret et ad vota ezaltet. 

D. T. HI"*" atqne R°^ 

Hnmillimns servns 
Lazams hebrens Yiterbiensis. 
fol. 102*— 108». 
Non sine optima ratione 111"^ et R"^ D»**, lingnam hebream ab 
omnibus dici lingnam sanctitatis, cum ille gloriosus Dens sanctis^mnn, 
non dedignatus est, cum hominibus se ipsnm commnaicare, et hac 
lingua alloqni, cum qua etiam Ipzum uniyerRum creayit, ut ostendunt, 
ao demonstrant deriyationes nominum nostrornm primorum parentom, 
et omnium qui ante lingnarum oonf usionem yixerunt, cum Adam ab 
Adama, hoc est a terra, deriyetur, ut affirmat teztus dum dicit.^ Et 
f ormayit Dens hominem e pulyere terrsQ ; et paulo inferins :' et mi«it 
eum Dominus Dens de horto delitii ad coiendam tarram ex qua 
sumptus f uerat. Ipse etiam Adam, dixit in primo intuitu midieris * 
Isoia ab Isc, hoc est mulier, a yiro, dicendo huic yocabitur 
mnlier quia ex yiro sumpta est, eamque proprio nomine haya, 
a Gai, idest a yiyente, dicit enim textus,^ et yocayit Adam nomen 
uxoris sui aya quia ipsa f uit mater omnia yiyentis, ipsa etiam dixit ' 
Cain, a yerbo acquire, et Seed,' a y«rbo pono. Lemec etiam yati- 
cinando deriyayit Noac a yerbo consolor, dum dixit,' et yooavit 
nomen elns Koac dicendo iste consoiabitur nos ab opere no^tro et 
a dolore manuum nostrarnm et Heber (a quo dicii sunt hebrei) 
yaticinando etiam ipse dixit.* Peleg a yerbo diyido, quia in diebus 
eius divisa est terra. Locus etiam confnsionis lingoarnm dictus fuit 
Babel,* a yerbo conf undo, quia ibi conf uudit Dens labium ooinis terras. 
Que deriyationes onmes in alia quacuuque lingua, (hebrea excepta) 
minime deriyari siye deduci possunt. Qaamqnidem lingnam cum 
nomen duxit ab Heber Noe pronepote. Liquide probatur remanaisse 
in linea, et ancceasione sanctomoi patriarcharum unde pater ipse 
Abraam, ex illis primus. Licet patrie esset Galdeua, Oaldaicoque 

> Gen. ii. 7. » lb. iii. 23, 

' lb. ii. 23. Gomp. Mendelssohu's Introduction to his Translation of the 

* lb. iii. 20. « lb. iy. 1. • lb. iv. 25. ^ n, ^, 29. 

• lb. X. 26. » lb. xi. 9. 

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Lazarus De Viterboa Epistle to Cardinal Sirleto, 285 

idiomate (qaod non multam ab hebreo distat) pro yernacula, et materna 
lingua usoB f aerat, hebream tamen pro sibi propriam retionit. Unde 
Abram Hebreus* sed non Oaldeas a patria Rua diotas fuit. Unde 
liqnide colligi potest hoc sanctissimam Idioma, omnibas suis 
successoribus tanquam hereditarium reliotam faisse, ut etiam 
derivatione^ nominam filiomm nepotum ac omnium tribuum de- 
mon^trant ut inspicienti apparere potest. 

Additur etiam ad hoc, quod quando ille summus Legislator, sibi 
ipsi compiacnit ut populo suo dtlecto de sua ssnctiHsiraa lege gra- 
tificaretur, noa ^giptiaco, non Greco, sive alio quoyis idiomate, 
illam legem iaterpretatus est, sed solum musaica lingua, qua tot, 
tantaque sauctis-^ima prophetioa verba, tot tantique sauctisMmi 
Davidis p^almi, ac denique universa sacra historia, exposita sant, 
col certe tanqaam omnium perfectissime nee copia, neo ornamentum 
nnquam defecit. Licet hodie auxietate populi sui diminuta repe- 
riatur, fuit tamen alias plen i et integerrima, ut ostendit tractatus 
ille tabernaculi divi Moysi, ac templi Regis Salomonis quibus neo 
instrumentornm, nee materierum, nee lapidum nee preciosarnm 
gemmarum nomina de quibas opus f aerat defecerunt, sicut in aliis 
occasionibus animalium, volucram plantaramque nomina, ut aliarum 
rerum de qnibns non fuit occasio indigebant,' sic tunc temporis 
minime desiderabaatur, nam quando poma ilia oolloquiatide in ollam 
Elisei fnerunt apposita statim nomeo iilorum pomorum inrentnm 
fuit Ait enim et invenit vitem agrestem et oollegit ex ea Pac- 
cuhod,* hoc est coloquintidos. 

Quod autem attinet ad eius ornamentum, oerte boo mirabile ao 
stupendum existit. Sed ne quid dicam de eiusdem lingne subtilita- 
tibus, dicam tantum quod minime satis exploratam est mihi, que 
oratio gravior, nee quod eroioum poema, secum deferat altius orna- 
mentum, sive suaviorem dulcedinem quam Sacrosancti Davidis psalmi, 
unde merito a sancto spiritu dictus fuit,^ dulcis carminibus Israel. 
Heo quails copia maior nee dootior eloquentia, sive maiestate ac 
varietate gravior, que vel superet, vel quidem pari passu ambulet 
cum oratioae divinissimi vatis lesaie. Unde ipse furore solito pro- 
fetico gloriando aiebat.^ Dominus Deus dedit mihi linguam era- 
ditornm ut sciam dicere tempore suo sitibundo verbum. In aliis 
enim oratoribus maior dicendi facundia minime invenitur, neo 

• Gen. xiv. 13. 

' The author used here certainly Jehuda Halewi's arguments for the 
wealth of the holy language in his Casari, ii. 68 ; see CassePs remarks 
in his second edition of this work, p. 169, n. 3^ and Kaufmann, Jehuda 
Malewi, p^ 28, n. 3. 

' 2 Reg. iv. 31), * 2^ Sam. xxiii. 1 , ^ Jes,!. 4. 


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286 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

alias qaidem fiiit acrior vel acerbior in reprebensione, neo dulcior 
at que saavior in oonsolatioQe neo efficacior in proferendo, ommitto 
magnum pelagnm ornamenti et oopie aliorum ne tedio sim legenti. 

Si 610 est ergo quod banotisAimo sanctorum placuit hoc idiomate 
alloqui, si hac orbem ipsam creavit, si hoc Sanctis patribus in con- 
fusione linguamm, et successive tanquam hereditariam populo 
dilecto remansit, hac exposita ac tractata sunt omnia sanota, lex 
sanota, sancta vaticinia omnia, ac sancti Dividis psUmi ac uni versa 
sancut historia, iure qaidem optimo lin ^uam saoctitatis dici ac ab 
omnibus sic (discrepante nemine) recipt necesse est. 

Sei si hec sanctitatis dicta est, quia sinctas script aras omnes 
exposuit tanto magis ille sanctiHsioie reputari debant, dicitur enim 
propter quod uniim quodqae et illad magis nam si prsesdptorem 
amamus propter diacipulam, discipulum ergo magis amamu^. 

Quale ergo delictum a<i( faciaas gravius vei atrociaa exoogitari 
sive imaginari poterimus, quod acerbiori psBua sive supplicio 
feriori, dignius reputaretur quam illius qui mala mente excogit^ret, 
▼el in malo animo oonaretur maculare sive corrumpere (anim» sue 
pemitisB, totinsque orbis detrimento) minimum quidam de illis 
sacrosanctis canonibus, opus summi Dai gloriodi, quod toti noiverso 
pro sua universali perpetuaque silute, gratificatus est, nescio 
quidem escogitare quod sacrilegium magis impium quod Deo 
maximo magis dinplioere posset ? 

Immo facile credo, quod Dens ipse gloriosus, pro sua maxima 
oharitate et summa pietate, suum opus versus, nanqaam permitteret 
tale scelus suam conseqni fiaem sicut etiam firmiter teneo, quod 
mirifice actum sit (habita ratione tan tarn tn aerumnarum et 
oalamitatum per tot discrimina rerum que musaicus populus 
passus est), illos sanctissimos canones in suo candore et perfeotione 

Sed quoniam nunquam defecerunt ut nunc non deficiunt ; qui 
hebreos antiquos vel modemos aperte oppugnando calumniantur asse- 
rentes ipsos hebreos depravasse et laoerasse soripturas sacras, ideo 
dionnt et affirmant dictis sacris Uteris opus esse oorrectione cum 
semper hoc egre tuli cum mea quidem sententia, sit aliennm, et minime 
rationi consentanenm, omni oonatn [...] evitare vivis rationibus de- 
monstrare. Tusa 111°^ ac B*"** Dotninationi (cui semper Veritas 
f uit amica) quod hoc sit impossibiie sed potius m inif estissima ca- 
lumnia pace ac venia aliter credentium. 

Et primo dicimus presupponendum esse quod ipsi hebrai Tel 
credunt (prout firmiter certe tenent) eornm leges et canones esse 
divinum opus, eis a Deo optimo miximo pro eorum SBtema salute 
gratificatum, vel aliter credunt et teneat, quoi sint .tantnm opus ab 

Digitized by 


Lazarus De Viterhos EpUtle to Cardinal Sirleto, 287 

bominibas excogitatnm et f abrioatum. Si tenent illos divinoB esse, 
secnm eoram salatem deferentes, qaonnm ego maxima suarum 
aoimaram iactara proprias leges cormmpere volaerant ? boo esset 
potins diabolicam non bamanum opus. 

Sed si aliter tenent et crednnt, qnorsnm sic pertinaciter per tot 
secola in errore sibi notissimo permansissent ? foraan ne propter 
quamplnrimas felicitate^, plarimasque divitias, magnosqae bonores, 
regna et status, quibus sub boo cobIo maxime gaudent ? que cum 
deserere et derelinquere non pttiantur perseverant in bac vita 
mundana adeo f elici quod propter ipsam altera perennis minime ipsis 
oordi est ? 

An boo yemm sit nee ne, tanquam manifestissimum aliomm iudicio 
relinquo. Secundo dico quod licet Hebrei boc facere voluissent 
numqaam f uisset sibi integrum, propter eorum dissipationem, dispersa- 
tionemque, nam et si universus bebreorum catus simal unico loco 
convenissent adbuc longe eis dificillimum umaniter [/. unanimiter] 
conyenisse ut proprias leges corrupissent saepissime enim magna 
copia discrepat in sententia. 

Sed si bebrei per universum orbem disperai sunt, neo quidem bisto- 
riavetustavel nova legitur, quod ip^i bebrei ab anois 1540 aliquando 
con^enissent quomodo ergo itali iudei, galli, bispani, alemani, greci, 
africani, et tandem qui trans Eufratem babitant. Indian! etiam et 
Etiopes poterant in unicam sententiam coavonire, ut unam vel duo, 
vel tria vel centum loca sacrss paginas alterarent, sen mutarent ? Ego 
firmiter teneo minime unquam integrum esse caivis maximo Impera- 
tori etiam totias mundi Monarobe eum coosensum suum sortiri 
effectum, tanto minus boc possunt ipsi bebrei qui eorum delicto vel 
infortunio, nbique locorum opprimimtur, nee unquam aliquis inter 
ipsos defuibset, qui toti coelo boc notum fecisset, tamen textus scrip- 
turarum Italorum maxime con^eniunt (sine aliqua minima discrepan- 
tia) cum alib caiu^svis regionis etiam remotissimse sive quantum^is 


Heo aatem (mea qaidem sententia) adeo efficax apparet, ut sola sit 
sufficiens veritatem buius facti luce clariorem demonstrare. 
Sed ut omnino calumniantiam omnium os daudatur, ex dicendis 

* It is the same argument derived from the harmony and unani- 
mity of all the manuscripts of the sacred rolls in the Jewish com- 
munities from the frontiers of India to the border of Spain, which we 
find already in the Spanish-Arabic literature against the assertions 
of Islam, that the Jews have changed and falsified the texts of their 
holy books. Gomp. A.braham Ilm Dafid Eniuna rama, ed. Weil, p. 80, 
and Maimfimrs letter to Yemen in D'OOin nniB'n f aip, II. 36, and in 
Holub*8 edition of Ibn Tibbon's translation of this Letter, p. 28. 


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288 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

toti coelo m&nifestiflsime demonstrabitur. An hebreorum iDtentio 
fait anquam tueri, defendereque sacras Bcripturas Tel easdem 
oorrampere vel devastare. 

Sed imprimis sciendam esse oenseo, quod secnndom opinionem 
doctioram hebreorum dootoram, ante aetatem Esr» hebrei in sonp- 
taris minime anquam osi fuere, nee accentibus neo punctis, quibus 
hodie pro vocalibus ntuntur [/] sed looo vocalium tribus Uteris uteban- 
tur scilicet literis ^1^ qoe literarum matres a nostris grammaticis 
dicuntur : nam Alef pro A ; Yau pro o rel n ; lod vero pro I vel 
E o£Scio fungebantur. Sed non abicunque faerat opus ipeius a, pone- 
bant K alef, oeo ubi erat opus y, vel o, pooebant 1 ran, quemadmo- 
dam loco i vel e, soribebatur [^] lod [,] sed tantum opponebantur ubi 
maior urgebat necessitas, alia vero loca omittebant Juditio peritieque 
legentis qui usu et ezperientia a suo uousquisque preceptore doctus 
sine errore absque litteris vocalibus script uras legebat, adeo quod 
principalissimns Moyses profetarum omnium, legis later, interpres- 
que dirini oraculi, docuit modum recte legeudi (ut isti aiunt) totam 
hebreorum turbam et imprimis Jesaen eius successorem ac univer- 
sum eiusdem gimuasium, istique successive alios profetas et illi 
alios nsquam ad babilonicam transmigrationem, adeo quod professi 
perseverantibus usquam ad hoc tempus, sacra pagiua inculpabilti 
incorruptaque semper permansit. 

Sed in nniveraali babillonica hebreorum peroicie atque ruina, 
deficientibus saoctis hominibus facile pati potera(n)t, sacra scriptura 
iacturam non minim am, nisi etiam profete ipsi, eorumque successio 
perseverassent usque ad secundi tempi! sedificalionem, ut fuerunt 
Zaocarias, Ageus at alii, ioter quos fuit Esra dUigentissimns soriba 
sacrsB legis ut plenam fidem de ipso reddit textiis dum ait,> ipse 
Esra ascendit e Babel et erat scriba velox in lege Moysi quam dedit 
Dominus Deus Israel. 

Cum autem cognovisset ipse Esra quanta iactura in plebe iam 
facta ac quanta poterat fieri in dies etiam in viris patritiis, voluit 
viam et modun invenire ut unicuique liceret, sacram paginam sioe 
errore perlegere, atque incorrupta omnino conservaretur.' Unde ultra 
quamplurima volumina que propria manu scripta reliquit, de qui- 
bus aliqua hodie etiam vivunt ipse Esra cum sua magna academia, 
in qua aderant imprimis : Necamias, Zaccarias, Ageus, Malachias, 
Zerubabel, Jesnes maximus sacerdos et alii probi viri usque ad nume- 
rum 120, adinveuit puncta pro vocalibus, et aocentus non sine 

> Esra vii. 6. 

* For the history of that opinion see 6. Schnedermann, Die Controverse 
des iMdovietLS Capellus mit den Busctorfen iiber das Alter der ht^brdischen 
Punctation, Leipzig, 1878, p. 25. 

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Lazarus De Viterbo's Epistle to Cardinal Sirleto. 289 

maxima consideratione et altU misteriis, ut facile eligitur ex illo 
textu dum ait,^ et legerunt in libro in Lege Dei expositi, et posi- 
tus est intellectas et iatellexerant soriptaram, node veteres nostri 
expositores' intelligunt ex dictis verbis, inventionem panotorum, 
▼ocalium et accentuam ac paasas sententiarum, ac alia altiora, et 
aliqni ex dictis intellexemnt ' etiam •^'^^DD hoc est librum tra- 
dictionis de quo inferius, fuerunt etiam qui dicentes huiusmodi 
puncta, et accentus traditos fuisse a diviao oraculo ipsi Moysi, ut 
reliquam sciipturam non tamen in scnptis, sed tamen oretenus,^ 
ut etiam oretenus aiunt expositio legis universe tradita fnit ab 
Esra deinde et sua magna academia fuerunt omnia sic disposita 
ut bodie ordinata sunt. Sed quia h»c opinio aliqua instantia patitur 
aliqui sibi assentiri nolnerunt, sed cum linga hebrea et sacra scrip tura 
tot minutiis^ tot punotia, totque aocentibus, repleta sit cognovit ilia 
magna accademia ac Esra* eiusdem primus, quam facile evenire 
posset propter mundana accidentia ut in aliqua particula deprava- 
retur, excogitarunt modum invenire ut quavis ocoasione integerrima 
coQservaretur, vel si hoc accident, facile ad pristinam integritatem 
et claritatem reduci valeret, et sic inceperunt illi boni viri componere 
monumentum quoddam, quod ex eo quiaab uno ad alternm tradendum 
erat H^DD^o hoc est tradictionem vocabant in quo scripta reliqnernnt 
omnia signa, omnesque regulas, quibus sacra pagina in sua sinceritate 
et candore cnstodiretur.' At quoniam error cadere poterat io illis 

* Neh. viiL 8. » Nedarim f . 37^ 

» lb., nniDDH )hH rh IIDKI. Comp. Jehnda Halewi, OusaH, iii. 81: 
nmODl p in((l. My manosoript of Jehuda Ibn Tibbon*s translation 
of the Gosari reads : flllDDS p "^HKI, but see for oar reading : nillDDS 
Steinsohneider, Catalog der Berliner hebrdisohen ffandsohriftenf p. 77. 

* For this opinion comp. Jehnda Halewi Cusarif iii. 31, and the ex- 
positions of Bnxtorf (the son) in his Traetatits de punotorwn ortgine^ p. 
312 et seq. (Sohnedermann, L c, p. 22 n. 7). 

^ Comp. Profiat Bnran Efodi in his grammar *1DK HE^D, and Sohne- 
dermann, p. 25. 

^ For the form miDD see Baoher in the Jewish Qua-BTSblt 
Review, m. 785, and Edward Konig, Einleiiung in das AUe Testament, 
(Bonn, 1893) pp. 38, 89. The pronunciation of JTJipipj which we find 
there in onr text, is also mentioned by Bnxtorf. 

^ Onr author seems as if he had not yet any knowledge of the post- 
talmndical date which Elia Levita assigned to the Hebrew vowels and 
accents in the first and third introdnotion of his Massoreth Hammassoreth, 
though this book had already been issaed many years before this memoir 
has been written, the editio prinoeps dating from 1538. Comp. Isidore 
Harris in the Jewish Quabterlt Review, I. 228-230. But his silence 

Digitized by 


290 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

dictionibus qae nunc in uoum, nnac ia aliam modum soribi solent, 
modo cum una ex dictis matribus modo sine ilia, modo cum uno ex dictis 
punctis sen .vocalibas modo cum altero, incepit ilia magna aoademia 
in hia rebus extrema diligentia uti, quequidem academia per multo^ 
annorum centinarios in his elaborando perduravit, adeo quod haso 
diligentia eo usque per^enit, quod, ne in numero versuum eorum 
oaperetur, numerum versuum totius saone scripturas supputaverunt, 
at ne talis error cadere in dictionibus yaleret, eius dictiones omnes 
numeraverunt, sed ne in litteris hie error accidere posset, etiam 
literas, et oharacteres omnes per numeroc coUegerunt, et tanto 
ulterius progressus est hie labor, quoad invenerunt versiculum ilium 
ootavi Levitici qui dicit et posuit super eum peotorale, esse totius 
pentateuci versunm medietatem,' alium vero in decimo einsdem 
qui dioit, querendo quesivit Moyses, esse eiusdem pentateuci dictio- 
num medietatem querendo ex uno, quesivit ex altero latere.* In- 
▼enerunt etiam litteram Tau illius diotionis )^np^ hoc est omne 
ambulans super pectus' esse medietatem literaram eiusdem.^ 

Nee propria illi viri[z] fuit satisfactum, nisi etiam numerassent 
rersus, dictiones ac literas singulorum capitulorum, ne uni aufferretur 
et daretur alteri, ponendo pro signo inf allibili unius cuiusque numeri 
nomea aliouius viri ut gratia exempli primum capitulu tn genesis quod 
ab hebreis dioitur Berescid invenernnt habere versus 146 et pro signo 
istius numeri poaueruat n^VOK nomen illius regis, nam calculus 
literarum illius nominis ad numerum 146 ascendit. 

Nam sciendum est, omnes hebreorum litteras in tres ordinee divisas 
esse et unamquamque ipsarum numerum aliquem signifioare. 

Primus ordo est unitatum ab alef prima litera que unum signifioat 
usque ad ted nonam literam, que novem resultat. 

2^ ordo est denariorum a litera lod que X. refert usque ad 
zadi que 90, importat. 

Tertius vero est centinariorum a cof que centum dicit u^ue ad 
zadi finalem, que noniogentenus numerus est. Alef vero que in 

cannot be an argfument for the assertion that Lazarus of Yiterbo did not 
yet know Elias^s book ; he used it in other places, but he ignored his view 
on these points designedly. 

* Lev. viii. 7. Comp. Joel Muller, Maseeheth So/erim, c. IX. HaL 3 ; 
pp. 184, 135. 

* Lev. X. 16, according to the expression of the Massora KHT fcOO Kn*T 
^^21^, MOller, i^., and Isidore Harris in the Jewish Quabtbblt 
Review, 1. 139, n. 5. 

» Lev. xi. 42. 

* Kidduschin f . SO*. 

Digitized by 


Lazarus De Viterbo's Epistle to Cardinal Sirleto. 291 

primo ordine, unitatem referebat, in ultimo iota ditio mille signi- 

Atque ne addituneatuni vel defectus posset (ut dictum est) 
acotdere in caratharibus rel litteris alterius capituli ad aliud nume* 
rAniat etiam literas siogulorum capitalorum adeo quod iaveaerunt 
Uieraa dicti priml capitis esse 1915 et pro sigoo huius numeri pone- 
bant ID f K que litere ad ilium numerum ascenduut, adeo quod 
dictum primum caput duo signa retinuit alteram versuum, alterum 
yero literarum. Secondi capituli dicti Noac, habentis 153, yersus 
signum fuit /4?V^ nomen illius boui yiri, cuius literas euudem nume* 
ram refamnt, et sic de singulis factum fuit.' 

Neo ardenti desiderio illorum satis fait factum, quoniam numera- 
yerant etiam yersus omnes singulorum librorum ipsius pentateuci, 
neab uqo libro ad alterum error committeretur, inyeneruatque 
naawmin yersuum primi libri quern dicunt Geoesis esse 1634 
[L 1534] talis numeri sigonm fuit ^1 ^K cuius medietas inyenerunt 
ease yersum ilium super gladio tuo yives' at quia hie liber habuit 
12 magna cipitula, signum fuit 3^nM nomen illius Regis eiusdem 
capitola minora fuerunt 43. Signum eorum fuit H^^*!^, Domen Regis 
Salomonis. Liters omnes ipsius Genesis fuerunt 4395, et sic de sin- 
gulia. Yersum omne^ totius pentatenci fuerunt 5045 [I. 5845] omnes 
autem eius liters fuerunt 60045. 

Nee etiam illi boni yiri in hoc acquieyerunt, quoniam numeraye- 
runt etiam siogulas literas totius sacri voluminis, inyeneruntque 
alef 42377. Bed 38218. Ghimel 29637 {l. 29537] et sic de singulis 
Uteris fuit oalculatum, quarum numerum, ne tedio sim legenti, 
libenter omitto.' 

* Comp. the third introduction to Eiia Levita's Massoreth Ha-Mas- 

[=tota dictio] HKi^oa p|.^K }uni3i «n^a kdSkh mnh pn. 

* From a comparison between this digression and Elia Leyita's words, 
Z. c, it will be clear, that Lazarus of Viterbo used already his Massoreth 
Ha-Massoreth, and that he did not share his opinion about the date of 
accents and yowels when he pronounces a different yiew. 

* Gen. xxyii. 40. 

* The poem from which these dates are deriyed, is assigned in some 
TnanuwcriptB and by Shemtob Ibn Gaon in his pixn HI to Saadja Gaon 
(jM Dakes, D^Hp ?ru, p. 2), and has seyeral times been edited. Different 
nambers are communicated by Shapira in the " Athenaeum '* No. 2626 
(1878, Febr. 23). R. Jatr Bacharach f . 272* doubts already the correctness 
of these numbers : B^HDD Bnnni HS^i HD VsK ^^ 13 111 'H nn l^ftO 

Digitized by 


292 The Jewkh Qnarlerh/ Rni'cic. 

Nee hucasque yidentes huius desiderii relazati fuemnt donee 
altera exquisitissima diligeDtia uterentur, nam cam quamplurime 
dictiones hebree sint que aliquando scribantnr cam aliqua ex tribua 
matribus literarum. quam dictionem tunc plenam vocant, aliquando 
▼ero eademmet dictio sine ilia litera scribatur, quam dictionem tunc 
temporis mancam appellant, ut gratia exempli f utura prime ooniuga- 
tionis modo scribuntur cum van in ultima ut ^IpQtJ, llp??, lipBH, lipB!, 
modo sine ipsa ut ^PP!, ^P^% ^^^h ®^ ^^^ ^^^ ^® infinitis aliis 
dictionibus dicendum est. 

Tsti vero ne error ac^idat in soribendo plenam pro manca, 
et mancam pro plena, numerayerunt ex ipsis, eas ditiones 
que in minori sunt numero, sin enim plene sunt in minori 
numero uumerant plenas, si yero in maiori numero, numerantmaooas, 
adeo quod que pauciores sunt, temper numerantur, assignando looa 
eh signa ponendo ut ^li^ idest sanctus scribitur cum Yau in ultima 
et dictio est plena, sed numerantur in to to sacro canone 13 yicibua 
inyeniri mancam sine dicta litera Van in ultima ut cn'p 9io etiam 
)'nx idest area dicuat tribus yicibus inyeniri mancam, et sic de 
singulis assignando loca et capitula et signa ponendo.* 

Quod autem dictum est de Vau dicitur etiam de lod ut O^K^B^J, 
hoc est patriarchs inyeneruot dictionem banc quater in ultima 
tantum plenam,' et quater pleoissimam puta in ultima et penultima 
sic etiam numerando dicunt de hac dictione D^X^^^ hoc est profete 
et sic de singulis. 

Eamdemmet considerationem habuerunt de alef nam inyeniuntur 
quamplurime dictiones plene de alef et aliquando inyeniuntur eadem 
sine dicta alef sic etiam de he que in ultimo dictionis yenire solet 
dicendum est nam aliquando plene aliquando manche inyeninntur ut 
n^^, n^K'Xl,* ^V\ n-iy3 et sic de singulis. 

Nee solum plenitudinem yel defectum dictionum numerantur sed 
etiam mutationes yooalium, nam cam hebrei habeant pro qnalibet 
yocali duo pnnota ut loco A. habent banc yirgnlam sob litera 
yidelicet _qae padac dicitur, et yirgnlam cum punoto yidelioet -- que 
dicitur oamez quarum una longa altera yero brevis est. Si ergo 
dictiones ille que regulariter punctari deberent padac punotarentur 

DnBDOn >ID-|D. Since Josef del Medijjro, HDSn 111^313, ed. Basel, 1629, 
II. 196, the x)oem is assigned to Saadia b. Josef Bechor Schor, see Zonz, 
Zur Geichichte, p. 75. 

* Comp. Elia Leylta I, <?., c. II. 

' lb. c. 5 ; cf . The Maxxorah, ed. Ginsburg, II. 290. 

» Cf. The Mojtsflrah, II. 272. 

Digitized by 


Lazarus Be Viterboa Epidle to Cardinal Sirkto. 293 

camez vel e eontra, oumeraot etiam et assignant illas dictiones que 
iiregalariter punctantur, at etiam numerant et assignant dictionea 
qnarncD accentaa regnlariter esse deberet in ultima et irregnlariter 
erit in pminltima vel contra. 

Sic etiam assignant et numerant sabtilitates et minuties multo 

Preterea usi sunt etiam alia extrema diligentia m nnmerando quas- 
dam sententias que sepe numero uuo modo, et ^epenumero in alio 
modo inveniuntnr, ut cau^ exempli hec que dicit ^K1^> [^l^K] 'H 
hoc est Deus Deus Israel et aliqnando dicit ^Kl&^ M^K niKlV 'H^ 
hoc est Dens exereitaum Deus Israel sic etiam hec alia sententia que 
didt 'n ^y}^\ ^<^ Mt benedicat tibi Deus et aliquando dicit ^?"i9t 
^^n^ CnP hoc est benedicat tibi Deus Deus tuus quia bse sen- 
tentis et similes in utroque modo sepe inveninntur ne accidat error 
de ana ad aliam numerant sententias ne mutarentur et assignant loca 
et capitals. 

Komerant etiam omnes dictiones in qaibus loco lod ponitur Yau 
Tel e contra nt nihil intactam relictum sit. 

Dantur etiam quedam particule replicate et triplicate et quadrnplicate 
qaanun alique desoribuntur cum copula et aliqne sine ipsa ut T\^ Jl^ 
n^ nK3 ethas etiam numerant et assignant ut distinote inotescat que 
ctim copula et que sine ipsa scribi debent et sic de similibus ab illis 
observatum f uit. 

Si huiusmodi labores et obsenrantie in aliis libris quam in sacris 
foiasent obeervate pnderet me oerte tot minuties ennmerasse, sed in 
sacris nnnquam fuit (atis superque observatum quam magis non 
deberet observari. 

Nee censendnm est casu et fortuna huiuscemodi dictiones 
aliquando plenas. aliquando mancas aocidisse, ut fortasse multi 
arbitrari poterant cum propter earn superabundantiam vel 
defectum literarum sensus sive significatum dictionis nequaquam 
varietur, sacra enim scrip tnra, cum perfecta sit tanquam divi- 
naai opas neo superflaa nee diminuta esse poterat sed neoes- 
eario sic Tel sic desoribi debent, sed in his rebas f undantur pro- 
fandissima misteria ac sacra archana Tbeologisa cum doctores 
ipsi anicaique minntie reddant rationem. 

Unde ex omnibns dictis nuUas unquam loons calumnisa relin- 
qaitar ac lace clarius poterit nnusquisque cognoscere, an antiqui 
hehrei habnemnt in animo depraTare scripturas an easdem integer- 

> Cf. The Massora, II. 567. » Cf . The Masiorah, I. 710. 

* Oehlah ir\Wi/fl*,ed. S. Frensdorfif, N. 79, 2.S0-1. 

Digitized by 


294 The Jewish Qaarterly Review, 

rimas conservare eui hodierni vel novi licet volaisseiit si I 
faoere potuisseot. 

XJode meo qaidem iadicio ille divas Tbotnaa de Aiaino ratii 
conseataneam dixit, hebreos esse scriptararam saoraram armaria ac 

His noQ obstantibaa muUi arbitrantar ac etiam diebos paa 
elapsia caai qaidan bonas vir ooacitatas est pablice dixit hebre 
ipsos depravaaae versicalam leramie diooatis cap. 23,* et hoc < 
nomen saam qaod vocabit eaai Daa^ iaatas no^ter dixit eaicn i 
qaod looo MtfTp^ hoc eat vocabit cum debet 1^ ^^ITl! boc est Tocabi 
inferendo quod hebrei ut aaf agerent ne messias vocaretur Deos iaal 
Doeter oormperant textum et looo ^KlpJ^ hoc est vocabnnt adaptan 
at legator ^^^\ hoc est vocabit eum quasi dicat quod Deus iosi 
noster vocabit eum measiam etc., sed cum ia utraque lectora id 
sensus habeatur quod hebreis attrlbuitur mauifestissima est calamn 
nam legant Ghristiaui voc%buat, legaot hebrei vocabit eum, semp 
nomen ipsius messie, erit Deus Deus iustus noster. Nam secandi 
Christianorum lectaram que dicit vocabunt, sensus est qaod Isn 
sive Jada sive omnes gentes vocabunt messiam Deus iustns nost< 
secundum vero hebreorum lectaram que dicit vocabit eum, idem e 
sensus, nam dicit textus in diebus suis salvabitur Juda, et Isra 
habitabit confidenter, et hoc eat nomen eius quod vocabit eum De 
iustus noster, quod ad Judam vel ad Israel vel ad t)tum nniversa 
refertur. Scilicet qaod unusquisque eorum vocabit nomen meat 
Deus iustus noster, adeo quod ia utraqua lectura semper messi 
vocabitur iustus noster, aliter hebreorum lectura imperfecta esset, 
vocabit eum referretur ad Deum iustum nostrum, qui vocaret nomi 
messie, cum nullum aliud nomen, quo Messias vocaretur referat te 
tus ille. 

Nee apud hebreos hoc est inconveuiens, cum< Idem Hieremi 
cap. 33, dicat in diebus illis salvabitur Juda et Hierusalem habit&b 
confidenter et hoc est qnoi vocabit eim Dans iustus noster ad 
quod ex his verbis apparet quod etiam civitas ipsa Hierusalem voc 
bitur Deus iustus noster et Ezachiel dixit ultimo capitnlo et nom( 
civitatis ex hodie Deus ibidem.' 

Et Moyses dixit ad altare ^p3 'n^ hoc est Deus elevatio me 
idem dixit Jacob ad altare Deus Deus Israel.* 

Et parafrasis caldea, et illi antiquissimi viri qui librum ilia 
tradictionis inceperunt, legunt vocabit eum, et non vocabunt, ad< 
quod nulla relioqaitur ratio nee authoritas hebreos hunc loco 

* Jer. xxiii. 6. ' Ezech. xlviii. 85. 

^ Exod. xvii. 15. * Gen. xxxiii. 20. 

Digitized by 


Lazarus De Viterho's Epistle to Cardinal Sirleto, 295 

Dixit etiam ille bonus vir hebreoa etiam cotrapiBse illam ' textom 
psalmi 22, et looo V\^^ hoc est foderont secandum Ohristiaaoram 
lectaram legont ipsi hebrei ^^?, boo est sicat leo.' 

Certain est quod param refert ad bebreos qaalis sit hsec lectnra 
sed fii ipsi hebrai scripturas corrumpere roluissent, ut aafagerent 
Chnstiaaoram intentioaes, qail fait ia caasa qaod reliqaerant in- 
tactum capitalam 52 Isaie ia quo Obristiaai fuadaot omaem inten- 
tionem f qaare etiam intaotuai raliqueruat textutn ilium ZiccarisB 
in cap. 12, et aspicieat ad me quem confixerunt ? ' quare etiam in libro 
illo dicto traditio parva * reliquerunt "^w} nni ^1^3, hoc est sicut 
leo bis inveniri in sacris in duo sigaificato ? et quare reliqueruat, in 
libro dicto traditio magna • J^nns ai J^VDp '3 n nK3 boo est sicut 
leo quater, inveniri bis cum caf punctata padac et bis cum caf punc- 
tata camez? ne Ghristianis relinqueretur anza fundaadi suas inten- 

Sed quod etiam hoc sit calumnia, liquide demon^trat antiquissima 
parafrasifl Oaldea nam cum vidisset secundum lecturam hebreorum 
sententiam dimioutamsive imperfectam, adiiiit verbum pn33 hoc 
est nacti(m)[n] quod mordentes sen farientes sigaificat quasi dicat 
oongregatio midignantium circumdavit me mordentes sicut leo man us 
meas et pedes meos adeo quod hoc modo etiam Ghristiani possunt 
habere suam intentionem, lega iquisque ut placuerit. 

IJnde ille B. P. D. Augustinus lustinianus Episcopns Nebiensis in 
•Goliis sui psalterii quinque linguarum^ in hoc passu dixit sicut 
leo manut mess et pedes mei, sive manus msas et pedes meos 
oonstructio defectiva subaudiendumque impii tanquam leo foderunt 
perforayerunt male habuerunt fixerunt aut male tractaverunt etc., 
nee assensio dicentibus hebreos hunc locum corrupisse quod ex 
nostris arbitrantur multi qui dicunt legendum esse apud hebreos 
oaru dedacta voce a yerbo car^ quod fodio siye figo siye yincio sigoi- 
licat et yerum quod hie yerborum structus defectiyus habeatur, 
liquide ex caldeo textu qui defectui ocsurrens addidit yerbum Nactin 
quod mordentes siye yulnerantes seu ferientes significit hec ille. 

> Gf. Fianciscos Torrensis, De tola lectione legis . . . JudaU . . * 
permittendOy p. 27. 

* Of. Graetz, Krithcher Commentar zu den Psalmen, I. p. 228. 

» Zach. xii. 10. * n^op miDD. * n^HJ miDD. 

* Augustinus Giustinianus, bishop of Nebbio in Corsica, author of the 
Psalter ium Nebiense (Genua 1517) ; comp. Perles, die in einer MUnchener 
Handschrift aufgefondene erste lateinische Uebersetzung des Maimo- 
nidischen " Fiihrers," p. 3 xq. 

Digitized by 


296 The Jewish Quarleiiy Review. 

Unde apparet homines probos qui veritatem diligunt sine sao 
preiudicio vel detrimento iusto tantum accommodatos esse. 

HsBc pauoa, B*"** et 111'"*' D. Dominationi tus volui dixisse ut si vera 
esse censeas reprimas, rf prebend asque audaoes qui contra etiam sacros 
canones absque ulla ratione os aperiunt postergata ratione tante 
sanotitatis atque operis sammi Dei gloriosi, qui charitate sua 
atque olementia oonservet ezaltetque ad vota Dominationem tuam 
Xl^mam ^jj Rin»m q^j bumiliter geuuflezus me ipsum et omnia mea 

Digitized by 


The Book of Jubilees, 297 

JUBILEES.^ {Concluded,) 

Part ni. 

XXXII. — And he abode that night at Bethel, and Levi dreamed 
that they had ordained and made him the priest of the Most High 
Gk)d, him and his sons for ever ; and he awoke from his sleep and 
blessed the Lord. 2. And Jacob rose early in the morning, on 
the fourteenth of this month, and be gave a tithe of all that came 
with him, both of men and cattle, both of gold and every vessel 
and garment, and he gave tithes of all. 3. And in those days 
Rachel became pregnant with her son Benjamin. And Jacob 
counted his sons from him upwards and Levi fell to the portion of 
the Lord, and his father clothed him in the garments of the priest- 
hood and filled his hands. 4. And on the fifteenth of this month he 
brought to the altar fourteen oxen from amongst the cattle, and 
twenty-eight rams, and forty-nine sheep, and seven' lambs, and 
twenty-one' kids of the goats as a burnt-offering on the altar of 
sacrifice, well pleasing for a sweet savour before G-od. 5. This was 
his offering, in consequence of the vow which he had vowed that 
he would give a tenth, with their fruit-offerings and their drink- 
offerings. 6. And when the fire had consumed it, he burnt incense 
on the fire over it, and for a thank-offering two oxen and four 
rams and four sheep, four he-goats, and two sheep of a year old, 
and two kids of the goats ; and thus he did daily for seven days. 
7. And he and all his sons and his men were eating (this) with joy 
there during seven days and blessing and thanking the Lord, who 
bad delivered him out of all his tribulation and had given him his 
▼ow. 8. And he took a tenth of all the clean animals, and made a 
burnt sacrifice, bat the unclean animals he gave (not) ^ to Levi his 
SOD, and he gave him all the souls of the men. 9. And Levi dis- 
charged the priestly office at Bethel before Jacob his father in 
preference to his ten brothers, and he was a priest there, and 

1 For an account of the MSS. upon which this translation is founded, 
see Jewish Quartbbly Review, Vol. V. pp. 703-708. 

* Emended from B. ^ I have added the negative. 

Digitized by 


298 The Jetciah Quarterly Review. 

Jacob gave his vow : tbns he gave a seoond tenth to the Lord and 
sanctified him, and he became holy onto him. 10. And for this 
reason it is ordained in the heavenly tables as a law for the giviog 
of a second tenth to eat before the Lord in the place where it is 
chosen that his name should dwell from year to year, and to this law 
there is no limit of days for ever. 11. This ordinance is written that 
it may be fulfilled from year to year in eating the second tenth before 
the Lord in the place where it has been chosen, and nothing shall remain 
oyer from it from this year to the year following. 12. For in its year 
shall the seed be eaten until the days of the gathering ^ of the seed 
of the year, and the wine till the days of the wine, and the oil till 
the days of its eeason. 13. And all that is left thereof and becomes 
old, let it be regarded as polluted : bum it with fire, for it is unclean. 
14. And thus let them eat it together in the sanctuary, and let them not 
suffer it to become old. 15. And all the tithes of the oxen and sheep 
shall be holy unto the Lord, and shall belong to his priests, which 
they will eat before him from year to year ; for thus is it ordained 
and eograyen regarding the tithe in the heavenly tables. 16. And on 
the following night, on the twenty-second day of this month, Jacob 
resolved to build that place, and to surround the gpround with a wall, 
and to sanctify it and make it holy for ever, for himself and his 
children after him. 17. And the Lord appeared to him by night and 
blessed him and said unto him : ** Thy name shall not be called Jacob, 
but Israel shall they name thy name." 16. And he said unto him 
again : ** I am the Lord thy God who created the heaven and the 
earth, and I will increase thee and multiply thee exceedingly, and 
kings shall come forth from thee, and they shall rule everywhere 
wherever the foot of the sons of men have trodden. 19. And I will 
give to thy seed all the earth which is under heaven, and they shall 
rule over all the nations according to their desires, and after that they 
shall get possession of the whole earth and inherit it for ever." 20. 
And he finished speaking with him, and he went up from him, and 
Jacob looked till he had ascended into heaven. 21. And he saw in 
a vision of the night, and behold an angel descended from heaven 
with seven tablets in his hands, and he gave them to Jacob, and 
he read them and knew all that was written therein which would 
befall him and his sons throughout all the years. 22. And he 
showed him all that was written on the tablets, and said unto him : 
" Do not build this place, and do not make it an eternal sanctuary, 
and do not dwell here ; for it is not this place. Go to the house 
of Abraham thy father and dwell with Isaac thy father until the 
day of the death of thy father. 23. For in Egypt thou shalt die 

1 Emended from B. 

Digitized by 


The Book of Jubihes. 299 

ia peace, and in this land thou shalt be buried with honour in the 
sepalchre of thy fatbert*, with Abraham and Isaac. 24. Fear not, 
for as tboa hast seen and read it, thus will it all be ; and do thou 
write down everything as thou hast seen and read." 25. And 
Jacob said : '* Lord, how can I remember all that I have read and 
seen ? ** And he said unto him : ** I will bring everything to thy 
remembrance." 26. And he went up from him, and he awoke from 
his sleep, and he remembered everything which he had read and 
seen, and he wrote down all the words which he had read and 
seen. 27. And he stayed there yet another day, and he sacrificed 
thereon according to all that he had sacrificed on the former days, 
and called its name ** Addition,'* for this day was added, and the 
former days he called " The Feast" 28. And thus it was manifested 
that it should be, and it is written on the heavenly tables : where- 
fore it was revealed to him that he should celebrate it, and add it 
to the seven days of the feast. 29. And its name was called the 
dajs of ** Addition," because that it is recorded amongst the days * of 
the feast, according to the number of the ^Siys of the year. 
30. And in the night, on the twenty- third of this month, Deborah 
Bcbecca's nurse died, and they buried her beneath the city under 
the oak of the river, and he called the name of this river. 
The river of Deborah, and the oak. The oak of the mourning of 
Deborah. 31. And Bebecca went and returned to her house to 
his father Isaac, and Jacob sent by her hand rams and sheep and 
he-goats that she should prepare a meal for his father such as he 
desired. 32. And he went after his mother till l\e came to the land 
of Kabr^tfin, and he dwelt there. 33. And Rachel bare a son in the 
night, and called his name " Son of my Sorrow " ; for she suffered in 
giving him birth : but his father called his name Benjamin, on the 
eleventh of the eighth month in the first of the sixth week of this 
jubilee. 34. And Bachel died there and she was buried in the land 
of Ephratha, the same is Bethlehem, and Jacob built a pillar on the 
grave of Bachel, on the road above her grave. 

XXXIII. — And Jacob went and dwelt to the south of Magdal^- 
dr&6f .' And he went to his &ther Isaac, he and Leah his wife, on the 
new moon of the tenth month. 2. And Beuben saw Bilhah, Bachel's 
maid, the concubine of his father, bathing in the water in a secret 
place, and he loved her. 3. And he hid himself at night, and he 
entered the house of Bilhah at night, and he found her sleeping 
alone on a bed in her house. 4. And he lay with her, and she awoke 

' Emended with Latin. 

» A translation of iTjey I'^y-b^JD. 

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300 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

and saw, and behold Beubea was lying with her in the be3,» and she 
unoovered the border of her covering and sezei him, and cried out, 
and discoyered that it was Reuben. 5. And she was ashamed beca,u«>e 
of him, and released her hand from him, and he fled. 6. And she 
lamented because of this thing exceedingly, and did not tell it to any 
one. 7. And when Jacob returned and sought her, she said unto 
him : ** I am not clean for thee, for I have been defiled (so as to be 
separate) from thee ; for Reuben has defiled me, and has lain with 
me in the night, and I was asleep, and did not discover until he 
uncovered my skirt and slept with me." 8. And Jacob was 
exceedingly wroth with Reuben because he had lain with Bil- 
hah, because he had uncovered his father's skirt. 9. And 
Jacob did not approach (her) again because Reuben^had defiled 
her; and as for every man who uncovers his father's skirt his 
deed is wicked exceedingly, for he is abominable before the 
Lord. 10. For this reason it is written and ordained on the heavenly 
tables that a man should not lie with his father's wife, and should 
not uncover his father's skirt, for this is unclean : they shall surely 
die together, the man who has lain with bis father's wife and the 
woman, for they have wrought uucleanness on the earth. 11. And 
there shall be nothing unclean before our God in the nation which he 
has chosen for himself as a possession. 12. And again, it is written 
a second time : ** Cursed be he who lieth with the wife of his father, 
for he hath uncovered his father's shame " ; and all the holy ones of 
the Lord will say, " So be it ; so be it." 13. And do thou, Moses, 
command the children of Israel that they observe this word ; for the 
punishment is death ; and it is unclean, and there is no atonement for 
ever to atone for the man who has committed this, except by executing 
and slaying, and stoning him with stones, and rooting him from the 
midst of the people of our God. 14. For no man who has done so 
in Israel shall remain alive a single day on the earth, for he is 
abominable and unclean. 15. And let them not say that to Reuben 
was granted life and forgiveness after he had lain with hirt father's 
concubine, and to her also, though she had a husband, her husband 
Jacob, his father, being still alive. 16. For until that time there had 
not been revealed the ordinance and judgment and law in its com- 
pleteness for all, but in thy days (it has been recorded) as a Uw of 
seasons and of days,* and a law that is everlasting for the everlasting 
generations. 17. And for this law there is no consummation of days, 
and no atonement for it, except that they should both be rooted out 
in the midst of the nation : on the day whereon they committed it 

1 I have omitted '* and sleeping " after " bed " with Lat. 

' Passage is corrupt ; for " in days " (A.) I have read " and of days." 

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The Book of Jubilees, 301 

they shall slay them. 18. And do thou, Moses, write it down for 
Israel that they may observe it, and do according to these words, and 
not commit a mortal sin ; for the Lord our God is judge, who. 
respects not persons and accepts not gifts. 19. And tell them 
these words of the covenant, that they may hear and observe, and be 
on their guard with respect to them, and not be destroyed and rooted 
out of the land ; for an nncleanness, and an abomination, and a con- 
tamination,^ and a pollution are all they who commit this on the earth 
before oar God. 20. And there is no greater sin than the fornication 
which they commit on earth ; for Israel is a holy nation unto the 
Lord its God, and a nation of inheritance, and a nation of priests, 
and a nation for a kingdom and a possession ; and there shall no such 
nncleanness appear in the midst of the holy nation. 21. And in the 
third year of this sixth week Jacob and all his sons went and 
dwelt in the house of Abraham, near Isaac his father and Rebecca his 
mother. 22. And these were the names of the sons of Jacob : the 
first-born Reuben, Simeon, Levi, Judah, Issachar, Zebulon, the sons 
of Leah ; and the sons of Rachel, Joseph and Benjamin ; and the 
sons of Bilhah, Dan and Naphtali ; and the sons of Zilpah, Gad and 
Asher ; and Dinah, the only daughter of Leah, the daughter of Jacob. 
23. And they came and bowed themselves to Isaac and Rebecca, and 
when they saw them they blessed Jacob and all his sons, and Isaac 
rejoiced exceedingly, for he saw the sons of Jacob, his younger son, 
and he blessed them. 

XXXIV. — And in the sixth year of this week after this, in the forty- 
fourth jubilee Jacob sent his sons to pastare their sheep, and their ser- 
vants with them to the pastures of Shechem. 2. And the seven kings 
of the Amorites assembled themselves together against them, to slay 
them, hiding themselves under the trees, and to take their cattle as a 
prey. 3. And Jacob and Levi and Judah and Joseph were in the 
house with Isaac their father ; for his spirit was sorrowful,^ and they 
could not leave him : and Benjamin was the youngest, and for this 
reason remained with his father. 4. And the kings of TSphfl, and 
the kings of Ar^sa, and the kings of Slr&g&n, and the kings of 8el6, 
and the kings of G^, and the king of B§th6r6n, and the king of 
Maantsdktr, and all those who dwell in those mountains (aud) who 
dwell in the woods in the land of Canaan. 5. And they announced 
this to Jacob saying : '* Behold, the kings of thu Amorites have sur- 
rounded tby sons, and plundered their herds." 6. And he arose from 
his house, he and his three sons and all the servants of his father, and 

1 Emended by DiUmann. 

* Better translated '* timoroaa '* with Lat. 

VOL vn. X 

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1302 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

his own servants, and went against them with six thousand > men, who 
carried swords. 7. And he slew them in the pastures of Shechem, 
and pursued those who fled, and he slew them with the edge of the 
sword, and he slew Ar^ and Th&phtl and Sar^4n and SSld and 
Am&nisaktr and G^ias. 8. And he brought together his herds, and 
was powerful over them, and he imposed tribute on them that they 
should pay him tribute, five fruit products of their land, and he built 
Reuben and Tamn&t&rSs. 9. And he returned in peace, and made 
peace with them, and they became his servants until the day that he 
and his sons went down into E^pt. 10. And in the seventh year of 
this week he sent Joseph to learn about the welfare of his brothers 
from his house to the land of Shechem, and he found them in the 
land of Dothan. 11. And they dealt treacherously with him, aud 
formed a plot against him to slay him, but changing their minds, they 
sold him to Ishmaelite merchants, and they brought him down into 
Egypt, and they sold him to Potiphar, the eunuch of Pharaoh, captain 
of the guard,* priest of the city of El^w. 12. And the sons of Jacob 
slaughtered a kid, and dipped the coat of Joseph in the blood, and 
sent (it) to Jacob their father on the tenth of the seventh month. 
13. And he mourned all that night, for they had brought it to him 
in the evening, and he became feverish with mourning for his death, 
and he said : ** An evil beast hath devoured Joseph " ; and all the 
members of his house mourned with him that day, and they were 
grieving and mourning with him all that day. 14. And his sons and 
his daughter rose up to comfort him, but he refused to be comforted 
for his son. 15. And on that day Bilhah heard that Joseph had 
perished, and she died mourning him, and she was living in Qafr&t^I, 
and Dinah also, his daughter, died after Joseph had perished. Thus 
three mournings came upon Israel in one month. 16. And they 
buried Bilhah over against the tomb of Rachel, and Dinah also, his 
daughter, they buried there. 17. And he mourned for Joseph one 
year, and did not cease, for he said : " Let me go down to the grave 
mourning for my son.'' 18. For this reason it is ordained for the 
children of Israel that they should mourn on the tenth of the seventh 
month— on the day that the news which made him weep for Joseph 
came to Jacob his father — that they should make atonement for them- 
selves thereon with a young goat on the tenth of the seventh month, 
once a year, for their sins ; for they had grieved the affection of their 
father regarding Joseph his son. 19. And this day has been ordained 
that they should grieve thereon for their sins, and for all their trans- 

» So A,B,D. C gives " eight hundred," 
* MSS. give *' the chief cook," owing to the Greek translator adopting the 
meaning of D^nat^H lb^, inappropriate to this context. 

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The Book of Jubilees. 303 

gressioas and for all their errors, so that they might oleaose them- 
selyes on that day once a year. 20. And after Joseph was destroyed, 
the sons of Jacob took nnto themselves wives. The name of Reuben's 
wife is Add ; and the name of Simeon's wife is Adeb4a, a Canaanite ; 
and the name of Levi's wife is M61k4, of the daughters of Arftm, of 
the seed of the sons of T^r^ ; and the name of Jndah's wife, B6ta- 
stl^l, a Canaanite ; and the name of Issaohar's wife, H6zaq& ; and the 
name of Zabnlon's wife, Adni^ ; and the name of Dan's wife, £gl& ; 
and the name of Naphtali's wife, BasM, of Mesopotamia ; and the 
name of Gad's wife, Mika ; and the name of Asher's wife, tj6nk ; and 
the name of Joseph's wife, Asnith, the Egyptian ; and the name of 
Benjamin's wife, Ijasaka. 21. And Simeon repented, and took a 
second wife from Mesopotamia as his brothers. 

XXXV. — And in the first year of the first week of the forty-fifth 
jubilee Bebecca called Jacob, her son, and commanded him regard- 
ing his father and regarding his brother, that he should honour them 
all the days of Jacob's life. 2. And Jacob said : *^ I will do all that 
thou hast commanded me ; for this thing will be honour and great- 
ness to me, and righteousness before the Lord, that I should honour 
them. 3. And thou too, my mother, knowest from the time I was 
bom until this day, all my deeds and all that is in my heart, that I 
always think good concerning all. 4. And how should I not do this 
thing which thou hast commanded me, that I should honour my 
father and my brother I 5. Tell me, mother, what perversity hast 
thou seen in me and I shall turn away from it, and mercy of the 
Lord* will be upon me." 6. And she said unto him : " My son, I 
have not seen in thee all my days any perverse but (only) upright 
deeds. And yet I will tell thee the truth, my son, I shall die this 
year, and I shall not survive this year in my life ; for I have seen in 
a dream the day of my death, that I should not live beyond a hundred 
and fifty-five years : and behold I have completed all the days of my 
life which I was to live." 7. And Jacob laughed at the words of his 
mother, because his mother had said unto him that she should die ; 
and she was sitting opposite to him in possession of her strength, and 
she was not infirm in her strength ; for she went in and out and saw, 
and her teeth were strong, and no ailment had touched her all the days 
of her life. 8. And Jacob said unto her : "Blessed am I, mother, if 
my days approach the days of thy life, and my strength remain with 
me thus as thy strength : and thou wilt not die, for thou hast jested 
idly to me regarding thy death." 9. And she went in to Isaac and 
said unto him : ** One petition I make unto thee : make Esau swear 

* So Syr. Frag. A,B, omit. * Restored from Lat. ; Eth. omits. 

X 2 

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304 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

that he will not injure Jacob, nor pursue him with enmity ; for thou 
knowest Esau's thoughts that they are perverse from his youth, and 
there is no goodness in him ; for he dt^sir^s after thy death to kill 
him. 10. And thou knowest all that he has done since the 
day Jacob his brother went to Haran until this day ; how he has 
forsaken us with hii^ whole heart, and has done evil to us ; how he 
has taken to himself thy flocks, and carried off before thy face all thy 
possessions. 11. And when we implored and besought him for what 
was our own, he did as a man who was taking pity on ns. 12. And 
he is bitter against thee because thou didst bless Jacob thy perfect and 
upright sou ; for there is no evil but only goodness in him, and since 
he came from Haran unto this day he has not robbed us of aught, 
for he brings us everything in its season always, and rejoices with all 
his heart when we take at his hands, and he blesses us. and has not 
parted from us since he came from Haran until this day, and he has 
remained with us continually at home honouring us.'' 13. And 
Isaac said unto her : ** I, too, know and see the deeds of Jacob who is 
with us, how that with all his heart he honours us ; but I loved Esau 
formerly more than Jacob, because he was the firsibom ; but now I 
love Jacob more than Esau, for he has done manifold evil deeds, and 
there is no righteousness in him, for all his ways are unrighteousness 
and violence, and there is no righteousness aronnd him. 14. And 
now my heart is troubled because of all his deeds, and neither he 
nor his seed shall prosper, for they are those^ who shall be destroyed 
from the earth, and who shall be rooted out from under heaven, for 
he has forsaken the God of Abraham and gone' after his wives and 
after their uncleanness and after their error, he and his children. 
15. And thou dost bid me make him swear that he will not slay Jacob, 
his brother ; even if he swear he will not abide by his oath, and he 
will not do good but evil only. 16. But if he desires to clay Jacob, his 
brother, into Jacob's hands will he be given, and he will not escape 
from his hands, for he will fall into his hands. 17. And fear thou 
not on account of Jacob ; for the guardian of Jacob is great and 
powerful and honoured, and praised more than the guardian of 
Esau." 18. And Rebecca sent and called Esau, and he came to her, 
and she said unto him : ** I have a petition, my son, to make unto 
thee, and do thou promise to do it, my son." 19. And he said : 
" I will do everything that thou sayest unto me, and I will not refuse 
thy petition.** 20. And she said unto him : '^ I ask you that the day 
I die, tbou wilt take me in and bury me near Sarah, thy father s 
mother, and that tbou and Jacob will love each other, and that 
neither will desire evil against the other, but love just him, and ye 

' Oonstraction doubtf uL * Emended. 

Digitized by 


The Book of Jubilees, 305 

will prosper, my sons, and be hononred in the midst of the land, and 
no enemy will rejoice over you, and ye will be a blessing and a 
meroy in the eyes of all those that love you." 21. And he said : " I 
will do all that thon hast told me, and I will bury thee on the day 
thou diest near Sarah, my father's mother, as thou lovest that her 
bones may be near thy bones. 22. And Jacob, my brother, also, I 
will love above all flesh ; for I have not a brother in all the earth 
but him only : and this is no great merit for me if I love him ; for he 
is my brother, and we were sown together in thy womb, and together 
came we forth from thy loins, and if I do not love my brother, whom 
shall I love ? 23. And I, myself, beg thee to exhort Jacob concern- 
ing me and concerning my children, for I know that he will assuredly 
be king over me and my children, for on the day my father blessed 
him he made him the higher and me the lower. 24. And I swear 
unto thee that I will love him, and not desire evil against him all the 
days of my life but good only.*' And he swear unto her regarding 
all this matter. 25. And she called Jacob before the eyes of Esau, 
and gave him commandment according to the words which she had 
spoken to. Esau. 26. And he said : " I will do thy pleasure ; believe 
me that no evil will proceed from me or from my sons against Esau, 
and I shall be first in naught save in love only.'' 27. And they eat 
and drank, she and her sons that night, and she died, three jubilees 
and one week and one year old, on that night, and her two sons, Esau 
and Jacob, buried her in the double cave near Sarah, their f atber*s 

XXXYI. — And in the sixth year of this week Isaac called his two 
sons, Esau and Jacob, and they came to him, and he said unto them : 
" My sons, I am going the way of my fathers, into the eternal house 
where my fathers are. 2. Wherefore bury me near Abraham my 
father, in the double cave in the field of Ephron the Hittite, where 
Abraham purchased a sepulchre to bury in ; in the sepulchre which 
I digged for myself, there bury me. 3. And this I command you, my 
sons, that ye practise righteousness and uprightness on the earth, so 
that the Lord may bring upon you all that the Lord said that he 
would do to Abraham and to his seed. 4. And love one another, my 
sons (even) your brother as a man loves his own soul, and let each 
seek in what he may benefit his brother, and act together on the earth ; 
and let them love each other as their own souls. 5. And concern- 
ing the question of idols, I have commanded and admonished you to 
reject them and hate them, and love them not ; for they are full of 
deception for those that worship them and for those that bow down 
to them. 6. Remember ye, my sons, the Lord God of Abraham 
yonr father, and afterwards' I too worshipped him and served him 

* We should perhaps emend and read " how." 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

306 The Jewish Quarterly Remew. 

in righteoasness and in joy, that he might multiply yoa and increase 
your seed as the stars of heaven in multitude, and establish yon on 
the earth as the plant of righteousness which shall not be rooted out 
unto all the generations for ever. 7. And now I will make yoa 
swear a great oath, for there is no oath which is greater than it by 
the name glorious and honoured and great and splendid and wonderful 
and mighty, which created the heavens and the earth and all things 
together, that ye will fear him and worship him. 8. And that each 
will love his brother with affection and righteousness, and that 
neither will desire evil against his brother from henceforth for ever 
all the days of your life, so that ye may prosper in all your deeds and 
may not be destroyed. 9. And if either of you devises evil against his 
brother, know that from henceforth everyone that devises evil against 
his brother will fall into his hand, and will be rooted out of the land 
of the living, and his seed shall be destroyed from under heaven- 
10. But on the day of turbulence and execration and wrath and 
anger, and as with flaming devouring fire he burnt Sodom, so like- 
wise will he burn his land and his city and all that is his, and he will 
be blotted out of the book of the discipline of the children of men, 
and not be recorded in the book of life, but in that which shall be 
destroyed, and he will depart into eternal execration ; so that their 
condemnation may be always renewed in hate and in execration and 
in wrath and in torment and in indignation and in plagues and in 
disease for ever. 11. I say and testify to you, my sons, according to 
the judgment which will come upon the man who wishes to injure his 
his brother. 12. And he divided all his possessions between the two 
on that day, and he gave the larger portion to him that was the first- 
bom, and the tower and all that was about it, and all that Abraham 
possessed at the well of the oath. 13. And he said, " This larger por- 
tion I will give* to my firstborn." 14. And Esau said, ** I have sold to 
Jacob and given my right of primogeniture to Jacob ; to him it has been 
given, and I have not a single word to say regarding it, for it is his." 
15. And Isaac said, ^* May a blessing rest upon you, my sons, and upon 
your seed this day, for ye have given me rest, and my heart is not 
pained concerning the primogeniture, lest thou shouldest work wicked- 
ness on account of it. 16. May the Most High Lord bless the man 
that worketh righteousness, him and his seed for ever.'* 17. And he 
ended commanding them and blessing them, and they eat and drank 
together before him, and he rejoiced because there was a reconciliation 
between them, and they went forth from him and rested that day and 
slept. 18. And Isaac slept on his bed that day rejoicing ; and he slept 
the eternal sleep, and died one hundred and eighty years old. He 

* Emended. 

Digitized by 


The Book of Jubikes. 307 

completed twenty- five weeks and five years ; and his two sons Esau 
and Jacob bnried him. 19. And Esau went to the land of Edom, 
to the mountains of Seir, and he dwelt there. 20. And Jacob 
dwelt in the mountains of Hebron, in the tower of the Ixnd 
of the sojoumings of his father Abraham, and he woi shipped 
the Lord with all his heart and according to the visible command 
according to the division of the days of his generation. 21. And Leah 
his wife died in the fourth year of the second week of the forty -fifth 
jubilee, and he buried her in the double cave near Rebecca his mother, 
to the left of the grave of Sarah, his father's mother. 22. And all 
her sons and hb sons came to mourn over Leah his wife with him, 
and to comfort him regarding her, for he was lamenting her. 23. 
For he loved her exceedingly after Rachel her sister died ; for she 
was perfect and upright in all her ways and honoured Jacob, and all 
the days that she lived with him he did not hear from her mouth a 
harsh word, for she was gentle and peaceable and upright and honour- 
able. 24. And he remembered all her deeds which she had done 
during her life, and he lamented her exceediugly ; for he loved her 
with all his heart and with all his soul. 

XXx vil. — And on the day that Isaac the father of Jacob and 
Esau died, the sons of Esau heard that Isaac had given the portion of 
the elder to his younger son Jacob they were very angry. 2. And 
they strove with their father, saying : " Why has thy father given 
Jacob the portion of the elder and put thee after him, although thou 
art the elder and Jacob the younger ? " 3. And he said unto them 
*' Because I sold my birthright to Jacob for a small mess of lentils . 
and on the day my father sent me to hunt venison ^ and bring him 
something that he should eat and bless me, he came with guile and 
brought my father food and drink, and my father blessed him and 
put me under his hand. 4. And now our father has caused us to 
swear, me and him, that we shall not mutually devise evil, either 
against his brother, and that we shall continue in love and in peace 
each with his brother and not make our ways corrupt.'* 5. And they 
said unto him, ** We will not hearken unto thee to make peace witii 
him ; for our strength is greater than his strength, and we are more 
powerful than he ; we will go against him and slay him, and destroy 
him and his children.' And if thou wilt not go with us, we will do 
hurt to thee also. 6. And now hearken unto us : We will send to 
Aram and Philistia and Moab and Ammon, and let us choose for 
ourselvee chosen men who are ardent for battle, and let us go against 
him and do battle with him, and let us exterminate him from the 

1 Bmended. ' Emended from A, with Latin. 

Digitized by 


308 The Jewish Quarterly Eevieie. 

earth before he grows strong.*' 7. And their father said unto them, 
'* Do not go and do not make war with him lest ye fall before him/' 
8. And they said nnto him, *' This too, is exactly thy mode of action 
from thy youth until this day, and thon hast brought thy neck nnder 
his yoke. We will not hearken to these words.*' 9. And they sent 
to Aram, and to Ad^fim to the friend of their father, and they hired 
along with them one thousand fighting men, chosen men of war. 10. 
And there came to them from Moab and from the children of Ammon, 
those who were hired, one thousand chosen men, and from PhiHstia, 
one thousand chosen men of war, and from Edom and from the 
Horites one thousand fighting men, and from the Hittites one 
thousand chosen and mighty men, men of war. 11. And they 
said nnto their father : ** Go forth with them and lead them, 
else we will slay thee." 12. And he was filled with wrath and 
indignation on seeing that his sons were forcing him to go be- 
fore (them) to lead them against Jacob his brother. 13. But 
afterward he remembered all the evil which lay hidden in his heart 
against Jacob his brother ; and he remembered not the oath which he 
swear to his father and to his mother that he would devise no evil 
all his days against Jacob his brother. 14. And notwithstanding all 
this, Jacob knew not that they were coming against him to battle, 
and he was mourning for Leah, his wife, until they approached very 
near to the tower with four thousand warriors and chosen men of 
war. 15. And the men of Hebron sent to him saying, '* Behold thy 
brother has come against thee, to fight thee, with four thousand girt 
with the sword, and they carry shields and weapons ; '* for they loved 
Jacob more than Esau. So they told him ; for Jacob was a more 
liberal and merciful man than Esau. 16. But Jacob would not 
believe until they came very near to the tower. 17. And he closed 
the gates of the tower ; and he stood on the battlements and 
spake to his brother Esau and said, " Noble is the comfort wherewith 
Ulou has come to comfort me because of my wife who has died. Is 
this the oath that thon didst swear to thy father and again to thy mother 
before they died ? Thon hast broken thy oath, and on the moment 
that thou didst swear to thy father wast thou condemned." 18. And 
then Esau answered and said nnto him, '* Neither the children of 
men nor the beasts of the earth have any oath of righteousness which 
they swear when they would swear (an oath valid) for ever ; but 
every day they devise evil one against another, so that each may slay 
bis adversary and foe. 19. And thou too dost hate me and my 
children for ever. And there is no observing the tie of brotherhood 
with thee. 20. Hear these words which I declare nnto thee, If the 
boar can change its skin and make its bristles as soft as wool, or if it 
can cause horns to sprout forth on its head like the horns of a stag or 

Digitized by 


The Book of Jubtkea, 309 

of a sheep, then I will observe the tie of brotherhood with thee. And 
yet since the (twin) male offspring were separated from their mother, 
thou hast not shown thyself a brother to me. 21. And if the wolves 
make peace with the lambs so as not to devoar and rob them, and if 
their hearts turn towards them to do good (unto them), then there will 
be peace in my heart towards thee. 22. And if the lion becomes the 
friend of the ox and if he is bound under one yoke with him and 
ploughs with him and makes peace with him, then I will make peace 
with thee. 23. And when the raven becomes white as the r&z^* then 
know that I have loved thee and will make peace with thee. Thou 
shalt be rooted out and thy sons shall be rooted out, and there shall be 
no peace for thee.'' 24. And when Jacob saw that he was working 
evil against him from his heart, and that with his whole soul he would 
slay him, and that he had come springing like the wild boar which 
comes upon the spear that pierces and kills it, and it recoils not from 
it ; 25. Then he spake to his own and to his servants that they should 
attack him and all his companions. 

XXXYIIL — And after that Judah spake to Jacob, his father, and 
said unto him : '^Bend thy bow, father, and send forth thy arrows 
and cast down the adversary and slay the enemy ; and mayst thou 
have the power, for we will not slay thy brother, for he was with 
thee, and he is like thee, so that we should give him' (this) honour. 
2. Then Jacob bent his bow and sent forth the arrow and struck 
Esau, his brother, on his right breast,' and slew him. 3. And again 
he sent forth an arrow and struck Ador^n, the Aramaean, on the 
left breast, and drove him backward and slew him. 4. And then 
went forth the sons of Jacob, they and their servants, dividing them- 
selves into companies on the four sides of the tower. 5. And Judah 
went forth in front, and Naphtali and Gad with him and fifty 
servants with him on the south side of the tower, and they slew all 
they found before them, and not one individual escaped from them. 
6. And Levi and Dan and Asher went forth on the east side of the 
tower, and fifty (men) with them, and they slew the fighting men of 
Moab and Ammon. 7. And Reuben and Issachar and Zebulon went 
forth on the north side of the tower, and fifty men with them, and 
they slew the fighting men of the Philistines. 8. And Simeon and 
Benjamin and Enoch, Beuben's son, went forth on the west side of 
the tower, and fifty men with them, and they slew of Edom and of 
the Horites four hundred stout warriors ; and six hundred escaped, 

> The R&Z& is a large white bird which eats grasshoppers. 

> Emended with Lat. 

* Bestored from Lat. and the Midrash WajjUsan, 

Digitized by 


310 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

and four of the sons of Esaa fled with them, and left their father 
lyiDg slain, as he had fallen on the hill which is in AdCtr^m. 9. And 
the sons of Jaoob pursued after them to the mountains of Seir. And 
Jacob buried his brother on the hill which is in Adftr^m, and he re- 
turned to his house. 10. And the sons of Jacob surrounded > the 
sons of Esau in the mountains of Seir, and (the sons of Esau) 
humbled themselves so as to become servants of the sons of Jacob. 
11. And they sent to their father to inquire whether they should 
make peace with them or slay them. 12. And Jacob sent word to his 
sons that they should make peace, and they made peace with them, and 
placed the yoke of servitude upon them, so that they paid tribute to 
Jacob and to his sons always. 13. And they continued to pay tribute to 
Jacob until the day that he went down into Egypt. 14. And the sons 
of Edom did not get quit of the yoke of servitude which the twelve 
sons of Joseph had imposed on them until that day. 15. And these 
are the kings that reigned in Edom before there reigned any king over 
the children of Israel until this day in the land of Edom. 16. And 
B&lfiq, the son of BSdr, reigned in Edom, and the name of his city 
was Dan^b^. 17. And BiUq died, and Jdbdb, the son of Zkvk of 
Bosir, reigned in his stead. 18. And J6b4b died, and Asto, of the 
land of T^mAn, reigned in his stead. 19. And As^m died, and Ad&th, 
the son of Barad, who slew Median in the field of Moab, reigned in 
his stead, and the name of his city was Awtit. 20. And Ad&th died, 
and Salman, from AmSsSqS, reigned in his stead. 21. And Salman 
died, and S^ill, of B^bdth (by the) river, reigned in his stead. 22. 
And S&td died, and Ba^ltln^, the son of Akbfir, reigned in his stead. 
23. And Ba§ltln&D, the son of Akbtlr, died, and Ad&th reigned in his 
stead, and the name of bis wife was Maitabit, the daughter of M4ta- 
rat, the daughter of Metab^d Z&ab. 24. These are the kings who 
reigned in the land of Edom. 

XXXIX. — And Jacob dwelt in the land of his father^s sojournings 
in the land of Canaan. 2. These are the generations of Jaoob. Joseph 
was seventeen years old when they took him down into the land of 
Egypt, and Potiphar, an eunuch of Pharaoh, captain of the guard, ' 
bought him. 3. And he set Joseph over all his house, and the blessing of 
the Lord came upon the house of the Egyptian on account of Joseph, 
and the Lord prospered him in all that he did. 4. And the Egyptian 
left everything in Joseph's hands ; ' for he saw that the Lord was 
with him, and that the Lord prospered him in all that he did. 5. 
And Joseph was comely and very well favoured/ and the wife of his 

1 Emended with Lat. ' Emended, as in xxziv. 11. 

3 Emended. * Blightly emmided from A, B. 

Digitized by 


The Book of Juhilees. 31 1 

master lifted ap ber eyes and saw Joseph, and she loved him, and 
besonght him to lie with her. 6. But he did not surrender his soul, 
and he remembered the Lord and the words which Jacob, his father, 
hail read (to him) from amongst the words of Abraham, that no 
man should commit fornication with a woman who has a husband ; 
that for him the pnnishment of death has been ordained in the heavens 
before the Most High Lord, and the sin will be recorded against him 
in the eternal books con tinn ally before the Lord. 7. And Joseph 
remembered these words and refused to lie with her. 8. And she 
besonght him for a year, but he refused and would not listen. 9. But 
she embraced him and held him fast in the house in order to force 
him to lie with her, and closed the doors of the house and held him 
fast ; but he left his garment in her hands and broke through the 
door and fled without from her presence. 10. And the woman saw 
that he would not lie with her, and f>he calumniated him in the 
presence of his lord, saying : " Thy Hebrew servant, whom thou 
lovest, sought to force me to lie with him ; and it came to pass when 
I lifted up my voice that he fled and left his garment in my hands 
when I held him, and he brake through the door." 11. And the 
Egyptian saw the garment of Joseph and the broken door, and heard 
the words of his wife, and cast Joseph into prison into the place 
where the prisoners were kept whom the king imprisoned. 12. And 
he was there in the prison ; and the Lord gave Joseph favour in the 
sight of the chief of the guards of the prison and compassion 
before him, for he saw that the Lord was with him, and made 
all that he did to prosper. 13. And he committed all things into 
his hands,^ and the chief of the guards looked to nothing that 
was in his keeping, for Joseph did every thing, and the Lord 
perfected it.' 14. And he remained there two years. And in 
those days Pharaoh, king of Egypt, was wroth against his two 
eunuchs, against the chief of the butlers, and against the chief 
of the bakers, and he put them in ward in the house of the 
captain of the guard,* in the prison where Joseph was kept. 15. And 
the captain of the guard appointed Joseph to serve them ; and he 
served before them. 16. And they both dreamed a dream, the chief 
butler and the chief baker, and they told it to Joseph. 17. And as he 
interpreted to them so it befell them, and Pharaoh restored the chief 
butler to his office, and the chief baker « he slew, as Joseph had in- 

> Emended with Lat. and Gen. tttix. 22. 
* Better emended with Latin and read " made it to prosper.** 
s Eth. and Lat versions read " chief of the cooks,** which, though a 
possible rendering of D^n^^n"n^, is manifestly wrong here. 
4 Emended with Lat. 

Digitized by 


312 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

terpreted to them. 18. But the chief butler forgot Joseph in the 
ptisoD, although he had informed him what should befall him, and 
did not remember to inform Pharaoh how Joseph had told him, for 
he forgot. 

XL. — Aod in those days Pharaoh dreamed two dreams in one night 
concerning a famine which should be in all the land, and he awoke 
from his sleep and called all the interpreters of dreams that were in 
Egypt, and magicia'is, and told them his two dreams, and thr*y were 
not able to declare (them). 2. And then the chief butler remem- 
bered Joseph and spake of him to the king, and he brought him forth 
from the prison, and he told his two dreams before him. 3. And he 
said before Pharaoh that his two dreams were one, and he said unto 
him : " Seven years will come (in which there will be) plenty over all 
the land of Egypt, and after that seven years of famine, such a famine 
as has not been in all the earth. 4. And now let Pharaoh appoint 
overseers in all the land of Ea^ypt, and let them store up food in every 
city throughout the days of the years of plenty, and there will be, food 
for the seven years of famine, and the land will not perish through the 
famine, for it will be very severe.'' 5. And the Lord gave Joseph 
favour and mercy in the eyes of Pharaoh, and Pharaoh said unto his 
servants : *' We shall not find such a wise and intelligent man as this 
man, for the spirit of the Lord is with him." 6. And he appointed 
him the second in all his kingdom and gave him authority over all 
Egypt, and caused him to ride in the second chariot of Pharaoh. 7. 
And he clothed him with byssus garments, and he put a gold chain 
upon his neck, and they proclaimed * before him* * Ei El Wa Abtrer,' 
and placed a ring on his hand and made him ruler over all his house, and 
magnified him, and said unto him : " Only on the throne shall I be 
greater than thou." 8. And Joseph ruled over all the land of Egypt, 
and all the princes of Pharaoh, and all his servants, and all who did 
the king's business loved him, for he walked in uprightness, for he 
was without pride and arrogance, and he had no respect of persons, 
and did not accept gifts, but he judged in uprightness all the people 
of the land. 9. And the land of Egypt was at peace before Pharaoh 
because of Joseph, for the Lord was with him, and gave him favour 
and mercy for all his generations before all those who knew him and 
heard concerning him, and Pharaoh's kingiom was well ordered, and 
there was no adversary and no evil person (therein). 10. And the 
king called Joseph's name Sepb&ntiph&ns, and gave Joseph to wife 

1 Emended with Lat. 

* Eth. MSS. add "and he said '* against Latin and G^n. xli. 43. 

» " Ood, Gk)d, the mighty one of God, " bs "^'^SS.l ^\^ b^J. 

Digitized by 


The Book of Jubilees. 31S 

the daughter of Potiphar, the daughter of the priest of Heliopolis, 
captain of the gaard.i 11. And on the day that Joseph stood before 
Pharaoh he was thirty years old when he stood before Pharaoh. 12. 
And in that year Isaao died. And it came to pass as Joseph had said 
in the interpretation of his two dreams, according as he had said it, 
there were seven years of plenty over all the land of Egypt, and in 
the land of Egypt one measure brought forth abundantly eighteen 
hundred measures. 13. And Joseph gathered food into every city 
until they were full of com until they could no longer count and 
measure it for multitude. 

XLI. — And in the forty-fifth jubilee, in the second week, (and) in 
the second year, Judah took for his first-born, Er, a wife from the 
daughters of Aram, named Tamar. 2. Bat he hated, and did not lie 
with her, because his mother was of the daughters of Canaan, aud he 
wished to take him a wife of the kinsfolk of his mother, but Jud^h, 
his father, would not permit him. 3. And this £r, the first-born of 
Judah, was wicked, and the Lord slew him. 4. Aud Judah said unto 
Onan, his brother : *' Go in uoto thy brother's wife and perform the 
duty of a husbaud's brother unto her,' and raise up seed unto thy 
brother."' 5. Aud Onan knew that the seed would not be his, (but) 
his brother's only, and he went into the house of his brother's wife, 
and spilt the seed on the ground, and he was wicked in the eyes of 
the Lord, and he slew him. 6. And Judah said unto Tamar, his 
daughter-in-law : " Remain in thy father's house as a widow till 
Shelah my son be grown up, and I will give thee to him to wife.'' 7. 
And he grew up ; but Bddsii^l, the wife of Judah, did not permit 
her son Shelah to marry. And B^dsddl, the wife of Judah, died in 
the fifth year of this week. 8. And in the sixth year Judah went 
up to shear his sheep at Timnah. And they told Tamar : '' Behold 
thy father-in-law goeth up to Tioinah to shear his sheep.'' 9. And she 
put off her widow's clothes, and put on a veil, aud adorned herself, 
and sat in the gate which faces the way to Timnah. 10. And as 
Judah was going along he found her, and thought her to be an 
harlot, and he said unto her : ** Let me come in unto thee " ; and she 
said unto him : *^ Come in," and he went in. 11. And she said 
unto him: *^Give me my hire"; and he said unto her: **I have 
uotuing in my hand save my ring that is on my finger, and my neck- 
lace, and my staff which is in my hand. " 12. And she said unto 
him : '* Give them to me until thou dost send me my wage"; and 
he said unto her : "I will send unto thee a kid of the goats " ; and he 

> MSS. read "cooks." See zzxix. 14 (note). 
* The phrase is obscure. 

Digitized by 


814 The Jeunsh Quarterly Review. 

^ave them to her, and he went in unto her/ and she conoeived by 
him. 13. And Judah went unto his sheep, and she went to her 
father's house. 14. And Judah sent a kid of the goats by the hand 
of his f^hepherd, an Adnllamite, and he found her noc ; and he asked 
the people of the place, saying : " Where is the harlot who was 
here ? " And they said unto him : ** There is no harlot here with 
us." 15. And he returned and informed him, and said : '* I have 
not fonnd her,^ and I asked the people of the place, and they said 
unto me : ' There is no harlot here.' '* And he said : " Let her take' 
(them) lest we become a canse of derision.'' 16. And when she had 
completed three months, it was manifest that she was with child, and 
they told Judah, saying : *' Behold Tamar, thy daughter-in-law, is 
with child by whoredom.'* 17. And Judah went to the house of her 
father, and said unto her father and her brothers : " Bring her forth, 
and let them burn her, for she hath wrought uncleanness in Israel.'' 
18. And it came to pass when they brought her forth to bum her 
that she sent to her father-in-law the ring and the necklace, and the 
staff, saying : " Discern whose are these, for by him am I with 
child." 19. And Judah acknowledged, and said : " Tamar is more 
righteous than I am.'* And therefore they burnt her not. 20. And 
for that reason she was not given to Shelah, and he did not again 
approach her. 21. And after that she bare two sons, Perez and 
Zerah, in the seventh year of this second week. 22. And thereupon 
the seven years of fruitfnlness had been accomplished, of which 
Joseph spake to Pharaoh. 23. And Judah acknowledged that the 
deed which he had done was evil, for he had lain with his daughter- 
in-law, and he declared that it was hateful in his eyes, and he ac- 
knowledged that he had transgressed and gone astray, for he had 
uncovered the skirt of his son, and he began to lament and to 
Hupplicate before the Lord because of his transgression. 24. And we 
told him in a dream that it was forgiven him because he supplicated 
earnestly, and lamented, and did not again commit it. 25. And he 
received forgiveness because he turned from his sin and from his 
ignorance, for he transgressed greatly before our God ; and every 
one that acts thuf, every one who lies with his mother-in-law. let them 
burn him with fire that he may bum therein, for there is uncleanness 
and pollution upon them ; with fire let them burn them. 26. And 
do thou command the children of Israel that there be no uncleanness 
amongst them, for every one who lies with his daughter in-law or 
with his mother-in-law hath wrought uncleanness ; with fire let them 

* Restored from emended Lat. text. 

* Emended with Lat. and Gen. xxxviii. 22. 
^ Emended with Lat. and Gen. xxxviii. 23. 

Digitized by 


The Book of Jubilees. 315 

born the man who has Iain with her, and likewise the woman, that he 
may turn away wrath and punishment from Israel. 27. And unto 
Judah we said that his two sons had not lain with her, and for this 
reafton his seed was established for a second generation, and should 
not be rooted out. 28. For in singleness of eye he had gone and 
sought for punishment, namely, according to the judgment of Abra- 
ham, which he had commanded his sons, Judah had sought to bum 
her with fire. 

XLII. — And in the first year of the third week of the forty-fifth 
jubilee the famine began to come into the land, and the rain refused 
to be given to the earth, for none whatever fell. 2. And the earth 
grew barren, but in the land of Egypt there was food, for Joseph 
had gathered the seed of the land in the seven years of plenty and 
had preserved it. 3. And the Egyptians came to Joseph that lie 
might give them food, and he opened the storehouses where was the 
grain of the first year, and he sold it to the people of the land for 
gold. 4. Now the famine was very sore in the land of Canaan,' and 
Jacob heard that there was food in Egypt, and he sent his ten boms 
that they should procure food for him in Egypt ; but Benjamin he 
did not send, and the ten sons of Jacob* arrived in Egypt among 
those that went (there). 5. And Joseph recognised them, but they 
did not recognise him, and he spake roughly' unto them, and he said 
unto them : " Are ye not spies, and have ye not come to explore the 
approaches of the land '* ? And he put them in ward. 6. And after 
that he set them free a^ain, and detained Simeon alone and sent off 
his nine brothers. 7. And he filled their sacks with corn, and he put 
their gold in their sacks, and they did not know. 8. And he com- 
manded them to bring their younger brother, for they had told him 
their father was living and their younger brother. 9. And they went 
up from the land of Egypt and they came to the land of Canaan ; 
they told their father all that had befallen them, and how the lord 
of the country had spoken roughly to them, and had seized Simeon 
till they should bring Benjamin. 10. And Jacob said : *^ Me have ye 
bereaved of my children ! Joseph is not and Simeon is not, and ye 
will take Benjamin away. Against me is your wickedness." 11. 
And he said : ** My son will not go down with you lest perchance he 
fall sick ; for their mother gave birth to two sons, and one has 
perished, and this one also ye would take from me. If perchance he 
took a fever on the road, ye would bring down my old age with 
sorrow unto death.'* 12. For he saw that their money had been 

' Fonnd only in Lat. ' Restored from Lat and 6^n. xlii. 5. 

' Corrected from Lat. and Gen. xlii. 7. 

Digitized by 


316 The Jewish Quarterly Revutw. 

returned to every man in his sack, and for this reason he feared to 
send him. 13. And the famine increased and became sore in the 
land of Canaan, and in all lands save in the land of Egypt, for 
many of the children of the Egyptians had stored up tht-ir seed for 
food from the time when they saw Joseph gathering seed together 
and putting it in storehouses and preserving it for the years of 
famine. 14. And the people of Egypt fed themselves thereon during 
the first year of their famine. 15. But when Israel saw that the 
famine was very sore in the land, and that there was no deliverance, 
he said unto his sons : ^* Go, return, and procure food for us that we 
die not." 16. And tbey said : ** We will not go ; unless our youngest 
brother go with us, we will not go." 17. And Israel saw that if he 
did not send him with them, they should all perish by reason of the 
famine. 18. And Reuben said : '*Give him into my hand, and if I 
do not bring him back to thee, slay my two sons instead of bis soul.*' 
And he said unto him : *' He shall not go with thee.'' 19. And Judah 
came near and said : " Send him with us, and if I do not bring him 
back to thee, let me bear the blame before thee all the days of my 
life.'* 20. And he sent him with them in the second year of this 
week on the first day of the month, and they came to the land of 
Egypt with all those who went, and (tbey had) presents in their 
hands, stacte and almonds and terebinth nuts and pure honey. 21. 
And they went and stood before Joseph, and he taw Benjamin his 
brother, and he knew him, and said unto them : ** Is this your 
youngest brother ? '' And tbey said unto him : ** It is he.** And he 
said : ** The Lord be gracious to thee my son ! '' 22. Aod he sent 
him into his house and he brought forth Simeon unto them and be 
made a feast for them, and they presented the gift which they had 
brought in their hand^. 23. And they eat before him and he gave 
them all a portion, but he made the portion of Benjamin seven times 
larger than that of any of theirs. 24. And they eat and drank and 
arose and remained with their asses. 25. And Joseph devised a plan 
whereby he might learn their thoughts as to whether thoughts of 
peace prevailed amongst them, and he said to the steward who was 
over his house : '* Fill all their sacks with food, and return their 
money unto them into their vessels, and my cup, the silver cup out 
of which I drink, put it in the sack of the youngest, and send them 

XLIII.— And he did as Joseph bad toll him, and filled all their 
sacks for them with food and put their money in their sacks, and put 
the cup in Benjamin*8 sack. 2. And early in the morning they 
departed, and it came to pass that when they had gone from thence, 
Joseph said unto the steward of his house : ** Pursue them, run 

Digitized by 


The Booh of Jubilees. 317 

and seize them, saying, * For good ye have requited me with evil ; 
you have stolen from me the silver cup out of which my lord drinks.* 
And bring back to me their youngest brother, and fetch him quickly 
before I go forth to my seat of judgment.'* 3. And he ran after them 
and said unto them according to these words. 4. And they said unto 
him : '^ God forbid that thy servants should do this thing, and steal 
from the house of thy lord any utensil, and the money also which we 
fonnd in our sacks the first time, we thy servants brought back from 
the land of Canaan. 5. How then should we steal any utensil ? 
Behold here are we and our sacks ; search, and wherever thou findest 
the cup in the sack of anjr man amongst us, let him be slain, and we 
and our asses will serve thy lord.'* And he said unto them : " Not so, 
the man with whom I find, him only will I take as a servant, and ye 
shall return in peace unto your house.** 7. And as he was searching 
in their vessels, beginning with the eldent and ending with the 
youngest, it was found in Benjamin's sack. 8. And they rent their 
garments, and laded their asses, and returned to the city and came to 
the house of Joseph, and th^y all bowed themselves on their fa^es to 
the ground before him. 9. And Joseph said unto them : ** Ye have 
done evil.** And ( Judah) said unto him* : " What shall we say and how 
shall we dispute the transgiession of thy servants which our lord 
has discovered ; behold we are the servants of our lord, and our asses 
also.** 10. And Joseph said unto them : '* I too fear the Lord ; as for 
you, go ye to your homes and let your brother be my servant, for ye 
have done evil. Know ye not that a man divines with' his cup as I 
(do) with this cup? And yet ye have stolen it from me.** 11. And 
Judah said : *' O my lord, let thy servant, I pray thee,^ speak a word in 
my lord's ear ; two brothers did thy servants mother bear to our 
father ; one went away and was lost, and hath not been found, and * 
he alone is left of his mother, and thy servant our father loves him, 
and his life also is bound up with the life of this (lad). 12. And it 
will come to pans, when we go to thy servant our father, and the lad 
is not with us, that he will die, and we shall bring down our father 
with sorrow to the grave (lit. '* death "). 13. Now rather let me, thy 
servant, abide instead of the lad as a bondsman unto my lord, and let 
the youth go with his brethren, for I became surety for him at the 
hand of thy servant our father, and if I do not bring him back, thy 
servant shall bear the blame to our father for ever.** 14. And Joseph 
saw that they were all accordant in goodness one with another, and 
he could not refrain himself, and he told them that he was Joseph. 
16. And he conversed with them in the Hebrew tongue and fell on 

' B " they said ** ; CD ** they said unto him.** 
' Emended with Gen. xliv. 5, 15. * Emended with Gen. xliv. IS. 


Digitized by 


318 TJie Jewish Quarterly Review. 

their neck and wept. Bat they knew him not and they began to 
weep. 16. And he said unto them : " Weep not over me, bat hasten 
and bring my father to me ; and ye see that it is my month 
that speaketh, and the eyes of my brother Benjamin see. ^ 

17. For behold this is the second year of the famine, and there 
are still five years without harvest or fruit of trees or ploughing. 

18. Come down quickly ye and your households, so that ye perish not 
through the famine, and do not be grieved for your possessions, for 
the Lord sent me before you to Bet things in order that many people 
might live. 19. And tell my father that I am still alive, and ye, 
behold, ye see that the Lord has made me as a father to Pharaoh, and 
ruler over his house and over the land of Egypt. 20. And tell my 
father of all my glory, and all the riches and glory that the Lord hath 
given me.'' 21. And by the command of the mouth of Pharaoh he 
gave them chariots and provisions for the way, and he gave them all 
many-coloured raiment and silver. 22. And to their father he sent 
raiment and silver and ten asses which carried com, and he sent them 
away. 23. And they went up and told their father that Joseph was 
alive, and was measuriog out com to all the nations of the earth, and 
that he was ruler over all the land of Egypt. 24. And their father 
did not believe it, for he was beside himself in his mind ; but when 
he saw the wagons which Joseph had sent, the life of his spirit 
revived, and he said : " It is a great thing for me if Joseph lives ; I 
will go down and see him before I die.** 

XLIY. — And Israel took his journey from Haran from his house 
on the new moon of the third month, and he went on the way of the 
well of the oath, and he offered a sacrifice to the Gk>d of his father 
Isaac on the seventh of this month. 2. And Jacob remembered the 
dream that he had seen at Bethel, and he feared to go down into 
Egypt. 3. And while he was thinking of sending word to Joseph to 
come to him, and that he would not go down, he remained there 
seven days, if perchance he should see a vision as to whether he 
should remain or go down. 4. And he celebrated the harvest festival 
of the first-fruits with old grain, for in all the land of Canaan there 
was not a handful of seed in the land, for the famine was over the 
beasts and cattle and birds, and also over man. 5. And on the six- 
teenth the Lord appeared unto him, and said unto him, *' Jacob, 
Jacob " ; and he said, ^^ Here am I.'' And he said unto him : '* I am 
the God of thy fathers, the Grod of Abraham and Icaao ; fear not to 
go down into Egypt, for I will there make of thee a great nation. 

> Emended with Gen. xlv. 12, by a slight change from an unmeaning 


Digitized by 


The Book of Jubilees. 319 

6. 1 will go down with thee, and I will bring thee back (again), and in 
this land shalt tboa be buried, and Joseph will put his hands upon 
thy eyes. Fear not ; go down into Eigypt.'' 7. And his sons rose up, 
and his sons^ sons, and they placed their father and their possessions 
npon wagons. 8. And Israel rose up from the well of the oath on 
the sixteenth of this third month, and he went to the land of Egypt. 
9. And Israel sent Judah before him to his son Joseph to examine 
the Land of Goshen, for Joseph had told his brothers that they 
should come to dwell there that they might be near him. 10. And 
this was the goodliest (land) in the land of Egypt, and near to him, 
for all of them and for their cattle. 11. And these are the names of 
the sons of Jacob who went into Egypt with Jacob their father. 
12. Reuben, the first-bom of Israel ; and these are the names of his 
sons : Enoch, and Phllllus, and ESsrdm and Ear&mt, five. 13. Simeon 
and his sons ; and these are the names of his sons : Ijdmtl§l, and 
Ijam^n, and Av6t, and Ijakfm, and Saar, and Saul, the son of the 
Ganaanitish woman,^ seven. 14. Levi and his sons ; and these are the 
names of his sons : Godson, and Qa^th, and MSr&rt, four. 15. Judah 
and his sons ; and these are the names of his sons : Shela, and Phares, 
and Zarah, foar. 16. Is^achar and his pons ; and these are the names 
of his sons : T6ld, and Phtla, and Ij&stlb, and SAmar6m, five. 17. 
Zebulon and his sons ; and these are the names of his sons : Saar, and 
E16n, and IjAl^l, four. 18. These are the sons of Jacob, and their 
sons whom Leah bore to Jacob in Mesopotamia, six, and their one 
sister, Dinah, and all the souls which were sons of Leah, and their 
sons, who went with Jacob their father into Egypt, were twenty-nine, 
and Jacob their father being with them, they were thirty. 19. And 
the sons of Zilpah, Leah's handmaid, the wife of Jacob who bore 
nnto Jacob Gad and Asher : 21. And these are the names of their 
sons who went with them into Egypt : The sons of Gad : S6phj6n, 
and Ag&ti, and Sflnt, and Astb6n. . . . and Ar6Ii,and Arddi, eight 21. 
And the sons of Asher : Ij6mn&, and Jestla, . . . and Barta, and S&rd, 
their one sister, six. 22. And all the souls were fourteen, and all 
those of Leah were forty-four. 23. And the sons of Rachel, the 
wife of Jacob : Joseph and Benjamin. 24. And there were born to 
Joseph in Egypt before his father came into Egypt, those whom Asenath 
bare unto him daughter of Potiphar priest of Heliopolis, Manasseb, 
and Ephiaim, three. 25. And the sons of Benjamin : B414, and 
Bakar, and Asb^l, GMd4, and Nelm^n, and Abdj6, and Rdd, and 
San&nim, and Aphtm, and Gfiam, eleven. 26. And all the souls of 
Rachel were fourteen. 27. And the sons of Bilhah, the handmaid of 

Rachel, the wife of Jacob, whom she bare to Jacob, were Dan 


* Emended. ' ^ 
Y 2 

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820 The Jewinh Quarterly Review. 

and NaphtalL 28. And these are the names of their sons who 
went with them into Egypt. And the sons of Dan were Kttstm, 
and Sfimdn, and AsCldi, and Ij&ka, and Saldm6n, six. 29. And 
they died the year in which they entered into Egypt, and there 
was left to Dan Khstm alone. 30. And these are the names 
of the sons of Naphtali : Ij^st^l, and G&hAni, and Esaar, and 
Salltlm, and It. 31. And Iv, who waa born after the years of 
famine, died in Egjrpt. 32. And all the souls of Rachel were twenty- 
six. 33. And all the souls of Jacob which went into Egypt were 
seventy souls. These at e his children and his children's children, in 
all seventy ; bnt five died in Egypt before Joseph, and had no 
children. 34. And in the land of Canaan two sons of Judah died, Er 
and Onan, and they had no children, and the cbildren of Israel buried 
those who perished, and they were reckoned among the seventy 
Gtjntile natiocs. 

XLY. — And Israel went ioto the country of Egypt, into the land 
of Goshen, on the new moon of the fourth month, in tbe second year 
of the third week of the forty-fifth jubilee. 2. And Joseph went to 
meet his father Jacob, to the land of Goshen, and he fell on his 
father's neck and wept. 3. And Israel said unto Joseph : ** Now let 
me die since I have seen thee, and now may the Lord God 
of I^rael be blessed, the God of Abraham and the God of Isaac who 
hath not withheld his mercy and his grace from his servant Jacob.** 
4. It is a great thing for me that I have seen thy face whilst still 
living ; yea, true is the vision which I saw at Bethel, blessed be the 
Lord my God for ever and ever, and blessed be his name. 5. And 
Joseph and his brothers ate bread before their father and draok wine, 
and Jacob rejoiced with exceeding great joy because he saw Joseph 
eating with his brothers and drinking before him, and he blessed the 
Creator of all things who had preserved him, and had preserve i for 
him his twelve sons. 6. And Joseph had given to his father and to 
his brothera as a gift the right of dwelling in the land of Goshen and 
in H4m^sSn& and all the region round about, which he ruled over 
before Pharaoh. And Israel and his sons dwelt in the land of Goshen, 
the best part of the land of Egypt ; and Israel was one hundred and 
thirty years old when he came into Egypt. 7. And Joseph nourished 
his father aud his brethren and their possessions with bread as much 
as sufficed them * for the seven years of the famine. 8. And the land 
of Egypt suffered by reason of the famine, and Joseph acquired all 
the laud of Egypt for Pharaoh in return for food, and he got 

I " As much as vufliced them,** seems cormpt for " according to their 
persons," of. Gen. xlvii (LXX.). 

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The Book of Jubilees. 321 

possession of the people and their cattle and every thing for Pharaoh.* 
9. And the years of the famine were accomplished, and Joseph gave 
to the people in the land seed and food that they might sow (the 
land) ' in the eighth year, for the river had overflowed all the land 
of Egypt. 10. For in the seven years of the famine it had not over- 
flowed > and had irrigated only a few places on the hanks of the river, 
but now it overflowed and the Egyptians sowed the land, and they 
gathered^ much corn that year. 11. And this was the first year of 
the fourth week of the forty-fifth jubilee. 12. And Joseph took of 
all that which was produced ^ the fifth part for the king and left four 
parts for them for food and for seed, and Joseph made it an ordinance 
for the land of Egypt until this day. 13. And Israel lived in the land 
of Egypt seventeen years, and all the days which he lived were three 
jubilees, one hundred and forty-seven years, and he died in the fourth 
year of the fifth week of the forty-fifth jubilee. 14. And Israel 
blessed his sons before he died and told them everything that would 
befall them in the land of Egypt ; and he made known to them what 
would come upon them in the last days, and blessed them and gave to 
Joseph two portions in the land. 16. And he slept with his fathers, 
and be was buried in the double cave in the land of Canaan, near 
Abraham his father in the grave which he dug for himself in the 
double cave in the land of Hebron. 17. And he gave all his books 
and the books of his fathers to Levi his son that he might preserve 
them and renew them for his children until this day. 

XLYL — And it came to pass that after Jacob died the children of 
Israel multiplied in the land of Egypt, and they became a great nation, 
and they were of one accord in heart, so that brother loved brother 
and every man helped his brother, and they increased abundantly and 
multiplied exceedingly, ten ^ weeks of years, all the (remaining) days 
of the life of Joseph. 2. And there was no enemy (lit. Satan) nor 
any evil all the days of the life of Joseph which he lived after his 
father Jacob, for all the Egyptians honoured the children of Israel 
all the days of the life of Joseph. 3. And Joseph died being a 
hundred and ten years old ; seventeen years he lived in the land of 
Canaan, and ten years he was a servant, and three in prison, and 
eighty years he was under the king, ruling aU the land of Egypt. 4. 
So he died and all his brethren and all that generation. 5. And 
he commanded the children of Israel before he died that they should 
carry his bones with them when they went forth from the land of Egypt. 

' Emended with Lat. from B. ' Added with Lat. and Gen. xlvii. 23. 
' Emended with Lat. from D. * Emended with Lat. 

^ Emended with Lat. * Slightly emended. 

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322 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

6. And he made them swear regarding his booes, for he knew that the 
Egyptians wonld not again bring forch and bury bim in the land of 
Canaan, for Mfikam&r6n, king of Canaan, while dwelling in the land 
of Assyria, fought in the valley with the king of Egypt and slew him 
there, and pursued after the Egyptians to the gates of Erm6n. 7. 
But he was not able to enter, for another, a new king, was ruling over 
Egypt, and he was stronger than he, and he returned to the land of 
Canaan, and the gates of Egypt were closed, and none went out and 
none came into Egypt. 8. And Joseph died in this forty-sixth jubilee, 
in the sixth week, in the second year, and they buried him in the land 
of Egypt, and all his brethren died after him. 9. And the king of 
Egypt went forth to war with the king of Canaan in the forty -eeYenth 
jubilee, in the second week in the second year, and the children of 
Israel brought forth all the bones of the children of Jacob save the 
bones of Joseph, and they buried them in the field in the double cave 
in the mountain. 10. And the most of them returned to Egypt, but 
a few of them remained in the mountains of H6brdn, and AbrUm thy 
father remained with them. 11. And the king of Canaan was 
victorious over the king of Egypt, and he closed the gates of Egypt. 
12. And he devised an evil device against the children of Israel 
of afflicting them, and he said unto the people of Egypt : 13. 
" Behold the people of the children of Israel have increased and mul- 
tiplied more than we. Come and let us deal wisely with them before 
they become too many, and let us afflict them with slavery before war 
come upon us and before they too fight against us ; and they join 
themselves unto our * enemies and get them up out of our land, for 
their hearts and faces are towards the land of Canaan.'* 14. And he 
set over them taskmasters to afflict them with slavery ; and they 
built strong cities for Pharaoh, Pithd, and B4ms6,* and they built all 
the walla and all the fortifications which had fallen in the cities of 
Egypt 15. And they made them serve with rigour, and the more 
they dealt evilly with them, the more they increased and multiplied. 
16. And the people of Egypt abominated the children of IsraeL 

XLYIL — And in the seventh week, in the seventh year, in the 
forty-seventh jubilee, thy father went forth from the land of Canaan, 
and thon wast bom in the fourth week, in the sixth year thereof, in 
the forty-eighth jubilee ; this was the time of tribulation on the 
ehildren of Israel. 2. And Pharaoh, king of Egypt, issued a com- 
mand regarding them that they should cast all their male children 
which were bom into the river. 3. And they cast them in for seven 
months until the day that thon wast born. And thy mother hid thee 

I Restored from Lat. > Lat. adds "• and On.*' 

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The Book of Jubike^. 323 

for three month>i, and tbey told regarding her. 4. And she made an 
ark for thee, and covered it with pitch and asphalt, and placed it in 
the flags on the bank of the river, and she placed thee in it seven 
days, and thy mother came by nijrht and suckled thee, and by day 
Miriam, thy sister, gnarded thee from the birds. 5. And in those 
days Tbarmnth, the daughter of Pharaoh, came to bathe in the river, 
and she heard thy voice crying, and she told her maidens » to briug 
thee forth, and they brought thee unto her. 6. And she took thee out 
of the ark, and she had compassion on thee. 7. And thy sister said 
unto her : " Shall I go and call unto thee one of the Hebrew women 
to nurse and suckle this babe for thee ? " And she said unto her < : 
** Go." 8. And she went and called thy mother Jockabed, and she 
gave her wages, and she nursed thee. 9. And afterwards, when thou 
wast grown up, they brought thee unto the daughter ' of Pharaoh,, 
and thou didst become her son, and Ebrftn thy father taught thee 
writing, and after thou hadst completed three weeks they brought 
thee into the royal court 10. And thou wast three weeks of years in 
the court until the time when thou didst go forih from the royal 
court and didst see an Egyptian smiting thy friend who was of the 
children of Israel, and thou didst slay him and hide him in the sand. 
11. And on the second day thou didst find two of the children of 
Israel striving together, and thou didst say to him who did the wrong : 
"Why dost thou smite thy brother?" 12. And he was angry and 
indignant, and said : ** Who made thee a prince and a judge over us ? 
Thinkest thou to kill me as thou killedst the Egyptian yesterday ?" 
And thou didst fear and flee on account of these words. 

XLYin.— And in the sixth year of the third week of the forty- 
ninth jubilee thou didst depart and dwell in the land of Midian ^ 
five weeks and one year. And thou didst return into Eg3rpt in the 
second week in the second year of the fiftieth jubilee. 2. And thou 
thyself knowest what he spake unto thee on Mount Sinai, and what 
Prince Mastema desired to do with thee when thou wast returning 
into Egypt on the way when thou didet meet him at the lodging- 
place.' 3. Did he not with all his power seek to slay thee and de- 
liver the Egyptians out of thy hand when he saw that thou wast sent 
to execute judgment and vengeance on the Egyptians ? '' 4. And I 
delivered thee out of his hand, and thou didst perform the signs and 
wonders which thou wast sent to perform in Egypt against Pharaoh, 

> Emended by Dillmann. * Bestored from Lat. 

> Emended from Exod. ii. 13. 

* Restored from Lat. and Exod. ii. 16. 

* Emended by comparison of Lat. and Exod, iv. 24. 

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324 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

and against all his house, and against his servants and his people. 
5. And the Lord executed a great vengeance on thorn for Israel's 
pake, and snaote them * through (the plagues of) blood and frogs, 
lice and dogflies, and malignant boih breaking forth in blains ; and 
their cattle by death ; and by hail-stone», thereby he destroyed every- 
thing that grew for them ; and by locusts which devoured everything 
which had been left by the hail, and by darkness ; and by the death 
of ' the firAt-born of men and animals, and on all their idols the Lord 
took vengeance and burned them with fire. 6. And everything was 
sent through thy hand, that thou shouldest do (these things) before 
they were done, and thou didst tell ic to the king of Egypt before 
all his servants and before his people. 7. And everything took place 
according to thy word:* ; ten great and terrible judgments came on the 
land of Egypt that thou mightest execute vengeance on it for Israel. 
8. And the Lord did everything for Isi^ael's sake, and according to 
his covenant, which he had ordained with Abraham that he would 
take vengeance on them as they bad brought them by force into bond- 
age. 9. And Prince Mbstema set himself against thee, and sought to 
cast thee into the hands of Pharaoh, and he helped the Egyptian 
sorcerers, and they set themselves against (thee), and they wronght 
before thee. 10. The evils in ieei we permitted them to work, but 
the remedies we did not allow to be wrought by their hands. 1 1. And 
the Lord smote them with malignant ulcers, and they were not able to 
stand, for we destroyed them so that they could not perform a single 
sign. 12. And by all (these) signs and wonders Prince M<istema was 
put to shame' until he became powerful,^ and cried to the Egyptians 
to pursue after thee with all the powers of the Egyptians, with their 
chariots, and with their horses, and with all multitudes of the peoples 
of Egypt 13. And I stood between the Egyptians and Israel, 
and we delivered Israel out of his hand, and out of the hand 
of his people, and the Lord bronght them through the midst of the 
sea as if it were dry land. 14. And all the peoples whom he brought 
to pursue after Israel, the Lord our God cast them into the midst of 
the sea, into the depths of the abyss beneath them, for the sake of the 
children of Israel ; even as the people of Egypt had oast their chil- 
dren into the river, he took vengeance on 1,000,000 of them, and 
one thousand strong and energetic men were destroyed on account of 
one suckling of the children of thy people which they had cast into 
the river. 15. And on the fourteenth day and on the fifteenth and 
on the sixteenth and on the seventeenth and on the eighteenth Prince 

* MSS. add ''and slew them" against Lat 

» Text restored. • MSS. insert a negative. 

* Or " devised a plan," A. 

Digitized by 


Tfie Book of Jubilees, 325 

Mastema was bound and imprisoned behind the children of Israel 
that he might not accuse them. 16. And on the nineteenth we let 
them loose that they might help the Egyptians and pursue the chil- 
dren of Israel. 17. And he hardened their hearts and made them 
stifihieckedy and the device was devised by the Lord our God that he 
might smite the Egyptians and cast them into the sea. 18. And on 
the seventeenth we bound him that he might not accuse the ohil'Jren 
of Israel on that day when they asked the Egyptians for vessels and 
garments, vessels of silver, and vessels of gold, and vessels of bronze, 
in order to despoil the Egyptians in return for the bondage in which 
they had forced them to serve. 19. And we did not cause the chil- 
dren of Israel to go forth from Egypt empty handed* 

XLIX. — Remember the commandment which the Lord commanded 
thee concerning the passover, that thou shouldst celebrate it in its 
season on the fourteenth of the first month, that thou shouldst 
kill it before evening, and that they should eat it by night 
on the evening of the fifteenth from the time of the setting of 
the sun. 2. For on that night it was the beginning of the festival 
and the beginning of the joy — ye were eating the passover in 
^S7P^} when all the powers of Mastema had been let loose to 
slay all the first-born in the land of Egypt, from the first-born of 
Pharaoh to the first- bom of the captive maid-servant in the mill, 
and to the cattle. 3. And this is the sign which the Lord gave 
them : Into every house on the lintels of which they saw the blood 
of a lamb of the first year, into that house they should not enter to 
slay, but should pass (by it), that all those should be saved that were 
in the house because the sign of the blood was on its lintels. 4. And 
the powers of the Lord did everything according as the Lord com- 
manded them, and they passed by all the children of Israel, and no 
plague came upon them to destroy from amongst them the soul of 
either cattle, or man, or dog. 5. And the plague was very grievous 
in Egypt, and there was no house in Egypt where there was not one 
dead, and weeping and lamentation. 6. And all Israel was eating the 
flesh of the paschal lamb, and drinking the wine, and they lauded and 
blessed, and gave thanks to the Lord God of their fathers, and were 
ready to go forth from under the yoke of Egypt, and from the evil 
bondage. 7. And remember thou this day all the days of thy life, 
and observe it from year to year all the days of thy life, once a year, 
on its day, according to all the law thereof, and do not change the day 
from (its) day, or from month to month. 8. For it is an eternal 
ordinance, and engraven on the heavenly tables regarding the children 
of Israel that they should observe it every year on its day onoe a year, 
throughout all their generations ; and there is no limit of days, for 

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326 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

this is ordained for ever. 9. And the man who is free from nnclean- 
ness, and does not come to observe it on occasion of its day, so as to 
bring an acceptable offering before the Lord, and to eat and to drink 
before the Lord on the day of that festival, that man who is clean 
and close at hand shall be out off, becanse he offered not the oblation 
of the Lord in its appointed season, he shall bear his own sin. 
10. Let the children of Israel come and observe the passover on the 
day of its fixed time, on the fourteenth day of the first month, be- 
tween the evenings from the third part of the day to the third part 
of the night, for two portions of the day are given to the light, and 
a third part to the evening. 11. This is that which the Lord com- 
manded thee that thou shonldst observe it between the evenings. 12. 
And it is not permissible to slay it at any hour of the light, but on 
the hour bordering on the evening, and let them eat it at the time 
of the evening until the third part of the night, and whatever is left 
over of all its flesh on the third part of the night and onwards, let 
them burn it with fire. 13. And they shall not cook it with water, 
nor shall they eat it raw, but roast on the fire : They shall eat it ■ 
with haste,' its head with the inwards thereof and its legs * they shall 
roast with fire, and not break any bone thereof ; for there will be no 
tribulation among the children of Israel on that day.* 14. For this 
reason the Lord commanded the children of Israel to observe the 
passover on the day of its fixed time, and they shall not break a bone 
thereof ; for it is a festival day, and a day commanded, and there may 
be no change from it day to day, and month to month, but on the 
day of its festival lot it be observed. 15. And do thou command the 
children of Israel to observe the passover throughout their days, every 
year, once a year on the day of its fixed time, and it will come for a 
memorial well pleasing before the Lord, and no plague will come upon 
them to slay or to smite in that year in which they celebrate the 
passover in its season in every respect according to his command. 16. 
And they shall not eat it outside the sanctuary of the Lord, but be- 
fore the sanctuary of the Lord, and all the people of the congregation 
of Israel shall celebrate it in its appointed season. 17. Every man 
who has come upon its day shall eat it in the sanctuary of your 
Gk)d before the Lord from twenty years old and upward ; for thus is 

^ Emended with Lat 

> Eth. renders '* with care,'* and Lat., " diligenter " ; but as they are 
both renderings of pt^H^, Exod. xii. II, I have transUted accordingly. 

* Eth. Lat. LXX., Exod. xii. 9, and Vnlg., render "feet," but I have 
rendered " legfs," as more truly representing V^?. 

* Corrected from Lat. Eth. MSS. give, for " no bone of the children of 
Israel shall be broken." 

Digitized by 


The Book of Jubilees. 327 

it written and ordained that tbey shonld eat it in the Banctnary of 
the Lord. 18. And when the children of Israel come into the land 
which they are to possess, into the land of Canaan, and have set up 
the tabernacle of the Lord in the midst of the land in one of their 
tribes until the sanctuary of the Lord has been built in the land, let 
them come and celebrate the passover in the midst of the tabernacle 
of the Lord, and let them slay it before the Lord from year to year. 
19. And in the da3rs when the house has been built in the name of 
the Lord in the land of their inheritance, they shall go there and 
slay the passover lamb in the evening, at bunset, at the third part of 
the day. 20. And they shall offer its blood on the threshold of the 
altar, and place its fat on the fire which is upon the altar, and they 
shall eat its flesh roasted with fire in the court of the house which 
has been sanctified in the name of the Lord. 21. And they will not 
be able to celebrate the passover in their cities, or in any place save 
before the tabernacle of the Lord, or before his house where his 
name dwells ; they will not go astray from the Lord. 22. And do 
thou, Moses, command the children of Israel to observe the ordi- 
nances of the passover, as it was commanded unto thee ; declare thou 
unto them every year, and the day of its da3rs, and the festival of un- 
leavened bread, that they should eat unleavened bread seven days, 
(and) that they should observe its festival, and that they bring an 
oblation every day during those seven days of joy before the 
Lord on the altar of your G-od. 23. For ye celebrated this festival 
with haste when ye went forth from Egypt till ye entered into 
the wilderness of S^; for on the shore of the sea ye completed 

L. — And after this law I made known to thee the days of the Sabbaths 
in the desert of Sinai, which is between Elam and Sinai. 2. And I 
told thee of the Sabbaths of the earth on Mount Sinai, and I told thee 
of the years of Jubilee in the Sabbaths of years : but the year thereof 
I did not tell thee till ye entered the land which ye were to possess. 
3. And the land also shall keep its Sabbaths while they dwell upon it, 
and these shall know the year of Jubilee. 4. Wherefore I have 
ordained for thee the year- weeks and the years and the jubilees : there 
are forty-nine jubilees from the days of Adam until this day, and 
one week and two years : and there are yet forty years to come 
(lit. *^ distant ") for learning the commandments of the Lord, until 
they pass over into the land of Canaan, crossing the Jordan to the 
west. 5. And the jubilees will pass by, until Israel is cleansed from 
all guilt of fornication, and uncleanness, and pollution, and sin, and 
error, and dwells safely in all the land, and there will be no more an 
adversary (lit. a Satan) or any evil one, and the land will be dean from 

Digitized by 


328 The Jewish Quarterly Herietc. 

that time for evermore. 6. And behold the commandment regarding^ 
the Sabbaths I have written down for thee, aad all the judgments of its 
laws. 7. Six dajs shalt thon labour, but on the seventh day is the Sab* 
bath of the Lord your God. In it ye shall do no manner of work, ye 
and your sods, and your men-servants and your maid-Bervaots, and 
all your cattle, and the sojourner also who is with you. 8. And the 
man that does any work on it shall die : whoever desecrates that day, 
whoever lies with a wife, or whoever says he will do something on it, 
so as to set out on s journey thereon * regarding ' any buying or selling: 
and whoever draws water which he had not prepared on the sixth day, 
and whoever takes a burden to carry it out of his tent or out of hia 
house shall die. 9. Ye shall do no work whatever on the Sabbath day 
save what ye have prepared for yourselves on the sixth day, so as to 
eat, and drink, and rest, and keep Sabbath from all work on that day, 
and to bless the Lord your God, who has given you a day of festival, 
and a holy day, and a day of the holy kingdom for all Israel : such is 
that day among their days for all days. 10. For great is the honour 
which the Lord has given to Israel that they should eat and drink 
and be satisfied on that festival day, and rest thereon from all labour 
which belongs to the labour of the children of men, save burniog 
frankincense and bringing oblations and sacrifices before the Lord 
for' dB,y% and for* Sabbaths. 11. This work alone shall be done on 
the Sabbath-days in the sanctuary of the Lord your God ; that they 
may atone for Israel with sacrifice contiaually from day to day for 
a memorial well-pleasing before the Lord, and that he may receive 
them always from day to day according as thou hast been com- 
manded. 12. And every man who does any work thereon or goes a 
journey or tills (his) land, whether in his house or any other place, 
and whoever lights a fire, or rides on any beast, or travels by ship on 
the sea, and whoever strikes or kills anything, or slaughters a beast 
or a bird, or whoever catches an animal or a bird or a fish, or whoever 
fasts or makes war on the Sabbaths : 13. The man who does any 
of these things on the Sabbath shall die, so that the children of Israel 
shall observe the Sabbaths according to the commandments regarding 
the Sabbaths of the land, as it is written in the tables, which he 
gave into my hands that I should write out for thee the laws of 
the seasons, and the seasons according to the division of their days. 

Herewith is completed the account of the division of the days. 

R. H. Charles. 

' Or "say thereon regarding to some work that he will do it early 
thereon." (B.) 
« MSB. "and regarding." « Or "of." 

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Cntical Notices. 329 


Eduard Konig's '^ Introduction to the Old Testament." 

{Collection of Theological Manuals, Part II., Ist Section. 
Bonn, 1893.) 

The above-named work has been added to the various nianaals 
containing introductions to the Old Testament. The reasons which 
induced the author to work up afresh the materials contained in the 
many excellent treatises which have appeared until now are briefly 
stated in the Preface. The author's intention is to give the ^* casting 
vote" to the evidence afforded by the History of Language "in deter- 
mining the problems connected with the History of Literature in the 
Old Testament.'' The author says further that " be had to offer the 
results of recent investigations with regard to many points in con- 
nection with the History of the Text, the Canon, and the Rules for 
the Exegesb of the Old Testament." 

As a matter of fact, the chief stress has been placed upon thene 
latter points, which have been treated in much more detail than in 
those works which have hitherto appeared upon the subject. It can 
only be determined after mature investigation, a task which would 
require much time, how far our author has succeeded in finding 
a solution for the problems coiiuected with the History of Biblical 
Literature by bringing to bear upon these problems new ob>«ervations 
with regard to the historical development of the Hebrew language 
within the range of the Old Testament. We shall, therefore, pass 
over this portion of the book. We shall also omit to notice those 
parts in which the author does not promise anything new upon the 
question, and simply confine ourselves to those divisions which treat 
of the *• Sources and Adventures of the Text," " the History of the 
Collection and the Canon of the Od Testament, and the History of 
the rules and methods of Exegesis.'* 

We are pleased to be able to state that the author has treated the 
History of the Text as well as that of the Exegesis of the Old Testa- 
ment upon a much broader basis than has been the case in former 
Introductions. He has, in a comprehensive and scholarly manner, laid 
under contribution the literature of the 17th and 18th centuries 
devoted to the subject, and with exemplary industry made himself. 

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330 The Jewish Quarterly Eevieto. 

acquainted with the later Jewish literature. We can easily conyinoe 
ourselves of the results of such labours, on comparing the striking^ 
portions of the Introd action under review with the corresponding 
portions of preceding works. But, as it generally happens with 
attempts in a new field, misconceptions and errors are not wanting, 
even in this instance. A mistake may be easily made when travelling 
along untrodden paths, and it is no reproach to an author to say that he 
has not always hit on the right thing. In order, therefore, to antici- 
pate the danger which might threaten such as are little acquainted 
with this branch, and likely to be misled by relying on the reputa- 
tion of the author, I herewith submit the following corrections : — 

On p. 18 the author quotes from the Mischna Shabbath, IX. 6, 
yy\i?. This form, which is apparently a noun, does not occur at alL 
There occurs in the Editio princeps of Surrenhusius' edition of the 
Misbna and in all the editions of which I have availed myself , 
\]^}t? V^'^^ rrJVDB'. The Waw is mater leetiofUs for a short kametz. 
Id the same part we find DSH I^D^n, translated '*a wise Talmndist," 
instead of ^^ a scholar." On p. 20 there is the question concerning 
3nD Dn and SHD K'^yil. The first expression is correctly brought 
by Havernick in connection with Pion ni^HD {Shabbath^ 103* ; 
of. Sifre, II. 36). Eonig rejects this explanation and says, " As 
regards determining the age of scrolls written in Tam-character, the 
character would simply offer a terminus a quo, if we say that this 
style of writing received its form from a grandson of Rashi, named 
Tam, viz., in the 12th century, which would seem more natural in the 
caj^e of Tam-Tephillin and Rashe-K^af (Tychsen, Tent., 267), than, 
€.g„ to assume, with Havernick, § 50, that Tam-Ksaf is derived from 
non nn^na (Shabbath, lOSb) i.«., faultless style of writing." Such a 
statement dare Lot be repeated. Tam Tephillin (correctly Tephillin 
of Rabbi Jacob = Tam, according to Gen. xxv. 27) has no reference 
to the art of writing, but to the conteats of the capsules (phylacteries), 
in which point R. Jacob differed from his grandfather; but here is 
not the place to c^iscuns the point. Rashi-kethab is the name, at the 
present day, of the character in which the commentaries are printed 
in the Bible editions. I am unable to assert how old this expression 
may be. 

On p. 29 we read, in inverted commas, thus: — " A book which is 
not corrected (nJID), R. Ame adds, withm thirty days, may be pn^^) 
destroyed *' {Kethuboth, 19&). In the passage referred to we read : — 

ininK^ iniD dv d^it^ ly ^d« ^an ■^o^i r\y\'o ij^k*^ "jdd itDriK 

rhw 1^^n«3 pc^n ^K -JDXJB' imne^ IIDK H^^KI JKDD, which means 
that one may keep a book uncorrected for thirty days (according to 
Job xi. 14), after which time it has to be corrected. Konig read instead 

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Critical Notices, 331 

of ininKv, ininB9, which conld not have happened had he read the 
oontinaation of the verse quoted. 

Ib.^ line 2 : — " The Scroll of the Law ' dare not be placed on its 
face, i.e., so that the beginning lies underneath, * *' etc. The reference 
is to Sapherim, HI. 14 (no source is given), and should be translated : 
"The Scroll of the Law dare not be placed upon the written side'' 
(cf. Erubin, 98a). 

Page 30 deals with the various versions of the account concerning 
the three Scrolls of the Law found in the Temple court. In treating 
(p. 35, n. 2) of the oldest source, our author should not have omitted 
Srfre IL 3, 5, 6. Furthermore, we must bear in mind that the account 
in Sopherim 6, 4, cannot possibly be the most ancient, for the simple 
reason that it is adduced in the name of Simon ben Lakish, an Amora 
living in the third century, and is consequently later than the account 
given in Siifre and the Jerusalem Talmud (Taanithy 68a), in which 
it is given anonymously as a Baraitha. From internal evidence also 
the text in Sopherim appears a derivative one, for a copy can surely 
not be called ^' Book with KM," if the KM does not once appear in 
the Kethib of the same. This would certainly be, according to Prof. 
Eonig's conception, a Itums a non lucendo. The miosiog eleventh KM 
in Aboth de B. Nathan^ c. 34, which is left out by Mi^Uer, Schechter (in 
his edition, 1887) and Eonig, might be contained in the verse quoted 
from G-enesis xz. 5, if we presuppose that not alone KM1 but also the 
expression immediately preceding. Kin ^niriK, has, contrary to the 
Massora, to be written with Yod. 

On p. 31 we find ^K|ap instead of ^wa?. The word is derived from 
the Aramaic, and there is no reason for punctuating it otherwise than 
as Aramaic, which, by the way, corresponds to the traditional pronun- 

On pp. 32, 33, the author tacitly assumes my explanation of the dot 
over the Yod in yyy) (Gen. xvi. 5) [Masoretische Untersuehun^en, 
pp. 17, etc.]. I cannot understand why in place of the classical passage 
in Sifre (on Numbers ix. 10) the derivative later source, Numeri Rdbba 
(on EEL 39) is quoted. Regarding the controversy (i6. Note), I will 
only state that I did say in my work, p. 7, that the dots called for a 
settlement, but not that the reading proposed through them was the 
** only correct one.*' It follows beyond doubt from the explanation 
concerning these dots in Sifre and other passages, that (as I have 
proved) in place of the elements of the text which were dotted, others 
had to be put. Why, Eonig himself assumes this. But this does not 
imply that the text proposed, which perchance rested upon some MS. 
as a basis, was the better one, or had more evidence in its favour. 
Were this the case, it would undoubtedly have been admitted into 

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332 The Jetcish Quarterly Review, 

tbe text, and tbe reading which we have now in the text would haye 
been marked by dots. The objection that no other reading is expresslj 
proposed has no force, if we consider that the dots point back to tbe 
time in which no marginal notes were thought of. In support of this 
assertion, we may instance what has already been said concerning \\yD 
(Deut. xxxiii. 27), where the better reading was simply admitted into 
the text without attention being called, by means of a marginal note, 
to the other reading. Konig might jast as well have offered tbe ob- 
jection against his own view, inasmuch as he assumes that, by means 
of the dots, another reading is suggested. Why is the other reading 
not noted in the margin ? 

Page 35 (§11) deals with *Hhe old Jewish practical labours with 
regard to the text of tbe Old Testament which are not mentioned in 
the Talmad." The author's intention is to bring forward such data 
bearing upon the history of the text as were not yet known in 
Talmudic times ; and yet he adduces in the first instance the '^ Emen* 
dations of the Sopherim," of which eleven already appear in the 
Mechilta, This is the more surprising as our author himself mentions 
the Mechilta, One error occasions another, for, from the circumstance 
that the TiqqUn Sopherim are not mentioned in the Talmud, he draws 
a chronological deduction. He remarks, namely, on p. 41: — *^It is 
unsafe to refer the Tiqqitn Sopherim back to Ezra (§ 11, etc.), if only 
on account of the consideration that this questionable correction 
was not mentioned in tbe Talmud." 

Page 36. ]n^3D does not mean *^ to propose a marginal reading/* ai 
least it is not the sense in which those instances have to be taken 
which occur in large number in our present Massora. Tbe said expres- 
sion denotes, **one might think," "one might wrongly opine.'' Origi- 
nally I^~)^3D migbt perhaps have had something of a polemical character, 
designed against the current reading (Geiger), but the greater part 
of tho^e instances occurring in tbe present Massora are simply 
intended to prevent a possible error. Our author's statement is pecu- 
liar, when he says : — '^The view of Oapellus (3, 15, 19), that Qarjan 
and Sebirin simply imply the difference between older and later pro- 
posals, does not receive strong confirmation, but he might have 
brought forward in their favour that the name of the first generation 
of the post-Talmudic doctors was Baboreans, i.e.^ authors of a mere 
ni3D * opinion.'" What is meant to be proved by this reference? 
That 13D^to opine? Or is Konig of opinion that the Siboreans were 
already styled thus by their contemporaries V Or are the Saboreaus 
the authors of the pT3D ? (Of. also pp. 48 and 131.) 

Page 40. *' Jerome has, it is true, de>cribed the dotting in Gen. 
xix. 33 as one clearly shown in the text Q Adpungunt de super, 
etc.'), while, in reality, he adopts some of the Qeres by preference." 

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Critical Notice9. 333 

The dots are perhaps 500 years earlier than Jerome, as is proved 
by the sonrces themselves It will, therefore, not do to mislead the 
reader by means of such qaotations as to the age of these dots. 

On p. 47, line 16, read (instead of ^DH) ^on = Rome. 

Of p. 84, n. 1, it should be observed that I have not contested the 
hanging Nun in n^3D (Judges xviiL 30), since I stated clearly (Masso- 
retisehe Untersuchungm^ 49), that it probably arose abont 300. I only 
made the remark, which is of secondary importance, that *' that no 
mention is made,'' in Baba Bathra, ^Hhat the Nnn is a hanging 

It is to be regretted that oar author, who admits the results of my 
investigations, in spite of his objections against subordinate points, 
which, however, need scarcely be taken into account, yet again elects 
to throw a dangerous obscurity about the proper underMtanding of 
the Talmndic-Ma«»oretic quotations by means of such expressions as 
the following (p. 84):—" The declaration of the Talmud on Judges 
xviii. 30 is a support of the opinion that also other peculiarities in 
the tralitional Hebrew Old Testament were introduced, in order 
that meaning!^ might be attached to them, e.ff,,, in the case of the 
broken Waw in D1?^, which might hint at the idea that the peace of 
God made with Pbiuean, the son of Eliezer, has suffered a break, etc.'' 
Ko, this was not the case. The Doctors of the Talmud neither added 
to nor alttrred the sacred text by one iota for the sake of making it a 
peg on which to hang some lesion ; they might as well have altered 
every letter, for some meaning attaches itself to every tittle. All that 
can be estiiblished is this: that, whenever anything abnormal existed 
in the text, some meaning was given to it, or that through an 
explanation based upon a misconception, an alteration of the text 
crept in ; but never did it occur in the historical period of the his- 
tory of the Text that an opportunity was taken to alter the text with 
the object of making it serve mnemonic purposes. It is time that 
such an antiquated view be dismissed once and for all. 

According to this explanation we shall also have to reject the 
statement made on page 87, to the effect that " there is some ba^is 
for the opinion that the abnormal appearances in the M. T. were, 
at least partially, brought out for the express purpose of hinting at 
theories." Not a single passage can be adduced from Jewish Tradi* 
tional Literature in support of such an opinion. 

On p. 90 there is an endeavour to prove "that even in the 
editing of the Talmud there was not the most scrupulous care exer- 
cised as regards quotations .... For, as* an inntanoe, corresponding to 
aiBTI vh (Deu . xxiv. 19), we have ilKTI ^3, Misehna Pea^ 6, 4. There 
can be no doubt that the K/ was changed into the ^1 which in 


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384 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

the Old Testament has the character rather of the dialectic and later 

There can be no donbt that the vh and ^3 did not interchange, for 
both Mishna and Talmnd quote the prohibitions mostly with 7^ and 
not with vh. For this kind of interchange one conld instance hun- 
dreds of examples {e,g,, jnin ^3 ^I'Dn ^3, Dent. iy. 2, in Rosh 
Hashana, 28* ; NVD^ ^D31 HKI* ^D3, Exod. xii. 19 ; xiii. 7 in Mishna 
Pesachim^ iii. 3, and iz. 3, etc). In snch and similar examples, it is 
not a passage from the Text that is quoted, but the eommamd itself 
that is quoted, and this escaped the notice of Edoig. 

Notice to p. 98, n. 1, that the DB^H of the Samaritans is a peri- 
phrasis of the Tetragrammaton« 

On p. 106, n. 4, the foUqwing passage {MegUla, 9a}, ^3 ^VK D»^ 
iriKl inK=(King Ptolemy) went unto each individual (scholar), is 
translated thus : " And each one was collected apart/* How can an 
individual be collected ? The author confounded D333 with D33. 

On p. 108, iniK ID^^pl (J. Megilla, i. 11 [71c, 1. 12]), which means 
" they praised him" (the translator, Aquila), is translated, " And they 
considered him beautiful,*' Really one should not allow himself to 
be deceived by such questionable etymology (D7p and Kak»s). 

We shall refrain from further observations touching individual 
statements contained in this first sub-division, as these will be treated 
elsewhere ; and we pass over to the third and fourth sub-divisions 
which are devoted to the History of the Collection and Canon of 
the Old Testament and History of its Exegesis. 

Page 446. The Baraitha Baba Bathra, 14 b, concemiog the order 
and editing of the several books of the Old Testament is put three 
centuries too late. Some Baraithas only received their final form in 
the first half of the third -century, i.e., after that time no more of 
them were composed ; but it cannot on that account be said that 
every Baraitha originates from the same period. By far the greater 
portion of these traditions may be traced at least one century further 
back, and specially the one Baraitha referred to bears the impress of 
its age on the face of it, because, in the first place, no author is men- 
tioned therein ; and secondly there is no mention of any controversy, 
both of which circumstances point infallibly to an earlier period. On 
the same page we meet with the peculiar statement, that the first 
mention that is made of the prophets Haggai and Zechariah having 
belonged to the Great Synagogue is to be found in the passage of the 
Dikd. Hat., hi, referring to Moses ben Asher (c. 900). Why, the 
Talmud already presupposes the fact that they did belong to it. 
Compare the passages of the Talmud which Furst has collected in his 
Kanon des A,T,, p. 47, n. 8, 

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Critical Notices. 335 

. Pi^e 447, n. 2. This is not clear to me. 

We need not criticise what our author on pp. 452-3 has to say with 
reference to the idea contained in TJ2, inasmuch as it would carry ds 
too far. We would but remark that nt HK HT DnniD mm VHK^ 
{ShahhatK 30^ ) cannot be rendered, *' because his words obscured one 
the other." It is correctly given in parenthesis as '* coutradict.*' The 
litem] meaning of "iriD here is " pulling down," and not '* obscuring." 

Page 457. *' Or when Solomon is called a prophet in the ^thiopic 
Church." Why does our author not mention tiie Talmud also, con^ 
sidering that he cites Sota, 48^, an^l translates this passage (447, n. 2) ? 

Pages 458 and 144. In the latter passage we read : " Perhaps we 
should not overlook this point, that Christ many a time omits all 
mention of the name of Moses in those cases in which he refers to 
the Laws of the Pentateuch. Cf . the passive ' It is said ' with the 
active, * But I say unto you' (Matt. v. 21, 27, 31, 33, 38, 43). It can 
consequently not be insisted upon that the sayings of Christ were 
bound to be reproductions with literary historical accuracy." How 
incorrect this whole method of proving things is may be realised 
when we call to mind that, in Jewish tradition, the passages of the 
text are usually quoted with the expression IDKJK'— " it is said.'' 
This minor point proves once again that, in questions of this sort, it 
is unsafe to take a single step without an exact knowledge of Jewish 

Page 466. "Zunz, 7, cites Sabbath, 116ft. There it states, "In 
[Bab.] Nehardea they took aH the Perikope a section of the Kethubim 
at the meat-offering of the Sabbath." What offerings were brought 
in Bab. Nehardea in the third century ? The meat-offering has been 
derived from the stlavish rendering of the two words Kn^K^ KHH^DS 
=at the Afternoon Service of the Sabbath. 

Page 477, line 15 from below. It should have been stated that it 
ought to have read, \T\^^ Tm nOID JTK 1^3^. 

Page 514. To be brief, HS^n comes from the Aramaic; ODS^D 
(judgment), being translated by Knp^H {e.g,, Ex. xxi 7 ; xxvi. 3<)). 
Schurer, 2, 270, hits upon the right rendering when he says * was gang 
und gabe ist." Etymologically HD^n is identical with anJD. (Cf. 
J. Shebiith, iv. 1 ; 35 a, line 24), as an^p is also used for T(pnD (cf. 
Mech. xix. 4=62 ft, line 15, ed. Friedmann). 

n^in is originally, as Dr. Bacher has shown, nothing else than 
exegesis. Konig quotes Bacher's article, Jewish Quarterly Re- 
view, 1892, but, strange to say, does not refer to this conclusion, 
and keeps to the erroneous translation *^ Yerkundigen." 

The inexperienced reader might easily contract wrong ideas from 
the following remarks regarding the inference a majori ad minorem 

z 2 

Digitized by 


836 The Jemsh Quarterly Review. 

and a minori ad majorem : '* I myself have found examples in Jems. 
Sanhedrin, xii. 7, and in Bashi to Exod. xxii. 31 (p. 515)." The ques- 
tion turns upon an inference which occurs numberless times in the 
Talmuds and Midrashim ; how then can we refer to Bashi ? By the 
way, I cannot make out to what passage in Bashi reference is made, 
since Exod. xxii. has but 30 verses. 

Page 516. The example for IK ]01 is incorrect. The source is not 
added ; one is referred to Wahner (380, 402, 483), which, however, 
is inaccessible to me at present ; but Bechoroth 7a is meant. Upon 
closer investigation and comparison with Sifra to 11, 2 (ed. Weiss, 
48a), we easily find tliat the passage of the Talmud under discussion 
has been misinterpreted, for ic is not right to say that n^ can only 
be one of the smaller cattle, the offspring of either two sheep or two 

" These seven rules which the well-known Hillel the Elder investi- 
gated {Pirqi Aloth de R. Nathan 35 ajS), formed the foundation of 
the thirteen rules of Ihhmael. To these were added * the BuIch of 
the Sages of the Gemara,' and the *■ thirty-two BuKs of B. Jose, the 
Galilean,' according to which the Haggada is investigtited." 

What is meant by the " Bules of the S iges of the Gemara,** I really 
do not understand. We only know of the seven Bules of Hillel, the 
thirteen of Ishmael, and the thirty- two of Elieser ben Jose, the 
Galilean ; others are not known. 

Jb, and p. 102. Concerning the use of letters for numerals 
(sGematria) in Onkelos, the author cites (IO2) Numbers xii. 1, where 
n^KOn ncrxn is rendered by NriTDB^ KHnN. Now Prof. Kooig thinks 
that this rendering is only intelligible by reason of Bashi's remark 
HK-ID no^ Nnocin n^t^nD. This is undoubtedly incorrect, for the 
Targum, as far as I know, has not rendered one Hingle passage upou the 
strength of a Gematria. The rendering in question springs from the 
explanation given in the Sifre i. 6 (Fiiedmann, 27a) ; HDIK^ ^B'lD ilD 
D'K'jn ^DD inV nn33 HJIK^ HIIDV p niy3=Just as the Ethiopian 
differ^^ in (the colour of) bis skin, so was Zipporah different by virtue 
of her beauty from all other women. Of. also 525, n. 2. 

We should have liked more preci^eness in settling the time of the 
composition of the Mishna. Eonig states generally, ^^c, 180 a.d.'' {e.g,^ 
614); while on p. 522, Mishna e. 200"; and 516, ^'Doctors of the 
Mishna^ 30 B.C. — 200 A.D.'' One and the same writer dare not admit 
now the date given by one scholar, now that given by another. I 
consider 220 to be the probable date of its redaction, but within the 
narrow limits of this notice it is impossible to enter into details. 
It is beyond doubt incorrect to place the date of the redaction of the 
Tosephta at *' e, 400 " (although this date has found its adherents), as 
it appears on p. 522 in the following statement which, in other 

Digitized by 


Critical Notices. 337 

reBpects, is also erroDeons: "The Palestinian Gemara (Completion, 
c. 350), and the Babylonian Gemara (c. 450), as also the additional 
[additional to what ?] collected Tosephta (Addend am, e, 400)." 

We should no longer use the term ** Gemara,^* for the ancients 
knew only of the expression "Talmud"; besides, the translation 
(* Completion " is incorrect, for '1DJI (from which the word ^K^O^ is 
formed) also signifies in the Talmud "to learn," specially "to learn by 
heart," so that Gemara secondarily^Talmud. 

We have to observe further, that it would be much nearer the 
mark to giye e, 400 for the Jer. Talmud, and o, 500 — 550 for the 
Babylonian Talmud. This, too, is the place to remark upon the 
trantdation " investigations " for "Midrashim," which might lead to 
misconception, inasmuch as in the said works there are no " investiga- 
tions." It is best to render the expression by " Commentaries," just 
as on the same page the author renders Mechilta "Sifre" and "Sifra," 
or " Agadic Commentaries," if one wishes to be particularly precise. 

It is also incorrect to define the Pesikta as a Commentary, " giving 
reflections upon the Sabbath portions." In the first place it does not 
contain, as one would imagine from Ednig's words, reflections upon 
all the Sabbath portions ; and, secondly, it contains reflections also 
upon the Festival portions. (Cf. Zunz, Gottesdien. Vartrdge, p. 190, 
etc., and Buber's Ed., 1868, in.) 

The statement regarding the Midrash Babba (ib.) is also very 
strange : " Somewhat later are the Babboth, i,e,, the large Editions 
[with explanations] of the said Books, viz., the Pentateuch and the 
five Megilloth : Bereshith, Shemoth Babba," eta Such a description 
would be more appropriate for the large Babbinic editing of the 
Bible ni^n:i niKipD, but not for the Midrash Babba. The Babboth 
are not large editions, with explanations, of the said Books, but agadic 
remarks upon them, of various lengths, and dating from different 

The concluding words of the author of this work, which evidences 
so much scholarship and great industry, are devoted to the task of 
verifying passages from the Talmud. He says : " Many a time a 
^sie' or *!' is added to passages cited from the Talmud, as a 
sign that the respective quotations have been verified in accord- 
ance with past and modern information." Prof. K5nig thus 
attaches, and rightly so, great importance to the correct interpre- 
tation and precise rendering of the texts quoted ; I, therefore, cherish 
the pleasant hope that my remarks, aiming as they do for the most 
part at the same object, will be welcome to the esteemed author. 

LUDWIG Blaiz« 

Digitized by 


388 The Jetrish Quarterly Remeto, 

Introduction to the Talmud^ by Dr. Hermann L. Strack. Second 
edition ; partly rewritten. Leipzig, 1894. viiL and 136 pp. 

It is moet gratifying to see a second edition of the Introduction to 
the Talmud; it shows the interest which the study of the Talmud 
excites. To maintain and satisfy this interest the present volume has 
doubtless contributed to no small degree, and the second edition will 
intensify it. 

The work contains everything which has reference to the study 
of the Talmud : — i. Prefatory Remarks (transcriptions, explanations 
of words, method of quotation) ; ii Introduction to the Mishna 
(the Talmuds) and its parts ; iii. Contents of the Sixty- three 
Treatises of the Mishna ; iv. Treatises not belonging to the Canon ; 
T. History of the Talmud ; vi. Chronological Table of the Doctors of 
the Law ; vii. Characteristics of the Talmud ; viii. Literature. We 
only miss an estimate of the Talmud in its relation to the general 
literature of the human race, specially to that of Judaism, and as to 
what place it has taken, and does take, among the Jewish people. We 
think, too, that it might have been advipable to have said something 
of the elements of the Methodology of the Talmud. 

As regards matters of detail, we would call the author's attention 
to the following : — In speaking, on p. 2, of nPHi n VJK'D, which occurs 
in J. Horajothy 48c., he translates the expression " large collections 
of Mishna.'* But the passage in question dots not at all refer to the 
Mishna in our sense of the word, but to Baraitha ; this is evident 
from a comparison of parallel passages in Cant, Rabba on viii. 2, in which 
is added :— np-JD n^^C^n DDIBDIS' llO^nn HT, and in Threni Rabba^ 
Introduction No. 23. It would have been better had the author adduced 
the more complete passage in Koheleth Rabba on xiii. 3, which is 
also supplemented by the words: |nn h'hl^ lID^nn PIT, "the 
Baraithas are scattered throughout the Talmud." 

On p. 3c. the expression "JDI^ IID^n HDl is wanting, meaning 
"What \9 the inference ? '' c.^., Aboth V. 1. 

On p. 4 the author defines Halacha ** A mode of life regulated by 
the Law.'* This is never the meaning of the word. According to its 
etymology it would mean "an ordinance universally current." In 
speaking of ^3^D0 X\wh i\2h%\ reference should have been made to 

Weiss' rcrni nn in, i. 7i. 

At thH top of p. 7 a few older names are given of several treatises 
of the Talmud ; the full names should have been given side by side 
with the shorter, c.^., p^n nD^HK' next to xh\n. 

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Critical NoUcet. 339 

The aathor devotes, on p. 14, a somewhat lengthy note to the 
maoh-discussed word ^KDl., My opioion is that it is derived from 
the Aramaic ^tDl=conjectnre, e.g., the well-known Talmudic expres- 
sion n313, " to assert something npon the strength of conjecture," 
hence *KtDn=corn, which, npon the strength of a supposition, has to 
be tithed. 

P. 17. Note to Vl^"^ ; reference should be made to the Biblical yoi, 
Ezod. xxii. 28. 

P. 22 to 7 add :— In the Tosephta the treatise Beza is always called 
Jam Tub. The Toeephists do not supplement Bashi (p. 115), but the 
Talmnd ; vide Gtldemann, Oeschichte des Erziehunf/swesens in der 
Cultur der Juden w Frankreick und Veutschland (p. 42). 

The marginal notes occurring in the Talmud under the name of 
MB^ r^ refer not only to the corrections of the Halacha by Moses 
ben Maimon, Moses of Ooucy, and Jacob ben Asher (p. 116), but also 
to the latest Bitual Code, viz., that of Joseph Karo. 

The chapter on Literature requires a good deal of supplementing, 
although, considering the dimensions of modern Jewish literature, it 
would be difficult to attain completeness in this respect, nor would 
the attempt be of much avail. But under no circumstances should 
the following works be omitted :— Hirschfeld's Ealachische Exegese, 
Derenbourg's Histoire de la Palestine, and Butt's Mnemotechnik des 


We would also call attention to these minor points :— P. 9, note 2, 
for ^DTy read ^31?J; p. 6, etc., for rt^Hlp read rt"»nc?; the name of 
inaiC, one of the Amoraim, should be Abahu, not Abuha (p. 6, note) ; 
p. 18, DOnn nvsr\ and not niBH; p. 52, nb>f p^n and not P^^; 
p. 102, the Dagesh in t^f^nf is wrong, alter to B^Brj?^, etc.; p. 103, 
§ 3 has no heading, it should be headed " Specimen of Translation." 

Printer^s errors:- P. 16. 'i^; p. 19, P?^^^?; P- ^5, on?; p. 66, 
mnp; p. 75, IDh instead of l^to; p. 77, pDTD instead of JIDTID ; 
p. ioi, ^?X, etc. 

These errors and differences which have here been pointed out can 
naturally not detract from the merit of the author's work ; they have 
only been referred to with one object, and that is, that they may be 
oorrected, should a third edition of this volume appear. 

Samuel Ebauss. 

Digitized by 


340 Th6 Jetciah Quarterly Review. 

Oesammelte Abhnndlungen zur Btdlisehen Wissenschqft^ von Dr. 
Abraham Eubnen ; aus den Holldndischen ubersBtzt von K. 
BuDDB. Freiburg i, B, nnd Leipzig^ 1894, J. 0. B. Mohr. 

The treatises collected in this yolome have long since taken their 
place among standard authorities. Most Old Testament students are 
familiar with their titles, few probably with their contents. Buried 
in learned periodicals and written in Dutch, they have hitherto been 
inaccessible to the average reader. In the Theol. Literaturzeitung^ 
of July 22nd, 1893, Prof. Budde, after paying an eloquent 
tribute to the life and labours of Dr. Euenen, drew special atteoiion 
to his articles in the Theol, TijJschrift as the finest specimens of the 
critical method, and lamented the fact that no translation of them was 
to be had. A few days after the appearance of his article Prof. 
Budde received from the publishers a request to collect and translate 
this series of studies. The present volume is the result. It exhibits, 
we need hardly say, all the well-known characteristics of Euenen *s 
work, lucidity, directness, nncompromining honesty. The critical 
weapon is passionless cold steel of the finest temper, and it is wielded 
by the hands of a master. 

Prof. Budde, in his interesting introduction, written with the 
enthusiasm of a disciple and the warmth of a personal friend, dwells 
upon the moral qualities of Kuenen's work. Spiritual interests are 
kept under studious reserve ; they find expression in the manner, 
rather than in the matter of his treatment, the moral impression is 
conveyed in an intellectual form. There is something exhaustively 
satisfying in the whole process of the induction ; we gird ourselves to 
new efforts as we follow him ; his mastery takes hold of us ; we are 
invigorated through and through. Hence this volume will serve the 
student as a drill-book in critical method. Robertson Smith once 
said that these studies are, perhaps, the finest things which modem 
criticism has to show ; and Wellhausen has declared that the article 
on the Composition of the Sanhedrin would have been epoch-making 
if any one had read it.> Now, at last, it has been republished in a 
form which will enable it to produce on the many the effect which 
has, so far, been limited to the few. 

The contents of this volume cover a wide range of subjects. An 
article on *^ Critical Method,** which originally appeared in English in 
the Modem Review j 1880, comes first. It is important, as introducing 

> See Prof. Wioksteed^s appreciative article on Knenen in YoL lY., pp. 
571-605 of this Ebvikw. 

Digitized by 


Cntkal Notices. 341 

us to the principles and point of view of the author. Next we have 
studies in post-biblical history, which discuss the composition of the 
Sanhedrin, the genealogy of the Massoretio text, and the men of the 
Great Synagogae. Then we are carried down to the Protestant 
Reformation in a review of Hugo Grotius* position as an inter- 
preter of the Old Testament; then comes a discussion on the 
*' Melecheth of heaven " in Jeremiah, and then a long investiga- 
tion of the chronology of the Persian age. Thus far all these studies 
were first communicated in the form of academic lectures, and after- 
wards published in the Transactions of the Royal Academy of Sciences, 
Amsterdam. The articles which remain are collected, with one excep- 
tion, from the TheoL Tijdschrift between 1880 and 1890. Most of 
them deal with the criticism of the Hexateuoh and the history of 
Israel. They are, primarily, reviews of the works of Diilmann, 
Bandissin, Renan, Kittel, Biethgen, and others, as they appeared 
from time to time. New Testament criticism finds a place in a dis- 
cussion on an extravagant theory of the origin of the Greek text. It 
mast be confessed that these reviews are not se interesting, and do not 
possess the same quality of permanence, as the more directly con- 
structive studies. Incidentally, of coarse, Kaeaen takes occasion to 
state his own views while criticising those of others ; bat, as his own 
views are generally accompanied by a reference to the Onderzoek 
or the Godsdienstf they may be more conveniently consulted there. Bat 
it is highly instructive to observe the way in which Kaenen treats 
his authors, he is always so respectful and fair-minded, so ready with a 
word of approval whenever it can be given. Even the extravagancies 
of M. Yemes are dissected with the most patient care. There is not 
wanting, too, a certain amount of judicious banter ; but what strikes 
us most is the clear thinking and firm statement by which all these 
reviews are marked. 

The student will probably gain most from the studies which 
deal directly with obscure problems of criticism and history. Among 
these may be mentioned especially the article on Gen. xxxiv. (the 
avenging of Dinah)* ; and on Ex. xvi. (manna and quails), where it is 

* In G^n. xxxiv. 13 all the sons of Jacob form the treacherous plan to 
slay Shechem and his father ; why, then, was it carried out by Simeon and 
Levi aloT^ ? Kuenen, p. 275, replies that Simeon and Levi, according to 
the earliest tradition (Qen. xlix. 5-7) must remain the principal actors ; 
they were first in the field. But is this a sufiicient explanation 7 According 
to another early tradition they and Dinah alone were the children of the 
same mother, Leah ((^en. xxix. 83 f . J ; xxx. 21E). The two brothers 
woald naturally be foremost in avenging the outrage upon their own 

Digitized by 


342 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

noticeable that Knenen parts company with Wellhansen and others, 
and refuses to assign any part of the chapter to J. It belongs, as a 
whole, he maintains, to the Priestly Document, the sections usoally 
assigned to earlier narratives being due to interpolation or redaction 
(verses 4, 5, 25-30) influenced by a desire to lay additional emphasis 
upon the law of the Sabbath. Thus Ex. xri. is to be regarded as the 
post-exilic counterpart to Num. xi. JE, which presents the andtnt 
form of the manna and quails tradition. 

It is beyond the scope of the present notice to give anything like 
an analysis of the different studies in this volume ; but it may not be 
out of place to introduce readers to what is, perhaps, the most 
generally interesting study of them all, and a characteristic specimen 
of Kuenen*s treatment, the article on the Composition of the 
8anhedrin (pp. 49-81). Without going into the details of his 
thorough-going discussion, we may briefly sum up the main results. 

After noticing the great diversity of opinion among scholars on the 
subject of the Sanhedrin, some, as Zunz and Graetz, holding that it 
was a fundamental and regular part of the Jewish constitution from 
B.G. 142 to A.D. 70, with the '* deliverers of tradition *' as its presi- 
dents, others, as Jost, contending that it existed more in theory than 
in fact, ita powers being usurped by the High-priesthood, Kuenen 
proceeds to examine the three authorities of highest rank — the 
Talmud, the New Testament, and Josephns. 

a. The Sanhedrin of the Talmud is composed of seventy-one 
members,* under a Nasi, or president. The qualiflcations for member- 
ship are not clearly stated. " All have a voice in matters of taxation 
and finance (i.e., can become members of the lesser Sanhedrins), but in 
matters of life and limb only priests, Levites, and those related to 
priestly families, can deliver judgment " (i.e., are eligible for the Great 
Sanhedrin).' On the question of the appointment of members and of 
qualifications for the presidency no direct information is to be had. 
We infer that a reputation for wisdom, skill in the law, humility and 
obedience, would mark out a man as a suitable candidate for ad- 
mission ; and we are told that a vacancy might be filled from the 
ranks of the " disciples of the wise " (D^DDH n^D^H), the " disciple " 
being received into the Sanhedrin with a ''laying-on of hands" 
(ns^DD). This Supreme Council was the ultimate court of appeal in 
all legal matters ; to transgress its decision was a graver offence than 
to transgress the law itself. The relations between the High Priest 
and the Sanhedrin are not defined ; but it is implied that he is not 
exempt from its jurisdiction. " The High Priest delivers judgment, 
but may himself be judged.* There is no trace in the Misbna that he 

1 See Num. xi. 4-84. ' Mishna, Sanh, cap. iv. § 3. * Sank, cap. ii § 1. 

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Critical Notices. 343 

was the regular president in virtue of his office. The " saocessors of 
the men of the Great Synagogue/* Simon the Just, Antigonus of 
Socho, and the five ** Pairs" (nUIT) who followed, down to Gamaliel 
and Simon II., that is from about B.a 300 to a.d. 70, were regarded as 
the chief men in the Sanhedrin. These are described in the well-known 
passage in Abdth as the organs of tradition. In the case of the 
*' Pairs,'* tho first was the Nasi, the second the Ab-beth-dtn. There- 
fore we may conclude that the Sanhedrin, according to the Talmudic 
conception, was in the main an assembly of Soferim, of those whose 
chief interest and experience was in the law in all its bearings. And 
yet it could not have been altogether occupied with the techni- 
calities which chiefly concerned the Sofertm ; as the constitutional 
embodiment of the Jewish State it had political and social functions 
to perform. Hence, it is probable that the strictly " legal'' constituent 
was supplemented by another which was devoted to affairs. 

I, From the Talmud we turn to the New Testament. The whole 
complexion of the case changes. The Sanhedrin is composed of 
" chief priests, elders, and scribes,'* The ** chief priests" are those who 
belong to eminent priestly families, related to the High Priest ; the 
" elders " are probably laymen ; the ** scribes," of course, correspond 
to the Sofertm. It is further obvious that the High Priest {6 apxtepevy) 
is Nasi or President ; it does not, however, follow that the Nasi, 
whether he were High Priest or some one else, would be called 
6 dpxi€p€vs, such an every-day word could not have been used in 
more than one sense. In the New Testament, then, the High Priest 
is President of the Sanhedrin. It fdlows that the statements of the 
Mishna with regard to the succession of Nasis are untrustworthy. A 
further proof of this is the account in Acts y. 34-40 of Gamaliel. 
He is none other than the grandson of Hillel, and according to the 
Talmud a Nasi of the Sanhedrin ; but in the narrative of S. Luke he 
is merely " a Pharisee, a doctor of the law, bad in honour of all the 
people." He stands up and speaks in the Council, and delivers his 
opinion ; but it is as an ordinary member, not as president. 

e. It is clear that the New Testament does not agree with the 
Talmud on this subject, nor does Josephus. In the account which he 
giyes^ of the summoning of Herod before the Sanhedrin in the reign 
of Hyrcanus II. (b.g. 47) we find that the High Priest, who is also 
the Prince, is the President of the Sanhedrin, and that Sameas,' who 

» Ant. xiv. 9, §§ 8-5. 

' It is uncertain whether Zantac is Ht^^ p pyD(^ or H^yDC^. In either 
ease the argument above holds good ; for pVDS^ would be Ab-beth-din and 
n^yDt^ Nasi ; neither of them, therefore, ordinary members. See Strack, 
JHe Spriloke der Voter, p. 12, note h. 

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344 The Jetrish Quarterly Review. 

according to the Talmud was a Nasi, is only an ordinary member. 
Again, in two later passages^ Josephas tells us that the High Priest 
Hanan II. summoned a avvibpiov Kptr&w on his own authority, and 
that Agrippa was petitioned by Le^ites to call a meeting of the 
Sanhedrin to obtain a change of law in their favour, and with the 
consent of the Council their appeal was allowed by the King. Ooce 
more Josephus, in the account of his dealings with the Sanhedrin, 
expressly distinguishes Simon, the son of Gamaliel, from Ananas 
(Hanan IL), the High Priest'; the former is "of the city 6t 
Jerusalem, and of a very noble family, o£ the sect of the Pharisees,*' 
certainly not the Nasi as repre^nted in the Talmud. 

Thus we see that Josephus agrees with the New Testament as 
against the Talmud, and the evidence of the two former is all the 
more impressive from the very fact that it is obtained only from 
incidental references. In fact, the name of the Supreme Council is 
almost the only point common to the three authorities. Having 
discussed the constitutional question, the historical naturally comes 
next. Does the history of the Jews in the centuries immediately 
before and after the Christian era admit of the existence of such a 
body as the Talmud describes? Passing over the details which 
Kuenen gives in support of his answer, we will notice only the lead- 
ing conclusions. They are these : — 

a. The form of government under which the Jews lived after the 
time of Alexander the Great was practically an aristocracy, or, as 
as Josephus puts it, a iroKirtia dptaroKpaTtKq firr dXtyapxiat. The High 
Prieot was the heal of the State ; he was associated in authority with 
the chief priests (oi dpxifpfU), i.e., members of the great priestly 
families who had a seat and voice in the council, supported the 
policy of their chief, and set the tone of the government. 
Class rule was the order of the day, and the class-rulers were the 
priests — 6 dpxifpfvs koI i ycpovaia. The Sanhedrin represented the 
aristocratic form of government This exactly tallies with the 
accounts in the New Testament and Josephus. 

b. The Sanhedrin must have existed from at least the third 
century b g. The first mention of it by name occura in Josephus' 
account of Hyrcanus IL (above), but a royal edict shows that a 
yepova-ia existed in the time of Antiochus the Great (203 B.C.), while 
the Books of Maccabees imply that the High Priest was at the head 
of it. This council was distinct from the d^/ior, and closely con- 
nected with *' elders ani priests." It is difficult to date the origin of 
the national senate earlier than the beginning of the Greek age 
(330 B.C.). It may have been suggested by the national refonns 

> Ant. XX. 9, § 1 and § 6. ' Life, § 38. 

Digitized by 


Critical Notices. 845 

inaogarated by Ezra and Nehemiah, but as an institution it is 
unknown at that earlj period. The Talmud refers its foundation to 
Moses, but this, of course, cannot be supported any more than the 
view that it existed in the days of Ezra, which can only be true if we 
suppose, as some have done, that *' the Great Synagogue ^ was the 
older name of the Sanhedrin. Now in Ahdth^ " the Great Synagogue" 
precedes the *' Pairs,*' i.e.y the Presidents. But we ha^e seen that the 
latter are unhistorical, that, in fact, the Sanhedrin was not composed 
as the Talmud describes it. The entire conception of this piece of 
ancient history is therefore seriously discounted, in fact, it is impos- 
sible to accept it. *' The Great Synagogue " may correspond to the 
Sanhedrin of the Talmud, but it has little or nothing in common with 
the Sanhedrin of history. 

0, We are now in a position to account for the development which 
the Sanhedrin underwent in the course of its existence. That changes, 
due partly to political necessity, partly to religious feeling, were 
gradually introduced into its constitution is only what we should 
expect. From Josephus, and from the New Testament, it is evident 
that at least as early as Hyrcanus II., and down to the destruction of 
Jerusalem, the Soferfm or law-men had a place in the assembly. Was 
this the case from the first ? If not, when did the change come about ? 
We have seen that the government of the State was in the hands of 
the priests and their families. Their first concern was religion, but 
they were bound also to pay attention to politics. Another party, 
however, was rising into power and influence, the party of men whose 
sole interest was the Law and the national traditions. They were "the 
men of the people," uncompromising champions of the national faith, 
exclusive in their view of what the relations should be between Israel 
and other peoples. By degrees they forced their way into promi- 
nence ; it became impossible to exclude them from the national 
senate, and in time the democracy of the Law became established in 
opposition to the aristocracy of the Priesthood. The rebellion against 
Antiochus Epiphanes was the turning-point in the accession of this 
democratic party to power ; they claimed to be the guardians of the 
inheritance of Israel ; they were ready to fight and to die for the 
faith of their fathers ; in the eye of the nation they were the true 
Israelites.^ As they gained predominance in the State the old aris- 
tocracy died out, although ^he traditions of the priestly party survived, 
and from time to time recovered their supremacy. But henceforth 
the party of the Law became a determining factor in the government. 
The Talmud itself preserves the tradition of the accession of this 
party to a share in the counsels of the nation. It says that John 

' Dan. xi. 83, 35 ; xii. 3. 

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846 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

Hyroanos established the ''Pairs." However anhistorioal this maj 
be, it probably contains an element of fact, namely, that the Has- 
monean High Priests sanctioned the entry of the Sofertm into the 

The qaeetion remains, how did the Talmudio conception of the 
Sanhedrin arise ? It is hardly necessary to say that the Mishna and 
G^mara were committed to writing long after the aristocracy had lost 
their power by the break-up of the Jewish State. By that time the 
party of the Law was supreme ; and the doctors of the Talmud held 
that the constitution which they were familiar with was the constitu- 
tion which had existed from the first. At the sime time, their yiew 
contained some details of foot. It is an interesting point to work out 
the unmistakable connection between the Talmudio view and Num. 
xi. Either the Jews conceived their Sanhedrin on the model of 
Num. xi., or the latter must be a post-exilic interpolation. But this is 
impossible ; for Num. xi. is an early and independent document. 
Therefore, we conclude that the Talmadic doctors fashioned a more 
or less ideal constitution on the basis of the Mosaic ordinance, and at 
the same time connected it, according to their lights, with what they 
knew of the history of their national senate. 

It only remains to be said that the translation which Prof. Budde 
has given us reads extremely well, and bears clear traces of the 
scholar-like and vigorous hand from which it comes. It is a matter 
for congratulation that Prof. Budde has found time in the midst of 
his own multifarious labours to confer this boon upon all students of 
the Old Testament, who, as they use it, will realise afresh how much 
they owe to the master-mind of Kuenen. 

Magdalen College, G. A. Cooks. 


Maimonidea* Arabic Commentary on the Mishnah. 

It was the merit of Pocock, the great collector of Hebrew and Arabic 
M8S. in the East — a collection which is the pride of the Bodleian 
Library — to have begun to edit parts of Maimonides* Arabic Com- 
mentary on the Mishnah in his Porta Mosis (Oxford, 1655, and 
re-edited in London^ 1740). It contains, not as Pocock wrongly 
says, the introduction to the tractate of Zeraim^ but the general 
introduction to the Mishnah, folio we i by the commentary on Helek 
— ^the tenth chapter of the tractate of Sanhedrin (re edited critically 

Digitized by 


Critical Notices. 347 

by Dr. Wolff^ Rabbi at Gothenbarg, Sweden, under the title of ** The 
Eight Chapters/' Leipzig, 1863). There follows ^n the Porta MosiSy 
lastly, the introductions to the Sedarim of Qodashim, Tohorot, and, in 
an appendix, of Menahot. Since Pocock, the Arabic commentaries 
of Maimonides had been used only fragmentarily, by some scholars 
who had access to the libraries which contain such MSS., until 
Professsor Barth, of Berlin, continued Pocock's tradition by 
publishing the Arabic Commentary^ with an emended Hebrew 
translation of the tractate of Mdkkoth (Berlin, 1879 and 1880). 
The veteran Semitic scholar, M. J. Derenbourg, member of the 
French Institute, undertook a gigantic labour, viz., the Arabic 
Commentary, with a correct Hebrew translation, which was pub- 
lished by the society called D^DIIJ ^^^pO, 1886 to 1892. In- 
deed the Hebrew translation, as printed in some editions of the 
Mishnah, and in nearly all editions of the Babylonian Talmud, is 
scarcely intelligible, for the translator was in fact less than a 
mediocre Arabic scholar, and did not understand Maimonides. 
These editions are besides full of typographical mistakes. We 
should have expected that a literary society for the publication of 
Maimonides' Commentary on the Mishnah would have been formed 
under the direction of the Paris savant, as is the case for the pub- 
lication of Saadiah Gaoo's works, in print and in MSS. Alas ! such 
was not the case, for the rich Jews do not care for the glory of 
past Judaism, and no means were forthcoming for the honour of 
Maimonides. Maimonides now has to rely upon candidates for 
the doctor's degree in German universities, some of whom 
take up small parts of his Comtnentary as their thesis, and some 
fragments have been published in volumes of collected essays. We 
are afraid that their best efforts are not equal to the difficult task. 
The candidates are, in the first instance, too young for such a critical 
edition, and, on the other hand, they have no material means for 
bringing out the Commentary on whole tractates. Thus we get from 
them only fragments, for which they had no means for consulting the 
best MSS. Of these fragmentary editions we may mention up to 
date the following : — The commentaries on Aboth I. and on llosh 
Hashanah I. 3 and III. 1 (Berlin, 1890, in the Jiibelsschrifty dedicated 
to Dr. J. Hildesheimer on the occasion of his seventieth year). In 
dissertations were treated, from 1891 to 1894, the Arabic commenta- 
ries, with the corrected Hebrew translations, on the tractates 
Berdkhot^ Kilayim Demai^ and Sanhedrtn (I. to III.). 

We have now before us the edition of the Arabic Commentary 
of the tractate Peah, with the corrected Hebrew translation, edited 
by Dr. David Herzog, which is again the subject of a dissertation, 
with instructive notes, on the orthography of the MSS. he used, aa 

Digitized by 


348 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

well as on lexicographical points. We may expect soon the edition 
of the tractates Betsa and Hulin, as far as we know also in a disserta- 
tion. It will be seen that these authors do not try to complete one 
Seder of the Mishoah, neither agree abont the uniformity of the size. 
Thas we may say that of Maimonides* Arable Commentary on the 
Mishnah only Seder Tohorot (or Toharot) is published. 

A. Neubauer. 

Introduction to the Chronicle called nni uh'W ">"JD (in Hebrew), by 
Bar Ratner. Part I. Wilna. 1894. 

The author has undertaken a most difficult task with relation to 
the composition of the Chronicle, usually attributed to R. Yose ben 
Halafta. The real title of it, as will be seen from the edition in 
Mediaval Chronicles II., which will appear soon, is oSy "no, as it is 
stated in the Egyptian fragments of it ; the epithet, H^l, ** the 
great,'' sprang up when another Chronicle was composed, most likely 
in the ninth century a.d., which is called WOIT D?iy "no {The Minor 
Chronicle of the World). After a short preface about the method of 
this introduction, M. Ratner gives his minute studies and results in 
tweaty-two chapters, which we 8hall indicate only, for it is impossible 
to go into details of the thousand quotations frona Talmulic and 
oasuistio literature. First-, naturally comes the investigation con- 
cerning the author of our Chronicle, the result of which is that, 
according to quotations in ihe Talmudic literature, R. Yose can- 
not be the author of it. Here comes a chapter about the data 
of the work, which, according to M. Ratner, was composed before 
the Mishnah was settled, since quotations in the Mishnah are 
excerpted anonymously from our Chronicle, and the Babylonian 
Talmud mentions it. The third chapter states the use of Pales- 
tinian Midrashim. The Jerusalem Talmud seems not to quote our 
Chronicle distinctly,, but many quotations are certainly derived 
from it. Next, it is stated that R. Johanan is the compiler of our 
Chronicle as it lies before us. The sixth chapter shows that the 
Seder Olam was not always at the disposal of the Rabbis of the Tal- 
muds and the Midrashim. Next come proofs that the Geonim, down 
to the Tosaphists, had not always the Sed&r Olam at their disposal. 
Our author follows up with an important chapter, where it is stated 
that the quotations of the Mishnah and the Talmud from our 
Chronicle are different from the printed text The tenth chapter 

Digitized by 


Critical Notices. 349 

has for its object the yariations of passages of the Bible with those 
quoted in oar Chronicle, and also in the Babylonian Talmud. The 
next chapter treats of the sources of which the compiler of the 
Chronicle made use ; they are the older Midra^him, then the books 
mentioned in the Bible now lost, Josephua, Sirach, the Book of 
Jubilees, and non- Jewish historical books. Here our author shows 
yery little sense of criticism. If the compiler of oar Cbronicle made 
use of Josephus, he could not haye had at his disposal the lost books 
mentioned in the Bible. Next follow chapters concerning the history 
of Edom, Aram, Philistia, Assyria, and Persia. The following 
chapter refers chiefly to the history of the text of the Seder Olamy 
where also some MSS. are described, chiefly the one in the Bodleian, 
and another in the Royal Library of Muoich, and many which the 
Yalqut Shimooi had at his disposal, and, finally, commentaries on the 
Seder Olatn now lost, which existed in the eleyeiith century. The 
twentieth chapter u a criticism upon Zunz concemiug the Seder 
Olam, Next comes the question of the commentary by the famous 
E. Elia Wilna. In all these chapters a great knowledge of Talmud, 
Midrash, and of later literature i^ displayed ; indeed, the yerification 
of M. Ratner's quotations would take months. We hope that he will 
publish soon the second part of his work, yif., Tlu Text of the Two 
Version* of Seder Olam, 

A. Neubauer. 

Studien zum Buehe Tobit, Yon Dr. M. Rosenmann, Berlin, 1894. 

The enigmatic apocr3rphal book of Tobit has been left untoached 
by critics since 1879, when Professor Noldeke wrote an exhaustive 
article in Monatsberiehte of the Academy of Berlin, on the occasion of 
the publication of the Aramaic text of it. It appeared that the last 
word had been sail concerning this charming apocryphon. But it 
seems that this is not the case, for a young student points out in his 
monograph as aboye (apparently a doctor's dts*«ertation) facts in this 
book not noticed by predecessors. After a short introduction, dealing 
chiefly with the bibliography concerniug Tobit, our author treats, 1, of 
the marriage of agnates which occurs in Tobit, known from Num. 
xxxyi. 6, and one which is also the object of the book of Ruth. Dr. 
Rosenmann concludes that, since the Pharisees ueyer, eyen in theory, 
meution this custom in the TaLnud, and, in addition to this, that the 
MegUlat Taanit mentions the abolition of it, and since the Pharisees 

Digitized by 


350 The Jewish Quarterli/ Review. 

arose in the time of John Hyreanna (136 to 105), the book of Tobit 
conld not have been written earlier than the first century B.C. 2. 
Next it is pointed oat that Noah is called a prophet, jnst as in the 
book of the Jubilees, and that he did not marry a foreign woman ; 
her name is not given, but is mentioned in the Jubilees as Ensareh. 
No conclusion as to the date of Tobit's parallel passages (iy. 13-15) 
is given. 3, treats of the destruction of Nineveh ; 4, deals with 
Tobit's view of Leviticus xix. 13^, 17, 18. 5. The next part 
is instructive concerning the formalities of betrothal, from which 
the conclusion is drawn that Tobit must have been written be- 
tween the post-biblical epoch and the Talmudio period. What 
was the approximative time for the former and the latter? The 
sixth part treats of iv. 17, viz., the patting meals on the tombs, 
the opinions of most interpreters are discussed. 7. Next comes 
a chapter on the eschatology in Tobit, from which our author finds 
that Tobit knows only of one destruction of the Temple, that of 
Nebuchadnezzar ; he mentions the ten tribes, who will return without 
a Messiah, and makes no allusion to a resurrection, which excludes 
the possibility that the book is a product of the schools of the 
Talmud, more especially since Aqiba says that the ten tribes are lost 
for ever. The concluding chapter is devoted to the Greek recen- 
sions A and B, of which A is the older, while B is a paraphrasis 
composed in the second centary b.c. Our author has forgotten to 
give the date of the book of the Jubilees, which the author of Tobit 
seemed to know, and also whether the original of Tobit was Hebrew 
or Greek, for in the latter case the refutation from Talmudic sources 
would vanish. 

A. Nbubauer. 

^^ Light of Shade and Lamp of Wisdom,^* being Hebrew- Arabic 
Homilies, composed by Nathanel ibn Yeshaya (1327). De- 
scribed, annotated, and abstracted by Bev. Alexander Kohut, 
Ph.D. New York, 1894, etc 

The description of this interesting work of a Yemen Rabbi forms the 
second part of the " Studies in Yemen- Hebrew Literature," published 
as the Fourth Biennial Report of the Jewish Theological Seminary 
Association in New York. This institution deserves all praise for 
having followed the example of the Rabbinical schools of Breslau, 
Berlin, Budapest, Vienna, and Ramf>gate, in adding to the annual 
reports an essay on Jewish literature. Paris and London, we hope, 

Digitized by 


Ctitical Notices. 351 

will soon follow in the same way. If we are not mistaken, it was 
on my lamented friend, Alexander Kohut's, instigation that one 
Rabbinical seminary in New York gave a sign of literary life, which 
he himself began when very young ; and we may say he sacrificed his 
life to Jewish studies, for alas ! he died in the prime of his years. 
Deep sorrow prevents ns from giving a picture of Dr. Kohut's life 
and activity ; and his son, George Alexander, has appended to the 
present report a memoir of his father's literary work. Moreover, 
my personal acquaintance with A. Kohut began only in December, 
1874, when I met him in London, where he came to collect subscribers 
for the publication of his life-work, t.e., the Artieh Completum; risking 
his health, for he was brought up in a dry climate, he came to England 
in the depth of fogs and raios. His success was very small, and he 
found no Mscenas either in London or in Paris. Indeed, had he not 
been called to a Rabbinate at New York, where he found the Mscenas 
in J. H. Schiff, Esq., his life-work wonld have died in its in&ncy. I 
call it " hb life-work,'' in spite of what critics said of his Aruch ; they 
have indeed judged the work without considering the difficulties 
which my lamented friend had to overcome. It is, and will remain, 
a standard work. If Kohut has explained many foreign words in 
the Talmudic literature from the old Persian instead of the Greek, 
the critic ought to have remembered that the editor worked in 
the mines of Persian literature and lexicography so long — it must 
not be forgotten that Alexander Kohut was the first to explain 
Persian influence as to religious and myotic ideas in the Talmud — 
as to become so fond of this language that he found the foreign 
words in the Talmud nearer to it than to Greek. Was the severe 
critic (who is one of my dearest friends) always sure of his explana- 
nation from the Greek ? Perhaps not ; we are indeed far from the time 
when we shall stand on firm ground concerning a definite solution of 
the foreign words in the Talmud. That the editor of the Aruch Com- 
pletum has intentionally borrowed from Levi's Talmudic Dictionary 
without acknowledging it we cannot believe ; it must have been by 
pure chance when he quoted the same passages as Levi did, since both 
lexicographers were acquainted with the same Talmud. 

But let us forget all these quibbles, and let us say a few words on 
the new path of literature on which my lamented friend entered 
during the last years of his painful life. He took a fancy to the 
Jewish Yemen literature, which turned up suddenly in America, 
through the indefatigable Mr. Deinard, of Odessa, who had to leave 
Russia suddenly. The Libraries of Europe, public as well as private, 
were already provided with Yemen MSS., brought from Yemen by 
various travellers, when Mr. Deinard visited the East and brought 
consequently many duplicates. They had thence to wander to 

A A 2 

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352 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

America, together with many belonging to the late Mr. Shapiri, some 
to New York, and more to the Sutro Library in San Francisco. A. 
Kohut got restless, and was eager to contiuue his activity by publish- 
ing Yemen MSS. la 1892, he broaght out exhaustive notes extracted 
from Dhamari*s Commentary on the Pentateuch (see Jewish Quar- 
terly Review, Y., page 338) ; this was followed by the publication 
of Saadyah Gaon's H'^oyc^'in, of which the last part appeared after 
his death (in the Monatsschrift ot Breslau, vol. xxxvii.), as well as 
the poetical pieces which precede each Sidr^ in the Midrash Haggadol 
(ibid,, vol. xxxviii.), and finally the present essay, which I shall 
notice only very shortly. 

Nethanel, son of Isaiah, wrote in 1327 A.D., a homiletical com- 
mentary on the Pentateuch, MSS. of which are to be found in the 
British Museum, in the Bodleian Library, in the Berlin Royal 
Library, and some in private possession. Our lamented friend rightly 
identifies the Ibn Yeshiyah quoted in an anonymoas Yemen Midrash 
with our author ; I have overlo«)ked this in my Catalogue, and the 
dates mentioned by our Nethanel are better given by Alexander 
Kohut than in other descriptions of this Midrash ; inde'id, the date 
given in Kohut's minograpb, p. 16. is to be foanl in the Bodleian 
copy also ; on the otht^r hand, the New York MS. has more introduc- 
tory passages in V6i>e than that in the Bodleian. The figures and 
diagramM are the same as in the Bodleian Library, b it they are so 
faiicif • 1 that it was not worth while mentioning them in my 
catalogue. These observations concern the first chapter. In the 
second A. Kohut gives the sources of Ibn Yeshayah, Hebrew as 
well as Arabic, with the passages where they occur. These authori- 
ties are nol unknown. The third chapter is headed '* Characteristic 
Features," where the part on the geographical n>imes is instructive ; 
so are also the polemical passages pro and contra Islam and Christi- 
anity, and the philological notes. The monograph concludes with an 
Appendix containing selections. Considering the state o^ health the 
deceased was in for some years, it is antouishins; how well the mono- 
graph was carried through the press ; still there are slips besides 
those given amongst the errata on the last page. 

If I mention that my lamented friend intended to continue his 
Yemen publications by editing the text of the Midrashim, of which 
two are so fully described in the two reports, scholars will understand 
what we have lo4 by the premature death of the editor of the 
Afuch Completutn. fi ^i i h 

A. Neubauer. 

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Cntical Notices, 353 

Oeschichte der Juden in Rom von der dltesten Zeit bis zur Qegenmart 
(2,060 Jahre). Von Dr. A. Berliner. Frankfurt am Main, 1893. 
Two vols. (History of the Jews at RDoie from the earliest time 
to the present, comprising 2,050 years.) 

Nobody coald have been better prepared for writing the later history 
of the Jews at Rome than Dr. Berliner, who has paid so many viHits 
to Rome, not only to investigate the Hebrew MSS. in the Vatican 
Library, but also the Municipal documents conoeming the Jews. 
As forerunners he has already pnblished two important pamphlets, 
viz., Aus den letzten Tagen des ro^nischen Ohetto (1886), and Censur 
Uftd Confiscation hebr'discher B'ucher itn Kirchenstaate (1891), as well 
as articles which appeared in his Magazin fur die Wissenschaft des 
Judenthums^ and elsewhere. 

The work is divided into two volumes. Vol. I. has for its object 
the history of the Jews in heathen Rome, viz , from 160 B.C. to 315 
A.D. Here we cannot expect many new facts, after Mommsen's 
History of RomCy and P. Manf rin's Oli Ebrei sotto la dominazione 
romana. Still, the complete apergu of this epo^h is useful, and more 
especially the translation of the inscriptions in the catacombs. 

The second volume has for its object the history of the Jews in 
Christian Rome (viz., from 315 a.d. to 1885), which is divided into 
two parts : (1) From the beginning of the Christian domination (315) 
to the exile into the Ghetto (1555) ; (2) From 1555 to 1885. The first 
mention of a Jewish community at Rome is under Pope Gregory 
the Great ; but it is most likely that the Jewd had remained in 
Rome through all vicissitude?. Dr. Berliner discusses the synigo^aes 
which are reportei at Rome, of which he mentions the PorcaleonCf 
Bozecco, and Gallichi ; others remain doubtful. 

Here follows a chapter which will be new for thon who read, for 
instance, M. Rodocanachi's book on the Ghetto ; it treats of ths 
literary occupation of the Jews at Rome. The fir«t place is given 
to the famous liturgist, Eleazar Qilir, who, according to an hypo- 
thesis, lived in the eighth century at Portus, near Rome. It is not 
the place here to discuss this hypothesis. Dr. Harkivy, who believes, 
and perhaps rightly, that Qalir lived in Palestine (Tiberias), promises 
to bring forward his arguments, which we await with curiosity. The 
first literary Jew who may be said to belong to Rome with certainty 
was Meehnllam ben Qalonymos, of Lucca. The Talmud scholars at 
Rome were, according to Haya Gaon (1032), not very important. Dr. 
Berliner mentions &mily names in Hebrew which were found at Rome, 
such as D^nKH {de Rossi), D^nisnn (de Pomis), Dny^n {Oiovani), 
and others. There were many physicians and artisans. The pride of 

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.*554 Tlie Jewiah Quarterly Review. 

Jewish learning at Rome was the famons Nathan, son of Jehiel, 
author of the Aruoh. The father, as well as the two hr.)thers, Abra- 
ham and Daniel, are also known ; they are quoted as the "\ n^3 ^31^3 
?t<^n\ The words of Benjamin of Tudela concerning his visit to 
Rome are then giv^n (in German translation). The classical epoch 
finishes with the poet Immannel ben Solomon, the friend of Dante, 
and the sons of Abraham, ")^yv, Benjamin, and the more celebrated 

Next comes a chapter on the last Pope at Rome before the transfer 
to Avignon. It was Bonifacius YIII., one who could not bear oppo- 
sition, and naturally the Jews were the first to feel his hand. Still, 
he favoured the Jewish physician, Angelo Manuel, whom he styled 
" familiaris.** In a following chapter we find the names of I^Aac 
Zarphati, Bonet de Lates, Jacob Mantino, Obadja Sforno, Elia 
Bachur, and others, concluding with the famous David Reubeni 
and Solomon Molkho. This carries us on to the sixteenth century, 
when we find at Rome seven synagogues, u<ed by the Jews 
who immigrated from various countries, such as Italy, Catalonia, 
Castile, Sicily, besides the German and French Jewish colony, who 
had no special sjmagogue. Many of these synagogues had to be given 
up when the Jews were relegated to the Ghett'^. This chapter is 
full of interest for the interior history of the Jews at Rome, being 
taken from documents in the Jewish archives. In these portions 
Dr. Berliner*s book is original, and very instructive. And with this 
ends Part I. of the second volume, which is followed by learned 
notes oonceming the literary names mentioned. 

We come now to the second par^, which begins with Cardinal Car- 
raffa, later on Pope Paul lY. (1555), who cut all the threads of life 
of the Jews by forbidding them to exist except in the Ghetto. This 
part is indeed, on the whole, the most interesting of Dr. Berliner*s book, 
and here are original documents in abundance. In the fourth chapter 
is given still more of the interior history of the Jews in Rome. The 
indexes which follow each volume greatly facilitate the finding of 
facts and literary matters. The last is completely ignored in M. 
Rodocanachi*s excellent book on the Ghetto, This second part does 
not lack notes concerning the documents used by the author. 

Dr. Berliner has done well to dedicate the first volume to F. D. 
Mocatta, Esq., an English Msacenas for Jewish literature, and the 
second to the memory of Samuel Alatri and Isidore Loeb. He 
also acknowledges his thanks to the keepers of various archives at 
Rome, and more especially to Signer Tranquillo Ascarelli, and his 
colleague, Signer Orescenso Alatri, who put their knowledge of the 
Jewish archives at Dr. Berliner's disposal. 

A. Necbauer. 

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Critieal Notices, 355 

Bemarks of the Qaraite Abu-Ytutif Yaqub al-Qirqisani by Dr. A. 
Harkavy. Extract from the Bosaian " ArchsBologlcal Journal/' 
t. yill.| pages 247 to 321, with the title in Russian : IsvesHa 
Karaitna Ahu-Jusufa Jakvba al-Kvrkuani ove Yevreiskich Sektaoh. 

Amongst the Karaitio treasures in the Imperial Library of St. 
Petersburg is to be found the theological work in Arabic of Jacob 
of Kirqisi (the old town of Circesium on the Euphrates), written in 
937 A.D., with the title, " Book of Lights and Obserrations,*' divided 
into thirteen parts, of which the first contains an extended introduc- 
tion, where the author, amongst other subjects, gives an account of the 
Jewish sects according to his knowledge. Of this interesting part Dr. 
Harkavy published the text in extenso^ after having furnished some 
details of our author as well as an enumeration of his extant works 
and of those only known by quotations. The beginning of the first 
chapter is unfortunately mlssiag; it seems to have contained the 
history of the origin of Qaraism, in Persia chiefly, but also elsewhere. 
We know most of these facts from later Qaraitic writers, who no 
doubt made use of Qirqisani*s treatise. In the second chapter, ojr 
author gives the history of the various Jewish sects, with the dates 
of their appearance. They are the following : {a) the Samaritans ; 
{h) the Babbanites, during the Second Temple, beginning with Simon 
the Just ; (e) the Sadducees, beginning with Zadoc and Boetos ; {d) 
the Maghars, or men of the Cave, one of them having the name 
AUIskanderani (the man of Alexandria), whose book is the most 
celebrated amongst this sect. Tbere is also a small book with the title 
of T^W *1&D, which is also precious for the men of this sect ; Dr. Har- 
kavy suggests that by *' this sect '' the Essenes are meant, {e) There 
rose in the time of the Boman emperors Isi (Jesus) son of Miryam, 
who was crucified at the instigation of Babbanites. {f) The 
Qariats who were found, as it is said, on the Nile, 20 Pharsangs 
from Fostat. {jg) Then come the divisions of the Babbanites, viz,^ 
the schools of Hillel and of Shamai. (Ji) Then follow the various 
forerunners of Qaraism. (1) Abu Isi of Ispahan, called Obadiah, and 
his followers, who were called Isuytn, at Damascus ; (2) Yudgan, 
who it is said was a pupil of the former ; (3) The chief of the captivity, 
the famous Anan, a contemporary of Khalif Abu Jafar al-Mansur 
(780), who was very learned in Babbinic matters, and whose work 
was translated from Aramaic into Hebrew by Haya Gaon and his 
father. Here the liturgist Tanai is mentioned. (4) Then followed 
Ishmael of Ocbar, in the days of the Khalif Al-AIustazun billah 
(942 A.D.). (5) After him comes Benjamin of Nehawend, who was 
also learned in Babbinic matters. (6) Abi Amran of Tiflia (in Ar- 

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8o6 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

menia). called also Musa al Sat' rail of Bagdad ; (7) Malk al-Ramleh, 
Mish'yah of Debar ; (8) Daniel of Qums, also called al Damagani. 
Qirqisani says : " This is all which reached us of these sects. The 
Qaraites of this time, who are derived from these yarioos sects, 
differ so much, that we find scarcely two of them agreeiog." 

The third part contains the differences amongst the Rabbanites 
concerning precepts and ceremoaies. The next chapter treats of 
those who represent God in a human dress, and attribute to 
him human action, such as we find in the books with the title 
rxty^p lirK', r\y\>V m nrniK, the book attributed to Tshmael (the 
high priest), better known with the title of ^XyOK^ "11 nib^H ; 
some others of these attributes are quoted in the Talmud, in the 
ethical treatise called KDH HMT (in the MSS. sometimes followed 
by nUK nSDD). There are also mentioned extracts from the 
following treatises, viz., DiHO inD, SKHK nSlK^n and 31 03 niD^^a 
Chapters v. to vii. give an account of the ritual of the H^maritans, 
of the Sadducees and the dwellers in caves. The eighth chapter 
has for its object the Christian religion, and is the oldest known 
document of the kind written by a Jew ; here we learn for the first 
time that David al-Moqametz, a philosopher quoted by Abraham and 
Moses ibn Ezra, and also by Jeiaiah of Bi^iiers (see Histoire LiiUraire 
de la Franoe^ t. XXXL, p. 380, note 6, and addenda) was converted 
to Christianity, and that he translated from the Christian books, (in 
Syriac ?) a commentary on Genesis and oa Ecolesiastes. It is said 
that David was converted at Nisibis by a man called K3ftO, for which 
Dr. Harkavy proposes D1^3, i.e.^ Nonnus. David's criticism on the 
Gospel is curious, and worth while translating in extenso. The full 
name of Alnoqanietz is David ben Merwan ar-Baqi, known as Y^P^^^ ; 
this last expression Dr. Harkavy proposes to translate " the leaper " 
(Hebrew f DpD^K), t.«., David leaped from Judaism to Christianity, 
and probably back to Judaism, otherwise he would scarcely be men- 
tioned by the Jewish authorities. Perhaps, however, the Arabic word 
yoptht^ is formed from the word Y^^P " & shirt or cloak,'* and meant 
*' putting on another dress.' The ninth chapter treats of the habits 
of the sect n^JDp^X, who agree partly with the Samaritans and partly 
lean towards the Christians ; for instance, they keep both the Sab- 
bath and the Sunday. Our author says here that he once believed 
that the sect of n^yip7K sprang up after Christianity, until he read 
the book of al-Moqametz with the title of ,^2<i^p^ nXJlS (^^^ 
meaning of which is uncertain), where it is said that Christianity 
is a combination of Sadduceeism and the sect called n^yip7K. The 
tenth ch:ipter treats of the ceremonial differences between the 

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Critical Notices. 357 

Babbis in Syria and Babylonia (Irak). Ohapfcers xi. to xviii. 
gi^e the ceremonial differences between the Qaraitic sects mentioned 
aboire. Finally the last chapter treats of ritual differences between 
the Qaraites of the time of our author and earlier, from the sects 
mentioned above. 

It is certain that Jehudah Hadasi, in his book with the title of 
IBIDn PIDS'i* § 91 (MS. 88), made use of Qirqisani*s present treatise, 
either ii ttie original Arabic or in a Hebrew translation. Whether 
Arabic writers, such as Masudi, Sharestani and more especially 
Maqrizi, who treat more or less of Jewish sects, knew Qirqisani's 
work is doubtful This will have to be carefully investigated by 
any one who undertakes to give us the history of the Jewish 
sects according to Arabic and Hebrew sources. Bat it is difi&cult 
to take advantage of Dr. Harkavy's learned introduction to his 
present monograph, because it is writien in Russian, a language 
nearly unknown to Jewish scholars out of Russia. The same is 
the case with the Hungarian monthly Szemle^ which has often use- 
ful pages concerning Jewish literature, that are lost for all except 
those who are educated in the Hungarian schools. The result is 
that they are consequently passed over, which will be the case 
also with articles and essays written in Russian. Patriotism is 
not hecessarily shown either by language or by religion. We 
hope that Mr. Thatcher, of Mansfield College, Oxford, who is busy 
with a monograph on the Jewish sects, will be able to make more 
ample use of Dr. Harkavy's learned essay, than we could, by the 
kind assistance of Mr. W. MorfiU, Slavonic Reader in the University 
of Oxford. He will moreover give Hadassi's information according ' 
to MSS., and not according to the mutilated edition of Gozlow 

A. Neubauer. 

Studien zur Geschichte der Orthograpkte des Althebrdischen von 
Dr. Leo Bardowicz, Rabbiner der Isfaelit. Gemeinde in 
Moedling, Francfort-on-the-Main, J. Kauffmann, 1894, viii. 
and 112 pp. 

The object of Dr. Bardowicz's treatise is to demonstrate that the vowel 
letters alefy hij waw^ and yOd were not used so frequently in the Bible 
MSS. of the Talaiudic epoch as in the masoretic text. He maintains 
Wellhausen's theory that the employment of the vowel letters was 

Digitized by 


358 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

left to the choice of the scribes^ bat that the orthography was 
definitely fixed in the first century, or later on by the Ifaaora. 
Sapplementing this Dr. Bardowioz tries to show that this deficiency 
of vowel letters lasted seyeral centuries longer. He supports his 
theory not only by passages from Talmud and Midrash with varying 
orthography, but also by the assertion that in those times the matret 
leetionis were easily dispensed with. On the other hand he endeavours 
to poiat out that the rabbinical prohibition of writing defectiva plene 
and plena dtfeetive was not known till the time of MaimCinL Consider- 
ing the complicated and rather unsettled nature of the subject, a 
lucid exposition of the way in which the vowel letters gradually pene- 
trated tiie text of the Bible would be of the highcBt importance. 
In reading Dr. Bardowicz^s book we cannot help appreciating the 
clearness of his propositions, the methodical arrangement of the matters 
under discussion, and particularly his intimacy uot only with the litera- 
tures from which he draws his arguments, but also with the writings 
of modem scholars on the subject. 

It is, however, a different question whether our real knowledge of 
the subject has been furthered by Dr. Bardowics s learned investiga- 
tions. Do we now see clearer when and how the vowel letters— and 
this is ihepunetum saliens — came to be employed in the earliest copies 
of the Old Testament? This is doubtful. The uncertainty in this 
respect remains the same as before. It is significant how cautiously 
Noeldeke expresses himself in his review of Wellhausen's theory on the 
subject which Dr. Bardowicz otherwise justly considers the most impor- 
tant progress in the investigation of the question. Now Ghwolson, in 
his essay on the quiescent letters, starting from the example of the Old 
Phoenician incriptions, is justified in drawing conclusions for Hebrew, 
but he decidedly goes too far. The Mesha inscription (ninth cen- 
tury), the genuineness of which is no more doubted, and of which the 
language more nearly approaches the Hebrew of the Old Testament 
than the Phoenician, shows in contradistinction to the latter a 
rather regular employment of the vowel letters at the end of words, 
and an occasional one in the middle. In the Siloah stone, which is 
more than one hundred and fifty years younger, and written in the best 
biblical style, we find vowel letters at least regularly in the Auslaut. 
Dr. Bardowicz has omitted to take these facts into account at all, 
but they certainly give more conclusive evidence than the far younger 
sources, by means of which he endeavours to prove the contrary. 
The quotations from Ben Asher are rather colourless, as they admit 
both full and defective scriptions. The second one is, moreover, 
incorrectly translated, as DMfi^ D^DSn ^DO simply means, ** From the 
mouth of doctors instituted,** and probably does not refer to " the 
sages "in the rabbinical sense at all. Dr. Bardowicz himself cannot help 

Digitized by 


Critical Notices, 359 

admitting that the orthography of Talmud and Midrash as handed 
down to OR, is itself open to much comment. The pawage from 
the Midra«h quoted (sub. D) may serve as an example where, 
as Dr. Bardowicz rather timidly suggests, we should naturally read, 
K -^n^ K-»pDnK^ KOn b (instead of HDH), signifying that the K— 
just as in K"t^^, sub. E — is quiescent (in contradistinction to other 
forms, as Num. xy. 24, etc.). From Benveniste's observation we 
only gather that the evidences from Talmudical passages are 
not absolutely to be relied on. Their defective orthography may 
also have other reasons, such as economy of space, time, writing 
material, etc. 

In this confusion, the real solution of the question may be found 
midway. We have in all probability to distingaish between the 
official text preserved in the Scrolls, and copies manufactured for 
public and private studies. As to the former, it will apparently re- 
main difficult to come to any safe conclusion at all ; but with respect 
to the latter, greater liberty may have been allowed, and here Dr. 
Bardowicz's arguments are also much more satis&ctory. In parti- 
cular those adduced in Chap. IL deserve attention. At all events. 
Dr. Bardowicz has, with great industry and learning, compiled a large 
mass of valuable material, for which we are indebted to him. 


HTV* "IDD Das Buch der Schopfung. Noch den sdmmthchen Recen- 
sionen moylichst kritisch redigirter Text, nebst Uebersetzung^ 
Varianten, Anmerkungen, Hrkldrungen und einer atis/uhrlichen 
EinUitung, von Lazabus Goldsghmidt. Frankfort-on-the-Main : 
J. Eauffmann (in commission). 1894. 

Mr. Goldsghmidt does not seem to be satisfied with the lesson 
given him by Dr. Neubauer in the Guardian (May, 1894), although 
its explicitness left nothing to be desired. However unpleasant the 
tank, we must estimate his latest production at its true value, lest those 
who hope to find a scientific work be disappointed. Mr. G. correctly 
anticipates that his Schroffheit — or rather impertinence — will meet 
with disapprobation, but this *^ does not induce him to suppress the 
truth." There is a great difference between truth, or what he styles 
truth, and the arrogance with which a tyro criticises Zanz, Graetz, 
and other scholars, in terms which would even be quite unbecoming 
between equals in age and importance. His translation of the begin- 
ning of Saaiyah's Arabic Commentary is wrong. Saadyah does not 

Digitized by 


360 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

say that Abraham was the author of the S. J., but that it was ascribed 
to him, which the Hebrew translator expresses p^H 3K DB' bv "^K 
HlpX The following conolosion is rather amusing : — Because the 
author of the 8. Y, speaks Hebrew, the book must have been 
written in a time when Hebrew was spoken. It was therefore 
composed in the second century B.C. In spite of his assertions on 
the title-page, Mr. G. has not consulted all the recensions of the 
text, but he distorted the latter considerably. Let us hope that he 
will in future be more conscientious and painstaking. 


Digitized by 


Literary Gleanings. 361 


By Dk. a. Neubauer. 

Tlie Hebrew Bible in Shorthand Writing. 

No mediaeval literature contains eo many abbreyiations as the 
Jewish in the Hebrew commentaries on the Bible, ani the Talmudtc 
treatises, and more especially in the stupendoas literature of the 
casuistic Beaponsa. These abbreviations may be counted by the thou- 
sand, and they are moreover increased even now by writer-t who still use 
the Rabbinical language. Attempts to solve these abbreviations have 
been made since Buxtorf in his De Ahbreviaturis HebraiciSy etc., 
Basel, 1640, up to the present time by the Abb^ Perreau of Parma in 
his 1,700 Abbreviature e sif/le (P&cms,j 1882), Autografia in 60 copies. 
These abbreviated forms consist chiefly of words of which the initial 
letters only are given ; e.ff.j to take the most common instances, the 
expression gj y x, which represents the words m^ ^j; »(<> "although," 
and }]2* which means Q^f\ niii* " blessed be God." But the greatest 
difficulty is felt in the solution of proper names. Let us take for 
instance a very frequent one, which is j^xi) ^^ which the -^ represents 
always the word Rabbi, the other three letters, viz., p^ may be Abra- 
ham ben (son of) Nathan, but also son of Nahman, of Nissim, or any 
other whose name begins «vith the letter n, not to speak of the fact 
that the ^ (Abraham) may represent names like Ahron, Elijah, Aryeh, 
and so on. It was economy of time and of paper which was the 
cause of the^e numerous abbreviations. In early manuscripts of the 
Talmud literature, we find fewer abridged forms of names and other 
expressions, but it is well known that disciples of the Talmud schools 
in Babylonia marke<i with initial letters the subjects which were taught 
there ; these marks are usually called }0^D, which represents the Greek 
word arffieiov. When the Talmud was written down these moemonic 
letters disappeared, but traces of them have remained in manuscripts 
of the Talmud, many of which were faithfully reproduced in the 
editions. The manuscripts, however, vary for these mnemooical 
letters. With this mode of putting down what the schools had taught, 
a Babbi could carry in his pocket the whole Talmud teaching, as 
concerns the Halakha\ without noting down the detailed discussions ; 
those were loft to memory, with which the Eastern nations, and more 

Digitized by 


362 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

especially those of the Semitic race, are gifted. Nowadays there are 
Jewish boys who know by heart the Hebrew Pentatetich, with the 
Aramaic translation, the Psalms, the Prophetic Lessons, the Fiye Scrolls, 
and frequently with the commentary of Bashi. There are many 
youDg and old rabbis who know the Mishnah and the Babylonian 
Talmud in such a way that they will not only hit upon the tractate 
and the folio where a passage occurs, but also recite the whole folio 
with the preceding or foUowiog passage. The same is the case with 
the Arabs for the Koran and the important commentators, such as 
Baidhawi,. Zamakshari, as well as for medical and astronomical books. 
The Big Veda, and perhaps all the Yedas, were kept by memory for a 
long time. 

Was the Bible or any part of it written in shorthand writing? 
This question has never been asked by any of the numerous Bible critics. 
Indeed, if that were the case, many emendations proposed by them 
could perhaps be explained by the tachygraphic%l method of writing. 
Traces of such short writing are mentioned in the Talmudic literature 
by the word pp^TlDO, pm-apiKSPf notaricurn^ of which the Greek and the 
Latin forms are not found in lexicons, but the form is certain by the 
many quotations in the Talmudic literature eioept in the Targum snd 
the Tosef tha (see Samuel Kraush' able es<*ay, with the title of Zar 
griechischen und lateinischen Lexicographic aus jadischcn Qucllen^ in 
the Byzantinische Zeitschrifty II. 3 and 4, p. 515), and it means short- 
hand writing. There are, however, two kinds of it in classical times : 
1. The Boman one, where a letter represents a whole word ; 2, The 
Greek, where the letters are shortened. Herr Krauss {loe, eit,, p. 513) 
is of opinion, and we agree with him, that the Bibbis have accepted 
the Boman method of shorthand writing. His proofs are the 
following : 1, The passage in the MishnahXJomi, III. 10), where it is 
said that the pious Helena, Queen of Adiabene, had made for the 
temple at Jerutialem a golden plate, on which the law for adultery 
(Numbers vl 1 to 21) Was engraved (3nT hz^ vhl^ nn^ KNT 5|K 
n'hv nainD nOID nX^lS'^). 2, Simeon ben Laqish, in the name of 
Jannai (about 230 A. D.) adds (B. T. Gittin, fol. 60*) n*3 t{?H2 , 
which Bashi rightly explains by nn^nn ^e^"), i.e,, the initial letters 
of the words. 

Another trace of short writing in the Talmud is to be found in the 
saying of B. Simeon, who says that hj writing on th-i Sabbath the 
two Alephs (KK; of the word TITKK (Isaiah xlv. 5) the Sabbath is 
profaned (for the word ^T^my which occurs in this passage see S. 
Kraura, loc. cit, p. 513). The shorthand form seems to be mentioned 
also in the Pal. Talmud (Megillah, fol. 73% col. 2, 1. 32), where it is 
said that the scroll of Esther may be written for the Synagogue use 

Digitized by 


Literary Oleanings, 363 

in shorthand writing (ntD1^3^:i y\TO nn^n^; see Kranss, loo. eit.^ p. 514, 
who solyes the enigmatic word pt^^^^^^ with the Latin eognitum^ %.e,^ 
\Vy\'^y\y ; not to he foand in that sense. Might not ptd1^3^:i represent 
a possible popular form yiyvwov from yiy vtaaKtu ? Perhaps after all, the 
reading of piD73n — biyXorrovy " in two language?,'' is preferable. See 
Dr. Blau's able monograph, which has just appeared (p. 90) with the 
title of Zar EinlettUng in die Beilige Schrift. Herr Krauss adduces the 
passage in the Midrash Tillim (fii. 3 ; B. T. Shabhath, fol. 105»), where 
it is said concerning the word nvlDJ (1 Kings ii. 8), as follows : 

Even Biblical words were explained by the ftystem of shorthand 
writing. This instance shows clearly the application of the Roman 
method. Perhaps also the Midrashic explanation of the name 
Dm3K=D*13 pon 3K (Gen.'xViL 5) is found. In short the mention 
of notaricon is found in the Mishnah, the two Gemaras, the Sifr^, 
the Mekhilta, and frequently the Midrashim, but not in the Tosefta 
and in the Targum (Krauss, l. c, p. 515). 

Bat with all the nunute researches of Dr. Krauss, there is no 
definite instance in which the Jews accepted the Boman method of 
shorthand writing. Indeed, two fragments of Bible text found 
lately in Egypt and acquired by the Bodleian Library, show a 
different kind of shorthand writing. The one is in MS. Hebrew 
d. 39, fol. 1 (catalogue No. 2608, 1), containing Genesis xxvi. 11 to 
xxix. 15, much obliterated, and belonging, perhaps, to the end of the 
thirteenth or beginning of the fourteenth century ; there are a few 
Towels-points, and acceni». The second is in MS. Hebrew e. 30, con- 
taining, a, Isaiah V. 8 to ix. 8, fol. 48 (catalogue, No. 2,604, 11) ; jS, 
Isaiah xliv. 4 to xlviii. 11,. most likely written in the twelfth century 
on yellum 4to, 2 columns, a begins as follows : — 

3 n & ri yn 3 nn 8 
IK 3)5 ^-« ^:tk3 9 
rh% m iG>f*\ o-niK^n vi. 1 

D i pp K 4 
^ \ h-y^, y i D^vna 24 

DP^^'iKK^3y>lS'?3 1 25 

We see that each verse begins with the full words of the text, but 
for the rest I have not succeeded in finding out the method of the 

Digitized by 


364 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

abbreviations, and the use of them ; certainly it is too complicated 
for use in primary schools. Perhaps when the photographic facsimiles 
appear in the catalogue of newly acquired MSS. in the Bodleian 
Library, one of the savants may find out this mystery. Anyhow, in this 
shorthand writing Isaiah would fill only twenty-six leaves. Possibly 
this kind of shorthand writing might explain what Maqrizi means by 
saying that a sect in Egypt called the Fayyumites (of Fayyum) 
explain the Law in a sense as if the letters of which it is composed 
were abbreviations. Sylvestre de Sacy explains this by notaricon. 
He sa3rs in his Chrestomatkie Arabe^ t. L (2nd eiitiou), p. 353, note 82, 
''II paroit que Makrizi veut dire qu* Abau-Sii'd (who cannot be iden- 
tical with the famous Saadyah Gion) interpr^tait la loi par cette 
esp^ce de cabale que les juifs nomment Notaricon, Les Arabes 
d'Afrique appellent les abbreviations 'r\))^7>1^ ^nn» auli©^ que les Orien- 
taux les nomment ^nn Dill, k Pimitation des juifs, qui les appellent 
nn^n ^2J'fi<l.** Such mysterious letters are found also at the beginning 
of some Suras of the Qordo, wh'ch are taken by commentators as 
abbreviations. Erpenius, iadeed, says of them in his grammar, as 
quoted by De Sacy, TIbi tamen aliquam eonjectura libertatem sihi 
permittunt ; statxunUs singulis seorsum Uteris denota* i aliquid 
peculiare, quare et liter as separatas et singvlares appellant. 


In addition to the works enumerated by Professor Bacher in his 
excellent biography (supra, pp. 1-23), I would mention the fol- 
lowing : — 

1. Analekten in KobaVs Jeshnrun (German section iii., 1859, 

pp. 38-40. On page 44 of the same part is a review, pro- 
bably by Dr. Gudemaon, of Perles' *' Meletemata Peschit- 
thoniana ''). 

2. Gottesflienstliche Vortr'dge delivered in Baja (1859), and 

similar addresses delivered in Posen (1864). 
I believe, too, that he published a sermon against mixed marriages. 

S. J. Halberstam. 

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APRIL, 189a 


The first-fruits of genuine criticism of Jewish Literature 
produced in the nineteenth century constituted the offer- 
ing which Leopold Zunz, while yet young in years, but 
already of mature intellect, laid on the altar of Jewish 
science. It is certainly true that already, in an earlier 
generation, that of Moses Mendelssohn, the buds of know- 
ledge had begun to spring up among the Jews in 
Qermany; but Mendelssohn and his contemporaries left 
sufficient work for posterity. They had but slight occasion 
and scanty opportunities for critical researches into Jewish 
history and literature. In both these departments Zunz 
may be pronounced the pioneer. He not only conferred a 
great boon on his people by showing them the path to the 
rediscovery of the innumerable gems of thought buried in 
their literature; he also rendered them an equally great 
service by demonstrating to the Qentile world that the 
text, " It is your wisdom and understanding in the sight of 
the peoples," was not empty of meaning. He rolled away 
the reproach, so frequently uttered by Christian scholars, 

> [It will interest oar readers to know that the writer of thig Eesay, 
author of the famons work Dor dor Vedoreshov, celebrated his eightieth 
birthday in the February of this year. This will be a fitting opportunity , 
to add one more to the numerous oongratulations 
ceived.— Bb.] /^^ 


366 The Jewish Quarterly Eeview, 

that the Jews have no critical science. The first essay, 
which he composed in his early youth, is entitled. An 
Inquiry into Bahbinical Literature} Though the first-fruits 
of his study, its style is ripe and perfect as that of a 
veteran writer. He endeavours to define the subjects on 
which attention should be concentrated in order to bring 
to the surface the many priceless pearls to be found in 
the sea of Jewish literature. He particularises the pre- 
liminary studies requisite for the building up of a sound 
and thorough Jewish criticism. If we examine in detail 
the undertakings which he urges upon the scholars of 
his time, we shall find that they comprehend all those 
departments which have successfully engaged the Jewish 
intellect ever since Zunz threw light upon the paths and. 
methods of inquiry ;- and, therefore, he may well claim to 
be styled the original worker in this field, and the guide 
to his many successors. He was not, however, merely a 
sign-post to others. He himself carried out the advice he 
gave, and took a leading part in the Jewish critical 
labours of the nineteenth century. 

Soon after he had published his first essay, he tried his 
strength in biographical composition, and presented the 
world with a sketch of the life of one who was a brilliant 
light to the Jews in the Middle Ages, Rabbi Solomon 
Tizchaki (Rashi). This essay was a lesson to biographers 
in their art ; though many before him had endeavoured to 
write lives of our great men, yet, lacking the critical 
faculty, they omitted, on the one hand, many important 
points, while, on the other, they gave currency to state- 
ments which were doubtful, and even spurious. But a 
biography like Zunz's, written in a spirit of scientific 
criticism, had never hitherto appeared. From this point 
of view, Zunz may be said to have been the first Jewish 
biographer, and his efforts served as patterns and models 

■ This esnj was pablished in 1818. I did not know of its existence 
till manj jean after, when the late Rabbi J. L. Polaok showed it to me. 
It was reprinted in the edition, of his coUected works issued in 1875. 

Digitized by 


Leopold Zun%. 367 

to others. I feel no hesitation in affirming that Zunz's 
life of Bashi acted as an incentive to Bappoport to try his 
hand at work of a similar character. The latter printed 
biographical notices of various scholars in the Bikure 
Ha-ittim. Anyone who penetrates into the spirit of these 
articles will recognise that Zunz's method served — con- 
siderably modified, however — ^as Rappoport's guide. It is 
ridiculous to suppose that both savants hit on the same 
plans independently of one another ; for when Bappoport 
wrote his biographies he had already before him Zunz's 
life of Bashi. Indeed, in his biography of B. Nathan, 
author of the Aruch (note 47), Bappoport explicitly refers 
to Zunz, whose arguments he attempts to refute. Zunz, in 
his biography of Bashi, does not confine his research 
exclusively to his subject^ Babbi Solomon ben Isaac. He 
enlarges the compass of his theme, and occasionally dis- 
cusses, e% passant, persons cmd events which, strictly 
speaking, fall outside the scope of his inquiry, or which 
needed only a cursory mention. For example, in the list 
of books and scholars quoted by Bashi in his commenta- 
ries, Zunz notes B. Jehudai Qaon, author of the Halaehot 
Oedohth. He does not, however, merely give the name, 
which for the purpose of his essay would have amply 
sufficed, but enters on a long disquisition concerning 
this work, examines the authenticity of the tradition 
which attributes its authorship to K Jehudai Qaon, and 
adduces the opinions of various authorities on this point. 
In truth, this inquiry is, after all, only of secondary 
importance, irrelevant to his subject, the life of Bashi. 

A similar procedure is adopted by him in the case of the 
hymnologist, R Elazar Haqalir, mentioned in Bashi's Com. 
mentaries. Zunz discusses the poet at some length, and 
takes pains to refute the view that Babbi Elazar Haqalir 
belonged to the later Tanaites — ^all of which was super- 
fluous. A similar excursus is devoted to Babenu Qershon, 
the light of the Diaspora. Bappoport, in his biographies, 
follows the same plan, but carries it to an inordinate 

B B 2 

Digitized by 


368 Tlie Jewish Quarterly Review. 

length, to the exhaustion and perplexity of hii readersL 
Zunz, when he wrote his essay on Rashi, had, in my 
opinion, no intention of making it a complete summary of 
every detail, large and small, which would be indispensable 
for a comprehensive and perfect work. He only brought 
together material for a glorious palace, drew a beautiful 
and correct plan, and gave clear instructions how to build 
it in accordance with scientific rules. To others was left 
the task of rearing the edifice. Is not this indeed the 
architect's business — to make designs which the builders 
have to execute ? Certain classes of work the deveresi 
designer is incompetent to carry out personally. Zunz 
honestly recognised that, for a perfect biography of Rashi, 
what was pre-eminently necessary was a full and careful 
examination of the wonderful results which that great 
teacher achieved for a knowledge of the Talmud in his 
Commentaries, Decisions and Besponsa. Tet on all these 
subjects, Zunz has very little to say. Why ? Because he 
knew full well that he was unequal to the task of the pre- 
liminary examination of the material Like a genuine and 
conscientious scholar, therefore, he refrained from trespass- 
ing beyond the limit of his knowledge. While acknow* 
ledging the many excellencies of his work, I have found 
that, despite painstaking care and industry, errors crept 
into his essay, and many essential points were omitted.^ 

It also appears that Zunz thought that K Joseph Bonfils* 
whom Bashi mentions, is identical with the Rabbi of that 
name, who taught R Tarn. But this cannot be the case, 
since R. Joseph, mentioned by Rashi, died in Rashi's life- 
time, while R Tam was still a young child when his 
grandfather, Rashi, died. When he mentioned R Eliezer 
Qaon bar Isaac, he thought that the latter was Rabbi 

* la speaking of Babbi Genhon, the light of the Diaspora, he gives 
many nnneoessary details, and forgets to mention the extremely impor- 
tant faot that B. Gtorshon, with his own hand, prepared a correct manu- 
script copy of the Gemara, which was in Bashi^s possession (^Sueeahy 40a). 
This is stated in Tosaphoth in varioas places. R. Tam qaoted from this 
manuscript. (See my Biography of Rashi^ Note 4.) 

Digitized by 


Leopold ZutUL 369 

Eliezer HagadoL But, according to ToaaphotA, R Eliezer 
Hagadol was Rashi's teacher. Z\mz, indeed, excludes this 
teacher from the list of authorities quoted by the great 
Exegete, it having escaped his notice that the latter 
mentions R Eliezer Ha-gadol in the Pardes, where he 
styles him the teacher of R Jacob the elder, as well as of 
his other teachers ; Bashi also quotes his opinion anony-^ 
mously in Aboda Zara, 74a, with the phrase, «^ \^ith 
\nWDO. The reference is clearly to R Eliezer Hagodol (see 
Pardes, 238, et aliie hcie; see also S. Bloch's Biographical 
Noiee on Bashi, and my Biography). But what matter a 
few isolated errors? They do not affect the permanent 
ttnd solid value of the essay. The author liimself candidly 
iMlmitted their existence, and, in fact, personally called 
attention to them. Ten years after the essay was issued, 
he printed in the Introduction to the OoUesdienstUche Vor- 
trdffe, a list of his mistakes, some of which he corrected. 
We ought therefore not to regard the mistakes, but rather 
dwell upon the immense importance of this work, which 
paved the way to the science of Jewish biography, and 
which is so admirably calculated to serve as a model in 
this department of literary activity. These two essays 
which I have named, were the earliest seeds which he 
sowed in the field of Jewish science. The first was puV 
lished in 1818, the second, four years later, in 1822, while 
the author was still a youth. Both quickly bore fruit in 
their influence on scholars and their work. Then many 
years passed, during which only fugitive articles came 
from his pen at rare intervals. It was, however, univer- 
sally known that Zunz was studying, writing, and ex- 
ploring, with incomparable zeal, the literary treasures 
buried in libraries, poring over neglected and forgotten 
manuscripts^ and utilising them to the fullest degree in 
the researches in which he was engaged. In every place 
where he was known by name, and where his talents 
and abilities were fully recognised and appreciated, the 
results of his labours were ardently longed for. 

Digitized by 


370 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

At length, in the year 1832, expectation was more than 
satisfied by the publication of his great work, Die gottes- 
dienstliche Vortrdge der Juden, Hiaicriech entwiekelt. It 
would be wearisome to attempt here a description of this 
volume, with its multitude of new ideas in the history of 
Midrashic literature, or to pile up eulogies on its manifold 
excellencies. For who is not aware of the revolution it 
effected among Jewish students ? Who does not know how 
it breathed a new spirit into the minds and hearts of un*" 
sophisticated readers of the Midrashim, and stimulated 
many of the students of the Torah to enter into similar 
investigations ? But, strange to relate, notwithstanding the 
importance of the work, notwithstanding the extreme value 
of the jewels which it revealed in Midrashic literature, 
hitherto left unilluminated by the light of mticism ; not* 
withstanding the honour paid both to the book and the 
author by all honest scholars, it did not at first yield any 
material profits. The price of the work, which ran to 500 
pages, was moderate, and, as the edition did not go off 
easily, it had, after a few years, to be still furUier reduced. 
It is fifty-five years since I purchased a copy for a Reichs- 
thaler. Zunz, as I have heard, did not derive any profit 
from his labours. This is the common fate of all authors 
who deal witti Jewish literature. Many there be who 
eagerly seek their books like silver, but they bring no 
silver wherewith to purchase the books. Zunz accomplished 
two objects. First, he laid the foundations for a history 
of Midrashic literature, a subject never hitherto touched. 
His work also afforded material help towards comprehension 
of the evolution of culture eunong the Jews at successive 
periods, and may claim to have established the principles 
upon which Jewish history should be based. When we 
consider the results accruing from his work, we cannot 
deny that for all the authors who followed him, who occu- 
pied or still occupy themselves with these important 
departments, Zanz's researches have proved indispensable 
guides. Whether the fact be admitted or denied, whether 

Digitized by 


Leopold ZunM. 371 

ipre acknowledge our indebtedness or not, he waa undoubt- 
edly a pioneer for all of us. 

The motive that urged hini to write the GoUesdienstliche 
Vortrdge may be gathered from remarks in the preface. 
'' Many hundred years have passed since Israel's glory de- 
parted, since he forfeited his freedom and country. But one 
treasure was left him — the Synagogue. This now became 
a home for the Jewish nationality. All who were devoted 
to their faith, found in it a refuge, where they received 
religious instruction and counsel; renewed their strength 
to endure terrible vicissitudes; obtained comfort in their 
sorrows ; revived the hope they cherished that their freedom 
would again dawn. The service of the Synagogue was a 
rallying point to the Jewish people, and proved the safe- 
guard of Israel's faith." This conception was the motor to 
his GMfesdienstliche Vortrdge, Homilies in conjunction with 
prayers, were the perennial fountains which helped to pro- 
duce a rich harvest of moral blessings. It would be his 
work to investigate scientifically the historic development 
of Homilies in the Synagogue. Another purpose would be 
indirectly served, the foundation stone would be laid for 
the history of the Jewish people. 

It is natural that those who enjoy the fruits of men's 
thoughts should desire to know the benefactors who have 
given to them of their best. And by this nearer acquaint- 
ance with the teachers, the disciples are helped not a 
little to understand the tea<5hing. When, therefore, Zunz 
saw what a great impression his book had made on intelli- 
gent readers, he thought it his duty to treat ne:tt of the 
authors of our mediaeval literature. With extraordinary 
zeal and energy, he set about this new and difficult under- 
taking, published his Beitrdge zur Oeschtchte und Literatur 
in 1845. In these researches, he throws light on the 
writers of the Tosaphoth and other mediaeval authors, who 
occupied themselves with the science of Judaism. In my 
humble opinion, this subject had never before received such 
excellent treatment One of our foremost contemporary 

Digitized by 


373 The Jewish Quarterty Review. 

scholars once said to me that Zunz relied greatly, for this 
work, on the nrmn ¥n^\)y where the names of the writers 
of Tosaphoth are collected and classified. I replied, " No, sir ; 
Zunz is not a hasty and superficial investigator, who 
insufficiently examines the sources he uses." I have also 
read his writings on the Tosaphoth, and fully recognise the 
value of his researches on this theme. They afibrd ample 
evidence of patient toil and critical insight, and have 
nothing in common with the bare outlines of the ^p. In 
one place I find he follows that work, and erroneously.^ 

It must be admitted that, as in his Oottesdienstliche Vor- 
trdge, so in his second work, he succeeded in showing that 
the Jews were not destitute of culture; that their litera- 
ture is indeed a storehouse of knowledge and wisdom , an 
object materially served by his other writings. I specially 
name : Die Synagogale Poesie, on the Piyutim and Selichot^ 
issued in 1855, and Die Literaturgeschichte der Synagogakn 
Poesie, connected with the former, but which did not see 
the light till 1865, after the Hitm, which conmsts of in- 
quiries into Synagogal rites, had appeared in 1859, In 
my reminiscences (MS.) I have stated that when I descant 
upon those contemporaries to whom I owe a debt for en- 
lightening me and rousing in me the spirit of literary emu- 
lation, my object is not to discuss or criticise the details of 
their inquiries, but rather to point out the aims for which 
they strove with more or less success. Accordingly, in this 
article on Zunz and his writings, I propose to survey the 
objects which he hoped to achieve by his literary efforts ; 
to show to the world that Jews, even in the Middle Ages, 
had a science and literature, certainly not inferior to, and 

> In my History of Jetoisk Tradition^ p. 849, note 80, I haye already 
shown that Znnz (Z«r lAteratw u. 6hsehiehtef p. 48), foUows the ^f]p, 
who mentions M, Ckttyim hen Joseph as a Toeaphist. Znns adds the oon- 
jeotnre that U. Ohalm, B. Tarn's pnpil, was the son of Joseph : the -^^jp, 
howeyer, is in error ; there is no Toeaphist of that name. The sooroe o^ 
the mistake is Tosaphoth Henaohot 88a, from which he quotes R, C^aim 
hen Joseph; B.Ghia bar Joseph, oar Amora, mentioned ihidem 90a, is how- 
eyer meant. In the later editions of the Talmnd this is oorreoted. 

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Leopold Zun%. 373 

^rhaps even surpassing, those of their neighbours ; to de- 
monstrate the truth that at no period did the spirit of 
Jewish poetry cease to put forth buds and blossoms, and to 
produce fruit among the sorrow-laden Hebrew race, and 
to prove that Jewish poetry has an enhanced value, because 
it immortalises the annals of Jewish history. Many have 
wondered why Zunz consecrated a large portion of his life 
to inquiries concerning Piyutim, which Ibn Ezra already 
stigmatised, remarking, for instance, that Qalir, in his 
Piyutim, had abused the Hebrew language, like an enemy 
who breaks down the walls of a city. One of our modem 
critics, Lagarde, contemns Zunz for his interest in the 
Piyutim, and denies him any taste in Hebrew style. The 
first ground of objection may be dismissed as of a super- 
ficial character. The merit of Qalir's poetry does not con- 
sist in its form — the flowers of fancy, which flourish and 
wither, according to the variation of tastes; but in the 
contents, '' in the wealth of ideals, which arouse and stimu- 
late Israel's love to his Qod, and in the occasional beautiful 
pictures which dazzle the mind and captivate the heart" 
Ibn Ezra, the Spaniard, only found fault with the styla 
The same criticism applies to the Poetanim, who followed 
in Qalir's footsteps. Discussing them from this point of 
view, and in this spirit, Zunz accomplished a useful and 
valuable work, for which he had the requisite aptitude. 
His keen insight enabled him to perceive the depth of 
feeling from which the Piyutim welled forth. How beauti- 
fully has this been expressed by one of our most eminent 
scholars. Dr. David Kaufman, in his reply to Paul La- 
garde (p. 20) : " Leopold Zunz," he says, " the great artist 
who took a comprehensive view of every subject which he 
investigated, recognised, with the keen, critical sagacity 
natural to him, that, in order adequately to discuss the 
Piyutim, it is absolutely requisite to conceive and describe 
the hell of persecution, out of which the poetical Jewish 
literature in the Middle Ages sprang up. It is essential 
that we should go the poets' land, and see the places where 

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these pearls of thought were formed. Zonz, unsurpassed 
by predecessors or contemporaries, apprehended and com- 
prehended the storm of sighs and groans in this litera- 
ture which smite on the hearts of all who have the capacity 
to feeL He, as no one else, sympathised with the torrents 
of tears that produced the poetry of the Synagogue. He 
was seized by a great longing to open our eyes to the 
terrible calamities Israel sustained, so that we, too, might 
understand the overwhelming multitude of sighs, see the 
spring from which flowed the streams of tears. He wished 
to pass in review before us the heartrending events which 
occasioned the sighs and the groans. With wonderful art, 
without unnecessary ornaments of style, without rhetorical 
flourishes, simply by drawing our attention to the results 
which his calm, patient, and dispassionate studies produced, 
Zunz accomplished his work. And, therefore, he deserves 
to be called the historian of his people ; for he narrated, 
truthfully and vividly, its annals in the dark and trou- 
blous medieval daya He has shown how sorrows are 
wedded with supplications, like lightning and thunder, like 
anguish and tears." All who complainingly wonder at 
Zunz's devotion to the Piyut should ponder these words, 
and they will appreciate the magnificent work which he 
accomplished by his investigations into that branch of 
literature. They will recognise that what they have re- 
jected is the comer-stone of Jewish history. Lagarde's 
strictures are not worth answering, especially after Kauf- 
man, in his brochure (p. 28), has proved '* that this Anti- 
Semite critic has less knowledge than the merest school- 
boy of the subject he presumes to treat, that he is even 
incapable of translating, much less imderstanding, the 
Hebrew poetry of the Middle Ages." 


Prom the day the Ootteadienatliche Vortrdge came into 
my hands, I was drawn towards its author, and felt for 
him a disciple's respect for his master. I studied his 

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Leopold Zunz. 876 

work as assiduously and carefully as I was wont to do 
the Talmud and Fosekim. I turned over his ideas in 
my mind, examined his arguments, tested his positions 
as far as the resources of my library allowed. Although 
I occasionally found statements of which I could not 
altogether approve, I could not say that he ever con- 
sciously misled. His quotations are always given faith- 
fully. His criticisms are genuine and just. He is not 
guilty of perversions, in order to force the opinions of 
scholars into agreement with his views or subordination 
to his purpose. His inquiries were always conducted in 
the right way. He never seeks to dazzle his readers by 
empty rhetorical effects. K he knew that he could convey 
his meaning in a sentence of three words, he would not 
have added a fourth for the sake of embellishment. He 
deemed it despicable to conceal his true opinions in 
ambiguous phrases. Throughout the GoUesdiemtliche Vor- 
irdge, I have not found any remark of a contentious 
character, or one that would betray chagrin, jealousy, or 
contempt for fellow-students. He does not try to force 
his opinions upon others by invective or artifice. Zunz's 
•wish was to build up the house of Israel and heal its 
breaches, not to pull down its walls or lay bare its 
foundations. He never girds at any healthy Jewish 
customs ; but he was not blind to the fact that some of 
them had been covered with an accumulation of dust. 
The whole of his life he consecrated to our literature, 
which, alas, is contemned by those who are ignorant of it 
within and outside the Jewish community. To proclaim its 
merits and convince both classes of its excellence was his 
heartfelt longing, which, indeed, he lived to see, in a great 
measure, realised. Many of those who had formerly 
•despised Jewish literature became its firm admirers. 
Who can deny that the living interest which our Tal^ 
mudic and Midrashic literature has aroused among noiv- 
Jewish scholars, is due in a considerable degree to the 
influence of Zunz's writings — as^ indeed, has been 

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876 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

abundantly acknowledged. But the fame achieved by 
him among his own people reached a height which very 
few have attained. When Zunz died, I paid a tribute 
to his memory {Beth Talmud^ Pt V., p. 71), from which 
the following passage may be quoted: **Zunz was a 
wondrous phenomenon in our generation. Everyone 
knows that he could not be counted among the orthodox 
Jews. Nor, indeed, did he have the least desire to be so 
counted. And yet the members of this section of Jewry 
speak of him with the utmost respect and reverence. 
For this apparently strange anomaly we can only account 
by a clear recognition of the fact that the Jews are truly 
and sincerely grateful to all their benefactors. And Zunz 
who was a sterling benefactor to the whole of his people, 
was popular with them all. Jews, both orthodox and 
reform, draw the water of knowledge from his well Not 
a single genuine investigator, whether belon^ng to one 
or the other party, will move a step in the study of our 
literary antiquities without Zunz's writings at his side. 
How, then, should the debt of obligation to him be denied 
or his memory fail to be preserved." I do not think that 
any honest critic will fail to agree with these sentiments* 
If isolated individuals among us have spoken against 
him, we can cmly deplore the fact On more than one 
occasion Qriltz criticised him in a manner equally un* 
worthy of the critic and the subject. Whenever I noticed 
it I always felt grieved at seeing one of those whose utter- 
ances were unvaryingly received with respect and carried 
weight, publicly disparaging our great men. Do not 
ignorant critics pour contumely enough on Israel's scholars ? 
Was there any need for one of our own masters needlessly 
to bicker with a fellow-scholar ? What eould have 
tempted Grtttz to sin so grievously against Zunz? He 
surely knew fuU well that the educated and cultured 
classes would not honour him any the more on this 
account. I am convinced that though he affected to think 
lightly of Zunz, he acknowledged, in his mmost hearty ibe 

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Leopold ZuM. 377 

nobility of Zunz's character and the exceeding value of 
his labours in helping to create and foster a just apprecia-* 
tion of Israel's literature. Who, indeed, so competent as 
Gratz to appraise the extreme importance of his great 
contemporary's work for the science of history? Who 
availed himself to a greater degree of that work than 
Gratz, whether he names his authority or passes it over 
in silence ? Some of Gratz's defenders affirm that, when he 
was about to publish the first part of his history (Vol. 
ni.), Zunz exclaimed jokingly: **What, another history 
of the Jews !" — ^a sneer which the historian never forgave. 
I certainly do not blame him for feeling resentment and 
expressing indignation, and can enter into his sentiments. 
He had devoted his physical strength, his intellectual 
energies, and his time to the preparation of a history of 
the Jews which he deemed was of paramount necessity 
because Jost's attempt had not, in his view, risen to the 
height of the theme. And now who is the one to throw 
cold water on his undertaking? Zunz, whose criticisms 
in all matters appertaining to history, are by all Jewish 
scholars esteemed so valuable! Not only does the great 
critic ¥9ithhold approval from his work ; he actually dis- 
courages it ! Can we be surprised that Gr&tz was keenly sen* 
sitive to this, as it seemed to him, insulting attitude, and 
could never forget or forgive it ? But what I fail to under- 
stand is, why Gr&tz should have seen fit to disparage and 
endeavour to drag into the dust his critic's knowledge 
and judgment, because the latter would not take him at 
his own valuation. In the pursuit of. knowledge, the personal 
factor should be eliminated. The importation of indi- 
vidual resentment must inevitably lead to a perversion 
of truth and justice. If a nobleman has put a slight upon 
me, shall I avenge the affiront on his child? In my 
opinion, this was not merely a crime but a blunder. Gratz 
was powerless to injure Zunz. He only hurt himself. A 
class of scholars of another stamp also proved themselv^ 
ungratefuL The orthodox rabbis who, at the same time» 

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878 The Jewish Quarterly Revieic. 

were men of culture, assiduously pored over Zunz'rf 
Oottendienstliche Vortrdge, wrote and published articles 
which were based on it, and in which the best part of 
their material were drawn from ii And yet in their 
piety (!) they never so much as mentioned Zunz's name. 
I marvel how a man who so far approves of another's 
work as to appropriate it wholesfide, should not only deny 
his obligations to his authority, but should even presume 
to set up as his critia But this conduct, though hard to 
justify, is easy to understand. 

A Babbi of the class to which I have referred, occupies 
a most unenviable pesition, if fate hfiis cast his lines among 
a community of zealots, where his flock, upon whom he is 
dependent, are his masters. Such a Babbi, we can all 
understand, would have to be very cautious about mention^ 
ing Zunz ; the firebrands in his congregation would at once 
accuse him of being hand and glove with the reformers. 
He is not afraid, to nearly the same extent, of the reproach- 
ful interrogatory which the cultured man would put to 
him : '' How is it that you conceal the neune of the original 
discoverer and owner, from whose well you draw such 
copious draughts of wisdom ? " I am acquainted with a 
certain student and author who, though he has appropriated 
a wealth of material from Zunz's writings, firequently 
without dropping a hint of its origin, has, nevertheless, 
made it his business to criticise Zunz on every possible 
opportunity. I have heard this scholar urge, in all 
simplicity, that the course he had adopted was a supreme 
need at the present day. The reverence paid to Zunz, he 
said, has grown into an idolatry to be stamped out, or at 
least, weakened. I could only laugh inwardly and think 
to myself, How happy this man must feel in his conceit ! 
I recollected, at the same time, that in my long life, I have 
frequently seen dwarfs boastfully passing judgment on 
intellectual giants, whose height they were incapable of 
measuring. All his antagonists have not succeeded in 
diminishing by one hair's breadth Zunz's well-earned 

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Leopold Zunz. 379 

fame, nor did their attempts trouble him in the least. He 
pursued the even tenour of his way, though they " sought 
many crooked devices." He was a man of peace, even 
towards those who openly waged war against him. His 
path was not in the storm; he hated the strifes of 
scholars, never defended himself against attack, neither 
treated his antagonists with contempt, nor overwhelmed 
them with invective or vituperation. He only had to 
exhibit his noble spirit and they were stricken dumb. 

The report that, when the first volume of Qratz's history 
appeared, Zunz departed from his usual rule and spoke 
satirically, may lower him in our eyes. That he should 
have gone out of his way to disparage a work on the 
history of the Jews — a department, the investigation of 
which occupied the whole of his life — may well occasion, 
surprise. But we shall not wonder if we consider the 
method which Zunz pursued for the attainment of his 
objects, and examine in detail his productions in this 
branch of science. After such a survey we shall be in a 
position to understand why a new historical work, at this 
period, was not to his liking. Zunz thought that the time 
bad not yet arrived for rearing an historical structure 
worthy of Israel. His ideal was a complete and stately 
edifice, in which nothing should be lacking. This could 
not be raised till all the stones, large and small, had been 
brought together, and all the materials requisite for 
a perfect building, such apS he designed, were on the site. 
Only thus could one hope to found a glorious palace. 
Zunz, therefore, concentrated his attention on the details 
and materifiJs of history, and aimed at gathering together 
one by one, the facts which would form the stones of the 
historic structure. But it does not lie within the power 
of a single individual, or even a complete generation, 
to accomplish the entire task. The sentence of the Mishna 
served him, however, as an encouraging motto : *' It is not 
thy duty to complete the work ; do not therefore deem 
thyself free to neglect it." Let it not be thought that I 

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380 The Jewish Quarterly Bevieic, 

have attributed tiiougfats to Zonz which he never conceived, 
and that the above statements are of a purely snpposititions 
character, and have emanated from mj imagination. This 
is not the case. All the foregoing has been gathered from 
Zunz's own pithy remarka In his biography of that most 
eminent Jewish critic, Azariah De Bossi,.Zunz explicitly 
says {Kerem Chemed, Pt V., p. 130) : *' that an intelligent 
man will seek knowledge in details, before he will venture 
to discourse on great subjects." Does not this sentence 
sum up the arguments of the lest few pages ? I find in 
these few words, a dear indication of his views on the 
writing of Jewish history. The essay on De Boesi'9 
life from which I have quoted a tersely expressed, but 
widely comprehensive thought, is one of tiie most brilliant 
jewels in Zunz's diadem. The biographical sketch is a 
perfect mine of novel information for the history of the 
Jews in Italy during an entire generation (see Gratz, Pt. Y.) 
No reader can help admiring its completenes& Not a single 
detail that has any bearing on De Bossi's life has been 
left untouched. How beautiful is the author's descrip^ 
tion of De Bossi's intrepidity^ which scorned the snares 
of the rebels against the light. '^ Justice was his aim, his 
soul longed for truth, and in the might of his spirit, he 
could not refrain from plunging into the ocean of investi- 
gation. The waves of reason rolled about him and he 
heeded not the fluttering of the bats.*' Who will deny that 
in these vivid metaphors, Zunz gave us an idea» an inkling 
of the way in which he sought knowledge, and of the 
method which he followed in dealing with the bats. For 
neither were his ears sensitive to their fluttering which 
was drowned in the roar of the rushing waters of enquiry. 
This essay affords clear evidence of his complete mastery 
9ver Hebrew style, and of his desire to write the results of 
his studies in this tongue. Some German scholars scorn ta 
compose essays on Jewish science in the holy language, and 
scoff at those who adopt this practice.^ Zunz did not belong 

■ [WeisB hiniBelf mvariably writes in Hebrew, a&d the present essay 
was written in that langnag'e. — Ed. J 

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Leopold Zunz. 381- 

to their ranka I am certain thai he desired to have his 
OoUesdiemtliche Vortrdge translated into Hebrew, if he could 
only have found a competent translator who could be 
relied upon to interpret its exact meaning according to 
his conception.^ 

His fame as a master of Hebrew style travelled far 
and wide. Hence Erochmal, in his Ifiist testament, charged 
his sons to entrust his writings to Zunz for publication, 
confident that in the hands of so perfect a Hebrew scholar 
the undertaking would be brought to a successful issue. 
And indeed, how conscientiously Zunz discharged the task 
allotted to him is abimdantly evident from his preface, in 
which he discusses, with admirable conciseness and in a 
few lines, the successors and heirs to the prophets, i,e, the 
chosen scholars of every age up to the time of Krochmal, to 
whose profound erudition in the Thora and Jewish history, 
he does full justice. He depicts the confusion in which 
he found the literary remains, out of which he was asked 
to construct a perfect literary work. When we consider 
the book in its present shape and form, we are compelled 
to admire the marvellous skill with which Zunz created 
it out of chaos. With equal brevity and lucidity, be 
surveys the contents of the chapters, not like a mere 
compiler of excerpts or abstracts, but like the true critical 
student he indeed waa As an appendix to the preface, 
he wrote a long note on the three grand ethical principles 
suggested by the essay nSDT^S naiOS which the author 
had begun. The intelligent and attentive reader will 
acknowledge that they constitute the entire basis of ethical 
science, as conceived by the students of Judaism, and, 
in a generalised form they express all the good qualities 
which the seeker after truth may be recommended to 

^ G. D. Lippe, of Vienna, thoug^ht, many years ago, of publishing a 
translation of this work. Znnz replied to the request for permission, that 
he was aware how much correction the book needed, which he could not 
X>ersonally execute on account of his advanced age. He would, however, 
be pleased, if I and my colleagues were to undertake the responsibility 
of superintending the publication of a correct translation. 

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382 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

cultivate. A careful study of this section has convinced 
me that it was written from the depths of the heart, 
for all the qualities indicated were combined in the author 

" Who is wise ? He who learns from all men." This 
sentence might have been spoken of Zunz, who did not 
disdain instruction — and indeed was grateful for it — ^what- 
ever the quarter from which it came. It is indeed refresh- 
ing to observe the absolute honesty with which he records 
his thanks to S. L. Bappoport, in the preface to his 
Oottesdiemtliche Vortrdge, and acknowledges how much 
influenced he was by this scholar in his researches into 
Jewish homiletics. Bappoport was not the only one thus 
favoured He behaved towards every one in the same 
way; from the obscurest author of a wise thought he 
learnt eagerly, intelligently and appreciatively. The truth 
was always welcome to him, whatever was its source or 
authority, and whatever was the language or place in 
which it was promulgated. Absolutely indifferent was it 
to him, whether the author was a Talmudical casuist, 
Chasid, Cabbalist, Doctor, or sceptical philosopher ; 
whether he wrote or spoke in any modern vernacular, or 
conveyed his thoughts in the ancient language of the 
Hebrews. The habits and customs of the country in 
which a writer was bom and received his early training, 
never affected his estimate of his work. How many Ger- 
man scholars have I seen whose judgment of a man and 
his knowledge varies according to his society manners, 
religious beliefs and practice ! Woe to any one who appears 
before such critics in a long coat and with curly Peoth 
over his temples. Even if the visitor should be a past 
master in Pilpul and wise as Daniel, he is forthwith con- 
demned as a fooL The long coat, the Peoth and the Pilpul 
are irresistible evidence of the justice of the sentence. 
But double and treble woe to one who presumes to believe 
in the genuineness of the Cabbala, and i fortiori to one 
who studies that occult science. All the virtues cannot 

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Leopold Zunz. 383 

extenuate the heinous offence of faith in the Cabbala ! This 
was Gratz's attitude towards all who devoted themselves 
to Cabbala, and believed in its sanctity, and endeavoured 
to assist materially, or even merely showed a friendly 
interest in the students of the mysterious science. He 
pronounced ''Anathema Maranatha'" on their merits, 
qualities, efforts and achievements. See for instance, his r^ 
marks on Rabbi Joseph Caro, the Qeonim, the author of the 
D'^Qini DmH and Rabbi David Oppenheim. Zunz did not 
act after this barbarous fashion. He aspired to imitate the 
noble attribute of Qod, who looks to the heart and not to 
the outward appearance ; iudges the man and not his clothes. 
If among a thousand inanities, Zunz found a single worthy 
thought, he detached it from its mean surroundings and 
gave it a noble setting in his own writings. It never entered 
his mind to holdup its original author to scorn because the 
pearl which he had created was encrusted with sand and 

Among his many noble qualities, the following seems 
to me the noblest. He never condemned any one for 
his religious opinions. I do not find in his works ridicule 
of the sayings of our ancient sages. He carefully weighed 
all their utterances, though they did not altogether accord 
with his own modem ideaa Their value did not, he 
thought, depend upon their approximations to our latter- 
day conceptions. Those views, even, which may to us 
appear erroneous, have a basis in the sentiments of the age 
that produced theoL And to this he refers, in his intro* 
duction to Krochmal's work, when he says : " Without a 
knowledge of general history, we lack the clue to the 
history of our race. The customs and institutions of our 
ancestors that have any reasonable foundation, as well as 
their disputations and exegeses, originate in contemporary 
events." This proposition implies the following converse : 
Since our fathers' customs, institutions, controversies and 
expositions are the creatures of the ages in which they 
were bom, the records of these peculiar institutions, 


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384 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

exegeses and disputations are reliable evidences of the 
sentiments and thoughts in the early periods when they 
first saw light Hence, in order to discern the Zeit-geiat of 
any period, it does not matter, in the slightest degree, 
whether its established customs, argumentations and expo- 
sitions approve themselves^ or are repugnant to our taste. 
In either case, they reflect the character of their age. This 
will help us to understand why Zunz shows no special 
preference for the expressions of ideas that would harmonise 
with his views over those that are antagonistic to his con- 
victions. Both were subjects for calm and dispassionate 
inquiry. That which intrinsically is of secondary value, 
or even quite worthless, is useful inasmuch as it affords 
us knowledge of historical events and allows us an insight 
into mental dispositions eind degrees of enlightenment and 
culture at different epochs. For the final purpose of his 
enquiry — the study of Jewish national history — all these 
elements formed valuable material. 

Marvellous was the extent of his erudition in earlier and 
later Hebrew literature, and in all departments of criticism. 
Not unseldom does he quote from writings which seem, at 
first sight, hardly worth waisting time over. But, as already 
said, Zunz read everything, secondary and inferior, as well 
as the best literature. His strength lay in this, that, with 
his keen critical insight, he found every book that he read 
helpful to his purpose. Among a hundred inanities he 
always succeeded in discovering one valuable thought at 
least. Zunz practised devoutly the injunctions of the Tal- 
mudic sages: "Nothing uttered by a scholar should be 
scornfully rejected." And this indeed is the mark of 
a real student. Once I had in my hand a booklet 
called brtWl nns, consisting of short homilies on the 
Fentateuchal sections. I read it through from begin- 
ning to end, and could not help laughing at its fantastic 
homiletics and silly exegesis. But after I had finished 
it I found a few more pages appended. I turned over a 
leaf and was astounded to find that this volume which 

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Leopold Zunz. 385 

had aroused in me nothing but contempt for its, as I 
thought, idiotic author, contained some excellent thoughts. 
The appendix was a valuable essay on the principles of 
Talmudic Methodology. This taught me a needed lesson 
-which may be thus expressed : Do not despise a book be- 
CAXise of foolish remarks it may contain. Search it for wise 
thoughts] and, if you only find one sentence that ap- 
proves itself to your judgment, value the book for the 
sake of that sentence. Zunz deserves praise, because he 
paid heed to our inferior, as well as our worthier, literature. 
Not despising small things, he accomplished great ; became 
a teacher of many minds and set an example to be ad- 
mired and followed by all upright hearts. The reader 
must not imagine that I ever believed Zunz's knowledge 
of our ancient literature could be put on a level with 
the profound and extensive erudition of the great Talmu- 
dical scholars, who had at their fingers' ends every topic 
referred to in the Talmuds and other legalistic Jewish 
literature, were often able to repeat, word for word, the 
greater portion of it by heart, and knew in the same 
thorough fashion all the decisions of our illustrious jurists 
from Alfasi and Maimonides down to their own time, 
and were acquainted with every Midrash at its original 
source. Certainly Zunz was not an erudite scholar of that 
pattern. Heaven forbid that my love and reverence for 
the man should tempt me to transgress the line of truth in 
his praise. It would have been impossible for one who 
passed the greater portion of his childhood in the Gymna- 
sium, and of his youth and early manhood in the University, 
to attain this degree of proficiency ; the requisite leisure 
was, in his case, lacking. But Zunz, I fancy, had a unique 
method of gaining his wide scholarship. At the outset of 
his career he conceived the mighty project of diligently 
collecting the materials and noting all the sources indis- 
pensable for a knowledge of the historic evolution of the 
science of Judaism, and for a comprehension of the various 
periods and their progressive movements, and of the spirit 

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386 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

that breathes in their literary products. These authorities 
that Zunz gathered together would, he thought, ultimately 
form the firm bed-rocks on which a history might be 
reared. To attain this purpose he laboured unremittingly 
and unweariedly, and extracted from buried and long- 
forgotten works the material necessary for his plan. Ln 
this way he successfully mastered our extensive literature. 
With wonderful discrimination he gathered the roses from 
among the thorns in the garden of Jewish literature, 
separated the kernel from the shell, and acquired an almost 
unequalled a.cquaintance with books. We would, however, 
blunder egregiously if we hastily jumped to the conclusion 
that Zunz condemned the thorns to destruction, or cast 
away the shell as absolutely worthless. Much that others 
regarded as thorns was not so regarded by him. The 
argumentative methods of the Talmud, in some cases ap- 
parently perverse or casuistic; the strange Hagadas and 
astounding Midrashim ; the Cabbala, which, to the sound 
intellect, wears a forbidding aspect ; — all these elements of 
Jewish literature, which are foreign to our present concep- 
tions and modes of thought, were in his eyes not thorns to 
be thrown on the fire, but fair plants, straight and upright 
at first, that had, however, in course of time, grown warped 
and twisted. They are not, on that account, absolutely 
worthlesa By their help we can trace the progress and 
development of culture among the Jewa And since 
this forms one of the most important departments of 
Jewish history, it goes without saying that the prickly 
thorns and gnarled stems were necessary as providing a 
sure basis for investigation. 

I have already stated that all Zunz's writings afford 
evidence that one of the chief purposes, which he always 
kept in view, was to show to the world that Israel is not 
devoid of culture, and that his literature is a store-house of 
knowledge. In this he followed the great light of Judaism, 
who wrote in his letter to the scholars of Lunel (Maimo- 
nides i2e«ponM, Na 49) that his heartfelt desire was : *" To 

Digitized by 


Leopold Zunt. 387 

show the peoples and the princes the beauty of the Thora, 
for indeed she is fair to look upon/* In all Zunz's great 
works this was his goal He felt urged to proclaim that 
Israel had a literature rivalling the ancient and contem- 
porary literatures, that this woe-stricken people had a 
history, philosophy, and poetry second to none. 

To the question. What positive benefit will accrue should 
public opinion admit our claims to these excellencies, Zunz 
replied, at the beginning of his Zur LUeratur u. Oeachichte : 
*' K men recognise that Israel has a history, a science, and 
a poetic literature, like other nations, they will honour 
Jewish science and literature. They will accord the Jews 
the right of mental and spiritual equality. This recogni- 
tion of Israel's intellectual and moral elevation will lead to 
an outpouring of the spirit of humanity on the peoples. 
Mutual understanding will be followed by a bond of 
brotherhood ; the admission of the claims of Israel's 
science and literature would have as its inevitable co- 
rollary a concession of equality of rights to Jews in 
practical life." These sentences throw a flood of light on 
Zunz's aims and ideals, the goal he set himself, and the 
path by which he hoped to reach it. Zunz fought for 
equality of intellectual, social, and political rights, not 
with violent acts or with words that pierce like swords. 
He proceeded gently and steadily. His weapons were 
logical and scientific arguments that compel assent. In 
the war of words he was careful not to reply to invective 
with invective. He sought to justify Israel, to bring to 
light his uprightness, to announce among the nations the 
purity of his ideas and the sublimity of his sentiments 
to be found expressly or implicitly in his unjustly maligned 
literature. But he did not propose to enter into contro- 
versies with the reviling opponents of Judaism concerning 
their beliefs, or to pour ridicule on them and their views. 
Experience taught him, as it is daily teaching us, that those 
who resort to hard measures miss their aim. Se never 
missed it, because he observed the counsel of the text, 

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388 The Jewisli Quarterly Review. 

" Keep uprightness ; look straight : there is a future for 
the man of peace." A seeker of justice, he pursued 
humility; but he never humbled himself to the proud, 
nor used the beggar's cringing tone, for he did not crave a 
boon, but asked justice. It ought, therefore, not to be 
imagined that Zunz, advocating the claims of his people, 
always eulogised its ethics and literature in a spirit of 
partiality, while he shut his eyes to its faults and de- 
liberately concealed and denied its shortcomings. It was 
not so. Zunz was essentially a man of truth, and neither 
love nor hatred could tempt him to overstep the bounds of 
strictest accuracy. 


I deem it unnecessary to apologise for refraining from a 
discussion of every minute incident of Zunz's life ; for I 
do not intend to speak of his birthplace, early training, 
teachers, and sympathetic fellow-students by whom he 
was influenced — ^his association with them, his separation 
from them, and choice of a unique path — ^the study of 
Israel's wisdom and the advancement of his people's wel- 
fare — to which noble and worthy objects he consecrated 
his life. I will also omit any detailed account of the 
vicissitudes which befell him in the various portions of his 
life, and the difficulties that he experienced in finding a 
position adapted to his abilities; how the fates mocked 
him and changed his fortune a dozen times. At one period 
he was a teacher of children ; then he adopted the ^ling 
of preacher, and afterwards he became the editor of a 
newspaper. In none of these callings was he successful. 
At certain times he suffered destitution, and seriously 
thought of seeking a situation as derk or accountant with 
a Berlin firm. His extreme poverty and despair actually 
drove him at one time to seek a post as HNrTin rrrio, 
and he applied to Choriner, of Brody, for a Rabbinic 
diploma, which he obtained from that Rabbi. Surely 
Zunz was conscious of his comparative igporance of Jewi3}| 

Digitized by 


Leopold Zunz. 389 

legal praxis ; and yet, for the sake of a livelihood and 
salary, he so far forgot himself as to be willing to accept 
an office unsuitable to him and for which he was unsuited. 
I will not dwell upon the misfortunes which he suffered 
till he received the appointment of preacher to the Old 
Synagogue at Prague. It was not very long before he 
voluntarily resigned this office and returned to Berlin. 
These biographical details need not detain us long. In 
Adam's book it W€w evidently written : " Zunz shall win 
renown as a scholar, but shall not be styled Babbi.'' My 
purpose is not to narrate the incidents of Zunz's domestic, 
communal, and social life, and the troubles which fate and 
opposition brought upon him. I only desire to place on 
record here a necessary and impartial criticism of his 
literary attainments and achievements; to offer him a 
merited tribute of eulogy for the noble virtues which he 
taught by precept and example ; and to acknowledge the 
debt I personally owe him for the influence his life exer- 
cised upon me and the instruction I derived from his books.^ 

Yet I cannot help touching here briefly on an incident 
that affected his posthumous fame. After Zunz, towards 
the close of a long and active life, had become the glory of 
Berlin Jews, he was, as is commonly known, honourably 
maintained by the heads of that community — ^not by way 
of charity, which Zunz would never have accepted, but in 
return for some light duties. The income from this source, 
added to the profits of his later publications, supplied his 
modest wants, and left something over. This residue he 
bequeathed to a relative who had faithfully tended his old 
age till the Iskst moment On this fs/ci becoming known, 
slanderers spread an exaggerated report of the wealth he 
had left behind him. "Look," they said, '*Zunz all his 
lifetime feigned poverty, and has accumulated a fortune.'' 

' Becently an essay on ZnnE, bj Dr. Maybanm, of Berlin, has reached 
me, containing some interesting details gathered from Zanz*s letters and 
from the diary he kept. Credit is dne to Dr. Maybaom for having pnt 
together yalnable materials for a complete life of Zunz. I have had bat 
little occasion to nse them in this article. 

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390 I7i€ Jewish QMrterly Review. 

Who raised the outcry ? Not the scholars who ** eat bread 
and salt and drink water by measure, and weary them- 
Belves in the study of the Thora*'; but those who live 
daintily at the expense of others, and traffic with their 
learning. May Heaven forgive them ! 

As regards his attitude towards Biblical criticism, he 
had but little occasion to give full expression to his views. 
A complete chapter (Ch. II.) of hb Oottesdieiutliche Vor- 
trdge is devoted to a critical discussion of the exact date of 
certain of the Scriptures ; and he there demonstrates that, 
taking their contents and substance as a iair test, some of 
the Biblical writings could not have been composed at the 
dates commonly assigned them. I have not met a criticism 
of the Pentateuch in any of his formal works. But Zunz 
was not a man to hide the convictions at which he had 
arrived after ripe study and mature reflection. He, there- 
fore, in his old age, arranged his ideas on this important 
subject, and published a long essay on Biblical criticism, 
which, however, is completely taken up with a disquisition 
on the Five Books of Moses. He calls attention to the 
objections that have been advanced against the Unity of 
the Pentateuch, and offers conjectures as to those portions 
of it which should be ascribed to a later period than that 
of the Lawgiver. His inquiries, which dissect the Thora 
with the critical knife, are obviously antagonistic to the 
accepted traditions of Jewa What moved Zunz to pub- 
lish his opinions on a matter where they would, as he 
could clearly foresee, be regarded as thorns in the eyes of 
the bulk of Jewry ? Nothing but the irresistible impulse 
that urges the investigator fedthfully to declare his ripe 
and carefully-matured thoughts. The true critic cannot 
suppress the ideas, which, in his heart, he believes to be 
correct. This sufficiently explains why Zunz proclaimed 
with tongue and pen, and, in fact, published to the whole 
world, the views which he cherished as trutL' 

> A large portion of that essay appeared in the periodioal Z.D,M, ^ 
Pt. ZXYIL, p. 669 i the rest in his ooUeoted writings, Ft. I. 

Digitized by 


Leopold Zunz. 391 

But we moat remember that his critical studies, which 
repudiate Moses' authorship for considerable portions of 
the books named after him, and ascribe them to later 
periods, were only treated by him as hypotheses with a 
purely scientific value, but with no legitimate right to 
affect the actual living practice of Judabm. And, accord- 
ing to Zunz, the main thing is not study, but practice. 
Zunz never, as far as we have heard, looked upon his 
books as a guide to conduct ; never presumed to lay down 
the law ; never took it upon himself to say : These pre- 
cepts are beautiful, observe them; those are ugly and 
obsolete, abrogate them. 

The principle that governed his thoughts and beliefs 
may be thus formulated : The institutions of Judaism, as 
developed in the course of ages, adopted and confirmed by 
the custom of the Jewish people, consecrated by antiquity, 
are sacred and inviolable. To lay hands on them is to 
attack the very citadel of Judaism. So he expressly de- 
clares in a reply which he addressed to the Abb6 Chiarini, 
who presumed to teach the Jews the path they should 
walk in religion (Zunz, Oeaammette Schrijten, Pi I., Sect. 12. 
Berlin: 1875). In that answer to our would-be mentor, 
who advises the Jews as to what is good for them, and 
enjoins them that if they wish to prosper they ought to 
give up their oral traditions, and return to the Law of 
Moses — as the Karaites had done — Zunz explicitly says : 
" The history of every nation exhibits either a rise or fall 
— ^progress or retrogression. No nation ever reverts to its 
ancient position, no people has ever allowed itself to be 
fettered by the dead letter. Holy Writ, as well as history, 
teaches that the Law of Moses was never fully and com- 
pletely carried out in its literal sense. Liberty was given 
. to the great leaders of every generation to make modifica- 
tions and innovations through the properly constituted and 
generally recognised authorities. Priests and prophets^ 
kings and Synhedria,^ made frequent use of this right. 
* Aooording to tradition, the text, "p^H^ Xt( Mlinn ^33 ('* aooording 

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•892 The Jewish Quartetiy Retietc. 

Hence, a return to Mosaism would be illegal, pernicious, 
and, indeed, impossible. As our would-be adviser does not 
approve of the whole of the laws of Moses, but picks and 
chooses divers parts which strike him as harmonising 
.with the general spirit of Scripture, and others which 
accord with the sentiment prevalent at the present moment 
(and who can tell what the fate of the latter will be), 
would not the acceptance of his counsel thicken the con- 
fusion, create fresh sects eind schisms, and inflame religious 
bigotry ? Seventeen centuries' experience has abundantly 
taught the Jews that the strivings for innovations of this 
character have always disturbed the communal peace, 
jeopardised their social harmony, prosperity, and happi- 
ness, and been invariably succeeded by bitter pangs of 
conscience." Zunz, therefore, impelled by these views, 
sums up his arguments at the end of his reply substan- 
tially as follows : — '' We religionists will never accept the 
advice tendered us by this critic. Any reform in the 
fundamentals of our faith is so much labour lost, and is 
indeed positively injurious to our best interests." The just 
inference to be drawn from this sentiment is, that, though 
Zimz was a severe Biblical critic, yet his scientific criticism 
had no connection with the living practice of religion, in 
which he did not deviate by so much as a hair's breadth 
from the customs of his people. Zunz, far firom desiring 
or approving, abhorred every reform of traditional 
Judaism. According to the views expressed in this essay, 
he certainly believed that nothing was better for Jews than 
faithful adherence to the accepted religious customs of the 
Jewish people, which have become, by long usage, a part 
of Israel's religion. 

to the law which they shall teach thee ") points to the laws of the elders. 
Of the disoretioxi allowed the prophets, Elijah^s procedure on Mount 
Carmel is an apt example. In regard to the priests, it is said, " Thou 
' shalt come to the priest who shall be in those days." Of kings, as 
legislators, I know of none whom Zunz had in mind, except Heiekiah. 
The Synhedrion's main function was legislatorial. 

Digitized by 


Leopold Zunz. 393. 

The essay from which I have just quoted was written in 
Zunz's youthful period, when his heart was full of hopes 
and plans for the distant future. In those days, there 
were not a few holders of, or aspirants to, the Babhinical 
office, who gave themselves up, heart and soul, to the Reform 
movement. Some of these preachers whom I knew, would' 
have overturned the whole edifice of Judaism, had it de* 
pended on their will or wisL But Zunz, &s we have seen, 
even in his young days, was not of their party. Nor when, 
advanced in years, and ripened in knowledge, he stood at 
the summit of his fame, did he alter his opinion. His views 
on the abrogation of Jewish customs or institutions, are set 
forth with sufficient explicitness in his controversy with 
Geiger in 1845, between whom and himself a difference had 
broken out, which had the effect of considerably cooUng 
their friendship. Geiger found it intolerable that a scholar 
of Zunz's stamp should bear him ill-will. Not a week had 
formerly passed without an interchange of correspondence 
and now a long time had elapsed without a line from Zunz. 
Even his own letters to Zunz had been left unanswered. 
Geiger wrote again to his friend a long letter, complaining 
of the latter s inexplicable silence and estrangement. This 
is not the place for large quotations from a correspondence 
which has no direct bearing upon our present purpase. 
But one point is noteworthy. Geiger blames Zunz severely 
and uncompromisingly, for having, in one of his essays, 
upheld the custom of wearing phylacteries, eks a noble and 
sacred institution {Oesammelte Schnften, Part IL, p.l72, aeqq,), 
Geiger wonders at this advocacy. "Even admitting," he 
says, " that every popular custom may possibly have a deep 
meaning, what can be said in favour of this particular 
usage, which is based on a mistaken interpretation of the 
text (referring to t/non's exposition), and approaches 
dangerously close to the superstition of wearing amulets 
and charms. Does such an institution deserve to be called 
holy?" He criticises Zunz for his essay {Ibid. 191) on 
the sanctity of the Abrahamic rite, in which the aathoi: 

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394 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

exclaims, "Qod forbid that we should tamper with this 
precept, which was in past times, and is still at the present 
day, reverenced as sacred by the whole Jewish people. Who 
will dare to abrogate, with impunity, this holy rite ? '* Geiger 
dissented, '' Though I agree tiiat it was unwise on the part 
of the Be/orm Verein to touch the rite of circumcision* 
which the bulk of Jews still hold sacred, yet I cannot com- 
prehend the necessity of working up a spirit of enthusiasm 
for the institution on the ground that it is generally 
esteemed." On a third occasion, he took Zudz to task because 
he heard that the latter observed the regulations of Judaism 
in his household arrangements more strictly than ever. ^* K 
Zunz's scrupulousness and punctiliousness," he says, " were 
a consequence of the office he holds [he was, at that time, 
principal of the Training College for Jewish Teachers in 
Berlin], it would be intelligible." But he heard it reported 
that Zunz's strictness was an outcome of his inward con- 
victions ; that he thought it every Jew's duty to maintain 
in their integrity the traditional customs universally ac- 
cepted by the commimity. This, to him, was incomprehen- 
sible. To Qeiger's ambiguous words, Zunz replied clearly 
and decisively, without qualification or reservation, in terms 
that express his fundamental views on Reform in Judaism, 
of which the following is the gist: "The norm as well as 
the sanction for Judaism is the practice actually in vogue. 
Its obligation rests on the consecration of general usage. 
The great thinkers, Maimonides, Ibn Ezra, Nachmanides, 
have the right and privilege of building on this foundation. 
It is our duty to change our own ways ; our religion needs 
no change. Foreign excrescences, that have attached them- 
selves to the pure creed, need to be removed, but the sacred 
inheritance of the congregation of Jacob should not be 
touched. The outcry against the Talmud can only come 
from one who has renounced Judaism." Thus far Zunz. 
This is not the place to speak about Geiger. My object 
is to sketch in his own words Zunz's character, methods 
and views on practical Judaism, and he traditions in vogue, 

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Leopold Zunz, 395 

which alone, according to him, can form an actual standard 
for the religious life. We may wonder at the combination, 
^1 an honest man like Zunz, of two diametrically opposed 

How is scepticism as to the unity of the Pentateuch to 
be reconciled with a marked reverence for tradition shown 
in a stem refusal to budge an inch from what has been 
consecrated by the adoption of the people? How is a 
zeal for the honour of the Talmud, which he carries to 
the extreme length of renouncing all communication with 
its detractors, compatible with a doubt, not kept to 
himself, but deliberately disseminated, as to the authen- 
ticity of the first five books of the Bible ? We shall have 
no occasion for surprise if we bear in mind the point 
already touched upon, that for Zunz, study and practice 
are distinct provinces. The investifrator should be at 
liberty to explore ; the soul, God's gift, is not in bonds. 
But any professor of a particular religion is bound to rule 
his life according to the code that obtains among his 
co-religionists; and this code is indeed difierentially re-^ 

Among his many excellent qualities, one stands pre- 
eminent — ^the virtue of toleration. He was patient to- 
wards the views of others, both in religion and criticism. 
Only wickedness exasperated him. Would that all Jewish 
fldiolars emulated him in this respect. Frequent ex- 
perience should have taught us sufficiently that intolerance 
breeds discord, and peace alone promotes well-being. 
Alas! to the sore grief of all right-minded people, in- 
tolerance is an old evil among the Jews. We find it 
manifested first and foremost by those who differ in their 
dogmatic belief. " Hard-shell " orthodox Israelites in one 
camp, arrayed against free-thinking sceptics. Neither 
party can bear the other. The air is filled with their 
vehement and constant contentions. And yet both sides 
are thoroughly honest The one is honest in its uni- 
versal faith, the other in its spirit of universal 

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396 The Jewish Quarterly Mevietc. 

inquiry. What need of quarrelling? Let each^ cling to 
his genuine beliefs. A man has no business to set himself 
up as a judge of his neighbour's thoughts. This office 
belongs to God alone, who searches the heart. Such 
contentions have deprived us of many advantages, and 
ruined our communal peace. Yet, in spite of these 
notorious considerations, partisans persist in disputations. 
Why? Because intolerance has filled them with a mad 
perverseness. The discussions of Jewish scholars and 
critics are warped by intolerance. Scholars obstinately 
stand on their individual opinions without a shred of 
reason, as if they had sworn fealty to the children of 
their brains. Everyone regards his argument, no matter 
whether good or bad, strong or weak, as absolutely 
irrefragable, and cannot brook opposition. Intolerance 
is to blame when scholars belittle and disparage each 
others' work, and criticise hastily, adversely, and un- 
justly. Of these despicable vices, Zunz showed not a 
trace. He had an open mind for all views, even for 
those not accordant with the bent of his own idea& He 
did not obstinately maintain his own opinion against sound 
reason. He welcomed every intellectual production, and 
encouraged and stimulated every student. His ear and 
heart were always ready to receive truth, whether it came 
from a renowned or obscure source. 

One more quality I will finally note: Zunz never 
cared to write critical notices of contemporary work. I 
do not remember ever to have seen a critique by him 
on a new publication. When I brought out my Hebrew 
History of Jewish TradUion — I do not, at the present 
moment, remember whether it was the first or second part 
in connection with which the incident I am about to relate 
occurred — ^I sent him a copy, and in the letter which 
accompanied the presentation, asked him to favour me with 
his opinion of my work. He replied in eulogistic terms, 
such as I had hardly dared to anticipate, but added : " Your 
wish that I should write a critique [evidently misunder- 

Digitized by 


Leopold Zunz, .397 

standing my request] is one to which I cannot accede. To 
write critical notices on new books was never my metier** 
How wise was this self-denying ordinance ! No oflSce is 
more ungrateful than that of a critic. I have noticed in 
the press the writings of over a hundred authors, and in 
every case vexation has been the result of my labours. 
Authors' whims are enough to make one weep. One man 
writes a book ; another examines it and gives an honest 
judgment, praising temperately its merits. But what is 
the poor critic to do with the faults and positive inac- 
curacies and errors ? Are the blemishes to be glossed over 
for the sake of the author ? And yet many knights of the 
pen are so hypersensitive that they cannot bear it to be 
said that their books contain errors. Others, have I seen, 
who knock at the scholar's doors and humbly beg : •* Oh, 
dear critic, deign to notice my work, proclaim its praises.*' 
The critic, good-naturedly notices the work, but his honesty 
will not permit him to hide its faults, and so he earns the 
author's undying hatred. Zunz acted wisely in refraining 
from all criticisms on contemporary literature. 

Summarising the virtues of the hero of this sketch, I 
would say that he was of " noble temper," that he loved his 
fellow-men and endeavoured to guide their steps to the 
Thora, that he was an honest worker, a fruitful explorer. 
Not more than bare justice was done him in the eulogy 
which I published at his death, in which I said that " his 
work still lives and will live for ever. His memory will 
never fade." Israel will honour, to the last generation, the 
man who devoted all his energies, during the whole of his 
life, to the study, elucidation, and exposition of the literature 
of Judaism. 

I. H. Weiss. 

VOL, VIl. D D 

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398 jThe Jetmsh Quarterly Revmc, 


Very little is to be found in bibliographical works con- 
cerning Alfonso, who was one of the chief contributors to 
the Polyglott Bible, called Complutensis, in the matter con- 
taining the Targum. Roderiguez de Castro* says that Alfonso 
was bom in 1480 A.D., and embraced Christianity in 1492. 
"We shall see, later on,' that our author was bom in 1474, and 
that there is no date mentioned concerning his conversion. 
As to his death, Le Long' mentions the yeax 1531, without 
indication of the source from which he derived it; we 
shall find later on^ that Alfonso wrote as late as 1544, 
when he describes himself as old and unhappy. The same 
confusion will be found concerning Alfonso's letter,* ad- 
dressed to the Jews at Rome, where he called himself the 
son of the wise (Rabbi) Juan de Zamora ; from which we 
may conclude that Alfonso*s father also embraced Chris- 
tifi^ty, perhaps to escape the frequent massacres at 
Zamora. There were at Zamora many celebrated families, 
such as the ancestors of Isaac Ibn Aramah,* author of 
pns^ nipVy and of those of Jacob Ibn Habib, author of the 
^V^ YV.'' Zamora had a special rite (riTOD) concerning 

Alfonso, to judge from his pure Hebrew style, was edu- 
cated in a Jewish school before he went to the University 
of Salamanca, as was the case with Paul CoroneP and 

^ Biblicteoa EspaHola^ 1. 1., p. 399. * See below, No. xviii. 

» BiUiotheca Saera (foL 1723), t II., p. 604J. 

• See below, No. xviii * See below, p. 401. 

• Kore Ha-dorot (ed. Oassel), fol. 30a. » Ihid., foL 32a. 

• MS. BodL Hebrew d, foL 43, H-TIDD n^HDn \r\2, D^:ini^ DOH^D) 

• F. Delitesch, Studies on the CompL Polyglott^ 1872, p. 27. 

Digitized by 


Alfonso de Zamora, 

Alfonso de Alcala,* who were his coadjutors for the Com« 
platensian Bible, which appeared in 1515. Our Alfonso 
seemed to be in great favour with the Cardinal Ximenez 
de Cisneros, and later on with his successor as Archbishop 
of Toledo, Don Alfonso de Fonseca, to whom he dedicated 
his second edition (1526) of the Hebrew grammar in Latin. 
The first appeared at the end of the fifth volume of the 

The following is the dedication which is to be found in 
the second edition (foL DD 86), from which we learn that 
Alfonso re-edited it in Alcala de Henares, with the help 
of Professor Pedro Siruello. It was set in type by Roderigo 
de la Torre in the printing office of Michael de Egia, under 
the supervision of Professor Don Juan de Pedraso. 

: irtob mw's nrw nj»n\ rronpn lanjiDM Vi»n 

onDM nH» D37 w^n "(vxhn pyipin nso rxt >rran b'»n'»? 

Tmn noTM bDD * ma^^DH?^ yvy^^v^ rmrxo ^m n'^'^w^ p»bn 
"^nmv nr» : n'^aittipn D^rrpron noon "^n^^r) nB;«ai ^t 
MTi '^D ♦ nbiD^btt b» biTjn )p^n laa^iM nDKDni ryvxn:^ 
lay bD ^rhvw v^n^ '^aabi ♦ tidd msbo na^nM iia^Mnn 
: njT»B^i9 >-r "wt^ta ]n lott^n \r\^^ na^M ♦ Timi rf?D> Tan 
niDsnn n>SD o^TW5'»» n >^«?bs Hnnn ]koa rmnm 
"^nM irr ri?^D "^3 ♦ nn vn na^M on^am D'^Dsrm rfrnpn^ 
Vna mm nnian c??^m -invi ♦ nnrf? '»3^:«dmi '^3iptn nm 
• rro^bayn vui^m ins bM "^rttv M^n ^s ib'»Bn'»p tnTp 
rxt "^ivwv biTj mian ^d ♦ rra^nn D'»rf?M nDsnn na^M 
nam mn i^BTbn r^nbi n^ib biTj pa^n orf? rrrra? n^»n 
nno I'^nnbn Dpso p^sorf? ♦ in urh -r^Mrf? biTi th'^s w^ 
triTDa ri?')^ ♦ nnoon dvt»md anwv^ n»nM ♦ onson 

* OMtro, ^u?., who quotes from Paolus Colomesius* Italia et Hispania 
(HtntalU, p. 218. 

DD 2 

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400 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

♦ •^an^^W'^ ]'»3Db a^a^i nna7^i niwD a^om nbM raa? ♦ i'*W9 
]'^ntt') ]Dboi "la?'^ piw "^litD rf?"^! ti'^-nri ppirron t \v 
iw!5n3 "ia7M bon "inv ^no^si') nvniwn y^p^^n ni3D')N3 
nphnTj? n ]hv yn Tom rmon '»D'»n : "nso niibbn 
: '»'^yHi Tban : bh6 nbnn : mn no^nn rY^nn tDSW*) pnn 
: nnT novy D^3i« px^ ♦ ro ^^ jni3 inn 
: n^p^ nibnnn pn:i • np^ p|Di^i ddh pdb^ 
s np^ 5jDn pnv^ jnin • niy ddhm ddh^ |n 
; n^nn p^D* d^ki • noan kvo mtc n^rtc 
5 nn«nn p-viDi • p|Dd thod mno nitD o 
: }DKi }DK D^iy^ niiT inn • • ik^u 

On the last folio, after the Symbolum, come the follow- 
ing lines, from which we can see that Alfonso had many 
enemies, and felt himself unhappy, in spite of his successful 

: -p^^i^ • D^^^B «iVDb • DVK1 «ni3 • Di^ ^mDt 

X imnyn • *3y niion • »3iDnn »3 ♦ ^3^^vn 

: i^tDDB^n • iDKun • lonnin * lor^n 

: iinDB^ ♦ D^i3 :hy\ • D^nn nnr • d^dd ^d *3 

: inK^^ ^^3 • r\'or\ \:hr\ • hd-id nntc ♦ nosn itotr 

: imina • ^3;d ^d • ^^riJ'in • ^jk ^bi 

: injntrn • ^^« n^cn • ^^byo m • ^byo non 

Digitized by 


Alfonso de Zamora. 401 

Between the Grammar and Dedication we find (on page 
BB) the famous Letter addressed to the Jews at Rome and 
the surrounding country for controversial purposes, written 
in Hebrew with an interlinear Latin translation. The book 
seems to be so rare, that the bibliographers have never seen 
it, and give therefore a wrong description of it. Many have 
said that this Letter is to be found in the Complutensian 
Bible after the Grammar, which is not the case. Le Long, 
and many after him, confound Alfonso's Letter with St. 
Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews, which Alfonso ti'anslated into 
Latin. Castro and Maittaire give the right description of it. 
As far as our knowledge goes, copies of this Letter are to 
be found in the British Museum (two copies), in Paris and 
Berlin. Neither the Bodleian library, nor the University 
library of Cambridge possesses a copy of it. Being so rare, 
we believe we axe justified in giving a description of it. 

The title of the Letter is the following : — 

and it is divided into seven chaptera The first begins as 
follows : MnpH D'^ttTM DD'»bM mmn'^nDi m^n bnp Vn ^^w^h 
containing a kind of introduction, and the second chapter 
gives proofs from the Old Testeonent for the Trinity. They 
are the same which we find in all controversies. The chief 
passages are, (a) in Isaiah vi. 3, where we find three times 
wy\p " holy " ; (b) in Zechariah xii. 10. Alfonso says : T^^m 
^Db w'hwn nro bv ntn npnn i>vm hoa M^nan innst 
ntr)p^^ vbw nniriD onDO n'^pi:^:! "^bH rhw ♦ ^bM iiD'^nni natw 
-rnw bsn a^npn rmi ]y) dm "^d rm^nb ^ba Li fact, the 
Codex Babylonicus has the variation of vbH and ^bs.^ We 
shall see, later on,* that Alfonso was well versed in 
grammar as well as in Massorah. Finally, Alfonso quotes 
the famous passage in the Zohar, W'^lp MTin tt^np Mnw a7^Tp 

» See Baer'8 edition, 1878, p. 89, and ed. Ginsburg, 1894, p. 1116. 
« See page 402. 

Digitized by 


402 The Jeunsh Quarterly Review, 

Chapter 3 has for subject the Hebrew grammar. The 
writer says that he has studied the grammatical works 
of Judah Hayyuj, of B. Jonah, of the Ben Elzras, but all 
of them are without method, and none of their disciples ean 
write Hebrew. The following is the Hebrew text : — 
minn a^n'^Di jDipi )nw m'^mosn -iTon T^^rnb '»nw 
^amTDwn mb w^w nvw^p^ nipson nsp nb^pi iiDbni 
TOWbnn ]WHnTTO VnnK) i ddv ^^rf? ij>bp otw Mt&Yijjn 
rm hD "^n^tr^ pMpm no^m >d : ronrfto -qth fmm) 
: TOV '»9i'» mim •»?•! nrw u^^noipn rr-onDn •orcm 

'»?"] nDipn*) ♦ WTT»D 037 Tni2>pn vrw rwo ^yj^ • bifeDon 
Dm3« '^?1 ansa? no '^n'»Mn cai : ntim '»5i nn ^0^32 
na?'* inw mo lib'^OM nmnso b» r« ram : rrjT? W 
ly "^s • p')ipin rnon D3^B7b nnib vb:; tT»TDbnn i:n3D'»» 

DD31tt3b nn-f? 37T^ bDVW TTTM TClbn lb'»0« MSD3 h6 Dl^ 

rroiTpn ^aro^oM D^3'»»MDn Dvn D'»a7')y» ids p^ipm -jtdi 
urh ^3na na^H npiTpi mo by n^'^om p»b o^mw 
ni»n UD'hv xs^T^'b am ♦ D^snriMni n^3impn tannron 
nwiw nnDon bH I2ibn rf? taw M3^©b nn-ib d>37Tp M3W 
'^SMi • D3'»3'*3y "^sb DS'bw "inT na^M pioon n'^Dtnb tynwin 
rw l^fflb 3yb3 ♦ n3'»p T^m ^rvvw^ nD« nt b^ '^s lav 
^s • M^n m roDi : noa? ^^^y nv idm m DTipi • hd'o 
p'np'ib D'^sn^n amon nnb i^t rf? '•mDta? D^^nnn 
nn/n^ nnsi nnnn inns') itd h6n Dmnni V?nbni d31»*? 
nom ns'^aribi »nrb dim bs nrfj'^a? ly -pif? rfw 
piTpm rorf?i3 nn'^n p b:;*) ♦ D'^sns nnrn rrnon 
n3')tt7b iiob pbi • «a7Db un'bv '^nn') • hddto )2«d rsvm 
I35bi ♦ P'^'ib iy3'»') irf?** tbw Drib nitt tw >3 • banrrn bi? 
iM /T^hnob «btt7 "T)nyni ♦ nnvi )norh D^3'»DNDn DTby 
nnn ira na^H n'^mpDn bn nib •^ronn rf? ]iarb tmi ns 
^bw •)3n3 DMnb nmirib irin d« tm ♦ opiTpin onnren 
• ribni b^Bi nw yni by nnnm miM bs oDb nbaw wi 
nt TODS') : rD'»n bM rf?i bwaa^n bH dbsa^n ids -tbth 
ronsn rv^nn "^d bib riT "^s • Dmpn nioMi id>t nbi to 
^Twn rf? D« "^s T)D'^ "^b rw ^^ b')D'» mnnn v^hh tsp bn 
: nbstt? ^norib nbsa^n pMpin riDsnn rQiDni marn t"'" 

Digitized by 


Alfonso de ZamorcL 408 

nrnnMn nni bs nSbAi r^rf? Da^rr^an ti'^or* rfpa? )3» bD 

wn^Qw 1DD inb nb37inb iw dh^dh t^i bv nn^^ ibtt^di 
^D3 niMbsai nibn:i nm:: by rf? bs« ♦ pnru p '»'?? '»?t 
•••rronpn lamDw n'»3'»DMDn nniani nroDrrn iBrT^Bi i3^nrr» 

In the fourth chapter he says as follows : 

npSDD nno Hj'^hn • mwan n'hwrh nnaM (theorici) 
nnn psDD r« ""^ ^^^^ • nibDn p\id:i m by lans^a? 
nvniN3 ro^^n ubwn nDODi ♦ ^nn^Dn y5S55 noDDb 
Hina? '•asn n'^ann '•an own •^nw lana rf? Dvn iy V^TQT 
nmnb nibon F|iDn ninins in V^IQT nvrnw bs« pDo 

wnn rf?» 

The sixth chapter has for subject the Talmud, of which 
Alfonso says the following : — 

rs^w D'^y-iT nnw 'niD ww3, Tinbnn DS^Dsn yi^n ny 
nSbon '•nt&n n'bbsa dbiDa? ♦ rp"*^ nmnta D'^ayip D'^a^ai 
DO? w^^ ♦ ta^D pVb vn p "^s ninw ♦ ^tap pt orro ibwn 
DUSTS') ri'^-pn T^i by n'^m onm nrrinni n'^Monan '^^ra 

• nma layV o'^a^DMDn nrnw iyi^ tawa? D^VyiD oa'^M ^d D'bnni 

• HHinan n^^wwr^ inw ot^nniD nowir niDibnn ^yin^ idd 
nw^bn wini ♦ inw Dnmsi D'^bbsriDi vby D'»D!ri ^n n>a'»DMDn 
riDwir 1DD DD'^DDrm rr^nn nnn a?** )3i • h^wn binbni nion 
Tn*^ by «in Dwa; ♦ ^np nya^n m nnns "^aibD n-n mnn'^M 
IT iM lymt iH whnn rf?i na'^wa wib'^a^on nzab ba^D 
Tbn aiy noMD pi ♦ na^iipn lana'^DM '»a'»Dwab pirnj wya? 
npy^Hi Kaw bn'^M '^hdid "^rbn mni bHna?** narro by ^a^nn 
nnai '»n')npa') "^bna •^rw') may^^nn n'^bpa; '^n'^'^aas >iw^^ mtiid 
s'^ro HI by*) '^nnani n-^a'^wb '^nisn n'»'»DnDb wn ♦ n^onsib 
•»na7i3 "^D ♦ ronna? rf?H mna? >npn bs ♦ mna? n-^yan "^aa; 
DnDiwa; nnDDon nih6Dan p*) ♦ nbwn nnsm yiDa;bi Mnpb 
D>pm» iw^ nbHD n>3'n nnnw nnnii ♦ wo'^a n'»b a^'^mriM 

Digitized by 


404 The Jeicuih Quarterly Retiew. 

Ton DDts^; D'»a7')y vna? •^n'lD-itt?'* tswa? cDb naw '•aMi : ikt* 

^iib riDwn i^T rf? Dvn i3?a7 itd it niawDi man nmnon 
maw niban • nta-i nva^pm ♦ nn'»r6rf? a7TnT*?i • nn'^MiDD 
-a ntt?n "^^l m by ]wiinn sriD p*) • nnwn ^bn nnm 
mpDD M^nn bsby nn ^mi • ^rr^T:itT( b^wn bnbn Him • ]Dna 
«b nbw bs %nibnni ♦ anno? nrDian M'^n ^n r)« ninn 
HD : binbn nso Hirra? '•ob iinbnn p nv^^ nib ^nwnn 
Qmrnsi nn'»pnn niDiipn •^a'^naiDH Q'»a>DWDb p vwo; 
D>y"m D'^an'^Stt') D'^aiDai nnra nbin "^n cnbtt? nvo-JMi 
T« ]3 DH1 ♦ mwipi rv\p^D "by) cmnicDn bn binbn ^bn 
D'^'^pm m nnosi • vt nwvt^ bsi nim nb^v^ bH la'^inn 
inwn rf? taw nan'* rf?i DD-in'» naitw manb niriDn mn 

: rronpn lanaiDW rD«nb 

The seventh chapter treats of the Kabbalah, of which we 
give the following extract : — 

DDnoDn M^n*) iravyn nbnpn riDDh DS'^GDn riDn ii^y 
no'hv D'^prwD nn '•n D'^xayn '»a'»5b wb bnn Qona'^si 
Dn37T» inn naw ri5| Hina; minnni K^"itD© h'*:ii ^ipn^iann 
DD'^orn nnTB? -iinwi • tantDba; by nyl^}^ vni ]iai bo'^a '^n 
D^miDn bn ]nb nainni -no** ^bn Dai!n "^sb rwrn rrDnnn 
♦ ta^a^a niTm cop nni nn "^n ann Tnn rnnn** nnnm 
noTn nbnp nbnpn nodh nnnyi obi • 3nr rf? nn -inwi 
bn n3'»n'» rf^iD nn-^n nnio in a?^ -iinyn nnnn wbi '•a^on 
riwa^a nninn nbHi • bna nnn n-^n^ rf? nH '•aia'^n niM 
nnri'^n nnmn ih ipnniam misn im nvnisn ninon 
: nibnn ih nvniwn va3?n im ninnn 

We shall now enumerate, chronologically, Alfonso's lite- 
rary productions, original (which are few) as well as copies, 
with the complete Hebrew postscripts. We do not pretend 
to be exhaustive, for it is possible that some works of his 
exist in some provincial libraries in Spain. It is even pos- 
sible that there are some of his MSS. in one or another of 

Digitized by 


Alfomo de Zamorcu 405 

the Madrid libraries, as well as at the Escorial, which we 
have overiooked. We hope that our learned friend, D. Fidel 
Fita, will be able to supplement the lacunae. We shall see* 
that no work of Alfonso is recorded between 1500 and 1516, 
but we can scarcely believe that Alfonso remained inactive 
for fifteen years. 

I., DATE 1500. 

Targura on Prophets, with a Latin translation, to be 
found in the University Library of Madrid, without name, 
but probably by Alfonso de Zamora. Colophon : — 

v»mn w'ln n'^ansn ^hh T^^^^'i iptc^^DawnD '•wis yxi rb^vi 
in>Dn urtTi now rr^r\ ninDa? wnpn in n'»'>(Ti wiy ib inM^ 
D'^n-11 "^nw T*pn nWDni mbtc^n vriDttn ssaa \h ^^v^ 

n^w vbin wmb dv f on riba73i win ni«n2 ^n tn^d ^d wdd 
i±2 "^S p^om n'^iTDn -frn labwia nw'^nb mwa a^Dm n^w 

: D'^nbH Tonn ii^bitD n iDa?'^n'>D"iw H^aDo^'^H n 

Made by the command of Cardinal Ximenez; finished 
the 27th July, 1500 A.D. 

II., DATED 1516. 

MS. at the University Librstry of Salamanca. This MS. 
contains: (I) n'^a^n "nan nvwn, "On Poetry," by Gabirol, 
attributed to Moses Qamhi (in the Latin translation written 
Camcht) in the edition; the real author is David Ibn 
Yahya;^ (2) "the Accents according to the Italian and 
Sephardic rites *' ; (3) " R. Meir ben Todros Abulafia's Ma- 
soretic treatise (miDtt)," finished the fifth of Elul, 4987 A.M. 
= 1227, at Toledo. Colophon: — am mn "iDDH bn nbtt73 
^^V''W^^2 ni'bb f "^i p^'m n^w naa^n nmtDiw wirh d'^d'» 'i 'n 
i^nbw wnan ]WDn nny miDHa? n wa'ft'w >^^v n^a^D yw» 

* See below, Nob. I. and II. 
' See Steinschneider, Catal. Libr. Heh, Ox.^ p. 866. 

Digitized by 


406 The Jettish Quarierlp Review, 

bn:i niPntas vmy^H n. Finished at Alcale de Henam, 

Monday, the seventh of October, 1516, under great diflBcol- 
tie& Alfonso claims to have taken this treatise from a 
copy made by Baruch Ibn Sahl (bno), who transcribed it 
from the autograph, and there he saw the author's signa- 
ture, R Meir hal-Levi ben R. Todros. The date of com* 
position, 4987, as well as the words HOW no'^m 1«n '»rn 
is also found in the Escorial MS., G. Pluteo L, No. 5, 
which contains the commentaries on Psalms by D. Qamhi 
and M. Meiri, and those by Bashi and Levi b. Qeishom 
on the five Megilloth, Ezra and Nehemiah, followed by 
•^DTiDb pn rrr^DD ^r^W and the nnion 'd, but the name 
of the copyist, Baruch, does not occur in it, as far as we 
have noticed it. (4) "D. Qamhi's Dictionary," dedicated 
to Ximenes (y^Ti^W 'iS pi mwn:2), and here Alfonso 
says that he is forty-two years old. He gives the title 
of these four treatises, which are translated into Latin^ 
as MHH n>np (Genesis xxii. 2), in allusion to the num- 
bers of the books found in ii There are some glosses on 
the last two treatises. At the end of the MS., by another 
hand, it is stated that the King Don Carlos, son of Dona 
Juana (KDH^Ui ^Til). daughter of Don Fernando and Isabella, 
went to Spain in the year 1518, when he was seventeen or 
eighteen years old, and brought with him a councillor, 
called W'^^'^W, who had put enormous taxes upon the people. 
This caused a revolution against the king, and he had to 
return to his country with great shame. 

Ill, DATED 1517. 

"Targum of Hagiographa," with a Latin translation 
(forming the second volume of No. 1). Colophon : — cfcw 

Made at the wish of Cardinal Ximenez at AJcala de 
Henares, finished Wednesday, the 8th of April, 1517. 

Digitized by 


Alfomo de Zamara. 407 

IV., DATED 1519. 

In the Angelica at Rome, No. 21/ "Grammar and Die- 
iionary of Joseph Caspi (see HisMre lAttiraire de la France^ 
t XXXI., p. 499). Colophon :— •»r'^n» DVn ntn nSDH cftjtw 
rr&h na737 r\vw^^^ niKD a^om F|bM raw v^bti »-rrf? /d 
]kon n» m^DHD '»•? W3if?M T b37 miDttn vwr\^ la^y'^irio 
»n«3*'H n rf?kob« «n02. Copied at Alcala de Henares, 
fnished on Saturday, the 23rd July, 1519. 

v., DATED 1619. 

"Escorial Pluteo 2. c 85. Moses Qamhi's ibntt, with 
Benjamin's notes and a part of the bbso." Written at 
Alcala de Henares, finished in December, 1519. 

VI., DATED 1620. 

At the end of a Bible with the lesser Massorah, written 
Tebeth, 6242=1481, at Tarasona, by Yom Tob, son of 
Isaac Amarillo (see Archives des Missions Scientifiques, 2nd 
s^rie, vol v., p. 424), followed by the text of the." Megillath 
Antiochos'* (in Hebrew), we find the following colophon: — 
H*?H roa? rriMD ayinn yamn dv miDMD ^i wat^H "^aM 
irm ins >y^v^ ^rm ttj^rei "^ns ^^'sn nb6m didd 5pni 

u^rh\b (effaced) ^rmi "ovt^ '^d'^i ^ban ^2ibi '^rmb niao 

In this postscript, dated the Ist of March, 1520, Alfonso 
complains of his friends who turned from him ; he is un- 
happy and ill (see below, p. 414). 

VII., DATED 1520. 

Escorial Pluteo I., No. 4. " Genesis," with Spanish trans- 
lation and marginal notes, has the following colophon : — 

nrwi ^D niMTiDiin d37 rY^DMnn \w mn noon oba^a 
frr\ Jibw rOiW vati a^irf? u^iy> f d 'a nvn ^or nnviDn 

' See the Catalogno, p. 94. 

Digitized by 


408 Tlie Jeimh Quarterly Review. 

rittDnn bnnn nsnnb a^nwH "^i rfrwnbM «n»n minwo 
'^>b rQtt; \nwn bDn lytsa? o i^»wTn>D n "^s n'»nbR Finished 
Tuesday, the 26th June, 1520, at Alcala de Henares for 
Sirillio (see above, p. 399). 

VIII., DATED 1526. 

National Library, Madrid, C. 33, No. 5. D. Qamhi, Dic- 
tionary without vowel points, except the word ^TOfJi P^" 
bably by Alfonso, dated Thursday, the 11th August, 1526, 
according to the end, where we read, a7irf? D^D^ f^'* 'n D'P 
\'n3-r miDDn yw» la^'^a^in riTbb f di ,yn rem itaotw 

a7n«D^H n ribHDb« ncan n'^n td:;'* M'^na? -idik At be- 
ginning we read : D^M^nan "^tt^TT^S ^aDBTtt? b^lp ]nDb nttW3 

D'^riv Da^Ho? in'^nm t'^aawa? br nwsn'* rf^a; "^s nnpa "^b d?to7 

nDrf?D ^DD niTipa ^bn D^tt?TT»D lib an nrc\p^ "bn Knrb 

: bD^y ta^^Di nn nna -inr "b rrrri b'^ia piw 

Finished Thursday, 16th August, 1526. He mentions the 
Professor Antonio de la Foveta as being opposed to the 
establishing of an university at Alcala de Henares. He 
mentions the priest Corea who reproached Sanjez that he 
could not read unpointed Hebrew. We cannot elucidate 
the matter in dispute ; nothing of it is mentioned in La 
Fuente's Mistoria de las Uhiversitadea en Espafla. 

IX., PROBABLY 1526. 

The second edition of Alfonso's Hebrew Grammar and 
his letter addressed to the Jews at Rome, see above, p. 398. 

X., DATED 1527. 

Univ. Libr. Madrid. A Latin translation of Genesis, with 

the following colophon: — "^T iw^aiiaaw )^1 ?Tn3Dn '^tt'»n 

wirh nv Y'^ >^w nvn mn noon dba^a ]pnon iiaawpowp 

ianyw» ]'»aDb Ma?*) ^'nwv^ mwa a7»m ^bs naa? rr^a^w 

:brf? nbnn nbsibw wnan miowD >i ToaiDbs t by 

Digitized by 


Alfonso de Zatnora. 409 

Finished the 14th of January, 1527, at Alcala de Henares 
at the time of the corrector (?) Don Antonio de Cascanto(?). 

XL, DATED 1527. 

MS. in the National Library of Paris, Hebrew No. 1229. 
David Qainhi*s Grammar, text with Latin translation, has the 
following colophon :— b'frDDn iDD nriDa ♦ pnpin };bn cbtt^a 

iDiinb D'^D'* "^aa? '^y'^na? Dvn Dbtt^a*) nanipn la'^naiDs bnaon 

QDnn n::rn lanrw^ ^arf? t5) ^^ r)bM naa^n or'iK3'^« 
D'^nbM brT^ nari en ar^w b-^ainip T'»'»a?a ib^Np '•iipo^Mp nboTn 
rrf?*) ns n^^'b ima iro y^mh bM iroa? -iidh y-iD noi 

: nn"T» nn^n? doiw 
: ]nHi ]DM Dbirb mn'* yro. 

Written for Eduardo Leo, English Ambassador at the 
court of the Emperor Charles V., at the advice of Maestro 
Pablo Nunez Coronel, finished Saturday, the 2nd of No- 
vember, 1527. 

This MS. also has '•rTOfj. No doubt that the Spanish 
Jews pronounced this name Camhi; indeed, the nickname 
of '»ftnn given to our David by the Proven9al Rabbi can 
only be explained by the Arabic word Qamh, "wheat," 
and has no sense if pronounced Qimhi, from iTOp, '* flower." 
There are now families in the East called Qamhi and Qimhi, 
of which the former is the Hispanico- Arabic pronunciation, 
and the latter that of the Franco-Germanic pronunciation, 
who only know the word npij and not the Arabic Qamh. 

XII., DATED 1530. 

National Library, Madrid, No. 12, contains the Latin trans- 
lation of Isaiah, Daniel, and Lamentations. Colophon: — 

nbibH «nDn in'»ytt7'»i bM^aii nia'^p Dntt7 nbwn DnDon nwbw 
rf ^ ^y^na7 nvn laba^a*) miDWD n loaibH "^t by or-ia'^M >i 

Digitized by 


410 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

These three books were written at Alcala de Henares, 
finished on Saturday, the 16th of October, 1530. 

XIIL, DATED 1632. 

Aramaic introduction to the Targum of Isaiah, begun at 
Salonica, Tuesday the 28th of February, 1532, according to 
the following words in the Leiden MS., nnn'^n rf 3 '3 D1^ 
n*? nw rxpsd^w ro^r^ >rhnr\n. The name of Alfonso 
does not occur in the MS., but there can be no doubt that 
he is the author, for Alfonso alone had charge of the Tar- 
gum for the Complutensis.^ Cardinal Ximenez has his full 
praise, as well as CoroneL 

The following Introduction is to be found in the MS. 
Warner, 65 F:— 

; npDMDrf?w» ro'^TDb ^ronsn? Dtnnn ra^ri ncrapn 

: min bs ns"Q in \r^^\m h:h : rmi naon anis nm 

nby^jf^ '»«am KatrrVr Hn')2>ba nv onott k^m^odi «atnn 

MnDsnn nwD^ba? MD-^nn nro'^Dbi prv^^i:^ nni Tps win 

M3m inn mv «Ti : «n-nao p "^KDip nbitD^btDi wan Kana 
n rf?D*?M «nnn ]n mdt» Kanm Mn'»p'»') Man Hnoarm Kma 
)nsD inB;yi rrranM ba DDTCib Tpoi nm nroi omMa^H 
: bn'»,Ti wa-i Mnai'f? ]nn ]tnna itc^Hi '•aorb ^yarwn wmiKT 
raD'^noi ]^r^>wp^ vvc^^o i^nno FfriDbi vi>nh Vxi i^v mti 
MnrD^Tp KarroD^rf? Kwob imh^t Kaarbn Ti^nar^ta rn'»r»i 
Dnm b^M^na-r trm KDtnrQi : w^n wibw nn mtpidd ^yion 
I'^TOTtt ]13KT tawpT r^n'^D inariBTM b«>t37 nn inairr 

>baTDb rm MDS'^Da trm KDtnn anaiT^M mi b^^i : pribiann 
>an thDro>tb ^larri ^Taorpi b'^-Q : wy^r^ wiani Mnian 
: )inn^bn )^nrv ]ntD'»i vviKn ^iron m ba KDtnm K^anns 
KD^Dn n'^nbtt nrr^ pnvi^ '•warn KJiD'bT trm mtiis^i 

1 See SteiiiBohiieider's CatcUogut Codd, ffebraorum Bibl., AoadL LDgdono 
Batayorum, 1858, p. 281. 

Digitized by 


Alfomo de Zmnora. 411 

iwcm n Vanp ibnwD ntaayMD n^DDS npn'^Hi Httr^n yn 
wnSD n^nn n^n"* nwwb ansn'^M v"^ mdsdi : ^H3ns ban 
H-T')tt'bn npaHDbHo?! Mm^jT «mpn ]i3'>wi • ]'»D'^ba7 ^^''^rn 
37TDb p3nnn bs n'^a'^a ^'O'^mt Vin wra-i HrQ'>a?'»i kt^p^ 

T»Dan5 H^n Hnbw -a hito^d 37ittr b:; '•n3n>bn Vis vidh 
: MTTTiM ]nn n'^n wanpi wa'^n^ rinn nnn^Di mdd ^nD 

XIV., DATED 1534. 

University Library, Madrid. "Commentary of D. Qamhi 
on Isaie," written by Hayyim ben Samuel Ibn nwan, com- 
pleted by Alfonso, has the following colophon : n waiDbs 
^b« rxym'^. nbwTi D^npa um ntn iDon •^amon stid rmoD 
tt7'nK3'»H •»! nbkobM «nttn 'lanmrr v^tf? Ibi pm completed 
at Alcala de Henares in the year 1534. 

XV., DATED 1534. 

MS. Madrid BibL Nac. David Qamhi's Dictionary has 
the following colophon : wm rrtn bibDDH 'd pnon Dbtt^a 
D')fflb tt7'na'»H n ribHDbH mtids miDO '»i waisbw t by T)pan 

Tb*) pni ^bw naa^n Dn'^Don Dn^wa t Dnson nno ]'»nnb 
"nniDiN a^irib d'^d'* 'n 'n orn w» ibiDb. Completed at 
Alcala de Henares, finished on Monday, the 2nd of October, 
1534. To be kept in the Libraury at the disposal of students. 

XVI, DATED 1534. 

"Targum Onqelos" (MS. Escorial), followed by nviSDin 
Diannn, which are those found in the so-called "Targum 
Yerushalmi," on nH!riD «>n (Gen. xxxviiL 25), rbw wy'^ 
(Gen. xliv. 18), ^n^W^b (Gen. xlix. 18), and nbtt^n "^n^") 
(Exod. xiii. 17), followed by the words : nmSDin -iHlDn') 
onpDn nrrr -iDon nisiriD an wi::^r\n "The other 
passages will be found in their places." Colophon : wa'isbM 
]'»aDb "Tb") ph\ ^ibw naiw rrtn neon '•anon nro nMnino n 

1 From KDIV^TDI (1. ) seema to be erased in the MS, 

Digitized by 


412 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

b^ n:iw ar»n«3>w >i nbM^bM Mnnn 'ian3?w\ Completed 

at Alcala de Henares finished in 1534. 

XVII., DATED 1536. 

MS. Nac. Library, containing the Pentateuch, completed 
by Alfonso, has the following colophon: — ^DTiOn 'liHSD 

^bM row TQ'iiDiM wirh di> m^> >3?>3-i Dvn v:hw^') ttr^iwD^M 

bb6 nyoy ^^nVW^ V^bb Sbl pn^J. Completed at Alcala de 
Henares, finished on Wednesday, the 15th October, 1536. 
MS. Leiden. 


Letters addressed by Professor Sornosa, at the University 
of Alcala de Henares, to Pope Paul III. and to Cardinal de 
Santa Balvina, asking protection in the name of all the 
Professors against D. Juan Tavera, who persecutes the Uni- 
versity. We have no means of finding out what these 
persecutions were; it seems against Hebrew teaching. 
These letters were either translated into Hebrew, if not 
composed, by Alfonso. He says here that he is about seventy 
years old, and has not yet seen happiness. He has pointed 
these letters for the use of those who are not advanced 
Hebrew scholars. He adds that he alone remains now of 
the wise men of Spain who were exiled in the year 5252 
(1492 A.D.). 

>i rf?Dbw rQ>ttr»3 nw>m iddw npirjte mmn rhww n-DW 
^bws wn« wyip 2M ^an ro^TOs nwt^ WMpn ^ or^nD'^w 
iM >)Qn rhnp nbb:im nw^ipn p Ma^a^i bn:i ^hd ^^wbwTi 
no^n bD3 ndbtt? -iaiK» nn nan ^naDm irw^i-rp nvrr>^ 
nttM^j "WD yn^n nnDnn n^wn '»d bwn "b )nw rhron 
mno7 y)^ >d ♦ m^:2n its'* dtm^i ni^Dn msq dim na^w 

mtt7>m n^n^T^t^ -inrn naDnn^i v^i^ nmn^D ba^aa r^'* ^'^ 
bwn '»tt737a nw iDoiDtt? wMpn niriDn nn )^^w nnit^ M^n 
yo^ • rtt^DDm nb'nrin inaDns rb^vn rw Nnn» Y»nirf?D3i 

Digitized by 


Alfonso de Zamora, 413 

nDK» ^t:^':^ bwT nMn> •jDb mm nwrn naDnn y\ncA ro^nm 
mm nMrr* v^^ w ♦ nDo^Dnn D^D'iaiDaD'i pp:^:^ nDtt^pnn d« 
«tt73m bin noDnn nwr ^^na o ♦ msdh D>nb« ns^T) 
a*»tt7D TH niDMn nniw i^h3 own? n^:sn^ rvDr^pu ^aro'ittw 

DW07 nawi 'innipnn wripn yty>Trr^y yyy^r^n p o • inim^ 
IwV? Thja^i NnpDtt? trwv^ n37n-iM D^nDon pso lab mm 
tDPDw^ mDV iwV? •fpDtt? 37w» "omiWD nmwnn dwi • n^Tim 
■T'M nwrn nn^o^^n D'^na^rn tT»-ii)Qn^ tr^aDnn bs T'f^^y 

uh\^^V3^ o^tt^pntt 'lanaM'i ♦ n^V?Dm na^^Tpn '^a'^ro'inH Vianb 
ina^npn w^V3 n^rhw^ ranw -i^ms xn'^vrw nn-i irwnpD 

K'nDi mr^nwiD ^Mia p"r ^ott;n wnpai rwtn n>37n p-w M'in'i 
T^iiSD b3? n»i ♦ n^3n^ n^on nms Tan dv Sm 'la'b:? 
^:iro b3? -i» p m^ ^aiys prf? "ob nrott? o'^t&npn ^:l^o^ 
• D^^*: b6 cn'^nnDi ^^ro^ T^sib vn na^w o'^t&npn rroAn 
nww iDDwn D^tt^iTpn t^^^ 'snpw sbw dq*»p sba? n \b^ 
lott^n Nnpa^i msTan nwrn n^» "^wy^ M'ln^ bna pits 13'by 
Hirra? tt;iVn«p pi -iD'^pn wnw m:» b3? -is3? p mi * narr^p 
:xw>w 13? 'la'^niprr riott7>tt7'i ^tto^ ^\d ni!n yyhv T^n 
hv ii:iinw sbw ^:it\d iniDDW snptt? >-r b^^j t-i5D nxhrh 
'^D rasib D'»tt7npn t^^^ Mnp^a? rSw 'lariba^tt? mb»b ^rhn 
t6i : ra>3?n nnniD ]M2d lana^nai 103? 'laroM nbna m^sn 
TTODnn nM3tt7)D *»« nwapD dw • nri^n rm tvd'W ndb '03?t 
hsb; nbito'^bia btt? yn'sn itidt i^DpnS ^iw ^lonn ranw im 
iott7n Kipaa? bwr nii» na'iDn ns'^ttr^n rwT lO'^i vaob 
Q'»r6w MTT^'i -itt7>'i on tt7'»w mrw v^a'^o^^tt? ptt^^oaMno >'>miD 
labao^i ♦ ntt;3;tt7 nini^n vniDt^o b^D n*«-iatt7 'los sno -noi 
ina^np mty npro nriDtan msnn nriim bD nn3? ir 
D« '»D • tt^np tT»nb« tt^'^M ^{nt^^ n'^rrb«n opon na^v nnwa? 
-fboDn mm mm labMa^a? rwrn rib«B?n ina^iip ntt73?n 
p laDwi itt7^D n!Ji3-nD miion '^ani iDbo -fba natt^i 
nasonn rwrn ma«n -jna^npb \nnnD rwrn nniian n3'*tt;'>n 
ina^npb c^mmzTD nm '•awi nn c^^stt^vn r:*»-ii!Dm c^o^nn b^ 


Digitized by 


414 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

Vira? \\h D^VpDriD "om tdd dv bDni rhrrx nibE5a?n.n3T 
: ]D« voms nt&npn W7i»b -jntt^np 
u^jxhw >3tt7 DV3 bwn rni»b rwrn miwn nribtrai rmriDa 

>-r itt73i5b« '»'7> b3? ttr»-iM3*»M n r6DbM ro'^a^'^s I3n3?w» v^^^ 

bD nrw'A v^'*o^ '''^^ mniT)p3s m:j«n rwr '^raro'j : orn 

D>nKD') D'^Dbw na^iDn rooys n^rro rnVtatt^Mp nisba tt^rr^a p 
Dn'in'^n b^ ovn ^js is^TfotD v»b dbi3? riM^-ob o'^D'^itsni wrw^ 

ci3i3?n nibin db'i3?n ban O'^na^vn 

nDy^ rwn m '>n*»tt73? tt7i)D'»tt7n nvnwbDS'i finis laus deo 

Para el Cardinal de Santa Balvina. 
niusfcrissimo y Revectissimo (so). 

: -WD nb3?a'j iih3 ^^j-tn 
M^san •)mttn> -iiD'iMtt? ?to nn-i -jnoDni -jrroTM n3?Ti'» nsD 
-1D1W mna? bwn "nn-r u^^^i^ rrvo ^^:iV pan rowD rxstro, 

h nsbw -IDH^I p3?!J ')sb rQ!r3?'l 0753 nWDn^ • 0')'^ bDS Dnb 

isDtWD n^m T»^ -^j^T nan o ddiw ms-w^ o'b'nan bw 
naSb n!no7 rrno'iD pro b37 mstt? nir rvin ^m • crpnbw 
bD ^prb^ -iar»>b c^n'^'^n va^^raai vtaDtt?*! ynw^ D37n "bna '•d 
t6 DMB? Dnb -T^nrm • D3?n pnns wr^tt? y-i^) bp3?o -qi 
&>WT(> rroA p rrB73y wba? -iin3?ni * nnM> obD '•d p w^;** 
nnnrw ')rPQ-i'» ni3'>p nson D^Mnipi Dvn d^mti •laMtt? iod 
-!»«» "^D^ ns Tan a'»tt7i37 vno? ^nn ni^i:? b3? DbtDin^ 
nbn T3? -iQW p^ ♦ D'>n!na nn37^ nn i'b> pis M^nan nn'^ya?'* 
7>in n^^3? b3? p3?!J o'^N^nan nbwn? idd^i : D3\nnn "^D^^n 

>-r nbibM 'T»3?n nwrn nn'^o^'^n D^n»rn onian^ o^arrm b^ 
riT\v I3?tt7 iDDi * nwtn nn'*tt7'»n piNi r^'^ iniaTN o ^na'^H 
labfcw p lai^ys pnb "jdid:? D'^niDi c'^m o^ion ^n•JalN uxdv 
wnpaa? rfbiD'»ba ]nD '^d lab -iiT3?ni ia'^b37 ]antt7 ^niairf? r}r\v 

Digitized by 


Alfomo de Zamora, 415 

^SD^07 TOD msn^j nia-i rnn^j irbs^ M^nn rrT^aMiD ^wti ^n 

rroHm wrrpn :3«n '^nn^'j n*ormi mpnn u^prh nsrt 
mso b3? -ay^j * T)'>b3? 7:irf? ^3b )nQw V3Db vno? a'>tt7iTpn 
H-ip3i wMpn 2M '^SHD 3np •inMWi r»3DMi Min ^rwMp 
-»Dpn i3'»an« ni2D b3? -a3? p m^i twq '^a'nt Mini • rori>p 
• irroTM 10D riKtn ns'^ttr^n piwi r^o wirw tt7ib-i«p ^n 
y)urw rs bna i« ]itap nm own I3pn> b^a? ni3 Mini 
nianm mprm bs riiQt&'^tt? >-rD ito ]n> tm o • noD nisbab 
nbitoiViD ]nD Y'y^'o^w iptt7'»D3MnD >'»nn5 tniott? i»d o'^ionni 
-pT^y lanaw p byi •bwn min3?b nwtn na^o^'^n td^q? 
B7i'7pn nb6 r6«n o^imn bD iDona? -jni3is» D>bMW 
7^3 Q^nbMn rhnp:i rhwi ni^nn bs nnM'* tbw ib bMc^ni 
mty nipro '•d ♦ t&np D>rf?« tt7>M «ini • ittip»s na^v winttr 
niDDm Tan i3pD3?i Hbwn rmim bD nn3? 13? labno -jniaiM 
rvDvn DH1 n^Dni ntDiTpn lanaittM Vianb nD D^nbMn 
: -fDbo -fbai nat&i -f?DDn n'>n> nin^ w lab^a^a? m -jniaiM 
\-nro rwtn nn"*Q7'>n p idowi iid'>q n!Ji3-iD n-)i»n "^awi 
tT^nttTon cmam a*»oDnn bs nnDonn nwrn niawn -jniD-TNb 
DV bDni ♦ nbiTj nibsDH^s iniaisb D'^innoyo nni >3M1 nn 
vrriwb D'bttn nwinn 'T'^n t'^m^k? bb6 c'bbDntt 13M Ton 
71WV nnv ivw c'biTjn o^Tonn lanDtt? rf? >d • nt&npn 
: 7D« n^na ^niais b'^ir* bwn • im3? iniaTN 
7iB7«n Di** «intt7 ^wbto ovs nwrn n-iawn Trobtwi nnn^D 
ranb 3?siwi a'»3?3n«i nina tt^nni ^bM naa? • bn^M it^inb 
nwrn n-i3Hn r'bai nns n-ii»MD t b^; rrbsbbo ianyitt?'> 

: brf? nntt? laus deo 

The first letter was finished on Monday, the 1st of March, 

1544. Here Alfonso calls himself teacher of Hebrew at the 

University of Alcala de Henares. The second letter was 

finished on Tuesday, the first of April, 1544. 

XIX., DATED 1558. 

MS. Bibl. Njmx, No. IS, contains Exodus in Latin, with 
the following colophon : — 

iTw nrib Dna^M '^i nb^bM «nnn ]MDn mn iSDon nnD3 
mrw T^KD -rabb n"»Knn D'»Tdbnn bsb b^vrw cnson n'^nn 

£ E 2 

Digitized by 


416 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

ny\ ipiy\ ^bw mw >-isa'»>ni3 w^rh dv f d 'i ovn chiw 

miDH '•)Q>3 chttyD^i nhsD^j nim ptcbn nnn:? picb piipi 
HttDnn /T^nn tasw^i pnn b«ptt7ws X'^mi ^w'^ w^^^ Tom 

:bt6 rhryn rrtn 
Written at Alcala de Henares for the use of such students 
as came to Alcala from another coimtry ; finished Friday, 
the 27th of November, 1558, by Alfonso, author of a 
Hebrew Grammar in Latin, which is printed. This MS. was 
written in the time of Professor Musen Pascual, Officer 
of the University. 

XX., DATED 1532 (doubtful). 

Castro^ mentions a MS. in the Escorial Library, written 
on paper at Alcala de Henares, finished in the year 1532, 
which contains a theologico -controversial treatise with the 
title of U>rb^ r\o:iin -iDD " Book of the Wisdom of God." 
At the end it is said that it was written by Alfonso de 
Zamora. It is probable, says Antonio, that this treatise is 
an amplification of the " Letter to the Jews of Rome " (see 
above, p. 401), and what makes it probable is, that a note in 
the MS. says that it was written at the desire of Don F. 
Juan de Toledo, Bishop of Cordova. The MS. is written in 
two columns, of which the one contains the Hebrew text 
and the other is left blank, probably intended for a Latin 
translation similar to the Letter addressed to the Jews of 
Rome. We have not seen this MS. in the Escorial Library. 


A. MS. No. 18 of the Bibl. Nac, contains D. Qamhi's 
bi^3», with the following colophon i—miCbO "^l "Da^obw 
ntn bfPDQn iron l^p'^r^ bs nns. All the pointing was by 

B. MS. No. 19, contains the ** Dictionary," of which a part 
is on vellum. Colophon injured: — DVb '*' | "Oai 1Dbtt73 
DV W^> 'n. Qamhi is here written "^niDR. 

* Bihliotera Etpaiinla^ tome I., p. 400. 

Digitized by 


Alfomo de Zanwra, 417 

Don Nicolas Antonio^ mentions the following treatise of 
our author: " Compendium Alphonsi ZamorsB Universorum 
Legis veteris prseceptorum," in 4to. He says it was men- 
tioned in a Catalogue of the Library at Soria (Aragonia). 
Whether it was a printed book or a MS., he cannot say. 

P.S. — After this article, was in type, the Bodleian 
Library acquired a copy of the Grammar (p. 399), in which 
a leaf is missing but supplied by a modem hand. 

A. Neubauer. 

* Bihlietheca HUjfana Nova, yoL I., fol. 56a. 

Digitized by 


418 The Jniinh Qnavterlij Revieir. 



As a second instalment of my contributions to the above 
subject, I intend giving some specimens of Piyyutim in 
which Hebrew and Arabic are mixed. They are taken 
from two MSS., viz., Cod. Loewe, 14,^ and Cod, Montef., 379.^ 
The mixture of languages appears much less strange and 
out of harmony, if we consider that, apart from their close 
relationship — vulgar Arabic in particular has even more 
striking resemblance to Hebrew than the classical language 
— the same characters are used. 

Both Piyyutim are Habddldhs, In L. the first is written 
twice : fol. 52, among a group of songs styled D'^lDV^D 
D^iap'ibQ, and fol. 67, as a drinking song, and is of a very 
convivial character. I reproduce both pieces, chiefly on 
account of their linguistic interest, as their poetic value 
is very small, and appears still less in the translation. 

As to the distribution of the languages, in I. the second 
half verses are Hebrew, and so is also the whole of the 
lines concluding the strophes, with exception of the first. 
There are, however, encroachments on both sides. The 
final two words are Aramaia In II. Arabic strophes alter- 
nate jv^ith Hebrew ones. The strophes have each a separate 
rhyme, but all the last lines rhyme with a refrain. 

No. III. consists of a prose piece taken from MS. Loewe 
18,* which forms, with slight variations, the Arabic ren- 
dering of a narrative of the Talmud Berdchdth, 58.* In the 

1 See Monatsschrifty xzxviii., p. 406 ; I oaU it L, the first copy A, the 
second B. 
» I caU it M. » See Momtsschrift, ib,, p. 412. 

* Cp. Yalkvt to Ezek. xxxiii. 29. 

Digitized by 


Jewish Arabic Liturgies, 


MS. the piece forms the concluding part of the homilies on 
the portion Ahare Moth, and ends like all others in a 
rhymed prayei-.^ It is written in vulgar Arabic, which is 
occasionally intermixed with Persian and even Turkish 

> For a series of homilies on ^^D^, taken from the same MS., see my 
Arabic Chre^tomathy ^ etc., pp. 14-19. 

L.. fol. 62^*, er-. M., foL 165^«. 

ID K^ 

JD «^ 

\0 K^ 

mini -Kry:>x K^pnn 
nx Kim Qn« p 

mini n:n ^v5 

D^isi no K-na 

KIV K^l «T JD K^ 

"h^ih Dnp^ 3KiD« II. 
^W^ K^ "h inpinn 

*^«n^K Dnp^ D«nio^ iii. 

k3kSo d^d^k inKno iv. 
Km m Knn 

Superscription: L., T1"»0D OVD. 

I. A., «ir «in tD«. M., Nopinx. 

II. (A., V. III.). » A., 3«iD. » A., ^'?«yV« an k\ 

III. (A., V. II.). ' A., ^^«3^K Dnp^K 3«1D, error of the copyist. 

M., \rh^ «^y TKin^ «i^« onp^ ans'. 
» B., nKp!?K. M., i^D^!? -nD^. 

» (Missing in A.) M., T^W^^? I^Hl m«3K y^Wh^ W1D 
L., r., yor— r. ■Ylbo'^K. 

IV. > (Missing in M.)— r. 11X30. A., n^"IK33 — r. DDK. 
> A., n:h. ^ A., K3K1D13 K^^^KT n^. 

Digitized by 


420 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

^S n -»DNn ^STrnw nxoi^ a^vn Kn^K Dnwn vi. 
>V^5rnnD^TnTm iKoy^D i^^ Kpn KtD tmi; 

p K^ Kiivn snon nnK^n ^«i nan npn ^k ^nintc 

fo «* \irw2 KnnD Kin ie« nan npn ^"S"nn^ 

V. » (M.. V. IV.). • M.. ^^m «n^N.— M. ^rp^^ p D^33 D^^^l 

» A., 3«n^K. A. ^3^pK^ p Nnn. 

VI. * r. DHK pK, see Marcel, Voc. Fr^-Ar,^ 8. v. homme, 3*Dn. 
« r. 1^ Kp3 — r. 10y^« ^D. • r. TDD^K 31B^. 

* r. IDV^. M. ->Dn^1 IDD^. 

VII. « A., D^D5n^ n^Vii ^n^v » ab. nan^K, r. nip.3^«. 


L.. foLSS"*. M., foL164^». 

n^ K^33n in^^K D^aiyo piB^ ni>v aan i">nn n^'D^^wTm i. 
^^^1K IDiife^p K^y ?■© pnw K^« N^ 

h'b^ yK^D in^D^ J13> I^DTII 

dwoIdW nKino^ii n^y t«id j«Dia^ p^Kn p 

loy noao ^xia mno n^ n. 

8uper$cHptum : L., TIHOD OVfi. 

I. » L., Tmn — L., n^ (op. Pb. xiv. 6) — m., D^ono. 
« M., n^^N — L., ns — M., f?^n jk noiip. 
» M., ^^y ^no i^jnD ^3B^ < l., ^^«t^k dk^3 id^d\ 

» M., mjrtD^K «331D^ D^a^. 

Digitized by 


Jewish Arabic Liturgies. 421 

IDvy nK noD^ mna noK^n 

KOD *B nn«1li)K «^K K3^3 KD D^^Ky III. 
KDri^ «3^1D 11DD3 ^!?« «3^D-| 

imK^ «na c^nn -»n«i «ii3 rv. 

loy pp^ ^ae^n nino r^en 

l^yoKD «*^«n ^DiD3pn «^ njw'^ n3"p v. 
poK^yW 31 KibD^ «yND ^a mxp 
lo«n^K n^3 cnpornvl^ nyno iKnoa, 
Doiyo piir n«^B^ii nnK3y^K n^3 d^^t 

3KTy^ TKH ^D «3D^3^ pW Nr3K Hfe^p VI, 

3KDn3 K3^^K 3nDin «^ pxn^v «^ p K^ 
D^3iyo piB' n^«^i t«Dm« n«^K o^m siin «n3K 

nby3i D"» ^K nSnvi inoK'i ik^'K' n^nv3 loip vii. 

TiE^ H Kin iJTK Dyn 0^3^^ 3K'n 
n^K' K^33n in>i)« DOiyo piB^ 

IL In M. miBsing. 

m. > M., r6^K — L., KD«DD. « M., ^13 ^fe< VK^3 

KOn 'D. » M., n^8rD^«3 — r. HK*! 1313 (missing in M. as well the 
following line). 
V. ' L., «3np — r. nj^, M., N^ lO^pn \!h • M., KHBIV^. 

» M., ron^K nn iftn V33i. * m., Ni3^y ^k n«^3. 

VL L., «313 nWID — M., K331D\ • M, pKI K» ^KH^N n^K. 

L., 3KnKD10^. » M., pKn^K irp^K JD«. 

Digitized by 


.422 The Jewish Quarterly Revietv. 


fol. 66~. 

HKi ri^u ^ya ^h mpfe nin^ inKi 31^ ^^b r\"v ntTT ^d rwvo 

*\xch)oh »n«j m^^ni ^np^ni Tiinon Ta DDnn RrTn iK3 jko^id 
^Ki NTKon inDKi n3K hyih n^D k^ ni) ^Kp vnn nanw b^^^ nS ^kp 
nona oy aaiK^ ^5 n^«pi innac' jnn «^ nona ^53i n^«p fnin 
mu3 niK'ni VTlrf^^ k) oy^ n^ *?Kp iin8r ^i^ n^ ^Kp nov mo 
n^ ^«p ^np ^« noT^^ }«o^id ^« id« t«Dt>iD ^k nyxo; jo nnKi 

tKD^D ^« nyp nyo i^oyx n'nnn ^njK nbxi dd^ Koy^Ki joddih 
*^1^ ^Kpi noih nnD liKn k^^b^ n ttoi me^ mSi DKDni)«i 
IKD^iD ^« n^ ^«p jvSD^iD t>N D«iip ib^K^ "lai fnuJnTnSnan 
n^ 'pxp N3n3D^D ^no DDnao^D pbi ^k n^K nnon r6 ^wp n^ip b^ 
jniDD N^y n«iy^p« FiDiyo oanay DDnny 'hdk idsi t«o^iD ^k 
«^y mypi hk^u ^i^d \xcm Ki3«a K'py niypn yK^on iinoi nn^oyx 
Kn J^T ^« 71 y!?«i3 «ini jkd^id ^ nio i6y ny^p «in nnKn 
K^ rh ^xp i^DnxD^ DD^Dy^n rhh^ Wi ^ ^«PB wrTn «^y ^anc^ 
inya n^ ^Kp 0x^3 anon "Kra pb Ton^K i6« i^iion 5^ ^«TfEn 
^«p iKO^iD^ «n^pbn n3«y Nin Ton Dnioona D33k p^iD^ Vipn 
D«pD Kvnpn tn^r\\ Inn!? ddb^h inn^ Kon n^«p"rnTn ^k k^^b' n 
^« pnnD^ NO K*?!^) ^Kp t«o^iD ^ yoD n!?npi r|^D^3 naiii «^^ n 
Pienn n^D tnpa piDD'»^n ^d w K^b ktj k^^ n ^Kp nbnp ko bnp 
HKny NH^D i^D n^B'Kia ne^yo «in nbn:in ^^ n^ cmi cmobb nwi 
Sab xih^ nD3n i« pD onSomov"^ ^^ixn ninani ipn j^ ny mbna 
i5>5 yKMH^ DnDj?! ^i^K nop bw dob^ ^k N^nlTTSDfinrnnbTmpb 
TWiTrnnDn biDnjr nye^in nobo k\t nx^r.i noy nTni troc^n dti 
nonbo K^^ fTJoTo^DBa b ^3 n^ 02 by"T~^ f>b pbw~nonbolon 

» ^B' ^«b. » Often written thns in MS. » For H^K}. 

* lUiultan (with art.). • NOH^. • Persian dUscussion, 

' pM/5<i (Persian). ■ so ! hal. 

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Jemsh Arabic Liturgies, 423 

^13n pD « non^o N^n SK'jnDi ^^ nior^o iDoa idk^ p ^ pD fSnSc 
DDp^ n^« 9^cv3M^ ^K Knn "^i^ ^"d^ ^niDi ncro b^i k^k^d 3u i^ii 
~1^ «a^py n ddk vhv xn^lfiM ^wpi n^K i3y p ^3iio «o ^k 
n-iuani n^nan nM n« ^kx^^ «">n p3 ina ^« pKpiB' km rhxiJn 
^nnnTD^VBTJ^ km nvani min mo K\n niKenni onvo nniDn km 
k5k la K^M n ht^p k^hkm ^b rijniDn n^K ^:2^ &ipd ^k n^n Kin 
dnj) jK^ n^^ jKOT^ K^K nnariK kd K^^n^K ^k y^oj pnv n ^Kp 
x'K 13)0 m no nMDi in^iToM^K rwyc^p rh py t«^ D^-ipy 'Tk ^^kb' 

DIK ^3D na: 13 D^Dinyn^D 7KT^"n3DV 

riKIKD ^K n^^D K^ Dn^'pK 

nK:in3 ^ki ry^K D^iyK^ 

riKOKiDi iKpi 1^ ;o K^ 

nK-nnDo!?K y^oj D^Ky k^ 

HK^^Eja^K lK3y KD30 D^ JO K* 

nKOni b»K) p\i?H i^n3 k^ 

HKOi^KI 31-0 ^K PlB^KD K* 

nK^^^n ^Ki nK^ ^K yDKi k» 

nwns^ ^Ki i'?© ^K 1^ 10 K* 

nK^n3iD ^K 1^ nK^vn lo k» 

nKmB3 iKn^DO mk 

nK^nop ^Ki Doe63 loip ^33ki 

nK0ij3':>K n^^KD3 n^s ii3y3i 

nK^0K2 nKn^3Dn3 

ner niK^D3 ^3 ^^b fvr pb 

» Turkish, subaslu, Talmud, Kn^ili K^H. 

" Nunataon, see mj remarks iJ. ^'. /., No. 60, p. 261. 


I. O Migbty God! O King girded with strength; 
Thou who seest all, but art thyself invisible, 
Grant us knowledge and wealth. 

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424 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

II. Let ae drink old wine, at the sight of which I rejoice, 
The clear red wine presided from the grapes of the yine. 
O Most High, grant me its enjoyment for ever! 
That juice of pomegranates, the choicest of wine, 
Will I drink and forget all sorrow. 

IIL When the old, long-preserred wine stands at the repast, 
Let us be thankful, and praise God 
With rejoicing and grateful voice. 

May He gather his scattered people to Zion, the glorious city. 
With mercy and grace may the All-perfect redeem the dis- 

lY. Praised be the name of the Lord, who created the wine ; 
May Noah, our ancestor, who planted for us 
That which removeth grief, he the most blessed of men. 
Good wine soothes all pain 
And cheers the oppressed spirit. 

V. I am full of grief, snd the tear runs from my eye» 
When the cask is low and the wine gone from the cop. 
Many are the clouds, but they avail naught. 
There is nothing in them to drink; 
But wine, red like blood, increases strength. 

YI. O son of man, when thou findest wine. 

Drink, and say not : Enough ! 

Enjoy thy remnant of life, and increase merriment and re- 

With fat and roasted viands take wine both red and yellow. 

Friend, partake not of the flesh of the kid. drink not the wine 
which is white. 

YII. Slay deer, lambs and fatted calves, and prepare fine dishes. 
If thou art cunning and a son of wise men, 
Bay not old kine, snd spend no money on it. 
Friend, partake not of the flesh of the kid, 
Because it is poor and lean. 


Eternal, in thy majesty ride : 

Thou who dwellest in the heights, send Elijah the Prophet. 

^ Perhaps imitation of the refrain in Ibn Gabirors drinking song, 
D^D O^B ^3^y nin ^r^ ni^3D, see Kaempf, Nichtandalus. Poe^ie, etc., 
L183; IL 207. 

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Jewish Arabic Liturgies, 425 

I. God of Ahron, redeem thy oppressed people ; 

In its desolate state it weeps and languishes like one 

Send Yinndn to rescue it with a great salvation : 
Redeem it from the Bomans,' that it may find rest. 

n. Send soon the good Messenger of thy people, 
Let us go np to thy exalted Temple 
With pure lips to sing thy power. 

III. The sole God in heaven, he knoweth our condition ; 
Send us the Redeemer that we may all go up to Zion. 
May he announce unto us : The Messiah has come, 
Deliver the wandering people that it may find rest. 

lY. O Awe-inspiring, hasten the arrival of thy Messiah, 
Awake and lighten the darkness by thy great power. 
Send speedily the Tishbite to collect thy people; 
Gather the dispersed into the flowery garden. 

y. Help is near, despair not, obedient ones I 

The Almighty in heaven, the Lord of the world, will redeem us. 
We will hasten to the Temple, the abode of the Merciful, 
Jerusalem, the place of worship. 

yi. For thn sake of oar father Isaac, deliver us from this trouble; 
Look upon our condition, thou who descendedst in a cloud ; 
Inscrutable, do not reckon with us: 
Thou art the merciful God. 

yil. Arise, rejoice aud be mirthful! 

Most High, bring us all to the mount of Zion in joy. 

That we may there pitch our tents : 

Return the exiles, the people oppressed and humble. 


R. Zdra' once sentenced a man to be flogged, as a punishment for 
his bad conduct. The culprit went to the king in order to complain. 
'^Enow, O King," said he, "that R. Zdra judges without thy autho- 
risation, slays and flogs.'' They brought the Rabbi to the king, who 
said: **Wby didst thou flog this man?** He replied: "Because he 
violated the law." *'Hast thou witnesses?" asked the king. "Yes, 

' For Mohammedans; in this form not to be found in Zunz, Synagogale 
Poesie, BeiL 16. 
* In the Talmud it is R. Shilah. 

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426 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

Elijah came in tbe form of one of the king's attendants," whereupon 
the king said the man deserved to be killed. B. Zdra said: "O 
Saltan, from the day of the destrnction of our Temple, judgment has 
been taken away from us and given to yon; what thou wishest I shall 
do with him." The ruler and the judges (once) were holding a sit- 
ting in court. B. Shila, who was present, opened his month to explain 
the verse : Thine^ Lord, is greatness and power ^ etc. (1 Chr. zxix. 11). 
When be bad well nigh finished, the ruler came to him and asked him: 
" What hast thou said? *' " Tbe praise of God," he answered, " who 
has created your dominion as well as be had ours." Tbe king said : 
" Since thon art so wise, I will let thee sit on a cushion, and give thee 
permission to come and sit at my gate.'* He gave him a sword of 
steel and made him sit at his gate. There he sat when that wicked 
roan came in order to complain about B. Zdra, and said : ** God will 
prove you liars." He replied : '* O most wicked of heathens, who are 
compared to asses, as is written " (Ex. xziii. 20). Tbe man answered : 
" I shall inform the king that thou hast called him an ass." B. Shila 
thought, the law says : Should anyone come to slay thee, try to anti- 
cipate him, and this man has that intention. So he killed him with 
his sword. When the mler heard it, he said: "Had he not deserved it, 
he would not have been killed." B. Shila remarked : ** A miracle has 
been performed for us by means of that verse on which I will give a 
derasha." He went to the Beih Hammidrash and lectured on the 
verse (we above) : Thine, O Lord, is greatness, Le., creation ; 
Strength, exodus from Egypt ; Glory, sun and moon which Joshua 
stopped ; Victory, speedy subjugation of the dominion of wickedness ; 
Majesty, war with Amalek ; For all that is in heaven and on earth, 
war with Sbinear ; On earth, war against the valleys of ArnOn ; 
Exalted, war with Gog; For every head, even the police officer who 
distributes the water is appointed by God. The Mishnah explains 
the verse, on behalf of B. Aqibha, as follows : Greatness, dividing of 
the sea ; Strength^ death of the first-bom of Egypt ; Glory, granting 
of the land ; Victory, Jerusalem ; Majesty, the Temple, may it soon 
be rebuilt in our life. B. Hiyya bar Abba said on behalf of H. 
YOhanan : Prophets will only appear until the time of the Messiah, 
for the future world is great No eye has seen a God besides thee, and 
it is written : How great, etc (Ps. xxxi. 20). 

O God, Lord of lords ! 

O thou who art long-suffering and forgiving ; 

thou who knowest all my8teries ; 

O thou from whom no secret is bidden ; 

O thou who art great in granting and pitying; 

O thon who remotest grief and sorrows; 

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Jeicish Arabic Liturgies, 427 

O fchoQ who takest awaj evil and oalamities ; 

O thoa who art the Most High; 

O thoa who art magnificent ; 

Rebuild thy sanctuary, where we will worship thee. 

There aiao shalt thou be worshipped 

By Bun, moon and heavenly hosts 

With perfect glorification, as it is written: Sing ye (Ps. xcviii. 1). 


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428 The Jewkh Quarterly Remetc, 


(Conciuded from p. 258.^ 

IX. — The Jews in Relation to the Church of the 
Thirteenth Century. 

The Popes of the earlier part of the Middle 'Ages had 
found enough employment for their energies in the effort 
to maintain their own position in Christendom ; and they 
had neither the wish nor the power to seek a conflict with 
a race that remained wholly outside the Church. In the 
twelfth century there was no other general Church Law 
directed against the Jews than that which forbade them to 
live in the same houses with Christians, and to have Chris- 
tian servants.^ In England especially, Churchmen of the 
twelfth century showed towards the Jews a tolerant spirit, 
and made no effort to augment their unpopularity or to 
diminish their privilegea The examples of Anselm, and of 
his contemporary, Gilbert of Westminster, show that in the 
attempts made at that time by men of high position in the 
Church to convert the Jews, no method was employed 
except that of reasonable persuasion.* Churches and 
monasteries took charge, at times of danger, of the money, 
and even of the families, of Jews, Such friendly inter- 
course as existed between Jews and Christians was 
allowed to go on without any attempt at ecclesiastical 

* See the Decrees of the Third Lateran Conncil of 1179, Mansi, Ctnunlia^ 
XXII., 231. 

* St. Anselm, EpUtoUc^ III., 117 (Mig^e, Patrologia Curtus Completus, 
VoL 169, colonms 153-155 ; Gilbert of Westminster, DUpvtatio Judaici 
cum ChrUtitmo (Ibid. 1005-1036). 

* Chronicles of Stephen^ Henry II., and Richard L (Rolls Series), I., 

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Th$ Expuhton of the Jews from England in 1290. 429 

The accession of Innocent the Third to the pontificate 
brought about a rapid change in the attitude of the 
Church towards the Jewa Innocent was the first to ad- 
vance, on behalf of the Papacy, the claim that the Lord 
gave Peter not only the whole Church, but the whole 
world to rule,^ and he endeavoured with a merciless 
enthusiasm, from which all unbelievers and heretics in 
Christian countries had to suffer, to make good his claim, 
and to establish in Europe one united Catholic Church. 
He took his stand on the doctrine, which his predecessom 
had held * in a modified form, and without ever acting on 
it, that the Jews were condemned to perpetual slavery on 
account of the wickedness of their ancestors in crucifying 
Christ ; and he thought that they ought to be made to feel, 
and their neighbours likewise, that it was only out of 
Christian pity that their presence was endured in Christian 

The position of the Jews at the time of Innocent's acces- 
sion to the pontificate was very far from being such as his 
theory required. They had magnificent synagogues, they 
employed Christian servants, they married, or were said to 
marry, Christian wives ; they refused, in what some Chris- 
tians regarded as a spirit of outrageous insolence, to eat 
the same meat and to drink the same wine as the Gentiles, 
and they made no secret of their disbelief in the sacred 

310 (among the yiotims of the massacre at Ljmi in 1190 was quidam 
Judautf insignii medums, qui et artit et modesUa tiUB gratia ChrUtianU 
quoque famUiarU et honarahUU fuerat) ; Oervase of Canterbury (Bolls 
Series), I., 405. (The Jews help the monks of Canterbury in their straggle 
with the Archbishop in 1188) ; Ratuli Litterarum Clausarum (Record 
Commission), I., 20i. (^Rex^ ^c, domino Li/ncolnienH Epiioopo^ ^c.; 
mandamus vohit quod non permittatia i?{jutte catdLle Judaorwni receptari 
in eoolenis in diooeH vettra, February 28th, 1205) ; Chronica Jooelini dt 
Brakelonde (Camden Society), p. 33. (▲.D. 1190, Abba$ jusiit solempniter 
eweommiumcari Ulot qui de oetero reeeptarent Judeot vol in hotpioio 
reeiperewt in villa Santi jEdmundt) ; Jacobs, The Jews of Angevin 
JSngland, 269. Q'EnglUh Jetos dHnh with OeniHesy) 

' Moeller, JSistory of the Christian Chureh, Middle Ages (Bng. Tr.), 
p. 279. 

« Bfansi, Concilia, XXII. 231. 
VOL. VII. r r 

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430 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

history of Christianity. Moreover, they were suspected of 
exercising a considerable influence on the growth of the 
heresies which it was the chief work of Innocent's life to 
combat. The Vaudois, the Cathari, and the Albigenses, all 
kept up Jewish observances, and were said to have learnt 
from the Jews their heretical dogmas ; the Albigenses, 
indeed, were accused of maintaining that the law of the 
Jews was better than the law of the Christians. And, 
nevertheless, Christian kings supported the Jews in every 
way. They countenanced their usury, they refused (so, 
at least. Innocent said) to allow evidence against them on 
any charge to be given by Christian witnesses, and they 
even employed them in high oiBces of State. In view of 
these facts. Innocent thought that a great effort of repres- 
sion should be made, and he wrote to the King of France, 
the Duke of Burgundy, and other monarchs, asking for 
their assistance in the work of reducing the Jews to that 
condition of slavery which was their due. He decreed in 
his general Church Council that Jews should be excluded 
in future from public offices, and that they should wear 
a badge to distinguish them from Christians; and he 
renewed the old regulation of the Church, which required 
them to dismiss Christian servants from their houses. In 
order to ensure that the last provision should be observed, 
he decided that any Christians having any intercourse 
with Jews that transgressed it should be subject to excom- 
munication. For the enforcement of his other anti-Jewish 
measures he relied on the help of the temporal power in all 
Christian coimtriea^ 

The declaration of war made by Innocent III. was a 
terrible calamity for the Jews; but though it affected at 

* Letters of Innocent (Migne, Patrologia Cursus Completut^ Vols. 214- 
217) ; Lib. VU., 186 ; Lib. VIIL, 50, 121 ; Lib. X., 61, 190 ; Corpu$ JnrU 
Canonici (Leipzig, 1839), II., 747-8 ; Graetz, Geschichte dtr Juden, VII., 
7, 8 ; Depping, Let Juift dans le May en Age, 183 ; Habn, Oesohichte der 
Ketzer^ III., 6, 7 ; Hurter, Ocschwhte Papgt Innocenz der DritUn, II., 234 ; 
Gttdemann, Geschichte des Erziehungswesens, u.8.w,^ I., 37 ; Rule, History 
ofths Inquisition, I. 10, 17. 

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The Expulsion of the Jews from England in 1290. 431 

once the whole of Christian Europe, still its evil results 
might have passed away in time. Popes were but men 
and politicians ; and just as Innocent had, by the publica- 
tion of his wishes and decrees concerning the Jews, set 
himself in opposition to his predecessors, so might his 
successors, in their turn, moved by different feelings or 
taking a different view of the interests and duties of the 
Church, set themselves in opposition to him, and go back 
to the old lenient opinions and practice. But within a 
few years of the death of Innocent, the work of attacking 
the Jews ceased to be in the hands of any one man, and 
passed over to a body of men habitually influenced not by 
personal or political considerations, but only by what they 
conceived to be the interest of religion, and filled with a 
hatred of the Jews more fierce and fanatical and steadfast 
than that of the Popes could ever have been. 

The Dominican order was formally constituted in 1223, 
and from the earliest years of its existence devoted itself 
to the task of rooting out unbelief from the Christian 
world. The work that its members at first professed 
to regard as peculiarly their own was that of preaching, 
but on the Jews their preaching had no efiect. With an 
ingenuity and determination worthy of the order that in a 
later century was to provide the Inquisition with its chief 
ministers, the Dominicans devised and carried out another 
plan of action. Assisted by converted Jews who had joined 
them, they undertook the study of Hebrew, and their 
master, Raymundus de Peiiaforte, induced the King of 
Spain to build and endow seminaries for the purpose.^ 
Armed with this new knowledge, they were able to attack, 
first, what they represented as the foolish and pernicious 
contents of such Jewish books as the Talmud, and 
secondly, the stubbornness of the Jews who refused to 
accept the doctrines of Christianity, the truth of which 
the Dominicans professed to be able to demonstrate from 
the Old Testament. Two incidents which must at the 

* Graetz, Qeschtchte der Juden, VII., 27. 
F F 2 

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432 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

time have been famous throughout Europe illustrate their 
method of warfare. In 1239 Nicolas Donin, a converted 
Jew who had become a Dominican friar, laid before 
Gregory IX. a series of statements concerning the Talmud. 
Helped, no doubt, by all the influence of his order, he 
induced the Pope to issue bulls to the Kings of France, 
England, and Spain, and the bishops in those coimtries, 
ordering that all copies of the Talmud should be seized, 
and that public inquiry should be held concerning the 
charges brought against the book. In England and Spain 
nothing seems to have been done, but in Paris the Pope's 
instructions were carried out, and, at the instigation 
of the leading Dominicans, St Louis ordered that all 
copies of the Talmud that could be found in France 
should be confiscated, and that four Rabbis should, on 
behalf of the Jews, hold a public debate with Donin, in 
order to meet, if they could, the charges that he waa 
prepared to maintain. In the course of the debate, which 
was held in the precincts of the Court and in the presence 
of members of the Royal family and great dignitaries of 
the Church, Donin asserted that the Talmud encouraged 
the Jews to despise, deceive, rob, and even murder 
Christians, that it contained blasphemous falsehoods con- 
cerning Christ, superstitions and puerilities of all kinds, 
and passages disrespectful to God and inconsistent with 
morality. The Rabbis answered as best they could, but 
the court of Inquisitors decided that the charges had been 
substantiated, and ordered that all the confiscated copies 
of the Talmud should be burnt. After a delay of about 
two years the Auto-da-fe took place, and fourteen cartloads 
of the Talmud were sacrificed.^ The other famous 
incident of the kind took place in Spain. Pablo Christiano, 
a converted Jew, who, like Donin, had joined the 
Dominicans, challenged the Jews of Aragon to a dis- 
cussion on the differences between Judaism and Chris- 

> Revue dde Etudee Juivee, I. 247, 293 ; U. 248 ; ni. 59 ; Noel Yaloii, 
GuiUaufM iTAuvergne, pp. 118, 137. 

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ITie Expuhion of the Jews from England in 1290. ^»38 

tianity, and induced James I. to compel them to take 
up the challenge. The famous Nachmanides came for- 
ward as the representative of his co-religionists. Pablo 
undertook to show that the Old Testament, and other 
books recognised by the Jews, taught that the Messiah 
had come, that he was "very God and very man," 
that he suffered and died for the salvation of mankind, 
and that with his advent the ceremonial law ceased to 
be of any effect. Nachmanides denied that any of these 
propositions could be substantiated from the Jewish 
sacred books. For four days the disputation was carried 
on in the presence of the king and many great personages 
of Church and State. Of course the verdict was that the 
Christian disputant had beaten the Jew.^ 

The method of conducting these two controversies showed 
that the Dominicans were determined to use every possible 
weapon against the Jews. The Talmud, a huge, hetero- 
geneous and unedited compilation, contains passages 
which are trivial and foolish, and others, written by men 
who had memories of persecution fresh in their minds, 
which express bitter hatred towards the " Gentiles," that is, 
the Romans who had taken Jerusalem, and had destroyed 
the nationality of the Jewish race. It was easy for an 
opponent to pick out such passages, to assert that what 
was said against the " Gentiles " expressed, not the feelings 
of the victims of persecution against the Romans of the 
second century, but the feelings of all Jews towards all 
non-Jews, at every time and at every place, and to convince 
an uncritical audience that those who held in honour the 
book that contained such passages were enemies of religion, 
against whose influence it behoved all Christian powers to 
guard the faithfuL Similarly, by compelling the Jews to 
take part in a discussion concerning the prophecies of the 
Old Testament, the Dominicans imposed on them the choice 
between the two alternatives of betraying their religion by 

* Histoire IMtiravre de la Frtvnce, XXVII., 562-3 ; G-raeti, Oetchickte^ 
VII., 131, 135. 

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434 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

acquiescing in what they believed to be a false interpreta- 
tion of their scripture, or else of proclaiming publicly their 
disbelief in doctrines which were at the very foundation 
of Christianity. The effect on the ruling classes in Europe 
of the two discussions just mentioned must have been very 
great And the Dominicans were continually carrying on 
the same work, though, of course, seldom before audiences 
so distinguished. Pablo, for example, travelled about Spain 
and Provence, compelling the Jews, by virtue of a royal 
edict that had been issued in his favour, to hold disputes 
with him on matters of religion.^ Many other members of 
the order devoted their lives to the same pursuit,' and thus 
did their best to fill the rulers of the Church with a dread 
of the terrible consequences that the existence of Judaism 
threatened to the Christian religion. 

And, unfortunately for the Jews, their religion began to 
be feared at the same time as cruel and powerful fanatics 
like Innocent and the Dominicans were doing their best to 
cause it to be hated. There is good reason to believe, 
though detailed evidence is not abundant, that towards the 
end of the Middle Ages Judaism exercised over the super- 
stitions of other faiths the same fascination as in the first 
century of the Roman Empire. Thomas Aquinas believed 
that unrestricted intercourse between Jews and Christians 
was likely to result in the conversion of Christians to 
Judaism, and for that reason he thought it right, in spite 
of the general liberality of his opinions concerning the 
Jews, that intercourse with them should be allowed to such 
Christians alone as were strong in the faith, and were more 
likely to convert them than to be converted by them.' " It 
happens sometimes," wrote a Pope of the thirteenth cen- 
tury, " that Christians, when they are visited by the Lord 
with sickness and tribulation, go astray, and have recourse 

* Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, VII., 135 ; J. Jacobs, Inquiry into the 
Sou rem of the History of the Jetoi in Spain, xviii., 18. 

* Seriptores Ordinis Pradi/iatorum (Qu^tif and Echard), I., 246, 396, 
398, 594. 

* Thomas Aquinas, Summa Thtologice, Seounda SecundsB. Qusestio X. 

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The Expulsion of the Jews from England in 1290. 435 

to the vain help of the Jewish rite. They hold in the 
synagogues of the Jews torches and lighted candles, and 
make offerings there. Likewise they keep vigils (especially 
on the Sabbath), in the hope that the sick may be restQred 
to health, that those at sea may reach harbour, that those 
in childbirth may be safely delivered, and that the barren 
may become fruitful and rejoice in offspring. For the ac- 
complishment of these and other wishes, they implore the 
help of the said rite, and in idolatrous fashion show open 
signs of (fevotion and reverence to a scroll, not without 
much harm to the orthodox faith, contumely to our Creator, 
and opprobrium and shame to the Universal ChurcL"^ 

The anti-Jewish feeling that grew up from the causes 
that have just been described called into existence new 
institutions and measures designed for the purpose of 
humbling the Jews and checking the growth of Judaism. 
In compliance with the cruel request of Innocent, most of 
the monarchs of Europe compelled their Jewish subjects to 
wear a badge.* Local church councik, which hitherto had 
contented themselves with the attempt to enforce the old 
prohibition against the employment by Jews of Christian 
servants and nurses, now went further, and forbade 
Christians to allow the presence of Jews in their houses 
and taverns, to feast or dance with them, to be present at 
the celebration of their marriages, their new moons, and 
their festivals, and to employ their services as doctors.' 
The Popes of the latter part of the thirteenth century 
appointed Dominicans in various countries of Europe to 
perform the duty of preaching to the Jews, and of holding 
inquisitions into their heresies, in the hope that with the 
help of the secular power they might stamp them out.* 

In England the relation of the Jews to the Christians 
underwent somewhat the same changes as in Continental 

' Baronius, Aniiales Ecclesia^tiei (ed. Theiner), XIII., 87. 
« Hevve de» Etudes Jnltes, VI. 81 ; VII. 94. 
• Mansi, Ci>nrUia, XXIII., 1174-6 ; Mart^ne, Thesaurus, Vf., 769. 
« Deeping, 198 ; Hahn, Geschichte der Ketzer, III., 13 ; Rule, Hutory of 
the InqnuitUm, I. 27, 80, 81, 91, 332, 335-6. 

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436 The Jewish Quarterly Review. 

Europe. Before the thirteenth century the Jews in Eng- 
land had, as has been said above, been free from molestation 
by the Church,^ and their chief danger had been from the 
brutality and greed of the disorderly populace, of desperate 
outcasts, and of marauding Crusadera^ The first great 
attack made on them by any constituted power came 
from Stephen Langton, who, not content with passing 
at his Provincial Synod a decree which, in accordance 
with the regulations of Innocent, enforced the use of 
the badge and prohibited the erection of new synagogues, 
went so far as to issue orders that no one in his diocese 
should presume, under pain of excommunication, to have 
any intercourse with Jews, or should sell them any of 
the necessaries of life. The Bishops of Lincoln and 
Norwich issued the same orders in their diocesea' Many 
other bishops in the reign of Henry IIL did their best, 
partly by legislation in their diocesan synods and 
partly by the use of their personal and spiritual influence, 
to check intercourse between Jews and Christiana* Of 
course the king's guardians, in the interest of the royal 
income, a considerable part of which was derived from 
the Jewry, interfered to prevent the measures of Langton 
and his colleagues from being carried into effect. And 
Henry, when he took into his own hands the work of 
government, while, on the one hand, he showed his 
sympathy with the fears of the Church by building 
a house for the reception of Jewish converts,' and by 
lending the sanction of the civil power to the decree that 
ordered the use of the badge,* nevertheless followed the 
example that his guardians had set, and protected the Jews 
against the aggression of the ChurcL 

> Supra, p. 428. « Supra, pp. 82, 83, 89. 

» WiUdns, Magnm BritannuB Concilia, I., 691 ; Tovey, Anglia Judaiea, 
83 ; Rye, History of Norfolk, 87. 

* WillrinB, Magna Britannia Concilia, I., 667, 693, 719 ; Letters of 
Bishop Cfrosseteste (Rolls Series), 318. 

* Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, III., 262. 

* Tovey, Anglia Judaica, 148. 

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The Expulsion of the Jews from England in 1290. 437 

There were many reasons which might have caused 
Edward to sympathise more strongly than his father 
had done, with the anti-Jewish feelings of the Church. 
He was a pious man and a pious king, filled with a sense 
of his kingly duty towards "the living God who takes 
to himself the souls of Princes."^ He was a Crusader, 
though the great crusading age was over, a founder of 
monasteries, a pilgrim to holy places; and through his 
confessors he was in close connection with, and under 
the influence of, the Dominican order.^ Some of his 
bishops were determined enemies of the Jews. John 
of Peckham, for example, the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
insisted at one time on the demolition of all the small 
private synagogues in London, at which the Jews were 
in the habit of worshipping after the confiscation of 
their great public synagogues at the end of the reign 
of Henry III. ; at another time he demanded from the 
king the help of the temporal power against Jews who 
having once been converted to Christianity, wished to go 
back to their old faith ; on another occasion he took the 
bold step of writing to the Queen concerning her business 
transactions with the Jews, solemnly warning her that 
unless she gave them up she could never be absolved from 
her sins, "nay, not though an angel should assert the 
contrary."' At Hereford, Bishop Swinfield was so 
determined to prevent intercourse with Jews that, when 
he heard that certain Christians intended to be present 
at a marriage feast to be given by some rich Jews of the 
city, he issued a proclamation threatening with ex- 
communication any who should carry out their intention, 
and, when his proclamation was disregarded, he carried out 
his threat.* 

» Bymer, Foedera^ I., 743. 

« Tout, JSduxtrd /., pp. 69, 149. 

' John of Peckham, Registrum Epittolarum (BoUs Series), I., 239 ; 
II., 407; III., 937; Wilkms, MagntB Britannia ConcUia, II., 88-9; 
Prynne, Second Demvrrer^ 121-2. 

* Household Boll of Bishop Swinfield (Camden Society), pp. c, ci. 

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438 The Jewish Quarterly Renew, 

Certain events that happened, or were said to have 
happened, in England in Edward s lifetime, some, indeed, 
under his own observation, may well have seemed to him 
to justify the attitude of the Church. In 1275 a Domini- 
can friar was converted to Judaism.^ In 1268, while 
Edward was in Oxford, the Chancellor, masters and 
scholars of the University, and the Parochial Clergy, were 
going in procession to visit the shrine of St. Friedswide 
when, according to a story that gained general credence, 
a Jew of the city snatched from the bearer a cross that 
was being carried at their head and trod it under foot.^ 
At Norwich, early in Edward s reign, a Jew was burnt 
for blasphemy.* At Nottingham, in 1278, a Jewess was 
charged with abusing in scandalous terms all the Christian 
bystanders in the market-place.* 

Edward's conduct could not but be influenced by the 
general tone of opinion in the Church, by the strong 
anti-Jewish feeling of some of his bishops, and by the 
follies, real or supposed, of the Jews themselvea In 
continuation of his father's policy he made, throughout 
his reign, such contributions as, with his scanty means, he 
could afford, to the support of the House of Converta^ He 
renewed the edict concerning the wearing of the badge, 
and extended it to Jewesses, whereas it had formerly 
applied only to Jewa^ In order that the Dominicans 
might be able to carry on in England the same efforts at 
conversion as they were already pursuing in France, Spain 
and Germany, he issued to all the sheriffs and bailiffs in 
England writs bidding them do their best so induce all 

' Graetz, Ocschichte der Juden, VII., note 11. Florence of Win'cegUr 
(English Historical Society), II., 214. 

* Tovey, Atiglia Judaica, 168. 

■ Forty-ninth Report of the Deputy-Keeper of the Public Records, 
p. 187. 

* Forty -seventh Report of the Deputy-Keeper of the Public Records, 
p. 306. 

* Dictionary of Political Economy^ Article, "Jews (House for Con- 

* Tovey, An/^Iia Judaica, 208. 

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The Expulman of the Jeicsfrom England in 1290. 43^ 

the Jews in the counties and towns under their charge 
to assemble and hear the word of God preached by the 
friars.^ To meet the danger to religion that might arise 
from the blasphemous utterances of Jews, he ordered that 
proclamation should be made throughout England that 
any Jew found guilty (after an enquiry conducted by 
Christians) of having spoken disrespectfully of Christ, the 
Virgin Mary, or the Catholic faith, should be liable to the 
loss of life or limbs.^ 

Thus far Edward was prepared to go, and no farther. 
He believed that the Jews, so long as they remain Jews, 
lived in ignorance and sin, and he did what he could to 
help the friars in the effort to convert them. He believed 
that some among them were likely to make blasphemous 
attacks on Christianity, and he did what he could to keep 
them in check. But he believed that it was possible for 
them to live in peace and quietness, carrying on trades and 
handicrafts, among Christian neighbours in Christian 
towns. And it was to enable them to do so that he 
adopted the policy of 1275, and bade the Jews renounce 
usury, giving them at the same time permission " to prac- 
tise trade, to live by their labour, and, for those purposes, 
freely to converse with Christians." But, as we have seen, 
there were imposed on the Jews who attempted to avail 
themselves of this permission, legal disadvantages which 
wholly unfitted them for industrial competition with non- 
Jews, and compelled them to continue the practice of 
usury. That Edward recognised this fact is shown by 
the issue of the revised Statute of Usurers some years 
after 1275 ; but that measure was inconclusive and incon- 
sistent with the rest of his policy. Sooner or later the 
conclusion would have forced itself on him that until the 
Jews were, by the acquisition of the right to become 
burgesses and gildsmen, enabled to enter into industrial 

* Forty-ninth Report of the Deputy-Keeper of the Public Records, 
p. 95 ; Rymer, Fcedera^ I., 576 ; Madox, Exchequer, I., 259. 

* Tovey, Anglia Judaiea, p. 208. 

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440 The Jetcish Quarterly Review, 

competition on equal terms with Christians, all his efforts 
to make them traders instead of usurers would be wasted. 
He would then have had before him two alternatives. He 
might, on the one hand, have declined to sacrifice his 
seignorial rights over the Jews, whom he had described 
in the Statute of 1275 as " talliable to the king as his own 
serfs, and not otherwise," and in that case he would have 
had to recognise that his whole Jewish policy was an 
impossible one. Or he might, on the other hand, have 
revoked the provision in the statute which forbade the 
Jews to be in "scots, lots, or talliage with the other 
inhabitants of those cities or burgesses where they re- 
mained." Such a measure would have been a step in the 
only direction which could possibly lead to the success of 
his policy. But it would not by itself have been enough 
to secure success; for, when the legal difficulties of the 
Jews had been removed, there would still have remained 
the social difficulties which proceeded from the dislike in 
which they were held by the Church and the people ; and, 
unless these difficulties also could be removed, so that the 
Jews might be in a position of social equality, as well as 
legal equality, with Christians, and associate with them 
in friendly intercourse, the king's policy would be as far 
from success as ever. Which alternative Edward would 
have decided to adopt is, of course, a question we have 
no means of answering; but the decision was taken out 
of his hands by the interference, for the first and last 
time in English history, of the head of the Catholic Church 
in the relations between the Jews and the king. 

At the end of 1286, Honorius IV. addressed to the 
Archbishops of Canterbury^ and York* and their suffragans 
the following bull : — 

"We have heard that in England the accursed and 
perfidious Jews have done unspeakable things and horrible 
acts, to the shame of our Creator and the detriment of the 

* BaroniuB, Annate* EccleHattun (ed. Theiner), XIII., 10, 11. 
» lUvue deJt Etudes Juives, I., 298. 

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The Uxpuleion of the Jews from England tn 1290. 441 

Catholic faith. They are said to have a wicked and 
deceitful book, which they commonly call Thalmud, con- 
taining manifold abominations, falsehoods, heresies, and 
abuses. This damnable work they continually study, and 
with its nefarious contents their base thoughts are always 
engaged. Moreover, they set their children from their 
tender years to study its lethal teaching, and they do not 
scruple to tell them that they ought to believe in it more 
than in the Law of Moses, so that the said children may 
flee from the path of God and go astray in the devious 
ways of the unbelievera Moreover, they not only attempt 
to entice the minds of the faithful to their pestilent sect, 
but also, with many gifts, they seduce to apostasy those 
who, led by wholesome counsel, have abjured the error of 
infidelity and betaken themselves to the Christian faith ; 
so that some, being led away by the treachery of the Jews, 
live with them according to their rite and law, even in 
the parishes in which they received new life from the 
sacred font of baptism; and hence arise injury to our 
Saviour, scandal to the faithful, and dishonour to the 
Christian faith. Some also who have been baptised they 
send to other places, in order that there they may live 
unknown and return to their disbelief. They invite and 
urgently persuade Christians to attend their synagogues on 
the Sabbath and on other of their solemn occasions, to hear 
and take part in their services, and to show reverence to 
the parchment-scroll or book in which their law is written, 
in consequence of which many Christians Judaise with the 

"Moreover, they have in their households Christians 
whom they compel to busy themselves on Simdays and 
feast-days with servile tasks from which they should re- 
frain. And so they cast opprobrium on the majesty of 
God. They have in their houses Christian women to bring 
up their children. Christian men and women dwell among 
them; and so it often happens, when occasion offers and 
the time is favourable to shameful actions, that Christian 

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442 The Jewkh Quarterly Review. 

men have unblessed intercourse with Jewish women and 
Christian women with Jewish men. 

" Yet Christians and Jews go on meeting in each others' 
houses. They spend their leisure in banqueting and feast- 
ing together, and hence the opportunity for mischief be- 
comes easy. On certain days they publicly abuse Christians, 
or rather curse them, and do other wicked acts which offend 
God and cause the loss of soula 

" And although some of you have been often asked to 
devise a fitting remedy for these things, yet you have 
failed to comply. Whereat we are forced to wonder the 
more, since the duty of your pastoral office binds you to 
show yourselves more ready and determined than other 
men to avenge the wrongs of our Saviour, and to oppose 
the nefarious attempts of the foes of the Christian faith. 

" An evil so dangerous must not be made light of, lest, 
being neglected, it may grow great. You are boimd to rise 
up with ready courage against such audacity in order that it 
may be completely suppressed and confounded and that the 
dignity and glory of the Catholic Faith may increase. There- 
fore by this apostolic writing we give orders that, as the duty 
of your office demands, you shall use inhibitions, spiritual 
and temporal penalties and other methods, which shaU seem 
good to you, and which, in your preaching and at other 
fitting times you shall set forth, to the end, that this dis- 
ease may be checked by proper remediea So may you 
have your reward from the mercy of the Eternal King. 
We shall extol in our prayers your wisdom and diligence. 
Let us know fully by your letters what you do in this 

X. — The Effects of the Clerical Opposition. 

Edward was too religious to disregard the wishes of the 
Pope, expressed thus formaUy and solemnly and with the 
utmost strength of language. And he had special reasons 
for paying heed to the words of Honorius IV., on whose 
money-lenders he was dependent for loans, and whose 

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The Expulsion of the Jews from England in 1290. 443 

predecessor had, by the exercise of his spiritual powers, 
secured for him a tenth part of the goods of the clergy of 
England.^ From the moment of the issue of the bull, the 
policy inaugurated by the statute of 1275 was doomed. 
For of the two alternatives that Edward would have had 
before him in any further Jewish legislation that he might 
have undertaken — the alternative^ of the abandonment of 
the policy of 1275, or the extension of it by further 
measures for the assimilation of the status of Jews to that 
of Christians — ^the Church now demanded that he should 
at once adopt the former. It demanded that the Jews of 
England should live isolated from the Christians ; and this 
they could do only so long as they kept to pursuits, such as 
usury, for the practice of which they required no connec- 
tion with the organisation of a gild or a town. 

For a time Edward could take no decisive measures, since 
when the buU reached England, he had left for Gascony.^ 
In that province nothing had apparently as yet been done 
to satisfy the demand made by the Council of Lyons, in 
1274, that alien usurers should no longer be tolerated in 
the land of Christiana It was hopeless to try to enforce 
in a distant dependency the policy that had been beset in 
England with so many difficulties, and had now incurred 
the direct opposition of the Church. The only alternative 
was expulsion, a measure that on French soil suggested it- 
self the more naturally, since two French kings had practi- 
cally adopted it already. Before he returned home, Edward 
issued an order that all Jews should leave Gascony.^ 

The application of the same measure in England was a 
more serious matter, since the English Jews were doubtless 
a much larger community than those of Gascony. But, 
determined not to tolerate them as usurers, and convinced 

> Rymer, I., 560-1. 

» Edward left England May, 1286. Florence of Worcester (English 
Historical Society), II., 236. 

• WiUelmi Rishnnger Chronica et Annales (Rolls Series), 116 ; Floret 
Historiarum (Rolls Series), III., 70-71. 

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444 Tlie Jewish Quarterly Retnew, 

of the hopelessness of his efforts to change them into 
traders, Edward had no alternative but to treat them as he 
had treated their coreligionists in Qascony. 

No doubt he was influenced in his resolution by the mem- 
bers of his family and court His wife and mother and 
various of his officers had been in the habit of receiving 
liberal grants from the property and forfeitures of the 
Jewa^ They must have known that this resource was 
decreasing steadily, and was not worth husbanding, and 
they must have welcomed a measure which would bring 
into the King's hands a fairly large amount of spoil capable 
of immediate distribution. And, probably, some of the 
ecclesiastical members of the court felt, as his mother 
certainly did,^ a religious hatred of the Jews and a religious 
joy at the prospect of their disappearance. 

XI. — The Expulsion. 

Of the course of events for the first few months after 
Edward's return to England, very meagre accounts have 
come down to ua His searching inquiry into the conduct 
of the judges during his absence* must have taken up 
most of his time and energy. As soon as he had meted 
out punishment to those whom he had found guilty of 
corruption, he turned to the Jewish question. On the 
18th of July, 1290, writs were issued to the sheriflfe of 
counties, informing them that a decree had been passed 
that all Jews should leave England before the feast of 
All Saints of that year.* Any who remained in the country 

» Forty-second Beport of the Deputy-Keeper of the Public JUeordSy 
693; FoHy-fouHh Report, 109, 296; FoHy-fifth Report, 72, 163; 
Forty-ninth RepoH, 81 ; Calendar of Patent Rolls from 1281 to 1292, 
62, 193 ; Archaologia, VI., 339 ; Madox, History of the Exchequer, I. 
226 t<7 ; 230 d ; 231 Z ; John of Peokham, Registrum Bpistolarum, II. 
619; III., 937; Rogers, Oscford (My Documents (Oxford Historioal 
Society), 208, 219 ; Tovey, Anglia Judaioa, 200. 

« Graetz, Oeschiehte der Juden (Second Edition), VIL, note 11. 

« Chronicles of Edward I. and Edioard IL (Rolls Series), L, 97 ; The 
Chronicle of Pierre de Langtoft (Rolls Series), II., 185-6. 

* Tovey, Anglia Judaiea, 240. 

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The Expulsion of the Jews from England in 1290. 445 

after the prescribed day were declared liable to the penalty 
of death.* 

Every effort was made by the King to secure the peace 
and safety of the Jews during the short period for which 
they were allowed to remain, and in the course of their 
journey from their homes to the coast, and from the coast 
to their ultimate destination. The sheriffs were ordered 
to have public proclamation made that "no one within 
the appointed period should injure, harm, damage, or 
grieve them," and were to ensure, for such as chose to pay 
for it, a safe journey to London. The wardens of the 
Cinque Ports, within the district of whose jurisdiction 
many of the Jews would necessarily embark, received 
orders of the same spirit as those that had been addressed 
to the sheriffs of the countiea They were to see that the 
exiles were provided, after payment, with a safe and 
speedy passage across the sea, and that the poor among 
them were enabled to travel at cheap rates and were treated 
with consideration.* These general orders were reinforced 
by the issue of special writs of safe-conduct for individual 
Jews.* The exiles were allowed to carry with them all 
of their own property that was in their possession at the 
time of the issue of the decree of expulsion, together with 
such pledges deposited with them by Christians as were 
not redeemed before a fixed date. A few Jews who were 
high in the favour of royal personages, such as Aaron, son 
of Vives, who was a "chattel" of the King's brother 
Edmund,* and Cok, son of Hagin, who belonged to the 
Queen,^ were allowed before their departure to sell their 
houses and fees to any Christian who would buy them. 

On St. Denis 8 Day all the Jews of London started on 
their journey to the sea-coast.* The treatment that they 
met with was not so merciful as the king had wished. 

* Bartholomai de Cotton, HUtoria Ajiglicana (BoUs Series), p. 178. 

* Toyey, Anglia Judaioa, 240-2. 

* Ih. 241 ; Calendivt of Patent RoOi fr<m 1281 to 1292, 878, 881, 882. 

* Ih, 879. » Ih, 384. • Ihid,, 232. 


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446 The Jeunsh Quarterly Review, 

Many of the richer among them embarked with all their 
property at London. At the mouth of the Thames, the 
master cast anchor during the ebb-tide, so that his vessel 
grounded on the sands, and invited his passengers to walk 
on the shore till it was again afloat. He led them to a 
great distance, so that they did not get back till the tide 
was again fulL Then he ran into the water, climbed into 
the ship by means of a rope, and bade them, if they needed 
help, call on their Prophet Moses. They followed him into 
the water, and most of them were drowned. The sailors 
appropriated all that the Jews had left on board. But 
subsequently the master and his accomplices were indicted, 
convicted of murder, and hanged.^ 

One body of the exiles set sail for France. During their 
voyage fierce storms swept the sea. Many were drowned. 
Many were cast destitute on the coast that they were 
seeking, and were allowed by the King to live for a time 
in Amiens.* This act of mercy, however, called forth the 
censure of the Pope, and the Parlement de la Chandeleur, 
which met in the same year, decreed that all the Jews 
from England and Qascony that had taken refuge in the 
French king's dominions should leave the country by the 
middle of the next Lent.* Another body, numbering 1,335, 
and consisting, to a great extent, of the poor, went to 
Flanders.* The only known fact that we have to guide 
our conjectures as to the ultimate place of settlement of 
any of those who left England is that, in a list of the in- 
habitants of the Paris Jewry, made four years after the 
Expulsion, there appear certain neunes with the additions 
of VEnglische or I'Englais} It may well be that many Jews 

* Walter of Hemingburgh, Chronicon (English HiBtorioal Sooiety), I., 
21, 22 ; Bartholomaeas Cotton, Hutoria Anglieana (Rolls Seriee), 178 ; 
Amudet Moruutici, III., 362, IV., 327. 

' Oput Chronieorum in CkronicU* of S. Albania J. de TrokdotDey ete.^ 
Annales (Rolls Series), 57. 
» Lanridre, Ordonnanees des RoU de la France, I., 317. 

* fhrtieth Report of Deputy-Keeper of PMie Reeordt, p. 474. 

* Berve des Etudes Juires, Vol. I., pp. 66, 67, 69. 

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The Expulsion of the Jews from England in 1290. 447 

from England, speaking the French language, were able, in 
spite of the Act of the Parlement de la Chandeleur, to become 
merged in the general body of the Jews of France, who 
were many times as numerous as those of England had 
been.^ Many, too, may have thrown in their lot with their 
860,000 coreligionists of Spain.* 

The property that they left behind them in Elngland 
consisted of such dwelling-houses, and other houses, as 
remained to them in spite of the strict conditions imposed 
by the Statue of 1275, of the synagogues and cemeteries 
of their local congregations, and of bonds partly for the 
repayment of money, and partly for the delivery of wool 
and com for which the price had been paid in advance. 
All fell into the hands of the King,^ except, possibly, the 
houses in some of those towns, such as Hereford, Win- 
chester, and Ipswich, of which the citizens had by the 
purchase of manorial rights become entitled to all fines and 
forfeitures.* The annual value of the houses, as shown in 
the returns made by the sheriffs, was, after allowance had 
been made for the right of the Capital Lords, about £130. 
The value of the debts, as shown in the register made by 
the officers of the Exchequer, was about £9,100, but the 
amount for realisation was diminished by the King's re- 
solve to take from the debtors, not the full amount for 
which they were liable, and which, under the amended 
statute of the Jewry,* could include three years' interest, 
but only the bare principal that had been originally 
advanced. Even this was not fully collected; payment 
was, by the King's permission, delayed, and confirmations, 

' Graete, VII.. 267. « Ibid., 155. 

* Langtoft, II., 189 ; Hemingbnrgh, II., 21 ; Madox, Ewch.y L, 261. 

* JohiiBon, CuHam* of Hereford, p. 100 ; Madoz, Firma Bwrgi, 12^ 
19, 23. I am not at all confident of the accuracy of Mr. Johnson's state- 
ment, on which the latter half of this sentence is founded. Certainly some 
of the houses of the Jews of Hereford, Winchester, and Ipswich, were 
granted away by the king QLansdoume MS8., British Museum, Vol. 826, 
part 5, Transcript 4, Rotuli Originalium (Record Commission), I.^ 73(- 

* Paper Jt Anglo^Jetouh Hidorical Exhibition, p. 230. 

G Q 2 

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448 The Jewish Quarterly Review, 

made in 1315 and 1327, of the renunciation of interest, 
show how long some of the debts remained outstanding. 
Edward III. finally gave up the claim to all further 

It was ordered that the houses should be sold and the 
proceeds devoted to pious usea' But it appears that 
they were nearly all given away to the King's friends.* 

XII. — The Necessity of the Expulsion. 

The Expulsion was not the act of a cruel king. The 
forbearance which marks the orders to the officers who 
were charged with the execution of the decree had been 
shown by Edward many a time before, when he protected 
Jews against claims too rigorously enforced, and ordered 
that his own rights should be waived where insistence on 
them would have deprived his debtors of their means of 

Nor was it prompted by greed. It is true that im- 
mediately after it, and according to the account of many 
chroniclers, as an expression of gratitude for it, the 
Parliament voted a tenth and a fifteenth.' But this can- 

> Rotvli Parliamentorum, I, 346ft ; II., 8a, 402a ; Statutes of Realm, 1 
Ed. III., Stat. 2, § 3. 

' Tovey, 236 ; Prynne, Second Demurrer, 127 ; Papers, An^lo-Jeiouh 
Higtori^al Exhibition, 21. 

* A list not quite complete, of the houses belonging to the expeUed 
Jews is contained in the Manuscript known as Q. R. Miscellanea : " Jews,** 
No. 557, 9 and 11 (Public Record Office). A list of persons who reoeiyed 
from the King -grants of Jews* houses, to hold at a nominal rental, Ib 
printed in Rotulorum Originalium Ahhreriatio (Record Commission) 
pp. 73■-76^ and the deeds of gift are copied in fuU in Lansdowne MSS. 
(British Museum) Vol. 826, Part 5, Transcript 4. Nearly all the houses 
mentioned in Q. R. Miscellanea are granted away by deeds included in the 
RotvZi OrigineUium and the Lansdowne Transcript. 

« Madox, Exch. I. 2, 248A, 258i, etc. ; Tovey, 207 ; Prynne, 2nd Ten, 69, 
76 ; Rymer, Foedera, 523, 598. 

» Chronica Monasterii de Melsa (RoUs Series), II., 261-2. Annates Monas- 
ti4!i. III., 362 ; W. de Hemingbnrgh, Chranieon (English Historical 
Society) II., 22. 

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The Eapulston of the Jews from England in 1290. 449 

not have been a bribe offered beforehand, for the writs 
announcing the decree were issued on the fourth day after 
that for which the Parliament was summoned.^ It is 
impossible to suppose that in so short an interval the 
question was brought up, the policy chosen, the price 
fixed, and the decree issued. It is equally impossible 
that Edwjad's conduct should have been affected by the 
prospect of the confiscation of the small amount of property 
that the Jews left behind them. 

The Expulsion was a piece of independent royal action, 
made necessary by the impossibility of carrying out the 
only alternative policy that an honourable Christian king 
could adopt. And the impossibility was not of Edward's 
making. It was the result of many causes, and the know- 
ledge of it had been brought home to him by many proofs. 
The guesses of our contemporary, and all but contemporary, 
authorities who take on themselves to explain his action, 
show how many were the obstacles before which he had to 
confess himself vanquished. In one chronicle the Expulsion 
is represented as a concession to the prayer of the Pope f in 
another, as the result of the efforts of Queen Eleanor ;' in a 
third, as a measure of summary punishment against the blas- 
phemy of the Jews, taken to give satisfaction to the English 
clergy ;* in a fourth as an answer to the complaints made by 
the magnates of the continued prevalence of usury ;* in a fifth 
as an act of conformity to public opinion f in a sixth, as a 
reform suggested by the King's independent general enquiry 
into the administration of the kingdom during his absence, 

* Parliament was summoned for July 15th ; see Parliamentary Paper 69 ; 
of 1878 (H. of C.) " Parliaments of England " ; the write ordering the Expul- 
sion were issued on July the 18th ; see Tovey, 240. 

* French Chronicler of London, in Riley's Chronicles of Old London^ 

« Annales Momutici, II., 409. 

« Ih., ni., 861. 

» W. de Hemingburgh, II., 20. 

* Chronicles of Edward L and Edward II. (Rolls Series) Vol. I. 99 
(" Omnes JudflBi .... conredente Rege Bdwardo exulantur"). 

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450 The Jeicish Quarterly Review, 

and his discovery, through the complaints of the Council, 
of the " deceits " of the Jews.* 

Each of these statements gives us some information as 
to the nature and extent of the failure of Edward's policy. 
None gives the true cause, for none sets before us the true 
position of the Jews and their relations with their 
neighbours. It is true that it was the bull of Honorius 
that finally compelled Edward to give up his attempt to 
assimilate the position of the Jews to that of Christian 
traders. It is true, no doubt, that his mother had from the 
first dissuaded him from generous treatment, and, perhaps, 
had induced him to lessen the chance of the success of his 
policy by asserting his right over them as over his serfa* 
But the bull of the Pope and the personal influence of the 
Queen-mother were alike unnecessary. If Edward had 
waived all his rights, if the Church had in his reign relented 
towards the Jews instead of increasing its bitterness towards 
them, both acts of generosity would have come too late. 
The same