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V%>i
ENGLISH HISTORY
BY CONTEMPORARY WRITERS
®lj« |[«nr« of 3ttt0evi*T &tj0lanii
The series, of which the ])resent volume is one, aims at setting
forth the facts of our National History, political and social, in a
way not yet systematically tried in this country, but somewhat
like that which Messrs. Hachette have successfully wrought out
in France under the editorship of MM. Zeller, Darsy, Luchaire,
etc. It is planned not only for educational use but for the
general reader, and especially for all those to whom the original
contemporary authorities are for various reasons difficult of access.
To each well-defined period of our history is given a little
volume made up of extracts from the chronicles, state papers,
memoirs, and letters of the time, as also from other contempo-
rary literature, the whole chronologically arranged and chosen
so as to give a living picture ot the effect produced upon each
generation by the political, religious, social, and intellectual
movements in which it took part.
Extracts from foreign tongues are Englished, and passages
from old English authors put into modem spelling, but otherwise
as far as may be kept in original form. When needed a glossary
is added and brief explanatoiy notes. To each volume is also
appended a short account of the writers quoted and of their
relations to the events they describe, as well as such tables and
summaries as may facilitate reference. Such illustrations as are
given are chosen in the same spirit as the text, and represent
monuments, documents, sites, portraits, coins, etc.
The chief aim of the series is to send the reader to the best
original authorities, and so to bring him as close as may be to
the mind and feelings of the times he is reading about.
No definite chronological system of issue is adopted, but it is
hoped that the entire period of Mediaeval and Renaissance his-
tory may be covered in the space of two or three years.
F. YORK POWELL,
Editor of the Series,
Ch. Ch., Oxford, 1887.
ENGLISH HISTORY BY CONTEMPORARY
WRITERS
9Hje iiinvf0 0f S^n^etfitj ffBn^lanif
DOCUMENTS AND RECORDS
FROM LATIN AND HEBREW SOURCES
PRINTED AND MANUSCRIPT
FOR THE FIRST TIME
COLLECTED AND TRANSLATED
15 V
JOSEPH JACOBS
Corresponding Member of the Royal Academy of History ^
Madrid, and of the American Jewish Historical
Society y Washington,
LONDON
DAVID NUTT, 270, 271, STRAND
1893
T^u(L32.;/.^^'^
/
/
HARV.-RO \
Lir '^'(
BKDFORD :
ARlHLR;j,RANSOM, PRINTKR, HIGH STREET
All Rights Reser^oed.
PREFACE.
I HAVE included in this volume every scrap of
evidence I could find in the English records,
whether printed or inedited, that relates to the Jews
of England up to the year 1206. I have thought it
worth while aiming at such completeness as this is
the period that has been most neglected by my chief
predecessor, WilHam__Prynne, from whose Short
Demurrer (and from Madox) Tovey*s Anglia Jfudaica^
the * standard ' book on the subject, was mainly
compiled. Yet the materials for the twelfth century
are sufficiently copious, owing to the remarkable
preservation of the English records. Certainly no
other country in Europe could produce such a
volume as this for so early a century.* I reckon
that it would take a score of similar volumes to
complete the history of the English Jews on the
same scale for the 84 years that elapsed till their
Expulsion in 1290.
♦ The German Regesten only contain some 150 items relating
to the twelfth century. The Spanish records about the Jews*
which I have recently been investigating, only begin to be
copious in the thirteenth century.
IV. PREFACE.
Much of my new material has been taken from the
35 Pipe Rolls of the twelfth century that still lie
unprinted at the Record Office. I have gone
through all these and my extracts form a continuous
record through the volume giving it some sort of
unity. In my search through the Pipe Rolls I
may possibly have missed some items of interest,
but enough has emerged to show the important
position held by the Jews towards the Royal
Treasury. This is also confirmed by the many
entries I have given from the other Rolls printed
by the Record Commission.* I stopped my extracts
from these at the year 1206, as this terminus was
sufficient to include specimens of the chief series
of Rolls without overburdening the volume with
legal details. ^-^The heroic story of the emeuies of
1189-90 with many a quaint passage from the
chronicles will help to relieve the extracts of the
Rolls but these latter form the basis of my work and
will furnish, I trust, a solid contribution to the con-
stitutional history of this country. ' I have endeavoured
to systematise the scattered details in the somewhat
elaborate Appendix at the' end of the volume, while
the Introduction sums up the general conclusions to
which these point.
* These were partly utilized by Dr. Goldschmidt in his slight
but vaJiiable Geschkhte der Juden in England^ I., 1887.
PREFACE. V.
I had another reason for stoppingshort at 1206.
That date^. when. England lost Normandy under
Johiujprms a real„epoch, I believe, in the internal
history of the Jewish communities of England.
Hitherto they had been in touch with their brethren
abroad and had joined in their spiritual life to the
ful lest exten t. During my researches among both the
Latin and the Hebrew records^ of this period I have
come to the conclusion, indeed, that during the last
third of the twelfth century the English Jews held
the lead in spiritual and literary activity among the
Israelites of Northern. Europe. (I have discovered
among them, as I think, a whole school of Massorites
and grammarians, a couple of religious poets, a writer
on astronomy, several exegetes of importance, and in
particular I have vindicated for England one of the
most important literary figures in medieval Judaism,
Berachyah.Nakdan, henceforth, I hope, to be known
as Benedict le Puncteur of Oxford. It should not
surprise us that the Jews of England shared in the
spiritual hegemony which her position as head of
the Angevin Empire gave England at the end of
the twelfth century over all the Romance-speaking
nations of Europe, especially as for nearly twenty
years of that time (1182-98) Jews were excluded
from French territory by the harsh decree of Philip
Augustus.
i(
VI. PREFACE.
I have myself translated the greater part of the
extracts from Hebrew works which fill one fifth of
this volume and are printed in italics. But for two
metrical versions of Hebrew hymns I have to thank
the poetic skill of my friend Mr. I. Zangwill ; while I
should never have been able to include the extracts
from the Tosaphoth or commentaries on the Talmud
but for the kindness of my friend Mr. S. Schechter,
Reader in Rabbinic in the University of Cambridge.
With infinite patience he went through with me all
the passages which I had found referred to in
secondary sources and thought useful for my purpose.
Those that turned out to be suitable Mr. Schechter
then dictated to me. I should add that he is not to
be held responsible for any of the identifications
made in this book between Rabbis mentioned in
the Tosaphoth and Jews named in the English
records. If these turn out to be premature or un-
founded, the blame is with me. Even in that case,
the extracts will still be of use as throwing light on
the spiritual life of Jews who lived under exactly the
same conditions of culture as those of Angevin
England.
I have other debts of gratitude to pay or express.
Mr. I. Abrahams transcribed and translated some
passages from Hebrew MSS. at the Judith Monte-
£ore CoUege, Ramsgate, while Mr. Herbert Hall
and Dr. Montagu James were good enough Lo place j
at my disposal extracts from MSS. wliicli they are |
engaged in editing. The Editors of the Jax.
Chronicle, the Jewish Quartirlv Revinv, and the '
Arehaohgical Revim> have allowed me to reproduce I
in this volume passages that first appeared in t
pages. The Editor of the Javish Chronic/t and the \
Syndics of the Clarendon Press have kindly pre-
sented me with a couple of the blocks that illustrate j
the history. For the remainder of the illustrations 1
I have to thank the skill and zeal of Mr. Frank Haes I
) spent a broiling day at the British Museur
photographing from books or MSS. the material
records of the early history of the Jews in this
country,
I have also to thank the editor and publisher of
this series for allowing me to include in it a volume
differing somewhat in design and inti^ntion from its
fellows. At first intended to contain a selection from
printed sources to illustrate the whole history up to
[290, it has grown into an attempt at an exhaustive
account, from both printed and manuscript sources,
of the Jews of England up to izo6. I might have
made it a much more learned looking volume with
Inlinitely less trouble.
Finally, I sliould like to connect this book with the
Vnglo-Jewish Exhibition uf 18H7 and tht wa-tftt o^ S.'v.'s.
VUl. PREFACE.
originator Mr. Isidore Spielman. It was my work in
connection with that Exhibition which convinced me
of the enormous mass of available material for the
history of the Jews in this country, especially in its
medieval phases. I was at the same time convinced
of the duty of English Jews to make this accessible,
and I am grateful for the chance that has enabled me
to perform part of this duty.
INTRODUCTION.
THE JEWS OF ENGLAND UNDER THE
ANGEVIN KINGS *
The presence of the Jews in early England was
due to a financial experiment of the Norman Kings,
rendered necessary by the policy of the Church
towards *' usury," but which ultimately became im-
possible owing to its costly character and the rise of
popular religious feeling due to the Crusades and the
Friars. There is no evidence of their existence as a
class in England before the Conquest, though the
Gallo-Jewish slave-traders probably paid flying visits
to these islands, the result of one of these visits
being the re-entrance of England into the fold of the
Church. William of Malmesbury distinctly states
that the Conqueror brought them over from Rouen,
and there is no evidence against his statement.
There are only the slightest traces of the existence
• Up to 1206; I adopt this tet minus ad quern with Miss
Norgate in her England under the Angevin Kings, The loss
of Normandy in 1206 was even more eventful tor English Jews
than for Englishmen in general.
X. INTRODUCTION.
of Engli>sb Jews under the Norman Kings, and we
only begin to get specific and detailed statements
about them with the accession of Henry II. By far
the greatest bulk of the present volume is concerned
with the fifty years succeeding his accession in 1 154.
No other country possesses such rich historical
materials for the early middle ages as England. The
early centralisation of the Government, and the
comparative absence of civil war, account for this.
It is not surprising, therefore, that the history of the
Jews in England during the twelfth century is much
more full than that of France, Germany, Italy, or
Spain, which did not practically exist as historic
entities at so early a period. From the accession of
Henry II. we have full and often minute details of
the outer life of the English Jews, and we are not
without much information as to their inner life and
spiritual activity. The English records are not only
remarkably rich but they enable us to see the rise of
the peculiar position of the Jews, whereas, in other
countries, the mists first dissolve when the status of
the Jews had been definitely and permanently
degraded by the action of Innocent III. In England,
on the other hand, we start with comparative equality,
and the more rigid restrictions of the thirteenth
century are not to be found, or only in slight measure,
tJ)} the reign of John. It was the Church, and the
IMTRODIICTION. xi.
Church alone, that produced whatever was peculiar
in the position or the Jews in Angevin England.
The Church and the Jews. — The position of
the Jews in mediffival Kurope, and therefore in
Angevin England, was entirely determined by the
attitude of the Church towards them. State and
Church were one, and none could belong to the
State who did not belong to the Slate Church. The
Jews, as the arth -heretics, ihc hereditary enemies of
the Church, the Anti- Christ incarnate, were regarded
as naturally incapable of forming part of a community
vhichwasaChristian brotherhood as well as apolitical
organisation.
The means adopted by the Church to ensure the
sacro- sanctity of the body politic was to connect
'every public office with religious ceremonials of some,
kind or another. No office could be entered upon
without an oath, and the simplest form of initiative
ceremony involved the formula, " In nomine Palris et
FiUi et Spiritus sancti," which no Jew could accept
and remain a Jew." In this way everj- part of the
national life was at least formally Christianised. Even
such a simple thing as taking a farm involved, in
]/eudal England, paying homage, which was again
* A survival still exists in the reception cctemDny of Bachelors
Ot Art at Oxford and Cambridge. I bad to Bt>i)ly for special
a have the words omitted nn taking my degree a'
Cambridge.
i
XU. INTRODUCTION.
connected with the religious formula. Besides this,
the whole economic life of England was bound up
Vith the institution of guilds, and these were as much
/religious confraternities as trade unions. Owing to
the close connection of the Church with the national
life, the Jew could find no career in agriculture, trade,
public or municipal office.
At the same time the Church had some reason to
fear a rival, or a least a disturbing element, in the
Jew. After all, the Christianity of Early England
was but a thin veneer over a thick crust of underlying
paganism, much of which still survives in the form of
folk-lore. The position of the Jews was crucial to her
claims. As she had to recognise them as the people
of God, their non-acceptance of her claims was doubly
damaging. Hence the eagerness with which she
urged their conversions ; hence, too, the increasing
bitterness with which she regarded them as her
attempts at conversion failed. There is a marked
increase of acrimony between the controversy of
Gilbert Crispin, Abbot of Westminster, with R.
Simeon Chasid, from Treves, at the beginning of the
twelfth century, and the treatise of Peter of Blois,
^ Against the Perfidy of the Jews, at the end of the
century. This may have been accentuated by the
public derision cast by the Jews on the more
assailable sides of Catholicism — the worship of
INTROnrCTIOK. XI
mages and the creation of miracles. The Jei
:Of England were painfully interested in miracle-l
mongering, as the myth of the " blood-accusation "
— the alleged murder of Christian children at Pass-'
over for ritual purposes — first arose in England i
connection with the case of William of Norwich, boy I
and martyr, 1144, and was undoubtedly encouraged J
by the Church, as it brought more custom to
shrines involved. Two other cases occurred — Harold,
the boy-martyr of Gloucester, in 1168, and Robert,
boy and martyr, of Edmondsbury, in 1181 — before
the close of the twelfth century. Besides all this, 1
'there are signs that Judaism had begun to attract 'l
i in England, and thus threatened to be a 1!
rival. Altogether the Church made its anti-Jewish 1
enactments more oppressive towards the end of the ]
twelfth century in England, and especially attempted , <
to keep the Jews more isolated from their fellow-ll
citizens, and to drive them out of every departmentrfl
of public life. I
The Church and Usury, — There was, however, I
pne sphere of activity which the Church left open to 1
the Jew by closing it to the Christian. To a certain 1
stent she made practicable the socialism of the early I
Church. Through misinterpretation of Luke VI. 35, I
translated by the Vulgate, " Mutuum dale, nihil inde 1
Bperantes" (but really meaning, "Lend, never des-
XIV, INTROnrCTION.
pairing," R.V.), all addition on the repaj-ment of a
loan was regarded as strictly forbidden. It was also
interpreted to mean (by St. Augustine, or Pope Julius,
for example), tliat no addition was to be expected on
the price of goods bought. In other words, the
Church declared against capitalism of any kind,
branding it as usury. . It became impossible in
Angevin England to obtain the capital for any large
scheme of building or organisation unless the pro-
jectors had the capital themselves.
Here was the function which the Jew could perform
in England of the twelfth ceiiturj', which was just
passing economically cut of the stage of barter.
Capital was wanted in particular for the change of
architecture from wood to stone with the better classes,
and especially for the erection of castles and monas-
teries. The Jews were, indeed, the first in England
to possess dwelling-houses built with stone, probably
for purposes of protection as well as of comfort. And
as a specimen of their influence on monastic architec-
ture, we have it on record that no less than nine
Cistercian monasteries of the North Country were
built by moneys lent by the great Aaron of Lincoln,
who also boasted that he had built the shrine of St.
-- ^Alban. It was chiefly, then, the smaller barons and
the monasteries that needed the capital of the Jews,
and it is characteristic enough that their chief perse-
cutors came from precisely these Vhq classes.
INTRODUCTION. XV.
The Church prohibition of ** usury" would have
been ineffective if the State had not followed suit/^If
the usurer had merely to fear the spiritual terrors of
the Church, the practice might not have been very
greatly checked. But the State followed suit by
confiscating the chattels of a usurer who died in his
sin, and applied the provision quite impartially to
Jew or Christian/? This provision brought about a
curious result wnen there came to exist a class of
men like the Jews of Angevin England, whose sole
function was to be usurers or capitalists. The State
as represented by the king became the universal
legatee of the whole Jewry, and thus was brought /
into immediate connection a sort of sleeping I
partnership, with Jewish usury. .
The King and the Jews, -f- The result of the
Church's attitude towards Jews and towards usury
was to put the king into a peculiar relation towards
his Jewish subjects.^ The Church kept them out of
all other pursuits but that of usury, which it branded
as infamous ; the State followed suit, and confiscated
the estates of all usurers dying as such. Hence, as
a Jew could only be a usurer, his estate was always
potentially the king's, and could be dealt with by the
king as if it were his own. Yet, strange to say, it
was not to the king's interest to keep the Jews' wealth
in his own hands, for he, the king, as a good Christian^
XVI. INTRODUCTION.
could not get usury for it, while the Jew could very
soon double and treble it, since the absence of com-
petition enabled him to fix the rate of interest very
high, rarely less than forty per cent., often as much
as eighty. As the Jew might die before the debt
was due and the king be then content to take a much
smaller sum as a composition for the debt, it was
often the debtor's interest to keep the debt standing.
The usury was in the nature of a bet against the Jew's
life. The only useful function the Jew could perform
towards both king and people was to be as rich as
possible, just as the larger the capital of a bank, the
more valuable the part it plays in the world of
commerce. No wonder the expression ** rich as a
Jew " passed into a proverb ; as applied to the
English Jew of the twelfth century, it was as tauto-
logous as saying " rich as a bank."
^^'t'he king reaped the benefit of these riches in
several ways. One of his main functions and main
source of income was selling justice, and Jews
were among his best customers. Then he claimed
from them, as from his other subjects, fines and
amerciaments for all the events of life. The Pipe
Rolls contain entries of fines paid by Jews to marry,
not to marry, to become divorced, to go a journey
across the sea, to become partners with another Jew,*
* There was a special reason why the king claimed compensa-
tJoD for a partnership between Jews. Debts to the firm would
not fall into his hands when one of \Ke ^aTtners died.
INTRODUCTION. XVI
I short, for al! the decisive events of life. And
above all, the king got frequent windfalls from the |
heirs of deceased Jews who paid heavy reliefs to have
their fathers' charters and debts, of which, as we
have seen, they could make more profitable use than
the king, to whom the Jew's property escheated not
fud Jew, but yud usurer. In the case of Aaron of
Lincoln the king did not disgorge at all at his death.
Jut kept in his own hands the large treasures, lands,
houses and debts of the great financier. He appears '
o have first organised the Jewry, and made the whole
t[ the English Jews his agents, throughout the
country, Aaron's treasures were lost at sea, but his
debts amounted to some;£^2o,ooo, more than half the
e, and required a special branch of the
Exchequer, the Scaccarium Aaroiiis, with two treasurers
md two clerks to look after them, for many years to
This great windfall, which occurred in 1 1 87, must
lare opened the eyes of the king's officials to the
irofitable source of income that lay in Jewish usury;
hree years later they learned the dangers to which
source was liable. The emeuUs of 1189-90,
mlminating in the York massacre, had as one of their
il^ects the destruction of the deeds and charters of
he Jews; in York they were burnt in the Minster.
!%e loss sustained by the king led to the organisation
XVlll. INTRODUCTION.
of the Jewry in 1 194, when the " Ordinances of the
Jewry " were promulgated ; these provided for a full
record of all Jewish business to be kept in the king's
hands, so that he might know exactly how much each
Jew was worth, and how much he could extract from
him. The Exchequer of the Jews of the thirteenth
century, with its Star Chamber, devoted to the
Sheiars of the Hebrew usurers, grew out of the
"Ordinances of the Jewry," but lies beyond the limits
of our present purview.*
For, in addition to these quasi-regular and normal
sources of income from his Jews, the king claimed
from them — again as from his other subjects — rvarious
contributions from time to time under the names of
gifts and tallages. And here he certainly seems, on
occasion at least, to Kave evercised an unfavourable
discrimination in his demands from the Jews. lu
1 187, the year of Aaron of Lincoln's death, he took a
tenth from the rest of England, which yielded ;^70,ooo,
and a quarter from the Jews, which gave as much as
;^6o,ooo. In other words, the Jews were reckoned to
have, at that date, one quarter of the movable wealth
of the kingdom (;^240,ooo against ;^7oo,ooo held by
the rest).
Altogether, in these various ways, I reckon that
the English kings in the latter half of the twelfth
'» See the excellent paper of Dr. C. Gross on the subject in
^a^^rs 0/ the Anglo- Jewish Historical Exhibition ^ 1888.
INTROIJUCTION. XIX.
entury drew an average a sum of ^3,000 per annum
om their Jews. As his whole income did not reach
luch more than ;^35,ooo. the Jews contributed one-
;welfth of his fosources. It was somewhat as if tliey
contributed ^7,000,000 to the Budget now-a-days.
They acted the part of a sponge for the Royal Trea-
sury, they gathered up all the floating money of the
country, to be squeezed from time to time into the
llcing's treasure-chest. I fancy that at one time in
Henry ll.'s reign, it was contemplated making them
■the king's taxgalherers, as they were in Spain and else-
"where. I find several items in the early Pipe Rolls
of that monarch which show that the sheriffs of the
counties were directed to pay over the cash balances
of the ferm of each county— the main source of the
king's income — to certain Jews. But this ceases J
suddenly, owing, as I imagine, to the discovery that
itrongbow's mission to Ireland had been financed
»y the Jews. The king found that Jewish money
:ouId be utilised by others for purposes which were
lot exactly in his own interest.
The king was thus, as we have said, the sleeping-
partner in all the Jewish usurj-, and may be regarded I
as the Arch-usiirer of the kingdom. By this me
he was enabled Lo bring pressure on any of his barons ]
who were indebted to the Jews. He could offer
release them of their debt of the usury accruing to
XX. INTRODUCTION.
it, and in the case of debts falling into his hand by
the death of a Jew, he could commute the debt for
a much smaller sum. Thus the Cistercian abbeys
referred to above paid Richard I, i,ooo marks instead
of the 6,400 which they had owed to Aaron of
Lincoln.* And as the king pressed the barons, so
these passed on the pressure to their inferior vassals,
from whom they demanded grants in aid to free
themselves of Jewish indebtedness. It was only in
this way that the lower tenantry were affected by
Jewish usury, since they conducted their own business
mainly by barter, and had no reason to resort to the
Jews.
Thus, owing to the attitude of the Church towards
the Jews and towards capitalism, the king was made
the Arch-usurer of his realm. It must, however, be
emphasised, as the point is new, that the king, as
king, did not enter into any special relation with his
Jews qud Jews. He treated Christian and Jewish
usurers alike, and claimed their money at their decease
with remarkable impartiality. (DiaL de Scacc. IL xj
The state knew of no disability of Jews for any
position (apart from the initiatory ceremonies
* It was doubtless o\^'ing to this insecurity that such high
interest was paid. The debtor was practically betting against
the life of the Jew. If he died before payment was exacted, be
might get off for a much smaller sum.
INTRODUCTION. XXI.
involving Christian oaths).* I have even come
across evidence of Jews paying knights* fees, and
there is overwhelming evidence that they held many
manors as liens if not as fiefs^
This anomalous relation of the king to his Jewish
subjects led to some conflict of interest. Thus, as a
good Christian, he would naturally desire to see them
converted, but as king he would lose their services
as informal tax-gatherers. He therefore claimed as
compensation the goods and chattels of a Jew who
became converted, and we find the Church com-
plaining of the disabilities thus placed on the
convert; nor was she oblivious of the king's sinful
participation in Jewish usury. —
Yet it was the C hurch tha t w as ultim ately to blame
for the state of things which the Church blamed.
The anomalous position of the Jews in medieval
Europe was due to the intolerance of the Church
which rendered it impossible for them to become
citizens of their native country without abjuring
their ancestral faith. The whole story is made
sordid by the persistent way in which the Church
closed every career to the Jew except usury. It
may be allowed to one who is both Englishman
* Curiously enoujjb, the whole Parliamentaiy stiuggle for the
emancipation of the Jews raged round the form of the oath to be
taken by Jewish M.P.'s.
y
XXn. INTRODUCTION.
and Jew to express his regret both that Angevin
England saw no other means of giving its Jews
employment except as thumb-screws of the Royal
Treasury, and that the mediaeval English Jews had
not the manhood to refuse to accept a livelihood,
however lucrative, which was only possible by the
oppression of their fellow-citizens.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
[Entries in italics relate to translations from the Hebrew.
The remainder are from Latin unless otherwise mentioned. An
asterisk indicates that the extract is from a som-ce still inedited,
wholly or in part. Items within inverted commas preserve the
original titles in the Records. The passages in the Addenda
are inserted as far as possible in proper chronological order and
are marked off by square brackets.]
PAGE
Bef. 690 The laws of the Church about the Jews i
810 JeTvs flee from Germany ^o England 4
xo73~5 Jews settle in Oxford and Cambridge ...
X074 [Decree of the Council of Rouen ..
1079 [Jews are repulsed from Ireland
1086 A Jew in Domesday ,
c. 1090 The impiety of William the Red
Bef. 1096 [?] Friendly Dispute of Jew and Christian
Some of the Arguments
Bef. X 100 How to treat a Convert
c. XI15 First mention of the London Jewry ...
1120 Jews as Owls {Norm. French] 13
1 130- 1 How Jews contribute to the Treasury [Pipe Roll
items 1-5] ... ... ... ... ... ... 14
c. 1 140 ;Laws of the Church about the Jews 15
Church \'iew of Usury x6
1x41 Jews at Oxford are mulcted by Maud and Stephen x8
[A Jew burnt at Oxford 256
XX44 The Martyrdom of William of Norwich xg
[*Thomas of Monmouth's account of the Martyr-
dom 256
The details of the Mart}Tdom 350 yean latex ... v^
4
255
255
5
6
7
8
X2
13
XXIV. CONTENTS.
PAGE
XX46 St. Bernard's plea to the people of England on
behalf of the Jews 22
English yews in Germany 23
1 147 [Stephen protects the Jews 258
c. 1x50 [A Reconversion by Rubigotsce 259
Bef. 1x52 [Jews tenants of St. Paul's 260
Bef. X154 Early Bible Criticism o/*' Rubi Gotsce^* ... 23
c. XX50 * The yews and the Chatelaine 25
X155 When Flemings go, Jews come out of their
XX55-60 Jews spread through England [Pipe Roll items
W* * V I ^V* ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ^v
May, XX58 Abraham Ibn Esra [Browning's 'Rabbi Ben
Esra '] dedicates his work ** Yesod Moreh " to
yoseph ben yacob in London 29
The State of Hebrew Learning among English
'7CTX/S ••• ••• ••• «•• ••• ••• ••• O
The Laws 0/ Moses 33
The aim 0/ Life 34
Dec. 1158 Introduction to Abraham Ibn EsrtCs " Sabbath
Ct^XSVi^ ••• ••• ••• ••• ••» ••• 3o
XX59-63 Richard of Anesty gets into debt 38
c. XX64 Cities and Jews have their own Laws 42
Bef. xx66 [A Jewish Knight 260
Bef. XX67 [Abraham Ibn Ezra and the Demons 262
1x67 [A False Jew a False Prophet 264
ix66-Q *Jews as ferm -gatherers [Pipe Roll items xi-15] 43
c. xx68 An Israelite Bishop without guile 45
xx68 Harold, the Boy- Martyr, of Gloucester ... 45
How to obtain money from the Jews « 47 /
Bef. 1 170 Canon of a Rabbinic Synod of North West
Europe ... ... ... ... ... ... 47
c. 1x70 From ** The Dialogue of the Exchequer " 49
XX70 A Jew finances the Conquest of Ireland [P.R.
items 16-X7] ... ... ... ... ... 5'
Bef. XX7Z A Difficult Question 52
A point of yewish Law 53
A Weighty Decision 54
The yews of England inquire whether they may
eat Barnacle-geese 54
1171 [English yews mourn the Martyrs of Blots ... 265
1x72 A Decree of the Council of Avrancbes 55
1172-6 ^Jewish Contributions to the Treasury [P.R.
tfv*»y J ••• ••• ••• ••• •«• ••• ••• 00
CONTENTS. XXV.
PA6B ^
XZ73 The Plate of Lincoln Minster is redeemed from
Aaron of Lincoln 57
1175 The Abbot of Peterborough pledges relics with
, lUC I ClnrS ••• *•• ••• ••• ••• ••• 5/
\y\^^(i The first Shetar on record 58
XX73-80 How the Abbey of St. Edmund became in debt
to the Jews 59
XZ77 Sepulchres granted to the Jewries 62
^ 1179 The provisions of the Lateran Council about the
J wW o ••• ••• ••• ••» ••• ••« «g9 w2
How to treat Christian Usurers 63
XX77-79 *Jews are sent across the straits [P.R. 28-33] ... 64
.^ 1x79 ♦Early l.O.U.'s 66
c. X180 From " The Laws of Edward the Confessor *' ... 68
The Punishment of a Jewish Scoffer 68
How the Jews* Debts get into the hands of the y"
XW1U|^ ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• /^
xx8o-2 Jewish Contributions to the Treasury [P.R. 34-47] 72
1181 Assize of Arms 75
St. Robert, Boy and Martyr 75
July, XX82 Jews expelled from France 75
, X182 A Receipt, Latin and Hebrew 76
/^5 Nov. X182 One of the Causes of the York Massacre [partly
Hebrew\ ... ... ... ... ... ... 77
1182 The Jews favour William the Sacristan, and what
followed ... ... 78
Bef. X 183 The Boasting of Aaron of Lincoln 79
X183 [A Receipt, Latin and ^(ff^r^w 268
II Nov. 1x83 Deed of Mortgage [part //<p^f»w] 80
Bef. X 184 Deodatus writes an asironofnical work ... 8x
Israel as Bride and as Beggar 8x
[* English yews drink with Gentiles 269
1x82-5 *The King finds his Jews profitable [P.R. 48-66] 82
c. 1x85 A witty Jew 86
1183-5 *Promissory Notes 87
c. 1x86 ^Earliest List of London Jews 88
X186-7 *Jumet the Jew pays dearly for marrying a
Christian heiress [P.R. 67-72] 90
Aaron's Treasures are lost at sea 91
Bef. 1x87 [The Misdeeds of William Wibert 272
c. 1x87 [The Vision of Roger of Estreby 272
1x88 Barnacle-geese should convince the Jews of the
Immaculate Conception 92
. Jews minister to the Monks of Canterbury, and
pay a heavy contribution to the Crusade •«« <^%/
XXVI. CONTENTS.
PAGE
[*Aids to relieve a Lord from the Jewrs ... 269
Bef. 1x89. Henrj* II. favours the Jews 94
[Early History of the Norwich Jewry 274
•Feet of Fine with Jumet of Norwich 94
X188-9 'Jewish Conttibutions to the Treasury [P.R.
/ ^ " v^* J ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• y5
Bef. 1189 Btblica I Com men ts of Rabbi yacob 98
[Walter Mapes refi^ses to be just to Jews and
Cistercians ... ... ... ... ... ... 275
•Deed of Belaset the Jewess of Oxford 96
[•Contributions to the Treasury (P.R. 189-204) ... 265
1189 [•Early Lawsuits 274
3, 4 Sept. 1 189 The Massacre at Richard I.'s Coronation ... 99
8 Sept. 1x89 Baptism or Death ; a Relapse 105
A Poet's account of the London Massacre
\Mid.-Eng.'\ 106
A Jewish Account of the Massacre 107
x6 Nov. 1 189 Charter of Monks of the Cistercian Order to be
quits of their debts to Aaron of Lincoln ... 108
Bef. 1 190 *A Penitential Hymn of R, Yomtob of York X09
A Question of Warmth iii
X190 Slaughter of the Jews at Norwich, Stamford,
York, and St. Edmunds 112
Feb. X190 "What was done against the insolence of the
Jews at Lynn" 113
7 March, X190 " What was done against the Jews at Stam-
10 ad >•• ••• aaa ••• ••• ■•• ••• ^
Bef. 1190 A Decision of Rabbi EliaSy the Martyr of
JL Vff^ ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• AXw
Mar. 1 190 "What was done against the Jews of Lincoln
and York" 117
x6, X7 Mar. 1x90 " Of the fate of the Jews of York " X23
A Jewish Account of the Massacre 130
" Of the King's ire against the slayers of the
I C W9 ••• ••• ••• ••# ••• ••« ^
Winchester does not join in the Massacres ... 133
22 Mar. 1x90 " A Charter by which many liberties are granted ,
and confirm^ to the Jews " i34^
X189-9X •Contributions to the Treasury [P.R. 91-1040] 138^
XX90 Abbot Samson get** the Jews expelled from
Edmundsbury 141
10 Oct. IX9X [William Longchamp fleeces the Jews 281
XX9X-2 ♦Contributions to the Treasury [P.R. 105-122] ^ 142
Bef. XX92 De minimis noncu9 at Lex Talmudica 146
1x92 Alleged Martyrdom of a Boy at Winchester . . . 146
/
CONTENTS. XXVll.
PAGE
Bef. 1193 The result of entering a Jewish House 153
1193 Jewish Contributions to the Treasury [P.R.
X* J *^J ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• 0^
1 194 Form of Procedure in the Pleas of the King's
Crown ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 155
The Jewry is organised : " The Ordinances of the
I CWl Jr ••• ••• ••# ••• ••• ••• ••• i^U
John of Brompton's Account 159
♦TheDebtsof Aaron [P.R. 129-138] 159'
Bef. 1194 * Hebrew Grammar of Samuel le Poinfur of
Bristol ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 162
\Commenh by R . Benjamin 281
1 194 *Gift of the Jews of England to King Richard 162 ^
c. 1195 \Infroduciion to Benedict of Oxford* s *^ Fox-
Fables** ... ... ... ... ... ... 278
" The Fable of the Wolf and the Animals " ... 165
" The Fable of the Fox, the Cart, and the
s^ • w /vfro ••• ••• ••• ••• ■>• ••• ••• *y V
Benedict of Oxford's ' Morals ' 172
1195-7 ♦Jewish Transactions [P.R. 140-148] 174
1194-9 Early Lawsuits 175
Peter the Jew becomes a London Landowner ... 177
c. 1197 The Abbey of Meaux takes up Debts to Jews... 177
Bef. 1 198 Learned daughters of a learned father 178
"Against the Perfidy of the Jews" by Peter of
^31015 ••• ••• ••• ■•• ••• ••• •■• '#7
1198 ♦Jews and the Treasury [P.R. 150-162] ... 182 /
Bef. 1198 Laws of the Church about the Jews 1^4 \/
1198 " Innocent III. to all Christian Princes " ... i86 ^
c. 1198 There were Jews in Cornwall 186
Bef. XX99 [Additional items from the Pipe Rolls (P.R. 210-18) 276«>
1199 A complicated Transaction 188
Early Lawsuits 191
1x99-1200 *The Exchequer of the Jews [P.R. 163-172]... l92^/
Bef. 1200 Benedict of Oxford translates AdLe\2iT6.*s "Quaes-
tiones Naturales " 196
He translates a work on Mineralogy 198
He comments on Job 198
[Two Cistercian Monks turn Jews 283
[Jews falsify MSS. of Josephus 285
[''Rules of Punctuation'' by R. Moses ben Yomtob 282
Bef. 1200 English Jews in Germany 199
[English Jews are Models of Orthodoxy 286
[Ra bbi Menachem of L otidon 287
[^Decisions of Rabbi Menachettt . "jSRi
XXVlll.
II99-I200
12-31 July, 120O
23 July, 1200
1199- 1202
1200
10 June, 1200
8 Sept. 1200
I 200- I
1201
10 April, 1201
1201
1202
10 June, 1203
22 July, 1204
1202-4
Bef. 1204
1202-4
15 April, 1204
Bef. 1204
c. 1204
1205
1202-6
1204-6
1205
1204-6
Early XI 1 1. Cent.
Bef. 1215
1279
CONTENTS.
[/?. Moses of London on the Passover Service
[ * Decisions of R . Moses of L ondon
[Houses in the Oxford Jewry
From the " Oblate Rolls "
Appointment of an Archpriest of the Jews ...
The King confirms the Sale of a Manor to a
I w^nF ••• ••• ■•• ••• •••
The King is kind to Earl David at the Jews
CJk^^CUSrC ••• •■• ••■ at* ■•• •••
The King grants Jews' houses to his servants
Leo the Jew, the King's goldsmith
llie Jews mourn the death of Hugh, Bishop of
J-^lU^OlU ••• ••• ••» •■• ••• •••
Bailiffs of the Jews appointed ..
Marry or remain in Debt ..
A Jew and his Lord
From the Pipe Rolls 2, 3 Jo. [P.R. 173-6]
From the Fine and Oblate Rolls
" Confirmation of the Charters of the Jews"
The Price of the Charters
♦Jurnet's Daughter in Business [part Heh.'\
A strange Charge
Kubigotsce's House at Rouen
Anti-semitism in London
From the Pipe Rolls, 4-6 Jo. [P.R. 180-188]
" Except to Jews and Monks "
From the Patent Rolls
A General Release, except for Jews ..
English Jews are otihodox
A Discussion about Usury
Clipping Money
A Cyrog^aph Bond
From the Liberate Rolls
From the Fine and Oblate Rolls
•The London Synagogue
From the Close Rolls
The Royal Ten per Cent
The Rite of Abraham
Christ redeemed the Church from the Jews
\_Mid. EngJ] ...
Jewish Coile of Education
Introduction to Moses of England's ** Onyx
Rnnh "
A-^Wrw ••• aaa at* ••• •• ••• aa*
A Hebrew Inscription
A Long Anglo -Jewish Pedigree
[Alleged Jewish Propagandism
PAGE
289
291
292
199
202
204/
204
206
206
207 /
208
208
209
210 /
2IX^/^
212 y
"5
216
217
217/
218 v/*
221 V
221 J.
223 /
224
224
225
227
228
231
234
237
239
241
242
243
251
253
253
293
CONTENTS. XXIX.
PAGE.
APPENDIX.
I. List of Latin Authorities 297
II. The Rolls ... ... ... ... ••• ... ... ••• 3^3
III. Jewish Business and Deeds 307
List of Manors, &c., held by Jews. 308
IV. Money and Value in Twelfth Century 316
List of Prices. 318
V. Jewish Contributions to the Treasury 320
List of Fines and Amerciaments. 321
VI. The Assize ot Jewry in the Twelfth Century 329
VII. Manners and Customs 337
VIII. Jewish Education 342
Code of Education. 343
IX. Name-List of English Jews of XII. Centurj' 345
Supplementary List. 364
X. The Jewish Bishops and Communal Organisation .. 372
XI. The English Jewries of the Twelfth Century 373
XII. Jewish Population 381
List of towns, with number of names. 382
XIII. The Jews' Houses 383
XIV. The York Riots ... 385
XV. Isaac of York 392
XVI. Jewish Sources 396
XVII. Anglo-Jewish Literature in the XII. Century 401
XVIII. Was Sir Leon ever in London ? 406
XIX. List of Anglo- Jewish Rabbis, XII. Century 416
XX. Additions and Corrections 422
ILLUSTRATIONS.
Clifford's Tower, York Frontispiece »
[From Pennyfarthing's Architectural Skeiches^ 1812.]
Martyrdom of St. William, of Norwich To face ■p. 19
[From Prof. Earle Two Anglo-Saxon CAron.]
Seal, with Arabic Inscription, of Solomon ben Isaac 26
[From the original in possession of the Scottish Society of
Antiquaries.]
A Jewish Starr [from original in Brit. Mus.] 77
Aaron of Lincoln's House [from a photo] to face 91
Clifford's Tower before 1668, from the Gentleman's Magazine, to /ace 123
Seal of Richard I. [from original in Brit. Museum] 137
Moyse Hall, Bury St. Edmund's to/ace 141
[From a sketch dated 1782, in the British Museum.]
Jew stabbing Boy- Martyr 153
[From a MS. in Brit. Museum.]
Before 690.— The laws of the Church about the
Jews.
Ancient Laws (Rec. Com.) Theodosius. Liber Poenit,
I. — If any Christian woman takes gifts from the
infidel Jews or of her own will commits sin with
them, let her be separated from the church a whoie
year and live in much tribulation, and then let her
repent for nine years. . . . But if with a pagan
let her repent seven years. xvi. 35.
II. — If anyone shall despise the council of the
Nicene Synod and make Easter with the Jews on the
fourteenth of the moon, he shall be cut off from the
whole church, unless he do penance before his death.
XXX. 4.
III. — If any Christian accepts from the infidel Jews
their unleavened cakes or any other meat or drink
and share in their impieties, he shall do penance with
bread and water for forty days ; because it is written
** to the pure all things are pure." . . . x\\\, \,
2 CHURCH LA WS ABOUT JEWS.
IV. — If any Christian sell a Christian man, although
his own s-lave, into the hand of Jews or pagans, and
by this, separated from the Catholic Church, loses his
Christianity, he is not worthy to rest among Christians
until he redeems him. But if he cannot redeem him
let him give the price he received for him and redeem
another from slavery, and for three years let him
refrain from flesh and wine and mead ; and on the
lawful holidays in each week let him fast till nones
and chew his food dry. But if he be poor and per-
adventure hath not wherewith he might redeem
another, yet from his ow^n labours let him give some-
thing and repent seven years. xlii. 3.
V. — It is allowable to celebrate mass in a church
where faithful and pious ones have been buried. But
if infidels or heretics or faithless Jews be buried, it is
not allowed to sanctify or celebrate mass ;. but if it
seem suitable for consecration, tearing thence the
bodies and scraping or washing the walls, let it be
consecrated if it has not been so previously, xlvii. i .
Before 766.
Ecgberht, Excerptiones (Anc. Laws),
cxlvii. A Laodicean canon.
VI. — That no Christian presume to judaize or share
in their feast.
cl. A canon of the saints.
VII. — If any Christian sell a Christian man into
the hands of Jews or pagans, let him be anathema:
as li is written in Deuteronomy (xxiv. 7).
NO JEWS BEFORE THE CONQUEST. 3
[All the outside evidence, negative and positive, is against
these provisions being directed against Jewish residents in
Ajiglo-Saicon England. There is no reference to Jews in Bede
a- the Old English Chrooicles (till 1 144). The rich collection of
garters in the six volumes of Keniblc's Codex Diflomtttictis has
a single mention of Jews. The reference in the Laws of '
^Edward the Confessor is an interpolation, temp. Hen. II. And
!fte positive evidence of the late settlement is equally con-
iCIusive. See infra pp. 4-6 for actual dates given for the first set-
^menls of the Jews in Cambridge, Oxford, and London. When
Vtamined closely, these laws do not necessarily apply (o Jewish
«tadents in England, even if tliey were inlended for actual
ipplicittion at all, and were not merely copied from Continental
Itodes. ILandprobablylll.and Vl.donitrefertojewspersonally,
but rather to Jewish practices about Easter, on wbich there wasa
ing quarrel in the mediaeval Church, whether Easter shoidd
{)e held on the same day as the Jewish Passover or not. [See
Jfeppendix V, to Mayor and Lnmby's edition of Bede.) Nos. I.,
— VII. would equally apply to passing visitors, and, above
to slave merchants, andl am inclined Co think actually did so
)^)ply. In Anglo-Sason times there was no room in the national
teonomy for persons like jews, who could not join the guilds,
Kd bad no scope for nsury in a country living almost entirely by
tter (Ashley, English Commerce, I. i., c. i. \ 6, p, 43). The
}f export of England consisted of slaves (iiirf.,p. 70), and we
)iow tbat the Jews were the great dealers in this class of
mmodity. Altogether, therefore, I am inclined to refer the
Eclesiastical ordinances to passing intercourse with Gallo- Jewish
[»ve-dealers, and not 10 any permanent Jewish population of
Ingland before the Conquest. I would bring this conclusion
I connection with the famous incident at the market-place of
ne, which led to the Christianising of England, and brought
llo the European concert. We find Gregory, when be be-
e pope, complaining of the sale of Christian slaves to Jewish
tave-dealers in the north of Gaul {Epistols, ix. 35, 109, no),
d it is probable, therefore, that they likewise crossed the
Remembering that slaves have no nalvon'j.\iVj , \
1
FIRST SETTLEMENTS.
1
would suggest that if Gregory had stated the prosaic fact'
WDrld-ramous remarks about the chubby, blond-haired lad;
posed for sale on the Roman slave-market, he would have said,
" Non Angli nee aage/i sed — Jud^erum rerr;'."]
810.— Jews flee &otn Germany to England and
Joseph Cohen A5;S>, Emt-h Hiibncha (Hcb.) p. 12, sub anno.
In the year 4570 [A.D. 810] Christians and Moors
fight one another, and nun of high station were brought
law, and for Israel also that was a time of trouble. For
many fea)s fled from the sword from Germany /a Spain*
and England, and many tongregations who hesitated to
fly hallnved by their death the God of Israel by refusing
to renounce Him, and thus there retnained in Germany
scarcely a remnant or refugee on the day of the Divine
wrath.
[This is the only evidence I can find for the existence of Jews
in England at this time, and it is very late and uncorroborated,
since there is no contemporary evidence of any such persecation
of the Jews in Germany as is here presupposed.]
1075.— Jewa settle in Oxford and Cambridge.
Anthony a Wood, i., p. I29, Fuller, Camb., p. 8.
9-10 Guliel 1. About this time I find the Jews
settled and their number great in Oxford, as in
several scripts it appears, particularly in that of
Brumman le Riche, made to the said church of St.
George at its first foundation, by which giving to the
• M, Isidore Loeb [Recue del iludes juives, ivi. 52) proposes
to read Tsarfath (France) [or Sep/iar/id (Spain), as German Jews
would naturally Hee to France, not Spain. I regard the mistake
as another proof of the unreliability of the record.
A ySlV IN DOMESDA Y. 5
canons thereof land in Walton, in the north suburbs
of Oxford, warranteth it to them •' against Jews."
[Wood quotes a Christ Church MS. Reg. Osney, fol. 9 b.
Ya\La, Hi!t. nf Cai'ibriJgi,p.%, fines the date of the first Jewisli
setlieinent in that town in 1073.]
1086. ~A Jew in Domesday.
Domesday 154, i6ot.
Oxenef scire.
Jemio has one mansion returning sixpence be-
[ one mansion returning fourpence at Blecesdone.*
longing to Laton. The son of Manasse has
sheriff holds from the king two hides and a.
half at Blicestone.
This land Manasses bought from him without
icense of the king.
[The samcwhat unusual aame Manasses, f combined with the
l&ct that a special license was required by him for buying the
land, perhaps indicate that he was a Jew. See Parker, Early
If istory 0/ Oxford (1885], pp. 22\, ^5;.]
Dorsete, f, 77.
The same bishop holds Staplebridge
'Of the same !and Manasses holds three virgates which
William, the king's son, took from the church without
the consent of the bishops and monks.
[Here.again there is something irrej^lar. The king's son was
William Rufus, who favoured the Jews. See neii item.]
•Thiientryisinsertedasif by an afterthought, part of it being
the line as here. See the facsimile prefixed to Parker. —
Histary af Oxford.
t Biblical names, however, were not so rare. Both Abraham
ind Isaac occur in Domesday, though without any otticc Indiso^
if Jewish ori^'n. See ii"reeman. Norm. Cunq.N.S^t.
6 WILLIAM RUFUS AND THE JEWS.
c. 1090. —The impietjr of William the Bed.
Will, of Malmesbury, Gesta iv. ) 317, ed. Dufiy, p. 500.
Of his insolence towards God the Jews in his time
gave a proof; once at Rouen, when they re-called
certain who had escaped from their errors back to
Judaism,* endeavouring to influence him by gifts.
Another time at London, he animated them against
our bishops to a contest because, he in joke indeed,
I believe, said that if they conquered the Christians
and confuted them with open argument he would
join their sect. Accordingly the thing was done to
the great fear of the bishops and clergj-, fearing with
pious solicitude for the Christian faith. And from
this contest the Jews received nothing but confusion,
though they often boasted that they had been con-
quered not by speech but by deeds.
[Another MS. reads :— ] The Jews who dwelt in
London, whom his [Rufus'] father had brought thither
from Rouen, t approached on a certain solemn occa-
sion, bringing him gifts ; he bent down to them and
even dared to animate them to a conflict against the
Christians. ' By the face of Luke," quoth he, de-
claring that if they conquered he would join their
sect.
• Eadmer, pp. gg-ioi. T have omitted this interesting pas-
sage, as it relates to Norman Jews.
tThiaia a most impottanl passage in its bearings on the first
settlement of the Jews in this country. Cf. nifim. p. 3.
FRIENDLY POLONIQUS.
S, Anselmi, Qpp. cd. 1744, 1
To the Rev. Father and Lord Anselm, Archbishop 1
if the holy Church of Canterbury, his servant and |
■n. Brother Gilbert [Crispin], proctor
Westminster Abbey, wisheth prosperous c
ice in this life and a blissful eternity in the future |
I send you a little work to be submitted to your I
fetheriy prudence. 1 wrote it recently, putting to paper
what a Jew said when formerl)' disputing with me
against our faith in defence of his own law, and what
'. replied in favour of the faith against his objections,
know not where he was bom, but he was educated
■at Mayence ; he was well versed even in our law and
Jiterature, and had a mind practised in the Scriptures
:and in disputes against us. He often used to come i
to me as a friend both for business and to see me,
since in certain things I was verj- necessary to him, >
md as often as we came together we would soon
get talking in a friendly spirit about the Scriptures I
and our faith. Now on a certain day God granted
both him and me greater leisure than usual, and soon
began questioning as usual. And as his objec-
tions were consequent and logical, and as he explained i
ith equal consequence his former objections, while j
ir reply met his objections foot to foot, and by his j
ra confession seemed equally supported by the i
istimony of the Scriptures, some of the bystanders
■quested me to presurvi- our disputes as Uk,ii\\ V
S WHY are the OBSER VERS of GOD'S LA W HA TED ?
of use to others in future Yet [poor as
my work is] one of the Jews* who were then in
London, the mercy of God helping, was converted
to the Christian faith at Westminster ; professing
before all the faith of Christ he asked for baptism
and received it, and being baptized vowed him to
the service of God, and becoming a monk has
remained with us.
[Then follows the "Disputation of a Jew with a Christian
about the Christian faith."]
Bef. 1096.— Some of the Argiunents.
DisputatiOy ap. S. Anselmi, Opp. ii., 255.
The Jew. — With what reason or by what show of
authority do you blame us Jews because we observe
the Law given by God ? For if it be a ^ood law and
given by God it should be observed, for whose com-
mand is to be observed if the orders of God be not
to be obeyed ? But if the Law should be observed,
why do you treat those who observe it like dogs,
thrusting them forth with sticks and pursuing them
everywhere ? But if you say it should not be observed,
Moses should be blamed who gave it to us to be
observed
The Christian [makes the distinction between the
literal and figurative sense of the words of Scripture.]
The Jew, — If the word of God is to be observed at
one time or another so that it is annulled at one time
and to be observed at another, and thus in the
vicissitude of time the divine sanctions are changed,
♦ Query, was this the Robert mentioned by Anselm infra
p. 12 ? It is scarcely likely, as Robert had a family.
THE LA W AND THE GOSPEL. 9
how stands it with the verse, And God spake once
(Ps. Ixi. 12)? Why was it said, For ever, O Lord, Thy
word will remain in heaven (Ps. cxviii. 89) ? . . .
The Christian, — It is true God spoke once, and it
is impossible that any word of God can be annulled :
the divine sanctions are not changed by any vicissi-
tudes of time, for Christ came not to deliver the law
but to fulfil it The law prohibits homi-
cide, Christ anger and hatred ; the law forbids
actual adultery, Christ even the appetite of the heart.
The law forbids you to use pork, and at that time
abstinence from that animal was necessary for yoii,
since it was a symbol of future truth, and a symbol is
to be preserved till the truth itself comes. But now
it is necessary neither for you nor for us since the
truth of the symbol is present
[He points out that a new kind of law is prefigured
in the words of Isaiah (ii. 3), ** the law will go from
Zion and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem."
What law if not Christ's ; what Lord if not Christ ?]
The Jew, —What reason, what Scripture forces me
to believe that God can become a man ? . . . If
there is no transmutation in God nor any shadow
of change how could so great a change occur in Him
that God could become man, the Creator a creature,
and the mcorruptible become maculate. ** Thou, O
Lord, art always the same," (Ps. ci. 27). How could
God be always the same although He become a
man ? If He is infinite how could He be circum-
scribed in the mean and small dimensions of human
limbs .? . . .
10 CHRISTIAN INTERPOLATIONS IN THE BIBLE,
The Christian, — We do not fear any opposition in
this. . . For openly and without the ambiguity of
any equivocation Jeremy the prophet thus speaketh,
This is our God, and none will be likened to Him. He
has found the whole way of knowledge, and gave it to
Jacob His son and Israel His elect : after this He was
seen on earth and conversed with men (Baruch iii. 36-8).
The Jew, — If it be right for Christians thus to read
and interpret the Scriptures about Christ, you will
find much more that you can interpret in the same way.
We do not know your literature, and perhaps you
say that many things are written with you that we do
not believe to be written with us. . . For really
you Christians bring many things from the law and
the prophets that are not written in the law and the
prophets. For that which you have produced from
Jeremy, Afterwards God was seen on earth and conversed
with men, Jeremy did not say it, did not write it.
But if you find it written in Jeremy, I will grant that
the rest are said truly. But if you do not find it in
Jeremy, give up your great animosity against us,
blush for the fiction invented against us, and acknow-
ledge that the original truth in the law and prophets
remains with us. . . .
The Christian, — Since Christ is truth, the Christian
faith needs no falsity. . . What I brought forward
from Jeremy, Jeremy said and wrote. . . . For
although it be not in the book which is entitled with
the name of Jeremy, still he said it through Baruch,
who wrote it out of the mouth of Jeremy (Jer. xxxvi.4).
CHRISTlAm WORSHIP IMAGES. II
rhose who believe in him (Christ) shall not be con-
founded, as Isaiah the prophet testifieth. As for
those who believe Him not, listen about the heathen,
%,et all he confminded who adore images and glory in
'^ir idols (Ps. xcvi. 5), and about the Jews, Lei them
\l destroyed from the book of the living, and with the Just
tei them not be written.
The feu). — From that very quotation of yours it can
; established that the Christians should be con-
founded, for they, too, adore images and rejoice in
iheir idols. For you figure God Himself as a
irretch hanging on the beam of the cross transfixed
liith nails— a horrible sight, and yet you adore it,
md round the cross you figure a sun having half the
a of a boy and frightened, I know not why,* and a
noon flying with half the shape of a girl, sad, and
blowing only the half of her disc \ ; but sometimes
tou paint God sitting on a lofty throne and making
O^s with an outstretched hand, and around him as
"for greater dignity an eagle and a man, a calf, and
lion, [All this is condemned by Ex. sx, +.]
The Chrislian,—\i the law condemns all sculpture
id the figure of nothing is to be imitated, Moyses
jnned, who figured and painted the similitudes of
bings ; nay, the Lord Himself sinned, who com-
nanded them to be figured and painted (Ex. xxv. 9).
. . . The Christian worships no image with
• A reference of courae to Luke laiii. 45.
t A CottQnian MS. (Tit. D. ixvii,) at the Britisli Museum
■ tUa Tepresentation on p. b%h. As it is of the eleventh cen-
ly it may be the very one referred to by the Jew.
12 HOW TO TREAT A CONVERT.
divine worship, but he cherishes with honour the
representation of sacred things, and honors figures
and pictures
[The above gives the main lines of argument in the treatise
which is remarkable for the fair give-and-take of the discussion :
the honours seem tolerably equally divided, and the friendly tone
is exceptionally conspicuous.]
Bef. 1100.— How to treat a Convert.
S. Anselmi, Episi, iii., cxvu.
Anselm the archbishop to Lord Prior Arnulf and
Archdeacon William [wisheth] health and the bless-
ing of God.
With the inmost affection of my heart I order you
and beg your religion to take care of this Robert,
with that joyful piety and pious joy with which all
Christians ought to help and assist one fleeing from
Judaism to Christianity. Let no poverty or other
accident which we can avert cause him to regret
haying left his parents and their Law for Christ's sake.
. . . Do not let him and his little family suffer
any harsh want, but let him rejoice that he has passed
from perfidy to the true faith, and prove by our piety
that our faith is nearer to God than the Jewish. For
I would prefer, if necessary, that there should be
spent in this all that belongs to me from the rents of
the archdeaconry, and even much more, rather than
that he who has fled out of the hands of the devil to
the servants of God should live in misery amongst us.
. . . For his misery both in victual and in clothing
touches my heart. Release my heart from this wound
if you Jove me. Farewell.
FIRST MENTION OF LONDON JE WR Y. I ,l
1116. — Earliest mention of the Iiondon Jewry.
J. E. Price, Account of GuildhaU, p. i',.
In the ward of Haco* .... In the Jews'
Wreet [? Old Jewry] the land of Losbcrt, in the front
pa the west side, is 31 feet in breadth. Towards St.
Olave's is fourscore and fifteen feet ; again towards
it. Olave's is 65 feet, and in the front 13 feet. The
and in the front is 73 feet and in depth 41 feet, and
;>ays I OS.
[This is from the " Terrier of St. Paul's," a lisl of lands held
(^ the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul's. The description is not
veiy clear, but seems to apply to two strips of land 1 1 the north
Rnd south of the present Old Jewry Chambers, which would
eem to presene the outlines of Lushert's holding after nearly
00 years. A lilUe later there is mention of the house of
'Aaron the Jew " in the parish of St. Lawrence. lb., p. 40.]
1120.~Jews as Owla.
aPhilip de Thaun : Bestiary (Norm.-Fr.), ed. Wright, pp. 123-4.
Fresaje signifies the Jews in this life.
Because when the Creator would bring them to light,
ind he would save them and deliver them from death
rhey would not receive him nor obey his command.s.*
rhey said they had no king but Caesar,
therefore God left them and came to us,
Uid the Prince of death saved us by his death.
iPe left the old I.aw which the Jews have for their
faith
Oiat they did not understand it prudently when they
deserted God,
Vards were then named after their aldermen, cf. Farringdon
14 KING COLLECTS JEWISH DEBTS,
That is their law and their life, it signifies hard body,*
And thus they do inversely as the bird flies inversely ;
It is a bird of night and sings at the approach of evil.
And that is the meaning without fear.
Hell is without light where they sing lamentations.
And we find it written that God himself said,
** My children departed from me and strangers ap-
proached to me."
He called the Jews his children, us he named strangers.
The Jews went away when they crucified God,
We are come near and baptised Christians.
1130-1. — How Jews contribute to the Treasury.
Pipe Roll, 30-1, Hen. I , ed. Hunter, pp. 53, 146-9.
I . — And the same Richard son of Gilbert owes 200
marks of silver for the help which the king gave
him against the Jews about his debts. 31 Hen.
I., Essex, Madox {Hist. Exch., fol. ed. p. 296.)
[The king gained in two ways by helping Christian debtor
against Jewish creditor as here, or vice versd as Nos. 4, 5, and
passim.']
2. — Jacob the Jew and his wife render count of 60
marks of silver for the plea which was between them
and the men of Westminster Abbey. They quit
themselves to the king by king's writ. 31 Hen.
I., Lond., p. 146.
3. — The Jews of London render account of ;^2,ooo
for the sick man whom they killed. In the treasury
;^620, and by payments by king's writ to Rubi
gotsce 100 marks of silver and to Manasser the
♦ Cors dure.
RUBI GOTSCE, 15
Jew 80 marks of silver and 64 shillings and two-
pence ... for William son of . . . and to
Abraham the Jew 15 marks of silver and again to
Rabi gotsce 80 marks of silver and they owe
;^i,i66 13s. 4d. 31 Hen. I., 15a (Madox i. 229).
[An enormous sum ; probably some charge of magic was in-
volved. Rubi gotsce=Rabbi Joce or Joseph*: his son was
Isaac fil Rabbi the chief English Jew in Ric. I.'s time. Rymer ;
FcBderay i., 51 (ed. 1816) ].
4. — Rubi Gotsce and other Jews to whom earl
Ranulf was indebted, owe 10 marks of gold for that
the king might help them to recover their debts
against the earl. 31 Hen. I., 15a Lond. (M i. 227).
5. — Abraham and Deuslesalt, Jews, render account
of one mark of gold that they might recover their
debts against Osbert de Leicester. 31 Hen. I., 15a
Lond. (M i. 227).
[Deuslesalt=Dieu le saut=Isaiah.]
C. 1140.— Laws of the Ghurcb. about the Jews.
Corpus Juris Canonici, ed. Friedberg.
Just as the Jews are not to be forced to the faith
so it must not be allowed to the converted to recede
from it [633].
Gratian, Deer, pt. I. dist. xlv. c. 5 (col. 161).
Christian slaves bought by Jews should be set at
liberty [593].
* It is probable that he is to be identified with R. Jehoseph
of Orleans, a Tosaphist or Glossator of the Talmud, who is also
known by the name of Joseph Bechor Shor, under which name
he wrote an important commentary on the Pentateuch.
1
1 6 CHURCH LA WS ABOUT JE WS.
Id. ib. dist. liv. c. 13 (col. 211).
Public offices are not to be committed to the Jews
[589].
Id. ib. c. 14.
Slaves who come from infidelity to the faith are to
be set at liberty [596, 594, 681, 581].
Id. ib. cc. 15-18 (cols. 2 1 1-2).
Perfidy of [Jewish] parents [returning] ought not
to injure their children [remaining Christian]. [633].
Id. pt. ii., causa I., qu. iv. c. 7 (col. 419).
Heretics, Jews, or pagans cannot accuse Christians.
Id. ib., causa II., qu. vii. c. 25 (col. 489).
How many [eight] months Jews [about to be con-
verted] are to be reckoned among catechumens [506].
Id., pt. III., De consec, dist. iv. c.92 (col. 1392).
Of Jews and others frequently turning to Judaism
[and performing the rite of circumcision, such chil-
dren to be separated from parents, servants from
masters] [633*].
Id. ib., c. 94 (ibU
[Gratian's Decretum summed up all the commands of the
Church till about 1 140, and was usually accepted as authoritative.
How far this was so to England is discussed in Bishop Stubbs'
Lectures^ p. 303. The above headings of chapters from it will at
any rate give the general attitude of the Church towards the
Jews about this time.]
1140.— Church view of Usury.
Gratian, pt. ii., c. xiv., qu. iii., iv.
But that to seek profit beyond the sum [lent] is to
demand usury is proven by the authority of Austin,
♦ The numbers after each entry give the date of the Council
or Bull through which the ordinances became part of the Canon
Law.
ChlURCH VIEWS OF USURY.
Kvho on Psalm xxxvi. on the verse "All day" writeth
■saying—
^P " If you lend a man on usury, i.e. if you have given
™ him your money from whom you expect r
you gave, and not money alone but even-thing more
than you have given, whether corn, or wine, or
or anything else, if you expect to receive aught n
Jhan you have given, you arc an usurer, anti for that
\a be reproved and not praised."
So too Pope Julius : " Whoever at harvest time c
vintage, not from necessity but from cupiditj, bma
com or wine, let us say at twopence the r
and keeps it till it may he sold at fourpcnce c
|>ence or more, this we call filthy lu re
And HO too Ambrose in the book on the good of
4eath, "If any accept usury, he doeth plunder
lives not in life." And so too \ustin to 'Mace
idonius : " What shall I say of uauri which ev
very laws and judges order to be returned
more cruel that takes or snatches somethmg from the
rich than he who destroys the poor with interest ?"
[The objeclion lo " usury " was founded" on ihe supposed
prahibilion of the Gospel, Luke vi. 35, " Mntuum date,
pEhil inde speranles" (Vnlgale), "Lend, hoping for nothing
(gain " (A. V,), but now translated "Lend, never despairing"
• Later refinements of the scholastics supported the doctrine
JF the diclara of Aristotle, "money does not breed," which
miB liie basis of Shylock's and Antonio's contention {Metch.
f Vim. I. iii.) and on the dtftinction of Roman law between
lings cotuamptiblf and things j'u'i^/A/i^, money being included
in the former. Cf. Ashley, I.e., pp. 152-4.
8 JEWS AT OXFORD,
(R.V. following Sinaitic Codex). The prohibition is extended
above to all speculation and indeed all capitalism, which was
thus rendered disreputable. The State soon followed the
Church condemnation with practical measures of confiscation
by declaring the personalty of Christian usurers forfeited to the
king after death if they died unrepentant. Trade in capital
thus became a monopoly of Jews and formed their only raison
d* etre in mediaeval states in which Church and State were
identical. On the whole subject, which is the key both to
mediaeval economics and to Jewish mediaeval history, see W.
J. Ashley, English Economic History, I. §§ 17, 22.]
1141. — Jews at Oxford are mulcted by Maud
and by Stephen.
Antony a Woody i 148.
The Jews about this time that inhabited in S.
Martin's parish and elsewhere in Oxford gave to
Empress Maud an exchange* and afterward to K.
Stephen three exchanges more and an half with all
the goods of an outlawed and apostate Jew to save
their houses from Incendiaries which the said King
had placed in divers parts of the city and had before
burned the dwelling-house of Aaron, son of Isaac, a
Jew. For which causes, as 'tis reported, the same
house being situated between the new Inn called
Doillyes Inn on the east and Bokenhall on the south,
the Clerks of the said Halls, as also of others near
them, were relinguished by them and for some time
left void.
[Wood quotes excerpts from the works of Friar Nigel. It is
usually asserted that these Oxford Jews helped to advance
learning in the University.]
♦ I do not know what an exchange means here.
,F
^2
10
^^H
^B/i
ffliMJK ^^^^1
j^y
^^^^^^^^H
WtLM
iJ^^^^^^^^^H
fci. Sulilm
ST. W7LLIAif. BOY AND MARTYR.
r 1141 The Kartyrdom of Wmiam of Norwicli.
L O.E. Chr. Peterioro' MS., sub. an. Mcxxxvr.
9 Now will we say something of what bcfel in king
. Stephen's time. In his time the Jews of Norwich
bought a. Christian child before Easter and tortured
him with all the tortures wherewith our Lord was
tortured, and on Long Friday hanged him on a rood
in hatred of our Lord, and afterwards buried him.
They thought it would be concealed, but our Lord
showed that he was a holy martjT, And the monks
took him and buried him honourably in the monastery,
Eand through our Lord he makes wonderful and mani*
fold miracles, and he is hight Saint William,
I [Xlua is the tirat case in Europe of the aci-callcd " blood
"" wl.ich has lasled on even to our OWQ days ; a case
^ Bimgaiy attracted great attention only a few years ago.
" e above is the only really contemporary evidence, but as this
"leading case " I give Capgtave's account from the " Acta
' though this was written in the fifteenth century.
« abH7 arose just at the time when the mind of Europe was
' slarly inflamed against the Jews as was shown by the
in Germany, 1146, and St. Bernard's encyclical,
" P- >3]
a details of the Uartjrrdom 3S0 yeara later,
f. Capgrave (t 149+), ap. Acln Snncl. Matl. xiv., t. ix., f. 587.
1 At length on a feast of Passover the Jews dwelling
B the city enticed the boy by a trick to enter their
iotises and suddenly seize [and bind and gag him
irith intricate knots.] After this, having shaved his
'liead they wound it with infinite prickings of thorns,
and raising the little innocent from the ground tried
I
lo DETAILS OF THE MARTYRDOM. ^H
to Stretch him out on the stake. They inflict a bitter
wound to his inmost heart on the left side, and to
keep back the blood pouring through his whole body
they pour upon him boiling water from the head
downwards. And thus the glorious martyr went to
the Lord. On Easter Day his body is placed in a
sack so that it might be taken out of the city to the
wood and there secretly buried. And as they entered
the wood a certain burgess of Norwich, by name
Eilverd, met them, who continued his walk [with
them] for a short time. He inquired where they
were going and what they were carrying, and,
approaching nearer, put his hand upon it and leanil
that it was a human body. But they, in fear at being
discovered and having nothing to say, for fear took
to flight and entered the densest part of the forest,
and hung the body on a tree with a flaxen cord.
Entering the town again the Jews go to the councU
of the sheriff and promise him loo marks of silver if
by his assistance they were freed from their great
peril. Eilverd being summoned straightway by com-
mand of the sheriff' was bound by a powerful oath
that during his hfe he would not inform against the
Jews, and up to the last day of his life did not
discover what he had seen. But after five years had
passed, Eilverd coming to the end of his life is
admonished in a vision by the holy boy William not
to fear to tell what he had seen to whomsoever he
would, and so it was done. While these things were
passing within the town, lo, a fiery light suddenly
shone out of the sky, which stretched itself towards
ORIGIN OF THE MYTH. 21
iHie martyr's place. ... On the sacred Sabbath
1 of Easter a certain nun with some others enters the
I dense part of the forest before sunrise, and looking
i the lad hanging on the trunk of an oak, in
s tunic and shoes, but with his hair shorn . , . '
^tnit she saw above him two crows, who desiring to '
galisfy their ravening hunger tried lo tear him with
Sheir beaks, but they did not touch him at all, and
Slot being able to keep up, they alighted on each
side. Seeing them, the woman giving thanks to God
f tetumed home and told what she had seen before all.
wd, therefore, hastens to the wood, and having
■ 'noticed the signs of punishment and the deed done,
^declare that the Jews were not free from the crime,
Hid carry the holy body to burial with rejoicing.
[It is scarcely neccssacy to point out the improbability or
Mther the absurdities of the narrative, tlie unnecessary bribe to
ttie sheriff instead of to Eilverd, the accidental discovery uf the
Hjbody after Eilverd had confessed, ibe miraculous pteservation
T^pf die body for five years, the vision and the star.* It is further
BAo benoted that Capgrave disagrees entirely with the Chronicle
P-lrhich declared that the Jews bought William, that ibey kept
me time, cmcified and buried bim. All these are a good
leof ihe growth of a myth. Yet ihe " marlyrdoin " i
I IwHeved in by the commDii people, and led to similar suspicions '
I VboQg entertained in other cases. On the principle " iind
s interested," it is to be remarked that lliese boy
were very popular and brought custom to the monaslei '
^ftal were lucky enimgh to possess the sbrine of one.]
• This, however, seems to be an original or early trait of the
B it occurs in a German chronicle of the same century.
[Cf. Perlz. Script, vi. 472. " For he being buried without the
» divine light, so they say, by shining above him pointed out
ST. BERNARD'S PLEA FOR THE yEWS.
Bouquet, I. xv. p. 606.
For ihe rest, m)' brethren, 1 advise you, or rather
not I, but the apostle of God through me, not to
believe in every impulse. We hear and rejoice that
the zeal of God burns in )ou but it should not fail
altogether to be tempered by knowledge. You should
not persecute the Jews, you should not slay them, )-oii
should not even put them to flight. Consult the
divine pages. I know what is written prophetically
of the Jews, " The Lord will show unto me," says the
Church (Ps. Iviii. ii) "about mine enemies: do not
kill them; never will my people be forgotten." They
are living symbols for us, representing the Lord's
Passion. For this are they dispersed to all lands so
that while they pay the just penalty of so great a
crime, they may be witnesses for our redemption.
Nevertheless they will be converted at eve and in
time there will be respect to them. At last, says the
apostle (Rom. xi. 16), " When -the multitude of the
heathen shall have entered, then all Lsrael shall be
safe." In the meantime he that dies remains in
death.
I keep silence on the point that we regret to see
Christian usurers jewing worse than Jews, if indeed
it is tit to call them Christians and not rather baptised
• In Bomu MSS tliis is headed "to the people of England,"
in others " lo the clergy and people of Eaatem France,"' in olhera
to various Gennim bishops. It was clearly an enc}-dicBl. In
England it look effect, not so in France and Geimany where
massacreb of Jews look plate.
ENGLISH JEWS IN GERMANY, 2 J
Jews. If the Jews are altogether ground down, how
in the end shall their promised salvation and con-
version prosper? . . . . It is, too, a mark of
Christian piety both to war against the proud and
spare the humble, and especially those ** of whom is
the promised land, of whom the fathers and of whom
was Christ according to the flesh" (Rom. ix., 5).
But you may demand from them, according to the
apostolic mandate*, that all who take up the cross
shall be freed by them from all exaction of usury.
1146.— English Jews in Germany.
Regesten zurGesch. d. Juden in Deutschland, Nos. 234, 293.
In the month of Ellul [11 Aug, — 8 *SV//.] at this
time, when the monk Radulf comes to Cologne, R.
Simeon, the saint of Triers, came hack ftom England,
where he had been for many years, and betook himself to
Cologne to go by boat to Triers. On the way he was
slain by Crusaders near Cologne, because he would not
he baptised. The wardens of the congregation \_ofCologne~\
obtain from the burghers the delivery of his corpse and
bury it in the fewish cemetery.
[From the Hebrew martyrology of Ephraim of Bonn.]
Vives [Heb. Haim **life"]the Jew from England
buys for self and heirs from Vives of Coblence a part
of a house in Cologne. f
Bef. 1164.— Early Bible Criticism of *< Rubi Gotsce."t
Geiger, Parshandatha Giideman, 31.
Gen. iii. 16. [And to the woman he said.] See how
• Of Eugenius ni., cf. Baroni. Annales sub anno 1145.
t The date of the purchase is not determined : somewhere
between 1135 and 1165. See infra sub anno 1200. .
J KindJy translated by Mr S. ScliecYil^i.
24 BIBLE CRITICISM OF " RUBI GOTSCEr
much suffering you have caused to yourself by your sin.
Till now there was no necessity to hear children because
you were not going to die. But now^ as you are to die, if
you will have no children, mankind will cease to exist.
. . . And the blessing given on the sixth day, *^ Increase
and multiply''^ (Gen. i, 28), must have been given after
the Fall which made increase necessary. And a further
proof that this was so is to be seen in the words * fulfil the
earth"; previously it would have been * fulfil the garden "
This proves that the blessing was given after the Fall, hut
was inserted in the narration of the Creation,
Ex, iii, 5. [And he said draw not nigh hither;
put off thy shoes from off thy feet.] Why 'from thy
feet" (ifYi2id\ means ''shoe" ) ? Because the word ** na*al "
might mean also a glove and this was the na*al which
Boaz gave to the Goel (Ruth iv, 8).* And this is our
language Cant, and the nobles are still accustomed to clinch
a bargain with their gants and therefore it was necessary
to say put off thy na*alim "from off thy foot,"
Gen, vi, 6. [And it grieved Him in his heart.]
Not "in his heart" but 'for the heart of man " that it is
so wicked.
Gen, xxvii, 40. And the vassals are still accustomed,
when their suzerain oppresses them too ftiuch, to renounce
their vassalry saying " Take thy foi and thy homage," f
Ex, viii, 16. // is a custom zuith the King and
nobles to use anstur % and esprevrir when they go on the
ivater to catch water- fowl, which they call riviere.
* Targum on Ruth also explains the passage in this way. (Geiger.)
t See Ducange, s.v. guspire.
X Ducange, s.v anstur and spanarius, Littre, s.v riviere.
POLEMICS OF " RUBI GOTSCEr 25
Deut. vi, 4. [Hear, O Israel, the Lord our God is
one God.] R» Joseph, of OrleanSy in his commentary
mentions that the name of God had to be mentioned three
times because if he would have said ^Hear, O Israel, the
Lord is one, every nation would have said that it was its
Lord, and if it had been said ^^ Hear, O Israel, the Lord
our God is one,^^ they would have said IsraeVs Lord is
only one of the gods. Therefore, it had to he said ^^The
Lord, who is our God, he is the one and only God^
And as to those who went astray who say that there are
three parts in one, and therefore He has got the three
names, the answer is clear : it would have been necessary
to have had them in the next verse '* Thou shall love the
Lord thy God with all thy might.** And according to
them it would seem that we need only love two of the
Persons, and not the one who went below.
[These comments are from the Commentary of Joseph Bechor
Shor on the Pentateuch. I have for various reasons been led to
identify him with the "Rubi Gotsce'* of the Pipe Rolls
{cf. supra p. 15). If so he would be the father of the Isaac fil
Rabbi and Abraham fil Rabi Joce who play such important rdles
in the latter half of the twelfth century.]
C. 1150. — Thd Jews and the Chatelaine.*
Sepher HajcLshar {Htb.) 71a (abridged).
A mighty noble and robber pledged his carriage for
twenty deniers with Reuben [John Doe]. Now Simeon
[Richard Roe] desired to go on a journey, and Reuben
asked for the loan of the carriage. Reuben said * ' Vou must
first ask permission of the lord,** but the lord being out,
Simeon asked his lady, who gave him leave. It happened
* Kindly translated by Mr. S. Schechter.
a6 S. SOLOMON BEN ISAAC.
td S^
that on thdr journey Simeon and hh wife passed iht
lord's casth in the tarriagt, whereupon, the lady, seeing
this, declared she would never sit in the carnage where a
Jewess had sate. She sent for Reuben and demanded thi
carriage back for Ike profanation, and declared she wettld
Piake one of her servants swear that it had suffered more
than twenty denier^ damage, mien Reuben pointed out
that she had given Simeon permission she denied it.
Reuben rww wishes Simeon to pay him the twenty deniers
he had lost. A difficulty arose in deciding because they
were all connected together, and relatives must not judge.
Rut R. Solomon ben Isaac, who was not a relative,
happened to be there, so he and R. Joseph of Orleans put
this case before R. Tarn. ~
I
[By a cuiiuui coir i.ul til le the seal uf Ihis R. Solomon ben
Isaac has been found neat Arthnr's Sent in Edinbuigh (see
Cat. Anglo-JewUh Exliib. p. 189). The inEcription upon it
tella a strange tale. It is in Hebiew cliaracters, but eice]>t Ibe
name does not give any sense in Hebrew. On applicatiun to
M. Isidore Locb he with the aid of M. Joseph Derenbourg of
ibe Instilule discovered that the in:!Criplion was j\iabic and
^oIoinoH &/11 Ifianr W^a bns troniicb \\t fjirbnn. Jtlna
^Ib^ part Iiini.
A JEWISH RENEGADE, 27
He was thus a Jewish convert to Islam. I conjecture
that he had " donned the turban " during the Spanish troubles
of 1 145 and escaped soon after to England, where we find
him, after resuming his ancestral faith, the sole stranger
among the Jews of London. How his seal got transplanted to
Scotland there is nothing to show ; it is scarcely likely that he
himself travelled so far. The whole account is full of interest
as showing the violent prejudices of the upper classes against the
Jews, and the circumstance of the seal of the stranger with its
equally strange tale being still extant makes the transaction stand
out as a unique incident in Anglo- Jewish annals I may add
that it clinches my conjecture of the identity of " Rubi Gotsce "
with Joseph of Orleans.]
1155. — When Flemings go, Jews come out of their
retreats.
J. C. Robertson, Materials for History of Thoin . Beckett^ iii., 19.
The native, nobles were disinherited [in Stephen's
timej and alien Flemings and seafaring men seized
Kent and a large part of the kingdom, and by the
length of the war, almost 20 years, everything seemed
so disturbed that it seemed impossible to expel the
Flemings. . . . Yet by the mercy of God, and
the counsel of the chancellor* [Becket], within three
months of the king's coronation, William d'Ypres,
the violent seizer of Kent, went abroad in tears, all
the Flemings, arms and baggage, go to sea . . .
the crown of England is restored, the disinherited
get back their paternal property. . . . There is
peace everywhere, shields are imported, canlae are
exported, there come forth in safety from the cities
* This is an exaggeration of the chronicler, cf. Miss Norg^te,
England under the Angeon Kings ^ i., 427.
28 ySWS HKLP THE REVIVAL OF TRADE. ^H
and castles, merchants to the fairs, Jews to seek their
creditors.
[" Debtors "he probably means. The passage is significant as
showingtlic importance attributed to Jews in developing tiade.]
/1166— 60.— Jews spread through England.
Pipe Rolls, 2-C, Hen. II.
6. — Richard son of William renders count of 2a
shillings for a slain Jew. i Hen., II- r z, m 2, Canteb.
7. — Sheriff of Oxfordshire renders count of 100
shillings from the donum of the Jews, t Hen. IL,
8. — And [Cr.] by payment by King's writ to Isaac
the Jew, son of Rabb. £^-] 6s. 8d. 3 Hen. II., r.
1 m. 1 Essex.
[The son of the Rubi Gotsce of No. 3, hencefoTlb lie is men-
tioned simply as Isaac the Jew esccpl in Ric. I.'s charter where
he again occurs as " Ysaac fil Rabijoee."]
9. — The Sheriff of London renders count of zoo
marks for the Jews. The Sheriff of Lincolnshire
renders count of ^£40 for the Jews. The Sheriff of
Cambridge renders count of 50 marks from the donum
of the Jews. The Sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk
renders count of £^^ 6s. Sd. for the Jews of Norwich,
£io for the Jews of Thctford, ^15 for the Jews of
Bungay. Bonenfaund pays 100 s. for his brother
Morell. 5 Hen. IL, 5b. 8a. za.
[These were probably all Uie communities of Jews in Englind
(Madox i. ili) though we find isolated individuals at Newport
and Canterbury in Richard of Anesty's accounts of his botrow-
ings about this time, also at Winchester see nest No.]
10. — Gentill the Jewess owes ;£t 5 that she may not
m-i] a Jfw. 6 Hen. IL, Winton.
r
JEWISH COMMUNITIES IN ENGLAND.
[She pays neil year. It 15 not clear whether she objected to '
a parlicalar Jew or wished to remain unwed altogether. If the I
former, was it a case of breach of promise or was her cruel
guardian forcing her into a marriage de convsnance /']
Kay, lies.— Abraham Ibn Ezra dedicatea hie worh,
Yeaod Moreh to Joseph ben Jacob in Loadon..
S. Rosin : Reimt des Abraham, (Heb)., pp. 77-8
Godis One; Ikrough all His Spinl foil's.
So high is He, no man His greatness hiou-s.
Only man's mind in the work the Worker spies ;
E'en the sceptic's doubt proves what he denies.
His people, when on Sinai's Mount arrayed.
Saw in the flames His Majesty displayed;
No image beheld : one* was chosen to receive
What each should know and all believe.
I long have sought for wisdom in His Law
Till some of its secrets I thought I saw ;
And now will I build for it a mansion fair,
And reverence /place for its supporters there.
Thanks be to God that Pve brought it to an end;
Thanhsforsupporiingmeto foseph Jacobs, His friend.
[These line."! are the dedication of a treatise entitled Yesod
liorth, " Foundation of Religion," written by Abraham Ibn
Eira,+ liBTeller, wit, commentator, theologian, astronomer, and
mathematician, during his visit to England in 1158, as we learn
from the colophon ; /, Abraham, the Spaniard, son of Mier,
Q^led Ibn Esra, began to compose this booi and wrote it in the
City of Loadon, in the island of Angleterre, in the month
Tamut (May), and it was brought to an end in the month Ab
(June), in four weeis in theyear^giS (1158) of the Creation.
' Moses.
f Browning's "RabbibenE7,ra"(Furaivall£/S//ujTii/A>',p. 162).
I
I
I
30 ■■ RABBI BEN EZRA '■ IN ENGLAND.
(Sec Graetz, Gisckkkte der Juden, vi. p. 415). This Joaepl
ben Jacob of Moreil (? Moreilles in La Vendue), wrote >
super-commentary on Ibn Ezra's cmnmentary on Genesis in
which he says " /, Joseph ben Jacob of Moreil heard viva voce
from this sage [Abraham Ibn E,zia\ tht explanation of this
passage and wrote it down in my own words ( Vide Dr. Nen-
bauer's Catalogue of Bodleian Heb. MSS., No. 1234 (9), col.
486). I cannot identiry him with any well-known English Jew
of the time, unless with a " Moreil," who, with his brother
" Bonenfaunt," is mentioned jubt at this date in the Pipe Roll
of 5 Hen. n. (1158-9), Cf. Pipe RoU entry, No. 9.]
11S8.— The state of Hebrew leaming among
Eng^Iieh. Jews.
Abraham Ibn Ezra, fesod Moreh (Heb.). c. i.
Among Ike sludinls of Israel there be some whose whole
knowledge consists in the knowledge 0/ the Massora, its
noble signs and useful hints, the various readings. . .
the numbir of verses, words, and letters in each book {of
Ike Old Testament']. . . The Massorefic student who
has learnt nothing else is like a camel clothed in silk : the
silk is no use to him, and he does not suit the silk.
There are others whose study is confined to the gram-
matical study of the {Hebrew] language, to Ike forms of
conjugation, radical and servile letters, nouns, &c. . .
It is true that it becomes a sage to learn something of this
science, but he should not spend all his days in reading
the oldest grammarian, R. Jehuda,* the ten books of R.
Merinus,^ and the Zi books of R. Samuel hanagid-X . .
■ R. Jehuda H. ajug of Cordova at Ihe beginning of the
eleventh century, regarded as the founder of Hebrew grammar.
t R. Jonah Ibn Gannach caDed in Arabic Abulwalid Merwan
(9B3-1050), who wrote the mo5t important grammar and lexicon
of Hebrew, both in Arabic.
J "VTzier to Caliph Habuss of Granada (1027-55) and head
f'l^agid •) of the Jews of Arabic Spain.
HEBREW STUDIES AMONG ENGUSH JEWS. 31 I
There are others who are always thinking of the Law, ■
\the Prophets, and the holy writings, and also on the m
Aramaic translation, and Jhink, because they trv ta ob- I
tain the true sense with all their might, they have reached I
f highest excellence. The Law is in truth the source 1
if all life, and the foundation of all the commands of \
God, but not a single sage can understand completely a J
tingle command from the written Law unless he learns I
'4he explanation of the oral Law -^^ \
, general all the commands need an explanation according I
to the traditional leaching of the fathers, especially the I
determination of the festivals, whether they depend on the I
ige or the real new moon . . . and from which I
place the new moon is to be reckoned for between ferusalem I
and this island [England'] there are four whole hours I
during which the sun lights them, as can be proved with \
rigid proof from astronomy. ... I
But there are many wise men who do not know the I
Matsora, in whose eyes grammatical study is also vanity, Ji
■ who have not studied the Scriptures, still less its expla- ||
nation, but have from youth upwards studied the Talmud, I
which is an explanation of the Mishna. These expla"^
nations are different, and they use a special method with I
:#// of them ; forfr^m the Talmud we know all the com- I
pands which a man shall follow and so live .... I
\_^br the Talmud you need a knowledge of Bible, astro- I
^my, mathematics, psychology, and dialecties\. The I
'JTaliHudic authorities of our time follow various methods. I
Stmt read the book to discern between the forbidden and J
pie permissible ; others devote themselves to legends, and I
out new interpretations and seek a reason for the I
3 2 TALMUDIC STUD Y IN ENGLAND.
spelling of each word whether full or contracted. . .
Others devote themselves to the Talmudical books in order
to excel the rest, wherefore they chiefly deal with the
hook of civil law. And they deserve a divine reujard for
this since they teach the erring and redress the wronged,
hut if the Israelites were just, this part of the Talmud
would not he necessary
He alone who knows the doctrine of phenomena and
its demonstrations, the art of dialectics hy which are
established the axioms that are the guardians of the
wall of reason, who has learnt astronomy according to
accurate deductions drawn from arithmetic, geometry,
and the art of computing ratios, he alone, I say, can
arrive at any high degree in knotving the mysteries of the
soul, of the Supreme Being, the angels and the future
world from the sacred Law and the sayings of Prophets
and Rabbis of the Talmud, He shall increase in knowledge
and understand profound mysteries which are hidden in
the eyes of many, and we shall now treat of some of
these The Lord sees the purity
of my heart and knows that I have not written this book
that I might appear to know His wisdom, nor that I
should pretend that His mysteries have been made clear
to me^ so that boasting of this I should oppose our
ancestors : for I know well that they were much wiser
and more pious, and there are besides men of the highest
wisdom still living. But I have composed this book for
the use of my most venerated patron,"^ who, under my
* Doubtless the Joseph ben Jacob mentioned in the intro-
ductory poem. What were the other books written for him ?
Could this refer to the Pentateuch commentary ended in
** Rodoz " or **Dovres'* (? Douvres^Dover).
JEWISH THEOLOGY. 33
'.idanee, has devoitd htmsflf to the other books which I
written for him, and led by n.y great love for him I
laboured to write a treatise on the laws for him. For
'J) in him a man loving truth and excelling others in
'.ligion and piety.
[In connection with the precedence given here to the Massora
traditional textual ctiticism of the Bible, it may be tenmtkcd
fitat three of the chief authorities on this subject in the twellth
century. Hoses Hanakdan, Samuel Hanakdan, and Moses hen
English Jews. See my note on this subject in
'rierly Review, vol., i. p. iSl.]
The Laws of Hoses.
Abraham Ibn Eiia, Jesod Mora.
There is a fundamental law which commands us
^^ observe all the divine enactments, positive and negative.
This precept. Ye shall serve the Lord your God
^[E)t. xxiii. 15) includes all the laws to be kepi by
heart, word or deed, ivhelher primary lauis or those
ftrving to record them in memory. . . Many commands
iave lost their force, as thai of hyssop (Ex. xii. 11), of
■the manna (ib. xLx. 11). . . . Some commands are 1
I imposed on the whole people, as burnt offering, shew-bread,
libations : others belong to certain distinct families, as the I
dtilies of a prince, of a high priest, and the rest of the '
iriests and Levites, the number of whose duties is very \
great. Several precepts are given to wale and female
indiscriminately, some to nun alone, as the redemption of
the first-born, others to women alone, as concerning vims. J
. . . There are many laws relating to a certain lime, J
■ . . . bul many laws depend neither on time nor any- I
wtla'ng else, and these are imposed on alt, male and female, I
34 THE LA WS OF MOSES.
ktngy priests y rich and poor, Israelites and proselytes y well
and sick. There is one law for all, and such precepts are
primary. These primary laws are ingrained in the
mind , , , and were known by the power of the
mind before the law was declared by means of Moses,
and there are many of this kind as, e.g., those of the
decalogue except the Sabbath : these were only repeated
by Moses, , , , There are also commanded certain
pious works by which we are reminded of the primary
precepts, as the observance of the Sabbath in memory of
the creation of the world, Passover, unleavened bread,
tabernacles, inscriptions on our doors, phylacteries of hand
and head, fringes of garments, , ,
All the precepts are to be referred to three things, (i)
to piety of the heart, {i) to words, {^) to deeds. And as
unity is contained in every number, so the beginning of
every pious act by deed or word is internal piety, without
which all worship is false and of none avail,
[The conception that the primary laws of morals are common
to all mankind is a characteristic Jewish one, and led logically
to the tolerant dictum that " the pious of all peoples have a part
in the life to come." On the other hand it tended to check
zeal for proselytism.]
The Aim of Life.
Abraham Ibn Ezra, Jesod Mora, c. vii.
But I have found a verse which includes all the
precepts. Fear the Lord your God and serve Him
(Deut. vi. 13) Man was created for this,
and not for heaping up riches nor for building houses to
be left for others while he himself shall be in the grave,
nor for enjoying the delights of food, for pleasures remain
JE WISH IDEALS. 3 5
hut a few moments^ are obtained by great efforts^ and
often bring many evils. . . . For the sage con-
sidereth that his life is but short and his soul is in the
power of his Creatory nor knoweth he when it shall be
snatched away. Therefore it be hove th him to inquire
sedulously what can move him to love God^ learn wisdom,
and investigate belief till he n cognises and understands
the works of God. It is not like a sage to waste his time
in mundane trifles, but to pass a solitary life, learning
and meditating on the hand of God and obeying His
commands. Then will God open his eyes and mind and
renew the spirit placed in his bosom.
[This passage will give a higher idea of the aims of the better
class of Jews. It is to be remembered that it was addressed to
Jews, and conveys a covert rebuke to their *• heaping up
money *' and •* building houses."]
Dec. 1158. — Introduction to Abraham Ibn Ezra's
Sabbath Epistle.
Kerem Chemed (Heb.), iv., 158.
^Twas in the year 4919 [=1158 a.d.] at midnight,
on Sabbath eve, the \\th of Tebeth [=Dec. 7th], that /,
Abraham Ibn Ezra, a Spaniard, was in one of the cities
of the island called the ^ corner of the earth, ^ [=Angle-
terre] for it is in the last of the seven divisions of the
inhabited earth. And I was sleeping and my sleep was
pleasant unto me. And I looked in my dream and behold
beside me stood one with the appearance of a man and a
sealed letter in his hand. And he addressed me and said,
" Take this lettet which the Sabbath sends thee.** And I
bowed down my head and worshipped the Lord and blessed
the Lord which had given it to us, which had honoured
3 6 THE SABBA TH EPISTLE,
me with this honour. And I laid hold of it with my
two hands and my hands dropped mith myrrh. And I
read it, and in the beginning it was as honey for sweet-
ness. But when I read the concluding lines my heart
waxed warm within me^ and my soul almost departed y so
that I asked him that stood by me, " What is my trespass ?
What is my sin ? For from the day that I knew the
Lord which created us and learnt His commandments, I
have always loved the Sabbath, and before she came I
used to go out to meet her, and when she departed I used
to speed her with gladness and with singing. Who
among her servants has been as faithful as I? Where-
fore then has she sent to me this letter f " And this is it :
I am the Sabbath, the crown of the law of the chosen ones, the
fourth among the Ten Words,
And between the Lord and His sons I am the perpetual sign of
the Cifvenant for all generations.
In me God completed all his works and so it is written in the
beginning of the books (Gen. ii. 2).
And of old manna did not fall on the Sabbath day that I weight
be a proof to the generations.
I delight the living on earth and give repose to the multitude of
the dwellers of graves.^
I am the joy of men and of women, old and young rejoice in me.
With me the mourners mourn not, nor do they bewail the death
of the just. ^
Man-servant and maid-servant find rest and the strangers within
the gates.
And all the beasts repose that are in the service of man : horses,
asses, and oxen,
* There is truce in hell during the Sabbath.
t For seven days after burial mourners sit on the ground, &c. :
this is not done on the Sabbath.
■Ah.
THE SABBATH SINGS HER OWN PRAISES. 37
Ind all leho are wist hath sanctify and conclude the ftasl with
Mijif those who indulge in it as well as abstainers."
On all days tluyfind the gate of wisdom. On my day the huH'
dred gates are opened.
\aiit honoured hy not doing thine awn icay nor" cl niching after
business" nor speaking vain words (Is. Iviii. 13).
haee preserved thee at all times because thou hast obsemed me
from the days of youth,
huf IK thine old age an unwitting transgression has been found
in thee, for they have brought into thy house boots,
^ ahiek it is written to profane the Sabbath eve, and how canst
thou he silent and not swear vows
'e compose Utters in the isay of truth and send them to all sides t
f.tid the messenger of ihe Sabbath answered and spoke
mt ' ' She has been told what thy pupils brought yesterday
thy house, books of commentaries on Ihe Law, and there
it wn'tlen to profane Ihe Sahbalh eve ; do thou gird up
((iy loins for the honour of the Sabbath to wage the battle
f Ihe Law with ihe emvnes of the Sabbath and do noi
nat any ma?! with partiality" {\.t\.x.\x.. 15), And!
and my anger was kindled within me and my spirit
as very heavy and I arose and warmed the fire in me
td put on my garments and I washed my hands and
Qught the books into the light of the moanf and there
as written an explanation of Gen. i. " And Ihe evening
id the morning" namely, that when Ihe morning of ihe
:ond day came then one whole day had passed, for the
* The beginning and end of [he Sabbath is celebrated by
■f- The book probably was the commentary of R. Samuel
in Ueir (Raslibam) on the Pentateuch. He could nol light a
[hi because of the Sabbath. We can tell ihat ;tli Dec, 1158,
IS iiill moon because it was the 14th o{ the Hebrew lunar
38 WHEN DOES THE DA Y COMMENCE ?
night is reckoned as part of the preceding day, and then
I almost tent my garments and the explanation too, for I
said it is better to profane a single Sabbath than allow
Israel to profane many Sabbaths with fire if they saw
the wrong interpretation. And we should all be exposed
to ridicule and scorn in the eyes of the Gentiles, But I
refrained myself for the honour of the Sabbath and I
took an oath not to give sleep to mine eyes after the con-
clusion of the holy day till I had written a lengthy letter
to explain when was the beginning of the day of the law
to remove every stumbling block and to clear away snare
and pitfall r
[If the day began at daybreak, the Sabbath would begin then
and Jews might light fires, &c., from Friday sunset to Saturday
at sunrise. To obviate this sin Abraham ibn Ezra wrote his
Sabbath epistle founding the orthodox Jewish custom on the
mention of •* evening ** first in the first chapter of Genesis.]
1159-63.— Bicliard of Anesty gets into debt.
Palgrave, Commonwealth^ ii., pp. xxiv.-vii.
These are the costs and charges which I, Richard
de Anesty, bestowed in recovering the lands of
William, my uncle, to wit
In the first year of my plea [1159], when I sent
John, my brother, beyond seas for the king's writ,
I borrowed the forty shillings which I spent from
Vives, the Jew of Cambridge, upon usance, a groat a
week for the pound, and I kept the moneys during
fourteen months, and I rendered for hire of the
same thirty-seven shillings and fourpence, and this
was on the third day after mid-Lent. And at Easter
RICHARD OF ANESTVS BESTS. 39
following, the said Vives lent me again sixty shillin
at a groat a week for the pound, which I kept six
months, and for hirethcTeofl rendered twenty-four
shillings. And when 1 myself crossed the sea f
the king's writ for pleading then Comitissa of Car
bridge * lent tne four pounds and ten shillings, which
I spent on the journey, at a groat a week for the
pound, which moneys I kept nine months, and for
which I rendered for usance fifty-four shillings.
And when I went for Master Peter at Stafford,
then Bonenfaunt, the Jew, lent me fifty shillings,
at a groat a week for the pound ; these moneys
I kept five months, for which 1 rendered for usance
j^xteen shillings and eightpence. And at the clause
rf Pentacost [May 21, ti6o] when I pleaded at
Janterbury, then Dieu Lacresse, the Jew, lent me
irty shillings, which I kept two months, at a
(oat a week for the pound ; for which I rendered
r usance, five shillings and fourpence. And when
crossed the water to obtain licence to appeal to
avae, then Jacob, the Jew of Newport, f lent me
:ty shillings, at a groat a week for a pound, which I
*pt thirteen months, for which I rendered for usance
^y-two shillings. And when I sent my clerks to
ome [March 7, 1161], then Hakelot, the Jew, lent
e two pounds at the rate of threepence a week for
le pound, which I kept seven months, and forwhich
rendered for usance sixty shillings and tenpence.t
• Cf. Pipe Roll, item No. 15.
t See Pipt Roll, entry No. 2!.
1 There is something wroug here. The proper interest is
[ in ti^n
i
40 LA If IS EXPENSIVE.
And after Michaelmas, when we first pleaded i
court of the Bishop of Chichester and Abbot of West-
minster [Oct. 6, 1161], then Hakclot,* the Jew,
lent me sixty shillings at threepence a week for
the pound, which I kept three months, and for
which I rendered for usance nine shillings. And
at the feast of St. Martin, when we pleaded again
in the court of the said judges, then Jacob, the
Jew of Newport, lent me seventy shillings at a groat a
week for the pound, which I kept eight months, and
for the usance whereof I rendered thirty-seven
shillings and fourpence. And at the same time
Benedict, the Jew of London, lent me ten shillings at
twopence a week, which I kept three years, and for
which I rendered for usance twenty-six shillings.
And when I carried the writ of my appeal to Win-
chester to the bishop of Chichester that it might be
sealed there, then Jacob the Jew lent me an hundred
shillings at threepence a week for the pound, which
I kept ten months, and for which I rendered for
usance fifty shillings. And when I sent my clerks
again to the Apostolical court [Oct. -Dec, m6z],
then I borrowed four pounds from Hakelot, the Jew,
at threepence a week for the pound, which I kept six
months, and for which I rendered for usance twenty-
four shillings. And when I went to my pleas at
Windsor [March 31, 1163], then Dieulacresse, the
Jew, lent me forty shillings at the rate of threepence a
week for the pound, which I kept four months, and for
which I rendered for usance eight shillings. And in
• A diminutive of Jacob.
MONEY IS DEAR.
4'
the same journey to Windsor 1 borrowed half a mark I
from Brun, the Jew,* at three halfpence a week, which ]
I kept ten weeks, and for which 1 paid for usance I
fifteen pence. And in the same journey, when I was 1
K.t Reading, Halekot, the Jew, whom I found there, ]
ent me thirty ahillingrs at threepence a week for the
pound, which I kept five months, and for which I
paid for usance seven shillings and sixpence. And
when my uncle's land was decreed to me at Wood- ,
Block, then Hirabella, the Jewess of Newport, Irnt
me four pounds and ten shillings at a groat a week
for the potind, which I kept a year, and for which I
rendered for usance seventj'-eight shillings. And
when I rendered to Ralph the physician, his moneys
at the first term, Hakelot, the Jew, lent me seven I
.pounds at threepence a week for the pound, which I I
kept a year and a half, and for which I rendered for j
usance six pounds and sixteen shillings and sixpence, j
And at the next time of payment Comitissa, of Cam- |
'bridge, lent me one hundred shillings, which I kept
two n.onths at threepence a week for the pound, and
for which I rendered for usance ten shillings. At
£aster last it was two years since 1 paid fifty marks i
of Sliver into the E.tchequer in part of my promise
^a the king, of which Hakelot the Jew lent me twenty
tKrunds at twopence a week for the pound, and I yet
owe the principal and all the interest, and the hire
hath mounted up to twenty -sis marks of silver.
Again, at the Easter following, I paid twenty-five
(narks of silver into the Exchequer, of which Hake- '
• See Pipe Roll, entty No. it).
L
41 THE COST OF A LA WSUIT.
lot, the Jew, lent me seven pounds at twopence a week
for the pound, and for which I yet owe him the prin-
cipal and all the interest, and the usance has mounted
up to sixty shillings and eightpence. And at Michael-
mas I paid into the Exchequer ten marks, of which
Hakelot, the Jew, lent me forty shillings at twopence
a week for the pound, which I kept three months
and for which I rendered for usance four shillings.
[Altogether Richard borrows /gi b5. 8d. and pays or owes
for usury jjjl Bs, sd., very nearly the proverbial "Oa per cent."
It is noteworthy that the Jews lend on less interest after one ax
two traosactions, though the lowest, twopence in the pound per
week, is over forty per cent, per annnni. The whole story is
probably a typical one of the huge profits the Jews obtained
from litigious chents. The legal fees had to be paid in coin,
of which the Jews were the only large holders in the country.]
a. 1164. — Cities and Jewa have their own LavB :
Why not Clergy?
J. C.Roberfson, Matir. for llht. of Thorn. Eeckst,\y., 148.
Behold, London is the chief seat of the kingdom
of the English. If its citizens are accused, if they
are summoned to the pleas of the crown, they
answer in their own city, they are judged by their
own laws : they do not purge themselves by the laws
of battle, or the ordeal of water or red-hot iron, unless
they choose these of their own accord, but there their
oath is the end of all controversy. . . . So, ton, for
the Jews, by the proposed law their oath is the end
of all lawsuits, whether civil or criminal. Would
tt not seem to thee unworthy, my lord the King,
JEWISH JURISDICTION IN ENGLAND. +3
Hnless the clergy were granted a privilege which
S indulged to lay citizens or Jews ?
[This occurs in a state paper, addressed to Henry II.,
probably with some reference to the Constitutions of Clarendon.
ewiab law, as fiied by the Talmud, is administered among
Jews by a tribunal known as the Betk Din, " House of Judg-
Jnent," composed of three Dayanlm, or Judges; these aeein
bj have been called " Bishops " in England, v. p. 45. It seems
that Henry had just granted a charter giving jurisdiction
to the Betk Din. A conlimiation of bis charter was given
;by John, Rot.^ Cart., i., 93. Jews in Germany had the
- privilege; and in ri6S the Bishop of Catania, in the
Norman Kiogdaiu of Sicily, issued the rescript : " Latins and
Greeks, Jews and Saracens, let each be judged according to his
■n laws." Lagumina, Coiice Diplomatice, p. iz.]
1166-9.— Jews as Ferm-grEithererB.
*PipeRolU, ia.15, Hen. U.
II.— William of the Isle renders count of the ferm
of Lincolnshire . . . and [Cr.] by payment by
King's writ to Aaron the Jew _^2g 8s. tod., which
are counted to him in the feii.i of the tounty and
owes £\2 4s. gd. He rendurs count of the same
debt in the treasury £2 6s. gd. new money for
jfa 4s. gd. blank money, and ;^io in two tallies,
"s quits. 12 Hen. 11. Rot. i. mem. i. Line,
[The great Aaron of Lincoln, see Nos. 24, 42, 56, 70. In
■r parts of the same roll the Sheriffs of Norfolk, Yorkshire,
^anta, Essex, Rutland, Cambridge, Oxford, and Bucks claim
r credit for sums paid to him, amounting in all to
ifsB; 3s. lod.]
—Hubert de Lalega and Richard fil Osbert
render count of ^4 133. 1 id. blank of the old form
of Bucks and Bedford, and £1-] 10s. new money
44 THE JEWS AS PERM GATHERERS,
[Cr.] By payment of King's writ to Isaac the Jew
£^ 1 8s. yd. new money and £o 13s. iid. blank.
And to the same £1^] los. new, and are quits. 12
Hen. II. Rot. i. mon. i^-
[Son of Rabbi Joce, vide Nos. 3, 4, 8, 22, 24. The Sherifis
of Kent, Northampton, Gloucester, Dorset, Essex, Bucks,
Oxford, Lancashire, Norfolk, Cambridge, Devon, Hants, claim
similar credits in other parts of the roll for sums amounting in
all to ;f 743 13s. lod., the cash balance of their ferms. In 8
Hen. II., the amoimt was ;f 102 13s. 4d., in 9 Hen. II.
;f26 i6s. 8d., in 10 Hen. II. only ;f 12 lis. 3d. In 14 Hen. II.
the honor of Eye settles with the King by pa3nnent to Isaac of
the large sum of ;£^479.]
13. — Abraham fil Rabbi owes ;^2ooo for an
amerciament. The King orders that nothing more
be exacted from him for this Roll but let them be
erased from the roll by his own writ. 12 Hen.
II. lob.
[A brother of Ysaac fil Rabbi of preceding No.* The sum
is enormous=probably ;f ioo,cxx) at the present day.]
14. — Samson, Jew, son of Samuel, owes 3 marks
of gold for a writ to have his debts, but is not to be
found. 14 Hen. II.
[The entry is repeated 16 Hen. II. with the addition " But
he has fled to France.'* The full entry is kept in the rolls of
the i8th, 19th, and 21st years. It is clear that Sampson had
*' done" the King by first getting a writ to collect his debts,
and then decamping to France without paying the £iS (of
silver) which he owed the Treasury.]
15. — Comitissa Jewess of Cambridge and her sons
* I have suggested that he is to be identified with Abraham
Ben Joseph of Orleans, an important Tosaphist or Glossator of
the Talmud. See supra pp. 15, 26.
<* yElVISH BISHOP. 45 '
md the Jews of Lincoln render an account of 7
marks of gold for the Lincoln Jewess whom a son
of Comitissa married without the King's hcense.
S Hen. IL iz^' Lond. and Midd.
[A son David lil Comitissa is mentioned 6 Hen. II. 5*. 1
Canteb., and another, Isaac, 15 Hen. II., see No. 33.] I
, 1168.— Au Israelite Bishop without Guile. I
r. C. RoberlEon, MaUriahfor Hist. .,/ Thorn. Beckel, iv., 151,
And so too that well-known saying of Henry of
London was heard bj' many. For there were one
day in the Church of St. Paul at London many
J}ishops and abbots taking cognizance of certain
ecclesiastical cases by order of our lord the Pope, '
land with them a great multituoe of clergy, citizens, '
soldiers, and others. There chanced to enter certain
s of London, who mixed with these and others I
■ in seeking for iheir debtors if they might see them. '
And among them comes a certain Bishop of the
Jews.* And to him Henry said in joke : "Welcome,
Sishop of the Jews! Receive him among ye, for
there is scarcely any of the Bishops of England
that has not betrayed his lord the Archbishop of
Canterbury, except this one. In this Israelite j
Bishop there is no guile." 1
P' Bishop" was the tenn applied in England to each of I
*ie three Dayanim or Judges who constituted the Beth Din or ]
jdeaastical tribuaal which decidedcases between Jews.]
1168.— Harold, the Bor-Uartyr of Olouceater.
Hist. San. Petri. Glvuc, ed. Hart. i. 20.
In the year of our Lord eleven hundred and sixty-
• ProbsHy Deodatus, See Pipe Roll entries, yt and 31. j
46 HAROLD BOY AND MARTYR,
eight the boy Harold, who is buried in the Church
of St. Peter the Apostle, at Gloucester, near the
altar of St. Edmund the Archbishop, and of St.
Edward King and Confessor, on the north side,
is said to have been carried away secretly by Jews,
in the opinion of many,* on Feb. 21, and by them
hidden till March 16. On that night, on the sixth
of the preceding feast, the Jews of all England
coming together as if to circumcise a certain boy,
pretend deceitfully that they are about to celebrate
the feast appointed by law in such case, and
deceiving the citizens of Gloucester with that fraud,
they tortured the lad placed before them with
immense tortures. It is true no Christian was
present, or saw or heard the deed, nor have we
found that anything was betrayed by any Jew.
But a little while after when the whole convent of
monks of Gloucester and almost all the citizens of
that city, and innumerable persons coming to the
spectacle, saw the wounds of the dead body, scars
of fire, the thorns fixed on his head, and liquid wax
poured into the eyes and face, and touched it with
the diligent examination of their hands, those tortures
were believed or guessed to have been inflicted
on him in that manner. It was clear that they had
made him a glorious martyr to Christ, being slain
without sin, and having bound his feet with his own
girdle, threw him into the river Severn. [The body
is taken to St. Peter's Church, and there performs
miracles.]
♦ Even the chronicler puts it doubly doubtfully.
TRA NSPOR TA TJON. +7
[This is the only at all full contemporary account of any of
i^ese boy-martyrs, and the inadequate nature of the evidence
6ich the death of the lad was attribnled to the Jews is
obvious even to the narrator, who honestly enough confesses
that DO Christinn saw the deed, no Jew owned to it, and the
tortures "were only believed or guessed" to have been
biBicted- It was obviously to the interests of a monastery
Jto be connected with such a " martyrdom," aud to a mediKvil
'conscience there could scarcely be much harm in taking
isaes " as proofs if no one was physically harmed by such
ft proceeding, especially as it seemed impossible to take away
taj BDch thing as a good name from a Jew, or add to Ms bad
one. Inshort, "Give a Jew abad name— "]
1168. — Sow to Obtain Koney &ota the Jews.
Gen'ase of Canterbury, eil. Slubbs, 1. 205.
[Ambassadors from the Emperor solicit Henrj''s
alliance, and are loaded bj' him with presents.]
For the sake of these ambassadors the King caused
the richer Jews to cross the Straits and leave Eng-
Und, and exacted from the rest 5000 marks.
[The richer Jews were probably sent away as a kind of
iKMtages. Something similar seems to have been done
years later. See Pijie Roll, entry 29.]
Sef. 1170.— Canon of a Erabbinic Synod of North-
West Europe.*
Revue des etudes juipcs, t. xvii., p. 69.
The sprout fiouriskeik and becomes a serpen! biting
DKii without warning (Eccl. x, 1 1 ), h'ie dead
tolUcI in the ointment of the apothecary (ib. x. i).t And
therefore for the sake of the people we have strengthened
• Kindly translated by Mr. S. Schechter.
+ Allegorical reference to the increase of Jewish informers
against Jews.
48 CANON OF A RABBINIC SYNOD.
the hands weary with the labours of the unicorn (Nu.
xxiii. 22), to raise the head bowed hitherto to the feet ^ to
wipe away the tears that flowed to Eglaim (Is. xv. 8),
in order that the boasts of the, cursed folk may not
increase who bring a bad name upon us and upon our
children by throwing arrows in the dark, bending their
tongues with lies in secrecy and still more in public^ and
nowadays the robbers of our people have exalted them-
selves to bring things to light (Dan. xi. 14), with their
mouths and with their hearts to destroy [us ;] and many
of them accustom themselves to sin, denouncing both secretly
and openly through the Gentiles^ both lords and common
people, and in both cases intending to commit sin. Therefore
we have taken counsel together, we, the elders of Troyes, of
Dijon, of Auxerres, of Sens, of Orleans, of Chalons, of
Rheims, of Paris, ofMelun, ofEtampes and their neigh-
bourhoods ; of Normandy, of the Coast of the sea,* of
Anjou, ofPoitou ; and of the great men ofLothair [Lor-
rain.] Of the towns heretofore mentioned some have
already consented, while from others we have not heard
their words, but as the thing is important, we have counted
upon them that they are of those who, being great men,
follow the little ones (Talm. Rosh Hash. 25 b.), and the
judgment is a true judgment (ib. Aboth iii. 16), and if it
is not written downy et, it ought to be written down ; and
we have numbered, taken votes, and put in excommunica-
tion, and decreed every man or woman, far or near, who
summon his neighbour before a Gentile tribunal, or compel
him through Gentiles, whether lord or common man, ruler
♦ I assume this to mean England ; the neighbouring lands
mentioned were under English rule at the time.
"BOYCOTTING'" DELATORS. 49 1
ar nfficial, unless the consent of both has been given be/on
hand in the presince of pun Jewish [qualified^ ?(jiV»mjm.J
And if the matter comes round indirectly, and is heardm
by the Got ernmtnl or Gentiles general!)', and thereby ■
**; can compel the other, we again decree and ex.
municale such a man, to redeem his neighbour from their I
hands and give him peace against the Gentiles on
.a'de, so that he may suffer no damage or be in fear,
thus not lose what he has demanded from him ; and ht \
Aas /d dt? this according as the seven good men and trtu «
{elders] of the place decide, and if there arc no elders ii
the place, those of the nearest cnmmunity. Andwealsg I
\deent against any intimidation of the elders by m
»f Gentiles. . . . [Details of the excommunica-
■tion follow.] And we, the undersigned, ask all the
frequenters of the court to punish, by means of the Gentile
tourts, all who trespass against our decrees.
[The Government granted pennission to the Jews lo have
leir own tribunals (cf. supra p. 43). It is curious to see the
Caity appearance of ihe principle of " boycotting" applied lo
tiiose who would not Eubmit Ifaeir disputes to the Jewish
inals, but applied to Ihe Gentile couits. The main object
'Cf Ihe decree was, however, to check delation and denuncialioa
Jewish mauvais lujets. The Synod at which the decree was
pRraed was allended by 150 Rabbis. Another decree passed
was 10 oblige the dower of a bride who died without issue in
the first year of married life lo be returned to her relations.
At a very much earlier Synod, under the presidency of R. Ger-
(hom, ■• The Lit;lit of the Exile " (c. 1000 A,D.), the Jews of
Western Europe agreed lo forsake polygamy,]
c. 1170.— From the Bialogue of the Ex'^hequer.
Dial, dt Scacc., II. x.
M. — These, brother, are what I said the Sheriff
50 LAY AND PUBLIC USUR Y.
brought to the Exchequer, though no summons
preceded them. So a treasure dug out of the earth,
or otherwise found ; so, also, when anyone who has
a lay estate, or citizen who deals in public usury ;
if he dies intestate, or made a will without having
made those satisfaction whom he hath defrauded,
his money and his movables are immediately con-
fiscated, and they are brought to the Treasury. But
the heir of the deceased enjoys the paternal estate
and real property.
S. — ^An important question puzzles me in regard
to what you have said of usurers, which I desire you
will be pleased to explain more fully. For you said,
" when anyone having a lay estate, or citizen has
employed himself in public usury, &c.," from which
words there seems to be a certain distinction among
those who thus offend. And from what is added,
" has employed himself in public usury," one may
suppose that some are not public, in which if anyone
engages I am wholly ignorant if he is subject to
the laws of public usury.
M. — But thus much concerning this : what has
gone before will fully resolve the former part of your
question, inasmuch as a clerk who is employed in
usury forfeits the privilege of his dignity, so he
deserves the same punishment as a layman ; that
is, all his movables shall fall to the Treasury. The
Royal Authority would not do a Christian-like action
was it to proceed thus against a clerk or layman who
had offended, while he was living, for there is time
to repent. But when he is dead, all his goods (the
r
CONQUEST OF IRELAND
Church laying no claim to them) become the King's.'
It remains to show what is public, and what is no
public, usury. We call that public and commotti
usury when, according to the manner of the Jews, 1
anyone takes more by agreement of the same species I
of money than he lent : as a pound for a mark, (
twopence for a pound of silver, for a week's interest ]
besides the principal. We do not call that public,
but damnable usury, when anyone takes a church or 1
an estate for what is lent, and receives the profits j
of them til! the principal is paid off. '
[The State thus followed up the Church condemnation of I
usury by confiscating the personalty at those who died in thaf
"sin." In this regard equal measure was dealt out to both Jcfl
and Christian, and if a Jew's property fell into the king's hand I
at his death that would be no mote than would happen if a I
Christian were a usurer,]
1170.— A Jaw finances the Conquest of Ireland.
Pipe Roll, i6 Hen. U.
i6. — ^Josce Jew of Gloucester owes lOo shillings
for an amerciament for the moneys which he lent to
those who against the King's prohibition went over
to Ireland. i6 Hen. II. i^- (M. 379).
[This is clearly a reference to Slrongbow's enpedition in
:AuEUlt 1 1 70, whieh resulted in the conquest of Waterford and
^"fthlblin, and roused Henry's fears that Richard of Strignil would
;«reate an independent kingdom in Ireland. The expedi
[irouidhave been impossible without financial help, for Richard
liad DO independent means, and William of Newburgh [ed.
Hewlett, Rolls Series, i, 167-8) states that his chief
* Many iniitances of Christian usurers and nsuresses are given
by Madox, Mist, of Bxch., p. 237, folio edition.
I
52 FINANCED BY A JEW.
going to Ireland was to escape from his creditors. " He went
in defiance of an express prohibition from Henry, and it was on
hearing of his victories — i.e.^ some time in the latter part of
II 70 — that Henry confiscated his estates " (Miss Norgate,
England under the Angevin Kings^ ii., 103 ; cf. Barnard,
Stronhow*s Conquest of Ireland^ p. 40). But for the aid of
Josce he could not have gone, and the whole incident affords
another illustration of ** the economic interpretation of history."
It also shows how important it was for the king to have absolute
control of the transactions of the Jews, the only bankers by
whom great enterprises could be financed.]
17. — Benedict Jew of Norwich, son of Deodatus,
renders account of £zo for the sacred vestments
which he took in pawn. 16 Hen. II. Norf. and Stiff.
[Paid the following year. Madox, Hist, of Exch, i. 228.]
Bef. 1171.— A Difficult auestion.*
%, %t\yitsK «a||« itt i\t yxvixat ai %* feljeaiar : ^ ram
rami wxrt btixai\t \h )svi\x%\itx ia\x\t a mmax ; j^je mitfit
toait tin %\t vAium^ \tx majjaritji anbr ran sag *' ^ Ixr^je
i\h maw/' {Talmud, Kidd, 41^.)
And as to our custom at the present day [twelfth
century] of betrothing our daughters while still minors,
that it is because persecutions wax more frequent every day,
and if a man can afford to-day to give his daughter a
dowry, he fears that to-morrow he may not be able to do
it, and then his daughter would remain for ever un-
married, (Tosaphoth, ad locum.)
There came a case before R, Tam that the son of R,
Hosea Levy was engaged to the daughter of a rich man.
And he said " Thy daughter is engaged to me** without
mentioning any name, and he did not say which daughter.
♦ Kindly translated by Mr. S. Schechter.
A LIVING WIFE'S SISTER.
53 :
On this R. Tam said that the eldest one was belnlhed, ,
. . quoting Gen.sxiv. z6, "// must not b,
r country to give the younger sister be/ore the first- j
bom." Bui R. Menackam of Joigny was against this
decision. (Tosaphoth, Kidd ^ih.)
I hear that it happened once in Troyes that Isaac the ]
■OH of R. Hiisea the grandson of R. Menacham )
ielrothed to the daughter of R. Morel of England. But I
he had three daughters all minnrs and the name of the j
I betrothed was not mentioned, and he u'as compelled to
divorce all three. (Hagahoth Maimiini. ffilc.JViishim.)
[As it waE Qnt certain which daughter he was betrothed to,
none of Ihem could be married to him or else he might be
transgressing Lev, itviii. i8. On the other hand none of them ]
could marry another man, for they might be committing bigamy. ■
The simplest way out of tlie difficulty was for him to
all three. One of them afterwards married Josce Crispin. See 1
Pipe Rolls, item No, 119.]
Bef. 1171.— A point of Jewish Law.*
Moidecai. Baba Kama,
Tarn answers R. facob of Orleans who put the J
following guestivn. If Reuben commissions Simeon lo%
/TtctiBe money from a Gentile and the Gentile pays
I much by mistake and then goes aivay and no one knowetkm
:, to whom does the extra money belong? \_Ii'\
Taut decides after complicated arguments thai it belongtM
■ lo Reuben.']
[Renben and Simeon are the John Doe and Richard Roe tu
Xalmudic Law. R. Tam, the grandson of the celebrafed Tal-]
nndist and commentSitor Rashi, died in 1171. Jacob of Orlean
IS killed during the emeute following Richard I.'s cor
Cf, infra, sub anno. Il is therefore probable that the above diffi J
cnlty was sent by H. Jacob in London lo R. Taiii\n.^\a
' Kindly iraoslated by Mr. S. Sc\iec\Aei:,
54 DIFFICULTIES OF DIET,
C. 1171.— A Weighty Decision.*
Mordecai, Ah. Sara (Heb.) ii. 826.
The question is whether you may buy milk from a
Gentile drawn from the animal without any few being
present, R, Benjamin of Canterbury forbids it^ even in
the case where the Gentile has no unclean animal among
his flocks,
[R. Benjamin of Canterbury is mentioned in a list of
mediaeval Rabbis drawn up by R. Solomon Luiia (Graetz,
Gesch, d, Juderiy vi. 365). "After R. Samuel, our Master
Tam was chief. With him studied the chief Rabbi R. Jacob
of Orleans . . the chief Rabbi R. Joseph Bechor Shor . .
and R. Benjamin of Canterbury."]
Bef. 1171. — The Jews of England inqtdre whether
they may eat Barnacle-geese.
R. Meir of Rothenburg (f 1 293) Resp. (Heb, ed. Lemberg, No. 160).
On the question whether geese ^^ growing on trees^* may
be eaten by fews. My teacher, the Lion [_Sir Leon of
Paris tl told me that he had heard from his father,
R, Isaac, that R, Tam\ directed that they should be
slaughtered after fewish fashion, and sent this decision
to the sons of Angleterre,
[This is the first appearance of the curious legend about geese
growing on trees (Barnacle geese), of which Prof. Max Miiller
has an interesting account (Science of Language, ii, 583-604).
If authentic, this account disproves Prof. Miiller's etymological
theory of the origin of the legend since R. Tam died in 1 1 7 1 and
Hihemican geese (from which the folk-etymology is traced) can
* Kindly translated by Mr. S. Schechter. %
t Whom I have sought to identify with Leo Blund.
X R.Jacob ben Meir {^ 1171) grandson of Rashi (R. Solomon
ben Isaac) the great Jewish commentator on Bible and Talmud.
SEPARA TE JE WISH JURISDICTION. 5 5
scarcely have come to England before the Conquest of Ireland.
R. Tarn allowed them to be eaten. Later authorities declared
them unlawful. The Church also (I.e. 594) declared against
their suitability for food during Lent.]
1172.— A Decree of tlie Council of Avranches.
Benedict the Abbot, ed. Stubbs, i, 34.
Clergy and Jews are not to be placed under juris-
diction to be administered by the secular powers and
those who presume to do this let them be cut off
from ecclesiastical benefits.
[This may be compared with the passage on p. 42. The
Church, seeing Jews given separate jurisdiction, claimed the
same on the very ground that Jews already had the right.]
1172-6. — Jewish contributions to tlie Treasury.
*Pipe-Rolls, 18-22, Hen. II.
20. — The Jews of Cambridge owe half a mark of
gold for having an agreement amongst themselves.
18 Hen. II. Canteb.
[They pay next year. This probably refers to some important
case brought before the Beth-Din or ecclesiastical tribunal of the
Jews at Cambridge. Cf. Nos. 34, 50, 75. John confirmed to the
Jews a charter legalising such tribunals. Rot. Catt, i. 93.]
21. — ^Jacob, Jew of Newport, renders count of ;^6
for one mark of gold, for a plea between him and
William de Muntfichet. In the treasury 60s. and
owes 60s. 18 Hen. II. Essex and Hertf.
[Pays and is quits. 20 Hen. II.]
22. — ^Jumet, Jew of Norwich, and Isaac son of
Rabbi, owe 4 marks gold that the king may grant a
1/
56 RICHARD MALEBYSSE APPEARS.
partnership between them of their chattels. 21 Hen.
II. Lond. and Midd.
[The entry remains till 29 Hen. II., when it is added "but
they could not yet have it (the partnership).'* Cf. No. 39.
Jumet is one of the most important Jews of the time. He is
mentioned in the Chronicle of Edmondsbury, cf. infra p. 62,
and frequently in the Pipe Rolls, see No. 67.]
23. — Avigay, who was the wife of Jacob, owes 200
marks to have custody of her boys. 21 Hen. II.,
Lond. and Midd.
[Pays 22 Hen. II. by King's writ to Edmund Blund. This
Avigay (Abigail) is frequently mentioned in the transactions of
the time, and her son Abraham became one of the chief men of
the London community.]
24. — (The sheriff accounts for the ferm of the
counties) and [Cr.] by payment by king's writ to
Aaron of Lincohi and Ysaac Jew, £^0. 22 Hen. II.
Dorset and Somerset.
[The sheriff of Northumberland pays in a similar way ;f 68, the
balance of the ferm to the same two Jews who, as we have seen
above (Nos. 11 and 12), were unofficial ferm gatherers. See
also No. 30.]
25. — Richard Malebysse renders count (and is
quits) of 1 00s. for his relief. 22 Hen. II. Honour
of Eye.
[He was the ringleader of the York massacre. He came into
possession of the paternal estates this year and paid a "relief"
for holding them. Within less than 15 years he was deeply in
debt, as we shall see later on.]
26. — Serfdeu, Jew, owes 10 marks gold \_£(iO silver]
for having the debts of his father. 22 Hen. II.
Hantsc.
JB WISH PA WNBR OKERS, 5 7
[Pays and is quits, 23 Hen. II. This is a common form of
entry. Thus next year Ursell accounts to the sheriff of Norfolk
and Suffolk for 10 marks for the same.]
27. — Cresselin, the Jew, owes one mark of gold to
have seisin of the land which Adam de Port of Wales
had mortgaged to him. 22 Hen. II., Hantesc.
[Repeated 23 Hen. II. and in 26 Hen. II., with the addition,
'* But he has not got it," which is probably explained by the
next entry in which Adam de Port accounts for 2000 marks as a
fine for his land. Cresselin is a diminutive of Deulecresse, see
No. 80.]
1173. — The plate of Lincoln Minster is redeemed
from Aaron of Lincoln.
Girald Cambr. Vita S. Remigii^ ed. Dymock. 0pp. vii. p. 36.
Godfrey the son [natural] of king* Henry II. suc-
ceeded him [bishop Chesney f 1 1 66] in the rule of
Lincoln Minster, the bishopric having fallen into
great financial difficulties for many years previously ;
he was raised to the bishopric of the same see of
Lincoln in which he had been archdeacon. And
among his very first acts, he immediately redeemed
the ornaments of his church which his predecessor
had pledged with Aaron the Jew.
1175. — Tlie Abbot of Peterborough, pledges relics
with, the Jews.
Benedict, ed. Stubbs, i., 106.
The same year before Christmas Richard, arch-
bishop of Canterbury, came to the abbey of Peter-
borough and deposed William of Walterville, the
abbot, because, with violent and armed hand, taking
58 THE EARLIEST SHETAR.
with him armed soldiers against the wish of his
monks, he entered the cloister and the Church and
extracted the relics of the saints, together with the
arm of St. Oswald, king and martyr, in order to
pledge them with Jews for money.
1176.— The first Shetar on record.
Pipe Roll, 9 Ric. I.
Alexander the Abbot and the Convent of Melsa
[Meaux] owe one mark that it may be inscribed on the
Great Roll that it has been put on record by the
Baron that they have produced a charter of Aaion
the Jew of quittance of the debt of William Fossard
which charter was released to the said William in
presence of the Barons. And these are the words of
the charter :
** Know all men reading and hearing these letters
that I, Aaron, Jew of Lincoln, by the attestation of
this my charter have cried quits to William Fossard
of all the debts which he or his father owed unto me ;
and I testify that he is quit of the debt which he
owed either to me or to Josce of York or to the
remaining Jews mentioned, viz. Kersun, Elyas, San-
son, Ysaac Jew of Pulcella, or Fulcella herself, or
Deulecresse of ** Denmark," up to the feast of St.
Michael in the year of the incarnation of the Lord,
MCLXXVi. This quit claim I have made him for
MCCLX marks from which the monks of Melsa have
acquitted him towards me. And it is to be known
that I have handed over to him certain charters of
this debt and if I have any others still in my posses-
$ion I will hand them ovet as s»ooiv as possible."
THE ABBOT BORROU *; qg
And that according to this record t as de ded
by the said Barons that nothing should be demanded
torn the said Abbot and Monks of the debt wh ch 3
demanded from the aforesaid Will am out of the
iebts of Aaron, viz. £i\a 13s. od. 9 Ric. I., +b
Everw. (Madox, i. 238).
[This contains the earliest dated Shitar or receipt, which were
fterwards somimerous that a separate chamber of the Exchequer
put aside for their safe deposit and called the Star Chamber,
full transaction is referred to later sub aino 1180.]
1173-80.— How the Abbey of St. Edmand'e became
in debt to the Jews.
Joe. de Brakeloiid, pp. I, 2, 4,
But things outside were badly handled,. since each
ine, serving under a master simple-minded and now
rowing old, did as it liked, not as it beseemed him.
?he homesteads and all the hundreds of the abbot
«re given out to farm ; the woods were cut down,
ie manor houses went to ruin ; all things got into a
rorse condition from day to day. There was only
ne solace and remedy for the abbot — to borrow
aoney, so that at least he might keep up the honour
if his house. Not an Easter or Michaelmas term for
Sght years before his death but a hundred or two
iondred pounds were added to the debt. The
seds were always being renewed, and the usury
lat accrued was changed into a capital charge.'^
rhis complaint spread IVom the head to the limbs,
the prelate to his subjects. Hence it came to
that each obedientiary had his own seal and got
into debt with Christians as well as Jews at his own.
6o THE ABBOT DOES NOT PA 1.
pleasure. The silk cups and gold goblets and other
ornaments of the Church used often to be pledged
without the knowledge of the convent.* I have seen
a deed made to William fitz Isabel, of one thousand
pounds and forty,t and I know neither the cause nor
origin thereof. I saw too another deed made out to
Isaac, son of Rabe Joce,J of four hundred pounds,
but I know not why. I saw also a third deed made
out to Benedict, Jew of Norwich, || of eight hundred
pounds and eighty, and this was the origin and cause'
of that debt. Our hall was destroyed and William
the sacristan had it to restore, willy-nilly, and he
secretly borrowed on usury forty marks from Benedict
the Jew, and made over to him a deed signed with a
seal that used to hang by the window of St. Edmund,
and by it gilds and fraternities used to be sealed, but
afterwards, though too late, it was broken up to the
joy of the whole convent. But when the debt had
come to one hundred pounds the Jew came bearing'
the letters of our lord the king about the sacristan's
debt, and then at last was made clear what had
escaped the abbot and the convent. But the
abbot in wrath wished to depose the sacristan,
producing the privilege of our lord the pope, that
he could depose William his sacristan whenever
he would. But a certain one came to the abbot
and, speaking for the sacristan, so got round the
* See Pipe Roll, entries Nos. 17 and 57.
t A Christian is thus the highest creditor.
X See Pipe Roll, entries Nos. 3, 12, 22, &c.
jj See Pipe Kolly entries Nos. 17, 29, 44.
THE DEB7 GROJf S. 6i
abbot that he allo?ied a deed to be made out to
Benediit the Jew for four hundred pounds to be
paid at the end of four jears le , for a hundred
[ounds which had now ^rown b) usury, and another
[lundred w ith w hich the Jew accommodated the
sacnstan for the needs of the abbot. And the
sacnstan undertook to return the whole of that debt
m full Lhapler and a deed was made, signed with
the seal of the convent the abbot pretending and
not affixing his seal as if that seal did not apply to
him. But at the end of four jears there were no
means of paying that debt, and a new deed was made
of eight hundred pounds payable at fixed dates, four
pounds per annum. And the same Jew had
Iso several other deeds for smaller debts, and another
iced fourteen years old, so that the sum owed to that
ew was twelve hundred pounds besides the usury
lat had accrued*
In those days the ceUarer, like the rest of the
ifficials, borrowed money from Jurnet, the Jew [of
lorwich], t without permission of the convent, on a
■i signed with the seal aforementioned. But when
lat debt had grown to sixty pounds the convent was
Innmoned to pay the debt of the cellarer. The
illarer was deposed although he softened the charge
r saying that for three years he had received all the
nests in the guests' house at the command of the
bbot, whether he were present or not, though that
bbot should have received them according to the
"Tbe whole revtoue of the Abbey was ^"325 129. 41!.
t Sue Pipe Roll, eiilric? N05. 22, 29. 55, 67, 87, &c.
6 2 yEWS MA Y BURY THEIR DEAD,
custom of his office. Master Dionisius took his place,
who, by his prudence and caution, reduced the debt
of sixty pounds to thirty. Out of this debt we handed
over thirty marks, which Benedict de Blakeham gave,
to the convent for the manors of Neutone and
Wapstede. But the deed of the Jew has remained
in his hands up to this day, and in it are twenty-six
pounds of the capital and debt of the cellarer.
1177.— Sepulchres granted to the Jewries.
Howden, ii., 137. Benedict, i., 182*
The same year [1177] the lord the king gave a
licence to the Jews of his land to have a cemetery in
any city of England beyond the walls of the cities,
where they might buy a place for burying their dead
reasonably and in a suitable spot : for previously all
dead Jews used to be carried to London to be
buried.
[An instance of this occurs infra. The importance of this
lay in the fact that sepulchres must be in absolute possession of
the Jews.]
1179.— The provisions of the Lateran Council about
the Jews.
Benedict the Abbot, ed. Stubbs, i. 230.
Let not Jews or Saracens be allowed to have
\ H Christian servants in their houses, even for the pur-
1 S ^ pose of tending their children, or for service or for
any cause. But let them be excommunicated who
presume to lodge with them. We are also of opinion
that the testimony of Christians against Jews is to be
\t
f
HOW TO TREAT l/SUJfERS. 63
I preferred in all causes where they use their own
I witnesses against Christians. And we decree that
5 are to be anathematised whosoever prefer
Jews to Christians in this regard, for they ought to
be under Christians, and should only be supported
by them for humanity's sake. But if any, under
, God's inspiration, turn to the Christian faith, they
t should by no means be excluded from their posses-
i sions, since those who are converted to the faith
ought to be in a better condition than before they
adopted the faith.
[When a Jew became a convert and ceased to be a dealer in
money, the king lost considerably by the change and claimed to
be compensated by the possession of the convert's money. By
a later arrangement the king only claimed a half.]
1179. —How to treat Cliristiaji UBurere. ,
Howden, ii., 182. Benedict, i., 13*. '
Since in almost all places the crime of usury
waxes so that many, leaving business, exercise usury
as if 'twas lawful, and do not observe how it is con-
demned by the pages of both Testaments, therefore
we decree that manifest usurers shall not be-received
at the communion of the altar, nor receive Christian
burial, if they die in this sin, and no offering of theirs
shall be received. And he that receive'* them or
gives them Christian burial, shall both return what
he has taken from them, and shall remain suspended
from his office til! he has made satisfaction in the
opinion of his bishop.
[The state followed suit by confiscating the chattels of Chris-
tian usurers ot usnresses after their death if ihey had not made
1
64 TRANSFRETATION.
restitution, cf. supra, p. 51- So far State and Church were im-
partial between Jew and Christian, the one in making the
chattels of a usurer belong to the king after his death, the
other in making the usurers' calling disreputable.]
1177-9.— Jews are sent across the Straits.
*Pipe Rolls, 23-5, Hen. n.'
^3> — Cresselin, Jew of Winchester, renders count
of 100 marks for an amerciament. Cr. by king's
writ to Cresselin himself of 100 marks for 100 bezants
which he had paid to the king himself. 23 Hen. II.
Sudhantesc.
[The king had "let him off" considerably, as a bezant was
only 2s., a mark 13s. 4d. Cf. Nos. 27, 39, 69.]
29. — Jurnet, Jew, renders count of 2000 marks in
which he was fined by the king at Winchester on his
crossing the straits. Benedict, the Jew, renders
count of ;^5oo of the fine which he made to the king
on his crossing for an amerciament. Josce Quatre-
buches renders count of ;^2oo for the same. Brun,
the Jew, renders account of 3000 marks for the same.
23 Hen. II. 11^- (M. i. 266.)
[Josce Quatrebuches pays next year. Jurnet owes ;f 226 12s.
3d. then and £26 later. Benedict only owes £^. 25 Hen. II.
Brun still owes ;f400 of this, 27 Hen. II. rot. ult. and ;f 20 of
that 29 Hen. II. 13. Qy. was this another occasion when Henry
took the richest Jews over to Normandy till a certain tallage was
paid ? Cf. p. 47.]
30. — The Sheriff renders count of the ferm of
Devonshire, he pays [the cash balance of] 7 marks
to Benedict son of Sara and Moyses and Deodatus
the Bishop and Vives, Jews. 23 Hen. II., Devonessec.
ITht same firm receive similar cash balances this year from
yESrs FARM FERMS. 65
the Sheriffs of Kent, Surrey, Norfolk, Lincoln, Cumberland,
TVestmoreiand, and Oxfordshire, and the honours of Boseham
and Conan and the Jews of London, amounting in all to ^1003
5s. td,, practically all the spare cash owed to the king. Jose of
York renders in similar way 36 marks from Oiford, and another
firm consisting of Brun, Josce Quatrebuches, Jomet, and BEuedict
Jomet's brother (see No. 29} receive /'loo from Southampton.
The same applies to the two following years. The King doubt-
less found it more convenient to ba^-e a banking account with
the Jews on which he could draw insti ad of draining the counties
of ready-money, while the Jevs could make arrangements for
local Jewti to receive the Sherilfs' balances and lay out the money
■in loans to the neighbourhood. At least this is how.I interpret
these items, as well as Nds. m, ij, 24.]
31. — And [Cr.] by payments by writ of Richard
de Luci to Deodatiis Bishop of the Jews and Benedict
son of Sara and Mosse his brother and Vivo, Jews,
^84 lis. 1+ Hen. II. gb- Lond. and Midd. (M. ii.
106,)
[Deodatus=^Elchanan,' " Bishop of the Jews," i.e., one of the
Dayaaim or ecclesiastical assessors who adjudicate on ritual and
other questions among Jews even In the present day in all Jewish
communities.]
s.— Mosse the Jew owes 5 marks for right to /
marks and 4 shillings against Henry de Mi
^nd to 10 marks against Hugh de Bellocampo.
Hen. II. Hereford.
33. — Benedict brother of Aaron and Benedict
son of Isaacli and Benedict son of Jacob render
count of £6 for one mark of gold to be quits of the
pledges of Isaac son of Comitissa. 15 Hen. II.
City of Lincoln.
' Probably Elehanan ben Isaac, a direct descendant of the
great Rashi (R. Solomon b. Isaac). Elchanan died ia ii&^.
I
I
f/'i-J
66 JEWISH CORN MERCHANTS,
[This Isaac is probably the very son of Comitissa of Cam-
bridge for whose marriage a fine was paid 15 Hen. II. (sec Na
15). He was himself the father of R. Moses ben Isaac
Hanassiah (=Comitissa), the author of the Hebrew ** Onyx
Book,** the most important literary production of the eaiiy
Jews of England. Moses would thus be bom about 1 1 70, and
would have met Isaac of TchemigofF (see No. 41) when he
was about 12-15 years old. Moses died somewhere before
1 215. Stow gives the inscription on his tombstone. {Survey
of London, ed. Thoms, p. 15.]
I170.-Early I.O.U.'s.
* Record Office, Misc, Q,R, 556. i.
I.
Know all men present and future that I, Robert,
parson of Bisebrok [co. Rutland] owe Aaron, Jew of
Lincoln, 25 soams of hay, Stamford measure, and I
have agreed that every two loads shall make one
great bundle, Lincoln measure, and all this com I
will render to him within fifteen days of his summons
and I make an affidavit to keep this, and I, Richard
of Bisebrok, am surety for all the aforesaid corn and
owe the said Aaron of my own part 40 soams of hay
of the same measure to be tendered similarly within
fifteen days, of his summons and this I have made an
affidavit to render.
IL
Know, &c., I, Richard of Bisebrok, owe Aaron the
Jew of Lincoln ten pounds sterling which I received
from him at the octave of St. Michael next after the
death of Richard de Luci \ob, 1179] and for each
pound I will give him every week two pence for
PROM/SSOR Y NOTES. 67
interest as long as I keep the debt by his favour, and
for the whole debt aforesaid, viz. capital and interest,
I have pledged to him all mr land of Bisebrok till
has the debt aforesaid, viz. capital and interest,
and if I cannot warrant this land to him I will give
him equivalent of its value at his pleasure and this I
make affidavit to keep and 1, Robert, parson of Bise-
brok, am surety for the whole debt aforesaid, viz.
capital and interest, for satisfying the said Aaron
within 15 days of his summons unless the aforesaid
Richard has done it and this is my affidavit.
Ill,
jiow, &c. I, Herbert, parson of Wissinden, owe
Aaron Jew of Lincoln no marks to be returned at
the second feast of St. Michael after the death of
Richard de Lud [uA, 1179] in six years, viz. : each
year za marks at two terms of the year, at Rogations
marks and at the chains of St. Peter 1 o marks, and
,ao on, from year to year, till the whole debt is paid.
The first term for receipt is at the second Rogations
. after the death of Richard de Luci. And if by chance
any one of those terms shall pass, 1 will give him
ever]- week twopence interest for every pound, so long
s I shall hold the debt by his grace, and I make my
affidavit, and have confirmed it with my seal.
[These three praniiasory notes are Ihe earliesl ineiislenceand
:are each interesting in a different way. The first shows that the
Jews were large com merchants as well as money lenders. The
second is interesting from its cannectiun with an entry on the
Pipe Rolls, Nos. 15, 164. fifteen years later. The last is a fonn
which was, by a legal fiction, supposed to avoid usury since
eat was only paid if there was a delay in payment, Tlut
usury of the Cahorsins was conducted on those \\nes.\
I
$
68 yEWS KING'S CHATTELS.
c. 1180.— I^om "The Laws of Edward the
Confeseor."
XXV. Of the Jews.
Howden, cd. Slubbs. ii, aj?.
It should be known that all Jews, wheresoever in
the roalm the_v be, ought to bo undor the guard and
protection of the king's liege. Nor ought any of
them place himself under any rich man without the
" king's licence ; because the Jews themselves and al!
I theirs belong to the king. And if any detain them
or their money, let the king, if he will and can, ask it
_back as if it were his own.
XXXTttl. Of tJaurers.
King Edward likewise forbade usurers to remair
the kingdom, and if any was convicted thereof thai
he had taken interest, he should be deprived of his
property and declared outlaw. But this the king
himself stated that when he was in the Court of the
French king he had heard that usury is the root of
all vices.
[These sections of the so-called " Laws of Edward Ihe Con-
fessor " are recognised to be later interpolations, probably of the
time of Men. II. See Webb, The Qufstien, ^c, p. 30 seq,
and Jew. Quart. Rei:, i., 287.]
c. 1180.— Tlie PuniBhraeat of a. Jewish Scoffer.
Ada Sa-cl. Oct, six, t. Ivi, f. 576.
Nor should we pass over in silence the revenge
which the Lord took on a certain man of the Jewish
depravity in this city of Oxford. A certain Jew, lie
Lord increase him, [Deus-eum-Crescat^Deulecresse=
//i^. Gedalyah] by name (for the Jews use prayers in
SCOFFING S7: FRWESH'IDE. 69
this way instead of proper names), the son of Moses
of Wallingford, a man less detestable than the rest of
the Jews, influenced by a most infamous feeling,
insulted the devotions of the Christian folk and
derided the divine miracles with blaspheming words.
For he derisively drew up bis hands and stretched
them out, and likewise halted on his feet, and then
walked upright, and so he boasted that he could do
miracles as well as our Frideswide, and that gifts
should be given and offerings made to him as well as
to her. Whereupon it happened that faithful folk
cursed him on the left side, which really happened
afterwards. At last, as he was sitting down at his
father's table and redoubling his blasphemies, he was
gravely rebuked by his father, but would not desist
from his design, declaring that Frideswide could do
nothing and that he had no fear of her miracles,
length, in great indignation, his father cursed him :
at his voice the blasphemer was silent for a little,
and a little afterwards falling into a decline, seemed
in great terror. . . Being invited to supper by his
father he refused, being tired of life and desiring to
hasten his own death. When, therefore, on the
succeeding night the quiet of the night was replacing
the labours of the day, in silence the wretch r
from his bed and enters his father's kitchen, and lest
his gloomy intention might be frustrated he closed
the door with wax (.') from the inside. His belt
served as a rope, and joining together his neck an
the beam, hke traitor Judas, in like manner put i
end to his life. [His father finds him in the moiti™^
7f> DEBTS TAK^N OP BY MSAUX ABBEV
and begs his fellow Jews to keep the matter secret,
but it is known throughout the town.] But when, as
is customarj-, the detestable body was being carried
off on a cart to be buried in London,* a number of
dogs followed the cart with their barks, as is the way
of dogs, giving suitable obsequies to the blasphemer.
c. 1180.— How the Jews' Debts ^ret into the haadi
of the King.
Chrun. de Melsa, \. 173, se^.
In the meantime William Fossard, junior, confirmed
the donation of William Fossard, his father, of i
carucales of land in Wharrom and of his own gift
granted us z bovates of land there. And because he
himself owed more than 1 800 marks to the Jews and
had pledged certain lands to the Jews themselves,
the sum of the debt daily increased so that all he had
was in danger of future loss. William therefore asked
Philip our Abbot to take upon himself the pa)inent
of his debt, taking a portion of his lands. At which
the abbot, at first disturbed not slightly, was as it
were astonished and stupified both because he was
poor and there was an immense debt, and also
because he knew for certain that it was not safe to
have anything to do with Jews, as also he afterwards
found out and experienced. Nevertheless, Aaron,
the Jew of Lincoln, who seemed to be the first and
greatest of the Jews themselves and had drawn to
himself the whole debt of William, promised to
forego more than 500 marks if our abbot would
FALL INTO KING'S HANDS. 71'
promise to satisfy him oT the rest, and William him-
self promised that he would give for that reason, viz.
" that it would ^et the abbey into the king's power "
four and a half carucates of land in Wharrom, Also
he granted to our monastery the vills of Bainton and
Nessenwick which were pledged to the Jews for certain
periods till we should receive the money for pajTnent.
At the instance therefore of the brothers, the abbot
though unwillingly undertook the payment of the
aforesaid debt, vit., of izbo marks : so that he Was
bound to pay every year till the debt was fully paid
&o marks from our monaster)- to Aaron the Jew before
mentioned In the meantime Aaron the
Jew ot Lincoln, of whom we have just spoken, died,
and we were forced by ro3'al edict to pay to our lord
the king all that we owed on behalf of William
sard within a short time. And when this was done
there were found besides certain charters among the
treasure- chests of Aaron, by which the king demanded
more than 500 marks from William Fossard. There-
upon William Fossard himself urged that we were
bound to pay all his debts to Aaron the Jew. But
on the other hand declared that we had already
i all the debts for which we were bound on his
behalf. At length however after much trouble and
expense the charter of Aaron giving quittance for the
whole sum was sought and found. And this being
lead before the barons of the exchequer at London
•was transcribed on a roll though not upon the Great
Roll, though afterwards Alexander the fourth abbot
caused It to be transcribed on the Great Roll** and ia
• See entry rrom Pipe Roll, No. Hi.
I
7» JE WISH CONVBR TS.
accordance with this quittance it was decided by the
said barons that nothing should be exacted of the
debt which was demanded from the said Wilham
Fossard for the debt to Aaron.
1180-2.— Jewish, contributions to the Treasury.
• Pifie Soils. 26-8, Hen. U.
34.. — Benedict the Jew owes three marks to have
respite in the plea between him and Moyses the Jew.
i6Jlen. 1., Boseham
[Disputes between Jews were generally settled before their
own Btlk-Din ; tbere was a threat of excommunication against
those who applied to the Gentile courts.]
35- — Abraham, Jew of Coventrj, owes one naark to
be quits of the appeal of Beleasez [Jewess of Oxford,
see No. 38.] z6 Hen. II., Lond.
[This debt has to be seen to by the Sheriff of Warwickahire,
28 Hen. II. Abraham had tetuined from London to his native
jb. — Nicholas the convert owes half a mark for a
default. 16 Hen. 11., Ghent.
[Conversions of Jews began early ; we find references to them
temfi. Will. Rufkls., and tbere is an interesting letter of Anselm
about one, supra pp. 8 and 12.]
37. — Jeremias the Jew renders count ofone mark
\ for Isabella the convert whom he personated. Quits..
i6 Hen. II. Bucks.
[Converts lost all their property wiiich escheated to the king
00 conversion. Jeremiah had probably atlemp ted tosaTe some-
thing in the case of Isabella.]
38. — Beleasez, Jewess of Oxford (renders count)
owes ^100 for having respite in the plea between her
and the clerk of the Court of Ferrars. 26 Hen. II.
M
ISAAC OF TCHERNIGOFF. 73
38. — From the pleas of the Court. Samuel the
Jew owes five marks of gold as an amerciament for a
bill of divorce. 16 Hen. II., 6b Norhant. (M. i. %%■]).
39. — Cresselin Jew owes three marks silver to have
licence for a concord with Jomet, his sister's husband.
17 Hen. II., Sudhants.
[The king clainied to be compensated for debts to firms which
would not escheat to him on the death of a member of it as
would be the ca^ with debts to individuals.]
—Piers [?] Dulesalt, Jew of Exeter, renders
count of to marks that the king might take charge of
his boj'S. 27 Hen. II., Devenesc.
— Ysaac of Rochester, and Vsaac of Russia,
and Yaaac of Beverley, Jews, render count of 10
marks to be quit of a charge that they were said to
have exchanged {cambivme). 17 Hen. II., Sudhantesc.
[ThiE Isaac of Russia, possibly the first Russian in historic
times who put foot on English soil, is referted to by R. Moses
bes Isaac in his " Onyx Book " in the following way ;— " R.
Ita ef Tchemigoff told me that in Ihe tongue of Tina, i.e.
Sustia, they call a brolher-in'laie Beleia." Cf. Haikavy, Die
yuden und die slavischen Sprachen (Heb.), p. 6z.]
Brun the Jew owes ;^400 of the fine he made
with the king at his transfretation. But they ought to
be required from Aaron of Lincoln and Ysaac and
Abraham, son of Rabbi, and Ysaac of Colchester, his
sureties, who have acknowledged that they received
those ;£^4oo from his chattels in old money and paid
it to the servants of the king in presence of Wm.
Rufus. Brun owes ;^+o for the deficiency of the
aforesaid £a,t>o. z8 Hen. II., Lond. and Midd.
[See No. 39. The old money was depredated 10 |)er cent.
wdA Bnin «lill owes the amount of the depi
I
74 PLEAS AND FINES.
iwes 40 (
43. — Benedict, son of Josce Quatrebuches, owes 40
marks that the king may hear his plea against Abra-
ham Jew of London, and if it does not concern him
that nothing more may apply to him. x8 Hen. II.,
Lond. and Midd.
44. — Benedict the Jew of Norwich owes 500 marks
because he was present at a concord made touching
the king's peace and of these 300 are that he might
have peace for his chattels that he sold to Aaron and
Abraham and Isaac of Colchester and to Joce of York.
28 Hen. II., Nordf.
[He stiUoweSj£40 13s. 4d. in 31 Hen. 11. On the ColchesWr
Jews mentioned here see the chapter in the Jewry in Catts'
CoUkestcr ("Hisloric Towns"), contributed by the present
writer. Joce was the head of the York community and begiin
the celebrated massacre in 1190.]
. 45. — Hakeiin son of Josce Quatrebuches £t^
^ 15s, 8d. that he may be quits for the soldier whom he
struck. 28 Hen. 11., Lond and Midd.
[Qy. was Adam de Colebrooke the soldier, see following No.]
46. — Josce Quatrebuches owes 40 marks that his
son Hakeiin might be dealt with according to justice
in the plea between him and Adam de Colebrooke.
28 Hen. II.
[See preceding number. Is tills a case of two birds with one
47. — Abraham, Jew, son of Rabbi, owes 40 marks
and four horns of which the fourth shall be worth
more than the three. 28 Hen. II., Lond.
[I quote this for its quaintness. Might the horns be the
sacred ones used by Lbe Jews un their New Year's Day ?]
ST. ROBERT, BOY AND MARTYR.
V. Also no Jew shall keep with him mail or haiiberk,
[mt let him sell or give them away, or in some other
(fay remove them from him so that they may remain in
be service of the king of England.
I ^^ews did Dot s^ive in the army ; while tlierefore any anus
imained in their passessimi Ihey were withdrawn from use in
ie royal service. This seems tp me the interpretationof this
iactment which left Jews entirely anprolected.]
1181.— St. Bobert, B07 and Hartyr.
Joe. de Brakclond, Chron., p. iz.
At the same time was the holy boy Robert martyred
Bid buried in our church, and there happened many
irodigies and signs among the people as we have
(Isewhere written.
pt is a. pity tliat Jocelin's account of the martyrdom and
iiacles of (he EdDiondshury martyr have not come down to us.
Its naive and vivid style would have probably let us into the
icret of these boy-martyrdoms and would terlainly have thrown
Ai on the social relations of Jew and Clirislian at Edmonds-
Eiiy. No details are known from any utliersouri:e of the alleged
laityrdom. John of Taster adds the date " The hoy Robert at
t. Edmund is martjred by the Jews on the 10th of June"
Uotes to Brakelond, p. 114). It should be remembered that
Abot Samson was an enemy of the Jews, and thai Brakelond
IS a devoted admirer of Samson].
July, 118S. Jews expelled from France.
Ricord ap. Duchesne t.v.p.g.
In the year of the Lord's Incarnation, MCLXXSii.
p the month of April, which by the Jews is called
Siaan, there issued a decree from the most serene
Qng Philip August that all the Jews of his nation
■COTd- I
76 yEH^S EXPELLED FROM FRANCE.
should prepare to be expelled by the next feast
John the Baptist. [They might sell their persoi
hut their real property fell into the K:
They try in vain to avert the evil decree.] Accoi
ingly the Jews selling their property and taking the
money on their journey went forth with wives and
children and all their company in the month of July
called Tammuz by the Jews themselves. Thus were
ejected the infidel jews and they spread through the
whole world,
[We imraedialely afterwards find home of them in England,
e.g., Solomon of Paris, Jacob of Paris. I have conjectured thai
R. Jehuda af Paris, known as Sir Leon, came over to London at
this period and marrying the daughter of Abraham lil Rabbi
[Joce] was known as Leo Blund.]
1182.— A Be ceipt— Latin and Hebrew.
Davis, Shetaroth, p. 287. Cat. 183.
Aaron, the Jew of Lincoln, and Benedict Bressus,
son of Pucella, to all who see this deed, greeting.
Know that the men of Barton [-uj)on-Humber, co,
Line] have delivered to us ;^ i o sterling at Michaelmas
just after the death of Roger [de Pont I'Evgque],
Archbishop of York, [y(!>. z6 Nov. A.D. 1181] And
hence we have given them this our deed in testimony.
And afterwards they gave us ten shillings sterling in'
the same term.
EndoiSid in HehreU'.
Aly signature leslifies that I have received £,\o lOJ.
out of Ike Barton claim al Eckel [Michaelmas] 1+3
[= 4943 A.M. = 1 1 8z-3 A.D.]
Ami J, the undersigned, have received one half for the
h
'i ^ i
mSSS^^^^' I^OO'C^ son of Iht Honorable Rabb^^^
Jostph,* and whal I have received I have wnllen ana^^^k
seaitd. Berachyah, son of Rabbi ^//nrw.^^H
IS ZTov., 1182.— One of the causes of the Tork
To all persons seeing this dc^ed, Solomon
greeting. Know that 1 have received from Richartl
de Malbys £^ of the debt which he owes to my
master Aaron [of Lincoln] on the first day after
Martinmas, first subsequent to the death of Geoffrey
fKirtling] Archdeacon of Lincoln [= 15 Nov. (182"};:
and thereupon I have made this my deed and testi-'
mony ; and this is out of the great debt which he
owes to m_v master Aaron whereof I have appointed,
him a day [for settlement.]
indorsed in Hebrew.
I have received £^/rom Richard the Evil Beast \
iht Monday of —" And he dwelt" J 1+3 [= 4983 a.m.J
■=1182-3 A.D,]/nwi his great debt.
Shelottto from Paris.
* This is Isaac fil Rabi Joce, so orten mentioned. Benedict
oiBoachyali was clearlj' oiAy his representative ■ Isaac frequently
hii tiansaclions in partnership with Aaron of Lincoln.— C/.
Item from Pipe Roils No. 24.
+ A pmming translation of the name Malebys, probably sug-
gdtsA by the words " Some mil beast has devoured him" [Geiu
KOfii.) read from the Law on the preceding Sabbath.
wHe. Richard earned this name later on at the York
where he acted as ringleader. The " great debt '" here referred .
h) may have had something lo do with his enmity.
{ Every Sabbath a fiied portion of the Law is read in syoa-
gngue. On -Saturday, Nov. 13, 1182, the portion heKinninj;
"And Jacob dweJi" (Gen. xx.\vii.] had been veaA,
I
I
78 yEWS AT ST. EDMUND'S ABBEY.
118S. — The Jevs fsTour WUUam, the SacriaUA I
of St. Edmund'i Abbey, aad what follcwfld.
Joce Je Brakelond, pp. S, ]
But W 11 a 1 bacristan, ha(i a suspicion of his
associat faam on and so had many others who
favoii d th (i of the said William, both Christians
and J J I say, for to them the Sacristan
was said to be a father and a patron. They used to
enjoy his protection, and had free entrance and exit,
and often went through the monaster}-, wandering
through the altars and around the shrine while the
solemnities of the Mass were being celebrated. And
theit moneys were placed in our treasury in the
charge of the sacristan, and, what was more absurd,
their wives and little ones were received in ottt
refectory in time of war.
[Sam^n however is elected and begins his refonns.]
Lastly, he deposed William himself : whereat
certain who favoured William said, " There's an
abbot for you ! This is the wolf of which he dreamt.
See how he rages ! " and some wished to make a
conspiracy against him. And when this was made
known to the abbot, wishing not to be altogether
silent nor to disturb the convent, he entered the
chapter on the morrow, bringing out a little bag full
of concealed deeds with the seals still hanging to
them, viz., those of his predecessor and of the prior,
the sacristan, the chamberlain and other officials.
The sum total of these was ;^3iOZ5 and one mark of
pure gold, apart from the usury which had accrued,
the amount of which could never be known. For all
ABBOT SAMSON'S DEBTS.
these he had maJe terms within a year of his election
and within twelve he had cleared them off. "Behold,"
■-Slid he, "the wisdom of our sacristan William. See
man)' deeds signed with his seal ; together with
them he has pledged the silk caps, dalmatics, silver
candlesticks and golden texts, without the knowledge
of the convent, and all these I have released and "
consigned again to yon."
Whenever the abbot went at that time both Je^
.and Christians used to meet him demanding their
debts, disturbing and vexing him so that he ci
not sleep, and was made pale and lean, saying "My
heart will never be at rest till 1 shall know the end
f my debt."*
[The part taken by the Jews in the eleclion had doubtless
something to do with the acl of Samson in getting rid of the
n-s from Bun- St. Edmnod's. [en year? later.
Bef. 1183.— The Boaetlng of Aaron of Lincoln.
Gesta St. Albani, edit. Riley, 193.
Abbot Simon dying left his Abbey in debt for n
than 600 marks to the Jews besides other debtsf
which exceeded the sum of loo marks and m
Whereupon Aaron the Jew who held us in his debt
coming to the House of Si. Alban in great pride and
boasting, with threats kept on boasting that it was
he who had made the window for our St. Alban, and
ec sitpra p, 59 for the way in which the monastery got into
debt to Ihe Jews.
t To Chrislian? and therefore not bearing interefit.
r
80 TOTTENHAM MORTGAGED.
that he had prepared for the saint a home v
without one.
[This is the passage so much insisted upon by Prof. Freetc
to prove Ihe arrogance of the Jews.]
„_^ Not. 11, 1183 Deed of Uoi^ga^e.
J. H. Round. Ancient Deeds (p.r.s.), tt^
Deed of William de Tottenham by which he acknowledges
that he owes 100 marks of silver to Aviguia, the Jewess, of
London, and Abraham, her son, at Martinmas (11 Nov.), 1183,
for which he undertakes to pay £,tj per annum. As security for
this debt he has mortgaged to them his manor of Tottenham (00.
Middlesex). If at Christmas following {1183) he pays them
lorty marks the remainder of the debt is to be reckoned at only
forty marks, on which he is to pay them 10 marks per annum.
If he falls in arrears with his interest such arrears are to bear
interest of twopence per week in every pound. If he fails to
pay altogether, the Jews are to have (he power of nlienating the
manor to whom they will. And, if he fails to pay tbe forty
marks at Christmas, the amount of his debt is to remain a
hundred marks.
Endorsed in Hebrew.
Gaiilaume de ToUenham too marks at Martin, 4944
[1183], at nine pounds every year.
[This deed is of a type not unfamiliar in modem usurious
transactions. What was lent seems to have been 80 marks, for
by paying off 40 the debt is reduced to forty. But the deed is
drawn out as if the debt were 100 matks. Otherwise the interest,
only 13J per cent., would be the lowest on record : even as it b,
_^9 on 80 marks, or j^S3 6s. Bd., is only 1 7 per cent., which wi*
however to be raised to 35 as soon as 40 marks were paid. Thu,
comparatively low rate was doubtless due to the good
William had to oiler.]
I
STRONOMICAL ^-QRK OF AN ENGLISH JEIV. Si
Baf. 1184.— Deodatus wntea lui aatronomical work.
Minhat Jekuda (Heb.) on Gen. xxi. J.
R. Ekhanan son of R. Isaac son of R. Samud in the
ik Sod ha-Ibbur (The Secret of the Calendar) which
_ has wrillen, explains that with regard to many things
\tyear is tailed shanah (repetition) because it repeats
4d and heal, summer and winter (Gen. viii. iz), and
bo the time of sunrise which comes round, for in the
Wing equinox, the sun rises in the morning at the
finning of the east and goes round the foiir quarters,
ful. North, South, and West, &c.
[The passage is corrupt and of little interest beyond the fact
R. Elchanan was the aulhat or an aslronnmical work. I
■ identified R. Elchnnan with the Deodalua Episcopiis
tdieorani of the Latin records because of his name and because
Imairied a sister ofR. Samuel ben Solomon who is known as
Sir More! of England." We know also thai Elchanan
in 1 184, and we do not find any reference to Deodatus after
date but find other London Episcopi in 1 1 Sb}.
B«f. 1184.— Israel as Bride and ae Beggar.*
Zuni, Sjnagogale Poesie, »49.
Y,rst radiant the Bride adored.
On whom rich wedding gifts arc poured ;
She weeps, sore wounded, m'erthrawn,
Exiled and outcast, shunned and lone.
Ziaid all aside her garments fair.
The pledges of a bond divine,
A wandering beggar-woman's wear
Is hers in lieu of raiment jine.
* Kindly translated by Mr. I. Zangwill.
I
S7 ISRAEL AS BRIDE AND BEGGAR
CKaun/ed kalk been in every land
The heauiy of her crown and zone ;
Nffiv doomed, dethroned she maketh moan,
Bemocked — a byivniil — cursed and banned.
AK airy, joyous step was hers
Beneath TTiy wing. Bui nmv she crawls
Along and mourns her sons and errs
At every step, and, worn out, falls.
hSdyet to Thee she clingeth tight.
Vain, vain to her man's mortal might
Which in a breath to naught is hurled.
Thy smile alone makes up her world.
^he acrostic infonOB as that this poem was writle
Elchanan luid Che style causes it to be placed by Zunz ii
twelfth century when the only Elchanan of importance in tlte
Jewish literary world was Elchanan ben Isaac [f 1 1S4) whom I
have identified with Deodatus the " Bishop " of the Jews. The
poem is an average specimen of the hymns of yearning and
regret with which the New Hebrew poets enriched the liturgy
of the great Day of Atonement.]
1182-fi.— The King finds his Jews profitable.
Pipe Rolls, 29-32, Hen. ll.
48. — Benedict, Jew of Canterbury, renders count
or 10 marks because he had demanded a debt on
account of his brother by his charter which had been
paid to him. Vsaac the Jew renders count of 10
marks because he denied what he had said before in
the King's court. Jacob and Ys^c of Canterbuiy
owe one mark of gold for having the debt which
FolquicT Folet owed them. 29 Hen. II., Chent.
K/NG'S SHARE OF JEWISH DEBTS. 83
49. — Debts to the King from beyond the sea by
writ of Will Ralphson. Josce, son of Abraliam, owes
half a mark of gold for right to a debt against'
Richard de Verdun, another half mark against William
de Rouen, and jj marks against William de Trouville
and Thomas de Briancon. 29 Hen. II., Lond. and
Midd.
[Tbe debtors seem to be Normans, and it would appear that
the debts were collected in Noiniandy by the king'^ uflicials].
50. — Josce Salvage renders coimt of 10 marks for
a respite of the pleas between the Jews of Lincoln
on the surety of Aaron the Jew. sg Hen. II., Line.
[And twelve others do the same for several amounts amounting
in all to 43 marks.3
;. — Benedict, brother of Aaron, renders count of
£,b for one mark of gold to have in peace his mort-
; of Barewe. Benedict, son of Ysaac, renders
count of ;£^6 for one mark of gold to have his mortgage
if Esling. Abraham, son of Aaron, owes £b for one
mark of gold to have his debts. 19 Hen. II., Line.
51. — Peytevin of Eye owes one mark of gold to
have custodyof the son of Jacob of Newport, together
with his chattels, and to have the debts ami mortgages
or the purposes of the said Jacob. 29 Hen. II,
53. — Sancto, Jew of Edmundsbury, renders account
if 5 marks to be acquitted of taking in pledge vessels
appointed for the service of the altar. 29 Hen. II.,
ab Nordf. and Suff. (M i. ^^b),
[Cf. No. iS. There is a reference to this in Joce de Brake-
lond'i Chrenica, p. I and note 106].
54, — The same slu'ri/f renders count of 3 marks of
I
84 yACOB THE PRIEST.
Regina the Jewess for the debt which Walter of
Westbury owed her and one mark from the same
period for the debt which Ralph de Chinton and
William son of Richard owed her. He has paid
into the treasury in two tallies and is quits. 3g
Hen. II., Oxford (M i. Z33).
[Cf. No5. 4-5. Regina probably paid by two tallies canying
indebtedness to her wiiich now passes to (he king, thus becamiog
billa of exchange.]
55.— Maneser Jew of Ipswich owes 4 ounces of
gold for having his rights of 20 marks against William
of Verdun and Bertram his brother. Duzelina widow
of Mosse with the Nose [" Nosey Moses"] owes J
marks for having the debts of her husband on the
surety of Jacob the priest and Sanson his brother.
Abraham of Norwich owes i- mark for a right to 6
marks with interest against Hugh de Oisi. Solomon
of Ipswich owes one mark for certain seven marks
which he might claim against Hugh de la Hosi.
Jurnet Jew of Norwich owes /270 6s. 8d. of the
amerciament which remained of t!ic amerciament of
6000 marks, zg Hen. II., Nordf. and Sudf,
[C/. No. 6;.j
56. — Brun the Jew renders count of ;£iooo out of
the 1000 marks of the tine he made with the King at
Waltham and of which Aaron of Lincoln has to
answer for 500 marks. 30 Hen. II., Lond.
57. — Samuel the Jew renders count of two marks
of gold to have the house which he bought but which
Peter Adamson deprived him of. Peter fil Adam
renders count of^i^io because he bought the house
yElVS MARRY AND PAY. 85 J
which Samuel the Jew had bought and this
prohibiled. Bonenfant the jew renders count of
10 marks for having the pledges which he had given
for the aforesaid house. 30 Hen. II,, Norhantes.
[The three entries tell their own story. Bonenfant, who pays
the highest fine, had sold (o Feter (A Adam a house really
belonging to Samuel (sec Qeit No.) The king draws advantage
from all three parlies],
58. — Samuel, Jew of Northampton, owes one maiii
for Marg'aret, Jewess of London, to have licence for
L agreement of marriage of his son and Margaret's
daughter. 30 Hen. II., Northantesc.
[See preceding No.]
60. — Solomon and Jacob, Jews of Bedford, owe
marks for right to sis marks and 3 shillings against
William Williamson. 31 Hen. H., Beds.
[The King gets a huge proportion of the delil, but in 33 Hen.
In., it is added, "but he (William) is dead, and has neither land'
p»r heir," so (hat neither King nor Jews get anything.]
bi. — Josce le Salvage owes i marks for right to
marks against Ralph of Cornwall of the debt of
iigel de Flobose. 31 Hen, II., Line,
[Ralph was probably Nigel's security for that sum. Observe
large proportion of the debt gained by the King when it
ne before the courts of Justice. This entry is followed by
several others uf Lincoln Jews claiming debts,]
61, — ^Jacob, sister's son of Aaron, and Benedict his
son owe one mark of gold because thej- kept back
the charters of Benedict of the Bai! which had been
acquitted on the surety of [name illegible]. 31 Hen.
[They [lay nest year. See next entry.]
86 LAND HELD BY JEWS.
63. — Benedict of the Bail owes 4 bezants for him,
and for fat Manasser, and Vives son of Deulecresse,
and Josce son of Samuel, to have their charters from
Benedict son of Jacob, and from Jacob sister's
husband of Aaron. 31 Hen. II., Line.
[See preceding entry Bezants were foreign coin.]
64. — Benedict son of Aaron owes 20 marks for
right to £\ 8s. 8d. against Mens Jew of Lincoln. 31
Hen. II., Line.
[Benedict docs not seem to gain much by his action having
to pay four times as much as the debt.]
65. — Bonfey, Jew of Worcester, owes one mark
gold for a respite to the King's court of the amercia-
ment for a novel disseisin. 31 Hen. II., Wiresces.
[One of many proofs that Jews could hold land.]
66. — Copin the Jew of St. Edmunds owes 20 marks
to have right to the chattels which Slema his mother
committed to Santo the Jew. 31 Hen. II.; 3b.
[Jewesses are frequently mentioned as doing business. Set
Nos. 15, 23, and 54. Santo has appeared before, see No. 53.]
0. 1186.— A witty Jew.
G. Cambrensis. Itin, Camb. II. c. xiii. ed. Dimock, vi. 146.
We set forth thence towards Wenloch through a
narrow and steep way which they call Bad-place
[Malam plateam]. Here it happened in our days
that a certain Jew journeying to Shrewsbury with the
archdeacon of the same place whose name was Peche*
and the deacon whose name was Dayville. When
he heard the archdeacon by chance saying that his
• Hardy's Le Neve, i., 573.
JEWISH PUNS.
87
deaconry began at this place which is called Bad-
place and lasted till Bad-pass near Chester, considering
and reflecting on the surname of the archdeacon and
the name of the dean he made a rather witty and
neat remark. ** It will be a wonder," said he, ** if
chance bring me back safe from this country whose
archdeacon is Sin [Peche], whose dean is the Devil,
which you enter by a Bad-place and go out in a
Bad-pass."
[Besides the intrinsic interest of this anecdote it is conclusive
evidence that the everyday speech of the English Jews of the
time was French, as was the case with the upper classes in
general.]
Jew Lender.
Vives, fil
Aaron.
Aaron of
Lincoln
Aaron of
Lincoln
Aaron
1188-5. Promissory Notes.
♦ Record Office^ Misc. Q.R , 556, I. iv.-xi.
Christian
Debtor.
Ami. Interest
Date and Mode of
Payment.
Will Mardest £zz 2 o id. per St. Andrew after death
Chamberlain
of the King
Prior and canons
ofBroc.
Simon fil
Pagani of
Kehalc.
Truue
£^i
20s.
£\ per
week.
do.
do.
of Richard Arch-
bishop of Canterbury
(1183).
St. Andrew after Wal-
ter de Custance
became Bishop of
Lincoln.
15 days before feast of
Purification of Vir-
gin Mary.
I mark, none. * Easter after knighting
silver. of Godfrey's King's
son.
♦ This may have been a friendly loan of Aaron's to some
Christian lady with whom he was acquainted.
88
PROMISSORY NOTES,
yew Lender.
Benedict, fil
Isaac de Line.
Deulesant
of Stanford.
Deulesalt
[Isaiah].
Samuel fil,
Solomon of
London.
Hugo Cutic lomarks
of Luffenam. silver.
Herbert Parson 80 marks
of Wissenden. silver.
\Cf. supra p. 67] I mark
gold.
Henry Parson 45 marks
of Morcote. silver.
id. per
£x per
week if
he fails
to pay
up.
3d. per
£'^ per
week.
Count ;^ii5> id. per ^^20 at Xmas, 30 Hen.
Alberic of £1 per XL, ;^20 following
Dammeston. week if Easter, ;^20 follow-
ing Michaelmas, ;^20
;^20 Xmas, ;^20 Eas-
ter, and final ^15 at
Michaelmas. 32 Hen.
II.
Easter, after King
comes to pray at
Canterbury.
In 8 years 11} marks
per annum paid twice
a year, beginning
St. Andrew's, after
King received Scotch
homage.
In 12^ years 6 marks
per annum beginning
Michaelmas after
Prince John returned
from Ireland.
[For the " common form " of these documents see p. 66.]
Earliest List of London Jews, c. 1186.
* Pipe Roll, 3, Rid.
Arrears [in 1192] of the Jews of London of the
Tallage made at Guildford [Dec. 1185].
Abraham fil Rabbi, £ i , 000 Moss de domo Samsonis
19s. 4d.
I.eo Blund,* ;^2o.
Sam fil Abraham, ;^6o.
Abraham fil Avigay, £s^^
13s. 4d.
Jacob de Paris
Clarice
Ysaac medicus
Ysaac de Jueignj
Biket de domo Ysaac
* Probably Sir Leon of Paris, who married a daughter of R.
Abraham ben R. Jose, whom I identify with R. Abraham fil
Rabbi [Joce].
LONDON JEWS uSd.
nfil £
I.;^U7 2
Leon de Puateise
Bendit gen. Mag. Mosse* '\
Josce fil mf dici
Deudon cum pedilius ]
Henna Curj
Henna dt; domo Abra. '
fi! ep'i
Calamod
Potelin et HiLktlin fil
Benedicti militis
Josce fil Clarice
Jumet fil ep'i
Hosppetard
Josce Mauritij
Deusaic fil Ran a
[This list occurs in the Pipe Roll of 3 Ric. I. and following
^jean as of those who owed the arrears for the Tallage imposed
at Guildford. It is not complete, as iiome had paid a composition,
t-g., baac fil Rabbi and Avigay, and others had died in the
1, while in similar lists in the thirteenth century there is
■Iways a rubric for those who cauld not aifoid to pay anything.
Nolice Jews from Spain, Morocco, and France ; also the tliree
Bishops," the doctor and the soldier.]
■ This Magialer Mosse was probably the father of Magistcr
ias, til Mag. Moi>se, the most important English Jew of the
Ourteentb century. From Hebrew sources we know that his
^ --■ \t was R. Moses ben Yamtob (Berliner, Hcbr. Poesien des
'r bin Elia am NorTtikh, p. 6n), under which name he is
. quoted by R. Moses beii Isaac in his Onyx Boot. " Magister
i'UoBse " seems to have been the author of the Massoretic Notes
ptioted in the Rabbinic Bible* under the name of Museb Nakdan.
^te^hv Quail. Rn<., i. iSi.
Deuleaalt ep's, £qi 6s. 8d.
Bnin, £,i,'i')1 IS. id.
Deuicosa uxor Quatre-
buches
Fiona uxor ep'i
Mosse de Hyspan.
I*in de Devises
Sara, uxor Salom d'eslam-
pes
Josce fil David
Coket
Jacob de Westminstre
Deulebenie dc Jiratignj
Cok de domo Abraham
Josce de domo Samsonis
90 A CHRISTIAN HEIRESS MARRIES A JEW
1166-7. — Jumet tlie Jew pays dearly f
a Chrietiou tLeirsBS.
'Fife Rolls, 3!-3 Hen^
67. — Tht Jews of England owe 5515 marks aW
half for the ainerciaraenl of Jurnet of Norwich wbj
charters they have for acquitting' the s<
11., (M i. II,).
[He had been amerced in 6000 marks : lie takes up 47 4j^ n
and liands over all his deeds to the cximmniuty wbo must tl
fore have been incorporaltd in some way by this date,
probably left England at this date, and returns 35 He»
See No. 55, ad Jin. Jumet was probably deprived of ali a
possessions for having married a Christian heiress, liliryfalijl
daughter of Humphrey de Havile, who also escheated het lands.
See Biomefield, Norfolk, iv. 5ro.]
68.- — Benedict, Jew of Rochester, renders count of
one mark of gold for having his deeds which the
sheriff holds. 31 Hen. II., Ghent.
69. — Cresselin the Jew owes one mark for having
seisin of the lands of Bosinton and Mapledore Well,
32 Hen. II., Sudhants.
[Continued to z Rjc. I. when it is added " but he is dead and
has no right."]
70. — And to Helyas Ostiar [the Usher] one mark
for carrying summons through England about the
dehts of Aaron and to the same lid. for wax for
sealing the same summons, jj Hen. II., 3b.
[Aaron's treasures were also seiied and were lost on crossing
the channel. Benedict the Abbot, ed. Stubbs, ii., p. 5. Aaron's
debts were so numerous as to require a special branch of the
eiehequer to look after them. Even afler many of the debts
had been paid the king held nearly j^sooo worth of them I
years later. Helyas was the regular " sompnout"
quer ,Uadii\, 719.]
rth of them i s
AARON'S EXCHEQUER.
. — Of the debts of the Jews we take no account
for the present because our lord the king has taken
a quarter of their chattels. 33 Hen. II., 3b (M 1.112),
[They were therefore valued at ^140.000 against £';Q
le rest of England. See note to No. 82.]
71, — Jacob Aaron's sister'shusband renders count of
.30 marks for an amerciament for taking' off a priest'
cap, and for the deed of Gerard de Sailly. 33 Hen.
II,, Lincoln.
I
1167.— Aarou'B treasures are lost at sea.
Benedict the Abbot, ed. Slubbs, ii. ]
[The King was detained three days at Dover before he cooM
toWitaand, 17th Feb.]
But in the meantime a great part of the king's
retinue wishing to cross to Normandy were drowned
!a between Shoreham and Dieppe, with a
large part of the treasures of Aaron the Jaw of
Ijncoln, deceased.
[Beddes these treasures debts to theamnuDt of nearly ^15,000
fell into the king's hands : a special part of the Treasury was even
f*lled ' Scaccariuin Aaronis.' Sieetiadox, Hist Exch i., 190-1.
must have died before this date, and his house ligured
: from a photograph made fur this work is thus the
est private dwelling house of stone which can be positively
d. The roof, walls, door and windows have been restored ;
lie rest is the original house, i.e. the curious window and
of the external chimney. From the similarity of structure
^hesther " Jew's House " at Lincoln must be of nearly the same
;h it is associated «ith the name of Belaset, of Wal-
Gngtbrd, who was hanged for clipping coin c. 1284 A
I
w 0^^
gi THE THEOLOGY OF BARNACLE GEESE.
1188. —Barnacle Oeese should convince th« Jew
the Immaculate Conception.
Gerald Camb. Top. Hibem, v. 47.
There are here many birds that are called
'■ Barnacles " [bernacoe] which in a wonderful way
Nature unnaturally produces ; they are like wild
geese but smaller. For they are bom at first like
pieces of gum on logs of timber washed by the
waves. Then enclosed in shells of a free form they
hang by their beaks as if from the moss clinging to
the wood and so at length in process of time
obtaining a sure covering of feathers, they either
dive off into the waters or fly away into free air. . .
I have myself seen many times with my own eyes
more than a thousand minute corpuscles of this kind
of bird hanging to one log on the shore of the sea,
enclosed in shells and already formed
Wherefore in certain parts of Ireland bishops and
relipous men in times of fast are used to eat these
birds as not flesh nor being born of the flesh. . .
Be wise at length, wretched Jew, be wise even
though late. The first generation of man from dust
without male or female [Adam] and the second from
the male without the female [Eve] thou darest not
deny in veneration of thy law. The third alone from
male and female, because it is usyal, thou approves!
and affirmest with thy hard beard. But the fourth, in
which alone is salvation, from female without male,
that with obstinate malice thou detestest to thy own
Bliish, wretch, blush, and al least turn to nature.
JEIVISH SYMPATHV FOR MONKS.
She is an argument for the faith and for our convic- 1
tion procreates and produces every day animals I
without either male or female.
[It is not to be wondered at if tHe Jews remained obdurate to I
this kind of argument. It seems however that they believed in f
the existence of these birds, see supra p. 54. Gerald of Wales ]
was one of the original canquerora of Irclant! and his lestimony^ 1
is another point against Professor M. MUller's derivation of the I
legend from Hibtmic geese. Against the Irish origin w
fftct that Geivase of Tilbury mentions the myth [ptia Imfi. ili. ]
138} and locates the birds on the Kent shore.]
Jew* miniBter to the monks of Canterbnry and pay '
a heavy contribution to the Crusade.
Gervase of Canterbuiy I., 405. 422
[A quarrel having arisen between the archbishop of Canterbury
and the monks of Canterbury, popular sympathy is on the side of
tli« monks.]
Nor was sympathy lacking among the Jews. For
they both sent food and drink to feed the convert,
and likewise prayed for the continuance of the
convent in their synagogues. The archbishop did
not cease to take away nor the Jews to present. The
archbishop excommunicated, the Jew prayed. A
wonderful contrast indeed ! In the
meantime all England was grievously vexed in giving
tenths, so that Christians gave ;£7o,ooo and more, and
Jews ^60,000.*
• See Pipe Roll entries ^l and 82. The Jews were taxed at
■ fourth of their chattels which were therefore valoed at ;f 240,000
•gainst jf 700,000 for the rest of England.
■
94 yC/RXET-S FEET OF FINE.
Bef. 1189.— Henry the Second favours the Jewsi
William of Newbury, i. 280, ed. Howlett.
He [Henry 11.] favoured more than was right a
people treacherous and unfriendly to Christians,
namely Jewish usurers because of the great advan-
tages which he saw were to be had from their usuries :
so much so that tbey became proud and stiffnecked
against Christians and brought many exactions upon
them. In fact in demanding money he was a little
too immoderate, but the evil increasing beyond bounds
at a later time in this regard justified him and proved
that he had kept within limits.
1188.— Feet of Fine with Jurnet of Norwich.
■ Brit. Mus. Lansd. MS., 950, f. 69.
This is a final agreement made in the court of oui
lord the king at Oxford in the octave of St. Hilaiy
in the thirty-fifth year of the reign of king Henry II.
in presence of John Bishop of Norwich, &c., &c. . .
. . between William of Curzun and Jomet, Jew of
Norwich, of a messuage in the town of Norwich
which William claimed against the said Jomet, and
thereon there were pleadings between them in the
court of the lord the king, vi:!, : that the said William
granted to the said Jomet the messuage afores^d to
be held by him and his heirs by the service of four
shillings per annum instead of all service, and for this
agreement the said Jomet gave the said William five
marks of silver.
[TWs is one of the four earliest fines in existence and showi
that Jews till end of Henry II. '5 reign obteined land on exactly
A JEWISH aOl.niER. 95
le terms as other fcnams. Jumel had probably jusl
d lo Englamd (Pipe Roll entry No. S}) and was making
a new home with his Christian wife.]
1188-9.— Jewish Coatributions to the Treasury.
Pipe Rolls. 34-6, Hen. II.
73- — Benjamin and Josce and Deulecrcsse, sons or
Benjamin, owe z marks of gold for having their
reasonable part of the debts and chattels of their
ftilher. 34 Hen. II., Oxinef.
—The Jews of Exeter render count of one
mark gold for a fine for pleas which were between
in common. 3+ Hen. II., Devenes.
76. — Mosse fil Benedict owes 1 53. for one ounce of
«ld for his tights to the chattels of his father against
ja Jewess and her sons. But he cannot be found.
f Hen. 11., Glocest.
77, — ^Jheremias, Jew of Dunstable, renders count
r ^11 for z marks of gold because he could not
»nvict the charter of Leo for falsity. Quits. 34.
Jen. II., Devenea.
78. — Josce, son of Morcll, owes 4.6 marks
aving right to the debt which Robert de V'allibus
owed to his father. 3+ Hen. II., Nordf
79. — Benedict, son of Josce Sorel, owes 7 marks
because he did not keep the fine which he made
with Brun, the son of Benedict the soldier,*
Kpn which Abraham son of Rabbi holds security.
Hicnedict of Rising owes to marks for having his
Keasonable part of his own chattels and debts.
~Hen. II., Glocestre.
• A few : see supra p. 8t» for two other sons.
96 JEWISH CONVERTS,
80. — Deulecresse, Jew of Finchelesfield, renders
count of 20 marks for waste and purprestures [in-
croachments]. 34 Hen. II., Essex and Hertford.
[DeulecresserssZ^^Mj eum crescat=.Heh, Gedaliah.]
81 . — Deulecresse of Rising, son of Benedict, owes
2 marks for having his reasonable part of the lands
and chattels of his father-in-law. 34 Hen. II.,
Nordf. [C/. No. 79.]
82. — Of the aforesaid debts of the Jews we take
no account at present because of the Tallage which
our lord the king is taking from them. 34 Hen. II.,
2a (M i. 222).
\Cf. No. 71. It was on this occasion that the Jews of England
contributed ;f 6o,ocx) against ;f 70,000 as tenths from the rest of
the King's subjects : Gervase of Cant., i. 222, supra p. 93. Tlic
"aforesaid debts" only refer to some in London.]
82^. — And to three converts from Judaism to the
Catholic faith, namely to Peter and Nicholas and
John, 45s. 7id. of the alms that were Richard
Covchet's. By King's writ. 34 Hen. 11. Essex and
Herts.
[Quoted by Mr. H. Hall in Court Life under the Plantagenets^
p. 230. For other early converts see Nos. 36, 37.]
83. — Leo Jew of London owes 4 marks for licence
to come to terms with Deulebenie of Chichester.
Lond., 35 Hen. II.
[Deu-le-benie=^<?&. Berachjah, for which Benedictus is also
used.]
84. — Deulebenie Jew of Chichester owes 5 marks
for licence to come to come to terms with Leo Jew
of London, ib. Sudsex.
[Tvfo birds with one stone.]
"REJOICE, O JERUSALEM." 97
W 85. — Samarias the Jew owes 11 marks for having
the mortgages and debts of Helyas his son who is
dead. 35 Hen. II., Devenes.
[Neit year it is added "But lie has not yet had either debt or
mortgage."]
I. — Lia [Leah] Jewess of Bristol owes 10 besants
for having an agreement between her and her
children drawn up in presence of the Jews, and 10
marks for having her fair share of the chattels and
debts of Benedict her husband. 35 Hen. II.. Glouc.
87, — Jurnct Jew of Norwich owes 1 800 marks for
}iaving residence in England with the goodwill of the
;king. (M i. 118.) 35 Hen. 11., Nordf. and Sudf.
[He probably returned lo England at this lime. Cf. No. 67.]
88, — Isaac of Hich owes q marks for not being
prosecuted, but he is not to be found. 35 Hen. II.,
gases.
\ tThe entry occurs again 5 Ric. I. where I^aac is still left ]
' 81). — ^Ysaac son of Rabbi owes ;^ioo that he may 1
be quit of the whoSe tallage that king Henry [the I
■king's] father made at Guildford on taking up the
Cross and of which he should pay £i.aa on the 1
Sunday when ihey sing " Rejoice, O Jerusalem," and I
of the rest £iq per annum till those ;^ioo are quite j
paid off. 35 Hen. II., Lond. I
[There is a subtle touch of irony in the choice of a Sunday on 1
Wbich the Jew has In pay up.]
3. — Abraham son of Rabbi owes i ounces of gold |
that he might be recognised [as owner ^] of the land I
if Malesward which Robert Cusin seeks and that the
98 /?. JACOB OF ORLEANS.
summons before the justices errant may come before
the Chief Justiciar. 36 Hen. II., Lond.
Bef. 1189.— Biblical Comments of B. Jacob.*
Minhat Jehtula (Heb).
Deut. xxvi. 2. — And thou shalt take of the first of
all the fruits of the earth. Rashi points out the diffi-
culty of bringing first fruits from each of the seven kinds
(because they do not ripen together). R. Aaron of Can-
terbury declares it would be sufficient if the first of the
first fruits which appear of the seven are carried to
ferusalem, R, facob of Orleans holds another opinion.
Deut. xxxiii. 12. — And of Benjamin he said . .
. . . ..... he shall dwell between their
shoulders. R. Tarn of Orleans said that therefore the
Holy One, blessed be He, made his glory to rest in the
tribe of Benjamin, i.e., the Temple, because all the other
tribes bowed down to Esau (Gen. xxxiii. 6) except
Benjamin who was not yet born.
lb. 13. — And of Joseph he said: Blessed of the
Lord be his land. R. Tam of Orleans says that there-
fore Moses blessed the land of foseph because he did not
listen to Potiphar's wife, but Adam having listened to Eve
the land was cursed for him. (Gen. iii., 17).
[R. Jacob of Orleans, also known as R. Tam, was one of
those massacred at the coronation of Ric. I. (see infra p. 108.)
The above will serve as specimens of his exegesis. It will be
observed that another English rabbi, R. Aaron of Canterbury, is
mentioned in the first extract.]
♦ Kindly translated by Mr. S. Sohechter.
BELASET OF OXI-ORD. gg 1
Befbra 1189. Seed of BeUeet the Jewess of Oxford.
»Bnt. A/,i.s. H:iH- Ch. 84 D. 15.
[Covenant between William FitzGregor and the
Abbot and Monastery of Beddlesdon [co. Bucks] by
hich William assigns to the Abbot the rent of a
mill and certain farms belonging to him in his manor
of Finmere [co. Oxon.] and pledged by him to
set the Jewess for £i-i. on condition that the
Abbot pay £i, annually to Belaset the Jewess for
interest on £-i% which William owes her. He is to
recover possession of the lands [but not of the mill]
when he pays Belaset. Witness William Prior of St.
Augustine's at Bristol, Geoffrey de Larder, Will de
Ghend, and others.]
[Belasit is mentioned in the Pipe Rolls. See tntrics 35, 38.]
I
Wffliiim ofNc^wbuigli, ed. Howlett, i. [>. 294.
chard, then the only king thus named for a
century, was hallowed to king at London and I
solemnly crowned by Baldwin, archbishop of Canter- |
bury, on Sept. j ; which day is from an ancient pagan
superstition called "the bad" or "the Egyptian,"
if by some presage of Jewish fatality. For that
day is known to have been a fatal one for the Jews
more Eg>'ptian than English, since England
where they had been happy and renowned was
suddenly by God's judgment changed for them into
an Egypt where their fathers suffered hard things. J
It is a matter indeed of recent record nor unknown!
100 CROWNmC OF RICHARD I. ^H
to any present but it is worth while passing on W i
posterity in a rather lengthy narration the record of
so marked a judgment from on high against that
infidel and blasphemous people. There had come
together for the solemn anointing of the Christian
prince from all quarters of England, not alone
Christian nobles, but likewise the chiefs of the Jews.
For these enemies of truth fearing that the good
luck they had under the former king might be less
favourable to them under the new, brought first
fruits most decorous and honourable, and hoped to
find favour equal to the miihitude of their gifts. But
he, either because he was less favourable to them
than his father, or having some premonition, a certain
superstitious foreboding about the plans of certain
persons, by an edict, it is said, forbade them entry
either into the church where he was being crowned*
or to the palace where he was banquetting after the
coronation. When, then, the solemnities of the mass
were concluded, the king, glittering in his diadem,
with magnificent pomp entered [the palace] for the
banquet. Now it happened that while he was at the
repast with all the assembly of the nobles, the people
watching round the place began rioting. Some jews
mixed among the crowd by this means entered the
royal doors. Whereat a certain Christianf being, it
• Matthew Paris (edit. Wilts, 154) says that women ami Jew*
were excladed lest they should eietcise a magical influence on
the coronation. Cf. Ephraim of Bonn's statement, injra p. 407.
t Authorities differ as to the originators of the riot. Ralph
Disset [ed. Slnbbs, ii. 69) attributes it to foreigners ("aliaii-
genis •'), the Gesta Rkardi (ed. Stubbs, 83), to U
(" ciuiales "}, Roger Howden (_m. \i\ Xq *.\i.e ^q'd.
RIOT AGAINST THE yEirS.
! said, indignant, struck a Jew with Ins palm and so J
[rove him away from the enlranLe of the door thus 1
lecalling the king's edict. And manv being exuted
by this example droveawaj the Jews«ith msalts and |
I tumult arising a disorderly crowd came up
believing the king had commanded such treatment,
IS if relying on the authonti ot the king rushed
together upon the crowd of Jews waiting at
palace gates. And at first indeed they struck them
Kith the fist but afterwards being more savagely
Enraged they brought sticks and stones. Then the
fews began to flee, some during their flight being
>eaten unto death or some of them even being
irushed, perished. Now there had come thither
irith the rest two noble Jews of York, viz., Joce and
Benedict, of whom the first escaped, but the other
iras caught as he fled but tardily from the strokes laid
IpOR him : in order to escape death, he was c(
gelled to confess Christ, and being led into
Church was baptised on the spot.* In the meantime
t pleasing rumotir spread with incredible rapidity
}irough all London, namely that the king had ordered
dl the Jews to be exterminated. And soon a huge
nob of disorderly persons both from the city as well
ts of those whom the ceremony of the hallowing of
ihe king had attracted from the provinces, run up all
irmed, and breathing slaughter and spoil against the
teople by God's judgment hated by all. Then the
ewish citizens, of whom a multitude is known to
Iwell in London, togetherwith those who had flocked
• See infra p. 105.
102 BLOOD AND hlRE.
together from all parts withdrew into thei
houses. These houses were surrounded by the roar-
ing people, and were stoutly besieged from g o'clock
till sunset, and as they could not be broken into
owing to their strong build* and because the madmen
had not tools, fire was thrown on the [thatched] roof,
and a terrible fire quickly broke out which was fatal
to the Jews as thev strove [to pat it out] and offered
the aid of light to the raging Chnstians at their night
work And the fire kindled against the Jews did not
hurt them alone but likewise seized hold of the
neighbouring houses of Christians You might see
all of a sudden the best known places of the city
wretchedly alight through fires of citizens acting as
if thej had been enemies But the Jews were either
roasted in their own houses or if they came out of
tliem were received «ith bwords Much blood wag
shed in a brief space. Hut soon the lust after booty
burning higher brought on a repletion of slaughter
and avarice got the belter of cruelty. Thereupon
leaving the butchery, their greedy rage betook itself
to stripping the houses and snatching their riches.
But this in its turn made Christians oppose Christians,
for each envied what the other may have seized, and
in the eagerness of plunder the rivalry of avarice
forgetting all natural ties spared neither friends or
comrades.
This was reported to the King as he was joyfully
■ The Jews have the credit of being the firsl ta build private
houses of slone (Turner, Domestic Archicecturf, ;). C/. the
It of the "pidatet," oflhe twochief Jewsof York, in/™ p.
ATTEMPTS TO CHECK RIOTS.
'oj I
banquetting in the palace with all the assembly of 1
his Knights. Ranulf de Glanvile, the King's pro- I
curator, a man both prudent and powerful, is sent I
out by the side gate with others equally noble so that 4
he might either divert or check their boldness. But I
in vain : amidst such a tumult none of them either 1
listened to his voice or paid honour to his presence, I
iome of the more unruly commenced to rave I
against them and threatened them terribly if they I
lot withdraw pretty soon. As they accordingly J
avoided such unbridled rage, the license became as 1
great as boldness [could make it], and the spoilers I
raged on till the second hour of the following day, I
and even then it was satiety or weariness rather than I
reason or respect for the prince that calmed the fury I
of the robbers. Thus was the first day of the reign of I
the illustrious King Richard distinguished by an event I
hitherto unheard of in the royal city, by the beginning J
of the doom of the infidel race and by a new zeal of 1
Christians against the enemies of the cross of Christ, I
clearly not so much according to the rule by which 1
they are ordered to turn doubtful matter towards the 1
better rather than towards the worse but even accord- J
ing to the most suitable interpretation of Christian ]
[? religion] as a presage in the days of promotion. I
what could it presage more suitably, if it pre- I
&aged anything at all, that the fate of the blaspheming J
people ennobled the day and place of the King's 1
consecration, that at the very beginning of his reign 1
the enemies of the Christian faith began to fall and 1
become weakened around him .' And let not either I
104 THE GOOD OF THE EVIL.
the conflagration of the City in every part or that ^
insolent rage of the disorderly move anyone to deny
that it was a good event and a pious augury; since
they will be objecting to the rule of the moderation
of the Most Hijrh since the Omnipotent often fulfils
His own goodwill by the will and bad acts of even ■
the wickedest of men.*
The new king, however, being of a great and fierce
spirit, was indignant and grieved that such things
should have occurred at the ceremony of his corona-
tion, and the beginning of his reign. He was angiy,
and yet perplexed to know what was to be done in
the matter. To pass over such a breach of the royal
majesty without any example, and to dismiss it lut
avenged, seemed unworthy of a king and harmful to
the state, since passing over such an atrocity would
encourage bold and wicked persons to attempt similar
misdeeds in confidence of being able to do so with
impunity. But on the other hand to exercise the
rigour of the royal displeasure against such a multi-
tude of criminals was plainly impossible. \ For
except the nobles banquetting with the King, whose
number was such that the breadth of the royal palace
seemed narrow, hatred of the Jews and the tempta-
tion to plunder had attracted to the perpetration of
the deed above-mentioned almost the whole body of
the citizens, and almost all the families of the nobles
who had come up with the nobles themselves to the
• Cf. infra p. Ill for the same reasoning.
+ Three were hanged for deslroyini; houses of Christians. —
liovedt-a. Hi. 12.
NO PUNISHMENT FOR EVILDOERS. 105
Emony of the King's coronation. He had, there-
! to dissemble where vengeance was impossible,
d doubtless arranging that those who had stood
th as tbe ininisters of Divini; vengeance against
^heming infidels should not suffer human justice
that account. For the reason of the heavenly
[mple demanded that those blasphemers who in
I time of the preceding reign had been too stiff-
ied and haughty towards Christians should be
hbled at the beginning of its successor. But the
&ce guaranteed peace to the Jews by an edict after
slaughter; but as will be narrated in its place,
Jr did not enjoy this long, heaven's judgment
panding that the pride of the blaspheming people
inld be chastised most severely.
t Sept. 1189. —Baptism or Death ; a Belapse.
Hoveden, e<l. Stubbs, iii. 14.
imong these was Benedict, a Jew of York, who
en he was so persecuted and wounded by the
ristians that he despaired of his life, was baptised
■William Prior of the Church of St. Mary of York,
;the Church of the Innocents, and was named
Jliam, and thus escaped the peril of death and the
flds of the persecutors. . . . And the next
't the King caused the said William, who from Jew
J been made Christian, to be presented to him ;
3 said to him "Who art thou?" and answering
'said, " I am Benedict, the Jew, from York." And
1 King, turning to the archbishop of Canterbury
\ the rest who had said that the said Benedict had
I0& "LET HIM BE THE DBVIVS MAN." ^H
become a Christian, he said to them " Did ye not:!
tell me he is a Christian?" And they said "Yes,
sire." And he said to them " What then shall we do
about him?" And the Archbishop of Canterbury
answered him in a spirit of iury, less prudently than
he ought, " Since he does not wish to be a Christian
let him be the Devil's man," for he ought to have
replied "We demand Christian judgment on him,
since he became a Christian and now denies it,"
But since there was no one to prevent him the said
William returned to the Jewish depravity, and after a
short interval of time died at Northampton, and was
kept away from the common cemetery of the Jews
as well as of the Christians, the former because be
had turned Christian, the latter because, like a dog
to his vomit, he had returned to the Jewish depravity.
A Poet's accoimt of the London Uassacre.
Roberl of C.lomeslcr, 11. vi,-. 9904.41.
Earl Richard, King Henry's son, he came unto
England ,
And after his father's death, he took this realm in hani
The fourth day of September, he had himself crowned
fra
At Westminster hastily, as the right crowning must bs
By th' Archbishop of Canterbury, Baldwin that was
then.
On a Sunday as it fell, to Jews great grief and pain I
For among all the nobles, that to the feast Ihirt dresL
Earls and Barons and of others high-men ei
And ffiidsl noble presents, that thither came alsoj
A POET'S ACCOUNT. 10
The wretched wicked Jews they weened well to do
And a rich present they prepared with great pride
And sent it to the noble king, but small thanks them ]
betide !
the King was somewhat vexed, and took it for I
great shame,
That from such unck-an things as Ihein any meat to J
him came.
And bade them put it out of court, and to the wretches |
shame do
There was many a wild serving-man that was ready 1
thereto.
And they went into Jewry and wounded and tore 1
men loo
And robbed and burnt houses, and many of them slew
F. Y. P.
1189.— A Jewish Account of the Kaaaacre.
Ephraim h. Jacob of Bonn, in Enut Hiihaeha. ed. Wiener,
Hell. App., p. g.
In /A£^m;- [of Creation] 4950 [=Sept. ii8g — Sept.
M90] evil was brought upon Israel from heaven. For
there arose a King in the Ishof the Sea knmvn as Angle-
terre. And it happened on the day of their appointing 1
him King, and when thev put the royal croivn upon his I
Ead in the dty of london, in the palace which is with-
^^ / iht city, and many folk were gathered there from
frcMce and from the isles of the sea, and there came like- |
viu Jewish magistrates, and with them tenths to bring to
'fhe King as a tribute, and had men hastened to say that-.^
it was not allowed for ferns to look on the Kinifs en
I o8 A JE WISH A CCOUNT,
when the monks and priests crowned him^ when they
crowned the King at Orleans (.^) and they thrust them
forth and destroyed theni^ and the King knew not of this^
and a rumour went to the city saying " The King has
ordered the fews to be converted,' and they went to fall
upon them and slay them and their maidservants in their
houses, and they slew about thirty men and some of the
remainder slew themselves and their children. And then
was slain the distinguished Chief Rabbi^ facoh of
Orleans, for the hallonving of the Name, And the King
knew nothing during all this, for when he heard the
noise in the city he asked, ** What is this noise of a
tumult ? ** And the doorkeeper replied, ** // is nothing
but the young men rejoicing and making merry ^^ although
the truth was known to him. He ordered them to bind
the doorkeeper to the tails of horses, dragging and casting
him through the streets and alleys of the city till his
spirit departed and he died a miserable death. Blessed
be the Lord that giveth vengeance I
16 Nov., 1189.— Charter of Monks of the Cistercian
Order to be quit of their debts to Aaron of Lincoln.
Memorials of Fountains Abbey (Surtees Soc), ii. i8.
Richard, by the Grace of God, &c., to the arch-
bishops, bishops, . . . and all his servants and
men, French and English, through all England greet-
ing. Know that we have condoned for the safety of
our own soul and for those of all our ancestors and
heirs, to the abbeys of the Cistercian order, namely,
of Rievalle, New Minster, Kirkested, Parco-Lude,
Revesby, Ruford, Kirkestal, Rupe, and Betlesden,
CISTERCIAN ABBEYS. loq
the debt which they owed us of the debt of Aaron
ijie Jew of Lincoln, the sum of which extended to
i,4oo marks and more. And they for this condona-
ion have given us 1,000 marks. Wherefore we wish
nd firstly order that the said house be altogether
juits for ever of the whole debt which was demanded
&rom them. And we have returned them their deeds
Tor that debt. . . . Witnesses Hugo Bishop of
Durham, Godfrey Bishop of Winchester, &c. At
Westminster, 16th Nov. in the first j'ear of our reign.
[This is the largest amount mentioned as owed to any Jew of
Ibe twelfth cfntury. It is probable that it covered the building
of all the above-mentioned Abbeys.]
Ritual far Eve if Day of Atonement |Heb.), Gintian Rile.
(Lv 'tis thus Evil us halh in bond ;
If Thy grace guilt efface and respond
" Forgiven ! "
^ast scorn o'er and abhor th' informer's word\
• •Kindly traniilated by Mr. I. Zangwill, who has preserved
he metre, the rhyme system and the alphabetical acrostic of Ihc
(liginal. Mr. Zangwill's tour de force will at any rale give the
mder an idea of the metrical gymnastics indulged in by the
■btAiflini, sacred Hebrew poets of the Middle Ages. For the
ttribution of this celebrated poem, still recited in all Synagogues
f the German rite on the eve of the great Jewish fast day, the
lay of Atonement, vide Zunz, LiteraturgeschichJi, p. 2S7.— I
C^ve I may claim the credit of having identified the author
Sth the Yomtob of Joigny, who led the Jews at York, i"
tfra p. 131.
t Cf. the Decree of the Rabbinic Synod, supra p, 47.
no
HYMN OF YOMTOB OF YORK.
J^ear God, deign this refrain
"Ear in lieu
favouring
give him who
answer, King,
Q^rani also the lily* blow
JLeal our shame and proclaim
Zust forgiving,
Ust our cry
Mercy living,
loud reply
ULy wound heal deep conceal
'Sow gain praise by Thy phrase
to make heard
" Forgiven / ''
intercedes ;
when he pleads,
" Forgiven ! "
in Abram's right
from Thine height
*^ Forgiven!''
sin condone
from Thy Throne
'' Fof given r'
stain and flake,
''For My sake.
Forgiven I "
from thee reft.
forgive ! Thy sons live
Y raised for grace. Turn Thy face to those left —
" Forgiven / "
'Baise to Thee this my plea.
Sin unmake for Thy sake
Tears, regret,
JJphft trust
witness set
from the dust
take my pray'r
and declare,
" Forgiven ! "
in Sin's place
to Thy face —
" Forgiven ! '*
'^oice that moans, tears and groans, do not spurn ;
'Weigh not flaws, plead my cause, and return,
" Forgiven ! "
Yfa, off-rolled, as foretold, clouds impure
Tkion's folk, free of yoke, O assure,
''Forgiven!''
* Israel (Cant. x. lo.)
. FIRE ON SABBATH, 1 1 1
jT hy day stronghold they seek in Thee
)d One I let stronger yet Thy word be
*^ Forgiven r*
These two last lines fix the authorship of the poem by
nioh — Yam (day), Tob (good). They have hitherto been
ublished, but were obtained from an Oxford MS. by Dr.
ibauer, through ihe kind intervention of Dr. Hermann Adler.]
Bef. 1190.— A daestion of Warmtli.
Hag. Mord. Sdbb. (Heb.), i., 450.
rhe question is whether I may tvarm myself at a fire
died by a Gentile on Sabbath, The following is the
ponse of R, Yomtob of blessed memory, * From my
th I have wondered at those who forbade us to tvarm
selves at a fire kindled by a Gentile for a Jew, because
ave seen my father and R, Menachem and other men
fame, who were particularly pious,* thus warming
nselves. The reason seems to me this : as we say
vhere [Talmud, Sabbath] that we reckon circumcision
in illness [and can therefore do things otherwise
Didden on a Sabbath for a circumcised child] so
y one is considered ill from the effects of cold : though
/ may not be really ill, yet they suffer from it . , ,
i if it would not perplex the people I would allow
n to order a Gentile to make a fire on Sabbath and
long other proofs] as we say of the High Priest
t, if he is delicate, they heated his bath [on the Day
A-tonement] with hot iron [Talm. Joma 34b], so
y man is delicate as regards cold, and therefore he can
A peculiar word, Perushim, is here used signifying 'set
rt * for the study of the Law, a kind of Jewish monks. Cf.
lemann, Unterricht, i. 366-7.
1 1 2 FUR THER RIOTS.
warm himself. And may my share in the future life be
amon<]^ the just who warm themselves and not among those
who separate themselves. And so let those who warm
themselves on Sabbath rejoice in much peace.^
[The injunction against making a fire on Sabbath (Exod. xxxv.
3) was so rigidly obeyed that many would not warm themselves
at a fire made by others. It is, however, customary even at the
present day for pious Jews to hire a Gentile to see to their fires
on Sabbaths.]
1190.— Slaughter of the Jews at Norwich, Stamford,
York, and St. Edmunds.
Ralph de Diceto, ii,, 78.
Many of those who were hastening to go to
Jerusalem determined first to rise against the Jews
before they invaded the Saracens.* Accordingly on
February 6th, all the Jews who were found in their
own houses at Norwich were butchered ; some had
taken refuge in the Castle. On March 7th, namely,
at the time of the fair at Stamford, many were slain.
On March i6th,t at York, it is said that nearly 500
were put to death, attacking one another with mutual
wounds, for they preferred to be struck down by their
own people rather than to perish at the hands of the
uncircumcised. On March i8th, i.e.^ the feast of
Palm-branches, as it is said, fifty-seven were slaugh-
tered at St. Edmunds. Wherever the Jews were
found they were massacred by the hands of the
Crusaders, unless protected by the town authorities.
* This was clearly the motive with the common people iwho
were not affected by Jewish usury.
t During the Friday night between the i6th and 17th Mardh
r
GREED THE CA USE. 1 1 3
It cannot be believed that so sad and fatal a death of
the Jews can have pleased prudent men, since that
saying of David often comes to our ears " Do not
slay them" (Ps. lix., ii)- r
[Beddes these, riots are mentioned at Lynn. Lincoln, and
probably at Colchester, Thetford (P.R. Np, 134] and Oapringe
[P.R. item No. 115). Winchester seems to have been the only
Mception: Cf. i»fra p. 134.]
Teb., 1190.— Wliat was done against the insolence
of the Jews at Lynn.
William of Newbury,' i., 308, ed. Howlctt.
While this was going on in France, the zeal of the
Christians against the Jews in England, which had
been kindled a little before at London, as has been
mentioned, broke out fiercely. It was not indeed
sincere, i.e., solely for the sake of the faith, but in
rivalry for the luck of others or from envy of their
good, fortune. Bold and greedy men thought that
they were doing an act pleasing to God, while they
robbed or destroyed rebels against Christ and carried
out the work of their own cupidity with savage joy
and without any, or only the slightest, scruple of
conscience, God's justice, indeed, by no means
approving such deeds but cunningly ordaining that
• I have selected William of Newbiuy's account of the mass-
acres oTEaster, 1190, as being the fullest. He was besides a
native of Yorltshite, being bom at Newbury about 1136, was a
canon tX the Augustinian priory of Bridlington, so that he lived
ill his life near the scene of the chief outbreak and died in t iqS,
so that his account was at latest written within eight years of the
events he describe?.
I
1
1 1 4. RIOT A T KING'S L YNN.
in this way the insolence of that perfidious people
might be checked and their blaspheming tongues
curbed.
The first outburst against them occurred, we have
heard, at Lynn, a city renowned for its thriving com-
merce, where many of this people dwelt, overbearing
by their numbers, the greatness of their wealth and
the protection of the King. When a certain or
them was converted from their superstition to the
Christian faith, they, thirsting for his blood as that
of a deserter and traitor, sought for an opportunitf
of gratifying their malice, and on a certain day s "
ing their arms attacked him as he was passing, but
he retreated to the nearest church. But the mad-
men did not desist, but began to besiege the church
with perverse fury and attack in order to break the
doors and drag the fugitive out to punishment,
huge clamour is raised by those who were in the
same church. Christian help was demanded with
loud voice. The shouting and the reports inflame
the Christian folk ; those who were near run up b
arms on hearing the shouts, those afar off when thqf
heard the rumours. The inhabitants of the place
went to work half-heartedly for fear of the King, but
the young foreigners, of whom a great many hid
come there on business, attacked the insolent as
ants more stoutly. They, however, giving up their
siege of the church commenced to fly when they,
could no longer support the attack of the Christiaift
A few being slain during the flight, their houses weie
stormed and pillaged by the Christians, and burnt by
^^VjI JEWISH PHYSICIAN. I 15
figing flames and many of them fell victims to
or sword of the enemy. On the following day
in Jew coming up, a distinguished physician,
IS friendly with and honoured by the Christians,
sake both of his art and of his own modesty,
inced to deplore the slaughter of his people
strongly, and as if prophesying vengeance,
1 the still smouldering rage. The Christians
letzed him and made him the last I'ictim of
insolence. The young foreigners, loaded with , /'
sought their ships and quickly went away to
nquiry by the King's officers. But the inhabi-
f the place when they were interrogated about
tier by the officials, attributed the deed to the
lers who had already gone away.
!h, 1190.-
Wili.im of t.Kttbury, i, 310, ed. Howletl.
r this a new rising of the mob against the Jews
ace at Stamford. When the accustomed fair was
leld there at Quadragesima [March 7] a number
ths who had taken the Lord's sign to start for
lem came together from different provinces.
were indignant that the enemies of the cross
■ist who dwelt there should possess so much
Ihey had not enough for the expenses of so
\ jomney. They considered they ought to
from them as unjust possessions whatever they
ipp!y to the necessary uses of the pilgrimage
ad undertaken. Considering, therefore, that
1 1 6 RIOT A T STAMFORD.
they could be doing honour to Christ if they attaclcei!
his enemies, whose goods they were longing for, they
boldly rushed upon them, nobody either of the
inhabitants of the place or of those who had come to
the fair opposing such daring persons and some even
helping them. Some of the Jews were slain, but the
rest escaped with some difficulty by retreating to the
Castle. Their houses were pillaged and a great
quantity of money captured One of the
plunderers, John by name, a most audacious young
man went off to Northampton, deposited a part of
his money with someone by whom he was slain from
desire of the said money. [His body is said to perform
miracles till Hugh, Bishop of Lincoln, put a stop to
the reverence paid to the false tnartyr,]
[The Jews rcmenihered gratefully .St. Hugh's interference on
iheir behalf. See infra, sub anno i loo. for their behaviour at
his funeral.]
Bef. 1190.-A Decis
Tos (Heb.) Talm. Joma 273, Sebaeh 146.
\_A aimplkakd diicitssion on Lev. i., 7, vi. 13.]
[The Rabbi is caUed 'The Holy Rabbi Eliahu of Atjorak,'
'Holy' being (he technical designation of a Martyr, uhI
'Aborak' being, as Dr. Neubauer suggested, the Hebrew trans-
literation of Kver\iit-k (Eboracum), the medieval name of York.
R, Eliahu was besides a pupil of ' Sir Morell,' whom we know
lo iiave been in England, cf. supra, p. 53. This idenlifiei
another of the victims of the York massacre.'
1^^180.-
RIOT AT LINCOLN.
\\ ill n f N I ur\ I H(i el i
he men of Lincoln lieann^, of nhitwi'; bting
E to the Jews icumg the opportunity and vn
aged bj these examples thoupl t th it soniclhinK
lid be attempted and gathenng in a mob broke
into a sudden rising against their Jewish TlIIow
ens But the} rendered more Ldutioii-. by
wing the file or the terror of thLir fellows in
ms places had betaken themscUes bet mes \Mth
r monej to the fort lied jart of the town And
Othing much be ng done though muih m esti
^n was carrad on bj the roial officials * that vain
ig quickh subsided
Bt the men of \ork were rebtraincd neither bi
of the hot tempered King nor thu \igjuc of the
;, nor by feelings of humanity, from satiating their
;with the total ruin of their perfidious feilow-
icns and from rooting out the whole race in their
And as this was a very remarkable occurrence,
ight to be transmitted to posterity at greater
th. Of the Jews of Vork, as we said, the fore-
[■were Benedict and loce,t men of great riches
^eat usurers. Now they had built in the middle
S city at very great expense large houses, like
"aces, and there they dwelt like two princes
own people and tyrants of the Christians,
with almost royal state and pomp and
lee />. ^., item No, u;,
+ See supni.
1 1 8 PLOT A GAINST THE YORK JE WS.
exercising harsh tyranny against those whom they
oppressed with their usuries. And when they were
at London at the solemnity of the anointing of the
King, Benedict, as we mentioned above, by the
judgment of God, met with a most wretched end and
might be called Maledict. But Joce,* escaping with
difficulty on that occasion, returned to York, and as
the King after the London riot issued a decree for
the protection of the Jews, he, together with the rest
of the Jews throughout England, continued to act
confidently according to their old ways. But when
the King had established himself across the sea many
of the province of York plotted against the Jews, not
being able to suffer their opulence when they them-
selves were in need, and without any scruple of
Christian conscience thirsting for the blood of infidels
from greed for booty. The leaders of this daring
plan were some of the noblesf indebted to the impious
usurers in large sums, some of whom having given
up their estates to them for the money they had
received, were now oppressed by great want, some
bound by their own sureties were pressed by the
exactions of the Treasury J to satisfy the royal usurers ;
some, too, of those who had taken the cross and were
on the point of starting for Jerusalem were more
easily induced to defray the expenses of the journey
undertaken for the Lord's sake out of the booty taken
* See P, R.y Nos. io8, 149.
t Mainly of the Percy and Pudsey families. See P. R.y item
No. 1 24 and Note in Appendix.
J Debts to Jews who had died were claimed by the King.
w
% the Lord'
JNSON AND PILLAGE.
\ the Lord's enemies, especially as they had httle
[ of being questioned for the deed when they had
ted on their journey. One stormy night no small
t of the city became on fire either by chance or,
Ss believed, -Ky arson perpetrated by the oon-
rtors, so >nat the citizens were occupied with
own h(*Gses in fear of the fire spreading. There
\ nothing, therefore, in the way of the robbers,
( an armed band of the conspirators, with great
Eence and tools prepared for the purpose, burst
\ the house of the before-mentioned Benedict,
had miserably died at London as was mentioned
tee. There his widow and children with many
ters dwelt ; all of these who were in it* were slain
1 the roof put on fire. And while the fire gloomily
leased in strength, the robbers seized their booty
I left the burning house, and by help of the dark-
B retired unobserved and heavy laden. The Jews,
I especially their leader Joce, in consternation at
i misdeed having begged the assistance of the
^en of the royal castle, carried into it huge
tthis of their monies equal to royal treasures, and
^ more vigilant guard of the rest at their houses.
I after a few days these nocturnal thieves return
B greater confidence and boldness and many
fed them, they boldly besieged Joce's house which
bled a noble citadel in the scale and stout-
fa of its construction.! At length they captured
\ • His sons escapeci. See />.*., No. MX.
pThe victors had Ihe same diRitullies with tht Jewsin Loudon.
,JU>™p. 102.
no BAPTISM OR DEATH.
and pillaged it, and then set it on fire after having
removed by sword or fire all those whom an
unlucky chance had kept in it. For Joce a
little before had wisely anticipated this mischance
and had removed with his wife and children into
the Castle, and the rest of the Jews did the
same, only a few remaining outside as victims.
When the robbers had departed with so great
a reward of their daring, a promiscuous mob rushed
up at break of day and tore to pieces the furni-
ture which remained from the spoilers and the
fire. Then at length those who had personally held
the Jews in hatred, no longer having any fear of
public rigour, began to rage against them openly and
with abundant license. No longer content with their
substance, they gave to all found outside the castle
the option of sacred baptism or the extreme penalty.
Thereupon some were baptised and feignedly joined
Christianity to escajie death. But those who refused
to accept the sacramenl of life, even as a matter of
pretence, were butchered "ithout mercy. While all
this was happening the muhitude who had escaped
into the castle seemed to be in safety. But the
Warden of the castle having gone out on some busi-
ness, when he wished to return was not re-admitted
by the trembling multitude, uncertain in whom
to trust and fearing that perchance his fidelity to
them was tottering, and that being bribed he was
about to give up to their enemies those whom he
should protect. But he immedialely went to the
L
yEtVS SEIZE CLIFFORD'S TOWER.
sheriff of the county* who happened to be at York.
with a larf;e body of the county soldi
plained to him that the Jews had cheated him out of
the castle entrusted to him. The sheriff bi
indignant and raged against the Jews. The leaders
if the conspiracy fanned his ftiry alleging that thi
timid precaution of those poor wretches was an inso-
lent seizure of the royal castle and would cause injury
to our Icrrd, the King. And when many declared that
such traitors were to be got at by some means or
another, and the royal castle taken out of their hands,
the sheriff ordered the people to be summoned and
the castle to be besieged. The irrevocable
went forth, the zeal of the Christian folk w,
flamed, immense masses of armed men both from
town and the country were clustered round the
citadel. + Then the sheriff struck with regret at his
order tried in vain to recall it and w ished to prohibit
the siege of the castle. But he could by no influence
if reason or authority keep back their inRaraed
from carrying out what they had begun. It is true
the nobles of the city and the more weighty
fearing the danger of a royal movement cautiously
declined such a great transgression. But the whole
of the workpeople and all the youth of the town
a large number of the country folk, together with
soldiers not a few, came with such alacrity and joined.^
in the cruel business as if each man was seeking hi5'
• John Matsball. See Fife RM, l, Ric. I., ed. Hunli
t Probably Clifibrd's Tower, whitli wjs isolated from the
at of [he ca:<tle,
Dtiously ^_
I whole ^^H
wn and ^^H
er with^^l
1 joined^^^l
hiSi^H
from the^H
HOLY WORK OF SLAUGHTER.
iTgy- i
own gain. And there were not lacking many clergy-
men, among whom a certain hermit* seemed more
vehement than the rest.
Equal zeal inflamed all, for they thought they
would be doing a great act of devotion to God,
while with blinded minds they shut their eyes to that
saying of David, nay, of the Lord, which is said as
if it were in the person of the Saviour, " God shows
to me above my enemies ; do not slay them, never
forget my people" (Psalm Iviii, ii).t Indeed with
the same reason of Christian utility the perfidious
Jew, the crucifier of our Lord Christ, is allowed to
live among Christians as the form of the Lord's cross
is painted in the Church of Christ, viz., for the con-
tinual and most helpful remembrance^ by all of the
faithful of our Lord's Passion, and while we curse the
impious aution in the case of the Jew, we venerate
the Divine divine with due reverence in the case of
that sacred form, and thus the Jews ought to live
among Christians for our use, but serve as for their
own iniquity. But the Jews in England under Henry
II. were by an absurd arrangement happy and re-
nowned far more than the Christians, and swelling
very impudently against Christ, owing to their good
fortune did much injury to the Christians, wherefore
in the days of the new ICing the lives wliich they
possessed by Christ's clemency were put in danger
■ Of ihc Premonslratensian Order. See infra p. 114.
t The same verse is quoted by SI. Bernard {supra, p. 23) and
by Ralph Disset (lupra p. II3).
J Cf, Si. Bernartl, sujira p. 23, " They are living symbols to
us, represeatiag the Lord's Passion."
STEGE OF THE TOWER.
by his just judgment, though by the beautiful
nt of his justice those have no excuse who brought
slaughter upon them by a secret rising,
[God is Ihas represented as acting on the principle of allowing
evil lo be done that good might come of it. The reference to
Jewish insolence against Christ seems to refer to such incident;^
as ihal referred to at Oiford, supra p. 69.]
le, 17 March, 1190.— Of the fate of the Jews of
York.
WQliam of Neuhnrj-, i., 317,
Accordingly, the Jews were besieged in the royaii
tower, and the besieged lacked a sufficient suppljfj
of provisions, and would have been quicklj starved
out by hunger even if no one attacked them from
without. But they did not have either a sufficient
stock of arms for their own safety or for repelling
the enemy. The tower was stoutly beseiged
for several days, and at length the machines
which had been prepared for the purpose were
brought into position. The deadly work was urged
on before the others by that hermit from the Pros-
mo nstratensian * canonry mentioned above, who,
excited by the reports, had recently come to the city
and was busily occupied with the besiegers, standing
in his white garment and frequently repeating with
loud voice that Christ's enemies ought to be crushed,
and encouraging the warriors by the example of his
help. But it is said that on the days of the siege
• This order was after the rule of St. Augustine, and ^
foumded by St. Norbert, at Projmonstralum, near I-ann.
Picardy, abuuL iiio.
1
I
I
11+ THE tVHITE-ROBED MONK.
he was going to the cruel work he used every morn-
ing to immolate a host, all be-blooded — for he was a
priest^ — to such a degree had he persuaded himself
with his blinded mind, and tried also to persuade
others that the work on which he was engaged was a
religious one. And when the machines were put in
position he used to help with fervent zeal according
to his strength. Hence it happened that approach-
ing the waJl rather incautiously, he did not notice a
hugh rock coming down upon him, thereupon he fell
forward crushed, and on being lifted up immediately
expired. And it is declared that the greater crimi-
natity of that rash deed was with him who, by an
unlucky chance, was the only one of our men to (all
in that place.*
When the machines were thus moved into position,
the taking of the Tower became certain, and it was
no longer doubtful that the fatal hour was Hearing
for the besieged. On the following night the
besiegers were quiet, rejoicing in the certainty of
their approaching victory. But the Jews were brave,
and braced up by their very despair, had little rest,
discussing what they should do in such an extremity,
Now there was there a certain old man, a most
•There was i PremoDatralensian Abbey at Wclbeck (Dugdale.
ii., 873), which was largely supported by the Fauconbridges, one
of whom was ringleader in the York massacre (Chron. dt Melsa,
i., 151)- The monk here mentioned was probably a relative of
the Fauconbridgcs, or relaled to Ricbard of Cnckney, Rirhaid
Malebysse's squiie (P. R., No. 134), as Cnckney h just in llie_
neighbourhood of Welbeek. It was probably the death of J
monk that made the leaders of the riot -so incensed.
YOMTOB'S SPEECH. 115
' Tamous Doctor of the Law,* according to the letter
that kills, who, it is said, had come from parts
, beyond the sea to teach the English Jc
was honoured by all and was obeyed by all as if he
had been one of the prophets. When, therefore,
he was asked his advice on that occasion, he replied,
" God to whom none shall say ' Why dost Thou so ? '
" (Eccles. viii. 4, Dan. iv. 35), orders us to die now
" for the Law. And behold our death is at the door.
"Unless, perchance, which God forbid, you think of
" deserting the sacred Law for this brief space of life,
"and choose a fate harder than anj- death to honest
d manly minds, namely, to live as apostates at the
" mercy of impious enemies in the deepest dishonour.
" Since then we ought to prefer a most glorious death
a very dishonest life, we ought to select the
" easiest and most honourable form of death. For if
E fall into the hands of the enemy we shall die at
" their will and amidst their jeers. And so since the
"life which the Creator gave us, He now demands
" back from us. let us willingly and devoutly render it
" up to Him with out own hands and let us not await
" the help of hostile cruelty by giving up what He
" demands. For many of our people in different
"times of tribulation are known to have done the
" same, preferring a form of choice most honourable
us."t When he had said this very many of
them embraced his fatal advice, but to many his word
• R. Yomtob of Joigny. See Ephraim of Bonii,in/m p. 131.
f This speech was probably made up by William of Newbury
' fTom the siniilar address of Eleasat of Masada (Josephus, Wars, 1
I
lib SU/CfDE IN GOD'S NAME.
seemed a hard one. Then the elder says, "Let thoKl
" whom this good and pious plan pleaseth not, seat
"themselves apart from this holy assembly, for to ui
" this life on earth is now thought nothing of through
" our love of the Law of onr fathers." Ver>- many of
them therefore withdrew, preferring rather to try the
clemency of their enemies than perish in this way
with their friends. Soon at the advice of this mad
elder fire consumed their richest garments in the
sight of all lest the enemy should be made rich
by their wealth, they passed through the fire their
most precious \'essels and everything they could,
by their dainty envy they condemned these things
to a disgraceful resting place. When this was done
and fire being set to the roof which fed upon the
more solid materials while the horrid deed was
being done and putting in danger the lives of those
who from love of life had separated themselves from
them, they prepared their throats for the sacrifice,
At the order of that inveterate [author] of wicked
days that those men whose courage was most steady
should take the life of their wives and pledges, the
famous Joce cuts the throat of Anna, his dear wife,
with a sharp knife,* and did not spare his own
vii., viii., is.). The Latin Josephus occors in all book lists of
English Abbey and Calhedral libraries!. At the same time it is
likely enough that some address was delivered by R. Yomtob
which may have been reported by ihe survivors of the massacre.
• Probably the knives used for the special Jewish slaughterinf
of cattle which are of exceptional sharpness, so as to lessen a*
mach .IS possible Ihc lime em].1oyed in killinj;. Ephraim of
FIERY SACRIFICE. if)
Bons.* And when this had been done by the other
■men, that wretched elder cut Joce's throat so that he
■might be more honoured than the rest. All of them
thus slain together with the author of their error, the
ifire which had been lighted bythem before their death,
we have mentioned, began to burst out in the in-
iterior of the tower. Those who had chosen to live
■resisted as much as they could the fire lit by their own
[friends lest ihey too should die with them though un-
irillingly, betaking themselves to the extremity of the
tower where they were least burnt. Indeed that fury
jf rational beings against themselves seems stupen-
lous, nay irrational. But he who reads the history
rf Josephus about the Jewish war knows well enough
Tom the ancient superstition of the Jews that that
badness has lasted down to our days if perchance any
sad occasion arises, f But at daybreak, when the
crowd of people collected to storm the castle, those
wretched remnants of the Jews standing at the gates
lieclare with tearful voice the slaughter of their
ijKOple during the night, and, throwing down from
their walls their dead bodies as an ocular proof of so
jreat sacrifice, they called out " Behold the bodies of
wretched men who were guilty of their own death
with wicked fury and when we refused to do the same
onn in destribiag the suicidal slaughter uses the same verb
ifhocheC) as is employed for the slaughter of beasts.
• The great Aaton of York of the next century was a son of ■
t This reference to Josephus gives a clue to the literary origin
[R. Yomtob's speech as reported by the historian.
1
iz8 MASSACRE OF SURVIVORS.
"but preferred to try Christian clemency, they set
" fire to the interior of this tower so that they might
" burn us alive. But God has preserved us both from
" the madness of our brethren and the danger of the
" fire so that at last we may be at one with you ii
"religion. For our trouble giving us sense, wi
"recognise the Christian truth and desire it
" charity being prepared to be laved by the sacred
" baptism, as you are accustomed to demand a
" giving up our ancient rites, to be united to the
"Christian church. Receive us as brothers instead
" of enemies, and let us live with you in the faith a
" peace of Christ," When they said this with tears
many of our men were horrified at the madness of
the dead and pitied the survivors. But the leaders
of the conspiracy, among whom was a certain Richard
■with the truthful surname Evil Beast* of a n
audacious character, were moved by no pity for
these wretches. But speaking fair words to them
deceitfully, and promising them the wished for
grace with testimony of the faith so that they \
should not fear to come out. as soon as they
did so they seized them as enemies, and though
they demanded the baptism of Christ, those c
butchers destroyed them. And of those whom thismore
than bestial cruelty destroyed, 1 would emphatically
• Malabeatia=Riehard Malebysse (ss=sli=rFr. ch^Mile
bielie-=Ill-bitch) is mentioned frequenlly in connection
this crime. C/. supra, p, 77. Others' names are given in Chraa.
ii Melsa, i. tl5, and F.R. No. 24. On these and their cor
(ions see Note in Appendix.
r
BURNING THE DEEDS. 1 2g
pay that if there was no deceit in their demand for
jtecred baptism, their own blood baptised them when
lefrauded in vain of the result of their petition,
hether they demanded the sacred laver deceit-
jr not, the execrable cruelty of those butchers
is without excuse. For without doubt their chief
:rime was that having no proper authority, they pre-
led to shed human blood like water ; secondly,
ley were influenced more by the pang of malice
ihan the zeal for justice ; thirdly that they despised
toen seeking Christian grace ; fourthly that they
kceived the wretches with lies so that they come
brth to the sacrifice.
The look of things in the city was at that time
torrid and nauseous and round the citadel were lying
icattered the corpses of so many unfortunates still
mburied. But when the slaughter was over, the
inspirators immediately went to the Cathedral and
aused the terrified guardians, with violent threats,
hand over the records of the debts placed there,
^ which the Christians were oppressed by the
Xiyal Jewish usurers, and thereupon destroyed these
iecords of profane avarice in the middle of the
Siurch with the sacred fires to release both them-
lelves and many others.* Which being done, those
jf the conspirators who had taken the cross went on
Jieir proposed journey before any inquest ; but the
* See Pipe Roll, items Nos. 109, ill, 170, from which it
jNjutd seem that duplicates existed elsewhere in some cases.
^chard was probably led by this to order all the Jews' debts
1 be eniolled in tlie Royal TreaGury.
130 END OF THE GOOD TIMES.
rest remained in the country in fear of an inquiry.
Such were the things that happened at York at the
time of the Lord's passion, that is, the day before
Palm Sunday [17th March, 1190].
[This scene, one of the most heroic episodes in the sad annals
of Israel, muks the cIoec of the prospEiily of tbe medieval
English Jews. Previously they had enjoyed exceptional pro-
sperity, as is enviously tematked by all the chroniclers. Hence-
forth they are treated worse and wtrse by King, Church, and
people till their persecutions culminate in their expulsion, jnsl
100 years later. The immediate cause of the riots was the fever
heat to which Ihe crusading spirit had risen. To the rough logic
of the people, it seemed absurd to go many thousands of miles
to fight the " enemies of Christ " and yet to allow some of them
to live at peace at their own doors. The Church had embittered
the social relations of Jews and Christians by its enactmenti
during Ihe century (firf* pp. 15, 62) and by countenancing the
myth about the boy-martyrs. The Jews had themselves done
something to increase this growing antipathy by (heir ostentation
which seems to have struck the chroniclers and by their open
contempt for the more assailable sides of Catholicism, the worship
of images and the creation of miracles. It was only with regard
to the upper classes that their exactions as usurers were felt : the
common folk lived mainly by barter and never needed any laife
mpplies of money. It was the class of smaller baroosandabboli
that was most severely hampered hy Jeivish usury. The York
massacre was a deliberate conspiracy of a certain number of these
to get rid of their indebtedness by violent means (See Note in
Appendix). But they were only a.ble to effect their ends by
playing upon the passions of the mob raised to fever heat by iBIt
growth of the crusading spirit.]
1180.— Jewiali Account of the Massacre.
Ephraim of Bonn, ap. Emsi, ed. Wiener. Heb. App. pp.
A/so ill Ihe ^ car 4951 [1 igo-(] there came wicked
pleofthe Lord in thi City of Aborick [=Ev'
jy *^ ,
3
r
\ CONVERTS TO JUDAISM.
wick^York] which is in England, on the Great Sab-.
hath, and Ike time of their joy was turned to their annoy,
and they destroyed the House of Prayer and Rabbi Vom-
fob [of Joigny] aiso, and slew about 60 souls and also
others slew, attd there was even one that ordered them
■flay his only son, whose foot had hardly touched the
ground going and returning. And there were some that
slew themselves for the sake of the Unity, and the numbers
of those slain by others or by themselves was about 150
souls men and women. Their holy bodies and their
houses were burned, and they despised gold and silver and
beautiful books of which they had written many, and
they rejoiced in the money and the multitude of pure gold
which were not to be equalled for beauty, and brought
them to Cologne. And in the rest of the places and
quarters of the fews our enemies did thus as in these
titits. And in a certain city where there were many
•lytes, twenty-two men forming a congregation of
dytes, they slew them all and did not allow them to
soil the vile waters \of baptism'], but they alt hallowed
the Name of the Unity.
\
frwei
Of tbe King's ire agoiiiHt the Sla7ers of the Jews.
William of Newbury, i., 323.
The deeds done at York were soon carried across
the sea to the prince, who had guaranteed peace and
security to the Jews in his kingdom after the rising
at London. He is indignant and in a rage both for
the insult to his royal majesty and for the great loss j
^to the treasury', for to the treasury belonged whatever j
132 NO PUNISHMENT POSSIBLE. ^H
the Jews, who are known to be the royal usurers,*'
jeem to possess in the way of goods. Soon giving a
mandate to the Bishop of Ely [William Longchamp]
the Royal Chancellor and regent of the Kingdom,
that such a great deed of daring should be punished
with a suitable revenge, the said bishop, a man of
fierce mind and eager for glory, comes to the city of
York about Ascension day [May 3] with an army.f
and began an inquiry to the great fear of the
burgesses. But the chief and best known actors
of the deeds done, leaving everything they had in
the country, fled before his face to Scotland,! But
the citizens persistently declaring that the deeds for
which they were incurring his displeasure had not
been done with their wish or counsel or aid, and
that with slender resources they could not prevent
the unbridled attack of an undisciplined mob, at
length the Chancellor, having imposed a pecuniaiy
mulct on each according to the income of his.
fortune, || received satisfaction for not punishing
them more severely. But the promiscuous and
numberless mob, whose untrained zeal had been
the principal cause of the deed, could not be sum-
moned or brought to justice. And so the Chancellor,
• This is a veiy significant statement as showing that the real
position of Jews as royal tax-gatherers was recognised at the
t "And to William de Ix)ngdiamp and the soldiers who went
to York about the slaughter of the Jews ;f6o." Pipe Roll, I
Ric. I., Everwick. n\
X See P. R., item No. 99. ^H
II See P. R., items Nns. 99, loz, [jS. ^H
PARTISANSHIP AND JUSTICE. 133
removing him who had had the administration of the 1
country [the Sheriff John Marshall*] went off without 1
shedding hlood since he could not carry out the J
King's command more efficaciously. Nor has anyone 1
been brought to punishment for that slaughter of the J
Jews up to this day,
[It must be remembered tliat the chief rioters were of the
family or party of Hugh Pudsey, Prince Bishop of Durham
gteaf rival of William Longthamp (Miss Norgate, England
under Angevin Kings, ii. igi). As John was on the side of
Pudsey, for the time at least, his inllucnee would prevent any
inrthcT action against the Jews alter the faU of Longchamp,
April, I191 (Miss Norgile, I. c. 299). When Richard returned
in 1194 fresh attempts were mudc to make inquiry into the riots
oril90. Seein/roP' '57 and A^., itemsNos. 138, 14Z. The
part John tookin this matter may account for his generally adverse
attitude agunsl the Jews during his reign.]
1180 .—Wine hesteT does not join in the Uaasacres.
Rtcbard of Derizes, ed, Howlett. p. 383.
On that coronation day about that hour of the
solemnity when the Son was sacrificed to the Father,
they began in the city of London to sacrifice the
Jews to their father the Devil, and so great was the
delay with this celebrated mystery that the holocaust
could scarcely be finished on the second day. Other
cities and towns of the country imitated the piety of
the Londoners, and with equal devotion sent down their
bloodsuckers with blood down to hell. Something
was achieved at that time, though on an unequal
" He appointed his brother Osbert to succeed Marshall. The
fcfm of YDrkshiie is accounted for by the two in the Pipe Roll
of I Kich. I.
IJ+ WINCHESTER EXCEPTIONAL.
scale, throughout the realm against the lost soal
Winchester alone spared her vermin, a people prudent
and foreseeing, and a city always acting civilly,
never did anything in a hurry, fearing nothing so
much as to repent ; it thinks of the end of things
before beginning them. It did not want to vomit
forth the load on its stomach by which it was opposed,
and took care of its bowels in the meantime, modestly
concealing the trouble, till at an opportune time she
might once and for ever evacuate the whole mass of
disease.
[The sarcastic style of Richard of Devizes gives probably a
truer picture of the temper in which the massacres were regarded
than the more humanitarian view of William of Newbery.]
22 Uarch., 1190.— A Charter by whicli many libertiea
are granted and confirmed to the Jews.
Rymer, Fadera, i., 51 [Ed. 1816].
Richard, by the grace of God, King of England,
duke of Normandy, &c., to his archbishops, bishops,
&c., greeting:
I. — Know ye that we have granted and, by the
present charter, confirmed, to Ysaac, son of Rabin
Joce, and his sons and their men, all their customs
and liberties just as the Lord King Henry, our father,
granted and by his charter confirmed to the Jews of
England and Normandy, namely i to reside in our
land freely and honorably, and to hold all those
things from us which the aforesaid Isaac and his
sons held in the time of Henrj- the King, our father,
in lanAs, and fiefs, and pledges, and gifts, and
MAGNA CARTA JUDMORUM.
•35
nrchases, viz., Hame, which Henry, our father, gave
lem for their service, and Thurroc, which the said
baac bought of the Count of Ferrars,* and all the
i, and messuages, and pledges which the said
and his sons had in our land in the time of
Ung Henry, our father.
II. — And if any quarrel arise between a Christian
id Ysaac, or any of his children or heirs, he that
|)peals the other to determine the quarrel shall
tve witnesses, viz., a lawful Christian and a lawful
And if the aforesaid Ysaac, or his heirs, or his
hildren, have a writ about the quarrel, the writ shall
them for testimony ; and if a Christian have a
[narrel against the aforesaid Jews let it be adjudi-
cated by the peers of the Jews.
II, — And if any of the aforesaid Jews shall die let
his body be kept above ground, but let his heir have
lis money and his debts so that he be not disturbed
I he has an heir who can answer for him and do
light about his debts and his forfeits, and let the
[foresaid Jews receive and buy at any time what-
iver is brought them except things of the church
Dd bloodstained garments.
rV, — And if they are appealed by any one without
•witness let them be quits of that appeal on their own
)ath upon their book [of the Law] and let them be
[Bits from an appeal of those things which pertain to
or crown on their own oath on their roll [of the
Lwj. And if there be any dissention between a
' It was afterwards sold by Josce, son of Ysaac, to Henry de
17 (Aet Cart. i.. 64).
136 PLEDGES AND PLEADINGS. ^H
Christian and any of the aforesaid Jews or their'
children about the settlement of any money, the Jew
shall prove the capital and the Christian the interest.
v.- — And the aforesaid Jews may sell their pledges
without trouble after it is certified that they have
held them a year and a day, and they shall not enter
into any pleadings except before us or before those
who guard our castles in whose bailiwicks they them-
selves remain wherever they may be.
VI.-^Let them go whithersoever they will with all
their chattels just like our own goods and let no one
keep them or prevent them. And if a Christian debtor
dies, who owes money to a Jew, and the debtor has
an heir, during the minority of the heir let not the
Jew be disturbed of his debt unless the land of the
heir is in our hands.
VII. — And we order that the Jews through all
England and Normandy be free of all customs and
of tolls and mediation of wine just like our own
chattels, and we command and order you to ward
and defend and protect them, and we forbid any one
against this charter about the aforesaid to put the
said Jews into plea on our forfeit.
Witnesses : Will, de Hum.', constable of Nor-
mandy, &c., &c. Given by the hand of William de
Longchamp, our Chancellor, Bishop of Ely, at
Rouen, on the twenty-second day of March, in the
first year of our reign.
[This is not a genera! charter for the Jews of England and
Nonnandy, as has been hitherto assumed. It is probably a
lapecial copy of one which had been previously given to them
jtaimediately after the London massacre (see William of New-
Iwiy's remark, supra p. 105), adapted to the leading English Jew
rf the time, Isaac, son of Rabbi Josce (" Rubigotsce"), and
lib family and " men," whatever that may mean. The original
UuiTter was itself only a conlinnatioii of one that had previously
txKn giTCQ by Henry II., as is indicated by the references in the
ybove document. It is likely enough that Henry II, 's charter
■was itself only a confirroation of a similar or identical one given
ilty Henry I. For, as we shall see, John when confirming the
fllBrters of the Jews refers to one by Henry, his lather's grand-
■ 138 A yEWS LORD. ^^H
father, t.e. Henry I. The privileges given the Jews are sn&icieiity'' fl
clear without much comment, though it would be worth while ]
knowing what is exactly meant by " the peers of the Jews " in
II. Probably some reference is here made !□ the " Bishops of
the Jews," who seein to have been a Jtind of Jewish judges.
From both II. and IV. il is clear that these were mixed courts
in which Jews and Christians had concurrent jurisdiction.]
1189-91.— ContributiouB to the Treasury.
\JJ • Pipe Rolls, 1, 2 Ric. I.
91. — Benedict the Jew owes 3 marks because he
detained the rents of his lord. The same Sheriff
renders count of 9 marks of the community of the
Jews. I Rjc. I., Sudhants.
[Each entry offers an interesting problem. What was the
exact relation of a Jew and " his lord "? How far and in what
way were the Jewish " communities " organised and recognised
by the government ?]
92, — Abraham son of Avigay[:= Abigail] owes one
mark of gold because it is not contained in his deed
from the Count of Arundel that the Manor of Rowell
is his mortgage as it ought to have been, i Ric. I.
93. — Josce son of Benjamin of Oxford owes 10
marks for an amerciament for treasure trove of gold
which he bought without the consent of justice, ib.
Oxenford.
94- — Slema Jewess of St. Edmund owes 20 marks
for right to her debts and pledges. Jumet Jew of
Norwich owes 6 marks for right to thirty pounds
against Benjamin of Oxford. 1 Ric. I., 3b Nordf.
and Sudf. [F. No. 73.]
05. — Samuel de Stanford owes 10 marks for haiA
SURVIVORS OF THE VOSfC MASSACRE.
'39
his debts against William de Colville. But he is dead I
and his chattels and pledges are in the King^s hand. I
Ibid. 4b Line. I
[Cf. No. 164,] '
96, — For hiring carriage to carry Jews of York to
London 8s. Ibid 5a. Everwich.
[They were not all Itilled then ; or were they corpses ?] I
97. — Brun the Jew owes ^^^350 of the amerciament I
of 2000 marks for which he made fine with the King 1
at Waltham.
Aaron Jew of Lincoln, Abraham son of Rabbi and
Isaac of Colchester owe ^+00 of the chattels of Bran
the Jew which they received in old money of the fine i
which he made with the King at his crossing over |
the straits. 1 Ric. L, Lond. and Westin. I
[See No. 29. The latter dehts had been owing since 33 1
I 98. — Benedict son of Jacob owes 1 ounces of gold
that his case may be heard in the King's court I
l.l>etweeii him and Deodatus and Jacob Jews. lb. j
;,lJncoIn. I
gg. — Of the proceeds of the lands and chattels of |
the men who fied on account of the assault on the j
Jews in the city of York. Ibid. Everw, I
[Wniiara of Newbury mentions that they fled to Seolland.] J
99fl, — Samuel, Jew of Newcastle, owes zo marks J
.because he called a warrant which he could not have, I
< Ric. I., Nordhumb. I
ggi. — Cresselin, Jew, owes 40s. for right to ;^ii I
zgainst the Abbess of Ramsey, z Ric. I., Sudhants.
FINES OF THE MEN OF YORK.
ibUin^l
. [" But he is dead and has do right " it is added in the fbUmr.
ing year.]
loo.— Debts of the Jews for the Guildford Tallage
placed by the chancellor on the roll. Isaac son of
Rabbi [Joce] renders count of £toa of the arrears of
the Tallage of Guildford for which he made fine with
the Chancellor to pay ^30 per annutn in two instal-
ments . . . and he still owes £-]^. 2 Ric. I.
[See No. 89.]
101.— Jacob, Jew, son of Samuel of Northampton,
owes £si3o for the debts and chattels of his father of
which he ought to pay izo marks, viz., 60 at Easter
and 60 at Michaelmas, i Ric. 1.. Norhants.
101. — And in his [the Sheriff's] surplus which he
has below in the accoimt of the land of the men who
fled for the assault on the Jews of York ^59 , . .
David de Popelton renders count of zo marks for the
Jews. 1 Ric. I., Everwich,
[The last enfiy is followed by 50 other names ; the whole
amount of lines 342 marks.]
103. — Of those who paid up for the aforesaid pleas
[on the Jews] the same Sheriff renders count of four
score and eleven marks and 10 shillings of the amer-
ciament of the men of York for the Jews, whose
names and debts are noted in the Chancellor's roll
which they paid into the Treasury. Paid in the
Treasury by 58 tallies and is quits. 2 Ric. I., Everwich.
104. — Avegay, Jewess of London, owes £bz 3s. 4d.
o! the balance of zoo marks which she owed to our
ASSOT SAMSOir AND THE JEWS.
iOrd the King's father of the tallage at Guildford of
hrfaigb she has to pay £za per annum, i Ric. I.
^veiwich.
. — Account of the purchase of ships that I
weirt to Jerusalem. . . . And of ^loo which he
fHoniy of Comhill] received from Richard, arch-
QcacoR of Canterbury, and Robert, archdeacon of |
Gloucester, out of the moneys of Aaron the Jew.
[This gives the names of the treasurers of Aaron's Exchequer.
The clerks ire also mentioned P. R. item No. 105a.]
1180.— Abbot aamson gets the Jews expelled from
Edmondaburjr.
I Joce de Brakelond, p. 33.
• The lord abbot sought from the King a writ
■rhoeby the Jews might be ejected from the town of
&t. £dinond, alleging that whatever is in the town
lof St. Edmond or within its banlieu is under the
jiuifidiction of St. Edmond : therefore the Jews ought
*«ttlter to be men of St. Edmond* or be ejected from
<die town. License was therefore given him that he
Shoold eject them, but on condition that they should
JtAvc their chattels as well as the price of their houses
and lands. And when they were sent forth and con-
ducted with an armed band to various cities the abbot
'Ordered that excommunication should be declared in
'idl churches and at all altars against anyone should
'thenceforth take in Jews or give them lodging in the
> " They could not be men of St. Edmond as they w
the King.
1
142 EXPULSION FROM EDMONDSBURY.
town of St. Edmond. But this was afterwards modi-
fied by the justiciars of the King to the effect that if
Jews should come to the great pleas of the abbot to
demand their debts from their debtors* on such
occasions they might be lodged for two days and two
nights in the town, but freely depart on the third day.
LSamson was an enemy of the Jews. Cf. supra p. 78. Thidr
synagogue at Edmonsbury is still in existence, being used as a
police-Btation undec the oame of Moyses' Hall. The eneraviog
opposite is from a sketch in the British Museum taken 100 yean
/ 1191-2.— Contribwtiona to the Treaoury.
• Pipe Roll, 3 Ric. I.
105. — Josce son of Lia of Bristol renders count of
one hundred shillings of the second thousand marks
which the Jews of England promised our Lord the
King. 3 Ric. I. (M. i. ZJ3).
[C/. No. 43.]
10511. — And to Joseph and Roger, clerks of the
King in the Exchequer of Aaron [of Lincoln"] two
marks and a half for a gift by King's writ, 3 Ric. L
ii'>- Lond. and Midd.
[SeeNos. 27,54.]
106. — Of the debts of Aaron.
[Under this heading are enumerated in the rolls of 3-5 Ric. I.
Bucks 4 items, Wilts 3, Worcester and Warwick 21, Canteb I,
Becks I, Norf. [9 and 16, Sussex i, Oxford 7, Cumberland 6,
Gloucester z, York 80 (including 20 Jews), Hereford 5, North-
• The abbey itself wis not out of debt to them before 1.
(vide supra'ji. 76J.
JEWIsa DEBTS IN KING'S HANDS. I+J
jvnploD aS, Hmls. 7, Lond. and Middl. 40, Shropshire 3, Line.
in all 430 debts amounting ta about j^ijooo.]
37. — Arrearsof the Tallage of the Jews of London
.jnade at Guildford. 3 Ric. I., Lond, and Middl.
[FoUows a list of 38 names owing about £l%iiO. The names
<MxtA some of the Rnes are given supra p. 88. Similar lists in
,(his and following years occur for Essei is (j£'4O0), Sussei
OfaSs}, Kent 12 (^140).]
j8, — Josce de Ebor owes izjnaarks for a silver
vessel, 3 Ric. L, Evenv. Of Aaron's debts.
[Bui he was dead, hav-ing been Itilled last by R.Yomtob at the
Tork massacre. This debt must have been brought against his
tstate.]
>g. — Robert de Hcesel owes 20 marks for his fine
'for the debts which his father owed to the Jews of
,York. 3 Ric. L, Everwich.
[From this and other entries it is clear that the burning of the
;])n)iiii3Sory notes in York Minster did not help the York Jews'
debtors much, Cf. No. 121.]
[o. — Margaret, who was the wife of Benedict, son
of Sarra, owes zos. for having had her debt unjustly
against Robert Williamson de Evlega. 3 Ric, I.,
Sudsex.
1 1. — Of the debts of Aaron. Deulebenie of Rising
owes 100 marks on the s-jrety of the Earl of Arundel,
5 Ric, I,, Nordf. Benedict, Jew of Chichester, owes
jfiooonthe surety ofthe Earl of Arundel. 1 b. Sudsex.
[This was one of the ways in which the King got a hold on
tiie Barons by means of the Jews to whom they were indebted,
:e Ihe clauses in Magna Cbarta against the transfer of
Jews' debLs to others.]
[I, — Benedict, brother of Jumet, owes £^^0 of
I
144 PAYING FOR THE RIOTS.
the arrears of 10,000 marks. Ursell, son of Bnin"
30s. for the same. Sancto, Jew of St. Edmund's,
owes 4ZS. for the aforesaid arrears. Samson, of
Bungay, owes loos. for the same. 3 Ric. I., Nordf.
[This casual mention is the only reference I know of to a
taUage of 10,000 marks which was probably in the timeofHen. n.]
113. — Deodatus, Jew, owes 6 marks and 8s, lod.
for a writ about lo marks. Ursel, son of Fulcella,
owes 5 marks because he did not give up to Ysaac
his debt. Matathias the Jew owes half a maik
because he has confessed what he previously denied.
Sarra the Jew and her sons owe 133. 3d. for having
right to 5 marks and 3s. 3 Ric. I., Lincol.
[Notice again the large proportion of the debt claimed by the
King.]
1 14, — Ranu'f de Glanville owes one mark became
he confessed that he had received from Samuel, Jew
of Northampton, who owed it for a concord between
Margaret of London and their sons and daughter.
But it should he required in Norft. 3 Ric. I,,
Norhant.
[See No. 58.]
1 1 s-— The town of Ospringe owes 10 marks because
it did not make hue and cry for a slain Jew. 3 Ric I.,
Ghent.
[Was this during one of the riots at the same time as Ihe Yorit
massacre ? The town stiU owes the sura as late as 6 J.]
116. — Josce son of Leo of Warwick owes roo
marks for his fine and for having the debts and
chattels of his father. 3 Ric. I., Wirec. and Warw.
117. — Of the amerciaments of the men of the city
for the assault on the Jews. 3 Ric. I., Lincoln.
A LARGE JEfVISH LIBRARY. I4S
[Follows a list of 8a names. It has hitherto been thoaght
that the Jews of Lincoln escaped, but this enuy would seEm to
show the contrary.]
118,— Jacob, Jew of Winton, owes £1,0 of the
;gioo which Ursell the husband of Drua his daughter
gave Dnia herself in dowry before she can have
Jhose ^100. 3 Ric. I., Oxinf.
iiq. — Josce Crispin and two daughters of Morell
id their pledges owe 100s. for their share of the
looks of the said Morell. 3 Ric. I., Nordf,
[This Morell was probably Samuel son of Solomon of Falaise
bo is known among the Tosalists or Glossators of the Talmud
i " Sir Morell of England," cf. Steinschndder, Cal. Lib. Heb.
ledi.. No. 706S, and lujira p. 5J. He must have had a fine
]
i«o. — ^Judas the Bishop [levesq] owes 50s, of his
Bceipts which he had received from the Christians of
ducol. 3. Ric. I., Line.
'footless ta compensation for the riot. On " Bishop" see
b. 3'-]
HI. — ^The sons of Benedict the Jew owe 700 marks
to have the lands of their father and of his debts
Itccording to his charters. 3 Ric. I., Everw.
pile duplicate charters have been burnt by (he rioters in Yorli
Efaister. Benedict had died in London after being forcibly con-
s sons have desired (o his have debts on the sole
^ttthoTityofthecounterfoilsiathdrpossession without comparing
usual with (he originals.
—Richard Malebysse owes ;^2o to have his
forest rights as he had them in the time of Henry
|he King's father. 3 Ric. L, Everwicii.
I
146 A NICE POINT.
Bef. I192.~-De minimia non curat Lex Talmudio*.*
Or Sarua (Heb.) i., j 453.
// happened that a piece of meat came to vie on which
a piece of fat was slicking, and this piece was ncl 60
times as big as the fat, hut it had been sold with otha
pieces of meal, and these pieces all together were 60 lima
as much as the piece of fat. And I saw thai the Rahbis
allowed [the meat to he eaten\, and they have also shoiim
a Response of R. Samuel.of blessed memory, called Morell,
and he allowed it.
[It ia a Talraudic principle that if any forbidden food geta
mixed with what 13 lawful, it may be eaten provided that it is
not more than one-sixtieth of the whole mass. The R. Samud
here mentioned is " Sir Morell of Angleterre." See Pipe Roll,
item No. I ig, and iupra p. 53.]
1192.— Alleg'ed Uartj^dom of a B07 at Winclieater.
Richatd of Devizes, ed. Howlett, p. 435.
Because Winchester had not to be deprived of her
due reward for preserving peace to the Jews, as was
told at the beginning of the book,t the Jews of Win-
chester, studious for the honour of their city, in their
Jewish wayearned renowned glory for themselves by
martyring a boy at Winchester, as was shown by the
indications of the deed though by chance the deed
itself was absent.]: The case was like this. A cer-
tain Jew had taken as the house-boy of his family a
■ Kindly translated by Mr. S. Schechter.
t Where it is mentioned that the Jews of this date were npt
disturbed in 1190. Vidi supra.
J Does this mean that the whole story
r
i
STUDENT OF THE SUTORIAL ARl. 147
certain Christian lad, a student of the sutorial art.
He did not live there continually at work, and never
was allowed to do anything much lest his living with
them should prove that his slaughter was prenaedi-
tated, and as for less work he was better paid there
than elsewhere he frequently visited the demon'
house ensnared by his gifts and guile. He was
indeed French by birth, a pupil and an orphan, of ,
low condition and extreme poverty. Much pitying
his miseries in France a certain French Jew frequently
persuaded him to go to England, a land flowing with ■
milk and honey : he assured him that the English
were liberal and well-fed, that there no one \
Strove after honesty would die poor. The lad, ready
like all Frenchmen to do what you will, took with
1 a companion of his ovra age and country and
Igirt himself for his foreign travels, having nought in
'his hand but a staff, nought in his scrip but a crust.
He said good bye to his Jew, who said " Be a man.
Alay the God of my fathers lead you as I desire."
'Then, placing his hands on his head as if he were
■the scapegoat, after some clearings out of his throat
:and silent curses he continued, being now secun
,fcis prey, "Be of a brave mind, forget thy people
and thy land, for every land is a ' fatherland to the
brave like the sea to the fish, and any clear space to
the vacant bird " [Ovid, Fast. 1. 493.] When thou
enteresl England, if thou come to London thou wilt
quickly pass through it, for that [metro]polis dis-
pleaseth me much. All kinds of men flow into it from
all the nations under the sky. Every nation brings '
148 A BAD ACCOUNT OF LONDON. ^H
its own vices and its own customs into the city;
None lives in it free from crime, not a citizen that
does not abound in sad obscenities, a man is there
reckoned to be better the deeper he is in crime. I
know whom I am talking to ; thou hast beyond thy
age a fervid intellect and a cold memory, things con-
trary to one another, and a temperate reason. I have
no fears for thee unless thou dwell with evil livers,
for manners are formed by communication. Well,
well. Thou wilt come to London, So I forewarn
thee whatever ill or malice is in all and each part of
the world that shalt thou find in that single city.
Avoid the band of pimps, mix not with the crowds of
gamesters, avoid the dice and the gaming table, the
theatre and the tavern. Thou wilt come across
more bullies than are in all France, the number of
parasites is infinite. Actors, buffoons, eunuchs,
garamanters, flatterers, pages, cowards, effeminates,
dancing-girls, apothecaries, favourites, witches, vul-
tures, owls, magicians, raimes, mendicants, dancers,
&c., fill every house. Therefore, unless thou wilt
live with the wicked, thou shalt not inhabit London.
I am not speaking against the learned, whether clergy
or Jews; although, from their communion with the
wicked I should think them less perfect there than
elsewhere.
" My speech is not to the end that thou shalt not
betake thyself to any city ; my advice is that you
must stop nowhere but in a city ; the question is
which .' If, therefore, thou direct thyself to Canter-
bury thou wilt lose thy journey, nay, even if thou
ENGLISH CITIES. I+Q
pass through it. There is in it the whole collection
of lost souls around a man recently deified — I forget
his name,* he was archpriest of the men of CanteTbury
— and often for want of bread and want of work they
die in the open air in the streets. Rochester and
Chichester are little villages, and there is no reason
why they should be called cities except as seats of
bishops. Oxford does not sustain, still less satisfy,
her inhabitants. Exeter feeds men and beasts with
the same corn. Bath placed or misplaced at the
bottom of a valley amid thick air and sulphurous
vapours is clearly at the very gates of Hell. Nor in the
northern cities wilt thou choose a dwelling for thyself,
Worcester, Chester, and Hereford, lavish of life on
account of the Welsh ; York aboundeth with Scotch-
men, foul and fickle apologies for men. Ely village
is always putrid from the swamps roundabout. In
Durham, Norwich, and Lincoln there are few of thy
condition ; thou wilt hear scarcely any speaking
Romance. At Bristol there is not one that is not or
will not be a soapboiler, and every Frenchman hates a
soapboiler like a scavenger. Out of the cities every
town, village, and manor has rude and rustic habi-
tants. Besides always consider the Comishmen like
in France the Flemish are held to be. But in general
the land itself is most rich in the dew of the sky and
the fatness of the soil ; in every place they are good,
but much less in the whole lot of them than in one,
Winchester.
■ This is a subtle dram.itic tiracli.
15Q THE JERUSALEM OF ENGLISH JEWS. ^H
" This is the Jerusalem of the Jews in those parts :
here alone they enjoy perpetual peace, this is the
school for those who want to live and thrive. Here
real men are made, have enough bread and wine for
nothing. There are there monks of such piety and
kindness, clergy of such wisdom and liberality,
citizens of such civility and good faith, women of
such beauty and modesty, that only a little holds me
back from going there and becoming a Christian with
such Christians. I direct thee to this city, the town
of towns, the mother of all and the superior of all.
It has one fault, an only one, in which it commonly
indulges. 1 say it with all submission to literary men
and Jews, but the Wintonians tell lies like watchmen
even in telling stories. 1 have much more I could
teli thee even about my own business, but lest thou
hear it not or forget it, thou shalt place this note
in the hands of my Jewish friend, for I think thou
wilt be rewarded someway by him too." The writing
was short in Hebrew. The Jew read it out and the
boy putting a good interpretation on all this arrives
at Winchester.
His awl sufficed him and his comrade for a
living, and unfortunately the cruel kindness and
bloody benignity of the Jew served him for a solace
by means of the letter. Whenever the poor lads
worked or eat by turns each day, then each night in
a cow's manger they slept together in one cot. Day
follows day and month month, and the time hastened
to approach when the boy, whom we have led so far
and so curiously, had to depart. The day came of
THE LAD DISAPPEARS. T51 ,
the adoration of the rood and the boy on that day
■working for his Jew, whatever was done in the mean-
time, did not reappear. It was indeed near Passover
a feast of the Jews, His friend wondering at his
absence when he did not come to bed is frightened j
that night by many dreams. When he did not find j
him, though he searched for several days through the
whole cit)', he went simply to the Jew to see if he
would still send his provision. But he, instead of
receiving him kindly as usual, was bitter, and noticing
this and the marked change of word and face, the
lad having a shrill voice and a wonderful flow of words 1
breaks out into abuse, accusing him with loud cries of J
the removal of his friend. "Thou son of a dirty j
whore," says he, "thou robber, thou traitor, thoudevil, '
thou hast crucified my friend. Woe is me I Why have
I not the strength of a man ? I would tear thee to j
pieces with my own hands," As he was shouting in j
the house his words were heard in the street, and
Jews and Christians came running up from all sides. '
The lad sticks to his point, and, being more fearless 1
on account of the crowd, on the bystanders asking
him, begins to speak up for his friend: " ye that
are present," he says, " see if there is a grief like my I
grief[Lam. i. iz]. That Jew is a devil; he has torn
my heart from my breast ; he has butchered my
comrade ; I even fancy he has eaten him. A certain
son of the devil, a French Jew, I do not know or ,
understand how, that Jew gave my comrade letters |
of death to that man there. Indeed, nay seduced by
him, he came to this city. He often served this Jew
IJZ THE JEW ACCUSED AND ACQUITTED. ^H
and was last seen in his house." He was not without
witness in some points since a Christian woman, who
against the canons* nursed the little Jews in the
same house, used constantly to swear that she had
seen the boy descend into the Jew's cellar without
returning. The Jew is seized and carried before the
judge. There were no accusers, for the boy was
under age, the woman infamous because she did
service of the Jews. The Jew obtained purgation of
conscience on account of the infamy. He won over
the judges by gold.
[It is clear that Richard of Devizes did net believe in the
charge he reports, but on]y uses it as a peg on which to batq
bis humorous description of the diifcrent towns of Englutdtj
Che sake of which I have given the passage in ' " '
AN ANTI-SEMITIC BUCKET. t^
X«f. 1193.— Tlie result of entering a Jewisli Houbb.
Robertson, Materia!^ for Life of Beciet, ii. 7,
By a similar piety we know Godelivaof Canterbury
to have been seized, who taking some water [sancti-
fied by St. Thomas] in a wooden bucket, was passing
through the inn {hospitium) of a certain Jew and
entered it at the invitation of a Jewish woman. For
being skilled in charms and incantations she was
accustomed to charm the weak foot of the Jewess.
But scarcely had her foot entered the abominate
house when the bucket flew into three pieces and by
the loss of the water she learned the wicked intuitions
of her own mind, and understanding that she had
committed a fault she returned no more to that
Jewess.
[This is included among the miracles attributed to St, Thoma*.
It serves to sbow the popular feeling ahout the Jews. It is
curious, however, to see the Christian woman employed in
charming the foot of the Jewess, GeneraJly the relations aie
reversed.]
1193.— Jewish Contributions to the Treastuy,
• Pipe Rolls, 4Ric. 1.
113. — Benedict son of Josce Quatrebuches owes
200 marks that he might have the charters and chat-
tels of his father and an accord between him and
Ysaac and Abraham sons of Rabbi, and that he
might not (without special direction from the King)
be impleaded for concealing his father's chattels. 4
Ric. I. II. Lond. and Midd.
124. — Richard Malebyss renders count of 20 marks
1
I
154 THE FINGLEADERS AT YORK. ^H
for having his land again till the advent of the Kiag
which had been seized in the hand of the King on
account of the slaughter of the Jews at York, and
that he and Walter de Carton and Richard de
Kukeney, his squires, might have the King's peace
till the advent of the King. + Ric. I. (M. 33+).
William de Percy, Knight and Picot, Roger de Eipim
and Alan Malekake owe 5 marks for the same. Ibid.
[All these were connected together, see Slubbs' Hoveitn, iii.
p. ilv. note and Appendix infra. R. Malebysse was the ancestor
of the Beckwithes and nephew of Agnes Percy,]
125. — Samuel and Israel sons of Abraham owe
500 marks for the fine which they made to have ;^50o
of the debt of William de Guins which he owed to
Aaron for a charter and the charter was returned to
them. 4 Ric. I., Lond.
[There was probably some interest owing on the charter, or
else the Jews would not have made a very good bargain.]
115.1.— Isaac the Jew and Fluria his wife render
count of £,\% for their hotise in Shortenstrete in
Winchester: [Cr] by King's writ to the same Isaac
and his wife Fluria .£12. Because it was acknow-
ledged at the Exchequer at Westminster in the pre-
sence of Walter Archbishop of Rouen and Richard
Bishop of London and the rest of the King's Justiciars
by Henry Bishop of Coventry and Geoffrey son of
Peter and Roger son of Renfred that they are quits
therefrom by 9 marks and 6s. and 8d. which they
have paid into the treasury. And so they are quits.
+ Ric. I. Sudhants.
116. — Leo, Jew of Worcester, owes 10 marks that
he might be bailed out of the King's prison in which
JEWISH USURY TO JEWS. IJJ
he was placed for a forcible entry into the hospital
of Worcester. The same owes lo marks for having \
his rights to £zo against the Abbot of Persora.
Ric. I., Wincest.
[It is not clear whether the entry was a case of burglary \
piopeily so called or a case of enforcing an illegal claim. ""
foimcr would probably have been more severely punished.
pays next year.]
117. — Vives son of Josce owes half a mark for a
surety for the Jews of Cambridge. Vives brother of
David renders count of 40s. for the same, Bonevie
10 marks for the same, David son of Cypora 5 marks
for the same. 4. Ric. I., Canteb.
[Cypora=^Zippora. Many Jews are mentioned as the sot
their mother possibly because their father had been converted,
but cf. conlra the case of Abraham son of Avigay whose father's
name we know from No. 23.]
128. — Judas, Jew of Bristol, owes two ounces of
gold for an inquisition made in a chapter of the Jews
[in capitulo Judasorum] whether a Jew ought to take
usury from a Jew. 4 Ric. 1.
[The chapter of the Jews was the Beth Din or ecclesiastical
tribooal presided over by the three Dayanim or " Bishops."
There could be only one reply in face uf Dent, xxiii. 10, bnt this 1
conld be and was evaded by getting a Christian "man of sCr
to act as intermediary. The Jew lent to the Christian, the
Christian to the other Jew, and both look usury.]
11B4.— Form of Froceedure ia the Fleas of ttie
King's Crown.
Hovedcn, iii. 263.
9. — Likewise of the slayers of the Jews who they
are, and of the pledges of the slain Jews and their |
chattels and lands and debts and deeds, and who has [
156 TARDY yUSTICB FOR THE RIOTS. ^H
them and who owed them, how much and what mort-
gages they had, and who holds them and how much
_the3' are worth, and who receives the proceeds and
what. And all the pledges and debts of the slain
Jews arc to be taken into the King's hands, and those
who were present at the slaying of the Jews and have
not made fine with our lord the King or his justiciars,
shall be arrested and not liberated except by our lord
the King or his justiciars.
10. — Likewise of all the aids given for the redemp-
tion of our lord the King, who has promised how
much and how much he has paid and how much he is
15. — Likewise of the usurers that are dead and
their chattels.
73. — Justiciars are nominated, together with the
bailiff of William of the church of St. Mary and God-
frey Fitz-Peter, and William de Chimilli and William
Bruere, and Hugo Bardulf.
[This document lepresent? the tardy justice done on the Anti-
Jewish riots of iiSg-go, when the KJnR returned in 1194.
Comparing g with 15 we find a further confinnation of the view
that the goods of Jews escheated at their death to the King
gud usurers, not qud Jews. The two Williams of 23 are men-
tioned in the Ordinances of the Jews on the oent page-]
1194. — The SewTj is organised : the Ordinauoes of
the Jews.
Roger de Hoveden, iii. z66.
All the debts, pledges, mortgages, lands, houses,
rents, and possessions of the Jews shall be registered.
The Jew who shall conceal any of these shall forfeit
to the King his body and the thing concealed, and
ORDINANCES OF THE JEWS. 157
likewise all his possessions and chattels, neither shall
it be lawful to the Jew to recover the thing concealed.
Likewise six or seven places * shall be provided in
which they shall make all their contracts, and there
shall be appointed two lawyers that are Christians
and two lawyers that are Jews, and two legal regis-
trars, and before them and the clerks of William of
the Church of St. Mary's and William of Chimilli,
shall their contracts be made.
And charters shall be made of their contracts by
way of indenture. And one part of the indenture
shall remain with the Jew, sealed with the seal of him,
to whom the money is lent, and the other part shall
remain in the common chest : wherein there shall be
three locks and keys, whereof the two Christians shall
keep one key, and the two Jews another, and the
clerks of William of the Church of St. Mary and of
' William of Chimilli shall keep the third. And more-
over, there shall be three seals to it, and those who
keep the seals shall put the seals thereto.
Moreover the clerks of the said William and William
shall keep a roll of the transcripts of all the charters,
and as the charters shall be altered so let the roll be
likewise. For every charter there shall be three-
pence paid, one moiety thereof by the Jews and the
Other moiety by him to whom the money is lent ;
whereof the two writers shall have twopence and the
keeper of the roll the third.
And from henceforth no contract shall be made
* Probably London, Lincoln, Norwich, Winchester, Canter-
y buy, Oxfoid, Cambridge, Nottingham, Hereford, or Brislol,
I
T58 ORGANISAT/ON OF THE ysiVRV. ^H
with, nor payment made to, the Jews, nor any altera-
tion made in the charters, except before the said
persons or the greater part of them, if all of them
cannot be present. And the aforesaid two Christians
shall have one roll of the debts or receipts of the
payments which from henceforth are to be made to
the Jews, and the two Jews one and the keeper of
the roll one.
Moreover everj' Jew shall swear on his Roll, that
all his debts and pledges and rents, and all his goods
and his possessions, he shall cause to be enrolled,
and that he shall conceal nothing as is aforesaid.
And if he shall know that anyone shall conceal any-
thing he shall secretly reveal it to the Justices sent
to them, and that they shall detect and shew unto
them all falsifiers or forgers of the charters and
clippers of money, where or when they shall know
them, and likewise all false charters.
[This important document marks the beginning of a new
regime for the Jewry leading on to the Exchequer of the Jews of
the thirteetith century (ably described by Dr. C. Gvoss in the
Papers of the Angto-Jewisk Exhibition). Hitherto while the
King made use of the Jews as indirect tax-gslberers no fonnal
expression had been given to the fact. Two events seem to
have determined the Norman officials to recognise formally the
position of the Jews and to create a special branch of the Trea-
sury to control Jewish usury. In the first place the enormous
windfall that came to the Exchequer with the death of Aaron
of Lincoln must have opened the eyes of the Treasurer to the
possibilities of Jewish usury, and at the same time forced him
to open a special account (the Scaccarium Aaronis) for the large
business which it brought is its train. Secondly, the massacies
of I iSg-QO, while farther enforcing the lesson of Aaron of Un-
I j
PROCTORS OF THE yEWS. 159
L, bronglit out the necessity of some check and record of
Jewish business 10 protect both the King and the debtor.
"Within five years the organisation of the Exchequer of the Jews
I so far advanced that all the Jewish items of the Pipe KoUs
e removed from them. See infra. Pipe Roll items, Nos,
I 163-71.]
1194.— Jolm of Brompton's Accoimt.
Twysdcn, X. Scriptores, 1158.
Besides he also placed Proctors over the Jews who
might decide between Christian and Jew or even
between Jews if ought of quarrel should arise. In
order to stop the deceitful machinations of the Jews
he ordered that no contract should be made secretly
between a Catholic and a Jew, but that contracts
should be made under the testimony of persons
deputed for that purpose. And threefold copies
should be made thereon of which one should remain
with the treasury officials or in the custody of a trust-
worthy person and the third with the Jew ; so that
if any cheat be attempted as before, it might be
proved by the aforesaid duplicate. He prohibited
Christians to be usurers or to receive on account of
any agreement anything beyond what was lent.
[Brompton's accoimt, though somewhat late and not loo
trustworthy, adds two important items (i) the appointment of
i Proctors (later Justiciars) of the Jews, (z) that one of the
motives of the new arrangement was lo protect debtors against
1194.— The Debts of Aaron.
• Pipe Roll, 5 Ric. L
119. — Of the debts of Aaron, Robert, Earl of
Leicester, owes £^^1- bs. 8d. on Blenford and Kings-
ton in Dorset, and Sepwich and Hakemot and
i6o KtNG'S SHARE OF JEWrSH DEBTS. ^H
Compton and Colingburn and Everley, WikJngSton
and Turmsdeston and Belgrave and Shep church and
Androdesly and Normanton and Seldton. And £,y]
by another charter. 5 Ric. I. 8. Waur.
[See Nos. 27, 50. By 3 Jo. it appears that he had paid off
this ;^Z40 65. 8d, to AaroQ himself. By that date, 15 years
after Aaron's death, 146 ofhis former debtors owed j£4737 is, 6d.]
130. — Benedict son of Isaac the Jew ;^i 00 and one
mark of gold "de obol, Musce" or ten marks of
silver for his fine for charters of Aaron bought
from the Chancellor. 5 Ric. r. 3, m. 1.
[Madox [p. 1S9) confesses his ignorance of what Musce means.
Can this Benedict be a son of the Isaac of Russia of No. 41, and
' Musce ' refer lo money of Moscow or Muscovy ? It was better
business for the King for other Jews to take up the debts of a
Jew deceased as he could not charge interest and they could.
While in the King's hands a Jew's debt lay dormant],
131. — Mosse son of Abraham owes £r\ 6s. 8d. on
his house. Deulecresse de Winton owes 34 marks
on his house and lands. 5 Ric. I., Sudhants.
[These were among Aaron of Lincoln's property.]
131. — Aaron brother of Leon of Dunstable owes
los. for having right to 30s. against Hugh fil Yvon
and for 20s. against Ric. fil Essvj and for z marks
against Robert Blund. Mosse son of Mosse owes
aos. for a debt of 5 marks against Calford de Lega,
Josce son of Mosse owes 4 shillings for los. against
Gilbert Passelewe. 5 Ric. I., Bucks, and Berks.
[Obaene the large proportion of the debt claimed by the
King, nearly one-quarler on the average,]
133. — Aaron son of Samuel of Northampton owes
1 00s, because he denied what he said before. Vives
son of Jacob owes 15 marks for the same, Hakelin
DEBTS OF AARON. i6i
aon of Josce [? Quatrebuches] owes one mark for
le same. 5 Ric. I., Norhant.
[Hakelin seems to tuve shifted his quarters from London to
'Northampton. See Pipe Roll Item, No. 45.]
4. — Ursell of Gipeswich and Ysaac of Bedford
and Seignured of St. Edmund render count of 50
marks for having custody of the chattels of Ysaac,
Jew of St, Edmund, which are reckoned at £iio
.(who was killed at Thedford) for the benefit of the
heir of the deceased. 5 Ric. I., Bucks and Berks.
[Thifi seems to show that there was a rot at Thetford probably
the Easier of 1190.]
135. — Richard Basset owes £22 for a fine made
for all the debts which he owed to Aaron, Jew of
Lincoln, on the day he was alive and dead. 5 Ric.
Norhant.
136, — Of the debts of the Jews which they owed
to the aforesaid Aaron [of Lincoln] see in the roll of
the preceding year where the names of debtors and
debts are noted of which this is the sum, viz.
,^^396 +s. 8d. s Ric. I., Everw,
138. — The citizens of York render count of 10
marks for having their hostages who were at North-
ampton on account of the slaughter of the Jews. 5
Ric. I.
[No one was punished, says William of Newbury. The hos-
tages weie therefore only a precaution against a fresh outbreak.
no Jews were living at York at this date as there is no
cOBlribution flora York in a list of contributois to a Tallsge of
5000 marks for this year preserved at the Record Office. Q, R.
JSisc, 55&, No. i. See next page.]
l6l SAMUEL LE POINTUR,
Bef. 1194.— Hebrew Orammar of Samuel le Poiutnr
of Bristol.
SteinschnKiJer. Cat. Heb. MSS., BMin. p. 100.
[In the Royal Library at Berlin there is a Hebrew MS. con-
taining an early and important Hebrew Grammar by one Samud
Nakdan or the Punctuator. 1 have identitied him with the
' Samuel le Pointnr ' living at Bristol in 1194 and paying put
of the promised contribution to Richard on his return to Eng-
land from captivity. For R. Moses ben Isaac of England quotes
two men as ' Nakdanim ' or Punctuators, and both occur with
the addition of the title ' Pointnr ' or ' Puncteur ' in this roD,
See Jewish Quarterly Reviein, i. 182, u. 322-33 (articles by Dr.
Neubauer and myself). Besides this Benedict of Oxford in his
comments on Job quotes this very Samuel. Dr. Steinschneider,
vho however was unaware of the English origin of Samuel, ckUs
his treatise ' perhaps the oldest and fullest sources far the begin-
nings of Hebrew Grammar among the French and German Jews
before they were affected by the Spanish school,' Kimchi, &c.]
1104.— Gift of tbB Jews of England to King Bichard.
• Public Record O^ice, Misc. Q.R., 556-*.
Fr>>m the Jeivs in Easier term in the fifth year of King
Richard.
Receipts of moneys made at Westminster of the
promise of the Jews of all England given at North-
ampton [30 March, 1 194] after the return of our lord
the King from Germany.
7IVH THOUSAND MARKS.
[This is the title of a roll of three membranes containing
names of Jews and their contributions, ranged under towns and
counties. Some towns have double lists or the names occur
again in the countylists, which were mostly collected by William
of Buckingham. The foEowing [tentative] table gives the sums
contributed and the number of names in each town mentioned.
'
-~m
NOTTINGHAM TALLAGE ROLL.
163 ^1
fennties are asterisked and the nett number of names is
t^ ■
fler the sums of (owns u-ilh more than one list. The absence ^^|
f York, Stamford, Lynn, and Bury is explained by the n
assa- ^^1
KS. The total is not much more than half the sum promised. ^^|
^don 48S 9 7(19) Cam- Htteford 15 "
> (>o} ^H
fl09 13 9 (i31 bridge 96 5 4 (iBj ID g 8 (;)
1374 IS " 116) iS 7 13) 150 (i)
> .9 (0 -67 .a 4 (,5) 4 4 1 W
iBCDli. .87 41.(401 Norwich 88 9 4 (,3) •Notts.... S 7
<«i ^H
■ 44 14 7 (1!) Warwick 50 .6 > {yi) Worcester 4 »
• IS) ^B
•m» " 4 (331 M tS (6) •Bedford.. . 8
°(7) ^H
Suter- 4; iB I (10) Exeter... i i
• CI ^B
■ buTj... 141 >i 4 (>3) South WaJling.
81 5 6(14) Hatnpsh.4B 6 0(9! ford ,,. 1
• M ^1
►jS9 fiio(i3) Oiford...44 ■ 6(s) Coveolry lO
<(■} ^1
■
• III H
' 4J 16 7 (8) Wioche.-
rt 17 ■ l9l ter 43 lo 6l7) iBoj 7
7|.;<l ^1
•38 IS 4 (6) 40 10 6 (fil
•54 4 " ('S) 3 - (,)
Ibmcei- Cokhes-
ter ... 1.8 17 8(.,) ter 41 7 (8i
=a 9 (s) Chiches-
1 6 0(1) ler.... 16 9 0(7)
•97 » S('91 Brirtol... 21 i> 4(1.)
■
All the names, so far as decipherable, are given in th
AP. ■
lendix, but we may give here as a sample of the lists the two ^^
bl London. Notice the three Bishops.
Lottdonia. W. de Buckingham,
^1
Samson ill Abraham,;^; 13 4, from the chattels
^3- of Samson ;f8
. H
D«ilesall,;C40-ji"8,>f8,^8i3 4. Abraham lil Avegay 18
■3 4 ■
^Tegay, Jewess of London, Isaac son-in-law of
. H
'jf6 13 4,^5 13 4,^7. Avegay a
|>!UB le Blund, ^1 10 0, ^3. Vives fil Magri Aron
■4 ■
aamnel fil Abraham, £1 10 0. Vives le Vesq 2
5 4 ■
l» nude thero.
J
i64 LONDON JEWS, 1194.
Benedict Quatrebuclies, ,£3. Benedict fil Vives . . o 14 I
Abrnliain fil Avegay, £,i>, jfl, Josce fil Magistri . . 016 4
j£8. Satre I 3 4
Benedict Parvus, jfj. Murie 16 3 4
Mosse de Kant', £,t 13 o, Elias fil Magistri , . 120
Salemun fil Magistri, ^l. Salumun fil Magistii 3 S 8
Vives leVesque.^l, Leun fil Magistri .. 15 18 4
Murien' lilIsaacde[Lond.]^2. Abraham le Vesli . . 1 12 S
Abraham Quatrebaclies,;^! 10. Slema 4 13 4
Leun fil [Magti], j^l. Delesaut ;o 17 4
Elia fil Magistri, ^1. Josce fil Deuleaaut 6 6 8
Abraham fil BenedicI, ^^. Benedict Qnatre-
Josce fil Deunesaut, _£'j. buches 31 o o
Muriel the Jewess, ^5. Josce fil Isaac .... 53 o o
Londres, Bnin 17 lo o
By tht hand of Will, de Mosse Levi 9 o o
Buckingham. Isaac Quatrebuches I I o
Peter fil Isaac jC^ 14 o Deulesaut le Veske zl o o
Abraham fil Brun . . 16 11 8 Of the promise of 3000 marks."
Benedict Parvus . . 46 o o
Avegay ii o 8 Slemi the Jewess .. z o to
Abraham Levi 4 6 8
It is dillii:ult to understand haw the lists were made out, why in
the first several sums are given aftec various names which da not
occur in the second. Also why some names occur in both, some
only in the second. That there are several names missing is
shown by a comparison with the list on p. 88, which contains 33
additional names, and may be guessed from Ihe fact that of the
promised sum only a little more than half is given. No reference
however, so far as I can find, is contained in the Pipe Rolls of
later years to any arrears of the 5000 marks which must hare
been paid up in another list.]
• Under Norwch there is alao a payment uf £20, ' of the pramiu) of jou
mailis' and 61. '□[ till? aid laUage.' and under WuTcesler a refcieBCB tai
the ' beianti ul GlDUCeiti.'!, Briilol, und VorccitEC.'
A CHRISTIAN FATHER-IN-LAW. 165
\ SO Oct., 1194.— Jurnet the Jew iBnds his Christian
father-ia-law five sbillinge.
Placitomm Abhr^., 6411.
Assize [at Norwich, 10 Jo.j Ralph de Herlham
and Ralph son of Alfred have unjustly disseissined
Humfrey de Erlham of his free tenement in Herlham,
. And they \i.e. the two Ralphs] say that they
ihave not disseissined him since they have a certain
mill, which the jury have visited, from Isaac the Jew
: to farm. . . . And the bailiff of the Jew showed
' a certain charter in which it was contained that the
same Humphrey had pledged his whole land of Herl-
ham to Jurnet the Jew and Muriel his wife, and Isaac
son, for five shillings principal and one penny
every week for interest from the time Walter [? John]
de Custances was hallowed as Bishop of Worcester
£20 Oct. I ig+], and for that reason he had delivered
rtiat will to the aforesaid Ralph de Herlham, &c.
Afterwards Humphrey came and put himself at the
King's mercy, &c.
[Hompbrey of HavUe or de Ueclham was falher of Mityld
(Muriel), Jumet's wife. See BloomfieU's Norfolk, iv. 510.
She escheated her l^nds far martying him, and he was fined
Gooo marks. See Pipe Roll item No. 67. It is perhaps worth
while adding that the name of ' Gernutus the Jew,' (of Venice),
' about whom a ballad exists in Percy's Rellques giving the Shylock
stoiy, has been connected with Jumettus.]
' 0. 1196 The Fable of the Wolf and the Atiimale.
MUhU Shu'aUm (Heb. 'Fox Fables') of Berachyah
Hanakdan, No. 36.
Th Wolf, the Lion's prince and peer, as the foe of all
fiesh did appear; greedy and grinding, he eonsumed all
i66 THE WOLF AND ANIMALS.
he was finding. Birds and beasts, wild and lame, bf
iheir families urged to the same, brought against Aim
be/are the Lion an accusation, as a monster worthy (f
detestation. Said His Majesty, 'If he uses his teeth as
you say, and causes scandal in this terrible way, FU
punish him in such a way as to save his neck, if I may,
and yet prevent you becoming his prey.' Said Lion te
Wolf, 'Attend me to-morrow, see that you come, or yotHl
come to much sorrow.' He came, sure enough, and the
Lion spoke to him harsh and rough. ' What by doing
this do you mean ? Never more raven the living, or live
by ravening. What you shall eat shall be only dead meat.
The living you shall neither trap nor hunt. And thai
you may my words obey swear me that you'll eat no flesh
for two yeats from to-day, to atone for your sins, testified
and seen: 'tis my Judgment, you had better fulfil it, J
ween.' Thereat the Wolf swore right away no fiesh le
eat for two years from that day. Off went Sir W)lf
on his way. King Lion slopped at court on his throne so
gay. Nothing that' s fleshly for some time did our Wolf
eat, for like a gentleman he knew how his word to keep.
But then came a day when he was a hungered and he
looked hither and thither for meat, and lo, a fat sheep
fair to look on and goodly to eat (Gen. iii. 6). Then to
himself he said, ' Who can keep every law ?' and his
thoughts were bewildered with what he saw. He said to
himself, 'It overcotnes me the longing to eat, for two years
day by day must I fast from meat. This is my oath to
the king that I swore but Fve thought hmo to fulfil it
as never before. Three sixty-five are the days in a year.
Night is when you liose your eyes, opiii them, then the
TH^O YEARS IN FOUR MINUTES. 167
h iay it near.' His eyes he opens and closed straightway.
Jt was evening and it was morning, one day (Gen. i. 6).
Thus he winked until he had numbered two years and
k'S greed relumed and his sin disappears. His eyes fix
the goat (sic) they had seen and he said, ' See beforehand
I have atoned for my sin,' and he seised the neck 0/ the
goat, broke it to pieces, and filled up his throat as he was
wont to do before, and as of yore his hand was stretched
out to tht beasts, his peers, as it had been in former dqyt
and years.
[This fable occurs in a work entitled Mishle Shu'alim, or
' Fox Fables,' written by one Berachyali ben National Crispia
ha-Nakdan (the PuDctuator or Massorite), whose date and fac-
•imile liave been hitherto unsettled by Jewish scholars. Al
Kgaids his dale this would be fixed by a colophon of his son
Elijah dated at Rauen [or Dreux?] Wednesday, zi Marcheshwon,
4094. The year is wrong, as il cotresponds to 333 A.D. Bib-
liographers (Wolf, KcDDicott, Zunz, Steinschneider, Neubauer)
}une hitherto assumed that the thousand was given wrongly and
the true date was 5094=1333. Against this late dale is the
fact that the Jews were expelled from France in 1301, and Ehjah
was therefore not likely to be in Normandy (Rouen or DreuiJ in
1333. Besides this the :i Marcheshwan, 5S94, fell on Sunday,
31 Oct., 1333, whereas Elijah states he was writing on a Wed-
nesday. I have therefore suggested that the true dale was
4994, Elijah having omitted the hundreds, as was somelimes the
cu8tomwilhEnglishJews(see jji^fHp. 77, where Boo is omitted,
and cf. Davis, Shelarolh, p. xiii.) This suggestion is confirmed
and checked by the fact that 21 Marcheshwan, 4994, tell upon
Wednesday, 2O Oct., 1233, which we may accordingly take for
the date of the colophon {cf. my letter in Athenaum 19 April,
1890). If Elijah, who styles himself the son of Betachyah'a
old age, was writing in IZ33 he could scarcely have been bom
Ifttet thu) I2IO, when Berachy ah would be about bO, and was
therefore bom e, 1150. As regards Berachyah's place of resi-
1
BERACHYAH'S FABLES.
erach^ll
dence many reasons combine, in my opinioQ, to locate Berach^
in England. His Fox Fables contain a number of ^sopic
fables adapted in Hebrew rhymed prose [which I have imitated
above), aj\d besides there is a naniber of other fables similar to
those which occur in the Ysopet of Marie de France, written
before izih in England. These eitra fablas are said by Marie
to be due to King Alfred. It has been proved indeed by Herr
Mall that there did exist an English version of the Fables from
which Marie translated, but these were in Middle English, not
Anglo-Saxon. Some of the Fables of Marie are certainly
derived, not from the medisval jEsop (really Pha^rus) but from
Arabic sources. I have therefore suggested that Marie got her
Fables fiom a translation from the Arabic made by one Alfred
the Englishman mentioned by Roger Bacon as a translator
{Comp. Studii, ed. Brewer, p. 471). Berachyah's versions must
either have been got from Marie or from this Alfred." That
they were not derived from Marie is proved by the fact that he
has only half of his III fables in common with het, and besides
the Eastern ones which he has in common with her are nearer
the original Arabic than hers. The above example is a specimen
of this. Its Arabic original is not known, but there can be little
doubt that is was derived from India, where . _ .
dhist Jataka {FoAj y., ed. Fausbfill, No. 300, translated by Dr.
Monis, Folk Lore yaurn. iii. 359), the substance of which
sufficiently indicated by itsgaiha or 'moral.'
A wolf who lived by others' need
And ate their flesh and blood
Bid make a vow to keep a fast
And holy day observe.
But India soon did note his vow,
A goat's form he assumed,
The murderous wolf his vow forsook
And tried the goat to seize.
■ There are also LatiaverdonsaFMarie,but th^se are scucely likely to
have been made before 1133, vtaen Elijab refers to hii father's FablM.
Buldea Ehey do not contain all Bsrach^ah't Etbles and make a Indicroua
rnutike about the Mouse-Maiden, fram whicli Dsruhyah k \tvt.
Dr.
1
FROM THE ARABIC. 169
Now there is a curious vaciUation in Berachyah's version between'
sheep and goat as the victim, whereas Marie de France in
her version (73) knows nothing of a goat, but speaks of the wolf
meeting a sheep. Besides she gives a Christian turn to the whole
stoiy tiy making the wolf keep Lent ; on meeting the sheep be
ptetends to mistake it for a salmon, and refusing to be convinced
of his mistake makes a lish dinner off mutton. Berachyah's
ion was dearly not taken from Marie's, and must there-
fore have been from Alfred or from his Arabic source. Now
Al&ed's .^sop is not known outside England, and thus merely
grounds of the literary history of the fable we are forced to
locate Berachyah in England, Alfred was himself tn England,
■a he dedicates one of his works to Roger de Herford [fl, 1 170).
And if Alfred and Berachyah were both in England together it
Is likely enough that Berachyah assisted Alfred to translate from
the Arabic, as Andrew the Jew did for Michael Scott according
Bacon's account {I.C.), who adds ' And so for the rest,' which
may refer to Alfred. The facts of Jewish literature also agree
with this. For the first mention of Berachyah occurs in the
work of an EngUsh Jew, Moses ben Isaac, who must have died
before 1115 (see supra p. 66). This work refers to another
Nakdan or Punctuator, Samuel, and I have fomid both Reracbyah
and Samuel referred to in the English records with the epithet
' Pointnr ' or ■ Puncteur ' in the Nottingham Tallage Roll. I
therefore identify Berachyah Nakdan with Benedict le Puncteur
of Oxford, who thus becomes the most important Engli.sh Jew
1 medieval Jewish literature, for which reason I give him 30
much space in this book, especially as I may claim the merit of
bating identified him. On the whole question see my edition
of.£sop, i. pp. 167-78, and articles by Dr.Neubauer and myself
in yewish Quarterly Revieui, April and July 1S90, and see below
for other works by Benedict.*]
hj Dr. Neubauer'i discover; of references In EnKland in IKrachyah'
iDIroduction, fvr which tec Addenda.
I
I
170 THE FOX, THE CART, AND THE FISHES. H
The Fable of the Fox, the Cart and the FieheB,
Beracliyali Nakdan, Fox Fables (Heb.), No. 100,
The fox proceeded her* way to go, of walking on the
earth to and fro. Hither and thither turned her eye, till
behold, a cart came rolling by. Fishes piled therefrom
the sea aroused her soul's cupidity. Council look she
with her mind a way to satisfy her desires to find. Sht
laid herself out for dead, though nothing could be farther
from her head. Full in front she stretched her paws as
if she were indeed a corse struck suddenly or fallen on tht
Kin^s highway. The carter raised his eyes, before him
the Vixen lies, curled up and lying like clemmed. Her
the carter took and lifted, for she neither moved nor
shifted, and bore her to a sack and covered her up with
that, so those should not, he thought, injure her who after
her sought. Therefore he hid her beneath his clothes so
thai she should not be seen by those who ask of him
whatever he knows. He covered her to keep her warm,
poor thing, andwith the fishes soon was she journeying.
Then the fox the fishes began without mercy to eat, off them
she m^de a dinner complete. Part had she eaten, part had
she left, saying at first ' Eat some, some shall be left'
But soon ' ril eat till I burst or I be full first: She ate
of the fishes till she was full, gnawed the sack till she
was through, from the carl herself she threw, when they
were near a rock she knew, wherein she hid herself beneath,
with the prey she had between her teeth. The carter
passed the cave hard by, norsawwhere Vixen she did lie.
. . . While she was hiding there in terror and dread
and fear, a weary wolf came near, who had come tt
" In Hebrew the fox is always a vixen.
ICED WOLF'S TAIL. 171
'ItuyiR seeking for prey. Wolf lifts up his head and as
tomrade meels her and greets her. Vixen answers in
iiiewise but is thinking of some device, of kim to get rid
gnd so to keep hid her prey and what she did. ' How
■ou,' says Sir Wolf ' and whence the prey in your
■■ntoulh.' The Fox answers with a voice pitched high and
Jull of cunning and duplicity. 'lam well and all the
better for hearing your voice, and at seeing you I muck
Tejoice. Behold to the water I went, 'twas frozen to ice,
hke a strong runner I made a run and in the ice a hole I
made one, wherein my tail J laid an hour about and the
fohes came thereabout as if it was an angler's bait and
~ caught them like a net, and of them made my prey, ate
my full and come away. Go and do as I for I see you
.kave nought and am certain you have nothing caught,
imforl your weary soul take one of these and eat it
whole! Sorely tempted was the Wolf our friend, but
thanking him thus brought their talk to an end. ' Keep
thine to thee, nor for thee Fit trust my tail in a hole for
the worse, lest the water come upon me for a malediction
and a curse.' Still the wolf ran to the river, which was
froBen all over by the frost of the night and saw a hole dug
J^ the shepherds in the preceding daylight, to have water to
tdrink as Ihey stood by its brink. To himself said he, ' To
tuspect Fm too ready : 'Twas surely a sin to suspect the
Vixen, for she did not lie, truth spoke she, her hands
dealt faithfully : there's the water, to be sure, and there's,
in truth, the aperture.' In the hole he insetted his tail
limd his backdovin he laid till the fishes might come, as the
V had said. The sun arose and the frost grows till his
■I in the water was stuck. A merry heart the wolf
171 HEBREW REYNARD THE FOX. ^H
BOTH had for in hu innwsl Ikougkli he was glad ; he said
' My tail is heavy, I know, and eke my seal also, hut
phasanlerfar than heaps of gold if of all the fish of the
lake I've got hold. Now I must lie bold and much will
win though I fear that strangers will let me in.' Then
boldly he tried to rise from his seat but the frost prevented
him getting to his feet and he felt much pain about his
tail which he pulled and pulled but 'twas of no avail.
Then with a loud and bitter cry cried he, since he could
not rise to his feet and was frozen to the knee. The
shepherds heard his cty and came up wondering why ;
soon the dogs came up, every cur and pup. . . Archers
brought up their quivers too, and round about him the
arrows flew. . . At last the ice gave a crack, off went
he without looking back like the wind he fled to hide his
head. No breath had he to spare lest the swift dogs
should track him to his lair. . .
[This is another of Benedict of Osford's 'Fox Fables,' the
doggrel of whicii t have endeavauied Co imitate in my version.
It contains two of the chief incidents of the cycle of Reynard the
Fox, the Fox and Cart and the iced WolTs Uil. For the
fonner it is by far the earhest literary source aod taking other
things into consideration it is likely that an Eastern source may
be found for the whole cycle, while the earliest appearance in
medieval literature for one of the cluef episodes is thus vindicated
for England. I shall probably soon have an opportunity else-
where of pointing out the signiticaDce of Che Fables of Benedict
for tile whole literary history of the Reynard cycle.]
0. 1196.— Benedict of Oxford's "Uorale."
Berachyah Nakdan ap. Zunz, Zur Cesch. (from Heb.).
Prefer one in hand to two in hope: a little certainty is
belter than a great perhaps. Sooner a servant among the
BENEDICT'S MORALS. 173
than leader among the common : for some of their
will slick to you while you must share the contempt
of your contemptible followers. If you pursue after pmvei
^ad might, they fly before you; regard yourself as only a
falsing guest in this world and honour and riches will
tome of themselves.
Most men despise those who deserve more honour than
.they : they wish evil to the good and only come to him
■wheit they need him. . .
The proud cedar is felled, the lowly hush is untouched:
fire rises and dies away ; water flaws down and for ei
Jf for what beauty orrichesyou haveyou raiseyour head
above neighbour or brother, you feed hateful envy, and the '
ie^ar whom you despise may yet triumph over you.
Who stands by his honour Would sooner die than set a
price on it : better enough in freedom than plenty at the
tahle of another.
Love thy children with impartial love: the hope oft errs
that you place on the more promising, and all your joy
nay eopie from him that you have kept in the background.
' QThese are a selection from the morals attached to BerachyaVs
' Foi Fables ' ; it is, however, uncertain how iar they are bis or
arc derived from bis Arabic or French originals. Beracbyah was
the antbor of a special treatise oa ethics still extant in MSS. at
Kfonich and Parma. The treatise termed Matiref is divided
into thirteen chapters ; i. Ictroduction, ii. Lust, iii. Affection,
iv. Restraint of the Will, v. Justice, vi. Misfortune, vii. Poverty,
Tili. Hononi, ix. Position, x. Rank, xi. Soul, mi. Hope, liii.
Immortality. In it he quotes K. Abraham ibn David (tuSo)
without the foitnula for the dead, so tbat it is likely enough the
book was composed before 1180. He does not quote MaimO>
nides' great work "The Guide of the Perplexed,' finished in 1191,
known in Provence shortly af^er tbat date and in North France
■boot 1104.] k
174 'MASTER" MOSS.
1190 -7.— Jewish Transactions.
Pi^ Rolls, 6-8, Ric. I,
140. — The heirs of Mosse le Riche, Jew of Glou-
cester, owe 300 marks to have the debts of the afore-
said Mosse. 6 Ric, I., Glouc.
141. — Mosse son of Abraham owes half a mark
because Jomet was not prosecuted. Jornet the Jew
renders count of one mark for a false charge. Solo-
mon son of Cresselin owes 3s. 4d. because Jornet
was not prosecuted. Abraham son of Master Moss
renders count of 3s. 4d. for the same. 6 Ric. I.,
Sudhant.
[" Masler " probably means physician. Now we know that
Moses ben Yomtob, the master of Moses ben Isaac was called
Magister Mosse, for bis son Eliabu ben Moses ben Ymntob is
called ' Magister Elias fil Magistri Mosse.' It is therefore pro-
bable tbat this Magister Mosse was the Moses ben Yomtob who
wrote the Massoretic rules attached to all editions of the Rabbinic
Bible. For a London son-in-law see supra p. 89.]
141. — The citizens of Lincoln ought to reply about
their amerciaments which are demanded from them
for assaults on the Jews according to what is con-
tained on the roll of the preceding year. For which
they have not responded because they have not yet
come to the account to be paid thereon. 6 Ric. I.,
Line.
143. — Benedict Pemaz, Jew of Lincoln, owes £iz
for William of Olingchen of the aforesaid debt of
Aaron which he has confessed in presence of thfi
Barons he ought to pay for him. 6. Ric. I., Line.
yEWv. ysiv. 17s
[Peniaz=J'a™ffitJ (Heb.). thenamc still used for the President
■■of the Congregation. For another transaction of Benedict's see
in/rap. 1S8 jej.]
— Deulecresse son of Benjamin owes 50s. for
Benedict son of Deudone which the same Benedict
owes the King for the debts which he exacted from
the said Deulecresse, 6 Ric. 1., Oxinf.
—Leo, Jew of Gloucester, owes 20 marks for
that he was accused of being of the society of Out-
laws. 7 Ric. I., 13, Glouc. (M i. zzg).
— Deulesalt, jew, owes 60 marks that he may
have respite till the coming of the King of the plea
concerning the charter of Aaron, Jew of Lincoln,
which the said Deulesalt was said to have concealed.
7 Ric, I., Lond. and Middl.
147 — Judas son of Deudone owes los. for having
right to 40s. against Copin son of Bella. 8 Ric. I.,
Essex,
[The King's share of a debt seems greater when Jew owes to
Jew. Qy. because it was illegal according to Jewish law ?
Cf. No. i!8]
14S. — . . . Jew owes 3 ounces of gold for a stupid
■aying {pro absurdo dido). 8 Ric. I,, Nordf.
1184-0.— Early Lawsuiti.
Roiuli Curia Regis, ed. Palgrave, i. 9, 16, 34, J9.
(a) Kent, f A day is fixed for the men of West-
gate and the men of Canterbury for the plea of the
chaplain of Hakenton, and for the plea of the Jew
and of Garcon, in custody for forgery and for t.Vvfc
r
176
DUEL BETWEEN yElVS.
st.iH
plea that applies to them on the morrow of St. j
drew's at Westminster. [10 Oct., 1 194]-
[Garcon may possibly he a Jewish name.]
(*) Suffolk, t These are sureties of Willia
Galfred and Gilbert, sons of Peter of Melling, to have
them for justice, if any wish to speak against them,
for the death of the Jews of C olc he ster= Peter their
father and Adam de Cokesfeld, Robert de Hulm,
Hervey de Thisteldon, Hervey of Gedding, Robert
de Mungedene, Galfred de Nerewford, and Baldwin
of Thisteldon, and William son of Richard of Brumton
also pledge themselves for the same. And William
son of Richard finds sureties for the same William
son of Fulkon and William de Colville and Ivon de
Keneton. [27 Oct., 119+.]
[This is the only reference we have to any attack on the
Jews at Colchester. Was it during the genera] riots of 1190?]
{c) Norfolk. U A day is fixed for Roger de Straton
for a plea as to the rights about the death of the
Jews on the octaves of St. Andrew at Westminster.
[6 Nov., 1 1 9+.]
[This and the preceding are probably due to the inquiries
made into the riots of 1 190 when Richard returned. Cf. ntpra
P- I57-]
((/) London. U A day is fixed for Chermin the
Jew and Samson brother of Brin, for the plea by
duel on the octaves of St. Hilary, &c. Let them
come prepared for that duel at Totelle. [28 Nov.,
"9+0
[We shall later on meet with still another case of a duel. On
the Continent it was also not unusual for Jews to fight duels.
See Zunz, Zur Gesch,
PETER BLUND. 177
(«) Cambridge. \ Richard de Munfichet v. the
Jews of Cambridge about the service of the lord
Duke on the plea of the debt for William de la Haye,
John the Frenchman. . . . [gMay, iigg,]
1187 -180S.— Fete r the Jew becomes a London
Iiandowner.
Hist. MSS. Com., \x. pp. 14, ZZ
(fl) Grant by the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul's
to Peter Blund, a Jew, and Miriam his wife, and their
heirs for ever, of land in the parish of St. Lawrence
Jewry for a rent of 1 3s, a year and a fine of 1 marks.
Witnesses : Ralph de Diceto, Dean of St. Paul's
Master Alard, Archdeacon of London, &c.
(i) Grant by Roger son of William Fitz-Isabel to
Peter Blundus, Jew of London, of a quit-rent which
William Novensis used to render for land which
William the son of Turstan held in the parish of St.
Nicholas, at the corner of Fish Street, opposite to
the front of the church of St. Mary Magdalene, and
also a shop in Fish Street. Witnesses : William de
Haverilla, Thomas his son, John Borninte, James,
Alderman, Walter Bnine, and William Comerarius,
then Sheriffs of London, Roger de Desert, Arnold
Fitz Aluf, Michael son of John, Richard his son,
Abraham son of Avig[ay], Abraham son of Brune,
Isaac son of Margal[icia], Fleming the Jew. A.D.
,.02.]
C. 1197.— The Abbey of Ueaux takes up Debts to
BurloQ. Chron, de Melsa, ed. Bond, i. 306, 315.
And William de Arcyns sold us three bovates of
■ 7S LEARNED JEWESSES.
land in Seton for 40 marks, which we gave him for
clearing him of debts to the Jews
And Hugh of Bolton and Cecilia his wife, daughter
of Geoffrey Darill, sold us a messuage of 5 tofts and
5 bovates of land at Wartrey for 50 marks, for which
that land was pledged to the Jews for the debts of
the aforesaid Walter.
|TVe have here a specimen of the way in whicL the larger
monasteries, as well as the King, made use of Jewish usury by
getting into their possession lands of nobles indebted to the
Jews. Walter Map is very severe on the Cistercians for this, in
his Dt Wvgis. Geoffrey Darell was doubtless related to Matmi-
dube Darell, who is mentioned by the same chrooicler (i. 151)05
one of the leaders in the York massacre. Another instance of the
pressure of debts being the real cause, of that event.]
Bef. 1198.— Learned daugliters of a learned father.
Tos. Talmud Ber. 25* (Heb.).
The daughters of R. Abraham, the falher-in-law of
Sir Leon of Paris, used to make an assembly of three to
make certain benedictions, but this is against the usual
custom.
[Some benedictions can only be pronounced if three are pre-
sent, and this is taken to imply three males. R. Abraham's
three daughters extended it to themselves. One of them matiied
Sir Leon, whom I identify with Leo Blund of the English
records.]
rftr must not eat what a Gentile boils. Bui R. Abra-
ham says this is only when he boils it in his own house ;
if he does so in a fan's house, we may eat it.
[I have identified this R, Abraham with the ' Abraham fil
Rabi jocc ' of the English records. The restrictions on using
food prepared by Gentiles were in order to insure eiact com-
pliance with Talmndic and Mosaic law, but they had the effect
of preventiag any close communion between Jew and Gentile.]
A STIFFNECKED PEOPLE. 179
Bef. 119B.— Againet the Perfidy of the JewB.*
Peler Blesen^is, Op. ed. Giles, iii. 6z, seq.
Ch. I. — Pre/ace in which he shows thai disputation
with Jews and heretics is difficult and dangerous.
You have made long and anxious complaint in
your letters that surrounded by Jews and heretics I
you are attacked by them and have not ready the
authorities in the sacred Scripture by which you c
refute their calumnies and answer their cunning I
sleights. It is right, says the Apostle, that there I
should be heresies and schisms so that those iv
have been proved may be made manifest. Wherefore'
life is allowed to the Jews of to-day, because they ai
our treasurers while they confirm the prophecies c
OUT faith and the law of Moses. We read the Passion ~i
of Christ, not alone in their books but in their facesj
. . As for what you say that you desire to
dispute with Jews bo as to convert them and turn
them to the faith, I commend you the less for that
for you beat the air, exhausting yourself with foolish
and vain zeal. God indeed has placed a limit to
them which they may not exceed. Their hour is not
yet come, but He has blinded them till the time when
the heathen are converted to the Faith. Hence it is
what is said by Isaiah " Go and blind the heart of
this people, &c." For when one of them receives
the Faith the rest still persevere in their obstinacy-
It remains therefore that the multitude of the heathen
shall enter into the Faith, and then the remnant of
* A treatise addiesEed to John Bieliop of Wurceiiler, probably
John of Coutances who held that See, 1194-S.
i8o TESTIMONIES. ■
Israel shall be His. It seems to me wiser for our
Faith to conceal the injury done to it for the time
rather than enter into discussion with a people stiff-
necked and of a stubbornness truly bestial. . But
because you complain bitterly that you are beset by
Jews and heretics and have naught at hand by which
you can evade their machinations, I will not keep
back from you what I know.
Ch. II. — Testimony of the Law and the Prophets
of the Trinity and Unity in God.
III. — Testimony of Law and Prophets on the
Father and the Son.
IV. — Testimony of the Holy Ghost.
V. — Testimony of the Trinity.
VI. — Reasons and authorities for the faith in the
Holy Trinity.
VII.— Testimony of the Prophets that the Son was
sent by the Father.
VIII. — ^Testimony that Christ came in the flesh.
IX. — Testimony that Christ was bom of David.
X. — Testimony that Christ was bom of the nations.
XI. — That Christ came in his own person.
XII.— That Christ was God and man of the seed
of Abraham.
XIII. — Testimonies of the time and place of the
birth of Christ.
XIV.— That the desires of the prophets were ful-
filled by Christ.
XV. — Testimony that Christ was to come in
humility.
XVI. — Testimony of the Prophets in reprobation
of the legal sacrifices.
FURTHER TESTIMONIES.
rXVII. — Testimony to the Passion of Christ.
XVIII.— Testimony to the burial of the Lord.
XIX. — Testimony to the Resurrection of Christ.
XXI. — Testimony to the Resurrection of the Lord.
XXII. — Testimony to the mission of the Holy I
Ghost.
XXIII, — Testimony of Jewish and heathen his-
tories to the Resurrection.
XXIV.— Testimony of Josephus the Jew to Christ.
XXV. — Testimony that the new covenant was pre-
ferred to the old Law. I
XXVI.— Testimony on Baptism.
XXVIL— On the sacrament of the Altar.
XXVIII.— Of the transference of the law to the
Gentiles and the reprobation of the Jews.
XXIX.— Of the calling of the heathen to the Faith, i
XXX. — Testimony of the Prophets that the rem-
nant of Israel shall be convicted and saved.
XXXI. — Testimony on the glorious State of the
Church.
XXXII.— Manifold authorities that the Scriptures
cannot be understood literally.
XXXIII, — Testimony to the coming of Anti-Christ.
XXXIV.— Testimony to the final coming of Christ
at the general resurrection.
XXXV.— Testimony to the Day of Judgment.
XXXVl. — Testimony to the glorification of the
XXXVII.— Testimony to the damnation of the
vicked.
tSz THE SHIFTY JEW. ^H
XXX VIIL— Testimony of the Heathen to the
Faith [Virgil, Sibyls].
Conclusion of the Work. — You have thus arms sent
you for the defence of the Faith, use them warily.
For the Jew is always inconstant and shifty. Now
he says Yes, anon he says No, at one time he quibbles
about the literal meaning, at another he refers all to
the times of his own Messiah, i.e. of the Antichrist,
and after the manner of his father the devil often
changes into monstrous shapes. If therefore you
wish to catch him and destroy his shifts, place the
library of the Spirit between you so that he cannot
escape or turn tail but must be slain like Goliath
with his own sword.
[The above table of contents of Peter of Blois' treatise Contra
■ Perfidiam Judiconan will give some idea of the usual topics and
tactics adopted in Christian disputes with Jews. The contrast
of tone between the twelfth and eleventh centuries is marked.
Cf, iupra, p. 7 seq. The Church had lost hope of conversion.
There is also a third treatise AUercaiio Judsi cum Christiani
addressed to the Bishop of Lincoln, c. 1 130 (Loeb, Csnlnrcerte
1198.— Jews and the Treaaviry.
•Pipe Rolls, gRic 1.
150. — Deulecresse and Judas his brother owe 40s.
for bail for their mother, g Ric. I., Sudhants.
[This is included among ' Aaron's Debts ;' why, I know not.]
151. — Abraham, Jew of Winchester, owes +0 marks
that he may be bailed out (replevied), g Ric. I.,
Sudhants.
. 151. — Abraham son of Aaron owes 3 ounces of
[gold for having his rights of 13 marks and 45. against
Elyas his brother. 9 Ric. I., Line.
153. — Peter Blund, Jew of London, owes 40s. for
having his rights against Rodulph son of William of
the debts of his father of 100s. and against Will,
Puntiel the guardian of the land and heir of Roger
of Crokeslea of a debt of the said Roger of ;^ic
9 Ric. I., London.
[Peter Blund and bis wife Miriam are mentioned in a document
at St. Paul's as obtaining a qoittent of land a
Fish Street. Cf. supra, p. 17;.]
156.— Joace son of Isaac owes a marks for having
his rights to £\-^ against Roger of the Dead Sea.
Mosse of Cambridge owes 10s. for having right to a
debt of ;^io I OS. od. against Galfred de Caxton. g
Ric. L, Lond.
[The names of the Clirislian debtors are the chief interest here.
Is the latter the first known Caxtou ? It is possible that Mosse
ofCambridge was Moses ben Isaac, the author of the Oiyjifioo*.]
1j7.-Y.aac, Jew,
Sabecoc, Jew, renders count
9 Ric. I., Hereford in Wales
158. — . . , son of Isaa
to have his rights against the heirs of Benedict of
Chichester and Yvelin of the mortgage of John of ■
Tusgos. Aliild who was [wife of] Isaac owes 5
marks for having right of 10 marks against Nichol
son of Ysaac. Solomon, Jew of Arundel, owes 2
marks for right to £\t against John of Cumb. 9
ALFILD, WIFE OF ISAAC.
'83
I mark for his oath,
t of I mark for his oath.
s of gold
Ric. I.. Sudsex.
[Alfild«
159.— Tallage of burgesse
l8+ IVAS HE JEW OR CHRIST/AN? H|
King, Joseph Aaron owes 7s. ^&. of the balance <H
£\a which he received from the Sheriff of Worcester
on which he rendered count in the roll of the seventh
year, g Ric. I., Glouc,
[Joseph Aaron was afterwards one ol the Justices of the Jews,
see No. 1640. Here again we have a ease of a Jew receiving [he
cash balance of the Sheriffs account. Cf. Nos. 11, 12, 30.]
160. — Abraham, Jew of Lincoln, son of Aaron,
owes one ounce of gold to have a writ for justicing
Tom son of Godwin and John his brother for a debt
which they owe him. Jacob the old man of Lincoln
owes 1 ounces of gold to have a record of the county
of Lincoln on the appeal which Benedict of the Bail
and Masse his son made against him and his fellows
in the same county. 9 Ric. I., Line.
161. — Gentilia the Jewess, daughter of Samson,
owes 4 ounces of gold to have an inquest whether
* her father died a Jew or a Christian and to have his
charters. 9 Ric. 1., Everwick.
[Jews seem to be coming hack to York. Or does the eatiy
refer to the death of Samson at the York massacre when many
Jews offered to be baptued ?]
i6z. — Benedict of Rising owes 10 marks to have a
reasonable part of the chattels and debts of Benedict
son of Josce Sorel. 9 Ric. \. Glouc.
[The entry is repeated ne^it year.]
c. 119B.— Laws of the Church about the Jews.
Corpus y-uris Canonici. Decretal V. vi.,
.^ ed. Friedeberg II. cc. 771-8.
Ts. BookV. Title vi. Of Jews, Saracens, and their slaves.
C. L — If a slave, bought by a Jew, becomes or
r desires to become a Christian, for trading purposes,
he is redeemed for iz pence [A.D. 581].
_ C. 11, — A Jew cannot have a Ciiristian for a slave
but he can for a churl LS9+]-
C, III. — Jews may keep their old synagogues, may
not erect new ones [598].
C. IV. — On Good Friday Jews may not keep their
doors or windows open [1 169-S1].
C. V. — Christians ought to be excommunicated
who serve Jews in their houses. And secular princes
ought to be excommunicated who spoil baptised
Jews of their goods [i 179].
C. VII. — Jews may restore their synagogues to
their former state, but may not build them up afresh
[,,79-8,].
C. VIII. — Christians ought not to be in the family
service of Jews [i 159-81 J.
C. IX. — Jews are not to be baptized against their
■will nor forced to it, nor to be condemned without
judgment, nor to be spoiled of their goods nor dis-
turbed at their festivals, nor are their cemeteries to
be molested or their bodies to be exhumed. [1187-91.]
C.XIII. — Jews ought not to have Christian nurses
servants, those doing contrary are to be interdicted
from commerce with Christians.
C. XIV. — A Jew who strikes a priest is punished
by the temporal power, and, if he cannot be, he ia
interdicted from commerce with Christian men till
he has given satisfaction for the injury.
[Cc. XV..XIX. are added from the Lateran Council of 1115
I and do uol therefore come within tile present period. Coutrasliug
CHURCH LAWS ABOUT JEWS. 185
i86 yEWS IN CORNWALL.
these with tbose on pp. 15 and 6? we otjserre a (endencjf t9
restrict intercourse by preventing Christian servants in Jewish
houses. Tlie ieai of conversion to Judaism had increased during
the century.]
1188.— Innocent III. to all OhriBtian Princes.
Corpus yuris CanoncH, II. p. 814,
We command that Jews be compelled to remit
usury to Christians by you, sons of princes and
secular powers. And till they remit it them we com-
mand that all communion in any way be denied them
[the Jews] by all faithful Christians, hoth in commerce
and in other things on sentence of excommunication.
Given at Reatu, 18 Kal. Sept. 1198.
[Pope Innocent in later years considerably widened the gulf
between Jews and Christians hy various enactments. In the
present instance, the ordinance was probably as much directed
against the Christian princes as against the Jews, for the former
really benefited in the long run by Jewish usury as we have had
reason to see throughout this booli].
c. 1198.— There were Jews in Cornwall.
Libir Rubetis, quoted by Sir H. de la Beche, Geology of
Cornwall, p. 633.
Also neither man nor woman. Christian nor Jew,
shall presume to buy or sell any tin of the first smelt-
ing', nor to give or remove any of the first smelting
from the Stannary or out of the place appointed for
weighing and stamping, until it shall be weighed and
stamped in the presence of the keepers and clerks of
the weight and stamp of the farm.
Also neither man nor woman, Christian nor Jew,
shall presume, in the Stannaries nor out of the Stan-
" MARKET ySW." 187
Sariea, to have in his or her possession any tin of the
first smelting beyond a fortnight unless it be weighed
and stamped.
A!so neither man nor woman, Christian nor Jew,
in market towns and boroughs, on sea or on land,
shail presume to keep beyond thirteen weeks tin of
the first smelting weighed and stamped, unless it be
put into the second smelting and the mark discharged.
Also neither man nor woman. Christian nor Jew,
shall presume in any manner to remove tin either by
r by land, out of the counties of Devon and
Cornwall unless he or she have the licence of the
Chief Warder of the Stannaries.
[This is a quotation of the Libtr Rubeus of the Treasury from
the Capitvla dcStaunataribus.g Rid, It provea the eiistence
of Jews in Cornwall and makes it probable that the " Jews'
and " Jews' bouses " " coaaected with Cornwall of to-day
ve some traces of the Jewish buyers and storehouses of tin
referred to in the above ordinance. It ispossible that the presence
htf Jews in Cornwall may have given rise to the place-name Market
Jew, for the latter is similar enough to Marghas Edbow (" Jew
mart " in Comish) to stand for its modem equivalent. And it is
noteworthy that the folk etymology which connected itself in
early times with the place connected the name with " Thutsdaies
market " (Marhas diem), and not with Jews at all, so that the
folk etymology could not have given rise to the tradition. Prof.
M. MtiilerC Ate there Jews in Cornwall?" Chifs,m. igg-jzg),
certainly pushes hb etymologising propensities too far in sug-
gesting (I'S. 310) that the name Market Jew gave rise to the
I tradition of the eiistence of Jews in Cornwall. This is snffi-
I dently proved by the above quotation which should not have
• Prof. MGUer's derivatmn frooi Dih;i-hauEes=lionBe-hDiisFl {CJiifi,
Hi. ]») i> about the moit inptobable piecs of etymologiting that even be
tund on.
rSS yElVS FARM TIN MINES.
been passed over in silence by Prof. Miiller after his attenboB ~
had been (irawn to it by Mr. Bannister in the your. Roy. Inst.
Corn-wall, 1867, p. 32G, which Prof. Miiller acknowledges to have
read. Camden in 'hx-i Sriianniii (ed. Gough " Damnonii " p. 9)
remarks of the tinneries, " However their product was very in-
considerable in the time of King John, the right of working
them being wholly in the King as Earl of Comvrall and the
mines farmed by the Jews for 100 marks, and according to this
proportion the tenth of it, viz., ^6 13s. ^d, is at this day paid
hy the Crown to the Bishop of Eseter." Unfortunately Camden
(or Grough ?] does not give his authority, but the details are too
minute to have been invented. If the Jews had the whole of
the tin market in their hand it is not so unprobable that sur-
vivals of (heir influence should remain even down to the present
day.]
1189.— A Complicated Transaction.
Madoj. Formulare Anglicaitum, p. 77.
Richard of Sandford owes half a mark that a fine
made between him and Benedict Pemaz, which was
both recorded and read before the Barons of the
Exchequer in the presence of Simon de Pateshall and
Henry de Winchester and Benedict de Talimunt,
who then had charge of the Jews, might be inscribed
on the Great Roll ; which is in these words ; — Know
all men present and future that I, Richard de Stan-
ford have made a fine with Benedict Pemaz of all
the debts and pledges and disputes which the said
Benedict had against Hugo de Baious [Bayeiix] for
100 marks of gold, on which I, Richard, will pay him
10 marks interest so long as I hold the aforesaid 100
marks. And if I pay the aforesaid 1 00 marks in part
at every such payment the interest shall be finished
HUGH DB BAYEUX' ESTATE. l8g
by as much relatively to the payment of the capital.
And I will pay him these lo marks at ■^ times of the
year [Christmas, Easter, St. John Baptist, and
Michaelmas], and so on from year to year while 1
owe him the aforesaid loo marks. And fortheafore-
Baid 100 marks Hugh de Bayeux and his heirs are
quits from the aforesaid Benedict and his heirs of all
the debts, pledges, and disputes which they owed
him from the beginning of the world till the day of
death of Hugo de Bayeux. And of all the sureties
which were his sureties on the day he died : except
for one charter of £n.o which Giles de Golfe and
Nigel son of Alexander owe the aforesaid Benedict
for commission of a certain charter of Hugo de
Baious of £\^o which the aforesaid Benedict com-
mitted to the aforesaid Giles de Golfe and Nigel son
of Alexander. [And Giles and Niger are quits of
that charter, which has been paid, and if the charter
is produced it is false and of none avail.] And for
the aforesaid loo marks and interest I, Richard de
Sanford, have pledged to him all my land of Witham
with all its purtenances, viz.: all I have there without
\ any reservation to receive from it his principal and
interest. And it is agreed that if anything happen
to me or Matilda de Bayeux my wife, after the way of
men, and the heirs of the said Matilda my wife refuse
I to keep this convention then 1, Richard, and my
heirs will return to the aforesaid Benedict or his
heirs one charter of no marks of principal by a
cyrograph in the names of Hugh of Bayeux and of
the said Benedict and another of 8p marks principal
I
1 90 A FINE SETTLEMENT.
in the same names, and a third charter of £no
without cyrograph in the same names, and a fourth
of ;^50 principal without cyrograph in the same
names : And a writ of acquittance which the same
Benedict made me of the debt of the aforesaid Hugh.
And when I shali have paid the aforesaid B. or his
heirs the said charter before the Justiciars, the afore-
said land of Witham will be quits and free from the
aforesaid B. and his heirs unless we shall have paid
the aforesaid debt before. This convention I have
made oath of, to keep to him and his heirs, for me and
ray heirs. But this convention was made in the King's
Court at Westminster before Galfred lil Peter and
Philip, Bishop of Durham, and Simon de Pateshull,
and Henry de Winchester, and Benedict, Jew of
Talemunt. Pipe Roll, lo Ric. I., Cantebrig. et Hunt.
[It is somewhat difficult to ^t to the root of this transaction,
Richaid of Stanford is clearly settling the estate of Hugo de
Bayeul, his &ther-in-law, deceased. The chief lien on the pro-
perty is the deceased's debts to Benedict Pernaz. (Pamass,
Heb. := Warden of Congregation}. The above appears to be a
fine made to get rid of the accretion of usury. For the loo
marks orgold^=6oo marks silver, which again is less by So mailis
than 2IO -1- 165 {/i to) .(-80+75 (^50) -f 140 marks mentioaed
at various parts of the deed. Now of these it appears that 140
had been paid off, and it was doubtless on consideratiDn of this
that the interest is reduced to sucli a comparatively small
amount as 10 per cent. 1 suspect, loo, that what was originally
borrowed was 220, and the remaining charters are for usury in
arrears. It is noteworthy that some of the deeds are with
cyrograph or duplicate and some without. The latter seem ei-
pressed in pounds, the cyrograph deeds in marks.]
LAND MORTGAGED TO yEM'S.
1199.-
igi I
—Early Lawsuits.*
Roluli Curia Regis, 1
(/) Cambridge *\ Assi/c lo determine whether I
!l^ de Berton had unjustly and without warrant ]
llBseisined the Master of the Lepers of Steresbury 1
f his free tenement in Cmnberton. At the
Llan says that the assize ought not to be brought 1
g:ainst him because he claimed nothing from that I
ind except a rent of los. a year payable at proper I
ftnns through Judas and Abraham and Samuel, Je'
Jf Cambridge, whose mortgage that land is. They I
some and warrant this. The jury say that in this way I
s disseisined them. Let the Jews have seisin J
ibd Alan is at mercy, aos. shillings and damages i
Blill!ngs[i7 Oct. iigg].
* fgj Dorset If Richard de Stralon sues John Lan- '
a debt of £20 and iz marks of which the said \
ohn ought to have acquitted him to a certain Jew, I
1 of Mosse de WaUingfordt as he has. I
iaid- John comes and defends the debt and says |
Kiai he has acquitted him to that Jew and has the
[Jew's charter thereon, as he says. Afterwards Richard 1
CiHifessed that John had cleared him of £ii to the I
Jews and owed him ii marks. John says that he I
1 cleared him entirely. And so in presence ofB
• There is i
p. 189, and
swa. .'*. 339.
t McDtioneil aliove (p.
■St. Fredeswidc. Unfurlunatcly Ihr
in the MS.
er item about a debt due to Samuel of Oxrortt, I
about lauds of Ford Abbey pledged tc
with the mirflcle ofj
192 JE WISH LA WSUITS.
Osbert fil Henry, the Justiciar, and others he made
fine in the court of the lord the King and appeals
against him, and an agreement is entered on the rolls
that John gives the said Richard 6 marks on condition
that Richard quit claims him of all debts he owed
him.
[These extracts from the Rolls of the King's Court, and the
others above, p. 175, do not deal with Jewish law suits strictly so
called, but with cases in which something about Jews occurs.
The reason for this is twofold. Cases between Jews were deter-
mined by the Jews themselves [Cf, F. R. Items, 20, 75, 128).
And commercial cases between Jew a^d Christian were probably
being decided at the time of the above (1199) by the Exchequer
of the Jews, which was already in full working order. There
would probably have been more law suits in the records if any
earlier roll of the King's Court were extant, before the Exchequer
of the Jews had taken over part of its work.]
1199-1200.— The Exchequer of the Jews.
* Pipe Rolls, 10 Ric. I., i Jo.
163. — And Aaron the Jew of Lincoln owes 500
marks as is contained there [roll 8], But Benedict
de Tallemunt answers for this in his accounts. 10
Ric. I., 12a.
[Benedict was a justiciar of the Exchequer of the Jews.]
163^7. — Fulbert of Uoura owes one mark that it
may be inscribed in the Great Roll that lie is quits of
all the debts which John of Doura, his father, owed
to the undermentioned Jews, viz., Hakelin, son of
J unlet of Norwiz, and his heirs for 20 marks, Avegay
the Jewess for £,^o, Muriel of London for iocs.
(excq)t licr part of the debt of Abraham fil Rabi),
WARDENS OF JEWS. itjj
Dtewise the said Muriel and Samuel Mullein for 35
barks, Benedict Quatrebuches for ^50 [and others],
IS the said Jews have acknowledged before the Barons
>f the Esche^juer. 10 Ric. I., Hereford [Madox, 171J.
164. — Robert de Braiboc- renders count of 10 marks
kf the farm of Bllebroc. In the tressurj' iiothin
■nd by payments to the said Robert 10 marks by
tC^ingr's writ because it was recorded by Simon de
%teshul! and Benedict [Jew] of Tallemunt, Wardens
Elf the Jews, that Richard, miles of Bitebroc,
I pledged the said land of Bitebroc to Samuel of
Stanford, had made fine with the aforesaid Simon
bi<l Benetlict in the past year by 1 5 marks (for which
3ie said Benedict has to answer) that his account
piaybe audited to see whether he be quit of his debt,
bamely of 50 marks for which he had pledged ihtj
l^id land to the Jew be fore -mentioned by means of
lOney received from the aforessiid pledge from the
Pline when it was pledged. And the account being
"taade before the aforesaid and others it was adjudged
that the said Richard should be <}uit because, as the
above-mentioned declared, more than the fifty marks
had been received from the said pledge, that is from
the time of King Henry up to the time of the said
account, and as the said Richard was quits with the
said pledge last year and the said Robert has not
the said pledge this year and is thus quits. 10 Ric.
1., 8 Roteland.
[The ilclil moat bave fallen into the haniLs of ibe Kii
Ric. I , by the death of Samuei i^'ide supra. No. qsj. Tl'
lanUs were plcdj^cd tu Aaiuu of Linuuln fur ^lo ;ii id. a week
J
194 ST. AUGUSTINE'S, CANTERBURY, QUITS
interest, in 1 1 79, see supra, p. 66. Aaron must have sold the
debt to Samuel before his death or it would have come into the
King's hands. The justiciars of the Jewish Exchequer are the
first mentioned ; it appears, however, that there were two others,
Henry de Winchester and Joseph Aaron the Jew (Madox, 745).]
164^. — Roger, Abbot of St. Augustine's, Canter-
bury, and the convent of the said place owe 2 marks
of gold that it may be written on the Great Roll,
that inquiry was made by Simon de Pateshull and
Henrj' de Winchester and Benedict de Talemunt and
Joseph Aaron, by command of Galfred Fitz Peter,
the King's Justiciar, throughout the places which the
Jews inhabit and among the Jews that the aforesaid
Abbot and convent were in nought bound to pay
anything to any Jew neither for themselves nor for
any other Abbot who preceded the aforesaid Abbot
on the day on which this was written, viz., Tuesday
next after the feast of St. Nicholas in the tenth year.
10 Ric. I., Ghent.
[This would act as a bar to all future claims of a date preceding
this entry. All four Justiciars of the Jews are mentioned, and
it is implied that they were under the orders of the King's Jus-
ticiar. The public announcement throughout the Jewry was
made, in the thirteenth century, in the synagogues.]
165. — The Jews who are noted in the Roll of the
preceding year under the title ** Of the debts of
Aaron fined by the Chancellor" owe ;^i36. 10 Ric.
I., Norf.
166. — Jurnet, Jew of Norwich, and the other Jews
who are noted in the Roll of the preceding year
under the title ** Offerings of the Jews of the time of
King Henry,*' owe £^^}2 7s. iid. for the reasons
ARREARS OF DEBT. 195
"that are noted tliere. And besides Abraham son of
Rabbi owes 4 horns of which the fourth equals the
I'Other three. But B. de Talemunt answers for this
n his account. 10 Ric. I., Lond.
167. — Avigay the Jewess and other Jews who are
loted under the title " Arrears of the tallage of the
Jews of London at Guildford," owe £i>it 7s. id.
Bbr the arrears that are noted in the preceding Roll.
^ ut B. de Talemunt answers for this in his account,
*rhe Jews that are noted under the title " Of the
offerings of the Jews by Henry, Archbishop of Can-
terbury," owe £fi and 15 bezants as are noted in the
preceding Roll. But B, de Talemunt answers thereon
a his account. 10 Ric. I., Lond.
Ib8. — Samuel of Bungay and other Jews that are
boted in the preceding Roll owe ^37 6s. 8d. 10
ic. I , Nordf. and Suff.
[Similarly Jews of Cambridge owe 19 marks, of Worcester 30
^aiks. These and the preceding entries are the beginning of a
Reparation of accounts between the (rreat and the Jews' EichC'
[uer. Benedict (ie Talemunt, a Jew, was one of Ihe Justiciars
«■ Wardens of the Jews and began this year tn take over the
Jewish debts from Ihe Great Roll to 3, separate account.]
169. — ^And in guarding the bringing to Westminster
)f the moneys collected from the debtors of the Jews
ogelherwith the Jews appointed for this by Benedict
Ie Talemunt, los. by King's writ, i Job., Nordf.
170. — Thomas de Eton owes £^a and one palfrey
vorth 7 marks for the debts of Benedict and Josce
fews of York because it is an escheat of the King,
t Jo., Everwick fBril. J/i,x. AM. ,T/.V., +542).
196 • ^E fVS OJVE £jo,ooo.
[These were the two Jews at the head of the York community,
I Ric. I., cf. Will, of Newbury, sub anno. The King did not
lose by the massacre but he did by the destruction of documents
in the Cathedral afterwards. Some escaped destruction as
Thomas of Eton finds here to his cost.]
171. — ^Jacob, Jew of Northampton, renders count
of 300 marks to have his debt which the Abbot of
Popewell owes him . . . But he answers in the
roll of account of Benedict de Talemund. i Jo.,
Norhants.
[Similarly Jews of Oxford, Kent, and Norfolk (sums of ;^I223
and ;f 236 i6s. from Aaron's debts) are transferred to Benedict's
roll which would thus contain indebtedness amounting to the
large sum of ;^9452 lis.]
172. — Elyas, Jew of Gloucester, renders count
(and is quits) of 10 marks for one mark of gold to
be quits oif his appeal which Samuel son of Mosse
le Riche [No. 140] and Vives son of Benedict and
Hamiot Hoeth and John the convert have brought
against him for the money of the aforesaid Mosse
and for a certain carbuncle of his. i Jo., Glouc.
Bef. 1200— Benedict of Oxford translates Adelard's
'^ Queestiones Naturales."
A. Neubauer in Rabbins Fran<;ais^ 496.
Here heginneth the hook of questions between nepheiv
and uncle, /, Berachyah son 0/ Natrona i\ ivt'Il gird my
loins to translate these thitigs in HehreiVy for I fou7id
them in the ivritings of the Gentiles who have taken them
from the Arabs, Here arc to be found things unknoavn
to the men of our time. And when I saw wisdom in an
unclean vessel and pearls before sunne I have purified this
BENEDICT TRANSLATES ADELARD.
'97
irtaiist of strange ekmenti and Iranslaled it into the 1
iaered language, the mnst beautiful of tongues. • ■ -I
Question i. — Why dues a living man sink and a dead'm
ilU float in the sia ? [=A(ielar(l 7 J I
, Question i.-^Hov is the earth supported in the midst I
tf the air? [=Add. 48.]l
Qjintion ^.— WhydiHS the earth iremhle?{=^kAf:\.^'^i\%
Question 1 ( . — Why dues grass grmv withnul being I
m>n? . . . . ' [=Adel. 1.3 j
Question 33. — Why an not eves at the back of Ike M
Question 52. — Why f/w,r the gr&le [grasshopper} I
appear after IhundiT? .... I
Question 62 [/i/r/]. — Why does Ike moon wane? . . 1
[Adel. 69.] I
[These extracts will sufticiectly indicate tlie cliarncter of the.fl
book called in Hebrew My uncle atid my nephew, a series of 6a ■!
dialogoes between uncle nnd nepliew on natural histor)' selected I
tnd &eely rendered from Adelard of Bath's Qutestiones Naiura/es. I
JThe author uses French words : thus one of the questions runs ! I
" WSji Aave certain birds a stomach, in Frmch gois, and others I
guards, in French gesier?" He leaves out all proper names I
" e those of Socrates, Aristotle, Boethius, and Mactobius, or I
.s them, as when he speaks of Actioch as "the land of I
IwA," and refers to Aristotle asoneoi ■'thewisemen (if Arabia ■■
and Xeder." Miin,iie ssiys, is in the Amite tongue, Behemot)!, ■
md in the tongue of Javan [Greece] the beast of the west, a I
Mirious perversion of " animal rationale " (see Sleinschneidcr in I
iltlerbode, vlii. 35). We know that a work of this kind was I
^Iten by Berachyah the Punctuator, whom I have identified \
With Benedict of Oxford. It is referred to in the colophon of a J
^Irew MS. now at Berlin, written by Beiachyah's son Elijah J
JD the following words : /. the scribe and punctuator Elijnk, son 1
of [the master] K. Berachyah tlie Punctuator, the reader, tht 1
198 BENEDICT COMMENTS ON JOB,
learned many the gramtnarian^ the great, wise man who gave
good heed and sought out and set in many fables , and he spoke
of trees and stones [I. Kings iv. 33], hewn stones , a man perfect
and one that feared God and eschewed evil [Job i. i]. And I^
the son of his old age, wrote and pointed this book, and provided
it with the Massorah . . . and finished it on Wednesday^
the 2\st of the month Marcheshvan, of the year 94 of the fourth
thousand [4094], in the town of Rouen [or Dreux ?]. The
colophon is of critical importance, as it settles the date of
Berachyah the Punctuator, whom I identify with Benedict the
pointer of Oxford, mentioned in the Nottingham Tallage Roll
of 5 Ric. I. I have discussed it, supra, p. 167.]
Bef. 1200. — Benedict of Oxford translates a work
on Mineralogy.
Neubauer. Rabbins, 496.
Here follow the qualities of stone according to Rabbi
Berachyah the Punctuator,
[This is the heading of a Bodleian MS. which gives a descrip-
tion of 63 species of stones, beginning with adamant and finishing
with meteorites. It was probably translated from Latin or
French by Benedict of Oxford, the author of the Fox Fables."]
Bef. 1200.— Benedict of Oxford comments on Job.
M. S. Szinessy, Cat. Camb, Heb. MSS., i. 40-2, 245.
The wise and great man, the leader of his generation,
R. Samuel, may his memory he for a blessing, disagrees
with all commentators because he found [Judges xvii. i.]
" There was a man, a proselyte on Mt. Ephraim, and his
name was Micah'^ And the irasofi for the name Micah
was because he had an idol, and I do not kno2V ivhat
brought them to this error.
[This is the beginning of a MS. Commentary on Job in the
Cambridge University Library written by one Berachyah, who
wasprdbsibXy R, Berachyah the Punctuator. The author quotes
SUSS/CfJVD THE JEWISH iflKNESIXGER. igq
n Ezra, KJmchi, Sa:i(3ia. Menachem, Dunash, Ibn Gial. Moses
, Rashi, Ihn Gaoach, S&lomon Parchim, Samuel,
cob, Joseph Karo, Elieier of Bcaugency, Simeon, his Tallier
y Natronail, and his uncle Benjamin (probably Bciijamin orCan-
fbary, see supia, p. 54). The great Samuel teferreJ lo above
s probably Samuel the Punctnator, whom I have identified
h Sunuel le Pointur mentioned in the Norlbnmpton tallage.
kH/nt, p. 161. Dr. Schiller S^inessy speaks in the highest terms
Kf the Commenlaryi "The best explanation of Job that ever Tell
Bef. laOO.— Eng:UsIi Jews in aernuuiy.
Regeslen s. Gesth. d. yuden in Deulschland, Has. 353, 354,
Joseph the Englishman in Cologne sells his inherit-
atnce from his grandfather, Vives the Englishman,
3 the Jew Alexander, known as Stisskind of Wiirz-
Susskind and his wife Adelaide, in Cologne,
jjell to the Jew Gottlieb, of Andernach, and his wife
*Bela the half of a house and court which belonged 1
to Vivfs the Englishman. Gottlieb and Bela buy I
the other half of this house from Abraham and his I
wife Jutta, Adelaide, Abraham's mother, renounces J
her rights to support from the said house, I
[We have seen Vives, the English Jew, earlier, supra p. , I
buying this very house, which had come into the possessioti (rf ■
his two grandsons, Joseph and Abraham, one of whom sellt'l
half of it to Susskind of Wiirzourg, who was n rather distin- fl
guibhed Jewish Minnesinger. See Graetz, Gesth. It is possible I
that Sussldnd's wife Adelaide was a granddaughter or Vives the \
Englishman, mimed after her mother.] I
1199-1200.— From the Oblate BoUb. I
Ri'tuli de tJWMto.fd. Roberts, pp.41, 56, 66, 91,92, 167, 1
[ii\ YorkFihirc, Richard Mali^bisse gives Sir King J
;^ioo Sterling and two Norwich hawks, and twofl
200 RICHARD MALEB/SSE ATONES.
leashes of leopards, and four palfreys, to have such
seisin of Scalton, and Dale, and de Albi, and of the
land of Merton, and of Tollesbi, and of Newenham,
and of Baggele, of 40s. rent at Moreton and two
marks rent in Scerinton with its appurtenance, as he
had when he was disseisined for the slaying of the
Jews of York, and by rendering of service to the lord
King of 100 marks and a palfrey at the octaves of
the clause of Easter . . . and thereon he finds
these as sureties, Robert de Jordan for 25 marks, and
Peter de Brus of 50 marks. . . And it is ordered
unto William, son of Peter, that he should cause the
said Richard to have seizin of the said land and their
appurtenances without delay.
[The ringleader of the York massacre is getting back into
favour.]
{b) Lincoln. Elias, son of Aaron the Jew, gives
one mark of gold to the lord King to have a writ to
remind Roger Constable to pay him what he owes
him.
(r) Gloucester. Elyas, Jew of Gloucester, gives
to the lord King one mark of gold to be paid imme-
diately on condition that our lord the King releases
him from the complaint which Samuel, son of Mossey,
and Vivard, son-in-law of Mossey, of London, and
Hamiot, son of Alemandrinus, had against him about
the money of Mossey, of Gloucester.
(d) Gloucester. Mossey, Jew of Gloucester, gives
our lord the King 20 marks of silver, payable at rea-
sonable intervals, to have peace for 200 marks which
are demanded from him, unless he owes them to the
yuRY OF yhJvs.
for a debt or tallage, or forisfaction, i
other cause. And it is ordered to William de Warreiifl
and his associates that he should be treated just a
Other fe ws of our lord the Kin g, who are nothing to'
oar lord the King. " It is ordered to the said William J
de Warren and his associates that they should takej
security therefor because our lord the King prefers
to have loo marks rather than 20 marks, and let hin
be summoned for the 200 marks before the bailiff
the Jews.
Cancelled because our lord the king preferf
to have zoo marks from him rather than twentyS
(f) Lincoln. Hugo Bard gives our lord the Kingj
one paJfrey and one blue sparrow-hawk to ha\
inquest of 1 2 lawful Jews of Lincoln and t % free an
lawful Christian men of the neighbourhood of Lin-
coln if those charters which Manser, son of Leon tl
Jew, and Solomon of Edon, and other Jews of Lincol^
produce about the debt which Alexander de St. Was
owed them, and made fine thereon with Aaron, JeJ
of Lincoln, for ;^io sterling to quit him of the wholq
debt which he owed to all the Jews of Lincoli|
[whether these charters] are included in that deb^
which he owed then and whereon he made
And it is ordered to the wardens of the Jews that jfl
they find it so by holding the inquest, tbey shouljl
grant peace to Hugo de St. Wast, son and heir c
the said Alexander, of the debt which is demando<
from him by the said charters. For Easter term.
[The double jury is rcniBrkable. A further reference to thj
tninsaclian, injrn, p. 210.]
/
202 JE WISH AR CH PRIEST.
{/) Benedict, Jew of London, gives to Sir King
two marks of gold to have a writ for right to a debt
which Eustace de Balliol owes him, as he says.
Not sent to the Exchequer because he did not
have the writ, nor did the King receive it, and
therefore it is not included in the sum.
[This last paragraph is a note of the scribe explaining why
after the entry had been made the two marks were not forth-
coming. It is clear from it that Jewish payments were made
in two ways, (i) to the Exchequer, (2) to the King himself.]
12-81 July, 1199.— Appointment of an Archpriest
of the Jews.
Rot. Chart., i. 7.
Confirmation 0/ Jacob Priest of the Jews of London,
The King to all his subjects and to all both Jews
and English greeting. Know that we have granted
and by this present charter of ours have confirmed
to Jacob, Jew of London, priest of the Jews, the
presbyterate of all the Jews of the whole of England,
to have and to hold as long as he lives freely and
quietly, honourably and fully, so that no one thereon
shall presume to offer him any hurt or hindrance.
Wherefore we will and firmly order that you shall
guarantee and maintain and guard in peace the
presbyterate of all the Jews throughout England to
the same Jacob so long as he lives. And if anyone
shall presume to transgress against him in this you
shall without delay see that he is compensated for
the forfeit barring our own compensation, as he is
our royal [dominico] Jew whom we retain specially
in our service. We also forbid that he be called
"JACOB OUR DEAR FRIEND."
i03
upon to plead about an3l:hing relating to him exceptj
before us or before our Chief Justice, as the chartefl
of King Richard our brother testifies.*
Witness, S. Bishop of Bath, &c.
Given by the hand of Hubert, Archbishop of Car
terbur)', our Chancellor, at Rouen \i July, in th
first year of our reign.
A prBteclion for the same. John, by the grace on
God, &c. To all his faithful ones to whom tl
sent letters may come both beyond the sea and thijq
side of it, greeting. We command and ordei
that through whatever towns and places Jacob, prea-^
byter of the Jews, our dear friend, may pass yonT
shall cause him to [jass through and be conducte^J
safely and freely with all belonging to him, nor a
any hindrance, hurt, or injury to be done to him
more than to ourselves. And if any presume
j;ress in any point that you shall cause hin
make up for it without delay. Witness, Williai
IHarshall, &c. [31 July i Jo.]
[It is not yet uscertaiued whal were the exact funclioi
tlie Archpreabyter uf the Jews, of whom only six are known ■
{Paperi A. J. Exh. p. 178). TIic title seems to imply ihatj^
vere other Presbyters, and one Samuel ie Prestre
at Norwich in the Nottingham Tallage Roll. Jacob w
:tbe first Archpresbyter, and he seems to linve been appointefl
Henry H 's time, for he Js mertioued in the Pipe Roll of Ji_'
Hen. II. {ptpra p. 84), while llie above ?ppoinlment Is onlyd
confirmation of one held in Richard's lime. Jacob is
lihe R. Jacob quoted in Benedict or Oiford's commentary o
; seems therefore that Rich.ird had also a|i])oinle<i Jac
204 KING'S CONFIRMATION,
Job, supra p. 199). He was succeeded in his high office by Josce
in 1207. It is curious to see the Archbishop issuing the appoint-
ment of the Archpresbyter.]
23 July, 1199.— King confirms tlie Sale of a Manor
by a Jew.
Rot. Cart, i, 6 b.
Confirmation to Henry de Grai. — ^John by the grace
of God, &c. Know that we have conceded and by
the present charter have confirmed to our dear and
faithful Knight Henry de Gray the manor of Turroc
with its appurtenances, which is of the fee of the
Earl of Ferrars that he may do for the said Earl
what should be done for that manor since he had
bought the said manor with its appurtenances from
Josce son of Isaac the Jew to whom the said Earl of
Ferrars has acknowledged by his charter that he had
sold the said manor for him and for his father Isaac.
Wherefore we will that the said Henry . . shall
ha\'e and hold the said manor . , through service
to the Earl of Ferrars, &c. . . . [23 July, i Jo.
Charter, m. 27 p. 6 b.]
[The king claimed the right of confirmation of sales of manors
by and to Jews in his quality of general suzerain. At the same
time he got his fees for the said confirmation. We have met
the manor of Turroc and the Earl of Ferrars both before in
Richard's Charier. Supra p. 135.]
1199-1202.— The King is kind to Earl David at
the Jews' expense.
Confirmation to Earl David. — John by the grace of
God, &c. Know that we have granted and by the
present our charter confirmed to our dear Earl David
ROi'AL VICARIOUS UENEROSITV. 105
the manor of Tottenham with all its appurtenances,
Jo hokl from us and our heirs for himself and his
heirs in fee and heredity for a service of two knig'hta
for all service. And to the said Earl David we have
en and quit claimed all the right which Abraham
1 of Rabi Joce and his heirs have in the aforesaid
inanor of Tottenham and its appurtenances. . .
the fifth
dayof November in the first year of our reign.
[Rot. Chart, i. 17.]
[We have seen, supi-a p. 8d, tlie manor of Tottenham coming
llto the possession of Avigay and her son Abntliam. These
lOU have passed it on to Abraham fil Kabbi.j
The King, &c., to the justiciar of England, &c.,
md barons of the exchequer at London, greeting.
Know that we leave quit claimed our dear and faith-
ol Earl David of £1,0 which he owed us in our time
and of the whole debt which he owed at our exche-
quer, both in the time of King Ht-nry our father and
King Richard our brother, which he owed to us or to
" 6 Jews up to [now]. And we order you to return
a his charters and cyrographs, 7th Aug. : zoi.
[Rot. Lit. Pat. i. 15 i.]
I The King, &c„ to G. fil Peter &c. Wc order you
D give our dear Earl David all his charters and cyro-
^Tttphs of the debts of the Jews whoever may have
h em, because we have acquitted him of them up to
diristmas in our fourth year [30 Dec. iioz].
[Kot.Lil. Pat. i. iii.jj
I
2o6 JEWS' BOUSES,
1200. — The King grants Jews' houses to his
servants.
Rot. Cart, i. 52, 55*.
Charter 0/ Simon de PateshulL — John, by the grace
of God, &c. Know that we have given and conceded
and by the present charter confirmed to our beloved
and faithful Simon de PateshuU, two messuages in
Northampton with their appurtenances, which be-
longed to Benedict, Jew of York, and which are our
escheats, which we give to the said Simon and his
heirs to hold in mortgage by free service of 1 6 pence
per annum for all service. . . . Given 16 April,
in the first year of our reign.
[Simon de PateshuU was one of the Justiciars of the Jews.
Cf. P. R. Items, No. i64«. Benedict was slain during the
London riot, 3 Sept. 1189, supra p. 119.]
John, by the grace of God, &c. Know that we
have given, &c., to Andrew, clerk of Winchester, in
exchange for Ins land, which was taken possession
of to made a new moat around the town of Winchester,
the land which was Aaron the Jew*s in Shorten st.
with its appurtenance, with one messuage in the
same street near the aforesaid lands of the said Aaron,
in which Bona the Jewess used to reside, which lands
were our escheats. . . Given 25 Feb. in the first
year of our reign.
[These are not cases where the King disposed of Jews' pro-
perty during their lifetime, as it is usually said. Both Benedict
and Aaron were dead, and their property was the King's escheat.]
10 Nov., 1199. — Leo the Jew the King's Goldsmith.
Rot. Cart., i. 62, b.
Protection to Leo the Jetv. — John by the grace of
JEWISH GRATITUDE.
207 I
God, &c. Know that we have taken into our hand,
::ustod_y, and protection Leo llie Jew our goldsmith* ]
ind all his affairs. And therefore we command you ■!
Jtiiat you keep ward and defend the said Leo and ail ]
I'lus affairs, doing no hurt nor injurj' to him or
nor permitting any to be done to him by any I
■one ; but if any in this transgresses ought against J
^im or his, cause him to compensate him without I
delay. And we forbid him to be put into any tallage, J
■ any tallage to be demanded from him ur
refore us. Witness myself, at Northampton, 10 Nov. ,
n the first year of our reign].
f 1300.— The Jews r
of Lincoln.
Vihi Hi4_i;,i::ii. eil. Diniouk, p. 373.
Those who could not come near [the hearse] threw
money on the coffin, and stretching out their hands
)»dored him and commended themselves devoutly to
" 'nt. The Jews too, weeping and wailing, and
declaring that he had been a mighty servant of the 1
Xord, paid him honour by running alongside
■weeping so that they compelled us to notice that I
with this man the words of God were fulfilled, " The |
Lord gave him the blessing of all the nations"
'Ecclus. xliv. 25).
[The Biehop had behaved very well during the riots. See
'. 116.]
• Later on in the Charter Rolls of 5 Jo (p. 134) there is a
reference in a lisl of Juhn's jewels, to "a slick wth 22 sapphires,
" ' ■ ere Simon's the Jew."
-^
208 BAILIFFS OF THE JEWS,
1200.— BailifElB of the Jews Appointed.
Rot, Chart, i., 61.
John, by the grace of God, to all the Jews estab-
lished throughout England greeting. Know that we
have appointed William de Albion, and William de
Warenn, and Thomas de Nevil, and Geoffrey of
Norwich, our bailiffs for the Jews of England, on the
advice of G., son of Peter our justiciar. And there-
fore we order and command you that you be attentive
to them as our bailiffs in all things that concern us.
[For some reason or other a fresh set of Justiciars of the Jews
are here appointed instead of the four who held the post pre-
viously {cf. P.R. item, 164 o.). Among these were two Jews,
whereas the new ones are all Christians. The name of the
office varies : Warders (Custodes), Proctors (Procuratores,
Brompton), Justiciars (Justiciarii), occurring as well as Bailiffs
(Ballivi) as here. Their functions were to keep the Jewish
accounts as arranged for by the Ordinances of the Jewry (p ) , and
to collect tallages, and to decide between Jew and Christian
in disputes about debts. The King is continually addressing
them to deliver up deeds and carry out his commands with
regard to the Jews.]
10 June, 1200.— Marry or re^nain in debt.
Rot, Cart,y i., 70.
Letters Patent to Reginald Mauleverer- John by the
grace of God, King, &c. Know that we have quit
claimed and given, and cause to have quit claimed by
our Jews, the debts of Reginald Mauleverer, which
we and our Jews have on the land and castle of
Reginald de Castro Gunter, for marrying Emma, his
sister, to Reginald, son of Reginald of Chalion
Gunter. But this charter shall be in the hands and
A yEW'S LORD.
i09|l
t:astody of William de Roches, our seneschal atj
Anjou, til] the marriage, and after it the said
schal shall hand Reginald de Chalion Gunter thiB.l
charter, ana thus the aforesaid Reginald will be quit.B
of the aforesaid debts of the Jews. But if by chanced
the marriage between them is not carried out, or iff
perhaps it be carried out but afterwards annulled, thel
aforesaid debts shall return to us without contradic— ■
tion. . . . Given on the lo June, in the second, j
year of our reign.
[This is an instance of the pressure the King could put o
nobles owing to his position as Archusurer. It is evident that ti
tnibe is given to Reginald Mauleverer to matry a certain person.l
If he docs so the King will i-.rlease him of his indebtedoe
the Jews. There is no record how the Jews were compensated j
in such cases, if it all.]
6 Sept., ISOO.-A Jewand hie Lord.
Charkr of William Marshall about a certain Jem
Chamhay. — John by the grace of God, &c. Know J
that we have given and conceded, and by the present B
charter confirmed, to William Marshall, Earl of Pem- J
bloke, the Jew living at Chambay, whom Stepher
ITortico caused to come from France, just as freely 1
-tad quietly as the same Stephen had him more freely I
and quietly while the aforesaid town of Chambay w
in his hands. Witness, Will de Hunnt, constable o
Normandy. 8 Sept. [z Jo., m. z+, p. 75*']
[This brings before us again Ibe question of a Jew and his lo
as noticed before in a Pipe Roll item, No. 91. J am unable t<
■uggest the exact relationship involved.]
2 1 INQUIR Y INTO DEBTS.
1200-1.— From tlie Pipe Bolls, 2, 3, Jo.
Madox, Hist, of Exch.^ fol., pp. 170, 161.
173. — Hervey Bagot owes one mark for summon-
ing the Jews to whom he owes debts that they may
be at the exchequer to receive the reasonable debt
which is owed them. 2 J. Staff.
174. — Robert, Earl of Leicester, renders count of
£\li 6s. 8d. of the debts of Aaron. In the treasury
nil and by the quittances which he has by six Starrs
of the seal of Aaron ;^24o 6s. 8d. [Owes £z 1 2 6s. 8d .]
3 Jo-
175. — William de Colevil owes 52 marks of his
price for debts to Aaron [of Lincoln]. But it is put
on record by the barons, and by inspection of the
scribes of Richard Brito and by the starr of the said
Aaron which he did not have in his hands when he
made fine with the chancellor, but which the said
William has produced that he paid the said debt.
And so he is quits. 3 Jo. Line.
176. — Hugo Bard owes one palfrey and the
sparrowhawk to have an inquiry whether those charters
which Manser, son of Leo the Jew, and Solomon of
Edene and other Jews of Lincoln produce of the
debt which Alexander de St. Venest owed them, and
wherefore he made a fine with Aaron, of Lincoln, for
£\oi for acquitting him of the whole debt, be in-
cluded under that debt, for which he made a fine.
[See supra, p. 201, for the record of this from the Oblate
Rolls.]
THE KING THE ARCH USURER. Zi I
laOl.— From the Fine and Oblate Bolls.
Robcrls, p. [21.
{a) Northampton.— PucL-lla, who was wife of
Deodatus the Jew, and his heirs give Sir King ten
marks that the quittances which they have from
Aaron the Jew of Lincoln, whose debts are demanded
from them, may be heard, and if reason is shown,
that it may be adjudged to tlicm. And it is granted
that at the close of Easter they may come in the
presence of the king with their writings and other
quittances if they have any from him. And it is
ordered to the justices of the Jews that they may
have peace from that demand till then. Pledge
Jacob fil Samuel, of Northampton.
[The King claims debls lo deceased Jews like AarOD from
{b) York. — Thomas de Lnton gives our lord the J
!ing 30 marks, for which he had previously made afl
-fine with Peitevin de Eya and Ysaac fil Mosse, Jews,*
■for the debts which they demand from him by twol
dcharters. viz., one of £tQ in the name of Joce and I
Benedict and another of^jo in the name of Benedict. ■
And the lord King for those £^0 quit claims tha4
aforesaid Thomas of the said debls of ;^6o and ;^3ffJ
so that when Peitevin and Ysaac the Jews aforesaidH
shall have theirjudgment, the charters will behandedB
to the said Thomas to be shared if they desire it. ■
[There seems to be some mistake here, since 30 marks andfl
£10 arc both mentioned us the sum paid. Perhaps the formef^
was to the Jews, the latter to the King, in whose handi thid
debls of ^90 had fallen On the death of Josce and Benedict a^|
2 1 2 CONFIRM A TION OF CHAR TERS.
York. He then, it would seem, farms out the debt to Peytevin
and Ysaac for a consideration, and finally releases Thomas for a
substantial share of the booty. The King was clearly the Arch-
usurer of the kingdom.]
^^
10 Apr. 1201.— Confirmation of the Charters of the
Jews.
Rot. Cart., i. 93.
I.
Charter of the Jews of Englajid,—^] ohn, by the grace
of God, &c. I. — Know that we have granted to all
the Jews of England and Normandy to have freely
and honourably residence in our land, and to hold
all that from us which they held from King Henry,
our father's grandfather, and all that now they rea-
sonably hold in land and fees and mortgages and
goods, and that they have all their liberties and
customs just as they had them in the time of the
aforesaid King Henry, our father's grandfather, better
and more quietly and more honourably.
n. — And if any dispute arise between a Christian
and a Jew he who summons the other to answer his
complaint should have witnesses, viz. : a lawful Chris-
tian and a lawful Jew. And if a Jew has a writ
about his complaint the writ shall be a witness for
him, and if a Christian have a complaint against a
Jew let it be judged by peers of the Jew.
HI. — And when a Jew dies his body shall not be
detained above earth, but his heirs shall have his
money and his debts, so that he shall not be dis-
turbed therefore if he has an heir who may answer
for him and do what is right about his debts and his
/'LEDGES AND PLEADINGS. ^Ijl
forfeit. And let it be lawful for Jews to receive and I
buy without difBcultv all things that may be brought ]
to them except things of the church or blood-stained I
cloth. I
v.— And if any Jew is summoned by anyone ]
without testimony, he shal! be quits of that summons J
his sole oath on his Book. And on the summons I
'Of those things that belong to our crown he shall be j
■ quits on his sole oath on his roll. And if there is a 1
dispute between Christian and Jew about accommo- I
dation of some money the Jew shall prove the capital J
and the Christian the interest. I
V, — ^And let it be lawful to the Jew to sell hia 1
pledge after it is certain that he has held it for a 1
•whole year and one day. And Jews shall not enter _'
into pleadings except before us and before those J
who guard our castles in whose bailiwicks the JewsJ
dwell. I
'I, — And wherever the Jews may he let it be law-B
' ful for them to go when they will with all theitl
nhattels | i]st .is iiiir own p ropprty. and let none Stopi
or prevent them in this. I
VII, — And we order that they be free through all 1
■England and Normandy of all the customs and tolls I
and mediation of wine just as our own chattels. And
we order you to guard, to defend, and to maintain
them. And we prohibit anyone from summoning 1
m against their charter on the above points on J
our forfeit such as the charter of King Henry our
father reasonably declares. Witnesses Godfrey son
of Peter Earl of Essex, Ac, Ac. Given at Mari- '
^ 214 JE WISH JURISDICTION,
borough the tenth day of April in the second year of
our reign. [M. 5 f. 93.]
[This is practically identical with the Charter of Richard I., of
which we have extant a special form, supra p. 134. At the same
time is given us the important information that the Jews had a
similar one even as early as the time of Henry I., John's great
\\\ grandfather. It is noteworthy that there is no statement to the
effect that the Jews were the King's chattels as stated in the
interpolated clause of the laws '^f Edward the Confessor [supra
p. 68). On the contrary VI. speaks of Jewish chattels being
treated "just as if they were our own property," which implies
that they were not the King's property.]
II.
Confirmation to the /nvs of their liberties, — John, by
the grace of God, &c. Know that we have conceded
and by this present charter of ours confirmed to our
Jews in England that excesses which may arise
among them except those which belong to our crown
and justice, as homicide, mayhem, premeditated
assault, burglary, rape, theft, arson, and treasure-
trove, shall be brought before them according to
their law and remedied, and they shall do justice
thereon among themselves. And we also grant to them
that if any of them summon another on a charge
which pertains to us we will compel none of them
to witness against any other, but if the summoner
has a reasonable and suitable wjitness let him bring
him with him. But if some criminal and overt deed
occur among them which pertains to our crown and
justice, as in the aforesaid pleas of the crown,
although none of them has become an accuser
thereon, we will cause that charge to be investigated
PRICE Qh THE CHARTERS.
M5 I
jy our lawfui Jews or England, as the charter of I
King Henry oifr father reasonably testifies, .
"Same witnesses, place and date as preceding.]
[This is ]iroli3hly a confinnatiDQ of the liberty originallj- i
granltJ by Henry 11. at the beginning of his leign and referred I
'Hate papers of tlie perioil, supra p. 42. Several referents J
this sepaiale jurisdiction ai the ieviS inter se m the Pipe J
S.oUs (Noi. 20, IJC)]. The " BiB,h:)pF, '■ of the Jews were
mbly the judges in Euth cases.]
1201.— The Price of the Charters.
Rol. Obi. ed, Roberts,
The Jews of England give our Lord the King four \
thousand marks to have their chartera confirmed,
e charters were sent to Godfrey son of Peter by
Stephen de Portico that they should cause them ti
B read in their presents and in the presence of the I
[,ord Bishops of London and Norwich and w
ilcy have received security for the payment of these j
r thousand marks, viz., 1000 immediately, 1000
t Michaelmas, 1 000 at Easter, 1000 at Michaelmas.
n they shall deliver to them the Charters in the
jresence of the aforesaid. [Obi. 2 Jo. m. i.]
1201.- Jurnet's daug'hter in bueiuese.
*Bril. Mus. Marl., Ch. 43, A. 54.
Know, &c., T, Peter of Eclesfield, owe ft[argaret j
laughter of Jurnet, five marks of silver at the nativity f
jf St. John the Baptist following the demise of I
Serard, prior of Norwich, for which while I hold I
Ithem I owe twopence in the pound [per week] for 1
interest, and for the interest and capital 1 have
21 6 A STRANGE CHARGE.
pledged to her all my land of Porligelode and if
aught is lacking enough of my other lands to make
satisfaction to her or her heirs.
Endorsed in Hebrew.
Be it known to all thai Petrus from Eikelfelt is quits
with R. Jacob ben Moses . . Miriam . . from
all debts . . from the day . . of the era.
[This is a peculiarly interesting document as giving the
Hebrew name of the great Jumet of Norwich, and as showing
that his daughter though bom of a Christian mother was a
Jewess, and was even well instructed enough to write a Hebrew
receipt, though it is not quite certain that the Shetar was drawn
out by her.]
1202.— A Strange Charge.
Placit. Abbrev.y p. 36^. Tovey, Anglia Jud,^ 66.
Pleas held at Bedford at Michaelmas 4 Jo. before
Simon de Pateshull and Richard de Falconbridge
and their associates,
Hundred of Clipton. — Robert of Sutton summons
Bonefand, the Jew of Bedford, that he maliciously
and against the peace of our lord the King caused to
be ementulated Richard his nephew, wherefrom he
died. Also that he caused him to be carried to this
land of Haston, which he has in pledge, and he died
there. And this he offers to prove. Bonefand de-
fended the whole, and offers our Lord the King one
mark to have an inquiry whether he is guilty or no.
The jury say he is not guilty, and Bonefand is there-
fore quits, and Robert at the King's mercy for a false
appeal.
[It is just possible that this was a case of conversion to
Judaism on the part of Richard, the nephew of Robert of
r
RUn/COTSiCE AGAm. 217
Sultnn, and that tbe charge wa' -raolically tlial of performiog
cireumtUion, It is noteworthy that the ca^e came before the
jury of tht hundred as in the ordinary course.]
10 Jime, 1303.— Bubi^otace's House at Bouen.
Rot. Cart. J05i.
Confirmalion of the Jnvs nf Roiitn. — John, by the
[{grace of God, Sc. Know that we have concedei]
k.aod by our present cliarter confirmed to Josce and
\ Bmn, sons of Bonevie, Jews of Rouen and their heirs,
lithe reasonable sale which Josce son of Isaac has
Bade them of the whole tenement which was Raby
Joscey's at Rouen in the Jews' Street whicli the said
losce had and had a right to have from the heritage
bf Ysaac his father, as it is situated with all its appur-
aanccs, and as it extends between Jews' Street and
flc land which was John of St. Candid's, and between
ne land of the aforesaid Brun which the said Josce
|Pi«oId him and the land which belonged to Abraham
-fil Raby with all the building and appurtenances
"belonging to it [lo Jun, 5 Jo.]
[This though lelaling to Rouen and its Jews is ao importarvt
document as showing that Rubigotsce {see supra, p. 15) and his
family kept up relations with Rouen for nearly a century, though
his sons Ysaac and Abmham were the head London Jews of the
twelfth century.]
2S July, 1204.— Anti-Semitism in IiOndon.
Tovey, Aliglia yiidaica, p. 67.
The King to the Mayor and Barons of London
greeting. We have always loved you much and
caused your rights and liberties to be well observed,
whence we believe ye love us in especial and willing
wish to pri'Strvt; all that cutidutvs to uur honour and
A
2 1 8 ANTI-SEMITISM IN L ONDON.
the peace and tranquility of our land. But since ye
know that the Jews are under our special protection
we wonder that you allow harm to be done to the
Jews residing in the city of London, since that is
clearly against the peace of the realm and the tran-
quility of our land. And we wonder and are moved
at this, the more because the other Jews wheresoever
they reside through England, except those in your
town, remain at peace. We say this for our Jews
and for our peace, for if we have granted our peace
to anyone it should be observed inviolably. Hence-
forth, however, we commit the Jews residing in the
city of London to your custody, so that if any attempt
to do them harm you may defend them, coming to
their assistance with an armed force. For we shall
require their blood at your hand if by your fault any
ill happen to them, which may God forbid. For we
well know that things of this sort happen by reason
of the unwise of the towns and not of the discreet,
and the discreet ought to check the folly of the
unwise.
[The evil results of the immunity given to the rioters of Sept.
3-4, 1 1 89, is thus seen in the bad feeling still subsisting between
Jew and Christian 15 years later. John took care of his Jews
not because he loved them, but because they were useful to him
and brought him in money from all quarters. One of the clauses
of Magna Carta (§ 11) is directed against them.]
1202-4.— From the Pipe Rolls, 4-6 Jo.
Madox, Hist, of Exch.^ fol., pp. 161, 155, 166, 170.
180. — Hugo de Nevil, who has the daughter and
heiress of Henry de Cornhill to wife, renders count
^i £ioo which are required from Gervase de Cornhill
[IV/DOIV MARR/ES IVIDOII'ER. 219 ^H
and ihe said Henry of the debts of Aaron. In the ^^|
Treasury nil, and by quittance which the said Gervase ^^|
aad Hugo his son have of the said debt by a Starr ^^|
which the said Hugo produced at the Treasury before ^^^
the Barons £qo. And owes ;^io. 4 Jo.
1 8 1 . — Master Benjamin, and Jacob son of Manasses,
and Abraham and Manasses the sons of Benjamin,
And Samuel son of DavJd, and Sante tie Gumon, owe
.?o marks, that William of Shelford and Matthew his
brother be distrained to pay them £^z for capital
Ind interest. 5 Jo. Cant, et Hunt. New offerings.
' ["Master" may possibly be equivalent to Doctor.]
181. — Muriel the Jewess owes ;£ioo that she may
lave for husband Vsaac, the Jew of Oxford, as has
seen spoken of between them. 5 Jo. Lond. New
offerings.
[This was something more than a marriage fine. Muriel did
I large bnsiness, and the maniage would therefore be a jiartoer-
IJji ns irell, and for this the King required (o be compensated,
lee No. 163H. Isaac was a widower; his daughter Cbera is
jctttioned, No. 1B7. Mnriel Wits a widow.]
183. — Benedict, brother of Aaron of Lincoln, owes
[0 marks to have his oath according to the custom
sf the Jews to convict Ursei, Jew of Lincoln, of being
a forger, namely by such an oath as other Jews are
wont to be convicted as forgers. 5 Jo., Line.
\ 184.. — Simon de Kyma owes 20 marks to have a
Bury of lawful Christians and Jews to find whether or
ll»o Philip de Kyma, father of the said Simon, owed
Son the day he died to Deodatus, Bishop of the Jews,
and Ysaac son of Rabi, and Abraham son of Rabi,
and Jacob, Jew of Lincoln, that debt which the said
220 KING TAKES JEWS' DEBTS,
Jews demand from the same Simon by charters which
they say they have from Philip, father of the said
Simon. 5 Jo., Line.
[It does not follow that all these Jews were alive at this time,
as the deed was drawn up in Philip's lifetime.]
185. — =Renford, son of Roger, owes four palfreys
that he may pay 400 marks which he owes to the
following Jews : Jacob of Northampton, ]\Ieriana,
daughter of Ysaac, &c., in four years from Easter of
the 5th year 25 marks each quarter till the whole debt
is paid. 5 Jo. Cant, et Hunt.
186. — Hugh de Fokington and Egelina his wife
owe ;^20o of which he ought to pay at once ;^50
into the King's Treasury for that the King may
acquit them of the debts they owe to the Jews, viz.,
;^25o principal, with usury made into principal, and
that he may cause their charters to be returned to
them by the Jews and also their lands which are in
the hands of the Jews on account of this. 5 Jo.
Oxenf.
187. — Robert de Gray owes £10 to have quittance
of £10 capital and 2 marks usury which he owes
Chera, daughter of Ysaac, Jew of Oxford, inasmuch
he has made the said Jewess his attorney for loos.
rent per annum till she has received the aforesaid
£10 and 2 marks. 6 Jo. Oxon. New Offerings.
188. — Ralph de Toftes owes half a mark that the
concession and donation which Richard de Lecche-
sam has made him of the land of Hales may be
inscribed on the Great Roll in these words : —
Know all men present and future that I, Richard
"EXCEPT TO ^ElVS."
Ide Lecchesam, clerk, son of Richard of Lecchesi
ave granted and given to Ralph de Toftes all my
sf Hales with all its purtenances for his homage
Rnd service for 4. marks of silver which he gave n
tand for 100 marks which I owed to the Jews f
Imyself and my jiredecessors on the aforesaid land for
principal and interest wherefrom he has clsared n
I Jo. Wirecestre.
Bef. m04. "Except to Jews and Uoiike."
Hist. Com. Rep. ii. 50*.
Grant in fee by Ralph de Diceto, Dean of St. Paul's
nd the Chapter of that Church, to Warin the gold-
lith of the land he had bought from Richard son
' Master Henry, without power of alienation to Jews
Qr to religions bodies.
[This is tlie firsi instance I have found df a claose very frequent
I later deeds of ihe ijiiileenth century by which it was hopcii lo
\. Und getting iuto the liLinds of the Jews or the monks.]
1202-4. ^From tbe Patent BoUs.
Ed. Hardy.
(a) The King, &c., to Benedict of Talemunt the
Jew &c. Know that we have freed our dear and
faithful William Mansey 50 pounds of Poitou which
he owes to thee and other Jews of Rochelle. . . .
[6 July, ..02.]
[This shows that Benedict de Talerannt, the Jewish justice of
the Jews, w*s a imlive of France.]
{b) The lord King lias pardoned by his letters
patent William Earl of Arundell of all debts to Jews
which he owed them up to St. Lawrence's feast in the
fourth yuar of his reign. At Aleii^on, 8 Aug. [iioi].
222 SQUEEZING THE SPONGE.
[c) Thomas, clerk of the chamber, has the letters
patent of the lord King addressed to J. Bishop of
Norwich about Norton Church, which at that time
was at the disposal of the Lord the King on the
occasion when the land of Joscelin of Totnes was in
the hands of the Lord the King for the debts of the
Jews [c. 13 Aug. 1202].
[See supra p. 220-1.]
{d) The King &c. to all &c. Know that we have
quit claimed Saher de Quincy of 300 marks which he
owes to the Jews. And thereon give him quittance
for one year from Michaelmas. And he has as a
witness of the King these letters patent addressed to
the Earl of Leicester, at present guarding them.
[28 May, 1203"].
[See infra p. 229.]
{e) The King, &c., to G. fil Peter, &c. Know that
we have acquitted our dear and faithful William de
Breos of ;^5o sterling which a certain Jew of North-
ampton claims from him by the surety of Ranulf de
Glanvile and Walter de Clifford. And therefore we
order you to acquit him and cause the charter which
I the Jew has to be returned to him. [7 June, 1203.]
(_/*) The King to the Sheriffs of Kent, Cambridge,
Essex, Norfolk, and to the Constables of Kent,
Cambridge, Essex, and Norfolk, greeting. We order
you that as you love you and yours you make such
and so urgent distraints on the Jews of your baili-
wicks for their debts that the money which they
ought to pay us at once shall not remain unpaid
through any fault of yours. But in this, as in all
NORMAN JEWS !N ENGLAND. li;
r matters relating to the jews, follow what Wil
"■liam de Warren and Master S. our clerk enjoin upon B
tj^M either b}' word of mouth or by letters, so that \
may not put aught upon you or yours. [30 Jan. iio+jj,
(f) King, &c., to the seneschal of Nonnandy a
the Wardens of the Jews in Normandy. We forbid I
;you to molest unjustly Morell, Jew of Wells
I permit him to be unjustly molested by anyone, saving ]
r law and customs, [ig Feb. 1104.]
[Morell seems to have crosHed the sea to Nonnandy.]
(A) King, &c., to Justiciars, &c. Know that 1
have given Hannechin, our Jew, our sure peace so I
.that he may go about safely in our land and stay there '
like our other Jews for the good service which he did
the Castle of Audt'ley with our dear and faithful
Xichard, Constable of Chester. And therefore we '
command you that he have our firm peace as above
said, a Nov. [1204]. J
{^Tbis is the converse of the preceding entrj', and shows that ■
■kbOe there was mutual freedom of tnovetnenl for Korman and- I
English Jews, yet a pctmit had to be obtained before changing I
toaidenee. t/. P. ^., item No. 8;.] 1
16 Apiil, 1204.— A Gteneral Beleaee except for Jews. I
Rymer. Fadera (Record, ed.), i. 50. J
The King to the SherifT of Dorset. iSc. I
Know that we, for the love of God and the salva- I
^on of the soul of our mother who is dead, have J
freed and acquitted from Wednesday next before I
Easter, 14th April, in the fifth year of our reign, all J
the prisoners and incarcerated, whether for felony, or 1
Tobbery, or for breach of the first law, or any other I
2 24 OR THODOXY OF ENGLISH JE WS.
crime : except prisoners captured in our war, and
except those whom we sent from Normandy to Eng-
land to be incarcerated or kept under guard, and
except our Jewish prisoners.
[Whatever the cause, John hated the Jews, as was shown by
his persecution of them, 1210. This is the only reason I can
suggest for the exception made against the Jews in the general
clearance of the prisons. I have not been able to trace many
who were incarcerated. See, however. Pipe Rolls^ item No.
126, and pp. 233, 237.]
1204.— English Jews are orthodox.
Abraham ben Nathan, Hamanhig (Heb.), 833.
[After Sabbath it is customary to smell sweet scents to restore
the soul after such a loss. But if a festival occurs on Sunday
there is no need for this, and the perfumes are omitted in the
ceremony for ushering out the Sabbath.]
And those who use the perfumes do wrongs for I have
not seen it done in France^ Burgundy y Germany ^ and
all the land of the island of the sea [England], hut only
in a fav places in Spain have I heard of its being done.
[Abraham ben Nathan, born in Lunel and settled in Toledo
in 1204, the year he wrote his book on Jewish customary rites,
Hamanhig^ seems to have been a great traveller from the above
quotation (" I have not seen ") and to have visited England.]
c. 1204.— A Discussion about usury.
Rerviie des Etudes juivesy t. iv. p. 7-8,
Thou shalt not lend at interest to thy brothers
(Deut. xxiii. 20). They reproach us for doing usury and
quote IV hat David says (Ps. xv.), " He that lendeth not at
usury . . he shall not perish y Ansiver : David was
M ses* disciple, he could not therefore place himself in con-
JEWISH DEFENCE OF USURY, 225
tradiction to his master by 7uakmg additions or omissions
in the Law: noiv Moses has said : "To the stranger thou
maycstlend at interest, but to thy brother thou shalt
not lend at interest." Our persecutors will perhaps
pretend that they are our brothers in virtue of the verse ^
Despise not the Idumean, for he is thy brother (Deut.
xxiii. 8), but to that R. Moses of Paris has replied: The
prophet Obadiah has established that this brotherhood no
longer exists, for he has said : Strangers have entered
within thy gates, and thou wast of the number (Obad.
V. 11). Noiv he is speaking ofEdom, as may be seen from
the beginning of his discourse, We have heard a rumour
concerning Edom.
[This discussion occurs in a volume of controversy still inedited,
of which M. Zadoc Kahnhas given an interesting account, Revue
des etudes juives, t. ii. and iii. It is an example how the lower
minds among the Jews excused themselves for what they knew
to be wrong. That the view was not shared by other Jews is
shown by the comment : There is nothing in it (the argument),
added by the com})iler of the book. R. Moses of Paris is men-
tioned in the EngHsh records as '* Mosse de Paris." See infra,
p. 229.]
1205.— Clipping Money.
Rot. Lit. Pat. ed. Hardy, i. 47^., 54*.
The King, &:c., to the Sheriff of Lincoln greeting.
We order that, immediately on receipt of this letter,
you order to be known and declared throughout your
bailiwick at the fairs and markets, and on feast days
at the porches of churches, that no one shall carry
or have clipped money after the feast of St. Hilary
in the sixth year of our reign. . . . And the man
or woman who shall have such money shall be at our
226 CLIPPING MONEY,
mercy and shall give safe pledges, and all their
chattels shall be attached for obtaining our mercy.
But if clipped money be found in the hand of Jew or
! Jewess the money shall be taken and perforated and
i placed in a certain safe box for our needs, and the
! body of the Jew or Jewess that has such money shall
be taken and their goods taken and retained without
bail till we order otherwise. ... 9 Nov. [1205].
Assize of Money. Old money may be current in
which 2s. and 6d. lacks in every pound, and the
money that lacks more shall be perforated and given
up, as is elsewhere provided for [see ante.'\ But
Jews, goldsmiths, and foreign merchants may buy
with such money their victual and clothing, but they
should not make an offering [to the King] or mer-
chandise except with the strong and great money,
which is lawful and of sterling weight. . . . Also
let it be inquired by free and lawful men in cities,
boroughs, and towns if a Christian or Jew clips
\ money, and if any Christian or Jewish clipper be
■ found, let all their chattels be taken and their bodies
I placed in our prison, and they shall be at our will to
do justice on them. . Winchester, 26 Jan. [1206.]
. [There was great temptation to clip money when it was so
'clumsily minted. However for most purposes money was ex-
changed by weight, not tale, doubtless as a check against this.
. Jews, nevertheless, by their advantageous position as money-
lenders, could force their debtors to take depreciated coin, and
were doubtless the chief offenders in money clipping for this
reason, though the above protection is in general terms. Com-
plaints are very frequent against them in the thirteenth ccntuiy.]
FARMING LAND.
130S.— A Cyrograph Bond.
f{. Hall, dmrt Life undfi- Hemy II.. 231.
I men, present and future, that 1 Ysaac, ,
Jew of Northampton, have let lo farm to Margery,
(rife of Roger de Hue, all the land which I have in I
pledge of the aforesaid Roger, her husband,- for four- '
score pounds and sixty-six shillings and eightpence 1
of silver, which the same Roger owes to me in respect J
of a fine which he made with me concerning the debt J
of his father, as the cyrograph made between 1
bears witness. To hold and to have to the aforesaid J
• farm of me or my heirs ; rendering therefor yearly!
to me and my heirs one hundred shillings, namely!
■ fifty shillings at Pentecost of the seventh year of the -f
reign of King John, and fifty shillings at the feast of 1
St. Martin next following ; and so from year to year,
D long as the aforesaid Margery shall lawfully render J
to me yearly at the appointed terra the farm aforesaid.
And if it shall so happen that Avicia, the mother of I
the aforesaid Roger, her husband, do decease, the
whole half of her dower in the aforesaid vill of Hue,
which concerns me, according to the convention in
another cyrograph made between us, shall remain in
'■the hands of the aforesaid Margery, rendering therefor j
, yearly to me and my heirs fifty shUlings, namely half J
at Pentecost and half at Martinmas, together with T
the other 100 shillings that she renders lo me for the 1
land aforenamed which I have committed to her to I
farm. And if it shall so happen that the aforesaid \
•Margery shall have kept the aforesaid debt for fifteen I
■ days beyond any term of any year that the aforesaid. J
228 OWNERS AS CARETAKERS.
Margery shall give to me twenty shillings as a penalty
beyond the ferm aforesaid; and the whole land afore-
said shall return into my own hand without any
gainsaying : so that it shall be lawful for me to retain
the land in my own hand or to commit it to farm to
whomsoever I will. So that, nevertheless, that com-
mittal be not to the disinheritance of the aforesaid
Roger by computing yearly the whole farm which
the aforesaid Margery was bound to render to me in
payment of the principal of the debt of Roger, her
husband, as the cyrograph made between us bears
witness. And that this convention may endure rati-
fied and unshaken to future times, it is confirmed by
the putting of the seals of each of us hereto, and the
foot of this cryograph remains in the chest of our
lord the King at York in witness.
[Ysaac had clearly the whole family in his power, Roger de
Hue, his father and mother before him, and now Margery his
wife. Yet it cannot be said that the terms of release are at all
oppressive : the whole debt, £^t, 6s. 8d., would be i:)aid off in
seventeen years. The cyrogiaph was a document in duplicate,
one half being given to Margery and the other kept in the Jews*
Exchequer at York, where the royal officials could use it for the
purpose of taxing Ysaac. See the ordinances of the Jewry,
supra p. 157.]
V J 1202-6.— From the Liberate Rolls.
Ed. Roberts, pp. 24, 34, 35, 38.
{a) Our lord the King pardons Tom de Bury ;^i 33
sterling, which the Jews demand from him by a
certain charter of Robert of Cokesfeld and Adam his
son, whose inheritance the said Thomas hath, and it is
KING JOHN IS, GENEROU.^.
ordered to Will de Warren and his associates to give fl
Bsession of the said charter to the same Thomas f
d let him be quits of the said debt. Similariv
.s ordered to Galfred Fitz Peter [the Treasurer,
o.]
(i) The King to Galfred Fit^ Peter, &c. Know|
at we have quit-claimed Matthew dc Geltford <
William his brother of £^0 sterling: which they owe I
to the Jews of Cambrid^ both of principal and of'l
osury, ol wJiich wc order you to cry him (juits. My- I
self at Moleville, zsth May [j Jo., 1204].
(c) The King, *c., to G. Filz Peter. Know that I
2 have freed our dear Hugh de Chaucumb of the I
isories of ^34. which he owes Mosse de Paris and I
.eo de Warwick, Jews, for Nigel de Mundwill from I
the beginning of Lent up to Pentecost, and therefore I
rder you to free him therefrom. Myself at J
Moleville ig May, in the fifth 3'ear of our reign [izo+J. \
In the same form it was written to the War-
dens of the Jens.
{d) The King, &c., to William de Warren and |
Thomas de Nevile, and Galfred of Norwich, Jusli-
^ars of the Jews, &c. Know that we have freed our 1
(kithful Sailer deQuency 300 marks which he t
10 the Jews, and we therefore order you so to free 1
lim and also of other 300 marks which he owes the |
ews, make him quits of the usiirj- from Michaelmas,
the fifth year of our reign, for one year. Myself I
tt Rouen, 28 May [110+].
230 JEWISH LAND GIVEN,
{e) The King, &c., to G. Fitz Peter, &c. We order
you with regard to what Hennia, Jewess of Oxford,
demands for a debt from Walter de Bolebec and
Constance his wife, you free them from this except
what they ought to pay. 31 May [1204].
{/) Land given. The King, &c., to W. and T.
and G., Wardens of the Jews, greeting. We order
you to deliver, without delay, to our dear clerk,
Thomas de Camera, the land which was Jocelin de
Lodnes*, which Benedict, Jew of Norwich, holds in
pledge. We will that the said Thomas may hold it
for the same rent which Walter de Raveningham and
another hold it from the aforesaid Jew until the heirs
of the aforesaid Jocelin have freed the said land
towards the said Jews and his heirs. 5th June [ 1 204].
{g) Land given. The King to Benedict, Jew of
Norwich, and his sons. Know that we will our dear
clerk, Thomas de Camera, to hold from you the land
which you have in pledge from Jocelin de Lodnes
for the same rent which Walter de Raveningham and
another hold it from you, and that he shall hold it
till the heirs of the said Jocelin have freed the said
land towards you and your heirs. And therefore we
order you to deliver the same Thomas the aforesaid
land or to his sure agent. 5 June [1204].
[This is one of the few orders directed personally to a Jew from
the King that is to be found in the records.]
{h) The King to the G. Fitz Peter, &c. Know we
have pardoned William de Mara £2^ los. sterling of
the debt of the Jews with the usuries which he owes
the Jews of London on condition that the said
KING A SLEEPING PARTNER.
^3'
William shall hold at our service, at his expense,
soldiers and 5 servants up to Easter ; and we therefore |
order you to cry quits to him and cause his charters,
which the Jews hold, to be returned. 25 June[izo4J.
In the same form was it written to Willia
de Warren and his associates [Wardens of the |
Jew.].
[The King could free a man cilher of I115 deiil to the Jev
iiOfthe usury on that debt.]
1S04-6.— From the Fine and Oblate Bolla.
Ed. Koherls, i. 198. 23*.
{aj Master Michael, clerk of Earl William Marshal, J
gives 5 marks and 6 skins of Jiifse, to be paid within
a year, to have the vacant land between the church \
of St. Stephen, in Coleman Street, and the house o
ions of Bninn the jew, in the City of London,
Vhich is recognised as being the right and inherit-
iance of the same Michael.
(4) Vives, son of Aaron the Jew, of Lincoln, t
iSirKing 10 marks to have seisin of the whole land
tof Ralph Luvel, as of his pledge, as is contained in a
pharter which he has thereon from the same Ralph,
pud that it may not remain for the debt of the said 1
Etalph, which he owes to Sir King, provided that the '
me Jew pay everj- year £,20 to Sir King of the j
■debt which Ralph owes Sir King till he has paid the
iSforesaid debt.
Cancelled because it does not please our lord \
the King, [See p. 233.]
(c) Kgidias Gocelin gives half of ten marks to have
232 BAILS AND PLEDGES,
justice on Ursel, Jew of London, that he may justly
and without delay pay him ten marks, which he owes
him, as he says, just as reasonably, &c. And it is
ordered to the Constable of the Tower of London
that he take that half for the needs of Sir King of
the first moneys paid in.
{d) Vives fil Aaron of Lincoln gives 60 marks, of
which he paid the King 30 to be under pledges to
stand his trial before the lord King at his summons.
And the sheriff of Lincoln is ordered that if he receive
surety from him that he will stand his trial, &c., and
of the other 30 marks to be paid in the chamber of
the Lord King on the morrow of the close of Easter,
whenever it then be, he [the sheriff] cause his chattels
to be returned to him which were seized on the occa-
sion when his body was not found when he ought to
have been arrested.
Not sent to the Exchequer because it was all
paid in Court.
{e) Warwick. Godfrey le Salvage gives 10 marks
that William de Havreshill may quit him towards
Jacob, Jew of Northampton, of the pledge of the
debt, wherefore he was his pledge against the same
Jew and for which it is sought to distrain for his
default. [Granted.]
(/) Tom de Ardenton gives four palfreys as good
as formerly he gave .... to have the King's
letter to certain Jews about a certain debt, viz., ;^30,
which he took in hand for Hervey Bagod, that Sir
King may condone that debt which it is ordered to
ihe Constable of Northampton and the Wardens of
JEW ACCUSES JEW.
23.1
ifee cyrographs of the Jews of Northampton, that they
Ij.^all acquit Thomas of that debt and usury.
\ySie title '■ Wardens of cyrographa" is otherwise unknown.]
[ (y) Ysaac Blund,* Jew of York, gives one mark
■at the King may order the Sfceriff of York to keep
L safe custody the servant of God, Hoppecol, the
whom he took and is keeping in prison ai
laid for falsifying the King's money, so that the said
gfew be not liberated except by special command of
2 King.
[See infra, whence it appears that Hoppeeol eitcliented his
latidii in Londuu in i:onse(iuence of this.]
{g) Elyas Blund,* Jew of Lincoln, gives loo marks
I z marks of gold that the due! pledged against
1 at Nottingham, in the sixth year, may remain,
. [gives] security for paying those monies to
jjbert of Oldbridge for the King's need.
« ttipra for another instance of a duel by Jews.]
} Somerset. Ralph Luvel gives 60 marks to have
e land of Gary, with its purtenances, which Vives,
"son of Aaron, the Jew, holds and is to be held on
Kcondition that he pay the King every year ^£15 of the
Mcbt which he owes the King for his father and him-
elf till those debts be fully paid. To have also
1 the aforesaid Jew, who received that land
ii: acquitting £%o of the aforesaid debt, and has not
p acquitted it, as be says .... [See p. ^31. J
I (/) Lincoln. Bona, who was the wife of Jacob, Jew
f Lincoln, gives a fourth part of 40 marks which
2 34 MOTHER SUES SON,
she claims for dowry against Peitevin, son of Jacob,
to have a writ from the justiciar for having to justice
the said Peitevin for paying the said 40 marks as
reasonable, &c. Has for it a writ addressed to the
Justices of the Jews. .
(/) Ordered the Sheriff of Northampton to hasten
the business of Jacob, son of Samuel, Jew of North-
ampton, by giving him seisin for the sureties which
Hugo de Lisonis pledged him for the debts he owed
him .... Also that on seeing these letters he
gives seisin to the said Jacob of the pledges which
Hugo de Lisonis pledged to him for the debt owed
him by the cyrograph made between them, and that
they keep and defend the same Jew in his pledges.
1205. — The London Synagogue.
*Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 4542.
Ysaac the cyrographer owes half a mark thalt the
concession and donation which the King made to
him for his service and for half a mark of gold in the
seventh year of his reign at the Exchequer before
Godfrey son of Peter, then justiciar, and William de
Warren and Thomas de Nevill and Galford of Nor-
wich and Richard Earl of Chester and William Earl
of Salisbury and the Earl of Arundel and William
the Treasurer and other Barons of the Exchequer of
a certain land in London in the parish of St. Law-
rence in the Jewry which belonged to Josce of York
and Samuel Hoppecole, Jews, and which was an
escheat of the King on the death of the aforesaid
Jews may be inscribed on the Great Roll so that the
ISAAC THE CYROGRAPHER. 135
Id Isaac and his heirs may have the same land
sly, quicti)", and without any exaction for the same
(cotnuvi) which the said Josce and Samuel used
pay to the chief lord of the fief and that the
le Ysaac and his heirs can give, will, or pledge
same land if they will on doing therefor sen-ice
one pound of cummin to Henry de Cornhull and
1 heirs every year for all service within 1 5 days after
iSter.
[Xhe history gf this piece of land is peculiarly inlerE&tiDg, as
Va be traced fgr a hundred years till the Eipulsion. From
above it appears to have been originally the property of Josce
Vork, killed last in the wholesale suicide of 1 1 90 {iupra p.
It aeems then to have passed to Samuel Happecole, who
preceding reference was Bccased of coining {supra p. 233)
a brother Jew, and was probably hanged for this. On his
bis property came into the hands of the King as an
t, and we now see him giving it [donblless for a considera-
tion) to Ysaac Ihc Cyrc)grapher, a title which here occurs for the
first time. It probably menns ouc of the two Jewish clerks
mentioned in the uidinances of the Judaism (stipra p. ), who
had to lake charge of the chest containing Ihc cyrographs or
bonds. Fur special reasons it is worth while following Ihe I
history of Ysaac's house further. I
In 1220 one Hugo de Nevil sues Sampson, sun uf Isaac, fur '
Icn years' rent of houses in St. Lawrence Jewry, and the said
Sain|ison deckres that Hugo had freed his father Isaac for one I
puimd of cummin seed (Cole, DocumtnU, p. 293). In 12*? the
same Sampson (il Ihaac jiays half a mark for having inscrit:ed on
I he Grei\l Roll of the K^ichequer thai he has given to Abraham
liis son, and Ihe son uf Malke his wife, the land which he hulds
in St. Lawrence Jewry, which land iies Between Ihc property
\ihich was Abraham's fii. Avcgaye, on Ihe east, and Judah of
Warwiek';^ on Ihe west, and extends in Itnyth from the higbviny
U. the J(K«(i^i'Ucr {liiit. .1/mj. MSS. Add , 45^1./. 37).
236 THE LONDON SYNAGOGUE.
Here then is an hitherto unknown synagogue in the parish of
St. Lawrence, in a street running east and west which can only
be Catte Street, now Gresham Street. There is a curious con-
firmation of this in Stow's " Survey of London," which enables
us to identify the house. In speaking of Basinghall Ward, Stow
remarks (p. 108, ed. Thoms), " On the west side, almost at the
south end thereof, is Bake well Hall, corruptly called Blakewell
Hall. . . But that this house hath been a temple or Jewish
synagogue (as some have fantasied), I allow not, seeing it had
no such form of roundness or other likeness."*
Now we have seen a record of a synagogue exactly in this
neighbourhood, given in the document I have just referred to,
and here we have Stow reporting a tradition of Bakewell Hall
having been a synagogue. The conclusion is almost forced upon
us that Bakewell Hall was once a synagogue or public building
of the London Jews. And if so, this very possibly explains its
somewhat enigmatic name. Bakewell Hall may be a corruption
of Bathwell Hall, the bathing-place or Mikveh of the London
Jewesses, where they used to perform the ritual lavations pre-
scribed by Rabbinic law.
This synagogue lasted on in use till the expulsion, as we find
it mentioned as such as late as 1280, and I have given reasons
for supposing it to be still in Jewish hands in 1290. (See my
lecture on llie London Jeru'ry, 1290, in Papers, Anglo-Jewish
Exhibition, p. 11). Besides the synagogue there was also a
*' great school" (probably for the Separated or the Rabbis), for
in the Common Pleas of 17 Ed. II., Michaelmas, there is mention
of a house in the parish of St. Mary, Colcchurch, next to the
house which was formerly the Great School of the Jews, belong-
ing to Abraham fil Raby iBrit, Mus. Add. MSS., 4542 f).
This exactly corresponds to the arrangement in the Jewish code
of education given infra p. 243, as also by the similar arrange
ment in Norwich, for which see Blonefield, iv. 225, who men-
tions that the school was at the south end of the synagogue, and
therefore distinct from it.]
• In his last remark Stow is referring to the general opinion that the
early Jews' synagogues were round, las tradition declares the round
yormun churches at Cambridge and Nottingham to have been synagogues.
^^B A yEW IN PRISON. 1.11 \
1204-6.— From the Oloee Rolls. j
{«). The King, etc., to William de Warren and his I
issociates, Justices of the Jews, greeting. We order J
rou to acquit Ralph de Verlj- of 1 8 marks of the debt I
Vhich he owes the Jews, Provided that he pays them J
irincipai, for which payment you shall appoint I
■easonable terms and also give him the lands which I
; into the hands of the Jews on that occasion I
iind likewise without delay cause his charters to be I
returned to him which the Jews took from him when I
le paid them the principal. [(6 June, 1104.] I
{h). The King to Robert of Oldbrigc, etc. We J
)rder 3'ou to send to our Justices appointed in London I
or the custody of the Jews, Abraham fil Muriel whom I
'Ow. have in our prison at Windsor, [13 Oct., 1204.] I
(c) The King, &c., to W. dc Warren, Thomas de I
Nevil, and G. de Norwiz, Justices of the Jews, &c. I
Ve order you to give respite till we come to London I
) the demand of the debt which Jacob, the Writer I
:Scriptor] and Beleascz, Jews of London, claim I
igainst the Prior of Lowes, by the Earl of Warren. I
34 Feb., 1205.] I
(rf) The King, etc., to the Jews of Lincoln. We I
irder you without delay to give W. Manclerc, our I
^erk, four marks of gold or satisfy him for the money, J
38 Feb., 1705.] I
{e) The King, etc., to the Bishop of Lincoln. We I
Srder you not to permit the chattels of the Jews to be J
bnjustly admitted into the church in your diocese but I
r that you deliver them to W. Manclerc, our |
clerk, as he 'will inform you. [z8 Feb., [205.] 1
238 WALTER MANCLERC AT LINCOLN,
{/) The King to the Barons of the Exchequer, &c.
Give credit to the Sheriff of Lincoln and Walter
Manclerc for 26 shillings of gold weight which they
paid into our Exchequer of the gold which the Jews
of Lincoln promised us. And likewise credit them
with the gold which they have put into 3 rings to be
made for us out of that gold, [i Apr., 1205.]
{g) The King to the Sheriff of York, &c. We
order you to give respite to William of Belmont of
the 10 marks which he owes to the Jews of York,
and make him quits of usury thereon while he is
beyond the sea with horses and asses in our service,
by our command. [23 Mar., 1205.]
[Similiar favour is shown Saher de Quency for a debt of 90
marks owed to Aaron (of Lincoln) and others. lb, 34^. Cf.
supra p. 229.]
{h) The King, <S:c., to W. de Warren, G. and Th.,
Wardens of the Jews, <S:c. Know we have quit —
claimed Richard de Chive re well of the mark required
from him for the debt owed by him to Benedict,
Jew of Leicester. [23 INIay, 1205.]
(/) The King, <S:c., to G. fil Petri, &c. Know that
we have paid over to our dear William, son of
Hamon, ;^2o, which he owed to Simon, son of Jacob,
of Northampton, the Jew, by a cyrograph. We there-
fore order you to cause those ;^2o to be allocated to
Jacob his father from the debt which he owes us,
and cause to be returned without delay to William
his cyrographs, by which he owes them £2. 23 May,
1200.
{k) The King to the Sheriff of York, &c. We
order you to quit claim Richard de Malebysse of the
'X/T RICHARD MALEBYSSE. 139
from the debts of the Jews, and give him
lite from these debts so long as he is in our debt,
ness myself at Rochester, 1 Dec. [1105].
glimpse of Richard Malebysse is Id see him
pered with debts to Jews, from which he had made such a
uslroke to free liimself in Ihe York massacre. Notice that
jKing reaped the benefit of (his, for it is probably only as
ersal legatee of the Jews thai John was a creditor of
fbysse.]
1S04-S.— The Boycil Ten Per Cent.
f and Oblatt Rolls, ed. Roberts, i., 197, 202, 210, jji, J36.
jncoln. Ysaac fil Joie has letters about Martin
rtel for 25 marks with interest by a cyrograph, but
lord King ought to have one besant [=«■.] for
y pound.
be above is a common form of entry which frequently occurs
« Fine Rolls : the entries coming within our period may
31B snmmariaed.
ity.
7™.M Credllar.
CkrUlian DMor.
Sum,
;dn.
Eliis Bf Bungay . .
Martin Mattel
^w.
Manasser Grassus
14 m.
eraet
Samuel of Exeter &
Robert ill AsceUn.,..
6 m.
kns.
Juetta his wife.
n ..
Amiot of Eieter . .
Hetiry de la Pomeray.
looa.
1. ..
Samuel and Juelta
Robert fil William ,,
jm.
)ln.
Yvo of Lincoln....
Henty Bee
i3o-
Aaron, son of Yvo
Robert de Lekebum
«. ..
Isaac, son of Cresselin
Waiter de Lodes ....
.£10'.
STBCt
Jacob of Oxford . ,
Richard de Estre
^10.
Jacob of Herelotd
OdieradeCuohili....
4im.
«. ..
Maoosfes, son of
Deudoae.
John de Acton
Sim-
240 THE ROYAL TEN PER CENT
Counfy. Jewish Creditor. Christian Debtor. Sum,
Somerset. Jacob of Hereford Alex, de Liuwis 4m.
[Cancelled because he is in the king's services in Poitou.]
Somerset. Jacob of Oxford . . Reginald de Menttord 6m.
1205.— Roberts, pp. 249, 246, 247, 2599, 263 296, 27, 303, 315.
Warwick Mosse, son of Levi Walter, son of Ralph 48m.
Staff. . . ,, ,, 4^™*
Warwick \ Leo of Warwick . . Walter de Baskiewill >f 32.
Hereford j
Northampt.Ysaac of Stamford William fil Ralph £yi,
Lond. . . Vives of Paris .... Thomas.fil Godfrey, &c. ;f 30.
Hereford Leo of Warwick . . Roger fil Maur £^0,
Glouc. . . Bonevie of Gloucester Earl of Hereford .... £^0,
SufF. .... Abraham, son of Will, de Hastings .... ;f 20.
Avigay.
Somerset Abraham, son of Suecon de Eston .... 1 2m.
Judah of Paris*..
„ Jacob fil Samuel of Falcon Painel ^^4.
Oxford.
,, ,, Emma de Wik lOOs.
,, Josce of Bristol .. Simon de Esin ton .. 40s.
„ „ Alex. Hack £/[ 5s. 8d.
, , Abraham of Wilton
and Mosse of Girard de Beveton 21m.
Chichester.
„ Abraham, son of Osbert, son of William ^3 los.
Judah.
,, „ Robert Momi lOOs.
Devon. . . DeulecresseleEveskef John Sep lOOs.
„ Jacob, son of Yveliny Eustace, son of Albert £%,
and Deulecres his
brother, and Sarra
their sister.
• Probably to be identified with the Leo Hlund of the English records
(j«/ra, p. 88), who had by this time returned to Paris, where the Jews
were re-admitted 1198.
^ Mentioned in a Cartulary of St. Nicholas Priory, Exeter. Colled.
Tj'P., I. JS4.
KING AS SLEEPING PARTNER,
241
Connfy.
Je^vish Credtfor.
Chrisfian Debtor. Sunt.
Glouc. . .
Jacob, son of Samnel
John de Aston 8m.
Line. . .
Joey, son of Gentill
William, nephew of ;fi7.
Gavin.
Hertford
Fleming and Benedict Hugo de Baill ^^8.
Notts. ..
Elyas, son of Hake-
lot and Abraham
of Bristol.
Will, de Abetot . . .-. lom.
Glouc. . .
Elyas of Gloucester
Fulcon, son of Warin* lOOm.
Lond. . .
Peter Blund of
London.
Roger, son of William £\o.
Midd. . .
Flurie, widow of
Vives the Bishop.
Lawrence, son of Gregory lOOs.
North. . .
Jacob of Northamp-
ton.
Geoffrey le Salvage ;f 33 & Jm.
Early xiii. cent.— The Bite of Abraham, t
Or Sarua (Heb.), Millah, § 99.
This is the response of R, Simson^ hen Abraham of
Sens [on the question what is to be done if a boy is
born already circumcised.]
My beloved one came into the garden (Cant. vi. 3) to
gather lilies there. They are more precious than jeivels
(Prov. XX. 15), and behold a flying roll (Zech. v., 2)
graven on the tables (P2x. xxxii., 16) with deep mysteries
ivritten on both sides (Ex. ib. 15), deep water from the
mouth of the prudent ^ a ivise son of a wise father, in
the chief place of cojicourse [Prov. i. 2i,=had a great
circle of pupils] he chews iroft into dust [Midr. Rab.
Gen. § 93=was a great master of Talmudic casuistry],
R. Isaac , son of the Martyr R. Vomtob, the memory of
• The celebrated Fulk Fitz- Warin the outlaw, and protot>'pe of Robin
Hood. Cy. Nouvelles f ran Raises dn XlVe. Steele .
t Kindly translated by Mr. S. Schcchter.
242 CHILD BORN CIRCUMCISED.
the righteous be blessed. It is the modesty of the Master
that allows me to ansiver. As to the child born circum-
cisedy I am of opinion [that blood must be drawn to
represent the blood of the covenant]. But there is no
secret that is hidden from the Master. May the peace of
the Rabbi and his Law increase ^ and may a seat of glory
be reserved for him in Heaven : his horn shall be exalted
with honour. (Ps. cxii. 9.) Peace.
Simson, son of Abraham.
[This is a response addressed in a very florid style to R.
Isaac, the son of R. Yomtob, of Joigny, the martyr of York.
Isaac was certainly in London 1 186-94, where he is mentioned as
** Isaac de Jueiugny.V The fact that Jewish boys are sometimes
born without prepuce has interested biologists in connection
with the question of the inheritance of acquired qualities. It is
discussed by Darwin in his Animals and Plants under Domes-
tication. '\
Early xiii. cent. — Christ redeemed the Church from
the Jews.
Ancren Ri7vle^ (Cam. Soc.) p. 394.
Do not men call him a good fellow that giveth his
pledge unto Jewry (Giwerie) to redeem his chum
[fere] ? God Almighty placed himself into Jewry
and gave his dearworthy body to redeem his sweet-
heart [the Church] out of the hands of the Jews
(Giwene).
[The existence of Jewish usury gave a further opportunity for
the exercise of Christian charity in redeeming a friend frbm
debt. It thus enabled the author of the Ancren Riwle (Rule of
Nuns or Anchoritesses) to use the above fine image. * Giwene,*
the plural of * Giwe ' {cf. hos^;z, shot/w, rosen, oxe7t, children) is
still extant in Jewyn Street, London, on the site of the London
Jewish Cemetery, which was that of all England up to 1177
(supra, p. 62). "]
THE GREAT SCHOOL. 243
Early xiii. Cent.— Jewish Code of Education.
Giidemann, Geschichte^ i. 267 seq. (Hcb.).
This is the book 0/ the old Statutes of the Law which
men of old have established for the honour of students, .
I.
// is abffDe all the duty of the priests and Levites* to set
aside one of their sons for the calling of the Study of the
Laiv even before their birth, .
II.
For those thus Separated luho take on themsehcs the
yoke of the Law a school shall be built near the synagogue
[in the chief city, cf XIV.]. T'his is called the Great
School. For just as preachers are appointed to pray in
the name of the people, so care must be taken of the scholars
who devote the??iselves to the study of the Jjaw so that they
perform the duty of the L^aw in the fiame of the people,
and thus the kingdom of God does not go back.
III.
The Separated may not leave the school before the end
of seven years. They must be there provided with food,
drink, and lodging, and ivaste no time on useless things
in school. . . .
IV.
Every member of the frwish community of the land
shall pay two Peshitim [pence] for this pious duty
instead of the half shekel which our fathers offered for
♦ Even to the present day Jews keep up a distinction between
ordinary Israelites and those who claim to be descended from
Aaron [" Cohens "] or from the Lcvites ["Levy."].
244 THE SMALL SCHOOL,
the Temple service and the sacrifices. So we ought to
offer a tax for the preservation of the school ^ the support
of the scholars, the payment of teachers and monitors , and
the purchase of books,
V.
There shall be an overseer for the scholars to fix their
tasks and to notice their ability or laziness. For teachers
are like day labourers that only wait till it is eve, , . ,
Therefore teachers ??iust not teach at home, but only in the
school. This is called the small school,^ . . . When
the ovetseer notices one of the lads to be of slow intellect ,
he shall lead him to his father and say to him, ** God
grant thy son poiver to do noble deeds, but for the study
of the Laiv he is too slow of intellect,''^ Othenvise the
talented boys would be kept back by the 7nore backward
ones, , , Besides the lad may go to aiwther teacher
to see if he has better luck with him,
VI.
The teachers shall not take more than ten stude?its in
one subject. For though our Sages have fixed 2^ as the
proper number of students for one teacher, that applied
only to Palestine where the climate favoured the develop-
ment of the mind, and for the time of political independ-
ence, for in freedofn the mind is lofty, strong, clear and
light, and takes up wisdom and knowledge easier than
in a state of subjection, ,
VII,
The teacher shall not teach the boys by heart but from the
♦ In the provincial cities, in contrast to the great school of the
capital (I).
USE OF VERNACULAF. 2+5
iok, and teach them to translate th( Bible into the sernac-
ilar. Tie Sages used to go through the week/y readings \
tt Sabbath twice in the anginal and once in translation, ^
\n the original for we always read anything we lime (
toiee oi'er, and once in translation to make God's word 1
\nderstanded of the women and the vulgar so that per'
nee the fear nf God might enter their hearts. So too I
French Jnvs have the custom of going through the
yeektv portion on Sabbath twice in the original and onee
p the vernacular.
fThis refereDCe to ".Frtnch Jews " shows thai the code was
(awn up somewhere away from France, and as Giidemann is
n that it was composed in a French-speakinE country. I
re to think il may have originated in England. The refer-
o the capital in I. con^rmE this, as well as the fact that R.
bmtob of Joigny {sufra p. 1 II) refers to his father and others
tliaving been " separated." The freijuent rercrence to Jewish
achohe " in (he English records may refer to these schools and
Dt to the synagogues, as has been hitherto assumed. At
jorwich the school was different from the synagogue, Blomfield,
br/, iv. i^S- And for London we have an express reference
I the Great School of the capital, which was m the parish of
:. Uuy Colcchurch (ju?*ra,p. 236). Notice too (he reference
I the long winter nights in XI.: this could only apply to
brth France or England.]
VIII.
The teachers shall instruct the lads to translate the
\ramaic version [Targum] of the Scripture into the
fnaeular, so that they be practised in the language of
\e Talmud [Aramaic], and can be easily introduced to
I study (flMacha [Rabbinic Law]. . . .
246 REPETITION,
IX.
The teachers shall accustom the lads to examine one
another every evening in their lessons, so that they may
sharpen one another's wits,
X,
The teachers should make the lads repeat every Friday
what they have learnt in the current and in the preceding
week. So on New M0071 they should repeat what was
learnt in the two preceding months. And in Tishri
[September] they should go through the summer lessons,
and in Nisan [March- April] those of winter, so as not to
forget what they have learnt, . , ,
XL
During the winter nights, i.e, from the beginning of
Marcheshvan [Oct. -Nov.] to the beginning of Nisan
[March- April], the teachers shall teach the boys only a
quarter of the night for the winter days are short [and
lights are dear]. Each lad shall pay something for the
lights,
XII.
The teachers shall not carry on a?iy other profession or
7V riling business besides their teachi?ig, . . . They
will then sufficiently fulfil thtir duty, for they should
exercise such a holy office with strict attention to its
duties, , .
XIII. (B I.)
The mefi of old have ordered us to buy a school 7iear the
Synagogue [cf II.] . . The Separated 7nusi pay for
their lodging and contribute to the salary of the teacher
THE SEPARATED.
H7
'raialalor. The house is to hehoughi by the communiiy, j
hut it is to he hi to the well-to-do and the separated for I
Mre. This hire is to lie applied io the payment of the J
Rector and monitors. I
XIV. (2) I
They have further ordered a seminary Io be founded ifi I
he capital town for the separated, a7id all the com- 1
.munilies around shall pay a yearly contribution In the |
keeping up of the seminary, the keep of Ike scholars, and I
. salaries of teachers and monitors \cf. IV.], This school "I
i called the Great, since from it go forth teaching and 1
■ instruction for Israel. I
XV. (3)
Further, they have ordered the heads of schools not io 1
'iMd their lecturing in their awn houses where ikeir wives I
-re, hut in the places set apart for the separated \cf. V.]. I
"here shall they stop all I he week, but may go home on Sab- m
bath eve, and enjoy themselves among their family. ■ • -I
They shall have two suits of clothes, one for home ustm
,and another for their holy duly in the seminary, for they I
must keep themselves perfectly pure for their lectures, I
^0 heads of families shall attend their lectures who do%
iwi da-ole themselves entirely to the study of the Law, for I
they have business carts. ... I
XVI. (5). I
I of old have commanded: Dedicate the first- J
horn [to the study of the Law] even before he is bom,M
On the eight day after circumcision lay the hoyM
^Vtt a pillow with a Pentateuch at his head, and the eldersM
tf the congregation or the head of the schinil shall hlestM
hint and say the verses : ' The Lord giivs thee the Jew of^
248 SALARIES,
Heaven, dfc* (Gen. xxvii. 28-30). T^en the head of
the school shall lay his hand on the hoy and the Penta-'
tauch and say thrice : ' Learn what is here written^
practice what is here ordained^ . . Then the Father
shall have a feast in honour of the Covenant and the
Separation, , ,
XVII. (6).
Further they have ordered, [^CfV,^ A distinguished
teacher shall direct the teachers : he ?nay take as many
as 100 scholars to instruct them in the law. He shall
have 100 litres [marks] as salary , of which he shall pay
So to 10 teachers and keep the remaining 20 for himself
He himself shall not instruct but only super ise the
teachers and set the tasks. He must hire a suitable
school house with upper and lower storeys for the school
rooms. Each boy shall contribute to the hire. This
school is called the small one, \_Cf K] Seven years
shall the lads remain there y of which two shall be devoted
to the Pentateuch y two to the prophets and Hagiographs,
and three to the small tractates [of the Talmud]. They
go home every evening. After this they leave their former
teacher and go to the great seminary near the Synagogue.
There they remain another seven years according to the
rules for the Separated,
XVIII. (7).
\_Cf VI,'] — The Rector shall repair to the School
immediately after the rnorning prayer and deliver his
lecture. The monitors shall attend to the lecture and
after it is ended they shall retire with their scholars to
their chamber. There each monitor gathers his ten
scholars \_Cf, F/.] round him and repeats the lecture to
TIME TABLE. 249
them twice. Then they take the midday meal. After
dinner the monitors repeat the lesson ofice more. Then they
all attefid another lecture of the Rector on a neiv theme,
after luhich they return as in the morfiing and repeat the
lesson tivice, and if there is efwugh daylight repeat the
morning's lesson. So from Nisan to Tishri\y[i summer].
In winter the lessons are in the morning and in the er'en-
ing, , . After all this they go to sleep. But if the
scholars desire to pass the night in repeating their lesson
let them do so
XIX. (8).
Our sages have ordered the Elders of the Congregation
to study the law every Sabbath in order to remove stum-
bling blocks, avoid disagreement and that they should
ahvays keep in mind the ivords of the living God.
So also shall the great ones do who stand near to the
government y devote themselves for six days to the roya
service and on the seventh busy themselves with the Law
and be inindful of the words of the living God. , , .
XX. (c.)
How shall the boys be educated and the tasks be set by
the teachers ?
Our sages say (Aboth. v. 24) at five years to the Scrip-
tures. At that age a father shall hand him over to a
teacher at the begifining of the month Nisan. The
father shall expressly determine the teacher's work, saying
to him, '* Know that you shall teach 7ny son the alphabet
this month, thevoivels^ next month, and how to put them
together ifi syllables in the third, Thcficeforward shall
♦ Special signs which are put under the consonants in Hebrew
to form syllables.
250 A LIBERAL EDUCATION,
* the pure deal with the pure^ i.e., with Leviticus.* .
From month to month you shall increase my soji^s task.
If this month he can learn half the weekly portion of
Scripture, next month he must go through the luhole.
From Tammus [June- July] to Tishri he must go through
the weekly portion in Heheiv, and fro7n I'ishri to Nisan
in the vernacular. Then the hoy is six years old. In
his sHH'nth year he must learn the Aramaic version from
the hook and not hy heart and translate it into the vulgar
tongue. In his eighth and ninth year he inust take the
prophets and Hagiographa^
Our sages say further : At ten years to the Mishna.
Then the lad is to he introduced to the Talmud at first
in the Tractate Beracoth [or Benedictions] and the
smaller tractates which helong to the order Moed [Festi-
vals]. For all this a space of three years is appointed.
In the fourth he is * holy to the Eternal ' ; for then the
lad is I X years old.
Further say the Sages : At 13 the practice of religion,
. . The father shall then take the son set apart and
win him hy friendly words, saying * Hail to thee that
hast shown thyself worthy of partaking in the holy
work,^ and then taking him to the house for the Separated.,
But the duty of separation only cojiies to the lad with his
sixteenth year. Theft he is taken to the ire tor, who lays
his hand on him and says * This is holy to the Etej'nalT
. . , Then the youngster remains thei'e seven years to
learn the greater tractates [of the Talmud].
Our Sages also say : The chief thing is not Learning
hut Action. And agaifi Mishna (Menach : xiii. 11):
♦ As the book containing the laws of purity.
THOUGHT AND ACTION. 15 !
majdo liltk^rmtuhprovidtdyeiudoitforlhe sakeof
. . . . Bui berausf the ptoplt are hunted away
fw» Action thfv must anisoU Ihrmselvu with clinging
thr faith. The Separated hmvcver ran combine both
hf /.ail' and its fulfilmijil in AMm.
[This important Code gives a remarkable scheme of liberal
lucation fur one at least of the sons nf each Jewish family, to be
tiled the separated fFirushJ , or set apart for the (tudy of the
nv. Besides this, it would seem, though the directions are not
dear, that every Jewish boy bad seven years' instraction from
b Hixlh till his thirteenth year in Hebrew and Aramaic. Judg-
Ig from the comparative frequency of Hebrew writinp among
ke Englisli Jew4 this scheme of education seems to have been
Jopled here. 1 have given reasons above {cf. VII.} for holding
; at least of the three sections of the Code (I.-Xn.) was
Mnpiled or copied in England. But even if it were not so, I I
tould have included il in this book for the vivid light it throws |
pon the inner life of French -speaking Jews at the beginning of 1
thirteenth century and probably earlier.]
larly ZIU. Cent.— Prefece to "The Book of the
Onyx,"
S<:plu-r Ha SItokam (Heb.) ed. Collins.
/N THE NAME
f the Lord, //;,■ -^iwld's God^tht searcher of things
Iddin and scent — the shafier wilhoul compass or tool — 1
' fke heaven and earth full — and wt have shared his \
". By his Word He fashioned all — nor changed his j
n at all. \
. Set the past and future I jnin together — and enter into |
<es of the matter. In the days of ywe in the time of
I}' youth — / had already opened my mouth — 7, Moses
( of R. ha,ic, — kiumin tverj-wiere — as iiic son if
i
252 THE ONYX BOOK,
Countess [Ha-nassiah] of the land Angleterre. I spoke
of the gravimar of the sacred tongue — as is the custom
youths among — and ftarned it The Tongue of thb
Learned — and favs received it without a doubt — nor
cafi I recover it though I search about. For I hastened
on my zvay — nor would not stay — nor spoke of the
words fully nor explained them enough — nor ivere the
folk prepared enough,
[These are opening words of an important grammatical
treatise and lexicon of Rabbi Moses ben Isaac son of " Hanas-
siah" (probably Comitissa of Cambridge, supra p. 65). He
termed it " the Onyx Book *' owing to the anagram between
"Shoham" (Onyx) and his name **Moseh." It consists of a
grammatical introduction on the servile and radical letters in
Hebrew, in which he follows R. Jacob ibn Ganach and a lexi-
con arranged according to the grammatical order of verbs, &c.
He refers to R. Moses ben Yom Tov as his master. This was a
known Jew, father of the great Elias Pontifix Judoeonim of the
thirteenth centuiy who quotes a decision of his father R. Moses
ben Yom Tov (see Berliner Heh. Poesien des R. Meirs aus Nor-
wich, p. vi.). He quotes R. Joseph Kimchi, Abraham ibn
Ezra, Solomon Parchon, Eleazar of Beaugencjy, Moses Roti.
Besides these he also quotes Berachyah Nakdan {supra p. 167).
R. Samuel Nakdan, R. Menachem of London, and R. Isaac
of Tchemigov [supra p. 73), all of them English Jews, as well as a
R. Jacob who may have been the Archprcsbyter mentioned
above p. 202. There can be little doubt therefore of his having
lived in England, and we have been able to trace the circumstance
under which his father Isaac manied a Lincoln Jewess without
permission of the King, supra p. 44. Moses was acquainted with
Arabic, which increases the probability that Berachyah Nakdan
was also acquainted with that language.]
A LGNO PEDIGREE.
iSf
Bef. 131B — ^A Hebrew Inecription,
Stow, Survey, ed. Thorns, p. 15. I
'TOMBSTONE OF R. MOSES SON OF R. ISAAC.
[This inscription was found at Ludgnte in Elij'abeth's time
id was given by Stov in Ms Survey with the remark that it I
inst have come from the Jewish cemetery in Jewin Street, atfl
the time wheo the Barons fortified London against John in
The dale and everything make it highly probable that wc have \
here the tombstone of the author of the "Onyx Book."]
c. 1279.~A long' Anglo-Je-wisli Pedigree.
Jem. Quart. Rev., III., 56I. j
TKij Calendar was composed bv Moses son of the I
Honourable* Rabbi Jacob son of Rabbenu Moses o/tj
Londrcs son of Iks Chief Rabbi Vomliib, who wrote %
" Sepher Ha-Tanaim" son f Ik H u able* I!abbi\
SfoMS of BrhUme sen of R I aa f R. Simeon, J
irolhtr of R. Abraham son of R Sn n Ur's son o/M
R. Simeon, and he was Ike s / -^ / pk son of R.T
' Gnal, who lies bun d Ik g aveyard 0/%
Mayertce. May Ihe peace of h lb Ik r families^
and for its and for all Israel may Ikeir nierils rise up I
j^to the Lord]. Amen, Amen, Amen, Selak.
[This colophon, retenlly discovered by Prof. Kaufmano it
^rankfoTt MS. of thi; Jewish Ritnal, is intereiitiDg in many -I
»ay», which I have diacossed in Jfeo. Quart. Reu. rti. ;;6-8o. I
It gives mformatlon about another Anglo- Jewish author — R. I
traces back through the twelfth century the
-oiBhed family of English Jews in the thirteenth. It traces \
'^HA. "Nadib" signifiea
tt applied above (p. 77) t
1 patron of learaing. It is
Isaac FU Rabbi Joee.
254 R* SIMEON CHASTD.
this family still further back till the tenth century in Germany.
It also, I am inclined to thmk, throws light upon the remarkable
dialogue between a Christian and Jew, summarised in this book
(pp. 7-12). It will be observed, in the above genealogy, that
the grandfather of Moses of Bristol was a certain R. Simeon.
Now, in a German martyrology it is mentioned (supra p. 23.^
that R. Simeon the holy, of Treves, was martyred in 1 146, near
Cologne, on his return from England, " where he had been
many years." It is improbable that two R. Simeons should
have come over to England from Grermany about the same time,
and it is therefore probable that this family was descended from
R. Simeon of Treves. Again, of the Jewish disputant with the
Abbot of Westminster it is said (supra, p. 7.) : ** I know not
where he was bom, but he was educated at Mayence," where
was the family of R. Simeon the Great (fl. 1012). This would
exactly answer to R. Simeon, bom at Treves, if he married into
the family of R. Simeon. It is, therefore, likely that the Dis-
putaiio gives the substance of R. Simeon's polemics with the
genial Abbot of Westminster, the Dean Stanley of his day. If
so, we should date it later. I fixed upon the earlier date (bef.
1096) because Anselm left England then. But he returned with
Henry I., and any date before the death of Crispin in 1 107 would
suit the dialogue. While this reasoning is highly hypothetical,
it gains in likelihood from the small probability of many learned
Jews coming at so early a date from Germany. R. Simeon of
Treves was one, as we know from Ephraim of Bonn. The Hagin
family, as I call them in my paper on the London Jewry*, were
descended from a R. Simeon, who would be of the same date
as R. Simeon of Treves. The chances are greatly in favour of
the identity of these two Simeons.]
♦ Chiefly because I believe ** Huggin Lane,^' in the City of
London, was named after one of the family.
ySlVS IN IRELAND.
SUPPLKMENT.
asEiages of uncertain date or autliorily, ami some
IS passing through the ]]ress.]
1074.— Decree of the Council of Bouen.
Manai-Labbe, Concilia, xx. sgg.
XIV.
That the canonical authority and the decree of
St. Gregory be kept about the Jews, viz., that they
shall not have Christians* as servants \_mancipia] or
nurses.
At this council was present William, the most
potent King of the English and Prince of the
Nonnans, by whose command the above sentences
were corroborated.
[This derision was emphasised at the Lateran Council of 1179
(seep. 62]. That it was effective in England is shown by
BJchaid of Devizes' stalement thai a woman who served in a
Jewish house was infamons, and therefore unable to bear
witness (p. 152).]
1070. — Jews repulsed from Iralanil.
O'Conor, Annali 0/ InnisfalUn, ii. 81.
Five Jews came over the sea bearing gifts to
Fairdelbach [Hua Brian] and were sent back over
the sea.
fThia is the first mcnUon of Jews in connection with Ireland.
■lie date is given by O'Conor 1062, but is corrected to 1079 by
9Sx. Whitley Stokes in Academy, 11 Mar., 1890. It is scarcely
-"Reading " Christianos " for "Chriatiani" which gives
r-»Rei
I
Englan^^
Z$6 A yEW BURNT.
likely tliat Jews came lo Ireland before the Conqtiest of Engla
(c/. supra, p. 3.) By the whirligig of time the Jews had their
revenge for this repulse, as it was by means of Jewish gold, I
have shown above, p. 51, that Richard Stroogbow manpgBd
the Gonqnest of Ireland.]
Bef. 1141.— A Jew burnt at Oxford.
Anthony il Wood, City of Ox/urd, ed. Clarlr, ii. 82.
Besides, 1 find another[Hall] linowne by the name
of Boken Hall and, immediatelv after the Conquest,
Doille/s Inn, owned or built by Robert D'Oilley who
came in with the Conqueror : with others. The two
last of which, standing near the house of Aaron son
of Isaac, a Jew that was burnt, becausi! the owner
denied paymest of money to King Stephen, was for
that reason totally deserted by the scholars thereof.
[There were also Halls knowo by the names of Moysey**,
Lombard's, and Jacob's Hnll which have been conjectured Is
have belonged to Jews. In another passage [supra p. 18).
Wood says that Aaron's house was burnt, but docs not refer. ta
the burning of Aaron himself who, we may conjecture, yits
burnt in his house and not of malice aforethought. Wood also
mentions that the Jew's Mount at Oiford was built by them
to aid Stephen when he besieged the Empress Maud in tb«
Castle, See Dr. Neubaiier's Notes on Oxfmd ymvs in CetUe-
lauea II. of the Oxf. Hist. Soc. ]). 281.]
1144.— The Hartyrdom of WiUiam of Norwich.
• Thomas of Monmouth. MS. in Cambr. Univ. Lftr.
[An important discovery has recently been made of a neitly
contemporary account of the martyrdom of the boy WilliBm jit
Norwich. It ts contained in a MS, recently acquired by the
Cambridge University Library, and fills 140 double- colum"rf'
ieave^i, divided into seven books, of which the first two relate lo
tlii martyrLium. These turn ouL lo be the source of Thomas
THEOBALD OF CAMBRIDGE. 157
'Capgrave's account, jiy*R» pp. rg-zi, which is, however, very
. much abridgeil. The name of the chief Jew concetned in the
■murder is given as Deus adjuvel {=^Deiiaie or Deusaie, Hei,
Eleaiar) . He was killed by the friends or bravoes of a debtor of
i, one Simon dea Noyers. The only other Jew actually named
"Theobald, formerly Jew [at Cambridge] and afterwards
monk." It was to the vile imagination of this apostate that the
whole theory of the sacred or lilual character of the murder, if
murder it was, is due. According to him, lotjt were cast at
JNarbonne as to the place where the bloody sacrifice should be
held, and fell upon Norwich. The fallowing extracts, which, as
' ' well as the above details, I owe to the courtesy of Mr. James, of
' ' King's College, Cambridge, who is engaged in editing this most
. 1 interesting MS., give details not in Capgrave as to the fate at
the Jews and the kind of evidence thought sofGcient to sustain
the " martyrdom " of the poor httle lad who has unwittingly
been the cause of martyrdom to so many Jews since.]
But some of the other Jews, not being able to bear
the increasing infamy of such a charge, dispersed into
foreign parts, and as the news spread died by a worthy
punishment. But the rest who remained in confi-
dence on the protection of the sheriff were either
destroyed by a sudden death or delivered over to the
hands of the Christians.
I [The fact remains clear that no public trial was ever held on
the Jews implicated in the charge, which was only spiead abroad
by public rumour. The Bishop Edward encouraged it, but the
sheriff would not allow the Jews to appear in his court. To
explain this, which practically acquitted the Jews by declaring
there was not even priiitd facit evidence against them, the
supporters of the "martyrdom" invented the story that the
sheriff had been bribed into connivance.]
' Besides another argument may be adduced by
which the beHt-'f of doubters may be strengthened.
William of Hastings, formerly Dean of Norwii;h,
1
158 ORIGIN OF ''BLOOD ACCUSATION." ^H
when once talking witli us about the murder of the
blessed martyr William, protested in truth that he
had once been present at a lawsuit between two Jews.
And when one of them accused the other of crimes,
the other, moved by anger, turned to the Dean, and,
pointing his finger at the Jew who was at strife with
him, said : " Sir William, he that speaks before thee
so confidently does not deserve to be heard by thee,
if thoH art a Christian. For he was the first to cast
hands upon the Christian whom ye call the Martyr
William, and slew him with bloody hands. Hence
in very truth he is not worthy to remain among
Christians."
[It is clear from the introduction of this passage that even
amoilg the credulous audience whom Thomas of Moomoulh was
addressing there were doubters. It is equally clear that he was
haid put to it to give any reliable evidence of any complicity of
the Jews io the death of poor little William. The meremmoui
of Jewish comphctt^ would put a temble weapon in the hands
of aoj villainous Jew who wished to embarrass a fellow-Jew.
The materials before us are at present too incomplete till the
appearance of Mr James' edition of Thomas of Monmouth.
But judging from the extrids which he has been so kind and
generous as to place before me the cunous result comes out that
the attribution of the death of WiUiam of Norwich to Jews, and
so of the long train of similar charges down to the present day,
is due in large measure to the interested machinations of Jewa
themselves. However, we must wait for Mr. James' edition'.]
1147.— Stephen protect! the Jews.
Ephraim b. Jacob, of Bonn. a]). Hehi . Herichte der
KreusMigi (Heb.), p. 64.
In England Ihf King o/H.avrf, sav.d lk,J,v.'s through
the King of Engtaml. He Inrmd his hear! so that ht
r
STEPHEN AND THE JEWS.
protected them and saved their lives and properly. Praised
he the Hdp of Israel!
[This entry inn Jewish account of the persecvition of the Jt
daring tht second and third Crusades throws some light on s
Very obscure period of Anglo- Jewish history. Throughout the
years [[46-8 the Jews were persecuted in France, Spain, and
Germany, but in Englaod they seemed Co have escaped, even
though the ''blood accusation" had just been raised against
them for the first time in the case of WDliam of Norwich. It
seems from the above entry that this was due to the favour of
Stephen, who recovered power in England just in 1146 (Norgate,
1., 336). One may conjecture that Stephen had very solid reS'
aons for the favour he showed the Jews. Anthony a Wood
reports that the Jews of Oxford gave Stephen 3 J 'esdianges'
and only one lo Maud (supra p. 18.]]
C. 1160. — A Beconveraiou by Bubigotace-
R. Joseph ben Nathan, ap. A, Neubaner, Jewiih
Interpreters of Isaiah liii., p. 71.
This section [Is. lii. 13-15 tiii.] is applied by the
heretics to the Nazarene. A very learned apmstale came
once into the presence of the great R. Joseph Bechor Shor:
" How," he asked, " canst thou meet the evidence of this
section ? " He replied " O fool, thine ears shall hear
that which thou ulterest from thy mouth : the prophet
calls him his ' servant,' but if he is God could he he termed
a servant f " At onct the apostate rent his clothes and
rolled himself in ashes and repented.
[This anecdote is related in a book of the early thirteenth
century about R. Joseph Bechor Shor, who is also known as K.
Joseph of Orleans, whom I have identified with the Rubigotsco
of the English records \iupra p, 15).]
1
I
l6o TENANTS OF ST. FAUVS.
Bef. 11C2.— ^Te-nrB tenants of St. Faul'H.
Hist. Cam. Rep., is. 63, 50*.
(i) This is the convention between the Canons of
St. Paul's, London, and Abraham the Jew, son of
Simon. Namelythat they grant to him and his heirs
in fee and in inheritance, all the land which Alricus
Parole holds of them near that part which Benedict
the Jew holds, &c.
Witnesses — Geoffrey the Archdeacon, Richard,
Archdeacon of Middlesex [became Bishop of Lon-
don, 1151], Robert de Avco, &c., Abraham fil Samson.
(1) Grant in fee by the Canons of St. Paul to
Benedict the Jew of one third part of the land which
Alric Parole held of them and Osbert the smith
before him.
Witnesses — Geoffrey the Archdeacon, Richard,
Archdeacon of Middlesex . . . Abraham, son of
Samson.
[I canjectuiF that thf AbraLam lil SimDn menlioncd above is
a son of R. Simeon Chasid, who disputed with Gilbert Crispin,
Cf. 5Utra. p. 354.]
Bef. lies.— A Jev three- quartera of a Knig^lit.
• Pub. Rec. Off. Liber Rubeus de Scacc.fol. \\z, II3.
Certifications of Knight's Fees. . , . Lincolnshire.
. , . Charter of William de Romara. ... A certaiB
Jew in Fitelkeim \in Fet<ikcima\, three-parts of a
Knight.
Charter of Earl Simon. . . ,
Aaron, half a Knight.
[Tliese entries from the "Red Book of the Eicheqiier,"
iiadly pointed out to me by Mr. Hubert Hall, who is engaged
JEWISH KNIGHTS. i6i
in editing it for the Rolls Series, Ihrow remarkable light on
tlie social and eoDslitutiocal position of the Jews of England in
the twelfth century. They occur among the returns that were
made of the King's tenants in capite giving the names of those
who paid Knights' fees to them. This does not neeessarily
Imply that they are knights in the military sense of the term,
Jhougli in the majority of cases this was so. The above entries
show that, at least in the belief of those making the returns
and those enteting them in the Liber Rubtui, there was nothing
ikgainst Jews becoming knights in the feudal sense. And, with
this as our gnide, we can now interpret several entries in
preceding pages that do indeed involve this. Thus the
" Bencdictus Miles" whose sons are mentioned (p. 89 and
P.R, 79), was without doubt a Jewish Knight, It is possible
that he is the Benedict mentioned in P.R. 91, as having
detained the rents of "his lord," who would be the ordinary
tcudal overlord. This renders it likely that Jews held the same
relation to one another. Thus Solomon de Paris speaks of
ron of Lincoln {sufra, p. 77) as " dominns." These entries
confirm the impression that Jews could hold land and houses
jtist as the rest of Ihe King's subjects. ~We lind besides a Jen
jnaking " a final concord " (p. 99], baying and selling manors
[p.So], succeeding to a father's lands (P.R. St, tzi), renting
land, and buying quit.rents (p. 177)— in other words, perform-
ing all the legal processes involved in the tenure of land exactly
as all the rest of the King's lieges. The important thing to
notice is lliat all this implied a right of free movement through-
out the length and breadth of the land, a right which js
specially granted by the Charier of the Jews (VI.). This is
also referred to by a contemporary Rabbi, who remarks : " Thiy
can mmre about ftedy, just like the Knights " (Tos, Baba
Kama 58a). They were indeed "just like knighls" in every,
thing relating to the land, at least in the twelfth century.]
l6l THE RABBI AND THE DEMONS. ^H
Bef. 1167.— AbTdham Ibn Ezra and the Demoiui.
R. Moses of Tachau, Kithab Tainivi (Heb.), ap. Omr
Ntchmail, iii., 97.
Oifr teachers say that there an demons in the world
possessing some qualities like those of men and some like
those of angels. And Joseph the Demon taught the ways
0/ Demons. And in the tractate Beracoth [of the Talmud]
our teachers give directions hew to get a sight nf demons.
But Abraham Ibn Ezra wrote in his hook: " There are no
" demons in this world, but tfu power of the spirit that man
"puts into it for a certain object is so called. When it is
" written (Dent, xxxii. 17^ ' They sacrificed to demons!
" the meaning is they removed the knowledge from it jusi
" like idols which cause men pain [though they do not
" really exist]. And when they say ' Six things art
"said of demons' they mean human beings who know
" how to alter what happens jusi like those who know the
'•principles of visions and how the soul may see visioni,
" and so the Chaldeam knew the horoscope of men and
" reckoned and wrote what a man might dream on a par-
" ticular night." So far Ibn Ezra .... Behold,
Abraham was mistaken with regard to the demons who
were always accompanying him. And from the ox [?] of
the priest he could easily have reached recesses of power
and greatness which are inaccessible even to the angels.
But, even as it was, the demons proved to hint that they
existed. For I have heard from the children of Egland
[sic] that he died there among them. For once he was
riding in a forest and came among a number of dogs, who
stood still and glared at him, and all of them were black.
Certainly Ihi-se were demons. iVlien he parted from them
IBN EZRA'S SECOND VISIT. 263 ^
he fell into danger, and fell ill and died of thai illtuss.
[Abraham Ibo Ezra [supra pp. 29-38) died 23 Jan. 1 16;.
The place of his death is said to be Calahotra, near Spanish I
Navarre. But the authority for this ia late, that of Abraham |
Zacuto of the fifteenth century, and there may be troth in the
Btatement of Moses Tahu writing only a century after Ibn Ezra's
death (1260-1300). Ibn Ezra's latest works were written in
North France or England ; the commentary on Psalms, Daniel, J
Minor Prophets, and the second recension of his Pentateuch I
commentary in " Rodoni " or " Rodos " between 1156 and 1
1 166. The exact locality of this pUce is uncertain. It ust
be identified with the iiland Rhodes, which is impossible. More
lately it has been identified «-itb Rhodes, in S. France (soGraeti,
Gexhkhte der Juden, vi., Note 8). Still more recently Dr.
Neubauer, by transposing the letters, interprets the woni i
Dreni, Against this is the fact that the last letter of this ]
word is invariably transliterated by the Helirew letter Shin.
by Samech, while the MS. readings do not substantiate the vii>- j
lent dislocation of the two first letters, I venture Id interpret j
"Rodom" as a shortened form of "Rodomagus," the Latin (
name of Rouen. Certainly we ean understand better why Ibn
Ejira should have come from Rouen to London, which v
colonized by Jews from Rouen. And if my identification of I
Rubigotsee with Joseph Bechor Shor be accepted we can guess '
that it was his congenial company thai Itept Abraham Ibn Ezrj
in North France for twelve years, as Rubigotsee had his house
in Rouen {supra p. 217), and Ms son Isaac was the chief Jew
London in Henry II.'s reign. It was perhaps to visit him that
Abraham Ibn Ezra paid his second and last visit to England,
where K. Joseph ben Jacob heard him comment on Exodiu
(Graetz, l.e., p. 415), i.e., in the second recension after 1166, .
He WIS thus in London a year before his death nor is there any |
trace in bis writings of a final visit through France to Spain.
This is to a certain extent a confirmation of Moses Taku's state-
ment. The above passage is noteworthy as containing Ibn Ezra's
outspoken opinion that demons have no objective existence,
probably the earliest statement of the kind in the history of
mankind.]
z6+ THE VACANT BISHOPRIC.
1167.— A False Jew a False Propliet. ' >
Willmm ofNeH-hun-, cil. Hmvlett, i. 154.
In the fourteenth rear of King Henry, ;'.;■., A.D.
1167, died Robert, bishop of Lincoln, the successor
of Alexander, and the bishopric falling into the trea-
surj' that church was deprived of pastoral supervision
for nearly 1 7 years, so that it was hardly thought that
anyone would be bishop again in that see. Especially
as a certain convert from Thames side keep on re-
porting after the death of the bishop that there would
never more be bishop over the Church in Lincoli).
And since he seemed to possess the spirit of prophecy
on account of the merit of his religious conversion
and of the result of several similar predictions, it was
believed by many that he would not be deceived
in this matter. [Godfrey, the King's natural son,
was nominated 1173, but was content with receiving
the income.] And when he put off the time of his
canonical consecration, not knowing how to feed the
Lord's sheep, but only how to fleece them, and
remained long with the title of [Bishop] elect of
Lincoln, the saying of the aforesaid man began to
regain credit in the minds of many. And this moved
many more strongly in the same direction after a
short time, when the King, repenting [withdrew the
nomination Jan. 6, iiBi]. But the falsehood of that
prediction or ojiinion became shown at a subsequent
period [when Walter of Constance was consecrated
Bishop, July 3, ..83].
THE BLOTS MARTYRS. 265
1171.— EngliBh. Jbwb moum the Uartyrs of Blois.
Ephraim of Bonn, ap. Htb. Berichte d. Kreiazuge, p. 69.
[Thirty-four yevis iit Blois are burnt rUivt on a charge of
child-murder, though no child wai milling; becauie the solitary
accuser had undergone the ordeal of water : he swam v/hen
Ikrovm in the inattr, therefore the Jews were iumt,']
That Wednesday, 10 Sivan 4931 [=26 May, 1171],
was -with wiilifig heart accepted as a day of mourning
and fait by all the Congregations in France and all the
inhabitants of the Isles [England], according to the
order of our Chief Rabbi, Ike teacher Jacob, son of R.
Meir, who informed them by letter that it was right to
establish this day as a fast for alt our co~religionists, a
fast more stringent than thai for Gedaliah, the son of
Achikam, for it is a day of atonement. This was the
substance of our teacher's Idler, and the Jews accepted it.
And about this the hymn, " We have sinned, O Lord,"
was composed, which tells of that sad et'ent, and in their
hymn-books it is written, " on account of the persecution
in Blots." May the righteousness of all those who
sacrifice themselves in honour of the Unity stand Israel in
stead for aye I
[Tlis shows the solidarity of fEeling between the Jews of
France and England at the time. Zunz, Tlie Ritus, 62, remarks
that Festival Prayer-books (MacktorJ, which came from Eng-
landarc mentioned in the twelvth eeotnry, which would show that
the English ritual was identical, or nearly so, with that of
France at that time.]
1179-68.— Additional itema from the Pipe Bolls.
• Pipe RolU, j;-34 Hen. II.
189. — And [Cr.] in acting as proctor for Osanna
Paupercula, who sues Vivus, the Jew, for rape,
266 SUBORNING EVIDENCE.
4s. id., by King's writ through John, Bishop' of
Norwich. 25 Hen. II. Sussex.
1890. — Moyses of Cambridg^e renders count of 40
marks because he confessed he was present when
that Knight was obliged to make an affidavit that he
would not show the justiciars the injur)' done him.
16 Hen. 11. Lond. and Midd.
1 90. — Judas, Jew of Northampton, owes three
marks to have his pledge from Peter de Goldinton.
But it should be required in Lincolnshire. 27 Hen.
II. Hamtesc.
igoi. — Gervaines Painel owes £tT to be quits of
the bail of the Earl of Leicester against Aaron the
Jew, and that he may not be distrained for the same
bail. 30 Hen. II. Staff.
191. — Brun, the Jew of Stamford, renders count rf
^10 to have his pledges and debts of Robert de
Gant. Manasser fil Joie owes 40s. for having his
debts and pledges. Benedict, brother of Aaron, owes
40s. for right to the debt which Philip de Kyma owes
him and for the debt of Simon, his son, for whom he
is surety, ji Hen. II. Line.
[For last item, cf. No. 184 and following number. Benedict
makes a further agreement. 33 Hen. II.]
192. — Vsaac, son of Sim. de Stamford, who remains
at Stamford, owes 5 marks to have his debts and
pledges. Benedict, nephew of Aaron, owes one
mark of gold to have his rights against Joslin de
Arundel and Philip de Kyma, his surety for his debts
and pledges. 31 Hen. II. Line.
193. — York Abbey . . . [Cr.] by payment to
PRINCE yOHN AND THE JEWS. 167
Josce, Jew of York, of +is. by the mortgage which he
has in Hessey of the land of Thomas. 31 Hen. II.
194. — Norfolk and Suffolk. From Offerings and
Pieas of the Court. Deulebenie, Jew of Rising, owes
£,\a for right to his debts against Amalric de Bello-
fago, and WilUam de Vision, and Godfrey brother of 1
the Earl, and Daniel de Meday, and the Prior of ^
Lynn. Josce Barlibrod, the Jew, owes lo besants
because he carried off the chattels of Benedict of
Norwich, for which Abraham, son of Rabbi, has
sureties. 31 Hen. II. '
19s. — Sudhantesc. From the Pleas of the Court. I
Cresselin, the Jew, renders count of one mark for '
right to £ir against William de Bonencastro. Abra-
ham, son of Cresselin, renders count of 1 marks that
an agreement between him and Tom de Treusei may
be heard. Quits. 31 Hen. II.
196. — And by payment by King's writ to Mosse,
the Jew, 13 marks for paying a deed of John, the
King's son. 31 Hen. II. Glocestre.
[John had ihcrefore got into the hands of the Jews. This
may account for his antipathy later.]
J97.— Ghent [Kent]. From the Pleas of William
de Nevile. Jacob. Jew of Canterbury, renders count
of 5 marks because he withdrew from the court with-
,out license, and for right to his debt. 32 Hen. 11.
198. — Deulesalt, son of Jacob, owes one mark
because he did not deny that he offered one mark for
,the redemption of Deuiesah. But it should be
demanded from Abraham fil Rabbi, and Isaac of
Colchester, 32 Hen. IT. Notdf. and Sudf.
[Next year Abraham and Ysaat pay the mark.]
268 JE WISH CONTRIBUTIONS.
199. — Lincoln. From the offerings of the Court.
Joia, the Jewess, owes 20s. for right to an agreement
between her and Ysaac and Samuel, Jews of Stamford.
33 Hen. II.
200. — William de Meuerdel owes 2 marks to have
a writ for bringing to justice Aaron and Copin and
Serfdeu and Bendonat, son of Puldella. 33 Hen. II.
Line.
201. — Kent. New Pleas. Samson de le Nieweland
renders count of 2 marks for land unjustly pledged.
Benedict, Jew of Rochester, owes two marks for his
false statement. 34 Hen. II.
202. — Aaron fil Ysaac owes 20s. to have an agree-
ment with Arnulf de Bee about a certain debt. 34
Hen. II. Northantesc.
203. — Ysaac Crespin renders count of 37J. and 6</.
for his relief. 34 Hen. 11. Devenes.
204. — Leo, Jew of Chichester, owes one mark of
gold that the dispute which he has against Ralph de
Pleasint because he demanded from him forest rights
(?) for his work may be heard in the King's Court.
34 Hen. II. Sudsex.
1183.— A Hebrew Receipt.
M. D. Davis, Shetaroth, No. 148.
We acknowledge that we have received a hundred
litres \_£\ from Payn [Pagany Sheriff of Leicester]
the clergyman^ and nine litres a7id five deniers [s], and
four peshitim [d], the first of the four times beginning
from Candeler [Candlemas] 142 [=4942=1181-2],
W DRINKING WITH GENTILES. 269
f. and the whole we have received from Ike Sullan [Earl]
j of Warren.
C [Not signed, but the accompanying Latin document declares
n that the jf 109 5s. 4(1., had been received by Peitevin and Leo
J of Warwick, as attorneys of Aaron of Lincoln.]
Sef. 1184.— En^lieli Jews drink with OentilsB.
• Tosaphoth R. Ekharian (Heb.), Halberstamm MS. f. 4S4.
II IS surprising that in I he /anrfo/'/Ae/j/i: [England^
I ihiy an lenienl in the mailer 0/ drinking strong drinkt
'^/tke Gentiles and along with them. For the Law n
"distinctly according to those Doctors who foriid it on the
ground thai it leads lo intermarriage. But perhaps, as
there would be great tll-feeling 1/ thej itere lo refiain
■.from this, one must not he severe upon Ihem
[This IS from an inediled MS from the Halberstanun
.collection, now at the Judith Montefiore College Ramsgate,
kindly examined and tianJaled liy Mr I Abnhanis for this
work, facilities for that purpose being freely given by Rev. Dr.
I Gaster, Principal of the College, who also performed the same'
, good offices for the use of Halberstamm MS. Nu. 345. It is a
. weil-wrltten parchment MS., written probably in the thirteenth
centniy, and containing besides the Tosafliolh of R. Elchanan
- on Idolatry (Aboda SoraJ, some by R. Jehuda b. Isaac, " Sic
Leon," in which he remarks (f. 72b.) with reference to what kind
of rings may be worn : " Seal rings such as it is novi atsiomary
to make in England contain a human figure," which seems
against the Second Commandment. Cf. the seal figured above
p. «6.]
e. IIBB.—Aids to ralievB a Lord from the Jewo. '^tC
'Pub. Re.-. Off. ••RedSwt" doeumenti*
(a.) These are the moneys which the burgesses of
• Kindly communicated by Mr. Hubert Hall, who discos
these important documents while engaged in editing the "Red
Book of the Exchequer."
1
270 AIDS IN RELIEF.
Rising gave to their lord the Earl [of Arundel] after
the King crossed the straits : William the merchant
22S. and sd. . . Swein the merchant as much. .
Richard, son of IMeta, gj. and ^d, . . Ubert the
weaver 2s. iid, . . Anderten the cook iSs. Sd, .
Ricar the fisher 8^. and id. . . Ricar the Lorimer
^od. . . Roger the miller 13^. . . AlviusBis-
sop I'jd. . . Jueta iSd, , . Adam, son of El-
viva 4^. and Sd. . . All these moneys {^£1$ ^9^» 5^0
they gave to the Earl of Arundel of their good will lo
free his land as against the Jews. They gave it to
Nicholas, the standard bearer.
{b.) This is the inquisition of the manor of the
Earl of Arundel in Snettesham, according to what his
men gave after our lord the King of England crossed
over the last time into Normandy when the Eail
went forth to keep the Marches of Wales several
times : namely, the men of his demesne gave loos,,
and Richard, son of Atrac, and his peers of one
socage, gave 3 marks for nothing \^gra/{s]. These
moneys Richard, the Chamberlain of Bucheham,
received, but afterwards the men of the EarFs
demesne gave 2 marks for relieving the Earl's debts,
and Richard, son of Altrac, and his peers, gave 4
marks, and this of their good will, and Richard, the
Chamberlain of Bucheham, received those mone}^.
When the Earl returned from France the men of
the Earl's demesne gave 10 marks, viz. : To Richard
the Chamberlain 5 marks, and to the Jew of Rising
5 marks, and again Richard, son of Atrac, with his
peers, gave 3^ marks, viz. : 2 marks to Richard the
TO FREE THE LORD.
IChamberlain, and lo shillings to Deulebenie the
I Jew. Again, the men of the Earl's demesne gave 8J
hmarks, and Richard, with his peers, gave 3 maks of
Qone socage, for relieving the Earl's lands from the
Jews, and this of their good will. These moneys
J)eulebenie the Jew of Rising received.
(f.) The vill of Ridun', which belongs to the soc
of Rising, gave, as usual, within those four years after
the King crossed the straits. For the annies going
into Wales they gave ten marks. On the other
Jiand, they gave the Earl, to free his lands as regards
the Jews, 1 if marks out of their good will.
(rf.) They likewise say of Henry {sk) de Rye, who
s in the custody of Reginald de Warren. Of the son
■of Bokeringber, Reginald de Warren has, for paying
,the debt of Hubert de Rye, against Strabaen the Jew
and his charter. For manying the sister of Hubert,
,10 marks, and for i stock of a manor. They have
given it gratis.
[These entrieii throw an important side-light upon the efiects
<^ Jewish usQT)-. All the other evidence in this book tends to
^liow thai the eiactions of the Jews only affected (he ruling
IJBGses, the lesser barons, and the monasteries. But these iti
bow that these could pass on the pressure of Jewish u^iy
D their vassals and tenantry. They are, prolmbly, only a type
if what went on whenever a large proprietor fell into debt to
[ews : such aids would not come befoie the royal courts, but
merely be recorded in the manorial courts. The vassals empha-
size the fact that these aids were "benevolences," given of Iheir
n free wd, but once the custom was established it would be
Bcolt to evade them. The Earl of Anindel and his chief
irisb creditors appear frequently in this book, Cf. P.R. 91,
I, 194, and pp. ill, 27+.]
27* A FRAUD ON THE CONVENT. ^H
Bef. 1187.— The Hisdeede of William Wibart.
GiraJd. Cambr. Optra i., 207, 210.
In the first place, then, in his own house and
neighbourhood we have heard from venerable men,
the aforesaid visitors, that he was ejected from being
cellarer, especially because of certain charters by
which his house was in debt to Aaron the Jew of
Lincoln. These he himself secretly paid off, but
kept by him a long time, and claiming the ordinary
usury in the name of Aaron, being himself worse
than Aaron, more cruel by far, since he was turning
the common property to his own use, and by this
detestable fraud made his own convent [of Bitlesdon]
wretched, and almost extenninated it.
[Gerald is answering tbe attacks of Wibcrt, and therefolC^
not likely to take a favourable view of his character. But itlt
clear that such a fraud was possible.]
Bf. U89.— The Bevelation of Boger de Estreb;.
Gerald. Cambr., De Instruct. Princ, csiii. cd. Brewer, p. 40.
About these times a revelation was made to a
Knight of Lincoln named Roger dc Estreby. While
he was journeying in the field he heard voices, 'a
greater and afterwards a less, as if witnessing to one
another and telling him to go to London to Bald-
win the Archbishop and Ranulph de Glanvill Justiciar
of England, and tell them on behalf of God to c
the straits to King Henry, and tell him to fulfil the
seven commands which He had ordered him, and if
he did this he would live for seven years, and seek
the cross of Christ for his mercies and die happy,
But if not she would not live beyond four years and
PROPOSED EXPULSION OF JEWS. 173
''would die ignomiiiioiisly. But he, thinking it a
] phantom, defended himself with the sign of the
I cross and adjured the devil to depart from him. But
^ttiey whose voices were being heard said, No, they
'were from God, and when he asks who they were
^jthey say Peter and Gabriel. . . They asked him
Lto sell them his heap of beans and distribute it to the
.poor, and they would give him 10 marks more than
['he had been offered. Also they would get for him
[ the coat of mail he held so dear that was pledged to
I Aaron the Jew. [He says that he will believe them
if a certain crucifix will confirm them ; this it does
' and he gives some of the beans to the poor. But on
his trying to sell the rest he hears the voices up-
I braiding him.] But when he said they had not kept
1 their part because he had not got his coat of mail,
' the voices said to him " But you have it and it lies at
I the foot of your bed," and when he went there, he
found it. . .
And after this Knight had crossed over to Nor-
mandy, after having seen many of these miracles, the
.King in public promised to completely perform those
i«even commands. [But he procrastinated.] But these
■are the seven commands. . , . ii. not to con-
demn any to death without trial. . . . vii. to
<expe1 the Jews from the land, leaving them part of
their money with which they might go away and live
with their familes, but they should have nought of
their pledges or charters, but each man should
^t back his own.
[The expulsion of the Jews from France, c. 1 1S1 Imd pro-
iibAbly suggested ihe same expedient loi: £>ag^^<
17+ FALSIFYING CHARTERS.
~j"f- c. 1189.— Early Tjawsuite.
»Pub. Rec. Off. Coram Rege Roll. Ric. I. No I.
A'fH/.— 5[ Benedict Quatrebuchcs warranted to Wil-
liam de Craveham his land as a pledge of the
fine made about it to a certain term on giviogia
ferm yearly.
Land. — ^ A day is given to the Sheriff of London and
Benedict, the little Jew, of London, 15 dajs
from the Wednesday next after the Octaves of
St. John the Baptist, at the Tower of London,
and the same day is given to the witnesses whom
the said Benedict has summoned, and to Ra-
dolph, son of Ralph, who says the charter is
false.
Nor/. — li A day is fixed for the Karl of Arundel, and
Abraham, the Jew, son of Avigay, for oBe
month after the feast of St. Michael, for defend-
ing the summons against Abraham himself.
[This last entry may be a reference to tbe case referred [qjn
P.R., 02. Tbis would fix the dale of the roll at i Ric. I.]
Bef. 1189.— Early History of the Norwich Jewiy.
Blomfield, iv. 76, 3SS.
The capital messuage [in Norwich], commonly
called the Musick. Houke, was evidently the great
messuage of Moses the Jciv, a man of great wealth
and ability in the time of Will. Rufus ; he left it to
Abraham the Jew, his son ; and he to Isaac the Jow,
his son, from whom it was anciently called Isaac's
Hall : from him it became an escheat to King y^An,
whose son Henry III. gave it to Sir William dc I'aini,
Knt. : it afterwards came to Ralf de Erlham.
r
.SYNAGOGUE AND SCHOOL. 27s
The New Synagogue and Schools of the Jews, to
' which there was an entrance from Hogg-Hill on the
east part and another on the west from the Haymarkd
by the passage now into the Star yard and the whole
fef the market from Wasteb market aforesaid to the
White-Lion lane, is called in old evidences Judaismus,
-ViVbj di Judaism or the Jewry ; the neiu synagogue was
ijbuilt in Henry the Second's time, when the Jews
*iemoved and dwelt altogether here : it had a burial-
^ place by it, and the school was at the south end of
'it; the house appropriated for the high priest, who
Vas called the Bishop of the Jews, stood on the very
tlace where is now Dr. Howman's house.
' [I am inrormed by Mr. M. D. Davis, who has inspected Iho
Korwich Municipal rolls, that deeds exist among tbem confini]-
,)JDgBlomEeld's statementii. Notice tliat the school is difierent
^om the synagogue. Tht Bishop of the Norwich Jews waa
prolutJy Samuel !e Prcstrc, mentioned in the Northamptoa
Tallage.]
Gir.Cambr.ojt.W.Mapea./Vmjed. Wright (Cam. Soc.) p. xxii.
When he [Mapes] was a follower of the Court and
a famihar friend of Henr)' It., he was often associated
■with the justices in eyre to preserve the laws of the
kingdom and to do the lung's justice. But whenever
('the King took from him and his colleagues, in the
I visual way, the oath about faithfully offering justice to
■every one, llic Archdeacon always used to add to his
oath that he would be as faithful as possible in the
■duties of his office to all except to Jews and to white
edl^T
176 UNyUST TO JEWS.
monks [Cistercians]. But when the King, moved
laughter at this, asked the cause of such an exception,
he used to reply that it would be very unjust and
unworthy to display justice and equity towards those
whom a wicked cupidity did not allow to do what was
right and just to any one, nay, rather compelled to
seize the property of others unjustly and wickedly,
and to appropriate with all their endeavours and
desires what was not their own by any possible way.
1180-98.— Additional Items &Qm tbe Pipe Bolls.
'Pipe Rolli, 1-9, Ric. I.
110— Benedict, brother of Aaron, owes half a mark
of gold that his mortgage which he has from Simon
de K.yme may be kept in the King's hand till it is
decided whether he ought to have it or no. Josce,
fil Samuel, owes 10 besants to have a right to his
mortgage of Ouseby against Joslen de Arrundeville.
Benedict, brother of Aaron, owes half a mark of gold
that an agreement about his deeds may be held
between him and Philip and Simon de Kyme. i Ric.
I. Line. (p. 7+).
[See Pipe Roll Items, Nos. 191, 192.]
211. — Judas, Jew of Cambridge, renders count of
1001. because he withdrew himself from his appeal.
3 Ric. I. Canteb et Hunt.
212. — Judas, son of Deudone, owes 20J. to have
his rights of 40J. against Copin, son of Benedict.
Ric. I. Essex and Hereford.
[Later on, 8 Ric. I. (P. R. 147) the latter is called
Bella, BenetUct having died (or become caoverted) i
time, and Copin became known ai the son oC tas motlier.1
B THE BIRDFIELD CONGREGATION. 277
L. 213. — Arrears of Guildford Tallage, Essex. Ysaac
Lflf Colchester owes j^390 of the tallage. . .
[j [And 6 others, probably aJl of Colchester, owe ^5 13J. \d.
, Ifsaac was evidenlly a very important person.]
1, ZI+. — And in Berdefeld, Deulecresse ofBerdefeld
Lj^g less 3J. 4^, ; Benedict, son-in-law of Deulecresse,
[■.^ marks ; Ysaac, master of the boys, 5J. ; David, son-
in-law of Deulecresse, 41'. 8(/. And in Newport,
JWosse owes loj. from the same [Guildford] Tallage.
;3 Ric. I.
^ , .[We have here a picture of a couple of isolated colonies of
Jevs — one a( Biidfield composed of Deulecresse, his two sous-
■^-law, and the instructor of his boys ; the other a solitary family
SlI Newport.]
'' 215 . — Benedict of Chichester zoo marks [for Guild-
ford Tallage] of which Peter Blund ought to acquit
ijiim, of 50 marks by the Chancellor to have mortgage
ibf Pallesdon and Abrugward, with their appurte-
^lances, which the said Benedict has in mortgage.
^ Ric. I. Sudsex.
i* [Ten others also owe at Chichester for the Guildford TallaEe
Hfc/1 No. 107), of whom " Vivus, the scribe of Helyas," is the
IJnoBt inleresting. Their names are given io the list at end.
t a 1 6. — Roll of the debts of Aaron. Lincoln and
lYork. . . . Samuel, by Robert de Lunetorp, 10
marks and 53 marks. The same owes 30 m. on his
piooks, also 30 marks and looj., a deed of Walter de
WVintorp of 20 marks, and deeds of the same of £,z.
E . . Deudone fil Aaron owes an account of the
pttomeyship which Aaron made to him, . + Ric. I.
r [There are 10 other Jewish names in a list of 1S3.]
r Z17. — Northampton. Of the debts of Aaron. . .
p)eudone, son of Samuel, owes £bz los. 8d. for a
278 A PAGE FROM A LEDGER.
charter, £$2 los. 8d. for another charter, and ;^io
from Philip Clark and Ralph brother of the Earl of
Leicester, 40s. from Matilda de Coleville, and 15s.
from Simon de Dene, 30 marks by a charter of
Simon. And iocs, from Richard son of William, and
;^i5 from the Prior of the Hospitallers, and £io from
Richard Merin, and ;^2o from Montalet of North-
ampton, and 70s. from Peter son of Adam. . . 5
Ric. I.
[This seems like a page from Deudone's ledger. I fail to
understand the difference between "15s. from Simon de Dene"
and " 30 marks by a charter of Simon," Also it is not clear
why all these ;^200 are included in the debts of Aaron under
the name of Deudone. Did the King use Deudone to get the
debts in, or had Aaron previously done so ?]
218. — Robert de Baibroc renders count of 10 marks
of the ferm of Bitelbroc, which was a mortgage of
Ysaac son of San to the Jew. 9 Ric. I. Rotiland.
[We have seen this estate passing through many Jewish hands,
cf, supra^ p. 69, and Pipe Roll items, No. 164, 218.]
c. 1190.— Introduction of Benedict's <<Fox Fables."
Mishle Shu^alim (Heb.), ed. PR,
BLESSED
he our Creator who gave to man a mouth to speak ^ a hand
to write and compose, an eye to see things aloft and below,
and an ear to understand wisdom.
Thus saith Berachyah, son of R. Natronai the Punc-
tuator, who caused these Fables to hud and spring forth.
How can I hear to see them destroyed. Unless I write it
in a hook for a memorial what would he the profit from
THE REIGN OF FALSEHOOD. 279
tny labour.* Whelher I consider mynlf proud or humble
'my tongue is as !he pen of a ready writer. Would that
my words were written down I The reason for my
iriting these Fables is the turning of the wheels [of fate'l
of Ike world which is hidden front the eyes of my intelli-
'gence. It turns in the Isle of the Sea [England^ for
e one to die and the other to Uve.^
[I'nith has been deposed and Falsehood reigns supreme
ilh all her kin and tnimens aroujtd her."] And they
raugkl evil so as to cut dov'n the poor and defenceless
root and branch, boughs and twigs. And those that
not thus have as their weapons of war their mouths, their
lips as swords and their teeth as arrows. Thus the ,
doers are rising and the great ones sink ; prayer i
offence and praise is mockery. . . . Men that
. despised their parents sit in their courts and castles, too
proud to touch their goods with their hands but not above
touching Falsehood with their lips. Puffed up -i ' '
pride they covet silver and love gold. . . . And the
voice of those that plot against me mocks at me, and they
would put down the gift within me, using my pen as a
byword. . . . Flattery is in their mouths and evil
in their heart and they make an ambush within them.
Sycophants mount aloft and the charitable sink below.
When I see all this I curse the times and say
• What labour? Can B. be referring to the work he had
dane in helping Alfred the Englishman In translate the Fables
from the Aiabic ?
ANGLO-yEWISH PLVTOCRACV.
■< Be tua amaztd at that our days
When -wicked liars encroach an all your via
Know thai ■wken the cafs away
The mice arc sure to jump and play."
In the isle of ihe Sea [England] the mind of A
childless one* is disiuried, and he is surrounded by sha^
His descent and kin are east down. The ear of the mul- I
iitade of rich is closed to all who ask and Ihe giv& of
mercy. . . . The crowd of sycophants rejoice and
are glad ; their voice is heard even in the company of the
good: they praise the mouth that uttereth falsehood, and
he that speaketh truth is cursed. And good turns to i/l^
sweet to bitter, light to darkness, and Serachyah e
the lime. . . . I would prefer a piece of Sry a
mouldy hrt'ad without them rather than share llieir %
tage with them. And when I dwell upon such thouA
of ill my mind is disturbed and sleep is ret
[This mlrodaction, which is only printed in the editiapnti^
ofBenchyah's ' Fox Fables,' completely snbstantiateB Ihe 'C
elusions I drew from intemal evidence as to the date 1
domicile of Berachyah Nakdon {see my Fables of jEsop, i
167-7H, and suprap-p. 167-9). Dr- Nenbauer, who had pre
contested tny conclusions, discovered the importance ■
introduction as locating B. in England, and now agrees as I
the date of Berachyah's Fables as c. 1190. He still tbinl
however, that Berachyah only visited England. I think t
above references show that Berachyah was speaking of t
persons among whom he habitually lived. A foreigner wo*
have contrasted then: behaviour with that of hi^ own countiymoi
* Benedict himself. His son Elias mentions that he •*
sou of Berachyah's old age, sup/a p. igS
r
FLEECING THE JEWS.
The above timde is diilicult to understand, and is couched in 1
obscure phraseology, as would only be natural if Beracbyah »
Bpealung of persons with whom he would be in daily contai
and of whom he could not speak out openly. He seems
have shared the fRle of most literary men in being poor ai
despised. His references to the inwlence and greed uf the rich I
Jews of England chiine in with the Chroniclers and with J
Abraham Ibn Esra's remarks above, p. 34.]
M. Paris, Hist. Maj., ii. ;
Thereupon, on the following Thursday, a meeting \
was held on the east side of London Tower, whei
the presence of the aforesaid nobles it was decided |
unanimously that such a man should henceforth no I
longer rule in England, by whom the Church of God [
had been put to shame and the people to want. For 1
the Chancellor and his satellites had so exhausted alt |
the riches of the Kingdom that they left no ir
silver baldric, no woman a necklace, no noble a
and no Jew any treasure or anj'thing of worth. And
they had so cleared out the Treasurj' of the King
that nothing of the last two years could be found in |
his boxes except the keys and empty vessels.
Bef. 1194.— Comments of B. Benjamin.
Joseph Kimchi, Sipher Galuy (Heb,), ed. Mathews, p. J4.
And I, Benjamin, am surprised ai this. Why should |
Ihe author explain Ihese things in his Arabic? Tht \
method of our master Samuel should be rather adopted.
[The above is a specimen of a number of glosses attached ti
a grammatical work of the Frovenijal Jew, Joseph Kimchi, in the I
282 RABBI BENJAMIN.
name of Benjamin. Mr. Mathews, in a communication to Dr.
Neubauer {^ew. Quart. Rev. ii. 329), adopts the suggestion that
this is R. Benjamin, of Canterbury (see supra p. 54). If so, the R.
Samuel referred to above and throughout the glosses would be
R. Samuel Nakdan, on whom see supra p. 1C2. I am inclined
to think that R. Benjamin's true name was R. Benjamin of
Cambridge rather than of Canterbury. . For there is in the
records a * Magister Benjamin ' at Cambridge who was clearly
chief man there (he pays the largest share in the Nottingham
Tollage of 1 194 ; see, too, Pipe Roll item No. i8i). The title
* Magister' impUes something more reverend than money-lending.
The Hebrew transcription of * Canteburia ' would be almost indis-
tinguishable from that of* Canterbecria,* and the probabilities are
therefore in favour of * Magister Benjamin ' being the author
of these glosses. Again, Berachyah (Benedict of Oxford) in his
Commentary on Job refers to * my uncle Benjamin,' who would
probably be the same, so that we could draw up the following
genealogy : —
Manassks
Benjamin Jacob Daug^k/t'f =^'Satrosai
(Magister Benjamin of |
Cambridge) Bkrachyah Nakdan
I (Benedict le Puncteur, of Oxford.)
Abraham Manasses
Elias.
Bef. 1200.— ** Rules of Punctuation."
Darke Nikud (Heb.), ed. Frendsdorf.
[Under the above title the Rabbinic Bibles contain an impor-
tant treatise on the Massorah of the Old Testament, which has
also been published separately by Frendsdorf, Frankfort, 1854.
This has been usually attributed to R. Moses ben Isaac, the
author of the * Onyx Book ' {supra p. 251). But at the end of
the Berlin codex of the book there is the colophon, End of the
^ Rules of Punctuation'* of R, Moses ben Yomtob of * Lontres,
MOSES OF LONDON. iSj
the bsl being a misreading of ' Londres,' or London. Now Ihe J
author of the Onyx Book' actually refers to this Moses ben J
Yomtoh as his masler. and from the aimilarity and at times ]
identity of (he rules in the two books there is no doubt that lhi« ]
■was the relation of the two Moses. There was an impor
legal writer in London named Yomtob about 1175 (Zum, Zur 1
Gisch. 193I, who would be Moses ben Yomtob's father, while I
his son Elyas ('Magister EHas (i MagisCri Moysis, Pontifex I
Judasorum ') was undoubtedly Ihe most important English Jep
of (he thirteenth ceHtury. There is still extant a Hebrew legal ■
decisioQ of this Elyas, in which he qnoles his father R. Moses ■
ben Yomtob (Berliner Heb. Dicht. R. Meirs aus Norwich, p. vi.)
so that the identification is complete. With Samuel, Berachyah,
Moses ben Isaac and Moses ben Yomtob, all important Nsk-
danim [Punctuators or Ma-ssorites), it is clear that there was a
most important Massoretic school in England in the latter half
:of the twelfth century.")
Sef. 1200.— Two Cistercian Uonka turn Jews.
Gir. Cainhr. Opera (R.S.), iv. 139.
A certain monk of the same order, or rather a cer-
tain demoniac in our own times, being as it were
tired of the Catholic faith and worn out with the
sweet and light burden of Christ's yoke, and scorning,
at the instigation of the devil, any longer to walk in
the way of salvation as if phrenetic and
, mad, and truly turned to insanity, fleeing to the syna-
■ gogiie of Satan. And to cut short the whole wretched
Story which we have dilated upon at great length to
show our detestation, at last he caused himself to be
circunicised with the Jewish rite, and as a most vile
^Apostate joined himself to his damnation to the enc-
j^-mies of the cross of Christ.
W Also on the northern borders of England, in a
184. " Wff K NOT TURN CHRISTIAN? " ^H
house of the same order called Geroudon, a certaiit'
brother, Hkewise in our own days, by a similar error,
or ralher madness, presuming to set at naught the
part of Christ and reconciling himself with Satan,
opposing and exciting the mind to depravity by
his depraved and pestiferous rites which he, the
monk, had renounced with sacred laver and baptismal
oath, and again put on his chains from which he had
been freed, subjecting himself to eternal slavery as
well as the punishment of hell. For he, too, fled with
ruinous and tuin-bearing ways to Judaism, the home
of damnation and the asylum of this depraved repro-
bation.
But when that man, known for his distinguished
fame and extent of writings, as well as gifted with
wit, Walter Mapes, Archdeacon of Oxford, heard of
these two having apostatised out of that order alone,
wondering, he broke out in public into these words,
It is remarkable," said he, " that those two wretches,
since they wished to leave their former faith, as
being so perverse and infested with so many poi-
sonous vices, did not become Christians, adopting
a safer and more salubrious plan," as if he would
say and hint, though indirectly and by sidelong words,
that men of this order, on account of the stains of
deliberate vice and cupidity, anil their faults so mani-
fest and so clearly un-Christian, were not worthy to
be called Christians.
But I myself am persuaded that those two wretches
did not leave the truth and fly to a vain shadow with
damnable exchange out of mere devotion or desire
f KNOWLEDGE OF HEBREW. 285
of increasing their religion. . . But because they
could no longer bear the harshness and rigour of that |
order, and instigated by the spirit of fornication they
committed this crime.
[Girald hints that it was for love of some Jewess that the Cis-
tercians forsook bath thdrvows and Iheircieed. Other isolated |
eases occur of conversion to Judaism in the Ihirteenlh century.
These cases helped to embitter the Church a|;aiiisl the Jews.]
Bef. ISOO.—Jews falsify MSS. of Josephus.
Git. Cambr. Opera viii. 65,
But it is thus clear how great is the malice of the
Jews, and obstinate and obdurate teaching against
their own weal, that even the testimony of their
historian, and that their great historian whose
books they have in Hebrew, and consider authentic,
they will not accept his testimony about Christ. But
Master Robert, the Prior of St. Frideswide at Oxford,
whom we have seen, and who was a man old and
trustworthy, whose latter years coincided with our
earlier ones, was a man of letters and skilled ir
Scriptures, nor was ignorant of the Hebrew tongue.
Now he sent to diverse towns and cities of England
in which Jews have dwelling, from whom he collected
many Josephuses written in Hebrew, gaining them
with difficulty, since they were acquainted with him
because of his knowing the Hebrew tongue. And in
two of them he found this testimony about Christ
written fully and at length, but as if recently scratched
out ; but in all the rest removed earlier, and a
I never there. And when this was shown to the Jews I
of Oxford summoned for that purpose, they were i
z86 HEBREW MSS. OF JOSEPHUS.
convicted and confused at this fraudulent malice a
bad faith towards Christ.
[There is a (late) Hebrew version or rather coodensation of
Josephus known by the name of Josippon. English versions
have been mode from Gagmer's Latin translation by Morwyng
(sixteenth) and Howell (seventeenth century). But no MS, now
known contiiinsartyver.sion of the celebrated interpolated passage
about Christ. Nor could this be of any critical importance
except as showing that it was interpolated before (he eighth
century, when the yosipftm was composed in Italy. The
interest of the above passage is to show the eiistence of several
MSS. of it among the English Jews of the twelfth century, as
well as the knowledge of Hebrew possessed by the Prior of 5I>.
Frideswide.]
Bef. 1200.— En^lisli Jews are Hodele of Orthodoxy.
• ShibboU HitUeket {Ueh. MS. Cambr.), f6sa.
With regard lo the law in Deul. xxii. u. [as to the
mixture of textures in garments] R. Moses Ihe Priest
is asked whether Kannabos is to be regarded as "of
divers sorts." On this he answers thai all Ihe earlier
ones did not consider it so. In all the lands of the
dispersion they had the custom of permitting it from the
days of their ancestors in Germany, France, Anglelerre,
and Provence, where they all wear woollen sewn with
Kannabos.
[The passage is n e es mg a bowing that the authority
of the English Rabb vas on dered as h ghly a^ those of
France or Germao^ Moses Cohen seems to have flounshcd
c. ri96. Zmz,Litg 3 5]
indli IransUx^d by Mr. .-,. Si:buhler. ^^^^S
RABBI MEN A CHEM. 287
Bef. ISOO.-B. Kenachem, of London.
^fmhat ythuda (Hcb.), T 4 b c.
R. Etia Mtnmhim {/London made this nckotiitig :
A TuJmudu sus is three [pence] Estcrlin, 100 svs or
the Litre 75 shilling and the gold Litre 15 pound
Esterlin.
[But the t:olti itiark=^6 Esterlin, or the gold litre ^g-see
Hagahoth Ascheri on Sanhedrin, c. 5.
Whtn there are two days each called first of the month
Friday and Sabbath, and he marritd on the Friday
[when should the contract be dated ?] Svch a case
F. Moses ben Jacob brought before R. Elia Menachent,
and he said he should write, " on the intercalated day of
the preceding month," attd Elia Menachem was pleased
with it.
[There is a Mosse fil Jacob mentioned in tbe Northampton
Donnm. ■ In certain months a day is intercalaleci in the pre-
tedlng month, anil \s called the "bead " of the month, as well
as the (rue lirst da^. In mairiage contracts, where the date bad
to be extremely accnrate, it might cause confusion to refer to
this intercalated day as the "bead" of the month, and R. Moses
recommended that the scribe should keep to the exact descrip-
tion of the day.]
SepherHa Shaham, ed. Collins.
And SO too R. Menachem of London, " L Eliahu have
written."
[R. Moses is eiplaining why he called hia book " The Onyi
Book," being an anagram on Ms own name; and he qnotes
other anthoTs who have done the same, among them R.
Uenacbem. The passage proves that Menachem had composed
a book, and that he is identical with Elia Menachem.]
I
288 CHANGE OF NAME,
Bef. 1200. — Decisions of B. Menachem of Ijondon. *
* Halberstamra, MS. No. 345, fF40a, 43a, 71 J, 77a.
The case came before R, Perez concerning a divorce
given by one whose name had been changed when he was
thought to be in articulo mortis, f and they called him
by the new first name henceforth. The Rabbi decided
that two bills of divorce should be writ ten, one with the
old first name and the other with the new, and the two
were to be given to the woman simultaneously, I found
it written in an exposition [Midrash] of R. Menachem
of London that it is necessary to write the two names^for
we find it with facob, of whom it is written in the Law:
^^And thy name shall no more be called facob but Israeli^
and yet one finds him called facob several times in the
Law,
R, foseph says that if a man alleges that his wife has
sinned^ she is still pure to him^\ considering the Rescript
of R, Gershom [1000 A.D.] not to marry two wives^for
he may have cast his eyes on another woman [and he
cannot marry her without divorcing the other as he
could before R. Gershom abolished polygamy]. A
certain woman came to ask penance before R, Menachem
of London because she had committed adultery. He replied
that since she had come to fulfil her obligations tcfwards
heaven^ she must swear i?i the most solemn mafiner that
* Kindly transcribed and translated by Mr. I. Abrahams.
t It is a Jewish custom to change a man's name when in
articulo mortis^ in the hope that the Angel of Death will not
recognise him under the altered name.
\ When the European Jews still practised polygamy a Jew
was obliged to give a divorce to his wife if he accused her of
adultery.
HORSE DEALING. i
she had not set her heart on another man. If she t.
this fialh she was to bf divorced, as she had come to ct
Jission, but she was not to receive her settlement.
[Every Jewish wife lias a certain settlement, Ketkuia, tn
t^ioned in the marriage coDtract. If divorced she receives it, i
as a widow it is the first charge ou the estate.]
The general rule for the Sabbatical year according to I
R. Menachem, of London. Even if a man does not I
''know the year of the Destruction of the Temple and the \
'yearoflhe{^e\t\iciA~]era. [Elaborate rule follows for I
finding the Sabbatical year.] And with this reckoning 1
R. Chananel and Jiashbam and Rabbi Isaac agree.
A case happened of a few who borrowed a horse froi
his neighbour and gave it to a Gentile to ride upon, and
the horse was lost. Then the loser was to pay the full
value. Such a case came before R. Menachem, of London,
and was thus decided.
Be£ 1200.— n. Uoees of Londoa on tlie Passover
Service.
R, Jehuda b. Jacob of London Eli Chayim ap, yeza. Qua
■ Are. iv. 551,553, S57-
" Charoseth " is not mentioned in /he words of the
■Scribes as a memorial of the mortar [out of which the I
Jews made bricks in Egypt], and this is how it is
made. He takes some dates or figs or raisins and crushes \
Ihem, and puts in them vinegar and makes them into a
paste Hie mortar. ... [It is disputed whether 1
the paste is to be made thick or thin.] £ut R. M. ■
of London was of opinion that he makes it thick at the \
290 THE PASSOVER SERVICE.
beginning, hut when using il at Ike service he adds somt
liijuid, and thus he is in agreement with both aulhoritia.
But afterwards he shall bring a plait
with three Passprfr cakes and Iwn sots of food. Now,
according to H. Isaac of Dompaire and Maimonides, Iwi
sorts of food mean two sorts nf meat, the one in mematy
of the Paschal Lamb, the other of the festival offering.
But R. M. of London said the Laio is according le
Rabina^ who was a later authority [of the Talmud, and
therefore presumably acquainted with the earlier
views], viz. : that il may mean even a bone in some itual,
hut an egg would not do, for one of the kinds of food fa
the egg is only a memorial.
Tbc dietary laws have had gteU influence on the histoi; of
Jews, especially as caosing them to be isolated from Gentiles,
R. M. of London [probably R. Moses ben Yomtob {see supra,
p. 2B3)] was evidently an authority on this part of the law, and ii
qnoled by later writers us of eqnal importance with the gre»l
Maimonides on these subjects. The Passover right service
(which is the ultimate source of the Mass and the Communion
Service) is still the great family service of Jews, nnd evety det^
connected with it is of interest to them. Jews eat bitter herbs,
the Pascbal Lamb and Passover cakes as memorials of the
Eiodus. The bitter herbs are eaten twice, once separately and
once with the cake and the " Charosett," according to the
practice of Hillel, one of the Doctors of the Talmud. R. Moses
decided that a full portion of the bitter herbs must be eaten on
the second occasion, as Hillel must have eaten it this way {yew.
Quart. Sev.,l.i. S57)-]
Coronel, Comment, guinque (Heb.), p. 33J,
R. M. of Londres writes that il is not ths custom lo
lake the crema, i.e., the fat of the milk, if made k^^^
Gentile. .^^H
BILLS OF DIVORCE. ^r^\
[These dietary and culinary questions seem lo liave hid a
special interest for the early Jews of England, cf. supra, p. 54,
where two such cases occur, the former practically the same as
the present, and pp. 146, i ;8. Rabbi M. may be R. Moses or
R. Menachem, more probably the former, who is quoted by R .
Moses ben Isaac in his " Onyx Book," so that he was of the
twelfth century.]
Bef. 1200.---]>eciBioiiH of B. Hoses of liondou.*
■ Halberstamm MS. No. 345, ff. 400, 650.
a. Moses of London decided that we certainly know it
is a privilege for a woman under age that a man can
receive her bill of divorce ■without her betrothed' s tnow-
ledge. It happened thus with one who had two daughters
[minors], and accepted an offer of marriage for one with-
out her name being mentioned. And another few came
and received the bills of divorce thai were necessary without
his knowledge. And so with the wife of a convert who
refuses to give a bill of divorce to her and in the end agrees
to do so. Such a case came before Rashi, and he decided
that the divorce should be received without his Itnowledge.
[The first case evidently refers to the leading case of Sir Morell,
Andas for that confeclionervwhich is called "turnures"
which is made from fruits, if a Gentile has baked them,
R. M. of London wrote that this is not included among
the things prohibited as being cuoied by Gentiles. For
the fruits can be eaten raw as they are. Even if these
cakes were baked in the same oven with forbidden food,
there is no prohibition since they are covered. . . Even
if the dough is kneaded with eggs it is not prohibited on
" Kindly transcribed and translated by Mr. I. Abrahams.
Zt)Z THE OXFORD JEWRY.
account of being cooied by a Gentile, since the dougk&
chief ingredient. And a certain great one used to permit
a Gentile to cook for a few in his house, but this Imiency
is not to be approved. For if a few has transgressed and
cooked for his needs anything on a Sabbath he must ml
eat it even on a Sunday.
[R. Moses was clearly s great authority Dn what has been
called culinary Judaism.]
Bef. 1200. -Houses in tbs Oxford Jewry.
Christ Church Deed, ap. Neubauer, Nolei on Oxford Deeds
(Oxf. HJst. Soc), p. 309.
Charter about various lands and tenements granted
to Lawrence Kepeharm, which were afterwards given,
to the aforesaid Church in his will, are in different
parts.
" Be it known to all. . , that I, John of Iffley,
and I, Helena, his wife, daughter of Ralph, son of
Aukctil, have granted and freed to Lawrence Kep-
hann the following lands of ours in Oxford and the
suburbs. . . and the land which was GeofEfy
Balby's, returning 61. per annum, and is between the
land which was Ralph Wantir's and the land of Copin,
of Worcester, in the Jewry of Oxford ; also the land
which was Mosse's, the Jew of Brist[ol], and the
land which was Deodatus', the Jew, which two lands
return forty pence per annum, and these two lands
are between the land which was Sewin Child's and
the land which was Benjamin's, the Jew, in the Jewry
of Oxford."
[This deed is of impoitance as idenlifying Moses of BtiHtoI,
the grandfather of Magister Mosseus (sufra. p. 89). Unfoi-
MOSES OF BRISTOL Igj
tunatdy il is undated. It mu5t, however, be later Ihao 1 188
when Benjamin of Oiford died (P.R. "3), and before 1235
when Copia of Worcester died an old man with a granilson
among his heirs (Neubouer, Deed No, ixsiv,). Now Benjamin
of Oxford was dead when the deed was drawn, while Copin was
alive. All wc can determine, therefore, is that this Moses of I
Bristol was of the twelfth century, which makes his identity witli
the recently discovered R. Moses of Bristol fsufra. p. 254]
tolerably certain. We have here another confirmation of the
traiiition about a colony of learned Jews at Oxford who aided in
the establishmant of the University.]
1
I
Apocr^rpbal account of Jewish Fropagaadisiii.
Ps.-Ingulph. CAroni'cun, ed. Gale, pp. 111-114.
He a!so sent to his manor of Cottenham, near
["Cambridge, the Lord Gislebert, his fellow monk and
[ professor of Sacred Theology, together with them
iOther monks who had accompanied him to England.
-. . . Master Gislebert being unacquainted with
tte English language but very expert in the Latin
'and French, the latter being his native language, on
tvery Lord's day and festival of the Saints preached
'to the people Some who had hitherto re-
tnained unbelievers and who were still blinded by
Jewish perfidiousness, being smitten with compunc-
'tion at his words, utterly abandoned their former
prrors and ran to take refuge in the bosom of the
Church. . . .
' At this time also he sent to his manor of Wedthorp,
inear Stamford, some fellow-monks of his . . .
These oft-repeated words of instructions in the ears
'of the people of Stamford greatly prospered and
294 ''INGULPff'' ON JUDAISM,
strengthened the Christian faith against the Jewish
corrupters.
[I have included the above from the first continuation of the
pseudepigraphic Chonide of Ingulph, though manifestly mythical,
as it has been used by most previous writers on the subject
The notion that William Rufiis used the Jews to collect the
revenues of vacant bishoprics also comes from this tainted souioe
s, a, 1 100. There is not the slightest likelihood of such a spread
of Jewish doctrines at the supposed date of the extracts, the
beginning of the twelfth centuiy. Later on there is some
evidence that Jews made converts in this country {supra pp.285-6).
It is difficult to see why such items should have been introduced
after the expulsion of the Jews, when the forgery of the
Chronicle was conmiitted. It is just possible that the reference
has no bearing on Jews personally but is rather to the custom
of keeping Easter at Passover, to which Bede also refers as
" Judaism."]
APPENDIX.
I.-LATIN AUTHORITIES,
It would obviously be impossible to cany out in this volume
, the plan adopted in tbc otIiEr volumes of this series to include
/CharaeterizatioD of the chief authorities used. For the present
[ volume nearly every source of importance for English History in
I the twelfth century has been utilised, and to describe them all
would be to give an account of English historiography for that
period. Some of them have been alre^y dealt with at length in
' two former volumes of this series, Mr. Hunter's St. Thomai of
Canterbury and Mr. Archer's Crusade of Richard I. All that
I, i% necessary is to give a bibliographical list of the books used,
with here and there a word of characterization. For tbe Rolls
her account is perhaps required, and is given in the n
section, The pagination added in each case gives the pages of
the present book in which the source is quoted. The following
abbreviations refer to various series In which soiuc of the books
quoted have appeared.
Cam, Soc. ^Camden Society.
E.H.S.^:£nglish Historical Society.
P.R.S.=Pipe RoU Society.
R.C.=Record Commission.
R.S.—Rolls Series.
Surl. Soc.=Surtees Society.
For Hebrew and Jewish sources, which deserve a fuller tre
ment,see,V'«4XVI.
Acta Sanclarum, edit, BoUandus, kc. (tic great Benedictine
series of Lives of the Sointi), pp, 19, tiB, 70.
298 APPENDIX.
Ancient Deeds of the Iwelfth Century, ed. Round (P.R.S.),
p. 80.
Ancient Laws (before the Conquest), ed. Thorpe (R.C.),
pp. I, 2, 68.
Ancren Riwle (" Rule of Nuns," Mid. £ng.), ed. J. Morton
(Cam. Soc), p. 242.
Angio'Stueon Chronicle, ed. Earle, p. 19.
Annals of Innisf alien (m Irish), trans. O'Conor, p. 255.
Ansdm, St. (1033-1109), Opera, ed. 1744, pp. 7-12. See
Crispin.
"Benedict the Abbot" of Peterborough, Gesta Henrici, ed.
Stubbs, sub, tit. Chronicles of the Reigns of Henry II, and
Richard I (R.S.), pp. 53, 57, 62-3, 91.
[A contemporary chronicle of the period 1172-92, attributed
to Benedict of Peterborough, but really, according to Dr.
Stubbs, by Richard Fitz-Neal, the King's treasurer, and
author of the Dialogus de Scaccario,']
Bernard, St. (1091-1153), quoted from Bouquet Recueil,
Blomfield, History of Norfolk (oct. ed.), quoted for abstracts
of Norwich Deeds, p. 274.
Bouquet, Recuieil des Historiens de la France, Paris, 1738 seq,
pp. 22-3. See St. Bernard.
Brompton, John, Abbot of Jervaulx, co.Yorks, end xiii. cent.
See Twysden.
Burton, Chronicon de Melsa (^[eaux Abbey, Yorks.), ed. £.
A. Bond (R.S.), pp. 72, 177-8.
Camden, Britannia, ed. Gough, p. 188, quoted for a reference
to Jews in Cornwall no longer accessible.
Capgrave, T. (t 1494), Legenda nova Anglice, 15 16, pp. 19-21.
[An account of the martyrdom of William of Norwich, which
•turns out to be from a contemporary account by Thomas of
Monmouth. See p. 256.]
LATIN AUTHORITIES. ^t)(}
Caiahgue of the Anglo-Jtadsk Historical Exhibition, ll
lipp, 75, 77. (Bril. Mus. Charters.) Quoted as Cat.
Corpus yurii Canonici, ed. Fieldberg, pp. 15, 16, 17, 184-f
[A digest of the canonical law of the Roman Catholic Church.
The part that concerns us is mainly from the Dicrrtum of
Gratian, who died at Bologna, 1150.]
Dialogus de Scaccario, ed. Madoi, at end of Hist, of Ex-
jLcAeyUCT-, pp. 49-51.
[A full desctiption of the iinances of the Kingdom and the
methods of collecting them, profaahly drawn up by Richard
Fitineal, the King's Treasurer, about 1170. See "Bene-
dict the Abbot."]
Domesday, ed. Hardy (R.C.), p, ;.
[The celebrated census of England, so far as relates lo tlie
King's tenants, c. 108G.]
' Duchesne, Bistorin Normannorum Scriptores, Paris, 1619,
Ij. ;s-
[Containing Ricord or Rigord's account of the eipnlsion ot
the Jews from France, I182.]
Gervase of Canterbury, Chronicle of Stephen, Henry II., and
,fiiehard [., ed. Stubbs (R. S.), pp. 47, 93.
[Mainly a compilation from " Benedict," but with additions,
I especially with reference Lo Kent and Canterbury.}
I Giraldus Cambrensis, Opera (R. S.), pp. 57, 86-7, 113, 272
b^, 27s. 283, 185.
[A bright and voluminous writer, 1147-1218. The passages
selected are from his Vila S, Remigii, Speculum Eeclesia,
Itinerarium Kambria, Topograpkia Hibemia, and De In-
structiont Principum, tbc nature of which are fairly indicated
by their titles. See Barnard, Strongbovi' s Conquest, in 1
series, for a fuller account.]
300 APPENDIX.
Gesta Sti, Albani. See Walsingham.
Gloucester Chronicle, Historia Sti. Petri GlocestruSj ed. Hart
(R. S.), pp. 45-7.
Howden or Hovedene. See Roger de Hovedene.
Hugonis Magna Vita, edit. Dimock (R. S.), p. 207.
[An eloge of St. Hugh, the Bishop (not the boy-martyr) of
Lincoln.]
Historical Commission Report^ pp. 177, 260.
[From the deeds still preserved in the Chapter House of St.
Paul's and catalogued in Vol. ix. of the Reports of the
Royal Commission on Historical MSS.]
lugulph, Chronicon de Croyland, apud G2\t Scriptores^ p. 293.
[A pseudepigraphic chronicle, a forgery of the thirteenth or
fourteenth century. Inserted in this book, as it has been
always hitherto quoted, and so here nailed, as it were, to
the counter.]
Jocelin de Brakeland, Chronica^ ed. Rokewood (Cam. Soc),
pp. 59, 62, 75, 78-9, 141.2.
[The chronicle utilized with such force by Carlyle in his Past
and Present. Jocelin was a devoted adherent of Abbot
Samson's and shared his violent antipathy against the Jews,
which must be allowed for in reading his account.]
Madox, History of the Exchequer^ pp. 58-9, and passim, in
notes to items from the Pipe Rolls.
[Madox's book is full of information about the finances of
Angevin England, and contained a chapter (c. vi.) on the
Exchequer of the Jews. I quote generally from the first
edition in a single folio, at times from the quarto in two, in
the latter case with Roman numeration of the volume. M.
perse in the notes to the Pipe Roll items refers to Madox.]
Madox, Formulare Anglicanum, pp. 188-90.
I
r
LATIN AUTHORITIES. 301
Afemarials of Fountain Abbey ,cA. Rame(Siirt. S(K.],pp'5B-0.
Falgrave, Sir F. C. Cemmmi-uitalth if England, pp. 38-42.
[For the account of Richard of Anesty's debts to the Jews,
now also gi^n in Mr. H. Hall's Court Life under Ihe Plan-
tageneis, with a racsimile of the originul document,]
PelerofBlois (1130-1200). Opera, ed. Giies, pp. 179-82.
[A theologian trained in France but serving in England from
1175. His CoHira Perfidiam yudaomm was written here
in the last decade of the twelfth centnty.]
Philip de Tha.un, BesCiaire, ed. Wright, p. 13.
Price, J. E.' Account of Guildhail, p. 13.
[Gives the ' Terrier ' or rent-roll of St. Paul's, also yiven in
facsimile.]
Robertson, J. C. Materials for History of Thomas Beckett.
R.S.) pp. 27, 42. 45, 153.
[A collection of all tlie contemporary lives, fee, of S(.
Thomas. The first extract is from William Fitxslephen's
life, the second and third from an anonjinotis memoir in a
Lansdowne MS., and the last from the Passie S. Tkama of
Benedict of Peterborough.]
Ralph Disset or de Dicelo (1125-1202). Imagine! Histori-
irum, ed. Stubbs (R S.) pp. 112-3.
{As Archdeacon of Middlesex and Dean of St. Paul's, Ralph
had great opportaoities for watching events of whidl he
took advantage.]
Richard of Devizes. Chronicon, ed. Howlett (R.S.) pp. 133-
\, 1*6-52-
[Only deals with the years liS9'g4 in n very sarcastic and
rhetorical style. He views things Jewish (rom a Win-
chester standpoint, and it is hard to say whether he is
jesting or Dot,]
302 APPENDIX.
Robert of Gloucester. Chronicle, ed. W. A, Wrighl, pp,
[A Middle English |ioem of some value historically, ihough
he does not help us much about the London liot of 11S9.]
Roger dc Hovedene. Chronica, ed. Stubhs (R.S.], pp. 6a,
fij, 68, ;5, 105.6, 155-9.
[For 1172-92 Roger's account is mainly based on "BencdicI
the Abbot," for llcil-izoi it is original. Some of the
passages of the earlier period occur in both authoritieB.]
Rymer. Fcsdera, ed. 1816, pp. [34.8, ^^%.
[A collection of Latin state documents made in the seven--
teentb century and often including documents no longer
Stowe. Survey of London, ed. Thorns., p. 1B3.
Thomas of Monmouth, Vila it Passio S. WilUlmi Norvitensit,
MS. in the Cambridge University Library. See p. 256.
Tovey, D'Bloissiers. Anglia yudaica, 1738, p. 2i;-8.
[This is the '' standard " history of (he English Jews before
tbeir eipnlsion. It is mainly derived from Prynne's S/iorl
Demurrer to (he Jnes, with some additional documents
from Madoi j
Twysden, Decern Scriptores, p. 159. See Brompton.
Walsingham, Gesta Abbatium St. Albani, ed. Riley (R S,) p.
79-
[Though Walsinghanj wrote temf. Ric. n. he bases ^is facts
on much earlier documents.]
William of Malmesbury. Gesta Rervtn Anglorurrt, ed.
Hardy {E.H.S ), p. 6.
[The second in order of time, i.e. next after Bede, of English
historians as distinguished from annalists.]
WiUiam of Newbury. Histoiia Rerum Anglicanarum, ed.
Howlett (R.S,), pp. 94, 99-105, 113- 1 6, II 7-30, i3i-3i 264.
THE ROLLS. 303
[Wniiam the Little ofNewburgli, co. Yotlts. (Jijb-f)!
canon of Ihe Auguslinian pnory of Bridlington in hif
county. He is of the " philosophical" school of historians
like William of Malmesbuiy. See the chan
II.— THE ROLLS.
The Jews being, at least informally, connecled with the Royal
Treasury, it is natorally in the affidal documenls or Kolk that
we find the fullest and most explicit information ahout them. By
the end of the twelfth century we find a moat complete systen
records by which every transaction of the Royal courts or officials
can be traced. For the purposes of the present book the Rolls
may be divided into three classes, those connected with the
Treasury, those relating to the Courts, and finally the prodan
tions or pulJic notices of the King. The first include the Pipe
and Liberate RoDs with the Liber Ruheus, the second the Fine 1
and Oblate Rolls, the Placitoriam Abbrsiiiatio, and the Rolls I
of the King's Bench, while the last include Charters, Patent |
Rolls, and Close Rolls.
I. Pipe Rolls. — These formed the annual balance sheet of '
the Exchequer in account with the Sheriffs of the different c<
lies. These entries were made on a continuous roll as each
Sheriff passed his accounts at the Exchequer Board, when it w
diecked by means of a kind of abacus, hence the name. Three
copies were taken, one for the Chancellor (Rotulus CanceUariiJ,
one for the Treasurer, and the third, caDed the Pipe Roll, from
its shape, for the King. Each Sheriff had to account to the
King in the first place for the " ferm " of his county, and then ■
for the pleas and conventions that had taken place during his '
year of office, the fines for which were generally paid through the ■
Sherifl'. If these were not piiid in full the balance was carried
304 APPENDIX.
on from year to year. The SheriiF is debited with the " fcrm "
and then credited with his payments. Thus^ to quote instances
which happens to contain a reference to the Jews not cantaincd
in this book, I may give the passage relating to the old •* feim"
of London, 5 Hen. II. (C/. Pipe Roll Society, Introduction^ p. 9).
LONDON.
Reiner, the son of Berengarius, and his associates
[Dr.] render count of ;^2oo 73^. 5^., white money,
for the old ferm of London.
[Cr.] By payments by King's writ to the Jews of
London, £\^^ 13J. 4^/. And by payments to the
Knight of Hereford in Wales, £1% igj. 4</. And to
William Cade, 13^. ^d.
And he [Reiner] owes £^% ijs, 4^. white.
A similar and important payment to Jews occurs in the Pipe
Roll 20 Hen. II., as given in Calendar Docs, Scotl., i. p. 19.
Hampshire. — And paid by same [Richard de Luci*s"|
writ to Habraham and Cresselin and Judas and Ysaac
and Jomet his brother and Jacob son of Ursel, Jews
of Winchester, 20 marks, which they had lent to send
to Carlisle on the King's business.
It is, however, chiefly with reference to the entries relating to
the fines of the courts that we find specific details about the Jews.
These always occur for the first time under the heading. Noma
Ohlatay i.e,y new offerings of defendants recently put at the
King's mercy and willing to buy the same at a price. The
Sheriff was responsible for the collection of these fines, and
therefore reports them to headquarters at the Exchequer at
Westminster, even if they are not paid (and very often they are
THE ROLLS.
30s
» paid). The Pipe Rolls are eManl tor one year of Henry 1.,
continuously from 2 Hen. II., USS- Of the early RoDs 31
' Hen. I. and 2, 3, 4 Hen, II., i Ric. I, and 3 Jolin, have been
"edited by Hunter (R.C.) ; 5-13 Hen. U., by the Pipe RoU
tSocietsf. For the inedited 35 rolls, 13-36 Hen. H., l-io Ric. I.,
J have gone through the originals at the Record Office, and
picked out all that I could find of Jewish interest. A few items
f from those years are drawn from Mados, History of £xchequ<r.
As Ibese items form the backbone of this volume, and are
I invariably referred to by the number of the items as they
loHgiDally appeared in the Arclusological Review, Feb., ittSg, it
' .seems desirable to give a list of the numbers and the pages on
which they occur.
N08. 189
2 [8 have
not appeared before.
P.R. Regnal y
ar. pp.
P.R.
Regnal year. pp.
i-S 31 Hen.
■ H-S
105-122
3 Ric. I. 142-5
6-10 2-6Hen.II. 18-9
133-128
4 .. '53-5
■1-15 i^-iS ..
43-5
129-138
S .. 'S9-6
16-17 '6 „
Si-z
140-148
6-8 „ 174-5
10-27 18-22 ,,
SS-7
150-162
9 .. '8^-4
- as 33 *3-S „
64-6
163-171
loRic.I., !jo. 192.6
34-47 36-S „
72.4
173.176
2, 3 Jo. 210
48-6629-32 „
8z-4
lBo-88
4-6 Jo. 218-2
67-72 32-3 ..
90-1
73-ys 34-fi ..
95-8
189-20!
25-§4 Hen. II. 265-6B
51-1040 I, J Ric.
. [38-+1
210-218
l-q Ric. I. 276-78
It may be well 10 add that the 31st regnal year of Henry I.
from 5 Aug., 1 129, to 4 Aug., 1 130; the first year of Hcmy
ran from 19 Dec, [154, to 18 Dec,, 1155; of Richard I.
Q 3 Sept., ii8g, to 2 Sept., 1190; and of John from 27 May,
HI99, to 26 May, 1200.
Ltberatk Rolls {Of. pp. 228-31).— Sums could only
paid out of the Treasury or documents delivered from it on
J
3o6 APPENDIX.
delivery of a King's writ, which invarinbly began after lhe<<
tation lo Ihe Barons of Ihe Exchequer with tlie emphatic ordo
" Liberate," " deliver up." Copies of these w
on 3. Roll, which was called Rotulus de Liberatt ; those for 1,
3, 5 Jo were printed by Sir T. D. Hardy (R.C.). The w
were often also entered on the Patent Roll ; hence we find entries
duplicated, as that relating lo Saher de Quency (perhaps a
ancestor otThomas de Qnincey) on pp. 122 and 229.
III. LlBKE RuBEUa DK ScACCARIO {Cf. pp. I8&.7, 260-269.)
— The "Red Book of the Exchequer" contained a misceJlaiiEoll!
number of lusts (of Knights' fees, &c,), and enactments (as 1
of the Stannaries, supra p, 186], likely to be of use to the offii
of the Exchequer, It is now being edited by Mr. Hubert HaD,
of the Record Office.
IV. Fine and Oblate Rolls (pp.
231-4).— As slink between the Eschequer and the law-courts,
the Oblate and Fine Rolls contain lists of Ihe offeriogs fablata)
or fines made to the King to obtain c
various penalties. These were called oblations at first and after-
wards fines. As they were often collected through the sheritb,
the same entries sometimes occur in the Pipe RoUs.
earliest Oblate and Fine Rolls were edited by J. R. R.obntS'
for the Record Commission.
V. ROXULl CuKIffi Regis (pp. 175-/, 191-2].-
brought before the King'sBench were recorded on special Rfllll.
Those for 6 Ric. I.— i Jo. were edited by Sir F. C. Palgravete
the Record Commission. The passages on p. 262 are from V
anprinted Coram Rege Roll at the Record Office.
VI. Placitorum AaBREViATio (pp. 165, 216),— An abstiwt
of the Rotui; Curiai Regis (i-om Ric, I. lo Ed. H. was madeif
Agard and other Elizabethan antiquaries, preserved s
Chapter House at Westmmster Abbey, and printed by fte
Record Coraiaission it
L JEWISH BUSINESS AND DEEDS. 307
II. Charter Rolls (pp. 202-4., 206-7, J08-9, 212-5, ^17.
'^^\).—CoDX.sia the more fomiiil and public pronouncements
lE^he King, granting privileges, &c., to his subjects — e.g., the
ftaX charter of the Jews confirmed by John was entered on the
tharter Roll. Those of John were edited for the Record
lommission by Sir T. D. Hardy 1837.
Il VIII. Patent Rolls or Rotuli Literarum Pa-
toNTlUM (pp. 205, 221-3, 225-^)' — Contain the open ur more
iriilic letters of the King addressed to bis subjects, and ordering
seni to do something or granting them some right or privilege.
Ulttera patent differ from royal charters in being somewhat less
poal or important, 5ii T. D. Hardy edited the earliest Patent
lolls (R.C. 1833.)
; IX. Close Rolls or Rotuli Litkrarum Clausarum
to. 237-9). — Contain the dosed or more private letters of the
ping addressed to his subjects, and of less public interest or
pportance than charters or close Rolls, Those for John's reign
tee edited by Sir T. D Hardy (R. C. 1833).
|»Olher documents of a tnorc private character, as feet of lines,
re described in the next section.
III.— JE\VISH BUSINESS AND DEEDS,
[t is possible from the materials given in this volume to obtain
bly clear idea of the way in which the Jews conducted
siness of usury. In several instances we have an extremely
rant of the whole history of a transaction or set of trans-
e.g. those of Richard Anesly, pp. 38-42, of the Abbey
t, Edmund's, pp, Sq-62, or of Benedict Peraeic, pp. l88-go,
'e can indeed trace the whale course of a debt from its begin-
the final payment to the Jews nr to the King.
; safely said thai the only pi rsous in want of coined
!y in the Kingdom were of the upper classes, i.e., the nobles.
bybJIfl
308 APPENDIX.
gentry, and clergy. The vast mass of the people lived bybi
and bad no need of coin. But the smaller nobles and geatry, if
(hey wished to conduct a lawsuit, Or equip their retainers, or
gu on a crusade or build a castle — and no less than 1,115 oi these
were erected in Slepben's reign — or erect a church, would have
lo get money from the Jews, who were the only large holders of
it in the Kingdom, There were a few Christians who leaj
money without interest, e.g., Wilham Fitz Isabel was the largest
creditor of the Abbey of St. Edmond's (Jw/ra p. 58), but for tLe
most part resort had to be made to the Jew.
As a general nde the security was good, i.e. landed property,,
but this was of little use to the Jew, who could not hold it under
an overlord. The aim of the Jew, therefore, was to get a reuly
money return of some sort, chiefly of course the rent of the land
usually paid by the va-ssals of the debtor. In one case, and that
the eariiest on record [p. 66), the money was to be relurned in
the form of so many soanis of hay, which was a very marketable
commodity : in this case no mention is made of usury, though
probably the value of the hay was higher than that of the money
lent. Similarly we have frequent mention of loans to be tepud
in a series of years without any payment of usury (pp. 6;, 80, 88,
&c.), if the instalments are paid up to dale. In such cases wft
may suspect that the sum mentioned in the deed and to be rep^
was really much more than the sum lent {Cf. remarks on pp, 80,
128). Generally, however, usury is to be paid straightway, is
in the case of Richard Anesty, The amount of usurj' varies
from twopence in the pound per week {i,e. about 43 per cent,
per annum) to fourpence {i.t. 86 per cent.), while a penny and
threepence also occur (p. 88).
But this high rate seems only to have been current when tlie
Jew did not have his pledge and mortgage. It naturally SQoa
led to a state of atfairs when the paj-menl of it
JEWISH BUSINESS AND DEEDS. 309
intolerable, and the creditor found it necessary to make a line
with the Jeiv, i.e , capitalise the interest, add the jirincipal, and
Btilrt afresh. He miftht do this either allomng interest again to
«ccrue (as ivas done af St. Edmond'a), or for a time the Jew
could collect the rents till ihe whole was paid off (187), or the
Wtale was saddled with a yearlj' rent to the Jew til! the debt
cotdd be paid off {€f. pp. iBS, 227). In this ease the interest
on the capitalised sum was tolerably moderate ; li\ per cent.
(p. Tq), iji per cent. [p. 80). 10 per cent, (p. 188), l\ per cent
(p. 227), though in case of non-payment of the interest stringent
^nditions are imposed (pp. 80, 227].
But things did not always go so smoothly in the arrangement
of a long-standing debt. Merely to have hisright recognised to
« debt the Jew had often to recur I0 the King's courts (see
CehtfiluHons. \\ 15, 16), as nl«i for a writ lo remind his debtor
(p. 200). When the debtor failed to pay up and incurred for-
(ieftuie of his land, the Jew had otien to get the King's courf to
^ra him seisin or possession (17, 69), or applied for an assize of
ftovel disseisin (65). Legal aid wa-s also it times required to
rarttaa* a Jew being recognised as the owner of a piece of land
(90), or to have right against the estate of a deceased debtor
(153}, And when the courts had declared for the Jew their
assistance had often to be invoked to have the goods of a debtor
distruned (181).
It is clear from the above that there was nothing against the
Jews holding land, at least in the twelfth century. The records
for that iieriod are not at all full, my extracts are probably not
complete, we only get information as a rule when there is some
legal di!.pute about the property. Yet with all this I have been
able to draw up the following list of manors " on which Jews
' V^i^n e^p^<■l<Lly meadonvd ai mortKa^d. It is prnbable Ihnt many
Elf the manDTi which ffave nameB to ttw Jewi' debtors were olio plrdged.
3'o
APPENDIX,
held liens. To these I have added houses known to be in Jewish
hands and the names of abbeys with which Jews had dealings
either in helping them to build (probably on security of then-
land) or in passing on to the abbeys debts due to Jews. To
distinguish the items I have placed m after the names of manors,
h after houses in towns, db after names of abbeys (or monasteries
in a couple of instances) ; A indicates that the property or debt
is included in the debts of Aaron of Lincoln, which fell into the
King's hands. Many of these occur 15 years after his death in
the Rotulus Cancellarii oi 3 Jo. {R.C.)
Abrugward, w,
Androdesdy, m.
Bainton, /».
Sussex
Warw.
Yorks.
215
129 A.
p. 71 A.
Barewe, m.
Line.
SI.
Barton
Line.
p. 76 A.
Bellegarve, m, (Belgrave)
Bettledon, ah.
Leic.
Bucks.
12^ A. Lib. p. 54 A.
p. 99 ? — p. 108 A.
Bisebrok, m.
? Rutland
p. 67 A., 164, 218
Blenford, m.
Dors.
127 A.
Bludeie, m.
Bucks.
Rot. Canc.f 3 Jo. p.
Bosinton, m. (Bossington)
Hants.
344 A.
69
Bridiport, m.
Burneham, m. (? B. Thorpe)
Gary, m.
Cassewell, m.
Hants.
Norf.
Somerset
Line.
R.C. p. 244 A.
R.C. p. 326 A.
p. 233
R.C. p. 171 A.
•
Certesia, ah.
Surr.
R.C. p. 30 A.
Colingburn, m.
Compton, m. (Long C.)
Cumberton, m.
Wilts.
Warw.
Camb.
129 A.
129 A.
p. 191
Esling, m,
Everley, m.
Line.
Wilts.
51.
129
JEWISH BUSINESS AND DEEDS,
311
t.
Northampt.
Col, Doc, Scot. p. 33 A
, ffl.
Line.
R,C. p. 171 A.
n^ m.
Line.
p. 260
, m.
Oxon.
p. 99
bey
Devon
p. 191 n.
t, m.
Warw.
129 A.
t. (Halesowen)
Wore.
188
.(E,^W,Ham?)
' Essex
p. 135
m.
Beds.
p. 216
, m.
Norf.
p. 165
m.
York
194
York
p. 227
1, m.
Dors.
129 A.
, ab.
York
p. 108 A,
[, ab.
Line.
p. 108 A.
rga (?LongboroughJ York
R.C.p. 286 A.
i (Lockerley)^
<rA.
Hants.
R.C. p. 244 A.
h.
Middl.
pp. 177, 231, 234, 255
K
Norf.
194
rd, w.
? Middl.
90
re Well, z«. {Maple-
-
UJ.
Hants.
69
%b.
York
pp. 58 A., 177 .
ae, w.
Hants.
R.C. p. 244 A.
ick, m, (Neswick) .
, Yorks.
p. 71 A.
aster, ab.
Northumb.
p. 108 A.
;, w.
Yorks.
p. 62, Of, R,C, p.
285 A.
^on, ;/«.
Leic.
129 A.
Dhurch.
Norf.
p. 222
ipton, k.
Northpt.
p. 206
,A.
Norf.
P- 94
1
312 APPENDIX.
Oreford, m.
SufF.
R.C. p. 327 A.
Ouseby, m.
Line.
210
Oxford, A.
Oxon.
R.C. p. 271 A.
Parcolude fLouthpark) . ah
. Line.
p. 108 A.
Pallesdon, m.
Suss.
215
Paxton, m.
Northamp.
Cal. Doc. Scot. p. 33 A
Persora, ah, fPershoreJ,
Wore.
126
Peterborough, ab.
Northampt.
P-57
Pikering, m.
Yorks.
R.C. p. 286 A.
PorKgelode, m.
? Yorks.
p. 216
Pomewich, m.
Bueks.
R.C. p. 344 A.
Ramsey, ab.
Hunts.
99*
Revesby, ab.
Line.
p. 108 A.
Rievale, ab.
Yorks.
p. 108 A.
Rowell, m.
? Gloue.
92
Ridun, m.
Norf.
p. 271
Rising
Norf.
p. 270
Ruford, ah.
Notts.
p. 108 A.
Rupe (Roche) y ab.
Yorks.
p. 108 A.
St. Edmond*s, ab.
SufF.
pp. 59» 78, 141
St. Alban's, ab.
Herts.
p. 79
Seldton m. (? Selston) .
Notts.
129 A.
Sepwich, m.
Warw. ?
129 A.
Seton, m.
Yorks.
p. 178
Shepchurch, m.
Warw ?
129 A.
Snettesham, m.
Norf.
p. 270
Southampton, h.
Hants.
R.C. p. 244 A.
Stiveclay, m.
Northamp.
Cal. Doc. Scot, p.33 A
Thurroc (E. ^ W. Thur-
Essex
p. 135
rock) .
Tottenham m.
Middl.
p 80
Turmsdeston, m.
Warw. ?
p. 9 A.
? Cumberl.
Cal.Doc. Sco
.p.J2
Essex
Mad. Exih.
?Suff.
p. Ii2
Yorks.
p. >78
Middl.
2
Yorks.
Warw.?
p. 71 A.
.29 A,
Hants.
115a A., 13
p. a
JEWISH BUSINESS AND DEEDS. 313
Waltham, afi.
Wapslede, m.
"Wartrey, wi.
Westminster Abbey.
Whanun (Wharraa).
Wikingston, m.
Winchester, A.
Witham, Ri. Lice.
The striking thing atxiut this list is the prcdominenee of
Aaron of Lincoln; exactly half of the entries refer to him. This :
is due to some extent to the fact that his estates fell into the \
King's hands, and therefore were enrolled on the King's records.
But it was precisely because of their magnitude that the King , I
kept them in his own possession instead of passing them o
a consideratioa to Aaron's son Vives. It is clear on all handi..
that Aaron was tlie leading financier of hi
which was lost in the Channel, must have been very large, and
he left besides nearly /"jo,ooo worth of indebtedness {including '
the Cistercian debt, p. loB) which passed to the King. And
there are certain indications which show in what way his huge
wealth was acquired. He organised the Jewry ir
making all the Jews throughout the country his loan-agents.
Thos Solomon of Paris (p. 77) signs a receipt for his ma
Aaron; Peytevin and Leo (p. 26y) are only his attorneys,
early as !l66 we lind him doing business (obviously through I
agents) in Lincoln, Norfolk, Yorkshire, Hants , Essex, Rutland,
Cambridge, Oxford, and Bucks. His example was foUowed by J
Isaac iil Rabbi, whom we find in partnership with him (24], for J
vfe find Benedict Bressus receiving money 00 behalf of Isaac
(p. 76). The whole body of Jews were banded together
I banking corporation, trading in a few names, like Aaron oC J
314 APPENDIX.
Lincoln, Isaac fil Rabbi, Jumet of Norwich, and Brim of
London.
They were not, however, allowed by the King to have
partnerships. Jumet and Isaac tried to do so, but were not
allowed (23). The reason is tolerably obvious: when one of the
partners died, debts due to the firm would not fall into the
icing's hands, as would be the case with an ordinary debt due
to a single Jew who happened to die. And it was to the interest
of the debtor that the debt should fall into the King's hands,
for he might then compound for the debt at a much smaller sum
than was owed to the Jew (pp. 108, 211). It was doubtless for
this reason that debtors were willing to pay such high interest :
if the Jew died before pajrment was enforced, the debtor might
escape for a much smaller sum paid to the King. It was, as I
have said, a kind of bet taken against the life of the Jew, and
the York massacres were in this sense a huge case of "nobbling.'*
On the other hand, it was better business for the King in the
long run to pass on the indebtedness to another Jew (125, 130),
for while in the King's hands it bore no interest.
For this last reason, no obstacles seemed to have been placed
in the way of Jews passing on debts from one to another (C/l 113,
164, 215, 218). In this way a certain amount of transactions in
credit must have gone on, corresponding in a measure with the
stock and share markets of later times. The deeds of indebted-
ness passed from one Jew to another as a medium of exchange,
and thus increased the circulation. We have instances of debts
to Jews in England being collected from debtors in Normandy
(49) ; if such debts also passed from hand to hand among the
Jews, we would have here the germ of bills of exchange.
It is by no means clear how the somewhat complicated
estimates involved in the calculation of usury were performed ;
probably by means of an abacus (Ball, Mathematics at Cam-
r
JEWISH BUSINESS AND DEEDS. 315
bridgg, p. 2). Cases occur of debts being again demanded when
already paid {48, Cf. iio). To avoid such an accident debtor
often had their Shetars or acquittances enrolled on the Pipe Roll
(163a, Cf.f. 5B), or to have a general acknowledgment similarly
inscribed (1643). The accusation of falsity of charters was fr
quent against the Jews in the thirteenth ceotury, but there w
scarcely any need for sach means of getting the debtors in t
toils. The automatic increase of interest would be sufficient bf
itself, and would naturally give rise to suspicion of foul play in
minds unaccustomed to calculate compound interest.
The Deeds in which these various transactions were recorded
were mainly of two kinds, an acknowledgment on the part at
the debtor or a release on the side of the Jew. The former w
at first called simply charters (carta) or deeds, but later became '
known as cyrograpks, which were in duplicate written on
piece of parchment, with the two copies of the bond separated
by the word cyroGRAPHVS written large. This was thet
through with a zigzag contour, so that the two parts on being
put together exactly tallied. This was to prevent the substitn-
tion of a different deed. The Jewish keeper of these deeds w
called a cyrographer {Cf., p. 234).
The receipts of the Jews were caUed "Starrs" (Starrum
after the Hebrew Shetar, or "contract." As is well known,
the CotU't of Star Chamber of later times is supposed to have
derived its name from being held in the chamber where the old
Jewish Starrs used to be deposited. This is to some eitenl
coafinned by the fact that the folk-etymology of the name refers
it to an imaginary sky-blue ceiling adorned with stars, of v
there is no evidence. It was Blackstone who first suggestCi
other etymology. Specimens of caiia are given on pp. 66-7,
cyrographs on p. 227, stairs on pp. 58, 76, 77.
Besides these deeds specially devoted to Jewish debts wf
3 1 6 APPENDIX.
lind Jews concenied in others of a more general cfaaiaoUb^
Thus we find Jurael, of Nnrwich. occnmng m one of the eariieK
"Feets of Fine " (p. g4). This is a reeotd of a fictitious ac
between landlord and lenant, so as to put on record the b
action by which the land or house changed bands. The Deed
of Mortgage ou p. 80 is of an ordinary type, nor is there anytimiE
specific about the covenant of p. 99 : both are
of the period bs recorded in such law books as G-lanville or Fleb.
IV.— MONEY AND VALUE IN THE TWELFTH
CENTURY.
This book is so full of reference to sums of money that it i)
desirable to get some definite idea of what is implied by the
various sums mentioned. When it is said that £^ was paid or
lent by a Jew, what command of services and commoditiei e
represented by that sura ? Would it buy as mnch, or more, or
less, than could be purchased nowadays for jf roo ? In short
what is the " index-number," as the economists call it, of tiie
liineteenth century as compared with that of the twelfth? "Whsl
constant multipber should be used on the sums mentioned in
this book in order to represent more approximately the sonu
they would be equivalent to at the pre.^ent day ? The questioD
is a difficult one, the materials are extremely scanty, and any
result reached must be only roughly approsimatc. But aiqr
result is better than none.
Ihi the lirst p1»:e, as to the money itself. The coin acEnally
used was the silver denarius or penny, but accounts were
reckoned in solidi (shillings) and librce (pounds], though only
paid in denarii. Reckoning the solidns at 12 denarii, the weight
of silver in a solidus (if it had existed] was three times as much
as it contains now. VThereas 66 shillings are minted from one
pound of silver nowadays, only twenty shillings worth of denarii
MONEY VAZVB m THE Xlllh. CENTURY. Jtf
coold be obtained from that weight of silver i
ceotury. ThiE [net muiit be taken into account in considering I
Ihe " indci-number " of the twelfth century, though it would ]
not directly aifect it, if all we bave to deal with was the b
value of merchandize, Sec.
The only way of obfaining an " indei-numlier " out of the I
many metbods proposed by economists, and discussed in Prof, |
Edgeworth's three Reports on Ihe subject in Ihe Transacl
the British Association for 1885-;, is that termed by him Ihe I
IndeJinite Standard. This is detitied as "a simple unweighted ]
average of the ratios formed by dividing the prices of each conii
modity in the one period by the price of the same commodity in
the other perioJ " {Brii. Ass. /ii^..tS&l. p. 1C3). In the tvrelfth I
century this is only possible for a few articles of food, &c. I
Thorold Rogers' classic inqniriea into the History of Prices only 1
beginmth 1359. F\eetvood,Chn)nii:onPrfnoiHm, 'Eden, Stale J
of the Poor, and Macpherson's Annals of Commerct only give a
few items, to which I have been able to add little. As against 1
these I I.ive given the nineteenth century prices (1800-85) given |
in MulhaJl, DUt. of Statistics (probably from the Stalistical \
Abstracts; I have supplied lacunx from these).
■ed that the htler
wholesale, the others probably I
retail prices.
■ig ■-: ..^ ^
B ■? 1- s a S . -■ a -J
■I^^i^liS = 'i^^.t§ I £§lq
:C-,'^ :M^'-^'-.?v
"i^ "i's "8 1' "s "3 "8 "3 3 "il Is "i'g 1^:2 3' "S ^ '2
^i ^>^ S ft^i^is,^ S S 5 5 S g g 5 5 S 2 :a
-H.K"-ffl=5 3;S3;^£'5
2
::::::!;::
::■•:!>
ri..
n
6 ■■■■■■ --s i - •
' =s« '■»
MONEY VALUE IN THE Xllth. CENTURY. 319 |
Taldng Ibe average of the multipliers or " indeK-numbers,'^ '
tMswQuld give us about 46 as the "index-number" of the latter 1
half of the twelfth century. But we have sinned against the rule I
of our method, which bids us take each article only once. And I
besides this, the additional values we have given for the cereabfl
bsve mainly been for famine years, which reduces the average^■
Unking rnugh estimates for the lirst eight items, the chief r:
materials, at 30, 42, lOo, 16a, 50, 30, 30, iz, we get an. average^l
of 58 ; whereas the remaining seven, mainly manufactured pro- f
ducts, give only an average of 13, and the whole fifteen give only I
37 as an average multiplier. Manufactured articles were
times asdearas raw materials in the twelfth as in the nineteenth J
century.
We have, however, other corrections to make. The earlier '
Items are mainly retail prices ; the later ones are wholesale,
except in the cases or nails and boots (I have had to guess wbal
the Prince of Wales gives for a pair of boots). Now retai
prices are one-third higher than wholesale, so we have to increatr J
ir inder-number by one-third, or multiply by J. *i\
But the shilling of the twelfth century was a different ai I
weightier coin than our present token coin of that nam 1
Twenty of them could be made out of a pound of silver, whereas I
n made nowadays. This wotlld reduce our index-numb . 1
by (g. On the other haiid, our standard of value is now go! 1
and while 66 token shillings are made of a pound of silver, I
latter can be bought nowadaysforjgj-., or 05 of a gold sovere I
So that a shilling of the twelfth century was only worth JJ I
twentieth of a sovereign. We must therefore multiply I
index-number by the inverse of this traction in on^g^^^ I
change the standard. Altogether therefore we have to mi^ ^■^^ I
«u UDd, m far la I am a»ace. ]
320 APPENDIX.
by % (for third] by ^§ (for difference of weight], by f{ (for change
of standard), or about §. So for raw materials the inde^-number
would be 40, for manufactured 9, and for both 25. In other
words, a penny in the twelfth century would go as far as
two shillings nowadays, half as much again for raw materials,
but only ninepence for manufactured articles. This rough result v
is confirmed by the fact that the only case of wages given is
;f I 4J. 4J. a year (Eden, State of Poor, iii. p. ix.], which would
correspond to something like 5jif. a week, which, reckoning on
the above calculation, would correspond to I2J. a week.
It is, of course, obvious how very rough is the above
reckoning, but it was absolutely necessary to get some such
rough idea of the relative value of money for a book which is so
> full of references to amounts large or small. If these are
^,multiplied by 30, some idea of their value as expressed in the
g ^currency of to-day may be obtained. For it is probable that,
"Sruriously enough, the larger the amount the larger ought to be
v^e *' index-number " to correspond to the relative importance
*" the sum compared with the whole capital of the country.
1^ 'B .—JEWISH CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE TREASURY.
^>5 ^ The sources of the King's income in Angevin England were
. t,i*,n extremely miscellaneous character. Almost every event in
•^^ S life of an Englishman might be the occasion of claiming
^ <u (ley from him. The classical treatise of Thomas Madox, Tht
"^■g tory of the Exchequer, 1707 > thus goes over a large section
le whole of English life. It was the same with Englishmen
^wish faith : their payments to the Exchequer were multi-
s in the extreme. It has been usual to refer to this as
ice that the King's power was absolute over them, that
ii .. ere his chattels. But for nearly every one of the payments
o :; y an EngUsh Jew I can produce evidence of similar fines.
00 ^
.^
5
«3
•si .•
.S» V
>*
JEWISH CONTRIBUTIONS lo the TREASURY. Jill
fccmide by other Englishmen. The chief exceptions are pey-^
ts for Escuage, Ferms, Aid<i, and Custciins, though thssi
Dona and Tallage of the Jews may be said lo conespond tofl
Aids. I have drawn up the following list of tlie various occasional
n which we find Jews pajitig the Royal Treasury during the^l
period under review, following as far as possible the order oTm
Madox's treatment and placing in brackets the chapter and sec* 9
titia of bis treatise where the same or siniihr exactions from I
ordinary Englishmen arc recorded. I
B-EUEC, WARIISHIP, Marrjage (X. iv.). I
[Relief wasajeudfll. profit paid by a tenant on taking posses- I
siou jjf his estate on tbe death of the previous owner, M
Wardship was [he right of custody of a relative's children.] M
(I) For a relief. PT<.. item, 203. [n. ;.] I
(a) To have debts, &c., of deceased father, 16 (j£6o), 55 [5 m. I
issband), 66 [10 m. mother). 73 (/6;. ;6(t5s.), Si (I m fathers ■
n-law), 85 (II m, son), 86 (zom. husband), 101 {£^00), 116 I
(loom.), 119 (£s books), cat (700 m.), 123 [300 m.), 140 (300 I
m.), i6z (20 m. not relative). [». 4.] U
{3) To have cumody (wardship) of children, 23, J3, 134 ; for I
King to have same, 40. [x. 4.] I
(4) For marrying without licence, 15, 58 [xiii. t]; not towed, I
[O ; for a bill of divorce, 38. ■
(5) To have half of doHTy settled on wife, 118; to have dowiy 1
leturned by son when husband is dead, p, 234. [^xiii. 11.] I
Fines [XI.-XIII.] I
[In later legal phraseology Fines refer chiefly to final agree- M
ments Ibr the transfer of real estate ; in earlier usage the I
term was used for almost any kind of offering made to the 1
King.] 1
322 APPENDIX,
(6) For waste and purpresture (encroachment on forest), 8a
[xi. I.]
(7) To have dispute about forest rights heard in King's ooint,
204.
[These are the only two items referring to forest rights and
wrongs, showing that Jews were little concerned with
hunting.]
For Law Proceedings, [XII.]
(8) To have justice, 46 [xii. i] ; to have writs for justice, 160.
(9) To have pleas, 2, 21 [xii. 2]; in common, 75; to hear plea
against Jews, 43.
(10) To have inquiry whether Jew may take usury from Tew,
128 ; whether father died Christian, 161. \Cf, xii. 2.]
(11) To have agreement heard, 195 ; dispute heard, 204.
(12) To have summons before Chief Justice instead of Justices
in Eyre, 91.
(13) To have case between Jews heard in King's court, 98.
(14) To have respite of plea, 38, 146, p. 211 [xii. 4]; between
Jews, 34, 50.
For Debts, [XII. v.]
[Here, as is natural, we have the larger number of cases whidi
cannot be paralleled from ^[adox.]
(15) To have right to recover debts, 32 (25 per cent, paid
King), 49 (in Normandy), 55 bis (12 per cent.), 60 (50), 61 (30)^
78, 99J (18), 113 bis (33, 54), 126 (33), 132 ter (22, 30, 20), 153
(13 3)» 156 ^is (io» 9)» 158 (II), 191, I92» 194, 195 (16 per cent.),
197. [xii 5.]
(16) To have right to recover debt against Jew, 64 (400 per
cent, paid to King), 94 (14 per cent.), I47 (5° per cent.), 152
250 per cent.).
CONTRIBUTIONS TO TREASURY.
3^3 1
(17) To have debts, 14, 4S11, 51, 54, li) (nnd chattels), 94 (and!
pledges) 171, 191, 19!. [liii. 6.]
(18) Ta have bdp to recover debt, 4, S [liii. 6] ; to have |
debtor distrained, iSc.
{19) To have writ to recover debt, IJJ, p. 20l[xiii. 9]; lor
mind debtor, p. zoo.
[io) To have right against estate of deceased debtor, 153.
(21) To have county record of debt against Jew, 160. [ni. i
(Z2) To have mortj^ge, 51 bis \\\i. 5] ; to have pledge, igOf]
to be recognised ns ovi-ner of land, 90.
■ (23) To have disputed mortgage kept in King's hand, i
{14) To get deeds from sheriff, 68 ; for a deed, ^^.
(13] To havestarrs and acquittances of deceased Jews inspected ■
by Justices of Jews, p. 211.
(a6) To have agreement with a Christian about a debt, t
{21) To have debts of Aaron of Lincoln, 106, iii, 125, Il5ai!l
130. 135. 136. 143. 150. 163, 165, 174, 175, p. ill, 180, p. 338,1
190B, Z16; Tor tine to have one of his debts, 123 (50a m. foT-l
jfSoo), 130; to have one of his houses, 1*50, 131.
For Licences, &rc. pCni., iv.-viii.J
(iS) To have an agreement anmng themselves, 10, SS, 1991]
([»!■ 4]
(19] To have partnership, s:, 39, 83, 84 (concntrent, xiii, I3},|
,181. [riii. 4]
' (30) To have residence with good-will of King, [iiii.5.]
I {31) To have house bought but deprived of, 57.
*■ (32) To have seisin of land mortgaged, 27, 69, [liii. 8.]
For Legal Offences, &c. [XUI., U.-iii.]
[See also Amerciaments, Nos. 37 «y.]
(33) To be replevied (bailed out), iJli, (for burglary); 1
[xiii. 9.]
•
324 APPENDIX,
(34) To be surety, 127, 150 (for mother) [xiii. 10] ; for offisring
money to redeem another Jew, 198.
(35) ^o be quits of pledges, 33 [xiii. 10]; not to be prosecuted,
88, 141 ter,
(36) To be quits of appeal between Jews, 35, 172, p. 200 [xUL
11]; to be quits of a charge \p)id,\^ to be put on oath, 154. 183;
for not keeping fine, 79.
Amerciaments. [XIV.]
[When a person was found guilty of a charge he was at the
King's mercy (*'in misericordia"), and could only obtain
. this by paying an amerciament : it is often difficult to dis-
tinguish these from fines.]
(37) For an amerciament, 13 (;f 2,000), 28, 55 ;f6,ooo) [xiv. 5];
fine for amerciament, 97.
(38) For killing sick man, 3 (;£'20oo !) [xiv. 6] ; for striking
knight, 45, 46.
(39) For personation, 57 ; for being party to illegal contract,
44. [xiv, 7.]
(40) For denying what he had said before, 48, 113, 133 ter,
[xiv. 7.]
{41) For being accused of being ot the society of outlaws
145. [xiv. 7.]
(42) For lending money to men under King's displeasure, ^
[xiv. 7] ; on sacred garments, 17, 53.
(43) For a novel disseissin, 65. [xiv. 8.]
(44) For a default (or forfeiture), 36. [xiv. 11.]
(45) For withdrawing from court without licence. 197, 211.
[xiv. II.]
(46) For false charge, 141. [xiv. 13.]
(47) For suborning evidence, 189^. [xiv. 13.]
(48) For calling warrant illegally, 99a. [xiv. 12.]
CONTRIBUTIONS TO TREASURY. 325
{49) For a stopid saying, 148 [liv. i;]; for not having proper I
iiifonna.tionmdee(I, 92. For taking off priest's cap, 72. [xiv. 15 } |
(SO) For buying treasure trove without permisHon, 93; for 1
detaining retit of land, 91.
(ji) For keeping back acquitted Eharters, 6z ; for demandiag I
debt already paid, 4S, iio.
(52) For failing to convict charter of falsity, 77 ; for not giving. J
np debt to another Jew, II3.
(53) ^0' to ^ impleaded for concealing charters, 123, [46 ; I
for carrying off goods on which another Jew has sureties, 194
' (54] For lands unjustly pledged, lOl ; to have another Jei
.kept in cnstody for clippiog, p. 233.
Tali^ge, [XVn.]
(55) Dona, 7, y, los (2,000 m.), p. i6z. [nvii. 2.]
(56) Tallage, Guildford, p. SS, Sq, 107, 166, 167, 113, 1:4
tn- t"ii.6.]
(57) Quarter of chattels, 71. [ivii. ».]
(58) To be quit ofTallage, 89. [xvii. 7.]
It would be of interest 10 ascertain what was the avcrag
it of income that the King derived from his Jewish subjects
from these reliefs, fines, amerciaments, and tallages. Itishow-
ever very difficult to ascertain this, since for a large part of the
period we have no Fine Rolls which often give information of
IS paid to (he King otherwise than through the Eichequer to
which the entries in the Pipe Rolls are confined. The Tallages
and Dona were maiidy accounted for on separate rolls and do
it appear escept by accident on the Pipe Rolls (there is n
reference e.g. to the Northampton Donum in the Pipe Rolls). I
I have not giveti details of all my extracts from the Pipe Rolls:
(many more occur in the Name List) and I cannot claim to b.
extracted all the Jewish items. There must obviously have b
3*6 APPENDIX,
m(M« ' reliefs ' than the fifteen enumerated above ($2) . Altogeths
any estimate found on my extracts can only profess to represeflt
the minimum.
There is further the difficulty that we do not always know if'
some of the larger sums mentioned in the records were fully paid
up. It is certainly desirable to separate these special entries
from the more ordinary items.
31 Hen. I. Amerciament (3) if^ooo
12 Hen. II. Abraham fil Rabbi (13) 2000
23 „ Transfretation (29, 42) 4066
32 „ Jumet's fme (67) 4000
35 ,, Jumet's licence to reside (87) 1200
35 ,, Guildford Tallage 60,000
1 Ric. I. Cistercian fine 666
3 Ric. I. Debts of Aaron (106) i5>ooo
3 „ Second Thousand Marks 105 1366
3 „ Tallage 6666
5 „ Northampton Donum 3666
Donimi referred to p. 164 n, 2000
2 Jo. Charters 2666
Taking these separately, as well as the sums paid in the
earUer period to Jews by the sheriffs, probably for value received,
we may sum up the receipts recorded in the Pipe Rolls as
follows in pounds sterUng.
Reign, Ordinary, Sheriffs, Special, Total,
Hen. I. 208 — 2000 2208
Hen. II. 2-36 2030 2702 94300 99030
Ric. I. i-io 2710 40 5333 8416
Jo. 1-7 350 — 2666 3016
It is clear that the averages for Henry II. and John are too
small, the former because my extracts were less complete, the
latter because the items relating to Jews had been removed to
com-RtsunoKs to treasury. 317^
Epedal rolls. For John's reign this is to some degree compen- I
Bated for by the items from the Fine KoDs, which reach £w^' I
for the seven years, besides ^531 for the Royal Ten Pet CenU I
ibr the two years, 5-7 Jo. supra (pp. 139-111). This would I
L to show that the average butine^s of the whole English I
Jewry only reached ^2,500 per annum, which is clearly much I
below the mark. The Royal Ten Per Cent, only apphed li
debts recovered through the courts. If we could assume tha
about ^£"300 per annum was the average of ordinary P, R, itemi
as in Ric. I., and ^£250 those of the Fine Rolls not extant fo
Heniy II. and Ric. I., we should obtain something like Ihe I
following revenue from Jews for the 51 years between 2 Hen. II. |
and Jo. 7 (1156-1206; the solitary ye«r of Hen. I. need not '
considered) : —
Pipe Roll ordinary item jf>Si3'>'
Fines and Royal Ten Pet Cent iJi^SO
Sheriffs' payments .. ,. .. ., 2,742
Special Amerciaments, Tallages, &c. ,. 102,300
Total,. ,, 133,59*
From this has to be subtracted j£q,45Z not paid and Temov<
to Jews' Rolls by Benedict de Talemund in 10 Ric. I., (P.R. ile
172) and ^£4,500 of Aaton's debt still owing in 3 Jo., leaving a
theba!anceof^l20,oooforthcsiyears. To this has to be added I
unknown quantity ol Aaron'^ cash treasure, loEit in transit from j
England to Normandy. This would probably raise the average I
contribution uf Ihe Jews to the English Treasury to about ^:<500 I
annually, and .-Ulowing for tallages, &c , not tecorded during Ihe \
yeats for which the Fine Rolls are not extant (t^.^. , tile price of ■
these charters was probably the same in t Hen. U. and i Ric. I. F
iMin 3 Jo., I.e., 4,000 marks), we may assume, I thinlc, that the I
average contribution was as neat as possible i"3,ooo/er a«
328 APPENDIX.
Taking the "index number" which we reached in a fonner
section of this Apjj^endix this WQuld correspond to some ;f 75,000
nowadays. But it is probable that this sum is an inadequate
representation of the Jewish contributions to the Treasury con-
trasted Tivdth the whole available national resources. The whole
treasure left by Henry II. was 100,000 marks, the same sumim
the ransom set on King Richard (Macpherson Annals, sub amif
1 189, 1 193). Towards this ransom the City of London gave or
promised only 1500 marks, the English Jewry no less than 50001
The total trade of England was ;^ 1 00,000 /^ra»n2^f» (Maq)he^
son, I.e. sub anno 1205) ; it is at present, 4,000 times as mudu
The £yyoo contributed to the Treasury by the Jews must have
loomed far more largely in the eyes of the King's Treasurer than
perhaps a thousand times as large a sum nowadays.
What was the complete revenue of Angevin England ? The
estimate generally accepted is that of ;^65,ooo, given by Bishop
Stubbs ; but that is for Edward I., a century later than the
period we are considering. The Pipe Roll of 2 Hen. II. gives t
revenue of only ;f 22,000; that of i Ric. I. of ;f 50,000, The
last is too large, as it contains the new and extra aids given to
the King on his accession. It would be safe, I fancy, to tjdn
;f35,ooo as the average revenue, so that the Jewish contributkia
was about one-twelfth of the whole. If we could compare the
state of the national finances of the twelfth A^ith that of the pre-
sent century, this would make the Jewish contributions to the
Treasury as important as an annual sum of ;f 7,000,000 would he
to the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The loss of the Jewish
revenue led Edward I. to grant the statute De tallagio non con*
cedendo and the regular summons of burgesses to Parliament.
Cf. Dr. Grross, in Papers Anglo-jfewish Exhibition^ p. 211, who
reckons the average contributions of the Jews to the Treasury
during the thirteenth century at ^£^5,000 per annum (/.c. p, 195),
ASSIZE OP JEWRY. 319
' VI.— ASSIZE OF JEWRY IN THE TWELFTH
CENTURY."
The materials for the history of the English Jews in the twelfth
o much more extensive thati that which is extant
It any other European tountiy, that it is possible to draw up an
* of Jewry, a whoie code of Inws derived froin the canons,
i>rtcTS, or rolls. f I have thought itworthwbiletodrawup such
' code with conlinaous enumeration, and descriptive croas-
iodiags to the various sections. As a rule I have arranged the
ts in chronological order.
CHURCH ORDINANCES.
[Sec iupm pp. I, 15, 62, 184, 155.]
(l.) A Christian must not sell a Christian slave to a Jew
^eodosius, Lib. Pcen. xlii. 3).
(».) Christians must not accept unleavened bread from them
». iii , 1).
fj.) Mass must not be celebrated where Jews have been baried
»., xlvii. 1).
J4.] public offices should not be committed to Jews (Giatian,
-. I., u.. n).
(5.) Clitistian slaves ill possfssioTi of Jews must he liberBted
.. >3).
' (&■) Jews must not be convened by force, nor must converted
:s be allowed to revert {id., I. xlv. 5).
'(7.) Jews cannot accuse Christians (Corp. Jur. Can., ed.
tedburg, col. 489).
[8.) Jews about to be converted must be catechumens for
[ht months (11/., col. i,3gi).
330 APPENDIX.
(9.) If a converted Jew reverts to Judaism, his children land
slaves are not to be allowed to accompany him (id,, col. iy^9*}>
(10.) Christians taking up the cross are freed from usuhyto
Jews (Pope £ugenius,ap.^(afwi2^»;ia^, s.a. i,i^^,supra pjiaj).
(II.) Clergy and Je\is are not to be placed under sej
jurisdiction (Decree of Council of Avranches, 1172 ; ap.
diet, ed. Stubbs, i. 34, supra p. 55). ^
(12.) Jews must not have Christians as servants (Mansi, Coif^
cilia, XX. 399) or as nurses (Gratian, Decrt, \,, vi. 13).
(13.) Testimony of Jews is not to be preferred to that of
Christians (Benedict Abbot i. 230).
(14.) Jews may possess Christian churls, but not slaves (Z>ii^«
v., vi. 2).
(15.) They may restore old synagogues, but not bufld new
ones (wf., 3-7).
(16.) On Good Friday they must keep doors and windows
shut (wf., 4).
(17.) Princes who spoil Baptised Jews of their goods are to
be excommunicated [id, 5, cf. No. 35).
(18.] Jew striking priest should be punished by secular power
{id,, 14).
(19.) They must not be condemned without judgment, nor
disturbed at their festivals, nor their cemeteries to be molested,
nor their bodies exhiuned {id., 9).
MAGNA CARTA JUD^ORUM.
[This seems to have been first granted in the reign of Henry I. ;
we have confirmations — i Ric. I. (Rymer, Fosdera^ i. 51-
M,C.R,, supra p. 134), and 2 Jo. (Rotuli Cartarutn, Rec.
Com. i. ^'^'M,C,y., snpra p. 212). They agree except with
regard to § vi.]
ASSIZE OF JEWRY. 331
(so,) Jews bave free residence v\ England and Normand]',
and may hold lands, fiers, pledges, '^fts,and purchases (if. C^t
H-; J/.c.y., }i,).
(:i.) In a trial between Christian and Jew, each shall have
luro witnesses — one Jew, one Christian ; a writ shall serve
Jew as a witness (^.Cfi., }ii.; M.C.J., ( ii.).
(21.) A Christian suing a Jew must appear before the " peen
of Ihe Jew " {M.C.R., { ii. ; M.C.y., } ii.).
(23.) A Jew's son shall succeed to his fatber'B. debts and
money, but shall do riebt for same [M. C.R.. \ iii. t M.C.y.,
jiii).
(34.) Jews may receive and buy anything except church vest-
ments or bloodstained garments (M.CJi., f iii. ; M.C.y., } iii.).
(35.) They are quits of appeal on oath morejudaico (M.O.R.,
lliv.i A-.c.y., Hv.).
(16.) In debt cases Jew proves capital ; Christian, the interest
y{M.C.R.. ( iv. ; M.C.y. 4 iv.).
(17.) They can sell pledges after a year and a dayt {M.C.R.,
|^v.;^.(7.7., }v.).
(18.) They can only be called upon to plead before King's
1 justices or wardens of king's castles (JV (7. A., ^ v.; M.C.y.t^l.).
{19.) Duiing the minority of the heir of a debtor, a Jew is not
' , to be disturbed of his debt [M.C.R., j vi.).
(30.) They may go with their chattels just as if ihey were the
King's property {M.C.R., ^ vi. ; M.C.y., \ vi.).
(31.) They are free of all Customs and Tolls {M.C.R., } vii. ;
M.C.y.,\>^.).
[3].] Criminal cases between Jews, except for Ihe greater
felonies, as homicide, mayhem, etc., may be decided among
-t- Qvccy. is Ibii Ihe origin nf tho proent cuHlon with pawnbrol
r
332 APPENDIX,
themselves by their own lave (Confirmation by John, Lc, pn>>
bably first given by Henry II.; cf. Robertson, Mat, Hist, of
Thorn, Beckett iv. 148, supra p. 42).
THE KING AND THE JEWS,
(33.) Jews [query, of different towns] have to get king*!
license to marry (Pipe Roll, items 15, 33, 58, 182), or not to
marry in the case of a Jewess (10), or to give bill of divorce (38).
(34.) King is the guardian of orphans (25, 40).
(35.) Property of converted Jews reverts to king on baptian /
(Benedict, i. 230 ; cf. supra, No. 17, and p. 105).
(36.) " Jews and all theirs belong to the king " i^Laws of
Edw» Confessor^ XXV. J, supra p. 68).
(37.) Debts of a deceased Jew fall into the king's hands (70^
95, loi, 116, 170).
-'^(38.) King claims one-fourth of Jews* chattels when tallaging
the rest of England one-tenth for the Saladin Crusade (71, 82.
Cf, Gervase of Canterbury, I. 422, supra p. 93).
(39.) Christian debtors to Jews may become sureties for the
latters' debts to the king (iii).
(40.) King claims half of dowry settled on a Jewess (118).
(41.) One Jew may pay king for debts of another Jew to the
king (144).
(42.) A Christian's land in the king's hand for a debt to a Jew
deceased is released when the rent reaches the amount of the
pledge (164 ; because king, as Christian, cannot claim usury).
(43.) The king could quitclaim a subject of a debt to Jews
(186, and pp. 205, 209, 229, 230, 231, 237, 238).
t This is recognised to be an interpolation iemp. Henry II., and is in-
consistent with the statement supra $ 30 ; ' just as if implies that they
were not the king's property.
ASSIZE OF JEWRY.
33 J
(+4.) Jew's property may be distrained for debt not paid to
the king [p. 2ii),
(45.) King mny grant Jew's land, held on mortgage, to a
CbriiitiaD other than the original debtor, if he pay!> the same
nt 85 latter till the said debtor pays off the deJit and thereby
lines into possession of his omi land again (p. 330).
(46.) Usury to Jews lapses while debtor is on the king's
itviee (p. 138).
(47.) King has a right to one bcsant {2s.) for every pound
claimed by a Jew through his courts (the R.oyal Ten per Cent.,
PP- »39-4')-
(48.) King has right to compensation (or partncrsliip between
Jews (M, 83).
PRIVILEGES AND DISABILITIES.
(49.) Jews could only be buried in London up la 1 1 ;;, afler-
^rds wherever they dwell {Befieikt, i. 1S2, jupra p. 63),
^(50.). Jews may not take anns or armour in pledge (Assiie of
</nj p. 75).
J[S1,) Jews hoid land by rent in lieu of service (p. 94).
^52.) Jews coold pay knights' fees {Liber Rubeus), p. 360.
.^3-) Jsws could not be " men " of an abbey (Joce de Brake-
ii.supra'p. 141).
^54 ) Burgesses must make hue and cry for a slain Jew (il5).
i55.) Burgesses must pay tine for assaults on Jews (98, loz,
^117, 142), and must give hostages for same (ijS).
.(56.) Jews could hold land or quit-rent granted by Chapter of
\, Paul's {Hiil. MSS. Camm. ix. 14, 12, 50, 68), lupra pp. 177,
lo.
iai-) Jews could not sell tin unless stamped, nor keep tin of
anelting more than three months without its Iwing re-
lelted, nor remove it from Cornwall or Devou without bceusc
334 APPENDIX.
of the Warden of the Stannaries {Ltbtr Ruheus), su^ru p. lS6i
(58.) Jews could have seisin of a mortgage (27, 69, Rpt, Ouf*
Reg,, p. 191).
(59.) There was an Archpresbyter of all the Jews of Kngland,
who was appointed for life, and could only be called upon to
plead before the king or the chief justice, and should have nk
conduct wherever he might go (Rot, Cart, i. 77, supra p. toi).
(60.) Jews could sell manors (p. 204].
(61.) Jews had to have passports to pass from ESng^andto
Normandy, and vice versd, p 223..
(62.) Jews could hold land at peppercorn rent (Brit. Mvs.
Add. MS., 4542, supra p. 234).
LEGAL.
(63.) The "manbote" of a slain Jew was 20s. [as for a serf] (6).
(64.) Jews must not lend to men under king's displeasure (16),
or on sacred vestments (17. Cf, MCR, { iii. supra. No. 24).
(65.) Jews must not " cambire " [? mint or exchange money]
without king's license (41].
(66.) They must not sell chattels to other Jews without
permit (44).
(67.) Jewish sureties take over property of bailee (67).
(68.) Jumet, the Jew, is very heavily fined (6,000 marks) for
marrying a Christian heiress (67).
(69.) An apostate Jew is liable to hea\y punishment (p. 106).
(70.) A Jew must not buy treasure trove without consent of
Justice (93).
(71.) Jews must not be in the society of outlaws (145).
(72.) Jews could settle pleas between themselves by dad
(pp. 176, 233).
(73.) Disputed charters could be adjudicated by a jury of
twelve Jews and twelve Christians (184 ; p. 201).
ASSIZE OF ySll'RY.
335
{74,) Trials for mayhem against a Jew could be held before
I the ordinary jury ofo hundred (Tovey, Ang, yvd., lb, lupra, p.
.16].
(75 ) Clipped money round in (he hands of Jews to be per-
foriiteti, and the Jews put in custody (Pal. RoU, supra p. 215).
[76.) Jews may use old depreciated money lo buy food or
I fln lhin j., but not lo pay king or buy merchandise (Assize of
Money, IZ05 ; rupra p. 2j6).
1 (77-) A Jew can be coUTicled as a forger by the oath of
^nother Jew(i83).
(78.) A Jew who evades arrest may have his chnltels seiied,
Q surrendering and finding bail recovers them (p. 232).
ySWS IN RELATION TO DEBTORS.
(79.) Jews must not keep hack acquitted charters (6l).
(80.) One Jew may pay another for a Christian (143).
(Si.) Debtors not paying up could be distrained through
Icing's court for capital and interest (iSl).
{81.) A Christian could make a Jew or Jewess his attorney to
receive rents till bis debt was paid off.
(83.) A Christian may take another Christian's lands for bc-
■;quitting him of debt to Jews (iHB).
(84.) Charters were returned lo Jews when debt was cleared
>ff, or King quitclaimed the debtor (p. ZZt).
"THE ORDINANCE OF THE ySWRY," 1194.
[Reguiating the rcKistration of Jewish debts, and paving the
way for theEichequerof the Jews of the thirteenth century.
'. Hteaden, ed. Stu66s, iii. z&6, supra p. 156.]
Ij.) All debts, pledges, mortgages, lands, houses, rents, and
IS shall be registered.
ny Jew concealing aught of his possessions shall
m prisoned and lose all.
336 APPENDIX.
(87.) All contracts between Jews and Christians shall be made
in six or seven places, and before six officials, of wbom two shall
be lawyers that are Jews.
(88.) All charters are to be made in duplicate, and one copy
to be kept by the Jew.
(89.) The other copy is to be kept in a common chest locked
with three keys, and sealed with three seals (one key and one
seal being that of the two Jews).
(90.) A roll shall be kept of transcripts of all charters.
(91.) There shall be two scribes and one keeper of the roll,
each to receive one penny for each deed.
(92.) No contracts shall be valid except before a quormn of
the six, and there shall be three transcripts of all payments to
Jews, one to be kept by the Jew, one by the scribes, and one by
the keeper of the roll.
(93.) Every Jew shall swear not to conceal aught.
(94.) Two l^octioajhaU be appointed to decide cases between
Jew and Christian (addition of John of Brompton. Otherwise
called Bailiifs, "Wardens, Justiciars of the Jews).
JEWISH REGULATIONS.
[Occurring in the scanty references to English Jews in the Tosa-'
phothf etc.]
(95.) Relatives must not judge among Jews in a case where a
relative is concerned (Sepher Hajashavy 7 la, supra p. a6).
(96.) A Jew betrothed to one of three sisters not specified
must divorce all three {supra pp. 52, 291).
(97.) If a Gentile pays too much, and cannot be found, the
extra money goes to the original lender, and not to any agent
{supra p. 53).
(98.) Seven elders decide on any disputed questions (p. 49).
(99.) Informers, and those using Gentle courts against fellow-
Jews, are excommunicated (p. 49).
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 3J7 I
(loo.) Mflk drawn by n Gentile is unclean (Mord, Ah. S
a. Ii6, supra p. 54).
(101.) Baraade geese may be eaten by Jews if slaTighte
, Bccnrding <□ Jewish custom (Meir of Rothenburg Resp, NoiJ
160, supra p, ^4).
(102,) Fires may be kept Bliehl by GentUes for Jews 01
bath (p. HI).
(103.) Unclean meal does not defile if only one-sixlieth of Qir J
whole parcel bought (p. 146),
[104.) Jews must not eat what a Gentile has boiled" (p. 178), 1
(105.) English Jews may use Kannabas (? hemp) on their 1
woollen garments [Shibole Hallekel MS., supra p. z8G}.
(106.) English Jews drink with Gentiles [supra p. J6g),
(107.) Two hills of divorce are lo be gi^en to a woman whe:
her husband has changed his name in arliailo mortis (p. iSS).
(108.) A Jewess confessing to adultery must swear she has J
not set her heart on another man (p. z8cij.
(109.) If a Jew lends a borrowed horse to a Gentile and the 1
latter loses St, the Jew must pay (p. 289).
10 ) A bill of divorce may be given to a minor without lutrj
betrothed's knowledge (p. igi).
Vn.— MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.
From bcidenlal notices and remarks of the chroniders, 3
even in the roils, we can gather some information, scant
enough it is true, as to the Cultiirgeschichte of the English Je»
Jn the twelfyi century. And first with regard to their relatiot
to Ihcir feilow-citizens. Up to the rmrtttes of 1189-90 thesa I
: exceptionally friendly. The dispute between R. Simeon I
Chadd and Abbot Crispin is of a most amicable descriptie
33^ APPENDIX,
<< He used often to come to me as a friend both on business and
to see me," the genial Abbot writes (S. Anselm, Opera ii. 255].
Moses of Wallingford was highly respected at Oxford (Acta
Sonet, f October TQth, St. Frideswide). At Ljmn, during the
riots, one of the victims **was a distinguished physician friendly
with and honoured by the Christians," as William of Newbury
puts it {supra p. 115). And the chroniclers seem anxious in
their accounts to attribute the riots to the ill-will of foreigners
so far as they can.
With the clergy we find equally good relations. The Jews
entered churches freely, even to seek their debtors, and took re-
fuge in the Abbey of St. Edmonds in times of commotion.
They kept their deeds in York Minster. The monks of Canter-
bury had the sympathy and succour of the Jews, who ** prayed
for the continuance of the convent in their synagogues " when
the archbishop had put them under excommunication. *'A
wonderful contrast indeed!" says Gervase of Canterbury (i. 405).
They mourned the death of the good bishop Hugh of Lincoln as
much as any of their fellow-citizens ( Vita, ed. Dymock p. 373).
There is an interesting account of a witty Jew travelling to
Shrewsbury with Archdeacon Peche and Deacon Da5^11e, and
making puns on a country whose archdeacon is sin (Peche) and
dean the devil (Gerald. Cambr., Opera, vi. 146). This shows that
the ordinary talk of the Jews was French, as is also clear from
the glosses in the English Tosaphists and from the fact that
Richard of Devises makes a French Jew recommend a lad not
to go northward in England, because he will find none speaking
Romance (ed. Howlett, p. 438). This implies that they only
came in contact with the upper classes, and indeed, as we have
seen, their business was only with them.
On the other hand, the Jews did not scruple to express their
views freely about the prevailing religion. One of them openly
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.
3391
ridiculed at Oxford the miracles attnbuted to St. Fridesnide. I
R. Simeon Chasid complains of the worship of images amifl
es of the crucified God. "They swelled insolently against I
Christ," says the chronicler in explaining their persccutiooS^f
Peter of Blois complains of the pertinacity with which the Je«
disputed about the faith ; they laid stress upon the hieral intei
pretatioQ of Scripture. On one occasion a fine was paid fot;!
Imocking off a priest's cap (7:), presumably during service 01
church. It is obvious that they used their powers of ridiculcV
against Cbristiaiiity, and helped thereby to increase the feeling!
of animosity against tbem.
another way they acted unwisely and inconsiderately^
Their ostentatioQ in the disphiy of Iheir riches stmck t
chroniclers when explaining the causes of Ihe riots. The latofl
Professor Freeman was never tired of quoting Aaron of Lincoln's
boast that it was he who had really built the Abbey of St, 1
Alban'a. They were the first to build stone houses, partly for 1
protection no doubt, but it was the great sign of luxury. The
houses of Joce and Benedict, tlie leading Jews at York, were
like royal palaces, and William of Newbury refers to those in
London in similar terms. All tlii< could not have failed to
e the minor nobles, who saw themselves growing poorer
and poorer every day and the Jews richer and richer. They
wore weapons, and used them freely. The riot at Lynn began
irith their pursuing a converted Jew into a church with drawn
weapons. Two cases are on record of trial by duel, one of them
between two Jews (pp. 17IJ, ajj), whiles Jew is mentioned named ,
fienedictus Miles, i.e., the Kniglil.
Conversions to Christianity do not seem to be at all frequent, I
Out of a list of some 750, only seven converts occur, one of them
rthit c< a Jewess. Dming the massacres of 1189-90, there w
ndoBbtless many forcible baptisms, but Richard I. wisely laid ni
340 APPENDIX,
stress on such cases, and allowed Benedict of York, christened
William during the London emeutey to return to his own religion
without suffering the penalties attaching to such apostasy. On
the other hand, there is on record the conversion of two
Cistercian monks to Judaism, whereupon the witty Walter
Mapes remarked that he wondered they had not been converted
to Christianity. Ephraim of Bonn declares that a whole con-
gregation of twenty-two proselytes were put to death during the
outburst of Easter, 1190, supra p. 131.
As before explained, their occupation was almast exclusively
that of money-lending. A couple of physicians are however
mentioned, the one at Lynn, and Isaac Medicus, of London.
They dealt also in jewels and precious stones; a carbimde of
Mossey, the rich Jew of Gloucester, is mentioned as the suliject
of litigation, and King John had a jewel that had belonged to
Simon the Jew ; his goldsmith was Leo the Jew. There is a
coin of Henry II. with the name of the moneyer Isac, of Everwic
(York), but it is doubtful whether he was a Jew. A Jew is
mentioned as keeping an inn (Robertson, Materials, ii. 7), and
various scribes occur, as well as a master of the boys (magister
puerorum) . The scribes were probably sopheiivi or caligraphers,
as Zunz mentions that Machsorim ficm England were brought over
to France in the twelfth century (i?2> Ritus, p. 52), and Ephraim
of Bonn reports that many beautiful books were seized at York
and sold in Cologne after the massacre of 11 90. Libraries were }
formed; in two cases large sums were paid to retain the books
of a deceased parent (Pipe Roll 119, Sir MorelPs), or to recover
those of the person fined (216).
As regards their customs among them selves we have but little
knowledge. They used to betrolh their daughters while still
minors, excusing the practice on account of the frequent perse-
cutions, which made it doubtful when they could pay the do^iy
STANNERS AND CTTSTOMS.
(7iu Eidd 41a] The few leliglous problems discussed by iheB
related mBinlj to the dielaij' laws (Jee Assize supra, '.
') Ihev did not bmcll sweet savours at the end of the' J
, Sabbath »hen a festival followed (llamanhig, 83*). Thejrl
. a(I]uilii.aled on partnerships and agreements among themselVM '
I, and a chapter of Jews were once called upon to decide the
queslioD whether a Jew could tike usury from a Jew {128). On
aootliei occasion a daughter applied to have an inquest whether
her father had died a Chii^tian (i<Ji], The lower minds amc
the Jews eicused themselves for taking usury from 1
Christians, against Deul. xxiii. 20, because the £domiles ■
called strangers (Obad, ver. 11, supra p. 225).
The Jews do not seem to have rendered themselves liable U
tlie criminal law to any great exlenl. The worst charge
recorded are one of rape (189), one of forcible entry [126;
p accused waa replevied, or admitted to bail), for dipping the ci
L (p. 333 ; Ihe accuser was also a Jew), for mayhem ("1
\ tion,"Tovey 66; the accused was acquitted). The chief charge
re rather connected with their business; keeping back aequittem
charters (63) ; being a party to an illegal contract (44) ; givit
- false witness (48, 113, 133 fer); buying treasure trove (i
I ceating charters after death of father (123, 146); suborning
, evidence (iSga). These, with a charge of waste and purprestur
(30, encroachment), and of having " cam hired " — whati
•Jnay mean — [41, probably minted without licence) art
< charges ever mentioned in the records, and. on the whole, fotn
< A tolerably dean bill of moral health. It is noteworthy in
;e of mayhem, the Jew was acquitted by the ordinaiy jury ol
' the hondred before whom be was tried ; I fancy it was
■eitctnndsion of a convert.
We may conclude this section with n few items dealing rathee
with IblkJore. The myth of the blood aciu&ation m
342 APPENDIX.
helped to make the Jews appear uncanny in the minds of the
people, and the (French) ballad of the Jew-boy who was con-
verted and murdered by his father, and sang hymns to the Virgin
after death, occurs in many English MSS. Both Matthew
Paris and Ephraim of Bonn agree in stating that the Jews were
kept away from the coronation of Richard I., lest they should
cast some magic spell on the ceremony. The Jews of England
believed in the curious myth of the barnacle geese which grew
on trees. They applied to Rabbi Tam to know if they mi^t
eat them, and he replied that they should be slaughtered after
Jewish fashion, and were then edible by pious Jews. We do
not hear of Jewesses exercising their usual function of witches
and enchantresses. On the contrary, we hear of a Christian
woman who was accustomed to charm the foot of a Jewish
woman, and was only taught by a miracle of St. Thomas Becket
how wicked her conduct was, not, as it would seem, in using
spells, but rather for exercising them for the benefit of a Jewess.
VIII.— JEWISH EDUCATION.
The remarkable code of Jewish education given at the end of
Dr. Giidemann's Culturgeschichte^ End. I., supra pp. 143-51,
was drawn up, I am strongly of opinion, in England ; at least,
as regards the first of the three sections of which it is composed.
The seventh clause of this speaks of the French Jews as
foreigners, and the eleventh refers to the long winter nights,
while the whole basis of the scheme is the contrast between the
small schools of the provinces and the great school for the
separated in the capital ; this would only apply to England, if
France is to be left out, as is implied by Clause 7. Besides, I
have found the provisions of the code exactly followed in Eng-
land. Blomfield, Norfolk^ iv. 225, declares that the school was
at the south end of the synagogue at Norwich; here we have the
JEWISH EDUCA TION. 3+3T
small soliool of the provinces. And theti; is a record of ihe J
Magna schnla Jiidaorum of London, belonging lo Abraham fil I
Habi, in Ironmonger Lane (Brit. Mub, Add, MS. 4,5+2); there I
"we have ihe gieal school of the capital. Also R. Yomtob of J
JoiEny.who was martyred at York, mentions that his father w
one of the /Vrui/u'wi, or Separated. The general edncalion of fl
tbe Jews of the time is shown by their literary activity, the viiril I
of Abraham ibn Ezra in 1158, and the fact that even Jewesses ■
re able lo draw up deeds in Hebrew (Harl. di. 43, A. 54). f
The fact that severnl MSS. of the Hebrew Josephns could be I
obtained among them is also proof of their inleteat in Hebrew '
literature, while the long list of antbors which I have been able
.0 compile (in/™ XiX.) shows that there was a large cultivated
■ectlun among them. Altogether there is sufficient probability
for my contention for me to include a translation of the code in
this book, and the following summary of it here. The letters
and figures following in bracltets refer to the .'sections of the three
different codes included in the document. I have attempted to
unify them.
JEWISH CODE OF EDUCATION.
(i.) Every first-born male is to be set apart (Separated) for the J
study of the law from Ibc eighth day after circumciMioi
Bs).
(iLJ At live years old every Jewish boy is to be brought in the ■
month Nisan to the small school of the provinces, and taught to
d ; then put to Leviticus, then lo read the weekly»portion in
Hebrew, Iheu in the vcmaeular, and then in the Targum I
(A 7, 8; B6. C i)-
(iii.) At ten years he studies the Mishnn, beginning with the J
tractate Biracolh of the Tnlmud, and going through the smalleffl
tractates of the order Aloiii in the next three yeara [B 6, C i).
344 APPENDIX,
(iv.) At thirteen years the education of the ordinary boy
finishes ; that of the Separated continues in the same school till
the lad is sixteen, when he decides for himself whether he wiD
devote his life to the Law, and, if so, goes up to the great school
of the SjBparated in the capital for another seven years (A 2, 3 ;
C3)-
(v.) The small school of the provinces is to be held in a two-
storied house, capable of holding 100 scholars, ten teachers, and
one rector to supervise. No teaching is to be done at home, and
the rector must not reside at the school with his family, but go
home every Sabbath (B 6, A 5, B 3).
(vi.) The rector gives two lectures, one in the morning, one in
the afternoon. The teachers go over each lesson twice wifli
their class.* At the end of each week there is repetition of the
week's work ; so at the end of the month, and at the end of the
summer and the winter session. No teacher must take more
than ten pupils, nor have any other calling but teaching (B 7,
A 10, 6, 12).
(vii.) The lads are encourajjed to examine one another every
evening in the day's lessons. Dull scholars are to be sent away,
so as not to keep back the mere foi ward. Teaching is to be \pj
book, not by heart. In winler the evening lessons are to be
short, on account of the light (A 9,- 5, 7, 11).
(viii.) Every member of the community pays twopence yearly
as school-fees, instead of the half-shekel of old. The great
school is to be bought, and then let out to the separated. The
separated pay for their lodging, and a share of the teachers'
salaries. The rector gets 20 marks yearly, a teacher 8 (A 4,
B I, 6).
• This probably refers to the great school of the capital.
ENGLISH JEWS of the Xllth CENTURY. 345
IX. — NAME LIST OF ENGLISH JEWS OF
THE TWELFTH CENTURY.
[This, besides including all the names in the book in the
original forms as they occur in the records, gives likewise those
I have found in items from the inedited Pipe Rolls at the Record
Office, which did not seem worth while giving at length. These
are indicated by a number giving the year, and a letter giving
the reign (H=Henry II., R=Richard I., J=John), thus 15 H
=Pipe Roll for 15th year of Henry II.=ii68-9. To indicate
the nature of the Pipe Roll entry, letters are sometimes added,
p. signifying that the Jew had paid a fine for his father's charters,
&c. {Cf, Contributions y § 2.), d. a payment to the King to
recover a debt. A. signifies that the Jew had some of the
** Debts of Aaron '* {supra p. 159). G. that the entry refers to
the Arrears of the Guildford Tallage. N. refers to the long lists
of the Northampton Donum (supra p. 162), which I am about to
publish in full in the Revue ties etudes juives. Italics indicate
women's names, Clarendon type those named in Hebrew records,
(see also § XIX) small capitals, converts. Numbers refer to the
items from the Pipe Rolls, references to pages being preceded
by p.]
Place.
London
Colchester
Lincoln
No. Name.
1 . Akron [trissyllable]
2. Aaron de Colcestre
3. Aaron de Lincolnia
References.
P- 13-
44. N.
P. R. items n, 24,
42, 97» io5«» 10^.
131. 135. 136,
145, 160, 163,
174, 175, 180,
1906, 200, 216,
217, Pp-» 57, 58,
66J/.f, 67, 70, 71,
76, 77*w, 79, 83,
84, 87/^r, 90, 91,
201,206,211,310.
See also items in
present list with A
attached. Forbid
346
APPENDIX,
4. Aaron fil Delasaut
5. Aaron fil Deudone
b. Aaron fil Isaac
7. Aaron fil Isaac
8. Aaron iil Jacob de
Bedeford
9. Aaron fil Samuel
10. Aaron fil Samuel
11. Aaron fil Yvo
12. Aaron frater Leonis de
Dunstaple
13. Aaron le Blund
14. Aaron of Canter-
bury, B.
15. Abraham
16. Abraham
17. Abraham
18. Abraham
19. Abraham
20. Abraham de Bristol
21. Abraham de Bimgeia
22. Abraham de Clamund
23. Abraham de Colcestre
24. Abraham de Colcestre
25. Abraham de Malinges
26. Abraham de Norwicz
27. Abraham de Wilton
28. Abraham fil Aaron
29. Abraham fil Avigay
30. Abraham fil Benedict
31. Abraham fil Benjamin
32. Abraham fil Bone
33. Abraham fil Brun
34. Abraham fil Cresselin
35. Abraham fil Deudone
36. Abraham fil Isaac
37. Abraham fil Jacob
38. Abraham fil Jude
de Parisiis
39. Abraham fil Leun
40. Abraham fil Mag.
Mosse
41. Abraham fil Muriel
L,ondon N.
Northampton N. See No. 617.
Oxford pp. 18, 256.
Lincoln 202
Essex 3 R<f.
Essex 3 R.
Northampton 133.
Line. p. 239.
Bucks. 132.
Northampton
N.
Canterbury
p. 98.
Cambridge
p. 191.
Coventry
35-
London
3» 5-
Winchester
20 H. 151.
Norwich
P- 259.
Nottingham
p. 241.
Norwich
N.
Norhant.
N.
Colchester
44, 3 R.Cr.
Hereford
N.
Kent
9R.
Norwich
55. See No. 623
Somerset
p. 240.
Line.
51, 152, 160.
Lond.
pp.80, 88, 177,240
P. R. 92, N.
Line.
N.
Cambridge
181.
Winton
N.
Lond.
N. p. 177.
Winton
SK.A.
Oxon
6R. </.
Camb.
N.
Colchester
N.
Somerset
p. 240 ter.
Gloucester
N.
Winchester
N, 9R.
Lond.
p.227(atWindso
NGLISH yEWS of/ the Xlltk CENTURY. 347
raham fil Rabbi
Lond.
12, 42, 43, 47, pp.
Joce]
73. 88, 90, 97,
123, i63fl, 194,
198, 205, 236.
raham fil Samson
London
p. 260 Ms.
raham fil Samson
Norhant.
raham fil Sancto
Norh.
n!
raham fil Simon
Lond.
p. 260.
raham fil Vives
Bristol
N.
iraham Gabbai
Bristol
N.
►raham gener Elie
Hereford
N.
iraham gener Josce
Canterbury
N.
•raham Hose
Gloucester
N.
iraham Ibn
Lond.
pp. 29-38 p. 262
Ezra, B.
raham le Vesq
Lond.
N.
iraham Levi
Cambridge
N.
raham Levi
Lond.
i;.
•raham Pemas
Lincoln
N.
•raham Quatrebuches
; Lond.
N.
iraham ben
Lond.
p. 178. See Abr.
Joseph, Babbi
fil Rabbi.
elinfu Josce deHant Essex
3R.
wtandrina
Colchester
3RG.
^Id uxor Ysaac
Sussex
158.
liot de Excestre
Devon
V"
na mater Lumbardi
Winton
■tera
Chichester
3R.G.
er r=Asher] Lum-
Winton
N.
igai [Abigail]
Glouc.
N.
tgat
Norh.
N.
igay uxor Jacob
Lond.
23 pp. 80, 104, 167.
See No. 628.
leasez [also Belaset]
Gloucester
N. See No. 629.
lecLsez
London
p. 237.
easez de Oxon
Oxford
35. 38, N., p. 96.
'ia et neptis sua
Kent
4R.G.
iia
Gloucester
N.
adit fil Isaac
Cambr.
N.
adit fil Mosse
Line.
29 H.
idit gener Mag.
Lond.
{•8.
Mosse
I4» APPENDIX,
75ff. Bendonat fil PulcelloB
Line.
76. Benedict
Boseham
77. Benedict \Heb,
Bristol [?]
Berachyah]
\m J
78. Benedict
Hertford
79. Benedict
Leicester
80. Benedict
Lond.
81. Benedict
Norwich
82. Benedict
Winchester
83. Benedict
York
84. Benedict de Ballio
Line.
85. Benedict Bressus fil
Lincoln
Pucella
86. Benedict Crispin
Kent
87. Benedict de Cantuar
Kent
88. Benedict de Chichestre Suss.
89. Benedict de Faversham
89a. Benedict de Josse Line.
90. Benedict de Kant* Line.
91. Benedict de Linna Norw.
92. Benedict de Rising. Glouc,
93. Benedict de Rocestre
94. Benedict de Rummel Cambr.
95. Benedict de Talemund Lond. fr.
Rochelle
96. Benedict fil Aaron Line.
97. Benedict fil Abraham Norh.
98. Benedict fil Deudone Oxon
99. Benedict fil Deodati " Norw.
100. Benedict fil Helye
10 1. Benedict fil Isaac vel Line.
Ursell
102. Benedict fil Jacobi Line.
sorori Aaroni
200. Qy. same as
85.
34.
86.
241
p. 238.
pp. 40, 202, 255.
p. 230 bts,
98.
pp. 105, 106, 1 10,
206, 211, PJR.
i2i,3R.A. See
WilUam.
62, 63, 60.
P>76. Qy. same as
4R.G.
48.
Ill, 158, 215 N.
See No. 630.
4R.G.
N.
N.
3R.
79,162. See No.
632.
68, 9 R., 2CX) N.
N.
162, 164, 1640,
166-9, I7i» Pjp.
188, 190, 221.
86, N.
N.
144
17, pp. 60, 61,
P.R. 29, 44.
27 H, see Berach-
yah ben Eliayu.
33. 51, p. 88, 27 H,
130, N.
33, 62, 63, 98, N.
ENGLISH JEWS of the Xllth CENTURY. 349
103. Benedict fil Josce London
Quatrebuches
104. Benedict fil Josce Sorel Glouc.
105. Benedict fil Sare Lond.
106. Benedict fil Vives Lond.
le Vesq
107. Benedict frater Aaron Line.
108. Benedict frater Jumet Norw.
109. Benedict gener Deula- Bedford
cresse
1 10. Benedict Lengus Kent
111. Benedict le Puncteur Oxford
112. Benedict nepos Aaron Line.
113. Benedict Parvus Lond.
114. Benedict Pemaz Line.
115. Benjamin fil Benjamin Oxon
1 16.' Benjamin Magister Cambr.
117. Bexijamin of Canter- Cantebrig.
burvB.
118. Berachyah ben Line.
Eliaya
119. Berachyah ben
Crispia Natronai
ha-Nakdan
120. Benleveng Bristol
121. Biket [dimin. of Re- Lond.
becca] de domo
Isaac
122. Bona Winchester
123. Bona uxor Jacob Line.
124. Bonefei Oxon
125. Bonel Glouc.
126. Bonevie Glouc.
127. Bonevie de Canteb. Cambr.
128. Bonevie Judeus Kent.
Abrahe
129. Bonenfaund Bedford
130. Bonenfaund Hertford
131. Bonenfaund Norf.
43, 123, 125, 165, N.
79, 162.
30, 31, no.
N.
33, 51, 27 H, 183,
191, 210, N.
112, 194, N.
214.
4R.A.
N., see Berachyah
Nakdan.
192.
9R.
I43,N. pp. 189-90.
73-
i8i,NJw,seeBen-
i*aminofCante-r
)ury. No. 639.
pp. 54, see Ben-
jamin, Mag.
77, see Bened. fil
Helye.
PP- i^5-73> 196-9,
see Benedict le
Puncteur.
N.
p. 88.
p. 206. See No,
642.
p. 233.
3R.N.
N.
p. 240.
N, *w.
4R.
9
. 216.
550 APPENDIX,
132. Bonenfaund Northampton 57, N.
133. Bonfey Worcester 65. See No. 643.
134. Brun Lond. p. 41, P. R. 29,
42. 56, p. 89,
P.R. 97, p. 231,
N. See No. 645.
135. Brun de Stanford Line. i R <f , 191.
136. Brun fil Benedict! Glouc. 79.
MiUtis
137. Calamod Colchester 3 R. G.
138. Calamod Lond. p. 89.
139. Cassi Winton N.
140. Chera fil Ysaac Oxon 187.
141. Chere Line. N.
142. Chermin I^nd. p. 176.
143. Cipora [=BZippora] uxor Cambr. N. See No. 650.
Hakelot
144. Clarice Lond. p. 88.
145. .Coc nepos Aaron Norh. N.
146. Coc nepos Samuel Norh. N.
147. Cok de domo Abrahe Lond. p. 89.
148. Coket [dim. of Coc] Lond. p. 89.
149. ^^^/(^^^^[^ipd.Nassiah] Cambridge pp. 39, 41, P. R.
IS bis, p. 252.
See No. 647.
150. Copin].[? dim. of Jacob] Edmundsbury 66.
151. Copin Line. 200.
152. Cresse \Heb, Gedaliah York 3 R.
or Solomon] de
Donecastre
153. Cresse fil Ysaac de Kant N.
154. Cresselin [dim. of Cresse] Winton 27, 28, 39, 69, 99^,
194. See No.
649.
155. David fil Cypora Cambr. 127. Set No 651,
156. David gener Deulacresse Bedford 214.
157. Deodatus [Heb, El- Lincoln 98, 113.
chananj"
158. Deodatus Episcopus London P'4S» P«R. 30, 31,
184. See El-
chanan.
159. Deodatus frater Abrahe Kent 4 R.
160. Deuaie {.Heb. Eleasar) Winton N.
ENGLISH JEWS of the Xllth CENTUR K 35 1
161. Deudone \Heb, Jona- Colchester
than] fu Simon de
London
i6a. Deudone cum pedibus Lond.
tortis
163. Deudon fil Aaron Line.
164. Deudone fil Samuel Norh.
165.
166.
167.
168.
169.
170.
171.
172.
173.
174.
175.
176.
177.
178.
179.
180.
181.
182.
183.
184.
185.
186.
187.
188.
i88a
189.
190.
Deuicosa uxor London
Quatrebuches
Deulabenie [Heb, Bera- Chichester
chyah]
Deulebenie Kent
Deulebenie de Jujeignu Lond.
Deulebenie de Resing Sussex
Deulacresse [Levi] Canterbury
Deulacresse \^Heb. Winton
Gedaliah or Solomon]
Deulacresse de Berdefeld Birdfield
Deulacresse de Dane-
marcia
Deulacresse de Finch-
lefeld
Deulacresse de Linna
Deulacresse fil Bene-
dict de Rising
Deulacresse fil Benja-
min
Dieulacresse fil Mosse
de Wallingford
Deulecres fil Yveliny
Deulacresse fr. Isaac
de Colcestre
Deulacresse Kiterel
Deulacresse Furmager
Deulacresse le Evesque
Deulacresse le Crisp
Deulesalt [Heb. Isaiah]
Deulesalt
Deulesalt Episcopus
Deulesalt fil Jacob
Deus adjuvet [Deusaie]
Deusaie fil Rane
Dona fil Jacob de Win-
ton
Essex
Norf.
Norf.
Oxon
Oxford
Exeter
Essex
Norf.
Bristol
Exeter
Kent
Lond.
Stamford
London
Colchestre
Norwich
Lond.
Oxon
N.
p. 89.
216. •
217, N. See No.
656.
p. 89.
83, 84» 3 R» 9 R»
N.
4R.
p. 89.
Ill, 194, p. 271.
PP- 39» 40» N.
131. 150-
214. 5^^ No. 658.
p. 58.
80.
3 R. (donum)
81.
73, 3 lU. 144.
pp. 68-70.
p. 240.
3R.G.
3 R. (donum)
N.
p. 240.
N.
s.
p. 88, bist 3 R.
p.89,P.R.i46,N.
198.
p. 257.
p. 89.
118.
35^
APPENDIX.
191. Duzelina vidua Mossy Norw.
cnm naso
192. Elchanan ben Lond.
Isaac, B.
193. Eleasar Notts.
194. Elyas (Heb, Eliahu) Glouc.
195. Elyas Bliind
196. Elia de Aufai
197. Elias de Bungay
198. Elie de Cicestre
199. Elia de Coventre
200. Elyas fil Aaron
201. Elia ill Benedict
202. Elyas fil Hakelot
203. Elias fil Isaac
204. Elias fil Manasseri
205. Elias fil Magri
206. Elia fil Margarede
207. Elyas fil Sainarias
208. Elia frater Abraham
209. Elyas gener Auigai
210. Elyas gener Benedicti
211. Eligai (? Elijah)
212. -fi'j/^^ fil Jacob
213. Eudon de Warwic
214. Flamengi * * Apprenticii
215. Fleming
216. Fluer de Liz
217. Flurie
218. Flurie
219. /7«rza fil Manasseri
220. Flurie uxor Isaac
221. Fluria uxor Ysaac
222. Floria uxor Vives
Episcopi
223. Garcon [?]
224. Gentil
225. Gentilia fil Samsonis
226. Gosce fil Isaac de Cant*
»»
Line.
Warwick
Line.
Chichester
Coventry
Line.
Line.
Notts.
Warw.
Line.
Lond.
Lond.
Devon
Line.
Glouc.
Chichester
Hereford
Chichester
Warwick
Kent
Hertford
Bedford
Line.
Norw.
Colchester
Line.
Winton
Lond.
Kent
Winchester
York
Canterbury
55-
pp. 81, 82. Su
Deodatus Epis-
copns.
N.
pp. 200, 24i,P.R.
172. N.
P-233.
N.
p. 239. N.
N.
N.
3 R., p. 20a N.
152.
N.
p. 241.
N.
N.
3 R. G. ? same as
198.
N.
3R. G.
N.
4R. G.
p. 241.
N.
N.
N.
3R. G.
N.
125 a.
pp. 89, 241.
P- 175.
10.
161.
N. See 356.
r
ENGLISH JEWS of the Xllth CENTURY. 353
827. Gosce fil Leun Warwk
3iS. Hakelui[diiii.ofIsaac] Loud.
Ill Benedicti Militis
339. Halelin fil Josce Lond.
Quatrebuches
230. Hakdin fil Jumet Norw.
331. Hakelot
Reading (?)
pp. 39, 40 iw,4l
ter, 42 bis
33Z. Hamyot fil Alexandria
Clone.
&~
333. Nana de Bulges
Liuc.
334. Hanechin
p. 223
335. Henna
Oxon
p. 230
,436. Henna Corj.
Load.
p. 89.
■337. Henna de doino Abra
Lond.
p. 89.
bam fil Ep'i
338. Hoppecole
York.
'-^^^r^
339. Hosppilard
Lond.
p. 89.
Hereford
"57-
341. Isaac
Winchester
20 H. 12SB, see
Isaac de Oxon.
343. leaac ben Joeeph
p. 77, see Isaac fil
Rabbi,
p. 241-2, see Isaac
342a Isaac ben Yomtob K.
de Juueigny.
■ 243, Ysaac Blund
York
P-233
344. Ysaae Cmni
WintOQ
N.
345- Ysaac Crespin
303.
1345a Isaac Cyrograpliarins
346. Isaac de Bedefbrd
Lond.
Bucks
PP- 234-5.
'34-
347. Isaac de Beueilacu
34S. Isaac de Bungay
Winton
41.
Hereford
N.
349. Isaac de Cantreburia
48, N-
35a Isaac de Colcestre
Colchester
4*. 49. 97. 3 R-G.
i98,3i3.N.,see
No. 669.
351. Ysaac de Hicch
Bedford
88 N.
352. Isaac de Juueigny
Lond.
p. 88. see R..
Isaac ben Yomtob.
3S3. Isaac de Notingeliam
N,
354. Is.iac de Norhanton
P- 2*7. Q^ ^"o
355. Isaac de Oxon
Winchester
iSi, N, See No.
673.
554
APPENDIX,
257a Ysaac de Stamford
256. Ysaac de Rocestre
257. Ysaac de Russie
258. Isaac de St. Edmundo
259. Isaac Episcopus
260. Isaac fU Abraham
261. Isaac fil Bonefie
262. Isaac fil Comitisse
263. Isaac ill Cresselin
264. Isaac fU yoie
265. Isaac fil Josce
266. Isaac fil Josce
267. Isaac fil Juda
268. Isaac fil Jiimet
269. Isaac fil Lemi
270. Isaac fil Mosse
271. Ysaac fil Mosse
272. Ysaac fil Mosse
273. Isaac fil Pulcelle
274. Isaac fil Rabbi Joce
Northampton
? Winchester
? Winchester
Bristol
Norw.
Worcester
Line.
Winchester
Line.
Line.
Brist.
Brist.
Norw.
Cambr.
Essex
Bedford
York
Lond.
275. Isaac fil Salomon
276. Isaac fil Sancto
277. Isaac fil Sancto
278. Isaac fil Simon
de Stanford
279. Ysaac fil Simon
280. Ysaac frater Ursel de
Bungeia
281. Ysaac Furmager
282. Isaac gener Auigai
283. Ysaac Juvenis
284. Isaac le Gros
285. Isaac Medicus
286. Isaac Magister
puerorom
287. Isaac Merden\iosle\
288. Isaac QuatrebucYies
Line.
Norhant.
Rutland
Northampt.
Norw.
Norw.
Bristol
Lond.
Cambr.
Kent
Lond.
Berdefelt
p. 240
41.
41, see
TcbenugQl.
134.
N. «r.
P-
p.3R^.
33.
p. 239. Sm
239-
I
N.
N.
&.
3RA.
N.
3 R.A., p. 21
P- 58.
3 P- 25. BJ
12, 22, 24
89. 100,
189 pp. 6c
»34. 13s.
See No.
N.
N.
9 R., 218.
I R</, IQ2, I(
240, N.
3RA.
N.
N.
X.
N.
N.
p. 88.
214
X.
ENGLISH JEWS of ike Xllth CENTURY, 355
289. Isaac Senex
290. Isaac of Tchemi-
goff, B.
291. ISABELLA^ convert
292. Israel fil Abraham
293. Jacob
294. Jacob
295. Jacob
296. Jacob
297. Jacob
298. Jacob
Cambr.
Lond.
Bedford
Canterbury
XJncqln
London
Newcastle
Newport
299. Jacob b. Moses Norwich
300. Jacob de Bungeia
301. Jacob de Hereford
302. Jacob de Line.
303. Jacob de Paris
304. Jacob de Westminstre
305. Jacob de Winton
3P6. Jacob
307. Jacob
308. Jacob
309. Jacob
310. Jacob
311. Jacob
312. Jacob
Norhant.
wats.
Line.
Lond.
. Lond.
Oxford
fil Benedict Line,
fil Bonefei Worcester
fil Deudon Norhant.
fil Ysaac Colchester
fil Josce de Kant Colchester
fil Josce Bristol
fil Manasse Cambr.
313. Jacob fil Samuel
314. Jacob fil Samuel
Line.
Norhant.
315. Jacob fil Samuel de Somerset
Oxon
316. Jacob fil Simon Norhant.
3i6fl.Jacob fil Ursell Winch.
317. Jacob
318. Jacob
319. Jacob
320. Jacob
321. Jacob
322. Jacob
fil Vives
Colchester
fil Yveliny
Levi
Exeter
Cambr.
Presbyter
Scriptor
Senex
London
Lond.
Line.
N. See No. 667.
p. 60. See Ysaac
de Russie.
37.
125.
60. See No. 676.
48.
98, 184, N.
2.
99fl.
21, S3,
p. 216. Seelxixntt
of Norwich.
N.
p. 239, 240.
p. «8.
•p. 89.
1 18, p. 239, 240. N.
See No. 684.
29 H , 3 R rf, p.
N bis,
3RG.
N.
N.
181, N. See No.
677.
29 H.
109, 171, 185, pp.
232, 234. N
quater»
p 240.
N.
2oH.a^. Col, Doc,
Scotl, p. 19.
N.
p 240.
N.
55. pp. 202-3.
P- 237.
160.
35^ APPENDIX.
323. Jacob Sororins Aaron Line.
324. Jaeob SororiusToscej
filMoreUi
325. Janem
326. Jagunee
327. teremias
328. Jheremias
329. Teremias de Grimesby
330 J OHANNES convert
331. 7aia
332. Tomet
333* Josce
334. Josce
335. Josce Barlibrod
336. Josce Crispin
337. Josce de Bristol
338. Josce de Bungeia
339. Josee de domo Samson
340. Josce de Leicestre
341. Josce de Saumur
341a. Josce Episcopus
342. Josce fil Abraham
343. Josce fil Auigai
344. Josce fil Belaset
345. Josce fil Benedict
346. Josce fil Beneit
347. Josce fil Benedict
348. Josce fil Benjamin
349. Josce fil Clarice
350. Josce fil Crispin
351. Josce fil David
352. Josce fil Deudone
353. Josce fil Deulacresse
354. Josce fil Deulesalt
355 Joey fil Gentil
356. Josce fil Isaac
Line.
62,63,72. Seetlo
681.
Norf.
3 R. (donom).
Glouc.
N.
Line.
N.
Bucks.
37.
Dunstable
77-
Line.
29 H.
Herts.
82a.
Line.
199 N. bis.
Winch.
39, 20 H. 9 R.
Gloucester
16 N.
York
pp. 58, loi, 117
118, 119, 126
127, P.R. 108
i70» 193 P- 211
See No. 695.
Norw.
194.
Norw.
119.— 5>tf Josce fi
Crispin.
Somerset
p. 240. S€€ No
687.
Norw.
3R.A.
Lond.
Notts.
&.''•
Kent
4R.G.
Line.
N.
Lond.
N.
Glouc.
N.
Glouc.
N.
Line.
N.
Norw.
49.
Warw.
N.
Oxon.
79» 93.
Lond.
Norw.
D. 89.
N. — See Josce
Crispin.
Lond.
p. 89.
Norhant.
N.
Norhant.
N.
Lond.
^.bis.
Line.
Kent
V'^-
ENGLISH JEIVS of thi Xlllk
VENTVRY. 35^
357 JOK.MIUK
Lond.
156 p. 204,217. N^
35»
359
Josce fil T05«
osce fil LeuQ
Glouc.
Warw.
N.
4 R.A , N.
3»
■ osce fil Lia
Bristol
105.
361
joscc fil Magri.
Lond.
N.
36Z
■ osce fil Manasse
oace fil Medici
Cambr.
N.
313
Lond.
3 Ri, 13*.
16
■ osce fil Mosse
Bucks.
3<iS
osce fil Bamael
Line.
366
osce fil Samuel
Norhant.
N.
3S7
osce fil Moreil
Norwich
78.
36!
JoEce Gaudi de Cantua
Lond. & Can
N.
369
Cambr.
N.
370
Joscep«ery«,V
Josce re Lung
Line.
N.
371
Northant.
N.
372
Josce Malmerri
Kent
4R.G.
373
Josce Mauritij
Lond.
p. 89.
37+
I0SCC Snlvage
Line.
50,61.
375
_ osce Quatrebuches
Lond.
jg, 46, See No
694.
IS9 P-
376
Joseph Aaron
Joseph ben Jacob
377
Lond.
pp. ig, 30. *
37»
Judas
Bristol
118 ? same as -
Judas Gabbay.
See No. 69B.
379- ■
Qdas
Cambr.
iup.NJit.
3«S.
udas
190.
I"".
udas
Northant.
1^?
!«■.
udas fil Belaset
Glouc.
N. Sci No. 699.'
383.
udas fil Benedict!
Warw.
N.
3st
udas fil Deudone
Essex
147, Jii.
38s.
udas fratet Deulacresse Winton
M H. ISO.
386.
udas Gabbay
Brist.
N.
3»7.
udas Levesq
Line.
iao,Nfi£f.J«No,
388. yuMa mux Samuel
Exeter
&.'"'■
389. 7ueZ/£ uxor Abraham
Worcester
390. Juniet
Kent
N.
391. Jurnet de Norwicz
Norwich
ti, ■i'}, S5, 67, 87,
94, 166, pp. 61.
94, N..T« Jacob
b.MosesandN(v
391. Jurnet fil EpiBcopi
Lond.
p. 89.' '1
■
358
APPENDIX.
393. Justelin fil Mosse Glouc.
394- Jwe [Jew] Glouc.
395 . KanonimosTKalonymos] Worcester.
396. Kersun [? Gershon]
397. Leo \Heb, Judah"! Au- Lond.
riwber
398. Leo Bliind
399. Leo de Cicestre
400. Leo de Glocestre
401. Leo de Londinio
402. Leon de Funteise
403. Leo de St. Edmunds
404. Leo de Warwic
Lond.
Lond.
Norw.
405. Leo de Wincestre
406. Leun ill Bonifacie
407. Leo fil Josce
408. Liun fil Mar^arede
409 Levi de Devises
410. Lumbard de Wincastre
411. Mahy [?] fil Bonefei
412. Manasser
413. Manasser
414. Manasser de Cicestre
414a. Maneser de Gipeswich
415. Manaser de Nicole
416. Manaser de Stamford
417. Manasser de Wincestre
418. Manaser fil Almest [?]
419. Manaser fil Benjamin
420. Manaser fil Deudone
42 1 . Manasser fil Jude
422. Manser fil Leon
422a. Manaser Grassus
423. Manasser Mosse
423a. Manasses
424. Margaret
Worcester
Cambr.
Lond.
Lond.
Worcester
Bristol
London
Suff.
425. Margaret fil Jumet
426. Margaret uxor Bene-
dicti fil Sarrae
427. Maria fil Belesez
Line.
Cambr.
Glouc.
Line.
Line.
Line.
Line.
Oxford
Lond.
Norw.
Sussex
Glouc.
I
N.
N.
N.
p. 58.
p. 207.
pp. 70, 88, 9 R.N.
204.
140. See 703.
83, 84.
p. 89.
3R. A.
pp. 229, 240 hU,
See No, 705.
126.
N.
^Kd. 5^^ No. 702.
N.
. 89.
. ? = Aser Lom-
bard.
3RA
N.
3.
N.
55.
N.
N.
N.
N.
181. 5tftfNo.7o8.
p. 239-
29 H., I R/., 191.
176 p. 201.
63,3R.,p.239,N.
N.
P- 5-
58, 114. See No.
711.
p. 215. iS^^ Miriam
bath Jacob,
no.
•N.
ENGLISH JEWS of the XlJth CENTUR Y. 359
kfartiri
Line.
N.
kiatatias
Line.
113 N.
klatatias fil Salomon
Line.
N. Qy. same as
preceding.
Vlakar'
Norhant.
N. *w.
^eir fil Samuel Deula-
Sudhants.
5R. A.
cresse
Vieir frater Benedicti
York
3R. A.
^elin
Hereford
N.
Menacliem, B.
Lond.
pp. 287-9.
Vleus
T-incoln
64.
Vleus fil Benjamin
Cantuar.
N.
SILqms gener Jacob
N.
de Cant
l^irabella
Newport
p. 41..
SCiriam bath Jacob Norwich
p. 215 See Mar-
garet fil Jumet.
Miriana fil Ysaac
185.
Viorel
9, p. 30.
Vlord
Norwich,
119.
Vlorel
Hertford
N.
Vlorel
WeUs.
p. 223.
Vf OSS de domo Samson
London
p. 89.
Dffoses ben Isaac B.
1
pp. 66.
Dffoses ben Yom-
• London
pp. 89, 289, 29r.
tobB.
5^^ Moses Nakdan.
BCoses de Paris B.
p. 225. See No.
457.
\fosse de Bungeia
Norwich
N.
VIosse de Cantebregia
London
156, i90flf, N.
Mosse
Boseham ?
32.
Mosse de Cicestre
Siosse de Glocestre
140, 196, N his,
p. 200 bis.
Sf osse de Hereford
32.
Vf osse de Hyspaitomis
Lond.
p. 89.
Siosse
Norw.
p.
Iklosse de Newport
Essex?
214.
VIosse de Paris
pp. 225, 229. See
No. 447fl.
VIosse de Wallingford
Oxford
pp. 69, 191, N.
See 1^0, 719.
i^osse Fillastre
Glouc.
N.
360
APPENDIX.
460. Mossefil
461. Mosse fil
463. Mosse fil Bcnjamm
463. Mossefil Jacob
464. Mosse fil Jacob
465. Mosse fil Lcri
466. Mossefil
467. Mcysesfil
468. Mosse Leid
469. Mosse Morin
lEoaes Vakdan
4:0-
4:1
4:2.
4:3.
4:4.
475-
476.
477.
478.
479.
480.
481.
Winch.
Line.
Glooc.
Glonc.
Narthampt.
Warw.
Bucks.
Lond.
Lond.
Chichester
Lond.
71. Mosse gen. Bonen£arant Northampt.
Mosse Jmrenis Glooc.
yiuriel Lond.
Muriel uxor Jnda Gkrac.
Muriel oxor Jnmet Norw.
Murien fil Isaac Lond.
XaemiafiSrifi&.NeheiniahlNotts.
NidK>l m Isaac Line.
Nicholas, conTert . Kent.
Peitevin de Eya York
Peiterin fil Jacob Line.
482. Peter Hereford
483. Peter Biiind Bedford
484. Peter Blond London
485. Peter Convert Essex
486. Peter de Cantebrig Line.
487. Peter HI Isaac Ix)nd.
488. Peter fil Mosse Bedf.
489. Peter fil Samuel Norhant.
490. Piers (?) Deulesalt Exeter
491. Pipili Winch.
492. Potelin fil Benedicti Lond.
militis
493. Precieuse Brist.
494. Pucella Norhant.
495. Pulcella Line.
496. Pulcella fil Jacob Norhant.
497. Rahama Norhant.
498. Regina Oxon
499. Richt fil Isaac penvas \aiic.
500. Robert ConvcTl \-otA.
i3>-
160.
p.95. ArNo.714
NdiJ. 5^No.7lS
p. 240.
132-
30,31.
N.
3R.CT.
D. 282.
N.'
163a, 182.
N.
&165.
.Mx.
N.
158.
36 p. 96.
83,p.2ii,3R.i
21 & 29 H. N.I
p.
N.
N. »ij.
153. 2ispp.24«
&.''•
N.
N. No. 723.
N.
40.
N.
p. 89.
N.
p. 211 N.
27 H.. N. p. 5*-
See No. 71.
N.
N.
VGLISH yEWS of the Xllth CENTURY. 361
)igotsce
L(nid.
ecbc Heref.
>mon, Salemum
larias Devon
ison Lond.
ison de Bimgeia Norf.
ison de Donecastre Yorks.
ison de Eya Norw.
ison de Nieweland Kent
ison de Norwich
(issop
ison de Rume
ison Episcopus
ison fil Aaron
ison fil Brin
ison fil Samuel
ison frater Brin
ison frater Jacobi
*resbyteri
luel
luel
luel
luel
luel
luel
luel de Hereford
luel de Stamford
luel de Wallingford
luel Episcopus
luel fil Abraham
luel fil Bonefei
luel fil David
luel fil Isaac
luel fil Jacob
luel fil yoie
auel fil Josce
luel fil Magri
luel fil Mosse
luel fil Mosse
luel fil Petri
Warw.
Line.
Lond.
Lond.
Lond.
Norw.
Cambridge.
Exeter.
Northampton
Line.
Norw.
Oxon
Line.
Notts.
Lond.
Wore.
Cambr.
Cambr.
Canterb.
Kent
Warw.
Norw.
Glouc.
Wore.
Norhant.
3 bis. pp. 23.5, 27,
217, 259, R.
Joseph of Orleans
See No. 725.
157. N.
see Solomon.
85 See No. 727.
1
112, 168.
3R.A.
3R.A.
201, N.
N. See No. 729.
N. bis. See No. 734
N.
p. 89.
p. 176.
p. 84.
p. 191.
R.239.5'(BtfNo.733
38, 114, pp. 84,
85. See No. 735
216.
3R.A.
N.
95» 199.
n!
124, p. 88, 9 R.
3R^.
N.
N.
N.
4R.G.
N.
N.
R. p. 200.
N.
N.
362
APPENDIX,
538. Samuel fil Sampson Warw.
539. Samuel fil Solomon Lond.
540. Samuel le Pointur Bristol
541. Samuel le Prestre Norw.
542. Samuel Levi Warw.
543. Samuel Multnm
544. Samuel Kakdan, B.
545. Samuel socer Benedict!
545a. Sante de Gumon
546. Santo
547. Santo fil Solomon
548. Sarra f Sarah]
549. Sarra
550. Sarra fil Yveliny
551. Sara uxor Salom. d*
Estampes
552. Seignuret
553. Seignuret
554. Serfdeu[^^d.Obadiali]
555. Serfdeu
556. Serfdeu
557. Simeon B. of Trier.
558. Simon fil Jacob
559. Simon Levi
560. Simon nep. Jacob
561 . Simund de Maaling
562. Slema
563. Slema
553a Solomon
564. Solomon
565. Solomon ben Isaac,
566. Salomon de Beuerle
567. Salom. de Cycestre
568. Salom. de Edene
569. Solomon de Gipeswich
570. Solomon de Paris
571. Salemun de Warwick
572. Salemun de Warwic
573. Salomon Episcopus
574. Salomon fil Cresselin
575. Salomon fil Isaac
576. Salomon fil Magri
York
Cambridge
Edmondsbury
Norhant.
Line.
Lond.
Exeter
Lond.
Cambr.
Edmondsbury
Chichester
Hants
Line.
Norhant.
Wore.
Canterb.
Kent
Edmondsbury
Lond.
Arundel
Bedford
B.
Winch.
Line.
Line.
Warw.
Norhant.
Winch.
Winch.
Brist.
Lond.
N.
p. 88.
N. see Samad
Nakdan.
N.
N.
163 a.
p. 162 see SamiKl
le Pointier.
3R.A.
181
53, 66, 112.
N. See No. 738.
N. See No. 739.
p. 240.
p. 89.
134-
3R. Cr.
26.
200.
p. 23.
p. 238.5tftfNo. 741
N.
N.
N. 5w.
66, 94, 3 R. A.
N. bis.
158.
60.
p. 26.
N.
3R- G.
p. 201.
55.
p. 77.
N.
N. ter.
N.
141, 9 R. d.
N.
N.
ENGLISH JEWS of the Xllth CENTURY, 363
577. Salomon gen. Isaac
577fl. Strabaen
577*. Theobald Convert
578. Ursel
578a Ursel
579. Ursel
580. Ursel de Bedeford
581. Ursel de Bungeia
582. Ursel de Gipeswich
583. Ursel fil Brun
584. Ursel fil Helye
585. Ursel fil Mens
586. Ursel fil /'«<r<f/te
587. Ursel gener. Jacob de
Winton
588. Vivard gener. Mosse
de London
589. Vivelot fil Isaac
590. Vives \Heh, Haim]
591. Vives
592. Vives
593. Vives
594. Vives
595. Vives de Hamton
596. Vives de Paris
597. Vives fil Aaron
598. Vives fil Benedicti
599. Vives fil David
600. Vives fil Deulacresse
601. Vives fil Isaac
602. Vives fil Jacob
903. Vives fil Jacob
604. Vives fil Josce
605. Vives fil Margarede
606. Vives gener Mosse
607. Vives Scriptor
608. Vivus Scriptor Helye
609. William Convert
610. Yomtob B.
611 Tomtob of Joigny, York
B.
Kent
N.
Rising
p. 271.
Cambridge
P- 257.
Line.
183.
Lond.
p. 232.
Norf.
26, p. 57.
N.
N.
Bucks.
134-
Norf
112.
Line.
27 H, N his.
Norw.
3R A. 5^^No.744
Line.
"3-
Oxon
118.
Glouc.
R. p. 200.
Glouc.
N.
Cambridge
PP 38» 39
Cologne
pp. 23, 199
Lond.
30.31
Sudhants
5R A.
Sussex
189.
Cambr.
N.
Lond.
p. 240.
Line.
p. 87, 31 H., pp.
23i» 232, 233.
N. Jw.
Glouc.
N.
Cambr.
127.
Line
63.
Colch.
N.
Colchester
N. 9R.
Norhant.
133.
Cambr.
127.
Lond.
N.
Glouc.
N.
Line.
N.
Chichester
3 R.G., 215.
York
p. 105 see Benedict
de Eboraco.
Lond
p. 283.
York
pp. 109, 112, 125,
131.
3^4
APPENDIX,
612. Yvelin
613. Yuo de Line.
Sussex
line.
158.
p. 239. &irNo.74l
SUPPLEMENTARY LIST.
[Besides the names directly mentioned in the above list ^
get information of the existence of Jews from references to thdi
relations, sons, daughters, nephews, &c. Thus a name Kk
' Fluria quae fuit uxor Vives levesq ' informs us of the rmtfwr
of a third Jewish Bishop of London, Vives, in additioB to
Deulesalt and Abraham mentioned on p. 89. The followiiig firt
summarises this additional information. The names in the lart
column are firom the preceding list, and indicate sons or
daughters (in itals.) if no other designation precedes: we.
indicates wife ; frat, brother ; gen, son-in-law ; sor, brother-ii-
law ; nep. nephew.
615. Aaron
616. Aaron
617. Aaron
618. Aaron
619. Abraham
620. Abraham
621. Abraham
622. Abraham
623. Abraham
624. Abraham
625. Alemandrinus
626. Antera
627. Avigay
O28. Avigay
J
Lincoln
Abraham, Ba»-
dict, Deodoae,
EKas, Vim»
frat, Benedict.
sor. Jacob. See
No. 3.
Lond.
Samson. Sec
No. I.
Norhant.
nep. Coc. No. 5.
Wmch.
Mosse.
Kent
fr. Deodatus.
Line.
fr. £lia«.
Lond.
Samuel. \
Norhant.
Benedict.
Norw.
Isaac, Meus. No.
26. \
Worcester
ux. Jeutta.
Glouc.
Hamvot.
tres t'ilii. No. 03.
Gloue.
Jo»»cc gen. Eliis.
Lond.
Abraham nr.
Jacob, gtn.
SUPPLEMENTAR Y LIST.
3^5
629. Belasez
630. Benedict
631. Benedict
632. Benedict
633. Benedict
634. Benedict miles
635. Benedict
636. Benedict
637. Benedict
638. Beneit
639. Benjamin, Magister
640. Benjamin
641. Benjamin
642. Bona
643. Bonefey
644. Bonefade
645. Brun
646. Bnm
647. Comitissa
648. Crespin
649. Cresselin
650. Cypora
651. David
652. David
653. Deodatus
654. Deudone
655. Deudone
Glouc.
Chichester
Essex
Glouc.
Line.
Lond.
Rising
Warwick
York
Norw.
Cambr.
Glouc.
Oxon
Winch.
Wore.
Wore.
Lond.
Norf.
Cambr.
Norw.
Winch.
Cambr.
Cambr.
Lond.
Norw.
Essex
Glouc.
Josce, Judas,
Maria. No. 68.
gen. Elias. No. 88.
Copin.
Vives. No. 92.
Abraham, Elias,
Jacob, Josce,
Mosse.
Brun (Glouc.)
Hakelot.
Deulacresse. 92.
Josce, Judas.
tres fratres (3 R.
A.) fr. Meir,
soc. Samuel. 83.
Josce.
Abraham, Manas -
ces, Mens. No.
116.
Mosse.
Benedict, Benja-
min, Deulacresse.
Abraham. No. 122
Ysaac, Jacob,
Mahy, Samuel.
No. 133.
Liun. Qy.N0.643.
Abraham, Samson
fr. Samson. No.
134-
Ursel.
David, Isaac. No.
149.
Josce.
Abraham, Ysaac,
Solomon. No.
154.
David. No. 143.
Sam. fr. Vives.
No. 155.
Josce.
Benedict.
Judas. No. 161.
Manasser.
366
APPENDIX.
656. Deudone
Northampt
657. Deudone
Oxon
658. Deulacresse
Berdefeld
659. Deulacresse
660. Deulasaut ,
661. Elie
662. Elie
663. Episcopus
664. Gentil
665. Hakelot
666. Hakelot
667. Isaac
Winch.
Lond.
Hereford •
Line.
Lond.
Line.
Camb.
Notts.
Cambr.
668. Isaac de Cant
669. Isaac
Colch.
670. Issac
671. Isaac
Glouc.
Line.
672. Isaac
Lond.
673. Isaac
Oxon.
674. Isaac
675. Isaac
Warw.
Winchester.
676. Jacob
677. Jacob
Bedf.
Cambs.
678. Jacob
679. Jacob
Chich.
Colch.
680. Jacob
681. Jacob \sor. Aaron'
Glouc.
Line.
682. Jacob
London
Aaron, Jacob,
Josce. No. 164.
Abraham, Bene-
dict.
gen, Benedict,
Jacob. No. 17J.
/r. Judas. No. 171.
Aaron, Josce.
gen, Abraham.
Benedict, Ursel.
Jumet.
Joey.
ux, Cypore.
Elyas.
Abraham, BcsiC"
diet, Miriana^
Samson, gm*
Josce. No. 289.
Cresse, Gosce.
Vives fr. I^eiila-
cresse. No. a5a
Ehe, Vivdot.
Aaron, Benedict
(see Ursel),
Riche ux, Fluria
Josce Murien
Peter. No. 274.
Aaron, Chera. No.
255-
EHa.
ux. Fluria. No.
263.
Aaron. No. 273.
Samuel gen. Mens.
No. 312.
Ester.
Abraham, Deulas-
ant. Jacob, Vives
Mosse.
Benedict, Peter
ux. Bona. No.
323-
ux Avigay.. Qy.
296.
SUPPLBMBNTAR Y LIST.
367
-683. Jacob
684. Jacob de Winton
685. yaU
686. you
687. Josce
688. Josce
689. Josce de Kant'
690. Josce
691. Josce
692. Josce
693. Josce
694. Josce'Quatrebuches
695. Josce fil Morel
696. Josce Sorel
697. Juda de Paris
698. Juda
699. Juda
700. Juda
701. Jumet
702. Leun
703. Liun
704. Leon
705. Leo
706. Leo de Dunstable
707. Magistri
708. Manasser
709. Manasser
710. Manasser
711. Margarede
712. Mosse
713. Mosse
Norhant
Oxon.
Kent
Line.
Brist.
Cambr.
Essex.
Glouc.
Line.
Warw.
York
Lond.
Norw.
Glouc.
Brist.
Glouc.
Line.
Norw.
Cambr.
Glouc.
Line.
Warw.
Bucks.
Lond.
Cambridge
Colch.
Line.
Lond.
Bedford
Bucks.
Mosse, Pulcella^
Simon, Vives.
Drua gen, Ursel.
No. 305.
Samuel.
Ysaac gen. Josce.
No. 331.
Isaac. No. 337.
Leo, Vives. No.
367.
Akelin^(f«. Abra-
ham.
Josce.
Isaac.
Samuel.
ttJcAnna. No. 334
Benedict, Hakelm.
No. 375.
sor. Jacob.
Benedict.
Abraham.
Isaac. No. 378.
ux. Muriel. No.
382.
Manasser. No. 387
Hakelin, Isaac,
Margaret^ ux,
Munel ^.Bene-
dict. No. 391.
Isaac. No. 407.
Abraham. No. 450
Manasser.
Josce. No. 404.
fr. Aaron.
Josce, Salumun,
Samuel (Norw.)
Jacob, Josce. No.
419.
Fluria,
Elyas.
Elia, Vives. No.
424.
Isaac, Peter.
Josce Mosse.
36B
714* Mosse
APPENDIX,
Glouc.
715. Mosse Norhant.
716. Mosse Worcester
717. Mosse York
718. Mosse c. Naso Norw.
719. Mosse de Wallingford Oxon
720. Mosse de Lond. Glouc.
721. Mosse, Mag. Lond.
722. Mens Norw.
723. Peter Norhant.
724. PulceUa Line.
725. Rabbi [Joce] Lond.
726. Rana Lond.
727. Samarias Devon
728. Samson Norhant.
729. Samson "Warw.
730. Samson York
731. Samuel
732. Samuel Essex
733. Samuel Exeter
734. Samuel Line.
735. Samuel Norhant
736. Samuel Oxon
737. Samuel Deulacresse Winch.
738. Sancto Norhant
739. Sara Lond.
740. Simon Lond.
741. Simon Norhant.
Justitia, Samud,
^(OT.Vivard. No.
462.
Isaac. No. 464.
Samuel.
Isaac.
tix, Duzeliiia.
Deulacresse. No.
458.
gen, Vives,
Abraham (Wint.),
gen, Bendit.
Ursel.
Samuel. No. 489.
Benedonat, Isaac,
Ursel. No. 495.
Abraham, Isaac
No. 501.
Deusaie.
Elyas. No: 503.
Abraham.
Samuel. No. 510.
Gentil,
Samson.
Abraham.
ux, Juetta.
No. 518.
Benjamin, Jacob,
Josce, Judas.
No. 511.
Aaron, Deudone^
Jacob, josce,
Peter nep, Coc
No, 519.
Jacob.
Meir.
Aaron, Isaac.
No. 547.
Benedict, Mosse.
No. 549.
Abraham, Des-
done (Cole).
Yssac, Jacob.
No. 558.
SUPPLEMENTARY LIST.
.74a. Simon Norw. Yssac.
743. Simon de Stanford Isaat [
744. Ursel Norw. Josce.
745. Vives Brist. Abr.
746. VivesleVesq. I.ond. BenediclwjtFlurie
747. Yvoliny Essex Deulactesse Jacob
748. Yvo Line. Aaron. No. 613.
Sncb i. long list as Uie above contains much infomiation, apart
from the names themselves. But these bave tbeir points of ■
it and instruction in themselves. As with most early \
medJKVil names— Jewish or Gentile — they are mainly " Chris-
tian," or first names, with an explanatory addition, derived from
birthplace, office, or personal peculiarity. The favoorite ones
Scriptural, as may be shown by the following list of the
frequent : — Isaac (59] \ Josce, i.e., Joseph (55) ; Abraham
(49); Benedict, orBendit, the Latinised form of Berachyah (49};
.Jacob (40) ; Moses, Moss, or Masse (38) ; Samuel (3;) ; Vive*, |
Vivard, Vivelot, various forma for the Hebrew Ckaim, "
(231 ; EliHs (19) ; Aaron (18) ; Deulacres {Heb. Gedaliah) (17) ;
iser [17]; Samson (16); Solomon (15); besides Aser
(Asher), Benjamin, David, Juda, Jeremias, Naeroia, Simon,
Other Biblical forms occur in somewhat strange disguise, as
Deulesalt, i.f., Dieu-le-saut, for Isaiah; Serfdeu for Obadiah;
Dieudone, or Deodonatus, for Elchanan ; Hakelin, a diminutive
Isaac : Kersun, probably equivalent to Gershon, Cok and
Coket, probaUy both diminutives of Isaac in its Hebrew form.
somen's names are less distinctively Biblical, Anna 01
Heaoa; Avigay (Abigail); Biket (diminutive of Rebecca);
Cipota, (Zipporaj ; Ester; Lia (Leah), Miriam, and Sara, forming .
short list, contrasted with Alemandina, Altdd, Anter^ J
.£elia (Belle), Beleasez, Cbere, Clarise, Comitissa, Denicosa, 1
Dona, Dune, DuieUna, Fleur de Lis, Fluria or Floria, Gentil, i
Joie, Juette, Margaret, Maria, Mirabilla, Muriel, Precieuse, ]
1
■
m
370 APPENDIX,
Pulcelle, Rana (Reine), Regina, Riche, Slema. These names
of Jewesses indicate the main source whence the list of Anglo-
Jewish names was derived, Anglo-Norman French. Thus,
among the men we find such first names as Amiot, Bonefei
(Bonfoi), Bonevie, Bonenfaund {Jjon enfant)^ Hospitard, Jostelin,
Morel, Peitivin, Piers, Seignuret (dim. oi seigneur) ^ Ursel, Yvo^
and Yvelin, not to mention the French translations of Hebrev
names, like Deulebenie, Dieulacresse, Deusaie, Serfdeo, etc.
English is indeed conspicuous by its absence in the list, except
for Alfild, among the ladies, and Jumet (Jomet), among tbe
men, if the latter be, as has been suggested, derived from
"jomet," a jerkin or jacket, and so an appropriate Ktrmm
(vernacular form) of Jacob. Peter occurs in several cases, birt
this may be duetto the Latin as well as to the English. One
name is fi'om the Greek Kanonimos, evidently a mistake for
Kalonymos (Hebrew, Shemtob)^ but this was probably derived
from Germany, where it was introduced by the well-known
family of that name from Magna Grseda. Three of the first
names imply foreign origin, Flaming, Lumbard, Peitivin (Poitou).
I may conclude what I have to say on the " Christian " names
of the English Jews by drawing up a list of those about which I
know not what to say for their peculiarity, Benleveng, Calamod,
Cassi, Chermin, Eligai, Eudon, Hanechin, Janem, Jagnnce,
Mahey, Makar, Martiri, Melin, Mens, Pipili, Potelin, Santo.
Brun is almost the only descriptive first name, though one would
have thought most Jews of that date were " brun."
More information is to be gained or conjectured from the sur-
names. The majority of these, indeed, give rather the place of
domicile of their bearers; Abraham de Bungay, Dieulacresse dc
Wallingford, and so on. Some, again, are merely distinguishing
epithets, as Isaac Senex of Cambridge, as distinguished from
Isaac Juvenis of the same town. Other descriptive titles read
I SUPPLEMBNTAR Y LIST. 37 1
stranf^y in [heii Latin forms: Mosse cum Naso (probably
"Nosey Moses"), Deuduce turn pedibus lortis*(? " Bandy
Deudone '"), Manasser Graasus (" Fat Manasser," ct. " Isaac le
Gios"), Benedicl Lengus ("Long Benedict"). Some surnames
refer to office ; several have the ti lie Bishop, two thai ofPres-
1 byter, the eiact meaning of which will concern us later. One,
Isaac of London, is called Medieus, two at Bristol aie called
Fnrmager, probably a corruption of " fermager," or ferm agent,
Q colled or of laies. Hebrew officials are also in evidence; Ibere
is an Abraham and a Benedict Pernas (Warden) of Lincoln, an
Abraham Gabbai (Treasurer of Congregation) at Bristol. Two
men have the addition of Puncteur, or Pointnr, which I identify
with Nalidan. One of these I identify with Berachyah Nakdan,
the other with Samuel Nakdan, the author of an important
grammatical treatise now at Berlin. Several Scriptors occur,
probably Sopkcrim. There still remain several true surnames ;
Barlibrod, Carini, Blund, Bressus, Crespin,Curj, Gaudi, Kiterel,
I^vi, Malmerri, Merdenhostel, Mullrun.Qualrebucbes, of which
I Bailibrod and Kiterel, and perhaps some of the others, a
' English.
One peculiarity remains lo be observed. A considerable
number of the names of men are quoted as the sons of iheir
mothers (see Nos. 19, 41, 750, 85, 155, zob, 264, in, 3«> 344.
349. 355, 3^ ¥^> 4*6. 46", SS^i 5^6, 605, cf. 636, 629, 641,
647, 664, 726, 73y)- This might seem at first lo cast some asper-
sion on their mothers, but in two cases at least, Abraham fil
Avig6y and Copin lil Bella, we can trace the fathers, and the
tatter suggests that il was merely because the mothers v
better known than the fathers that the curious nomenclature
was adopted. It is also just possible that the fathers had
become conveili and llie ions refused to be caUed by their oai
37» APPENDIX.
X.— JEWISH BISHOPS AND COMMUNAL
ORGANISATION.
There are ten persons in the list who have the curious title of
Bishop, four in London (Deodatus, 1168-78, Abraham, Deak-
salt, Vives, 1194), three in Lincohi (Josce, Samson, and Judas),
one at Exeter (Deulecresse), one at Nottingham (Samuel), one
at Bristol (Isaac), and one at Winchester (Solomon), and to
these we may add a Samuel le Frester at Norwich, and Jacob,
Presbyter of London and of all England. What exactly were
these Bishops and Priests of the Jews ? The clue, I think, is
given by the fact that there are [three of them in the two most
important centres of the English Jewry, London and Lincoln.*
We know from John's Confirmation of the Jewish Charten
{supra Assize, $32), that the English Jews had right to juris-
diction among themselves, a right which was granted them, I
conjecture, by Henry II. (Robertson, Mat, Thorn. Beckett vf.
148). On one occasion it is mentioned that a question whether
a Jew might take usury from a Jew was to be decided by a
chapter of the Jews (capitulum Judceoruin), Such jurisdiction
would be administered by the three Dayanim or judges, who,
even to this day, are the ecclesiastical assessors in all Jewish j
courts. It is only natural to connect the three episcopi with the
three Dayanim and interpret Episcopus as ecclesiastical super-
visor. These were the " peers of the Jews," before whom trials
were held {supra Assize, § 22). I can guess whence the title
came. There was clearly intimate relation between the English j
Jews of the early twelfth century and the Jews of the Rhine
Provinces. There we find the title "Episcopus Judaeorum,"
especially at Cologne (Honiger, Judenschreins-Buch (1888),
Nos. 83, 232, 234, and pass.). There, however, it was used
* There were oniy three af London 1220, 1227, and at Lincoln in MfOi
See my " London Jewry " in Papers Anilo- Jewish Exhibition, p. 48.
SUPPLEMENTAR Y LIST. 373
' mostly to express the Pamass, or pre^dent of the congregation
and only one Episcopus occurs al the time. Now in Englani
e find three simultaneous Episcopi, who could not all be war
ens, while both at Bristol and IJncoln we find Jews with the I
title P&rnas^ or warden, who were not " Episcopi." Th
ilitntion of the congregation seems to have been a warden I
(Amoz); a treasurer (Ati^t) — these for synugogue and financial I
'matters ; three Dayanim. for ecclesiastical jurisdiction, fonning 1
a chapter of the Jews {capitulum Judmoruvs) \ a rector of the I
High School, with teachers under 'iiaa [^agister puerorumw
'and scribes {Scriplores) or cyrographers, for writing deeds;
while the " Ordinances of the Jewry " mention two " lawj'ers
that are Jews," to supervise contracts between Jews and Chris-
tians. The presbyter, or prestcr, would thus be the Ab-belk-din,
or head of the assembly.
That the title, "Bishop," was familiar among the otdinaiy I
Englishmen of the lime, is shown as early as 116S, when a
'bishop of the Jews entered St. Paul's, while some bishops of the ]
'Christians were deciding ecclesiastical cases. "Receive also
' this bisiiop among you," called out a wit among the crowd ;
" he alone of all tbe bishops has not betrayed the archbishop,"
1"^., Thomas Beeket (Robertson, Materials, supra'p.^^).
To sum up. The title " Bishop " comes from Germany,
where it meant " warden," and was applied in England, about
1 184, to represent the three Z^J^oiiin, who had the right by
English law to adjudicate on cases between Jews.
Xt.— THE ENGLISH JEWRIES OF THE TWELFTH
CENTURY.
From the above namC'liats we can gather some important
. conclusions as to the dispersion of the Jews throngh Englan
The name of the towns where they dwelt is almost invariably
374 APPENDIX,
given, and we can thus draw up the accompanying list oi the
towns of England where Jews are known to have dwelt in the
twelfth century, adding in italics the names of foreign towns and
countries from which in several instances they are mentioned as
having come. In cases where the exact quarter where the Jews
dwelt is known from local histories I have added notes and refer-
ences, though these in many instances refer rather to the thir-
teenth century. There does not seem to have been much change
in the position of the Jewries. The numbers refer to the Name
list : those in brackets are doublets.
Aufai, 195 (at Warwick).
Arundel, 563a.
Bedford, 8, 109, 129, 156, 216, 246, 25i,'27i, 293, 488, 564, 580,
—[676], 712.
Berdefeld, 172, 286— [658].
Beverley, 247 (at Winchester), 566 (at Winchester).
Boseham, 76, 450.
Bristol, 20 (at Nottingham), 46, 47, 77, 120, 182, 259, 266, 267,
281, 3"» 337, 360, 386, 412, 493, 540» 575— [687], 745-
[On the Quay between Broad Street and Small Street, between
the outer and inner wall: the synagogue under St. Giles'
Church in Small Street. — Hunt, Bristol^ 27-30; Seyer, i.,
Bristol, Siy-g; Vryce, Bristol, 72-3].
Bucks., 72, 246, 328, 364, 466, 584, — 706, 713. [Perhaps
Dunstaple.]
Bungay, 20 (at Norwich), 197 (at Line), 248 (at Hereford), 280
(at Line), 300 (at Northampton), 338, 448 (at Norwich), 505,
581. Cy. P. R., item 9.
Burges (Bourges), 233 (at Line).
Cambridge, 15, 31, 36, 53, 73, 94 (fr. Rummel), 116, 117, 137,
I43» H9» I55» 269, 283, 289, 312, 319, 362, 369, 379, 407, 419,
ENGLISH JEWRIES, 375
449, 486, 517/*= , 530, 552, 590, 595 (fr. Hamton), 599, 604—
[639], [647], [«- ', [651], 66s, [667], [688], [702], [708].
\See supra pp. 4^ 22, 229. The old synagogue near the
prison was give, to the Franciscans. Mon. Franc, ed.
Brewer 17, 18. he parishes of All Saints and St.
Sepulchre's "in tL Jewry.*' Baker, HUU St, John's
College^ 26, 27. Full. '. Univ, Cambr, 8, 21, 77. See
also Cooper AnnalSf i. s.u. 1215, 1224, 1266.]
Canterbury, 14, 49, 87, 90 (.?), 170, 249, 294, 368, 436, 437 (?),
53 1 » 560. «S^^Kent.
ICf, supra, p. 153. Jury Lane, opposite All Saints in
Speed's Map. The synagogue, where Saracen's Head
Inn, according to Soniner, Antiq, Canterbury, 124-5 >
Cf, Brent, Canterbury, 116, 137; Hasted, Canterbury,!.
61, 126, ii. 364].
Chichester, 63, 88, 166, 198, 210, 212, 399, 414, 451, 469, 554,
567, 608 — [630], 678, See Sussex.
Clamund, 22 (at Northampton).
Colchester, 2, 23, 24 (at Hereford), 37, 59, 137, 180, 188, 219,
250, 309, 310, 317, 601, 602— [669] [679], 709. See Essex.
[Jewry in East Stockwell Street. Cf. Cutts, Colchester, c. xiii. ;
Morant, Colchester, p. 8.]
Cologne, 591 (from England). Cf, supra, p. 131.
Cornwall. Cf, supra, p. 186.
Coventry, 16, 199.
Danemarchia (? Denmark), 173.
Devises, 409 {Cf, Waylen, Devizes, p. 45).
Devon, 61, 207, 245, 503 — [727]. See Exeter.
Doncaster, \^2 (at York), 506.
Dunstaple, 12, 328 — 706 (C/*. Morin, Dunstaple), see Bucks.
Edene (? co. Durham), 568 (at Line).
Edmondsbury, 150, 258, 403, 553, 546, 562.
376 APPENDIX.
[Cf, supra^ pp. S9-6i, 75, 78, 14T, and Turner,
Archit, i. 46.)
Essex, 8, 9, 58, 174, 180, 270, 384—631 [654], 689, 732, 749.
Cf, p. 222. See Colchester.
Estampes, 551 (Lohd.).
Exeter, 6t, 179, 183, 318, 388, 490, 518, SS©— [733]- See Dewm
Eye [co. Suffolk], 480, 507 (at Norwich).
Faversham [co. Kent], 89.
Finchlefeld, 174.
Gloucester, 39, 50, 65; 68, 72, 92 (fr. Rising), 104, 125, 126, 136,
T94, 209, 232, 325, 333, 358, 382, 393, 394, 400, 420, 427, 452,
459, 472, 474, 535, S88, 5^9, 598, 606-625, 627 [629], [i^^
640, 655, 670, 680, 690, 696 [699], [703], [714], 720 (fr.
Lond.).
[East Gate Street, formerly Jewry Street, s3niagogiie on
N. side. Bigland, Hist, of Gloucester ^ 135; Records
Glouc, Cathedral^ ii. 125. Cf supra^ p. 45-6.]
Grimsby, 329.
Hamton, 595 (at Cambridge).
Hereford, 24 (from Colchester), 48, 2TT, 240, 248 (fr. Bungay),
30T, 434, 482, 502, 523—661.
[Jewry Lane in Speed's Map, between Wydmarsh Grate and
Bisters Gate. Cf, Bp, Swinfeld*s Household Expenses
(Cam. Soc), xcix.-ci., 127. R. Johnson, Customs of
Hereford, 70-1.]
Hertford, 78, 130, 215, 442.
Hich (?), 25 T [probably Hitchin].
Ipswich, 414a, 569, 582.
yoigny, 168 (in Lond.), 252 (T,ond.), 6tt (York).
Kent, 25, 86, 87, no, 128, 159, 167, i53(?), 184, 214, 223. 284,
310 (?), 341, 356, 390, 508, 532, 561, 577— [619], 685. Of p.
222. See Canterbury, Faversham, Rochester.
ENGLISH JEWRIES. 377
.Leicester, 79, 340, 380.
[Jewry Wall, Jaurn. Arch. As.t., vi. 393-40* ; Leic. Arch.
Trans., i., iv, 48 ; Throsby, Leister, 2, 3, 7, 18, 40, 3^2,
39J. PI. I.,n.]
Lineoln, 3, 7, u, 30, 55, 74, 84, 85, Sga, 90, 96, 100, loi, 103,
107, liz, 114, liS, 123, 135 (fr. Stamford), 141, 151, 157, 163,
I95> '97 {^' Snngay], 200, 201, 204, 208, 117, 220, 333, 261,
264, z6s, 275 (fr- Bungay}, 302, 306, 313, 322, 323, 336, 329,
331. 341. 345. 355. 365. 374. 387, 4'5. 4". 4". 4"a. 4^3.
428, 429, 430, 435, 461, 47B, 481, 486, 495, 499, 511. 520, 5^4
(fr. Stamford), 548, 556, 568 (£t. Edenc), 570 (fr. Paris), 578,
586, 597, 5oo, 607, 6i3-[6i5], [620], [633I [662], 664, [671],
[681], [a86], [691], [700], 704, [710], [724], [734]. [748].
\_Cf. supra pp. 57, 117, 207, M. D. Davis, "Mediieval Jew*
of Lincoln," Arch, yotim., xiiviii., 178 «y. ; Freeman,
Eng. Tatani, lib. Jews" houses on Sleep Hill, Cf.
map in Misi 'Koignle's Angevin Erig!a?id,i. 40; figuredin
Pugin's Sfecimens, PI. ii., and Turner's Dam. Archti,,
i., p. 7 and Gardiner, School Hist, of England, cf. supra-
p. 91]-
London, i, 4, 17, 29, 33, 41, 42, 43, 450, 51, 52, 54, 56, 57. 67i
^1 1S> ^i 95 (fr. Talemund), 105, to6, 113, I2t, 134, 138, 142,
144, 147, 148, 158, 161, 162, 165, 168 {fr. Joigny), 185, 187,
189, 192, iO%, 306, 323, 228, 229, 236, 237, 352 (fr. Joigny],
374, 382, 3S5, 388, 292, Z96,303(ft.Paris), 304, 321,339,343,
349. 353. 354. 357. 359. 36t, 363, 377. 39^. 397. 398, 401, 401,
408, 409. 413. 424. 445. 447, 449. 4S4. 4^7. 4^8, 470, 473, 476,
484, 487, 492, 500, 501. 504, 513, 513, S15, 527, 539, 549, SSI,
563. 576. S9«. S96. 605, 610,— [616], 631, [628], 634, [64s],
653, [660]. 663, [672], 682, [694], 707, [711]. 7". [7^5]. 7*6,
[739]. 746.
[Seesupra pp. 13, 39, 45, 63, 99-106, 177. 217, 334. Jewry
at first in Old Jewry, Synagogue at Bakewell Hall, Great
1
378 APPENDIX.
School in Ironmonger St. . Cf. Stow, Surv^, editi 3tiype^
ii. 33, 59, iii. 53-5, 262-3 (the source of all other accounts,
as Maitland, London^ 438 ; Seymour, London^ 556 ; ICnight's
Old London^ vi., &c); Loftie, History of London; 112,
114, 122, 145, 185, 196; Cf, map in App. F ; J. Jacobs^
"The London Jewry, 1 290," in Papers Anglo-Jewish ExH*
hitiony pp. 20-52, with plan.]
Lynn, 91 (at Norw ), 175. [C/. W. Richards, Lynn^ i. 390.]
Malinges (.? MechUn), 25, 561 (in Kent).
Newcastle, 297. [Silver St. was formerly Jewgate. Brand,
Newcastle^ i. 359.]
Newland, 508 (Kent).
Newport [co. Bucks. ?].
Norfolk, 131, 175, 176, 181, 324, 505, 529, 583—646 (Cf. p. 222).
See Bungay, Lynn, Norwich, Rising.
\Cf. W. Rye, Short Hist, of Norfolk, 16, 42, 46-8, 51-2.].
Norwich, 19, 21 (fr. Bristol), 26, 81, 91 (fr. Lynn), 99, 108, 191,
218, 230, 260, 268, 279, 280, 299, 320, 335, 336, 338, 346, 350,
367, 391, 403, 425- 439, 448 (fr. Bungay), 455, 475, 507 (fr.
Rye), 509, 516, 534, 541— [623], 638, 648, 653, 695. [701],
718, 722, 742, 744. 5^^ Norfolk.
\See supra pp. 19-21, 112, 261. Jewry near Haymarket,
Synagogue and School on Hogg Hill. Cf. Blomfleld,
Norfolk, iii 26-8, iv. 76, 184, 225; Goulboum and Symons,
Sculptures Norw. Cathedral, c. ix.]
Northampton, 5, 10, 13, 22 (fr. Clamund), 24, 45, 66, 97, 132,
145, 146, 253 (fr. Nottingham), 254, 276, 278 (fr. Stamford),
287, 300, 308, 314, 316, 352, 353, 366, 371, 381, 431, 464, 471,
489, 494, 496, 497, 519, 537, 547, 558, 572 (fr. Warwick), 603,
-[617], [622], [656], [683], [715], [723], [735], [738], 741.
[See supra p. 162; Cf Baker, Northampton, 152, 262, 351.]
ENGLISH yEJVRIES. 379
Nottingham, 20 (fr. Bristol), 193, 202, 253 (at Northampton),
477, 526,-666.
[Of. Records f Bor. Nott. — ^Jew-lane, Nicholas St . Synagogue
in street leading from St. Peter's to Friars Min.]
Orleans, 501 {at Land,)
Oxford, 6, 35, 70, 98, III, 115, 119, 124, 140, 177, 178 (fr.
Walligford), 190 (fr. Winchester), 235, 255 (at Winton), 305
(fr. Winch.) 315, 348, 458) 522, 587-641, 657, [673], [684],
[719]. [736].
[.S^ supra pp. 4, 18, 68, 96, 254. Anthony h, Wood, ed.
Gutch, i. 129. 148, 165, 220, 239, 273, 274, 325, 326, 328,
329; ii. 745, 746. Utty of Oxford, ed. Clark, ii. 18. Lyte,
Univ. Oxford, 36, 41, 44, 59, 66, 67. Boase, Oxford, 22,
32, 65, 68, 81. Great and Little Jewry near Carfax along
Fish (St. Aldate's) St., with St. Edward's in centre.
Cemetery near Magdalen Tower. Cf. Neubauer, "Notes
on Jews in Oxford." Collectanea, II. (Oxf. Hist. Soc), pp.
277-316.]
Paris, 38, 303 (at Lond.), 457, 570, 596—697.
Punteise, 402.
Reading (}), 231.
Rising, 92 (at Glouc), 169, 176— [635].
Rochester, 93, 256.
RocheUe, 95.
Rouen see p. 217.
Rume (? Rome), 510 (at Warwick).
Rummel, 94 (at Cambr.).
Russia, 257 (at Winchester).
Rutland, 277. See Stamford.
Sautnur, 341.
Spain, 454 (at London).
Stamford, 135 (at Line), 186, 278 (at Northampton), 416, 524
(at Line). See Rutland. [See supra pp. 212, 215.]
380 APPENDIX.
Somerset y 38, 3 1 5 . See Wells .
Sussex, 60, 88, 169, 426.
Taiemundf 95 (at London).
Tchemtgo/t 257 (at Winchester).
Thetford, p.
Trier, 557.
Wallingford, 178 (at Oxford), 458, 525. [Hedge, JValUngfori,
i. 387.]
Warwick, 195 (fir. Aufai), 203. 213, 227, 347, 3S9»383» 404.465.
510 (fir. Rume), 533, 538, 571, 572 (at Northampton)— 636,
674» 692, [705], [729].
[Speed's map gives Jewry Street a continuation of Castle St]
Wells, 404. See Somerset.
Westminster, 304. \Cf, P. R. Item, No. 2.]
T^ton, 301. i&^f Wilts.
Wilts, 27. See Wilton.
Winchester, 18, 32, 34, 40, 64, 82, 122, 154, 160, 171, 190 (at
Oxon), 221, 224, 241, 244, 247 (fr. Burnley), 255 (fi*. Oxon),256
(fr. Rochester), 257 (fi-. Russia), 263, 265, 305 (at Oxon), 33a,
385. 405» 410, 417, 432 (?)» 460, 491, 560, 573» 574, 593 (?)-
618, [642], [649], [659], [675], 737.
\See supra pp. 133, 146-52. Speed's map gives Jewry St.
leading to Northgate ('C/l also map in Norgate, Angevin
England, i. 3 1) . The Synagogue was in Tnissil, now Gaol,
St. cf, Milner, Hist, of Winchester, ii. 180.]
Windsor, 41.
Worcester, 133, 261, 307, 387, 395, 406, 411, 528, 536, 559—
624, 716.
York, 83, 152 (fi-.Doncaster), 225, 243, 238, 272, 433, 506, 545,
609, 61 1— [637], 717, 730.
\See supra loi, 105, 112, 116, 117 — ^30, 238. Speed's map
gives Jewbury between St. Morris and the R. Fosse. The
Synagogue was on the N . side of Jubbergate. Cf. HargraTe,
JEWISH POPULATION, 3S1
York, ii. 386-8, 558. Drake, Ebaracam, 57, 94-6, ij8,a53-4,
^5? *77i 3**' A.PP'. pp. iiv.-v. Twyford and Griffiths,
RKords Yerk CastU, 25-35. R- Davies " On the Mediieval
Jews of York " in Yorksk. Arch, and Taji.youtn.,iii. l47-g7.
J. T. Fowler "On Certain 'Starrs,'" Hid, pp. 55-63.]
XII.— JEWISH POPULATION.
It would be, of course, of interest to ascertain the number of
!ws in England during the twelfth century, but the materials
our disposal are scarcely adequate for the purpose. I have
compiled a list of all the names mentioned in the records, and
runs to some 750. But these are of various generations,
were not all living simultaneously, nor do they give more
the heads of famihes. If we divide them into tour genera-
lions-(i) 1100-1153A.D., (2) 1154-1173. (3) "74-II93. (4) "94-
llo6, a rough caJcnIation gives 15, 45, 300, 390, as the approii-
native number of names known in each generation, and indicates
rather our relative knowledge of the various periods than the
*ctual population. For the fourth period we are lucky in
ssing a name-list of the Jews subscribing to the ransom
of Richard I. at Northampton in 1194. This gives nearly 270
names of heads of families throughout the country. As, how-
the sum voted was 5,000 marks (/'3,666), and the sums
mentioned in the roil reach only about j^t,8oo, it is probable
t contains only the betterhalf of the whole collection. As
Iter of fact, for many of the towns 1 could supplement the
list considerably. Altogether, I reckon that some 500 Jewish
famihes were at that date, 1 194, in England, probably amounting
me 2,00a souls. In the preceding generation their numbers
probably equally great, but the natural increase w
short by the massacres of 1 190, which probably remaved
500 victims. The Jewish accounts give I Jo as the nambo''
1
I
as cut I
rUlled^^l
382
APPENDIX.
in York ; Ralph Disset mentions 57 slai n at Bury St. £dmimd*S|
and the emeutes at London, Lynn, Norfolk, and Stamford must
have largely increased the total.
I do not think the total number can have much exceeded
2,000, at this time, as the total population of England seems
not to have been greater than 9 miUion jftod .% half, and it does
not seem likely that this small population cotdd have maintained
much more than one per cent, of bankers or "usurers," es-
pecially as most of the business of the country was performed
by barter. As it was, the resources of the country must have
been severely taxed to support such a large number of unpro-
ductive persons, though incidentally the banking facilities they
offered may have encomraged .trade in the building of castte,
convents, &c.
We may from the list enumerate, at any rate, the Englidi
towns where Jews are known to have existed in the twelfth
century, in the following order of population, the numbers pre-
fixed being those of the names occurring in the Name List for
each town : —
i
no, London.
82, Lincoln.
42, Norwich.
40, Gloucester.
39, Northampton.
36, Winchester.
32, Cambridge.
22, Oxford.
18, Bristol.
16, Colchester.
14, Chichester.
13, Bedford, York.
12, Canterbury, Worces-
ter.
II, Hertford.
9, Bungay, Exeter.
7, Nottingham.
6, Edmondsbury.
5, Stamford.
4, Hertford.
3, Dunstable, Ipswich,
Leicester, Rising,
Wallingford.
. I
THB JEWS' HOUSES, 383
lefield, Grimsby,
Hamton) Newland,
Newcastle, Read-
ing, Thetford,
Wells, Westmins-
ter, Wilton, Wind-
sor.
2, Beverley, Birdfield,
Bonham, Doncas-
ter, Eye, Lynn,
Newport, Roches-
ter.
I, Arundel, Devizes,
Faversham, Finch-
The comparative density of the Jewish population follows the
density of the general population, being thickest in the South
and East, sparsest in North and West.
XIIL-THE JEWS' HOUSES,
It is rare, even in conservative England,,for a private dwelling-
house to exist, in however battered a condition , after so long a
period as seven centuries. This is specially the case with
private houses, as the large majority of them were constructed
of wood, as London knew to its cost in the gieat fire of 1 136.
But the twelfth century was the beginning of better days in
domestic architecture, and stone houses for private dwellings
practically date from this period. Among the earliest to use
the new luxury — for luxury it was — were the Jews It is by no
means accidental that three out of the scanty lemains of the
domestic architecture of the twelfth centur}' are known as *• Jcms*
houses." There are tMO at Lincoln and one at Bury St.
Edmund's. There is yet another in Norwich called the Musick
House, which, according to Bloomfield [Norfolk/w. 76), can
trace to the twelfth or even eleventh ccntuiy. But it has nowa-
days not a single trace of its earlier condition.
Of the two at Lincoln, that in the High street is the better
known, and has frequently been described, among others, by
Turner, in the first volume of his Domestic Architeciurey pp. 7,
4 1 , from whom I derive the following details : — The principal
25
384 APPENDIX,
dwelling-room was on the first floor, probably for protection.
The fireplace is on the side towards the street, the chimney
being corbelled out over the door, the lower part of it, with the
corbels, forming a sort of canopy over the doorway. This is
richly decorated, the ornamentation being similar to that of
Bishop Alexander's work in Lincoln Cathedral. Some of the
windows are good Norman ones, ot two lights, with a shaft
between. The staircase seems to have been internal, and the
house is small, of two rooms only. All authorities on architec-
ture date it as ot the twelfth century, though historically it is
connected with the name of a Lincoln Jewess, named Belaset
of Wallingford, who was hanged for clipping the coinage a few
years befoie the Expulsion. It is, however, similar in style and
appearance to what the other Jew's house of Lincoln must have
been.
This is of far more historic interest, and has the advanttge
that it can be definitely dated. It is on the Steep HiD, at
Lmcoln, on the right-hand side going up, and ti*adition has
always associated it vA\h the name of Aaron of Lincoln, the
great Jewish financier of the twelfth century, who died in 1187.
Unfortunately it has suffered much at the hands of successive
tenants ; the roof, some of the windows, the doors, and most of
the walls have been restored ; all the rest is the original house.
This consists chiefly of a window, similar in every way to those
of Belaset's house, and an external chimney projecting over the
doorway in much the same way. Turner remarks that a Norman
ornamented string, on a level with the floor, may be traced \\
along two sides of the house. I have had it photographed and i i|
engraved for the present book (see p. 91. It is undoubtedly the i
earliest historic building of Jewish interest in England.
Moyse Hall, at Bury St. Edmund's, is also called the Jews' ;
Synagogue in local tradition. It is of late Norman, partly of '
LiSTtansitiDD
THE YORK RIOT. 385
LiSTtansitioD cliaracler, Ibe lower story being vaulled, while (he
srch-riba are poinled. This also appears [□ have bad no win-
dows OD the ground. Soar. On the npper Hoot there are two
good transition Norman windows, each of two lights, square-
hended and plain, under a round arch, with mouldtngti and
sbaTls in the jambs, having capitals of almost Early English
cliaradcr. InteniDlly the masnniy \% not carried up all the wsy
lo [be sill of the window, so that 3 bench of stone is formed on
each dde of it. It is an early instance of the square-headed
window, divided by a mullion under a semicircular arch. Some
antiquaries believe that the building once potsessed a tower. It
was naed last century as a brideweU, and is still in use as a
police station. It is possible, I think, that it was tised as a
school, having just the arrangement, in two storeys, contem-
plated by the code of the period. If so, it is the earliest school
building in eiistence in the country, as the Jews were expeUed
> I from Bury St. Edmund's in 1 190. (Seep.141.)
The historians of the period refer (o the luxurious character of ■
the Jews' houses of the time, those of Joce and Benedici
chief Jews of York, being likened to resiliences of princes. 1
Their solid character may have been intended for safety as much 1
OS for luxury, and they resisted the attacks of the rioters in
trntules of 1189-90, till fire was set to their thatched roofs.
XIV.— THE YORK RIOT.
The outbreak of fanatic fury against the Jews of England J
during the winter and spring of i ^^Sf^, was the most slriking |]
incident in ihc mediaval history of the_English Jews. And of J
the whole series of incidents the most striking episode i
sublime s<df-sacrilice of the York Jews, which uas the final act ]
of the tragedy. There was a digni^ed sense of personal honoor I
shown in the attitude of the besieged that recalls the heroes o
386 APPENDIX.
I
antiquity. Observers at the time recognised the analogy -with
the last days of Jerusalem, and the comparison dees not strike
one as incongruous, looking back upon the scene across the
centuries. Men who could dare so greatly for an ideal cause,
men who could die rather than forswear their faith, must have
been something other than mere greedy usurers.
We have very full accounts of the tragedy, the fullest being
written by William of Newbury,, who- was hims elf a ¥eil£shiiie-
man, who lived and died at Bridlington within eight years of
the tragedy. He is, strictly speaking, a contemporary witness,
and was fully crnscious of the importance and dgnificance
of the story he was telling, j Yet notwithstanding the detail
with which he writes, there are not a few points which remain
doubtful, while the whole inner history of the tragedy has to be
sought for in the significance of the names of the murdotrs
given in the records. =
The actual scene of the final act of self-sacrifice can scarcely
be doubted, though it is by no means distinctly described by
the historian, who speaks as if it were the whole of York Castle [
that was held by the Jews. Yet it is unlikely that the sheriff \ \
should have handed over to the Jews the custody of thc-whole ; .
castle, which would involve withdrawing the garrison. It is
much more probable that he set aside the isolated outwork j
known as Clifford's Tower for their reception. This was a i
building erected on a high mound, and strongly fortified; !
tradition has it that it was built by the Conqueror (Drake, j '
Ebor,, p. 289). It was originally of two stories, but the interior ■
was blown up in 1687, and is now in ruins. This, by its isolation
and impregnable position, was the most suitable place of saietj
for the Jews. But if so, their numbers could scarcely have been
so great as 500, which William of Newbury fixes upon, since so
large a number could not have been easily received within
THE YORK RIOT. 387 I
Clifford's Tower. 1 am confimicd in this correction of William \
of Newbnry's figures by the moie moderate estimate of Ephrai
of Bonn, who in the Hebrew martyrology wbich he wrote fin
the tiumber at 150. It i^ probable enough that he had before j
him an actual list of the martj-rs, and it is nut impossible that '
the York Memorbuch, as such lists are called io Germany, may
be fouod At present we know only four names : Joce
head of the York Jews, Anna his wife, R. Yomtob of Joigny,
, who, as Ephraim of Bonn informs us, was martyred at York \
(Aborak he calls it), and R. Elias, who is mentioned in I
Tosapholh (Joma 27a, Sebacli 14S) as the martyc of Aborak, i
/Everwic or Eboracum, the original name of York] There <
_be httle doubt that R. Y'omlob of Joigny was " the elder from
beyond the sea," who had so much authority with the York
Jews, and counselled ihem to slay themselves rather than disown
Iheir faith. The speech given by William of Newbury is pro-
. bably iictilious, after the manner of Livy ; he owns indebtedness
to Josephus for Ihe idea. But some such stirring address would
be consonant with Yomlob's skill as a Hebrew writer. This is
I proved by the fact that even to tliis day, the mosl striking hymo
of the Day of Atonement service— that ending each verse with
the refrain, " I have forgiven " — was written by Yomtob of
York. He is frequently mentioned In the Tosaphoth (see Zunz,
, Zur Gach., ja), and was clearly one of the most distinguished
Jews of North Europe in Ihe twelfth centuty — a fitting person
to form the central figure in the most striking episode of Jewish
I bistoiy in that century.
, 01 the rioters and their leaders we know far more, thanks to
the fulness of the public records uf the period. I have discovered
, in llie Pipe Rolls (No. 102, a Ric. 1., Everwich) the names of
Jifty-one prominent citizens of York who were lined altogether
l^i niarlcs 0£!28} for complicity in the riots. Bui another iten\
388 APPENDIX.
•
(124) gives us more important information as to the leaders of
the whole movement, whose l ands were seized hy "William
Longchamp when he visited York in the Easter of 11 90 with a
large force (costing ;f6o, Pipe Roll, i Ric. I., Everwich) to
punish the rioters, and bring back to London the few Jews who
remained alive after the catastrophe (their transport cost only 8s.,
P. R., item 96). Their names were Richard Malebisse, Kt.,
and his squires, Walter de Carton and Richard de Cuckney, Sir
William de Percy and Picot de Percy, Roger de.Ripun and
Alan Malekake. To these names the Meaux Chronicle (ed.
Bond, i., 155) adds those of Philip de Fauconbridge and Mar-
maduke Darell. To readers of the nineteenth century these
names would be names and nothing more. But to Bishop
Stubbs, who has lived as much in the twelfth as in the nine-
teenth century, the names implied much more, and have
suggested the clue to the whole riot. For he found several of
the names associated together in Dugdale and other Cartularies,
and observed that some of them were connected with the Percy
and Pudsey families, who were then the ruling spirits of the
North Countrie (see his note on Roger Howden, Vol. III.,
p. xlv.). Following up the hint thus given, I have further ex-
tended the evidence of the close connection of these various
names in Dugdale*s Monasticon (D.) and the Whitby (W.), and
Finchdale Cartularies (F.) published by the Surtees Society.
Thus Alan Malekake occurs as a co-signatory with Malebysse
(W. No. cxii., p. 95), and with Picot de Percy (F. x., p. 10),
who elsewhere signs with Malebysse (F. xvi.). Richard de
Kakenai (mis-spelt Kadenai) signs with both Picot and Alan
(F. xxii ), while we know he was squire to Richard Malebysse,
with whom, and with Picot de Percy, he signs F. No. Ixii.
Then the Fauconbridges had inter-married with the De Cuck-
neys (D, vi. 873), while Agnes Percy gives a manor *' nepoti
THE YORK RIOT.
ep Rie. Malebyase " [D. v., 513). And almost aU these
e connected with the wide -reach log transactions of the Pudscy^J
family, who followed the lead of Hugh Pudsey, Ihe masterful J
old Prince Bishop of Dnrham (Norgate, England un
Angevin Kings, ii., 283, Jc?-)-
There was aoolher bond between these men which had a monjj
direct hearing on (he York tragedy. The Percy famfly were is
debt to Ihe Jews; Richard Percy yielded two hovales of land tc
Whitby Abbey for assistance afforded him in releasing Mm and^
his lands " dc Jndaiemo " (W. No. cccxitiiv., p. 387), aod h« J
13 directly connected willi Walebysse (D. iv., 75, W. 293 n.),^
The Darells again were equally embarras'ied, as we learn from J
the Means Chronicle (i., 315). About the leader of the whole |
attack, Richard Malehysso, the man specially mentioned by J
Williani of Newbury as (he leader, we have much more eiiplicit.,«
information as to his indebtedness to the Jews. As early as ll8g "r
a receipt ofSplajjion of Paris, acting on behalf of Aaton^ J
of Lincoln, of /f4 " out of the great debt which he owe
!r Aaron " ^Brit, Mus. Add. Chart., 1251), though he had T
only come into his property sis years before (Pipe Roll, x.
Hen. n.. Honour of Eye). By a kind of premonition, Solomon 1
of Paris, in the Hebrew receipt with which he endorses the Latin \
document (Davis, Shetarolh. zES) punningly translates his name, I
Evil Beast, anticipating William of Newbury, who refers te
as " Ricardus vero cognomine Mala Bestia."
William of Newbury distinctly slates that the riots
mstigaled by a number of Ihe nobles who were heavily indebted 1
o the Jews, or were pressed by the Royal Treasury which had 1
taken up the debts to deceased Jews. The final act of the I
tragedy was the nish to the Minster, where the deeds of the |
Jews had been sent, probably for safety; these wer
legioualy burned within the precinctb of the Minster itself. We '
390 APPENDIX,
I
may conjecture that the real object of the seige of Clifford's
Tower was to get possession of these deeds. Only after the
tragedy did the besiegers learn, probably from one of the few
surviving Jews, that their trouble had been useless, and that the
deeds were at the Minster. Thither they rushed and effected
the main object of the riot by destroying the evidence of their
indebtedness to the hated Jews. Even this was in vain, for
duplicates existed elsewhere, and we find several instances of
indebtedness to Joce and other of the slain Jews of York long
after the massacre (P. R., items No. 109, 121). The debts fdl-j
into the King's hands as universal legatee of the martyrs. _i
Though it was undoubtedly a deliberate plan of the leaders to
get rid of their indebtedness to the Jews, the York riot would
not have been possible but for the religious prejudices of the
mob, upon which they played. These had been raised to fever
heat by the enthusiasm for the Third Crusade, on which Richard
Coeur-de-Lion was just starting. It was possible that even the
leaders of the riot were combining business and religion in their
attack on the Jews. They were all connected with various jj
abbeys, and their names occur in the Abbey Cartularies, as we
have seen. The Fauconbridges were the great patrons of the
Abbey of Welbeck, and Malebysse himself was afterwards the
founder of Newbo, co. Lincoln. This religious side of the attadL
was led by a white-robed monk of the Premonstrateusianjorder,
who was the most conspicuous figure in the attack throug^jit
the two or three days it lasted. Now Welbeck was one of the
few Premonstrateusian abbeys in England, and it is not stretching
the point too far to suggest that this monk was a relation of the
Fauconbridges, or perhaps of the De Cuckneys, Cuckney being
a village near Welbeck. It was the death of this monk that
exasperated the leaders so much and gave an incentive to the
final cruel and treacherous scenes.
THE YORK RIOT. 391
punishment inflicled upon the riolerE was no means
adequate lo their offence. Richard was doubly incensed, at the
loss lo the Royal Treasury, and the offence lo the royal dignity.
And his Chancellor, William Longchamp, undertook the task
of punisbment with the more zeal, as the leaders were, as we
have seen, all of the parly of Hugh Pudsey, Bishop of Durham,
and Longchamp's chief rival (Norgate, l.c. ii., 2R6). But Long-
champ's rule was short, and Prince John reinstated Pudsey, and
we lind immediately afterwards Richard Malebysse restored to
his forest rights, and even by paying a fine was granted posses-
sion of his land taken from him by Ihe king (P. R., item 124)-
Of Richard Malebysse'!; after fate we have abundant evidence;
it was uniformly successful to the end, one regrets to observe.
In izoo he gets warren for his land at Acastre, Cemanns thorp,
Scallon, and Alby (Rot. Lit. CI., 51*]. A year later, we find
him making airangemenls about other lands in Marton and
Tolesby, Newenham, Bnggely, Scallon, Halmby, Dale. He
obtains "rectum frussiandi" in TJsan and Coldric {pblales,
p. 55, cf. 379). These and other places mentioned in Pipe
Rolls 3 and 10, Ric, I. (Galesbris, Kepwerk, Toreoton, Stinton)
are all in Yorkshire, and one of them to Ibis day preserves,
written as it were on English soil, a record of (he arch villain of
the Vork tragedy in the village of Acaster Malsis, hve miles
south of York,
He was clearly a large landed proprietor, and it is not 1
prising to find him sent as ambassador to the King of Scot!
1300 (Close Roll, p. 99), and appointed Chief Justice of the
YotkAssiic, 4 Jo. (Foster, Yoriikirc Pidignes, ■•Beckwith of
Clint"), and he showed his zeal for religion by founding the
monastery of Newbo, co. Lincoln, in 1 198. He had sons who
succeeded him, hul the family ultimately were incojp orated, by
a female descendant, with the Beckwitlis of Clint.
I
392 APPENDIX,
Yet he did not go altogether unpunished for his ciastardljr
attack on a set of defenceless and harmless strangers. It vas
for money that be planned the deed, and in his hopes of fredn^
himself from debt to the Jews he was disappointed. As late as
1205 we find him being freed from all usuries to. .the Jews whik
he was in the King's service (Close Roll, 58ft), probably in /
Scotland, whither he was sent as ambassador as we have seen. 1
The York riot is the central fact in the pre-expulsion histoiy
of the Jews of England. Their position worsened from that
date till their expulsion one hundred years later. Yet it was a
scene in which the Jews came out in far brighter colours than
their enemies, animated as they were by the highest motives,
while the besiegers of CliiFord's Tower were mainly, as we have
seen, animated by a desire to evade their just debts.
XV. -ISAAC OF YORK.
In 1864 a great " find " of 6,000 of what are called " short-
cross '' pennies (silver) was made at Eccles. These are so called
to distinguish them from the later long-cross pennies where the
cross on the reverse of the coin reaches the rim, so as to enable
clipping to be easily detected. This expedient was adopted in
1247, so that the short-cross pennies are prior to that date.
Their peculiarity is, however, that they all bear the head and
superscription of Henry II., none being known with those of
Richard or John. It is clear that Henry's name and counter-
feit presentment was used on the coins of his two sons. The
distinguishing mark of the coinage consists in the name of the
moneyer, which is invariably placed on the reverse ; there are no
less than 240 different names included in the Eccles find from
about twenty local mints. (See the hst in the late W. S. W.
Vaux*s Paper on the Eccles find. Numismatic Chronicle, New
Series, V., pp. 219-254.)
I
ISAAC OF YORK. 393
From Ihe large nuinher and variety of the coins foand at
Eceles, Dr. (now Sir) Joha Evans was enabled to make a number '
of induclion3, which gave an almost complete answer to what
lias been known among English numismatists as '■ The Short
I Cross Question" {Numism. CAron., i.e., pp. 219-254). From'
certain minute variations in the effigy of Heni^' II. on the ca
I arrangemeot of hair, etc., he was enabled to distiaguisb five
■ different types, ranging from iiBo to IS47, while from the few
names of moneyers known from the Records, Pipe Rolls, e
he was enabled to distinguish the chronological sequence of the
types. Besides this, he determined the <Iate of an earlier jind
of 6,000 pennies of Henry II. at Tealhy described in A rchteotogia,
' xviii., 1-8 as being (rom the earliest dies of Henry's reign, and
datmg therefore from 1158-70. His investigations have si
1865, the date of this Paper, been rcgardeed as decisive and
epochmaking.
Among the coins in the Eceles find were several with the
moneycr's name ISAC ON EVERWIC, Isaac of (on) Evei
or Yorit. Mr. Hubert Hall, in his Court Life under ihe
Plaatagfnits, has regarded this moneyer as a Jew, and Ihe
question is of the greater intercsl owing to the coincidence of the
name with that chosen by Sir Walter Scott for the principal Je»
in his Ivanhof. The point in favour of the identifcation, besides
the probability of a connection between Jews and money, is
Biblical name, but these were by no means uncommon among
Englishmen. At any rale, if Ihis is lo be conadered at all
decisive, it seems worth while considering it wilh the other
Biblical or Jewish -looking names among the moneyers whose
names are found on the short -cross pennies among Mr. Vaujt's
and Sir J. Evans's lists ; they are as follows, placing them in
alphabetical order, with the inscription and place of coinage,
together with the types of coinage with B'hich each nair
394
APPENDIX.
1
associated. I. refers to coins minted 1180-90; II., 1 190-1205;
III., IV , 1205-12 16 ; v., 1216-47. It is obviously only the first
two of these types which concern us here.
BENEIT
ON
LVNDE
London
II.
DAVI
»»
EVERWIC
York
n. in. IV.
DAVI
>>
LVND
London
n. 1
ISAC
»»
EVERWIC
York
I.
NICHOLE
»»
CANT
Canterbury
IV. V.
NICOLE
»»
LYN
Lynn
ITT.
NICOLE
)»
EVERWIC
York
III.
SAMVEL
>>
CANT
Canterbury
IT. m. IV.
SALEMV
»>
CANT
»»
in.
SIMON
»»
CICE
Chichester
III. V.
SIMON
»»
CANT
Canterbury
I. III. IV. V.
f
Now if these were all Jews it would be strange if we could not
identify some of them at least with the names mentioned in the
Records. There is a Benedict of London mentioned in Richard j
of Anesty*s account, c. 1160. There is a Josce fil David of |
London mentioned in the first list of London Jews, 1 186. There !
is an Isaac fil Mosse of York mentioned in the Pipe Rolls, }
3 Ric. I., and an Isaac Blund of York mentioned in Fine Rolls i
of 1205. There is a Samuel fil Jacob of Canterbury mentioned
in the Northampton Donum of 1 194, as well as a Simon, nephew
of Jacob of Canterbury. But none of these are mentioned as
•'monetarii,*' and it was a law of Henry I. "Quod nullus ausus
sit cambire denarios nisi monetarius regis " (Ruding, Annals of
Coinage^ ii. 138). Not a single one of the names can, therefore,
be identified with any probability with the name of a known Jew
of the twelfth century, and the possibility of any single one of
ISAAC OF i ORK. 395
them being a Jew is almost annihilaled by this Tact.* I (hink
wc may take it for granted that a Jew could not be a moneyer.
The reason was, I imagine, that moneyers had to take the oalh
of fealty (Sir John Evans, I.e., p. 290), and this included a
Christian formula which a Jew could not take. The whole
inquiry throws lighl on a mysterious passage of the Pipe Rtdl
for 27 Hen. II., in which Isaac of Rochester and Isa
(Isaac of TchcrnigofF mentioned by the author of the Sepker
Hashahani), and Isaac of Beverley arc fined because Ihey ate said
to have exchanged ot minted {cambivisst). The former could
not well be an offence, but the latter was, according to the law
of Henry I. qnoted above from Ruding, and we may be toler-
ably certain that none of the three Isaacs or any other Jew would
be allowed lo mint, possibly for fear of false coinage,
whole investigation proves, I thini;, that we may nail
so-called Jewish coins of Isaac of York to the countt
numismatic intjuiry.
I tnay add that Scott was unfortunate in naming liis chief
Jewish character Isaac of York, as at the time at which he
places the action of his novel, vi^. : in 1194, the da
Richard's return, there were no Jews at York, owing ti
scare caused by the massacre of H90. They are consjjicuous by
their absence from the list of njmes of the contributoiies lo the
Northampton Donum Rebecca also was a 1
among English Jewesses of the twelfth century, the nearest
approach being Biket, a servant in London, 11E6. KirjatI
Jearim, the name of one of the minor Jews, is
39^ APPENDIX,
town not of a person and, as Mr. Israel Abrahams has shown,
taken with some of the other names from Marlowe's "Jew of
Malta."
XVI. -JEWISH AUTHORITIES.
The Jewish Authorities I have used throughout this book,
translations of which take up nearly a quarter of its length, are
very various in kind. Histories, commentaries, legal responses
and deeds, grammatical and exegetical works, sacred poems and
satyric doggrel, translations and ritual codes — I have pressed all
into the service of history. In the following list I arrange them
alphabetically and give succinct accounts of their character and
value. The paginations, as in § I, refer to the pages of this book
on which the various authorities are quoted. Jewish authors are
placed in the order of their first names. Those who lived in
England are dealt with especially in § XIX., to which the reader
is referred under each name.
Abraham Ibn Ezra, Browning's ** Rabbi ben Ezra,*' pp. 29-38,
262-3. One of the most eminent and versatile of medieval Jews.
For a characterisation see supra p. 29 and cf. Dr. Friedlander's
Essays on Abraham Ibn Ezra. Prof. Bacher has written on
him as grammarian {A. i. E. als Grammatiker 1881) and as
exegete {Einleitung zu Pentateuch Commentary 1876^ Dr.
Steinschneider on his mathematical productions. Dr. Rosin on
his secular poetry {Reiffie und Gedichte, 4 hfte 1891), Dr. Egers
has edited his Diwan^ 1886, and Prof. Graetz has written on his
travels and the chronological order of his works {Geschichte der
Juden vi, note 8) . Of the two books he wrote while in England
in 1158, the extracts given above, pp. 29 seq. 35 seq. will
sufficiently indicate the character. The Yesod Aloreh (best
edition that of Creizenach with translation, Leipzig 1840) was
JEWISH AUTHORJTIES.
397
ills chief contribution to theology. 1 be Sabbath Efistlt (best
edition in the Hebrew periodical Kerem Chemtd, iv. p. 158 seq.)
deals with the view (probably R. Solomon ben Meir's) thai the-j
day began with sunrise, which would lead in bis opinion
desecration of the Sabbath. It is probable that Browtimj> had
Ibn Ezra in view in his " Rabbi Ben Ezra," though he
probably unaware that his prototype visited Englond.
. Abraimm ben Nathan, wboEe .fe/AifrZ/aMianAilf (" Book of
.Customs") is quoted p. 224 fur a reference to England,
I born in Lunel, c 1150, aad after much wanc^ering settled down
'.\a Toledo, where about 1204 be wrote bis book (best edition by
jGoldberg, 1854), describing the dilTerecces of ritual observaace
laniDQg the Jews of Ihe various lands he had vL-dted. A fiiU
^account of the boolt was given by Dr. D. Cassel in the JubiU
schrifl in honour of the great scbolar Zunz, pp. IZ2-137.
n Beracbyah Nakdan, pp. 165-73,196-9, 266-8. See J XIX.
Ephraim ben Jacob of Bonn wrote a Jewish martyrology of j
the second and third Crusades, from which extracts are given,
.pp. 23, I07-S, 130-1. I have used the text printed at the end
"Wiener's edition of the Emek Habacka of Joseph Cohen, q.
Jaal a better one has recently been published by Drs. Neubann
,and Stem in Hebraische Berichte iiber die yuiUn-nerfolgungat
tiia/ircad Jir JCrermtugi, Berlin, 1S92.
Elchanan ben Isaac. See Tosapkctk and { XIX.
_ Emek Habttcha, see Joseph Cohen,
b Jacob ben Jehudaof London, author of a ritual and
^nrk entitled Els Chayim (-Tree of Life"), the MS. of which
is still extant at Leiplic. It wa.s written about 1287, and
been ftdly described by f rof. Kaufmann in iwo articles of the
yew. Quart. Rev., IV. pp. 20 seq., 550 scq., from the tatter of
which have been translated the extracts on p. 189.
Isaac ben Moses of Vienna, a Rabbi of the thineenth
398 APPENDIX,
who died at Wiirzberg, and compiled the halachic or legal com-
pilation Or Saruay from the MS. of which extracts are quoted
on pp. 146, 241-2.
Jacob of Rameru, knoMm as Rabbi Tarn, died 1 171, from
whose school was derived Sepher Hayashar^ from which extracts
are given on pp. 25-6.
Jehuda ben Eliezer, a French Jew,^. 1300, compiled from
previous exegetes a commentary on the Pentateuch, termed
Minhat Jehuda^ from which extracts are given, pp. 81, 98.
Joseph Bechor Shor, pp. 23-5. See § XIX.
Joseph Cohen, a native of Avignon (1496- 15 75), who compiled
from earlier chroniclers and annalists a martyrology of the Jews,
^xi\X^t,d^ Emek Hdbachay ("Valley of Tears") from which is ex-
tracted the extract on p. 4 The late M. Loeb wrote an
elaborate work on him and his' sources [Joseph Haccohen et
les chronicleurs juifs^ Paris, 1888). There is a good Grerman
translation by Wiener, 1858.
Joseph Kimchi, Ibe father of scientific Hebrew grammar in
the North of Europe, flourished at the end of the twelfth
century. His grammar Sepher Galuy has recently been edited
by Mr. H. J. Matthews from a MS. which likewise contains
glosses by a certain R Benjamin, who was probably of Cam-
bridge, and a specimen is accordingly given above p. 281.
Joseph ben Nathan the Official, a French Rabbi of the
thirteenth century, a quotation from a MS. work of whom, given
in Dr. Neubauer's catena of Rabbinic commentaries on Isaiah
liii., refers to Joseph Bechor Shor and is given above p. 259. A
full account of the MS. was given by M. Z. Kahn in Revue des
etudes juives^ t. iii from which another extract is given on p.
224-5.
Meir of Rothenburg, one of the most distinguished of Geraian
Rabbis towards the end of the thirteenth century, mentions in
yE WISH A UTHORITIES. 399
one of his Responses a curious fact relating to the Jews of
England in the preceding century, which is given on p. 54. On
his status in Germany and long incarceration see a long note at
theend of the preface of Wiener's Regesten and Graetz Geschichte,
Bd. VII. Note 9.
Minhat Jehttda^ see Jehuda ben Eliezer.
Mordecai ben Hillel, a Nuremburg Jew, ob. 13 10, who col-
lected a large number of decisions of previous authorities on
Talmudical questions, among which occur the passages quoted
pp. 53, 54, III. There have been several editions since the
ED. PR. of Alfasi's codification of Talmudic Law at Constan-
tinople, 1509, on which the Mordecai^ as it is called, is a running
commentary. A monograph on him and his sources was
written by Dr. Kohn and went through several numbers of
Graetz' Monatsschrift 1876-9 and was published separately.
Moses (?ben Yomtob) of London, see § XIX.
Moses Taku or of Tachau, who died at Vienna c 1290, wrote
a curious work against the evils of philosophical speculation, en-
titled Ketah Tamim (published in the Hebrew periodical Ozar
Nechtnady iii. p. 54 seq.) in which occurs the passage on p. 264.
On him see Graetz z.c, VII. 168-70.
Or Sarua. See Isaac ben Moses.
Sepher Hajaskar, see Jacob of Rameru.
Shetaroth, or Hebrew Deeds of English Jews, were edited by
Mr. M. D. Davis in 1888, for the Anglo- Jewish Historical Ex-
hibition. Unfortunately almost all of them are of the thirteenth
century, only three referring to our period, those given on pp.
76, 77, 268.
Shibbole Halleket. See Zedekiah Anaw.
Solomon Luria, a sixteenth century Rabbi, of Lublin, in
Poland, gives in a Response (reprinted in Graetz, Geschichte^ vi ,
note 1 ) some information on EngHsh Rabbis, quoted on p. 54.
26
400 APPENDIX.
Tosaphoth are commentaries on the Talmud, additional to,
but from the same school as, those of Rashi (R. Solomon ben
Isaac of Troyes, ob. 1104). Passages are quoted, pp. 52-3, 116,
178. A full account of the Tosaphists is given by Zimz, Zur
Geschichte^ Berlin, i?45, pp. 29-60. A separate collection of
Tosaphoth, compiled by R. Elchanan ben Isaac, is extant in a
MS. now at Ramsgate, from which a quotation is given on
p. 269.
Zedekiah Anaw, a Jewish physician of Rome in the thirteenth
century, compiled earlier decisions on ritual questions in his
Shtbbole Halleket, from a Cambridge MS., of which a passage is
quoted on p. 286.
Many of these authorities, it will be observed, are of the
thirteenth century, or even considerably later, and at first sight
might not seem deserving of quotation as contem|X)rary. But
they are mostly compilations, and the passages quoted by them
are generally accurate. These are mostly from works of the
twelfth century not now extant, but clearly of contemporary
authority. Reference may perhaps be made to a number of
articles which have appeared in the Jewish Quarterly Review
where some of these authorities have been referred to or points
of Angevin Jewish history discussed : —
I. 182-3. y. Jacobs, A Mediaeval School of Massorites
among the Jews of England.
286-8. J. Jacobs. When did the Jews first settle in
England }
II. 322-30. A. Neubauer. English Massorites.
330-338. J' Jacobs. A Reply.
520-26. A. Neubauer. Berechiah Naqdan.
III. 555-66. D. Kaufmann. Three Centuries of the Genea-
logy of the most eminent Anglo-Jewish Family
before 1290.
ANGLO-JEWISH LriERATVRE, 401
776-8. y.yacobs. Three Centurieii of the Hagin Family. I
IV. 20^3. D Kaufmann. The Prayer Book accordin
the Ritual of England before ibe Expulsic
550-61. D.KauJmann. The Ritual of the Seder and the I
Agada of the English Jews hefore the Expul* T
628-55. J- Jof^obs. Notes on (he jews of England under I
the Angevin Kings.
V. 98. J. yoiohs. Furlher Notes on the Jews of An- ]
gevin England.
[First draft of Introduction and Appendix of present work.]
158, M. D. Davis. An Anglo-Jewish Divorce A.O1I
1242.
351.2. M. D. Davis. Jews at Harford.
References to earlier articlet> on the suhject may be found fgB
Jacobs and Wolf, Sibliolheca Angle-yudaica, 1888, the fastM
part of which gli'es a complete bibliography up to that dale of J
lliE history of the Jews of England before 1290. Sec especially
Nos. 79, 80, 116, 146.
XVll.- ANGLO-JEWISH LITER.OURE m THE
TWELFTH CENTURY.
The twelfth century was the flourishing period of mediKval
Jewish lilerature. It was the era of the great Maimnnides, the
greatest name of aU. It counted the two sweetest singers of
Israel, Muses ibn Esra and Jehuda Halevi, the most attractive
Jewish figure since Bible limes. It saw the rise of modem
Hebrew grammar with the Kimchis, whose work has not been
without influence on the Authorised Version, A whole row of
Jewish philosophers, mostly writing in Arabic, adorned the era.
The Jewish Marco Polo, Benjamin of Tudela, was of that cen-
tury and 90 wa« Abraham ibn Ezra, who cotnbmed in himself
401 APPENDIX.
all the qualities of the rest. It saw with the Ibn Tibbons the
beginnings of the work of translation which was to restore Greek
learning to Europe via Arabia. Alfasi, the great codifier, and
Rashi, the great commentator, lived into the twelfth century, if
only for three or four years.
All these names except tho last were from Spain or at least
Southern Europe. The Jews of France and Germany were
more concerned with the Law and its demands than with poetry,
philosophy, and science. The one thing in which the French
Jews in particular held the lead was in the explanation of the
Talmud, in which they followed and added to the commentaries
of R Solomon ben Isaac of Troyes, known as Rashi (t 1 104). A
band of disciples, many of them his grandchildren (R. Tam and
Rashbam) or relatives, made additional commentaries on Bible
and Talmud which were known as Tosaphoth or additions.
Northern Europe was less cultured than Arabia, Spain, or
Provence, and the Jews have always shared the culture of their
neighbours. Brilliant as was the century for the Jews of the
South it was by no means radiant among their more northerly
brethren.
It has till lately been assumed that the English Jews shared in
this comparative want of culture of their neighbours. Not a
single name was known of importance among them in the century
under review. Yet England itself was the home of a remarkable
outburst of literary activity towards the latter half of the twelfth
century. The same reasoning which would lead us to expect
little from the Jews of Germany or France during this period
would cause us to expect brighter things from the Jews of Eng-
land. The result of my researches during the past' five years has
shown that this general presumption was not unjustified. Some
of the resjlts at which I have arrived are still hjqjothetical, but
others have been remarkably confirmed by new discoveties, while
ANGLO-yEWISH LITERATURE.
olbers, while still remaininE in the liyliiithelical stage, havt
accepted by leading authorities on the subject, e.^.,Pror.
the greatest living autborily on the history of Jewish grami
has accepted my dating of the Aoglq-Jewish grammari;
Moses ben Yomtob and Moses ben Isaac. At the same lioie't)
wish to emphasise that much of what I am about to sketch bFi
still hypothetical, and awdts further investif
linnation.
The English Jews seera nevertheless to
iheir first impetus from theu- neighbours the French Jew^
The earliest whom we can trace is R. Simeon Chaaid ufTreves,
who appears to have been over here for some 40 years [1106-46;
see pp. 23, Z53]. But it was from Orleans that the chief aeholflls
came. Jacob of Orleans was over here at tl
Richardl.,ani! Joseph of Orleans, known as Joseph Bechor S]
was, according to my hypothesis, the head Jew of Londt
nearly 60 years earlier. Other French Jews of distmction
helped to kindle the torch of learning in this country wert
Yomtob of Joigny the leader of the York community, who
the prime iostigatoi of the self- slaughter of [I90; R. Sami
ben Solomon of Falaise, known as '• Sir Morell of England,
according to my views, R Elchanan ben isaac of Dampiei
his most important pupil Jehuda ben Isaac, "Sir Leon of Paria,^
(see Iteit section). Besides these, other Jewish visitors froitf
France mentioned as scholars are Chaim of Paris, whom i identify
with Vives dc Paris [supra p. 240), Isaac ben Yomtob of
Joigoy, Joseph ben Jacob of Morell for whom Abrahi
Eara wrote his Yesad Mi/reh in London, and R. Moses of
(tupm p. 225).
The most illustrious of the visitors, however, «
Ihn Eira, who was certainly in England fi-om May to Deceml
of [he year 115(1 and probably visited it again
tob of
m Ibn
>raha^H
J
404 APPENDIX.
Joseph ben Jacob heard him interpret Genesis according to the
second version of his commentary which is dated in that year
{supra p. 263). The mere fact of his visit implies a body of
learned Jews capable of appreciating his lectures. Now it is
characteristic that in his Yesod Moreh^ written in London, May,
1 1 58, when dealing with the subjects of study current among
Jews he places first the knowledge of the Massora, i e of the
grammatical peculiarities of the Sacred Text. For among
the Jewish scholars I would locate in England in the twelfth
century some of the most important were Massorites, called
Nakdanim or Punctuators. Indeed it may be said with some
confidence that in the twelfth century England was the home ot
the Massora.
The earliest master of the Massora and Hebrew Grammar was
Samuel Nakdan, whose work on Hebrew Grammar is still extant
in MS. at the Berlin Royal Library (see Steinschneider's
Catalog,^. 100, and supra p. 162). His views are expressly
stated by Steinschneider to bear signs of priority to the influence
of the Spanish and Proven9al school of the Kimchis. It
is therefore not surprising that we find his authority
quoted by Berachyah Nakdan (p. 198) and R. Benjamin
of Canterbury (or Cambridge) bolh of whom were in
England and opposed to the new philology introduced by the
Kimchis. The comments of the latter especially, on Joseph
Kimchi's grammatical treatise Sepher Galuy, are a running
protest in the name of Samuel. Him I identify with the Samuel
le Pointur of Bristol mentioned in the Northampton Donum of
1 194.
Besides these authorities on the Massora there were two
Anglo-Jewish scholars of the name of Moses who executed
important works of a Massoretic and grammatical character.
The earlier of these, Moses ben Yomtob of London, is declared
ANGLO-yE WISH LITERA TURE. 4.05
by a Berlin codei tobtthe author oSi^tDarkeNikudox "Rules '
of Piincluiition " which is In fhia day appended lo the editions
of the Rabbinic Bibles and may be thus legarded as the standard
lest-hook on llie subject. He is quoted by his pupil 1
ben Isaac Hanassiah (Comitissa of Cambridge} whose woij^J
Sephir Shaham ur "Onyx Book" ha; not yet been c
pletely edited. He shows the influence of the elder Kimchi, so^l
that the independence of the English school of Mas^^orilcs ha^-l
been broken down by the cotnparaiive philology applied by tbel
Spanish and Provcn:;al Jews to Hebrew for the first time iufl
the history of the sdence. Moses ben Isaac shows s
acquaintance with Arabic. Alloeetber the English gramniatical
school — consisting of Samuel Nakdan, Moses Nakdan, Benjamin
of Cambridge aud Moses ben Isaac — was the moat important
one in North Europe during the latter half of the twelfth centuiy, J
Besides gromm^ir there is some evidence of a proficiency infl
legal casuistry among the English Jews. A reference i;
long genealogy given above, p. 254, shows that Yomtob the "
father of Moses Nakdan was the author of a work entitled
S^hif Tanaim, and from a reference by Zunz (Zur Gcsckicktt
'93) it wontd seem that tiiis was a legal work. Decisions by R.
Moses, of London and R. Menachem, of London have also been
found during my researches {supra pp. :37-2g2), though it now
tnms ont tbat the former was probably of the thirteenth century.
The remarkable code of education given on pp. 243-251 deserves I
mention here as a proof of wide culture. And Prof. Kaufmannl
has recently shown from a Hebrew MS. in the Leipzig Municipal 1
Library, dated 1187, that the English Jews of the thirteenth
century had a characteristic ritual which was probably developed
from the French form in the twelfth, if, as is also possible, it did
not preserve the original form brought from France 1
eleventh century. One Uturgical piece, composed by R. Yomtob .■
I
m
-A
id
tub.^H
4q6 appendix.
of Joigny, later of York, for the Day of Atonement, the great
fast of the Jewish calendar, has proved to be the most popular
hymn of that solemn day and is still used in all the synagogues of
the Ashkenazic or so-called German rite.
Of science there is but little trace. One of the visitors,
Elchanan ben Isaac, was the author of an astronomical work
Sod Ha-Ihhur^ now lost, while Berachyah Nakdan translated a
treatise on mineralogy corresponding to the mediaeval Lapidaria
as well as Adelard of Bath's QucesHones Naturales {supra pp.
196-98). Berachyah was mdeed a most versatile writer.
Besides these translations of scientific works, he commented on
several books of the Old Testament (p. 198), wrote an ethical
treatise (p. 172), was a grammarian of repute as his byname of
Nakdan would imply and, above all, was the author of the
Mishle Shualim ox '*P'ox Fables.*' This was a collection of
107 Fables of the -^sopic kind, many of which were derived
from the East, and bears the marks of adaptation or translation
(pp. 165-172). They are written in rhymed prose with much
vigour and wit, and stamp Berachyah Nakdan as one of the
most original and striking figures in media3val Jewish literature.
My researches into Anglo -Jewish history would be sufficiently
rewarded if I have succeeded in reclaiming for his native land
Berachyah Nakdan, henceforth, I hope, to be known as
Benedict le Puncteur of Oxford.
XVIII.— WAS SIR LEON EVER IN LONDON .?
Most persons w^ho see the above query will be inclined to
answer it more Hibernico by two others : Who was Sir Leon ?
and. What does it matter if he did or did not come to London ?
I will soon answer the first, and the other query will answer
itself during the course of this inquiry.
Who, then, was Sir Leon } On opening a page of the
Talmud the reader will observe in the middle of it the text of
WAS SIR LEON EVER IN LONDON? 407
the Gem&ra in square characters, meandering between two
columns of commentary in the so-called ** Rashi " type. The
inner margin is taken up by the comments of Rashi himself (R.
Solomon ben Isaac, 1040— 1 105), without which the text of the
Gremara would be incomprehensible. The outer margin is taken
up by additions (Tosaphoth) by a r.umber of Jewish scholars
who followed in Rashi' s wake during the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries. They are known in Jewish literature as the Tosa-
phists or Adders : the Hebrew root 'is the same as that of
Joseph, who was also an adder, or addition. There are nearly
200 of them named in the Tosaphoth, and the great scholar
Zunz has compiled a Hst of them in his Zur Geschichte (pp.
29-59). Among these, three stand out prominent: R. Tam,
Rashi's grandson, in the middle of the twelfth centiuy; R.
Meir, of Rothenburg, who died in 1293 ; and, between the two,
Jehuda ben Isaac, called also "Sir Leon of Paris," holds
perhaps the most prominent position. Zunz (p. 35) sums up
what is known of his life and connections in the following
paragraph :
"Jehuda ben Isaac of Paris, called Sir Leon, bom 1166, died
1224, was a pupil of the elder Isaac [b. Samuel of Dompaire]
(and of his son Elchanan, it is added in a note) and his father-
in-law Abraham was the son of R. Jehoseph [of Orleans].
His Tosaphoth are frequently quoted, especially those on the
Tractates Sabbath, Berachoth and Jebamoth. He received the
surname of *the Pious,* corresponded with R. Joseph ben
Isaac, and among his pupils was Jehuda Cohen of Friedberg.'*
Dr. Gross has written an elaborate account of Sir Leon's
Tosaphoth, and the authorities therein quoted (Berliner's Mag-
azine 1877, pp. 173-187), but adds nothing to the above
biographical details. We know, however, the important fact
(for our present inquiry) that Philip Augustus drove all Jews
4o8 APPENDIX,
out of Paris in 1 182, when Sir Leon was a youngster ^oi 16, and
did not allow them to return till 1198, after which time Sir Leon
returned to his native place and founded there an important
School of Tosaphists. The point I wish to make is that Sir
Leon lived in England during the period 1182-98.
The point which first led me to this conjecture was his some-
what peculiar name. There are only two "Knights** given
among the Tosaphists, " Sir** Leon, and " Sir ** Morell. The
latter, whose full name was R. Samuel b. Solomon of Fdaise,
is on one occasion definitely referred to as "Sir Morell of
England'* (see supra, p. 53). Guided by this clue I have been
able to determine the date of " Sir ** Morell*s death. For in
the Pipe Roll of 3 Richard I. under the heading "Nordf et Sudf.
Nova Oblata,** there is an entry stating that Josce Crispin and
the two daughters of Morell and their sureties, owe 1 00 shillings
for sharing the books of the said Morell. The very passage
from which we know Sir Morell to have been in England,
informs us that he had three daughters.
We know " Sir Morell ** to have been in England, and we
find here a scholar named Morell dying in the year 1 192, leaving
behind so many books that there had to be a decision of the
court for their partition among his daughters. The only
biographical fact given by Zunz in connection with " Sir "
Morell is that he was a teacher of R. Elias, the martyr of
Aborwick, and Dr. Neubauer has already suggested that the
name of the town is York, which would fix his martyrdom in
1 1 90, two years before his master Morell died at Norwich. On
the other hand it is clear that Sir Morell could not have been,
as Zunz asserts, the teacher of Meir of Rothenburg, who was
not bom at the time of Morell*s death. Altogether we may
take it for established that Sir Morell was one of the long
sought-for "Wise men of Norwich,'* and died about 1192
leaving two daughters.
WAS SIR LEON EVER IN LONDON? +og '
" Sir ",'Morel!_ being thus shown to be from England, i
becomes ])robabIe Ihat tte title "Sir" is a specially Englidi 1
just a5 " En " is speciiilly Provencal. We oughl, there, i
to eipect to find the other " Sir," Sir J>on of Paris, also J
iin EnEland. If he was in this country there is every reas
expecting to find traces of him in the Latin records which begin 1
to grow specially numerous and accessible towards the end of I
the twelfth century, just at the time when, if ever, he visited f
piese shores. We have especially two lists of the ejirly London j
Jews compiled respectively at Gnildford in 1186 and at Nor-
thampton in 1 194, which ought to give us what we want (supra, \
pp. 89 and 163).
I would direct the reader's attention to the second name ii
e Guildford list on p. 89, viz., Leo Blund. In the list he ii
gandwiched between Abraham fil Rabbi and Abraham's soi
Samuel, both Leo and Samuel are placed among the richest
Contributors, though their own contributions are but modest ;
there is therefore a presumption that Leo was in some way
ected with Abraham fil Rabbi, tbe second most important
personage in the London community of the lime. Now we know
from Abraham's brother, Isaac fil Rabijoce, that their father
IS named Joseph, and he happens to occur under the cv
Tu " Rubigotsce " in the only Pipe Roll extant from the reign I
of Hen. I. dated II30-I. From other matcriaJs in my possessi
■ I am enabled to draw Qp a genealogy of the family as followf :
Rubirot.ce
Vbuic ei Rabbi Abiabam fil Rabbi
I I
Joics Muriel .Samuel Samsan
In the earliest list then of London Jews we have an Abraham,
son of Joseph, put side by ^de with a Leon just when '
Leon " was of age, and could not have been in Paris, and we 1
410 APPENDIX.
know that Sir Leon was married to the daughter of Abraham,
son of Joseph. It is the most obvious step to identify Sir Leon
with Leo Blund and Abraham ben Jehoseph with Abraham fil
Rabbi. See, too, how this agrees with another biographical
item given by Zunz. Sir Leon corresponded with one R. Joseph
ben Isaac, and among the cousins of the wife we have provision-
ally given him is a Josce fil Ysaac, who, in 1 194, was the second
richest man in the London community, as we know from the
list of London Jews in the Northampton Donum (supra^
p. 163). This list also contains Leo Blund in the form
** Leun le Blund," or " the Blond " from which we learn that
Sir Leon, if this be he, was a fair Jew, which was probably
a greater rarity in the early middle ages than now when bad
nurture has introduced so much eruthrism among Jews. The
only other notice of Leo is that he entered into partnership with
Deulebenie of Chichester. In the loth year of Ric. I., 1198-9,
all the Jewish items of the Pipe Rolls, including the arrears of
the Guildford tallage, were transferred to special Jews rolls no
longer extant for John's reign. But Leo Blund does not occur
in the Charter, Patent, Close, Fine or Oblate Rolls for John's
reign which are all extant and printed — all of which confirms
the probability that he left England somewhere about 1 198, just
the time when Sir Leon was enabled to return to his native
place, Paris. Though he returned, I find evidence that he left
behind him in England a son, Abraham. For in the Oblate
Rolls, printed by Roberts for the Record Commission, there is
a treble mention of one "Abraham fil Jude de Parisiis," who
lived somewhere in Somerset in the years 1205-8. Few will
doubt that this is a son of Jehuda ben Isaac of Paris, named
Abraham in honour of his maternal grandfather, and probably
identical with Abraham ben Jehuda mentioned among the
Tosaphists (Bama Kama 87b., ap. Zunz, Z.G. 48}, and if Sir
PVAS SII^ LEON EVER IN LONDON? 41 1
Leon's son is found in England, the presumption is increased
that he himself had stayed here for some years. The fact that
his son does not call himself Abraham fil Leonis need not
disturb us. Mr. M. D. Davis has frequently pointed out how
-names Varied between the sacred and secular. It would be
quite normal for a Jehuda to call himself Leo, in reference to
Jacob's blessing (Gen. xlix. 9), for his English neighbours to
call him ** Leo the Blond " because of his fair hair, for his Paris
friends to call him " Sir Leon " because of his English ways,
and for after-ages to refer to him as "Sir Leon of Paris,"
because his chief activity as Tosaphist was shown in that city.
It would be equally natural that Abraham would think of his
fisither as R. Jehuda, of Paris, who was by this time establishing
himself as the greatest Talmudical authority of the age.
Altogether there is estabHshed sufficient probability of the
identification of Sir Leon with Leo Blund for us to adapt it as a
provisional hypothesis and proceed to verify it by working out
its consequences.
For if Sir Leon were Leo Blund and Abraham fil Rabbi's
son-in-law, Abraham fil Rabbi was R. Abraham ben Joseph of
Orleans, an important Tosaphist, and his father •* Rubigotsce "
was R. Jehoseph of Orleans, a still more important Tosaphist.
Drs. Berliner and Gross even identify Joseph of Orleans with
Joseph Bechor Shor, the most important twelfth century exegete
after Abraham ibn Ezra ; his commentary on the first three
books of the Pentateuch was edited thirty years ago by Dr.
Jellinek. A remarkable and unexpected confirmation of this is
given by the seal figured on p. 26. There is mention of a R.
Solomon ben Isaac, a stranger, being concerned with R. Joseph
of Orleans in settling a dispute, and the very seal of this stranger
is found in these islands. This relation with Orleans explains why
R. Jacob of Orleans was over in London in 1189, when he was
412 APPENDIX.
murdered at Richard I.'s coronation. R. Jehuda of Paris (Sir
Leon) quotes R, Joseph of Orleans as his master (Zunz, Lit^,
285) which agrees with om- h5rpothesis. The heads of the
London community had hereditary connection with Orleans.
Still more follows. For as Leo Blund was here already estab-
lished in 1 186, he must have come over here almost immediately
after leaving Paris in 1182, and must therefore have received his
finishing in Talmudic learning in this country. But his chief
masters were the elder Isaac, Rashi*s great-grandson, and
Elchanan, the son of the said Isaac. Now it is a striking thing
that there was a ** Deodatus Episcopus Judaeorum '* flourishing
at London just at the time when Sir Leon was at the age of a
learner : he is mentioned in the Pipe Rolls of 23-4 Hen. II.
(II 77-8). Dr. H. Adler has already suggested that the Hebrew
name of Deodatus was either Nathaniel or Elchanan {Papers
Anglo-Jewish Exhibition, p. 262), and it would of course
strengthen my case immensely if Deodatus turns out to be the
Elchanan ben Isaac, who taught Sir Leon. What do we know
of this Elchanan ? In the Response of Solomon Luria, which
forms the basis of our knowledge of the succession of the Tosa-
phists, it is mentioned that Elchanan was killed in the year
1 184 (Graetz, Gesch. vi.). Now Deodatus was we have seen an
Episcopus or Dayan in London in 11 78, and in 1 186 we find the
three Dayanim to be Isaiah, Vivos, and Abraham. It is certain
therefore, if my interpretation of Episcopus (see Appendix x.) is
correct, that Deodatus had died in the interim, which exactly
agrees with what we know of Elchanan. Elchanan, too (Zunz
Litg. 253), married a sister of R. Samuel ben Solomon, who
can be no other than Sir Morell of England. We may, there-
fore, state with some assurance that whether Sir Leon was in
London or not, Deodatus, •' Bishop of the Jews,** was Elchanan
ben Isaac, Rashi's great -great-grandson. And here again we
If'AS SIR LEON EVER IN LONDON?
413
confirmation from the records. Elchanan tad a son
Luel, and I find a Samuel fi] Deudone {the French form of
] mentioned in Roberts's Oblalcs, p. 415 (wbere
Judi " to "Judo"). If Elchanan did not come to
Lhis series of coincidences would be one of the most
^remarkable in existence, and if Elchanan was here, Sir Leon
JBnst have studied under him in London. The Tosapholk ofR.
Elchanan still extant among the Halberstamm MSS. at Judith
.•"Montefiore College, do not help to sellle the question. They
iJWere written in France and only show general knowledge of
Bnglisb Judaism {of iupra, p, 269), but there is no indication
nrhen Chen were written.
The reader will now begin to see the importance for Anglo-
"Jewish history of the question put at the head of this section.
rThe student of Jewish literature will perhaps better appreciate
>its importance when I sum up my investigations by stating that.
■!if Sir Leon came to London, all the known members of the
ionrtb and fifth generation of Kasbi's descendants can be shown
fto have Uved in England. It mnst be remembered that we have
! of the emigration to England of a family closelj
^iriated to that of Rashi being descended from Simeon the Great
I'^e etdet), of Mayence, his maternal uncle, so that we can trace
early all the English rabbis of litcrarj' tastes to Rashi' s grand-
Ither, Isaac Chasid [supra, p. 253). In order to exhibit this in
tthe most succinct, though possibly the driest way, I will borrow
%from Zunz's Litemtiirgesckickti, p. 253, the most complete
■.genealogical table of Rashi's descendants yet given to the world,
adding to it Dr. Gross's identification of the descent of Sir Leon
Kashi, and placing beneath the names the Record namel
lof the English Jews whom I identify with Rashi's descendants
nnnectinns by marriage ( jf a genealogy neit page).
I I may add that I have ventured to identify the Solomon wbo woe
i
414
APPENDIX,
son of R. Tarn with the Solomon who was father of " Sir MoreD."
When a Record name is given unaccompanied by a Hebrew
one, I have been unable to find a suitable identification among
Zunz's elaborate list of Tosaphists.
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WAS S/S LEON EVER IN LONDON?
+ '5
I have now given enough from my Record sludits to shoi
primd fade cnse thai: Sir Leon did come to London, and that J
consequently the remainmg seven Tosaphists were also in Eag-f
land, and I regard the case of Elcbanan as being something's
more than prima facie. The rest must be left In ptofeRsetfB
stndenta of the Tosapholh to whom I must leave the deci;
the qaestion, though I would remind the readet that if m
jectures prove well founded, a ronsiderahle body of HebrewV
poetiy, as well as a large amount of Halachic discus^
exegttical comment will for the future form part zi the eorln
annals of English Judaism, which would henceforth be indl3>
pensable for the study of the Tosaphoth and incidentally o
French phonolojiy.
One more consideration and 1 shall have given all that I a
at present conttthule to the discussion of the question I have
raised. It should not be surprising if it tum out that a con-
siderable number of French Tosaphists visited or inhabited
England. For during the reign of the Angevin Kings (1154- J
I206), London was the most important French city in Europe.' \
The King who had his chief residence in London was Lord oCa
Anjou, of Bretagne, of Poitou, and of Gascoiiy, and Duke a
Normandy, as well as King of England ; the so-called King ol
France was practically at this period only King of the Isle o^
France. It should, therefore, not surprise us if the French:!
Rabbis, who were obliged to be men of business as well, piiid4
visits to the centre of Angevin commerce and sometimes settled J
in this coimtry, especially during the seventeen years (llSa-q.
during which they were eicluded from the Isle de France. Tl
second earliest Hebrew Sbetar we possess is signed by Solomon |
of Paris, another Vives of Paris is also mentioned about this I
time, and Jacob de Paris occurs in the Guildford Tallage. Whj J
should not X.eon of Paris have also come ovcrP Even if it
4r6 APPENDIX.
never expressly mentioned that he did, that need not disturb us.
After John lost Nonnandy and the other French possessions of
the English crown in 1206, England ceased to have any interest
for the later Rabbis who drew up the Tosaphoth in their present
form. It is only by the merest chance mention of Ephraim of
Bonn that we know that the head of the York community in
1 1 90 was R. Yomtob of Joigny, and that R. Jacob of Orleans,
was massacred in London. I hope that some Tosaphist scholar
may likewise chance upon a similar reference proving that
Jehuda ben Isaac, known as Sir Leon, did come to London
about 1 182, and confirming the important conclusions which I
have shown can be deduced from the fact.
XIX. -ANGLO-JEWISH RABBIS OF THE XIIth
CENTURY.
I have thought it desirable to give for the information of
Jewish students a rather full bibliography of the passages in
secondary authorities where the various Rabbis whom I have
located in England in the twelfth century have been mentioned
and discussed. In each case I give in brackets after the
secondary authority the passages from the originals referred to
by the various writers. These are mostly passages in the
Tosaphoth or supercommentaries on the Talmud, and are quoted
by the treatise and folio of the Talmud on which they occur.
For other works reference will be necessary to Zunz's epoch-
making volume on the literature of the mediaeval French and
German Jews, Zur Geschichte und Litteratur, Berlin, 1845.
The references are mostly given in a very shortened form, of
which the following list will afford the key.
Kohn=Kohn, Mordechai ben Hillel^ 1879.
il/a^.=Berliner, Magazin fur judische Litteratur.
K,K. J, ^=Revue des etudes j'mveSf Paris, 1880, seq.
ANGLO'JEWISH RABBIS— Xllth CENTURY. 417
l^.Y .=^Rabbtns Franqais^ by Renan and Neubauer, in His-
toire litteraire de la France ^ t. xxvii.
Z.G.^ZvmZf Zur Litteratur und Geschichte.
Zun2 Lit. ges =Litteratur der Synagogalen Poesie^ 1865.
The references to Mordecai (Aford.) are to the Mordecai,
mentioned in § xvi, s. v. Unfortunately there is a variation in the
method of citation amon|^ Jewish scholars, and I have not been
able to check the references. Those of the names that I regard
as still uncertain in my identification with English Jews
mentioned in the records are accompanied by a mark of
interrogation.
Aaron of Canterbury, p. 98, exegete.
[Z.G. 96 Alinhat yekuda, Deut. xxvi. 2 {supra p. 48). Orient ^
1850, p. 550. Univers Israelite, 1852, p. 357. Jeiv, Quart,
Rev,, V. 161. See Note on p. 98 in § xx.]
Abraham ben Jehuda (? Abraham fil Jude de Parisiis),
p. 240, Tosaphist.
[Z.G. 48 (Kama 87b, Batra 43a, Kidd 15a). Roberts, De
Oblatisj pp. 2g6, 315, 416.]
Abraham ben Joseph of Orleans {} Abraham fil Rabbi),
p. 178, Tosaphist, father-in-law of " Sir Leon."
[Z.G. 35, 47 (Ber. 45b, supra p. 178. Mace. 6b, Erub. 77b,
8ia. Kidd, 15a, Batra. 5a). Kohn, Mord, (Beza I. 655, Ab.
Sara II. 830. Berach. VI. 158). Afag. II. g^, {Or Sarua
I. 58a. Mord. Beza i. Berach, c. 7.)]
Benjamin of Canterbury (? Magister Binjamin de Can-
tebrigia), pp. 54, 281, grammarian.
[Kohn, Aford. (Ab. Sara II. 826, supra p. 54). S. D. Luz-
zato in Afag. II., 126. Kimchi, Sepher Galuy passim.
S. Luria, Response 29, ap. Graetz Gesch, vi. 365.]
Berachyah ben Natronai Crispia Nakdan (Benedict
le puncteur de Oxon), pp. 165-73, 196-9, 278-280, exegete,
grammarian, Tosaphist, translator, and litterateur.
41 8 APPENDIX.
[Z.G. 56 (Sanhedrin 20b), 97 (Minhat Jehuda 85b, 87b), loi,
117, 127, i^, supra p. 172). R.F. 490 seq, (full biblio-
graphy to date). Steinschneider Heb. Letterhode viii. Jacobs,
jEsopi i. 167-78. Jew. Quart. Rev. ii. 322-38, 620-26.
The only work of Berachyah*s yet printed is his Mishle
Shualim ("Fox Fables"), the ED. PR. of which appeared
at Mantua, 1557, a complete Latin translation by M. Hanel
at Prague in 1661.]
Chaim of Paris (Vives de Paris, see Name-List), Tosaphist.
[Kohn, Mord. 104 (B. Kama, viii. 87).]
Elchanan ben Isaac (PDeodatus Episcopus Judseonun),
45, 64, 65, 81, 269. Tosaphist, astronomer, poet, t 1184.
[Z.G. 34 (Gittin 72a, Mezia nib, Sheb. 28a, Mord. Ahoda
§ 1364, Ker. Chem vii. 69), 37 (Joma 14a, 23 in Amst. cd.
I753)> 80, 93, 97, 100, 102, 193, 208. Sal. Luria, Resp.i^
(Gz. vi.). Zunz, Syn. Poes.^ 249 {supra, p. 81), Halber-
stamm Cat. No. 65. R.E.J, iv. 221, No. 64 (Luzzato, Hal.
Kedem 46), vii 73 (Mord. § 952, 942, 953, Mag. iv. r86, 203,
and 279). Kohn, Mord. (Choi. iii. 613, Ab. Sara v. 808)]
Elia the Martyred of York t 1190.
[R.F. 446, 736. Z.G. 49 (Joma 27a, Sebachim 14b), pupil
of Sir Morell.]
Elia Menachem, see Menachem.
Isaac ben Yomtob of Joigny (Ysaac de Juueignj), pp. 88,
241, Tosaphist.
[Zunz, Lit.ges. 286. (Or Sarua Millah § 99.) Z.G. 52. (Aboda
sara 67b, Hateruma, § 50, Rokeach § 475) R.E.J, vii. 43.]
Jehuda ben Isaac of Paris, "Sir Leon" 1166-1224
(? Leo Blundus), pp. 70, 88. Tosaphist, son-in-law of R. Abra-
ham ben Joseph.
[Z.G. 35. (Piske Recanate 160, Semag } 211, Chullin 47a,
loob, Chagiga 25b, Jebam, io6a, Joseph Colon Resp.
ANGLO-JEWJSH RABBIS— \l!lk CENTURY. 419
31, lb;. Uagahot Mord, Kidd § 1017, Semag ed.
1547, f. loia, 118c, Ssmak 135b, 139b, Col Bo,'Na 37,,
Reeanate Pesak. 191)], 37 (Moses of Coney his scholar], 3!
(Semag 2a, 33^, Sec), 4;, 53, 58, 59. R.F. 438, 441, 444
Gross in Berliner Magazin 1877, 173-187 [Full Biblio-
graphy], Add. Z.G. z6, 51, 74, 76, 79, 80, 85, 89,51,
93. 9&. 97, 59. "». loi, 102, 103, 104, ri8, 125, 116, I3S»
i6i, 193, SOS, 5*56. R.E.J. iv. 220, No 54 [Zuni, *irt*
.98).]
Jacob of Oklbans, f 1189, eiegele, Tosaphist.
[Z G. 38 (Tos. Joma ed. Amst. 1753, 34a), 51 (Gittin 8b,
Jebam. 4a, Kelub. 47a, Sebach. 14b, &c.), 75 (Minchat Jeh,
lb, 3ab, 4ab, 6b, Jb, 16b, 16a, &c.), 91, 93, 97, 103, ID4, .
r93. R.F. 438, 441, 446. Ephraim of Bonn in Wienef's
" Emek Habacba," p. g. R.E.J, iv. 219, No. 41 [itag. 1,
78, 87), Kohn. Mordecai 125 (Gitt. II. 341, Kama X. 169,
Ket. II. [48), vii. 71 (Simson on Sifra 3Bb, Men. 271*
3Sb). Luzzatci (III. 466, 1287, IV. 630, 735, 860.)]
JosFPH BEN Jacob, of Morell, pp. 29,20, 263, exegete, popil
ofAbrabam Ibn Esra.
[Graetz, Geschichte, vi. Neubauer Cat. Bodl. Heh. MSS. 486] ,
Joseph b. Isaac, (Josce fil Ysaac). Tosaphiat, pgel.
[Z.G. 35, 52 (Aboda sara 67b, Hatemma \ 50, Rokeadi
} 475.1 Others 75. 'oi- i'V- 285.]
Joseph Bechos Shob (=Jehoseph of Orleans), exeg
Tosaphist.
[Z.G. 51 [Mace. 6a, Ha}, 74 (Sal. Luria Rtsp. 29, Meir
Rolh, Reip. 863, Semak 151 f, 50. 183 f. 67, 194 f. ;
Mord. Kidd. inil., Hagah. Mard. Jebam. j 741, Cot
Bo., No. 75, Geiger Zl. v. 418), 78, So, 86, 89 {Daat Ztktn.
58a, 7o», 86b, 89a), 97 {Minh. yeli. lb, 2a, 11b. 32b. 31b,
32b, &c.), 9), 101, 102, 104, 198. Lilg. 281.3, Stein-
420 APPENDIX.
Schneider, Cat. Bodl. No. 5887, Cat. Munich MSS. Geiger,
Parshandatha, R.E.J, iii. 6 {Mag. i. 93), iv. 223, No.
50 {Mag. iv. 073, Monats. xxvi. 361, Kohn, Mord. 135-6).
R.F. 435, 437, 441, 443, 488, 558. See Joseph of Orleans.
His commentary on Genesis and Exodus was edited by
Jellinek, 1856.
Joseph of Orleans? = Rubigotce, fl. 1130. — Rubigotceis
clearly Rabbi Josce or Joseph, and is mentioned in the Pipe
Roll of Henry I., 1130, supra pp. 15, 23-5, 27, 217, 259.
[Z.G. 33 {Hajashar } 686 ; Hagah. Maim, on Shophetini,
No. 20, Ketub. 70a, Jebam. 15b, Sebach. 12a, Menach. 31b,
Sabbat 12a, 41a, 107b, &c.), 75 {Hajashar 71a, 78a).
R.E J. iii. 6 {Mag. I 93), iv. 220, No. 48. See Joseph
Bechor Shor.]
Menachem of London, also known as R. Elia Menachem,
legal authority, pp. 287-9.
♦ [Z.G. 98 Minhat Jehuda 46a.) Sepher Shoham, c. 8.]
Moses ben Isaac Hanassiah, grammarian, author of
Sepher Hashoham (ed. Collins, I. 1882) and Leshon Letnudim
(youthful work, lost), pp 251, 253.
[Z.G. 112 (Wolf, ii 596, Orient 1844, 518) R.F. 484.7,
Bacher in Winter- Wuensche Ji'td. Littei-atur^ ii. 233 (Rosin
in Graetz, Monats. xxxii, 232-40)]
Moses ben Jacob, p. 287, pupil of R. Menachem.
Moses ben Yomtob, p. 282, Massorite, grammarian, author
of Darke Nikud, Rules of Punctuation appended to Rabbinical
Bibles, published separately, Vilna, 1822 and by Frendsdorf,
Frankfort. 1854, perhaps identical with R. Moses of London.
[Z.G. Ill, 567, Steinschneider Bibl. Handbuch 95, Berl. Cat,
R.F. 484, R.E.J, xii. 73-9. Moses Ben Isaac cites him as
his teacher, ed. Collins p. 37. Bacher in Pref. to his edition
of J. Kimchi's Sepher Zicharon and in Winter- Wiinsche,
\\, 234, also yew. Quort. Rev. i. 182, ii. 322-7.]
ANGLO-JEWISH RABBIS-XIIth CENIURY, 421
Moses of London (M agister Mossede Londres), pp. 289-92,
legal authority, perhaps identical with Moses ben Yomtob, but
more probably of the middle of the thirteenth century.
\yew. Quart, RevAv. 551, 553, 557, v. 156 seq. and Note on
p. 289 in § XX.]
Moses of Paris, pp. 225, 229, legal authority.
Samuel Nakdan (Samuel le Pointur de Bristowe; p. 162.
Massorite and grammarian.
[Steinschneider, Cat, Heh. MSS. Berlin, p. 100, ap. Kobak
Jeshurun v. 146, Bacher in Winter- Wuensche, /. ^.]
Samuel Ben Solomon ** Sir Morell," t 1192, Tosaphist,
pp. 53, 146. — Came from Falaise in Normandy to England.
[Z.G. 37 {Or Sarua ap. Mord Chullin § 11 27, Semaki. 82b>
Sal. Luria Resp.^ No 29, Gz. vi. Shaare Dura § 75
Pesach. 73b, Joma 40b, 42a. Catalog. Cod. Lips., p. 317),
49 (teacher of R. Ella of York), 90 (Daat Zekenim i ib, 26b,
73b). R.F. 438, 445, Zunz Lit. Ges, 253, Nachir. 40
(brother-in-law of Elchanan ben Isaac, whom I have
identified with Deodatus Episcopus Judoeorum).
Samuel ben Elchanan (? Samuel fil Deudone). Tosaphist.
[Z.G. 55 (Arachin i8b). Roberts Obi. p 425.]
Yomtob ben Isaac of Joigny, 1 1190. Tosaphist, poet and
martyr at York, pp. 109=112, 125.
[Z.G. 52 (Erubin 90a, Sebach. 15b, 64a, Chullin 87a, Joma
48a, Keritot 14b, Jebamot 37b, 44a, Menachot 88a, Kidd.
38a), 86 (Cat. Cod. Lips., p. 315). 100, 119, 193, 327. Zunz
Lit. ges. 286-7. R-I'^ 446. R.E.J, iii. 4, 5 (Mord 1524),
vii. 72 (Simson on Sifra 113b). Kohn Alord 134 (Sabb. i.
250, Hag. ib. 452).]
Yomtob ben Moses of Bristol, pp. 253, 293, author of a
legal work Sepher Tanaim.
[Z G. 193. Jew. Quart. Rev. iii. 778.]
422 APPENDIX.
XX.— ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
This book has been so long passing through the press that
many additional pieces of information have come to my notice
after parts of it have been printed off, while further reflection
has at times modified my views on various points. Some of the
sheets were printed off rather hurriedly, some even in error, and
contain therefore various misprints and lacunae. The more im-
portant of these addenda and corrigenda I propose to give in the
following notes.
P. 7. This might have been written during any of Anselm's
three visits to England, 1093-7, "00-3, 1 107-9. I a«i "^ow
inclined to put it late during the last visit owing to my iden-
tification of the Jewish interlocutor with R. Simeon Chasid.
See p. 254.
P. 18. On usury in mediaeval England, see Prof. Cunning-
ham, Growth of English Industry^ i. § 84.
P. 19 Thomas of Monmouth's account (infra^ p. 256) is nearly
contemporary.
P. 23. R. Simeon, the Saint of Trier or Treves, I identify with
the interlocutor in the Disputation, supra p. 7. See p. 254.
P. 26. The seal is now numbered NM 51. See Cat. Nat.
Mus. Antiq. Scotland^ 1 892, p. 369; also Proc. R.S.A. Scot!.,
i. 39, 50, and H. Laing, Supplementary Cat. of Scottish Seals,
No. 1294.
P. 27«. Angeon should of course be Angevin.
P. 29. By a curious coincidence the Hebrew name of the com-
piler of the present book is also Joseph ben Jacob.
P. 32«. I have now given up the suggested interpretation of
**Dovos"^Dover, in favour of **Rodom"i= Rouen. See p.
263.
P. 35. The seven divisions or climes are those of Arabic
geography. See Lelewel, Geographie du Moyen Age.
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. +23
V. yfn. What \^ wrong here is my transcription. Mr. C. T.
Alarlin lias kindJyloolted op the original for mc, and finds the
Biun mentioned is ten pounds, which would make the interest
right.
F. 4Dn. Hakelln is rather the diminutive of Isaac, 1.;.,
Isaquelin.
P. 51. Miss Norgate has kindly called my attention to the fact
that it isonly William of Newburgh who gives the confiscatioa 1
of Richard Strongbow's estates as occurring after the expedi- \
tion to Ireland . \
V. 53. "Menacbam " should be ■■ Meaachem."
P. S4- I have conjectured that R. Benjamin of Canterbury was
rather R. Benjamin of Cambrid^'e. See p. 282.
F. 56. P.R. item 25«. It was only six years after coming
into his property that Malebysse got into difficulties. See
infra p. 77,
P.6s. P.R. item No. 30. "Southampton" is a mistake for
South Hampshire.
Ho. Mr. Hubert Hall has pointed out to me that the sum
originally lent was more probably 40 marks, though 100 are
mentioned in the deed. The deed would be then an early
example of the legal offence known as CkeuisaiKe. The same
view i? taken in the AtheHeum review of Mr. Roimd's book,
July 2o, 1SS9.
P. 87. "Badpass" is still called Malpas to this day.
P. 92. " Hard beard " should be '■ hard he.irt."
P. tja. Mr. M. D. Davis has discovered a reference to Aaron of
Canterbury in the Close Roll uf i5 Hen. III., 1142, which
proves that he was of the thirteenth century. — ^ew. Quart.
Ren. v., p. 15a seq,
P. 130. Emsi should be Emei Nnbac/ia.
P. 133. "Against the Jews" should be " against the enemies
of the Jews,"
i
424 APPENDIX.
P. I35«. The charter is given on p. 204.
P. 142. The exact date of the sketch of Moyse Hall is 1782.
P. 143, No. III. See the Red Book documents quoted later,
p. 269, for earlier indebtedness of the Earl of Arundel to Deule-
benie.
P. 165. '« That will " should be " that mUl."
P. 181. XXX. "convicted" should be " converted."
P. 190. The calculation is incorrect. The whole amount owed
^ ;^I40 + 200 (220 and 80 marks) + 1 10 + 50 ^ ;f 500» of
which ;f 140 had been paid off, lea\'ing £.}fxi 4- usury to be
lined for a single deed of ;^6oo =100 marks of gold.
P. 199. The omitted reference is to p. 23.
P. 203. For "Nottingham " read "Northampton."
P. 223. For " first " read " forest."
P. 228. The omitted reference is to p. 158.
P. 233, 1. 3, " Wardens of cyrographers " should be "of cyro-
graphs." They were probably identical -wHth the " cyrogra-
phers " mentioned elsewhere, p. 235.
P. 235. For " consum '' read " censum." The omitted refer-
ences are to pp. 127, 157.
P. 240. "Abraham, son of the Jewess," should be "son of
Judah," i.e.^ of Judah of Paris.
P. 245. The omitted references are to pp. 1 11, 245.
P. 25 1. " Sephes " should be " Sepher:'
P. 269. Mr. Hubert Hall has convinced me that I have post-
dated these documents by twenty years. I judged by the
reference in P.R. item 1 11, which deals with the indebtedness
of an Earl of Arundel to Deulebenie. The transfretation of the
King was probably that of 11 73. See Miss Norgate, I.e. ii.
144, 145. The border warfare in Wales began again in 11 74
(Norgate, Lc. p. 181), about which time these deeds should
pro bably be dated. The Earl died in 1 1 76. The indebtedness of
the Earl to Deulebenie passed on to his son. See also p. 274*
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 425
P. 274. These items have now been published in Prof. Mait-
land's edition of the Rolls of the King's Court, I. (P. R. S.),
pp. 30, 49. This also contains the following item : —
Norf. — ^ Pledges of Roger Briton because he is
suspected of the death of Abraam, the Jew, for
right of awaiting the coming of the Justices Philip
Fitz Robert [and] Peter Walter — Nicholas the
Butler, Osbert of Waggeford.
Professor Mai tland dates the Roll 1194, so, that this entry
probably refers to one of the inquisitions into the massacres of
1189-90 referred to supra p. 155.
P. 289. Mr. M. D. Davis has published in jfew. Quart. Rev. v.
p 158 seq. an interesting extract from the Close Roll 26 Hen.
III., 1242, referring to a divorce pronounced by Mag. Mosse
de Londres. He identifies him \^dth the Rabbi Moses ben
Yomtob quoted by the author of the ** Onyx Book" which he
would accordingly date later. Unfortunately the dates of
literary history are against this. Moses ben Isaac quotes only
authors of the twelfth century, e.g., Joseph Kimchi and not
his greater son David, and cannot therefore be later than 1 200
{Cf. Bacher in Winter- Wuensche, Judische Litteratur, ii.
208, 234). It is of course just possible that Moses ben Yomtob
may have lived on to a very great age, and that the Mag.
Mosse of the earliest list of London Jews supra p. 89) may
be identical with the Mag. Mosse of the Close Roll of 1242.
But this is improbable, and we must identify R. Moses ben
Yomtob with the earlier Mag. Mosse. while R. Moses of
London is probably an entirely different person, a legal autho-
nty and not a grammarian, of the thirteenth and not of the
twelfth century. If Mr. Davis' article had appeared before
the passages pp. 289-92 had been printed off I would have
removed them from this book.
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