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Full text of "Jewish religious life after the exile"

Janice Ik. flDoffitt 



No. 



PAULINE FORE MOFFITT 
LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
GENERAL LIBRARY, BERKELEY 



THE AMERICAN LECTURES 
ON THE HISTORY OF RELIGIONS. 



I. Buddhism. The History and Literature of Bud- 
dhism. By T. W. RHYS-DAVIDS, LL.D., Ph.D. 

II. Primitive Religions. The Religions of Primitive 
Peoples. By D. G. BRINTON, A.M., M.D., LL.D.,Sc.D., 
Professor of Archaeology and Linguistics in the University 
of Pennsylvania. 

III. Israel. Jewish Religious Life After the Exile. 
By the Rev. T. K. CHEYNE, M.A., D.D., Oriel Pro- 
fessor of the Interpretation of the Holy Scriptures in the 
University of Oxford, and formerly Fellow of Balliol 
College ; Canon of Rochester. 

IV. Israel. Religious Life and Thought among the 
I Iclnews in Pre-Exilic Days. By Professor KARL BUDDE, 
of Strasburg, Germany (1899). 



G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 

NEW YORK AND LONDON 



AMERICAN LECTURES ON THE 
HISTORY OF RELIGIONS 

THIRD SERIES-1897-1898 



JEWISH RELIGIOUS LIFE 
AFTER THE EXILE 



BY 



THE REV. T. K. CHEYNE, M.A., D.D. 

Oriel Professor of the Interpretation of Holy Scripture at Oxford, 

and formerly Fellow of Balliol College ; 

Canon of Rochester 



G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 
NEW YORK AND LONDON 
fmfcfcerbocfcer press 
1898 



COPYRIGHT, 1898 

BY 

G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 
Entered at Stationers' Hall, London 



ttbc Knickerbocker prcee, "New tforh 



GIFT 



ANNOUNCEMENT. 

THE American Lectures on the History of Re- 
ligions are delivered under the auspices of 
the American Committee for Lectures on the His- 
tory of Religions. This Committee was organised in 
1892 for the purpose of instituting " popular courses 
in the History of Religions, somewhat after the style 
of the Hibbert lectures in England, to be delivered 
annually by the best scholars of Europe and this 
country, in various cities, such as Baltimore, Boston, 
Brooklyn, Chicago, New York, Philadelphia, and 
others." 

The terms of association under which the Com- 
mittee exists are as follows : 

I. The object of this Association shall be to provide 
courses of lectures on the history of religions, 
to be delivered in various cities. 
2. The Association shall be composed of delegates 
from Institutions agreeing to co-operate, or 
from Local Boards, organised where such co- 
operation is not possible. 

3. These delegates one from each Institution or 
Local Board shall constitute themselves a 

iii 

458 



iv Announcement 



Council under the name of the " American 
Committee for Lectures on the History of 
Religions." 

4. The Council shall elect out of its number a Presi- 
dent, a Secretary, and a Treasurer. 

5. All matters of local detail shall be left to the In- 
stitutions or Local Boards, under whose aus- 
pices the lectures are to be delivered. 

6. A course of lectures on some religion, or phase 
of religion, from an historical point of view, or 
on a subject germane to the study of reli- 
gions, shall be delivered annually, or at such 
intervals as may be found practicable, in the 
different cities represented by this Association. 

7. The Council (a) shall be charged with the selec- 
tion of the lecturers, (b) shall have charge of 
the funds, (c) shall assign the time for the 
lectures in each city, and perform such other 
functions as may be necessary. 

8. Polemical subjects, as well as polemics in the treat- 
ment of subjects, shall be positively excluded. 

9. The lecturer shall be chosen by the Council at 
least ten months before the date fixed for the 
course of lectures. 

10. The lectures shall be delivered in the various 
cities between the months of October and 
June. 



Announcement v 

n. The copyright of the lectures shall be the prop- 
erty of the Association. 

12. One half of the lecturer's compensation shall be 

paid at the completion of the entire course, 

and the second half upon the publication of 

the lectures. 

13. The compensation offered to the lecturer shall 

be fixed in each case by the Council. 
14. The lecturer is not to deliver elsewhere any of 
the lectures for which he is engaged by the 
Committee, except with the sanction of the 
Committee. 

The Committee as now constituted is as follows : 
C. H. Toy (Harvard University), Chairman. 
Morris Jastrow, Jr. (University of Pa.), Secretary. 
John P. Peters (New York), Treasurer. 
Francis Brown (Union Theological Seminary). 
Richard J. H. Gottheil (Columbia University). 
Paul Haupt (Johns Hopkins University). 
Franklin W. Hooper (Brooklyn Institute). 
J. F. Jameson (Brown University). 
George F. Moore (Andover Theological Semi- 
nary). 

F. K. Sanders (Yale University). 
J. G. Schurman (Cornell University). 
The first course of American Lectures on the His- 
tory of Religions was delivered in the winter of 



vi Announcement 



1894-1895, by Prof. T. W. Rhys-Davids, Ph.D., 
LL.D., of London, ErPgland. His subject was the 
History and Literature of Buddhism. The second 
course was delivered in 1896-1897, by Prof. Daniel 
G. Brinton, A.M., M.D., LL.D., Sc.D., of Philadel- 
phia, on the Religions of Primitive Peoples. These 
lectures were published in book form by Messrs. G. 
P. Putnam's Sons, publishers to the Committee, un- 
der the above titles, in 1896 and 1897 respectively. 

The third course of lectures was delivered in 1897- 
1898, on Jewish Religious Life after the Exile, by 
the Rev. T. K. Cheyne, M.A., D.D., Oriel Profes- 
sor of the Interpretation of Holy Scriptures at Ox- 
ford, and Canon of Rochester, and is contained in 
the present volume, the third of the series. These 
lectures were delivered at the following places : 

Andover (Andover Theological Seminary). 

Baltimore (Johns Hopkins University). 

Boston (Lowell Institute). 

Brooklyn (Brooklyn Institute). 

Ithaca (Cornell University). 

New Haven (Yale University). 

New York (Union Theological Seminary). 

Philadelphia (University of Pennsylvania). 

Providence (Brown University Lecture Associ- 
ation). 
Professor Cheyne is one of the leading Biblical 



Announcement vii 



scholars of the day, whose contributions to the criti- 
cal study of the Old Testament have profoundly in- 
fluenced both scholars and laymen, and needs no 
introduction to the public. His most important 
publications are the following : The Prophecies of 
Isaiah, Job and Solomon, The Book of Psalms, The 
Origin and Religious Contents of the Psalter (Bamp- 
ton Lectures, 1889), The Hallowing of Criticism, 
Jeremiah and his Times, Introduction to the Book of 
Isaiah, and a new critical edition of the text of 
Isaiah with a translation and commentary, in the Poly- 
chrome Bible. 

The American Lectures on the History of Reli- 
gions for 1898-1899 will be delivered by Prof. Karl 
Budde, Ph.D., of Strasburg, on the theme, Reli- 
gious Life and Thought among the Hebrews in Pre- 
Exilic Days. The lecturer for 1899-1900 will be 
Edouard Naville, of Geneva, the well-known Egypt- 
ologist. 

JOHN P. PETERS, "| Committee 

C. H. TOY, on 

MORRIS J ASTRO w, JR., J Publication. 

MAY, 1898. 



CONTENTS. 



LECTURE I. RELIGIOUS LIFE IN JUDAEA BEFORE 
THE ARRIVAL OF NEHEMIAH. 

PAGE 

The Judaean population before Ezra's time Inquiry into the tone 
of their religion Haggai and Zechariah Completion of the 
second temple The true commencement of the post-exilic 
period Zerubbabel put forward as Messianic king At- 
titude of Zechariah towards fasting His theological explan- 
ation of Israel's calamity His deficiencies as a moralist 
made good by " Malachi " Spiritual improvement in the 
Jerusalem community ; appearance of a band of strict observ- 
ers of Deuteronomy Prophetic record of an attempt, before 
that of Ezra, to stir up the Babylonian Jews Contrast be- 
tween Ezekiel and Isa. xlix.-lv. The former more influen- 
tial at Jerusalem than the latter Fresh light on the relations 
between the Jews and the Samaritans, and between the or- 
thodox and the heretical Jews Nehemiah's violent conduct 
towards the Samaritans ; its explanation Survey of results 
The Jewish priest Manasseh ; his services to the Samari- 
tans Jews and Samaritans compared Their unconscious 
agreement as to the essence of religion Attitude of Jesus to 
the Jewish law and to individual Samaritans . . 1-35 

LECTURE II. NEHEMIAH, EZRA, AND MANASSEH; 
OR, THE RECONSTITUTION OF THE JEWISH 
AND THE SAMARITAN COMMUNITIES. 

The exiles in Babylonia not deficient in patriotism Their 
literary occupations directed to practical objects Object of 
the first appendix to the Second Isaiah (chaps, xlix.-lv.) 
More directly practical spirit of the Jews who visited Nehe- 



Contents 



PAGB 

miah, a butler of Artaxerxes Longimanus (?) Nehemiah's 
character and work His statements not to be accepted with- 
out criticism. Quite probable that Jewish prophets had 
represented Nehemiah as the Messiah Sanballat at first 
sincerely desired a compromise Nehemiah probably de- 
parted when the wall was ready He must have been missed ; 
in fact, his work was but half done The Samaritan connec- 
tion was not broken off Object of Ezra and his companions 
The formation of the congregation Reappearance of 
Nehemiah as governor or high commissioner His three 
practical objects Ezra's law-book In what sense it can be 
called new Its object, the holiness of the community Law 
of the Day of Atonement ; its strange details Ezra's book 
not exclusively legal Religious character of the narratives 
of the introduction The new ideals of the " humble ones" 
in the lives of the patriarchs, rewritten in the Priestly Code, 
also partly in the life of Job Sanctification must precede 
deliverance ; hence a minute code was necessary . 36-81 

LECTURE III. JEWISH RELIGIOUS IDEALS ; HIN- 
DRANCES TO THEIR PERFECT DEVELOPMENT. 

Troubles of the Jews in the post-exilic period A religious 
compensation, vi/.., the increased prominence of the Israelit- 
ish ideal as a subject of meditation Evidence of this : (i) 
A cycle of four songs on the " Servant of Jehovah " inserted 
in, and interwoven with, Isa. xl.-lv. In Isa. lii., 13-liii., 12, 
the "Servant" is a fusion of all martyrs and confessors; in 
xlii., 1-4, xlix., 1-6, 1., 4-9, not of all, but of those only who 
preached and expounded the religious law (2) Prophecies 
of the Messianic king Early history of this form of belief 
(3) Psalms of the " Messianic king " or " Royal psalms " 
Sternness of the foreign policy ascribed to the Messiah 
Accuracy of the psalmist's descriptions wrongly denied 
Heathen oppressors Division of the Jews into the wicked 
rich and the righteous poor not an exhaustive classification 
The latter are but the inner circle of Israel ; around them 
are the great mass of less perfect Israelites, who need the 
guidance of wiser men than themselves . . . 82-125 



Contents xi 



LECTURE IV. JEWISH WISDOM ; ITS MEANING, OB- 
JECT, AND VARIETIES. 

PAGE 

Recognition of the necessity of systematic instruction of the 
young Mythical founder of the "Wisdom-Literature" 
One of the chief prerequisites of wisdom, loving-kindness 
The want of this makes a man a " fool " And wide as is the 
influence of the wise, it does not extend to the "fool" 
Wisdom and prosperity go together Religious aspect of wis- 
dom Proverbs, like the Law, presupposes the theory of earth- 
ly retribution Difficulty of the Proverbs respecting the king 
No systematic Messianic element exists in Ecclesiasticus 
or Proverbs A less severely practical view of wisdom (Prov. 
viii., 22-31 ; Job xxviii., 1-27 ; xxxviii., xxxix.) If the first 
part of wisdom is the fear of Jehovah, its latter part has a wider 
range The inquisitive spirit finely expressed in the speeches 
of Jehovah Wisdom moderates the divine power She is 
herself powerful beyond expression j it is a pastime to her to 
elaborate a world Affinities of these strange new ideas 
The personification of wisdom ; Egyptian and especially Per- 
sian (Zoroastrian) parallels ; Greek parallels less appropriate 
The true Book of Job The suggestiveness of the story only 
discovered after the Exile The original book reconstructed ; 
its influence on Isa. liii. ; parallelism of the two works 
Considerations which led to the insertion of the dialogues 
Change in the conception of Job's character The writer 
refuted (as he must have thought) the old doctrine of unfail- 
ing retribution But he did not solve the problem of suffer- 
ing 126-172 

LECTURE V. ORTHODOX AND HERETICAL WISDOM ; 
CONTEMPORARY LEVITICAL PIETY. 

The spirit of doubt enters Judaism from Greece A record of this 
in Prov. xxx. , 1-4 The author, a Hellenising Jew, a proto- 
type of Goethe's Faust Orthodox protest in Prov. xxx., 5-9 
Evidence that there were other sceptical writings besides 
Agur's poem Chief among these is Ecclesiastes Difficulties 
of the book How much religion had the author? He is 



xii Contents 



PAGE 

no atheist, but his God is too transcendental He has also 
abandoned the belief in God's retributive justice Such state- 
ments as Eccles. vii., 15 ; viii., 14, pained devout readers 
Hence references to a present and a future judgment of the 
wicked were interpolated Unfortunate consequence of this 
heterodoxy God remained, but he could only fear God, not 
trust Him Yet his morality is not the lowest : he recom- 
mends the pleasures of the table, but with a sad irony His 
social sense is weak, and his Jewish feeling almost extinct 
Opinions divided about Ecclesiastes Since they could not 
suppress the book, the authorities determined to mitigate its 
heterodoxy and to suggest the idea that the speaker is a blasJ 
and penitent king Addition to the Epilogue Date of the 
book : the first possible periods are those of John Hyrcanus 
(135-105) and Alexander Jannaeus (104-78) Objections to 
these The reign of Herod, however, gives the key to the 
book The author a philosophic Sadducee Strong contrast 
offered by Ben Sira and the Chronicler The former is 
more legal in his religion than the earlier moralists ; also 
more eschatological The latter is a Levite, and takes a 
special interest in some of the functions of his class His 
belief in present retribution ; interest in prophets ; warm 
piety 173-215 

LECTURE VI JUDAISM : ITS POWER OF ATTRACTING 
FOREIGNERS; ITS HIGHER THEOLOGY; ITS 
RELATION TO GREECE, PERSIA, AND BABYLON. 

Contrast between the missionary ideal of the " Servant " songs 
and the bitter expressions toward foreigners in the psalms 
of the late Persian period Two classes of persons among the 
" nations" Both alike are " forgetful of God," but the one 
longs to be better instructed, the other breathes out threaten- 
ings against God's people The ideal of the author of the 
" Servant" songs was also that of the writer of Jonah Its 
more practicable object, to smooth the way for the admis- 
sion of proselytes at Jerusalem (Isaiah Ivi., 1-5) Book of 
Ruth Circumstances favourable to an influx of foreigners be- 



Contents xiii 



PAGE 

fore the Greek period Motives of proselytes various Hope 
of a life after death for the righteous The poetical books 
show that many of the most religious and cultured persons 
held out against the new belief Even the Psalter, which we 
might expect to find more hospitable to new beliefs, contains 
no reference to Immortality or the Resurrection Down to 
Simon the Maccabee, Resurrection and Immortality not be- 
liefs of the majority Impressive services of the temple, 
helpful to religion Superstitious formalism ; how the 
best teachers guarded against it Ps. xxvi., 5-7; Ps. xv. ; 
xxiv., 1-6 "Guests of Jehovah" in a new sense Lib- 
eralising effect of the Dispersion Conceptions of a spiritual 
temple and spiritual sacrifices Prayer and praise, the true 
sacrifices ; to which add the study of the Law Growth of 
veneration for the Law Reaction against Hellenism Jew- 
ish religion always susceptible to influences from without 
Babylonia, Persia, Greece; their several contributions to 
Judaism The Zoroastrian hymns compared with the Psalms 
Connection of these inquiries with a much larger one : the 
origin and nature of essential Christianity and Judaism 216-261 

INDEX 263 

INDEX TO BIBLICAL PASSAGES . . 266 



NOTE ON THE DATES OF THE LITERA- 
TURE REFERRED TO. 

FOR the convenience of the reader a conspectus 
is here given of the dates of ancient writings 
referred to. 

Haggai and Zechariah. Haggai, Sept.-Dec., 520 
B.C., Zech. i., 1-6, 520; i., ;-vi., 15, 519; vii., 
viii., 518. 

Lamentations. Lam. i., ii., iv., v., in their present 
form from the latter part of the Persian period, 
but probably based on earlier elegies. 

Isaiah i.-xxxix., Micah, etc. Messianic passages of 
post-Exilic origin. Pre-Exilic passages, possi- 
bly Jer. xxiii., 5, 6 (xxxiii., 15, 16), and Exilic, 
certainly Ezek. xvii., 22-24, xxxiv., 23 /., 
xxxvii., 24 /. 

Isaiah xl-lxvi. Isa. xl.-xlviii. (mostly), the original 
Prophecy of the prophetic writer, commonly, 
but not very suitably, named the Second Isaiah. 
Written soon after 546 (?), the year in which 
Cyrus left Sardis. Chaps, xlix.-lv., an appendix 
to the preceding prophecy, written (like Chaps, 
xl.-xlviii.) in Babylonia, but with an eye to the 
circumstances of Jerusalem. The cycle of poems 



xvi Note on the Dates of Literature 



on the Servant of Jehovah (xlii., 1-4; xlix., 
1-6; 1., 4-9; Hi., 13-liii., 12) probably had at first 
an independent existence, but was subsequently 
incorporated by an early writer into the ex- 
panded Prophecy of Restoration (i. e., Chaps, 
xl.-lv.). Chaps. Ivi.-lxvi. do not indeed form a 
single work with a unity of its own, but (with 
the probable exception of Ixiii., /-Ixiv., 12, 
which is of still later date) all belong to differ- 
ent parts of the age of Nehemiah and Ezra. 
Malachi. Shortly before the arrival of Nehemiah 

(445 ?) 

Gene sis- Jo skua. Priestly Code, provisionally com- 
pleted by Ezra and his fellows in the first half 
of the 5th century. 

Ezra. The documents in Ezr. v., vi., based upon 
genuine official records. Ezr. vii., 27-viii., 34 is 
taken from the Memoirs of Ezra (5th cent.). 

Nehemiah. Neh. i., i-vii., 5, xiii., 6-31, belong to 
the Memoirs of Nehemiah (5th cent.). 

Ruth and Jonah. Not long after Nehemiah and 
Ezra. 

Psalms. The hymn-book of the orthodox commu- 
nity founded by Ezra, partly of the late Persian, 
partly of the Greek period. 

Job. A composite work of the late Persian or 
(more probably) early Greek period. 

Proverbs. A composite work of the Persian and 
Greek periods. 

Chronicles (including Ezra and Nehemiah in their 
present form). About 250. 



Note on the Dates of Literature xvii 



Daniel. Age of Antiochus Epiphanes. 

Ecclesiastes. Not improbably of the age of Herod 
the Great. Further research necessary. 

Enoch. Composite; 2d and 1st centuries B.C. 

Psalms of Solomon. Between 63 and 45. B.C. 

For further details see Driver's Introduction to the 
Old Testament Literature, an excellent work, 
with abundance of facts, but often not suffi- 
ciently keen in its criticism ; and compare 
the Polychrome Bible, edited by Haupt, and 
the Encyclopedia Biblica : A Dictionary of the 
Bible (A. & C. Black, London). 



NOTE ON PAGE 152. 

For a new translation of Job xxxviii., 29-34, by the 
present writer, see Journal of Biblical Litera- 
ture (Boston, U. S. A.), 1898. The names of 
constellations are perhaps more correctly given. 



PREFACE. 

THE aim of the writer has been twofold : i, to 
interest the public at large in the history of 
our mother-religion, the Jewish ; and 2, to give stu- 
dents of the post-Exilic period a synthesis of the 
best critical results at present attainable, and so to 
enable them to judge of their degree of probability. 
Perhaps the peculiarity of this volume consists in its 
union of these two objects. It is possible to be a 
successful populariser without being an original in- 
vestigator, and to be an investigator without being a 
specially interesting writer. How far the author has 
realised his intentions, it is for others to determine. 
He has at any rate desired to follow the advice of a 
French Orientalist,* " not to content ourselves with 
ten learned readers when we can assemble in our 
audience all those whom the past of the human 
spirit charms and attracts." 

Why the writer selected the period of the Persian 
and Greek domination, he has explained in the first 
Lecture. He is not unaware of the obscurity of the 

* M. Barbier de Meynard. 



JEWISH RELIGIOUS LIFE 
AFTER THE EXILE. 



LECTURE I. 

Religious Life in Judaea before the Arrival of 
Nehemiah. 

I BRING before you a subject which was not long 
since in some danger of passing into disrepute. 
Which of us does not think with pain of the weari- 
some Scripture history lessons of his childhood ? 
No doubt some improvement has been effected by 
throwing the light of travel and archaeology on the 
externals of Scripture narratives, but though I con- 
gratulate the young scholars of to-day on the greater 
interestingness of their lessons, I cannot profess to 
be satisfied. For the unnaturalness of the prevalent 
conception of Scripture history still remains, and it 
is not as a collection of picturesque tales that the 
narratives of the Old Testament will reconquer their 
position in the educated world. What a modern 



2 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



thinker most desires to learn from the Old Testa- 
ment is the true history of Jewish religion, and this 
can only be obtained by applying the methods of 
modern criticism to the old Hebrew documents. 
Could this course be adopted, not only in learned 
academic works, but in popular lectures and hand- 
books ; could the Old Testament be treated in a 
thoroughly modern spirit, at once sympathetically 
and critically, I cannot help thinking that this ven- 
erable religious record would recover its old fascina- 
tion. Such is the spirit in which I enter upon this 
discussion. If I cannot present you with absolute 
truth, I can at least be sympathetic and critical. 

My readers will, I hope, pardon me if I address 
three requests to them. The first is, that they will 
meet confidence with confidence, and believe that I 
have no other object but to tell the reconstructed 
history of Jewish religion frankly and interestingly, 
so far as I know it. Next I plead for a renewed study, 
simultaneously with the reading of this historical 
sketch, of the letter of the Bible records. And, lastly, 
I ask that references should be made privately to some 
good compendium * of the elementary results of mod- 

* The two Dictionaries of the Bible, announced by Messrs. T. and 
F. Clark and Messrs. A. and C. Black, respectively, may be suggested. 
Some articles in the latter, of which the present writer is one of the 
editors, are referred to elsewhere in this volume. Vol. T. of the 
former has just appeared. 



Religious Life in Judaea 3 

ern Biblical criticism. For if I were to be perpetu- 
ally turning aside to explain such phrases as the 
Second Isaiah, or to discuss the problems of origin 
and authorship, the unity of these lectures would be 
seriously injured, and their object of worthily tra- 
cing the history of some phases of a great religion 
would be proportionally obscured. 

I shall not, however, be surprised if some of my 
readers should smile at my last requirement. I cer- 
tainly hope that advanced students will expect from 
me some direct furtherance of critical study, and not 
merely a repetition of the contents of the handbooks. 
The subject which I have chosen bristles with criti- 
cal difficulties, and even a constructive historical 
sketch may be expected to reveal something of the 
author's critical basis. It was indeed the difficulty of 
the subject which partly attracted me ; it gives such 
ample scope for fresh pioneering work. At the same 
time enough solid results have, as I believe, been ob- 
tained to serve as a historical framework. I have also 
thought that students of this period may be glad to 
have before them that complex phenomenon which 
can be explained more fully from the facts^of the earlier 
period. For that epoch a larger amount of material 
will be at their disposal. They will have not only 
the Biblical records but also much precious collateral 
information from Oriental archaeology. But in the 



4 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



study of this period I shall generally have to con- 
tent myself with the post-exilic religious writings, 
though I am happy in the belief that we understand 
these to-day much better than we did formerly. 
Criticism has produced and is still producing results 
of permanent value, results which it is my hope to 
weave together and elucidate for historical purposes 
by the combined use of the two sister faculties 
common sense and the imagination. 

Let no one indulge in a cheap sarcasm on imagin- 
ative criticism : the uses of the imagination are well 
understood by the greatest of our scientists and his- 
torians.* Even in exegesis a happy intuition often 
pours a flood of light on an obscure passage, and a 
similar remark is still more applicable to historical 
reconstruction. These intuitions are not purely 
accidental. They spring, in exegesis, from sympa- 
thy with an author, and a sense of what he can and 
what he cannot have said ; in history, from a sedu- 
lously trained imaginative sense of antiquity sup- 
ported by a large command of facts. 

One point more should be frankly stated at the 
outset. It is, I believe, essential to the investigator 
of Hebrew antiquity that he should work upon cor- 
rected texts, and even to the most modest and unas- 

44 The imagination. . . . mother of all history as well as of 
all poetry." Mommsen, Romische Qcschichtc, v. 5. 



Religious Life in Judaea 5 

piring of students that he should have access to 
translations (more than one, if possible) of such cor- 
rected texts. An American professor is now making 
a brave attempt, with an army of assistants, to meet 
this want of students, but not much of the result 
has as yet come under my notice. I have therefore 
frequently had to give a new translation of my own, 
based on a corrected text of my own, which I beg 
you to compare later on with that in Prof. Haupt's 
Bible.* I now proceed to my subject. 

Much uncertainty rests upon the beginning of the 
post-exilic period. That Cyrus should have wished 
to restrain members of the Jewish people from re- 
turning to the home of their fathers, is against all 
that we know of his character and principles. The 
recently discovered cuneiform inscription of Cyrus 
does not indeed throw any clear light on this matter, 
but the spirit, which is there ascribed to the great con- 
queror, is kindly and tolerant. That the disciples of 
Ezekiel the first projector, not to say the founder, 

* The Polychrome Bible, edited by Prof. Paul Haupt, of the Johns 
Hopkins University, Baltimore. The translations from Isaiah in 
this volume generally agree with the version in the work just referred 
to ; those from the Psalms, with a version, to a large extent based 
upon a corrected text, which the present writer hopes shortly to pub- 
lish with justificatory notes. The corrections of the text of Job and 
Proverbs here adopted, will be found in the Expositor for June and 
July, 1897, and in the Jewish Quarterly Review for July and Octo- 
ber, 1897, (referred to as J. Q. -.). 



6 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



of the church-nation, a legislator as well as a prophet 
should have had no inclination and have made no 
attempt to carry out their master's legal principles 
in the Holy Land itself, is scarcely credible. And 
for those who were both able and willing to take the 
journey, there was an opportunity presented when 
Sheshbazzar, or less incorrectly, Sanabassar (as the 
best Greek authorities give the name), a Babylonian 
Jew of Davidic descent, was sent to Jerusalem by 
Cyrus, in accordance with his conciliatory policy, as 
governor of Judaea. For this high functionary would 
of course be accompanied by a suite. One of those 
who went with him was certainly his nephew, Zerub- 
babel,and it is very possible that the other persons 
who are mentioned with Zerubbabel in a certain fa- 
mous list* as " heads " of the Jews in the " province " 
are really historical. Of those other leaders (eleven in 
number) the best known is Jeshua or Joshua, who 
became the first high priest in the post-exilic sense. 
We must of course suppose that the " heads " went 
up with their families and dependents, so that 
they would form altogether a considerable party, 
though not large enough materially to affect the 
character of the Judaean community. That as a fact, 
the party was not in this sense influential, seems to 

* Ezr. ii., 2 ; Neh. vii., 7 ; I Esdr. v., 8 (where the Greek expresses 
the term "heads"). 



Religious Life in Judaea 7 

me a necessary inference from the prophecies of 
Haggai and Zechariah. 

These prophets had for their aim, to stir the peo- 
ple up to rebuild the ruins of the temple. The work 
was accomplished, and it is plain from the records 
that the builders, mostly at any rate, were not re- 
turned exiles, but those inhabitants of Judah who 
had not been carried away by Nebuchadrezzar to 
Babylon. 

Thus in a few words I have stated what I believe 
to be the truth respecting much debated facts.* The 
traditional account is, I regret to say, to a large extent 
untrustworthy. Tradition has partly imagined facts 
where there were none, partly exaggerated the really 
existing facts. I must not pause to explain the 
grounds on which I have made these statements, be- 
cause my proper subject is not the external but the in- 
ternal history of the Jews, and the facts which I have 
stated, to the best of my belief correctly, are to me 
just now of importance simply as providing the back- 
ground for certain phases of Jewish religious life. 
And I at once proceed to ask, What was the religious 
tone of the unhappy remnant of the old people of 
Judah ? 

* Compare the article " Israel, History of," in Messrs. A. & C. 
Black's expected Encyclopaedia Biblica, and the "Prologue" to 
Cheyne's Introduction to the Book of Isaiah. 



8 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



The answer is furnished by the prophet Haggai, 
who, as we have seen, joined Zechariah in a practical 
appeal to the people of Jerusalem. The response 
which he met with was by no means encouraging, 
and the lukewarmness of the citizens seemed to him 
blameworthy. He lets us see, however, that they 
reasoned on the subject, and had an excuse for their 
conduct. They were agriculturists, and had had to 
contend with a succession of troubles, which seemed 
to show but too plainly that Jehovah was angry 
with them, and they declined to take action without 
a clear sign of his restored favour. " The time is not 
come," they said/' to build the temple of Jehovah" ; 
Jehovah, they thought, would indicate the right 
time by sending the Messiah. It was only Haggai 
and Zechariah who, as they themselves believed, un- 
derstood aright the signs of the times. Even Zerub- 
babel (who by the year 520 B.C. had succeeded his 
uncle as governor) and Jeshua, the newly-made high 
priest, had to be stirred up like the rest, to undertake 
the work of rebuilding the sacred house. Some sort 
of house (the term is flexible in Semitic languages) 
there may for a long time past have been, and this 
miserable substitute for a temple may have satisfied 
them. They were doubtless infected by the general 
despondency, and shrank from the labour and expense 
of building a true temple, till it was certain that the 



Religious Life in Judaea 9 



time had come. Although they had come from 
Babylon, the headquarters of Jewish piety, they had 
none of the religious intensity and settled enthusiasm 
of the disciples of Ezekiel. 

I am sorry I cannot give a more romantic story, 
or gratify the reasonable expectations of students of 
the Second Isaiah.* The Jews of Judaea at the be- 
ginning of our period were poor specimens of relig- 
ious humanity, and the events of their history are in 
themselves not very interesting. But the dull periods 
are necessary as transitions to the bright ones, and 
surely dull people have their own allotted part, which 
the historian ought somehow to make interesting. 
I therefore beg the reader to notice that there was a 
genuine religious spirit in the poor remnant of Judah, 
though Haggai thought it very insufficient. We 
can hardly doubt that, on however slender a scale 
and with however much ritual irregularity, sacrifices 
had been persistently offered on the sacred site al- 
most throughout the sad years of the past.f Be- 
sides, one of our records incidentally refers to the fact 
that fasting J had been regularly practised long before 

* " Second Isaiah " is the name given to the author of the Prophecy 
of Restoration in Isa. xl.-xlviii. 

f The silence of our scanty documents is no evidence to the 
contrary. 

\ Fasting was one of the most esteemed methods of renewing an 
impaired connection with the Deity. 



io Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



520 B.C. The reference occurs in the 7th chapter of 
Zechariah. The passage well deserves attention ; it 
contains some remarkable statements, and the his- 
torical background (to which I shall return later) is 
really exciting to the imagination. 

" In the fourth year of King Darius, on the fourth 
day of the ninth month Kislev, a divine oracle came to 
Zechariah. This was the occasion. Bel-sarezer and 
Raam-melech had sent men to propitiate Jehovah, (and) 
to ask the priests of Jehovah's house and the prophets 
this question, Should I weep in the fifth month abstain- 
ing from food, as I have done already so many years ? 
Then it was that this divine oracle came to me, Speak 
thus to all the people of the land and to the priests." 

I break off here in order to bring out three points 
of some importance. The first is the high position 
of Zechariah. The days of prophetic authority are 
numbered, and yet here is a prophet whose words 
are still law both to the laity and to the priests. 
The second is the unanimity of the priests of Je- 
hovah and the native Jewish laity as to the high 
religious worth of fasting. And the third is the 
fact that the senders of the deputation * (whose real 
names I can show to be Bel-sarezer and Raam- 

* They are two of the twelve "heads," who accompanied Sana- 
bassar. See the articles " Sarezer " and " Regem-melech " in the 
Encyclopaedia Biblica. Of course, the historical character of Jeshua, 
and Bilshan (Bel-sarezer), and Raamiah (Regem-melech) only con- 
stitutes a presumption of the historicity of the other names. 



Religious Life in Judaea n 



melech) endorse the statement that up to this time 
(i.e., B.C. 518) the hard lot of the Jews has had no 
sensible alleviation. 

The incident described by Zechariah shows plainly 
enough that there was no lack of religious feeling 
at Jerusalem. We may be sure, too, that the little 
band of religious singers did its best to give expres- 
sion to this feeling. Very possibly the so-called 
Lamentations, with the exception of the third, are 
based on the elegies which were chanted on the 
commemorative fast-days alluded to by the deput- 
ation to Zechariah. 

More ancient than this, I cannot venture to make 
these interesting poems. Striking as the picture of 
Jeremiah seated on the ruins of Jerusalem and in- 
diting monodies may be, it is too romantic to be 
true. Delightful as it would be to find at least five 
works of a virtually pre-exilic religious poet, we must 
confess that, on internal grounds, the Lamentations 
in their present form come from a not very early 
part of the post-exilic period. 

Thus, our only authorities for the tone of the 
earliest post-exilic Judaean religion are the prophecies 
of Haggai and of the first or true Zechariah. Though 
devoid of literary charm, they are of much historical 
importance, because they stand on the dividing line 
between the exilic and the post-exilic periods. It is 



12 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 

a mistaken assertion that the post-exilic age begins 
with the so-called " edict of Cyrus " in B.C. 537. If 
there was a post-exilic age at all, it should rather be 
reckoned from the completion of the second temple 
in B.C. 516. For the true exile of the Jews was their 
sense of banishment from their God, and this painful 
consciousness began to be mitigated as soon as a 
house had been prepared for Jehovah to dwell in. 
" It is not time yet to build," said the people of the 
land, but the prophets believed that the faith and 
love which the effort of building the temple presup- 
posed would exert a moral attraction upon Jehovah. 
At any moment after the coping had been laid the 
King of Glory might be expected to come in. 
Therefore I say that Haggai and Zechariah inaugu- 
rate the post-exilic period. 

Nor must we underrate the prophetic gift of these 
men. They are still, in virtue of their office, the 
most imposing figures in the community, and they 
still possess, in some degree, that consciousness of a 
special relation to God which characterised the great 
prophets of old. They could have said with Amos, 
" The Lord Jehovah does nothing without first re- 
vealing his secret to his servants the prophets." * 

And that very sign of Jehovah's restored favour 
which the people desiderated, the prophets Haggai 

* Am. iii., 7. 



Religious Life in Judaea 13 



and Zechariah believed themselves to have seen 
it was the sign of general unrest among the popula- 
tions of the Persian empire. 

Let us first of all see what Haggai, with whom 
his colleague Zechariah fully agrees, has to declare. 

" Yet a little while, saith Jehovah Sabaoth, and I will 
shake the heavens and the earth and the sea and the dry 
land ; and I will shake all nations, and the treasures of 
all nations will come, and I will fill this house with mag- 
nificence, saith Jehovah Sabaoth " (Hag. ii., 6, 7). 

Two months later another oracle or revelation comes 
to him, 

" Speak to this effect to Zerubbabel, governor of 
Judah ; I will shake the heavens and the earth ; I will 
overthrow royal thrones, and destroy the strength of the 
kingdoms of the nations. ... In that day, saith 
Jehovah Sabaoth, I will take thee, O Zerubbabel my ser- 
vant, saith Jehovah, and will make thee as a signet ; for 
I have chosen thee, saith Jehovah Sabaoth " (Hag. ii., 
21-23). 

The meaning of Haggai is unmistakable. That 
political insight, by which the prophets interpret 
the impulses of the spirit, recognises in the disturb- 
ances of the peoples the initial stage of the great 
Judgment Day. The story of these disturbances 
has been recovered for us by cuneiform research. 
At the very time when Haggai and Zechariah came 
forward (it was just after the accession of Darius) 



14 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



revolts were breaking out in different parts of the 
Persian empire.* 

At Babylon, for instance, a man called Nidintu- 
Bel (i. e., Gift of Bel) had in 521 seized the crown of 
Nebuchadrezzar, whose name he assumed and whose 
descendant he professed to be. Now in this pseudo- 
Nebuchadrezzar, Haggai can hardly have felt a per- 
sonal interest. But as a sign of the breaking up of 
the Persian empire he may well have greeted the 
pretender's appearance with enthusiasm, and when 
in 519 (soon after Haggai and Zechariah had proph- 
esied so blithely) the revolt of the Babylonians was 
put down, and when, about 515, a second revolt, led 
by another pretender, f was extinguished, the leaders 
of the Jews may be excused if they felt the pangs of 
disappointment. It had seemed as if a new day 
were about to dawn, when the glory of Jehovah 
would again fill his temple, and when Zerubbabel, 
the Messianic king, would surpass the splendour 
even of ancient David. 

It is a remarkable fact that there is direct evidence 



* Persia, Susiana, Media, and Babylonia are specially mentioned. 

f This second pretender also claimed to be Nebuchadrezzar, son of 
Nabu-na'id. " It is clear," as Dr. J. P. Peters remarks, "that 
Nebuchadrezzar was a name to conjure by in Babylonia, so that when 
a man sought to raise a revolt, he laid claim to this name as a sure 
means of arousing popular sentiment in his favour." (Journal of 
Biblical Literature, 1897, p. 113.) 



Religious Life in Judaea 15 

of this in the Bible itself. The prophet Zechariah 
mentions the arrival at Jerusalem of four Jews (prob- 
ably the leaders of a party) with gifts of silver and 
gold from the wealthy Babylonian settlements. The 
treasure was converted, in accordance with a divine 
direction, into a crown for Zerubbabel.* This Davidic 
prince, be it remembered, had already received the 
Messianic name Branch or Sprout f which had been 
coined perhaps by Jeremiah, and all that remained 
was to anoint him and announce his accession to the 
people. Whether the public announcement was ever 
made in a form which could be called treasonable, we 
know not. But it is not improbable that a later edi- 
tor, who did not comprehend the passage and wished 
to suggest a possible historical reference, has put the 
name of Joshua instead of Zerubbabel into the text. 
There is yet another historical fact which deserves 
to be mentioned. It is recorded in Ezr. v. and I 
see no reason here for scepticism that Tatnai or 
Sisines, the satrap of Syria, endeavoured to stop the 
building of the temple ; I am inclined to bring this 
fact into connection with the sudden disappearance 
of Zerubbabel. This prince was no doubt a Persian 

* Zech. vi., 9-12, where read in ver. n, "make crowns, and set 
them on the heads of Zerubbabel." The text has suffered corrup- 
tion. See article "Zerubbabel" in Messrs. A. & C. Black's Ency- 
clopedia Biblica, where another possible view is indicated. 

fZech. iii., 8 ; cf. vi., 12. 



1 6 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



governor, but he was also by birth and religion 
a Jew, and we should have expected to find him, 
and not Bel-sarezer and Raam-melech, sending that 
deputation to the temple which is referred to by 
Zechariah. The fact that two inferior functionaries, 
and not Zerubbabel, are mentioned, suggests the idea 
that the latter may have been suspected of treason, 
and have been recalled by Darius, and the additional 
fact that the satrap Tatnai sought to stop the build- 
ing of the temple is equally suggestive of a belief in 
the disloyalty of the Jews. It is a further confirma- 
tion of this theory that we find Sanballat warning 
Nehemiah that he was in danger of being informed 
against, on account of prophetic announcements 
that there was a king in Judah (Neh. vi., 7). 

I cannot help feeling a reverent pity for the dis- 
illusionment of Zechariah, and a respect for his 
truthfulness in not omitting to record his mistake. 
True, it is not quite impossible that he minimised 
his error. He may have considered that he had 
only been mistaken as to the time of the fulfilment 
of the prophecy, and have clung to his belief in 
Zerubbabel's Messianic character. But the sense 
of even a partial mistake must have been painful, 
and we are not surprised at the want of enthusiasm 
which marks his reply to the deputation. The 
reported objects of the embassy are equally sug- 



Religious Life in Judaea 17 



gestive of mental depression. One of them was " to 
propitiate Jehovah," which implies that Jehovah 
was not considered altogether friendly, and another, 
to ask a question about fasting, designed apparently 
to extract from the prophets some word of good 
cheer for the future. The laity, it seems, would 
gladly have given up commemorative fast-days if 
only they could have been sure that "the Lord 
whom they sought " would speedily " come to his 
temple." The question was asked before the fast 
of the fifth month, but Zechariah delayed his oracu- 
lar response till the fast of the seventh month was 
over. It is evident that he felt the difficulty of the 
religious situation. The inward calm required in a 
recipient of the prophetic afflatus but slowly returned 
to him. His reply, when it came, was twofold. 
First, he assured the people, in the spirit of Isaiah, 
that Jehovah cared not whether they fasted, or not. 
Next, he told them that Jehovah was keenly inter- 
ested in his people, and would certainly return, to 
which he added an exhortation to obey the moral 
precepts of the old prophets, such as Isaiah and 
Jeremiah. He did not however make it sufficiently 
clear that, according to the old prophets, no salva- 
tion could come to an unreformed people, and 
Haggai is not reported to have given any such 
moral exhortation at all. 



1 8 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



Great prophets they certainly are not ; their liter- 
ary style is miserable, and their spirit shows a 
sad falling off as compared with that of the older 
prophets. Zechariah is the greater of the two, but 
even he is deficient in moral energy, and shows 
traces of a doctrine which in the hands of a weak 
moralist may be most injurious, I mean, dualism. 
He thinks that the colossal calamity of Israel is due 
to the agency of a heavenly being called the Satan, 
whose function it is to remind God of human sins 
which he might otherwise be glad to forget. This 
notion might have been harmless if it had been 
coupled with the belief (which we find in the great 
Elihu-poem inserted in the Book of Job) that there 
was also another angelic agent whose business it 
was to save sinners by leading them to repentance 
(Job xxxiii., 23, 24). But not being so coupled, it 
led to a weakened view of moral responsibility and 
of the need of moral reformation. We also find 
Zechariah making a singular misuse of the poetic 
faculty of personification. He regards the wicked- 
ness of his countrymen as too great to be the product 
of mere human nature. There must, he thinks, be 
an evil principle called Wickedness, which causes all 
this superabundance of iniquity. And in a vision 
(Zech. v., 5-11) he actually sees this principle incar- 
nate in the form of a woman, who is seated in a 



Religious Life in Judaea 19 



vessel of a ton weight, and is then suddenly thrown 
down, while the lid is shut to. Then she is borne 
by two women with storks' wings to the land of 
Shinar (i. e., Babylonia) that she may dwell there, 
and so bring the ruin upon Babylonia which she 
now threatens to bring upon the land of the Jews. 

Still from this time forward we notice a steady 
expectation of the coming of Jehovah to judgment, 
and the deficiencies of Zechariah as an ethical 
preacher are made good by a subsequent prophet, 
who has not cared for posthumous fame, and has 
written anonymously. Subsequent generations, 
through an odd mistake, gave him the name of 
Malachi. 

" Behold, the day comes," he exclaims, " burning as 
an oven ; all the arrogant and all wicked-doers will 
become like stubble ; the day that comes will burn them 
root and branch. But upon you, the fearers of my 
name, the sun of righteousness will dawn with healing 
in his wings ; ye will go forth and grow fat like calves 
of the stall. Ye will tread down the wicked ; they will 
become ashes under the soles of your feet, in the day 
when I carry out my promise, saith Jehovah Sabaoth." 

Then, apparently as the condition of the preced- 
ing promise, he adds, " Remember ye the law of my 
servant Moses, to whom I gave in charge in Horeb 
statutes and judgments for all Israel " (Mai. iv., 3). 

Evidently the tide had begun to turn ; the re- 



2O Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



building of the temple marks a historical epoch. 
However faulty the popular religion might be, 
and Malachi does not stint himself in his denuncia- 
tion of it there was more spiritual life in the com- 
munity than in Haggai's time. There were not a 
few at any rate who were strict observers of the 
Deuteronomic Law, and who by their conscien- 
tiousness atoned for the laxity of the multitude. All 
that these men needed to make their witness effica- 
cious was qualified leaders, in whom theoretical 
insight and practical ability were united. Such capa- 
ble men were indeed to be found, but in the lands 
of the Dispersion, not in Judaea. How is this to be 
accounted for? Why did they remain in their 
distant homes ? Why did not more Israelites return ? 
Some, I make no doubt, did return. It is clear 
from Zechariah that Babylonian Jews sometimes 
came on visits to the holy city, and it is hardly 
credible that none of these were induced to lay 
down their pilgrim-staves, and remain in Jerusalem. 
Such immigrants would naturally attach themselves 
to the " fearers of Jehovah " whom they already 
found there, that is, to those strict observers of 
Deuteronomy who had formed themselves, as Mala- 
chi tells us (iii., 16), into an association. But the 
general aspect of the population was not appreci- 
ably affected by these few immigrants. The J udaeans, 



Religious Life in Judaea 21 



as a late prophetic writer says, were like a poor- 
looking cluster of grapes, which the vintager only 
spares for the sake of the few good grapes which 
hang upon it (Isa. Ixv). So, again I ask, Why did 
not more Israelites return? 

Three plausible answers may be given, (i) Since 
the fall of the ancient state there had been a great 
gulf between the Babylonian and the Judaean Israel- 
ites. Both Jeremiah and Ezekiel use the most dis- 
paraging language of the Jews who did not share 
the fate of Jehoiachin, and the Second Isaiah even 
ignores the Jews in Judaea altogether. (2) Strong 
Jewish colonies in other parts of the empire were 
important both as increasing the influence of the 
race, and as providing the silver and gold for re- 
ligious uses in which the scanty Judaean population 
was deficient. Nor must the religious value of their 
witness for ethical monotheism be forgotten. (3) 
The predictions of the Second Isaiah assumed that 
the powers of heaven and earth were united in 
favour of Israel's restoration, whereas at present 
both the heavenly and the earthly voices were, as 
it seemed, obstinately silent. 

In course of time, God put it into the heart of 
one of the Jewish priests in Babylonia to head a 
migration to Judaea. But there were men of a dif- 
ferent school who, before this, had as it seems made 



22 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



an effort to stimulate the Babylonian Jews. We 
have, not improbably, a record of this attempt in 
chaps, xlix-lv., of the Book of Isaiah, which appear 
to be an appendix to the original Prophecy of 
Restoration, written in Babylonia by an admirer of 
the Second Isaiah, and brought to Jerusalem. 
Almost throughout this section the point of view 
is shifted from Babylon and the exiles to Zion and 
its struggling community. Indeed, but for the 
beauty of the style, and the delicacy of the art, by 
which these chapters contrast with those which were 
undeniably appended at Jerusalem (chaps. Ix-lxii.) 
and but for the want of concreteness and I may 
even say the inappropriateness in the descriptions 
of the Zion community, we might bring ourselves 
to suppose that they were written in Judaea. The 
phenomena may be best reconciled by the theory 
that the chapters were written in Babylonia, partly 
to induce Babylonian Jews to go to Judaea, partly 
to encourage hard-pressed workers in Jerusalem. 

Allow me to quote a very familiar passage, which 
however is too generally misunderstood through not 
being furnished with the right historical back- 
ground.* 

* See Isaiah in the Polychrome Bible, and cf. Introduction to Isaiah 
by the present writer ; see also article " Isaiah " in the Encyclopaedia 
BibKca. 



Religious Life in Judaea 23 



" Ho ! all ye that are athirst, go to the waters, 

And ye that have no strength, eat ! 

Go, buy grain without money, 

Wine and milk without price. 

Why do ye pay money for that which is no bread, 

And take trouble for that which satisfies not ? " (Isa. 

lv., i, 2). 

Here the "waters," the " grain," the "wine," and 
the " milk," are all those blessings, both moral and 
material, the reception of which can effect the re- 
generation of a people. It is presupposed that an 
organised community exists in the land of Israel, 
and it is the pious preacher's wish to stir up devout 
men in Babylonia to claim their share in the life 
and work of this community. Unless, either in a 
figure or, best of all, in reality, they go to Jerusalem, 
they will continue, he thinks, to be like the " dry 
bones " of another prophet's vision. They may 
have money to spend, but there is no bread for them 
to buy. They may " rise up early and late take rest," * 
but they will have no satisfaction from their gains. 
They are, by their own choice, "strangers to the 
commonwealth of Israel." Better far were it to 
join the ranks of Jehovah's confessors, for such, 
the writer mistakenly assumes, the Jews of Judaea 
have become ; better far were it to suffer the insult- 
ing of men, which will last but for a moment, and 

* Ps. cxxvii., 3. (Prayerbook version.) 



24 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



to wait at Zion for that awakening of the arm of 
Jehovah which will renew the wonders of the days 
of old. Sore need has desolate Zion of her children ; 
when will the exiles in a body depart in a holy pro- 
cession from Babylon not in flight, as the Second 
Isaiah had formerly said, but in grave, majestic 
solemnity, with Jehovah for their protector both in 
the van and in the rear ? * 

Of the two very different gifts for which Jerusalem 
had lately been indebted to Babylon the treasure 
made into a crown for Zerubbabel and the first 
appendix to the Prophecy of Restoration, the former 
was much more easy to make use of than the latter. 
The golden crown was no doubt melted down, and 
converted into some needed ornament for the temple. 
But the new prophetic rhapsody was too idealistic 
to be greatly appreciated at Jerusalem. Ezekiel 
was at that time much more likely to influence 
" church-workers." His conception of " holiness " 
and his horror of profane contact with holy things 
are to be found both in Zechariah and in Malachi 
(Zech. iii., 7, Mai. ii., n). It is also from Ezekiel 
that the distinction between priests and Levites 
traceable in the ancient list of the " children of the 
province " (Ezr. ii., Neh. vii.) is derived, and it is 
Ezekiel who has set the tone and suggested some of 
* Isa. Ii., 7-10 ; liv., i ; Iii., 12. 



Religious Life in Judaea 25 



the chief details of perhaps the earliest of the pro- 
phecies in the third part of Isaiah (Isa. Ivi. g-lvii. 

I3a). 

The prophecy to which I have referred is one 
which loses greatly through being read in a poor 
translation of an uncorrected text. Its true meaning 
and that of the related prophecies in Isa. Ixv., IxvL, 
1-22 deserves to be better known. The persons so 
angrily attacked by the prophetic writers are the 
half-Jews of central Palestine commonly called Sa- 
maritans, and those Jews in Judaea and Jerusalem 
who had more or less religious sympathy with them. 
How it is possible that the bitter feelings expressed 
in these passages can ever have been imputed to the 
suave and affectionate Second Isaiah, it is difficult to 
conceive. Even one of the earlier post-exilic pro- 
phets, such as Haggai or Zechariah, could not have 
written such angry invectives. For the truth is, 
that there is no evidence that in the earlier period 
there was any strong religious feud between the Jews 
and the Samaritans. The Samaritans were doubtless 
farther off from legal orthodoxy than the Jews, but 
the standard of orthodoxy even among the Jews 
cannot have been very high, especially in the coun- 
try districts, where, in the absence of a strong central 
authority, gross superstitions still lingered. Nor is 
there any reason to think that the Samaritans ever 



26 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



gave up their interest in the great sanctuary of Judah 
until they were forced. It is said that not long after 
the burning of the temple a party of eighty pilgrims 
came from Shechem, Shiloh, and Samaria to Mizpah 
bringing offerings for the old sanctuary there, * and 
if the temple of Jerusalem had not been in ruins, 
they would no doubt have preferred it to the sanc- 
tuary of Mizpah. f We need not therefore doubt 
that when in 520 the Jews determined to rebuild 
their temple, the Samaritans felt a sympathetic in- 
terest in the undertaking. They might not care to 
relieve the Jews of the duty of rebuilding their 
sanctuary (the story of their interfering with their 
kinsmen under pretence of a wish to co-operate, is a 
pure imagination,) but when by Zechariah's conta- 
gious enthusiasm the work had been done, they would 
naturally be eager to maintain their connection with 
such a holy place. By the aid of the priestly aris- 
tocracy they succeeded in doing this till Nehemiah, 
armed with a Persian firman, interposed. 

The course of action which this great official 
adopted provoked the Samaritans to the utmost, and 
radically changed their relations to the Jews. We 
may be inclined to blame Nehemiah until we remem- 

* Jer. xli., 5. The sad story of the pilgrims is hardly less horrible 
than that of the well at Cawnpore in India. 

f Many writers think that the " house of Jehovah" referred to in 
Jeremiah really means the ruin-laden site of the temple of Jerusalem. 



Religious Life in Judaea 27 



her that the religious isolation of the Jews on a 
strictly legal basis was an object of vital importance 
to the higher religion, and that an attempt had al- 
ready been made by orthodox Jews to convert the 
Samaritans. On this attempt a few words of expla- 
nation seem necessary. It is recorded, as I believe, 
in the following passage from the work of a prophetic 
writer of the time preceding Nehemiah, who belonged 
to the orthodox school * : 

" I offered admission to those who asked not after 
me ; I offered my oracles to those who sought me not ; 
I said, Here am I, here am I, to a class of men which 
called not upon my name. I have spread out my hands 
all the day to an unruly and disobedient people, who 
follow the way which is not good, after their own de- 
vices " (Isa. Ixv., i, 2). 

This I take to mean that some of the orthodox lead- 
ers of the Jews wished to make the continued ad- 
mission of the Samaritans to religious privileges (and 
to all that this involved) conditional on their renun- 
ciation of their distinguishing peculiarities and their 
adoption of the Jewish law and traditions. They 
attempted, in a word, to make converts of the Sa- 
maritans, but the attempt was a failure. Probably 
enough, there were faults on both sides. The Jews 
were deficient in suavity, like Augustine of Canter- 
bury when he tried in vain to unite the English and 

* It was Prof. Duhm of Basel who first pointed this out. 



28 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



the Welsh in one Christian Church ; the Samaritans, 
on their side, had as yet no religious receptivity. 
And now a most strange phenomenon meets us, 
though not more so than many which we shall en- 
counter in the later literature, not more so, for 
instance, than the fact that " Malachi," violently 
opposed as he is to an intermingling of races in the 
Jewish territory, grasps the fundamental reforming 
principle of the divine fatherhood, and asserts the 
universality of a true worship of Jehovah.* The phe- 
nomenon to which I refer is this, that the same 
writer (probably) who has just spoken so harshly of 
the Samaritans because they have refused to adopt 
the Jewish law, now censures them for wishing to 
build a central sanctuary of their own, and bases this 
censure on a principle which, regarded logically, is 
just as adverse to the claims of the temple at Jeru- 
salem. He says : 

Thus saith Jehovah ; Heaven is my throne and earth 
my footstool. What house would ye build for me, and 
what place as my habitation ? For all this has my hand 
made, and mine is all this, saith Jehovah. (Isa. Ixvi., 1,2.) 

The explanation is that post-exilic Jewish religion is 
to a large extent a fusion of inconsistent elements, 
of prophetic and priestly origin, respectively. Upon 
one side of his nature this writer, like many another, 

* Mai. ii., 10, n; i., u. 



Religious Life in Judaea 29 



sympathises with prophets like Jeremiah ; upon an- 
other, with the priests. Experience proved that it 
was hopeless to refound the Judaean community on 
pure prophetic spiritualism ; traditional forms had to 
be retained, and so far as possible rendered harmless 
or symbolic of spiritual truth. And so this writer, 
though he holds that not even the temple at Jeru- 
salem is worthy of the Divine Creator, yet expostu- 
lates with those who plan the erection of another 
temple elsewhere. It is only in the temple so lately 
rebuilt that the right worshippers are to be found, 
viz., the humble and obedient Jewish believers. Let 
the Samaritans renounce their self-chosen and often 
abominable customs, and submit to the Law, and 
then it will be permitted to them to worship God in 
a temple made with hands. 

Into the details of the customs ascribed to the op- 
ponents of orthodoxy (viz., the Samaritans and the 
least advanced of the old Jewish remnant) it is not 
necessary to enter. (See Isa. Ixv., 3-5, n ; Ixvi., 3, 4.) 
But it is interesting to see how orthodox Jews at 
this period expressed their aversion to those oppo- 
nents in sacred song. I quote from a fragment of an 
old post-exilic psalm which seems to have received 
a later addition ; it is the kernel of our present i6th 
psalm.* 

* I translate from a corrected text. 



30 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



Keep watch over me, O God, for in thee I take refuge ! 
I profess to Jehovah, Thou art my Lord ; 
To draw near to thee is my happiness, 
And in thy holy seasons is all my delight. 

Those who choose another (than Jehovah) give them- 
selves much pain ; 

Their libations of blood I will not pour out ; 
Their (deity's) names I will not take on my lips, 
Jehovah (alone) is my cup's portion and my lot. 

(Ps. xvi., 1-5.) 

To understand the allusions we must refer to differ- 
ent passages in the third part of Isaiah written in 
the age of Nehemiah, most probably shortly before 
his arrival. The speaker is the personified associa- 
tion of pious Israelites, which, however small, feels 
itself the bearer of Jehovah's banner, and contrasts 
its own inward happiness and assured glorification 
with the present spiritual loss and future punish- 
ment of those who indulge in the abominable rites 
of the Samaritans. 

It may perhaps be objected to the foregoing sketch 
of the early dealings of the Jews and the Samaritans 
that it is a reconstruction of history. It is so, and 
it ought to be so. That the right moment for such 
an attempt has arrived, no one who knows the course 
of recent criticism can deny, and historical students 
will, I believe, recognise that the results here given 
have considerable probability. It has at any rate 



Religious Life in Judaea 31 



been shown that the feud between the Jews and the 
Samaritans was probably of later and more gradual 
origin than has been supposed, and that the plan of 
building a Samaritan temple arose long before the 
time of Alexander the Great, when, according to 
Josephus, the Gerizim-sanctuary was erected. And 
hence the question arises, May not Josephus have 
been mistaken as to the date of this event?* 

It is admitted that he places the expulsion of 
Sanballat's son-in-law Manasseh (to which I shall 
refer again) a hundred years too late ; why, then, 
should we assume that he is more correct in a closely 
related statement ? It is true, he repeats the state- 
ment as to the date of the temple elsewhere ; but 
cannot a writer be persistently inaccurate? The 
chronology of the Persian period was, in Josephus's 
time, so obscure that he may well be pardoned for 
such an error. 

A word may be added in conclusion with regard 
to Manasseh. The complete story of this Jewish 
priest will be given later. He incurred the special 
displeasure of Nehemiah because under aggravating 
circumstances he had contracted a mixed marriage. 
But we must not take too low a view of Manasseh's 

* Jos. Ant., xi., 8, 2-4. The inaccuracy is of course diminished 
if, as some think, it was the second and not the first Artaxerxes un- 
der whose patronage Nehemiah and Ezra came to Jerusalem. 



32 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



character. Belonging as he did to the old Jerusa- 
lem priesthood, he had his own views of what be- 
came a priest, and his own way of interpreting the 
Law, and though Malachi would have said that he 
had " caused many to stumble " by his interpretation 
(Mai. ii., 8), yet we shall see presently that the rigor- 
ous views of Ezra and Nehemiah were not the only 
ones represented among faithful Jews. Certain it is 
that he was very different religiously from his friends 
the Samaritans, and that Nehemiah really benefited 
the rival community by forcing Manasseh to take 
refuge among them. Manasseh, as it would seem, 
became the religious reformer of the Samaritans. 
Quite possibly he took with him, on his expulsion, 
not merely the Book of Deuteronomy, but the whole 
Pentateuch in the form in which it then existed. 
We may assume that he also obtained the erection 
of the temple of Gerizim, and so achieved the cen- 
tralisation of the Samaritan worship. 

Thus the fugitive Jewish priest Manasseh became 
the greatest benefactor of the Samaritan community. 
To him alone it is indebted for its long survival. 
The temple built (as I believe) through him was de- 
stroyed by the Hasmonaean sovereign of Judaea, John 
Hyrcanus, in B.C. 130. It was succeeded by a temple 
at Shechem which no doubt perished when the town 
of Shechem was laid in ruins by Vespasian. But 



Religious Life in Judaea 33 



the Samaritans continued to cling to the neighbour- 
hood of their sacred mountain, and some of us may 
even have seen the old paschal rites celebrated on a 
sacred spot on Gerizim, which was perhaps within 
the precincts of Manasseh's temple. The Samaritans 
may, from a modern theological point of view, be 
simply a Jewish sect, but, putting ourselves in their 
intellectual position, we cannot be surprised if they 
consider their local continuance as the strongest of 
arguments in favour of their religious orthodoxy. 
They may be an insignificant minority of the wor- 
shippers of the God of Jacob, but a sign from the 
supernatural world would in a moment change the 
relative position of Jews and Samaritans, as indeed 
unreformed Judaism itself teaches that a supernat- 
ural interposition will one day invert the relations 
of Jews and Gentiles. Jehovah Nissi (Jehovah is 
my Banner) might therefore be taken as a motto not 
less by the depressed community at Nablus than by 
that almost oecumenical body the Jewish Church. 
For after all, Jews and Samaritans alike have a 
grasp of the truth : we only part from them, or from 
any of our fellow-Christians, in so far as they mix up 
the truth with arrogant and unspiritual assumptions. 
They base their right to existence on their faith, and 
faith is indeed the only rock which will uphold either 
communities or individuals in the sea of change. I 



34 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



venture to claim a right to say this even in a historical 
discussion, because to inquire about religions without 
experimental knowledge of the essence of religion 
seems to me an unprofitable pastime. Faith is the 
essence of religion on its heavenward side, and the 
Chronicler rightly discerned the connecting link be- 
tween the religion of the pre-exilic prophets and 
that of the post-exilic Church when he imagined 
King Jehoshaphat thus addressing the assembled 
congregation in the wilderness of Tekoa: 

" Hear me, O Judah, and ye inhabitants of Jerusalem. 
Believe Jehovah your God, so shall ye be established ; 
believe his prophets, so shall ye prosper." (2 Chr. xx., 20.) 

For the pre-exilic prophet Isaiah had long before in- 
tuitively made the discovery which was a religious 
commonplace to the Chronicler, when he said to 
Ahaz and his courtiers, " If ye will not believe, then 
ye shall not be established." * (Isa. vii., 9.) And it is 
on this firm ground, and not on any subtle theory of 
the nature of Inspiration or the interpretation of for- 
mularies, that I base my own personal right to go as 
deep as I can in Biblical research, and my advocacy 
of a braver and a bolder policy than has yet been 
common in the instruction of students. Such a pol- 
icy can do no one's religion any real harm, and, in my 

* Or, " If ye will not hold fast (. *., to the living God), then y 
shall not be held fast." 



Religious Life in Judaea 35 



opinion, accords best with the spirit of One whom I 
am not worthy to name, but who is the Master and 
Leader of all who are seeking to purify the moral and 
religious conceptions of the Church or the community. 
It is the attitude of the Master towards the Jew- 
ish Law which justifies Christian critics (for whom I 
now write) in their free but reverent attitude tow- 
ards the historical documents of the Church, among 
which those of the Old and the New Testament 
stand supreme. How much the religion of mankind 
owes to the reverent but incomparably bold attitude 
of the Master towards the Jewish Law, can already 
be seen in part, and at a later stage of the world's 
history will be discerned more fully. And the reader 
will rightly suppose that my treatment of the Sa- 
maritans in this historical sketch is partly suggested 
by the mild reasonableness of the Master's estimate 
of that people. The disparaging sentiment of the 
ancient Jews respecting them is well known. But 
the Master on two occasions * contrasted the moral 
and religious practice of the Jews and of the Samari- 
tans to the advantage of the latter. If this was just 
and right in the Roman period of Jewish history, it 
cannot be plausible to assume that the Samaritans 
of Nehemiah's age were entirely destitute of the es- 
sential qualities of human goodness. 
* Luke x. , 33 ; xvii. , 16. 



LECTURE II. 

Nehemiah, Ezra, and Manasseh ; or, The Re- 
constitution of the Jewish and the 
Samaritan Communities. 

-g 

T ~\ 7 E h\ve, I hope, already gained some valu- 
V V a ble results. That a fugitive Jewish priest 
became the reformer of the Samaritan religion, is 
not the least interesting of them, and accordingly I 
shall endeavour to place this fact in its right setting. 
First of all, however, permit me to direct your atten- 
tion to some patriotic enterprises of Babylonian and 
Judaean Israelites which preceded the expulsion of 
Manasseh. It is certain that the Jews who remained 
in Babylonia had by no means forgotten Jerusalem. 
Though they did not migrate to Judaea, they must 
have had such a migration in view, for the tlite of 
their body devoted themselves to the difficult task 
of bringing the traditional Jewish laws up to date. 
To this truly patriotic enterprise I shall have to re- 
fer later on. A not less important work, undertaken 
in Babylonia, was that of supplementing and adapt- 
ing the fragments of early prophecies to the needs 

36 



Nehemiah, Ezra, and Manasseh 37 



of the present. As I have already mentioned, the 
author of the first appendix to the Second Isaiah's 
prophecy (chaps, xlix.-lv.) endeavoured to stimulate 
Babylonian Jews to a personal co-operation with the 
Judaean reformers. This eloquent writer was evi- 
dently in close touch with those faithful workers. 
He knew their difficulties, and had noted with re- 
gret their liability to fits of discouragement. Like 
them, he longed to see a general return of the Jew- 
ish exiles, but he felt that, to bring this about, Jeho- 
vah himself must beckon with his mighty hand to 
the nations.* To this great event he pointed his 
readers with confidence. 

But a far more practical idea suggested itself to a 
Judaean Israelite named Hanani. Possibly he was 
an official of some kind ; at any rate, he afterwards 
filled an office of much consideration at Jerusalem 
(Neh. vii., 2). It was his good fortune to be related 
to Nehemiah, one of the butlers of King Artaxerxes,f 
and he induced a party of Judseans to accompany 
him on a visit to his influential kinsman. On his 
arrival at Susa (the winter residence of the Persian 
kings), he told Nehemiah, in reply to a question, 
how miserable a state Jerusalem was in, and he con- 
nected this misery with an outrage which might 

* Isa. xlix., 22. 

f Artaxerxes Longimanus (466-448 B.C.), as most critics suppose. 



38 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



almost appear to be a recent one, if there were any- 
thing in the rest of the document to justify the sup- 
position. These are the words of the question and 
answer, as Nehemiah in his brief way reports them : 

" I asked them respecting the Jews that had escaped, 
who remained over from the captivity, and respecting 
Jerusalem. And they said to me, those who remain over 
from the captivity there in the province are greatly 
afflicted and insulted ; the wall of Jerusalem is broken 
down, and its gates are burned." (Neh. i., 2, 3.) 

Nehemiah was conscious that a crisis had arrived, 
and that it devolved upon him to make a supreme 
effort for the good of Jerusalem. He was no mere 
theorist, and could not think it sufficient to write 
addresses full of a soaring but impracticable idealism. 
What he did, or at least wishes us to know that he 
did, is recorded in his autobiography. This docu- 
ment is one of our best authorities ; its preservation 
is a piece of singular good fortune. Still there are 
some questions of the historical student which it 
fails to answer. It does not, for instance, explain 
how Artaxerxes came to be more friendly to the 
Jews than either Cyrus or Darius. Evidently there 
was some political motive for this king's generosity, 
and it is the business of the historian to divine it. 
I venture therefore to make a conjecture. In 448 
B.C. there was a very serious revolt of the Syrian 



Nehemiah, Ezra, and Manasseh 39 

satrap Megabyzos. It is more than probable that 
the Jews avoided being drawn into this, and we may 
presume that Artaxerxes wished to reward them for 
their loyalty. I believe that Nehemiah understood 
this state of things, and even suspected that he owed 
his position at court, which in former times had been 
filled by high-born Persian nobles, to the philo-Juda- 
ism of Artaxerxes. Not improbably too some of the 
chief men of Jerusalem were as well informed as 
Nehemiah, so that the arrival of Hanani and his 
companions was not quite so accidental as Josephus 
in his romantic narrative represents it* (Jos. Ant. 
xi., 5, 6). 

One fact at any rate is certain, that Nehemiah 
obtained leave of absence to go to Jerusalem in the 
capacity of governor, with the special object of re- 
pairing the walls. With firman and military escort 
he hurried to the holy city. Arrived there, he at 
once showed his characteristic self-reliance. He 
might have called the notables together, and have 
asked their opinion as to the expediency of rebuild- 
ing the walls. But there were great divisions among 
the citizens, some of whom, members of the priestly 
class as well as laymen, were closely connected with 

* The Judaeans may have long desired to repair the walls of their 
capital, but have not felt sure enough of their favour at court to ask 
leave to do so. 



4O Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



the Samaritan leaders. Nehemiah doubtless knew 
this, and was unwilling to incur the risk of having his 
own opinion rejected. So the third night after his 
arrival he and a few trusty followers partly rode, 
partly walked, round the walls of the city.* At such 
a time as this (though, most probably, a hundred 
years or more later), a psalmist wrote these words, 
which well express the feelings of Nehemiah : 

" For thy servants take pleasure in her stones, 
And are distressed to see her in the dust." 

(Ps. cii., 14.) 

Stirred in his inmost depths, the governor now 
called the notables together. He told them how 
plainly the hand (i. e., the providence) of God had 
been over him. Opposition was impossible. Eli- 
ashib, the friend of a leading Samaritan, was foremost 
among Nehemiah's supporters. It was like the re- 
building of the wall of Athens after the Persian in- 
vasion. In fifty-two days the wall was completely 
repaired.f 

The truth of the story cannot be doubted. We 
have indeed a partial parallel for it in the story of a 
not less egotistic and not less meritorious officer in 
the Persian service, the Egyptian priest Uza-hor. 
Under two of the last native kings of Egypt this 

*Neh. ii., 11-15. 

f Neh. ii., 17, 18 ; Hi., i ; vi., 15. 



Nehemiah, Ezra, and Manasseh 41 



man had been admiral of the fleet, but upon the con- 
quest of Egypt by Cambyses he received the post of 
a chief physician. He was more than this, however. 
His father had been chief priest of the august 
mother of the sun-god, the goddess Nit, whose chief 
temple was at Sai's. Uza-hor took advantage of his 
position at the Persian court to instil into the king 
a high notion of the dignity of his goddess, and of 
the duty of purifying her temple, and restoring her 
cultus in its beauty. Cambyses recognised the duty, 
and gave orders to restore the worship of Nit. He 
himself even testified his reverence for the great 
goddess, like all pious kings of Egypt before him. 
" He did this," says Uza-hor, " because I had made 
known to him the high importance of the holy god- 
dess." So skilfully did Uza-hor reconcile his duty 
as a courtier with his obligations to his religion. And 
that he was no mere ritualist, is shown by his atten- 
tion to those works of mercy which were so much re- 
garded in ancient Egypt. " I protected the people," 
he says, " in the very sore calamity which had hap- 
pened throughout the land. I sheltered the weak 
from the strong. I gave to the destitute a good 
burial, I nourished all their children, and built up 
again all their houses." Then came the accession of 
Darius, who extended the same favour to Uza-hor, 
and sent him to Egypt to reappoint the holy scribes 



42 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



of the temples in full numbers, and to restore every- 
thing that had fallen into decay. " I did as I was 
commanded," says Uza-hor. "I took children, I 
confided them to expert masters in all branches of 
knowledge. Those who distinguished themselves I 
provided with all that they required as scribes. O 
ye divinities of Sai's! remember all the good that 
Uza-hor the chief physician has done ! O Osiris, do 
unto him all that is good, even as he has done it who 
is the guardian of thy shrine for evermore."* 

This Egyptian document is in several respects of 
considerable importance. First, it exemplifies the 
respectful attitude of the Persian kings towards the 
religions of conquered races. The Achaemenian dy- 
nasty was not religiously intolerant except towards 
the end of its time, nor did it care to proselytise in 
countries like Egypt, Babylonia, and Palestine, which 
had religions of ancient and reputable lineage. In- 
deed, the monuments show that marked favour was 
extended by Cyrus to the Babylonians, and by Cam- 
byses and Darius to the Egyptians. For this there 
were special reasons of high state policy, and I have 
suggested that the favour of Artaxerxes to the Jews 
should be similarly accounted for. But of course the 
influence of friendly officials was an indispensable 
help. It was a blessing for the Egyptians that Uza- 

*Brugsch, Gesch. Ag. t pp. 784^". 



Nehemiah, Ezra, and Manasseh 43 



hor filled the post of chief physician, and no less for 
the Jews that Nehemiah filled that of royal butler. 
We may be sure that the latter took care to oil the 
political wheels by representing the Jews as loyal sub- 
jects and as akin to the Persians by the purity and 
sublimity of their religion. 

Next, the egotistic language of the Egyptian cour- 
tier of Darius is remarkable, because it reminds us 
of the egotism of the Jewish courtier of Artaxerxes. 
But there is this difference between the two. Ne- 
hemiah's egotism is a quality which is new among 
Israelites, while Uza-hor does but carry on the tra- 
dition of Egyptian courtiers of many centuries. In 
fact, Egypt was far in advance of Israel in moral de- 
velopment. The individualism which marks the 
Hebrew Book of Proverbs, which is post-exilic, 
characterised the Precepts of the Egyptian prince 
Ptah-hotep long before ; no wonder, then, that the 
egotism of Nehemiah should have much earlier par- 
allels in the inscriptions on Egyptian statues. Nor is 
it a digression to remind you that the Egyptians, 
since a remote antiquity, had looked forward to a 
judgment after death with rewards and punishments 
for the individual. The inscriptions on the statues 
(which are in tomb-chapels) are addressed chiefly to 
the gods. We can hardly say the like of Nehemiah's 
account of his good deeds. But he is evidently 



44 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



thinking of a future reward, when he pauses in the 
midst of his story to ejaculate the prayer, " Remem- 
ber me, O my God, for good." * Is this merely a 
"prayer for posthumous fame?" Dean Stanley 
thought so.f But surely the words are to be 
explained by that touching utterance of a psalmist : 

" Remember me, Jehovah, when thou showest favour 

to thy people, 

Take notice of me when thou workest deliverance, 
That I may feast mine eyes on the felicity of thy 

chosen, 

May rejoice in the joy of thy nation, 
May share the triumph of thine inheritance." 

(Ps. cvi., 4, 5.) 

Nehemiah hopes in fact to have brought the Mes- 
sianic period a good deal nearer by the trouble he 
has taken, and has dreams of being as prominent 
then as he has been at this critical time at Jerusa- 
lem. 

Certainly the butler of Artaxerxes was the one 
great man in Judaea. Though not quite devoid of 
idealism, he showed a promptitude both in counsel 
and in action which reminds us of Napoleon. That 
he was impatient and masterful, is but a way of say- 
ing that he was extremely able and knew his own 
ability. The times demanded such a man, and any 

* Neh. v., 19 ; xiii., 14, 22, 31. 

f Lectures on the Jewish Church, iii., I2O. 



Nehemiah, Ezra, and Manasseh 45 



other living Jew would probably have failed. If I 
add that he hated the opponents of orthodox re- 
ligion with an intensity that shocks us, and that he 
suspected them of meanness as well as of religious 
error, that will not surprise any thoughtful student. 
It was difficult if not impossible in those early 
times to love God fervently without hating a large 
section of God's creatures. What Nehemiah's feel- 
ings were towards the races outside Palestine, we can 
only conjecture, but we know that he detested three 
persons, Sanballat the Horonite, Tobiah the Ammon- 
ite, and Geshem or Gashmu the Arabian. 

This detestation was of course not peculiar to Ne- 
hemiah. Shortly before his arrival prophets had 
written in the most bitter terms respecting the Sa- 
maritans.* The relations between the two kindred 
communities were becoming more and more strained. 
Sanballat and Tobiah, worshippers of the same God 
as orthodox Jews, had come to feel that the differ- 
ences which parted them were greater than the resem- 
blances which united them. And when Nehemiah 
arrived, " it grieved them exceedingly that there was 
come a man " to give as it appeared a final pre- 
ponderance to the orthodox party at Jerusalem, or 
as Nehemiah himself expresses it, " to seek the wel- 
fare of the Israelites." f And they had good reason. 

* Isa. Ivii., 3-13 ; Ixv. ; Ixvi. f Neh. ii., 10. 



46 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



The prophets who had written against the Samari- 
tans had done so anonymously. It was Nehemiah 
who made the first official declaration of war. " We 
are the servants of the God of heaven ; but ye have 
no portion, nor right, nor memorial in Jerusalem." * 
Let me repeat. It was not originally the Samaritans 
who wished to be separate from the Jews. Gladly 
would they have resorted to the sanctuary at Jeru- 
salem, and after death have enjoyed that shadowy 
immortality which consisted in having a monument 
in the holy city.f But Nehemiah and the exclusive 
party knew their own mind, and emphasised their 
hostility to their neighbours by repairing the wall of 
Jerusalem, not so much as a protection against or- 
dinary foes as to keep out the Samaritans. 

The Samaritans on their side affected to be aston- 
ished at Nehemiah for venturing to commit an act 
of overt rebellion against Persia.:): Some of the Jew- 
ish prophets had in all probability given them some 
excuse for this bold misrepresentation. The state- 
ment comes to us from Sanballat, but there is no 
sufficient reason to suppose that it was a pure fiction 
of the Samaritan leader. We know that Haggai and 
Zechariah had put forward Zerubbabel as the Mes- 

* Neh. ii., 20. 

f Cf. Isa. Ivi., 9, " a memorial and a name better than sons and 
daughters." t Neh. ii., 19. 



Nehemiah, Ezra, and Manasseh 47 



sianic king, and it is probable enough that other 
prophets in Nehemiah's time declared this great 
man (the one great man in Judaea, as I have said) to 
be the Messiah. It is true, Nehemiah was not a de- 
scendant of David. But it is not certain that Jere- 
miah and Ezekiel, when they speak of David or of 
a Sprout of David as the future ideal king, mean to 
insist on a literal descent from the son of Jesse. If 
a hero who came with the spirit and power of David 
had been put before them, it is probable that they 
would have recognised in him a true son of David, 
just as Jesus recognised in the appearance of John 
the Baptist the fulfilment of the well-known prophecy 
of Malachi.* The Samaritans, then, had really a 
specious pretext for setting the story about Nehe- 
miah afloat. Jewish prophets had for a moment con- 
nected the governor's name with the traditional 
Messianic hope. But Nehemiah himself f was too 
wise and too honest to permit such preaching, and 
so to fan the delusive hope of Judsean independence. 
And I suspect that Sanballat understood this. It is 
hardly conceivable that the governor's primary ob- 
ject in building the walls can have remained a secret 
to Sanballat. 

What that object was we have seen already. Ne- 

* Matt, xi., 14 ; Mark ix., 13 ; cf. Luke i., 17. 
f Neh. vi., 7. 



48 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



hemiah wished to defend Jerusalem from the attack 
which the Samaritans would probably make on the 
city (on the pretext of Nehemiah's rebellion against 
his liege lord), when the right of worshipping in the 
temple and of intermarrying with the Jews had been 
withdrawn from them. One point however must be 
mentioned to the credit of Sanballat. Before the 
doors of the city were set into the gates, he made a 
final attempt to effect a compromise with Nehemiah.* 
The governor, it is true, declares in his memoirs that 
the Samaritans had a plot against him. But the fact 
that Sanballat, undeterred by Nehemiah's first refusal, 
made four more attempts to arrange a conference 
speaks in his favour. The governor's rudeness was 
enough to provoke any one, and goes some way to 
excuse the final insult of Sanballat. That bold man 
only threw a doubt publicly on Nehemiah's loyalty 
in revenge for repeated and most unseemly rebuffs ; 
his earlier efforts for a compromise were made in 
good faith. That Nehemiah did not believe this, is 
no decisive argument on his side. His acuteness was 
preternatural. He scented treachery everywhere, 
and would not trust his nearest neighbours. A 
prophet urges him to take refuge in the sanctuary. 
At once he infers that the prophet is in the pay of 
Sanballat (Neh.vi., 10-14). The nobles of Jerusalem 

* Neh. vi., 1-9. 



Nehemiah, Ezra, and Manasseh 49 



keep up a correspondence with their old friend and 
the kinsman of some of them, Tobiah the Am- 
monite. At once Nehemiah concludes that their 
letters are full of malicious slanders about himself.* 
Let not my reader imagine that I am siding with 
the Samaritans and their Jewish friends against Ne- 
hemiah. It is true, I think that the former had a 
right to feel aggrieved at the prospect of being de- 
prived of their civil and religious privileges at Jeru- 
salem, and that the Jewish conservatives were quite 
naturally drawn to the Samaritans among whom they 
found a sympathetic comprehension of their inherited 
prejudices. Some credit, too, is due in my opinion 
to the Jewish nobles for the assistance which they 
rendered to Nehemiah (whose ulterior object they 
did not perhaps see directly) in repairing the wall. 
But I think it quite possible that they painted Ne- 
hemiah too darkly in their private letters, and that 
they feed the prophet Shemaiah to induce Nehemiah 
to commit a questionable action. And Nehemiah's 
cause was a better one than theirs. An exclusive 
policy was necessary at this juncture in order that at 
a later day more catholic principles might become 
possible. Besides, the terms had, as it appears, been 
stated to the Samaritans on which their religious 
privileges could be continued to them, and these 

* Neh. vi., 17-19. For " my words " read " evil reports of me." 



50 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



terms they had rejected. They had even shown a 
loathing for the best Jewish piety (Isa. Ixvi., 5), and, 
now that a capable leader of orthodoxy had appeared, 
they did their utmost to hinder his action. Surely this 
antagonism to what Nehemiah knew to be true 
righteousness might, from the governor's point of 
view, be plausibly regarded as obstinate wickedness, 
which deserved no courtesy or consideration. 

To return to Nehemiah's personal history. The 
work for which he had obtained leave of absence from 
the court was finished. It is stated in our present text 
of the book of Nehemiah that he remained twelve 
years at Jerusalem as governor (Neh. v., 14). But 
without independent corroboration of this we must 
hesitate to accept it as correct. The Biblical texts 
underwent many changes, especially in points affect- 
ing chronology, before they reached the latest editors. 
The text of Neh. v., 14 can scarcely be accurate. 
Nehemiah must, it would seem, have gone back to 
Artaxerxes as soon as the work to which his firman 
referred was completed. The king had only given 
him leave for a set time, and the queen, too, was in- 
terested in his return. One pleasant thing however 
I have to mention which is beyond all doubt. Before 
his departure, Nehemiah showed a genuine sympathy 
with the down-trodden poor. The story of their " bit- 
ter cry " follows immediately on that of the building 



Nehemiah, Ezra, and Manasseh 51 



of the wall, and it was ultimately this great public 
work which caused the sad trouble of which they com- 
plained. For it was not possible that the poor Jews 
who laboured so continuously at the wall, should 
have time to attend to their fields and vineyards. 
The consequence was that the Persian tax-gatherer 
pressed them on the one hand, and Famine held 
them in his stern grip on the other. The only rem- 
edy was to apply to the money-lenders. But those 
harsh men would not be satisfied unless their clients 
mortgaged their small holdings, and even let their 
young sons and daughters go into slavery. " A 
great cry arose among the common people and their 
wives against their Jewish brethren." " We are of 
the same flesh as our brethren," they exclaimed in 
the anguish of their heart, " and our children have 
the same lineaments as theirs." The cry reached 
the governor in his palace, and passionate wrath 
seized him. He had not been prepared for this 
moral failure. He had hoped to find the Jews of 
Judaea not inferior in brotherly love to those of the 
Dispersion, who held it a sacred duty to redeem 
Jewish captives out of bondage. The idea of a rich 
Jew allowing a poor one to sell his child, and even 
buying the child himself, was abhorrent to Nehemiah. 
It was not only inhuman but irreligious, and the 
guilty act exposed the whole community to insulting 



52 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



taunts from the Samaritans. He called an assembly, 
and with dramatic gestures, which he has actually 
recorded, he made the usurers swear to cancel the 
mortgages, and remit the excessive interest which 
they had been exacting. 

The story speaks badly for the religious life of the 
community. It reminds us of an anonymous prophecy 
written about this time, a specimen of which deserves 
to be quoted. The writer dramatically introduces 
the richer Jews expostulating with Jehovah on His 
inactivity as the protector of Israel. 

" Why have we fasted, and thou seest it not ? mortified 

ourselves, and thou markest it not ? 
Surely on your fast day ye pursue your business, and 

all money lent on pledge ye exact. 
Is not this the fast that I choose, saith Jehovah, 
To loose the fetters of injustice, to untie the bands of 

violence, 
To set at liberty those who are crushed, to burst every 

yoke ? 
Is it not to break thy bread to the hungry, and to bring 

the homeless into thy house, 
When thou seest the naked to cover him, and not to 

hide thyself from thine own flesh ? 
Then will thy light break forth as the dawn, thy wounds 

will be quickly healed over, 
Thy redress will go before thee, and Jehovah's glory 

will be thy rearward. 
Thy sons will build up the ancient ruins, thou wilt raise 

again the long-deserted foundations, 



Nehemiah, Ezra, and Manasseh 53 



And men will call thee, Repairer of ruins, Restorer of de- 
stroyed places for inhabiting." 

(Isa. Iviii., 4, 6-8, 12.) 

We see from this that Nehemiah was not the only 
person who revolted against the inhumanity of the 
aristocrats. Had he inquired, he would have found 
out this cruel conduct before. For it was not only 
the rebuilding of the walls which had given occasion 
to the usurers to torment the commonalty. He did 
not inquire, because he was too busy with high mat- 
ters to look into small details. Nor had his kinsman 
Hanani warned him of the need which existed for a 
thorough social reform ; Hanani was entirely ab- 
sorbed in the idea of the necessity for ensuring reli- 
gious isolation. And so Nehemiah, who also regarded 
this object as vital, drew these poor people from their 
country homes to labour on the wall without having 
made due provision for their compensation. Did he 
blame himself for this? He has unfortunately left 
no record in his autobiography. 

Equally unrecorded are the rest of the acts of 
Nehemiah during his first visit. Possibly the later 
writer who edited his work has omitted some sections 
which did not fit into his own plan. Nor do we know 
the name and the religious tendency of the Tirshatha 
(i. e., royal representative) to whom Nehemiah re- 
signed the reigns of power. It is no great matter ; 



54 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



whoever the Tirshatha was, he had not the courage 
to cope with the Jewish aristocrats, who are found 
at a later time as intimate with the leaders of the 
Samaritans as if the wall had never been repaired. 
There was still a gulf between Babylonian and 
Judaean orthodoxy. 

Can we doubt that this caused much dissatisfac- 
tion in the Jewries of Babylonia? or hesitate to con- 
nect it with the first great certain return of Jewish 
exiles to Palestine under Ezra the scribe ? This great 
return would naturally be preceded by a journey of 
some of the leading Jews, including Ezra, to the 
Persian court with a petition for royal encouragement. 
And it is a fortunate circumstance that an authentic 
utterance of Ezra himself places this beyond all doubt, 
and enables us to infer the nature of his petition to 
Artaxerxes. These are the words to which I refer : 

" Blessed be Jehovah, the God of our fathers, who has 
put such a thing as this into the king's mind, to beautify 
Jehovah's temple at Jerusalem, and has caused me to find 
favour before the king and his counsellors and before all 
the king's mighty princes." (Ezr. vii., 27, 28.) 

It appears then that the object of Ezra and his party 
was a distinctly religious one. It was not a mere 
national migration for which he desired the royal 
permission, but a grand attempt to prepare the way 
for the still delayed return of Jehovah to His land. 



Nehemiah, Ezra, and Manasseh 55 



To him, as to Haggai and Zechariah before him, a 
beautiful temple was a necessary condition of the 
restoration of Israel to the divine favour. The sup- 
posed firman, however, which is inserted before the 
words of Ezra which I have just quoted is much 
more precise in its expressions. It declares that 
Ezra the priest * and scribe is sent by the king and 
his counsellors to institute an inquiry into Judaean 
religion on the basis of the law which is in his hand. 
It even empowers Ezra to appoint magistrates and 
judges to judge the people of the province west of 
the Euphrates in accordance with this law, and should 
there be any who presume to disobey, or refuse to 
be taught, a strict sentence is to be passed upon 
them, ranging from simple imprisonment to confisca- 
tion of goods, banishment, and death.f This is all 
very strange. A violent interference with the re- 
ligion of their Judaean subjects would have been a new 
departure in the policy of the Persian kings. Ezra 
makes no reference to any other object as approved 
by the king but that of the decoration of the temple. 
He also expressly says that he would not ask the 
king for a military escort, because he had said so 
much about divine providence (Ezr. viii., 22) ; this 

* Some scholars doubt whether the priestly character of Ezra is 
historically certain. 

f Ezr. vii., 11-26 ; cf. 2 Chron. xv., 13. 



56 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



hardly looks as if he thought of pushing his reforms 
with the help of the government. That the firman 
is skilfully written, I should be the last to deny, but 
to defend it in its present form as a historical docu- 
ment, is beyond my ingenuity.* Nor am I at all 
sure that the date given in Ezra vii., 8, 9 is correct. 

It is, however, quite certain that a considerable 
party of Babylonian Jews arrived at Jerusalem under 
Ezra. Indeed, the activity of Ezra, like that of Ne- 
hemiah, is absolutely necessary to explain the course 
of later Jewish history. But what he actually did 
cannot in all points be ascertained. The account 
transmitted by the Chronicler in the Books of Ezra 
and Nehemiah may be based on contemporary nar- 
ratives, but contemporary narratives are not always 
strictly faithful. I know that I am touching the fringe 
of a troublesome question, but it is one which the stud- 
ent cannot evade considering, and on which I must 
tell him my own conclusion. No one likes to set 
aside the authority of an old document, but here it 
appears to me quite unavoidable. Whatever view 
we take of the meaning of the narrator, the story 
will not stand the tests of historical criticism. One 

* On this and on the other problems of the careers of Ezra and 
Nehemiah, see special articles in Messrs. A. & C. Black's Encyclo- 
pedia Biblica^ and cf. the translation of the Books of Ezra and 
Nehemiah (with notes) by Guthe in Prof. Haupt's Bible, See also 
Gulhe's History of Israel (German). 



Nehemiah, Ezra, and Manasseh 57 



possible view is that Ezra, on his arrival with firman 
and lawbook, found the former quite useless owing 
to the temper of the people, and waited thirteen 
years before he ventured publicly to introduce the 
latter. Others think that the narrator meant some- 
thing quite different, viz., that Ezra did not thjnk it 
important to feel his way and try his powers of per- 
suasion, but at once introduced the law amidst the 
rejoicings of the multitude. I think myself that the 
latter view of the writer's meaning is the most nat- 
ural one, but I find it not less difficult to accept as 
historical than the former. How, except by an ap- 
peal to force, Ezra can have won immediate accept- 
ance for his lawbook, I do not understand. Did he 
make such an appeal, according to the document? 
No. The statement is that " all the people. . . . 
spoke to Ezra the scribe to bring the book of the 
Law of Moses which Jehovah had commanded Israel " 
(Neh. viii., i), and that on the next day the heads of 
families joined the priests and Levites in a visit to 
the great legal expert, Ezra, to learn the orthodox 
mode of keeping the Feast of Booths. Now I do 
not deny that there was at this time a sincere at- 
tachment on the part of the leading Judaeans to the 
older law, and I fully recognise the moral influence 
which must have been exerted by the new settlers 
from Babylonia, but I doubt whether a lawbook dif- 



58 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



faring so widely from the older one (I will explain 
what Ezra's lawbook was presently), can have been 
at once accepted by the whole people and especially 
by the aristocratic class. True, the other view ap- 
pears not less questionable. How can Ezra have 
waited thirteen years before he obeyed, and that 
most imperfectly, the plain command of Artaxerxes ? 
I must confess, too, that the events which, according 
to the extant records, followed this supposed publi- 
cation and solemn acceptance of the law confirm me 
in my sceptical attitude. I can partly understand 
the story of the introduction of the older lawbook 
under Josiah, but I cannot in the least comprehend 
the externally parallel narrative in Neh. viii. A 
small kernel of fact may not unreasonably be ad- 
mitted. But the story, as it stands, is, I greatly fear, 
unhistorical. 

Not less full of improbability is the story of the 
marriage-reforms in Ezra ix., x. Such a delicate 
matter as the alteration of marriage-customs cannot 
have been brought about so quickly and in such a 
rough-and-ready way. That the sight of Ezra, sit- 
ting with dishevelled hair in a stupor, and then the 
hearing of a solemn liturgical prayer, should have 
so unnerved the people who had married non-Jewish 
wives that they straightway volunteered to turn away 
their wives and their children, and that three days 



Nehemiah, Ezra, and Manasseh 59 



afterwards a still larger assembly should have gathered 
in cold rainy weather in the open air, and sanctioned 
the appointment of a commission to compel the 
offenders to carry out this resolution, is surely in- 
credible. That there was anything like a general 
dismissal of non-Jewish wives and their children, not 
only psychological considerations, but certain impor- 
tant facts recorded in our documents * forbid us to 
believe. 

Let no one suppose that I am trjang to convert 
Ezra into a model of humanity. On the contrary, I 
think it likely that he was at first far too vehement in 
his language and rigorous in his demands, and I must 
express a fear that some too pliant persons may have 
given way to him. If these surmises are correct, 
the scribe Ezra was guilty of a distinct denial of the 
divine fatherhood a doctrine expressed in the very 
first chapter of the narrative which introduces his 
lawbook. I am bound to denounce this as much as 
I sympathise with and admire the very different 
attitude of the apostle Paul. Nor can I help referring 
in this connection to the blessings which accrued to 
the English race through the union of a heathen king 
of Kent with a Christian princess from France. 
Gratitude for these blessings compels me to shrink 
with horror from the conduct of Ezra, if he gave 

*See Ezr. x., 15 ; Neh. xiii., 23-27. 



60 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



sufficient occasion for a narrative like that in Ezra 
ix., x. 

And yet, even if Ezra was so far guilty, I must 
not ignore the existence of extenuating circumstances. 
This vehemence and rigour (so far as they are his- 
torical) were but the excess of his religious patriotism. 
They arose out of his dread of the too possible dis- 
astrous consequences of mixed marriages. A child 
is always affected permanently for good or for evil 
by the religion of its mother. There was a time 
when the religion of ancient Egypt became partly 
Semitic through the intermarriage of Egyptians and 
Syrians, and some of the least desirable religious 
peculiarities of the early Israelites were largely due 
to their intermarriage with the Canaanites. That 
was chiefly why Ezra and Nehemiah were so much 
opposed to mixed marriages. The religion which 
they desired to promote was a book-religion, which 
to a considerable extent recognised the claims of 
development ; those of the Samaritans and the 
other small nations of Palestine were local, unpro- 
gressive religions, based on ancient custom. No 
doubt Ezra's policy was opposed to the doctrine of 
the divine fatherhood expressed in the first chapter 
of Genesis. But we can show from the Book of 
Malachi * that many of those with whom Ezra would 

*Mal. ii., 10-16. 



Nehemiah, Ezra, and Manasseh 61 



fain have dealt so barbarously had offered an equally 
flat contradiction to that great doctrine by turning 
adrift the Jewish wives whom they had married in 
their youth in order to marry foreign women. 
" Have we not all one Father ? has not one God 
created us? " are the words in which Malachi indig- 
nantly reproves them. He also mentions the sad 
divisions in families which had arisen from these 
cruel divorces, the children having apparently taken 
the part of their disgraced mothers. And he seems 
to have painfully felt his own inability to reform this 
abuse, for he (or some not much later writer) has 
added this appendix to his prophecy, 

" Behold, I send you the prophet Elijah before Je- 
hovah's great and terrible day come. He shall turn the 
hearts of the fathers to the children, and the hearts of 
the children to their fathers, lest I come and smite the 
land with a curse " (Mai. iv., 5, 6). 

In other words, Malachi looked for a great religious 
reformer, who should make the people think of their 
family and social obligations, and of Jehovah's hatred 
for all un-Israelitish conduct. Jehovah had made 
no covenant except with Israel ; those who formed 
an alliance of any kind, either with half-Jews like the 
Samaritans, or with non-Jews like the Philistines, 
Ammonites, and Moabites, and who, in order to do 
this, had put away their Jewish wives, provoked His 



62 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



displeasure. Such, too, we may presume was the 
theory of marriage inculcated by Ezra. 

Very little, then, remains to the critical historian 
of the details of the story in Ezra ix., x. A some- 
what more favourable judgment can, in my opinion, 
be passed on the account of the rise of the so-called 
congregation, or to borrow a more appropriate Greek 
term, the Ecclesia.* This narrative seems originally 
to have followed on that in Ezr. ix., x., the last 
words of which, as given in the true Septuagint text, 
are "and they dismissed them (i. e., their foreign 
wives) with their children." It also undoubtedly 
presupposes that Ezra's lawbook had been generally 
accepted and was now in force. For it speaks of a 
long reading from the book of the law of Jehovah as 
having preceded the liturgical confession uttered by 
the Levites ; the contents of the lawbook were some- 
thing quite new to the audience. Now it is quite 
true that this cannot be the historical background of 
the formation of the congregation. The mixed mar- 
riages cannot to any great extent have been dissolved, 
and the lawbook of Ezra cannot have been generally 
or publicly accepted. But the scene in the fore- 
ground of the picture may still be correct. The 
Babylonian Jews who came up with Ezra certainly 
regarded themselves as the true Israelites, and it was 

* C/. t Hort, The Christian Ecclesia (1896). 



Nehemiah, Ezra, and Manasseh 63 



only natural that they should form themselves into 
what claimed to be a national Ecclesia or assembly 
the ideas of the church and the nation being hence- 
forth inseparably fused together.* And to this as- 
sembly or congregation they would naturally admit, 
first", all who in the past evil days had protested 
against semi-heathenism, and who, in the words of 
Malachi (iii., 16), had "spoken often one to the 
other/'f and next, those who, under the influence of 
the new colonists, had given up their heretical cus- 
toms, or, in the language of a contemporary, J had 
" turned from transgression in Jacob " (Isa. lix., 20). 
This congregation is the " Zion " of the later chapters 
of Isaiah, and its members are the "poor," the 
"meek," the "mourners in Zion," the "trembling 
listeners to Jehovah's word," of whom we read in 
late psalms, prophecies, and narratives. This con- 
gregation is also the feeble beginning of the great 
Jewish church, and the contract or covenant which 
its members, after a solemn reading of the new law- 
book, probably subscribed, must have contained the 

* According to the post-exilic list in Ezr. ii. (Neh. vii., I Esdr. v.), 
the number of men in the community was 42,360, i. e., some 125,000 
souls. 

\ I.e., had formed themselves into a close association. 

\ See Isaiah in the Polychrome Bible. 

Isa. Ixi., 3 ; Ixvi., 2 ; Ezr. ix., 4 ; x., 3; Ps. ix., 12, 18 ; x., 9, 
10, 12, etc. 



64 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



chief obligations which were the condition of the 
privileges granted to the true Israel privileges which 
are summed up in these remarkable words from the 
third part of Isaiah : 

" And as for Me, this is My covenant with them, saith 
Jehovah : My spirit which is upon thee [/. <?., upon the 
true Israel], and My words which I have put into thy 
mouth, shall not remove from thy mouth, nor from that 
of thine offspring, nor from that of thine offspring's 
offspring, from henceforth unto eternity " (Isa. lix., 21). 

At this historical turning-point the scribe, Ezra, 
suddenly disappears. The chief place in the narra- 
tive is once more occupied by Nehemiah, whom the 
news of Ezra's comparative failure seems to have 
drawn from his home in Susa.* Probably he came 
on furlough as temporary governor or special high 
commissioner. It is noticeable that even Nehemiah 
does not mention Ezra in the short second part of 
his memoirs. He confines himself to a business-like 
description of his own doings. He had three prac- 
tical objects. They are the same which are given in 
the traditional account of the covenant of the con- 
gregation, viz., the abolition of mixed marriages, and 
of Sabbath traffic, and the provision of regular sup- 
plies for the temple services and for the priests and 
Levites. 

* Neh. xiii. 6. 



Nehemiah, Ezra, and Manasseh 65 



Let us take the last of these points first : Nehe- 
miah found that the support of the Levites had been 
so sadly neglected that they had deserted their posts 
and retired to their country allotments.* Strange to 
say, the priest Eliashib (I suppose he was the high 
priest of that name), acquiescing in the decadence 
of the ecclesiastical system, had conceded the use 
of a large store-chamber, formerly in the charge of 
the Levites, to Tobiah the Ammonite. f Here, per- 
haps, as the man of business of the temple, Tobiah 
had installed himself, with his household utensils, 
close to his priestly friend. Nehemiah, according to 
his wont, took prompt action. He cast out all To- 
biah's property, and had the chamber purified, just 
as if Tobiah had been a heathen. J To Eliashib we 
are not told that he said anything, but to the civil 
rulers, who ought to have stirred up the people to 
bring their offerings, he gave a short but emphatic 
rebuke, "Why is the house of God forsaken "? 
The effect was immediate. The Levites were gath- 
ered together, and the arrears of tithe called in.|| 
Thus this man of affairs, with his beneficently im- 

* Neh. xiii., 10. 

f Neh. xiii., 4, 5. 

\ Neh. xiii., 7-9. 

These words have the ring of spontaneity. They are not taken 
from Neh. x., 39, but were evidently copied by the framer of the 
supposed covenant. 

|| Neh. xiii., n, 12. 
5 



66 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 

perious manner, succeeded where prophets like Mal- 
achi and priestly reformers like Ezra had failed. 

It was a much harder task to get the Sabbath ob- 
served in the new orthodox fashion. Deuteronomy 
had only prescribed rest from the daily toil of hus- 
bandry ; the priestly code required abstinence from 
all secular occupation, and represented even gather- 
ing sticks on the Sabbath as an offence deserving 
capital punishment. * Nehemiah, a partisan of this 
code, determined to press the later form of the Sab- 
bath precept. He would trust no information, but, 
as on his first arrival at Jerusalem, went out to 
gather facts for himself, f It was a Sabbath-day, and 
the villages were enlivened with the merry shouts of 
those who trod the grapes in the wine-press, inno- 
cently supposing that this pleasant task was no 
violation of the Sabbath law. Then he looked else- 
where, and saw villagers lading their asses with grain, 
fruit, and wine, so as to arrive in Jerusalem on the 
next market-day. Nehemiah kept his counsel, but 
when the market-day came he warned the sellers not 
to start from home on the Sabbath-day again. The 
Sabbath trade in fish also excited his indignation, 
though he found fault not so much with the Tyrians 
who sold, as with the Jews who bought the fish.J 

* Num. xv., 32-36. f Neh. xiii., 15-22. 

It was salted and dried fish from the Mediterranean. 



Nehemiah, Ezra, and Manasseh 67 



Nehemiah administered a severe rebuke to the prin- 
cipal Jews, reminding them that Sabbath-breaking 
had brought ruin in the past, and that more troubles 
would be the consequence of such profane conduct. 
He gave orders that the city gates should be closed 
all through the Sabbath, and that no one bringing 
any merchandise should be admitted. The traders 
saw nothing for it but to pass the twenty-four hours 
of the Sabbath without the walls. But even this 
irritated the governor. The Jews who went out into 
the country on the Sabbath might be induced to 
attempt an infraction of the law. So Nehemiah 
threatened the traders that unless they desisted alto- 
gether, he would drive them from the neighbourhood 
by force. 

It is a scene from real life which we have before 
us, and it helps us to understand the transition from 
the gentle code of Deuteronomy to the consistently 
severe code of Ezra. We have interesting utterances 
of men who sympathised with Nehemiah in what I 
may call the Nehemiah section of the Book of Isa- 
iah I refer, of course, to the well-known sayings on 
the Sabbath in Isa. Ivi., 2, 6; Iviii., 13. The passages 
are not fine enough to quote ; in fact, the poetry of 
the Sabbath sentiment waited many centuries for a 
worthy expression. 

And now comes the turn of the third great object 



68 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



of the reformers, viz., the abolition of mixed mar- 
riages. Two noteworthy facts come before us. The 
first is Nehemiah's lenience to the common people, 
whom he did not compel to send away their Philis- 
tine, or Ammonite, or Moabite wives. With almost 
frantic excitement he made the offenders swear not 
to promote any more such marriages within their 
families, and there he stopped.* The second is his 
severity to the priests. A grandson of the high 
priest Eliashib had married a daughter of Sanballat. 
No doubt this is the Manasseh of whom, as I have 
already mentioned, Josephus tells us. Nehemiah 
himself relates that he made Jerusalem too hot for 
the offender, who fled precipitately. " Remember 
it is to them, and not to me," says Nehemiah, " that 
I have attainted priestly dignitaries." " On the 
other hand," he continues, " I have purged the 
priesthood from all strangers, and maintained each 
of the offices of the priests, and of the Levites." f 
From this we may infer that Manasseh had com- 
panions in his exile, and we have already seen that 
Nehemiah's view of his character is not the only 
one that is possible. Indeed, the governor himself 
brings no other charge against him but that of hav- 
ing criminally polluted a consecrated race. Manas- 

* Neh. xiii., 23-27. 

f Neh. xiii., 28-30 (new translation). 



Nehemiah, Ezra, and Manasseh 69 

seh may have been a good, and was certainly in 
some sense a great, man. His reconstitution of the 
Samaritan community was an event of high import- 
ance in the history of Jewish religion. 

Scanty enough are the record's of Nehemiah's 
second visit, but they suffice to show that his chief 
interest at this time was ecclesiastical. Perhaps he 
did not interfere with the civil government ; this 
may have remained in the hands of the person whom 
he found in office. His main objects were those of 
Ezra, and it was his good fortune to succeed where 
the priestly scribe had failed, not merely because 
he had the royal authority, but because of his great 
personal qualities. Still, we must not allow our- 
selves to underrate Ezra. If the traditional picture 
of his activity is not fully historical, it devolves upon 
us to fill up the deficiencies of the narrative by rea- 
sonable conjecture. We must remember that Ezra 
was a theorist by education, and that he began his 
practical career with an imperfect knowledge of the 
situation. Under these circumstances it is intelli- 
gible that he was at first too vehement and arbi- 
trary. But it is psychologically probable that when 
his first injudicious effort had failed, he showed him- 
self in a more pleasing light. The portrait of the 
Servant of Jehovah, in some beautiful songs to 
which I shall refer, may not indeed have been 



70 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



sketched from Ezra, but seems to embody the ideal 
of the class to which Ezra belonged. I believe that 
his hidden life in the years which succeeded his pub- 
lic failure may have been great in the eyes of God. 
I believe that he must have come to understand how 
ill adapted the lawbook was in its original form to 
the wants of the Judaeans, and that he devoted him- 
self with considerate thoughtfulness to correcting 
some of its deficiencies. Henceforth he did not 
" cry, nor roar,* nor cause his voice to be heard in 
the street." With old and new friends he laboured 
to commend the claims of the reinterpreted law of 
Jehovah to the citizens of Jerusalem. And though 
I cannot venture to believe that he wrote psalms, I 
can imagine that he would have joined heartily in 
singing words like these : 

" Make Thy face to shine upon Thy servant, 
And teach me Thy statutes. 
Streams of water run down mine eyes 
Because men keep not Thy law." 

(Ps. cxix., 135, 136.) 

There is yet another reason why Ezra should be 
had in honour, which rests probably on a firmer 
basis than the foregoing conjecture. In a docu- 
ment which is, at any rate, early I mean the sup- 
posed firman of Artaxerxes (Ezr. vii., 12, 21) he is 

* See rendering of Isa. xlii., 2 (with note) in the Polychrome Bible. 



Nehemiah, Ezra, and Manasseh 71 



described as the " writer of the law of the God of 
heaven," i. e., of that law which Ezra brought with 
him to Jerusalem, and which the firman elsewhere 
calls " the law of thy God which is in thy hand." I 
believe that by this title the writer meant that Ezra 
was the author or editor of the lawbook referred to, 
for if " scribe " merely meant " copyist," what object 
would there be in giving Ezra the title ? It would 
surely be no additional honour for a priest to be 
called a copyist. The firman indeed, cannot be 
regarded as an authority for the views of Artaxerxes, 
but the phrase " writer of the law of the God of 
heaven " (i. e., of Jehovah) probably represents what 
Ezra said of himself when he came to Jerusalem. 
We are told that when, in Josiah's time, the Deuter- 
onomic Law was brought before the secretary of 
state, Hilkiah the chief priest stated what he knew 
of the history of the document.* Ezra, too, was 
no doubt called upon to do this by the rulers 
of the Jerusalem-community, and he probably said 
that by the spirit of Jehovah he had reproduced the 
Law of Moses more perfectly than his predecessors.! 
A later writer, whose words are preserved in Ezr. 
vii., 6-10, was ignorant of this. He represents Ezra 

*2 Kings xxii., 8. 

f Esdr. xiv., 44, is, of course, a wild fiction. For "204" read "94" 
(see Ball's Variorum Apocrypha). 



72 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



as merely an experienced scholar in the law of 
Jehovah, who had devoted himself to teaching the 
divine statutes. 

The lawbook of Ezra was no doubt a smaller 
work than what now passes among critics as the 
Priestly Code. Nor can we admit that it was 
altogether the work of Ezra. In the Babylonian, as 
well as in the early Persian period, different schools 
of priests appear to have occupied themselves with 
recombining, recasting, and supplementing the earlier 
laws and legal traditions. The state of Judaean 
religion about the middle of the fifth century made 
it plain that these labours needed to be brought to 
a provisional close, and it was probably Ezra who 
took the lead in the redaction of the material. It 
was his province, I suppose, to select, arrange, and 
complete the literary matter prepared by his fellow- 
priests. 

You will now understand the sense in which I 
have spoken of Ezra's lawbook as new. It was new 
by comparison with Deuteronomy, just as Deuter- 
onomy in its day (the time of Josiah) was new 
by comparison with the Book of the Covenant, 
which belonged perhaps to the time of Jehoshaphat. 
But it professed to hand on the old Mosaic laws 
and principles in a form adapted to the age of 
Ezra ; and its profession was not unjustified. For 



Nehemiah, Ezra, and Manasseh 73 



it was perfectly clear to theists of that period that 
God had both the will and the power to endow 
chosen men with the spirit and capacity of Moses, 
just as, according to Malachi, he would at a future 
time endow a chosen prophet with the spirit and 
capacity of Elijah. I do not therefore mean by the 
phrase, a new lawbook, a book that was produced 
for the first time from the fertile brain of an 
enthusiast. 

To understand Ezra's lawbook it is necessary to 
realise its object. This was not to cultivate a lofty 
type of personal piety, but to guard against a recur- 
rence of the great national calamity of the past. 
The old religion of Israel, with all its attractive va- 
riety of local and family rites, had proved itself inad- 
equate. The presence of the Divine King among His 
people had been continually interrupted. Tyrants 
had often usurped the dominion, for how could a 
God be said to rule in a conquered or even in a 
tributary land? and there had also been a perma- 
nent obscuration of the theocracy by the institution 
of a human royalty. Hence the necessity of a per- 
fect divine law to which priests and laymen, rich and 
poor, should be equally subject a law which should 
take into account the huge difference between God 
and man, and should spare no pains in determining 
the points in which a supernatural God would be neces- 



74 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



sarily offended i. e., in marking the limits between 
the holy and the unholy, the sacred and the profane. 
And since the primitive confusion of the material 
and the ethical was not yet overcome, and since it 
was vastly easier to deal with material than with 
ethical violations of the divine sanctity, it came to 
pass that the main subject of the Jewish, as well as 
of the Zoroastrian, law, was the distinction between 
clean and unclean, and the manner in which lost 
ceremonial purity could be recovered. It was only 
those who were technically clean who could appear 
before God, and the object of the elaborate sacrifi- 
cial system was not to produce peace of mind for 
the individual, but to unify the community on a 
sound religious basis, maintaining its consecrated 
character unimpaired. The individual who volun- 
tarily or involuntarily transgressed any precept of 
the law injured the sanctity of the community. As 
long, therefore, as his transgression was unatoned for, 
he was a source of danger to that organic whole of 
which he was a member. It mattered not whether 
the precept were moral or ritual ; the divine holiness 
had been wronged, and satisfaction had to be given, 
either by ceremonial means or by the cutting off of 
the offending branch from the parent stem.* 

* A punishment which, owing to the virtual abolition of the clan 
associations, placed him who suffered it in a truly terrible position. 



Nehemiah, Ezra, and Manasseh 75 

The most remarkable evidence that the legislation 
of Ezra's school was planned in the interest of the 
community, and not of the individual, is supplied by 
the rites of the Day of Atonement. The object of 
these was to clear away any impurity which the 
atoning acts of the past year might still have left in 
the community or in the sanctuary. They cannot 
however be shown to have existed as early as the 
time of Ezra, and probably are among the passages 
which are late insertions in the Levitical legislation.* 
One of the details of the ritual is so strange, and 
sheds so much light on the low spiritual state of the 
mass of the Jews, that I refer to it now. It has, in 
fact, strong affinities to customs mentioned by Mr. 
Frazer, author of The Golden Bough, as still preva- 
lent in parts of India, Borneo, and other countries. 
The natives of these regions firmly believe that the 
demons who bring disasters and other calamities can 
be driven away by means of loud cries addressed to 
some quasi-sacrificial animal such as a goat, and we 
know from the Mishna that just such shouts, with just 
such an object, were addressed to the so-called scape- 
goat on the annual Day of Atonement. This unfortu- 
nate animal was driven into the wilderness bearing 
away all the sins committed by the Jews during the 

* To some extent they were anticipated by a very simple ceremony 
enjoined by Ezekiel (Ezek. xlv., 10-20). 



76 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



year, and the practice was to push it over a certain 
crag not far from Jerusalem, which has been identi- 
fied, upon which it was received by Azazel, one of 
the fallen angels for whom this name, which is of 
quite a recent type, was invented.* Certainly this 
was a very strange concession to make to popular 
superstition, but it had this incidental advantage, 
that it counteracted the custom of sacrificing to gob- 
lins of the wilderness called " satyrs." f In fact, we 
must bear in mind that the Jews had not only 
hereditary superstitions of their own, but lived 
amidst a population still more superstitious than 
themselves, and that it was practically impossible, 
from a church-statesman's point of view, to avoid 
making some carefully guarded concessions to the 
weakness of human nature. Whether Ezra would 
have sanctioned so big a concession as that which 
relates to the scapegoat seems to me doubtful. And 
I think that there must have been many in the sub- 
sequent period who entertained a strong repugnance 
to the miserable ceremony of the scapegoat. 

Another reason why it is of importance to realise 
the object of the lawbook, is this that Protestant 

* See article "Azazel" in Messrs. A. & C. Black's Encyclopaedia 
Biblica. 

\ See " Satyrs" in the same Encyclopaedia. Azazel may, as the 
present writer has suggested, have been substituted for some arch- 
goblin of Jewish folklore. 



Nehemiah, Ezra, and Manasseh 77 



students are naturally prone to criticise the legal 
religion from a Pauline point of view. Now Judaism 
as a whole is by no means devoid of spirituality, 
and has true saints of its own, but the Law from 
which it so largely springs cannot stand the tests 
which Pauline Christians apply to it. The Law may 
indeed encourage a deep awe of God, but this ser- 
vice can only be rendered to those who are already 
predisposed to such a habit of mind. I speak, of 
course, of the effect of the Law itself, and not as 
modified by the perusal of the prophetic Scriptures, 
and by the influence of the sweet hymns of the 
Psalter. And I regret that through unconsciously 
unfair criticism some injustice should be done to one 
of the most remarkable productions of the religious 
spirit. 

There is yet another mistake against which we have 
to guard that of supposing that Ezra's book was 
merely a lawbook. The legal element was indeed 
predominant, but the code was introduced, or accom- 
panied, by a history of the origin of the sacred peo- 
ple and the sacred institutions. We are struck in 
this history by a diminished, though by no means 
extinct, regard for popular traditions, and an ab- 
sence of the true historical interest. On the other 
hand, we are impressed by the deep religious earnest- 
ness of the writers, whose conception of God is 



78 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



higher and purer than that of the earlier narrators, 
and whose veneration for the sacred institutions is 
such that they declare one of them (the Sabbath) to 
have been ordained at the Creation, and another 
(Circumcision) to be as old as Abraham. The pa- 
triarchs, too, have put off the weaknesses with which 
early tradition had invested them. They are types 
of the perfect character after which each subject of 
the theocracy aspires, and their meritorious lives are 
among the palladia of the regenerate Israel. 

It is true, there has been loss as well as gain. 
There is on the one hand a chilliness in the relation 
of the patriarchs to their God, and on the other an 
incomprehensibleness in the character of these saintly 
men, who strike a modern reader as having had no 
moral development. But this chilliness is by no 
means indifference ; it is only the expression of feel- 
ing which is concerned. A priest is not a poet ; it 
requires a poet to bring out the latent heat of Jewish 
religion in Ezra's period. And the incomprehen- 
sibleness of which I spoke is at once removed when 
we view Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob as types or ideals 
of the new Israel. For the new Israel was separated 
from the old by a deep gulf the gulf of national 
ruin, over which the labours of Ezekiel, prophet and 
lawgiver, and his successors down to the time of 
Ezra had constructed a bridge. The bridge was the 



Nehemiah, Ezra, and Manasseh 79 



reinterpreted Law, but this bridge was only open to 
those who had taken to heart the lessons of the past. 
Such persons are the only true Israelites. They 
acknowledge that their old ideals and their old con- 
fidences were false, and they find new ones in the 
Law. Religion has transformed their views of char- 
acter ; it has also taught them to trust, not in chariots 
and horses, but in the strength vouchsafed to faithful 
obedience.* The only defect which an orthodox 
Jew could find in the life of Abraham was that he 
had no lawbook to study. But Job, who is, apart 
from some easily separable details, a poetical version 
of Abraham, shows by his grand profession of inno- 
cence (Job xxxi.) that all the essentials of the moral 
law were known to and observed by him in a spirit 
of devout obedience. The want of poetry in the 
priestly authors of the lawbook was supplied by 
later writers and not least by the poet of Job. 

One thing, no doubt, Job lost for a time which 
the priestly writer makes extremely prominent in 
Abraham, and that is humility. Humility is the 
dominant note of the Jewish character as transformed 
by the Law. It is properly a relation to God, and it 
is the root out of which not only Israel's privileges 
but all its righteousness proceeds. Hence the re- 

* Cf, the saying, " Everything is in need of help (from heaven)." 
Midrash on Ps. xx. 



8o Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



markable phenomenon that righteousness and humil- 
ity in the post-exilic period are coupled together. 
" Behold, thy king comes to thee ; he is righteous and 
victorious ; humble is he, and he rides upon an ass " 
(Zech. ix., 9). And again, in a psalm, the wars of 
the Messiah are said to be waged " in behalf of 
truth, righteousness, and humility " (Ps. xlv., 4). 

The one colossal privilege guaranteed in the future 
to the "humble" was the presence of God among His 
people, or, in other words, the visible assumption by 
Jehovah of His kingly dignity. When the priestly 
code was originally framed, it was hoped that this 
" great divine event " would speedily take place. 
This is why in Leviticus we so often hear the 
appeal, " Be ye holy, for I am holy " (Lev. xi., 44, 
etc). This, too, is the secret of all those minute 
prescriptions which strike most of us as wearisome, 
but which to those who had taken upon themselves 
" the yoke of the kingdom of heaven " * were de- 
lightful. The too early dimmed holiness of ancient 
Israel arose out of a preceding act of Jehovah (the 
Exodus) ; in the future, the delivering act of God 
would have to be preceded by a thorough sanctifica- 
tion of His people. This it was the endeavour of 
Ezra and his colleagues to secure, and judged from 

* The phrase illustrates the saying of Jesus, ' ' Take my yoke upon 
you, . . . for my yoke is easy." 



Nehemiah, Ezra, and Manasseh 81 



their own point of view they did their work in the 
most self-denying and reverent manner. 

For the number of ancient elements in the 
priestly legislation forbids us, as I have said, to call 
it in the strict sense of the word, a new, that is an 
entirely original, lawbook. It exhibits the form 
which the older legislation took under vastly 
altered circumstances, and it only differs so widely 
in many respects from that older legislation because 
of the great outward revolution through which 
Israel had passed, and which was resulting more 
slowly in an equally great change in the inner man. 
In that second revolution there were many other 
actors besides Ezra and the legalists. Priests, pro- 
phets, psalmists, and wise men, besides the humbler 
confessors of common life, all had their share in 
bringing about the transformation of Israel. To 
some of them it will be my privilege to call the read- 
er's attention, but none of them deserves such high 
honour as Ezra the scribe, because without his law- 
book the preliminary conditions of their activity 
would have been wanting. The Jewish and the 
Zoroastrian communities have survived centuries of 
persecution chiefly through their possession of a 
written religious Law. The known or unknown 
compilers of that Law are greater men than the 
founders of empires. 

6 



LECTURE III. 

Jewish Religious Ideals; Hindrances to their 
Perfect Development. 

r I ^HE Jewish community in Judaea had now been 
X reconstituted. Come what might, it had a 
bond stronger than death linking it to the God of 
heaven and earth. True, it could not expect much 
prosperity in the immediate future. Ezra and 
Nehemiah must have known that a breathing-time 
between successive afflictions was all that could be 
hoped for.* But they knew also that they had pro- 
vided the best of comforts for their afflicted people 
by stirring up within them a sense of the true 
Israelitish ideal. This ideal was not the same which 
had hovered before the minds of David and Solo- 
mon. It was not in the first place material prosperity, 
but simply to be and to do as a community all that 

* This was one unfortunate result of the policy of Cyrus, who 
sought as much as possible to respect the individualities of the subject 
peoples. He meant well, but he did not foresee that these individual- 
ities would express themselves in a succession of revolts which it 
would be troublesome to his successors to quell. Not unfrequently 
these revolts took place in the neighbourhood of Judaea, and that 
small and poor country suffered many inconveniences in consequence. 

82 



Jewish Religious Ideals 83 



a righteous God approved. A tender-hearted, zeal- 
ous, and enthusiastic man placed his pen at the 
service of this ideal. He depicted some of its most 
beautiful aspects in a cycle of songs which some 
like-minded editor inserted at different points of the 
expanded prophecy of Restoration (i. e. y Isaiah xl. 
lv.). Those who would comprehend the sanctified 
ambitions of some of the best Judaeans in the age 
inaugurated by Ezra should read, and read again, 
these fine poems. 

Let us begin with the poem which is most con- 
crete in its expressions, and is most obviously occa- 
sioned by contemporary historical facts. I will give 
the central portion.* May the words find reverent 
and sympathetic readers. 

" He grew up as a sapling before us, 
And as a sprout from the root in a dry ground ; 
He had no form nor majesty, 
And no beauty that we should delight in him. 

" Despised (was he) and forsaken of men, 
A man of (many) pains, and acquainted with sickness ; 
Yea, like one before whom men hide the face, 
Despised, and we esteemed him not. 

" But our sickness (alone) he bore, 
And our pains he carried them, 

* Isaiah liii., 2-9. This and the following translations from 
Isaiah are almost entirely from the Polychrome Bible, and are based 
on a text which differs in some points from that in common use. 



84 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



Whilst we esteemed him stricken, 
Smitten of God, and afflicted. 

" But (alone) he was humiliated because of our rebel- 
lions, 

(He alone was) crushed because of our iniquities ; 
A chastisement, all for our peace, was upon him, 
And to us came healing through his stripes. 

" All we, like sheep, had gone astray, 
We had turned every one to his own way, 
While Jehovah made to light upon him 
The guilt of us all. 

" He was treated with rigour but he resigned himself, 
And opened not his mouth, 
Like a lamb that is led to the slaughter, 
And like a sheep that before her shearers is dumb. 

" Through an oppressive doom was he taken away, 
And as for his fate, who thought thereon, 
That he had been cut off out of the land of the living, 
(That) for my people's rebellion he had been stricken 
to death ? 

" And his grave was appointed with the rebellious, 
And with the wicked his tomb, 
Although he had done no injustice, 
Nor was there deceit in his mouth." 

How very natural was the question of the Ethio- 
pian eunuch in the Acts, " Of whom, pray, does the 
prophet say this ? of himself, or of some other 



Jewish Religious Ideals 85 



man ? " (Acts viii., 34). For this is obviously not a 
purely imaginary description, but a deeply felt 
meditation on certain melancholy facts well known 
to the poet and his readers. Supposing the poem 
to have been written at the end of the Exile, we 
might interpret it as a description of the persecution 
and death of the prophet Jeremiah, whom a plausible 
tradition declares to have been put to death by his 
unbelieving countrymen. It would seem, however, 
that the age of Ezra is a more defensible date, and 
in this case the facts to which the poet refers will 
probably * be the martyrdoms commemorated in a 
late prophecy of the Book of Isaiah (Isaiah Ivii., i) 
in these words : 

" The righteous perishes, but no man lays it to heart ; 
Men of piety are taken, but none considers 
That for the wickedness (of the time) the righteous is 
taken." 

It should not, I think, surprise us to find complaints 
like these in the years preceding the arrival of Ezra. 
Religious progress among the Jews was not obtained 
cost-free. Most of the Judaeans in the first half of 

* It is possible, however, that the traditional martyrdom of Jer- 
emiah is referred to in a very late post-exilic prophecy as a great 
sin of the community. In Zech. xii., 10," they shall look (with long- 
ing regret) to me whom they pierced," cannot be right. It is just 
possible that " me" represents the first letter of "Jeremiah." 



86 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



the fifth century were the children of those who had 
been left behind by Nebuchadrezzar, and were by 
no means faithful adherents of the Deuteronomic 
Law. Neither rich nor poor could stand a very strict 
scrutiny. Then, as afterwards, the rich were specially 
prone to sins of violence and inhumanity, while the 
poor were as much addicted to old and new super- 
stitions. Exceptions, however, there certainly were. 
Malachi calls such persons " fearers of Jehovah," 
and intimates that they belonged to the poorer 
class. These poor but pious men appear to have 
been lightly esteemed by their neighbours, who 
ascribed their unprosperous and even miserable con- 
dition to the judgment of God, while the tyrannical 
rich men, to rid themselves of these troublesome 
nonconformists, sometimes accused them falsely be- 
fore the judges, and obtained their condemnation 
to death. But that great religious thinker and poet 
of the age of Ezra to whom I have referred, looking 
back on these sad events, saw them irradiated by 
the light of a divine purpose. He fused the different 
nameless martyrs and confessors into a single colossal 
form,* and identified this ideal personage with the 

* To call a people the servant of such and such a God is per- 
fectly Semitic. Robertson Smith has quoted Arabic parallels, and 
passages like Deut. iv., 19; vi., 13; x., 12, 20, imply the same 
usage among the Israelites, though it was not apparently as common 
as the individualising application of the phrases. 



Jewish Religious Ideals 87 

true people of Israel. In doing so, he may very 
likely have thought of the prophet Jeremiah, who 
certainly regarded himself and his disciples as con- 
jointly the sole representative of the true Israel. 

Looking back, as I said, the poet saw the full 
preciousness of such a life, and divined the fragrance 
of its close in the eyes of God. This second Jeremiah 
could not be inferior to the first in religious insight, 
and must have known that his patiently borne suffer- 
ings would be more effectual than any of the legal 
sacrifices for the conversion and ultimate glorification 
of his people. In a converted and regenerate Israel 
he must have felt that all that was noblest in him- 
self would live, and that so he would continue to 
work out the all-wise purposes of the one true God. 

This wonderful poem, which is the holy of holies 
in the temple of the Old Testament, stands last in 
the cycle of the songs on the Servant of Jehovah. 
The three preceding poems describe the experiences 
of this great personage prior to his martyrdom, or 
rather, of those martyrs and confessors who had the 
special work of teaching and preaching. All who in 
any sense witnessed for Jehovah formed part of the 
true Israel the "Servant of Jehovah," but there 
was a special appropriateness in applying the latter 
title to those who were engaged in pastoral and 
missionary work. In Isaiah xlii., 1-4, xlix., 1-6, and 



88 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



1., 4-9, the Servant of Jehovah is represented as 
an earnest and absorbed religious teacher, who is 
sometimes rewarded with success, but at other times 
meets with neglect or persecution. His work for 
Israel consists in "bringing back" the people to 
Jehovah's land, and the means by which he strives 
after this result is a skilfully varied eloquence, keen 
as a sword when close appeals to the conscience are 
needed (xlix., i), but soft as milk when the weary 
and disconsolate have to be revived (1., 4 ; cf. xlii., 3). 
This implies first a persuasive exposition of the main 
principles of the Law, and next, for the benefit of 
the Jews of the Dispersion, a setting forth of the 
manifold blessings enjoyed by dwellers in the Holy 
City. It was indeed a great and noble mission, and 
the probability is that it would have satisfied the 
aspirations of the scribe Ezra.* But it did not 
satisfy the author of these poems, who had drunk in 
the spirit of more catholic teachers. Noble as the 
function was of re-establishing Jehovah's people, it 
was not quite the noblest, and so he represents the 
Servant of Jehovah as comforting himself for his 
slight success among the people of Israel with the 
thought of a still grander mission. 

* It will be observed that not even the narrative introduction to 
Ezra's law-book contains any hint of the world-wide mission of the 
descendants of Abraham. 



Jewish Religious Ideals 89 



" And now, (thus) saith Jehovah, 
He who formed me from the womb to be a Servant 

unto him, 

That I might bring back Jacob unto him, 
And that Israel might be gathered, 
It is too light a thing that thou shouldest raise up the 

tribes of Jacob, 

And restore the preserved of Irsael ; 
So I set thee as a light of the nations, 
That My deliverance may reach to the ends of the 

earth." 

(Isa. xlix., 5, 6.) 

It is the mission to the other nations which forms 
the theme of the very beautiful poem which opens 
the series of songs on the Servant. This time it is 
not the Servant who speaks, but Jehovah. 

" Behold, My Servant, whom I uphold ; 
My chosen, in whom My soul delights ; 
I have put My spirit upon him, 
He will set forth the law to the nations. 

" He will not cry aloud, nor roar (as a lion), 
Nor cause his voice to be heard in the street. 
A cracked reed he will not break, 
And a dimly burning wick he will not quench. 

" Faithfully will he set forth the law ; 
He will not burn dimly nor despond, 
Till he have set the law in the earth, 
And for his instruction the far countries wait." 

(Isa. xlii., 1-4.) 



90 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



Can there be a finer description of the true mis- 
sionary ? He is not allowed to abate one jot of the 
legitimate demands of truth, which is no mere theory 
to him, but a law, but he is to lay the chief stress on 
the capacity of that law to satisfy the deepest wants 
of human nature, bringing strength to the " cracked 
reed " and light to the " dimly burning wick." Per- 
suasion, not force, is to be the instrument : how un- 
like the method ascribed, with some exaggeration, 
to Ezra ! 

And who is this model pastor and missionary? 
Is he a historical individual who has escaped mention 
in the hagiology of Judaism? No. In the first 
three songs the Servant is still an imaginative fusion 
of many individuals, and the persons who are here 
combined into an organic whole are the noble 
teachers and preachers of the Jewish religion in and 
after the time of Ezra. These the poet evidently 
supposes to form a numerous band, for, in order to 
realise his description, some will have to go to Baby- 
lonia, others to Egypt, and others to the Mediter- 
ranean coast-lands on their apostolic mission. Nor 
is there anything surprising in this. The prophetic 
and missionary view of Judaism is repeatedly brought 
before us in the later Scriptures (see Lecture VI.), 
and must have taken its rise in some highly gifted 
and illumined intellect. I can hardly think that the 



Jewish Religious Ideals 91 



Book of Jonah supplies us with the right starting- 
point. The idea of the missionary prophet Jonah, 
who is also a symbol of Israel, must surely have 
been suggested by some work in which the same 
idea was more directly expressed. 

But is this really the idea of the songs of which 
we are now speaking? Certainly. These earnest 
teachers of the Law at home and abroad who are 
they but the apostles or messengers of a great cen- 
tral body the Jewish congregation formed by Ezra ? 
It may be specially the teachers who say, " I have 
laboured (as it seems) for naught, but my recompense 
is with my God," yet it is the whole of faithful Israel 
which will share the reward promised in Isaiah Hi., 
13-15. Without the support of the congregation 
what would the teachers be able to effect? "All 
the congregation," as the Priestly Record says, "are 
holy, and Jehovah is among them " (Num. xvi., 3), 
and it was the aspiration of Zion that all her sons 
might be "disciples of Jehovah " (Isa. liv., 13), and 
that all Jehovah's people might be prophets (Num. 
xi., 29). Some might be called to a life of pastoral 
activity ; others might simply have to witness to the 
truth by " doing justly, loving mercy, and walking 
humbly with their God " (Mic. vi., 8). Both modes 
of life were equally fitting and necessary, if that high 
utterance, " I will form thee and make thee a cov- 



92 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



enant for the people,* a light of the nations " (Isa. 
xlii., 6), was to be verified. 

The insertion of these songs was the second en- 
richment which the original Restoration-Prophecy 
experienced. It is manifest that it greatly increased 
the influence of the prophecy. For, when a fresh 
appendix to this work in its expanded form was 
thought of, the writer at three points introduced 
the Servant of Jehovah soliloquising.f Here, how- 
ever, the Servant is evidently regarded as a person- 
ification of the company of prophets, to which, of 
course, the writer himself belongs. The prophecy 
opens with these inspiring words, which so finely 
express the prophetic ideals of the time : 

" The spirit of the Lord Jehovah is upon me, because 
Jehovah has anointed me, and has sent me to bring 
good news to the afflicted, to bind up the broken-hearted, 
to proclaim liberty to the captives, and opening of the 
eyes to the blind, to proclaim Jehovah's year of favour, 
and the day of vengeance of our God, to comfort all 
mourners, to give them instead of ashes a coronal, oil 
of joy for the garment of mourning, a song of praise for 
a failing spirit." (Isa. Ixi., 1-3.) 

A psalmist, too, was kindled to enthusiasm by the 

* " A covenant for the people," because the Servant of Jehovah, 
who so thoroughly knows His will and is empowered to carry it out, 
is like an embodiment of His promise or agreement (berit/i). Cf. 
2 Cor. iii., 2, "Ye are our epistle." 

f Isa. Ixi., 1-3 ; Ixii., I, 6-7. See Polychrome Bibtf. 



Jewish Religious Ideals 93 



songs on the Servant of Jehovah. He lived in one 
of those dark periods which succeeded the governor- 
ship of Nehemiah, and which have left their impress 
on so many of the lyrics in the first Book of the 
Psalter. He is the author of the first part of Psalm 
xxii., to which, as it seems, a conclusion has been ap- 
pended by another hand. Into the poetical and 
spiritual beauties of this fine fragment, I will not 
enter. Suffice it to say that they could never have 
existed but for that mine of poetry and religion 
the Book of the Second Isaiah in its expanded form, 
and that chief among the spiritual beauties is the 
energy with which the writer expresses the solidarity 
of all true Israelites. The Servant of Jehovah, as 
he at least understands the phrase, is certainly not a 
guild or company of prophets, but the whole con- 
gregation of faithful Jews in Judaea. And hence 
one notable difference between this psalm-fragment 
and Isaiah liii., viz., that, while in the latter poem 
the Servant of Jehovah suffers with full conscious- 
ness of the object and issue of his troubles, in the 
former, God seems to have given over to death His 
servant, who, nevertheless, refuses to forsake his God. 
In short, Psalm xxii. presents us with a perfectly 
new phase of Jewish religious thought. Before, the 
Exile men forsook their God when He proved unable 
or unwilling to protect them. But the congregation 



94 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



of faithful Israelites which was founded by Ezra was 
able to trust its Father and its God even in the dark. 
I now pass on to another form of the Israelitish 
ideal that which centres in the person of the Mes- 
siah. The origin of the Messianic hope among the 
Jews is unrecorded. The first glowing expressions 
of it are in Isaiah ix., 2-7, and xi., 1-8. Both these 
passages are most probably post-exilic, and of a not 
very early date in the post-exilic period. It would 
seem as if the idea only gradually took hold of the 
religious leaders. Ezekiel had it for a time (see 
Ezekiel xvii., 22-24), but virtually abandoned it. 
For, though he nominally includes the figure of a 
second David in his later eschatological picture,* yet 
he deprives this David of all that in the olden time 
made the life of a king desirable. He permits him 
no freedom of movement, and practically condemns 
him to be simply the foster-father of the Church, 
with the duty of providing the external requisites of 
the temple ritual. King he will not call him; the 
second David is only to be a chief or prince. I sus- 
pect, however, that Ezekiel went too far for many of 
his readers. The popular Messianic hope could not 
be put down by a single great teacher. There was 
a deeply rooted belief that a day was at hand when 
the lots of the oppressors and the oppressed would 

* Ezek. xxxiv., 23, 24 ; xxxvii., 24, 25. 



Jewish Religious Ideals 95 



be reversed. And, however true it might be that Je- 
hovah was the Goe'l, the deliverer of Israel, a king 
who governed, as well as reigned, seemed to most Jews 
indispensable as the apex of society. It was only a 
few like Ezekiel who could rise to the thought of a 
church-nation, of a people entirely absorbed in relig- 
ion, whose meat and drink it was to do Jehovah's will. 
And so we find the works of Isaiah and Jeremiah 
interspersed, through the labours of editors who were 
no mere literary craftsmen, but knew the people and 
their spiritual cravings, with what may in various 
degrees of strictness be called Messianic prophecies. 
One of these produced a really remarkable effect. 
We have it in two forms. Neither of them is quite 
correct. But if we take the best readings from each 
we get this version of the prophecy, which, not with- 
out due recognition of what may be said on the 
other side, I incline to ascribe, not to Jeremiah him- 
self, but to a member of the school of that prophet : 

" Behold, the days come, saith Jehovah, when I will 
raise up to David a sprout of the right kind ; he will 
reign as a king, and will deal wisely, and execute justice 
and righteousness in the land. In his days Judah will be 
delivered, and Jerusalem will dwell securely ; and this 
is the name which will be given her Jehovah is our 
righteousness." * (Jer. xxiii., 5, 6 ; xxxiii., 14-16.) 

* Comp. the name of Jerusalem at the end of Ezekiel (Ezek. xlviii., 
35). 



96 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



Well did an editor of Jeremiah describe this saying 
as "that good word which Jehovah has spoken" 
(Jer. xxxiii., 14). It may have been the earliest 
written word of the kind, and certainly it had in- 
creased effect through being ascribed to Jeremiah. 
Did the prophetic writer really mean to attach his 
hopes, for better or worse, to the Davidic family ? 
or did both he and Ezekiel use " David " as a sym- 
bolic term for an ideal ruler? The question has 
already been raised in connection with an episode in 
the life of Nehemiah. I am inclined to think that 
the prophet would not have cared to answer it. In 
fact, the event alone could prove who was the des- 
tined Messiah, and when it appeared to be Jehovah's 
will not to fulfil His "faithful oath unto David" 
(Ps. cxxxii., n) in the person of a chosen Israelite, 
a deep silence must for a time have fallen on the 
Messiah's prophets. The author of the songs on the 
Servant of Jehovah refers to no Messianic king; in- 
deed, he goes so far as to use expressions conven- 
tionally appropriated to a Messianic conqueror in a 
new, metaphorical sense. He says that the Servant 
of Jehovah, the true or spiritual Israel, shall have a por- 
tion allotted him with the great, and shall divide spoil 
with the strong (Isa. liii., 12) ; and in the same spirit 
the author of the first appendix to the Restoration- 
Prophecy makes Jehovah say to the people of Zion : 



Jewish Religious Ideals 97 



" I will make an everlasting covenant with you, 
The sure promise of loving-kindness to David " ; 

and he adds that, as in the olden time at the call of 
David, so now at the call of Israel the peoples shall 
hasten to incorporate themselves in the Israelitish 
empire (Isa. lv., 3-5). In other words, the idea of 
personal royalty has for these religious thinkers lost 
actuality ; each Israelite is a prince, and the collec- 
tive church-nation is Jehovah's anointed. 

The currents of thought, however, at this time 
were changeable, and we must not be surprised to 
find the flame of the Messianic hope burning up 
again. Jeremiah was no doubt believed to have 
sanctioned it, and the posthumous influence of this 
prophet was great. It is to this period that we can- 
not help assigning some of the Messianic passages 
now extant in the Books of Isaiah and Micah. No 
historian of the phases of early Jewish religion could 
ignore these ; some of them at least are inshrined, 
and deserve to be inshrined, in our memories and in 
our hearts. We may not pin our hopes to them in 
their literal meaning, but their vague magnificence 
encourages a higher and a larger application. 

The prophetic poems in Isaiah ix., 2-7, and xi., 
1-8, occur at the close of two collections of prophe- 
cies of Isaiah in which reference is made to a sore 
judgment upon Jerusalem. 

7 



98 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



To adapt these somewhat disheartening works to 
post-exilic use an editor appended two new prophetic 
passages breathing the spirit of the much-read con- 
solatory prophecies of Jeremiah and the Second 
Isaiah. It appears as if all the ancient prophecies 
were felt to require such adaptation. The literary 
value of the inserted matter varies considerably, but 
the prophecy of the " King of the Four Names " * is 
a work of no slight significance. Let me endeavour 
to describe it. 

It is a prophecy of comfort, addressed to those who 
deeply need it. Prophets of the old style were rather 
censors than comforters ; their spirit is expressed in 
those words of Amos, " Can a trumpet be blown in a 
city, and the people not be afraid?" (Amos iii., 6). 
But our prophet belongs to the company whose bene- 
ficent program is so finely described in the words of 
Isaiah Ixi., " He has sent me to bind up the broken- 
hearted," and who prefer the flute to the trumpet. 
Our prophet is as tender and sympathetic as the 
angel of the Lord in those exquisite narratives which 
open the third of our Gospels. He knows, of course, 
that Israel has sinned, but he knows, too, that the task- 
master has exceeded the limits of his commission. 
So one night, when neither moon nor stars are shining, 
he goes forth. He guesses rather than sees how early 

* So I'lof. (I. A. Smith. 



Jewish Religious Ideals 99 



travellers are stumbling on the dark mountains, and 
anxiously looks for the first streaks of dawn. Sud- 
denly the scene is transformed. Far more quickly than 
the music changes in the chorus of Handel's Messiah 
the gloom disappears. The sun leaps up from the 
horizon ; " the people that walked in darkness have 
seen a great light." It is a spectacle such as may be 
seen in Palestine any summer's morning. But this time 
something warns the seer that there is a sacramental 
meaning in it. It is a pledge of the long-looked-for 
deliverance, an unspoken prophecy from the Eternal. 
Henceforth he will wait in the patience of hope, for 
the fulfilment "will surely come, it will not tarry." 
He can almost welcome the deepening shades in the 
last century of the Persian rule, for, as in the olden 
time, it is at midnight that the divine Redeemer will 
appear. The deliverance will be Jehovah's, but the 
work which follows the deliverance will be the Mes- 
siah's. The prophet, if I should not rather say the 
poet, remembers the old prophecy of Immanuel, 
whom he takes to be the Messiah,* and from a study 
of the whole collection of prophecies, to which he is 
providing an appendix, he concludes that, when the 
oppressor (i. e., the Persian rule) is put down, the 
Messiah will be of an age to take upon himself the 
burden of government. 

* On the probably true meaning of Immanuel, see Polychrome 
Bible (English and Hebrew editions). 



ioo Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



" For a child has been born to us, a son has been given 

to us, 

And dominion is laid upon his shoulder ; 
His name is Counsellor of Wonders, 
Strong divine being, father of glory,* prince of peace. 
Dominion is increased, and to peace there is no end, 
On the throne of David, and throughout his kingdom, 
To establish and support it by justice and righteousness 
From henceforth to eternity ; Jehovah's zeal will per- 
form this." (Isa. ix., 6-7.) 

Such is one of the current ideals of Israel's restor- 
ation. Society is to culminate in a potent and in- 
vincible but also peace-loving king, something like 
the Nebuchadrezzar of the Babylonian inscriptions. 
His empire, however, is to be much smaller than 
Nebuchadrezzar's. At any rate our poet is only in- 
terested in the restoration of a kingdom not less ex- 
tensive than that ascribed to David. We find a 
similar expectation in the post-exilic appendix to 
Amos (ix., 11-12), but it is not expressed with the 
fervour and rhythmic beauty which are so admirable 
in the poem now before us. 

And yet, if we can only resist the glamour with 
which early associations have invested this poem, we 
must confess that it cannot for a moment compare 
with the description of the Servant of Jehovah in 
Isaiah liii. ; its ethical are of more significance than 

* /. e. , glorious father of the family of Israel. 



Jewish Religious Ideals 101 



its religious contents. The author of the latter has, 
in the most essential respects, passed beyond the ideal 
of a personal Messiah, though he still feels a tender- 
ness towards it, and perhaps hopes by adopting some 
spiritualised features from it to win acceptance for his 
own nobler vision. It was a step which the greatest 
subsequent teachers could not retrace a step which, 
quite independently, the early Buddhists took, when 
they identified the lowly Buddha with the righteous 
and mighty king who lived in the popular hopes a 
step which the disciples of Jesus could not be pre- 
vented from taking afresh, and which the course of 
providential education has rendered harmless. For, 
as Professor Rhys-Davids has well said, " the Chris- 
tian Messiah is as much higher and more noble than 
the previous conception of the first-century Jews, as 
the Buddhist King of Righteousness is higher and 
more noble than the previous Hindu conception of 
the King of Kings." * 

The second of the two Messianic insertions is that 
which begins : 

" And a rod shall come forth out of the stock of Jesse, 
And a shoot shall grow out of its roots. " f 

It is very possibly by the same writer as the first 
portrait, which closes, as you remember, with a 

* Hibbert Lectures for 1881, p. 136. f Isa. xi., I. 



IO2 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



reference to the king's justice and righteousness. It 
is not indeed in the same rhythm, nor is it so suffused 
with emotion. But the new rhythm and the new 
tone may have seemed to suit the new subject better. 
And I think we may detect the same moderation in 
the description of the Messiah which we found in 
the first portrait a moderation which may fairly be 
ascribed to the influence of Isaiah. For I confess I 
cannot help believing that both these poetical de- 
scriptions were written to supplement the second and 
third prophetic collections of Isaiah respectively.* 
And certainly one of the germs of both passages is 
to be found in the saying of Isaiah, " And I will 
bring back thy judges as at the first, and thy coun- 
sellors as at the beginning; thereafter thou wilt 
be called, Citadel of righteousness, faithful city " 
(Isa. i., 26). 

The whole prophecy or poem is most interesting. 
It is one of those dreams which feed the world with 
moral energy, and it reflects honour on the circles 
from which it proceeded. It is, however, a severe 
satire on the kings of past history, which, perhaps, 
accounts for the fact that the new king is called, not 
a son of David, but a son of Jesse. The person of 

* This may account for the singular fact that the writer of Isa. xi., 
1-8, uses neither the vc rb "to sprout" nor the noun "sprout." 
These words would have suggested the influence of Jer. xxiii., 5. 



Jewish Religious Ideals 103 



the Messiah is indeed encompassed with mystery. 
Somewhere doubtless he exists, all unconscious of 
his future greatness, but not till the right moment 
has come will the divine gifts qualifying him for his 
office descend upon him. Then will that saying of 
a late prophet be verified that the house of David 
will be " as God " (Zech. xii., 8) ; the ideal king will 
be a divinity not only in might but in wisdom. As 
a judge, he will see the truth and the right at once, 
and his judicial energy will enable him to extirpate 
the first shoots of evil* A limited ideal, some of 
us may think. But be sure that the poet means 
more than he says. For what does he tell us next? 
Like Virgil f in the Messianic Eclogue, he sings of 
the wolf dwelling with the lamb, and the leopard 
lying down with the kid. : This is no mere allegory. 
It means that peace will one day prevail throughout 
the animal world. But can this be all ? To what 
purpose would this feature in the description be un- 
less it implied the extinction of the wolf-like element 
in human nature? Certainly it does imply this; 
and consequently this Messianic portrait also implies 

* " With the breath of his lips he will slay the wicked " (Isa. xi., 4). 

f In the cathedral of Zamora in Spain, Virgil is represented among 
the Hebrew prophets. 

\ In a great Indian epic it is said that "weasels sport with ser- 
pents, and tigers with deer, through the power of saints of brilliant 
austerity " (Mahab/idrata, quoted by Muir, Ancient Sanscrit Texts, 
iv. 158). 



IO4 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



an organised system of moral and religious instruc- 
tion. For though the Messiah might put down the 
wicked oppressors by violence, he could never induce 
a tyrant to assume the meekness of a lamb. Jehovah 
no doubt is the great teacher. But prophets, moral- 
ists, and expounders of the Law are His deputies, 
and our far-seeing prophetic writer presupposes their 
activity as a condition of the ideal future. 

But, before entering farther into this attractive 
subject, we must examine some other expressions of 
the hope of the Messiah. For these we naturally 
turn to the Psalter, which, being a congregational 
handbook, may be expected to refer to such a popu- 
lar belief. What we find, however, is somewhat 
surprising. The temple poets went so far as to in- 
dite psalms which presuppose that a Davidic king, 
strong, warlike, and righteous, is already seated 
on the throne. Probably the psalmists before the 
Exile had accustomed the Israelites to the use of 
psalms in honour of the reigning king, and the newer 
psalmists would not abandon the custom, which, 
moreover, enabled them to give a striking expression 
to the burning faith in God which possessed them. 
Of a glorious future in store for the church-nation 
they were as much convinced as of their own exist- 
ence. Whenever they prayed for it, an inner voice 
assured them that the answer was on its way ; all 



Jewish Religious Ideals 105 



that they had to do was to wait in hope. This 
accounts, not only for the abrupt alternation of in- 
tense supplication and exultant thanksgiving in many 
psalms, but for the strange addresses to an as yet 
non-existent king. I must confess that this impairs 
the claim of the psalms to lyric naturalness. Any 
interpreter approaching the so-called royal psalms 
for the first time would suppose them to refer to a 
contemporary historical king. Appearances are very 
strongly in favour of this view, which at once makes 
the psalms fresh and interesting even to a non- 
religious reader, and yet appearances are here for 
the most part illusory. Truth is truth, and even 
when it makes against some one of our most cherished 
desires such, for instance, as the development of a 
stronger literary interest in the Psalter, we must 
accept it with cordiality. 

I venture, therefore, to state my opinion that it is 
only in the latter part of the Psalter that we can 
safely hold that a historical sovereign is spoken of, 
and that in the two psalms which have to be thus ex- 
plained (viz., ci. and ex.) loyal followers have so 
idealised their prince that a Messianic reference 
must very soon have been thought of. The probable 
omission of the latter part of Psalm ex. may have 
arisen from a desire to facilitate such a reference. I 
would gladly pause for a few minutes on each of 



io6 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



these psalms. For, however short, they are exceed- 
ingly interesting when read in the light of early 
Maccabaean times, and tell us things which we should 
not have known, or at least should not have realised, 
from the pages of history. But their religious con- 
tents are meagre. The Second Psalm throws more 
light on the Messianic belief ; the Fifteenth and 
Twenty-fourth shed more on the best Jewish 
morality. 

We pass on to the unexpected phenomena which 
await us. Two of the strangest Messianic psalms 
are the Twentieth and the Twenty-first.* Both re- 
late to the Messianic king, who is supposed to be on 
the throne. In the former he is represented as just 
starting to fight with the enemies of Israel. It is 
perhaps his first campaign, for in Psalm xxi. the 
church-nation, in praising God for the king's victory, 
represents the total destruction of the enemies as 
still future. But even stranger is the Forty-fifth. 
The Messiah (who is modelled on the idealised Solo- 
mon) has come to the throne. To complete his 
happiness and to continue his line he is about to 
contract a marriage with a "king's daughter," or 
rather "royal maiden" (v. 13). The psalm is an 

* Both these psalms have numerous points of contact with un- 
deniable post-exilic psalms (see Cheyne, Origin of the Psalter). 
To interpret them with reference to a pre-exilic king is therefore not 
advisable. 



Jewish Religious Ideals 107 



encomium on the royal pair, who are supposed to 
have just met. The imaginative licence of the poet 
is great. But he does not lose his hold on the main 
object of the Messiah's existence, which is not mere 
private happiness, but the conferring of benefits on 
the church-nation. 

" Gird thy sword on thy thigh, O hero, 
Put on thy glory and thy state. 
He leads thee, and makes thy course to prosper, 
In behalf of truth, righteousness, and humility ; 
Terribly will his right hand conduct thee, 
While peoples fall prostrate beneath thee."* 

(Ps. xlv, 3, 4.) 

From a moral point of view this deserves special 
attention. Here is a victorious king whose achieve- 
ments are not for himself, but, like those of Arthur 
in the great moralised legend of Tennyson, " in 
behalf of truth, righteousness, and humility," just 
those qualities, be it remarked, which pious Jews 
sometimes feared were perishing out of the earth. 
I think I ought to add that an approach to this con- 
ception is made by Nabopolassar, Nebuchadrezzar, 
and Neriglissar, kings of the later Babylonian Em- 
pire, each of whom gives himself the novel epithet 
of " humble." f 

* The translation here, as elsewhere, is taken from the forthcom- 
ing second edition of a work on the Psalms by the present writer. 

f Schrader's series of translations from cuneiform texts, iii., 2, 
PP- 3, 7, 77. 



io8 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



Another Messianic psalm, the Seventy-second, 
which is in fact the supplement of the Forty-fifth, 
gives just the same character to the ideal king, only 
it does not draw out the striking contrast between 
the martial prowess and the inward humility of the 
king a contrast which, as you will remember, a 
famous Messianic prophecy in the Book of Zecha- 
riah (ix., 9) puts very forcibly. What the Seventy- 
second Psalm says (vv. 13, 14) is this: 

" He feels for the wretched and needy, 
The souls of the needy he delivers ; 
From violence he redeems their souls, 
Yea, costly is their blood in his sight " ; 

i. e., not as a matter of mere duty, but from sympa- 
thy, he places his strong arm at the service of those 
who are in need. Instead of despising the poor, he 
regards their blood as something too precious to be 
squandered. 

I must not linger on this interesting poem. But I 
may point out the strangeness of the opening coup- 
let, where the Messiah is represented as not only a 
king but a " king's son." This agrees with a passage 
in Psalm xlv. in which the " fathers," /. e., the royal 
fathers, of the Messiah are spoken of. The psalmists 
leap over the interval between the last king of Judah 
and the accession of the Messiah, and represent the 
latter as the son of all the kings who have gone before. 



Jewish Religious Ideals 109 



The truth is that the Messiah is but a poetic em- 
bodiment of the Davidic royalty, and the Davidic 
royalty, in the absence of any real political interest, 
is but a representative of the Jewish people.* In 
the ideal democracy, each citizen is a king; in the 
idealised Jewish state, each true servant of Jehovah 
is as holy as the Messiah. This accounts for the 
striking fact that in the Eighty-ninth Psalm the 
people of Israel actually assumes the title of Jeho- 
vah's anointed.f Let me now direct your attention 
to this psalm, or at least to verses 19-51, which seem 
originally to have had a separate existence. This 
passage begins with a poetic version of a prophecy 
which attracted much attention in the Persian pe- 
riod the " prophecy of Nathan " in 2 Samuel vii. : 

" My covenant I will not profane, 
Nor alter that which has passed My lips ; 
Once for all have I sworn by My holiness, 
I will never be faithless to David. 

" His offspring shall endure for ever, 
And his throne as the sun before Me ; 

* Here we are constrained to differ from R. H. Hutton, where he 
says so finely (Essays, i., 274) that the Jewish prophets began to learn 
that 4< there must be, between the Father and human nature, some 
being lowly as the latter, perfect as the former, whose kingliness 
would not consist in mere righteous power, but in righteous humility." 
Righteous humility and nearness to God are as characteristic of the 
people as of its ideal ruler and representative. 

f Cf. the same phenomenon in Ps. xxviii., 7, Ixxxiv., 10 ; Hab. iii., 



no Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



It shall be established for ever, as the moon, 
(Yea,) be steadfast as the meeting-place in the sky." 

The " meeting-place in the sky " (if the words are 
rightly so read) is the " mountain of assembly," 
where, according to an old myth, the " sons of God " 
(or supernatural beings) spoken of in Job met to- 
gether ; whose top reached to the sky, and whose 
foundation was in the ocean which encompasses the 
earth. What better image of security could there 
be?* But the psalmist, after quoting the prophecy, 
falls into deep depression. He complains that the 
prophetic promise is in violent contrast to facts. The 
royalty of David's house is at an end, and the people 
of Israel, here identified with the Messiah, is treated 
with worse than contempt by its neighbours. 

The Eighteenth Psalm is not less paradoxical. I 
am afraid that it has sometimes been admired on 
wrong grounds. It will not do to compare it to the 
splendid triumphal ode addressed to Thutmes III., 
King of Egypt, the language of which is as vivid and 
spontaneous as that of the Eighteenth Psalm is pale 
and artificial. To appreciate the latter we must read 
it as the expression of that " other-worldly " temper 
which no people has ever possessed as fully as the 
Jewish. From the very first the psalmist transports 

* Precisely such an image is used by Ezekiel (xxviii., 13, 14) to ex- 
press the self-confidence of the king of Tyre. 



Jewish Religious Ideals in 



us to the Messianic age. The judgment on the na- 
tions has taken place * ; Israel, with a Davidic king 
at its head, has been raised to the height of pros- 
perity. It is this Davidic king who speaks in the 
psalm. He has no private ambitions, and can there- 
fore interpret the thoughts of the community; in- 
deed, the psalmist sometimes forgets the king, and 
speaks for the personified people.f All this is 
psychologically most strange. If it were not sus- 
ceptible of the strictest proof, we should never have 
believed it possible. 

A similar explanation must be given of the Second 
Psalm. Like the Eighteenth it is an attempt at 
a vivid realisation of the more strictly Messianic 
prophecies. In the Eighteenth Psalm, the Messianic 
king speaks as if he were on the throne, and, under 
Jehovah, controlled the destinies of the nations. In 
the Second, he speaks as if the confederate kings 
were planning a revolt from Jehovah and His 
anointed. There is less human nature in the Mes- 
siah who speaks here than in the portrait of him in 
the twin psalm. There, the work given him to do 
made a strong demand on his energy ; he needed (as 
all the great religious Oriental conquerors felt that 

*Ps. xviii., 4-19; cf. xcvii., 1-6. 

f Hence in Ps. cxliv., i-n, a highly imitative work, the words of 
Ps. xviii. are plainly adopted by the personified community, which 
frankly distinguishes itself from David. 



H2 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



they needed) a power which came from above to make 
the effort. Here, he has but to lift his sceptre of iron 
to shiver the nations like potters' ware. Morally the 
psalmist stands higher than his hero. He does not 
wish evil to the kings of the earth. The Messianic 
king cannot take steps against them till Jehovah's 
anger is kindled. Till then there is time for the 
kings to repent, and to renew their homage. 

" Now therefore, ye kings, show your wisdom ; 

Take warning, ye judges of the earth. 

Serve Jehovah with fear, 

And do homage with trembling, 
* Lest He be angry, and your course end in ruin. 

For soon His anger kindles ; 

Happy all those that take refuge in Him." 

(Ps. ii., 10-12.) 

One reflection, I am afraid, will be forced upon 
you that, if it is a benefit to the nations to be 
brought under the yoke of the Messiah, the benefit 
is one which requires of them the most painful sacri- 
fices. The sternness of the foreign policy ascribed 
to the Messiah cannot, as we should say, be morally 
justified except on the theory that the nations are 

* Here the ordinary versions insert " Kiss the Son," which, how- 
ever, is due to a misunderstanding. "Kiss," *'. e., "do homage," 
should certainly be substituted for " Rejoice " (see the common 
version) in the preceding line ; " the Son " is a supposed translation 
of what is really a fragment of the word rendered " with trembling." 
(See the writer's Book of Psalms, 2d ed.) 



Jewish Religious Ideals 113 



thoroughly bad, and that their continued independ- 
ence endangers the highest human ideals. This was, 
in fact, the belief of pious Jews whenever there 
was much friction between them and their rulers, 
and it expressed itself more particularly in the lyrics 
which they chanted in the temple. We shall see, 
however, that the psalmists do not always speak of 
the nations outside in the same hard tone. Nor do 
the prophetic writers. But we must, I think, earn the 
right to luxuriate in the gentler passages by first realis- 
ing, under the guidance of the psalmists, the terrible 
state of tension in which the Jews too often lived. 

I am aware that an eminent Jewish writer (Isidore 
Loeb) has denied the objective accuracy of the 
psalmists ; he regards the Psalter as merely a picture 
of peculiar and abnormal states of mind. According 
to him, the psalmists are idealistic poets, who have 
discovered the art of turning their misery to the 
best account, and who find the taste of sorrow not 
wholly bitter. They are the dupes and sports of 
their imagination ; they live in dreams, and have no 
sentiment of reality. There is some truth in this, 
but not very much. Like the prophets, the psalm- 
ists have a tendency to exaggeration. Their feel- 
ings are so intense that they cannot help laying on 
the colours too thickly. They love the ideals com- 
mitted to them so well that they cannot be quite 



H4 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



fair to those who would trample those ideals in the 
dust. And there is certainly a sweetness in their 
sufferings which an outsider cannot understand ; 
for, the more miserable they are, the more they 
realise that one stronger than the strong cares for 
them. Nor are they altogether without some faint 
idea of the consolations of art, though the art may 
be of a kind which baffles our comprehension I 
mean the music and singing of the temple. Cer- 
tainly their one great pleasure is singing the praises 
of Jehovah. The mere recollection of this is a com- 
fort to them in exile. One of the psalmists, when 
far from Zion, finely says : 

" This do I call to mind, pouring out the while my lan- 
guid soul, 

How I moved in converse with the noble to the house 
of God, 

Amid the sound of praiseful song, the music of those 
who kept the feast." (Ps. xlii., 4.) 

It may further be admitted that the pious were to 
some extent the authors of their own misery. They 
had no political insight, and were incapable of prac- 
tical compromise ; they had also an absolute distaste 
for commerce, and were strangers to the arts of the 
market-place. The result was that both politically 
and commercially they were pushed to the wall, not 
only by foreigners but by men of their own race. 



Jewish Religious Ideals 115 



It was this indeed which made their feelings so bit- 
ter that men who called themselves Jews should 
associate with the heathen and adopt their worldly 
principles that all the zeal and energy of Nehemiah 
and Ezra should have failed to realise the noble 
ideal of the church-nation. That the non-Jewish 
and half-Jewish populations of Palestine should 
show irritation at the religious assumptions of the 
Jews, was only to be expected ; that the Persian 
rulers should grow tired of the friendly indulgence 
of Cyrus and Darius was at any rate not quite unin- 
telligible ; but that members of the family of Israel 
should despise the covenant of their God, was more 
than pious Jews could bear. Against all these classes 
lukewarm or faithless Jews, who cared only for 
their own profit, and scrupled not to cheat and impov- 
erish their brethren, irritated and malicious neigh- 
bours, heartless and tyrannical rulers, the psalmists 
hurled the most violent epithets, "wicked," "im- 
pious," "doers of evil," "men of blood," "speakers 
of lies," "proud," "braggarts," "robbers," "scorn- 
ers," "enemies to Jehovah," "rebels," "causeless 
enemies," " those that return evil for good." From 
a religious and moral point of view they could 
see no difference between them. Neither faithless 
Jew nor tyrannical heathen ruler believes in the di- 
vine government of the world. He forgets God, 



n6 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



does not invoke Him, does not fear Him (Ps. ix., 18 ; 
xiv., 4; xxxvi., 2; 1., 22); he thinks, though he does 
not say, " There is no God " (Ps. xiv., i ; cf. x., 4, 
xxxvi., i). He can use the most cutting words to 
those who cannot venture to retaliate, for " who 
hears ? " (Ps. lix., 7). He can commit the greatest 
outrages, for "Jehovah does not see" (Ps. x., n, 
xciv., 7). He may indeed (if nominally a Jew) use 
the conventional religious forms, "bowing his head 
like a bulrush " (Isa. Iviii., 5) at the public litanies. 
But he does so in order to circumvent God so in- 
credibly mean, as the psalmist thinks, is his concep- 
tion of God. He has, in fact, adapted his religious 
views to his practical requirements ; he thinks that 
God is even such an one as himself (Ps. 1., 21); he 
has a delusive oracle in his heart which tells him 
just what he wishes to hear. This false god is the 
sin within him, which has taken the place of that 
divine instructor who dwells in each member of the 
faithful community. Listen to the psalmist: 

" [That God is not, is] the divine oracle of Sin 
To the wicked man within his heart ; 
No dread of God is before his eyes. 
For he flatters Jehovah in subtlety 
Jehovah will not discover the wickedness of his tongue. 
The words of his mouth are mischief and guile ; 
He has left off acting wisely and well." 

(Ps. xxxvi., 1-3.) 



Jewish Religious Ideals 117 



Strangely enough, a similar portrait is given of the 
righteous Job by the aged and narrow-minded 
Eliphaz : 

" Yea, thou destroyest religion, 
And dost dismiss devout meditation. 
For thine iniquity teaches thy mouth, 
And thou choosest the tongue of the subtle." * 

(Job xv., 4, 5.) 

The only difference is that Job, according to Eli- 
phaz, superadds to his wicked deeds a theoretical 
justification of his impiety, whereas the wicked men 
of the Psalms are not represented as at all intellec- 
tual. It is only in the First Psalm the Psalm of 
the Two Ways that we hear of a class of men 
called " scoffers," and this shows us that we must 
not look to the Psalms for a complete picture of 
Jewish society. 

But what are the outrages of which the party of 
the wicked men has been guilty ? They consist 
partly in the use of offensive expressions towards 
Israel and Israel's God, alternating with hypocritical 
professions of friendship, partly in slanderous mis- 
representations of the righteous, addressed perhaps 
to the judge or to the Persian or Greek governor, 
partly in gross unfairness to the poor righteous 
in business transactions, partly in acts of physical 

* Cf. Lecture IV. 



n8 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



violence. I will quote some passages from the 
Psalms which bear out this statement. 

First, as to the speeches of the wicked men. As 
evidence I will quote two very sad passages. The 
tone is that of many a persecuted Jew in the long 
middle age : 

" Pity us, Jehovah, oh, pity us ! 
For too long have we been sated with contempt ; 
Yea, too long has our soul been sated 
With the mockery of the careless, 
The contempt of the proud." 

(Ps. cxxiii., 3, 4.) 

And now for the companion passage : 

" Insult has broken my heart ; 
Very grievous is the wound of my soul ; 
I looked for a sympathiser, but there was none, 
And for comforters, but I found none. 
They gave me gall as my food, 
And in my thirst they gave me vinegar to drink." 

(Ps. Ixix., 20, 21.) 

By the " gall " and the " vinegar " the poet means 
bitter, scornful words. The speaker is faithful Israel, 
who is insulted because he is the " Servant of Jeho- 
vah." Hence in the same psalm we read : " The 
insults of those who insulted thee fell upon me." 
It appears from the context that the mockery of 
the enemies was called forth partly by the mis- 
erable condition of the faithful community, which 



Jewish Religious Ideals 119 



seemed at its last gasp, chiefly by the forms and 
ceremonies of the Jewish religion. It is true the 
only form expressly mentioned is fasting.* This 
appears to be singled out here because it struck the 
observation of a bystander more than church lita- 
nies ; it was in fact the climax of the attempts of the 
faithful to work upon their God. Elsewhere, how- 
ever, we learn that the prayers of believers did not 
escape ridicule. So futile did these prayers appear, 
that the enemies could plausibly ask, " Where is thy 
God?" (Ps. xlii., 3, 4), and the wicked man could 
even venture to " curse at the attainment of his 
desire," and the " robber " to "contemn Jehovah" 
(Ps. x., 3). The favourite phrases of believers seem 
also to have been ridiculed ; at least there is one 
most touching passage which gives an imaginary 
speech of the persecutors, and seems to imply this. 
One word or two in my reading of it is open to dis- 
pute, viz., in the third line, where I find a reference 
to the favourite title of God in the Second Isaiah's 
Prophecy of Restoration. But the received text 
cannot, in my opinion, be defended. 

" All that see me laugh me to scorn ; 
They open wide the lips ; they shake the head. 

* So far as we can see, the forms most valued by the pious Jews of 
this period were the singing of praise, the recital of prayers, and fast- 
ing. Sabbath and Circumcision are nowhere mentioned in the Psalms. 



I2O Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



(Forsooth,) his redeemer is Jehovah ; (then) let Jeho- 
vah rescue him ! 

Let Jehovah deliver him, seeing He has such delight in 
him ! " 

(Ps. xxii., 7, 8.) 

Sometimes, however, the persecuted righteous stand 
at bay, and meet their enemies with the poor man's 
weapon of prayer, an effectual, fervent prayer, which 
is confident of an answer. 

" Stilled be those lying lips 
Which speak against the righteous 
Proud words in haughtiness and scorn." 

(Ps. xxxi., 18.) 

The scorn of the wicked rich for the righteous 
poor shows itself in one rather singular way. It 
seems as if the wicked preferred to use mean and 
disgraceful methods whenever they could. They 
sought to lull the righteous into a false security by 
professing to be their friends. Treachery plays a 
large part in the story of the Maccabees, and there is 
only too much reason to believe that the dread of 
it always lay in the background of the Jewish mind. 
One psalmist says : 

" There is nothing trustworthy in their speech, 
Their inward aim is ruin ; 
An open grave is their throat, 
Though flattery glides from their tongue." 

(Ps. v., 9.) 



Jewish Religious Ideals 121 



Another characterises the wicked man thus : 

" His face is smoother than butter, 
But war is in his heart ; 
His words are softer than oil, 
And yet are they javelins." 

(Ps. lv., 21.) 

Next, as to the slander which forms another article 
in the indictment of the wicked. These are pious 
Israel's ejaculations : 

" Give me not over to the greed of my foes ! 
For against me false witnesses have risen up, 
And they puff out (words of) injustice." 

(Ps. xxvii., 12.) 

And again : 

"Witnesses who serve injustice arise, 
And with tricks they despoil me." 

(Ps. xxxv., ii.) 

Here we have a reference to a common practice of 
avaricious and powerful men to accuse innocent 
persons of some crime, such as theft, with the view 
of obtaining double restitution. The judges would 
of course share the plunder (cf. Mic. iii., 3). Or 
the accusation might be that of treason. How plaus- 
ible such a charge might be in the dark years at the 
close of the Persian rule, and even at a later time, 
need not be said. Well might the church-nation 
pray, 



122 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



" Deliver my soul, Jehovah, from the lying lip, from 
the deceitful tongue " (Ps. cxx., 2), 

and then, in the words of the fine psalm at the end 
of the Book of Ecclesiasticus, give thanks to her 
Lord and King for deliverance " from the lips that 
forge lies," because " by an accusation to the king 
from an unrighteous tongue her soul had drawn nigh 
unto death " (Ecclus. li., 2-6). 

Under these circumstances normal business rela- 
tions between the two parties were impossible. Even 
if the psalmists exaggerate when they deny their 
opponents the least vestige of honesty (Ps. xii., i), 
yet this very exaggeration bears witness to a social 
injustice which is inconsistent with commerce.* The 
petty details of commercial unfairness are of course 
not given. But we are told that " extortion and de- 
ceit depart not from the market-place " (Ps. lv., n). 
No doubt this extortion was largely connected with 
money-lending. To lend money gratuitously to 
faithful Jews was meritorious (Ps. xxxvii., 26; cxii., 
5), while to require usury was as bad as taking a 
bribe against the innocent (Ps. xv., 5). 

That acts of personal violence were also committed 
by the Jewish oppressors, is not quite so easy to 
prove. 

* Even in Ben Sira's time the relation of a rich man to a poor man 
was like that of a wolf to a lamb (Ecclus. xiii., 17-19). 



Jewish Religious Ideals 123 



The wicked of Jewish and those of heathen origin 
are not always easy to distinguish. Probably native 
officials were employed under the foreign governors, 
who misused their power, and became even more 
hated than the foreigners. In Proverbs xxviii., 3 (cf. 
v., 15) we read that "a wicked grandee [or tyrant] 
who oppresses the mean folk is like a sweeping rain 
which leaves no food," and in Psalm Hi., I, a psalm- 
ist thus apostrophises an unnamed offender: 

" Why gloriest thou in mischief, thou grandee ! 
[And showest insolence] to the pious unceasingly?" 

In both cases the most natural interpretation is 
that a native tyrant is meant. Still more certain is 
the reference in the next passage that I shall quote. 
It shows that there were immoral men, Jews in name 
but not in soul, who did not scruple to shed blood 
when their wishes could only so be gratified. The 
more pious section of the Jewish people prays to 
God thus : 

" Take not away my soul with sinners, 
Nor my life with men of blood, 
On whose hands are (the marks of) crimes, 
And their right hands are full of bribes." 

(Ps. xxvi., 9, 10.) 

These men, as it appears, belonged to an association. 
They had common principles and interests, and there- 



124 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



fore formed a party. So that, when pious Israel per- 
sonified says, in the same psalm (ver. 5), 

" I hate the congregation of evil doers, 
And will not sit in the conclave of the wicked," 

he means that he recognises the utter inconsistency 
of his own principles with those of the opposite party. 
He hates them, he says elsewhere (Ps. cxxxix., 21), 
because they hate and oppose Jehovah, and it is the 
hardest problem that he knows to reconcile their con- 
tinued existence with the divine justice. 

You will see that I am of opinion that the Psalter 
is a historical document of a high order that I am 
in no doubt either as to its date, or as to the credi- 
bility of its expressed or implied statements, with 
the qualifications which I have mentioned. I hold 
the post-exilic date of every part of the Psalms to 
have been abundantly proved, and the credibility of 
their statements seems to me to be confirmed by the 
historical and prophetical records already referred to. 
That there was a strong tension of feeling among 
pious Jews is plain, and this quite accounts for the 
vehement language of the psalmists, who were truth- 
ful men, even if naturally prone, like the prophets 
before them, to some exaggeration. 

It would, however, be unsafe to assume that the 
division of the Jews into the wicked rich and the 
righteous poor, which pervades so much of the later 



Jewish Religious Ideals 125 



literature, is an exhaustive classification. The right- 
eous poor are collectively the self-sacrificing Servant 
of Jehovah described in Isaiah liii. They are the 
inner circle, the few really fine grapes on the cluster. 
Side by side with them observers of the law like 
themselves, only not so strict ; frequenters of the 
temple, only not so constant are the great majority 
of those who call upon the name of Jehovah. They 
are not perfect in humility or in obedience, and are 
liable to be carried away by the evil example of the 
wicked. They need the guidance and instruction of 
those who are firmer in faith, and it is to them that 
the expounders of the law, the writers of prophecies, 
and those wise moral teachers, some of whom have 
composed psalms and others pointed sayings and 
eloquent discourses, devote their ceaseless energies. 
It is for their use that the noble prayer was written : 

" Search me out, O God, and know my heart, 
Try me, and know my thoughts, 

And see if there be any practice of covetousness in me, 
And lead me in the ancient road " * ; 

and it was of the teachers of righteousness (whom I 
shall next describe) that the author of Daniel prophe- 
sied that " the teachers should shine like the splen- 
dour of the firmament, and they that turn the many to 
righteousness like the stars for ever and ever" (Dan. 
xii., 3). 

*Ps, cxxxix., 24 ; the speaker in vv. 19-24 is personified Israel. 



LECTURE IV. 

Jewish Wisdom ; its Meaning, Object, and 
Varieties. 

IN the remaining portion of this historical sketch 
I shall endeavour to complete the proof of the 
rich variety of life in early Judaism. And I shall 
first of all ask you to study with me the great edu- 
cational movement of the period, out of which pro- 
ceeded the singular phenomenon called Jewish 
Wisdom. Its origin is a matter of conjecture. 
Most probably, however, it originated in the con- 
sciousness that, if not only individuals but whole 
classes of society were to become righteous (and this 
was known to be the condition of the divine favour), 
there was a need of some new and attractive pre- 
sentation of moral and religious truth. The ideal of 
many of the noblest minds was that expressed in 
the opening of the First Psalm : 

" Happy is the man who delights in the fear * of Jehovah, 
And meditates on His law day and night" (Ps. i., 2). 

* Adopting a probable correction. 
126 



Jewish Wisdom 127 



But it must soon have become evident that there 
was a large number to whom this description would 
never apply, because of the many difficulties in the 
volume of Scripture, at which they were sure to 
stumble.* Hence the idea appears to have arisen, 
that if that volume were studied by wise men who 
were in touch with the people, it might be possible 
to make an abstract of such religious truths as even 
men of the world (if the phrase may be used) could 
recognise and live by. If this view be sound, we may 
naturally expect that many patriotic teachers would 
be deep students of Scripture and earnest observers 
of the established forms. They would, in short, be 
fervently religious men, though they might not 
always think it expedient to display their fervour 
before their disciples. There would, however, also 
be a minority who would not be satisfied with ele- 
mentary instruction, but would seek to carry on the 
intellectual movement of the past. Some of them 
would exhibit in their teaching a perfect fusion of 
morality and religion ; they would produce works to 
which after-ages would look up as, not, indeed, in the 
received sense, revelation, but as not less precious, 
not less truly divine, than the Law or the prophecies. 
And there would be others of a sceptical turn, whose 

*"He that devotes himself to the Law is filled therewith, but 
the profane person stumbles thereat" (Ecclus. xxxii., 15). 



128 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



writings would only escape oblivion by some happy 
chance. 

Thus we may expect to find, and we actually do 
find, three varieties of didactic and reflective ethical 
literature two representing a more or less complete 
fusion of the ethical and the orthodox religious spirit, 
and one expressing a distinctly heterodox or scepti- 
cal tendency. We find, too, that this reflective 
literature claimed a high antiquity. Just as sacred 
lyric poetry attached itself to the glorious name of 
David, so the new moral literature claimed as its 
originator the idealised Solomon.* A post-exilic 
writer has been at the pains to show in what various 
forms King Solomon's wisdom expressed itself. Solo- 
mon was of course a just and skilful ruler that more 
than one older writer had brought out very clearly. 
But he was also a much wider-minded man than most 
rulers. Listen to the beautiful little narrative in 
which this idea is conveyed : 

" And God gave Solomon wisdom and insight and a 
resourceful mind.f Solomon's wisdom was greater than 
that of all the men of the east and than all the wisdom of 
Egypt. He was wiser than all men, wiser than Ethan 
the Ezrahite, and Heman and Calcol and Darda, the 
sons of Mahol ; and his fame reached all the nations 

* There may of course have been a pre-exilic Wisdom-Literature, 
but how (if such existed) it stood related to the literature of the post- 
exilic Jewish sages, it is impossible to say. 

f A mind "seething" with new ideas (corrected text). 



Jewish Wisdom 129 



round about. And he spoke three thousand proverbs, 
and his songs were a thousand and five. And he spoke 
of trees, from the cedar in Lebanon to the hyssop which 
springs out of the wall ; he spoke also of beasts and birds 
and reptiles and fishes. And men came from all countries 
to hear the wisdom of Solomon, from all the kings of the 
earth who had heard of his wisdom " (i Kings iv., 29-34). 

No explanation of this is as reasonable as that 
which finds in it a reference to our Book of Proverbs,* 
to our Song of Songs, and to our Book of Job. It is 
true that we have only one " song," the title of which 
claims Solomonic authorship, but this title may with- 
out violence be so rendered as to make Solomon the 
author of an indefinite number of songs. About 
twenty plants and thirteen animals are mentioned in 
that fascinating poem, the Canticles, and it may 
easily have been supposed that in Solomon's other 
songs many more plants and animals were referred to. 
Beasts and birds are also described with great fulness 
in the Book of Job, and the writer of the eulogium 
on Solomon probably means to imply that Solomon 
outdid the author of even that poetic masterpiece. 

But was there no conception of wisdom, no attempt 
at the moral instruction of the young, in pre-exilic 
times? Certainly. Some time in the seventh cen- 

* See Ecclus. xlvii., 17, where the Hebrew text shows that the 
writer is thinking of Prov. i., 6. He evidently supposes Solomon's 
proverbs to be exactly analogous to those in our Book of Proverbs. 



130 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



tury an insertion was made in Genesis xviii., to show 
that the blessings promised to Abraham were condi- 
tional on his instilling right religion and morality in- 
to his children and household (vv. 17-19). And 
whatever be the exact date of the exhortations in 
Deuteronomy (e.g., iv., 10; vi., 7, 20 ff. ; xi., 19) to 
instruct children in the sacred history and law, we 
may presume that they are in the spirit of the fram- 
ers of the earlier Deuteronomic law-book. This 
new didactic movement was an indirect result of the 
preaching of Isaiah, who succeeded in bringing home 
to the best minds of the next age the fact of the gen- 
eral moral deficiency. It was Isaiah too who, first 
among the canonical writers, expressed the intuition 
of Jehovah's wisdom (Isa. xxxi., 2). It is true that 
some belief in the divine wisdom may have existed 
before his time through Babylonian influence on the 
Canaanites.* Still it is most improbable that this be- 
lief was as pure and, religiously, as vital as the intui- 
tion of Isaiah. With what loving reverence does this 
prophet speak of the " plan " of the world's great 
Governor, and how stern is his contempt for the 
futile schemes of those who do not "ask at Jehovah's 
mouth " (Isa. xxx., 2) ! For his own part he does 
not care to be called a " wise man." Wisdom in a 
religious sense is still too much identified with skill 

* The god Ea was called " lord of wisdom and understanding." 



Jewish Wisdom 131 



in the performance of traditional rites or in the reci- 
tation of magic formulae. It is better to be Jehovah's 
mouthpiece, and to ascribe to Him all the honour of 
that marvellous insight which has made Isaiah the 
wisest of the Israelites of his time. 

Let us now briefly sketch the outlines of the early 
popular idea of wisdom. Great rulers, like David 
and Solomon, were said to have "the wisdom of 
God," or of "God's angel" (2 Sam. xiv., 17, 20; 
I Kings iii., 28), because they could give rapid and 
just judicial decisions. Politicians, too, could be 
likened to incarnate divine oracles ; Ahithophel is an 
instance of this (2 Sam. xvi., 23). Soothsayers, 
priests, and prophets were revered as wise, because 
they claimed to tell men the will of God, though 
Jeremiah calls the pen of the scribes who wrote 
down the supposed wisdom of the law-books a " lying 
pen " (Jer. viii., 8), because their work threatened to 
check his own more spiritual preaching. Poets, 
too, to the Israelites as well as to the Arabs, must 
have appeared to have more than earthly wisdom ; 
they partook of the inspiration of the prophet.* 
And framers of apologues or parables like those of 
Jotham and the " wise woman " f of Tekoa were 

* Note that Balaam the seer is said to " take up a parable," or 
rather to "utter a poem" (niashat] in Num. xxiii., xxiv. 

f Judg. ix., 8-15 ; 2 Sam. xiv., 2. The phrase "wise woman " is 
used in a different sense in Jer. ix., 17. 



132 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



doubtless looked up to as in their degree divinely 
gifted ; indeed, even the traditional skill of crafts- 
men was devoutly traced to a divine gift, as the 
Hebrew legends of the origin of culture prove. On 
the other hand, it ought to be mentioned that there 
was also a current story in which even the know- 
ledge of good and evil was represented as an illegiti- 
mate acquisition. It was a first attempt to account 
for the mingled grandeur and poverty of human life. 
Man was like the divine beings in knowledge, but 
sadly unlike them in his liability to sickness and 
death. It was reserved for a later age to arrive at 
the conviction that true wisdom was a tree of life. 

Whether any fruitful contact between the incipient 
wisdom of the Israelites and that of their neighbours 
took place in pre-exilic times, we know not. Jere- 
miah speaks of the wisdom of Teman (Jer. xlix., 
7), and it is just conceivable that the story of Job, 
partly moralised, may have come from Edom shortly 
before the Exile. At any rate, such contact existed 
(as we shall see) in post-exilic times. The story of 
Solomon's wisdom itself suggests this. No stress 
need be laid on the particular peoples mentioned by 
the narrator. The point to dwell upon is that the 
reputed wisdom of Solomon was cosmopolitan. 
There were wise men among other nations, just 
as there were true though unconscious worshippers 



Jewish Wisdom 133 



of Jehovah (Mai. i., 11). Solomon was superior to 
them, because, as the Jews believed, he knew the 
one true God better than they did, and they came 
to him for stimulus and instruction. From the Pro- 
logue to Proverbs we see that this entirely corre- 
sponds to the temper of some of the Jewish sages- 
One of these makes personified Wisdom exclaim 
(Prov. viii., 4) : 

" Unto you, O men, I call, 
And my appeal is to the human race " ; 

and later on, in the grandest of her soliloquies, she 
declares that of all God's created works she delighted 
most in the race of man (Prov. viii., 31). 

It is true, no attempt is made in the two earlier 
Books of Wisdom to make practical use of the prin- 
ciple involved in these passages. But the universal 
relation of Wisdom is asserted, and it only required 
time for the Jewish sages to awaken to the conscious- 
ness of the necessary practical inferences. The author 
of the so-called Wisdom of Solomon is the bravest 
and boldest of them all, for he is willing to take as 
well as give instruction, and, like Philo, fervently be- 
lieves in the reality of ethnic inspiration. But at 
present we must be satisfied with the larger outlook 
already obtained by post-exilic sages. This was not 
lost even by the author of Ecclesiasticus, though he 



134 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



lays more stress on forms of religion than did the 
earlier wise men. To complete his education, he 
says, the wise man must "travel through the land of 
strange nations," must " try good things and evil 
among men," and " if the great Lord will," and he 
is " rilled with the spirit of understanding," the 
" nations " in general, as well as the congregation, 
will "declare his praise" (Ecclus. xxxix., 4, 10). 
For not with Jews, as Jews, but with men did Wis- 
dom "lay an eternal foundation, and with their 
offspring shall she be had in trust" (Ecclus. i., 15). 
In fact, all the wise men have grasped the grand idea 
of a human family. It may also be found in the 
Psalter. But that important Book has in this re- 
spect one very sad limitation. The sufferings of the 
Jews, and especially of the Mite among them, were 
so great towards the close of the Persian empire that, 
by a pathetic fallacy, it seemed as if all mankind ex- 
cept the Jews were morally worthless. Those psalms 
into which a sense of something like the brotherhood 
of nations begins to penetrate are for various reasons 
later than 332 B.C. I call this limitation of view a 
sad one. It is unfortunate that the great picture of 
the missionary Servant of Jehovah should have had, 
comparatively speaking, so little effect. Still a per- 
fectly adequate cause has been adduced for this un- 
progressiveness : psychological miracles are not to be 



Jewish Wisdom 135 



expected. Not till the coming of the great Mace- 
donian reconciler of East and West could there be a 
presentiment of the truth of the divine education, 
not only of Israel, but of the human race. 

One may be thankful that the Psalter does not 
entirely belong to the Persian period. Among the 
debts which we owe to the later psalmists, do not let 
us overlook these striking words : 

" He that disciplines the nations, cannot He punish 
He that teaches mankind knowledge ? " (Ps. xciv., 10.) 

They imply just that notion which we find in the 
story of Solomon's wisdom, viz., that wisdom, di- 
vinely given wisdom, is accessible to all men ; but 
they add that the object of the divine instructor is 
not merely theoretical but practical. A moralist of 
a later date puts this in a more attractive form : 

" The mercy of a man is upon his neighbour, 
But the mercy of the Lord is upon all flesh ; 
Reproving, disciplining, and teaching, 
And bringing back, as a shepherd does his flock." 

(Ecclus. xviii., 13.) 

A fine saying, is it not? and it suggests one of the 
chief requisites of an educator, a friendly feeling 
towards his pupils. God's patient, considerate in- 
struction is the result of His mercy or loving-kind- 
ness, and He desires a similar loving-kindness among 



136 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



fellow-citizens, that they may be educationally useful 
to each other. In default of this loving-kindness, a 
man deserves no better title than " fool," for 

" To commit a crime is sport to a fool." 

(Prov. x., 23.) 

The Jewish teachers were in general very hopeless 
of making anything of such persons. Once we find 
the noble sentiment that 

" Even a senseless man may be taught, 
And a wild ass's colt may be caught."* 

(Job. xi., 12.) 

But more often we find nothing but prophecies of 
evil for the " fool," and a recommendation not to 
spare stripes for his back. That a " fool" was ever 
reformed by this treatment, we do not hear. A pro- 
verb assures us that 

" Even if thou pound a fool in the midst of his fellows, f 
Thou wilt not remove his foolishness from him " 

(Prov. xxvii., 22) ; 

and another that 

" A rebuke penetrates into one that has understanding ; 
(But) a fool, when he is smitten, makes light of it." 

(Prov. xvii., 10.) 

* The rhyme corresponds to the assonance in the original, according 
to a very possible correction of the corrupt Hebrew text (" The 
Book of Job," Expositor, June, 1897). 

f Compare the Septuagint. 



Jewish Wisdom 137 



With this exception, however, the wise men them- 
selves admit no limit to their influence. It is useless 
to assert a priori that wise maxims can have done 
little to keep the Jewish youth in the right paths. 
Experience taught the ancients otherwise in many 
different countries. To us these Hebrew proverbs 
may seem at first sight to be destitute of motive 
power, but a close inspection will modify this opinion. 
Provisionally, the Hebrew Wisdom was of the great- 
est practical service. It passed necessarily into some- 
thing widely different, but not without leaving a 
permanent impression on the form of the teaching 
which succeeded it. How indeed could it have been 
otherwise? for the best men of the time were among 
these proverbial teachers, and in reading the finest 
parts of Proverbs even we can appreciate the force of 
the saying that 

" The fruit of the righteous is a tree of life, 
And the wise man is a winner of souls." 

(Prov. xi., 30.) 

How carefully the so-called Wisdom was planned,we 
see from the strong secular element in it. If the fear 
of Jehovah is the first part of the instruction which it 
gives, the art of getting on in the world is the second. 
It is almost amusing to notice that the same writer 
who says that wisdom is far better than riches also 



138 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



informs us that wisdom is the best road to wealth 
(Prov. iii., 14-16; viii., 18-19). In fact, one of the 
most characteristic terms for wisdom means ability to 
steer well, and the general spirit of the sayings of the 
wise men can scarcely be called idealistic. The tone 
which pervades them is that of a calm reasonableness ; 
indeed, we are told in so many words that " he that 
is of a cool spirit is a man of understanding " (Prov. 
xvii., 27). Now and then this " coolness " even seems 
to a modern to degenerate into meanness : 

" A clever man sees a misfortune coming, and hides him- 
self, 

While those ,vho are simple pass on and suffer for it." 

(Prov. xxii., 3.) 

This, however, is merely a relic of that old no- 
madic love of craft or subtlety,* from which even 
David was not exempt. 

On the whole, the wise men recommended ener- 
getic action, such as befits those who are conscious of 
rectitude and of enjoying the divine favour. 

But what of the religious aspect of this proverbial 
wisdom ? We may easily be led to underrate this. 
It ought, however, to be emphatically stated that the 

* Even the strongly religious author of the Prologue to Proverbs 
three times makes " subtlety" or " cleverness " an essential part of 
wisdom (i., 4; viii., 5, 12). On the other hand, "subtlety" and 
"subtle" are used with a bad connotation in Job (v., 12-13 ; xv., 
5). Cf. Lecture III. 



Jewish Wisdom 139 



wise men presuppose more than they expressly state. 
Their teaching may at first sight seem almost purely 
secular, but it takes for granted the theory of earthly 
retribution, which is a fundamental doctrine of the 
Law, and it lays stress on precisely those moral qual- 
ities which follow from the due performance of the 
commandments. In recommending wisdom, those 
early moralists certainly meant to recommend the 
Law, or at least to show that orthodox religion was 
not merely not inconsistent with, but even conducive 
to, worldly success. To call their wisdom either 
secular or, in a modern sense, utilitarian would be a 
mistake. Its religious character indeed is not unfre- 
quently affirmed. Thus we hear that 

" The fear of Jehovah is a discipline for wisdom, 
And before honour is humility " 

(Prov. xv., 33) ; 

i. e., the constant practice of religion is the right 
school of wisdom, and humility (which, as the later 
writers teach, is one half of righteousness) will be 
finally rewarded with honour. 

" The fear of Jehovah prolongs days, 
But the years of the wicked will be shortened " 

(Prov. x., 27) ; 
" The way [/, <?., procedure] of Jehovah is a stronghold to 

the innocent, 
But ruin to the workers of iniquity " 

(x., 29) ; 



140 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



" He that walks in his uprightness fears Jehovah, 
But he that is perverse in his ways despises Him " 

(Prov. xiv., 2) ; 

/. e., religion and morality are identical. 

" He that oppresses the poor despises the poor man's 

Maker, 

But Jehovah honours him that has pity on the needy " 

(xiv., 31) ; 

i. e., morality is based on the common relation of 
all men to the Creator. 

" Sheol and Abaddon [/. e., all parts of the nether world] 

are before Jehovah ; 

How much more then the hearts of mankind ! 
The eyes of Jehovah are in every place, 
Observing the evil and the good " 

(xv., 3, n) ; 

two beautiful expressions for the omniscience of 
Jehovah a divine attribute which became more 
fully realised after the time of Jeremiah. For we 
cannot doubt that the observation spoken of extends 
to the heart and conscience. A psalmist of the Greek 
period finely says : 

" Out of heaven Jehovah looked down, 
He beheld all the race of men ; 
From his sure habitation He gazed 
Upon all who dwell on the earth 
He who formed the hearts of them all, 
Who takes note of all their works." 

(Pi;, xxxiii., 13-15.) 



Jewish Wisdom 141 



Another wise man says that 

" The sacrifice of the wicked is an abomination to 

Jehovah, 
But the prayer of the upright is His delight " 

(Prov. xv., 8), 

implying, by the way, that prayer is the best part 
of the sacrificial service, and is acceptable even with- 
out sacrifice. And another goes even farther, and 
says : 

" To do the just and right thing 
Is pre-eminent with Jehovah above sacrifice." 

(xxi., 3 ; ff. ver. 27.) 

I will now quote one of the finest religious sayings in 
Proverbs : 

" Disclose what thou wouldest do to Jehovah, 
And thy purposes shall be established." 

(xvi., 3.) 

Of course this only refers to righteous purposes. 
The wise man cannot mean that we can make God 
our fellow-conspirator against our enemies. On the 
contrary, as another proverb says : 

" Rejoice not, when thine enemy falls,* 
And let not thine heart be glad when he is overthrown ; 
Lest Jehovah see it, and it displease Him, 
And he turn away His wrath from thine enemy." 

(xxiv., 17.) 

* /. e. , when a calamity overtakes him. 



142 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



The idea is that a malicious joy at the misfortunes 
of another is displeasing to God, even if that other 
be an enemy of the righteous, and that if, knowing 
God's will but doing it not, the righteous man com- 
mits this sin, he will be more deserving of punish- 
ment than his adversary. 
And again : 

" If thine enemy hunger, give him food ; 
Or if he thirst, give him water to drink ! 
For hot coals thou takest away,* 
And Jehovah will recompense thee." 

(Prov. xxv., 21, 22.) 

The meaning is, that the new relation created by 
this unexpected hospitality will supersede the old 
pernicious relation of oppressor and oppressed. The 
"hot coals" of strife (see xxvi., 21) will have been 
firmly grasped and removed, and the recompense due 
to those who relieve the needy will be paid by 
Jehovah. Here there is a chance for the righteous to 
melt the hard hearts of the wicked, and save them 
from the otherwise certain retribution. Or if this be 
too high a flight for most minds, yet all can under- 
stand that 

" If a man's ways please Jehovah, 
He reconciles even his enemies to him." 

(xvi., 7.) 

* Adopting a correction of the text, which relieves the proverb- 
writer from the charge of ethical inconsistency. 



Jewish Wisdom 143 



Evidently the Jewish world has made some pro- 
gress since personified Israel prayed : 

" Put to shame and dishonour be those that seek my soul, 
Turned back and abashed be those that plan my hurt ; 
Be they as chaff before the wind, 
And Jehovah's angel pursuing them ; 
Be their way dark and slippery, 
And Jehovah's angel thrusting them." 

(Ps. xxxv., 4-6.) 

We must remember, however, that it is not in gen- 
eral of individuals but of hostile communities or fac- 
tions that the psalmists speak. Individuals can more 
easily be reached by kindness than bodies of men. 
Also that the same collection of Jewish proverbs con- 
tains this startling saying : 

" Jehovah has made everything for its special end ; 
Yea, even the wicked for the day of trouble." 

(Prov. xvi., 4.) 

This reminds us of a psalmist who, looking back on 
the oppressive rule and sudden collapse of the Per- 
sian empire, attributes it to a deep design of Jehovah 
which a " fool " cannot understand : 

" When the wicked spring as the herbage, 
And all the workers of iniquity blossom, 
It is (only) that they may be destroyed forever, 
Whilst Thou, Jehovah, art King eternally." 

(Ps. xcii., 7, 8.) 



144 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



Both psalmist and wise man assume that there are 
human beings who are irredeemably bad, viz., those 
Jews who have turned aside from truth to serve a lie, 
and those heathen who have banded themselves 
together to put out the one great light which God 
has set in a dark world the light of the covenant 
people of Israel. Such wicked men cannot repent ; 
they must be wiped out of existence. Their " dis- 
proportioned sin " 

" Jars against nature's chime, and with harsh din 
Breaks the fair music that all creatures make 
To their great Lord."* 

But both psalmist and wise man have learned to be 
more patient than formerly seemed possible. The 
"day of Jehovah " must be waited for. It is useless 
to cry out, " Rouse Thee ; why sleepest Thou, 
Jehovah?" (Ps. xliv., 24.) For the present, the 
Omniscient One tolerates bad as well as good ; He 
lets both grow together till the harvest. As a wise 
man says: 

" The poor man and the exactor jostle each other ; 
Jehovah lightens the eyes of both." 

(Prov. xxix., 13.) 

It is in fact this coexistence of good and bad, wise 
and foolish, within the same community which makes 

* Milton, " At a Solemn Musick." 



Jewish Wisdom 145 



a strong central authority indispensable. Could the 
individualising method of the teachers called wise 
men be universally applied, it would still be difficult 
to repress the anarchic tendencies of the multitude. 
For 

" Without a curb * people become unruly ; 
But he that keeps the law, happy is he." 

(Prov. xxix., 18.) 

The term "the law" means here that condensed 
extract and practical application of the teaching of 
the Scriptures which was prepared by the wise men 
for their pupils. The misfortune was that the central 
authority was in the hands of heathen rulers, who 
had not the same moral standards as the wise men. 
Hence the tone of the proverbs respecting the king 
is somewhat surprising. Was the king in some 
passages a native ruler ? Was he even sometimes the 
Messiah ? These are the passages in question : 

(i.) "The king's favour is for an intelligent servant, 
But a base one experiences his wrath." 

(xiv., 35.) 

(ii.) "Jehovah* oracle is on the lips of the king ; 
His mouth will not offend against justice." 

(xvi., 10.) 

* Here the importance of a corrected text is specially apparent. 
The received text has " Without vision," which is supposed to mean 
"without prophetic revelation." 



146 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



(iii.) " Loving-kindness and truth guard the king ; 

And by loving-kindness he supports his throne." 

(Prov. xx., 28.) 

(iv.) " Take away the dross from the silver, 

And the whole of it comes out refined ; 
Take away the wicked from before the king, 
And by righteousness his throne is established." 

(xxv., 4, 5.) 

(v.) "My son, fear Jehovah and the king, 

And meddle not with those who hate them ; 
For suddenly their calamity will rise, 
And the ruin of the haters will come unawares " 

(xxiv., 21, 22.) 

(vi.) " Three things are of stately walk, 
Yea, four of stately going : 
The lion the hero among the beasts, 
That nothing makes to turn back, 
The cock * that (proudly) lifts itself up, and the 

he-goat, 
And a king, the champion of his people." 

(xxx., 29-31.) 

There is also a curious group of counsels (xxxi., 1-9) 
described as " Words of a king ; a proverb [or, 
poem] with which his mother instructed him." The 
sayings, however, are plainly artificial and of very 
late origin ; they need not detain us now. 

The sayings in the former group are much more 
interesting. But not even all these have a clear note 

*If this rendering is correct it favours, and indeed requires, a very 
late date for the passage. See "Cock" in Encyclopedia Riblica, 



Jewish Wisdom 147 



of reality. A non-Jewish king might conceivably be 
idealised in a more or less complimentary lyric 
poem, but hardly in proverbs designed for the 
popular instruction. Surely it is only the last two of 
the first group which refer to contemporary kings the 
first to a Graeco-Egyptian, the second probably to a 
Maccabaean prince. The four preceding ones, how- 
ever, are specially interesting to students of religion. 
They represent a Messianic element in the Book of 
Proverbs like that represented by most of the royal 
hymns in the Psalter. The writers look forward with 
much assurance to the speedy renewal of the native 
royalty, and seek to instil into the minds of their 
young disciples lofty ideas of the kingly character. 
The sayings remind us of Psalms xlv. and Ixxii. No 
such Messianic element exists in the Book of Eccle- 
siasticus, though that interesting book does contain 
a prayer of considerable beauty for the deliverance 
and glorification of Israel. (Ecclus. xxxvi., 1-17). 

There is no trace, however, that the wise men 
had any systematised Messianic belief; they seem 
completely to neglect the incipient theories of the 
later prophetic writers. It is not an emperor of the 
world, but a blameless, modest-minded king of Israel 
whom they set before us, though, in accordance 
apparently with a fixed rule, they do not once 
mention the name of Israel. For this king they 



148 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



patiently wait, because they trust Jehovah not to 
leave them always under the rule of the Ptolemies, 
however endurable this might be, compared with the 
rule of the last Persian kings. They are content 
that the final doomsday should be put off for a 
season, because they observe that even now the 
righteous are not altogether forsaken, and that 
individuals at any rate receive an adequate earthly 
recompense for their righteousness. Probably, too, 
the majority of the wise men were limited in the 
expression of their views by educational considera- 
tions. " To fear Jehovah and to shun evil " was all 
that the ordinary man required. 

For some of the wise men, however, this severely 
practical view of wisdom was not enough. There is 
one passage even in the Book of Proverbs which 
suggests an interest in cosmic phenomena, and there 
are other passages in Job. It is true, the former 
passage occurs in the Prologue of Proverbs, which 
has a unity of its own, and is very distinct in many 
respects from the body of the work. Here is the 
description. It consists of five stanzas of four lines 
each * : 

" Jehovah produced me as the firstfruits of His creation, 
The earliest of His primaeval works ; 

*On the text, see article "On Some Obscure Passages" etc., 
Jewish Quarterly Review, Oct., 1897. 



Jewish Wisdom 149 



For from of old was I woven together, 

From the beginning, from the first days of the world. 

"When the floods were not, I was brought forth, 
When there were no fountains abounding with water, 
Before the mountains were deeply fixed, 
Before the hills was I brought forth. * 

" Ere He had made the land and the grass, 
And had clothed with green the clods of mother-earth ; 
When He prepared the heavens, I was there, 
When He marked out a circle over the ocean ; 

" When He established the clouds above, 
When He made firm the founts of the ocean, 
When He appointed to the sea its bound, 
That the waters should not transgress His command ; 

" Then was I daily beside Him as an artificer, 
Sporting continually before Him, 
Sporting in the elaboration f of his earth, 
And having my delight in the race of man." 

(Prov. viii., 22-31.) 

This is certainly one of the greatest passages in the 
Wisdom-literature. It states that pre-existent Wis- 
dom was the artificer of the world, one in purpose 
and in act with the creative Deity, and, taken with 
the context, it implies that Wisdom introduces her 
disciples to the study of cosmic phenomena as well 

* This resembles the description of the first man, who is primaeval 
wisdom personified, in Job xv., 7, 8. 

f This appears to be a certain correction of the text. It probably 
decides the correctness of the rendering "artificer" in line I of the 
stanza. 



150 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



as of practical ethics. The beginning or first part 
of wisdom is, according to the writer, the fear of 
Jehovah ; or, to widen our definition without mis- 
representing his meaning, it is a combination of 
religion with a certain practical cleverness. But the 
latter part is something of a more refined, esoteric 
type. It is the contemplation of God's works in 
nature, and it is just such a contemplation of the 
ideals of which those works are the expression, or, in 
Hebrew phraseology, of pre-existent Wisdom, which 
God Himself did not disdain when He made the 
world. For, as another Hebrew poet, one of the 
writers of the Book of Job, finely says : 

" When He made a weight for the wind, 
And determined the waters by measure, 
Then He beheld and studied her well, 
He set her up and fathomed her depths." 

(Job xxviii., 26, 27.) 

In fact, the Book of Job contains more than one 
passage in which the larger conception of human 
wisdom is clearly expressed. For instance, the 
author of the Speeches of Jehovah certainly en- 
courages the observation of nature. He has not, 
indeed, the modern, scientific spirit, and looks at 
nature in a poetic, imaginative way, with an under- 
lying didactic object. But we must not underrate 
the importance of this. To be interested in nature 



Jewish Wisdom 151 



is the first step to seeking to comprehend her. 
Gladly would I quote some of this writer's fine 
pictures of animal life, but I have only space for a 
series of naive questions to which there are some- 
what striking parallels in the sacred Zoroastrian 
literature. Hebrew affinities are not wanting, how- 
ever. The first couplet, which speaks of a visit to 
the divine stores of snow and hail, reminds us of the 
story of Enoch as developed in the book which 
bears Enoch's name.* 

" Hast thou (ever) come to the store-chambers of the 

snow, 

And seen the store-keepers of the hail, 
Which I have reserved for the time of trouble, 
For the day of battle and war ? 

" By what way does the mist part 
That it may sprinkle cool moisture on the earth ? 
Who cleft a conduit for the rain-torrent, 
And a way for the flashes of the storm, 

" To send rain on a land without men, 
On the wilderness wherein are no people, 
To satisfy the utter desolation, 

And to cause the thirsty land to put forth fresh 
herbage ? 

" Out of whose womb came the ice ? 
And the hoar-frost of heaven who begot it ? 

* Enoch lx., 17 ; cf. Ixix., 23. 



152 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



The waters close together as if a stone, 
And the surface of the deep hides itself. 

" Dost thou bind the knots of the Pleiades ? 
Or loose the fetters of Orion ? 
Canst thou bring out the Hyades at its season ? 
And guide the Bear and her offspring ? * 

" Knowest thou the laws of heaven ? 
Dost thou appoint its influence on the earth ? 
Canst thou send up a command to the cloud 
That abundance of water may cover thee ? " f 

The irony of the questions is unmistakable. But 
their object is not merely to humble Job by giving 
him a sense of his limitations, but to encourage him 
to step out of himself into the great picture-gallery 
of the outer world. The poet, who is also a wise 
man, agrees neither with Job and his friends, as 
described in the dialogues, nor with an editor who, 
in opposition to the poet whose work he manipu- 
lates, asserts that the " only proper study of man- 
kind " is practical religion. Let me read a part of 
the last strophe of the poem referred to : 

" Whence then proceeds wisdom ? 
And where is the place of understanding? 
Seeing that it is hidden from the eyes of all living, 
And kept close from the birds of the sky. 

* The renderings of the names of the constellations are not alto- 
gether certain. 

f Job xxxviii., 22-27, 29-34 (from a corrected text). See J. Q. ., 
Oct., 1897. 



Jewish Wisdom 153 



" The abyss and the nether world say, 
The report of her has reached our ears. 
God has marked the way to her, 
He is acquainted with her place." * 

Wisdom, then, is not independent of God, who, in- 
deed, was the first to find her out. This discovery 
and its importance for the creative process are 
explained in the last quatrain, which I have already 
quoted. f And then, unexpectedly enough, comes 
the following only too orthodox statement : 

" And he said to man, Behold, the fear of Jehovah 
that is wisdom, and to shun evil is understanding." J 

I do not say that the author of this addition was a 
man of no ideas, but I say that he differed from the 
author of the poem, who certainly did not mean by 
his grand eulogy of the higher Wisdom to dis- 
courage men from interesting themselves in nature. 
This new writer had no poetic imagination, and, as 
might be expected, he writes in prose and not in 
verse. 

It was remarked just now that the wise man who 
wrote the Speeches of Jehovah does not agree with 
all his colleagues. But on one point he and all the 
greatest of the wise men are agreed there are no 
breaks in the consistency of the world. There is a 
place, we are told in Proverbs (xvi., 4), even for the 

* Job xxviii., 20-23. f See p. 150. \ Job xxviii., 28. 



154 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



wicked in God's scheme of things, and there must 
be a fundamental harmony between nature and 
morality. To thoughtful Jewish theists God re- 
vealed Himself as the All-wise. There never was a 
time when the divine Wisdom was not. There was 
never any combat (such as the dialogues in Job ap- 
pear to presuppose) between Jehovah and the dragon 
of chaos * ; on chaos the eulogist of Wisdom is elo- 
quently silent. Nor can he admit the idea of an 
arbitrary omnipotence. " God," as Hooker, sur- 
named the Judicious, said, "is a law to Himself"; 
" His wisdom hath stinted the effects of His power." 
And so potent, so full of vitality, is this wise and 
beneficent law, that it is impossible to an Oriental 
thinker to regard it otherwise than as a person. And 
what a person ! Work is to Him f a pastime ; the 
elaboration of the world not a six-days' occupation 
but a continual and exquisite delight ; the Creator 
needs no Sabbath rest, for He cannot be fatigued. 
Why, here is the saying so finely devised for the in- 
carnate Logos in the spiritual Gospel, " My Father 
workcth hitherto, and I work." J The universe is, as 

* The descriptions of Behemoth and Leviathan (on which see Ex- 
positor, July, 1897, or Encyclopedia Biblica) form no part of the 
true Speeches of Jehovah. The author of the dialogues does, how- 
ever, refer to the chaos-dragon, called Leviathan. 

f It is, of course, accidental that " Wisdom " is personified as a 
woman (the Hebrew word for wisdom being feminine). 

tJohn v., 17. 



Jewish Wisdom 155 



Emerson has expressed it, a " divine improvisation " ; 
its architect is the " Eternal Child." Surely this is 
one of the very finest conceptions in the Old Testa- 
ment. It stands there quite alone ; but not less 
unique is more than one conception in the spiritual 
Gospel in the New Testament. The ideal thus ex- 
pressed cannot safely be disregarded by those who 
would have a joyous as well as a deeply thoughtful 
religion. 

And now we have to ask, What other forms of 
thought are most nearly related to this strange new 
conception of the divine Wisdom ? The inquisitive 
spirit for which the varied scenes of human life are 
too narrow a field is the same which pervades the 
celestial physics of the Book of Enoch; it has found 
an imaginative (mythological) expression in the story 
of Enoch,* who was instructed by the angels in the 
secrets of the tripartite universe. Allusions to this 
story in its earlier form occur in Genesis v., 21-24, 
and again in a prophecy of Ezekiel (xxviii., 3), who 
says, addressing the Prince of Tyre : 

" Forsooth, thou art wiser than Enoch ; there is no 
secret that can be hidden from thee." 

I ought to explain that this rendering presupposes a 
necessary and easy correction of the text. Anyone 

* See article "Enoch" in Messrs. A. & C. Black's Encyclopedia 
Bivlica. 



156 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



can see that the expression "wiser than Daniel" is 
most improbable in this connection and in Ezekiel's 
period. On the other hand, this prophet must have 
known of Enoch as an explorer of secrets, and the 
tradition which had reached him was doubtless con- 
nected with some report of the natural philosophy 
of the Babylonians. It is true, the authors of the 
Book of Enoch far outrun Ezekiel, but so does the 
description of the divine Wisdom in parts of Prov- 
erbs and Job far surpass the meagre hints given by 
the Second Isaiah.* 

But we must look farther afield for affinities to the 
personified divine Wisdom. Some scholars will, I 
know, object to this. They are of opinion that 
nearly all the strange new developments of the post- 
exilic period can be explained as native Jewish 
growths, and they think that this view harmonises 
best with the self-isolating tendency of the age of 
Ezra. This is, I think, a great mistake. The laws 
of the human mind fought against the self-isolating 
tendency which these scholars refer to. Oriental 
influences of all kinds made themselves felt, first of 
all by the people, and then by its religious guides. 
More especially in the Greek period, to which the 
Prologue of Proverbs certainly, or almost certainly, 
belongs, there was a fertilisation of the intellectual 

* Isa. xl., 13, 14. 



Jewish Wisdom 157 



soil by new ideas throughout the Jewish world. 
Many Jews migrated to Egypt, especially to Alex- 
andria, and we know that in ancient Egypt the 
personification of divine attributes was carried to a 
great extent.* It is a false assumption that ancient 
Egyptian ideas could not influence Greek and Jewish 
society in Alexandria. Persian influences, too, were 
still more strongly felt by the Jews after the con- 
quests of Alexander. In the present state of the 
history of Zoroastrianism some reserve seems called 
for, but it is reasonable to hold that the stress laid in 
Zoroastrianism on wisdom as the chief divine attri- 
bute, and on the distinction between the heavenly 
wisdom f and that "acquired by the ear," had some 
effect on the Jews, though it would immediately 
affect only those Jews who lived in or near Persia. 
I am not so bold as to assume that the conception 
of the heavenly wisdom which was the earliest of 
Ahura-Mazda's creations was taken over directly and 
adapted by the author of the Prologue of Proverbs, 
and simply hold that the more advanced religious 
philosophy of Zoroastrianism stimulated the growth 
of a new Jewish religious philosophy, which centred 
in the belief in an all-wise and therefore not, strictly 

*Wiedemann, Gesch. Aeg., p. 53; cf. Brimmer, Three Essays, 
etc., p. 29. 

f See Zendavesta by Darmesteter and Mills (Sacred Books of the 
East) and cf. Cheyne, Expositor, v. (1892), 78, 79. 



158 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



speaking, all-powerful Being, the Creator and Gov- 
ernor of the world of nature and of man. To assume 
Platonic and Stoic influences seems to me both 
unnecessary and unsafe. 

Here I might pause, but can I be expected to 
leave untouched the true Book of Job to which the 
two beautiful poems from which I have quoted form 
appendices? And how could I let the patriarch 
Enoch be separated from the patriarch Job the one 
the representative of physical, the other of moral 
philosophy ? The former came into his full inherit- 
ance long after the latter. Obviously the life of 
Enoch did not at first take much hold on thoughtful 
Jews. That after 365 years God could no longer 
spare such a pious and large-minded man, but took 
him into His immediate presence this early de- 
parture of Enoch, in spite of its extraordinary 
circumstances, and however much it stimulated 
speculation, did not touch the heart. But the story 
of Job, who fell from the height of happiness to the 
lowest depth of misery, losing not only his property, 
but his children, and being himself afflicted with the 
worst sort of leprosy, but who, to the universal 
astonishment, was restored by God to health and 
happiness, suggested countless thoughts of the 
deepest human interest. 

Ezekiel, as we have seen, mentions Enoch in one 



Jewish Wisdom 159 



place as the privileged possessor of superhuman 
wisdom. In another famous passage (Ezek. xiv., 14) 
he couples him with Noah and Job as an exceptionally 
righteous man, for the collocation " Noah, Daniel, and 
Job " is self-evidently wrong. There is no evidence 
that he perceived that greater suggestiveness in the 
story of Job of which I have spoken, and this blind- 
ness is not a feature in Ezekiel which draws us to the 
austere prophet. What was it that at last opened 
men's eyes ? It was the continued disappointments 
of what is commonly called the post-exilic period. 
Post-exilic, indeed ! Why, the Exile of Israel, in its 
deepest sense,* has lasted from Nebuchadrezzar's 
burning of Jerusalem to the present day. It is this 
that makes the Jews such idealists ; it is this sense 
of exile which inspired that unknown " post-exilic " 
poet who gave the first adequate setting to the old 
Hebrew legend of Job the patient. 

The Prologue (chaps, i. and ii.) and the Epilogue 
(xlii., 7-17) of the poem are both due to this writer. 
The former is full of delicate psychology and inimit- 
able humour ; the latter, which begins : 

" And Jehovah said to Eliphaz the Temanite, My wrath 
is kindled against thee and thy two friends, because ye 
have not spoken of Me that which is right, as My servant 
Job has," 

* " In its deepest sense," cf. Lecture I., p. 12, "If there was a 
post-exilic age at all." 



160 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



and ends with the statement that Job died having 
had his fill of life, is dry and prosaic,* and even mor- 
ally, to us at least, disappointing. It was Job's high 
destiny, as we shall see, to " serve God for nought," 
and by having a tangible reward, as it were, forced 
upon him, he seems to us to be lowered in the moral 
scale. But to do justice to the writer we have to view 
him here not as an artist, but as a teacher. He cares 
for his people much more than for Job, and since 
a double compensation for Israel's calamities is a 
constant element in the later prophetic teaching, he 
feels bound to represent Job as having been amply 
compensated for his unmerited misfortunes. The 
chief value of the Epilogue is, that it enables us to 
reconstruct the main outlines of the omitted portion 
of the story. Thanks to it we are able, in some 
sense, to " call up him who left half told " (or whose 
editors have transmitted to us half told, or told 
amiss) the story of the most patient of men. 

The result of an inquiry would probably be f that 
in lieu of Job iii.-xlii., 7, there stood originally some- 
thing like this, only in a style of flowing, natural 
eloquence : 

* Drs. Bartlett and Peters have from a literary point of view done 
well to omit the Epilogue in their excellent arrangement of select 
passages from the Bible (Scriptures, Hebrew and Christian, part vi., 
chap. v.). 

f So first Macdonald, Journal 'of 'Biblical Literature, 1895, pp. 63-71. 



Jewish Wisdom 161 



" And these three men, moved at the sight of Job's 
grief, broke out into lamentations, and withheld not pas- 
sionate complaints of the injustice of God. They said : 
Is there knowledge in the Most High ? and does God 
judge righteous judgment ? But Job was sore dis- 
pleased, and reproved them, saying, Bitter is the pain 
which racks me, but more bitter still are the words which 
ye speak. Blessed be the Most High for that which He 
gave, and now that I am empty, blessed still be His 
name. I will call unto Him and say, Shew me wherein 
I have erred ; let me not depart under the weight of 
Thine anger. For God is good to all those who call upon 
Him, and will not suffer the righteous to fall for ever. 
And Job reasoned ofttimes with his friends, and bade 
them repent, lest God should deal with them as with 
trangressors. And at the end of a season, God came to 
Eliphaz in a dream and said, My wrath is kindled against 
thee and thy two friends, because ye have not spoken of 
Me that which is right, as My servant Job has." 

This, as it seems to me, is in harmony with the 
early view of Job as a perfectly righteous man a 
second Abraham or Noah. It will account, too, for 
the severe blame which Jehovah gives to the three 
friends, and their liability to some mysterious pun- 
ishment from which they can only be delivered by 
Job's intercession. Also for the high praise awarded 
to Job, who, as the poem now stands, certainly did 
not speak in all points rightly concerning God. Also 
for the expressions of another important work which 
appears to be based on the original Book of Job, 



162 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



I refer to the description of the suffering Servant of 
Jehovah in Isaiah lii., 13-liii., 12. 

This noble description of the great Martyr, which 
has already enchanted us,* is in fact largely modelled 
on the original Book of Job. Reflecting on the 
cause of Job's misery, the writer came to the conclu- 
sion that God must have appointed this for the 
good of those who, unlike Job, were great transgress- 
ors, and that Job's consciousness of this must have 
helped him to bear his sufferings uncomplainingly. 
Such at any rate was his view respecting his own 
hero, the Servant of Jehovah. He does not deny 
that the Servant looked forward to his ultimate jus- 
tification in public, but he evidently thinks that the 
really influential motive with the Servant was his 
ability through his sufferings to redeem his people 
from sin.f His hero does in fact serve God for 
nought. And this is certainly what the original 
poet of Job represented as the divine object in per- 
mitting the calamities which beset Job, viz., the 
demonstration by facts of the possibility of disinter- 
ested piety. It would be pleasant to think that the 
two writers were friends. We may at least conject- 
ure that they were contemporaries, and that the 
writer of this Book of Job accepted the description 

* See Lecture III. 

f See Isa. liii., 10, n, in Polychrome Bible. 



Jewish Wisdom 163 



of Jehovah's Servant as a kind of commentary on 
his own work. 

Both these writers, I incline to think, lived after 
the introduction of Ezra's law-book ; both are, at any 
rate, warmly attached to all existing religious institu- 
tions. Job is represented as an undoubting believer 
in sacrifices, and the Servant of Jehovah as commis- 
sioned to bring the true law of life to the nations. 
Neither of them can be moved from his rock-like 
faith in God by external privations. But by far the 
greater number of the Jews were incapable of this 
lofty piety. It was a fundamental tenet of the 
old Israelitish religion that all suffering was caused 
by some known or unknown offence against God, 
and the most that the ancient pre-exilic prophets 
could do was to stimulate men's consciences to dis- 
cover those sins which, unrepented of, would bring 
great and deserved calamities on the community. It 
is true, they also preached the converse of this doc- 
trine, viz., that by obeying the commands of God 
the community might ensure for itself His fa- 
vour and protection. Morally, this preaching was of 
high value, even though it had little effect on 
the majority of its hearers. Its principal achieve- 
ment was the production of the Book of Deuter- 
onomy, which combines with a most thoughtful 
code of laws the oft-repeated assurance that 



164 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



obedience to Jehovah's precepts will be rewarded by 
prosperity, and deliberate disobedience punished by 
adversity and ruin. But again and again events 
occurred to falsify these assurances. The national 
adoption of Deuteronomy (in its original, simpler 
form) was followed by the disaster of Megiddo, and 
ultimately by the Captivities, and the introduction 
of Ezra's law-book was only an event in the domestic 
history of the Jews. On Nehemiah's departure, the 
rule of the Persians became less and less considerate, 
and the social abuses from which the community 
had always suffered so greatly, even if they were 
checked for a time, soon took a new lease of life. 
And, hence, that happy serenity which marks both 
Job (the original Job) and the Servant of Jehovah 
became as good as impossible. A Hebrew Pascal, 
the author of Psalm Ixxiii., though he enriched 
theists with the noblest extant expression (to which 
I shall return*) of disinterested love to God, yet had 
to pass through a grievous experience of scepticism, 
and we need not therefore be surprised that one of 
the wise men of the close of the Persian, or more 
probably of the beginning of the Greek, period found 
the treatment of Job's sufferings by the original 
narrator inadequate for practical uses. 

To this new writer it did not seem credible that 
* See Lecture VI. 



Jewish Wisdom 165 



Job should have been unvisited by doubts respect- 
ing God's righteousness. Job, as the original story 
implied, was a symbol of the Jewish people, and even 
the best of the Jews had moments of painful scepti- 
cism, which it was as much as they could do to 
repress. Would not the Book of Job be more useful 
to the community if its hero were brought more into 
sympathy with ordinary Jewish feeling? In this 
way the patient Job became impatient. There was 
also another reason why this writer thought of alter- 
ing the original conception of Job. He was evidently 
a cultivated man who had caught the " still sad music 
of humanity " in many walks of life. His interests 
were not confined to Judaea, and so, under his hands, 
Job became a symbol, not only of the Jewish people, 
but of humanity at large. Nor can one help seeing 
that this new writer was more of an individualist 
than his predecessor, i. e., that he recognised the 
moral and religious rights of the individual as such, 
apart from the people to which he belonged. In the 
olden time, even a good man would not have ex- 
pected to be as a matter of course prosperous, if he 
were a mere isolated unit in a community of 
bad men. But since Ezekiel had preached the doc- 
trine that the son did not bear the iniquity of the 
father, nor the father the iniquity of the son, the old 
sense of solidarity began to give place to a new sense 



1 66 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



of the moral rights of the individual. The author of 
Job had, as I take it, learned to suffer and to sympa- 
thise with individuals. And the problem which pre- 
sented itself to him was not merely, " Why does 
righteous Israel suffer ? " but/' Why do righteous men 
everywhere suffer unjustly, and why, even if some 
punishment be deserved, is it so often disproportion- 
ate to the presumed moral cause?" 

The consequence was that the roles of Job and his 
friends were to some extent transposed. It was no 
longer, as in the original book, the three friends who 
spoke irreverently of the Most High, but Job him- 
self. It is true, Job's hard speeches were drawn 
from him under extreme provocation, and are not to 
be interpreted in a cold, logical spirit. And strangely 
enough, to this bold Hebrew Prometheus comes at 
length a reconciling intuition of what may almost be 
called an Over-god, i. e., of a God who loves and can 
be loved behind the God of pitiless and undiscrimi- 
nating force. And this flash of insight comes to 
him (so the poet imagines, in accordance, doubtless, 
with his own experience) just when all earthly com- 
fort appears to be denied him. At first, God seems 
deaf to his cry, and he turns for comfort to his 
friends. But the friends, under the chilling influence 
of the traditional doctrine of retribution, are driven 
to withhold sympathy from such a great sinner as 



Jewish Wisdom 167 



they assume Job to be. Then, as the language of 
the friends becomes more violent, that of Job be- 
comes calmer and more dignified. He begins to 
recognise what appears like a dual aspect in God. 
From the God of force, whom he sees in the count- 
less sad phenomena of the world, he appeals to a 
God of love and sympathy, who is in heaven, and 
he becomes convinced that God will in some way do 
him justice. Almost he can believe that God will at 
length recall him from the nether world to which he 
is hastening ; but he quickly dismisses the too seduc- 
ing thought. This splendid passage I hope to quote 
later. But even if he be condemned by the strict 
laws of life and death to a perpetual imprisonment 
in Sheol, yet a divine testimony to his innocence is 
not impossible. 

" O earth, cover not my blood, 
And let my cry find no resting-place "; 

i. e. y let not the earth absorb my unjustly shed blood, 
but, like Abel's, let it cry aloud for satisfaction. For, 
he continues : 
" Even now, surely, my witness is in heaven, 

And He that vouches for me is on high. 

My flesh is athirst for God, 

Towards Eloah mine eye drops tears, 

That he would arbitrate for a man contending with God, 

And between a mortal and his (divine) friend." * 
* Job xvi., 18-21. (See/. Q. tf., Oct., 1897, pp. 14, 15.) 



i68 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 

Later on, he expresses the same assured hope, and 
this time he connects it with the punishment of his 
friends. Bildad has just been forgetting himself so 
far as virtually to class Job with the wicked who 
know not God. This speech it is which brings 
on a crisis in Job's inward development. No longer 
can he tolerate the platitudes of his friends, which as 
applied to him are so cruelly unjust. He makes one 
more appeal, however, to their better feelings : 

" Have pity upon me, have pity upon me, O my friends, 
For the hand of God has touched me. 
Why do ye persecute me like God, 
And are never satiated with my flesh ?" * 

But he sees by their looks that his words fall idly 
on their ears. He longs that his words might be 
recorded in some permanent form the words, that 
is, in which he asserts his innocence. But no sooner 
has he said this, than he bethinks himself of a far 
better justification which awaits him. It is the same 
idea of the divine Witness which we have already 
met with. But this time Job connects the idea with 
the punishment of his cruel friends. His appeal is not 
from the God of force to the God of love ; for he is 
able by a new moral effort to reject once and for 
all the notion of a divided God. What he now de- 

* Job xix., 21, 22. 



Jewish Wisdom 169 



sires is simply the vindication of his innocence, and 
the punishment of his cruel persecutors. He does 
not, indeed, understand God's treatment of him, but 
he no longer accuses God of injustice. It is his 
friends who are unjust, and they must be punished 
that his own justification may be complete: 

" But I know that my Avenger lives, 
And that at last He will appear above my grave; 
My Witness shall bring to pass my desire, 
And a curse will take hold of my foes. 

"My inner man is consumed with longing, 
For ye say, How (keenly) will we persecute him ! 
Have terror because of the sword, 
For (God's) anger falls on the unjust." * 

The crisis is past. Job's intellectual perplexity 
remains, but he does not doubt the existence of a 
moral God, though he cannot detect His operation : 

" I may go forward, but He is not there; 
And backward, but I cannot perceive Him." f 

The friends, however, have learned nothing, and 
after hearing Job's reply to the third speech of 
Zophar a reply which does not appear to have 
been preserved we may presume that the earlier 
work $ recorded the departure of Job's false friends. 

* Job xix., 25-29. (See the article inj. Q. R. already referred to.) 
f Job, xxiii., 8. 

\ I. e,, that form of the poem which was intermediate between the 
original Book of Job and the book in its present form. 



170 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



All that remained was to provide a suitable close for 
this great drama a close which, if it settled nothing, 
should yet affirm once more that to be a sufferer was 
no proof of guilt. The poet's instinct guided him 
aright. He begins by charming us with a plaintive 
retrospect, by which Job seeks to cleanse his spirit 
from the bitterness of controversy (chaps, xxix., 
xxx.). Oh that those delicious days could be re- 
called, when the Almighty was his friend, and his 
children were about him ! Then all at once he glides 
into a grand affirmation of his innocence (chap, 
xxxi.), which is one of the finest summaries of early 
Jewish morality, and finally passes from the scene 
with a marvellous piece of moral self-assertion which 
is nearly the most un-Hebraic passage in the whole 
of the Old Testament. 

It was a truly noble specimen of didactic poetry, 
suffused with emotion, that this new poet produced. 
The problem of the cause of the suffering of the 
innocent was too big for him, but he set forth to the 
best advantage all the conflicting views of moralists 
known to him. He had at any rate succeeded (so 
he must have thought) in subverting the pernicious 
doctrine that from great sufferings we can argue the 
existence of great guilt. And he had represented Job 
as arriving finally at a state of resignation and of so 
much peace as was compatible with extreme perplex- 



Jewish Wisdom 171 



ity on the intellectual question at issue. But he did 
not satisfy his fellow-philosophers any better than his 
predecessor had satisfied him. Various passages 
were inserted by later writers (for it is unnatural 
to suppose that the author was himself always chang- 
ing), with the view of qualifying or counteracting 
parts of his work. These are of unequal value. The 
speeches of the youthful Elihu are inexpressibly 
poor, though not without value as a record of an age 
of intellectual decline. But I cannot help eulogising 
once more the noble Prafse of Wisdom in chap, 
xxviii. apart from the closing verse, which has con- 
verted it into a condemnation of free discussion. 
Nor can I refuse a still larger tribute of praise to 
the Speeches of Jehovah, which at first sight seem 
much too fine to be a later insertion. I am myself 
most willing to be convinced that the author of 
the Dialogues of the Friends had become discon- 
tented with his work, and appended the Speeches 
of Jehovah as a palinode. A purely literary 
critic can hardly help indulging in such a con- 
jecture, but I fear that the canons of scientific criti- 
cism require us to reject it. The only safe view is, 
in my opinion, that some great poet who thought 
the earlier Book of Job religiously imperfect at- 
tached this appendix. The idea of the section is, 
that a minute criticism of the divine government 



172 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



(like that of Job) is as useless as contemplation of 
the wonders of nature is profitable. Job has to learn 
to forget himself in the glorious creation of which he 
forms a part. It is true, this is not directly stated. 
All that the poet says, by the mouth of Jehovah, is 
that Job had darkened the plan of the divine gov- 
ernment by words devoid of insight (xxxviii., 2). 
The evident delight, however, which the poet takes 
in the pictures of creation justifies us in supposing 
that he recommends the contemplation of nature as a 
remedy against painful and futile scepticism. What- 
ever we may think of his attitude towards free 
thought, he has given us a splendid literary record 
of one of the early stages of the love of the higher 
Wisdom among the Jews, and we may be thankful 
that it has found so prominent and honourable a 
place in the Biblical Literature. 



LECTURE V. 

Orthodox and Heretical Wisdom ; Contem- 
porary Levitical Piety. 

IT will hardly be denied that Jewish religion 
owes a debt of gratitude to Babylon and Persia. 
Not only a wholesome religious stimulus, but some 
easily assimilated ideas and beliefs came to it from 
these sources. I am afraid that we cannot speak as 
favourably of the first contact between Jewish and 
Greek thought. A most uncongenial spirit of doubt 
now begins to be traceable in Judaism. The Book 
of Proverbs itself that carefully prepared hand- 
book of popular religious instruction contains at 
least one passage (Prov. xxx., 2-4) directly anti- 
thetical to the devout eulogy of Wisdom in Prov. 
viii. Here is this unique sceptical poem. It takes 
us back to a time before any product of the Wisdom- 
Literature was a holy Scripture, and the remarkable 
thing is that it has been interwoven with a very dif- 
ferent passage, which has the nature of an antidote. 
It is in two stanzas of six lines each, and this, if I 
read it correctly, is the heading prefixed to it : " The 

173 



174 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



Words of Agur ben Jakeh the Poet." Whether 
this is the author's real name or a pseudonym, I 
cannot tell. 

" A solemn speech of the man whose inquiry was for God: 
I have inquired for God, but have had no success. 
For I have less sense than other men, 
And there is in me no human understanding ; 
Neither have I learned wisdom, 
So that I might obtain the knowledge of the holy ones. 

" Who can go up to heaven and come down ? 
Who can gather the wind in his fists ? 
Who can bind the waters in a garment ? 
Who can grasp all the ends of the earth ? 
(Such an one would I question thus about God), 

What is His name? 
And what is the name of His sons, if thou knowest it ? " 

Such is my view of the poem. The speaker is a 
Jew, but with a strong dash of the Greek or modern 
spirit. He is a prototype of Goethe's Faust. You 
know those fine lines which the German poet puts 
into the mouth of his hero, and which Bayard Taylor 
has so finely translated : 

" Who dare express Him ? 
And who profess Him ? 
Saying, 1 1 believe in Him ! ' 
Who, feeling, seeing, 
Deny His being, 
Saying, 'I believe Him not ! ' 
The All-enfolding, 



Orthodox and Heretical Wisdom 175 



The All-upholding, 

Folds and upholds He not 

Thee, me, Himself ? 

Arches not then the sky above us ? 

Lies not beneath us, firm, the earth ? 

And rise not, on us shining, 

Friendly, the everlasting stars ? 

I have no name to give it ! 
Feeling is all in all ; 
The name is sound and smoke, 
Obscuring Haaven's clear glow." * 

It may be something akin to this, only with less of 
sentiment and theory, that the Hebrew poet means. 
He has heard fine things said about God as the Cre- 
ator and Governor of the world ; and various names 
and titles have been given to this great Being, 
Yahwe, for instance (so the too familiar Jehovah 
should be corrected), Adonai, Elohim, El Shaddai, 
Yahwe Sebaoth, God the Mighty One, Shepherd of 
Israel. Which of these is the right name the name 
which correctly expresses the divine nature or char- 
acter, and which within the compass of a few letters 
sums up the Infinite One ? The poet has also heard, 
in favourite narratives and in temple-hymns, of the 
" sons of God " a phrase which seems to him 
hardly in accordance with those transcendental views 
of the divine nature which have rightly taken the 

* Goethe's Fattst, by Bayard Taylor, i., 



178 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



scepticism is perfectly natural. But you must re- 
member that we are now in the Greek period, and if 
in the Rig Veda we find such an expression of hon- 
est scepticism as that which I am about to quote, 
why should we be surprised that the same character- 
istically Aryan spirit should have spread from the 
conquering Greeks to the conquered Jews? "Who 
knows ? " says the unnamed Sanscrit poet, 

" Who knows, who here can declare, whence has 
sprung whence, this creation ? . . . From what this 
creation arose, and whether (any one) made it, or not, 
he who in the highest heaven is its ruler, he verily knows, 
or (even) he does not know." * 

At a later period (second century A.D.) the sceptical 
poet Agur might seem to have risen from the dead 
in the person of Elisha ben Abuyah, who became 
such a deep theosophist that he fell away from re- 
vealed religion, f or, as Jewish writers say, pene- 
trated into Paradise, and destroyed the plants which 
grow there a delightful figure, is it not ? and greatly 
to be preferred to more abstract phraseology. The 
Rabbis speak with pain of Elisha's apostacy, and 
give their lost leader the name of Acher, " a stranger, 
one who is not of us." 

* Muir, Ancient Sanscrit Texts, v., 356. 

f We are informed that he was strengthened in his irreligion by 
observing the hard trials of those who practised the Law, and who 
notwithstanding rested their hopes of happiness on their legal right- 
eousness. 



Orthodox and Heretical Wisdom 179 



It seems almost miraculous that this strange 
sceptical poem of Agur should have been safely 
conveyed to the modern world. This would cer- 
tainly not have occurred but for the pious protest 
in which it was embalmed. It is to this protest of 
orthodoxy that I now ask your attention. 

The writer of the protest begins by declaring his 
faith in divine revelation. He says : 

" Every saying of God is free from dross ; 
He is a shield to all those who take refuge in Him." 

That is, the purest wisdom is to be found in God's 
Book. The proof of this is the protection enjoyed 
by those who trust in God. Piety and its rewards 
are, it is implied, confined to those who take every 
statement in the Bible to be authoritative. Then he 
continues: 

" See thou add not to His words, 
Lest He convict thee and thou be proved a liar." 

That is, what has not been revealed is not true. 
The freethinker, who puts the title " solemn speech " 
at the head of his poem as if it were a prophecy, 
will have to suffer some calamity. 

" Two things I ask of Thee; 
Withhold them not from me, before I die. 
Levity and the speech (of folly 
And) lying do Thou put far from me. 



180 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



Be my lot neither poverty nor riches, 
Feed me with the bread which is my share; 
Else if I were full, I might become a denier, 
And say, Who is Jehovah ? 

Or if I were impoverished, I might be so robbed of un- 
derstanding 
As to treat profanely the name of my God." * 

These two petitions are in reality but one. It is 
the poet Agur to whom this worthy man alludes 
Agur, who had professed not to know the right name 
of God, and whom the orthodox protester may per- 
haps have supposed to have denied that there was 
any Being, even in heaven, who could bind the waters, 
and gather the wind. In short, the champion of 
orthodoxy asks that he may not become like Agur. 
He sees that if he were at either extreme of society 
he might be tempted to deny the God of Israel, for 
the rich man appears not to need God, and the 
poor man seems to be forsaken by Him. He there- 
fore declines riches a somewhat remarkable phenom- 
enon ; the other wise men are obviously far enough 
from doing so. It is true, this wise man is partly 
influenced by a wish to counteract the words of 
Agur, perhaps if put to the test he might have 
found riches not wholly undesirable. 

The other proverbial poems of Agur, contained in 
the same chapter of Proverbs, do not concern us. 

* Prov. xxx., 5-9. 



Orthodox and Heretical Wisdom 181 



It is enough that we have found a stray specimen of 
a literature of scepticism. I do not hesitate to use 
this expression, for such a poem cannot have 
stood alone. Homer tells us indeed that there was 
only one Thersites in the Greek army before Troy. 
Fortunate Achilles and Agamemnon ! There were 
certainly not a few Agurs at Jerusalem from the 
third century B.C. onwards. Evidence of this is 
supplied by a work of a very different school the 
Book of Enoch. The passage which I shall quote 
belongs to the earliest part of this book : 

" And now I know this mystery, that many sinners will 
alter and pervert the words of uprightness, and will speak 
wicked words, and lie, and practise great deceits, and 
write books concerning their words." * 

The supposed speaker is one of the very persons 
to whom Agur probably alludes when he says, 
" Who has gone up to heaven and come down?"- 
the patriarch Enoch. But his words are those of a 
writer of the age of John Hyrcanus, who reigned 
from 135 to 105 B.C. And the statement is con- 
firmed by the editorial appendix to one of the latest 
writings in the Old Testament, where there seems 
to be an emphatic caution against philosophical 
books of a more " advanced " character than those 

* Enoch civ., 10 (Charles's ed., p. 299). 



180 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



Be my lot neither poverty nor riches, 
Feed me with the bread which is my share; 
Else if I were full, I might become a denier, 
And say, Who is Jehovah ? 

Or if I were impoverished, I might be so robbed of un- 
derstanding 
As to treat profanely the name of my God." * 

These two petitions are in reality but one. It is 
the poet Agur to whom this worthy man alludes 
Agur, who had professed not to know the right name 
of God, and whom the orthodox protester may per- 
haps have supposed to have denied that there was 
any Being, even in heaven, who could bind the waters, 
and gather the wind. In short, the champion of 
orthodoxy asks that he may not become like Agur. 
He sees that if he were at either extreme of society 
he might be tempted to deny the God of Israel, for 
the rich man appears not to need God, and the 
poor man seems to be forsaken by Him. He there- 
fore declines riches a somewhat remarkable phenom- 
enon ; the other wise men are obviously far enough 
from doing so. It is true, this wise man is partly 
influenced by a wish to counteract the words of 
Agur-, perhaps if put to the test he might have 
found riches not wholly undesirable. 

The other proverbial poems of Agur, contained in 
the same chapter of Proverbs, do not concern us. 

* Prov. xxx., 5-9. 



Orthodox and Heretical Wisdom 181 



It is enough that we have found a stray specimen of 
a literature of scepticism. I do not hesitate to use 
this expression, for such a poem cannot have 
stood alone. Homer tells us indeed that there was 
only one Thersites in the Greek army before Troy. 
Fortunate Achilles and Agamemnon ! There were 
certainly not a few Agurs at Jerusalem from the 
third century B.C. onwards. Evidence of this is 
supplied by a work of a very different school the 
Book of Enoch. The passage which I shall quote 
belongs to the earliest part of this book : 

" And now I know this mystery, that many sinners will 
alter and pervert the words of uprightness, and will speak 
wicked words, and lie, and practise great deceits, and 
write books concerning their words." * 

The supposed speaker is one of the very persons 
to whom Agur probably alludes when he says, 
" Who has gone up to heaven and come down?" 
the patriarch Enoch. But his words are those of a 
writer of the age of John Hyrcanus, who reigned 
from 135 to 105 B.C. And the statement is con- 
firmed by the editorial appendix to one of the latest 
writings in the Old Testament, where there seems 
to be an emphatic caution against philosophical 
books of a more " advanced " character than those 

* Enoch civ., 10 (Charles's ed., p. 299). 



1 82 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 

sanctioned in the Canon. I will read a passage from 
this appendix : 

" The words of the wise are as goads, and as nails 
firmly driven in. They were written down [/. ^., edited] 
by framers of collections, but were given by another 
teacher.* And as to all besides these, my son, be on thy 
guard. Of making many books there is no end, and too 
much reading fatigues the body." f 

This short, condensed style is in the manner of the 
later Jewish writers, who make large demands on the 
intelligence of their readers. The passage seems to 
mean this : " Sayings of wise men, like those in Pro- 
verbs and Ecclesiastes, are highly to be recommended, 
for they stimulate the mind and do not burden the 
memory. They have no doubt been edited by au- 
thorised persons, but they were originally produced, 
in each case, by a teacher distinct from the editors. 
They may be read with confidence ; there is no legiti- 
mate requirement which they do not satisfy. But 
there are also many other literary products in circula- 
tion. I warn my disciples to be on their guard against 
these. No good, but much useless fatigue, is to be 
got from reading them." The books to which the 
epilogue containing these cautions is attached are 
Proverbs (which includes the fragments of the poems 

* This view of the text, however, is only probable, 
f Eccles. xii., u, 12. 



Orthodox and Heretical Wisdom 183 



of Agur) and Ecclesiastes. These are pronounced 
not too " advanced " for faithful Israelites to read. 

It is Ecclesiastes which now beckons us, that 
most singular book which Heinrich Heine called the 
Song of Songs of Scepticism, and Franz Delitzsch, 
by a doubtful correction, the Song of Songs of Reli- 
gion. It is quite impossible to do justice to my sub- 
ject without some reference to Ecclesiastes, though, 
unfortunately, I must add that this is one of the most 
difficult books to comprehend in the form in which it 
has come down to us. The inconsistencies which the 
book presents are much more startling than we can 
readily account for on the assumption of its integrity. 
The inconsistencies of Montaigne are those of an 
open and a growing mind ; those of Ecclesiastes are 
such as cannot exist together in a rational thinker. I 
admit that very similar inconsistencies exist in the 
Book of Job, and that if we have been able to con- 
vince ourselves of the unity of the Book of Job we 
may not find it impossible to defend the integrity of 
Ecclesiastes. If, however, we have found the Book 
of Job to be a monument, not of one, but of two or 
three conflicting schools, we shall be prepared to find 
more than one school represented in Ecclesiastes, and 
if the contents of Ecclesiastes, apart from certain per- 
fectly orthodox passages, are more startling than 
even the hardest parts of Job, we shall be prepared 



184 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



to find that still more violent means were taken to 
mitigate the shock which Ecclesiastes gave to the 
reader. Lastly, if in later times both Proverbs and 
the Song of Songs were ascribed to Solomon, we 
shall not be surprised if, after the Book of Ecclesi- 
astes had been made theologically sound, another 
late writer should have made it subservient to the 
legend of Solomon's repentance. These three things 
have, as I believe, come to pass. Ecclesiastes has 
been interpolated in an orthodox interest.* Either 
accident or violence has almost entirely destroyed 
the connection ; and the speaker, Koheleth (our Bible 
renders, "the Preacher" ; the name denotes a repre- 
sentative of the class of public preachers, without 
reference to any individual), has actually been iden- 
tified with Solomon a step which has naturally 
involved fresh interpolations. It is an extremely dif- 
ficult task to recover conjecturally the original order 
of the sayings. It seems to me as if passages had 
been omitted as well as inserted, and I do not feel at 
all sure that Gustav Bickell in his restoration has not 
been rather too anxious to produce a perfect treatise 
of Hebrew philosophy. According to this Roman 

* This is not a new view. The objections which have been offered 
to it appear to the present writer to have no cogency. To discuss 
the question adequately would only be possible in a commentary on 
Ecclesiastes, written from an " advanced" critical point of view, in 
which the interpolations would be pointed out. 



Orthodox and Heretical Wisdom 185 



Catholic scholar, the true Ecclesiastes is a carefully 
thought-out answer to a question familiar enough to 
ourselves, Is life worth living? He makes it fall 
"into two parts, a critical-speculative and a practical- 
ethical part, the former showing that supposed abso- 
lute goods (everything which a man has, or knows, 
or can do) are resultless and unsatisfying, the latter 
recommending, as at least relatively good, wisdom 
and the cheerful enjoyment of life. 

It would hardly be safe to adopt this theory, and 
the more so as another reconstruction may soon be 
hoped for from America.* All that I lay stress upon 
is the great probability that the present disorder in 
the contents of the book did not originally exist. 
The author was certainly, considering the gloominess 
of his time, not a contemptible writer. The tact 
with which he introduces occasional pieces of met- 
rical verse is one indication of this. It is not likely 
that he would have turned out so unequal a piece of 
work as our present Ecclesiastes, and done so much 
injustice to his argument. Gladly would I continue 
this subject, but I must not be tempted away from my 
main object, which is to ascertain how much religion 
the author had. I will quote his finest bit of writing 
later on. 

* It will form part of the Polychrome Bible ; Professor Haupt is 
the author. 



1 86 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



That he has warm and deep feelings is plain at a 
glance, and a careful reading will show that he has 
also a religion he is neither practically nor theoret- 
ically an atheist. But compare the God in whom 
-he believes with the Jehovah of the psalmists, and 
oh, the difference ! That he never names the name 
Yahwe or Jehovah is a trifle ; the misery is that his 
God is so far removed from the earth, and so un- 
sympathetic. He is one whom it is wise to fear and 
to obey, even if no reward for obedience can be 
reckoned upon, but whom it is not easy to love, and 
impossible in any sense to comprehend.* Long ago 
this God has predestinated f all that shall happen ; 
prudence therefore bids us fold our arms and acqui- 
esce in the inevitable. So, then, to the most funda- 
mental tenet of the earlier Judaism, the belief in 
one God, the author clings ; it gives him no joy, no 
rapture, but it saves him from the gulf of waters. 
On the other hand, he has abandoned (and so doubt- 
less has Agur, the freethinker) a tenet only less fun- 
damental that of a proportionate retribution upon 
earth for the righteous and the wicked, and even 
refuses the sweet anodyne, accepted by most Jews, 
of a great reckoning-day in the future, when there 
will be a separation between the righteous and the 
wicked, between him who serves God and him who 

*Eccles. viii., 17. f Eccles. vi., 10. 



Orthodox and Heretical Wisdom 187 



serves Him not. I will not say that the author any- 
where denies that God does sometimes punish the 
sinner. But of anything like a principle of retribu- 
tive justice in the divine government he can see no 
trace. He says with much bitterness : 

;< There is many a righteous man who perishes in 
spite of his righteousness, and many a wicked man who 
lives long in spite of his wickedness."* 

And again : 

;< There is a vanity (a disappointment or disillusion- 
ment) which happens on the earth, viz., that there are 
righteous men who fare according to the work of the 
wicked, and that there are wicked men who fare accord- 
ing to the work of the righteous. I say that this also is 
vanity." f 

Such statements, unsoftened by any reference to a 
final judgment, gave great pain to the devout. 
They feared for the young readers who might be 
charmed by the boldness of the author, and led into 
the devious paths of heterodoxy. Recourse was 
therefore had by pious editors to the expedient of 
interpolation. A considerable degree of success was 
obtained. In the Epilogue the author was described 
as a simply devout man, and in the body of the 
work he was made to confess that the wicked were 
really punished here, and would be punished here- 
*Eccles. vii., 15. f Eccles. viii., 14. 



1 88 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



after. Later on, the popular paraphrase called the 
Targum went a great deal farther, adapting the 
book to the fully developed eschatology of later 
Judaism. But when you have before you an Eccle- 
siastes in which the results of criticism are indicated, 
you will, I think, see that there are only two un- 
doubtedly original passages in which the moral prac- 
tice and the outward fortunes of men are brought 
into any kind of relation. I will quote and explain 
these passages. One of them reads thus : 

" Be not overmuch wicked, neither be thou foolish ; 
why shouldest thou die before thy time ? " * 

The other is: 

" When thou hast vowed a vow unto God, defer not 
the payment. Suffer not thy mouth to bring punishment 
on thy body, neither say thou before the messenger, It 
was spoken rashly ; why should God be angry at thy 
voice, and destroy the work of thy hands ? " f 

The first of these passages seems to say that there 
are certain extremely wicked acts which exhaust the 
long-suffering of God, and bring the surest punish- 
ment on the offender. But this, can hardly be the 
true meaning, for a companion saying exists, not less 
remarkably expressed : 

" Be not righteous overmuch, neither make thyself 
overwise ; why shouldest thou destroy thyself ? " J 

* Eccles. vii., 17 (Authorised Version), 
f Eccles. v., 4, 6 (new translation). 
J Eccles. vii., 16 (Authorised Version). 



Orthodox and Heretical Wisdom 189 



Clearly this cannot mean that those who make right- 
eousness and wisdom their chief concern are displeas- 
ing to God. The two sayings must have been framed 
from a practical man's point of view, and the terms 
" righteous " and " wicked " must be taken as they 
were commonly understood in the religious world, 
/. e.y in a Pharisaean sense. Righteousness, then, de- 
notes the observance, and wickedness the neglect, of 
the more minute details of the Law. To carry legal 
obedience to the point of asceticism was not less 
suicidal than to allow a sense of superiority to such 
pedantry to tempt a man into sensual licence. In 
both cases the punishment referred to is simply that 
which arises from the transgression of natural laws. 
He who is at once moderately pious and moderately 
worldly will, according to Koheleth, be a truly wise 
man. 

The second passage seems to show that even this 
rationalist thinker was not completely emancipated 
from traditional scruples. One offence there was 
which would not escape punishment, and that was, 
to vow and not to pay the vow. If you do this, says 
the author, you will have to suffer in your person, 
and when you tell the priest's messenger that you 
spoke the vow inconsiderately, it is not he, but God, 
who will be irritated, and who will punish you with 
the loss of property. So the very man who does not 



Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



believe in the Messiah, believes in a divine vengeance 
for unfulfilled vows ! 

One cannot help pitying our author. Of course 
his conscience bade him disbelieve in the judgment, 
and yet he could ill afford to do so. I do not deny 
that there were Jews in that age who were as capable 
as St. Bernard of disinterested love of God. For 
instance, there was the great teacher Antigonus of 
Soco, who said, " Be not as slaves that serve with a 
view to recompense ; but be as those who serve dis- 
interestedly, and let the fear of Heaven [i. e., God] 
be upon you." It is true he uses the word " fear," 
but what he means is reverent love. We must re- 
member, however, that Antigonus was a disciple of 
Simeon the Righteous, whose characteristic saying 
he must be considered to presuppose. The saying 
of Simeon the Righteous ran thus : 

14 The world rests on three things on the Law, on the 
services of worship, and on acts of loving-kindness." 

If the author of Ecclesiastes had been as devoted to 
the Law and to the forms of worship as Antigonus of 
Soco, if he had regarded them as absolute goods, the 
following of which was its own reward, he might 
have safely abandoned the Messianic hope. But this 
was certainly not the case. He believed in no absolute 
goods, was no enthusiast even for the Law, and 



Orthodox and Heretical Wisdom 191 

thought it necessary to deprecate excessive piety. 
Less than other men, therefore, could he with im- 
punity abandon the belief in God's retributive justice. 
If, indeed, he had accepted a certain new doctrine, 
just beginning to be popular, that of Immortality, 
all might have been well. But no one could prove 
to his satisfaction that the spirit of man went upward, 
and that it was only the spirit of the beasts which 
went downward to the earth.* The wonder is that 
he could maintain such morality and such a belief in 
God as he had. " Fear thou God," f he says with all 
earnestness. If he recommends the pleasures of the 
table, he does so with a sad irony ; enjoy at any rate 
these pleasures, he says, because they have not the 
painful consequences of higher pleasures, and because 
the time for enjoying them is so short ; besides, 
he strangely adds, they are the gift of God. For 
himself, it is true, they have long lost their savour. 
But youth will be youth, and he does not grudge the 
young men, for whom he especially writes, a chance 
of trying these pleasures before they pronounce them 
mere apples of Sodom. 

He also dwells strongly on the happiness of a 
pure wedlock. His sincerity in this is beyond all 
doubt. And here, at least, he is a true Jew ; here, at 
least, he shows his aversion to one of the most 

* Eccles. Hi., 21. f Eccles. v. , 7. 



1 92 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



characteristic vices of Hellenism. That he has 
himself had a bad experience of women,* and has 
apparently missed that prize which is " above rubies," 
does not make him grudge a better fortune to oth- 
ers. Enjoy life, he says, with a woman whom thou 
lovest, all thy fleeting days f ; and again : 

" Give no place to sorrow in thy mind, 
From thy body keep trouble afar ; 
Of thy cistern take good heed 
In the days of youthful age." J 

What " cistern " means in a Semitic poem is well 
expressed by Mr. Lyall in a note to one of his 
translations of old Arabic poetry : " The * cistern ' 
is a man's home and family, and whatever he holds 
dear." 

To those of riper age our author speaks in more 
subdued tones : 

" Better to go to the house of mourning 

Than to go to the house of feasting. 

For there is the end of all, 

The living will take it to heart. 

Better is sorrow than laughter, 

With a gloomy face the heart is cheerful." 
I cannot feel sure, however, that the author practised 

*Eccles. vii., 27, 28. 
fEccles. viii., 9. 

JEccle*. xi., loa, xii., la ; cf. Cheyne, Job and Solomon, pp. 227, 
300. 

Eccles. vii., 2, 3. 



Orthodox and Heretical Wisdom 193 



his own advice to visit mourners. Had he done so, 
we should surely have heard something of the duty 
of showing practical sympathy to the distressed. 
He evidently had a true sense of the misery of 
mankind, but it does not appear that he troubled 
himself much about the misery of individuals. 
The writers of the Book of Proverbs are not open 
to this criticism. For instance, one of them says, 
speaking of some outrage on humanity : 

" Deliver those who are being taken to death, 
And those who go with tottering steps to be slain, hold 
thou back." * 

But I am afraid that under such circumstances our 
author would have been content with looking sadly 
on, and saying with a groan, " This also is vanity." 
Perhaps he may be excused on account of his 
advanced age, or perhaps it is his theory of life 
which has weakened his benevolent impulses. For 
he tells us : 

" I have seen all the works that are done under the 
sun ; and behold, all is vanity and vexation of spirit. 
That which is crooked cannot be made straight, and 
a deficit cannot be reckoned in." f 

And then we meet with this remarkable confession 
of ineradicable egoism : 

* Prov. xxiv., ii. f Eccles. i., 14, 15. 



194 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



" And I hated all my toil which I had performed under 
the sun, because I shall have to leave the fruits of it to 
one who will come after me. And who knows whether 
he will be a wise man or a fool ? And he will rule over 
all that I have gained with toil and wisdom under the 
sun ; this also is vanity." * 

No thought enters his head of lending his money 
to Jehovah, as the proverb-writers said,f or of giving 
all his goods to build schools and found hospitals ; 
and it is characteristic of the poverty of his book 
from a philanthropic point of view that a passage 
which in reality is simply an exhortation to bold 
business- enterprise (" Send thy bread upon the 
waters, for thou shalt find it after many days "), has 
been converted by preachers into a recommendation 
of beneficence. The truth is that the unhappy 
author has but a weak social sense. From old habit 
and the influence of his orthodox education he may 
act in many things like any ordinary Jew, but the 
bond of Jewish nationality exercises almost no in- 
ward force upon him, and he has not gained that 
new sense of the solidarity of mankind which is so 
powerfully expressed by the great Stoic Roman em- 
peror. Mankind is to him only an aggregate of 
millions of worthless atoms. Happier, far happier, 
were Saul and Ahab, and many another who sacri- 

*Eccles. ii., 18, 19. f Prov. xix., 17. 



Orthodox and Heretical Wisdom 195 



ficed his life for his people, not hoping to receive it 
again, than this melancholy egoist, who had in him 
no doubt the germs of fine qualities, but whose 
development had been rudely interrupted by an 
excessive deference to the spirit of scepticism. Cer- 
tainly he was not a bad man, and yet there must 
have been a weakness in his moral fibre ; otherwise 
his Jewish feeling would have been keener, and his 
opposition to complete pessimism more effective. 
There must also, one thinks, have been some defect 
in his intellectual capacity ; else he would have been 
drawn irresistibly either to the Hebrew-Persian doc- 
trine of the Resurrection, or to the newer Greek 
doctrine of the Immortality of the Soul. Either of 
these tenets would have saved him from spiritual 
famine, and have enabled him to carry on the work 
so usefully begun by successive writers in that noble 
composite poem, the Book of Job. 

No wonder that opinions were much divided 
about this extraordinary book. Many were repelled, 
but almost as many (I suppose) were attracted by it. 
Doubters are always grateful to the writer who can 
give vigorous and, to some extent, artistic expres- 
sion to the thoughts which stir within them. That 
there was much scepticism among the Jews in the 
later post-exilic period is certain, though, naturally 
enough, the evidence for this is scanty. The over- 



196 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



throw of the Persian Empire by Alexander was of 
itself a fruitful source of religious doubt. Long had 
that empire been tottering to its fall, and the Jews 
had comforted themselves for their manifold miser- 
ies by the thought that when the fall came the re- 
stored kingdom of Israel would come too. But it 
came not, and some men began to think that fortune 
was on the side of Greek power, and truth on that 
of Greek philosophy. Even the Maccabaean revolu- 
tion did not succeed in extinguishing the sceptical 
tendency. The extreme Hellenisers, who would 
have substituted Zeus for Jehovah, were no doubt 
swept away by it. But the improvement in Jewish 
circumstances was not such as to render religious 
doubt impossible. The old doctrine of retribution 
and the newer Messianic hope were equally hard to 
reconcile with facts, and the increasing knowledge 
of the world made the narrowness of Jewish ortho- 
doxy more and more unpalatable to many thinkers. 
To such persons the deeply felt and vigorously ex- 
pressed scepticism of Ecclesiastes appealed with 
great force. To suppress the book was impossible. 
All that the religious authorities could do was to 
neutralise its teaching. This they effected (as we 
have seen), partly by shuffling up certain sections, 
and so destroying the connection, and partly by 
interpolating passages referring to the future judg- 



Orthodox and Heretical Wisdom 197 



ment and to the blast and penitent King Solomon. 
To us the Solomonic reference is shocking in the 
extreme, but an earlier age (probably) had already 
seen equally startling transformations of history in 
the Books of Chronicles. The Epilogue, too, received 
this remarkable appendix : 

: * The final result, all having been heard : Fear God, 
and keep His commandments, for this is the whole (duty) 
of man. For every work will God bring into the judg- 
ment (which will be) upon all that is concealed and all 
that is manifest, whether it be good or evil." * 

Thus the author was made the preacher of a doctrine 
in which he did not believe, and a pillar of an ortho- 
doxy which he had tried and found wanting. He 
even became idealised into a penitent, backsliding 
king, and under cover of that king's name his book 
made its way into the Canon. 

And now as to the date of the book. We know, 
of course, that it is a post-exilic work ; no critic 
would hesitate to use it in a historical sketch like 
the present. But to what part of the post-exilic 
period does it belong? The question is of much 
interest, and presses for an answer. That the spirit 
and tendency of the book presuppose Greek philo- 
sophical influence is sufficiently clear. Take the 
first autobiographical passage ; of course I omit the 

*Eccles. xii., 13, 14. 



198 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 

interpolated words " was [or, have been] king over 
Israel in Jerusalem." 

" I Koheleth (or, the Preacher) gave my mind to 
making search and exploration, by wisdom, concerning 
all that is done under heaven ; it is sore trouble which 
God has given to the human race to undergo. I saw all 
works which are done under the sun." * 

This means that Koheleth is, or would like to be, 
a critical inquirer into the condition of humanity. 
Can there be anything more un-Hebraic, more un- 
Oriental, than the idea, unless, indeed, it be the 
form of expression ? And what unsophisticated 
Hebrew writer could possibly have understood this 
saying : 

" Also He has put the world into their mind, except 
that man cannot find out from beginning to end the 
work which God has made" ?f 

Certain passages suggest the possibility that the 
author had a leaning to Stoicism. Just so, the say- 
ing of Antigonus of Soco (quoted elsewhere) on 
disinterested obedience may seem to have Stoic 
affinities. Nor is it inconceivable that the ideas of 
other philosophical schools may have filtered down 
to our author. It would be dangerous, however, 
to speak positively on this subject, because of the 

*Eccles. i., 12-14. 

f Eccles. iii., n. See Cheyne, Job and Solomon, p. 210. 



Orthodox and Heretical Wisdom 199 



want of undeniably technical philosophical terms in 
the Hebrew text of Ecclesiastes. Indirect Greek 
philosophical influence is all that is quite certain. 

It is at any rate something to know that our 
author's date is subsequent to the conquests of 
Alexander. On linguistic grounds he must, it would 
seem, have written later than 290 B.C., the earliest 
date which anyone has proposed for the Book of 
Ecclesiasticus, and if so, since neither the Macca- 
baean rising nor the preceding period provides a 
suitable background, we cannot stop short till we 
come to the time of John Hyrcanus (135-105 B.C.). 
To this period Ecclesiastes has been assigned by 
Renan. The objection is twofold : First, the reign 
of Hyrcanus was a brilliant one, and made most 
Jews feel proud of their country.* And next, 
though Hyrcanus had the royal power, he contented 
himself with the title of high priest. The reign 
of Alexander Jannseus (104-78 B.C.), a son of John 
Hyrcanus, comes next into consideration. It was 
a period of miserable civil wars, and the doings of 
the King were such as to alienate all high-minded 
Jews. It was also a period when Greek influence 
was very strong ; Josephus tells us that the King's 
brother and predecessor, Aristobulus, bore the title 

*We see this from a remarkable passage in pseudo-Jonathan's 
Targum on Deut. xxxiii., n. 



2OO Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



of Philhellen. But how strange it would be if a 
book written at this period gave no indication of 
the strife which then raged between the Sadducees 
and the Pharisees ! Let us go a little farther down, 
and read Josephus's account of the reign of Herod, 
miscalled the Great. It was a time, he tells us, of 
general terror and insecurity. The citizens of Jeru- 
salem dared not even walk or eat together, because 
the tyrant had forbidden all social gatherings. Spies 
were set everywhere, both in and near the city ; 
Herod himself, it is said, mingled in disguise with 
the people, not, like a famous caliph, to find out 
whether they were happy,* but to catch up expres- 
sions of discontent. His avowed and irreconcilable 
adversaries he persecuted, and if they protested he 
took their lives. A general oath of allegiance was 
imposed, from which only the Essenes, to whom 
Herod was partial, were excused. Above 6000 
Pharisees refused the oath, and were fined ; some 
of them were afterwards revengefully slain. f I 
confess that I can at present find no period which 
so adequately explains the allusions in Ecclesiastes 
as this. Can we not see that the chief source of 
the misery described in it is the general sense of 
danger? Listen to this advice of the author: 

* The story of Haroun-al-Rashid is legendary, however, 
f Jos., Ant., xv., 10, 4 ; xvii., 2, 4. 



Orthodox and Heretical Wisdom 201 



" Curse not the king, even on thy couch, 
And curse not the rich in thy bedchamber, 
For the birds of the air may carry the sound, 
And the winged ones report the speech."* 

He tells us, too, that this suspicious ruler is no high- 
born personage, but has the tyrannical instincts of a 
parvenu : 

" Woe to thee, O land, when thy king is a servant ! 
Happy art thou, O land, when thou hast a king who 
was born free." f 

Singularly enough, there is a Talmudic legend \ which 
makes a distinguished Rabbi, deprived of his sight 
by Herod, quote these very passages in an interview 
with the King. I should mention that Herod had 
put on a disguise, and was seeking to tempt the Rabbi 
to speak bitter words against the man who had blinded 
him. The story belongs to a class of narratives which 
are obviously unhistorical, but at least shows the feel- 
ing of a later age that the tyranny of Herod was most 
fitly illustrated by Ecclesiastes. 

The whole book may be explained from this point 
of view, and it will become truly alive. For in- 

* Eccles. x., 20. " Bedchamber" is a necessary correction. 

f Eccles. x., i6a, lya. The passage quoted reminds us of Isa. 
iii., 4; the unquoted portion, of Isa. v., n. The writer finds in 
these prophetic passages an applicability to his own times. 

\ Baba Bathra, 4a. Usually this story is treated as historical. 
But see the remark at the close of this paragraph. 



2O2 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



stance, why does the writer compassionate a land 
whose king is a servant ? Because Herod belonged 
to a race which had been lately subjugated by the 
Jews, and even compelled to change its religion. In 
the Talmud he actually receives the title " slave of 
the Asmonaean house," reminding us of Ecclesiastes, 
because the Idumaeans had been conquered by John 
Hyrcanus. Compare this passage too : 

" I saw slaves on horseback, and princes (walking) like 
slaves on the ground." * 

The meaning of this may be that Herod dispossessed 
the Asmonaeans and their friends, and put his own 
partisans (parvenus and perhaps Idumaeans) into all 
the best posts. And here is another striking allusion 
to politics : 

" Be not involved in a bad affair ; 
For he can do all that he wills ; 
Because the word of the king is decisive ; 
Who can ask, What doest thou ? " f 

Do we not feel the heavy air of the despotism of 
Herod ? Experience has warned the writer of the 
fatal consequences of being involved in revolutionary 
attempts. Listen again : 

" The wise man observes the king's commandment 
Because of the oath by God." J 

* Eccles. x., 7. f Eccles. viii., 3, 4 ; cf. x., 4. 

\ Eccles. viii., 2 (following Bickell). 



Orthodox and Heretical Wisdom 203 



This seems to allude to the compulsory oath of 
which Josephus has told us. A similar allusion is 
perhaps traceable in the following passage : 

" There is one and the same fate for every one, for the 
righteous and the wicked, for the clean and for the un- 
clean, for the sacrificer and for the non-sacrificer. The 
good man fares just like the sinner, and he that swears 
as he that fears an oath." * 

Here there seems to be a reference to the Essenes, 
who, as Josephus asserts, refrained from the usual 
sacrifices, having purer lustrations of their own, and 
forbade swearing, because a man whose simple af- 
firmation could not be trusted was condemned al- 
ready. Fortunately for them Herod respected their 
scruple about swearing. But our author evidently 
depreciates the class of non-swearers. Presumably 
he includes the Essenes (who also, be it remembered, 
rejected matrimony) among the " ultra-religious " 
people who, as he forcibly says, " destroyed them- 
selves. " 

There is a description of Essene asceticism in the 
Book of Enoch,f which, though written from a very 
different point of view, confirms the opinion here 
adopted, viz., that the author of Ecclesiastes makes 
allusions to the Essenes. In it these self-denying 
men are represented as loving heaven more than 

* Eccles. ix., 2. f Enoch cviii. ; cf. cii. 



2O4 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



their worldly life, and are contrasted with the sin- 
ners who deny judgment and resurrection. The 
antithesis between Ecclesiastes and Enoch is com- 
plete.* 

We need not be surprised at this wide divergence 
between the writers of the two books. The one 
gives us the dry light of experience and philosophy ; 
the other irradiates the facts of life with the light of 
visions and dreams. The one believes in the divine 
guidance of the fortunes of Israel ; the other has 
lost almost all sense of nationality without having 
gained the greater citizenship of the world. The 
writer in Enoch is in spirit, if not in fact, an Essene ; 
the author of Ecclesiastes would sympathise more 
with the Sadducees than with any other of the lead- 
ing schools of thought. Thus we have in their 
respective writings, monuments of two of the three 
great tendencies of later Judaism. I do not, of 
course, say that the writer of Ecclesiastes was a 
typical Sadducee. Probably Ben Sira the wise 
man who composed Ecclesiasticus was closer to 
the ordinary Sadducaean type, alike in his sacerdotal- 
ism and in his theology. f But there was, I suppose, 

* Cf. Lecture VI. 

fThis is confirmed by the fact that the Books of the Sadducees and 
the Book of Ben Sira are placed side by side on the old Jewish Index 
Expurgatorius. See Sanhedrin^ loob ; Taylor, Jewish Fa f hers, p. 
129. 



Orthodox and Heretical Wisdom 205 



room in the great Sadducaean party for men of 
differing degrees of culture and conservatism. I 
may add that in the so-called Psalms of Solomon (see 
Lecture VI.) we have an undoubted record of the 
religion of the Pharisees. It is well that we should 
learn to know every school or party from its own 
ablest representatives, and so students may be ad- 
vised to read these books, which cannot fail to cor- 
rect the bias with which, if their education has been 
Christian, they not unnaturally approach New 
Testament times. 

It is possible, no doubt, that we may have less re- 
ligious sympathy with Ecclesiastes than with the 
other two books, and I am quite certain that looking 
back on the Book of Job and even on those of 
Proverbs and Ecclesiasticus, we shall feel disap- 
pointed at the apparent failure of the great movement 
towards Wisdom. But let us remember that the 
writer with whom religiously we sympathise least 
is the one with whom on other grounds we cannot 
help sympathising most. His frankness and the 
width of his outlook both charm us, and, when we 
recollect the miserable age in which he lived, our 
criticism of his religious deficiencies gives place to 
the sincerest pity. He might, no doubt, have saved 
his religious fervour by joining the Pharisees or the 
Essenes. But to have done so he would have had to 



206 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



sacrifice the conception of a broad human culture 
which he had gained from Greece. It was needful 
that the attempt should be made to engraft this 
conception on Jewish thought, and so to combine 
Jewish theism with Hellenic rationalism. The first 
to make this attempt suffered for his boldness, but 
we, who pity but who do not dare to censure the 
atrophy of certain parts of his higher nature (similar 
to that which, by his own admission, was suffered by 
the illustrious Darwin), cannot withhold our appre- 
ciation of the noble though unsuccessful endeavour 
of the writer of Ecclesiastes. 

For, after all, it would have been an immense 
misfortune if Jewish theism had become absolutely 
and permanently committed to Pharisaism. Later 
on, the Jewish people in Palestine was indeed 
virtually captured by Pharisaism, but the existence 
of Ecclesiastes in the Canon, even in its manipulated 
form, was a protest against this, and unless the 
world were to continue divided into Jews and non- 
Jews it was necessary that the attempt to Hellenise 
Jewish religion should be renewed. What attitude 
our philosophic Sadducee would have adopted to- 
wards such a renewal, it is useless to surmise. But 
one may justly suppose that his outlook would have 
been far less pessimistic, and that some elementary 
form of the idea of progress would have compensated 



Orthodox and Heretical Wisdom 207 



him for the renunciation of the inadequate Messi- 
anic idea of the Pharisees. 

It is the absence of this inspiriting idea which 
makes his confessions morally so great a disappoint- 
ment. A writer may be as severe as he will on the 
sins and follies of the present, if only he leaves open 
a door of hope for the future. Carlyle is commonly 
thought a gloomy writer, but he is a truly edifying 
one, because on the whole, at any rate in his time of 
vigour, he believed in progress. Who is not helped 
morally by that fine passage in Sartor Resartus? 

" Generations are as the Days of toilsome Mankind ; 
Death and Birth are the vesper and the matin bells, that 
summon Mankind to sleep, and to rise refreshed for new 
advancement." 

Contrast this fine but most dispiriting passage in 
Ecclesiastes : 

" One generation goes, another comes, 
But the earth abides for ever ; 
The sun rises, and the sun goes down, 
And pants to his place where he rises ; 
The wind goes to the south, and whirls about to the 

north, 

Whirling about continually ; 
And upon his circuits the wind returns. 
All streams run into the sea, and yet the sea is not full ; 
Unto the place whither the streams go, thither they go 

again. 



208 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



All things are full of weariness ; no man can utter it ; 
The eye is not satisfied with seeing, nor the ear filled with 

hearing. 

The day that has been is that which will be, 
And that which happened is that which will happen, 
And there is no new thing under the sun." * 

O lame and impotent conclusion ! Why, Montaigne 
can teach us something better than that ; for he de- 
clares that " the human spirit is a great worker of 
miracles." And it is certain that such miracles can 
only be wrought through the enabling power of that 
supreme Wisdom who was in the beginning with 
God, and has " her delight in the race of men," who 
cannot be hindered, is ready to do good, is kind to 
man, steadfast, sure, free from care, having all power, 
overseeing all things.f Such at any rate was the 
belief of the greater Hebrew sages, and though this 
noble idea, partly, perhaps, derived from Persia, was 
now, through Greek influence, lost by a leading 
writer, it was destined to be brought into fresh 
prominence at no distant date on the hospitable soil 
of a Hellenised corner of Egypt. 

For some reasons I should be glad to pause here. 
The exceptional character of the author of Ecclesi- 
astes has a fascination for me, and I would rather 
that the spell should remain for the present un- 
broken. But historical fairness compels me, at the 

*Eccles. i., 4-9. f Wisd. vii., 22, 23 ; cf. Prov. viii., 22-31. 



Orthodox and Heretical Wisdom 209 



risk of weakening the effect of the preceding study, 
to introduce the reader to a less interesting but 
hardly less important student of wisdom. I refer to 
the author of Ecclesiasticus. For I must not let you 
suppose that all the wise men of the later period re- 
sembled the unfortunate author of Ecclesiastes, or 
that heresy had a greater vogue than orthodox 
wisdom. 

The Wisdom of Jesus the Son of Sirach (or Ben 
Sira, as I shall call him) was probably written about 
200 B.C. It is of the religious views of the author 
that I have now to speak. I shall base my state- 
ments as much as possible on the Hebrew portion of 
the text which has lately been discovered. 

And, first, I think we must observe a decided 
abatement in the cosmopolitan tendency of Hebrew 
Wisdom. The author of Ecclesiasticus makes fre- 
quent reference to Israel, and its spiritual primacy 
among the nations.* And in the Praise of Wisdom, 
which, in imitation of Proverbs viii., he feels bound 
to give, he goes beyond his model in the declaration 
that, though in all the earth she had a possession, 
yet her permanent home was in Jerusalem ; he even 
says that she is identical with " the Book of the 
Covenant, the law which Moses commanded us." f 

*Ecclus. xvii., 17 ; xxiv,, 8 ; xxxvi., 12 ; xxxvii., 25. 
f Ecclus. xxiv., 23. 
14 



2io Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



This is a statement which no Alexandrian Jewish 
scholar would have made, and which has distinctly 
Zoroastrian affinities, for Din or Daena, the imper- 
sonation of the Zoroastrian Law, is called one of the 
heavenly creations of " the much-knowing Lord," 
Ahura-mazda.* Later on, it became a fundamental 
Jewish tenet that the pre-existent, creative Wisdom 
was no other than the Law.f 

Ben Sira, then, honoured the Law, and was im- 
pelled to do this more openly than the moral teachers 
before him. If he does not mention Ezra among 
the famous men of old, it is simply because the only 
public services assigned to Ezra by the record were 
such as it would have equally depressed Ben Sira 
to speak of, and grieved his disciples to hear4 Prac- 
tically, however, his respect for the Law is tempered 
by his regard for the other religious classics of his 
people, from all of which he borrows phrases im- 
partially. That he troubled himself much about 
ritual details is not probable. It is true, he says 
that sacrifices, being ordained, are not to be neglected, 
but he also says that deeds of loving-kindness are the 
true thank-offerings, and that to forsake unrighteous- 

* See the Din-Yast, Zend-Avesta (Oxford), ii., 264 ff. 

\ Ezr. vii., 25, points in this direction. Cf. also the saying of Simeon 
the Righteous, quoted already. 

\ Even of Nehemiah, Ben Sira can only report that he had restored 
the walls and set up the gates (Ecclus. xlix., 13). 



Orthodox and Heretical Wisdom 211 



ness is a propitiation,* and in the temple services it 
is the external pomp together with the music and 
singing which attracts and delights him. Doubtless 
he honours highly the priests, the sons of Aaron, 
whose privileges he contrasts advantageously with 
those of the family of David.f This naturally 
followed from his respect for the Law. But it is 
as the guardians of the visible centre of the Jewish 
church-nation, much more than as sacrificers, that 
he venerates the priests. 

The hope of the Messiah is less real to our author 
than to the older sages,;]: but his doctrine of the 
latter days is more developed than theirs. Firmly 
as he believes in present retribution, he cannot do 
without a final judgment, and that strange prophecy 
of Malachi, which is even to-day such a power in the 
Jewish world, respecting the reappearance of the 
prophet Elijah, is referred to with undoubting belief 
by Ben Sira. When Elijah comes, the crisis in 
Israel's fortunes will have arrived. All the other 
eschatological prophecies will then be realised in 
blissful experience : 

" Happy is he who sees thee [viz., Elijah], and dies, 
For he will not die, but live indeed." 

* Ecclus. xxxv., 1-6. 

f Ecclus. xlv., 25; David's inheritance was "only from son to 
son " (so Heb. text). J See Lecture IV. Ecclus. xlviii., n. 



212 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



True, Malachi's prophecy by itself does not warrant 
this, but taken in combination with another great 
prophecy it does. In the Book of Isaiah we read 
that, in Mount Zion, God " will annihilate death for 
ever." * Therefore the righteous whom Elijah finds 
alive will pass at once into the new life without 
tasting death ; Ben Sira's correction in the second 
line of a word in the first line has a fine rhetorical 
effect. 

There is no dualism and no pessimism in the 
author of Ecclesiasticus. " When the wicked man 
curses Satan," he says, " he curses his own soul,"f 
for the tempter called Satan is identical with the 
inborn tempter of the heart the weak or depraved 
will. From all troublesome speculation Ben Sira 
escapes into that picture-gallery of Jehovah's works 
which we already know from the Book of Job. 
There is no room here either for an Adversary or 
for the spectre of Disillusionment. At the con- 
clusion of his summary of the marvels of nature, 
Ben Sira says, with devout simplicity: 

" More in this style we will not add ; 
The end of the discourse is, He is all. 
If more were disclosed, we should (still) not search 

Him out, 
For greater is He than all His works. 

* Isa. xxv., 8. f Ecclus. xxi., 27. 



Orthodox and Heretical Wisdom 213 



What man has seen Him, that he might tell us ? 

What man can magnify Him as He is? 

There are yet many things that are greater than these ; 

But little of His works have I seen. 

Jehovah has made all that is, 

And to His pious ones He has given wisdom." * 

I cannot, however, take leave of Ben Sira without 
comparing him with another writer, who represents a 
slightly different type of piety. The author and 
compiler of Chronicles (which, by rights, should 
include Ezra and Nehemiah) was by calling doubt- 
less one of the Levitical musicians ; his date is fifty 
or sixty years earlier than that of Ben Sira. The 
man is often more interesting than his work; or 
rather, the work is often most interesting as a veiled 
picture of its author. The Chronicler is, of course, 
more attracted by the details of the ritual than Ben 
Sira, the layman. It is a pleasure to him to give 
somewhat minute descriptions of the services and 
even of the vessels of the temple, nor does he betray 
any depreciation of animal sacrifices ; he could 
hardly have gone so far towards non-sacrificial re- 
ligion as Ben Sira and some of the psalmists. 

It is obvious that he takes a special interest in 
those functions of his own class which have no con- 
nection with sacrificing. He mentions a Levitical 

*Ecclus. xliii., 27-33. 



214 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



scribe as early as the reign of David, and says that 
Jehoshaphat sent Levitical teachers of the Law to 
all the cities of Judah. These were functions which 
could also be discharged by laymen, and which were 
destined to overshadow those belonging properly to 
the priests. Still more interest does he show in the 
temple psalmody ; he assumes as a matter of course 
that the existing arrangements date back to the tenth 
century. His interest was fully shared by Ben Sira, 
as we see from the Praise of Pious Men in Ecclesias- 
ticus. Probably, however, neither of these writers 
realised the vast spiritual influence of the writers of 
psalms. 

That Ben Sira believes in a present retribution, we 
have seen already. The Chronicler, however, supplies 
still stronger evidence of the renewed vitality of this 
belief in the third century. I need not quote all the 
astounding distortions and inventions of fact into 
which the Chronicler's pious illusion has led him. 
Quite enough has been said against the Chronicler 
as a historian ; let an appreciative word be spoken of 
the Chronicler as a man. In that age, to believe so 
earnestly in the justice of God was a service to moral- 
ity for which we may well condone a score of viola- 
tions of historical accuracy, and the idealisation of 
David is as much a prophecy of the better age to 
come as the vision of the Prince of Peace and the 



Orthodox and Heretical Wisdom 215 



Rod from Jesse's stock. For eschatological descrip- 
tions the Chronicler had no space. But the profuse- 
ness with which he deals out imaginary prophets to 
the earlier ages assures us of his eager desire for a 
true prophet of the good old style, just as his insist- 
ence on the divine justice convinces us that he must 
have prayed daily for the advent of Israel's true king, 
Jehovah. 

One more point of contact with Ben Sira and 
still more with the Psalter must in conclusion be 
mentioned the tenderness of his piety. I put his 
theology aside, and speak only of his feeling, as ex- 
pressed in the speeches which he assigns to his per- 
sonages. The words in which David blessed Jehovah 
before all the congregation (i Chron. xxix., 10-19) 
may be instanced. They are not indeed such as 
David could possibly have uttered, but with a few 
omissions, they might have been used by a pious 
Levite in leading the devotions of humble-minded 
Jewish believers. Here, as at other points of his 
faulty historical reconstruction, the worthy Chroni- 
cler opens a window in his heart. And no attain- 
ments of intellectual wisdom are worth as much as 
that loving reverence for God in which he lived and 
moved. 



LECTURE VI. 

Judaism : its Power of Attracting Foreigners ; 

its Higher Theology ; its Relation to 

Greece, Persia, and Babylon. 

IN the third Lecture we studied those exquisite 
poems on the Servant of Jehovah which re- 
present a perfect fusion of the legal and the pro- 
phetic religion. The Servant of Jehovah, i. e., the 
company of religious teachers which formed the 
kernel of the Jewish people, was to convert, first, 
lukewarm or indifferent Jews, and then the other na- 
tions to the true religion. The spirit of his preach- 
ing was prophetic ; the basis of his message was legal. 
That Jehovah (interpreted to mean " He who is," 
i. e., the ground and source of all being and all true 
knowledge and power) is the God of all mankind, is 
a belief which underlies the very first section of the 
Priestly Record (Gen. i.), and how much in earnest 
the narrator is, appears from the fact that he reports 
an " everlasting covenant " between the true God on 
the one hand and mankind represented by Noah and 

216 



Judaism 217 



his three sons on the other (Gen. ix., 1-17). It is 
this " everlasting covenant " which a late prophet 
declares that the earth's inhabitants have broken,* 
and which one of the " pillars " of the early Christian 
community takes as the basis of the new elementary 
law of Gentile Christianity. f The priestly narrator 
in Genesis does not, of course, mean that the simple 
precept of respect for life, and especially for human 
life, will suffice as the sole constitutional principle of 
civil society, but he is well assured that the neglect 
of it will bring the wrath of God upon the offending 
nations. Does not this throw a fresh light on that 
otherwise startling statement in the Ninth Psalm % : 

" The wicked will depart to the nether world 
All the nations that are forgetful of God " ? 

It is the barbarity of the foreign oppressors of the 
Jews which forces this bold announcement from the 
lips of the oppressed. Israel personified knows that 
God will not allow His command to be transgressed 
with impunity, more especially when the very exist- 
ence of His people is imperilled. At another point in 
the same psalm (Ps. ix., 11, 12), the psalmist shows 
the intensity of his faith by imagining himself in the 
happy time when Jehovah will have already inter- 
posed. He says : 

* Isa. xxiv., 5. f Acts xv., 20. \ Ps. ix., 17. 



218 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



" Sing praise to Jehovah, whose throne is in Zion, 
Publish His deeds among the nations, 
(Say) that the avenger of bloodshed has been mindful 

of them 
(And) has not forgotten the cry of the sufferers." 

We see now that there are supposed to be two classes 
of persons in the non-Jewish world. There are those 
who are so "forgetful of God" and His primaeval reve- 
lation as to touch the very apple of His eye * (viz., the 
pious community of Israel), and there are those who, 
though as yet ignorant, are by no means unsuscep- 
tible of instruction.! Towards the former class no 
expressions of hostility seem too strong for some of 
the psalmists (see Lecture III.), but towards the latter 
we have the kindest of words from the poet and 
teacher who wrote the songs on the " Servant." The 
latter writer had a fellow-worker in that accomplished 
narrator who, partly on a basis of folk-lore, composed 
the story of Jonah. Jonah, son of Amittai, was a 
missionary prophet, who was at first untrue to his 
vocation, but afterwards went to Nineveh, and sought, 
not unsuccessfully, to move its bloodthirsty people 
to repentance. He is intended as a type of the 
people of Israel, which in the olden time had 
neglected its missionary calling and as a punishment 
had been swallowed up by the dragon Babylon, but 

*Zcch. ii., 8. f-Isa. xlii., 4. 



Judaism 219 



was now liberated, and summoned once more to 
perform its duty. 

A more practicable object, however, than that sug- 
gested in Jonah occurred to the mind of another 
earnestly devout man. It had reference to the 
foreigners who had begun to be attracted by the 
religion of Jehovah. These proselytes were above 
moral or religious reproach ; they were zealous in 
all legal duties known to them, and especially in the 
observance of the Sabbath. Their chief desire was 
that expressed so beautifully by a psalmist,* " to 
dwell in the house of Jehovah all the days of their 
life," i. e., to settle at Jerusalem, and to frequent the 
temple. But they knew only too well the strength 
of the opposition that was being raised to their re- 
quest. Their unknown friend sought therefore to 
help them by a prophecy,f in which God expressly 
demanded the greatest liberality towards those de- 
vout foreigners who were willing to comply with 
legal requirements, on the ground that His house 
was to be regarded as the universal house of prayer. 
Though not richly gifted as a writer, this good 
and wise man had at any rate a sound religious in- 
sight, and the Jewish Church might well be thankful 
that priests and scribes like Ezra were not its only 
directors. 

* Ps. xxvii., 4. f Isa. Ivi., 1-8. 



22O Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



And again the tale-writer supports the prophet. 
There was at Jerusalem another friend of the op- 
pressed proselyte, who wrote an idyllic story to jus- 
tify admitting into the community any foreign women 
who heartily adopted the nationality and religion of 
their Jewish husbands. On the lovely story of Ruth 
I could find it in my heart to say much, were it not 
that a much-respected American scholar * has already 
placed the book in its true light before American 
readers. The existence of this undoubtedly post- 
exilic book is as important a fact as the rigourism of 
Ezra. It shows that we are right in holding that 
that great priest and scribe did not gain an at all com- 
plete victory over the friends of mixed marriages. 
Had the intermarriage of Jews and Moabites become 
as a matter of fact impossible, such a story could not 
have been written. But though not impossible, the 
practice was doubtless frowned upon by the ortho- 
dox, and our author, who sympathised with oppressed 
Moabite women, as Malachi sympathised with op- 
pressed Jewesses, devoted his skilful pen to their 
cause. Nor is this all. A drier writer, with a turn 
for genealogies, gave this popular tale a short supple- 
ment^ the object of which was to introduce the 
Moabitish heroine among the ancestors of David. I 

* Prof. C. A. Briggs, North American Review, Jan., 1897 
f Ruth iv., 18-22 



Judaism 221 



am sorry that so good a man as the Chronicler did 
not take the hint. We look in vain in his genealogy 
of David for the name of Ruth. Possibly he was 
afraid to recognise this supposed Moabitish wife of 
Boaz, who might be taken to have conveyed a taint 
to her posterity ; for we can hardly doubt that he 
ascribes the wickedness of King Rehoboam to the 
Ammonitish extraction of that king's mother.* 

The generosity of prophet and tale-writer must 
not, however, be exaggerated. Whatever pride a 
foreigner had taken in his birth or riches or wisdom 
had to be laid aside when he became a proselyte. 
The only nobility worth having was to be of the 
Jewish religion, and the best use of riches was to 
" beautify the place of God's sanctuary, and to make 
His footstool glorious " f ; while, as to wisdom, what- 
ever licence might be allowed to a Jew who had re- 
turned to Palestine after a lengthened foreign sojourn, 
the only temper befitting a proselyte, who had so 
much to learn before he could be perfect in the 
Scriptures, was that expressed in the words : 

" Not haughty, Jehovah, is my heart, 
Not lofty are my eyes ; 
Neither move I amidst great matters 
And things too arduous for me." \ 

Nor is it likely that there were many proselytes in 

* 2 Chron. xii., 13, 14. f Isa. lx., 13. \ Ps. cxxxi., I. 



222 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



Judaea, even when the relations between Persia and 
the Jews were most friendly, and at a later day the 
disturbed condition of the Persian Empire must have 
been adverse to any strong Judaising movement, 
whether in Palestine or elsewhere. The Jews them- 
selves, too, became more and more bitter towards 
foreigners, and if the two controversial passages 
against idolatry inserted by a post-exilic editor in 
the genuine word of the Second Isaiah* belong to 
the Persian period, we can hardly wonder if the 
heathen retained their aversion to Judaism, for the 
tone is unconciliatory and sarcastic, and there is no 
positive religious teaching such as might attract 
thoughtful inquirers. Circumstances were indeed 
most unfavourable to the missionary ideal of the 
great " Servant "-songs, though one is thankful to 
record that in the Fifty-first Psalm pious Israel ac- 
knowledges its obligation to teach God's ways to 
sinners and apostates : 

" Gladden me again with Thy deliverance, 
And uphold me with a zealous spirit. 
Then will I teach apostates Thy ways, 
So that sinners turn back to Thee." f 

By " sinners " and " apostates " the psalmist means 
unfaithful Jews. 

*Isa. xliv., 9-20; xlvi., 6-8 ; cf. Ps. cxv., 4-8. 
|Ps. li., 12, 13. 



Judaism 223 



It is in the iiQth Psalm (a work of the Greek 
period) that we find the passages most suggestive of 
missions to the non-Jewish world. They occur in 
two neighbouring couplets : 

" And snatch not the word of truth utterly out of my 

mouth, 
For I wait for Thy judgments." 

" And I will speak of Thine admonitions before kings, 
And will not be ashamed." * 

The former couplet reminds us of the " covenant " 
in Isaiah lix., 21, according to which the words put 
into the mouth of the true Israel shall never depart 
from it, i. e., Israel shall be preserved forever in or- 
der to be the faithful preacher of Jehovah's law.f 
In the latter couplet the speaker (pious Israel per- 
sonified) may perhaps mean that he will venture as a 
missionary into the presence of heathen kings, as 
Jonah is said to have done, and this may have been 
suggested by some recent attempt to place Judaism 
in a favourable light before a king of Egypt or Syria. 
I think myself, however, that a more modest profes- 
sion is made. Israel expresses its willingness to bear 
witness to revealed truth before kings under changed 
circumstances. At present such an heroic venture 
is impossible. At present Israel is too impatient for 

*Ps. cxix., 43, 46. 

f There is an allusion to the soliloquies of that great typical mis- 
sionary the Servant of Jehovah. 



224 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



judgment to be executed on its persecutors,* and 
suffers too much from the attempts of heathen 
teachers to draw away its own members to heathen- 
ism, to think seriously of missionary enterprises in 
heathendom. The most that it can do is to cultivate 
faith in the perfection of the true religion. 

" I have more insight than all my teachers, 
For Thine admonitions are my meditation." 

" The law of God's mouth is better unto me 
Than thousands of gold and silver." f 

We find, however, distinct references to proselytes 
in two psalms^: placed very close to the HQth. An 
invitation to trust in God, and to declare His loving- 
kindness, is addressed to three classes of persons, 
viz., Israel, the house of Aaron, and the fearers of 
Jehovah. " Israel " is used elsewhere as an ex- 
pression for the laity ; the house of Aaron are the 
priests ; the " fearers of Jehovah " must surely be 
the proselytes, an identification which has later 
usage in its favour, and can only be doubted by 
those who regard Psalms cxv., cxviii., and cxxxv. as 
works of the Persian period a very improbable 
hypothesis. 

It may therefore, I think, be assumed that at some 
time in the Greek period, probably during the rule 

*Ps. cxix., 84. f Ps. cxix., 99, 72. J Ps. cxvi., cxviii. 



Judaism 225 



of the Ptolemies, and again after the first victories 
of the Maccabees, a number of foreigners joined the 
Palestinian Jewish community. Their motives no 
doubt were various. There were many who thirsted 
for " living waters " which no other religion pos- 
sessed * ; the comparative spirituality of Jewish 
monotheism answered to a want of the age.f There 
were others, perhaps, who felt still more strongly a 
desire for some bond of union which would be su- 
perior to the disintegrating influences of a crushing, 
despotic rule. Such a bond the Jewish society with 
its multiplying branches seemed, and rightly seemed, 
to furnish. 

But the most remarkable of all the testimonies to 
the presence of foreigners in the no longer merely 
national Jewish Church are those in the appendix to 
Isaiah xix. (vv. 18-25) and in Psalm Ixxxvii. In both 
passages the belief is expressed that not only iso- 
lated individuals, but whole communities, will enter 
the Jewish fold. No doubt this was a great illusion, 
but it implies that numerous conversions had already 
taken place, and that not only Bashan and Galilee, ;f 
but cities and districts in the various countries men- 

* Ps. Ixv., 2 : " O Thou that hearest prayer ! to Thee doth all flesh 
come." 

f At an earlier period we find an Ammonite (Tobiah) among the 
Samaritan worshippers of Jehovah. 

\ Cf. Ps. Ixviii. 22 (?) ; i Mace. v. 14-54. 



226 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



tioned, had become in an appreciable degree Juda- 
ised. I will quote the second passage in a form 
which approximates, I hope, to the writer's meaning. 
It is a poem in three stanzas of five lines each. 

" Thou hast founded her on the holy mountains ! 
Jehovah loves the gates of Zion 
More than all (other) dwellings of Jacob. 
Gloriously will I praise thee, 
Thou city of God ! 

" Rahab and Babylon I will celebrate as her friends ; 
Behold, Philistia and Tyre, 

With the people of Cush each of these was born there. 
Jehovah will note in the register of peoples, 
This one (and that one) were born there. 

" And Zion each one calls Mother, 
Yea, each one was born therein ; 
And (God) Himself establishes her. 
And (this anthem) will be sung in the congregations, 
All my fountains are in thee." 

It is the eulogy of Zion as the metropolis of an 
ideally catholic church which we have before us. 
The psalmist has absorbed all the great ideas of the 
Second Isaiah and the Songs of the Servant, and 
finds them becoming realised in his own happy 
experience. Whether by preaching, or simply by 
letting its light shine, the once despised Israel is 
now attracting Palestinians, Egyptians, Ethiopians, 
Babylonians, in such numbers that a day seems com- 



Judaism 227 



ing when all mankind will be Jews, i. e., when reli- 
gion will unite more than the accidental differences 
of language or national character separate. The 
Second Isaiah seems to anticipate that foreigners 
will only be able to become Jews by sacrificing their 
national peculiarities. But our poet, and the author 
of the appendix to Isaiah xix., clearly anticipate 
that Egypt and Babylon will remain Egypt and 
Babylon,* even when their higher life and their 
truest happiness are derived from Zion. 

These two passages (the psalm and the prophecy) 
represent the high-water mark of religious liberality 
in Palestine. For a moment it seemed possible that 
Jewish theology might be purged from its darker 
elements. But this was not to be. It would lead 
me too far to inquire into the causes of this impossi- 
bility. The time warns me to turn aside to a still 
more interesting subject, which takes us into the 
very heart of the higher Jewish theology, and is sug- 
gested by that congregational anthem in the Eighty- 
seventh Psalm, " All my fountains are in thee." 

What, I would ask, are the fountains in Zion which 
attracted so many pious proselytes ? The image is 
a speaking one. Who does not remember the beau- 
tiful old Hebrew song in the early history, begin- 
ning, "Spring up, O well; sing ye to it," f as if by 

* See especially Isa. xix., 24, 25. f Num. xxi., 17, 18. 



228 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



song the water hidden in the ground could be 
coaxed into appearing? But the water which the 
gracious Mother Zion gives her children is no ordi- 
nary living water. Whosoever drinks of the Abana 
and the Pharpar will thirst again. But he that 
drinks from Zion's fountains will never thirst ; that 
precious water will be in him as a well springing up 
into everlasting life.* Here is a fine passage which 
expresses these ideas very clearly, and notice how in 
the first couplet the spiritual privileges referred to 
are thrown open to all mankind : 

" (In Thee) do the race of men (put their trust), 
In the shadow of Thy wings do they find refuge. 
They feast upon the delicacies of Thy house, 
And of the river of Thy pleasures Thou givest them 

their drink. 

For with Thee is the fountain of life ; 
By Thy light do we see light." f 

The last couplet is also important. It shows that 
there are two kinds of light and life, and that only 
in the temple can the higher light and life be 
obtained. What this meant to the noblest Jews, 
we shall see later. It is plain that the old phrase- 
ology is being stretched to admit new ideas. No 
doubt we must be careful not to spiritualise too 
much. The blessings hoped for by pious worship- 

* See John iv., 13, 14. f Ps. xxxvi., 8-10. 



Judaism 229 



pers are still, to a large extent, material. To some 
extent to all men even now, and still more to those 
who shall be alive at the great Judgment Day, 
material prosperity will be granted as the reward of 
faithful obedience. But the new longing for moral 
oneness with God as certainly tends to become 
predominant over the old longing for material hap- 
piness. 

But let us be more definite. Was there no dawn- 
ing sense of a second life after the sleep of death 
a second life which could be measured by hundreds 
of years, or even perhaps not be measured at all ? 
Certainly from the close of the Persian period some 
men began " faintly " to " trust the larger hope." 
It was at this time that the following strongly con- 
trasting sentences were uttered by a prophetic or 
apocalyptic writer : 

" The dead will not live ; the shades will not arise ; 
therefore Thou didst punish, Thou didst destroy them, 
and madest all their memory to perish." (This refers to 
the dead oppressors of Israel, who are no longer terrible, 
because the dead (heathen) cannot live again.) " Thy 
dead shall arise ; they that dwell in the dust shall awake 
and sing for joy. For thy dew is a dew of lights, and 
the land shall bring forth the shades." * 

This second passage is addressed to Israel, and im- 
plies that the belief in a resurrection of pious Jews 

* Isa. xxvi., 14, 19. 



230 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



had already found some acceptance. It even ap- 
pears that mystical expressions had been coined to 
symbolise this belief. The Resurrection is ascribed 
to a dew which descends from that highest heaven, 
where are those dazzling bright lights amidst which 
God dwells. It is possible, indeed, that this great 
boon was limited to those who had died for the 
faith, but even if this were the case at first, we may 
assume that the humble confessors of daily life 
would soon look for the same privilege as the 
martyrs. 

About 170 years later, the belief was restated in 
still more definite terms. The author of Daniel 
says that in a time of unparalleled trouble the 
Jewish people will be delivered, and also that " many 
of those who sleep in the dust of the ground will 
awake, some to everlasting life, and some to shame 
and everlasting abhorrence," and that a reward of 
special splendour is reserved for the teachers of 
righteousness.* After this time the evidences of the 
belief in the Resurrection are abundant, though the 
Sadducees, like the philosophic author of Ecclesi- 
astes, still held out against this foreign-looking 
innovation. 

There is, however, no early evidence for a belief in 
conscious communion of the soul with God between 

* Dan. xii., 1-3. 



Judaism 231 



death and the Resurrection, and it was a long time 
before the abolition of death for righteous Jews in 
the Messianic age became a general expectation. 
The last chapter but one in the Book of Isaiah, 
which dates from the age of Nehemiah, in a descrip- 
tion of Messianic felicity, only states that weeping and 
lamentation will be no more, and that the youngest 
man who dies in Jerusalem will reach the age of a 
hundred.* A little later we find another prophetic 
writer expressing in choicer language the sure hope 
of the abolition of sorrow. He calls sorrow " the 
veil that is spread over all peoples," and adds that 
" God will wipe away tears from off all faces." f 
More this pious optimist does not know how to say. 
But a later writer, whose faith in God is such that he 
boldly hopes for the most stupendous of boons, has 
inserted this short passage, which interrupts the 
context indeed, but must have justified itself to 
readers by its sweetness: " He will annihilate death 
for ever." f This is the logical outcome of the faith 
in the Resurrection, and the Jews, as soon as they 
saw this, vied with their Zoroastrian brethren in 
the earnestness with which they accepted it. 

We could not, therefore, be surprised if we found 

in Job, Proverbs, Ecclesiasticus, and the Psalter 

more or less distinct expression of the new beliefs. 

* Isa. Ixv., 19, 20. f Isa. xxv., 7, 8. J Isa. xxv. 7 (line i). 



232 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 

For no part of any of these books can be earlier 
than the age of Nehemiah, and a great part even of 
the Psalter must be later than this period. Even 
Ben Sira, however, the devout-minded author of 
Ecclesiasticus, though he holds theoretically that 
" that which comes from heaven returns to heaven," * 
yet, as a practical man, recommends cultivating 
cheerfulness on the ground that there is "no coming 
up again " from the grave.f 

Turning next to Proverbs, we find that not one 
of its supposed references to Immortality is trust- 
worthy. The most striking passage, if correctly 
read, would be this (I quote from the Revised 
Version) : 

" In the way of righteousness is life, 
And in the pathway thereof there is no death." J 

But there is good reason to believe that the second 
line should rather be read thus : 

" But the way of the abominable leads to death." 

The true view of the proverb-writers is that ex- 
pressed in the couplet : 

* Ecclus. xl., ir, 12. 

f Ecclus. xxxviii., 20, 21. There is, indeed, a passage which states 
that " those who do things that please the Lord will receive the fruit 
of the tree of immortality." But this is not found in the best Greek 
MSS., and forms part of an interpolation. 

JProv. xii., 28. 



Judaism 233 



"The fear of Jehovah prolongs days, 
But the years of the wicked shall be shortened." * 

In spite of what is urged in the Book of Job, they 
believed that religion lengthened life and irreligion 
shortened it, while the final proof of the moral gov- 
ernment of the world would be given at a great 
crisis (the Messianic Judgment), when destruction 
would come on the wicked as a whirlwind. f It is 
true that this attitude of the wise men might con- 
ceivably be due to educational reserve. To draw 
moral arguments from an unverifiable idea of quite 
recent origin might seem injudicious, as tending to 
promote a too enthusiastic habit of mind. But 
nothing can diminish the force of these affecting 
lines from a speech of Job : 

" For (hope) exists for a tree, 
(And for a fig-tree there remains) a future ; 
If it be cut down, it will sprout again, 
And its shoots will not be wanting. 

" But when man dies, he passes away, 
He breathes his last, and where is he ? 
Till the heavens wear out, he will not awake, 
Nor arouse himself out of his sleep." J 

And even more thrilling is the denial of a second 

*Prov. x., 27 ; cf. iii., 2, 16 ; ix., n. 
fProv. i., 27. 

JJobxiv., 7-12. The first stanza in the received text is proba- 
bly incomplete. 



234 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



life which follows, because the speaker admits that 
he would so gladly think otherwise. There is, in 
fact, no passage in the whole Bible which more 
clearly proves the congeniality of the greatest of 
all hopes, at any rate to Semitic human nature, and 
of course I need not say that Aryans and Semites 
on this as on some other points closely resemble 
each other. 

" Oh that Thou wouldst put me in ward in Sheol, 
That Thou wouldst hide me till Thy wrath were spent, 
That Thou wouldst appoint me a time and remember 

me, 
(And) that a man, though dead, could live again ! 

" Through my long hard service then would I wait 
Till my relief should come, 

Till Thou shouldst call, and receive my response, 
Till Thou shouldst long after the work of Thy hands. 

" But now Thou countest each step that I take, 
Thou wilt not pass over my sin ; 
Thou hast sealed up in the bag my transgression, 
Thou hast secured with wax mine iniquity."* 

The beauty of this is that the longing expressed by 
Job is, I will not say so impersonal, but so unself- 
ish ; he craves to live again in order to enjoy the 
happiness of conscious communion with God, and 
would gladly wait in the drear city of Death till the 
divine call came, if a second life for man were only 
* Job xiv., 13-17. 



Judaism 235 



possible. He knows indeed (or thinks that he knows) 
that the idea lacks foundation, and yet he cannot 
help luxuriating in it for a moment, for it is so sweet. 
But it is very significant that he never refers to it 
again. The supposed reference to the Resurrection 
in chapter xix. (see Lecture V.) is due partly to 
corruption of the text, partly to the instinctive 
belief of the later Jews that so precious a hope must 
have found a place in the wise old poem of Job. 
The passage being mutilated, the editor in the sim- 
plicity of his heart endeavoured to fill it up in a 
worthy manner. But what he produced is certainly 
not worthy of the author of Job as a specimen of 
Hebrew writing. 

This result need not greatly surprise us. Profes- 
sional students and teachers are afraid of opening 
the door to religious enthusiasm. But in hymns 
intended for congregational use a larger hospitality 
to new beliefs may be expected, especially in the 
Greek period. To decide whether this expectation 
is correct, we must not rest satisfied with the form 
in which the Hebrew Psalter has reached us. Fur- 
ther exegetical progress is only possible as a con- 
sequence of a searching revision of the text of the 
psalms. Such a revision, with the assistance of my 
predecessors, I have endeavoured to make, and I 
shall now build on the results which I have reached. 



236 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



The chief passages which have to be considered 
occur in Psalms xvi., xvii., xlix., Ixxiii. These are 
of extreme interest, and, as they stand in the re- 
ceived text, convey the impression that the writers 
had had an intuition of a second life for the individ- 
ual. More especially, if we take the passages in con- 
nection with parallel passages in the Psalms of 
Solomon and with statements in the Book of Enoch, 
the reference to a future life seems difficult indeed 
to controvert. 

If, however, we approach these passages in the 
course of searching textual revision our confidence 
in this conclusion will be considerably shaken. Take 
Psalm xlix., for instance. If the text is approxi- 
mately correct, this psalm is closely parallel to chap- 
ters cii. and ciii. of the Book of Enoch.* These 
passages are a protest against the old Hebrew no- 
tion of She61, or the nether world, which encourages 
the party of the wicked rich men in their oppression 
of the righteous poor. And such a protest we find 
in the Forty-ninth Psalm, according to the received 
text. The rich man who hews out for himself a 
grand sepulchre, considers that he will have a cor- 
respondingly grand resting-place in She61. Of pun- 
ishment for his oppression of the poor he does not 
dream. In life and in death he will be equally the 

* Cf. Lecture V. 



Judaism 237 



spoiled child of fortune, the heir of all such good 
things as are to be had. To this the psalmist is 
made to reply that the wicked rich man is profoundly 
mistaken. The relative position of his own class 
and of the righteous poor will be inverted. The 
rich man will go down to join his fathers in Shedl, 
but without his pomp, while the poor, upright man 
will be rescued from the grasp of She61, and the 
company to which he belongs will trample on the 
graves of the wicked when the dawn of the greatest 
of days appears. 

Plausible as this interpretation is, I am afraid that 
it is incorrect. Textual criticism shows that the con- 
trast in the foreground is not between the fate of 
all rich men as individuals and that of all poor men, 
but between that of all rich men without exception 
and that of the community of the pious, without 
special reference to this or that individual. Of the 
fate of 'the individual poor man nothing is said.* 
The community would live on, even though all its 
present members should die. Spiritual self-forget- 
fulness is incumbent on a pious Jew ; he is absorbed 
in the welfare of the community to which he belongs ; 
the community will, he is fully persuaded, enjoy 

*An incidental allusion, may, however be found in v. 10. The 
" wise " who are expressly said to " die " are of course righteous and 
presumably poor. 



238 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



eternal life. These, if I am not mistaken, are the 
words of the psalmist, or rather of the pious com- 
munity personified : 

" This is the way to their stumbling, 
And the road to their fall which they run." 

With these words the poet begins a new section. 
He describes how the wicked rich men run heedlessly 
into the arms of ruin. Then he continues : 

" Like sheep, they sink into She61 ; 
Death rules them, terrors affright them ; 
They go down straight into the grave, 
Sheol is their mansion for ever. 
(But) surely my soul God will set free, 
For from the hand of Sheol will He take me." * 

The Seventy-third Psalm is closely parallel to the 
Forty-ninth It does not give such a graphic de- 
scription of the fate of the wicked, but, judging 
from the received text, it draws the same contrast 
between the future of individual rich men and indi- 
vidual poor men. The Jewish paraphrase (Targum) 
actually finds a reference to the Resurrection, and 
Christian interpreters have, by no means fantastically, 
found one to a Beatific Vision of God immediately 
after death. The latter view is especially attractive. 
The story of Enoch, as we know, was popular in the 
post-exilic period, and it would be extremely natural, 

*Ps. xlix., 14-16. 



Judaism 239 



in an age of growing individualism, for pious theists 
to claim for themselves the privilege of Enoch, who, 
as the traditional story said, " disappeared, for God 
had taken him."* The words : 

" Thou wilt guide me according to Thy counsel, 
And afterwards take me to glory," f 

seem not unworthy of the poet who says a little 
later that, though his outward form had wasted 
away, the believer would still have God for his in- 
alienable portion. And yet this attractive theory, 
which has survived the attacks of exegetical oppo- 
nents, has, I fear, to be abandoned on grounds of 
textual criticism. I will read a translation of the 
most important verses which I believe to be based 
on an unassailable text. There is a contrast, as you 
will see, between the fates of the righteous and of 
the wicked. 

" How are they [viz., the wicked] brought to desolation 

in a moment, 

Utterly swept away by terrors (of death) ! 
As a dream when one has awaked, 
So, Lord, when Thou art aroused, Thou wilt despise 

their phantom-like form. 

" And yet I am continually with Thee ; 
Thou hast taken hold of my right hand : 

*Gen. v., 24. 

f According to Kautzsch's new (German) translation of the Old 
Testament. 



240 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



According lo Thy counsel Thou wilt guide me, 
And make known to me the path of glory." * 

Who the speaker is, and what the " path of glory " 
means, I will explain presently. But it must already 
be clear that the second line of the last couplet is 
parallel to the first, and that both lines refer to some 
uniquely great experience upon this material earth. 
We now turn to the Seventeenth Psalm, the re- 
ceived text of which permits a reference to a Vision 
of God after death. Indeed, I may even say that it 
favours such a reference, for a contrast appears to 
be drawn f between the speaker, who hopes to see 
God " at the awaking," and the " men of the world, 
whose portion is in this life." And yet, a strict 
textual criticism compels us to abandon this theory. 
What the psalmist wrote may not be in all points 
certain. But the following gives, I am sure, no in- 
correct view of the meaning : 

" Up, Jehovah, confront him, make him bow down ; 
Rescue my soul from the wicked, Jehovah ! 
Their portion give unto them their share of (Thy) 

wrath ; 
Fill their body with Thy stored-up punishments ! 

*Ps. Ixxiii., 19, 20, 23, 24. The rendering of Wellhausen and 
Furness in \\itPoIychrome Bible is based on a correction which hardly 
touches the root of the evil. 

f So, at any rate, in the English version. 



Judaism 241 



" As for me, in mine innocence I shall behold any face, 
I shall feast mine eyes when thy zeal awakes." * 

The speaker now becomes, not an individual Is- 
raelite, but the Jewish people, over which Jehovah 
says that He watches as the " apple of His eye." f 

One more passage only remains Psalm xvi., 10, 
1 1 . The received text is here quite unobjectionable ; 
it may be translated thus : 

" For Thou wilt not yield my soul to the nether world, 
Nor wilt Thou suffer Thy pious one to see the pit. 
Thou wilt make known to me the path of life ; 
Before Thy face is abundance of joys, 
Delights are in Thy right hand for evermore." J 

Now it has always been felt that the case for what I 
may call the mystic interpretation was weaker in 
this passage than in those which we have been 
hitherto considering. The phrase " the path of life " 
in Proverbs is generally supposed to mean that 
course of action which leads to a happy life; and 
certainly "joy before the face of Jehovah," and 
gifts from His hand, are assigned in Psalm xxi. to an 
earthly king || ; while to be delivered from She61 
may merely mean to escape from peril of death. 

* Ps. xvii., 13-15. 

f Ps. xvii., 8 ; cf. Deut. xxxii., ir. 

\ Ps. xvi., 10, n. 

Prov. ii., 19 ; v., 5, 6 ; cf. x., 17. 

| Ps. xxi., 6. 
16 



242 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



Hence many critics have supposed the meaning of 
the passage to be this that the individual who is 
taken to be the speaker will be delivered out of his 
present distress, and recover the blissful conscious- 
ness of the divine favour. Others have felt that 
this view does injustice to the grandeur and solem- 
nity of the passage, and I so fully agree with them 
that, if the received text of the three other passages 
were correct, I should not hesitate to find in all four 
alike a reference to the hope of Immortality. It is 
no objection to this view that it may involve sup- 
posing that the psalmist passes over the death of 
the righteous, and represents future blessedness 
as the sequel of present obedience and faith. 
For if death is merely being received to God's 
glorious presence, according to the ordinary inter- 
pretation of Psalm Ixxtii., 24, there is no reason why 
death should not be passed over, and it is certain 
that the idea of a foretaste of rewards and punish- 
ments prior to the Judgment was familiar to the 
later Jews. But we have seen that the three other 
passages, correctly read, do not permit the mystic 
interpretation, and consistency compels us to give it 
up for the fourth. This does not, however, involve 
the acceptance of the favourite critical view just 
described. For the " path of life," even in Proverbs, 
is not, I believe, only the course which conduces to 



Judaism 243 



happiness, and still less does it mean this in the Six- 
teenth Psalm. " Path of life " and " path of glory " 
both refer to the Messianic age, when, as another 
psalmist says, " glory will abide in our land." * It 
is the divine glory which is meant, and " life " is 
not merely what in these dim days we call happi- 
ness, but such an intense life as is described in these 
words of a late prophet : 

" And I will rejoice over Jerusalem, and exult over My 

people ; 
And the sound of weeping shall no more be heard in 

her, nor the sound of crying. 
They shall not build, and another inhabit ; they shall 

not plant, and another eat : 
For as the days of trees are the days of my people." f 

It is true that phrases like those in the last two lines 
of Psalm xvi. are used in Psalm xxi. of an earthly 
king. But who is that earthly king ? Not any 
historically known king of Israel, but the expected 
Messianic king, who is in fact but the leader and 
representative of the community, so that what is 
said of him can equally well be said of personified 
Israel, and even (at least to a great extent) of each 
pious Israelite. Certainly it is of a pious individual 
that Jehovah is made to say by a psalmist : 

" I will rescue him and make him glorious ; 
I will satisfy him with length of days, 
And grant him to see My deliverance," J 
*Ps. Ixxxv., 9. flsa. Ixv., 19, 22. JPs. xci., 15, 16. 



244 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



where no doubt the blessings intended are those of 
the ideal or Messianic age. 

So, then, in none of the passages quoted, and if 
not there then certainly nowhere else, does the 
Psalter contain any reference to the Resurrection or 
to Immortality for the individual, which shows that 
down to the time of Simon the Maccabee these 
closely related beliefs were not held by the majority 
of the pious. Still they must have been held by an 
important minority. The ideas were, so to speak, 
in the air, and they corresponded to religious needs, 
which were more and more felt, especially during 
the sharp persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes. We 
may be sure, therefore, that the glorious but vague 
expressions of the four passages which have been 
discussed, and of others which might also be quoted, 
were very early applied to the individual, and inter- 
preted in what I have called the mystic way. These 
passages, and not the melancholy couplet : 

" What man can live on, and not see death, 
Or win escape for his soul from the hand of She61 ? " * 

must have been the spiritual food of the most fer- 
vent Palestinian Jews in the Greek period of those 
Jews whose successors became the members of the 
large and important school of the Pharisees and of 
the sect of the Essenes. 

*Ps. Ixxxix., 48 (probably, however, an interpolation). 



Judaism 245 



And now let us leap over the interval between 
Simon the Maccabee and the Roman general, Pom- 
pey, who put an end to the Asmonsean kingdom, 
B.C. 63. The belief which was formerly that of a 
minority has become generally accepted. Between 
63 and (say) 45 B.C. eighteen fresh psalms were 
written and collected, forming the so-called Psalter 
of Solomon, in which without the least vagueness 
the Resurrection and Immortality of the righteous 
are described as certain.* The evidence of this is 
abundant. We find this saying, for instance : " The 
life of the righteous is for ever, but sinners shall be 
taken away into destruction, and their memorial 
shall no more be found." f And again : " The de- 
struction of the sinner is for ever ; but those that 
fear the Lord shall rise unto eternal life ; their life 
shall be in the light of the Lord, and shall not fail." J 
There is also one very striking passage in this late 
Psalter in which pious Israelites are described as 
" trees of life." They " live for ever," not, as the 
Book of Enoch says of the elect, by eating ambrosial 
fruit, but by " walking in the law which God com- 
manded us." So, too, the Targum of Jonathan (on 

* Probably the second of the Eighteen Benedictions, which describes 
God as "He that brings the dead to life," is somewhat older than 
this period. 

f Psalms of Solomon xiii., 9, 10. 

\Ib., iii., 15, 16. 76., xiv., i, 2 ; Enoch xxv., 5. 



246 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



Gen. iii.) represents that the study of the Law is a 
surer way to Immortality than tasting the fruit of 
the tree of life, and the appendix to the Sayings of 
the Fathers * says that the Wisdom which is " a 
tree of life to those who lay hold on her" (Prov. iii., 
1 8) is the Law. 

Thus the later writers (always excepting such 
heretics as the author of the original Ecclesiastes) 
infuse a fuller meaning into the old phraseology. 
They do so quite simply and as a matter of course, 
and I confess that their view seems to me to 
give the worthiest interpretation of the consecrated 
words. At the same time, I must recognise the fact 
that the old psalmists themselves meant something 
different, and express my admiration for these noble 
thinkers, who, in Browning's language, f were much 
less sure of soul than of God for the author of the 
Seventy-third Psalm, for instance, who says : 

" Whom have I (to care) for in heaven ? 
And possessing Thee, I have pleasure in nothing upon 

earth. 

Though ray flesh and my heart had wasted away, 
God would be my rock and my portion for ever." 

Could you have questioned this psalmist on his 
theology, you would probably have found him on 
the side of Antigonus, the Jewish preacher of disin- 

* Pirqc A both, vi., 7. f See La Saisiaz. 



Judaism 247 



terested morality, mentioned already. But as you 
read on, you see that he is on the verge of a fuller 
intuition. For he continues : 

" Surely those that remove from Thee shall perish ; 
Thou destroyest all those who wantonly desert Thee. 
But as for me, nearness to God is my happiness ; 
In the Lord Jehovah I have put my trust." * 

To us it may seem as if the promise of the destruc- 
tion of the wicked were a guarantee of the salvation 
of the righteous. But this unselfish thinker is con- 
tent with the present bliss of communion with God, 
nearness to whom is all the happiness that he per- 
sonally desires. That Israel will be saved, he can- 
not doubt. Even if the destroyer could silence the 
last of God's confessors by the cold steel, the breath 
of God would breathe upon the dry bones, and they 
would live. God would still be Israel's rock and its 
portion forever. 

But what is " nearness to God," according to early 
Jewish piety? Ezekiel speaks of the priests, the 
" sons of Zadok," as alone competent to draw near 
to God. But the psalmist's experience is one that is 
not confined to priests, for, as one of the latest psalms 
says, the pious, collectively, are " the people of those 
who are near to Him." f From a Judaean point of 
view, it is in the temple that nearness to God is 

* Ps. Ixxiii., 27, 28. f Ps. cxlviii., 14. 



248 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



chiefly felt, where art and religion combine to lift 
the humblest believer above himself. How could 
the daily routine of legal obedience be felt irksome 
when it was sweetened by a real, even if mystic, vision 
of God and by the grand psalmody of the temple ? 
The impressiveness of the temple services can be 
imagined from the descriptions of the Chronicler, 
and from the glowing words of Ben Sira in Eccle- 
siasticus. They would not, of course, have com- 
mended themselves altogether to our taste, but they 
were admirably adapted to the people who used 
them. " How goodly," says one of the psalmists, 

" How goodly are the processions of God, 
The processions of my God, my king, in the sanctuary. 
Singers go before, minstrels follow after, 
In the midst are damsels playing on timbrels. 
In a full choir they bless God, 
(Yea) the Lord, the leader of Israel." * 

And then turn to the "finale of the spiritual con- 
cert" of the Psalter the isoth Psalm, which I do 
not quote only because it is among the best known 
of all the psalms. Certainly the Jews felt music and 
singing to be what Western Christians are wont to 
describe as " means of grace." 

In an elaborate ritual system like the Jewish there 
was, of course, great danger of superstition. No 

* Ps. Ixviii., 24-26. 



Judaism 249 



doubt many Jews thought that their connection 
with Jehovah could be renewed by a merely mechani- 
cal performance of sacred rites. But the best teach- 
ers consistently protested against this view. Only a 
" righteous people " could draw near to God and 
benefit by the sacramental rites, and by righteous- 
ness the psalmists mean, primarily, religious morality. 
Here is a passage in which the Jewish Church sol- 
emnly repudiates all sympathy with the party of the 
wicked : 

" I hate the congregation of evil-doers, 
And never sit in the conclave of the wicked ; 
I wash my hands in innocence, 

So will I go (in procession) round Thine altar, Je- 
hovah ! 

That I may proclaim with loud thanksgiving, 
And tell out all Thy wonders." * 

We also have in Psalms xv. and xxiv. two poetic 
church catechisms describing the conditions of ad- 
mission to the highest of all privileges. The condi- 
tions mentioned are moral ones, and the privilege 
offered is absolute security under the divine protec- 
tion. A special name for their privilege is Guestship. 
" Who may be a guest in Thy tent, Jehovah ? " f asks 
the pious community ; and at the Messianic Judg- 
ment we are told that sinners in Zion will tremblingly 
ask: 

* Fs. xxvi., 5-7. f Ps. xv., I. 



250 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



" Who can dwell as a guest beside the devouring fire ? 
Who can dwell as a guest beside the perpetual burn- 
ings ? " * 

The old conception of guestship was a very different 
one. The guests of Baal and Astarte were no better 
than parasites, feasting at the sacrificial meals, but 
owning no extraordinary moral obligations. f But 
the guests of Jehovah (the Jehovah of the psalmists) 
hid received from Him a new moral standard, and 
high as their aim was, always saw perfection above 
them, for " Thy commandment is exceeding broad." % 
Now and then the guests of Jehovah might be afraid 
of being burdensome to Him ; they might think they 
saw a frown upon His face, and remind Him with tears 
of their Guestship. But this was in times of more 
than usual national distress; the normal state of feeling 
fora " guest of Jehovah " was certainly a joyous one. 
The new and purified conception of a guest of Je- 
hovah was one of the greatest religious consequences 
of the Dispersion of the Jews. It had become im- 
possible to hold that the privilege of Guestship was 
confined to residents in Jerusalem. Tens of thou- 
sands of pious men could only visit Jerusalem once 
in their lives ; many more could never do so at all. 

* Isa. xxxiii., 14. 

f Renan, ffistoire d' Israel, iii., 35. 

\ Ps. cxix., 96. 

Ps. xxxix., 12. 



Judaism 251 



And yet they were conscious of no weakening of 
their connection with Jehovah, because they had be- 
gun to learn the secret of spiritual prayer. In their 
private chamber and in the synagogue a strange new 
experience had proved to them the loving care of 
their Protector, radiated, as it were, from Zion to any 
" dry and thirsty " * corner of God's world where they 
happened to be. Even if there were a superior effi- 
cacy in prayers offered in connection with the temple 
sacrifices, yet the liturgical services of Zion were for 
the good of Jehovah's people in all lands. It was 
even commonly supposed that by simply turning in 
prayer towards Jerusalem three times a day,f a Jew 
in Persia or Egypt might obtain the same advantages 
as a Jew who prayed in the temple. This nascent 
belief in spiritual prayer certainly influenced the Jews 
of Jerusalem, many of whom, indeed, must have had 
occasion when away from home to prove its truth by 
experience. And thus to the conception of a spirit- 
ual Israel, gained from the Second Isaiah, was super- 
added that of a spiritual temple. To those who, at 

* Ps. Ixiii., i. 

f Dan. vi., 10 ; cf. i Kings viii., 48. This was a Zoroastrian cus- 
tom, except of course as regards turning towards Jerusalem. The 
Zoroastrian precept was, " Three times a day one must worship, 
standing opposite the sun" (Pahlavi Texts, Sacred Books of the 
East, Part iii.). The first prayer was to be at daybreak. Hence at 
any rate probably came the Jewish custom of saying the first prayer 
at dawn. Cf. also Koran, Sur. xvii., 80. 



252 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



a distance from Jerusalem, read the Twenty-third 
Psalm, the words : 

" I shall dwell in Jehovah's house 
For all days to come," * 

must have acquired a deeper meaning than the poet 
intended. The temple of which they thought was 
one which no unfit worshippers could desecrate, and 
which had a loftier roof and wider courts than could 
be seen on Zion. Religious patriotism forbade them 
to express this idea, but in their heart of hearts they 
very nearly agreed with those words of Browning : 

" Why, where 's the need of temple, when the walls 
O' the world are that ? What use of swells and falls 
From Levites' choir, priests' cries, and trumpet calls ? " 

The conception of a spiritual temple naturally 
leads on to that of spiritual sacrifices. The origin of 
this conception, which is very plainly expressed in 
the Psalter, may safely be traced to Jeremiah. This 
prophet, in opposition to the legalists of his day, 
emphatically denies that God gave any other direc- 
tions to the ancient Israelites than this: " Obey My 
voice, and I will be your God, and ye shall be My 
people." f As the context shows, he means the 

* Ps. xxiii., 6. 

f Jer. vii., 22, 23 ; Amos had said virtually the same thing (Am. 
*., 25). 



Judaism 253 



moral law. Now there was a school of thinkers in 
post-exilic times who were of one mind with Jere- 
miah. Among its earlier members are the authors 
of Psalm xl. (part i), Psalm 1., and Psalm li., 1-17. 
It is not necessary to suppose that these writers were 
as violently opposed as Jeremiah to the sacrificial 
system ; they may very possibly have held that sac- 
rifices were provisionally enjoined for the "hardness 
of men's hearts." But they certainly held that the 
only essential statutes were the predominantly moral 
ones summed up in the Decalogue. I will quote 
those passages of the Psalms which are most in 
point. In the first I have been obliged to add a few 
words to complete the sense. 

" In sacrifice and offering Thou delightest not, 
(But) ears hast Thou created for me*. 
Burnt offering and sin-offering Thou requirest not, 
[My heart hast Thou renewed.] 
To perform Thy will, 
O my God, I delight ; 
[Thine ordinance] and Thy law 
Are within my heart." * 

The closing words remind us once more of Jeremiah, 
who assures us that in the latter day God will " put 
His law into Israel's inward parts, and write it in their 
hearts " f words which express the highest intui- 
tion of pre-exilic prophecy. 

* Ps. xl., 6, 8. f Jer. xxxi., 33. 



254 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



In the next passage those Jews who frequent the 
temple but break Jehovah's fundamental statutes re- 
ceive a severe castigation. This is coupled, not with 
a command to perform the usual rites in a better 
frame of mind, but with this surprising injunction : 

" Sacrifice to God thanksgiving, 
And pay thy vows to the Most High ; 
And invoke Me in the day of trouble : 
I will rescue thee, and thou shalt glorify Me." * 

And the closing words of the psalm are : 

" He that sacrifices thanksgiving, glorifies Me, 
And to him that is of blameless life I will show the 
deliverance of God." f 

Here we have not only sacrifices but even vows, 
which affected daily life still more than sacrifices, 
abrogated by being spiritualised. The only right 
vows are vows of amendment of life ; the only right 
sacrifice is thanksgiving for God's innumerable 
mercies to Israel. The criticism applied by the au- 
thor of Ecclesiastes (see Lecture V.) to the popu- 
lar sacrifices and vows of his own time illustrates and 
justifies the language of the psalmist. 

Last of all, listen to these lines from the Fifty-first 
Psalm : 

" Thou hast no pleasure in sacrifices and offerings ; 
In burnt offerings (and whole burnt offerings) Thou 

delightest not. 
* 1's. 1., 14, 15. f Ps. 1., 23. 



Judaism 255 



The sacrifices of God are a broken spirit ; 
A broken and contrite heart, O God, Thou canst not 
despise." * 

Here we have in germ the doctrine of the later Juda- 
ism that repentance is tantamount to burnt offerings. 
A later writer, however, was dissatisfied with this, and 
added a rather poor appendix.f He did not deny 
that God was at present quite indifferent to sacrifices 
the misfortunes of Israel too plainly proved this, 
but he thought that when the ruined walls of 
Jerusalem were rebuilt, He would once more be 
pleased with the " right sacrifices " a vague expres- 
sion which seems to mean sacrifices offered, not 
with the view of changing God's purpose, but out of 
obedience to His declared will. He belonged, that 
is, to a theological school which accepted the sacri- 
ficial system without criticism as of divine appoint- 
ment, but gave it a new symbolic meaning. Of this 
school the author of Isaiah liii., who speaks of the 
self-oblation of a martyr as a true " offering for sin," 
seems to have been also a member. 

So, then, there were other places besides the tem- 
ple where God was felt to be near, viz., the private 
chamber and the synagogue, and those who could 
only find God here could perfectly well sing the 
psalm, " Jehovah is my shepherd ; I want for noth- 
* Ps. li., 16, 17. f 73. , w. 18, 19. 



256 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



ing." Prayers and praises were their sacrifices, and 
one more service there was which is only not called 
a sacrifice because it had no connection with the 
temple the study of the Scriptures. Did Ezra 
perceive that he was digging the grave of the sacri- 
ficial system when he recognised the principle of a 
written revelation ? At any rate such was the result 
of the gradual canonisation of the Law, the Prophets, 
and the Writings ; inspired books must necessarily be 
vehicles of the divine spirit, and to commune with 
them is equivalent to communing with God. It was 
in the Greek period (to which the psalms on the 
Law appear to belong) that this high view of the 
Scriptures began to be prevalent. The more dan- 
gerous Hellenism became, the more the pious Jews 
sought an antidote to it in their Bible, and after the 
Maccabaean rising the veneration for the Scriptures 
became such that " in them " the Jews " thought 
they had eternal life."* They felt that here was a 
moral sublimity to which Greece could offer no 
counterpart, and a bond which could unite the scat- 
tered members of their race far more effectually 
than the temple at Jerusalem. And history justified 
their conviction. More and more offence was given 
to all high-minded Jews by the chief ministers of the 
sanctuary, and when the vengeance of implacable 

* John v., 39. 



Judaism 257 



Rome demanded the final destruction of the already 
desecrated shrine, it was a comfort to the Jews to 
know that their greatest treasure was saved. The 
golden candlestick might be carried away by victors, 
but the sun of the spiritual firmament remained, 
"and there was nothing hid from the heat thereof." * 
How it came to pass that the possession of a sa- 
cred volume failed to secure Jewish religion against 
change, it is not for me to describe. Suffice it to 
say that the changes which have passed, and which 
are still passing, over Jewish religious thought are 
not greater than those which passed over it within 
the Biblical period. I have found it impossible to 
give even this brief sketch of post-exilic religion with- 
out alluding from time to time to foreign influences. 
The influence of Greek thought cannot be definitely 
traced in the early Greek period ; we first find it in 
Ecclesiastes. But the inquisitive spirit which pro- 
duced that remarkable book doirbtless existed ear- 
lier; the Book of Job, though Hebraic in forms of 
expression, represents a new departure in Jewish 
thought, which cannot be dissociated from Greek 
influence. Persian influence did not begin to be 
strongly felt by Palestinian Jews as early as has been 
supposed. The Ahura-mazda of the Avesta has no 
doubt a strong affinity ty the Jehovah of the later 

*Ps. xix., 6. 

17 



258 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



Jewish writers, but the old attraction to Babylon for 
a long time prevented this newly discovered affinity 
from producing much effect. Some effect of course 
there must have been, but we are not in a position 
to calculate its amount. Before the arrival of Ezra 
it was probably almost confined to the large Jewish 
colonies on the east of the Euphrates and the Tigris, 
and even in Babylonian-Jewish works like the Priestly 
Code, in the Cosmogony for instance (where we 
might have expected something different), it is 
Babylonian rather than Persian influence which is 
most clearly traceable. It is true, the conception of 
the pre-existent heavenly Wisdom in the Prologue 
of Proverbs has Zoroastrian affinities, and at an ear- 
lier date we meet with a belief in a Resurrection, 
which can hardly have developed without Persian 
stimulus. But the Prologue of the Book of Proverbs 
is a work of the early Greek period, when Persian 
influence can without difficulty be admitted, and the 
belief in a Resurrection was not (as it would seem) 
originally accompanied by a belief in Immortality,* 
though the two beliefs go together in genuine 
Zoroastrianism. 

* The two beliefs were combined by the Essenes, if Josephus's ac- 
count of this sect may be trusted (Jos., Ant., xviii., i, 5 ; cf. xiii., 5, 
9). Their doctrine of the soul combines two elements a Babylonian 
and a Persian both Hebraised (Cheyne, Origin of the Psaltery. 
419). 



Judaism 259 



The truth is that we cannot sharply distinguish 
between the two classes of influences Persian and 
Babylonian. Ancient Persia and ancient Israel 
were both influenced by Babylon, and the influ- 
ence of Babylon upon Persia began probably at a 
much earlier date than has been supposed. Baby- 
lonian deeds show that Persians resided in Babylon 
before the conquests of Cyrus, and the religion of 
Ahura-mazda, though more akin to that of Jehovah 
than to that of Marduk or Merodach, may perfectly 
well have been influenced, like its Jewish sister, by 
the latter. I feel sure that it was so influenced, and 
that those scholars who would explain all Jewish or 
all Persian ideas from unassisted internal movements 
are in the wrong. The development both of Jewish 
and of Persian religion is no doubt for the most part 
perfectly natural ; but the development would not 
have taken quite the same course but for certain at- 
mospheric influences, if I may use the phrase, which 
came from Babylonia. Hence it is frequently diffi- 
cult to offer absolutely convincing proofs of the in- 
debtedness of Judaism or Zoroastrianism to Babylon, 
and, for a similar reason, of the indebtedness of Juda- 
ism to Zoroastrianism. Some obviously direct loans 
there are, but generally we have to be content with 
showing the probability of indirect religious influ- 
ence. This, however, will certainly not be difficult 



260 Jewish Religious Life after the Exile 



to show to those who have any familiarity with the 
study of comparative religion. And not to trouble 
you with further details, I maintain that, as illustra- 
tions of the movement of Jewish thought indicated 
by the Psalter, the ancient Zoroastrian hymns called 
the Gathas* are more instructive than any of the re- 
ligious utterances in either the earlier or the later 
Babylonian inscriptions. They are quite as free 
from superstitious ceremonialism and as uncompro- 
mising in their ethical demands f as the Hebrew 
Psalms, and it can hardly be denied that the commun- 
ings between God and Zarathustra (who is practi- 
cally the impersonation of the pious community) can 
only be equalled in spirituality by the very finest 
parts of the temple hymn-book. 

Such are the historical results which, after divest- 
ing them of troublesome technicalities, I have felt 
moved to lay before you. But before I conclude, 
let me urge upon you not to let these historical in- 
quiries languish. If there are other voices which 
sound more enticing to the men and women of this 
generation, it does not follow that they are really 
more important than the call to search the Script- 
ures. Religious reform is a necessary condition of 

* See Zend-Avesta, vol. iii. (Sacred Books of the East). 

f The extension of morality to the thoughts ("good thoughts, 
good words, good deeds ") is as characteristic of the Gathas as of the 
Psalms. Cf. Ps. xvii., 3-5. 



Judaism 261 



social progress, and with a view to this the origin 
and nature of essential Christianity, and shall I add ? 
of essential Judaism, has to be investigated afresh. 
Deeply as it stirs our feelings, none of us should re- 
fuse to take his part in this grave debate. I do not 
undervalue the study of the early Israelitish religion ; 
indeed, I could wish to have included its records 
within my survey. But it is the study of the relig- 
ious formation which developed out of this which 
has the most claim on our attention, because of its 
close relation to the historical problems of early 
Christianity. It is itself not without its thorny re- 
gions, but amidst the thorns we are surprised by de- 
lightful blooms, the efflorescence of the religious 
spirit of Judaism. I have done what I could within 
the necessary limits to dispose some of these flower- 
ets to the best advantage. If the Songs of the Ser- 
vant of Jehovah, the composite Poem of Job, the 
Psalter, the Books of Wisdom, the narratives, at 
least, of Ezra's law-book, and the narrative of the 
Chronicler have in some of their aspects become 
more living realities to my readers, I shall feel that 
my visit to America, which has now become a treas- 
ured memory, was not altogether useless. 



INDEX. 



Agur, sceptical poet, 
Angel of repentance, 18 
Antigonus of Soco, saying of, 

190, 198, 246 
Artaxerxes, why favourable to 

the Jews, 38 
Atonement, Day of, 75 
Augustine of-Canterbury, 27 
Aurelius, M., 194 
Azazel, 76 

Babylonian, influences, 130, 259 ; 
kings, 107 

Behemoth and Leviathan, 154 n. 

Bernard, St., 190 

Bickell on Ecclesiastes, 1847. 

Bildad, influence on Job's devel- 
opment, 168 

Branch, origin of Messianic title, 

15 
Briggs, Dr. C. A., 220 

Browning, 246, 252 
Buddhism, ideal king of, 101 

Cambyses and Egyptian religion, 

4i 

Carlyle, quoted, 207 
Chaos unknown to job, 154 
Chronicler, piety of, 215 ; Leviti- 
cal interest, 213 /. ; attitude 
towards ritual, 213 ; attitude 
towards Gentiles, 221 ; as an 
historian, 197, 214 
Church, Jewish Catholic, 226 /. 
Congregation, the, 62-64 
Cosmogony, Babylonian affini- 
ties of, 258 

Creation, new conception gf, 
154 



Cyrus, policy of, 82 
David, symbolic use of, 96 

Ecclesiastes, a "Song of 
Songs "(?), 183; unity ques- 
tioned, 183 f. ; how made or- 
thodox, 184 ; cool theism of, 
1 86 ; attitude towards the 
Law, 189 ; attitude towards 
immortality, 191 ; attitude 
towards marriage, 191 f. ; 
Stoic affinities of, 198 ; char- 
acter of author, 191, 194 _/"., 
205 ff. ; date of, 197 ff. 

Ecclesiasticus, its devout sim- 
plicity, 212 ; attitude towards 
wisdom, 209 ; attitude towards 
the Law, 210 /. ; attitude to- 
wards future life, 232 ; atti- 
tude towards Messiah-belief, 

211 ; attitude towards nature, 

212 ; date of, 199, 209 
Egyptian, priest, a parallel to 

Nehemiah, 40-43 ; religion, 

60 

Elihu, speeches of, 18, 171 
Elisha ben Abuyah, a sceptic, 

178 

Emerson, quoted, 155 
Enoch, 151, 155, 158 /., 177 n., 

181, 239 ; Book of, 151, 155, 

176, 181, 203 /., 236 
Essenes, 200, 203 /., 244, 258 

n. 

Ezekiel, influence of, 24/., 165 
Ezra and Nehemiah, historicity 

of, 56 



263 



264 



Index 



Ezra, his character and career, 
59, 69 /. ; object of his migra- 
tion, 54 ; his supposed firman, 
55 / 70 / ; his attempted 
marriage reforms, 56-62 ; his 
relation to the congregation, 
62-64; wa s he a priest? 55 

Ezra's lawbook, not at once gen- 
erally accepted, 57 /., 62 ; not 
merely legal, 77 ; not alto- 
gether his work, 72 ; in what 
sense new, 72 /. 

Fasting, 9-11 

Fatherhood, the divine, 59, 60 
Frazer, author of Golden Bough, 
75 

Gentiles, Jewish attitude to- 
wards, 134, 218 ff. 

Gerizim, Mt., temple on, 28, 
32 /. 

Geshem, the Arabian, 45 

God, names of, 175 ; dual aspect 
of, 166-168 ; sons of, 175 /. 

Goethe, quoted, 174 

Greek though);, 158, 173, 178, 
196 /., 206, 257" 

Guests of Jehovah, idea of, 250 

Haggai, 8/., 11-13 
Handel, his Messiah, 99 
Haupt, Professor, 5, 185 
"Heads" of the Jewish com- 
munity, 6, 10, 16 
Herod the Great, 200 
Holiness, ceremonial, 74 
Hooker, quoted, 154 
Hope, the larger, 229 
Humility, 80 
Hyrcanus, John, 199 

Ideals, Jewish religious, 82^. 
Immortality, 229-244 
Inspiration, Book of Wisdom 
on, 133 J Philo on, 133 

Jannseus, Alexander, 199 



Jeremiah, anti-sacrificial school 
of, 252/. 

Jeshua, high priest, 6 

Jews, three classes of, 125 ; 
number of, in the community, 
65 n. ; why so few returned at 
first, 21 

Job, a poetical version of Abra- 
ham, 79 ; original Book of, 
160 ff. ; early legend of, 159 
ff. ; and his friends, roles trans- 
posed, i6s/. ; of Edomitish ori- 
gin (?), 132 ; insertions in Book 
of, i-]iff.\ and the Servant of 
Jehovah passages, 162 ; on 
future life, 17, 23/., 63 

Jonah, story of, 91, 218 

Josephus, cited, 39, 200, 258 

" Kiss the Son," a misunder- 
standing, 112 
Koheleth, see Preacher 
Koran, cited, 251 n. 

Loeb, on the Psalms, 113 

Maccabee, Simon the, 244 
Macdonald, Prof. D. B., 160 
Manasseh, Jewish priest, 32, 68 
Messiah, the, 94^., 243 
Milton, quoted, 144 
Mommsen, quoted, 4 
Montaigne, 183, 208 
Mountain, the divine, no 

Nathan, prophecy of, 109 
Nature, contemplation of , 172^". 
Nehemiah, character of, 43 ff. ; 
career of, 37-54, 64-69 

Orthodoxy, an early protest of, 
179 

Pascal, a Hebrew, 164 

Paul, St., 59 ; Pauline theology, 

77 

Persian influences, 257^". 
Peters, Dr. J. P., 16 n. 



Index 



265 



Pharisees and Sadducees, 200, 
204 /"., 244 

Pirqe Aboth, quoted, 246 

Pompey, 245 

Prayer, discovery of, 251 

Preacher, the, identified with 
Solomon, 184, 197 

Prophets, their activity at Baby- 
lon, 21 f. 

Proselytes, 219, 221, 2247". 

Proverbs, Book of, an ethical 
handbook, 173, 208 ; Book of, 
secular element in, 138 ; 
Book of, religion of, 139 ff. 

Psalter, an historical authority, 
124 ; text needs revision, 235 ; 
twice refers to an historical 
ruler, 105 ; religious influence 
of, 74, 204 ; of Solomon, 205, 
245 

Religion, individual, 166 
Religions, historical study of, 

261 
Renan, his date for Ecclesiastes, 

199 ; quoted, 250 
Resurrection, 244 ; limitation of, 

230 
Retribution, doctrine of, 163 /., 

211, 214 

Rhys-Davids, Professor, 101 
Rig Veda, quoted, 178 
Ruth, story of, 220 

Sabbath, 66 /. 
Sacrifices, spiritual, 252-255 
Samaritans, the, 25-35, 60, 68 
Sanballat, 31, 45, 47, 48, 68 
Satan, 18, 212 



Scepticism, Jewish, 173, 
Servant of Jehovah, 69, 86 ff., 

223 n.; songs of, when in- 

serted in 2 Isaiah, 92 ; in 

Psalter, 93 
Sheshbazzar, 6 
Simeon, the Righteous, saying 

of, 190, 210 n. 
Sirach, Jesus son of, 209 (see 

Ecclesiasticus) 

Solomon, in legend, 128 /., 197 
Stanley, Dean, on Nehemiah, 44 

Talmud, cited, 201 n., 246 
Targum, on Deut. xxxiii., II, 

199 n.; on Psalm Ixxiii., 238 ; 

free treatment of Ecclesiastes, 

1 88 ; on Gen. iii., 245 
Temple, spiritual, 251 /., 255 
Thutmes III., of Egypt, no 
Tobiah the Ammonite, 45, 65 

Virgil, a prophet, 103 n. 
Vows, scruples respecting, 189, 
254 



Wisdom, conception of, 

153-156, 159, 176, 209 /., 

258 

Zechariah, 11-19; his disillusion- 

ment, 16 
Zend-Avesta, cited, 157, 210, 

260 

Zerubbabel, 6, 8,14-16 
Zion, meaning of, in 2 Isaiah, 

63 

Zoroastrianism, 74, 81, 151, 157, 
210, 251 n., 258^. 



BIBLICAL PASSAGES. 



I. OLD TESTAMENT AND APOCRYPHA. 



GENESIS. 

1 2l6 

ii 177 n. 

v., 21-24 155 

-24 239 

ix., 1-17 217 

xviii., 17-19 130 



LEVITICUS. 



XL, 44- 



80 



NUMBERS. 

xi., 29 ; xvi., 3 91 

xv., 32-36 66 

xxi., 17, 18 227 

xxiii. , xxiv 131 n . 

DEUTERONOMY. 

iv., 10 130 

19 86n. 

vi., 7, 20 ff. 130 

xi., 19 130 

xxxii., n 241 

JUDGES. 

ix., 8-15 131 

RUTH. 

iv., 18-22 220 

2 SAMUEL. 

xiv., 2 131 

17, 20 131 

xvi., 23 131 



1 KINGS. 

iii., 28 131 

iv. , 29-34 129 

viii., 48 251 

2 KINGS. 



1 CHRONICLES. 

xxix., 10-19 215 

2 CHRONICLES. 

xii., 13 / 221 

EZRA. 

V 15 

vii., 6-10 71 

11-26 55 

25 210 

- 27/ 54 

ix., x 58 /. 



NEHEMIAH. 



VI., 7 

viii 

xii., 15-22 

xiii., 23-27 ; 28-3*0 



. 16 

57 / 

. 66 

68 



JOB. 

V., 12 / 138 

xi., 12 136 

xiv., 7-12 233 

- 13-17 234 

xv., 4/ 117 

-5 138 



266 



Biblical Passages 



267 



JOB (CONTINUED). 

xv., 7/. 149 n., 177 

xvi., 18-21 167 

xix., 21 f. 168 

25-29 169, 235 

xxi 79 

xxiii., 8 169 

xxviii 171 

20-23 153 

26 /. 150 

.28 153 

xxix.-xxxi 170 

xxxiii. , 23 / 18 

xxxviii.-xli 171 

xxxviii., 22-27 152 

29-34 152 



PSALMS. 



.... 126 
III, 112 

120 

. ... 218 
119 



1., 2 

ii 

v., 9 

ix., n, 12, 17 

x., 3 

xii., i 122 

xv 249 

5 122 

xvi 241-244 

i-5 30 

xvii 240, 24 1 

3-5 260 

xviii no, in 

xix., 6 257 

xx., xxi 1 06 

xxi., 6 241 

xxii 93 

7, 8 120 

xxiii., 6 252 

xxiv 249 

xxvi., 5 124 

5-7 249 

9/ I2 3 

xxvii., 4 219 

12 121 

xxxi., 18 120 

xxxv., 4-6 143 

II 121 

xxxvi., 1-3 116 

8-io.. . 228 



PSALMS (CONTINUED). 

xxxvii. ,26 122 

xxxix., 12 250 

xl. (part i) 253 

~ 6 - 8 253 

xhi., 3, 4., 119 

- 4 114 

xliv., 24 144 

xlv io6/., 147 

- 4 80 

xlix 236-238 

1 253 

- 14 /, 23 254 

li., I-I7 253-255 

12 /. 222 

- i6/. 255 

-i8/. 255 

hi., i 123 

lv., II 122 

Ixiii., i 251 

IXV., 2 225 

Ixviii., 22 225 

24-26 248 

Ixix. , 20 f 1 1 8 

Ixxii 108, 147 

Ixxiii 164, 238-240 

25, 26 246 

27, 28 247 

Ixxxv. , 9 243 

Ixxxvii 225 f. 

Ixxxix 109 f. 

48 244 

xci., 15 / 243 

xcii., 7/. 143 

xciv., 10 135 

xcvii., 1-6 in 

105 

105 

224 

222 

cxviii 224 

cxix. , 43, 46 223 

72, 99 224 

- 84 224 

96 250 

CXX., 2 122 

cxxiii., 3/ 118 

cxxvii., 3 24 



ci. . . . 
ex.. . 
cxv. . . 
4-1 



268 



Biblical Passages 



PSALMS (CONTINUED). 

cxxxi., i 221 

cxxxii. ,11 96 

cxxxv 224 

cxxxix., 21 124 

24 125 

cxliv., i-n in 

cl 248 

PROVERBS. 

i., 4 138 

6 129 

27 233 

ii., 19 241 

iii., 2, 16 233 

M-i6 138 

j 8 246 

v., 5/ 241 

viii., 4 134 

5-12 138 

18 / 138 

22-31 149,208 

25 177 n. 

31 134 

ix., II 233 

x., I? 241 

23 136 

27 139, 233 

29 139 

xi., 30 137 

xii., 28 232 

xiv., 2, 31 140 

~35 145 

xv., 3, ii 140 

8 141 

33 139 

xvi., 3 141 

4 143, 153 

7 142 

io 145 

xvii., 27 138 

xix., 17 194 

xx., 28 146 

xxi., 3, 27 141 

xxii., 3 138 

xxiv. , ii 193 

17 141 

2I/. 146 



PROVERBS (CONTINUED). 

xxv. , 4 / 146 

2i/. 142 

xxviii., 3 123 

xxix., 13 144 

18 145 

xxx., 2-4 173-181 

5-9 180 

29-31 146 

xxxi., 1-9 146 

xxxiii., 13-15 140 

ECCLESIASTES. 

i-,4-9 207 /. 

12-14 198 

I4/- 193 

ii., i8/ 194 

iii., ii 198 

21 191 

v., 4, 6 188 

7 191 

vii., 2/ 192 

15 187 

i6/. 188 

27/ 192 

viii. , 2-4 202 

9 192 

14 187 

ix., 2 203 

x., 7 201 f. 

i6a, i;a 201 

20 201 

xi., loa ; xii., la 192 

xii., ii/ 182 

13 / 197 



ISAIAH. 



i. 26 



102 



ix., 2-7 94, 97, 98-101 

xi., 1-8 94,97,101-104 

xix., 18-25 225 

24/. 227 

xxiv., 5 217 

xxv. , "if. 212,231 

xxvi., 14-19 229 

xxx., 2 131 



Biblical Passages 



269 



ISAIAH (CONTINUED). 

xxxi., 2 130 /. 

xxxiii., 14 250 

xl., I3/. 156 

xlii., 1-4 89 

4 218 

6 92 

xliv., 9-20 ) 

xlvi., 6-8 f 

xlix., 1-6 88 /. 

1., 4-9 88 



222 



Hi., 12 



24 



13 ; liii., 12 ............ 162 

liii., 2-9 ..... ........... 83 

10 f. .................. 162 

12 .................... 96 

liv., 1 .................... 24 

13 ..................... 9 1 

lv., i/. .................. 23 

-3-5 ................... 97 

Ivi., 1-8 .................. 219 

-2-6 ................... 67 

Ivii., i ................... 85 

Iviii., 5 .................. 116 

13 ................... 6 7 

lix., 20 ................... 63 

21 .................... 223 

lx., 13 ................... 221 

1X1 ' T ~ 3 1 02 

Ixii., 1,6, 7 f ............ 92 

Ixv., i /. ................ 27 

3-5,ii ................ 29 

19 / ................. 2 3i 

19-22 ................. 243 

Ixvi., i/. ................ 28 

3/ ................... 29 

JEREMIAH. 

vii., 22 /. ................ 252 

viii., 8 ................... 131 

ix., 17 ................. 131 n. 

xxiii.,5/ ................ 95 

xxxi., 33 ................ 253 

xxxiii., 14-16 ............. 95 

xli., 5 .................... 26 

xlix., 7 ................... 132 



EZEKIEL. 

xiv., 14 159 

xvii., 22-24 } 

xxxiv., 23 f. > 94 

xxx vii., 24 f. ) 

xxviii., 3 155 

13 / no 

xlv., 10-20 75 

xlviii., 35 95 n. 



DANIEL. 



vi., 10. . 
xii., 1-3. 



251 
230 

125 



AMOS. 



iii., 6 ..................... 98 

7 ..................... 12 

v., 25 ................. 252 n. 

ix. , 1 1 y. ............. .... 100 



MICAH. 



in., 3, 
vi., 8, 



121 
91 



HAGGAI. 



ii.,6/. ) 

21-23 f 



ZECHARIAH. 

ii., 8 218 



15 

VI., 12 " 

v., 5-11 18 

vi., 9-12 15 

vii., 1-5 10 

ix., 9 80, 108 

xii., 8 103 

10 85 n. 

MALACHI. 

i., ii 28, 133 

ii.,8 32 

10 /. 28 

10-16 60 

iii., 16 20, 63 

iv., 1-4 19 

5 / 211 



270 



Biblical Passages 



ECCLESIASTICUS. 

i-, 15 .................... 134 

xvii., 17 .................. 209 

xviii., 13 ................. 135 

xxi., 27 .................. 212 

xxiv., 8, 23 ) 

xxxvi., 12 >..... ....... 209 

xxxvii., 25 ) 

xxxii., 15 ................. 127 

xxxv., 1-6 ................ 211 

xxxvi., 1-17 .............. 147 

xxxviii., 20 f. 



xxxix., 4, 10 .............. 134 

xliii., 27-33 ............ 212 /. 

xlv., 25 .................. 2ii 

xlvii., 17 ................. 129 

xlviii., II ................ 211 

xlix., 13 .................. 210 

WISDOM OF SOLOMON. 

vii., 22 / ................ 298 



2 ESDRAS. 

xiv., 44 71 

I MACCABEES. 

v., 14-54 225 

II. NEW TESTAMENT. 

MATTHEW. 



xi., 14. , 
-2 9 /. 



47 
Son. 



JOHN. 

iv., 13 / 228 

v.,17 154 

39 256 

ACTS, 
xv., 20 217 

2 CORINTHIANS. 

iii., 2 92 



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