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Full text of "Jewish theology systematically and historically considered"

JEWISH THEOLOGY 



THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 

NEW YORK BOSTON CHICAGO DALLAS 
ATLANTA SAN FRANCISCO 

MACMILLAN & CO., LIMITED 

LONDON BOMBAY CALCUTTA 
MELBOURNE 

THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, LTD. 
TORONTO 



THEOLOGY 



SYSTEMATICALLY AND HISTORICALLY 
CONSIDERED 



BY 
DR. K. KOHLER 

PRESIDENT 
HEBREW UNION COLLEGE 




gorfc 
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 

1918 

^11 rlghti rctervtd 



COPYRIGHT, 1918, 
BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. 



Set up and electrotyped. Published February, 1918. 



J. 8. Gushing Co. Berwick <fe Smith Co. 
Norwood, Mass., U.S.A. 



TO THE MEMORY 

OF 

1. Ibeinabeimer 

THE LAMENTED PRESIDENT OF THE 
BOARD OF GOVERNORS OF 

Gbe Ibebrew Iflnton College 

IN WHOM ZEAL FOR THE HIGH IDEALS 
OF JUDAISM AND PATRIOTIC DEVO 
TION TO OUR BLESSED COUNTRY WERE 
NOBLY EMBODIED 

IN FRIENDSHIP AND 
AFFECTION 



PREFACE 

IN offering herewith to the English-reading public the pres 
ent work on Jewish Theology, the result of many years of 
research and of years of activity as President and teacher at 
the Hebrew Union College of Cincinnati, I bespeak for it that 
fairness of judgment to which every pioneer work is entitled. 
It may seem rather strange that no such work has hitherto 
been written by any of the leading Jewish scholars of either 
the conservative or the progressive school. This can only be 
accounted for by the fact that up to modern times the Rab 
binical and philosophical literature of the Middle Ages sufficed 
for the needs of the student, and a systematic exposition of 
the Jewish faith seemed to be unnecessary. Besides, a real 
demand for the specific study of Jewish theology was scarcely 
felt, inasmuch as Judaism never assigned to a creed the 
prominent position which it holds in the Christian Church. 
This very fact induced Moses Mendelssohn at the beginning 
of the new era to declare that Judaism "contained only 
truths dictated by reason and no dogmatic beliefs at all." 
Moreover, as he was rather a deist than a theist, he stated 
boldly that Judaism "is not a revealed religion but a revealed 
law intended solely for the Jewish people as the vanguard of 
universal monotheism." By taking this legalistic view of 
Judaism in common with the former opponents of the Mai- 
monidean articles of faith which, by the way, he had him 
self translated for the religious instruction of the Jewish youth 
he exerted a deteriorating influence upon the normal devel 
opment of the Jewish faith under the new social conditions. 
The fact is that Mendelssohn emancipated the modern Jew 

vii 



viii PREFACE 

from the thraldom of the Ghetto, but not Judaism. In the 
Mendelssohnian circle the impression prevailed, as we are 
told, that Judaism consists of a system of forms, but is sub 
stantially no religion at all. The entire Jewish renaissance 
period which followed, characteristically enough, made the 
cultivation of the so-called science of Judaism its object, but 
it neglected altogether the whole field of Jewish theology. 
Hence we look in vain among the writings of Rappaport, 
Zunz, Jost and their followers, the entire Breslau school, for 
any attempt at presenting the contents of Judaism as a sys 
tem of faith. Only the pioneers of Reform Judaism, Geiger, 
Holdheim, Samuel Hirsch, Formstecher, Ludwig Philippson, 
Leopold Stein, Leopold Loew, and the Reform theologian par 
excellence David Einhorn, and likewise, Isaac M. Wise in 
America, made great efforts in that direction. Still a system 
of Jewish theology was wanting. Accordingly when, at the 
suggestion of my dear departed friend, Dr. Gustav Karpeles, 
President of the Society for the Promotion of the Science of 
Judaism in Berlin, I undertook to write a compendium (Grun- 
driss) of Systematic Jewish Theology, which appeared in 1910 
as Vol. IV in a series of works on Systematic Jewish Lore 
(Grundriss der Gesammtwissenschaft des Judenthums), I had 
no work before me that might have served me as pattern or 
guide. Solomon Schechter s valuable studies were in the main 
confined to Rabbinical Theology. As a matter of fact I ac 
cepted the task only with the understanding that it should be 
written from the view-point of historical research, instead of a 
mere dogmatic or doctrinal system. For in my opinion the 
Jewish religion has never been static, fixed for all time by an 
ecclesiastical authority, but has ever been and still is the result 
of a dynamic process of growth and development. At the 
same time I felt that I could not omit the mystical element 
which pervades the Jewish religion in common with all others. 
As our prophets were seers and not philosophers or moralists, 



PREFACE ix 

so divine inspiration in varying degrees constituted a factor of 
Synagogal as well as Scriptural Judaism, Revelation, there 
fore, is to be considered as a continuous force in shaping and 
reshaping the Jewish faith. The religious genius of the Jew 
falls within the domain of ethnic psychology concerning which 
science still gropes in the dark, but which progressive Judaism 
is bound to recognize in its effects throughout the ages. 

It is from this standpoint, taken also by the sainted founder 
of the Hebrew Union College, Isaac M. Wise, that I have writ 
ten this book. At the same time I endeavored to be, as it 
behooves the historian, just and fair to Conservative Judaism, 
which will ever claim the reverence we owe to our cherished 
past, the mother that raised and nurtured us. 

While a work of this nature cannot lay claim to complete 
ness, I have attempted to cover the whole field of Jewish belief, 
including also such subjects as no longer form parts of the 
religious consciousness of the modern Jew. I felt especially 
called upon to elucidate the historical relations of Judaism 
to the Christian and Mohammedan religions and dwell on the 
essential points of divergence from them. If my language at 
times has been rather vigorous in defense of the Jewish faith, 
it was because I was forced to correct and refute the prevail 
ing view of the Christian world, of both theologians and others, 
that Judaism is an inferior religion, clannish and exclusive, 
that it is, in fact, a cult of the Old Testament Law. 

It was a matter of great personal satisfaction to me that the 
German work on its appearance met with warm appreciation 
in the various theological journals of America, England, and 
France, as well as of Germany, including both Jewish and 
Christian. I was encouraged and urged by many * soon to make 
the book accessible to wider circles in an English translation." 
My friend, Dr. Israel Abrahams of Cambridge, England, took 
such interest in the book that he induced a young friend of his 
to prepare an English version. While this did not answer the 



X PREFACE 

purpose, it was helpful to me in making me feel that, instead of 
a literal translation, a thorough revision and remolding of the 
book was necessary in order to present it in an acceptable Eng 
lish garb. In pursuing this course, I also enlarged the book 
in many ways, especially adding a new chapter on Jewish 
Ethics, which, in connection with the idea of the Kingdom of 
God, appeared to me to form a fitting culmination of Jewish 
theology. I have thus rendered it practically a new work. 
And here I wish to acknowledge my great indebtedness to my 
young friend and able pupil, Rabbi Lee J. Levinger, for the 
valuable aid he has rendered me and the painstaking labor he 
has kindly and unselfishly performed in going over my manu 
script from beginning to end, with a view to revising the 
diction and also suggesting references to more recent publica 
tions in the notes so as to bring it up to date. 

I trust that the work will prove a source of information 
and inspiration for both student and layman, Jew and non- 
Jew, and induce such as have become indifferent to, or preju 
diced against, the teachings of the Synagogue, or of Reform 
Judaism in particular, to take a deeper insight into, and look 
up with a higher regard to the sublime and eternal verities 
of Judaism. 

"Give to a wise man, and he will be yet wiser; teach a 
righteous man, and he will increase in learning." 

CINCINNATI, November, 1917. 



CONTENTS 

FACE 

PREFACE vii 

INTRODUCTION : 

CHAPTER 

I. THE MEANING OF THEOLOGY . . . . i 

II. WHAT is JUDAISM ? 7 

III. THE ESSENCE OF THE RELIGION OF JUDAISM . . 15 

IV. THE JEWISH ARTICLES OF FAITH 19 

PART I: GOD 
A. GOD AS HE MAKES HIMSELF KNOWN TO MAN 

V. MAN S CONSCIOUSNESS OF GOD AND BELIEF IN GOD . 29 

VT. REVELATION, PROPHECY, AND INSPIRATION ... 34 

VII. THE TORAH, THE DIVINE INSTRUCTION . . . .42 

VIII. GOD S COVENANT 48 

B. THE IDEA OF GOD IN JUDAISM 

IX. GOD AND THE GODS 52 

X. THE NAMES OF GOD ....... 58 

XI. THE EXISTENCE OF GOD 64 

XII. THE ESSENCE OF GOD 72 

XIII. THE ONE AND ONLY GOD 82 

XIV. GOD S OMNIPOTENCE AND OMNISCIENCE . . . .91 
XV. GOD S OMNIPRESENCE AND ETERNITY .... 96 

XVI. GOD S HOLINESS 101 

XVII. GOD S WRATH AND PUNISHMENT 107 

XVIII. GOD S LONG-SUFFERING AND MERCY . . . .112 

XIX. GOD S JUSTICE 118 

XX. GOD S LOVE AND COMPASSION , . . . .126 

zi 



xii CONTENTS 

CHAPTER PAGE 

XXI. GOD S TRUTH AND FAITHFULNESS . . " . . 134 
XXII. GOD S KNOWLEDGE AND WISDOM .... 138 

XXIII. GOD S CONDESCENSION 142 

C. GOD IN RELATION TO THE WORLD 

XXIV. THE WORLD AND ITS MASTER 146 

XXV. CREATION AS THE ACT OF GOD . . . .152 

XXVI. THE MAINTENANCE AND GOVERNMENT OF THE 

WORLD 156 

XXVII. MIRACLES AND THE COSMIC ORDER . . . .160 
XXVIII. PROVIDENCE AND THE MORAL GOVERNMENT OF THE 

WORLD 167 

XXIX. GOD AND THE EXISTENCE OF EVIL . . . .176 

XXX. GOD AND THE ANGELS 180 

XXXI. SATAN AND THE SPIRITS OF EVIL .... 189 
XXXII. GOD AND THE INTERMEDIARY POWERS . . .197 

PART II: MAN 

XXXIII. MAN S PLACE IN CREATION 206 

XXXIV. THE DUAL NATURE OF MAN 212 

XXXV. THE ORIGIN AND DESTINY OF MAN . . . .218 

XXXVI. GOD S SPIRIT IN MAN 226 

XXXVII. FREE WILL AND MORAL RESPONSIBILITY. . .231 

XXXVIII. THE MEANING OF SIN 238 

XXXIX. REPENTANCE, OR THE RETURN TO GOD . . . 246 

XL. MAN, THE CHILD OF GOD 256 

XLI. PRAYER AND SACRIFICE 261 

XLII. THE NATURE AND PURPOSE OF PRAYER . . .271 

XLIII. DEATH AND THE FUTURE LIFE 278 

XLIV. THE IMMORTAL SOUL OF MAN . . . . .286 

XLV. DIVINE RETRIBUTION: REWARD AND PUNISHMENT . 298 

XL VI. THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE RACE . . . .310 

XL VII. THE MORAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION . . .316 



CONTENTS xiii 

PART HI: ISRAEL AND THE KINGDOM 
OF GOD 

CHAPTER PAGE 

XL VIII. THE ELECTION OF ISRAEL 323 

XLIX. THE KINGDOM OF GOD AND THE MISSION or ISRAEL 331 
L. THE PRIEST-PEOPLE AND ITS LAW OF HOLINESS . .342 
LI. ISRAEL, THE PEOPLE OF THE LAW, AND ITS WORLD 

MISSION 354 

LII. ISRAEL, THE SERVANT OF THE LORD, MARTYR AND 

MESSIAH OF THE NATIONS 367 

LIII. THE MESSIANIC HOPE 378 

LIV. RESURRECTION, A NATIONAL HOPE .... 392 
LV. ISRAEL AND THE HEATHEN NATIONS . . . .397 
LVI. THE STRANGER AND THE PROSELYTE .... 408 
LVII. CHRISTIANITY AND MOHAMMEDANISM THE DAUGHTER- 
RELIGIONS OF JUDAISM 426 

LVIII. THE SYNAGOGUE AND ITS INSTITUTIONS . . .447 

LIX. THE ETHICS OF JUDAISM AND THE KINGDOM OF GOD 477 

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 493 

INDEX 497 



JEWISH THEOLOGY 

CHAPTER I 
THE MEANING OF THEOLOGY 

1. The name Theology, "the teaching concerning God," 
is taken from Greek philosophy. It was used by Plato and 
Aristotle to denote the knowledge concerning God and things 
godly, by which they meant the branch of Philosophy later 
called Metaphysics, after Aristotle. In the Christian Church 
the term gradually assumed the meaning of systematic ex 
position of the creed, a distinction being made between 
Rational, or Natural Theology, on the one hand, and Dogmatic 
Theology, on the other. 1 In common usage Theology is 
understood to be the presentation of one specific system of 
faith after some logical method, and a distinction is made 
between Historical and Systematic Theology. The former 
traces the various doctrines of the faith in question through 
the different epochs and stages of culture, showing their his 
torical process of growth and development; the latter pre 
sents these same doctrines in comprehensive form as a fixed 
system, as they have finally been elaborated and accepted 
upon the basis of the sacred scriptures and their authoritative 
interpretation. 

2. Theology and Philosophy of Religion differ widely in 
their character. Theology deals exclusively with a specific 
religion ; in expounding one doctrinal system, it starts from 

1 Compare Heinrici: Theologische Encyclopaedic, p. 4; Enc. Brit. art. The 
ology. 

B I 



2 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

a positive belief in a divine revelation and in the continued 
working of the divine spirit, affecting also the interpretation 
and further development of the sacred books. Philosophy 
of Religion, on the other hand, while dealing with the same 
subject matter as Theology, treats religion from a general 
point of view as a matter of experience, and, as every philos 
ophy must, without any foregone conclusion. Consequently 
it submits the beliefs and doctrines of religion in general to 
an impartial investigation, recognizing neither a divine reve 
lation nor the superior claims of any one religion above any 
other, its main object being to ascertain how far the universal 
laws of human reason agree or disagree with the assertions 
of faith. 1 

3. It is therefore incorrect to speak of a Jewish religious 
philosophy. This has no better right to exist than has Jewish 
metaphysics or Jewish mathematics. 2 The Jewish thinkers 
of the Spanish-Arabic period who endeavored to harmonize 
revelation and reason, utilizing the Neo-Platonic philosophy 
or the Aristotelian with a Neo-Platonic coloring, betray by 
their very conceptions of revelation and prophecy the in 
fluence of Mohammedan theology; this was really a graft 
of metaphysics on theology and called itself the "divine 
science," a term corresponding exactly with the Greek "theol 
ogy." The so-called Jewish religious philosophers adopted 
both the methods and terminology of the Mohammedan 
theologians, attempting to present the doctrines of the Jewish 
faith in the light of philosophy, as truth based on reason. 
Thus they claimed to construct a Jewish theology upon the 
foundation of a philosophy of religion. 

1 Heinrici, 1. c., p. 14 f., 212 ; Hagenbach-Kautsch : Encyc. d. theolog. Wiss., 
p. 28-30; Rauwenhoff: Religionsphilosophie, Einl., xiii; Margolis: "The 
Theological Aspect of Reformed Judaism," in Yearbook of C. C. A. R., 1903, 
p. 188-192. Lauterbach, J. E., art. Theology. 

2 See, however, Geiger : Nachgel. Schriften, II, 3-8 ; also Margolis, 1. c., 
p. 192-196. 



THE MEANING OF THEOLOGY 3 

But neither they nor their Mohammedan predecessors 
succeeded in working out a complete system of theology. 
They left untouched essential elements of religion which do 
not come within the sphere of rational verities, and did not 
give proper appreciation to the rich treasures of faith depos 
ited in the Biblical and Rabbinical literature. Nor does the 
comprehensive theological system of Maimonides, which 
for centuries largely shaped the intellectual life of the Jew, 
form an exception. Only the mystics, Bahya at their head, 
paid attention to the spiritual side of Judaism, dwelling at 
length on such themes as prayer and repentance, divine 
forgiveness and holiness. 

4. Closer acquaintance with the religious and philosophical 
systems of modern times has created a new demand for a 
Jewish theology by which the Jew can comprehend his own 
religious truths in the light of modern thought, and at the 
same time defend them against the aggressive attitude of the 
ruling religious sects. Thus far, however, the attempts made 
in this direction are but feeble and sporadic ; if the structure 
is not to stand altogether in the air, the necessary material 
must be brought together from its many sources with pains 
taking labor. 1 The special difficulty in the task lies in the 
radical difference which exists between our view of the past 
and that of the Biblical and medieval writers. All those 
things which have heretofore been taken as facts because related 
in the sacred books or other traditional sources, are viewed 
to-day with critical eyes, and are now regarded as more or 
less colored by human impression or conditioned by human 
judgment. In other words, we have learned to distinguish 
between subjective and objective truths, 2 whereas theology by 

1 A fine beginning in this direction has been made by Professor Schechter 
in Some Aspects of Rabbinic Theology t New York, 1909. 

1 See Joel : "D. Mosaismus u. d. Heidenthum," in Jahrb. f. Jued. Gesch. 
und Lit., 1904, p. 70-73. 



4 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

its very nature deals with truth as absolute. This makes 
it imperative for us to investigate historically the leading 
idea or fundamental principle underlying a doctrine, to note 
the different conceptions formed at various stages, and trace 
its process of growth. At times, indeed, we may find that 
the views of one age have rather taken a backward step and 
fallen below the original standard. The progress need not be 
uniform, but we must still trace its course. 

5. We must recognize at the outset that Jewish theology 
cannot assume the character of apologetics, if it is to accom 
plish its great task of formulating religious truth as it exists 
in our consciousness to-day. It can no more afford to ignore 
the established results of modern linguistic, ethnological, 
and historical research, of Biblical criticism and comparative 
religion, than it can the undisputed facts of natural science, 
however much any of these may conflict with the Biblical 
view of the cosmos. Apologetics has its legitimate place 
to prove and defend the truths of Jewish theology against 
other systems of belief and thought, but cannot properly 
defend either Biblical or Talmudic statements by methods 
incompatible with scientific investigation. Judaism is a 
religion of historical growth, which, far from claiming to be 
the final truth, is ever regenerated anew at each turning point 
of history. The fall of the leaves at autumn requires no 
apology, for each successive spring testifies anew to nature s 
power of resurrection. 

The object of a systematic theology of Judaism, accord 
ingly, is to single out the essential forces of the faith. It 
then will become evident how these fundamental doctrines 
possess a vitality, a strength of conviction, as well as an 
adaptability to varying conditions, which make them potent 
factors amidst all changes of time and circumstance. Ac 
cording to Rabbinical tradition, the broken tablets of the 
covenant were deposited in the ark beside the new. In like 



THE MEANING OF THEOLOGY $ 

manner the truths held sacred by the past, but found inade 
quate in their expression for a new generation, must be placed 
side by side with the deeper and more clarified truths of an 
advanced age, that they may appear together as the one 
divine truth reflected in different rays of light. 

6. Jewish theology differs radically from Christian theol 
ogy in the following three points : 

A. The theology of Christianity deals with articles of 
faith formulated by the founders and heads of the Church 
as conditions of salvation, so that any alteration in favor of 
free thought threatens to undermine the very plan of salva 
tion upon which the Church was founded. Judaism recog 
nizes only such articles of faith as were adopted by the people 
voluntarily as expressions of their religious consciousness, 
both without external compulsion and without doing violence 
to the dictates of reason. Judaism does not know salvation 
by faith in the sense of Paul, the real founder of the Church, 
who declared the blind acceptance of belief to be in itself 
meritorious. It denies the existence of any irreconcilable 
opposition between faith and reason. 

B. Christian theology rests upon a formula of confession, 
the so-called Symbolum of the Apostolic Church, 1 which 
alone makes one a Christian. Judaism has no such formula 
of confession which renders a Jew a Jew. No ecclesiastical 
authority ever dictated or regulated the belief of the Jew; 
his faith has been voiced in the solemn liturgical form of 
prayer, and has ever retained its freshness and vigor of thought 
in the consciousness of the people. This partly accounts for 
the antipathy toward any kind of dogma or creed among 
Jews. 

C. The creed is a conditio sine qua non of the Christian 
Church. To disbelieve its dogmas is to cut oneself loose 
from membership. Judaism is quite different. The Jew is 

1 See Schaff-Herzog s Encycl., art. Apottles Creed and Symbol. 



6 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

born into it and cannot extricate himself from it even by 
the renunciation of his faith, which would but render him an 
apostate Jew. This condition exists, because the racial com 
munity formed, and still forms, the basis of the religious com 
munity. It is birth, not confession, that imposes on the Jew 
the obligation to work and strive for the eternal verities of 
Israel, for the preservation and propagation of which he has 
been chosen by the God of history. 

7. The truth of the matter is that the aim and end of 
Judaism is not so much the salvation of the soul in the here 
after as the salvation of humanity in history. Its theology, 
therefore, must recognize the history of human progress, with 
which it is so closely interwoven. It does not, therefore, 
claim to offer the final or absolute truth, as does Christian 
theology, whether orthodox or liberal. It simply points out 
the way leading to the highest obtainable truth. Final and 
perfect truth is held forth as the ideal of all human searching 
and striving, together with perfect justice, righteousness, 
and peace, to be attained as the very end of history. 

A systematic theology of Judaism must, accordingly, con 
tent itself with presenting Jewish doctrine and belief in re 
lation to the most advanced scientific and philosophical ideas 
of the age, so as to offer a comprehensive view of life and the 
world ("Lebens- und Weltanschauung") ; but it by no means 
claims for them the character of finality. The unfolding of 
Judaism s truths will be completed only when all mankind 
has attained the heights of Zion s mount of vision, as beheld 
by the prophets of Israel. 1 

1 See Schechter : Studies in Judaism, Intr., XXI-XXII ; p. 147, 198 f . ; Fos 
ter : The Finality of the Christian Religion, Chicago, 1906 ; Friedr. Delitzsch : 
Zur Weiterentwicklung der Religion, 1908 ; and comp. Orelli : Religionsgeschichte, 
276 f., and Dorner: Beitr. z. Weiterentwicklung d. christl. Religion, 173. 



CHAPTER II 

WHAT is JUDAISM? 

i. It is very difficult to give an exact definition of Judaism 
because of its peculiarly complex character. 1 It combines 
two widely differing elements, and when they are brought 
out separately, the aspect of the whole is not taken sufficiently 
into account. Religion and race form an inseparable whole 
in Judaism. The Jewish people stand in the same relation to 
Judaism as the body to the soul. The national or racial body 
of Judaism consists of the remnant of the tribe of Judah 
which succeeded in establishing a new commonwealth in 
Judaea in place of the ancient Israelitish kingdom, and which 
survived the downfall of state and temple to continue its 
existence as a separate people during a dispersion over the 
globe for thousands of years, forming ever a cosmopolitan ele 
ment among all the nations in whose lands it dwelt. Juda 
ism, on the other hand, is the religious system itself, the vital 
element which united the Jewish people, preserving it and 
regenerating it ever anew. It is the spirit which endowed 
the handful of Jews with a power of resistance and a fervor 
of faith unparalleled in history, enabling them to persevere 

For the origin of the name Judaism, see Esther VIII, 17. Compare 
Yahduth, Esther Kabbah III, 7; II Mace. II, 21 ; VIII, i, 14, 38; Graetz: G. 
d. J., II, 174 f. ; Jost : G. d. Jud., I, 1-12 ; /. ., art. Judaism. Regarding the 
unfairness of Christian authors in their estimate of Judaism, see Schechter, 1. c., 
232-251 ; M. Schreiner : D.juengst. Urtheilc u.d.Jiidenthum, p. 48-58. Dubnow, 
Asher Ginzberg and the rest of the nationalists underrate the religious power 
of the Jew s soul, which forms the essence of his character and the motive 
power of all his aspirations and hopes, as well as of all his achievements in 
history. 

7 



8 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

in the mighty contest with heathenism and Christianity. It 
made of them a nation of martyrs and thinkers, suffering and 
struggling for the cause of truth and justice, yet forming, 
consciously or unconsciously, a potent factor in all the great 
intellectual movements which are ultimately to win the entire 
gentile world for the purest and loftiest truths concerning 
God and man. 

2. Judaism, accordingly, does not denote the Jewish 
nationality, with its political and cultural achievements 
and aspirations, as those who have lost faith in the religious 
mission of Israel would have it. On the other hand, it is 
not a nomistic or legalistic religion confined to the Jewish 
people, as is maintained by Christian writers, who, lacking 
a full appreciation of its lofty world-wide purpose and its 
cosmopolitan and humanitarian character, claim that it has 
surrendered its universal prophetic truths to Christianity. 
Nor should it be presented as a religion of pure Theism, 
aiming to unite all believers in one God into a Church Uni 
versal, of which certain visionaries dream. Judaism is noth 
ing less than a message concerning the One and holy God and 
one, undivided humanity with a world-uniting Messianic goal, 
a message intrusted by divine revelation to the Jewish people. 
Thus Israel is its prophetic harbinger and priestly guardian, 
its witness and defender throughout the ages, who is never 
to falter in the task of upholding and unfolding its truths until 
they have become the possession of the whole human race. 

3. Owing to this twofold nature of a universal religious 
truth and at the same time a mission intrusted to a specially 
selected nation or race, Judaism offers in a sense the sharpest 
contrasts imaginable, which render it an enigma to the student 
of religion and history, and make him often incapable of 
impartial judgment. On the one hand, it shows the most 
tenacious adherence to forms originally intended to preserve 
the Jewish people in its priestly sanctity and separateness, 



WHAT IS JUDAISM? 9 

and thereby also to keep its religious truths pure and free 
from encroachments. On the other hand, it manifests a 
mighty impulse to come into close touch with the various 
civilized nations, partly in order to disseminate among them 
its sublime truths, appealing alike to mind and heart, partly 
to clarify and deepen those truths by assimilating the wisdom 
and culture of these very nations. Thus the spirit of sep 
aratism and of universalism work in opposite directions. 
Still, however hostile the two elements may appear, they 
emanate from the same source. For the Jewish people, 
unlike any other civilization of antiquity, entered history 
with the proud claim that it possessed a truth destined to 
become some day the property of mankind, and its three 
thousand years of history have verified this claim. 

Israel s relation to the world thus became a double one. 
Its priestly world-mission gave rise to all those laws and 
customs which were to separate it from its idolatrous surround 
ings, and this occasioned the charge of hostility to the nations. 
The accusation of Jewish misanthropy occurred as early as 
the Balaam and Haman stories. As the separation continued 
through the centuries, a deep-seated Jew-hatred sprang up, 
first in Alexandria and Rome, then becoming a consuming 
fire throughout Christendom, unquenched through the ages 
and bursting forth anew, even from the midst of would-be 
liberals. In contrast to this, Israel s prophetic ideal of a 
humanity united in justice and peace gave to history a new 
meaning and a larger outlook, kindling in the souls of all 
truly great leaders and teachers, seers and sages of mankind 
a love and longing for the broadening of humanity which 
opened new avenues of progress and liberty. Moreover, by 
its conception of man as the image of God and its teaching 
of righteousness as the true path of life, Israel s Law estab 
lished a new standard of human worth and put the imprint 
of Jewish idealism upon the entire Aryan civilization. 



io JEWISH THEOLOGY 

Owing to these two opposing forces, the one centripetal, 
the other centrifugal, Judaism tended now inward, away from 
world-culture, now outward toward the learning and the 
thought of all nations; and this makes it doubly difficult 
to obtain a true estimate of its character. But, after all, 
these very currents and counter-currents at the different 
eras of history kept Judaism in continuous tension and fluc 
tuation, preventing its stagnation by dogmatic formulas 
and its division by ecclesiastical dissensions. "Both words 
are the words of the living God" became the maxim of the 
contending schools. 1 

4. If we now ask what period we may fix as the beginning 
of Judaism, we must by no means single out the decisive 
moment when Ezra the Scribe established the new common 
wealth of Judaea, based upon the Mosaic book of Law, and 
excluding the Samaritans who claimed to be the heirs of 
ancient Israel. This important step was but the climax, 
the fruitage of that religious spirit engendered by the Judaism 
of the Babylonian exile. The Captivity had become a re 
fining furnace for the people, making them cling with a zeal 
unknown before to the teachings of the prophets, now offered 
by their disciples, and to the laws, as preserved by the priestly 
guilds ; so the religious treasures of the few became the com 
mon property of the many, and were soon regarded as "the 
inheritance of the whole congregation of Jacob." As a matter 
of fact, Ezra represents the culmination rather than the 
starting point of the great spiritual reawakening, when he 
came from Babylon with a complete Code of Law, and pro 
mulgated it in the Holy City to a worshipful congregation. 2 
It was Judaism, winged with a new spirit, which carried the 
great unknown seer of the Exile to the very pinnacle of pro 
phetic vision, and made the Psalmists ring forth from the 
harp of David the deepest soul-stirring notes of religious 
1 Erub. 13 b. 2 Neh . VIII, 1-18 ; Ez. VII, 12-28. 



WHAT IS JUDAISM? n 

devotion and aspiration that ever moved the hearts of men. 
Moreover, all the great truths of prophetic revelation, of legis 
lative and popular wisdom, were then collected and focused, 
creating a sacred literature which was to serve the whole com 
munity as the source of instruction, consolation, and edifica 
tion. The powerful and unique institutions of the Synagogue, 
intended for common instruction and devotion, are altogether 
creations of the Exile, and replaced the former priestly Torah by 
the Torah for the people. More wonderful still, the priestly lore 
of ancient Babylon was transformed by sublime monotheistic 
truths and utilized in the formation of a sacred literature ; it 
was placed before the history of the Hebrew patriarchs, to 
form, as it were, an introduction to the Bible of humanity. 

Judaism, then, far from being the late product of the Torah 
and tradition, as it is often considered, was actually the 
creator of the Law. Transformed and unfolded in Babylonia, 
it created its own sacred literature and shaped it ever anew, 
filling it always with its own spirit and with new thoughts. 
It is by no means the petrifaction of the Mosaic law and the 
prophetic teachings, as we are so often told, but a continuous 
process of unfolding and regeneration of its great religious truth. 

5. True enough, traditional or orthodox Judaism does not 
share this view. The idea of gradual development is pre 
cluded by its conception of divine revelation, by its doctrine 
that both the oral and the written Torah were given at Sinai 
complete and unchangeable for all time. It makes allowance 
only for special institutions begun either by the prophets, 
by Ezra and the Men of the Great Synagogue, his associates, 
or by the masters of the Law in succeeding centuries. Never 
theless, tradition says that the Men of the Great Synagogue 
themselves collected and partly completed the sacred books, 
except the five books of Moses, and that the canon was made 
under the influence of the holy spirit. This holy spirit re 
mained in force also during the creative period of Talmudism, 



12 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

sanctioning innovations or alterations of many kinds. 1 Modern 
critical and historical research has taught us to distinguish 
the products of different periods and stages of development 
in both the Biblical and Rabbinical sources, and therefore 
compels us to reject the idea of a uniform origin of the Law, 
and also of an uninterrupted chain of tradition reaching back 
to Moses on Sinai. Therefore we must attach still more 
importance to the process of transformation which Judaism 
had to undergo through the centuries. 2 

Judaism manifested its wondrous power of assimilation 
by renewing itself to meet the demands of the time, first 
under the influence of the ancient civilizations, Babylonia 
and Persia, then of Greece and Rome, finally of the Occidental 
powers, molding its religious truths and customs in ever new 
forms, but all in consonance with its own genius. It adopted 
the Babylonian and Persian views of the hereafter, of the upper 
and the nether world with their angels and demons ; so later 
on it incorporated into its religious and legal system elements 
of Greek and Egyptian gnosticism, Greek philosophy, and 
methods of jurisprudence from Egypt, Babylon, and Rome. 
In fact, the various parties which arose during the second 
Temple beside each other or successively Sadducees and 
Pharisees, Essenes and Zealots represent, on closer obser 
vation, the different stages in the process of assimilation which 
Judaism had to undergo. In like manner, the Hellenistic, 
Apocryphal and Apocalyptic literature, which was rejected 
and lost to sight by traditional Judaism, and which partly 
fills the gap between the Bible and the Talmudic writings, 
casts a flood of light upon the development of the Halakah 

1 See M. Bloch : Tekanot, and art. Tekanot J. E. Regarding inspiration 
see J. E. ; Sanh. 99 a ; Meg. 7 a ; Maim. : M or eh, II, 45 ; comp. Yerush. Ab. 
Zar., I, 40; Horay. Ill, 48 c; Levit. R. VI, i ; IX, 9; and Yoma 9 b. The 
laying on of hands for ordination (Semikah) implied originally the imparting 
of the holy spirit, see J. E., art. Authority. 

2 See Geiger, J. Z., I, p. 7. 



WHAT IS JUDAISM? 13 

and the Haggadah. Just as the book of Ezekiel, which was 
almost excluded from the Canon on account of its divergence 
from the Mosaic Law, has been helpful in tracing the develop 
ment of the Priestly Code, 1 so the Sadduceean book of Ben 
Sira 2 and the Zealotic book of Jubilees 3 not to mention 
the various Apocalyptic works throw their searchlight 
upon pre-Talmudic Judaism. 

6. Instead of representing Judaism as the Christian 
theologians do under the guise of scientific methods as a 
nomistic religion, caring only for the external observance of 
the Law, it is necessary to distinguish two opposite funda 
mental tendencies ; the one expressing the spirit of legalistic 
nationalism, the other that of ethical or prophetic universalism. 
These two work by turn, directing the general trend in the 
one or the other direction according to circumstances. At 
one time the center and focus of Israel s religion is the Mosaic 
Law, with its sacrificial cult in charge of the priesthood of 
Jerusalem s Temple; at another time it is the Synagogue, 
with its congregational devotion and public instruction, its 
inspiring song of the Psalmist and its prophetic consolation 
and hope confined to no narrow territory, but opened wide 
for a listening world. Here it is the reign of the Halakah 
holding fast to the form of tradition, and there the free and 
fanciful Haggadah, with its appeal to the sentiments and 
views of the people. Here it is the spirit of ritualism, bent 
on separating the Jews from the influence of foreign elements, 
and there again the spirit of rationalism, eager to take part 
in general culture and in the progress of the outside world. 

The liberal views of Maimonides and Gersonides concern- 

1 Aboth d. R. Nathan,!; Shab. 30 b with reference to Ezek. XLIII-XLIV. 

1 See Geiger : Z. D. M. G., XII, 536 ; Schechter, Wisdom of Ren Sira, p. 35. 

1 See J. E., art. Jubilees, Book of. Very instructive in this connection is 
a comparative study of the Falashas, the Samaritans, especially the Dosithean 
sect, and the still problematical sect discovered through the document found 
by Schechter, edited by him under the title Fragtnents of a Zadokite Sect. 



14 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

ing miracle and revelation, God and immortality were scarcely 
shared by the majority of Jews, who, no doubt, sided rather 
with the mystics, and found their mouthpiece in Abraham 
ben David of Posquieres, the fierce opponent of Maimonides. 
An impartial Jewish theology must therefore take cognizance 
of both sides ; it must include the mysticism of Isaac Luria 
and Sabbathai Horwitz as well as the rationalism of Albo and 
Leo da Modena. Wherever is voiced a new doctrine or a 
new view of life and life s duty, which yet bears the imprint 
of the Jewish consciousness, there the well-spring of divine 
inspiration is seen pouring forth its living waters. 

7. Even the latest interpretation of the Law, offered by 
a disciple who is recognized for true conscientiousness in 
religion, was revealed to Moses on Sinai, according to a 
Rabbinical dictum. 1 Thus is exquisitely expressed the idea 
of a continuous development of Israel s religious truth. As a 
safeguard against arbitrary individualism, there was the prin 
ciple of loyalty and proper regard for tradition, which is aptly 
termed by Professor Lazarus a " historical continuity." 2 The 
Midrashic statement is quite significant that other creeds 
founded on our Bible can only adhere to the letter, but the 
Jewish religion possesses the key to the deeper meaning hidden 
and presented in the traditional interpretation of the Scrip 
tures. 3 That is, for Judaism Holy Scripture in its literal sense 
is not the final word of God ; the Bible is rather a living spring 
of divine revelation, to be kept ever fresh and flowing by the 
active force of the spirit. To sum up: Judaism, far from 
offering a system of beliefs and ceremonies fixed for all time, 
is as multifarious and manifold in its aspects as is life itself. 
It comprises all phases and characteristics of both a national 
and a world religion. 

1 See Yer. Hag., I, 76, and elsewhere. 

2 Ethics of Judaism, I, 8-10; Geiger : J. Z., IX, 263. 

3 See Pesik. R., V, p. 146 ; Midr. Tanhuma, ed. Buber, Wayera 6 and Ki 
Thissa. 17. Comp. the legend of Moses and Akiba, Men. 29 b. 



CHAPTER III 
THE ESSENCE OF THE RELIGION OF JUDAISM 

i. We have seen how difficult it is to define Judaism clearly 
and adequately, including its manifold tendencies and insti 
tutions. Still it is necessary that we reach a full under 
standing of the essence of Judaism as it manifested itself in 
all periods of its history, 1 and that we single out the funda 
mental idea which underlies its various forms of existence 
and its different movements, both intellectual and spiritual. 
There can be no disputing the fact that the central idea of 
Judaism and its life purpose is the doctrine of the One Only 
and Holy God, whose kingdom of truth, justice and peace 
is to be universally established at the end of time. This is 
the main teaching of Scripture and the hope voiced in the 
liturgy; while Israel s mission to defend, to unfold and to 
propagate this truth is a corollary of the doctrine itself and 
cannot be separated from it. Whether we regard it as Law 
or a system of doctrine, as religious truth or world-mission, 
this belief pledged the little tribe of Judah to a warfare of 
many thousands of years against the hordes of heathendom 
with all their idolatry and brutality, their deification of man 
and their degradation of deity to human rank. It betokened 
a battle for the pure idea of God and man, which is not to 
end until the principle of divine holiness has done away with 
every form of life that tends to degrade and to disunite man 
kind, and until Israel s Only One has become the unifying 
power and the highest ideal of all humanity. 

1 Comp. Geiger: Nachgel. Schr., 11,37-41; also his Jud. u. s. Gesch., 
I, 20-35 ; Beck : D. Wesen d. Judenthums ; Eschelbacher : D. Judenthum u. d. 
Wcscn d. Christenthums ; Schreiner, 1. c., 26-34. 



16 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

2. Of this great world-duty of Israel only the few will 
ever become fully conscious. As in the days of the prophets, 
so in later periods, only a "small remnant" was fully imbued 
with the lofty ideal. In times of oppression the great mul 
titude of the people persisted in a conscientious observance 
of the Law and underwent suffering without a murmur. Yet 
in tunes of liberty and enlightenment this same majority 
often neglects to assimilate the new culture to its own superior 
spirit, but instead eagerly assimilates itself to the surrounding 
world, and thereby loses much of its intrinsic strength and 
self-respect. The pendulum of thought and sentiment swings 
to and fro between the national and the universal ideals, 
while only a few maturer minds have a clear vision of the 
goal as it is to be reached along both lines of development. 
Nevertheless, Judaism is in a true sense a religion of the 
people. It is free from all priestly tutelage and hierarchical 
interference. It has no ecclesiastical system of belief, guarded 
and supervised by men invested with superior powers. Its 
teachers and leaders have always been men from among the 
people, like the prophets of yore, with no sacerdotal privilege 
or title ; in fact, in his own household each father is the God- 
appointed teacher of his children. 1 

3. Neither is Judaism the creation of a single person, 
either prophet or a man with divine claims. It points back 
to the patriarchs as its first source of revelation. It speaks 
not of the God of Moses, of Amos and Isaiah, but of the God 
of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, thereby declaring the Jewish 
genius to be the creator of its own religious ideas. It is there 
fore incorrect to speak of a "Mosaic," "Hebrew," or "Israel- 
itish," religion. The name Judaism alone expresses the pres 
ervation of the religious heritage of Israel by the tribe of Judah, 
with a loyalty which was first displayed by Judah himself 
in the patriarchal household, and which became its char- 

iDeut. VI, 7; XI, 19. 



THE ESSENCE OF THE RELIGION OF JUDAISM 17 

acteristic virtue in the history of the various tribes. Like 
wise the rigid measures of Ezra in expelling all foreign 
elements from the new commonwealth proved instrumental 
in impressing loyalty and piety upon Jewish family life. 

4. As it was bound up with the life of the Jewish people, 
Judaism remained forever in close touch with the world. 
Therefore it appreciated adequately the boons of life, and 
escaped being reduced to the shadowy form of "otherworld- 
liness." 1 It is a religion of life, which it wishes to sanctify 
by duty rather than by laying stress on the hereafter. It 
looks to the deed and the purity of the motive, not to the empty 
creed and the blind belief. Nor is it a religion of redemption, 
contemning this earthly life ; for Judaism repudiates the 
assumption of a radical power of evil in man or in the world. 
Faith in the ultimate triumph of the good is essential to it. 
In fact, this perfect confidence in the final victory of truth 
and justice over all the powers of falsehood and wrong lent 
it both its wondrous intellectual force and its high idealism, 
and adorned its adherents with the martyr s crown of thorns, 
such as no other human brow has ever borne. 

5. Christianity and Islam, notwithstanding their alienation 
from Judaism and frequent hostility, are still daughter-reli 
gions. In so far as they have sown the seeds of Jewish truth 
over all the globe and have done their share in upbuilding the 
Kingdom of God on earth, they must be recognized as divinely 
appointed emissaries and agencies. Still Judaism sets forth 
its doctrine of God s unity and of life s holiness in a far superior 
form than does Christianity. It neither permits the deity 
to be degraded into the sphere of the sensual and human, 
nor does it base its morality upon a love bereft of the vital 
principle of justice. Against the rigid monotheism of Islam, 
which demands blind submission to the stern decrees of 
inexorable fate, Judaism on the other hand urges its belief 

1 See Geiger : Nachgel. Schr., II, 37 f. 
c 



i8 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

in God s paternal love and mercy, which educates all the chil 
dren of men, through trial and suffering, for their high destiny. 
6. Judaism denies most emphatically the right of Chris 
tianity or any other religion to arrogate to itself the title of 
"the absolute religion" or to claim to be "the finest blossom 
and the ripest fruit of religious development." As if any 
mortal man at any time or under any condition could say with 
out presumption : "I am the Truth" or "No one cometh unto 
the Father but by me." 1 "When man was to proceed from 
the hands of his Maker," says the Midrash, "the Holy One, 
Blessed be His name, cast truth down to the earth, saying, 
Let truth spring forth from the earth, and righteousness 
look down from heaven. " 2 The full unfolding of the reli 
gious and moral life of mankind is the work of countless gen 
erations yet to come, and many divine heralds of truth and 
righteousness have yet to contribute their share. In this 
work of untold ages, Judaism claims that it has achieved 
and is still achieving its full part as the prophetic world- 
religion. Its law of righteousness, which takes for its scope 
the whole of human life, in its political and social relations 
as well as its personal aspects, forms the foundation of its 
ethics for all time ; while its hope for a future realization of 
the Kingdom of God has actually become the aim of human 
history. As a matter of fact, when the true object of religion 
is the hallowing of life rather than the salvation of the soul, 
there is little room left for sectarian exclusiveness, or for a 
heaven for believers and a hell for unbelievers. With this 
broad outlook upon life, Judaism lays claim, not to perfec 
tion, but to perfectibility ; it has supreme capacity for grow 
ing toward the highest ideals of mankind, as beheld by the 
prophets in their Messianic visions. 

1 John XIV, 6. Comp. Dorner, 1. c., 173; and his Grundprobleme d. Re- 
ligions philosophic; Orelli: Religions geschichte, 276 f. 

2 Gen. R. VIII, 5. 



CHAPTER IV 

THE JEWISH ARTICLES OF FAITH 

i. In order to reach a clear opinion, whether or not Judaism 
has articles of faith in the sense of Church dogmas, a question 
so much discussed since the days of Moses Mendelssohn, it 
seems necessary first to ascertain what faith in general means 
to the Jew. 1 Now the word used in Jewish literature for 
faith is Emunah, from the root Aman, to be firm ; this denotes 
firm reliance upon God, and likewise firm adherence to him, 
hence both faith and faithfulness. Both Scripture and the 
Rabbis demanded confiding trust in God, His messengers, and 
His words, not the formal acceptance of a prescribed belief. 2 
Only when contact with the non-Jewish world emphasized 
the need for a clear expression of the belief in the unity of 
God, such as was found in the Shema, 3 and when the proselyte 
was expected to declare in some definite form the fundamentals 
of the faith he espoused, was the importance of a concrete 
confession felt. 4 Accordingly we find the beginnings of a 
formulated belief in the synagogal liturgy, in the Emeth we 

1 See Schechter : Studies, 147-181 and notes 351 f. ; Mendelssohn : Ges. Schr., 
III,32i. Comp. Schlesinger : B uch Ikkarim, 630-632; Bousset : Religion d. 
Judenthums, 170 f., 175, and thereto Perles : Bousset, 112 f.; Martin Schreiner : 
! c - 35 f-J J- E., art. Faith and Articles of Faith (E. G. Hirsch) ; Felsenthal, 
Margolis, and Kohler, in Y. B. C. C. A. R., 1897, p. 54; 1903, p. 188-193; 
1905, p. 83; Neumark: art. Ikkarim in Ozar ha Yahduih; D. Fr. Strauss: 
D. christl. Glaubenslehre, I, 25. 

1 See Gen. XV, 6; Mek. to Ex. XIV; J. E., art. Faith. 

Deut. VI, 1-6; XI, 13-21; Num. XV, 37-41. 

4 See Bousset, II, 224 f. The term Pistis = faith, assumes a new meaning 
in Hellenistic literature. 

19 



20 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

Yatzib l and the Alenu? while in the Haggadah Abraham 
is represented both as the exemplar of a hero of faith and as 
the type of a missionary, wandering about to lead the heathen 
world towards the pure monotheistic faith. 3 While the 
Jewish concept of faith underwent a certain transformation, 
influenced by other systems of belief, and the formulation of 
Jewish doctrines appeared necessary, particularly in opposi 
tion to the Christian and Mohammedan creeds, still belief 
never became the essential part of religion, conditioning sal 
vation, as in the Church founded by Paul. For, as pointed 
out above, Judaism lays all stress upon conduct, not confession ; 
upon a hallowed life, not a hollow creed. 

2. There is no Biblical nor Rabbinical precept, "Thou 
shalt believe!" Jewish thinkers felt all the more the need 
to point out as fundamentals or roots of Judaism those doc 
trines upon which it rests, and from which it derives its vital 
force. To the rabbis, the " root " of faith is the recognition 
of a divine Judge to whom we owe account for all our doings. 4 
The recital of the Shema, which is called in the Mishnah 
"accepting the yoke of God s sovereignty," and which is 
followed by the solemn affirmation, "True and firm belief 
is this for us" 5 (Emeth we Yatzib or Emeth we Emunati), is, 
in fact, the earliest form of the confession of faith. 6 In the 
course of time this confession of belief in the unity of God 
was no longer deemed sufficient to serve as basis for the whole 
structure of Judaism ; so the various schools and authorities 
endeavored to work out in detail a series of fundamental 
doctrines. 

3. The Mishnah, in Sanhedrin, X, i, which seems to date 
back to the beginnings of Pharisaism, declares the following 

1 See J. E., art. Emeth we Yatzib. z See J. E., art. Alenu. 

3 See J. E., art. Abraham in Apocryphical and Rabbinical Lit. 

4 Sifra Behukothai, III, 6 ; Sank. 38 b ; Targ. Y. to Gen. IV, 8. 

1 Ber. II, 2 ; see Kohler : M onatschrift, 1883, p. 445. Kohler, 1. c. 



THE JEWISH ARTICLES OF FAITH 21 

three to have no share in the world to come : he who denies 
the resurrection of the dead ; he who says that the Torah - 
both the written and the oral Law is not divinely revealed ; 
and the Epicurean, who does not believe in the moral govern 
ment of the world. 1 We find here (in reverse order, owing 
to historical conditions), the beliefs in Revelation, Retribu 
tion, and the Hereafter singled out as the three fundamentals 
of Rabbinical Judaism. Rabbi Hananel, the great North 
African Talmudist, about the middle of the tenth century, 
seems to have been under the influence of Mohammedan and 
Karaite doctrines, when he speaks of four fundamentals of 
the faith : God, the prophets, the future reward and punish 
ment, and the Messiah. 2 

4. The doctrine of the One and Only God stands, as a 
matter of course, in the foreground. Philo of Alexandria, 
at the end of his treatise on Creation, singles out five prin 
ciples which are bound up with it, viz. : i, God s existence 
and His government of the world ; 2, His unity ; 3, the world 
as His creation; 4, the harmonious plan by which it was 
established; and 5, His Providence. Josephus, too, in his 
apology for Judaism written against Apion, 3 emphasizes the 
belief in God s all-encompassing Providence, His incorporeal- 
ity, and His self-sufficiency as the Creator of the universe. 

^he Mishnaic Apicoros corresponded to the Greek, Epicoureios, and was 
no longer understood by the Talraudists ; see Schechter : Studies in Judaism, I, 
157. It is denned by Josephus : Antiquities, X, n, 7 : "The Epicureans . . . 
are in a state of error, who cast Providence out of life, and do not believe that 
God takes care of the affairs of the world, nor that the universe is governed by 
a Being which outlives all things in everlasting self-sufficiency and bliss, but de 
clare it to be self-sustaining and void of a ruler and protector . . . like a ship 
without a helmsman and like a chariot without a driver." Comp. also Oppen- 
heim in Monatschr., 1864, p. 149. 

See Rappaport: "Biography of R. Hananel," in Bikkure ha Itlim, 
1842. 

1 Contra Apionem, II, 22. See J. G. Mueller : Josephus Schrift gegen Apion, 
3H-3I3. 



22 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

The example of Islam, which had very early formulated a 
confession of faith of speculative character for daily recitation, 1 
influenced first Karaite and then Rabbanite teachers to elab 
orate the Jewish doctrine of One Only God into a philosophic 
creed. The Karaites modeled their creed after the Moham 
medan pattern, which gave them ten articles of faith ; of these 
the first three dwelt on: i, creation out of nothing; 2, the 
existence of God, the Creator; 3, the unity and incorpo- 
reality of God. 2 

Abraham ben David (Ibn Daud) of Toledo sets forth in 
his "Sublime Faith " six essentials of the Jewish faith: i, the 
existence; 2, the unity; 3, the incorporeality ; 4, the omnip 
otence of God (to this he subjoins the existence of angelic 
beings); 5, revelation and the immutability of the Law; 
and 6, divine Providence. 3 Maimonides, the greatest of all 
medieval thinkers, propounded thirteen articles of faith, 
which took the place of a creed in the Synagogue for the fol 
lowing centuries, as they were incorporated in the liturgy 
both in the form of a credo (Ani Maamin) and in a poetic 
version. His first five articles were: i, the existence; 2, the 
unity; 3, the incorporeality; 4, the eternity of God; and 
5, that He alone should be the object of worship; to which 
we must add his loth, divine Providence. 4 Others, not 
satisfied with the purely metaphysical form of the Maimoni- 
dean creed, accentuated the doctrines of creation out of nothing 
and special Providence. 5 

1 See Alfred v. Kremer : Gesch. d. hersch. Ideen d. Islam, 39-41 ; Goldziher, 
D. M. L. Z., XLIV, p. 168 f.; XLI, p. 72 f., which passages cast much light 
upon the Jewish Ani Maamin. 

2 See Jost : Gesch. d. Jud., II, 330 f . ; Frankl : art. Karaites in Ersch und Gru- 
ber s Encyclopaedic; Loew: Juedische Dogmen, Ges. s. I, 154; Schechter, 1. c. 

3 J. Guttman: D. Religions phil.v. Abraham Ibn Daud; David Kaufmann, 
Gesch. d. Attributenlehre; Neumark: Gesch. d. juedisch. Phil. vols. I and II. 

4 Maimonides: Commentary on Mishnah, Sanh., X, i; Schechter, I.e., 
163; Holzer: Gesch. d. Dogmenlehre, Berlin, 1901. 

5 See Loew, 1. c., 156; Schechter, 1. c., 165. 



THE JEWISH ARTICLES OF FAITH 23 

This speculative form of faith, however, has been most 
severely denounced by Samuel David Luzzatto (1800-1865) as 
"Atticism" 1 ; that is, the Hellenistic or philosophic tendency 
to consider religion as a purely intellectual system, instead of 
the great dynamic force for man s moral and spiritual eleva 
tion. He holds that Judaism, as the faith transmitted to us 
from Abraham, our ancestor, must be considered, not as a 
mere speculative mode of reasoning, but as a moral life force, 
manifested in the practice of righteousness and brotherly 
love. Indeed, this view is supported by modern Biblical re 
search, which brings out as the salient point in Biblical teach 
ing the ethical character of the God taught by the prophets, 
and shows that the essential truth of revelation is not to be 
found in a metaphysical but in an ethical monotheism. At 
the same time, the fact must not be overlooked that the 
Jewish doctrine of God s unity was strengthened in the con 
test with the dualistic and trinitarian beliefs of other religions, 
and that this unity gave Jewish thought both lucidity and 
sublimity, so that it has surpassed other faiths in intellectual 
power and in passion for truth. The Jewish conception of 
God thus makes truth, as well as righteousness and love, both 
a moral duty for man and a historical task comprising all 
humanity. 

5. The second fundamental article of the Jewish faith is 
divine revelation, or, as the Mishnah expresses it, the belief 
that the Torah emanates from God (min ha shamayim). In 
the Maimonidean thirteen articles, this is divided into four : 
his 6th, belief in the prophets; 7, in the prophecy of Moses 
as the greatest of all ; 8, in the divine origin of the Torah, 
both the written and the oral Law ; and 9, its immutability. 
The fundamental character of these, however, was contested 

1 See P. Bloch: "Luzzatto als Religionsphilosoph " in Samuel David Luz 
zatto, p. 49-71. Comp. Hochmuth: Gotteskenntniss und Gottesverehrung, Ein- 
leitung. 



24 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

by Hisdai Crescas and his disciples, Simon Duran and Joseph 
Albo. 1 As a matter of fact, they are based not so much upon 
Rabbinical teaching as upon the prevailing views of Moham 
medan theology, 2 and were undoubtedly dictated by the 
desire to dispute the claims of Christianity and Islam that 
they represented a higher revelation. Our modern historical 
view, however, includes all human thought and belief; it 
therefore rejects altogether the assumption of a supernatural 
origin of either the written or the oral Torah, and insists that 
the subject of prophecy, revelation, and inspiration in general 
be studied in the light of psychology and ethnology, of general 
history and comparative religion. 

6. The third fundamental article of the Jewish faith is 
the belief in a moral government of the world, which mani 
fests itself in the reward of good and the punishment of evil, 
either here or hereafter. Maimonides divides this into two 
articles, which really belong together, his loth, God s knowl 
edge of all human acts and motives, and n, reward and 
punishment. The latter includes the hereafter and the 
last Day of Judgment, which, of course, applies to all human 
beings. 

7. Closely connected with retribution is the belief in the 
resurrection of the dead, which is last among the thirteen 
articles. This belief, which originally among the Pharisees 
had a national and political character, and was therefore 
connected especially with the Holy Land (as will be seen in 
Chapter LIV below) , received in the Rabbinical schools more 
and more a universal form. Maimonides went so far as to 
follow the Platonic view rather than that of the Bible or the 
Talmud, and thus transformed it into a belief in the con 
tinuity of the soul after death. In this form, however, it is 
actually a postulate, or corollary, of the belief in retribution. 

1 See Schechter, 1. c., 167 and the notes. 
m 2 See Horowitz : D. Psychologie u. d. jued. Religions philosophic, 1883. 



THE JEWISH ARTICLES OF FAITH 25 

8. The old hope for the national resurrection of Israel took 
in the Maimonidean system the form of a belief in the coming 
of the Messiah (article 12), to which, in the commentary on 
the Mishnah, he gives the character of a belief in the restora 
tion of the Davidic dynasty. Joseph Albo, with others, 
disputes strongly the fundamental character of this belief; 
he shows the untenability of Maimonides position by referring 
to many Talmudic passages, and at the same time he casts 
polemical side glances upon the Christian Church, which is 
really founded on Messianism in the special form of its Chris- 
tology. 1 Jehuda ha Levi, in his Cuzari, substitutes for this as 
a fundamental doctrine the belief in the election of Israel 
for its world-mission. 2 It certainly redounds to the credit of 
the leaders of the modern Reform movement that they took 
the election of Israel rather than the Messiah as their cardinal 
doctrine, again bringing it home to the religious consciousness 
of the Jew, and placing it at the very center of their system. 
In this way they reclaimed for the Messianic hope the uni 
versal character which was originally given it by the great 
seer of the Exile. 3 

9. The thirteen articles of Maimonides, in setting forth 
a Jewish Credo, formed a vigorous opposition to the Christian 
and Mohammedan creeds ; they therefore met almost uni 
versal acceptance among the Jewish people, and were given 
a place in the common prayerbook, in spite of their deficien 
cies, as shown by Crescas and his school. Nevertheless, 
we must admit fhat Crescas shows the deeper insight into 
the nature of religion when he observes that the main fallacy 
of the Maimonidean system lies in founding the Jewish faith 
on speculative knowledge, which is a matter of the intellect, 
rather than love which flows from the heart, and which alone 
leads to piety and goodness. True love, he says, requires 

1 See J. E., art. Albo by E. G. Hirscb, and the bibliography there. 
1 See Schechter, 1. c., p. 162. Isa. XLIX, 9, and elsewhere. 



26 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

the belief neither in retribution nor in immortality. More 
over, in striking contrast to the insistence of Maimonides on 
the immutability of the Mosaic Law, Crescas maintains the 
possibility of its continuous progress in accordance with the 
intellectual and spiritual needs of the time, or, what amounts 
to the same thing, the continuous perfectibility of the re 
vealed Law itself. 1 Thus the criticism of Crescas leads at 
once to a radically different theology than that of Maimonides, 
and one which appeals far more to our own religious thought. 

10. Another doctrine of Judaism, which was greatly under 
rated by medieval scholars, and which has been emphasized 
in modern times only in contrast to the Christian theory of 
original sin, is that man was created in the image of God. 
Judaism holds that the soul of man came forth pure from the 
hand of its Maker, endowed with freedom, unsullied by any 
inherent evil or inherited sin. Thus man is, through the exer 
cise of his own free will, capable of attaining an ever greater 
perfection by unfolding and developing to an ever higher degree 
his mental, moral, and spiritual powers in the course of history. 
This is the Biblical idea of God s spirit as immanent in man ; 
all prophetic truth is based upon it ; and though it was often 
obscured, this theory was voiced by many of the masters of 
Rabbinical lore, such as R. Akiba and others. 2 

11. Every attempt to formulate the doctrines or articles 
of faith of Judaism was made, in order to guard the Jewish 
faith from the intrusion of foreign beliefs, never to impose 
disputed beliefs upon the Jewish community itself. Many, 
indeed, challenged the fundamental character of the thirteen 
articles of Maimonides. Albo reduced them to three, viz. : 
the belief in God, in revelation, and retribution ; others, with 
more arbitrariness than judgment, singled out three, five, six, 
or even more as principal doctrines ; 3 while rigid conservatives, 

1 See Schechter, 1. c., p. 169. 2 Aboth, III, i ; Gen. R. XXI, 5. 
8 See Schechter, 1. c. 



THE JEWISH ARTICLES OF FAITH 27 

such as Isaac Abravanel and David ben Zimra, altogether 
disapproved the attempt to formulate articles of faith. The 
former maintained that every word in the Torah is, in fact, 
a principle of faith, and the latter l pointed in the same way 
to the 613 commandments of the Torah, spoken of by R. 
Simlai the Haggadist in the third century. 2 

The present age of historical research imposes the same 
necessity of restatement or reformulation upon us. We 
must do as Maimonides did, as Jews have always done, 
point out anew the really fundamental doctrines, and discard 
those which have lost their holdup on the modern Jew, or which 
conflict directly with his religious consciousness. If Judaism 
is to retain its prominent position among the powers of thought, 
and to be clearly understood by the modern world, it must 
again reshape its religious truths in harmony with the domi 
nant ideas of the age. 

Many attempts of this character have been made by modern 
rabbis and teachers, most of them founded upon Albo s three 
articles. Those who penetrated somewhat more deeply into 
the essence of Judaism added a fourth article, the belief in 
Israel s priestly mission, and at the same time, instead of the 
belief in retribution, included the doctrine of man s kinship 
with God, or, if one may coin the word, his God-childship? 
Few, however, have succeeded in working out the entire con 
tent of the Jewish faith from a modern viewpoint, which 
must include historical, critical, and psychological research, 
as well as the study of comparative religion. 

12. The following tripartite plan is that of the present 
attempt to present the doctrines of Judaism systematically 
along the lines of historical development : 

1 See Loew, 1. c., 157, and his " Mafteah," p. 331 ; Schechter, 1. c. 

Makk. 23 b. 

1 See J. E., art. Catechism by E. Schreiber. 



28 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

I. GOD 

a. Man s consciousness of God, and divine revelation. 

b. God s spirituality, His unity, His holiness, His perfection. 

c. His relation to the world : Creation and Providence. 

d. His relation to man : His justice, His love and mercy. 

II. MAN 

a. Man s God-childship ; his moral freedom and yearning for God. 

b. Sin and repentance ; prayer and worship ; immortality, reward and 

punishment. 

c. Man and humanity : the moral factors in history. 

III. ISRAEL AND THE KINGDOM OF GOD 

a. The priest-mission of Israel, its destiny as teacher and martyr among 

the nations, and its Messianic hope. 

b. The Kingdom of God: the nations and religions of the world in a 

divine plan of universal salvation. 

c. The Synagogue and its institutions. 

d. The ethics of Judaism and the Kingdom of God. 



PART I. GOD 
A. GOD AS HE MAKES HIMSELF KNOWN TO MAN 

CHAPTER V 

MAN S CONSCIOUSNESS OF GOD AND BELIEF IN GOD 

1. Holy Writ employs two terms for religion, both of 
which lay stress upon its moral and spiritual nature : Yirath 
Elohim "fear of God" and Daath Elohim "knowledge 
or consciousness of God." Whatever the fear of God may 
have meant in the lower stages of primitive religion, in the 
Biblical and Rabbinical conceptions it exercises a wholesome 
moral effect ; it stirs up the conscience and keeps man from 
wrongdoing. Where fear of God is lacking, violence and 
vice are rife ; 1 it keeps society in order and prompts the 
individual to walk in the path of duty. Hence it is called 
"the beginning of wisdom." 2 The divine revelation of Sinai 
accentuates as its main purpose "to put the fear of God into 
the hearts of the people, lest they sin." 3 

2. God-consciousness, or "knowledge of God," signifies an 
inner experience which impels man to practice the right and to 
shun evil, the recognition of God as the moral power of life. 
"Because there is no knowledge of God," therefore do the 
people heap iniquity upon iniquity, says Hosea, and he hopes 
to see the broken covenant with the Lord renewed through 

1 Gen. XX, n. Ps. CXI, 10; Prov. DC, 10; Job XXVIII, 28. 

Ex. XX, 20. 

29 



30 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

faithfulness grounded on the consciousness of God. 1 Jeremiah 
also insists upon "the knowledge of God" as a moral force, 
and, like Hosea, he anticipates the renewal of the broken cove 
nant when "the Lord shall write His law upon the heart" 
of the people, and "they shall all know Him from the least 
of them unto the greatest of them." 2 Wherever Scripture 
speaks of "knowledge of God," 3 it always means the moral 
and spiritual recognition of the Deity as life s inmost power, 
determining human conduct, and by no means refers to mere 
intellectual perception of the truth of Jewish monotheism, 
which is to refute the diverse forms of polytheism. This 
misconception of the term "knowledge of God," as used in the 
Bible, led the leading medieval thinkers of Judaism, especially 
the school of Maimonides, and even down to Mendelssohn, 
into the error of confusing religion and philosophy, as if both 
resulted from pure reason. It is man s moral nature rather 
than his intellectual capacity, that leads him "to know God 
and walk in His ways." 4 

3. It is mainly through the conscience that man becomes 
conscious of God. He sees himself, a moral being, guided by 
motives which lend a purpose to his acts and his omissions, 
and thus feels that this purpose of his must somehow be in 
accord with a higher purpose, that of a Power who directs and 
controls the whole of life. The more he sees purpose ruling 
individuals and nations, the more will his God-consciousness 
grow into the conviction that there is but One and Only God, 
who in awful grandeur holds dominion over the world. This 
is the developmental process of religious truth, as it is un- 

iHos. IV, i, 6; II, 2; XIII, 4-5. 

2 Jer. IX, 23; XXII, 16; XXXI, 32-33. 

8 Deut. IV, 39 ; VII, 9. 

4 Knowledge as intellect is brought out as early as the Book of Wisdom, 
XIII, i ; see especially Maimonides : Yesode ha Torah, 1, 1-3 ; Moreh, 1, 39 ; III, 
28. In opposition, see Rosin : Ethik des Maimonides, 101 ; Luzzatto and Hoch- 
muth, 1. c. ; also Dillmann : H. B. d. alttestamentl. Theol., 204 f. 



CONSCIOUSNESS OF GOD AND BELIEF IN GOD 31 

folded by the prophets and as it underlies the historic frame 
work of the Bible. In this light Jewish monotheism appears 
as the ripe fruitage of religion in its universal as well as its 
primitive form of God-consciousness, as the highest attain 
ment of man in his eternal seeking after God. Polytheism, 
on the other hand, with its idolatrous and immoral practices, 
appeared to the prophets and law-givers of Israel to be, not a 
competing religion, but simply a falling away from God. They 
felt it to be a loss or eclipse of the genuine God-consciousness. 
The object of revelation, therefore, is to lead back all mankind 
to the God whom it had deserted, and to restore to all men their 
primal consciousness of God, with its power of moral regenera 
tion. 

4. In the same degree as this God-consciousness grows 
stronger, it crystallizes into belief in God, and culminates in 
love of God. As stated above, 1 in Judaism belief Emunah 

- never denotes the acceptance of a creed. It is rather the 
confiding trust by which the frail mortal finds a firm hold on 
God amidst the uncertainties and anxieties of life, the search 
for His shelter in distress, the reliance on His ever-ready help 
when one s own powers fail. The believer is like a little child 
who follows confidingly the guidance of his father, and feels 
safe when near his arm. In fact, the double meaning of 
Emunah, faith and faithfulness, suggests man s child-like 
faith in the paternal faithfulness of God. The patriarch 
Abraham is presented in both Biblical and Rabbinical writings 
as the pattern of such a faith, 2 and the Jewish people likewise 
are characterized in the Talmud as "believers, sons of be 
lievers." 3 The Midrash extols such life-cheering faith as 
the power which inspires true heroism and deeds of valor. 4 

5. The highest triumph of God-consciousness, however, is 
attained in love of God such as can renounce cheerfully all 

1 Ch. IV. * Gen. XV, 6 ; sec J. E., art. Abraham. 

1 Shab. 97 a. 4 Mek. Beshallak 6, p. 41 ab. 



32 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

the boons of life and undergo the bitterest woe without a 
murmur. The book of Deuteronomy inculcates love of God 
as the beginning and the end of the Law, 1 and the rabbis 
declare it to be the highest type of human perfection. In 
commenting upon the verse, "Thou shalt love the Lord thy 
God with all thy heart, with all thy soul, and with all thy 
might," they say: "Love the Law, even when thy life is 
demanded as its price, nay, even with the last breath of thy 
body, with a heart that has no room for dissent, amid every 
visitation of destiny !" 2 They point to the tragic martyrdom 
of R. Akiba as an example of such a love sealed by death. In 
like manner they refer the expression, "they that love Thee/ 3 
to those who bear insults without resentment; who hear 
themselves abused without retort; who do good unselfishly, 
without caring for recognition; and who cheerfully suffer as 
a test of their fortitude and their love of God. 4 Thus through 
out all Rabbinical literature love of God is regarded as the 
highest principle of religion and as the ideal of human per 
fection, which was exemplified by Job, according to the oldest 
Haggadah, and, according to the Mishnah, by Abraham. 5 
Another interpretation of the verse cited from Deuteronomy 
reads, "Love God in such a manner that thy fellow-creatures 
may love Him owing to thy deeds." 6 

All these passages and many others 7 show what a promi 
nent place the principle of love occupied in Judaism. This 
is, indeed, best voiced in the Song of Songs: 8 "For love is 
strong as death ; the flashes thereof are flashes of fire, a very 

1 Deut. VI, 5; X, 12; XI, i ; XIII, 22; XXX, 6, 16, 20. 

2 Sifre to Deut. VI, 5. 8 Judges V, 31. 4 Shab. 88 b. 

6 See Testament of Job, and notes by Kohler, in Semitic Studies in Memory 
of Alexander Kohut, 271, and Sota, V, 5. 

Sifre, 1. c. 

7 See Yoma, 86 a; T. d. El. R., XXIV; Maimonides, H. Teshubah, X; 
Crescas: Or Adonai, I, 3. Comp. Testaments Twelve Patriarchs, Simeon 3, 
4; Issachar, 5 ; Philo : Quod omnis probus liber, 12 and elsewhere. 

8 Song of Songs VIII, 6, 7. 



CONSCIOUSNESS OF GOD AND BELIEF IN GOD 33 

flame of the Lord. Many waters cannot quench that love, 
neither can the floods drown it." It set the heart of the Jew 
aglow during all the centuries, prompting him to sacrifice his 
life and all that was dear to him for the glorification of his 
God, to undergo for his faith a martyrdom without parallel 
in history. 



CHAPTER VI 

REVELATION, PROPHECY, AND INSPIRATION 

1. Divine revelation signifies two different things : first, 
God s self-revelation, which the Rabbis called Gilluy Shekinah, 
"the manifestation of the divine Presence," and, second, the 
revelation of His will, for which they used the term Tor ah 
min ha Shamayim, "the Law as emanating from God." 1 
The former appealed to the child-like belief of the Biblical 
age, which took no offense at anthropomorphic ideas, such 
as the descent of God from heaven to earth, His appearing to 
men in some visible form, or any other miracle; the latter 
appears to be more acceptable to those of more advanced 
religious views. Both conceptions, however, imply that the 
religious truth of revelation was communicated to man by a 
special act of God. 

2. Each creative act is a mystery beyond the reach of 
human observation. In all fields of endeavor the flashing 
forth of genius impresses us as the work of a mysterious force, 
which acts upon an elect individual or nation and brings it 
into close touch with the divine. In the religious genius 
especially is this true; for in him all the spiritual forces of 
the age seem to be energized and set into motion, then to burst 
forth into a new religious consciousness, which is to revolu 
tionize religious thought and feeling. In a child-like age 
when the emotional life and the imagination predominate, 
and man s mind, still receptive, is overwhelmed by mighty 
visions, the Deity stirs the soul in some form perceptible to 

1 See Sifre Deut. XXVI, 8 ; Sanh. X, i ; J. E., art. Revelation ; Dillmann, 
61 f. ; Geiger, D. Jud. u. s. Gesch. I, 34 f. 

34 



REVELATION, PROPHECY, AND INSPIRATION 35 

the senses. Thus the "seer" assumes a trance-like state 
where the Ego, the self-conscious personality, is pushed into 
the background ; he becomes a passive instrument, the mouth 
piece of the Deity ; from Him he receives a message to the 
people, and in his vision he beholds God who sends him. This 
appearance of God upon the background of the soul, which 
reflects Him like a mirror, is Revelation. 1 

3. The states of the soul when men see such visions of the 
Deity predominate in the beginnings of all religions. Accord 
ingly, Scripture ascribes such revelations to non-Israelites as 
well as to the patriarchs and prophets of Israel, to Abime- 
lek and Laban, Balaam, Job, and Eliphaz. 2 Therefore the 
Jewish prophet is not distinguished from the rest by the 
capability to receive divine revelation, but rather by the 
intrinsic nature of the revelation which he receives. His 
vision comes from a moral God. The Jewish genius perceived 
God as the moral power of life, whether in the form expressed 
by Abraham, Moses, Elijah, or by the literary prophets, 
and all of these, coming into touch with Him, were lif ted into 
a higher sphere, where they received a new truth, hitherto 
1 See Deut. XIII, 2-6, where prophet forms a parallel to dreamer of dreams. 
God appears in a dream to Abraham (Gen. XV, i, 12), to Abimelek (Gen. XX, 
3, 6), to Jacob (XXVIII, 12; XXXI, n; XLVI, 2), to Laban (XXXI, 24), 
to Balaam (Num. XXIV, 3), and to Eliphaz (Job IV, 3-6). Dream-like visions 
open the prophetic career of Moses (Exod. Ill, 3-6), Samuel (I Sam. Ill, i, 
15, 2 1), Isaiah (Is. VI, i f.), Jeremiah (Jer. I, n f.), Ezekiel (Ezek. I, 4), and 
others. Revelation in the Bible is Mahazeh, hazon, and hizayon, "vision" 
whence hozeh, "seer"; or march, "sight," whence roth, "seer." See also 
Geiger: Urschrift, 340; 300. Prophecy without dream or vision is claimed 
for Moses (Num. XII, 6-8; Exod. XXX, n; Deut. XXXIV, 10; see Mai- 
monides: Moreh, II, 43-47; Albo, Ikkarim, III, 8). The revelation on Sinai 
is described as "the great vision," or march: Exod. Ill, 3; XXIV, 17; com 
pare Deut. IV, n-V, 23, according to which only a "voice" is heard. Instead 
of God the later prophets see an angel, as Zach. I, 8, u ; II, 2 f. Compare 
Yebam. 49 b, as to the difference between Isaiah, who saw God in a vision, and 
Moses, who saw Him "in a shining mirror." He will appear in the latter way 
to the righteous in the future world, Sue. 45 b; Lev. R. I, 14; I Cor. XIII, 12. 
1 See Gen. XX, 6 ; XXXI, 29 ; Num. XXIV ; Job IV, 16 f. ; XXXVIII, i. 



36 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

hidden from man. In speaking through them, God ap 
peared actually to have stepped into the sphere of human life 
as its moral Ruler. This self -revelation of God as the Ruler 
of man in righteousness, which must be viewed in the life of 
any prophet as a providential act, forms the great historical 
sequence in the history of Israel, upon which rests the Jewish 
religion. 1 

4. The divine revelation in Israel was by no means a 
single act, but a process of development, and its various 
stages correspond to the degrees of culture of the people. 
For this reason the great prophets also depended largely 
upon dreams and visions, at least in their consecration to the 
prophetic mission, when one solemn act was necessary. 
After that the message itself and its new moral content set 
the soul of the prophet astir. Not the vision or its imagery, 
but the new truth itself seizes him with irresistible force, so 
that he is carried away by the divine power and speaks as 
the mouthpiece of God, using lofty poetic diction while in 
a state of ecstacy. Hence he speaks of God in the first person. 
The highest stage of all is that where the prophet receives the 
divine truth in the form of pure thought and with complete 
self -consciousness. Therefore the Scripture says of Moses 
and of no other, "The Lord spoke to Moses face to face, as 
a man speaks to another." 2 

5. The story of the giving of the Law on Mount Sinai is 
in reality the revelation of God to the people of Israel as part 
of the great world-drama of history. Accordingly, the chief 
emphasis is laid upon the miraculous element, the descent 
of the Lord to the mountain in fire and storm, amid thunder 
and lightning, while the Ten Words themselves were pro- 

1 The Hebrew word for prophecy is passive, nibba? or hithnabbe , "to be 
made to speak," or "to bubble forth," the Deity being the active power, 
while the prophet is His mouthpiece. 

2 Ex. XXXIII, ii ; Deut. XXXIV, 10. 



REVELATION, PROPHECY, AND INSPIRATION 37 

claimed by Moses as God s herald. 1 As a matter of fact, the 
first words of the narrative state its purpose, the consecration 
of the Jewish people at the outset of their history to be a nation 
of prophets and priests. 2 Therefore the rabbis lay stress 
upon the acceptance of the Law by the people in saying : 
"All that the Lord sayeth we shall do and hearken." 3 From 
a larger point of view, we see here the dramatized form of the 
truth of Israel s election by divine Providence for its historic 
religious mission. 

6. The rabbis ascribed the gifts of prophecy to pagans as 
well as Israelites at least as late as the erection of the Tab 
ernacle, after which the Divine Presence dwelt there in the 
midst of Israel. 4 They say that each of the Jewish prophets 
was endowed with a peculiar spiritual power that corresponded 
with his character and his special training, the highest, of course, 
being Moses, whom they called " the father of the prophets." 5 

The medieval Jewish thinkers, following the lead of 
Mohammedan philosophers or theologians, regard revelation 
quite differently, as an inner process in the mind of the prophet. 
According to their mystical or rationalistic viewpoint, they 
describe it as the result of the divine spirit, working upon the 
soul either from within or from without. These two stand 
points betray either the Platonic or the Aristotelian influence. 6 
Indeed, the rabbis themselves showed traces of neo-Platonism 

Ex. XIX, 19; XX, 19. Ex. XIX, 1-8. 

Shab. 88 a after Ex. XXIV, 7. 

4 Seder Olam R., I and XXI ; Lev. Rab. I, 12-14 ; B. B. 15 b. 

Hag. 13 b; Sanh. 89 a; Lev. R. 1. c. 

8 See Schmiedl : Stud. u. jued.-arabische Religions philosophic, 191-192 ; 
S. Horowitz: D. Prophctologie i. d. jued. Religions philosophic; Sandier: D. 
Problem d. Prophetic i. d. jued. Religions philosophic; J. E., art. Prophets and 
Prophecy; Emunoth III, 4; Cuzari, I, 95; II, 10-12; Emunah Ramah, II, 
5, i ; Moreh, II, 32-48; Yesode ha Torah, VII; Or Adonai, II, 4, i ; Ikkarim, 
III, 8-12, 17; Nachmanides to Gen. XVTII, 2; Abravanel to Gen. XXI, 27; 
Corap. Husik, Hist. Med. Jew. Phil., Index s. v. Prophecy; Enc. Rel. Ethics, 
art. Philosophy and Prophecy. 



38 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

when they described the ecstatic state of the prophets, or 
when they spoke of the divine spirit speaking through the 
prophet as through a vocal instrument, or when they made 
distinctions between seeing the Deity "in a bright mirror" 
or "through a dark glass." 1 

The view most remote from the simple one of the Bible is 
the rationalistic standpoint of Maimonides, who, following 
altogether in the footsteps of the Arabic neo- Aristotelians, 
assumed that there were different degrees of prophecy, de 
pending upon the influence exerted upon the human intel 
lect by the sphere of the Highest Intelligence. He enumerates 
eleven such grades, of which Moses had the highest rank, as he 
entered into direct communication with the supreme intel 
lectual sphere. Still bolder is his explanation of the revela 
tion on Sinai. He holds that the first two words were under 
stood by the people directly as logical evidences of truth, for 
they enunciated the philosophical doctrines of the existence 
and unity of God, whereas the other words they understood 
only as sounds without meaning, so that Moses had to inter 
pret them. 2 In contrast to this amazing rationalism of Mai 
monides is the view of Jehuda ha Levi, who asserts that the 
gift of prophecy became the specific privilege of the descend 
ants of Abraham after their consecration as God s chosen 
people at Sinai, and that the holy soil of Palestine was as 
signed to them as the habitation best adapted to its exercise. 3 
The other attempt of some rationalistic thinkers of the Middle 
Ages to have a "sound created for the purpose" 4 of uttering 
the words "I am the Lord thy God," rather than accepting 
the anthropomorphic Deity, merits no consideration whatever. 

7 . It is an indisputable fact of history that the Jewish people, 

1 Horowitz, 1. c. p. 11-16; Gen. R. XVII, 6; Lev. R. 1. c.; Sanh. 17 b; 
Philo : De Decalog., 2 1 ; de Migratione Abraham!, 7 ; comp. I Corinth. XIII, 

12. 

2 Moreh, I c. 3 Cuzari, 1. c. 

4 Kol Nibra : Moreh, I, 65 ; Emunoth, II, 8 ; Cuzari, I, 89. 



REVELATION, PROPHECY, AND INSPIRATION 39 

on account of its peculiar religious bent, was predestined to 
be the people of revelation. Its leading spirits, its prophets 
and psalmists, its law-givers and inspired writers differ from 
the seers, singers, and sages of other nations by their unique 
and profound insight into the moral nature of the Deity. In 
striking contrast is the progress of thought in Greece, where 
the awakening of the ethical consciousness caused a rupture 
between the culture of the philosophers and the popular 
religion, and led to a final decay of the political and social 
life. The prophets of Israel, however, the typical men of 
genius of their people, gradually brought about an advance 
of popular religion, so that they could finally present as their 
highest ideal the God of the fathers, and make the knowl 
edge of His will the foundation of the law of holiness, by 
which they desired to regulate the entire conduct of man. 
Thus, religion was no longer confined by the limits of nation 
ality, but was transformed into a spiritual force for all man 
kind, to lead through a revelation of the One and Holy God 
toward the highest morality. 

8. The development of thought brought the God-seeking 
spirits to the desire to know His will, or, in Scriptural language, 
His ways, in order to attain holiness in their pursuit. The 
natural consequence was the gradual receding of the power of 
imagination which had made the enraptured seer behold God 
Himself in visions. As the Deity rose more and more above 
the realm of the visible, the newly conceived truth was real 
ized as coming to the sacred writer through the spirit of God 
or an angel. Inspiration took the place of revelation. This, 
however, still implies a passive attitude of the soul carried 
away by the truth it receives from on high. This supernatural 
element disappears gradually and passes over into sober, self- 
conscious thought, in which the writer no longer thinks of 
God as the Ego speaking through him, but as an outside 
Power spoken of in the third person. 



40 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

A still lower degree of inspiration is represented by those 
writings which lack altogether the divine afflatus, and to 
which is ascribed a share of the holy spirit only through gen 
eral consensus of opinion. Often this imprint of the divine 
is not found in them by the calm judgment of a later gen 
eration, and the exact basis for the classification of such 
writings among the holy books is sometimes difficult to state. 
We can only conclude that in the course of time they were 
regarded as holy by that very spirit which was embodied in 
the Synagogue and its founders, "the Men of the Great 
Synagogue," who in their work of canonizing the Sacred 
Scriptures were believed to have been under the influence of 
the holy spirit. 1 

9. Except for the five books of Moses, the idea of a me 
chanical inspiration of the Bible is quite foreign to Judaism. 
Not until the second Christian century did the rabbis 
finally decide on such questions as the inspiration of certain 
books among the Hagiographa or even among the Prophets, 
or whether certain books now excluded from the canon were 
not of equal rank with the canonical ones. 2 In fact, the in 
fluence of the holy spirit was for some time ascribed, not only 
to Biblical writers, but also to living masters of the law. 3 

1 According to the rabbis, the working of the holy spirit ceased with Haggai, 
Zechariah, and Malachi, who, with Ezra, were included also among the "Men 
of the Great Synagogue." See Tos. Sota XIII, 2; Seder Olam R. XXX; 
Sanh. ii a. See J. E., art. Synagogue, Men of the Great; Holy Spirit; In 
spiration. Comp. B. B. 14 b, 15 a ; Yoma gb ; Meg. 3 a, 7 a ; I Mace. IV, 46 ; 
Ps. LXXIV, 9 ; Josephus, Con. Apion., I, 8 ; Philo : Vita Mosis, II, 7 ; Aristeas, 
305-307. As to the difference between the spirit of prophecy and the holy 
spirit, see Cuzari, III, 32-35; Moreh, II, 35-37. The Essenes claimed the 
holy spirit for their apocryphal writings; see IV Esdras XIV, 38; Book of 
Wisdom VII, 27. 

2 On the disputes concerning canonical books, see Yadayim III, 5 ; Ab. d. 
R. N., I, ed. Schechter, 2-3 ; Shab. 30 b; Meg. 7 a. Comp. B. K. 92 b, where 
Ben Sira is quoted as one of the Hagiographa. 

3 See Tos. Pes. I, 27; IV, 2; Sota XIII, 3; Yer. Horay. Ill, 480; Lev. 
R. XXI, 7. 



REVELATION, PROPHECY, AND INSPIRATION 41 

The fact is that divine influence cannot be measured by the 
yardstick or the calendar. Where it is felt, it bursts forth as 
from a higher world, creating for itself its proper organs 
and forms. The rabbis portray God as saying to Israel, 
"Not I in My higher realm, but you with your human needs 
fix the form, the measure, the time, and the mode of ex 
pression for that which is divine." l 

10. While Christianity and Islam, its daughter-religions, 
must admit the existence of a prior revelation, Judaism knows 
of none. It claims its own prophetic truth as the revelation, 
admits the title Books of Revelation (Bible) only for its own 
sacred writings, and calls the Jewish nation alone the People 
of Revelation. The Church and the Mosque achieved great 
things in propagating the truths of the Sinaitic revelation 
among the nations, but added to it no new truths of an es 
sential nature. Indeed, they rather obscured the doctrines 
of God s unity and holiness. On the other hand, the people 
of the Sinaitic revelation looked to it with a view of ever 
revitalizing the dead letter, thus evolving ever new rules of 
life and new ideas, without ever placing new and old in op 
position, as was done by the founder of the Church. Each 
generation was to take to heart the words of Scripture as if 
they had come "this very day" out of the mouth of the 
Lord. 2 

1 R. h. Sh. 27 a; Mak. 22 b. Sifre Deut. VI, 4- 



CHAPTER VII 
THE TORAH THE DIVINE INSTRUCTION 

i. During the Babylonian Exile the prophetic word became 
the source of comfort and rejuvenation for the Jewish people. 
Now in its place Ezra the Scribe made the Book of the Law 
of Moses the pivot about which the entire life of the people 
was to revolve. By regular readings from it to the assembled 
worshipers, he made it the source of common instruction. 
Instead of the priestly Law, which was concerned only with 
the regulation of the ritual life, the Law became the people s 
book of instruction, a Torah for all alike, 1 while the prophetic 
books were made secondary and were employed by the preacher 
at the conclusion of the service as " words of consolation." 2 
Upon the Pentateuch was built up the divine service of the 
Synagogue as well as the whole system of communal life, 
with both its law and ethics. The prophets and other sacred 
books were looked upon only as means of "opening up" or 
illustrating the contents of the Torah. These other parts of 

1 On the term Torah see Smend: Lehrb. d. alttest. Religions gesch.; Stade : 
Bibl. Theol. d. Alt. Test., Index s. v. Torah; W. J. Beecher : Jour. Bibl. Lit., 
1905, 1-16; "Thora a Word Study in the Old Testament." For Torah as 
Law, see Neh. VIII, i ; Joshua I, 7, and throughout the Pentateuch ; as moral 
instruction, see Hos. IV, 6 ; VIII, i ; Is. I, 10 ; V, 24 ; XXX, 9 ; LI, 4 ; Mic. 
IV, 2; Jer. XXXVI, 4 f . ; XXXI, 32; Ps. XVI, 8; Prov. VI, 22; VII, 2; 
Guedeman : Quell, z. G. d. Unterrichts, at the beginning ; Claude Montefiore : 
Hibbert Lectures, 1892, p. 465 f. 

*Nehematha, which means the Messianic hope; see Kohut: Aruch V, 328 
and Appendix 59. 

42 



THE TORAH THE DIVINE INSTRUCTION 43 

the Mikra ("the collection of books for public reading") were 
declared to be inferior in holiness, so that, according to the 
Rabbinical rule, they were not even allowed to be put into 
the same scroll as the Pentateuch. 1 Moreover, neither the 
number, order, nor the division of the Biblical books was 
fixed. The Talmud gives 24, Josephus only 22. 2 Tradition 
claims a completely divine origin only for the Pentateuch or 
Torah, while the rabbis often point out the human element in 
the other two classes of the Biblical collection. 3 

2. The traditional belief in the divine origin of the Torah 
includes not only every word, but also the accepted inter 
pretation of each letter, for both written and oral law are 
ascribed to the revelation to Moses on Mt. Sinai, to be trans 
mitted thence from generation to generation. Whoever 
denies the divine origin of either the written or the oral law 
is declared to be an unbeliever who has no share in the world 
to come, according to the Tannaitic code, and consequently 
according to Maimonides 4 also. But here arises a question 
of vital importance : What becomes of the Torah as the 
divine foundation of Judaism under the study of modern 
times? Even conservative investigators, such as Frankel, 
Graetz, and Isaac Hirsch Weiss, not to mention such radicals 
as Zunz and Geiger, admit the gradual progress and growth 
of this very system of law, both oral and written. And if 
different historical conditions have produced the development 

1 See B. B. 13 b ; Meg. Ill, i ; IV, 4 ; comp. Ned. 22 b ; Taan. 9 a ; Shab. 
104 a; Sifra Bchukothai at end ; Eccl. R. I, 10; Ex. R. XXXVIII, 6. Zunz: 
Gottesd. Vortr., 46 f., and art. Canon and Bible in the various encyclopedias. 
As to Torah for the whole Bible, see Mek. Shira i; Sanh. 37 a, 91 b; Ab. 
Zar. 17 a; M. K. 5 a; comp. I Cor. XIV, 2 1 ; John X, 34; XII, 34; XV, 25. 
For Torah as Nomos, or Law, see II Mace. XV, 9. 

2 Bousset, 1. c., 128-129. 

On the divine origin of the Torah, see Sanh. 99 a; Sifra Kedoshim 8; 
Behar i ; Behukothay 8. Regarding the meaning of mdammin dh ha yadayim 
in the sense of taboo for the holy writings, see Geiger : Urschrift, p. 146. 

4 Sanh. 99 a ; Maim. H. Teshubah III, 8. 



44 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

of the law itself, we must assume a number of human authors 
in place of a single act of divine revelation. 1 

3. But another question of equal importance confronts us 
here, the meaning of Torah. Originally, no doubt, Torah 
signified the instruction given by the priests on ritual or ju 
ridical matters. Out of these decisions arose the written laws 
(Torotti), which the priesthood in the course of time collected 
into codes. After a further process of development they ap 
peared as the various books of Moses, which were finally 
united into the Code or Torah. This Torah was the foun 
dation of the new Judean commonwealth, the " heritage of 
the congregation of Jacob." 2 The priestly Torah, lightly 
regarded during the prophetic period, was exalted by post- 
exilic Judaism, so that the Sadducean priesthood and their 
successors, the rabbis, considered strict observance of the 
legal form to be the very essence of religion. Is this, then, 
the true nature of Judaism ? Is it really as Christian 
theologians have held ever since the days of Paul, the great 
antagonist of Judaism mere nomism, a religion of law, 
which demanded formal compliance with its statutes without 
regard to their inner value? Or shall we rather follow Rabbi 
Simlai, the Haggadist, who first enumerated the 613 com 
mandments of the Torah (mandatory and prohibitive), con 
sidering that their one aim is the higher moral law, in that 
they are all summed up by a few ethical principles, which 
he finds in the i5th Psalm, Isaiah XXXIII, 15; Micah VI, 
8 ; Isaiah LVI, i ; and Amos V, 4 ? 3 

4. All these questions have but one answer, a reconciling 
one. Judaism has the two factors, the priest with his regard 
for the law and the prophet with his ethical teaching ; and 
the Jewish Torah embodies both aspects, law and doctrine. 

1 Comp. Kohler: Hebrew Union College Annual, 1904, "The Four Ells of 
the Halakah." 

8 Deut. XXXIH, 4. * Mak. 23 b. 



THE TORAH THE DIVINE INSTRUCTION 45 

These two elements became more and more correlated, as the 
different parts of the Pentateuch which embodied them were 
molded together into the one scroll of the Law. In fact, the 
prophet Jeremiah, in denouncing the priesthood for its neglect 
of the principles of justice, and rebuking scathingly the 
people for their wrongdoing, pointed to the divine law of 
righteousness as the one which should be written upon the 
hearts of men. 1 Likewise, in the book of Deuteronomy, 
which was the product of joint activity by prophet and priest, 
the Law was built upon the highest moral principle, the love 
of God and man. In a still larger sense the Pentateuch as a 
whole contains priestly law and universal religion inter 
twined. In it the eternal verities of the Jewish faith, God s 
omnipotence, omniscience, and moral government of the world, 
are conveyed in the historical narratives as an introduction 
to the law. 

5. Thus the Torah as the expression of Judaism was never 
limited to a mere system of law. At the outset it served as 
a book of instruction concerning God and the world and 
became ever richer as a source of knowledge and speculation, 
because all knowledge from other sources was brought into 
relation with it through new modes of interpretation. Various 
systems of philosophy and theology were built upon it. Nay 
more, the Torah became divine Wisdom itself, 2 the architect 
of the Creator, the beginning and end of creation. 3 

While the term Torah thus received an increasingly compre 
hensive meaning, the rabbis, as exponents of orthodox Juda 
ism, came to consider the Pentateuch as the only book of reve- 

Jerem. XXXI, 32. 

Comp. Schechter, Aspects, p. 120-136, and see Ben Sira, XXIV, 8-23; 
XVII, 1 1 ; Baruch III, 38 f . ; Apoc. Baruch XXXVIII, 4 ; XLIV, 16 ; IV 
Esdras VIII, 12; IX, 37; Philo: Vita Mosis, II, 3,9; Gen. R. I; P. d. R. 
El. III. 

3 This apotheosis of the Torah is put in a wrong light by Weber, Juedische 
Theologie, 157 f., 197, but is stated better in Bousset, 1. c., 136-142. 



46 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

lation, every letter of which emanated directly from God. The 
other books of the Bible they regarded as due only to the 
indwelling of the holy spirit, or to the presence of God, the 
Shekinah. Moreover, they held that changes by the prophets 
and other sacred writers were anticipated, in essentials, in 
the Torah itself, and were therefore only its expansions and 
interpretations. Accordingly, they are frequently quoted as 
parts of the Torah or as "words of tradition." 1 

6. Orthodox Judaism, then, accepted as a fundamental 
doctrine the view that both the Mosaic Law and its Rabbinical 
interpretation were given by God to Moses on Mt. Sinai. 
This viewpoint is contradicted by all our knowledge and our 
whole mode of thinking, and thus both our historical and 
religious consciousness constrain us to take the position of 
the prophets. To them and to us the real Torah is the un 
written moral law which underlies the precepts of both the 
written law and its oral interpretation. From this point of 
view, Moses, as the first of the prophets, becomes the first 
mediator of the divine legislation, and the original Decalogue 
is seen to be the starting point of a long process of develop 
ment, from which grew the laws of righteousness and holiness 
that were to rule the life of Israel and of mankind. 2 

7. The time of composition of the various parts of the 
Pentateuch, including the Decalogue, must be decided by 
independent critical and historical research. It is sufficient 
for us to know that since the time of Ezra the foundation of 

1 Dibre Kabbalah, R. h. Sh. 7 a, 19 a; Yer. Halla I, 57 b; see Levy, W. B., 
s. v. Kabbalah. 

2 The personality of Moses was at first exalted to almost superhuman 
height; see Ben Sira, XLV, 2; Assumplio Mosis, I, 14; XI, 16; Philo: Vita 
Mosis, III, 39 ; Josephus : Antiquities, IV, 32 b ; Bousset, 1. c., 140 f. In contrast 
to the Church view of Jesus the rabbis later emphasized the human frailties 
of Moses: "Never did divine majesty descend to the habitations of mortal 
man, nor did ever a mortal man such as Moses and Elijah ascend to heaven, 
the dwelling-place of God," taught Rabbi Jose (Suk. 5 a). 



THE TORAH THE DIVINE INSTRUCTION 47 

Judaism has been the completed Torah, with its twofold 
aspect as law and as doctrine. As law it contributed to the 
marvelous endurance and resistance of the Jewish people, 
inasmuch as it imbued them with the proud consciousness of 
possessing a law superior to that of other nations, one which 
would endure as long as heaven and earth. 1 Furthermore, it 
permeated Judaism with a keen sense of duty and imprinted 
the ideal of holiness upon the whole of life. At the same 
time it gave rise also to ritualistic piety, which, while tena 
ciously clinging to the traditional practice of the law, fos 
tered hair-splitting casuistry and caused the petrifaction of re 
ligion in the codified Halakah. As doctrine it impressed its 
ethical and humane idealism upon the people, lifting them 
far above the narrow confines of nationality, and making 
them a nation of thinkers. Hence their eagerness for their 
mission to impart the wisdom stored in their writings to all 
humanity as its highest boon and the very essence of divine 
wisdom. 

See Deut. IV, 6-8; Jer. XXXI, 34-35; Philo : Vita Mosis,II, 14; Jo- 
sephus: Apion, II, 277. 



CHAPTER VIII 

GOD S COVENANT 

i. Judaism has one specific term for religion, representing 
the moral relation between God and man, namely, Berith, 
covenant. The covenant was concluded by God with the 
patriarchs and with Israel by means of sacrificial blood, ac 
cording to the primitive custom by which tribes or individuals 
became " blood brothers," when they were both sprinkled 
with the sacrificial blood or both drank of it. 1 The first cov 
enant of God was made after the flood, with Noah as the rep 
resentative of mankind ; it was intended to assure him and 
all coming generations of the perpetual maintenance of the 
natural order without interruption by flood, and at the same 
time to demand of all mankind the observance of certain laws, 
such as not to shed, or eat, blood. Here at the very beginning 
of history religion is taken as the universal basis of human 
morality, so developing at the outset the fundamental prin 
ciple of Judaism that it rests upon a religion of humanity, 
which it desires to establish in all purity. As the universal 
idea of man forms thus its beginning, so Judaism will attain 
its final goal only in a divine covenant comprising all hu 
manity. Both the rabbis and the Hellenistic writers con 
sider the covenant of Noah with its so-called Noahitic com 
mandments as unwritten laws of humanity. In fact, they 
are referred to Adam also, so that religion appears in its 

^ee Herodotus, III, 8; IV, 70; Jer. XXIV, 18; H. Clay Trumbull: The 
Blood Covenant, New York, 1885; Kraetschmar : D. Bundervorstellung i. A. 
Test., 1896 ; J. E. and Encycl. of Rel. and Ethics, art. Covenant. 

48 



GOD S COVENANT 49 

essence as nothing else than a covenant of God with all 
mankind. 1 

2. Accordingly, Judaism is a special basis of relationship 
between God and Israel. Far from superseding the universal 
covenant with Noah, or confining it to the Jewish people, 
this covenant aims to reclaim all members of the human 
family for the wider covenant from which they have relapsed. 
God chose for this purpose Abraham as the one who was 
faithful to His moral law, and made a special covenant with 
him for all his descendants, that they might foster justice 
and righteousness, at first within the narrow sphere of the 
nation, and then in ever-widening circles of humanity. 2 
Yet the covenant with Abraham was only the precursor of 
the covenant concluded with Israel through Moses on Mt. 
Sinai, by which the Jewish people were consecrated to be the 
eternal guardians of the divine covenant with mankind, until 
the time when it shall encompass all the nations. 3 

3. In this covenant of Sinai, referred to by the prophet 
Elijah, and afterward by many others, the free moral re 
lationship of man to God is brought out; this forms the 
characteristic feature of a revealed religion in contradistinc 
tion to natural religion. In paganism the Deity formed an in 
separable part of the nation itself ; but through the covenant 
God became a free moral power, appealing for allegiance to 
the spiritual nature of man. This idea of the covenant sug 
gested to the prophet Hosea the analogy with the conjugal 
relation, 4 a conception of love and loyalty which became 
typical of the tender relation of God to Israel through the 
centuries. In days of direst woe Jeremiah and the book of 

See Gen. DC, 1-17; Tos. Ab. Zar. VIII, 4; San. 56 a; Gen. R. XVI, 
XXIV ; Jubilees VI, 10 f. ; Bernays : Ges. Abh. I, 252 f., 272 f. ; II, 71-80. 

1 Gen. XV, 18; XVII, 2 f.; XVIII, 19; Lev. XXVI, 42; Jubilees I, 51. 

Ex. XIX, 5; XXIV, 6-8; XXXIV, 28; Deut. IV-V, XXVIII, XXIX; 
Comp. I Kings XIX, 10, 14; Jer. XI; XXXI; XXXIV, 13; Ezek. XVI- 
XVII. Hos. II, 18-20. 

E 



50 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

Deuteronomy invested this covenant with the character of 
indestructibility and inviolability. 1 God s covenant with 
Israel is everlasting like that with the heaven and the earth ; 
it is ever to be renewed in the hearts of the people, but never 
to be replaced by a new covenant. Upon this eternal renewal 
of the covenant with God rests the unique history of Judaism, 
its wondrous preservation and regeneration throughout the 
ages. Paul s doctrine of a new covenant to replace the old 2 
conflicts with the very idea of the covenant, and even with the 
words of Jeremiah. 

4. The Israelitish nation inherited from Abraham, accord 
ing to the priestly Code, the rite of circumcision as a "sign of 
the covenant," 3 but under the prophetic influence, with its 
loathing of all sacrificial blood, the Sabbath was placed in the 
foreground as "the sign between God and Israel." 4 In 
ancient Israel and in the Judean commonwealth the Abra- 
hamitic rite formed the initiation into the nationality for 
aliens and slaves, by which they were made full-fledged Jews. 
With the dispersion of the Jewish people over the globe, and 
the influence of Hellenism, Judaism created a propaganda in 
favor of a world-wide religion of "God-fearing" men pledged 
to the observance of the Noahitic or humanitarian laws. 
Rabbinism in Palestine called such a one Ger Toshab so- 
journer, or semi-proselyte ; while the full proselyte who ac 
cepted the Abrahamitic rite was called Ger Zedek, or proselyte 
of righteousness. 5 Not only the Hellenistic writings, but also 
the Psalms, the liturgy, and the older Rabbinical literature 

1 Jer. XXXI, 30-32, 34-35 5 XXXIII, 25 ; Deut. XXIX, 14. 

2 See Ep. Hebrews VIII, 8 f. ; Gal. Ill, 15 ; I Cor. XI, 25 ; Matt. XXIV, 
21, and parallels. 

3 Gen. XVII, n. 

4 Ex. XXXI, 13-17; comp. Deut. X, 16; Josh. V, 9; Isa. LVI, 4-6. See 
Mek. to Ex. XIX, 5, the controversy between R. Eliezer and R. Akiba, whether 
the Sabbath or circumcision was the essential sign of the covenant. 

6 Ker. 9 a ; Yeb. 45-48 and see Chapter LVI below. 



GOD S COVENANT 51 

give evidence of such a propaganda, 1 but it may be traced 
back as far as Deutero-Isaiah, during the reign of Cyrus. His 
outlook toward a Jewish religion which should be at the same 
time a religion of all the world, is evident when he calls Israel 
"a mediator of the covenant between God and the nations," 
a " light to the peoples," -a regenerator of humanity. 2 

5. This hope of a universal religion, which rings through 
the Psalms, the Wisdom books and the Hellenistic literature, 
was soon destined to grow faint. The perils of Judaism in 
its great struggles with the Syrian and Roman empires made 
for intense nationalism, and the Jewish covenant shared this 
tendency. The early Christian Church, the successor of the 
missionary activity of Hellenistic Judaism, labored also at 
first for the Noahitic covenant. 3 Pauline Christianity, how 
ever, with a view to tearing down the barrier between Jew 
and Gentile, proclaimed a new covenant, whose central idea 
is belief in the atoning power of the crucified son of God. 4 
Indeed, one medieval Rabbinical authority holds that we 
are to regard Christians as semi-proselytes, as they practically 
observe the Noahitic laws of humanity. 5 

6. Progressive Judaism of our own time has the great task 
of re-emphasizing Israel s world-mission and of reclaiming 
for Judaism its place as the priesthood of humanity. It is 
to proclaim anew the prophetic idea of God s covenant with 
humanity, whose force had been lost, owing to inner and 
outer obstacles. Israel, as the people of the covenant, aims 
to unite all nations and classes of men in the divine covenant. 
It must outlast all other religions in its certainty that ulti 
mately there can be but the one religion, uniting God and 
man by a single bond. 6 

1 Ps. XXII, 28 f. ; CXV, 1 1 ; CXVIII, 4 ; Is. LVI, 6. 

2 Isaiah XLIX, 6-8. 3 Acts XV, 20, 29. 
4 See J. E., art. Saul of Tarsus; Enc. Rel. Eth. art. Paul. 

* Isaac ben Shesheth : Responsa, 119. Comp. J. E., art. Christianity. 

See further, Chapter XLIX. 



B. THE IDEA OF GOD IN JUDAISM 

CHAPTER IX 

GOD AND THE GODS 

1. Judaism centers upon its sublime and simple concep 
tion of God. This lifts it above all other religions and 
satisfies in unique measure the longing for truth and inner 
peace amidst the futility and incessant changes of earthly 
existence. This very conception of God is in striking contrast 
to that of most other religions. The God of Judaism is not 
one god among many, nor one of many powers of life, but is 
the One and holy God beyond all comparison. In Him is 
concentrated all power and the essence of all things; He is 
the Author of all existence, the Ruler of life, who lays down the 
laws by which man shall live. As the prophet says to the 
heathen world: "The gods that have not made the heavens 
and the earth, these shall perish from the earth and from under 
the heavens. . . . Not like these is the portion of Jacob ; 
for He is the Former of all things. . . . The Lord is the true 
God ; He is the living God and the everlasting King ; at His 
wrath the earth trembleth, and the nations are not able to 
abide His indignation." l 

2. This lofty conception of the Deity forms the essence of 
Judaism and was its shield and buckler in its lifelong contest 
with the varying forms of heathenism. From the very first 
the God of Judaism declared war against them all, whether at 

1 Jer. X, ii ; 16 and 10. 
52 



GOD AND THE GODS 53 

any special time the prevailing form was the worship of many 
gods, or the worship of God in the shape of man, the per 
version of the purity of God by sensual concepts, or the di 
vision of His unity into different parts or personalities. The 
Talmudic saying is most striking: "From Sinai, the Mount 
of revelation of the only God, there came forth Sinah, the 
hostility of the nations toward the Jew as the banner-bearer 
of the pure idea of God." 1 Just as day and night form a 
natural contrast, divinely ordained, so do the monotheism of 
Israel and the polytheism of the nations constitute a spiritual 
contrast which can never be reconciled. 

3. The pagan gods, and to some extent the triune God of 
the Christian Church, semi-pagan in origin also, are the out 
come of the human spirit s going astray in its search for God. 
Instead of leading man upwards to an ideal which will encom 
pass all material and moral life and lift it to the highest stage of 
holiness, paganism led to depravity and discord. The un 
relenting zeal displayed by prophet and law-giver against 
idolatry had its chief cause in the immoral and inhuman prac 
tices of the pagan nations Canaan, Egypt, Assyria, and 
Babylon in the worship of their deities. 2 The deification of 
the forces of nature brutalized the moral sense of the pagan 
world ; no vice seemed too horrible, no sacrifice too atrocious 
for their cults. Baal, or Moloch, the god of heaven, de 
manded in times of distress the sacrifice of a son by the 
father. Astarte, the goddess of fecundity, required the 
"hallowing" of life s origin, and this was done by the most 
terrible of sexual orgies. Such abominations exerted their se 
ductive influence upon the shepherd tribes of Israel in their 
new home in Canaan, and thus aroused the fiercest indignation 
of prophet and law-giver, who hurled their vials of wrath 
against those shocking rites, those lewd idols, and those who 

1 Shab. 89 b. 

Lev. XVTII, 2, 27 f.; Num. XXV, 3-8; Hos. IV, 10; V, 4- 



54 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

"whored after them." l If Israel was to be trained to be 
the priest people of the Only One in such an environment, 
tolerance of such practices was out of the question. Thus in 
the Sinai tic law God is spoken of as " the jealous God " 2 who 
punishes unrelentingly every violation of His laws of purity 
and holiness. 

4. The same sharp contrast of Jewish ethical and spiritual 
monotheism remained also when it came in contact with the 
Graeco-Syrian and Roman culture. Here, too, the myths 
and customs of the cult and the popular religion offended by 
their gross sensuality the chaste spirit of the Jewish people. 
Indeed, these were all the more dangerous to the purity of 
social life, as they were garbed with the alluring beauty of 
art and philosophy. 3 The Jew then felt all the more the 
imperative duty to draw a sharp line of demarcation between 
Judaism with its chaste and imageless worship and the las 
civious, immoral life of paganism. 

5. This wide gulf which yawned between Israel s One and 
holy God and the divinities of the nations was not bridged 
over by the Christian Church when it appeared on the stage 
of history and obtained world-dominion. For Christianity 
in its turn succeeded by again dragging the Deity into the 
world of the senses, adopting the pagan myths of the birth 
and death of the gods, and sanctioning image worship. In 
this way it actually created a Christian plurality of gods in 
place of the Graeco-Roman pantheon ; indeed, it presented a 
divine family after the model of the Egyptian and Babylonian 
religions, 4 and thus pushed the ever-living God and Father of 
mankind into the background. This tendency has never been 

Num. XV, 39; Ex. XXIII, 24; Deut. XX, 18; Sanh. XII, 5; X, 4-6; 
Ab. Zar. II-IV ; Sanh. 106 a : "Israel s God hates lewdness." 

>Ex. XX, 5; Deut. IV, 24; VI, 15. 

3 See Philo : De Humanitate ; Doellinger : Heidenthum u. Judenthum, 682, 
700 f. ; I. H. Weiss : Dor Dor we Doreshav, II, 19 f . 

See J. E., art. Christianity. 



GOD AND THE GODS 55 

explained away, even by the attempts of certain high-minded 
thinkers among the Church fathers. Judaism, however, in 
sists, as ever, upon the words of the Decalogue which con 
demn all attempts to depict the Deity in human or sensual 
form, and through all its teachings there is echoed forth the 
voice of Him who spoke through the seer of the Exile: "I 
am the Lord, that is My name, and My glory will I not give 
to another, neither My praise to graven images." 1 

6. When Moses came to Pharaoh saying, "Thus speaketh 
JHVH the God of Israel, send off My people that they may 
serve Me," Pharaoh so the Midrash tells took his list 
of deities to hand, looked it over, and said, "Behold, here are 
enumerated the gods of the nations, but I cannot find thy God 
among them." To this Moses replied, "All the gods known 
and familiar to thee are mortal, as thou art ; they die, and 
their tomb is shown. The God of Israel has nothing in com 
mon with them. He is the living, true, and eternal God who 
created heaven and earth ; no people can withstand His wrath. " : 
This passage states strikingly the difference between the God 
of Judaism and the gods of heathendom. The latter are but 
deified powers of nature, and being parts of the world, them 
selves at one with nature, they are subject to the power of 
time and fate. Israel s God is enthroned above the world 
as its moral and spiritual Ruler, the only Being whom we can 
conceive as self-existent, as indivisible as truth itself. 

7. As long as the pagan conception prevailed, by which 
the world was divided into many divine powers, there could 
be no conception of the idea of a moral government of the uni 
verse, of an all-encompassing purpose of life. Consequently 

1 Isa. XLII, 8. Scripture always emphasizes the contrast between Israel s 
God and the heathen gods. See Ex. XII, 12; XV, n; XVIII, n; Deut. 
X, 17; also in the prophets, Isa. XL; XLIV, 9; Jer. X; and the Psalms, 
XCVI, CXV, CXXXV. Absolute monotheism was a slow growth from this 
basis. 

See Ex. R. V, 18. 



56 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

the great thinkers and moralists of heathendom were forced 
to deny the deities, before they could assert either the unity of 
the cosmos or a design in life. On the other hand, it was pre 
cisely this recognition of the moral nature of God, as manifested 
both in human life and in the cosmic sphere, which brought 
the Jewish prophets and sages to their pure monotheism, in 
which they will ultimately be met by the great thinkers of 
all lands and ages. The unity of God brings harmony into 
the intellectual and moral world ; the division of the godhead 
into different powers or personalities leads to discord and 
spiritual bondage. Such is the lesson of history, that in poly 
theism, dualism, or trinitarianism one of the powers must 
necessarily limit or obscure another. In this manner the 
Christian Trinity led mankind in many ways to the lowering 
of the supreme standard of truth, to an infringement on justice, 
and to inhumanity to other creeds, and therefore Judaism 
could regard it only as a compromise with heathenism. 

8. Judaism assumed, then, toward paganism an attitude 
of rigid exclusion and opposition which could easily be taken 
for hostility. This prevailed especially in the legal systems 
of the Bible and the rabbis, and was intended primarily to 
guard the monotheistic belief from pagan pollution and to 
keep it intact. Neither in the Deuteronomic law nor in the 
late codes of Maimonides and Joseph Caro is there any tol 
eration for idolatrous practices, for instruments of idol-wor 
ship, or for idolaters. 1 This attitude gave the enemies of 
the Jew sufficient occasion for speaking of the Jewish God as 
hating the world, as if only national conceit underlay the 
earnest rigor of Jewish monotheism. 

9. As a matter of fact, since the time of the prophets Juda 
ism has had no national God in any exclusive sense. While 
the Law insists upon the exclusive worship of the one God of 



. VII; XVII, 2 f.; XX, 16; Maimonides: H. Akkum, II-VII; 
Melakim, VI, 4 ; Yoreh Deah, CXII-XLVIII. 



GOD AND THE GODS 57 

Israel, the narratives of the beginnings in the Bible have a 
different tenor. They take the lofty standpoint that the 
heathen world, while worshiping its many divinities, had 
merely lost sight of the true God after whom the heart ever 
longs and searches. This implies that a kernel of true piety 
underlies all the error and delusion of paganism, which, 
rightly guided, will lead back to the God from whom mankind 
had strayed. The Godhead, divided into gods as is hinted 
even in the Biblical name, Elohim must again become the 
one God of humanity. Thus the Jew holds that all worship 
foreshadows the search for the true God, and that all hu 
manity shall at one time acknowledge Him for whom they 
have so long been searching. Surely the Psalms express, not 
national narrowness, but ardent love for humanity when 
they hail the God of Israel, the Maker of heaven and earth, 
as the world s great King, and tell how He will judge the 
nations in justice, while the gods of the nations will be rejected 
as "vanities." * Nor does the divine service of the Jew bear 
the stamp of clannishness. For more than two thousand 
years the central point in the Synagogue liturgy every morn 
ing and evening has been the battle-cry, "Hear, O Israel, the 
Lord our God, the Lord is One." And so does the conclusion 
of every service, the Alenu, the solemn prayer of adoration, 
voice the grand hope of the Jew for the future, that the time 
may speedily come when "before the kingdom of Almighty 
all idolatry shall vanish, and all the inhabitants of the earth 
perceive that unto Him alone every knee must bend, and all 
flesh recognize Him alone as God and King." 2 

1 Ps. XCVI-XCIX. 

J See Singer s Prayerbook, p. 76-77, and J. E., art. Alenu. 



CHAPTER X 

THE NAME or GOD 

1. Primitive men attached much importance to names, 
for to them the name of a thing indicated its nature, and 
through the name one could obtain mastery over the thing or 
person named. Accordingly, the name of God was con 
sidered to be the manifestation of His being ; by invoking it 
man could obtain some of His power; and the place where 
that name was called became the seat of His presence. There 
fore the name must be treated with the same reverential awe 
as the Deity Himself. None dare approach the Deity, nor 
misuse the Name. The pious soul realized the nearness of 
the Deity in hearing His name pronounced. Finally, the 
different names of God reflect the different conceptions of 
Him which were held in various periods. 1 

2. The Semites were not like the Aryan nations, who be 
held the essence of their gods in the phenomena of nature such 
as light, rain, thunder, and lightning, and gave them cor 
responding names and titles. The more intense religious 
emotionalism of the Semites 2 perceived the Godhead rather 
as a power working from within, and accordingly gave it such 
names as El ("the Mighty One"), Eloha or Pahad ("the 
Awful One"), or Baal ("the Master"). Elohim, the plural 
form of Eloha, denoted originally the godhead as divided into 
a number of gods or godly beings, that is, polytheism. When 

1 See Cheyne s Diet. Bibl., art. Name and Names with Bibliography ; Jacob : 
Im Namen Gottes ; Heitmueller, Im NamenJesu, 1903, p. 24-25. The Name for 
the Lord occurs Lev. XXIV, 1 1, 16 ; Deut. XXVIII, 58 ; Geiger, Urschrifl, 261 f. 

2 See Baudissin, Stud. z. Sent. Religions gesch., I, 47; 177; Robinson Smith : 
Religion of the Semites; Max Mueller, Chips from a German Workshop, I, 
336-374- 

58 



THE NAME OF GOD 59 

it was applied to God, however, it was generally understood 
as a unity, referring to one undivided Godhead, for Scrip 
ture regarded monotheism as original with mankind. While 
this view is contradicted by the science of comparative re 
ligion, still the ideal conception of religion, based on the 
universal consciousness of God, postulates one God who is 
the aim of all human searching, a fact which the term Heno- 
theism fails to recognize. 1 

3. For the patriarchal age, the preliminary stage in the 
development of the Jewish God-idea, Scripture gives a special 
name for God, El Shaddai "the Almighty God." This 
probably has a relation to Shod, " storm" or " havoc" and 
" destruction," but was interpreted as supreme Ruler over the 
celestial powers. 2 The name by which God revealed Himself 
to Moses and the prophets as the God of the covenant with 
Israel is JHVH (Jahveh). This name is inseparably con 
nected with the religious development of Judaism in all its 
loftiness and depth. During the period of the Second Temple 
this name was declared too sacred for utterance, except by 
the priests in certain parts of the service, and for mysterious 
use by specially initiated saints. Instead, Adonai "the 
Lord" -was substituted for it in the Biblical reading, a 
usage which has continued for over two thousand years. 
The meaning of the name in pre-Mosaic times may be inferred 
from the fiery storms which accompanied each theophany in 
the various Scriptural passages, as well as from the root 
havah, which means "throw down" and "overthrow." 3 

1 See J. E., art. God. Comp. also Encycl. of Religion and Ethics, art. God. 
Primitive and Biblical ; Name of God, Jewish. 

2 Gen. XVII, 11; Ex. VI, 3, and commentators; Gen. R. XLVI. The 
Book of Job, where the name Shaddai is constantly used, refers to the patriarchal 
age. 

1 Ex. Ill, 14, and commentators, espec. Dillmann. Comp. art. Jahweh in 
Prot. Realencyc. and Cheyne s Diet. Bible, art. Names, 109 ff., where different 
etymologies are given. 



60 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

To the prophets, however, the God of Sinai, enthroned amid 
clouds of storm and fire, moving before His people in war 
and peace, appeared rather as the God of the Covenant, with 
out image or form, unapproachable in His holiness. As the 
original meaning of JHVH had become unintelligible, they 
interpreted the name as "the ever present One," in the sense 
of Ehyeh asher Ehyeh, "I shall be whatever (or wherever) I 
am to be " ; that is, "I am ever ready to help." Thus spoke 
God to Moses in revealing His name to him at the burning 
bush. 1 

4. The prophetic genius penetrated more and more into 
the nature of God, recognizing Him as the Power who rules 
in justice, mercy, and holiness. This process brought them 
to identify JHVH, the God of the covenant, with the One 
and only God who overlooks all the world from his heavenly 
habitation, and gives it plan and purpose. At the same time, 
all the prophets revert to the covenant on Sinai in order to 
proclaim Israel as the herald and witness of God among the 
nations. In fact, the God of the covenant proclaimed His 
universality at the very beginning, in the introduction to the 
Decalogue : " Ye shall be Mine own peculiar possession from 
among all peoples, for all the earth is Mine. And ye shall 
be unto Me a kingdom of priests and a holy nation." 2 In 
other words, you have the special task of mediator among 
the nations, all of which are under My dominion. 

5. In the Wisdom literature and the Psalms the God of 
the covenant is subordinated to the universality of JHVH as 
Creator and Ruler of the world. In a number of the Psalms 
and in some later writings the very name JHVH was avoided 
probably on account of its particularistic tinge. It was 
surrounded more and more with a certain mystery. Instead, 
God as the "Lord" is impressed on the consciousness and 
adoration of men, in all His sublimity and in absolute unity. 

1 Ex. Ill, 14- 8 Ex. XIX, s, 6. 



THE NAME OF GOD 61 

The "Name" continues its separate existence only in the 
mystic lore. The name Jehovah, however, has no place what 
soever in Judaism. It is due simply to a misreading of the 
vowel signs that refer to the word Adonai, and has been 
erroneously adopted in the Christian literature since the 
beginning of the sixteenth century. 1 

6. Perhaps the most important process of spiritualization 
which the idea of God underwent in the minds of the Jewish 
people was made when the name JHVH as the proper name of 
the God of the covenant was given up and replaced by Adonai 

-"the Lord." As long as the God of Israel, like other 
deities, had His proper name, he was practically one of them, 
however superior in moral worth. As soon as He became 
the Lord, that is, the only real God over all the world, a dis 
tinctive proper noun was out of place. Henceforth the 
name was invested with a mysterious and magic character. 
It became ineffable, at least to the people at large, and its 
pronunciation sinful, except by the priests in the liturgy. 
In fact, the law was interpreted so as directly to forbid this 
utterance. 2 Thus JHVH is no longer the national God of 
Israel. The Talmud guards against the very suspicion of a 
"Judaized God" by insisting that every benediction to Him as 
" God the Lord " must add " King of the Universe " rather than 
the formula of the Psalms, "God of Israel." 3 

7. The Midrash makes a significant comment on the words 
of the Shema: "Why do the words, the Lord is our God 
precede the words, the Lord is One ? Does not the par 
ticularism of the former conflict with the universalism of the 
latter sentence ? No. The former expresses the idea that the 
Lord is our God just so far as His name is more intertwined 

1 See Prot. Enc., art. Jahveh, p. 530 f. 

2 See J. E., art. Adonai ; Bousset, 1. c., 352 f. 

8 Ber. 40 b. On the alleged " Judaisirung des Gottesbegriffs," see Weber, 
1. c., 148-158. 



62 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

with our history than with that of any other nation, and 
that we have the greater obligation as His chosen people. 
Wherever Scripture speaks of the God of Israel, it does not 
intend to limit Him as the universal God, but to emphasize 
Israel s special duty as His priest-people." l 

8. Likewise is the liturgical name "God of our fathers" 
far from being a nationalistic limitation. On the contrary, 
the rabbis single out Abraham as the missionary, the herald 
of monotheism in its march to world-conquest. For his use 
of the term, "the God of heaven and the God of the earth" 2 
they offer a characteristic explanation: "Before Abraham 
came, the people worshiped only the God of heaven, but 
Abraham by winning them for his God brought Him down 
and made Him also the God of the earth." 3 

9. Reverence for the Deity caused the Jew to avoid not 
only the utterance of the holy Name itself, but even the com 
mon use of its substitute Adonai. Therefore still other 
synonyms were introduced, such as "Master of the universe," 
"the Holy One, blessed be He," "the Merciful One," "the 
Omnipotence" (ha Geburati), 4 "King of the kings of kings" 
(under Persian influence as the Persian ruler called himself 
the King of Kings) ; 5 and in Hasidean circles it became cus 
tomary to invoke God as "our Father" and "our Father 
in heaven." 6 The rather strange appellations for God, 
"Heaven" 7 and (dwelling) "Place" (ha Makom) seem to 
originate in certain formulas of the oath. In the latter 
name the rabbis even found hints of God s omnipresence : 
"As space Makom encompasses all things, so does God 
encompass the world instead of being encompassed by it." 8 

1 Sifre to Deut. VI, 4. 2 Gen. XXIV, 3. 8 Gen. R. XXIV, 3. 

Shab. 87 a, 89 b ; Mek. Yithro IV. 5 See J. E., art. Menu. 

8 See J. E., art. Abba and Names of God; Weber, 1. c., 148 f.; Bousset,!!, 
356-361; Schechter: Aspects, II, 21-28. 

7 See J. E., art. Heaven; Levy, W. B. : "Shamayim." 

See Pes. X, 5; Ber. 16 b; Ab. Zar. 40 b; Gen. R. LXVIII, 9, referring 



THE NAME OF GOD 63 

10. The rabbis early read a theological meaning into the 
two names JHVH and Elohim, taking the former as the 
divine attribute of mercy and the latter as that of justice* 
In general, however, the former name was explained ety- 
mologically as signifying eternity, "He who is, who was, and 
who shall be." Philo shows familiarity with the two attri 
butes of justice and mercy, but he and other Alexandrian 
writers explained JHVH and Ehyeh metaphysically, and 
accordingly called God, "the One who is," that is, the Source 
of all existence. Both conceptions still influence Jewish exe 
gesis and account for the term "the Eternal" sometimes 
used for "the Lord." 

to Gen. XXVIII, n and Ex. XXXIII, 21 ; P. d. R. El. XXXV; PCS. Rab. 
104 a; comp. LXX, Ex. XXIV, 10; see also Siegfried: Philo, p. 202, 204, 
217; Schechter, 1. c., 26, 34. The passage in Mekilta on Ex. XVII, 7, which 
refers Makom to the Sanhedrin (after Deut. XVII, 8), seems originally to have 
been a marginal note belonging to Ex. XXI, 13, where Makom is the equivalent 
of Makam, a place of refuge, and put here at the wrong place by an error; 
Against Schechter, 1. c. 27 note i, Bousset (p. 591) thinks that ha Makom 
for God is Persian, where both space and time were deified. See Spiegel: 
Eranischcs Alterthum, II, 15 f. 

1 See Gen. R. XII, 15 ; XXX, 3 ; Targum to Psalm LVI, n ; comp. Philo, 
I, 496; Siegfried, 1. c., 203, 213. 



CHAPTER XI 
THE EXISTENCE OF GOD 

i. For the religious consciousness, God is not to be dem 
onstrated by argument, but is a fact of inner and outer ex 
perience. Whatever the origin and nature of the cosmos 
may be according to natural science, the soul of man follows 
its natural bent, as in the days of Abraham, to look through 
nature to the Maker, Ordainer, and Ruler of all things, who 
uses the manifold world of nature only as His workshop, 
and who rules it in freedom as its sovereign Master. The 
entire cosmic life points to a Supreme Being from whom 
all existence must have arisen, and without whom life and 
process would be impossible. Still even this mode of thought 
is influenced and determined by the prevalent monotheistic 
conceptions. 

Far more original and potent in man is the feeling of limi 
tation and dependency. This brings him to bow down before 
a higher Power, at first in fear and trembling, but later in 
holy awe and reverence. As soon as man attains self -con 
sciousness and his will acquires purpose, he encounters a will 
stronger than his own, with which he often comes into conflict, 
and before which he must frequently yield. Thus he becomes 
conscious of duty of what he ought and ought not to do. 
This is not, like earlier limitations, purely physical and 
working from without ; it is moral and operates from within. 
It is the sense of duty, or, as we call it, conscience, the sense 
of right and wrong. This awakened very early in the race, 

64 



THE EXISTENCE OF GOD 65 

and through it God s voice has been perceived ever since the 
days of Adam and of Cain. 1 

2. According to Scripture, man in his natural state pos 
sesses the certainty of God s existence through such inner 
experience. Therefore the Bible contains no command to 
believe in God, nor any logical demonstration of His existence. 
Both the Creation stories and those of the beginnings of man 
kind assume as undisputed the existence of God as the Cre 
ator and Judge of the world. Arguments appealing to reason 
were resorted to only in competition with idolatry, as in Deu 
teronomy, Jeremiah, and Deutero-Isaiah, and subsequently 
by the Haggadists in legends such as those about Abraham. 
Nor does the Bible consider any who deny the existence of 
God ; 2 only much later, in the Talmud, do we hear of those 
who "deny the fundamental principle" of the faith. The 
doubt expressed in Job, Koheleth, and certain of the Psalms, 
concerns rather the justice of God than His existence. True, 
Jeremiah and the Psalms 3 mention some who say "There is 
no God," but these are not atheists in our sense of the word ; 
they are the impious who deny the moral order of life by word 
or deed. It is the villain (Nabal) , not the "fool " who " says in 
his heart, there is no God." Even the Talmud does not mean 
the real atheist when speaking of "the denier of the funda 
mental principle," but the man who says, "There is neither 
a judgment nor a Judge above and beyond." 4 In other words, 
the "denier" is the same as the Epicurean (Apicoros), who 
refuses to recognize the moral government of the world. 6 

3. After the downfall of the nation and Temple, the situ 
ation changed through the contemptuous question of the 

1 Metaphysical proofs for God s existence have been outlawed since Kant. 
God is the postulate of man s moral consciousness. See Rauwenhoff, 1. c., 236- 
357- 

1 See art. Atheism, in J. E. and in Enc. Reli. and Ethics, II, 18 f. 

1 Jer. V, 12 ; Psalm X, 4 ; XIV, i ; LIII, I. 

4 B. B. 16 b ; Targ. to Gen. IV, 8. See above, Chapter IV, 3. 



r 



66 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

nations, "Where is your God?" Then the necessity be 
came evident of proving that the Ruler of nations still held 
dominion over the world, and that His wondrous powers 
were shown more than ever before through the fact of Israel s 
preservation in captivity. This is the substance of the ad 
dresses of the great seer of the Exile in chapters XL to LIX 
of Isaiah, in which he exposes the gods of heathendom to 
everlasting scorn, more than any other prophet before or 
afterward. He declares these deities to be vanity and naught, 
but proclaims the Holy One of Israel as the Lord of the uni 
verse. He hath " meted out the heavens with the span," and 
" weighed the mountains in scales, and the hills in a balance." 
Before Him " the nations are as a drop of the bucket," and 
" the inhabitants of the earth as grasshoppers." " He bringeth 
out the hosts of the stars by number, and calleth them all by 
name," "He hath assigned to the generations of men their 
lot from the beginning, and knoweth at the beginning what 
will be their end." 1 Measured by such passages as these and 
such as Psalms VIII, XXIV, XXXIII, CIV, and CXXXIX, 
where God is felt as a living power, all philosophical argu 
ments about His existence seem to be strange fires on the altar 
of religion. The believer can do without them, and the un 
believer will hardly be convinced by them. 

4. Upon the contact of the Jew with Greek philosophy 
doubt arose in many minds, and belief entered into conflict 
with reason. But even then, the defense of the faith was 
still carried on by reasoning along the lines of common sense. 2 
Thus the regularity of the sun, moon, and stars, all wor 
shiped by the pagans as deities was considered a proof of 
God s omnipotence and rule of the universe, a proof which 
the legend ascribes to Abraham in his controversy with 
Nimrod. 3 In like manner, the apocryphal Book of Wisdom 4 

1 Isa. XL, 12-26; XLVI, 10. 2 See Bousset, 1. c., 295-298. 

3 See J. E., art. Abraham. Ch. XIII. 



THE EXISTENCE OF GOD 67 

says that true wisdom, as opposed to the folly of heathenism, 
is "to reason from the visible to the Invisible One, and from 
the cosmos, the great work of art, to the Supreme Artificer. " 

5. Philo was the first who tried to refute the "atheistic" 
views of materialists and pantheists by adducing proofs of 
God s existence from nature and the human intellect. In 
the former he pointed out order as evidence of the wisdom 
underlying the cosmos, and in the latter the power of self- 
determination as shadowing forth a universal mind which 
determines the entire universe. 1 Still, with his mystical 
attitude, Philo realized that the chief knowledge of God is 
through intuition, by the inner experience of the soul. 

6. Two proofs taken from nature owe their origin to 
Greek philosophy. Anaxagoras and Socrates, from their 
theory of design in nature, deduced that there is a universal 
intelligence working for higher aims and purposes. This so- 
called teleological proof, as worked out in detail by Plato, 
was the unfailing reliance of subsequent philosophers and 
theologians. 2 Plato and Aristotle, moreover, from the 
continuous motion of all matter, inferred a prime cause, an 
unmoved mover. This is the so-called cosmological proof, 
used by different schools in varying forms. 3 It occupies the 
foremost place in the systems of the Arabic Aristotelians, 
and consequently is dominant among the Jewish philosophers, 
the Christian scholastics, and in the modern philosophic 
schools down to Kant. It is based upon the old principle 
of causality, and therefore takes the mutability and relativity 
of all beings in the cosmos as evidence of a Being that is 
immutable, unconditioned, and absolutely necessary, causa 
sui, the prime cause of all existence. 

1 Philo : De Somniis, I, 43, 44 ; Zeller : D. Philosophic d. Gricchen, III,. 
2, 307 f. ; Drummond : Philo Judaus, II, 4-5. 

* See D. F. Strauss : Christl. Glaubenslehre, I, 364-399 ; Windelband : Hist, 
of Phil., transl. by J. H. Tufts, ad ed., 1914, p. 54, 98, 128, 327. 

* See Windelband-Tufts, 1. c., 145, 292. 



68 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

7. The Mohammedan theologians added a new element to 
the discussion. In their endeavor to prove that the world 
is the work of a Creator, they pointed as evidence to the 
multiformity and composite structure, the contingency and 
dependency of the cosmos ; thus they concluded that it must 
have been created, and that its Creator must necessarily be 
the one, absolute, and all-determining cause. This proof is 
used also by Saadia and Bahya ben Joseph. 1 Its weakness, 
however, was exposed by Ibn Sina and Alfarabi among the 
Mohammedans, and later by Abraham ibn Baud and Mai- 
monides, their Jewish successors as Aristotelians. These 
proposed a substitute argument. From the fact that the 
existence of all cosmic beings is merely possible, that is, 
they may exist and they may not exist, these thinkers con 
cluded that an absolutely necessary being must exist as the 
cause and condition of all things, and this absolutely un 
conditioned yet all-conditioning being is God, the One who 
is. 2 Of course, the God so deduced and inferred is a mere 
abstraction, incapable of satisfying the emotional craving of 
the heart. 

8. While the cosmological proof proceeds from the tran 
sitory and imperfect nature of the world, the ontological proof, 
first proposed by Anselm of Canterbury, the Christian scholas 
tic of the XI century, and further elaborated by Descartes 
and Mendelssohn, proceeds from the human intellect. The 
mind conceives the idea of God as an absolutely perfect being, 
and, as there can be no perfection without existence, the con 
clusion is that this idea must necessarily be objectively true. 
Then, as the idea of God is innate in man, God must neces 
sarily exist, and for proof of this they point to the Scriptural 
verse, "The fool hath said in his heart, there is no God," 

1 See Strauss, 1. c. ; Kaufmann, 1. c., 2-3, 58 ; D. Theologie d. Bachya, p. 
222 f.; Husik : Hist. Jew. Phil., p. 32 ff., 89 ff. 

2 Kaufmann, 1. c., p. 341 f., 431 f. ; Husik, 1. c., 218 f., 254 f. 



THE EXISTENCE OF GOD 69 

and other similar passages. In its improved form, this ar 
gument uses the human concept of an infinitely perfect God 
as evidence, or, at least, as postulate that such a Being exists 
beyond the finite world of man. 1 

Another argument, rather naive in character, which was 
favored by the Stoics and adopted by the Church fathers, is 
called de consensu gentium, and endeavored to prove the re 
ality of God s existence from the universality of His worship. 
It speaks well for the sound reasoning of the Jewish thinkers 
that they refused to follow the lead of the Mohammedans in 
this respect, and did not avail themselves of an argument 
which can be used just as easily in support of a plurality 
of gods. 2 

9. All these so-called proofs were invalidated by Immanuel 
Kant, the great philosopher of Konigsberg, whose critical in 
quiry into the human intellect showed that the entire sum of 
our knowledge of objects and also of the formulation of our 
ideas is based upon our limited mode of apperception, while 
the reality or essence, "the thing in itself," will ever remain 
beyond our ken. If this is true of physical objects, it is all 
the more true of God, whom we know through our minds 
alone and not at all through our five senses. Accordingly, 
he shows that all the metaphysical arguments have no basis, 
and that we can know God s existence only through ethics, 
as a postulate of our moral nature. The inner consciousness 
of our moral obligation, or duty, implies a moral order of life, 
or moral law; and this, in turn, postulates the existence of 
God, the Ruler of life, who assigns to each of us his task and 
his destiny. 3 

10. It is true that God is felt and worshiped first as the 
supreme power in the world, before man perceives Him as 

1 See D. F. Strauss, 1. c. ; Windelband-Tufts, p. 292, 393. 
D. F. Strauss, 1. c., 375, 394; Windelband-Tufts, 1. c., 450. 
1 See Windelband-Tufts, 1. c., 549-550. 



70 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

the highest ideal of morality. Therefore man will never 
cease looking about him for vestiges of divinity and for proofs 
of his intuitive knowledge of God. The wondrous order, 
harmony, and signs of design in nature, as well as the impulse 
of the reason to search for the unity of all things, corroborate 
this innate belief in God. Still more do the consciousness 
of duty in the individual conscience and the progress of 
history with its repeated vindication of right and defeat of 
wrong proclaim to the believer unmistakably that the God 
of justice reigns. But no proof, however convincing, will 
ever bring back to the skeptic or unbeliever the God he has 
lost, unless his pangs of anguish or the void within fill his 
desolate world anew with the vivifying thought of a living God. 
ii. Among all the Jewish religious philosophers the high 
est rank must be accorded to Jehudah ha Levi, the author of 
the Cuzari, 1 who makes the historical fact of the divine reve 
lation the foundation of the Jewish religion and the chief tes 
timony of the existence of God. As a matter of fact, reason 
alone will not lead to God, except where religious intuition 
forms, so to speak, the ladder of heaven, leading to the realm 
of the unknowable. Philosophy, at best, can only demon 
strate the existence of a final Cause, or of a supreme Intelli 
gence working toward sublime purposes ; possibly also a moral 
government of the world, in both the physical and the spiritual 
life. Religion alone, founded upon divine revelation, can 
teach man to find a God, to whom he can appeal in trust in 
his moments of trouble or of woe, and whose will he can see in 
the dictates of conscience and the destiny of nations. Reason 
must serve as a corrective for the contents of revelation, 
scrutinizing and purifying, deepening and spiritualizing ever 
anew the truths received through intuition, but it can never 
be the final source of truth. 

1 See Kaufmann, 1. c., p. 223 f., and, opposed to him, Neumark : Jehuda 
Halevi s Philosophy, Cincinnati, 1909. See also Husik, 1. c., 157 ff. 



THE EXISTENCE OF GOD 71 

12. The same method must apply also to modern thought 
and research, which substituted historical methods for meta 
physics in both the physical and intellectual world, and which 
endeavors to trace the origin and growth of both objects and 
ideas in accordance with fixed laws. The process of evolu 
tion, our modern key with which to unlock the secrets of 
nature, points most significantly to a Supreme Power and 
Energy. But this energy, entering into the cosmic process at 
its outset, causing its motion and its growth, implies also an 
end, and thus again we have the Supreme Intelligence reached 
through a new type of teleology. 1 But all these conceptions, 
however they may be in harmony with the Jewish belief in 
creation and revelation, can at best supplement it, but can 
certainly neither supplant nor be identified with it. 

1 Compare C. Seligman : Judenth. u. moderne Anschauung. The philosophy 
of Bergson, which eliminates design and purpose from the cosmos and places 
Deity itself into the process as the vital urgent of it all, and thus sees God forever 
in the making, is pantheistic and un- Jewish, and therefore cannot be considered 
in a theology of Judaism. This does not exclude our accepting minor elements 
of his system, which contains suggestive hints. H. G. Wells God the Invisible 
King (Macmillan, 1917) is likewise a God in the making, man-made, not the 
Maker and Ruler of man. 



CHAPTER XII 

THE ESSENCE OF GOD 

1. An exquisite Oriental fable tells of a sage who had been 
meditating vainly for days and weeks on the question, What 
is God? One day, walking along the seashore, he saw some 
children busying themselves by digging holes in the sand and 
pouring into them water from the sea. "What are you doing 
there?" he asked them, to which they replied, "We want to 
empty the sea of its water." "Oh, you little fools," he ex 
claimed with a smile, but suddenly his smile vanished in serious 
thought. "Am I not as foolish as these children?" he said 
to himself. "How can I with my small brain hope to grasp the 
infinite nature of God?" 

All efforts of philosophy to define the essence of God are 
futile. "Canst thou by searching find out God?" Zophar 
asks of his friend Job. 1 Both Philo and Maimonides main 
tain that we can know of God only that He is; we can never 
fathom His innermost being or know what He is. Both find 
this unknowability of God expressed in the words spoken to 
Moses: "If I withdraw My hand, thou shalt see My back 
that is, the effects of God s power and wisdom but My 
face the real essence of God thou shalt not see." 2 

2. Still, a divinity void of all essential qualities fails to 
satisfy the religious soul. Man demands to know what God 
is at least, what God is to him. In the first word of the 

1 Job XI, 7. 

2 Ex. XXXIII, 23 ; Maim.; Yesode ha Torah,I,8,io-, Moreh, I, 21 a; Kauf- 
mann, 1. c., 431 ; Philo : Mutatio Nom., 2 ; Vita Mosis, I, 28 ; Leg. All., I, 29, 
and elsewhere. See J. Drummond: Philo Judaus, II, 18-24. 

72 



THE ESSENCE OF GOD 73 

Decalogue God speaks through His people Israel to the reli 
gious consciousness of all men at all times, beginning, "I am 
the Lord, thy God." This word / lifts God at once above 
all beings and powers of the cosmos, in fact, above all other 
existence, for it expresses His unique self-consciousness. This 
attribute above all is possessed by no being in the world of 
nature, and only by man, who is the image of his Maker. 
According to the Midrash, all creation was hushed when the 
Lord spoke on Sinai, "/ am the Lord." l God is not merely 
the supreme Being, but also the supreme Self-consciousness. 
As man, in spite of all his limitations and helplessness, still 
towers high above all his fellow creatures by virtue of his free 
will and self-conscious action, so God, who knows no bounds 
to His wisdom and power, surpasses all beings and forces of 
the universe, for He rules over all as the one completely self- 
conscious Mind and Will. In both the visible and invisible 
realms He manifests Himself as the absolutely free Personality, 
moral and spiritual, who allots to every thing its existence, 
form, and purpose. For this reason Scripture calls Him 
"the living God and everlasting King." 2 

3. Judaism, accordingly, teaches us to recognize God, 
above all, as revealing Himself in self-conscious activity, as 
determining all that happens by His absolutely free will, and 
thus as showing man how to walk as a free moral agent. In 
relation to the world, His work or workshop, He is the self- 
conscious Master, saying "I am that which I am"; in rela 
tion to man, who is akin to Him as a self-conscious rational 
and moral being, He is the living Fountain of all that knowl 
edge and spirituality for which men long, and in which alone 
they may find contentment and bliss. 

Thus the God of Judaism, the world s great I Am, forms a 
complete contrast, not only to the lifeless powers of nature 
and destiny, which were worshiped by the ancient pagans, 
1 Ex. R. XXDC, at the close. Jer. X, 10. 



74 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

but also to the God of modern paganism, a God divested of all 
personality and self-consciousness, such as He is conceived 
of by the new school of Christian theology, with its pantheistic 
tendency. I refer to the school of Ritschl, which strives to 
render the myth of the man-god philosophically intelligible by 
teaching that God reaches self-consciousness only in the per 
fect type of man, that is, Christ, while otherwise He is entirely 
immanent, one with the world. All the more forcibly does 
Jewish monotheism insist upon its doctrine that God, in His 
continual self-revelation, is the supermundane and self- 
conscious Ruler of both nature and history. "I am the Lord, 
that is My name, and My glory will I not give to another," 
so says the God of Judaism. 1 

4. The Jewish God-idea, of course, had to go through many 
stages of development before it reached the concept of a 
transcendental and spiritual god. It was necessary first that 
the Decalogue and the Book of the Covenant prohibit most 
stringently polytheism and every form of idolatry, and second 
that a strictly imageless worship impress the people with the 
idea that Israel s God was both invisible and incorporeal. 2 
Yet a wide step still intervened from that stage to the complete 
recognition of God as a purely spiritual Being, lacking all 
qualities perceptible to the senses, and not resembling man 
in either his inner or his outer nature. Centuries of gradual 
ripening of thought were still necessary for the growth of this 
conception. This was rendered still more difficult by the 
Scriptural references to God in His actions and His revelations, 
and even in His motives, after a human pattern. Israel s 
sages required centuries of effort to remove all anthropo 
morphic and anthropopathic notions of God, and thus to 
elevate Him to the highest realm of spirituality. 3 

i Isaiah XLIV, 6. 

8 Comp. Dillmann, 1. c., 226-235 ; D. F. Strauss, 1. c., I, 525-553. 
3 See J. E., art. Anthropomorphism and Anthropopathism. Comp. 
Schmiedl, 1. c., 1-30. 



THE ESSENCE OF GOD 75 

5. In this process of development two points of view de 
mand consideration. We must not overlook the fact that the 
perfectly clear distinction which we make between the sen 
sory and the spiritual does not appeal to the child-like mind, 
which sees it rather as external. What we call transcendent, 
owing to our comprehension of the immeasurable universe, 
was formerly conceived only as far remote in space or time. 
Thus God is spoken of in Scripture as dwelling in heaven and 
looking down upon the inhabitants of the earth to judge them 
and to guide them. 1 According to Deuteronomy, God spoke 
from heaven to the people about Mt. Sinai, while Exodus 
represents Him as coming down to the mountain from His 
heavenly heights to proclaim the law amid thunder and 
lightning. 2 The Babylonian conception of heaven prevailed 
throughout the Middle Ages and influenced both the mystic 
lore about the heavenly throne and the philosophic cosmology 
of the Aristotelians, such as Maimonides. Yet Scripture 
offers also another view, the concept of God as the One en 
throned on high, whom "the heavens and the heaven s heavens 
cannot encompass." 3 

The fact is that language still lacked an expression for pure 
spirit, and the intellect freed itself only gradually from the 
restrictions of primitive language to attain a purer conception 
of the divine. Thus we attain deeper insight into the spiritual 
nature of God when we read the inimitable words of the 
Psalmist describing His omnipresence, 4 or that other passage : 
" He that planted the ear, shall He not hear ? He that formed 
the eye, shall He not see? He that chastiseth the nations, 
shall He not correct, even He that teaches man knowledge ? " 5 

The translators and interpreters of the Bible felt the need 
of eliminating everything of a sensory nature from God and 

Ps. XXXIII, 13-14. 

Deut. IV, 36 ; Ex. XIX, 20. Comp. Gen. XI, 5. Isa. XLVI, i. 

* Ps. CXXXIX, 7-10. B p s . XCIV, 9. 



76 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

of avoiding anthropomorphism, through the influence of 
Greek philosophy. This spiritualization of the God idea was 
taken up again by the philosophers of the Spanish-Arabic 
period, who combated the prevailing mysticism. Through 
them Jewish monotheism emphasized its opposition to every 
human representation of God, especially the God-Man of the 
Christian Church. 

6. On the other hand, we must bear in mind that we 
naturally ascribe to God a human personality, whether we 
speak of Him as the Master- worker of the universe, as the all- 
seeing and all-hearing Judge, or the compassionate and merci 
ful Father. We cannot help attributing human qualities and 
emotions to Him the moment we invest Him with a moral 
and spiritual nature. When we speak of His punitive justice, 
His unfailing mercy, or His all-wise providence, we transfer 
to Him, imperceptibly, our own righteous indignation at the 
sight of a wicked deed, or our own compassion with the 
sufferer, or even our own mode of deliberation and decision. 
Moreover, the prophets and the Torah, in order to make God 
plain to the people, described Him in vivid images of human 
life, with anger and jealousy as well as compassion and re 
pentance, and also with the organs and functions of the 
senses, seeing, hearing, smelling, speaking, and walking. 

7. The rabbis are all the more emphatic in their assertions 
that the Torah merely intends to assist the simple-minded, 
and that unseemly expressions concerning Deity are due to 
the inadequacy of language, and must not be taken literally. 1 
"It is an act of boldness allowed only to the prophets to meas 
ure the Creator by the standard of the creature," says the 
Haggadist, and again, "God appeared to Israel, now as a 
heroic warrior, now as a venerable sage imparting knowledge, 
and again as a kind dispenser of bounties, but always in a 

1 See Ab. d. R. Nathan II ; Bacher : D. Exegetische Terminologie, I, 8 ; 
Schechter, 1. c., 35. 



THE ESSENCE OF GOD 77 

manner befitting the time and circumstance, so as to satisfy 
the need of the human heart." l This is strikingly illustrated 
in the following dialogue: "A heretic came to Rabbi Meir 
asking, How can you reconcile the passage which reads, 
"Do I not fill heaven and earth, says the Lord," with the one 
which relates that the Lord appeared to Moses between the 
cherubim of the ark of the covenant ? Whereupon Rabbi 
Meir took two mirrors, one large and the other small, and 
placed them before the interrogator. Look into this glass, 
he said, and into that. Does not your figure seem different 
in one than in the other ? How much more will the majesty 
of God, who has neither figure nor form, be reflected differently 
in the minds of men ! To one it will appear according to his 
narrow view of life, and to the other in accordance with his 
larger mental horizon. " 2 

In like manner Rabbi Joshua ben Hanania, when asked 
sarcastically by the Emperor Hadrian to show him his God, 
replied : "Come and look at the sun which now shines in the 
full splendor of noonday ! Behold, thou art dazzled. How, 
then, canst thou see without bewilderment the majesty of 
Him from whom emanates both sun and stars?" 3 This re 
joinder, which was familiar to the Greeks also, is excelled by 
the one of Rabban Gamaliel II to a heathen who asked him 
"Where does the God dwell to whom you daily pray?" 
"Tell me first," he answered, "where does your soul dwell, 
which is so close to thee? Thou canst not tell. How, then, 
can I inform thee concerning Him who dwells in heaven, and 
whose throne is separated from the earth by a journey of 
3500 years?" "Then do we not do better to pray to gods 
who are near at hand, and whom we can see with our eyes?" 

1 Gen. R. XXVII; Mek. Ex. XV; Pes. d. R. K. 109 b; Tanh. to Ex. XXII, 
16; Schechter, 1. c., 43 f. 

f Gen. R. IV, 3 ; comp. Pes. d. R. K. 2 b ; Schechter, 1. c., 29 f. 
* Hul. 59, 60; Sanh. 39 a ; Philo : De Abrahamo, 16. 



78 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

continued the heathen, whereupon the sage struck home, 
1 Well, you may see your gods, but they neither see nor help 
you, while our God, Himself unseen, yet sees and protects us 
constantly." 1 The comparison of the invisible soul to God, 
the invisible spirit of the universe, is worked out further in 
the Midrash to Psalm CHI. 

8. From the foregoing it is clear that, while Judaism in 
sists on the Deity s transcending all finite and sensory limi 
tations, it never lost the sense of the close relationship between 
man and his Maker. Notwithstanding Christian theologians 
to the contrary, the Jewish God was never a mere abstraction. 2 
The words, "I am the Lord thy God," betoken the intimate 
relation between the redeemed and the heavenly Redeemer, 
and the song of triumph at the Red Sea, "This is my God, I 
will extol Him," testifies according to the Midrash that 
even the humblest of God s chosen people were filled with 
the feeling of His nearness. 3 In the same way the warm 
breath of union with God breathes through all the writings, 
the prayers, and the whole history of Judaism. "For what 
great nation is there that hath God so nigh unto them as the 
Lord our God is, whenever we call upon Him?" exclaims 
Moses in Deuteronomy, and the rabbis, commenting 
upon the plural form used here, Kerobim, = "nigh," remark : 
"God is nigh to everyone in accordance with his special 
needs." 4 

9. Probably the rabbis were at their most profound mood 
in their saying, "God s greatness lies in His condescension, 
as may be learned from the Torah, the Prophets, and the Writ 
ings. To quote only Isaiah also : l Thus saith the High and 

1 Mid. Teh. Ps. CIII, i ; Sanh. 39 a. 

2 See Weber, 1. c., 149 f., 157; Bousset, 1. c., 302, 313; von Hartman: Das 
religioese Bewusstsein. Against this Schreiner, 1. c., 49-58, and Schechter, As- 
pects, 33 f. 

Mek. and Tanh. to Ex. XV, n. 
4 Deut. IV, 7 ; Yer. Ber. IX, 13 a. 



THE ESSENCE OF GOD 79 

Lofty One, I dwell in high and holy places, with him that is 
of a contrite and humble spirit. l For this reason God selected 
as the place of His revelation the humble Sinai and the lowly 
thornbush." In fact, the absence of any mediator in 
Judaism necessitates the doctrine that God with all His 
transcendent majesty is at the same tune "an ever present 
helper in trouble," 3 and that His omnipotence includes care 
for the greatest and the smallest beings of creation. 4 

10. The doctrine that God is above and beyond the uni 
verse, transcending all created things, as well as time and 
space, might lead logically to the view of the deist that He 
stands outside of the world, and does not work from within. 
But this inference has never been made even by the boldest 
of Jewish thinkers. The Psalmist said, " Who is like the Lord 
our God, that hath His seat on high, that humbleth Himself 
to behold what is in heaven and on earth?" 6 words which 
express the deepest and the loftiest thought of Judaism. 
Beside the all-encompassing Deity no other divine power or 
personality can find a place. God is in all ; He is over all ; 
He is both immanent and transcendent. His creation was 
not merely setting into motion the wheels of the cosmic fabric, 
after which He withdrew from the world. The Jew praises 
Him for every scent and sight of nature or of human life, for 
the beauty of the sea and the rainbow, for every flash of light 
ning that illumines the darkened clouds and every peal of 
thunder that shakes the earth. On every such occasion the 
Jew utters praise to "Him who daily renews the work of 
creation," or "Him who in everlasting faithfulness keepeth 
His covenant with mankind." Such is the teaching of the 
men of the Great Synagogue, 6 and the charge of the Jewish 

1 Isa. LVII, 15. See also Deut. X, 17-18; Ps. LXXXVI, 5-6. Comp. R. 
Johanan, Meg. 31 a. 

1 Ex. R. II, 9 ; Mid. Teh. Ps. LXVTII, 7. Ps. XL VI, 2. 

4 Ab. Zar. 3 b. * Ps. CXIII, 5, 6. 

Ber. 60 b. Singer s Praycrbook, 291. 



8o JEWISH THEOLOGY 

God idea being a barren and abstract transcendentalism can 
be urged only by the blindness of bigotry. 1 

11. The interweaving of the ideas of God s immanence and 
transcendency is shown especially in two poems embodied in 
the songs of the Synagogue, Ibn Gabirol s " Crown of Royalty " 
and the " Songs of Unity" for each day of the week, composed 
by Samuel ben Kalonymos, the father of Judah the Pious of 
Regensburg. Here occur such sentences as these : " All is in 
God and God is in all"; " Sufficient unto Himself and self- 
determining, He is the ever-living and self-conscious Mind, 
the all-permeating, all-impelling, and all-accomplishing Will" ; 
"The universe is the emanation of the plenitude of God, each 
part the light of His infinite light, flame of His eternal em 
pyrean" ; "The universe is the garment, the covering of God, 
and He the all-penetrating Soul." 2 All these ideas were 
borrowed from neo-Platonism, and found a conspicuous place 
in Ibn Gabirol s philosophy, later influencing the Cabbalah. 

Similarly the appellation, Makom, "Space," is explained by 
both Philo and the rabbis as denoting "Him who encompasses 
the world, but whom the world cannot encompass." 3 An 
utterance such as this, well-nigh pantheistic in tone, leads 
directly to theories like those of Spinoza or of David Nieto, 
the well-known London Rabbi, who was largely under Spino- 
zistic influence 4 and who still was in accord with Jewish 
thought. Certainly, as long as Jewish monotheism conceives 
of God as self-conscious Intellect and freely acting Will, it 
can easily accept the principle of divine immanence. 

12. We accept, then, the fact that man, child-like, invests 
God with human qualities, a view advanced by Abraham 

1 On pantheism in Judaism see Seligman, 1. c. 

2 See Sachs : D. religioese Poesie d. Juden. inSpanien, 225-228 ; Kaufmann : 
Stud. u. Solomon Ibn GabiroL 

3 See Siegfried: Philo, 199-203, 292; Gen. R. LXVIII, 10; comp. Geiger: 
Zeitschr., XI, 218; Hamburger: R. W. B., II, 986. 

<SeeGraetz: G. d. J., X, 319. 



THE ESSENCE OF GOD 81 

ben David of Posquieres in opposition to Maimonides. 1 
Still, the thinkers of Judaism have ever labored to divest the 
Deity of every vestige of sensuousness, of likeness to man, in 
fact, of every limitation to action or to free will. Every con 
ception which merges God into the world or identifies Him 
with it and thus makes Him subject to necessity, is incom 
patible with the Jewish idea of God, which enthrones Him 
above the universe as its free and sovereign Master. "Am I 
a God near at hand, saith the Lord, and not a God afar off? 
Can any hide himself in secret places that I shall not see him ? 
saith the Lord. Do I not fill heaven and earth?" 2 "To 
whom will you liken Me, that I should be equal?" 3 

1 See Maimonides : H. Teshubah, III, 7 and R. A. B. D., notes. 
Jer. XXIII, 23. 8 Isa. XL, 25. 



CHAPTER XIII 
THE ONE AND ONLY GOD 

1. From the very beginning no Jewish doctrine was so 
firmly proclaimed and so heroically defended as the belief in 
the One and Only God. This constitutes the essence and 
foundation of Judaism. However slowly the people learned 
that there could be no gods beside the One God, and that 
consequently all the pagan deities were but " naught and 
vanity," the Judaism of the Torah starts with the proclama 
tion of the Only One, and later Judaism marches through the 
nations and ages of history with a never-silent protest against 
polytheism of every kind, against every division of the God 
head into parts, powers, or persons. 

2. It is perfectly clear that divine pedagogy could not well 
have demanded of a people immature and untrained in re 
ligion, like Israel in the wilderness period, the immediate 
belief in the only one God and in none else. Such a belief is 
the result of a long mental process ; it is attained only after 
centuries of severe struggle and crisis. Instead of this, the 
Decalogue of Sinai demanded of the people that they worship 
only the God of the Covenant who had delivered them from 
Egypt to render them His people. 1 But, as they yielded more 
and more to the seductive worship of the gods of the Canaanites 
and their other neighbors, the law became more rigid in pro 
hibiting such idolatrous practices, and the prophets poured 
forth their unsca thing wrath against the "stiff-necked people" 

1 Lev. XIX, 4; XXVI, i ; Isaiah II, 8, n ; Psalm XCVI, 5. 
82 



THE ONE AND ONLY GOD 83 

and endeavored by unceasing warnings and threats to win 
them for the pure truth of monotheism. 1 

3. The God of Sinai proclaims Himself in the Decalogue 
as a " jealous God," and not in vain. He cannot tolerate 
other gods beside Himself. Truth can make no concession 
to untruth, nor enter into any compromise with it without 
self-surrender. A pagan religion could well afford to admit 
foreign gods into its pantheon without offending the ruling 
deities of the land. On the contrary, their realm seemed 
rather to be enlarged by the addition. It was also easy to 
blend the cults of deities originally distinct and unite many 
divinities under a composite name, and by this process create 
a system of worship which would either comprise the gods of 
many lands or even merge them into one large family. This 
was actually the state of the various pagan religions at the 
time of the decline of antiquity. But such a procedure could 
never lead towards true monotheism. It lacks the concep 
tion of an inner unity, without which its followers could not 
grasp the true idea of God as the source and essence of all 
life, both physical and spiritual. Only the One God of reve 
lation made the world really one. In Him alone heaven and 
earth, day and night, growth and decay, the weal and woe of 
individuals and nations, appear as the work of an all-ruling 
Power and Wisdom, so that all events in nature and history 
are seen as parts of one all-comprising plan. 2 

4. It is perfectly true that a wide difference of view exists 
between the prohibition of polytheism and idolatry in the 
Decalogue and the proclamation in Deuteronomy of the unity 
of God, and, still more, between the law of the Pentateuch 
and the prophetic announcement of the day when Israel s 

1 Comp. Ex. XX, 3 ; XXII, 19 ; XXIII, 13 ; with Deut. VI, 4 ; IV, 35, 39 ; 
XXXII, 39 ; Isaiah XL to XLVIII. 

* See Dillmann, 1. c., 235-241 ; D. F. Strauss, 1. c., 402-408 ; A. B. Davidson : 
Theology of O. T., p. 105 ; 149 f. 



84 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

God "shall be King of the whole earth, and His name shall 
be One." 1 Yet Judaism is based precisely upon this higher 
view. The very first pages of Genesis, the opening of the 
Torah, as well as the exilic portions of Isaiah which form the 
culmination of the prophets, and the Psalms also, prove suffi 
ciently that at their time monotheism was an axiom of Ju 
daism. In fact, heathenism had become synonymous with 
both image-worship and belief in many gods beside the Only 
One of Israel, and accordingly had lost all hold upon the Jewish 
people. The heathen gods were given a place in the celestial 
economy, but only as subordinate rulers or as the guardian 
angels of the nations, and always under the dominion of God 
on high. 2 

5. Later, in the contest against Graeco-Egyptian paganism, 
the doctrine of God s unity was emphasized in the Alexandrian 
propaganda literature, of which only a portion has been pre 
served for us. Here antagonism in the most forcible form is 
expressed against the delusive cults of paganism, and exclu 
sive worship claimed for "the unseen, yet all-seeing God, the 
uncreated Creator of the world." 3 The Rabbinical Haggadah 
contains but dim reminiscences of the extensive propaganda 
carried on previous to Hillel, the Talmudic type of the propa 
gandist. Moreover, this period fostered free inquiry and 
philosophical discussion, and therefore the doctrine of unity 
emerged more and more from simple belief to become a matter 
of reason. The God of truth put to flight the gods of false 
hood. Hence many gentiles espoused the cause of Judaism, 
becoming "God-fearing men." 4 

6. In this connection it seems necessary to point out the 
difference between the God of the Greek philosophers 
Xenophanes and Anaxagoras, Plato and Aristotle and the 
God of the Bible. In abandoning their own gods, the Greek 

1 Zach. XIV, 9. 2 Deut. IV, 19 ; Jer. X, 2. 

* Bousset, 1. c., 221 f., 348. * See Chapter LVI, below. 



THE ONE AND ONLY GOD 85 

philosophers reached a deistic view of the cosmos. As their 
study of science showed them plan and order everywhere, 
they concluded that the universe is governed by an all-en 
compassing Intelligence, a divine power entirely distinct from 
the capricious deities of the popular religion. Reflection led 
them to a complete rupture with their religious belief. The 
Biblical belief in God underwent a different process. After 
God had once been conceived of, He was held up as the ideal 
of morality, including both righteousness and holiness. Then 
this doctrine was continuously elucidated and deepened, until 
a stage was reached where a harmony could be established 
between the teachings of Moses and the wisdom of Plato and 
Aristotle. To the noble thinkers of Hellas truth was an object 
of supreme delight, the highest privilege of the sage. To the 
adherents of Judaism truth became the holiest aim of life for 
the entire people, for which all were taught to battle and to 
die, as did the Maccabean heroes and Daniel and his asso 
ciates, their prototypes. 

7. A deeper meaning was attached to the doctrine of God s 
unity under Persian rule, in contact with the religious system 
of Zoroaster. To the Persians life was a continual conflict 
between the principles of good and of evil, until the ultimate 
victory of good shall come. This dualistic view of the world 
greatly excels all other heathen religious systems, insofar as it 
assigns ethical purpose to the whole of life. Yet the great 
seer of the Exile opposes this system in the name of the God 
of Judaism, speaking to Cyrus, the king of Persia ; "I am the 
Lord and there is none else ; beside Me there is no God. I 
will gird thee, though thou dost not know Me, in order that 
the people shall know from the rising of the sun and from 
the west that there is none beside Me. I form the light and 
create darkness ; I make peace and also create evil, I am the 
Lord that doeth these things." l This declaration of pure 

1 Isa. XLV, 5-7. 



86 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

monotheism is incompatible with dualism in both the phys 
ical and the moral world; it regards evil as being mere 
semblance without reality, an opposing force which can be 
overcome and rendered a source of new strength for the vic 
tory of the good. "Out of the mouth of the Most High 
cometh there not the evil and the good?" l 

8. The division of the world into rival realms of good and 
evil powers, of angelic and demoniacal forces, which originated 
in ancient Chaldea and underlies the Zoroastrian dualism, 
finally took hold of Judaism also. Still this was not carried 
to such an extent that Satan, the supreme ruler of the demon 
world, was given a dominion equal to that of God, or inter 
fering with it, so as to impair thereby the principle of mono 
theism, as was done by the Church later on. As a matter 
of fact, at the time of nascent Christianity the leaders of the 
Synagogue took rigid measures against those heretics (Minim) 
who believed in two divine powers, 2 because they recognized 
the grave danger of moral degeneracy in this Gnostic dualism. 
In the Church it led first to the deification of Christ (i.e. the 
Messiah) as the vanquisher of Satan; afterwards, owing toa 
compromise with heathenism, the Trinity was adopted to 
correspond with the three-fold godhead, father, mother, 
and son, the place of the mother deity being taken by the 
Holy Ghost, which was originally conceived as a female power 
(the Syrian Ruha being of the feminine gender). 3 

9. The churchmen have attempted often enough to har 
monize the dualism or trinitarianism of Christianity with the 
monotheism of the Bible. Still Judaism persists in consider 
ing such an infringement upon the belief in Israel s one and 
only God as really a compromise with heathenism. "A 

1 Lam. Ill, 38. 

*Shetke Reshuyoth, see Hag. 15 a; Deut. R. I. 10; Eccl. R. II, 12; Weber, 
1. c., 152; Joel, Blicke in d. Religions gesch., II, 157. 

8 D. F. Strauss, 1. c., 409-501 ; J. E., art. Christianity. 



THE ONE AND ONLY GOD 87 

Jew is he who opposes every sort of polytheism," says the 
Talmud. 1 

10. The medieval Jewish thinkers therefore made re 
doubled efforts to express with utmost clearness the doctrine 
of God s unity. In this effort they received special encourage 
ment from the example of the leaders of Islam, whose vic 
torious march over the globe was a triumph for the one God 
of Abraham over the triune God of Christianity. A great 
tide of intellectual progress arose, lending to the faith of the 
Mohammedans and subsequently also to that of the Jews an 
impetus which lasted for centuries. The new thought and keen 
research of that period had a lasting influence upon the whole 
development of western culture. An alliance was effected 
between religion and philosophy, particularly by the leading 
Jewish minds, which proved a liberating and stimulating force 
in all fields of scientific investigation. Thus the pure idea 
of monotheism became the basis for modern science and the 
entire modern world-view. 2 

11. The Mohammedan thinkers devoted their attention 
chiefly to elucidating and spiritualizing the God idea, begin 
ning as early as the third century of Islamism, so to interpret 
the Koran as to divest God of all anthropomorphic attributes 
and to stress His absolute unity, uniqueness, and the incom- 
parability of His oneness. Soon they became familiar with 
neo-Platonic and afterward with Aristotelian modes of specu 
lation through the work of Syrian and Jewish translators. 
With the help of these they built up a system of theology 
which influenced Jewish thought also, first in Karaite and then 
in Rabbanite circles. 3 Thus sprang up successively the philo 
sophical systems of Saadia, Jehuda ha Levi, Ibn Gabirol, 
Bahya, Ibn Baud, and Maimonides. The philosophical hymns 
and the articles of faith, both of which found a place in the lit- 

1 Meg. 13 a. * Comp. Lange: Gesch. d. Materialismus, I, 149-158. 

1 Alfred v. Kremer, 1. c., 9-33 ; J. E., art. Arabic and Arabic-Jewish Philosophy. 



88 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

urgy of the Synagogue, were the work of their followers. The 
highest mode of adoring God seemed to be the elaboration of 
the idea of His unity to its logical conclusion, which satisfied 
the philosophical mind, though often remote from the under 
standing of the multitude. For centuries the supreme effort 
of Jewish thought was to remove Him from the possibility of 
comparison with any other being, and to abolish every con 
ception which might impair His absolute and simple unity. 
This mental activity filled the dwellings of Israel with light, 
even when the darkness of ignorance covered the lands of 
Christendom, dispelled only here and there by rays of knowl 
edge emanating from Jewish quarters. 1 

12. The proofs of the unity of God adduced by Moham 
medan and Jewish thinkers were derived from the rational 
order, design, and unity of the cosmos, and from the laws of 
the mind itself. These aided in endowing Judaism with a 
power of conviction which rendered futile the conversionist 
efforts of the Church, with its arguments and its threats. 
Israel s only One proved to be the God of truth, high and 
holy to both the mind and the heart. The Jewish masters of 
thought rendered Him the highest object of their speculation, 
only to bow in awe before Him who is beyond all human 
ken ; the Jewish martyrs likewise cheerfully offered up their 
lives in His honor ; and thus all hearts echoed the battle-cry 
of the centuries, "Hear O Israel, the Lord our God, the Lord 
is One," and all minds were illumined by the radiant hope, 
"The Lord will be King of the earth; on that day the Lord 
shall be One, and His name shall be One." 

13. Under all conditions, however, the doctrine of unity 
remained free from outward compulsion and full of intrinsic 
vigor and freshness. There was still room for differences of 
opinion, such as whether God s life, power, wisdom, and unity 
are attributes distinct from His being, and qualifying it, 

1 See Draper s Conflict between Religion and Science. 



THE ONE AND ONLY GOD 89 

or whether they are inherent in His nature, comprising His 
very essence. This controversy aimed to determine the con 
ception of God, either by Aristotelian rationalism, as repre 
sented by Maimonides, or by the positive religious assumptions 
of Crescas and others. 

This is Maimonides statement of the unity : " God is one ; 
that is, He is unlike any other unit, whether made one in 
point of numbers or species, or by virtue of composition, sepa 
ration, and simplification. He is one in Himself, there being 
no multiplicity in Him. His unity is beyond all definition." 1 

Ibn Gabirol in his "Crown of Royalty" puts the same 
thought into poetic form : "One art Thou ; the wise wonder 
at the mystery of Thy unity, not knowing what it is. One 
art Thou ; not like the one of dimension or number, as neither 
addition nor change, neither attribute nor quality affects 
Thy being. Thou art God, who sustainest all beings by Thy 
divinity, who boldest all creatures in Thy unity. Thou art 
God, and there is no distinction between Thy unity, Thy 
eternity, and Thy being. All is mystery, and however the 
names may differ, they all tell that Thou art but one." 2 

14. Side by side with this rationalistic trend, Judaism 
always contained a current of mysticism. The mystics ac 
cepted literally the anthropomorphic pictures of the Deity in 
the Bible, and did not care how much they might affect the 
spirituality and unity of God. The philosophic schools had 
contended against the anthropomorphic views of the older 
mystics, and thus had brought higher views of the Godhead 
to dominance; but when the rationalistic movement had 
spent its force, the reaction came in the form of the Cabbalah, 
the secret lore which claimed to have been "transmitted" 
(according to the meaning of the word) from a hoary past. 
The older system of thought had stripped the Deity of all 
reality and had robbed religion of all positiveness ; now, in 
1 Maim. : Yesode ha Torah, I, 7. Sachs, 1. c., 3. 



90 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

contrast, the soul demanded a God of revelation through 
faith in whom might come exaltation and solace. 1 

Nevertheless the Maimonidean articles of faith were adopted 
into the liturgy because of their emphasis on the absolute unity 
and indivisibility of God, by which they constituted a vigor 
ous protest against the Christian dogma. Judaism ever found 
its strength in God the only One, and will find Him ever 
anew a source of inspiration and rejuvenation. 

1 See Sclimiedl, 1. c., 239-258. 



CHAPTER XIV 

GOD S OMNIPOTENCE AND OMNISCIENCE 

1. Among all the emotions which underlie our God-con 
sciousness the foremost is the realization of our own weakness 
and helplessness. This makes us long for One mightier than 
ourselves, for the Almighty whose acts are beyond comparison. 
The first attribute, therefore, with which we feeble mortals 
invest our Deity is omnipotence. Thus the pagan ascribes 
supreme power over their different realms to his various deities. 
Hence the name for God among all the Semites is El "the 
Powerful One." 1 Judaism claims for God absolute and un 
limited power over all that is. It declares Him to be the source 
and essence of all strength, the almighty Creator and Ruler 
of the universe. All that exists is His creation ; all that occurs 
is His achievement. He is frequently called by the rabbis 
ha Geburah, the Omnipotence. 2 

2. The historical method of study seems to indicate that 
various cosmic potencies were worshiped in primitive life 
either singly or collectively under the name of Elohim, " divine 
powers, " or Zibeoth Elohim, " hosts of divine powers. " With 
the acceptance of the idea of divine omnipotence, these were 
united into a confederacy of divine forces under the dominion 
of the one God, the "Lord of Hosts." Still these powers of 
heaven, earth and the deep by no means at once surrendered 
their identity. Most of them became angels, "messengers" of 
the omnipotent God, or " spirits " roaming in the realms 
where once they ruled, while a few were relegated as monsters 
to the region of superstition. The heathen deities, which 

1 See Hebrew Dictionary, El; comp. Dillmann, 1. c., 210, 244. 
1 See Levy, W. B. : Geburah. 



92 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

persisted for a while in popular belief, were also placed with 
the angels as "heavenly rulers" of their respective lands or 
nations about the throne of the Most High. At all events, 
Israel s God was enthroned above them all as Lord of the 
universe. In fact, the Alexandrian translators and some of the 
rabbis actually explained in this sense the Biblical names El 
Shaddai and J .H. V.H. Zebaoth. 1 The medieval philosophers, 
however, took a backward step away from the Biblical view 
when, under the influence of Neoplatonism, they represented 
the angels and the spirits of the stars as intermediary forces. 2 
3. According to the Bible, both the Creation and the order 
of the universe testify to divine omnipotence. God called 
all things into existence by His almighty word, unassisted by 
His heavenly messengers. He alone stretched out the heavens, 
set bounds to the sea, and founded the earth on pillars that 
it be not moved ; none was with Him to partake in the work. 
This is the process of creation according to the first chapter 
of Genesis and the fortieth chapter of Isaiah. So He ap 
pears throughout the Scriptures as "the Doer of wonders, " 
"whose arm never waxes short" to carry out His will. "He 
fainteth not, neither is He weary." His dominion extends 
over the sea and the storm, over life and death, over high and 
low. Intermediary forces participating in His work are 
never mentioned. They are referrred to only in the poetic 
description of creation in the book of Job: "Where wast 
thou when I laid the foundations of the earth ? . . . When the 
morning stars sang together, and all the sons of God shouted 
for joy." 3 

1 See Septuagint to Job V, 17; VIII, 3, and II Sam. V, 10; VII, 8, and 
Ber. 31 b. 

2 See Schmiedl, 1. c., 67 ff. David Neumark thinks that both the prophet 
Jeremiah and the Mishnah knew and rejected the belief in angels. See his 
article Ikkarim in Ozar Ha Yahduth. 

3 Gen. XVIII, 14; Num. XI, 13; Is. XL, 12; Jer. V, 22; X, 12; XXVII, 
5; XXXII, 17; Zach. VIII, 6; Job XXXVIII, 7; XLII, i. 



GOD S OMNIPOTENCE AND OMNISCIENCE 93 

Proof of God s supreme power was found particularly in 
history, either in His miraculous changing of the natural 
order, or in His defeat of the mighty hostile armies which 
bade Him defiance. 1 Often the heathen deities or the celestial 
powers are introduced as dramatic figures to testify to the 
triumph of the divine omnipotence, as when the Lord is said 
to " execute judgment against the gods of Egypt" or when 
"the stars in their courses fought against Sisera." 2 

4. God s power is limited only by His own volition. "He 
doeth what He willeth." 3 In man the will and the power 
for a certain act are far apart, and often directly conflicting. 
Not so with God, for the very idea of God is perfection, and 
His will implies necessarily the power to accomplish the desired 
end. His will is determined only by such factors as His 
knowledge and His moral self-restraint. 

5. Therefore the idea of God s omnipotence must be coupled 
with that of His omniscience. Both His power and His 
knowledge are unlike man s in being without limitation. 
When we repeat the Biblical terms of an all-seeing, all-hearing, 
and all-knowing God, we mean in the first instance that the 
limitation of space does not exist for Him. He beholds the 
extreme parts of the earth and observes all that happens under 
the heavens ; nothing is hidden from His sight. He not only 
sees the deeds of men, He also searches their thoughts. Look 
ing into their hearts, He knows the word, ere it is upon the 
tongue. Looking into the future, he knows every creature, 
ere it enters existence. "The darkness and the light are alike 
to Him." With one glance He surveys all that is and all that 
happens. 4 He is, as the rabbis express it, "the all-seeing Eye 
and the all-hearing Ear." 6 

Deut. Ill, 24; XI, 3; XXVI, 8; XXIX, 2; Jer. X, 6; Ps. LXV, 7; 
LXVI, 7; LXIV-LXXVIII; I Chron. XXIX, u, 12. 

2 Ex. XII, 12 ; Judges V, 10. 3 Daniel IV, 35. 

<Ps. XI, 4; XXXIII, 13 f.; CXXXEX; Jer. XI, 20; XVII, 10; Job 
XII, 13 ; Dan. II, 20 f . * Aboth U, x. 



94 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

In like manner the distinctions of time disappear before 
Him. The entire past is unrolled before His sight ; His book 
records all that men do or suffer, even their tears ; 1 and there 
is no forgetfulness with Him. The remotest future also is 
open before Him, for it is planned by Him, and in it He has 
allotted to each being its days and its steps. 2 Yea, as He 
beholds events ere they transpire, so He reveals the secrets of 
the future to His chosen ones, in order to warn men of the 
judgments that threaten them. 3 

6. The idea of divine omniscience could ripen only gradually 
in the minds of the people. The older and more child-like 
conception still remains in the stories of the Deluge and the 
Tower of Babel, where God descended from heaven to watch 
the doings of men, and repented of what He had done. 4 Ob 
viously the idea of divine omniscience took hold of the people 
as a result of the admonitions of the prophets. 

7. Philosophical inquiry into the ideas of the divine omnip 
otence and omniscience, however, discloses many difficulties. 
The Biblical assertion that nothing is impossible to God will 
not stand the test as soon as we ask seriously whether God 
can make the untrue true, as making two times two to 
equal five or whether He can declare the wrong to be right. 
Obviously He cannot overturn the laws of mathematical truth 
or of moral truth, without at the same time losing His nature 
as the Source and Essence of all truth. Nor can He abrogate 
the laws of nature, which are really His own rules for His 
creation, without detracting from both His omniscience and 
the immutability of His will. This question will be discussed 
more fully in connection with miracles, in chapter XXVII. 

Together with the problem of the divine omniscience arises 
the difficulty of reconciling this with our freedom of will and 

1 Mai. Ill, 16; Ps. LVI, 9. 

2 See New Year liturgy, Singer s Prayerbook, 249. 

Amos III, 7. ; Gen. XVIII, 17. 4 Gen. VI, 5 ; XI, 5 ; XVIII, 21. 



GOD S OMNIPOTENCE AND OMNISCIENCE 95 

our moral responsibility. Would not His foreknowledge of 
our actions in effect determine them? This difficulty can 
only be solved by a proper conception of the freedom of the 
will, and will be discussed in that connection in chapter 
XXXVII. 

Altogether, we must guard against applying our human type 
of knowledge to God. Man, limited by space and time, 
obtains his knowledge of things and events by his senses, 
becoming aware of them separately as they exist either beside 
each other or in succession. With God all knowledge is 
complete ; there is no growth of knowledge from yesterday to 
to-day, no knowledge of only a part instead of the whole of 
the world. His omniscience and omnipotence are bound up 
with His omnipresence and eternity. "For My thoughts are 
not your thoughts, neither are your ways My ways, saith 
the Lord. For as the heavens are higher than the earth, so 
are My ways higher than your ways, and My thoughts than 
your thoughts." 1 

1 Isa. LV, 8, 9. 



CHAPTER XV 

GOD S OMNIPRESENCE AND ETERNITY 

1. As soon as man awakens to a higher consciousness of 
God, he realizes the vast distance between his own finite 
being limited by space and time, and the Infinite Being which 
rules everywhere and unceasingly in lofty grandeur and un 
limited power. His very sense of being hedged in by the 
bounds and imperfections of a finite existence makes him long 
for the infinite God, unlimited in might, and brings to him 
the feeling of awe before His greatness. But this conception 
of God as the omnipresent and everlasting Spirit, as distinct 
from any created being, is likewise the result of many stages 
of growing thought. 

2. The primitive mind imagines God as dwelling in a 
lofty place, whence He rules the earth beneath, descending 
at times to take part in the affairs of men, to tarry among 
them, or to walk with them. 1 The people adhered largely to 
this conception during the Biblical period, as they considered 
as the original seat of the Deity, first Paradise, later on Sinai 
or Zion, and finally the far-off heavens. It required prophetic 
vision to discern that "the heavens and the heavens heavens 
do not encompass God s majesty," expressed also in poetic 
imagery that "the heaven is My throne and the earth My 
footstool." 2 The classic form of this idea of the divine omni 
presence is found in the oft-quoted passage from Psalm 
CXXXIX. 3 

1 Gen. IV, 16; XI, 5; XVIII, 21; XXVIII, 16; Deut. XXVI, 15; Micah 
I, 3 ; see Strauss, 1. c., I, 548 f . 

2 1 Kings VIII, 27 ; Isa. LXVI, i. 3 See above, Chapter XII, 5. 

96 



GOD S OMNIPRESENCE AND ETERNITY 97 

3. The dwelling places of God are to give way the moment 
His omnipresence is understood as penetrating the universe to 
such an extent that nothing escapes His glance nor lies with 
out His dominion. 1 They are then transformed into places 
where He had manifested His Name, His Glory, or His Pres 
ence (" Countenance/ in the Hebrew). In this way certain 
emanations or powers of God were formed which could be 
located in a certain space without impairing the divine omni 
presence. These intermediary powers will be the theme of 
chapter XXXII. 

The following dialogue illustrates this stage of thought: 
A heretic once said sarcastically to Gamaliel II, " Ye say that 
where ten persons assemble for worship, there the divine 
majesty (Shekinah) descends upon them ; how many such 
majesties are there?" To which Gamaliel replied: "Does 
not the one orb of day send forth a million rays upon the earth ? 
And should not the majesty of God, which is a million times 
brighter than the sun, be reflected in every spot on earth?" 2 

4. Nevertheless a conception of pure spirit is very difficult 
to attain, even in regard to God. The thought of His omni 
presence is usually interpreted by imagining some ethereal 
substance which expands infinitely, as Ibn Ezra and Saadia 
before him were inclined to do, 3 or by picturing Him as a 
sort of all-encompassing Space, in accordance with the 
rabbis. 4 The New Testament writers and the Church fathers 
likewise spoke of God as Spirit, but really had in mind, for 
the most part, an ethereal substance resembling light pervad 
ing cosmic space. The often-expressed belief that man may 
see God after death rests upon this conception of God as a 
substance perceptible to the mind. 6 

1 Comp. Amos IX, 2 ; Jer. XXIII, 24. J Sanh. 39 a. 

1 Comp. Kaufmann, 1. c., 70 and 71, notes 130, 131 ; Strauss, 1. c., I, 551. 
* Makom, see above, Chapter X, 8-9; Schechter, Aspects, 26 f. 
Luk. 45 b; comp. I Corinth. XIII, 12, based on Ex. XXXIII, 28; Ps. 
XVII, 15. 



98 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

A higher standpoint is taken by a thinker such as Ibn 
Gabirol, who finds God s omnipresence in His all-pervading 
will and intellect. 1 But this type of divine omnipresence is 
rather divine immanence. The religious consciousness has a 
quite different picture of God, a self-conscious Personality, 
ever near to man, ever scanning his acts, his thoughts, and his 
motives. Here philosophy and religion part company. The 
former must abstain from the assumption of a divine person 
ality ; the latter cannot do without it. The God of religion 
must partake of the knowledge and the feelings of His wor 
shiper, must know his every impulse and idea, and must feel 
with him in his suffering and need. God s omnipresence is in 
this sense a postulate of religion. 

5. The second earthly and human limitation is that of time. 
Confined by space and time, man casts his eyes upward toward 
a Being who shall be infinite and eternal. Whatever time 
begets, time swallows up again. Transitoriness is the fate of 
all things. Everything which enters existence must end at 
last. "Also heaven and earth perish and wax old like a 
garment. Only God remains forever the same, and His years 
have no end. He is from everlasting to everlasting, the first 
and the last." So speak prophet and psalmist, voicing a 
universal thought 2 ; and our liturgical poet sings : 

"The Lord of all did reign supreme 
Ere yet this world was made and formed ; 
When all was finished by His will, 
Then was His name as King proclaimed. 

"And should these forms no more exist, 
He still will rule in majesty ; 
He was, He is, He shall remain, 
His glory never shall decrease." 3 

1 See Kaufmann, 1. c., 100 f. 

2 Isa. XL VIII, 12 ; Ps. XC, 2 f. ; Oil, 26, 27. On the process of develop 
ment of the idea of eternity, see Neumark, 1. c., II, 77. 

3 Adon Olam, Singer s Prayerbook, p. 3. 



GOD S OMNIPRESENCE AND ETERNITY 99 

6. But the idea of God s eternity also presents certain 
difficulties to the thinking mind. As Creator and Author of 
the universe, God is the First Cause, without beginning or 
end, the Source of all existence ; as Ruler and Master of the 
world, He maintains all things through all eternity ; though 
heaven and earth " wax old like a garment," He outlasts them 
all. Now, if He is to manifest these powers from everlasting 
to everlasting, He must ever remain the same. Consequently, 
we must add immutability as a corollary of eternity, if the 
latter is to mean anything. It is not enough to state that God 
is without beginning and without end ; the essential part of 
the doctrine is His transcendence above the changes and con 
ditions of time. We mortals cannot really entertain a con 
ception of eternity ; our nearest approach to it is an endless 
succession of periods of time, a ceaseless procession of ages and 
eons following each other. Endless time is not at all the same as 
timelessness. Therefore eternity signifies transcendence above 
all existence in time ; its real meaning is supermundaneity . l 

7. This seems the best way to avoid the difficulty which 
seemed almost insuperable to the medieval thinkers, how to 
reconcile a Creation at a certain time and a Creator for whom 
time does not exist. In the effort to solve the difficulty, they 
resorted to the Platonic and Aristotelian definition of time as 
the result of the motions of the heavenly bodies ; thus they 
declared that time was created simultaneously with the world. 
This is impossible for the modern thinker, who has learned 
from Kant to regard time and space, not as external realities, 
but as human modes of apperception of objects. So the con 
trast between the transient character of the world and the 
eternity of God becomes all the greater with the increasing 
realization of the vast gap between the material world and the 
divine spirit. 

1 See Strauss, 1. c., 562, 651 ; Kaufmann, 1. c., 306 f.; Drummond : Philo 
II, 46. 



ioo JEWISH THEOLOGY 

At this point arises a still greater difficulty. The very idea 
of creation at a certain time becomes untenable in view of our 
knowledge of the natural process ; the universe itself, it seems 
to us, extends over an infinity of space and time. Indeed, 
the modern view of evolution in place of creation has the grave 
danger of leading to pantheism, to a conception of the cosmos 
which sees in God only an eternal energy (or substance) de 
void of free volition and self-conscious action. 1 We can evade 
the difficulty only by assuming God s transcendence, and this 
can be done in such a way as not to exclude His immanence, 
or what is the same thing His omnipresence. 

8. Both God s omnipresence and His eternity are intended 
only to raise Him far above the world, out of the confines of 
space and time, to represent His sublime loftiness as the 
"Rock of Ages," as holding worlds without number in "His 
eternal arms." "Nothing can be hidden from Him who has 
reared the entire universe and is familiar with every part of it, 
however remote." 2 

1 See Chapter XXV below. 

2 Tanh. Naso ed. Buber, 8 ; Gen. R. IX, 9 with reference to Jer. XXIII, 24. 



CHAPTER XVI 

GOD S HOLINESS 

1. Judaism recognizes two distinct types of divine attri 
butes. Those which we have so far considered belong to the 
metaphysical group, which chiefly engage the attention of 
the philosopher. They represent God as a transcendental 
Being who is ever beyond our comprehension, because our 
finite intellect can never grasp the infinite Spirit. They are 
not descriptions, but rather inferences from the works of the 
Master of the world to the Master himself. But there are 
other divine attributes which we derive from our own moral 
nature, and which invest our whole life with a higher moral 
character. Instead of arising from the external necessity 
which governs nature in its causes and effects, these rest upon 
our assumption of inner freedom, setting the aims for all that 
we achieve. This moral nature is realized to some extent even 
by the savage, when he trembles before his deity in pangs of 
conscience, or endeavors to propitiate him by sacrifices. Still, 
Judaism alone fully realized the moral nature of the Deity; 
this was done by investing the term "holiness" with the idea 
of moral perfection, so that God became the ideal and pattern 
of the loftiest morality. "Be ye holy, for I the Lord your 
God am holy." 1 This is the central and culminating idea of 
the Jewish law. 2 

2. Holiness is the essence of all moral perfection ; it is 
purity unsullied by any breath of evil. True holiness can be 

1 Lev. XIX, i. 

1 Comp. Dillmann, 1. c., 252 f. ; Strauss, 1. .,"593 f. ; RauwenhofT, 1. c., 498- 
505 ; Lazarus : Ethics of Judaism, Chapters IV- V. 

101 



102 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

ascribed only to Divinity, above the realm of the flesh and the 
senses. " There is none holy but the Lord, for there is none 
beside Thee," says Scripture. 1 Whether man stands on a lower 
or higher level of culture, he has in all his plans and aspirations 
some ideal of perfection to which he may never attain, but 
which serves as the standard for his actions. The best of his 
doings falls short of what he ought to do ; in his highest efforts 
he realizes the potentiality of better things. This ideal of 
moral perfection works as the motive power of the will in setting 
for it a standard ; it establishes human freedom in place of 
nature s compulsion, but such an ideal can emanate only from 
the moral power ruling life, which we designate as the divine 
Holiness. 

3. Scripture says of God that He " walketh in holiness," 2 and 
accordingly morality in man is spoken of as "walking in the 
ways of God." 3 "Walk before Me and be perfect!" says 
God to Abraham. 4 Moses approached God with two petitions, 
the one, " Show me Thy ways that I may know Thee ! " the 
other, "Show me, I pray Thee, Thy glory !" In response to 
the latter God said, "No man can see Me and live", but the 
former petition was granted in that the Lord revealed Himself 
in His moral attributes. 5 These alone can be understood and 
emulated by man; in regard to the so-called metaphysical 
attributes God will ever remain beyond human comprehension 
and emulation. 

4. In order to serve as vehicle for the expression of the 
highest moral perfection, the Biblical term for holiness, Kadosh, 
had to undergo a long process of development, obscuring its 
original meaning. The history of this term gives us the 
deepest insight into the working of the Jewish genius towards 
the full revelation of the God of holiness. At first the word 

1 1 Sam. II, 21. 2 Ps. LXXVII, 14. 

3 Deut. X, 12 ; XI, 22, and elsewhere. 

Gen. XVIII, 19. B Ex. XXXIII, 13-23. 



GOD S HOLINESS 103 

Kadosh l seems to have denoted unapproachableness in the 
sense in which fire is unapproachable, that is, threatening and 
consuming. This fiery nature was ascribed by primitive man 
to all divine beings. Hence the angels are termed "the holy 
ones" in Scripture. 2 According to both priestly practice and 
popular belief, the man who approached one of these holy 
ones with hand or foot, or even with his gaze, was doomed to 
die. 3 Out of such crude conceptions evolved the idea of 
God s majesty as unapproachable in the sense of the sublime, 
banishing everything profane from its presence, and visiting 
with punishment every violation of its sanctity. The old 
conception of the fiery appearance of the Deity served espe 
cially as a figurative expression of the moral power of God, 
which manifests itself as a "consuming fire," 4 exterminating 
evil, and making man long for the good and the true, for right 
eousness and love. 

5. The divine attribute of holiness has accordingly a double 
meaning. On the one hand, it indicates spiritual loftiness 
transcending everything sensual, which works as a purging 
power of indignation at evil, rebuking injustice, impurity and 
falsehood, and punishing transgression until it is removed from 
the sight of God. On the other hand, it denotes the conde 
scending mercy of God, which, having purged the soul of wrong, 
wins it for the right, and which endows man with the power of 
perfecting himself, and thus leads him to the gradual building 
up of the kingdom of goodness and purity on earth. This 
ethical conception of holiness, which emanates from the moral 
nature of God, revealed to the prophetic genius of Israel, must 
not be confused with the old Semitic conception of priestly or 

1 See J. E., art. Holiness. The Assyrian Kuddisu denotes "bright," "pure," 
according to Zimmern in Religion und Sprache, K. A. T., 3d ed., 603. 

1 Deut. XXXIII, 3 ; Job V, i ; VI, 10; XV, 15 ; Ps. LXXXIX, 6, 8. 

1 Ex. XIX, 21 f. ; XXIV, 17 ; I Sam. VI, 20; Josh. XXIV, 19; Isa. IV, 3; 
VI, 3, 13; X, 17; XXXI, 9; XXXIII, 14; Hab. I, 13. 

4 Deut. IV, 24; Ex. XXIV, 17. 



104 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

ritual holiness. Ritual holiness is purely external, and is 
transferable to persons and things, to times and places, accord 
ing to their relation to the Deity. Hence the various cults ap 
plied the term "holy " to the most abominable forms of idolatry 
and impure worship. 1 The Mosaic law condemned all these as 
violations of the holiness of Israel s God, but could not help 
sanctioning many ordinances and rites of priestly holiness 
which originated in ancient Semitic usages. Hence the two 
conceptions of holiness, the priestly or external and the pro 
phetic or ethical, became interwoven in the Mosaic code to 
such an extent as to impair the standard of ethical holiness 
stressed by the prophets, the unique and lofty possession of 
Judaism. Hence the letter of the Law caused a deplorable 
confusion of ideas, which was utilized by the detractors of 
Judaism. The liberal movement of modern Judaism, in 
pointing to the prophetic ideals as the true basis of the Jewish 
faith, is at the same time dispelling this ancient confusion of 
the two conceptions of holiness. 

6. The Levitical holiness adheres outwardly to persons and 
things and consists in their separation or their reservation from 
common use. In striking contrast to this, the holiness which 
Judaism attributes to God denotes the highest ethical purity, 
unattainable to flesh and blood, but designed for our emulation. 

The contemplation of the divine holiness is to inspire man 
with fear of sin and to exert a healthful influence upon his 
conduct. Thus God became the hallowing power in Judaism 
and its institutions, truly the "Holy One of Israel" according 
to the term of Isaiah and his great exilic successor, the so-called 
Deutero-Isaiah. 2 Thus His holiness invested His people with 

1 Comp. the name Kadesh and Kedesha for the hierodules consecrated to 
Astarte. See Deut. XXIII, 18; I Kings XIV, 24; XV, 12; Hosea IV, 14. 
Comp. Zimmern, 1. c., p. 423. 

2Isa. I, 4; V, 12; X, 20; XII, 6; XLI, 14; XLIII, 3 f.; XLV, n; and 
elsewhere. 



GOD S HOLINESS 105 

special sanctity and imposed upon it special obligations. In 
the words of Ezekiel, God became the "Sanctifier of Israel." 1 
The rabbis penetrated deeply into the spirit of Scripture, 
at the same time that they adhered strictly to its letter. 
While they clung tenaciously to the ritual holiness of the 
priestly codes, they recognized the ideal of holiness which is 
so sharply opposed in every act and thought to the demoraliz 
ing cults of heathenism. 2 

7. Accordingly, holiness is not the metaphysical concept 
which Jehuda ha Levi considers it, 3 but the principle and source 
of all ethics, the spirit of absolute morality, lending purpose 
and value to the whole of life. As long as men do good or 
shun evil through fear of punishment or hope for reward, 
whether in this life or the hereafter, so long will ideal morality 
remain unattained, and man cannot claim to stand upon the 
ground of divine holiness. The holy God must penetrate and 
control all of life such is the essence of Judaism. The true 
aim of human existence is not salvation of the soul, a desire 
which is never quite free from selfishness, but holiness 
emulating God, striving to do good for the sake of the good 
without regard to recompense, and to shun evil because it is 
evil, aside from all consequences. 4 

8. The fact is that holiness is a religious term, based upon 
divine revelation, not a philosophical one resting upon specula 
tive reasoning. It is a postulate of our moral nature that all 
life is governed by a holy Will to which we must submit 
willingly, and which makes for the good. How volition and 
compulsion are with God one and the same, how the good 
exists in God without the bad, or holiness and moral purpose 
without unholy or immoral elements, how God can be exactly 
opposite to all we know of man, this is a question which 

1 Ezek. XX, 12 ; XXXVII, 28; Ex. XXXI, 13, and elsewhere. 

1 See Sifra and Rabba to Lev. XIX, 2. 

1 Cuzari IV, 3 ; Kaufmann, 1. c., 162 f. Aboth, I, 3. 



io6 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

philosophy is unable to answer. In fact, holiness is best 
defined negatively, as the " negation of all that man from his 
own experience knows to be unholy." These words of the 
Danish philosopher Rauwenhoff are made still clearer by the 
following observations: "The strength in the idea of holiness 
lies exactly in its negative character. There is no comparison 
of higher or lesser degree possible between man s imperfections 
and God s perfect goodness. Instead, there is an absolute con 
trast between mankind which, even in its noblest types, must 
wrestle with the power of evil, and God, in whom nothing 
can be imagined which would even suggest the possibility of 
any moral shortcoming or imperfection." 1 As the prophet 
says, "Thou art too pure of eyes to look complacently upon 
evil," 2 and according to the Psalmist, "Who shall ascend into 
the mountain of the Lord, and who shall stand in His holy 
place? He that hath clean hands and a pure heart." 3 

9. The idea of holiness became the preeminent feature of 
Judaism, so that the favorite name for God in Rabbinical 
literature was "the Holy One, blessed be He," and the acme of 
all ceremonial and moral laws alike was found in "the Hallow 
ing of His name." 4 If the rabbis as followers of the Priestly 
Code were compelled to lay great stress upon ritual holiness, 
they yet beheld in it the means of moral purification. They 
never lost sight of the prophetic principle that moral purity is 
the object of all human life, for "the holy God is sanctified 
through righteousness." 5 

1 Rauwenhoff, 1. c., 504. 2 Hab. I, 13. 

3 Psalm XXIV, 4-5. 

4 L. Lazarus : Z. Characteristik d.juedisch. Ethik, 40-45 ; M. Lazarus : Ethics 
of Judaism, p. 184. 

*Isa. V, 16. 



CHAPTER XVII 
GOD S WRATH AND PUNISHMENT 

1. Scripture speaks frequently of the anger and zeal of God 
and of His avenging sword and judgment, so as to give the 
impression that " the Old Testament God is a God of wrath and 
vengeance." As a matter of fact, these attributes are merely 
emanations of His holiness, the guide and incentive to moral 
action in man. The burning fire of the divine holiness aims 
to awaken the dormant seeds of morality in the human soul 
and to ripen them into full growth. Whenever we to-day 
would speak of pangs of conscience, of bitter remorse, Scripture 
uses figurative language and describes how God s wrath is 
kindled against the wrongdoing of the people, and how fire 
blazes forth from His nostrils to consume them in His anger. 
The nearer man stands to nature, the more tempestuous are 
the outbursts of his passion, and the more violent is the reaction 
of his repentance. Yet this very reaction impresses him as 
though wrought from outside or above by the offended Deity. 
Thus the divine wrath becomes a means of moral education, 
exactly as the parents indignation at the child s offenses is 
part of his training in morality. 

2. Thus the first manifestation of God s holiness is His 
indignation at falsehood and violence, His hatred of evil and 
wrongdoing. The longer men persist in sin, the more does He 
manifest Himself as "the angry God," as a "consuming fire" 
which destroys evil with holy zeal. 1 The husbandman cannot 

1 Comp. Dillmann, 1. c., 258 f.; J. E., art. "Anger." 
107 



io8 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

expect the good harvest until he has weeded out the tares from 
the field ; so God, in educating man, begins by purging the 
soul from all its evil inclinations, and this zeal is all the more 
unsparing as the good is finally to triumph in His eternal plan 
of universal salvation. We must bear in mind that Judaism 
does not personify evil as a power hostile to God, hence the 
whole problem is only one of purifying the human soul. Be 
fore the sun of God s grace and mercy is to shine, bearing life 
and healing for all humanity, His wrath and punitive justice 
must ever burst forth to cleanse the world of its sin. For 
as long as evil continues unchecked, so long cannot the 
divine holiness pour forth its all-forbearing goodness and 
love. 

3. On this account the first revelation of God on Sinai 
was as "a jealous God, who visiteth the sins of the 
fathers upon the children and the children s children until 
the third and fourth generation." So the prophets, from 
Moses to Malachi, speak ever of God s anger, which comes 
with the fury of nature s unchained forces, to terrify and over 
whelm all living beings. 1 Thus Scripture considers all the 
great catastrophes of the hoary past, flood, earthquakes, 
and the rain of fire and brimstone that destroys cities as 
judgments of the divine anger on sinful generations. Wicked 
ness in general causes His displeasure, but His wrath is pro 
voked especially by violations of the social order, by desecra 
tions of His sanctuary, or attacks on His covenant, and His 
anger is kindled for the poor and helpless, when they are 
oppressed and deprived of their rights. 2 

4. Thus the divine holiness was felt more and more as a 
moral force, and that which appeared in pre-prophetic times 
to be an elemental power of the celestial ire became a refining 

1 Ex. XX, 5 ; Isa. XXX, 27 f. ; Nahum I, 5 f. 

2 Ex. XXII, 23 ; Num. XVII, 10 f. ; XXV, 3 ; Deut. XXIX, 19 ; XXXII, 
21 ; Isa. IX, 16. 



GOD S WRATH AND PUNISHMENT 109 

flame, purging men of dross as in a crucible. "I will not exe 
cute the fierceness of Mine anger, says the prophet, "for I 
am God and not man, the Holy One in the midst of thee, and 
I will not come in fury. " l So sings the Psalmist, "His anger 
is but for a moment ; His favor for a life-time." 2 In the same 
spirit the rabbis interpreted the verse of the Decalogue, "The 
sin of the fathers is visited upon the children and children s chil 
dren only if they continue to act as their fathers did, and are 
themselves haters of God." 3 

The fact is that Israel in Canaan had become addicted to 
all the vices of idolatry, and if they were to be trained to moral 
purity and to loyalty to the God of the Covenant, they must 
be taught fear and awe before the flame of the divine wrath. 
Only after that could the prophet address himself to the con 
science of the individual, saying : 

" Who among us shall dwell with the devouring fire ? 
Who among us shall dwell with everlasting burnings ? 
He that walketh righteously, and speaketh uprightly ; 
He that despiseth the gain of oppressions, that shaketh his hands from 

holding of bribes, 
That stoppeth his ears from hearing of blood, and shutteth his eyes 

from looking upon evil ; 
He shall dwell on high ; his place of defense shall be the munitions of 

rocks ; 

His bread shall be given, his water shall be sure. 
Thine eyes shall see the King in His beauty ; they shall behold a land 

stretching afar." 4 

Here we behold the fiery element of the divine holiness 
partly depicted as a reality and partly spiritualized. The 
last of the prophets compares the divine wrath to a melting 
furnace, which on the Day of Judgment is to consume evil 
doers as stubble, while to those who fear the Lord He 

1 Hosea XI, 9. Psalm XXX. 

Targum to Ex. XX, 3 ; Sanh. 27 b. Isa. XXXIII, 14-17. 



no JEWISH THEOLOGY 

shall appear as the sun of righteousness with healing on 
its wings. 1 

5. The idea as expressed by the prophets, then, was that 
God s anger will visit the wicked, and particularly the ungodly 
nations of heathendom, and that He shall judge all creatures in 
fire. 2 This was significantly altered under Persian influence, 
when the Jew began to regard the world to come as promising 
to the righteous greater bliss than the present one. Then the 
day of divine wrath meant doom eternal for evil-doers, who 
were to fall into the fiery depths of Gehenna, " their worm is 
never to die and their fire never to be quenched." 3 This 
became the prevailing view of the rabbis, of the Apocalyptics 
and also of the New Testament and the Church literature. 4 
The Jewish propaganda in the Hellenistic literature, however, 
combined the fire of Gehenna with the Stoic, or pagan, view 
of a general world-conflagration, and announced a general 
doomsday for the heathen world, unless they be converted to 
the belief in Israel s one and holy God, and ceased violating the 
fundamental (Noachian) laws of humanity. 5 

6. A higher view of the punitive anger of God is taken by 
Beruriah, the noble wife of R. Meir, 6 if, indeed, the wife of 
the saintly Abba Helkiah did not precede her 7 in suggest 
ing a different reading of the Biblical text, as to make it offer 
the lesson : "not the sinners shall perish from the earth, but 
the sins." From a more philosophical viewpoint both Juda ha 
Levi and Maimonides hold that the anger which we ascribe to 

1 Mai. ill, 2, 19 f. 

2 Deut. XXXII, 35; comp. Sifre, 325; Geiger: Urschrift, 247, regarding 
Samaritan text. Zeph. I, 15 ; Isa. LXVI, 15-16. 

3 Isa. XVLI, 24. 

4 See J. E., art. "Gehenna"; Mid. Teh. to Ps. LXXVI, n, and LXXIX; 
Ned. 32 a; Taan. 9 b; Yer. Taan. II, 65 b; Ab. Zar. 4 a and b; 18 b; 
Ber. 7 a; Shab. 118 a; Sanh. no b; Gen. R. VI, 9; XXVI, n, et al. ; comp. 
Romans II, 5 ; Eph. V, 6 ; I Thess. I, 10. 

6 Sibyll. II, 170, 285 ; III, 541, 556 f., 672-697, 760, 810; Enoch XCI, 7-9. 
8 Ber. 10 a; Midr. Teh. to Ps. CIV, 35. 7 Tan. 23 b. 



GOD S WRATH AND PUNISHMENT in 

God is only the transference of the anger which we actually 
feel at the sight of evildoing. Similarly, when we speak of the 
consuming fire of hell, we depict the effect which the fear of 
God must have on our inner life, until the time shall come 
when we shun evil as ungodly and love the good because it is 
both good and God-like. 1 

1 Cuzari IV, 5 ; Moreh I, 36, and Commentary to Sanh. X, i. 



CHAPTER XVIII 

GOD S LONG-SUFFERING AND MERCY 

i . In one of the little known apocryphal writings, the Testa 
ment of Abraham, a beautiful story is told of the patriarch. 
Shortly before his death, the archangel Michael drove him 
along the sky in the heavenly chariot. Looking down upon 
the earth, he saw companies of thieves and murderers, adul 
terers, and other evil-doers pursuing their nefarious practices, 
and in righteous indignation he cried out : "Oh would to God 
that fire, destruction, and death should instantly befall these 
criminals!" No sooner had he spoken these words than the 
doom he pronounced came upon those wicked men. But 
then spoke the Lord God to the heavenly charioteer Michael : 
"Stop at once, lest My righteous servant Abraham in his just 
indignation bring death upon all My creatures, because they 
are not as righteous as he. He has not learned to restrain his 
anger." * Thus, indeed, the wrath kindled at the sight of 
wrongdoing would consume the sinner at once, were it not 
for another quality in God, called in Scripture long-suffering. 
By this He restrains His anger and gives the sinner time to 
improve his ways. Though every wicked deed provokes 
Him to immediate punishment, yet He shows compassion 
upon the feeble mortal. "Even in wrath He remembereth 
compassion." 2 "He hath no delight in the death of the sinner, 
but that he shall return from his ways and live." 3 The divine 
holiness does not merely overwhelm and consume ; its essen- 

1 Testament of Abraham, A, X. 2 Hab. Ill, 2. 

3 Ezek. XVIII, 23, 32 ; XXXIII, n. 

112 



GOD S LONG-SUFFERING AND MERCY 113 

tial aim is the elevation of man, the effort to endow him with a 
higher life. 

2. It is perfectly true that a note of rigor and of profound 
earnestness runs through the pages of Holy Writ. The 
prophets, law-givers, and psalmists speak incessantly of how 
guilt brings doom upon the lands and nations. As the father 
who is solicitous of the honor of his household punishes unre 
lentingly every violation of morality within it, so the Holy One 
of Israel watches zealously over His people s loyalty to His 
covenant. His glorious name, His holy majesty cannot be 
violated with immunity from His dreaded wrath. There is 
nothing of the joyous abandon which was predominant in 
the Greek nature and in the Olympian gods. The ideal of 
holiness was presented by the God of Israel, and all the doings 
of men appeared faulty beside it. 

But its power of molding character is shown by Judaism at 
this very point, in that it does not stop at the condemnation of 
the sinner. It holds forth the promise of God s forbearance to 
man in his shortcomings, due to His compassion on the weak 
ness of flesh and blood. He waits for man, erring and stum 
bling, until by striving and struggling he shall attain a higher 
state of purity. This is the bright, uplifting side of the Jewish 
idea of the divine holiness. In this is the innermost nature 
of God disclosed. In fear and awe of Him who is enthroned 
on high, " before whom even the angels are not pure," man, 
conscious of his sinfulness, sinks trembling into the dust before 
the Judge of the whole earth. But the grace and mercy of the 
long-suffering Ruler lift him up and imbue him with courage 
and strength to acquire a new life and new energy. Thus the 
oppressive burden of guilt is transformed into an uplifting 
power through the influence of the holy God. 

3. The predominance in God of mildness and mercy over 
punitive anger is expressed most strikingly in the revelation 
to Moses, when he had entreated God to let him see His ways. 



H4 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

The people had provoked God s anger by their faithlessness 
in the worship of the golden calf, and He had threatened to 
consume them, when Moses interceded in their behalf. Then 
the Lord passed by him, and proclaimed: "The Lord, the 
Lord, God, merciful and gracious, long-suffering and abundant 
in goodness and truth, keeping mercy unto the thousandth 
generation, forgiving iniquity and transgression and sin ; and 
that will by no means clear the guilty ; visiting the iniquity of 
the fathers upon the children and upon the children s children, 
unto the third and unto the fourth generation." * Such a 
passage shows clearly the progress in the knowledge of God s 
nature. For Abraham and the traditions of the patriarchs 
God was the righteous Judge, punishing the transgressors. 
He is represented in the same way in the Decalogue on Sinai. 2 
Was this to be the final word ? Was Israel chosen by God as 
His covenant people, only to encounter the full measure of His 
just but relentless anger and to be consumed at once for the 
violation of this covenant? Therefore Moses wrestled with 
his God. Filled with compassionate love for his people, he is 
willing to offer his life as their ransom. And should God him 
self lack this fullness of love and pity, of which even a human 
being is capable? Then, as from a dark cloud, there flashed 
suddenly upon him the light of a new revelation ; he became 
aware of the higher truth, that above the austerity of God s 
avenging anger prevails the tender forgiveness of His mercy ; 
that beyond the consuming zeal of His punitive justice shines 
the sun-like splendor of His grace and love. The rabbis find 
the expression of mercy especially in the name JHVH (i.e. 
"the One who shall ever be") which is significantly placed 
here at the head of the divine attributes. Indeed, only He 
who is the same from everlasting to everlasting, and to whom 
to-morrow is like yesterday, can show forbearance to erring 

i Ex. XXXII-XXXIV, 7. Comp. Num. XIV, 18. 
1 Gen. XIX, 1-28; Ex. XX, 5-6. 



GOD S LONG-SUFFERING AND MERCY 115 

man, because in whatsoever he has failed yesterday he may 
make good to-morrow. 

4. Like Moses, the master of the prophets, so the prophet 
Hosea also learned in hard spiritual struggle to know the divine 
attribute of mercy and lovingkindness. His own wife had 
proved faithless, and had broken the marital covenant ; still 
his love survived, so that he granted her forgiveness when she 
was forsaken, and took her back to his home. Then, in his 
distress at the God-forsaken state of Israel through her faith 
lessness, he asked himself : " Will God reject forever the nation 
which He espoused, because it broke the covenant? Will 
not He also grant forgiveness and mercy?" The divine 
answer came to him out of the depths of his own compassionate 
soul. Upon the crown of God s majesty which Amos had 
beheld all effulgent with justice and righteousness, he placed 
the most precious gem, reflecting the highest quality of God 
His gracious and all-forgiving love. 1 Whether the priority 
in this great truth belongs to Hosea or Moses is a question for 
historical Bible research to answer, but it is of no consequence 
to Jewish theology. 

5. Certainly Scripture represents God too much after 
human fashion, when it ascribes to him changes of mood from 
anger to compassion, or speaks of His repentance. 2 But we 
must bear in mind that the prophets obtained their insight 
into the ways of God by this very process of transferring their 
own experience to the Deity. And on the other hand, we are 
told that "God is not a man that He should lie, neither the 
son of man that He should repent." 3 All these anthropo- 

1 Hosea I-III; XI, 1-9; XIV, 5. Comp. Micah XIII, 18; Jer. Ill, 8-12 ; 
Isa. LIV, 6-8; LVII, 16 f.; Joel II, 13; Jonah IV, 2, 10 f.; Lam. Ill, 31; 
Ps. LXXVIII, 38 et al. See DUlmann, I. c., 263 f.; Davidson Theology of 
0. T., 132 f. 

Gen. VI, 6; I Sam. XV, n; Jer. XVIII, 7-10; Joel II, 14; Jonah III, 
10 ; IV, 2. 

Num. XXIII, 19 ; I Sam. XV, 29 ; see Targum and commentaries. 



n6 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

morphic pictures of God were later avoided by the ancient 
Biblical translators by means of paraphrase, and by the philos 
ophers by means of allegory. 1 

6. According to the Midrashic interpretation of the passage 
from the Pentateuch quoted above, Moses desired to ascertain 
whether God ruled the world with His justice or with His 
mercy, and the answer was : "Behold, I shall let My goodness 
pass before thee. For I owe nothing to any of My creatures, 
but My actions are prompted only by My grace and good will, 
through which I give them all that they possess." 2 According 
to Judaism justice and mercy are intertwined in God s govern 
ment of the world ; the former is the pillar of the cosmic 
structure, and the latter the measuring line. No mortal could 
stand before God, were justice the only standard ; but we sub 
sist on His mercy, which lends us the boons of life without our 
meriting them. That which is not good in us now is to become 
good through our effort toward the best. God s grace under 
lies this possibility. 

Accordingly, the divine holiness has two aspects, the over 
whelming wrath of His justice and the uplifting grace of His 
long-suffering. Without justice there could be no fear of 
God, no moral earnestness; without mercy only condemna 
tion and perdition would remain. As the rabbis tell us, both 
justice and mercy had their share in the creation of man, for 
in man both good and bad appear and struggle for supremacy. 
All generations need the divine grace that they may have time 
and opportunity for improvement. 3 

7 . Thus this conception of grace is far deeper and worthier of 
God than is that of Paulinian Christianity ; for grace in Paul s 
sense is arbitrary in action and dependent upon the acceptance 

1 See J. E., art. Anthropomorphism and Allegorical Interpretation. 

2 Tanh. Waethhanan, ed. Buber, 3. 

3 Gen. R. VIII, 4-5. See Morris Joseph : Judaism as Creed and Life, p. 59, 
90-95- 



GOD S LONG-SUFFERING AND MERCY 117 

of a creed, therefore the very reverse of impartial justice. In 
Judaism divine grace is not offered as a bait to make men 
believe, but as an incentive to moral improvement. The God 
of holiness, who inflicts wounds upon the guilty soul by bitter 
remorse, offers also healing through His compassion. Justice 
and mercy are not two separate powers or persons in the 
Deity, as with the doctrine of the Church ; they are the two 
sides of the same divine power. "I am the Lord before sin 
was committed, and I am the Lord after sin is committed" - 
so the rabbis explain the repetition of the name JHVH in the 
revelation to Moses. 1 

1 R. h. Sh. 17 b ; compare, J. Davidson, 134 ; Koeberle : Suende und 
Gnade, 1005, p. 625, 634 f . ; but p. 658, 614, are misleading; Weber, 1. c., 154, 
260, 303 f., altogether misrepresents the Jewish doctrine of grace. 



CHAPTER XIX 

GOD S JUSTICE 

i. The unshakable faith of the Jewish people was ever sus 
tained by the consciousness that its God is a God of justice. 
The conviction that He will not suffer wrong to go unpunished 
was read into all the stories of the hoary past. The Babylo 
nian form of these legends in common with all ancient folk-lore 
ascribes human calamity to blind fate or to the caprice of the 
gods, but the Biblical narratives assume that evil does not 
befall men undeserved, and therefore always ascribe ruin or 
death to human transgression. So the Jewish genius beheld 
in the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah a divine judgment 
upon the depraved inhabitants, and derived from it a lesson 
for the household of Abraham that they should "keep the way 
of the Lord to do righteousness and justice." 1 The funda 
mental principle of Judaism throughout the ages has been the 
teaching of the patriarch that "the Judge of all the earth 
cannot act unjustly," 2 even though the varying events of 
history force the problem of justice upon the attention of 
Jeremiah, 3 the Psalmists, 4 the author of the book of Job, 5 and 
the Talmudical sages. 6 "Righteousness and justice are the 
foundations of Thy throne" 7 this is the sum and sub 
stance of the religious experience of Israel. At the same time 
man realizes how far from his grasp is the divine justice: 

1 Gen. XVIII, 19. 2 Gen. XVIII, 25. 3 Jer. XII, i. 

4 Ps. LXXIII, 12. 6 JobX, 22 f. 

6 Yer. Hag. II, i ; Elisha ben Abuyah. * Ps. LXXXIX, 15. 

118 



GOD S JUSTICE 119 

1 Thy righteousness is like the mighty mountains ; Thy judg 
ments are like the great deep." 1 

2. The Master-builder of the moral world made justice the 
supporting pillar of the entire creation. "He is The Rock, 
His work is perfect, for all His ways are just ; a God of faith 
fulness and without iniquity, just and right is He." There 
can be no moral world order without a retributive justice, 
which leaves no infringement of right unpunished, just as no 
social order can exist without laws to protect the weak and to 
enforce general respect. The God of Judaism rules over man 
kind as Guardian and Vindicator of justice ; no wrong escapes 
His scrutinizing gaze. This fundamental doctrine invested 
history, of both the individual and the nation, with a moral 
significance beyond that of any other religious or ethical 
system. 

Whatever practice or sense of justice may exist among the 
rest of mankind, it is at best a glimpse of that divine righteous 
ness which leads us on and becomes a mighty force compelling 
us, not only to avoid wrongdoing, but to combat it with all the 
passion of an indignant soul and eradicate it wherever possi 
ble. Though in our daily experience justice may be sadly 
lacking, we still cling to the moral axiom that God will lead 
the right to victory and will hurl iniquity into the abyss. 
As the sages remark in the Midrash : " How could short-sighted 
and short-lived man venture to assert, All His ways are just/ 
were it not for the divine revelation by which the eyes of Moses 
were opened, so that he could gaze into the very depths of 
life?" 3 That is, the idea of divine justice is revealed, not 
in the world as it is, but in the world as it should be, the ideal 
cosmos which lives in the spirit. 

1 Ps. XXXVI, 7 ; see Davidson, 1. c., 143 f. ; J. E., art. Justice; Hamburger : 
Realencydopaedie, art. Gerechtigkeit ; Dillmann, 1. c., 270 f. ; Strauss, 1. c., 596- 
604. Bousset, 437 f., is misleading. 

Deut. XXXII, 4. 3 Tanh., Jithro 5. 



120 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

3. It cannot be denied that justice is recognized as a binding 
force even by peoples on a low cultural plane, and the Deity is 
generally regarded as the guardian of justice, exactly as in 
Judaism. This fact is shown by the use of the oath in con 
nection with judicial procedure among many nations. Both 
Roman jurisprudence and Greek ethics declare justice to be 
the foundation of the social life. Nevertheless the Jewish 
ideal of justice cannot be identified with that of the law and the 
courts. The law is part of the social system of the State, by 
which the relations of individuals are determined and upheld. 
The maintenance of this social order, of the status quo, is 
considered justice by the law, whatever injustice to individuals 
may result. But the Jewish idea of justice is not reactionary; 
it owes to the prophets its position as the dominating principle 
of the world, the peculiar essence of God, and therefore the 
ultimate ideal of human life. They fought for right with an 
insistence which vindicated its moral significance forever, and 
in scathing words of indignation which still burn in the soul 
they denounced oppression wherever it appeared. The crimes 
of the mighty against the weak, they held, could not be atoned 
for by the outward forms of piety. Right and justice are not 
simply matters for the State and the social order, but belong 
to God, who defends the cause of the helpless and the homeless, 
"who executes the judgment of the fatherless and the widow, 7 
"who regardeth not persons, nor taketh bribes." 1 Iniquity is 
hateful to Him ; it cannot be covered up by pious acts, nor 
be justified by good ends. "Justice is God s." 2 Thus every 
violation of justice, whether from sordid self-seeking or from 
tender compassion, is a violation of God s cause; and every 
vindication of justice, every strengthening of the power of 
right in society, is a triumph of God. 

4. Accordingly, the highest principle of ethics in Judaism, 
the cardinal point in the government of the world, is not love, 

1 Deut. X, 17-18. 2 Deut. I, 17. 



GOD S JUSTICE 121 

but justice. Love has the tendency to undermine the right 
and to effeminize society. Justice, on the other hand, develops 
the moral capacity of every man ; it aims not merely to avoid 
wrong, but to promote and develop the right for the sake of 
the perfect state of morality. True justice cannot remain a 
passive onlooker when the right or liberty of any human being 
is curtailed, but strains every effort to prevent violence and 
oppression. It battles for the right, until it has triumphed 
over every injustice. This practical conception of right can be 
traced through all Jewish literature and doctrine; through 
the laws of Moses, to whom is ascribed the maxim: "Let the 
right have its way, though it bore holes through the rock *", 
through the flaming words of the prophets 2 ; through the 
Psalmists, who spoke such words as these : "Thou art not a 
God who hath pleasure in wickedness ; evil shall not sojourn 
with Thee. The arrogant shall not stand in Thy sight; 
Thou ha test all workers of iniquity." 3 

Nor does justice stop with the prohibition of evil. The 
very arm that strikes down the presumptuous transgressor 
turns to lift up the meek and endow him with strength. Jus 
tice becomes a positive power for the right ; it becomes 
Zedakah, righteousness or true benevolence, and aims to re 
adjust the inequalities of life by kindness and love. It engen 
ders that deeper sense of justice which claims the right of the 
weak to protection by the arm of the strong. 

5. Hence comes the truth of Matthew Arnold s striking 
summary of Israel s Law and Prophets in his "Literature and 
Dogma", as "The Power, not ourselves, that maketh for 
righteousness." Still, when we trace the development of this 
central thought in the soul of the Jewish people, we find that it 
arose from a peculiar mythological conception. The God of 
Sinai had manifested Himself in the devastating elements of 



1 Yeb. 92 a; Yer. Sanh. I, 18 b. 

Amos V, 24; Isa. I, 17, 28; XXVIII, 17; LIV, 14. 



1 Ps. V, 5-6. 



122 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

nature fire, storm, and hail ; later, the prophetic genius of 
Israel saw Him as a moral power who destroyed wickedness by 
these very phenomena in order that right should prevail. At 
first the covenant- God of Israel hurls the plagues of heaven 
upon the hostile Egyptians and Canaanites, the oppressors of 
His people. Afterward the great prophets speak of the Day of 
JHVH which would come at the end of days, when God will 
execute His judgment upon the heathen nations by pouring 
forth all the terrors of nature upon them. The natural forces 
of destruction are utilized by the Ruler of heaven as means of 
moral purification. "For by fire will the Lord contend." * 

In this process the sense of right became progressively re 
fined, so that God was made the Defender of the cause of the 
oppressed, and the holiest of duties became the protection of 
the forsaken and unfortunate. Justice and right were thus 
lifted out of the civil or forensic sphere into that of divine 
holiness, and the struggle for the down-trodden became an 
imperative duty. Judaism finds its strength in the oft- 
repeated doctrine that the moral welfare of the world rests 
upon justice. "The King s strength is that he loveth justice," 
says the Psalmist, and commenting upon this the Midrash 
says," Not might, but right forms the foundation of the world s 

99 l> 

peace. 

6. Social life, therefore, must be built upon the firm founda 
tion of justice, the full recognition of the rights of all individuals 
and all classes. It can be based neither upon the formal 
administration of law nor upon the elastic principle of love, 
which too often tolerates, or even approves certain types of 
injustice. Judaism has been working through the centuries 
to realize the ideal of justice to all mankind ; therefore the Jew 
has suffered and waited for the ultimate triumph of the God of 
justice. God s kingdom of justice is to be established, not in 
a world to come, but in the world that now is, in the life of 
1 Isa. LXVI, 1 6. * Ps. XCIX, 4 ; Tanh. Mishpatim i. 



GOD S JUSTICE 123 

men and nations. As the German poet has it, "Die Weltge- 
schichte ist das Weltgericht" (the history of the world is the 
world s tribunal of justice). 

7. The recognition of God as the righteous Ruler implies a 
dominion of absolute justice which allows no wrongdoing to 
remain unpunished and no meritorious act to remain unre 
warded. The moral and intellectual maturity of the people, 
however, must determine how they conceive retribution in the 
divine judgment. Under the simple conditions of patriarchal 
life, when common experience seemed to be in harmony with 
the demands of divine justice, when the evil-doer seemed to 
meet his fate and the worthy man to enjoy his merited pros 
perity, reward and punishment could well be expressed by 
the Bible in terms of national prosperity and calamity. The 
prophets, impressed by the political and moral decline of 
their era, announced for both Israel and the other nations a 
day of judgment to come, when God will manifest Himself as 
the righteous Ruler of the world. In fact, those great 
preachers of righteousness announced for all time the truth of a 
moral government of the world, with terror for the malefactors 
and the assurance of peace and salvation for the righteous. 
"He will judge the world with righteousness, and the peoples 
with equity" becomes a song of joyous confidence and hope 
on the lips of the Psalmist. 1 This final triumph of justice does 
not depend, as Christian theologians assert, on the mere out 
ward conformity of Israel to the law. 2 On the contrary, it 
offers to the innocent sufferer the hope that "his right shall 
break forth as light," while "the wicked shall be put to silence 
in darkness." 3 We must admit, indeed, that the Biblical 
idea of retribution still has too much of the earthly flavor, and 

Ps. XCVI, 13; XCVIII, 9. 

See Bousset, 1. c., 357~366; Weber, 1. c., 259-279, and comp. Suk. 30 a, 
where it is stated, referring to Isa. LXI, 8, that "good deeds can never justify 
evil acts." 

1 Hosea VI, 6; Ps. XXXVII, 6; I Sam. II, 9. 



124 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

often lacks true spirituality. The explanation of this lies in 
the desire of the expounders of Judaism that this world should 
be regarded as the battle-ground between the good and the 
bad, that the victory of the good is to be decided here, and that 
the idea of justice should not assume the character of other- 
worldliness. 

8. It is true that neither the prophets, such as Jeremiah, 
nor the sages, such as the authors of Job and Koheleth, actually 
solved the great enigma which has baffled all nations and ages, 
the adjustment of merit and destiny by divine righteousness. 
Yet even a doubter like Job does not despair of his own sense 
of justice, and wrestles with his God in the effort to obtain a 
deeper insight. Still the great mass of people are not satisfied 
with an unfulfilled yearning and seeking. The various reli 
gions have gradually transferred the final adjustment of merit 
and destiny to the hereafter; the rewards and punishments 
awaiting man after death have been depicted glaringly in 
colors taken from this earthly life. It is not surprising that 
Judaism was influenced by this almost universal view. The 
mechanical form of the principle of justice demands that " with 
the same measure one metes out, it shall be meted out to 
him," l and this could not be found either in human justice 
or in human destiny. Therefore the popular mind naturally 
turned to the world to come, expecting there that just retribu 
tion which is lacking on earth. 

Only superior minds could ascend to that higher ethical 
conception where compensation is no longer expected, but 
man seeks the good and happiness of others and finds therein 
his highest satisfaction. As Ben Azzai expresses it, "The 
reward of virtue is virtue, and the punishment of sin is sin." 2 
At this point justice merges into divine holiness. 

1 Sota I, 7-8 ; Tos. Sota III ; Mek. Shirah 4 ; B. Wisdom XV, 3 ; XIX, 17 ; 
Jubilees IV, 3, elsewhere, comp. Math. VII, 2, and parallels. 

2 Aboth IV, 2. 



GOD S JUSTICE 125 

9. The idea of divine justice exerted its uplifting force in 
one more way in Judaism. The recognition of God as the 
righteous Judge of the world Zidduk ha Din l is to bring 
consolation and endurance to the afflicted, and to remove 
from their hearts the bitter sting of despair and doubt. The 
rabbis called God "the Righteous One of the universe/ 2 as if 
to indicate that God himself is meant by the Scriptural verse, 
"The righteous is an everlasting foundation of the world." 3 

Far remote from Judaism, however, is the doctrine that God 
would consign an otherwise righteous man to eternal doom, 
because he belongs to another creed or another race than that 
of the Jew. Wherever the heathens are spoken of as con 
demned at the last judgment, the presumption based upon 
centuries of sad experience was that their lives were full of 
injustice and wickedness. Indeed, milder teachers, whose 
view became the accepted one, maintained that truly righteous 
men are found among the heathen, who have therefore as 
much claim upon eternal salvation as the pious ones of Israel. 4 

1 See Levy, W. B. : Zidduk; comp. Ex. IX, 27 ; Lara. I, 18; Neh. IX, 33. 
1 Gen. R. XLIX, 19 ; Yoma 37 a. Prov. X, 25. 

<SeeTos. Sanh. XIII, 2; Sanh. 105 a; Yalkut Isaiah 296; Crescas: Or 
Adonai, III, 44. 



CHAPTER XX 
GOD S LOVE AND COMPASSION 

i . As justice forms the basis of human morality, with kind 
ness and benevolence as milder elements to mitigate its stern 
ness, so, according to the Jewish view, mercy and love rep 
resent the milder side of God, but by no means a higher 
attribute counteracting His justice. Love can supplement jus 
tice, but cannot replace it. The sages say : 1 "When the Creator 
saw that man could not endure, if measured by the standard 
of strict justice, He joined His attribute of mercy to that of 
justice, and created man by the combined principle of both." 
The divine compassion with human frailty, felt by both Moses 
and Hosea, manifests itself in God s mercy. Were it not for 
the weakness of the flesh, justice would have sufficed. But 
the divine plan of salvation demands redeeming love which 
wins humanity step by step for higher moral ends. The educa 
tional value of this love lies in the fact that it is a gift of grace, 
bestowed on man by the fatherly love of God to ward off the 
severity of full retribution. His pardon must conduce to a 
deeper moral earnestness. 2 "For with Thee there is forgive 
ness that Thou mayest be feared." 3 R. Akiba says: "The 
world is judged by the divine attribute of goodness." 4 

^en. R. VIII, 4-5 ; XII, 15; Midr. Teh. to Ps. LXXXIX, 2; comp. 
Ben Sira, XVIII, n ; Testaments of XII Patr. : Zebulon 9 ; Ap. Baruch XL VIII, 
14; IV Esdras VIII, 31; Psalms of Solomon IX, 7; Prayer of Manasseh, 8, 

13- 

2 See J. E., art. "Love." Both Weber, 1. c., 57 f. and Bousset, 1. c., 443 f. 
show Christian bias. 

3 Ps. CXXX, 4. 

4 Aboth III, 19; comp. B. Wisdom XI, 23, 26; XII, 16, 18; Ben Sira, 
II, 18. 

126 



GOD S LOVE AND COMPASSION 127 

2. As a matter of course, in the Biblical view God s mercy was 
realized at first only with regard to Israel and was afterward 
extended gradually to humanity at large. The generation of 
the flood and the inhabitants of Sodom perished on account 
of their guilt, and only the righteous were saved. This attitude 
holds throughout the Bible until the late book of Jonah, with 
its lesson of God s forgiveness even for the heathen city of 
Nineveh after due repentance. In the later Psalms the divine 
attributes of mercy are expanded and applied to all the crea 
tures of God. 1 According to the school of Hillel, whenever 
the good and evil actions of any man are found equal in the 
scales of justice, God inclines the balances toward the side of 
mercy. 2 Nay more, in the words of Samuel, the Babylonian 
teacher, God judges the nations by the noblest types they 
produce. 3 

The ruling Sadducean priesthood insisted on the rigid 
enforcement of the law. The party of the pious, the Hasidim, 
however, according to the liturgy, the apocryphal and the 
rabbinical literature, appealed to the mercy of God in song 
and prayer, acknowledging their failings in humility, and made 
kindness and love their special objects in life. Therefore with 
their ascendancy the divine attributes of mercy and com 
passion were accentuated. God himself, we are told, was 
heard praying : "Oh that My attribute of mercy may prevail 
over My attribute of justice, so that grace alone may be 
bestowed upon My children on earth." 4 And the second word 
of the Decalogue was so interpreted that God s mercy 
which is said to extend "to the thousandth generation" is 
five hundred times as powerful as His punitive justice, 
which is applied "to the third and fourth generation." 5 

1 Ps. CXLIV, 8-9 ; comp. Ben Sira, XVIII, 13. 

5 Tos. Sanh. XIII, 3. > Yer. R. h. Sh. I, 57 a. Ber. 7 a. 

5 Tos. Sola IV, i, with reference to Ex. XX, 5-6. The plural, laalafim, is 
taken to mean two thousand. 



128 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

3. Divine mercy shows itself in the law, where compassion 
is enjoined on all suffering creatures. Profound sympathy 
with the oppressed is echoed in the ancient law of the poor 
who had to give up his garment as a pledge : " When he crieth 
unto Me, I shall hear, for I am gracious." 1 In the old Baby 
lonian code, might was the arbiter of right, 2 but the unique 
genius of the Jew is shown in adapting this same legal material 
to its impulse of compassion. The cry of the innocent sufferer, 
of the forsaken and fatherless, rises up to God s throne and 
secures there his right against the oppressor. Thus in the 
Mosaic law and throughout Jewish literature God calls him 
self " the Judge of the widow, " " the Father of the fatherless," 3 
"a Stronghold to the needy." 4 He calls the poor, "My 
people," 5 and, as the rabbis say, He loves the persecuted, not 
the persecutors. 6 

4. Even to dumb beasts God extends His mercy. This 
Jewish tenderness is an inheritance from the shepherd life of 
the patriarchs, who were eager to quench the thirst of the 
animals in their care before they thought of their own com 
fort. 7 This sense of sympathy appears in the Biblical pre 
cepts as to the overburdened beast, 8 the ox treading the corn, 9 
and the mother-beast or mother-bird with her young, 10 as well 
as the Talmudic rule first to feed the domestic animals and 
then sit down to the meal. 11 This has remained a characteristic 
trait of Judaism. Thus, in connection with the verse of the 
Psalm, "His tender mercies are over all His works," 12 it is 
related of Rabbi Judah the Saint, the redactor of the Mishnah, 

1 Ex. XXII, 26; comp. 21, 23. 

2 See Harper : Code of Hammurabi, 1900 ; Oettli : D. Gesetz Hammurabis 
und d. Thora Israels, 1903; Cohn : D. Gesetz Hammurabis, Zurich, 1903; 
Grimm: D. Gesetz Chammurabis und Moses, Cologne, 1903. Also M. Jastrow, 
Hebrew and Babylonian Traditions, p. 255-319. 

8 Deut. X, 18 ; Ps. LXXIII. 4 Isa. XXV, 4. 5 Ex. XXII, 24. 

Ex. R. XXVII, 5 ; Eccles. R. to III, 15. 7 Gen. XXIV, 19. 

Ex. XXIII, 5. * 9 Deut. XXV, 4. 10 Lev. XX, 28 ; Deut. XXII, 6. 
11 Git. 62 a, with reference to Deut. XI, 15. * Ps. CXLV, 9. 



GOD S LOVE AND COMPASSION 129 

that he was afflicted with pain for thirteen years, and gave 
as reason that he once struck and kicked away a calf which 
had run to him moaning for protection ; he was finally relieved, 
after he had taught his household to have pity even on the 
smallest of creatures. 1 In fact, Rabban Gamaliel, his grand 
father, had taught before him: " Whosoever has compassion 
on his fellow-creatures, on him God will have compassion." 2 
The sages often interpret the phrase "To walk in the way of 
the Lord" -that is, "As the Holy One, blessed be He, is 
merciful, so be ye also merciful." 3 

5. Thus the rabbis came to regard love as the innermost 
part of God s being. God loves mankind, is the highest stage 
of consciousness of God, but this can be attained only by the 
closest relation of the human soul to the Most High, after 
severe trials have softened and humanized the spirit. It is not 
accidental that Scripture speaks often of God s goodness, 
mercy, and grace, but seldom mentions His love. Possibly 
the term ahabah was used at first for sensuous love and there 
fore was not employed for God so often as the more spiritual 
hesed, which denotes kind and loyal affection. 4 However, 
Hosea used this term for his own love for his faithless wife, and 
did not hesitate to apply it also to God s love for His faithless 
people, which he terms "a love of free will." 5 His example 
is followed by Jeremiah, most tender of the prophets, who gave 
the classic expression to the everlasting love of God for Israel, 
His beloved son. 6 This divine love, spiritually understood, 
forms the chief topic of the Deuteronomic addresses. 7 In this 
book God s love appears as that of a father for his son, who 
lavishes gifts upon him, but also chastises him for his own 

B. M. 85 a; Yer. Kil. IX, 4. 

Tos. B. K. IX, 30; Sifre, Deut. 96. 

1 Sifre, Deut. 49 ; Shab. 133 b ; comp. Philo : De Humanitate. 

4 See Concordance to ahabah and hesed. Note especially Hos VI 6 

*Hos. Ill, i; XI, i, 4; XIV, 5. 

Jer. XXXI, 2, 19. T D e U t. VII, 8 ; X, 15. 

K 



130 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

good. 1 The mind opened more and more to regard the trials 
sent by God as means of ennobling the character, 2 and the 
men of the Talmudic period often speak of the afflictions of 
the saints as " visitations of the divine love." 3 

6. The sufferings of Israel in particular were taken to be 
trials of the divine love. 4 God s love for Israel, "His first 
born son," 5 is not partial, but from the outset amis to train 
him for his world mission. The Song of Moses speaks of the 
love of the Father for His son "whom He found in the wilder 
ness" ; 6 and this is requited by the bridal love of Israel with 
which the people "went after God in the wilderness." 7 It is 
this love of God, according to Akiba s interpretation of the 
Song of Songs, which "all the waters could not quench," "a 
love as strong as death." 8 This love raised up a nation of 
martyrs without parallel in history, although the followers of 
the so-called Religion of Love fail to give it the credit it 
deserves and seem to regard it as a kind of hatred for the rest 
of mankind. 9 Whenever the paternal love of God is truly 
felt and understood it must include all classes and all souls of 
men who enter into the relation of children to God. Wherever 
emphasis is laid upon the special love for Israel, it is based upon 
the love with which the chosen people cling to the Torah, 
the word of God, upon the devotion with which they surrender 
their lives in His cause. 10 

7. Still, Judaism does not proclaim love, absolute and un 
restricted, as the divine principle of life. That is left to the 
Church, whose history almost to this day records ever so many 
acts of lovelessness. Love is unworthy of God, unless it is 
guided by justice. Love of good must be accompanied by 

1 Deut. VIII, 5 ; see Sifre, Deut. 32. 2 Prov. Ill, 13. 

8 Ber. 5 a ; Sifre, 1. c. ; Mek. Yithro 10. 4 See Mek. and Sifre, 1. c. 

6 Ex. IV, 22. 6 Deut. XXXII, 6, 10 f. 7 Jer. II, 2. 

8 Song of Songs, R. to III, 7. Comp. Davidson, 1. c., 235-287. 

9 See Schreiner, 1. c., 103-112 ; Perles : Bousset, 58 f. 
10 Pesik, 16-17 J Mek. Yithro 6, at end. 



GOD S LOVE AND COMPASSION 131 

hate of evil, or else it lacks the educative power which alone 
makes it beneficial to man. 

God s love manifests itself in human life as an educative 
power. R. Akiba says that it extends to all created in God s 
image, although the knowledge of it was vouchsafed to Israel 
alone. 1 This universal love of God is a doctrine of the apoc 
ryphal literature as well. " Thou hast mercy upon all ... for 
Thou lovest all things that are, and hatest nothing which 
Thou hast made. . . . But Thou sparest all, for they are Thine, 
O Lord, Lover of souls," says the Book of Wisdom ; 2 and when 
Ezra the Seer laments the calamity that has befallen the people, 
God replies, "Thinkest thou that thou lovest My creatures 
more than I?" 3 

8. Among the mystics divine love was declared to be the 
highest creative principle. They referred the words of the 
Song of Songs, "The midst thereof is paved with love," 4 
to the innermost palace of heaven, where stands the throne of 
God. 5 Among the philosophers Crescas considered love the 
active cosmic principle rather than intellect, the principle of 
Aristotle, because it is love which is the impulse for creation. 8 
This conception of divine love received a peculiarly mystic 
color from Juda Abravanel, a neo-Platonist of the sixteenth 
century, known as Leo Hebraeus. He says: "God s love 
must needs unfold His perfection and beauty, and reveal itself 
in His creatures, and love for these creatures must again elevate 
an imperfect world to His own perfection. Thus is engendered 
in man that yearning for love with which he endeavors to 
emulate the divine perfection." 7 Both Crescas and Leo 
Hebraeus thus gave the keynote for Spinoza s "Intellectual 
love" as the cosmic principle, 8 and this has been echoed even 

1 Aboth III, 14. t xi, 23-26. IV Esdra VIII, 47. 

* ln . I0 - Zoharl, 44 b; II, 97 a. 

8 See Or Adonai, I, 3, 5, an d Joel : Crescas 36-37. 

7 Didoghi di Amore; see Zimmels : Leo Hcbraeus, 1886. 

Ethics V, proposition XXXV. 



I 3 2 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

in such works as Schiller s dithyrambs on "Love and Friend 
ship" in his "Philosophic Letters." 1 Still this neo-Platonic 
view has nothing in common with the theological conception 
of love. In Judaism God is conceived as a loving Father, 
who purposes to lead man to happiness and salvation. In other 
words, the divine love is an essentially moral attribute of God, 
and not a metaphysical one. 

9. If we wish to speak of a power that permeates the cosmos 
and turns the wheel of life, it is far more correct to speak of 
God s creative goodness. 2 According to Scripture, each day s 
creation bears the divine approval : "It is good." 3 Even the 
evil which man experiences serves a higher purpose, and that 
purpose makes for the good. Misfortune and death, sorrow 
and sin, in the great economy of life are all turned into final 
good. Accordingly, Judaism recognizes this divine goodness 
not only in every enjoyment of nature s gifts and the favors of 
fortune, but also in sad and trying experiences, and for all 
of these it provides special formulas of benediction. 4 The 
same divine goodness sends joy and grief, even though short 
sighted man fails to see the majestic Sun of life which shines 
in unabated splendor above the clouds. Judaism was optimis 
tic through all its experiences just because of this implicit 
faith in God s goodness. Such faith transforms each woe into 
a higher welfare, each curse into actual blessing ; it leads men 
and nations from oppression to ever greater freedom, from 
darkness to ever brighter light, and from error to ever higher 
truth and righteousness. Divine love may have pity upon 
human weakness, but it is divine goodness that inspires and 
quickens human energy. After all, love cannot be the domi 
nant principle of life. Man cannot love all the time, nor can he 
love all the world ; his sense of justice demands that he hate 

1 "The Theosophy of Julius" : "God." 

2 Middath tobah. 

3 Gen. I, 4, 10, 12, 18, 21, 23, 31. 

4 Gen. R. IX, 5, 9; Ber. 60 a; Yer. Ber. IX, 13 0-14 b; Taan. 21 a. 



GOD S LOVE AND COMPASSION 133 

wickedness and falsehood. We must apply the same criterion 
to God. But, on the other hand, man can and should do good 
and be good continually and to all men, even to the most un 
worthy. Therefore God becomes the pattern and ideal of an 
all-encompassing goodness, which is never exhausted and 
never reaches an end. 



CHAPTER XXI 

GOD S TRUTH AND FAITHFULNESS 

1. In the Hebrew language truth and faithfulness are both 
derived from the same root; aman, " firmness," is the root 
idea of emeth, "truth," and emunah, "faithfulness." Man 
feels insecurity and uncertainty among the varying impressions 
and emotions which affect his will ; therefore he turns to the 
immovable Rock of life, calls on Him as the Guardian and 
Witness of truth, and feels confident that He will vindicate 
every promise made in His sight. He is the God by whom 
men swear Elohe amen ; l nay, who swears by Himself, 
saying, "As true as that I live." 2 He is the supreme Power of 
life, "the God of faithfulness, in whom there is no iniquity." 3 
The heavens testify to His faithfulness ; He is the trustworthy 
God, whose essence is truth. 4 

2. Here, too, as with other attributes, the development of 
the idea may be traced step by step. At first it refers to the 
God of the covenant with Israel, who made a covenant with 
the fathers and keeps it with the thousandth generation of their 
descendants. He shows His mercy to those who love Him and 
keep His commandments. The idea of God s faithfulness to 
His covenant is thus extended gradually from the people to the 
cosmos, and the heavens are called upon to witness to the faith 
fulness of God throughout the realm of life. Thus in both the 

1 Isa. LXV, 16. * Deut. XXXII, 40. 3 Deut. XXXII, 4. 

4 Num. XXIII, 19; Isa. XL, 8; Jer. X, 10; Ps. XXXI, 6; comp. Dill- 
mann, 1. c. 269 f. 

134 



GOD S TRUTH AND FAITHFULNESS 135 

Psalms and the liturgy God is praised as the One who is faith 
ful in His word as in His work. 1 

3. From this conception of faithfulness arose two other 
ideas which exerted a powerful influence upon the whole 
spiritual and intellectual life of the Jew. The God of faithful 
ness created a people of faithfulness as His own, and Israel s 
God of truth awakened in the nation a passion for truth un 
rivaled by any other religious or philosophical system. Like 
a silver stream running through a valley, the conviction runs 
through the sacred writings and the liturgy that the promise 
made of yore to the fathers will be fulfilled to the children. As 
each past deliverance from distress was considered a verifica 
tion of the divine faithfulness, so each hope for the future was 
based upon the same attribute. "He keepeth His faith also 
to those who sleep in the dust." These words of the second 
of the Eighteen Benedictions clearly indicate that even the 
belief in the hereafter rested upon the same fundamental 
belief. 

On the other hand, the same conception formed the keynote 
of the idea of the divine truthfulness. The primitive age knew 
nothing of the laws of nature with which we have become 
familiar through modern science. But the pious soul trusts 
the God of faithfulness, certain that He who has created the 
heaven and the earth is true to His own word, and will not 
allow them to sink back into chaos. One witness to this is the 
rainbow, which He has set up in the sky as a sign of His 
covenant. 2 The sea and the stars also have a boundary 
assigned to them which they cannot transgress. 3 Thus to the 
unsophisticated religious soul, with no knowledge of natural 
science, the world is carried by God s " everlasting arms" 4 and 

1 Ps. XXXVI, 6; LXXXIX, 3, 38; CXLVI, 6; Benediction at seeing the 
rainbow, Singer s Prayerbook, p. 291. 

Gen. DC, ii. Ps. CIV, 9 ; Job XXXVIII, n ; Jer. XXXI, 34. 

Deut. XXXIII, 27. 



136 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

His faithfulness becomes token and pledge of the immutability 
of His will. 

4. At this point the intellect grasps an idea of intrinsic and 
indestructible truth, which has its beginning and its end in 
God, the Only One. "The gods of the nations are all vanity 
and deceit, the work of men ; Israel s God is the God of truth, 
the living God and everlasting King." l With this cry has 
Judaism challenged the nations of the world since the Baby 
lonian exile. Its own adherents it charged to ponder upon the 
problems of life and the nature of God, until He would appear 
before them as the very essence of truth, and all heathenish 
survivals would vanish as mist. God is truth, and He desires 
naught but truth, therefore hypocrisy is loathsome to him, 
even in the service of religion. With this underlying thought 
Job, the bold but honest doubter, stands above his friends with 
their affected piety. God is truth this confession of faith, 
recited each morning and evening by the Jew, gave his mind 
the power to soar into the highest realms of thought, and in 
spired his soul to offer life and all it holds for his faith. " God 
is the everlasting truth, the unchangeable Being who ever 
remains the same amid the fluctuations and changes of all 
other things." This is the fundamental principle upon which 
Joseph Ibn Zaddik and Abraham Ibn Baud, the predecessors 
of Maimonides, reared their entire philosophical systems, 
which were Aristotelian and yet thoroughly Jewish. 2 

Mystic lore, always so fond of the letters of the alphabet 
and their hidden meanings, noted that the letters of Emeth 
aleph, mem and tav are the first, the middle, and the last 
letters of the alphabet, and therefore concluded that God made 

1 Jer. X, 10, 15. 

2 Emuna Rama 54. See Kaufmann, 1. c., 333 f., 352 f. ; comp. Guttmann : 
Religions philosophic des Ibn Daud, 136 f. ; Albo II, 27, at the end ; Maimonides : 
Yesode ha Tor ah, I, 3-4; Hillel of Verona refers even to Aristotle s "Meta 
physics." See Kaufmann, 1. c., 334, note; Neumark, 1. c., and Husik., 
1. c. passim. 



GOD S TRUTH AND FAITHFULNESS 137 

truth the beginning, the center, and the end of the world. 1 
Josephus also, no doubt in accordance with the same tradition, 
declares that God is "the beginning, the center, and the end of 
all things." 2 A corresponding rabbinical saying is: "Truth 
is the seal of God." 3 

1 See Yer. Sanh. I, 18 a. 

1 Contra Apionem, II, 22 ; compare J. E., art. "Alpha and Omega." 

8 See Yer. Sanh. I, 18 a. 



CHAPTER XXII 

GOD S KNOWLEDGE AND WISDOM 

i. The attempt to enumerate the attributes of God recalls 
the story related in the Talmud 1 of a disciple who stepped up 
to the reader s desk to offer prayer, and began to address the 
Deity with an endless list of attributes. When his vocabulary 
was almost exhausted, Rabbi Haninah interrupted him with 
the question, "Hast thou now really finished telling the praise 
of God?" Mortal man can never know what God really is. 
As the poet-philosopher says: "Could I ever know Him, I 
would be He." 2 But we want to ascertain what God is to us, 
and for this very reason we cannot rest with the negative 
attitude of Maimonides, who relies on the Psalmist s verse, 
"Silence is praise to Thee." 3 We must obtain as clear a con 
ception of the Deity as we possibly can with our limited powers. 

To the divine attributes already mentioned we must add 
another which in a sense is the focus of them all. This is the 
knowledge and wisdom of God, the omniscience which renders 
Him all-knowing and all- wise. Through this all the others 
come into self-consciousness. We ascribe wisdom to the man 
who sets right aims for his actions and knows the means by 
which to attain them, that is, who can control his power and 
knowledge by his will and bend them to his purpose. In the 
same manner we think of wisdom in view of the marvelous 
order, design, and unity which we see in the natural and the 
moral world. But this wisdom must be all-encompassing, 
comprising time and eternity, directing all the forces and beings 
1 Ber. 33 b. 2 Jedayah ha Penini. 3 Ps. LXV, *. 

138 



GOD S KNOWLEDGE AND WISDOM 139 

of the world toward the goal of ideal perfection. 1 It makes no 
difference where we find this lesson. The Book of Proverbs 
singles out the tiny ant as an example of wondrous fore 
thought ; 2 the author of Job dwells on the working together of 
the powers of earth and heaven to maintain the cosmic life; 3 
modern science, with its deeper insight into nature, enables us 
to follow the interaction of the primal chemical and organic 
forces, and to follow the course of evolution from star-dust and 
cell to the structure of the human eye or the thought-centers 
of the brain. But in all these alike our conclusion must be 
that of the Psalmist : "O Lord, how manifold are Thy works, 
in wisdom hast Thou made them all." 4 

2. Accordingly, if we are to speak in human terms, we 
may consider God s wisdom the element which determines His 
various motive-powers, omniscience, omnipotence, and 
goodness, to tend toward the realizaton of His cosmic plan. 
Or we may call it the active intellect with which God works 
as Creator, Ordainer, and Ruler of the universe. The Biblical 
account of creation presupposes this wisdom, as it portrays a 
logical process, working after a definite plan, proceeding from 
simpler to more complex forms and culminating in man. 
Biblical history likewise is based upon the principle of a di 
vinely prearranged plan, which is especially striking in such 
stories as that of Joseph. 6 

3. At first the divine wisdom was supposed to rest in part on 
specially gifted persons, such as Joseph, Solomon, and Bezalel. 
As Scripture has it, "The Lord giveth wisdom, out of His 
mouth cometh knowledge and understanding." 6 Later the 
obscure destiny of the nation appears as the design of an all- 
wise Ruler to the great prophets and especially to Isaiah, the 

1 Jer. X, 12 ; Amos IV, 13 ; Job XXXVIII-XXXDC. * Prov. VI, 6. 

job xxxvni-xxxix. < PS. civ, 24. 

Gen. L. 20 ; see Dillmann, 1. c., 280 ; Strauss, 1. c., 575 f. ; Hamburger, 1. c., 
art. "Weisheit Gottes"; A. B. Davidson, 1. c., 180-182. 

Gen. XLI, 38; I Kings III, 12; Ex. XXXV, 31; Prov. II, 6. 



140 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

high-soaring eagle among the seers of Israel. 1 With the progres 
sive expansion of the world before them, the seers and sages saw 
a sublime purpose in the history of the nations, and felt more 
and more the supreme place of the divine wisdom as a manifes 
tation of His greatness. Thus the great seer of the Exile never 
tires of illumining the world- wide plan of the divine wisdom. 2 

4. A new development ensued under Babylonian and 
Persian influence at the time when the monotheism of Israel 
became definitely universal. The divine wisdom, creative 
and world-sustaining, became the highest of the divine attri 
butes and was partially hypostatized as an independent cosmic 
power. In the twenty-eighth chapter of the Book of Job wis 
dom is depicted as a magic being, far remote from all living 
beings of earth, beyond the reach of the creatures of the lowest 
abyss, who aided the Creator with counsel and knowledge in 
measuring and weighing the foundations of the world. The 
description seems to be based upon an ancient Babylonian 
conception which has parallels elsewhere of a divine 
Sybil dwelling beneath the ocean in "the house of wisdom." 3 
Here, however, the mythological conception is transformed 
into a symbolic figure. In the eighth chapter of Proverbs 
the description of divine wisdom is more in accordance with 
Jewish monotheism ; wisdom is " the first of God s creatures, " 
"a mas ter- workman " who assisted Him in founding heaven 
and earth, a helpmate and playmate of God, and at the same 
time the instructor of men and counselor of princes, inviting all 
to share her precious gifts. This conception is found also in 
the apocryphal literature, in Ben Sira, the book of Enoch, 
the Apocalypse of Baruch, and the Hellenistic Book of Wisdom. 4 

1 Isa. XXV, i ; XXVIII, 29. 2 Isa. XL-LV. 

3 Prov. IX, i. Comp. A. Jeremias: D. A. Test. i. L. d. i. alt. Orients, 5, 
80, 336, 367- 

4 Ben Sira XXIV, 3-6, 14,21; Enoch XLII, 1-2 ; Slavonic Enoch XXX, 8 ; 
Baruch III, 9 -IV, 4; comp. Bousset, 1. c., 337 f. ; J. E., art. Wisdom; 
Bentwich : Philo, pp. 141-147. 



GOD S KNOWLEDGE AND WISDOM 141 

From this period two different currents of thought appeared. 
The one represented wisdom as an independent being distinct 
from God, and this finally became merged, under Platonic influ 
ence, into the views of neo-Platonism, Gnosticism, and the 
Christian dogma. The other identified the divine wisdom with 
the Torah, and therefore it is the Torah which served God 
as counselor and mediator at the Creation and continues as 
counselor in the management of the world. This view led 
back to strict monotheism, so that the cosmology of the rabbis 
spoke alternately of the divine wisdom and the Torah as the 
instruments of God at Creation. 1 

5. The Jewish philosophers of the Middle Ages, such as 
Saadia, Gabirol, and Jehuda ha Levi, followed the Mohammedan 
theologians in enumerating God s wisdom among the attributes 
constituting His essence, together with His omnipotence, His 
will, and His creative energy. But they would not take wis 
dom or any other attribute as a separate being, with an exist 
ence outside of God, which would either condition Him or 
admit a division of His nature. 2 "God himself is wisdom, "says 
Jehuda ha Levi, referring to the words of Job : "He is wise in 
heart." 3 And Ibn Gabirol sings in his " Crown of Royalty " : 

"Thou art wise, and the wisdom of Thy fount of life floweth from Thee ; 

And compared with Thy wisdom man is void of understanding ; 

Thou art wise, before anything began its existence ; 

And wisdom has from times of yore been Thy fostered child ; 

Thou art wise, and out of Thy wisdom didst Thou create the world, 

Life the artificer that fashioneth whatsoever delighteth him." 4 

1 Targ. Yer. to Gen. I, i. Gen. R. I. 2, 5. Sec Schechter : Aspects, 127-137. 

1 Kaufmann, 1. c., 16, 107, 113, 163, 325, 418. 

Job IX, 4 ; Cuzari, II, 2. Sachs, cl, 6, 227. 



CHAPTER XXIII 

GOD S CONDESCENSION 

i. An attribute of great importance for the theological 
conception of God, one upon which both Biblical and rabbin 
ical literature laid especial stress, is His condescension and 
humility. The Psalmist says 1 : "Thy condescension hath 
made me great," which is interpreted in the Midrash that 
the Deity stoops to man in order to lift him up to Himself. 
A familiar saying of R. Johanan is 2 : " Wherever Scripture 
speaks of the greatness of God, there mention is made also 
of His condescension. So when the prophet begins, Thus 
saith the High and Lofty One that inhabiteth eternity, 
whose name is Holy : I dwell in the high and holy place/ 
he adds the words, With him also that is of a contrite and 
humble spirit. 3 Or when the Deuteronomist says: For 
the Lord your God, the great God, the mighty and the awful/ 
he concludes, He doth execute justice for the fatherless and 
widow, and loveth the stranger. 4 And again the Psalmist: 
Extol Him that rideth upon the skies, whose name is the Lord, 
a Father of the fatherless and a Judge of the widows. " 5 "Do 
you deem it unworthy of God that He should care for the 
smallest and most insignificant person or thing in the world s 
household?" asks Mendelssohn in his Morgenstunden. "It 
certainly does not detract from the dignity of a king to be 
seen fondling his child as a loving father," and he quotes 

1 Ps. XVIII, 36. 2 Meg. 35 a. Isa. LVTI, 15. 

Deut. X, 17-18. 6 Ps. LXVIII, 5-6. 

142 



GOD S CONDESCENSION 143 

the verse of the Psalm, "Who is like unto the Lord our God, 
that is enthroned on high, that looketh down low upon heaven 
and upon the earth." 1 

2. This truth has a religious depth which no philosophy 
can set forth. Only the God of Revelation is near to man 
in his frailty and need, ready to hear his sighs, answer his 
supplication, count his tears, and relieve his wants when his 
own power fails. The philosopher must reject as futile every 
attempt to bring the incomprehensible essence of the Deity 
within the compass of the human understanding. The re 
ligious consciousness, however, demands that we accentuate 
precisely those attributes of God which bring Him nearest 
to us. If reason alone would have the decisive voice in this 
problem, every manifestation of God to man and every reach 
ing out of the soul to Him in prayer would be idle fancy and 
self-deceit. It is true that the Biblical conception was simple 
and child-like enough, representing God as descending from 
the heavens to the earth. Still Judaism does not accept 
the cold and distant attitude of the philosopher ; it teaches 
that God as a spiritual power does condescend to man, in 
order that man may realize his kinship with the Most High 
and rise ever nearer to his Creator. The earth whereon 
man dwells and the human heart with its longing for 
heaven, are not bereft of God. Wherever man seeks Him, 
there He is. 

3. Rabbinical Judaism is very far from the attitude assigned 
to it by Christian theologians, 2 of reducing the Deity to an 
empty transcendental abstraction and loosening the bond 
which ties the soul to its Maker. On the contrary, it main 
tains these very relations with a firmness which betokens 
its soundness and its profound psychological truth. In this 
spirit a Talmudic master interprets the Deuteronomic verse : 
"For what great nation is there that hath God so nigh unto 

1 Ps. CXIII, 5-6. Weber, 1. c., 154. 



144 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

them, as the Lord our God is whensoever we call upon Him ? " l 
saying that "each will realize the nearness of God according 
to his own intellectual and emotional disposition, and thus 
enter into communion with Him." According to another 
Haggadist the verse of the Psalm, "The voice of the Lord 
resoundeth with power, " 2 teaches how God reveals Himself, 
not with His own overwhelming might, but according to each 
man s individual power and capacity. The rabbis even make 
bold to assert that whenever Israel suffers, God suffers with 
him ; as it is written, "I will be with him in trouble." 3 

4. As a matter of fact, all the names which we apply to 
God in speech or in prayer, even the most sublime and holy 
ones, are derived from our own sensory experience and cannot 
be taken literally. They are used only as vehicles to bring 
home to us the idea that God s nearness is our highest good. 
Even the material world, which is perceptible to our senses, 
must undergo a certain inner transformation before it can be 
termed science or philosophy, and becomes the possession of 
the mind. It requires still further exertions of the imagina 
tion to bring within our grasp the world of the spirit, and above 
all the loftiest of all conceptions, the very being of God. 
Yet it is just this Being of all Beings who draws us irresistibly 
toward Himself, whose nearness we perceive in the very 
depths of our intellectual and emotional life. Our "soul 
thirsteth after God, the living God," and behold, He is nigh, 
He takes possession of us, and we call Him our God. 

5. The Haggadists expressed this intimate relation of God 
to man, and specifically to Israel, by bold and often naive 
metaphors. They ascribe to God special moments for wrath 
and for prayer, a secret chamber where he weeps over the 

1 Deut. IV, 7 ; Yer. Ber. IX, 19 a, where the plural, Kerobim, suggests the 
idea, "all kinds of nearness." 

2 Ps. XXIX, 4 ; Tanh. Yithro, ed. Buber, 17. 

3 Ps. XCI, 15; Isa. LXIII, 9 j Sifre Num. 84. 



GOD S CONDESCENSION 145 

distress of Israel, a prayer-mantle (tallith) and phylacteries 
which He wears like any of the leaders of the community, 
and even lustrations which He practices exactly like mortals. 1 
But such fanciful and extravagant conceptions were never 
taken seriously by the rabbis, and only partisan and prejudiced 
writers, entirely lacking in a sense of humor, could point 
to such passages to prove that a theology of the Synagogue 
carried out a " Judaization of God." 2 

1 Ber. 6 a; 7 a; R. ha Sh. 17 b; Hag. 5 b; Sanh. 39 a. Comp. Schechter, 
Aspects, p. 21-50. 

8 Weber, 1. c., 157-160. 



C. GOD IN RELATION TO THE WORLD 

CHAPTER XXIV 

THE WORLD AND ITS MASTER 

i. In using the term world or universe we include the 
totality of all beings at once, and this suggests a stage of 
knowledge where polytheism is practically overcome. Among 
the Greeks, Pythagoras is said to have been the first to per 
ceive "a beautiful order of things" in the world, and therefore 
to call it cosmos. 1 Primitive man saw in the world innumer 
able forces continually struggling with each other for suprem 
acy. Without an ordering mind no order, as we conceive 
it, can exist. The old Babylonian conception prevalent 
throughout antiquity divided the world into three realms, the 
celestial, terrestrial, and the nether world, each of which had 
its own type of inhabitants and its own ruling divinities. Yet 
these various divine powers were at war with each other, and 
ultimately they, too, must submit to a blind fate which men 
and gods alike could read in the stars or other natural phe 
nomena. 

With the first words of the Bible, "In the beginning 
God created the heavens and the earth," Judaism declared 
the world to be a unity and God its Creator and Master. 
Heathenism had always beheld in the world certain blind 
forces of nature, working without plan or purpose and devoid 

1 Plutarch : "De placitis philosophiae," II, i ; comp. for the entire chapter 
Dillmann, 1. c., 284-295; Smend : 1. c., 454 f.; H. Steinthal : "Die Idee der 
Schopfung" in J. B. z. Jued. Gesch. u. Lit., II, 39-44. 

146 



THE WORLD AND ITS MASTER 147 

of any moral aims. But Judaism sees in the world the work 
of a supreme Intellect who fashioned it according to His will, 
and who rules in freedom, wisdom, and goodness. "He 
spoke, and it was ; He commanded, and it stood." 1 Nature 
exists only by the will of God ; His creative^/ called it into 
existence, and it ceases to be as soon as it has fulfilled His 
plan. 

2. That which the scientist terms nature the cosmic 
life in its eternal process of growth and reproduction is 
declared by Judaism to be God s creation. Ancient heathen 
conceptions deified nature, indeed, but they knew only a 
cosmogony, that is, a process of birth and growth of the world. 
In this the gods participate with all other beings, to sink 
back again at the close of the drama into fiery chaos, the 
so-called " twilight of the gods." Here the deity constitutes 
a part of the world, or the world a part of the deity, and 
philosophic speculation can at best blend the two into a 
pantheistic system which has no place for a self-conscious, 
creative mind and will. In fact, the universe appears as an 
ever growing and unfolding deity, and the deity as an ever 
growing and unfolding universe. Modern science more 
properly assumes a self-imposed limitation; it searches for 
the laws underlying the action and interaction of natural 
forces and elements, thus to explain in a mechanistic way 
the origin and development of all things, but it leaves entirely 
outside of its domain the whole question of a first cause and a 
supreme creative mind. It certainly can pass no opinion as to 
whether or not the entire work of creation was accomplished 
by the free act of a Creator. Revelation alone can speak with 
unfaltering accents: "In the beginning God created heaven 
and earth." However we may understand, or imagine, the 
beginning of the natural process, the formation of matter and 
the inception of motion, we see above the confines of space 
1 Ps. XXXIII, o. 



148 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

and time the everlasting God, the absolutely free Creator of 
all things. 

3. No definite theological dogma can define the order and 
process of the genesis of the world ; this is rather a scientific 
than a religious question. The Biblical documents themselves 
differ widely on this point, whether one compares the stories 
in the first two chapters of Genesis, or contrasts both of them 
with the poetical descriptions in Job and the Psalms. 1 And 
these divergent accounts are still less to be reconciled with 
the results of natural science. In the old Babylonian cos 
mography, on which the Biblical view is based, the earth, 
shaped like a disk, was suspended over the waters of the ocean, 
while above it was the solid vault of heaven like a ceiling. 
In this the stars were fixed like lamps to light the earth, and 
hidden chambers to store up the rain. The sciences of as 
tronomy, physics, and geology have abolished these child 
like conceptions as well as the story of a six-day creation, 
where vegetation sprang from the earth even before the sun, 
moon, and stars appeared in the firmament. 

The fact is that the Biblical account is not intended to 
depreciate or supersede the facts established by natural 
science, but solely to accentuate those religious truths which 
the latter disregards. 2 These may be summed up in the 
following three doctrines : 

4. First. Nature, with all its immeasurable power and 
grandeur, its wondrous beauty and harmony, is not inde 
pendent, but is the work, the workshop, and the working 
force of the great Master. His spirit alone is the active power ; 
His will must be carried out. It is true that we cannot con 
ceive the universe otherwise than as infinite in time and 
space, because both time and space are but human modes 
of apperception. In fact, we cannot think of a Creator with- 

1 Job XXXVIII; Ps. CIV. 

8 Comp. Albo I, 12, and Schlesinger s Notes, 625. 



THE WORLD AND ITS MASTER 149 

out a creation, because any potentiality or capacity without 
execution would imply imperfection in God. Nevertheless 
we must conceive of God as the designing and creating in 
tellect of the universe, infinitely transcending its complex 
mechanism, whose will is expressed involuntarily by each 
of the created beings. He alone is the living God ; He has 
lent existence and infinite capacity to the beings of the world ; 
and they, in achieving their appointed purpose, according 
to the poet s metaphor, " weave His living garment." The 
Psalmist also sings in the same key : 

"Of old Thou didst lay the foundations of the earth ; 
And the heavens are the work of Thy hands ; 
They shall perish, but Thou shalt endure ; 
Yea, all of them shall wax old like a garment. 
As a vesture shalt Thou change them, and they shall pass away ; 
But Thou art the selfsame, and Thy years shall have no end." l 

5. Second. The numberless beings and forces of theuniverse 
comprise a unity, working according to one plan, subserving 
a common purpose, and pursuing in their development and 
interaction the aim which God s wisdom assigned them from 
the beginning. However hostile the various elements may 
be toward each other, however fierce the universal conflict, 
"the struggle for existence," still over all the discord prevails 
a higher concord, and the struggle of nature s forces ends in 
harmony and peace. " He maketh peace in His high places." 2 
Even the highest type of heathenism, the Persian, divided 
the world into mutually hostile principles, light and darkness, 
good and evil. But Judaism proclaims God as the Creator 
of both. No force is left out of the universal plan ; each 
contributes its part to the whole. Consequently the very 
progress of natural science confirms more and more the prin 
ciple of the divine Unity. The researches of science are ever 

1 Ps. CII, 25-27. job XXV, 2. 



150 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

tending toward the knowledge of universal laws of growth, 
culminating in a scheme of universal evolution. Hence this 
supports and confirms Jewish monotheism, which knows no 
power of evil antagonistic to God. 

6. Third. The world is good, since goodness is its creator 
and its final aim. True enough, nature, bent with " tooth 
and claw" upon annihilating one or another form of existence, 
is quite indifferent to man s sense of compassion and justice. 
Yet in the wise, though inscrutable plan of God she does 
but serve the good. We see how the lower forms of life ever 
serve the higher, how the mineral provides food for the vege 
table, while the animal derives its food from the vegetable 
world and from lower types of animals. Thus each becomes 
a means of vitality for a higher species. So by the continuous 
upward striving of man the lower passions, with their evil 
tendencies, work more and more toward the triumph of the 
good. Man unfolds his God-likeness ; he strives to 

"Move upward, working out the beast, 
And let the ape and tiger die." 

7. The Biblical story of Creation expresses the perfect 
harmony between God s purpose and His work in the words, 
"And behold, it was good" spoken at the end of each day s 
Creation, and "behold, it was very good" at the completion of 
the whole. A world created by God must serve the highest 
good, while, on the contrary, a world without God would prove 
to be "the worst of all possible worlds," as Schopenhauer, the 
philosopher of pessimism, quite correctly concludes from his 
premises. The world- view of Judaism, which regards the 
entire economy of life as the realization of the all-encompassing 
plan of an all-wise Creator, is accordingly an energizing op 
timism, or, more precisely, meliorism. This view is voiced 
by the rabbis in many significant utterances, such as the 
maxim of R. Akiba, "Whatsoever the Merciful One does, 






THE WORLD AND ITS MASTER 151 

is for the good," 1 or that of his teacher, Nahum of Gimzo, 
"This, too, is for the good." 2 His disciple, R. Meir, inferred 
from the Biblical verse, "God saw all that He had made, and 
behold, it was very good," that "death, too, is good." 3 Others 
considered that suffering and even sin are included in this 
verse, because every apparent evil is necessary that we may 
struggle and overcome it for the final victory of the good. 4 
As an ancient Midrash says: "God is called a God of faith 
and faithfulness, because it was His faith in the world that 
caused Him to bring it into existence." 5 

1 Ber. 60 b. 

* Gam zu le tobah, an allusion to his own name. Taan. 21 b. 

8 Gen. R. IX, 5. 4 Gen. R. IX, 9-10. 6 Sifre Deut. 307. 



CHAPTER XXV 
CREATION AS THE ACT OF GOD 

i. "Thus shall ye say unto them: The gods that have 
not made the heavens and the earth, these shall perish from 
the earth, and from under the heavens. He that hath made 
the earth by His power, that hath established the world by 
His wisdom, and hath stretched out the heavens by His under 
standing . . . the Lord God is the true God." l With this dec 
laration of war against heathenism, the prophet drew the line, 
once for all, between the uncreated, transcendent God and 
the created, perishable universe. It is true that Plato spoke 
of primordial and eternal matter and Aristotle of an eternally 
rotating celestial sphere, and that even Biblical exegetes, 
such as Ibn Ezra, 2 inferred from the Creation story the ex 
istence of primeval chaotic matter. Yet, on the whole, the 
Jewish idea of God has demanded the assumption that even 
this primitive matter was created by God, or, as most thinkers 
have phrased it, that God created the world out of nothing. 
This doctrine was voiced as early as the Maccabean period 
in the appeal made by the heroic mother to the youngest 
of her seven sons. 3 In the same spirit R. Gamaliel II scorn 
fully rejects the suggestion of a heretic that God used primeval 
substances already extant in creating the world. 4 

1 Jer. X, 11-12 and 10. 

2 See his commentary to Gen. I, i ; comp. Neumark, 1. c., I, 70, 71, 80 f., 87, 
412, 439, 515; Husik, 1. c., p. 190; D. Strauss, 1. c., 619-660. 

8 II Mace. VII, 28. 

4 Gen. R. I, 12 ; X. 3 ; Hag. n 0-13 a; Slavonic Enoch, XXV; see J. E., 
art. Cosmogony and Creation; Enc. Rel. and Eth., 151 ff., 167 f. 

152 



CREATION AS THE ACT OF GOD 153 

2. Of course, thinking people will ever be confronted by 
the problem how a transcendental God could call into existence 
a world of matter, creating it within the limits of space and 
time, without Himself becoming involved in the process. It 
would seem that He must by the very act subject Himself 
to the limitations and mutations of the universe. Hence 
some of the ancient Jewish teachers came under the influence 
of Babylonian and Egyptian cosmogonies in their later Hel 
lenistic forms, and resorted to the theory of intermediary 
forces. Some of these adopted the Pythagorean conception 
of the mysterious power of letters and numbers, which they 
communicated to the initiated as secret lore, with the result 
that the suspicion of heresy rested largely upon " those who 
knew," the so-called Gnostics. 

The difficulty of assuming a creation at a fixed period of 
time was met in many different ways. It is interesting to 
note that R. Abbahu of Caesarea in the fourth century offered 
the explanation: "God caused one world after another to 
enter into existence, until He produced the one of which He 
said: Behold, this is good. " 1 Still this opinion seems to 
have been expressed by even earlier sages, as it is adopted by 
Origen, a Church father of the third century, who admitted 
his great debt to Jewish teachers. 2 

The medieval Jewish philosophers evaded the difficulty 
by the Aristotelian expedient of connecting the concept of 
time with the motion of the spheres. Thus time was created 
with the celestial world, and timelessness remained an attribute 
of the uncreated God. 3 Such attempts at harmonization 
prove the one point of importance to us, which, indeed, 
was frankly stated by Maimonides, that we cannot accept 
literally the Biblical account of the creation. 

3. The modern world has been lifted bodily out of the 

1 Gen. R. IX, i. See Strauss, 1. c., 645 f. 

See Schmiedl, 1. c., 91-128; Kaufmann, 1. c., 280 f., 306, 387 f. 



154 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

Babylonian and so-called Ptolemaic world, with its narrow 
horizon, through the labors of such men as Copernicus, Galileo, 
Newton, Lyall, and Darwin. We live in a world immeasurable 
in terms of either space or time, a world where evolution works 
through eons of time and an infinite number of stages. Such 
a world gives rise to concepts of the working of God in nature 
totally different from those of the seers and sages of former 
generations, ideas of which those thinkers could not even 
dream. To the mind of the modern scientist the entire cos 
mic life, extending over countless millions of years, forming 
starry worlds without end, is moved by energy arising within. 
It is a continuous flow of existence, a process of formation 
and re-formation, which can have no beginning and no end. 
How is this evolutionist view to be reconciled with the belief 
in a divine act of creation ? This is the problem which modern 
theology has set itself, perhaps the greatest which it must solve. 
Ultimately, however, the problem is no more difficult now 
than it was to the first man who pondered over the beginnings 
of life in the childhood of the world. The same answer fits 
both modes of thought, with only a different process of reason 
ing. Whether we count the world s creation by days or by 
millions of years, the truth of the first verse of Genesis remains : 
"In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth." 
In our theories the whole complicated world-process is but 
the working out of simple laws. This leads back as swiftly 
and far more surely than did the primitive cosmology to 
an omnipotent and omniscient creative Power, defining at the 
very outset the aim of the stupendous whole, and carrying its 
comprehensive plan into reality, step by step. We who are 
the products of time cannot help applying the relation of time 
to the work of the Creator ; time is so interwoven with our 
being that a modern evolutionist, Bergson, considers it the 
fundamental element of reality. Thus it is natural that we 
should think of God as setting the first atoms and forces of 



CREATION AS THE ACT OF GOD 155 

the universe into motion somewhere and somehow, at a given 
moment. Through this act, we imagine, the order pre 
vailing through an infinitude of space and time was established 
for the great fabric of life. To earlier thinkers such an act 
of a supermundane and immutable God appeared as a single 
act. The idea of prime importance in all this is the free 
activity of the Creator in contradistinction to the blind 
necessity of nature, the underlying theory of all pagan or un- 
religious philosophy. 1 The world of God, which is the world 
of morality, and which leads to man, the image of God, must 
be based upon the free, purposive creative act of God. 
Whether such an act was performed once for all or is ever 
lastingly renewed, is a quite secondary matter for religion, 
however important it may be to philosophy, or however 
fundamental to science. In our daily morning prayers, 
which refer to the daily awakening to a life seemingly new, 
God is proclaimed as "He who reneweth daily the work of 
creation." 2 

1 See C. Seligman, Judenthum und Modcrne Weltanschauung. 

2 The first benediction before the Shema. 



CHAPTER XXVI 

THE MAINTENANCE AND GOVERNMENT OF THE WORLD 

1. For our religious consciousness the doctrine of divine 
maintenance and government of the world is far more im 
portant than that of creation. It opposes the view of deism 
that God withdrew from His creation, indifferent to the 
destiny of His creatures. He is rather the ever-present Mind 
and Will in all the events of life. The world which He created 
is maintained by Him in its continuous activity, the object 
of His incessant care. 

2. Scripture knows nothing of natural law, but presents 
the changing phenomena of nature as special acts of God 
and considers the natural forces His messengers carrying 
out His will. "He opens the windows of heaven to let the 
rain descend upon the earth." 1 "He leads out the hosts 
of the stars according to their number and calleth them by 
name." 2 He makes the sun rise and set. "He says to the 
snow : Fall to the earth ! " 3 and calls to the wind to blow 
and to the lightning to flash. 4 He causes the produce of the 
earth and the drought which destroys them. "He opens the 
womb to make beasts and men bring forth their young;" 
"He shuts up the womb to make them barren." 5 "He also 
provides the food for all His creatures in due season, even 
for the young ravens when they cry." 6 His breath keeps all 
alive. "He withdraweth their breath, and they perish, and 

1 Gen. VII, ii ; VIII, 2. * Isa. XL, 26. 

3 Job XXXVI, 6. 4 Job XXXVIII, 25. 

6 Gen. XX, 17-18; XXX, 22. Ps. CXLVII, 8-9. 
156 



MAINTENANCE AND GOVERNMENT OF THE WORLD 157 

return to their dust. He sendeth forth His spirit, they are 
created ; He reneweth the face of the earth." l We are told 
also that God assigns to each being its functions, telling the 
earth to bring forth fruit, 2 the sea not to trespass its boundary, 3 
the stars and the seas to maintain their order. 4 To each 
one He hath set a measure, a law which they dare not trans 
gress. God s wisdom works in them ; they all are subject 
to His rule. 

3. This conclusion betokens an obvious improvement 
upon the earlier and more childlike view. It recognizes that 
there is an order in the universe and all under divine super 
vision. Thus Jeremiah speaks of a covenant of God with 
heaven and earth, and of the laws which they must obey, 6 
and in Genesis the rainbow is represented as a sign of the 
covenant of peace made by God with the whole earth. 6 As 
God "maketh peace in the heavens above," 7 He establishes 
order in the world. As the various powers of nature are in 
vested with a degree of independence, God s sovereignty 
manifests itself in the regularity with which they interact 
and cooperate. 8 The lore of the mystics speaks even of an 
oath which God administered upon His holy Name to the 
heavens and the stars, the sea and the abyss, that they should 
never break their designated bounds or disturb the whole 
order of creation. 9 

4. Further progress is noted in the liturgy, in such expres 
sions as that "God reneweth daily the work of creation," 
or "He openeth every morning the gate of heaven to let the 
sun come out of its chambers in all its splendor" and "at 
eventide He maketh it return through the portals of the west." 
Again, "He reneweth His creative power in every phenomenon 

i Ps. CIV, 27-30. * Gen. I, i r. Pa. CIV, 8. 

Gen. VIII, 22 ; Job XXXVIII, 33. 8 Jer. XXXI, 39 ; XXXIII, 25. 

Gen. IX, 12 f. 7 Job XXV, 2. 

See Dillmann, 1. c., 295 f. ; D. Strauss, 1. c., 620-643. 

Enoch LXIX, 15-25; Prayer of Manasseh, 3; Suk. 53 a b; Hag. 12 a. 



158 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

of nature and in every turn of the season;" "He provide th 
every living being with its sustenance." 1 Indeed, in the view 
of Judaism the maintenance of the entire household of nature 
is one continuous act of God which can neither be interrupted 
nor limited in time. God in His infinite wisdom works for 
ever through the same laws which were in force at the begin 
ning, and which shall continue through all the realms of time 
and space. 

We feeble mortals, of course, see but "the hem of His gar 
ment" and hear only "a whisper of His voice." Still from 
the deeper promptings of our soul we learn that science does 
not touch the inmost essence of the world when it finds a 
law of necessity in the realm of nature. The universe is 
maintained and governed by a moral order. Moral objects 
are attained by the forces of the elements, "the messengers 
of God who fulfilled His word/ 7 2 Both the hosts of heaven 
and the creatures of the earth do His bidding; their every 
act, great or small, is as He has ordered. Yet of them all 
man alone is made in God s image, and can work self-con 
sciously and freely for a moral purpose. Indeed, as the rabbis 
express it, he has been called as "the co-worker with God 
in the work of creation." 3 

5. The conception of a world-order also had to undergo 
a long development. The theory of pagan antiquity, echoed 
in both Biblical and post-Biblical writings, is that the world 
is definitely limited, with both a beginning and an end. As 
heaven and earth came into being, so they will wax old and 
shrink like a garment, while sun, moon, and stars will lose 
their brightness and fall back into the primal chaos. 4 The 
belief in a cataclysmic ending of the world is a logical corollary 
of the belief in the birth of the world. In striking contrast, 
the prophets hold forth the hope of a future regeneration of 

1 See Singer s Prayerbook, 37, 96, 290, 292. 2 Ps. CIII, 20. 

8 Shab. 119 b. Ps. CII, 27 ; Isa. XXXIV, 4. 



MAINTENANCE AND GOVERNMENT OF THE WORLD 159 

the world. God will create "a new heaven and a new earth" 
where all things will arise in new strength and beauty. 1 

This hope, as all eschatology, was primarily related to 
the regeneration of the Jewish people. Accordingly, the 
rabbis speak of two worlds, 2 this world and the world to come. 
They consider the present life only a preliminary of the world 
to come, in which the divine plan of creation is to be worked 
out for all humanity through the truths emanating from Israel. 
This whole conception rested upon a science now superseded, 
the geocentric view of the universe, which made the earth 
and especially man the final object of creation. For us only 
a figurative meaning adheres to the two worlds of the medieval 
belief, following each other after the lapse of a fixed period 
of time. On the one hand, we see one infinite fabric of life 
in this visible world with its millions of suns and planets, 
among which our earth is only an insignificant speck in the 
sky. With our limited understanding we endeavor to pen 
etrate more and more into the eternal laws of this illimitable 
cosmos. On the other hand, we hold that there is a moral 
and spiritual world which comprises the divine ideals and 
eternal objects of life. Both are reflected in the mind of man, 
who enters into the one by his intellect and into the other by 
his emotions of yearning and awe. At the same time both 
are the manifestation of God, the Creator and Ruler of all. 

A Isa. LXV, 17. 

1 See J. E. and Enc. of Rel. and Eth., art. " Eschatology " ; Schuerer, G. V. I. 
II, 545- 



CHAPTER XXVII 

MIRACLES AND THE COSMIC ORDER 

i. " Who is like unto Thee, O Lord, among the mighty ? 
Who is like unto Thee, glorious in holiness, 
Fearful in praises, doing wonders ! " l 

Thus sang Israel at the Red Sea in words which are constantly 
reechoed in our liturgy. Nothing impresses the religious 
sense of man so much as unusual phenomena in nature, which 
seem to interrupt the wonted course of events and thus to 
reveal the workings of a higher Power. A miracle that 
is, a thing "wondered" at, because not understood is 
always regarded by Scripture as a "sign" 2 or "proof" 3 
of the power of God, to whom nothing is impossible. The 
child-like mind of the past knew nothing of fixed or immu 
table laws of nature. Therefore the question is put in all 
simplicity: "Is anything too hard for the Lord?" 4 "Is 
the Lord s hand waxed short ? " 5 "Or should He who created 
heaven and earth not be able to create something which 
never was before?" 6 Should "He who maketh a man s 
mouth, or makes him deaf, dumb, seeing or blind," 7 not be 
able also to open the mouth of the dumb beast or the eyes 
of the blind? Should not He who killeth and giveth life 
have the power also to call the dead back to life, if He sees 
fit? Should not He who openeth the womb for every birth, 
be able to open it for her who is ninety years old ? Or when a 

1 Ex. XV, n. 2 Oth, sign for miracle, Ex. IV, 8, 17, and elsewhere. 

Mopheth, Ex. VII, 3, and elsewhere. 4 Gen. XVIII, 14. 

6 Num. XI, 23. 6 Ex. XXXIV, 10 ; Num. XVI, 30. 7 Ex. IV, n. 

160 



MIRACLES AND THE COSMIC ORDER 161 

whole land is wicked, to shut the wombs of all its inhabitants 
that they may remain barren? Again, should not He who 
makes the sun come forth every morning from the gates of 
the East and enter each night the portals of the West, not 
be able to change this order once, and cause it to stand still in 
the midst of its course ? l 

So long as natural phenomena are considered to be sep 
arate acts of the divine will, an unusual event is merely an 
extraordinary manifestation of this same power, "the finger 
of God." The people of Biblical times never questioned 
whether a miracle happened or could happen. Their concern 
was to see it as the work of the arm of God either for His 
faithful ones or against His adversaries. 

2. With the advance of thought, miracles began to be 
regarded as interruptions of an established order of creation. 
The question then arose, why the all-knowing Creator should 
allow deviations from His own laws. As the future was 
present to Him at the outset, why did He not make provision 
in advance for such special cases as He foresaw ? This was 
exactly the remedy which the rabbis furnished. They de 
clared that at Creation God provided for certain extraor 
dinary events, so that a latent force, established for the pur 
pose at the beginning of the world, is responsible for incidents 
which appeared at the time to be true interferences with the 
world order. Thus God had made a special covenant, as it 
were, with the work of creation that at the appointed time 
the Red Sea should divide before Israel ; that sun and moon 
should stand still at the bidding of Joshua ; that fire should 
not consume the three youths, Hananel, Mishael, and Aza- 
riah; that the sea-monster should spit forth Jonah alive; 
together with other so-called miracles. 2 The same idea 

1 Josh. X, 12-14. See Joel : "D. Mosaismus u. d. Wunder," in Jb. d. Jued. 
Gesch. u. Lit., 1904, p. 66-94. 

Mek. Beshallah 3 ; Gen. R. V, 4. 

M 



162 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

occasioned the other Haggadic saying that shortly before 
the completion of the creation on the evening of the sixth day 
God placed certain miraculous forces in nature. Through 
them the earth opened to swallow Korah and his band, the 
rock in the wilderness gave water for the thirsty multitude, 
and Balaam s ass spoke like a human being; through them 
also the rainbow appeared after the flood, the manna rained 
from heaven, Aaron s rod burst forth with almond blossoms 
and fruit, and other wondrous events happened in their 
proper time. 1 

3. Neither the rabbis nor the medieval Jewish thinkers 
expressed any doubt of the credibility of the Biblical miracles. 
The latter, indeed, rationalized miracles as well as other things, 
and considered some of them imaginary. Saadia accepts all 
the Biblical miracles except the speaking serpent in Paradise 
and the speaking ass of Balaam, considering these to be 
parables rather than actual occurrences. 2 In general, both 
Jewish and Mohammedan theologians assumed that special 
forces hidden in nature were utilized by the prophets and 
saints to testify to their divine mission. These powers were 
attained by their lofty intellects, which lifted them up to 
the sphere of the Supreme Intellect. All medieval attempts 
to solve the problem of miracles were based upon this curious 
combination of Aristotelian cosmology and Mohammedan 
or Jewish theology. 3 True, Maimonides rejects a number 
of miracles as contrary to natural law, and refers to the 
rabbinical saying that some of the miraculous events narrated 
in Scripture were so only in appearance. Still he claims for 

1 Aboth V, 6; comp. Ab. d. R. N., ed. Schechter, 95; Mek. Beshallah, 5; 
Sifre Debarim, 355 ; Pes. 54 a; P. d. R. Eli., XIX; Targ. Y. to Num. XXII, 
28, where a different list of ten wondrous things is given. 

2 Emunoth we Deoth II, 44, 68. Comp. Ibn Ezra to Gen. Ill, i, and Num. 
XXII, 28. 

3 Moreh, II, 25, 35, 37 ; III, 24 ; Yesode ha Torah, VII, 7 ; VIII, 1-3. Comp. 
Joel : Moses Maimonides, p. 77. 



MIRACLES AND THE COSMIC ORDER 163 

Moses, as the Mohammedans did for Mohammed, miraculous 
powers derived from the sphere of the Supreme Intellect. 
In a lengthy chapter on miracles Albo follows Maimonides, 1 
while his teacher Crescas considers the Biblical miracles to 
be direct manifestations of the creative activity of God. 2 
Gersonides has really two opinions ; in his commentary he 
reduces all miracles to natural processes, but in his philo 
sophical work he adopts the view of Maimonides. 3 Jehuda 
ha Levi alone insisted on the miracles of the Bible as historic 
evidence of the divine calling of the prophets. 4 To all the 
rest, the miracle is not performed by God but by the divinely 
endowed man. God himself is no longer conceived of as chang 
ing the cosmic order. Both He and the world created by His 
will remain ever the same. Still, according to this theory, 
certain privileged men are endowed with special powers by 
the Supreme Intellect, and by these they can perform miracles. 
4. It is evident that in all this the problem of miracles is 
not solved, nor even correctly stated. Both rabbinical liter 
ature and the Bible abound with miracles about certain holy 
places and holy persons, which they never venture to doubt. 
But the rabbis were not miracle-workers like the Essenes and 
their Christian successors. 5 On the contrary, they sought to 
repress the popular credulity and hunger for the miraculous, 
saying : "The present generation is not worthy to have mir- 

1 Ikkarint, I, 18. 

1 Or Adonai, III, 5 ; comp. Joel : Don Chasdai Crescas, p. 70. 

1 Milhamoth Adonai, last chapters; comp. J. E., art. Levi ben Gershom. 

* Cnzari, II, 54. 

6 The Anshe maasch, mentioned together with the Hasidlm in Suk. V, 4, 
and Sot. IX, 15, are wonderworkers, of whom Haninah ben Dosa, the last, is 
singled out. The same epithet was given to Simeon ben Yochai in Aramaic, 
Iskan, see Lev. Rabba XXII, 2, and to R. Assi, eod. XIX, i, where it 
means, worker in nature s realm. Thus Nahum of Gimzo is called "trained 
in the skill to perform miracles " Taan. 21 a; Phinehas ben Jair was also a 
wonderworker Hul. 7 a. The whole portion regarding rain-miracles seems 
to be taken from a work on the miracles of saints. 



1 64 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

acles performed for them, like the former ones;" l or "The 
providing of each living soul with its daily food, or the recovery 
of men from a severe disease is as great a miracle as any of 
those told in Scripture;" 2 or again, "Of how small account 
is a person for whom the cosmic order must be disturbed !" 3 
Thus when the wise men of Rome asked the Jewish sages : 
"If your God is omnipotent, as you claim, why does He not 
banish from the world the idols, which are so loathsome to 
Him?" they replied: "Do you really desire God to destroy 
the sun, moon, and stars, because fools worship them? The 
world continues its regular course, and idolaters will not go 
unpunished." 4 

5. In Judaism neither Biblical nor rabbinical miracles are 
to be accepted as proof of a doctrinal or practical teaching. 5 
The Deuteronomic law expressly states that false prophets 
can perform miracles by which they mislead the multitude. 6 
We can therefore ascribe no intrinsic religious importance to 
miracles. The fact is that miracles occur only among people 
who are ignorant of natural law and thus predisposed to accept 
marvels. They are the products of human imagination and 
credulity. They have only a subjective, not an objective 
value. They are psychological, not physical facts. 

The attitude of Maimonides and Albo toward Biblical 
miracles is especially significant. The former declares in 
his great Code: 7 "Israel s belief in Moses and his law did 
not rest on miracles, for miracles rather create doubt in the 
mind of the believer. Faith must rest on its intrinsic truth, 
and this can never be subverted by miracles, which may be 
of a deceitful nature." Albo devotes a lengthy chapter to 
developing this idea still further, undoubtedly referring to 
the Church ; he speaks of miracles wrought by both Biblical 

1 Taan. 18 b. 2 Pes. 118 a; Ned. 41 a. 8 Shab. 53 b. 

4 Ab. Za. IV, 7 ; comp. Ber. 4 a, 20 a; Sanh. 97 b. 6 B. M. 59 b. 

6 Deut. XIII, 2-6. * Yesode ha Torah, VIII, 1-5. 



MIRACLES AND THE COSMIC ORDER 165 

and Talmudic heroes, such as Onias the rain-maker, Nicode- 
mus ben Gorion, Hanina ben Dosa, and Phinehas ben Jair, 
the popular saints. 1 In modern times Mendelssohn, when 
challenged by the Lutheran pastor Lavater either to accept 
the Christian faith or refute it, attacked especially the basic 
Christian faith in miracles. He stated boldly that " miracles 
prove nothing, since every religion bases its claims on them 
and consequently the truth of one would disprove the con 
vincing proof of the other." 

6. Our entire modern mode of thinking demands the 
complete recognition of the empire of law throughout the 
universe, manifesting the all-permeating will of God. The 
whole cosmic order is one miracle. No room is left for single 
or exceptional miracles. Only a primitive age could think 
of God as altering the order of nature which He had fixed, 
so as to let iron float on water like wood to please one person 
here, 3 or to stop sun, star, or sea in their courses in order to 
help or harm mankind there. 4 It is more important for us 
to inquire into the law of the mind by which the fact itself may 
differ from the peculiar form given it by a narrator. With 
our historical methods unknown to former ages, we cannot 
accept any story of a miracle without seeking its intrinsic 
historical accuracy. After all, the miracle as narrated is 
but a human conception of what, under God s guidance, 
really happened. 

Accordingly, we must leave the final interpretation of the 
Biblical narratives to the individual, to consider them as 
historical facts or as figurative presentations of religious 
ideas. Even now some people will prefer to believe that the 
Ten Commandments emanated from God Himself in audible 
tones, as medieval thinkers maintained. 5 Some will adopt 
the old semi-rationalistic explanation that He created a voice 

1 Ikkarim, I, 18. 2 Mendelssohn : G. Sch., Ill, 65, 120 f., 320 f. 

II Kings VI, 6. Joshua X, 13. 6 Moreh, II, 33- 



1 66 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

for this special purpose. Others will hold it more worthy 
of God to communicate directly with man, from spirit to 
spirit, without the use of sensory means ; these will therefore 
take the Biblical description as figurative or mythical. In 
fact, he who does not cling to the letter of the Scripture will 
probably regard all the miracles as poetical views of divine 
Providence, as child-like imagery expressing the ancient 
view of the eternal goodness and wisdom of God. To us 
also God is "a Doer of wonders," but we experience His wonder 
working powers in ourselves. We see wonders in the acts 
of human freedom which rises superior to the blind forces of 
nature. The true miracle consists in the divine power within 
man which aids him to accomplish all that is great and good. 



CHAPTER XXVIII 
PROVIDENCE AND THE MORAL GOVERNMENT OF THE WORLD 

1. None of the precious truths of Judaism has become more 
indispensable than the belief in divine Providence, which we 
see about us in ever new and striking forms. Man would 
succumb from fear alone, beholding the dangers about him on 
every side, were he not sustained by a conviction that there 
is an all-wise Power who rules the world for a sublime purpose. 
We know that even in direst distress we are guided by a di 
vine hand that directs everything finally toward the good. 
Wherever we are, we are protected by God, who watches over 
the destinies of man as "does the eagle who hovers over her 
young and bears them aloft on her pinions." Each of us is 
assigned his place in the all-encompassing plan. Such knowl 
edge and such faith as this comprise the greatest comfort and 
joy which the Jewish religion offers. Both the narratives and 
the doctrines of Scripture are filled with this idea of Provi 
dence working in the history of individuals and nations. 1 

2. Providence implies first, provision, and second, predesti 
nation in accordance with the divine plan for the government 
of the world. As God s dominion over the visible world ap 
pears in the eternal order of the cosmos, so in the moral 
world, where action arises from freely chosen aims, God is 

1 The Hebrew term Hashgaha Providence is derived from Ps. XXXIII, 
14, hishgiah, "He observes." See J. E., art. Providence; Davidson, 1. c., 178- 
182; Hamburger, R. W. B. II, art. Bestimmung; Rauvvenhoff, 1. c., 538 f. ; 
Ludwig Philippson: "Israel. Religionsl.," II, 98 f. ; Formstecher : "Religion 
des Geisles ," 114-119. 

167 



1 68 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

Ruler of a moral government. Thus He directs all the acts 
of men toward the end which He has set. Judaism is most 
sharply contrasted with heathenism at this point. Heathen 
ism either deifies nature or merges the deity into nature. 
Thus there is no place for a God who knows all things and 
provides for all in advance. Blind fate rules all the forces of 
life, including the deities themselves. Therefore chance in 
cidents in nature or the positions of the stars are taken as 
indications of destiny. Hence the belief in oracles and divi 
nation, in the observation of flying arrows and floating clouds, 
of the color and shape of the liver of sacrificial animals, and 
other signs of heaven and earth which were to hint at the 
future. 1 

On the other hand, Judaism sees in all things, not the for 
tuitous dealings of a blind and relentless fate, but the dispen 
sations of a wise and benign Providence. It knows of no 
event which is not foreordained by God. It sanctioned the 
decision by lot 2 and the appeal to the oracle (the Urim and 
Thummim) 3 only temporarily, during the Biblical period. 
But soon it recognized entirely the will of God as the Ruler 
of destiny, and the people accepted the belief that "the days," 
"the destinies," and even "the tears" of man are all written 
in His "book." 4 Thus they perceived God as " He who knows 
from the beginning what will be at the end." 5 The prophets, 
His messengers, could thus foretell His will. They perceive 
Him as the One who "created the smith that brought forth 
the weapon for its work, and created the master who uses it 
for destruction." 6 However the foe may rage, he is but 

1 Jer. X, 2. See art. Divination, in J. E. ; Diet. Bible; Enc. R. and Eth. 

2 See Lev. XVI, 8f.; Num. XXVI t 56; Josh. XVIII-XIX; Prov. 
XVIII, 18. 

3 Ex. XVIII, 30; I Sam. see LXX; XIV, 41. 

4 Ex. XXXIII, 32; Ps. LVI, 9; CXXXIX, 16; comp., however, the 
Babylonian "tables of destinies." 

5 Isa. XL, 21 ; XLI, 4, 22 f. ; Amos III, 7. Isa. LIV, 16. 



THE MORAL GOVERNMENT OF THE WORLD 169 

"the scourge in the hand of God," like "the axe in the 
hand of him who fells the tree." 1 No device of men or 
nations can withstand His will, for He turns all their doings 
to some good purpose and transforms every curse into a 
blessing. 2 

3. Naturally this truth was first accepted in limited form, 
in the life of certain individuals. The history of Joseph and 
of King David were used as illustrations to show how God 
protects His own. The experiences of the people confirmed 
this belief and expanded it to apply to the nation. The 
wanderings of Israel through the wilderness and its entrance 
to the promised land were regarded as God s work for His 
chosen people. The prophets looked still further and saw 
the destinies of all nations, entering the foreground of history 
one by one, as the sign of divine Providence, so that finally 
the entire history of mankind became a great plan of divine 
salvation, centered upon the truth intrusted to Israel. 

Beside this conception of general Providence ruling in his 
tory, the idea of special Providence arose in response to human 
longing. The belief in Providence developed to a full con 
ception of care for the world at large and for each individual 
in his peculiar destiny, a conviction that divine Providence 
is concerned with the welfare of each individual, and that the 
joyous or bitter lot of each man forms a link in the moral 
government of the world. The first clear statement of this 
comes from the prophet Jeremiah in his wrestling and sighing : 
"I know, O Lord, that the way of man is not in himself, it is 
not in man that walketh to direct his steps." 3 Special Provi 
dence is discussed still more vividly and definitely in the book 
of Job. Later on it becomes a specific Pharisaic doctrine, 
"Everything is foreseen." 4 "No man suffers so much as the 
injury of a finger unless it has been decreed in heaven." 5 A 

1 Isa. X, 5, 15. Isa. VIII, n ; Ps. II, 2 f. ; Deut. XXIII, 6. 

Jer. X, 33- 4 Aboth III, 15. Hul. 7 a. 



170 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

divine preordination decides a man s choice of his wife * and 
every other important step of his life. 

4. This theory of predestination, however, presents a grave 
difficulty when we consider it in relation to man s morality 
with its implication of self-determination. While this ques 
tion of free will is treated fully in another connection, 2 we 
may anticipate the thought at this point. The Jewish con 
ception of divine predestination makes as much allowance as 
possible for the moral freedom of man. This is shown in 
Talmudic sayings, such as Everything is within the power of 
God except the fear of God," 3 or "Repentance, prayer, and 
charity avert the evil decree." 4 Thus Maimonides expressly 
states in his Code that the belief in predestination cannot be 
allowed to influence one s moral or religious character. A 
man can decide by his own volition whether he shall become 
as just as Moses or as wicked as Jeroboam. 5 

5. The service of the New Year brings out significantly 
the Jewish harmonization between the ideas of God s fore 
knowledge and man s moral freedom. This festival, in the 
Bible called the Festival of the Blowing of the Shofar, was 
transformed under Babylonian influence into the Day of 
Divine Judgment. But it is still in marked contrast to the 
Babylonian New Year s Day, when the gods were supposed 
to go to the House of the Tablets of Destiny in the deep to 
hear the decisions of fate. 6 The Jewish sages taught that on 
this day God, the Judge of the world, pronounces the destinies 
of men and nations according to their deserts. They thus 
replaced the heathen idea of blind fate by that of eternal 
justice as the formative power of life. Then, moved by a 
desire to mitigate the rigor of stern justice for the frail and 
failing mortal, they included also God s long-suffering and 

1 Gen. XXIV, 50 ; M. K. 18 b. 2 Ch. XXXIV. 3 Ber. 33 b. 

4 R. h. Sh. 17 b; New Year s liturgy. 6 H. Teshubah, V, 1-2. 

See, on the Zagmuk festival, Zimmern, K. A. T., p. 514 f. 



THE MORAL GOVERNMENT OF THE WORLD 171 

mercy. These attributes are thus supposed to intercede, so 
that the final decision is left in suspense until the Day of 
Atonement, the great day of pardon. Some Tannaitic 
teachers l find it more in accord with their view of God 
to say that He judges man every day, and even every 
hour. 

Of course, the philosophic mind can take this whole view 
point in a figurative sense alone. All the more must we rec 
ognize that this sublime religious thought of God liberates 
morality from the various limitations of the ancient pagan 
conception of Deity and the more recent metaphysical view. 
In place of these it asserts that there is a moral government 
of the world, which must be imitated in the moral and religious 
consciousness of the individual. 

6. The belief in a moral government of the world answers 
another question which the medieval Jewish philosophers 
and their Mohammedan predecessors endeavored to solve, 
but without satisfying the religious sentiment, the chief con 
cern of theology. Some of them maintain that God s fore 
knowledge does not determine human deeds. 2 Maimonides 
and his school, however, say that it is impossible for us to 
comprehend the knowledge and power of God, and that there 
fore such a question is outside the sphere of human knowl 
edge. "Know that, just as God has made the elements of 
fire and air to rise upwards and water and earth to sink down 
ward, so has He made man a free, self-determining being, 
who acts of his own volition." 3 The Mohammedans would 
often give up human freedom rather than the omniscience 
and all-determining power of God ; but the Jewish thinkers, 

Tos. R. h. Sh. I, 13; R. h. Sh. 16 a. 

1 Saadia : Emunoth, IV, 7 ; Bahya : Hoboth ha Lebaboth, III, 8 ; IV, 3. 

1 //. Teshubah V ; Moreh, I, 23 ; III, 16-19 ; comp. Cuzari, V, 20-21 ; Albo : 
Ikkarim, IV, i-n ; Gersonides : Milhamoth, III, 2; VI, 1-18; Isaac ben She- 
sheth: Responsa, 119; Lipman Heller to Aboth III, 15. See Joel: Levi ben 
Gerson, p. 56. 



172 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

significantly, with only the possible exception of Crescas, 1 
laid stress upon the divine nature which man attains through 
moral freedom, even at the risk of limiting the omniscience of 
God. 

7. The philosophers failed, however, to emphasize suffi 
ciently a point of highest importance for religion, God s 
paternal care for all His creatures. Indeed, God ceases to be 
God, if He has not included our every step in His plan of 
creation, thus surrounding us with paternal love and tender 
care. Instead of the three blind fates of heathendom who spin 
and cut the threads of destiny without even knowing why, 
the divine Father himself sits at the loom of time and appor 
tions the lot of men according to His own wisdom and good 
ness. Such a belief in divine Providence is ingrained in the 
soul, and reasoning alone will not suffice to attain it. There 
fore even such great thinkers as Maimonides and Gersonides 
go astray as religious teachers when they follow Aristotelian 
principles in this very intimate matter. They assume a 
general Providence aiming for the preservation of the species, 
but include a special Providence only so far as the recipient 
of it is endowed with reason and has thus approached the 
divine Intellect. A Providence of this type, the result of 
human reasoning, is a mere illusion, as the pious thinker, 
Hasdai Crescas, clearly shows. 2 For the man who prays to 
God in anxiety or distress this bears nothing but dis 
appointment. 

The Aristotelian conception of the world has this great 
truth, that there is no such thing as chance, that everything 
is foreseen and provided by the divine wisdom. But religion 
must hold that the individual is an object of care by God, 
that "not a sparrow falls into the net without God s will," 3 

1 See Or Adonai, II, 3 ; comp. Joel : Hasdai Crescas, 41-49, 54~55 5 Neumark : 
"Crescas and Spinoza," in Y. B. C. C. A. R., 1908, vol. XVIII, p. 277-319. 
8 Or Adonai, III, 24. 3 Gen. R. LXXIX, 16 ; comp. Matt. X, 29. 



THE MORAL GOVERNMENT OF THE WORLD 173 

that " every hair on the head of man is counted and cared for 
in the heavenly order," 1 and that the most insignificant 
thing serves its purpose under the guidance of an all-wise 
God. We use figurative expressions for the divine care, 
because we cannot grasp it entirely or literally. 

8. The Bible in the Song of Moses compares divine Provi 
dence to the eagle spreading her protecting wings over her 
young and bearing them aloft, or urging them to soar along. 2 
The rabbis elaborate this by referring to the twofold care 
which the eagle thus bestows, as she watches over those who 
are still tender and helpless, shielding them from the arrows 
below by bearing them on her wings, but inspiring the maturer 
and stronger ones to fly by her side. 3 In the same way Provi 
dence trains both individuals and generations for their al 
lotted task. A little child requires incessant care on the part 
of its mother, until it has learned how to eat, walk, speak, 
and to decide for itself, but the wise parent gradually with 
draws his guiding hand so that the growing child may learn 
self-reliance and self-respect. The divine Father trains man 
thus through the childhood of humanity. But no sooner does 
the divine spirit in man awaken to self-consciousness than he 
is thrown on his own resources to become the master of his 
own destiny. The divine power which, in the earlier stages, 
had worked for man, now works with him and within him. 
In the rabbink phrase, he is now ready to be a " co-worker 
with God in the work of creation." 4 Only at those grave 
moments when his own powers fail him, he still feels in the 
humility of faith that his ancient God is still near, "a very 
present help in trouble," and that "the Guardian of Israel 
neither slumbereth nor sleepeth." 5 

9. At this point philosophy and religion part company. 

1 B. B. 16 a; comp. Matt. X, 30; Luke XII, 7. 

1 Deut. XXXII, ii. Mek. Yithro 2 ; Sifre ad loc. 

* Shab. 119 b. * Ps. XL VI, 2 ; CXXI, 4. 



174 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

Philosophy cannot tolerate the removal of the dividing line 
between the transcendent God and finite man. Hence the 
relation of man s free will and divine foresight cannot be 
solved by any process of reasoning. But when religion pro 
claims a moral government of the world, then man, with his 
moral and spiritual aims, attains a place in Creation akin 
to the Creator. Of course, so long as he is mentally a child 
and has no clear purpose, Providence acts for him as it does 
for the animal with its marvelous instinct. Through His 
chosen messengers God gives the people bread and water, 
freedom and victory, instruction and law. The wondrous 
tales describing the divine protection of Israel in its early life 
may strike us as out of harmony with the laws of nature, 
but they are true portrayals of the experience of the people. 
Whatever happened for their good in those days had to be 
the work of God ; they had not yet wakened to the power 
hidden in their own soul. Their heroes felt themselves to be 
divine instruments, roused by His spirit to perform mighty 
deeds or to behold prophetic visions. It is God who battles 
through them. It is God who speaks through them. Both 
their moral and spiritual guidance works from without and 
above. At this stage of life autonomy is neither felt nor 
desired. When man awakens to moral self -consciousness and 
maturity, this inner change impresses him as an outer one; 
the change in him is interpreted as a change in God. He feels 
that God has withdrawn behind His eternal laws of nature 
and morality which work without direct interference, and in 
his new sense of independence he thinks that he can dispense 
with the divine protection and forethought. As if mortal 
man can ever dispense with that Power which has endowed 
him with his capacity for worthy accomplishment ! Thus in 
times of danger and distress man turns to God for help; 
thus at every great turning point in the life of an individual 
or nation the idea of an all-wise Providence imbues him with 



THE MORAL GOVERNMENT OF THE WORLD 175 

new hope and new security. And in all these cases the great 
lesson of providential direction is typified in the history of 
Israel as related in the Bible. 

10. The idea of Providence, indeed, belongs also to certain 
pagan philosophers, who observed the great purposes of 
nature which the single creature and the species are both to 
serve. The Stoics in particular made a study of teleology, 
the system of purposive ends in nature. Philo adopted much 
from them in his treatise on Providence. Later the popular 
philosophic group among the Mohammedans, the so-called 
" Brothers of Purity," based their doctrines of God and His 
relation to the world on a teleological view of nature. In 
fact, the Jewish philosopher and moralist Bahya ben Pakudah 
has embodied many of their ideas in his " Duties of the 
Heart." l 

Jewish folklore preserved in rabbinic literature has 
also attempted a popular explanation of the obscure ways of 
Providence, in strange events of nature as well as the great 
enigmas of human destiny. Thus the flight of David from 
Saul affords the lesson of the good purpose which may be 
served by so insignificant a thing as a spider, or by so dreadful 
a state as insanity. 2 Vast numbers of the Jewish legends 
and fables deal with adversities which are turned into ulti 
mate good by the working of an all-wise Providence. 3 

1 See David Kaufmann : "Theol. d. B. b. Pakudah," p 240 

2 Mid. Teh. to Ps. XXXIV; L. Ginzberg, Legends of the Jews, IV, 89-90- 
Alphabet of Ben Sira. 

Comp.Maasehhbuch; Tendlau : Sagend.jued. Vorzeit. 



CHAPTER XXIX 

GOD AND THE EXISTENCE OF EVIL 

i. A leading objection to the belief in divine Providence 
is the existence in this world of physical and moral evil. All 
living creatures are exposed to the influence of evil, according 
to their physical or moral constitutions and the peculiar con 
ditions of their existence. Heathenism accounts for the 
powers of darkness, pain and death by assuming the exist 
ence of forces hostile to the heavenly powers of light and life, 
or of a primitive principle of evil, the counterpart of the 
divine beings. But to those who believe in an almighty and 
all-benign Creator and Ruler of the universe, the question 
remains : Why do life and the love of life encounter so many 
hindrances? Why does God s world contain so much pain 
and bitterness, so much passion and sin ? Should not Provi 
dence have averted such things? The answer of Judaism 
has already been stated here, but we need further elaboration 
of the theme that there is no evil before God, since a good 
purpose is served even by that which appears bad. In the 
life of the human body pleasure and pain, the impetus to life 
and its restraint and inhibition form a necessary contrast, 
making for health; so, in the moral order of the universe, 
each being who battles with evil receives new strength for the 
unfolding of the good. The principle of holiness, which cul 
minates in Israel s holy God, transforms and ennobles every 
evil. As the Midrash explains, referring to Deut. XI, 26 : 
"If thou but seest that both good and evil are placed in thy 

176 



GOD AND THE EXISTENCE OF EVIL 177 

hand, no evil will come to thee from above, since thou knowest 
how to turn it into good." 1 

2. The conception of evil passed through a development 
parallel with that of the related conceptions which we have 
just reviewed. At first every misfortune was considered to 
be inflicted by divine wrath as a punishment for human mis 
deeds. Nations and individuals were thought to suffer for 
some special moral cause; through suffering they were 
punished for past wrong, warned against its repetition in the 
future, and urged to repentance and improvement of their 
conduct. Even death, the fate of all living creatures, was 
regarded as a punishment which the first pair of human beings 
brought upon all their descendants through their transgres 
sion of the divine command. The Talmudic sages clung to the 
view of the Paradise legend in the Bible, when they held that 
every death is due to some sin committed by the individual. 2 
This view, which was shared by paganism, was accom 
panied by a higher conception, gradually growing in the 
thinking mind. As a father does not punish his child in 
anger, but in order to improve his conduct, so God chastens 
man in order to purify his moral nature. Good fortune tends 
to harden the heart ; adversity often softens and sweetens it. 
In the crucible of suffering the gold of the human soul is puri 
fied from the dross. The evil strokes of destiny come upon 
the righteous, not because he deserves them, but because his 
divine Friend is raising him to still higher tests of virtue. 
This standpoint, never reached even by the pious sufferer 
Job, is attained by rabbinic Judaism when it calls the visita 
tions of the righteous " trials of the divine love." 3 Thus evil, 
both physical and spiritual, receives its true valuation in the 
divine economy. Evil exists only to be overcome by the 

1 See Gen. R. IX, 5, 10, n ; Dillmann, I. c., 309-318; D. F. Strauss, 1. c., II, 
343-384. 

Shab. 55 a. Ber. 5 a, after Deut. VIII, 5 ; Prov. Ill, 12. 

N 



178 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

good. In His paternal goodness God uses it to educate His 
children for a place in His kingdom. 

3. According to the direct words of Scripture good and 
evil, light and darkness, emanate alike from the Creator. 
This is accentuated by the great seer of the Exile, 1 who pro 
tests against the Persian belief in a creative principle of good 
and a destructive principle of evil. The rabbis, however, 
ascribe the origin of evil to man; they take as a negation 
rather than a question the verse in Lam. Ill, 38: "Do not 
evil and good come out of the mouth of the Most High?" 
Thus they refer this to the words of Deuteronomy, " Behold, 
I have set before you this day life and good, death and evil ; 
choose thou life !" 2 

Such medieval thinkers as Abraham Ibn Daud and Mai- 
monides did not ascribe to evil any reality at all. 3 Evil to 
them is the negation of good, just as darkness is the negation 
of light, or poverty of riches. As evil exists only for man, 
man can overcome it by himself. Before God it has no es 
sential existence. Unfortunately, such metaphysics does not 
equip man with strength and courage to cope with either pain 
or sin. The same lack is evident in that modern form of 
pseudo-science which poses as a religion, Christian Science, 
which has made propaganda so widely among both Jews and 
non-Jews. Christian Science declares pain, sickness, and all 
evil to be merely the " error of mortal mind," which can all 
be dispelled by faith; such a view neither strengthens the 
soul for its real struggles nor convinces the mind by an appeal 
to facts. 4 

4. Frail mortals as we are, we need the help of the living 
God. Thus only can we overcome physical evil, knowing 

1 Isa. XLV, 7. 2 Deut. XI, 27 ; see the Midrash ad loc. 

3 Emunah Ramah, ed. Weil, 93 f. ; Moreh, III, 10. 

4 See M. Lefkovitz, "The Attitude of Judaism to Christian Science," in 
Y. B. C. C. A. R. XXII, 300-318. 



GOD AND THE EXISTENCE OF EVIL 179 

that He bears with us, feels with us, and transforms it finally 
into good. We need it also to overcome moral evil, in the 
consciousness that He has compassion upon the repentant 
sinner and gives him courage to follow the right path. The 
modern philosophers of pessimism had the correct feeling in 
adopting the Hindu conception, and emphasizing the pain 
and misery of existence, repeating Job s ancient plaint over 
the hard destiny of mankind. The shallow optimism of the 
age would rather conceal the dark side of life and indulge in 
outbursts of self-sufficiency. Yet if we measure it only by a 
physical yardstick, life cannot be called a boon. Against 
shallow optimism we have the testimony of every thorn and 
sting, every poisonous breath and every destructive element in 
nature s household, as well as all vice and evil in the world of 
man. The world does not appear good, unless we measure it 
by the ideal of divine holiness. If God is the Father watch 
ing over the welfare of every mortal, all things are good, be 
cause all serve a good purpose in His eternal plan. Every 
hindrance or pressure engenders new power ; every sting acts 
as a spur to higher things. Short-sighted and short-lived as 
is man, he forgets too easily that in the sight of God "a 
thousand years are as a single day," world-epochs like 
"watches in the night," and that the mills of divine justice 
grind on, " slowly but exceeding small." But one belief illu 
mines the darkness of destiny, and that is that Go.d stands ever 
at the helm, steering through every storm and tempest toward 
His sublime goal. In the moral striving of man we can but 
realize that our every victory contributes toward the majestic 
work of God. 1 

1 See Morris Joseph, 1. c., p. 108, 127 5. \ C. Seligman, 1. c., 50-68. 



CHAPTER XXX 

GOD AND THE ANGELS 

i. Judaism insists with unrelenting severity on the abso 
lute unity and incomparability of God, so that no other 
being can be placed beside Him. Consequently, every men 
tion of divine beings (Elohim or B ne Elohim) in either the 
Bible or post-Biblical literature refers to subordinate beings 
only. These spirits constitute the celestial court for the 
King of the World. 1 All the forces of the universe are His 
servants, fulfilling His commands. Hence both the Hebrew 
and Greek terms for angel, Malak and angelos, mean "messen 
ger." These beings derive their existence from God; some 
of them are merely temporary, so that without Him they 
dissolve into nothing. Although Scripture uses the terms, 
"God of gods" and "King of kings," still we cannot attribute 
any independent existence to subordinate divine beings. In 
fact, Maimonides in his sixth article of faith holds that wor 
ship of such beings is prohibited as idolatry by the second 
commandment. 2 Thus the unity of God lifts Him above 
comparison with any other divine being. This is most em 
phatically expressed in Deuteronomy: "Know this day, and 
lay it to thy heart, that the Lord He is God in heaven above, 
and upon the earth beneath; there is none else," 3 and "See 

1 Gen. VI, 2; Job I, 6; II, i; XXXIII, 7; Gen. XXXII, 29; XXXIII, 
10 ; Jud. XIII, 22; Ps. VIII, 6. 

2 Comp. Mek. Yithro 7 through 10; Hul. 40; Tos. Hul. II, 18; Ab. Z. 
42 b ; Maimonides to Sanh. X ; Targ. Y. to Ex. XX, 3. 

3 Deut. IV, 39. 

180 



GOD AND THE ANGELS 181 

now that I, even I, am He, and there is no god with Me ; I 
kill and make alive ; I have wounded and I heal, and there is 
none that can deliver out of My hand." * The same attitude 
is found in Isaiah: "I am the Lord that maketh all things, 
that stretched forth the heavens alone, that spread abroad 
the earth by Myself." "I am the Lord and there is none 
else; beside Me there is no god." 2 Such conceptions allow 
no place for angels or spirits. 

2. It was certainly not easy for prophet, lawgiver, or sage 
to dispel the popular belief in divine beings or powers, which 
primitive Judaism shared with other ancient faiths. No 
sharp line was drawn at first between God and His accom 
panying angels, as we may infer from the story of the angels 
who appeared to Abraham, and the similar incidents of 
Hagar and Jacob. 3 The varying application of the term 
Elohim to God and to the angels or gods is proof enough 
of the priority of polytheism, even in Judaism. The trees or 
springs, formerly seats of the ancient deities, spirits, or de 
mons, were now the places for the appearance of angels, 
shorn of their independence, looking like fiery or shining human 
beings. Popular belief, however, perpetuated mythological 
elements, ascribing to the angels higher wisdom and some 
times sensuality as well. Such a case is the fragment pre 
served in Genesis telling of the union of sons of God to the 
daughters of men, causing the generation of giants. 4 Ob 
viously the old Babylonian "mountain of the gods," with its 
food for the gods, became in the Paradise legend the garden 
of Eden, the seat of God ; 5 and the Psalmist still speaks of 
the"angels food," which appeared as manna in the wilderness. 6 
On the whole, the sacred writers were most eager to allot to 
the angels a very subordinate position in the divine household. 

Deut. XXXII, 39. Isa. XLIV, 24 ; XL, 5. 

Gen. XVIII and XVII, 11,13. * Gen. VI, i f 

Comp. Ezek. XXVIII, 13 f. 6 Ps . LXXVIII, 25. 



1 82 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

They figure usually as hosts of beings, numbered by myriads, 
wrapped in light or in fleeting clouds. They surround the 
throne or chariot of God ; they comprise His heavenly court 
or council ; they sing His praise and obey His call. 

Scripture is quite silent about the creation of these angelic 
beings, as on most purely speculative questions. At the 
very beginning of the world God consults them when He is 
to create man after the image of the celestial beings. For 
this is the original meaning of Elohim in Gen. I, 26 and 27 
and V, i : "Let us make man in our image, after our like 
ness" ; " And God created man in his own image, in the image 
of godly beings He created him." This view is echoed in 
Psalm VIII, verse 6: "Thou hast made him a little lower 
than godly beings." In Job XXXVIII, 7, both the morning 
stars and the sons of God, or angels, "shout together in joy " 
when the Lord laid the foundations of the earth. 1 

3. In Biblical times which does not include the book of 
Daniel, a work of the Maccabean time the angels and 
demons were not invested with proper names or special func 
tions. The Biblical system does not even distinguish clearly 
between good and evil spirits. The goat-like demons of the 
field popularly worshiped were merely survivals of pagan 
superstitions. 2 

In general the angels carry out good or evil designs accord 
ing to their commands from the Lord of Hosts. They are 
sent forth to destroy Sodom, to save Lot, and to bring Abra 
ham the good tidings of the birth of a son. 3 On one occasion 
the host of spirits protect the people of God ; on another they 
annihilate hostile powers by pestilence and plagues. 4 At one 
time a multitude appear, led by a celestial chieftain ; at an- 

1 See Dillmann, 1. c., 318-333; Davidson, 1. c., 289-300; J. E., art. Angel- 
ology; Enc. Rel. and Eth. IV, 594-601, art. Demons. 

2 Lev. XVII, 7 ; Deut. XXXII, 17 ; Isa. XXXIV, 14. 3 Gen. XVIII. 

* Ex. XXIII, 20; II Sam. XXIV, 16; II Kings XIX, 35 et d. See J. E., 
art. Angelology. 



GOD AND THE ANGELS 183 

other a single angel performs the miracle. In any case the 
destroying angel is not a demon, but a messenger of the divine 
will. Originally some of these primitive forces were dreaded 
or worshiped by the people, but all have been transformed 
into members of the celestial court and called to bear witness 
to the dominion of the Omnipotent. 

4. The belief in angels served two functions in the develop 
ment of monotheism. On the one hand, it was a stage in the 
concentration of the divine forces, beginning with polytheism, 
continuing through belief in angels, and culminating in the 
one and only God of heaven and earth. On the other hand, 
certain sensuous elements in the vision of God by the seers 
had to be removed in the spiritualization of God, and it was 
found easiest to transform these into separate beings, related 
to Deity himself. Thus the fiery appearance of God to the 
eye or the voice which was manifested to the ear were often 
personified as angels of God. This very process made pos 
sible the purification of the God idea, as the sublime essence 
of the Deity was divested of physical and temporal elements, 
and God was conceived more and more as a moral and spiritual 
personality. Hence in Biblical passages the names of God 
and of the angel frequently alternate. 1 The latter is only a 
representative of the divine personality in Scriptural terms, 
the presence or "face" of God. Therefore the voice of the 
angel is to be obeyed as that of God himself, because His 
name is present in His representative. A similar meaning be 
came attached later on to the term Shekinah, the "majesty" 
of God as beheld in the cloud of fire. This was spoken of in 
place of God that He might not be lowered into the earthly 
sphere. For further discussion of this subject, see chapter 
XXXII, "God and Intermediary Powers." In fact, we note 
that the post-exilic prophets all received their revelations, not 
from God, but through a special angel. 2 They no longer 

1 Ex. Ill, 2-4 ; XXIII, 20-21 ; Isa. LXIII, 9. Zech. I, 9 f. ; II, i f. 



1 84 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

believed that God might be seen or heard by human powers, 
and therefore their visions had to be translated into rational 
thoughts by a mediating angel. 

5. Persian influence gave Jewish angelology and demon- 
ology a different character. The two realms of the Persian 
system included vast hosts of beneficent spirits under Ahura- 
Mazda (Ormuzd) and of demons under the dominion of Angro- 
mainyus (Ahriman). So in Judaism also different orders of 
angels arose, headed by archangels who bore special names. 
The number seven was adopted from the Persians, while both 
names and order were often changed. All of them, however, 
were allotted special functions in the divine household. The 
pagan deities and primitive spirits which still persisted in 
popular superstition were given a new lease of life. Each force 
of nature was given a guardian spirit, just as in nature-wor 
ship ; angels were appointed over fire, water, each herb, each 
fountain, and every separate function of life. A patron angel 
was assigned to each of the seventy nations of the world men 
tioned in the genealogy of Noah. 1 

Thus the celestial court grew in number and in splendor. A 
beginning was made with the heavenly chariot-throne of Eze- 
kiel, borne aloft by the four holy living creatures (the hayotti), 
surrounded by the fiery Cherubim, the winged Seraphim, and 
the many-eyed Ofanim (wheels). 2 This was elaborated by 
the addition of rows of surrounding angels, called " angels of 
service," headed by the seven archangels. Of these the chief 
was Michael, the patron-saint of Israel, and the next Gabriel, 
who is sometimes even placed first. Raphael and Uriel are 
regularly mentioned, the other three rarely, and not always 
by the same names. The Irin of Daniel known as "the 
Watchers," but more precisely "the ever-watchful Ones" 

1 See J. E., art. Angelology. 

2 Ezek. I, 4-24 ; X, 1-22 ; Isa. VI, 2 ; Dan. IV, 10 f. ; VII, 9 f. ; VIII, 16 f. ; 
X, 13 f . ; Enoch XV, i f ., and elsewhere. 



GOD AND THE ANGELS 185 

are another of the ten classes of angels included. Below these 
are myriads of inferior angels who serve them. Their classi 
fication by rank was a favorite theme of the secret lore of the 
Essenes, partly preserved for us in the apocalyptic literature 
and the liturgy. The Essenic saints endeavored to acquire 
miraculous powers through using the names of certain angels, 
and thus exorcising the evil spirits. 

This secret lore seems to be patterned after the Zoroastrian 
or Mazdean system. It is noteworthy that the most promi 
nent angelic figure is Metatron, the charioteer of the Merkabah 
or chariot-throne on high, which is merely another form of 
Mithras, the Persian god of light, who acts as charioteer 
for Ahura Mazda. 1 Two other angels are mentioned as 
standing behind the heavenly throne, Akathriel, the crown- 
bearer of God," and Sandal phon, "the twin brother" 
= Synadelphon. 

6. A striking contrast exists between the simple habitation 
in the sky depicted in the prophetic and Mosaic books, and 
the splendor of the heavenly spheres according to the rabbinical 
writings. The Oriental courts lent all their grandeur to the 
majestic throne of God, on which He was exalted above all 
earthly things. The immense space between was filled in by 
innumerable gradations of beings leading up to Him. There 
was no longer a question how far these other beings shared 
the nature of God ; His dominion was absolute. Still a new 
question, not known to the Bible, arose, as to when the angelic 
world was created and out of what primordial element. At 
first a logical answer was given, that the angels emanated 
from the element of fire. Later the schoolmen, trying to dis 
pose of the angels as possible peers or rivals of the eternal 
God, ascribed their creation to the second day, when the 
heaven was made as a vault over the earth, or to the fifth 

1 See J. E., art. Merkabah, though still doubted by Bousset, 1. c., p. 406. 
For Akathriel see Ber. 7 and J. E., art. Sandalfon. 



1 86 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

day, when the winged creatures arose. 1 On the whole, the 
rabbis denied every claim of the angels to an independent or 
an eternal existence. Just because they firmly believed in the 
existence of angels and even saw them from time to time, 
they felt bound to declare their secondary rank. Only the 
archangels were made from an eternal substance, while the 
others were continually being created anew out of the breath 
of God or from the "river of fire" which flowed around His 
throne. Thus even the realm of celestial spirits was merged 
into the stream of universal life which comes and goes, while 
God was left alone in matchless sovereignty, above all the 
fluctuations of time. 

On the other hand, the rabbis opposed the Essenic idea of 
assigning to the angels an intermediary task between God and 
man, and deprecated as a pagan custom the worship or invo 
cation of angels. " Address your prayer to the Master of life 
and not to His servants ; He will hear you in every trouble," 
says R. Judan. 2 Some of the teachers even declared that any 
godly son of Israel excels the angels in power. It is certainly 
significant, as David Neumark has pointed out, that the 
Mishnah eliminates every reference to the angels. 3 

7. In spite of this, none of the medieval Jewish philoso 
phers doubted the existence of angels. 4 Indeed, there was no 
reason for them to do so, as they had managed to insert them 
into their philosophic systems as intermediary beings leading 
up to the Supreme Intelligence. All that was necessary was 
to identify the angels of the Bible with the "ideas" of Plato 
or the "rulers of the spheres," the "separate intelligences" 
of Aristotle. By this one step the existence of angels as 
cosmic powers was proved to be a logical necessity. The ten 

1 Jubilees II, 2 ; Slav. Enoch. XXIX, 3 ; I, 3 ; Gen. R. Ill, n. 

2 Yer. Ber. IX; Sanh. 93 a; Hul. 91 b; Ned. 32 a; Gen. R. VIII, XXI; 
Midr. Teh. to Ps. CIII, 18; CIV, i. 

3 Neumark, 1. c. 4 Schmiedl, 1. c., 69-87. 



GOD AND THE ANGELS 187 

rulers of the spheres even corresponded with the ten orders of 
angels in the cosmography of the Jewish, Mohammedan, and 
Christian schoolmen. The only difference between the Aris 
totelian and the rabbinical views was that the former held 
the cosmic powers to be eternal; the latter, that they were 
created. 

In both Biblical and rabbinical literature the angels are 
usually conceived of as purely spiritual powers superior to man. 
Maimonides, however, following his rationalistic method, de 
clared them to be simply products of the imagination, the 
hypostases of figurative expressions which were not meant 
to be taken literally. To him every force and element of 
nature is an angel or messenger of God. In this way the 
entire angelology of the Bible, including even Ezekiel s vision 
of the heavenly chariot (the Merkabati), in becoming a part 
of the Maimonidean system turns into natural philosophy 
pure and simple. 1 Of course, Saadia, Jehuda ha Levi, and Ga- 
birol do not share this rationalistic view. To them the angels 
are either cosmic powers of an ethereal substance, endowed 
with everlasting life, or living beings created by God for 
special purposes. 2 

The later Cabbalistic lore extended the realm of the celestial 
spirits still more, creating new names of angels for its mystical 
system and its magical practices. Yet in this magic it sub 
ordinated the angels to man. In fact, it followed Saadia 
largely in this, making man the center and pinnacle of the 
work of creation, in fact, the very mirror of the Creator. 3 

8. For our modern viewpoint the existence of angels is a 
question of psychology rather than of theology. The old 
Babylonian world has vanished, with its heaven as the dwell- 

1 Yesode ha Torah, II, 4-9 ; Morch, I, 43 ; II, 3-7, 41 ; III, 13 ; Husik, 1. c., 
303 f. 

1 Emunoth, IV, i ; VI, 2 ; Hoboth ha Lebaboth, I, 6 ; Cuzari, IV, 3 ; Emunah 
Ramah, IV, 2; VI, i ; Ikkarim, II, 28, 31. 

1 Zohar, III, 68 ; Joel : Religions philosophic dcs Zohar, 278 f. 



i88 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

ing place of God, its earth for man, and its nether world for 
the shades and demons. The world in which we live knows 
no above or beneath, no heaven or hell, no host of good and 
evil spirits moving about to help or hurt man. It sees matter 
and energy working everywhere after the same immutable 
laws through an infinitude of space and time, a universe ever 
evolving new orbs of light, engendering and transforming 
worlds without number and without end. There is no place 
in infinite space for a heaven or for a celestial throne. A 
world of law and of process does not need a living ladder to 
lead from the earth below to God on high. Though the stars 
be peopled with souls superior to ours, still they cannot stand 
nearer to God than does man with his freedom, his moral 
striving, his visions of the highest and the best. Through 
man s spiritual nature God, too, is recognized as a Spirit; 
through man s moral consciousness God is conceived of as the 
Ruler of a moral world ; but this same process at once does 
away with the need for any other spirits or divine powers 
beside Him. God alone has become the object of human 
longing. Man feels akin to His God who is ever near ; he 
learns to know Him ever better. He can dispense with the 
angelic hosts. As they return to the fiery stream of poetic 
imagination whence they emerged, nebulous figures of a glo 
rious world that has vanished, man rises above angel and 
Seraph by his own power to the dignity of a servant, nay, a 
child of God. Indeed, as the rabbis said, the prophets, sages, 
and seers are the true messengers of God, the angels who do 
His service. 1 

x Ned. 20 b; Midr. Teh. Ps. CIII, 17-18; Ibn Ezra: Introduction to his 
commentary on the Pentateuch. 



CHAPTER XXXI 
SATAN AND THE SPIRITS OF EVIL 

i. The great advantage of Judaism over other religious 
systems lies in its unified view of life, which it regards as a 
continuous conflict between good and evil influences within 
man. As man succeeds in overcoming evil and achieving 
good, he asserts his own moral personality. Outside of man 
Judaism sees no real contrast between good and evil, since 
both have emanated from God, the Spirit of goodness. Ju 
daism recognizes no primal power of evil plotting against 
God and defying Him, such as that of the Persian dualism. 
Nor does Judaism espouse the dualism of spirit and matter, 
identifying matter with evil, from which the soul strives to 
free itself while confined in the prison house of the body. 
Such a conception is taught by Plato, probably under Oriental 
influence, and is shared by the Hindu and Christian ascetics 
who torture themselves in order to suppress bodily desire in 
their quest of a higher existence. The Jewish conception of 
the unity of God necessitates the unity of the world, which 
leaves no place for a cosmic principle of evil. In this Judaism 
dissents from modern philosophers also, such as John Stuart 
Mill and even Kant, who speak of a radical evil in nature. 
No power of evil can exist in independence of God. 1 As the 
Psalmist says: "His kingdom ruleth over all. Bless the 
Lord, ye angels of His, ye mighty in strength that fulfill His 
word, hearkening unto the voice of His word." 2 

1 Compare Gen. R. to Gen. I, 31. Ps. CIII, 19-20. 

189 



JEWISH THEOLOGY 

This increased the difficulty of the problem of the origin of 
evil. The answer given by the general Jewish consciousness, 
expressed by both Biblical and rabbinical writers, is that evil 
comes from the free will of man, who is endowed with the 
power of rebelling against the will of God. This idea is sym 
bolized in the story of the fall of man. The serpent, or tempter, 
represents the evil inclination which arises in man with his 
first consciousness of freedom. So in Jewish belief Satan, 
the Adversary, is only an allegorical figure, representing the 
evil of the world, both physical and moral. He was sent by 
God to test man for his own good, to develop him morally. 
He is "the spirit that ever wills evil, but achieves the good," 
and therefore in the book of Job he actually comes before 
God s throne as one of the angels. 1 

2. In tracing the belief in demons we must draw a sharp 
distinction between popular views and systematic doctrine. 2 
During the Biblical era the people believed in goat-like spirits 
roaming the fields and woods, the deserts and ravines, whom 
they called Seirim hairy demons, or satyrs, and to whom 
they sacrificed in fear and trembling. 3 As Ibn Ezra in 
geniously pointed out in his commentary, Azazel was origi 
nally a desert demon dwelling in the ravines near Jerusalem, 
to whom a scapegoat was offered at the opening of the year, 
a rite preserved in the Day of Atonement cult of the Mosaic 
Code. 4 In fact, in ancient Babylon, Syria, and Palestine 
diseases and accidents were universally ascribed to evil 
spirits of the wilderness or the nether world. The Bible 
occasionally mentions these evil spirits as punitive angels 
sent by God. In the more popular view, which is reflected 

1 Job I, 6. 

2 See J. E., art. Demonology; Satan; Belial; Enc. Rel. and Eth., art. 
Demons and Spirits, Jewish; Davidson, 1. c., 300-306; Dillmann, 1. c., 334~34; 
D. F. Strauss, 1. c., II, 1-18. 

3 Lev. XVII, 7; Deut. XXXII, 17; Isa. XIII, 21; XXXIV, 14. 

4 Lev. XVI, 8; see Ibn Ezra; J. E. and Enc. Rel. and Eth., art. Azazel. 



SATAN AND THE SPIRITS OF EVIL 191 

by apocryphal and rabbinical literature, and which was in 
fluenced by both the Babylonian and Persian religions, they 
appear in increasing numbers and with specific names. Each 
disease had its peculiar demon. Desolate places, cemeteries, 
and the darkness of night were all peopled by superstition 
with hosts of demons (Shedini), at whose head was Azazel, 
Samael; Beelzebub, the Philistine god of flies and of illness; * 
Belial, king of the nether world ; 2 or the Persian Ashma Deva 
(Evil Spirit), under the Hebrew name of Ashmodai or She- 
machzai? The queen of the demons was Lilith or Iggereth 
bath Mahlath, "the dancer on the housetops." 4 

The Essenes seem to have made special studies of both 
demonology and angelology, believing that they could invoke 
the good spirits and conjure the evil ones, thus curing various 
diseases, which they ascribed to possession by demons. While 
these exorcisms are not so common in the Talmud as they are 
in the New Testament, there remain many indications that 
such practices were followed by Jewish saints and believed 
by the people. Often the rabbis seem to have considered 
them the work of "unclean spirits," which they endeavored 
to overcome with the "spirit of holiness," and particularly 
by the study of the Torah. 5 

3. This answers implicitly the question of the origin of 
demons. Obviously the belief in malevolent spirits is incom 
patible with the existence of an all-benign and all-wise Creator. 
Accordingly, two alternative explanations are offered in the 
rabbinical and apocalyptic writings. According to one, the 
demons are half angelic and half animal beings, sharing in 
telligence and flight with the angels, sensuality with beasts 
and with men. Their double nature is ascribed to incom 
pleteness, because they were created last of all beings, and 

1 J. E., art. Beelzebub. J. E., art. Belial. 

1 Enoch VI, 7; J. E., art. Ashmodai; Levy: W. B., Shemachzai. 
4 Levy : W. B., Lilith; Iggereth. * J. E., art. Demonology. 



JEWISH THEOLOGY 

their creation was interrupted by the coming of the Sabbath, 
putting an end to all creation. 1 According to the other view 
they are the offspring of the "fallen angels," issuing from the 
union of the angels with the daughters of men as described in 
Gen. VI, i f. These spread the virus of impurity over all the 
earth, causing carnal desire and every kind of lewdness. The 
whole world of demons is regarded as alienated from God by 
the rebellion of the heavenly hosts, as if the fall of man by 
sin had its prototype in the celestial sphere. 2 A rabbinical 
legend, which corresponds with a Persian myth, ascribes the 
origin of demons to the intercourse of Adam with Lilith, the 
night spirit. 3 On the other hand, the archangel Samael is 
said to have cast lascivious glances at the beauty of Eve, and 
then to have turned into Satan the Tempter. 4 The Jewish 
systems of both angelology and demonology, first worked out 
in the apocalyptic literature, were further elaborated by the 
Cabbalah. 

Angelology found a conspicuous place in the liturgy in 
connection with the Kedushah Benediction and likewise in 
the liturgy and the theology of the Church. 5 

On the other hand the belief in evil spirits and in Satan, 
the Evil One, remained rather a matter of popular credulity 
and never became a positive doctrine of the Synagogue. 
True, the liturgy contained morning prayers which asked God 
for protection against the Evil One, and formulas invoking 
the angels to shield one during the night from evil spirits. 6 
But the arch-fiend was never invested with power over the 
soul, depriving man of his perfect freedom and divine sover 
eignty, as in the Christian Church. 

1 Aboth V, 6; P. d. R. El., XIX; Gen. R. VII, 7. 

2 Enoch VII ; Yalkut Gen. 44, 47. 3 Erubin, 18 b. 

4 P. d. R. El., XIII; Yalkut Gen. 25. 

5 See Abrahams Ann. to Singers Prayerb. XLIV f . and for the Church, Enc. 
Rel. and Eth., Demons and Spirits, Christian. 

e Abrahams, 1. c., p. 7, 196; XX, CCXV. 



SATAN AND THE SPIRITS OF EVIL 193 

4. In the formation of the idea of the arch-fiend, Satan, 
we can observe the interworking of several elements. The 
name Satan in no way indicates a demon. It denotes simply 
the adversary, the one who offers hindrances. The name was 
thus applied to the accuser at court. 1 In Zechariah and in 
Job 2 Satan appears at the throne of God as the prosecutor, 
roaming about the earth to espy the transgressions of men, 
seeking to lure them to their destruction. In the Books of 
Chronicles 3 Satan has become a proper name, meaning the 
Seducer. 

The Serpent in the Paradise story is more completely a 
demon, although the legend intends rather to account for 
man s morality, his distinction between good and evil. Satan 
was then identified with the serpent, who was called by the 
rabbis Nahash ha Kadmoni, "the primeval Serpent," after 
the analogy of the serpent-like form of Ahriman. Thus 
Satan in the person of the serpent became the embodiment of 
evil, the prime cause of sin and death. 4 Possibly a part in 
this process was played by the Babylonian figure of Tihamat, 
the dragon of chaos (Tehom in the Hebrew), with whom the 
god Marduk wrestled for dominion over the world, and who 
has parallels in the Biblical Rahab and similar mythological 
figures. 

We must not overlook such rabbinical legends as the one 
about how the poisonous breath of the serpent infected the 
whole human race, except Israel who has been saved by the law 
at Sinai. 5 Occasionally we hear that the Evil Spirit (Yezer ha 
Ra) will be slain by God 6 or by the Messiah. 7 These Haggadic 
sayings, however, were never accepted as normative for reli 
gious belief. On the contrary, they were always in dispute, 

1 Ps. CIX, 6. Zech. Ill, i ; Job I, 6. *l Chron. XXI, i. 

See B. Wisdom II, 24; P. d. R. El., XIII. 
6 Shab. 146 a; Yeb. 103 b; Ab. Zar. 22 b. 
Suk. 52 a. 7 Targ. to Isa. XI, 4. 

o 



194 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

and many a Talmudic teacher minimized the fiendish character 
of Satan, who became a stimulus to moral betterment through 
the trials he imposes. 1 Philo, allegorizing the legends, turns 
the evil angels of the Bible into wicked men. 2 

5. As to demons in general, the Talmudists never doubted 
their existence, but endeavored to minimize their importance. 
They changed the demon Azazel into a geographical term by 
transposing the letters. 3 They explained "the sons of God 
who came to the daughters of men to give birth to the giants 
of old" as aristocratic Sethites who intermarried with low- 
class families of the Cainites. 4 As to the rest, the entire 
belief in demons and ghosts was too deeply rooted in the folk 
mind to be counteracted by the rabbis. Even lucid thinkers 
of the Middle Ages were caught by these baneful supersti 
tions, including Jehuda ha Levi, Crescas, and Nahmanides, the 
mystic. 5 Only a small group fought against this offshoot of 
fear and superstition, among them Saadia, Maimonides and 
his school, Ibn Ezra, Gersonides, and Juda Ibn Balag. To 
Maimonides the demons mentioned in Mishnah and Talmud 
are only figurative expressions for physical plagues. He con 
siders the belief in demons equivalent to a belief in pagan 
deities. "Many pious Israelites," he says, 6 "believe in the 
reality of demons and witches, thinking that they should not 
be made the object of worship and regard, for the reason that 
the Torah has prohibited it. But they fail to see that the 
Law commands us to banish all these things from sight, be 
cause they are but falsehood and deceit, as is the whole 
idolatry with which they are intrinsically connected." 

1 B. B. 16 a. 2 De Gigantibus, 2-4. 

3 Sif ra Lev. XVI, 8 ; Yoma, 67 b. 

4 See the Ethiopia "Adam and Eve"; C. Bezold, Die Schatzhoehle, p. 18; 
comp. Gen. R. XXVI. 

5 See D. Cassel : Cuzari, p. 402 note. 

6 M oreh III, 29-37, 46; Ibn Ezra to Job I, 6; comp. Finkelscherer : 
Maimunis* Stellung zum Aberglauben, 1894, p. 40-51. 



SATAN AND THE SPIRITS OF EVIL 195 

6. This sound view was disseminated by the rationalistic 
school in its contest with the Cabbalah, and has exerted a 
wholesome influence upon modern Judaism. Thus Satan is 
rejected by Jewish doctrine, while Luther and Calvin, the 
Reformers of the Christian Church, still believed in him. 
Milton s " Paradise Lost" placed him in the very foreground 
of Christian belief, and the leaders of the Protestant Churches, 
up to the present, accord him a prominent place in their 
scheme of salvation, as the opponent and counterpart of God. 
In his work on Christian dogmatics, David Friedrich Strauss 
observes acutely : "The whole (Christian) idea of the Messiah 
and his kingdom must necessarily have as its counterpart a 
kingdom of demons with a personal ruler at its head ; without 
this it is no more possible than the north pole of the magnet 
would be without a south pole. If Christ has come to destroy 
the works of the Devil, there would be no need for him to 
come, unless there were a Devil. On the other hand, if the 
Devil is to be considered merely the personification of evil, 
then a Christ who would be only the personification of the 
ideal, but not a real personality, would suffice equally." 1 
At present Christian theologians and even philosophers have 
recourse to Platonic and Buddhist ideas, that evil is implanted 
in the world from which humanity must free itself, and they 
thus present Christianity as the religion of redemption par 
excellence. 2 Over against this, Judaism still maintains that 
there is no radical or primitive evil in the world. No power 
exists which is intrinsically hostile to God, and from which 
man must be redeemed. According to the Jewish concep 
tion, the goodness and glory of God fill both heaven and 
earth, while holiness penetrates all of life, bringing matter 
and flesh within the realm of the divine. Evil is but the con- 

1 Christliche Glaubenslehre, II, 18. 

Euken, D. Wahrheitsgehalt d. Religion, p. 384, 402; Bousset, Wesen d. 
Rel., p. 239. 



196 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

trast of good, as shade is but the contrast of light. Evil can 
be overcome by each individual, as he realizes his own solemn 
duty and the divine will. Its only existence is in the field of 
morality, where it is a test of man s freedom and power. Evil 
is within man, and against it he is to wage the battles of life, 
until his victory signalizes the triumph of the divine in his 
own nature. 1 

1 See H. Cohen : Ethik des reinen Willens, 282 f., 341 f., 428 f., 593 : 
"Eine Macht des Boesen gibt es nur im Mythos." "Dieser Mythos fuehrt 
folgerichtig zum mythologischen Gottmenschen." M. Joel, in his article, 
"Der Mosaismus und das Heidenthum," in J. B. j. Gesch. u. Lit., 1904, p. 49- 
66, ascribes the belief in demons to Greek influence. He holds that the pro 
phetic teaching of God s unity was the best bulwark against demonology and 
mysticism. 



CHAPTER XXXII 
GOD AND THE INTERMEDIARY POWERS 

i. In addition to the angels who carried out God s will 
in the universe, the Biblical and post-Biblical literature recog 
nizes other divine powers which mediate between Him and 
the world of man. The more a seer or thinker became con 
scious of the spirituality and transcendency of God, the more 
he felt the gulf between the infinite Spirit and the world of the 
senses. In order to bridge this gap, the Deity was replaced by 
one of His manifestations which could appear and act in a 
world circumscribed by space and time. 1 As we found in 
prophecy the direct revelation of God giving way to a mediat 
ing angel, so either "the Glory" or "the Name" of JHVH 
takes the place of God himself. That is, instead of God s 
own being, His reflected radiance or the power invested in 
His name descends from on high. The rabbis kept the direct 
revelation of God for the hallowed past or the desired future, 
but at the same time they needed a suitable term for the 
presence of God; they therefore coined the word Shekinah 

"the divine Condescension" or "Presence" to be used 
instead of the Deity himself. Thus the verse of the Psalm : 2 
"God standeth in the congregation of God," is translated by 
the Targum, "The divine Presence (Sliekinati) resteth upon 

See Dillmann, 1. c., 341-35 ; Weber, 1. c., 177-190; Bousset, I. c., 336, 
346; Davidson, 1. .,36-38, 115-129; Schechter, Aspects, p. 21-45; Schmiedl, 
1- c., 35-48; J. E., art. Holy Spirit ; Logos; Memra; Metatron; Name of 
God; Shekinah; Enc. Rel. and Eth., I, 308-312. 

f Ps. LXXXII, i. 



197 



1 98 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

the congregation of the godly." Instead of the conclusion of 
the speech to Moses, "Let them make Me a sanctuary, that 
I may dwell among them," ] the Targum has, "And I shall 
let My Presence (Shekinah) dwell among them." Thus in 
the view of the rabbis Shekinah represents the visible part of 
the divine majesty, which descends from heaven to earth, 
and on the radiance of which are fed the spiritual beings, 
both angels and the souls of the saints. 2 God himself was 
wrapped in light, whose brilliancy no living being, however 
lofty, could endure; but the Shekinah or reflection of the 
divine glory might be beheld by the elect either in their life 
time or in the hereafter. In this way the rabbis solved many 
contradictory passages of Scripture, some of which speak of 
God as invisible, while others describe man as beholding Him. 3 

2. Just as the references to God s appearing to man sug 
gested luminous powers mediating the vision of God, so the 
passages which represent God as speaking suggest powers 
mediating the voice. Hence arose the conception of the 
divine Word, invested with divine powers both physical and 
spiritual. The first act of God in the Bible is that He spoke, 
and by this word the world came into being. The Word was 
thus conceived of as the first created being, an intermediary 
power between the Spirit of the world and the created world 
order. The word of God, important in the cosmic order, is 
still more so in the moral and spiritual worlds. The Word 
is at times a synonym of divine revelation to the men of the 
early generations or to Israel, the bearer of the Law. Hence 
the older Haggadah places beside the Shekinah the divine 
Word (Hebrew, Maamar; Aramaic, Memra; Greek, Logos) as 
the intermediary force of revelation. 

Contact with the Platonic and Stoic philosophies led 
gradually to a new development which appears in Philo. The 

Ex. XXV, 8. 2 Ber. 17 a. 

8 See Ber., 1. c., Rab s reference to Ex. XXIV, n. 



GOD AND THE INTERMEDIARY POWERS 199 

Word or Logos becomes " the first-created Son of God," having 
a personality independent from God ; in fact he is a kind of 
vice regent of God himself. From this it was but a short step 
toward considering him a partner and peer of the Almighty, 
as was done by the Church with its doctrine that the Word 
became flesh in Christ, the son of God. 1 In view of this the 
rabbinical schools gave up the idea of the personified Word, 
replacing it with the Torah or the Spirit of God. The older 
term was retained only in liturgical formulas, such as : " Who 
created the heavens by His Word," or, "Who by His Word 
created the twilight and by Wisdom openeth the gates of 
heaven." 2 

3. As has been shown above, 3 Wisdom is described in the 
Bible as the first of all created beings, the assistant and coun 
selor of God in the work of creation. Then we see that Ben 
Sira identifies Wisdom with the Torah. 4 Thus the Torah, 
too, was raised to a cosmic power, the sum and substance of 
all wisdom. In fact, the Torah, like the Logos of Plato, was 
regarded as comprising the ideas or prototypes of all things 
as in a universal plan. The Torah is the divine pattern for 
the world. In such a connection Torah is far from meaning 
the Law, as Weber asserts. 5 It means rather the heavenly 
book of instruction which contains all the wisdom of the ages, 
and which God himself used as guide at the Creation. God is 
depicted as an architect with His plan drafted before He began 
the erection of the edifice, a conception which avoids all 
danger of deifying the Logos. 

4. Several other conceptions, however, do not belong at all 
to the intermediary powers, where Weber places them. 6 This 
applies to Metatron (identical with the Persian Mithras), 7 

1 John I, 1-6. 2 Singer s Praycrbook, p. 96, 292. 

Ch. XXII. See Prov. VIII, 22. XXIV, 9 f. 

Weber, I.e., 197 f. L. c., 178 f. 

7 See Kohut: Jued. Angdologic, 36-38; Schorr: He Halutz, VIII, 3; 
J. E., art. Merkabah. 



200 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

whom the mystic lore calls the charioteer of the heavenly 
throne-chariot, represented by the rabbis as the highest of 
the angels, leader of the heavenly hosts, and vice-regent of 
God. That no cosmic power was ascribed to him is proved 
by the very fact of his identification with Enoch, whom the 
pre-Talmudic Haggadah describes as taken up into heaven 
and changed into an angel of the highest rank, standing near 
God s throne. 1 

5. The only real mediator between God and man is the 
Spirit of God, which is mentioned in connection with both 
the creation and divine revelation. In the first chapter of 
Genesis the Spirit of God is described as hovering over the 
gloom of chaos like the mother bird over the egg, ready to 
hatch out the nascent world. 2 God breathed His spirit into 
the body of man, to make him also god-like. 3 The prophet 
likewise is inspired by the spirit of God to see visions and to 
hear the divine message. 4 Thus the spirit of God has two 
aspects; it is the cosmic principle which imbues primal 
matter with life ; it is a link between the soul of man and God 
on high. The view of Ezekiel was but one step from this, to 
conceive the spirit as a personal being, and place him beside 
God as an angel. 

The prophets and psalmists, feeling the spirit of God upon 
them, considered it an emanation of the Deity. Still, a pro- 
founder insight soon disapproved the severance of the Spirit 
of God from God himself, as if He were not altogether spirit. 
Therefore the accepted term came to be the Holy Spirit.^ 
In this form, however, his personality became more distinct 
and his separate existence more defined. Henceforth he is 

1 See Targ. Yer. to Gen. V, 24 ; J. E., art. Metatron. Comp. Eth. Enoch 
LXX, i, and Slav. Enoch III-XXIV. 

2 Gen. I, 2. 3 Gen. II, 7 ; VI, 3 ; Job XXXII, 8. 
<Num. XI, 17 f.; XXIV, 2; XXVII, 18; Ex. XXVIII, 3; XXXI, 3 f-J 

Isa. XI, 2 ; LXI, i ; Ezek. I, 12, 20. 
Isa. LXIII, 10 ; Ps. LI, 13. 



GOD AND THE INTERMEDIARY POWERS 201 

the messenger of God, performing miracles or causing them, 
speaking in the place of God, or defending His people Israel. 
Nay, more, the Holy Spirit is supposed to have dictated the 
words of Scripture to the sacred writers, and to have inspired 
the Men of the Great Synagogue in collecting the sacred 
writings into a canon. 1 

Moreover, the workings of the Holy Spirit continued long 
after the completion of the Biblical canon. All the chief 
institutions of the Synagogue originally claimed that they 
were prompted by the Holy Spirit, resting upon the leaders of 
the community. This claim was basic to the authority of 
tradition and the continuity of the authority of Jewish 
lore. It seems, however, that certain abuses were caused by 
miracle-workers who disseminated false doctrines under the 
alleged inspiration of the Holy Spirit. Therefore the rabbis 
restricted such claims to ancient times and insisted more 
strongly than ever upon the preservation of the traditional 
lore. For a time a substitute was found in the Bath Kol 
("Echo" or "Whisper of a heavenly voice"), but this also 
was soon discredited by the schools. 2 Obviously the rabbis 
desired to avert the deification of either the Holy Spirit or 
the Word. Sound common sense was their norm for inter 
preting the truth of the divine revelation. In other words, 
they relied on God alone as the living force in the development 
of Judaism. 

6. But some sort of mediation was ascribed to several 
other spiritual forces. First, the Name of God often takes 
the place of God himself. 3 When the name of the Deity was 
called over some hallowed spot, the worshipers felt that the 
presence of God also was bound up with the sacred place. 4 

1 See J. E., art. Holy Spirit. See J. E. art., Bath Kol. 

See Tos. Sola XIII, 2 ; XXLV, 1 1 ; compare Levy : W. B., Shem; Geiger : 
Urschrift, 273 f. 

4 Deut. XII, 5, ii ; II Sam. XII, 28; Neh. I, 9; Jer. VII, 12, 14. 



202 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

"My name is in him," says God of the angel whom He sends 
to lead the people. 1 The invocation of the name was believed 
to have an actual influence upon the Deity. Furthermore, 
since God is frequently represented as swearing by His own 
name, 2 this ineffable name was invested with magic powers, 
as if God himself dwelt therein. 3 Thus it came to be used 
as a talisman by the popular saints. 4 Indeed, God is de 
scribed as conjuring the depths of the abyss by His holy 
name, lest they overflow their boundaries. 5 Moreover, the 
Name, like the Word, or Logos, was regarded as a creative 
power, so that we are told that before the world was created 
there were only God and His holy Name. 6 Owing to the 
introduction of Adonai (the Lord) for JHVH, the pronuncia 
tion of the Name fell into oblivion and the Name itself be 
came a mystery ; therefore its cosmic element also was lost 
and it dropped into the sphere of mystic and philosophical 
speculation. 

7. Another attribute of God which received some attention, 
owing to the frequent mention of the omnipotence of God in 
the Bible, was ha Geburah (the Power). A familiar rabbinic 
expression is : "We have heard from the mouth of the Power," 
that is, from the divine omnipotence. 7 Two fundamental 
principles were early perceived in the moral order of the 
world : the punitive justice and compassion of God. These 
were taken as the meanings of the two most common Biblical 
names of God, JHVH and Elohim. Elohim, being occasion 
ally used in dispensing justice, 8 was thought to signify God 
in His capacity as Judge of the whole earth, and hence as the 
divine Justice. JHVH, on the other hand, meant the divine 
mercy, as it was used in the revelation of the long-suffering 

1 Ex. XXIII, 21. 2 Jer. XLIV, 26; Isa. XLV, 23. 

Midr. Teh. to Ps. XXXVIII, 8 ; XCI, 8. * Taan. Ill, 8. 

8 Prayer of Manasses, 3. 6 P. d. R. El. III. 

7 See Levy : W. B., Geburah. 8 Ex. XXI, 6. 



GOD AND THE INTERMEDIARY POWERS 203 

and merciful God to Moses after the sin of Israel before the 
golden calf. 1 Thus both the rabbis and Philo 2 often speak of 
these two attributes, justice and mercy, as though they consti 
tuted independent beings, deliberating with God as to what He 
should do. The Midrash tells in a parable how before the 
creation of man, Justice, Mercy, Truth, and Peace were called 
in by God as His counselors to deliberate whether or no man 
should be created. 3 

8. One Haggadah concludes from the passage about Crea 
tion in Proverbs, that there are three creative powers, Wis 
dom, Understanding, and Knowledge. 4 Another derives from 
Scripture seven creative principles : Knowledge, Understand 
ing, Might, Grace and Mercy, Justice and Rebuke ; 5 and 
seven attributes which do service before God s throne : Wis 
dom, Judgment and Justice, Grace and Mercy, Truth and 
Peace. 6 By combining these lists of three and seven this was 
finally enlarged to ten, which became the basis for the entire 
mystic lore. Thus the Babylonian master Rab enumerates 
ten creative principles : Wisdom, Understanding, and Knowl 
edge, Might and Power, Rebuke, Justice and Righteousness, 
Love and Mercy. 7 It is hard to say whether the ten attri 
butes of the Haggadah are at all connected with the ten Sefiroth 
(cosmic forces or circles) of the Cabbalah. These last are 
hardly the creation of pure monotheism, but rather emanations 
from the infinite, conceived after the pattern of heathen ideas. 8 

9. The assumption of all these intermediaries aimed 
chiefly to spiritualize the conception of God and to elevate 

Ex. XXXIV, 5 f. 

J Gen. R. XXI, 8 ; Targ. Ps. LVT, n, and see Siegfried : Philo, 213 f. 
1 Gen. R. VIII, 5, after Ps. LXXXV, 11-12. 
4 P. d. R. El. Ill ; Midr. Teh. Ps. L, i, ref. to Prov. Ill, 19-20. 
6 A. d. R. N. XXXVII, ref. to Prov. Ill, 19 f.; Ps. LXV, 7; LXXXV, 21- 
22; Job XXVII, ii. 

9 Ref. to Hosea II, 21-22. 7 Hag. 12 a. 

See J. E., art. Sefiroth, the Ten ; Yezirah, Sefer. 



204 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

Him above all child-like, anthropomorphic views, so that He 
becomes a free Mind ruling the whole universe. At the same 
time, it became natural to ascribe material substance to these 
intermediaries. As they filled the chasm between the super 
mundane Deity and the world of the senses, they had to 
share the nature of both matter and mind. Hence the 
Shekinah and the Holy Spirit are described by both the rabbis 
and the medieval philosophers as a fine, luminous, or ethereal 
substance. 1 The entire ancient and medieval systems were 
modeled after the idea of a ladder leading up, step by step, 
from the lowest to the highest sphere ; God, the Most High, 
being at the same time above the highest rung of the ladder 
and yet also a part of the whole. 

10. Our modern system of thought holds the relation of 
God to nature and man to be quite different from all this. 
To our mind God is the only moral and spiritual power of life. 
He is mirrored in the moral and spiritual as well as intel 
lectual nature of man, and therefore is near to the human 
conscience, owing to the divine forces within man himself. 
Not the world without, but the world within leads us to God 
and tells us what God is. Hence we need no intermediary 
beings, and they all evaporate before our mental horizon like 
mist, pictures of the imagination without objective reality. 
Ibn Ezra says in the introduction to his commentary on the 
Bible that the human reason is the true intermediating angel 
between God and man, and we hold this to be true of both 
the intellect and the conscience. For the theologian and the 
student of religion to-day the center of gravity of religion is 
to be sought in psychology and anthropology. In all his 
upward striving, his craving and yearning for the highest and 
the best, in his loftiest aspirations and ideals, man, like Isaiah 
the prophet, can behold only the hem of God s garment ; he 
seeks God above him, because he feels Him within himself. 
1 See J. E., art. Shekinah; Cuzari, II, 4; IV, 3. 



GOD AND THE INTERMEDIARY POWERS 205 

He must pass, however, through the various stages of growth, 
until his self-knowledge leads to the knowledge of the God 
before whom he kneels in awe. Then finally he feels Him 
as his Father, his Educator in the school of life, the Master 
of the universal plan in which the individual also has a place 
in building up the divine kingdom of truth, justice, and holi 
ness on earth. For centuries he groped for God, until he 
received a Book to serve as "a lamp to his feet and a light to 
his path," to interpret to him his longing and his craving. 
Israel s Book of Books must ever be re-read and re-interpreted 
by Israel, the keeper of the book, through ages yet to come. 
Well may we say : the mediator between God and the world 
is man, the son of God; the mediator between God and 
humanity is Israel, the people of God. 



PART II. MAN 

CHAPTER XXXIII 

MAN S PLACE IN CREATION 

1. The doctrine concerning man is inseparably connected 
with that about God. Heathenism formed its deities after 
the image of man ; they were merely human beings of a larger 
growth. Judaism, on the contrary, asserts that God is 
beyond comparison with mankind ; He is a purely spiritual 
being without form or image, and therefore utterly unlike 
man. On the other hand, man has a divine nature, as he 
was made in the image of God, fashioned after His likeness. 
The highest and deepest in man, his mental, moral, and spiritual 
life, is the reflection of the divine nature implanted within 
him, a force capable of ever greater development toward 
perfection. This unique distinction among all creatures gives 
man the highest place in all creation. 

2 . The superiority of the human race is expressed differently 
in various passages in Scripture. According to the first chap 
ter of Genesis the whole work of creation finds its culmina 
tion in man, whose making is introduced by a solemn appeal 
of God to the hosts of heaven: "Let us make man in our 
image, after our likeness." 1 This declaration proclaimed 
that man was the completion and the climax of the physical 
creation, as well as the beginning of a new order of creation, 

1 Gen. I, 26, and the commentaries. 
206 



MAN S PLACE IN CREATION 207 

a world of moral aims and purposes, of self-perfection and self- 
control. In the world of man all life is placed at the service 
of a higher ideal, after the divine pattern. 

The second chapter of Genesis depicts man s creation 
differently. Here he appears as the first of created beings, 
leading a life of perfect innocence in the garden of divine bliss. 
Before him God brings all the newly created beings that he 
may give them a name and a purpose. But the Serpent enters 
Paradise as tempter, casting the seed of discord into the 
hearts of the man and the woman. As they prove too feeble 
to resist temptation, they can no longer remain in the heavenly 
garden in their former happy state. Only the memory of 
Paradise remains, a golden dream to cast hope over the life 
of struggle and labor into which they enter. The idea of the 
legend is that man s proper place is not among beings of 
the earth, but he can reach his lofty destiny only by arduous 
struggle with the world of the senses and a constant striving 
toward the divine. The same idea is expressed more directly 
in the eighth Psalm : 

" What is man, that Thou art mindful of him? 
And the son of man, that Thou thinkest of him ? 
Yet Thou hast made him but little lower than the godly beings (Elohim) 
And hast crowned him with glory and honor. 
Thou madest him to have dominion over the works of Thy hands ; 
Thou hast put all things under his feet." 

3. According to the Haggadists, 1 before the fall man ex 
celled even the angels in appearance and wisdom, so that 
they were ready to prostrate themselves before him. Only 
when God caused a deep sleep to fall upon man, they recog 
nized his frailty and kinship with other beings of the earth. 
The idea expressed in this legend resembles the one implied 
in the legend of Paradise, viz. man has a twofold nature. 
With his heavenly spirit he can soar freely to the highest 

1 Gen. R. VIII, 9. 



208 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

realm of thought, above the station of the angels; yet his 
earthly frame holds him ever near the dust. It is this very 
contrast that constitutes his greatness, for it makes him a 
citizen of two worlds, one perishable, the other eternal. He is 
the highest result of Creation, the pride of the Creator. 1 
Thus he was appointed God s vice-regent on earth by the 
words spoken to the first man and woman: "Be fruitful, 
and multiply, and replenish the earth, and subdue it ; and 
have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of 
the air, and over every living thing that creepeth upon the 
earth." 2 The rabbis add a striking comment upon the word 
R du, which is used here for "have dominion" but which may 
also mean, "go down." They say: "The choice is left in 
man s own hand. If you maintain your heaven-born dignity, 
you will have dominion over all things ; if not, you will de 
scend to the level of the brute creation." 3 

4. An ancient Mishnah derives a significant lesson from 
the story of the creation of man 4 : "Both the vegetable and 
animal worlds were created in multitudes. Man alone was 
created as a single individual in order that he may realize 
that he constitutes a world in himself, and carries within 
him the true value of life. Hence each human being is en 
titled to say: The whole world was created for my sake. 
He who saves a single human life is as one who saves a whole 
world, and he who destroys a single human life is as one 
who destroys a whole world." 

5. While it is man s spiritual side which is the image of 
God, yet he derives all his powers and faculties from earthly 
life, just as a tree draws its strength from the soil in which it 
is rooted. Judaism does not consider the soul the exclusive 

1 Gen. R. XIV, i. 2 Gen. I, 28. 

3 Gen. R. VIII, 12 ; P. d. R. EL, XI. 

4 Sanh. IV, 5, correctly preserved in the Yerushalmi, and the addition in 
the Babli, Me Yisrael, ought not to have been inserted by Schechter, Ab. d. 
R. N., p. oo. 



MAN S PLACE IN CREATION 



209 



seat of the divine, as opposed to the body. In fact, Judaism 
admits no complete dualism of spirit and matter, however 
striking some aspects of their contrast may be. The whole 
human personality is divine, just so far as it asserts its free 
dom and molds its motives toward a divine end. In recog 
nition of this fact Hillel claimed reverence for the human 
body as well as mind, comparing it to the homage rendered 
to the statue of a king, for man is made in the image of God, 
the King of all the world. 1 Thus the Greek idea that man is a 
microcosm, a world in miniature, reflecting the cosmos on a 
smaller scale, was expressed in the Tannaitic schools as well. 2 
The stamp of divinity is borne by man in his entire heaven- 
aspiring nature, as he strives to elevate the very realm of the 
senses into the sphere of morality and holiness. 

6. In this respect the Jewish view parts from that of Plato 
and the Hindu philosophers. These divide man into a pure 
celestial soul and an impure earthly body and hold that the 
physical life is tainted by sin, while the spirit is divine only 
in so far as it frees itself from its prison house of flesh. Ju 
daism, on the other hand, emphasizes the unified character 
of man, by which he can bend all his faculties and functions 
to a godlike mastery over the material world. This appears 
first in his upright posture and heavenward glance, which 
proclaim him master over the whole animal world cowering 
before him in lowly dread. His whole bodily structure cor 
responds to this, with its constant growth, its wondrous 
symmetry, and the unique flexibility of the hands, with which 
he can perform ever new and greater achievements. Above 
all, we see the nobility of man in his high forehead and reced 
ing jaw, which contrast so strikingly with the structure of 
most animals and even with many of the lower races. Indeed, 
primitive man could scarcely imagine a nobler pattern by 
which to model his deity than the figure of a man. 

1 Lev. R. XXXIV, 3. * Ab. d. R. N. XXXI. 



210 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

7. In fact, the Biblical verse, "God created man after the 
image of the divine beings" (elohim), was originally taken 
literally, in the sense that angels posed as models for the 
creation of man. 1 The phrase was referred to the spiritual, 
god-like nature of man only when the difference between 
material and spiritual things became better understood, and 
man obtained a clearer knowledge of himself. Man grew to 
feel that his craving for the perfect, whether in the field of 
truth and right, or of beauty, is the force which lifts him, in 
spite of all his limitations, into the realm of the divine. His 
soaring imagination and ceaseless longing for perfection disclose 
before his eyes a partial vista of the infinite. The human 
spirit carries mortal man above the confines of time and space 
into those boundless realms where God resides in lonely 
majesty. 2 

Man did not emanate perfect from the hand of the Creator, 
but ready for an ever greater perfection. Being the last of 
all created beings, as the Midrash says, he can be put to 
shame by the smallest insect, which is prior to him. Yet 
before the beginning of creation a light shone upon his spirit 
that has illumined his achievements through untold genera 
tions. 3 

8. The resemblance of man to God is attributed also to 
his free will and self-consciousness, by which he claims moral 
dignity and mastery over all things. 4 Still, all these superior 
qualities which we call human are not ready-made endow 
ments, free gifts bestowed by God; they are simply poten- 

1 See Jubilees XV, 27 ; comp. Gen. R. VIII, 7-9 ; Ab. d. R. N., ed. Schechter, 

P- IS3- 

2 See Jellinek : Bezelem Elohim; Philippson, 1. c., II, 58-72 ; Dillmann, 1. c., 
325. The words of Plato (State, X, 613, and Thcatetos, 176), "Man should 
strive for God-likeness through virtue, and be holy, righteous and wise like the 
Deity," may have influenced the ethical interpretation of the Biblical term. 

3 Gen. R. VIII, i. 

4 See Gen. I, 26 ; Comm. of Rashi, Saadia, Ibn Ezra, Nahmanides, and Ob. 
Sforno. 



MAN S PLACE IN CREATION 211 

tialities which may be gradually developed. Man must 
strive to attain the place destined for him in the scheme of 
creation by the exertion of his own will and the unfolding of 
the powers that He within him. The impulse toward self- 
perfection, which is constantly stimulated by the desire to 
overcome obstacles and to extend one s power, knowledge, 
and possessions, forms the kernel of the divine in man. This 
is the " spirit in man, and the breath of the Almighty, that 
giyeth them understanding." * Thus the teaching of modern 
science, of the gradual ascent of man through all the stages 
of animal life, does not impair the lofty position in creation 
which Judaism has assigned him. Plant and animal are what 
they have always been, children of the earth ; man with his 
heaven-aspiring soul is the image of his Creator, a child of 
God. Giver of name and purpose to all things about him, 
he ranks above the angels; he " marches on while all the rest 
stand still." 2 

1 J b XXXII, 8. Zach. Ill, 7 ; see comm. 



CHAPTER XXXIV 
THE DUAL NATURE OF MAN 

1. According to Jewish doctrines, man is formed by a 
union of two natures : the flesh, which he shares with all the 
animals, and the spirit, which renders him a child of God. 
The former is rooted in the earth and is earthward bent ; the 
latter is a "breath from God" and strives to unfold the divine 
in man until he attains the divine image. This discord brings 
a tremendous internal conflict, leading from one historic 
stage to another, achieving ever higher things, intellectual, 
moral, and spiritual, until at last the whole earth is to be a 
divine kingdom, the dwelling-place of truth, goodness, and 
holiness. 

2. According to the Biblical view man consists of flesh 
(basar) and spirit (ruah). The term flesh is used im 
partially of all animals, hence the Biblical term "all flesh" l 
includes both man and beast. The body becomes a living 
being by being penetrated with the "breath of life" (ruah 
hayim), at whose departure the living body turns at once into 
a lifeless clod. This breath of life is possessed by the animal 
as well as by man, as both of them breathe the air. Hence 
in ancient tongues "breath" and "soul" are used as synonyms, 
as the Hebrew nefesh and neshamah, the Latin anima and 
spiritus, the Greek pneuma and psyche. A different primitive 
belief connected the soul with the blood, noting that man or 
beast dies when the hot life-blood flows out of the body, so 
that we read in the Bible, "the blood is the soul." 2 In this 

1 Gen. VI, 12, IQ. 2 Gen. IX, 21 ; Lev. XVII, u, 14. 

212 



THE DUAL NATURE OF MAN 213 

the soul is identified with the life, while the word ruah, de 
noting the moving force of the air, is used more in the sense 
of spirit or soul as distinct from the body. 

Thus both man and beast possess a soul, nefesh. The soul 
of man is merely distinguished by its richer endowment, its 
manifold faculties by which it is enabled to move forward to 
higher things. Thus the animal soul is bound for all time to 
its destined place, while the divine spirit in man makes him 
a free creative personality, self-conscious and god-like. For 
this reason the creation of man forms a special act in the 
account in Genesis. Both the plant and animal worlds rose 
at God s bidding from the soil of mother earth, and the soul 
of the animal is limited in origin and goal by the earthly 
sphere. The creation of man inaugurates a new world. God 
is described as forming the body of man from the dust of the 
earth and then breathing His spirit into the lifeless frame, 
endowing it with both life and personality. The whole man, 
both body and soul, has thus the potentiality of a higher and 
nobler life. 

3. Accordingly Scripture does not have a thorough-going 
dualism, of a carnal nature which is sinful and a spiritual 
nature which is pure. We are not told that man is composed 
of an impure earthly body and a pure heavenly soul, but in 
stead that the whole of man is permeated by the spirit of God. 
Both body and soul are endowed with the power of con 
tinuous self-improvement. In order to see the great su 
periority of the Jewish view over the heathen one, we need 
only study the old Babylonian legend preserved by Berosus. 
In this the deity made man by mixing earth with some of its 
own life-blood, thus endowing the human soul with higher 
powers. In the Bible the difference between man and beast 
does not lie in the blood, although the blood is still thought 
to be the life. The distinction of man is in the spirit, ruah, 
which emanates from God and penetrates both body and soul, 



214 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

lifting the whole man into a higher realm and making him a 
free moral personality. 

Still the Bible makes no clear distinction between the three 
terms, nefesh, neshamah, and ruah. 1 Philo first distinguished 
between three different substances of the soul, but his theory 
was the Platonic one, for which he simply used the three 
Biblical names. 2 The Jewish philosophers of the Middle Ages, 
beginning with Saadia, took the same attitude, even though 
they realized more or less that the division of the soul into 
three substances has no Scriptural warrant. 3 In rabbinical 
literature this division is scarcely known, and there is little 
mention of either the animal soul, nefesh, or the vital spark, 
ruah. Instead the word neshamah is used for the human 
psyche as the higher spiritual substance, and the contrast to 
it is not the Biblical basar, flesh, but the Aramaic guph, body. 4 
This bears a trace of Persian dualism, with its strong contrast 
between the earthly body and the heavenly soul. 

4. In fact, rabbinical Judaism does not recognize any 
relationship between the soul of the animal and that of man, 
but claims that man has a special type of existence. The 
Midrash tells 5 that God formed Adam s body so as to reach 
from earth to heaven, and then caused the soul to enter it. 
In the same way God implants the soul into the embryo before 
its birth and while in the womb. Before this the soul had a bird- 
like existence in an immense celestial cage (guph = colum 
barium), and when it leaves the body in death, it again takes 

1 See Dillmann, 1. c., 355-361 ; Davidson, 1. c., 182-203 ; comp. Gen. R. 
XIV, n, where these three terms are given, and also yehidah, Ps. XXII, 21; 
XXXV, 17, and hayah, Ps. XCLIII, 3; Job XXXIII, i. 

2 De Leg. Alleg. Ill, 38. 

3 See Horovitz : D. Psychologie Saadias; Scheyer : D. psycholog. System d. 
Maimonides; Cassel s Cuzari, p. 382-400; Husik, 1. c., IX, 41; and see also 
Index : Soul. 

4 Sanh. 91 a, b; Nid. 30 b~3i b; Sifre Deut. 306, ref. to Deut. XXXII, 
i ; Lev. IV, 5-8. 

5 Ab. Z. 5 a; Gen. R. VIII, i. 



THE DUAL NATURE OF MAN 215 

its flight toward heaven. There its conduct on earth will 
reap a reward in the garden of eternal bliss or a punishment 
in the infernal regions. The belief in the preexistence of the 
soul was shared by the rabbis with the apocryphal authors 
and Philo. 1 

However, rabbinical Judaism never followed Philo so far 
in the footsteps of Plato as to consider the body or the flesh 
the source of impurity and sin, or "the prison house of the 
soul." This view is fundamental in the Paulinian system of 
other- worldliness. For the rabbis the sensuous desire of the 
body (yezer) is a tendency toward sin, but never a compul 
sion. The weakness of the flesh may cause a straying from 
the right path, but man can turn the desires of the flesh into 
the service of the good. He can always assert his divine 
power of freedom by opposing the evil inclination (yezer ha 
ra) with the good inclination (yezer ha tob) to overcome 
it. 2 In fact, the rabbis are so far from acknowledging the 
existence of a compulsion of evil in the flesh, that they point 
to the history of great men as proof that the highest charac 
ters have the mightiest passions in their souls, and that their 
greatness consists in the will by which they have learned to 
control themselves. 3 

5. In the light of modern science the whole theory separat 
ing body and soul falls to the ground, and the one connect 
ing man more closely with the animal world is revived. In 
this connection we think of the idea which medieval thinkers 
adopted from Plato and Aristotle, that there is a substance of 
souls nefesh hahiyonith which forms the basic life- 

1 B. Wisdom, VIII, 20; Slav. Enoch XXIII, 5; Philo I, 15, 32; II, 356; 
comp. Bousset, 1. c., p. 508 f. 

2 Gen. VI, 5; VIII, 21; B. Sira XV, 14; XVII, 31; XXI, n; Ber. 5 a; 
Kid. 30 b; Suk. 52 a, b; Shab. 152 b; Eccl. R. XII, 7; comp. F. Ch. Porter: 
"The Yezer ha Ra" in Biblical and Semitic Studies, 93-156; Bousset, 1. c., 
462 f. 

8 Suk. 52 a, b. 



216 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

force of men and animals. Physiology and psychology re 
veal the interaction and dependence of body and soul in the 
lowest forms of animal life as well as in the higher forms, in 
cluding man. The beginnings of the human mind must be 
sought once for all in the animal, just as the origin of the 
animal reaches back into the plant world. Indeed, Aris 
totle anticipates the discoveries of modern science, placing 
the vegetative and animal souls beside the spirit of man. 
Thus motion and sensibility form the lower boundary-line 
of the animal kingdom, and self-consciousness and self-deter 
mination are the criteria of humanity. 

Yet this very self-conscious freedom which forms man s 
personality, his ego, lifts him into a realm of free action under 
higher motives, transcending nature s law of necessity, and 
therefore not falling within the domain of natural science. 
Dust-born man, notwithstanding his earthly limitations, in 
spite of his kinship to mollusk and mammal, enters the realm 
of the divine spirit. In the Midrash the rabbis remark that 
man shares the nature of both animals and angels. 1 Admit 
ting this, we feel that he is tied neither to heaven nor to the 
earth, but free to lift himself above all creatures or sink below 
them all. 

6. Endowed with this dual nature, man stands in the very 
center of the universe, and God esteems him " equal in 
value to the entire creation," as Rabbi Nehemiah says of a 
single human soul. 2 Rabbi Akiba stresses the image of God 
in humanity when he says: " Beloved is man, for he is cre 
ated in God s image, and it was a special token of love that 
he became conscious of it. Beloved is Israel, for they are 
called the children of God, and it was a special token of love 
that they became conscious of it." 3 The Midrash compares 
man to God in exquisite manner: "Just as God permeates 
the world and carries it, unseen yet seeing all, enthroned 

1 Gen. R. VIII, n. 2 Ab. d. R. N. XXXI. Aboth III, 18. 



THE DUAL NATURE OF MAN 217 

within as the Only One, the Perfect, and the Pure, yet never 
to be reached or found out ; so the soul penetrates and carries 
the body, as the one pure and luminous being which sees and 
holds all things, while itself unseen and unreached." 1 The 
conception of the soul is here divested of every sensory at 
tribute, and portrayed as a divine force within the body. This 
conception, which was accepted by the medieval philosophers, 
is thoroughly consistent with our view of the world. The 
soul it is which mirrors both the material and spiritual worlds 
and holds them in mutual relation through its own power. 
It is at the same time swayed upward and downward by its 
various cravings, heavenly and earthly, and this very tension 
constitutes the dual nature of the human soul. 

1 Ber. 10 a; Midr. Teh. Ps. CIII, 4-5. 



CHAPTER XXXV 

THE ORIGIN AND DESTINY OF MAN 

1. Of all created beings man alone possesses the power of 
self-determination ; he assigns his destiny to himself. While 
he endeavors to find the object of all other things and even of 
his own existence in the world, he finds his own purpose within 
himself. Star and stone, plant and beast fulfill their purpose 
in the whole plan of creation by their existence and varied 
natures, and are accordingly called "good" as they are. 
Man, however, realizes that he must accomplish his purpose 
by his manner of life and the voluntary exertion of his own 
powers. He is "good" only as far as he fulfills his destiny 
on earth. He is not good by mere existence, but by his 
conduct. Not what he is, but what he ought to be gives 
value to his being. He is good or bad according to the direc 
tion of his will and acts by the imperative: "I ought" or 
"I ought not," which comes to him in his conscience, the voice 
of God calling to his soul. 

2. The problem of human destiny is answered by Judaism 
with the idea that God is the ideal and pattern of all morality. 
The answer given, then, is "To walk in the ways of God, to 
be righteous and just," as He is. 1 The prophet Micah ex 
pressed it in the familiar words: "It has been told thee, O 
man, what is good, and what the Lord doth require of thee : 
Only to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly 
with thy God." 2 Accordingly the Bible considers men of 
the older generations the prototypes of moral conduct, "right- 

1 Gen. XVIII, 19 ; Deut. VIII, 6 ; X, 12 ; XXXII, 4. 2 Micah VI, 8. 

218 



THE ORIGIN AND DESTINY OF MAN 219 

ecus men who walked with God." Such men were Enoch, 
Noah, and above all Abraham, to whom God said: "I am 
God Almighty ; walk before Me, and be thou whole-hearted. 
And I will make My covenant between thee and Me." 1 
The rabbis singled out Abraham as the type of a perfect man 
on account of his love of righteousness and peace ; contrasting 
him with Adam who sinned, they beheld him as "the great 
man among the heroes of the ancient times." They even 
considered him the type of true humanity, in whom the 
object of creation was attained. 2 

3. This moral consciousness, however, which tells man to 
walk in the ways of God and be perfect, is also the source of 
shame and remorse. With such an ideal man must feel con 
stantly that he falls short, that he is not what he ought to be. 
Only the little child, who knows nothing as yet of good and 
evil, can preserve the joy of life unmarred. Similarly, primi 
tive man, being ignorant of guilt, could pass his days without 
care or fear. But as soon as he becomes conscious of guilt, 
discord enters his soul, and he feels as if he had been driven 
from the presence of God. 

This feeling is allegorized in the Paradise legend. The 
garden of bliss, half earthly, half heavenly, which is else 
where called the "mountain of God," 3 a place of wondrous 
trees, beasts, and precious stones, whence the four great rivers 
flow, is the abode of divine beings. The first man and woman 
could dwell in it only so long as they lived in harmony with 
God and His commandments. As soon as the tempter in 
the shape of the serpent called forth a discord between the 
divine will and human desire, man could no longer enjoy 
celestial bliss, but must begin the dreary earthly life, with its 
burdens and trials. 

Gen. V, 22; VI, 9; XVII, 1-2. 

2 Gen. R. XII, 8; XIV, 6, ref. to Josh. XIV, 15. 

8 Ezek. XXVIII, 14. 



220 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

4. This story of the fall of the first man is an allegorical 
description of the state of childlike innocence which man 
must leave behind in order to attain true strength of char 
acter. It is based upon a view common to all antiquity of a 
descent of the race ; that is : first came the golden age, when 
man led a life of ease and pleasure in company with the gods ; 
then an age of silver, another of brass, and finally the iron age, 
with its toil and bitter woe. Thus did evil deeds and wild 
passions increase among men. This view fails utterly to 
recognize the value of labor as a civilizing force making for 
progress, and it contradicts the modern historical view. The 
prophets of Israel placed the golden age at the end, not the 
beginning of history, so that the purpose of mankind was to 
establish a heavenly kingdom upon the earth. In fact, the fall 
of man is not referred to anywhere in Scripture and never be 
came a doctrine, or belief, of Judaism. On the contrary, the 
Hellenistic expounders of the Bible take it for granted that 
the story is an allegory, and the book of Proverbs under 
stands the tree of life symbolically, in the verse: "She (the 
Tor ah) is a tree of life to them that lay hold upon her." 1 

5. Still the rabbis in Talmud and Midrash accepted the 
legend in good faith as historical 2 and took it literally as did 
the great English poet : 

" The fruit 

Of that forbidden tree whose mortal taste 
Brought death into the world, and all our woe, 
With loss of Eden." 

In fact, they even followed the Persian dualism with its evil 
principle, the primeval serpent, or the Babylonian legend of 
the sea-monster Tiamat, and regarded the serpent in Paradise 
as a demon. He was identified with Satan, the arch-fiend, 
and later with evil in general, the yezer ha ra? Thus the 

1 Prov. Ill, 18. 2 Gen. R. XVI, 10 ; Shab. 55 b. * B. B. 15 a. 



THE ORIGIN AND DESTINY OF MAN 221 

belief arose that the poisonous breath of the serpent infected 
all generations, causing death even of the sinless. 1 The 
apocrypha also held that the envy of Satan brought death 
into the world. 2 This prepared for the dismal church doc 
trine of original sin, the basis of Paul s teachings, which de 
manded a blood atonement for curse-laden humanity, and 
found it after the pagan pattern in the vicarious sacrifice of 
a dying god. 3 

Against such perversion of the simple Paradise story the 
sound common sense of the Jewish people rebelled. While 
the early Talmudists occasionally mention the poisoning of 
the human race by the serpent, they find an antidote for the 
Jewish people in the covenant with Abraham or that of Sinai. 4 
One cannot, however, discern the least indication of belief in 
original sin, either as inherent in the human race or inherited 
by them. Nor does the liturgy express any such idea, espe 
cially for the Day of Penitence, when it would certainly be men 
tioned if the conception found any place in Jewish doctrine. On 
the contrary, the prevailing thought of Judaism is that of Deu 
teronomy and Ezekiel, 5 that "Each man dies by his own sin," 
that every soul must bear only the consequences of his own 
deeds. The rabbis even state that no man dies unless he has 
brought it upon himself by his own sin, and mention especially 
certain exceptions to this rule, such as the four saintly men 
who died without sin, 6 or certain children whose death was 
due to the sin of their parents. 7 They could never admit 
that the whole human race was so corrupted by the sin of the 
first man that it is still in a state of sinfulness. 

6. Of course, the rabbinical schools took literally the Bib 
lical story of the fall of man and laid the chief blame upon 

1 Shab. 146 a; Yeb. 103 b; Ab. Zar. 22 b; Shab. 55 b. 
B. Wisdom, II, 24. Romans V, 12 f. 

4 Shab. 146 a. Deut. XXIV, 16 ; Ezek. XVIII, 4. 
Shab. 55 a, b. Shab. 32 b. 



222 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

woman, who fell a prey to the wiles of the serpent. This is 
done even by Ben Sira, who says: "With woman came the 
beginning of sin, and through her we all must die." 1 So the 
Talmud says that due to woman, man, the crown, light, and 
life of creation, lost his purity, his luster, and his immortality. 2 
The Biblical verse, "They did eat, and the eyes of them both 
were opened," is interpreted by Rabbi Johanan ben Zakkai 
and Rabbi Akiba as "They saw the dire consequences of their 
sin upon all coming generations." 3 The fall of man is treated 
most elaborately in the same spirit in the two apocalyptic 
books written after the destruction of the Second Temple, 
the Apocalypse of Baruch and the IV Book of Esdras. 4 The 
incompatibility of divine love with the sufferings of man 
and of the Jewish people on account of the sin of the first 
man is solved by an appeal to the final Day of Judgment, 
and the striking remark is added that, after all, "each is his 
own Adam and is held responsible for his own sin." We 
cannot deny that these two books contain much that is near 
the Paulinian view of original sin. It seems, however, that 
the Jewish teachers were put on their guard by the emphasis 
of this pessimistic dogma by the nascent Church, and did 
their best to give a different aspect to the story of the first 
sin. Thus they say: "If Adam had but shown repentance, 
and done penance after he committed his sin, he would have 
been spared the death penalty." 5 Moreover, they actually 
represent Adam and Eve as patterns of repentant sinners, 
who underwent severe penance and thus obtained the promise 
of divine mercy and also of final resurrection. 6 Instead of 
transmitting the heritage of sin to coming generations, the 

1 B. Sira XXV, 24. 2 Yer. Shab. II, 5 b. 

3 Gen. R. XIX, 10, ref. to Gen. Ill, 6-7. 

4 Apoc. Baruch XXIII, 4; XL VIII, 42 f.; LVI, 6; and especially LIV, 
14-19; IV Esdras III, 7; VII, n, 118. 
6 Pesik. 160 b; Num. R. XIII, S- 
e P. d. R. El., XX; comp. Adam and Eve, I; Erub. 18 b. 



THE ORIGIN AND DESTINY OF MAN 223 

first man is for them an example of repentance. So do the 
Haggadists tell us quite characteristically that God merely 
wanted to test the first man by an insignificant command, 
so that the first representative of the human race should show 
whether he was worthy to enter eternal life in his mortal garb, 
as did Enoch and Elijah. As he could not stand the test, 
he forfeited the marks of divine rank, his celestial radiance, 
his gigantic size, and his power to overcome death. 1 Ob 
viously the Biblical story was embellished with material from 
the Persian legend of the fall of Yima or Djemshid, the first 
man, from superhuman greatness because of his sin, 2 but it 
was always related frankly as a legend, and could never in 
fluence the Jewish conception of the fall of man. 

7. Judaism rejects completely the belief in hereditary sin 
and the corruption of the flesh. The Biblical verse, "God 
made man upright ; but they have sought out many inven 
tions," 3 is explained in the Midrash : "Upright and just as 
is God, He made man after His likeness in order that he might 
strive after righteousness, and unfold ever more his god-like 
nature, but men in their dissensions have marred the divine 
image." 4 With reference to another verse in Ecclesiastes : * 
"The dust returneth unto the earth as it was, and the spirit 
returneth unto God who gave it," the rabbis teach "Pure as 
the soul is when entering upon its earthly career, so can man 
return it to his Maker." 6 Therefore the pious Jew begins 
his daily prayers with the words: "My God, the soul which 
Thou hast given me is pure." 7 The life-long battle with 

1 Gen. R. XII, 5 ; XIX, n ; XXI, 4 f. ; comp. Shab. 55 b. 

2 See Windishman : Zoroastrische Studien, p. 27 f. 

a Eccl. VII, 29. 4 Tanh. Yelamdenu to Gen. Ill, 22. 

6 Eccl. XII, 7. Shab. 152 b. 

7 Ber. 80 a. The rabbis did not have the belief that the body is morally 
impure and therefore the seat of the yczcr ha ra, as is stated by Weber, 1. c., 228 f. 
See Potter, 1. c., 98-107; Schechter: Aspects, 242-292. It is wrong also to 
explain Ps. LI, 7, "Behold I was brought forth in iniquity, and in sin did my 



224 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

sin begins only at the age when sensual desire, "the evil in 
clination," awakens in youth ; then the state of primitive 
innocence makes way for the sterner contest for manly virtue 
and strength of character. 

8. In fact, the whole Paradise story could never be made 
the basis for a dogma. The historicity of the serpent is de 
nied by Saadia ; 1 the rabbis transfer Paradise with the tree 
of life to heaven as a reward for the future ; 2 and both 
Nahmanides the mystic and Maimonides the philosopher 
give it an allegorical meaning. 3 On the other hand, the Hag- 
gadic teachers perceived the simple truth that a life of in 
dolence in Paradise would incapacitate man for his cultural 
task, and that the toils and struggles inflicted on man as a 
curse are in reality a blessing. Therefore they laid special 
stress on the Biblical statement: "He put man into the 
garden of Eden to dress it and to keep it." 4 The following 
parable is especially suggestive: "When Adam heard the 
stern sentence passed : Thou shalt eat the herb of the field, 
he burst into tears, and said : Am I and my ass to eat out of 
the same manger? Then came another sentence from God 
to reassure him, In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat 
bread, and forthwith he became aware that man shall attain 
a higher dignity by dint of labor." 5 Indeed, labor transforms 
the wilderness into a garden and the earth into a habitation 
worthy of the son of God. The "book of the generations of 

mother conceive me," as inherited sinfulness, as Delitzsch and other Christian 
commentators have done, following Ibn Ezra, who refers this to Eve, the 
mother of all men. The correct interpretation is given by R. Ahha in Lev. R. 
XIV, 5 ; " Every sexual act is the work of sensuality, the Yezer ha ra." Comp. 
Yoma6pb. Needless to say that Hosea VI, 7 ; Isa.XLIII, 37; Job XXXI, 33 
do not refer to the sin of Adam. 

1 See Ibn Ezra to Gen. Ill, i. 

2 See Taan. 10 a; Ber. 34 b; D. comp. Enoch XXIX-XXXII ; Seder Can 
Eden, in Jellinek, Beth ha Midrash, II, III. 

3 Moreh, II, 30; Nahmanides to Gen. Ill, i. 

Gen. R. XVI, 8, ref. to Gen. II, 15. 6 Pes. in a; Gen. R. XX, 24. 



THE ORIGIN AND DESTINY OF MAN 225 

man" which begins with Adam is accordingly not the history 
of man s descent, but of his continuous ascent, of ever higher 
achievements and aspirations ; it is not a record of the fall 
of man, but of his rise from age to age. According to the 
Midrash 1 God opened before Adam the book with the deeds 
and names of the leading spirits of all the coming generations, 
showing him the latent powers of the human intellect and 
soul. The phrase, "the fall of man," can mean, in fact, 
only the inner experience of the individual, who does fall from 
his original idea of purity and divine nobility into transgres 
sion and sin. It cannot refer to mankind as a whole, for the 
human race has never experienced a fall, nor is it affected by 
original or hereditary sin. 

1 Seder Olam at the close ; Gen. R. XXTV, 2. 



CHAPTER XXXVI 

GOD S SPIRIT IN MAN 

1. Man is placed in an animal world of dull feelings, of 
blind and crude cravings. Yet his clear understanding, 
his self-conscious will and his aspirations forward and up 
ward lead him into a higher world where he obtains insight 
into the order and unity of all things. By the spirit of God 
he is able to understand material things and grasp them in 
their relations ; thus he can apply all his knowledge and 
creative imagination to construct a world of ideals. But this 
world, in all its truth, beauty and goodness, is still limited 
and finite, a feeble shadow of the infinite world of God. As 
the Bible says : "The spirit of man is the lamp of the Lord, 
searching all the inward parts." l " It is a spirit in man, 
and the breath of the Almighty, that giveth them under 
standing." 2 

2. According to the Biblical conception, the spirit of God 
endows men with all their differing capacities ; it gives to 
one man wisdom by which he penetrates into the causes of 
existence and orders facts into a scientific system ; to another 
the seeing eye by which he captures the secret of beauty and 
creates works of art; and to a third the genius to perceive 
the ways of God, the laws of virtue, that he may become a 
teacher of ethical truth. In other words, the spirit of God 
is "the spirit of wisdom and understanding, the spirit of 
counsel and might, the spirit of knowledge and the fear of 
the Lord." 3 It works upon the scientific interest of the in- 

1 Prov. XX, 27. 2 Job XXXII, 8. 3 Isa. XI, 2. 

226 



GOD S SPIRIT IN MAN 227 

vestigator, the imagination of the artist and poet, the ethical 
and social sense of the prophet, teacher, statesman, and law 
giver. Thus their high and holy vision of the divine is brought 
home to the people and implanted within them under the in 
spiration of God. In commenting upon the Biblical verse, 
"Wisdom and might are His ... He giveth wisdom to the 
wise, and knowledge to them that know understanding," l 
the sages wisely remark, "God carefully selects those who 
possess wisdom for His gift of wisdom." Even as a musical 
instrument must be attuned for the finer notes that it may have 
a clear, resonant tone, so the human soul must be made 
especially susceptible to the gifts of the spirit in order to be 
capable of unfolding them. Thus the Talmud records an 
interesting dialogue on this very passage between a Roman 
matron familiar with the Scripture, and Rabbi Jose ben 
Halafta. She asked sarcastically, "Would it not have been 
more generous of your God to have given wisdom to those that 
are unwise than to those that already possess it ? " Thereupon 
the Jewish master replied, "If you were to lend a precious 
ornament, would you not lend it to one who was able to make 
use of it? So God gives the treasure of wisdom to the wise, 
who know how to appreciate and develop it, not to the unwise, 
who do not know its value." 2 

3. Thus the diverse gifts of the divine spirit are distributed 
differently among the various classes and tribes of men, ac 
cording to their capacity and the corresponding task which is 
assigned them by Providence. The divine spark is set aglow 
in each human soul, sometimes feebly, sometimes brightly, 
but it blazes high only in the privileged personality or group. 
The mutual relationship between God and man is recognized 
by the Synagogue in the Eighteen Benedictions, where the 

J Dan. II, 20-21. 

*Tanh. Miketz 9; comp. Tanh. Yelamdenu Wayakhel, where the story is 
told differently. 



228 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

one directly following the three praises of God is devoted to 
wisdom and knowledge: "Thou favorest man with knowl 
edge, and teachest mortals understanding. So favor us with 
knowledge, understanding, and discernment from Thee. 
Blessed art Thou, O Lord, gracious Giver of knowledge." 1 
This petition, remarks Jehuda ha Levi, 2 deserves its position 
as first among these prayers, because wisdom brings us nearer 
to God. It is also noteworthy that the Synagogue prescribes 
a special benediction at the sight of a renowned sage, even if 
he is not a Jew, reading, " Praised be He who has imparted 
of His wisdom to flesh and blood." 3 

4. Maimonides holds that in the same degree as a man 
studies the works of God in nature, he will be filled with 
longing for direct knowledge of God and true love of Him. 4 
"Not only religion, but also the sciences emanate from God, 
both being the outcome of the wisdom which God imparts 
to all nations," thus wrote a sixteenth-century rabbi, 
Loewe ben Bezalel of Prague, known usually as "the eminent 
Rabbi Loewe." 5 The men of the Talmud also accord the 
palm in certain types of knowledge to heathen sages, and did 
not hesitate to ascribe to some heathens the highest knowl 
edge of God in their time. 6 As a mystic of the thirteenth 
century, Isaac ben Latif, says : "That faith is the most per 
fect which perceives truth most fully, since God is the source 
of all truth." 7 Of the two heads of the Babylonian acade 
mies, Rab and Samuel, one asserted that Moses through his 
prophetic genius reached forty-nine of the fifty degrees of 
the divine understanding (as the fiftieth is reserved for God 
alone), while the other claimed the same distinction for King 
Solomon as the result of his wisdom. 8 

1 Singer s Prayerbook, p. 46. 2 Cuzari III, 19. 

8 Ber. 58 a; Singer s Prayerb., p. 291. 4 Yesode ha Torah, II, 2. 

8 Nethibot Olam, XIV. 6 Pes. 94 b. 

7 Shaare Shamayim, IV, 3. 8 R. h. Sh. 21 b. 



GOD S SPIRIT IN MAN 229 

5. Thus the spirit of God creates in man both consciously 
and unconsciously a world of ideas, which proves him a being 
of a higher order in creation. This impulse may work actively, 
searching, investigating, and creating, or passively as an 
instrument of a higher power. At first it is a dim, uncertain 
groping of the spirit ; then the mind acquires greater lucidity 
by which it illumines the dark world ; and, as one question 
calls for the other and one thought suggests another, the 
world of ideas opens up as a well-connected whole. Thus 
man creates by slow steps his languages, the arts and sciences, 
ethics, law and all the religions with their varying practices 
and doctrines. At times this spirit bursts forth with greater 
vehemence in great men, geniuses who lift the race with one 
stroke to a higher level. Such men may say, in the words 
of David, the holy singer : "The spirit of the Lord spoke by 
me, and His word was upon my tongue." l They may re 
peat the experience of Eliphaz the friend of Job : 

" Now a word was secretly brought to me, 
And mine ear received a whisper thereof. 
In thoughts from the visions of the night, 
When deep sleep falleth on men, 
Fear came upon me, and trembling, 
And all my bones were made to shake. 
Then a spirit passed before my face, 
That made the hair of my flesh to stand up. 
It stood still, but I could not discern the appearance thereof; 
A form was before mine eyes ; 
I heard a still voice." 2 

In such manner men of former ages received a religious reve 
lation, a divine message. 

6. The divine spirit always selects as its instruments in 
dividuals with special endowments. Still, insight into his 
tory shows that these men must needs have grown from the 

II Sam. XXIII, 2. 2 Job IV, 12-16. 



230 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

very heart of their own people and their own age, in order 
that they might hold a lofty position among them and com 
mand attention for their message. However far the people 
or the age may be from the man chosen by God, the multi 
tude must feel at least that the divine spirit speaks through 
him, or works within him. Or, if not his own time, then a 
later generation must respond to his message, lest it be lost 
entirely to the world. 

The rabbis, who knew nothing of laws of development 
for the human mind, assumed that the first man, made by 
God Himself, must have known every branch of knowledge 
and skill, that the spirit of God must have been most vigorous 
in him. 1 They therefore believed in a primeval revelation, 
coeval with the first man. Our age, with its tremendous 
emphasis on the historical view, sees the divine spirit mani 
fested most clearly in the very development and growth of all 
life, social, intellectual, moral and spiritual, proceeding 
steadily toward the highest of all goals. With this empha 
sis, however, on process, we must lay stress equally on the 
origin, on the divine impulse or initiative in this historical 
development, the spirit which gives direction and value to 
the whole. 

1 Gen. R. XXIV, 7; comp. Jubilees III, 12. 



CHAPTER XXXVII 
FREE WILL AND MORAL RESPONSIBILITY 

1. Judaism has ever emphasized the freedom of the will 
as one of its chief doctrines. The dignity and greatness of 
man depends largely upon his freedom, his power of self- 
determination. He differs from the lower animals in his in 
dependence of instinct as the dictator of his actions. He 
acts from free choice and conscious design, and is able to change 
his mind at any moment, at any new evidence or even through 
whim. He is therefore responsible for his every act or omis 
sion, even for his every intention. This alone renders him a 
moral being, a child of God ; thus the moral sense rests upon 
freedom of the will. 1 

2. The idea of moral freedom is expressed as early as the 
first pages of the Bible, in the words which God spoke to Cain 
while he was planning the murder of his brother Abel: 
" Whether or not, thou offerest an acceptable gift," (New 
Bible translation: "If thou doest well, shall it not be lifted 
up? and if thou doest not well,") " sin coucheth at the door ; 
and unto thee is its desire, but thou mayest rule over it." 2 
Here, without any reference to the sin of Adam in the first 
generation, the man of the second generation is told that 
he is free to choose between good and evil, that he alone 
is responsible before God for what he does or omits to do. 
This certainly indicates that the moral freedom of man is 
not impaired by hereditary sin, or by any evil power outside 

1 See Dillmann, 1. c., 301 f., 375; J. E., art. Freedom of Will. 
Gen. IV, 7. 

231 



232 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

of man himself. This principle is established in the words of 
Moses spoken in the name of God: "I have set before thee 
life and death, the blessing and the curse ; therefore choose 
life, that thou mayest live, thou and thy seed." * In like 
manner Jeremiah proclaims in God s name: " Behold I set 
before you the way of life and the way of death." 2 

3. From these passages and many similar ones the sages 
derived their oft-repeated idea that man stands ever at the 
parting of the ways, to choose either the good or the evil 
path. 3 Thus the words spoken by God to the angels when 
Adam and Eve were to be expelled from Paradise: "Behold, 
the man is become as one of us, to know good and evil," are 
interpreted by R. Akiba: "He was given the choice to go 
the way of life or the way of death, but he chose the way of 
death by eating of the forbidden fruit." 4 R. Akiba empha 
sizes the principle of the freedom of the will again in the terse 
saying: "All things are foreseen (by God), but free will is 
granted (to man)." 5 

4. At the first encounter of Judaism with those philosophi 
cal schools of Hellas which denied the freedom of the human 
will, the Jewish teachers insisted strongly on this principle. 
The first reference is found in Ben Sira, who refutes the ar 
guments of the Determinists that God could make man sin, 
and then goes on: "God created man at the beginning, en 
dowing him with the power of self-determination, saying to 
him : If thou but wiliest, thou canst observe My command 
ments ; to practice faithfulness is a matter of free will. . . . 
As when fire and water are put before thee, so that thou may 
est reach forth thy hand to that which thou desirest, so are 
life and death placed before man, and whatever he chooses of 

1 Deut. XXX, 15-19. 2 Jer. XXI, 8. 

3 See Sifre Deut. 53-54 ; J. E., art. Didache. 

4 Gen. Ill, 22 ; Mek. Beshallah 6 ; Gen. R. XXI, 5 ; Mid. Teh. Ps. XXXVI, 
3," LVIII, 2. 

6 Aboth III, 15, but see Schechter : Aspects, 285, note 4. 



FREE WILL AND MORAL RESPONSIBILITY 233 

his own desire will be given to him." l The Book of Enoch 
voices this truth also in the forceful sentences : "Sin has not 
been sent upon the earth (from above), but men have pro 
duced it out of themselves ; therefore they who commit sin 
are condemned." 2 We read similar sentiments in the Psalms 
of Solomon, a Pharisean work of the first pre-Christian cen 
tury : 3 "Our actions are the outcome of the free choice and 
power of our own soul ; to practice justice or injustice lies in 
the work of our own hands." 

The Apocalypse of Ezra is especially instructive in the 
great stress which it lays on freedom, in connection with its 
chief theme, the sinfulness of the children of Adam. "This 
is the condition of the contest which man who is born on earth 
must wage, that, if he be conquered by the evil inclination, 
he must suffer that of which thou hast spoken (the tortures 
of hell), but if he be victorious, he shall receive (the reward) 
which I (the angel) have mentioned. For this is the way 
whereof Moses spoke when he lived, saying unto the people, 
Choose life, that thou mayest live ! . . . For all who knew 
Me not in life when they received My benefits, who despised 
My law when they yet had freedom, and did not heed the door 
of repentance while it was still open before them, but disre 
garded it, after death they shall come to know it !" 4 

5. Hellenistic Judaism also, particularly Philo, 5 considered 
the truly divine in man to be his free will, which distinguishes 
him from the beast. Yet Hellenistic naturalism could not 
grasp the fact that man s power to do evil in opposition to God, 
the Source of the good, is the greatest reminder of his moral 
responsibility. Josephus likewise mentions frequently as a 
characteristic teaching of the Pharisees that man s free will 

1 Ben Sira XV, 1 1-20. Enoch XCVIII, 4. 

1 IX, 7. 4 IV Ezra VII, 127-129; IX, 10-11. 

Quoddeus immutabilis, 10, I, 279; Di confusione linguarum, 35, I, 432; 
Quod detenus potiori insid, 32, 1, 214. 



234 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

determines his acts without any compulsion of destiny. 1 
Only we must not accept too easily the words of this Jewish 
historian, who wrote for his Roman masters and, therefore, 
represented the Jewish parties as so many philosophical schools 
after the Greek pattern. The Pharisean doctrine is presented 
most tersely in the Talmudic maxim : " Every thing is in the 
hands of God except the fear of God." 2 Like the quotation 
from R. Akiba above, this contains the great truth that man s 
destiny is determined by Providence, but his character de 
pends upon his own free decision. This idea recurs frequently 
in such Talmudic sayings as these: "The wicked are in the 
power of their desires ; the righteous have their desires in 
their own power;" 3 "The eye, the ear, and the nostrils are 
not in man s power, but the mouth, the hand, and the feet 
are." 4 That is, the impressions we receive from the world 
without us come involuntarily, but our acts, our steps, and 
our words arise from our own volition. 

6. A deeper insight into the problem of free will is offered 
in two other Talmudic sayings; the one is: "Whosoever 
desires to pollute himself with sin will find all the gates open 
before him, and whosoever desires to attain the highest purity 
will find all the forces of goodness ready to help him." 5 The 
other reads : "It can be proved by the Torah, the Prophets, 
and the other sacred writings that man is led along the road 
which he wishes to follow." 6 

As a matter of fact, no person is absolutely free, for in 
numerable influences affect his decisions, consciously and 
unconsciously. For this reason many thinkers, both ancient 
and modern, consider freedom a delusion and hold to deter- 

1 Josephus, J. W., II, 8, 14 ; Ant. XVIII, i, 3. 2 Ber. 33 b. 

8 Gen. R. LXVII, 7. Comp. P. R. El. XV. 
4 Tanh. Toledoth, ed. Buber, 21. 
B Shab. 104 a; Yoma 38 b~3Q a; Yer. Kid. I, 67 d. 

Mak. 10 b; ref. to Ex. XXI, 12; Num. XXII, 12; Isa. XLVIII, 17; 
Prov. Ill, 34. 



FREE WILL AND MORAL RESPONSIBILITY 235 

minism, the doctrine that man acts always under the com 
pulsion of external and internal forces. In opposition to this 
theory is one incontestable fact, our own inner sense of free 
dom which tells us at every step that we have acted, and at 
every decision that we have decided. Man can maintain his 
own power of self-determination against all influences from 
without and within; his will is the final arbiter over every 
impulse and every pressure. Moreover, as we penetrate more 
deeply into the working of the mind, we see that a long series 
of our own voluntary acts has occasioned much that we con 
sider external, that the very pressure of the past on our 
thoughts, feelings and habits, which leaves so little weight for 
the decision of the moment, is really only our past will influ 
encing our present will. That is, the will may determine 
itself, but it does not do so arbitrarily ; its action is along the 
lines of its own character. We have the power to receive the 
influence of either the noble or the ignoble series of impres 
sions, and thus to yield either to the lofty or the low impulses 
of the soul. 

In this way the rabbis interpret various expressions of Scrip 
ture which would seem to limit man s freedom, as where God 
induces man to good or evil acts, or hardens the heart of 
Pharaoh so that he will not let the Israelites go, until the 
plagues had been fulfilled upon him and his people. 1 They 
understand in such an instance that a man s heart has a pre 
vailing inclination toward right or wrong, the expression of 
his character, and that God encouraged this inclination along 
the evil course ; thus the freedom of the human will was kept 
intact. 

7. The doctrine of man s free will presents another difficulty 
from the side of divine omniscience. For if God knows in 

1 Ex. IV, 21 ; VII, 3, and elsewhere; see the Jewish commentaries to these 
passages. Comp. Pes. 165 a; Num. R. XV, 16. See Schechter, Aspects, 
280-292. 



236 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

advance what is to happen, then man s acts are determined 
by this very foreknowledge ; he is no longer free, and his moral 
responsibility becomes an idle dream. In order to escape 
this dilemma, the Mohammedan theologians were compelled 
to limit either the divine omniscience or human freedom, and 
most of them resorted to the latter method. It is charac 
teristic of Judaism that its great thinkers, from Saadia to Mai- 
monides and Gersonides, 1 dared not alter the doctrine of man s 
free will and moral responsibility, but even preferred to limit 
the divine omniscience. Hisdai Crescas is the only one to re 
strict human freedom in favor of the foreknowledge of God. 2 
8. The insistence of Judaism on unrestricted freedom of 
will for each individual entirely excludes hereditary sin. This 
is shown in the traditional explanation of the verse of the 
Decalogue: " Visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the 
children unto the third and fourth generation of them that 
hate Me." 3 According to the rabbis the words "of them that 
hate Me" do not refer to the fathers, according to the plain 
meaning of the passage, but to the children and children s 
children. These are to be punished only when they hate God 
and follow the evil example of their fathers. 4 Despite ex 
ample and hereditary disposition, the descendants of evil 
doers can lead a virtuous life, and their punishment comes 
only when they fail to resist the evil influences of their pa 
rental household. To illustrate the Biblical words, "Who can 
bring a clean thing out of an unclean?" 5 the rabbis single 
out Abraham, the son of Terah, Hezekiah, the son of Ahaz, 
and Josiah, the son of Manasseh. 6 Man, being made in 

1 Saadia: Emunotk, III, 154; IV, 7 f.; Bahya : Hoboth haleboboth, III, 8; 
Cuzari, V, 20; Moreh I, 23; III, 16; H. Teshuba, V; Gersonides: Milhamoth, 
III, 106 ; Albo : Ikkarim, IV, 5-10 ; see Cassel notes, Cuzari, p. 414. 

2 Or Adonai II, 4; comp. Bloch : Willensfreiheit des Hisdai Crescas; 
Neumark : Crescas and Spinoza, Y. B. C. C. A. R. 1908. 

3 Ex. XX, 5. 4 Sanh. 27 b. 
B Job XIV, 4. 8 Pesik. 29 b. 



FREE WILL AND MORAL RESPONSIBILITY 237 

God s image, determines his own character by his own free 
choice ; by his will he can raise or lower himself in the scale 
of being. 

9. The fundamental character of the doctrine of free will 
for Judaism is shown by Maimonides, who devotes a special 
chapter of his Code to it, 1 and calls it the pillar of Israel s 
faith and morality, since through it alone man manifests his 
god-like sovereignty. For should his freedom be limited by 
any kind of predestination, he would be deprived of his moral 
responsibility, which constitutes his real greatness. In en 
deavoring to reconcile God s omnipotence and omniscience 
with man s freedom, Maimonides says that God wants man to 
erect a kingdom of morality without interference from above ; 
moreover, God s knowledge is different in kind from that 
of man, and thus is not an infringement upon man s freedom, 
as the human type of knowledge would be. However, 
Abraham ben David of Posquieres blames Maimonides for 
proposing questions which he could not answer satisfactorily 
in the Code, which is intended for non-philosophical readers. 
The fact is that this is only another of the problems insoluble 
to human reasoning ; the freedom of the will must remain 
for all time a postulate of moral responsibility, and therefore 
of religion. 

//. Teshubah, V. 



CHAPTER XXXVIII 

THE MEANING OF SIN 

1. Sin is a religious conception. It does not signify a 
breach of law or morality, or of popular custom and sacred 
usage, but an offense against God, provoking His punishment. 
As long as the deity is merely dreaded as an external power, 
not adored as a moral power ruling life from within for a 
holy purpose, sin, too, is considered a purely formal offense. 
The deity demands to be worshiped by certain rites and may 
be propitiated by other formal acts. 1 For Judaism, however, 
sin is a straying from the path of God, an offense against the 
divine order of holiness. Thus it signifies an abuse of the 
freedom granted man as his most precious boon. Therefore 
sin has a twofold character ; formally it is an offense against 
the majesty of God, whose laws are broken ; essentially it is 
a severance of the soul s inner relations to God, an estrange 
ment from Him. 

2. Scripture has three different terms for sin, which do not 
differ greatly in point of language, but indicate three stages 
of thought. First is het or hataah, which connotes any 
straying from the right path, whether caused by levity, care 
lessness, or design, and may even include wrongs committed 
unwittingly, shegagah. Second is avon, a crookedness or 
perversion of the straight order of the law. Third is pesha, 
a wicked act committed presumptuously in defiance of God 
and His law. As a matter of course, the conception of 

1 See Morgenstern, " The Doctrine of Sin in the Babylonian Religion" in 
Mitth. Vorderas. Gesellsch. 1905. 

238 



THE MEANING OF SIN 239 

sin was deepened by degrees, as the prophets, psalmists and 
moralists grew to think of God as the pattern of the highest 
moral perfection, as the Holy One before whom an evil act or 
thought cannot abide. 

The rabbis usually employed the term aberah, that is, a 
transgression of a divine commandment. In contrast to 
this they used mitzwah, a divine command, which denotes 
also the whole range of duty, including the desire and intention 
of the human soul. From this point of view every evil de 
sign or impulse, every thought and act contrary to God s 
law, becomes a sin. 

3. Sin arises from the weakness of the flesh, the desire of 
the heart, and accordingly in the first instance from an error 
of judgment. The Bible frequently speaks of sin as "folly." l 
A rabbinical saying brings out this same idea : No one sins 
unless the spirit of folly has entered into him to deceive him." 
A sinful imagination lures one to sin ; the repetition of the 
forbidden act lowers the barrier of the commandment, until 
the trespass is hardened into " callous" and " stubborn" dis 
regard, and finally into " reckless defiance" and "insolent 
godlessness." Such a process is graphically expressed by the 
various terms used in the Bible. According to the rabbinical 
figure, "sin appears at first as thin as a spider s web, but grows 
stronger and stronger, until it becomes like a wagon-rope to 
bind a man." Or, "sin comes at first as a passer-by to tarry 
for a moment, then as a visitor to stay, finally as the master 
of the house to claim possession." Therefore it is incumbent 
upon us to "guard" the heart, and not "to go astray follow 
ing after our eyes and our heart." 3 

4. According to the doctrine of Judaism no one is sinful 
by nature. No person sins by an inner compulsion. But 

1 Gen. VI, 3 ; Ps. LXXVIII, 39. a Sola 3 a. 

1 Suk. 52 a, b. Comp. Schechter, "The Evil Yezer, Source of Rebellion and 
Victory over the Evil Yezer," 1. c., 242-292. 



240 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

as man has a nature of flesh, which is sensuous and selfish, 
each person is inclined to sin and none is perfectly free from 
it. " Who can say : I have made my heart clean, I am pure 
from any sin?" 1 This is the voice of the Bible and of all 
human experience; "For there is not a righteous man upon 
earth, that doeth good, and sinneth not." 2 The expression 
occurs repeatedly in Job : "Shall mortal man be just before 
God? Shall a man be pure before his Maker?" 3 Even 
Moses is represented in numerous passages as showing human 
foibles and failings. 4 In fact, " the greater the personality, 
the more severely will God call him to account for the smallest 
trespass, for God desires to be l sanctified by His righteous 
ones." 5 The Midrash tells us that no one is to be called 
holy, until death has put an end to his struggle with the ever- 
lurking tempter within, and he lies in the earth with the 
victor s crown of peace upon his brow. 6 When we read the 
stern sentence: "Behold, He putteth no trust in His holy 
ones," 7 the rabbis refer us to the patriarchs, each of whom 
had his faults. 8 Measured by the Pattern of all holiness, no 
human being is free from blemish. 

5. In connection with the God-idea, the conception of 
sin grew from crude beginnings to the higher meaning given 
it by Judaism. The ancient Babylonians used the same 
terminology as the Bible for sin and sin-offering, but their 
view, like that of other Semites, was far more external. 9 If 
one was afflicted with disease or misfortune, the inference 
was that he had neglected the ritual of some deity and must 
appease the angered one with a sacrificial offering. Any ir 
regularity in the cult was an offense against the deity. This 
became more moralized with the higher God-idea; the god 

i Prov. XX, 9. 2 Eccl. VII, 20. 

3 Job IV, 17 ; XV, 14 f ; XXV, 5. 4 Num. XX, 12 ; XXVII, 14. 

* Yeb. 121 b. 6 Mid. Teh. Ps. XVI, 2. 

7 Job XV, 15. 8 Midr. Teh. eodem. 9 Morgenstern, 1. c. 



THE MEANING OF SIN 241 

became the guardian of moral principles ; and the calamities, 
even of the nation, were then ascribed to the divine wrath on 
account of moral lapses. The same process may be observed 
in the views of ancient Israel. Here, too, during the domi 
nance of the priestly view the gravest possible offense was 
one against the cult, a culpable act entailing the death pen 
alty asham, or "doom" of the offender. We shudder at 
the thought that the least violation of the hierarchical rules 
for the sanctuary or even for the burning of incense should 
meet the penalty of death. Yet such is the plain statement of 
the Mosaic law and such was the actual practice of the people. 1 
The more the prophetic conception of the moral nature of 
the Deity permeated the Jewish religion, the more the term 
sin came to mean an offense against the holiness of God, the 
Guardian of morality. Hence the great prophets upbraided 
the people for their moral, not their ceremonial failings. They 
attacked scathingly transgressions of the laws of righteousness 
and purity, the true sins against God, because these originate 
in dullness of heart, unbridled passion, and overbearing 
pride, all so hateful to Him. The only ritual offenses empha 
sized as sins against God are idolatry, violation of the name 
of God and of the Sabbath, for these express the sanctity of 
life. 2 Except for these points, the prophets and psalmists 
insisted only on righteous conduct and integrity of soul, and 
repudiated entirely the ritualism of the priesthood and the 
formalism of the cult. 3 This view is anticipated by Samuel, 
the master of the prophetic schools, when he says : 

" Behold, to obey is better than sacrifice, 
And to hearken than the fat of rams. 
For rebellion is as the sin of witchcraft, 
And stubbornness is as idolatry and teraphim." 4 



* Ex. XXX, 33, 38; Lev. X, 2; XVI, 1-2; Num. XVII, 28; XVIII, 7. 

Ezek. XVIII, 6 f. ; XX, 13 f. ; Isa. LVI, 2 f. 

Hos. VI, 6 ; Mic. VI, 8 ; Isa. I, 1 1 f. 4 j Sam xy> 

R 



242 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

As soon as we realize that obedience to God s will means 
right conduct and purity of soul, we see in sin the desecra 
tion of the divine image in man, the violation of his heavenly 
patent of nobility. 

6. Sin, then, is in its essence unfaithfulness to God and to 
our own god-like nature. We see this thought expressed in 
Job: 1 

" If thou hast sinned, what doest thou against Him? 
And if thy transgressions be multiplied, what doest thou unto Him ? 
If thou be righteous, what givest thou unto Him ? 
Or what receiveth He of thy hand ? 
Thy wickedness concerneth a man as thou art ; 
And thy righteousness a son of man." 

Thus the source of sin is the human heart, the origin of all 
our thinking and planning. We know sin chiefly as con 
sciousness of guilt. Man s conscience accuses him and com 
pels him to confess, " Against Thee, Thee only, have I sinned." 2 
Not only the deed itself, but even more the will which caused 
it, is condemned by conscience. Such self-accusation con 
stantly proves anew that there is no place for original sin 
through the fall of Adam. "I could have controlled my evil 
desire, if I had but earnestly willed it," said King David, ac 
cording to the Talmud. 3 

7. Sin engenders a feeling of disunion with God through 
the consciousness of guilt which accompanies it. It erects 
a "wall of separation" between man and his Maker, depriv 
ing him of peace and security. 4 Guilt causes pain, which 
overwhelms him, until he has made atonement and obtained 
pardon before God. This is no imaginary feeling, easily over 
come and capable of being suppressed by the sinner with im 
punity. Instead, he must pay the full penalty for his sin, 
lest it lead him to the very abyss of evil, to physical and moral 
death. Sin in the individual becomes a sense of self-con- 

1 Job XXXV, 6-8. a Ps. LI, 6. Sanh. 107 a. Isa. LIX, 2. 



THE MEANING OF SIN 243 

demnation, the consciousness of the divine anger. Hence the 
Hebrew term avon, sin, is often synonymous with punishment, 1 
and asham, guilt, often signifies the atonement for the guilt, 
and sometimes doom and perdition as a consequence of 
guilt. 2 Undoubtedly this still contains a remnant of the old 
Semitic idea that an awful divine visitation may come upon 
an entire household or community because of a criminal or 
sacrilegious act committed, consciously or unconsciously, by 
one of its members. Such a fate can be averted only by an 
atoning sacrifice. This accords with the rather strange fact 
that the Priestly Code prescribes certain guilt offerings for 
sins committed unwittingly, which are called asham. 3 

8. But even these unintentional sins can be avoided by 
the constant exercise of caution, so that their commission 
implies a certain degree of guilt, which demands a measure of 
repentance. Thus the Psalmist says: "Who can discern 
errors? Clear Thou me from hidden faults." 4 He thus 
implies that we feel responsible in a certain sense for all our 
sins, including those which we commit unknowingly. The 
rabbis dwell especially on the idea that we are never altogether 
free from sinful thoughts. For this reason, they tell us, the 
two burnt offerings were brought to the altar each morning 
and evening, to atone for the sinful thoughts of the people 
during the preceding day or night. 5 

9. At any rate, Judaism recognizes no sin which does not 
arise from the individual conscience or moral personality. 
The condemnation of a whole generation or race in conse 
quence of the sin of a single individual is an essentially heathen 
idea, which was overcome by Judaism in the course of time 
through the prophetic teaching of the divine justice and man s 
moral responsibility. This sentiment was voiced by Moses 

1 Gen. IV, 13; XV, 16; XIX, 15; Ps. XL, 13. 
1 Gen. XXVI, 10; XLII, 21 ; Ps. XXXIV, 22. 
Lev. IV, 13 f. ; Num. V f 6. Ps. XIX, 13. Num. R. XXI, 10. 



244 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

and Aaron after the rebellion of Korah in the words: "0 
God, the God of the spirits of all flesh, shall one man sin, 
and wilt Thou be wroth with all the congregation?" 1 In 
commenting upon this, the Midrash says: "A human king 
may make war upon a whole province, because it contains 
rebels who have caused sedition, and so the innocent must 
suffer together with the guilty ; but it does not behoove God, 
the Ruler of the spirits, who looks into the hearts of men, to 
punish the guiltless together with the guilty." 2 The Chris 
tian view of universal guilt as a consequence of Adam s sin, 
the dogma of original sin, is actually a relapse from the 
Jewish stage to the heathen doctrine from which the Jewish 
religion freed itself. 

10. According to the Biblical view sin contaminates man, 
so that he cannot stand in the presence of God. The holiness 
of Him who is "of eyes too pure to behold evil" 3 becomes to 
the sinner "a devouring fire." 4 Even the lofty prophet Isaiah 
realizes his own human limitations at the sublime vision of 
the God of holiness enthroned on high, while the angelic 
choruses chant their thrice holy. In humility and contrition 
he cries out : "Woe is me, for I am undone ! Because I am 
a man of unclean lips, and I dwell in the midst of a people of 
unclean lips ; For mine eyes have seen the King, the Lord of 
hosts." 5 The prophet must undergo atonement in order to 
be prepared for his high prophetic task. One of the Seraphs 
purges him of his sins by touching his lips with a live coal 
taken from the altar of God. 

Under the influence of Persian dualism, rabbinical Judaism 
considers sin a pollution which puts man under the power of 
unclean spirits. 6 In the later Cabbalah this idea is elabo 
rated until the world of sin is considered a cosmic power of 
impurity, opposed to the realm of right, working evil ever 

i Num. XVI, 22. Tanh. Korah, ed. Buber, 19. 8 Habak. I, 13. 

4 Isa. XXXIII, 14. * Isa. VI, 5-7. 6 Pes. 45 b; Gen. R. XXIII, 9. 



THE MEANING OF SIN 245 

since the fall of Adam. 1 Still, however close this may come 
to the Christian dogma, it never becomes identical with it; 
the recognition is always preserved of man s power to extri 
cate himself from the realm of impurity and to elevate himself 
into the realm of purity by his own repentance. Sin never 
becomes a demoniacal power depriving man of his divine 
dignity of self-determination and condemning him to eternal 
damnation. It ever remains merely a going astray from the 
right path, a stumbling from which man may rise again to 
his heavenly height, exerting his own powers as the son of 
God. 

1 See J. E., art. Cabala; Abelson, Jewish Mysticism, p. 127 f., 171 f. 



CHAPTER XXXIX 

REPENTANCE OR THE RETURN TO GOD 

1. The brightest gem among the teachings of Judaism is 
its doctrine of repentance or, in its own characteristic term, 
the return of the wayward sinner to God. 1 Man, full of re 
morse at having fallen away from the divine Fountainhead 
of purity, conscious of deserving a sentence of condemnation 
from the eternal Judge, would be less happy than the unrea 
soning brute which cannot sin at all. Religion restores him 
by the power to rise from his shame and guilt, to return to 
God in repentance, as the penitent son returns to his father. 
Whether we regard sin as estrangement from God or as a 
disturbance of the divine order, it has a detrimental effect 
on both body and soul, and leads inevitably to death. On 
this point the Bible affords many historical illustrations and 
doctrinal teachings. 2 If man had no way to escape from sin, 
then he would be the most unfortunate of creatures, in spite 
of his god-like nature. Therefore the merciful God opens the 
gate of repentance for the sinner, saying as through His proph 
ets of old : "I have no pleasure in the death of the wicked, 
but that the wicked turn from his way and live." 3 

2. The great value of the gift of divine grace, by which 
the sinner may repent and return to God with a new spirit, ap- 

1 See J. E., art. Repentance; Claude Montefiore: "Rabbinical Concep 
tions of Repentance," in J. Q. R., Jan. 1904; Schechter, Aspects, 313-343. 
The works of Weber (p. 261 f.), Bousset (p. 446 f.), and Davidson (1- c., 327- 
338) do not do justice to the Jewish teachings. 

z Ezek. XVIII, 4; Ps. XXXIV, 21 ; Prov. XIV, 12. 

Ezek. XVIII, 32 ; XXXIII, n. 

246 



REPENTANCE OR THE RETURN TO GOD 247 

pears in the following rabbinical saying : " Wisdom was asked, 
1 What shall be the sinner s punishment ? and answered, Evil 
pursues sinners ; 1 then Prophecy was asked, and answered, 
The soul that sinneth, it shall die ; 2 the Torah, or legal code, 
was consulted, and its answer was: He shall bring a sin-of 
fering, and the priest shall make atonement for him, and 
he shall be forgiven. 3 Finally God Himself was asked, and 
He answered : 4 Good and upright is the Lord ; therefore 
doth He instruct sinners in the way. " 5 The Jewish idea of 
atonement by the sinner s return to God excludes every kind 
of mediatorship. Neither the priesthood nor sacrifice is 
necessary to secure the divine grace ; man need only find 
the way to God by his own efforts. "Seek ye Me, and live," 6 
says God to His erring children. 

3. Teshubah, which means return, is an idea peculiar to 
Judaism, created by the prophets of Israel, and arising di 
rectly from the simple Jewish conception of sin. Since sin is 
a deviation from the path of salvation, a " straying " into the 
road of perdition and death, the erring can return with heart 
and soul, end his ways, and thus change his entire being. 
This is not properly expressed by the term repentance, which 
denotes only regret for the wrong, but not the inner trans 
formation. Nor is Teshubah to be rendered by either peni 
tence or penance. The former indicates a sort of bodily 
self-castigation, the latter some other kind of penalty under 
gone in order to expiate sin. Such external forms of asceti 
cism were prescribed and practiced by many tribes and some 
of the historical religions. The Jewish prophets, however, 
opposed them bitterly, demanding an inner change, a trans 
formation of soul, renewing both heart and spirit. 

1 Prov. XIII, 21. Ezek. XVIII, 4. 

Lev. I, 4; IV, 26-31. Ps. XXV, 8. 

1 Yer. Mak. II, 37 d; Pesik. 158 b. See Schechter, 1. c., p. 294, note i. 

Amos V, 4. 



248 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

"Let the wicked forsake his way, 
And the man of iniquity his thoughts ; 
And let him return unto the Lord, and He will have compassion upon 

him, 
And to our God, for He will abundantly pardon." l 

Judaism considers sin merely moral aberration, not utter corrup 
tion, and believes in the capability of the very worst of sinners 
to improve his ways ; therefore it waits ever for his regeneration. 
This is truly a return to God, the restoration of the divine 
image which has been disfigured and corrupted by sin. 

4. The doctrine of Teshubah, or the return of the sinner, 
has a specially instructive history, as this most precious and 
unique conception of Judaism is little understood or ap 
preciated by Christian theologians. Often without intentional 
bias, these are so under the influence of the Paulinian dogma 
that they see no redemption for man corrupted by sin, except 
by his belief in a superhuman act of atonement. It is cer 
tainly significant that the legal code, which is of priestly origin, 
does not mention repentance or the sinner s return. It pre 
scribes various types of sin-offerings, speaks of reparation for 
wrong inflicted, of penalties for crime, and of confession for 
sins, but it does not state how the soul can be purged of sin, 
so that man can regain his former state of purity. This great 
gap is filled by the prophetic books and the Psalms. The 
book of Deuteronomy alone, written under prophetic influ 
ence, alludes to repentance, in connection with the time when 
Israel would be taken captive from its land as punishment 
for its violation of the law. There we read: "Thou shalt 
return unto the Lord thy God, . . . with all thy heart, and 
all thy soul, then the Lord thy God will turn thy captivity, 
and have compassion upon thee." 2 

Amos, the prophet of stern justice, has not yet reached the 
idea of averting the divine wrath by the return of the sinner. 3 

1 Isa. LV, 7. 2 Deut. IV, 30 ; XXX, 2-3. 3 Amos IV, 6 f. 



REPENTANCE OR THE RETURN TO GOD 249 

Hosea, the prophet of divine mercy and loving-kindness, in 
his deep compassion for the unfaithful and backsliding people, 
became the preacher of repentance as the condition for at 
taining the divine pardon. 

" Return, Israel, unto the Lord thy God; 
For thou hast stumbled in thine iniquity. 
Take with you words (of repentance), 
And return unto the Lord ; 
Say unt Him, Forgive all iniquity, 
And accept that which is good ; 
So will we render for bullocks the offering of our lips. " 1 

The appeal *f Jeremiah is still more vigorous : 

"Return, thou backsliding Israel, saith the Lord. . . . 
Only acknowledge thine iniquity, that thou hast transgressed against 

the Lord thy God. . . . 

Break up for you a fallow ground, and sow not among thorns . . . 
O Jerusalem, wash thy heart from wickedness, that thou mayest 

be saved ; 

How long shall thy baleful thoughts lodge within thee ? . . . 
Return ye now every one from his evil way, and amend your ways 

and your doings." 2 

Ezekiel, while emphasizing the guilt of the individual, 
preached repentance still more insistently. "Return ye, and 
turn yourselves from all your transgressions ; so shall they 
not be a stumbling-block of iniquity to you. Cast away from 
you all your transgressions, wherein ye have transgressed ; 
and make you a new heart and a new spirit ; for why will 
ye die, O house of Israel ? For I have no pleasure in the death 
of him that dieth, saith the Lord God ; wherefore turn your 
selves, and live." 5 The same appeal recurs after the exile 
in the last prophets, Zechariah 4 and Malachi. 5 The latter 
says : " Return unto Me, and I shall return unto you." Like- 

1 Hos. VI, i; XIV, 2 f. Jer. Ill, 12-13; IV, 3; 14; XVIII, ir. 

1 Ezek. XVIII, 1-32. Zech. I, 3. Mai. Ill, 7. 



250 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

wise the penitential sermon written in a time of great distress, 
which is ascribed to the prophet Joel, contains the appeal : 

" Turn ye unto Me with all your heart, 
And with fasting, and with weeping, and with lamentation ; 
And rend your heart, and not your garments, 
And turn unto the Lord your God ; 
For He is gracious and compassionate, 
Long-suffering, and abundant in mercy, 
And repenteth Him of the evil." l 

This prophetic view, which demands contrition and crav 
ing for God instead of external modes of atonement, is ex 
pressed in the penitential Psalms as well, 2 especially in Psalm 
LI. The idea is expanded further in the parable of the 
prophet Jonah, which conveys the lesson that even a heathen 
nation like the people of Nineveh can avert the impending 
judgment of God by true repentance. 3 From this point of 
view the whole conception took on a larger aspect, and the 
entire history of mankind was seen in a new light. The 
Jewish sages realized that God punishes man only when the 
expected change of mind and heart fails to come. 4 

5. The Jewish plan of divine salvation presents a striking 
contrast to that of the Church, for it is built upon the pre 
sumption that all sinners can find their way back to God and 
godliness, if they but earnestly so desire. Even before God 
created the world, He determined to offer man the possibility 
of Teshubah, so that, in the midst of the continual struggle 
with the allurements of the senses, the repentant sinner can 
ever change heart and mind and return to God. 5 Without 
such a possibility the world of man could not endure ; thus, 
because no man can stand before the divine tribunal of stern 
justice, the paternal arm of a merciful God is extended to 

1 Joel II, 12-13. 2 See Ps. XXXII, i f. 3 Jonah III-IV. 

4 The Hebrew teshubah is translated in Greek metanoia, meaning a change 
of mind. 

6 Pes. 119 a; P. d. R. El. XLIII. 



REPENTANCE OR THE RETURN TO GOD 251 

receive the penitent. This sublime truth is constantly reit 
erated in the Talmud and in the liturgy, especially of the 
great Day of Atonement. 1 Not only does God s long-suffer 
ing give the sinner time to repent ; His paternal love urges 
him to return. Thus the Haggadists purposely represent 
almost all the sinners mentioned in the Bible as models of 
sincere repentance. First of all comes King David, who is 
considered such a pattern of repentance, as the author of the 
fifty-first Psalm, that he would not have been allowed to sin 
so grievously, if he had not been providentially appointed as 
the shining example of the penitent s return to God. 2 Then 
there is King Manasseh, the most wicked among all the 
kings of Judah and Israel, who had committed the most 
abominable sins of idolatrous worship. Referring to the story 
told of him in Chronicles, it is said that God responded to 
his tearful prayers and incessant supplications by opening a 
rift under His throne of mercy and receiving his petition for 
pardon. Thus all mankind might see that none can be so 
wicked that he will not find the door of repentance open, if he 
but seek it sincerely and persistently. 3 Likewise Adam and 
Cain, Reuben and Judah, Korah, Jeroboam, Ahab, Josiah, and 
Jechoniah are described in Talmud, Midrash, and the apoca 
lyptic literature as penitent sinners who obtained at last the 
coveted pardon. 4 The optimistic spirit of Judaism cannot 
tolerate the idea that mortal man is hopelessly lost under the 
burden of his sins, or that he need ever lose faith in himself. 
No one can sink so low that he. cannot find his way back to 
his heavenly Father by untiring self-discipline. As the 
Talmud says, nothing can finally withstand the power of 

1 Pes. 54 a ; Gen. R. I, 5 ; P. d. R. El. Ill ; Singer s Prayerb. 267 f. 

Shab. 56 a; Ab. Z. 4 b- S a; Miclr. Teh. Ps. XL, 2; LI, 13. 

1 Ter. Sanh. X, 78 c ; Sanh. 103 a ; Pes. 162 ; Prayer of Manasseh. 

4 Pesik. 160 a-i6 2 ; Shab. 56 a, b; Gen. R. XI, 6; XXII, 12-13; XXXVIII, 
9; XLIX, 6; P. R. El. XX; XLIII; Num. R. XVIII, 6; Ab. d. R. N. I, 32; 
Sanh. 102 b. 



252 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

sincere repentance : "It reaches up to the very seat of God ;" 
"upon it rests the welfare of the world." 1 

6. The rabbis follow up the idea first announced in the 
book of Jonah, that the saving power of repentance applies 
to the heathen world as well. Thus they show how God 
constantly offered time and opportunity to the heathens for 
repentance. For example, when the generation of the flood, 
the builders of the Tower of Babel, and the people of Sodom 
and Gomorrah were to be punished, God waited to give them 
time for repentance and improvement of their ways. 2 Noah, 
Enoch, and Abraham are represented as monitors of their 
contemporaries, warning them, like the prophets, to repent 
in time lest they meet their doom. 3 Thus the whole Hellen 
istic literature of propaganda, especially the Sibylline books, 
echoes the warning and the hope that the heathen should 
repent of their grievous sins and return to God, whom they 
had deserted in idolatry, so that they might escape the im 
pending doom of the last judgment day. According to one 
Haggadist, 4 even the Messiah will appear first as a preacher 
of repentance, admonishing the heathen nations to be con 
verted to the true God and repent before Him, lest they fall 
into perdition. Indeed, it is said that even Pharaoh and 
the Egyptians were warned and given time 1 for repentance 
before their fate overtook them. 

7. Accordingly, the principle of repentance is a universal 
human one, and by no means exclusively national, as the 
Christian theologians represent it. 5 The sages thus describe 
Adam as the type of the penitent sinner, who is granted par- 

1 Yoma 86 a, b; Pes. R. XLIX. 

2 Mek. Shira 5; Gen. R. XXI, 6; XXX, 4; XXXII, 10; XXXVIII, 
14; LXXXIV, 18; Ex. R. XII, i; Num. R. XII, 13; B. Wisdom XI, 23; 
XII, 10, 19. 

3 Sanh. 108; Sibyllines, I, 125-198. 

4 Cant. R. VII, 5, ref. to the name Hadrach, Zech. IX, i. 

8 Weber, 1. c., 261 .; Bousset, 1. c., 446 f. ; comp. Perles: Bousset. 



REPENTANCE OR THE RETURN TO GOD 253 

don by God. The "sign" of Cain also was to be a sign for 
all sinners, assuring them they might all obtain forgiveness 
and salvation, if they would but return to God. 1 In fact, 
the prophetic appeal to Israel for repentance, vain at the 
time, effected the regeneration of the people during the 
Exile and gave rise to Judaism and its institutions. In the 
same way, the appeal to the heathen world by the Hellenistic 
propaganda and the Essene preachers of repentance did not 
induce the nations at once to prepare for the coming of the 
Messianic kingdom, but finally led to the rise of the Chris 
tian religion, and, through certain intermediaries, of the 
Mohammedan as well. 

However, the long-cherished hope for a universal conver 
sion of the heathen world, voiced in the preachments and the 
prayers of the "pious ones," gave way to a reaction. The 
rise of antinomian sects in Judaism occasioned the dropping 
of this pious hope, and only certain individual conversions 
were dwelt on as shining exceptions. 2 The heathen world 
in general was not regarded as disposed to repent, and so 
its ultimate fate was the doom of Gehenna. Experience 
seemed to confirm the stern view, which rabbinical interpre 
tation could find in Scripture also, that "Even at the very 
gate of the nether world wicked men shall not return." 3 
The growing violence of the oppressors and the increasing 
number of the maligners of Judaism darkened the hope for 
a universal conversion of humanity to the pure faith of 
Israel and its law of righteousness. On the contrary, a 
certain satisfaction was felt by the Jew in the thought that 
these enemies of Judaism should not be allowed to repent and 
obtain salvation in the hereafter. 4 

8. The idea of repentance was applied all the more in 
tensely in Jewish life, and a still more prominent place was 

1 Gen. R. XXII, 27; comp. Sanh. 107 b. Mek. Yithro i. 

Erub. 19 a. 4 Mid. Teh. Ps. I, 21 f.; IX, 13, 15; XI, 5. 



254 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

accorded it in Jewish literature. The rabbis have number 
less sayings J in the Talmud and also in the Haggadic and 
ethical writings concerning the power and value of repent 
ance. In passages such as these we see how profoundly 
Judaism dealt with the failings and shortcomings of man. 
The term asa teshubah, do repentance, implies no mere ex 
ternal act of penitence, as Christian theologians often assert. 
On the contrary, the chief stress is always laid on the feeling 
of remorse and on the change of heart which contrition and 
self-accusation bring. Yet even these would not be sufficient 
to cast off the oppressive consciousness of guilt, unless the 
contrite heart were reassured by God that He forgives the 
penitent son of man with paternal grace and love. In other 
words, religion demands a special means of atonement, that is, 
at-one-ment with God, to restore the broken relation of man 
to his Maker. The true spiritual power of Judaism appears 
in this, that it gradually liberates the kernel of the atonement 
idea from its priestly shell. The Jew realizes, as does the 
adherent of no other religion, that even in sin he is a child 
of God and certain of His paternal love. This is brought 
home especially on the Day of Atonement, which will be 
treated in a later chapter. 

9. At all events, the blotting out of man s sins with their 
punishment remains ever an act of grace by God. 2 In com 
passion for man s frailty He has ordained repentance as 
the means of salvation, and promised pardon to the penitent. 
This truth is brought out in the liturgy for the Day of Atone 
ment, as well as in the Apocalyptic Prayer of Manasseh. 
At the same time, Judaism awards the palm of victory to 
him who has wrestled with sin and conquered it by his own 
will. Thus the rabbis boldly assert: " Those who have 

1 See Maimonides, Bahya, and others on Teshubah; comp. J. E., art. Re 
pentance; Tobit XIII, 6; XIV, 6; Philo II, 435. 

2 See Schechter, 1. c., 323 f. 



REPENTANCE OR THE RETURN TO GOD 255 

sinned and repented rank higher in the world to come than 
the righteous who have never sinned," which is paralleled 
in the New Testament : " There is more joy in heaven over 
one sinner who repenteth than over ninety and nine righteous 
persons, who need no repentance." l No intermediary power 
from without secures the divine grace and pardon for the 
repentant sinner, but his own inner transformation alone. 

1 Sanh. 99 a, Luke XV, 7. The third Gospel more than the others 
preserved the original Jewish doctrines of the Church. 



CHAPTER XL 

MAN, THE CHILD OF GOD 

1. The belief that God hears our prayers and pardons our 
sins rests upon the assumption of a mutual relation between 
man and God. This belief is insusceptible of proof, but rests 
entirely upon our religious feelings and is rooted purely in 
our emotional life. We apply to the relation between man 
and God the finest feelings known in human life, the de 
votion and love of parents for their children and the affection 
and trust the child entertains for its parents. Thus we are led 
to the conviction that earth-born man has a Helper enthroned 
in the heavens above, who hearkens when he implores Him 
for aid. In his innermost heart man feels that he has a special 
claim on the divine protection. In the words of Job, 1 he knows 
that his Redeemer liveth. He need not perish in misery. 
Unlike the brute creation and the hosts of stars, which know 
nothing of their Maker, man feels akin to the God who lives 
within him; he is His image, His child. He cannot be de 
prived of His paternal love and favor. This truly human 
emotion is nowhere expressed so clearly as in Judaism. "Ye 
are the children of the Lord your God." 2 "Have we not all 
one Father? Hath not one God created us?" 3 "Like as 
a father hath compassion on his children, so hath the Lord 
compassion upon them that fear Him." 4 

2. Still, this simple idea of man s filial relation to God and 
God s paternal love for man did not begin in its beautiful final 
form. For a long time the Jew seems to have avoided the 

1 Job XIX, 25. The Hebrew Goel signifies kinsman as well as redeemer and 
avenger, implying blood-relationship. In Job it means vindicator. 

2 Deut. XIV, i. 3 Mai. II, 10. 4 Ps. CHI, 13. 

256 



MAN, THE CHILD OF GOD 257 

term " Father " for God, because it was used by the heathen for 
their deities as physical progenitors, and did not refer to the 
moral relation between the Deity and mankind. Thus 
worshipers of wooden idols would, according to Scripture, 
say to a stock, Thou art my father." J Hosea was the first 
to call the people of Israel "children of the living God," 2 if 
they would but improve their ways and enter into right re 
lations with Him. Jeremiah also hopes for the time when 
Israel would invoke the Lord, saying, "Thou art my Father," 
and in return God would prove a true father to him. 3 How 
ever, Scripture calls God a Father only in referring to the 
people as a whole. 4 The " pious ones" established a closer 
relation between God and the individual by means of prayer, 
so that through them the epithets, " Father," "Our Father," 
and "Our Father in heaven" came into general use. Hence, 
the liturgy frequently uses the invocation, "Our Father, 
Our King !" We owe to Rabbi Akiba the significant saying, 
in opposition to the Paulinian dogma, "Blessed are ye, O 
Israelites ! Before whom do you purify yourselves (from your 
sins) ? And who is it that purifies you ? Your Father in 
heaven." 5 Previously Rabbi Eliezer ben Hyrcanos dwelt 
on the moral degeneration of his age, which betokened the 
end of time, and exclaimed: "In whom, then, shall we find 
support? In our Father who is in heaven." 6 The ap 
pellative "Father in heaven" was the stereotyped term used 
by the "pious ones" during the century preceding and the 
one following the rise of Christianity, as a glance at the 
literature of the period indicates. 7 

3. It is instructive to follow the history of this term. In 
Scripture God is represented as speaking to David, " I will be 

1 Jer. II, 27. * Hosea II, i. See Jer. Ill, 4. 

4 Jer. XXXI, 9; Deut. XXXII, 7; Isa. LXIII, 16; LXIV, 7; Mai. I, 4; 
I Chron. XXIX, 10. 

Yoma VIII, 9. Sota IX, 15. 

7 See next paragraph, and the art. Abba in J. E. 



258 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

to him for a father, and he shall be to Me for a son," 1 or "He 
shall call unto Me: Thou art my Father, ... I also will 
appoint him first-born." 2 So in the apocryphal writings 
God speaks both to Israel and to individual saints: "I shall 
be to them a Father, and they shall be My children." 3 Else 
where it is said of the righteous, "He calls God his Father," 
and "he shall be counted among the sons of God." 4 We 
read concerning the Messiah : "When all wrongdoing will be 
removed from the midst of the people, he shall know that 
all are sons of God." 5 Obviously only righteousness or per 
sonal merit entitles a man to be called a son of God. In 
fact, we are expressly told of Onias, the great Essene saint, 
that his intimate relation with God emboldened him to con 
verse with the Master of the Universe as a son would speak 
with his father. 6 According to the Mishnah the older gener 
ation of "pious ones" used to spend "an hour in silent de 
votion before offering their daily prayer, in order to concen 
trate heart and soul upon their communion with their Father 
in heaven." 7 Thus it is said of congregational prayer that 
through it "Israel lifts his eyes to his Father in heaven." 8 
In this way prayer took the place of the altar, of which R. 
Johanan ben Zakkai said that it established peace between 
Israel and his Father in heaven. 9 Afterwards the question 
was discussed by Rabbi Meir and Rabbi Jehuda whether even 
sin-laden Israel had a right to be called "children of God." 
Rabbi Meir pointed to Hosea as proof that the backsliders also 
remain "children of the living God." 10 

4. In the Hellenistic literature, with its dominating idea 
of universal monotheism, God is frequently invoked or spoken 
of as the Father of mankind. The implication is that each 

1 II Sam. VII, 14. 2 Ps. LXXXIX, 27-28. 3 Jubilees I, 24. 

4 Wisdom II, 16; V, 5. 6 Psalms of Solomon XVII, 27. 

Taan. Ill, 8. 7 Ber. V, i. 8 Midr. Teh. Ps. CXXI, i. 

9 Mek. Yithro n. 10 Sifre Deut. 06 ; Hosea I, 10. 



MAN, THE CHILD OF GOD 259 

person who invokes God as Father enters into filial relation 
with Him. Thus what was first applied to Israel in par 
ticular was now broadened to include mankind in general, 
and consequently all men were considered "children of the 
living God." The words of God to Pharaoh, speaking of 
Israel as His "first-born son," l were taken as proof that all 
the nations of the earth are sons of God and He the universal 
Father. Israel is the first-born among the sons of God, be 
cause his patriarchs, prophets, and psalmists first recognized 
Him as the universal Father and Ruler. From this point of 
view Judaism declared love for fellow-men and regard for the 
dignity of humanity to be fundamental principles of ethics. 
"As God is kind and merciful toward His creation, be thou 
also kind and merciful toward all fellow-creatures," is the oft- 
repeated teaching of the rabbis. 2 Likewise, "Whoever takes 
pity on his fellow-beings, on him God in heaven will also take 
pity." Love of humanity has so permeated the nature of 
the Jew that the rabbis assert : "He who has pity on his fel 
low-men has the blood of Abraham in his veins." 4 This 
bold remark casts light upon the strange dictum: "Ye 
Israelites are called by the name of man, but the heathen are 
not." The Jewish teachers were so deeply impressed with 
man s inhumanity to man, so common among the heathen 
nations, and the immorality of the lives by which these dese 
crated God s image, that they insisted that the laws of hu 
manity alone make for divine dignity in man. 

5. Rabbi Akiba probably referred to the Paulinian dogma 
that Jesus, the crucified Messiah, is the only son of God, in 
his well-known saying: "Beloved is man, for he is created 
in God s image, and it was a special token of love that he be 
came conscious of it. Beloved is Israel, for they are called 
the children of God, and it was a special token of love that they 

1 Ex. IV, 22. * Sifre Deut. 49. Sifre Deut. 96. 

4 Beza 32 b. Yeb. 61 a. 



2 6o JEWISH THEOLOGY 

became conscious of it." 1 Here he claims the glory of being 
a son of God for Israel, but not for all men. Still, as soon as 
the likeness of man to God is taken in a spiritual sense, then 
it is implied that all men have the same capacity for being a 
son of God which is claimed for Israel. This is unquestion 
ably the view of Judaism when it considers the Torah as en 
trusted to Israel to bring light and blessing to all the families 
of men. Rabbi Meir, the disciple of Rabbi Akiba, said : 
"The Scriptural words, The statutes and ordinances which 
man shall do and live thereby, and similar expressions indi 
cate that the final aim of Judaism is not attained by the 
Aaronide, nor the Levite, nor even the Israelite, but by man 
kind." 2 Such a saying expresses clearly and emphatically 
that God s fatherly love extends to all men as His children. 

6. According to the religious consciousness of modern Israel 
man is made in God s image, and is thus a child of God. Con 
sequently Jew and non-Jew, saint and sinner have the same 
claim upon God s paternal love and mercy. There is no 
distinction in favor of Israel except as he lives a higher and 
more god-like life. Even those who have fallen away from 
God and have committed crime and sin remain God s children. 
If they send up their penitent cry to the throne of God, 
"Pardon us, O Father, for we have sinned! Forgive us, O 
King, for we have done evil!"; their prayer is heard by the 
heavenly Father exactly like that of the pious son of Israel. 

1 Aboth III, 13, quoted above, Chap. XXXIV, par. 6. 

2 Sifra Ahare 13, p. 86. 



CHAPTER XLI 
PRAYER AND SACRIFICE 

i. The gap between man and the sublime Master of the 
universe is vast, but not absolute. The thoughts of God are 
high above our thoughts, and the ways of God above our 
ways, baffling our reason when we endeavor to solve the 
vexatious problems of destiny, of merit and demerit, of ret 
ribution and atonement. Yet religion offers a wondrous 
medium to bring the heart of man into close communion with 
Him who is enthroned above the heavens, one that overleaps 
all distances, removes all barriers, and blends all dissonances 
into one great harmony, and that is Prayer. As the child 
must relieve itself of its troubles and sorrows upon the bosom 
of its mother or father in order to turn its pain into gladness, 
so men at all times seek to approach the Deity, confiding to 
Him all their fears and longings in order to obtain peace of 
heart. Prayer, communion between the human soul and 
the Creator, is the glorious privilege enjoyed by man alone 
among all creatures, as he alone is the child of God. It 
voices the longing of the human heart for its Father in heaven. 
As the Psalmist has it, "My soul thirsteth for God, for the 
living God." l 

2. However, both language, the means of intercourse be 
tween man and man, and prayer, the means of intercourse 
between man and God, show traces of a slow development 
lasting for thousands of years, until the loftiest thoughts and 

1 PS. XLII, 3. 
261 



262 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

sublimest emotions could be expressed. The real efficacy of 
prayer could not be truly appreciated, until the prophetic 
spirit triumphed over the priestly element in Judaism. In 
the history of speech the language of signs preceded that of 
sounds, and images gradually ripened into abstract thoughts. 
Similarly, primitive man approaches his God with many kinds 
of gifts and sacrificial rites to express his sentiments. He acts 
out or depicts what he expects from the Deity, whether rain, 
fertility of the soil, or the extermination of his foes. He 
shares with his God his food and drink, to obtain His friend 
ship and protection in time of trouble, and sacrifices the dear 
est of his possessions to assuage His wrath or obtain His favor. 
3. In the lowest stage of culture man needed no mediator 
in his intercourse with the Deity, who appeared to him in the 
phenomena of nature as well as in the fetish, totem, and the 
like. But soon he rose to a higher stage of thought, and the 
Deity withdrew before him to the celestial heights, filling him 
with awe and fear ; then rose a class of men who claimed the 
privilege to approach the Deity and influence Him by certain 
secret practices. Henceforth these acted as mediators be 
tween the mass of the people and the Deity. In the first 
place, these were the magicians, medicine-men, and similar 
persons, who were credited with the power to conjure up the 
hidden forces of nature, considered either divine or demoniac. 
After these arose the priests, distinguished from the people 
by special dress and diet, who established in the various tribes 
temples, altars, and cults, under their own control. Then 
there were the saints, pious penitents or Nazarites, who led 
an ascetic life secluded from the masses, hoping thus to ob 
tain higher powers over the will of the Deity. All these en 
tertained more or less clearly the notion that they stood in 
closer relation to the Deity than the common people, whom 
they then excluded from the sanctuary and all access to the 
Deity. 



PRAYER AND SACRIFICE 263 

The Mosaic cult, in the so-called Priestly Code, was founded 
upon this stage of religious life, forming a hierarchical in 
stitution like those of other ancient nations. It differed 
from them, however, in one essential point. The prime ele 
ment in the cult of other nations was magic, consisting of 
oracle, incantation and divination, but this was entirely con 
trary to the principles of the Jewish faith. On the other 
hand, all the rites and ceremonies handed down from remote 
antiquity were placed in the service of Israel s holy God, in 
order to train His people into the highest moral purity. 
The patriarchs and prophets, who are depicted in Scripture 
as approaching God in prayer and hearing His voice in reply, 
come under the category of saints or elect ones, above the 
mass of the people. 

4. Foreign as the entire idea of sacrifice is to our mode of 
religious thought, to antiquity it appeared as the only means 
of intercourse with the Deity. "In every place offerings are 
presented unto My name, even pure oblations," 1 says the 
prophet Malachi in the name of Israel s God. Even from a 
higher point of view the underlying idea seems to be of a 
simple offering laid upon the altar. Such were the meal- 
offering (flMft&o); 1 the burnt offering (olati), which sends its 
pillar of smoke up toward heaven, symbolizing the idea of 
self-sacrifice; while the various sin-offerings (hattath or 
asham) expressed the desire to propitiate an offended Deity. 
However, since the sacrificial cult was always dominated by 
the priesthood in Israel as well as other nations, the lawgiver 
made no essential changes in the traditional practice and 
terminology. Thus it was left to the consciousness of the 
people to find a deeper spiritual meaning in the sacrifices 

1 Mal. I, ii. 

s With its azkarah, the flame of incense rising in "pyramidal " form, generally 
translated "memorial," or "memorial-part." Lev. II, 9, 16. For sacrifice 
as means of atonement see Schechter: Aspects, 295-301. 



264 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

instead of stating one directly. The want was supplied only 
by the later Haggadists who tried to create a symbolism of the 
sacrificial cult. The laying on of hands by the individual who 
brought the offering, seems to have been a genuine symbolic 
expression of self -surrender. In the case of sin-offerings the 
Mosaic cult added a higher meaning by ordering a preceding 
confession of sin. Here, indeed, the individual entered into 
personal communion with God through his prayer for pardon, 
even though the priest performed the act of expiation for 
him. 

5. The great prophets of Israel alone recognized that 
the entire sacrificial system was out of harmony with the 
true spirit of Judaism and led to all sorts of abuses, above 
all to a misconception of the worship of God, which requires 
the uplifting of the heart. In impassioned language, there 
fore, they hurled words of scathing denunciation against the 
practice and principle of ritualism: "I hate, I despise your 
feasts, and I will take no delight in your solemn assemblies. 

Yea, though ye offer Me burnt-offerings and your meal- 
offerings, I will not accept them ; Neither will I regard the 
peace-offerings of your fat beasts. 

Take thou away from Me the noise of thy songs ; and let 
Me not hear the melody of thy psalteries. 

But let justice well up as waters, and righteousness as a 
mighty stream." l 

Thus speaks Amos in the name of the Lord. And Hosea : 

"For I desire mercy, and not sacrifice, and the knowledge 
of God rather than burnt-offerings." 2 

Isaiah spoke in a similar vein : 

"To what purpose is the multitude of your sacrifices unto 
Me ? saith the Lord ; I am full of the burnt-offerings of 
rams, and the fat of fed beasts ; and I delight not in the 
blood of bullocks, or of lambs, or of he-goats. . . . 
1 Amos V, 21-24. 2 Hosea VI, 6. 



PRAYER AND SACRIFICE 265 

Bring me no more vain oblations; it is an offering of 
abomination unto Me ; new moon and sabbath, the holding 
of convocations I cannot endure iniquity along with the 
solemn assembly. . . . 

And when ye spread forth your hands, I will hide Mine eyes 
from you ; yea, when ye make many prayers, I will not hear ; 
your hands are full of blood. 

Wash you, make you clean, put away the evil of your doings 
From before Mine eyes, cease to do evil ; learn to do well ; 
seek justice, relieve the oppressed, judge the fatherless, plead 
for the widow." l 

Most striking of all are the words of Jeremiah, spoken in 
the name of the Lord of hosts, the God of Israel : " Add your 
burnt-offerings unto your sacrifices, and eat ye flesh. For 
I spoke not unto your fathers, nor commanded them in the 
day that I brought them out of the land of Egypt, concern 
ing burnt-offerings and sacrifices, but this thing I commanded 
them, saying; Hearken unto My voice, and I will be your 
God, and ye shall be My people ; and walk ye in all the way 
that I command you, that it may be well with you. " 2 

6. However, the mere rejection of the sacrificial cult was 
quite negative, and did not satisfy the normal need for com 
munion with God. Therefore the various codes established 
a sort of compromise between the prophetic ideal and the 
priestly practice, in which the ideal was by no means supreme. 
Sometimes the prophetic spirit stirred the soul of inspired psalm 
ists, and their lips echoed forth again the divine revelation : 

"Hear, O My people, and I will speak; O Israel, and I 
will testify against thee : God, thy God, am I. I will not 
reprove thee for thy sacrifices; and thy burnt-offerings are 
continually before Me. I will take no bullock out of thy 
house, nor he-goats out of thy folds. For every beast of the 
forest is Mine, and the cattle upon a thousand hills. . . . 
1 Isa.I, xi-x8. Jer. VII, 21-23. 



266 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

Do I eat the flesh of bulls, or drink the blood of 
goats?" 1 Another psalmist says: " Sacrifice and meal- 
offering thou hast no delight in; Mine ears hast Thou 
opened; burnt-offering and sin-offering hast Thou not 
required." 2 

Still, the sacrificial cult was too deeply rooted in the life of 
the people to be disturbed by the voice of the prophets or 
the words of a few psalmists. It was connected with the 
Temple, and the Temple was the center of the social life of 
the nation. The few faint voices of protest went practically 
unheeded. The priestly pomp of sacrifice could only be dis 
placed by the more elevating and more spiritual devotion of 
the entire congregation in prayer, and this process demanded 
a new environment, and a group of men with entirely new 
ideas. 

7. The need of a deeper devotion through prayer was not 
felt until the Exile. There altar and priesthood were no 
more, but the words of the prophets and the songs of the 
Levites remained to kindle the people s longing for God with 
a new zeal. Until then prayer was rare and for special oc 
casions. Hannah s prayer at Shiloh filled even the high 
priest with amazement. 3 The prophets alone interceded in 
behalf of the people, because the ordinary man was not con 
sidered sufficiently clean from sin to approach the Deity in 
prayer. But on foreign soil, where sacrifices could not be 
offered to the God of Israel, the harp of David resounded with 
solemn songs expressing the national longing toward God. 
The most touching psalms of penitence and thanksgiving date 
from the exile. A select class of devout men, called the godly 
or pious ones, Hasidim or Anavim* assembled by the rivers 
of Babylon for regular prayer, turning their faces toward 

1 Ps. L, 7-13. 2 Ps. XL, 7. 3 1 Sam. I, 13-14. 

4 Of ten mentioned in the Psalms, under such terms as "the congregation 
of the righteous," "the holy ones," "the devout ones," etc. 



PRAYER AND SACRIFICE 267 

Jerusalem, that the God of Israel might answer them from 
His ancient seat. 1 Thus the great seer of the exile voiced the 
hope for "a house of prayer for all peoples" to stand in 
the very place where the sacrifices were offered to God. 2 
The congregation of Hasidim elaborated a liturgy under the 
Persian influence, in which prayer was the chief element, and 
the secondary part, the instruction from the Torah and the 
monitions of the prophets. The Synagogue, the house of 
meeting for the people, spread all over the world, and by its 
light of truth and glow of fervor it soon eclipsed the Temple, 
with all its worldly pomp. In fact, the priesthood of the 
Temple were finally compelled to make concessions to the 
lay movement of the Hasidim. They added a prayer 
service, morning and evening, to the daily sacrifices, and 
opened the Hall of Hewn Stones, the meeting place of 
the High Court of Justice, as a Synagogue in charge of the 
priests. 3 

8. In this manner the ancient sacrificial cult, thus long 
monopolized by the priesthood, was gradually superseded 
by congregational prayer which was no longer confined to a 
certain time or class, and justly called by the rabbis "a serv 
ice of the heart." 4 Moreover, the Temple itself lost much 
of its hold upon the hearts of the people, owing to the more 
spiritual character of the Synagogue. Thus the torch of the 
Roman soldiery which turned the Temple into a heap of ashes 
broke only the national bond, but left the religious bond of the 
Synagogue unbroken. True, the hope for the restoration of 
the Temple with the priestly sacrifices was not relinquished, 
and officially the daily prayers were considered only a " tem 
porary substitute" for the divinely ordained sacrificial cult. 5 

1 See I Kings VIII, 48 ; Dan. VI, 1 1. Isa. LVI, 7. 

8 Tamid V, i; comp. Kohler: Monatsschr., 1893, p. 441. 

4 Sifre Deut. 41 : "What is meant by, To serve Him with all your heart? 
this is prayer." 

1 Ber. 26 a. 



268 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

Nevertheless, the deeper religious consciousness of the people 
felt that the celestial gate of divine mercy opens only to 
prayer, which emanates from the innermost depths of the 
soul. Accordingly, some of the Haggadists try to prove from 
Scripture that prayer ranks above sacrifice, 1 while others 
even identify worship with prayer. 2 They represent God as 
appearing to Moses in the guise of one who leads the congre 
gation in prayer, His face covered by the prayer-shawl (tallitti), 
in order to teach man for all time the mode and power of 
prayer. 3 Still these remain isolated expressions of an un 
derlying sentiment ; on the whole, the rabbis regarded the 
Mosaic legislation, with its emphasis on sacrifice, far too 
highly to accord prayer any but a secondary place, either 
accompanying sacrifice or as its substitute. 4 

9. Through many centuries, then, the belief in the divine 
origin of the sacrificial cult remained, even though it could 
no longer be carried out. The liturgy contained prayers 
for the speedy restoration of the Temple and the sacrifices, 
which were preserved by tradition, and nowhere was even an 
echo heard of the bold words of Jeremiah denying the divine 
character of the sacrifices, 5 even though the idea of the res 
toration of the old cult must have been repugnant to thinkers. 
The sages of former ages could only resort to a compromise 
or an allegorical interpretation. It is noteworthy that the 
Haggadist Rabbi Levi considered the sacrifices a concession 
of God to the people, who were disposed to idolatry, in order 
to win them gradually for the pure monotheistic ideal. 6 This 
view was adopted by the Church Fathers, and later by Mai- 
monides and other medieval thinkers. On the other hand, 
an allegorical meaning was assigned to the sacrifices by Philo 

1 Ber. 32 b ; Midr. to Sam. I, 7. 2 P. d. R. El. XVI. 

3 R. haSh. 17 b. 

4 Meg. 31 b; Yer. Taan. IV, 68 c. But compare Isaac Aboab : Menorath 
ha Maor, III, 3 a ; Bahya ben Asher : Kad ha Kemah, art. Tefillah. 
6 Jer. VI, 22. 6 Lev. R. XXII, 5. 



PRAYER AND SACRIFICE 269 

and Jehuda ha Levi, as well as by Samson Raphael Hirsch in 
modern times. 1 

Reform Judaism, recognizing the results of Biblical research 
and the law of religious progress, adopted the prophetic view 
of the sacrifices. Accordingly, the sacrificial cult of the 
Mosaic code has no validity for the liberal movement, and 
all reference to it has been eliminated from the reform liturgy. 
In this, however, the connection with the past was by no means 
severed. The main part of the service remains the same, 
although much of the character and many of the details have 
been changed. 2 Only the allusions to the Temple worship and 
the sacrifices were eliminated, and the entire form of the 
service was made more solemn and inspiring " by combining 
ancient tune-honored formulas with modern prayers and 
meditations in the vernacular and in the spirit of the age." 
The morning and evening services retained their places, while 
the additional festal service (mussaf) was abrogated, because 
it stood for the additional festal sacrifice. As to the volun 
tary element in the old sacrificial system, the peace, sin, and 
thank-offerings, this is replaced in the reform ritual, as in 
the traditional practice, by private devotions for special 
occasions, to be selected by the individual. 

The traditional Jewish prayer has certainly a wondrous 
force. It remains a source of inspiration from which the 
religious consciousness will ever draw new strength and 
vitality. It echoes the voice of Israel singing the song of 
redemption by the Red Sea: "This is My God, and I will 

1 Cuzari, II, 25, see note by Cassel ; Moreh, III, 32 ; comp. Midrash Tadshe 
12; I, 177 f.; comp. Hebrews IX-X; Barnabas, I, 25. S. R. Hirsch in Horeb 
p. 639 f. 

1 See Philipson : The Reform Movement in Judaism for the various views 
and debates on sacrifice and prayer. I. Elbogen : D. jued. Goltesdienst i. s. 
geschichll. Entwicklung, p. 374 f.,435 f., is written in a more conservative spirit 
and unfavorable to American Reform Judaism. Comp. for the traditional 
liturgy : Dembitz : Jewish Services in the Synagogue and Home, especially on 
the Prayerbook, p. 233-246, and for America, 497-499. 



270 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

glorify Him ; My father s God, and I will exalt Him." 1 
Consequently our liturgy must ever respond to a double 
demand; it must throb with the spirit of continuity with 
our great past, to make us feel one with our fathers of yore ; 
and it must express clearly and fully our own views and needs, 
our convictions and our hopes. 

1 Ex. XV, 2. 



CHAPTER XLII 

THE NATURE AND PURPOSE OF PRAYER 

i Prayer is the expression of man s longing and yearning 
for God in times of dire need and of overflowing joy, an out 
flow of the emotions of the soul in its dependence on God, 
the ever-present Helper, the eternal Source of its existence. 
Springing from the deepest necessity of human weakness, the 
expression of a momentary wish, prayer is felt to be the proud 
prerogative of man as the child of God, and at last it becomes 
adoration of the Most High, whose wisdom and whose paternal 
love and goodness inspire man with confidence and love. 

2. Every prayer is offered on the presumption that it will be 
heard by God on high. "O Thou that hearest prayer, unto 
Thee doth all flesh come," sings the Psalmist. 1 No doubt of 
the efficacy of prayer can arise in the devout spirit. There 
can be only the question whether, and how far, the Deity can 
allow its decrees to be influenced by human wishes. Childlike 
faith anticipates divine interference in the natural order at 
any time, because it has not yet attained the conception of a 
moral order in the universe and, therefore, expects from prayer 
also miraculous effects on life. As the Deity can suddenly 
send or withhold rain or drought, barrenness or birth, life or 
death, so the inference is that the man of God can do the same 
with his prayer. This is the point of view of the Biblical and 
Talmudic periods, as well as of the entire ancient world. It 
seems almost childish to our religious consciousness when, 

1 Ps. LXV, 3. See Wm. James: Varieties of Rel. Experience, 463-477; 
Foster: Function of Religion, 183-185 ; Abelson : Jewish Mysticism, p. 15 and 
elsewhere. 

271 



272 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

according to Talmudic tradition, the high priest petitioned 
God in the Sanctuary on the Day of Atonement for a year 
rich in rain and blessed with sunshine and with dew, and at the 
same time expressed the entreaty that the prayers of travelers 
for dry or cool weather should find no hearing. 1 That the 
prayers of the pious may alter God s decree is not doubted for 
a moment by the rabbis ; only they insist that God has taken 
into account beforehand the efficacy of this prayer in deciding 
the fate of the pious, in order that they may petition for that 
which He actually plans to do. "God longs for the prayer of 
the pious"; for that reason, they say, the Mothers of Israel 
were afHicted with barrenness, until the prayers of the Pa 
triarchs had accomplished the transformation in their con 
stitutions. 2 On the other hand, the rabbis warn against 
excessive pondering over prayer and its efficacy, as through it 
that childlike faith would be weakened, which is the basis of 
all prayer. 3 

3. According to the rabbinic viewpoint, prayer has the 
power to reverse every heavenly decree, inasmuch as it appeals 
from the punitive justice of God, which has decided thus, to 
His attributes of grace and mercy, which can at any time effect 
a change. When the prophet Isaiah came to King Hezekiah 
with the message: "Set thine house in order, for thou shalt 
die, " he replied, "Finish thy message and go ; I have received 
the tradition from my royal ancestor David that, even when 
the sword already touches the neck, man shall not desist from 
an appeal to the divine mercy." 4 Nay more, the rabbis 
believed that God Himself prays, saying, "Oh, that My mercy 
shall prevail over My justice ! " 5 Only after the divine judg 
ment has been executed prayer becomes vain. In general, 
the entire Talmudic period ascribed miraculous power to 
prayer, especially the prayers of the pious, like the popular 

1 Yoma 53 b. 2 Yeb. 64 a ; Ex. R. XXI, 6. 

3 Ber. 55 a. 4 Ber 10 a. 6 Ber. 7 a. 



THE NATURE AND PURPOSE OF PRAYER 273 

saint Onias or Hanina ben Dosa. 1 In many such cases the 
invocation of God was combined with the use of the sacred 
name, the tetragrammaton, to which magical powers were 
ascribed. 2 

4. The two attributes of God, Justice and Mercy, corre 
spond to the double nature of mankind, as the sinful man, who 
deserves punishment, is called to account by the former, while 
the righteous man may appeal to the latter. Accordingly, the 
efficacy of prayer could be so explained that, before it. can 
influence the decision of God, it demands the reformation of 
man. While the unregenerate man meets an evil destiny, 
the reformed man has become a different being, and hence in 
stead of justice mercy will control his fate. Albo pleads for 
this view of prayer, when he cites the Talmudic incident about 
R. Meir. It is said that R. Meir interceded for the people of 
Mimla, who all seemed to have been doomed to die on attain 
ing manhood because they inherited the curse of the priestly 
family of Eli. 3 But he also recommended to them that they 
should devote their lives to worthy deeds, as it is said in the 
Proverbs : 4 "The hoary head is a crown of glory, it is found 
in the way of righteousness." 5 

Other thinkers ascribe to prayer the power to change the 
fate determined by the stars, because it exalts man into a 
higher sphere of godliness, exactly like the spirit of prophecy. 
Of course, this conception is connected with the belief in 
astrology, which swayed even clear thinkers like Ibn Ezra. 6 

5. According to our modern thinking there can be no ques 
tion of any influence upon a Deity exalted above time and 

I Taan. Ill, 8 ; Ber. V, 6 ; Babl. 34 b ; Yer. 9 d. 

Pes. R. XXII, p. 114 b; Midr. Teh. Ps.XCI,8; see Schechter : Aspects, 
156; 42. 

I 1 Sam. II,3i. < Prov. XVI, 32. 

8 Gen. R. LIX, i ; Yeb. 105 a, where R. Johanan ben Zakkai is mentioned 
instead of R. Meir; Albo : Ikkarim, IV, 18. 

8 See Steinschneider : Abraham Ibn Ezra, 126 ff. 

T 



274 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

space, omniscient, unchangeable in will and action, by the 
prayer of mortals. Prayer can exert power only over the rela 
tion of man to God, not over God Himself. This indicates the 
nature and purpose of prayer. Man often feels lonely and 
forlorn in a world which overpowers him, to which he feels 
superior, and yet which he cannot master. Therefore he longs 
for that unseen Spirit of the universe, with whom alone he feels 
himself akin, and in whom alone he finds peace and bliss amid 
life s struggle and unrest. This longing is both expressed and 
satisfied in prayer. Following the natural impulse of his 
soul, man must pour out before his God all his desires and 
sighs, all the emotions of grief and delight which sway his 
heart, in order that he may find rest, like a child at its mother s 
bosom. Therefore the childlike mind believes that God can 
be induced to come down from His heavenly heights to offer 
help, and that He can be moved and influenced in human 
fashion. The truth is that every genuine prayer lifts man up 
toward God, satisfies the desire for His hallowing presence, 
unlocks the heavenly gate of mercy and bliss, and bestows 
upon man the beatific and liberating sense of being a child of 
God. The intellect may question the effect of prayer upon the 
physical, mental, or social constitution of man, or may declare 
prayer to be pious self-deception. The religious spirit experi 
ences in prayer the soaring up of the soul toward union with 
God in consecrated moments of our mortal pilgrimage. This 
is no deception. The man who prays receives from the God 
head, toward whom he fervently lifts himself, the power to 
defy fate, to conquer sin, misery, and death. "The Lord is 
nigh to all them that call upon Him, to all that call upon Him 
in truth." 1 

6. To pray, then, is to look up to God and to pour out before 
Him one s wishes, thoughts, sorrows, and joys. Certainly the 
All-knowing does not require to be told by us what we desire 

1 Ps. CXLV, 18. 



THE NATURE AND PURPOSE OF PRAYER 275 

or what we need. "For there is not a word in my tongue, 
but lo, Lord, Thou knowest it altogether." l But we mortals 
merely aspire toward Him who bears the world on His eternal 
arms, to express in His presence our agony and our jubilation, 
because we are certain of His paternal sympathy. When we 
praise and extol Him for the happiness and the many pleasures 
which He has granted us, He becomes the Partaker and Pro 
tector of our fortune, just as He is our sympathetic Helper 
when we cry out to Him under the burden of sin or grief, in the 
anxiety of danger or of guilt. Every genuine prayer realizes 
deeply the truth of the words, "Cast thy burden upon the 
Lord, and He will sustain thee." 2 

7. Self-expression before God in prayer has thus a double 
effect; it strengthens faith in God s love and kindness, as 
well as in His all-wise and all-bountiful prescience. But it also 
chastens the desires and feelings of man, teaching him to 
banish from his heart all thoughts of self-seeking and sin, and 
to raise himself toward the purity and the freedom of the 
divine will and demand. The essence of every prayer of sup 
plication is that one should be in unison with the divine will, 
to sum up all the wishes of the heart in the one phrase, "Do 
that which is good in Thine own eyes, O Lord." 3 On the 
other hand, only the prayer which avoids impure thoughts and 
motives can venture to approach a holy God, as the sages infer 
from the words of Job, "There is no violence in my hands, and 
my prayer is pure." 4 

8. Every prayer, teach the sages, should begin with the 
praise of God s greatness, wisdom, and goodness, in order that 
man should learn submission and implicit confidence before 
he proffers his requests. 5 While looking up to the divine Ideal 

1 Ps. CXXXIX, 4. * Ps. LV, 23. 

1 Ber. 29 b ; Tos. Ber. Ill, 7 ; comp. Albo : Ikkarim, IV, 24. 
4 Job XVI, 17; Ex. R. XXII, 4; comp. Schechter: Aspects, 228. 
Ab.Z. 76. 



276 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

of holiness and perfection, he will strive to emulate Him, and 
seek to grow ever nearer to the holy and the perfect. But 
only when he prays with and for others, that is, in public 
worship, will he realize that he is a member of a greater whole, 
for then he prays only for that which advances the welfare of 
all. "He who prays with the community," say the rabbis, 
"will have his prayer granted." 1 

Another saying of theirs is that he who prays should have his 
face directed to the sanctuary, and when he stands on its 
sacred precincts, he should turn his face toward the Holy of 
Holies. 2 By this they meant that the attitude of the suppliant 
should ever be toward the highest, making the soul soar up to 
the Highest and Holiest in reverent awe and adoration, trans 
forming the worshiper into a new character, pure from all 
dross. 

9. Therefore prayer offered with the community upon the 
sanctified ground of the house of God exerts a specially power 
ful influence upon the individual. In the silent chamber the 
oppressed spirit may find calm and composure in prayer ; but 
the pure atmosphere of heavenly freedom and bliss is attained 
with overwhelming might only by the united worship of hun 
dreds of devout adorers, which rings out like the roaring of 
majestic billows : "The Lord is in His holy temple ; let all the 
earth keep silence before Him." 3 The familiar strains from 
days of yore touch the deep, long-silent chords of the heart, 
and awaken dormant sentiments and repressed thoughts, 
endowing the soul with new wings, to lift itself up toward 
God, the Father, from whom it had felt itself alienated. In 
the ardor of communal worship the traditional words of the 
prayer-book obtain invigorating power; the heart is newly 
strengthened ; the covenant with heaven sealed anew. To 
such communal prayer, which springs from the heart, the 
rabbis refer the Biblical words, "to serve Him with the whole 
1 Ber. 8 a. 2 Ber. 30 a. 3 Hab. II, 20. 



THE NATURE AND PURPOSE OF PRAYER 277 

heart." l The synagogal worship exerts an ennobling influ 
ence upon the spirit of the individual as well as that of the 
community. For after all the main object is that the soul 
which aspires toward God may learn to find God. Seek ye 
the Lord while He may be found ; call ye upon Him while He 
is near." No man is so poor as he who calls in agony : "O 
God !" and to whom neither the heaven above nor the heart 
within answers, " Behold, God is here." Nor is any man so rich 
with all his possessions as he who realizes, like the Psalmist, 
that "the nearness of God is the true good," and imbued with 
this thought exclaims, "Whom have I in heaven but Thee? 
And beside Thee I desire none upon earth." 

1 Sifre Deut. 41. Isa. LV, 6. Ps. LXXIII, 25, 28. 



CHAPTER XLIII 

DEATH AND THE FUTURE LIFE 

i. The vision of man is directed upwards and forwards ; he 
will not resign himself to decay in the dust like the beast. 
As he bears in his breast the consciousness of a higher divine 
world, he is equally confident of his own continuity after 
death. He cannot and will not believe that with the giving 
up of his last living breath his being would become dust like 
that of the animal ; or that his soul, which has hitherto accom 
plished and planned so much, should now suddenly cease 
altogether to exist. The longing for a future life, however 
expressed, has filled him and buoyed him up since the very 
beginning of history. Even the most primitive tribe does not 
allow its dead to lie and rot like the carcasses of the beast, 
but lays them to rest hi the grave with all their possessions, 
in the expectation that somewhere and somehow, under, over 
or beyond the earth, they will continue their lives, even in a 
better form than before. 

This longing for immortality implanted in the human soul is 
so represented in the legend of Paradise that the tree whose 
fruit bestowed upon the celestial beings the gift of eternal 
life like the Greek ambrosia, "the food of the gods" 
was originally intended for mankind also in the divine " Garden 
of Bliss." But after man fell through sin, all access to it was 
denied him, in order that he might not stretch out his hand for 
it and thereby attain that immortality which was vouch 
safed only to divine beings. 1 According to his original destiny, 
therefore, man should live forever ; and, just as legend allows 

1 Gen. Ill, 22. 
278 



DEATH AND THE FUTURE LIFE 279 

those divinely elected, like Enoch and Elijah, 1 to ascend to 
heaven alive, so at a later period prophecy predicts a time when 
God will annihilate death forever. 2 Accordingly, through the 
power of his divine soul man possesses a claim to immortality, 
to eternal life with God, the " Fountain of life." 

2. It was just this keen longing for an energetic life on 
earth, this mighty yearning to "walk before God in the land 
of the living," 3 which made it more difficult for Judaism to 
brighten the " valley of the shadow of death" and to elevate 
the vague notion of a shadowy existence in the hereafter into 
a special religious teaching. Until long after the Exile the 
Jewish people shared the view of the entire ancient world, 
both the Semitic nations, such as the Babylonians and Phoeni 
cians, and the Aryans, such as the Greeks and Romans, 
that the dead continue to exist in the shadowy realm of the 
nether world (Sheol), the land of no return (Beliyaal)* of eternal 
silence (Dumah), and oblivion (Neshiyah), b a dull, ghostly 
existence without clear consciousness and without any awaken 
ing to a better life. We must, however, not overlook the fact 
that even in these most primitive conceptions a certain imper 
ishability is ascribed to man as marking his superiority over the 
animal world, which is altogether abandoned to decay. Hence 
the belief in the existence of the shades, the Re/aim in Sheol. 8 
But throughout the Biblical period no ethical idea yet per 
meated this conception, and no attempt was made to trans 
form the nether world into a place of divine judgment, of 
recompense for the good and evil deeds accomplished on earth, 7 
as did the Babylonians and Egyptians. Both the prophets and 
the Mosaic code persist in applying their promises and threats, 
in fact, their entire view of retribution, to this world, nor do 

1 Gen. V, 24 ; II Kings II, i. Isa. XXV, 8. 

Isa. XXXVIII, ii ; Ps. CXVI, 9. 

Ps. XVIII, 5, and J. E., art. Belial. Ps. CXV, 17 ; LXXXVIII, 13. 

Isa. XXVI, 14, 19; Ps. LXXXVIII, n ; Prov. IX, 18; Job XXVI, 5. 
7 Ps. XLIX, 15. 



280 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

they indicate by a single word the belief in a judgment or a 
weighing of actions in the world to come. 

3. Whether the Mosaic-prophetic writings be regarded from 
the standpoint of traditional faith or of historical criticism, 
the limitation of their teaching and exhortation to the present 
life can be considered narrowness only by biased expounders 
of the "Old Testament." The Israelitish lawgiver could not 
have been altogether ignorant of the Egyptian or the Baby 
lonian conceptions of the future world. Obviously Israel s 
prophets and lawgivers deliberately avoided giving any 
definite expression to the common belief in a future life after 
death, especially as the Canaanitish magicians and necro 
mancers used this popular belief to carry on their superstitious 
practices, so dangerous to all moral progress. 1 The great 
task which prophetic Judaism set itself was to place the entire 
life of men and nations in the service of the God of justice and 
holiness ; there was thus no motive to extend the dominion 
of JHVH, the God of life, to the underworld, the playground 
of the forces of fear and superstition. As late as the author 
of the book of Job and of the earlier Psalms, Sheol was known 
as the despot of the nether world with its demoniacal forms, 
as the "king of terrors" who extends his scepter over the 
dead. 2 Only gradually does the thought find expression in 
the Psalms that the Omnipotent Ruler of heaven could also 
rescue the soul out of the power of Sheol, 3 and that His omni 
presence included likewise the nether world. 4 In this trustful 
spirit the Hasidic Psalmist expressed the hope: "Thou wilt 
not abandon my soul to Sheol, neither wilt Thou suffer Thy 
godly one to see the pit. Thou makest me to know the path 
of life ; in Thy presence is fulness of joy ; in Thy right hand 
bliss forevermore." 5 

1 See Isa. VIII, 19; XXVIII, 15, 18; I Sam. XXIX, 7-14. 

2 Job XVIII, 14; Ps. XLIX, 15. 

3 Ps. XLIX, 16 ; Job XIV, 13. 4 Ps. CXXXIX, 8. 
6 Ps. XVI, 10-1 1 ; Hosea XIII is a late emendation of the text. 



DEATH AND THE FUTURE LIFE 281 

4. Biblical Judaism evinced such a powerful impetus toward 
a complete and blissful life with God, that the center and pur 
pose of existence could not be transferred to the hereafter, 
as in other systems of belief, but was found in the desire to 
work out the life here on earth to its fullest possible develop 
ment. Virtue and wisdom, righteousness and piety, signify 
and secure true life ; vice and folly, iniquity and sin, lead to 
death and annihilation. This is the ever recurring burden of 
the popular as well as of the prophetic and priestly wisdom of 
Israel. 1 In the song of thanks of King Hezekiah after his 
recovery, the Jewish soul expresses itself, when he says : 2 "I 
said, I shall not see the Lord, even the Lord in the land of the 
living. ... But Thou hast delivered my soul from the pit 
of corruption. For the nether world cannot praise Thee; 
death cannot celebrate Thee. The living, the living, he shall 
praise Thee, as I do this day. The father to the children shall 
make known Thy truth." Therefore theauthor of the seventy- 
third Psalm, ennobled by trials, finds sufficient comfort and 
happiness in the presence of God that he can spurn all earthly 
treasures. 3 Job, too, in his affliction longed for death as release 
from all earthly pain and sorrow, but not to bring him a state of 
rest and peace like the Nirvana of the Indian beggar-monk, or 
an outlook into a better world to come. Such an awakening to 
a new life seems to him unthinkable, although many com 
mentators have often endeavored to read such a hope into 
certain of his expressions. 4 Instead, his belief in God as the 
Ruler of the infinite world, with His lofty moral purpose far 
outreaching all human wisdom, lent him courage and power 
for further effort and persistent striving on earth. Since to this 

1 Deut. XXX, 19 ; Jer. XXI, 8 ; Ezek. XX, 1 1 ; Lev. XVTII, 5 ; Ps. XXXIV 
3 ; Prov. Ill, 22 ; V, 5 f. 

Isa. XXXVIII, 10-20. . P S . LXXIII, 25-28. 

Job XIX, 25 f., challenges God to be his vindicator on earth or on his tomb, 
testifying to his righteousness. Resurrection is denied directly: VII, 8-21; 
XIV, 12-22. The whole argument of the book excludes the thought. 



282 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

suffering hero, impelled to deeds by his own energy, life is a 
continuous battle, a hereafter as a "world of reward and pun 
ishment" can hardly solve the great enigma of human exist 
ence in a satisfactory manner for him. The wise ones 
says a Talmudic maxim find rest neither in this world nor 
in the world to come, but "they shall ascend from strength to 
strength, until they appear before God on Zion." 1 

5. In the course of time, however, the question of existence 
after death demanded more and more a satisfactory answer. 
Under the severe political and social oppression that came 
upon the Jewish people, the pious ones failed to see a just 
equation of man s doings and his destiny in this life. The 
bitter disappointment which they experienced made them 
look to the God of justice for a future, when virtue would 
receive its due reward and vice its befitting punishment. The 
community of the pious especially awaited in vain the realiza 
tion of the great messianic hope with which the prophetic 
words of comfort had filled their hearts. They had willingly 
offered up their lives for the truth of Judaism, and the God of 
faithfulness could not deceive them. Surely the shadowy 
realm of the nether world could not be the end of all. So the 
voice of promise came to them from the book of Isaiah, 
where these encouraging and comforting words were inserted 
by a later hand : "Thy dead shall live ; thy (My) dead bodies 
shall arise. Awake and sing, ye that dwell in the dust, for 
Thy dew is as the dew of herbs, and the earth shall cast forth 
the shades." 2 Even before this time the God of Israel had 
been praised as "He who killeth and maketh alive, who 
bringeth down to Sheol, and bringeth up." 3 So was also the 
miraculous power of restoring the dead to life ascribed to the 

1 Ber. 64 a, with ref. to Ps. LXXXIV, 4. 

2 Isa. XXVI, 19. Read, " thy dead instead of My dead." The transla 
tion given here differs from the new translation. 

1 Sam. II, 6. 



DEATH AND THE FUTURE LIFE 283 

prophets. 1 Furthermore, the vision of the prophet Ezekiel 
concerning the dry bones which arose to new life, in which he 
beheld the divine revelation of the approaching event of the 
restoration of the Jewish nation, 2 shows how familiar the idea 
of resurrection must have been to the people. Hence the 
minds of the Jewish people were sufficiently prepared to adopt 
the Persian belief in the resurrection of the dead. 

6. This, however, led to a tremendous process of trans 
formation in Judaism with a wide chasm between Mosaism 
and Rabbinism, or, more accurately, between the Sadducees, 
who adhered to the letter of the law, and the Pharisees, who 
embodied the progressive spirit of the people. On the one 
hand, Jesus ben Sira, who at the close of his book speaks with 
great admiration of the high-priest Simon the Just as his con 
temporary, knew as yet nothing of a future life, and like 
Koheleth saw the end of all human existence in the dismal 
realm of the nether world. Yet at the same time, the Hasi- 
dim or pious ones and their successors, the Pharisees, were 
developing after the Persian pattern the thought of a divine 
judgment day after death, when the just were to awaken to 
eternal life, and the evil-doers to shame and everlasting con 
tempt. 3 This advanced moral view, frequently overlooked, 
transformed the ancient Semitic Sheol from the realm of 
shades to a place of punishment for sinners, and thus invested 
it with an ethical purpose. 4 After this the various Biblical 
names for the nether world became the various divisions of 

1 " Kings IV, 20-37. 2 Ezek. XXXVII, 1-14. 

1 Dan. XII, 2, and comp. II Mace. VII, 9-36 ; XII, 43, and the Apocalyptic 
books such as Enoch, Test. Twelve Patriarchs, Jubilees, Psalms of Solomon, 
IV Ezra and Baruch Apocalypse, whereas I Mace., Judith and Tobit, belonging 
to the Sadducean circles, never allude to the future life. 

Passages like Ps. IX, 18; XI, 6; XLIX, 15, comp. with Isa. XXXIII, 
14; LXV, 24; Mai. Ill, 19, lent themselves especially to this conception of 
Sheol as a fiery place of punishment identified afterwards with Gchinnom. 
Jer. VII, 31 f. ; XIX, 6. See J. E., art. Gehenna, and R. H. Charles, Hebrew, 
Jewish and Christian Eschatology, 2 d, 1913, p. 75 f., 132, 160 f., 292 f. 



284 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

hell. 1 Indeed, the Psalmists and the Proverbs had announced 
to the wicked their destruction in Sheol, and on the other 
hand held out for the godly the hope of deliverance from Sheol 
and a beatific sight of God in the land of the living. Thus the 
transition was prepared for the new world-conception. All the 
promises and threats of the law and the prophets, when they 
did not receive fulfillment in this world, appeared now to 
point forward to the world to come. Moreover, the Pharisees 
in their disputes with the Sadducees made use of every refer 
ence, however slight, to the future life, even of such pas 
sages as those which speak of the Patriarchs as receiving the 
promise of possessing the Holy Land, as if they were still alive, 
as proofs of the continued life of the dead, or of their resur 
rection. 2 Thus it came about that the leading authorities of 
rabbinic Judaism were in the position to declare in the Mishnah : 
"He who says that the belief in the resurrection of the dead is 
not founded on the Torah (and therefore does not accept it) 
shall have no share in the world to come." 3 

7. The founders of the liturgy of the Synagogue, in opposi 
tion to the Sadducees, formulated therefore the belief in resur 
rection in the second of the " Eighteen (or Seven) Benedic 
tions" of the daily prayer in the following words: "Thou, 
O Lord, art mighty forever. Thou revivest the dead. Thou 
art mighty to save. Thou sustainest the living with loving- 
kindness, revivest the dead with great mercy, supportest the 
falling, healest the sick, loosest the bound, and keepest Thy 
faith to them that sleep in the dust. (This refers to the 
Patriarchs, to whom God has promised the land of the future.) 
Who is like unto Thee, O Lord of mighty acts, and who 
resembleth Thee, O King, who killest and bringest to life, and 
causest salvation to spring forth? Yea, faithful art Thou to 

1 Midr. Teh. Ps. XI, 5-6; Erub. 19 a. 

2 Sanh. 90 b; comp. Matt. XXII, 32. 

3 Sanh. X, i ; see J. E., art. Resurrection, and Neumark, art. Ikkarim in 1. c. 



DEATH AND THE FUTURE LIFE 285 

revive the dead. Blessed art Thou, O Lord, who revivest 
the dead." In this prayer dating from the age of the Macca 
bees x the Jewish consciousness of two thousand years found 
a twofold hope, the national and the universally human. 
The national hope, which combined the belief in the restoration 
of the kingdom of David and of the sacrificial cult with the 
resurrection of the dead in the Holy Land, can be understood 
only in connection with a historic view of Israel s place in the 
world, and is treated in the third part of this book. The 
purely human hope for the continuity or the renewal of life 
rests on two fundamental problems which must be examined 
more closely in the next two chapters. The one belongs to the 
province of psychology and considers the question : What is 
the eternal divine element in man? The other goes more 
deeply into the religious and moral nature of man and con 
siders the question : Where and how does divine retribution 
-reward or punishment take place in human life? To 
both of these questions our modern view, with its special aim 
toward a unified grasp of the totality of life, requires a special 
answer. This can be neither that of rabbinic Judaism, which 
rests upon Persian dualism, nor that of medieval philosophy, 
which was under the Platonic-Aristotelian influence. 
1 See Singer s Prayerb., 44 f., and Abrahams Notes, LIX. 



CHAPTER XLIV 

THE IMMORTAL SOUL OF MAN 

i. The idea of immortality has been found in Scripture in a 
rather obscure and probably corrupt passage, 1 "In the way 
of righteousness is life, and in the pathway thereof there is no 
death." In the same spirit Aquila, the Bible translator, 
who belonged to the school of R. Eliezer and R. Joshua, renders 
the equally obscure passage from the Psalms, 2 "He will lead 
us to immortality," reading al maveth, the Al with Alef, for 
al muth, the Al with Ayin. There is more solid foundation for 
the view that the verse, " God created man in His own image" 
implies that there is an imperishable divine essence in man. 
In fact, that which distinguishes man from the animal as well 
as from the rest of creation, both the starry worlds above and 
the manifold forms of life on earth about him, is his self- 
conscious personality, his ego, through which he feels himself 
akin with God, the great world-ruling / Am. This self- 
conscious part of man, which lends to his every manifestation 
its value and purpose, can no more disappear into nothing 
ness than can God, who called into existence this world with all 
its phenomena, who set it in motion and directs it. What 
ever thought the crudest of men may have of his ego, his self, 3 
or however the most learned scholar may explain the marvel 
ous action and interaction of physical and psychical or spiritual 

1 Prov. XII, 28, comp. LXX, and see Kittel: Bibl. Hebr., note. 

2 Ps. XL VIII, 15 ; see Kittel, note ; Midr. Teh. to Psalms and note by Buber ; 
Yer. Meg. II, 73 b ; M. K. 83 b ; Lev. R._XI, 9. 

3 See Tylor : Primitive Culture, Index, s. v. Soul. 

286 



THE IMMORTAL SOUL OF MAN 287 

forces which culminates in his own self-conscious personality, 
it appears certain that this ego cannot cease to be with the 
cessation of the bodily functions. There is in us something 
divine, immortal, and the only question is wherein it may be 
found. 

2. The creation of man which is described in the Bible in 
the words, " God formed man of the dust of the ground, and 
breathed into his nostrils the breath of life, and man became 
a living soul" 1 corresponds to the child-like conceptions of a 
primitive people. On the other hand, Scripture speaks of 
death in parallel terms, "The dust returneth to the earth as it 
was, and the spirit (Ruah, the life-giving breath) returneth 
unto God who gave it." 2 

The conception that the soul enters into man as the breath 
of life and leaves him at his death, flying toward heaven like a 
bird, 3 is quite as ancient and as universal as the other, that the 
soul descends into the nether world as a shadowy image of the 
body, there to continue a dull existence. The two are related 
to one another, and in the Bible, as well as in the literature of 
other peoples, they have given rise to diverse definitions of the 
soul. This was the point of departure for the development of 
the conception of immortality in one or the other direction, 
according to whether the body was considered a part of the 
personality which somehow survives after death, or only the 
spiritual substance of the soul was thought to live on in celes 
tial regions as something divine. The former led to the theory 
of the resurrection of the body and its reunion with the soul ; 
the latter to the belief in a future life for the soul, after it had 
been separated or released from the body. 

3. When once the soul was felt to be a "lamp of the Lord," 
filling the body with light when man is awake, 4 it was easy to 
imagine that the soul had escaped and temporarily returned 

1 Gen - II. 7- Eccl. XII, 7. 

1 See J. E., art. Birds as Souls. Prov. XX, 27. 



288 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

to God in sleep. This induced the teachers of the Synagogue to 
prescribe a morning prayer of thanks which reads, " Blessed 
art Thou, O God, who restorest the souls unto dead bodies." l 
The conception underlying this prayer throws light upon the 
entire belief in resurrection. Death to the pious is only a 
prolonged sleep. On that account the prophet in the passage 
from Isaiah already referred to, as well as the Hasidic author 
of the Book of Daniel, 2 could express the hope that " those who 
sleep in the dust shall awake." As at every awakening from 
sleep in the morning, so at the great awakening in the future, 
the souls which have departed in death shall return again to 
their bodies. These bodies could then hardly be conceived of 
as subject to decomposition, and the picture in Ezekiel s 
vision of resurrection 3 had to be accepted as fact. Still R. 
Simeon b. Yohai in the especially instructive thirty-fourth 
chapter of Pirke de R. Eliezer assumes the complete disintegra 
tion of the body, in order to render the miracle of resurrection 
so much the greater. Later still arose the legend of an in 
destructible bone of the spinal column, called Luz, which was 
to form the nucleus for the revival of the whole body. 4 The 
name Luz, which denotes an almond tree and is the name 
given in the Bible to a city also, 5 seemed to point to a connection 
with two legends, a fabulous city into which death could not 
enter, 6 and the tree of resurrection in the Osiris cycle. 7 

4. Still, no clear, consistent view of the soul prevailed as 
yet in the rabbinic age. The popular belief, influenced by 
Persian notions, was that the soul lingers near the body for a 
certain time after it has relinquished it, either from three to 
seven days or for an entire year. 8 Furthermore it was said 
that after death the souls hovered between heaven and earth 

1 Ber. 60 b ; Singer s Prayerb., 5. 2 Isa. XXVI, 19 ; Dan. XII, 2. 

3 Ezek. XXXVII, i f. 4 Eccl. R. XII, 5 : ]. E., art. Luz. 

5 Judg. I, 26. 6 Sota 46 b. 

7 Brugsch: Religion u, Mythologie d. alt. Aegypten, p. 618, 634. 

s P. d. R. El. XXXIV. 



THE IMMORTAL SOUL OF MAN 289 

in the form of ghosts, able to overhear the secrets of the future 
decreed above and to betray them to human beings below. 
In fact, the rabbis of the Talmud, especially the Hasidim, 
never hesitated to accept these ghost stories. 1 Some sages of 
the Talmudic period taught that the souls of the righteous 
ascend to heaven, there to dwell under the throne of the divine 
majesty, awaiting the time of the renewal of the world, while 
the souls of the godless hovered over the horizon of the earth 
as restless demoniacal spirits, finally to succumb to the fate of 
annihilation, after they had been cast down into the fiery pit 
of Gehenna or Sheol. 2 Of course, this view, which prevails in 
both the Talmud and the New Testament, according to which 
the souls of the wicked are to be consumed in the fire of 
Gehenna, is inconsistent with the conception of the purely 
spiritual nature of the soul. 

Nevertheless at this same epoch we find the higher idea ex 
pressed that the soul is an invisible, god-like essence, pervading 
the body as a spiritual force and differing from it in nature in 
much the same way as God is differentiated from the world. 3 
"Thou wishest to know where God dwells, who is as high as 
are the heavens above the earth ; tell me then where dwells 
thy soul, which is so near," replied R. Gamaliel to a heathen. 4 
The prevailing view of the schools is that God implants the 
soul in the embryo while in the mother s womb, together with 
all the spiritual potentialities which make it human. In fact, 
R. Simlai, the third-century Haggadist, advances the Platonic 
conception of the preexistence of the soul, as a being of the 
highest intelligence, which sees before birth all things through 
out the world, but forgets all at birth, so that all subsequent 
learning is only a recollection. 6 In Hellenistic Judaism espe 
cially the doctrine seems to have been general of the preexist 
ence of the soul, or of the creation of all human souls simulta- 

1 Ber. 18 b. Shab. 152 b. Midr. Teh. Ps. CIII, i. 

<Sanh. 39 b. Nid. job. 

u 



2QO JEWISH THEOLOGY 

neously with the creation of the world. 1 Of course, the soul 
which emanates from a higher world must be eternal. 

5. The first clear idea of the nature of the soul came with 
the philosophically trained thinkers, who were dependent either 
on Plato, main founder of the doctrine of the immortality of 
the soul, or on Aristotle, who ascribes immortality only to the 
creative spirit of God, the supreme Intelligence as a cosmic 
power. The nearest approach to Plato was Philo, 2 who saw in 
the three Biblical names for the soul, nefesh, ruah, and ne- 
shama, the three souls of the Platonic system, the sensuous 
soul, which has its seat in the abdomen ; the courageous or 
emotional soul, situated in the breast; and the intellectual 
soul, which dwells in the brain and contains the imperishable 
divine nature. This last is kept in its physical environment 
as in a prison or a grave, and ever yearns for liberation and 
reunion with God. The soul of the righteous enters the world 
of angels after death ; that of the wicked the world of demons. 

Saadia, who was under the influence of Aristotle interpreted 
from the neo-Platonic viewpoint, did not share the Platonic 
dualism of matter and spirit, nor did he divide the soul into 
three parts, seated in various parts of the human body. He 
finds the soul to be a spiritual substance created simultaneously 
with the body, and uniting the three forces of the soul dis 
tinguished in Scripture into one inseparable whole, the seat of 
which is in the heart, wherefore soul and heart are often 
synonymous in the Bible. This indivisible substance pos 
sesses a luminous nature like that of the spheres, but is simpler, 
finer, and purer than they, and endowed with the power of 
thought. It was created by God out of the primal ether from 
which He made the angels, simultaneously with the body and 

1 B. Wisd. VIII, 19 ; Slav. Enoch XXII, 4, comp. Bousset, 1. c., 313 f. 

2 Philo: Leg. All. Ill, 38; Migrat. Abrah. 12; De Concupiscentia, 2; De 
Fortitudine, 3; Drummond : Philo, I, 318 f . ; Bentwich: Philo, 178, 181 ; Win- 
delband-Tufts on Plato, 123 f., on Philo, 231, comp. Bousset,!. c., 508 ; Rhode : 

Psyche, 557 f. 



THE IMMORTAL SOUL OF MAN 291 

within it. By this union it was qualified to display that moral 
activity prescribed for it in the divine teaching, the neglect of 
which would defile and tarnish it. According to Saadia some 
kind of material substance adheres to the soul as well as to the 
angels, and on that account he does not hesitate to accept the 
Talmudic expressions about the abode of the soul after death, 
or the last judgment which is to take place as soon as the ap 
pointed number of souls shall have made their entrance into 
their earthly bodies, when the souls of the righteous will have 
their angelic nature recognized, and those of the wicked will 
have their lower character revealed. However, Saadia com 
bats with so much greater fervor the Hindu teaching of 
metempsychosis, which had been adopted by Plato and Py 
thagoras. 1 

Bahya connects his theory with the three souls of Plato, 
and likewise ascribes to the soul an ethereal essence. 2 He holds 
that its destiny is to raise itself to the order of the angels 
through self-purification, and finally to return to God as the 
divine Source of light. To this end the intellectual soul, which 
has its being from the primal light, must overcome the lower 
sensuous soul which leads to sin. 

6. The conception that the soul is a substance derived from 
the luminous primal matter, like the heavenly spheres and the 
angels, was now persistently retained by the Jewish thinkers, 
who explained thereby its immortality. In adopting the 
Aristotelian theory that the soul is the form-principle of the 
body, the Platonic doctrine of its preexistence was gradually 
relinquished, and its existence ascribed to a creative act of 
God at the birth of the child or at its conception. But Jehuda 
ha-Levi, the most pious of all the philosophers, emphasized 
vigorously the indivisibility of the soul, its incorporeality and 

1 Emunoth, Ch. VI; Schmiedl, 1. c., 135 f. ; Neumark, 1. c., I, 536 f. ; Husik, 
1. c., 376. 

1 Neumark, 1. c., 495 ; Husik, 1. c., 108 f. ; J. E., art. Bahya. 



292 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

its reality apart from the condition of the body, and in 
opposition to the Aristotelian free-thinkers, who expected the 
human soul to be absorbed into the divine soul, the active 
intellect, he declared the immortality of the individual a 
fundamental article of faith. 1 

Now some of the Jewish thinkers, following Jehuda ha Levi, 
Ibn Baud, and others, though Aristotelians, shrank from the 
logical conclusion of denying all individuality to the soul, and 
attributed to it rather a process of purification, which ends with 
the elevation of the soul-essence to angelic rank and thus 
guarantees its immortality. Not so Maimonides, who ac 
cepted with inexorable earnestness the Aristotelian idea of 
form as the perfection of matter. The essence of the human 
soul is, for him, that force or potentiality which qualifies it for 
the highest development of the intellect, and is alone capable 
of grasping the divine. Yet it can acquire a part in the crea 
tive World-spirit only in the same degree as it unfolds this 
potentiality to share the divine intellect, whose seat is the 
highest sphere of the universe. By dint of this acquired 
intelligence it can live on as an independent intellect, in the 
image of God, and thus attain beatitude in the contemplation 
of Divinity. 2 

7 . Naturally the view of Maimonides, that a certain measure 
of immortality is granted only to the wise, though they must 
be morally perfect as well, aroused great opposition. Has- 
dai Crescas proves its untenableness by asking, "Why shall 
the wise alone share in immortality? Furthermore, how can 
something that came into existence in the course of human 
life suddenly acquire eternal duration ? Or how can there be 
any bliss in the knowledge of God where there is no personality, 

1 Cnzari, V, 12. See Cassel, notes; Schmiedl, 1. c., 141; Neumark, 1. c., 
561 ; Husik, 1. c., 179 f. 

2 Schmiedl, 1. c., 149; Neumark, 1. c., 536 f., 551, 558, 573, 586; Husik, 
1. c., 281 f. Comp. Scheyer: d. Psychol. Syst. d. Maim.; Simon, Aspects of 
the Hebrew Genius, 75-78, 86. 



THE IMMORTAL SOUL OF MAN 293 

no self-conscious ego to enjoy it?" Therefore Crescas 
ascribed to the soul an indestructible spiritual essence 
whose perfection is attained, not by mere intellect or knowl 
edge, but by love of God manifested in a religious and 
moral life, and which is thereby made to share in eternal 
bliss. 1 

8. All these various thinkers find the future life either ex 
pressed or suggested in the Scriptures as a truth based upon 
reason. This is especially the conception of Abraham ibn 
Baud, who, contrary to his Aristotelian successor Maimonides, 
sees in self-consciousness, by which the soul differentiates itself 
from the body as a personality, the proof that it cannot be 
subject to dissolution with the body. 2 

Besides the philosophic doctrine of the immortality of the 
soul, however, the traditional belief in the resurrection of the 
body demanded some consideration on the part of these 
philosophers. Saadia defends the latter with all his might, 
endeavoring to reconcile the two as best he can. 3 All the rest 
leave us in doubt whether resurrection is to be understood 
literally or symbolically. Maimonides especially involves 
himself in difficulties, inasmuch as in his commentary on the 
Mishna he considers the resurrection of the dead an unalter 
able article of faith, whereas in his Code 4 and in the Moreh 
he speaks only of immortality ; and again before the end of his 
life he wrote, obviously in self-defense, a work which seems 
to favor bodily resurrection, yet without clarifying his con 
ceptions at any time. 5 The belief in resurrection had taken 
too deep a root in the Jewish consciousness and had been too 
firmly established through the liturgy of the Synagogue for any 
philosopher to touch it without injuring the very foundations 
of faith. 

1 Or Adonai, II, 6; Joel : "Crescas"; Husik, 1. c., 400. 

2 Emunah Ramah, 39 ; Husik, 1. c., 259 b. 

Emunoth, VII. * H. Teshubah, VIII, 2. 

1 Maamar Tchiyyath ha Metim, see Schmiedl, 1. c., 172. 



294 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

Moreover, beside external caution a certain inner need 
seems to have impelled toward the acceptance of resurrection. 
As soon as one thinks of the soul as existing or continuing to 
live in an incorporeal state, one is involuntarily led toward the 
belief in the soul s preexistence or even in the possibility of 
metempsychosis. Thus it seemed more reasonable to believe 
in a new formation of the human body together with a new 
creation of the world. Therewith came the disposition to 
assign to the soul in the future world a body of finer substance, 
like that assumed by the mystic Nahmanides, 1 in order to 
assure to the new humanity a wondrous duration of life like 
that of Elijah. 

9. While the popular philosopher Albo rightly declares that 
the nature of the soul is as far beyond all human understanding 
as is the nature of God, 2 the mystics sought all the more to 
penetrate its secrets. The Cabbalah also divides the soul 
into three different substances according to the three Biblical 
names, assigning their origins to the three different spheres of 
the universe, and reiterating the Platonic theory of the pre 
existence of the soul and its future transmigration. This 
division into three parts provided scope for all types of theories 
concerning the soul in its sensuous, its moral, and its intellec 
tual nature. Fundamentally the Cabbalah considered the 
soul an emanation from the divine intellect with a luminous 
character just like the philosophers. But in the Platonic 
view of the ascending order of creation, which forms the basis 
of the Cabbalah, this mundane life is an abyss of moral deg 
radation, so that the soul yearns toward the primal Source of 
light, finally to find freedom and bliss with God. 3 Thus the 
later Cabbalah returned to the teachings of Philo, the Jewish 
Plato, for whom death was only the stripping off of the earthly 
frame in order to enter the pure and luminous world of God. 

1 In Schaar ha Gemul. 2 Ikkarim, IV, 35. 

*Zohar, I, 96 b; Yolk. Reubeni to Deut. XIX, 2; J. E., art. Cabala. 



THE IMMORTAL SOUL OF MAN 295 

10. With Moses Mendelssohn, who in his Phadon tried to 
translate Plato s proof of immortality into modern terms, a 
new attitude toward the nature and destiny of the soul arose 
in Judaism among both the philosophers and the educated 
laity. Mendelssohn not only endeavored to prove the im 
mortality of the soul through its indivisibility and incorporeal- 
ity, as all the neo-Platonists and Jewish philosophers had done 
before him ; he also attempted to show from the harmonious 
plan which pervades and controls all of God s creation, that 
the soul may enter a sphere of existence greater in extent and 
content than the little span of earthly life which it relinquishes. 
The progress of the soul toward its highest unfolding, unsat 
isfied in this life, demands a future growth in the direction of 
god-like perfection. 1 At this point the philosopher enters the 
province of faith, and thus furnishes for all time the cardinal 
point of the belief in immortality. The divine spirit in man, 
which is evinced in the self-conscious, morally active personal 
ity, bears within itself the proof and promise of its future life. 
Moreover, this corresponds with the belief in God as One who 
rules the world for the eternal purposes and aims of perfection, 
who cannot deceive the hope of the human heart for a continued 
living and striving onward and forward, without thereby im 
pairing His own perfection. For we all close our lives without 
having attained the goal of moral and spiritual perfection 
toward which we strive; and therefore our very nature de 
mands a world where we may reach the higher degree of 
perfection for which we long. In this sense we may interpret 
the Psalmist s verse : "I shall be satisfied, when I awake, with 
(beholding) Thy likeness." 2 That is: our spirit, when no 
longer bound to the earth, shall behold the divine glory, a 
vision which transcends our powers of thought. 

11. In the light of modern investigation, body and soul are 
seen to be indissolubly bound together by a reciprocal relation 

1 See Kayserling : Moses Mendelssohn, 148 ff. * Ps. XVII, 15. 



296 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

which either benefits or impedes them both. Wherein the 
spiritual bond exists that renders both the physical organs 
with their muscular and nervous systems and the magnetic 
or electric currents which set them in motion subservient to the 
will of the intellect; what the mind actually w, into whose 
deepest recesses science is casting its search-light to illumine 
its processes, these are problems which will probably remain 
ever incapable of solution by human knowledge, and will there 
fore always afford new food for the imagination. Yet it is 
just in periods like ours, when the belief in God is weakening, 
that the human spirit is especially solicitous to guard itself 
against the thought of the complete annihilation of its god-like 
self-conscious personality. This gives rise to the superstitious 
effort to spy out the soul by sensory means and to find ways of 
seeing or hearing the spirits of the dead, a tendency which 
is as dangerous to the spiritual and moral welfare of humanity 
as was the ancient practice of necromancy. 1 It is therefore 
all the more important to base the belief in immortality solely 
on the God-likeness of the human soul, which is the mirror of 
Divinity. Just as one postulate of faith holds that God, the 
Creator of the world, rules in accordance with a moral order, 
so another is the immortality of the human soul, which, amidst 
yearning and groping, beholds God. The question where, and 
how, this self -same ego is to continue, will be left for the power 
of the imagination to answer ever anew. 

12. Certainly it is both comforting and convenient to 
imagine the dead who are laid to rest in the earth as being 
asleep and to await their reawakening. As the fructifying 
rain awakens to a new life the seeds within the soil, so that 
they rise from the depths arrayed in new raiment, so, when 
touched by the heavenly dew of life, will those who linger in 
the grave arise to a new existence, clad in new bodies. This is 
the belief which inspired the pious founders of the synagogal 
1 See J. Jastrow : Fact and Fable in Psychology. 



THE IMMORTAL SOUL OF MAN 



297 



liturgy even before the period of the Maccabees, when they 
expressed their praise of God s power in that He would send 
the fertilizing rain upon the vegetation of the earth, and like 
wise in due time the revivifying dew upon the sleeping world 
of man. Both appeared to the sages of that age to be evi 
dences of the same wonder-working power of God. Whoever, 
therefore, still sees God s greatness, as they did, revealed 
through miracles, that is, through interruptions of the natural 
order of life, may cling to the traditional belief in resurrection, 
so comforting in ancient times. On the other hand, he who 
recognizes the unchangeable will of an all-wise, all-ruling God 
in the immutable laws of nature must find it impossible to 
praise God according to the traditional formula as the "Re 
viver of the dead," but will avail himself instead of the expres 
sion used in the Union Prayer Book after the pattern of Ein- 
horn, "He who has implanted within us immortal life." l 

1 Singer s Prayerb., 45. The Rabb. Conf. of Philadelphia in 1869 passed the 
resolution : "The belief in the Resurrection of the Body has no religious founda 
tion (in Judaism), and the doctrine of Immortality refers to the after-existence 
of the Soul only." Comp. D. Philipson : 1. c., p. 489 and 492. 



CHAPTER XLV 

DIVINE RETRIBUTION: REWARD AND PUNISHMENT. 

1. The feeling of equity is deeply rooted in human nature, 
demanding reparation for every wanton wrong and yielding 
recognition to every benevolent act. In fact, upon this 
universal principle is based all justice and to a certain extent 
all morality. Judaism of every age compresses this demand 
of the religious and moral nature of man into the doctrine : 
God rewards the good and punishes the evil. This doctrine, 
which is the eleventh of Maimonides articles of faith, con 
stitutes the underlying presumption of all the Biblical narra 
tives as well as of the prophetic threats and warnings and those 
of the Mosaic law, in so far as earthly success and prosperity 
were regarded as the rewards of God and earthly misfortune 
and misery as His punishments. In the same degree, how 
ever, as experience contradicted this doctrine, and as examples 
multiplied of wicked persons revelling in prosperity and 
innocent ones laboring under adversity and woe, it became 
necessary to defer the divine retribution more and more to 
the future at first to a future on earth and later to one in 
the world to come, until finally it developed into a pure 
spiritual conception in full accord with a higher ethical view 
of life. 

2. As long as in the primitive process of law the family or 
the clan was held responsible for the crime of the individual, 
ancient Israel also adhered to the idea that "God visits the 
sins of the fathers upon the third and fourth generation," as 
Jeremiah still did 1 in full accord with the second command- 

1 Jer. XXXII, 18. 
298 



DIVINE RETRIBUTION 299 

ment. It was in a far later stage that the rabbis interpreted 
the words "of those who hate Me" in the sense of individual 
responsibility. 1 Only in accordance with the Deuteronomic 
law which says: "The fathers shall not be put to death for 
the children, neither shall the children be put to death for the 
fathers; every man shall be put to death for his own sin," 2 
did the religious consciousness rebel against the thought that 
a later generation should suffer for the sins of its ancestors, 
and hence the popular adage arose, "The fathers have eaten 
sour grapes, and the teeth of the children are set on edge." 3 
It is the prophet Ezekiel who refutes once and for all the idea of 
a guilt transmitted to children and consequently of hereditary 
sin and punishment, insisting on the doctrine that personal 
responsibility alone determines divine retribution. 4 But here 
a new element affects divine retribution. God s long-suffering 
and mercy do not desire the immediate punishment, the death 
of the sinner. He should be given time to return to a better 
mode of life. 5 

But the great enigma of human destiny, which vexes the 
author of the seventy-third Psalm and that of the book of 
Job, still presses for a better solution. It is true that the popu 
lar belief and popular legends which are preserved in post- 
Biblical writings as well, insisted on a justice which requites 
"measure for measure." 6 Still insight into actual life does 
not confirm the teaching of the popular philosophy that the 
"righteous will be requited in the earth" and that "evil 
pursueth sinners. " 7 The unshakeable belief in the justice of 
God had to find another solution for life s antinomies, and 
was forced to reach out for another world in which the divine 
righteousness would find its complete realization. 

1 Targ. to Ex. XX, 5; Sanh. 27 b. Deut. XXIV 16 

1 Ezek. XVIII, 2. * Ezek. XVIII, 20. * XVIII 23 32 

8 Ex. XVIII, ii ; XXI, 23-25; Sota I, 7-9; Tos. Sola III-IV; Sanh. 
90 a; B. Wisdom XVI-XIX; Jubilees IV, 31 ; II Mace. V, 10; XV, 32 
7 Prov.XI, 3 i; XIII, 21. 



300 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

3. Biblical Judaism with few exceptions recognized only the 
present world and the subterranean world of shadows, a view 
preserved in its essentials by Ben Sira and the Sadducees, 
who were subsequently declared heretics. In contrast to 
them Pharisaic or Rabbinic Judaism teaches a resurrection 
after death for a life of eternal bliss or eternal torment, accord 
ing as the divine judgment finds one righteous and another 
wicked. We may leave aside the consideration that the first 
impulse toward a Jewish belief in resurrection came from the 
non-fulfillment of the national hope, wherefore it was always 
bound up with the soil of the Holy Land, as will be seen in 
Chapter LIV. The fact remains that the divine judgment to 
follow upon resurrection was consistently regarded as a great 
world-judgment, which was to decide the future lot of all 
men and spirits. It must be noted also that the apocalyptic 
and midrashic literature often identifies the pious with the 
God-fearing Israelites as those who shall arise to eternal life, 
while the wicked are identified with the idolatrous heathen, 
who are condemned to eternal death, or, as it is frequently 
expressed, to a second death. 1 

4. Exactly as the old Persian Mazdaism expected the 
resurrection of all, both good and bad, the believers in Ahura 
Mazda as well as the rest of humanity, so the apocalyptic 
writers prior to the Talmudic period describe resurrection as 
universal : "In those days the earth will give back those who 
have been entrusted to her, and the nether-world will release 
that which it has received," according to Enoch LI, i. Simi 
larly fourth Esdras remarks : "And after seven days of silence 
for all creatures, the new order of the world shall be raised up, 
and mortality itself shall perish ; and the earth shall restore 

^ee especially Sanh. 90 0-92 b, ref. to Ex. VI, 4; Deut. XI, 9; IV, 
5; XXXI, 16; Isa. XXVI, 19; Dan. XII, 13; Ps. LXXII, 16; also Ex. XV, 
i; Josh. VIII, 30; and Song of Songs, VII, 10. On the Second Death see 
Targ. to Deut. XXXIII, 6; Isa. XIV, 19; LXV, 6; Jer. LI, 39; and Revela 
tion XX, 6, 14; XXI, 8. 



DIVINE RETRIBUTION 301 

those that are asleep in her ; and so shall the dust give back 
those that dwell in silence ; and the chambers shall deliver 
those souls that were committed unto them. The Most High 
shall appear on the throne of judgment, and shall say : Judg 
ment only shall remain, truth shall stand, and faith shall wax 
strong. The good deeds shall be of force, and wicked deeds 
shall no longer sleep. The lake of torment shall be revealed, 
and opposite to it the place of joy ; the furnace of Gehinnom 
will be visible, and opposite to it the bliss of Paradise. Then 
the Most High will speak to the heathen nations, who have 
awakened : behold now Him whom ye have denied, whom ye 
have not served, whose command ye have abhorred. Gaze 
now here and there, here bliss and rest, there fire and 
torment." 1 

The rabbinic form of the doctrine of resurrection is quite 
unambiguous: " Those born into the world are destined to 
die ; the dead, to live again ; and those who enter the world 
to come, to be judged." 2 And wherever the rabbinic or 
apocalyptic literature mentions the share of the pious, or of 
Israel, in eternal life, this implies that, while these enter the 
world to come, the evil-doers or idolaters shall enter hell for 
eternal death ; the understanding being that there is a univer 
sal resurrection for the world-judgment. 

5. The whole system of eschatology in connection with 
resurrection arose undoubtedly from the Persian doctrine, 
according to which death together with all that is evil and 
unclean is created by Ahriman, the evil principle, and will 
suffer annihilation with him, as soon as the good principle, 
Ahura Mazda, has achieved the final victory. Then Soshiosh 
"the Savior," the descendant of Zoroaster, will begin his 
kingdom of eternal life for the righteous, coincident with the 

1 IV Ezra VII, 31 f.; comp. Baruch Apoc. 42 ff.; Adam et Eva, 42; II 
Sibyll., 220-236; IV Sibyll., 180 f. 
2 Aboth IV, 22. 



302 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

awakening of the dead. 1 Pharisaic Judaism, however, gave 
the hope of resurrection a deeper moral and religious meaning. 
The proofs, or rather analogies from nature, of the seeds 
springing from the earth in a new form, of men awakening 
from sleep in the morning, or of the original creation, are 
shared by the rabbis and the New Testament writers with the 
Persians. On the other hand, proofs based on the prophetic 
hope for the future are purely national. So also are those 
proofs based on the Biblical passage that the God of the fathers 
had sworn to the Patriarchs to give them the Promised Land. 2 
Likewise the reference to the wondrous resurrections related 
in the history of Elijah and Elisha offers no proof of a uni 
versal resurrection. A striking point and one which deepens 
the idea of retribution is the simile of the Lame and the Blind 3 
employed by Jehuda ha Nasi in a dialogue with the Emperor 
Antoninus. The latter had said that at the last judgment 
both soul and body might deny all guilt. The body may 
say : "The soul alone has sinned, for since it has parted from 
me, I have lain motionless as a stone." And the soul, on its 
part, may reply: "It must be the body that sinned, for 
since I have parted from it I soar about in the air free as a 
bird." To this Jehuda ha Nasi answered: "A king once 
possessed a garden with splendid fig-trees, and appointed as 
watchmen in it a blind man and a lame man. Then the lame 
man spoke to the blind man, I see fine figs up there; take 
me upon your shoulders, and I shall pick them, and we can 
enjoy them together. They did so, and when the king 

1 See Stave, Ueb. d. Einfluss d. Parsismus a. d. Judenth., 145 ff. ; Boecklen : 
D. Verwandtschaft d. jued. christl. u. d,. pars. Eschatologie ; Schorr: He Haluz, 
VII-VIII. 

2 Sanb. 91 a, b ; Matt. XXII, 31 f. 

3 The parable is found in an Apocryphon ascribed to the prophet Ezekiel, 
see Epiphanius Haeres, LXIV, ed. Dindorf, II, 683 f. and ascribed to R. 
Ishmael, Lev. R. IV, 5; in Sanh. 91 a, b it is given in a dialogue with An- 
tonius; in Tanh. Wayithro, ed. Buber, 12, it is anonymous. 



DIVINE RETRIBUTION 303 

entered the garden, the figs were gone. But when they were 
held to account for it, the lame man said, How could I have 
taken them, since I cannot walk? And the blind man said, 
And I cannot see. Then the king had the lame man placed 
upon the shoulders of the blind man and judged them both 
together. In like manner will God treat the body and the 
soul, as it is said i 1 He calleth to the heavens above that 
is, the heavenly element, the soul and to the earth beneath 
- the earthly body and places them together before His 
throne of judgment. " 

6. It cannot be denied that the idea that the soul and body, 
having committed good or evil deeds together in this life, 
should receive in common their reward or punishment in the 
world to come, satisfied the Jewish sense of justice better 
than the conception developed by Hellenistic Judaism (after 
the Platonic and, in the last resort, the Egyptian view) that the 
soul alone should partake of eternal bliss or torment. Never 
theless the philosophically trained Jewish thinkers of Alexan 
dria could not bring themselves to accept a bodily resurrection, 
and therefore emphasized so much more strongly the great 
day of judgment and the reward and punishment of the soul 
in the world to come. Still we find much inconsistency among 
various authors, sometimes even in the same work, in the 
conception of future bliss for the good and torture for the 
wicked. These varied according to the more sensuous or 
more spiritual view taken of the soul and the celestial world, 
and according to the literal or figurative interpretation of the 
Biblical allusions to "fire, " "worms, " and the like in the pun 
ishment of evil-doers, and of the delights awaiting the right 
eous in the future. 2 

On this point free play was allowed to the imagination of the 
people and the fancy of the Haggadists. Still, throughout, the 
1 Ps. L, 4 . 
Isa. LXVI, 24; see Yalkut; Bousset, 308-321 ; J. E., art. Eschatology. 



304 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

solemn thought found its echo that mortal man must give 
account to the inexorable Judge of the living and the dead for 
the life just completed, in order to be ushered, according to his 
deserts, into the portals of the celestial Paradise or of hell. 1 
This led to the view that this whole mundane life is but like a 
wayfarers inn for the life to come, or the vestibule of the 
palace (more precisely the " banquet-hall ") of the future. 2 

7. A further development of the principle of justice in 
application to future retribution led not merely to such a de 
piction of the tortures of hell and the delights of heaven that 
the maxim: measure for measure," so often deviated from 
in this life, could find complete realization in the world to 
come. An intermediate stage also was devised for those 
whose merit or guilt would enroll them neither among the 
righteous for eternal bliss, nor among the wicked for eternal 
punishment. While the stern teachers of the school of Sham- 
mai insisted that these mediocre ones must undergo a twelve 
month process of purification in the fires of Gehenna, the 
milder school of Hillel maintained that the divine mercy 
would grant them admission into Paradise even without the 
fires of purgatory, 3 either through the merit of the patriarchs 4 
or owing to the deserts of a son who has been trained to rever 
ence for God, as is indicated by the legend concerning the 
Kaddish prayer. 5 In any case, the teaching of Hillel concern 
ing the all-sufficing mercy of God swept aside the old hopeless 
conception that eternal suffering in hell awaits the average 
man, which was adhered to by the Christian church in connec 
tion with its dogma of the atoning blood of Christ. Likewise, 
in the dispute of schools as to whether or not the bliss of eternal 
life would be accorded also to the righteous among the heathen, 

1 Aboth III, i, 19, 20; Ber. 28 b. Aboth IV, 21. 

Tos. Sanh. XIII, 3 ; R. H. 16 b; see J. E., art. Purgatory. 
4 See Testament of Abraham XIV ; comp. Kohler in J. Q. R. VII, 587. 
6 T. d. b. El. Zuta XVII, ed. Friedman, p. 23. See note, Kalla R. II., 
J. E., art. Kaddish, but comp. IV Ezra VII, 102-115. 



DIVINE RETRIBUTION 305 

the more humane view of Joshua ben Hananiah prevailed over 
the gloomier one of the Shammaite Eliezer ben Hyrcanos, and 
therefore the doctrine became generally accepted, "The 
righteous of all nations shall have a share in the world to 
come." 1 

8. The apocalyptic writers, who largely influenced the New 
Testament, and also the Haggadists refer with fond interest 
to the banquet of the pious in the world to come, where they 
would be served with heavenly manna as bread, with wine 
preserved from the days of the creation, and with the flesh 
of the Leviathan or the fruit of the Tree of Life. 2 On the 
other hand they elaborated the tortures of the evil-doers in 
hell which are to afford a pleasing sight to the pious in heaven, 
just as the torments of the sinners are aggravated by the sight 
of the righteous enjoying all delights. 3 But at the same time 
we meet with a more refined and spiritual conception of future 
reward and punishment among the disciples of R. Jehuda ha 
Nasi, in the Babylonian ttab, and the Palestinian R. Johanan 

Tos. Sanh. XIII, 2; Sanh. 105 a; Midr. Teh. Ps. EX, i& : "The wicked 
shall return to Sheol, all the nations that forget God," R. Joshua taking the last 
sense as restrictive and R. Eliezer as a generalization. 

2 For the banquet of the pious see Aboth. Ill, 16; Shab. 153 a; Pes R XLI- 
comp. Luke XIII, 28; XXII, 30, and parallels. The idea rests on Isa LXv 
13, which is taken literally, and Ps. XXIII, 5 ; see Midr. Teh., ad loc For the 
Leviathan and Behemoth see Job XL, 15-30; B. B. 74 b- 7S a; Enoch LX 
f.; IV Ezra VI, 52; Baruch Apoc. XXIX, 4; Targ. Ps. CIV, 26; Lev R 
XIII, 3. For the giant bird Ziz see Ps. L, 40-41 ; Targ. and Midr. Teh ad loc 
Tanh. Beshallah, ed. Buber, 24; Jellinek, B. H. Ill, 76, 80. For the heavenly 
manna Ps. LXXVIII, 24; Joma 75 b; Hag. 12 b; Tanh. Beshallah, ed. Buber 
21; Sibyll. Prcemium 87; II, 318; III, 746; IV Ezra IX, 19. For the wine 
XXV, 10 ; Ber. 34 b; Sanh. 99 a; Matt. XXVI, 29; comp. also 
Num. R. XIII, 3 for other fruits of Paradise. For the Persian origin of these 
ideas see Bundahish, XIX, 13 ; XXX, 25. The Behemoth corresponds with the 
primeval ox Hadhayos, whose flesh produces the sap of immortality; the giant 
fish and bird with Bundahish, XVIII, 5-8; XIX, 16-19; the wine corresponds 
with the Parsee Horn : Bundahish, XXX, 25. See Windishman : Zoroastr Stud 
92 f., 252 f., and Boeklen, I. c., p. 68. 

Shab. 153 a, withref. to Isa. LXV, 13-14; LXVI, 24; IV Ezra VII, 83, 93. 



306 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

and his pupil Simeon ben Lakish. "In the future world," 
says Rab, " there are no sensual enjoyments nor passions, but 
the righteous sit at the table of God with wreaths upon their 
heads (like the Greek sages at a symposium !), feeding on the 
radiance of the divine majesty, as did the chosen ones of Israel 
on the heights of Sinai." 1 R. Johanan teaches, "All the 
promises held forth in Scripture in definite form as reward for 
the future, refer to the Messianic era, whereas in regard to the 
bliss awaiting the pious in the world to come, the words of 
Isaiah hold good : No eye hath seen it, God, beside Thee. " 2 
Simeon ben Lakish even went so far as to say, "There is 
neither hell nor paradise. Instead, God sends out the sun 
in its full strength from its encasement, and the wicked are 
consumed by its heat, while the pious find delight and healing 
in its beams." 3 

However, the popular imagination demanded more per 
ceptible pictures of heaven and hell, if fear of punishment was 
to deter men from sin, and hope of reward to lead them to 
virtue. The description of the modes of reward and punish 
ment for the future in the Koran is the outcome of mingled 
Persian and Jewish popular conceptions, and its crass sensuous- 
ness exerted in turn a decisive influence upon the entire Gaonic 
period, 4 leaving its mark upon even so clear a thinker as Saadia. 
Not only does he admit into his philosophic work all the 
crude and conflicting descriptions of the future world, but he 
also argues for the eternity of the punishments of hell and of the 
delights of heaven as logical necessities, because only such 
could sufficiently deter or allure mankind, and a righteous 
God must certainly carry out His threats and promises. 5 

1 Ber. 17 a. 2 Ber. 34 b; with ref. to Isa., LXIV, 3. 

8 Ab. Zar. 36 with ref. to Mai. Ill, 19-22. 

4 See Jellinek, B. H. I, II and III, the Treatise on Gehinnom and Can 
Eden. 

6 Emunoth VII, IX, and comp. J. Guttman ; Religionsphil. des Saadia, 208 
f, 249 f. 



DIVINE RETRIBUTION 



307 



9. The entire Jewish philosophy or theology of the Middle 
Ages remained under the influence of the traditional belief in 
resurrection. Even Maimonides, whose purely spiritual con 
ception of the soul and of salvation is utterly irreconcilable 
with the belief in bodily resurrection, and who accordingly 
dwells instead, in both his Moreh and his Code, on the future 
world of spirits, with explicit emphasis on their incorporeality, 
did not have the courage to break altogether with the tradi 
tional belief in resurrection. In his apologetic treatise on res 
urrection he even attempts to present it as a miraculous act 
of God beyond the grasp of the intellect. He omits, however, 
to specify what purpose this miracle may serve, since in the 
Maimonidean system reward and punishment would be ad 
ministered in the world of spirits in a much purer and more 
satisfactory manner. 1 The same standpoint is taken also by 
Jehuda ha Levi as well as by Crescas and Albo. 2 If then 
resurrection be a miracle, it falls outside the scope of philo 
sophic speculation and becomes a matter of faith ; accordingly 
the mystics from Nahmanides down to Manasseh ben Israel 
associated with it the grossest conceptions. 3 

10. The actual view of Maimonides concerning future 
retribution is expressed clearly and unambiguously in both 
his early product, the commentary on the Mishna, and in the 
ripest fruit of his life work, the Mishneh Torah, where he says 
"Not immortality, but the power to win eternal life through 
the knowledge and the love of God is implanted in the human 
soul. If it has the ability to free itself from the bondage of 
the senses and by means of the knowledge of God to lift itself 
to the highest morality and the purest thinking, then it has 
attained divine bliss, true immortality, and it enters the realm 

1 See Joel, Religions phil. d. Mose b. Afaimon., p. 40. 

*Cuzari, I, 15; V, 14 ; Or Adonai III, 4, 2. See Joel: Crescas, p. 74 f . ; 
Albo: Ikkarim, IV, 29-41. 

Nahmanides, 1. c., last chapter; Manasse b. Israel in Nishmat Chayim. 



308 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

of the eternal Spirit together with the angels. If it sinks into 
the sensuousness of earthly existence, then it is cut off from 
eternal life ; it suffers annihilation like the beast. In reality 
this life eternal is not the future, but is already potentially 
present and invariably at hand in the spirit of man himself, 
with its constant striving toward the highest. When the 
rabbis speak of paradise and hell, describing vividly the de 
lights of the one and the torments of the other, these are only 
metaphors for the agony of sin and the happiness of virtue. 
True piety serves God neither from fear of punishment nor 
from desire for reward, as servants obey their master, but 
from pure love of God and truth. Thus the saying of Ben 
Azai is verified, The reward of a good deed is the good deed 
itself. 1 Only children need bribes and threats to be trained 
to morality. Thus religion trains mankind. The people who 
cannot penetrate into the kernel need the shell, the external 
means of threats and promises." 2 These splendid words of 
the great thinker require supplementing or modification in 
only one direction, and that has been afforded by the keenest 
critic among Jewish philosophers, Hasdai Crescas. Too 
deeply enmeshed in the Aristotelian system, Maimonides 
found the happiness and immortality of man solely in the ac 
quired intellectual power which becomes part of the divine 
intellect, and the mere knowledge of God is to him tanta 
mount to the blissful enjoyment of the pious in the radiance of 
God s majesty. Consequently those who strive and soar 
heavenward through their moral conduct and noble aspirations, 
without at the same time being thinkers, receive no reward. 
Against this Aristotelian one-sidedness Crescas emphasizes 
God s love and goodness for which the righteous yearn, and in 
whose pursuit man finds perfection and happiness. Not for 
the sake of attaining bliss shall we love God and practice 
virtue and truth, but to love God and practice virtue is itself 
1 Aboth. IV, 2. 2 Com. to Sanh. XI and H. Teshubah, VIII. 



DIVINE RETRIBUTION 309 

true bliss. This is the nearness of God referred to by the 
Psalmist and declared to be man s highest good. 1 There is 
no need of any other reward than this, and there is no greater 
punishment than to be deprived of this boon forever. 2 

ii. In the face of these two great thinkers, to whom Spinoza 
owes the fundamental ideas of his ethics, 3 the question con 
sidered by Albo, whether the eternal duration of the tortures of 
hell is reconcilable with the divine mercy, 4 a question which still 
plays an important role in Christian theology, and which was 
probably suggested to Albo through his disputations with rep 
resentatives of the Church, is for us superfluous and super 
seded. Our modern conceptions of time and space admit 
neither a place or a world-period for the reward and punish 
ment of souls, nor the intolerable conception of eternal joy 
without useful action and eternal agony without any moral 
purpose. Modern man knows that he bears heaven and 
hell within his own bosom. Indeed, so much more difficult is 
the life of duty which knows of no other reward than happi 
ness through harmony with God, the Father of the immortal 
soul, and of no other punishment than the soul s distress at its 
inner discord with the primal Source and the divine Ideal of all 
morality. All the more powerfully is modern man controlled 
by the thought that the universe permits no stagnation, no 
barren enjoyment or barren suffering, but that every death 
marks the transition to a higher goal for greater accomplish 
ment. This yearning of the soul finds expression in the Tal- 
mudic maxim, "The righteous find rest neither in this world, 
nor in the world to come, as it is said, They go from strength 
to strength, until they appear before God on Zion. " 5 

1 Ps. LXXIII, 28. 

1 Or Adonai, II, 55 ; VI, i ; comp. Joel, 1. c., 56-62 ; comp. Bahya : Hoboth, 
Halebaboth, Shaar Bitahon. 

1 See Joel : Z. Gen. d. tehre Spinoza, p. 64. Ikkarim, IV, 35-38. 

6 Ber. 64 a, with ref. to Ps. LXXXIV, 8; see also Midr. Teh. ad loc. 



CHAPTER XLVI 
THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE RACE 

i. In every system of belief the object of divine care and 
guidance is the individual. His soul and his conscience raise 
him up, especially according to the Jewish doctrine, to the 
divine image, to Godchildship. His freedom and moral 
responsibility are the patent of nobility for his divine nature ; 
his ego, controlling external forces and carrying out its own 
designs, vouches for his immortality. Nevertheless the spirit 
of the Biblical language indicates rightly that the individual 
is only a son of man, ben adam, that is, a segment or 
member of the human race, but not the perfect typical ex 
emplification of the whole of mankind. From the social 
organism he receives what he is, what he has, and what he 
ought to do, both his nature and his destiny ; and only in 
association with the community and under the guidance of 
the highest ideal of humanity can he attain true perfection. 
Only mankind as a whole, in its cooperation, as it extends over 
the vast expanse of the earth, and in its succession which 
reaches through the centuries of the world s history, can bring 
to full development the divine image in man, his moral and 
religious nature with all its varied potentialities. It is man 
collectively who in the first chapter of Genesis receives the 
command to subject the earth with all its creatures to his 
cultural purposes. 1 In whatever stage of culture we meet 

1 See J. E., art. Adam, and Jellinek : Bezelem Elohim, Sermon IV. The term 
humanity arose among the Stoics. See Reizenstein : Wesen u. Werden d. 
Humanitat; comp. Schmidt, Ethik d. Griechen, II, 324, 477; and Zeller, Griech. 
Philo. Ill, i, 287, 299. For the rabbinical Berioth for humanity see B. Sira, 
XVI, 16. 

310 



THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE RACE 311 

man, his modes of thought and speech, his customs and moral 
views, even his spiritual faculties are the result of a long his 
toric process of development, the product of an extremely 
complicated past, as well as the basis of a future which ex 
pands in all directions. The ancients expressed this in their 
suggestive way, remarking in connection with the verse of the 
Psalm, " Thine eyes did see mine unformed substance, and in 
Thy book they were all written," 1 that at the creation of the 
first man God recorded the succession of races with their sages, 
seers and leaders until the end of time. 2 And when the 
Haggadists say that in creating man God took dust from every 
part of the world, so that he would be everywhere at home, 3 
again they were thinking of mankind. Similarly in the passage 
from the Psalms, "Thou hast hemmed me in behind and 
before," they explain that God made the first man with two 
faces, one looking forward and the other backward, that is, 
with a Janus head ; and thus they regard man in his relation 
to the past and the future, in his historic continuity. 4 As both 
physically and spiritually he is the heir of innumerable an 
cestors who have transmitted to him with their blood all 
their idiosyncrasies and capacities in a peculiar combination, 
so will he transmit both consciously and unconsciously the 
inherited possessions of mankind to future generations for 
continued growth or for degeneration. He forms but a link 
in the great chain of history, whose goal is the perfected ideal 
of humanity, the completed idea of man. This was the under 
lying thought of Ben Azzai in his dispute wih R. Akiba, who 
held that the principal maxim of Jewish teaching is "Thou 
shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." In opposition to this 
Ben Azzai presented as the most important lesson of the Bible 

1 PS. cxxxix, 1 6. 

Midr. Teh., ad loc. ; Pesik. R. XXIII ; Gen. R. XXIV, 2 ; Sanh. 38 b after 
Seder Olam at the close. 

Gen. R. VIII, i. 

4 Eodem ; Midr. Teh. to Ps. CXXXIX, 5 ; Ber. 61 a. 



312 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

the verse which says, "This is the book of the generations of 
man; in the day that God created man, in the likeness of 
God made He him." : The godlikeness of man develops more 
and more through the evolution of. the human race. This is 
the basic force for all human love and all human worth. 

2. This social bond existing between the individual and the 
race imposes upon him in accordance with his occupation 
certain duties in the same degree as it confers benefits. Ben 
Zoma, a colleague of Ben Azzai, expressed this as follows : 
When he saw great crowds of people together, he exclaimed, 
"Praised be Thou who hast created all these to serve me." 
In explanation of this blessing he said, "How hard the first 
man in his loneliness must have toiled, until he could eat a 
morsel of bread or wear a garment, but I find everything pre 
pared. The various workmen, from the farmer to the miller 
and the baker, from the weaver to the tailor, all labor for me. 
Can I then be ungrateful and be oblivious of my duty?" 
In the same sense he interprets the last verse in Koheleth, 
"This is the end of the matter ; fear God and keep His com 
mandments, for this is the whole duty of man." That is to say, 
all mankind toils for him who does so. Thus does human life 
rest upon a reciprocal relation, upon mutual duty. 3 

3. Man is a social being who must strike root in many 
spheres of life in order that the variegated blossoms and fruits 
of his spiritual and emotional nature may sprout forth. The 
more richly the communal life is specialized into professions 
and occupations, the more does the province of the individual 
expand, and the more difficult it is for him to attain perfection 
on all sides. According to his faculties and predisposition 
he must always develop one or the other side of human en 
deavor and pursue now the beautiful, now the good, now the 
true and now the useful, if as the image of God he is to emulate 

1 Gen. R. XXIV, 8. 2 Tos. Ber. VII, 2 ; Ber. 58 a. 

8 Ber. 6 b; Shab. 30 b; see Rashi (against Bacher : Ag. Tann. y I, 432). 



THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE RACE 313 

the Ideal of all existence, the Pattern of all creation. Con 
sequently he may reflect some radiance of the divine glory in 
his character and achievements, whether as moral hero, as 
sage and thinker, as statesman and battler for freedom, as 
artist, or as the discoverer of new forces and new worlds ; and 
yet the full splendor of God s greatness is mirrored only by 
mankind as a whole through its ceaseless common action and 
interaction. Therefore Judaism deprecates every attempt to 
present a single individual, be he ever so noble or wise, as the 
ideal of all human perfection, as a perfect man, free from fault 
or blemish. " There is none holy as the Lord, for there is none 
beside Thee," says Scripture. 1 Instead of extolling any single 
mortal as the type or ideal of perfection, our sages rather say 
with reference to the lofty characters of the Bible : " There is 
no generation which cannot show a man with the love for 
righteousness of an Abraham, or the nobility of spirit of a 
Moses, or the love for truth of a Samuel." 2 That is to say, 
every age creates its own heroes, who reflect the majesty of 
God in their own way. 

4. As man is the keystone of all creation, so he is called upon 
to take his full share in the progress of the race. "He who 
formed the earth created it not a waste ; He formed it to be 
inhabited," says the prophet. 3 True humanity has its seat, 
not in the life of the recluse, but in the family circle, amid 
mutual love and loyalty between husband and wife, between 
parents and children. The sages, with their keen insight into 
the spirit of the Scripture, point to the fact that it is man and 
wife together who first receive the name of "man," because 
only the mutual helpfulness and influence, the care and toil 
for one another draw forth the treasures of the soul, and create 
relations which warrant permanency and give promise of a 
future. 4 

1 1 Sam. II, 2. Gen. R. LVT, 9. 

8 Isa. LXV, 18 ; sec Yeb. 62 a. Gen. R. XVII, 2. 



314 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

5. Still the family circle itself is only a segment of the 
nation, which creates speech and custom, and assigns to each 
person his share in the common activity of the various classes 
of men. Only within the social bond of the nation or tribe is 
the interdependence of all brought home to the consciousness 
of the individual, together with all the common moral obliga 
tions and religious yearnings. Through the few elect ones of 
the nation or tribe, God s voice is heard as to what is right 
in both custom and law, and through them the individual is 
roused to a sense of duty. It is society which enables the 
human mind to triumph over physical necessity by ever new 
discoveries of tools and means of life, thus to attain freedom 
and prosperity, and, through meditation over the continually 
expanding realm of God s world, to build up the various sys 
tems of science and of art. 

6. But the single nation also is too dependent upon the 
conditions of its historic past, of its land and its racial charac 
teristics, to bring the divine image to its full development in a 
perfect man. Humanity as a whole comes to its own, to true 
self-consciousness, only through the reciprocal contact of 
race with race, through the cooperation of the various circles 
and classes of life which extend beyond the narrow limits of 
nationality and have in view common interests and aims, 
whether in the pursuit of truth, in the achievement of good, 
or in the creation of the useful and the beautiful. Only 
when the various nations and groups of men learn to regard 
themselves as members of one great family, will the life of the 
individual find its true value in relation to the idea and the 
ideal of humanity. Then only will the unity and harmony 
of the entire cosmic life find its reflection in the blending of the 
factors and forces of human society. 

7. Judaism has evolved the idea of the unity of mankind 
as a corollary of its ethical monotheism. Therefore the Bible 
begins the history of the world with the creation of Adam and 



THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE RACE 315 

Eve, the one human pair. The covenant which God concluded 
after the flood with Noah, the father of the new mankind, 
has its corresponding goal at the end of time in the divine 
covenant which is to include all tribes of men in one great 
brotherhood ; and so also the dispersion of man through the 
confusion of tongues at the building of the Tower of Babel has 
its counterpart in the rallying of all nations at the end of time 
for the worship of the One and Only God in a pure tongue 
and a united spirit on Zion s heights. 1 Whatever the civiliza 
tions of Greece and Rome and the Stoic philosophy have 
achieved for the idea of humanity, Judaism has offered in its 
prophetic hope for a Messianic future the guiding idea for the 
progress of man in history, thus giving him the impulse to 
ceaseless efforts toward the highest of all aims for the realiza 
tion of which all nations and classes, all systems of faith and 
thought, must labor together for millenniums to come. 

1 For the term AguddahAhath in the New Year and Atonement Day Prayer, 
Singer s Prayerbook, p. 239, comp. Gen. R. LXXXVIII, 6, and XXXIX, 3. 



CHAPTER XL VII 

THE MORAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 

1. Because Judaism sees the attainment of human perfec 
tion only when the divine in man has reached complete de 
velopment through the unimpeded activity of all his spiritual, 
moral, and social forces, it insists upon the full recognition of 
all branches of human society as instruments of man s eleva 
tion, either individually or collectively. It deprecates the 
idea that any force or faculty of human life be regarded as 
unholy and therefore be suppressed. It thus rejects on prin 
ciple monastic renunciation and isolation, pointing to the 
Scriptural verse, "He who formed the earth created it not 
a waste; He formed it to be inhabited. 1 1 

2. Accordingly Judaism regards the establishment of 
family life through marriage as a duty obligatory on man 
kind, and sees in the entrance into the marital relation an act 
of life s supreme consecration. In contrast to the celibacy 
sanctioned by the Church and approved by the rabbis only 
under certain conditions, and exceptionally for their holy 
exercises by the Essenes, the Tannaite R. Eliezer pronounces 
the man who through bachelorhood shirks the duty of rearing 
children to be guilty of murder against the human race. 
Another calls him a despoiler of the divine image. Another 
rabbi says that such a one renounces his privilege of true 
humanity, in so far as only in the married state can happiness, 
blessing, and peace be attained. 2 It is significant as to the 
spirit of Judaism that, while other religions regard the celi 
bacy of the priests and saints as signs of highest sanctity, the 

1 Isa. XLV, 18. 2 Yeb. 62 a, b. 

316 



THE MORAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 317 

Jewish law expressly commands that the high priest shall not 
be allowed to observe the solemn rites of the Day of Atone 
ment if unmarried. 1 Love for the wife, the keeper and guar 
dian of the home, must attune his heart to tenderness and 
sympathy, if he is to plead for the people before the Holy God. 
He can make intercession for the household of Israel only if 
he himself has founded a family, in which are practiced faith 
fulness and modesty, love and regard for the life-companion, 
all the domestic virtues inherited from the past. 

3. Another moral factor for human development is indus 
try, which secures to the individual his independence and his 
dignity when he engages in creative labor after the divine 
pattern, and which rewards him with comfort and the joy of 
life. This also is so highly valued by Judaism that industrial 
activity, which unlocks from the earth ever new treasures to 
enrich human life, is enjoined upon all, even those pursuing 
more spiritual vocations. "Seest thou a man diligent in his 
business? He shall stand before kings." 2 "When thou 
eatest the labor of thy hands, happy art thou and it shall be 
well with thee." 3 In commenting on this last verse, the sages 
say: "This means that thou wilt be doubly blessed; happy 
art thou in this world, and it shall be well with thee in the 
world to come." 4 Again they say, "No labor, however 
humble, is dishonoring," 5 also: "Idleness, even amid great 
wealth, leads to the wasting of the intellect." 6 Moreover it is 
said, "Whoever neglects to train his son to a trade, rears him 
to become a robber." 7 True, there were some among the 
pious who themselves abstained from participation in indus 
try, and therefore proclaimed, in the same tenor as the Sermon 
on the Mount, "Behold the beasts of the field and the birds of 
heaven, they sow not and reap not, and their heavenly Father 

1 Yoma I, i. Prov. XXII, 29. Ps. CXXVIII, 2. 

4 Ber - 8 a. Ned. 49 b. Keth. V, 5, 59 b. 

7 Kid. 29 a; comp. R.Simeon b. Yohai, Mek. Beshallah, 56. 



3i8 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

cares for them." l But these formed an exception, while the 
majority of Jewish teachers extolled the real blessing of labor 
and its efficacy in ennobling heart and spirit. 2 

4. Neither does Judaism begrudge man the joy of life 
which is the fruit of industry, nor rob it of its moral value. 
On the contrary, that ascetic spirit which encourages self- 
mortification and rigid renunciation of all pleasure is declared 
sinful. 3 Instead, we are told that in the world to come man 
shall have to give account for every enjoyment offered him in 
this life, whether he used it gratefully or rejected it in ingrati 
tude. 4 Abstinence is declared to be praiseworthy only in 
curbing wild desires and passions. For the rest, true piety lies 
in the consecration of every gift of God, every pleasure of life 
which He has offered, and using it in His service, so that the 
seal of holiness shall be imprinted even upon the satisfaction 
of the most sensuous desires. 

5. Judaism, then, lays special emphasis upon sociability as 
advancing all that is good and noble in man. The life of the 
recluse, according to its teaching, is of little use to the world 
at large and hence of no moral value. Only in association 
with one s fellow-men does life find incentive and opportunity 
for worthy work. " Either a life among friends or death" 
is a Talmudic proverb. 5 Unselfish friendship like that of 
David and Jonathan is lauded and pointed out for imitation. 6 
Through it man learns to step beyond the narrow boundaries 
of his ego, and in caring for others he will purify and exalt his 
own soul, until at last its love will include all mankind. 

6. "Iron sharpeneth iron; so a man sharpeneth the coun 
tenance of his friend," says the book of Proverbs, 7 and the 
sages derive from this verse the doctrine that learning does 
not thrive in solitude. 8 A single log does not nourish the 

1 Kid. 82 a. 2 Abot. I, 10 ; II, 2 ; B. B. 1 1 a. 3 Taan. 1 1 a. 

4 Yer. Kid. IV at the close. 5 Taan. 23 a. 6 Abot. V, 19. 

Prov.XXVII, 17. 8 Taan. 7 a. 



THE MORAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 319 

flame ; to keep up the fire one must throw in one piece of 
wood after the other. This applies also to learning ; it lacks 
in vigor, if it is not communicated to others. Wisdom calls 
to her votaries on the highways, in order that the stream of 
knowledge may overflow for many. For both the culture of 
the intellect and the ennobling of the soul it is necessary that 
man should step out of the narrow limits of self and come into 
touch with a larger world. Only in devotion to his fellows is 
man made to realize his own godlike nature. In the same 
measure as he honors God s image in others, in foe as well as in 
friend, in the most lowly servant as well in the most noble 
master, man increases his own dignity. This is the funda 
mental thought of morality as expressed in Job, especially in 
the beautiful thirty-first chapter, and as embodied in Abra 
ham, 1 and later reflected in various Talmudic sayings about 
the dignity of man. 2 Everywhere man s relation to society 
becomes a test of his own worth. The idea of interdepend 
ence and reciprocal duty among all members of the human 
family forms the outstanding characteristic of Jewish ethics. 
For it is far more concerned in the welfare of society than in 
that of the individual, and demands that those endowed with 
fortune should care for the unfortunate, the strong for the 
weak, and those blessed with vision for the blind. As God 
Himself is Father to the fatherless, Judge of the widows, and 
Protector of the oppressed, so should man be. "Works of 
benevolence form the beginning and the end of the Torah," 
points out R. Simlai. 3 

7. It is in the life of the nation that the individual first 
realizes that he is only a part of a greater whole. The nation 
to which he belongs is the mother who nourishes him with her 
spirit, teaches him to speak and to think, and equips him with 
all the means to take part in the achievements and tasks of 

I See J. E., art. Abraham. 

I 1 Abot. IV, i ; B. K. 79 b ; Ber. 19 b. Sota 14 a. 



320 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

humanity. In fact, the State, which guarantees to all its citizens 
safety, order and opportunity under the law, and which arranges 
the relations of the various groups and classes of society that 
they may advance one another and thus promote the welfare 
and progress of all, is human society in miniature. Here the 
citizen first learns obedience to the law which is binding upon 
all alike, then .respect and reverence for the authority embodied 
in the guardians of the law who administer justice i i which is 
God s," and hence also loyalty and devotion to the whole, to 
gether with reciprocal obligation and helpfulness among the 
separate members and classes of society. The words of Jere 
miah to his exiled brethren, "Seek ye the peace of the city 
whither I have caused you to be carried away captive, and pray 
unto the Lord for it, for in the peace thereof shall ye have 
peace," l became the guiding maxim of Jewry when torn from 
its native soil. It impressed upon them, once for all, the 
deeply rooted virtues of loyalty and love for the country in 
which they dwelt. To pray for the welfare of the State and 
its ruler, under whose dominion all citizens were protected, 
and so in modern times for its legislative and administrative 
authorities, has become a sacred duty of the Jewish religious 
community. To sacrifice one s life willingly, if need be, for 
the welfare of the country in which he lived, was a demand 
of loyalty which the Jew has never disregarded. "The law 
of the State is as the law of God" 2 taught Samuel the 
Babylonian, and another sage of Babylon said, "The govern 
ment on earth is to be regarded as an image of God s govern 
ment in heaven." 3 

8. But, after all, the community of the State or the nation 
is too confined in its cultural work by its special interests and 
particular tasks ever to reach the universal ideal of man, that 
is, a perfected humanity. Where the interests of one State or 



1 Jer. XXIX, 7; comp. Abot. Ill, 2. 

2 B. K. 113 a and elsewhere. 



3 Ber. 58 a. 



THE MORAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 321 

nation come into conflict with those of another, far too often 
the result is enmity and murderous warfare. Therefore there 
must be a higher power to quench the brands of war whenever 
they flare up, to cultivate every motive leading toward peace 
and harmony among nations, to impel men toward a higher 
righteousness and to obviate all conflict of interests, because 
in place of selfishness it implants in the heart the self-forgetful- 
ness of love. Religion is the power which trains peoples as well 
as individuals toward the conception of one humanity, in the 
same measure as it points to the one and only God, Ruler over 
all the contending motives of men, the Source and Shield of all 
righteousness, truth, and love, the Father of mankind as 
the only foundation upon which the grand edifice of human 
civilization must ultimately rest. Thus it teaches us to re 
gard the common life and endeavor of peoples and societies 
as one household of divine goodness. Every system of 
belief, every religious denomination which transcends the 
limits of the national consciousness with a view to the 
broader conception of mankind, and binds the national groups 
and interests into a higher unity to include and influence all 
the depths and heights of the human spirit, paves the way 
toward the attainment of the mighty goal. In the same sense 
the united efforts of the various classes and societies or States 
for the common advance of culture, prosperity, national wel 
fare and international commerce, as well as of science and 
art, tend unceasingly toward that full realization of the idea of 
humanity which constitutes the brotherhood of man. 

9. Not yet has any religious body, however great and re 
markable its accomplishments may have been, nor any of the 
religious, scientific, or national organizations, much as they 
have achieved, performed the sublime task which the prophets 
of Israel foretold as the goal of history. Each one has 
drawn to itself only a portion of mankind, and promised it 
success or redemption and bliss, while the rest have been 



322 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

excluded and denied both temporal and eternal happiness. 
Each one has singled out one side of human nature in order to 
link to it the entire absolute truth, but at the same time has 
underestimated or cast aside all other sides of human life, and 
thereby blocked the road to complete truth, which can 
never be presented in final form, nor ever be the exclusive 
possession of one portion of humanity. Judaism, which is 
neither a religious nor a national system solely, but aims to be 
a covenant with God uniting all peoples, lays claim to no 
exclusive truth, and makes its appeal to no single group of 
mankind. The Messianic hope, which aims to unite all races 
and classes of men into a bond of brotherhood, has become an 
impelling force in the history of the world, and both Chris 
tianity and Islam, in so far as they owe their existence to this 
hope and to the adoption of Jewish teachings, constitute parts 
of the history of Judaism. Between these world-religions with 
their wide domains of civilization stands the little Jewish 
people as a cosmopolitan element. It points to an ideal 
future, with a humanity truly united in God, when, through 
ceaseless progress in the pursuit of ever more perfect ideals, 
truth, justice, and peace will triumph, to the realization 
of the kingdom of God. 



PART III 
ISRAEL AND THE KINGDOM OF GOD 

CHAPTER XLVIII 

THE ELECTION OF ISRAEL 

i. The central point of Jewish theology and the key to an 
understanding of the nature of Judaism is the doctrine, "God 
chose Israel as His people." The election of Israel as the 
chosen people of God, or, what amounts to the same, as the 
nation whose special task and historic mission it is to be the 
bearer of the most lofty truths of religion among mankind, 
forms the basis and the chief condition of revelation. Before 
God proclaimed the Ten Words of the Covenant on Sinai, 
He addressed the people through His chosen messenger, 
Moses, saying : " Ye have seen what I did unto the Egyptians, 
and how I bore you on eagles wings, and brought you unto 
Myself. Now therefore, if ye will hearken unto My voice, 
indeed, and keep My covenant, then ye shall be Mine own 
treasure from among all peoples, for all the earth is Mine ; 
and ye shall be unto Me a kingdom of priests, and a holy 
nation." l 

2. The fact of Israel s election by God as His peculiar 
nation is repeated in Deuteronomy, with the special declara 
tion that God had found delight in them as the smallest of 
the peoples, on account of the love and the faith He had sworn 
to the Patriarchs. 2 It is accentuated in the Synagogal liturgy, 

1 Ex. XIX, 4-5. 

Deut. VII, 6-8; X, 15; XIV, 2. Comp. Schechter : Aspects, 57 S. 

323 



324 JEWISPI THEOLOGY 

especially in the prayer for holy days which begins with the 
words: "Thou hast chosen us from all peoples; Thou hast 
loved us and found pleasure in us and hast exalted us above 
all tongues ; Thou hast sanctified us by Thy commandments 
and brought us near unto Thy service, O King, and hast 
called us by Thy great and holy name." * Inasmuch as the 
election of Israel is connected with the deliverance of the 
people from Egypt, the whole relation of the Jewish nation 
to its God assumes from the outset an essentially different 
character from that of other nations to their deities. The 
God of Israel is not inseparably connected with His people 
by mere natural bonds, as is the case with every other ancient 
divinity. He is not a national God in the ordinary sense. 
He has chosen Israel freely of His own accord. "When 
Israel was a child, then I loved him, and out of Egypt I called 
My son," says God through Hosea, 2 and thus prefers to call 
Himself "thy God from the land of Egypt." This election 
from love is echoed also in Jeremiah, who said, "Israel is the 
Lord s hallowed portion, His first-fruits of the increase." 3 
The moral relation between God and Israel is most clearly 
characterized, however, by Amos, in the words: "You only 
have I known of all the families of the earth; therefore I 
will visit upon you all your iniquities." 4 Here is stated in 
explicit terms that the God of history selected Israel as an 
instrument for His plan of salvation, in the expectation that 
he would remain faithful to His will. 

3. The real purpose of the election and mission of Israel 
was announced by the great prophet of the Exile when he 
called Israel the "servant of the Lord," who has been formed 
from his mother s bosom and delivered from every other 
bondage, in order that he may declare the praise of God 
among the peoples, and be a harbinger of light and a bond of 

1 See Singer s Prayerbook, 226 f. 2 Hos. XI, i ; XII, 10; XIII, 4. 

3 Jer. II, 3. Amos III, 2. 



THE ELECTION OF ISRAEL 325 

union among the nations, the witness of God, the proclaimer 
of His truth and righteousness throughout the world. 1 The 
entire history of Israel as far back as the Patriarchs 
was reconstructed in this light, and we find the election 
of Abraham also similarly described in the Psalms 2 and in 
the liturgy. Indeed, in every morning prayer for the past 
two thousand years the Jewish people have offered thanks 
to God for the divine teaching that has been intrusted 
to their care, and praised Him "who has chosen Israel in 
love." 3 

4. The belief in the election of Israel rests on the conviction 
that the Jewish people has a certain superiority over other 
peoples in being especially qualified to be the messenger and 
champion of religious truth. In one sense this prerogative 
takes into account every people which has contributed some 
thing unique to any department of human power or knowledge, 
and therein has served others as pattern and guide. From 
the broader standpoint, all great historic peoples appear as 
though appointed by divine providence for their special cul 
tural tasks, in which others can at most emulate them without 
achieving their greatness. Yet we cannot speak in quite the 
same way of the election of the Greeks or Romans or of the 
nations of remote antiquity for mastery in art and science, 
or for skill in jurisprudence and statecraft. The fact is that 
these nations were never fully conscious that they had a his 
toric or providential destiny to influence mankind in this 
special direction. Israel alone was self-conscious, realizing 
its task as harbinger and defender of its religious truth as 
soon as it had entered into its possession. Its election, there 
fore, does not imply presumption, but rather a grave duty 
and responsibility. As the great seer of the Captivity had 
already declared, to be the servant of the Lord is to undergo 

1 Isa. XLI, 8 f.; XLII, 6; XLIII, 10; XLIX, 8. 

8 CV, 7 f., comp. Neh. IX, 7. * Singer s Prayerb., p. 40. 



326 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

the destiny of suffering, to be "the man of sorrow/ from 
whose bruises comes healing unto all mankind. 1 

5. Accordingly the election of Israel cannot be regarded 
as a single divine act, concluded at one moment of revelation, 
or even during the Biblical period. It must instead be con 
sidered a divine call persisting through all ages and encom 
passing all lands, a continuous activity of the spirit which has 
ever summoned for itself new heralds and heroes to testify 
to truth, justice, and sublime faith, with an unparalleled 
scorn for death, and to work for their dissemination by words 
and deeds and by their whole life. Judaism differs from all 
other religions in that it is neither the creation of one great 
moral teacher and preacher of truth, nor seeks to typify the 
moral and spiritual sublimity which it aims to develop in 
a single person, who is then lifted up into the realm of the 
superhuman. Judaism counts its prophets, its sages, and its 
martyrs by generations; it is still demonstrating its power 
to reshape and regenerate religion as a vital force. Moreover, 
Judaism does not separate religion from life, so as to regard 
only a segment of the common life and the national existence as 
holy. The entire people, the entire life, must bear the stamp 
of holiness and be filled with priestly consecration. Whether 
this lofty aim can ever be completely attained is a question not 
to be decided by short-sighted humanity, but only by God, the 
Ruler of history. It is sufficient that the life of the individual 
as well as that of the people should aspire toward this ideal. 

6. Of course, the election of Israel presupposes an inner 
calling, a special capacity of soul and tendency of intellect 
which fit it for the divine task. The people which has given 
mankind its greatest prophets and psalmists, its boldest 
thinkers and its noblest martyrs, which has brought to frui 
tion the three great world-religions, the Church, the Mosque, 
and mother of them both the Synagogue, must be the 

1 Isa. LII, 3-LIII, 12. 



THE ELECTION OF ISRAEL 327 

religious people par excellence. It must have within itself 
enough of the heavenly spark of truth and of the impetus 
of the religious genius as to be able and eager, whenever and 
wherever the opportunity is favorable, to direct the spiritual 
flight of humanity toward the highest and holiest. In fact, 
the soul of the Jewish people reveals a peculiar mingling of 
characteristics, a union of contrasts, which makes it especially 
fit for its providential mission in history. Together with the 
marked individuality of each person we find a common spirit 
highly sensitive to every encroachment. Here there is a 
tenacious adherence to what is old and traditional, and there 
an eager assimilation of what is new and strange. On the 
one hand, a materialistic self-interest; on the other, an 
idealism soaring to the stars. 1 The sages of the Tannaitic 
period already remarked that Israel has been intrusted with 
the law which it is to defend and to disseminate, just because 
it is the boldest and most obstinate of nations. 2 On the other 
hand, the three special characteristics of the Jewish people 
according to the Talmud are its chastity and purity of life, 
its benevolence and its active love for humanity. 3 A heathen 
scoffer calls Israel "a people of generous impulses which 
promised at Sinai to do what God would command, even 
before it had hearkened to the commandments." 4 " Gentle 
and shy as a dove, it is also willing like the dove to stretch 
out its neck for the sacrifice, for love of its heavenly Father," 
says the Haggadist. 5 And yet R. Johanan remarks that 
Israel, called to be the bearer of light to the world, must be 
pressed like the olive before it will yield its precious oil. 6 
Every individual in Israel possesses the requisite qualities 
for a holy priest-people, according to a Midrash of the Tan 
naitic period, and hence we read in Deuteronomy, "The Lord 

1 Meg. 1 6 a. * Beza 25 b. Yeb. 79 a. 

4 Shab. 88 a. Cant. R. IV, 2; Tanh. Tezaveh i. 

6 Menah. 53 b with ref. to Jer. XI, 16. 



328 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

hath chosen thee to be His own treasure out of all peoples 
that are upon the face of the earth." 1 

7. All these and similar sayings disprove completely the 
idea that the election of Israel was an arbitrary act of God. 
It is due rather to hereditary virtues and to tendencies of 
mind and spirit which equip Israel for his calling. To this 
must be added the important fact that God educated the 
people for its task through the Law, which was to make it 
conscious of its priestly sanctity and keep it ever active in 
mind and heart. The election of Israel is emphasized in 
Deuteronomy especially in connection with the prohibition 
of marriage with idolaters and with the prohibition of unclean 
animals, which also originated in the priestly laws. 2 The 
underlying idea is that the mission of Israel to battle for the 
Most High imperatively demands separation from the heathen 
peoples, and on the other hand, that its priestly calling neces 
sitates an especial abstinence. And as has the law in its 
development and realization for thousands of years, so has also 
God s wise guidance trained Israel in the course of history 
so as to render him at times the unyielding preserver and 
defender and at other times the bold champion and protagonist 
of the highest truth and justice, according as the outlook and 
the mental horizon of the period were narrow or broad. 

8. It is true that the thought of Israel s calling and mission 
in world-history first became clear when its prophets and sages 
attained a view of great world-movements from the lofty 
watch-tower of the centuries, so that they could take cogni 
zance of the varying relations of Judaism to the civilized 
peoples around. The summons of the Jewish people to be 
heralds of truth and workers for peace is first mentioned in 
Isaiah and Micah, 3 while only in the great movement of nations 

1 Sifre to Deut. XIV, 2. 2 Deut. VII, 6; XIV, 2. 

3 Isa. II, 3 ; Micah IV, 2 passages considered by modern critics to be of 
exilic origin. 



THE ELECTION OF ISRAEL 329 

under Cyrus did the seer of the Exile recognize the peculiar 
mission of Israel in the history of the world. If in gloomy 
periods the outlook became dark, still the hope for the ful 
fillment of this mission was never entirely lost. In fact, 
the contact of the Jewish people with Greek culture after 
Alexander the Great gave new power and fresh impetus to 
the conception of Israel s mission, 1 as the rich Hellenistic lit 
erature and the vision of Daniel in chapter VII testify. In 
fact, Abraham, the ancestor of the Jewish people, became for 
the earliest Haggadists a wandering missionary and a great 
preacher of the unity of God, and his picture was the pattern 
for both Paul and Mohammed. 2 The election of Israel is 
clearly and unequivocally expressed by Rabbi Eleazar ben 
Pedath in the words, "God sent Israel among the heathen 
nations that they may win a rich harvest of proselytes, for, 
as God said through Hosea, I will sow her unto Me in the 
land/ so He wishes from this seed to reap a bountiful and 
world-wide harvest." 3 

9. In the Middle Ages, when the historical viewpoint 
and the idea of human progress were both lacking, the belief 
in the mission of Israel was confined to the Messianic hope. 
Both Jehuda ha Levi and Maimonides, however, regard 
Christianity and Islam as preparatory steps for the Messiah, 
who is to unify the world through the knowledge of God. 4 
"The work of the Messiah is the fruit, of which Israel will 
be universally acknowledged as the root," says the Jewish 
sage in the Cuzari. Therefore he rightly accepts the election 
of Israel as a fundamental doctrine of belief. Modern times, 
however, with their awakened historical sense and their idea 
of progress, have again placed in the foreground the belief 

1 See Bousset, 1. c., 60-99. 

1 Gen. R. to Gen. XII, 4, and see J. E., art. Abraham. 

Pes. 87 b. with ref. to Hosea II, 25. 

4 Cuzari IV, 23 ; Maim. H. Mclakim XI, 4. 



330 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

in the election and mission of Israel. The founders of reform 
Judaism have cast this ancient doctrine in a new form. On 
the one hand, they have reinterpreted the Messianic hope 
in the prophetic spirit, as the realization of the highest ideals 
of a united humanity. On the other, they have rejected the 
entire theory that Israel was exiled from his ancient land 
because of his sins, and that he is eventually to return there 
and to restore the sacrificial cult in the Temple at Jerusalem. 
Therefore the whole view concerning Israel s future had to 
undergo a transformation. 1 The historic mission of Israel as 
priest of humanity and champion of truth assumed a higher 
meaning, and his peculiar position in history and in the Law 
necessarily received a different interpretation from that of 
Talmudic Judaism or that of the Church. As individuals, 
indeed, many Jews have taken part in the achievements and 
efforts of all civilized peoples ; the Jewish people as such has 
accomplished great things in only one field, the field of reli 
gion. The following chapters will consider more closely 
how Judaism has taken up and carried out this sacred mission. 

1 See Geiger: Zeitschr. 1868, p. 18 ff.; 1869, 55 ff. 



CHAPTER XLIX 
THE KINGDOM OF GOD AND THE MISSION OF ISRAEL 

i. The hope of Judaism for the future is comprised in the 
phrase, "the kingdom of God," malkuth shaddai or mal- 
kuth Shamayim, which means the sovereign rule of God. 
From ancient times the liturgy of the Synagogue concludes 
regularly with the solemn Alenu, in which God is addressed 
as the "King of kings of kings" -king of kings being the 
Persian title for the ruler of the whole Empire and directly 
after this the hope is expressed that "we may speedily behold 
the glory of Thy might, when Thou wilt remove the abomina 
tions from the earth, and the idols will be utterly cut off; 
when the world will be perfected under the kingdom of the 
Almighty, and all the children of flesh will call upon Thy name ; 
when Thou wilt turn unto Thyself all the wicked of the earth. 
Let all the inhabitants of the earth perceive and know that 
unto Thee every knee must bend, and every tongue give 
homage. Let them all accept the yoke of Thy kingdom, 
and do Thou reign over them speedily, and forever and ever." l 
At the close of the Torah lesson in the house of learning the 
assembly regularly recited the blessing, "Praised be Thy 
name ! May Thy kingdom soon come ! " afterwards known 
as the Kaddish, 2 and reechoed in the so-called "Lord s Prayer" 
of the Church. The words of the prophet, "The Lord shall 
be King over all the earth ; in that day shall the Lord be One, 
and His name One," 3 voiced for all ages this ideal of the future, 
and thus gave a goal and a purpose to the history of the world 

1 J. E., art. Alenu; Singer s Prayerb., 76 f. 

1 J. E., art. Kaddish. Zech. XIV, 9. 



332 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

and at the same time centered it in Israel, the chosen people 
of God. 

2 . The establishment of the kingdom of the One and Only 
God throughout the entire world constitutes the divine plan 
of salvation toward which, according to Jewish teaching, 
the efforts of all the ages are tending. This " Kingdom of 
God" is not, however, a kingdom of heaven in the world to 
come, which men are to enter only after death, and then only 
if redeemed from sin by accepting the belief in a supernatural 
Savior as their Messiah, as is taught by the Church. Judaism 
points to God s Kingdom on earth as the goal and hope of 
mankind, to a world in which all men and nations shall turn 
away from idolatry and wickedness, falsehood and violence, 
and become united in their recognition of the sovereignty 
of God, the Holy One, as proclaimed by Israel, His servant 
and herald, the Messiah of the nations. It is not the hope 
of bliss in a future life (which is the leading motive of Chris 
tianity), but the building up of the divine kingdom of truth, 
justice, and peace among men by Israel s teaching and prac 
tice. 1 In this sense God speaks through the mouth of the 
prophet, "I will also give thee for a light of the nations, that 
My salvation may be unto the end of the earth." 2 "All the 
ends of the earth shall see the salvation of our God." 3 "The 
remnant of Jacob shall be in the midst of many peoples, as 
dew from the Lord, as showers upon the grass." 4 

3. Clearly, the idea of a world-kingdom of God arose only 
as the result of the gradual development of the Jewish God- 
consciousness. It was necessary at first that the prophetic 
idea of God s kingship, the theocracy in Israel, should triumph 
over the monarchical view and absorb it. The patriarchal 
life of the shepherd was certainly not favorable to a monar 
chical rule. "I will not rule over you, neither shall my son rule 

1 See Schechter : Aspects, 89 f., 93 f. 2 Isa. XLIX, 6. 

3 Isa. LII, 10. J 4 Micah V, 6. 



KINGDOM OF GOD AND THE MISSION OF ISRAEL 333 

over you, the Lord shall rule over you," said Gideon in refus 
ing the title of king which the people had offered him. 1 Ac 
cording to one tradition Samuel blamed the people for desiring 
a king and thereby rejecting the divine kingship. 2 "I give 
thee a king in Mine anger," says God through Hosea. 3 The 
more the monarchy, with its exclusively worldly and material 
istic aims, came into conflict with the demands of the prophets 
and their religious truth, the higher rose the prophetic hope 
for the dawning of a day when God alone would rule in ab 
solute sovereignty over the entire world. Now, in the king 
dom of the Ten Tribes, with its frequently changing dynasties, 
the old patriarchal conception was dominant, while in the 
kingdom of Judah, which remained loyal to the house of 
David, the monarchical idea developed. Isaiah, living in 
Jerusalem and favorably disposed towards the monarchy, 
prophesied that a shoot from the house of David, endowed 
with marvelous spiritual powers, should come forth, occupy 
ing the throne in the place of God, and through his victories 
would plant righteousness and the knowledge of God every 
where upon earth, and establish throughout the world a 
wonderful reign of peace. 4 Upon this royal "shoot " of David 5 
rested the Messianic hope during the Exile, and amidst the 
disappointments of the time this vision became all the more 
idealized. In contrast to this the great prophet of the Exile 
announced the establishment of the absolute dominion of God 
as the true " King of Israel" 6 over all the earth by the nucleus 
of Israel, "the servant of God," who would become conscious 
of his great historic mission in the world and be willing 
to offer his very life in its cause. In all this the prophet 
makes no reference to the royal house of David, but makes 

> Judg. VIII, 23. I Sara. VIII, 7 ; XII, 12, 17 f. 

Has. XIII, ix. Isa. IX, 5 ; XI, i-io. 

* Isa. IV, 2 ; Jer. XXIII, 5 ; XXXIII, 15 ; and Zech. Ill, 8 ; VI, 12. Here 
Zerubbabcl is referred to. 

Isa. XLI, 21 ; XLHI, 15 ; XLIV, 6. Corap. XLIII, 22. 



334 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

bold to confer the title of the " anointed of God" that is, 
Messiah upon Cyrus, the king of Persia, as the one who 
was to usher in the new era. 1 Subsequently these two di 
vergent hopes for the future run parallel in the Psalms 
and the liturgy as well as in the apocryphal and rabbinic 
literature. 

4. While the Messianic aspirations as such bore rather a 
political and national character in Judaism (as will be ex 
plained in Chapter LIII), yet the religious hope for a univer 
sal kingdom of God took root even more deeply in the heart 
of the Jewish people. It created the conception of Israel s 
mission and also the literature and activity of the Hellenis 
tic propaganda, and it gave a new impetus to the making 
of proselytes among the heathen, to which both Christianity 
and Islam owe their existence. The words of Isaiah, repeated 
later by Habakkuk, "The earth will be full of the knowledge 
of the Lord, as the waters cover the sea," 2 became now an 
article of faith. While in earlier times the rule of Israel s 
God, JHVH, was attached to Zion, from whose holy mount 
He ruled as invisible King, 3 later on we find Zechariah pro 
claiming Him who was enthroned in heaven as having domin 
ion over the entire earth, 4 and the Psalter summons all nations 
to acknowledge, adore, and extol Him as King of the world. 5 
Nay, at the very time when Judah lay humbled to the ground, 
the prophet exclaimed, "Who would not fear Thee, O King 
of the nations ? for it befitteth Thee ; forasmuch as among 
all the wise men of the nations, and in all their royalty there 
is none like unto Thee." 6 Israel s great hope for the future 
is expressed most completely and in most sublime language 
in the New Year liturgy: "O Lord our God, impose Thine 

1 Isa. XLV, i. 2 Isa. XI, 9 ; Hab. II, 14. 

3 Isa. VI, 5 5 XXIV, 23. Comp. Jer. XL VI, 18; XL VIII, 15. 

4 Zech. XIV, 9 ; Mai. I, 14. * Ps. XXII, 29 ; XCIII, i ; XCV, 99. 
6 Jer. X, 7. This chapter is post-exilic; comp. Jer. XL VI, 18; XL VIII, 

15 and I Chron. XXIX, n. 



KINGDOM OF GOD AND THE MISSION OF ISRAEL 335 

awe upon all Thy works, and let Thy dread be upon all that 
Thou hast created, that they may all form one single band to 
do Thy will with a perfect heart. . . . Our God and God of 
our fathers, reveal Thyself in Thy splendor as King over all 
the inhabitants of the world, that every handiwork of Thine 
may know that Thou hast made it, and every creature may 
acknowledge that Thou hast created it, and whatsoever hath 
breath in its nostrils may say : the Lord God of Israel is King, 
and His dominion ruleth over all." 1 

5. In the earlier period, then, the rule of JHVH seems to 
have been confined to Israel as the people of His covenant. 
During the Second Temple Jerusalem was called the "city 
of the great King" 2 and the constitution was considered by 
Josephus to have been a theocracy, that is, a government by 
God. 3 Indeed, the entire Mosaic code has as its main purpose 
to make Israel a "kingdom of priests," over which JHVH, 
the God of the covenant, was alone to rule as King. The 
chief object of the strict nationalists, in opposition to the 
cosmopolitanism of the Hellenists, was that this government 
of God, in its intimate association with the Holy Land and 
the Holy People, should be maintained unchanged for all the 
future. Thus the book of Daniel predicts the speedy downfall 
of the fourth world-kingdom and the establishment of the 
kingdom of God through Israel, "the people of the saints of 
the Most High; their kingdom is an everlasting kingdom." 4 
Naturally, such a purely nationalistic conception of the ruler- 
ship of God does not admit the thought of a mission or its 
corollary, the conversion of the heathen. 5 These appear 
among the liberal school of Hillel in their opposition to the 
more rigorous Shammaites and the party of the Zealots. 6 
It is, therefore, quite consistent that the modern nationalists 
should again dispute the mission of Israel. 

1 Singer s Prayerb., 239. Ps. XLVIII, 3. Cont. Apion. II, 16, 7. 

4 Dan. VII, 27. 6 See J. E., art. Zealots. Shab. 31 a. 



336 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

6. As soon as Jewish monotheism had once been con 
ceived by the Jewish mind as the universal truth, the idea of 
the mission of Israel as a bearer of light and a witness of 
God for the nations, as enunciated by Deutero-Isaiah, be 
came ever more firmly established. Many Psalms exhort the 
people to make known the wondrous doings of God among 
the nations, so that the heathen world might at last acknowl 
edge the One and Only God. 1 Nay, Israel is even called 
God s anointed and prophet, 2 and in one Psalm we find Zion, 
the city of God, elevated to be the religious metropolis of the 
world. 3 The book of Jonah is simply a refutation of the 
narrow nationalistic conception of Judaism ; it holds forth 
the hope of the conversion of the heathen to the true knowl 
edge of God. In the same spirit Ruth the Moabitess became 
the type of the heathen who are eager to "take refuge under 
the wings of God s majesty." 4 The author of the book of 
Job no longer knows of a national God ; to him God is the 
highest ideal of morality as it lives and grows in the human 
heart. The wisdom literature also teaches a God of humanity. 
Under His wings Shem and Japheth, the teaching of the Jew 
and the wisdom of the Greek, can join hands ; the religious 
truth of the one and the philosophic truth of the other may 
harmoniously blend. 

7. Thus a new impulse was given to Jewish proselytism 
in Alexandria, and the earlier history of Israel, especially the 
pre-Israelite epoch with its simple human types, was read 
in a new light. Enoch 5 and Noah 6 became preachers of peni 
tence, heralds of the pure monotheism from which the heathen 
world had departed. Abraham especially, the progenitor 
of Israel, was looked upon as a prototype of the wandering 

^s. XXII, 28; LXVII, 3; LXXXVI, 10 ; CXVII, i. 

2 Ps. CV, 15. 3 p s LXXXVII, 5. See Commentaries and LXX. 

4 Ruth II, 12. Comp. Lev. R. II, 8. 

6 See both Enoch books and B. Sira XLIV, 16. 

6 Sibyll. I, 128-170; Sanh. 108 a. 



KINGDOM OF GOD AND THE MISSION OF ISRAEL 337 

missionary people, converting the heathen. 1 Wherever he 
journeyed, his teaching and his example of true benevolence 
won souls for the Lord proclaimed by him as the "God of 
the heaven and the earth." In this sense of missionary ac 
tivity were now interpreted the words, "Be thou a blessing . . . 
and in thy seed shall all the nations of the earth be blessed." 3 
This was no longer understood in the original sense, that 
Abraham by his prosperity should be an example of a blessed 
man, to be pointed out in blessing others ; the words were 
given the higher meaning that Abraham with his descendants 
should become a source of blessing for mankind through his 
teachings and his conduct, so that all the families of men 
should attain blessing and salvation by following his doctrine 
and example. Thus the idea of the Jewish mission was con 
nected with Abraham, the " father of a multitude of nations," 4 
and this was later on adopted by Paul and Mohammed in 
establishing the Church and the Mosque. 

8. In contradistinction, then, to the political concept of 
the kingdom of God, which Ezekiel still hoped to see estab 
lished by the exercise of external power, 5 the idea assumed 
now a purely spiritual meaning. This kingdom of God is 
accepted by the pious Jew every morning through his con 
fession of the divine Unity in the Shema. Abraham had 
anticipated this, say the rabbis, when he swore by the God 
of heaven and earth, and so also had Israel in accepting the 
Torah at Sinai and at the Red Sea. 6 In fact, the kingdom of 
God began, we are told, with the first man, since, when he 
adored God freely as King of the world, every living creature 
acknowledged Him also. But only when Israel as a people 
proclaimed God s dominion at the Red Sea, was the throne 

1 Gen. R. XXXIX, 21. 
8 Sifre Deut. 313, with ref. to Gen. XXIV, 3. 

3 See Dillmann s Comm. to Gen. XII, 2; XXII, 18; and Kuenen: The 
Prophets and Prophecy, 373, 457. 

* Gen. XVII, 5. Ezek. XX, 33. Sifre, 1. c. 

z 



338 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

of God and His kingdom on earth established for eternity. 1 
And when Ezekiel says: "With a mighty hand will I be 
King over you," they explain this to mean that the people 
chosen as the servant of God will be continually constrained 
anew by the prophets to recognize His kingdom. 2 Yea, the 
closing words of the Song at the Red Sea, "The Lord shall 
reign for ever and ever " were taken to imply that all the 
nations would in the end recognize only Israel s One God as 
King of the world. 3 As a matter of fact, the rabbinical view 
is that every proselyte, in "taking upon himself the yoke 
of the sovereignty of God," enters that divine Kingdom 
which at the end of time will embrace all men and nations. 4 
In the book of Tobit and the Sibylline Oracles also we find 
this universalistic conception of the Messianic age expressed. 5 
9. Accordingly, proselytism found open and solemn recog 
nition both before and after the time of the Maccabees, as 
we see in the Psalms, especially those which speak of 
proselytes in the term, "they that fear the Lord," 6 and also 
in the ancient synagogal liturgy, where the "proselytes of 
righteousness" are especially mentioned. 7 The school of 
Hillel followed precisely this course. Matters changed, 
however, under the Roman dominion, which was contrasted 
to the dominion of God especially from the time of Herod, 
when the belief became current that "only when the one is 
destroyed, will the other arise." 8 Particularly after the 
Christian Church had become identified with Rome, all mis 
sionary endeavors by the Jews were considered dangerous 
and were therefore discouraged as much as possible. In their 

1 P. D. R. El. XI; Mek. Yithro 6; Lev. R. II, 4. 

2 Sifra Behukkothai VIII with ref. to Ezek. XX, 33 ; Sanh. 105 a. 

3 Mek. Beshallah X, p. 52. 4 Tanh. Lek leka 6. 

6 Tobit XIII, i-n ; Sibyll. Ill, 47, 76 b. 

Ps. CXVII ; CXVIII, 4. See chapter LVI. 

7 Singer s Prayerb., 48. 

8 Mek. Amalek at close; Cant. R. II, 28; IV Ezra VI, 9-10. 



KINGDOM OF GOD AND THE MISSION OF ISRAEL 339 

place arose the hope for a miraculous intervention of God. 
In Hellenistic circles the Messiah was believed to be the future 
founder of the kingdom of God, 1 which assumed more and 
more of an other-worldly nature, such as the Church developed 
for it later on. 

10. The more the harsh oppression of the times forced the 
Jew to isolate himself and to spend his life in studying and 
practicing the law, which was tantamount to "placing 
himself under the kingdom of God," 2 the more he lost sight 
of his sublime mission for the world at large. Only individual 
thinkers, such as Jehuda ha Levi and Maimonides, kept a 
vision of the world-mission of Israel, when they called Jesus 
and Mohammed, as founders of Christianity and Islam, mes 
sengers of God to the idolatrous nations, divinely appointed 
to bring them nearer to Israel s truth, 3 or when they pointed 
forward to the time when all peoples will recognize in the 
truth their common mother and in God the Father of all 
mankind. 4 A most instructive Midrash on Zechariah IX, 9 
gives the keynote of this belief. "At that time God as the 
King of Zion will speak to the righteous of all times, and say 
to them, Dear as the words of My teaching are to Me, yet 
have ye erred in that ye have followed only My Torah, and 
have not waited for My world-kingdom. I swear to you that 
I shall remember for good him who has waited for My kingdom, 
as it is said, Wait ye for Me until the day that I rise up as a 
witness. " 5 

On the other hand, it was owing to the sad consequences 
of the missionary endeavors of the Church that the idea of 
the mission of Judaism was given a different direction. Not 
conversion, but conviction by teaching and example, is the 

1 B. Wisdom V, 16; Sibyll. Ill, 76 b. 

*Sifra Kedoshim at close; Sifre Deut. 323. 

Cuzari IV, 23 ; Maim. //. Melakim XI, 4. 

4 Maim. : Commentary to Eduyoth at close. 

Pes. R. XXXIV, p. 158 ref. to Zeph. Ill, 8. See Friedman s note. 



340 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

historic task of Judaism, whose maxim is expressed in the 
verse of Zechariah, "Not by might, nor by power, but by My 
spirit, saith the Lord of hosts." 1 It is not the creed, but 
the deed, which tells. Not the confession, but conduct, 
with the moral principles which govern it, counts. Such a 
view is implied in the well-known teaching of Joshua ben 
Hananiah, "The righteous of all nations will have a share 
in the world of eternal bliss." 2 Judaism does not deny 
salvation to those professing other religions, which would 
tend to undermine the foundation of their spiritual life. Stand 
ing upon the high watchtower of time, it rather strives ever 
to clarify and strengthen the universal longing for truth 
and righteousness which lies at the heart of all religion, and 
is thus to become a bond of union, an all-illuminating light 
for the world. To quote the beautiful words of Leopold 
Stein in his Schrift des Lebens: 3 "Judaism, while recognizing 
the historic justification of all systems of thought and faith, 
does not cherish the ambition to become the Church Universal 
in the usual sense of the term, but aims rather to be the focus, 
or mirror, of religious unity for all the rest. The people 
from of old, as the prophet called them, are to accompany 
mankind in its progress through the ages and the continents, 
until it reaches the goal of the kingdom of God on earth, the 
new heaven and new earth of the prophetic vision." 4 The 
thought of the Jewish mission is most adequately expressed 
in the Neilah service of the Union Prayer Book, based upon 
the Einhorn Prayerbook, which reads as follows: 5 "Endow 
us, our Guardian, with strength and patience for our holy mis 
sion. Grant that all the children of Thy people may recognize 
the goal of our changeful career, so that they may exemplify 
by their zeal and love for mankind the truth of Israel s watch 
word : One humanity on earth, even as there is but One God 

1 Zech. IV, 6. 2 Tos . Sanh . xill, 2. 3 R 374-378. 

Isa. LXVI, 22. 6 Part II, p. 332. 



KINGDOM OF GOD AND THE MISSION OF ISRAEL 341 

in heaven. Enlighten all that call themselves by Thy name 
with the knowledge that the sanctuary of wood and stone, 
which erst crowned Zion s hill, was but a gate through which 
Israel should step out into the world, to reconcile all mankind 
unto Thee!" 



CHAPTER L 

THE PRIEST-PEOPLE AND ITS LAW OF HOLINESS 

i. The checkered, stormy, and yet triumphant march of 
the Jewish people through the ages remains the great enigma 
of history for all those who do not believe in a divine plan of 
salvation to be consummated through Israel. The idea of 
Israel s mission alone throws light on its law and its destiny. 
Even before God had revealed to the people at Mt. Sinai 
the Ten Commandments, the foundation of all religion and 
morality, and there concluded with them a covenant for all 
time, He spoke: "Ye shall be unto Me a kingdom of priests 
and a holy nation," thus consecrating them to be a priest- 
people among the nations, and enjoining them to a life of 
especial holiness. Possessing as a heritage from the Patriarchs 
the germ of a higher religious consciousness, in distinction 
from all other peoples, they were to make the cultivation, 
development, and promotion of the highest religious truth 
their life-task, and thus to become the people of God. At 
first they were to establish in the Holy Land a theocratic 
government, a State in which God alone was the Ruler, while 
they lived in priestly isolation from all the nations around. 
Thus they prepared themselves for the time when, scattered 
over all the earth, they might again work as the priest-people 
through the ages for the upbuilding of the universal kingdom 
of God. This was Israel s destiny from the very first, as ex 
pressed by the great seer of the Exile when he beheld Israel 
wandering forth among the nations, "Ye shall be named the 

342 



THE PRIEST-PEOPLE AND ITS LAW OF HOLINESS 343 

priests of the Lord ; men shall call you the ministers of our 
God." l 

2. Among all religions the priest is considered especially 
holy as the mediator between God and man, and in his appear 
ance as well as in his mode of life he must observe special 
forms of purity and holiness. He alone may approach the 
Godhead, ascertain its will, and administer the sacrificial cult 
in the sanctuary. He must represent the Divinity in its 
relation to the people, embody it in his outward life, enjoy 
nothing which it abhors, and touch nothing which could render 
him impure. These priestly rules exist among all the nations 
of antiquity in striking similarity, and indicate a common 
origin in the prehistoric period, during which the entire cult 
developed through a priestly caste, beginning with simple, 
primitive conceptions and transmitted in ever more elaborate 
form from father to son. It goes without saying that the 
priests of the original Hebrew race, which migrated from 
Babylonia, retained the ancient customs and rules. They 
must also have adopted many other things from neighboring 
peoples. During the entire period of the first temple, the 
priests despite all prophetic warnings preferred the 
heathen cult with its vainglorious pomp to the simple worship 
of the patriarchal times. As everywhere else, the priesthood 
of Israel, and later of Judaea as well, thought only of its own 
interests, of the retention of its ancient prerogatives, unmind 
ful of the higher calling to which it had been chosen, to serve 
the God of truth and justice, to exemplify true holiness, 
to stand for moral rather than ceremonial purity. Yet the 
sacerdotal institutions were indispensable so long as the 
people required a sanctuary where the Deity should dwell, 
and where the sacrificial cult should be administered. Every 
trespass by a layman on the sanctuary reserved for the priests 
was considered sacrilege and called for divine punishment. 

1 Isa. LXI, 6. 



344 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

It was thus necessary to deepen the popular notion of holiness 
and of the reverence due the sanctuary, before these could be 
elevated into the realm of spirituality and morality. The 
priesthood had to be won for the service of the loftier religious 
ideas, so that it might gradually educate the people in general 
for its sublime priestly mission. This conception underlies 
both the Mosaic law and its rabbinical interpretation. 

3. Through Biblical and post-Biblical literature and his 
tory there runs a twofold tendency, one anti-sacerdotal, 
emanating from the prophets and later the Hasideans or 
Pharisees, the other a mediating tendency, favorable to 
the priesthood. The ritualistic piety of the priests was 
bitterly assailed by the prophets as being subversive of all 
morality, and later on the Sadducean hierarchy also con 
stituted a threat to the moral and spiritual welfare of the 
people. Before even the revelation at Sinai was to take 
place, we read that warning was given to the priests "not 
to break through" and stand above the people. 1 

On the other hand, the law demands of the Aaronites a 
peculiar degree of holiness, since "they offer the bread of their 
God upon the altar." 2 Their blood must be kept pure by 
the avoidance of improper marriages. Everything unclean 
or polluting must be kept far from them. 3 The law, follow 
ing a tradition which probably arose in ancient Babylon, 
prescribed minutely their mode of admission into the divine 
service, their vestments and their conditions of life, the ritual 
of sacrifice and of purity ; and every violation of these laws, 
every trespass by a layman, was declared to be punishable 
with death. 4 The sanctuary contains no room for the nation 
of priests; no layman durst venture to cross its threshold. 
Even in the legal system of the rabbis the ancient rights and 
privileges of the priesthood, dating from the time when they 

1 Ex. XIX, 22 f. *Lev. XXI, 6; XXII, 2. 

8 Lev. VIII, 2, 8. * Num. XVIII, 7. 



THE PRIEST-PEOPLE AND ITS LAW OF HOLINESS 345 

possessed no property, remained inviolate, and their pre 
cedence in everything was undisputed. 1 

The glaring contrast between the idea of a universal priest 
hood of the people and the institution of the Aaronites is 
explained by a deeper insight into history. The success of 
the reformation under Josiah on the basis of the Deuteronomic 
code rested in the last analysis on the fact that the priests 
of the house of Zadok at Jerusalem were placed in the service 
of the higher prophetic teaching by being rendered the guard 
ians, executors, and later, in conjunction with the Levites, 
the teachers of the Law, as it was presented in the book of the 
law of Moses, soon afterward completed. The priesthood, 
deprived of everything that might remind one of the former 
idolatry and heathenish practices, was, in its purer and holier 
character, to lead the priest-people to true moral holiness 
through its connection with the sanctuary and its ancient 
cult. Still the impulse for the moral rebirth of the nation, 
for the establishment of a priest-people, did not emanate 
from the Temple priesthood, nor even from the sacred soil of 
Palestine ; but from the Synagogue, which began in the Exile, 
under the influence of the prophetic word and the Levitical 
song, in the form of public worship by the congregation of 
the pious. Here arose a generation of godly men, a class of 
singularly devout ones, living in priestly holiness, who conse 
crated their lives to the practice of the law, and whom the 
exile seer had designated as the true Israel, the servant of the 
Lord, and these formed the nucleus of the renewed Israel. 

4. That which the prophet Ezekiel had attempted in his 
proposed constitution 2 was accomplished in a far more thor 
ough manner by the Holiness Code, which emanated from 
his school and became the central portion of the Mosaic 
books, and by the so-called Priestly Code, which followed 
later. The object was to bring about the sanctification of 
1 M. K. 28 b. Ezek. XL-XL VIII. 



346 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

the entire people upon the holy soil of the national land, 
through institutions embodying the ideal of the holiness of 
God in the life and cult of the people. Circumcision, idealized 
by the prophetic author of Deuteronomy, 1 was to be made the 
sign of the covenant to mark as holy the progeny of Abraham ; 2 
strict laws of marriage were to put an end to all heathenish 
unchastity; the Sabbath rest was to consecrate the labors 
of the week, the Sabbatical month and year the produce of 
the soil. 3 The prohibition of unclean foods, heretofore re 
served, as among other nations, for the priests and other con 
secrated persons, was now applied to the whole community 
in order that Israel should learn "to set itself apart from all 
other nations as a holy people." 4 Even their apparel was to 
proclaim the priestly holiness of the people by a blue fringe 
at the border of the garments. 5 

Whereas from the time of Ezra to Simon the Just priestly 
rulers endeavored to promote the work of educating the 
people for holiness, the pious men from among the people 
made still greater efforts to assert the claim of holiness for 
the entire Jewish people as a priest-nation. 6 The repasts 
of these pious fellowships should be in no way inferior in 
sanctity to those of the priests in the Temple. New cere 
monies of sanctification were to open and close the Sabbaths 
and festivals. Symbols of priestly consecration should adorn 
forehead and arm in the form of the phylacteries (tefillin), 
and should be placed at the entrance of every house in the 
so-called mezuzzah. "God has given unto all an heritage (the 
Torah), the kingdom, the priesthood, and the sanctuary " 7 
this became the leitmotif for the Pharisaic school, who con 
stantly enlarged the domain of piety so that it should include 

1 Deut. X, 1 6. Comp. Jer. IX, 24. 

2 Gen. XVII, 9. 3 Lev. XXV, 1-24. 

* Deut. XIV, 2-1 1 ; Lev. XI. Comp. Ezek. XLIV, 31, and Judg. XIII, 4. 
6 Num. XV, 40. 6 See J. E., art. Pharisees. 7 II Mace. II, 17. 



THE PRIEST-PEOPLE AND ITS LAW OF HOLINESS 347 

the whole of life. Whoever did not belong to this circle of 
the pious was regarded with scorn as one of the lower class 
(am ha-aretz). 

5. The chief effort of the pious, the founders of the Judaism 
of the Synagogue, was to keep the Jewish people from the de 
moralizing influences of pagan nature- worship, represented 
first by Semitic and later by Greek culture. The leaders of 
the Pharisees " built a fence about the law" l extending the 
prohibition of mingling with the heathen nations so as also 
to prohibit eating with them and participating in their feasts 
and social gatherings, not for the preservation of the Jewish 
race merely, as Christian theologians maintain, but for the 
sake of keeping its inner life intact and pure. 2 "God sur 
rounded us with brazen walls, hedged us in with laws of purity 
in regard to food and drink and physical contact, yea, even 
to that which we see and hear, in order that we should be pure 
in body and soul, free from absurd beliefs, not polluted by 
contact with others or through association with the wicked ; 
for most of the peoples defile themselves with their sexual 
practices, and whole lands pride themselves upon it. But 
we hold ourselves aloof from all this" so spoke Eleazar 
the priest to King Ptolemy Philadelphus, according to the 
Letter of Aristeas, thus giving expression to the sentiment 
most deeply rooted in the souls of the pious of that period. 3 
They strove to build up a nation of whom the Tannaim 
could say, " Whoever possesses no sense of shame and chastity, 
of him it is certain that his ancestors did not stand at Sinai." 4 

Naturally enough, the Greek and Roman people took 
offense at this aloofness and separation from every contact 
with the outer world, and explained it as due to a spirit of 
hostility to mankind. Even up to the present it has been the 
lot of Jewry and Judaism to be misunderstood by the world 

1 Aboth. I, i. See Pcrles: Bousset, 68, 89. 

3 Aristeas 139-152. * Ned. 20 a. 



348 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

at large, to be the object of either its hate or its pity. The 
world disregards the magnificence of the plan by which an 
entire people were to be reared as a priest-nation, as citizens 
of a kingdom of God, among whom, in the course of centuries, 
the seed of prophetic truth was to germinate and sprout forth 
for the salvation of humanity. If, in complete contrast to 
heathen immorality, the Jew in his life, his thinking, and his 
will was governed by the strictest moral discipline; if, in 
spite of the most cruel persecutions and the most insidious 
temptations, the Jewish people remained steadfast to its 
pure belief in God and its traditional standards of chastity, 
exhibiting a loyalty which amazed the nations and the reli 
gious sects about, but was neither understood nor followed 
by them, this was mainly due to the hallowing influences 
of the priestly laws. They steeled the people for the ful 
fillment of their duty and shielded them against all hostile 
powers both within and without. The very burden of the 
law, so bitterly denounced by Christianity since the time 
of Paul, lent Judaism its dignity at all times, protecting it 
from the assaults of the tempter ; and that which seemed to 
the outsider a heavy load was to the Jew a source of pride 
in the consciousness of his divine election. 1 

6. But most significant in the character and development 
of Judaism is the fact that all the leading ideas and motives 
which emanated from the priesthood of the Jewish people 
were concentrated in one single focus, the hallowing of the name 
of God. Two terms expressed this idea in both a negative 
and a positive form, the warning against " Hillul ha Shem" 
-profanation of the name of God and the duty of " Kid- 
dush ha Shem" sanctification of God s name. These 
exerted a marvelous power in curbing the passions and self- 
indulgence of the Jew and in spurring him on to the greatest 

1 See Schechter, Studies, I, 233 ff. I. Abrahams in J. Q. R. XI, 62 ; b ff., 
and Claude Montefiore, J. Q. R. XIII, 161-217. 



THE PRIEST-PEOPLE AND ITS LAW OF HOLINESS 349 

possible self-sacrifice and to an unparalleled willingness to 
undergo suffering and martyrdom for the cause. These 
terms are derived from the Biblical verse, "Ye shall not pro 
fane My holy name, but I will be hallowed among the children 
of Israel; I am the Lord who halloweth you." l This verse 
forms the concluding sentence of the precepts for the Aaron- 
itic priesthood and warns them as the guardians of the sanc 
tuary to do nothing which might in the popular estimation 
degrade them or the divine cause intrusted to them. When, 
however, during the Maccabean wars, the little band of the 
pious proved themselves to be the true priesthood in their 
opposition to the faithless Aaronites, offering their very lives 
as a sacrifice for the preservation of the true faith in God, 
the Scriptural word received a new and higher meaning. 
It came to signify the obligation of the entire priest-people 
to consecrate the name of God by the sacrifice of their lives, 
and also their duty to guard against its profanation by any 
offensive act. In connection with this Scriptural passage 
the sages represent God as saying, "I have brought you out 
of Egypt only on the condition that you are ready to sacrifice 
your lives, if need be, to consecrate My name." 2 From that 
period it became a duty and even a law of Judaism, as Mai- 
monides shows in his Code, for each person in life and in death 
to bear witness to His God. 3 " Ye are My witnesses, saith the 
Lord, and I am God " 4 and witnesses being in the Greek 
version martyrs, the word afterward received the meaning 
of " blood-witnesses."- -This passage of the prophet is com 
mented on by Simeon ben Johai, one of the great teachers 
who suffered under Hadrian s persecution, in the following 
words, "If ye become My witnesses, then am I your Lord, 
God of the world ; but if ye do not witness to Me, I cease to 

1 Lev. XXII, 32. Sifra Emor. IX. 

* Yesode ha Torah V. Comp. Lazarus : Ethics, 29, 184. 
Isa.XLIII, 12. 



350 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

be, as it were, the Lord, God of all the world." * That is to 
say, it is the martyrdom of the pious which glorifies God s 
name before all the world. Or, as Felix Perles says so beau 
tifully, "As every good and noble man must ever bear in 
mind that the dignity of humanity is intrusted to his hand, 
so should each earnest adherent of the Jewish faith remember 
that the glory of God is intrusted to his care." 2 The Jewish 
people has fulfilled this priestly task through a martyrdom 
of over two thousand years and has scornfully resisted every 
demand to abandon its faith in God, not consenting to do 
so even in appearance. Surely historians or philosophers 
who can ridicule or commiserate such resistance betray a 
hatred which blinds their sense of justice. As a matter 
of fact, it was the consciousness of the Jewish people of 
its priestly mission that has made it a pattern of loyalty 
for all time. 

7. Moreover, the fear of profaning the divine name became 
the highest incentive to, and safeguard of the morality of the 
Jew. Every misdeed toward a non-Jew is considered by the 
teachers of Judaism a double sin, yea, sometimes, an unpardon 
able one, because it gives a false impression of the moral 
standard of Judaism and infringes upon the honor of God 
as well as that of man. The disciples of Rabbi Simeon ben 
Shetach once bought an ass for him from an Arab, and to their 
joy found a precious stone in its collar. "Did the seller 
know of this gem?" asked the master. On being answered 
in the negative, he called out angrily, "Do you consider 
me a barbarian? Return the Arab his precious stone im 
mediately!" And when the heathen received it back, he 
cried out, "Praised be the God of Simeon ben Shetach!" 3 
Thus the conscientious Jew honors his God by his conduct, 
says the Talmud, referring to this and many similar examples. 
Such lessons of the Jew s responsibility for the recognition 

1 Pesik. 102 b. 2 Perles, 1. c., 68 f. 3 Yer. B. M. II, 8 c. 



THE PRIEST-PEOPLE AND ITS LAW OF HOLINESS 351 

of the high moral purity of his religion have ever constituted 
a high barrier against immoral acts. 

The words, "Be ye holy, for I the Lord your God am holy" 
form significantly the introduction to the chapter on the 
love of man, the nineteenth chapter of Leviticus, placed at 
the very center of the entire Priestly Code. "Your self- 
sane tification sanctifies Me, as it were," says God to Israel, 
according to the interpretation of this verse by the sages. 1 
In contrast to heathendom, which deifies nature with its 
appeal to the senses, Judaism teaches that holiness is a moral 
quality, as it means the curbing of the senses. And in order 
to prevent Israel, the bearer of this ideal of holiness, from 
sinking into the mire of heathen wantonness and lust, the 
separation of the Jew from the heathen world, whether in 
his domestic or social life, was a necessity and became the 
rule and maxim of his life for that period. All the many 
prohibitions and commands had for their object the puri 
fication of the people in order to render the highest moral 
purity a hereditary virtue among them, according to the 
rabbis. 2 

8. It is true that the accumulation of "law upon law, pro 
hibition upon prohibition" by the rabbis had eventually the 
same injurious effect which it had exerted upon the priests 
in the Temple. The formal law, "the precepts learned by 
rote," became the important factor, while their purpose 
was lost to sight. The shell smothered the kernel, and 
blind obedience to the letter of the law came to be regarded 
as true piety. It cannot be denied that adherence to the mere 
form, which was transmitted from the Temple practice to the 
legalism of the Pharisees and the later rabbinic schools with 
their casuistry, impaired and tarnished the lofty prophetic 
ideal of holiness. It almost seems as if the clarion notes of 
such sublime passages as that of the Psalmist, 

1 Sifra Kedoshim x. * Mak. 23 b. 



352 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

"Who shall ascend into the mountain of the Lord, 
And who shall stand in His holy place ? 
He that hath clean hands and a pure heart ; 
Who hath not taken My name in vain, and hath not sworn deceitfully," l 

no longer found its full resonance in the heart of Judaism. In 
the practice of external acts of piety religion became petrified 
and the spirit took flight. That which is of secondary impor 
tance became of primary consideration. This is the funda 
mental error into which the practice and the development of 
the Law in Judaism lapsed, and to which no careful observer 
can or dares close his eyes. Undoubtedly the Law, as it 
embraced the whole of life in its power, sharpened the Jewish 
sense of duty, and served the Jew as an iron wall of defense 
against temptations, aberrations, and enticements of the cen 
turies. As soon as the modern Jew, however, undertook to 
free himself from the tutelage of a blind acceptance of author 
ity and inquired after the purpose of all the restrictions which 
the Law laid upon him, his ancient loyalty to the same collapsed 
and the pillars of Judaism seemed to be shaken. Then the 
leaders of Reform, imbued with the prophetic spirit, felt it to 
be their imperative duty to search out the fundamental ideas 
of the priestly law of holiness, and, accordingly, they learned 
how to separate the kernel from the shell. In opposition 
to the orthodox tendency to worship the letter, they insisted 
on the fact that Israel s separation from the world which 
it is ultimately to win for the divine truth cannot itself 
be its end and aim, and that blind obedience to the law 
does not constitute true piety. Only the fundamental idea, 
that Israel as the "first-born" among the nations has been 
elected as a priest-people, must remain our imperishable 
truth, a truth to which the centuries of history bear witness 
by showing that it has given its life-blood as a ransom for 
humanity, and is ever bringing new sacrifices for its cause. 

1 Ps. XXIV, 3-4; XV, 1-5. 



THE PRIEST-PEOPLE AND ITS LAW OF HOLINESS 353 

Only because it has kept itself distinct as a priest-people 
among the nations could it carry out its great task in history ; 
and only if it remains conscious of its priestly calling and there 
fore maintains itself as the people of God, can it fulfill its mis 
sion. Not until the end of time, when all of God s children 
will have entered the kingdom of God, may Israel, the high- 
priest among the nations, renounce his priesthood. 



3 A 



CHAPTER LI 

ISRAEL, THE PEOPLE OF THE LAW, AND ITS WORLD MISSION 

i. Judaism differs from all the ancient religions chiefly 
in its intrusting its truth to the whole people instead of a 
special priesthood. The law which " Moses commanded us 
is an inheritance of the Congregation of Jacob/ 1 is the 
Scriptural lesson impressed upon every Jew in early child 
hood. As soon as the Tor ah passed from the care of the 
priests into that of the whole nation, the people of the book 
became the priest-nation, and set forth to conquer the world 
by its religious truth. This aim was expressed by all the 
prophets beginning with Moses, who said: " Would that all 
the Lord s people were prophets, that the Lord would put 
His spirit upon them." 2 The prophetic ideal was that "they 
shall all know Me (God), from the least of them unto the 
greatest of them," 3 and that "all thy (Zion s) children shall 
be taught of the Lord." 4 After the people came to realize 
that the Law was "their wisdom and understanding in the 
sight of the peoples," 5 they soon felt the hope that one day 
"the isles shall wait for His teaching," 6 and confidently 
expected the time when "many peoples shall go and say, 
Come ye, and let us go up to the mountain of the Lord, to 
the house of the God of Jacob ; and He will teach us of His 
ways, and we will walk in His paths, for out of Zion shall go 
forth the law, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem." 7 
Once liberated from the dominance of the priesthood, reli- 

1 Deut. XXXIII, 4. 2 Num. XI, 29. 8 Jer. XXXI, 34. 

4 Isa. LIV, 13. 5 Deut. IV, 6. 6 Isa. XLII, 4. 

Isa. II, 3; MicahlV, 2. 

354 



ISRAEL, THE PEOPLE OF THE LAW 355 

gion became the instrument of universal instruction, the 
factor of general spiritual and moral advancement. In 
addition it endowed humanity with an educational ideal, 
destined to regenerate its moral life far more deeply than 
Greek culture could ever do. The object was to elevate all 
classes of the people by the living word of God, by the read 
ing and expounding of the Scripture for the dissemination of 
its truth among the masses. 

2. Those who define Judaism as a religion of law com 
pletely misunderstand its nature and its historic forces. 
This is done by all those Christian theologians who endeavor 
to prove the extraordinary assertion of the apostle Paul that 
the Jewish people was providentially destined to produce 
the Old Testament law and become enmeshed in it, like 
the silkworm in its cocoon, finally to dry up and perish, 
leaving its prophetic truth for the Church. This fateful 
misconception of Judaism is based upon a false interpretation 
of the word Torah, which denotes moral and spiritual instruc 
tion as often as law, and thus includes all kinds of religious 
teaching and knowledge together with its primary meaning, 
the written and the oral codes. 1 In fact, in post-Biblical 
times it comprised the entire religion, as subject of both 
instruction and scientific investigation. True, law is funda 
mental in Jewish history ; Israel accepted the divine cove 
nant on the basis of the Sinaitic code ; the reforms of King 
Josiah were founded on the Deuteronomic law ; 2 and the 
restoration of the Judean commonwealth was based upon the 
completed Mosaic code brought from Babylon by Ezra the 
Scribe. 3 This book of law, with its further development and 
interpretation, remained the normative factor for Judaism 
for all time. Still, from the very beginning the Law of the 

1 See Guedemann : Das Judcnlhum, 67 f. ; Jued. Apologetik, i2b ; Schechter : 
Studies, I, 233 f., and Aspects, I, 116 f. 

2 II Kings XXII, 8 f. Neh. VIII-X. 



356 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

covenant contained a certain element which distinguished 
it from all the priestly and political codes of antiquity. Be 
side the traditional juridical and ritualistic statutes, which 
betray a Babylonian origin, it contains laws and doctrines of 
kindness toward the poor and helpless, the enemy and the 
slave, even toward the dumb beast, in striking contrast to 
the spirit of cruelty and violence in the Babylonian law. 1 
In the name of the all-seeing, all-ruling God it appeals to the 
sympathy of man. These exhortations to tenderness increase 
in later codes of law under the prophetic influence, until 
finally the rabbis extended them as far as possible. They 
held that every negligence which leads to the loss of life or 
property by the neighbor, every neglect of a domestic ani 
mal, even every act of deceit by which one attempts to 
" steal" the good opinion of one s fellow-men, is a violation 
of the law. 2 Hence Rabbi Simlai, the Haggadist, said that 
from beginning to end the Law is but a system of teachings 
of human love, 3 while another sage tried to prove from the 
books of Moses that God implanted mercy, modesty, and 
benevolence in the souls of Israel as hereditary virtues. 4 
In the same spirit Rabbi Meir described the law of Israel as 
the law of humanity, supporting his statement by a number 
of biblical passages. 5 

3. But, as light by its very nature illumines its surround 
ings, so the Torah in the possession of the Jewish people 
was certain to become the light of mankind. First of all, 
the book of Law itself insists that the father shall teach the 
word of God to his children, using many signs and ceremonies 
that they may meditate on the works of God and walk in 

1 See Gunk el : Israel u. Babylonien; Jeremias : Moses u. Hammurabi; 
H. Grimme: D. Gesetz Chammurabi s u. Moses ; George Cohen: D. Gesetze 
Hammurabi s; D. M. Mueller: D. Gesetz Hammurabi s u. d. mosaische Gesetz- 
gebung. 

2 See Chapter LIX. 3 Sola 14 a. 

< Yer. Kid. IV, i ; 65 c. 6 Sifra Ahare Moth 13. 



ISRAEL, THE PEOPLE OF THE LAW 357 

the path of virtue, and that the divine commands should 
be "in the mouth and in the heart of all to do them." l It 
was made incumbent upon the high priest or king to read the 
Law at least once every seven years to the whole people as 
sembled in the holy city for the autumnal festival, men, 
women, children, and the sojourners in the gates, so that 
it should become their common property. 2 This precept 
probably gave rise to the triennial and later the annual 
system of Torah reading on the Sabbath. But in addition 
to the book of Law the prophetic words of consolation were 
read to the people, a custom which originated in the Baby 
lonian exile, and was continued under the name of Haftarah 
("dismissal" of the congregation). 3 The seer of the exile 
refers to these prophetic words of comfort which were offered 
to the people on the Sabbath as well as other feasts and 
fasts: "Attend unto Me, O My people, and give ear unto 
Me, O My nation, for instruction (Torah) shall go forth from 
Me, and My right on a sudden for a light of the people. . . . 
Hearken unto Me, ye that know righteousness, the people 
in whose heart is My law; fear ye not the taunt of men, 
neither be ye dismayed at their revilings. For the moth 
shall eat them up like a garment, and the worm shall eat 
them like wool ; but My favor shall be forever, and My 
salvation unto all generations." 4 Moved by such stirring 
ideals, Synagogues arose in Jewish settlements all over the 
globe, and the book of the Law, in its vernacular versions, 
Greek and Aramaic, together with the words of the prophets, 
became the general source of instruction. In the words of 
the Psalms, it became "the testimony of the Lord, making 
wise the simple," "rejoicing the heart," "enlightening the 
eyes," "more to be desired than gold." 6 Nay more, the 

1 Deut. VT, 7; XI, 19; XXX, 14; Ex. XIII, 9. 

8 Deut. XXXI, 1 2. See Elbogen : D, Jued. Gottcsdienst, 174 f. 

Isa. LI, 4, 7-8. Ps. XIX, 7-10. 



358 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

study of the Law became the duty of every man, and he who 
failed to live up to the precepts of the devotees of the Law, 
the Pharisean fellowships, was scorned as belonging to the 
lower class, am haaretz. Every morning the pious Jew, first 
thanking God for the light of day, followed this up by thanking 
Him for the Torah, which illumines the path of life. "The 
welfare of society rests upon the study of the Law, divine 
service and organized charity," was a saying of Simon the 
Just, a high priest of the beginning of the third pre-Christian 
century. 1 Thus learning and teaching became leading occu 
pations for the Jew, and the two main departments of Jewish 
literature, correspondingly, are Torah and Talmud, that is, 
the written Law and its exposition. Indeed, the highest 
title which the rabbis could find for Moses was simply " Moses 
our Teacher." Nay, God Himself was frequently repre 
sented as a venerable Master, teaching the Law in awful 
majesty. 2 

4. Later under the successive influence of Babylonian and 
Greek culture, the wisdom literature was added to the Proph 
ets and the Psalms, giving to the whole Torah a universal 
scope, like that claimed for Greek philosophy. The Jewish 
love of learning led to an ever greater longing for truth by 
adding the wisdom of other cultured nations to its own store 
of knowledge. This motive for universalism became all 
the stronger, as the faith became more centered in the sub 
lime conception of God as Master of all the world. As the 
God of Israel appeared the primal source of all truth, so the 
revealed word of God was considered the very embodiment 
of divine wisdom. 3 In fact, the men of hoary antiquity de 
scribed in the opening chapters of Genesis were actually 
credited with being the instructors of the Greeks and other 

1 Aboth I, 2. 

2 Mek. Beshallah 45 b, note by Friedman ; Yalkut Yithro 286. 

3 B. Sira XXIV, 8-10; comp. Bousset, 1. c., 136 f. 



ISRAEL, THE PEOPLE OF THE LAW 359 

nations. 1 We read a strange story by a pupil of Aristotle 
that the great sage admired a Jew, whom he happened to 
meet, as both wise and pious, so that the little Jewish nation 
was often considered, like the wise men of India, to be a 
sect of philosophers. 2 Indeed, Judaism became a matter of 
curiosity to the pagan world on account of the Synagogue, 
which attracted them as a unique center of religious devotion 
and instruction, and especially because of the Bible, which 
was read and expounded in its Greek garb from Sabbath to 
Sabbath. The Jewish people raised themselves to be a nation 
of thinkers, and largely through association with Greek 
thought. For example, in the Greek translation of the 
Scriptures all anthropomorphic expressions are avoided. 
As the personal name of Israel s God of the covenant, JHVH, 
was replaced by the name Adonai, "the Lord," 3 the univer 
sality of the Jewish God became still more evident. Thus 
the pagan world could find God in the Scriptures to be the 
living God who dwells in the heart and is sought by all man 
kind. The Jew became the herald of the One God of the 
universe, his Bible a book of universal instruction. Many 
of the heathen, without merging themselves into the com 
munity of the covenant people and without accepting all 
its particularistic customs, rallied around its central stand 
ard as simple theists, "worshipers of God," or "they who 
fear the Lord," according to the terminology of the Psalms. 4 
5. An old rabbinical legend, which is reflected in the 
New Testament miracle of Pentecost, relates that the Ten 
Words of Sinai were uttered in seventy tongues of fire to reach 

1 See Josephus: Cont. Apion. II, 36 f., 39; Aristobulus in Eusebius: Prep. 
Ev. XIII, 121, 413 ; Cuzari, I, 63 f. ; II, 66; comp. Cassel, 1. c. ad loc. 

2 Josephus, 1. c., I, 22 ; Gutschmidt : Kleine Schriften, IV, 578 ; Th. Reinach : 
Textes Relatifs au Judaism, 11-13. 

J. E., art. Adonai. 

* Ps. CXV, ii ; CXVIH, 4; comp. Bernays: Ces. Abh., II, 71; Schuerer, 
1. c., Ill, 124 f. 



360 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

the known seventy nations of the earth. 1 We are told that 
when the people entered Canaan, the words of the Law were 
engraved in seventy languages on the stones of the altar at 
Mount Ebal. 2 That is, the law of Sinai was intended to 
provide the foundation for all human society. One Hag- 
gadist even asserts that the heathen nations all refused to 
accept the Law, and if Israel also had rejected it, the world 
would have returned to chaos. 3 Israel was, so to speak, 
forced by divine Providence to accept the Law on behalf of 
the entire race. Hillel, under the Romanized reign of Herod, 
was fully conscious of this world-mission when he said : 
"Love your fellow creatures and lead them to the study of 
the Law." 4 

6. The outlook for the Jewish people, however, became 
darker and darker through its struggle with Rome. The 
fanatical Zealots entirely opposed the spreading of the knowl 
edge of the Torah among those who did not belong to the 
household of Israel. 5 Then the Church sent forth her mis 
sionaries to convert the pagan world by constant conces 
sions to its polytheistic views and practices. The seed 
sown by Hellenistic Judaism yielded a rich harvest for the 
Church, even though it was won at the sacrifice of pure 
Jewish monotheism. The Ten Words of Sinai, the Mosaic 
laws of marriage, the poor laws, and other Biblical statutes 
became the cornerstone of civilization, but in a different 
guise ; the heritage of Judaism was transplanted to the 
Christian and Mohammedan world in a new garb and under 
a new name. Henceforth the Jew, dispersed, isolated, and 
afflicted, had to struggle to preserve his faith in its pristine 
purity. The very danger besetting the study of the Law during 

1 Shab. 88 b. ; Ex. R. V, 9; Tanh. Shemoth, ed. Buber, 22 ; Midr. Teh. Ps. 
LXVIII, 6 ; Acts II, 6; Spitta : Apostelgeschichte, 27, referring to Philo II, 295. 

2 Sifre Deut. XXXIII, 2 ; XXVII, 8 ; Sota 35 b. Shab., 88 a, b. 
4 Aboth I, 12. 6 J. E., art. Zealots. 



ISRAEL, THE PEOPLE OF THE LAW 361 

the Hadrianic persecutions, which followed the Bar Kochba 
revolt, increased his zeal and courage. " Devoid of the 
Torah, our vital element, we are surely threatened with 
death," said Rabbi Akiba, applying to himself the fable of 
the fox and the fishes, as he defied the Roman edict. 1 The 
fear lest the Torah should be forgotten, stimulated the teachers 
and their disciples ever anew to its pursuit. The Torah was 
regarded as the bond and pledge of God s nearness; hence 
the many rabbinical sayings concerning its value in the eyes 
of God, which are frequently couched in poetic and extrava 
gant language. 2 The underlying idea of them all is that 
Israel could dispense with its State and its Temple, but not 
with its storehouse of divine truth, from which it constantly 
derives new life and new youth. 

7. One important question, however, remains, which 
must be answered : Has the Jewish people, shut up for cen 
turies by the ramparts of Talmudic Judaism, actually re 
nounced its world mission? In transmitting part of its 
inheritance to its two daughter-religions, has Judaism lost 
its claim to be a world-religion? The Congregation of 
Israel, according to the Midrash, answers this question in 
the words of the Shulamite in the Song of Songs: "I sleep, 
but my heart waketh." 3 During the sad period of the Middle 
Ages, Judaism in its relation to the outer world slept a long 
winter-sleep, now in one land and now in another, but its 
inner life always manifested a splendid activity of mind and 
soul, exerting a mighty influence upon the history of the 
world. It was declared dead by the ruling Church, and yet 
it constantly filled her with alarm by the truths it uttered. 
The Jewish people was given over to destruction and per 
secution a thousand times, but all the floods of hatred and 

1 Ber. 61 b. 

1 Weber, 1. c., 46-56 ; he fails completely to grasp this spirit. 

* Song of Songs, V, 2. 



362 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

violence could not quench its flame. Its marvelous endur 
ance constituted the strongest possible protest against the 
creed of the Church, which claimed to possess an exclusive 
truth and the only means of salvation. To suffer and die 
as martyrs by thousands and tens of thousands, at the stake 
and under the torture of bloodthirsty mobs, testifying to 
the One Only God of Israel and humanity, was, to say the 
least, as heroic a mission as to convert the heathen. In 
deed, the Jew, in reciting the Shema each morning in the house 
of God, renewed daily his zeal and faith, by which he was 
encouraged to sacrifice himself for his sacred heritage. 

8. But the cultivation of the Torah, obligatory upon 
every Jew, effected more even than the preservation of 
monotheism. Alongside of the Church, which did its best 
to suppress free thought, Islam provided a culture which 
encouraged study and investigation, and this brought the 
leading spirits in Judaism to a profounder grasp of their 
own literary treasures. Bold truth-seekers arose under the 
Mohammedan sway who had the courage to break the chains 
of belief in the letter of the Scripture, and to claim the right 
of the human reason to give an opinion on the highest ques 
tions of religion. The leading authorities of the Synagogue 
followed a different course from that of the Church, which 
had brought the Deity into the sphere of the senses, divided 
the one God into three persons, and induced the people to 
worship the image of Mary and her God-child rather than 
God the Father. They insisted on the absolute unity and 
spirituality of God, eliminated all the human attributes 
ascribed to Him in Scripture, and strove to attain the loftiest 
and purest possible conception of His being. It took a 
mighty effort for the people of the Law to reexamine the entire 
mass of tradition in order to harmonize philosophy and reli 
gion, and invest the divine revelation with the highest spiritual 
character. This mental activity exerted a great influence 



ISRAEL, THE PEOPLE OF THE LAW 363 

upon the whole course of thought of subsequent centuries 
and even upon modern philosophy. Again Israel became 
conscious of his mission of light. Jewish thinkers, often 
combining rabbi, physician, and astronomer in one person, 
carried the torch of science and free investigation, directly 
or indirectly, into the cell of many a Christian monk, rous 
ing the dull spirit of the Middle Ages and bringing new intel 
lectual nurture to the Church, else she might have starved 
in her mental poverty. 

The Jews of Spain became the teachers of Christian Europe. 
The forerunners of the Protestant Reformation sat at the 
feet of Jewish masters. Jewish students of the Hebrew 
language, scientifically trained, opened up the simple mean 
ing of the Scriptural word, so long hidden by traditional 
interpretation. The Lutheran and the English translations 
of the Bible were due to their efforts, and thus also the rise 
of Protestantism, which inaugurated the modern era. Yet 
this intellectual revival, this wonderful activity of various 
thinkers among medieval Jewry, required a soil susceptible 
to such seeds, an atmosphere favorable to this intense search 
for truth. This existed only in the Jewish people, since the 
universal study of the Torah brought it about that "all the 
children of Israel had light in their dwellings" even while 
dense darkness covered the nations of the medieval world. 

9. We must not underrate the cultural mission of the 
Jewish people, with its striking contrast to the New Testa 
ment point of view, which created monasteries and the celi 
bate ideal, and thus discouraged industry, commerce, and 
scientific inquiry. Dispersed as they were, the Jewish people 
cultivated both commerce and science, and thus for centuries 
were the real bearers of culture, the intermediaries between 
East and West. While the Church divided mankind into 
heirs of heaven and hell, thus sowing discord and hatred, the 
little group of Jews maintained their ideal of an undivided 



364 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

humanity. But even their industrial and commercial activ 
ity had more than a mere economic significance. Forced 
upon the Jew by external pressure, it was favored by Jewish 
teaching as a means of promoting spiritual life. Not poverty 
and beggary, but wealth begotten by honest toil has the 
sanction of Judaism in accordance with the saying " Where 
there is no flour for bread, there can be no support for the study 
of the Torah." 1 Moreover, the rabbis interpreted the verse, 
" Rejoice, O Zebulun, in thy going out, and thou, Issachar, 
in thy tents," 2 as meaning that Zebulun, the seafarer, shared 
the profit of his commerce with Issachar, who taught the law 
in the tents of the Torah, that he, in turn, might share his 
brother s spiritual reward. Indeed, the Jew used his gains 
won by trade in the service of the promotion of learning, 
and thus his entire industry assumed a higher character. 
Our modern civilization, with its higher values of life, owes 
much to the cultural activity of the medieval Jew, which 
many leaders of the ruling Church still ignore completely. It 
is true that the hard struggle for their very existence kept the 
people unconscious of their cultural mission, and only now 
that they have attained the higher historical point of view 
can they exclaim with Joseph their ancestor: "As for you, 
ye meant evil against me; but God meant it for good, to 
bring it to pass, as it is this day, to save much people alive." 3 
The fact is that Jewish commerce has been an important 
cosmopolitan factor in the past, and is still working, to a 
certain extent, in the same direction. 4 

10. New and great tasks have been assigned by divine 
Providence to the Jew of modern times, who is a full citizen 
in the cultural, social, and political life of the various nations. 

1 Aboth. Ill, 21. 2 Deut. XXXIII, 18. See Gen. R. XCIX, n. 

3 Gen. L, 20. 

4 See J. E., art. "Commerce"; American Encyclopedia, art. Jewish Com 
merce; Publ. Am. Hist. Soc. X, 47; Schulman in Judacan Addresses, II, 77 ff., 
and Lecky : Rationalism in Europe, II, 272. 



ISRAEL, THE PEOPLE OF THE LAW 365 

These tasks are most holy to him as Jew, the bearer of a 
great mission to the world, which is embodied in his heritage, 
the Torah. However splendid may have been his achieve 
ments in the fields of industry and commerce, of literature 
and art, his own peculiar possession is the Torah alone, the 
religious truth for which he fought and suffered all these 
centuries past; this must forever remain the central thought, 
the aim of all his striving. 1 Every achievement of the Jew 
ish people, every attainment in power, knowledge, or skill, 
must lead toward the completion of the divine kingdom of 
truth and justice ; that for which the Jew laid the founda 
tion at the beginning of his history is still leading forward 
the entire social life of man to render it a divine household of 
love and peace. In order that it may carry out the world 
mission mapped out by its great seers of yore, the Jewish 
people must guard against absorption by the multitude of 
nations as much as against isolation from them. It must 
preserve its identity without going back into a separation 
rooted in self-adulation and clannishness. Instead, the 
great goal of Israel will be reached only by patient endurance 
and perseverance, confidently awaiting the fulfillment in 
God s own time of the glorious prophecy that all the nations 
shall be led up to the mountain of the Lord by the priest- 
people, there to worship God in truth and righteousness. 
The Law is to go forth from Zion and the word of the Lord 
from Jerusalem, as a spiritual, not a geographical center. This 
vision forms the highest pinnacle of human aspiration, rising 
higher and higher before the mind, as man ascends from one 
stage of culture to another, striving ever for perfection, for 
the sublimest ideal of life. This is characteristically ex 
pressed by the Midrash, which refers to the Messianic vision : 
"And it shall come to pass in the end of days, that the moun 
tain of the Lord s house shall be established as the top of the 
1 See Saadia : Emunoth, III, 17, quoted by Schechter : Aspects, 105. 



366 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

mountains, and shall be exalted above the hills." 1 "One 
great mountain of the earth will be piled upon the other, and 
Mount Zion will be placed upon the top as the culminating 
point of all human ascents." Taken in a figurative sense, 
in which alone the saying is acceptable, this means that all 
the heights of the various ideals will finally merge into the 
loftiest of all ideals, when Israel s one holy God will be ac 
knowledged as the One for whom all hearts yearn, whom all 
minds seek as the Ideal of all ideals. 

^sa. II, 2; Micah IV, i; see Pesik 144 b; Midr. Teh. Ps. XXXVI, 6; 
LXXXVII, 3. 



CHAPTER LIT 

ISRAEL, THE SERVANT OF THE LORD, MARTYR AND MESSIAH 
OF THE NATIONS 

i. "If there are ranks in suffering, Israel takes precedence. 
If the duration of sorrows and the patience with which they 
are borne, ennoble, the Jews are among the aristocracy of 
every land. If a literature is called rich which contains a 
few classic tragedies, what shall we say to a national 
tragedy lasting for fifteen hundred years, in which the poets 
and the actors are also the heroes?" With these classic 
words Leopold Zunz introduces the history of sufferings 
which have occasioned the hundreds of plaintive and peni 
tential songs of the Synagogue described in his book, Die 
Synagogale Poesie des Mittelalters. They are the cries of a 
nation of martyrs, resounding through the whole Jewish 
liturgy, and appearing already in many of the Psalms : "Thou 
hast given us like sheep to be eaten ; and hast scattered us 
among the nations. Thou makest us a taunt to our neigh 
bors, a scorn and a derision to them that are round about us. 
All this is come upon us, yet have we not forgotten Thee, 
neither have we been false to Thy covenant : Nay, for Thy 
sake are we killed all the day ; we are accounted as sheep 
for the slaughter. Awake, why sleepest Thou, O Lord? 
Arouse Thyself, cast not off forever. Wherefore hidest 
Thou Thy face, and forgettest our affliction and our oppres 
sion?" Thus the congregation of Israel laments; and 
what is the answer of Heaven? 

^s. XLIV, 12-25. 

367 



368 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

2. The Bible contains two answers: the first by Ezekiel, 
priest and prophet; the other by the great unknown seer 
of the Exile whose words of comfort are given in the latter 
part of Isaiah. Ezekiel gave a stern and direct answer : "The 
nations shall know that the house of Israel went into cap 
tivity because of their iniquity, because they broke faith 
with Me, and I hid My face from them ; so I gave them into 
the hand of their adversaries, and they fell all of them by the 
sword. According to their uncleanness and according to 
their transgressions did I unto them ; and I hid My face 
from them. Therefore thus saith the Lord God : Now will 
I bring back the captivity of Jacob, and have compassion 
upon the whole house of Israel ; and I will be jealous for My 
holy name. And they shall bear their shame, and all their 
breach of faith which they committed against Me." 1 These 
words are echoed in the harrowing admonitory chapter of 
Leviticus, which, however, closes with words of comfort : 
"And they shall confess their iniquity ... if then perchance 
their uncircumcised heart be humbled, and they then be 
paid the punishment of their iniquity ; then will I remember 
My covenant with Jacob, and also My covenant with Isaac, 
and also My covenant with Abraham will I remember ; 
and I will remember the land." 2 This view of divine justice 
as external and punitive was basic to the Synagogue liturgy 
and the entire rabbinic system. The priestly idea of atone 
ment, that sin could be wiped out by sacrifice, made a pro 
found impression, not only upon individual sinners, but also 
upon the nation. Hence it was applied especially to the 
people in exile when they could not bring sacrifices to their 
God. Still, one means of atonement remained, the exile 
itself, which could lead the people to repentance and finally 
to God s forgiveness. 3 Thus the people retained a hope of 
return from their captivity. They were assured by their 

1 Ezek. XXXIX, 23-26. 2 Lev. XXVI, 40-42. 3 1 Kings VIII, 47-50. 



ISRAEL, THE SERVANT OF THE LORD 369 

prophetic monitors that the faithful community of the Lord 
would again be received in favor by the God of faithfulness. 
They even built their hope upon the portions of the Law, 
which was read to assembled worshipers that they might 
know and observe it on their return to the land of their 
fathers. Israel could say with the Psalmist: " Unless Thy 
law had been my delight, I should then have perished in 
mine affliction." x According to a Palestinian Haggadist, 
" Israel would never have persevered so long, had not the 
Torah, the marriage contract of Israel with its God, pledged 
to it a glorious future on the holy soil." 2 Wait patiently for 
God s mercy, which in His own time will rebuild Israel s 
State and Temple! this is the keynote of all the prayers 
and songs of the Synagogue. 

3. But the great seer of the exile, whose anonymity lends 
still greater impressiveness to his words of comfort, stood on 
a higher historical plane than that of Ezekiel the priest. He 
witnessed the transformation of the entire political world 
of his time through the victory of Cyrus the Mede over the 
Babylonian empire, and thus was able to attain a profounder 
grasp of the destiny of his own nation. Hence he was not 
satisfied with the view of Ezekiel. The latter had applied 
the popular saying, "The fathers have eaten sour grapes, 
and the children s teeth are set on edge," 3 to refute the 
belief that an individual was punished for the sins of his 
fathers; but he failed to extend this doctrine to the whole 
nation. Whatever sins were committed by the generation 
who were exiled, their children ought not to suffer for them 
"in double measure." 4 Moreover, the realm of love has a 
higher law than atonement through retribution. Love brings 
its sacrifice without asking why. By willing sacrifice of self 
it serves its higher purpose. He who struggles and suffers 
silently for the good and true is God s servant, who cannot 

1 Ps. CXIX, 92. t Pesik. 139 b. Ezek. XVIII, 2. Isa. XL, 2. 

2B 



370 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

perish. He attains a higher glory, transcending the fate 
of mortality. This is the new revelation that came to the 
seer, as he pondered on the destiny of Israel in exile, 
illumining for him that dark enigma of his people s tragic 
history. 

The problem of suffering, especially that of the servant 
of God, or the pious, occupied the Jewish mind ever since 
the days of Jeremiah and especially during the exile. The 
author of the book of Job elaborated this into a great theodicy, 
speaking of Job also as the " servant of the Lord." * What 
ever pattern our exilic seer employed, beside the chapters 
about the Servant of the Lord, 2 whatever tragic fate of some 
great contemporary the plaintive song in the fifty-second 
and fifty-third chapters referred to (some point to Jeremiah, 
others to Zerubabel), 3 or whether the poet had in mind only 
the tragic fate of Israel, as many modern exegetes think; 
in any case he conceived the unique and pathetic picture of 
Israel as the suffering Servant of the Lord, who is at last to 
be exalted : 4 

" Behold, My servant shall prosper, he shall be exalted 
and lifted up, and shall be very high. According as many 
were appalled at thee so marred was his visage unlike that 
of a man, and his form unlike that of the sons of men so 
shall he startle many nations ; kings shall shut their mouths 
because of him ; for that which had not been told them they 
shall see, and that which they had not heard shall they per 
ceive. Who would have believed our report ? And to whom 
hath the arm of the Lord been revealed? For he shot up 
right forth as a sapling, and as a root out of a dry ground ; 

1 Job I, 8; II, 3 ; XLII, 7, 8. 

2 Isa. XLII, i f.; XLIX, i; L, 4; LII, I3-LIII, 12. 

3 See Ibn Ezra, quoting Saadia ; Ewald and Giesebrecht, commentaries ; 
Sellin : Serubabel, 96 f., 144 f. ; also Davidson, 1. c., p. 356-398. 

4 Isa. LII, I3-LIII, 12. In LIII, 9, we should read "the evil-doers" in 
stead of "the rich" by a slight amendment of the text. 



ISRAEL, THE SERVANT OF THE LORD 371 

he had no form nor comeliness, that we should look upon 
him, nor beauty that we should delight in him. He was 
despised and forsaken of men, a man of pains, and acquainted 
with disease, and as one from whom men hide their face; 
he was despised, and we esteemed him not. Surely our dis 
eases he did bear, and our pains he carried ; whereas we 
did esteem him stricken, smitten of God and afflicted. But 
he was wounded because of our transgressions, he was crushed 
because of our iniquities; the chastisement of our welfare 
was upon him, and with his stripes we were healed. All we, 
like sheep, did go astray, we turned every one to his own way ; 
and the Lord hath made to light on him the iniquity of us 
all. He was oppressed, though he humbled himself, and 
opened not his mouth ; as a lamb that is led to the slaughter, 
and as a sheep that before her shearers is dumb ; yea, he 
opened not his mouth. By oppression and judgment he 
was taken away, and with his generation who did reason? 
For he was cut off out of the land of the living, for the trans 
gression of my people to whom the stroke was due. And 
they made his grave with the wicked, and with the rich his 
tomb ; although he had done no violence, neither was any 
deceit in his mouth. Yet it pleased the Lord to crush him 
by disease ; to see if his soul would offer itself in restitution, 
that he might see his seed, prolong his days, and that the 
purpose of the Lord might prosper by his hand. Of the trav 
ail of his soul he shall see to the full, even My servant, who 
by his knowledge did justify the Righteous One to the many, 
and their iniquities he did bear. Therefore will I divide 
him a portion among the great, and he shall divide his soul 
with the mighty ; because he bared his soul unto death, and 
was numbered with the transgressors; yet he bore the sin 
of many, and made intercession for the transgressors." 

4. Whatever be the historical background of this great 
elegy, our seer uses it to portray Israel as the tragic hero 



372 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

of the world s history. His prophetic genius possessed a 
unique insight into the character and destiny of his people, 
seeing Israel as a man of woe and grief, chosen by Providence 
to undergo unheard-of trials for a great cause, by which, at 
the last, he is to be exalted. Bent and disfigured by his 
burden of misery and shame, shunned and abhorred as one 
laden with sin, he suffers for no guilt of his own. He is called 
to testify to his God among all the peoples, and is thus the 
Servant of the Lord, the atoning sacrifice for the sins of man 
kind, from whose bruises healing is to come to all the nations, 
an inimitable picture of a self-sacrificing hero, whose death 
means life to the world and glory to God, and who will at last 
live forever with the Lord whom he has served so steadfastly. 
Our seer mentions in earlier passages the Servant of the 
Lord who "gave his back to the smiters, and his cheeks to 
them that plucked off the hair; and hid not his face from 
shame and spitting." 1 Yet "he shall set his face like a flint," 
so that "he shall not fail nor be crushed, till he have set the 
right in the earth ; and the isles shall wait for his teaching." 2 
Still more directly, he says: "And He said unto Me, Thou 
art My servant, Israel, in whom I will be glorified. ... It 
is too light a thing that thou shouldest be My servant to raise 
up the tribes of Jacob and to restore the offspring of Israel ; 
I will also give thee for a light of the nations, that My salva 
tion may be unto the end of the earth. Thus saith the Lord, 
the Redeemer of Israel, his Holy One, to him who is despised 
of men, to him who is abhorred of nations, to a servant of 
rulers : kings shall see and arise, princes, and they shall 
prostrate themselves; because of the Lord that is faithful, 
even the Holy One of Israel, who hath chosen thee." 3 

5. It was, however, no easy matter for men reared in the 
old view to reach the lofty conception of a suffering hero. 
Even the dramatic figure of Job seemed to lack the right 
1 Isa. L, 6. * Isa. XLII, 4. Isa. XLIX, 1-6. 



ISRAEL, THE SERVANT OF THE LORD 373 

solution. Job protests his guiltlessness, defies the dark power 
of fate, and even challenges divine justice, but God himself 
announces at the end that no man can grasp the essence of 
His plan for the world. A later and more nai ve writer, 
who added the conclusion of the book, reversed Job s destiny 
and compensated him by a double share of what he had lost 
in both wealth and family. 1 As if the great problem of 
suffering could be solved by such external means ! Neither 
would the problem of the great tragedy of Israel, the martyr- 
priest of the centuries, the Job of the nations, ever find its 
solution in a national restoration. A mere political rebirth 
could never compensate for the thousandfold death and 
untold woe of the Jew for his God and his faith ! But the 
people at large could not grasp such a conception as is that 
of Deutero-Isaiah s of the mission of Israel to be the suffer 
ing servant of the Lord, the witness of God which is " mar 
tyr" in the Greek version, the redeemer of the nations. 
They were eager to return to Palestine, to rebuild State and 
Temple under the leadership of the heir to the throne of 
David. But when their hope had failed that Zerubbabel 
would prove to be the " shoot of Jesse," 2 the prophetic elegy 
was referred to the Messiah, and the belief gained ground 
that he would have to suffer before he would triumph. 8 
Thus many a pseudo-Messiah fell a victim to the tyranny 
of Rome in both Judaea and Samaria, for the Samaritans 
also hoped for a Messiah, a redeemer of the type of Moses. 4 
Finally a belief arose that there would be two Messiahs, 
one of the house of Joseph, that is, the tribe of Ephraim, 



, 10-17. 

1 The disappointment is especially voiced in Ps. LXXX, 16 f. ; LXXIX, 
40-46. 

See Targum and Abravanel to Isa. LII, 13; comp. PCS. R. XXXVI- 
XXXVII; Sanh. 08 b. 

4 He is called Taeb "Moses redivivus," after Deut. XVIII, 18. Merk, E. 
Samarit. Fragment ucb. d. Taeb. See Bousset, 1. c., 258; J. E., art. Samaritans. 



374 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

who would fall before the sword of the enemy, 1 and the other 
of the house of David, who was to conquer the heathen 
nations and establish his throne forever. 2 

The Church referred the pathetic figure of the man of sor 
row to her crucified Messiah or Christ. Yet he who was 
to be a world-savior bore through his followers damnation to 
his own kinsmen, and thus was rendered the chief cause of 
the persecution of the martyr-race of Israel. 

6. We learn, however, from Origen, a Church father of 
the third century, that Jewish scholars, in a controversy with 
him, expressed the view that the Servant of the Lord refers 
to the Jewish people, which, dispersed among the nations and 
universally despised, would finally obtain the ascendancy 
over them, so that many of the heathen would espouse 
the Jewish faith. 3 Most of the medieval Jewish exegetes, 
including Rashi, who usually follows the traditional view, 
refer the chapter likewise to the Jewish people. As a matter 
of fact, the earlier chapters which speak of the Servant of 
the Lord can have no other meaning, while many points in 
the description of the suffering hero, especially the reference 
to his seed after his death, do not fit the Nazarene at all. 
Hence all independent Christian scholars to-day have aban 
doned the tradition of the Church, and admit that Israel 
alone is declared by the prophet to be the one singled out by 
God to atone for the sins of the nations, to arouse all hu 
manity to a deeper spiritual vision, and finally to triumph 
over all the heathen world. 4 

7. Thus the strange history of the martyr people is put 
in the right light and the great tragedy of Israel explained. 
Israel is the champion of the Lord, chosen to battle and suffer 
for the supreme values of mankind, for freedom and justice, 

1 Suk. 52 a ; Jellinek : B. H. Ill, 141 f ; Schuerer, 1. c., II, 535. 

2 J. E., art. Messiah. 3 Contra Celsum I, 155. 

4 See commentaries of Cheyne, Duhm, Giesebrecht, and others. 



ISRAEL, THE SERVANT OF THE LORD 375 

truth and humanity ; the man of woe and grief, whose blood 
is to fertilize the soil with the seeds of righteousness and love 
for mankind. From the days of Pharaoh to the present 
day, every oppressor of the Jews has become the means of 
bringing greater liberty to a wider circle; for the God of 
Israel, the Hater of bondage, has been appealed to in behalf 
of freedom in the old world and the new. Every hardship 
that made life unbearable to the Jew became a road to human 
ity s triumph over barbarism. All the injustice and malice 
which hurled their bitter shafts against Israel, the Pariah of 
the nations, led ultimately to the greater victory of right 
and love. So all the dark waves of hatred and fanaticism 
that beat against the Jewish people served only to impress 
the truth of monotheism, coupled with sincere love of God and 
man, more deeply upon all hearts and to consign hypocrisy 
and falsehood to eternal contempt. Such is the belief con 
fidently held by the people of God, and ever confirmed anew 
by the history of the ages. "He is near that justifieth me; 
who will contend with me ? let us stand up together ; who is 
mine adversary? let him come near to me. Behold, the 
Lord God will help me ; who is he that shall condemn me?" 1 
Thus speaks the Servant of the Lord, certain that he will 
finally triumph, because he defends God s cause, and is bound 
indissolubly to Him. 2 Indeed, God says of him: "Surely, 
he that toucheth you toucheth the apple of Mine (his) eye." 3 
8. The great importance which the rabbis attached to 
Israel s martyrdom is shown by the following remarks in 
connection with the laws of sacrifice: "Behold, how the 
Torah selects for the sacrificial altar only such animals as 
belong to the pursued, not the pursuers : the ox which is 
pursued by the lion ; the lamb which is pursued by the wolf ; 
the goat which is pursued by the panther, but none of those 

1 Isa. L, 8-9. * Comp. Pesik. 131 b; Ex. R. II, 7. 

*Zech. II, 12. See Geiger: Urschrift, 324, as to the Soferic Emendation. 



376 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

which feed on prey. In like manner God chose for His own 
the persecuted ones : Abel, who was persecuted by his brother 
Cain ; Noah, who was derided by the generation of the flood ; 
Abraham, who had to flee before the tyrant Nimrod ; and 
Isaac, Jacob, and Joseph, who met with unkindness from 
their own brothers. In the same way God has chosen Israel 
from among the seventy nations, as the lamb hunted, as 
it were, by seventy wolves, that it should bear His law to 
mankind." 1 This idea is expressed also in the Haggadic 
saying: "Those shall be privileged to see the majesty of 
God in full splendor who meet humiliation, but do not humil 
iate others ; who bear insult, but do not inflict it on others ; 
and who endure a life of martyrdom in pure love of God." 2 
Indeed, the medieval Jew accepted his sad lot in this 
spirit of resignation. But the modern Jew is in a different 
situation. In the mighty effort of our age for higher truth, 
broader love and larger justice, he beholds the nearing of the 
prophetic goal of a united humanity, based on the belief 
in God, the King and Father of all. Accordingly, modern 
Judaism proclaims more insistently than ever that the Jewish 
people is the Servant of the Lord, the suffering Messiah of 
the nations, who offered his life as an atoning sacrifice for 
humanity and furnished his blood as the cement with which 
to build the divine kingdom of truth and justice. Indeed, 
the cosmopolitan spirit of the Jew is the one element needed 
for the universality of culture. On the other hand, the world 
at large is to-day learning more and more to regard the superb 
loyalty of the Jew to his ancestral faith with greater fairness 
and admiration and to accord larger appreciation to him and 
his religion. Once the flood of hatred, dissension, and preju 
dice that brought such untold havoc shall have disappeared 
from the earth; once religion emerges from the nebulous 

1 Pesik. 76 a; Eccl. R. Ill, 19; Lev. R. XXVII, 5. 

2 Yoma 23 a, referring to Jud. V, 31. 



ISRAEL, THE SERVANT OF THE LORD 377 

atmosphere of other- worldliness, and directs its longing for 
God toward a life of godliness on earth in the spirit of the 
ancient prophets, then the historic mission of the Jew will 
also be better understood. Israel, the hunted dove, which 
found no resting-place for the sole of its foot during the flood 
of sin and persecution, will then appear with the olive-branch 
of peace for all humanity, to open the hearts of men that all 
may enter the covenant with the universal Father. Then, 
and not till then, will the shame of those thousands of years 
be rolled away, when the world will recognize that not a 
Jew, but the Jew has been the suffering Messiah, and that he 
was sent forth to be the savior of the nations. 



CHAPTER LIII 

THE MESSIANIC HOPE 

i. Recent investigators have brought to light many a 
vision of an era of heavenly bliss brought about by some 
powerful ruler, voiced in hoary antiquity by seer or singer in 
addressing the royal masters of Babylon or Egypt. 1 But no 
word in the entire vocabulary of ancient poetry or prose can 
so touch the deeper chords of the heart, and so voice the 
highest hopes of mankind, as does the name Messiah (" God s 
anointed")- From a simple title for any of the kings of 
Israel, it grew in meaning until it comprised the highest 
hopes of the nation. The Jewish vision of the future was 
not the twilight of the gods, which meant the end of the 
world with its deities, but the dawn of a new world, bright 
with the knowledge of God and blessed by the brotherhood 
of man. This, the Messianic ideal, is the creation of the 
prophetic genius of Israel, and in turn it influenced man s 
conception of God, lifting Him out of the national bounds, 
and making Him the God of humanity, Ruler of history. 
Israel s Messianic hope has become the motive power of 
civilization. In the time of deepest national humiliation 
it gave the prophets their power to surmount the present 
and soar to heights of vision ; through it the Jewish people 
attained their strength to resist oppression, buoyed up by 
perfect confidence and sublime hope. At the same time 
its magic luster captivated the non-Jewish nations, spurring 
them on to mighty deeds. Thus it has actually conquered 

1 See Gressmann : Urspr. d. Israel, u.jued. Eschatologie, an instructive work, 
but full of unsubstantiated assertions, thus failing to do justice to the creative 
genius of the Jewish prophets. 

378 



THE MESSIANIC HOPE 379 

the whole world of man. With every step in culture it 
points forward to higher aims, still unattained; it promises 
to lead mankind, united in God, the Only One, to truth and 
justice, righteousness and love. As the banner of Israel, the 
Messiah of the nations, it is destined to become the lode 
star of all nations and all religions. This is the kernel of 
the Jewish doctrine concerning the Messiah. 

2. This Messianic hope, on closer analysis, reveals two 
elements, both of prophetic origin: one national, the other 
religious and universal. The latter is the logical outcome 
of the monotheism of the great exilic seer, who based his 
stirring pictures of the glorious future of Israel upon the all- 
encompassing knowledge of God possessed by the Chosen 
People. The classic expression of this hope appears in 
Isaiah II, 1-4, and Micah IV, 1-14: "And it shall come to 
pass in the end of days, that the mountain of the Lord s 
house shall be established as the top of the mountains, and 
shall be exalted above the hills; and all nations shall flow 
unto it. And many peoples shall go and say: Come ye 
and let us go up to the mountain of the Lord, to the house 
of the God of Jacob ; and He will teach us of His ways, and 
we will walk in His paths/ for out of Zion shall go forth the 
law, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem. And He shall 
judge between the nations, and shall decide for many peoples ; 
and they shall beat their swords into ploughshares, and 
their spears into pruning-hooks ; nation shall not lift up 
sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more." 
We note, indeed, that no reference to the Messiah or a king 
of the house of David appears either in this passage or any 
of the prophecies of Deutero-Isaiah. Justice and peace for 
all humanity are expected through the reign of God alone. 
The specific Messianic character of this prophecy took shape 
only in its association with the older national hope, voiced 
by the prophet Isaiah. 



380 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

3. The real Messianic hope involved the reestablishment 
of the throne of David, and was expressed most perfectly 
in the words of Isaiah : "And there shall come forth a shoot 
out of the stock of Jesse, and a twig shall grow forth out of 
his roots. And the spirit of the Lord shall rest upon him, 
the spirit of wisdom and understanding, the spirit of counsel 
and might, the spirit of knowledge and of the fear of the 
Lord. And his delight shall be in the fear of the Lord ; and 
he shall not judge after the sight of his eyes, neither decide 
after the hearing of his ears ; but with righteousness shall 
he judge the poor, and decide with equity for the meek of 
the land ; and he shall smite the land with the rod of his 
mouth, and with the breath of his lips shall he slay the wicked. 
And righteousness shall be the girdle of his loins, and faith 
fulness the girdle of his reins. And the wolf shall dwell with 
the lamb, and the leopard shall lie down with the kid; and 
the calf and the young lion and the f atling together ; and a 
little child shall lead them. . . . They shall not hurt nor 
destroy in all My holy mountain; for the earth shall be 
full of the knowledge of the Lord, as the waters cover the 
sea." l 

This pattern of the ideal ruler may have been modeled 
after some ancient Babylonian formula for the adoration of 
kings, as has been asserted of late; and the same may be 
true of the mystic titles given by Isaiah to the royal heir : 
"Wonderful counselor, divine hero, father of spoil, prince 
of peace." 2 When the little kingdom of Judaea fell, the 
prospect of a realization of the great prophetic vision seemed 
gone forever. Therefore the exiles in Babylon fastened their 
hopes so much more firmly on the "Shoot," particularly on 
Zerubabel ("the seed born in Babylon"), the object of the 

1 Isa. XI, i-8. 

2 Isa. IX, 5 ; the note in the new Jewish translation takes the words in a 
different sense. 



THE MESSIANIC HOPE 381 

fondest hopes of the later prophets. 1 When he, too, dis 
appointed their expectations, probably due to Persian inter 
ference, they transferred the advent of the Messiah more 
and more into the realm of miracle, and popular fancy dwelt 
fondly on his appearance as God s champion against the 
hosts of heathendom (Gog and Magog). 2 

4. The conception of the priest-prophet Ezekiel is very 
significant in this connection ; for him the kingdom of Israel s 
God could only be established by the restoration of the 
throne of David, the servant of the Lord, and by the utter 
destruction of the hosts of heathendom, who were hostile to 
both God and Israel. In accordance with this hope the 
author of the second Psalm presents a dramatic picture of 
the Messiah triumphing over the heathen nations, a picture 
which became typical for all the future. "Why are the 
nations in an uproar? And why do the peoples mutter in 
vain ? The kings of the earth stand up, and the rulers take 
counsel together against the Lord, and against His anointed : 
Let us break their bands asunder, and cast away their cords 
from us/ He that sitteth in heaven laugheth, the Lord hath 
them in derision. Then will He speak unto them in His 
wrath, and affright them in His sore displeasure: Truly 
it is I that have established My king upon Zion, My holy 
mountain. I will tell of the decree : The Lord said unto me : 
Thou art My son, this day have I begotten thee. Ask of 
Me, and I will give the nations for thine inheritance, and 
the ends of the earth for thy possession. Thou shalt break 
them with a rod of iron; thou shalt dash them in pieces 
like a potter s vessel. . . ." Henceforth the conception of 
the Messiah alternated between Isaiah s prince of peace 

Jer. XXIII, 5; XXXIII, 15; Zech. Ill, 8; VI, 12; see Sellin, 1. c. 
Compare Ps. LXXX, 16 f.; LXXXIV, 10; LXXXIX, 39, 52; CXXX, 10; 
see Ewald s commentary. 

Ezek. XXXVIII-XXXIX; Sibyll. Ill, 663; J. E., art. Gog u. Magog; 
Bousset, 1. c., 251 f. 



382 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

and the world-conqueror of the Psalmist. 1 The name Messiah 
does not occur in Scripture in the absolute form, but always 
occurs in the construct with JHVH or a pronoun, signifying 
"the Anointed of the Lord." Accordingly, it expresses the 
relation of the Anointed to God, his sovereign, in striking 
contrast to the heathen kings who themselves claimed adora 
tion as gods. The very name Messiah excludes the possi 
bility of deification. The term Messiah was used with the 
article only in much later times, ha Meshiah, or in the Ara 
maic, MesMka, from which we derive the name, Messiah. 

5. In the course of time, however, as the people waited in 
vain for a redeemer, the expected Messiah was lifted more 
and more into the realm of the ideal. The belief took hold 
especially in the inner circle of the pious (Hasidim) that the 
Messiah was hidden somewhere, protected by God, to appear 
miraculously after having vanquished the hostile powers. 
The Essenes, the representatives of the secret lore, developed 
this conception in the Apocalyptic writings, thus giving the 
Messiah a certain cosmic or supernatural character. They 
probably modeled their thoughts upon the Zoroastrian 
system, where Soshiosh, the world savior, would appear in 
the last millennium as the messenger of Ormuzd to destroy 
forever the kingdom of evil and establish the dominion of 
the good. 2 Thus, when Isaiah says of the Messiah that 
"by the breath of his mouth he shall slay the wicked," this 
is referred to the principle of evil, Satan or Belial, who was 
sometimes actually identified with the Persian Ahriman. 3 
Moreover, after the Persian system, the whole process of 
history was divided into six millenniums of strife between 
the principle of good and evil, represented by the Torah 

1 For the prince of peace, see, for example, Zech. IX, 9. 

2 See Bousset, 1. c., 255-261. 

3 See Targum to Tsa. XT, 4, where the older Mss. read Arimalyus, later on 
corrupted into Armillus. See Bousset, 1. c., 589. 



THE MESSIANIC HOPE 383 

and the ungodliness of the world, and a seventh millennium, 
the kingdom of God or the Messianic age. The dates of 
these were calculated upon the basis of the book of Daniel, 
with its four world-kingdoms and mysterious numbers. 1 

6. The Biblical passages which refer to "the end of days" 
were also connected with the advent of the Messianic age, 
and the so-called eschatological writings speak of fixed periods 
following one another. In accordance with certain prophetic 
hints, they expected first the " birth-throes " 2 or "vestiges" 
of the Messianic age, a great physical and moral crisis with 
the turmoil of nature, plagues, and moral degeneracy. Before 
the Messiah would suddenly appear from his hiding place, 
the prophet Elijah was to return from heaven, whither he 
had ascended in a fiery chariot. But, while he had lived 
in implacable wrath against idolaters, he was now to come 
as a messenger of peace, reconciling the hearts of Israel with 
God and with one another, preparing the way to repentance, 
and thus to the redemption and reunion of Israel. 3 The 
next stage is the gathering together of Israel from all corners 
of the earth to the holy land under the leadership of the 
Messiah, summoned by the blast of the heavenly trumpet. 4 
Then begins that gigantic warfare on the holy soil between 
the hosts of Israel and the vast forces of heathendom led 
by the half-mystic powers of Gog and Magog, a conflict 
which, according to Ezekiel, is to last for seven years and 
to end with the annihilation of the powers of evil. Before 
the real Messiah, the son of David, appears in victory, another 
Messiah of the tribe of Ephraim is to fall in battle, according 
to a belief dating from the second century and possibly con- 

1 Dan. II; VII; IX; see J. E., art. Eschatology. 

2 Sola IX, 15; Enoch XCIX, 4; C, i ; Matt. XXIV, 8; Bousset, 
1. c., 286. 

3 Mai. Ill, 23; B. Sira XLVIII, 10 f.; Sibyll. II, 187. 

Isa. XXVII, 13; B. Sira XXXVI, 13; Tobit XIII, 13; Enoch XC, 32; 
II Mace. II, 18; Bousset, 1. c., 271. 



384 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

nected with the Bar Kochba war. 1 In another tradition, 
probably older, the true Messiah himself is to suffer and 
die. 2 At all events, he must destroy Rome, the fourth world- 
kingdom. But he is also to slay the arch-fiend Ahriman, 
afterwards known as Armillus. Moreover, he will redeem 
the dead from Sheol, as he possesses the key to open all the 
graves of the holy land, and thus all the sons of Israel will 
partake in the glory of his kingdom. Then at last the city 
of Jerusalem will arise in splendor, built of gold and precious 
stones, the marvel of the world, and in its midst the Temple, 
a structure of surpassing magnificence. The holy vessels 
of the tabernacle, hidden for ages in the wilderness, will 
appear, and the nations will offer the wealth of the whole 
earth as their tribute to the Messiah. All will practice 
righteousness and piety, and will be rewarded by bliss and 
numerous posterity. 3 

Opinions differ widely as to the duration of the Messianic 
age. They range from forty to four hundred years, and 
again from three generations to a full millennium. 4 This 
difference is partly caused by the distinction between the 
national hope, with the temporary welfare of the people of 
Israel, and the religious hope concerning the divine kingdom, 
which is to last forever. A very late rabbinic belief holds 
that the Messiah will be able to give a new law and even to 
abrogate Mosaic prohibitions. 5 

7. At any rate, no complete system of eschatology existed 
during the Talmudic age, as the views of the various apoc 
alyptic writers were influenced by the changing events of 
the time and the new environments, with their constant 
influence upon popular belief. A certain uniformity, indeed, 
existed in the fundamental ideas. The Messianic hope in 

1 See Chap. LIT. 2 IV Ezra VIII, 28. 

3 Sanh. 96 f . ; J. E., art. Eschatology ; Bousset, 1. c. 

4 Sanh. 97 a, b, 99. 5 Midr. Teh. Ps. CXLVI, 4; see Buber s note. 



THE MESSIANIC HOPE 385 

its national character includes always the reunion of all 
Israel under a victorious ruler of the house of David, who 
shall destroy all hostile powers and bring an era of supreme 
prosperity and happiness as well as of peace and good-will 
among men. The Haggadists indulged also in dreams of 
the marvelous fertility of the soil of Palestine in the Messianic 
time, 1 and of the resurrection of the dead in the holy land. 
But in Judaism such views could never become dogmas, as 
they did in the Church, even though they were common in 
both the older and younger Haggadah. These national 
expectations were expressed in the liturgy by the Eighteen 
Benedictions, composed by the founders of the Synagogue, 
the so-called Men of the Great Synagogue ; here the prayers 
for "the gathering of the dispersed" and the "destruction 
of the kingdom of Insolence" precede those for the "re 
building of Jerusalem and the restoration of the throne of 
David." But the mystic speculations on the origin, activity, 
and sojourn of the Messiah, which were a favorite theme of 
the apocalyptic writers and the Haggadists during the pre- 
Christian and the first Christian centuries, gave way to a 
more sober mode of thought, in the disappointment that 
followed the collapse of the great Messianic movements. 
On the one hand, the Church deified its Messiah and thus 
relapsed into paganism; on the other, Bar Kochba, "the 
son of the star," whom the leading Jewish masters of the 
law actually considered the Messiah who would free them 
from Rome, proved to be a "star of ill-luck" to the Jewish 
people. 2 "Like one who wanders in the dark night, now 
and then kindling a light to brighten up his path, only to 
have it again and again extinguished by the wind, until at 
last he resolves to wait patiently for the break of day when 
he will no longer require a light," so were the people of Israel 

1 Ket. 111-112; comp. Irenaeus : Adver. Haeres. V, 32. 

2 See Ekah. R. II, 2 ; J. E., art. Bar Kokba. 

2C 



386 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

with their would-be deliverers, who appeared from time to 
time to delude their hopes, until they exclaimed at last: 
"In Thy light alone, O Lord, we behold light." 1 Samuel 
the Babylonian, of the third century, in opposition to the 
Messianic visionaries of his time, declared: "The Messianic 
age differs from the -present in nothing except that Israel 
will throw off the yoke of the nations and regain its political 
independence." 2 Another sage said: "May the curse of 
heaven fall upon those who calculate the date of the advent 
of the Messiah and thus create political and social unrest 
among the people!" 3 A third declared: "The Messiah 
will appear when nobody expects him." 4 Most remarkable 
of all is the bold utterance of Rabbi Hillel of the fourth 
century, a lineal descendant of the great master Hillel and 
the originator of the present Jewish calendar system. In all 
likelihood many of his contemporaries were busy calculating 
the advent of the Messianic time according to the number 
of Jubilees in the world-eras, whereupon he said: "Israel 
need not await the advent of the Messiah, as Isaiah s proph 
ecy was fulfilled by the appearance of King Hezekiah." 5 

8. Throughout the Middle Ages, when the political or 
national hopes rose high, we find various Messianic move 
ments in both East and West revived by religious aspirations. 
But Maimonides, the great rationalist, in his commentary 
on the Mishnah and in his Code, formulated a Messianic 
belief which was quite free from mystical and supernatural 
elements. His twelfth article of faith declares that "the 
Jew, unless he wishes to forfeit his claim to eternal life by 
denial of his faith, must, in acceptance of the teachings of 
Moses and the prophets down to Malachi, believe that the 
Messiah will issue forth from the house of David in the 
person of a descendant of Solomon, the only legitimate king ; 

1 Pesik. 144 a, b. 2 Ber. 34 b. 3 Sanh. 97 b. 

4 Sanh. 97 a. 5 Sanh. 98 b. 



THE MESSIANIC HOPE 387 

and he shall far excel all rulers in history by his reign, glorious 
in justice and peace. Neither impatience nor deceptive 
calculation of the time of the advent of the Messiah should 
shatter this belief. Still, notwithstanding the majesty and 
wisdom of the Messiah, he must be regarded as a mortal 
being like any other and only as the restorer of the Davidic 
dynasty. He will die and leave a son as his successor, who 
will in his turn die and leave the throne to his heir. Nor will 
there be any material change in the order of things in the 
whole system of nature and human life ; accordingly Isaiah s 
picture of the living together of lamb and wolf cannot be 
taken literally, nor any of the Haggadic sayings with refer 
ence to the Messianic time. We are only to believe in the 
coming of Elijah as a messenger of peace and the forerunner 
of the Messiah, and also in the great decisive battle with 
the hosts of heathendom embodied in Gog and Magog, 
through whose defeat the dominion of the Messiah will be 
permanently established." "The Messianic kingdom itself," 
continues Maimonides with reference to the utterance of 
Samuel quoted above, "is to bring the Jewish nation its 
political independence, but not the subjection of all the heathen 
nations, nor merely material prosperity and sensual pleasure, 
but an era of general affluence and peace, enabling the Jewish 
people to devote their lives without care or anxiety to the 
study of the Torah and universal wisdom, so that by their 
teachings they may lead all mankind to the knowledge of 
God and make them also share in the eternal bliss of the 
world to come." 1 

9. Against this rationalized hope for the Messiah, which 
merges the national expectation into the universal hope for 
the kingdom of God, strong objections were raised by Abra 
ham ben David of Posquieres, the mystic, a fierce opponent 
Commentary to Sanh. X; Yad, H. Mclakim, XI-XII; //. Tcshubah 

vm-ix. 



388 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

of Maimonides, who referred to various Biblical and Tal- 
mudical passages in contradiction to this view. 1 On the 
other hand, Joseph Albo, the popular philosopher, who was 
trained by his public debates against the representatives of 
the Church, emphasized especially the rational character 
of the Jewish theology, and declared that the Messianic hope 
cannot be counted among the fundamental doctrines of 
Judaism, or else Rabbi Hillel could never have rejected 
it so boldly. 2 < jj 

On this point we must consider the fine observation of 
Rashi that Hillel denied only a personal Messiah, but not 
the coming of a Messianic age, assuming that God himself 
will redeem Israel and be acknowledged everywhere as Ruler 
of the world. As a matter of fact, too much difference of 
opinion existed among the Tanaim and Amoraim on the 
personality of the Messiah and the duration of his reign to 
admit of a definite article of faith on the question. The 
expected Messiah, the heir of the Davidic throne, naturally 
embodied the national hope of the Jewish people in their 
dispersion, when all looked to Palestine as their land and 
to Jerusalem as their political center and rallying point in 
days to come. Traditional Judaism, awaiting the restoration 
of the Mosaic sacrificial cult as the condition for the return 
of the Shekinah to Zion, was bound to persist in its belief 
in a personal Messiah who would restore the Temple and 
its service. 

10. A complete change in the religious aspiration of the 
Jew was brought about by the transformation of his political 
status and hopes in the nineteenth century. The new era 
witnessed his admission in many lands to full citizenship on an 
equality with his fellow-citizens of other faiths. He was no 
longer distinguished from them in his manner of speech and 
dress, nor in his mode of education and thought ; he therefore 
1 Notes of R. A. B. D. to Maimuni. 8 Ikkarim, IV, 42. 



THE MESSIANIC HOPE 389 

necessarily identified himself completely with the nation 
whose language and literature had nurtured his mind, and 
whose political and social destinies he shared with true pa 
triotic fervor. He stood apart from the rest only by virtue 
of his religion, the great spiritual heritage of his hoary past. 
Consequently the hope voiced in the Synagogal liturgy for 
a return to Palestine, the formation of a Jewish State under 
a king of the house of David, and the restoration of the sacri 
ficial cult, no longer expressed the views of the Jew in Western 
civilization. The prayer for the rebuilding of Jerusalem 
and the restoration of the Temple with its priestly cult could 
no longer voice his religious hope. Thus the leaders of 
Reform Judaism in the middle of the nineteenth century 
declared themselves unanimously opposed to retaining the 
belief in a personal Messiah and the political restoration of 
Israel, either in doctrine or in their liturgy. 1 They accen 
tuated all the more strongly Israel s hope for a Messianic 
age, a time of universal knowledge of God and love of man, 
so intimately interwoven with the religious mission of the 
Jewish people. Harking back to the suffering Servant of 
the Lord in Deutero-Isaiah, they transferred the title of 
Messiah to the Jewish nation. Reform Judaism has thus 
accepted the belief that Israel, the suffering Messiah of the 
centuries, shall at the end of days become the triumphant 
Messiah of the nations. 2 

ii. This view taken by reform Judaism is the logical out 
come of the political and social emancipation of the Jew in 
western Europe and America. Naturally, it had no appeal 
to the Jew in the Eastern lands, where he was kept apart by 
mental training, social habits and the discrimination of the 

1 See Philipson : The Reform Movement in Judaism, 246 f. 
See Einhorn: Sinai I, 133; Leopold Stein: Schrift dc s Lcbcns, 320, 336 
erm Messiah comp. Ps. LV, 15; Hab. Ill, 13; also Ps. XXVIII, 
8; LXXXIV, 10 ; LXXXIX, 39, 52. 



3QO JEWISH THEOLOGY 

law, so that he regarded himself as a member of a different 
nationality in every sense. Palestine remained the object 
of his hope and longing in both his social and religious life. 
When modern ideas of life began to transform the religious 
views and habits in many a quarter, and terrible persecutions 
again aroused the longing of the unfortunate sufferers for a 
return to the land of their fathers, the term Zionism was 
coined, and the movement rapidly spread. It expressed the 
purely national aims of the Jewish people, disregarding the 
religious aspirations always heretofore connected with the 
Messianic hope. This term has since become the watchword 
of all those who hope for a political restoration of the Jewish 
people on Palestinian soil, as well as of others whose longings 
are of a more cultural nature. Both regard the Jewish people 
as a nation like any other, denying to it the specific character 
of a priest-people and a holy nation with a religious mission 
for humanity, which has been assigned to it at the very 
beginning of its history and has served to preserve it through 
the centuries. On this account Zionism, whether political 
or cultural, can have no place in Jewish theology. Quite 
different is the attitude of religious Zionism which emphasizes 
the ancient hopes and longings for the restoration of the 
Jewish Temple and State in connection with the nationalistic 
movement. 

12. -Political Zionism owes its origin to the wave of Anti- 
Semitism which rose as a counter-movement to the emanci 
pation of the Jew, that alienated many of the household of 
Israel from their religion. Thus it has the merit of awaken 
ing many Jews upon whom the ancestral faith had lost its 
hold to a sense of love and loyalty to the Jewish past. In 
many it has aroused a laudable zeal for the study of Jewish 
history and literature, which should bring them a deeper 
insight into, and closer identification with, the historic char 
acter of Israel, the suffering Messiah of the nations, and 



THE MESSIANIC HOPE 39I 

thus in time transform the national Jew into a religious Jew. 
The study of Israel s mighty past will, it is hoped, bring to 
them the conviction that the power, the hope and the refuge 
of Israel is in its God, and not in any territorial possession. 
We require a regeneration, not of the nation, but of the 
faith of Israel, which is its soul. 



CHAPTER LIV 

RESURRECTION, A NATIONAL HOPE 

1. The Jewish belief in resurrection is intimately bound 
up with the hope for the restoration of the Israelitish nation 
on its own soil, and consequently rather national ; indeed, 
originally purely local and territorial. 1 True, the rabbis 
justified their belief in resurrection by such Scriptural verses 
as : "I kill and I make alive" 2 and "The Lord killeth, and 
maketh alive ; He bringeth down to the grave, and bringeth 
up." 3 Founded on such passages, the belief would have to 
include all men, and could be confined neither to the Jewish 
people nor to the land of Judea. However, we find no trace 
of such a belief in the entire Bible save for two late post- 
exilic passages 4 which are in fact apocalyptic, being based 
upon earlier prophecies, and themselves, in turn, basic to 
the later dogma of the Pharisees. 

2. The picture of a resurrection was first drawn by the 
prophet Hosea, who applied it to Israel. In his distress 
over the destiny of his people he says: "Come, and let us 
return unto the Lord ; for He hath torn, and He will heal 
us, He hath smitten, and He will bind us up. After two 
days will He revive us, on the third day He will raise us up, 
that we may live in His presence." 5 Ezekiel s vision of the 
dry bones which rose to a new life under the mighty sway 
of the spirit of God, 6 gave more definite shape to the picture, 

1 See J. E., art. Resurrection. 2 Deut. XXXII, 39 ; see Sifre ad loc. 

3 1 Sam. II, 6 ; see Midr. Sh muel, ad loc. 

4 Isa. XXVI, 19; Dan. XII, 2. 

6 Hosea VI, 1-2 ; comp. XIII, 14. 6 Ezek. XXXVII, 1-14. 

392 



RESURRECTION, A NATIONAL HOPE 393 

although in the form of allegory. As the prophet himself 
says, he aimed to describe the resurrection of Judah and 
Israel from their grave of exile. The obscure Messianic 
prophecy in Isaiah, chapters XXIV to XXVII, strikes a 
new note. First the author deals with the terrible slaughter 
which God will inflict upon the heathen, after which "He 
will swallow up death forever; and the Lord God will wipe 
away tears from off all faces ; and the reproach of His people 
will He take away from off all the earth." l Finally, when 
the oppressors of Israel are completely annihilated, exclaims 
the seer: "Thy dead shall live, thy dead bodies shall arise 
- awake and sing, ye that dwell in the dust for thy dew 
is a fructifying dew, and the earth shall bring to life the 
shades." Daniel speaks in a similar vein: "And many 
of them that sleep in the dust of the earth shall awake, some 
to everlasting life, and some to reproaches and everlasting 
abhorrence." 3 

3. In this hope for resurrection at the end of days the 
leading thought is that the prophecies which have been 
unfulfilled during the lifetime of the pious, and particularly 
the martyrs, shall be realized in the world to come. 4 In the 
oldest apocalyptic writings this life of the future is still con 
ceived as earthly bliss, inasmuch as the writers think only 
of the Messianic time of national glory, depicted in such 
glowing colors by the prophets. Unbounded richness of the 
soil and numerous offspring, abundant treasures brought 
by remote nations and their rulers, peace and happiness 
far and wide such are the characteristics of the Messianic 

1 Isa. XXV, 8. 

1 Isa. XXVI, 19. Instead of "my dead bodies" in the new Bible translation, 
read "thy dead," and instead of "light" translate oroth, after II Kings IV, 39, 
" herb," which means "dew of revival" ; the last is also a rabbinic term. 

3 Dan. XII, 2. 

4 See II Mace. VII, 9-36; XII, 43; XIV, 46; Sibyll. II, 47; Midr. Teh. 
Ps. XVII, 13. 



394 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

age. In order that the dead may share in all this, it is to be 
preceded by the resurrection and the great Day of Judgment 
in the valley of Jehoshaphat or Gehinnom (Gehenna), where 
the righteous are to be singled out to participate in the realm 
of the Messiah. 1 As a national prospect the Messianic 
hope was based upon the passage in Deutero-Isaiah : "Thy 
people also shall be all righteous, they shall inherit the land 
forever." 2 Consequently an ancient Mishnah taught that 
" All Israel shall have a share in the world to come." 3 In 
fact, the term "inherit the land" was used as late as the 
Mishnah to express the idea of sharing in the future life ; so 
also in the New Testament, where the resurrection was ex 
pected before the coming of the kingdom of the Messiah. 4 

4. The logical assumption was, accordingly, that only 
the dead of the holy land should enjoy the resurrection. 
The prophetic verses were cited: "I will set glory in the 
land of the living," 5 and "He that giveth breath to the 
people upon it, and spirit to them that walk therein," 6 and 
were interpreted in the sense that God would restore the 
breath of life only to those buried in the holy land. 7 Like 
wise the verse of the Psalmist, "I shall walk before the Lord 
in the land of the living," was referred to Palestine, as the 
land where the dead shall awaken to a new life. 8 Hence 
the rabbis held the strange belief that when the great heavenly 
trumpet is sounded to summon all the tribes of Israel from 
the ends of the earth to the holy land, 9 those who have been 
buried outside of Palestine must pass through cavities under 
the earth, until they reach the soil where the miracle of the 

1 See Joel IV, 2 ; Erub. 19 a, ref. to Isa. XXXI., 9 ; Enoch XXVIII, i. 
2 Isa. LX, 21. 3 Sanh. X, i. 

4 Kid. I, 10 ; Matt. V, 5, ref. to Ps. XXXVII, n ; Enoch V, 7. 
6 Ezek. XXVI, 20. Isa. XLII, 5. 7 Keth. in a. 

8 Ps. CXVI, 9 ; Yer. Keth. XII, 35 b ; Pesik. R, I, 2 b. 
9 Ber. 15 b; Alphabet d. R. Akiba in Jellinek, B. H. Ill, 31; Targum 
Yer. to Ex. XX, 15 ; I Cor. XV, 52. 



RESURRECTION, A NATIONAL HOPE 395 

resurrection will be performed. 1 It has, therefore, become 
a custom of the pious among the Orthodox to this very day, 
in case they could not bury the dead in Palestine, to put 
dust of the holy land beneath their head, that they might 
arise wherever they were buried. 

5. We may take it for granted that this nai ve conception 
of the resurrection could not be permanent, and so was 
modified to include a double resurrection : the first, national, 
to usher in the Messianic kingdom, and the other, universal, 
to usher in the everlasting life of the future. The former 
offered scant room for the heathen world, at best only for 
those who had actually joined the ranks of Judaism ; the 
latter, however, included the last judgment for all souls 
and thus opened the way for the salvation of the righteous 
among the nations as well as the people of Israel. At this 
point the conception of resurrection led to higher and more 
spiritual ideas, as has been shown in Chapter XLIII. 

6. However, the belief in the resurrection of the body, 
though expressed in the ancient liturgy, is in such utter 
contradiction to our entire attitude toward both science and 
religion, that it may be considered obsolete for the modern 
Jew. Orthodoxy, which clings to it in formal loyalty to 
tradition, regards it as a miracle which God will perform in 
the future, exactly like the many Biblical miracles which 
defy reason. 

7. The Zionist movement has given many Jews a new 
attitude toward the national resurrection of Israel. The 
nationalists expect the Jewish nation to awaken from a 
sleep of eighteen hundred years to new greatness in its 
ancient home, not as a religious, but as a political body, and 
in renouncing all allegiance to the priestly mission of Israel and 
its ancestral faith they are as remote from genuine Orthodoxy 
as from Reform Judaism. They assert that the soul of the 

1 Keth. l. c. 



396 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

Jewish people requires a national body rooted in its ancient 
soil in order that it may fulfill its appointed task among the 
nations; they even go so far as to declare all the achieve 
ments brought about by the assimilation of the culture of 
the surrounding nations to be a deterioration of the genuine 
character of the Jewish nation. The fact is that, as in nature 
there is nowhere a resurrection of the dead but an ever re 
newed regeneration of life, so is the history of the Jew and 
of. Judaism a continuous process of regeneration manifested 
at every great turning-point of history, when the ideas and 
cultural elements of a new civilization exert their powerful 
influence on life and thought. There never was, nor will be 
an exclusively Jewish culture. It is the wondrous power of 
assimilation of the Jew which ever created and fashioned 
his culture anew. That which constitutes the peculiarity 
of the Jew and his life force is his religion fostered through 
the ages, preserved amidst the most antagonistic influences 
and hostile environments, and ever rejuvenated by its unique 
universalistic spirit when revived by contact with kindred 
movements. To maintain and propagate this, his religion 
in all lands and amidst all civilizations, is the task assigned 
to him by Providence, until God s Kingdom has been 
established all over the globe. 



CHAPTER LV 
ISRAEL AND THE HEATHEN NATIONS 

i. As there is but one Creator and Ruler of the universe, 
so there is before Him but one humanity. All the nations are 
under His guidance, while Israel, His chosen people, points 
to the kingdom of God which is to embrace them all. Israel 
was called the " first-born son" of God l at the very moment 
of his election, implying that all the sons of men are His 
children. All of them are links in the divine plan of salva 
tion. In the same sense God spoke through Isaiah : " Blessed 
be Egypt, My people, and Assyria the work of My hands, 
and Israel Mine inheritance." As the first page of Scripture 
assigns a common origin to them all in the first man, so, the 
prophets tell us, at the end of time they shall all be filled 
with longing for the one God and form with Israel one com 
munity on earth, a great brotherhood of man serving the 
common Father above. 3 Still, the actual world began, not 
with the unity, but with the wide diversity and dispersion 
of mankind. The idea of the unity of man came as a cor 
ollary to the kindred conception of the unity of God, after a 
long historical process. 

Just as the creation of the world opens with the separation 
of light from darkness, so the process of the spiritual and 
moral development of mankind begins, according to the 
divine plan of salvation, with the separation of Israel from 
the heathen nations. 4 The sharper the contrast became 

Ex. IV, 22. Isa. XIX, 25. 

8 Isa. XLII, 4; XLV, 23; LI, 5; Zeph. Ill, 9; Zech. VIII, 22; XIV, 9. 

< Lev. XX, 26; Deut. XX, 16-18; comp. Gen. R. II, 4; III, 10. 

397 



398 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

between the spiritual God of Israel and the crude sensual 
gods of heathendom, the wider grew the chasm between 
Judaism and heathenism, between Israel and the nations. 
As light is opposed to darkness, so Israel s truth stood op 
posed to the idolatry of the nations, until Christianity and 
Islam, its daughter-religions, arose between the two ex 
tremes. Henceforth Israel waits with still more confidence 
for the age whose dawning will bring the full knowledge of 
God to all mankind, leading the world from the night of error 
and discord to the noon-day brightness of truth and unity, 
when a universal monotheism will make all humanity one. 

2. Nothing was more remote from ancient Israel than 
the hatred of the stranger or hostility to other nations, so 
often attributed to it. 1 In the time of the patriarchs and 
under the monarchy, the Hebrews fostered a spirit of friendly 
intercourse with their neighbors, which was often confirmed 
by peaceful alliances. 2 Of course, during war time the spirit 
of hostility had full sway, particularly as ancient warfare 
imposed a relentless ban upon both booty and human life 
among the vanquished. But even then the kings of Israel 
were called compassionate also toward their enemies when 
compared with other rulers. 3 Indeed, the code of Israel is 
distinguished from all other codes of antiquity by mildness 
and tender compassion. On the other hand, the God of 
justice, revealed through Amos, Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Habak- 
kuk, punishes Israel and the nations impartially on account 
of their moral transgressions. 4 He avenges acts of treachery, 
even when committed against pagan tyrants. " Shall not 
the Judge of all the earth do justly ? " 5 Such is the recurrent 
thought that governs Israel, demanding the same standard 
of judgment for Israelite and stranger. 

1 Weber, 1. c., 57-79. 2 Gen. XIV, 13 ; XXI, 32. I Kings XX, 31. 
4 AmosI-II; Isa. XXIX-XXXIII; Jer. XXV f. ; Hab. I. 
6 Gen. XVIII, 25. 



ISRAEL AND THE HEATHEN NATIONS 399 

3. The simple sense of justice inherent in the Jewish 
people admits so little difference between our own God- 
consciousness and that of others, that Scripture represents 
the Philistine King Abimelech as receiving a warning from 
Abraham s God JHVH. 1 As the Bible holds up Job, the 
Bedouin Sheik, as the pattern of a blameless servant of God 
and true lover of mankind, 2 so the Talmud cites the Philistine 
Dama ben Nethina as an example of filial piety. 3 Alto 
gether, the merits of the heathen receive their full measure 
of appreciation throughout Jewish literature, 4 even though a 
narrow dissenting view occurs now and then. 5 

4. Still from the very beginning a tendency to relentless 
harshness existed in one direction, when the pure worship of 
Israel s one and only God was endangered. The early Book of 
the Covenant forbade every alliance with idolatrous nations, 6 
and the Deuteronomic Code made this more stringent by 
prohibiting intermarriage and even the toleration of idolaters 
in the land, lest they seduce the people of God to turn away 
from Him. 7 The Pharisean leaders, the founders of Rabbinism, 
went still further by placing an interdict upon eating with 
the heathen or using food and wine prepared by them, thus 
aiming at a complete separation from the non- Jewish world. 8 

The contrast between Judaism and heathenism was further 
heightened by the view of the prophets and psalmists, show 
ing that the great nations were the very embodiment of 
idolatrous iniquity, murderous violence and sexual impurity, 
a world of arrogance and pride, defying God and doomed 
to perdition, because they opposed the kingdom of God 
proclaimed by Israel. 9 Henceforth the term "the nations" 



1 Gen. XX, 3. 

3 Kid. 31 a. Tos. Sanh. XIII, 2; B. B. 10 b. 

5 See Lazarus : Ethics, 49 and appendix. 8 Ex. XXIII, 32. 

7 Deut. VII, 2 ; XX, 16 f. Shab. 27 b; Jubil. XXII, 16. 

Isa. LX, 12; LXIII, 6; LXVI, 14 f . ; Zech. XIV, 2 f . ; Joel IV, 9-19; 
Jer. X, 25; Ps. IX, 16, 18, 20; X, 17. 



400 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

(goyiwi) was taken by the religious as meaning the wicked 
ones, who would not be able to stand the divine judgment 
in the future life, but would go down to Sheol, or Gehenna, 
to fall a prey to everlasting corruption, to the fire that is 
never quenched. 1 

5. Yet such a wholesale condemnation could not long be 
maintained ; it was too strongly contradicted in principle 
by the prophets and Psalmists, and quite as much by the 
apocalyptic writers and Haggadists of later times. The 
book of Jonah testifies that Israel s God sent His prophet 
to the heathen of Nineveh to exhort them to repentance, 
that they might obtain forgiveness and salvation like re 
pentant Israel. 2 Heathenism is doomed to perish, not the 
heathen ; they are to acknowledge the heavenly Judge in 
their very punishments and return to Him. Such is the 
conclusion of all the exhortations of the prophets predicting 
punishment to the nations. Moreover, those heathen who 
escape the doom of the world-powers are to proclaim the 
mighty deeds of the Lord to the utmost lands. Nay, ac 
cording to the grand vision of the exilic seer, among the 
many nations that shall assemble at the end of days to wor 
ship the Lord in Zion, select ones will be admitted to the 
priesthood with the sons of Aaron. 3 The name Hadrak, 
understood as "he who bringeth back," suggested itself 
to the rabbis as a title of the Messiah, the converter of the 
heathen nations. 4 So in both the Talmud and the Sibylline 
books b Noah is represented as a preacher of repentance to 
the nations before the flood, and accordingly the latter book 
adjures the Hellenic world to repent of their sinful lives 
before they would be overwhelmed by the flood of fire at the 
great judgment day. In the same spirit the Haggadists 
tell that God sent Balaam, Job, and other pious men as 

1 Tos. Sanh. XIII, 2. 2 Jonah III-IV. 3 Isa. LXVI, 19-21. 

4 Zech. IX, i ; Cant. R. VII, 10. 5 Sanh. 108 a; Sibyll. I, 129 f. 



ISRAEL AND THE HEATHEN NATIONS 401 

prophets of the heathen to teach them the way of repentance. 1 
And the rabbis actually say that, if the heathen nations had 
not refused the Torah when the Lord offered it to them at 
Sinai, it would have been the common property of all man 
kind. 2 

6. The leading minds of Judaism felt only pity for the 
blind obstinacy of the great mass of heathen, who worshiped 
the creatures instead of the Creator, or the stars of heaven 
instead of Him who is enthroned above the skies. They 
regarded heathenism either as evidence of spiritual want 
and weakness, or as the result of destiny. Indeed, the words 
of the Deuteronomist sound like an echo of Babylonian 
fatalism when he asserts that God himself assigned to the 
nations the worship of the stars as their inheritance. 3 Later 
the opinion gained ground that the heathen deities were real 
demons, holding dominion over the nations and leading 
them astray. 4 The exilic seer attacked idolatry most vigor 
ously as folly and falsehood, and thus the note of derision 
and irony is struck by Deutero-Isaiah, the Psalms, and in 
many of the propaganda writings of the Hellenistic age, in 
their references to heathenism. 

On the other hand, it is very significant that the Palestinian 
sages and their successors condemned heathenism as a moral 
plague, conducing to depravity, lewdness, and bloodshed. 
They regarded the powers of the world, especially Edom 
(Rome), as being under the dominion of the Evil One, and 
therefore doomed to perish in the flames of Gehenna. As 
they rejected the Ten Commandments out of love for blood 
shed, lust, and robbery, so, according to the Haggadists, 
they will be unable to withstand the last judgment and will 

1 B. B. 15 b; Seder Olam R. XXI. Mek. Yithro V; Ab. Z. 2 b- 3 a. 

Deut. IV, 19; XXIX, 25; Jer. X, 16; B. Sira XVIII, 17; comp. 
Bousset, 1. c., 350. 

Jubil. XI, 3-5 ; XIX, 20; Enoch XV ; XIX ; XCK, 7 ; see Bousset, I c., 
350-351- 



2D 



402 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

suffer eternal punishment. Since their one desire was to 
enjoy the life of this world, their lot in the future will be 
Gehenna; while the gates of the Garden of Eden will be 
open for Israel, the people oppressed and sorely tried, yet 
ever faithful to the covenant of Abraham. 1 Of course, this 
view implied both comfort and vengeance, but we must not 
forget that the harsh statements contained in the Talmud 
owe their origin to bitter distress and cannot be considered 
Jewish doctrines, as unfriendly critics frequently do. 2 

7. As has been shown above, the dominant view of the 
Synagogue is that eternal salvation belongs to the righteous 
among the nations as well as those of Israel. In this sense, 
Psalm IX, 18, is understood to the effect that "all those 
heathens who have forgotten God will go down to the nether 
world." 3 One of the sages expresses a still broader view : 
"When judging the nations, God determines their standard 
by their best representatives." 4 Many rabbis held the 
belief that circumcision secured for the Jew a place in "Abra 
ham s bosom" while the uncircumcised are consigned to 
Gehenna, thus assigning to circumcision a corresponding place 
to that of baptism in the Christian Church. This belief 
seems to be based upon a passage in Ezekiel, where the 
prophet speaks of the arelim, or "uncircumcised," as dwell 
ing in the nether world. 5 But a number of passages in the 
Talmud, especially in the Tosefta, 6 show that circumcision 
was not believed to have the power to save a sinner from 

1 Yeb. 98 a, ref. to Ezek. XXIII, 20; Ab. Z., 1. c. In this sense we must 
take the Talmudic passage: "Israel are really men, not the heathen," Yeb. 
61 a; B. M. 114 b; B. B. 16 b; whereas the passage, Lev. XVIII, 5, "which 
man doth to live thereby," is declared to include all who observe the laws of 
humanity, Sifra eodem; Midr. Teh. Ps. I, 1-2. 

2 Lazarus, 1. c., 49- 3 Tos. Sanh. XIII, 2. 4 Yer. R. Sh. I, 57 a. 

5 Ezek. XXVIII, 10 ; XXXI, 18; XXXII, 10-32. Possibly the prophet 
in speaking of arelim had in mind the Babylonian Arallu, "the nether- world "; 
see Ex. R. XIX, 5 ; Gen. R. XL ; VIII, 7 ; Tanh. Lek Leka, ed. Buber, 27. 

6 Tos. Sanh. XIII, 4-5 ; Rosh ha Shana, 17 a. 



ISRAEL AND THE HEATHEN NATIONS 403 

Gehenna. On the other hand, we have the great teaching 
of R. Johanan ben Zakkai in opposing his disciple Eliezer 
ben Hyrcanus, telling that the sacrifices which atoned for 
the sins of Israel are paralleled by deeds of benevolence, 
which can atone for the sins of the heathen. 1 Both the 
Talmud and Philo state that the seventy bullocks which 
were offered up during the seven days of the Feast of Taber 
nacles were brought by Israel as sacrifices for the seventy 
nations of the world. 2 

8. Where no cause existed to fear the influence of idolatry, 
friendly relations with non-Jews were always recommended 
and cultivated. A non-Jew who devotes his life to the study 
and practice of the law, said Rabbi Meir, is equal to the high 
priest; for Scripture says: "The laws which, if a man do, 
he shall live by them," implying that pure humanity is the 
one essential required by God. 3 Indeed, Rabbi Meir enjoyed 
a close friendship with (Enomaos of Gadara, 4 a heathen phil 
osopher spoken of admiringly in Talmudic sources and placed 
on a par with Balaam as noble representatives of heathendom. 
Obviously this good opinion was held, because both spoke 
favorably of Judaism, whose "synagogues and schoolhouses 
formed the strongest bulwark against the attacks of Jew- 
haters." Other friendships which were described in popular 
legends and held up as examples for emulation are those be 
tween Jehuda ha Nasi and the Emperor Antoninus (Severus) 6 
and that of Samuel of Babylonia with Ablat, a Persian sage. 6 

9. The Mosaic and Talmudic law prescribed quite different 
treatment for those heathen who persisted in idolatrous 

B. B. 10 b; A. d. R. N. IV. 

Suk. 55 b; Pesik. 193 b; Philo; Vita Mosis, 2 f; De Special; I, 3; II, 
104, 227, 238. 

Sifra, Ahare Moth 13. 

4 Gen. R. L; LXV, 16; Ruth R. I, 8; J. E., art. (Enomaos. 
6 J. E. art. Antoninus in the Talmud; Kraus: Antoninus. 
6 Ab. Z. 30 a. 



404 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

practices and refused to observe the laws of humanity, called 
the seven Noahitic laws, as will be explained more fully 
in the next chapter. No toleration could be granted them 
within the ancient jurisdiction; "Thou shalt show them no 
mercy" was the phrase of the law for the seven tribes of 
Canaan, and this was applied to all idolaters. 1 Hence Mai- 
monides lays down the rule in his Code that "wherever and 
whenever the Mosaic law is in force, the people must be 
compelled to abjure heathenism and accept the seven laws 
of Noah in the name of God, or else they are doomed to die." 2 

On the other hand, in the very same Code, Maimonides 
writes in the spirit of Rabbi Meir : "Not only the Jewish 
tribe is sanctified by the highest degree of human holiness, 
but every human being, without difference of birth, in whom 
is the spirit of love and the power of knowledge to devote 
his life exclusively to the service of God and the dissemination 
of His knowledge, and who, walking uprightly before Him, 
has cast off the yoke of the many earthly desires pursued 
by the rest of men. God is his portion and his eternal in 
heritance, and God will provide for his needs, as He did for 
the priest and the Levite of yore." 3 

10. To be sure, a statement of this nature presents a differ 
ent judgment of heathenism from that of the ancient national 
law. But the historical and comparative study of religions 
has caused us to entertain altogether different views of the 
various heathen religions, both those representing primitive 
stages of childlike imagination and superstition, and those 
more developed faiths which inculcate genuine ideals of a 
more or less lofty character. Certainly the laws of Deuter 
onomy, written when the nation had dwindled down to the 
little kingdom of Judaea, and those further expounded in the 
Mishnah enjoining the most rigorous intolerance toward 

1 Deut. VII, 3 ; Sanh. 57 a-sg b. 2 H. Melakim VIII, 9-10. 

3 H. Shemitta we Yobel XIII, 13. 



ISRAEL AND THE HEATHEN NATIONS 405 

every vestige of paganism, had only a theoretical value for 
the powerless Jewish nation ; while both the Church and 
the rulers of Islam were largely guided by them in practical 
measures. The higher view of Judaism was expressed by 
the last of the prophets: " For from the rising of the sun 
even unto the going down of the same My name is great 
among the nations ; and in every place offerings are pre 
sented unto My name, even pure oblations, for My name is 
great among the nations, saith the Lord of hosts." 1 The 
fact is that heathenism seeks the God whom Israel by its 
revelation has found. In this spirit both Philo and Josephus 
took the Scriptural passage, "Thou shalt not curse God," 
taking the Hebrew Elohim in the plural sense, "the gods"; 
thus they said a Jew must not offend the religious sense of 
the heathen by scorn or ridicule, however careful he must 
be to avoid the imitation of their practices and superstitions. 2 
As a matter of fact, the Code of Law aimed to separate 
Israel and the nations in order to avoid the crude worship 
of idols, animals and stars practiced by the heathen of 
antiquity. It was not framed for masters like Socrates, 
Buddha, and Confucius, with their lofty moral views and 
their claims upon humanity. The God who revealed himself 
to Abraham, Job, Enoch, and Balaam, as well as to Moses and 
Isaiah, spoke to them also, and the wise ones of Israel have 
ever hearkened to their inspiring lessons. Their words are 
echoed in Jewish literature together with Solomon s words 
of wisdom. Plato, Plotinus, and Aristotle received the most 
friendly hospitality from the rabbinic philosophers and mystic 
writers of Jewry, and so Buddhist sayings and views pene 
trated into Jewish ethics and popular teachings. Both the 

Mal. I, ii. 

2 Ex. XXII, 26; Philo II, 166; Josephus: Ant., IV, 8, 10; Con. Apio., II, 
34; comp. Kohler: "The Halakic Portions in Josephus Antiquities," in 
H. U. C. Monthly III, 117. 



406 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

Jew and his literature are cosmopolitan, and Judaism never 
withholds its appreciation of the merits of the heathen world. 1 
ii. We must especially emphasize one claim of the Jewish 
people above other nations which the rabbis call zekuth aboth, 
"the merit of the fathers," and which we may term " heredi 
tary virtue." The election of Israel, in spite of its own 
lack of merit, is declared in Deuteronomy and elsewhere 
to be due to the merit of the fathers, with whom God con 
cluded His covenant in love. 2 The promise is often repeated 
that God will ever remember His covenant with the fathers 
and not let the people perish, even though their sins were 
great; therefore the rabbis assumed that the patriarchs had 
accumulated a store of merit by their virtues which would 
redound before God to the benefit of their descendants, sup 
plementing their own weaknesses. 3 This merit or righteous 
ness of the fathers formed a prominent part of the hope and 
prayer, nay, of the whole theological system of the Jewish 
people. They regarded the patriarchs and all the great 
leaders of the past as patterns of loyalty and love for God, 
so that, according to the Midrash, Israel might say in the 
words of the Shulamite : "Black am I" considering my own 
merit, "but comely" when considering the merit of the 
fathers. 4 Whether this store of merit would ever be ex 
hausted is a matter of controversy among the rabbis. Some 
referred to God s own words that He will ever remember 
His covenant with the fathers ; others pointed to the verse 
in Deutero-Isaiah : "For the mountains may depart, and 
the hills be removed ; but My kindness shall not depart from 

1 See Meg. 16 a; J. E., art. Aristotle; Neumark, 1. c., Index: Aristoteles, 
Plato, Plotin; comp. Bahya : Hoboth ha Lebaboth, and other medieval phil 
osophic works. 

2 Deut. IV, 37. 

3 Ex. XXXIII, 12; Lev. XXVI, 42; Ex. R. XLIV, 7-8; Lev. R. XXXVI, 

2-5- 

4 Cant. R. I, 5. 



ISRAEL AND THE HEATHEN NATIONS 407 

thee, neither shall My covenant of peace be removed," which 
they interpreted symbolically to mean : when the merit of 
the patriarchs and matriarchs of Israel is exhausted, God s 
mercy and compassion for Israel will be there never to de 
part. 1 Translated into our own mode of thinking, this merit 
of the fathers claimed for Israel signifies the unique treasure 
of a spiritual inheritance which belongs to the Jew. This in 
heritance of thousands of years provides such rare examples 
and such high inspiration that it incites to the highest virtue, 
the firmest loyalty, and the greatest love for truth and justice. 
Judaism, knowing no such thing as original sin, points 
with pride instead to hereditary virtue, deriving an inex 
haustible source of blessing from its historical continuity of 
four thousand years. 

x lsa. LIV, 10 ; Shab. 55 a; comp. S. Hirsch : "The Doctrine of Original 
Virtue" in Jew. Lit. Annual, 1905 ; Schechter, 1. c., 170 f. 



CHAPTER LVI 

THE STRANGER AND THE PROSELYTE 

1. Among all the laws of the Mosaic Code, that which has 
no parallel in any other ancient code is the one enjoining 
justice, kindness and love toward the stranger. The Book of 
the Covenant teaches : " And a stranger shalt thou not wrong, 
neither shalt thou oppress him ; for ye were strangers in the 
land of Egypt," 1 and "A stranger shalt thou not oppress; 
for ye know the heart of a stranger, seeing ye were strangers 
in the land of Egypt." The Deuteronomic writer lays special 
stress on the fact that Israel s God, "who regardeth not persons 
nor taketh bribes, doth execute justice for the fatherless and 
the widow, and loveth the stranger, in giving him food and 
raiment." He then concludes: "Love ye therefore the 
stranger ; for ye were strangers in the land of Egypt." 2 The 
Priestly Code goes still further, granting the stranger the same 
legal protection as the native. 3 

2. We would, however, misunderstand the spirit of all 
antiquity, including ancient Israel, if we consider this as an 
expression of universal love for mankind and the recognition 
of every human being as fellow-man and brother. Throughout 
antiquity and during the semi-civilized Middle Ages, a stranger 
was an enemy unless he became a guest. If he sought protec 
tion at the family hearth or (in the Orient) under the tent of 
a Sheik, he thereby entered into a tutelary relation with both 
the clan or tribe and its deity. After entering into such a 

1 Ex. XXII, 20 ; XXIII, 9. 2 Deut. X, 18-19. 3 Lev. XIV, 22. 

408 



THE STRANGER AND THE PROSELYTE 409 

relation, temporary or permanent, he became, in the term 
which the Mosaic law uses in common with the general Semitic 
custom, a Ger or Toshab, "sojourner" or "settler," entitled 
to full protection. 1 This relation of dependency on the com 
munity is occasionally expressed by the term : "thy stranger 
that is within thy gates." Such protection implied, in turn, 
that the Ger or protege owed an obligation to the tribe or com 
munity which shielded him. He stood under the protection 
of the tribal god, frequently assumed his name, and thus 
dared not violate the law of the land or of its deity, lest he for 
feit his claim to protection. 

3. In accordance with this, the oft-repeated Mosaic com 
mand for benevolence toward the stranger, which placed him 
on the same footing with the needy and helpless, imposed 
certain religious obligations upon him. He was enjoined, like 
the Israelite, not to violate the sanctity of the Sabbath by labor, 
nor to provoke God s anger by idolatrous practices, and, ac 
cording to the Priestly Code, to avoid the eating of blood and 
the contracting of incestuous marriages as well as the trans 
gression of the laws for Passover and the Day of Atonement. 
Naturally, in criminal cases such as blasphemy he was subject 
to the death-penalty just like the native. 3 Still, the Ger was 
not admitted as a citizen, and in the Mosaic system of law he 
was always a tolerated or protected alien, unless he under- 

1 Gen. XXIII, 4; Lev. XX, 35. On the term Ger see W. R. Smith: The 
Religion of the Semites, 75 ff. ; Bertholet : Die Stelliing d. Israclitcn und Juden 
zu den Fremden, 28, 178; Schuerer, 1. c., Ill, 150-188; Encyc. Biblica, art. 
Stranger and Sojourner; Cheyne, Bamplon Lectures, 1889, p. 429. Commerce 
between the Phoenicians and Greeks was protected by the Greek god of the 
stranger (Zeus Xenios) ; see Ihering: D, Gastfrcundschaft im Altcrthum, 
Deutsche Rundschau, 1887, showing how the Phoenicians developed the Ger 
idea in the direction of international commerce, just as the Jews developed 
it toward international religion; M. J. Kohlcr : "Right of Asylum "in Am. 
Law Review, LI, p. 381. 

1 Ex. XX, 10. 

Lev. XVI, 29; XVII, 8-15; XVIII, 26; XXIV, 16-29. 



410 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

went the rite of circumcision and thus joined the Israelitish 
community. 1 

4. With the transformation of the Israelitish State into 
the Jewish community in other words, with the change of the 
people from a political to a religious status, this relation to the 
non-Jew underwent a decided change. As the contrast to the 
heathen became more marked, the Ger assumed a new position. 
As he pledged himself to abandon all vestiges of idolatry and 
to conform to certain principles of the Jewish law, he entered 
into closer relations with the people. Accordingly, he adopted 
certain parts of the Mosaic code or the entire law, and thus 
became either a partial or a complete member of the religious 
community of Israel. In either case he was regarded as a fol 
lower of the God of the Covenant. In spite of the exclusive 
spirit which was dominant in the period following Ezra, two 
forces favored the extending of the boundaries of Judaism 
beyond the confines of the nation. On the one hand, the 
Babylonian Exile had visualized and partially realized the 
prophecy of Jeremiah: "Unto Thee shall the nations come 
from the ends of the earth, and shall say : Our fathers have in 
herited naught but lies, vanity and things wherein there is no 
profit. " 2 For example, Zechariah announced a time when 
"many peoples and mighty nations shall come to seek the 
Lord of Hosts in Jerusalem and to entreat the favor of the 
Lord," and "Ten men shall take hold, out of all the lan 
guages of nations, shall even take hold of the skirt of him that 
is a Jew, saying, * We will go with you, for we have heard that 
God is with you. " 3 Another prophet said at the time of the 
overthrow of Babylon : "For the Lord will have compassion 
on Jacob, and will yet choose Israel, and set them in their own 

1 Ex. XII, 48 ; see Yeb. 46 a~4; b ; Mas. Gerim I-III. The opinion of 
Bertholet and Schuerer concerning the semi-proselyte or Ger Toshab is con 
tradicted by both the Book of Jubilees and the Talmudic sources, as will be 
shown below. 

2 Jer. XVI, 19. 3 Zech. VIII, 21-23. 



THE STRANGER AND THE PROSELYTE 411 

land, and the stranger (Ger, or proselyte) shall join himself 
with them, and they shall cleave to the house of Jacob." l 
The Psalmists especially refer to the heathen who shall join 
Israel, 2 so that Ger now becomes the regular term for prose 
lyte. 3 

In addition to this inward religious desire we must consider 
the social and political impulse. The handful of Judaeans who 
had returned from Babylonia were so surrounded by heathen 
tribes that, while the Samaritans had attracted the less desir 
able groups, they were glad to welcome the influx of such as 
promised to become true worshipers of God. The chief prob 
lem was how to provide a legal form for these to "come over," 
proselyte being the Greek term for "him who comes over." 
By such a form they could enter the community while accepting 
certain religious obligations. In fact, such obligations had 
been stated before in the Priestly Code, which admitted into 
the political community as "sojourners" or "indwellers" 
those who pledged themselves to abstain from idolatry, blas 
phemy, incest, the eating of blood or of flesh from living ani 
mals, and from all violence against human life and property. 
They were debarred only from marriage into the religious 
community, "the congregation of the Lord." Henceforth 
Ger and Ger Toshab became juridical terms, the social and legal 
designation of those proselytes who had abjured heathenism 
and joined the monotheistic ranks of Judaism as "worshipers 
of God." 

5. Thus the first great step in the progress of Judaism from 
a national system of law to a universal religion was made in 
Judaea. The next step was to recognize the idea of the revela 
tion of God to the "god-fearing men" of the primeval ages, as 
described in the Mosaic books, and thus to open the gates of 

1 Isa. XIV, i. 

Ps. XXII, 30 ; LXVII, 3 ; LXVIII, 30 f. ; LXXXVII, 4 f- 

II. Chron. II, 16; XXX, 25. 



412 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

the national religion for heathen who had become "God 
fearing men" or "worshipers of the Lord." Thus the Psalms, 
after enumerating the customary two or three classes, "the 
house of Israel," "of Aaron," and "of Levi," often add the 
"God-fearing" proselyte. 1 The Synagogue was especially 
attractive to the heathen who sought religious truth because 
of its elevating devotion and its public instruction in the Scrip 
ture, translated into Greek, the language of the cultured world. 
This sponsored a new system for propagating the Jewish faith. 
The so-called Propaganda literature of Alexandria laid its chief 
stress upon the ethical laws of Judaism, not seeking to submit 
the non-Jew to the observance of the entire Mosaic law or to 
subject him to the rite of circumcision. The Jewish merchants, 
coming into contact with non-Jews in their travels on land and 
sea, endeavored especially to present their religious tenets in 
terms of a broad, universal religion. As a universal faith forms 
the background of the entire Wisdom literature, particularly 
the book of Job, a simple monotheism could be founded upon 
a divine revelation to mankind in general, corresponding to 
the one to Noah and his sons after the flood. The laws con 
nected with this covenant, called the Noahitic laws, were 
general humanitarian precepts. We find these enumerated in 
the Talmud as six, seven, and occasionally ten. Sometimes 
we read of thirty such laws to be accepted by the heathen, 
probably founded upon the nineteenth chapter of Leviticus, 
at one time central in Jewish ethics. 2 At any rate, the 

Ps. CXV, n ; CXVIII, 4; CXXXV, 20; comp. LXVII, 8; CII, 16; 
Job I, i ; Tobit LXIV, 6 ; Sibyll. Ill, 572, 756 ; Acts X, 2 ; XXI, 13 ; V, 26 f. ; 
XVI, 44; XVII, 4; XVIII, 7; Midr. Teh. Ps. XXII, 29; Lev. Ill, 2; Mek. 
to Ex. XXII, 20; see Bernays: Ges. Abh., II, 74. 

2 Tos. Ab. Z. IX, 4 ; Sanh. 56 b- 57 ; Gen. R. XXXIV, 7 ; Jubil. VII, 20 f . ; 
Sibyll. Ill, 38, 762. For the thirty commandments, see Yer. Ab. Z. II, 40 c; 
Midr. Teh. Ps. II, 5; Gen. R. XCVIII, 9; J. Q. R, 1894, p. 259. Comp. 
also Pseudo-Phocylides in Bernays Ges. Abh., I, 291 ff. ; Seeberg: D. beiden 
Wege u. d. Aposteldecret, p. 25 ; Klein : Der aelteste christl. Katechismus; J. E., art. 
Commandments. 



THE STRANGER AND THE PROSELYTE 413 

observance of the so-called Noahitic laws was demanded of 
all worshipers of the one God of Israel. 

Strange to say, however, this extensive propaganda of the 
Alexandrian Jews during the two or three pre-Christian 
centuries left few traces in the history and literature of 
Palestinian Judaism. Two reasons seem at hand ; the 
growth of the Paulinian Church, which absorbed the mission 
ary activity of the Synagogue, and the effort of Talmudic 
Judaism to obliterate the old missionary tradition. To judge 
from occasional references in Josephus and the New Testa 
ment, as well as many inscriptions all over the lands of the 
Mediterranean, 1 the number of heathen converts to the 
Synagogue was very large and caused attacks on Judaism in 
both Rome and Alexandria. Josephus tells us that Jews and 
proselytes in all lands sent sacrificial gifts to Jerusalem in such 
abundance as to excite the avarice of the Romans. 2 The 
Midrash preserves a highly interesting passage which casts 
light on the earlier significance of the winning of heathen con 
verts, reading as follows : " When it is said in Zephaniah II, 5 : 
Woe to the inhabitants of the sea-coast, the nation of Kereth- 
ites ; this means that the inhabitants of the various pagan 
lands would be doomed to undergo Kareth, perdition/ save 
for the one God-fearing proselyte, who is won over to Juda 
ism each year and set up to save the heathen world." 3 In 
other words, the merit of the one proselyte whose conversion 
awakens the hope for the winning of the entire heathen world 
to pure monotheism, is an atoning power for all. Such was 
the teaching of the Pharisees, whom the gospel of Matthew 
brands as hypocrites because of their zeal in making 
proselytes. 

1 See Schuerer, 1. c., 165, 175; Harnack, D. Mission u. Ausbreitung d. 
Christcnlums, chapter I. 

Ant. XVI, 7. 

Gen. R. XXVIII, 5 ; Cant. R. I, 4 ; see Matt. XXIII, 15 ; Jellinek, B. H. 
VI, Introd., p. XLVI. 



4M JEWISH THEOLOGY 

6. This kind of proselytism was encouraged only by Alex 
andrian or Hellenistic Judaism. In Palestine, however, the 
social system of the nation was quite unfavorable to the sim 
ple " God-worshiper," who remained merely a tolerated alien, 
even though protected, and never really entered the national 
body. Legally he was termed Ger Toshab, " settler," which 
meant semi-proselyte. The type of this class was Naaman, 
the Syrian general who was instructed by Elijah to bathe in 
the Jordan to cure his leprosy, and then became a worshiper 
of the God of Israel. 1 Similarly, whatever the real origin of 
the proselyte s bath may have been, a baptismal bath was 
prescribed for the proselyte to wash off the stain of idolatry. 2 
He was regarded as one who had "fled from his former master" 
(in heaven) to find refuge with the only God ; 3 therefore he 
was legally entitled to shelter, support, and religious instruc 
tion from the authorities. 4 Certain places were assigned where 
he was to receive protection and provision for his needs, but 
he was not allowed to settle in Jerusalem, where only full 
proselytes were received as citizens. 5 According to Philo, 
special hospices were fitted out for the reception of semi- 
proselytes. 6 

7. In order to enjoy full citizenship and equal rights, the 
proselyte had to undergo both the baptismal bath and the rite 
of circumcision, thus accepting all the laws of the Mosaic 
Code equally with the Israelite born. Beside this, he had to 
bring a special proselyte s sacrifice as a testimony to his belief 
in the God of Israel. In distinction from the Ger Toshab, or 
semi-proselyte, he was then called Ger ha Zedek or Ger Zedek. 
This name, usually translated as " proselyte of righteousness," 

1 II Kings C, 1-15 ; see LXX to verse 14; Sanh. 96 b. 

2 See Sota, 12 b; Sibyll. IV, 164; comp. Gen. R. II, 5; J. E., art. Baptism 
and Birth, New; Enc. Religion and Ethics, art. Baptism, Jewish. 

3 See J. E., art. Asenath, and the passages quoted there. 

4 Sifre and Targum to Deut. XXIII, 16-19. 

6 Tos. Negaim VI, 2 ; Mas. Gerim III. 6 Philo, De Monarchia, I, 7. 



THE STRANGER AND THE PROSELYTE 415 

obviously possesses a deeper historical meaning. The Psalmist 
voices a pure ethical monotheism in his query : "O Lord, who 
shall be a guest (Ger, sojourner) in thy tent?" which he an 
swers : "He that walketh uprightly and worketh righteousness 
and speaketh truth in his heart." l But the legal view of the 
priestly authorities was that only the man who offers a "sacri 
fice of righteousness" and pledges himself to observe all the 
laws binding upon Israel might become a "guest" in the 
Temple on Zion, an adopted citizen of Jerusalem, the "city of 
righteousness." In illustration of this view a striking inter 
pretation to a Deuteronomic verse is preserved : "They shall 
call people unto the mountain, there shall they offer sacrifices 
of righteousness: that is, the heathen nations with their 
kings who come to Jerusalem for commerce with the Jewish 
people shall be so fascinated by its pure monotheistic worship 
and its simple diet, that they will espouse the Jewish faith and 
bring sacrifices to the God of Israel as proselytes." 3 

The prominence of the full proselyte in the early Synagogue 
appears in the ancient benediction for the righteous leaders and 
Hasidim, the Soferim and Synedrion, the ruling authorities of 
the Jewish nation, where special mention is made of " the Prose 
lytes of (the) Righteousness." 4 These full proselytes pushed 
aside the half-proselytes, so that, while both are mentioned in 
the earlier classification, only the latter are considered by the 
later Haggadah. 6 With the dissolution of the Jewish State no 
juridical basis remained for the Ger Toshab, the "protected 

1 Ps. XV, 1-2 ; see Cheyne s Commentary. 

The article ha Zcdek seems to point to Jerusalem, called "the city" or 
"dwelling place of righteousness" (Zedek). See Isa. I, 21; Jer. XXXI, 23; 
L, 7. Comp. "Gates of righteousness" (Zedek) for the Temple gates, in Ps. 
CXVIII, 19, and the ancient legendary hero of Jerusalem, Malki-Zcdck, Gen. 
XIV, 18; Josephus, J. W. VI, 10; Epis. Heb. VII, 10; and Adoni Zcdck, 
first king of Jerusalem, Josh. X, 3. 

1 Sifre and Targum to Deut. XXXIII, 19. * Singer s Prayerb., p. 48. 

8 See Mek. Mishpatim XVIII; comp. A. d. R. N. XXXVI ref. to Isa. 
XLIV, S . 



4i6 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

stranger." R. Simeon ben Eleazar expressed this in the state 
ment : "With the cessation of the Jubilee year there was no 
longer any place for the Ger Toshab in Judaea." l We read in 
Josephus that no proselytes were accepted in his time unless 
they submitted to the Abrahamitic rite and became full prose 
lytes. 2 

However, as Josephus tells us, a strong desire to espouse 
the Jewish faith existed among the pagan women of neighbor 
ing countries, especially of Syria. 3 The same situation existed 
in Rome according to the rabbinical sources, Josephus, Roman 
writers, and many tomb inscriptions. 4 Conspicuous among 
these proselytes was Queen Helen of Adiabene, who won lasting 
fame by her generous gifts to the Jewish people in time of 
famine and to the Temple at Jerusalem ; her son Menobaz, at 
the advice of a Jewish teacher, underwent the rite of circum 
cision in order to rise from a mere God-worshiper to a full 
proselyte. 5 The Midrash 6 enumerates nine heathen women 
of the Bible who became God- worshipers : Hagar ; Asenath, 
the wife of Joseph, whose conversion is described in a little 
known but very instructive Apocryphal book by that name ; 7 
Zipporah, the wife of Moses ; Shifra and Puah, the Egyptian 
midwives ; 8 Pharaoh s daughter, the foster-mother of Moses, 
whom the rabbis identified with Bithia (Bath Yah, " Daughter 
of the Lord") ; 9 Rahab, whom the Midrash represents as the 

1 Arak. 29 a. 2 Vita 25. 3 J. W. II, 20, 2. 

4 Josephus : Ant. XIII, 9, i ; 11,3; XVIII, 3, 5 ; XX, 8, n ; Mek. Bo XV : 
Beluria (Fulvia or Valeria) ; Schuerer, III, 176 ; Gemeindeverf. v. Juden in Rome; 
Graetz : D. juedisch. Proselyten im Roemcrreich; Radin : Jews among Greeks and 
Romans, p. 389. See also Crooks : The Jewish Race in Ancient and Roman 
History. 

6 Josephus: Ant. XX, 2-4; Yoma III, 10; Yoma 37 a.; Suk. 2 b; 
B. B. ii a; Gen. R. XLVI, 8. 

6 Midrash Tadshe in Jellinek : B. H. Ill, in; Epstein: Jued. Alter- 
thumskunde, XLIII. 

7 See J. E., art. Asenath. 8 Comp. Sifre Num. 178. 
9 1 Chron. IV, 18; Meg. 13 a. 



THE STRANGER AND THE PROSELYTE 417 

wife of Joshua and ancestress of many prophets ; 1 Ruth and 
Jael. Philo adds Tamar, the daughter-in-law of Judah, as a 
type of a proselyte. 2 

8. Beside the term Ger, with its derivatives, which gave 
legal standing to the proselyte, the religious genius of Judaism 
found another term which illustrated far better the idea of 
conversion to Judaism. The words of Boaz to Ruth: "Be 
thy reward complete from the Lord thy God of Israel, under 
whose wings thou art come to take refuge," 3 were applied by 
the Pharisean leaders to all who joined the faith as Ruth did. 
So it became a technical term for converts to Judaism, "to 
come, or be brought, under the wings of the divine majesty" 
(Shekinah). 4 Philo frequently expresses the idea that the 
proselyte who renounces heathenism and places himself under 
the protection of Israel s God, stands in filial relation to Him 
exactly like the born Israelite. 5 Therefore Hillel devoted his 
life to missionary activity, endeavoring "to bring the soul of 
many a heathen under the wings of the Shekinah." But in 
this he was merely following the rabbinic ideal of Abraham, 6 
and of Jethro, of whom the Midrash says : "After having been 
won to the monotheistic faith by Moses, he returned to his 
land to bring his countrymen, the Kenites, under the wings 
of the Shekinah." 7 The proselyte s bath in living water was 
to constitute a rebirth of the former heathen, poetically ex 
pressed in the Halakic rule: "A convert is like a newborn 
creature." 8 The Paulinian idea that baptism creates a new 
Adam in place of the old is but an adaptation of the Pharisaic 
view. Some ancient teachers therefore declared the prose 
lyte s bath more important than circumcision, since it forms 

1 Meg. 15 b. Philo : De Nobilitate, 6 ; II, 443. 

Ruth II, 12. 

4 Ab. d. R. N., ed. Schechter, 53 f. ; Shab. 31 a; Lev. R. II, 8. 
6 See Bertholet, 1. c., 285-287. 

6 Ab. d. R. N., 1. c. Me k. t o Ex. XVIII, 27. 

8 Gen. R. XXXIX, 14; Yeb. 22 a; comp. Pes. VIII, 8. 
B 



4i 8 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

the sole initiatory rite for female proselytes, as it was with the 
wives of the patriarchs. 1 

9. The school of Hillel followed in the footsteps of Hellen 
istic Judaism in accentuating the ethical element in the law; 2 
so naturally it encouraged proselytism as well. The Midrash 
preserves the following Mishnah, handed down by Simeon ben 
Gamaliel, but not contained in our Mishnaic Code : "If a Ger 
desires to espouse the Jewish faith, we extend to him the hand 
of welcome in order to bring him under the wings of the 
Shekinah." 3 Both the Midrash and the early Church litera 
ture reveal traces of a Jewish treatise on proselytes, containing 
rules for admission into the two grades, which was written in 
the spirit of the Hellenistic propaganda, but was afterward re 
written and adopted by the Christian Church. The school 
of Shammai in its rigorous legalism opposed proselytism in 
general, and its chief representative, Eliezer ben Hyrcanos, 
distrusted proselytes altogether. 4 On the other hand, the 
followers of Hillel were decidedly in favor of converting the 
heathen and were probably responsible for many Haggadic 
passages extolling the proselytes. Thus the verse of Deutero- 
Isaiah : "One shall say, * I am the Lord s, and another shall 
call himself by the name of Jacob; and another shall sub 
scribe with his hand unto the Lord, and surname himself by 
the name of Israel" is peculiarly applied in the Midrash. The 
first half, we are told, denotes two classes of Israelites, those 
who are without blemish, and those who have sinned and re 
pented ; the second half includes the two classes of proselytes, 
those who have become full Jews (Gere ha Zedek) and those who 
are merely worshippers of God (Yir e Shamayim). A later 
Haggadic version characteristically omits the last, recogniz 
ing only the full converts (Gere Emetti) as proselytes. 5 The 

1 Yeb. 46 a ; comp. Josephus : Ant. XX, 2-4. 2 Shab. 31 a. 

8 Lev. R. II, 8. 4 Gen. R. LXX, 5 ; B. M. 59 b. 

Mekilta, 1. c. ; comp. Ab. d. R. N. XXXVI, ed. Schechter, 107. 



THE STRANGER AND THE PROSELYTE 419 

following parable in the spirit of the Essenes illustrates their 
viewpoint. In commenting upon the verse from the Psalms : 
11 The Lord keepeth the strangers," the story is told : A king 
possessed a flock of sheep and goats and noted that a deer 
joined them, accompanying them to their pasture and return 
ing with them. So he said to the herdsmen : "Take good care 
of this deer of mine which has left the free and broad desert 
to go in and out with my flock, and do not let it suffer hunger 
or thirst." Likewise God takes special delight in the prose 
lytes who leave their own nation, giving up their fellowship 
with the great multitude in order to worship Him as the One 
and Only God, together with the little people of Israel. 1 Simi 
larly the Biblical verse concerning wisdom : "Hove them that 
love me, and those that seek me earnestly shall find me" 2 is 
referred to the proselytes, "who give up their entire past from 
pure love of God, and place their lives under the sheltering 
wings of the divine majesty." All these Midrashic passages 
and many others are but feeble echoes of the conceptions of 
the Hellenistic propaganda, which were so ably set forth by 
Philo and the Book of Asenath. Indeed, Judaism must have 
exerted a powerful influence upon the cultured world of Hellas 
and Rome in those days, as is evidenced both in the Hellenistic 
writings of the Jew and in the Greek and Roman writers them 
selves. Their very defamation of Judaism unwittingly gives 
testimony to the danger to which Judaism exposed the pagan 
conception of life, and to the hold it took upon many of the 
heathen. 3 

10. The reaction against this missionary movement took 
place in Judea. The enforced conversion of the Idumeans 
to Judaism by John Hyrcanus benefited neither the nation nor 
the faith of the Jew, and turned the school of Shammai, which 
belonged to the party of the Zealots, entirely against the whole 

1 Midr. Teh. Ps. CXLVT, 9; Num. R. VIII, 2. 

1 Prov. VIII, 17 ; Num. R., 1. c. Schuercr, 1. c., Ill, 4 ; Radin, 1. c. 



420 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

system of proselytism. On the whole, bitter experience taught 
the Jews distrust of conversions due to fear, such as those of the 
Samaritans who feared the lions that killed the inhabitants, or 
to political and social advantage, like those under David and 
Solomon, or in the days of Mordecai and Esther, or still later 
under John Hyrcanus. 1 Instead, all stress was laid upon reli 
gious conviction and loyalty to the law. In fact, Josephus men 
tions many proselytes who in his time fell away from Judaism, 2 
who may perhaps have been converts to Christianity. The 
later Halakah, fixed under the influence of the Hadrianic per 
secution and quoted in the Talmud as Baraitha, prescribes the 
following mode of admission for the time after the destruction 
of the Temple, omitting significantly much that was used in 
the preceding period: 3 "If a person desires to join Judaism 
as a proselyte, let him first learn of the sad lot of the Jewish 
people and their martyrdom, so as to be dissuaded from join 
ing. If, however, he persists in his intention, let him be in 
structed in a number of laws, both prohibitory and mandatory, 
easy and hard to observe, and be informed also as to the pun 
ishment for their disobedience and the reward for fulfillment. 
After he has then declared his willingness to accept the belief 
in God and to adhere to His law, he must submit to the rite of 
circumcision in the presence of two members of the Pharisean 
community, take the baptismal bath, and is then fully admitted 
into the Jewish fold." It is instructive to compare this 
Halakic rule with the manual for proselytes preserved by the 
Church under the name of "The Two Ways," but in a 
revised form. 4 The mode of admission in the Halakah 
seems modeled superficially after the more elaborate one 
of the earlier code, where the Shema as the Jewish creed 
and the Ten Commandments, possibly with the addition 

1 Yeb. 24 b; Yer. Kid., IV, 65 b. A p ion) n , IO> 3< 

8 Yeb. 47 a; comp. Mas. Gerim I. 

4 See J. E., art. Didache and Klein, 1. c. 



THE STRANGER AND THE PROSELYTE 421 

of the eighteenth and nineteenth chapters of Leviticus and 
the twenty-seventh chapter of Deuteronomy, seem to have 
formed the basis for the instruction and the solemn oath 
of the proselyte. 

ii. As long as the Jewish people possessed a flourishing 
world-wide commerce, unhampered by the power of the 
Church, they were still joined by numerous proselytes in the 
various lands and enjoyed general confidence. Indeed, many 
prominent members of the Roman nobility became zealous 
adherents of Judaism, such as Aquilas, the translator of the 
Bible, and Clemens Flavius, the senator of the Imperial house, 1 
and many prominent Jewish masters were said to be descend 
ants of illustrious proselytes. 2 All this changed as soon as the 
Christian Church girded herself with "the sword of Esau." 
From that time on proselytism became a peril and a source 
of evil to the Jew. The sages no longer took pride in the 
prophetic promise that "the stranger will join himself to 
Israel," nor did they find in the words "and they shall cleave to 
the house of Jacob" an allusion to the prediction that some 
of these proselytes would be added "to the priesthood of the 
Lord," as some earlier teachers had interpreted the passage. 3 
R. Helbo of the fourth century, on the contrary, explained that 
proselytes have become a plague like "leprosy" for the house 
of Jacob, taking the Hebrew nispehu as an allusion to the word 
Sappahat, leprosy. 4 Henceforth all attempts at proselytism 
were deprecated and discouraged, while uncircumcised prose 
lytes, probably meaning the persecuting Christians were 
relegated to Gehinnom. 5 

1 Git. 56 b; Ab. Z. 10 b; on Clemens see Graetz: H. J. II, 387-389; but 
see literature in Schuerer, 1. c., Ill 4 , 169. 

* Git. 56 b-57. 

8 Ex. R. XIX, 4 ; comp. Midr. Teh. Ps. LXXXVII, 4, ref. to I Sam. II, 
36 and Isa. LXVI, 2 ; comp. Bacher : Agada d. Palest. AmorUer., Ill, 45, 363. 

4 Yeb. 47 b ; 109 b ; Kid. 70 b, ref. Isa. XIV to Lev. XIV, 56. 

Ex. R. XIX, 5. 



422 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

12. This view was not shared by all contemporaries, how 
ever. R. Abbahu of Caesarea, who had many an interesting 
and bitter dispute with his Christian fellow-citizens, 1 was 
broad-minded enough to declare the proselytes to be genuine 
worshipers of God. 2 Joshua ben Hanania encouraged the 
proselyte Aquilas and prognosticated great success for prose 
lytes in general as teachers of both the Haggada and Halakah. 
So other Haggadists urged special love and compassion for the 
half -proselyte, 3 and entertained a special hope of the Mes 
sianic age that many heathen should turn to God in sincerity 
of heart. 4 At all events, it was considered a great sin to re 
proach a convert with his idolatrous past. 5 Indeed, the phrase, 
"they that fear the Lord," used so often in the Psalms, is re 
ferred by the Haggadists to the proselytes ; true, the chief 
stress is laid upon the full proselytes, the Gere Zedek, but a 
foremost place in the world to come is still reserved for God- 
worshipers like the Emperor Antoninus. 6 Thus Psalm 
CXXVIII, which speaks of the "God-fearing man," was 
applied to the proselyte, to whom were therefore promised 
temporal bliss and eternal salvation, rejoicing in the Law, 
in deeds of love and bounteous blessing from Zion. 7 While the 
Halakah remained antagonistic to proselytism on account 
of its narrow adherence to the spirit of the Priestly Code, the 
Haggadah exhibits a broader view. Resonant with the 
spirit of prophecy, it beckons to all men to come and seek 
shelter under the wings of the one and only God, in order to 
disseminate light and love all over the world. 

13. Modern Judaism, quickened anew with the spirit of 
the ancient seers of Israel, cannot remain bound by a later 
and altogether too rigid Halakah. At the very beginning of 

1 See Bacher, 1. c., II, 115-118. 2 Num. R. VIII, i. 

Gen. R. LXX, 5. 4 Ab. Z. 3 b. 5 B. M. 59 b. 

6 Midr. Teh. Ps. XXII, 34 ; here also a later Haggadist removes the refer 
ence to the half-proselytes. See Buber, 1. c.; Yer. Meg. I, 72 b. 

7 Num. R. VIII, 10. 



THE STRANGER AND THE PROSELYTE 423 

the Talmudic period stands Hillel, the liberal sage and master 
of the law, who, like Abraham of old, extended the hand of 
fellowship to all who wished to know God and His law ; he 
actually pushed aside the national bounds to make way for 
a faith of love for God and the fellow man. For this is the 
significance of his answer to the Roman scoffer who wanted 
to hear the law expounded while he was standing on one foot : 
" Whatever is hateful to thee, do not do to thy fellow man! 
That is the law ; all the rest is only commentary." 1 Thus the 
leaders of progressive Judaism also have stepped out of the 
dark prison walls of the Talmudic Ghetto and reasserted the 
humanitarian principles of the founders of the Synagogue, 
who welcomed the proselytes into Israel and introduced special 
blessings for them into the liturgy. They declare again, with 
the author of Psalm LXXXVII, that Zion, the "city of God," 
should be, not a national center of Israel, but the metropolis of 
humanity, because Judaism is destined to be a universal religion. 2 

Not that Judaism is to follow the proselytizing methods of 
the Church, which aims to capture souls by wholesale conver 
sion without due regard for the attitude or conviction of the in 
dividual. But we can no longer afford to shut the gate to those 
who wish to enter, impelled by conviction or other motives 
having a religious bearing, even though they do not conform to 
the Talmudic law. 3 This attitude guided the leaders of Amer 
ican Reform Judaism at the rabbinical conference under the 
presidency of Isaac M. Wise, when they considered the ad 
mission of proselytes at the present time. In their decision 
they followed the maxim of the prophet of yore : "Open the 
gates (of Judaism) that a righteous nation may enter that 
keepeth the faith." 4 

14. It is interesting to observe how Philo of Alexandria 
contrasts those who join the Jewish faith with those who have 

1 Shab. 31 a. See com. to Ps. LXXXVII, and LXX version. 

Yearb. C. C. A. R., 1891, 1892, 1895. 4 Isa. XXVI, 2. 



424 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

become apostates. The former, he says, become at once pru 
dent, temperate, modest, gentle, kind, human, reverential, just, 
magnanimous, lovers of truth, and superior to the tempta 
tions of wealth and pleasure, whereas the latter are intemperate, 
unchaste, unjust, irreverent, low-minded, quarrelsome, accus 
tomed to falsehood and perjury, and ready to sell their freedom 
for sensual pleasures of all kinds. 1 In the times of Hellenic 
culture apostasy made its appearance among the upper 
classes of the Jews. As the higher-minded among the heathen 
world were drawn towards the sublime monotheistic faith of 
the Jew, so the pleasure-seeking and worldly-minded among 
the Jews were attracted by the allurements of Greek culture 
to become faithless to the God of Israel, break away from the 
law, and violate the covenant. Especially under Syrian rule, 
apostasy became a real danger to the Jewish community, and 
many measures had to be decided upon to avert it. The 
desertion of the ancestral faith was looked upon as rebellion 
and treason against God and Israel. 2 With the rise of the 
Christian Church to power and influence the number of apos 
tates increased, and with it also the danger to the small com 
munity of the Jews in the various lands. In the same measure 
as the Church made a meritorious practice of the conversion 
of the Jews, whether by persuasive means or by force and per 
secution, the authorities of Judaism had to provide the Jew 
with spiritual weapons of self-defense in the shape of polemical 
and apologetic writings, 3 and to warn him against too close a 
contact with the apostate, which was too often fraught with 
peril for the whole community. As a number of these apos 
tates became actual maligners of the Jews under the Roman 
empire, a special malediction against sectarians, the so-called 
Birkat ha-Minim, was inserted in the Eighteen Benedictions 

1 Philo, De Penitentia, 2. 

2 See J. E., art. Apostasy and Apostates. 

3 See J. E., art. Apologetic and Polemical Literature. 



THE STRANGER AND THE PROSEYLTE 425 

under the direction of Gamaliel II. 1 " Those who have ema 
nated from my own midst hurt me most," says the Synagogue, 
referring to herself the words of the Sulamite in the Song of 
Songs. 2 While every other offender from among the Jewish 
people is declared to be "brother," notwithstanding his sin, 3 
the apostate was declared to be one from whom no free-will 
offering was to be accepted, 4 and to whom the gates of repent 
ance and the gates of salvation are forever closed. 5 The feeling 
of bitterness against him grew in intensity, as throughout Jew 
ish history he often played the despicable role of an accuser 
of his former coreligionists and betrayer of their faith. The 
modern Jew also, though he sympathizes with every liberal 
movement among men and respects every honest opinion, how 
ever radically different from his own, cannot but behold in 
the attitude of him who deserts the small yet heroic band of 
defenders of his ancient faith and joins the great and power 
ful majority around him, a disloyalty and weakness of char 
acter unworthy of a son of Abraham, the faithful. Since the 
beginning of the new era in the time of Mendelssohn, apostasy 
has made great inroads upon the numerical and intellectual 
strength of Judaism, especially among the upper classes. It 
is no longer, however, of an aggressive character, but rather 
a result of the lack of Jewish self-respect and religious senti 
ment, against which measures tending to a revival of the 
Jewish spirit are being taken more and more. The Jews are 
called by the rabbis " the faithful sons of the faithful." The 
apostate must be made to feel that he is of a lower type, 
since he has become a deserter from the army of the battlers 
for the Lord, the Only One God of Israel. 

1 Ber. 28 a; Singer s Prayerb. 48. Cant. R. I. 6. 

1 Deut. XXV, 3 and Sifre ad loc. ; Sanh. 44 a. * Sifra Wayikra 2. 

Sifre Num. 112; R. H., 17 a; Tos. Sanh. XIII, 5. 



CHAPTER LVII 

CHRISTIANITY AND MOHAMMEDANISM, THE DAUGHTER- 
RELIGIONS OF JUDAISM 

i. "It shall come to pass on that day that living waters 
shall go out from Jerusalem ; half of them toward the eastern 
sea and half of them toward the western sea. . . . And the 
Lord shall be King over all the earth; in that day shall the 
Lord be One, and His name one." 1 These prophetic words 
of Zechariah may be applied to the two great world-religions 
which emanated from Judaism and won fully half of the human 
race, as it exists at present, for the God of Abraham. Though 
they have incorporated many non- Jewish elements in their 
systems, they have spread the fundamental truths of the 
Jewish faith and Jewish ethics to every part of the earth. 
Christianity in the West and Islam in the East have aided in 
leading mankind ever nearer to the pure monotheistic truth. 
Consciously or unconsciously, both found their guiding motive 
in the Messianic hope of the prophets of Israel and based their 
moral systems on the ethics of the Hebrew Scriptures. The 
leading spirits of Judaism recognized this, declaring both the 
Christian and Mohammedan religions to be agencies of Divine 
Providence, intrusted with the historical mission of cooperat 
ing in the building up of the Messianic Kingdom, thus pre 
paring for the ultimate triumph of pure monotheism in the 
hearts and lives of all men and nations of the world. These 
views, voiced by Jehuda ha Levi, Maimonides, and Nah- 
manides, 2 were reiterated by many enlightened rabbis of later 

1 Zech. XIV, 8-9. 

2 Cuzari, IV, 23 ; Maim. : H. MelakimXI, 41 ; Responsa, 58; Nahmanides: 
Derashah, ed. Jellinek, 5 ; see Rashi and Tosafot to Ab. Z. 2 a, 57 b ; Sanh. 63 b. 

426 



CHRISTIANITY AND MOHAMMEDANISM 427 

times. These point out that both the Christian and Mo 
hammedan nations believe in the same God and His revela 
tion to man, in the unity of the human race, and in the future 
life ; that they have spread the knowledge of God by a sacred 
literature based upon our Scripture ; that they have retained 
the divine commandments essentially as they are phrased 
in our Decalogue ; and have practically taught men to fulfill 
the Noahitic laws of humanity. 1 On account of the last fact 
the medieval Jewish authorities considered Christians to be 
half-proselytes, 2 while the Mohammedans, being pure mono- 
theists, were always still closer to Judaism. 

2. In general, however, rabbinic Judaism was not in a 
position to judge Christianity impartially, as it never learned 
to know primitive Christianity as presented in the New Testa 
ment. We see no indication in either the oldest Talmudic 
sources or Josephus that the movement made any more im 
pression in Galilee or Jerusalem than the other Messianic 
agitations of the time. All that we learn concerning Jesus 
from the rabbis of the second century and later is that magic 
arts were practiced by him and his disciples who exorcised 
by his name ; and, still worse, that the sect named after him 
was suspected of moral aberrations like a few Gnostic sects, 
known by the collective name of Minim, " sectarians. " 3 As 
a matter of fact, the early Church was chiefly recruited from 
the Essenes and distinguished itself little from the rest of the 
Synagogue. Its members, who are called Judaeo-Christians, 
continued to observe the Jewish law and changed their atti 
tude to it only gradually. 4 Matters took a different turn 

Solomon ben Ad ret : Responsa, 302; Yore Deah CXLVIII, 12; Jacob 
Emden, Comm. to Abot. V, 17; comp. Chwolson : D. Blutanklage, 64-79. 

1 Isaac ben Sheshet s Responsa, 119. 

1 Yer. Shab. XIV, 14 d; Ab. Z. II, 40 d; Sota, 47 a; Sanh. 103 a; Eccl. 
R. I, 24-25. 

4 See J. E., art. Christianity; Ebionites; Minim; and comp. the various 
Church Histories. 



428 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

under the influence of Paul, the apostle to the heathen, who 
emphasized the antinomian spirit ; the Judaeo-Christian sects 
were then pushed aside, hostility to Judaism became promi 
nent, and the Church strove more and more for a rapproche 
ment with Rome. 1 Then the rabbis awoke to the serious 
danger to Judaism from these heretics, Minim, when after the 
tragic downfall of the Jewish nation they grew to world- 
power as allies of the Roman Empire. Thus Isaac Nappaha, 
a Haggadist of the fourth century, declared: "The turning 
point for the advent of the Messiah, the son of David, will not 
come until the whole (Roman) Empire has been converted 
to Christianity (MintUh)." 2 This is supplemented by the 
Babylonian Rabbah, who plays with a Biblical phrase, say 
ing : "Not until the whole (Roman) world has turned to the 
Son (of God)." 3 Henceforth Christian Rome was termed 
Edom, like pagan Rome from the days of Herod the Idumean. 
In fact, her imperial edicts showed the fratricidal hatred of 
Esau, with hardly a trace of the professed religion of love. 
No wonder the Haggadists identified Rome with the Biblical 
"Boar of the forest," and waited impatiently for the time 
when she would have to give up her rule as the fourth world- 
empire to the people of God, ushering in the Messianic era. 4 
3. Meanwhile the relapse of Christianity from monotheism 
became more steady and more apparent. The One God of 
the Jew was pushed into the background by the "Son of 
Man"; and the Virgin-Mother with her divine child became 
adored like the Queen of Heaven of pagan times, showing 
similarity especially to Isis, the Egyptian mother-goddess, 
with Horus, the young son-god, on her lap. The pagan 
deities of the various lands were transformed into saints of 

1 See J. E., art. Saul of Tarsus. 2 Sanh. 97 a. 

3 Lev. XIII, 13 : Kullo happak laben, instead of laban. 

4 Ab. d. R. N. XXXIV; Lev. R. XIII, 4 ref. to Ps. LXXX, 14; Midr. 
Teh. Ps., 1. c. 



CHRISTIANITY AND MOHAMMEDANISM 429 

the Church and worshiped by means of images, in order to 
win the pagan masses for the Christian faith. The original 
pure and absolute monotheism and the stern conception of 
holiness were thus turned into their very opposites by the 
hierarchy and monasticism of the Church. How, then, could 
the Jewish people recognize the crucified Christ as one of their 
own? One whose preaching seemed to bring them only 
damnation and death instead of salvation and life, even while 
speaking in the name of Israel s God after the manner of the 
prophets of yore? How could they see in the strange doc 
trines of the Church any resemblance to their own system of 
faith, especially as the very doctrines which repelled them 
were those most emphasized by Christianity? Maimonides 
considered the adherents of the Roman Church to be idolaters, 1 
a view which was modified by the Jewish authorities in the 
West, as they became better acquainted with Christian 
doctrines. 2 

4. The world-empire of the Church was subsequently 
divided between Rome, which the Jewish writers called 
Edomf and Byzantium, which they named Yavan, but neither 
showed any real advance in religious views and ideals. On 
the contrary, they both persecuted with fire and sword the 
little people who were faithful to their ancient monotheism, 
and suppressed what remained of learning and science. As 
the Church had the great task of disciplining wild and semi- 
barbarous races, there was little room left for learning or for 
high ideals. At this time a rigorous avenger of the persecuted 
spirit of pure monotheism arose among the sons of Ishmael 
in the desert of Arabia in the person of Mohammed, a camel- 

> H. Akkum IX, 4. 

2 Tosaf. Sanh. 63 b; Isserles Sh. Ar. Orah Hayira, 156; comp. J. E. art. 
Sanhedrin, Napoleonic. 

a Edom, the name for Rome since the time of the Idumean Herod, became 
the name for the Church of Rome, while Yavan - Greek was the name given 
to the Greek Church. 



430 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

driver of Mecca, a man of mighty passions and void of learn 
ing, but imbued with the fire of the ancient prophets of Israel. 
He felt summoned by Allah, the God of Abraham, to wage 
war against the idolatry of his nation and restore the pure 
faith of antiquity. He kindled a flame in the hearts of his 
countrymen which did not cease, until they had proclaimed 
the unity of God throughout the Orient, had put to flight 
the trinitarian dogma of the Church in both Asia and Africa, 
and extended their domain as far as the Spanish peninsula. 
He offered the Jews inducements to recognize him as the 
last, "the seal," of the prophets, by promising to adopt some 
of their religious practices ; but when they refused, he showed 
himself fanatical and revengeful, a genuine son of the Bed 
ouins, unrelenting in his wrath and ending his career as a cruel, 
sensuous despot of the true Oriental type. Nevertheless, 
he created a religion which led to a remarkable advance 
ment of intellectual and spiritual culture, and in which 
Judaism found a valuable incentive to similar endeavors. 
Thus Ishmael proved a better heir to Abraham than was 
Esau, the hostile brother of Jacob. 1 

5. The important, yet delicate question, which of the 
three religions is the best, the Mohammedan, Christian or 
Jewish, was answered most cleverly by Lessing in his Nathan 
the Wise, by adapting the parable of the three rings, taken 
from Boccaccio. His conclusion is that the best religion is 
the one which induces men best to promote the welfare of 
their fellow men. 2 But the question itself is much older ; it 
was discussed at the court of the Kaliphs in Bagdad as early 
as the tenth century, where the adherents of every religion 

1 On Ishmael and Edom see Steinschneider : Polemisch. u. Apologet. Literatur, 
256-273 ; on Mohammed, eodem, 302-388. 

2 See Wuensche : "Urspr. d. Parabel v. d. drei Ringen" in Lessing-M endels- 
sohn Gedenkbuck, Leipzig, 1879; comp. Steinschneider, 1. c., 37, 317, 319; 
Hebr. Bibliogr. IV, 79; XII, 21; Dunlop-Liebrecht : Gesch. d. Prosadichtung, 
p. 221, note to 294 f. 



CHRISTIANITY AND MOHAMMEDANISM 431 

there represented expressed their opinions in all candor. For 
centuries it was the subject of philosophical and comparative 
investigations. 1 Among these, the most thorough and pro 
found is the Cuzari by the Jewish philosopher and poet, Jehuda 
ha Levi. But the parable of the three rings also has been 
traced through Jewish and Christian collections of tales 
dating back to the thirteenth century, and seems to be 
originally the work of a Jewish author. Standing between 
the two powerful faiths with their appeal to the temporal 
arm, the Jew had to resort to his wit as almost his only re 
source for escape. Two Jewish works have preserved earlier 
forms of the parable. In Ibn Verga s collection of histories of 
the fifteenth century, it is related that "Don Pedro the Elder, 
King of Aragon (1196-1213), asked Ephraim Sancho, a 
Jewish sage, which of the two religions, the Jewish or Chris 
tian, was the better one. After three days deliberation, the 
sage told the king a story of two sons who had each received 
a precious stone from their father, a jeweler, when he went 
on a journey. The sons then went to a stranger, threatening 
him with violence, unless he would decide which of the jewels 
was the more valuable. The king, believing the story to be 
a fact, protested against the action of the two sons, where 
upon the Jew explained : Esau and Jacob are the two sons 
who have each received a jewel from their heavenly Father. 
Instead of asking me which jewel is the more precious, ask 
God, the heavenly Jeweler. He knows the difference, and 
can tell the two apart." 2 

An older and probably more original form of the parable 
was discovered by Steinschneider in a work by Abraham 
Abulafia of the thirteenth century, running as follows: "A 
father intended to bequeath a precious jewel to his only son, 
but was exasperated by his ingratitude, and therefore buried 

1 See Schreiner: D.jnengst. Urteile u. d. Judenth., 3-5. 

*Shebct Yehitdah, ed. Wiener, p. 107. See Steinschneider: Heb. Bibl., 1. c. 



432 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

it. His servants, however, knowing of the treasure, took it 
and claimed to have received it from the father. In the 
course of time they became so arrogant that the son repented 
of his conduct, whereupon the father gave him the jewel 
as his rightful possession." The story ends by stating 
that Israel is the son and the Moslem and Christian the 
servants. 

Beside this witty solution of a delicate problem, some 
Mohammedans made attempts very early, doubtless on ac 
count of discussions with learned Jews, to prove the justi 
fication of the three religions from the Jewish Scriptures 
themselves. Thus they referred the verse speaking of the 
revelation of God on Sinai, Mount Seir, and Mount Paran l 
to the religious teachings of Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed. 
Naturally, the Jewish exegetes and philosophers objected 
vigorously to such an interpretation. 

6. The question which religion is the best, has been most 
satisfactorily answered for Judaism by R. Joshua ben Hanania, 
who said that "the righteous of the heathen have also a share 
in the world to come." 2 The question which religion is true, 
has been, alas, too long arbitrated by the sword, and will be 
decided peacefully only when the whole earth will be full of 
the knowledge of God. Our own age, however, has begun to 
examine the title to existence of every religion from the broad 
standpoint of history and ethnology, assigning to each its proper 
rank. In this large purview even the crude beliefs of savages 
are shown to be of value, and the various heathen religions 
are seen to have a historical task of their own. Each of them 
has to some extent awakened the dormant divine spark in 
man ; one has aided in the growth of the ideal of the beautiful 
in art, another in the rise of the ideal of the true in philosophy 
and science ; a third in the cultivation of the ideal of the 

1 Deut. XXXIII, 2; see Steinschneider : "Pol. u. Apol. Lit.," 317 f. 
* Tos. Sanh. XIII, 2 ; Sanh. 105 a ; Maimonides : H. Teshubah III, 5. 



CHRISTIANITY AND MOHAMMEDANISM 433 

good and in stimulating sympathy and love so as to ennoble 
men and nations. Thus after a careful examination of the 
historical documents of the Christian and Mohammedan 
religions, it is possible to state clearly their great historic 
mission and their achievements in the whole domain of civili 
zation. The Jewish religion, as the mother who gave birth 
to both, must deliver the verdict, how far they still contrib 
ute to the upbuilding of God s kingdom on earth. In ful 
filling their appointed mission, each has given rise to valuable 
and peculiar institutions, and each has fallen short of the 
Messianic ideal as visualized by our great prophets of old. 
Only an impartial judgment can say which one has reached 
the higher stage of civilization. 

7. Christianity s origin from Judaism is proved by its 
religious documents as well as by its very name, which is 
derived from the Greek for the title Messiah (Christos), be 
stowed on the Nazarene by his followers. Still the name 
Christianity arose in Antioch among non-Jews who scarcely 
knew its meaning. All the sources of the New Testament, 
however much they conflict in details, agree that the move 
ment of Christianity began with the appearance of John the 
Baptist, a popular Essene saint. He rallied the multitude 
at the shore of the Jordan, preparing them for the approach 
ing end of the Roman world-kingdom with the proclamation, 
11 Wash yourselves clean from your sins !" that is, "Take the 
baptismal bath of repentance, for the kingdom of heaven is 
nigh." 1 He conferred the baptismal bath of repentance upon 
Jesus of Nazareth and the first apostles. 2 Jesus took up this 
message when John was imprisoned and finally killed by 

1 Matt. Ill, 2 ; Luke III, 3 ; Josephus : Ant. XVIII, 5, 2 ; see J. E., art. 
John the Baptist. Perhaps John was identical with Hanan, "the hidden one," 
a popular saint called "father" by the people, and believed to be a descendant 
of Moses, a grandson of Onias the rainmaker, and a rain-invoking saint himself. 
See Taan. 23 b; Tanh. Waera, ed. Buber, II, 37. 

8 Matt. Ill, 33 ; Mark I, 7 ; Luke III, 21 ; John I, 29-40. 

21 



434 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

Herod Antipas on account of his preachment against him. 1 
The life of Jesus is wrapt in legends which may be reduced 
to the following historical elements : 2 The young Nazarene 
was of an altogether different temperament from that of John 
the Baptist, the stern, Elijah-like preacher in the wilderness ; 3 
he manifested as preacher and as a healer of the sick a pro 
found love for, and tender sympathy with suffering humanity, 
a trait especially fostered among the Essenes. This drew him 
toward that class of people who were shunned as unclean by 
the uncompromising leaders of the Pharisees, and also by 
the rigid brotherhoods of the Essenes, whose chief object was 
to attain the highest degree of holiness by a life of asceticism. 
His simple countrymen, the fishers and shepherds of Galilee, on 
hearing his wise and humane teachings and seeing his miracu 
lous cures, considered him a prophet and a conqueror of the 
hosts of demons, the workers of disease. In contrast to the 
learned Pharisees, he felt it to be his calling to bring the good 
tidings of salvation to the poor and outcast, to "seek the lost 
sheep of the house of Israel" and win them for God. He soon 
found himself surrounded by a multitude of followers, who, 
on a Passover pilgrimage to Jerusalem, induced him to an 
nounce himself as the expected Messiah. He attracted the 
people in Jerusalem by his vehement attacks upon the 
Sadducean hierarchy, which he threatened with the wrath of 
heaven for its abuses, and also by his denunciations of the 
self-sufficient Pharisean doctors of the law. Soon the crisis 
came when he openly declared war against the avarice of the 
priests, who owned the markets where the sacrificial fowl for 
the Temple were sold, overthrowing the tables of the money 
changers, and declaring the Temple to have become "a den 

1 Matt. IV, 12; XIV, 10. 

2 J. E., art. Christianity; Jesus; New Testament; Simon Kaifa. Among 
the Gospels, that of Luke has the oldest records, rather than Mark. See also 
Spitta : D. Synoptische Grundschrift. 

8 See J. E., art. John the Baptist. 



CHRISTIANITY AND MOHAMMEDANISM 435 

of robbers." 1 The hierarchical council delivered him to 
Pontius Pilatus, the Roman prefect, as an aspirant to the 
royal title of Messiah, which in the eyes of the Romans meant 
a revolutionary leader. The Roman soldiers crucified him 
and mocked him, calling him, "Jesus, the king of the Jews." 

The fate of crucifixion, however, did not end the career of 
Fesus, as it had that of many other claimants to the Messiah- 
>hip in those turbulent times. His personality had impressed 
itself so deeply upon his followers that they could not admit 
that he had gone from them forever. They awaited his 
resurrection and return in all the heavenly glory of the "Son 
of Man," and saw him in their ecstatic visions, attending their 
love-feasts, 3 or walking about on the lake of Nazareth while 
they were fishing from their boats, or hovering at the sum 
mit of the mountains. 4 This was but the starting point of 
that remarkable religious movement which grew first among 
the lower classes in northern Palestine and Syria, 5 then gradu 
ally throughout the entire Roman Empire, shaking the whole 
of heathendom until all its deities gave way to the God of 
Israel, the divine Father of the crucified Messiah. The 
Jewish tidings of salvation for the poor and lowly offered by 
the Nazarene became the death-knell to the proud might of 
paganism. 

8. But the ways of Providence are as inscrutable as they 
are wonderful. The poor and lowly members of the early 
Christian Churches, with their leaders, called "apostles" or 
"messengers" of the community, elected originally to carry 
out works of charity and love, 6 would never have been able 

Matt. XXI, 12, and parallels; comp. Yer. Taan. IV, 8; Tos. Menah. 
XIII, 21. 

1 Matt. XXVII, 37-42, and parallels. 

1 John XX ; the latter part of the Gospel of John belonged originally to 
Matthew. 

4 Matt. XIV, 24 f. ; XVII, i ; see Wellhausen : Comm. 

5 See J. E., art. Ebionites. 8 See J. E., art. Apostles. 



436 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

to conquer the great world, if they had persisted in the Essene 
traditions. They owed their success to the large Hellenistic 
groups who joined them at an early period and introduced 
the Greek language as their medium of expression. Hence 
forth the propaganda activity of the Alexandrian Jews was 
adopted by the young Church, which likewise took up all the 
works of wisdom and ethics written in Greek for the instruc 
tion of the proselytes and the young, scarcely known to the 
Palestinian schools. The Essene baptism for repentance was 
replaced by baptism for conversion or initiation into the new 
faith, while the neophyte to be prepared for this rite was for 
a long time instructed mainly in the doctrines of the Jewish 
faith. 1 Subsequently collections of wise sayings and moral 
teachings ascribed to the Nazarene and handed down in the 
Aramaic vernacular, orally or in writing, were translated into 
Greek. These together with the manuals for proselytes were 
the original Church teachings. The Greek language paved the 
way for the Church to enter the great pagan world, exactly as 
the Greek translation of the Bible in Alexandria brought the 
teachings of Judaism to the knowledge of the outside world. 
At first the same obstacle confronted the early Church 
which had prevented the Synagogue from becoming a world 
conqueror, namely, the rite of circumcision, which was re 
quired for full membership. Without this, baptized converts 
were only half-proselytes and could not be fully assimilated. 
This classification was still upheld by the Apostolic Conven 
tion, which met under the presidency of James the Elder. 2 
The time was ripe for a bold and radical innovation, and at 
this psychological moment arose a man of great zeal and un 
bridled energy as well as of a creative genius and a mystical 
imagination, Saul of Tarsus, known by his Roman name 

1 J. E., art. Didache and Didascalia ; Klein, 1. c. 

2 Acts XV, 5-29; comp. R. Seeberg: Das Aposteldecret; Didache u. d. 
Urchristenheit. 



CHRISTIANITY AND MOHAMMEDANISM 437 

Paulus. 1 He had been sent by the authorities at Jerusalem 
to pursue the adherents of the new sect, but when he had 
come as far as Damascus in Syria, he suddenly turned from a 
persecutor into the most ardent promoter of the nascent 
Church, impelled by a strange hallucination. Paul was a 
carpet weaver by trade, born and reared in Tarsus, a seaport 
of Asia Minor, where he seems to have had a Greek training 
and to have imbibed Gnostic or semi-pagan ideas beside his 
Biblical knowledge. In this ecstatic vision on his journey he 
beheld the figure of Jesus, "the crucified Christ," whose ad 
herents he was pursuing, yet whom he had never seen in the 
flesh, appearing as a heavenly being whom Paul identified as 
the heavenly Adam, the archetypal "godlike" man. 

Upon this strange vision he constructed a theological sys 
tem far more pagan than Jewish in type, according to which 
man was corrupt through the sin of the first couple, and the 
death of Jesus on the cross was to be the atoning sacrifice 
offered by God himself, who gave His own son as a ransom 
for the sins of humanity. This doctrine he used as a lever 
with which, at one bold stroke, he was to unhinge the Mosaic 
law and make the infant Church a world-religion. Through 
baptism in the name of the Christ, the old sin-laden Adam was 
to be cast off and the new heavenly Adam, in the image of 
Christ, put on instead. The new covenant of God s atoning 
love was to replace the old covenant of Sinai, to abolish forever 
the old covenant based upon the Jewish law, and to set man 
kind free from all law, "which begets sin and works wrath." 
In Christ, "who is the end of the law," the sinfulness of the 
flesh should be overcome and the gates of salvation be opened 
to a world redeemed from both death and sin. 2 The one 

1 J. E., art. Saul of Tarsus. 

1 Paul s opposition to the law includes the moral law, and even the Dec 
alogue. See Romans VII-VIII; X, 4; XIV; I Cor. VI, 1-3, 15; VII, 31; 
VIII; II Cor. 111,3. 



438 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

essential for salvation was to accept the mystery concerning 
the birth and death of Christ, after the manner of the heathen 
mystery-religions, and to employ as sacramental symbols of 
the mystery the rites of baptism and communion with Christ. 

9. This system of Paul, however, demanded a high price of 
its votaries. Acceptance of the belief meant the surrender 
of reason and free thinking. This breach in pure monotheism 
opened the door for the whole heathen mythology and the 
worship of the heathen deities in a new form. But the 
saddest result was the dualism of the system ; the kingdom 
of God predicted by the prophets and sages of Israel for all 
humanity was transferred to the hereafter, and this life with 
all its healthy aspirations was considered sinful and in the 
hands of Satan. The cross, originally a sign of life, 1 became 
from this time and through the Middle Ages a sign of death, 
casting a shadow of sin upon the Christian world and a 
shadow of terror upon the Jew. 

The greatest harm of all, however, was done to Judaism 
itself. Paul made a caricature of the Law, which he declared 
to be a rigid, external system, not elevating life, but only 
inciting to transgression and engendering curse. He even 
aroused a feeling of hatred toward the Law, which grew in 
intensity, until it became a source of untold cruelty for many 
centuries. This spirit permeated the Gospels more and more 
in their successive appearance, even finding its way into the 
Sermon on the Mount. In the simple form given in the 
Gospel of Luke this was a teaching of love and tenderness; 
in Matthew, Jesus is represented as offering a new dispensa 
tion to replace the revelation of Sinai. 2 Here the Mosaic 
law is presented as a system of commandments demanding 

1 See J. E., art. Cross. 

2 Luke VI, 20-49 ; comp. with Matt. V-VII; XXIII, 15-36. See Claude 
Montefiore, The Synoptic Gospels, I and II ; G. Friedlander, Jewish Sources of 
the Sermon on the Mount; Kohler : " D. Naechstenliebe im Judenth.," Judaica, 
Berlin, 1912. 



CHRISTIANITY AND MOHAMMEDANISM 439 

austere adherence to the letter with no regard to the inner 
life, whereas, on the other hand, the actual teachings of the 
Nazarene were animated by love and sympathy, emanating 
from the ethical spirit of the Law. Yet the very words of 
Jesus in this same sermon disavow every hint of antinomian- 
ism : " Verily I say unto you, till heaven and earth pass, one 
jot or one tittle shall in no wise pass from the Law till all be 
fulfilled." 1 As a matter of fact, the very teachings of love 
and inwardness which are embodied in both the Sermon on 
the Mount and the epistles of Paul were largely adopted 
from the Pharisean schools and Hasidean works as well as 
from the Alexandrian Propaganda literature and the Pros 
elyte Manuals preserved by the Church. 

In fact, part of this criticism was voiced by the Pharisees, 
as they attacked the Sadducean insistence upon the letter 
of the Law. The Pharisean spirit of progress applied new 
methods of interpretation to the Mosaic Code and especially 
to the Decalogue, deriving from them a higher conception of 
God and godliness, breaking the fetters of the letter, and 
working mainly for the holiness of the inner life and the en 
deavor to spread happiness about. 2 Taking no heed of the 
actual achievements of the Synagogue, the Paulinian Church 
rose triumphantly to power after the downfall of the Jewish 
State and impregnated the Christian world with hostility to 
Judaism and the Jew, which lasts to this very day, thus turn 
ing the gospel of love into a source of religious hatred. 

10. Nevertheless it cannot be denied that Paulinian Chris 
tianity, while growing into a world-conquering Church, achieved 
the dissemination of the Sinaitic doctrines as neither Judaism 
nor the Judaeo-Christian sect could ever have done. The 

1 Matt. V, 17-18. 

2 See J. E., and Enc. Rel. and Ethics, art. Pharisees; Lauterbach, "The 
Sad. and Phar.," in Stud, in Jew. Lit., Berlin, 1913; Herford : Pharisaism; 
Wuensche : Neue Bcitr. z. Erlduterung d. Evangclim. 



440 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

missionary zeal of the apostle to the heathen caused a fer 
mentation and dissolution in the entire neo- Jewish world, 
which will not end until all pagan elements are eliminated. 
Eventually the whole of civilization will accept, through a 
purified Christianity, the Fatherhood of God, the only Ruler 
of the world, and the brotherhood of all men as His children. 
Then, in place of an unsound overemphasis on the principle of 
love, justice will be the foundation of society ; in place of a 
pessimistic other-worldliness, the optimistic hope for a king 
dom of God on earth will constitute the spiritual and ethical 
ideal of humanity. We must not be blind to the fact that 
only her alliance with Rome, her holding in one hand the 
sword of Esau and in the other the Scriptures of the house 
of Jacob, made the Church able to train the crude heathen 
nations for a life of duty and love, for the willing subordina 
tion to a higher power, and caused them to banish vice and 
cruelty from their deep hold on social and domestic life. 
Only the powerful Church was able to develop the ancient 
Jewish institutions of charity and redeeming love into mag 
nificent systems of beneficence, which have led civilization 
forward toward ideals which it will take centuries to realize. 

Nor must we overlook the mission of the Church in the 
realm of art, a mission which Judaism could never have 
undertaken. The stern conception of a spiritual God who 
tolerated no visible representation of His being made impos 
sible the development of plastic art among the Jews. The 
semi-pagan image worship of the Christian Church, the rep 
resentation of God and the saints in pictorial form, favored 
ecclesiastical art, until it broadened in the Renaissance into 
the various arts of modern times. Similarly, the predominance 
of mysticism over reason, of the emotions over the intellect 
in the Church, gave rise to its wonderful creation of music, 
endowing the soul with new powers to soar aloft to undreamed 
of heights of emotion, to be carried along as upon Seraph s 



CHRISTIANITY AND MOHAMMEDANISM 441 

wings to realms where human language falters and grows 
faint. Beyond dispute Christianity deserves great credit for 
having among all religions opened wide the flood gates of the 
soul by cultivating the emotions through works of art and 
the development of music, thereby enriching human life in 
all directions. 

ii. Islam, the other daughter of Judaism, for its part, 
fostered the intellectual side of humanity, so contemptu 
ously neglected by the Church. The cultivation of philosophy 
and science was the historical task assigned to the Moham 
medan religion. From the sources of information we have 
about the life and revelation of Mohammed, we learn that 
the origin of the belief in Allah, the God of Abraham, goes 
back to an earlier period when Jewish tribes settled in south 
Arabia. Among these Jews were traders, goldsmiths, famous 
warriors, and knights endowed with the gift of song, who dis 
seminated Jewish legends concerning Biblical heroes. 1 Amid 
hallucinations and mighty emotional outbursts this belief in 
Allah took root in the fiery soul of Mohammed, who thus 
received sublime conceptions of the one God and His creation, 
and of the world s Judge and His future Day of Judgment. 
The sight of idolatry, cruelty, and vice among his countrymen 
filled him with boundless indignation, so that he began his 
career as a God-sent preacher of repentance, modeling his 
life after the great prophets of yore. With drastic threats of 
the last Judgment he tried to force the idolaters to return to 
Allah in true repentance. But few of his hearers believed in 
his prophetic mission, and the leading men of the city of 
Mecca, who derived a large income from the heathen sanc 
tuary there, opposed him with fierce and violent measures. 

1 See J. E., art. Mohammed ; Islam ; and the works of Muir, W. Robertson 
Smith, Hirschfeld; of Geiger, Weil, Sprenger, von Kremer, Noeldeke, Grimme, 
Dozy, and above all Goldziher, on the Koran, Mohammed and Islam ; also 
Enc. Religion and Ethics, VIII, 871-907. 



442 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

Thus he was forced to flee to the Jewish colony of Yathrib, 
afterwards called Medina, "the city" of the prophet. He 
hoped for recognition there, especially after he had made 
certain concessions, such as turning the face toward Jeru 
salem in prayer, and keeping the Day of Atonement on the 
tenth of Tishri. In addition, he emphasized the unity of 
God in the strongest possible manner, and opposed every 
encroachment upon it by the belief in additional powers or 
persons, attacking the Christians on the one hand and his 
Arabian countrymen on the other, with the sarcastic phrase : 
"Verily, God has neither a son, nor has He any daughter." 
In spite of all these facts, the Jews could not be brought to 
recognize the uneducated son of the desert as a prophet. There 
fore his proffered friendship was turned to deadly hatred and 
passionate revenge. His whole nature underwent a great 
change; his former enthusiasm and prophetic zeal were re 
placed by calculation and worldly desire, so that the preacher 
of repentance of Mecca became at the last a lover of blood 
shed, robbery and lust. Instead of Jerusalem he chose Mecca 
with its heathen traditions as the center of his religious sys 
tem and aimed chiefly to win the Arabian tribes for his divine 
revelation. 

Thus the entire Arabian nation, full of youthful energy, 
burning with the impulse of great deeds, bore the faith of the 
One God to the world by the sword. Like Israel of old, it 
stepped forth from the desert with a divine revelation con 
tained in a holy book. It conquered first the Christian lands 
of the East, which under the Trinitarian dogma had lapsed 
from pure monotheism, then the northern coast of Africa, and 
it finally unfurled the green flag of Islam over the lands of 
the West to free them from the fanatical Church. Henceforth 
war was waged for centuries between the One God of Abra 
ham and the triune God of the Church in both Spain and 
Palestine. Then might the genius of history ask: "Watch- 



CHRISTIANITY AND MOHAMMEDANISM 443 

man, what of the night? Watchman, what of the night?" 
And again the words are heard, as from on high : "The morn 
ing cometh, and also the night." The final victory is yet to 
come. vjfr 

12. Cannot be denied that the Mohammedan monotheism 
has a certain harshness and bluntness. It cannot win the 
heart by the mildness of heaven or the recognition of man s 
individuality. Islam, as the name denotes, demands blind 
submission to the will of God, and it has led to a fatalism 
which paralyzes the sense of freedom, and to a fanaticism 
which treats every other faith with contempt. Islam has 
remained a national religion, which has never attained the 
outlook upon the whole of humanity, so characteristic of the 
prophets of Israel. Its view of the hereafter is crude and 
sensuous, while its picture of the Day of Judgment bears no 
trace of the divine mercy. On the other hand, we must recog 
nize that the reverence of the Koran lent the "Men of the 
Book," the representatives of culture, greater dignity, and 
provided a mighty incentive to study and inquiry. Damas 
cus and Bagdad became under the Caliphs centers of learning, 
of philosophical study and scientific investigation, uniting 
Nestorian, Jew, and Mohammedan in the great efforts towards 
general enlightenment. The consequence was that Greek 
science and philosophy, banished by the Church, were revived 
by the Mohammedan rulers and again cultivated, so that 
Judaism also felt their fructifying power. Our modern Chris 
tian civilization, so-called by Christian historians, is largely 
the fruit of the rich intellectual seeds sown by Mohammedans 
and Jews, after the works of ancient Greeks had been trans 
lated into Syrian, Arabic, and Hebrew by a group of Syrian 
Unitarians (the Nestorians) assisted by Jewish scholars. 1 

1 See Draper, Conflict of Religion with Science; Intellectual Development 
of Europe; Lecky, History of Rationalism; Andrew D. White: Warfare be 
tween Religion and Science; Krauskopf : Jews and Moors in Spain. 



444 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

As for instance the Hohenstaufen Emperor Frederick II, the 
friend of Jewish and other liberal thinkers, was much more of 
an investigator than a believer, so did the spirit of investigation 
derived from Islam and Judaism pervade Christendom, and 
create the great intellectual movements which finail^ under 
mined its creeds and shattered its solidarity into contending 
sects. Return to the Bible and the God of the Bible, to a 
Sabbath devoted to instruction in the word of God, and to 
the recognition of human freedom and the sanctity of the 
family this was the watchword of the Reformation. Return 
to the right of free thought and free conscience, which im 
plies the pure worship of God as He lives in the heart, is 
now the watchword of those who endeavor to reform the 
Protestant Church. That is, both are moved by a desire 
to return to the principles and ideals set forth by Israel s 
prophets of old. 

13. Both the Church, Protestant and Catholic, and the 
Mosque have a Providential mission which they must fulfill 
through the ages of history, until all the heathen have learned 
to worship God as the spirit of holiness in man, instead of 
seeking Him in the blind forces of nature or of destiny. True, 
the Mohammedan religion is predisposed to sensuality and 
still awaits the process of purification to become completely 
spiritualized ; yet indications are not lacking that a process of 
reform is approaching to bring out the gold of pure mono 
theism and cast off the dross of Oriental voluptuousness and 
superstition. We must remember that during the dark night 
of medieval ignorance and barbarism Islam carried through- 
out all lands the torch of philosophy and scientific investiga 
tion and of the pure faith in God. Even to-day it accomplishes 
far more for the advancement of life in the east of Asia and 
the south of Africa than did the Russian Church with her 
gross superstition and idolatry, or even some branches of 
Protestantism, with their deification of a human being. 



CHRISTIANITY AND MOHAMMEDANISM 445 

Between Church and Mosque, hated and despised by both, 
stood and still stands the Synagogue, proudly conscious of its 
divine mission. It feels itself the banner-bearer of a truth 
which brooks no compromise, of a justice which insists on 
the rights of all men. It offers the world a religion of peace 
and love, admitting no division or discord among mankind, 
waiting for the day when the God of Sinai shall rear high His 
throne in the , hearts of all men and nations. To-day the 
Synagogue, rejuvenated by the influences of modern culture, 
looks with ever greater confidence to a speedy realization of 
its Messianic hope for all humanity. 

Hitherto Judaism was restrained by its two daughter- 
religions from pursuing its former missionary activity. It 
was forced to employ all its energy in the single effort for self- 
preservation. But. in the striking contrasts of our age, when 
the enlightened spirit of humanity struggles so bitterly with 
the forces of barbarism and brutality, we may well see the 
approaching dawn of a new era. That glorious day, we feel, 
will witness the ultimate triumph of justice and truth, and 
out of the day which is " neither day nor night" will bring 
forth the time when "the Lord shall be King over all the 
earth, the Lord shall be One and His name One." l This 
will be an auspicious time for Israel to arise with renewed 
prophetic vigor as the bearer of a world-uniting faith, as the 
triumphant Messiah of the nations. Through Israel the 
monotheistic faiths of the world may find a union so that, in 
fulfillment of the ancient prophecy, 2 its Sabbath may be a 
world-Sabbath and its Atonement Day a feast of at-one-ment 
and reconciliation for all mankind. "He that believeth shall 
not make haste." 3 

Yet just because of this universalistic Messianic hope of 
Judaism it is still imperative, as it has been throughout the 
past, that the Jewish people must continue its separateness 
1 Zech. XIV, 6-9. Isa. LXVI, 20. Isa. XXVIII, 16. 



446 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

as " a Kingdom of priests and a holy nation," and for the sake 
of its world-mission avoid intermarrying with members of 
other sects, unless they espouse the Jewish faith. 1 Israel s 
particularism, says Professor Lazarus, 2 has its universalism 
as motive and aim. 

*Ex. XIX, 6; Num. XXIII, 9; Deut. VII, 2-6; Isa. LXI, 6; 9; Maim. 
H. Issure Biah XII, i ; Sh. A. Eben ha Ezer XVI, i ; Einhorn in Jewish Times 
1876, against Sam. Hirsch; Samuel Schulman in Y. B. C. C. A. R. 1909, comp. 
D. Philipson, 1. c. Index s. v. Intermarriage; J. E., art. Intermarriage; also 
Mielziner : The Jewish Law of Marriage and Divorce, p. 45-54, where the opinions 
of L. Philippson, Geiger, Aub, Einhorn and I. M. Wise are quoted. 

2 Lazarus, 1. c., 159. 



CHAPTER LVIII 

THE SYNAGOGUE AND ITS INSTITUTIONS 

1 . Every religion, as soon as it attains any degree of self- 
consciousness, aims to present a convincing form of truth to 
the individual and to win adherents in increasing numbers. 
Nevertheless the maintenance of a religion does not rest upon 
its doctrines, which must differ according to the intellec 
tual capacity of the people and the prevailing views of each 
age. Its stability is based upon those forms and institutions 
which lend it a peculiar character, and which express, sym 
bolically or otherwise, definite ideas, religious, ethical, and 
historical. For this reason many exponents of Judaism 
would entirely discard the idea of a systematic theology, and 
insist on the observance of the ceremonial laws as the one 
essential. In following tradition in this manner, they forget 
that the forms of religious practice have undergone many 
changes in the course of time. In fact, the vitality of Judaism 
lies in its unique capacity for development. Its ever youthful 
mind has constantly created new forms to express the ideas 
of the time, or has invested old ones with new meanings. 1 

2. The greatest and, indeed, the unique creation of Judaism 
is the Synagogue, which started it on its world-mission and 
made the Torah the common property of the entire people. 
Devised in the Exile as a substitute for the Temple, it soon 
eclipsed it as a religious force and a rallying point for the 
whole people, appealing through the prayers and Scriptural 

1 See Kohler : "Origin a. Function of Ceremonies in Judaism," in Y. B. C. C. 
of Am. R., 1907. Rosenau : Jewish Ceremonies, Institutions a. Customs, 1912. 

447 



448 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

lessons to the congregation as a whole. The Synagogue was 
limited to no one locality, like the Temple, but raised its 
banner wherever Jews settled throughout the globe. It was 
thus able to spread the truths of Judaism to the remotest 
parts of the earth, and to invest the Sabbath and festivals 
with deeper meaning by utilizing them for the instruction and 
elevation of the people. What did it matter, if the Temple 
fell a prey to the flame for a second time, or if the whole sacri 
ficial cult of the priesthood with all its pomp were to cease 
forever? The soul of Judaism lived indestructibly in the 
house of prayer and learning. In the Synagogue was fanned 
the holy flame which kindled the heart with love of God 
and fellow-men; here were offered sacrifices more pleasing 
to God than the blood and fat of beasts, sacrifices of love 
and charity. 1 

3. The Synagogue has its peculiar institutions and cere 
monies, but no sacraments like those of the Church. Its 
institutions, such as the festivals, aim to preserve the his 
toric memory of the people; its ceremonies, called "signs" 
or " testimonies " in the Scripture, are to sanctify the life of 
the nation, the family, or the individual. Neither possesses 
a sacramental power, as does baptism or communion in the 
Church, in giving salvation, or imparting something of the 
nature of the Deity, or making one a member of the religious 
community. The Jew is a member of the Jewish community 
by his birth, which imposes upon him the obligations of the 
covenant which God made with Israel at Mount Sinai. Juda 
ism is a religious heritage intrusted to a nation of priests, and 
is not acquired by any rite of consecration or confession of 
faith. Such a form of consecration and confession is required 
only in the case of proselytes. 2 

1 See art. Synagogue, in various encyclopedias ; Enelow : The Synagogue in 
Modern Life; Schuerer, 1. c:, II, 429; Bousset, 1. c., 107 ff. 

2 See Chapter LVI above; J. E., art. Proselyte. 



THE SYNAGOGUE AND ITS INSTITUTIONS 449 

It is superfluous to state that Confirmation does not bestow 
the character of Jew upon the young, any more than the 
former rite of Bar Mizwah did upon the young Israelite who 
was called up to the reading from the Law in his thirteenth 
year as a form of initiation into Jewish life. 1 

4. The rite of circumcision is enjoined upon the father in 
the Mosaic Code as a "sign" of the covenant with Abraham, 
to be performed on every son on the eighth day after birth. 2 
Therefore it is held in high esteem, and the father terms the 
act in his benediction "admission into the covenant of Abra 
ham"; 8 but in spite of this it is not a sacrament and does 
not determine membership in the Jewish community. The 
operation was not to be performed by a person of sacred call 
ing such as priest or rabbi, but in ancient Biblical times was 
performed by women, 4 and in the Talmudic period by the 
surgeon. 5 In fact, if no Jewish surgeon was at hand, some 
Talmudic authorities held that a non-Jewish surgeon could 
perform it. Moreover, where hygienic reasons forced the 
omission of the rite, the man was still a Jew. 6 The rite itself 
underwent a change; it was performed with stone knives 
in Biblical times, just as in Egypt and even to-day in Arabia 
and Syria. 7 It became a mark of distinction for the people 
during the Exile. 8 But the act was invested with special 
religious sanctity during the Syrian persecution, when many 
Jewish youths "violated the covenant" in order to appear 
uncircumcised when they appeared in the arena with the 

Se* J. E., art. Bar Mizwah and Confirmation. 
2 Gen. XVII, 10-14. Singer s Prayerb., p. 305. 

Ex. IV, 25 ; see commentaries ; Ebers : Mgypten, B. M. I, 183. 

6 Josephus : Ant. XX, 2, 4 ; Shab. 130 b, 133 b, 156 a ; Men. 42 a ; Ab Z 
26 b; comp. Gen. R. XLVI, 9. e Ab> z 2? a 

7 Ex. IV, 25; Josh. V, 2; comp. Tylor: Early History of Mankind, 217- 
; J. E. and Encyc. of Rel. and Ethics, art. Circumcision; Ploss: Knabcn- 

beschncidung, p. n. 

8 Gen XVII, 10-14; comp. Deut. X, 16; Jer. IX, 25; Claude Montefiore: 
Hibbert Lectures, 229, 337. 



2G 



450 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

heathen. 1 At this time new methods were introduced to guard 
the "seal" of the covenant, 2 while pious mothers faced martyr 
dom willingly to preserve the rite of Abraham among their 
children. Later on the rabbis even declared circumcision 
to be a safeguard against the pit of Gehenna 3 and made 
Elijah the guardian of the covenant. 4 The rite may be 
traced back to primitive life, when the operation was 
usually performed at the time of puberty and as a pre 
liminary to marriage, 5 but in Jewish life it assumed a re 
ligious meaning and became endeared to the people as the 
consecration of the child as the future head of a family. 
The idea underlying the institution (as Zunz correctly calls 
it) 6 is the sanctification of the Jewish household as repre 
sented by its male members. The member of a people 
that is to be holy unto God must bear the seal of the 
covenant on his flesh ; as a potential father of another 
generation, the sign he bore had a deeper meaning for the 
future of the people. 7 The rationalistic view that the Mosaic 
law is merely hygienic, although found as early as Philo, is 
quite erroneous. 8 

5. The same rationalist view 9 is often applied to the 

l l Mace. I, 15, 48, 60; Josephus: Ant. XII, 5, i; Aboth III, n; Tos. 
Shab. XV, 9; Yer. Peah I, 16 b; Gen. R. XL VI, 9; Jubil. XV, 26 f. 

2 Yer. Shab. XIX, 6; Yeb. 71 b. 

3 Gen. R. XLVIII, 7; Tanh. Lek Leka, ed. Buber, 27; Singer s Prayerb., 
304, after Tos. Ber. VI, 12, 13; Shab. 137 b. 

4 P. d. R. El. XIX. 

B Ploss : Geschicht. u. Ethnol. ue. Knabenbeschneidung, 1844; Encyc. Rel. and 
Ethics, art. Circumcision. 

6 Zunz: Ges. Schr. II, 197; comp. Rabbin Gutachten ue. d. Beschneidung^ 
1844; Frankel: Zeitsch., 1844, p. 66-67. 

7 See J. E., art. Circumcision; Sam. Cohn: Gesch. d. Beschneidung b. d. 
Juden (Hebrew), Cracaw, 1903, for the extensive literature. 

8 Philo II, 210; Josephus: Con. Apion. II, 13; Saadia: Emunoth, III, 10; 
Maimonides : Moreh, III, 49 ; Michaelis : Mosaisches Recht, IV, 184-186. 

9 Maimonides, 1. c., Ill, 48; Samuel ben Meir to Lev. XI, 3; Michaelis, 
l.-c., IV, 202. 



THE SYNAGOGUE AND ITS INSTITUTIONS 451 

dietary laws of the Mosaic Code, but without any justifica 
tion from the Biblical point of view. These laws prohibit 
as unclean various species of animals, or such as have fallen 
dead or as the prey of wild beasts, or certain portions like blood 
and suet. 1 The Holiness Code states its reason for these 
prohibitions very emphatically: "I am the Lord your God, 
who have set you apart from the peoples. Ye shall therefore 
separate between the clean beast and the unclean, and be 
tween the unclean fowl and the clean ; and ye shall not make 
your souls detestable by beast, or by fowl, or by any thing 
wherewith the ground teemeth, which I have set apart for 
you to hold unclean. And ye shall be holy unto Me ; for I 
the Lord your God am holy, and have set you apart from the 
peoples, that ye should be Mine." 2 The Deuteronomic 
Code gives the same reason for the prohibition of the unclean 
beasts : "For thou art a holy people unto the Lord thy God." 
It seems that these prohibitions of "unclean" foods were 
intended originally for the priesthood and other holy men, 
as appears in Ezekiel and elsewhere. 3 As a matter of fact, 
the same class of animals from which the Israelites were com 
manded to abstain were also forbidden to the priests or saints of 
India, Persia, Mesopotamia, and partly of Egypt. 4 The 
natural conclusion is that the Mosaic law intended these 
rules as a practical expression of its general principle that 

Lev. XI; Deut. XIV, 3-21; Ex. XXII, 30; Lev. VII, 23; XVII, 9 f.; 
see Kalisch s : commentary to Lev. vol. II, 2-189; J- E., art. Dietary Laws. 

*Lev. XX, 24-26, which belongs to Lev. XI, 1-47; comp. Deut. XIV, 
3-21. 

3 See Ezek. XLIV, 31 ; IV, 14; Jud. XIII, 7, 14. The law in Ex. XXII, 
30, "Ye shall be holy men unto Me, therefore ye shall not eat any flesh that is 
torn of beasts in the field," seems to have been originally only for priests and 
other holy men. 

4 See Laws of Mann, V, 7; 11-20 in Sacred Books of the East, XXV, 171 f.; 
comp. II, 64; XIV, 38-48; 74; 184; Bundahish,XlV;S. B. E. V, 47; Chwol- 
son : Die Szabier, II, 7 ; 102 ; Porphyrius : De Abstinentia, IV, 7 ; Sommer, Bibl. 
Abh. 271-322; J. E., I.e., 599. 



452 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

Israel was to be "a kingdom of priests and a holy nation." 1 
In other words, Israel was to fill the usual place of the priest 
among the nations of the ancient world, a priest-people ob 
serving the priestly laws of sanctification. Whatever the 
origin of these customs may have been, whether they were 
tabu laws in connection with totemism or some other primitive 
view, the Priestly Code itself admits their lack of an Israelitish 
origin by recognizing that they were known to Noah. 2 They 
were simply adopted by the law-giver of Israel to make the 
whole people feel their priestly calling. 

In later times the dietary laws, especially abstinence from 
the flesh of swine, became a mark of distinction which sepa 
rated the Jew from his heathen surroundings ; and they be 
came a symbol of Jewish loyalty in the Syrian persecutions 
when pious Jews faced martyrdom for them as willingly as 
for the refusal to adore the Syrian idols. 3 In fact, Pharisaism 
adopted the principle of separation from the heathen in every 
matter pertaining to diet, and this spirit of separatism was 
strengthened by the scorn of the Greeks and Romans and 
afterward by the antinomian spirit of Christianity. While 
Hellenistic writers, eager to find a universal meaning in these 
laws, assigned certain physical or psychic reasons for them, 4 
the rabbis of the Talmud insisted that they were given solely 
for the moral purification of Israel. Thus they were to be 
observed as tests of Israel s submission to the divine will and 
not because of personal distaste. In their own words, "We 
must overcome all desire for the sake of our Father in heaven " ; 
and "Only to those who wrestle with temptation does the 
kingdom of God come." 5 In the course of time these pro 
hibitions were steadily extended, until they encircled the 
whole life of the Jew, forming an insurmountable wall which 
secluded him from his non-Jewish environment. Finally, 

1 Ex. XIX, 6. 2 Gen. VII, 2, 8. 3 II Mace. VI, 18; VII, 41. 

4 Aristeas, 144-170. 6 Sifra to Lev. XX, 26; Tanh. to Lev. XI, 2. 



THE SYNAGOGUE AND ITS INSTITUTIONS 453 

separation from the world came to be regarded as an end in 
itself. 1 

Now, it cannot be denied that these laws actually disci 
plined the medieval Jew, so that during centuries of wild 
dissipation he practiced sobriety and moderation; as Mai- 
monides says, 2 they served as lessons in self-mastery, in curb 
ing carnal desire, and keeping him clean in soul as well as 
body. The question remains whether they still fulfill their 
real object of consecrating Israel to its priestly mission among 
the nations. Certainly the priestly character of these 
laws is no longer understood, and the great majority of the 
Jewish people who live among the various nations have 
long discarded them. Orthodox Judaism, which follows 
tradition without inquiring into the purpose of the laws, 
is entirely consistent in maintaining the importance of 
every item of the traditional Jewish life. Reform Judaism 
has a different view, as it sees in the humanitarianism of 
the present a mode of realizing the Messianic hope of Israel. 
Therefore it cannot afford to encourage the separation of 
the Jew from his environment in any way except through 
the maintenance of his religion, and cannot encourage the 
dietary laws as a means of separatism. Its great problem 
is to find other methods to inculcate the spirit of holiness 
in the modern Jew, to render him conscious of his priestly 
mission, while he lives in unison and fellowship with all his 
fellow-citizens. 8 

6. The tendency to distinguish the Jew from his non- Jew 
ish neighbor in the course of time found expression in the 
laws for wearing phylacteries (tefillin) on his forehead and 
arm, a special sign on the doorpost of his house (mezuzzah) 

1 Shab. 17 b; Ab. Z. 36 b, 38 a, 8 a; Sanh. 104 a; P. d. R. El. XXIX. 

1 Moreh, III, 25; sec also Morris Joseph, 1. c., 180-189. 

For the orthodox view, see S. R. Hirsch: Horeb, Chap. LXVIII; M. 
Friedlander: The Jewish Religion, 237; for the reform, Einhorn: Sinai, 1859; 
Kohler: Jewish Times, 1872; Geiger: Ges. Schr. I, 253 f. 



454 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

and fringes (zizitti) on the four corners of his shawl (tallith). 1 
As a matter of fact, the original Biblical passages had no such 
meaning, but acquired it through rabbinical interpretation. 
The Mosaic law said : "And thou shalt bind them for a sign 
upon thy hand, and they shall be for frontlets between thine 
eyes. And thou shalt write them upon the doorposts of thy 
house and upon thy gates." This refers clearly to the words 
of God, admonishing the people to keep them in mind, as 
the preceding verse indicates. Likewise, the precept regard 
ing the fringes upon the four-cornered garment emphasizes 
rather the blue thread in the fringes, which is to help the people 
remember the commandments of the Lord, that they may 
not go astray, "following after the promptings of their own 
hearts and eyes." As the name phylacteries shows, these 
were originally talismans or amulets. True, the law as stated 
in Deuteronomy may be taken symbolically ; 2 but the 
corresponding passage in Exodus, which is traditionally re 
ferred to the phylacteries, indicates its origin by its close re 
lation to the Passover sacrifice. The blood of this was, no 
doubt, put originally on the arm and forehead, 3 which is 
still done by the Samaritans 4 and has striking parallels in the 
practice of the Fellahin in Palestine and Syria. 5 Originally 
the sacrificial blood was supposed to ward off evil spirits from 
men, beasts and houses or tents, and gradually this pagan 
custom was transformed into a religious precept to consecrate 
the body, life, and home of the Jew. In more ancient times the 
phylacteries were worn by pious men and women all day and 
not merely during the time of prayer, and seem to have served 

1 Deut. VI, 8-9; XI, 18-20; Num. XV, 38-39- 

2 Comp. Prov. Ill, 3 ; Samuel ben Meir to Ex. XIII, 9. 

3 Ex. XIII, 9 and commentaries. 

4 Stanley : Hist, of the Jewish Church, I, 561 ; Peterman : Reisen im Orient, 
I, 237. 

6 Curtiss : Ursemitische Religion, Chap. XX-XXI ; Kohler : Monatschrift, 
1893, p. 445, note. 



THE SYNAGOGUE AND ITS INSTITUTIONS 455 

both as a religious symbol and an amulet. This was certainly 
the case with the mezuzzah on the doorpost and probably 
with the blue thread at the corners of the tallith. 1 As both 
phylacteries and tallith came into use at the divine service in 
connection with the recital of the Shema and the chapter on 
the zizith, the symbols assumed a higher meaning. Arrayed 
in his vestments, the pious Jew offered daily allegiance to 
his Maker, feeling that he was thereby protected from evil 
within and without; similarly, the sacred sign upon the 
door both consecrated and protected his home. Even with 
this conception the talismanic character was never quite 
forgotten. Throughout the Middle Ages these ceremonies 
were observed as divine commandments ; and tradition 
having seemingly fixed them for all time, the Jew took 
great pride in the fact that he was " distinguished" in many 
ways, and especially in his forms of worship. 2 Of course, 
they distinguished him far more when these ceremonies 
were practiced for the entire day. Since the modern era has 
brought the Jew nearer to his neighbors and he has opened 
the Synagogue to invite the non-Jewish world to hear its 
teachings, these practices have lost their hold upon the 
people, becoming meaningless forms. The wearing of these 
sacred symbols while at prayer seems superfluous as a 
means of " turning men s hearts away from frivolous and 
sinful thoughts." 3 

7. The most important institution of the Synagogue, and 
the one most fraught with blessing for all mankind, is the 
Sabbath. Although its name and existence point to a Baby- 

1 Ber. 6 a, 14 b, 23 a, b ; Tos. Ber. VII, 25 ; Midr. Teh. to Ps. VI, i ; Yer. 
Peah I, 15 d; Targum Song of Songs, VIII, 3; Pes. in b; Schorr: HeHalutz, 
VII, 56-57; Baentsch: Comm. to Num. XV, 37; also Schuerer, G. V. II, 
483-486. 

1 Cant. R. Ill, ii ; Sifre Deut. 43 ; M. K. 16 b. 

3 Kohler, 1. c. : comp. Schechter : Studies, I, 249; Morris Joseph, 1. c., p. 178, 
where he quotes Maimonides H. Tefillin IV, 25. 



456 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

Ionian origin, 1 it is still the peculiar creation of the Jewish 
genius and a chief pillar of the Jewish religion. As a day of 
rest crowning the daily labor of the week, it testifies to the 
Creator of the universe who made all that is in accordance 
with His divine plan of perfection. The underlying idea 
expressed in Scripture is that the Sabbath is a divine insti 
tution. As God himself worked out His design for the world 
in absolute freedom and rested with delight at its comple 
tion, so man is to follow His example, working during six 
days of the week and then enjoying the rest of the Sabbath 
with a mind elated by higher thoughts. Moreover, the day 
of rest observed by Israel should recall his redemption from 
the slavery and continual labor of Egypt. Thereby every 
creature made in God s image, the slave and stranger as well 
as the born Israelite, is given the heavenly boon of freedom 
and recreation to hallow the labor of the week. There are 
thus two explanations given for the Sabbath, one in the 
Decalogue of Exodus, the Holiness Code and Priestly Code, 2 
the other in the Decalogue of Deuteronomy and the Book of 
the Covenant. 3 

These two views, in turn, gave rise to different conceptions 
of the Sabbath laws. Many ancient teachers laid chief stress 
on the letter of the law which bids men cease from labor. 
Others, who penetrated farther into the spirit of Deuteronomy 
and the Covenant Code, emphasized the human need for 
relaxation and refreshment of soul. The older school, espe 
cially the Sadducees, demanded absolute cessation of labor on 
pain of death for any work, however insignificant, and even 
for the moving from one place to another. They thought of 

1 See art. Sabbath in various encyclopedias and the Babel-Bibel contro 
versies; Zimmern and Schrader: K. A. T., II, 592 f. ; Jastrow : American 
Journal of Theology, 1898, p. 315-352. 

2 Ex. XX, 8-1 1 ; XVI, 23-29; XXXV, 2-3; XXXI, 13; comp. Jer. 
XVIII, 21-27; Neh. XIII, 15-18. 

"Deut. V, 12-15; Ex. XXIII, 12; XXXIV, 21; comp. Isa. LVIII, 13. 



THE SYNAGOGUE AND ITS INSTITUTIONS 457 

the Sabbath as a sign of the covenant between God and Israel, 
and hence held that it should be observed as punctiliously 
as possible. 1 In the same measure as the Pharisees, with their 
program of religious democracy and common sense, obtained 
the upper hand, the Biblical strictness of the Sabbath law was 
modified. The term labor was defined by analogy with the 
work done for the tabernacle, and so restricted as to make the 
death penalty much more limited. 2 Moreover, the Pharisees 
held that the Sabbath was made for man, not man for the 
Sabbath ; 3 so, although they adhered strictly to the prohibi 
tion of labor, the Sabbath received at their hands more of the 
other element, and became a day for the elevation of the 
soul, "a day of delight" for the spirit. 4 The whole man, 
body and soul alike, should enjoy God s gifts more fully on 
this day; he should cast off care and sanctify the day by 
praise offered to God at the family table. At a very early 
period in Israel the Sabbath was distinguished by the words of 
instruction and comfort offered by the prophets to the people 
who consulted them on the day of rest. 5 During the Exile 
and afterward the people assembled on the Sabbath to hear 
the word of God read from the Torah and the prophets and 
to join in prayer and song, which soon became a permanent 
institution. 8 Thus the Sabbath elevated and educated the 
Jewish people, and afterward transferred its blessings also 
to the Christian and Mohammedan world. Especially during 
the Middle Ages the Sabbath became an oasis, a refreshing 
spring of water for the Jew. All through the week he was a 

See Jubilees II, 23-30; L, 6; Geiger, Zeitsch., 1868, 116; Nachgel. 
Schr., Ill, 286 f.; V, 142 f. ; Schechter : Document of a Jewish Sect, I; XXV; 
XLVIII-L; Halevi: The Commandments of the Sabbath for the Falashas, 
1902 ; Harkavy L. K., II, 69 f., for the Karaites. 

2 Shab. VII, 2, 70 a; Mek. Wayakhel. 

3 Mek. Ki Thisla i, comp. Mark II, 2 f. 

Isa. LVIII; Shab. 118 a, b; Mek. Yithro VII; Pes, R. XXIII, p. 121. 
II Kings IV, 23. Philo II, 137, 166, 281, 631. 



458 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

Pariah in the outside world, but the Sabbath brought him 
bliss in his home and spiritual power in his Synagogue and 
school. Cheerfully he bore the yoke of statutes and ordi 
nances that grew ever heavier under the rabbinical amplifica 
tion; for he hailed the Sabbath as the " queen" that raised 
him from a hated wanderer to a prince in his own domain. 1 

Modern life has worked great changes in the Jewish observ 
ance of the Sabbath. Caught up in the whirl of commercial 
and industrial competition, the Jew, like Ixion in the fable, 
is bound to his wheel of business, and enjoys neither rest for 
his body nor elevation for his soul on God s holy day. True, 
the Synagogue still preserves the sanctity of the ancient 
Sabbath, however small may be the attendance at the divine 
service, and in many pious homes the family still rallies around 
the festive table, lighted by the Sabbath lamp and decorated 
by the symbolic cup of wine. But for the majority of Western 
Jews the Sabbath has lost its pristine sanctity and splendor, 
to the great detriment of Jewish religious life. Therefore 
many now ask: "Is it sufficient to have a vicarious observ 
ance of the historical Sabbath, the sign between God and 
Israel, by an hour or two in the Synagogue, but without rest 
for the entire day? Or shall the civic day of rest, though 
Christian in origin and character, take the place of the Jewish 
Sabbath with its sacred traditions, so that possibly at last 
it may become the Sabbath day predicted by the seer upon 
which l all flesh shall come to worship before the Lord ? " 2 In 
the halcyon days of the reform movement in Germany this 
view was often expressed when the radical reformers cele 
brated the civic day of rest as the Jewish Sabbath, not in 
the spirit of dissension, but for the sake of giving Judaism a 
larger scope and a wider outlook. In America, too, the idea 

1 See Schechter: Studies, I, 249 f. ; Morris Joseph, 1. c., 202-214. 

2 See David Philipson: Reform Movement in Judaism, 275-302, 503-508; 
E. G. Hirsch in J. E., art. Sabbath; Sabbath and Sunday. 



THE SYNAGOGUE AND ITS INSTITUTIONS 459 

of transferring the Sabbath to Sunday was broached by some 
leading Reform rabbis and met with hearty support on the 
part of their congregations. Since then a more conservative 
view has taken hold of most of the liberal elements of Jewry 
also in America. While divine service on Sundays has been 
introduced with decided success in many cities and eminent 
preachers bring the message of Judaism home to thousands 
that would otherwise remain strangers to the house of God 
and to the influence of religion, the conviction has become 
well established that the continuity with our great past must 
be upheld, and the general feeling is that the historical Sab 
bath should under no condition be entirely given up. It is 
inseparably connected with the election of Israel as a priest- 
people, while the Christian " Lord s Day" represents views 
and tendencies opposed to those of Judaism, whether con 
sidered in its original meaning or in that given it by the 
Church. 1 The Jew may properly use the civic day of rest 
in common with his Christian fellow-citizen for religious 
devotion and instruction for young and old ; it will supple 
ment his neglected Sabbath service, until conditions have 
changed. Perhaps the Jew in Mohammedan countries may 
even at some time observe Friday as is done by the Mosque, 
and accordingly consecrate this day in common with his fellow- 
citizens. Still, between the Sabbath observed by the Church 
and the one of the Mosque stands the Jewish Sabbath in 
solemn grandeur and patriarchal dignity, waiting with Israel, 
its keeper and ally, for the day when all humanity will worship 
the one holy God of Abraham, and when our ancient Sabbath 
may truly become the Sabbath of the world. 

8. In all lands time was originally regulated by the move 
ments of the moon, which are within the observation of all 
The alternation of its increase and decrease divided the month 
into two parts, which were then subdivided into four. There- 
1 See Schaff-Herzog Encyc., art. Sunday. 



460 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

fore the original month among both the Babylonians and the 
Hebrews consisted of four weeks of seven days each, the last 
day of each week being the Sabbath, the "day of standstill," 
and two days of the new moon. 1 Both the new moon and full 
moon were special days of celebration, 2 and later two other 
Sabbath days were added between them to correspond to the 
four phases of the moon. Still later the week was detached 
altogether from the moon and made a fixed period of seven 
days, solemnly ended by the Sabbath. Thus Judaism raised 
the Sabbath above all dependence on nature and into the realm 
of holiness. The Jewish Sabbath became the witness to God, 
the Creator ruling above nature in absolute freedom. 3 

Still the ancient festival of the new moon was preserved as 
an observance in the Temple, and it afterward survived only 
in the liturgy of the Synagogue. While ancient Israel had 
observed the New Moon as a day of rest even more sacred 
than the Sabbath, 4 the Priestly Code placed it among the fes 
tivals only as a day of sacrifice, but as neither a day of rest 
nor of popular celebration. 5 Beside the recital of the Hallel 
Psalms and the Mussaf ("additional") prayer in the Syna 
gogue no religious significance was attached to it in the daily 
life of the people. Still the fact that the Jewish calendar was 
regulated by the moon, while that of other nations depended 
on the solar year, led the rabbis to compare the unique his 
tory of Israel to the course of the moon. As the moon changes 
continually, waxing and waning but ever renewing itself after 
each decline, so Israel renews itself after every fall ; while the 
proud nations of the world, which count their year by the 
course of the sun, rise and set, as it does, with no hope of re- 

1 See I Sam. XX, 5-27, where the two new-moon days are spoken of as 
approaching, proving the use of the Babylonian month of four weeks of seven 
days each, and two new-moon days. 

2 II Kings IV, 23 ; Prov. VII, 20; comp. Ps. LXXXI, 4, Kese. 

8 Ex. XX, ii ; Gen. II, 2-3. 

4 II Kings IV, 23 ; Isa. I, 13 ; LXVI, 23. 6 Num. XXVIII, n f. 



THE SYNAGOGUE AND ITS INSTITUTIONS 461 

newal. 1 At the same time, assurance was found in the pro 
phetic words that "the light of the moon shall be as the light 
of the sun and the light of the sun shall be sevenfold as the 
light of the seven days" and "thy (Israel s) sun shall no more 
go down, neither shall thy moon withdraw itself, for the Lord 
shall be thine everlasting light. 1 2 

9. The various Jewish festivals, like the Sabbath, were 
detached from their original relation to nature and turned 
into historical memorials, eloquent testimonies to the great 
works of God and of Israel s power of rejuvenation. The 
Passover was originally the spring festival of the shepherds 
when they hallowed the thresholds, 3 but was later identified 
with the agricultural Feast of Unleavened Bread in Palestine, 
and at an early period was further transformed into a festival 
of redemption. The former rites of consecration of tent 
and herd were taken as symbols of the wondrous deliverance 
of the Hebrews from the Egyptian yoke. The sacrifice of 
the "passing over the threshold," with the sprinkling of the 
blood on the doorposts and lintels of each house, observed 
each spring exactly as is still done among the semi-pagan 
inhabitants of Syria and Arabia, was reinterpreted. Accord 
ing to the Mosaic code it indicated the wondrous passing of 
the angel of death over the thresholds of the Israelites in 
Egypt, while he entered the homes of the Egyptians to slay 
the first-born and avenge the wrongs of Israel. 4 Likewise 
the cakes of bread without leaven (the Mazzoth] baked for 

1 Mek. Bo I; Pes. R. XV; P. d. R. El. LI; Sanh. 42 a; Singer s Praycrb., 
292. 

Isa. XXX, 26; LX, 20. 

3 Ex. XII, 11-27; Deut. XVI, i; see the commentaries, also Clay Trum- 
bull : The Threshold Covenant; Curtiss, 1. c. 

4 In Deut. the Passover sacrifice was the first-born of the flock, see Deut. 
XVI, 2, comp. with Ex. XIII, 2-16, and the celebration took place on the 
night of the new moon. The Priestly Code observed it on the full moon, with 
a lamb instead of the first-born sheep or cattle. Ex. XII, 3 f. ; Lev. XXIII, 5 
(the Holiness Code) ; Josh. V, 10. 



462 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

the festival were taken as reminders of the hasty exodus 
of the fathers from the land of oppression. Thus the spring 
festival became a memorial of the springtime of liberty for 
the nation and at the same time a consecration of the Jewish 
home to the covenant God of Israel. God was to enter the 
Jewish home as He did in Egypt, as the Redeemer and Pro 
tector of Israel. Young and old listened with perennial inter 
est to the story of the deliverance, offering praise for the 
wonders of the past and voicing their confidence in the future 
redemption from oppression and woe. 

However burdensome the Passover minutiae, especially in 
regard to the prohibition of leaven, became to the Jewish house 
hold, the predominant feature was always an exuberance of 
joy. In the darkest days of medievalism the synagogue and 
home resounded with song and thanksgiving, and the young 
imbibed the joy and comfort of their elders through the beau 
tiful symbols of the feast and the richly adorned tale of 
the deliverance (the Haggadati) . The Passover feast with its 
" night of divine watching" endowed the Jew ever anew with 
endurance during the dark night of medieval tyranny, and 
with faith in "the Keeper of Israel who slumbereth not nor 
sleepeth." 1 Moreover, as the springtide of nature fills each 
creature with joy and hope, so Israel s feast of redemption 
promises the great day of liberty to those who still chafe under 
the yoke of oppression. The modern Jew is beginning to see 
in the reawakening of his religious and social life in western 
lands the token of the future liberation of all mankind. 2 The 
Passover feast brings him the clear and hopeful message of 
freedom for humanity from all bondage of body and of spirit. 

10. The Feast of Weeks or Festival of the First Fruits 
in Biblical times was merely a farmer s holiday at the end of 

1 About the watch-night, see Jubilees XL VIII, 5 ; Pesah. 109 b. 

2 See Einhorn s Prayerbook, 485 ; Holdheim : Predigten, 1853, II, 189, 
referring to Jer. XXIII, 7-8; Tos. Ber. I, 12; Ber. 12 b. 



THE SYNAGOGUE AND ITS INSTITUTIONS 463 

the seven weeks of harvest. At the beginning of the harvest 
parched grains of barley were offered, while at its end two 
loaves of the new wheat flour were brought as a thank-offer 
ing for the new crop. 1 Rabbinical Judaism, however, trans 
formed it into a historical feast by making it the memorial 
day of the giving of the Ten Words on Mount Sinai. It was 
thus given a universal significance, as the Midrash has it, 
turning the Feast of the First Fruits into a festival com 
memorating the ripening of the first fruits of the spiritual 
harvest for the people of the covenant." 2 Henceforth the Ten 
Words were to be solemnly read to the congregation on that 
day, and the pledge of loyalty made by the fathers thereby 
renewed each year by Israel s faithful sons. The leaders of 
Reform Judaism surrounded the day with new charm by the 
introduction of the confirmation ceremony, 3 thus rendering 
it a feast of consecration of the Jewish youth to the ancient 
covenant, of yearly renewal of loyalty by the rising genera 
tion to the ancestral faith. 

n. The main festival in Biblical times was the Feast of 
Sukkoth, or Tabernacles, the great harvest festival of autumn, 
when the people flocked to the central sanctuary in solemn 
procession, carrying palms and other plants. Hence this 
was called the Hag or Pilgrimage Feast. 4 In the post-exilic 
Priestly Code this festival also was made historical, and the 
name Feast of Sukkoth (which denoted originally Feast of 
Pilgrimage Tents) was connected with the exodus from Egypt, 
when the town of Sukkoth (possibly named from the tents of 
their encampment) was made the rallying point of the fugi 
tive Hebrews at their departure from Egypt. The com 
mentators no longer understood this connection, and traced 

1 Ex. XXIII, 16; XXXIV, 22; Deut. XVI, 9; Lev. XXIII, 10-17. 

1 Ex. R. XXXI, 17, with reference to Ex. XIX, i ; Jubilees VI, 17-21. 

3 See J. E., art. Confirmation. 

4 Deut. XVI, 13; Lev. XXIII, 34-43; comp. I Kings VIII, 65; Ezek. 
XLV, 23 ; R. h. Sh. I, 2. 



464 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

the name to the tents erected by the people in their wander 
ings through the wilderness. 1 It seems that from very ancient 
times popular rites were performed at this feast, which took a 
specially solemn form in the holding of a procession from the 
pool of Shiloah at the foot of the Temple mount to the altar 
in the Temple, to offer there a libation of water, which was a 
sort of symbolic prayer for rain for the opening year. Ob 
viously, it is this feast which is referred to in the last chapter 
of Zechariah, while this outburst of popular joy found a deep 
response among the pious leaders of the people and is echoed 
in the liturgy of the medieval Synagogue. 2 The Halakic 
rules concerning the tabernacle and the four plans for it 
tended to obscure the real significance of the festival ; 3 yet 
in the synagogue and the home it retained its original char 
acter as a "season of gladness. " The joyous gratitude to 
God for His protection of Israel during the forty years of 
wanderings through the wilderness expanded into thanksgiving 
for His guidance throughout the forty centuries of Israel s 
pilgrimage through all lands and ages. This joy culminated 
on the last day in the Feast of Rejoicing in the Law, when 
the annual cycle of readings from the Pentateuch was com 
pleted in the Synagogue amid overflowing pride in the posses 
sion of God s law by Israel. 4 The rabbis gave Sukkoth a uni 
versal significance by taking the seventy bullocks prescribed 
for the seven days as offerings for the salvation of the seventy 
nations of the world, while the one bullock offered on the last day 
suggested the uniqueness of Israel as God s peculiar people. 5 

1 See Ex. XII, 37; XIII, 20; Num. XXXIII, 5, and comp. Mek. Bo 14; 
Sifra Emor XVII. 

2 Zech. XIV, 16-19; comp. Is. XII, 3; Suk. V, 1-4; Tos. Suk. IV, 1-9; 
Piyut to the Sukkoth festival. 

3 Suk. I-IV; Talmud and Codes. 

IbnYarchi: Manhig,H. Suk. 53-60; T. O. Ch. DCLXIX; J. E., art. 
Simhath Torah. 

6 Pesik. 193 b; Suk. 55 b; Philo : De Victimis, I, 2, II, 238-239. 



THE SYNAGOGUE AND ITS INSTITUTIONS 465 

12. The highest point of religious devotion in the syna 
gogue is reached on the New Year s day and the Day of Atone 
ment preceding the Feast of Sukkoth. These are first men 
tioned in the Priestly Code and were undoubtedly instituted 
after the time of Ezra ; l they were then brought into closer 
connection by the Pharisees and permeated with lofty ideas 
which struck the deepest chords of the human heart and 
voiced the sublimest truths of religion for all time to come. 

The New Year s Day on the first of Tishri appears in the 
Mosaic Code simply as the memorial "Day of the Blowing of 
the Trumpet," because of the increased number of trumpet 
blasts to usher in the seventh or Sabbatical month with its 
great pilgrim feast. Under Babylonian influence, however, 
it received a new name and meaning. The Babylonian New 
Year was looked upon as a heavenly day of destiny when the 
fates of all beings on earth and in heaven were foretold for 
the whole year from the tables of destiny. The leaders of 
Jewish thought also adopted the first day of the holy month 
of Tishri as a day of divine judgment, when God allots to each 
man his destiny for the year according to his record of good 
and evil deeds in the book of life. 2 Accordingly, the stirring 
notes of the Shofar were to strike the hearts of the people 
with fear, that they might repent of their sins and improve 
their ways during the new year. As fixed by tradition, the 
liturgy contained three blasts of the Shofar to proclaim 
three great ideas of Judaism: 3 the recognition of God as 
King of the world ; as Judge, remembering the actions and 
thoughts of men and nations for their reward and punishment ; 
and as the Ruler of history, who revealed Himself to Israel 
in the trumpet-blasts of Sinai and will gather all men and 

1 Lev. XXIII, 24-32; comp. Neh. VIII, 1-18. 
1 J. E., art. New Year s Day; Life, Book of. 

R. h. Sh. IV, 6-7 ; Tos. R. h. Sh. IV, 4-9 ; R. h. Sh. 27 a ; Singer s Prayerb., 
247-254, and Abrahams Ann. CXCV, inf.; and Union Prayer Book, II, 70-75. 

2H 



4 66 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

nations by the trumpet-blasts of the Judgment Day at the 
end of time. 

The main purpose of the New Year was to render it a day 
of renewal of the heart, so that man might put himself in har 
mony with the great Judge on high and receive life anew from 
His hand, while he fills his spirit with new and better resolves 
for the future. Judaism does not place the day of judgment 
after death, when repentance is beyond reach and the sinner 
can only await damnation, as is done by Christianity after 
the apocalyptic views adopted from the Par sees. The Jew 
ish judgment day occurs at the beginning of every year, a 
day of self-examination and improvement of men before God. 
On this day in the orthodox Synagogue on the second day 
of the New Year the chapter is read from the Torah de 
scribing Abraham s great act of faith on Mount Moriah, the 
heroic pattern of Jewish martyrdom, and stirring prayers, 
litanies, and songs prepare the worshiper for the " great 
day" of the year, the Day of Atonement, which is to come 
on the tenth day of Tishri, the last of the ten Days of 
Repentance. 

13. The Day of Atonement figures in the Mosaic Code as 
the day when the high priest in the Temple performed the 
important function of expiation for the sanctuary, the priest 
hood, and the people. The mass of the people were to observe 
the day from evening to evening as a Sabbath and a fast day 
to obtain pardon for their sins before God. 1 A very primitive 
rite which survived for this day was the selection of two goats, 
one of which was to be sent to Azazel, the demon of the wil 
derness, to bear away the sins of the people, while the other 
was to be offered to the Lord as a sacrifice. We learn from 
the Mishnaic sources that the sending forth of the scapegoat 
was accompanied by strange practices betraying intense popu 
lar interest, and its arrival at the bottom of the wild ravine, 
1 Lev. XVI, 2-34 ; comp. Ezek. XLV, 18-20. 



THE SYNAGOGUE AND ITS INSTITUTIONS 467 

where Azazel was supposed to dwell, was announced by signals 
from station to station, until they reached the Temple mount, 
and the news of it was then received with wild bursts of 
joy by the people. The young men and maidens assembled 
on the heights of Jerusalem, like the men at the pilgrimage 
feast at Shiloh, and held, as it were, nuptial dances. 1 The day 
was one of communion with God for the high-priest alone; 
he confessed his sins and those of the people and implored 
forgiveness, and it was actually believed that he beheld the 
Majesty of God on that day when he entered the Holy of 
Holies with the incense shrouding his face. 2 

In contrast to this priestly monopoly of service with its 
external and archaic forms of expiation, the founders of the 
Synagogue invested the Day of Atonement with a higher 
meaning in accord with the spirit of the prophets of old, the 
doctrine of God s mercy and paternal love. Atonement could 
no longer be obtained by the priest with the sacrificial blood, 
the incense, or the scapegoat; it must come through the 
repentance of the sinner, leading him back from the path of 
error to the way of God. As the high-priest in the Temple, 
so now every son of Israel was to spend the day in the house 
of prayer, confessing his sins before God with a contrite heart, 
awaiting with awe the realization of God s promise to Moses : 
"I have pardoned according to thy word." 3 Indeed, a for 
ward step in the history of religion is represented in the inter 
pretation of the verse : " For on this day he that is, the high- 
priest shall make atonement for you to cleanse you," 
which was now understood to refer to God : "He shall make 
atonement for you through this day." 4 Therefore R. Akiba 

1 YomaVI; Kalish s commentary to Lev. XVI ; Taan. IV, 8; comp. Jud. 
XXI, 21 ; see Morgenstern in Journal Oriental Soc., 1917, and J. Q. R. 1917, 
p. 94. 

J Yoma FV-VI; comp. Lev. R. XXI, n ; V, i. 

Num. XIV, 20; XV, 26. 

4 Lev. XVI, 30; Sifra Ahare VI; Yoma 30 b; Yer. Yoma V, 42 c. 



468 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

could exclaim proudly, as he thought of the Paulinian doc 
trine of vicarious atonement: " Happy are ye Israelites! 
Before whom do you cleanse yourselves from sin, and who 
cleanses you? Your Father in heaven!" 1 No mediator 
was needed between man and his heavenly Father from the 
moment that each individual learned to approach God in true 
humility on the Day of Atonement, imploring His pardon 
for sin and promising to amend his ways. With profound 
intuition the rabbis attributed God s pardon to the petition 
of Moses, saying that He revealed Himself in His attribute 
of mercy on the very tenth of Tishri, foreshadowing for all 
time the divine forgiveness of sin on the Day of Atonement. 2 
As the Mishnah expressly states, even the Day of Atone 
ment cannot bring forgiveness so long as injustice cleaves 
to one s hand or evil speech to the lips and no attempt is 
made to repair the injury and appease one s fellow-man. 3 
Where justice is lacking, divine love cannot exert its saving 
power. God s mercy and long-suffering cannot remove sin, 
unless the root of evil is removed from the heart and every 
wrong redressed in sincere repentance. The spirit of God 
is invoked on these great days at the year s commencement 
only that the penitent soul may thus receive strength to 
improve its ways, that good conduct in the future may 
atone for the errors of the past. Surely no religion in the 
world can equal the sublime teachings of the New Year s day 
and the Day of Atonement, first filling the heart of mortal 
man with awe before the Judge of the world and then cheering 
it with the assurance of God s paternal love being ever ready 
to extend mercy to His repentant children. While the other 
festivals of the year are specifically Jewish in historic associa- 

1 Yoma VIII, 9. 

2 P. d. R. El. XLVI; Taan. 30 b; B. B. 121 a; S. Olam R. VI; T. d. El. 
Zutta IV; Ex. R. LI, 4. Jubilees XXXIV, 18-19 connects the Day of Atone 
ment with the repentance of Joseph s brethren. 

3 Yoma, 1. c. 



THE SYNAGOGUE AND ITS INSTITUTIONS 469 

tions and meaning, these two days on the threshold of each 
new year are universally human, and the chief prayers for 
this day are of a universal character, appealing to every human 
heart. Indeed, it is characteristic that both the concluding 
service for the day, the Neilah, and the Scriptural reading 
of the Minhah Service, selected from the book of Jonah, tell 
that God s all-forgiving mercy extends to the non-Jewish 
world as well as to the Jew. 1 

14- Altogether, the Synagogue gave to the annual cycle 
of the Jewish life a beautiful rhythm in its alternation of joy 
and sorrow, lending a higher solemnity to general experience. 
All the festivals mentioned above were preceded by a series 
of Sabbaths to prepare the congregation for the coming of 
the sad or the joyful season with its historical reminiscences. 
So the memorial day of the destruction of Jerusalem, the 
ninth of Ab, had three weeks previously to herald in a day 
commemorating the siege of Jerusalem, the seventeenth of 
Tammuz; but it had also seven Sabbath days to follow, 
which afforded words of consolation and hope of a more glori 
ous future for the mourning nation. 2 Of course, the brighter 
days of the present era have greatly modified the lugubrious 
character of these eventful days of the past, even in those 
circles where the hope for the restoration of the Jewish nation 
and Temple is still expressed in prayer. At the same time, 
the commemoration of the destruction of State and Temple, 
the great turning-point in the history of the Jew, ought to 
be given a prominent place in the Reform Synagogue as 
well, though celebrated in the spirit of progressive Judaism. 

The feast of Hanukkah with its lights and song, jubilant 
with the Maccabean victory in the battle for Israel s faith, 
still resounds in the Jewish home and the house of God with 

1 Comp. above, Chapter XXXIX. 

Josephus J. W. VI, 4, 55 Meg. Taan. V; Taan. IV, 4; Taan. 12 a, 29 ah. 
J. E., art. Ab, Ninth of; see also Pes. R. XXVI-XXXIII ; Pesik. no b-i 4 8 a. 



470 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

the prophetic watchword : "Not by might, nor by power, but 
by My spirit, saith the Lord of Hosts." 1 

The mirthful feast of Purim, with its half-serious, half- 
jovial use of the scroll of Esther and its popular rejoicing, 
assumed in the course of time a more earnest character, 
because the plot of Haman and the rescue of the Jews 
became typical in Jewish history. Therefore the story of 
Amalek, the arch-foe of Israel, is read in the Synagogue on 
the preceding Sabbath as a reminder of the constant battle 
which Israel must wage for its supreme religious task. 2 

15. Through the entire history of Judaism since the Exile, 
the Synagogue brought its religious truth home to the people 
each Sabbath and holy day through the reading and ex 
pounding of the Torah and the prophets. These words of 
consolation and admonition struck a deep chord in the hearts 
of the people, so that learning was the coveted prize of all 
and ignorance of the law became a mark of inferiority. Beside 
these stated occasions, all times of joy or sadness such as 
weddings and funerals were given some attention in the Syna 
gogue, as linking the individual to the communal life, and 
linking his personal joy and sorrow with the past sadness and 
future glory of Jerusalem, as if they but mirrored the greater 
events of the people. Thus the whole life was to be placed 
in the service of the social body, and could not be torn asunder 
or divided into things holy and things profane. Religion 
must send forth its rays like the sun, illumining and warming 
all of man s deeds and thoughts. 

1 6. The weakness of the Synagogue was its Orientalism. 
Amid all the changes of time and environment, it remained 
separated from the surrounding world to such an extent that 
it could no longer exert an influence to win outsiders for its 
great truths. Until recently the Hebrew language was re- 

iZech. IV, 6; J. E., art. Hanukka; Maccabees. 

2 Meg. IV, 5; 18 a, 21 b; J. E., art. Purim; Esther; Sifre to Deut. 296. 



THE SYNAGOGUE AND ITS INSTITUTIONS 471 

tained for the entire liturgy, although it had become unin 
telligible to the majority of the Jews in western lands, and 
even though the rabbis had declared in Talmudic times that 
the verse: "Hear O Israel, the Lord is our God, the Lord 
is One" indicates that the words should be spoken in a lan 
guage which can be heard and understood by the people. 1 
The Torah likewise was, and in the ancient Synagogue is still 
read exclusively in the Hebrew original, in spite of the fact 
that the original reading under Ezra was accompanied by 
a translation and interpretation in the Aramaic vernacular. 
Thus only could the Torah become "the heritage of the whole 
congregation of Jacob," which fact gave rise to both the 
Aramaic and Greek translations of the Bible which carried 
the truths of Judaism to the wider circle of the world. These 
plain facts were ignored through the centuries to the detri 
ment of the Jewish faith, and this neglect, in turn, engendered 
a false conception of Judaism, making it seem ever more 
exclusive and narrow. Instead of becoming "our wisdom 
and understanding before all the nations," 2 knowledge of 
the Torah dwindled to a possession of the few, while the 
ceremonial laws, observed by the many, were performed 
without any understanding of their origin or purpose. But 
in the last century under the banner of Reform Judaism many 
of these points were altered. The vernacular was introduced 
into the Synagogue, so that the modern Jew might pray in the 
same tongue in which he feels and thinks, thus turning the 
prayers from mechanical recitations into true offerings of the 
soul, and bringing the Scriptural readings nearer to the con 
sciousness of the congregation. Likewise the reintroduction 
of the sermon in the vernacular as part of the divine service 
for Sabbath and holy days became the vehicle to awaken 
religious sentiments in the hearts of the people, and thereby 
to revive the spirit of the ancient prophets and Haggadists. 8 
1 Ber. 13 a. * Deut. IV, 6. See Zunz : GottesdiensUichc Vortraege. 



472 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

17. This Orientalism is especially marked in the attitude of 
the older Synagogue to women. True enough, woman was 
honored as the mistress of the home. She kindled the Sab 
bath light, provided for the joy and comfort of domestic life, 
especially on the holy days, observed strictly the laws of diet 
and purity, and awakened the spirit of piety in her children. 
Still she was excluded from the regular divine service in the 
Synagogue. She did not count as a member of the religious 
community, which consisted exclusively of men. She had 
to sit in the gallery behind a trellis during the service and could 
not even join the men in saying grace at table. A few rare 
women were privileged to study Hebrew, such as the daughter 
of Rashi, but as a rule woman s education was neglected as 
if "she had no claim on any other wisdom than the distaff." 1 
More and more Judaism lost sight of its noble types of women 
in antiquity; it forgot the Biblical heroines such as Miriam 
and Deborah, Hannah and Hulda, and Talmudic ones such 
as Beruria the wife of Rabbi Meir. Such women as these 
might have repeated the words: "Hath the Lord indeed 
spoken only through Moses? Hath He not also spoken 
through us?" 2 Aside from the sphere of religion, in which 
woman always manifests a splendid wealth of sentiment, she 
was held in subjection by Oriental laws in both marital and 
social relations, 3 and her natural vocation as religious teacher of 
the children in the home failed to receive full recognition also. 

The first attempt to liberate the Jewish woman from the 
yoke of Orientalism was made in the eleventh century by 
Rabbi Gershon ben Jehudah of Mayence, at that time the 
leading rabbi of Germany. Under the influence of Occidental 
ideas he secured equal rights for men and women in marriage. 4 
But only in our own time were full rights accorded her in the 

1 Yoma 66 b ; comp. R. Eliezer s other dictum, Sota III, 4. 

2 Num. XII, 2. 3 See Geiger s Zeitschr., 1836, i f., 354 J 1839, 333 f- 
4 Graetz, H. J. Ill, 244 f. ; L. Loew : Ges. Sch. Ill, 57. 



THE SYNAGOGUE AND ITS INSTITUTIONS 473 

Synagogue, owing to the reform movement in Germany and 
Austria. As a matter of fact, the confirmation of children 
of both sexes, which was gradually introduced in many con 
servative congregations also, was the virtual recognition of 
woman as the equal of man in Synagogue and school. 1 Fi 
nally, upon the initiative of Isaac M. Wise, then Rabbi in Al 
bany, N. Y., family pews were introduced in the American 
Synagogue and woman was seated beside her husband, son, 
father, and brother as their equal. With her greater emotional 
powers she is able to lend a new solemnity and dignity to the 
religious and educational efforts of the Synagogue, wherever 
she is admitted as a full participant in the service. 

1 8. Another shortcoming of the Synagogue and of Rabbinical 
Judaism in general was its formalism. Too much stress was 
laid upon the perfunctory " discharge of duty," the outward 
performance of the letter of the law, and not enough upon 
the spiritual basis of the Jewish religion. The form obscured 
the spirit, even though it never quite succeeded in throttling 
it. This formalism of the ignorant, but observant multitude 
was censured as early as the eleventh century by Bahya ben 
Joseph ibn Pakudah in his "Duties of the Heart," a philo 
sophical work in which he emphatically urges the need of in 
wardness for the Jewish faith. 2 Later the mystics of Germany 
and Palestine, while strong supporters of the law, opposed 
the one-sidedness of legalism and intellectualism, and endeav 
ored to instill elements of deeper devotion into the Jewish 
soul through the introduction of their secret lore, Cabbalah, 
or "esoteric tradition." 3 Their offering, however, was 
anything but beneficial to the soul of Judaism. A mysticism 
which attempts to fathom the unfathomable depth of the 
divine accords but ill with the teaching of Judaism, which 
says : "The secret things belong unto the Lord our God, but 

1 See Landsberg in J. E., art. Confirmation; L. Loew: Lebensalter, 17. 
1 See his Introduction. Comp. Schechter : Studies, II, 148 f ., 202 f. 



474 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

the things that are revealed belong unto us and to our children 
forever, that we may do all the words of this law." 1 The 
Cabbalah was but the reaction to the excessive rationalism 
of the Spanish- Arabic period. As the ultimate source of 
religion is not reason but the heart, so the cultivation of the 
intellect at the expense of the emotions can be only harmful 
to the faith. The legalism and casuistry of the Talmud and 
the Codes appealed too much to the intellect, disregarding 
the deeper emotional sources of religion and morality; on 
the other hand, the mysticism of the Cabbalists overempha 
sized the emotional element, and eliminated much of the ra 
tional basis of Judaism. True religion grasps the whole of 
man and shows God s world as a harmonious whole, reflecting 
in both mind and heart the greatness and majesty of God 
on high. In order to open the flood-gates of the soul and ren 
der religion again the deepest and strongest force of life, the 
Synagogue must revitalize its time-honored institutions and 
ceremonies. Thus only will they become real powers of the 
Jewish spirit, testimonies to the living God, witnessing to the 
truth of the Biblical words: "For this commandment which 
I command thee this day, it is not too hard for thee, neither 
is it too far off. It is not in heaven, that thou shouldest say, 
Who shall go up for us to heaven and bring it unto us, and 
make us to hear it, that we may do it ? Neither is it beyond 
the sea, that thou shouldest say, Who shall go over the sea 
for us and bring it unto us, and make us to hear it, that we 
may do it? But the word is very nigh unto thee, in thy 
mouth and in thy heart,. that thou mayest do it." 2 

19. The Synagogue need no longer restrict itself to the 
ancient forms of worship in its appeal to the Jewish soul. 
It must point to the loftiest ideals for the future of all human 
ity, if it is to be true to its prophetic spirit of yore. "My 
house shall be called a house of prayer for all peoples, " ex- 
1 Deut. XXIX, 28. 2 Deut. XXX, 11-14. 



THE SYNAGOGUE AND ITS INSTITUTIONS 475 

claimed the seer of the exile. 1 "Hear O Israel, the Lord our 
God, the Lord is one" must be echoed in all lands and lan 
guages, by all God-seeking minds and hearts, to realize the 
prophetic vision: "And the Lord shall be King over all the 
earth ; in that day the Lord shall be One, and His name One." 2 
Just as there is but one truth, one justice, and one love, how 
ever differently the various races and classes of men may 
conceive them, so Israel shall uphold God, the only One, as 
the bond of unity for all men, despite their diversity of ideas 
and cultures, and His truth will be the beacon-light for all 
humanity. As the Psalms, prophets, and the opening chap 
ters of the Pentateuch speak a language appealing to the 
common sense of mankind, so the divine worship of the Syna 
gogue must again strike the deeper chords of humanity, in 
its weal and woe, its hope and fear, its aspirations and ideals. 
Therefore it is not enough that the institutions and ceremonies 
of the Synagogue are testimonies to the great past of Israel. 
They must also become eloquent heralds and monitors of the 
glorious future, when all mankind will have learned the lessons 
of the Jewish festivals, the ideals of liberty, law, and peace, 
the thoughts of the divine judgment and the divine mercy. 
They must help also to bring about the time when the ideal 
of social justice, which the Mosaic Code holds forth for the 
Israeli tish nation, will have become the motive-power and 
incentive to the reestablishment of human society upon new 
foundations. 

Jehudah ha Levi, the lofty poet of medieval Jewry, 3 speaks 
of Israel as the "heart of humanity," because it has supplied 
the spiritual and moral life-blood of the civilized world. Israel 
provides continually the rejuvenating influence of society. 
Israel s history is the history of the world in miniature. As 
the Midrash says, 4 the confession of God s unity imposes 

Isa. LVI, 7. Zech. XIV, 9. 

1 Cuzari, I, 103 ; II, 12. Sifre to Deut. VI, 5. 



476 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

upon us the obligation to lead all God s children to love Him 
with heart and soul and might, thus working toward the time 
when "the earth shall be rilled with the knowledge of the glory 
of the Lord as the waters cover the sea." 1 All the social, 
political, and intellectual movements of our restless, heaven- 
storming age, notwithstanding temporary lapses into bar 
barism and hatred, point unerringly to the final goal, the 
unity of all human and cosmic life under the supreme leader 
ship of God on high. In the midst of all these movements 
of the day stands the Jew, God s witness from of old, yet 
vigorous and youthful still, surveying the experiences of the 
past and voicing the hope of the future, exclaiming in the 
words of his traditional prayers : "Happy are we ; how goodly 
is our portion ! how pleasant our lot ! how beautiful our in 
heritance ! " 2 Our faith is the faith of the coming humanity ; 
our hope of Zion is the kingdom of God, which will include all 
the ideals of mankind. 

1 Hab. II, 14. 2 Singer s Prayerb., 8. 



CHAPTER LIX 
THE ETHICS OF JUDAISM AND THE KINGDOM OF GOD 

1. The soul of the Jewish religion is its ethics. Its God 
is the Fountainhead and Ideal of morality. At the begin 
ning of the summary of the ethical laws in the Mosaic Code 
stands the verse: "Ye shall be holy, for I the Lord your 
God am holy." l This provides the Jew with the loftiest 
possible motive for perfection and at the same time the 
greatest incentive to an ever higher conception of life and 
life s purpose. Accordingly, the kingdom of God for whose 
coming the Jew longs from the beginning until the end of 
the year, 2 does not rest in a world beyond the grave, but 
(in consonance with the ideal of Israel s sages and prophets) 
in a complete moral order on earth, the reign of truth, right 
eousness and holiness among all men and nations. Jewish 
ethics, then, derives its sanction from God, the Author and 
Master of life, and sees its purpose in the hallowing of all 
life, individual and social. Its motive is the splendid con 
ception that man, with his finite ends, is linked to the infinite 
God with His infinite ends ; or, as the rabbis express it, "Man 
is a co-worker with God in the work of creation." 3 

2. Both the term ethics (from the Greek ethos) and moral 
ity (from the Latin mores) are derived from custom or habit. 
In distinction to this, the Hebrew Scripture points to God s 
will as perceived in the human conscience as the source 
of all morality. Those ethical systems which dispense with 

1 Lev. XIX, 2 ; comp. on the whole E. G. Hirsch in J. E., art. Ethics. 
8 See Alenu in Singer s Prayerb., 67 f. ; Union Prayerbook, I, 48, 104 f. 
Shab. iigb. 

477 



478 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

religion fail to take due cognizance of the voice of duty which 
says to each man: "Thou shalt" or "Thou shalt not!" 
Duty distinguishes man from all other creatures. However 
low man may be in the scale of freedom, he is moved to 
action by an impulse from within, not by a compulsion from 
without. Of course, morality must travel a long road from 
the primitive code, which does not extend beyond the near 
kinsmen, to the ideal of civilized man which encompasses 
the world. Still man s steps are always directed by some rule 
of duty. The voice of conscience, heard clearly or dimly, 
is not, as is so often asserted, the product, but the original 
guiding factor of human society. The divine inner power of 
morality has made man, not man morality. Morality and 
religion, inseparably united in the Decalogue of Sinai, will 
attain their perfection together in the kingdom of God upon 
the Zion heights of humanity. 

3. Ethical elements, greater or smaller, enter into all 
religions and codes of law of the various nations. Ancient 
Egypt, Persia and India even connected ethical principle 
and the future of the soul so closely, that certain ethical laws 
were to determine one s fate in heaven or hell. This led to 
the idea that this life is but the preparatory stage to the great 
hereafter. But antiquity also witnessed more or less success 
ful attempts to emancipate ethics from religion. When the 
old beliefs no longer satisfied the thinking mind and no longer 
kept men from corruption, various philosophers attempted 
to provide general principles of morality as substitutes for 
the departed deities. Confucius built up in China a system 
of common-sense ethics based upon the communal life, but 
without any religious ideals ; this satisfied the commonplace 
attitude of that country, but could not pass beyond the con 
fines of the far East. A semi-religious ascetic system was 
offered at about the same time by Gautama Buddha of 
India, a prince garbed as a mendicant friar, who preached 



THE ETHICS OF JUDAISM 479 

the gospel of love and charity for all fellow creatures. His 
leading maxims were blind resignation and self-effacement in 
the presence of the ills, suffering and death which rule the 
entire domain of life. All existence was evil to him, with 
its pleasure, passion and desire, its thought and feeling ; his 
aim was a state of apathy and listlessness, Nirvana; while 
sympathy and compassion for fellow creatures were to offer 
some relief to a life of delusion and despair. The Hindu 
conception of the unbearable woe of the world corresponded 
more or less with the hot climate, which renders the people 
indolent and apathetic. In striking contrast to this was the 
vigorous manhood of the ethical systems developed on the 
healthy soil of Greece, under the azure canopy of a sky that 
fills the soul with beauty and joy. Life should be valued for 
the happiness it offers to the individual or to society. The 
good should be loved for its beauty, the just admired for its 
nobility. Greek ethics was thus both aristocratic and utili 
tarian ; it took no heed of the toiling slave, the suffering poor, 
or the unprotected stranger. Both the Buddhist and the 
Hellenic systems lacked the energizing force and motive of 
the highest purpose of life, because both have left out of their 
purview the great Ruler who summons man to his duty, say 
ing: "I am the Lord thy God; thou shalt and thou shalt 
not!" 

4. Between the two extremes, the Hellenic self-expansion 
and the Buddhist self-extinction, Jewish ethics labors for 
self-elevation under the uplifting power of a holy God. The 
term which Scripture uses for moral conduct is, very signifi 
cantly, "to walk in the ways of God." The rabbis explain 
this as follows : " As God is merciful and gracious, so be thou 
merciful and gracious. As God is called righteous, so be 
thou righteous. As God is holy, so do thou strive to be 
holy." Another of their maxims is: "How can mortal 
1 Deut. XI, 22 ; Sifre Deut. 49. 



480 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

man walk after God, who is an all-consuming fire? What 
Scripture means is that man should emulate God. As He 
clothes the naked, nurses the sick, comforts the sorrowing, 
and buries the dead, so should man." l In other words, 
human life must take its pattern from the divine goodness 
and holiness. 

5. Obviously, Jewish ethics had to go through the same 
long process of development as the Jewish religion itself. 
A very high stage is represented by that disinterested good 
ness taught by Antigonus of Soko in the second pre-Christian 
century and by ben Azzai in the second century of the present 
era, which no longer anticipates reward or punishment, but 
does good for its own sake and shuns evil because it is evil. 2 
As long as the law tolerated slavery, polygamy, and blood 
vengeance, and man s personality was not recognized on 
principle as being made in the image of God, the practical 
morality of the Hebrews could not rise above that of other 
nations, except in so far as the shepherd s compassion for 
the beast occasioned sympathy also for the fellow-man. 
After all, Jewish ethics became the ethics of humanity 
because of the God-conception of the prophets, the right 
eous, merciful, and holy God, the God "who executeth the 
judgment of the fatherless and the widow, and loveth the 
stranger in giving him food and raiment." 3 The conception 
of Jewish ethics as human ethics is voiced in the familiar 
verse: "It hath been told thee, O man, what is good and 
what the Lord doth require of thee: only to do justly and 
to love mercy and to walk humbly with thy God." 4 The 
all-ruling and all-seeing God of the Psalmist made men feel 
that only such a one can stand in His holy place "who hath 

1 Deut. XIII, 5; Sota 14 a; see Schechter: Aspects, 200-203. 

2 Aboth. I, 3 ; IV, 2 ; E.G. Hirsch in J. E., art Ethics. See Toy : Judaism 
and Christianity, p. 260. 

3 Deut. X, 19. 4 Micah VI, 8. 



THE ETHICS OF JUDAISM 481 

clean hands and a pure heart, who hath not lifted up his soul 
unto falsehood, nor sworn deceitfully." J After law-giver, 
prophet, and psalmist came the wise, who gave ethics a more 
practical and popular character in the wisdom literature, 
and then came the Hasidim or Essenes, who, while seeking 
the highest piety or saintliness as life s aim, deepened and 
spiritualized their ethical ideals. Some of these considered 
the essential principles of morality to be love of God and of 
the fellow-man ; 2 while rabbinical ethics in general laid great 
stress on motive as determining the value of the deed. The 
words, "Thou shalt fear the Lord thy God," so often repeated 
in the law, are taken to mean : Fear Him who looks into the 
heart, judging motives and intentions. 3 

6. As the Mosaic Code presented the ceremonial and moral 
laws together as divine, so the rabbinical schools treated 
them all as divine commandments without any distinction. 
Hence the Mishnah and the Talmud fail to give ethics the 
prominent place it occupies in the prophetic and wisdom 
literature of the Bible and did not even make an attempt to 
formulate a system of ethics. The ethical rules in the "Say 
ings of the Fathers" and similar later collections make no 
pretentions to being general or systematic. The ethical 
teachings became conspicuous only through contact with the 
Hellenic world in the propaganda literature, with its aim 
to win the Gentile world to Judaism. Thus at an early 
period handbooks on ethics were written and circulated 
in the Greek language, some of which were afterward appro 
priated by the Christian Church. This entire movement is 
summed up in the well-known answer of Hillel to the heathen 
who desired to join the Jewish faith: "What is hateful to 

1 Ps. XXIV, 3-4. 

See J. E., art. Essenes, Hasidim and Test. Twelve Patriarchs: Iss. V, 2: 
VII, 6; Dan.V, 3. 

Lev. XIX, 14, 32 ; Sifra ad loc. B. M. 58 b. 

2 I 



482 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

thee, do thou not unto thy fellow man ; this is the law, and 
all the rest is merely commentary." 1 

On the whole, rabbinical Judaism elaborated no ethical 
system before the Middle Ages. Then, under Mohammedan 
influence, the Aristotelian and Neo-Platonic philosophies in 
vogue gave rise to certain ethical works more or less in ac 
cord with their philosophic or mystic prototypes. In addi 
tion, ethical treatises were often written in the form of wills 
and of popular admonitions, which were sometimes broad 
and human, at other times stern and ascetic. One thought, 
however, prevailed through the ages : as life emanates from 
the God of holiness, so it must ever serve His holy purposes 
and benefit all His earthly children. "All the laws given 
by God to Israel have only the purification and ennobling of 
the life of men for their object," say the rabbis. 2 

7. Perhaps the best summary of Jewish ethics was pre 
sented by Hillel in the famous three words: "If I am not 
for myself, who will be for me ? But if I am for myself alone, 
what am I? And if not now, when then? " 3 We find here 
three spheres of duty : toward one s self, toward others, and 
toward the life before us. In contrast to purely altruistic 
or socialistic ethics, Jewish morality accentuated the value 
of the individual even apart from the social organism. Man 
is a child of God, a self-conscious personality, who is to un 
fold and improve the powers implanted by his divine Maker, 
in both body and soul, laboring in this way toward the pur 
pose for which he was created. Man was created single, 
says one of the sages in the Mishnah, 4 that he might know 
that he forms a world for himself, and the whole creation 
must aid him in unfolding the divine image within himself. 
Accordingly, self-preservation, self-improvement and self- 

1 Shab. 31 a; comp. J. E., art. Didache and Klein, 1. c. 

2 Tanh. Shemini, ed.Buber, 12; comp. Lauterbach, Ethics of Halakah, p. 12. 

3 Aboth. I, 14. Sanh. IV, 5. 



THE ETHICS OF JUDAISM 483 

perfection are duties of every man. This implies first the 
care for the human body as the temple which enshrines the 
divine spirit. In the eyes of Judaism, to neglect or enfeeble 
the body, the instrument of the soul, is altogether sinful. 
As the Sabbath law demands physical rest and recreation 
after the week s work, so the Jewish religion in general trains 
men to enjoy the gifts of God; and the rabbis declare that 
their rejection (except for disciplinary reasons) is ingratitude 
for which man must give an account at the last Judgment 
Day. 1 The Pharisean teacher who opposed the Essenic cus 
tom of fasting and declared it sinful, unless it be for special 
purposes, would have deprecated even more strongly the 
ascetic Christian or Hindoo saint who castigated his body 
as the seat of sin. 2 As Hillel remarked: "See what care is 
bestowed upon the statue of the emperor to keep it clean and 
bright ; ought we not, likewise, keep God s image, our body, 
clean and free from every blemish?" 3 

In regard to our moral and spiritual selves the rabbinical 
maxim is : " Beautify thyself first, and then beautify others." 4 
Only as we first ennoble ourselves can we then contribute to 
the elevation of the world about us. Our industry promotes 
the welfare of the community as well as of ourselves; our 
idleness harms others as well as ourselves. 6 Upon self-respect 
rest our honor and our character. Virtue also is the result 
of self-control and self-conquest. 6 " There shall be no strange 
God in thee." This Psalm verse is taken by the rabbis to 
mean that no anger and passion nor any evil desire or 
overbearing pride shall obtain their mastery over thee. 7 
Man asserts himself in braving temptation and trial, in over 
coming sin and grief. Greater still is the hero who, in com- 

1 Yer. Kid. IV, 66 d. Taan. 22 b; Ned. 10 a. 

1 Lev. R. XXXIV, 3, ref. to Prov. XI, 17. Sanh. 18 a, 19 a. 

Keth. V, 5. 

Prov. XVI, 32; Shab. 105 b; Ned. 22 b; Sola 4 b; Ber. 43 b. 
Ps. LXXXI, 10. 



484 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

plete self-mastery, can sacrifice himself in a great cause. 
Martyrdom for the sake of God, which the rabbis call sancti- 
fication of the name of God, 1 is really the assertion of the 
divine life in the midst of death. But desertion of life from 
selfish motives through suicide is all the more despicable. 
He who sells his human birthright to escape pain or disgrace, 
though greatly to be pitied, has forfeited his claim and his 
share in the world to come. 2 

Not only our life is to be maintained amid all trials as a 
sacred trust, but also our rights, our freedom, and our indi 
viduality, for we must not allow our personality to become 
the slave or tool of others. Job, who battled for his own con 
victions against the false assumption of his friends, was at 
last praised and rewarded by God. 3 The Biblical verse : 
"For they are My servants whom I brought forth out of the 
land of Egypt, they shall not be sold as slaves," is explained 
by the rabbis : "My servants, but not servants to servants/ 
and is thus applicable to spiritual slavery as well. 4 

8. Therefore the Jewish conception of duty to our fellow- 
men is by no means comprised in love or benevolence. Long 
before Hillel, other Jewish sages gave the so-called Golden 
Rule: "Love thy neighbor as thyself," a negative form: 
"What is hateful to thee do not do unto thy fellow men." 5 
Taken in the positive form, the command cannot be literally 
carried out. We cannot love the stranger as we love our 
selves or our kin ; still less can we love our enemy, as is de 
manded by the Sermon on the Mount. According to the 
Hebrew Scriptures 6 we can and should treat our enemy 

1 See above, chapter L, par. 6. 

2 Semakot II ; R. Eleazar in B. K. 91 b with reference to Gen. IX, 5. Prof. 
Lauterbach referred me to Shebet Mussar, XX, obviously a quotation from 
some lost Midrash." 

8 Job XLII, 7. 4 Lev. XXV, 42, 55 ; Tos. B. K. VII, 5 ; Kid. 22 d. 

B Targ. to Lev. XIX, 18; Tobit IV, 15 ; Philo II, 236. 
Ex. XXIII, 4-5; Prov. XXIV, 17; XXV, 21. 



THE ETHICS OF JUDAISM 485 

magnanimously and forgive him, but we cannot truly love 
him, unless he turns from an enemy to a friend. The real 
meaning given by the rabbis to the command, "Love thy 
neighbor as thyself" is: "Put thyself in his place and act 
accordingly. As thou dost not desire to be robbed of thy 
property or good name or to be injured or insulted, so do not 
these things unto thy fellow man." 1 They then take the 
closing words, "I am the Lord thy God," as an oath by God : 
"I am the Lord, the Creator of thy fellow man as well as of 
thee ; therefore, if thou showest love to him, I shall surely 
reward thee, and if not, I am the Judge ready to punish 
thee." Love of all fellow-men is, in fact, taught by both 
Hillel 3 and Philo. 4 Love and helpful sympathy are implied 
also by the verse from Deuteronomy : "He (the Lord) loveth 
the stranger in giving him bread and raiment. Love ye 
therefore the stranger." 5 All members of the human house 
hold are dependent on each other for kindness and good will, 
whether we are rich or poor, high or lowly, in life or in death ; 
so do we owe love and kindness to all men alike. 

9. However, love as a principle of action is not sufficiently 
firm to fashion human conduct or rule society. It is too 
much swayed by impulse and emotion and is often too par 
tial. Love without justice leads to abuse and wrong, as 
we see in the history of the Church, which began with the 
principle of love, but often failed to heed the admonitions of 
justice. Therefore justice is the all-inclusive principle of hu 
man conduct in the eyes of Judaism. Justice is impartial by 
its very nature. It must right every wrong and vindicate the 
cause of the oppressed. "When Thy judgments are in the 
earth, the inhabitants of the world will learn righteousness," 
said the prophet, 6 describing the just man as he "that walk- 

1 Ab. d. R. N., ed. Schechter, 53, 60. Eodem, 64. 

Aboth. I, 12. Philo II, 284 f. 

Deut. X, 18-19. Isa. XXVI, o. 



486 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

eth righteously and speaketh uprightly, that despiseth the 
gain of oppressions, that shaketh his hands from holding of 
bribes, that stoppeth his ear from hearing of blood, and 
shutteth his eyes from looking on evil." L Justice is the requi 
site not only in action, but also in disposition, 2 implying 
honesty in intention as in deed, uprightness in speech and 
mien, perfect rectitude, neither taking advantage of igno 
rance nor abusing confidence. 3 It is sinful to acquire wealth 
by betting or gambling, 4 or by cornering food-supplies to 
raise the market price. 5 The rabbis derive from Scripture 
the thought that, just as "your balances and weights, your 
ephah and hin" must be just, so should your yea and nay. 6 
The verse, "Justice, justice shalt thou follow," 7 is explained 
thus in a Midrash which is quoted by Bahya ben Asher of 
the thirteenth century: "Justice, whether to your profit or 
loss, whether in word or in action, whether to Jew or non- 
Jew." 8 This category of justice covers also regard for the 
honor of our fellow-men, lest we harm it by the tongue of the 
back-biter, 9 by the ear that listens to calumny, 10 or by sus 
picion cast upon the innocent. 11 "God in His law takes 
especial care of the honor of our fellow-men," say the rabbis, 
and " he who publicly puts his fellow man to shame forfeits 
his share in the world to come." 12 

10. But the Jewish conception of justice is broader than 
mere abstention from hurting our fellow-men. Justice is a 
positive conception. Righteousness (Zedakah) includes also 
charity and philanthropy. It asserts the claim of the poor 
upon the rich, of the helpless upon him who possesses the 

1 Isa. XXXIII, 15. 2 sifra Behar IV; B. M. 58 b. 

3 Tos. B. K. VII, 8; B. M. Ill, 27; B. B. 88 a-go b; Makk. 24 a. 

4 Sanh. 24 b. B B. B. 90 b. 6 Lev. XIX, 36 ; B. M. 49 a. 
7 Deut. XVI, 20. 8 Kad ha Kemah, s. v. Gezelah. 9 Ps. XV, 3. 

10 Pes. 118 a. n Shab. 97 a; Yoma 19 b. 

12 Mek. Mishpatim 82 ; B. K. 79 b ; B. M. 58 b~59 a ; Lauterbach 1. c. 

2O-2I. 



THE ETHICS OF JUDAISM 487 

means to help. "He who prevents the poor from reaping 
the corners of the field or the gleanings of the harvest, or in 
any way withholds that which has been assigned them by 
the law of Moses, is a robber," says the Mishnah, "for it is 
written : Remove not the old landmark, and enter not into 
the field of the fatherless. " 1 Jewish ethics holds that 
charity is not a gift of condescending love, but a duty. It 
is incumbent upon the fortunate to rescue the unfortunate, 
since all that we possess is only lent to us by God, the Owner 
of the world, with the charge that we provide for the needy 
who are under His special protection. Those who refuse to 
give the poor their share abuse the divine trust. "If thou 
lendest money to My people, to the poor with thee," 2 says 
Scripture, and the rabbis comment on this to the effect that 
"the poor are called God s people; do not forget that the 
turn of fortune which made you rich and them poor may 
turn, and that you may then be in need." 3 Nor is it sufficient 
merely to give to him who is poor ; we are bidden to uphold 
him when his powers fail. 4 

This is the very principle of ethics of the Mosaic law, the 
principle for which the great prophets fought with all the 
vigor and vehemence of the divine spirit social justice. 
The cry : "Woe unto them that join house to house, that lay 
field to field, till there be no room," 6 the condemnation of 
those "that swallow the needy and destroy the poor of the 
land," 6 the curse hurled at him who withholdeth corn, 7 
laid the foundations of a higher justice, which is not satis 
fied with mitigating the misery of the unfortunate by acts of 
charity, but insists on a readjustment of the social conditions 
which create poverty. This spirit created the poor laws of 
the Mosaic Code, which were partially adopted by both 

1 Peah V, 6; Prov. XXIII, 10. Ex. XXIII, 24. 

Tanh. Mishpatim, ed. Buber, 8. * Lev. XXV, 35 ; Sifra ad loc. 

6 Isa. V, 8. Amos VIII, 4. Prov. XI, 26. 



488 JEWISH THEOLOGY 

Christians and Mohammedans. It dictated the Mosaic 
institutions of the seventh year of release and the Jubilee 
year for the restoration of fields and houses, to prevent the 
tyranny of wealth from becoming a permanent source of 
oppression. While these were scarcely ever put into prac 
tice, they remained as a protest and an appeal. Their aim 
and permanent influence tended toward relations between 
the upper and lower classes, which would insure the latter 
some degree of independence and dignity. In fact, the 
foundations laid by the Hebrew Scripture underlie all our 
great modern efforts to turn the forces of charity so as to check 
the sources of evil in our social organism. Modern phi 
lanthropy, taking its clue from the old Hebrew ideal, aims not 
to alleviate but to cure, and to stimulate the natural good in 
society, material, moral and intellectual, that it may over 
come the evil. We are recognizing more and more the prin 
ciple of mutual responsibility and interdependence of men 
and classes. Yet this very principle, modern as it seems, 
was recognized by the Jewish sages, as we see in the remark 
able passage where the rabbis comment on the law concerning 
the case of a slain body found in the field, with the murderer 
unknown. The Bible commands that in such a case the 
elders of the city should kill a heifer, wash their hands over 
it, and say: "Our hands have not shed this blood, neither 
have our eyes seen it." 1 The rabbis then ask: "How 
could the elders of a city ever be suspected of the crime of 
murder?" and their reply is: "Even if they only failed to 
provide the poor in their charge with the necessary food, and 
he became a highway robber and murderer ; or if they left 
him without the necessary protection, and he fell a victim to 
murderers, they are held responsible for the crime before the 
higher court of God." 2 That is, according to our station we 
are all responsible for the social conditions which create 
1 Deut. XXI, 1-8. 2 Sifre ad loc. ; Sota IX, 7. 



THE ETHICS OF JUDAISM 489 

poverty and crime, and it is our duty to establish such rela 
tions between the individual and the community as will 
remove the causes of all the evils of society. 

ii. This, in a way, anticipates the third maxim of Hillel : 
"If not now, when then?" Judaism cannot accept the New 
Testament spirit of other-worldliness, which prompted the 
teaching: "Take no thought for your life, what ye shall eat 
or what ye shall drink, nor yet for your body what ye shall 
put on," or "Resist not evil." 1 Such a view disregards 
the values and duties of domestic, civic, and industrial life, 
and creates an inseparable gulf between sacred and profane, 
between religion and culture. In contrast to this, Jewish 
ethics sets the highest value upon all things that make man 
more of a human being and increase his power of doing good. 
To Judaism marriage and home life are regarded as the normal 
conditions of human welfare and sane morality, while celibacy 
is considered abnormal. 2 Labor establishes the dignity of 
man, 3 while wealth is a source of blessing, a stewardship in the 
service of society. 4 In opposition to the practice fostered by 
the Essenes and afterwards adopted by the early Church, of 
devoting one s whole fortune to charity, the rabbis decreed 
that one should not give over one fifth of one s possessions. 6 
As has well been said, Judaism teaches a "robust morality." 6 
It regards life as a continual battle for God and right against 
every sort of injustice, 7 for truth against every kind of false 
hood. At the same time it fosters also the gentler virtues of 
meekness, 8 kindness to animals, 9 peaceableness and modesty. 10 

Matt. VI, 25-28, V, 39; comp. Cor. VI, 6-7. 
Yeb. 62 a, 63 a. Prov. XXII, 29; Ned. 49 b. 

Ber. 8 a, ref. to Ps. CXXVIII, 2. Keth. 50 a. 

Morris Joseph in Religious Systems of the World, 1892, p. 701. 
Deut. I, 17 ; see Schmicdl : D. Lehrc v. Kampf urn s Recht, 1875. 
Ps. XXXVII, ii ; Shab. 88 b. 

Ex. XXIII, 5 ; Deut. XXV, 4; Prov. XII, 10; Git. 62 a. 
10 Aboth. I, 12; IV, 4, 12; Taan. 20 b. 



4QO JEWISH THEOLOGY 

12. Jewish ethics excels all other ethical systems, especially 
in its insistence on purity and holiness. Not only is any 
unchaste look, thought, or act condemned, exactly as in the 
Sermon on the Mount, 1 as approaching adultery, 2 but all 
profanity of act or speech is declared to be an unpardonable 
offense against the majesty of God. 3 Modesty in demeanor 
and dress was both preached and practiced by the Jews 
throughout the Middle Ages, while in non- Jewish circles 
coarseness and lewdness prevailed among high and low, in 
minstrel song and monastic life. "The Lord thy God walk- 
eth in the midst of thy camp . . . therefore shall thy camp 
be holy, that He see no unseemly thing in thee, and turn away 
from thee." 4 These Biblical words created among the 
Essenes (the Zenuim) and later among the entire Jewish 
people a spirit of chastity and modesty which made the 
Jewish home of old a model of purity and sanctity. The 
great problem for modern Israel, amid our present allurements 
of luxury and pleasure, is to restore the home to its pristine 
glory as a sanctuary of God, a training school for virtue, so 
that its influence may extend over the whole of life. 

13. Thus Jewish ethics derives its sanction from the idea 
of a God of holiness. But it never made life austere, depriv 
ing it of joy, or begrudging man his cheerfulness and laughter. 
On the contrary, the Sabbath and many of the holy days are 
seasons of joy, for gladness should bring the spirit of God 
near to man. 5 Moreover, the Talmud holds that we should 
encourage every means of promoting cheer among men. This 
is illustrated by one of the popular legends of the prophet 
Elijah, who told the saintly Rabbi Beroka, who prided him- 

1 Matt. V, 27-30. 

2 Job XXXI, i ; Pes. R. XXIV; Lev. R. XXIII, 12 ; Ber. 12 b; Nid. 13 a. 
3 Shab. 33 a, referring to Isa. IX, 17; Ben Sira XXIII, 13; Test. Twelve 

Patriarchs, passim. 4 Deut. XXIII, 14. 

B Deut. XVI, ii ; 14 f.; Shab. n8a; Pes. R. XXIII; Meg. 16 b; Shab. 
30 b; Ber. 31 a; comp. M. Lazarus, 1. c., 254-261. 



THE ETHICS OF JUDAISM 491 

self upon his austerity, that his companions in Paradise were 
to be two jesters, because they cheered the depressed and 
increased the joy in the world. 1 

As a matter of fact, the Jewish ideal of holiness is all- 
inclusive. It aims to hallow every pursuit and endeavor, 
all social relations and activities, insisting only on a pure 
motive and disinterested service. As the Ruler of life is the 
source of all morality, so all of life should be made holy with 
duty. Man becomes a child of God through his responsi 
bility, instead of remaining a mere product of the social forces 
about him or of claiming self-sufficient sovereignty and refus 
ing to acknowledge a higher Will. Jewish ethics is autono 
mous, because it insists on the divine spirit in man. 2 As 
we follow the divine Pattern of holiness, all that we have and 
are, body and soul, weal and woe, wealth and want, pain and 
pleasure, life and death, become stepping-stones on the road 
to holiness and godliness. Life is like a ladder on which man 
can rise from round to round, to come ever nearer to God on 
high who beckons him toward ever higher ideals and achieve 
ments. Man and humanity are thus given the potentiality 
of infinite progress in every direction. Science and art, 
industry and commerce, literature and law, every pursuit of 
man comes within the scope of religion and ethics. For 
God s kingdom of truth, righteousness and peace, as beheld 
by Israel s seers of old, will be fully established on earth only 
when all the forces of material, intellectual, and social life 
have been unfolded, when all the prophetic ideals, the visions 
and aspirations of all the seers of humanity have been realized, 
and the Zion heights of human perfection have at last been 
attained. The wise have no rest, neither in this world nor 
in the world to come, for it is said : they go from strength 
to strength, [until] they appear before God on Zion. " 3 

1 Taan. 22 a. a See Lazarus, 1. c., 99. 

Ber. 64 a, refer, to Ps. LXXXIV, 8; comp. Lazarus, 1. c., p. 280. 



LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 



A. d. R. N Aboth di Rabbi 

Nathan 

A. T Altes Testament 

Ab. Z AbodaZarah 

Ag Agada 

Ann Annotations 

Ant Antiquities (of 

Josephus) 

Ap Apionem, contra 

Apoc Apocalyptic 

Arak Arakin 

Art Article 

B Babli (Babylonian) 

b ben 

B. B Baba Bathra 

B. H Beth ha Midrash 

B. K Baba Kamma 

B. M Baba Metzia 

Beitr Beitraege 

Ber Berakoth 

Bibl Bible or Biblical 

C. C. A. R Central Conference 

of American 

Rabbis 

Cant Canticles 

Chron Chronicles 

Ch Chapter 

Comm Commentary, -ies 

Comp Compare 

Cor Corinthians, 

Epistle to 



Dan. . . 
Deut. . 
Diet. . 

Eccl. . . 
Enc. . . 



Ep 

Eph... 

Ethnol. 

Ex 

Ez.. 



G.J... 
G. Jud. 

G. V. I. 



Gal 

Gen 

Ges. Abh. 



Ges. Schrf. 



Daniel 

, Deuteronomy 

Dictionary 

, Ecclesiastes 
Encyclopedia 

(a) Brit. Britannia 

(b) R. a. Eth. ... 

of Reli 
gion and 
Ethics 

.Epistle 

Ephesians, Epistle 
to 

.Ethnologische 

. Exodus 

.Ezekiel 

. Geschichte der 

Juden (Graetz) 
. Geschichte des 

Judenthums 

(Jost) 
. Geschichte des 

Volkes Israel 

(Schuerer) 
.Galatians, Epistle 

to 

. Genesis 
. Gesammelte Ab- 

handlungen 
. Gesammelte 

Schriften 



493 



494 



LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 



Gesch. u. Lit. . . Geschichte und 

Literature 
Gottesd Gottesdienstliche 

H Hilkoth 

H. B Handbuch 

H. J History of Jews 

(Graetz) 

H. U. C Hebrew Union Col 
lege 

Hab Habakkuk 

Hag.. . Hagigah 

Hist History 

Hor Horayoth 

Hul Hidlin 

Introd Introduction 

Isai Isaiah 

Israel Israelitisch 

J Journal 

J. E Jewish Encyclo 
pedia 

J. Q. R Jewish Quarterly 

Review 

J. W Jewish War (Jose- 

phus) 

Jahrb Jahrbuch 

Jer Jeremiah 

Jew Jewish 

Josh Joshua 

Jud Judenthums 

Judg Judges 

Jued Juedisch 

K. A. T "Die Keilinschrif- 

ten und das Alte 
Testament" 

Ker Kerithoth 

Keth.. ..Kethuboth 



Kil Kilayim 

L Literature 

1. c loco citato, the 

same place ; 
libro citato, the 
same book (for 
the usual o. c. = 
opere citato). 

Lam Lamentations 

Lev.. ..Leviticus 



M. K 
Mace 

Maim 
Mak 


. . Moed Katan 
. . Maccabees, 
of 
. . Maimonides 
Makkoth 


Book 


Mai 
Mas 
Meg 
Mek 


. .Malachi 
. .Masseketh 
..Megillah 
. .Mekiltha 




Men 
Mid 


. .Menahoth 
Midrash 




Mtschr 


. . Monatschrif t 
Geschichte 


fuer 
und 



Mitth. 



Wissenschaft des 
Judenthums 
Mittheilungen 



Nachgel-Schr. . Nachgelassene 
Schriften 

Neh Nehemiah 

Nid Niddah 

Numb Numbers 

P. d. R. El. ... Pirke di Rabbi 
Eliezer 

Pars Parsisch 

Pes Pesahim, -ee 

Pes. R. . . .Pesikta Rabbathi 



LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 



495 



Pesik Pesikta di Rab 

Kahana 

Phil Philosophy or Phil 
osophical 

Prov Proverbs 

Prot Protestantisch 

Ps Psalms 

Psych Psychologisch 

Quel Quellen 

R Rabbah, also 

Rabbi, Rabban 

R. h. Sh Rosh ha Shanah 

R. W. B Real-Woerterbuch 

ref referring or ref 
erence 
Rel Religion 

S. O Seder Olam 

s. v sub verbo 

Sam Samuel 

Sanh Sanhedrin 

Sh. A Shulhan Aruk 

Shab Shabuoth 

Sibyl Sibylline Books 

Slav Slavonic 



Soc Society 

Stud Studien or Studies 

Suk Sukkah 

Syst System or Sys 
tematic 

T. d. b. E Tanna di be Eliahu 

Tanh Tanhuma 

Teh Tehillim 

Theol Theologisch 

Tos Tosefta 

Tosaf Tosafoth 

u und or ueber 

W. B Woerterbuch 

Wiss Wissenschaft or 

Wissenschaftlich 

Yalk Yalkut 

Y. B Yearbook 

Yeb Yebamoth 

Yer Yerushalmi 

Zech Zechariah 

Zeitschr Zeitschrift 



INDEX 



Aaronites, 344 f. 

Ab, Ninth of, 461, 469 

Abba Areka 

See Rab 

Abbahu, 153, 422 
Abelson, 245, 271, 422 
Ablat, 403 
Abraham, 32, 62, 65 f., 112, 114, 219, 259, 

292, 329, 336 f., 417 
Abraham ben David of Posquieres, 14, 81, 

237, 387 
Abraham ibn Daud, 22, 68, 136, 178, 

292 
Abraham Ibn Ezra, 97, 152, 188, 190, 194, 

273 

Abrahams, Israel, 192, 346, 348 
Abravanel, Isaac, 27 
Abstinence 

See Asceticism 
Abulafia, Abr., 431 

Adam, 222-230, 244, 252; heavenly, 437 
Adonai, 59, 61, 221 f., 359 
Affliction, 130 
Ahha, R., 224 
Ahriman, 301, 382 f. 
Akiba, R., 14, 26, 32, 50, 126, 130!., 150, 

176, 216, 222, 232, 257, 259, 311, 361, 

467 
AJbo, Joseph, 24-26, 163 f., 272 f., 294, 

300-339 

Alenu, 57, 331, 341, 477 
Alfarabi, 68 
Allegory, 116, 224, 268 
Alpha and Omega, 137 
Altruism, 482 
Am haarctz, 347, 358 
Amos, 248, 264, 324 
Anaxoras, 37, 67, 84 
Angels, 81, 180-188 
Anger 

See Wrath 
Animals, 489 

Anselm of Canterbury, 68 
Anthropology, 204 

2K 



Anthropomorphism, 74-76, 115 f. 

Antigonos of Soko, 480 

Antinomian, 428, 439 

Antoninus, 403, 422 

Apicoros Epicurean, 21, 65 

Apocalyptic books, 12 f., 232 f., 283 

Apocryphal books, 12 f. 

Apologetics, 4 

Apostate, 6, 424 f. 

Apostles, 435 

Apostolic convention, 436 

Aquilas, 286, 421 

Arelim, 402 

Aristeas, 347 

Aristotelian, 38, 68, 75, 89, 153, 162, 172, 

291 
Aristotle, i, 67, 84, 87, 152, 215, 359, 

405 

Arnold, Matthew, 121, 131 
Art, 480 f. 

Articles of faith, 10-28 
Aryan, 9, 58 

Asceticism, 150, 189, 318, 490 
Asenath, 416 
Assimilation, 12, 396 
Atheism, 65, 67 
Atonement, 254 
Atonement, Day of, 466-469 
Attributes of God 

See God 

Aub, Joseph, 446 
Autonomy of morality, 491 
Azazel, 190, 194, 466 
Azkarah, 263 



Babylonian, n, 15, 75, 118, 128, 140, i8r, 

220, 240, 356 
Bacher, W., 76 
Bahya ben Asher, 486 
Bahya b. Joseph ibn Pakudah, 3, 68, 175, 

291, 473 

Banquet of the pious in the future, 305 
Baptism, 417, 436 
Bar Kochba, 361, 384, 385 

497 



4Q8 



INDEX 



Bathing 

See Baptism 
Bath Kol, 201 
Beck, L., 15 
Beecher, W. J., 42 
Belief, 20, 65 

See also Faith 
Ben Azzai, 124, 311, 480 
Ben Sira, 13, 40, 232, 282, and elsewhere 
Ben Zoma, 312 

Benedictions, Eighteen, 135, 192, 284, 297 
Benevolence, 319, 485 
Bentwich, N., 140, 290 
Bergson, H., 71, 154 
Bernays, J., 49, 412 
Beroka, R., 490 
Berosus, 213 
Bertholet, A., 409 
Beruria, no, 396 
Bezold, C., 194 
Biblical canon, n, 43, 201 
Bloch, M., 12 
Bloch, Ph., 23, 236 
Blood, 48, 123 
Body, 209, 214 
Boeklen, E., 302 f . 
Bousset, W., 19, 43 f., 61 f., 74, 84, 123, 

128, 143 f., 185, 195, 246, 252, 303 
Breath of life, 212 
Brugsch, H., 288 
Buddha, 405, 478 

Cabbalah, 203, 244, 294, 473 

Calendar, Jewish, 460 

Calvin, 195 

Caro, Joseph, 56 

Cassel, D., 214, 236, 489 

Celibacy, 313, 316 

Ceremonies, 346, 449 ff. 

Charles, R. H., 283 

Cheerfulness, 318, 490 

Cheyne, T. K., 409 

Christian Science, 178 

Christian theology, 5, 123, 192, 248, 252 f., 

304, 347, 355 

Christian trinity, 56, 86, 116 f., 441 f. 
Christianity, 17, 41, 54, 116, 329, 427 
Christianity, Paulinian, 12, 51, 116, 439 
Christ(os), 86, 221, 433, 437 
Church s providential mission, 444 
Circumcision, 50, 346, 402, 416, 449 f. 
Civilization, 316 
Clemens, Flavius, 421 
Cohen, Hermann, 196 
Commerce, Jewish, 364 



Compassion of God 

See God 

Compassion of man, 126 
Condescension of God 

See God 

Confession, 5, 20, 192 
Confirmation, 449, 463, 473 
Confucius, 405, 478 
Conscience, 30, 64 
Consciousness, Man s, of God, 29 
Continuity of soul 

See Immortality 
Continuity with the past, 14 
Conversion, 418, 423 
Cosmogony, 148 f. 
Cosmology, 141 
Cosmos, 68, 146 
Covenant, God s, 48, 51, 157-161, 235-270, 

322 

Creation, 147-153 
Creative principles, 203 
Credo, 22-25, 3i 
Crescas, Hasdai, 24 f., 131, 163, 172, 194, 

236 f ., 293, 308 f. 
Critical research of Bible 

See Historical research 
Cross, 438 
Culture, 319, 363 
Curtiss, S. I., 454 
Cuzari 

See Jehuda ha Levi 
Cyrus, 85, 334 

Dama ben Nethina, 399 

Daniel, 288 

Darwin, 154 

David, 242, 291 

David ben Zimra, 27 

Davidson, A. B., 83, 115 f., 139, 167, 182 f., 

247, 37 

Day of judgment, 394 
Day of the Lord 

See JHVH, Day of 
Death, 85, 177, 278 f. 
Deism, 79 
Delitzsch, Fried., 6 
Dembitz, L. N., 269 
Demons, 190 ff. 
Descartes, 68 
Determinism, 255, 330 
Deutero-Isaiah, 51, 85, 267, 336, 369 
Dietary laws, 346, 451 f. 
Dillmann, A., 30 f., 59, 83 ff ., 157 ff., 231 
Doctrine, 47 
Doellinger, J. J. I. v., 54 



INDEX 



499 



Dorner, A., 6, 18 

Dosithean, 13 

Draper, J. W., 88 

Drummond, J., 69, 72 f., 99 f. 

Dualism, 85 f., 178, 184, 189, 214, 220, 438 

Dubno, S., 7 

Duran, Simon, 24 

Duty, 478 

Duty to fellow man, 319, 484 

Duty to self, 482 

Ecclesiastical, 5, 16 

Ecstasy, 38 

Edom Rome, 430 

Einhorn, David, viii, 389, 446, 453 f ., 461 

Elbogen, I., 269 

Eleazar ben Pedath, 329 

Election of Israel 

See Israel 
Eliezer ben Hyrcanos, 50, 257, 305, 316, 

403. 4iQ 
Elijah, 46, 49 
Elisha ben Abuyah, n8 
Elohim, 57 f., 180 f., 210, 405 
Emden, Jacob, 427 
Enoch, 232, 336 
Eschatology 

See Future life 
Eschelbacher, J., 15 
Essenes, 12, 40, 163, 183, 185, 191, 316, 

419, 434, 481, 489 f. 
Eternity, 98 f . 

Ethics, 69, 120, 398, 477, 491 
Euken, R., 195 
Evil, 176, 179 
Evil, Spirits of, 189-196 
Evolution, n, 36, 100 
Exile, Babylonian, 10 f ., 266 
Ezekiel, 13, 105, 221, 249, 283, 299, 337 f. 

345, 392 f. 
Ezra, 10 f., 17 

Faith, 19 f . 
Faithfulness of God 

See God 
Faithfulness of Israel 

See Israel 
Falashas, 13, 457 
Family life, 316 
Fasting, 483 
Fate, 1 68 

Fatherhood of God, 256-260 
Fear of God, 29 
Feast of Weeks 

See Shabuoth 



Felsenthal, B., 19 
"estivals, 461-470 
Finality, 6, 475 f. 
Finkelscherer, 194 
Flesh, 212 
formalism, 351, 473 
Foster, 62, 271 
Frankel, Z., 3, 43 
Frederick II, 444 
freedom of will, 171 f., 231, 237 
Friedlander, G., 438 
Friendship, 318 
Future life, 281-308 

Gabirol, Solomon Ibn, 80, 89, 98, 141, 187 
Gamaliel, 77, 97, 129, 152, 289 
Gehenna, no 
Geiger, Abraham, viii, 2, 12, 14 ff., 35, 43, 

58, 1 10, 201, 446, 453, 472 
Genius, 35, 103 
Ger, 50, 409 ff . 

See also Proselyte 
Gershom ben Jehuda, 472 
Gersonides, 13, 156, 194, 236 
Ginzberg, Asher, 7 
Gnosticism, 86, 141, 153, 427 
God, 52-145 

God no abstraction, 78, 143 
God of the fathers, 16 
God s, condescension, 72, 81, 142-144 

essence, 72-81 

eternity, 98-100 

existence, 64-71 

faithfulness, 134-137 

fatherhood, 256-260 

foreknowledge, 105, 167 

goodness, 126, 132 

grace, 114 f., 246 f. 

holiness, 100-109, 149 f. 

immanence, 79 f ., 98 

incorporeality 
See Spirituality 

jealousy, 54, 83, 105 

justice, 1 1 8, 125 

kingdom 

See Kingdom of God 

knowledge, 138-141 

mercy, 113 

names, 58, 63, 291 

omnipotence, 91-95 

omnipresence, 96-98 

omniscience, 93-95 

personality, 73~76, 98, 106, 144 

relation to the world, 146-151 

self-consciousness, 73 



500 



INDEX 



God s, Continued 

spirit, 97-200; in man, 216-230 

spirituality, 22, 74-78 

supermundaneity, 99 

transcendence, 74 f ., 100 

truthfulness, 134-137 

unity, 82-90, 96 f., 105 

wisdom, 138 f . 

wrath and punishment, 107 
God-childship, Man s, 27 
God-consciousness, Man s, 20-31 
Gods, Heathen, 53, 113, 136, 177 
Goel, 256 

Gog and Magog, 381, 383 
Golden rule, 484 
Goldziher, I., 22, 441 
Goodness, 126, 132, 150 
Goy, 400 
Grace of God 

See God 

Graetz, H., 7, 43, 416, 472 
Greek church, 429 

ethics, 443 

philosophy, 12, 23, 66 f., 84 f., 315 

wisdom, 336 
Gressmann, H., 378 
Guedemann, M., 42, 355 
Guttmann, J., 22, 306 

Habakkuk, 334 

Haftarah, 357 

Haggada and Halakah, 12 f. 

Hananel, R., 21 

Haninah ben Dosa, 163, 165, 273 

Hanukkah, 409 

Harnack, A., 413 

Harper, R. F., 190 

Hartmann, E. v., 78 

Hasidim and Hasidean, 62, 127, 163, 266 f., 

283, 289, 308, 344, 481 
Hatred, 398 

Heathenism, 52, 57, 83 f., 176, 399 f., 405 
Hebrew, 16, 470 f. 
Helbo, R., 421 
Helen of Adiabene, 416 
Hellenism, 23, 335 

Hellenistic Judaism, 233, 289, 303, 339, 
414 

literature, 12, 258 

philosophy, 232 

propaganda, 251 f., 334, 415 f., 436 
Herford, R. T., 439 
Hezekiah, 281 

Hillel, 127, 209, 304, 335, 360, 418, 423, 
481 ff. 



Hillel, R., 388 

Hillul and Kiddush hashem, 348 f. 
Hirsch, E. G., 19, 458, 480 
Hirsch, Samson Raphael, 269, 453 
Hirsch, S. A., 407 
Hirsch, Samuel, viii, 446 
Historical research, 4, 12, 46 
Hochmuth, A., 23 f. 
Holdheim, Samuel, viii, 462 
Holiness, 102, 109, 477 f., 491 
Holiness, God s 

See God 

Holiness, Levitical, 104 
Holy Land 

See Palestine 
Holy spirit, n, 200 f. 
Horowitz, S., 22 f., 37 
Horwitz, Sabbathai, 14 
Hosea, 29, 49, ii4f., 249, 257, 264, 324, 

333 

Humanity, 51, 310, 315, 398, 475 
Husik, 37, 68 ff., 214 f., 291 f. 

Ibn Baud 

See Abraham ibn Daud 
Ibn Ezra 

See Abraham Ibn Ezra 
Ibn Sina, 68 
Ibn Verga, 431 
Ihering, R. v., 409 
Imitatio Dei, 477, 479, 490 
Immanence of God 

See God 

Immortality, 24, 286, 297 
Individual man, 310 
Industry, 317 
Inspiration, 39 f. 
Institution of the synagogue 

See Synagogue 
Intercession, 200 f., 406 f . 
Intermarriage, 444 f . 
Intermediary powers, 197-205 
Internationalism, 321 f. 
Intolerance, 404 f . 
Isaac ben Shesheth, 171, 427 
Isaac Napaha, 428 
Isaiah, 244, 264, 328, 333, 397 
Ishmael, 430 

Islam, 17, 41, 86 f., 329, 427, 441 . 
Islam s mission, 444 
Israel, 389 f ., 397 
Israel s, characteristics, 326 f. 

commerce, 364 

consecration, 37 

election, 37, 323-330 



INDEX 



501 



Israel s, Continued 
hope, 378-391, 392-396 
martyrdom, 33, 130, 349, 367-3?? 
mission, 328-341, 352-354 

cultural, 363 
priesthood, 342-353 
prophetic genius, 39, 103, 122, 372 
relation to the nations, 9, 397-407 
separateness, 8, 347 f., 364, 374, 445 f., 

452 
world-duty, 16 

JHVH Jahveh, 45, 59, 63, 72, 114, 117, 

202, 280 

JHVH, Day of, 122 

James, Wm., 271 

Jastrow, J., 296 

Jastrow, Morris, 128 

Jealousy of God 
Set God 

Jehuda ha Levi, 25, 38, 70, 105, no, 141, 
163, 187, 194, 228, 291, 329, 339, 426, 
431, 475 

Jehuda ha Nasi, 128, 302, 305, 403 

Jellinek, 210 

Jeremiah, 30, 45, 126, 249, 252, 257, 265, 
320, 410 

Jerusalem, 335, 365, 423 

Jesus of Nazareth, 46, 433 f . 

Jew and Jewry, 7 f., 359, 364, 376 
Jew hatred, 9 
Jewish nationality, 8 
Jewish religion 
See Judaism 

Job, 32, 124, 281, 319, 370, 372, 484 
Joel, 250 
Joel, D., 187 

Joel, M., 3, 86, 131, 161, 163, 196, 307 f. 
Johanan, R., 79, 306, 309, 327 
Johanan ben Zakkai, 222, 258, 403 
John the Baptist, 434 
John Hyrcanus, 419 
Jonah, 127, 250 
Jose, R., 46, 227 
Joseph Ibn Zaddik, 136 
Joseph, Morris, 116, 179, 405, 420, 453 f., 

458, 489 
Joscphus, 21, 46 f., 137, 233, 405, 413, 

420 
Joshua ben Hananiah, 77, 305, 340, 422, 

432, 453, 455 
Jost, M., 7 
Joy of life, 318, 400 
Juda Ibn Balag, 144 
Judo-Christians, 427 f., 439 



Judaism, Modern or progressive, 51, 104, 

342, 364, 422, 445 
Judaism, Rabbinic, 143 
Judan, R., 186 
Justice, 118-124, 485 f. 
Justice, Social, 122, 487 

Kaddish, 304, 331 

Kant, Irnmanuel, 65, 69, 189 

Karaites, 22, 87, 475 

Kaufmann, David, 22 f., 68 f., 80, 97, 105, 

153, 195 ff. 
Kedusha, 192 
Kiddush hashem, 348 f. 
Kingdom of God, 331-341, 491 
Klein, J., 412, 436, 482 
Knowledge of God, 29 
Knowledge, God s 

See God 
Koeberle, 117 
Koheleth, 124 
Kohler, K., 20, 32, 44, 267, 304, 405, 438, 

447, 453 f. 
Kohler, M. J., 409 
Kohut, Alex., 42, 199 
Krauskopf, J., 443 
Kremer, A. v., 22, 87 
Kuenen, A., 337 

Labor, 224, 317 

Lame and blind parable, 302 

Landsberg, M., 473 

Lange, F. A., 87 

Lauterbach, J. Z., 439, 482 ff., 486 

Law, 45-47, 355-358 

Lazarus, L., 106 

Lazarus, M., 14, 101, 106, 349, 477 f. 

Lecky, W. E. H., 345, 364, 443 

Leo Hebraeus, 131 

Leo da Modena, 14 

Lessing, E. G., 430 

Levi, R., 268 

Levkovits, M., 178 

Life a battle, 282 

Loew, Leopold, 22, 27, 472 

Loewe ben Bczalel, 228 

Logos, 198 f. 

Love, 31 f., 121, 126-131, 484 

Love, God s 

See God 

loyalty to country, 319 f. 
-uria, Isaac, 14 
^uther, Martin, 195 
^uz, 288 
Luzzatto, S. D., 23, 30 



5 02 



INDEX 



Maimonides, 3, 13. 22 f., 30, 38, 72, 87, 
no, 138, 153, 162, 170, 178, 187, 194, 
224, 228, 236 f., 268, 272, 307 f., 321, 
339, 386 f., 404, 426 
Makom, 62, 97 
Malachi, 249, 263 
Man, 182, 206-232 
Man, child of God, 256, 260, 310 
Man s, brotherhood, 314, 321 

dual nature, 212-217 

destiny and origin, 218-230 

fall, 221-225 

freedom of will, 208, 231-237 

individuality, 208 

perfectibility, 210, 491 

self-consciousness, 35, 216 
Manasseh, King, 211, 251 
Manasseh ben Israel, 339 
Mankind, 310-315 
Margolis, Max, 2 
Martyrdom of Israel 

See Israel 
Mazdaism 

See Persian 

Measure for measure, 1 24 
Medieval Jewry, 361 f ., 376, 386, 455 
Meir, R., 77, 151, 154, 258, 260, 273, 356, 

403, 450, 453 
Memra 

See Logos 
Mendelssohn, M., vii, 19, 30, 68, 142, 

165, 295 
Mercy of God 

See God 
Merkabah, 187 

Messianic hope, 8, 334 f ., 378, 389, 445 
Messianic kingdom, 426 
Messiah, 25, 333 f., 373, 382 f., 389, 

400 

Metaphysical, 65, 100, 105 
Metatron Mithras, 185, 199 
Micah, 218, 328 
Microcosm, 209 
Mielziner, M., 446 
Mill, John Stuart, 181 
Milton, J., 195 

Minim Heretics, 86, 424 ff . 
Miracle, 36, 160-166 
Misanthropy, 9, 398 
Mission of Israel 

See Israel 
Modesty, 400 
Mohammed, 429 f ., 441 f. 
Mohammedan religion 

See Islam 



Mohammedan theology, 2, 24, 37, 68, 87, 

141, 162, 171, 236 
Monotheism, 55183 

Absolute, 428 

Ethical, 23, 54, 69, 415 
Montefiore, Claude G., 42, 246, 348, 438, 

449 

Month, 459 
Moral order, 119-123 
Morgenstern, J., 239 
Mosaic code, 335, 345, 414 
cult, 263-268 
law, 13, 16, 26, 104 
Mosaism, 283 
Moses, 35-37, 46, 113 f-, 228, 232 ff., 

240 f. 

Mueller, Max, 58 
Mutuality, 488 

Mysticism and mystics, 3, 14, 36, 89, 131, 
136, 157, 473 

Naaman, 414 

Nahmanides, 194, 224, 244, 294, 307, 426 

Nahum of Gimzo, 151, 163 

Names of God, 58-63 

Nationalism, Jewish, 13 f ., 335 

Nationality, Jewish, 8 

Nature, 148, 156 

Nature s laws, 135, 187 

Neoplatonism, 2, 37, 87, 92 

Nestorians, 443 

Nether world, 279 

See also Sheol 
Neumark, David, 19, 22, 70, 92, 98, 172, 

284, 297, 406 

New Year s Day, 465-468 
Nieto, David, 80 
Nirvana, 479 
Noah, 336, 452 

Noahitic laws, 48-51, no, 404, 412 f., 427 
Nomism, 13, 44, 355 
Nomos Law, 43 

Oath, 120 

Objective and subjective truths, 3 
(Enomaos of Gadara, 403 
Onias the Saint, 165, 268, 273 
Ontological proof 

See God s existence 
Optimism, 132, 179, 251 
Order, Moral, of the world, 167 
Orientalism, 470 f . 
Origin, 374 
Orthodoxy, n, 46 
Otherworldliness, 124, 352, 395, 440, 489 



INDEX 



503 



Pain, 176 

Palestine, 3, 38, 335, 394 

Pantheism, 80 

Paradise legend, 177, 207, 219, 278 

Parseeism 

See Persian 
Particularism, 446 
Passover, 461 f. 
Patriotism, 320 
Paul and Paulinian dogma, 25, 50 f., 116, 

21, 259, 355, 417, 428, 437, 440 
Peace, 379, 491 
Pentecost miracle, 359 
Perles, F., 350 

Persian, 85, 140, 184-191, 283 ff., 300 f. 
Personality of God 

See God 

Pessimism, 150, 439 f. 
Pharaoh, 55 
Pharisaic and Pharisees, 12, 20, 189, 233 f., 

283 f., 302, 344 f., 413, 418, 439, 457 
Philanthropy, 486 f . 
Philippson, Ludwig, 165, 210, 444, 446 
Philipson, David, 269, 297, 389, 446, 458 
Philo, 21, 67, 72, 80, 186, 189, 194, 198, 
203, 214 f., 233 f., 268, 290, 294, 351, 
405, 413, 423, 439, 452, 457, 485 
Philosophy, Greek, 66 

Hindoo, 209 

Jewish, 2 

Philosophy of religion, 70 
Phineas ben Yair, 163, 165 
Phylacteries 

See Tefillin 

Plato, 84, 209 f., 215, 405 
Platonism, 141, 285, 289!. 
Ploss, H., 449 f. 
Porter, F. Ch., 215 
Prayer, 261-277 
Predetermination, 232 
Preexistence of the Soul, 289 
Priest, 343 f. 
Priest code, 263, 351 
Priest, High, 317, 466 
Priesthood of Israel 

See Israel 
Profanation of name 

See Hillul ha Shem 
Propaganda, 51, 412-419 
Prophecy, 35, 38 
Prophetic books, 42 
Proselyte, 336 f., 411-423 
Protestantism, 363 
Providence, 167-175 
Psalmist, 10, 13, 60, 265, 299, 309, 480 



Psychology, 187, 204 
Ptolemy Philadelphus, 347 
Punishment, Divine 

See Retribution 
Purgatory, 304 
Purim, 470 

Purity, 146, 153, 291, 490 
Pythagoras, 146, 291 

Rab-Abba Areka, 203, 305 f. 

Rabba, 428 

Rabbinism, 283 

Radin, M., 416 

Rashi, 312, 388 

Rationalism, 13, 38, 89, 450, 474 

Rauwenhoff, L. W. E., 2, 65, 101, 106 

Redemption, Religion of, 17, 195 

Reform Judaism, 269, 330, 340, 389 

Reform liturgy, 269, 297, 340, 389, 469 

Reformation, 363, 444 

Reizenstein, R., 310 

Religion, Absolute, 19 

Religion s unifying power, 15, 315, 321, 491 

Repentance, 246, 257 

Responsibility, 233 f., 246, 255, 337, 488- 

491 

Resurrection, 282-285, 292, 297 f., 392, 396 
Retribution, 107-111, 298 
Revelation, 23, 34, 41, 147 
Reward and punishment 

See Retribution 
Rhode, E., 200 
Ritschl, A. B., 74 
Ritualism, 13 
Roman church, 428 f. 
Rome, 401 
Rosenau, Wm., 447 
Rosin, D., 30 
Ruth, 336, 417 

Saadia, 68, 97, 162, 187, 194, 224, 236, 274, 

200, 307 

Sabbath, 50, 346, 455-460 
Sachs, M., 80, 89, 141 
Sacrament, 448 
Sacrifice, 261-270 
Sadduceeism and Sadducees, 12 f., 127, 

284, 300, 434, 439, 456 
Salvation, 5, 20, 258, 402 
Samaritans, 13, 373, 420, 454 
Samuel, 241 
Samuel of Nehardea, 127, 320, 386, 403, 

420 

Sanctification of the name, 484 
Satan, 86, 189-195, 300 



504 



INDEX 



Schechter, S., 3, 6, 13, 19, 27, 76, 78, 145, 
208, 223, 239, 263, 275, 323, 348, 455, 
458 

Scheyer, S., 214, 292 

Schiller, Fr., 132 

Schlesinger, W. and L., 19 

Schmiedl, 37, 90 ff., 155 f., 197 ff., 393 

Schreiber, E., 27 

Schreiner, M., 19, 78, 103, 431 

Schuerer, E., 159, 410, 413, 416, 448 

Schulman, S., 364, 445 

Science, Modern, 128, 139, 147 f., 215 

Scripture, n, 40, 43 

Seeberg, A., 412, 436 

Sefiroth, Ten, 203 

Self-conquest, 483 

Self-elevation versus self-extinction, 479 

Seligman, C., 71, 155, 179 

Semikah, 12 

Semites and Semitic, 68, 104, 347 

Sermon on the Mount, 438 

Serpent, 193, 221 f. 

Servant of the Lord, 324, 367-375 

Seventy languages, 359 

Seventy nations, 403, 464 

Shabuoth Feast of the Weeks, 462 

Shaddai, 59 

Shammai and Shammaite, 235, 335, 
418 f. 

Shekinah, 46, 97, 183, 197, 204 

Shema, 20, 57, 61, 426 

Sheol, 279 f. 

See also Nether world 

Siegfried, C., 80 f ., 203 

Simeon ben Eleazar, 416 

Simeon ben Gamaliel, 418 

Simeon ben Lakish, 306 

Simeon ben Shetach, 350 

Simeon ben Yohai, 163, 349 

Simhat Torah, 464 

Simlai, R., 27, 287, 319, 356 

Simon the Just, 345, 357 

Sin, 231-345 

Sin, Original, 221-223, 244 

Sinai, 53, 60 

Slavery, 42, 146 

Smith, W. R., 58, 409 

Sociability, 318 

Social justice, 487 

Society, 318 f. 

Socrates, 37, 405 

Solomon ben Adret, 426 

Soul, 24, 212 f., 286 f. 

Spiegel, F., 63 

Spinoza, B., 80, 131, 309 



Spirit of God 

See God 
Spirit, Holy, n 
Spirituality of God 

See God 
Spitta, F, 434 
Stade, B., 42 
Stanley, A. P., 454 
State, Duty to the, 319 
Stave, E., 302 
Stein, L., 340, 389 
Steinschneider, M., 273, 430 f. 
Steinthal, H., 146 
Stoics, no, 198, 315 
Stranger, 408-411 
Strauss, D. F., 19, 67 f., 74, 83 f., 96 f., 

101 f., 119, 153 f., 195 
Suffering, 130 
Suffering, Israel s 

See Martyrdom 
Suicide, 484 
Sukkoth festival, 463 
Sunday, 451 f., 459 
Symbolum Apostolicum, 5 
Synagogal liturgy and worship, 277, 284, 

288, 389, 5M 
Synagogue, 447, 475 
Synagogue, Men of the Great, 40, 79, 201 

Tabernacles, Feast of 

See Sukkoth 
Taeb, 373 
Tallith, 454 
Tamar, 417 
Teffflin, 346, 453 f . 
Teleological proof 

See God s existence 
Temple, Destruction of 

See Ab, Ninth of 
Teshubah 

See Repentance 
Theism, 8 
Theocracy, 342 
Theology, 1-6 

Theology, Christian, 5-6, 342 
Theology, Mohammedan 

See Mohammedan 

This-worldliness, Jewish, 17, 124, 477 
Tihamat, 193, 220 
Time, 99 

Torah, n, 23, 42-47, 199, 354 ff. 
Torah, Reading from the, 470 
Toy, C. H., 480 
Tradition, 12, 14, 43, 46 
Transcendentalism, 143 



INDEX 



505 



Trinity 

See Christian trinity 
Trumbull, H. Clay, 461 
Truth, 136 
Truthfulness of God 

See God 
Tylor, E. B., 286, 449 

Unifying power, 15 
Unity of God, 82-90 

of man, 321, 339 f. 

of the cosmos, 149 
Universalism, 8, 13, 48, 51, 396, 445 
Universe, 146 

Values of life, 489 
Vernacular, 357 

Virtue, Hereditary, 328, 406, 489 
Vision, Prophetic 
See Prophecy 

Water libation, 464 

Weber, F., 45, 61, 78, 86, 117, 123, 126, 143, 

145, 223, 246, 252, 361 
Weiss, Isaac Hirsch, 43, 54 
Wells, H. G., 71 
White, Andrew D., 443 
Will, Freedom of, 138 f., 109 
Windelband-Tufts, 67 ff ., 290 
Windishman, Fr, 305 
Wisdom, 45, 140 
Wisdom of God 
See God 



Wisdom, Book of, 66 
Wisdom literature, 60 
Wise, Isaac M., 423, 473 
Woman, 222, 472 f. 
World, Infinitude of, 154, 159 

Moral government of, 171 f. 

Order of, 157 
Worlds, Two, 159 
Wrath of God 

See God 
Wuensche, A., 430, 439 

Xenophanes, 84 

Yavan, 424 
Yethro, 417 
Yezer ha ra and ha tob, 193, 215, 223, 239. 

Zealot, 12, 334, 360 
Zebulon and Issachar, 364 
Zechariah, 249, 334, 410, 464 
Zedakah, 121, 486 
Zekuth Aboth, 406 
Zeller, .,310 
Zerubbabel, 330, 370, 380 
Zidduk ha Din, 125 
Zimmels, 131 
Zimmern, H., 103, 170 
Zionism, 300, 395 
Zizith, 454 
Zoroastrianisra 

See Persian 
Zunz, Leopold, 41, 43, 367, 45. 47i 



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Jew or Gentile, American, European, Asiatic, African or Islander. We are all of one 
blood. 

" One of the best of Californian novelists, who has enjoyed the book, writes as 
follows : 

" It is an excellent round-up and exposition of all the vagrant and vague 
theories and history of the subject. It makes the evolution and logical being of the 
question perfectly clear. Whereas in most Jewish minds Zionism means a belief in 
Palestine as the native soil of all Jews and the refuge for the oppressed, the motive here 
expressed is that by drawing the Jewish soul to its ancient Fatherland, it will create a 
spiritual center for all Jewry. " Daily Fresno Republican. 



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Publishers 64-66 Fifth Avenue New York 



Jewish Philanthropy 



AN EXPOSITION OF PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF 
JEWISH SOCIAL SERVICE IN THE UNITED STATES 

BY BORIS D. BOGEN, PH.D. 

Cloth, i2mo, $2.00 

This book is an attempt to meet the demand on the part 
of those who are engaged in or are interested in Jewish so 
cial service, for a statement of the principles evolved through 
the experience of the last two decades in various philan 
thropic efforts of the Jews of this country. It is primarily 
a compilation of the different ideas expressed by the leaders 
of the movements, as well as a presentation of the actual 
practical experiences that were met in the different lines of 
philanthropic activity. 

As the first attempt in this direction the work will render 
a great service in clarifying the indefinite views in vogue at 
present among Jewish Social workers. 

CONTENTS 

INTRODUCTION The Extent and Scope of Jewish Philan 
thropy. Dependency Among Jews. Charity Among Jews. Na 
tional Organizations. Methods of Fund Raising for Jewish Phil 
anthropic Agencies. Transients. The Immigration Problem. 
Distribution. The Back to the Soil Movement. Resident-De 
pendents. Dependent Women and Children. Insufficiency of 
Income. Standards of Relief. Education and Social Organiza 
tions. The Education of Immigrants. Jewish Settlements and 
Neighborhood Work. Organization and Administration. Volun 
teer Service. Administration. The Federation and the Syna 
gogue. Bibliography. Index. 



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Publishers 64-66 Fifth Avenue New Tork 



A History of Mediaeval Jewish Philosophy 

BY ISAAC HUSIK 

Assistant Professor of Philosophy in the University of Pennsylvania 

Cloth, octavo, I + 452 pages, $3.00 

The first complete history of mediaeval Jewish rational 
istic philosophy for both the student and the general reader 
which has as yet been written in any modern tongue. 

The story is told simply and interestingly. Dr. Husik 
is gifted with the faculty of clear insight and he has suc 
ceeded in grasping and in exhibiting in a very readable 
manner the essential nature of the various problems treated 
and the gist of the solutions offered by the different Jewish 
philosophers discussed. The author has not attempted to 
read into the mediaeval thinkers modern ideas which 
were foreign to them. He has endeavored to interpret 
their ideas from their own point of view as determined by 
their history and environment, and the literary sources, 
religious and philosophical, under the influence of which 
they came. It is an objective and not too critical exposi 
tion of Jewish rationalistic thought in the middle ages. 

In the words of an eminent reviewer, "To have com 
pressed a comprehensive discussion of five centuries of 
earnest and productive thought upon the greatest of 
themes into a book of less than four hundred and fifty 
pages is an achievement upon which any author may be 
congratulated. To have done the work so well and in 
particular to have expressed profound reflections upon 
abstruse problems in a style so limpid, so fluent, so readily 
understood is to have placed all who are interested in 
thought and thinkers under great obligation. That an 
American-Jewish scholar should have produced a pioneer 
work that must, for a long time to come, be the authority 
in its field is a subject of felicitation to all who have at 
heart the perpetuation of Jewish learning in America." 

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Publishers 64-66 Fifth Avenue New York 



Studies in Judaism 



BY RABBI SOLOMON SCHECHTER, Lrrr.D. 

The author is President of the Jewish Theological Seminary of America 
since 1902 ; formerly Reader in Talmudic, Cambridge University, and Pro 
fessor of Hebrew, University College of London, 1898-1902. 

Cloth, ismo, 366 pages, $/.j*o 

"The book is, to our mind, the best on this subject ever written. 
The author condenses a literature of several thousand pages into 
564 pages, and presents to us his history in a splendid English and 
splendid order. This work deserves the highest appreciation, and 
without the slightest hesitation do we recommend it to the public at 
large, and more especially to our co-religionists in this country." 

Jewish Tribune. 

CONTENTS 
INTRODUCTION. 

1. THE CHASSIDIM. 

2. NACHMAN KROCHMAL AND THE "PERPLEXITIES OF THE TIME." 

3. RABBI ELIJAH WILNA, GAON. 

4. NACHMANIDES. 

5. A JEWISH BOSWELL. 

6. THE DOGMAS OF JUDAISM. 

7. THE HISTORY OF JEWISH TRADITION. 

8. THE DOCTRINE OF DIVINE RETRIBUTION IN RABBINICAL LIT 

ERATURE. 

9. THE LAW AND RECENT CRITICISM. 

10. THE HEBREW COLLECTION OF THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 

11. TITLES OF JEWISH BOOKS. 

12. THE CHILD IN JEWISH LITERATURE. 

13. WOMAN IN TEMPLE AND SYNAGOGUE. 

14. THE EARLIEST JEWISH COMMUNITY IN EUROPE. 
NOTES. 

INDEX. 



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University of Toronto 
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