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Lee M. Friedman '93 




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®lj« |[«nr« of 3ttt0evi*T &tj0lanii 

The series, of which the ])resent volume is one, aims at setting 
forth the facts of our National History, political and social, in a 
way not yet systematically tried in this country, but somewhat 
like that which Messrs. Hachette have successfully wrought out 
in France under the editorship of MM. Zeller, Darsy, Luchaire, 
etc. It is planned not only for educational use but for the 
general reader, and especially for all those to whom the original 
contemporary authorities are for various reasons difficult of access. 

To each well-defined period of our history is given a little 
volume made up of extracts from the chronicles, state papers, 
memoirs, and letters of the time, as also from other contempo- 
rary literature, the whole chronologically arranged and chosen 
so as to give a living picture ot the effect produced upon each 
generation by the political, religious, social, and intellectual 
movements in which it took part. 

Extracts from foreign tongues are Englished, and passages 
from old English authors put into modem spelling, but otherwise 
as far as may be kept in original form. When needed a glossary 
is added and brief explanatoiy notes. To each volume is also 
appended a short account of the writers quoted and of their 
relations to the events they describe, as well as such tables and 
summaries as may facilitate reference. Such illustrations as are 
given are chosen in the same spirit as the text, and represent 
monuments, documents, sites, portraits, coins, etc. 

The chief aim of the series is to send the reader to the best 
original authorities, and so to bring him as close as may be to 
the mind and feelings of the times he is reading about. 

No definite chronological system of issue is adopted, but it is 
hoped that the entire period of Mediaeval and Renaissance his- 
tory may be covered in the space of two or three years. 


Editor of the Series, 
Ch. Ch., Oxford, 1887. 



9Hje iiinvf0 0f S^n^etfitj ffBn^lanif 






15 V 


Corresponding Member of the Royal Academy of History ^ 

Madrid, and of the American Jewish Historical 
Society y Washington, 







Lir '^'( 


All Rights Reser^oed. 


I HAVE included in this volume every scrap of 

evidence I could find in the English records, 

whether printed or inedited, that relates to the Jews 

of England up to the year 1206. I have thought it 

worth while aiming at such completeness as this is 

the period that has been most neglected by my chief 

predecessor, WilHam__Prynne, from whose Short 

Demurrer (and from Madox) Tovey*s Anglia Jfudaica^ 

the * standard ' book on the subject, was mainly 

compiled. Yet the materials for the twelfth century 

are sufficiently copious, owing to the remarkable 

preservation of the English records. Certainly no 

other country in Europe could produce such a 

volume as this for so early a century.* I reckon 

that it would take a score of similar volumes to 

complete the history of the English Jews on the 

same scale for the 84 years that elapsed till their 

Expulsion in 1290. 

♦ The German Regesten only contain some 150 items relating 
to the twelfth century. The Spanish records about the Jews* 
which I have recently been investigating, only begin to be 
copious in the thirteenth century. 


Much of my new material has been taken from the 
35 Pipe Rolls of the twelfth century that still lie 
unprinted at the Record Office. I have gone 
through all these and my extracts form a continuous 
record through the volume giving it some sort of 
unity. In my search through the Pipe Rolls I 
may possibly have missed some items of interest, 
but enough has emerged to show the important 
position held by the Jews towards the Royal 
Treasury. This is also confirmed by the many 
entries I have given from the other Rolls printed 
by the Record Commission.* I stopped my extracts 
from these at the year 1206, as this terminus was 
sufficient to include specimens of the chief series 
of Rolls without overburdening the volume with 
legal details. ^-^The heroic story of the emeuies of 
1189-90 with many a quaint passage from the 
chronicles will help to relieve the extracts of the 
Rolls but these latter form the basis of my work and 
will furnish, I trust, a solid contribution to the con- 
stitutional history of this country. ' I have endeavoured 
to systematise the scattered details in the somewhat 
elaborate Appendix at the' end of the volume, while 
the Introduction sums up the general conclusions to 
which these point. 

* These were partly utilized by Dr. Goldschmidt in his slight 
but vaJiiable Geschkhte der Juden in England^ I., 1887. 


I had another reason for stoppingshort at 1206. 
That date^. when. England lost Normandy under 
Johiujprms a real„epoch, I believe, in the internal 
history of the Jewish communities of England. 
Hitherto they had been in touch with their brethren 
abroad and had joined in their spiritual life to the 
ful lest exten t. During my researches among both the 
Latin and the Hebrew records^ of this period I have 
come to the conclusion, indeed, that during the last 
third of the twelfth century the English Jews held 
the lead in spiritual and literary activity among the 
Israelites of Northern. Europe. (I have discovered 
among them, as I think, a whole school of Massorites 
and grammarians, a couple of religious poets, a writer 
on astronomy, several exegetes of importance, and in 
particular I have vindicated for England one of the 
most important literary figures in medieval Judaism, 
Berachyah.Nakdan, henceforth, I hope, to be known 
as Benedict le Puncteur of Oxford. It should not 
surprise us that the Jews of England shared in the 
spiritual hegemony which her position as head of 
the Angevin Empire gave England at the end of 
the twelfth century over all the Romance-speaking 
nations of Europe, especially as for nearly twenty 
years of that time (1182-98) Jews were excluded 
from French territory by the harsh decree of Philip 



I have myself translated the greater part of the 
extracts from Hebrew works which fill one fifth of 
this volume and are printed in italics. But for two 
metrical versions of Hebrew hymns I have to thank 
the poetic skill of my friend Mr. I. Zangwill ; while I 
should never have been able to include the extracts 
from the Tosaphoth or commentaries on the Talmud 
but for the kindness of my friend Mr. S. Schechter, 
Reader in Rabbinic in the University of Cambridge. 
With infinite patience he went through with me all 
the passages which I had found referred to in 
secondary sources and thought useful for my purpose. 
Those that turned out to be suitable Mr. Schechter 
then dictated to me. I should add that he is not to 
be held responsible for any of the identifications 
made in this book between Rabbis mentioned in 
the Tosaphoth and Jews named in the English 
records. If these turn out to be premature or un- 
founded, the blame is with me. Even in that case, 
the extracts will still be of use as throwing light on 
the spiritual life of Jews who lived under exactly the 
same conditions of culture as those of Angevin 

I have other debts of gratitude to pay or express. 
Mr. I. Abrahams transcribed and translated some 
passages from Hebrew MSS. at the Judith Monte- 
£ore CoUege, Ramsgate, while Mr. Herbert Hall 

and Dr. Montagu James were good enough Lo place j 
at my disposal extracts from MSS. wliicli they are | 
engaged in editing. The Editors of the Jax. 
Chronicle, the Jewish Quartirlv Revinv, and the ' 
Arehaohgical Revim> have allowed me to reproduce I 
in this volume passages that first appeared in t 
pages. The Editor of the Javish Chronic/t and the \ 
Syndics of the Clarendon Press have kindly pre- 
sented me with a couple of the blocks that illustrate j 
the history. For the remainder of the illustrations 1 
I have to thank the skill and zeal of Mr. Frank Haes I 

) spent a broiling day at the British Museur 
photographing from books or MSS. the material 
records of the early history of the Jews in this 

I have also to thank the editor and publisher of 
this series for allowing me to include in it a volume 
differing somewhat in design and inti^ntion from its 
fellows. At first intended to contain a selection from 
printed sources to illustrate the whole history up to 

[290, it has grown into an attempt at an exhaustive 
account, from both printed and manuscript sources, 
of the Jews of England up to izo6. I might have 
made it a much more learned looking volume with 
Inlinitely less trouble. 

Finally, I sliould like to connect this book with the 

Vnglo-Jewish Exhibition uf 18H7 and tht wa-tftt o^ S.'v.'s. 


originator Mr. Isidore Spielman. It was my work in 
connection with that Exhibition which convinced me 
of the enormous mass of available material for the 
history of the Jews in this country, especially in its 
medieval phases. I was at the same time convinced 
of the duty of English Jews to make this accessible, 
and I am grateful for the chance that has enabled me 
to perform part of this duty. 



The presence of the Jews in early England was 
due to a financial experiment of the Norman Kings, 
rendered necessary by the policy of the Church 
towards *' usury," but which ultimately became im- 
possible owing to its costly character and the rise of 
popular religious feeling due to the Crusades and the 
Friars. There is no evidence of their existence as a 
class in England before the Conquest, though the 
Gallo-Jewish slave-traders probably paid flying visits 
to these islands, the result of one of these visits 
being the re-entrance of England into the fold of the 
Church. William of Malmesbury distinctly states 
that the Conqueror brought them over from Rouen, 
and there is no evidence against his statement. 
There are only the slightest traces of the existence 

• Up to 1206; I adopt this tet minus ad quern with Miss 
Norgate in her England under the Angevin Kings, The loss 
of Normandy in 1206 was even more eventful tor English Jews 
than for Englishmen in general. 


of Engli>sb Jews under the Norman Kings, and we 
only begin to get specific and detailed statements 
about them with the accession of Henry II. By far 
the greatest bulk of the present volume is concerned 
with the fifty years succeeding his accession in 1 154. 
No other country possesses such rich historical 
materials for the early middle ages as England. The 
early centralisation of the Government, and the 
comparative absence of civil war, account for this. 
It is not surprising, therefore, that the history of the 
Jews in England during the twelfth century is much 
more full than that of France, Germany, Italy, or 
Spain, which did not practically exist as historic 
entities at so early a period. From the accession of 
Henry II. we have full and often minute details of 
the outer life of the English Jews, and we are not 
without much information as to their inner life and 
spiritual activity. The English records are not only 
remarkably rich but they enable us to see the rise of 
the peculiar position of the Jews, whereas, in other 
countries, the mists first dissolve when the status of 
the Jews had been definitely and permanently 
degraded by the action of Innocent III. In England, 
on the other hand, we start with comparative equality, 
and the more rigid restrictions of the thirteenth 
century are not to be found, or only in slight measure, 
tJ)} the reign of John. It was the Church, and the 


Church alone, that produced whatever was peculiar 
in the position or the Jews in Angevin England. 

The Church and the Jews. — The position of 
the Jews in mediffival Kurope, and therefore in 
Angevin England, was entirely determined by the 
attitude of the Church towards them. State and 
Church were one, and none could belong to the 
State who did not belong to the Slate Church. The 
Jews, as the arth -heretics, ihc hereditary enemies of 
the Church, the Anti- Christ incarnate, were regarded 
as naturally incapable of forming part of a community 
vhichwasaChristian brotherhood as well as apolitical 

The means adopted by the Church to ensure the 
sacro- sanctity of the body politic was to connect 

'every public office with religious ceremonials of some, 
kind or another. No office could be entered upon 
without an oath, and the simplest form of initiative 
ceremony involved the formula, " In nomine Palris et 
FiUi et Spiritus sancti," which no Jew could accept 
and remain a Jew." In this way everj- part of the 
national life was at least formally Christianised. Even 
such a simple thing as taking a farm involved, in 

]/eudal England, paying homage, which was again 

* A survival still exists in the reception cctemDny of Bachelors 
Ot Art at Oxford and Cambridge. I bad to Bt>i)ly for special 
a have the words omitted nn taking my degree a' 



connected with the religious formula. Besides this, 
the whole economic life of England was bound up 
Vith the institution of guilds, and these were as much 
/religious confraternities as trade unions. Owing to 
the close connection of the Church with the national 
life, the Jew could find no career in agriculture, trade, 
public or municipal office. 

At the same time the Church had some reason to 
fear a rival, or a least a disturbing element, in the 
Jew. After all, the Christianity of Early England 
was but a thin veneer over a thick crust of underlying 
paganism, much of which still survives in the form of 
folk-lore. The position of the Jews was crucial to her 
claims. As she had to recognise them as the people 
of God, their non-acceptance of her claims was doubly 
damaging. Hence the eagerness with which she 
urged their conversions ; hence, too, the increasing 
bitterness with which she regarded them as her 
attempts at conversion failed. There is a marked 
increase of acrimony between the controversy of 
Gilbert Crispin, Abbot of Westminster, with R. 
Simeon Chasid, from Treves, at the beginning of the 
twelfth century, and the treatise of Peter of Blois, 
^ Against the Perfidy of the Jews, at the end of the 
century. This may have been accentuated by the 
public derision cast by the Jews on the more 
assailable sides of Catholicism — the worship of 


mages and the creation of miracles. The Jei 
:Of England were painfully interested in miracle-l 
mongering, as the myth of the " blood-accusation " 
— the alleged murder of Christian children at Pass-' 
over for ritual purposes — first arose in England i 
connection with the case of William of Norwich, boy I 
and martyr, 1144, and was undoubtedly encouraged J 
by the Church, as it brought more custom to 
shrines involved. Two other cases occurred — Harold, 
the boy-martyr of Gloucester, in 1168, and Robert, 
boy and martyr, of Edmondsbury, in 1181 — before 
the close of the twelfth century. Besides all this, 1 
'there are signs that Judaism had begun to attract 'l 
i in England, and thus threatened to be a 1! 
rival. Altogether the Church made its anti-Jewish 1 
enactments more oppressive towards the end of the ] 
twelfth century in England, and especially attempted , < 
to keep the Jews more isolated from their fellow-ll 
citizens, and to drive them out of every departmentrfl 
of public life. I 

The Church and Usury, — There was, however, I 
pne sphere of activity which the Church left open to 1 
the Jew by closing it to the Christian. To a certain 1 

stent she made practicable the socialism of the early I 
Church. Through misinterpretation of Luke VI. 35, I 
translated by the Vulgate, " Mutuum dale, nihil inde 1 
Bperantes" (but really meaning, "Lend, never des- 


pairing," R.V.), all addition on the repaj-ment of a 
loan was regarded as strictly forbidden. It was also 
interpreted to mean (by St. Augustine, or Pope Julius, 
for example), tliat no addition was to be expected on 
the price of goods bought. In other words, the 
Church declared against capitalism of any kind, 
branding it as usury. . It became impossible in 
Angevin England to obtain the capital for any large 
scheme of building or organisation unless the pro- 
jectors had the capital themselves. 

Here was the function which the Jew could perform 
in England of the twelfth ceiiturj', which was just 
passing economically cut of the stage of barter. 
Capital was wanted in particular for the change of 
architecture from wood to stone with the better classes, 
and especially for the erection of castles and monas- 
teries. The Jews were, indeed, the first in England 
to possess dwelling-houses built with stone, probably 
for purposes of protection as well as of comfort. And 
as a specimen of their influence on monastic architec- 
ture, we have it on record that no less than nine 
Cistercian monasteries of the North Country were 
built by moneys lent by the great Aaron of Lincoln, 
who also boasted that he had built the shrine of St. 
-- ^Alban. It was chiefly, then, the smaller barons and 
the monasteries that needed the capital of the Jews, 
and it is characteristic enough that their chief perse- 
cutors came from precisely these Vhq classes. 


The Church prohibition of ** usury" would have 
been ineffective if the State had not followed suit/^If 
the usurer had merely to fear the spiritual terrors of 
the Church, the practice might not have been very 
greatly checked. But the State followed suit by 
confiscating the chattels of a usurer who died in his 
sin, and applied the provision quite impartially to 
Jew or Christian/? This provision brought about a 
curious result wnen there came to exist a class of 
men like the Jews of Angevin England, whose sole 
function was to be usurers or capitalists. The State 
as represented by the king became the universal 
legatee of the whole Jewry, and thus was brought / 
into immediate connection a sort of sleeping I 
partnership, with Jewish usury. . 

The King and the Jews, -f- The result of the 
Church's attitude towards Jews and towards usury 
was to put the king into a peculiar relation towards 
his Jewish subjects.^ The Church kept them out of 
all other pursuits but that of usury, which it branded 
as infamous ; the State followed suit, and confiscated 
the estates of all usurers dying as such. Hence, as 
a Jew could only be a usurer, his estate was always 
potentially the king's, and could be dealt with by the 
king as if it were his own. Yet, strange to say, it 
was not to the king's interest to keep the Jews' wealth 
in his own hands, for he, the king, as a good Christian^ 


could not get usury for it, while the Jew could very 
soon double and treble it, since the absence of com- 
petition enabled him to fix the rate of interest very 
high, rarely less than forty per cent., often as much 
as eighty. As the Jew might die before the debt 
was due and the king be then content to take a much 
smaller sum as a composition for the debt, it was 
often the debtor's interest to keep the debt standing. 
The usury was in the nature of a bet against the Jew's 
life. The only useful function the Jew could perform 
towards both king and people was to be as rich as 
possible, just as the larger the capital of a bank, the 
more valuable the part it plays in the world of 
commerce. No wonder the expression ** rich as a 
Jew " passed into a proverb ; as applied to the 
English Jew of the twelfth century, it was as tauto- 
logous as saying " rich as a bank." 
^^'t'he king reaped the benefit of these riches in 
several ways. One of his main functions and main 
source of income was selling justice, and Jews 
were among his best customers. Then he claimed 
from them, as from his other subjects, fines and 
amerciaments for all the events of life. The Pipe 
Rolls contain entries of fines paid by Jews to marry, 
not to marry, to become divorced, to go a journey 
across the sea, to become partners with another Jew,* 

* There was a special reason why the king claimed compensa- 
tJoD for a partnership between Jews. Debts to the firm would 
not fall into his hands when one of \Ke ^aTtners died. 


I short, for al! the decisive events of life. And 
above all, the king got frequent windfalls from the | 
heirs of deceased Jews who paid heavy reliefs to have 
their fathers' charters and debts, of which, as we 
have seen, they could make more profitable use than 
the king, to whom the Jew's property escheated not 
fud Jew, but yud usurer. In the case of Aaron of 
Lincoln the king did not disgorge at all at his death. 
Jut kept in his own hands the large treasures, lands, 
houses and debts of the great financier. He appears ' 
o have first organised the Jewry, and made the whole 
t[ the English Jews his agents, throughout the 
country, Aaron's treasures were lost at sea, but his 
debts amounted to some;£^2o,ooo, more than half the 
e, and required a special branch of the 
Exchequer, the Scaccarium Aaroiiis, with two treasurers 
md two clerks to look after them, for many years to 

This great windfall, which occurred in 1 1 87, must 
lare opened the eyes of the king's officials to the 
irofitable source of income that lay in Jewish usury; 
hree years later they learned the dangers to which 
source was liable. The emeuUs of 1189-90, 
mlminating in the York massacre, had as one of their 
il^ects the destruction of the deeds and charters of 
he Jews; in York they were burnt in the Minster. 
!%e loss sustained by the king led to the organisation 


of the Jewry in 1 194, when the " Ordinances of the 
Jewry " were promulgated ; these provided for a full 
record of all Jewish business to be kept in the king's 
hands, so that he might know exactly how much each 
Jew was worth, and how much he could extract from 
him. The Exchequer of the Jews of the thirteenth 
century, with its Star Chamber, devoted to the 
Sheiars of the Hebrew usurers, grew out of the 
"Ordinances of the Jewry," but lies beyond the limits 
of our present purview.* 

For, in addition to these quasi-regular and normal 
sources of income from his Jews, the king claimed 
from them — again as from his other subjects — rvarious 
contributions from time to time under the names of 
gifts and tallages. And here he certainly seems, on 
occasion at least, to Kave evercised an unfavourable 
discrimination in his demands from the Jews. lu 
1 187, the year of Aaron of Lincoln's death, he took a 
tenth from the rest of England, which yielded ;^70,ooo, 
and a quarter from the Jews, which gave as much as 
;^6o,ooo. In other words, the Jews were reckoned to 
have, at that date, one quarter of the movable wealth 
of the kingdom (;^240,ooo against ;^7oo,ooo held by 
the rest). 

Altogether, in these various ways, I reckon that 
the English kings in the latter half of the twelfth 

'» See the excellent paper of Dr. C. Gross on the subject in 
^a^^rs 0/ the Anglo- Jewish Historical Exhibition ^ 1888. 


entury drew an average a sum of ^3,000 per annum 
om their Jews. As his whole income did not reach 
luch more than ;^35,ooo. the Jews contributed one- 
;welfth of his fosources. It was somewhat as if tliey 
contributed ^7,000,000 to the Budget now-a-days. 
They acted the part of a sponge for the Royal Trea- 
sury, they gathered up all the floating money of the 
country, to be squeezed from time to time into the 
llcing's treasure-chest. I fancy that at one time in 
Henry ll.'s reign, it was contemplated making them 
■the king's taxgalherers, as they were in Spain and else- 
"where. I find several items in the early Pipe Rolls 
of that monarch which show that the sheriffs of the 
counties were directed to pay over the cash balances 
of the ferm of each county— the main source of the 
king's income — to certain Jews. But this ceases J 
suddenly, owing, as I imagine, to the discovery that 
itrongbow's mission to Ireland had been financed 
»y the Jews. The king found that Jewish money 
:ouId be utilised by others for purposes which were 
lot exactly in his own interest. 

The king was thus, as we have said, the sleeping- 
partner in all the Jewish usurj-, and may be regarded I 
as the Arch-usiirer of the kingdom. By this me 
he was enabled Lo bring pressure on any of his barons ] 
who were indebted to the Jews. He could offer 
release them of their debt of the usury accruing to 


it, and in the case of debts falling into his hand by 
the death of a Jew, he could commute the debt for 
a much smaller sum. Thus the Cistercian abbeys 
referred to above paid Richard I, i,ooo marks instead 
of the 6,400 which they had owed to Aaron of 
Lincoln.* And as the king pressed the barons, so 

these passed on the pressure to their inferior vassals, 
from whom they demanded grants in aid to free 
themselves of Jewish indebtedness. It was only in 
this way that the lower tenantry were affected by 
Jewish usury, since they conducted their own business 
mainly by barter, and had no reason to resort to the 

Thus, owing to the attitude of the Church towards 
the Jews and towards capitalism, the king was made 
the Arch-usurer of his realm. It must, however, be 
emphasised, as the point is new, that the king, as 
king, did not enter into any special relation with his 
Jews qud Jews. He treated Christian and Jewish 
usurers alike, and claimed their money at their decease 
with remarkable impartiality. (DiaL de Scacc. IL xj 
The state knew of no disability of Jews for any 
position (apart from the initiatory ceremonies 

* It was doubtless o\^'ing to this insecurity that such high 
interest was paid. The debtor was practically betting against 
the life of the Jew. If he died before payment was exacted, be 
might get off for a much smaller sum. 


involving Christian oaths).* I have even come 
across evidence of Jews paying knights* fees, and 
there is overwhelming evidence that they held many 
manors as liens if not as fiefs^ 

This anomalous relation of the king to his Jewish 
subjects led to some conflict of interest. Thus, as a 
good Christian, he would naturally desire to see them 
converted, but as king he would lose their services 
as informal tax-gatherers. He therefore claimed as 
compensation the goods and chattels of a Jew who 
became converted, and we find the Church com- 
plaining of the disabilities thus placed on the 
convert; nor was she oblivious of the king's sinful 
participation in Jewish usury. — 

Yet it was the C hurch tha t w as ultim ately to blame 
for the state of things which the Church blamed. 
The anomalous position of the Jews in medieval 
Europe was due to the intolerance of the Church 
which rendered it impossible for them to become 
citizens of their native country without abjuring 
their ancestral faith. The whole story is made 
sordid by the persistent way in which the Church 
closed every career to the Jew except usury. It 
may be allowed to one who is both Englishman 

* Curiously enoujjb, the whole Parliamentaiy stiuggle for the 
emancipation of the Jews raged round the form of the oath to be 
taken by Jewish M.P.'s. 



and Jew to express his regret both that Angevin 
England saw no other means of giving its Jews 
employment except as thumb-screws of the Royal 
Treasury, and that the mediaeval English Jews had 
not the manhood to refuse to accept a livelihood, 
however lucrative, which was only possible by the 
oppression of their fellow-citizens. 


[Entries in italics relate to translations from the Hebrew. 
The remainder are from Latin unless otherwise mentioned. An 
asterisk indicates that the extract is from a som-ce still inedited, 
wholly or in part. Items within inverted commas preserve the 
original titles in the Records. The passages in the Addenda 
are inserted as far as possible in proper chronological order and 
are marked off by square brackets.] 


Bef. 690 The laws of the Church about the Jews i 

810 JeTvs flee from Germany ^o England 4 

xo73~5 Jews settle in Oxford and Cambridge ... 

X074 [Decree of the Council of Rouen .. 

1079 [Jews are repulsed from Ireland 

1086 A Jew in Domesday , 

c. 1090 The impiety of William the Red 

Bef. 1096 [?] Friendly Dispute of Jew and Christian 

Some of the Arguments 

Bef. X 100 How to treat a Convert 

c. XI15 First mention of the London Jewry ... 

1120 Jews as Owls {Norm. French] 13 

1 130- 1 How Jews contribute to the Treasury [Pipe Roll 

items 1-5] ... ... ... ... ... ... 14 

c. 1 140 ;Laws of the Church about the Jews 15 

Church \'iew of Usury x6 

1x41 Jews at Oxford are mulcted by Maud and Stephen x8 

[A Jew burnt at Oxford 256 

XX44 The Martyrdom of William of Norwich xg 

[*Thomas of Monmouth's account of the Martyr- 
dom 256 

The details of the Mart}Tdom 350 yean latex ... v^ 









XX46 St. Bernard's plea to the people of England on 

behalf of the Jews 22 

English yews in Germany 23 

1 147 [Stephen protects the Jews 258 

c. 1x50 [A Reconversion by Rubigotsce 259 

Bef. 1x52 [Jews tenants of St. Paul's 260 

Bef. X154 Early Bible Criticism o/*' Rubi Gotsce^* ... 23 

c. XX50 * The yews and the Chatelaine 25 

X155 When Flemings go, Jews come out of their 

XX55-60 Jews spread through England [Pipe Roll items 

W* * V I ^V* ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ^v 

May, XX58 Abraham Ibn Esra [Browning's 'Rabbi Ben 
Esra '] dedicates his work ** Yesod Moreh " to 

yoseph ben yacob in London 29 

The State of Hebrew Learning among English 

'7CTX/S ••• ••• ••• «•• ••• ••• ••• O 

The Laws 0/ Moses 33 

The aim 0/ Life 34 

Dec. 1158 Introduction to Abraham Ibn EsrtCs " Sabbath 

Ct^XSVi^ ••• ••• ••• ••• ••» ••• 3o 

XX59-63 Richard of Anesty gets into debt 38 

c. XX64 Cities and Jews have their own Laws 42 

Bef. xx66 [A Jewish Knight 260 

Bef. XX67 [Abraham Ibn Ezra and the Demons 262 

1x67 [A False Jew a False Prophet 264 

ix66-Q *Jews as ferm -gatherers [Pipe Roll items xi-15] 43 

c. xx68 An Israelite Bishop without guile 45 

xx68 Harold, the Boy- Martyr, of Gloucester ... 45 

How to obtain money from the Jews « 47 / 

Bef. 1 170 Canon of a Rabbinic Synod of North West 

Europe ... ... ... ... ... ... 47 

c. 1x70 From ** The Dialogue of the Exchequer " 49 

XX70 A Jew finances the Conquest of Ireland [P.R. 

items 16-X7] ... ... ... ... ... 5' 

Bef. XX7Z A Difficult Question 52 

A point of yewish Law 53 

A Weighty Decision 54 

The yews of England inquire whether they may 

eat Barnacle-geese 54 

1171 [English yews mourn the Martyrs of Blots ... 265 

1x72 A Decree of the Council of Avrancbes 55 

1172-6 ^Jewish Contributions to the Treasury [P.R. 

tfv*»y J ••• ••• ••• ••• •«• ••• ••• 00 


PA6B ^ 

XZ73 The Plate of Lincoln Minster is redeemed from 

Aaron of Lincoln 57 

1175 The Abbot of Peterborough pledges relics with 

, lUC I ClnrS ••• *•• ••• ••• ••• ••• 5/ 

\y\^^(i The first Shetar on record 58 

XX73-80 How the Abbey of St. Edmund became in debt 

to the Jews 59 

XZ77 Sepulchres granted to the Jewries 62 

^ 1179 The provisions of the Lateran Council about the 

J wW o ••• ••• ••• ••» ••• ••« «g9 w2 

How to treat Christian Usurers 63 

XX77-79 *Jews are sent across the straits [P.R. 28-33] ... 64 

.^ 1x79 ♦Early l.O.U.'s 66 

c. X180 From " The Laws of Edward the Confessor *' ... 68 

The Punishment of a Jewish Scoffer 68 

How the Jews* Debts get into the hands of the y" 

XW1U|^ ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• /^ 

xx8o-2 Jewish Contributions to the Treasury [P.R. 34-47] 72 

1181 Assize of Arms 75 

St. Robert, Boy and Martyr 75 

July, XX82 Jews expelled from France 75 

, X182 A Receipt, Latin and Hebrew 76 

/^5 Nov. X182 One of the Causes of the York Massacre [partly 

Hebrew\ ... ... ... ... ... ... 77 

1182 The Jews favour William the Sacristan, and what 

followed ... ... 78 

Bef. X 183 The Boasting of Aaron of Lincoln 79 

X183 [A Receipt, Latin and ^(ff^r^w 268 

II Nov. 1x83 Deed of Mortgage [part //<p^f»w] 80 

Bef. X 184 Deodatus writes an asironofnical work ... 8x 

Israel as Bride and as Beggar 8x 

[* English yews drink with Gentiles 269 

1x82-5 *The King finds his Jews profitable [P.R. 48-66] 82 

c. 1x85 A witty Jew 86 

1183-5 *Promissory Notes 87 

c. 1x86 ^Earliest List of London Jews 88 

X186-7 *Jumet the Jew pays dearly for marrying a 

Christian heiress [P.R. 67-72] 90 

Aaron's Treasures are lost at sea 91 

Bef. 1x87 [The Misdeeds of William Wibert 272 

c. 1x87 [The Vision of Roger of Estreby 272 

1x88 Barnacle-geese should convince the Jews of the 

Immaculate Conception 92 

. Jews minister to the Monks of Canterbury, and 

pay a heavy contribution to the Crusade •«« <^%/ 



[*Aids to relieve a Lord from the Jewrs ... 269 

Bef. 1x89. Henrj* II. favours the Jews 94 

[Early History of the Norwich Jewry 274 

•Feet of Fine with Jumet of Norwich 94 

X188-9 'Jewish Conttibutions to the Treasury [P.R. 

/ ^ " v^* J ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• y5 

Bef. 1189 Btblica I Com men ts of Rabbi yacob 98 

[Walter Mapes refi^ses to be just to Jews and 

Cistercians ... ... ... ... ... ... 275 

•Deed of Belaset the Jewess of Oxford 96 

[•Contributions to the Treasury (P.R. 189-204) ... 265 

1189 [•Early Lawsuits 274 

3, 4 Sept. 1 189 The Massacre at Richard I.'s Coronation ... 99 

8 Sept. 1x89 Baptism or Death ; a Relapse 105 

A Poet's account of the London Massacre 

\Mid.-Eng.'\ 106 

A Jewish Account of the Massacre 107 

x6 Nov. 1 189 Charter of Monks of the Cistercian Order to be 

quits of their debts to Aaron of Lincoln ... 108 

Bef. 1 190 *A Penitential Hymn of R, Yomtob of York X09 

A Question of Warmth iii 

X190 Slaughter of the Jews at Norwich, Stamford, 

York, and St. Edmunds 112 

Feb. X190 "What was done against the insolence of the 

Jews at Lynn" 113 

7 March, X190 " What was done against the Jews at Stam- 

10 ad >•• ••• aaa ••• ••• ■•• ••• ^ 

Bef. 1190 A Decision of Rabbi EliaSy the Martyr of 

JL Vff^ ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• AXw 

Mar. 1 190 "What was done against the Jews of Lincoln 

and York" 117 

x6, X7 Mar. 1x90 " Of the fate of the Jews of York " X23 

A Jewish Account of the Massacre 130 

" Of the King's ire against the slayers of the 

I C W9 ••• ••• ••• ••# ••• ••« ^ 

Winchester does not join in the Massacres ... 133 
22 Mar. 1x90 " A Charter by which many liberties are granted , 

and confirm^ to the Jews " i34^ 

X189-9X •Contributions to the Treasury [P.R. 91-1040] 138^ 
XX90 Abbot Samson get** the Jews expelled from 

Edmundsbury 141 

10 Oct. IX9X [William Longchamp fleeces the Jews 281 

XX9X-2 ♦Contributions to the Treasury [P.R. 105-122] ^ 142 

Bef. XX92 De minimis noncu9 at Lex Talmudica 146 

1x92 Alleged Martyrdom of a Boy at Winchester . . . 146 




Bef. 1193 The result of entering a Jewish House 153 

1193 Jewish Contributions to the Treasury [P.R. 

X* J *^J ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• 0^ 

1 194 Form of Procedure in the Pleas of the King's 

Crown ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 155 

The Jewry is organised : " The Ordinances of the 

I CWl Jr ••• ••• ••# ••• ••• ••• ••• i^U 

John of Brompton's Account 159 

♦TheDebtsof Aaron [P.R. 129-138] 159' 

Bef. 1194 * Hebrew Grammar of Samuel le Poinfur of 

Bristol ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 162 

\Commenh by R . Benjamin 281 

1 194 *Gift of the Jews of England to King Richard 162 ^ 
c. 1195 \Infroduciion to Benedict of Oxford* s *^ Fox- 

Fables** ... ... ... ... ... ... 278 

" The Fable of the Wolf and the Animals " ... 165 
" The Fable of the Fox, the Cart, and the 

s^ • w /vfro ••• ••• ••• ••• ■>• ••• ••• *y V 

Benedict of Oxford's ' Morals ' 172 

1195-7 ♦Jewish Transactions [P.R. 140-148] 174 

1194-9 Early Lawsuits 175 

Peter the Jew becomes a London Landowner ... 177 

c. 1197 The Abbey of Meaux takes up Debts to Jews... 177 

Bef. 1 198 Learned daughters of a learned father 178 

"Against the Perfidy of the Jews" by Peter of 

^31015 ••• ••• ••• ■•• ••• ••• •■• '#7 

1198 ♦Jews and the Treasury [P.R. 150-162] ... 182 / 

Bef. 1198 Laws of the Church about the Jews 1^4 \/ 

1198 " Innocent III. to all Christian Princes " ... i86 ^ 
c. 1198 There were Jews in Cornwall 186 

Bef. XX99 [Additional items from the Pipe Rolls (P.R. 210-18) 276«> 

1199 A complicated Transaction 188 

Early Lawsuits 191 

1x99-1200 *The Exchequer of the Jews [P.R. 163-172]... l92^/ 
Bef. 1200 Benedict of Oxford translates AdLe\2iT6.*s "Quaes- 

tiones Naturales " 196 

He translates a work on Mineralogy 198 

He comments on Job 198 

[Two Cistercian Monks turn Jews 283 

[Jews falsify MSS. of Josephus 285 

[''Rules of Punctuation'' by R. Moses ben Yomtob 282 

Bef. 1200 English Jews in Germany 199 

[English Jews are Models of Orthodoxy 286 

[Ra bbi Menachem of L otidon 287 

[^Decisions of Rabbi Menachettt . "jSRi 



12-31 July, 120O 

23 July, 1200 

1199- 1202 


10 June, 1200 

8 Sept. 1200 

I 200- I 


10 April, 1201 



10 June, 1203 

22 July, 1204 


Bef. 1204 


15 April, 1204 

Bef. 1204 

c. 1204 






Early XI 1 1. Cent. 

Bef. 1215 


[/?. Moses of London on the Passover Service 

[ * Decisions of R . Moses of L ondon 

[Houses in the Oxford Jewry 

From the " Oblate Rolls " 

Appointment of an Archpriest of the Jews ... 
The King confirms the Sale of a Manor to a 

I w^nF ••• ••• ■•• ••• ••• 

The King is kind to Earl David at the Jews 

CJk^^CUSrC ••• •■• ••■ at* ■•• ••• 

The King grants Jews' houses to his servants 

Leo the Jew, the King's goldsmith 

llie Jews mourn the death of Hugh, Bishop of 

J-^lU^OlU ••• ••• ••» •■• ••• ••• 

Bailiffs of the Jews appointed .. 

Marry or remain in Debt .. 

A Jew and his Lord 

From the Pipe Rolls 2, 3 Jo. [P.R. 173-6] 

From the Fine and Oblate Rolls 

" Confirmation of the Charters of the Jews" 

The Price of the Charters 

♦Jurnet's Daughter in Business [part Heh.'\ 

A strange Charge 

Kubigotsce's House at Rouen 

Anti-semitism in London 

From the Pipe Rolls, 4-6 Jo. [P.R. 180-188] 

" Except to Jews and Monks " 

From the Patent Rolls 

A General Release, except for Jews .. 

English Jews are otihodox 

A Discussion about Usury 

Clipping Money 

A Cyrog^aph Bond 

From the Liberate Rolls 

From the Fine and Oblate Rolls 

•The London Synagogue 

From the Close Rolls 

The Royal Ten per Cent 

The Rite of Abraham 

Christ redeemed the Church from the Jews 

\_Mid. EngJ] ... 

Jewish Coile of Education 

Introduction to Moses of England's ** Onyx 

Rnnh " 

A-^Wrw ••• aaa at* ••• •• ••• aa* 

A Hebrew Inscription 

A Long Anglo -Jewish Pedigree 

[Alleged Jewish Propagandism 





207 / 
210 / 


212 y 





218 v/* 

221 V 

221 J. 

223 / 













I. List of Latin Authorities 297 

II. The Rolls ... ... ... ... ••• ... ... ••• 3^3 

III. Jewish Business and Deeds 307 

List of Manors, &c., held by Jews. 308 

IV. Money and Value in Twelfth Century 316 

List of Prices. 318 

V. Jewish Contributions to the Treasury 320 

List of Fines and Amerciaments. 321 

VI. The Assize ot Jewry in the Twelfth Century 329 

VII. Manners and Customs 337 

VIII. Jewish Education 342 

Code of Education. 343 

IX. Name-List of English Jews of XII. Centurj' 345 

Supplementary List. 364 

X. The Jewish Bishops and Communal Organisation .. 372 

XI. The English Jewries of the Twelfth Century 373 

XII. Jewish Population 381 

List of towns, with number of names. 382 

XIII. The Jews' Houses 383 

XIV. The York Riots ... 385 

XV. Isaac of York 392 

XVI. Jewish Sources 396 

XVII. Anglo-Jewish Literature in the XII. Century 401 

XVIII. Was Sir Leon ever in London ? 406 

XIX. List of Anglo- Jewish Rabbis, XII. Century 416 

XX. Additions and Corrections 422 


Clifford's Tower, York Frontispiece » 

[From Pennyfarthing's Architectural Skeiches^ 1812.] 

Martyrdom of St. William, of Norwich To face ■p. 19 

[From Prof. Earle Two Anglo-Saxon CAron.] 

Seal, with Arabic Inscription, of Solomon ben Isaac 26 

[From the original in possession of the Scottish Society of 


A Jewish Starr [from original in Brit. Mus.] 77 

Aaron of Lincoln's House [from a photo] to face 91 

Clifford's Tower before 1668, from the Gentleman's Magazine, to /ace 123 

Seal of Richard I. [from original in Brit. Museum] 137 

Moyse Hall, Bury St. Edmund's to/ace 141 

[From a sketch dated 1782, in the British Museum.] 

Jew stabbing Boy- Martyr 153 

[From a MS. in Brit. Museum.] 

Before 690.— The laws of the Church about the 


Ancient Laws (Rec. Com.) Theodosius. Liber Poenit, 

I. — If any Christian woman takes gifts from the 
infidel Jews or of her own will commits sin with 
them, let her be separated from the church a whoie 
year and live in much tribulation, and then let her 
repent for nine years. . . . But if with a pagan 
let her repent seven years. xvi. 35. 

II. — If anyone shall despise the council of the 
Nicene Synod and make Easter with the Jews on the 
fourteenth of the moon, he shall be cut off from the 
whole church, unless he do penance before his death. 

XXX. 4. 

III. — If any Christian accepts from the infidel Jews 
their unleavened cakes or any other meat or drink 
and share in their impieties, he shall do penance with 
bread and water for forty days ; because it is written 
** to the pure all things are pure." . . . x\\\, \, 


IV. — If any Christian sell a Christian man, although 
his own s-lave, into the hand of Jews or pagans, and 
by this, separated from the Catholic Church, loses his 
Christianity, he is not worthy to rest among Christians 
until he redeems him. But if he cannot redeem him 
let him give the price he received for him and redeem 
another from slavery, and for three years let him 
refrain from flesh and wine and mead ; and on the 
lawful holidays in each week let him fast till nones 
and chew his food dry. But if he be poor and per- 
adventure hath not wherewith he might redeem 
another, yet from his ow^n labours let him give some- 
thing and repent seven years. xlii. 3. 

V. — It is allowable to celebrate mass in a church 
where faithful and pious ones have been buried. But 
if infidels or heretics or faithless Jews be buried, it is 
not allowed to sanctify or celebrate mass ;. but if it 
seem suitable for consecration, tearing thence the 
bodies and scraping or washing the walls, let it be 
consecrated if it has not been so previously, xlvii. i . 

Before 766. 

Ecgberht, Excerptiones (Anc. Laws), 

cxlvii. A Laodicean canon. 

VI. — That no Christian presume to judaize or share 
in their feast. 

cl. A canon of the saints. 

VII. — If any Christian sell a Christian man into 
the hands of Jews or pagans, let him be anathema: 
as li is written in Deuteronomy (xxiv. 7). 


[All the outside evidence, negative and positive, is against 
these provisions being directed against Jewish residents in 
Ajiglo-Saicon England. There is no reference to Jews in Bede 
a- the Old English Chrooicles (till 1 144). The rich collection of 
garters in the six volumes of Keniblc's Codex Diflomtttictis has 

a single mention of Jews. The reference in the Laws of ' 
^Edward the Confessor is an interpolation, temp. Hen. II. And 
!fte positive evidence of the late settlement is equally con- 
iCIusive. See infra pp. 4-6 for actual dates given for the first set- 
^menls of the Jews in Cambridge, Oxford, and London. When 
Vtamined closely, these laws do not necessarily apply (o Jewish 
«tadents in England, even if tliey were inlended for actual 
ipplicittion at all, and were not merely copied from Continental 
Itodes. ILandprobablylll.and Vl.donitrefertojewspersonally, 
but rather to Jewish practices about Easter, on wbich there wasa 

ing quarrel in the mediaeval Church, whether Easter shoidd 
{)e held on the same day as the Jewish Passover or not. [See 
Jfeppendix V, to Mayor and Lnmby's edition of Bede.) Nos. I., 

— VII. would equally apply to passing visitors, and, above 

to slave merchants, andl am inclined Co think actually did so 
)^)ply. In Anglo-Sason times there was no room in the national 
teonomy for persons like jews, who could not join the guilds, 

Kd bad no scope for nsury in a country living almost entirely by 
tter (Ashley, English Commerce, I. i., c. i. \ 6, p, 43). The 
}f export of England consisted of slaves (iiirf.,p. 70), and we 
)iow tbat the Jews were the great dealers in this class of 
mmodity. Altogether, therefore, I am inclined to refer the 
Eclesiastical ordinances to passing intercourse with Gallo- Jewish 
[»ve-dealers, and not 10 any permanent Jewish population of 
Ingland before the Conquest. I would bring this conclusion 
I connection with the famous incident at the market-place of 
ne, which led to the Christianising of England, and brought 
llo the European concert. We find Gregory, when be be- 
e pope, complaining of the sale of Christian slaves to Jewish 
tave-dealers in the north of Gaul {Epistols, ix. 35, 109, no), 
d it is probable, therefore, that they likewise crossed the 
Remembering that slaves have no nalvon'j.\iVj , \ 




would suggest that if Gregory had stated the prosaic fact' 
WDrld-ramous remarks about the chubby, blond-haired lad; 
posed for sale on the Roman slave-market, he would have said, 
" Non Angli nee aage/i sed — Jud^erum rerr;'."] 

810.— Jews flee &otn Germany to England and 

Joseph Cohen A5;S>, Emt-h Hiibncha (Hcb.) p. 12, sub anno. 

In the year 4570 [A.D. 810] Christians and Moors 
fight one another, and nun of high station were brought 
law, and for Israel also that was a time of trouble. For 
many fea)s fled from the sword from Germany /a Spain* 
and England, and many tongregations who hesitated to 
fly hallnved by their death the God of Israel by refusing 
to renounce Him, and thus there retnained in Germany 
scarcely a remnant or refugee on the day of the Divine 

[This is the only evidence I can find for the existence of Jews 
in England at this time, and it is very late and uncorroborated, 
since there is no contemporary evidence of any such persecation 
of the Jews in Germany as is here presupposed.] 

1075.— Jewa settle in Oxford and Cambridge. 

Anthony a Wood, i., p. I29, Fuller, Camb., p. 8. 

9-10 Guliel 1. About this time I find the Jews 
settled and their number great in Oxford, as in 
several scripts it appears, particularly in that of 
Brumman le Riche, made to the said church of St. 
George at its first foundation, by which giving to the 

• M, Isidore Loeb [Recue del iludes juives, ivi. 52) proposes 
to read Tsarfath (France) [or Sep/iar/id (Spain), as German Jews 
would naturally Hee to France, not Spain. I regard the mistake 
as another proof of the unreliability of the record. 


canons thereof land in Walton, in the north suburbs 
of Oxford, warranteth it to them •' against Jews." 

[Wood quotes a Christ Church MS. Reg. Osney, fol. 9 b. 
Ya\La, Hi!t. nf Cai'ibriJgi,p.%, fines the date of the first Jewisli 
setlieinent in that town in 1073.] 

1086. ~A Jew in Domesday. 

Domesday 154, i6ot. 
Oxenef scire. 
Jemio has one mansion returning sixpence be- 
[ one mansion returning fourpence at Blecesdone.* 
longing to Laton. The son of Manasse has 

sheriff holds from the king two hides and a. 
half at Blicestone. 

This land Manasses bought from him without 
icense of the king. 

[The samcwhat unusual aame Manasses, f combined with the 
l&ct that a special license was required by him for buying the 
land, perhaps indicate that he was a Jew. See Parker, Early 
If istory 0/ Oxford (1885], pp. 22\, ^5;.] 

Dorsete, f, 77. 

The same bishop holds Staplebridge 

'Of the same !and Manasses holds three virgates which 
William, the king's son, took from the church without 
the consent of the bishops and monks. 

[Here.again there is something irrej^lar. The king's son was 
William Rufus, who favoured the Jews. See neii item.] 

•Thiientryisinsertedasif by an afterthought, part of it being 
the line as here. See the facsimile prefixed to Parker. — 
Histary af Oxford. 
t Biblical names, however, were not so rare. Both Abraham 
ind Isaac occur in Domesday, though without any otticc Indiso^ 
if Jewish ori^'n. See ii"reeman. Norm. Cunq.N.S^t. 


c. 1090. —The impietjr of William the Bed. 

Will, of Malmesbury, Gesta iv. ) 317, ed. Dufiy, p. 500. 

Of his insolence towards God the Jews in his time 
gave a proof; once at Rouen, when they re-called 
certain who had escaped from their errors back to 
Judaism,* endeavouring to influence him by gifts. 
Another time at London, he animated them against 
our bishops to a contest because, he in joke indeed, 
I believe, said that if they conquered the Christians 
and confuted them with open argument he would 
join their sect. Accordingly the thing was done to 
the great fear of the bishops and clergj-, fearing with 
pious solicitude for the Christian faith. And from 
this contest the Jews received nothing but confusion, 
though they often boasted that they had been con- 
quered not by speech but by deeds. 

[Another MS. reads :— ] The Jews who dwelt in 
London, whom his [Rufus'] father had brought thither 
from Rouen, t approached on a certain solemn occa- 
sion, bringing him gifts ; he bent down to them and 
even dared to animate them to a conflict against the 
Christians. ' By the face of Luke," quoth he, de- 
claring that if they conquered he would join their 

• Eadmer, pp. gg-ioi. T have omitted this interesting pas- 
sage, as it relates to Norman Jews. 

tThiaia a most impottanl passage in its bearings on the first 
settlement of the Jews in this country. Cf. nifim. p. 3. 


S, Anselmi, Qpp. cd. 1744, 1 

To the Rev. Father and Lord Anselm, Archbishop 1 
if the holy Church of Canterbury, his servant and | 
■n. Brother Gilbert [Crispin], proctor 
Westminster Abbey, wisheth prosperous c 
ice in this life and a blissful eternity in the future | 

I send you a little work to be submitted to your I 
fetheriy prudence. 1 wrote it recently, putting to paper 
what a Jew said when formerl)' disputing with me 
against our faith in defence of his own law, and what 
'. replied in favour of the faith against his objections, 
know not where he was bom, but he was educated 
■at Mayence ; he was well versed even in our law and 
Jiterature, and had a mind practised in the Scriptures 
:and in disputes against us. He often used to come i 
to me as a friend both for business and to see me, 
since in certain things I was verj- necessary to him, > 
md as often as we came together we would soon 
get talking in a friendly spirit about the Scriptures I 
and our faith. Now on a certain day God granted 
both him and me greater leisure than usual, and soon 
began questioning as usual. And as his objec- 
tions were consequent and logical, and as he explained i 
ith equal consequence his former objections, while j 
ir reply met his objections foot to foot, and by his j 
ra confession seemed equally supported by the i 
istimony of the Scriptures, some of the bystanders 
■quested me to presurvi- our disputes as Uk,ii\\ V 


of use to others in future Yet [poor as 

my work is] one of the Jews* who were then in 

London, the mercy of God helping, was converted 

to the Christian faith at Westminster ; professing 

before all the faith of Christ he asked for baptism 

and received it, and being baptized vowed him to 

the service of God, and becoming a monk has 

remained with us. 

[Then follows the "Disputation of a Jew with a Christian 
about the Christian faith."] 

Bef. 1096.— Some of the Argiunents. 

DisputatiOy ap. S. Anselmi, Opp. ii., 255. 

The Jew. — With what reason or by what show of 
authority do you blame us Jews because we observe 
the Law given by God ? For if it be a ^ood law and 
given by God it should be observed, for whose com- 
mand is to be observed if the orders of God be not 
to be obeyed ? But if the Law should be observed, 
why do you treat those who observe it like dogs, 
thrusting them forth with sticks and pursuing them 
everywhere ? But if you say it should not be observed, 
Moses should be blamed who gave it to us to be 

The Christian [makes the distinction between the 
literal and figurative sense of the words of Scripture.] 

The Jew, — If the word of God is to be observed at 
one time or another so that it is annulled at one time 
and to be observed at another, and thus in the 
vicissitude of time the divine sanctions are changed, 

♦ Query, was this the Robert mentioned by Anselm infra 
p. 12 ? It is scarcely likely, as Robert had a family. 


how stands it with the verse, And God spake once 
(Ps. Ixi. 12)? Why was it said, For ever, O Lord, Thy 
word will remain in heaven (Ps. cxviii. 89) ? . . . 

The Christian, — It is true God spoke once, and it 
is impossible that any word of God can be annulled : 
the divine sanctions are not changed by any vicissi- 
tudes of time, for Christ came not to deliver the law 
but to fulfil it The law prohibits homi- 
cide, Christ anger and hatred ; the law forbids 
actual adultery, Christ even the appetite of the heart. 
The law forbids you to use pork, and at that time 
abstinence from that animal was necessary for yoii, 
since it was a symbol of future truth, and a symbol is 
to be preserved till the truth itself comes. But now 
it is necessary neither for you nor for us since the 

truth of the symbol is present 

[He points out that a new kind of law is prefigured 
in the words of Isaiah (ii. 3), ** the law will go from 
Zion and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem." 
What law if not Christ's ; what Lord if not Christ ?] 

The Jew, —What reason, what Scripture forces me 
to believe that God can become a man ? . . . If 
there is no transmutation in God nor any shadow 
of change how could so great a change occur in Him 
that God could become man, the Creator a creature, 
and the mcorruptible become maculate. ** Thou, O 
Lord, art always the same," (Ps. ci. 27). How could 
God be always the same although He become a 
man ? If He is infinite how could He be circum- 
scribed in the mean and small dimensions of human 
limbs .? . . . 


The Christian, — We do not fear any opposition in 
this. . . For openly and without the ambiguity of 
any equivocation Jeremy the prophet thus speaketh, 
This is our God, and none will be likened to Him. He 
has found the whole way of knowledge, and gave it to 
Jacob His son and Israel His elect : after this He was 
seen on earth and conversed with men (Baruch iii. 36-8). 

The Jew, — If it be right for Christians thus to read 
and interpret the Scriptures about Christ, you will 
find much more that you can interpret in the same way. 
We do not know your literature, and perhaps you 
say that many things are written with you that we do 
not believe to be written with us. . . For really 
you Christians bring many things from the law and 
the prophets that are not written in the law and the 
prophets. For that which you have produced from 
Jeremy, Afterwards God was seen on earth and conversed 
with men, Jeremy did not say it, did not write it. 
But if you find it written in Jeremy, I will grant that 
the rest are said truly. But if you do not find it in 
Jeremy, give up your great animosity against us, 
blush for the fiction invented against us, and acknow- 
ledge that the original truth in the law and prophets 
remains with us. . . . 

The Christian, — Since Christ is truth, the Christian 
faith needs no falsity. . . What I brought forward 
from Jeremy, Jeremy said and wrote. . . . For 
although it be not in the book which is entitled with 
the name of Jeremy, still he said it through Baruch, 
who wrote it out of the mouth of Jeremy (Jer. xxxvi.4). 


rhose who believe in him (Christ) shall not be con- 
founded, as Isaiah the prophet testifieth. As for 
those who believe Him not, listen about the heathen, 
%,et all he confminded who adore images and glory in 
'^ir idols (Ps. xcvi. 5), and about the Jews, Lei them 
\l destroyed from the book of the living, and with the Just 
tei them not be written. 

The feu). — From that very quotation of yours it can 
; established that the Christians should be con- 
founded, for they, too, adore images and rejoice in 
iheir idols. For you figure God Himself as a 
irretch hanging on the beam of the cross transfixed 
liith nails— a horrible sight, and yet you adore it, 
md round the cross you figure a sun having half the 
a of a boy and frightened, I know not why,* and a 
noon flying with half the shape of a girl, sad, and 
blowing only the half of her disc \ ; but sometimes 
tou paint God sitting on a lofty throne and making 
O^s with an outstretched hand, and around him as 
"for greater dignity an eagle and a man, a calf, and 
lion, [All this is condemned by Ex. sx, +.] 
The Chrislian,—\i the law condemns all sculpture 
id the figure of nothing is to be imitated, Moyses 
jnned, who figured and painted the similitudes of 
bings ; nay, the Lord Himself sinned, who com- 
nanded them to be figured and painted (Ex. xxv. 9). 
. . . The Christian worships no image with 
• A reference of courae to Luke laiii. 45. 
t A CottQnian MS. (Tit. D. ixvii,) at the Britisli Museum 
■ tUa Tepresentation on p. b%h. As it is of the eleventh cen- 
ly it may be the very one referred to by the Jew. 


divine worship, but he cherishes with honour the 

representation of sacred things, and honors figures 

and pictures 

[The above gives the main lines of argument in the treatise 
which is remarkable for the fair give-and-take of the discussion : 
the honours seem tolerably equally divided, and the friendly tone 
is exceptionally conspicuous.] 

Bef. 1100.— How to treat a Convert. 

S. Anselmi, Episi, iii., cxvu. 

Anselm the archbishop to Lord Prior Arnulf and 
Archdeacon William [wisheth] health and the bless- 
ing of God. 

With the inmost affection of my heart I order you 
and beg your religion to take care of this Robert, 
with that joyful piety and pious joy with which all 
Christians ought to help and assist one fleeing from 
Judaism to Christianity. Let no poverty or other 
accident which we can avert cause him to regret 
haying left his parents and their Law for Christ's sake. 
. . . Do not let him and his little family suffer 
any harsh want, but let him rejoice that he has passed 
from perfidy to the true faith, and prove by our piety 
that our faith is nearer to God than the Jewish. For 
I would prefer, if necessary, that there should be 
spent in this all that belongs to me from the rents of 
the archdeaconry, and even much more, rather than 
that he who has fled out of the hands of the devil to 
the servants of God should live in misery amongst us. 
. . . For his misery both in victual and in clothing 
touches my heart. Release my heart from this wound 
if you Jove me. Farewell. 

1116. — Earliest mention of the Iiondon Jewry. 

J. E. Price, Account of GuildhaU, p. i',. 

In the ward of Haco* .... In the Jews' 
Wreet [? Old Jewry] the land of Losbcrt, in the front 
pa the west side, is 31 feet in breadth. Towards St. 
Olave's is fourscore and fifteen feet ; again towards 
it. Olave's is 65 feet, and in the front 13 feet. The 
and in the front is 73 feet and in depth 41 feet, and 
;>ays I OS. 

[This is from the " Terrier of St. Paul's," a lisl of lands held 
(^ the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul's. The description is not 
veiy clear, but seems to apply to two strips of land 1 1 the north 
Rnd south of the present Old Jewry Chambers, which would 
eem to presene the outlines of Lushert's holding after nearly 
00 years. A lilUe later there is mention of the house of 
'Aaron the Jew " in the parish of St. Lawrence. lb., p. 40.] 

1120.~Jews as Owla. 
aPhilip de Thaun : Bestiary (Norm.-Fr.), ed. Wright, pp. 123-4. 
Fresaje signifies the Jews in this life. 
Because when the Creator would bring them to light, 
ind he would save them and deliver them from death 
rhey would not receive him nor obey his command.s.* 
rhey said they had no king but Caesar, 
therefore God left them and came to us, 
Uid the Prince of death saved us by his death. 
iPe left the old which the Jews have for their 

Oiat they did not understand it prudently when they 

deserted God, 

Vards were then named after their aldermen, cf. Farringdon 


That is their law and their life, it signifies hard body,* 
And thus they do inversely as the bird flies inversely ; 
It is a bird of night and sings at the approach of evil. 
And that is the meaning without fear. 
Hell is without light where they sing lamentations. 
And we find it written that God himself said, 
** My children departed from me and strangers ap- 
proached to me." 
He called the Jews his children, us he named strangers. 
The Jews went away when they crucified God, 
We are come near and baptised Christians. 

1130-1. — How Jews contribute to the Treasury. 

Pipe Roll, 30-1, Hen. I , ed. Hunter, pp. 53, 146-9. 

I . — And the same Richard son of Gilbert owes 200 

marks of silver for the help which the king gave 

him against the Jews about his debts. 31 Hen. 

I., Essex, Madox {Hist. Exch., fol. ed. p. 296.) 

[The king gained in two ways by helping Christian debtor 
against Jewish creditor as here, or vice versd as Nos. 4, 5, and 

2. — Jacob the Jew and his wife render count of 60 
marks of silver for the plea which was between them 
and the men of Westminster Abbey. They quit 
themselves to the king by king's writ. 31 Hen. 
I., Lond., p. 146. 

3. — The Jews of London render account of ;^2,ooo 
for the sick man whom they killed. In the treasury 
;^620, and by payments by king's writ to Rubi 
gotsce 100 marks of silver and to Manasser the 

♦ Cors dure. 


Jew 80 marks of silver and 64 shillings and two- 
pence ... for William son of . . . and to 
Abraham the Jew 15 marks of silver and again to 
Rabi gotsce 80 marks of silver and they owe 
;^i,i66 13s. 4d. 31 Hen. I., 15a (Madox i. 229). 

[An enormous sum ; probably some charge of magic was in- 
volved. Rubi gotsce=Rabbi Joce or Joseph*: his son was 
Isaac fil Rabbi the chief English Jew in Ric. I.'s time. Rymer ; 
FcBderay i., 51 (ed. 1816) ]. 

4. — Rubi Gotsce and other Jews to whom earl 
Ranulf was indebted, owe 10 marks of gold for that 
the king might help them to recover their debts 
against the earl. 31 Hen. I., 15a Lond. (M i. 227). 

5. — Abraham and Deuslesalt, Jews, render account 
of one mark of gold that they might recover their 
debts against Osbert de Leicester. 31 Hen. I., 15a 
Lond. (M i. 227). 

[Deuslesalt=Dieu le saut=Isaiah.] 

C. 1140.— Laws of the Ghurcb. about the Jews. 

Corpus Juris Canonici, ed. Friedberg. 

Just as the Jews are not to be forced to the faith 

so it must not be allowed to the converted to recede 

from it [633]. 

Gratian, Deer, pt. I. dist. xlv. c. 5 (col. 161). 

Christian slaves bought by Jews should be set at 
liberty [593]. 

* It is probable that he is to be identified with R. Jehoseph 
of Orleans, a Tosaphist or Glossator of the Talmud, who is also 
known by the name of Joseph Bechor Shor, under which name 
he wrote an important commentary on the Pentateuch. 



Id. ib. dist. liv. c. 13 (col. 211). 
Public offices are not to be committed to the Jews 


Id. ib. c. 14. 

Slaves who come from infidelity to the faith are to 
be set at liberty [596, 594, 681, 581]. 

Id. ib. cc. 15-18 (cols. 2 1 1-2). 

Perfidy of [Jewish] parents [returning] ought not 

to injure their children [remaining Christian]. [633]. 

Id. pt. ii., causa I., qu. iv. c. 7 (col. 419). 
Heretics, Jews, or pagans cannot accuse Christians. 

Id. ib., causa II., qu. vii. c. 25 (col. 489). 
How many [eight] months Jews [about to be con- 
verted] are to be reckoned among catechumens [506]. 
Id., pt. III., De consec, dist. iv. c.92 (col. 1392). 
Of Jews and others frequently turning to Judaism 
[and performing the rite of circumcision, such chil- 
dren to be separated from parents, servants from 

masters] [633*]. 

Id. ib., c. 94 (ibU 
[Gratian's Decretum summed up all the commands of the 
Church till about 1 140, and was usually accepted as authoritative. 
How far this was so to England is discussed in Bishop Stubbs' 
Lectures^ p. 303. The above headings of chapters from it will at 
any rate give the general attitude of the Church towards the 
Jews about this time.] 

1140.— Church view of Usury. 

Gratian, pt. ii., c. xiv., qu. iii., iv. 

But that to seek profit beyond the sum [lent] is to 

demand usury is proven by the authority of Austin, 

♦ The numbers after each entry give the date of the Council 

or Bull through which the ordinances became part of the Canon 



Kvho on Psalm xxxvi. on the verse "All day" writeth 


^P " If you lend a man on usury, i.e. if you have given 

™ him your money from whom you expect r 

you gave, and not money alone but even-thing more 
than you have given, whether corn, or wine, or 
or anything else, if you expect to receive aught n 
Jhan you have given, you arc an usurer, anti for that 
\a be reproved and not praised." 

So too Pope Julius : " Whoever at harvest time c 
vintage, not from necessity but from cupiditj, bma 
com or wine, let us say at twopence the r 
and keeps it till it may he sold at fourpcnce c 
|>ence or more, this we call filthy lu re 

And HO too Ambrose in the book on the good of 
4eath, "If any accept usury, he doeth plunder 
lives not in life." And so too \ustin to 'Mace 
idonius : " What shall I say of uauri which ev 
very laws and judges order to be returned 
more cruel that takes or snatches somethmg from the 
rich than he who destroys the poor with interest ?" 
[The objeclion lo " usury " was founded" on ihe supposed 
prahibilion of the Gospel, Luke vi. 35, " Mntuum date, 
pEhil inde speranles" (Vnlgale), "Lend, hoping for nothing 
(gain " (A. V,), but now translated "Lend, never despairing" 
• Later refinements of the scholastics supported the doctrine 
JF the diclara of Aristotle, "money does not breed," which 
miB liie basis of Shylock's and Antonio's contention {Metch. 
f Vim. I. iii.) and on the dtftinction of Roman law between 
lings cotuamptiblf and things j'u'i^/A/i^, money being included 
in the former. Cf. Ashley, I.e., pp. 152-4. 


(R.V. following Sinaitic Codex). The prohibition is extended 
above to all speculation and indeed all capitalism, which was 
thus rendered disreputable. The State soon followed the 
Church condemnation with practical measures of confiscation 
by declaring the personalty of Christian usurers forfeited to the 
king after death if they died unrepentant. Trade in capital 
thus became a monopoly of Jews and formed their only raison 
d* etre in mediaeval states in which Church and State were 
identical. On the whole subject, which is the key both to 
mediaeval economics and to Jewish mediaeval history, see W. 
J. Ashley, English Economic History, I. §§ 17, 22.] 

1141. — Jews at Oxford are mulcted by Maud 

and by Stephen. 

Antony a Woody i 148. 

The Jews about this time that inhabited in S. 
Martin's parish and elsewhere in Oxford gave to 
Empress Maud an exchange* and afterward to K. 
Stephen three exchanges more and an half with all 
the goods of an outlawed and apostate Jew to save 
their houses from Incendiaries which the said King 
had placed in divers parts of the city and had before 
burned the dwelling-house of Aaron, son of Isaac, a 
Jew. For which causes, as 'tis reported, the same 
house being situated between the new Inn called 
Doillyes Inn on the east and Bokenhall on the south, 
the Clerks of the said Halls, as also of others near 
them, were relinguished by them and for some time 
left void. 

[Wood quotes excerpts from the works of Friar Nigel. It is 
usually asserted that these Oxford Jews helped to advance 
learning in the University.] 

♦ I do not know what an exchange means here. 






ffliMJK ^^^^1 





fci. Sulilm 


r 1141 The Kartyrdom of Wmiam of Norwicli. 

L O.E. Chr. Peterioro' MS., sub. an. Mcxxxvr. 

9 Now will we say something of what bcfel in king 

. Stephen's time. In his time the Jews of Norwich 

bought a. Christian child before Easter and tortured 

him with all the tortures wherewith our Lord was 

tortured, and on Long Friday hanged him on a rood 

in hatred of our Lord, and afterwards buried him. 

They thought it would be concealed, but our Lord 

showed that he was a holy martjT, And the monks 

took him and buried him honourably in the monastery, 

Eand through our Lord he makes wonderful and mani* 

fold miracles, and he is hight Saint William, 

I [Xlua is the tirat case in Europe of the aci-callcd " blood 

"" wl.ich has lasled on even to our OWQ days ; a case 

^ Bimgaiy attracted great attention only a few years ago. 

" e above is the only really contemporary evidence, but as this 

"leading case " I give Capgtave's account from the " Acta 

' though this was written in the fifteenth century. 

« abH7 arose just at the time when the mind of Europe was 

' slarly inflamed against the Jews as was shown by the 

in Germany, 1146, and St. Bernard's encyclical, 

" P- >3] 

a details of the Uartjrrdom 3S0 yeara later, 
f. Capgrave (t 149+), ap. Acln Snncl. Matl. xiv., t. ix., f. 587. 
1 At length on a feast of Passover the Jews dwelling 
B the city enticed the boy by a trick to enter their 
iotises and suddenly seize [and bind and gag him 
irith intricate knots.] After this, having shaved his 
'liead they wound it with infinite prickings of thorns, 
and raising the little innocent from the ground tried 



to Stretch him out on the stake. They inflict a bitter 
wound to his inmost heart on the left side, and to 
keep back the blood pouring through his whole body 
they pour upon him boiling water from the head 
downwards. And thus the glorious martyr went to 
the Lord. On Easter Day his body is placed in a 
sack so that it might be taken out of the city to the 
wood and there secretly buried. And as they entered 
the wood a certain burgess of Norwich, by name 
Eilverd, met them, who continued his walk [with 
them] for a short time. He inquired where they 
were going and what they were carrying, and, 
approaching nearer, put his hand upon it and leanil 
that it was a human body. But they, in fear at being 
discovered and having nothing to say, for fear took 
to flight and entered the densest part of the forest, 
and hung the body on a tree with a flaxen cord. 

Entering the town again the Jews go to the councU 
of the sheriff and promise him loo marks of silver if 
by his assistance they were freed from their great 
peril. Eilverd being summoned straightway by com- 
mand of the sheriff' was bound by a powerful oath 
that during his hfe he would not inform against the 
Jews, and up to the last day of his life did not 
discover what he had seen. But after five years had 
passed, Eilverd coming to the end of his life is 
admonished in a vision by the holy boy William not 
to fear to tell what he had seen to whomsoever he 
would, and so it was done. While these things were 
passing within the town, lo, a fiery light suddenly 
shone out of the sky, which stretched itself towards 


iHie martyr's place. ... On the sacred Sabbath 

1 of Easter a certain nun with some others enters the 

I dense part of the forest before sunrise, and looking 

i the lad hanging on the trunk of an oak, in 

s tunic and shoes, but with his hair shorn . , . ' 

^tnit she saw above him two crows, who desiring to ' 

galisfy their ravening hunger tried lo tear him with 

Sheir beaks, but they did not touch him at all, and 

Slot being able to keep up, they alighted on each 

side. Seeing them, the woman giving thanks to God 

f tetumed home and told what she had seen before all. 

wd, therefore, hastens to the wood, and having 

■ 'noticed the signs of punishment and the deed done, 

^declare that the Jews were not free from the crime, 

Hid carry the holy body to burial with rejoicing. 

[It is scarcely neccssacy to point out the improbability or 
Mther the absurdities of the narrative, tlie unnecessary bribe to 
ttie sheriff instead of to Eilverd, the accidental discovery uf the 
Hjbody after Eilverd had confessed, ibe miraculous pteservation 
T^pf die body for five years, the vision and the star.* It is further 
BAo benoted that Capgrave disagrees entirely with the Chronicle 
P-lrhich declared that the Jews bought William, that ibey kept 
me time, cmcified and buried bim. All these are a good 
leof ihe growth of a myth. Yet ihe " marlyrdoin " i 
I IwHeved in by the commDii people, and led to similar suspicions ' 
I VboQg entertained in other cases. On the principle " iind 

s interested," it is to be remarked that lliese boy 
were very popular and brought custom to the monaslei ' 
^ftal were lucky enimgh to possess the sbrine of one.] 

• This, however, seems to be an original or early trait of the 
B it occurs in a German chronicle of the same century. 
[Cf. Perlz. Script, vi. 472. " For he being buried without the 
» divine light, so they say, by shining above him pointed out 


Bouquet, I. xv. p. 606. 

For ihe rest, m)' brethren, 1 advise you, or rather 
not I, but the apostle of God through me, not to 
believe in every impulse. We hear and rejoice that 
the zeal of God burns in )ou but it should not fail 
altogether to be tempered by knowledge. You should 
not persecute the Jews, you should not slay them, )-oii 
should not even put them to flight. Consult the 
divine pages. I know what is written prophetically 
of the Jews, " The Lord will show unto me," says the 
Church (Ps. Iviii. ii) "about mine enemies: do not 
kill them; never will my people be forgotten." They 
are living symbols for us, representing the Lord's 
Passion. For this are they dispersed to all lands so 
that while they pay the just penalty of so great a 
crime, they may be witnesses for our redemption. 

Nevertheless they will be converted at eve and in 
time there will be respect to them. At last, says the 
apostle (Rom. xi. 16), " When -the multitude of the 
heathen shall have entered, then all Lsrael shall be 
safe." In the meantime he that dies remains in 

I keep silence on the point that we regret to see 
Christian usurers jewing worse than Jews, if indeed 
it is tit to call them Christians and not rather baptised 

• In Bomu MSS tliis is headed "to the people of England," 
in others " lo the clergy and people of Eaatem France,"' in olhera 
to various Gennim bishops. It was clearly an enc}-dicBl. In 
England it look effect, not so in France and Geimany where 
massacreb of Jews look plate. 


Jews. If the Jews are altogether ground down, how 
in the end shall their promised salvation and con- 
version prosper? . . . . It is, too, a mark of 
Christian piety both to war against the proud and 
spare the humble, and especially those ** of whom is 
the promised land, of whom the fathers and of whom 
was Christ according to the flesh" (Rom. ix., 5). 
But you may demand from them, according to the 
apostolic mandate*, that all who take up the cross 
shall be freed by them from all exaction of usury. 

1146.— English Jews in Germany. 

Regesten zurGesch. d. Juden in Deutschland, Nos. 234, 293. 

In the month of Ellul [11 Aug, — 8 *SV//.] at this 
time, when the monk Radulf comes to Cologne, R. 
Simeon, the saint of Triers, came hack ftom England, 
where he had been for many years, and betook himself to 
Cologne to go by boat to Triers. On the way he was 
slain by Crusaders near Cologne, because he would not 
he baptised. The wardens of the congregation \_ofCologne~\ 
obtain from the burghers the delivery of his corpse and 
bury it in the fewish cemetery. 

[From the Hebrew martyrology of Ephraim of Bonn.] 
Vives [Heb. Haim **life"]the Jew from England 
buys for self and heirs from Vives of Coblence a part 
of a house in Cologne. f 

Bef. 1164.— Early Bible Criticism of *< Rubi Gotsce."t 

Geiger, Parshandatha Giideman, 31. 

Gen. iii. 16. [And to the woman he said.] See how 

• Of Eugenius ni., cf. Baroni. Annales sub anno 1145. 
t The date of the purchase is not determined : somewhere 
between 1135 and 1165. See infra sub anno 1200. . 
J KindJy translated by Mr S. ScliecYil^i. 


much suffering you have caused to yourself by your sin. 

Till now there was no necessity to hear children because 

you were not going to die. But now^ as you are to die, if 

you will have no children, mankind will cease to exist. 

. . . And the blessing given on the sixth day, *^ Increase 

and multiply''^ (Gen. i, 28), must have been given after 

the Fall which made increase necessary. And a further 

proof that this was so is to be seen in the words * fulfil the 

earth"; previously it would have been * fulfil the garden " 

This proves that the blessing was given after the Fall, hut 

was inserted in the narration of the Creation, 

Ex, iii, 5. [And he said draw not nigh hither; 
put off thy shoes from off thy feet.] Why 'from thy 
feet" (ifYi2id\ means ''shoe" ) ? Because the word ** na*al " 
might mean also a glove and this was the na*al which 
Boaz gave to the Goel (Ruth iv, 8).* And this is our 
language Cant, and the nobles are still accustomed to clinch 
a bargain with their gants and therefore it was necessary 
to say put off thy na*alim "from off thy foot," 

Gen, vi, 6. [And it grieved Him in his heart.] 
Not "in his heart" but 'for the heart of man " that it is 
so wicked. 

Gen, xxvii, 40. And the vassals are still accustomed, 
when their suzerain oppresses them too ftiuch, to renounce 
their vassalry saying " Take thy foi and thy homage," f 

Ex, viii, 16. // is a custom zuith the King and 

nobles to use anstur % and esprevrir when they go on the 

ivater to catch water- fowl, which they call riviere. 

* Targum on Ruth also explains the passage in this way. (Geiger.) 

t See Ducange, s.v. guspire. 
X Ducange, s.v anstur and spanarius, Littre, s.v riviere. 


Deut. vi, 4. [Hear, O Israel, the Lord our God is 

one God.] R» Joseph, of OrleanSy in his commentary 

mentions that the name of God had to be mentioned three 

times because if he would have said ^Hear, O Israel, the 

Lord is one, every nation would have said that it was its 

Lord, and if it had been said ^^ Hear, O Israel, the Lord 

our God is one,^^ they would have said IsraeVs Lord is 

only one of the gods. Therefore, it had to he said ^^The 

Lord, who is our God, he is the one and only God^ 

And as to those who went astray who say that there are 

three parts in one, and therefore He has got the three 

names, the answer is clear : it would have been necessary 

to have had them in the next verse '* Thou shall love the 

Lord thy God with all thy might.** And according to 

them it would seem that we need only love two of the 

Persons, and not the one who went below. 

[These comments are from the Commentary of Joseph Bechor 
Shor on the Pentateuch. I have for various reasons been led to 
identify him with the "Rubi Gotsce'* of the Pipe Rolls 
{cf. supra p. 15). If so he would be the father of the Isaac fil 
Rabbi and Abraham fil Rabi Joce who play such important rdles 
in the latter half of the twelfth century.] 

C. 1150. — Thd Jews and the Chatelaine.* 

Sepher HajcLshar {Htb.) 71a (abridged). 
A mighty noble and robber pledged his carriage for 
twenty deniers with Reuben [John Doe]. Now Simeon 
[Richard Roe] desired to go on a journey, and Reuben 
asked for the loan of the carriage. Reuben said * ' Vou must 
first ask permission of the lord,** but the lord being out, 
Simeon asked his lady, who gave him leave. It happened 
* Kindly translated by Mr. S. Schechter. 


td S^ 

that on thdr journey Simeon and hh wife passed iht 
lord's casth in the tarriagt, whereupon, the lady, seeing 
this, declared she would never sit in the carnage where a 
Jewess had sate. She sent for Reuben and demanded thi 
carriage back for Ike profanation, and declared she wettld 
Piake one of her servants swear that it had suffered more 
than twenty denier^ damage, mien Reuben pointed out 
that she had given Simeon permission she denied it. 
Reuben rww wishes Simeon to pay him the twenty deniers 
he had lost. A difficulty arose in deciding because they 
were all connected together, and relatives must not judge. 
Rut R. Solomon ben Isaac, who was not a relative, 
happened to be there, so he and R. Joseph of Orleans put 
this case before R. Tarn. ~ 


[By a cuiiuui coir i.ul til le the seal uf Ihis R. Solomon ben 
Isaac has been found neat Arthnr's Sent in Edinbuigh (see 
Cat. Anglo-JewUh Exliib. p. 189). The inEcription upon it 
tella a strange tale. It is in Hebiew cliaracters, but eice]>t Ibe 
name does not give any sense in Hebrew. On applicatiun to 
M. Isidore Locb he with the aid of M. Joseph Derenbourg of 
ibe Instilule discovered that the in:!Criplion was j\iabic and 

^oIoinoH &/11 Ifianr W^a bns troniicb \\t fjirbnn. Jtlna 
^Ib^ part Iiini. 


He was thus a Jewish convert to Islam. I conjecture 
that he had " donned the turban " during the Spanish troubles 
of 1 145 and escaped soon after to England, where we find 
him, after resuming his ancestral faith, the sole stranger 
among the Jews of London. How his seal got transplanted to 
Scotland there is nothing to show ; it is scarcely likely that he 
himself travelled so far. The whole account is full of interest 
as showing the violent prejudices of the upper classes against the 
Jews, and the circumstance of the seal of the stranger with its 
equally strange tale being still extant makes the transaction stand 
out as a unique incident in Anglo- Jewish annals I may add 
that it clinches my conjecture of the identity of " Rubi Gotsce " 
with Joseph of Orleans.] 

1155. — When Flemings go, Jews come out of their 

J. C. Robertson, Materials for History of Thoin . Beckett^ iii., 19. 

The native, nobles were disinherited [in Stephen's 
timej and alien Flemings and seafaring men seized 
Kent and a large part of the kingdom, and by the 
length of the war, almost 20 years, everything seemed 
so disturbed that it seemed impossible to expel the 
Flemings. . . . Yet by the mercy of God, and 
the counsel of the chancellor* [Becket], within three 
months of the king's coronation, William d'Ypres, 
the violent seizer of Kent, went abroad in tears, all 
the Flemings, arms and baggage, go to sea . . . 
the crown of England is restored, the disinherited 
get back their paternal property. . . . There is 
peace everywhere, shields are imported, canlae are 
exported, there come forth in safety from the cities 

* This is an exaggeration of the chronicler, cf. Miss Norg^te, 
England under the Angeon Kings ^ i., 427. 


and castles, merchants to the fairs, Jews to seek their 

[" Debtors "he probably means. The passage is significant as 
showingtlic importance attributed to Jews in developing tiade.] 

/1166— 60.— Jews spread through England. 
Pipe Rolls, 2-C, Hen. II. 

6. — Richard son of William renders count of 2a 
shillings for a slain Jew. i Hen., II- r z, m 2, Canteb. 

7. — Sheriff of Oxfordshire renders count of 100 
shillings from the donum of the Jews, t Hen. IL, 

8. — And [Cr.] by payment by King's writ to Isaac 
the Jew, son of Rabb. £^-] 6s. 8d. 3 Hen. II., r. 
1 m. 1 Essex. 

[The son of the Rubi Gotsce of No. 3, hencefoTlb lie is men- 
tioned simply as Isaac the Jew esccpl in Ric. I.'s charter where 
he again occurs as " Ysaac fil Rabijoee."] 

9. — The Sheriff of London renders count of zoo 
marks for the Jews. The Sheriff of Lincolnshire 
renders count of ^£40 for the Jews. The Sheriff of 
Cambridge renders count of 50 marks from the donum 
of the Jews. The Sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk 
renders count of £^^ 6s. Sd. for the Jews of Norwich, 
£io for the Jews of Thctford, ^15 for the Jews of 
Bungay. Bonenfaund pays 100 s. for his brother 
Morell. 5 Hen. IL, 5b. 8a. za. 

[These were probably all Uie communities of Jews in Englind 
(Madox i. ili) though we find isolated individuals at Newport 
and Canterbury in Richard of Anesty's accounts of his botrow- 
ings about this time, also at Winchester see nest No.] 

10. — Gentill the Jewess owes ;£t 5 that she may not 
m-i] a Jfw. 6 Hen. IL, Winton. 



[She pays neil year. It 15 not clear whether she objected to ' 
a parlicalar Jew or wished to remain unwed altogether. If the I 
former, was it a case of breach of promise or was her cruel 
guardian forcing her into a marriage de convsnance /'] 

Kay, lies.— Abraham Ibn Ezra dedicatea hie worh, 
Yeaod Moreh to Joseph ben Jacob in Loadon.. 

S. Rosin : Reimt des Abraham, (Heb)., pp. 77-8 

Godis One; Ikrough all His Spinl foil's. 
So high is He, no man His greatness hiou-s. 
Only man's mind in the work the Worker spies ; 
E'en the sceptic's doubt proves what he denies. 
His people, when on Sinai's Mount arrayed. 
Saw in the flames His Majesty displayed; 
No image beheld : one* was chosen to receive 
What each should know and all believe. 
I long have sought for wisdom in His Law 
Till some of its secrets I thought I saw ; 
And now will I build for it a mansion fair, 
And reverence /place for its supporters there. 
Thanks be to God that Pve brought it to an end; 
Thanhsforsupporiingmeto foseph Jacobs, His friend. 
[These line."! are the dedication of a treatise entitled Yesod 
liorth, " Foundation of Religion," written by Abraham Ibn 
Eira,+ liBTeller, wit, commentator, theologian, astronomer, and 
mathematician, during his visit to England in 1158, as we learn 
from the colophon ; /, Abraham, the Spaniard, son of Mier, 
Q^led Ibn Esra, began to compose this booi and wrote it in the 
City of Loadon, in the island of Angleterre, in the month 
Tamut (May), and it was brought to an end in the month Ab 
(June), in four weeis in theyear^giS (1158) of the Creation. 

' Moses. 
f Browning's "RabbibenE7,ra"(Furaivall£/S//ujTii/A>',p. 162). 




(Sec Graetz, Gisckkkte der Juden, vi. p. 415). This Joaepl 
ben Jacob of Moreil (? Moreilles in La Vendue), wrote > 
super-commentary on Ibn Ezra's cmnmentary on Genesis in 
which he says " /, Joseph ben Jacob of Moreil heard viva voce 
from this sage [Abraham Ibn E,zia\ tht explanation of this 
passage and wrote it down in my own words ( Vide Dr. Nen- 
bauer's Catalogue of Bodleian Heb. MSS., No. 1234 (9), col. 
486). I cannot identiry him with any well-known English Jew 
of the time, unless with a " Moreil," who, with his brother 
" Bonenfaunt," is mentioned jubt at this date in the Pipe Roll 
of 5 Hen. n. (1158-9), Cf. Pipe RoU entry, No. 9.] 

11S8.— The state of Hebrew leaming among 
Eng^Iieh. Jews. 

Abraham Ibn Ezra, fesod Moreh (Heb.). c. i. 
Among Ike sludinls of Israel there be some whose whole 
knowledge consists in the knowledge 0/ the Massora, its 
noble signs and useful hints, the various readings. . . 
the numbir of verses, words, and letters in each book {of 
Ike Old Testament']. . . The Massorefic student who 
has learnt nothing else is like a camel clothed in silk : the 
silk is no use to him, and he does not suit the silk. 

There are others whose study is confined to the gram- 
matical study of the {Hebrew] language, to Ike forms of 
conjugation, radical and servile letters, nouns, &c. . . 
It is true that it becomes a sage to learn something of this 
science, but he should not spend all his days in reading 
the oldest grammarian, R. Jehuda,* the ten books of R. 
Merinus,^ and the Zi books of R. Samuel hanagid-X . . 

■ R. Jehuda H. ajug of Cordova at Ihe beginning of the 
eleventh century, regarded as the founder of Hebrew grammar. 

t R. Jonah Ibn Gannach caDed in Arabic Abulwalid Merwan 
(9B3-1050), who wrote the mo5t important grammar and lexicon 
of Hebrew, both in Arabic. 

J "VTzier to Caliph Habuss of Granada (1027-55) and head 
f'l^agid •) of the Jews of Arabic Spain. 


There are others who are always thinking of the Law, ■ 
\the Prophets, and the holy writings, and also on the m 
Aramaic translation, and Jhink, because they trv ta ob- I 
tain the true sense with all their might, they have reached I 
f highest excellence. The Law is in truth the source 1 
if all life, and the foundation of all the commands of \ 
God, but not a single sage can understand completely a J 
tingle command from the written Law unless he learns I 

'4he explanation of the oral Law -^^ \ 

, general all the commands need an explanation according I 
to the traditional leaching of the fathers, especially the I 
determination of the festivals, whether they depend on the I 
ige or the real new moon . . . and from which I 
place the new moon is to be reckoned for between ferusalem I 
and this island [England'] there are four whole hours I 
during which the sun lights them, as can be proved with \ 
rigid proof from astronomy. ... I 

But there are many wise men who do not know the I 
Matsora, in whose eyes grammatical study is also vanity, Ji 
■ who have not studied the Scriptures, still less its expla- || 
nation, but have from youth upwards studied the Talmud, I 
which is an explanation of the Mishna. These expla"^ 
nations are different, and they use a special method with I 
:#// of them ; forfr^m the Talmud we know all the com- I 
pands which a man shall follow and so live .... I 
\_^br the Talmud you need a knowledge of Bible, astro- I 
^my, mathematics, psychology, and dialecties\. The I 
'JTaliHudic authorities of our time follow various methods. I 
Stmt read the book to discern between the forbidden and J 
pie permissible ; others devote themselves to legends, and I 
out new interpretations and seek a reason for the I 


spelling of each word whether full or contracted. . . 

Others devote themselves to the Talmudical books in order 

to excel the rest, wherefore they chiefly deal with the 

hook of civil law. And they deserve a divine reujard for 

this since they teach the erring and redress the wronged, 

hut if the Israelites were just, this part of the Talmud 

would not he necessary 

He alone who knows the doctrine of phenomena and 

its demonstrations, the art of dialectics hy which are 

established the axioms that are the guardians of the 

wall of reason, who has learnt astronomy according to 

accurate deductions drawn from arithmetic, geometry, 

and the art of computing ratios, he alone, I say, can 

arrive at any high degree in knotving the mysteries of the 

soul, of the Supreme Being, the angels and the future 

world from the sacred Law and the sayings of Prophets 

and Rabbis of the Talmud, He shall increase in knowledge 

and understand profound mysteries which are hidden in 

the eyes of many, and we shall now treat of some of 

these The Lord sees the purity 

of my heart and knows that I have not written this book 

that I might appear to know His wisdom, nor that I 

should pretend that His mysteries have been made clear 

to me^ so that boasting of this I should oppose our 

ancestors : for I know well that they were much wiser 

and more pious, and there are besides men of the highest 

wisdom still living. But I have composed this book for 

the use of my most venerated patron,"^ who, under my 

* Doubtless the Joseph ben Jacob mentioned in the intro- 
ductory poem. What were the other books written for him ? 
Could this refer to the Pentateuch commentary ended in 
** Rodoz " or **Dovres'* (? Douvres^Dover). 


'.idanee, has devoitd htmsflf to the other books which I 

written for him, and led by n.y great love for him I 

laboured to write a treatise on the laws for him. For 

'J) in him a man loving truth and excelling others in 

'.ligion and piety. 

[In connection with the precedence given here to the Massora 

traditional textual ctiticism of the Bible, it may be tenmtkcd 

fitat three of the chief authorities on this subject in the twellth 

century. Hoses Hanakdan, Samuel Hanakdan, and Moses hen 

English Jews. See my note on this subject in 

'rierly Review, vol., i. p. iSl.] 

The Laws of Hoses. 

Abraham Ibn Eiia, Jesod Mora. 
There is a fundamental law which commands us 
^^ observe all the divine enactments, positive and negative. 
This precept. Ye shall serve the Lord your God 
^[E)t. xxiii. 15) includes all the laws to be kepi by 
heart, word or deed, ivhelher primary lauis or those 
ftrving to record them in memory. . . Many commands 
iave lost their force, as thai of hyssop (Ex. xii. 11), of 
■the manna (ib. xLx. 11). . . . Some commands are 1 
I imposed on the whole people, as burnt offering, shew-bread, 
libations : others belong to certain distinct families, as the I 
dtilies of a prince, of a high priest, and the rest of the ' 
iriests and Levites, the number of whose duties is very \ 
great. Several precepts are given to wale and female 
indiscriminately, some to nun alone, as the redemption of 
the first-born, others to women alone, as concerning vims. J 
. . . There are many laws relating to a certain lime, J 
■ . . . bul many laws depend neither on time nor any- I 
wtla'ng else, and these are imposed on alt, male and female, I 


ktngy priests y rich and poor, Israelites and proselytes y well 
and sick. There is one law for all, and such precepts are 
primary. These primary laws are ingrained in the 
mind , , , and were known by the power of the 
mind before the law was declared by means of Moses, 
and there are many of this kind as, e.g., those of the 
decalogue except the Sabbath : these were only repeated 
by Moses, , , , There are also commanded certain 
pious works by which we are reminded of the primary 
precepts, as the observance of the Sabbath in memory of 
the creation of the world, Passover, unleavened bread, 
tabernacles, inscriptions on our doors, phylacteries of hand 
and head, fringes of garments, , , 

All the precepts are to be referred to three things, (i) 
to piety of the heart, {i) to words, {^) to deeds. And as 
unity is contained in every number, so the beginning of 
every pious act by deed or word is internal piety, without 
which all worship is false and of none avail, 

[The conception that the primary laws of morals are common 
to all mankind is a characteristic Jewish one, and led logically 
to the tolerant dictum that " the pious of all peoples have a part 
in the life to come." On the other hand it tended to check 
zeal for proselytism.] 

The Aim of Life. 

Abraham Ibn Ezra, Jesod Mora, c. vii. 

But I have found a verse which includes all the 
precepts. Fear the Lord your God and serve Him 

(Deut. vi. 13) Man was created for this, 

and not for heaping up riches nor for building houses to 
be left for others while he himself shall be in the grave, 
nor for enjoying the delights of food, for pleasures remain 


hut a few moments^ are obtained by great efforts^ and 
often bring many evils. . . . For the sage con- 
sidereth that his life is but short and his soul is in the 
power of his Creatory nor knoweth he when it shall be 
snatched away. Therefore it be hove th him to inquire 
sedulously what can move him to love God^ learn wisdom, 
and investigate belief till he n cognises and understands 
the works of God. It is not like a sage to waste his time 
in mundane trifles, but to pass a solitary life, learning 
and meditating on the hand of God and obeying His 
commands. Then will God open his eyes and mind and 
renew the spirit placed in his bosom. 

[This passage will give a higher idea of the aims of the better 
class of Jews. It is to be remembered that it was addressed to 
Jews, and conveys a covert rebuke to their *• heaping up 
money *' and •* building houses."] 

Dec. 1158. — Introduction to Abraham Ibn Ezra's 

Sabbath Epistle. 

Kerem Chemed (Heb.), iv., 158. 

^Twas in the year 4919 [=1158 a.d.] at midnight, 

on Sabbath eve, the \\th of Tebeth [=Dec. 7th], that /, 

Abraham Ibn Ezra, a Spaniard, was in one of the cities 

of the island called the ^ corner of the earth, ^ [=Angle- 

terre] for it is in the last of the seven divisions of the 

inhabited earth. And I was sleeping and my sleep was 

pleasant unto me. And I looked in my dream and behold 

beside me stood one with the appearance of a man and a 

sealed letter in his hand. And he addressed me and said, 

" Take this lettet which the Sabbath sends thee.** And I 

bowed down my head and worshipped the Lord and blessed 

the Lord which had given it to us, which had honoured 


me with this honour. And I laid hold of it with my 
two hands and my hands dropped mith myrrh. And I 
read it, and in the beginning it was as honey for sweet- 
ness. But when I read the concluding lines my heart 
waxed warm within me^ and my soul almost departed y so 
that I asked him that stood by me, " What is my trespass ? 
What is my sin ? For from the day that I knew the 
Lord which created us and learnt His commandments, I 
have always loved the Sabbath, and before she came I 
used to go out to meet her, and when she departed I used 
to speed her with gladness and with singing. Who 
among her servants has been as faithful as I? Where- 
fore then has she sent to me this letter f " And this is it : 

I am the Sabbath, the crown of the law of the chosen ones, the 

fourth among the Ten Words, 
And between the Lord and His sons I am the perpetual sign of 

the Cifvenant for all generations. 
In me God completed all his works and so it is written in the 

beginning of the books (Gen. ii. 2). 
And of old manna did not fall on the Sabbath day that I weight 

be a proof to the generations. 
I delight the living on earth and give repose to the multitude of 

the dwellers of graves.^ 
I am the joy of men and of women, old and young rejoice in me. 
With me the mourners mourn not, nor do they bewail the death 

of the just. ^ 
Man-servant and maid-servant find rest and the strangers within 

the gates. 
And all the beasts repose that are in the service of man : horses, 

asses, and oxen, 

* There is truce in hell during the Sabbath. 

t For seven days after burial mourners sit on the ground, &c. : 
this is not done on the Sabbath. 



Ind all leho are wist hath sanctify and conclude the ftasl with 

Mijif those who indulge in it as well as abstainers." 
On all days tluyfind the gate of wisdom. On my day the huH' 

dred gates are opened. 
\aiit honoured hy not doing thine awn icay nor" cl niching after 

business" nor speaking vain words (Is. Iviii. 13). 
haee preserved thee at all times because thou hast obsemed me 

from the days of youth, 
huf IK thine old age an unwitting transgression has been found 

in thee, for they have brought into thy house boots, 
^ ahiek it is written to profane the Sabbath eve, and how canst 

thou he silent and not swear vows 
'e compose Utters in the isay of truth and send them to all sides t 

f.tid the messenger of ihe Sabbath answered and spoke 

mt ' ' She has been told what thy pupils brought yesterday 

thy house, books of commentaries on Ihe Law, and there 

it wn'tlen to profane Ihe Sahbalh eve ; do thou gird up 

((iy loins for the honour of the Sabbath to wage the battle 

f Ihe Law with ihe emvnes of the Sabbath and do noi 

nat any ma?! with partiality" {\.t\.x.\x.. 15), And! 

and my anger was kindled within me and my spirit 

as very heavy and I arose and warmed the fire in me 

td put on my garments and I washed my hands and 

Qught the books into the light of the moanf and there 

as written an explanation of Gen. i. " And Ihe evening 

id the morning" namely, that when Ihe morning of ihe 

:ond day came then one whole day had passed, for the 

* The beginning and end of [he Sabbath is celebrated by 

■f- The book probably was the commentary of R. Samuel 
in Ueir (Raslibam) on the Pentateuch. He could nol light a 
[hi because of the Sabbath. We can tell ihat ;tli Dec, 1158, 
IS iiill moon because it was the 14th o{ the Hebrew lunar 


night is reckoned as part of the preceding day, and then 
I almost tent my garments and the explanation too, for I 
said it is better to profane a single Sabbath than allow 
Israel to profane many Sabbaths with fire if they saw 
the wrong interpretation. And we should all be exposed 
to ridicule and scorn in the eyes of the Gentiles, But I 
refrained myself for the honour of the Sabbath and I 
took an oath not to give sleep to mine eyes after the con- 
clusion of the holy day till I had written a lengthy letter 
to explain when was the beginning of the day of the law 
to remove every stumbling block and to clear away snare 
and pitfall r 

[If the day began at daybreak, the Sabbath would begin then 
and Jews might light fires, &c., from Friday sunset to Saturday 
at sunrise. To obviate this sin Abraham ibn Ezra wrote his 
Sabbath epistle founding the orthodox Jewish custom on the 
mention of •* evening ** first in the first chapter of Genesis.] 

1159-63.— Bicliard of Anesty gets into debt. 

Palgrave, Commonwealth^ ii., pp. xxiv.-vii. 

These are the costs and charges which I, Richard 
de Anesty, bestowed in recovering the lands of 

William, my uncle, to wit 

In the first year of my plea [1159], when I sent 
John, my brother, beyond seas for the king's writ, 
I borrowed the forty shillings which I spent from 
Vives, the Jew of Cambridge, upon usance, a groat a 
week for the pound, and I kept the moneys during 
fourteen months, and I rendered for hire of the 
same thirty-seven shillings and fourpence, and this 
was on the third day after mid-Lent. And at Easter 


following, the said Vives lent me again sixty shillin 

at a groat a week for the pound, which I kept six 

months, and for hirethcTeofl rendered twenty-four 

shillings. And when 1 myself crossed the sea f 

the king's writ for pleading then Comitissa of Car 

bridge * lent tne four pounds and ten shillings, which 

I spent on the journey, at a groat a week for the 

pound, which moneys I kept nine months, and for 

which I rendered for usance fifty-four shillings. 

And when I went for Master Peter at Stafford, 

then Bonenfaunt, the Jew, lent me fifty shillings, 

at a groat a week for the pound ; these moneys 

I kept five months, for which 1 rendered for usance 

j^xteen shillings and eightpence. And at the clause 

rf Pentacost [May 21, ti6o] when I pleaded at 

Janterbury, then Dieu Lacresse, the Jew, lent me 

irty shillings, which I kept two months, at a 

(oat a week for the pound ; for which I rendered 

r usance, five shillings and fourpence. And when 

crossed the water to obtain licence to appeal to 

avae, then Jacob, the Jew of Newport, f lent me 

:ty shillings, at a groat a week for a pound, which I 

*pt thirteen months, for which I rendered for usance 

^y-two shillings. And when I sent my clerks to 

ome [March 7, 1161], then Hakelot, the Jew, lent 

e two pounds at the rate of threepence a week for 

le pound, which I kept seven months, and forwhich 

rendered for usance sixty shillings and tenpence.t 

• Cf. Pipe Roll, item No. 15. 

t See Pipt Roll, entry No. 2!. 

1 There is something wroug here. The proper interest is 

[ in ti^n 



And after Michaelmas, when we first pleaded i 
court of the Bishop of Chichester and Abbot of West- 
minster [Oct. 6, 1161], then Hakclot,* the Jew, 
lent me sixty shillings at threepence a week for 
the pound, which I kept three months, and for 
which I rendered for usance nine shillings. And 
at the feast of St. Martin, when we pleaded again 
in the court of the said judges, then Jacob, the 
Jew of Newport, lent me seventy shillings at a groat a 
week for the pound, which I kept eight months, and 
for the usance whereof I rendered thirty-seven 
shillings and fourpence. And at the same time 
Benedict, the Jew of London, lent me ten shillings at 
twopence a week, which I kept three years, and for 
which I rendered for usance twenty-six shillings. 
And when I carried the writ of my appeal to Win- 
chester to the bishop of Chichester that it might be 
sealed there, then Jacob the Jew lent me an hundred 
shillings at threepence a week for the pound, which 
I kept ten months, and for which I rendered for 
usance fifty shillings. And when I sent my clerks 
again to the Apostolical court [Oct. -Dec, m6z], 
then I borrowed four pounds from Hakelot, the Jew, 
at threepence a week for the pound, which I kept six 
months, and for which I rendered for usance twenty- 
four shillings. And when I went to my pleas at 
Windsor [March 31, 1163], then Dieulacresse, the 
Jew, lent me forty shillings at the rate of threepence a 
week for the pound, which I kept four months, and for 
which I rendered for usance eight shillings. And in 
• A diminutive of Jacob. 



the same journey to Windsor 1 borrowed half a mark I 
from Brun, the Jew,* at three halfpence a week, which ] 
I kept ten weeks, and for which 1 paid for usance I 
fifteen pence. And in the same journey, when I was 1 

K.t Reading, Halekot, the Jew, whom I found there, ] 
ent me thirty ahillingrs at threepence a week for the 
pound, which I kept five months, and for which I 
paid for usance seven shillings and sixpence. And 
when my uncle's land was decreed to me at Wood- , 
Block, then Hirabella, the Jewess of Newport, Irnt 
me four pounds and ten shillings at a groat a week 
for the potind, which I kept a year, and for which I 
rendered for usance seventj'-eight shillings. And 
when I rendered to Ralph the physician, his moneys 
at the first term, Hakelot, the Jew, lent me seven I 
.pounds at threepence a week for the pound, which I I 
kept a year and a half, and for which I rendered for j 
usance six pounds and sixteen shillings and sixpence, j 
And at the next time of payment Comitissa, of Cam- | 
'bridge, lent me one hundred shillings, which I kept 
two n.onths at threepence a week for the pound, and 
for which I rendered for usance ten shillings. At 
£aster last it was two years since 1 paid fifty marks i 
of Sliver into the E.tchequer in part of my promise 
^a the king, of which Hakelot the Jew lent me twenty 
tKrunds at twopence a week for the pound, and I yet 
owe the principal and all the interest, and the hire 
hath mounted up to twenty -sis marks of silver. 
Again, at the Easter following, I paid twenty-five 
(narks of silver into the Exchequer, of which Hake- ' 
• See Pipe Roll, entty No. it). 



lot, the Jew, lent me seven pounds at twopence a week 
for the pound, and for which I yet owe him the prin- 
cipal and all the interest, and the usance has mounted 
up to sixty shillings and eightpence. And at Michael- 
mas I paid into the Exchequer ten marks, of which 
Hakelot, the Jew, lent me forty shillings at twopence 
a week for the pound, which I kept three months 
and for which I rendered for usance four shillings. 

[Altogether Richard borrows /gi b5. 8d. and pays or owes 
for usury jjjl Bs, sd., very nearly the proverbial "Oa per cent." 
It is noteworthy that the Jews lend on less interest after one ax 
two traosactions, though the lowest, twopence in the pound per 
week, is over forty per cent, per annnni. The whole story is 
probably a typical one of the huge profits the Jews obtained 
from litigious chents. The legal fees had to be paid in coin, 
of which the Jews were the only large holders in the country.] 

a. 1164. — Cities and Jewa have their own LavB : 
Why not Clergy? 
J. C.Roberfson, Matir. for llht. of Thorn. Eeckst,\y., 148. 

Behold, London is the chief seat of the kingdom 
of the English. If its citizens are accused, if they 
are summoned to the pleas of the crown, they 
answer in their own city, they are judged by their 
own laws : they do not purge themselves by the laws 
of battle, or the ordeal of water or red-hot iron, unless 
they choose these of their own accord, but there their 
oath is the end of all controversy. . . . So, ton, for 
the Jews, by the proposed law their oath is the end 
of all lawsuits, whether civil or criminal. Would 
tt not seem to thee unworthy, my lord the King, 


Hnless the clergy were granted a privilege which 

S indulged to lay citizens or Jews ? 

[This occurs in a state paper, addressed to Henry II., 
probably with some reference to the Constitutions of Clarendon. 

ewiab law, as fiied by the Talmud, is administered among 
Jews by a tribunal known as the Betk Din, " House of Judg- 
Jnent," composed of three Dayanlm, or Judges; these aeein 
bj have been called " Bishops " in England, v. p. 45. It seems 
that Henry had just granted a charter giving jurisdiction 
to the Betk Din. A conlimiation of bis charter was given 
;by John, Rot.^ Cart., i., 93. Jews in Germany had the 
- privilege; and in ri6S the Bishop of Catania, in the 
Norman Kiogdaiu of Sicily, issued the rescript : " Latins and 
Greeks, Jews and Saracens, let each be judged according to his 
■n laws." Lagumina, Coiice Diplomatice, p. iz.] 

1166-9.— Jews as Ferm-grEithererB. 

*PipeRolU, ia.15, Hen. U. 
II.— William of the Isle renders count of the ferm 
of Lincolnshire . . . and [Cr.] by payment by 
King's writ to Aaron the Jew _^2g 8s. tod., which 
are counted to him in the feii.i of the tounty and 
owes £\2 4s. gd. He rendurs count of the same 
debt in the treasury £2 6s. gd. new money for 
jfa 4s. gd. blank money, and ;^io in two tallies, 
"s quits. 12 Hen. 11. Rot. i. mem. i. Line, 
[The great Aaron of Lincoln, see Nos. 24, 42, 56, 70. In 
■r parts of the same roll the Sheriffs of Norfolk, Yorkshire, 
^anta, Essex, Rutland, Cambridge, Oxford, and Bucks claim 
r credit for sums paid to him, amounting in all to 
ifsB; 3s. lod.] 

—Hubert de Lalega and Richard fil Osbert 
render count of ^4 133. 1 id. blank of the old form 
of Bucks and Bedford, and £1-] 10s. new money 


[Cr.] By payment of King's writ to Isaac the Jew 
£^ 1 8s. yd. new money and £o 13s. iid. blank. 
And to the same £1^] los. new, and are quits. 12 
Hen. II. Rot. i. mon. i^- 

[Son of Rabbi Joce, vide Nos. 3, 4, 8, 22, 24. The Sherifis 
of Kent, Northampton, Gloucester, Dorset, Essex, Bucks, 
Oxford, Lancashire, Norfolk, Cambridge, Devon, Hants, claim 
similar credits in other parts of the roll for sums amounting in 
all to ;f 743 13s. lod., the cash balance of their ferms. In 8 
Hen. II., the amoimt was ;f 102 13s. 4d., in 9 Hen. II. 
;f26 i6s. 8d., in 10 Hen. II. only ;f 12 lis. 3d. In 14 Hen. II. 
the honor of Eye settles with the King by pa3nnent to Isaac of 
the large sum of ;£^479.] 

13. — Abraham fil Rabbi owes ;^2ooo for an 
amerciament. The King orders that nothing more 
be exacted from him for this Roll but let them be 
erased from the roll by his own writ. 12 Hen. 
II. lob. 

[A brother of Ysaac fil Rabbi of preceding No.* The sum 
is enormous=probably ;f ioo,cxx) at the present day.] 

14. — Samson, Jew, son of Samuel, owes 3 marks 
of gold for a writ to have his debts, but is not to be 
found. 14 Hen. II. 

[The entry is repeated 16 Hen. II. with the addition " But 
he has fled to France.'* The full entry is kept in the rolls of 
the i8th, 19th, and 21st years. It is clear that Sampson had 
*' done" the King by first getting a writ to collect his debts, 
and then decamping to France without paying the £iS (of 
silver) which he owed the Treasury.] 

15. — Comitissa Jewess of Cambridge and her sons 

* I have suggested that he is to be identified with Abraham 
Ben Joseph of Orleans, an important Tosaphist or Glossator of 
the Talmud. See supra pp. 15, 26. 

<* yElVISH BISHOP. 45 ' 

md the Jews of Lincoln render an account of 7 
marks of gold for the Lincoln Jewess whom a son 
of Comitissa married without the King's hcense. 

S Hen. IL iz^' Lond. and Midd. 

[A son David lil Comitissa is mentioned 6 Hen. II. 5*. 1 
Canteb., and another, Isaac, 15 Hen. II., see No. 33.] I 

, 1168.— Au Israelite Bishop without Guile. I 

r. C. RoberlEon, MaUriahfor Hist. .,/ Thorn. Beckel, iv., 151, 

And so too that well-known saying of Henry of 
London was heard bj' many. For there were one 
day in the Church of St. Paul at London many 
J}ishops and abbots taking cognizance of certain 
ecclesiastical cases by order of our lord the Pope, ' 
land with them a great multituoe of clergy, citizens, ' 
soldiers, and others. There chanced to enter certain 

s of London, who mixed with these and others I 
■ in seeking for iheir debtors if they might see them. ' 
And among them comes a certain Bishop of the 
Jews.* And to him Henry said in joke : "Welcome, 
Sishop of the Jews! Receive him among ye, for 
there is scarcely any of the Bishops of England 
that has not betrayed his lord the Archbishop of 
Canterbury, except this one. In this Israelite j 
Bishop there is no guile." 1 

P' Bishop" was the tenn applied in England to each of I 
*ie three Dayanim or Judges who constituted the Beth Din or ] 
jdeaastical tribuaal which decidedcases between Jews.] 

1168.— Harold, the Bor-Uartyr of Olouceater. 

Hist. San. Petri. Glvuc, ed. Hart. i. 20. 

In the year of our Lord eleven hundred and sixty- 
• ProbsHy Deodatus, See Pipe Roll entries, yt and 31. j 


eight the boy Harold, who is buried in the Church 
of St. Peter the Apostle, at Gloucester, near the 
altar of St. Edmund the Archbishop, and of St. 
Edward King and Confessor, on the north side, 
is said to have been carried away secretly by Jews, 
in the opinion of many,* on Feb. 21, and by them 
hidden till March 16. On that night, on the sixth 
of the preceding feast, the Jews of all England 
coming together as if to circumcise a certain boy, 
pretend deceitfully that they are about to celebrate 
the feast appointed by law in such case, and 
deceiving the citizens of Gloucester with that fraud, 
they tortured the lad placed before them with 
immense tortures. It is true no Christian was 
present, or saw or heard the deed, nor have we 
found that anything was betrayed by any Jew. 
But a little while after when the whole convent of 
monks of Gloucester and almost all the citizens of 
that city, and innumerable persons coming to the 
spectacle, saw the wounds of the dead body, scars 
of fire, the thorns fixed on his head, and liquid wax 
poured into the eyes and face, and touched it with 
the diligent examination of their hands, those tortures 
were believed or guessed to have been inflicted 
on him in that manner. It was clear that they had 
made him a glorious martyr to Christ, being slain 
without sin, and having bound his feet with his own 
girdle, threw him into the river Severn. [The body 
is taken to St. Peter's Church, and there performs 

♦ Even the chronicler puts it doubly doubtfully. 


[This is the only at all full contemporary account of any of 
i^ese boy-martyrs, and the inadequate nature of the evidence 
6ich the death of the lad was attribnled to the Jews is 
obvious even to the narrator, who honestly enough confesses 
that DO Christinn saw the deed, no Jew owned to it, and the 
tortures "were only believed or guessed" to have been 
biBicted- It was obviously to the interests of a monastery 
Jto be connected with such a " martyrdom," aud to a mediKvil 
'conscience there could scarcely be much harm in taking 
isaes " as proofs if no one was physically harmed by such 
ft proceeding, especially as it seemed impossible to take away 
taj BDch thing as a good name from a Jew, or add to Ms bad 
one. Inshort, "Give a Jew abad name— "] 

1168. — Sow to Obtain Koney &ota the Jews. 

Gen'ase of Canterbury, eil. Slubbs, 1. 205. 

[Ambassadors from the Emperor solicit Henrj''s 
alliance, and are loaded bj' him with presents.] 
For the sake of these ambassadors the King caused 
the richer Jews to cross the Straits and leave Eng- 
Und, and exacted from the rest 5000 marks. 

[The richer Jews were probably sent away as a kind of 
iKMtages. Something similar seems to have been done 
years later. See Pijie Roll, entry 29.] 

Sef. 1170.— Canon of a Erabbinic Synod of North- 
West Europe.* 

Revue des etudes juipcs, t. xvii., p. 69. 

The sprout fiouriskeik and becomes a serpen! biting 

DKii without warning (Eccl. x, 1 1 ), h'ie dead 

tolUcI in the ointment of the apothecary (ib. x. i).t And 

therefore for the sake of the people we have strengthened 

• Kindly translated by Mr. S. Schechter. 

+ Allegorical reference to the increase of Jewish informers 

against Jews. 


the hands weary with the labours of the unicorn (Nu. 
xxiii. 22), to raise the head bowed hitherto to the feet ^ to 
wipe away the tears that flowed to Eglaim (Is. xv. 8), 
in order that the boasts of the, cursed folk may not 
increase who bring a bad name upon us and upon our 
children by throwing arrows in the dark, bending their 
tongues with lies in secrecy and still more in public^ and 
nowadays the robbers of our people have exalted them- 
selves to bring things to light (Dan. xi. 14), with their 
mouths and with their hearts to destroy [us ;] and many 
of them accustom themselves to sin, denouncing both secretly 
and openly through the Gentiles^ both lords and common 
people, and in both cases intending to commit sin. Therefore 
we have taken counsel together, we, the elders of Troyes, of 
Dijon, of Auxerres, of Sens, of Orleans, of Chalons, of 
Rheims, of Paris, ofMelun, ofEtampes and their neigh- 
bourhoods ; of Normandy, of the Coast of the sea,* of 
Anjou, ofPoitou ; and of the great men ofLothair [Lor- 
rain.] Of the towns heretofore mentioned some have 
already consented, while from others we have not heard 
their words, but as the thing is important, we have counted 
upon them that they are of those who, being great men, 
follow the little ones (Talm. Rosh Hash. 25 b.), and the 
judgment is a true judgment (ib. Aboth iii. 16), and if it 
is not written downy et, it ought to be written down ; and 
we have numbered, taken votes, and put in excommunica- 
tion, and decreed every man or woman, far or near, who 
summon his neighbour before a Gentile tribunal, or compel 
him through Gentiles, whether lord or common man, ruler 

♦ I assume this to mean England ; the neighbouring lands 
mentioned were under English rule at the time. 


ar nfficial, unless the consent of both has been given be/on 
hand in the presince of pun Jewish [qualified^ ?(jiV»mjm.J 
And if the matter comes round indirectly, and is heardm 
by the Got ernmtnl or Gentiles general!)', and thereby ■ 
**; can compel the other, we again decree and ex. 
municale such a man, to redeem his neighbour from their I 
hands and give him peace against the Gentiles on 
.a'de, so that he may suffer no damage or be in fear, 
thus not lose what he has demanded from him ; and ht \ 
Aas /d dt? this according as the seven good men and trtu « 
{elders] of the place decide, and if there arc no elders ii 
the place, those of the nearest cnmmunity. Andwealsg I 
\deent against any intimidation of the elders by m 
»f Gentiles. . . . [Details of the excommunica- 
■tion follow.] And we, the undersigned, ask all the 
frequenters of the court to punish, by means of the Gentile 
tourts, all who trespass against our decrees. 

[The Government granted pennission to the Jews lo have 

leir own tribunals (cf. supra p. 43). It is curious to see the 

Caity appearance of ihe principle of " boycotting" applied lo 

tiiose who would not Eubmit Ifaeir disputes to the Jewish 

inals, but applied to Ihe Gentile couits. The main object 

'Cf Ihe decree was, however, to check delation and denuncialioa 

Jewish mauvais lujets. The Synod at which the decree was 

pRraed was allended by 150 Rabbis. Another decree passed 

was 10 oblige the dower of a bride who died without issue in 

the first year of married life lo be returned to her relations. 

At a very much earlier Synod, under the presidency of R. Ger- 

(hom, ■• The Lit;lit of the Exile " (c. 1000 A,D.), the Jews of 

Western Europe agreed lo forsake polygamy,] 

c. 1170.— From the Bialogue of the Ex'^hequer. 

Dial, dt Scacc., II. x. 

M. — These, brother, are what I said the Sheriff 


brought to the Exchequer, though no summons 
preceded them. So a treasure dug out of the earth, 
or otherwise found ; so, also, when anyone who has 
a lay estate, or citizen who deals in public usury ; 
if he dies intestate, or made a will without having 
made those satisfaction whom he hath defrauded, 
his money and his movables are immediately con- 
fiscated, and they are brought to the Treasury. But 
the heir of the deceased enjoys the paternal estate 
and real property. 

S. — ^An important question puzzles me in regard 
to what you have said of usurers, which I desire you 
will be pleased to explain more fully. For you said, 
" when anyone having a lay estate, or citizen has 
employed himself in public usury, &c.," from which 
words there seems to be a certain distinction among 
those who thus offend. And from what is added, 
" has employed himself in public usury," one may 
suppose that some are not public, in which if anyone 
engages I am wholly ignorant if he is subject to 
the laws of public usury. 

M. — But thus much concerning this : what has 
gone before will fully resolve the former part of your 
question, inasmuch as a clerk who is employed in 
usury forfeits the privilege of his dignity, so he 
deserves the same punishment as a layman ; that 
is, all his movables shall fall to the Treasury. The 
Royal Authority would not do a Christian-like action 
was it to proceed thus against a clerk or layman who 
had offended, while he was living, for there is time 
to repent. But when he is dead, all his goods (the 



Church laying no claim to them) become the King's.' 
It remains to show what is public, and what is no 
public, usury. We call that public and commotti 
usury when, according to the manner of the Jews, 1 
anyone takes more by agreement of the same species I 
of money than he lent : as a pound for a mark, ( 
twopence for a pound of silver, for a week's interest ] 
besides the principal. We do not call that public, 
but damnable usury, when anyone takes a church or 1 
an estate for what is lent, and receives the profits j 
of them til! the principal is paid off. ' 

[The State thus followed up the Church condemnation of I 
usury by confiscating the personalty at those who died in thaf 
"sin." In this regard equal measure was dealt out to both Jcfl 
and Christian, and if a Jew's property fell into the king's hand I 
at his death that would be no mote than would happen if a I 
Christian were a usurer,] 

1170.— A Jaw finances the Conquest of Ireland. 

Pipe Roll, i6 Hen. U. 

i6. — ^Josce Jew of Gloucester owes lOo shillings 
for an amerciament for the moneys which he lent to 
those who against the King's prohibition went over 
to Ireland. i6 Hen. II. i^- (M. 379). 

[This is clearly a reference to Slrongbow's enpedition in 
:AuEUlt 1 1 70, whieh resulted in the conquest of Waterford and 
^"fthlblin, and roused Henry's fears that Richard of Strignil would 
;«reate an independent kingdom in Ireland. The expedi 
[irouidhave been impossible without financial help, for Richard 
liad DO independent means, and William of Newburgh [ed. 
Hewlett, Rolls Series, i, 167-8) states that his chief 

* Many iniitances of Christian usurers and nsuresses are given 
by Madox, Mist, of Bxch., p. 237, folio edition. 



going to Ireland was to escape from his creditors. " He went 
in defiance of an express prohibition from Henry, and it was on 
hearing of his victories — i.e.^ some time in the latter part of 
II 70 — that Henry confiscated his estates " (Miss Norgate, 
England under the Angevin Kings^ ii., 103 ; cf. Barnard, 
Stronhow*s Conquest of Ireland^ p. 40). But for the aid of 
Josce he could not have gone, and the whole incident affords 
another illustration of ** the economic interpretation of history." 
It also shows how important it was for the king to have absolute 
control of the transactions of the Jews, the only bankers by 
whom great enterprises could be financed.] 

17. — Benedict Jew of Norwich, son of Deodatus, 
renders account of £zo for the sacred vestments 
which he took in pawn. 16 Hen. II. Norf. and Stiff. 
[Paid the following year. Madox, Hist, of Exch, i. 228.] 

Bef. 1171.— A Difficult auestion.* 

%, %t\yitsK «a||« itt i\t yxvixat ai %* feljeaiar : ^ ram 
rami wxrt btixai\t \h )svi\x%\itx ia\x\t a mmax ; j^je mitfit 
toait tin %\t vAium^ \tx majjaritji anbr ran sag *' ^ Ixr^je 
i\h maw/' {Talmud, Kidd, 41^.) 

And as to our custom at the present day [twelfth 
century] of betrothing our daughters while still minors, 
that it is because persecutions wax more frequent every day, 
and if a man can afford to-day to give his daughter a 
dowry, he fears that to-morrow he may not be able to do 
it, and then his daughter would remain for ever un- 
married, (Tosaphoth, ad locum.) 

There came a case before R, Tam that the son of R, 

Hosea Levy was engaged to the daughter of a rich man. 

And he said " Thy daughter is engaged to me** without 

mentioning any name, and he did not say which daughter. 

♦ Kindly translated by Mr. S. Schechter. 


53 : 

On this R. Tam said that the eldest one was belnlhed, , 
. . quoting Gen.sxiv. z6, "// must not b, 
r country to give the younger sister be/ore the first- j 
bom." Bui R. Menackam of Joigny was against this 
decision. (Tosaphoth, Kidd ^ih.) 

I hear that it happened once in Troyes that Isaac the ] 
■OH of R. Hiisea the grandson of R. Menacham ) 
ielrothed to the daughter of R. Morel of England. But I 
he had three daughters all minnrs and the name of the j 
I betrothed was not mentioned, and he u'as compelled to 
divorce all three. (Hagahoth Maimiini. ffilc.JViishim.) 
[As it waE Qnt certain which daughter he was betrothed to, 
none of Ihem could be married to him or else he might be 
transgressing Lev, itviii. i8. On the other hand none of them ] 
could marry another man, for they might be committing bigamy. ■ 
The simplest way out of tlie difficulty was for him to 
all three. One of them afterwards married Josce Crispin. See 1 
Pipe Rolls, item No, 119.] 

Bef. 1171.— A point of Jewish Law.* 

Moidecai. Baba Kama, 
Tarn answers R. facob of Orleans who put the J 
following guestivn. If Reuben commissions Simeon lo% 
/TtctiBe money from a Gentile and the Gentile pays 
I much by mistake and then goes aivay and no one knowetkm 
:, to whom does the extra money belong? \_Ii'\ 
Taut decides after complicated arguments thai it belongtM 
■ lo Reuben.'] 

[Renben and Simeon are the John Doe and Richard Roe tu 
Xalmudic Law. R. Tam, the grandson of the celebrafed Tal-] 
nndist and commentSitor Rashi, died in 1171. Jacob of Orlean 

IS killed during the emeute following Richard I.'s cor 
Cf, infra, sub anno. Il is therefore probable that the above diffi J 
cnlty was sent by H. Jacob in London lo R. Taiii\n.^\a 
' Kindly iraoslated by Mr. S. Sc\iec\Aei:, 


C. 1171.— A Weighty Decision.* 

Mordecai, Ah. Sara (Heb.) ii. 826. 

The question is whether you may buy milk from a 

Gentile drawn from the animal without any few being 

present, R, Benjamin of Canterbury forbids it^ even in 

the case where the Gentile has no unclean animal among 

his flocks, 

[R. Benjamin of Canterbury is mentioned in a list of 
mediaeval Rabbis drawn up by R. Solomon Luiia (Graetz, 
Gesch, d, Juderiy vi. 365). "After R. Samuel, our Master 
Tam was chief. With him studied the chief Rabbi R. Jacob 
of Orleans . . the chief Rabbi R. Joseph Bechor Shor . . 
and R. Benjamin of Canterbury."] 

Bef. 1171. — The Jews of England inqtdre whether 
they may eat Barnacle-geese. 

R. Meir of Rothenburg (f 1 293) Resp. (Heb, ed. Lemberg, No. 160). 

On the question whether geese ^^ growing on trees^* may 
be eaten by fews. My teacher, the Lion [_Sir Leon of 
Paris tl told me that he had heard from his father, 
R, Isaac, that R, Tam\ directed that they should be 
slaughtered after fewish fashion, and sent this decision 
to the sons of Angleterre, 

[This is the first appearance of the curious legend about geese 
growing on trees (Barnacle geese), of which Prof. Max Miiller 
has an interesting account (Science of Language, ii, 583-604). 
If authentic, this account disproves Prof. Miiller's etymological 
theory of the origin of the legend since R. Tam died in 1 1 7 1 and 
Hihemican geese (from which the folk-etymology is traced) can 
* Kindly translated by Mr. S. Schechter. % 

t Whom I have sought to identify with Leo Blund. 

X R.Jacob ben Meir {^ 1171) grandson of Rashi (R. Solomon 
ben Isaac) the great Jewish commentator on Bible and Talmud. 


scarcely have come to England before the Conquest of Ireland. 
R. Tarn allowed them to be eaten. Later authorities declared 
them unlawful. The Church also (I.e. 594) declared against 
their suitability for food during Lent.] 

1172.— A Decree of tlie Council of Avranches. 

Benedict the Abbot, ed. Stubbs, i, 34. 
Clergy and Jews are not to be placed under juris- 
diction to be administered by the secular powers and 
those who presume to do this let them be cut off 
from ecclesiastical benefits. 

[This may be compared with the passage on p. 42. The 
Church, seeing Jews given separate jurisdiction, claimed the 
same on the very ground that Jews already had the right.] 

1172-6. — Jewish contributions to tlie Treasury. 

*Pipe-Rolls, 18-22, Hen. II. 

20. — The Jews of Cambridge owe half a mark of 
gold for having an agreement amongst themselves. 
18 Hen. II. Canteb. 

[They pay next year. This probably refers to some important 
case brought before the Beth-Din or ecclesiastical tribunal of the 
Jews at Cambridge. Cf. Nos. 34, 50, 75. John confirmed to the 
Jews a charter legalising such tribunals. Rot. Catt, i. 93.] 

21. — ^Jacob, Jew of Newport, renders count of ;^6 
for one mark of gold, for a plea between him and 
William de Muntfichet. In the treasury 60s. and 
owes 60s. 18 Hen. II. Essex and Hertf. 
[Pays and is quits. 20 Hen. II.] 

22. — ^Jumet, Jew of Norwich, and Isaac son of 
Rabbi, owe 4 marks gold that the king may grant a 



partnership between them of their chattels. 21 Hen. 
II. Lond. and Midd. 

[The entry remains till 29 Hen. II., when it is added "but 
they could not yet have it (the partnership).'* Cf. No. 39. 
Jumet is one of the most important Jews of the time. He is 
mentioned in the Chronicle of Edmondsbury, cf. infra p. 62, 
and frequently in the Pipe Rolls, see No. 67.] 

23. — Avigay, who was the wife of Jacob, owes 200 

marks to have custody of her boys. 21 Hen. II., 

Lond. and Midd. 

[Pays 22 Hen. II. by King's writ to Edmund Blund. This 
Avigay (Abigail) is frequently mentioned in the transactions of 
the time, and her son Abraham became one of the chief men of 
the London community.] 

24. — (The sheriff accounts for the ferm of the 

counties) and [Cr.] by payment by king's writ to 

Aaron of Lincohi and Ysaac Jew, £^0. 22 Hen. II. 

Dorset and Somerset. 

[The sheriff of Northumberland pays in a similar way ;f 68, the 
balance of the ferm to the same two Jews who, as we have seen 
above (Nos. 11 and 12), were unofficial ferm gatherers. See 
also No. 30.] 

25. — Richard Malebysse renders count (and is 

quits) of 1 00s. for his relief. 22 Hen. II. Honour 

of Eye. 

[He was the ringleader of the York massacre. He came into 
possession of the paternal estates this year and paid a "relief" 
for holding them. Within less than 15 years he was deeply in 
debt, as we shall see later on.] 

26. — Serfdeu, Jew, owes 10 marks gold \_£(iO silver] 
for having the debts of his father. 22 Hen. II. 


[Pays and is quits, 23 Hen. II. This is a common form of 
entry. Thus next year Ursell accounts to the sheriff of Norfolk 
and Suffolk for 10 marks for the same.] 

27. — Cresselin, the Jew, owes one mark of gold to 
have seisin of the land which Adam de Port of Wales 
had mortgaged to him. 22 Hen. II., Hantesc. 

[Repeated 23 Hen. II. and in 26 Hen. II., with the addition, 
'* But he has not got it," which is probably explained by the 
next entry in which Adam de Port accounts for 2000 marks as a 
fine for his land. Cresselin is a diminutive of Deulecresse, see 
No. 80.] 

1173. — The plate of Lincoln Minster is redeemed 

from Aaron of Lincoln. 

Girald Cambr. Vita S. Remigii^ ed. Dymock. 0pp. vii. p. 36. 
Godfrey the son [natural] of king* Henry II. suc- 
ceeded him [bishop Chesney f 1 1 66] in the rule of 
Lincoln Minster, the bishopric having fallen into 
great financial difficulties for many years previously ; 
he was raised to the bishopric of the same see of 
Lincoln in which he had been archdeacon. And 
among his very first acts, he immediately redeemed 
the ornaments of his church which his predecessor 
had pledged with Aaron the Jew. 

1175. — Tlie Abbot of Peterborough, pledges relics 

with, the Jews. 

Benedict, ed. Stubbs, i., 106. 
The same year before Christmas Richard, arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, came to the abbey of Peter- 
borough and deposed William of Walterville, the 
abbot, because, with violent and armed hand, taking 


with him armed soldiers against the wish of his 
monks, he entered the cloister and the Church and 
extracted the relics of the saints, together with the 
arm of St. Oswald, king and martyr, in order to 
pledge them with Jews for money. 

1176.— The first Shetar on record. 

Pipe Roll, 9 Ric. I. 

Alexander the Abbot and the Convent of Melsa 
[Meaux] owe one mark that it may be inscribed on the 
Great Roll that it has been put on record by the 
Baron that they have produced a charter of Aaion 
the Jew of quittance of the debt of William Fossard 
which charter was released to the said William in 
presence of the Barons. And these are the words of 
the charter : 

** Know all men reading and hearing these letters 
that I, Aaron, Jew of Lincoln, by the attestation of 
this my charter have cried quits to William Fossard 
of all the debts which he or his father owed unto me ; 
and I testify that he is quit of the debt which he 
owed either to me or to Josce of York or to the 
remaining Jews mentioned, viz. Kersun, Elyas, San- 
son, Ysaac Jew of Pulcella, or Fulcella herself, or 
Deulecresse of ** Denmark," up to the feast of St. 
Michael in the year of the incarnation of the Lord, 
MCLXXVi. This quit claim I have made him for 
MCCLX marks from which the monks of Melsa have 
acquitted him towards me. And it is to be known 
that I have handed over to him certain charters of 
this debt and if I have any others still in my posses- 
$ion I will hand them ovet as s»ooiv as possible." 


And that according to this record t as de ded 
by the said Barons that nothing should be demanded 
torn the said Abbot and Monks of the debt wh ch 3 
demanded from the aforesaid Will am out of the 
iebts of Aaron, viz. £i\a 13s. od. 9 Ric. I., +b 
Everw. (Madox, i. 238). 

[This contains the earliest dated Shitar or receipt, which were 
fterwards somimerous that a separate chamber of the Exchequer 
put aside for their safe deposit and called the Star Chamber, 
full transaction is referred to later sub aino 1180.] 

1173-80.— How the Abbey of St. Edmand'e became 
in debt to the Jews. 

Joe. de Brakeloiid, pp. I, 2, 4, 
But things outside were badly handled,. since each 
ine, serving under a master simple-minded and now 
rowing old, did as it liked, not as it beseemed him. 
?he homesteads and all the hundreds of the abbot 
«re given out to farm ; the woods were cut down, 
ie manor houses went to ruin ; all things got into a 
rorse condition from day to day. There was only 
ne solace and remedy for the abbot — to borrow 
aoney, so that at least he might keep up the honour 
if his house. Not an Easter or Michaelmas term for 
Sght years before his death but a hundred or two 
iondred pounds were added to the debt. The 
seds were always being renewed, and the usury 
lat accrued was changed into a capital charge.'^ 
rhis complaint spread IVom the head to the limbs, 
the prelate to his subjects. Hence it came to 
that each obedientiary had his own seal and got 
into debt with Christians as well as Jews at his own. 


pleasure. The silk cups and gold goblets and other 
ornaments of the Church used often to be pledged 
without the knowledge of the convent.* I have seen 
a deed made to William fitz Isabel, of one thousand 
pounds and forty,t and I know neither the cause nor 
origin thereof. I saw too another deed made out to 
Isaac, son of Rabe Joce,J of four hundred pounds, 
but I know not why. I saw also a third deed made 
out to Benedict, Jew of Norwich, || of eight hundred 
pounds and eighty, and this was the origin and cause' 
of that debt. Our hall was destroyed and William 
the sacristan had it to restore, willy-nilly, and he 
secretly borrowed on usury forty marks from Benedict 
the Jew, and made over to him a deed signed with a 
seal that used to hang by the window of St. Edmund, 
and by it gilds and fraternities used to be sealed, but 
afterwards, though too late, it was broken up to the 
joy of the whole convent. But when the debt had 
come to one hundred pounds the Jew came bearing' 
the letters of our lord the king about the sacristan's 
debt, and then at last was made clear what had 
escaped the abbot and the convent. But the 
abbot in wrath wished to depose the sacristan, 
producing the privilege of our lord the pope, that 
he could depose William his sacristan whenever 
he would. But a certain one came to the abbot 
and, speaking for the sacristan, so got round the 

* See Pipe Roll, entries Nos. 17 and 57. 
t A Christian is thus the highest creditor. 
X See Pipe Roll, entries Nos. 3, 12, 22, &c. 
jj See Pipe Kolly entries Nos. 17, 29, 44. 


abbot that he allo?ied a deed to be made out to 
Benediit the Jew for four hundred pounds to be 
paid at the end of four jears le , for a hundred 
[ounds which had now ^rown b) usury, and another 
[lundred w ith w hich the Jew accommodated the 
sacnstan for the needs of the abbot. And the 
sacnstan undertook to return the whole of that debt 
m full Lhapler and a deed was made, signed with 
the seal of the convent the abbot pretending and 
not affixing his seal as if that seal did not apply to 
him. But at the end of four jears there were no 
means of paying that debt, and a new deed was made 
of eight hundred pounds payable at fixed dates, four 
pounds per annum. And the same Jew had 
Iso several other deeds for smaller debts, and another 
iced fourteen years old, so that the sum owed to that 
ew was twelve hundred pounds besides the usury 
lat had accrued* 

In those days the ceUarer, like the rest of the 
ifficials, borrowed money from Jurnet, the Jew [of 
lorwich], t without permission of the convent, on a 
■i signed with the seal aforementioned. But when 
lat debt had grown to sixty pounds the convent was 
Innmoned to pay the debt of the cellarer. The 
illarer was deposed although he softened the charge 
r saying that for three years he had received all the 
nests in the guests' house at the command of the 
bbot, whether he were present or not, though that 
bbot should have received them according to the 
"Tbe whole revtoue of the Abbey was ^"325 129. 41!. 
t Sue Pipe Roll, eiilric? N05. 22, 29. 55, 67, 87, &c. 


custom of his office. Master Dionisius took his place, 
who, by his prudence and caution, reduced the debt 
of sixty pounds to thirty. Out of this debt we handed 
over thirty marks, which Benedict de Blakeham gave, 
to the convent for the manors of Neutone and 
Wapstede. But the deed of the Jew has remained 
in his hands up to this day, and in it are twenty-six 
pounds of the capital and debt of the cellarer. 

1177.— Sepulchres granted to the Jewries. 

Howden, ii., 137. Benedict, i., 182* 

The same year [1177] the lord the king gave a 

licence to the Jews of his land to have a cemetery in 

any city of England beyond the walls of the cities, 

where they might buy a place for burying their dead 

reasonably and in a suitable spot : for previously all 

dead Jews used to be carried to London to be 


[An instance of this occurs infra. The importance of this 
lay in the fact that sepulchres must be in absolute possession of 
the Jews.] 

1179.— The provisions of the Lateran Council about 

the Jews. 

Benedict the Abbot, ed. Stubbs, i. 230. 

Let not Jews or Saracens be allowed to have 

\ H Christian servants in their houses, even for the pur- 

1 S ^ pose of tending their children, or for service or for 

any cause. But let them be excommunicated who 

presume to lodge with them. We are also of opinion 

that the testimony of Christians against Jews is to be 




I preferred in all causes where they use their own 

I witnesses against Christians. And we decree that 

5 are to be anathematised whosoever prefer 

Jews to Christians in this regard, for they ought to 

be under Christians, and should only be supported 

by them for humanity's sake. But if any, under 

, God's inspiration, turn to the Christian faith, they 

t should by no means be excluded from their posses- 

i sions, since those who are converted to the faith 

ought to be in a better condition than before they 

adopted the faith. 

[When a Jew became a convert and ceased to be a dealer in 
money, the king lost considerably by the change and claimed to 
be compensated by the possession of the convert's money. By 
a later arrangement the king only claimed a half.] 

1179. —How to treat Cliristiaji UBurere. , 

Howden, ii., 182. Benedict, i., 13*. ' 
Since in almost all places the crime of usury 
waxes so that many, leaving business, exercise usury 
as if 'twas lawful, and do not observe how it is con- 
demned by the pages of both Testaments, therefore 
we decree that manifest usurers shall not be-received 
at the communion of the altar, nor receive Christian 
burial, if they die in this sin, and no offering of theirs 
shall be received. And he that receive'* them or 
gives them Christian burial, shall both return what 
he has taken from them, and shall remain suspended 
from his office til! he has made satisfaction in the 
opinion of his bishop. 

[The state followed suit by confiscating the chattels of Chris- 
tian usurers ot usnresses after their death if ihey had not made 



restitution, cf. supra, p. 51- So far State and Church were im- 
partial between Jew and Christian, the one in making the 
chattels of a usurer belong to the king after his death, the 
other in making the usurers' calling disreputable.] 

1177-9.— Jews are sent across the Straits. 

*Pipe Rolls, 23-5, Hen. n.' 

^3> — Cresselin, Jew of Winchester, renders count 
of 100 marks for an amerciament. Cr. by king's 
writ to Cresselin himself of 100 marks for 100 bezants 
which he had paid to the king himself. 23 Hen. II. 

[The king had "let him off" considerably, as a bezant was 
only 2s., a mark 13s. 4d. Cf. Nos. 27, 39, 69.] 

29. — Jurnet, Jew, renders count of 2000 marks in 
which he was fined by the king at Winchester on his 
crossing the straits. Benedict, the Jew, renders 
count of ;^5oo of the fine which he made to the king 
on his crossing for an amerciament. Josce Quatre- 
buches renders count of ;^2oo for the same. Brun, 
the Jew, renders account of 3000 marks for the same. 
23 Hen. II. 11^- (M. i. 266.) 

[Josce Quatrebuches pays next year. Jurnet owes ;f 226 12s. 
3d. then and £26 later. Benedict only owes £^. 25 Hen. II. 
Brun still owes ;f400 of this, 27 Hen. II. rot. ult. and ;f 20 of 
that 29 Hen. II. 13. Qy. was this another occasion when Henry 
took the richest Jews over to Normandy till a certain tallage was 
paid ? Cf. p. 47.] 

30. — The Sheriff renders count of the ferm of 
Devonshire, he pays [the cash balance of] 7 marks 
to Benedict son of Sara and Moyses and Deodatus 
the Bishop and Vives, Jews. 23 Hen. II., Devonessec. 

ITht same firm receive similar cash balances this year from 


the Sheriffs of Kent, Surrey, Norfolk, Lincoln, Cumberland, 
TVestmoreiand, and Oxfordshire, and the honours of Boseham 
and Conan and the Jews of London, amounting in all to ^1003 
5s. td,, practically all the spare cash owed to the king. Jose of 
York renders in similar way 36 marks from Oiford, and another 
firm consisting of Brun, Josce Quatrebuches, Jomet, and BEuedict 
Jomet's brother (see No. 29} receive /'loo from Southampton. 
The same applies to the two following years. The King doubt- 
less found it more convenient to ba^-e a banking account with 
the Jews on which he could draw insti ad of draining the counties 
of ready-money, while the Jevs could make arrangements for 
local Jewti to receive the Sherilfs' balances and lay out the money 
■in loans to the neighbourhood. At least this is how.I interpret 
these items, as well as Nds. m, ij, 24.] 

31. — And [Cr.] by payments by writ of Richard 
de Luci to Deodatiis Bishop of the Jews and Benedict 
son of Sara and Mosse his brother and Vivo, Jews, 
^84 lis. 1+ Hen. II. gb- Lond. and Midd. (M. ii. 

[Deodatus=^Elchanan,' " Bishop of the Jews," i.e., one of the 
Dayaaim or ecclesiastical assessors who adjudicate on ritual and 
other questions among Jews even In the present day in all Jewish 

s.— Mosse the Jew owes 5 marks for right to / 
marks and 4 shillings against Henry de Mi 
^nd to 10 marks against Hugh de Bellocampo. 
Hen. II. Hereford. 

33. — Benedict brother of Aaron and Benedict 
son of Isaacli and Benedict son of Jacob render 
count of £6 for one mark of gold to be quits of the 
pledges of Isaac son of Comitissa. 15 Hen. II. 
City of Lincoln. 

' Probably Elehanan ben Isaac, a direct descendant of the 
great Rashi (R. Solomon b. Isaac). Elchanan died ia ii&^. 




[This Isaac is probably the very son of Comitissa of Cam- 
bridge for whose marriage a fine was paid 15 Hen. II. (sec Na 
15). He was himself the father of R. Moses ben Isaac 
Hanassiah (=Comitissa), the author of the Hebrew ** Onyx 
Book,** the most important literary production of the eaiiy 
Jews of England. Moses would thus be bom about 1 1 70, and 
would have met Isaac of TchemigofF (see No. 41) when he 
was about 12-15 years old. Moses died somewhere before 
1 215. Stow gives the inscription on his tombstone. {Survey 
of London, ed. Thoms, p. 15.] 

I170.-Early I.O.U.'s. 

* Record Office, Misc, Q,R, 556. i. 

Know all men present and future that I, Robert, 
parson of Bisebrok [co. Rutland] owe Aaron, Jew of 
Lincoln, 25 soams of hay, Stamford measure, and I 
have agreed that every two loads shall make one 
great bundle, Lincoln measure, and all this com I 
will render to him within fifteen days of his summons 
and I make an affidavit to keep this, and I, Richard 
of Bisebrok, am surety for all the aforesaid corn and 
owe the said Aaron of my own part 40 soams of hay 
of the same measure to be tendered similarly within 
fifteen days, of his summons and this I have made an 
affidavit to render. 


Know, &c., I, Richard of Bisebrok, owe Aaron the 
Jew of Lincoln ten pounds sterling which I received 
from him at the octave of St. Michael next after the 
death of Richard de Luci \ob, 1179] and for each 
pound I will give him every week two pence for 


interest as long as I keep the debt by his favour, and 
for the whole debt aforesaid, viz. capital and interest, 
I have pledged to him all mr land of Bisebrok till 

has the debt aforesaid, viz. capital and interest, 
and if I cannot warrant this land to him I will give 
him equivalent of its value at his pleasure and this I 
make affidavit to keep and 1, Robert, parson of Bise- 
brok, am surety for the whole debt aforesaid, viz. 
capital and interest, for satisfying the said Aaron 
within 15 days of his summons unless the aforesaid 
Richard has done it and this is my affidavit. 

jiow, &c. I, Herbert, parson of Wissinden, owe 
Aaron Jew of Lincoln no marks to be returned at 
the second feast of St. Michael after the death of 
Richard de Lud [uA, 1179] in six years, viz. : each 
year za marks at two terms of the year, at Rogations 

marks and at the chains of St. Peter 1 o marks, and 
,ao on, from year to year, till the whole debt is paid. 
The first term for receipt is at the second Rogations 
. after the death of Richard de Luci. And if by chance 
any one of those terms shall pass, 1 will give him 
ever]- week twopence interest for every pound, so long 
s I shall hold the debt by his grace, and I make my 
affidavit, and have confirmed it with my seal. 

[These three praniiasory notes are Ihe earliesl ineiislenceand 
:are each interesting in a different way. The first shows that the 
Jews were large com merchants as well as money lenders. The 
second is interesting from its cannectiun with an entry on the 
Pipe Rolls, Nos. 15, 164. fifteen years later. The last is a fonn 
which was, by a legal fiction, supposed to avoid usury since 

eat was only paid if there was a delay in payment, Tlut 
usury of the Cahorsins was conducted on those \\nes.\ 




c. 1180.— I^om "The Laws of Edward the 

XXV. Of the Jews. 

Howden, cd. Slubbs. ii, aj?. 
It should be known that all Jews, wheresoever in 
the roalm the_v be, ought to bo undor the guard and 
protection of the king's liege. Nor ought any of 
them place himself under any rich man without the 
" king's licence ; because the Jews themselves and al! 
I theirs belong to the king. And if any detain them 
or their money, let the king, if he will and can, ask it 
_back as if it were his own. 

XXXTttl. Of tJaurers. 

King Edward likewise forbade usurers to remair 
the kingdom, and if any was convicted thereof thai 
he had taken interest, he should be deprived of his 
property and declared outlaw. But this the king 
himself stated that when he was in the Court of the 
French king he had heard that usury is the root of 
all vices. 

[These sections of the so-called " Laws of Edward Ihe Con- 
fessor " are recognised to be later interpolations, probably of the 
time of Men. II. See Webb, The Qufstien, ^c, p. 30 seq, 
and Jew. Quart. Rei:, i., 287.] 

c. 1180.— Tlie PuniBhraeat of a. Jewish Scoffer. 

Ada Sa-cl. Oct, six, t. Ivi, f. 576. 
Nor should we pass over in silence the revenge 
which the Lord took on a certain man of the Jewish 
depravity in this city of Oxford. A certain Jew, lie 
Lord increase him, [Deus-eum-Crescat^Deulecresse= 
//i^. Gedalyah] by name (for the Jews use prayers in 


this way instead of proper names), the son of Moses 
of Wallingford, a man less detestable than the rest of 
the Jews, influenced by a most infamous feeling, 
insulted the devotions of the Christian folk and 
derided the divine miracles with blaspheming words. 
For he derisively drew up bis hands and stretched 
them out, and likewise halted on his feet, and then 
walked upright, and so he boasted that he could do 
miracles as well as our Frideswide, and that gifts 
should be given and offerings made to him as well as 
to her. Whereupon it happened that faithful folk 
cursed him on the left side, which really happened 
afterwards. At last, as he was sitting down at his 
father's table and redoubling his blasphemies, he was 
gravely rebuked by his father, but would not desist 
from his design, declaring that Frideswide could do 
nothing and that he had no fear of her miracles, 
length, in great indignation, his father cursed him : 
at his voice the blasphemer was silent for a little, 
and a little afterwards falling into a decline, seemed 
in great terror. . . Being invited to supper by his 
father he refused, being tired of life and desiring to 
hasten his own death. When, therefore, on the 
succeeding night the quiet of the night was replacing 
the labours of the day, in silence the wretch r 
from his bed and enters his father's kitchen, and lest 
his gloomy intention might be frustrated he closed 
the door with wax (.') from the inside. His belt 
served as a rope, and joining together his neck an 
the beam, hke traitor Judas, in like manner put i 
end to his life. [His father finds him in the moiti™^ 


and begs his fellow Jews to keep the matter secret, 
but it is known throughout the town.] But when, as 
is customarj-, the detestable body was being carried 
off on a cart to be buried in London,* a number of 
dogs followed the cart with their barks, as is the way 
of dogs, giving suitable obsequies to the blasphemer. 

c. 1180.— How the Jews' Debts ^ret into the haadi 

of the King. 

Chrun. de Melsa, \. 173, se^. 
In the meantime William Fossard, junior, confirmed 
the donation of William Fossard, his father, of i 
carucales of land in Wharrom and of his own gift 
granted us z bovates of land there. And because he 
himself owed more than 1 800 marks to the Jews and 
had pledged certain lands to the Jews themselves, 
the sum of the debt daily increased so that all he had 
was in danger of future loss. William therefore asked 
Philip our Abbot to take upon himself the pa)inent 
of his debt, taking a portion of his lands. At which 
the abbot, at first disturbed not slightly, was as it 
were astonished and stupified both because he was 
poor and there was an immense debt, and also 
because he knew for certain that it was not safe to 
have anything to do with Jews, as also he afterwards 
found out and experienced. Nevertheless, Aaron, 
the Jew of Lincoln, who seemed to be the first and 
greatest of the Jews themselves and had drawn to 
himself the whole debt of William, promised to 
forego more than 500 marks if our abbot would 


promise to satisfy him oT the rest, and William him- 
self promised that he would give for that reason, viz. 
" that it would ^et the abbey into the king's power " 
four and a half carucates of land in Wharrom, Also 
he granted to our monastery the vills of Bainton and 
Nessenwick which were pledged to the Jews for certain 
periods till we should receive the money for pajTnent. 
At the instance therefore of the brothers, the abbot 
though unwillingly undertook the payment of the 
aforesaid debt, vit., of izbo marks : so that he Was 
bound to pay every year till the debt was fully paid 
&o marks from our monaster)- to Aaron the Jew before 

mentioned In the meantime Aaron the 

Jew ot Lincoln, of whom we have just spoken, died, 
and we were forced by ro3'al edict to pay to our lord 
the king all that we owed on behalf of William 
sard within a short time. And when this was done 
there were found besides certain charters among the 
treasure- chests of Aaron, by which the king demanded 
more than 500 marks from William Fossard. There- 
upon William Fossard himself urged that we were 
bound to pay all his debts to Aaron the Jew. But 
on the other hand declared that we had already 
i all the debts for which we were bound on his 
behalf. At length however after much trouble and 
expense the charter of Aaron giving quittance for the 
whole sum was sought and found. And this being 
lead before the barons of the exchequer at London 
•was transcribed on a roll though not upon the Great 
Roll, though afterwards Alexander the fourth abbot 
caused It to be transcribed on the Great Roll** and ia 
• See entry rrom Pipe Roll, No. Hi. 



accordance with this quittance it was decided by the 
said barons that nothing should be exacted of the 
debt which was demanded from the said Wilham 
Fossard for the debt to Aaron. 

1180-2.— Jewish, contributions to the Treasury. 

• Pifie Soils. 26-8, Hen. U. 

34.. — Benedict the Jew owes three marks to have 
respite in the plea between him and Moyses the Jew. 
i6Jlen. 1., Boseham 

[Disputes between Jews were generally settled before their 
own Btlk-Din ; tbere was a threat of excommunication against 
those who applied to the Gentile courts.] 

35- — Abraham, Jew of Coventrj, owes one naark to 
be quits of the appeal of Beleasez [Jewess of Oxford, 
see No. 38.] z6 Hen. II., Lond. 

[This debt has to be seen to by the Sheriff of Warwickahire, 
28 Hen. II. Abraham had tetuined from London to his native 

jb. — Nicholas the convert owes half a mark for a 
default. 16 Hen. 11., Ghent. 

[Conversions of Jews began early ; we find references to them 
temfi. Will. Rufkls., and tbere is an interesting letter of Anselm 
about one, supra pp. 8 and 12.] 

37. — Jeremias the Jew renders count ofone mark 
\ for Isabella the convert whom he personated. Quits.. 
i6 Hen. II. Bucks. 

[Converts lost all their property wiiich escheated to the king 
00 conversion. Jeremiah had probably atlemp ted tosaTe some- 
thing in the case of Isabella.] 

38. — Beleasez, Jewess of Oxford (renders count) 
owes ^100 for having respite in the plea between her 
and the clerk of the Court of Ferrars. 26 Hen. II. 



38. — From the pleas of the Court. Samuel the 
Jew owes five marks of gold as an amerciament for a 
bill of divorce. 16 Hen. II., 6b Norhant. (M. i. %%■]). 
39. — Cresselin Jew owes three marks silver to have 
licence for a concord with Jomet, his sister's husband. 
17 Hen. II., Sudhants. 

[The king clainied to be compensated for debts to firms which 
would not escheat to him on the death of a member of it as 
would be the ca^ with debts to individuals.] 

—Piers [?] Dulesalt, Jew of Exeter, renders 
count of to marks that the king might take charge of 
his boj'S. 27 Hen. II., Devenesc. 

— Ysaac of Rochester, and Vsaac of Russia, 
and Yaaac of Beverley, Jews, render count of 10 
marks to be quit of a charge that they were said to 
have exchanged {cambivme). 17 Hen. II., Sudhantesc. 
[ThiE Isaac of Russia, possibly the first Russian in historic 
times who put foot on English soil, is referted to by R. Moses 
bes Isaac in his " Onyx Book " in the following way ;— " R. 
Ita ef Tchemigoff told me that in Ihe tongue of Tina, i.e. 
Sustia, they call a brolher-in'laie Beleia." Cf. Haikavy, Die 
yuden und die slavischen Sprachen (Heb.), p. 6z.] 

Brun the Jew owes ;^400 of the fine he made 
with the king at his transfretation. But they ought to 
be required from Aaron of Lincoln and Ysaac and 
Abraham, son of Rabbi, and Ysaac of Colchester, his 
sureties, who have acknowledged that they received 
those ;£^4oo from his chattels in old money and paid 
it to the servants of the king in presence of Wm. 
Rufus. Brun owes ;^+o for the deficiency of the 
aforesaid £a,t>o. z8 Hen. II., Lond. and Midd. 

[See No. 39. The old money was depredated 10 |)er cent. 
wdA Bnin «lill owes the amount of the depi 



iwes 40 ( 

43. — Benedict, son of Josce Quatrebuches, owes 40 
marks that the king may hear his plea against Abra- 
ham Jew of London, and if it does not concern him 
that nothing more may apply to him. x8 Hen. II., 
Lond. and Midd. 

44. — Benedict the Jew of Norwich owes 500 marks 
because he was present at a concord made touching 
the king's peace and of these 300 are that he might 
have peace for his chattels that he sold to Aaron and 
Abraham and Isaac of Colchester and to Joce of York. 
28 Hen. II., Nordf. 

[He stiUoweSj£40 13s. 4d. in 31 Hen. 11. On the ColchesWr 
Jews mentioned here see the chapter in the Jewry in Catts' 
CoUkestcr ("Hisloric Towns"), contributed by the present 
writer. Joce was the head of the York community and begiin 
the celebrated massacre in 1190.] 
. 45. — Hakeiin son of Josce Quatrebuches £t^ 
^ 15s, 8d. that he may be quits for the soldier whom he 
struck. 28 Hen. 11., Lond and Midd. 

[Qy. was Adam de Colebrooke the soldier, see following No.] 

46. — Josce Quatrebuches owes 40 marks that his 
son Hakeiin might be dealt with according to justice 
in the plea between him and Adam de Colebrooke. 
28 Hen. II. 

[See preceding number. Is tills a case of two birds with one 

47. — Abraham, Jew, son of Rabbi, owes 40 marks 
and four horns of which the fourth shall be worth 
more than the three. 28 Hen. II., Lond. 

[I quote this for its quaintness. Might the horns be the 
sacred ones used by Lbe Jews un their New Year's Day ?] 


V. Also no Jew shall keep with him mail or haiiberk, 
[mt let him sell or give them away, or in some other 
(fay remove them from him so that they may remain in 
be service of the king of England. 
I ^^ews did Dot s^ive in the army ; while tlierefore any anus 
imained in their passessimi Ihey were withdrawn from use in 
ie royal service. This seems tp me the interpretationof this 
iactment which left Jews entirely anprolected.] 

1181.— St. Bobert, B07 and Hartyr. 

Joe. de Brakclond, Chron., p. iz. 

At the same time was the holy boy Robert martyred 
Bid buried in our church, and there happened many 
irodigies and signs among the people as we have 
(Isewhere written. 

pt is a. pity tliat Jocelin's account of the martyrdom and 
iiacles of (he EdDiondshury martyr have not come down to us. 
Its naive and vivid style would have probably let us into the 
icret of these boy-martyrdoms and would terlainly have thrown 
Ai on the social relations of Jew and Clirislian at Edmonds- 
Eiiy. No details are known from any utliersouri:e of the alleged 
laityrdom. John of Taster adds the date " The hoy Robert at 
t. Edmund is martjred by the Jews on the 10th of June" 
Uotes to Brakelond, p. 114). It should be remembered that 
Abot Samson was an enemy of the Jews, and thai Brakelond 

IS a devoted admirer of Samson]. 

July, 118S. Jews expelled from France. 

Ricord ap. Duchesne t.v.p.g. 

In the year of the Lord's Incarnation, MCLXXSii. 
p the month of April, which by the Jews is called 
Siaan, there issued a decree from the most serene 
Qng Philip August that all the Jews of his nation 

■COTd- I 


should prepare to be expelled by the next feast 
John the Baptist. [They might sell their persoi 
hut their real property fell into the K: 
They try in vain to avert the evil decree.] Accoi 
ingly the Jews selling their property and taking the 
money on their journey went forth with wives and 
children and all their company in the month of July 
called Tammuz by the Jews themselves. Thus were 
ejected the infidel jews and they spread through the 
whole world, 

[We imraedialely afterwards find home of them in England, 
e.g., Solomon of Paris, Jacob of Paris. I have conjectured thai 
R. Jehuda af Paris, known as Sir Leon, came over to London at 
this period and marrying the daughter of Abraham lil Rabbi 
[Joce] was known as Leo Blund.] 

1182.— A Be ceipt— Latin and Hebrew. 

Davis, Shetaroth, p. 287. Cat. 183. 

Aaron, the Jew of Lincoln, and Benedict Bressus, 
son of Pucella, to all who see this deed, greeting. 
Know that the men of Barton [-uj)on-Humber, co, 
Line] have delivered to us ;^ i o sterling at Michaelmas 
just after the death of Roger [de Pont I'Evgque], 
Archbishop of York, [y(!>. z6 Nov. A.D. 1181] And 
hence we have given them this our deed in testimony. 
And afterwards they gave us ten shillings sterling in' 
the same term. 

EndoiSid in HehreU'. 

Aly signature leslifies that I have received £,\o lOJ. 
out of Ike Barton claim al Eckel [Michaelmas] 1+3 
[= 4943 A.M. = 1 1 8z-3 A.D.] 

Ami J, the undersigned, have received one half for the 


'i ^ i 

mSSS^^^^' I^OO'C^ son of Iht Honorable Rabb^^^ 
Jostph,* and whal I have received I have wnllen ana^^^k 
seaitd. Berachyah, son of Rabbi ^//nrw.^^H 

IS ZTov., 1182.— One of the causes of the Tork 

To all persons seeing this dc^ed, Solomon 
greeting. Know that 1 have received from Richartl 
de Malbys £^ of the debt which he owes to my 
master Aaron [of Lincoln] on the first day after 
Martinmas, first subsequent to the death of Geoffrey 
fKirtling] Archdeacon of Lincoln [= 15 Nov. (182"};: 
and thereupon I have made this my deed and testi-' 
mony ; and this is out of the great debt which he 
owes to m_v master Aaron whereof I have appointed, 
him a day [for settlement.] 

indorsed in Hebrew. 

I have received £^/rom Richard the Evil Beast \ 
iht Monday of —" And he dwelt" J 1+3 [= 4983 a.m.J 
■=1182-3 A.D,]/nwi his great debt. 

Shelottto from Paris. 

* This is Isaac fil Rabi Joce, so orten mentioned. Benedict 
oiBoachyali was clearlj' oiAy his representative ■ Isaac frequently 
hii tiansaclions in partnership with Aaron of Lincoln.— C/. 
Item from Pipe Roils No. 24. 

+ A pmming translation of the name Malebys, probably sug- 
gdtsA by the words " Some mil beast has devoured him" [Geiu 
KOfii.) read from the Law on the preceding Sabbath. 
wHe. Richard earned this name later on at the York 
where he acted as ringleader. The " great debt '" here referred . 
h) may have had something lo do with his enmity. 

{ Every Sabbath a fiied portion of the Law is read in syoa- 
gngue. On -Saturday, Nov. 13, 1182, the portion heKinninj; 
"And Jacob dweJi" (Gen. xx.\vii.] had been veaA, 



118S. — The Jevs fsTour WUUam, the SacriaUA I 
of St. Edmund'i Abbey, aad what follcwfld. 

Joce Je Brakelond, pp. S, ] 
But W 11 a 1 bacristan, ha(i a suspicion of his 
associat faam on and so had many others who 
favoii d th (i of the said William, both Christians 
and J J I say, for to them the Sacristan 

was said to be a father and a patron. They used to 
enjoy his protection, and had free entrance and exit, 
and often went through the monaster}-, wandering 
through the altars and around the shrine while the 
solemnities of the Mass were being celebrated. And 
theit moneys were placed in our treasury in the 
charge of the sacristan, and, what was more absurd, 
their wives and little ones were received in ottt 
refectory in time of war. 

[Sam^n however is elected and begins his refonns.] 
Lastly, he deposed William himself : whereat 
certain who favoured William said, " There's an 
abbot for you ! This is the wolf of which he dreamt. 
See how he rages ! " and some wished to make a 
conspiracy against him. And when this was made 
known to the abbot, wishing not to be altogether 
silent nor to disturb the convent, he entered the 
chapter on the morrow, bringing out a little bag full 
of concealed deeds with the seals still hanging to 
them, viz., those of his predecessor and of the prior, 
the sacristan, the chamberlain and other officials. 
The sum total of these was ;^3iOZ5 and one mark of 
pure gold, apart from the usury which had accrued, 
the amount of which could never be known. For all 


these he had maJe terms within a year of his election 
and within twelve he had cleared them off. "Behold," 
■-Slid he, "the wisdom of our sacristan William. See 
man)' deeds signed with his seal ; together with 
them he has pledged the silk caps, dalmatics, silver 
candlesticks and golden texts, without the knowledge 
of the convent, and all these I have released and " 
consigned again to yon." 

Whenever the abbot went at that time both Je^ 
.and Christians used to meet him demanding their 
debts, disturbing and vexing him so that he ci 
not sleep, and was made pale and lean, saying "My 
heart will never be at rest till 1 shall know the end 
f my debt."* 

[The part taken by the Jews in the eleclion had doubtless 
something to do with the acl of Samson in getting rid of the 

n-s from Bun- St. Edmnod's. [en year? later. 

Bef. 1183.— The Boaetlng of Aaron of Lincoln. 

Gesta St. Albani, edit. Riley, 193. 

Abbot Simon dying left his Abbey in debt for n 
than 600 marks to the Jews besides other debtsf 
which exceeded the sum of loo marks and m 
Whereupon Aaron the Jew who held us in his debt 
coming to the House of Si. Alban in great pride and 
boasting, with threats kept on boasting that it was 
he who had made the window for our St. Alban, and 
ec sitpra p, 59 for the way in which the monastery got into 
debt to Ihe Jews. 

t To Chrislian? and therefore not bearing interefit. 



that he had prepared for the saint a home v 
without one. 

[This is the passage so much insisted upon by Prof. Freetc 
to prove Ihe arrogance of the Jews.] 

„_^ Not. 11, 1183 Deed of Uoi^ga^e. 

J. H. Round. Ancient Deeds (p.r.s.), tt^ 
Deed of William de Tottenham by which he acknowledges 
that he owes 100 marks of silver to Aviguia, the Jewess, of 
London, and Abraham, her son, at Martinmas (11 Nov.), 1183, 
for which he undertakes to pay £,tj per annum. As security for 
this debt he has mortgaged to them his manor of Tottenham (00. 
Middlesex). If at Christmas following {1183) he pays them 
lorty marks the remainder of the debt is to be reckoned at only 
forty marks, on which he is to pay them 10 marks per annum. 
If he falls in arrears with his interest such arrears are to bear 
interest of twopence per week in every pound. If he fails to 
pay altogether, the Jews are to have (he power of nlienating the 
manor to whom they will. And, if he fails to pay tbe forty 
marks at Christmas, the amount of his debt is to remain a 
hundred marks. 

Endorsed in Hebrew. 
Gaiilaume de ToUenham too marks at Martin, 4944 
[1183], at nine pounds every year. 

[This deed is of a type not unfamiliar in modem usurious 
transactions. What was lent seems to have been 80 marks, for 
by paying off 40 the debt is reduced to forty. But the deed is 
drawn out as if the debt were 100 matks. Otherwise the interest, 
only 13J per cent., would be the lowest on record : even as it b, 
_^9 on 80 marks, or j^S3 6s. Bd., is only 1 7 per cent., which wi* 
however to be raised to 35 as soon as 40 marks were paid. Thu, 
comparatively low rate was doubtless due to the good 
William had to oiler.] 



Baf. 1184.— Deodatus wntea lui aatronomical work. 

Minhat Jekuda (Heb.) on Gen. xxi. J. 
R. Ekhanan son of R. Isaac son of R. Samud in the 
ik Sod ha-Ibbur (The Secret of the Calendar) which 
_ has wrillen, explains that with regard to many things 
\tyear is tailed shanah (repetition) because it repeats 
4d and heal, summer and winter (Gen. viii. iz), and 
bo the time of sunrise which comes round, for in the 
Wing equinox, the sun rises in the morning at the 
finning of the east and goes round the foiir quarters, 
ful. North, South, and West, &c. 

[The passage is corrupt and of little interest beyond the fact 
R. Elchanan was the aulhat or an aslronnmical work. I 
■ identified R. Elchnnan with the Deodalua Episcopiis 
tdieorani of the Latin records because of his name and because 
Imairied a sister ofR. Samuel ben Solomon who is known as 
Sir More! of England." We know also thai Elchanan 
in 1 184, and we do not find any reference to Deodatus after 
date but find other London Episcopi in 1 1 Sb}. 

B«f. 1184.— Israel as Bride and ae Beggar.* 

Zuni, Sjnagogale Poesie, »49. 
Y,rst radiant the Bride adored. 
On whom rich wedding gifts arc poured ; 
She weeps, sore wounded, m'erthrawn, 
Exiled and outcast, shunned and lone. 
Ziaid all aside her garments fair. 

The pledges of a bond divine, 
A wandering beggar-woman's wear 

Is hers in lieu of raiment jine. 
* Kindly translated by Mr. I. Zangwill. 



CKaun/ed kalk been in every land 
The heauiy of her crown and zone ; 
Nffiv doomed, dethroned she maketh moan, 
Bemocked — a byivniil — cursed and banned. 
AK airy, joyous step was hers 

Beneath TTiy wing. Bui nmv she crawls 
Along and mourns her sons and errs 

At every step, and, worn out, falls. 

hSdyet to Thee she clingeth tight. 

Vain, vain to her man's mortal might 

Which in a breath to naught is hurled. 

Thy smile alone makes up her world. 

^he acrostic infonOB as that this poem was writle 

Elchanan luid Che style causes it to be placed by Zunz ii 

twelfth century when the only Elchanan of importance in tlte 

Jewish literary world was Elchanan ben Isaac [f 1 1S4) whom I 

have identified with Deodatus the " Bishop " of the Jews. The 

poem is an average specimen of the hymns of yearning and 

regret with which the New Hebrew poets enriched the liturgy 

of the great Day of Atonement.] 

1182-fi.— The King finds his Jews profitable. 

Pipe Rolls, 29-32, Hen. ll. 
48. — Benedict, Jew of Canterbury, renders count 
or 10 marks because he had demanded a debt on 
account of his brother by his charter which had been 
paid to him. Vsaac the Jew renders count of 10 
marks because he denied what he had said before in 
the King's court. Jacob and Ys^c of Canterbuiy 
owe one mark of gold for having the debt which 
FolquicT Folet owed them. 29 Hen. II., Chent. 


49. — Debts to the King from beyond the sea by 
writ of Will Ralphson. Josce, son of Abraliam, owes 
half a mark of gold for right to a debt against' 
Richard de Verdun, another half mark against William 
de Rouen, and jj marks against William de Trouville 
and Thomas de Briancon. 29 Hen. II., Lond. and 

[Tbe debtors seem to be Normans, and it would appear that 
the debts were collected in Noiniandy by the king'^ uflicials]. 

50. — Josce Salvage renders coimt of 10 marks for 
a respite of the pleas between the Jews of Lincoln 
on the surety of Aaron the Jew. sg Hen. II., Line. 

[And twelve others do the same for several amounts amounting 
in all to 43 marks.3 

;. — Benedict, brother of Aaron, renders count of 
£,b for one mark of gold to have in peace his mort- 
; of Barewe. Benedict, son of Ysaac, renders 
count of ;£^6 for one mark of gold to have his mortgage 
if Esling. Abraham, son of Aaron, owes £b for one 
mark of gold to have his debts. 19 Hen. II., Line. 

51. — Peytevin of Eye owes one mark of gold to 
have custodyof the son of Jacob of Newport, together 
with his chattels, and to have the debts ami mortgages 
or the purposes of the said Jacob. 29 Hen. II, 

53. — Sancto, Jew of Edmundsbury, renders account 
if 5 marks to be acquitted of taking in pledge vessels 
appointed for the service of the altar. 29 Hen. II., 
ab Nordf. and Suff. (M i. ^^b), 

[Cf. No. iS. There is a reference to this in Joce de Brake- 
lond'i Chrenica, p. I and note 106]. 

54, — The same slu'ri/f renders count of 3 marks of 



Regina the Jewess for the debt which Walter of 
Westbury owed her and one mark from the same 
period for the debt which Ralph de Chinton and 
William son of Richard owed her. He has paid 
into the treasury in two tallies and is quits. 3g 
Hen. II., Oxford (M i. Z33). 

[Cf. No5. 4-5. Regina probably paid by two tallies canying 
indebtedness to her wiiich now passes to (he king, thus becamiog 
billa of exchange.] 

55.— Maneser Jew of Ipswich owes 4 ounces of 
gold for having his rights of 20 marks against William 
of Verdun and Bertram his brother. Duzelina widow 
of Mosse with the Nose [" Nosey Moses"] owes J 
marks for having the debts of her husband on the 
surety of Jacob the priest and Sanson his brother. 

Abraham of Norwich owes i- mark for a right to 6 
marks with interest against Hugh de Oisi. Solomon 
of Ipswich owes one mark for certain seven marks 
which he might claim against Hugh de la Hosi. 
Jurnet Jew of Norwich owes /270 6s. 8d. of the 
amerciament which remained of t!ic amerciament of 
6000 marks, zg Hen. II., Nordf. and Sudf, 
[C/. No. 6;.j 

56. — Brun the Jew renders count of ;£iooo out of 
the 1000 marks of the tine he made with the King at 
Waltham and of which Aaron of Lincoln has to 
answer for 500 marks. 30 Hen. II., Lond. 

57. — Samuel the Jew renders count of two marks 
of gold to have the house which he bought but which 
Peter Adamson deprived him of. Peter fil Adam 
renders count of^i^io because he bought the house 


which Samuel the Jew had bought and this 
prohibiled. Bonenfant the jew renders count of 
10 marks for having the pledges which he had given 
for the aforesaid house. 30 Hen. II,, Norhantes. 

[The three entries tell their own story. Bonenfant, who pays 
the highest fine, had sold (o Feter (A Adam a house really 
belonging to Samuel (sec Qeit No.) The king draws advantage 
from all three parlies], 

58. — Samuel, Jew of Northampton, owes one maiii 
for Marg'aret, Jewess of London, to have licence for 

L agreement of marriage of his son and Margaret's 
daughter. 30 Hen. II., Northantesc. 
[See preceding No.] 

60. — Solomon and Jacob, Jews of Bedford, owe 
marks for right to sis marks and 3 shillings against 
William Williamson. 31 Hen. H., Beds. 

[The King gets a huge proportion of the delil, but in 33 Hen. 
In., it is added, "but he (William) is dead, and has neither land' 
p»r heir," so (hat neither King nor Jews get anything.] 

bi. — Josce le Salvage owes i marks for right to 

marks against Ralph of Cornwall of the debt of 
iigel de Flobose. 31 Hen, II., Line, 

[Ralph was probably Nigel's security for that sum. Observe 
large proportion of the debt gained by the King when it 

ne before the courts of Justice. This entry is followed by 
several others uf Lincoln Jews claiming debts,] 

61, — ^Jacob, sister's son of Aaron, and Benedict his 
son owe one mark of gold because thej- kept back 
the charters of Benedict of the Bai! which had been 
acquitted on the surety of [name illegible]. 31 Hen. 

[They [lay nest year. See next entry.] 


63. — Benedict of the Bail owes 4 bezants for him, 
and for fat Manasser, and Vives son of Deulecresse, 
and Josce son of Samuel, to have their charters from 
Benedict son of Jacob, and from Jacob sister's 
husband of Aaron. 31 Hen. II., Line. 

[See preceding entry Bezants were foreign coin.] 

64. — Benedict son of Aaron owes 20 marks for 

right to £\ 8s. 8d. against Mens Jew of Lincoln. 31 

Hen. II., Line. 

[Benedict docs not seem to gain much by his action having 
to pay four times as much as the debt.] 

65. — Bonfey, Jew of Worcester, owes one mark 
gold for a respite to the King's court of the amercia- 
ment for a novel disseisin. 31 Hen. II., Wiresces. 
[One of many proofs that Jews could hold land.] 

66. — Copin the Jew of St. Edmunds owes 20 marks 

to have right to the chattels which Slema his mother 

committed to Santo the Jew. 31 Hen. II.; 3b. 

[Jewesses are frequently mentioned as doing business. Set 
Nos. 15, 23, and 54. Santo has appeared before, see No. 53.] 

0. 1186.— A witty Jew. 

G. Cambrensis. Itin, Camb. II. c. xiii. ed. Dimock, vi. 146. 

We set forth thence towards Wenloch through a 
narrow and steep way which they call Bad-place 
[Malam plateam]. Here it happened in our days 
that a certain Jew journeying to Shrewsbury with the 
archdeacon of the same place whose name was Peche* 
and the deacon whose name was Dayville. When 
he heard the archdeacon by chance saying that his 

• Hardy's Le Neve, i., 573. 



deaconry began at this place which is called Bad- 
place and lasted till Bad-pass near Chester, considering 
and reflecting on the surname of the archdeacon and 
the name of the dean he made a rather witty and 
neat remark. ** It will be a wonder," said he, ** if 
chance bring me back safe from this country whose 
archdeacon is Sin [Peche], whose dean is the Devil, 
which you enter by a Bad-place and go out in a 

[Besides the intrinsic interest of this anecdote it is conclusive 
evidence that the everyday speech of the English Jews of the 
time was French, as was the case with the upper classes in 

Jew Lender. 

Vives, fil 

Aaron of 

Aaron of 


1188-5. Promissory Notes. 

♦ Record Office^ Misc. Q.R , 556, I. iv.-xi. 


Ami. Interest 

Date and Mode of 

Will Mardest £zz 2 o id. per St. Andrew after death 

of the King 

Prior and canons 

Simon fil 
Pagani of 





£\ per 



of Richard Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury 

St. Andrew after Wal- 
ter de Custance 
became Bishop of 

15 days before feast of 
Purification of Vir- 
gin Mary. 
I mark, none. * Easter after knighting 
silver. of Godfrey's King's 


♦ This may have been a friendly loan of Aaron's to some 
Christian lady with whom he was acquainted. 



yew Lender. 

Benedict, fil 
Isaac de Line. 

of Stanford. 


Samuel fil, 

Solomon of 


Hugo Cutic lomarks 
of Luffenam. silver. 

Herbert Parson 80 marks 
of Wissenden. silver. 
\Cf. supra p. 67] I mark 


Henry Parson 45 marks 
of Morcote. silver. 

id. per 
£x per 
week if 
he fails 
to pay 

3d. per 
£'^ per 

Count ;^ii5> id. per ^^20 at Xmas, 30 Hen. 

Alberic of £1 per XL, ;^20 following 

Dammeston. week if Easter, ;^20 follow- 

ing Michaelmas, ;^20 
;^20 Xmas, ;^20 Eas- 
ter, and final ^15 at 
Michaelmas. 32 Hen. 

Easter, after King 
comes to pray at 

In 8 years 11} marks 
per annum paid twice 
a year, beginning 
St. Andrew's, after 
King received Scotch 

In 12^ years 6 marks 
per annum beginning 
Michaelmas after 
Prince John returned 
from Ireland. 

[For the " common form " of these documents see p. 66.] 

Earliest List of London Jews, c. 1186. 

* Pipe Roll, 3, Rid. 

Arrears [in 1192] of the Jews of London of the 
Tallage made at Guildford [Dec. 1185]. 
Abraham fil Rabbi, £ i , 000 Moss de domo Samsonis 

19s. 4d. 
I.eo Blund,* ;^2o. 
Sam fil Abraham, ;^6o. 
Abraham fil Avigay, £s^^ 

13s. 4d. 

Jacob de Paris 

Ysaac medicus 
Ysaac de Jueignj 
Biket de domo Ysaac 

* Probably Sir Leon of Paris, who married a daughter of R. 
Abraham ben R. Jose, whom I identify with R. Abraham fil 
Rabbi [Joce]. 


nfil £ 

I.;^U7 2 

Leon de Puateise 
Bendit gen. Mag. Mosse* '\ 
Josce fil mf dici 
Deudon cum pedilius ] 

Henna Curj 

Henna dt; domo Abra. ' 

fi! ep'i 
Potelin et HiLktlin fil 

Benedicti militis 
Josce fil Clarice 
Jumet fil ep'i 
Josce Mauritij 
Deusaic fil Ran a 
[This list occurs in the Pipe Roll of 3 Ric. I. and following 
^jean as of those who owed the arrears for the Tallage imposed 
at Guildford. It is not complete, as iiome had paid a composition, 
t-g., baac fil Rabbi and Avigay, and others had died in the 
1, while in similar lists in the thirteenth century there is 
■Iways a rubric for those who cauld not aifoid to pay anything. 
Nolice Jews from Spain, Morocco, and France ; also the tliree 
Bishops," the doctor and the soldier.] 

■ This Magialer Mosse was probably the father of Magistcr 
ias, til Mag. Moi>se, the most important English Jew of the 
Ourteentb century. From Hebrew sources we know that his 
^ --■ \t was R. Moses ben Yamtob (Berliner, Hcbr. Poesien des 
'r bin Elia am NorTtikh, p. 6n), under which name he is 
. quoted by R. Moses beii Isaac in his Onyx Boot. " Magister 
i'UoBse " seems to have been the author of the Massoretic Notes 
ptioted in the Rabbinic Bible* under the name of Museb Nakdan. 
^te^hv Quail. Rn<., i. iSi. 

Deuleaalt ep's, £qi 6s. 8d. 
Bnin, £,i,'i')1 IS. id. 
Deuicosa uxor Quatre- 

Fiona uxor ep'i 
Mosse de Hyspan. 
I*in de Devises 
Sara, uxor Salom d'eslam- 

Josce fil David 

Jacob de Westminstre 
Deulebenie dc Jiratignj 
Cok de domo Abraham 
Josce de domo Samsonis 


1166-7. — Jumet tlie Jew pays dearly f 
a Chrietiou tLeirsBS. 

'Fife Rolls, 3!-3 Hen^ 

67. — Tht Jews of England owe 5515 marks aW 
half for the ainerciaraenl of Jurnet of Norwich wbj 
charters they have for acquitting' the s< 
11., (M i. II,). 

[He had been amerced in 6000 marks : lie takes up 47 4j^ n 
and liands over all his deeds to the cximmniuty wbo must tl 
fore have been incorporaltd in some way by this date, 
probably left England at this date, and returns 35 He» 
See No. 55, ad Jin. Jumet was probably deprived of ali a 
possessions for having married a Christian heiress, liliryfalijl 
daughter of Humphrey de Havile, who also escheated het lands. 
See Biomefield, Norfolk, iv. 5ro.] 

68.- — Benedict, Jew of Rochester, renders count of 
one mark of gold for having his deeds which the 
sheriff holds. 31 Hen. II., Ghent. 

69. — Cresselin the Jew owes one mark for having 
seisin of the lands of Bosinton and Mapledore Well, 
32 Hen. II., Sudhants. 

[Continued to z Rjc. I. when it is added " but he is dead and 
has no right."] 

70. — And to Helyas Ostiar [the Usher] one mark 
for carrying summons through England about the 
dehts of Aaron and to the same lid. for wax for 
sealing the same summons, jj Hen. II., 3b. 

[Aaron's treasures were also seiied and were lost on crossing 
the channel. Benedict the Abbot, ed. Stubbs, ii., p. 5. Aaron's 
debts were so numerous as to require a special branch of the 
eiehequer to look after them. Even afler many of the debts 
had been paid the king held nearly j^sooo worth of them I 
years later. Helyas was the regular " sompnout" 
quer ,Uadii\, 719.] 

rth of them i s 


. — Of the debts of the Jews we take no account 
for the present because our lord the king has taken 
a quarter of their chattels. 33 Hen. II., 3b (M 1.112), 
[They were therefore valued at ^140.000 against £';Q 
le rest of England. See note to No. 82.] 
71, — Jacob Aaron's sister'shusband renders count of 
.30 marks for an amerciament for taking' off a priest' 
cap, and for the deed of Gerard de Sailly. 33 Hen. 
II,, Lincoln. 


1167.— Aarou'B treasures are lost at sea. 

Benedict the Abbot, ed. Slubbs, ii. ] 

[The King was detained three days at Dover before he cooM 
toWitaand, 17th Feb.] 

But in the meantime a great part of the king's 
retinue wishing to cross to Normandy were drowned 
!a between Shoreham and Dieppe, with a 
large part of the treasures of Aaron the Jaw of 
Ijncoln, deceased. 

[Beddes these treasures debts to theamnuDt of nearly ^15,000 

fell into the king's hands : a special part of the Treasury was even 

f*lled ' Scaccariuin Aaronis.' Sieetiadox, Hist Exch i., 190-1. 

must have died before this date, and his house ligured 

: from a photograph made fur this work is thus the 

est private dwelling house of stone which can be positively 

d. The roof, walls, door and windows have been restored ; 

lie rest is the original house, i.e. the curious window and 

of the external chimney. From the similarity of structure 

^hesther " Jew's House " at Lincoln must be of nearly the same 

;h it is associated «ith the name of Belaset, of Wal- 

Gngtbrd, who was hanged for clipping coin c. 1284 A 


w 0^^ 


1188. —Barnacle Oeese should convince th« Jew 
the Immaculate Conception. 

Gerald Camb. Top. Hibem, v. 47. 

There are here many birds that are called 
'■ Barnacles " [bernacoe] which in a wonderful way 
Nature unnaturally produces ; they are like wild 
geese but smaller. For they are bom at first like 
pieces of gum on logs of timber washed by the 
waves. Then enclosed in shells of a free form they 
hang by their beaks as if from the moss clinging to 
the wood and so at length in process of time 
obtaining a sure covering of feathers, they either 
dive off into the waters or fly away into free air. . . 
I have myself seen many times with my own eyes 
more than a thousand minute corpuscles of this kind 
of bird hanging to one log on the shore of the sea, 

enclosed in shells and already formed 

Wherefore in certain parts of Ireland bishops and 
relipous men in times of fast are used to eat these 
birds as not flesh nor being born of the flesh. . . 

Be wise at length, wretched Jew, be wise even 
though late. The first generation of man from dust 
without male or female [Adam] and the second from 
the male without the female [Eve] thou darest not 
deny in veneration of thy law. The third alone from 
male and female, because it is usyal, thou approves! 
and affirmest with thy hard beard. But the fourth, in 
which alone is salvation, from female without male, 
that with obstinate malice thou detestest to thy own 

Bliish, wretch, blush, and al least turn to nature. 


She is an argument for the faith and for our convic- 1 
tion procreates and produces every day animals I 
without either male or female. 

[It is not to be wondered at if tHe Jews remained obdurate to I 
this kind of argument. It seems however that they believed in f 
the existence of these birds, see supra p. 54. Gerald of Wales ] 
was one of the original canquerora of Irclant! and his lestimony^ 1 
is another point against Professor M. MUller's derivation of the I 
legend from Hibtmic geese. Against the Irish origin w 
fftct that Geivase of Tilbury mentions the myth [ptia Imfi. ili. ] 
138} and locates the birds on the Kent shore.] 

Jew* miniBter to the monks of Canterbnry and pay ' 
a heavy contribution to the Crusade. 

Gervase of Canterbuiy I., 405. 422 
[A quarrel having arisen between the archbishop of Canterbury 
and the monks of Canterbury, popular sympathy is on the side of 
tli« monks.] 

Nor was sympathy lacking among the Jews. For 
they both sent food and drink to feed the convert, 
and likewise prayed for the continuance of the 
convent in their synagogues. The archbishop did 
not cease to take away nor the Jews to present. The 
archbishop excommunicated, the Jew prayed. A 

wonderful contrast indeed ! In the 

meantime all England was grievously vexed in giving 
tenths, so that Christians gave ;£7o,ooo and more, and 
Jews ^60,000.* 

• See Pipe Roll entries ^l and 82. The Jews were taxed at 
■ fourth of their chattels which were therefore valoed at ;f 240,000 
•gainst jf 700,000 for the rest of England. 



Bef. 1189.— Henry the Second favours the Jewsi 

William of Newbury, i. 280, ed. Howlett. 
He [Henry 11.] favoured more than was right a 
people treacherous and unfriendly to Christians, 
namely Jewish usurers because of the great advan- 
tages which he saw were to be had from their usuries : 
so much so that tbey became proud and stiffnecked 
against Christians and brought many exactions upon 
them. In fact in demanding money he was a little 
too immoderate, but the evil increasing beyond bounds 
at a later time in this regard justified him and proved 
that he had kept within limits. 

1188.— Feet of Fine with Jurnet of Norwich. 

■ Brit. Mus. Lansd. MS., 950, f. 69. 

This is a final agreement made in the court of oui 
lord the king at Oxford in the octave of St. Hilaiy 
in the thirty-fifth year of the reign of king Henry II. 
in presence of John Bishop of Norwich, &c., &c. . . 
. . between William of Curzun and Jomet, Jew of 
Norwich, of a messuage in the town of Norwich 
which William claimed against the said Jomet, and 
thereon there were pleadings between them in the 
court of the lord the king, vi:!, : that the said William 
granted to the said Jomet the messuage afores^d to 
be held by him and his heirs by the service of four 
shillings per annum instead of all service, and for this 
agreement the said Jomet gave the said William five 
marks of silver. 

[TWs is one of the four earliest fines in existence and showi 
that Jews till end of Henry II. '5 reign obteined land on exactly 

A JEWISH aOl.niER. 95 

le terms as other fcnams. Jumel had probably jusl 
d lo Englamd (Pipe Roll entry No. S}) and was making 
a new home with his Christian wife.] 

1188-9.— Jewish Coatributions to the Treasury. 

Pipe Rolls. 34-6, Hen. II. 
73- — Benjamin and Josce and Deulecrcsse, sons or 
Benjamin, owe z marks of gold for having their 
reasonable part of the debts and chattels of their 
ftilher. 34 Hen. II., Oxinef. 

—The Jews of Exeter render count of one 
mark gold for a fine for pleas which were between 
in common. 3+ Hen. II., Devenes. 
76. — Mosse fil Benedict owes 1 53. for one ounce of 
«ld for his tights to the chattels of his father against 
ja Jewess and her sons. But he cannot be found. 
f Hen. 11., Glocest. 

77, — ^Jheremias, Jew of Dunstable, renders count 
r ^11 for z marks of gold because he could not 
»nvict the charter of Leo for falsity. Quits. 34. 
Jen. II., Devenea. 

78. — Josce, son of Morcll, owes 4.6 marks 
aving right to the debt which Robert de V'allibus 
owed to his father. 3+ Hen. II., Nordf 

79. — Benedict, son of Josce Sorel, owes 7 marks 
because he did not keep the fine which he made 
with Brun, the son of Benedict the soldier,* 
Kpn which Abraham son of Rabbi holds security. 
Hicnedict of Rising owes to marks for having his 
Keasonable part of his own chattels and debts. 
~Hen. II., Glocestre. 

• A few : see supra p. 8t» for two other sons. 


80. — Deulecresse, Jew of Finchelesfield, renders 
count of 20 marks for waste and purprestures [in- 
croachments]. 34 Hen. II., Essex and Hertford. 

[DeulecresserssZ^^Mj eum crescat=.Heh, Gedaliah.] 

81 . — Deulecresse of Rising, son of Benedict, owes 
2 marks for having his reasonable part of the lands 
and chattels of his father-in-law. 34 Hen. II., 
Nordf. [C/. No. 79.] 

82. — Of the aforesaid debts of the Jews we take 

no account at present because of the Tallage which 

our lord the king is taking from them. 34 Hen. II., 

2a (M i. 222). 

\Cf. No. 71. It was on this occasion that the Jews of England 
contributed ;f 6o,ocx) against ;f 70,000 as tenths from the rest of 
the King's subjects : Gervase of Cant., i. 222, supra p. 93. Tlic 
"aforesaid debts" only refer to some in London.] 

82^. — And to three converts from Judaism to the 

Catholic faith, namely to Peter and Nicholas and 

John, 45s. 7id. of the alms that were Richard 

Covchet's. By King's writ. 34 Hen. 11. Essex and 


[Quoted by Mr. H. Hall in Court Life under the Plantagenets^ 
p. 230. For other early converts see Nos. 36, 37.] 

83. — Leo Jew of London owes 4 marks for licence 
to come to terms with Deulebenie of Chichester. 
Lond., 35 Hen. II. 

[Deu-le-benie=^<?&. Berachjah, for which Benedictus is also 


84. — Deulebenie Jew of Chichester owes 5 marks 

for licence to come to come to terms with Leo Jew 

of London, ib. Sudsex. 
[Tvfo birds with one stone.] 


W 85. — Samarias the Jew owes 11 marks for having 
the mortgages and debts of Helyas his son who is 
dead. 35 Hen. II., Devenes. 

[Neit year it is added "But lie has not yet had either debt or 

I. — Lia [Leah] Jewess of Bristol owes 10 besants 
for having an agreement between her and her 
children drawn up in presence of the Jews, and 10 
marks for having her fair share of the chattels and 
debts of Benedict her husband. 35 Hen. II.. Glouc. 

87, — Jurnct Jew of Norwich owes 1 800 marks for 
}iaving residence in England with the goodwill of the 
;king. (M i. 118.) 35 Hen. 11., Nordf. and Sudf. 

[He probably returned lo England at this lime. Cf. No. 67.] 
88, — Isaac of Hich owes q marks for not being 
prosecuted, but he is not to be found. 35 Hen. II., 

\ tThe entry occurs again 5 Ric. I. where I^aac is still left ] 

' 81). — ^Ysaac son of Rabbi owes ;^ioo that he may 1 

be quit of the whoSe tallage that king Henry [the I 
■king's] father made at Guildford on taking up the 

Cross and of which he should pay £i.aa on the 1 

Sunday when ihey sing " Rejoice, O Jerusalem," and I 

of the rest £iq per annum till those ;^ioo are quite j 

paid off. 35 Hen. II., Lond. I 

[There is a subtle touch of irony in the choice of a Sunday on 1 
Wbich the Jew has In pay up.] 

3. — Abraham son of Rabbi owes i ounces of gold | 
that he might be recognised [as owner ^] of the land I 
if Malesward which Robert Cusin seeks and that the 


summons before the justices errant may come before 
the Chief Justiciar. 36 Hen. II., Lond. 

Bef. 1189.— Biblical Comments of B. Jacob.* 

Minhat Jehtula (Heb). 

Deut. xxvi. 2. — And thou shalt take of the first of 
all the fruits of the earth. Rashi points out the diffi- 
culty of bringing first fruits from each of the seven kinds 
(because they do not ripen together). R. Aaron of Can- 
terbury declares it would be sufficient if the first of the 
first fruits which appear of the seven are carried to 
ferusalem, R, facob of Orleans holds another opinion. 

Deut. xxxiii. 12. — And of Benjamin he said . . 
. . . ..... he shall dwell between their 

shoulders. R. Tarn of Orleans said that therefore the 
Holy One, blessed be He, made his glory to rest in the 
tribe of Benjamin, i.e., the Temple, because all the other 
tribes bowed down to Esau (Gen. xxxiii. 6) except 
Benjamin who was not yet born. 

lb. 13. — And of Joseph he said: Blessed of the 
Lord be his land. R. Tam of Orleans says that there- 
fore Moses blessed the land of foseph because he did not 
listen to Potiphar's wife, but Adam having listened to Eve 
the land was cursed for him. (Gen. iii., 17). 

[R. Jacob of Orleans, also known as R. Tam, was one of 
those massacred at the coronation of Ric. I. (see infra p. 108.) 
The above will serve as specimens of his exegesis. It will be 
observed that another English rabbi, R. Aaron of Canterbury, is 
mentioned in the first extract.] 

♦ Kindly translated by Mr. S. Sohechter. 


Befbra 1189. Seed of BeUeet the Jewess of Oxford. 

»Bnt. A/,i.s. H:iH- Ch. 84 D. 15. 

[Covenant between William FitzGregor and the 
Abbot and Monastery of Beddlesdon [co. Bucks] by 

hich William assigns to the Abbot the rent of a 
mill and certain farms belonging to him in his manor 
of Finmere [co. Oxon.] and pledged by him to 
set the Jewess for £i-i. on condition that the 
Abbot pay £i, annually to Belaset the Jewess for 
interest on £-i% which William owes her. He is to 
recover possession of the lands [but not of the mill] 
when he pays Belaset. Witness William Prior of St. 
Augustine's at Bristol, Geoffrey de Larder, Will de 
Ghend, and others.] 

[Belasit is mentioned in the Pipe Rolls. See tntrics 35, 38.] 


Wffliiim ofNc^wbuigli, ed. Howlett, i. [>. 294. 

chard, then the only king thus named for a 
century, was hallowed to king at London and I 
solemnly crowned by Baldwin, archbishop of Canter- | 
bury, on Sept. j ; which day is from an ancient pagan 
superstition called "the bad" or "the Egyptian," 
if by some presage of Jewish fatality. For that 
day is known to have been a fatal one for the Jews 
more Eg>'ptian than English, since England 
where they had been happy and renowned was 
suddenly by God's judgment changed for them into 
an Egypt where their fathers suffered hard things. J 
It is a matter indeed of recent record nor unknown! 


to any present but it is worth while passing on W i 
posterity in a rather lengthy narration the record of 
so marked a judgment from on high against that 
infidel and blasphemous people. There had come 
together for the solemn anointing of the Christian 
prince from all quarters of England, not alone 
Christian nobles, but likewise the chiefs of the Jews. 
For these enemies of truth fearing that the good 
luck they had under the former king might be less 
favourable to them under the new, brought first 
fruits most decorous and honourable, and hoped to 
find favour equal to the miihitude of their gifts. But 
he, either because he was less favourable to them 
than his father, or having some premonition, a certain 
superstitious foreboding about the plans of certain 
persons, by an edict, it is said, forbade them entry 
either into the church where he was being crowned* 
or to the palace where he was banquetting after the 
coronation. When, then, the solemnities of the mass 
were concluded, the king, glittering in his diadem, 
with magnificent pomp entered [the palace] for the 
banquet. Now it happened that while he was at the 
repast with all the assembly of the nobles, the people 
watching round the place began rioting. Some jews 
mixed among the crowd by this means entered the 
royal doors. Whereat a certain Christianf being, it 

• Matthew Paris (edit. Wilts, 154) says that women ami Jew* 
were excladed lest they should eietcise a magical influence on 
the coronation. Cf. Ephraim of Bonn's statement, injra p. 407. 

t Authorities differ as to the originators of the riot. Ralph 
Disset [ed. Slnbbs, ii. 69) attributes it to foreigners ("aliaii- 
genis •'), the Gesta Rkardi (ed. Stubbs, 83), to U 
(" ciuiales "}, Roger Howden (_m. \i\ Xq *.\i.e ^q'd. 


! said, indignant, struck a Jew with Ins palm and so J 
[rove him away from the enlranLe of the door thus 1 
lecalling the king's edict. And manv being exuted 
by this example droveawaj the Jews«ith msalts and | 
I tumult arising a disorderly crowd came up 
believing the king had commanded such treatment, 
IS if relying on the authonti ot the king rushed 
together upon the crowd of Jews waiting at 
palace gates. And at first indeed they struck them 
Kith the fist but afterwards being more savagely 
Enraged they brought sticks and stones. Then the 
fews began to flee, some during their flight being 
>eaten unto death or some of them even being 
irushed, perished. Now there had come thither 
irith the rest two noble Jews of York, viz., Joce and 
Benedict, of whom the first escaped, but the other 
iras caught as he fled but tardily from the strokes laid 
IpOR him : in order to escape death, he was c( 
gelled to confess Christ, and being led into 
Church was baptised on the spot.* In the meantime 
t pleasing rumotir spread with incredible rapidity 
}irough all London, namely that the king had ordered 
dl the Jews to be exterminated. And soon a huge 
nob of disorderly persons both from the city as well 
ts of those whom the ceremony of the hallowing of 
ihe king had attracted from the provinces, run up all 
irmed, and breathing slaughter and spoil against the 
teople by God's judgment hated by all. Then the 
ewish citizens, of whom a multitude is known to 
Iwell in London, togetherwith those who had flocked 

• See infra p. 105. 

102 BLOOD AND hlRE. 

together from all parts withdrew into thei 
houses. These houses were surrounded by the roar- 
ing people, and were stoutly besieged from g o'clock 
till sunset, and as they could not be broken into 
owing to their strong build* and because the madmen 
had not tools, fire was thrown on the [thatched] roof, 
and a terrible fire quickly broke out which was fatal 
to the Jews as thev strove [to pat it out] and offered 
the aid of light to the raging Chnstians at their night 
work And the fire kindled against the Jews did not 
hurt them alone but likewise seized hold of the 
neighbouring houses of Christians You might see 
all of a sudden the best known places of the city 
wretchedly alight through fires of citizens acting as 
if thej had been enemies But the Jews were either 
roasted in their own houses or if they came out of 
tliem were received «ith bwords Much blood wag 
shed in a brief space. Hut soon the lust after booty 
burning higher brought on a repletion of slaughter 
and avarice got the belter of cruelty. Thereupon 
leaving the butchery, their greedy rage betook itself 
to stripping the houses and snatching their riches. 
But this in its turn made Christians oppose Christians, 
for each envied what the other may have seized, and 
in the eagerness of plunder the rivalry of avarice 
forgetting all natural ties spared neither friends or 

This was reported to the King as he was joyfully 

■ The Jews have the credit of being the firsl ta build private 

houses of slone (Turner, Domestic Archicecturf, ;). C/. the 

It of the "pidatet," oflhe twochief Jewsof York, in/™ p. 


'oj I 

banquetting in the palace with all the assembly of 1 
his Knights. Ranulf de Glanvile, the King's pro- I 
curator, a man both prudent and powerful, is sent I 
out by the side gate with others equally noble so that 4 
he might either divert or check their boldness. But I 
in vain : amidst such a tumult none of them either 1 
listened to his voice or paid honour to his presence, I 

iome of the more unruly commenced to rave I 
against them and threatened them terribly if they I 

lot withdraw pretty soon. As they accordingly J 
avoided such unbridled rage, the license became as 1 
great as boldness [could make it], and the spoilers I 
raged on till the second hour of the following day, I 
and even then it was satiety or weariness rather than I 
reason or respect for the prince that calmed the fury I 
of the robbers. Thus was the first day of the reign of I 
the illustrious King Richard distinguished by an event I 
hitherto unheard of in the royal city, by the beginning J 
of the doom of the infidel race and by a new zeal of 1 
Christians against the enemies of the cross of Christ, I 
clearly not so much according to the rule by which 1 
they are ordered to turn doubtful matter towards the 1 
better rather than towards the worse but even accord- J 
ing to the most suitable interpretation of Christian ] 
[? religion] as a presage in the days of promotion. I 
what could it presage more suitably, if it pre- I 
&aged anything at all, that the fate of the blaspheming J 
people ennobled the day and place of the King's 1 
consecration, that at the very beginning of his reign 1 
the enemies of the Christian faith began to fall and 1 
become weakened around him .' And let not either I 


the conflagration of the City in every part or that ^ 
insolent rage of the disorderly move anyone to deny 
that it was a good event and a pious augury; since 
they will be objecting to the rule of the moderation 
of the Most Hijrh since the Omnipotent often fulfils 
His own goodwill by the will and bad acts of even ■ 
the wickedest of men.* 

The new king, however, being of a great and fierce 
spirit, was indignant and grieved that such things 
should have occurred at the ceremony of his corona- 
tion, and the beginning of his reign. He was angiy, 
and yet perplexed to know what was to be done in 
the matter. To pass over such a breach of the royal 
majesty without any example, and to dismiss it lut 
avenged, seemed unworthy of a king and harmful to 
the state, since passing over such an atrocity would 
encourage bold and wicked persons to attempt similar 
misdeeds in confidence of being able to do so with 
impunity. But on the other hand to exercise the 
rigour of the royal displeasure against such a multi- 
tude of criminals was plainly impossible. \ For 
except the nobles banquetting with the King, whose 
number was such that the breadth of the royal palace 
seemed narrow, hatred of the Jews and the tempta- 
tion to plunder had attracted to the perpetration of 
the deed above-mentioned almost the whole body of 
the citizens, and almost all the families of the nobles 
who had come up with the nobles themselves to the 

• Cf. infra p. Ill for the same reasoning. 
+ Three were hanged for deslroyini; houses of Christians. — 
liovedt-a. Hi. 12. 


Emony of the King's coronation. He had, there- 
! to dissemble where vengeance was impossible, 
d doubtless arranging that those who had stood 
th as tbe ininisters of Divini; vengeance against 
^heming infidels should not suffer human justice 

that account. For the reason of the heavenly 
[mple demanded that those blasphemers who in 
I time of the preceding reign had been too stiff- 
ied and haughty towards Christians should be 
hbled at the beginning of its successor. But the 
&ce guaranteed peace to the Jews by an edict after 

slaughter; but as will be narrated in its place, 
Jr did not enjoy this long, heaven's judgment 
panding that the pride of the blaspheming people 
inld be chastised most severely. 

t Sept. 1189. —Baptism or Death ; a Belapse. 

Hoveden, e<l. Stubbs, iii. 14. 
imong these was Benedict, a Jew of York, who 
en he was so persecuted and wounded by the 
ristians that he despaired of his life, was baptised 
■William Prior of the Church of St. Mary of York, 
;the Church of the Innocents, and was named 
Jliam, and thus escaped the peril of death and the 
flds of the persecutors. . . . And the next 
't the King caused the said William, who from Jew 
J been made Christian, to be presented to him ; 
3 said to him "Who art thou?" and answering 
'said, " I am Benedict, the Jew, from York." And 
1 King, turning to the archbishop of Canterbury 
\ the rest who had said that the said Benedict had 


become a Christian, he said to them " Did ye not:! 
tell me he is a Christian?" And they said "Yes, 
sire." And he said to them " What then shall we do 
about him?" And the Archbishop of Canterbury 
answered him in a spirit of iury, less prudently than 
he ought, " Since he does not wish to be a Christian 
let him be the Devil's man," for he ought to have 
replied "We demand Christian judgment on him, 
since he became a Christian and now denies it," 
But since there was no one to prevent him the said 
William returned to the Jewish depravity, and after a 
short interval of time died at Northampton, and was 
kept away from the common cemetery of the Jews 
as well as of the Christians, the former because be 
had turned Christian, the latter because, like a dog 
to his vomit, he had returned to the Jewish depravity. 

A Poet's accoimt of the London Uassacre. 

Roberl of C.lomeslcr, 11. vi,-. 9904.41. 
Earl Richard, King Henry's son, he came unto 

England , 
And after his father's death, he took this realm in hani 
The fourth day of September, he had himself crowned 

At Westminster hastily, as the right crowning must bs 
By th' Archbishop of Canterbury, Baldwin that was 

On a Sunday as it fell, to Jews great grief and pain I 
For among all the nobles, that to the feast Ihirt dresL 
Earls and Barons and of others high-men ei 
And ffiidsl noble presents, that thither came alsoj 


The wretched wicked Jews they weened well to do 
And a rich present they prepared with great pride 
And sent it to the noble king, but small thanks them ] 

betide ! 

the King was somewhat vexed, and took it for I 

great shame, 
That from such unck-an things as Ihein any meat to J 

him came. 
And bade them put it out of court, and to the wretches | 

shame do 
There was many a wild serving-man that was ready 1 

And they went into Jewry and wounded and tore 1 

men loo 
And robbed and burnt houses, and many of them slew 
F. Y. P. 

1189.— A Jewish Account of the Kaaaacre. 

Ephraim h. Jacob of Bonn, in Enut Hiihaeha. ed. Wiener, 
Hell. App., p. g. 
In /A£^m;- [of Creation] 4950 [=Sept. ii8g — Sept. 
M90] evil was brought upon Israel from heaven. For 
there arose a King in the Ishof the Sea knmvn as Angle- 
terre. And it happened on the day of their appointing 1 
him King, and when thev put the royal croivn upon his I 

Ead in the dty of london, in the palace which is with- 
^^ / iht city, and many folk were gathered there from 
frcMce and from the isles of the sea, and there came like- | 

viu Jewish magistrates, and with them tenths to bring to 

'fhe King as a tribute, and had men hastened to say that-.^ 
it was not allowed for ferns to look on the Kinifs en 


when the monks and priests crowned him^ when they 
crowned the King at Orleans (.^) and they thrust them 
forth and destroyed theni^ and the King knew not of this^ 
and a rumour went to the city saying " The King has 
ordered the fews to be converted,' and they went to fall 
upon them and slay them and their maidservants in their 
houses, and they slew about thirty men and some of the 
remainder slew themselves and their children. And then 
was slain the distinguished Chief Rabbi^ facoh of 
Orleans, for the hallonving of the Name, And the King 
knew nothing during all this, for when he heard the 
noise in the city he asked, ** What is this noise of a 
tumult ? ** And the doorkeeper replied, ** // is nothing 
but the young men rejoicing and making merry ^^ although 
the truth was known to him. He ordered them to bind 
the doorkeeper to the tails of horses, dragging and casting 
him through the streets and alleys of the city till his 
spirit departed and he died a miserable death. Blessed 
be the Lord that giveth vengeance I 

16 Nov., 1189.— Charter of Monks of the Cistercian 
Order to be quit of their debts to Aaron of Lincoln. 

Memorials of Fountains Abbey (Surtees Soc), ii. i8. 

Richard, by the Grace of God, &c., to the arch- 
bishops, bishops, . . . and all his servants and 
men, French and English, through all England greet- 
ing. Know that we have condoned for the safety of 
our own soul and for those of all our ancestors and 
heirs, to the abbeys of the Cistercian order, namely, 
of Rievalle, New Minster, Kirkested, Parco-Lude, 
Revesby, Ruford, Kirkestal, Rupe, and Betlesden, 


the debt which they owed us of the debt of Aaron 
ijie Jew of Lincoln, the sum of which extended to 
i,4oo marks and more. And they for this condona- 
ion have given us 1,000 marks. Wherefore we wish 
nd firstly order that the said house be altogether 
juits for ever of the whole debt which was demanded 
&rom them. And we have returned them their deeds 
Tor that debt. . . . Witnesses Hugo Bishop of 
Durham, Godfrey Bishop of Winchester, &c. At 
Westminster, 16th Nov. in the first j'ear of our reign. 
[This is the largest amount mentioned as owed to any Jew of 
Ibe twelfth cfntury. It is probable that it covered the building 
of all the above-mentioned Abbeys.] 

Ritual far Eve if Day of Atonement |Heb.), Gintian Rile. 
(Lv 'tis thus Evil us halh in bond ; 

If Thy grace guilt efface and respond 

" Forgiven ! " 

^ast scorn o'er and abhor th' informer's word\ 

• •Kindly traniilated by Mr. I. Zangwill, who has preserved 
he metre, the rhyme system and the alphabetical acrostic of Ihc 
(liginal. Mr. Zangwill's tour de force will at any rale give the 
mder an idea of the metrical gymnastics indulged in by the 
■btAiflini, sacred Hebrew poets of the Middle Ages. For the 
ttribution of this celebrated poem, still recited in all Synagogues 
f the German rite on the eve of the great Jewish fast day, the 
lay of Atonement, vide Zunz, LiteraturgeschichJi, p. 2S7.— I 
C^ve I may claim the credit of having identified the author 
Sth the Yomtob of Joigny, who led the Jews at York, i" 
tfra p. 131. 

t Cf. the Decree of the Rabbinic Synod, supra p, 47. 



J^ear God, deign this refrain 
"Ear in lieu 


give him who 
answer, King, 

Q^rani also the lily* blow 

JLeal our shame and proclaim 

Zust forgiving, 
Ust our cry 

Mercy living, 
loud reply 

ULy wound heal deep conceal 
'Sow gain praise by Thy phrase 

to make heard 

" Forgiven / '' 
intercedes ; 
when he pleads, 

" Forgiven ! " 
in Abram's right 
from Thine height 

*^ Forgiven!'' 
sin condone 
from Thy Throne 

'' Fof given r' 
stain and flake, 
''For My sake. 

Forgiven I " 
from thee reft. 

forgive ! Thy sons live 

Y raised for grace. Turn Thy face to those left — 

" Forgiven / " 
'Baise to Thee this my plea. 
Sin unmake for Thy sake 

Tears, regret, 
JJphft trust 

witness set 
from the dust 

take my pray'r 
and declare, 

" Forgiven ! " 
in Sin's place 
to Thy face — 

" Forgiven ! '* 
'^oice that moans, tears and groans, do not spurn ; 
'Weigh not flaws, plead my cause, and return, 

" Forgiven ! " 
Yfa, off-rolled, as foretold, clouds impure 

Tkion's folk, free of yoke, O assure, 

* Israel (Cant. x. lo.) 


jT hy day stronghold they seek in Thee 

)d One I let stronger yet Thy word be 

*^ Forgiven r* 

These two last lines fix the authorship of the poem by 
nioh — Yam (day), Tob (good). They have hitherto been 
ublished, but were obtained from an Oxford MS. by Dr. 
ibauer, through ihe kind intervention of Dr. Hermann Adler.] 

Bef. 1190.— A daestion of Warmtli. 

Hag. Mord. Sdbb. (Heb.), i., 450. 

rhe question is whether I may tvarm myself at a fire 

died by a Gentile on Sabbath, The following is the 

ponse of R, Yomtob of blessed memory, * From my 

th I have wondered at those who forbade us to tvarm 

selves at a fire kindled by a Gentile for a Jew, because 

ave seen my father and R, Menachem and other men 

fame, who were particularly pious,* thus warming 

nselves. The reason seems to me this : as we say 

vhere [Talmud, Sabbath] that we reckon circumcision 

in illness [and can therefore do things otherwise 

Didden on a Sabbath for a circumcised child] so 

y one is considered ill from the effects of cold : though 

/ may not be really ill, yet they suffer from it . , , 

i if it would not perplex the people I would allow 

n to order a Gentile to make a fire on Sabbath and 

long other proofs] as we say of the High Priest 

t, if he is delicate, they heated his bath [on the Day 

A-tonement] with hot iron [Talm. Joma 34b], so 

y man is delicate as regards cold, and therefore he can 

A peculiar word, Perushim, is here used signifying 'set 
rt * for the study of the Law, a kind of Jewish monks. Cf. 
lemann, Unterricht, i. 366-7. 


warm himself. And may my share in the future life be 
amon<]^ the just who warm themselves and not among those 
who separate themselves. And so let those who warm 
themselves on Sabbath rejoice in much peace.^ 

[The injunction against making a fire on Sabbath (Exod. xxxv. 
3) was so rigidly obeyed that many would not warm themselves 
at a fire made by others. It is, however, customary even at the 
present day for pious Jews to hire a Gentile to see to their fires 
on Sabbaths.] 

1190.— Slaughter of the Jews at Norwich, Stamford, 

York, and St. Edmunds. 

Ralph de Diceto, ii,, 78. 

Many of those who were hastening to go to 
Jerusalem determined first to rise against the Jews 
before they invaded the Saracens.* Accordingly on 
February 6th, all the Jews who were found in their 
own houses at Norwich were butchered ; some had 
taken refuge in the Castle. On March 7th, namely, 
at the time of the fair at Stamford, many were slain. 
On March i6th,t at York, it is said that nearly 500 
were put to death, attacking one another with mutual 
wounds, for they preferred to be struck down by their 
own people rather than to perish at the hands of the 
uncircumcised. On March i8th, i.e.^ the feast of 
Palm-branches, as it is said, fifty-seven were slaugh- 
tered at St. Edmunds. Wherever the Jews were 
found they were massacred by the hands of the 
Crusaders, unless protected by the town authorities. 

* This was clearly the motive with the common people iwho 
were not affected by Jewish usury. 

t During the Friday night between the i6th and 17th Mardh 



It cannot be believed that so sad and fatal a death of 
the Jews can have pleased prudent men, since that 
saying of David often comes to our ears " Do not 
slay them" (Ps. lix., ii)- r 

[Beddes these, riots are mentioned at Lynn. Lincoln, and 
probably at Colchester, Thetford (P.R. Np, 134] and Oapringe 
[P.R. item No. 115). Winchester seems to have been the only 
Mception: Cf. i»fra p. 134.] 

Teb., 1190.— Wliat was done against the insolence 
of the Jews at Lynn. 

William of Newbury,' i., 308, ed. Howlctt. 

While this was going on in France, the zeal of the 
Christians against the Jews in England, which had 
been kindled a little before at London, as has been 
mentioned, broke out fiercely. It was not indeed 
sincere, i.e., solely for the sake of the faith, but in 
rivalry for the luck of others or from envy of their 
good, fortune. Bold and greedy men thought that 
they were doing an act pleasing to God, while they 
robbed or destroyed rebels against Christ and carried 
out the work of their own cupidity with savage joy 
and without any, or only the slightest, scruple of 
conscience, God's justice, indeed, by no means 
approving such deeds but cunningly ordaining that 

• I have selected William of Newbiuy's account of the mass- 
acres oTEaster, 1190, as being the fullest. He was besides a 
native of Yorltshite, being bom at Newbury about 1136, was a 
canon tX the Augustinian priory of Bridlington, so that he lived 
ill his life near the scene of the chief outbreak and died in t iqS, 
so that his account was at latest written within eight years of the 
events he describe?. 



1 1 4. RIOT A T KING'S L YNN. 

in this way the insolence of that perfidious people 
might be checked and their blaspheming tongues 

The first outburst against them occurred, we have 
heard, at Lynn, a city renowned for its thriving com- 
merce, where many of this people dwelt, overbearing 
by their numbers, the greatness of their wealth and 
the protection of the King. When a certain or 
them was converted from their superstition to the 
Christian faith, they, thirsting for his blood as that 
of a deserter and traitor, sought for an opportunitf 
of gratifying their malice, and on a certain day s " 
ing their arms attacked him as he was passing, but 
he retreated to the nearest church. But the mad- 
men did not desist, but began to besiege the church 
with perverse fury and attack in order to break the 
doors and drag the fugitive out to punishment, 
huge clamour is raised by those who were in the 
same church. Christian help was demanded with 
loud voice. The shouting and the reports inflame 
the Christian folk ; those who were near run up b 
arms on hearing the shouts, those afar off when thqf 
heard the rumours. The inhabitants of the place 
went to work half-heartedly for fear of the King, but 
the young foreigners, of whom a great many hid 
come there on business, attacked the insolent as 
ants more stoutly. They, however, giving up their 
siege of the church commenced to fly when they, 
could no longer support the attack of the Christiaift 
A few being slain during the flight, their houses weie 
stormed and pillaged by the Christians, and burnt by 


figing flames and many of them fell victims to 
or sword of the enemy. On the following day 
in Jew coming up, a distinguished physician, 
IS friendly with and honoured by the Christians, 
sake both of his art and of his own modesty, 
inced to deplore the slaughter of his people 
strongly, and as if prophesying vengeance, 
1 the still smouldering rage. The Christians 
letzed him and made him the last I'ictim of 
insolence. The young foreigners, loaded with , /' 

sought their ships and quickly went away to 
nquiry by the King's officers. But the inhabi- 
f the place when they were interrogated about 
tier by the officials, attributed the deed to the 
lers who had already gone away. 

!h, 1190.- of t.Kttbury, i, 310, ed. Howletl. 
r this a new rising of the mob against the Jews 
ace at Stamford. When the accustomed fair was 
leld there at Quadragesima [March 7] a number 
ths who had taken the Lord's sign to start for 
lem came together from different provinces. 
were indignant that the enemies of the cross 
■ist who dwelt there should possess so much 
Ihey had not enough for the expenses of so 
\ jomney. They considered they ought to 
from them as unjust possessions whatever they 
ipp!y to the necessary uses of the pilgrimage 
ad undertaken. Considering, therefore, that 


they could be doing honour to Christ if they attaclcei! 
his enemies, whose goods they were longing for, they 
boldly rushed upon them, nobody either of the 
inhabitants of the place or of those who had come to 
the fair opposing such daring persons and some even 
helping them. Some of the Jews were slain, but the 
rest escaped with some difficulty by retreating to the 
Castle. Their houses were pillaged and a great 

quantity of money captured One of the 

plunderers, John by name, a most audacious young 
man went off to Northampton, deposited a part of 
his money with someone by whom he was slain from 
desire of the said money. [His body is said to perform 
miracles till Hugh, Bishop of Lincoln, put a stop to 
the reverence paid to the false tnartyr,] 

[The Jews rcmenihered gratefully .St. Hugh's interference on 
iheir behalf. See infra, sub anno i loo. for their behaviour at 
his funeral.] 

Bef. 1190.-A Decis 

Tos (Heb.) Talm. Joma 273, Sebaeh 146. 

\_A aimplkakd diicitssion on Lev. i., 7, vi. 13.] 

[The Rabbi is caUed 'The Holy Rabbi Eliahu of Atjorak,' 
'Holy' being (he technical designation of a Martyr, uhI 
'Aborak' being, as Dr. Neubauer suggested, the Hebrew trans- 
literation of Kver\iit-k (Eboracum), the medieval name of York. 
R, Eliahu was besides a pupil of ' Sir Morell,' whom we know 
lo iiave been in England, cf. supra, p. 53. This idenlifiei 
another of the victims of the York massacre.' 



\\ ill n f N I ur\ I H(i el i 

he men of Lincoln lieann^, of nhitwi'; bting 
E to the Jews icumg the opportunity and vn 
aged bj these examples thoupl t th it soniclhinK 
lid be attempted and gathenng in a mob broke 
into a sudden rising against their Jewish TlIIow 
ens But the} rendered more Ldutioii-. by 
wing the file or the terror of thLir fellows in 
ms places had betaken themscUes bet mes \Mth 
r monej to the fort lied jart of the town And 
Othing much be ng done though muih m esti 
^n was carrad on bj the roial officials * that vain 
ig quickh subsided 

Bt the men of \ork were rebtraincd neither bi 
of the hot tempered King nor thu \igjuc of the 
;, nor by feelings of humanity, from satiating their 
;with the total ruin of their perfidious feilow- 
icns and from rooting out the whole race in their 
And as this was a very remarkable occurrence, 
ight to be transmitted to posterity at greater 
th. Of the Jews of Vork, as we said, the fore- 
[■were Benedict and loce,t men of great riches 
^eat usurers. Now they had built in the middle 
S city at very great expense large houses, like 
"aces, and there they dwelt like two princes 
own people and tyrants of the Christians, 
with almost royal state and pomp and 

lee />. ^., item No, u;, 
+ See supni. 


exercising harsh tyranny against those whom they 
oppressed with their usuries. And when they were 
at London at the solemnity of the anointing of the 
King, Benedict, as we mentioned above, by the 
judgment of God, met with a most wretched end and 
might be called Maledict. But Joce,* escaping with 
difficulty on that occasion, returned to York, and as 
the King after the London riot issued a decree for 
the protection of the Jews, he, together with the rest 
of the Jews throughout England, continued to act 
confidently according to their old ways. But when 
the King had established himself across the sea many 
of the province of York plotted against the Jews, not 
being able to suffer their opulence when they them- 
selves were in need, and without any scruple of 
Christian conscience thirsting for the blood of infidels 
from greed for booty. The leaders of this daring 
plan were some of the noblesf indebted to the impious 
usurers in large sums, some of whom having given 
up their estates to them for the money they had 
received, were now oppressed by great want, some 
bound by their own sureties were pressed by the 
exactions of the Treasury J to satisfy the royal usurers ; 
some, too, of those who had taken the cross and were 
on the point of starting for Jerusalem were more 
easily induced to defray the expenses of the journey 
undertaken for the Lord's sake out of the booty taken 

* See P, R.y Nos. io8, 149. 
t Mainly of the Percy and Pudsey families. See P. R.y item 
No. 1 24 and Note in Appendix. 

J Debts to Jews who had died were claimed by the King. 


% the Lord' 


\ the Lord's enemies, especially as they had httle 
[ of being questioned for the deed when they had 
ted on their journey. One stormy night no small 
t of the city became on fire either by chance or, 
Ss believed, -Ky arson perpetrated by the oon- 

rtors, so >nat the citizens were occupied with 
own h(*Gses in fear of the fire spreading. There 
\ nothing, therefore, in the way of the robbers, 
( an armed band of the conspirators, with great 
Eence and tools prepared for the purpose, burst 
\ the house of the before-mentioned Benedict, 

had miserably died at London as was mentioned 
tee. There his widow and children with many 
ters dwelt ; all of these who were in it* were slain 

1 the roof put on fire. And while the fire gloomily 
leased in strength, the robbers seized their booty 
I left the burning house, and by help of the dark- 
B retired unobserved and heavy laden. The Jews, 
I especially their leader Joce, in consternation at 
i misdeed having begged the assistance of the 
^en of the royal castle, carried into it huge 
tthis of their monies equal to royal treasures, and 
^ more vigilant guard of the rest at their houses. 
I after a few days these nocturnal thieves return 
B greater confidence and boldness and many 
fed them, they boldly besieged Joce's house which 
bled a noble citadel in the scale and stout- 
fa of its construction.! At length they captured 
\ • His sons escapeci. See />.*., No. MX. 

pThe victors had Ihe same diRitullies with tht Jewsin Loudon. 

,JU>™p. 102. 


and pillaged it, and then set it on fire after having 
removed by sword or fire all those whom an 
unlucky chance had kept in it. For Joce a 
little before had wisely anticipated this mischance 
and had removed with his wife and children into 
the Castle, and the rest of the Jews did the 
same, only a few remaining outside as victims. 
When the robbers had departed with so great 
a reward of their daring, a promiscuous mob rushed 
up at break of day and tore to pieces the furni- 
ture which remained from the spoilers and the 
fire. Then at length those who had personally held 
the Jews in hatred, no longer having any fear of 
public rigour, began to rage against them openly and 
with abundant license. No longer content with their 
substance, they gave to all found outside the castle 
the option of sacred baptism or the extreme penalty. 
Thereupon some were baptised and feignedly joined 
Christianity to escajie death. But those who refused 
to accept the sacramenl of life, even as a matter of 
pretence, were butchered "ithout mercy. While all 
this was happening the muhitude who had escaped 
into the castle seemed to be in safety. But the 
Warden of the castle having gone out on some busi- 
ness, when he wished to return was not re-admitted 
by the trembling multitude, uncertain in whom 
to trust and fearing that perchance his fidelity to 
them was tottering, and that being bribed he was 
about to give up to their enemies those whom he 
should protect. But he immedialely went to the 



sheriff of the county* who happened to be at York. 
with a larf;e body of the county soldi 
plained to him that the Jews had cheated him out of 
the castle entrusted to him. The sheriff bi 
indignant and raged against the Jews. The leaders 

if the conspiracy fanned his ftiry alleging that thi 
timid precaution of those poor wretches was an inso- 
lent seizure of the royal castle and would cause injury 
to our Icrrd, the King. And when many declared that 
such traitors were to be got at by some means or 
another, and the royal castle taken out of their hands, 
the sheriff ordered the people to be summoned and 
the castle to be besieged. The irrevocable 
went forth, the zeal of the Christian folk w, 
flamed, immense masses of armed men both from 
town and the country were clustered round the 
citadel. + Then the sheriff struck with regret at his 
order tried in vain to recall it and w ished to prohibit 
the siege of the castle. But he could by no influence 

if reason or authority keep back their inRaraed 
from carrying out what they had begun. It is true 
the nobles of the city and the more weighty 
fearing the danger of a royal movement cautiously 
declined such a great transgression. But the whole 
of the workpeople and all the youth of the town 
a large number of the country folk, together with 
soldiers not a few, came with such alacrity and joined.^ 
in the cruel business as if each man was seeking hi5' 
• John Matsball. See Fife RM, l, Ric. I., ed. Hunli 
t Probably Clifibrd's Tower, whitli wjs isolated from the 

at of [he ca:<tle, 

Dtiously ^_ 
I whole ^^H 
wn and ^^H 
er with^^l 
1 joined^^^l 

from the^H 


iTgy- i 

own gain. And there were not lacking many clergy- 
men, among whom a certain hermit* seemed more 
vehement than the rest. 

Equal zeal inflamed all, for they thought they 
would be doing a great act of devotion to God, 
while with blinded minds they shut their eyes to that 
saying of David, nay, of the Lord, which is said as 
if it were in the person of the Saviour, " God shows 
to me above my enemies ; do not slay them, never 
forget my people" (Psalm Iviii, ii).t Indeed with 
the same reason of Christian utility the perfidious 
Jew, the crucifier of our Lord Christ, is allowed to 
live among Christians as the form of the Lord's cross 
is painted in the Church of Christ, viz., for the con- 
tinual and most helpful remembrance^ by all of the 
faithful of our Lord's Passion, and while we curse the 
impious aution in the case of the Jew, we venerate 
the Divine divine with due reverence in the case of 
that sacred form, and thus the Jews ought to live 
among Christians for our use, but serve as for their 
own iniquity. But the Jews in England under Henry 
II. were by an absurd arrangement happy and re- 
nowned far more than the Christians, and swelling 
very impudently against Christ, owing to their good 
fortune did much injury to the Christians, wherefore 
in the days of the new ICing the lives wliich they 
possessed by Christ's clemency were put in danger 
■ Of ihc Premonslratensian Order. See infra p. 114. 

t The same verse is quoted by SI. Bernard {supra, p. 23) and 
by Ralph Disset (lupra p. II3). 

J Cf, Si. Bernartl, sujira p. 23, " They are living symbols to 
us, represeatiag the Lord's Passion." 


by his just judgment, though by the beautiful 

nt of his justice those have no excuse who brought 
slaughter upon them by a secret rising, 

[God is Ihas represented as acting on the principle of allowing 
evil lo be done that good might come of it. The reference to 
Jewish insolence against Christ seems to refer to such incident;^ 
as ihal referred to at Oiford, supra p. 69.] 

le, 17 March, 1190.— Of the fate of the Jews of 

WQliam of Neuhnrj-, i., 317, 
Accordingly, the Jews were besieged in the royaii 
tower, and the besieged lacked a sufficient suppljfj 
of provisions, and would have been quicklj starved 
out by hunger even if no one attacked them from 
without. But they did not have either a sufficient 
stock of arms for their own safety or for repelling 
the enemy. The tower was stoutly beseiged 
for several days, and at length the machines 
which had been prepared for the purpose were 
brought into position. The deadly work was urged 
on before the others by that hermit from the Pros- 
mo nstratensian * canonry mentioned above, who, 
excited by the reports, had recently come to the city 
and was busily occupied with the besiegers, standing 
in his white garment and frequently repeating with 
loud voice that Christ's enemies ought to be crushed, 
and encouraging the warriors by the example of his 
help. But it is said that on the days of the siege 

• This order was after the rule of St. Augustine, and ^ 
foumded by St. Norbert, at Projmonstralum, near I-ann. 
Picardy, abuuL iiio. 





he was going to the cruel work he used every morn- 
ing to immolate a host, all be-blooded — for he was a 
priest^ — to such a degree had he persuaded himself 
with his blinded mind, and tried also to persuade 
others that the work on which he was engaged was a 
religious one. And when the machines were put in 
position he used to help with fervent zeal according 
to his strength. Hence it happened that approach- 
ing the waJl rather incautiously, he did not notice a 
hugh rock coming down upon him, thereupon he fell 
forward crushed, and on being lifted up immediately 
expired. And it is declared that the greater crimi- 
natity of that rash deed was with him who, by an 
unlucky chance, was the only one of our men to (all 
in that place.* 

When the machines were thus moved into position, 
the taking of the Tower became certain, and it was 
no longer doubtful that the fatal hour was Hearing 
for the besieged. On the following night the 
besiegers were quiet, rejoicing in the certainty of 
their approaching victory. But the Jews were brave, 
and braced up by their very despair, had little rest, 
discussing what they should do in such an extremity, 
Now there was there a certain old man, a most 
•There was i PremoDatralensian Abbey at Wclbeck (Dugdale. 
ii., 873), which was largely supported by the Fauconbridges, one 
of whom was ringleader in the York massacre (Chron. dt Melsa, 
i., 151)- The monk here mentioned was probably a relative of 
the Fauconbridgcs, or relaled to Ricbard of Cnckney, Rirhaid 
Malebysse's squiie (P. R., No. 134), as Cnckney h just in llie_ 
neighbourhood of Welbeek. It was probably the death of J 
monk that made the leaders of the riot -so incensed. 


' Tamous Doctor of the Law,* according to the letter 
that kills, who, it is said, had come from parts 

, beyond the sea to teach the English Jc 
was honoured by all and was obeyed by all as if he 
had been one of the prophets. When, therefore, 
he was asked his advice on that occasion, he replied, 
" God to whom none shall say ' Why dost Thou so ? ' 
" (Eccles. viii. 4, Dan. iv. 35), orders us to die now 
" for the Law. And behold our death is at the door. 
"Unless, perchance, which God forbid, you think of 
" deserting the sacred Law for this brief space of life, 
"and choose a fate harder than anj- death to honest 
d manly minds, namely, to live as apostates at the 
" mercy of impious enemies in the deepest dishonour. 
" Since then we ought to prefer a most glorious death 
a very dishonest life, we ought to select the 
" easiest and most honourable form of death. For if 
E fall into the hands of the enemy we shall die at 
" their will and amidst their jeers. And so since the 
"life which the Creator gave us, He now demands 
" back from us. let us willingly and devoutly render it 
" up to Him with out own hands and let us not await 
" the help of hostile cruelty by giving up what He 
" demands. For many of our people in different 
"times of tribulation are known to have done the 
" same, preferring a form of choice most honourable 
us."t When he had said this very many of 
them embraced his fatal advice, but to many his word 

• R. Yomtob of Joigny. See Ephraim of Bonii,in/m p. 131. 

f This speech was probably made up by William of Newbury 

' fTom the siniilar address of Eleasat of Masada (Josephus, Wars, 1 



seemed a hard one. Then the elder says, "Let thoKl 
" whom this good and pious plan pleaseth not, seat 
"themselves apart from this holy assembly, for to ui 
" this life on earth is now thought nothing of through 
" our love of the Law of onr fathers." Ver>- many of 
them therefore withdrew, preferring rather to try the 
clemency of their enemies than perish in this way 
with their friends. Soon at the advice of this mad 
elder fire consumed their richest garments in the 
sight of all lest the enemy should be made rich 
by their wealth, they passed through the fire their 
most precious \'essels and everything they could, 
by their dainty envy they condemned these things 
to a disgraceful resting place. When this was done 
and fire being set to the roof which fed upon the 
more solid materials while the horrid deed was 
being done and putting in danger the lives of those 
who from love of life had separated themselves from 
them, they prepared their throats for the sacrifice, 
At the order of that inveterate [author] of wicked 
days that those men whose courage was most steady 
should take the life of their wives and pledges, the 
famous Joce cuts the throat of Anna, his dear wife, 
with a sharp knife,* and did not spare his own 

vii., viii., is.). The Latin Josephus occors in all book lists of 
English Abbey and Calhedral libraries!. At the same time it is 
likely enough that some address was delivered by R. Yomtob 
which may have been reported by ihe survivors of the massacre. 
• Probably the knives used for the special Jewish slaughterinf 
of cattle which are of exceptional sharpness, so as to lessen a* 
mach .IS possible Ihc lime em].1oyed in killinj;. Ephraim of 


Bons.* And when this had been done by the other 
■men, that wretched elder cut Joce's throat so that he 
■might be more honoured than the rest. All of them 
thus slain together with the author of their error, the 
ifire which had been lighted bythem before their death, 
we have mentioned, began to burst out in the in- 
iterior of the tower. Those who had chosen to live 
■resisted as much as they could the fire lit by their own 
[friends lest ihey too should die with them though un- 
irillingly, betaking themselves to the extremity of the 
tower where they were least burnt. Indeed that fury 
jf rational beings against themselves seems stupen- 
lous, nay irrational. But he who reads the history 
rf Josephus about the Jewish war knows well enough 
Tom the ancient superstition of the Jews that that 
badness has lasted down to our days if perchance any 
sad occasion arises, f But at daybreak, when the 
crowd of people collected to storm the castle, those 
wretched remnants of the Jews standing at the gates 
lieclare with tearful voice the slaughter of their 
ijKOple during the night, and, throwing down from 
their walls their dead bodies as an ocular proof of so 
jreat sacrifice, they called out " Behold the bodies of 
wretched men who were guilty of their own death 
with wicked fury and when we refused to do the same 

onn in destribiag the suicidal slaughter uses the same verb 
ifhocheC) as is employed for the slaughter of beasts. 

• The great Aaton of York of the next century was a son of ■ 

t This reference to Josephus gives a clue to the literary origin 
[R. Yomtob's speech as reported by the historian. 



"but preferred to try Christian clemency, they set 
" fire to the interior of this tower so that they might 
" burn us alive. But God has preserved us both from 
" the madness of our brethren and the danger of the 
" fire so that at last we may be at one with you ii 
"religion. For our trouble giving us sense, wi 
"recognise the Christian truth and desire it 
" charity being prepared to be laved by the sacred 
" baptism, as you are accustomed to demand a 
" giving up our ancient rites, to be united to the 
"Christian church. Receive us as brothers instead 
" of enemies, and let us live with you in the faith a 
" peace of Christ," When they said this with tears 
many of our men were horrified at the madness of 
the dead and pitied the survivors. But the leaders 
of the conspiracy, among whom was a certain Richard 
■with the truthful surname Evil Beast* of a n 
audacious character, were moved by no pity for 
these wretches. But speaking fair words to them 
deceitfully, and promising them the wished for 
grace with testimony of the faith so that they \ 
should not fear to come out. as soon as they 
did so they seized them as enemies, and though 
they demanded the baptism of Christ, those c 
butchers destroyed them. And of those whom thismore 
than bestial cruelty destroyed, 1 would emphatically 

• Malabeatia=Riehard Malebysse (ss=sli=rFr. ch^Mile 
bielie-=Ill-bitch) is mentioned frequenlly in connection 
this crime. C/. supra, p, 77. Others' names are given in Chraa. 
ii Melsa, i. tl5, and F.R. No. 24. On these and their cor 
(ions see Note in Appendix. 



pay that if there was no deceit in their demand for 
jtecred baptism, their own blood baptised them when 
lefrauded in vain of the result of their petition, 
hether they demanded the sacred laver deceit- 
jr not, the execrable cruelty of those butchers 
is without excuse. For without doubt their chief 
:rime was that having no proper authority, they pre- 
led to shed human blood like water ; secondly, 
ley were influenced more by the pang of malice 
ihan the zeal for justice ; thirdly that they despised 
toen seeking Christian grace ; fourthly that they 
kceived the wretches with lies so that they come 
brth to the sacrifice. 

The look of things in the city was at that time 
torrid and nauseous and round the citadel were lying 
icattered the corpses of so many unfortunates still 
mburied. But when the slaughter was over, the 
inspirators immediately went to the Cathedral and 
aused the terrified guardians, with violent threats, 

hand over the records of the debts placed there, 
^ which the Christians were oppressed by the 
Xiyal Jewish usurers, and thereupon destroyed these 
iecords of profane avarice in the middle of the 
Siurch with the sacred fires to release both them- 
lelves and many others.* Which being done, those 
jf the conspirators who had taken the cross went on 
Jieir proposed journey before any inquest ; but the 

* See Pipe Roll, items Nos. 109, ill, 170, from which it 
jNjutd seem that duplicates existed elsewhere in some cases. 
^chard was probably led by this to order all the Jews' debts 

1 be eniolled in tlie Royal TreaGury. 


rest remained in the country in fear of an inquiry. 
Such were the things that happened at York at the 
time of the Lord's passion, that is, the day before 
Palm Sunday [17th March, 1190]. 

[This scene, one of the most heroic episodes in the sad annals 
of Israel, muks the cIoec of the prospEiily of tbe medieval 
English Jews. Previously they had enjoyed exceptional pro- 
sperity, as is enviously tematked by all the chroniclers. Hence- 
forth they are treated worse and wtrse by King, Church, and 
people till their persecutions culminate in their expulsion, jnsl 
100 years later. The immediate cause of the riots was the fever 
heat to which Ihe crusading spirit had risen. To the rough logic 
of the people, it seemed absurd to go many thousands of miles 
to fight the " enemies of Christ " and yet to allow some of them 
to live at peace at their own doors. The Church had embittered 
the social relations of Jews and Christians by its enactmenti 
during Ihe century (firf* pp. 15, 62) and by countenancing the 
myth about the boy-martyrs. The Jews had themselves done 
something to increase this growing antipathy by (heir ostentation 
which seems to have struck the chroniclers and by their open 
contempt for the more assailable sides of Catholicism, the worship 
of images and the creation of miracles. It was only with regard 
to the upper classes that their exactions as usurers were felt : the 
common folk lived mainly by barter and never needed any laife 
mpplies of money. It was the class of smaller baroosandabboli 
that was most severely hampered hy Jeivish usury. The York 
massacre was a deliberate conspiracy of a certain number of these 
to get rid of their indebtedness by violent means (See Note in 
Appendix). But they were only a.ble to effect their ends by 
playing upon the passions of the mob raised to fever heat by iBIt 
growth of the crusading spirit.] 

1180.— Jewiali Account of the Massacre. 

Ephraim of Bonn, ap. Emsi, ed. Wiener. Heb. App. pp. 

A/so ill Ihe ^ car 4951 [1 igo-(] there came wicked 
pleofthe Lord in thi City of Aborick [=Ev' 

jy *^ , 




wick^York] which is in England, on the Great Sab-. 
hath, and Ike time of their joy was turned to their annoy, 
and they destroyed the House of Prayer and Rabbi Vom- 
fob [of Joigny] aiso, and slew about 60 souls and also 
others slew, attd there was even one that ordered them 
■flay his only son, whose foot had hardly touched the 
ground going and returning. And there were some that 
slew themselves for the sake of the Unity, and the numbers 
of those slain by others or by themselves was about 150 
souls men and women. Their holy bodies and their 
houses were burned, and they despised gold and silver and 
beautiful books of which they had written many, and 
they rejoiced in the money and the multitude of pure gold 
which were not to be equalled for beauty, and brought 
them to Cologne. And in the rest of the places and 
quarters of the fews our enemies did thus as in these 
titits. And in a certain city where there were many 
•lytes, twenty-two men forming a congregation of 
dytes, they slew them all and did not allow them to 
soil the vile waters \of baptism'], but they alt hallowed 
the Name of the Unity. 



Of tbe King's ire agoiiiHt the Sla7ers of the Jews. 

William of Newbury, i., 323. 
The deeds done at York were soon carried across 
the sea to the prince, who had guaranteed peace and 
security to the Jews in his kingdom after the rising 
at London. He is indignant and in a rage both for 
the insult to his royal majesty and for the great loss j 
^to the treasury', for to the treasury belonged whatever j 


the Jews, who are known to be the royal usurers,*' 
jeem to possess in the way of goods. Soon giving a 
mandate to the Bishop of Ely [William Longchamp] 
the Royal Chancellor and regent of the Kingdom, 
that such a great deed of daring should be punished 
with a suitable revenge, the said bishop, a man of 
fierce mind and eager for glory, comes to the city of 
York about Ascension day [May 3] with an army.f 
and began an inquiry to the great fear of the 
burgesses. But the chief and best known actors 
of the deeds done, leaving everything they had in 
the country, fled before his face to Scotland,! But 
the citizens persistently declaring that the deeds for 
which they were incurring his displeasure had not 
been done with their wish or counsel or aid, and 
that with slender resources they could not prevent 
the unbridled attack of an undisciplined mob, at 
length the Chancellor, having imposed a pecuniaiy 
mulct on each according to the income of his. 
fortune, || received satisfaction for not punishing 
them more severely. But the promiscuous and 
numberless mob, whose untrained zeal had been 
the principal cause of the deed, could not be sum- 
moned or brought to justice. And so the Chancellor, 

• This is a veiy significant statement as showing that the real 
position of Jews as royal tax-gatherers was recognised at the 

t "And to William de Ix)ngdiamp and the soldiers who went 
to York about the slaughter of the Jews ;f6o." Pipe Roll, I 
Ric. I., Everwick. n\ 

X See P. R., item No. 99. ^H 

II See P. R., items Nns. 99, loz, [jS. ^H 


removing him who had had the administration of the 1 
country [the Sheriff John Marshall*] went off without 1 
shedding hlood since he could not carry out the J 
King's command more efficaciously. Nor has anyone 1 
been brought to punishment for that slaughter of the J 
Jews up to this day, 

[It must be remembered tliat the chief rioters were of the 
family or party of Hugh Pudsey, Prince Bishop of Durham 
gteaf rival of William Longthamp (Miss Norgate, England 
under Angevin Kings, ii. igi). As John was on the side of 
Pudsey, for the time at least, his inllucnee would prevent any 
inrthcT action against the Jews alter the faU of Longchamp, 
April, I191 (Miss Norgile, I. c. 299). When Richard returned 
in 1194 fresh attempts were mudc to make inquiry into the riots 
oril90. Seein/roP' '57 and A^., itemsNos. 138, 14Z. The 
part John tookin this matter may account for his generally adverse 
attitude agunsl the Jews during his reign.] 

1180 .—Wine hesteT does not join in the Uaasacres. 

Rtcbard of Derizes, ed, Howlett. p. 383. 
On that coronation day about that hour of the 
solemnity when the Son was sacrificed to the Father, 
they began in the city of London to sacrifice the 
Jews to their father the Devil, and so great was the 
delay with this celebrated mystery that the holocaust 
could scarcely be finished on the second day. Other 
cities and towns of the country imitated the piety of 
the Londoners, and with equal devotion sent down their 
bloodsuckers with blood down to hell. Something 
was achieved at that time, though on an unequal 
" He appointed his brother Osbert to succeed Marshall. The 
fcfm of YDrkshiie is accounted for by the two in the Pipe Roll 
of I Kich. I. 


scale, throughout the realm against the lost soal 
Winchester alone spared her vermin, a people prudent 
and foreseeing, and a city always acting civilly, 
never did anything in a hurry, fearing nothing so 
much as to repent ; it thinks of the end of things 
before beginning them. It did not want to vomit 
forth the load on its stomach by which it was opposed, 
and took care of its bowels in the meantime, modestly 
concealing the trouble, till at an opportune time she 
might once and for ever evacuate the whole mass of 

[The sarcastic style of Richard of Devizes gives probably a 
truer picture of the temper in which the massacres were regarded 
than the more humanitarian view of William of Newbery.] 

22 Uarch., 1190.— A Charter by whicli many libertiea 
are granted and confirmed to the Jews. 

Rymer, Fadera, i., 51 [Ed. 1816]. 

Richard, by the grace of God, King of England, 
duke of Normandy, &c., to his archbishops, bishops, 
&c., greeting: 

I. — Know ye that we have granted and, by the 
present charter, confirmed, to Ysaac, son of Rabin 
Joce, and his sons and their men, all their customs 
and liberties just as the Lord King Henry, our father, 
granted and by his charter confirmed to the Jews of 
England and Normandy, namely i to reside in our 
land freely and honorably, and to hold all those 
things from us which the aforesaid Isaac and his 
sons held in the time of Henrj- the King, our father, 
in lanAs, and fiefs, and pledges, and gifts, and 



nrchases, viz., Hame, which Henry, our father, gave 
lem for their service, and Thurroc, which the said 
baac bought of the Count of Ferrars,* and all the 
i, and messuages, and pledges which the said 
and his sons had in our land in the time of 
Ung Henry, our father. 
II. — And if any quarrel arise between a Christian 
id Ysaac, or any of his children or heirs, he that 
|)peals the other to determine the quarrel shall 
tve witnesses, viz., a lawful Christian and a lawful 
And if the aforesaid Ysaac, or his heirs, or his 
hildren, have a writ about the quarrel, the writ shall 
them for testimony ; and if a Christian have a 
[narrel against the aforesaid Jews let it be adjudi- 
cated by the peers of the Jews. 

II, — And if any of the aforesaid Jews shall die let 
his body be kept above ground, but let his heir have 
lis money and his debts so that he be not disturbed 
I he has an heir who can answer for him and do 
light about his debts and his forfeits, and let the 
[foresaid Jews receive and buy at any time what- 
iver is brought them except things of the church 
Dd bloodstained garments. 

rV, — And if they are appealed by any one without 
•witness let them be quits of that appeal on their own 
)ath upon their book [of the Law] and let them be 
[Bits from an appeal of those things which pertain to 
or crown on their own oath on their roll [of the 
Lwj. And if there be any dissention between a 
' It was afterwards sold by Josce, son of Ysaac, to Henry de 
17 (Aet Cart. i.. 64). 


Christian and any of the aforesaid Jews or their' 
children about the settlement of any money, the Jew 
shall prove the capital and the Christian the interest. 

v.- — And the aforesaid Jews may sell their pledges 
without trouble after it is certified that they have 
held them a year and a day, and they shall not enter 
into any pleadings except before us or before those 
who guard our castles in whose bailiwicks they them- 
selves remain wherever they may be. 

VI.-^Let them go whithersoever they will with all 
their chattels just like our own goods and let no one 
keep them or prevent them. And if a Christian debtor 
dies, who owes money to a Jew, and the debtor has 
an heir, during the minority of the heir let not the 
Jew be disturbed of his debt unless the land of the 
heir is in our hands. 

VII. — And we order that the Jews through all 
England and Normandy be free of all customs and 
of tolls and mediation of wine just like our own 
chattels, and we command and order you to ward 
and defend and protect them, and we forbid any one 
against this charter about the aforesaid to put the 
said Jews into plea on our forfeit. 

Witnesses : Will, de Hum.', constable of Nor- 
mandy, &c., &c. Given by the hand of William de 
Longchamp, our Chancellor, Bishop of Ely, at 
Rouen, on the twenty-second day of March, in the 
first year of our reign. 

[This is not a genera! charter for the Jews of England and 
Nonnandy, as has been hitherto assumed. It is probably a 
lapecial copy of one which had been previously given to them 
jtaimediately after the London massacre (see William of New- 
Iwiy's remark, supra p. 105), adapted to the leading English Jew 
rf the time, Isaac, son of Rabbi Josce (" Rubigotsce"), and 
lib family and " men," whatever that may mean. The original 
UuiTter was itself only a conlinnatioii of one that had previously 
txKn giTCQ by Henry II., as is indicated by the references in the 
ybove document. It is likely enough that Henry II, 's charter 
■was itself only a confirroation of a similar or identical one given 
ilty Henry I. For, as we shall see, John when confirming the 
fllBrters of the Jews refers to one by Henry, his lather's grand- 

■ 138 A yEWS LORD. ^^H 

father, t.e. Henry I. The privileges given the Jews are sn&icieiity'' fl 
clear without much comment, though it would be worth while ] 
knowing what is exactly meant by " the peers of the Jews " in 
II. Probably some reference is here made !□ the " Bishops of 
the Jews," who seein to have been a Jtind of Jewish judges. 
From both II. and IV. il is clear that these were mixed courts 
in which Jews and Christians had concurrent jurisdiction.] 

1189-91.— ContributiouB to the Treasury. 
\JJ • Pipe Rolls, 1, 2 Ric. I. 

91. — Benedict the Jew owes 3 marks because he 
detained the rents of his lord. The same Sheriff 
renders count of 9 marks of the community of the 
Jews. I Rjc. I., Sudhants. 

[Each entry offers an interesting problem. What was the 
exact relation of a Jew and " his lord "? How far and in what 
way were the Jewish " communities " organised and recognised 
by the government ?] 

92, — Abraham son of Avigay[:= Abigail] owes one 
mark of gold because it is not contained in his deed 
from the Count of Arundel that the Manor of Rowell 
is his mortgage as it ought to have been, i Ric. I. 

93. — Josce son of Benjamin of Oxford owes 10 
marks for an amerciament for treasure trove of gold 
which he bought without the consent of justice, ib. 

94- — Slema Jewess of St. Edmund owes 20 marks 
for right to her debts and pledges. Jumet Jew of 
Norwich owes 6 marks for right to thirty pounds 
against Benjamin of Oxford. 1 Ric. I., 3b Nordf. 
and Sudf. [F. No. 73.] 

05. — Samuel de Stanford owes 10 marks for haiA 



his debts against William de Colville. But he is dead I 
and his chattels and pledges are in the King^s hand. I 
Ibid. 4b Line. I 

[Cf. No. 164,] ' 

96, — For hiring carriage to carry Jews of York to 
London 8s. Ibid 5a. Everwich. 

[They were not all Itilled then ; or were they corpses ?] I 

97. — Brun the Jew owes ^^^350 of the amerciament I 
of 2000 marks for which he made fine with the King 1 
at Waltham. 

Aaron Jew of Lincoln, Abraham son of Rabbi and 
Isaac of Colchester owe ^+00 of the chattels of Bran 
the Jew which they received in old money of the fine i 
which he made with the King at his crossing over | 
the straits. 1 Ric. L, Lond. and Westin. I 

[See No. 29. The latter dehts had been owing since 33 1 

I 98. — Benedict son of Jacob owes 1 ounces of gold 

that his case may be heard in the King's court I 

l.l>etweeii him and Deodatus and Jacob Jews. lb. j 

;,lJncoIn. I 

gg. — Of the proceeds of the lands and chattels of | 

the men who fied on account of the assault on the j 

Jews in the city of York. Ibid. Everw, I 

[Wniiara of Newbury mentions that they fled to Seolland.] J 

99fl, — Samuel, Jew of Newcastle, owes zo marks J 

.because he called a warrant which he could not have, I 

< Ric. I., Nordhumb. I 

ggi. — Cresselin, Jew, owes 40s. for right to ;^ii I 

zgainst the Abbess of Ramsey, z Ric. I., Sudhants. 



. [" But he is dead and has do right " it is added in the fbUmr. 
ing year.] 

loo.— Debts of the Jews for the Guildford Tallage 
placed by the chancellor on the roll. Isaac son of 
Rabbi [Joce] renders count of £toa of the arrears of 
the Tallage of Guildford for which he made fine with 
the Chancellor to pay ^30 per annutn in two instal- 
ments . . . and he still owes £-]^. 2 Ric. I. 

[See No. 89.] 

101.— Jacob, Jew, son of Samuel of Northampton, 
owes £si3o for the debts and chattels of his father of 
which he ought to pay izo marks, viz., 60 at Easter 
and 60 at Michaelmas, i Ric. 1.. Norhants. 

101. — And in his [the Sheriff's] surplus which he 
has below in the accoimt of the land of the men who 
fled for the assault on the Jews of York ^59 , . . 
David de Popelton renders count of zo marks for the 
Jews. 1 Ric. I., Everwich, 

[The last enfiy is followed by 50 other names ; the whole 
amount of lines 342 marks.] 

103. — Of those who paid up for the aforesaid pleas 
[on the Jews] the same Sheriff renders count of four 
score and eleven marks and 10 shillings of the amer- 
ciament of the men of York for the Jews, whose 
names and debts are noted in the Chancellor's roll 
which they paid into the Treasury. Paid in the 
Treasury by 58 tallies and is quits. 2 Ric. I., Everwich. 

104. — Avegay, Jewess of London, owes £bz 3s. 4d. 
o! the balance of zoo marks which she owed to our 


iOrd the King's father of the tallage at Guildford of 
hrfaigb she has to pay £za per annum, i Ric. I. 

. — Account of the purchase of ships that I 
weirt to Jerusalem. . . . And of ^loo which he 
fHoniy of Comhill] received from Richard, arch- 
QcacoR of Canterbury, and Robert, archdeacon of | 
Gloucester, out of the moneys of Aaron the Jew. 

[This gives the names of the treasurers of Aaron's Exchequer. 
The clerks ire also mentioned P. R. item No. 105a.] 

1180.— Abbot aamson gets the Jews expelled from 

I Joce de Brakelond, p. 33. 

• The lord abbot sought from the King a writ 
■rhoeby the Jews might be ejected from the town of 
&t. £dinond, alleging that whatever is in the town 
lof St. Edmond or within its banlieu is under the 
jiuifidiction of St. Edmond : therefore the Jews ought 
*«ttlter to be men of St. Edmond* or be ejected from 
<die town. License was therefore given him that he 
Shoold eject them, but on condition that they should 
JtAvc their chattels as well as the price of their houses 
and lands. And when they were sent forth and con- 
ducted with an armed band to various cities the abbot 
'Ordered that excommunication should be declared in 
'idl churches and at all altars against anyone should 
'thenceforth take in Jews or give them lodging in the 

> " They could not be men of St. Edmond as they w 
the King. 



town of St. Edmond. But this was afterwards modi- 
fied by the justiciars of the King to the effect that if 
Jews should come to the great pleas of the abbot to 
demand their debts from their debtors* on such 
occasions they might be lodged for two days and two 
nights in the town, but freely depart on the third day. 
LSamson was an enemy of the Jews. Cf. supra p. 78. Thidr 
synagogue at Edmonsbury is still in existence, being used as a 
police-Btation undec the oame of Moyses' Hall. The eneraviog 
opposite is from a sketch in the British Museum taken 100 yean 

/ 1191-2.— Contribwtiona to the Treaoury. 

• Pipe Roll, 3 Ric. I. 

105. — Josce son of Lia of Bristol renders count of 
one hundred shillings of the second thousand marks 
which the Jews of England promised our Lord the 
King. 3 Ric. I. (M. i. ZJ3). 

[C/. No. 43.] 

10511. — And to Joseph and Roger, clerks of the 
King in the Exchequer of Aaron [of Lincoln"] two 
marks and a half for a gift by King's writ, 3 Ric. L 
ii'>- Lond. and Midd. 

[SeeNos. 27,54.] 

106. — Of the debts of Aaron. 

[Under this heading are enumerated in the rolls of 3-5 Ric. I. 
Bucks 4 items, Wilts 3, Worcester and Warwick 21, Canteb I, 
Becks I, Norf. [9 and 16, Sussex i, Oxford 7, Cumberland 6, 
Gloucester z, York 80 (including 20 Jews), Hereford 5, North- 

• The abbey itself wis not out of debt to them before 1. 
(vide supra'ji. 76J. 


jvnploD aS, Hmls. 7, Lond. and Middl. 40, Shropshire 3, Line. 

in all 430 debts amounting ta about j^ijooo.] 

37. — Arrearsof the Tallage of the Jews of London 
.jnade at Guildford. 3 Ric. I., Lond, and Middl. 

[FoUows a list of 38 names owing about £l%iiO. The names 
<MxtA some of the Rnes are given supra p. 88. Similar lists in 
,(his and following years occur for Essei is (j£'4O0), Sussei 
OfaSs}, Kent 12 (^140).] 

j8, — Josce de Ebor owes izjnaarks for a silver 
vessel, 3 Ric. L, Evenv. Of Aaron's debts. 

[Bui he was dead, hav-ing been Itilled last by R.Yomtob at the 
Tork massacre. This debt must have been brought against his 

>g. — Robert de Hcesel owes 20 marks for his fine 
'for the debts which his father owed to the Jews of 
,York. 3 Ric. L, Everwich. 

[From this and other entries it is clear that the burning of the 
;])n)iiii3Sory notes in York Minster did not help the York Jews' 
debtors much, Cf. No. 121.] 

[o. — Margaret, who was the wife of Benedict, son 
of Sarra, owes zos. for having had her debt unjustly 
against Robert Williamson de Evlega. 3 Ric, I., 

1 1. — Of the debts of Aaron. Deulebenie of Rising 
owes 100 marks on the s-jrety of the Earl of Arundel, 
5 Ric, I,, Nordf. Benedict, Jew of Chichester, owes 
jfiooonthe surety ofthe Earl of Arundel. 1 b. Sudsex. 
[This was one of the ways in which the King got a hold on 
tiie Barons by means of the Jews to whom they were indebted, 

:e Ihe clauses in Magna Cbarta against the transfer of 
Jews' debLs to others.] 

[I, — Benedict, brother of Jumet, owes £^^0 of 



the arrears of 10,000 marks. Ursell, son of Bnin" 
30s. for the same. Sancto, Jew of St. Edmund's, 
owes 4ZS. for the aforesaid arrears. Samson, of 
Bungay, owes loos. for the same. 3 Ric. I., Nordf. 

[This casual mention is the only reference I know of to a 
taUage of 10,000 marks which was probably in the timeofHen. n.] 

113. — Deodatus, Jew, owes 6 marks and 8s, lod. 
for a writ about lo marks. Ursel, son of Fulcella, 
owes 5 marks because he did not give up to Ysaac 
his debt. Matathias the Jew owes half a maik 
because he has confessed what he previously denied. 
Sarra the Jew and her sons owe 133. 3d. for having 
right to 5 marks and 3s. 3 Ric. I., Lincol. 

[Notice again the large proportion of the debt claimed by the 

1 14, — Ranu'f de Glanville owes one mark became 
he confessed that he had received from Samuel, Jew 
of Northampton, who owed it for a concord between 
Margaret of London and their sons and daughter. 
But it should he required in Norft. 3 Ric. I,, 

[See No. 58.] 

1 1 s-— The town of Ospringe owes 10 marks because 
it did not make hue and cry for a slain Jew. 3 Ric I., 

[Was this during one of the riots at the same time as Ihe Yorit 
massacre ? The town stiU owes the sura as late as 6 J.] 

116. — Josce son of Leo of Warwick owes roo 

marks for his fine and for having the debts and 

chattels of his father. 3 Ric. I., Wirec. and Warw. 

117. — Of the amerciaments of the men of the city 

for the assault on the Jews. 3 Ric. I., Lincoln. 


[Follows a list of 8a names. It has hitherto been thoaght 
that the Jews of Lincoln escaped, but this enuy would seEm to 
show the contrary.] 

118,— Jacob, Jew of Winton, owes £1,0 of the 
;gioo which Ursell the husband of Drua his daughter 
gave Dnia herself in dowry before she can have 
Jhose ^100. 3 Ric. I., Oxinf. 

iiq. — Josce Crispin and two daughters of Morell 
id their pledges owe 100s. for their share of the 
looks of the said Morell. 3 Ric. I., Nordf, 
[This Morell was probably Samuel son of Solomon of Falaise 
bo is known among the Tosalists or Glossators of the Talmud 
i " Sir Morell of England," cf. Steinschndder, Cal. Lib. Heb. 
ledi.. No. 706S, and lujira p. 5J. He must have had a fine 
i«o. — ^Judas the Bishop [levesq] owes 50s, of his 
Bceipts which he had received from the Christians of 
ducol. 3. Ric. I., Line. 
'footless ta compensation for the riot. On " Bishop" see 

b. 3'-] 

HI. — ^The sons of Benedict the Jew owe 700 marks 
to have the lands of their father and of his debts 
Itccording to his charters. 3 Ric. I., Everw. 

pile duplicate charters have been burnt by (he rioters in Yorli 

Efaister. Benedict had died in London after being forcibly con- 

s sons have desired (o his have debts on the sole 

^ttthoTityofthecounterfoilsiathdrpossession without comparing 

usual with (he originals. 

—Richard Malebysse owes ;^2o to have his 
forest rights as he had them in the time of Henry 
|he King's father. 3 Ric. L, Everwicii. 



Bef. I192.~-De minimia non curat Lex Talmudio*.* 

Or Sarua (Heb.) i., j 453. 

// happened that a piece of meat came to vie on which 
a piece of fat was slicking, and this piece was ncl 60 
times as big as the fat, hut it had been sold with otha 
pieces of meal, and these pieces all together were 60 lima 
as much as the piece of fat. And I saw thai the Rahbis 
allowed [the meat to he eaten\, and they have also shoiim 
a Response of R. Samuel.of blessed memory, called Morell, 
and he allowed it. 

[It ia a Talraudic principle that if any forbidden food geta 
mixed with what 13 lawful, it may be eaten provided that it is 
not more than one-sixtieth of the whole mass. The R. Samud 
here mentioned is " Sir Morell of Angleterre." See Pipe Roll, 
item No. I ig, and iupra p. 53.] 

1192.— Alleg'ed Uartj^dom of a B07 at Winclieater. 

Richatd of Devizes, ed. Howlett, p. 435. 
Because Winchester had not to be deprived of her 
due reward for preserving peace to the Jews, as was 
told at the beginning of the book,t the Jews of Win- 
chester, studious for the honour of their city, in their 
Jewish wayearned renowned glory for themselves by 
martyring a boy at Winchester, as was shown by the 
indications of the deed though by chance the deed 
itself was absent.]: The case was like this. A cer- 
tain Jew had taken as the house-boy of his family a 
■ Kindly translated by Mr. S. Schechter. 
t Where it is mentioned that the Jews of this date were npt 
disturbed in 1190. Vidi supra. 

J Does this mean that the whole story 




certain Christian lad, a student of the sutorial art. 
He did not live there continually at work, and never 
was allowed to do anything much lest his living with 
them should prove that his slaughter was prenaedi- 
tated, and as for less work he was better paid there 
than elsewhere he frequently visited the demon' 
house ensnared by his gifts and guile. He was 
indeed French by birth, a pupil and an orphan, of , 
low condition and extreme poverty. Much pitying 
his miseries in France a certain French Jew frequently 
persuaded him to go to England, a land flowing with ■ 
milk and honey : he assured him that the English 
were liberal and well-fed, that there no one \ 
Strove after honesty would die poor. The lad, ready 
like all Frenchmen to do what you will, took with 
1 a companion of his ovra age and country and 
Igirt himself for his foreign travels, having nought in 
'his hand but a staff, nought in his scrip but a crust. 
He said good bye to his Jew, who said " Be a man. 
Alay the God of my fathers lead you as I desire." 
'Then, placing his hands on his head as if he were 
■the scapegoat, after some clearings out of his throat 
:and silent curses he continued, being now secun 
,fcis prey, "Be of a brave mind, forget thy people 
and thy land, for every land is a ' fatherland to the 
brave like the sea to the fish, and any clear space to 
the vacant bird " [Ovid, Fast. 1. 493.] When thou 
enteresl England, if thou come to London thou wilt 
quickly pass through it, for that [metro]polis dis- 
pleaseth me much. All kinds of men flow into it from 
all the nations under the sky. Every nation brings ' 


its own vices and its own customs into the city; 
None lives in it free from crime, not a citizen that 
does not abound in sad obscenities, a man is there 
reckoned to be better the deeper he is in crime. I 
know whom I am talking to ; thou hast beyond thy 
age a fervid intellect and a cold memory, things con- 
trary to one another, and a temperate reason. I have 
no fears for thee unless thou dwell with evil livers, 
for manners are formed by communication. Well, 
well. Thou wilt come to London, So I forewarn 
thee whatever ill or malice is in all and each part of 
the world that shalt thou find in that single city. 
Avoid the band of pimps, mix not with the crowds of 
gamesters, avoid the dice and the gaming table, the 
theatre and the tavern. Thou wilt come across 
more bullies than are in all France, the number of 
parasites is infinite. Actors, buffoons, eunuchs, 
garamanters, flatterers, pages, cowards, effeminates, 
dancing-girls, apothecaries, favourites, witches, vul- 
tures, owls, magicians, raimes, mendicants, dancers, 
&c., fill every house. Therefore, unless thou wilt 
live with the wicked, thou shalt not inhabit London. 
I am not speaking against the learned, whether clergy 
or Jews; although, from their communion with the 
wicked I should think them less perfect there than 

" My speech is not to the end that thou shalt not 
betake thyself to any city ; my advice is that you 
must stop nowhere but in a city ; the question is 
which .' If, therefore, thou direct thyself to Canter- 
bury thou wilt lose thy journey, nay, even if thou 


pass through it. There is in it the whole collection 
of lost souls around a man recently deified — I forget 
his name,* he was archpriest of the men of CanteTbury 
— and often for want of bread and want of work they 
die in the open air in the streets. Rochester and 
Chichester are little villages, and there is no reason 
why they should be called cities except as seats of 
bishops. Oxford does not sustain, still less satisfy, 
her inhabitants. Exeter feeds men and beasts with 
the same corn. Bath placed or misplaced at the 
bottom of a valley amid thick air and sulphurous 
vapours is clearly at the very gates of Hell. Nor in the 
northern cities wilt thou choose a dwelling for thyself, 
Worcester, Chester, and Hereford, lavish of life on 
account of the Welsh ; York aboundeth with Scotch- 
men, foul and fickle apologies for men. Ely village 
is always putrid from the swamps roundabout. In 
Durham, Norwich, and Lincoln there are few of thy 
condition ; thou wilt hear scarcely any speaking 
Romance. At Bristol there is not one that is not or 
will not be a soapboiler, and every Frenchman hates a 
soapboiler like a scavenger. Out of the cities every 
town, village, and manor has rude and rustic habi- 
tants. Besides always consider the Comishmen like 
in France the Flemish are held to be. But in general 
the land itself is most rich in the dew of the sky and 
the fatness of the soil ; in every place they are good, 
but much less in the whole lot of them than in one, 

■ This is a subtle dram.itic tiracli. 


" This is the Jerusalem of the Jews in those parts : 
here alone they enjoy perpetual peace, this is the 
school for those who want to live and thrive. Here 
real men are made, have enough bread and wine for 
nothing. There are there monks of such piety and 
kindness, clergy of such wisdom and liberality, 
citizens of such civility and good faith, women of 
such beauty and modesty, that only a little holds me 
back from going there and becoming a Christian with 
such Christians. I direct thee to this city, the town 
of towns, the mother of all and the superior of all. 
It has one fault, an only one, in which it commonly 
indulges. 1 say it with all submission to literary men 
and Jews, but the Wintonians tell lies like watchmen 
even in telling stories. 1 have much more I could 
teli thee even about my own business, but lest thou 
hear it not or forget it, thou shalt place this note 
in the hands of my Jewish friend, for I think thou 
wilt be rewarded someway by him too." The writing 
was short in Hebrew. The Jew read it out and the 
boy putting a good interpretation on all this arrives 
at Winchester. 

His awl sufficed him and his comrade for a 
living, and unfortunately the cruel kindness and 
bloody benignity of the Jew served him for a solace 
by means of the letter. Whenever the poor lads 
worked or eat by turns each day, then each night in 
a cow's manger they slept together in one cot. Day 
follows day and month month, and the time hastened 
to approach when the boy, whom we have led so far 
and so curiously, had to depart. The day came of 


the adoration of the rood and the boy on that day 
■working for his Jew, whatever was done in the mean- 
time, did not reappear. It was indeed near Passover 
a feast of the Jews, His friend wondering at his 
absence when he did not come to bed is frightened j 
that night by many dreams. When he did not find j 
him, though he searched for several days through the 
whole cit)', he went simply to the Jew to see if he 
would still send his provision. But he, instead of 
receiving him kindly as usual, was bitter, and noticing 
this and the marked change of word and face, the 
lad having a shrill voice and a wonderful flow of words 1 
breaks out into abuse, accusing him with loud cries of J 
the removal of his friend. "Thou son of a dirty j 
whore," says he, "thou robber, thou traitor, thoudevil, ' 
thou hast crucified my friend. Woe is me I Why have 
I not the strength of a man ? I would tear thee to j 
pieces with my own hands," As he was shouting in j 
the house his words were heard in the street, and 
Jews and Christians came running up from all sides. ' 
The lad sticks to his point, and, being more fearless 1 
on account of the crowd, on the bystanders asking 
him, begins to speak up for his friend: " ye that 
are present," he says, " see if there is a grief like my I 
grief[Lam. i. iz]. That Jew is a devil; he has torn 
my heart from my breast ; he has butchered my 
comrade ; I even fancy he has eaten him. A certain 
son of the devil, a French Jew, I do not know or , 
understand how, that Jew gave my comrade letters | 
of death to that man there. Indeed, nay seduced by 
him, he came to this city. He often served this Jew 


and was last seen in his house." He was not without 
witness in some points since a Christian woman, who 
against the canons* nursed the little Jews in the 
same house, used constantly to swear that she had 
seen the boy descend into the Jew's cellar without 
returning. The Jew is seized and carried before the 
judge. There were no accusers, for the boy was 
under age, the woman infamous because she did 
service of the Jews. The Jew obtained purgation of 
conscience on account of the infamy. He won over 
the judges by gold. 

[It is clear that Richard of Devizes did net believe in the 
charge he reports, but on]y uses it as a peg on which to batq 
bis humorous description of the diifcrent towns of Englutdtj 
Che sake of which I have given the passage in ' " ' 


X«f. 1193.— Tlie result of entering a Jewisli Houbb. 

Robertson, Materia!^ for Life of Beciet, ii. 7, 

By a similar piety we know Godelivaof Canterbury 
to have been seized, who taking some water [sancti- 
fied by St. Thomas] in a wooden bucket, was passing 
through the inn {hospitium) of a certain Jew and 
entered it at the invitation of a Jewish woman. For 
being skilled in charms and incantations she was 
accustomed to charm the weak foot of the Jewess. 
But scarcely had her foot entered the abominate 
house when the bucket flew into three pieces and by 
the loss of the water she learned the wicked intuitions 
of her own mind, and understanding that she had 
committed a fault she returned no more to that 

[This is included among the miracles attributed to St, Thoma*. 
It serves to sbow the popular feeling ahout the Jews. It is 
curious, however, to see the Christian woman employed in 
charming the foot of the Jewess, GeneraJly the relations aie 

1193.— Jewish Contributions to the Treastuy, 

• Pipe Rolls, 4Ric. 1. 

113. — Benedict son of Josce Quatrebuches owes 
200 marks that he might have the charters and chat- 
tels of his father and an accord between him and 
Ysaac and Abraham sons of Rabbi, and that he 
might not (without special direction from the King) 
be impleaded for concealing his father's chattels. 4 
Ric. I. II. Lond. and Midd. 

124. — Richard Malebyss renders count of 20 marks 




for having his land again till the advent of the Kiag 
which had been seized in the hand of the King on 
account of the slaughter of the Jews at York, and 
that he and Walter de Carton and Richard de 
Kukeney, his squires, might have the King's peace 
till the advent of the King. + Ric. I. (M. 33+). 
William de Percy, Knight and Picot, Roger de Eipim 
and Alan Malekake owe 5 marks for the same. Ibid. 
[All these were connected together, see Slubbs' Hoveitn, iii. 
p. ilv. note and Appendix infra. R. Malebysse was the ancestor 
of the Beckwithes and nephew of Agnes Percy,] 

125. — Samuel and Israel sons of Abraham owe 
500 marks for the fine which they made to have ;^50o 
of the debt of William de Guins which he owed to 
Aaron for a charter and the charter was returned to 
them. 4 Ric. I., Lond. 

[There was probably some interest owing on the charter, or 
else the Jews would not have made a very good bargain.] 

115.1.— Isaac the Jew and Fluria his wife render 
count of £,\% for their hotise in Shortenstrete in 
Winchester: [Cr] by King's writ to the same Isaac 
and his wife Fluria .£12. Because it was acknow- 
ledged at the Exchequer at Westminster in the pre- 
sence of Walter Archbishop of Rouen and Richard 
Bishop of London and the rest of the King's Justiciars 
by Henry Bishop of Coventry and Geoffrey son of 
Peter and Roger son of Renfred that they are quits 
therefrom by 9 marks and 6s. and 8d. which they 
have paid into the treasury. And so they are quits. 
+ Ric. I. Sudhants. 

116. — Leo, Jew of Worcester, owes 10 marks that 
he might be bailed out of the King's prison in which 


he was placed for a forcible entry into the hospital 
of Worcester. The same owes lo marks for having \ 
his rights to £zo against the Abbot of Persora. 
Ric. I., Wincest. 

[It is not clear whether the entry was a case of burglary \ 
piopeily so called or a case of enforcing an illegal claim. "" 
foimcr would probably have been more severely punished. 
pays next year.] 

117. — Vives son of Josce owes half a mark for a 
surety for the Jews of Cambridge. Vives brother of 
David renders count of 40s. for the same, Bonevie 
10 marks for the same, David son of Cypora 5 marks 
for the same. 4. Ric. I., Canteb. 

[Cypora=^Zippora. Many Jews are mentioned as the sot 
their mother possibly because their father had been converted, 
but cf. conlra the case of Abraham son of Avigay whose father's 
name we know from No. 23.] 

128. — Judas, Jew of Bristol, owes two ounces of 
gold for an inquisition made in a chapter of the Jews 
[in capitulo Judasorum] whether a Jew ought to take 
usury from a Jew. 4 Ric. 1. 

[The chapter of the Jews was the Beth Din or ecclesiastical 
tribooal presided over by the three Dayanim or " Bishops." 
There could be only one reply in face uf Dent, xxiii. 10, bnt this 1 
conld be and was evaded by getting a Christian "man of sCr 
to act as intermediary. The Jew lent to the Christian, the 
Christian to the other Jew, and both look usury.] 

11B4.— Form of Froceedure ia the Fleas of ttie 
King's Crown. 

Hovedcn, iii. 263. 
9. — Likewise of the slayers of the Jews who they 
are, and of the pledges of the slain Jews and their | 
chattels and lands and debts and deeds, and who has [ 


them and who owed them, how much and what mort- 
gages they had, and who holds them and how much 
_the3' are worth, and who receives the proceeds and 
what. And all the pledges and debts of the slain 
Jews arc to be taken into the King's hands, and those 
who were present at the slaying of the Jews and have 
not made fine with our lord the King or his justiciars, 
shall be arrested and not liberated except by our lord 
the King or his justiciars. 

10. — Likewise of all the aids given for the redemp- 
tion of our lord the King, who has promised how 
much and how much he has paid and how much he is 

15. — Likewise of the usurers that are dead and 
their chattels. 

73. — Justiciars are nominated, together with the 
bailiff of William of the church of St. Mary and God- 
frey Fitz-Peter, and William de Chimilli and William 
Bruere, and Hugo Bardulf. 

[This document lepresent? the tardy justice done on the Anti- 
Jewish riots of iiSg-go, when the KJnR returned in 1194. 
Comparing g with 15 we find a further confinnation of the view 
that the goods of Jews escheated at their death to the King 
gud usurers, not qud Jews. The two Williams of 23 are men- 
tioned in the Ordinances of the Jews on the oent page-] 

1194. — The SewTj is organised : the Ordinauoes of 
the Jews. 

Roger de Hoveden, iii. z66. 

All the debts, pledges, mortgages, lands, houses, 

rents, and possessions of the Jews shall be registered. 

The Jew who shall conceal any of these shall forfeit 

to the King his body and the thing concealed, and 


likewise all his possessions and chattels, neither shall 
it be lawful to the Jew to recover the thing concealed. 

Likewise six or seven places * shall be provided in 
which they shall make all their contracts, and there 
shall be appointed two lawyers that are Christians 
and two lawyers that are Jews, and two legal regis- 
trars, and before them and the clerks of William of 
the Church of St. Mary's and William of Chimilli, 
shall their contracts be made. 

And charters shall be made of their contracts by 
way of indenture. And one part of the indenture 
shall remain with the Jew, sealed with the seal of him, 
to whom the money is lent, and the other part shall 
remain in the common chest : wherein there shall be 
three locks and keys, whereof the two Christians shall 
keep one key, and the two Jews another, and the 
clerks of William of the Church of St. Mary and of 
' William of Chimilli shall keep the third. And more- 
over, there shall be three seals to it, and those who 
keep the seals shall put the seals thereto. 

Moreover the clerks of the said William and William 
shall keep a roll of the transcripts of all the charters, 
and as the charters shall be altered so let the roll be 
likewise. For every charter there shall be three- 
pence paid, one moiety thereof by the Jews and the 
Other moiety by him to whom the money is lent ; 
whereof the two writers shall have twopence and the 
keeper of the roll the third. 

And from henceforth no contract shall be made 

* Probably London, Lincoln, Norwich, Winchester, Canter- 
y buy, Oxfoid, Cambridge, Nottingham, Hereford, or Brislol, 



with, nor payment made to, the Jews, nor any altera- 
tion made in the charters, except before the said 
persons or the greater part of them, if all of them 
cannot be present. And the aforesaid two Christians 
shall have one roll of the debts or receipts of the 
payments which from henceforth are to be made to 
the Jews, and the two Jews one and the keeper of 
the roll one. 

Moreover everj' Jew shall swear on his Roll, that 
all his debts and pledges and rents, and all his goods 
and his possessions, he shall cause to be enrolled, 
and that he shall conceal nothing as is aforesaid. 
And if he shall know that anyone shall conceal any- 
thing he shall secretly reveal it to the Justices sent 
to them, and that they shall detect and shew unto 
them all falsifiers or forgers of the charters and 
clippers of money, where or when they shall know 
them, and likewise all false charters. 

[This important document marks the beginning of a new 
regime for the Jewry leading on to the Exchequer of the Jews of 
the thirteetith century (ably described by Dr. C. Gvoss in the 
Papers of the Angto-Jewisk Exhibition). Hitherto while the 
King made use of the Jews as indirect tax-gslberers no fonnal 
expression had been given to the fact. Two events seem to 
have determined the Norman officials to recognise formally the 
position of the Jews and to create a special branch of the Trea- 
sury to control Jewish usury. In the first place the enormous 
windfall that came to the Exchequer with the death of Aaron 
of Lincoln must have opened the eyes of the Treasurer to the 
possibilities of Jewish usury, and at the same time forced him 
to open a special account (the Scaccarium Aaronis) for the large 
business which it brought is its train. Secondly, the massacies 
of I iSg-QO, while farther enforcing the lesson of Aaron of Un- 

I j 


L, bronglit out the necessity of some check and record of 

Jewish business 10 protect both the King and the debtor. 

"Within five years the organisation of the Exchequer of the Jews 

I so far advanced that all the Jewish items of the Pipe KoUs 

e removed from them. See infra. Pipe Roll items, Nos, 

I 163-71.] 

1194.— Jolm of Brompton's Accoimt. 

Twysdcn, X. Scriptores, 1158. 

Besides he also placed Proctors over the Jews who 
might decide between Christian and Jew or even 
between Jews if ought of quarrel should arise. In 
order to stop the deceitful machinations of the Jews 
he ordered that no contract should be made secretly 
between a Catholic and a Jew, but that contracts 
should be made under the testimony of persons 
deputed for that purpose. And threefold copies 
should be made thereon of which one should remain 
with the treasury officials or in the custody of a trust- 
worthy person and the third with the Jew ; so that 
if any cheat be attempted as before, it might be 
proved by the aforesaid duplicate. He prohibited 
Christians to be usurers or to receive on account of 
any agreement anything beyond what was lent. 

[Brompton's accoimt, though somewhat late and not loo 
trustworthy, adds two important items (i) the appointment of 
i Proctors (later Justiciars) of the Jews, (z) that one of the 
motives of the new arrangement was lo protect debtors against 

1194.— The Debts of Aaron. 

• Pipe Roll, 5 Ric. L 

119. — Of the debts of Aaron, Robert, Earl of 
Leicester, owes £^^1- bs. 8d. on Blenford and Kings- 
ton in Dorset, and Sepwich and Hakemot and 


Compton and Colingburn and Everley, WikJngSton 
and Turmsdeston and Belgrave and Shep church and 
Androdesly and Normanton and Seldton. And £,y] 
by another charter. 5 Ric. I. 8. Waur. 

[See Nos. 27, 50. By 3 Jo. it appears that he had paid off 
this ;^Z40 65. 8d, to AaroQ himself. By that date, 15 years 
after Aaron's death, 146 ofhis former debtors owed j£4737 is, 6d.] 

130. — Benedict son of Isaac the Jew ;^i 00 and one 
mark of gold "de obol, Musce" or ten marks of 
silver for his fine for charters of Aaron bought 
from the Chancellor. 5 Ric. r. 3, m. 1. 

[Madox [p. 1S9) confesses his ignorance of what Musce means. 
Can this Benedict be a son of the Isaac of Russia of No. 41, and 
' Musce ' refer lo money of Moscow or Muscovy ? It was better 
business for the King for other Jews to take up the debts of a 
Jew deceased as he could not charge interest and they could. 
While in the King's hands a Jew's debt lay dormant], 

131. — Mosse son of Abraham owes £r\ 6s. 8d. on 
his house. Deulecresse de Winton owes 34 marks 
on his house and lands. 5 Ric. I., Sudhants. 

[These were among Aaron of Lincoln's property.] 
131. — Aaron brother of Leon of Dunstable owes 
los. for having right to 30s. against Hugh fil Yvon 
and for 20s. against Ric. fil Essvj and for z marks 
against Robert Blund. Mosse son of Mosse owes 
aos. for a debt of 5 marks against Calford de Lega, 
Josce son of Mosse owes 4 shillings for los. against 
Gilbert Passelewe. 5 Ric. I., Bucks, and Berks. 

[Obaene the large proportion of the debt claimed by the 
King, nearly one-quarler on the average,] 

133. — Aaron son of Samuel of Northampton owes 
1 00s, because he denied what he said before. Vives 
son of Jacob owes 15 marks for the same, Hakelin 


aon of Josce [? Quatrebuches] owes one mark for 

le same. 5 Ric. I., Norhant. 

[Hakelin seems to tuve shifted his quarters from London to 
'Northampton. See Pipe Roll Item, No. 45.] 

4. — Ursell of Gipeswich and Ysaac of Bedford 
and Seignured of St. Edmund render count of 50 
marks for having custody of the chattels of Ysaac, 
Jew of St, Edmund, which are reckoned at £iio 
.(who was killed at Thedford) for the benefit of the 
heir of the deceased. 5 Ric. I., Bucks and Berks. 
[Thifi seems to show that there was a rot at Thetford probably 

the Easier of 1190.] 

135. — Richard Basset owes £22 for a fine made 
for all the debts which he owed to Aaron, Jew of 
Lincoln, on the day he was alive and dead. 5 Ric. 


136, — Of the debts of the Jews which they owed 
to the aforesaid Aaron [of Lincoln] see in the roll of 
the preceding year where the names of debtors and 
debts are noted of which this is the sum, viz. 
,^^396 +s. 8d. s Ric. I., Everw, 

138. — The citizens of York render count of 10 
marks for having their hostages who were at North- 
ampton on account of the slaughter of the Jews. 5 
Ric. I. 

[No one was punished, says William of Newbury. The hos- 
tages weie therefore only a precaution against a fresh outbreak. 
no Jews were living at York at this date as there is no 
cOBlribution flora York in a list of contributois to a Tallsge of 
5000 marks for this year preserved at the Record Office. Q, R. 
JSisc, 55&, No. i. See next page.] 


Bef. 1194.— Hebrew Orammar of Samuel le Poiutnr 
of Bristol. 

SteinschnKiJer. Cat. Heb. MSS., BMin. p. 100. 
[In the Royal Library at Berlin there is a Hebrew MS. con- 
taining an early and important Hebrew Grammar by one Samud 
Nakdan or the Punctuator. 1 have identitied him with the 
' Samuel le Pointnr ' living at Bristol in 1194 and paying put 
of the promised contribution to Richard on his return to Eng- 
land from captivity. For R. Moses ben Isaac of England quotes 
two men as ' Nakdanim ' or Punctuators, and both occur with 
the addition of the title ' Pointnr ' or ' Puncteur ' in this roD, 
See Jewish Quarterly Reviein, i. 182, u. 322-33 (articles by Dr. 
Neubauer and myself). Besides this Benedict of Oxford in his 
comments on Job quotes this very Samuel. Dr. Steinschneider, 
vho however was unaware of the English origin of Samuel, ckUs 
his treatise ' perhaps the oldest and fullest sources far the begin- 
nings of Hebrew Grammar among the French and German Jews 
before they were affected by the Spanish school,' Kimchi, &c.] 

1104.— Gift of tbB Jews of England to King Bichard. 

• Public Record O^ice, Misc. Q.R., 556-*. 

Fr>>m the Jeivs in Easier term in the fifth year of King 
Receipts of moneys made at Westminster of the 
promise of the Jews of all England given at North- 
ampton [30 March, 1 194] after the return of our lord 
the King from Germany. 


[This is the title of a roll of three membranes containing 
names of Jews and their contributions, ranged under towns and 
counties. Some towns have double lists or the names occur 
again in the countylists, which were mostly collected by William 
of Buckingham. The foEowing [tentative] table gives the sums 
contributed and the number of names in each town mentioned. 




163 ^1 

fennties are asterisked and the nett number of names is 

t^ ■ 

fler the sums of (owns u-ilh more than one list. The absence ^^| 

f York, Stamford, Lynn, and Bury is explained by the n 

assa- ^^1 

KS. The total is not much more than half the sum promised. ^^| 

^don 48S 9 7(19) Cam- Htteford 15 " 

> (>o} ^H 

fl09 13 9 (i31 bridge 96 5 4 (iBj ID g 8 (;) 

1374 IS " 116) iS 7 13) 150 (i) 

> .9 (0 -67 .a 4 (,5) 4 4 1 W 

iBCDli. .87 41.(401 Norwich 88 9 4 (,3) •Notts.... S 7 

<«i ^H 

■ 44 14 7 (1!) Warwick 50 .6 > {yi) Worcester 4 » 

• IS) ^B 

•m» " 4 (331 M tS (6) •Bedford.. . 8 

°(7) ^H 

Suter- 4; iB I (10) Exeter... i i 

• CI ^B 

■ buTj... 141 >i 4 (>3) South WaJling. 

81 5 6(14) Hatnpsh.4B 6 0(9! ford ,,. 1 

• M ^1 

►jS9 fiio(i3) Oiford...44 ■ 6(s) Coveolry lO 

<(■} ^1 


• III H 

' 4J 16 7 (8) Wioche.- 

rt 17 ■ l9l ter 43 lo 6l7) iBoj 7 

7|.;<l ^1 

•38 IS 4 (6) 40 10 6 (fil 

•54 4 " ('S) 3 - (,) 

Ibmcei- Cokhes- 

ter ... 1.8 17 8(.,) ter 41 7 (8i 

=a 9 (s) Chiches- 

1 6 0(1) ler.... 16 9 0(7) 

•97 » S('91 Brirtol... 21 i> 4(1.) 


All the names, so far as decipherable, are given in th 

AP. ■ 

lendix, but we may give here as a sample of the lists the two ^^ 

bl London. Notice the three Bishops. 

Lottdonia. W. de Buckingham, 


Samson ill Abraham,;^; 13 4, from the chattels 

^3- of Samson ;f8 

. H 

D«ilesall,;C40-ji"8,>f8,^8i3 4. Abraham lil Avegay 18 

■3 4 ■ 

^Tegay, Jewess of London, Isaac son-in-law of 

. H 

'jf6 13 4,^5 13 4,^7. Avegay a 

|>!UB le Blund, ^1 10 0, ^3. Vives fil Magri Aron 

■4 ■ 

aamnel fil Abraham, £1 10 0. Vives le Vesq 2 

5 4 ■ 

l» nude thero. 


i64 LONDON JEWS, 1194. 

Benedict Quatrebuclies, ,£3. Benedict fil Vives . . o 14 I 
Abrnliain fil Avegay, £,i>, jfl, Josce fil Magistri . . 016 4 

j£8. Satre I 3 4 

Benedict Parvus, jfj. Murie 16 3 4 

Mosse de Kant', £,t 13 o, Elias fil Magistri , . 120 

Salemun fil Magistri, ^l. Salumun fil Magistii 3 S 8 

Vives leVesque.^l, Leun fil Magistri .. 15 18 4 

Murien' lilIsaacde[Lond.]^2. Abraham le Vesli . . 1 12 S 

Abraham Quatrebaclies,;^! 10. Slema 4 13 4 

Leun fil [Magti], j^l. Delesaut ;o 17 4 

Elia fil Magistri, ^1. Josce fil Deuleaaut 6 6 8 

Abraham fil BenedicI, ^^. Benedict Qnatre- 

Josce fil Deunesaut, _£'j. buches 31 o o 

Muriel the Jewess, ^5. Josce fil Isaac .... 53 o o 

Londres, Bnin 17 lo o 

By tht hand of Will, de Mosse Levi 9 o o 

Buckingham. Isaac Quatrebuches I I o 

Peter fil Isaac jC^ 14 o Deulesaut le Veske zl o o 

Abraham fil Brun . . 16 11 8 Of the promise of 3000 marks." 

Benedict Parvus . . 46 o o 

Avegay ii o 8 Slemi the Jewess .. z o to 

Abraham Levi 4 6 8 

It is dillii:ult to understand haw the lists were made out, why in 
the first several sums are given aftec various names which da not 
occur in the second. Also why some names occur in both, some 
only in the second. That there are several names missing is 
shown by a comparison with the list on p. 88, which contains 33 
additional names, and may be guessed from Ihe fact that of the 
promised sum only a little more than half is given. No reference 
however, so far as I can find, is contained in the Pipe Rolls of 
later years to any arrears of the 5000 marks which must hare 
been paid up in another list.] 

• Under Norwch there is alao a payment uf £20, ' of the pramiu) of jou 
mailis' and 61. '□[ till? aid laUage.' and under WuTcesler a refcieBCB tai 
the ' beianti ul GlDUCeiti.'!, Briilol, und VorccitEC.' 


\ SO Oct., 1194.— Jurnet the Jew iBnds his Christian 
father-ia-law five sbillinge. 

Placitomm Abhr^., 6411. 

Assize [at Norwich, 10 Jo.j Ralph de Herlham 
and Ralph son of Alfred have unjustly disseissined 
Humfrey de Erlham of his free tenement in Herlham, 
. And they \i.e. the two Ralphs] say that they 
ihave not disseissined him since they have a certain 
mill, which the jury have visited, from Isaac the Jew 
: to farm. . . . And the bailiff of the Jew showed 
' a certain charter in which it was contained that the 
same Humphrey had pledged his whole land of Herl- 
ham to Jurnet the Jew and Muriel his wife, and Isaac 
son, for five shillings principal and one penny 
every week for interest from the time Walter [? John] 
de Custances was hallowed as Bishop of Worcester 
£20 Oct. I ig+], and for that reason he had delivered 
rtiat will to the aforesaid Ralph de Herlham, &c. 
Afterwards Humphrey came and put himself at the 
King's mercy, &c. 

[Hompbrey of HavUe or de Ueclham was falher of Mityld 
(Muriel), Jumet's wife. See BloomfieU's Norfolk, iv. 510. 
She escheated her l^nds far martying him, and he was fined 
Gooo marks. See Pipe Roll item No. 67. It is perhaps worth 
while adding that the name of ' Gernutus the Jew,' (of Venice), 
' about whom a ballad exists in Percy's Rellques giving the Shylock 
stoiy, has been connected with Jumettus.] 

' 0. 1196 The Fable of the Wolf and the Atiimale. 

MUhU Shu'aUm (Heb. 'Fox Fables') of Berachyah 
Hanakdan, No. 36. 
Th Wolf, the Lion's prince and peer, as the foe of all 
fiesh did appear; greedy and grinding, he eonsumed all 


he was finding. Birds and beasts, wild and lame, bf 
iheir families urged to the same, brought against Aim 
be/are the Lion an accusation, as a monster worthy (f 
detestation. Said His Majesty, 'If he uses his teeth as 
you say, and causes scandal in this terrible way, FU 
punish him in such a way as to save his neck, if I may, 
and yet prevent you becoming his prey.' Said Lion te 
Wolf, 'Attend me to-morrow, see that you come, or yotHl 
come to much sorrow.' He came, sure enough, and the 
Lion spoke to him harsh and rough. ' What by doing 
this do you mean ? Never more raven the living, or live 
by ravening. What you shall eat shall be only dead meat. 
The living you shall neither trap nor hunt. And thai 
you may my words obey swear me that you'll eat no flesh 
for two yeats from to-day, to atone for your sins, testified 
and seen: 'tis my Judgment, you had better fulfil it, J 
ween.' Thereat the Wolf swore right away no fiesh le 
eat for two years from that day. Off went Sir W)lf 
on his way. King Lion slopped at court on his throne so 
gay. Nothing that' s fleshly for some time did our Wolf 
eat, for like a gentleman he knew how his word to keep. 
But then came a day when he was a hungered and he 
looked hither and thither for meat, and lo, a fat sheep 
fair to look on and goodly to eat (Gen. iii. 6). Then to 
himself he said, ' Who can keep every law ?' and his 
thoughts were bewildered with what he saw. He said to 
himself, 'It overcotnes me the longing to eat, for two years 
day by day must I fast from meat. This is my oath to 
the king that I swore but Fve thought hmo to fulfil it 
as never before. Three sixty-five are the days in a year. 
Night is when you liose your eyes, opiii them, then the 


h iay it near.' His eyes he opens and closed straightway. 
Jt was evening and it was morning, one day (Gen. i. 6). 
Thus he winked until he had numbered two years and 
k'S greed relumed and his sin disappears. His eyes fix 
the goat (sic) they had seen and he said, ' See beforehand 
I have atoned for my sin,' and he seised the neck 0/ the 
goat, broke it to pieces, and filled up his throat as he was 
wont to do before, and as of yore his hand was stretched 
out to tht beasts, his peers, as it had been in former dqyt 
and years. 

[This fable occurs in a work entitled Mishle Shu'alim, or 
' Fox Fables,' written by one Berachyali ben National Crispia 
ha-Nakdan (the PuDctuator or Massorite), whose date and fac- 
•imile liave been hitherto unsettled by Jewish scholars. Al 
Kgaids his dale this would be fixed by a colophon of his son 
Elijah dated at Rauen [or Dreux?] Wednesday, zi Marcheshwon, 
4094. The year is wrong, as il cotresponds to 333 A.D. Bib- 
liographers (Wolf, KcDDicott, Zunz, Steinschneider, Neubauer) 
}une hitherto assumed that the thousand was given wrongly and 
the true date was 5094=1333. Against this late dale is the 
fact that the Jews were expelled from France in 1301, and Ehjah 
was therefore not likely to be in Normandy (Rouen or DreuiJ in 
1333. Besides this the :i Marcheshwan, 5S94, fell on Sunday, 
31 Oct., 1333, whereas Elijah states he was writing on a Wed- 
nesday. I have therefore suggested that the true dale was 
4994, Elijah having omitted the hundreds, as was somelimes the 
cu8tomwilhEnglishJews(see jji^fHp. 77, where Boo is omitted, 
and cf. Davis, Shelarolh, p. xiii.) This suggestion is confirmed 
and checked by the fact that 21 Marcheshwan, 4994, tell upon 
Wednesday, 2O Oct., 1233, which we may accordingly take for 
the date of the colophon {cf. my letter in Athenaum 19 April, 
1890). If Elijah, who styles himself the son of Betachyah'a 
old age, was writing in IZ33 he could scarcely have been bom 
Ifttet thu) I2IO, when Berachy ah would be about bO, and was 
therefore bom e, 1150. As regards Berachyah's place of resi- 




dence many reasons combine, in my opinioQ, to locate Berach^ 
in England. His Fox Fables contain a number of ^sopic 
fables adapted in Hebrew rhymed prose [which I have imitated 
above), aj\d besides there is a naniber of other fables similar to 
those which occur in the Ysopet of Marie de France, written 
before izih in England. These eitra fablas are said by Marie 
to be due to King Alfred. It has been proved indeed by Herr 
Mall that there did exist an English version of the Fables from 
which Marie translated, but these were in Middle English, not 
Anglo-Saxon. Some of the Fables of Marie are certainly 
derived, not from the medisval jEsop (really Pha^rus) but from 
Arabic sources. I have therefore suggested that Marie got her 
Fables fiom a translation from the Arabic made by one Alfred 
the Englishman mentioned by Roger Bacon as a translator 
{Comp. Studii, ed. Brewer, p. 471). Berachyah's versions must 
either have been got from Marie or from this Alfred." That 
they were not derived from Marie is proved by the fact that he 
has only half of his III fables in common with het, and besides 
the Eastern ones which he has in common with her are nearer 
the original Arabic than hers. The above example is a specimen 
of this. Its Arabic original is not known, but there can be little 
doubt that is was derived from India, where . _ . 

dhist Jataka {FoAj y., ed. Fausbfill, No. 300, translated by Dr. 
Monis, Folk Lore yaurn. iii. 359), the substance of which 
sufficiently indicated by itsgaiha or 'moral.' 

A wolf who lived by others' need 

And ate their flesh and blood 

Bid make a vow to keep a fast 

And holy day observe. 

But India soon did note his vow, 

A goat's form he assumed, 

The murderous wolf his vow forsook 

And tried the goat to seize. 
■ There are also LatiaverdonsaFMarie,but th^se are scucely likely to 
have been made before 1133, vtaen Elijab refers to hii father's FablM. 
Buldea Ehey do not contain all Bsrach^ah't Etbles and make a Indicroua 
rnutike about the Mouse-Maiden, fram whicli Dsruhyah k \tvt. 




Now there is a curious vaciUation in Berachyah's version between' 
sheep and goat as the victim, whereas Marie de France in 
her version (73) knows nothing of a goat, but speaks of the wolf 
meeting a sheep. Besides she gives a Christian turn to the whole 
stoiy tiy making the wolf keep Lent ; on meeting the sheep be 
ptetends to mistake it for a salmon, and refusing to be convinced 
of his mistake makes a lish dinner off mutton. Berachyah's 
ion was dearly not taken from Marie's, and must there- 
fore have been from Alfred or from his Arabic source. Now 
Al&ed's .^sop is not known outside England, and thus merely 
grounds of the literary history of the fable we are forced to 
locate Berachyah in England, Alfred was himself tn England, 
■a he dedicates one of his works to Roger de Herford [fl, 1 170). 
And if Alfred and Berachyah were both in England together it 
Is likely enough that Berachyah assisted Alfred to translate from 
the Arabic, as Andrew the Jew did for Michael Scott according 

Bacon's account {I.C.), who adds ' And so for the rest,' which 
may refer to Alfred. The facts of Jewish literature also agree 
with this. For the first mention of Berachyah occurs in the 
work of an EngUsh Jew, Moses ben Isaac, who must have died 
before 1115 (see supra p. 66). This work refers to another 
Nakdan or Punctuator, Samuel, and I have fomid both Reracbyah 
and Samuel referred to in the English records with the epithet 
' Pointnr ' or ■ Puncteur ' in the Nottingham Tallage Roll. I 
therefore identify Berachyah Nakdan with Benedict le Puncteur 
of Oxford, who thus becomes the most important Jew 

1 medieval Jewish literature, for which reason I give him 30 
much space in this book, especially as I may claim the merit of 
bating identified him. On the whole question see my edition 
of.£sop, i. pp. 167-78, and articles by Dr.Neubauer and myself 
in yewish Quarterly Revieui, April and July 1S90, and see below 
for other works by Benedict.*] 

hj Dr. Neubauer'i discover; of references In EnKland in IKrachyah' 
iDIroduction, fvr which tec Addenda. 



The Fable of the Fox, the Cart and the FieheB, 

Beracliyali Nakdan, Fox Fables (Heb.), No. 100, 
The fox proceeded her* way to go, of walking on the 
earth to and fro. Hither and thither turned her eye, till 
behold, a cart came rolling by. Fishes piled therefrom 
the sea aroused her soul's cupidity. Council look she 
with her mind a way to satisfy her desires to find. Sht 
laid herself out for dead, though nothing could be farther 
from her head. Full in front she stretched her paws as 
if she were indeed a corse struck suddenly or fallen on tht 
Kin^s highway. The carter raised his eyes, before him 
the Vixen lies, curled up and lying like clemmed. Her 
the carter took and lifted, for she neither moved nor 
shifted, and bore her to a sack and covered her up with 
that, so those should not, he thought, injure her who after 
her sought. Therefore he hid her beneath his clothes so 
thai she should not be seen by those who ask of him 
whatever he knows. He covered her to keep her warm, 
poor thing, andwith the fishes soon was she journeying. 
Then the fox the fishes began without mercy to eat, off them 
she m^de a dinner complete. Part had she eaten, part had 
she left, saying at first ' Eat some, some shall be left' 
But soon ' ril eat till I burst or I be full first: She ate 
of the fishes till she was full, gnawed the sack till she 
was through, from the carl herself she threw, when they 
were near a rock she knew, wherein she hid herself beneath, 
with the prey she had between her teeth. The carter 
passed the cave hard by, norsawwhere Vixen she did lie. 
. . . While she was hiding there in terror and dread 
and fear, a weary wolf came near, who had come tt 
" In Hebrew the fox is always a vixen. 


'ItuyiR seeking for prey. Wolf lifts up his head and as 
tomrade meels her and greets her. Vixen answers in 
iiiewise but is thinking of some device, of kim to get rid 
gnd so to keep hid her prey and what she did. ' How 
■ou,' says Sir Wolf ' and whence the prey in your 
■■ntoulh.' The Fox answers with a voice pitched high and 
Jull of cunning and duplicity. 'lam well and all the 
better for hearing your voice, and at seeing you I muck 
Tejoice. Behold to the water I went, 'twas frozen to ice, 
hke a strong runner I made a run and in the ice a hole I 
made one, wherein my tail J laid an hour about and the 
fohes came thereabout as if it was an angler's bait and 
~ caught them like a net, and of them made my prey, ate 
my full and come away. Go and do as I for I see you 
.kave nought and am certain you have nothing caught, 
imforl your weary soul take one of these and eat it 
whole! Sorely tempted was the Wolf our friend, but 
thanking him thus brought their talk to an end. ' Keep 
thine to thee, nor for thee Fit trust my tail in a hole for 
the worse, lest the water come upon me for a malediction 
and a curse.' Still the wolf ran to the river, which was 
froBen all over by the frost of the night and saw a hole dug 
J^ the shepherds in the preceding daylight, to have water to 
tdrink as Ihey stood by its brink. To himself said he, ' To 
tuspect Fm too ready : 'Twas surely a sin to suspect the 
Vixen, for she did not lie, truth spoke she, her hands 
dealt faithfully : there's the water, to be sure, and there's, 
in truth, the aperture.' In the hole he insetted his tail 
limd his backdovin he laid till the fishes might come, as the 
V had said. The sun arose and the frost grows till his 
■I in the water was stuck. A merry heart the wolf 


BOTH had for in hu innwsl Ikougkli he was glad ; he said 
' My tail is heavy, I know, and eke my seal also, hut 
phasanlerfar than heaps of gold if of all the fish of the 
lake I've got hold. Now I must lie bold and much will 
win though I fear that strangers will let me in.' Then 
boldly he tried to rise from his seat but the frost prevented 
him getting to his feet and he felt much pain about his 
tail which he pulled and pulled but 'twas of no avail. 
Then with a loud and bitter cry cried he, since he could 
not rise to his feet and was frozen to the knee. The 
shepherds heard his cty and came up wondering why ; 
soon the dogs came up, every cur and pup. . . Archers 
brought up their quivers too, and round about him the 
arrows flew. . . At last the ice gave a crack, off went 
he without looking back like the wind he fled to hide his 
head. No breath had he to spare lest the swift dogs 
should track him to his lair. . . 

[This is another of Benedict of Osford's 'Fox Fables,' the 
doggrel of whicii t have endeavauied Co imitate in my version. 
It contains two of the chief incidents of the cycle of Reynard the 
Fox, the Fox and Cart and the iced WolTs Uil. For the 
fonner it is by far the earhest literary source aod taking other 
things into consideration it is likely that an Eastern source may 
be found for the whole cycle, while the earliest appearance in 
medieval literature for one of the cluef episodes is thus vindicated 
for England. I shall probably soon have an opportunity else- 
where of pointing out the signiticaDce of Che Fables of Benedict 
for tile whole literary history of the Reynard cycle.] 

0. 1196.— Benedict of Oxford's "Uorale." 

Berachyah Nakdan ap. Zunz, Zur Cesch. (from Heb.). 

Prefer one in hand to two in hope: a little certainty is 

belter than a great perhaps. Sooner a servant among the 


than leader among the common : for some of their 
will slick to you while you must share the contempt 
of your contemptible followers. If you pursue after pmvei 
^ad might, they fly before you; regard yourself as only a 
falsing guest in this world and honour and riches will 
tome of themselves. 

Most men despise those who deserve more honour than 
.they : they wish evil to the good and only come to him 
■wheit they need him. . . 

The proud cedar is felled, the lowly hush is untouched: 
fire rises and dies away ; water flaws down and for ei 
Jf for what beauty orrichesyou haveyou raiseyour head 
above neighbour or brother, you feed hateful envy, and the ' 
ie^ar whom you despise may yet triumph over you. 

Who stands by his honour Would sooner die than set a 
price on it : better enough in freedom than plenty at the 
tahle of another. 

Love thy children with impartial love: the hope oft errs 
that you place on the more promising, and all your joy 
nay eopie from him that you have kept in the background. 
' QThese are a selection from the morals attached to BerachyaVs 
' Foi Fables ' ; it is, however, uncertain how iar they are bis or 
arc derived from bis Arabic or French originals. Beracbyah was 
the antbor of a special treatise oa ethics still extant in MSS. at 
Kfonich and Parma. The treatise termed Matiref is divided 
into thirteen chapters ; i. Ictroduction, ii. Lust, iii. Affection, 
iv. Restraint of the Will, v. Justice, vi. Misfortune, vii. Poverty, 
Tili. Hononi, ix. Position, x. Rank, xi. Soul, mi. Hope, liii. 
Immortality. In it he quotes K. Abraham ibn David (tuSo) 
without the foitnula for the dead, so tbat it is likely enough the 
book was composed before 1180. He does not quote MaimO> 
nides' great work "The Guide of the Perplexed,' finished in 1191, 
known in Provence shortly af^er tbat date and in North France 

■boot 1104.] k 


1190 -7.— Jewish Transactions. 

Pi^ Rolls, 6-8, Ric. I, 

140. — The heirs of Mosse le Riche, Jew of Glou- 
cester, owe 300 marks to have the debts of the afore- 
said Mosse. 6 Ric, I., Glouc. 

141. — Mosse son of Abraham owes half a mark 
because Jomet was not prosecuted. Jornet the Jew 
renders count of one mark for a false charge. Solo- 
mon son of Cresselin owes 3s. 4d. because Jornet 
was not prosecuted. Abraham son of Master Moss 
renders count of 3s. 4d. for the same. 6 Ric. I., 

[" Masler " probably means physician. Now we know that 
Moses ben Yomtob, the master of Moses ben Isaac was called 
Magister Mosse, for bis son Eliabu ben Moses ben Ymntob is 
called ' Magister Elias fil Magistri Mosse.' It is therefore pro- 
bable tbat this Magister Mosse was the Moses ben Yomtob who 
wrote the Massoretic rules attached to all editions of the Rabbinic 
Bible. For a London son-in-law see supra p. 89.] 

141. — The citizens of Lincoln ought to reply about 
their amerciaments which are demanded from them 
for assaults on the Jews according to what is con- 
tained on the roll of the preceding year. For which 
they have not responded because they have not yet 
come to the account to be paid thereon. 6 Ric. I., 

143. — Benedict Pemaz, Jew of Lincoln, owes £iz 
for William of Olingchen of the aforesaid debt of 
Aaron which he has confessed in presence of thfi 
Barons he ought to pay for him. 6. Ric. I., Line. 

yEWv. ysiv. 17s 

[Peniaz=J'a™ffitJ (Heb.). thenamc still used for the President 
■■of the Congregation. For another transaction of Benedict's see 
in/rap. 1S8 jej.] 

— Deulecresse son of Benjamin owes 50s. for 
Benedict son of Deudone which the same Benedict 
owes the King for the debts which he exacted from 
the said Deulecresse, 6 Ric. 1., Oxinf. 

—Leo, Jew of Gloucester, owes 20 marks for 
that he was accused of being of the society of Out- 
laws. 7 Ric. I., 13, Glouc. (M i. zzg). 

— Deulesalt, jew, owes 60 marks that he may 
have respite till the coming of the King of the plea 
concerning the charter of Aaron, Jew of Lincoln, 
which the said Deulesalt was said to have concealed. 
7 Ric, I., Lond. and Middl. 

147 — Judas son of Deudone owes los. for having 
right to 40s. against Copin son of Bella. 8 Ric. I., 

[The King's share of a debt seems greater when Jew owes to 
Jew. Qy. because it was illegal according to Jewish law ? 
Cf. No. i!8] 

14S. — . . . Jew owes 3 ounces of gold for a stupid 
■aying {pro absurdo dido). 8 Ric. I,, Nordf. 

1184-0.— Early Lawsuiti. 
Roiuli Curia Regis, ed. Palgrave, i. 9, 16, 34, J9. 
(a) Kent, f A day is fixed for the men of West- 
gate and the men of Canterbury for the plea of the 
chaplain of Hakenton, and for the plea of the Jew 
and of Garcon, in custody for forgery and for t.Vvfc 





plea that applies to them on the morrow of St. j 
drew's at Westminster. [10 Oct., 1 194]- 

[Garcon may possibly he a Jewish name.] 

(*) Suffolk, t These are sureties of Willia 
Galfred and Gilbert, sons of Peter of Melling, to have 
them for justice, if any wish to speak against them, 
for the death of the Jews of C olc he ster= Peter their 
father and Adam de Cokesfeld, Robert de Hulm, 
Hervey de Thisteldon, Hervey of Gedding, Robert 
de Mungedene, Galfred de Nerewford, and Baldwin 
of Thisteldon, and William son of Richard of Brumton 
also pledge themselves for the same. And William 
son of Richard finds sureties for the same William 
son of Fulkon and William de Colville and Ivon de 
Keneton. [27 Oct., 119+.] 

[This is the only reference we have to any attack on the 
Jews at Colchester. Was it during the genera] riots of 1190?] 

{c) Norfolk. U A day is fixed for Roger de Straton 
for a plea as to the rights about the death of the 
Jews on the octaves of St. Andrew at Westminster. 
[6 Nov., 1 1 9+.] 

[This and the preceding are probably due to the inquiries 
made into the riots of 1 190 when Richard returned. Cf. ntpra 
P- I57-] 

((/) London. U A day is fixed for Chermin the 
Jew and Samson brother of Brin, for the plea by 
duel on the octaves of St. Hilary, &c. Let them 
come prepared for that duel at Totelle. [28 Nov., 


[We shall later on meet with still another case of a duel. On 
the Continent it was also not unusual for Jews to fight duels. 
See Zunz, Zur Gesch, 


(«) Cambridge. \ Richard de Munfichet v. the 
Jews of Cambridge about the service of the lord 
Duke on the plea of the debt for William de la Haye, 
John the Frenchman. . . . [gMay, iigg,] 

1187 -180S.— Fete r the Jew becomes a London 

Hist. MSS. Com., \x. pp. 14, ZZ 

(fl) Grant by the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul's 
to Peter Blund, a Jew, and Miriam his wife, and their 
heirs for ever, of land in the parish of St. Lawrence 
Jewry for a rent of 1 3s, a year and a fine of 1 marks. 
Witnesses : Ralph de Diceto, Dean of St. Paul's 
Master Alard, Archdeacon of London, &c. 

(i) Grant by Roger son of William Fitz-Isabel to 
Peter Blundus, Jew of London, of a quit-rent which 
William Novensis used to render for land which 
William the son of Turstan held in the parish of St. 
Nicholas, at the corner of Fish Street, opposite to 
the front of the church of St. Mary Magdalene, and 
also a shop in Fish Street. Witnesses : William de 
Haverilla, Thomas his son, John Borninte, James, 
Alderman, Walter Bnine, and William Comerarius, 
then Sheriffs of London, Roger de Desert, Arnold 
Fitz Aluf, Michael son of John, Richard his son, 
Abraham son of Avig[ay], Abraham son of Brune, 
Isaac son of Margal[icia], Fleming the Jew. A.D. 


C. 1197.— The Abbey of Ueaux takes up Debts to 

BurloQ. Chron, de Melsa, ed. Bond, i. 306, 315. 
And William de Arcyns sold us three bovates of 


land in Seton for 40 marks, which we gave him for 

clearing him of debts to the Jews 

And Hugh of Bolton and Cecilia his wife, daughter 
of Geoffrey Darill, sold us a messuage of 5 tofts and 
5 bovates of land at Wartrey for 50 marks, for which 
that land was pledged to the Jews for the debts of 
the aforesaid Walter. 

|TVe have here a specimen of the way in whicL the larger 
monasteries, as well as the King, made use of Jewish usury by 
getting into their possession lands of nobles indebted to the 
Jews. Walter Map is very severe on the Cistercians for this, in 
his Dt Wvgis. Geoffrey Darell was doubtless related to Matmi- 
dube Darell, who is mentioned by the same chrooicler (i. 151)05 
one of the leaders in the York massacre. Another instance of the 
pressure of debts being the real cause, of that event.] 
Bef. 1198.— Learned daugliters of a learned father. 

Tos. Talmud Ber. 25* (Heb.). 

The daughters of R. Abraham, the falher-in-law of 

Sir Leon of Paris, used to make an assembly of three to 

make certain benedictions, but this is against the usual 


[Some benedictions can only be pronounced if three are pre- 
sent, and this is taken to imply three males. R. Abraham's 
three daughters extended it to themselves. One of them matiied 
Sir Leon, whom I identify with Leo Blund of the English 

rftr must not eat what a Gentile boils. Bui R. Abra- 
ham says this is only when he boils it in his own house ; 
if he does so in a fan's house, we may eat it. 

[I have identified this R, Abraham with the ' Abraham fil 
Rabi jocc ' of the English records. The restrictions on using 
food prepared by Gentiles were in order to insure eiact com- 
pliance with Talmndic and Mosaic law, but they had the effect 
of preventiag any close communion between Jew and Gentile.] 


Bef. 119B.— Againet the Perfidy of the JewB.* 

Peler Blesen^is, Op. ed. Giles, iii. 6z, seq. 

Ch. I. — Pre/ace in which he shows thai disputation 
with Jews and heretics is difficult and dangerous. 

You have made long and anxious complaint in 
your letters that surrounded by Jews and heretics I 
you are attacked by them and have not ready the 
authorities in the sacred Scripture by which you c 
refute their calumnies and answer their cunning I 
sleights. It is right, says the Apostle, that there I 
should be heresies and schisms so that those iv 
have been proved may be made manifest. Wherefore' 
life is allowed to the Jews of to-day, because they ai 
our treasurers while they confirm the prophecies c 
OUT faith and the law of Moses. We read the Passion ~i 
of Christ, not alone in their books but in their facesj 

. . As for what you say that you desire to 
dispute with Jews bo as to convert them and turn 
them to the faith, I commend you the less for that 
for you beat the air, exhausting yourself with foolish 
and vain zeal. God indeed has placed a limit to 
them which they may not exceed. Their hour is not 
yet come, but He has blinded them till the time when 
the heathen are converted to the Faith. Hence it is 
what is said by Isaiah " Go and blind the heart of 
this people, &c." For when one of them receives 
the Faith the rest still persevere in their obstinacy- 
It remains therefore that the multitude of the heathen 
shall enter into the Faith, and then the remnant of 

* A treatise addiesEed to John Bieliop of Wurceiiler, probably 
John of Coutances who held that See, 1194-S. 


Israel shall be His. It seems to me wiser for our 
Faith to conceal the injury done to it for the time 
rather than enter into discussion with a people stiff- 
necked and of a stubbornness truly bestial. . But 
because you complain bitterly that you are beset by 
Jews and heretics and have naught at hand by which 
you can evade their machinations, I will not keep 
back from you what I know. 

Ch. II. — Testimony of the Law and the Prophets 
of the Trinity and Unity in God. 

III. — Testimony of Law and Prophets on the 
Father and the Son. 

IV. — Testimony of the Holy Ghost. 

V. — Testimony of the Trinity. 

VI. — Reasons and authorities for the faith in the 
Holy Trinity. 

VII.— Testimony of the Prophets that the Son was 
sent by the Father. 

VIII. — ^Testimony that Christ came in the flesh. 

IX. — Testimony that Christ was bom of David. 

X. — Testimony that Christ was bom of the nations. 

XI. — That Christ came in his own person. 

XII.— That Christ was God and man of the seed 
of Abraham. 

XIII. — Testimonies of the time and place of the 
birth of Christ. 

XIV.— That the desires of the prophets were ful- 
filled by Christ. 

XV. — Testimony that Christ was to come in 

XVI. — Testimony of the Prophets in reprobation 
of the legal sacrifices. 


rXVII. — Testimony to the Passion of Christ. 
XVIII.— Testimony to the burial of the Lord. 
XIX. — Testimony to the Resurrection of Christ. 

XXI. — Testimony to the Resurrection of the Lord. 

XXII. — Testimony to the mission of the Holy I 

XXIII, — Testimony of Jewish and heathen his- 
tories to the Resurrection. 

XXIV.— Testimony of Josephus the Jew to Christ. 

XXV. — Testimony that the new covenant was pre- 
ferred to the old Law. I 

XXVI.— Testimony on Baptism. 

XXVIL— On the sacrament of the Altar. 

XXVIII.— Of the transference of the law to the 
Gentiles and the reprobation of the Jews. 

XXIX.— Of the calling of the heathen to the Faith, i 

XXX. — Testimony of the Prophets that the rem- 
nant of Israel shall be convicted and saved. 

XXXI. — Testimony on the glorious State of the 

XXXII.— Manifold authorities that the Scriptures 
cannot be understood literally. 

XXXIII, — Testimony to the coming of Anti-Christ. 

XXXIV.— Testimony to the final coming of Christ 
at the general resurrection. 

XXXV.— Testimony to the Day of Judgment. 

XXXVl. — Testimony to the glorification of the 

XXXVII.— Testimony to the damnation of the 


XXX VIIL— Testimony of the Heathen to the 
Faith [Virgil, Sibyls]. 

Conclusion of the Work. — You have thus arms sent 
you for the defence of the Faith, use them warily. 
For the Jew is always inconstant and shifty. Now 
he says Yes, anon he says No, at one time he quibbles 
about the literal meaning, at another he refers all to 
the times of his own Messiah, i.e. of the Antichrist, 
and after the manner of his father the devil often 
changes into monstrous shapes. If therefore you 
wish to catch him and destroy his shifts, place the 
library of the Spirit between you so that he cannot 
escape or turn tail but must be slain like Goliath 
with his own sword. 

[The above table of contents of Peter of Blois' treatise Contra 
■ Perfidiam Judiconan will give some idea of the usual topics and 
tactics adopted in Christian disputes with Jews. The contrast 
of tone between the twelfth and eleventh centuries is marked. 
Cf, iupra, p. 7 seq. The Church had lost hope of conversion. 
There is also a third treatise AUercaiio Judsi cum Christiani 
addressed to the Bishop of Lincoln, c. 1 130 (Loeb, Csnlnrcerte 

1198.— Jews and the Treaaviry. 

•Pipe Rolls, gRic 1. 
150. — Deulecresse and Judas his brother owe 40s. 
for bail for their mother, g Ric. I., Sudhants. 

[This is included among ' Aaron's Debts ;' why, I know not.] 

151. — Abraham, Jew of Winchester, owes +0 marks 

that he may be bailed out (replevied), g Ric. I., 


. 151. — Abraham son of Aaron owes 3 ounces of 

[gold for having his rights of 13 marks and 45. against 
Elyas his brother. 9 Ric. I., Line. 
153. — Peter Blund, Jew of London, owes 40s. for 
having his rights against Rodulph son of William of 
the debts of his father of 100s. and against Will, 
Puntiel the guardian of the land and heir of Roger 
of Crokeslea of a debt of the said Roger of ;^ic 
9 Ric. I., London. 

[Peter Blund and bis wife Miriam are mentioned in a document 
at St. Paul's as obtaining a qoittent of land a 
Fish Street. Cf. supra, p. 17;.] 

156.— Joace son of Isaac owes a marks for having 
his rights to £\-^ against Roger of the Dead Sea. 
Mosse of Cambridge owes 10s. for having right to a 
debt of ;^io I OS. od. against Galfred de Caxton. g 
Ric. L, Lond. 

[The names of the Clirislian debtors are the chief interest here. 
Is the latter the first known Caxtou ? It is possible that Mosse 
ofCambridge was Moses ben Isaac, the author of the Oiyjifioo*.] 

1j7.-Y.aac, Jew, 
Sabecoc, Jew, renders count 
9 Ric. I., Hereford in Wales 

158. — . . , son of Isaa 
to have his rights against the heirs of Benedict of 
Chichester and Yvelin of the mortgage of John of ■ 
Tusgos. Aliild who was [wife of] Isaac owes 5 
marks for having right of 10 marks against Nichol 
son of Ysaac. Solomon, Jew of Arundel, owes 2 
marks for right to £\t against John of Cumb. 9 



I mark for his oath, 
t of I mark for his oath. 

s of gold 

Ric. I.. Sudsex. 

159.— Tallage of burgesse 


King, Joseph Aaron owes 7s. ^&. of the balance <H 
£\a which he received from the Sheriff of Worcester 
on which he rendered count in the roll of the seventh 
year, g Ric. I., Glouc, 

[Joseph Aaron was afterwards one ol the Justices of the Jews, 
see No. 1640. Here again we have a ease of a Jew receiving [he 
cash balance of the Sheriffs account. Cf. Nos. 11, 12, 30.] 

160. — Abraham, Jew of Lincoln, son of Aaron, 
owes one ounce of gold to have a writ for justicing 
Tom son of Godwin and John his brother for a debt 
which they owe him. Jacob the old man of Lincoln 
owes 1 ounces of gold to have a record of the county 
of Lincoln on the appeal which Benedict of the Bail 
and Masse his son made against him and his fellows 
in the same county. 9 Ric. I., Line. 

161. — Gentilia the Jewess, daughter of Samson, 
owes 4 ounces of gold to have an inquest whether 
* her father died a Jew or a Christian and to have his 
charters. 9 Ric. 1., Everwick. 

[Jews seem to be coming hack to York. Or does the eatiy 
refer to the death of Samson at the York massacre when many 
Jews offered to be baptued ?] 

i6z. — Benedict of Rising owes 10 marks to have a 
reasonable part of the chattels and debts of Benedict 
son of Josce Sorel. 9 Ric. \. Glouc. 

[The entry is repeated ne^it year.] 

c. 119B.— Laws of the Church about the Jews. 

Corpus y-uris Canonici. Decretal V. vi., 
.^ ed. Friedeberg II. cc. 771-8. 

Ts. BookV. Title vi. Of Jews, Saracens, and their slaves. 
C. L — If a slave, bought by a Jew, becomes or 

r desires to become a Christian, for trading purposes, 
he is redeemed for iz pence [A.D. 581]. 
_ C. 11, — A Jew cannot have a Ciiristian for a slave 
but he can for a churl LS9+]- 

C, III. — Jews may keep their old synagogues, may 
not erect new ones [598]. 

C. IV. — On Good Friday Jews may not keep their 
doors or windows open [1 169-S1]. 

C. V. — Christians ought to be excommunicated 
who serve Jews in their houses. And secular princes 
ought to be excommunicated who spoil baptised 
Jews of their goods [i 179]. 

C. VII. — Jews may restore their synagogues to 
their former state, but may not build them up afresh 

C. VIII. — Christians ought not to be in the family 
service of Jews [i 159-81 J. 

C. IX. — Jews are not to be baptized against their 
■will nor forced to it, nor to be condemned without 
judgment, nor to be spoiled of their goods nor dis- 
turbed at their festivals, nor are their cemeteries to 
be molested or their bodies to be exhumed. [1187-91.] 

C.XIII. — Jews ought not to have Christian nurses 

servants, those doing contrary are to be interdicted 
from commerce with Christians. 

C. XIV. — A Jew who strikes a priest is punished 
by the temporal power, and, if he cannot be, he ia 
interdicted from commerce with Christian men till 
he has given satisfaction for the injury. 

[Cc. XV..XIX. are added from the Lateran Council of 1115 
I and do uol therefore come within tile present period. Coutrasliug 



these with tbose on pp. 15 and 6? we otjserre a (endencjf t9 
restrict intercourse by preventing Christian servants in Jewish 
houses. Tlie ieai of conversion to Judaism had increased during 
the century.] 

1188.— Innocent III. to all OhriBtian Princes. 

Corpus yuris CanoncH, II. p. 814, 
We command that Jews be compelled to remit 
usury to Christians by you, sons of princes and 
secular powers. And till they remit it them we com- 
mand that all communion in any way be denied them 
[the Jews] by all faithful Christians, hoth in commerce 
and in other things on sentence of excommunication. 
Given at Reatu, 18 Kal. Sept. 1198. 

[Pope Innocent in later years considerably widened the gulf 
between Jews and Christians hy various enactments. In the 
present instance, the ordinance was probably as much directed 
against the Christian princes as against the Jews, for the former 
really benefited in the long run by Jewish usury as we have had 
reason to see throughout this booli]. 

c. 1198.— There were Jews in Cornwall. 

Libir Rubetis, quoted by Sir H. de la Beche, Geology of 
Cornwall, p. 633. 

Also neither man nor woman. Christian nor Jew, 
shall presume to buy or sell any tin of the first smelt- 
ing', nor to give or remove any of the first smelting 
from the Stannary or out of the place appointed for 
weighing and stamping, until it shall be weighed and 
stamped in the presence of the keepers and clerks of 
the weight and stamp of the farm. 

Also neither man nor woman, Christian nor Jew, 
shall presume, in the Stannaries nor out of the Stan- 

" MARKET ySW." 187 

Sariea, to have in his or her possession any tin of the 
first smelting beyond a fortnight unless it be weighed 
and stamped. 

A!so neither man nor woman, Christian nor Jew, 
in market towns and boroughs, on sea or on land, 
shail presume to keep beyond thirteen weeks tin of 
the first smelting weighed and stamped, unless it be 
put into the second smelting and the mark discharged. 
Also neither man nor woman. Christian nor Jew, 
shall presume in any manner to remove tin either by 
r by land, out of the counties of Devon and 
Cornwall unless he or she have the licence of the 
Chief Warder of the Stannaries. 

[This is a quotation of the Libtr Rubeus of the Treasury from 
the Capitvla dcStaunataribus.g Rid, It provea the eiistence 
of Jews in Cornwall and makes it probable that the " Jews' 
and " Jews' bouses " " coaaected with Cornwall of to-day 
ve some traces of the Jewish buyers and storehouses of tin 
referred to in the above ordinance. It ispossible that the presence 
htf Jews in Cornwall may have given rise to the place-name Market 
Jew, for the latter is similar enough to Marghas Edbow (" Jew 
mart " in Comish) to stand for its modem equivalent. And it is 
noteworthy that the folk etymology which connected itself in 
early times with the place connected the name with " Thutsdaies 
market " (Marhas diem), and not with Jews at all, so that the 
folk etymology could not have given rise to the tradition. Prof. 
M. MtiilerC Ate there Jews in Cornwall?" Chifs,m. igg-jzg), 
certainly pushes hb etymologising propensities too far in sug- 
gesting (I'S. 310) that the name Market Jew gave rise to the 
I tradition of the eiistence of Jews in Cornwall. This is snffi- 
I dently proved by the above quotation which should not have 

• Prof. MGUer's derivatmn frooi Dih;i-hauEes=lionBe-hDiisFl {CJiifi, 
Hi. ]») i> about the moit inptobable piecs of etymologiting that even be 
tund on. 


been passed over in silence by Prof. Miiller after his attenboB ~ 
had been (irawn to it by Mr. Bannister in the your. Roy. Inst. 
Corn-wall, 1867, p. 32G, which Prof. Miiller acknowledges to have 
read. Camden in 'hx-i Sriianniii (ed. Gough " Damnonii " p. 9) 
remarks of the tinneries, " However their product was very in- 
considerable in the time of King John, the right of working 
them being wholly in the King as Earl of Comvrall and the 
mines farmed by the Jews for 100 marks, and according to this 
proportion the tenth of it, viz., ^6 13s. ^d, is at this day paid 
hy the Crown to the Bishop of Eseter." Unfortunately Camden 
(or Grough ?] does not give his authority, but the details are too 
minute to have been invented. If the Jews had the whole of 
the tin market in their hand it is not so unprobable that sur- 
vivals of (heir influence should remain even down to the present 

1189.— A Complicated Transaction. 

Madoj. Formulare Anglicaitum, p. 77. 
Richard of Sandford owes half a mark that a fine 
made between him and Benedict Pemaz, which was 
both recorded and read before the Barons of the 
Exchequer in the presence of Simon de Pateshall and 
Henry de Winchester and Benedict de Talimunt, 
who then had charge of the Jews, might be inscribed 
on the Great Roll ; which is in these words ; — Know 
all men present and future that I, Richard de Stan- 
ford have made a fine with Benedict Pemaz of all 
the debts and pledges and disputes which the said 
Benedict had against Hugo de Baious [Bayeiix] for 
100 marks of gold, on which I, Richard, will pay him 
10 marks interest so long as I hold the aforesaid 100 
marks. And if I pay the aforesaid 1 00 marks in part 
at every such payment the interest shall be finished 


by as much relatively to the payment of the capital. 
And I will pay him these lo marks at ■^ times of the 
year [Christmas, Easter, St. John Baptist, and 
Michaelmas], and so on from year to year while 1 
owe him the aforesaid loo marks. And fortheafore- 
Baid 100 marks Hugh de Bayeux and his heirs are 
quits from the aforesaid Benedict and his heirs of all 
the debts, pledges, and disputes which they owed 
him from the beginning of the world till the day of 
death of Hugo de Bayeux. And of all the sureties 
which were his sureties on the day he died : except 
for one charter of £n.o which Giles de Golfe and 
Nigel son of Alexander owe the aforesaid Benedict 
for commission of a certain charter of Hugo de 
Baious of £\^o which the aforesaid Benedict com- 
mitted to the aforesaid Giles de Golfe and Nigel son 
of Alexander. [And Giles and Niger are quits of 
that charter, which has been paid, and if the charter 
is produced it is false and of none avail.] And for 
the aforesaid loo marks and interest I, Richard de 
Sanford, have pledged to him all my land of Witham 
with all its purtenances, viz.: all I have there without 
\ any reservation to receive from it his principal and 
interest. And it is agreed that if anything happen 
to me or Matilda de Bayeux my wife, after the way of 
men, and the heirs of the said Matilda my wife refuse 

I to keep this convention then 1, Richard, and my 
heirs will return to the aforesaid Benedict or his 
heirs one charter of no marks of principal by a 
cyrograph in the names of Hugh of Bayeux and of 
the said Benedict and another of 8p marks principal 



in the same names, and a third charter of £no 
without cyrograph in the same names, and a fourth 
of ;^50 principal without cyrograph in the same 
names : And a writ of acquittance which the same 
Benedict made me of the debt of the aforesaid Hugh. 
And when I shali have paid the aforesaid B. or his 
heirs the said charter before the Justiciars, the afore- 
said land of Witham will be quits and free from the 
aforesaid B. and his heirs unless we shall have paid 
the aforesaid debt before. This convention I have 
made oath of, to keep to him and his heirs, for me and 
ray heirs. But this convention was made in the King's 
Court at Westminster before Galfred lil Peter and 
Philip, Bishop of Durham, and Simon de Pateshull, 
and Henry de Winchester, and Benedict, Jew of 
Talemunt. Pipe Roll, lo Ric. I., Cantebrig. et Hunt. 
[It is somewhat difficult to ^t to the root of this transaction, 
Richaid of Stanford is clearly settling the estate of Hugo de 
Bayeul, his &ther-in-law, deceased. The chief lien on the pro- 
perty is the deceased's debts to Benedict Pernaz. (Pamass, 
Heb. := Warden of Congregation}. The above appears to be a 
fine made to get rid of the accretion of usury. For the loo 
marks orgold^=6oo marks silver, which again is less by So mailis 
than 2IO -1- 165 {/i to) .(-80+75 (^50) -f 140 marks mentioaed 
at various parts of the deed. Now of these it appears that 140 
had been paid off, and it was doubtless on consideratiDn of this 
that the interest is reduced to sucli a comparatively small 
amount as 10 per cent. 1 suspect, loo, that what was originally 
borrowed was 220, and the remaining charters are for usury in 
arrears. It is noteworthy that some of the deeds are with 
cyrograph or duplicate and some without. The latter seem ei- 
pressed in pounds, the cyrograph deeds in marks.] 


igi I 

—Early Lawsuits.* 

Roluli Curia Regis, 1 
(/) Cambridge *\ Assi/c lo determine whether I 
!l^ de Berton had unjustly and without warrant ] 
llBseisined the Master of the Lepers of Steresbury 1 
f his free tenement in Cmnberton. At the 
Llan says that the assize ought not to be brought 1 
g:ainst him because he claimed nothing from that I 
ind except a rent of los. a year payable at proper I 
ftnns through Judas and Abraham and Samuel, Je' 
Jf Cambridge, whose mortgage that land is. They I 
some and warrant this. The jury say that in this way I 
s disseisined them. Let the Jews have seisin J 
ibd Alan is at mercy, aos. shillings and damages i 
Blill!ngs[i7 Oct. iigg]. 

* fgj Dorset If Richard de Stralon sues John Lan- ' 
a debt of £20 and iz marks of which the said \ 
ohn ought to have acquitted him to a certain Jew, I 
1 of Mosse de WaUingfordt as he has. I 
iaid- John comes and defends the debt and says | 
Kiai he has acquitted him to that Jew and has the 
[Jew's charter thereon, as he says. Afterwards Richard 1 
CiHifessed that John had cleared him of £ii to the I 
Jews and owed him ii marks. John says that he I 
1 cleared him entirely. And so in presence ofB 

• There is i 

p. 189, and 
swa. .'*. 339. 

t McDtioneil aliove (p. 
■St. Fredeswidc. Unfurlunatcly Ihr 
in the MS. 

er item about a debt due to Samuel of Oxrortt, I 
about lauds of Ford Abbey pledged tc 

with the mirflcle ofj 


Osbert fil Henry, the Justiciar, and others he made 

fine in the court of the lord the King and appeals 

against him, and an agreement is entered on the rolls 

that John gives the said Richard 6 marks on condition 

that Richard quit claims him of all debts he owed 

[These extracts from the Rolls of the King's Court, and the 
others above, p. 175, do not deal with Jewish law suits strictly so 
called, but with cases in which something about Jews occurs. 
The reason for this is twofold. Cases between Jews were deter- 
mined by the Jews themselves [Cf, F. R. Items, 20, 75, 128). 
And commercial cases between Jew a^d Christian were probably 
being decided at the time of the above (1199) by the Exchequer 
of the Jews, which was already in full working order. There 
would probably have been more law suits in the records if any 
earlier roll of the King's Court were extant, before the Exchequer 
of the Jews had taken over part of its work.] 

1199-1200.— The Exchequer of the Jews. 

* Pipe Rolls, 10 Ric. I., i Jo. 

163. — And Aaron the Jew of Lincoln owes 500 
marks as is contained there [roll 8], But Benedict 
de Tallemunt answers for this in his accounts. 10 
Ric. I., 12a. 

[Benedict was a justiciar of the Exchequer of the Jews.] 

163^7. — Fulbert of Uoura owes one mark that it 
may be inscribed in the Great Roll that lie is quits of 
all the debts which John of Doura, his father, owed 
to the undermentioned Jews, viz., Hakelin, son of 
J unlet of Norwiz, and his heirs for 20 marks, Avegay 
the Jewess for £,^o, Muriel of London for iocs. 
(excq)t licr part of the debt of Abraham fil Rabi), 


Dtewise the said Muriel and Samuel Mullein for 35 
barks, Benedict Quatrebuches for ^50 [and others], 
IS the said Jews have acknowledged before the Barons 
>f the Esche^juer. 10 Ric. I., Hereford [Madox, 171J. 
164. — Robert de Braiboc- renders count of 10 marks 

kf the farm of Bllebroc. In the tressurj' iiothin 

■nd by payments to the said Robert 10 marks by 
tC^ingr's writ because it was recorded by Simon de 
%teshul! and Benedict [Jew] of Tallemunt, Wardens 

Elf the Jews, that Richard, miles of Bitebroc, 

I pledged the said land of Bitebroc to Samuel of 
Stanford, had made fine with the aforesaid Simon 
bi<l Benetlict in the past year by 1 5 marks (for which 
3ie said Benedict has to answer) that his account 
piaybe audited to see whether he be quit of his debt, 

bamely of 50 marks for which he had pledged ihtj 
l^id land to the Jew be fore -mentioned by means of 
lOney received from the aforessiid pledge from the 

Pline when it was pledged. And the account being 
"taade before the aforesaid and others it was adjudged 
that the said Richard should be <}uit because, as the 
above-mentioned declared, more than the fifty marks 
had been received from the said pledge, that is from 
the time of King Henry up to the time of the said 
account, and as the said Richard was quits with the 
said pledge last year and the said Robert has not 
the said pledge this year and is thus quits. 10 Ric. 
1., 8 Roteland. 

[The ilclil moat bave fallen into the haniLs of ibe Kii 
Ric. I , by the death of Samuei i^'ide supra. No. qsj. Tl' 
lanUs were plcdj^cd tu Aaiuu of Linuuln fur ^lo ;ii id. a week 



interest, in 1 1 79, see supra, p. 66. Aaron must have sold the 
debt to Samuel before his death or it would have come into the 
King's hands. The justiciars of the Jewish Exchequer are the 
first mentioned ; it appears, however, that there were two others, 
Henry de Winchester and Joseph Aaron the Jew (Madox, 745).] 

164^. — Roger, Abbot of St. Augustine's, Canter- 
bury, and the convent of the said place owe 2 marks 
of gold that it may be written on the Great Roll, 
that inquiry was made by Simon de Pateshull and 
Henrj' de Winchester and Benedict de Talemunt and 
Joseph Aaron, by command of Galfred Fitz Peter, 
the King's Justiciar, throughout the places which the 
Jews inhabit and among the Jews that the aforesaid 
Abbot and convent were in nought bound to pay 
anything to any Jew neither for themselves nor for 
any other Abbot who preceded the aforesaid Abbot 
on the day on which this was written, viz., Tuesday 
next after the feast of St. Nicholas in the tenth year. 
10 Ric. I., Ghent. 

[This would act as a bar to all future claims of a date preceding 
this entry. All four Justiciars of the Jews are mentioned, and 
it is implied that they were under the orders of the King's Jus- 
ticiar. The public announcement throughout the Jewry was 
made, in the thirteenth century, in the synagogues.] 

165. — The Jews who are noted in the Roll of the 
preceding year under the title ** Of the debts of 
Aaron fined by the Chancellor" owe ;^i36. 10 Ric. 
I., Norf. 

166. — Jurnet, Jew of Norwich, and the other Jews 
who are noted in the Roll of the preceding year 
under the title ** Offerings of the Jews of the time of 
King Henry,*' owe £^^}2 7s. iid. for the reasons 


"that are noted tliere. And besides Abraham son of 
Rabbi owes 4 horns of which the fourth equals the 
I'Other three. But B. de Talemunt answers for this 
n his account. 10 Ric. I., Lond. 

167. — Avigay the Jewess and other Jews who are 
loted under the title " Arrears of the tallage of the 
Jews of London at Guildford," owe £i>it 7s. id. 

Bbr the arrears that are noted in the preceding Roll. 
^ ut B. de Talemunt answers for this in his account, 
*rhe Jews that are noted under the title " Of the 
offerings of the Jews by Henry, Archbishop of Can- 
terbury," owe £fi and 15 bezants as are noted in the 
preceding Roll. But B, de Talemunt answers thereon 
a his account. 10 Ric. I., Lond. 
Ib8. — Samuel of Bungay and other Jews that are 
boted in the preceding Roll owe ^37 6s. 8d. 10 
ic. I , Nordf. and Suff. 

[Similarly Jews of Cambridge owe 19 marks, of Worcester 30 
^aiks. These and the preceding entries are the beginning of a 
Reparation of accounts between the (rreat and the Jews' EichC' 
[uer. Benedict (ie Talemunt, a Jew, was one of Ihe Justiciars 
«■ Wardens of the Jews and began this year tn take over the 
Jewish debts from Ihe Great Roll to 3, separate account.] 

169. — ^And in guarding the bringing to Westminster 
)f the moneys collected from the debtors of the Jews 
ogelherwith the Jews appointed for this by Benedict 
Ie Talemunt, los. by King's writ, i Job., Nordf. 

170. — Thomas de Eton owes £^a and one palfrey 
vorth 7 marks for the debts of Benedict and Josce 
fews of York because it is an escheat of the King, 
t Jo., Everwick fBril. J/i,x. AM. ,T/.V., +542). 

196 • ^E fVS OJVE £jo,ooo. 

[These were the two Jews at the head of the York community, 
I Ric. I., cf. Will, of Newbury, sub anno. The King did not 
lose by the massacre but he did by the destruction of documents 
in the Cathedral afterwards. Some escaped destruction as 
Thomas of Eton finds here to his cost.] 

171. — ^Jacob, Jew of Northampton, renders count 

of 300 marks to have his debt which the Abbot of 

Popewell owes him . . . But he answers in the 

roll of account of Benedict de Talemund. i Jo., 


[Similarly Jews of Oxford, Kent, and Norfolk (sums of ;^I223 
and ;f 236 i6s. from Aaron's debts) are transferred to Benedict's 
roll which would thus contain indebtedness amounting to the 
large sum of ;^9452 lis.] 

172. — Elyas, Jew of Gloucester, renders count 
(and is quits) of 10 marks for one mark of gold to 
be quits oif his appeal which Samuel son of Mosse 
le Riche [No. 140] and Vives son of Benedict and 
Hamiot Hoeth and John the convert have brought 
against him for the money of the aforesaid Mosse 
and for a certain carbuncle of his. i Jo., Glouc. 

Bef. 1200— Benedict of Oxford translates Adelard's 

'^ Queestiones Naturales." 

A. Neubauer in Rabbins Fran<;ais^ 496. 

Here heginneth the hook of questions between nepheiv 
and uncle, /, Berachyah son 0/ Natrona i\ ivt'Il gird my 
loins to translate these thitigs in HehreiVy for I fou7id 
them in the ivritings of the Gentiles who have taken them 
from the Arabs, Here arc to be found things unknoavn 
to the men of our time. And when I saw wisdom in an 
unclean vessel and pearls before sunne I have purified this 



irtaiist of strange ekmenti and Iranslaled it into the 1 
iaered language, the mnst beautiful of tongues. • ■ -I 

Question i. — Why dues a living man sink and a dead'm 

ilU float in the sia ? [=A(ielar(l 7 J I 

, Question i.-^Hov is the earth supported in the midst I 
tf the air? [=Add. 48.]l 

Qjintion ^.— WhydiHS the earth iremhle?{=^kAf:\.^'^i\% 

Question 1 ( . — Why dues grass grmv withnul being I 
m>n? . . . . ' [=Adel. 1.3 j 

Question 33. — Why an not eves at the back of Ike M 

Question 52. — Why f/w,r the gr&le [grasshopper} I 
appear after IhundiT? .... I 

Question 62 [/i/r/]. — Why does Ike moon wane? . . 1 
[Adel. 69.] I 
[These extracts will sufticiectly indicate tlie cliarncter of the.fl 
book called in Hebrew My uncle atid my nephew, a series of 6a ■! 
dialogoes between uncle nnd nepliew on natural histor)' selected I 
tnd &eely rendered from Adelard of Bath's Qutestiones Naiura/es. I 
JThe author uses French words : thus one of the questions runs ! I 
" WSji Aave certain birds a stomach, in Frmch gois, and others I 
guards, in French gesier?" He leaves out all proper names I 
" e those of Socrates, Aristotle, Boethius, and Mactobius, or I 
.s them, as when he speaks of Actioch as "the land of I 
IwA," and refers to Aristotle asoneoi ■'thewisemen (if Arabia ■■ 
and Xeder." Miin,iie ssiys, is in the Amite tongue, Behemot)!, ■ 
md in the tongue of Javan [Greece] the beast of the west, a I 
Mirious perversion of " animal rationale " (see Sleinschneidcr in I 
iltlerbode, vlii. 35). We know that a work of this kind was I 
^Iten by Berachyah the Punctuator, whom I have identified \ 
With Benedict of Oxford. It is referred to in the colophon of a J 
^Irew MS. now at Berlin, written by Beiachyah's son Elijah J 
JD the following words : /. the scribe and punctuator Elijnk, son 1 
of [the master] K. Berachyah tlie Punctuator, the reader, tht 1 


learned many the gramtnarian^ the great, wise man who gave 
good heed and sought out and set in many fables , and he spoke 
of trees and stones [I. Kings iv. 33], hewn stones , a man perfect 
and one that feared God and eschewed evil [Job i. i]. And I^ 
the son of his old age, wrote and pointed this book, and provided 
it with the Massorah . . . and finished it on Wednesday^ 
the 2\st of the month Marcheshvan, of the year 94 of the fourth 
thousand [4094], in the town of Rouen [or Dreux ?]. The 
colophon is of critical importance, as it settles the date of 
Berachyah the Punctuator, whom I identify with Benedict the 
pointer of Oxford, mentioned in the Nottingham Tallage Roll 
of 5 Ric. I. I have discussed it, supra, p. 167.] 

Bef. 1200. — Benedict of Oxford translates a work 

on Mineralogy. 

Neubauer. Rabbins, 496. 

Here follow the qualities of stone according to Rabbi 

Berachyah the Punctuator, 

[This is the heading of a Bodleian MS. which gives a descrip- 
tion of 63 species of stones, beginning with adamant and finishing 
with meteorites. It was probably translated from Latin or 
French by Benedict of Oxford, the author of the Fox Fables."] 

Bef. 1200.— Benedict of Oxford comments on Job. 
M. S. Szinessy, Cat. Camb, Heb. MSS., i. 40-2, 245. 

The wise and great man, the leader of his generation, 

R. Samuel, may his memory he for a blessing, disagrees 

with all commentators because he found [Judges xvii. i.] 

" There was a man, a proselyte on Mt. Ephraim, and his 

name was Micah'^ And the irasofi for the name Micah 

was because he had an idol, and I do not kno2V ivhat 

brought them to this error. 

[This is the beginning of a MS. Commentary on Job in the 
Cambridge University Library written by one Berachyah, who 
wasprdbsibXy R, Berachyah the Punctuator. The author quotes 


n Ezra, KJmchi, Sa:i(3ia. Menachem, Dunash, Ibn Gial. Moses 
, Rashi, Ihn Gaoach, S&lomon Parchim, Samuel, 
cob, Joseph Karo, Elieier of Bcaugency, Simeon, his Tallier 
y Natronail, and his uncle Benjamin (probably Bciijamin orCan- 
fbary, see supia, p. 54). The great Samuel teferreJ lo above 
s probably Samuel the Punctnator, whom I have identified 
h Sunuel le Pointur mentioned in the Norlbnmpton tallage. 
kH/nt, p. 161. Dr. Schiller S^inessy speaks in the highest terms 
Kf the Commenlaryi "The best explanation of Job that ever Tell 

Bef. laOO.— Eng:UsIi Jews in aernuuiy. 

Regeslen s. Gesth. d. yuden in Deulschland, Has. 353, 354, 

Joseph the Englishman in Cologne sells his inherit- 
atnce from his grandfather, Vives the Englishman, 
3 the Jew Alexander, known as Stisskind of Wiirz- 
Susskind and his wife Adelaide, in Cologne, 
jjell to the Jew Gottlieb, of Andernach, and his wife 
*Bela the half of a house and court which belonged 1 
to Vivfs the Englishman. Gottlieb and Bela buy I 
the other half of this house from Abraham and his I 
wife Jutta, Adelaide, Abraham's mother, renounces J 
her rights to support from the said house, I 

[We have seen Vives, the English Jew, earlier, supra p. , I 
buying this very house, which had come into the possessioti (rf ■ 
his two grandsons, Joseph and Abraham, one of whom sellt'l 
half of it to Susskind of Wiirzourg, who was n rather distin- fl 
guibhed Jewish Minnesinger. See Graetz, Gesth. It is possible I 
that Sussldnd's wife Adelaide was a granddaughter or Vives the \ 
Englishman, mimed after her mother.] I 

1199-1200.— From the Oblate BoUb. I 

Ri'tuli de tJWMto.fd. Roberts, pp.41, 56, 66, 91,92, 167, 1 

[ii\ YorkFihirc, Richard Mali^bisse gives Sir King J 
;^ioo Sterling and two Norwich hawks, and twofl 


leashes of leopards, and four palfreys, to have such 

seisin of Scalton, and Dale, and de Albi, and of the 

land of Merton, and of Tollesbi, and of Newenham, 

and of Baggele, of 40s. rent at Moreton and two 

marks rent in Scerinton with its appurtenance, as he 

had when he was disseisined for the slaying of the 

Jews of York, and by rendering of service to the lord 

King of 100 marks and a palfrey at the octaves of 

the clause of Easter . . . and thereon he finds 

these as sureties, Robert de Jordan for 25 marks, and 

Peter de Brus of 50 marks. . . And it is ordered 

unto William, son of Peter, that he should cause the 

said Richard to have seizin of the said land and their 

appurtenances without delay. 

[The ringleader of the York massacre is getting back into 

{b) Lincoln. Elias, son of Aaron the Jew, gives 
one mark of gold to the lord King to have a writ to 
remind Roger Constable to pay him what he owes 

(r) Gloucester. Elyas, Jew of Gloucester, gives 
to the lord King one mark of gold to be paid imme- 
diately on condition that our lord the King releases 
him from the complaint which Samuel, son of Mossey, 
and Vivard, son-in-law of Mossey, of London, and 
Hamiot, son of Alemandrinus, had against him about 
the money of Mossey, of Gloucester. 

(d) Gloucester. Mossey, Jew of Gloucester, gives 
our lord the King 20 marks of silver, payable at rea- 
sonable intervals, to have peace for 200 marks which 
are demanded from him, unless he owes them to the 

yuRY OF yhJvs. 

for a debt or tallage, or forisfaction, i 
other cause. And it is ordered to William de Warreiifl 
and his associates that he should be treated just a 
Other fe ws of our lord the Kin g, who are nothing to' 
oar lord the King. " It is ordered to the said William J 
de Warren and his associates that they should takej 
security therefor because our lord the King prefers 
to have loo marks rather than 20 marks, and let hin 
be summoned for the 200 marks before the bailiff 
the Jews. 

Cancelled because our lord the king preferf 
to have zoo marks from him rather than twentyS 

(f) Lincoln. Hugo Bard gives our lord the Kingj 
one paJfrey and one blue sparrow-hawk to ha\ 
inquest of 1 2 lawful Jews of Lincoln and t % free an 
lawful Christian men of the neighbourhood of Lin- 
coln if those charters which Manser, son of Leon tl 
Jew, and Solomon of Edon, and other Jews of Lincol^ 
produce about the debt which Alexander de St. Was 
owed them, and made fine thereon with Aaron, JeJ 
of Lincoln, for ;^io sterling to quit him of the wholq 
debt which he owed to all the Jews of Lincoli| 
[whether these charters] are included in that deb^ 
which he owed then and whereon he made 
And it is ordered to the wardens of the Jews that jfl 
they find it so by holding the inquest, tbey shouljl 
grant peace to Hugo de St. Wast, son and heir c 
the said Alexander, of the debt which is demando< 
from him by the said charters. For Easter term. 

[The double jury is rcniBrkable. A further reference to thj 
tninsaclian, injrn, p. 210.] 



{/) Benedict, Jew of London, gives to Sir King 

two marks of gold to have a writ for right to a debt 

which Eustace de Balliol owes him, as he says. 

Not sent to the Exchequer because he did not 

have the writ, nor did the King receive it, and 

therefore it is not included in the sum. 
[This last paragraph is a note of the scribe explaining why 
after the entry had been made the two marks were not forth- 
coming. It is clear from it that Jewish payments were made 
in two ways, (i) to the Exchequer, (2) to the King himself.] 

12-81 July, 1199.— Appointment of an Archpriest 

of the Jews. 

Rot. Chart., i. 7. 

Confirmation 0/ Jacob Priest of the Jews of London, 

The King to all his subjects and to all both Jews 
and English greeting. Know that we have granted 
and by this present charter of ours have confirmed 
to Jacob, Jew of London, priest of the Jews, the 
presbyterate of all the Jews of the whole of England, 
to have and to hold as long as he lives freely and 
quietly, honourably and fully, so that no one thereon 
shall presume to offer him any hurt or hindrance. 
Wherefore we will and firmly order that you shall 
guarantee and maintain and guard in peace the 
presbyterate of all the Jews throughout England to 
the same Jacob so long as he lives. And if anyone 
shall presume to transgress against him in this you 
shall without delay see that he is compensated for 
the forfeit barring our own compensation, as he is 
our royal [dominico] Jew whom we retain specially 
in our service. We also forbid that he be called 



upon to plead about an3l:hing relating to him exceptj 
before us or before our Chief Justice, as the chartefl 
of King Richard our brother testifies.* 

Witness, S. Bishop of Bath, &c. 

Given by the hand of Hubert, Archbishop of Car 
terbur)', our Chancellor, at Rouen \i July, in th 
first year of our reign. 

A prBteclion for the same. John, by the grace on 
God, &c. To all his faithful ones to whom tl 
sent letters may come both beyond the sea and thijq 
side of it, greeting. We command and ordei 
that through whatever towns and places Jacob, prea-^ 
byter of the Jews, our dear friend, may pass yonT 
shall cause him to [jass through and be conducte^J 
safely and freely with all belonging to him, nor a 
any hindrance, hurt, or injury to be done to him 
more than to ourselves. And if any presume 
j;ress in any point that you shall cause hin 
make up for it without delay. Witness, Williai 
IHarshall, &c. [31 July i Jo.] 

[It is not yet uscertaiued whal were the exact funclioi 
tlie Archpreabyter uf the Jews, of whom only six are known ■ 
{Paperi A. J. Exh. p. 178). TIic title seems to imply ihatj^ 
vere other Presbyters, and one Samuel ie Prestre 
at Norwich in the Nottingham Tallage Roll. Jacob w 
:tbe first Archpresbyter, and he seems to linve been appointefl 

Henry H 's time, for he Js mertioued in the Pipe Roll of Ji_' 
Hen. II. {ptpra p. 84), while llie above ?ppoinlment Is onlyd 
confirmation of one held in Richard's lime. Jacob is 
lihe R. Jacob quoted in Benedict or Oiford's commentary o 

; seems therefore that Rich.ird had also a|i])oinle<i Jac 


Job, supra p. 199). He was succeeded in his high office by Josce 
in 1207. It is curious to see the Archbishop issuing the appoint- 
ment of the Archpresbyter.] 

23 July, 1199.— King confirms tlie Sale of a Manor 

by a Jew. 

Rot. Cart, i, 6 b. 

Confirmation to Henry de Grai. — ^John by the grace 
of God, &c. Know that we have conceded and by 
the present charter have confirmed to our dear and 
faithful Knight Henry de Gray the manor of Turroc 
with its appurtenances, which is of the fee of the 
Earl of Ferrars that he may do for the said Earl 
what should be done for that manor since he had 
bought the said manor with its appurtenances from 
Josce son of Isaac the Jew to whom the said Earl of 
Ferrars has acknowledged by his charter that he had 
sold the said manor for him and for his father Isaac. 
Wherefore we will that the said Henry . . shall 
ha\'e and hold the said manor . , through service 
to the Earl of Ferrars, &c. . . . [23 July, i Jo. 
Charter, m. 27 p. 6 b.] 

[The king claimed the right of confirmation of sales of manors 
by and to Jews in his quality of general suzerain. At the same 
time he got his fees for the said confirmation. We have met 
the manor of Turroc and the Earl of Ferrars both before in 
Richard's Charier. Supra p. 135.] 

1199-1202.— The King is kind to Earl David at 

the Jews' expense. 

Confirmation to Earl David. — John by the grace of 

God, &c. Know that we have granted and by the 

present our charter confirmed to our dear Earl David 


the manor of Tottenham with all its appurtenances, 
Jo hokl from us and our heirs for himself and his 
heirs in fee and heredity for a service of two knig'hta 
for all service. And to the said Earl David we have 
en and quit claimed all the right which Abraham 
1 of Rabi Joce and his heirs have in the aforesaid 
inanor of Tottenham and its appurtenances. . . 

the fifth 

dayof November in the first year of our reign. 

[Rot. Chart, i. 17.] 
[We have seen, supi-a p. 8d, tlie manor of Tottenham coming 
llto the possession of Avigay and her son Abntliam. These 
lOU have passed it on to Abraham fil Kabbi.j 

The King, &c., to the justiciar of England, &c., 
md barons of the exchequer at London, greeting. 
Know that we leave quit claimed our dear and faith- 
ol Earl David of £1,0 which he owed us in our time 
and of the whole debt which he owed at our exche- 
quer, both in the time of King Ht-nry our father and 
King Richard our brother, which he owed to us or to 
" 6 Jews up to [now]. And we order you to return 
a his charters and cyrographs, 7th Aug. : zoi. 

[Rot. Lit. Pat. i. 15 i.] 
I The King, &c„ to G. fil Peter &c. Wc order you 
D give our dear Earl David all his charters and cyro- 
^Tttphs of the debts of the Jews whoever may have 
h em, because we have acquitted him of them up to 
diristmas in our fourth year [30 Dec. iioz]. 

[Kot.Lil. Pat. i. iii.jj 



1200. — The King grants Jews' houses to his 


Rot. Cart, i. 52, 55*. 

Charter 0/ Simon de PateshulL — John, by the grace 
of God, &c. Know that we have given and conceded 
and by the present charter confirmed to our beloved 
and faithful Simon de PateshuU, two messuages in 
Northampton with their appurtenances, which be- 
longed to Benedict, Jew of York, and which are our 
escheats, which we give to the said Simon and his 
heirs to hold in mortgage by free service of 1 6 pence 
per annum for all service. . . . Given 16 April, 
in the first year of our reign. 

[Simon de PateshuU was one of the Justiciars of the Jews. 
Cf. P. R. Items, No. i64«. Benedict was slain during the 
London riot, 3 Sept. 1189, supra p. 119.] 

John, by the grace of God, &c. Know that we 

have given, &c., to Andrew, clerk of Winchester, in 

exchange for Ins land, which was taken possession 

of to made a new moat around the town of Winchester, 

the land which was Aaron the Jew*s in Shorten st. 

with its appurtenance, with one messuage in the 

same street near the aforesaid lands of the said Aaron, 

in which Bona the Jewess used to reside, which lands 

were our escheats. . . Given 25 Feb. in the first 

year of our reign. 

[These are not cases where the King disposed of Jews' pro- 
perty during their lifetime, as it is usually said. Both Benedict 
and Aaron were dead, and their property was the King's escheat.] 

10 Nov., 1199. — Leo the Jew the King's Goldsmith. 

Rot. Cart., i. 62, b. 
Protection to Leo the Jetv. — John by the grace of 


207 I 

God, &c. Know that we have taken into our hand, 

::ustod_y, and protection Leo llie Jew our goldsmith* ] 

ind all his affairs. And therefore we command you ■! 

Jtiiat you keep ward and defend the said Leo and ail ] 

I'lus affairs, doing no hurt nor injurj' to him or 

nor permitting any to be done to him by any I 

■one ; but if any in this transgresses ought against J 

^im or his, cause him to compensate him without I 

delay. And we forbid him to be put into any tallage, J 

■ any tallage to be demanded from him ur 

refore us. Witness myself, at Northampton, 10 Nov. , 

n the first year of our reign]. 

f 1300.— The Jews r 

of Lincoln. 

Vihi Hi4_i;,i::ii. eil. Diniouk, p. 373. 
Those who could not come near [the hearse] threw 
money on the coffin, and stretching out their hands 
)»dored him and commended themselves devoutly to 
" 'nt. The Jews too, weeping and wailing, and 
declaring that he had been a mighty servant of the 1 
Xord, paid him honour by running alongside 
■weeping so that they compelled us to notice that I 
with this man the words of God were fulfilled, " The | 
Lord gave him the blessing of all the nations" 
'Ecclus. xliv. 25). 
[The Biehop had behaved very well during the riots. See 

'. 116.] 
• Later on in the Charter Rolls of 5 Jo (p. 134) there is a 
reference in a lisl of Juhn's jewels, to "a slick wth 22 sapphires, 
" ' ■ ere Simon's the Jew." 



1200.— BailifElB of the Jews Appointed. 

Rot, Chart, i., 61. 

John, by the grace of God, to all the Jews estab- 
lished throughout England greeting. Know that we 
have appointed William de Albion, and William de 
Warenn, and Thomas de Nevil, and Geoffrey of 
Norwich, our bailiffs for the Jews of England, on the 
advice of G., son of Peter our justiciar. And there- 
fore we order and command you that you be attentive 

to them as our bailiffs in all things that concern us. 

[For some reason or other a fresh set of Justiciars of the Jews 
are here appointed instead of the four who held the post pre- 
viously {cf. P.R. item, 164 o.). Among these were two Jews, 
whereas the new ones are all Christians. The name of the 
office varies : Warders (Custodes), Proctors (Procuratores, 
Brompton), Justiciars (Justiciarii), occurring as well as Bailiffs 
(Ballivi) as here. Their functions were to keep the Jewish 
accounts as arranged for by the Ordinances of the Jewry (p ) , and 
to collect tallages, and to decide between Jew and Christian 
in disputes about debts. The King is continually addressing 
them to deliver up deeds and carry out his commands with 
regard to the Jews.] 

10 June, 1200.— Marry or re^nain in debt. 

Rot, Cart,y i., 70. 

Letters Patent to Reginald Mauleverer- John by the 
grace of God, King, &c. Know that we have quit 
claimed and given, and cause to have quit claimed by 
our Jews, the debts of Reginald Mauleverer, which 
we and our Jews have on the land and castle of 
Reginald de Castro Gunter, for marrying Emma, his 
sister, to Reginald, son of Reginald of Chalion 
Gunter. But this charter shall be in the hands and 



t:astody of William de Roches, our seneschal atj 
Anjou, til] the marriage, and after it the said 
schal shall hand Reginald de Chalion Gunter thiB.l 
charter, ana thus the aforesaid Reginald will be quit.B 
of the aforesaid debts of the Jews. But if by chanced 
the marriage between them is not carried out, or iff 
perhaps it be carried out but afterwards annulled, thel 
aforesaid debts shall return to us without contradic— ■ 
tion. . . . Given on the lo June, in the second, j 
year of our reign. 

[This is an instance of the pressure the King could put o 
nobles owing to his position as Archusurer. It is evident that ti 
tnibe is given to Reginald Mauleverer to matry a certain person.l 
If he docs so the King will i-.rlease him of his indebtedoe 
the Jews. There is no record how the Jews were compensated j 
in such cases, if it all.] 

6 Sept., ISOO.-A Jewand hie Lord. 

Charkr of William Marshall about a certain Jem 
Chamhay. — John by the grace of God, &c. Know J 
that we have given and conceded, and by the present B 
charter confirmed, to William Marshall, Earl of Pem- J 
bloke, the Jew living at Chambay, whom Stepher 
ITortico caused to come from France, just as freely 1 
-tad quietly as the same Stephen had him more freely I 
and quietly while the aforesaid town of Chambay w 
in his hands. Witness, Will de Hunnt, constable o 
Normandy. 8 Sept. [z Jo., m. z+, p. 75*'] 

[This brings before us again Ibe question of a Jew and his lo 
as noticed before in a Pipe Roll item, No. 91. J am unable t< 
■uggest the exact relationship involved.] 


1200-1.— From tlie Pipe Bolls, 2, 3, Jo. 

Madox, Hist, of Exch.^ fol., pp. 170, 161. 

173. — Hervey Bagot owes one mark for summon- 
ing the Jews to whom he owes debts that they may 
be at the exchequer to receive the reasonable debt 
which is owed them. 2 J. Staff. 

174. — Robert, Earl of Leicester, renders count of 
£\li 6s. 8d. of the debts of Aaron. In the treasury 
nil and by the quittances which he has by six Starrs 
of the seal of Aaron ;^24o 6s. 8d. [Owes £z 1 2 6s. 8d .] 

3 Jo- 

175. — William de Colevil owes 52 marks of his 

price for debts to Aaron [of Lincoln]. But it is put 
on record by the barons, and by inspection of the 
scribes of Richard Brito and by the starr of the said 
Aaron which he did not have in his hands when he 
made fine with the chancellor, but which the said 
William has produced that he paid the said debt. 
And so he is quits. 3 Jo. Line. 

176. — Hugo Bard owes one palfrey and the 
sparrowhawk to have an inquiry whether those charters 
which Manser, son of Leo the Jew, and Solomon of 
Edene and other Jews of Lincoln produce of the 
debt which Alexander de St. Venest owed them, and 
wherefore he made a fine with Aaron, of Lincoln, for 
£\oi for acquitting him of the whole debt, be in- 
cluded under that debt, for which he made a fine. 

[See supra, p. 201, for the record of this from the Oblate 


laOl.— From the Fine and Oblate Bolls. 

Robcrls, p. [21. 
{a) Northampton.— PucL-lla, who was wife of 
Deodatus the Jew, and his heirs give Sir King ten 
marks that the quittances which they have from 
Aaron the Jew of Lincoln, whose debts are demanded 
from them, may be heard, and if reason is shown, 
that it may be adjudged to tlicm. And it is granted 
that at the close of Easter they may come in the 
presence of the king with their writings and other 
quittances if they have any from him. And it is 
ordered to the justices of the Jews that they may 
have peace from that demand till then. Pledge 
Jacob fil Samuel, of Northampton. 

[The King claims debls lo deceased Jews like AarOD from 

{b) York. — Thomas de Lnton gives our lord the J 
!ing 30 marks, for which he had previously made afl 
-fine with Peitevin de Eya and Ysaac fil Mosse, Jews,* 
■for the debts which they demand from him by twol 
dcharters. viz., one of £tQ in the name of Joce and I 
Benedict and another of^jo in the name of Benedict. ■ 
And the lord King for those £^0 quit claims tha4 
aforesaid Thomas of the said debls of ;^6o and ;^3ffJ 
so that when Peitevin and Ysaac the Jews aforesaidH 
shall have theirjudgment, the charters will behandedB 
to the said Thomas to be shared if they desire it. ■ 

[There seems to be some mistake here, since 30 marks andfl 
£10 arc both mentioned us the sum paid. Perhaps the formef^ 
was to the Jews, the latter to the King, in whose handi thid 
debls of ^90 had fallen On the death of Josce and Benedict a^| 


York. He then, it would seem, farms out the debt to Peytevin 
and Ysaac for a consideration, and finally releases Thomas for a 
substantial share of the booty. The King was clearly the Arch- 
usurer of the kingdom.] 


10 Apr. 1201.— Confirmation of the Charters of the 


Rot. Cart., i. 93. 


Charter of the Jews of Englajid,—^] ohn, by the grace 
of God, &c. I. — Know that we have granted to all 
the Jews of England and Normandy to have freely 
and honourably residence in our land, and to hold 
all that from us which they held from King Henry, 
our father's grandfather, and all that now they rea- 
sonably hold in land and fees and mortgages and 
goods, and that they have all their liberties and 
customs just as they had them in the time of the 
aforesaid King Henry, our father's grandfather, better 
and more quietly and more honourably. 

n. — And if any dispute arise between a Christian 
and a Jew he who summons the other to answer his 
complaint should have witnesses, viz. : a lawful Chris- 
tian and a lawful Jew. And if a Jew has a writ 
about his complaint the writ shall be a witness for 
him, and if a Christian have a complaint against a 
Jew let it be judged by peers of the Jew. 

HI. — And when a Jew dies his body shall not be 
detained above earth, but his heirs shall have his 
money and his debts, so that he shall not be dis- 
turbed therefore if he has an heir who may answer 
for him and do what is right about his debts and his 


forfeit. And let it be lawful for Jews to receive and I 
buy without difBcultv all things that may be brought ] 
to them except things of the church or blood-stained I 
cloth. I 

v.— And if any Jew is summoned by anyone ] 
without testimony, he shal! be quits of that summons J 

his sole oath on his Book. And on the summons I 
'Of those things that belong to our crown he shall be j 
■ quits on his sole oath on his roll. And if there is a 1 
dispute between Christian and Jew about accommo- I 
dation of some money the Jew shall prove the capital J 
and the Christian the interest. I 

V, — ^And let it be lawful to the Jew to sell hia 1 
pledge after it is certain that he has held it for a 1 
•whole year and one day. And Jews shall not enter _' 
into pleadings except before us and before those J 
who guard our castles in whose bailiwicks the JewsJ 
dwell. I 

'I, — And wherever the Jews may he let it be law-B 
' ful for them to go when they will with all theitl 
nhattels | i]st .is iiiir own p ropprty. and let none Stopi 
or prevent them in this. I 

VII, — And we order that they be free through all 1 
■England and Normandy of all the customs and tolls I 
and mediation of wine just as our own chattels. And 
we order you to guard, to defend, and to maintain 
them. And we prohibit anyone from summoning 1 

m against their charter on the above points on J 
our forfeit such as the charter of King Henry our 
father reasonably declares. Witnesses Godfrey son 
of Peter Earl of Essex, Ac, Ac. Given at Mari- ' 


borough the tenth day of April in the second year of 
our reign. [M. 5 f. 93.] 

[This is practically identical with the Charter of Richard I., of 
which we have extant a special form, supra p. 134. At the same 
time is given us the important information that the Jews had a 
similar one even as early as the time of Henry I., John's great 
\\\ grandfather. It is noteworthy that there is no statement to the 
effect that the Jews were the King's chattels as stated in the 
interpolated clause of the laws '^f Edward the Confessor [supra 
p. 68). On the contrary VI. speaks of Jewish chattels being 
treated "just as if they were our own property," which implies 
that they were not the King's property.] 


Confirmation to the /nvs of their liberties, — John, by 
the grace of God, &c. Know that we have conceded 
and by this present charter of ours confirmed to our 
Jews in England that excesses which may arise 
among them except those which belong to our crown 
and justice, as homicide, mayhem, premeditated 
assault, burglary, rape, theft, arson, and treasure- 
trove, shall be brought before them according to 
their law and remedied, and they shall do justice 
thereon among themselves. And we also grant to them 
that if any of them summon another on a charge 
which pertains to us we will compel none of them 
to witness against any other, but if the summoner 
has a reasonable and suitable wjitness let him bring 
him with him. But if some criminal and overt deed 
occur among them which pertains to our crown and 
justice, as in the aforesaid pleas of the crown, 
although none of them has become an accuser 
thereon, we will cause that charge to be investigated 


M5 I 

jy our lawfui Jews or England, as the charter of I 
King Henry oifr father reasonably testifies, . 
"Same witnesses, place and date as preceding.] 

[This is ]iroli3hly a confinnatiDQ of the liberty originallj- i 

granltJ by Henry 11. at the beginning of his leign and referred I 

'Hate papers of tlie perioil, supra p. 42. Several referents J 

this sepaiale jurisdiction ai the ieviS inter se m the Pipe J 

S.oUs (Noi. 20, IJC)]. The " BiB,h:)pF, '■ of the Jews were 

mbly the judges in Euth cases.] 

1201.— The Price of the Charters. 

Rol. Obi. ed, Roberts, 

The Jews of England give our Lord the King four \ 
thousand marks to have their chartera confirmed, 

e charters were sent to Godfrey son of Peter by 
Stephen de Portico that they should cause them ti 
B read in their presents and in the presence of the I 
[,ord Bishops of London and Norwich and w 
ilcy have received security for the payment of these j 

r thousand marks, viz., 1000 immediately, 1000 
t Michaelmas, 1 000 at Easter, 1000 at Michaelmas. 
n they shall deliver to them the Charters in the 
jresence of the aforesaid. [Obi. 2 Jo. m. i.] 

1201.- Jurnet's daug'hter in bueiuese. 

*Bril. Mus. Marl., Ch. 43, A. 54. 
Know, &c., T, Peter of Eclesfield, owe ft[argaret j 
laughter of Jurnet, five marks of silver at the nativity f 
jf St. John the Baptist following the demise of I 
Serard, prior of Norwich, for which while I hold I 
Ithem I owe twopence in the pound [per week] for 1 
interest, and for the interest and capital 1 have 


pledged to her all my land of Porligelode and if 
aught is lacking enough of my other lands to make 
satisfaction to her or her heirs. 

Endorsed in Hebrew. 

Be it known to all thai Petrus from Eikelfelt is quits 

with R. Jacob ben Moses . . Miriam . . from 

all debts . . from the day . . of the era. 

[This is a peculiarly interesting document as giving the 
Hebrew name of the great Jumet of Norwich, and as showing 
that his daughter though bom of a Christian mother was a 
Jewess, and was even well instructed enough to write a Hebrew 
receipt, though it is not quite certain that the Shetar was drawn 
out by her.] 

1202.— A Strange Charge. 

Placit. Abbrev.y p. 36^. Tovey, Anglia Jud,^ 66. 

Pleas held at Bedford at Michaelmas 4 Jo. before 
Simon de Pateshull and Richard de Falconbridge 
and their associates, 

Hundred of Clipton. — Robert of Sutton summons 
Bonefand, the Jew of Bedford, that he maliciously 
and against the peace of our lord the King caused to 
be ementulated Richard his nephew, wherefrom he 
died. Also that he caused him to be carried to this 
land of Haston, which he has in pledge, and he died 
there. And this he offers to prove. Bonefand de- 
fended the whole, and offers our Lord the King one 
mark to have an inquiry whether he is guilty or no. 
The jury say he is not guilty, and Bonefand is there- 
fore quits, and Robert at the King's mercy for a false 


[It is just possible that this was a case of conversion to 
Judaism on the part of Richard, the nephew of Robert of 


RUn/COTSiCE AGAm. 217 

Sultnn, and that tbe charge wa' -raolically tlial of performiog 
cireumtUion, It is noteworthy that the ca^e came before the 
jury of tht hundred as in the ordinary course.] 

10 Jime, 1303.— Bubi^otace's House at Bouen. 

Rot. Cart. J05i. 

Confirmalion of the Jnvs nf Roiitn. — John, by the 

[{grace of God, Sc. Know that we have concedei] 

k.aod by our present cliarter confirmed to Josce and 

\ Bmn, sons of Bonevie, Jews of Rouen and their heirs, 

lithe reasonable sale which Josce son of Isaac has 

Bade them of the whole tenement which was Raby 

Joscey's at Rouen in the Jews' Street whicli the said 

losce had and had a right to have from the heritage 

bf Ysaac his father, as it is situated with all its appur- 

aanccs, and as it extends between Jews' Street and 

flc land which was John of St. Candid's, and between 

ne land of the aforesaid Brun which the said Josce 

|Pi«oId him and the land which belonged to Abraham 

-fil Raby with all the building and appurtenances 

"belonging to it [lo Jun, 5 Jo.] 

[This though lelaling to Rouen and its Jews is ao importarvt 
document as showing that Rubigotsce {see supra, p. 15) and his 
family kept up relations with Rouen for nearly a century, though 
his sons Ysaac and Abmham were the head London Jews of the 
twelfth century.] 

2S July, 1204.— Anti-Semitism in IiOndon. 

Tovey, Aliglia yiidaica, p. 67. 
The King to the Mayor and Barons of London 
greeting. We have always loved you much and 
caused your rights and liberties to be well observed, 
whence we believe ye love us in especial and willing 
wish to pri'Strvt; all that cutidutvs to uur honour and 



the peace and tranquility of our land. But since ye 
know that the Jews are under our special protection 
we wonder that you allow harm to be done to the 
Jews residing in the city of London, since that is 
clearly against the peace of the realm and the tran- 
quility of our land. And we wonder and are moved 
at this, the more because the other Jews wheresoever 
they reside through England, except those in your 
town, remain at peace. We say this for our Jews 
and for our peace, for if we have granted our peace 
to anyone it should be observed inviolably. Hence- 
forth, however, we commit the Jews residing in the 
city of London to your custody, so that if any attempt 
to do them harm you may defend them, coming to 
their assistance with an armed force. For we shall 
require their blood at your hand if by your fault any 
ill happen to them, which may God forbid. For we 
well know that things of this sort happen by reason 
of the unwise of the towns and not of the discreet, 
and the discreet ought to check the folly of the 


[The evil results of the immunity given to the rioters of Sept. 
3-4, 1 1 89, is thus seen in the bad feeling still subsisting between 
Jew and Christian 15 years later. John took care of his Jews 
not because he loved them, but because they were useful to him 
and brought him in money from all quarters. One of the clauses 
of Magna Carta (§ 11) is directed against them.] 

1202-4.— From the Pipe Rolls, 4-6 Jo. 

Madox, Hist, of Exch.^ fol., pp. 161, 155, 166, 170. 

180. — Hugo de Nevil, who has the daughter and 
heiress of Henry de Cornhill to wife, renders count 
^i £ioo which are required from Gervase de Cornhill 


and ihe said Henry of the debts of Aaron. In the ^^| 
Treasury nil, and by quittance which the said Gervase ^^| 
aad Hugo his son have of the said debt by a Starr ^^| 
which the said Hugo produced at the Treasury before ^^^ 
the Barons £qo. And owes ;^io. 4 Jo. 

1 8 1 . — Master Benjamin, and Jacob son of Manasses, 
and Abraham and Manasses the sons of Benjamin, 
And Samuel son of DavJd, and Sante tie Gumon, owe 
.?o marks, that William of Shelford and Matthew his 
brother be distrained to pay them £^z for capital 
Ind interest. 5 Jo. Cant, et Hunt. New offerings. 

' ["Master" may possibly be equivalent to Doctor.] 

181. — Muriel the Jewess owes ;£ioo that she may 
lave for husband Vsaac, the Jew of Oxford, as has 
seen spoken of between them. 5 Jo. Lond. New 

[This was something more than a marriage fine. Muriel did 
I large bnsiness, and the maniage would therefore be a jiartoer- 
IJji ns irell, and for this the King required (o be compensated, 
lee No. 163H. Isaac was a widower; his daughter Cbera is 
jctttioned, No. 1B7. Mnriel Wits a widow.] 

183. — Benedict, brother of Aaron of Lincoln, owes 
[0 marks to have his oath according to the custom 
sf the Jews to convict Ursei, Jew of Lincoln, of being 
a forger, namely by such an oath as other Jews are 
wont to be convicted as forgers. 5 Jo., Line. 
\ 184.. — Simon de Kyma owes 20 marks to have a 
Bury of lawful Christians and Jews to find whether or 
ll»o Philip de Kyma, father of the said Simon, owed 
Son the day he died to Deodatus, Bishop of the Jews, 
and Ysaac son of Rabi, and Abraham son of Rabi, 
and Jacob, Jew of Lincoln, that debt which the said 


Jews demand from the same Simon by charters which 

they say they have from Philip, father of the said 

Simon. 5 Jo., Line. 

[It does not follow that all these Jews were alive at this time, 
as the deed was drawn up in Philip's lifetime.] 

185. — =Renford, son of Roger, owes four palfreys 
that he may pay 400 marks which he owes to the 
following Jews : Jacob of Northampton, ]\Ieriana, 
daughter of Ysaac, &c., in four years from Easter of 
the 5th year 25 marks each quarter till the whole debt 
is paid. 5 Jo. Cant, et Hunt. 

186. — Hugh de Fokington and Egelina his wife 
owe ;^20o of which he ought to pay at once ;^50 
into the King's Treasury for that the King may 
acquit them of the debts they owe to the Jews, viz., 
;^25o principal, with usury made into principal, and 
that he may cause their charters to be returned to 
them by the Jews and also their lands which are in 
the hands of the Jews on account of this. 5 Jo. 

187. — Robert de Gray owes £10 to have quittance 
of £10 capital and 2 marks usury which he owes 
Chera, daughter of Ysaac, Jew of Oxford, inasmuch 
he has made the said Jewess his attorney for loos. 
rent per annum till she has received the aforesaid 
£10 and 2 marks. 6 Jo. Oxon. New Offerings. 

188. — Ralph de Toftes owes half a mark that the 
concession and donation which Richard de Lecche- 
sam has made him of the land of Hales may be 
inscribed on the Great Roll in these words : — 

Know all men present and future that I, Richard 


Ide Lecchesam, clerk, son of Richard of Lecchesi 

ave granted and given to Ralph de Toftes all my 

sf Hales with all its purtenances for his homage 

Rnd service for 4. marks of silver which he gave n 

tand for 100 marks which I owed to the Jews f 

Imyself and my jiredecessors on the aforesaid land for 

principal and interest wherefrom he has clsared n 

I Jo. Wirecestre. 

Bef. m04. "Except to Jews and Uoiike." 

Hist. Com. Rep. ii. 50*. 

Grant in fee by Ralph de Diceto, Dean of St. Paul's 
nd the Chapter of that Church, to Warin the gold- 
lith of the land he had bought from Richard son 
' Master Henry, without power of alienation to Jews 
Qr to religions bodies. 

[This is tlie firsi instance I have found df a claose very frequent 
I later deeds of ihe ijiiileenth century by which it was hopcii lo 
\. Und getting iuto the liLinds of the Jews or the monks.] 
1202-4. ^From tbe Patent BoUs. 

Ed. Hardy. 

(a) The King, &c., to Benedict of Talemunt the 
Jew &c. Know that we have freed our dear and 
faithful William Mansey 50 pounds of Poitou which 
he owes to thee and other Jews of Rochelle. . . . 
[6 July, ..02.] 

[This shows that Benedict de Talerannt, the Jewish justice of 
the Jews, w*s a imlive of France.] 

{b) The lord King lias pardoned by his letters 
patent William Earl of Arundell of all debts to Jews 
which he owed them up to St. Lawrence's feast in the 
fourth yuar of his reign. At Aleii^on, 8 Aug. [iioi]. 


[c) Thomas, clerk of the chamber, has the letters 

patent of the lord King addressed to J. Bishop of 

Norwich about Norton Church, which at that time 

was at the disposal of the Lord the King on the 

occasion when the land of Joscelin of Totnes was in 

the hands of the Lord the King for the debts of the 

Jews [c. 13 Aug. 1202]. 
[See supra p. 220-1.] 

{d) The King &c. to all &c. Know that we have 

quit claimed Saher de Quincy of 300 marks which he 

owes to the Jews. And thereon give him quittance 

for one year from Michaelmas. And he has as a 

witness of the King these letters patent addressed to 

the Earl of Leicester, at present guarding them. 

[28 May, 1203"]. 
[See infra p. 229.] 

{e) The King, &c., to G. fil Peter, &c. Know that 
we have acquitted our dear and faithful William de 
Breos of ;^5o sterling which a certain Jew of North- 
ampton claims from him by the surety of Ranulf de 
Glanvile and Walter de Clifford. And therefore we 
order you to acquit him and cause the charter which 
I the Jew has to be returned to him. [7 June, 1203.] 
(_/*) The King to the Sheriffs of Kent, Cambridge, 
Essex, Norfolk, and to the Constables of Kent, 
Cambridge, Essex, and Norfolk, greeting. We order 
you that as you love you and yours you make such 
and so urgent distraints on the Jews of your baili- 
wicks for their debts that the money which they 
ought to pay us at once shall not remain unpaid 
through any fault of yours. But in this, as in all 


r matters relating to the jews, follow what Wil 
"■liam de Warren and Master S. our clerk enjoin upon B 
tj^M either b}' word of mouth or by letters, so that \ 
may not put aught upon you or yours. [30 Jan. iio+jj, 

(f) King, &c., to the seneschal of Nonnandy a 
the Wardens of the Jews in Normandy. We forbid I 
;you to molest unjustly Morell, Jew of Wells 
I permit him to be unjustly molested by anyone, saving ] 

r law and customs, [ig Feb. 1104.] 

[Morell seems to have crosHed the sea to Nonnandy.] 

(A) King, &c., to Justiciars, &c. Know that 1 
have given Hannechin, our Jew, our sure peace so I 
.that he may go about safely in our land and stay there ' 
like our other Jews for the good service which he did 
the Castle of Audt'ley with our dear and faithful 
Xichard, Constable of Chester. And therefore we ' 
command you that he have our firm peace as above 
said, a Nov. [1204]. J 

{^Tbis is the converse of the preceding entrj', and shows that ■ 
■kbOe there was mutual freedom of tnovetnenl for Korman and- I 
English Jews, yet a pctmit had to be obtained before changing I 
toaidenee. t/. P. ^., item No. 8;.] 1 

16 Apiil, 1204.— A Gteneral Beleaee except for Jews. I 
Rymer. Fadera (Record, ed.), i. 50. J 
The King to the SherifT of Dorset. iSc. I 

Know that we, for the love of God and the salva- I 
^on of the soul of our mother who is dead, have J 
freed and acquitted from Wednesday next before I 
Easter, 14th April, in the fifth year of our reign, all J 
the prisoners and incarcerated, whether for felony, or 1 
Tobbery, or for breach of the first law, or any other I 


crime : except prisoners captured in our war, and 
except those whom we sent from Normandy to Eng- 
land to be incarcerated or kept under guard, and 
except our Jewish prisoners. 

[Whatever the cause, John hated the Jews, as was shown by 
his persecution of them, 1210. This is the only reason I can 
suggest for the exception made against the Jews in the general 
clearance of the prisons. I have not been able to trace many 
who were incarcerated. See, however. Pipe Rolls^ item No. 
126, and pp. 233, 237.] 

1204.— English Jews are orthodox. 

Abraham ben Nathan, Hamanhig (Heb.), 833. 

[After Sabbath it is customary to smell sweet scents to restore 
the soul after such a loss. But if a festival occurs on Sunday 
there is no need for this, and the perfumes are omitted in the 
ceremony for ushering out the Sabbath.] 

And those who use the perfumes do wrongs for I have 

not seen it done in France^ Burgundy y Germany ^ and 

all the land of the island of the sea [England], hut only 

in a fav places in Spain have I heard of its being done. 

[Abraham ben Nathan, born in Lunel and settled in Toledo 
in 1204, the year he wrote his book on Jewish customary rites, 
Hamanhig^ seems to have been a great traveller from the above 
quotation (" I have not seen ") and to have visited England.] 

c. 1204.— A Discussion about usury. 

Rerviie des Etudes juivesy t. iv. p. 7-8, 

Thou shalt not lend at interest to thy brothers 
(Deut. xxiii. 20). They reproach us for doing usury and 
quote IV hat David says (Ps. xv.), " He that lendeth not at 
usury . . he shall not perish y Ansiver : David was 
M ses* disciple, he could not therefore place himself in con- 


tradiction to his master by 7uakmg additions or omissions 

in the Law: noiv Moses has said : "To the stranger thou 

maycstlend at interest, but to thy brother thou shalt 

not lend at interest." Our persecutors will perhaps 

pretend that they are our brothers in virtue of the verse ^ 

Despise not the Idumean, for he is thy brother (Deut. 

xxiii. 8), but to that R. Moses of Paris has replied: The 

prophet Obadiah has established that this brotherhood no 

longer exists, for he has said : Strangers have entered 

within thy gates, and thou wast of the number (Obad. 

V. 11). Noiv he is speaking ofEdom, as may be seen from 

the beginning of his discourse, We have heard a rumour 

concerning Edom. 

[This discussion occurs in a volume of controversy still inedited, 
of which M. Zadoc Kahnhas given an interesting account, Revue 
des etudes juives, t. ii. and iii. It is an example how the lower 
minds among the Jews excused themselves for what they knew 
to be wrong. That the view was not shared by other Jews is 
shown by the comment : There is nothing in it (the argument), 
added by the com})iler of the book. R. Moses of Paris is men- 
tioned in the EngHsh records as '* Mosse de Paris." See infra, 
p. 229.] 

1205.— Clipping Money. 

Rot. Lit. Pat. ed. Hardy, i. 47^., 54*. 

The King, &:c., to the Sheriff of Lincoln greeting. 
We order that, immediately on receipt of this letter, 
you order to be known and declared throughout your 
bailiwick at the fairs and markets, and on feast days 
at the porches of churches, that no one shall carry 
or have clipped money after the feast of St. Hilary 
in the sixth year of our reign. . . . And the man 
or woman who shall have such money shall be at our 


mercy and shall give safe pledges, and all their 
chattels shall be attached for obtaining our mercy. 
But if clipped money be found in the hand of Jew or 
! Jewess the money shall be taken and perforated and 
i placed in a certain safe box for our needs, and the 
! body of the Jew or Jewess that has such money shall 
be taken and their goods taken and retained without 
bail till we order otherwise. ... 9 Nov. [1205]. 
Assize of Money. Old money may be current in 
which 2s. and 6d. lacks in every pound, and the 
money that lacks more shall be perforated and given 
up, as is elsewhere provided for [see ante.'\ But 
Jews, goldsmiths, and foreign merchants may buy 
with such money their victual and clothing, but they 
should not make an offering [to the King] or mer- 
chandise except with the strong and great money, 
which is lawful and of sterling weight. . . . Also 
let it be inquired by free and lawful men in cities, 
boroughs, and towns if a Christian or Jew clips 
\ money, and if any Christian or Jewish clipper be 
■ found, let all their chattels be taken and their bodies 
I placed in our prison, and they shall be at our will to 
do justice on them. . Winchester, 26 Jan. [1206.] 

. [There was great temptation to clip money when it was so 
'clumsily minted. However for most purposes money was ex- 
changed by weight, not tale, doubtless as a check against this. 
. Jews, nevertheless, by their advantageous position as money- 
lenders, could force their debtors to take depreciated coin, and 
were doubtless the chief offenders in money clipping for this 
reason, though the above protection is in general terms. Com- 
plaints are very frequent against them in the thirteenth ccntuiy.] 


130S.— A Cyrograph Bond. 

f{. Hall, dmrt Life undfi- Hemy II.. 231. 
I men, present and future, that 1 Ysaac, , 
Jew of Northampton, have let lo farm to Margery, 
(rife of Roger de Hue, all the land which I have in I 
pledge of the aforesaid Roger, her husband,- for four- ' 
score pounds and sixty-six shillings and eightpence 1 
of silver, which the same Roger owes to me in respect J 
of a fine which he made with me concerning the debt J 
of his father, as the cyrograph made between 1 
bears witness. To hold and to have to the aforesaid J 
• farm of me or my heirs ; rendering therefor yearly! 
to me and my heirs one hundred shillings, namely! 

■ fifty shillings at Pentecost of the seventh year of the -f 
reign of King John, and fifty shillings at the feast of 1 
St. Martin next following ; and so from year to year, 

D long as the aforesaid Margery shall lawfully render J 
to me yearly at the appointed terra the farm aforesaid. 
And if it shall so happen that Avicia, the mother of I 
the aforesaid Roger, her husband, do decease, the 
whole half of her dower in the aforesaid vill of Hue, 
which concerns me, according to the convention in 
another cyrograph made between us, shall remain in 
'■the hands of the aforesaid Margery, rendering therefor j 
, yearly to me and my heirs fifty shUlings, namely half J 
at Pentecost and half at Martinmas, together with T 
the other 100 shillings that she renders lo me for the 1 
land aforenamed which I have committed to her to I 
farm. And if it shall so happen that the aforesaid \ 
•Margery shall have kept the aforesaid debt for fifteen I 

■ days beyond any term of any year that the aforesaid. J 


Margery shall give to me twenty shillings as a penalty 
beyond the ferm aforesaid; and the whole land afore- 
said shall return into my own hand without any 
gainsaying : so that it shall be lawful for me to retain 
the land in my own hand or to commit it to farm to 
whomsoever I will. So that, nevertheless, that com- 
mittal be not to the disinheritance of the aforesaid 
Roger by computing yearly the whole farm which 
the aforesaid Margery was bound to render to me in 
payment of the principal of the debt of Roger, her 
husband, as the cyrograph made between us bears 
witness. And that this convention may endure rati- 
fied and unshaken to future times, it is confirmed by 
the putting of the seals of each of us hereto, and the 
foot of this cryograph remains in the chest of our 
lord the King at York in witness. 

[Ysaac had clearly the whole family in his power, Roger de 
Hue, his father and mother before him, and now Margery his 
wife. Yet it cannot be said that the terms of release are at all 
oppressive : the whole debt, £^t, 6s. 8d., would be i:)aid off in 
seventeen years. The cyrogiaph was a document in duplicate, 
one half being given to Margery and the other kept in the Jews* 
Exchequer at York, where the royal officials could use it for the 
purpose of taxing Ysaac. See the ordinances of the Jewry, 
supra p. 157.] 

V J 1202-6.— From the Liberate Rolls. 

Ed. Roberts, pp. 24, 34, 35, 38. 

{a) Our lord the King pardons Tom de Bury ;^i 33 
sterling, which the Jews demand from him by a 
certain charter of Robert of Cokesfeld and Adam his 
son, whose inheritance the said Thomas hath, and it is 


ordered to Will de Warren and his associates to give fl 
Bsession of the said charter to the same Thomas f 
d let him be quits of the said debt. Similariv 
.s ordered to Galfred Fitz Peter [the Treasurer, 
(i) The King to Galfred Fit^ Peter, &c. Know| 
at we have quit-claimed Matthew dc Geltford < 
William his brother of £^0 sterling: which they owe I 
to the Jews of Cambrid^ both of principal and of'l 
osury, ol wJiich wc order you to cry him (juits. My- I 
self at Moleville, zsth May [j Jo., 1204]. 

(c) The King, *c., to G. Filz Peter. Know that I 
2 have freed our dear Hugh de Chaucumb of the I 
isories of ^34. which he owes Mosse de Paris and I 
.eo de Warwick, Jews, for Nigel de Mundwill from I 
the beginning of Lent up to Pentecost, and therefore I 
rder you to free him therefrom. Myself at J 
Moleville ig May, in the fifth 3'ear of our reign [izo+J. \ 
In the same form it was written to the War- 
dens of the Jens. 
{d) The King, &c., to William de Warren and | 
Thomas de Nevile, and Galfred of Norwich, Jusli- 
^ars of the Jews, &c. Know that we have freed our 1 
(kithful Sailer deQuency 300 marks which he t 
10 the Jews, and we therefore order you so to free 1 
lim and also of other 300 marks which he owes the | 
ews, make him quits of the usiirj- from Michaelmas, 

the fifth year of our reign, for one year. Myself I 
tt Rouen, 28 May [110+]. 


{e) The King, &c., to G. Fitz Peter, &c. We order 
you with regard to what Hennia, Jewess of Oxford, 
demands for a debt from Walter de Bolebec and 
Constance his wife, you free them from this except 
what they ought to pay. 31 May [1204]. 

{/) Land given. The King, &c., to W. and T. 
and G., Wardens of the Jews, greeting. We order 
you to deliver, without delay, to our dear clerk, 
Thomas de Camera, the land which was Jocelin de 
Lodnes*, which Benedict, Jew of Norwich, holds in 
pledge. We will that the said Thomas may hold it 
for the same rent which Walter de Raveningham and 
another hold it from the aforesaid Jew until the heirs 
of the aforesaid Jocelin have freed the said land 
towards the said Jews and his heirs. 5th June [ 1 204]. 

{g) Land given. The King to Benedict, Jew of 
Norwich, and his sons. Know that we will our dear 
clerk, Thomas de Camera, to hold from you the land 
which you have in pledge from Jocelin de Lodnes 
for the same rent which Walter de Raveningham and 
another hold it from you, and that he shall hold it 
till the heirs of the said Jocelin have freed the said 
land towards you and your heirs. And therefore we 
order you to deliver the same Thomas the aforesaid 
land or to his sure agent. 5 June [1204]. 

[This is one of the few orders directed personally to a Jew from 
the King that is to be found in the records.] 

{h) The King to the G. Fitz Peter, &c. Know we 

have pardoned William de Mara £2^ los. sterling of 

the debt of the Jews with the usuries which he owes 

the Jews of London on condition that the said 



William shall hold at our service, at his expense, 
soldiers and 5 servants up to Easter ; and we therefore | 
order you to cry quits to him and cause his charters, 
which the Jews hold, to be returned. 25 June[izo4J. 
In the same form was it written to Willia 

de Warren and his associates [Wardens of the | 


[The King could free a man cilher of I115 deiil to the Jev 
iiOfthe usury on that debt.] 

1S04-6.— From the Fine and Oblate Bolla. 

Ed. Koherls, i. 198. 23*. 
{aj Master Michael, clerk of Earl William Marshal, J 
gives 5 marks and 6 skins of Jiifse, to be paid within 
a year, to have the vacant land between the church \ 
of St. Stephen, in Coleman Street, and the house o 
ions of Bninn the jew, in the City of London, 
Vhich is recognised as being the right and inherit- 
iance of the same Michael. 

(4) Vives, son of Aaron the Jew, of Lincoln, t 
iSirKing 10 marks to have seisin of the whole land 
tof Ralph Luvel, as of his pledge, as is contained in a 
pharter which he has thereon from the same Ralph, 
pud that it may not remain for the debt of the said 1 
Etalph, which he owes to Sir King, provided that the ' 
me Jew pay everj- year £,20 to Sir King of the j 
■debt which Ralph owes Sir King till he has paid the 
iSforesaid debt. 

Cancelled because it does not please our lord \ 
the King, [See p. 233.] 
(c) Kgidias Gocelin gives half of ten marks to have 


justice on Ursel, Jew of London, that he may justly 
and without delay pay him ten marks, which he owes 
him, as he says, just as reasonably, &c. And it is 
ordered to the Constable of the Tower of London 
that he take that half for the needs of Sir King of 
the first moneys paid in. 

{d) Vives fil Aaron of Lincoln gives 60 marks, of 
which he paid the King 30 to be under pledges to 
stand his trial before the lord King at his summons. 
And the sheriff of Lincoln is ordered that if he receive 
surety from him that he will stand his trial, &c., and 
of the other 30 marks to be paid in the chamber of 
the Lord King on the morrow of the close of Easter, 
whenever it then be, he [the sheriff] cause his chattels 
to be returned to him which were seized on the occa- 
sion when his body was not found when he ought to 
have been arrested. 

Not sent to the Exchequer because it was all 
paid in Court. 

{e) Warwick. Godfrey le Salvage gives 10 marks 
that William de Havreshill may quit him towards 
Jacob, Jew of Northampton, of the pledge of the 
debt, wherefore he was his pledge against the same 
Jew and for which it is sought to distrain for his 
default. [Granted.] 

(/) Tom de Ardenton gives four palfreys as good 
as formerly he gave .... to have the King's 
letter to certain Jews about a certain debt, viz., ;^30, 
which he took in hand for Hervey Bagod, that Sir 
King may condone that debt which it is ordered to 
ihe Constable of Northampton and the Wardens of 



ifee cyrographs of the Jews of Northampton, that they 
Ij.^all acquit Thomas of that debt and usury. 

\ySie title '■ Wardens of cyrographa" is otherwise unknown.] 
[ (y) Ysaac Blund,* Jew of York, gives one mark 
■at the King may order the Sfceriff of York to keep 
L safe custody the servant of God, Hoppecol, the 

whom he took and is keeping in prison ai 
laid for falsifying the King's money, so that the said 
gfew be not liberated except by special command of 
2 King. 

[See infra, whence it appears that Hoppeeol eitcliented his 
latidii in Londuu in i:onse(iuence of this.] 

{g) Elyas Blund,* Jew of Lincoln, gives loo marks 

I z marks of gold that the due! pledged against 

1 at Nottingham, in the sixth year, may remain, 

. [gives] security for paying those monies to 

jjbert of Oldbridge for the King's need. 

« ttipra for another instance of a duel by Jews.] 

} Somerset. Ralph Luvel gives 60 marks to have 

e land of Gary, with its purtenances, which Vives, 

"son of Aaron, the Jew, holds and is to be held on 

Kcondition that he pay the King every year ^£15 of the 

Mcbt which he owes the King for his father and him- 

elf till those debts be fully paid. To have also 

1 the aforesaid Jew, who received that land 

ii: acquitting £%o of the aforesaid debt, and has not 

p acquitted it, as be says .... [See p. ^31. J 

I (/) Lincoln. Bona, who was the wife of Jacob, Jew 

f Lincoln, gives a fourth part of 40 marks which 


she claims for dowry against Peitevin, son of Jacob, 
to have a writ from the justiciar for having to justice 
the said Peitevin for paying the said 40 marks as 
reasonable, &c. Has for it a writ addressed to the 
Justices of the Jews. . 

(/) Ordered the Sheriff of Northampton to hasten 
the business of Jacob, son of Samuel, Jew of North- 
ampton, by giving him seisin for the sureties which 
Hugo de Lisonis pledged him for the debts he owed 
him .... Also that on seeing these letters he 
gives seisin to the said Jacob of the pledges which 
Hugo de Lisonis pledged to him for the debt owed 
him by the cyrograph made between them, and that 
they keep and defend the same Jew in his pledges. 

1205. — The London Synagogue. 

*Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 4542. 

Ysaac the cyrographer owes half a mark thalt the 
concession and donation which the King made to 
him for his service and for half a mark of gold in the 
seventh year of his reign at the Exchequer before 
Godfrey son of Peter, then justiciar, and William de 
Warren and Thomas de Nevill and Galford of Nor- 
wich and Richard Earl of Chester and William Earl 
of Salisbury and the Earl of Arundel and William 
the Treasurer and other Barons of the Exchequer of 
a certain land in London in the parish of St. Law- 
rence in the Jewry which belonged to Josce of York 
and Samuel Hoppecole, Jews, and which was an 
escheat of the King on the death of the aforesaid 
Jews may be inscribed on the Great Roll so that the 


Id Isaac and his heirs may have the same land 
sly, quicti)", and without any exaction for the same 
(cotnuvi) which the said Josce and Samuel used 
pay to the chief lord of the fief and that the 
le Ysaac and his heirs can give, will, or pledge 
same land if they will on doing therefor sen-ice 
one pound of cummin to Henry de Cornhull and 
1 heirs every year for all service within 1 5 days after 

[Xhe history gf this piece of land is peculiarly inlerE&tiDg, as 
Va be traced fgr a hundred years till the Eipulsion. From 
above it appears to have been originally the property of Josce 
Vork, killed last in the wholesale suicide of 1 1 90 {iupra p. 
It aeems then to have passed to Samuel Happecole, who 
preceding reference was Bccased of coining {supra p. 233) 
a brother Jew, and was probably hanged for this. On his 
bis property came into the hands of the King as an 
t, and we now see him giving it [donblless for a considera- 
tion) to Ysaac Ihc Cyrc)grapher, a title which here occurs for the 
first time. It probably menns ouc of the two Jewish clerks 
mentioned in the uidinances of the Judaism (stipra p. ), who 
had to lake charge of the chest containing Ihc cyrographs or 
bonds. Fur special reasons it is worth while following Ihe I 
history of Ysaac's house further. I 

In 1220 one Hugo de Nevil sues Sampson, sun uf Isaac, fur ' 
Icn years' rent of houses in St. Lawrence Jewry, and the said 
Sain|ison deckres that Hugo had freed his father Isaac for one I 
puimd of cummin seed (Cole, DocumtnU, p. 293). In 12*? the 
same Sampson (il Ihaac jiays half a mark for having inscrit:ed on 
I he Grei\l Roll of the K^ichequer thai he has given to Abraham 
liis son, and Ihe son uf Malke his wife, the land which he hulds 
in St. Lawrence Jewry, which land iies Between Ihc property 
\ihich was Abraham's fii. Avcgaye, on Ihe east, and Judah of 
Warwiek';^ on Ihe west, and extends in Itnyth from the higbviny 
U. the J(K«(i^i'Ucr {liiit. .1/mj. MSS. Add , 45^1./. 37). 


Here then is an hitherto unknown synagogue in the parish of 
St. Lawrence, in a street running east and west which can only 
be Catte Street, now Gresham Street. There is a curious con- 
firmation of this in Stow's " Survey of London," which enables 
us to identify the house. In speaking of Basinghall Ward, Stow 
remarks (p. 108, ed. Thoms), " On the west side, almost at the 
south end thereof, is Bake well Hall, corruptly called Blakewell 
Hall. . . But that this house hath been a temple or Jewish 
synagogue (as some have fantasied), I allow not, seeing it had 
no such form of roundness or other likeness."* 

Now we have seen a record of a synagogue exactly in this 
neighbourhood, given in the document I have just referred to, 
and here we have Stow reporting a tradition of Bakewell Hall 
having been a synagogue. The conclusion is almost forced upon 
us that Bakewell Hall was once a synagogue or public building 
of the London Jews. And if so, this very possibly explains its 
somewhat enigmatic name. Bakewell Hall may be a corruption 
of Bathwell Hall, the bathing-place or Mikveh of the London 
Jewesses, where they used to perform the ritual lavations pre- 
scribed by Rabbinic law. 

This synagogue lasted on in use till the expulsion, as we find 
it mentioned as such as late as 1280, and I have given reasons 
for supposing it to be still in Jewish hands in 1290. (See my 
lecture on llie London Jeru'ry, 1290, in Papers, Anglo-Jewish 
Exhibition, p. 11). Besides the synagogue there was also a 
*' great school" (probably for the Separated or the Rabbis), for 
in the Common Pleas of 17 Ed. II., Michaelmas, there is mention 
of a house in the parish of St. Mary, Colcchurch, next to the 
house which was formerly the Great School of the Jews, belong- 
ing to Abraham fil Raby iBrit, Mus. Add. MSS., 4542 f). 
This exactly corresponds to the arrangement in the Jewish code 
of education given infra p. 243, as also by the similar arrange 
ment in Norwich, for which see Blonefield, iv. 225, who men- 
tions that the school was at the south end of the synagogue, and 
therefore distinct from it.] 

• In his last remark Stow is referring to the general opinion that the 
early Jews' synagogues were round, las tradition declares the round 
yormun churches at Cambridge and Nottingham to have been synagogues. 

^^B A yEW IN PRISON. 1.11 \ 

1204-6.— From the Oloee Rolls. j 

{«). The King, etc., to William de Warren and his I 
issociates, Justices of the Jews, greeting. We order J 
rou to acquit Ralph de Verlj- of 1 8 marks of the debt I 
Vhich he owes the Jews, Provided that he pays them J 
irincipai, for which payment you shall appoint I 
■easonable terms and also give him the lands which I 
; into the hands of the Jews on that occasion I 
iind likewise without delay cause his charters to be I 
returned to him which the Jews took from him when I 
le paid them the principal. [(6 June, 1104.] I 

{h). The King to Robert of Oldbrigc, etc. We J 
)rder 3'ou to send to our Justices appointed in London I 
or the custody of the Jews, Abraham fil Muriel whom I 
'Ow. have in our prison at Windsor, [13 Oct., 1204.] I 
(c) The King, &c., to W. dc Warren, Thomas de I 
Nevil, and G. de Norwiz, Justices of the Jews, &c. I 
Ve order you to give respite till we come to London I 
) the demand of the debt which Jacob, the Writer I 
:Scriptor] and Beleascz, Jews of London, claim I 
igainst the Prior of Lowes, by the Earl of Warren. I 
34 Feb., 1205.] I 

(rf) The King, etc., to the Jews of Lincoln. We I 
irder you without delay to give W. Manclerc, our I 
^erk, four marks of gold or satisfy him for the money, J 
38 Feb., 1705.] I 

{e) The King, etc., to the Bishop of Lincoln. We I 
Srder you not to permit the chattels of the Jews to be J 
bnjustly admitted into the church in your diocese but I 
r that you deliver them to W. Manclerc, our | 
clerk, as he 'will inform you. [z8 Feb., [205.] 1 


{/) The King to the Barons of the Exchequer, &c. 
Give credit to the Sheriff of Lincoln and Walter 
Manclerc for 26 shillings of gold weight which they 
paid into our Exchequer of the gold which the Jews 
of Lincoln promised us. And likewise credit them 
with the gold which they have put into 3 rings to be 
made for us out of that gold, [i Apr., 1205.] 

{g) The King to the Sheriff of York, &c. We 
order you to give respite to William of Belmont of 
the 10 marks which he owes to the Jews of York, 
and make him quits of usury thereon while he is 
beyond the sea with horses and asses in our service, 
by our command. [23 Mar., 1205.] 

[Similiar favour is shown Saher de Quency for a debt of 90 
marks owed to Aaron (of Lincoln) and others. lb, 34^. Cf. 
supra p. 229.] 

{h) The King, <S:c., to W. de Warren, G. and Th., 
Wardens of the Jews, <S:c. Know we have quit — 
claimed Richard de Chive re well of the mark required 
from him for the debt owed by him to Benedict, 
Jew of Leicester. [23 INIay, 1205.] 

(/) The King, <S:c., to G. fil Petri, &c. Know that 
we have paid over to our dear William, son of 
Hamon, ;^2o, which he owed to Simon, son of Jacob, 
of Northampton, the Jew, by a cyrograph. We there- 
fore order you to cause those ;^2o to be allocated to 
Jacob his father from the debt which he owes us, 
and cause to be returned without delay to William 
his cyrographs, by which he owes them £2. 23 May, 

{k) The King to the Sheriff of York, &c. We 
order you to quit claim Richard de Malebysse of the 


from the debts of the Jews, and give him 
lite from these debts so long as he is in our debt, 
ness myself at Rochester, 1 Dec. [1105]. 

glimpse of Richard Malebysse is Id see him 
pered with debts to Jews, from which he had made such a 
uslroke to free liimself in Ihe York massacre. Notice that 
jKing reaped the benefit of (his, for it is probably only as 
ersal legatee of the Jews thai John was a creditor of 

1S04-S.— The Boycil Ten Per Cent. 

f and Oblatt Rolls, ed. Roberts, i., 197, 202, 210, jji, J36. 
jncoln. Ysaac fil Joie has letters about Martin 
rtel for 25 marks with interest by a cyrograph, but 
lord King ought to have one besant [=«■.] for 
y pound. 

be above is a common form of entry which frequently occurs 
« Fine Rolls : the entries coming within our period may 
31B snmmariaed. 


7™.M Credllar. 

CkrUlian DMor. 



Eliis Bf Bungay . . 

Martin Mattel 


Manasser Grassus 

14 m. 


Samuel of Exeter & 

Robert ill AsceUn.,.. 

6 m. 


Juetta his wife. 

n .. 

Amiot of Eieter . . 

Hetiry de la Pomeray. 


1. .. 

Samuel and Juelta 

Robert fil William ,, 



Yvo of Lincoln.... 

Henty Bee 


Aaron, son of Yvo 

Robert de Lekebum 

«. .. 

Isaac, son of Cresselin 

Waiter de Lodes .... 



Jacob of Oxford . , 

Richard de Estre 


Jacob of Herelotd 



«. .. 

Maoosfes, son of 

John de Acton 



Counfy. Jewish Creditor. Christian Debtor. Sum, 

Somerset. Jacob of Hereford Alex, de Liuwis 4m. 

[Cancelled because he is in the king's services in Poitou.] 
Somerset. Jacob of Oxford . . Reginald de Menttord 6m. 
1205.— Roberts, pp. 249, 246, 247, 2599, 263 296, 27, 303, 315. 
Warwick Mosse, son of Levi Walter, son of Ralph 48m. 
Staff. . . ,, ,, 4^™* 

Warwick \ Leo of Warwick . . Walter de Baskiewill >f 32. 
Hereford j 

Northampt.Ysaac of Stamford William fil Ralph £yi, 

Lond. . . Vives of Paris .... Thomas.fil Godfrey, &c. ;f 30. 

Hereford Leo of Warwick . . Roger fil Maur £^0, 

Glouc. . . Bonevie of Gloucester Earl of Hereford .... £^0, 

SufF. .... Abraham, son of Will, de Hastings .... ;f 20. 


Somerset Abraham, son of Suecon de Eston .... 1 2m. 
Judah of Paris*.. 

„ Jacob fil Samuel of Falcon Painel ^^4. 


,, ,, Emma de Wik lOOs. 

,, Josce of Bristol .. Simon de Esin ton .. 40s. 

„ „ Alex. Hack £/[ 5s. 8d. 

, , Abraham of Wilton 

and Mosse of Girard de Beveton 21m. 


„ Abraham, son of Osbert, son of William ^3 los. 


,, „ Robert Momi lOOs. 

Devon. . . DeulecresseleEveskef John Sep lOOs. 

„ Jacob, son of Yveliny Eustace, son of Albert £%, 
and Deulecres his 
brother, and Sarra 
their sister. 

• Probably to be identified with the Leo Hlund of the English records 
(j«/ra, p. 88), who had by this time returned to Paris, where the Jews 
were re-admitted 1198. 

^ Mentioned in a Cartulary of St. Nicholas Priory, Exeter. Colled. 
Tj'P., I. JS4. 




Je^vish Credtfor. 

Chrisfian Debtor. Sunt. 

Glouc. . . 

Jacob, son of Samnel 

John de Aston 8m. 

Line. . . 

Joey, son of Gentill 

William, nephew of ;fi7. 


Fleming and Benedict Hugo de Baill ^^8. 

Notts. .. 

Elyas, son of Hake- 
lot and Abraham 
of Bristol. 

Will, de Abetot . . .-. lom. 

Glouc. . . 

Elyas of Gloucester 

Fulcon, son of Warin* lOOm. 

Lond. . . 

Peter Blund of 

Roger, son of William £\o. 

Midd. . . 

Flurie, widow of 
Vives the Bishop. 

Lawrence, son of Gregory lOOs. 

North. . . 

Jacob of Northamp- 

Geoffrey le Salvage ;f 33 & Jm. 

Early xiii. cent.— The Bite of Abraham, t 

Or Sarua (Heb.), Millah, § 99. 

This is the response of R, Simson^ hen Abraham of 
Sens [on the question what is to be done if a boy is 
born already circumcised.] 

My beloved one came into the garden (Cant. vi. 3) to 
gather lilies there. They are more precious than jeivels 
(Prov. XX. 15), and behold a flying roll (Zech. v., 2) 
graven on the tables (P2x. xxxii., 16) with deep mysteries 
ivritten on both sides (Ex. ib. 15), deep water from the 
mouth of the prudent ^ a ivise son of a wise father, in 
the chief place of cojicourse [Prov. i. 2i,=had a great 
circle of pupils] he chews iroft into dust [Midr. Rab. 
Gen. § 93=was a great master of Talmudic casuistry], 
R. Isaac , son of the Martyr R. Vomtob, the memory of 

• The celebrated Fulk Fitz- Warin the outlaw, and protot>'pe of Robin 
Hood. Cy. Nouvelles f ran Raises dn XlVe. Steele . 

t Kindly translated by Mr. S. Schcchter. 


the righteous be blessed. It is the modesty of the Master 

that allows me to ansiver. As to the child born circum- 

cisedy I am of opinion [that blood must be drawn to 

represent the blood of the covenant]. But there is no 

secret that is hidden from the Master. May the peace of 

the Rabbi and his Law increase ^ and may a seat of glory 

be reserved for him in Heaven : his horn shall be exalted 

with honour. (Ps. cxii. 9.) Peace. 

Simson, son of Abraham. 
[This is a response addressed in a very florid style to R. 
Isaac, the son of R. Yomtob, of Joigny, the martyr of York. 
Isaac was certainly in London 1 186-94, where he is mentioned as 
** Isaac de Jueiugny.V The fact that Jewish boys are sometimes 
born without prepuce has interested biologists in connection 
with the question of the inheritance of acquired qualities. It is 
discussed by Darwin in his Animals and Plants under Domes- 
tication. '\ 

Early xiii. cent. — Christ redeemed the Church from 

the Jews. 

Ancren Ri7vle^ (Cam. Soc.) p. 394. 

Do not men call him a good fellow that giveth his 
pledge unto Jewry (Giwerie) to redeem his chum 
[fere] ? God Almighty placed himself into Jewry 
and gave his dearworthy body to redeem his sweet- 
heart [the Church] out of the hands of the Jews 


[The existence of Jewish usury gave a further opportunity for 
the exercise of Christian charity in redeeming a friend frbm 
debt. It thus enabled the author of the Ancren Riwle (Rule of 
Nuns or Anchoritesses) to use the above fine image. * Giwene,* 
the plural of * Giwe ' {cf. hos^;z, shot/w, rosen, oxe7t, children) is 
still extant in Jewyn Street, London, on the site of the London 
Jewish Cemetery, which was that of all England up to 1177 
(supra, p. 62). "] 


Early xiii. Cent.— Jewish Code of Education. 

Giidemann, Geschichte^ i. 267 seq. (Hcb.). 

This is the book 0/ the old Statutes of the Law which 
men of old have established for the honour of students, . 


// is abffDe all the duty of the priests and Levites* to set 
aside one of their sons for the calling of the Study of the 
Laiv even before their birth, . 


For those thus Separated luho take on themsehcs the 
yoke of the Law a school shall be built near the synagogue 
[in the chief city, cf XIV.]. T'his is called the Great 
School. For just as preachers are appointed to pray in 
the name of the people, so care must be taken of the scholars 
who devote the??iselves to the study of the Jjaw so that they 
perform the duty of the L^aw in the fiame of the people, 
and thus the kingdom of God does not go back. 

The Separated may not leave the school before the end 
of seven years. They must be there provided with food, 
drink, and lodging, and ivaste no time on useless things 

in school. . . . 


Every member of the frwish community of the land 
shall pay two Peshitim [pence] for this pious duty 
instead of the half shekel which our fathers offered for 

♦ Even to the present day Jews keep up a distinction between 
ordinary Israelites and those who claim to be descended from 
Aaron [" Cohens "] or from the Lcvites ["Levy."]. 


the Temple service and the sacrifices. So we ought to 
offer a tax for the preservation of the school ^ the support 
of the scholars, the payment of teachers and monitors , and 
the purchase of books, 

There shall be an overseer for the scholars to fix their 
tasks and to notice their ability or laziness. For teachers 
are like day labourers that only wait till it is eve, , . , 
Therefore teachers ??iust not teach at home, but only in the 
school. This is called the small school,^ . . . When 
the ovetseer notices one of the lads to be of slow intellect , 
he shall lead him to his father and say to him, ** God 
grant thy son poiver to do noble deeds, but for the study 
of the Laiv he is too slow of intellect,''^ Othenvise the 
talented boys would be kept back by the 7nore backward 
ones, , , Besides the lad may go to aiwther teacher 
to see if he has better luck with him, 


The teachers shall not take more than ten stude?its in 
one subject. For though our Sages have fixed 2^ as the 
proper number of students for one teacher, that applied 
only to Palestine where the climate favoured the develop- 
ment of the mind, and for the time of political independ- 
ence, for in freedofn the mind is lofty, strong, clear and 
light, and takes up wisdom and knowledge easier than 
in a state of subjection, , 


The teacher shall not teach the boys by heart but from the 

♦ In the provincial cities, in contrast to the great school of the 
capital (I). 


iok, and teach them to translate th( Bible into the sernac- 
ilar. Tie Sages used to go through the week/y readings \ 
tt Sabbath twice in the anginal and once in translation, ^ 
\n the original for we always read anything we lime ( 
toiee oi'er, and once in translation to make God's word 1 
\nderstanded of the women and the vulgar so that per' 
nee the fear nf God might enter their hearts. So too I 
French Jnvs have the custom of going through the 
yeektv portion on Sabbath twice in the original and onee 
p the vernacular. 

fThis refereDCe to ".Frtnch Jews " shows thai the code was 
(awn up somewhere away from France, and as Giidemann is 
n that it was composed in a French-speakinE country. I 
re to think il may have originated in England. The refer- 
o the capital in I. con^rmE this, as well as the fact that R. 
bmtob of Joigny {sufra p. 1 II) refers to his father and others 
tliaving been " separated." The freijuent rercrence to Jewish 
achohe " in (he English records may refer to these schools and 
Dt to the synagogues, as has been hitherto assumed. At 
jorwich the school was different from the synagogue, Blomfield, 
br/, iv. i^S- And for London we have an express reference 
I the Great School of the capital, which was m the parish of 
:. Uuy Colcchurch (ju?*ra,p. 236). Notice too (he reference 
I the long winter nights in XI.: this could only apply to 
brth France or England.] 

The teachers shall instruct the lads to translate the 
\ramaic version [Targum] of the Scripture into the 
fnaeular, so that they be practised in the language of 
\e Talmud [Aramaic], and can be easily introduced to 
I study (flMacha [Rabbinic Law]. . . . 



The teachers shall accustom the lads to examine one 
another every evening in their lessons, so that they may 
sharpen one another's wits, 


The teachers should make the lads repeat every Friday 
what they have learnt in the current and in the preceding 
week. So on New M0071 they should repeat what was 
learnt in the two preceding months. And in Tishri 
[September] they should go through the summer lessons, 
and in Nisan [March- April] those of winter, so as not to 
forget what they have learnt, . , , 


During the winter nights, i.e, from the beginning of 

Marcheshvan [Oct. -Nov.] to the beginning of Nisan 

[March- April], the teachers shall teach the boys only a 

quarter of the night for the winter days are short [and 

lights are dear]. Each lad shall pay something for the 



The teachers shall not carry on a?iy other profession or 
7V riling business besides their teachi?ig, . . . They 
will then sufficiently fulfil thtir duty, for they should 
exercise such a holy office with strict attention to its 
duties, , . 

XIII. (B I.) 

The mefi of old have ordered us to buy a school 7iear the 
Synagogue [cf II.] . . The Separated 7nusi pay for 
their lodging and contribute to the salary of the teacher 



'raialalor. The house is to hehoughi by the communiiy, j 

hut it is to he hi to the well-to-do and the separated for I 

Mre. This hire is to lie applied io the payment of the J 

Rector and monitors. I 

XIV. (2) I 

They have further ordered a seminary Io be founded ifi I 
he capital town for the separated, a7id all the com- 1 
.munilies around shall pay a yearly contribution In the | 
keeping up of the seminary, the keep of Ike scholars, and I 
. salaries of teachers and monitors \cf. IV.], This school "I 
i called the Great, since from it go forth teaching and 1 
■ instruction for Israel. I 

XV. (3) 
Further, they have ordered the heads of schools not io 1 

'iMd their lecturing in their awn houses where ikeir wives I 
-re, hut in the places set apart for the separated \cf. V.]. I 
"here shall they stop all I he week, but may go home on Sab- m 
bath eve, and enjoy themselves among their family. ■ • -I 
They shall have two suits of clothes, one for home ustm 
,and another for their holy duly in the seminary, for they I 
must keep themselves perfectly pure for their lectures, I 
^0 heads of families shall attend their lectures who do% 
iwi da-ole themselves entirely to the study of the Law, for I 
they have business carts. ... I 

XVI. (5). I 
I of old have commanded: Dedicate the first- J 

horn [to the study of the Law] even before he is bom,M 
On the eight day after circumcision lay the hoyM 
^Vtt a pillow with a Pentateuch at his head, and the eldersM 
tf the congregation or the head of the schinil shall hlestM 
hint and say the verses : ' The Lord giivs thee the Jew of^ 


Heaven, dfc* (Gen. xxvii. 28-30). T^en the head of 
the school shall lay his hand on the hoy and the Penta-' 
tauch and say thrice : ' Learn what is here written^ 
practice what is here ordained^ . . Then the Father 
shall have a feast in honour of the Covenant and the 
Separation, , , 

XVII. (6). 
Further they have ordered, [^CfV,^ A distinguished 
teacher shall direct the teachers : he ?nay take as many 
as 100 scholars to instruct them in the law. He shall 
have 100 litres [marks] as salary , of which he shall pay 
So to 10 teachers and keep the remaining 20 for himself 
He himself shall not instruct but only super ise the 
teachers and set the tasks. He must hire a suitable 
school house with upper and lower storeys for the school 
rooms. Each boy shall contribute to the hire. This 
school is called the small one, \_Cf K] Seven years 
shall the lads remain there y of which two shall be devoted 
to the Pentateuch y two to the prophets and Hagiographs, 
and three to the small tractates [of the Talmud]. They 
go home every evening. After this they leave their former 
teacher and go to the great seminary near the Synagogue. 
There they remain another seven years according to the 
rules for the Separated, 

XVIII. (7). 
\_Cf VI,'] — The Rector shall repair to the School 
immediately after the rnorning prayer and deliver his 
lecture. The monitors shall attend to the lecture and 
after it is ended they shall retire with their scholars to 
their chamber. There each monitor gathers his ten 
scholars \_Cf, F/.] round him and repeats the lecture to 


them twice. Then they take the midday meal. After 
dinner the monitors repeat the lesson ofice more. Then they 
all attefid another lecture of the Rector on a neiv theme, 
after luhich they return as in the morfiing and repeat the 
lesson tivice, and if there is efwugh daylight repeat the 
morning's lesson. So from Nisan to Tishri\y[i summer]. 
In winter the lessons are in the morning and in the er'en- 
ing, , . After all this they go to sleep. But if the 
scholars desire to pass the night in repeating their lesson 
let them do so 

XIX. (8). 
Our sages have ordered the Elders of the Congregation 
to study the law every Sabbath in order to remove stum- 
bling blocks, avoid disagreement and that they should 
ahvays keep in mind the ivords of the living God. 
So also shall the great ones do who stand near to the 
government y devote themselves for six days to the roya 
service and on the seventh busy themselves with the Law 
and be inindful of the words of the living God. , , . 

XX. (c.) 

How shall the boys be educated and the tasks be set by 
the teachers ? 

Our sages say (Aboth. v. 24) at five years to the Scrip- 
tures. At that age a father shall hand him over to a 
teacher at the begifining of the month Nisan. The 
father shall expressly determine the teacher's work, saying 
to him, '* Know that you shall teach 7ny son the alphabet 
this month, thevoivels^ next month, and how to put them 
together ifi syllables in the third, Thcficeforward shall 

♦ Special signs which are put under the consonants in Hebrew 
to form syllables. 


* the pure deal with the pure^ i.e., with Leviticus.* . 
From month to month you shall increase my soji^s task. 
If this month he can learn half the weekly portion of 
Scripture, next month he must go through the luhole. 
From Tammus [June- July] to Tishri he must go through 
the weekly portion in Heheiv, and fro7n I'ishri to Nisan 
in the vernacular. Then the hoy is six years old. In 
his sHH'nth year he must learn the Aramaic version from 
the hook and not hy heart and translate it into the vulgar 
tongue. In his eighth and ninth year he inust take the 
prophets and Hagiographa^ 

Our sages say further : At ten years to the Mishna. 
Then the lad is to he introduced to the Talmud at first 
in the Tractate Beracoth [or Benedictions] and the 
smaller tractates which helong to the order Moed [Festi- 
vals]. For all this a space of three years is appointed. 
In the fourth he is * holy to the Eternal ' ; for then the 
lad is I X years old. 

Further say the Sages : At 13 the practice of religion, 

. . The father shall then take the son set apart and 
win him hy friendly words, saying * Hail to thee that 
hast shown thyself worthy of partaking in the holy 
work,^ and then taking him to the house for the Separated., 
But the duty of separation only cojiies to the lad with his 
sixteenth year. Theft he is taken to the ire tor, who lays 
his hand on him and says * This is holy to the Etej'nalT 
. . , Then the youngster remains thei'e seven years to 
learn the greater tractates [of the Talmud]. 

Our Sages also say : The chief thing is not Learning 
hut Action. And agaifi Mishna (Menach : xiii. 11): 

♦ As the book containing the laws of purity. 


majdo liltk^rmtuhprovidtdyeiudoitforlhe sakeof 
. . . . Bui berausf the ptoplt are hunted away 
fw» Action thfv must anisoU Ihrmselvu with clinging 
thr faith. The Separated hmvcver ran combine both 
hf /.ail' and its fulfilmijil in AMm. 
[This important Code gives a remarkable scheme of liberal 
lucation fur one at least of the sons nf each Jewish family, to be 
tiled the separated fFirushJ , or set apart for the (tudy of the 
nv. Besides this, it would seem, though the directions are not 
dear, that every Jewish boy bad seven years' instraction from 
b Hixlh till his thirteenth year in Hebrew and Aramaic. Judg- 
Ig from the comparative frequency of Hebrew writinp among 
ke Englisli Jew4 this scheme of education seems to have been 
Jopled here. 1 have given reasons above {cf. VII.} for holding 
; at least of the three sections of the Code (I.-Xn.) was 
Mnpiled or copied in England. But even if it were not so, I I 
tould have included il in this book for the vivid light it throws | 
pon the inner life of French -speaking Jews at the beginning of 1 
thirteenth century and probably earlier.] 

larly ZIU. Cent.— Prefece to "The Book of the 

S<:plu-r Ha SItokam (Heb.) ed. Collins. 
f the Lord, //;,■ -^iwld's God^tht searcher of things 
Iddin and scent — the shafier wilhoul compass or tool — 1 
' fke heaven and earth full — and wt have shared his \ 
". By his Word He fashioned all — nor changed his j 
n at all. \ 

. Set the past and future I jnin together — and enter into | 

<es of the matter. In the days of ywe in the time of 
I}' youth — / had already opened my mouth — 7, Moses 
( of R. ha,ic, — kiumin tverj-wiere — as iiic son if 



Countess [Ha-nassiah] of the land Angleterre. I spoke 
of the gravimar of the sacred tongue — as is the custom 
youths among — and ftarned it The Tongue of thb 
Learned — and favs received it without a doubt — nor 
cafi I recover it though I search about. For I hastened 
on my zvay — nor would not stay — nor spoke of the 
words fully nor explained them enough — nor ivere the 
folk prepared enough, 

[These are opening words of an important grammatical 
treatise and lexicon of Rabbi Moses ben Isaac son of " Hanas- 
siah" (probably Comitissa of Cambridge, supra p. 65). He 
termed it " the Onyx Book *' owing to the anagram between 
"Shoham" (Onyx) and his name **Moseh." It consists of a 
grammatical introduction on the servile and radical letters in 
Hebrew, in which he follows R. Jacob ibn Ganach and a lexi- 
con arranged according to the grammatical order of verbs, &c. 
He refers to R. Moses ben Yom Tov as his master. This was a 
known Jew, father of the great Elias Pontifix Judoeonim of the 
thirteenth centuiy who quotes a decision of his father R. Moses 
ben Yom Tov (see Berliner Heh. Poesien des R. Meirs aus Nor- 
wich, p. vi.). He quotes R. Joseph Kimchi, Abraham ibn 
Ezra, Solomon Parchon, Eleazar of Beaugencjy, Moses Roti. 
Besides these he also quotes Berachyah Nakdan {supra p. 167). 
R. Samuel Nakdan, R. Menachem of London, and R. Isaac 
of Tchemigov [supra p. 73), all of them English Jews, as well as a 
R. Jacob who may have been the Archprcsbyter mentioned 
above p. 202. There can be little doubt therefore of his having 
lived in England, and we have been able to trace the circumstance 
under which his father Isaac manied a Lincoln Jewess without 
permission of the King, supra p. 44. Moses was acquainted with 
Arabic, which increases the probability that Berachyah Nakdan 
was also acquainted with that language.] 



Bef. 131B — ^A Hebrew Inecription, 

Stow, Survey, ed. Thorns, p. 15. I 
[This inscription was found at Ludgnte in Elij'abeth's time 
id was given by Stov in Ms Survey with the remark that it I 
inst have come from the Jewish cemetery in Jewin Street, atfl 
the time wheo the Barons fortified London against John in 
The dale and everything make it highly probable that wc have \ 
here the tombstone of the author of the "Onyx Book."] 

c. 1279.~A long' Anglo-Je-wisli Pedigree. 

Jem. Quart. Rev., III., 56I. j 

TKij Calendar was composed bv Moses son of the I 
Honourable* Rabbi Jacob son of Rabbenu Moses o/tj 
Londrcs son of Iks Chief Rabbi Vomliib, who wrote % 
" Sepher Ha-Tanaim" son f Ik H u able* I!abbi\ 
SfoMS of BrhUme sen of R I aa f R. Simeon, J 

irolhtr of R. Abraham son of R Sn n Ur's son o/M 
R. Simeon, and he was Ike s / -^ / pk son of R.T 
' Gnal, who lies bun d Ik g aveyard 0/% 
Mayertce. May Ihe peace of h lb Ik r families^ 
and for its and for all Israel may Ikeir nierils rise up I 
j^to the Lord]. Amen, Amen, Amen, Selak. 

[This colophon, retenlly discovered by Prof. Kaufmano it 
^rankfoTt MS. of thi; Jewish Ritnal, is intereiitiDg in many -I 
»ay», which I have diacossed in Jfeo. Quart. Reu. rti. ;;6-8o. I 
It gives mformatlon about another Anglo- Jewish author — R. I 
traces back through the twelfth century the 
-oiBhed family of English Jews in the thirteenth. It traces \ 

'^HA. "Nadib" signifiea 
tt applied above (p. 77) t 

1 patron of learaing. It is 
Isaac FU Rabbi Joee. 


this family still further back till the tenth century in Germany. 
It also, I am inclined to thmk, throws light upon the remarkable 
dialogue between a Christian and Jew, summarised in this book 
(pp. 7-12). It will be observed, in the above genealogy, that 
the grandfather of Moses of Bristol was a certain R. Simeon. 
Now, in a German martyrology it is mentioned (supra p. 23.^ 
that R. Simeon the holy, of Treves, was martyred in 1 146, near 
Cologne, on his return from England, " where he had been 
many years." It is improbable that two R. Simeons should 
have come over to England from Grermany about the same time, 
and it is therefore probable that this family was descended from 
R. Simeon of Treves. Again, of the Jewish disputant with the 
Abbot of Westminster it is said (supra, p. 7.) : ** I know not 
where he was bom, but he was educated at Mayence," where 
was the family of R. Simeon the Great (fl. 1012). This would 
exactly answer to R. Simeon, bom at Treves, if he married into 
the family of R. Simeon. It is, therefore, likely that the Dis- 
putaiio gives the substance of R. Simeon's polemics with the 
genial Abbot of Westminster, the Dean Stanley of his day. If 
so, we should date it later. I fixed upon the earlier date (bef. 
1096) because Anselm left England then. But he returned with 
Henry I., and any date before the death of Crispin in 1 107 would 
suit the dialogue. While this reasoning is highly hypothetical, 
it gains in likelihood from the small probability of many learned 
Jews coming at so early a date from Germany. R. Simeon of 
Treves was one, as we know from Ephraim of Bonn. The Hagin 
family, as I call them in my paper on the London Jewry*, were 
descended from a R. Simeon, who would be of the same date 
as R. Simeon of Treves. The chances are greatly in favour of 
the identity of these two Simeons.] 

♦ Chiefly because I believe ** Huggin Lane,^' in the City of 
London, was named after one of the family. 



asEiages of uncertain date or autliorily, ami some 
IS passing through the ]]ress.] 

1074.— Decree of the Council of Bouen. 

Manai-Labbe, Concilia, xx. sgg. 


That the canonical authority and the decree of 

St. Gregory be kept about the Jews, viz., that they 

shall not have Christians* as servants \_mancipia] or 


At this council was present William, the most 
potent King of the English and Prince of the 
Nonnans, by whose command the above sentences 
were corroborated. 

[This derision was emphasised at the Lateran Council of 1179 
(seep. 62]. That it was effective in England is shown by 
BJchaid of Devizes' stalement thai a woman who served in a 
Jewish house was infamons, and therefore unable to bear 
witness (p. 152).] 

1070. — Jews repulsed from Iralanil. 

O'Conor, Annali 0/ InnisfalUn, ii. 81. 

Five Jews came over the sea bearing gifts to 
Fairdelbach [Hua Brian] and were sent back over 
the sea. 

fThia is the first mcnUon of Jews in connection with Ireland. 
■lie date is given by O'Conor 1062, but is corrected to 1079 by 
9Sx. Whitley Stokes in Academy, 11 Mar., 1890. It is scarcely 
-"Reading " Christianos " for "Chriatiani" which gives 





likely tliat Jews came lo Ireland before the Conqtiest of Engla 
(c/. supra, p. 3.) By the whirligig of time the Jews had their 
revenge for this repulse, as it was by means of Jewish gold, I 
have shown above, p. 51, that Richard Stroogbow manpgBd 
the Gonqnest of Ireland.] 

Bef. 1141.— A Jew burnt at Oxford. 

Anthony il Wood, City of Ox/urd, ed. Clarlr, ii. 82. 
Besides, 1 find another[Hall] linowne by the name 
of Boken Hall and, immediatelv after the Conquest, 
Doille/s Inn, owned or built by Robert D'Oilley who 
came in with the Conqueror : with others. The two 
last of which, standing near the house of Aaron son 
of Isaac, a Jew that was burnt, becausi! the owner 
denied paymest of money to King Stephen, was for 
that reason totally deserted by the scholars thereof. 
[There were also Halls knowo by the names of Moysey**, 
Lombard's, and Jacob's Hnll which have been conjectured Is 
have belonged to Jews. In another passage [supra p. 18). 
Wood says that Aaron's house was burnt, but docs not refer. ta 
the burning of Aaron himself who, we may conjecture, yits 
burnt in his house and not of malice aforethought. Wood also 
mentions that the Jew's Mount at Oiford was built by them 
to aid Stephen when he besieged the Empress Maud in tb« 
Castle, See Dr. Neubaiier's Notes on Oxfmd ymvs in CetUe- 
lauea II. of the Oxf. Hist. Soc. ]). 281.] 

1144.— The Hartyrdom of WiUiam of Norwich. 

• Thomas of Monmouth. MS. in Cambr. Univ. Lftr. 

[An important discovery has recently been made of a neitly 
contemporary account of the martyrdom of the boy WilliBm jit 
Norwich. It ts contained in a MS, recently acquired by the 
Cambridge University Library, and fills 140 double- colum"rf' 
ieave^i, divided into seven books, of which the first two relate lo 
tlii martyrLium. These turn ouL lo be the source of Thomas 


'Capgrave's account, jiy*R» pp. rg-zi, which is, however, very 

. much abridgeil. The name of the chief Jew concetned in the 

■murder is given as Deus adjuvel {=^Deiiaie or Deusaie, Hei, 

Eleaiar) . He was killed by the friends or bravoes of a debtor of 

i, one Simon dea Noyers. The only other Jew actually named 

"Theobald, formerly Jew [at Cambridge] and afterwards 

monk." It was to the vile imagination of this apostate that the 

whole theory of the sacred or lilual character of the murder, if 

murder it was, is due. According to him, lotjt were cast at 

JNarbonne as to the place where the bloody sacrifice should be 

held, and fell upon Norwich. The fallowing extracts, which, as 

' ' well as the above details, I owe to the courtesy of Mr. James, of 

' ' King's College, Cambridge, who is engaged in editing this most 

. 1 interesting MS., give details not in Capgrave as to the fate at 

the Jews and the kind of evidence thought sofGcient to sustain 

the " martyrdom " of the poor httle lad who has unwittingly 

been the cause of martyrdom to so many Jews since.] 

But some of the other Jews, not being able to bear 
the increasing infamy of such a charge, dispersed into 
foreign parts, and as the news spread died by a worthy 
punishment. But the rest who remained in confi- 
dence on the protection of the sheriff were either 
destroyed by a sudden death or delivered over to the 
hands of the Christians. 

I [The fact remains clear that no public trial was ever held on 

the Jews implicated in the charge, which was only spiead abroad 
by public rumour. The Bishop Edward encouraged it, but the 
sheriff would not allow the Jews to appear in his court. To 
explain this, which practically acquitted the Jews by declaring 
there was not even priiitd facit evidence against them, the 
supporters of the "martyrdom" invented the story that the 
sheriff had been bribed into connivance.] 

' Besides another argument may be adduced by 

which the beHt-'f of doubters may be strengthened. 
William of Hastings, formerly Dean of Norwii;h, 



when once talking witli us about the murder of the 
blessed martyr William, protested in truth that he 
had once been present at a lawsuit between two Jews. 
And when one of them accused the other of crimes, 
the other, moved by anger, turned to the Dean, and, 
pointing his finger at the Jew who was at strife with 
him, said : " Sir William, he that speaks before thee 
so confidently does not deserve to be heard by thee, 
if thoH art a Christian. For he was the first to cast 
hands upon the Christian whom ye call the Martyr 
William, and slew him with bloody hands. Hence 
in very truth he is not worthy to remain among 

[It is clear from the introduction of this passage that even 
amoilg the credulous audience whom Thomas of Moomoulh was 
addressing there were doubters. It is equally clear that he was 
haid put to it to give any reliable evidence of any complicity of 
the Jews io the death of poor little William. The meremmoui 
of Jewish comphctt^ would put a temble weapon in the hands 
of aoj villainous Jew who wished to embarrass a fellow-Jew. 
The materials before us are at present too incomplete till the 
appearance of Mr James' edition of Thomas of Monmouth. 
But judging from the extrids which he has been so kind and 
generous as to place before me the cunous result comes out that 
the attribution of the death of WiUiam of Norwich to Jews, and 
so of the long train of similar charges down to the present day, 
is due in large measure to the interested machinations of Jewa 
themselves. However, we must wait for Mr. James' edition'.] 

1147.— Stephen protect! the Jews. 
Ephraim b. Jacob, of Bonn. a]). Hehi . Herichte der 
KreusMigi (Heb.), p. 64. 
In England Ihf King o/H.avrf, sav.d lk,J,v.'s through 
the King of Engtaml. He Inrmd his hear! so that ht 



protected them and saved their lives and properly. Praised 
he the Hdp of Israel! 

[This entry inn Jewish account of the persecvition of the Jt 
daring tht second and third Crusades throws some light on s 
Very obscure period of Anglo- Jewish history. Throughout the 
years [[46-8 the Jews were persecuted in France, Spain, and 
Germany, but in Englaod they seemed Co have escaped, even 
though the ''blood accusation" had just been raised against 
them for the first time in the case of WDliam of Norwich. It 
seems from the above entry that this was due to the favour of 
Stephen, who recovered power in England just in 1146 (Norgate, 
1., 336). One may conjecture that Stephen had very solid reS' 
aons for the favour he showed the Jews. Anthony a Wood 
reports that the Jews of Oxford gave Stephen 3 J 'esdianges' 
and only one lo Maud (supra p. 18.]] 

C. 1160. — A Beconveraiou by Bubigotace- 

R. Joseph ben Nathan, ap. A, Neubaner, Jewiih 
Interpreters of Isaiah liii., p. 71. 

This section [Is. lii. 13-15 tiii.] is applied by the 
heretics to the Nazarene. A very learned apmstale came 
once into the presence of the great R. Joseph Bechor Shor: 
" How," he asked, " canst thou meet the evidence of this 
section ? " He replied " O fool, thine ears shall hear 
that which thou ulterest from thy mouth : the prophet 
calls him his ' servant,' but if he is God could he he termed 
a servant f " At onct the apostate rent his clothes and 
rolled himself in ashes and repented. 

[This anecdote is related in a book of the early thirteenth 
century about R. Joseph Bechor Shor, who is also known as K. 
Joseph of Orleans, whom I have identified with the Rubigotsco 
of the English records \iupra p, 15).] 



Bef. 11C2.— ^Te-nrB tenants of St. Faul'H. 

Hist. Cam. Rep., is. 63, 50*. 

(i) This is the convention between the Canons of 
St. Paul's, London, and Abraham the Jew, son of 
Simon. Namelythat they grant to him and his heirs 
in fee and in inheritance, all the land which Alricus 
Parole holds of them near that part which Benedict 
the Jew holds, &c. 

Witnesses — Geoffrey the Archdeacon, Richard, 
Archdeacon of Middlesex [became Bishop of Lon- 
don, 1151], Robert de Avco, &c., Abraham fil Samson. 

(1) Grant in fee by the Canons of St. Paul to 
Benedict the Jew of one third part of the land which 
Alric Parole held of them and Osbert the smith 
before him. 

Witnesses — Geoffrey the Archdeacon, Richard, 
Archdeacon of Middlesex . . . Abraham, son of 

[I canjectuiF that thf AbraLam lil SimDn menlioncd above is 
a son of R. Simeon Chasid, who disputed with Gilbert Crispin, 
Cf. 5Utra. p. 354.] 

Bef. lies.— A Jev three- quartera of a Knig^lit. 

• Pub. Rec. Off. Liber Rubeus de Scacc.fol. \\z, II3. 

Certifications of Knight's Fees. . , . Lincolnshire. 
. , . Charter of William de Romara. ... A certaiB 
Jew in Fitelkeim \in Fet<ikcima\, three-parts of a 

Charter of Earl Simon. . . , 

Aaron, half a Knight. 

[Tliese entries from the "Red Book of the Eicheqiier," 
iiadly pointed out to me by Mr. Hubert Hall, who is engaged 


in editing it for the Rolls Series, Ihrow remarkable light on 
tlie social and eoDslitutiocal position of the Jews of England in 
the twelfth century. They occur among the returns that were 
made of the King's tenants in capite giving the names of those 
who paid Knights' fees to them. This does not neeessarily 
Imply that they are knights in the military sense of the term, 
Jhougli in the majority of cases this was so. The above entries 
show that, at least in the belief of those making the returns 
and those enteting them in the Liber Rubtui, there was nothing 
ikgainst Jews becoming knights in the feudal sense. And, with 
this as our gnide, we can now interpret several entries in 
preceding pages that do indeed involve this. Thus the 
" Bencdictus Miles" whose sons are mentioned (p. 89 and 
P.R, 79), was without doubt a Jewish Knight, It is possible 
that he is the Benedict mentioned in P.R. 91, as having 
detained the rents of "his lord," who would be the ordinary 
tcudal overlord. This renders it likely that Jews held the same 
relation to one another. Thus Solomon de Paris speaks of 
ron of Lincoln {sufra, p. 77) as " dominns." These entries 
confirm the impression that Jews could hold land and houses 
jtist as the rest of Ihe King's subjects. ~We lind besides a Jen 
jnaking " a final concord " (p. 99], baying and selling manors 
[p.So], succeeding to a father's lands (P.R. St, tzi), renting 
land, and buying quit.rents (p. 177)— in other words, perform- 
ing all the legal processes involved in the tenure of land exactly 
as all the rest of the King's lieges. The important thing to 
notice is lliat all this implied a right of free movement through- 
out the length and breadth of the land, a right which js 
specially granted by the Charier of the Jews (VI.). This is 
also referred to by a contemporary Rabbi, who remarks : " Thiy 
can mmre about ftedy, just like the Knights " (Tos, Baba 
Kama 58a). They were indeed "just like knighls" in every, 
thing relating to the land, at least in the twelfth century.] 


Bef. 1167.— AbTdham Ibn Ezra and the Demoiui. 

R. Moses of Tachau, Kithab Tainivi (Heb.), ap. Omr 
Ntchmail, iii., 97. 
Oifr teachers say that there an demons in the world 
possessing some qualities like those of men and some like 
those of angels. And Joseph the Demon taught the ways 
0/ Demons. And in the tractate Beracoth [of the Talmud] 
our teachers give directions hew to get a sight nf demons. 
But Abraham Ibn Ezra wrote in his hook: " There are no 
" demons in this world, but tfu power of the spirit that man 
"puts into it for a certain object is so called. When it is 
" written (Dent, xxxii. 17^ ' They sacrificed to demons! 
" the meaning is they removed the knowledge from it jusi 
" like idols which cause men pain [though they do not 
" really exist]. And when they say ' Six things art 
"said of demons' they mean human beings who know 
" how to alter what happens jusi like those who know the 
'•principles of visions and how the soul may see visioni, 
" and so the Chaldeam knew the horoscope of men and 
" reckoned and wrote what a man might dream on a par- 
" ticular night." So far Ibn Ezra .... Behold, 
Abraham was mistaken with regard to the demons who 
were always accompanying him. And from the ox [?] of 
the priest he could easily have reached recesses of power 
and greatness which are inaccessible even to the angels. 
But, even as it was, the demons proved to hint that they 
existed. For I have heard from the children of Egland 
[sic] that he died there among them. For once he was 
riding in a forest and came among a number of dogs, who 
stood still and glared at him, and all of them were black. 
Certainly Ihi-se were demons. iVlien he parted from them 


he fell into danger, and fell ill and died of thai illtuss. 

[Abraham Ibo Ezra [supra pp. 29-38) died 23 Jan. 1 16;. 
The place of his death is said to be Calahotra, near Spanish I 
Navarre. But the authority for this ia late, that of Abraham | 
Zacuto of the fifteenth century, and there may be troth in the 
Btatement of Moses Tahu writing only a century after Ibn Ezra's 
death (1260-1300). Ibn Ezra's latest works were written in 
North France or England ; the commentary on Psalms, Daniel, J 
Minor Prophets, and the second recension of his Pentateuch I 
commentary in " Rodoni " or " Rodos " between 1156 and 1 
1 166. The exact locality of this pUce is uncertain. It ust 
be identified with the iiland Rhodes, which is impossible. More 
lately it has been identified «-itb Rhodes, in S. France (soGraeti, 
Gexhkhte der Juden, vi., Note 8). Still more recently Dr. 
Neubauer, by transposing the letters, interprets the woni i 
Dreni, Against this is the fact that the last letter of this ] 
word is invariably transliterated by the Helirew letter Shin. 
by Samech, while the MS. readings do not substantiate the vii>- j 
lent dislocation of the two first letters, I venture Id interpret j 
"Rodom" as a shortened form of "Rodomagus," the Latin ( 
name of Rouen. Certainly we ean understand better why Ibn 
Ejira should have come from Rouen to London, which v 
colonized by Jews from Rouen. And if my identification of I 
Rubigotsee with Joseph Bechor Shor be accepted we can guess ' 
that it was his congenial company thai Itept Abraham Ibn Ezrj 
in North France for twelve years, as Rubigotsee had his house 
in Rouen {supra p. 217), and Ms son Isaac was the chief Jew 
London in Henry II.'s reign. It was perhaps to visit him that 
Abraham Ibn Ezra paid his second and last visit to England, 
where K. Joseph ben Jacob heard him comment on Exodiu 
(Graetz, l.e., p. 415), i.e., in the second recension after 1166, . 
He WIS thus in London a year before his death nor is there any | 
trace in bis writings of a final visit through France to Spain. 
This is to a certain extent a confirmation of Moses Taku's state- 
ment. The above passage is noteworthy as containing Ibn Ezra's 
outspoken opinion that demons have no objective existence, 
probably the earliest statement of the kind in the history of 


1167.— A False Jew a False Propliet. ' > 

Willmm ofNeH-hun-, cil. Hmvlett, i. 154. 

In the fourteenth rear of King Henry, ;'.;■., A.D. 
1167, died Robert, bishop of Lincoln, the successor 
of Alexander, and the bishopric falling into the trea- 
surj' that church was deprived of pastoral supervision 
for nearly 1 7 years, so that it was hardly thought that 
anyone would be bishop again in that see. Especially 
as a certain convert from Thames side keep on re- 
porting after the death of the bishop that there would 
never more be bishop over the Church in Lincoli). 
And since he seemed to possess the spirit of prophecy 
on account of the merit of his religious conversion 
and of the result of several similar predictions, it was 
believed by many that he would not be deceived 
in this matter. [Godfrey, the King's natural son, 
was nominated 1173, but was content with receiving 
the income.] And when he put off the time of his 
canonical consecration, not knowing how to feed the 
Lord's sheep, but only how to fleece them, and 
remained long with the title of [Bishop] elect of 
Lincoln, the saying of the aforesaid man began to 
regain credit in the minds of many. And this moved 
many more strongly in the same direction after a 
short time, when the King, repenting [withdrew the 
nomination Jan. 6, iiBi]. But the falsehood of that 
prediction or ojiinion became shown at a subsequent 
period [when Walter of Constance was consecrated 
Bishop, July 3, ..83]. 


1171.— EngliBh. Jbwb moum the Uartyrs of Blois. 

Ephraim of Bonn, ap. Htb. Berichte d. Kreiazuge, p. 69. 

[Thirty-four yevis iit Blois are burnt rUivt on a charge of 

child-murder, though no child wai milling; becauie the solitary 

accuser had undergone the ordeal of water : he swam v/hen 

Ikrovm in the inattr, therefore the Jews were iumt,'] 

That Wednesday, 10 Sivan 4931 [=26 May, 1171], 
was -with wiilifig heart accepted as a day of mourning 
and fait by all the Congregations in France and all the 
inhabitants of the Isles [England], according to the 
order of our Chief Rabbi, Ike teacher Jacob, son of R. 
Meir, who informed them by letter that it was right to 
establish this day as a fast for alt our co~religionists, a 
fast more stringent than thai for Gedaliah, the son of 
Achikam, for it is a day of atonement. This was the 
substance of our teacher's Idler, and the Jews accepted it. 
And about this the hymn, " We have sinned, O Lord," 
was composed, which tells of that sad et'ent, and in their 
hymn-books it is written, " on account of the persecution 
in Blots." May the righteousness of all those who 
sacrifice themselves in honour of the Unity stand Israel in 
stead for aye I 

[Tlis shows the solidarity of fEeling between the Jews of 
France and England at the time. Zunz, Tlie Ritus, 62, remarks 
that Festival Prayer-books (MacktorJ, which came from Eng- 
landarc mentioned in the twelvth eeotnry, which would show that 
the English ritual was identical, or nearly so, with that of 
France at that time.] 

1179-68.— Additional itema from the Pipe Bolls. 

• Pipe RolU, j;-34 Hen. II. 

189. — And [Cr.] in acting as proctor for Osanna 

Paupercula, who sues Vivus, the Jew, for rape, 


4s. id., by King's writ through John, Bishop' of 
Norwich. 25 Hen. II. Sussex. 

1890. — Moyses of Cambridg^e renders count of 40 
marks because he confessed he was present when 
that Knight was obliged to make an affidavit that he 
would not show the justiciars the injur)' done him. 
16 Hen. 11. Lond. and Midd. 

1 90. — Judas, Jew of Northampton, owes three 
marks to have his pledge from Peter de Goldinton. 
But it should be required in Lincolnshire. 27 Hen. 
II. Hamtesc. 

igoi. — Gervaines Painel owes £tT to be quits of 
the bail of the Earl of Leicester against Aaron the 
Jew, and that he may not be distrained for the same 
bail. 30 Hen. II. Staff. 

191. — Brun, the Jew of Stamford, renders count rf 
^10 to have his pledges and debts of Robert de 
Gant. Manasser fil Joie owes 40s. for having his 
debts and pledges. Benedict, brother of Aaron, owes 
40s. for right to the debt which Philip de Kyma owes 
him and for the debt of Simon, his son, for whom he 
is surety, ji Hen. II. Line. 

[For last item, cf. No. 184 and following number. Benedict 
makes a further agreement. 33 Hen. II.] 

192. — Vsaac, son of Sim. de Stamford, who remains 
at Stamford, owes 5 marks to have his debts and 
pledges. Benedict, nephew of Aaron, owes one 
mark of gold to have his rights against Joslin de 
Arundel and Philip de Kyma, his surety for his debts 
and pledges. 31 Hen. II. Line. 

193. — York Abbey . . . [Cr.] by payment to 


Josce, Jew of York, of +is. by the mortgage which he 
has in Hessey of the land of Thomas. 31 Hen. II. 

194. — Norfolk and Suffolk. From Offerings and 
Pieas of the Court. Deulebenie, Jew of Rising, owes 
£,\a for right to his debts against Amalric de Bello- 
fago, and WilUam de Vision, and Godfrey brother of 1 
the Earl, and Daniel de Meday, and the Prior of ^ 
Lynn. Josce Barlibrod, the Jew, owes lo besants 
because he carried off the chattels of Benedict of 
Norwich, for which Abraham, son of Rabbi, has 
sureties. 31 Hen. II. ' 

19s. — Sudhantesc. From the Pleas of the Court. I 
Cresselin, the Jew, renders count of one mark for ' 
right to £ir against William de Bonencastro. Abra- 
ham, son of Cresselin, renders count of 1 marks that 
an agreement between him and Tom de Treusei may 
be heard. Quits. 31 Hen. II. 

196. — And by payment by King's writ to Mosse, 
the Jew, 13 marks for paying a deed of John, the 
King's son. 31 Hen. II. Glocestre. 

[John had ihcrefore got into the hands of the Jews. This 
may account for his antipathy later.] 

J97.— Ghent [Kent]. From the Pleas of William 
de Nevile. Jacob. Jew of Canterbury, renders count 
of 5 marks because he withdrew from the court with- 
,out license, and for right to his debt. 32 Hen. 11. 

198. — Deulesalt, son of Jacob, owes one mark 
because he did not deny that he offered one mark for 
,the redemption of Deuiesah. But it should be 
demanded from Abraham fil Rabbi, and Isaac of 
Colchester, 32 Hen. IT. Notdf. and Sudf. 

[Next year Abraham and Ysaat pay the mark.] 


199. — Lincoln. From the offerings of the Court. 
Joia, the Jewess, owes 20s. for right to an agreement 
between her and Ysaac and Samuel, Jews of Stamford. 

33 Hen. II. 

200. — William de Meuerdel owes 2 marks to have 
a writ for bringing to justice Aaron and Copin and 
Serfdeu and Bendonat, son of Puldella. 33 Hen. II. 

201. — Kent. New Pleas. Samson de le Nieweland 
renders count of 2 marks for land unjustly pledged. 
Benedict, Jew of Rochester, owes two marks for his 
false statement. 34 Hen. II. 

202. — Aaron fil Ysaac owes 20s. to have an agree- 
ment with Arnulf de Bee about a certain debt. 34 
Hen. II. Northantesc. 

203. — Ysaac Crespin renders count of 37J. and 6</. 
for his relief. 34 Hen. 11. Devenes. 

204. — Leo, Jew of Chichester, owes one mark of 
gold that the dispute which he has against Ralph de 
Pleasint because he demanded from him forest rights 
(?) for his work may be heard in the King's Court. 

34 Hen. II. Sudsex. 

1183.— A Hebrew Receipt. 

M. D. Davis, Shetaroth, No. 148. 

We acknowledge that we have received a hundred 
litres \_£\ from Payn [Pagany Sheriff of Leicester] 
the clergyman^ and nine litres a7id five deniers [s], and 
four peshitim [d], the first of the four times beginning 
from Candeler [Candlemas] 142 [=4942=1181-2], 


f. and the whole we have received from Ike Sullan [Earl] 

j of Warren. 

C [Not signed, but the accompanying Latin document declares 

n that the jf 109 5s. 4(1., had been received by Peitevin and Leo 

J of Warwick, as attorneys of Aaron of Lincoln.] 

Sef. 1184.— En^lieli Jews drink with OentilsB. 

• Tosaphoth R. Ekharian (Heb.), Halberstamm MS. f. 4S4. 

II IS surprising that in I he /anrfo/'/Ae/j/i: [England^ 
I ihiy an lenienl in the mailer 0/ drinking strong drinkt 
'^/tke Gentiles and along with them. For the Law n 
"distinctly according to those Doctors who foriid it on the 
ground thai it leads lo intermarriage. But perhaps, as 
there would be great tll-feeling 1/ thej itere lo refiain 
■.from this, one must not he severe upon Ihem 

[This IS from an inediled MS from the Halberstanun 
.collection, now at the Judith Montefiore College Ramsgate, 
kindly examined and tianJaled liy Mr I Abnhanis for this 
work, facilities for that purpose being freely given by Rev. Dr. 
I Gaster, Principal of the College, who also performed the same' 
, good offices for the use of Halberstamm MS. Nu. 345. It is a 
. weil-wrltten parchment MS., written probably in the thirteenth 
centniy, and containing besides the Tosafliolh of R. Elchanan 
- on Idolatry (Aboda SoraJ, some by R. Jehuda b. Isaac, " Sic 
Leon," in which he remarks (f. 72b.) with reference to what kind 
of rings may be worn : " Seal rings such as it is novi atsiomary 
to make in England contain a human figure," which seems 
against the Second Commandment. Cf. the seal figured above 
p. «6.] 

e. IIBB.—Aids to ralievB a Lord from the Jewo. '^tC 

'Pub. Re.-. Off. ••RedSwt" doeumenti* 

(a.) These are the moneys which the burgesses of 

• Kindly communicated by Mr. Hubert Hall, who discos 

these important documents while engaged in editing the "Red 

Book of the Exchequer." 



Rising gave to their lord the Earl [of Arundel] after 
the King crossed the straits : William the merchant 
22S. and sd. . . Swein the merchant as much. . 
Richard, son of IMeta, gj. and ^d, . . Ubert the 
weaver 2s. iid, . . Anderten the cook iSs. Sd, . 
Ricar the fisher 8^. and id. . . Ricar the Lorimer 
^od. . . Roger the miller 13^. . . AlviusBis- 
sop I'jd. . . Jueta iSd, , . Adam, son of El- 
viva 4^. and Sd. . . All these moneys {^£1$ ^9^» 5^0 
they gave to the Earl of Arundel of their good will lo 
free his land as against the Jews. They gave it to 
Nicholas, the standard bearer. 

{b.) This is the inquisition of the manor of the 
Earl of Arundel in Snettesham, according to what his 
men gave after our lord the King of England crossed 
over the last time into Normandy when the Eail 
went forth to keep the Marches of Wales several 
times : namely, the men of his demesne gave loos,, 
and Richard, son of Atrac, and his peers of one 
socage, gave 3 marks for nothing \^gra/{s]. These 
moneys Richard, the Chamberlain of Bucheham, 
received, but afterwards the men of the EarFs 
demesne gave 2 marks for relieving the Earl's debts, 
and Richard, son of Altrac, and his peers, gave 4 
marks, and this of their good will, and Richard, the 
Chamberlain of Bucheham, received those mone}^. 

When the Earl returned from France the men of 
the Earl's demesne gave 10 marks, viz. : To Richard 
the Chamberlain 5 marks, and to the Jew of Rising 
5 marks, and again Richard, son of Atrac, with his 
peers, gave 3^ marks, viz. : 2 marks to Richard the 


IChamberlain, and lo shillings to Deulebenie the 
I Jew. Again, the men of the Earl's demesne gave 8J 
hmarks, and Richard, with his peers, gave 3 maks of 
Qone socage, for relieving the Earl's lands from the 
Jews, and this of their good will. These moneys 
J)eulebenie the Jew of Rising received. 

(f.) The vill of Ridun', which belongs to the soc 
of Rising, gave, as usual, within those four years after 
the King crossed the straits. For the annies going 
into Wales they gave ten marks. On the other 
Jiand, they gave the Earl, to free his lands as regards 
the Jews, 1 if marks out of their good will. 

(rf.) They likewise say of Henry {sk) de Rye, who 
s in the custody of Reginald de Warren. Of the son 
■of Bokeringber, Reginald de Warren has, for paying 
,the debt of Hubert de Rye, against Strabaen the Jew 
and his charter. For manying the sister of Hubert, 
,10 marks, and for i stock of a manor. They have 
given it gratis. 

[These entrieii throw an important side-light upon the efiects 
<^ Jewish usQT)-. All the other evidence in this book tends to 
^liow thai the eiactions of the Jews only affected (he ruling 
IJBGses, the lesser barons, and the monasteries. But these iti 
bow that these could pass on the pressure of Jewish u^iy 
D their vassals and tenantry. They are, prolmbly, only a type 
if what went on whenever a large proprietor fell into debt to 
[ews : such aids would not come befoie the royal courts, but 
merely be recorded in the manorial courts. The vassals empha- 
size the fact that these aids were "benevolences," given of Iheir 
n free wd, but once the custom was established it would be 
Bcolt to evade them. The Earl of Anindel and his chief 
irisb creditors appear frequently in this book, Cf. P.R. 91, 
I, 194, and pp. ill, 27+.] 


Bef. 1187.— The Hisdeede of William Wibart. 

GiraJd. Cambr. Optra i., 207, 210. 

In the first place, then, in his own house and 
neighbourhood we have heard from venerable men, 
the aforesaid visitors, that he was ejected from being 
cellarer, especially because of certain charters by 
which his house was in debt to Aaron the Jew of 
Lincoln. These he himself secretly paid off, but 
kept by him a long time, and claiming the ordinary 
usury in the name of Aaron, being himself worse 
than Aaron, more cruel by far, since he was turning 
the common property to his own use, and by this 
detestable fraud made his own convent [of Bitlesdon] 
wretched, and almost extenninated it. 

[Gerald is answering tbe attacks of Wibcrt, and therefolC^ 
not likely to take a favourable view of his character. But itlt 
clear that such a fraud was possible.] 

Bf. U89.— The Bevelation of Boger de Estreb;. 

Gerald. Cambr., De Instruct. Princ, csiii. cd. Brewer, p. 40. 

About these times a revelation was made to a 
Knight of Lincoln named Roger dc Estreby. While 
he was journeying in the field he heard voices, 'a 
greater and afterwards a less, as if witnessing to one 
another and telling him to go to London to Bald- 
win the Archbishop and Ranulph de Glanvill Justiciar 
of England, and tell them on behalf of God to c 
the straits to King Henry, and tell him to fulfil the 
seven commands which He had ordered him, and if 
he did this he would live for seven years, and seek 
the cross of Christ for his mercies and die happy, 
But if not she would not live beyond four years and 


''would die ignomiiiioiisly. But he, thinking it a 
] phantom, defended himself with the sign of the 
I cross and adjured the devil to depart from him. But 
^ttiey whose voices were being heard said, No, they 
'were from God, and when he asks who they were 
^jthey say Peter and Gabriel. . . They asked him 
Lto sell them his heap of beans and distribute it to the 
.poor, and they would give him 10 marks more than 
['he had been offered. Also they would get for him 
[ the coat of mail he held so dear that was pledged to 
I Aaron the Jew. [He says that he will believe them 

if a certain crucifix will confirm them ; this it does 
' and he gives some of the beans to the poor. But on 

his trying to sell the rest he hears the voices up- 
I braiding him.] But when he said they had not kept 
1 their part because he had not got his coat of mail, 
' the voices said to him " But you have it and it lies at 

I the foot of your bed," and when he went there, he 
found it. . . 

And after this Knight had crossed over to Nor- 
mandy, after having seen many of these miracles, the 
.King in public promised to completely perform those 
i«even commands. [But he procrastinated.] But these 
■are the seven commands. . , . ii. not to con- 
demn any to death without trial. . . . vii. to 
<expe1 the Jews from the land, leaving them part of 
their money with which they might go away and live 
with their familes, but they should have nought of 
their pledges or charters, but each man should 
^t back his own. 

[The expulsion of the Jews from France, c. 1 1S1 Imd pro- 
iibAbly suggested ihe same expedient loi: £>ag^^< 


~j"f- c. 1189.— Early Tjawsuite. 

»Pub. Rec. Off. Coram Rege Roll. Ric. I. No I. 

A'fH/.— 5[ Benedict Quatrebuchcs warranted to Wil- 
liam de Craveham his land as a pledge of the 
fine made about it to a certain term on giviogia 
ferm yearly. 

Land. — ^ A day is given to the Sheriff of London and 
Benedict, the little Jew, of London, 15 dajs 
from the Wednesday next after the Octaves of 
St. John the Baptist, at the Tower of London, 
and the same day is given to the witnesses whom 
the said Benedict has summoned, and to Ra- 
dolph, son of Ralph, who says the charter is 

Nor/. — li A day is fixed for the Karl of Arundel, and 
Abraham, the Jew, son of Avigay, for oBe 
month after the feast of St. Michael, for defend- 
ing the summons against Abraham himself. 

[This last entry may be a reference to tbe case referred [qjn 
P.R., 02. Tbis would fix the dale of the roll at i Ric. I.] 

Bef. 1189.— Early History of the Norwich Jewiy. 

Blomfield, iv. 76, 3SS. 

The capital messuage [in Norwich], commonly 
called the Musick. Houke, was evidently the great 
messuage of Moses the Jciv, a man of great wealth 
and ability in the time of Will. Rufus ; he left it to 
Abraham the Jew, his son ; and he to Isaac the Jow, 
his son, from whom it was anciently called Isaac's 
Hall : from him it became an escheat to King y^An, 
whose son Henry III. gave it to Sir William dc I'aini, 
Knt. : it afterwards came to Ralf de Erlham. 



The New Synagogue and Schools of the Jews, to 

' which there was an entrance from Hogg-Hill on the 

east part and another on the west from the Haymarkd 

by the passage now into the Star yard and the whole 

fef the market from Wasteb market aforesaid to the 

White-Lion lane, is called in old evidences Judaismus, 

-ViVbj di Judaism or the Jewry ; the neiu synagogue was 

ijbuilt in Henry the Second's time, when the Jews 

*iemoved and dwelt altogether here : it had a burial- 

^ place by it, and the school was at the south end of 

'it; the house appropriated for the high priest, who 

Vas called the Bishop of the Jews, stood on the very 

tlace where is now Dr. Howman's house. 

' [I am inrormed by Mr. M. D. Davis, who has inspected Iho 

Korwich Municipal rolls, that deeds exist among tbem confini]- 

,)JDgBlomEeld's statementii. Notice tliat the school is difierent 

^om the synagogue. Tht Bishop of the Norwich Jews waa 

prolutJy Samuel !e Prcstrc, mentioned in the Northamptoa 


Gir.Cambr.ojt.W.Mapea./Vmjed. Wright (Cam. Soc.) p. xxii. 
When he [Mapes] was a follower of the Court and 
a famihar friend of Henr)' It., he was often associated 
■with the justices in eyre to preserve the laws of the 
kingdom and to do the lung's justice. But whenever 
('the King took from him and his colleagues, in the 
I visual way, the oath about faithfully offering justice to 
■every one, llic Archdeacon always used to add to his 
oath that he would be as faithful as possible in the 
■duties of his office to all except to Jews and to white 



monks [Cistercians]. But when the King, moved 
laughter at this, asked the cause of such an exception, 
he used to reply that it would be very unjust and 
unworthy to display justice and equity towards those 
whom a wicked cupidity did not allow to do what was 
right and just to any one, nay, rather compelled to 
seize the property of others unjustly and wickedly, 
and to appropriate with all their endeavours and 
desires what was not their own by any possible way. 

1180-98.— Additional Items &Qm tbe Pipe Bolls. 

'Pipe Rolli, 1-9, Ric. I. 

110— Benedict, brother of Aaron, owes half a mark 
of gold that his mortgage which he has from Simon 
de K.yme may be kept in the King's hand till it is 
decided whether he ought to have it or no. Josce, 
fil Samuel, owes 10 besants to have a right to his 
mortgage of Ouseby against Joslen de Arrundeville. 
Benedict, brother of Aaron, owes half a mark of gold 
that an agreement about his deeds may be held 
between him and Philip and Simon de Kyme. i Ric. 
I. Line. (p. 7+). 

[See Pipe Roll Items, Nos. 191, 192.] 

211. — Judas, Jew of Cambridge, renders count of 
1001. because he withdrew himself from his appeal. 
3 Ric. I. Canteb et Hunt. 

212. — Judas, son of Deudone, owes 20J. to have 
his rights of 40J. against Copin, son of Benedict. 
Ric. I. Essex and Hereford. 

[Later on, 8 Ric. I. (P. R. 147) the latter is called 
Bella, BenetUct having died (or become caoverted) i 
time, and Copin became known ai the son oC tas motlier.1 


L. 213. — Arrears of Guildford Tallage, Essex. Ysaac 
Lflf Colchester owes j^390 of the tallage. . . 
[j [And 6 others, probably aJl of Colchester, owe ^5 13J. \d. 
, Ifsaac was evidenlly a very important person.] 
1, ZI+. — And in Berdefeld, Deulecresse ofBerdefeld 
Lj^g less 3J. 4^, ; Benedict, son-in-law of Deulecresse, 
[■.^ marks ; Ysaac, master of the boys, 5J. ; David, son- 
in-law of Deulecresse, 41'. 8(/. And in Newport, 
JWosse owes loj. from the same [Guildford] Tallage. 

;3 Ric. I. 

^ , .[We have here a picture of a couple of isolated colonies of 
Jevs — one a( Biidfield composed of Deulecresse, his two sous- 
■^-law, and the instructor of his boys ; the other a solitary family 
SlI Newport.] 

'' 215 . — Benedict of Chichester zoo marks [for Guild- 
ford Tallage] of which Peter Blund ought to acquit 
ijiim, of 50 marks by the Chancellor to have mortgage 
ibf Pallesdon and Abrugward, with their appurte- 
^lances, which the said Benedict has in mortgage. 
^ Ric. I. Sudsex. 
i* [Ten others also owe at Chichester for the Guildford TallaEe 
Hfc/1 No. 107), of whom " Vivus, the scribe of Helyas," is the 
IJnoBt inleresting. Their names are given io the list at end. 
t a 1 6. — Roll of the debts of Aaron. Lincoln and 
lYork. . . . Samuel, by Robert de Lunetorp, 10 
marks and 53 marks. The same owes 30 m. on his 
piooks, also 30 marks and looj., a deed of Walter de 
WVintorp of 20 marks, and deeds of the same of £,z. 
E . . Deudone fil Aaron owes an account of the 
pttomeyship which Aaron made to him, . + Ric. I. 
r [There are 10 other Jewish names in a list of 1S3.] 
r Z17. — Northampton. Of the debts of Aaron. . . 
p)eudone, son of Samuel, owes £bz los. 8d. for a 


charter, £$2 los. 8d. for another charter, and ;^io 
from Philip Clark and Ralph brother of the Earl of 
Leicester, 40s. from Matilda de Coleville, and 15s. 
from Simon de Dene, 30 marks by a charter of 
Simon. And iocs, from Richard son of William, and 
;^i5 from the Prior of the Hospitallers, and £io from 
Richard Merin, and ;^2o from Montalet of North- 
ampton, and 70s. from Peter son of Adam. . . 5 
Ric. I. 

[This seems like a page from Deudone's ledger. I fail to 
understand the difference between "15s. from Simon de Dene" 
and " 30 marks by a charter of Simon," Also it is not clear 
why all these ;^200 are included in the debts of Aaron under 
the name of Deudone. Did the King use Deudone to get the 
debts in, or had Aaron previously done so ?] 

218. — Robert de Baibroc renders count of 10 marks 
of the ferm of Bitelbroc, which was a mortgage of 
Ysaac son of San to the Jew. 9 Ric. I. Rotiland. 

[We have seen this estate passing through many Jewish hands, 
cf, supra^ p. 69, and Pipe Roll items, No. 164, 218.] 

c. 1190.— Introduction of Benedict's <<Fox Fables." 

Mishle Shu^alim (Heb.), ed. PR, 

he our Creator who gave to man a mouth to speak ^ a hand 
to write and compose, an eye to see things aloft and below, 
and an ear to understand wisdom. 

Thus saith Berachyah, son of R. Natronai the Punc- 
tuator, who caused these Fables to hud and spring forth. 
How can I hear to see them destroyed. Unless I write it 
in a hook for a memorial what would he the profit from 


tny labour.* Whelher I consider mynlf proud or humble 

'my tongue is as !he pen of a ready writer. Would that 

my words were written down I The reason for my 

iriting these Fables is the turning of the wheels [of fate'l 

of Ike world which is hidden front the eyes of my intelli- 

'gence. It turns in the Isle of the Sea [England^ for 

e one to die and the other to Uve.^ 

[I'nith has been deposed and Falsehood reigns supreme 

ilh all her kin and tnimens aroujtd her."] And they 

raugkl evil so as to cut dov'n the poor and defenceless 

root and branch, boughs and twigs. And those that 

not thus have as their weapons of war their mouths, their 

lips as swords and their teeth as arrows. Thus the , 

doers are rising and the great ones sink ; prayer i 

offence and praise is mockery. . . . Men that 

. despised their parents sit in their courts and castles, too 

proud to touch their goods with their hands but not above 

touching Falsehood with their lips. Puffed up -i ' ' 

pride they covet silver and love gold. . . . And the 

voice of those that plot against me mocks at me, and they 

would put down the gift within me, using my pen as a 

byword. . . . Flattery is in their mouths and evil 

in their heart and they make an ambush within them. 

Sycophants mount aloft and the charitable sink below. 

When I see all this I curse the times and say 

• What labour? Can B. be referring to the work he had 
dane in helping Alfred the Englishman In translate the Fables 
from the Aiabic ? 


■< Be tua amaztd at that our days 

When -wicked liars encroach an all your via 

Know thai ■wken the cafs away 

The mice arc sure to jump and play." 

In the isle of ihe Sea [England] the mind of A 
childless one* is disiuried, and he is surrounded by sha^ 
His descent and kin are east down. The ear of the mul- I 
iitade of rich is closed to all who ask and Ihe giv& of 
mercy. . . . The crowd of sycophants rejoice and 
are glad ; their voice is heard even in the company of the 
good: they praise the mouth that uttereth falsehood, and 
he that speaketh truth is cursed. And good turns to i/l^ 
sweet to bitter, light to darkness, and Serachyah e 
the lime. . . . I would prefer a piece of Sry a 
mouldy hrt'ad without them rather than share llieir % 
tage with them. And when I dwell upon such thouA 
of ill my mind is disturbed and sleep is ret 

[This mlrodaction, which is only printed in the editiapnti^ 
ofBenchyah's ' Fox Fables,' completely snbstantiateB Ihe 'C 
elusions I drew from intemal evidence as to the date 1 
domicile of Berachyah Nakdon {see my Fables of jEsop, i 
167-7H, and suprap-p. 167-9). Dr- Nenbauer, who had pre 
contested tny conclusions, discovered the importance ■ 
introduction as locating B. in England, and now agrees as I 
the date of Berachyah's Fables as c. 1190. He still tbinl 
however, that Berachyah only visited England. I think t 
above references show that Berachyah was speaking of t 
persons among whom he habitually lived. A foreigner wo* 
have contrasted then: behaviour with that of hi^ own countiymoi 

* Benedict himself. His son Elias mentions that he •* 
sou of Berachyah's old age, sup/a p. igS 



The above timde is diilicult to understand, and is couched in 1 
obscure phraseology, as would only be natural if Beracbyah » 
Bpealung of persons with whom he would be in daily contai 
and of whom he could not speak out openly. He seems 
have shared the fRle of most literary men in being poor ai 
despised. His references to the inwlence and greed uf the rich I 
Jews of England chiine in with the Chroniclers and with J 
Abraham Ibn Esra's remarks above, p. 34.] 

M. Paris, Hist. Maj., ii. ; 
Thereupon, on the following Thursday, a meeting \ 
was held on the east side of London Tower, whei 
the presence of the aforesaid nobles it was decided | 
unanimously that such a man should henceforth no I 
longer rule in England, by whom the Church of God [ 
had been put to shame and the people to want. For 1 
the Chancellor and his satellites had so exhausted alt | 
the riches of the Kingdom that they left no ir 
silver baldric, no woman a necklace, no noble a 
and no Jew any treasure or anj'thing of worth. And 
they had so cleared out the Treasurj' of the King 
that nothing of the last two years could be found in | 
his boxes except the keys and empty vessels. 

Bef. 1194.— Comments of B. Benjamin. 

Joseph Kimchi, Sipher Galuy (Heb,), ed. Mathews, p. J4. 

And I, Benjamin, am surprised ai this. Why should | 
Ihe author explain Ihese things in his Arabic? Tht \ 
method of our master Samuel should be rather adopted. 

[The above is a specimen of a number of glosses attached ti 
a grammatical work of the Frovenijal Jew, Joseph Kimchi, in the I 


name of Benjamin. Mr. Mathews, in a communication to Dr. 
Neubauer {^ew. Quart. Rev. ii. 329), adopts the suggestion that 
this is R. Benjamin, of Canterbury (see supra p. 54). If so, the R. 
Samuel referred to above and throughout the glosses would be 
R. Samuel Nakdan, on whom see supra p. 1C2. I am inclined 
to think that R. Benjamin's true name was R. Benjamin of 
Cambridge rather than of Canterbury. . For there is in the 
records a * Magister Benjamin ' at Cambridge who was clearly 
chief man there (he pays the largest share in the Nottingham 
Tollage of 1 194 ; see, too, Pipe Roll item No. i8i). The title 
* Magister' impUes something more reverend than money-lending. 
The Hebrew transcription of * Canteburia ' would be almost indis- 
tinguishable from that of* Canterbecria,* and the probabilities are 
therefore in favour of * Magister Benjamin ' being the author 
of these glosses. Again, Berachyah (Benedict of Oxford) in his 
Commentary on Job refers to * my uncle Benjamin,' who would 
probably be the same, so that we could draw up the following 
genealogy : — 


Benjamin Jacob Daug^k/t'f =^'Satrosai 

(Magister Benjamin of | 

Cambridge) Bkrachyah Nakdan 

I (Benedict le Puncteur, of Oxford.) 

Abraham Manasses 


Bef. 1200.— ** Rules of Punctuation." 

Darke Nikud (Heb.), ed. Frendsdorf. 

[Under the above title the Rabbinic Bibles contain an impor- 
tant treatise on the Massorah of the Old Testament, which has 
also been published separately by Frendsdorf, Frankfort, 1854. 
This has been usually attributed to R. Moses ben Isaac, the 
author of the * Onyx Book ' {supra p. 251). But at the end of 
the Berlin codex of the book there is the colophon, End of the 
^ Rules of Punctuation'* of R, Moses ben Yomtob of * Lontres, 


the bsl being a misreading of ' Londres,' or London. Now Ihe J 
author of the Onyx Book' actually refers to this Moses ben J 
Yomtoh as his masler. and from the aimilarity and at times ] 
identity of (he rules in the two books there is no doubt that lhi« ] 
■was the relation of the two Moses. There was an impor 
legal writer in London named Yomtob about 1175 (Zum, Zur 1 
Gisch. 193I, who would be Moses ben Yomtob's father, while I 
his son Elyas ('Magister EHas (i MagisCri Moysis, Pontifex I 
Judasorum ') was undoubtedly Ihe most important English Jep 
of (he thirteenth ceHtury. There is still extant a Hebrew legal ■ 
decisioQ of this Elyas, in which he qnoles his father R. Moses ■ 
ben Yomtob (Berliner Heb. Dicht. R. Meirs aus Norwich, p. vi.) 
so that the identification is complete. With Samuel, Berachyah, 
Moses ben Isaac and Moses ben Yomtob, all important Nsk- 
danim [Punctuators or Ma-ssorites), it is clear that there was a 
most important Massoretic school in England in the latter half 
:of the twelfth century.") 

Sef. 1200.— Two Cistercian Uonka turn Jews. 

Gir. Cainhr. Opera (R.S.), iv. 139. 
A certain monk of the same order, or rather a cer- 
tain demoniac in our own times, being as it were 
tired of the Catholic faith and worn out with the 
sweet and light burden of Christ's yoke, and scorning, 
at the instigation of the devil, any longer to walk in 

the way of salvation as if phrenetic and 

, mad, and truly turned to insanity, fleeing to the syna- 
■ gogiie of Satan. And to cut short the whole wretched 
Story which we have dilated upon at great length to 
show our detestation, at last he caused himself to be 
circunicised with the Jewish rite, and as a most vile 
^Apostate joined himself to his damnation to the enc- 
j^-mies of the cross of Christ. 
W Also on the northern borders of England, in a 

184. " Wff K NOT TURN CHRISTIAN? " ^H 

house of the same order called Geroudon, a certaiit' 
brother, Hkewise in our own days, by a similar error, 
or ralher madness, presuming to set at naught the 
part of Christ and reconciling himself with Satan, 
opposing and exciting the mind to depravity by 
his depraved and pestiferous rites which he, the 
monk, had renounced with sacred laver and baptismal 
oath, and again put on his chains from which he had 
been freed, subjecting himself to eternal slavery as 
well as the punishment of hell. For he, too, fled with 
ruinous and tuin-bearing ways to Judaism, the home 
of damnation and the asylum of this depraved repro- 

But when that man, known for his distinguished 
fame and extent of writings, as well as gifted with 
wit, Walter Mapes, Archdeacon of Oxford, heard of 
these two having apostatised out of that order alone, 
wondering, he broke out in public into these words, 
It is remarkable," said he, " that those two wretches, 
since they wished to leave their former faith, as 
being so perverse and infested with so many poi- 
sonous vices, did not become Christians, adopting 
a safer and more salubrious plan," as if he would 
say and hint, though indirectly and by sidelong words, 
that men of this order, on account of the stains of 
deliberate vice and cupidity, anil their faults so mani- 
fest and so clearly un-Christian, were not worthy to 
be called Christians. 

But I myself am persuaded that those two wretches 
did not leave the truth and fly to a vain shadow with 
damnable exchange out of mere devotion or desire 


of increasing their religion. . . But because they 
could no longer bear the harshness and rigour of that | 
order, and instigated by the spirit of fornication they 
committed this crime. 

[Girald hints that it was for love of some Jewess that the Cis- 
tercians forsook bath thdrvows and Iheircieed. Other isolated | 
eases occur of conversion to Judaism in the Ihirteenlh century. 
These cases helped to embitter the Church a|;aiiisl the Jews.] 

Bef. ISOO.—Jews falsify MSS. of Josephus. 

Git. Cambr. Opera viii. 65, 

But it is thus clear how great is the malice of the 
Jews, and obstinate and obdurate teaching against 
their own weal, that even the testimony of their 
historian, and that their great historian whose 
books they have in Hebrew, and consider authentic, 
they will not accept his testimony about Christ. But 
Master Robert, the Prior of St. Frideswide at Oxford, 
whom we have seen, and who was a man old and 
trustworthy, whose latter years coincided with our 
earlier ones, was a man of letters and skilled ir 
Scriptures, nor was ignorant of the Hebrew tongue. 
Now he sent to diverse towns and cities of England 
in which Jews have dwelling, from whom he collected 
many Josephuses written in Hebrew, gaining them 
with difficulty, since they were acquainted with him 
because of his knowing the Hebrew tongue. And in 
two of them he found this testimony about Christ 
written fully and at length, but as if recently scratched 
out ; but in all the rest removed earlier, and a 

I never there. And when this was shown to the Jews I 
of Oxford summoned for that purpose, they were i 


convicted and confused at this fraudulent malice a 
bad faith towards Christ. 

[There is a (late) Hebrew version or rather coodensation of 
Josephus known by the name of Josippon. English versions 
have been mode from Gagmer's Latin translation by Morwyng 
(sixteenth) and Howell (seventeenth century). But no MS, now 
known contiiinsartyver.sion of the celebrated interpolated passage 
about Christ. Nor could this be of any critical importance 
except as showing that it was interpolated before (he eighth 
century, when the yosipftm was composed in Italy. The 
interest of the above passage is to show the eiistence of several 
MSS. of it among the English Jews of the twelfth century, as 
well as the knowledge of Hebrew possessed by the Prior of 5I>. 

Bef. 1200.— En^lisli Jews are Hodele of Orthodoxy. 

• ShibboU HitUeket {Ueh. MS. Cambr.), f6sa. 

With regard lo the law in Deul. xxii. u. [as to the 
mixture of textures in garments] R. Moses Ihe Priest 
is asked whether Kannabos is to be regarded as "of 
divers sorts." On this he answers thai all Ihe earlier 
ones did not consider it so. In all the lands of the 
dispersion they had the custom of permitting it from the 
days of their ancestors in Germany, France, Anglelerre, 
and Provence, where they all wear woollen sewn with 

[The passage is n e es mg a bowing that the authority 
of the English Rabb vas on dered as h ghly a^ those of 
France or Germao^ Moses Cohen seems to have flounshcd 
c. ri96. Zmz,Litg 3 5] 

indli IransUx^d by Mr. .-,. Si:buhler. ^^^^S 


Bef. ISOO.-B. Kenachem, of London. 

^fmhat ythuda (Hcb.), T 4 b c. 

R. Etia Mtnmhim {/London made this nckotiitig : 
A TuJmudu sus is three [pence] Estcrlin, 100 svs or 
the Litre 75 shilling and the gold Litre 15 pound 

[But the t:olti itiark=^6 Esterlin, or the gold litre ^g-see 

Hagahoth Ascheri on Sanhedrin, c. 5. 
Whtn there are two days each called first of the month 
Friday and Sabbath, and he marritd on the Friday 
[when should the contract be dated ?] Svch a case 
F. Moses ben Jacob brought before R. Elia Menachent, 
and he said he should write, " on the intercalated day of 
the preceding month," attd Elia Menachem was pleased 
with it. 

[There is a Mosse fil Jacob mentioned in tbe Northampton 
Donnm. ■ In certain months a day is intercalaleci in the pre- 
tedlng month, anil \s called the "bead " of the month, as well 
as the (rue lirst da^. In mairiage contracts, where the date bad 
to be extremely accnrate, it might cause confusion to refer to 
this intercalated day as the "bead" of the month, and R. Moses 
recommended that the scribe should keep to the exact descrip- 
tion of the day.] 

SepherHa Shaham, ed. Collins. 
And SO too R. Menachem of London, " L Eliahu have 

[R. Moses is eiplaining why he called hia book " The Onyi 
Book," being an anagram on Ms own name; and he qnotes 
other anthoTs who have done the same, among them R. 
Uenacbem. The passage proves that Menachem had composed 
a book, and that he is identical with Elia Menachem.] 



Bef. 1200. — Decisions of B. Menachem of Ijondon. * 

* Halberstamra, MS. No. 345, fF40a, 43a, 71 J, 77a. 

The case came before R, Perez concerning a divorce 
given by one whose name had been changed when he was 
thought to be in articulo mortis, f and they called him 
by the new first name henceforth. The Rabbi decided 
that two bills of divorce should be writ ten, one with the 
old first name and the other with the new, and the two 
were to be given to the woman simultaneously, I found 
it written in an exposition [Midrash] of R. Menachem 
of London that it is necessary to write the two names^for 
we find it with facob, of whom it is written in the Law: 
^^And thy name shall no more be called facob but Israeli^ 
and yet one finds him called facob several times in the 

R, foseph says that if a man alleges that his wife has 
sinned^ she is still pure to him^\ considering the Rescript 
of R, Gershom [1000 A.D.] not to marry two wives^for 
he may have cast his eyes on another woman [and he 
cannot marry her without divorcing the other as he 
could before R. Gershom abolished polygamy]. A 
certain woman came to ask penance before R, Menachem 
of London because she had committed adultery. He replied 
that since she had come to fulfil her obligations tcfwards 
heaven^ she must swear i?i the most solemn mafiner that 

* Kindly transcribed and translated by Mr. I. Abrahams. 

t It is a Jewish custom to change a man's name when in 
articulo mortis^ in the hope that the Angel of Death will not 
recognise him under the altered name. 

\ When the European Jews still practised polygamy a Jew 
was obliged to give a divorce to his wife if he accused her of 


she had not set her heart on another man. If she t. 
this fialh she was to bf divorced, as she had come to ct 
Jission, but she was not to receive her settlement. 

[Every Jewish wife lias a certain settlement, Ketkuia, tn 
t^ioned in the marriage coDtract. If divorced she receives it, i 
as a widow it is the first charge ou the estate.] 

The general rule for the Sabbatical year according to I 
R. Menachem, of London. Even if a man does not I 
''know the year of the Destruction of the Temple and the \ 
'yearoflhe{^e\t\iciA~]era. [Elaborate rule follows for I 
finding the Sabbatical year.] And with this reckoning 1 
R. Chananel and Jiashbam and Rabbi Isaac agree. 

A case happened of a few who borrowed a horse froi 
his neighbour and gave it to a Gentile to ride upon, and 
the horse was lost. Then the loser was to pay the full 
value. Such a case came before R. Menachem, of London, 
and was thus decided. 

Be£ 1200.— n. Uoees of Londoa on tlie Passover 


R, Jehuda b. Jacob of London Eli Chayim ap, yeza. Qua 

■ Are. iv. 551,553, S57- 

" Charoseth " is not mentioned in /he words of the 
■Scribes as a memorial of the mortar [out of which the I 
Jews made bricks in Egypt], and this is how it is 
made. He takes some dates or figs or raisins and crushes \ 
Ihem, and puts in them vinegar and makes them into a 
paste Hie mortar. ... [It is disputed whether 1 
the paste is to be made thick or thin.] £ut R. M. ■ 
of London was of opinion that he makes it thick at the \ 


beginning, hut when using il at Ike service he adds somt 
liijuid, and thus he is in agreement with both aulhoritia. 

But afterwards he shall bring a plait 

with three Passprfr cakes and Iwn sots of food. Now, 
according to H. Isaac of Dompaire and Maimonides, Iwi 
sorts of food mean two sorts nf meat, the one in mematy 
of the Paschal Lamb, the other of the festival offering. 
But R. M. of London said the Laio is according le 
Rabina^ who was a later authority [of the Talmud, and 
therefore presumably acquainted with the earlier 
views], viz. : that il may mean even a bone in some itual, 
hut an egg would not do, for one of the kinds of food fa 
the egg is only a memorial. 

Tbc dietary laws have had gteU influence on the histoi; of 
Jews, especially as caosing them to be isolated from Gentiles, 
R. M. of London [probably R. Moses ben Yomtob {see supra, 
p. 2B3)] was evidently an authority on this part of the law, and ii 
qnoled by later writers us of eqnal importance with the gre»l 
Maimonides on these subjects. The Passover right service 
(which is the ultimate source of the Mass and the Communion 
Service) is still the great family service of Jews, nnd evety det^ 
connected with it is of interest to them. Jews eat bitter herbs, 
the Pascbal Lamb and Passover cakes as memorials of the 
Eiodus. The bitter herbs are eaten twice, once separately and 
once with the cake and the " Charosett," according to the 
practice of Hillel, one of the Doctors of the Talmud. R. Moses 
decided that a full portion of the bitter herbs must be eaten on 
the second occasion, as Hillel must have eaten it this way {yew. 
Quart. Sev.,l.i. S57)-] 

Coronel, Comment, guinque (Heb.), p. 33J, 

R. M. of Londres writes that il is not ths custom lo 
lake the crema, i.e., the fat of the milk, if made k^^^ 
Gentile. .^^H 


[These dietary and culinary questions seem lo liave hid a 
special interest for the early Jews of England, cf. supra, p. 54, 
where two such cases occur, the former practically the same as 
the present, and pp. 146, i ;8. Rabbi M. may be R. Moses or 
R. Menachem, more probably the former, who is quoted by R . 
Moses ben Isaac in his " Onyx Book," so that he was of the 
twelfth century.] 

Bef. 1200.---]>eciBioiiH of B. Hoses of liondou.* 

■ Halberstamm MS. No. 345, ff. 400, 650. 
a. Moses of London decided that we certainly know it 
is a privilege for a woman under age that a man can 
receive her bill of divorce ■without her betrothed' s tnow- 
ledge. It happened thus with one who had two daughters 
[minors], and accepted an offer of marriage for one with- 
out her name being mentioned. And another few came 
and received the bills of divorce thai were necessary without 
his knowledge. And so with the wife of a convert who 
refuses to give a bill of divorce to her and in the end agrees 
to do so. Such a case came before Rashi, and he decided 
that the divorce should be received without his Itnowledge. 
[The first case evidently refers to the leading case of Sir Morell, 

Andas for that confeclionervwhich is called "turnures" 
which is made from fruits, if a Gentile has baked them, 
R. M. of London wrote that this is not included among 
the things prohibited as being cuoied by Gentiles. For 
the fruits can be eaten raw as they are. Even if these 
cakes were baked in the same oven with forbidden food, 
there is no prohibition since they are covered. . . Even 
if the dough is kneaded with eggs it is not prohibited on 

" Kindly transcribed and translated by Mr. I. Abrahams. 


account of being cooied by a Gentile, since the dougk& 
chief ingredient. And a certain great one used to permit 
a Gentile to cook for a few in his house, but this Imiency 
is not to be approved. For if a few has transgressed and 
cooked for his needs anything on a Sabbath he must ml 
eat it even on a Sunday. 

[R. Moses was clearly s great authority Dn what has been 
called culinary Judaism.] 

Bef. 1200. -Houses in tbs Oxford Jewry. 

Christ Church Deed, ap. Neubauer, Nolei on Oxford Deeds 
(Oxf. HJst. Soc), p. 309. 

Charter about various lands and tenements granted 
to Lawrence Kepeharm, which were afterwards given, 
to the aforesaid Church in his will, are in different 

" Be it known to all. . , that I, John of Iffley, 
and I, Helena, his wife, daughter of Ralph, son of 
Aukctil, have granted and freed to Lawrence Kep- 
hann the following lands of ours in Oxford and the 
suburbs. . . and the land which was GeofEfy 
Balby's, returning 61. per annum, and is between the 
land which was Ralph Wantir's and the land of Copin, 
of Worcester, in the Jewry of Oxford ; also the land 
which was Mosse's, the Jew of Brist[ol], and the 
land which was Deodatus', the Jew, which two lands 
return forty pence per annum, and these two lands 
are between the land which was Sewin Child's and 
the land which was Benjamin's, the Jew, in the Jewry 
of Oxford." 

[This deed is of impoitance as idenlifying Moses of BtiHtoI, 
the grandfather of Magister Mosseus (sufra. p. 89). Unfoi- 


tunatdy il is undated. It mu5t, however, be later Ihao 1 188 
when Benjamin of Oiford died (P.R. "3), and before 1235 
when Copia of Worcester died an old man with a granilson 
among his heirs (Neubouer, Deed No, ixsiv,). Now Benjamin 
of Oxford was dead when the deed was drawn, while Copin was 
alive. All wc can determine, therefore, is that this Moses of I 
Bristol was of the twelfth century, which makes his identity witli 
the recently discovered R. Moses of Bristol fsufra. p. 254] 
tolerably certain. We have here another confirmation of the 
traiiition about a colony of learned Jews at Oxford who aided in 
the establishmant of the University.] 


Apocr^rpbal account of Jewish Fropagaadisiii. 

Ps.-Ingulph. CAroni'cun, ed. Gale, pp. 111-114. 

He a!so sent to his manor of Cottenham, near 
["Cambridge, the Lord Gislebert, his fellow monk and 
[ professor of Sacred Theology, together with them 
iOther monks who had accompanied him to England. 
-. . . Master Gislebert being unacquainted with 
tte English language but very expert in the Latin 
'and French, the latter being his native language, on 
tvery Lord's day and festival of the Saints preached 

'to the people Some who had hitherto re- 

tnained unbelievers and who were still blinded by 
Jewish perfidiousness, being smitten with compunc- 
'tion at his words, utterly abandoned their former 
prrors and ran to take refuge in the bosom of the 
Church. . . . 

' At this time also he sent to his manor of Wedthorp, 
inear Stamford, some fellow-monks of his . . . 
These oft-repeated words of instructions in the ears 
'of the people of Stamford greatly prospered and 


strengthened the Christian faith against the Jewish 


[I have included the above from the first continuation of the 
pseudepigraphic Chonide of Ingulph, though manifestly mythical, 
as it has been used by most previous writers on the subject 
The notion that William Rufiis used the Jews to collect the 
revenues of vacant bishoprics also comes from this tainted souioe 
s, a, 1 100. There is not the slightest likelihood of such a spread 
of Jewish doctrines at the supposed date of the extracts, the 
beginning of the twelfth centuiy. Later on there is some 
evidence that Jews made converts in this country {supra pp.285-6). 
It is difficult to see why such items should have been introduced 
after the expulsion of the Jews, when the forgery of the 
Chronicle was conmiitted. It is just possible that the reference 
has no bearing on Jews personally but is rather to the custom 
of keeping Easter at Passover, to which Bede also refers as 
" Judaism."] 



It would obviously be impossible to cany out in this volume 
, the plan adopted in tbc otIiEr volumes of this series to include 
/CharaeterizatioD of the chief authorities used. For the present 
[ volume nearly every source of importance for English History in 
I the twelfth century has been utilised, and to describe them all 
would be to give an account of English historiography for that 
period. Some of them have been alre^y dealt with at length in 
' two former volumes of this series, Mr. Hunter's St. Thomai of 
Canterbury and Mr. Archer's Crusade of Richard I. All that 
I, i% necessary is to give a bibliographical list of the books used, 
with here and there a word of characterization. For tbe Rolls 

her account is perhaps required, and is given in the n 
section, The pagination added in each case gives the pages of 
the present book in which the source is quoted. The following 
abbreviations refer to various series In which soiuc of the books 
quoted have appeared. 

Cam, Soc. ^Camden Society. 
E.H.S.^:£nglish Historical Society. 
P.R.S.=Pipe RoU Society. 
R.C.=Record Commission. 
R.S.—Rolls Series. 
Surl. Soc.=Surtees Society. 

For Hebrew and Jewish sources, which deserve a fuller tre 

Acta Sanclarum, edit, BoUandus, kc. (tic great Benedictine 
series of Lives of the Sointi), pp, 19, tiB, 70. 


Ancient Deeds of the Iwelfth Century, ed. Round (P.R.S.), 
p. 80. 

Ancient Laws (before the Conquest), ed. Thorpe (R.C.), 
pp. I, 2, 68. 

Ancren Riwle (" Rule of Nuns," Mid. £ng.), ed. J. Morton 
(Cam. Soc), p. 242. 

Angio'Stueon Chronicle, ed. Earle, p. 19. 

Annals of Innisf alien (m Irish), trans. O'Conor, p. 255. 

Ansdm, St. (1033-1109), Opera, ed. 1744, pp. 7-12. See 

"Benedict the Abbot" of Peterborough, Gesta Henrici, ed. 
Stubbs, sub, tit. Chronicles of the Reigns of Henry II, and 
Richard I (R.S.), pp. 53, 57, 62-3, 91. 

[A contemporary chronicle of the period 1172-92, attributed 
to Benedict of Peterborough, but really, according to Dr. 
Stubbs, by Richard Fitz-Neal, the King's treasurer, and 
author of the Dialogus de Scaccario,'] 

Bernard, St. (1091-1153), quoted from Bouquet Recueil, 

Blomfield, History of Norfolk (oct. ed.), quoted for abstracts 
of Norwich Deeds, p. 274. 

Bouquet, Recuieil des Historiens de la France, Paris, 1738 seq, 
pp. 22-3. See St. Bernard. 

Brompton, John, Abbot of Jervaulx, co.Yorks, end xiii. cent. 
See Twysden. 

Burton, Chronicon de Melsa (^[eaux Abbey, Yorks.), ed. £. 
A. Bond (R.S.), pp. 72, 177-8. 

Camden, Britannia, ed. Gough, p. 188, quoted for a reference 
to Jews in Cornwall no longer accessible. 

Capgrave, T. (t 1494), Legenda nova Anglice, 15 16, pp. 19-21. 

[An account of the martyrdom of William of Norwich, which 
•turns out to be from a contemporary account by Thomas of 
Monmouth. See p. 256.] 


Caiahgue of the Anglo-Jtadsk Historical Exhibition, ll 
lipp, 75, 77. (Bril. Mus. Charters.) Quoted as Cat. 

Corpus yurii Canonici, ed. Fieldberg, pp. 15, 16, 17, 184-f 

[A digest of the canonical law of the Roman Catholic Church. 
The part that concerns us is mainly from the Dicrrtum of 
Gratian, who died at Bologna, 1150.] 

Dialogus de Scaccario, ed. Madoi, at end of Hist, of Ex- 
jLcAeyUCT-, pp. 49-51. 

[A full desctiption of the iinances of the Kingdom and the 
methods of collecting them, profaahly drawn up by Richard 
Fitineal, the King's Treasurer, about 1170. See "Bene- 
dict the Abbot."] 

Domesday, ed. Hardy (R.C.), p, ;. 

[The celebrated census of England, so far as relates lo tlie 
King's tenants, c. 108G.] 
' Duchesne, Bistorin Normannorum Scriptores, Paris, 1619, 

Ij. ;s- 

[Containing Ricord or Rigord's account of the eipnlsion ot 

the Jews from France, I182.] 
Gervase of Canterbury, Chronicle of Stephen, Henry II., and 
,fiiehard [., ed. Stubbs (R. S.), pp. 47, 93. 

[Mainly a compilation from " Benedict," but with additions, 
I especially with reference Lo Kent and Canterbury.} 

I Giraldus Cambrensis, Opera (R. S.), pp. 57, 86-7, 113, 272 
b^, 27s. 283, 185. 

[A bright and voluminous writer, 1147-1218. The passages 
selected are from his Vila S, Remigii, Speculum Eeclesia, 
Itinerarium Kambria, Topograpkia Hibemia, and De In- 
structiont Principum, tbc nature of which are fairly indicated 
by their titles. See Barnard, Strongbovi' s Conquest, in 1 
series, for a fuller account.] 


Gesta Sti, Albani. See Walsingham. 

Gloucester Chronicle, Historia Sti. Petri GlocestruSj ed. Hart 

(R. S.), pp. 45-7. 

Howden or Hovedene. See Roger de Hovedene. 
Hugonis Magna Vita, edit. Dimock (R. S.), p. 207. 
[An eloge of St. Hugh, the Bishop (not the boy-martyr) of 

Historical Commission Report^ pp. 177, 260. 

[From the deeds still preserved in the Chapter House of St. 
Paul's and catalogued in Vol. ix. of the Reports of the 
Royal Commission on Historical MSS.] 

lugulph, Chronicon de Croyland, apud G2\t Scriptores^ p. 293. 

[A pseudepigraphic chronicle, a forgery of the thirteenth or 
fourteenth century. Inserted in this book, as it has been 
always hitherto quoted, and so here nailed, as it were, to 
the counter.] 

Jocelin de Brakeland, Chronica^ ed. Rokewood (Cam. Soc), 
pp. 59, 62, 75, 78-9, 141.2. 

[The chronicle utilized with such force by Carlyle in his Past 
and Present. Jocelin was a devoted adherent of Abbot 
Samson's and shared his violent antipathy against the Jews, 
which must be allowed for in reading his account.] 

Madox, History of the Exchequer^ pp. 58-9, and passim, in 
notes to items from the Pipe Rolls. 

[Madox's book is full of information about the finances of 
Angevin England, and contained a chapter (c. vi.) on the 
Exchequer of the Jews. I quote generally from the first 
edition in a single folio, at times from the quarto in two, in 
the latter case with Roman numeration of the volume. M. 
perse in the notes to the Pipe Roll items refers to Madox.] 

Madox, Formulare Anglicanum, pp. 188-90. 




Afemarials of Fountain Abbey ,cA. Rame(Siirt. S(K.],pp'5B-0. 

Falgrave, Sir F. C. Cemmmi-uitalth if England, pp. 38-42. 

[For the account of Richard of Anesty's debts to the Jews, 
now also gi^n in Mr. H. Hall's Court Life under Ihe Plan- 
tageneis, with a racsimile of the originul document,] 

PelerofBlois (1130-1200). Opera, ed. Giies, pp. 179-82. 

[A theologian trained in France but serving in England from 
1175. His CoHira Perfidiam yudaomm was written here 
in the last decade of the twelfth centnty.] 

Philip de Tha.un, BesCiaire, ed. Wright, p. 13. 

Price, J. E.' Account of Guildhail, p. 13. 

[Gives the ' Terrier ' or rent-roll of St. Paul's, also yiven in 

Robertson, J. C. Materials for History of Thomas Beckett. 
R.S.) pp. 27, 42. 45, 153. 

[A collection of all tlie contemporary lives, fee, of S(. 
Thomas. The first extract is from William Fitxslephen's 
life, the second and third from an anonjinotis memoir in a 
Lansdowne MS., and the last from the Passie S. Tkama of 
Benedict of Peterborough.] 

Ralph Disset or de Dicelo (1125-1202). Imagine! Histori- 
irum, ed. Stubbs (R S.) pp. 112-3. 

{As Archdeacon of Middlesex and Dean of St. Paul's, Ralph 
had great opportaoities for watching events of whidl he 
took advantage.] 

Richard of Devizes. Chronicon, ed. Howlett (R.S.) pp. 133- 
\, 1*6-52- 

[Only deals with the years liS9'g4 in n very sarcastic and 
rhetorical style. He views things Jewish (rom a Win- 
chester standpoint, and it is hard to say whether he is 
jesting or Dot,] 


Robert of Gloucester. Chronicle, ed. W. A, Wrighl, pp, 

[A Middle English |ioem of some value historically, ihough 
he does not help us much about the London liot of 11S9.] 

Roger dc Hovedene. Chronica, ed. Stubhs (R.S.], pp. 6a, 
fij, 68, ;5, 105.6, 155-9. 

[For 1172-92 Roger's account is mainly based on "BencdicI 
the Abbot," for llcil-izoi it is original. Some of the 
passages of the earlier period occur in both authoritieB.] 

Rymer. Fcsdera, ed. 1816, pp. [34.8, ^^%. 

[A collection of Latin state documents made in the seven-- 
teentb century and often including documents no longer 

Stowe. Survey of London, ed. Thorns., p. 1B3. 
Thomas of Monmouth, Vila it Passio S. WilUlmi Norvitensit, 
MS. in the Cambridge University Library. See p. 256. 
Tovey, D'Bloissiers. Anglia yudaica, 1738, p. 2i;-8. 
[This is the '' standard " history of (he English Jews before 
tbeir eipnlsion. It is mainly derived from Prynne's S/iorl 
Demurrer to (he Jnes, with some additional documents 
from Madoi j 
Twysden, Decern Scriptores, p. 159. See Brompton. 
Walsingham, Gesta Abbatium St. Albani, ed. Riley (R S,) p. 
[Though Walsinghanj wrote temf. Ric. n. he bases ^is facts 

on much earlier documents.] 
William of Malmesbury. Gesta Rervtn Anglorurrt, ed. 
Hardy {E.H.S ), p. 6. 
[The second in order of time, i.e. next after Bede, of English 

historians as distinguished from annalists.] 
WiUiam of Newbury. Histoiia Rerum Anglicanarum, ed. 
Howlett (R.S,), pp. 94, 99-105, 113- 1 6, II 7-30, i3i-3i 264. 


[Wniiam the Little ofNewburgli, co. Yotlts. (Jijb-f)! 
canon of Ihe Auguslinian pnory of Bridlington in hif 
county. He is of the " philosophical" school of historians 
like William of Malmesbuiy. See the chan 


The Jews being, at least informally, connecled with the Royal 
Treasury, it is natorally in the affidal documenls or Kolk that 
we find the fullest and most explicit information ahout them. By 
the end of the twelfth century we find a moat complete systen 
records by which every transaction of the Royal courts or officials 
can be traced. For the purposes of the present book the Rolls 
may be divided into three classes, those connected with the 
Treasury, those relating to the Courts, and finally the prodan 
tions or pulJic notices of the King. The first include the Pipe 
and Liberate RoDs with the Liber Ruheus, the second the Fine 1 
and Oblate Rolls, the Placitoriam Abbrsiiiatio, and the Rolls I 
of the King's Bench, while the last include Charters, Patent | 
Rolls, and Close Rolls. 

I. Pipe Rolls. — These formed the annual balance sheet of ' 
the Exchequer in account with the Sheriffs of the different c< 
lies. These entries were made on a continuous roll as each 
Sheriff passed his accounts at the Exchequer Board, when it w 
diecked by means of a kind of abacus, hence the name. Three 
copies were taken, one for the Chancellor (Rotulus CanceUariiJ, 
one for the Treasurer, and the third, caDed the Pipe Roll, from 
its shape, for the King. Each Sheriff had to account to the 
King in the first place for the " ferm " of his county, and then ■ 
for the pleas and conventions that had taken place during his ' 
year of office, the fines for which were generally paid through the ■ 
Sherifl'. If these were not piiid in full the balance was carried 


on from year to year. The SheriiF is debited with the " fcrm " 
and then credited with his payments. Thus^ to quote instances 
which happens to contain a reference to the Jews not cantaincd 
in this book, I may give the passage relating to the old •* feim" 
of London, 5 Hen. II. (C/. Pipe Roll Society, Introduction^ p. 9). 


Reiner, the son of Berengarius, and his associates 
[Dr.] render count of ;^2oo 73^. 5^., white money, 
for the old ferm of London. 

[Cr.] By payments by King's writ to the Jews of 
London, £\^^ 13J. 4^/. And by payments to the 
Knight of Hereford in Wales, £1% igj. 4</. And to 
William Cade, 13^. ^d. 

And he [Reiner] owes £^% ijs, 4^. white. 

A similar and important payment to Jews occurs in the Pipe 
Roll 20 Hen. II., as given in Calendar Docs, Scotl., i. p. 19. 

Hampshire. — And paid by same [Richard de Luci*s"| 

writ to Habraham and Cresselin and Judas and Ysaac 

and Jomet his brother and Jacob son of Ursel, Jews 

of Winchester, 20 marks, which they had lent to send 

to Carlisle on the King's business. 

It is, however, chiefly with reference to the entries relating to 
the fines of the courts that we find specific details about the Jews. 
These always occur for the first time under the heading. Noma 
Ohlatay i.e,y new offerings of defendants recently put at the 
King's mercy and willing to buy the same at a price. The 
Sheriff was responsible for the collection of these fines, and 
therefore reports them to headquarters at the Exchequer at 
Westminster, even if they are not paid (and very often they are 



» paid). The Pipe Rolls are eManl tor one year of Henry 1., 

continuously from 2 Hen. II., USS- Of the early RoDs 31 

' Hen. I. and 2, 3, 4 Hen, II., i Ric. I, and 3 Jolin, have been 

"edited by Hunter (R.C.) ; 5-13 Hen. U., by the Pipe RoU 

tSocietsf. For the inedited 35 rolls, 13-36 Hen. H., l-io Ric. I., 

J have gone through the originals at the Record Office, and 

picked out all that I could find of Jewish interest. A few items 

f from those years are drawn from Mados, History of £xchequ<r. 

As Ibese items form the backbone of this volume, and are 

I invariably referred to by the number of the items as they 

loHgiDally appeared in the Arclusological Review, Feb., ittSg, it 

' .seems desirable to give a list of the numbers and the pages on 

which they occur. 

N08. 189 

2 [8 have 

not appeared before. 

P.R. Regnal y 

ar. pp. 


Regnal year. pp. 

i-S 31 Hen. 

■ H-S 


3 Ric. I. 142-5 

6-10 2-6Hen.II. 18-9 


4 .. '53-5 

■1-15 i^-iS .. 



S .. 'S9-6 

16-17 '6 „ 



6-8 „ 174-5 

10-27 18-22 ,, 



9 .. '8^-4 

- as 33 *3-S „ 



loRic.I., !jo. 192.6 

34-47 36-S „ 



2, 3 Jo. 210 

48-6629-32 „ 



4-6 Jo. 218-2 

67-72 32-3 .. 


73-ys 34-fi .. 



25-§4 Hen. II. 265-6B 

51-1040 I, J Ric. 

. [38-+1 


l-q Ric. I. 276-78 

It may be well 10 add that the 31st regnal year of Henry I. 
from 5 Aug., 1 129, to 4 Aug., 1 130; the first year of Hcmy 
ran from 19 Dec, [154, to 18 Dec,, 1155; of Richard I. 
Q 3 Sept., ii8g, to 2 Sept., 1190; and of John from 27 May, 
HI99, to 26 May, 1200. 

Ltberatk Rolls {Of. pp. 228-31).— Sums could only 
paid out of the Treasury or documents delivered from it on 



delivery of a King's writ, which invarinbly began after lhe<< 
tation lo Ihe Barons of Ihe Exchequer with tlie emphatic ordo 
" Liberate," " deliver up." Copies of these w 
on 3. Roll, which was called Rotulus de Liberatt ; those for 1, 
3, 5 Jo were printed by Sir T. D. Hardy (R.C.). The w 
were often also entered on the Patent Roll ; hence we find entries 
duplicated, as that relating lo Saher de Quency (perhaps a 
ancestor otThomas de Qnincey) on pp. 122 and 229. 

III. LlBKE RuBEUa DK ScACCARIO {Cf. pp. I8&.7, 260-269.) 

— The "Red Book of the Exchequer" contained a misceJlaiiEoll! 
number of lusts (of Knights' fees, &c,), and enactments (as 1 
of the Stannaries, supra p, 186], likely to be of use to the offii 
of the Exchequer, It is now being edited by Mr. Hubert HaD, 
of the Record Office. 

IV. Fine and Oblate Rolls (pp. 

231-4).— As slink between the Eschequer and the law-courts, 
the Oblate and Fine Rolls contain lists of Ihe offeriogs fablata) 
or fines made to the King to obtain c 
various penalties. These were called oblations at first and after- 
wards fines. As they were often collected through the sheritb, 
the same entries sometimes occur in the Pipe RoUs. 
earliest Oblate and Fine Rolls were edited by J. R. R.obntS' 
for the Record Commission. 

V. ROXULl CuKIffi Regis (pp. 175-/, 191-2].- 
brought before the King'sBench were recorded on special Rfllll. 
Those for 6 Ric. I.— i Jo. were edited by Sir F. C. Palgravete 
the Record Commission. The passages on p. 262 are from V 
anprinted Coram Rege Roll at the Record Office. 

VI. Placitorum AaBREViATio (pp. 165, 216),— An abstiwt 
of the Rotui; Curiai Regis (i-om Ric, I. lo Ed. H. was madeif 
Agard and other Elizabethan antiquaries, preserved s 
Chapter House at Westmmster Abbey, and printed by fte 
Record Coraiaission it 


II. Charter Rolls (pp. 202-4., 206-7, J08-9, 212-5, ^17. 

'^^\).—CoDX.sia the more fomiiil and public pronouncements 
lE^he King, granting privileges, &c., to his subjects — e.g., the 
ftaX charter of the Jews confirmed by John was entered on the 
tharter Roll. Those of John were edited for the Record 
lommission by Sir T. D. Hardy 1837. 

Il VIII. Patent Rolls or Rotuli Literarum Pa- 
toNTlUM (pp. 205, 221-3, 225-^)' — Contain the open ur more 
iriilic letters of the King addressed to bis subjects, and ordering 
seni to do something or granting them some right or privilege. 
Ulttera patent differ from royal charters in being somewhat less 
poal or important, 5ii T. D. Hardy edited the earliest Patent 
lolls (R.C. 1833.) 

; IX. Close Rolls or Rotuli Litkrarum Clausarum 
to. 237-9). — Contain the dosed or more private letters of the 
ping addressed to his subjects, and of less public interest or 
pportance than charters or close Rolls, Those for John's reign 
tee edited by Sir T. D Hardy (R. C. 1833). 
|»Olher documents of a tnorc private character, as feet of lines, 
re described in the next section. 

[t is possible from the materials given in this volume to obtain 
bly clear idea of the way in which the Jews conducted 
siness of usury. In several instances we have an extremely 
rant of the whole history of a transaction or set of trans- 
e.g. those of Richard Anesly, pp. 38-42, of the Abbey 
t, Edmund's, pp, Sq-62, or of Benedict Peraeic, pp. l88-go, 
'e can indeed trace the whale course of a debt from its begin- 
the final payment to the Jews nr to the King. 

; safely said thai the only pi rsous in want of coined 
!y in the Kingdom were of the upper classes, i.e., the nobles. 



gentry, and clergy. The vast mass of the people lived bybi 
and bad no need of coin. But the smaller nobles and geatry, if 
(hey wished to conduct a lawsuit, Or equip their retainers, or 
gu on a crusade or build a castle — and no less than 1,115 oi these 
were erected in Slepben's reign — or erect a church, would have 
lo get money from the Jews, who were the only large holders of 
it in the Kingdom, There were a few Christians who leaj 
money without interest, e.g., Wilham Fitz Isabel was the largest 
creditor of the Abbey of St. Edmond's (Jw/ra p. 58), but for tLe 
most part resort had to be made to the Jew. 

As a general nde the security was good, i.e. landed property,, 
but this was of little use to the Jew, who could not hold it under 
an overlord. The aim of the Jew, therefore, was to get a reuly 
money return of some sort, chiefly of course the rent of the land 
usually paid by the va-ssals of the debtor. In one case, and that 
the eariiest on record [p. 66), the money was to be relurned in 
the form of so many soanis of hay, which was a very marketable 
commodity : in this case no mention is made of usury, though 
probably the value of the hay was higher than that of the money 
lent. Similarly we have frequent mention of loans to be tepud 
in a series of years without any payment of usury (pp. 6;, 80, 88, 
&c.), if the instalments are paid up to dale. In such cases wft 
may suspect that the sum mentioned in the deed and to be rep^ 
was really much more than the sum lent {Cf. remarks on pp, 80, 
128). Generally, however, usury is to be paid straightway, is 
in the case of Richard Anesty, The amount of usurj' varies 
from twopence in the pound per week {i,e. about 43 per cent, 
per annum) to fourpence {i.t. 86 per cent.), while a penny and 
threepence also occur (p. 88). 

But this high rate seems only to have been current when tlie 
Jew did not have his pledge and mortgage. It naturally SQoa 
led to a state of atfairs when the paj-menl of it 


intolerable, and the creditor found it necessary to make a line 
with the Jeiv, i.e , capitalise the interest, add the jirincipal, and 
Btilrt afresh. He miftht do this either allomng interest again to 
«ccrue (as ivas done af St. Edmond'a), or for a time the Jew 
could collect the rents till ihe whole was paid off (187), or the 
Wtale was saddled with a yearlj' rent to the Jew til! the debt 
cotdd be paid off {€f. pp. iBS, 227). In this ease the interest 
on the capitalised sum was tolerably moderate ; li\ per cent. 
(p. Tq), iji per cent. [p. 80). 10 per cent, (p. 188), l\ per cent 
(p. 227), though in case of non-payment of the interest stringent 
^nditions are imposed (pp. 80, 227]. 

But things did not always go so smoothly in the arrangement 
of a long-standing debt. Merely to have hisright recognised to 
« debt the Jew had often to recur I0 the King's courts (see 
CehtfiluHons. \\ 15, 16), as nl«i for a writ lo remind his debtor 
(p. 200). When the debtor failed to pay up and incurred for- 
(ieftuie of his land, the Jew had otien to get the King's courf to 
^ra him seisin or possession (17, 69), or applied for an assize of 
ftovel disseisin (65). Legal aid wa-s also it times required to 
rarttaa* a Jew being recognised as the owner of a piece of land 
(90), or to have right against the estate of a deceased debtor 
(153}, And when the courts had declared for the Jew their 
assistance had often to be invoked to have the goods of a debtor 
distruned (181). 

It is clear from the above that there was nothing against the 
Jews holding land, at least in the twelfth century. The records 
for that iieriod are not at all full, my extracts are probably not 
complete, we only get information as a rule when there is some 
legal di!.pute about the property. Yet with all this I have been 
able to draw up the following list of manors " on which Jews 
' V^i^n e^p^<■l<Lly meadonvd ai mortKa^d. It is prnbable Ihnt many 
Elf the manDTi which ffave nameB to ttw Jewi' debtors were olio plrdged. 



held liens. To these I have added houses known to be in Jewish 
hands and the names of abbeys with which Jews had dealings 
either in helping them to build (probably on security of then- 
land) or in passing on to the abbeys debts due to Jews. To 
distinguish the items I have placed m after the names of manors, 
h after houses in towns, db after names of abbeys (or monasteries 
in a couple of instances) ; A indicates that the property or debt 
is included in the debts of Aaron of Lincoln, which fell into the 
King's hands. Many of these occur 15 years after his death in 
the Rotulus Cancellarii oi 3 Jo. {R.C.) 

Abrugward, w, 
Androdesdy, m. 
Bainton, /». 


129 A. 

p. 71 A. 

Barewe, m. 





p. 76 A. 

Bellegarve, m, (Belgrave) 
Bettledon, ah. 


12^ A. Lib. p. 54 A. 
p. 99 ? — p. 108 A. 

Bisebrok, m. 

? Rutland 

p. 67 A., 164, 218 

Blenford, m. 


127 A. 

Bludeie, m. 


Rot. Canc.f 3 Jo. p. 

Bosinton, m. (Bossington) 


344 A. 

Bridiport, m. 

Burneham, m. (? B. Thorpe) 
Gary, m. 
Cassewell, m. 


R.C. p. 244 A. 
R.C. p. 326 A. 

p. 233 

R.C. p. 171 A. 


Certesia, ah. 


R.C. p. 30 A. 

Colingburn, m. 
Compton, m. (Long C.) 
Cumberton, m. 




129 A. 
129 A. 
p. 191 

Esling, m, 
Everley, m. 







Col, Doc, Scot. p. 33 A 

, ffl. 


R,C. p. 171 A. 

n^ m. 


p. 260 

, m. 


p. 99 



p. 191 n. 

t, m. 


129 A. 

t. (Halesowen) 




' Essex 

p. 135 



p. 216 

, m. 


p. 165 





p. 227 

1, m. 


129 A. 

, ab. 


p. 108 A, 

[, ab. 


p. 108 A. 

rga (?LongboroughJ York 

R.C.p. 286 A. 

i (Lockerley)^ 



R.C. p. 244 A. 



pp. 177, 231, 234, 255 




rd, w. 

? Middl. 


re Well, z«. {Maple- 







pp. 58 A., 177 . 

ae, w. 


R.C. p. 244 A. 

ick, m, (Neswick) . 

, Yorks. 

p. 71 A. 

aster, ab. 


p. 108 A. 

;, w. 


p. 62, Of, R,C, p. 
285 A. 

^on, ;/«. 


129 A. 



p. 222 

ipton, k. 


p. 206 



P- 94 



Oreford, m. 


R.C. p. 327 A. 

Ouseby, m. 



Oxford, A. 


R.C. p. 271 A. 

Parcolude fLouthpark) . ah 

. Line. 

p. 108 A. 

Pallesdon, m. 



Paxton, m. 


Cal. Doc. Scot. p. 33 A 

Persora, ah, fPershoreJ, 



Peterborough, ab. 



Pikering, m. 


R.C. p. 286 A. 

PorKgelode, m. 

? Yorks. 

p. 216 

Pomewich, m. 


R.C. p. 344 A. 

Ramsey, ab. 



Revesby, ab. 


p. 108 A. 

Rievale, ab. 


p. 108 A. 

Rowell, m. 

? Gloue. 


Ridun, m. 


p. 271 



p. 270 

Ruford, ah. 


p. 108 A. 

Rupe (Roche) y ab. 


p. 108 A. 

St. Edmond*s, ab. 


pp. 59» 78, 141 

St. Alban's, ab. 


p. 79 

Seldton m. (? Selston) . 


129 A. 

Sepwich, m. 

Warw. ? 

129 A. 

Seton, m. 


p. 178 

Shepchurch, m. 

Warw ? 

129 A. 

Snettesham, m. 


p. 270 

Southampton, h. 


R.C. p. 244 A. 

Stiveclay, m. 


Cal. Doc. Scot, p.33 A 

Thurroc (E. ^ W. Thur- 


p. 135 

rock) . 

Tottenham m. 


p 80 

Turmsdeston, m. 

Warw. ? 

p. 9 A. 

? Cumberl. 

Cal.Doc. Sco 



Mad. Exih. 


p. Ii2 


p. >78 




p. 71 A. 
.29 A, 


115a A., 13 

p. a 


Waltham, afi. 

Wapslede, m. 

"Wartrey, wi. 

Westminster Abbey. 

Whanun (Wharraa). 

Wikingston, m. 

Winchester, A. 

Witham, Ri. Lice. 

The striking thing atxiut this list is the prcdominenee of 
Aaron of Lincoln; exactly half of the entries refer to him. This : 
is due to some extent to the fact that his estates fell into the \ 
King's hands, and therefore were enrolled on the King's records. 
But it was precisely because of their magnitude that the King , I 
kept them in his own possession instead of passing them o 
a consideratioa to Aaron's son Vives. It is clear on all handi.. 
that Aaron was tlie leading financier of hi 
which was lost in the Channel, must have been very large, and 
he left besides nearly /"jo,ooo worth of indebtedness {including ' 
the Cistercian debt, p. loB) which passed to the King. And 
there are certain indications which show in what way his huge 
wealth was acquired. He organised the Jewry ir 
making all the Jews throughout the country his loan-agents. 
Thos Solomon of Paris (p. 77) signs a receipt for his ma 
Aaron; Peytevin and Leo (p. 26y) are only his attorneys, 
early as !l66 we lind him doing business (obviously through I 
agents) in Lincoln, Norfolk, Yorkshire, Hants , Essex, Rutland, 
Cambridge, Oxford, and Bucks. His example was foUowed by J 
Isaac iil Rabbi, whom we find in partnership with him (24], for J 
vfe find Benedict Bressus receiving money 00 behalf of Isaac 
(p. 76). The whole body of Jews were banded together 
I banking corporation, trading in a few names, like Aaron oC J 


Lincoln, Isaac fil Rabbi, Jumet of Norwich, and Brim of 

They were not, however, allowed by the King to have 
partnerships. Jumet and Isaac tried to do so, but were not 
allowed (23). The reason is tolerably obvious: when one of the 
partners died, debts due to the firm would not fall into the 
icing's hands, as would be the case with an ordinary debt due 
to a single Jew who happened to die. And it was to the interest 
of the debtor that the debt should fall into the King's hands, 
for he might then compound for the debt at a much smaller sum 
than was owed to the Jew (pp. 108, 211). It was doubtless for 
this reason that debtors were willing to pay such high interest : 
if the Jew died before pajrment was enforced, the debtor might 
escape for a much smaller sum paid to the King. It was, as I 
have said, a kind of bet taken against the life of the Jew, and 
the York massacres were in this sense a huge case of "nobbling.'* 
On the other hand, it was better business for the King in the 
long run to pass on the indebtedness to another Jew (125, 130), 
for while in the King's hands it bore no interest. 

For this last reason, no obstacles seemed to have been placed 
in the way of Jews passing on debts from one to another (C/l 113, 
164, 215, 218). In this way a certain amount of transactions in 
credit must have gone on, corresponding in a measure with the 
stock and share markets of later times. The deeds of indebted- 
ness passed from one Jew to another as a medium of exchange, 
and thus increased the circulation. We have instances of debts 
to Jews in England being collected from debtors in Normandy 
(49) ; if such debts also passed from hand to hand among the 
Jews, we would have here the germ of bills of exchange. 

It is by no means clear how the somewhat complicated 
estimates involved in the calculation of usury were performed ; 
probably by means of an abacus (Ball, Mathematics at Cam- 



bridgg, p. 2). Cases occur of debts being again demanded when 
already paid {48, Cf. iio). To avoid such an accident debtor 
often had their Shetars or acquittances enrolled on the Pipe Roll 
(163a, Cf.f. 5B), or to have a general acknowledgment similarly 
inscribed (1643). The accusation of falsity of charters was fr 
quent against the Jews in the thirteenth ceotury, but there w 
scarcely any need for sach means of getting the debtors in t 
toils. The automatic increase of interest would be sufficient bf 
itself, and would naturally give rise to suspicion of foul play in 
minds unaccustomed to calculate compound interest. 

The Deeds in which these various transactions were recorded 
were mainly of two kinds, an acknowledgment on the part at 
the debtor or a release on the side of the Jew. The former w 
at first called simply charters (carta) or deeds, but later became ' 
known as cyrograpks, which were in duplicate written on 
piece of parchment, with the two copies of the bond separated 
by the word cyroGRAPHVS written large. This was thet 
through with a zigzag contour, so that the two parts on being 
put together exactly tallied. This was to prevent the substitn- 
tion of a different deed. The Jewish keeper of these deeds w 
called a cyrographer {Cf., p. 234). 

The receipts of the Jews were caUed "Starrs" (Starrum 
after the Hebrew Shetar, or "contract." As is well known, 
the CotU't of Star Chamber of later times is supposed to have 
derived its name from being held in the chamber where the old 
Jewish Starrs used to be deposited. This is to some eitenl 
coafinned by the fact that the folk-etymology of the name refers 
it to an imaginary sky-blue ceiling adorned with stars, of v 
there is no evidence. It was Blackstone who first suggestCi 
other etymology. Specimens of caiia are given on pp. 66-7, 
cyrographs on p. 227, stairs on pp. 58, 76, 77. 

Besides these deeds specially devoted to Jewish debts wf 

3 1 6 APPENDIX. 

lind Jews concenied in others of a more general cfaaiaoUb^ 
Thus we find Jurael, of Nnrwich. occnmng m one of the eariieK 
"Feets of Fine " (p. g4). This is a reeotd of a fictitious ac 
between landlord and lenant, so as to put on record the b 
action by which the land or house changed bands. The Deed 
of Mortgage ou p. 80 is of an ordinary type, nor is there anytimiE 
specific about the covenant of p. 99 : both are 
of the period bs recorded in such law books as G-lanville or Fleb. 


This book is so full of reference to sums of money that it i) 
desirable to get some definite idea of what is implied by the 
various sums mentioned. When it is said that £^ was paid or 
lent by a Jew, what command of services and commoditiei e 
represented by that sura ? Would it buy as mnch, or more, or 
less, than could be purchased nowadays for jf roo ? In short 
what is the " index-number," as the economists call it, of tiie 
liineteenth century as compared with that of the twelfth? "Whsl 
constant multipber should be used on the sums mentioned in 
this book in order to represent more approximately the sonu 
they would be equivalent to at the pre.^ent day ? The questioD 
is a difficult one, the materials are extremely scanty, and any 
result reached must be only roughly approsimatc. But aiqr 
result is better than none. 

Ihi the lirst p1»:e, as to the money itself. The coin acEnally 
used was the silver denarius or penny, but accounts were 
reckoned in solidi (shillings) and librce (pounds], though only 
paid in denarii. Reckoning the solidns at 12 denarii, the weight 
of silver in a solidus (if it had existed] was three times as much 
as it contains now. VThereas 66 shillings are minted from one 
pound of silver nowadays, only twenty shillings worth of denarii 


coold be obtained from that weight of silver i 
ceotury. ThiE [net muiit be taken into account in considering I 
Ihe " indci-number " of the twelfth century, though it would ] 
not directly aifect it, if all we bave to deal with was the b 
value of merchandize, Sec. 

The only way of obfaining an " indei-numlier " out of the I 
many metbods proposed by economists, and discussed in Prof, | 
Edgeworth's three Reports on Ihe subject in Ihe Transacl 
the British Association for 1885-;, is that termed by him Ihe I 
IndeJinite Standard. This is detitied as "a simple unweighted ] 
average of the ratios formed by dividing the prices of each conii 
modity in the one period by the price of the same commodity in 
the other perioJ " {Brii. Ass. /ii^..tS&l. p. 1C3). In the tvrelfth I 
century this is only possible for a few articles of food, &c. I 
Thorold Rogers' classic inqniriea into the History of Prices only 1 
beginmth 1359. F\eetvood,Chn)nii:onPrfnoiHm, 'Eden, Stale J 
of the Poor, and Macpherson's Annals of Commerct only give a 
few items, to which I have been able to add little. As against 1 
these I I.ive given the nineteenth century prices (1800-85) given | 
in MulhaJl, DUt. of Statistics (probably from the Stalistical \ 
Abstracts; I have supplied lacunx from these). 

■ed that the htler 

wholesale, the others probably I 

retail prices. 

■ig ■-: ..^ ^ 

B ■? 1- s a S . -■ a -J 

■I^^i^liS = 'i^^.t§ I £§lq 

:C-,'^ :M^'-^'-.?v 

"i^ "i's "8 1' "s "3 "8 "3 3 "il Is "i'g 1^:2 3' "S ^ '2 

^i ^>^ S ft^i^is,^ S S 5 5 S g g 5 5 S 2 :a 

-H.K"-ffl=5 3;S3;^£'5 






6 ■■■■■■ --s i - • 

' =s« '■» 


Taldng Ibe average of the multipliers or " indeK-numbers,'^ ' 
tMswQuld give us about 46 as the "index-number" of the latter 1 
half of the twelfth century. But we have sinned against the rule I 
of our method, which bids us take each article only once. And I 
besides this, the additional values we have given for the cereabfl 
bsve mainly been for famine years, which reduces the average^■ 
Unking rnugh estimates for the lirst eight items, the chief r: 
materials, at 30, 42, lOo, 16a, 50, 30, 30, iz, we get an. average^l 
of 58 ; whereas the remaining seven, mainly manufactured pro- f 
ducts, give only an average of 13, and the whole fifteen give only I 
37 as an average multiplier. Manufactured articles were 
times asdearas raw materials in the twelfth as in the nineteenth J 

We have, however, other corrections to make. The earlier ' 
Items are mainly retail prices ; the later ones are wholesale, 
except in the cases or nails and boots (I have had to guess wbal 
the Prince of Wales gives for a pair of boots). Now retai 
prices are one-third higher than wholesale, so we have to increatr J 

ir inder-number by one-third, or multiply by J. *i\ 

But the shilling of the twelfth century was a different ai I 
weightier coin than our present token coin of that nam 1 
Twenty of them could be made out of a pound of silver, whereas I 
n made nowadays. This wotlld reduce our index-numb . 1 
by (g. On the other haiid, our standard of value is now go! 1 
and while 66 token shillings are made of a pound of silver, I 

latter can be bought nowadaysforjgj-., or 05 of a gold sovere I 

So that a shilling of the twelfth century was only worth JJ I 

twentieth of a sovereign. We must therefore multiply I 

index-number by the inverse of this traction in on^g^^^ I 
change the standard. Altogether therefore we have to mi^ ^■^^ I 

«u UDd, m far la I am a»ace. ] 


by % (for third] by ^§ (for difference of weight], by f{ (for change 
of standard), or about §. So for raw materials the inde^-number 
would be 40, for manufactured 9, and for both 25. In other 
words, a penny in the twelfth century would go as far as 
two shillings nowadays, half as much again for raw materials, 
but only ninepence for manufactured articles. This rough result v 
is confirmed by the fact that the only case of wages given is 
;f I 4J. 4J. a year (Eden, State of Poor, iii. p. ix.], which would 
correspond to something like 5jif. a week, which, reckoning on 
the above calculation, would correspond to I2J. a week. 

It is, of course, obvious how very rough is the above 
reckoning, but it was absolutely necessary to get some such 
rough idea of the relative value of money for a book which is so 
> full of references to amounts large or small. If these are 
^,multiplied by 30, some idea of their value as expressed in the 
g ^currency of to-day may be obtained. For it is probable that, 
"Sruriously enough, the larger the amount the larger ought to be 
v^e *' index-number " to correspond to the relative importance 
*" the sum compared with the whole capital of the country. 


^>5 ^ The sources of the King's income in Angevin England were 

. t,i*,n extremely miscellaneous character. Almost every event in 

•^^ S life of an Englishman might be the occasion of claiming 

^ <u (ley from him. The classical treatise of Thomas Madox, Tht 

"^■g tory of the Exchequer, 1707 > thus goes over a large section 

le whole of English life. It was the same with Englishmen 

^wish faith : their payments to the Exchequer were multi- 

s in the extreme. It has been usual to refer to this as 

ice that the King's power was absolute over them, that 

ii .. ere his chattels. But for nearly every one of the payments 

o :; y an EngUsh Jew I can produce evidence of similar fines. 

00 ^ 




•si .• 
.S» V 



fccmide by other Englishmen. The chief exceptions are pey-^ 
ts for Escuage, Ferms, Aid<i, and Custciins, though thssi 
Dona and Tallage of the Jews may be said lo conespond tofl 
Aids. I have drawn up the following list of tlie various occasional 
n which we find Jews pajitig the Royal Treasury during the^l 
period under review, following as far as possible the order oTm 
Madox's treatment and placing in brackets the chapter and sec* 9 
titia of bis treatise where the same or siniihr exactions from I 
ordinary Englishmen arc recorded. I 

B-EUEC, WARIISHIP, Marrjage (X. iv.). I 

[Relief wasajeudfll. profit paid by a tenant on taking posses- I 

siou jjf his estate on tbe death of the previous owner, M 

Wardship was [he right of custody of a relative's children.] M 

(I) For a relief. PT<.. item, 203. [n. ;.] I 

(a) To have debts, &c., of deceased father, 16 (j£6o), 55 [5 m. I 

issband), 66 [10 m. mother). 73 (/6;. ;6(t5s.), Si (I m fathers ■ 

n-law), 85 (II m, son), 86 (zom. husband), 101 {£^00), 116 I 

(loom.), 119 (£s books), cat (700 m.), 123 [300 m.), 140 (300 I 

m.), i6z (20 m. not relative). [». 4.] U 

{3) To have cumody (wardship) of children, 23, J3, 134 ; for I 

King to have same, 40. [x. 4.] I 

(4) For marrying without licence, 15, 58 [xiii. t]; not towed, I 
[O ; for a bill of divorce, 38. ■ 

(5) To have half of doHTy settled on wife, 118; to have dowiy 1 
leturned by son when husband is dead, p, 234. [^xiii. 11.] I 

Fines [XI.-XIII.] I 

[In later legal phraseology Fines refer chiefly to final agree- M 

ments Ibr the transfer of real estate ; in earlier usage the I 

term was used for almost any kind of offering made to the 1 

King.] 1 


(6) For waste and purpresture (encroachment on forest), 8a 
[xi. I.] 

(7) To have dispute about forest rights heard in King's ooint, 

[These are the only two items referring to forest rights and 
wrongs, showing that Jews were little concerned with 

For Law Proceedings, [XII.] 

(8) To have justice, 46 [xii. i] ; to have writs for justice, 160. 

(9) To have pleas, 2, 21 [xii. 2]; in common, 75; to hear plea 
against Jews, 43. 

(10) To have inquiry whether Jew may take usury from Tew, 
128 ; whether father died Christian, 161. \Cf, xii. 2.] 

(11) To have agreement heard, 195 ; dispute heard, 204. 

(12) To have summons before Chief Justice instead of Justices 
in Eyre, 91. 

(13) To have case between Jews heard in King's court, 98. 

(14) To have respite of plea, 38, 146, p. 211 [xii. 4]; between 
Jews, 34, 50. 

For Debts, [XII. v.] 

[Here, as is natural, we have the larger number of cases whidi 
cannot be paralleled from ^[adox.] 

(15) To have right to recover debts, 32 (25 per cent, paid 
King), 49 (in Normandy), 55 bis (12 per cent.), 60 (50), 61 (30)^ 
78, 99J (18), 113 bis (33, 54), 126 (33), 132 ter (22, 30, 20), 153 

(13 3)» 156 ^is (io» 9)» 158 (II), 191, I92» 194, 195 (16 per cent.), 
197. [xii 5.] 

(16) To have right to recover debt against Jew, 64 (400 per 
cent, paid to King), 94 (14 per cent.), I47 (5° per cent.), 152 

250 per cent.). 


3^3 1 

(17) To have debts, 14, 4S11, 51, 54, li) (nnd chattels), 94 (and! 
pledges) 171, 191, 19!. [liii. 6.] 

(18) Ta have bdp to recover debt, 4, S [liii. 6] ; to have | 
debtor distrained, iSc. 

{19) To have writ to recover debt, IJJ, p. 20l[xiii. 9]; lor 
mind debtor, p. zoo. 

[io) To have right against estate of deceased debtor, 153. 
(21) To have county record of debt against Jew, 160. [ni. i 
(Z2) To have mortj^ge, 51 bis \\\i. 5] ; to have pledge, igOf] 
to be recognised ns ovi-ner of land, 90. 
■ (23) To have disputed mortgage kept in King's hand, i 
{14) To get deeds from sheriff, 68 ; for a deed, ^^. 
(13] To havestarrs and acquittances of deceased Jews inspected ■ 
by Justices of Jews, p. 211. 

(a6) To have agreement with a Christian about a debt, t 

{21) To have debts of Aaron of Lincoln, 106, iii, 125, Il5ai!l 

130. 135. 136. 143. 150. 163, 165, 174, 175, p. ill, 180, p. 338,1 

190B, Z16; Tor tine to have one of his debts, 123 (50a m. foT-l 

jfSoo), 130; to have one of his houses, 1*50, 131. 

For Licences, &rc. pCni., iv.-viii.J 

(iS) To have an agreement anmng themselves, 10, SS, 1991] 

([»!■ 4] 

(19] To have partnership, s:, 39, 83, 84 (concntrent, xiii, I3},| 
,181. [riii. 4] 
' (30) To have residence with good-will of King, [iiii.5.] 
I {31) To have house bought but deprived of, 57. 
*■ (32) To have seisin of land mortgaged, 27, 69, [liii. 8.] 
For Legal Offences, &c. [XUI., U.-iii.] 
[See also Amerciaments, Nos. 37 «y.] 
(33) To be replevied (bailed out), iJli, (for burglary); 1 
[xiii. 9.] 



(34) To be surety, 127, 150 (for mother) [xiii. 10] ; for offisring 
money to redeem another Jew, 198. 

(35) ^o be quits of pledges, 33 [xiii. 10]; not to be prosecuted, 
88, 141 ter, 

(36) To be quits of appeal between Jews, 35, 172, p. 200 [xUL 
11]; to be quits of a charge \p)id,\^ to be put on oath, 154. 183; 
for not keeping fine, 79. 

Amerciaments. [XIV.] 

[When a person was found guilty of a charge he was at the 
King's mercy (*'in misericordia"), and could only obtain 
. this by paying an amerciament : it is often difficult to dis- 
tinguish these from fines.] 

(37) For an amerciament, 13 (;f 2,000), 28, 55 ;f6,ooo) [xiv. 5]; 
fine for amerciament, 97. 

(38) For killing sick man, 3 (;£'20oo !) [xiv. 6] ; for striking 
knight, 45, 46. 

(39) For personation, 57 ; for being party to illegal contract, 
44. [xiv, 7.] 

(40) For denying what he had said before, 48, 113, 133 ter, 
[xiv. 7.] 

{41) For being accused of being ot the society of outlaws 
145. [xiv. 7.] 

(42) For lending money to men under King's displeasure, ^ 
[xiv. 7] ; on sacred garments, 17, 53. 

(43) For a novel disseissin, 65. [xiv. 8.] 

(44) For a default (or forfeiture), 36. [xiv. 11.] 

(45) For withdrawing from court without licence. 197, 211. 
[xiv. II.] 

(46) For false charge, 141. [xiv. 13.] 

(47) For suborning evidence, 189^. [xiv. 13.] 

(48) For calling warrant illegally, 99a. [xiv. 12.] 


{49) For a stopid saying, 148 [liv. i;]; for not having proper I 
iiifonna.tionmdee(I, 92. For taking off priest's cap, 72. [xiv. 15 } | 

(SO) For buying treasure trove without permisHon, 93; for 1 
detaining retit of land, 91. 

(ji) For keeping back acquitted Eharters, 6z ; for demandiag I 
debt already paid, 4S, iio. 

(52) For failing to convict charter of falsity, 77 ; for not giving. J 
np debt to another Jew, II3. 

(53) ^0' to ^ impleaded for concealing charters, 123, [46 ; I 
for carrying off goods on which another Jew has sureties, 194 

' (54] For lands unjustly pledged, lOl ; to have another Jei 
.kept in cnstody for clippiog, p. 233. 

Tali^ge, [XVn.] 

(55) Dona, 7, y, los (2,000 m.), p. i6z. [nvii. 2.] 

(56) Tallage, Guildford, p. SS, Sq, 107, 166, 167, 113, 1:4 
tn- t"ii.6.] 

(57) Quarter of chattels, 71. [ivii. ».] 

(58) To be quit ofTallage, 89. [xvii. 7.] 

It would be of interest 10 ascertain what was the avcrag 
it of income that the King derived from his Jewish subjects 
from these reliefs, fines, amerciaments, and tallages. Itishow- 
ever very difficult to ascertain this, since for a large part of the 
period we have no Fine Rolls which often give information of 
IS paid to (he King otherwise than through the Eichequer to 
which the entries in the Pipe Rolls are confined. The Tallages 
and Dona were maiidy accounted for on separate rolls and do 

it appear escept by accident on the Pipe Rolls (there is n 
reference e.g. to the Northampton Donum in the Pipe Rolls). I 
I have not giveti details of all my extracts from the Pipe Rolls: 
(many more occur in the Name List) and I cannot claim to b. 
extracted all the Jewish items. There must obviously have b 


m(M« ' reliefs ' than the fifteen enumerated above ($2) . Altogeths 
any estimate found on my extracts can only profess to represeflt 
the minimum. 

There is further the difficulty that we do not always know if' 
some of the larger sums mentioned in the records were fully paid 
up. It is certainly desirable to separate these special entries 
from the more ordinary items. 

31 Hen. I. Amerciament (3) if^ooo 
12 Hen. II. Abraham fil Rabbi (13) 2000 
23 „ Transfretation (29, 42) 4066 

32 „ Jumet's fme (67) 4000 
35 ,, Jumet's licence to reside (87) 1200 
35 ,, Guildford Tallage 60,000 

1 Ric. I. Cistercian fine 666 
3 Ric. I. Debts of Aaron (106) i5>ooo 
3 „ Second Thousand Marks 105 1366 
3 „ Tallage 6666 
5 „ Northampton Donum 3666 

Donimi referred to p. 164 n, 2000 

2 Jo. Charters 2666 
Taking these separately, as well as the sums paid in the 

earUer period to Jews by the sheriffs, probably for value received, 
we may sum up the receipts recorded in the Pipe Rolls as 
follows in pounds sterUng. 

Reign, Ordinary, Sheriffs, Special, Total, 

Hen. I. 208 — 2000 2208 

Hen. II. 2-36 2030 2702 94300 99030 

Ric. I. i-io 2710 40 5333 8416 

Jo. 1-7 350 — 2666 3016 

It is clear that the averages for Henry II. and John are too 

small, the former because my extracts were less complete, the 

latter because the items relating to Jews had been removed to 

com-RtsunoKs to treasury. 317^ 

Epedal rolls. For John's reign this is to some degree compen- I 
Bated for by the items from the Fine KoDs, which reach £w^' I 
for the seven years, besides ^531 for the Royal Ten Pet CenU I 
ibr the two years, 5-7 Jo. supra (pp. 139-111). This would I 
L to show that the average butine^s of the whole English I 
Jewry only reached ^2,500 per annum, which is clearly much I 
below the mark. The Royal Ten Per Cent, only apphed li 
debts recovered through the courts. If we could assume tha 
about ^£"300 per annum was the average of ordinary P, R, itemi 
as in Ric. I., and ^£250 those of the Fine Rolls not extant fo 
Heniy II. and Ric. I., we should obtain something like Ihe I 
following revenue from Jews for the 51 years between 2 Hen. II. | 
and Jo. 7 (1156-1206; the solitary ye«r of Hen. I. need not ' 
considered) : — 

Pipe Roll ordinary item jf>Si3'>' 

Fines and Royal Ten Pet Cent iJi^SO 

Sheriffs' payments .. ,. .. ., 2,742 
Special Amerciaments, Tallages, &c. ,. 102,300 

Total,. ,, 133,59* 
From this has to be subtracted j£q,45Z not paid and Temov< 
to Jews' Rolls by Benedict de Talemund in 10 Ric. I., (P.R. ile 
172) and ^£4,500 of Aaton's debt still owing in 3 Jo., leaving a 
theba!anceof^l20,oooforthcsiyears. To this has to be added I 
unknown quantity ol Aaron'^ cash treasure, loEit in transit from j 
England to Normandy. This would probably raise the average I 
contribution uf Ihe Jews to the English Treasury to about ^:<500 I 
annually, and .-Ulowing for tallages, &c , not tecorded during Ihe \ 
yeats for which the Fine Rolls are not extant (t^.^. , tile price of ■ 
these charters was probably the same in t Hen. U. and i Ric. I. F 
iMin 3 Jo., I.e., 4,000 marks), we may assume, I thinlc, that the I 
average contribution was as neat as possible i"3,ooo/er a« 


Taking the "index number" which we reached in a fonner 
section of this Apjj^endix this WQuld correspond to some ;f 75,000 
nowadays. But it is probable that this sum is an inadequate 
representation of the Jewish contributions to the Treasury con- 
trasted Tivdth the whole available national resources. The whole 
treasure left by Henry II. was 100,000 marks, the same sumim 
the ransom set on King Richard (Macpherson Annals, sub amif 
1 189, 1 193). Towards this ransom the City of London gave or 
promised only 1500 marks, the English Jewry no less than 50001 
The total trade of England was ;^ 1 00,000 /^ra»n2^f» (Maq)he^ 
son, I.e. sub anno 1205) ; it is at present, 4,000 times as mudu 
The £yyoo contributed to the Treasury by the Jews must have 
loomed far more largely in the eyes of the King's Treasurer than 
perhaps a thousand times as large a sum nowadays. 

What was the complete revenue of Angevin England ? The 
estimate generally accepted is that of ;^65,ooo, given by Bishop 
Stubbs ; but that is for Edward I., a century later than the 
period we are considering. The Pipe Roll of 2 Hen. II. gives t 
revenue of only ;f 22,000; that of i Ric. I. of ;f 50,000, The 
last is too large, as it contains the new and extra aids given to 
the King on his accession. It would be safe, I fancy, to tjdn 
;f35,ooo as the average revenue, so that the Jewish contributkia 
was about one-twelfth of the whole. If we could compare the 
state of the national finances of the twelfth A^ith that of the pre- 
sent century, this would make the Jewish contributions to the 
Treasury as important as an annual sum of ;f 7,000,000 would he 
to the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The loss of the Jewish 
revenue led Edward I. to grant the statute De tallagio non con* 
cedendo and the regular summons of burgesses to Parliament. 
Cf. Dr. Grross, in Papers Anglo-jfewish Exhibition^ p. 211, who 
reckons the average contributions of the Jews to the Treasury 
during the thirteenth century at ^£^5,000 per annum (/.c. p, 195), 




The materials for the history of the English Jews in the twelfth 
o much more extensive thati that which is extant 
It any other European tountiy, that it is possible to draw up an 
* of Jewry, a whoie code of Inws derived froin the canons, 
i>rtcTS, or rolls. f I have thought itworthwbiletodrawup such 
' code with conlinaous enumeration, and descriptive croas- 
iodiags to the various sections. As a rule I have arranged the 
ts in chronological order. 


[Sec iupm pp. I, 15, 62, 184, 155.] 
(l.) A Christian must not sell a Christian slave to a Jew 
^eodosius, Lib. Pcen. xlii. 3). 
(».) Christians must not accept unleavened bread from them 

». iii , 1). 

fj.) Mass must not be celebrated where Jews have been baried 
»., xlvii. 1). 
J4.] public offices should not be committed to Jews (Giatian, 

-. I., u.. n). 

(5.) Clitistian slaves ill possfssioTi of Jews must he liberBted 
.. >3). 
' (&■) Jews must not be convened by force, nor must converted 

:s be allowed to revert {id., I. xlv. 5). 
'(7.) Jews cannot accuse Christians (Corp. Jur. Can., ed. 
tedburg, col. 489). 

[8.) Jews about to be converted must be catechumens for 
[ht months (11/., col. i,3gi). 


(9.) If a converted Jew reverts to Judaism, his children land 
slaves are not to be allowed to accompany him (id,, col. iy^9*}> 

(10.) Christians taking up the cross are freed from usuhyto 
Jews (Pope £ugenius,ap.^(afwi2^»;ia^, s.a. i,i^^,supra pjiaj). 

(II.) Clergy and Je\is are not to be placed under sej 
jurisdiction (Decree of Council of Avranches, 1172 ; ap. 
diet, ed. Stubbs, i. 34, supra p. 55). ^ 

(12.) Jews must not have Christians as servants (Mansi, Coif^ 
cilia, XX. 399) or as nurses (Gratian, Decrt, \,, vi. 13). 

(13.) Testimony of Jews is not to be preferred to that of 
Christians (Benedict Abbot i. 230). 

(14.) Jews may possess Christian churls, but not slaves (Z>ii^« 
v., vi. 2). 

(15.) They may restore old synagogues, but not bufld new 
ones (wf., 3-7). 

(16.) On Good Friday they must keep doors and windows 
shut (wf., 4). 

(17.) Princes who spoil Baptised Jews of their goods are to 
be excommunicated [id, 5, cf. No. 35). 

(18.] Jew striking priest should be punished by secular power 
{id,, 14). 

(19.) They must not be condemned without judgment, nor 
disturbed at their festivals, nor their cemeteries to be molested, 
nor their bodies exhiuned {id., 9). 


[This seems to have been first granted in the reign of Henry I. ; 
we have confirmations — i Ric. I. (Rymer, Fosdera^ i. 51- 
M,C.R,, supra p. 134), and 2 Jo. (Rotuli Cartarutn, Rec. 
Com. i. ^'^'M,C,y., snpra p. 212). They agree except with 
regard to § vi.] 


(so,) Jews bave free residence v\ England and Normand]', 
and may hold lands, fiers, pledges, '^fts,and purchases (if. C^t 

H-; J/.c.y., }i,). 

(:i.) In a trial between Christian and Jew, each shall have 
luro witnesses — one Jew, one Christian ; a writ shall serve 
Jew as a witness (^.Cfi., }ii.; M.C.J., ( ii.). 

(21.) A Christian suing a Jew must appear before the " peen 
of Ihe Jew " {M.C.R., { ii. ; M.C.y., } ii.). 

(23.) A Jew's son shall succeed to his fatber'B. debts and 
money, but shall do riebt for same [M. C.R.. \ iii. t M.C.y., 


(34.) Jews may receive and buy anything except church vest- 
ments or bloodstained garments (M.CJi., f iii. ; M.C.y., } iii.). 
(35.) They are quits of appeal on oath morejudaico (M.O.R., 

lliv.i A-.c.y., Hv.). 

(16.) In debt cases Jew proves capital ; Christian, the interest 
y{M.C.R.. ( iv. ; M.C.y. 4 iv.). 

(17.) They can sell pledges after a year and a dayt {M.C.R., 
|^v.;^.(7.7., }v.). 

(18.) They can only be called upon to plead before King's 
1 justices or wardens of king's castles (JV (7. A., ^ v.; M.C.y.t^l.). 
{19.) Duiing the minority of the heir of a debtor, a Jew is not 
' , to be disturbed of his debt [M.C.R., j vi.). 

(30.) They may go with their chattels just as if ihey were the 
King's property {M.C.R., ^ vi. ; M.C.y., \ vi.). 

(31.) They are free of all Customs and Tolls {M.C.R., } vii. ; 

[3].] Criminal cases between Jews, except for Ihe greater 
felonies, as homicide, mayhem, etc., may be decided among 

-t- Qvccy. is Ibii Ihe origin nf tho proent cuHlon with pawnbrol 



themselves by their own lave (Confirmation by John, Lc, pn>> 
bably first given by Henry II.; cf. Robertson, Mat, Hist, of 
Thorn, Beckett iv. 148, supra p. 42). 


(33.) Jews [query, of different towns] have to get king*! 
license to marry (Pipe Roll, items 15, 33, 58, 182), or not to 
marry in the case of a Jewess (10), or to give bill of divorce (38). 

(34.) King is the guardian of orphans (25, 40). 

(35.) Property of converted Jews reverts to king on baptian / 
(Benedict, i. 230 ; cf. supra, No. 17, and p. 105). 

(36.) " Jews and all theirs belong to the king " i^Laws of 
Edw» Confessor^ XXV. J, supra p. 68). 

(37.) Debts of a deceased Jew fall into the king's hands (70^ 
95, loi, 116, 170). 

-'^(38.) King claims one-fourth of Jews* chattels when tallaging 
the rest of England one-tenth for the Saladin Crusade (71, 82. 
Cf, Gervase of Canterbury, I. 422, supra p. 93). 

(39.) Christian debtors to Jews may become sureties for the 
latters' debts to the king (iii). 

(40.) King claims half of dowry settled on a Jewess (118). 

(41.) One Jew may pay king for debts of another Jew to the 
king (144). 

(42.) A Christian's land in the king's hand for a debt to a Jew 
deceased is released when the rent reaches the amount of the 
pledge (164 ; because king, as Christian, cannot claim usury). 

(43.) The king could quitclaim a subject of a debt to Jews 
(186, and pp. 205, 209, 229, 230, 231, 237, 238). 

t This is recognised to be an interpolation iemp. Henry II., and is in- 
consistent with the statement supra $ 30 ; ' just as if implies that they 
were not the king's property. 


33 J 

(+4.) Jew's property may be distrained for debt not paid to 
the king [p. 2ii), 

(45.) King mny grant Jew's land, held on mortgage, to a 
CbriiitiaD other than the original debtor, if he pay!> the same 

nt 85 latter till the said debtor pays off the deJit and thereby 

lines into possession of his omi land again (p. 330). 

(46.) Usury to Jews lapses while debtor is on the king's 

itviee (p. 138). 

(47.) King has a right to one bcsant {2s.) for every pound 
claimed by a Jew through his courts (the R.oyal Ten per Cent., 
PP- »39-4')- 

(48.) King has right to compensation (or partncrsliip between 
Jews (M, 83). 

(49.) Jews could only be buried in London up la 1 1 ;;, afler- 
^rds wherever they dwell {Befieikt, i. 1S2, jupra p. 63), 
^(50.). Jews may not take anns or armour in pledge (Assiie of 

</nj p. 75). 

J[S1,) Jews hoid land by rent in lieu of service (p. 94). 
^52.) Jews coold pay knights' fees {Liber Rubeus), p. 360. 
.^3-) Jsws could not be " men " of an abbey (Joce de Brake- 

ii.supra'p. 141). 
^54 ) Burgesses must make hue and cry for a slain Jew (il5). 
i55.) Burgesses must pay tine for assaults on Jews (98, loz, 
^117, 142), and must give hostages for same (ijS). 
.(56.) Jews could hold land or quit-rent granted by Chapter of 
\, Paul's {Hiil. MSS. Camm. ix. 14, 12, 50, 68), lupra pp. 177, 


iai-) Jews could not sell tin unless stamped, nor keep tin of 
anelting more than three months without its Iwing re- 
lelted, nor remove it from Cornwall or Devou without bceusc 


of the Warden of the Stannaries {Ltbtr Ruheus), su^ru p. lS6i 

(58.) Jews could have seisin of a mortgage (27, 69, Rpt, Ouf* 
Reg,, p. 191). 

(59.) There was an Archpresbyter of all the Jews of Kngland, 
who was appointed for life, and could only be called upon to 
plead before the king or the chief justice, and should have nk 
conduct wherever he might go (Rot, Cart, i. 77, supra p. toi). 

(60.) Jews could sell manors (p. 204]. 

(61.) Jews had to have passports to pass from ESng^andto 
Normandy, and vice versd, p 223.. 

(62.) Jews could hold land at peppercorn rent (Brit. Mvs. 
Add. MS., 4542, supra p. 234). 


(63.) The "manbote" of a slain Jew was 20s. [as for a serf] (6). 

(64.) Jews must not lend to men under king's displeasure (16), 
or on sacred vestments (17. Cf, MCR, { iii. supra. No. 24). 

(65.) Jews must not " cambire " [? mint or exchange money] 
without king's license (41]. 

(66.) They must not sell chattels to other Jews without 
permit (44). 

(67.) Jewish sureties take over property of bailee (67). 

(68.) Jumet, the Jew, is very heavily fined (6,000 marks) for 
marrying a Christian heiress (67). 

(69.) An apostate Jew is liable to hea\y punishment (p. 106). 

(70.) A Jew must not buy treasure trove without consent of 
Justice (93). 

(71.) Jews must not be in the society of outlaws (145). 

(72.) Jews could settle pleas between themselves by dad 
(pp. 176, 233). 

(73.) Disputed charters could be adjudicated by a jury of 
twelve Jews and twelve Christians (184 ; p. 201). 



{74,) Trials for mayhem against a Jew could be held before 
I the ordinary jury ofo hundred (Tovey, Ang, yvd., lb, lupra, p. 


(75 ) Clipped money round in (he hands of Jews to be per- 

foriiteti, and the Jews put in custody (Pal. RoU, supra p. 215). 

[76.) Jews may use old depreciated money lo buy food or 

I fln lhin j., but not lo pay king or buy merchandise (Assize of 

Money, IZ05 ; rupra p. 2j6). 

1 (77-) A Jew can be coUTicled as a forger by the oath of 
^nother Jew(i83). 

(78.) A Jew who evades arrest may have his chnltels seiied, 
Q surrendering and finding bail recovers them (p. 232). 
(79.) Jews must not keep hack acquitted charters (6l). 
(80.) One Jew may pay another for a Christian (143). 
(Si.) Debtors not paying up could be distrained through 
Icing's court for capital and interest (iSl). 

{81.) A Christian could make a Jew or Jewess his attorney to 
receive rents till bis debt was paid off. 
(83.) A Christian may take another Christian's lands for bc- 
■;quitting him of debt to Jews (iHB). 

(84.) Charters were returned lo Jews when debt was cleared 
>ff, or King quitclaimed the debtor (p. ZZt). 

[Reguiating the rcKistration of Jewish debts, and paving the 
way for theEichequerof the Jews of the thirteenth century. 

'. Hteaden, ed. Stu66s, iii. z&6, supra p. 156.] 
Ij.) All debts, pledges, mortgages, lands, houses, rents, and 
IS shall be registered. 

ny Jew concealing aught of his possessions shall 
m prisoned and lose all. 


(87.) All contracts between Jews and Christians shall be made 
in six or seven places, and before six officials, of wbom two shall 
be lawyers that are Jews. 

(88.) All charters are to be made in duplicate, and one copy 
to be kept by the Jew. 

(89.) The other copy is to be kept in a common chest locked 
with three keys, and sealed with three seals (one key and one 
seal being that of the two Jews). 

(90.) A roll shall be kept of transcripts of all charters. 

(91.) There shall be two scribes and one keeper of the roll, 
each to receive one penny for each deed. 

(92.) No contracts shall be valid except before a quormn of 
the six, and there shall be three transcripts of all payments to 
Jews, one to be kept by the Jew, one by the scribes, and one by 
the keeper of the roll. 

(93.) Every Jew shall swear not to conceal aught. 

(94.) Two l^octioajhaU be appointed to decide cases between 
Jew and Christian (addition of John of Brompton. Otherwise 
called Bailiifs, "Wardens, Justiciars of the Jews). 


[Occurring in the scanty references to English Jews in the Tosa-' 
phothf etc.] 

(95.) Relatives must not judge among Jews in a case where a 
relative is concerned (Sepher Hajashavy 7 la, supra p. a6). 

(96.) A Jew betrothed to one of three sisters not specified 
must divorce all three {supra pp. 52, 291). 

(97.) If a Gentile pays too much, and cannot be found, the 
extra money goes to the original lender, and not to any agent 
{supra p. 53). 

(98.) Seven elders decide on any disputed questions (p. 49). 

(99.) Informers, and those using Gentle courts against fellow- 
Jews, are excommunicated (p. 49). 


(loo.) Mflk drawn by n Gentile is unclean (Mord, Ah. S 
a. Ii6, supra p. 54). 

(101.) Baraade geese may be eaten by Jews if slaTighte 
, Bccnrding <□ Jewish custom (Meir of Rothenburg Resp, NoiJ 
160, supra p, ^4). 

(102,) Fires may be kept Bliehl by GentUes for Jews 01 
bath (p. HI). 

(103.) Unclean meal does not defile if only one-sixlieth of Qir J 
whole parcel bought (p. 146), 

[104.) Jews must not eat what a Gentile has boiled" (p. 178), 1 

(105.) English Jews may use Kannabas (? hemp) on their 1 
woollen garments [Shibole Hallekel MS., supra p. z8G}. 

(106.) English Jews drink with Gentiles [supra p. J6g), 

(107.) Two hills of divorce are lo be gi^en to a woman whe: 
her husband has changed his name in arliailo mortis (p. iSS). 

(108.) A Jewess confessing to adultery must swear she has J 
not set her heart on another man (p. z8cij. 

(109.) If a Jew lends a borrowed horse to a Gentile and the 1 
latter loses St, the Jew must pay (p. 289). 

10 ) A bill of divorce may be given to a minor without lutrj 
betrothed's knowledge (p. igi). 

From bcidenlal notices and remarks of the chroniders, 3 
even in the roils, we can gather some information, scant 
enough it is true, as to the Cultiirgeschichte of the English Je» 
Jn the twelfyi century. And first with regard to their relatiot 
to Ihcir feilow-citizens. Up to the rmrtttes of 1189-90 thesa I 
: exceptionally friendly. The dispute between R. Simeon I 
Chadd and Abbot Crispin is of a most amicable descriptie 


<< He used often to come to me as a friend both on business and 
to see me," the genial Abbot writes (S. Anselm, Opera ii. 255]. 
Moses of Wallingford was highly respected at Oxford (Acta 
Sonet, f October TQth, St. Frideswide). At Ljmn, during the 
riots, one of the victims **was a distinguished physician friendly 
with and honoured by the Christians," as William of Newbury 
puts it {supra p. 115). And the chroniclers seem anxious in 
their accounts to attribute the riots to the ill-will of foreigners 
so far as they can. 

With the clergy we find equally good relations. The Jews 
entered churches freely, even to seek their debtors, and took re- 
fuge in the Abbey of St. Edmonds in times of commotion. 
They kept their deeds in York Minster. The monks of Canter- 
bury had the sympathy and succour of the Jews, who ** prayed 
for the continuance of the convent in their synagogues " when 
the archbishop had put them under excommunication. *'A 
wonderful contrast indeed!" says Gervase of Canterbury (i. 405). 
They mourned the death of the good bishop Hugh of Lincoln as 
much as any of their fellow-citizens ( Vita, ed. Dymock p. 373). 
There is an interesting account of a witty Jew travelling to 
Shrewsbury with Archdeacon Peche and Deacon Da5^11e, and 
making puns on a country whose archdeacon is sin (Peche) and 
dean the devil (Gerald. Cambr., Opera, vi. 146). This shows that 
the ordinary talk of the Jews was French, as is also clear from 
the glosses in the English Tosaphists and from the fact that 
Richard of Devises makes a French Jew recommend a lad not 
to go northward in England, because he will find none speaking 
Romance (ed. Howlett, p. 438). This implies that they only 
came in contact with the upper classes, and indeed, as we have 
seen, their business was only with them. 

On the other hand, the Jews did not scruple to express their 
views freely about the prevailing religion. One of them openly 



ridiculed at Oxford the miracles attnbuted to St. Fridesnide. I 
R. Simeon Chasid complains of the worship of images amifl 

es of the crucified God. "They swelled insolently against I 
Christ," says the chronicler in explaining their persccutiooS^f 
Peter of Blois complains of the pertinacity with which the Je« 
disputed about the faith ; they laid stress upon the hieral intei 
pretatioQ of Scripture. On one occasion a fine was paid fot;! 
Imocking off a priest's cap (7:), presumably during service 01 
church. It is obvious that they used their powers of ridiculcV 
against Cbristiaiiity, and helped thereby to increase the feeling! 
of animosity against tbem. 

another way they acted unwisely and inconsiderately^ 
Their ostentatioQ in the disphiy of Iheir riches stmck t 
chroniclers when explaining the causes of Ihe riots. The latofl 
Professor Freeman was never tired of quoting Aaron of Lincoln's 
boast that it was he who had really built the Abbey of St, 1 
Alban'a. They were the first to build stone houses, partly for 1 
protection no doubt, but it was the great sign of luxury. The 
houses of Joce and Benedict, tlie leading Jews at York, were 
like royal palaces, and William of Newbury refers to those in 
London in similar terms. All tlii< could not have failed to 

e the minor nobles, who saw themselves growing poorer 
and poorer every day and the Jews richer and richer. They 
wore weapons, and used them freely. The riot at Lynn began 
irith their pursuing a converted Jew into a church with drawn 
weapons. Two cases are on record of trial by duel, one of them 
between two Jews (pp. 17IJ, ajj), whiles Jew is mentioned named , 
fienedictus Miles, i.e., the Kniglil. 

Conversions to Christianity do not seem to be at all frequent, I 
Out of a list of some 750, only seven converts occur, one of them 
rthit c< a Jewess. Dming the massacres of 1189-90, there w 
ndoBbtless many forcible baptisms, but Richard I. wisely laid ni 


stress on such cases, and allowed Benedict of York, christened 
William during the London emeutey to return to his own religion 
without suffering the penalties attaching to such apostasy. On 
the other hand, there is on record the conversion of two 
Cistercian monks to Judaism, whereupon the witty Walter 
Mapes remarked that he wondered they had not been converted 
to Christianity. Ephraim of Bonn declares that a whole con- 
gregation of twenty-two proselytes were put to death during the 
outburst of Easter, 1190, supra p. 131. 

As before explained, their occupation was almast exclusively 
that of money-lending. A couple of physicians are however 
mentioned, the one at Lynn, and Isaac Medicus, of London. 
They dealt also in jewels and precious stones; a carbimde of 
Mossey, the rich Jew of Gloucester, is mentioned as the suliject 
of litigation, and King John had a jewel that had belonged to 
Simon the Jew ; his goldsmith was Leo the Jew. There is a 
coin of Henry II. with the name of the moneyer Isac, of Everwic 
(York), but it is doubtful whether he was a Jew. A Jew is 
mentioned as keeping an inn (Robertson, Materials, ii. 7), and 
various scribes occur, as well as a master of the boys (magister 
puerorum) . The scribes were probably sopheiivi or caligraphers, 
as Zunz mentions that Machsorim ficm England were brought over 
to France in the twelfth century (i?2> Ritus, p. 52), and Ephraim 
of Bonn reports that many beautiful books were seized at York 
and sold in Cologne after the massacre of 11 90. Libraries were } 
formed; in two cases large sums were paid to retain the books 
of a deceased parent (Pipe Roll 119, Sir MorelPs), or to recover 
those of the person fined (216). 

As regards their customs among them selves we have but little 
knowledge. They used to betrolh their daughters while still 
minors, excusing the practice on account of the frequent perse- 
cutions, which made it doubtful when they could pay the do^iy 


(7iu Eidd 41a] The few leliglous problems discussed by iheB 
related mBinlj to the dielaij' laws (Jee Assize supra, '. 

') Ihev did not bmcll sweet savours at the end of the' J 
, Sabbath »hen a festival followed (llamanhig, 83*). Thejrl 
. a(I]uilii.aled on partnerships and agreements among themselVM ' 
I, and a chapter of Jews were once called upon to decide the 
queslioD whether a Jew could tike usury from a Jew {128). On 
aootliei occasion a daughter applied to have an inquest whether 
her father had died a Chii^tian (i<Ji], The lower minds amc 
the Jews eicused themselves for taking usury from 1 
Christians, against Deul. xxiii. 20, because the £domiles ■ 
called strangers (Obad, ver. 11, supra p. 225). 

The Jews do not seem to have rendered themselves liable U 
tlie criminal law to any great exlenl. The worst charge 
recorded are one of rape (189), one of forcible entry [126; 
p accused waa replevied, or admitted to bail), for dipping the ci 
L (p. 333 ; Ihe accuser was also a Jew), for mayhem ("1 
\ tion,"Tovey 66; the accused was acquitted). The chief charge 
re rather connected with their business; keeping back aequittem 
charters (63) ; being a party to an illegal contract (44) ; givit 
- false witness (48, 113, 133 fer); buying treasure trove (i 
I ceating charters after death of father (123, 146); suborning 
, evidence (iSga). These, with a charge of waste and purprestur 

(30, encroachment), and of having " cam hired " — whati 
•Jnay mean — [41, probably minted without licence) art 

< charges ever mentioned in the records, and. on the whole, fotn 

< A tolerably dean bill of moral health. It is noteworthy in 
;e of mayhem, the Jew was acquitted by the ordinaiy jury ol 

' the hondred before whom be was tried ; I fancy it was 
■eitctnndsion of a convert. 

We may conclude this section with n few items dealing rathee 
with IblkJore. The myth of the blood aciu&ation m 


helped to make the Jews appear uncanny in the minds of the 
people, and the (French) ballad of the Jew-boy who was con- 
verted and murdered by his father, and sang hymns to the Virgin 
after death, occurs in many English MSS. Both Matthew 
Paris and Ephraim of Bonn agree in stating that the Jews were 
kept away from the coronation of Richard I., lest they should 
cast some magic spell on the ceremony. The Jews of England 
believed in the curious myth of the barnacle geese which grew 
on trees. They applied to Rabbi Tam to know if they mi^t 
eat them, and he replied that they should be slaughtered after 
Jewish fashion, and were then edible by pious Jews. We do 
not hear of Jewesses exercising their usual function of witches 
and enchantresses. On the contrary, we hear of a Christian 
woman who was accustomed to charm the foot of a Jewish 
woman, and was only taught by a miracle of St. Thomas Becket 
how wicked her conduct was, not, as it would seem, in using 
spells, but rather for exercising them for the benefit of a Jewess. 


The remarkable code of Jewish education given at the end of 
Dr. Giidemann's Culturgeschichte^ End. I., supra pp. 143-51, 
was drawn up, I am strongly of opinion, in England ; at least, 
as regards the first of the three sections of which it is composed. 
The seventh clause of this speaks of the French Jews as 
foreigners, and the eleventh refers to the long winter nights, 
while the whole basis of the scheme is the contrast between the 
small schools of the provinces and the great school for the 
separated in the capital ; this would only apply to England, if 
France is to be left out, as is implied by Clause 7. Besides, I 
have found the provisions of the code exactly followed in Eng- 
land. Blomfield, Norfolk^ iv. 225, declares that the school was 
at the south end of the synagogue at Norwich; here we have the 


small soliool of the provinces. And theti; is a record of ihe J 
Magna schnla Jiidaorum of London, belonging lo Abraham fil I 
Habi, in Ironmonger Lane (Brit. Mub, Add, MS. 4,5+2); there I 
"we have ihe gieal school of the capital. Also R. Yomtob of J 
JoiEny.who was martyred at York, mentions that his father w 
one of the /Vrui/u'wi, or Separated. The general edncalion of fl 
tbe Jews of the time is shown by their literary activity, the viiril I 
of Abraham ibn Ezra in 1158, and the fact that even Jewesses ■ 
re able lo draw up deeds in Hebrew (Harl. di. 43, A. 54). f 
The fact that severnl MSS. of the Hebrew Josephns could be I 
obtained among them is also proof of their inleteat in Hebrew ' 
literature, while the long list of antbors which I have been able 
.0 compile (in/™ XiX.) shows that there was a large cultivated 
■ectlun among them. Altogether there is sufficient probability 
for my contention for me to include a translation of the code in 
this book, and the following summary of it here. The letters 
and figures following in bracltets refer to the .'sections of the three 
different codes included in the document. I have attempted to 
unify them. 

(i.) Every first-born male is to be set apart (Separated) for the J 
study of the law from Ibc eighth day after circumciMioi 

(iLJ At live years old every Jewish boy is to be brought in the ■ 
month Nisan to the small school of the provinces, and taught to 
d ; then put to Leviticus, then lo read the weekly»portion in 
Hebrew, Iheu in the vcmaeular, and then in the Targum I 
(A 7, 8; B6. C i)- 

(iii.) At ten years he studies the Mishnn, beginning with the J 
tractate Biracolh of the Tnlmud, and going through the smalleffl 
tractates of the order Aloiii in the next three yeara [B 6, C i). 


(iv.) At thirteen years the education of the ordinary boy 
finishes ; that of the Separated continues in the same school till 
the lad is sixteen, when he decides for himself whether he wiD 
devote his life to the Law, and, if so, goes up to the great school 
of the SjBparated in the capital for another seven years (A 2, 3 ; 


(v.) The small school of the provinces is to be held in a two- 
storied house, capable of holding 100 scholars, ten teachers, and 
one rector to supervise. No teaching is to be done at home, and 
the rector must not reside at the school with his family, but go 
home every Sabbath (B 6, A 5, B 3). 

(vi.) The rector gives two lectures, one in the morning, one in 
the afternoon. The teachers go over each lesson twice wifli 
their class.* At the end of each week there is repetition of the 
week's work ; so at the end of the month, and at the end of the 
summer and the winter session. No teacher must take more 
than ten pupils, nor have any other calling but teaching (B 7, 
A 10, 6, 12). 

(vii.) The lads are encourajjed to examine one another every 
evening in the day's lessons. Dull scholars are to be sent away, 
so as not to keep back the mere foi ward. Teaching is to be \pj 
book, not by heart. In winler the evening lessons are to be 
short, on account of the light (A 9,- 5, 7, 11). 

(viii.) Every member of the community pays twopence yearly 
as school-fees, instead of the half-shekel of old. The great 
school is to be bought, and then let out to the separated. The 
separated pay for their lodging, and a share of the teachers' 
salaries. The rector gets 20 marks yearly, a teacher 8 (A 4, 
B I, 6). 

• This probably refers to the great school of the capital. 

ENGLISH JEWS of the Xllth CENTURY. 345 


[This, besides including all the names in the book in the 
original forms as they occur in the records, gives likewise those 
I have found in items from the inedited Pipe Rolls at the Record 
Office, which did not seem worth while giving at length. These 
are indicated by a number giving the year, and a letter giving 
the reign (H=Henry II., R=Richard I., J=John), thus 15 H 
=Pipe Roll for 15th year of Henry II.=ii68-9. To indicate 
the nature of the Pipe Roll entry, letters are sometimes added, 
p. signifying that the Jew had paid a fine for his father's charters, 
&c. {Cf, Contributions y § 2.), d. a payment to the King to 
recover a debt. A. signifies that the Jew had some of the 
** Debts of Aaron '* {supra p. 159). G. that the entry refers to 
the Arrears of the Guildford Tallage. N. refers to the long lists 
of the Northampton Donum (supra p. 162), which I am about to 
publish in full in the Revue ties etudes juives. Italics indicate 
women's names, Clarendon type those named in Hebrew records, 
(see also § XIX) small capitals, converts. Numbers refer to the 
items from the Pipe Rolls, references to pages being preceded 
by p.] 





No. Name. 

1 . Akron [trissyllable] 

2. Aaron de Colcestre 

3. Aaron de Lincolnia 

P- 13- 

44. N. 

P. R. items n, 24, 

42, 97» io5«» 10^. 

131. 135. 136, 
145, 160, 163, 

174, 175, 180, 

1906, 200, 216, 

217, Pp-» 57, 58, 
66J/.f, 67, 70, 71, 

76, 77*w, 79, 83, 
84, 87/^r, 90, 91, 
See also items in 
present list with A 
attached. Forbid 



4. Aaron fil Delasaut 

5. Aaron fil Deudone 
b. Aaron fil Isaac 

7. Aaron fil Isaac 

8. Aaron iil Jacob de 


9. Aaron fil Samuel 

10. Aaron fil Samuel 

11. Aaron fil Yvo 

12. Aaron frater Leonis de 


13. Aaron le Blund 

14. Aaron of Canter- 

bury, B. 

15. Abraham 

16. Abraham 

17. Abraham 

18. Abraham 

19. Abraham 

20. Abraham de Bristol 

21. Abraham de Bimgeia 

22. Abraham de Clamund 

23. Abraham de Colcestre 

24. Abraham de Colcestre 

25. Abraham de Malinges 

26. Abraham de Norwicz 

27. Abraham de Wilton 

28. Abraham fil Aaron 

29. Abraham fil Avigay 

30. Abraham fil Benedict 

31. Abraham fil Benjamin 

32. Abraham fil Bone 

33. Abraham fil Brun 

34. Abraham fil Cresselin 

35. Abraham fil Deudone 

36. Abraham fil Isaac 

37. Abraham fil Jacob 

38. Abraham fil Jude 

de Parisiis 

39. Abraham fil Leun 

40. Abraham fil Mag. 


41. Abraham fil Muriel 

L,ondon N. 

Northampton N. See No. 617. 
Oxford pp. 18, 256. 

Lincoln 202 

Essex 3 R<f. 

Essex 3 R. 

Northampton 133. 
Line. p. 239. 

Bucks. 132. 




p. 98. 


p. 191. 




3» 5- 


20 H. 151. 


P- 259. 


p. 241. 






44, 3 R.Cr. 






55. See No. 623 


p. 240. 


51, 152, 160. 


pp.80, 88, 177,240 

P. R. 92, N. 








N. p. 177. 




6R. </. 






p. 240 ter. 




N, 9R. 



NGLISH yEWS of/ the Xlltk CENTURY. 347 

raham fil Rabbi 


12, 42, 43, 47, pp. 


73. 88, 90, 97, 
123, i63fl, 194, 
198, 205, 236. 

raham fil Samson 


p. 260 Ms. 

raham fil Samson 


raham fil Sancto 



raham fil Simon 


p. 260. 

raham fil Vives 



iraham Gabbai 



►raham gener Elie 



iraham gener Josce 



•raham Hose 



iraham Ibn 


pp. 29-38 p. 262 

Ezra, B. 

raham le Vesq 



iraham Levi 



raham Levi 



•raham Pemas 



•raham Quatrebuches 

; Lond. 


iraham ben 


p. 178. See Abr. 

Joseph, Babbi 

fil Rabbi. 

elinfu Josce deHant Essex 





^Id uxor Ysaac 



liot de Excestre 



na mater Lumbardi 





er r=Asher] Lum- 



igai [Abigail] 






igay uxor Jacob 


23 pp. 80, 104, 167. 
See No. 628. 

leasez [also Belaset] 


N. See No. 629. 



p. 237. 

easez de Oxon 


35. 38, N., p. 96. 

'ia et neptis sua 






adit fil Isaac 



adit fil Mosse 


29 H. 

idit gener Mag. 





75ff. Bendonat fil PulcelloB 


76. Benedict 


77. Benedict \Heb, 

Bristol [?] 


\m J 

78. Benedict 


79. Benedict 


80. Benedict 


81. Benedict 


82. Benedict 


83. Benedict 


84. Benedict de Ballio 


85. Benedict Bressus fil 



86. Benedict Crispin 


87. Benedict de Cantuar 


88. Benedict de Chichestre Suss. 

89. Benedict de Faversham 

89a. Benedict de Josse Line. 

90. Benedict de Kant* Line. 

91. Benedict de Linna Norw. 

92. Benedict de Rising. Glouc, 

93. Benedict de Rocestre 

94. Benedict de Rummel Cambr. 

95. Benedict de Talemund Lond. fr. 


96. Benedict fil Aaron Line. 

97. Benedict fil Abraham Norh. 

98. Benedict fil Deudone Oxon 

99. Benedict fil Deodati " Norw. 

100. Benedict fil Helye 

10 1. Benedict fil Isaac vel Line. 


102. Benedict fil Jacobi Line. 

sorori Aaroni 

200. Qy. same as 




p. 238. 

pp. 40, 202, 255. 

p. 230 bts, 


pp. 105, 106, 1 10, 

206, 211, PJR. 

i2i,3R.A. See 

62, 63, 60. 
P>76. Qy. same as 



Ill, 158, 215 N. 

See No. 630. 


79,162. See No. 

68, 9 R., 2CX) N. 

162, 164, 1640, 
166-9, I7i» Pjp. 
188, 190, 221. 
86, N. 
17, pp. 60, 61, 

P.R. 29, 44. 
27 H, see Berach- 
yah ben Eliayu. 
33. 51, p. 88, 27 H, 

130, N. 
33, 62, 63, 98, N. 

ENGLISH JEWS of the Xllth CENTURY. 349 

103. Benedict fil Josce London 


104. Benedict fil Josce Sorel Glouc. 

105. Benedict fil Sare Lond. 

106. Benedict fil Vives Lond. 

le Vesq 

107. Benedict frater Aaron Line. 

108. Benedict frater Jumet Norw. 

109. Benedict gener Deula- Bedford 


1 10. Benedict Lengus Kent 

111. Benedict le Puncteur Oxford 

112. Benedict nepos Aaron Line. 

113. Benedict Parvus Lond. 

114. Benedict Pemaz Line. 

115. Benjamin fil Benjamin Oxon 

1 16.' Benjamin Magister Cambr. 

117. Bexijamin of Canter- Cantebrig. 


118. Berachyah ben Line. 


119. Berachyah ben 

Crispia Natronai 

120. Benleveng Bristol 

121. Biket [dimin. of Re- Lond. 

becca] de domo 

122. Bona Winchester 

123. Bona uxor Jacob Line. 

124. Bonefei Oxon 

125. Bonel Glouc. 

126. Bonevie Glouc. 

127. Bonevie de Canteb. Cambr. 

128. Bonevie Judeus Kent. 


129. Bonenfaund Bedford 

130. Bonenfaund Hertford 

131. Bonenfaund Norf. 

43, 123, 125, 165, N. 

79, 162. 
30, 31, no. 


33, 51, 27 H, 183, 

191, 210, N. 
112, 194, N. 


N., see Berachyah 

I43,N. pp. 189-90. 


)ury. No. 639. 
pp. 54, see Ben- 
jamin, Mag. 
77, see Bened. fil 

PP- i^5-73> 196-9, 
see Benedict le 



p. 88. 

p. 206. See No, 

p. 233. 


p. 240. 

N, *w. 



. 216. 


132. Bonenfaund Northampton 57, N. 

133. Bonfey Worcester 65. See No. 643. 

134. Brun Lond. p. 41, P. R. 29, 

42. 56, p. 89, 
P.R. 97, p. 231, 
N. See No. 645. 

135. Brun de Stanford Line. i R <f , 191. 

136. Brun fil Benedict! Glouc. 79. 


137. Calamod Colchester 3 R. G. 

138. Calamod Lond. p. 89. 

139. Cassi Winton N. 

140. Chera fil Ysaac Oxon 187. 

141. Chere Line. N. 

142. Chermin I^nd. p. 176. 

143. Cipora [=BZippora] uxor Cambr. N. See No. 650. 


144. Clarice Lond. p. 88. 

145. .Coc nepos Aaron Norh. N. 

146. Coc nepos Samuel Norh. N. 

147. Cok de domo Abrahe Lond. p. 89. 

148. Coket [dim. of Coc] Lond. p. 89. 

149. ^^^/(^^^^[^ipd.Nassiah] Cambridge pp. 39, 41, P. R. 

IS bis, p. 252. 
See No. 647. 

150. Copin].[? dim. of Jacob] Edmundsbury 66. 

151. Copin Line. 200. 

152. Cresse \Heb, Gedaliah York 3 R. 

or Solomon] de 

153. Cresse fil Ysaac de Kant N. 

154. Cresselin [dim. of Cresse] Winton 27, 28, 39, 69, 99^, 

194. See No. 

155. David fil Cypora Cambr. 127. Set No 651, 

156. David gener Deulacresse Bedford 214. 

157. Deodatus [Heb, El- Lincoln 98, 113. 


158. Deodatus Episcopus London P'4S» P«R. 30, 31, 

184. See El- 

159. Deodatus frater Abrahe Kent 4 R. 

160. Deuaie {.Heb. Eleasar) Winton N. 

ENGLISH JEWS of the Xllth CENTUR K 35 1 

161. Deudone \Heb, Jona- Colchester 

than] fu Simon de 

i6a. Deudone cum pedibus Lond. 


163. Deudon fil Aaron Line. 

164. Deudone fil Samuel Norh. 
























Deuicosa uxor London 

Deulabenie [Heb, Bera- Chichester 

Deulebenie Kent 

Deulebenie de Jujeignu Lond. 
Deulebenie de Resing Sussex 
Deulacresse [Levi] Canterbury 

Deulacresse \^Heb. Winton 

Gedaliah or Solomon] 
Deulacresse de Berdefeld Birdfield 
Deulacresse de Dane- 

Deulacresse de Finch- 

Deulacresse de Linna 
Deulacresse fil Bene- 
dict de Rising 
Deulacresse fil Benja- 
Dieulacresse fil Mosse 

de Wallingford 
Deulecres fil Yveliny 
Deulacresse fr. Isaac 

de Colcestre 
Deulacresse Kiterel 
Deulacresse Furmager 
Deulacresse le Evesque 
Deulacresse le Crisp 
Deulesalt [Heb. Isaiah] 

Deulesalt Episcopus 
Deulesalt fil Jacob 
Deus adjuvet [Deusaie] 
Deusaie fil Rane 
Dona fil Jacob de Win- 


















p. 89. 

216. • 

217, N. See No. 

p. 89. 

83, 84» 3 R» 9 R» 



p. 89. 

Ill, 194, p. 271. 

PP- 39» 40» N. 
131. 150- 

214. 5^^ No. 658. 
p. 58. 


3 R. (donum) 

73, 3 lU. 144. 

pp. 68-70. 

p. 240. 

3 R. (donum) 

p. 240. 



p. 88, bist 3 R. 



p. 257. 
p. 89. 




191. Duzelina vidua Mossy Norw. 

cnm naso 

192. Elchanan ben Lond. 

Isaac, B. 

193. Eleasar Notts. 

194. Elyas (Heb, Eliahu) Glouc. 

195. Elyas Bliind 

196. Elia de Aufai 

197. Elias de Bungay 

198. Elie de Cicestre 

199. Elia de Coventre 

200. Elyas fil Aaron 

201. Elia ill Benedict 

202. Elyas fil Hakelot 

203. Elias fil Isaac 

204. Elias fil Manasseri 

205. Elias fil Magri 

206. Elia fil Margarede 

207. Elyas fil Sainarias 

208. Elia frater Abraham 

209. Elyas gener Auigai 

210. Elyas gener Benedicti 

211. Eligai (? Elijah) 

212. -fi'j/^^ fil Jacob 

213. Eudon de Warwic 

214. Flamengi * * Apprenticii 

215. Fleming 

216. Fluer de Liz 

217. Flurie 

218. Flurie 

219. /7«rza fil Manasseri 

220. Flurie uxor Isaac 

221. Fluria uxor Ysaac 

222. Floria uxor Vives 


223. Garcon [?] 

224. Gentil 

225. Gentilia fil Samsonis 

226. Gosce fil Isaac de Cant* 

































pp. 81, 82. Su 
Deodatus Epis- 


pp. 200, 24i,P.R. 
172. N. 



p. 239. N. 



3 R., p. 20a N. 

p. 241. 



3 R. G. ? same as 

3R. G. 


4R. G. 
p. 241. 


3R. G. 


125 a. 

pp. 89, 241. 

P- 175. 


N. See 356. 


ENGLISH JEWS of the Xllth CENTURY. 353 

827. Gosce fil Leun Warwk 

3iS. Hakelui[diiii.ofIsaac] Loud. 

Ill Benedicti Militis 

339. Halelin fil Josce Lond. 


230. Hakdin fil Jumet Norw. 

331. Hakelot 

Reading (?) 

pp. 39, 40 iw,4l 
ter, 42 bis 

33Z. Hamyot fil Alexandria 



333. Nana de Bulges 


334. Hanechin 

p. 223 

335. Henna 


p. 230 

,436. Henna Corj. 


p. 89. 

■337. Henna de doino Abra 


p. 89. 

bam fil Ep'i 

338. Hoppecole 



339. Hosppilard 


p. 89. 



341. Isaac 


20 H. 12SB, see 
Isaac de Oxon. 

343. leaac ben Joeeph 

p. 77, see Isaac fil 

p. 241-2, see Isaac 

342a Isaac ben Yomtob K. 

de Juueigny. 

■ 243, Ysaac Blund 



344. Ysaae Cmni 



345- Ysaac Crespin 


1345a Isaac Cyrograpliarins 
346. Isaac de Bedefbrd 


PP- 234-5. 

347. Isaac de Beueilacu 
34S. Isaac de Bungay 





349. Isaac de Cantreburia 

48, N- 

35a Isaac de Colcestre 


4*. 49. 97. 3 R-G. 

No. 669. 

351. Ysaac de Hicch 


88 N. 

352. Isaac de Juueigny 


p. 88. see R.. 
Isaac ben Yomtob. 

3S3. Isaac de Notingeliam 


354. Is.iac de Norhanton 

P- 2*7. Q^ ^"o 

355. Isaac de Oxon 


iSi, N, See No. 




257a Ysaac de Stamford 

256. Ysaac de Rocestre 

257. Ysaac de Russie 

258. Isaac de St. Edmundo 

259. Isaac Episcopus 

260. Isaac fU Abraham 

261. Isaac fil Bonefie 

262. Isaac fil Comitisse 

263. Isaac ill Cresselin 

264. Isaac fU yoie 

265. Isaac fil Josce 

266. Isaac fil Josce 

267. Isaac fil Juda 

268. Isaac fil Jiimet 

269. Isaac fil Lemi 

270. Isaac fil Mosse 

271. Ysaac fil Mosse 

272. Ysaac fil Mosse 

273. Isaac fil Pulcelle 

274. Isaac fil Rabbi Joce 

? Winchester 
? Winchester 
















275. Isaac fil Salomon 

276. Isaac fil Sancto 

277. Isaac fil Sancto 

278. Isaac fil Simon 

de Stanford 

279. Ysaac fil Simon 

280. Ysaac frater Ursel de 


281. Ysaac Furmager 

282. Isaac gener Auigai 

283. Ysaac Juvenis 

284. Isaac le Gros 

285. Isaac Medicus 

286. Isaac Magister 


287. Isaac Merden\iosle\ 

288. Isaac QuatrebucYies 









p. 240 

41, see 


N. «r. 




p. 239. Sm 








3 R.A., p. 21 

P- 58. 

3 P- 25. BJ 
12, 22, 24 
89. 100, 
189 pp. 6c 

»34. 13s. 
See No. 


9 R., 218. 

I R</, IQ2, I( 

240, N. 


p. 88. 


ENGLISH JEWS of ike Xllth CENTURY, 355 

289. Isaac Senex 

290. Isaac of Tchemi- 

goff, B. 

291. ISABELLA^ convert 

292. Israel fil Abraham 

293. Jacob 

294. Jacob 

295. Jacob 

296. Jacob 

297. Jacob 

298. Jacob 









299. Jacob b. Moses Norwich 

300. Jacob de Bungeia 

301. Jacob de Hereford 

302. Jacob de Line. 

303. Jacob de Paris 

304. Jacob de Westminstre 

305. Jacob de Winton 

3P6. Jacob 

307. Jacob 

308. Jacob 

309. Jacob 

310. Jacob 

311. Jacob 

312. Jacob 





. Lond. 


fil Benedict Line, 

fil Bonefei Worcester 

fil Deudon Norhant. 

fil Ysaac Colchester 
fil Josce de Kant Colchester 

fil Josce Bristol 

fil Manasse Cambr. 

313. Jacob fil Samuel 

314. Jacob fil Samuel 


315. Jacob fil Samuel de Somerset 


316. Jacob fil Simon Norhant. 
3i6fl.Jacob fil Ursell Winch. 

317. Jacob 

318. Jacob 

319. Jacob 

320. Jacob 

321. Jacob 

322. Jacob 

fil Vives 


fil Yveliny 








N. See No. 667. 
p. 60. See Ysaac 
de Russie. 


60. See No. 676. 


98, 184, N. 



21, S3, 
p. 216. Seelxixntt 

of Norwich. 


p. 239, 240. 

p. «8. 
•p. 89. 
1 18, p. 239, 240. N. 

See No. 684. 
29 H , 3 R rf, p. 

N bis, 




181, N. See No. 

29 H. 

109, 171, 185, pp. 

232, 234. N 

p 240. 


2oH.a^. Col, Doc, 

Scotl, p. 19. 

p 240. 
55. pp. 202-3. 

P- 237. 


323. Jacob Sororins Aaron Line. 

324. Jaeob SororiusToscej 


325. Janem 

326. Jagunee 

327. teremias 

328. Jheremias 

329. Teremias de Grimesby 
330 J OHANNES convert 

331. 7aia 

332. Tomet 
333* Josce 
334. Josce 

335. Josce Barlibrod 

336. Josce Crispin 

337. Josce de Bristol 

338. Josce de Bungeia 

339. Josee de domo Samson 

340. Josce de Leicestre 

341. Josce de Saumur 
341a. Josce Episcopus 

342. Josce fil Abraham 

343. Josce fil Auigai 

344. Josce fil Belaset 

345. Josce fil Benedict 

346. Josce fil Beneit 

347. Josce fil Benedict 

348. Josce fil Benjamin 

349. Josce fil Clarice 

350. Josce fil Crispin 

351. Josce fil David 

352. Josce fil Deudone 

353. Josce fil Deulacresse 

354. Josce fil Deulesalt 
355 Joey fil Gentil 
356. Josce fil Isaac 


62,63,72. Seetlo 



3 R. (donom). 










29 H. 




199 N. bis. 


39, 20 H. 9 R. 


16 N. 


pp. 58, loi, 117 

118, 119, 126 

127, P.R. 108 

i70» 193 P- 211 
See No. 695. 




119.— 5>tf Josce fi 



p. 240. S€€ No 























79» 93. 


D. 89. 

N. — See Josce 



p. 89. 









ENGLISH JEIVS of thi Xlllk 




156 p. 204,217. N^ 


Josce fil T05« 
osce fil LeuQ 



4 R.A , N. 


■ osce fil Lia 




joscc fil Magri. 




■ osce fil Manasse 
oace fil Medici 





3 Ri, 13*. 


■ osce fil Mosse 



osce fil Bamael 



osce fil Samuel 




osce fil Moreil 




JoEce Gaudi de Cantua 

Lond. & Can 






Josce re Lung 







Josce Malmerri 




Josce Mauritij 


p. 89. 


I0SCC Snlvage 




_ osce Quatrebuches 


jg, 46, See No 

IS9 P- 


Joseph Aaron 
Joseph ben Jacob 



pp. ig, 30. * 




118 ? same as - 

Judas Gabbay. 

See No. 69B. 

379- ■ 












udas fil Belaset 


N. Sci No. 699.' 


udas fil Benedict! 




udas fil Deudone 


147, Jii. 


udas fratet Deulacresse Winton 

M H. ISO. 


udas Gabbay 




udas Levesq 



388. yuMa mux Samuel 



389. 7ueZ/£ uxor Abraham 


390. Juniet 



391. Jurnet de Norwicz 


ti, ■i'}, S5, 67, 87, 
94, 166, pp. 61. 

94, N..T« Jacob 


391. Jurnet fil EpiBcopi 


p. 89.' '1 




393. Justelin fil Mosse Glouc. 

394- Jwe [Jew] Glouc. 

395 . KanonimosTKalonymos] Worcester. 

396. Kersun [? Gershon] 

397. Leo \Heb, Judah"! Au- Lond. 


398. Leo Bliind 

399. Leo de Cicestre 

400. Leo de Glocestre 

401. Leo de Londinio 

402. Leon de Funteise 

403. Leo de St. Edmunds 

404. Leo de Warwic 



405. Leo de Wincestre 

406. Leun ill Bonifacie 

407. Leo fil Josce 

408. Liun fil Mar^arede 
409 Levi de Devises 

410. Lumbard de Wincastre 

411. Mahy [?] fil Bonefei 

412. Manasser 

413. Manasser 

414. Manasser de Cicestre 
414a. Maneser de Gipeswich 

415. Manaser de Nicole 

416. Manaser de Stamford 

417. Manasser de Wincestre 

418. Manaser fil Almest [?] 

419. Manaser fil Benjamin 

420. Manaser fil Deudone 

42 1 . Manasser fil Jude 

422. Manser fil Leon 
422a. Manaser Grassus 

423. Manasser Mosse 
423a. Manasses 

424. Margaret 






425. Margaret fil Jumet 

426. Margaret uxor Bene- 

dicti fil Sarrae 

427. Maria fil Belesez 















p. 58. 
p. 207. 

pp. 70, 88, 9 R.N. 


140. See 703. 

83, 84. 
p. 89. 

3R. A. 

pp. 229, 240 hU, 
See No, 705. 



^Kd. 5^^ No. 702. 

. 89. 

. ? = Aser Lom- 







181. 5tftfNo.7o8. 

p. 239- 

29 H., I R/., 191. 

176 p. 201. 


P- 5- 

58, 114. See No. 

p. 215. iS^^ Miriam 

bath Jacob, 


ENGLISH JEWS of the XlJth CENTUR Y. 359 






113 N. 

klatatias fil Salomon 


N. Qy. same as 



N. *w. 

^eir fil Samuel Deula- 


5R. A. 


Vieir frater Benedicti 


3R. A. 




Menacliem, B. 


pp. 287-9. 




Vleus fil Benjamin 



SILqms gener Jacob 


de Cant 



p. 41.. 

SCiriam bath Jacob Norwich 

p. 215 See Mar- 

garet fil Jumet. 

Miriana fil Ysaac 



9, p. 30. 









p. 223. 

Vf OSS de domo Samson 


p. 89. 

Dffoses ben Isaac B. 


pp. 66. 

Dffoses ben Yom- 

• London 

pp. 89, 289, 29r. 


5^^ Moses Nakdan. 

BCoses de Paris B. 

p. 225. See No. 

\fosse de Bungeia 



VIosse de Cantebregia 


156, i90flf, N. 


Boseham ? 


Mosse de Cicestre 

Siosse de Glocestre 

140, 196, N his, 
p. 200 bis. 

Sf osse de Hereford 


Vf osse de Hyspaitomis 


p. 89. 




Iklosse de Newport 



VIosse de Paris 

pp. 225, 229. See 
No. 447fl. 

VIosse de Wallingford 


pp. 69, 191, N. 
See 1^0, 719. 

i^osse Fillastre 





460. Mossefil 

461. Mosse fil 
463. Mosse fil Bcnjamm 

463. Mossefil Jacob 

464. Mosse fil Jacob 

465. Mosse fil Lcri 

466. Mossefil 

467. Mcysesfil 

468. Mosse Leid 

469. Mosse Morin 
lEoaes Vakdan 





















71. Mosse gen. Bonen£arant Northampt. 
Mosse Jmrenis Glooc. 

yiuriel Lond. 

Muriel uxor Jnda Gkrac. 

Muriel oxor Jnmet Norw. 
Murien fil Isaac Lond. 

NidK>l m Isaac Line. 

Nicholas, conTert . Kent. 
Peitevin de Eya York 

Peiterin fil Jacob Line. 

482. Peter Hereford 

483. Peter Biiind Bedford 

484. Peter Blond London 

485. Peter Convert Essex 

486. Peter de Cantebrig Line. 

487. Peter HI Isaac Ix)nd. 

488. Peter fil Mosse Bedf. 

489. Peter fil Samuel Norhant. 

490. Piers (?) Deulesalt Exeter 

491. Pipili Winch. 

492. Potelin fil Benedicti Lond. 


493. Precieuse Brist. 

494. Pucella Norhant. 

495. Pulcella Line. 

496. Pulcella fil Jacob Norhant. 

497. Rahama Norhant. 

498. Regina Oxon 

499. Richt fil Isaac penvas \aiic. 

500. Robert ConvcTl \-otA. 


p.95. ArNo.714 

NdiJ. 5^No.7lS 
p. 240. 





D. 282. 


163a, 182. 



36 p. 96. 
21 & 29 H. N.I 



N. »ij. 

153. 2ispp.24« 



N. No. 723. 




p. 89. 


p. 211 N. 
27 H.. N. p. 5*- 
See No. 71. 


VGLISH yEWS of the Xllth CENTURY. 361 



ecbc Heref. 

>mon, Salemum 

larias Devon 

ison Lond. 

ison de Bimgeia Norf. 

ison de Donecastre Yorks. 

ison de Eya Norw. 

ison de Nieweland Kent 

ison de Norwich 


ison de Rume 

ison Episcopus 

ison fil Aaron 

ison fil Brin 

ison fil Samuel 

ison frater Brin 

ison frater Jacobi 






luel de Hereford 
luel de Stamford 
luel de Wallingford 
luel Episcopus 
luel fil Abraham 
luel fil Bonefei 
luel fil David 
luel fil Isaac 
luel fil Jacob 
luel fil yoie 
auel fil Josce 
luel fil Magri 
luel fil Mosse 
luel fil Mosse 
luel fil Petri 






















3 bis. pp. 23.5, 27, 

217, 259, R. 

Joseph of Orleans 

See No. 725. 

157. N. 

see Solomon. 

85 See No. 727. 


112, 168. 
201, N. 

N. See No. 729. 
N. bis. See No. 734 
p. 89. 

p. 176. 
p. 84. 

p. 191. 

38, 114, pp. 84, 
85. See No. 735 


95» 199. 


124, p. 88, 9 R. 








R. p. 200. 





538. Samuel fil Sampson Warw. 

539. Samuel fil Solomon Lond. 

540. Samuel le Pointur Bristol 

541. Samuel le Prestre Norw. 

542. Samuel Levi Warw. 

543. Samuel Multnm 

544. Samuel Kakdan, B. 

545. Samuel socer Benedict! 
545a. Sante de Gumon 

546. Santo 

547. Santo fil Solomon 

548. Sarra f Sarah] 

549. Sarra 

550. Sarra fil Yveliny 

551. Sara uxor Salom. d* 


552. Seignuret 

553. Seignuret 

554. Serfdeu[^^d.Obadiali] 

555. Serfdeu 

556. Serfdeu 

557. Simeon B. of Trier. 

558. Simon fil Jacob 

559. Simon Levi 

560. Simon nep. Jacob 

561 . Simund de Maaling 

562. Slema 

563. Slema 
553a Solomon 

564. Solomon 

565. Solomon ben Isaac, 

566. Salomon de Beuerle 

567. Salom. de Cycestre 

568. Salom. de Edene 

569. Solomon de Gipeswich 

570. Solomon de Paris 

571. Salemun de Warwick 

572. Salemun de Warwic 

573. Salomon Episcopus 

574. Salomon fil Cresselin 

575. Salomon fil Isaac 

576. Salomon fil Magri 

























p. 88. 

N. see Samad 


163 a. 
p. 162 see SamiKl 

le Pointier. 

53, 66, 112. 
N. See No. 738. 

N. See No. 739. 
p. 240. 
p. 89. 


3R. Cr. 

p. 23. 

p. 238.5tftfNo. 741 



N. 5w. 

66, 94, 3 R. A. 

N. bis. 



p. 26. 


3R- G. 
p. 201. 


p. 77. 


N. ter. 


141, 9 R. d. 


ENGLISH JEWS of the Xllth CENTURY, 363 

577. Salomon gen. Isaac 
577fl. Strabaen 

577*. Theobald Convert 

578. Ursel 
578a Ursel 

579. Ursel 

580. Ursel de Bedeford 

581. Ursel de Bungeia 

582. Ursel de Gipeswich 

583. Ursel fil Brun 

584. Ursel fil Helye 

585. Ursel fil Mens 

586. Ursel fil /'«<r<f/te 

587. Ursel gener. Jacob de 


588. Vivard gener. Mosse 

de London 

589. Vivelot fil Isaac 

590. Vives \Heh, Haim] 

591. Vives 

592. Vives 

593. Vives 

594. Vives 

595. Vives de Hamton 

596. Vives de Paris 

597. Vives fil Aaron 

598. Vives fil Benedicti 

599. Vives fil David 

600. Vives fil Deulacresse 

601. Vives fil Isaac 

602. Vives fil Jacob 
903. Vives fil Jacob 

604. Vives fil Josce 

605. Vives fil Margarede 

606. Vives gener Mosse 

607. Vives Scriptor 

608. Vivus Scriptor Helye 

609. William Convert 

610. Yomtob B. 
611 Tomtob of Joigny, York 




p. 271. 


P- 257. 




p. 232. 


26, p. 57. 








27 H, N his. 


3R A. 5^^No.744 






R. p. 200. 




PP 38» 39 


pp. 23, 199 




5R A. 






p. 240. 


p. 87, 31 H., pp. 

23i» 232, 233. 

N. Jw. 










N. 9R. 












3 R.G., 215. 


p. 105 see Benedict 

de Eboraco. 


p. 283. 


pp. 109, 112, 125, 




612. Yvelin 

613. Yuo de Line. 



p. 239. &irNo.74l 


[Besides the names directly mentioned in the above list ^ 
get information of the existence of Jews from references to thdi 
relations, sons, daughters, nephews, &c. Thus a name Kk 
' Fluria quae fuit uxor Vives levesq ' informs us of the rmtfwr 
of a third Jewish Bishop of London, Vives, in additioB to 
Deulesalt and Abraham mentioned on p. 89. The followiiig firt 
summarises this additional information. The names in the lart 
column are firom the preceding list, and indicate sons or 
daughters (in itals.) if no other designation precedes: we. 
indicates wife ; frat, brother ; gen, son-in-law ; sor, brother-ii- 
law ; nep. nephew. 

615. Aaron 

616. Aaron 

617. Aaron 

618. Aaron 

619. Abraham 

620. Abraham 

621. Abraham 

622. Abraham 

623. Abraham 

624. Abraham 

625. Alemandrinus 

626. Antera 

627. Avigay 
O28. Avigay 



Abraham, Ba»- 

dict, Deodoae, 

EKas, Vim» 

frat, Benedict. 

sor. Jacob. See 

No. 3. 


Samson. Sec 

No. I. 


nep. Coc. No. 5. 




fr. Deodatus. 


fr. £lia«. 


Samuel. \ 




Isaac, Meus. No. 

26. \ 


ux. Jeutta. 



tres t'ilii. No. 03. 


Jo»»cc gen. Eliis. 


Abraham nr. 

Jacob, gtn. 



629. Belasez 

630. Benedict 

631. Benedict 

632. Benedict 

633. Benedict 

634. Benedict miles 

635. Benedict 

636. Benedict 

637. Benedict 

638. Beneit 

639. Benjamin, Magister 

640. Benjamin 

641. Benjamin 

642. Bona 

643. Bonefey 

644. Bonefade 

645. Brun 

646. Bnm 

647. Comitissa 

648. Crespin 

649. Cresselin 

650. Cypora 

651. David 

652. David 

653. Deodatus 

654. Deudone 

655. Deudone 















Josce, Judas, 

Maria. No. 68. 
gen. Elias. No. 88. 

Vives. No. 92. 
Abraham, Elias, 

Jacob, Josce, 

Brun (Glouc.) 

Deulacresse. 92. 
Josce, Judas. 
tres fratres (3 R. 

A.) fr. Meir, 

soc. Samuel. 83. 
Abraham, Manas - 

ces, Mens. No. 


Benedict, Benja- 
min, Deulacresse. 
Abraham. No. 122 
Ysaac, Jacob, 

Mahy, Samuel. 

No. 133. 
Liun. Qy.N0.643. 
Abraham, Samson 

fr. Samson. No. 


David, Isaac. No. 

Abraham, Ysaac, 

Solomon. No. 

David. No. 143. 

Sam. fr. Vives. 

No. 155. 



Judas. No. 161. 




656. Deudone 


657. Deudone 


658. Deulacresse 


659. Deulacresse 

660. Deulasaut , 

661. Elie 

662. Elie 

663. Episcopus 

664. Gentil 

665. Hakelot 

666. Hakelot 

667. Isaac 



Hereford • 







668. Isaac de Cant 

669. Isaac 


670. Issac 

671. Isaac 


672. Isaac 


673. Isaac 


674. Isaac 

675. Isaac 



676. Jacob 

677. Jacob 


678. Jacob 

679. Jacob 


680. Jacob 

681. Jacob \sor. Aaron' 


682. Jacob 


Aaron, Jacob, 
Josce. No. 164. 

Abraham, Bene- 

gen, Benedict, 
Jacob. No. 17J. 

/r. Judas. No. 171. 

Aaron, Josce. 

gen, Abraham. 

Benedict, Ursel. 



ux, Cypore. 


Abraham, BcsiC" 
diet, Miriana^ 
Samson, gm* 
Josce. No. 289. 

Cresse, Gosce. 

Vives fr. I^eiila- 
cresse. No. a5a 

Ehe, Vivdot. 

Aaron, Benedict 
(see Ursel), 
Riche ux, Fluria 

Josce Murien 
Peter. No. 274. 

Aaron, Chera. No. 


ux. Fluria. No. 

Aaron. No. 273. 
Samuel gen. Mens. 

No. 312. 
Abraham, Deulas- 

ant. Jacob, Vives 
Benedict, Peter 

ux. Bona. No. 

ux Avigay.. Qy. 



-683. Jacob 

684. Jacob de Winton 

685. yaU 

686. you 

687. Josce 

688. Josce 

689. Josce de Kant' 

690. Josce 

691. Josce 

692. Josce 

693. Josce 

694. Josce'Quatrebuches 

695. Josce fil Morel 

696. Josce Sorel 

697. Juda de Paris 

698. Juda 

699. Juda 

700. Juda 

701. Jumet 

702. Leun 

703. Liun 

704. Leon 

705. Leo 

706. Leo de Dunstable 

707. Magistri 

708. Manasser 

709. Manasser 

710. Manasser 

711. Margarede 

712. Mosse 

713. Mosse 

























Mosse, Pulcella^ 
Simon, Vives. 

Drua gen, Ursel. 
No. 305. 


Ysaac gen. Josce. 
No. 331. 

Isaac. No. 337. 

Leo, Vives. No. 


Akelin^(f«. Abra- 




ttJcAnna. No. 334 

Benedict, Hakelm. 
No. 375. 

sor. Jacob. 



Isaac. No. 378. 

ux. Muriel. No. 

Manasser. No. 387 

Hakelin, Isaac, 
Margaret^ ux, 
Munel ^.Bene- 
dict. No. 391. 

Isaac. No. 407. 

Abraham. No. 450 


Josce. No. 404. 

fr. Aaron. 

Josce, Salumun, 
Samuel (Norw.) 

Jacob, Josce. No. 



Elia, Vives. No. 

Isaac, Peter. 
Josce Mosse. 


714* Mosse 



715. Mosse Norhant. 

716. Mosse Worcester 

717. Mosse York 

718. Mosse c. Naso Norw. 

719. Mosse de Wallingford Oxon 

720. Mosse de Lond. Glouc. 

721. Mosse, Mag. Lond. 

722. Mens Norw. 

723. Peter Norhant. 

724. PulceUa Line. 

725. Rabbi [Joce] Lond. 

726. Rana Lond. 

727. Samarias Devon 

728. Samson Norhant. 

729. Samson "Warw. 

730. Samson York 

731. Samuel 

732. Samuel Essex 

733. Samuel Exeter 

734. Samuel Line. 

735. Samuel Norhant 

736. Samuel Oxon 

737. Samuel Deulacresse Winch. 

738. Sancto Norhant 

739. Sara Lond. 

740. Simon Lond. 

741. Simon Norhant. 

Justitia, Samud, 
^(OT.Vivard. No. 

Isaac. No. 464. 



tix, Duzeliiia. 

Deulacresse. No. 

gen, Vives, 

Abraham (Wint.), 

gen, Bendit. 

Samuel. No. 489. 
Benedonat, Isaac, 

Ursel. No. 495. 
Abraham, Isaac 

No. 501. 
Elyas. No: 503. 
Samuel. No. 510. 
ux, Juetta. 

No. 518. 
Benjamin, Jacob, 

Josce, Judas. 

No. 511. 

Aaron, Deudone^ 

Jacob, josce, 

Peter nep, Coc 
No, 519. 

Aaron, Isaac. 
No. 547. 
Benedict, Mosse. 

No. 549. 
Abraham, Des- 

done (Cole). 
Yssac, Jacob. 

No. 558. 


.74a. Simon Norw. Yssac. 

743. Simon de Stanford Isaat [ 

744. Ursel Norw. Josce. 

745. Vives Brist. Abr. 

746. VivesleVesq. I.ond. BenediclwjtFlurie 

747. Yvoliny Essex Deulactesse Jacob 

748. Yvo Line. Aaron. No. 613. 

Sncb i. long list as Uie above contains much infomiation, apart 
from the names themselves. But these bave tbeir points of ■ 

it and instruction in themselves. As with most early \ 
medJKVil names— Jewish or Gentile — they are mainly " Chris- 
tian," or first names, with an explanatory addition, derived from 
birthplace, office, or personal peculiarity. The favoorite ones 

Scriptural, as may be shown by the following list of the 

frequent : — Isaac (59] \ Josce, i.e., Joseph (55) ; Abraham 
(49); Benedict, orBendit, the Latinised form of Berachyah (49}; 
.Jacob (40) ; Moses, Moss, or Masse (38) ; Samuel (3;) ; Vive*, | 
Vivard, Vivelot, various forma for the Hebrew Ckaim, " 
(231 ; EliHs (19) ; Aaron (18) ; Deulacres {Heb. Gedaliah) (17) ; 

iser [17]; Samson (16); Solomon (15); besides Aser 
(Asher), Benjamin, David, Juda, Jeremias, Naeroia, Simon, 
Other Biblical forms occur in somewhat strange disguise, as 
Deulesalt, i.f., Dieu-le-saut, for Isaiah; Serfdeu for Obadiah; 
Dieudone, or Deodonatus, for Elchanan ; Hakelin, a diminutive 
Isaac : Kersun, probably equivalent to Gershon, Cok and 
Coket, probaUy both diminutives of Isaac in its Hebrew form. 

somen's names are less distinctively Biblical, Anna 01 
Heaoa; Avigay (Abigail); Biket (diminutive of Rebecca); 
Cipota, (Zipporaj ; Ester; Lia (Leah), Miriam, and Sara, forming . 
short list, contrasted with Alemandina, Altdd, Anter^ J 
.£elia (Belle), Beleasez, Cbere, Clarise, Comitissa, Denicosa, 1 
Dona, Dune, DuieUna, Fleur de Lis, Fluria or Floria, Gentil, i 
Joie, Juette, Margaret, Maria, Mirabilla, Muriel, Precieuse, ] 





Pulcelle, Rana (Reine), Regina, Riche, Slema. These names 
of Jewesses indicate the main source whence the list of Anglo- 
Jewish names was derived, Anglo-Norman French. Thus, 
among the men we find such first names as Amiot, Bonefei 
(Bonfoi), Bonevie, Bonenfaund {Jjon enfant)^ Hospitard, Jostelin, 
Morel, Peitivin, Piers, Seignuret (dim. oi seigneur) ^ Ursel, Yvo^ 
and Yvelin, not to mention the French translations of Hebrev 
names, like Deulebenie, Dieulacresse, Deusaie, Serfdeo, etc. 
English is indeed conspicuous by its absence in the list, except 
for Alfild, among the ladies, and Jumet (Jomet), among tbe 
men, if the latter be, as has been suggested, derived from 
"jomet," a jerkin or jacket, and so an appropriate Ktrmm 
(vernacular form) of Jacob. Peter occurs in several cases, birt 
this may be duetto the Latin as well as to the English. One 
name is fi'om the Greek Kanonimos, evidently a mistake for 
Kalonymos (Hebrew, Shemtob)^ but this was probably derived 
from Germany, where it was introduced by the well-known 
family of that name from Magna Grseda. Three of the first 
names imply foreign origin, Flaming, Lumbard, Peitivin (Poitou). 
I may conclude what I have to say on the " Christian " names 
of the English Jews by drawing up a list of those about which I 
know not what to say for their peculiarity, Benleveng, Calamod, 
Cassi, Chermin, Eligai, Eudon, Hanechin, Janem, Jagnnce, 
Mahey, Makar, Martiri, Melin, Mens, Pipili, Potelin, Santo. 
Brun is almost the only descriptive first name, though one would 
have thought most Jews of that date were " brun." 

More information is to be gained or conjectured from the sur- 
names. The majority of these, indeed, give rather the place of 
domicile of their bearers; Abraham de Bungay, Dieulacresse dc 
Wallingford, and so on. Some, again, are merely distinguishing 
epithets, as Isaac Senex of Cambridge, as distinguished from 
Isaac Juvenis of the same town. Other descriptive titles read 


stranf^y in [heii Latin forms: Mosse cum Naso (probably 
"Nosey Moses"), Deuduce turn pedibus lortis*(? " Bandy 
Deudone '"), Manasser Graasus (" Fat Manasser," ct. " Isaac le 
Gios"), Benedicl Lengus ("Long Benedict"). Some surnames 
refer to office ; several have the ti lie Bishop, two thai ofPres- 

1 byter, the eiact meaning of which will concern us later. One, 
Isaac of London, is called Medieus, two at Bristol aie called 
Fnrmager, probably a corruption of " fermager," or ferm agent, 
Q colled or of laies. Hebrew officials are also in evidence; Ibere 
is an Abraham and a Benedict Pernas (Warden) of Lincoln, an 
Abraham Gabbai (Treasurer of Congregation) at Bristol. Two 
men have the addition of Puncteur, or Pointnr, which I identify 
with Nalidan. One of these I identify with Berachyah Nakdan, 
the other with Samuel Nakdan, the author of an important 
grammatical treatise now at Berlin. Several Scriptors occur, 
probably Sopkcrim. There still remain several true surnames ; 
Barlibrod, Carini, Blund, Bressus, Crespin,Curj, Gaudi, Kiterel, 
I^vi, Malmerri, Merdenhostel, Mullrun.Qualrebucbes, of which 

I Bailibrod and Kiterel, and perhaps some of the others, a 

' English. 

One peculiarity remains lo be observed. A considerable 
number of the names of men are quoted as the sons of iheir 
mothers (see Nos. 19, 41, 750, 85, 155, zob, 264, in, 3«> 344. 
349. 355, 3^ ¥^> 4*6. 46", SS^i 5^6, 605, cf. 636, 629, 641, 
647, 664, 726, 73y)- This might seem at first lo cast some asper- 
sion on their mothers, but in two cases at least, Abraham fil 
Avig6y and Copin lil Bella, we can trace the fathers, and the 
tatter suggests that il was merely because the mothers v 
better known than the fathers that the curious nomenclature 
was adopted. It is also just possible that the fathers had 
become conveili and llie ions refused to be caUed by their oai 



There are ten persons in the list who have the curious title of 
Bishop, four in London (Deodatus, 1168-78, Abraham, Deak- 
salt, Vives, 1194), three in Lincohi (Josce, Samson, and Judas), 
one at Exeter (Deulecresse), one at Nottingham (Samuel), one 
at Bristol (Isaac), and one at Winchester (Solomon), and to 
these we may add a Samuel le Frester at Norwich, and Jacob, 
Presbyter of London and of all England. What exactly were 
these Bishops and Priests of the Jews ? The clue, I think, is 
given by the fact that there are [three of them in the two most 
important centres of the English Jewry, London and Lincoln.* 
We know from John's Confirmation of the Jewish Charten 
{supra Assize, $32), that the English Jews had right to juris- 
diction among themselves, a right which was granted them, I 
conjecture, by Henry II. (Robertson, Mat, Thorn. Beckett vf. 
148). On one occasion it is mentioned that a question whether 
a Jew might take usury from a Jew was to be decided by a 
chapter of the Jews (capitulum Judceoruin), Such jurisdiction 
would be administered by the three Dayanim or judges, who, 
even to this day, are the ecclesiastical assessors in all Jewish j 
courts. It is only natural to connect the three episcopi with the 
three Dayanim and interpret Episcopus as ecclesiastical super- 
visor. These were the " peers of the Jews," before whom trials 
were held {supra Assize, § 22). I can guess whence the title 
came. There was clearly intimate relation between the English j 
Jews of the early twelfth century and the Jews of the Rhine 
Provinces. There we find the title "Episcopus Judaeorum," 
especially at Cologne (Honiger, Judenschreins-Buch (1888), 
Nos. 83, 232, 234, and pass.). There, however, it was used 

* There were oniy three af London 1220, 1227, and at Lincoln in MfOi 
See my " London Jewry " in Papers Anilo- Jewish Exhibition, p. 48. 


' mostly to express the Pamass, or pre^dent of the congregation 
and only one Episcopus occurs al the time. Now in Englani 
e find three simultaneous Episcopi, who could not all be war 
ens, while both at Bristol and IJncoln we find Jews with the I 
title P&rnas^ or warden, who were not " Episcopi." Th 
ilitntion of the congregation seems to have been a warden I 
(Amoz); a treasurer (Ati^t) — these for synugogue and financial I 
'matters ; three Dayanim. for ecclesiastical jurisdiction, fonning 1 
a chapter of the Jews {capitulum Judmoruvs) \ a rector of the I 
High School, with teachers under 'iiaa [^agister puerorumw 
'and scribes {Scriplores) or cyrographers, for writing deeds; 
while the " Ordinances of the Jewry " mention two " lawj'ers 
that are Jews," to supervise contracts between Jews and Chris- 
tians. The presbyter, or prestcr, would thus be the Ab-belk-din, 
or head of the assembly. 

That the title, "Bishop," was familiar among the otdinaiy I 
Englishmen of the lime, is shown as early as 116S, when a 
'bishop of the Jews entered St. Paul's, while some bishops of the ] 
'Christians were deciding ecclesiastical cases. "Receive also 
' this bisiiop among you," called out a wit among the crowd ; 
" he alone of all tbe bishops has not betrayed the archbishop," 
1"^., Thomas Beeket (Robertson, Materials, supra'p.^^). 

To sum up. The title " Bishop " comes from Germany, 
where it meant " warden," and was applied in England, about 
1 184, to represent the three Z^J^oiiin, who had the right by 
English law to adjudicate on cases between Jews. 


From the above namC'liats we can gather some important 
. conclusions as to the dispersion of the Jews throngh Englan 
The name of the towns where they dwelt is almost invariably 


given, and we can thus draw up the accompanying list oi the 
towns of England where Jews are known to have dwelt in the 
twelfth century, adding in italics the names of foreign towns and 
countries from which in several instances they are mentioned as 
having come. In cases where the exact quarter where the Jews 
dwelt is known from local histories I have added notes and refer- 
ences, though these in many instances refer rather to the thir- 
teenth century. There does not seem to have been much change 
in the position of the Jewries. The numbers refer to the Name 
list : those in brackets are doublets. 

Aufai, 195 (at Warwick). 
Arundel, 563a. 

Bedford, 8, 109, 129, 156, 216, 246, 25i,'27i, 293, 488, 564, 580, 
—[676], 712. 

Berdefeld, 172, 286— [658]. 

Beverley, 247 (at Winchester), 566 (at Winchester). 
Boseham, 76, 450. 

Bristol, 20 (at Nottingham), 46, 47, 77, 120, 182, 259, 266, 267, 

281, 3"» 337, 360, 386, 412, 493, 540» 575— [687], 745- 

[On the Quay between Broad Street and Small Street, between 

the outer and inner wall: the synagogue under St. Giles' 

Church in Small Street. — Hunt, Bristol^ 27-30; Seyer, i., 

Bristol, Siy-g; Vryce, Bristol, 72-3]. 

Bucks., 72, 246, 328, 364, 466, 584, — 706, 713. [Perhaps 

Bungay, 20 (at Norwich), 197 (at Line), 248 (at Hereford), 280 

(at Line), 300 (at Northampton), 338, 448 (at Norwich), 505, 

581. Cy. P. R., item 9. 
Burges (Bourges), 233 (at Line). 

Cambridge, 15, 31, 36, 53, 73, 94 (fr. Rummel), 116, 117, 137, 
I43» H9» I55» 269, 283, 289, 312, 319, 362, 369, 379, 407, 419, 


449, 486, 517/*= , 530, 552, 590, 595 (fr. Hamton), 599, 604— 
[639], [647], [«- ', [651], 66s, [667], [688], [702], [708]. 
\See supra pp. 4^ 22, 229. The old synagogue near the 
prison was give, to the Franciscans. Mon. Franc, ed. 
Brewer 17, 18. he parishes of All Saints and St. 
Sepulchre's "in tL Jewry.*' Baker, HUU St, John's 
College^ 26, 27. Full. '. Univ, Cambr, 8, 21, 77. See 
also Cooper AnnalSf i. s.u. 1215, 1224, 1266.] 
Canterbury, 14, 49, 87, 90 (.?), 170, 249, 294, 368, 436, 437 (?), 
53 1 » 560. «S^^Kent. 

ICf, supra, p. 153. Jury Lane, opposite All Saints in 
Speed's Map. The synagogue, where Saracen's Head 
Inn, according to Soniner, Antiq, Canterbury, 124-5 > 
Cf, Brent, Canterbury, 116, 137; Hasted, Canterbury,!. 
61, 126, ii. 364]. 
Chichester, 63, 88, 166, 198, 210, 212, 399, 414, 451, 469, 554, 

567, 608 — [630], 678, See Sussex. 
Clamund, 22 (at Northampton). 

Colchester, 2, 23, 24 (at Hereford), 37, 59, 137, 180, 188, 219, 
250, 309, 310, 317, 601, 602— [669] [679], 709. See Essex. 
[Jewry in East Stockwell Street. Cf. Cutts, Colchester, c. xiii. ; 
Morant, Colchester, p. 8.] 
Cologne, 591 (from England). Cf, supra, p. 131. 
Cornwall. Cf, supra, p. 186. 
Coventry, 16, 199. 
Danemarchia (? Denmark), 173. 
Devises, 409 {Cf, Waylen, Devizes, p. 45). 
Devon, 61, 207, 245, 503 — [727]. See Exeter. 
Doncaster, \^2 (at York), 506. 

Dunstaple, 12, 328 — 706 (C/*. Morin, Dunstaple), see Bucks. 
Edene (? co. Durham), 568 (at Line). 
Edmondsbury, 150, 258, 403, 553, 546, 562. 


[Cf, supra^ pp. S9-6i, 75, 78, 14T, and Turner, 
Archit, i. 46.) 
Essex, 8, 9, 58, 174, 180, 270, 384—631 [654], 689, 732, 749. 

Cf, p. 222. See Colchester. 
Estampes, 551 (Lohd.). 

Exeter, 6t, 179, 183, 318, 388, 490, 518, SS©— [733]- See Dewm 
Eye [co. Suffolk], 480, 507 (at Norwich). 
Faversham [co. Kent], 89. 
Finchlefeld, 174. 
Gloucester, 39, 50, 65; 68, 72, 92 (fr. Rising), 104, 125, 126, 136, 

T94, 209, 232, 325, 333, 358, 382, 393, 394, 400, 420, 427, 452, 

459, 472, 474, 535, S88, 5^9, 598, 606-625, 627 [629], [i^^ 

640, 655, 670, 680, 690, 696 [699], [703], [714], 720 (fr. 


[East Gate Street, formerly Jewry Street, s3niagogiie on 
N. side. Bigland, Hist, of Gloucester ^ 135; Records 
Glouc, Cathedral^ ii. 125. Cf supra^ p. 45-6.] 
Grimsby, 329. 

Hamton, 595 (at Cambridge). 
Hereford, 24 (from Colchester), 48, 2TT, 240, 248 (fr. Bungay), 

30T, 434, 482, 502, 523—661. 

[Jewry Lane in Speed's Map, between Wydmarsh Grate and 
Bisters Gate. Cf, Bp, Swinfeld*s Household Expenses 
(Cam. Soc), xcix.-ci., 127. R. Johnson, Customs of 
Hereford, 70-1.] 
Hertford, 78, 130, 215, 442. 
Hich (?), 25 T [probably Hitchin]. 
Ipswich, 414a, 569, 582. 

yoigny, 168 (in Lond.), 252 (T,ond.), 6tt (York). 
Kent, 25, 86, 87, no, 128, 159, 167, i53(?), 184, 214, 223. 284, 

310 (?), 341, 356, 390, 508, 532, 561, 577— [619], 685. Of p. 

222. See Canterbury, Faversham, Rochester. 


.Leicester, 79, 340, 380. 

[Jewry Wall, Jaurn. Arch. As.t., vi. 393-40* ; Leic. Arch. 

Trans., i., iv, 48 ; Throsby, Leister, 2, 3, 7, 18, 40, 3^2, 

39J. PI. I.,n.] 

Lineoln, 3, 7, u, 30, 55, 74, 84, 85, Sga, 90, 96, 100, loi, 103, 

107, liz, 114, liS, 123, 135 (fr. Stamford), 141, 151, 157, 163, 

I95> '97 {^' Snngay], 200, 201, 204, 208, 117, 220, 333, 261, 

264, z6s, 275 (fr- Bungay}, 302, 306, 313, 322, 323, 336, 329, 

331. 341. 345. 355. 365. 374. 387, 4'5. 4". 4". 4"a. 4^3. 

428, 429, 430, 435, 461, 47B, 481, 486, 495, 499, 511. 520, 5^4 

(fr. Stamford), 548, 556, 568 (£t. Edenc), 570 (fr. Paris), 578, 

586, 597, 5oo, 607, 6i3-[6i5], [620], [633I [662], 664, [671], 

[681], [a86], [691], [700], 704, [710], [724], [734]. [748]. 

\_Cf. supra pp. 57, 117, 207, M. D. Davis, "Mediieval Jew* 

of Lincoln," Arch, yotim., xiiviii., 178 «y. ; Freeman, 

Eng. Tatani, lib. Jews" houses on Sleep Hill, Cf. 

map in Misi 'Koignle's Angevin Erig!a?id,i. 40; figuredin 

Pugin's Sfecimens, PI. ii., and Turner's Dam. Archti,, 

i., p. 7 and Gardiner, School Hist, of England, cf. supra- 

p. 91]- 

London, i, 4, 17, 29, 33, 41, 42, 43, 450, 51, 52, 54, 56, 57. 67i 

^1 1S> ^i 95 (fr. Talemund), 105, to6, 113, I2t, 134, 138, 142, 

144, 147, 148, 158, 161, 162, 165, 168 {fr. Joigny), 185, 187, 

189, 192, iO%, 306, 323, 228, 229, 236, 237, 352 (fr. Joigny], 

374, 382, 3S5, 388, 292, Z96,303(ft.Paris), 304, 321,339,343, 

349. 353. 354. 357. 359. 36t, 363, 377. 39^. 397. 398, 401, 401, 

408, 409. 413. 424. 445. 447, 449. 4S4. 4^7. 4^8, 470, 473, 476, 

484, 487, 492, 500, 501. 504, 513, 513, S15, 527, 539, 549, SSI, 

563. 576. S9«. S96. 605, 610,— [616], 631, [628], 634, [64s], 

653, [660]. 663, [672], 682, [694], 707, [711]. 7". [7^5]. 7*6, 

[739]. 746. 

[Seesupra pp. 13, 39, 45, 63, 99-106, 177. 217, 334. Jewry 
at first in Old Jewry, Synagogue at Bakewell Hall, Great 



School in Ironmonger St. . Cf. Stow, Surv^, editi 3tiype^ 
ii. 33, 59, iii. 53-5, 262-3 (the source of all other accounts, 
as Maitland, London^ 438 ; Seymour, London^ 556 ; ICnight's 
Old London^ vi., &c); Loftie, History of London; 112, 
114, 122, 145, 185, 196; Cf, map in App. F ; J. Jacobs^ 
"The London Jewry, 1 290," in Papers Anglo-Jewish ExH* 
hitiony pp. 20-52, with plan.] 

Lynn, 91 (at Norw ), 175. [C/. W. Richards, Lynn^ i. 390.] 

Malinges (.? MechUn), 25, 561 (in Kent). 

Newcastle, 297. [Silver St. was formerly Jewgate. Brand, 

Newcastle^ i. 359.] 
Newland, 508 (Kent). 
Newport [co. Bucks. ?]. 
Norfolk, 131, 175, 176, 181, 324, 505, 529, 583—646 (Cf. p. 222). 

See Bungay, Lynn, Norwich, Rising. 

\Cf. W. Rye, Short Hist, of Norfolk, 16, 42, 46-8, 51-2.]. 
Norwich, 19, 21 (fr. Bristol), 26, 81, 91 (fr. Lynn), 99, 108, 191, 
218, 230, 260, 268, 279, 280, 299, 320, 335, 336, 338, 346, 350, 
367, 391, 403, 425- 439, 448 (fr. Bungay), 455, 475, 507 (fr. 
Rye), 509, 516, 534, 541— [623], 638, 648, 653, 695. [701], 
718, 722, 742, 744. 5^^ Norfolk. 

\See supra pp. 19-21, 112, 261. Jewry near Haymarket, 
Synagogue and School on Hogg Hill. Cf. Blomfleld, 
Norfolk, iii 26-8, iv. 76, 184, 225; Goulboum and Symons, 
Sculptures Norw. Cathedral, c. ix.] 

Northampton, 5, 10, 13, 22 (fr. Clamund), 24, 45, 66, 97, 132, 
145, 146, 253 (fr. Nottingham), 254, 276, 278 (fr. Stamford), 
287, 300, 308, 314, 316, 352, 353, 366, 371, 381, 431, 464, 471, 
489, 494, 496, 497, 519, 537, 547, 558, 572 (fr. Warwick), 603, 
-[617], [622], [656], [683], [715], [723], [735], [738], 741. 
[See supra p. 162; Cf Baker, Northampton, 152, 262, 351.] 


Nottingham, 20 (fr. Bristol), 193, 202, 253 (at Northampton), 

477, 526,-666. 

[Of. Records f Bor. Nott. — ^Jew-lane, Nicholas St . Synagogue 
in street leading from St. Peter's to Friars Min.] 
Orleans, 501 {at Land,) 
Oxford, 6, 35, 70, 98, III, 115, 119, 124, 140, 177, 178 (fr. 

Walligford), 190 (fr. Winchester), 235, 255 (at Winton), 305 

(fr. Winch.) 315, 348, 458) 522, 587-641, 657, [673], [684], 

[719]. [736]. 

[.S^ supra pp. 4, 18, 68, 96, 254. Anthony h, Wood, ed. 

Gutch, i. 129. 148, 165, 220, 239, 273, 274, 325, 326, 328, 

329; ii. 745, 746. Utty of Oxford, ed. Clark, ii. 18. Lyte, 

Univ. Oxford, 36, 41, 44, 59, 66, 67. Boase, Oxford, 22, 

32, 65, 68, 81. Great and Little Jewry near Carfax along 

Fish (St. Aldate's) St., with St. Edward's in centre. 

Cemetery near Magdalen Tower. Cf. Neubauer, "Notes 

on Jews in Oxford." Collectanea, II. (Oxf. Hist. Soc), pp. 


Paris, 38, 303 (at Lond.), 457, 570, 596—697. 

Punteise, 402. 

Reading (}), 231. 

Rising, 92 (at Glouc), 169, 176— [635]. 

Rochester, 93, 256. 

RocheUe, 95. 

Rouen see p. 217. 

Rume (? Rome), 510 (at Warwick). 

Rummel, 94 (at Cambr.). 

Russia, 257 (at Winchester). 

Rutland, 277. See Stamford. 

Sautnur, 341. 

Spain, 454 (at London). 

Stamford, 135 (at Line), 186, 278 (at Northampton), 416, 524 
(at Line). See Rutland. [See supra pp. 212, 215.] 


Somerset y 38, 3 1 5 . See Wells . 

Sussex, 60, 88, 169, 426. 

Taiemundf 95 (at London). 

Tchemtgo/t 257 (at Winchester). 

Thetford, p. 

Trier, 557. 

Wallingford, 178 (at Oxford), 458, 525. [Hedge, JValUngfori, 

i. 387.] 
Warwick, 195 (fir. Aufai), 203. 213, 227, 347, 3S9»383» 404.465. 

510 (fir. Rume), 533, 538, 571, 572 (at Northampton)— 636, 

674» 692, [705], [729]. 

[Speed's map gives Jewry Street a continuation of Castle St] 
Wells, 404. See Somerset. 
Westminster, 304. \Cf, P. R. Item, No. 2.] 
T^ton, 301. i&^f Wilts. 
Wilts, 27. See Wilton. 
Winchester, 18, 32, 34, 40, 64, 82, 122, 154, 160, 171, 190 (at 

Oxon), 221, 224, 241, 244, 247 (fr. Burnley), 255 (fi*. Oxon),256 

(fr. Rochester), 257 (fi-. Russia), 263, 265, 305 (at Oxon), 33a, 

385. 405» 410, 417, 432 (?)» 460, 491, 560, 573» 574, 593 (?)- 
618, [642], [649], [659], [675], 737. 

\See supra pp. 133, 146-52. Speed's map gives Jewry St. 

leading to Northgate ('C/l also map in Norgate, Angevin 

England, i. 3 1) . The Synagogue was in Tnissil, now Gaol, 

St. cf, Milner, Hist, of Winchester, ii. 180.] 

Windsor, 41. 

Worcester, 133, 261, 307, 387, 395, 406, 411, 528, 536, 559— 

624, 716. 
York, 83, 152 (fi-.Doncaster), 225, 243, 238, 272, 433, 506, 545, 
609, 61 1— [637], 717, 730. 

\See supra loi, 105, 112, 116, 117 — ^30, 238. Speed's map 
gives Jewbury between St. Morris and the R. Fosse. The 
Synagogue was on the N . side of Jubbergate. Cf. HargraTe, 


York, ii. 386-8, 558. Drake, Ebaracam, 57, 94-6, ij8,a53-4, 
^5? *77i 3**' A.PP'. pp. iiv.-v. Twyford and Griffiths, 
RKords Yerk CastU, 25-35. R- Davies " On the Mediieval 
Jews of York " in Yorksk. Arch, and Taji.youtn.,iii. l47-g7. 
J. T. Fowler "On Certain 'Starrs,'" Hid, pp. 55-63.] 

It would be, of course, of interest to ascertain the number of 
!ws in England during the twelfth century, but the materials 
our disposal are scarcely adequate for the purpose. I have 
compiled a list of all the names mentioned in the records, and 
runs to some 750. But these are of various generations, 
were not all living simultaneously, nor do they give more 
the heads of famihes. If we divide them into tour genera- 
lions-(i) 1100-1153A.D., (2) 1154-1173. (3) "74-II93. (4) "94- 
llo6, a rough caJcnIation gives 15, 45, 300, 390, as the approii- 
native number of names known in each generation, and indicates 
rather our relative knowledge of the various periods than the 
*ctual population. For the fourth period we are lucky in 
ssing a name-list of the Jews subscribing to the ransom 
of Richard I. at Northampton in 1194. This gives nearly 270 
names of heads of families throughout the country. As, how- 
the sum voted was 5,000 marks (/'3,666), and the sums 
mentioned in the roil reach only about j^t,8oo, it is probable 
t contains only the betterhalf of the whole collection. As 
Iter of fact, for many of the towns 1 could supplement the 
list considerably. Altogether, I reckon that some 500 Jewish 
famihes were at that date, 1 194, in England, probably amounting 
me 2,00a souls. In the preceding generation their numbers 
probably equally great, but the natural increase w 
short by the massacres of 1 190, which probably remaved 
500 victims. The Jewish accounts give I Jo as the nambo'' 



as cut I 




in York ; Ralph Disset mentions 57 slai n at Bury St. £dmimd*S| 
and the emeutes at London, Lynn, Norfolk, and Stamford must 
have largely increased the total. 

I do not think the total number can have much exceeded 
2,000, at this time, as the total population of England seems 
not to have been greater than 9 miUion jftod .% half, and it does 
not seem likely that this small population cotdd have maintained 
much more than one per cent, of bankers or "usurers," es- 
pecially as most of the business of the country was performed 
by barter. As it was, the resources of the country must have 
been severely taxed to support such a large number of unpro- 
ductive persons, though incidentally the banking facilities they 
offered may have encomraged .trade in the building of castte, 
convents, &c. 

We may from the list enumerate, at any rate, the Englidi 
towns where Jews are known to have existed in the twelfth 
century, in the following order of population, the numbers pre- 
fixed being those of the names occurring in the Name List for 
each town : — 


no, London. 
82, Lincoln. 
42, Norwich. 
40, Gloucester. 
39, Northampton. 
36, Winchester. 
32, Cambridge. 
22, Oxford. 
18, Bristol. 
16, Colchester. 
14, Chichester. 
13, Bedford, York. 

12, Canterbury, Worces- 
II, Hertford. 
9, Bungay, Exeter. 
7, Nottingham. 
6, Edmondsbury. 
5, Stamford. 
4, Hertford. 

3, Dunstable, Ipswich, 
Leicester, Rising, 

. I 


lefield, Grimsby, 
Hamton) Newland, 
Newcastle, Read- 
ing, Thetford, 
Wells, Westmins- 
ter, Wilton, Wind- 

2, Beverley, Birdfield, 
Bonham, Doncas- 
ter, Eye, Lynn, 
Newport, Roches- 

I, Arundel, Devizes, 
Faversham, Finch- 

The comparative density of the Jewish population follows the 
density of the general population, being thickest in the South 
and East, sparsest in North and West. 


It is rare, even in conservative England,,for a private dwelling- 
house to exist, in however battered a condition , after so long a 
period as seven centuries. This is specially the case with 
private houses, as the large majority of them were constructed 
of wood, as London knew to its cost in the gieat fire of 1 136. 
But the twelfth century was the beginning of better days in 
domestic architecture, and stone houses for private dwellings 
practically date from this period. Among the earliest to use 
the new luxury — for luxury it was — were the Jews It is by no 
means accidental that three out of the scanty lemains of the 
domestic architecture of the twelfth centur}' are known as *• Jcms* 
houses." There are tMO at Lincoln and one at Bury St. 
Edmund's. There is yet another in Norwich called the Musick 
House, which, according to Bloomfield [Norfolk/w. 76), can 
trace to the twelfth or even eleventh ccntuiy. But it has nowa- 
days not a single trace of its earlier condition. 

Of the two at Lincoln, that in the High street is the better 
known, and has frequently been described, among others, by 
Turner, in the first volume of his Domestic Architeciurey pp. 7, 
4 1 , from whom I derive the following details : — The principal 



dwelling-room was on the first floor, probably for protection. 
The fireplace is on the side towards the street, the chimney 
being corbelled out over the door, the lower part of it, with the 
corbels, forming a sort of canopy over the doorway. This is 
richly decorated, the ornamentation being similar to that of 
Bishop Alexander's work in Lincoln Cathedral. Some of the 
windows are good Norman ones, ot two lights, with a shaft 
between. The staircase seems to have been internal, and the 
house is small, of two rooms only. All authorities on architec- 
ture date it as ot the twelfth century, though historically it is 
connected with the name of a Lincoln Jewess, named Belaset 
of Wallingford, who was hanged for clipping the coinage a few 
years befoie the Expulsion. It is, however, similar in style and 
appearance to what the other Jew's house of Lincoln must have 

This is of far more historic interest, and has the advanttge 
that it can be definitely dated. It is on the Steep HiD, at 
Lmcoln, on the right-hand side going up, and ti*adition has 
always associated it vA\h the name of Aaron of Lincoln, the 
great Jewish financier of the twelfth century, who died in 1187. 
Unfortunately it has suffered much at the hands of successive 
tenants ; the roof, some of the windows, the doors, and most of 
the walls have been restored ; all the rest is the original house. 
This consists chiefly of a window, similar in every way to those 
of Belaset's house, and an external chimney projecting over the 
doorway in much the same way. Turner remarks that a Norman 
ornamented string, on a level with the floor, may be traced \\ 
along two sides of the house. I have had it photographed and i i| 
engraved for the present book (see p. 91. It is undoubtedly the i 
earliest historic building of Jewish interest in England. 

Moyse Hall, at Bury St. Edmund's, is also called the Jews' ; 
Synagogue in local tradition. It is of late Norman, partly of ' 



LiSTtansitioD cliaracler, Ibe lower story being vaulled, while (he 
srch-riba are poinled. This also appears [□ have bad no win- 
dows OD the ground. Soar. On the npper Hoot there are two 
good transition Norman windows, each of two lights, square- 
hended and plain, under a round arch, with mouldtngti and 
sbaTls in the jambs, having capitals of almost Early English 
cliaradcr. InteniDlly the masnniy \% not carried up all the wsy 
lo [be sill of the window, so that 3 bench of stone is formed on 
each dde of it. It is an early instance of the square-headed 
window, divided by a mullion under a semicircular arch. Some 
antiquaries believe that the building once potsessed a tower. It 
was naed last century as a brideweU, and is still in use as a 
police station. It is possible, I think, that it was tised as a 
school, having just the arrangement, in two storeys, contem- 
plated by the code of the period. If so, it is the earliest school 
building in eiistence in the country, as the Jews were expeUed 

> I from Bury St. Edmund's in 1 190. (Seep.141.) 

The historians of the period refer (o the luxurious character of ■ 
the Jews' houses of the time, those of Joce and Benedici 
chief Jews of York, being likened to resiliences of princes. 1 
Their solid character may have been intended for safety as much 1 
OS for luxury, and they resisted the attacks of the rioters in 
trntules of 1189-90, till fire was set to their thatched roofs. 


The outbreak of fanatic fury against the Jews of England J 
during the winter and spring of i ^^Sf^, was the most slriking |] 
incident in ihc mediaval history of the_English Jews. And of J 
the whole series of incidents the most striking episode i 
sublime s<df-sacrilice of the York Jews, which uas the final act ] 
of the tragedy. There was a digni^ed sense of personal honoor I 
shown in the attitude of the besieged that recalls the heroes o 



antiquity. Observers at the time recognised the analogy -with 
the last days of Jerusalem, and the comparison dees not strike 
one as incongruous, looking back upon the scene across the 
centuries. Men who could dare so greatly for an ideal cause, 
men who could die rather than forswear their faith, must have 
been something other than mere greedy usurers. 

We have very full accounts of the tragedy, the fullest being 
written by William of Newbury,, who- was hims elf a ¥eil£shiiie- 
man, who lived and died at Bridlington within eight years of 
the tragedy. He is, strictly speaking, a contemporary witness, 
and was fully crnscious of the importance and dgnificance 
of the story he was telling, j Yet notwithstanding the detail 
with which he writes, there are not a few points which remain 
doubtful, while the whole inner history of the tragedy has to be 
sought for in the significance of the names of the murdotrs 
given in the records. = 

The actual scene of the final act of self-sacrifice can scarcely 
be doubted, though it is by no means distinctly described by 
the historian, who speaks as if it were the whole of York Castle [ 
that was held by the Jews. Yet it is unlikely that the sheriff \ \ 
should have handed over to the Jews the custody of thc-whole ; . 
castle, which would involve withdrawing the garrison. It is 
much more probable that he set aside the isolated outwork j 
known as Clifford's Tower for their reception. This was a i 
building erected on a high mound, and strongly fortified; ! 
tradition has it that it was built by the Conqueror (Drake, j ' 
Ebor,, p. 289). It was originally of two stories, but the interior ■ 
was blown up in 1687, and is now in ruins. This, by its isolation 
and impregnable position, was the most suitable place of saietj 
for the Jews. But if so, their numbers could scarcely have been 
so great as 500, which William of Newbury fixes upon, since so 
large a number could not have been easily received within 


Clifford's Tower. 1 am confimicd in this correction of William \ 
of Newbnry's figures by the moie moderate estimate of Ephrai 
of Bonn, who in the Hebrew martyrology wbich he wrote fin 
the tiumber at 150. It i^ probable enough that he had before j 
him an actual list of the martj-rs, and it is nut impossible that ' 
the York Memorbuch, as such lists are called io Germany, may 
be fouod At present we know only four names : Joce 
head of the York Jews, Anna his wife, R. Yomtob of Joigny, 
, who, as Ephraim of Bonn informs us, was martyred at York \ 
(Aborak he calls it), and R. Elias, who is mentioned in I 
Tosapholh (Joma 27a, Sebacli 14S) as the martyc of Aborak, i 
/Everwic or Eboracum, the original name of York] There < 
_be httle doubt that R. Y'omlob of Joigny was " the elder from 
beyond the sea," who had so much authority with the York 
Jews, and counselled ihem to slay themselves rather than disown 
Iheir faith. The speech given by William of Newbury is pro- 

. bably iictilious, after the manner of Livy ; he owns indebtedness 
to Josephus for Ihe idea. But some such stirring address would 
be consonant with Yomlob's skill as a Hebrew writer. This is 

I proved by the fact that even to tliis day, the mosl striking hymo 
of the Day of Atonement service— that ending each verse with 
the refrain, " I have forgiven " — was written by Yomtob of 
York. He is frequently mentioned In the Tosaphoth (see Zunz, 

, Zur Gach., ja), and was clearly one of the most distinguished 
Jews of North Europe in Ihe twelfth centuty — a fitting person 
to form the central figure in the most striking episode of Jewish 

I bistoiy in that century. 

, 01 the rioters and their leaders we know far more, thanks to 
the fulness of the public records uf the period. I have discovered 

, in llie Pipe Rolls (No. 102, a Ric. 1., Everwich) the names of 
Jifty-one prominent citizens of York who were lined altogether 
l^i niarlcs 0£!28} for complicity in the riots. Bui another iten\ 



(124) gives us more important information as to the leaders of 
the whole movement, whose l ands were seized hy "William 
Longchamp when he visited York in the Easter of 11 90 with a 
large force (costing ;f6o, Pipe Roll, i Ric. I., Everwich) to 
punish the rioters, and bring back to London the few Jews who 
remained alive after the catastrophe (their transport cost only 8s., 
P. R., item 96). Their names were Richard Malebisse, Kt., 
and his squires, Walter de Carton and Richard de Cuckney, Sir 
William de Percy and Picot de Percy, Roger de.Ripun and 
Alan Malekake. To these names the Meaux Chronicle (ed. 
Bond, i., 155) adds those of Philip de Fauconbridge and Mar- 
maduke Darell. To readers of the nineteenth century these 
names would be names and nothing more. But to Bishop 
Stubbs, who has lived as much in the twelfth as in the nine- 
teenth century, the names implied much more, and have 
suggested the clue to the whole riot. For he found several of 
the names associated together in Dugdale and other Cartularies, 
and observed that some of them were connected with the Percy 
and Pudsey families, who were then the ruling spirits of the 
North Countrie (see his note on Roger Howden, Vol. III., 
p. xlv.). Following up the hint thus given, I have further ex- 
tended the evidence of the close connection of these various 
names in Dugdale*s Monasticon (D.) and the Whitby (W.), and 
Finchdale Cartularies (F.) published by the Surtees Society. 
Thus Alan Malekake occurs as a co-signatory with Malebysse 
(W. No. cxii., p. 95), and with Picot de Percy (F. x., p. 10), 
who elsewhere signs with Malebysse (F. xvi.). Richard de 
Kakenai (mis-spelt Kadenai) signs with both Picot and Alan 
(F. xxii ), while we know he was squire to Richard Malebysse, 
with whom, and with Picot de Percy, he signs F. No. Ixii. 
Then the Fauconbridges had inter-married with the De Cuck- 
neys (D, vi. 873), while Agnes Percy gives a manor *' nepoti 


ep Rie. Malebyase " [D. v., 513). And almost aU these 

e connected with the wide -reach log transactions of the Pudscy^J 
family, who followed the lead of Hugh Pudsey, Ihe masterful J 
old Prince Bishop of Dnrham (Norgate, England un 
Angevin Kings, ii., 283, Jc?-)- 

There was aoolher bond between these men which had a monjj 
direct hearing on (he York tragedy. The Percy famfly were is 
debt to Ihe Jews; Richard Percy yielded two hovales of land tc 
Whitby Abbey for assistance afforded him in releasing Mm and^ 
his lands " dc Jndaiemo " (W. No. cccxitiiv., p. 387), aod h« J 

13 directly connected willi Walebysse (D. iv., 75, W. 293 n.),^ 
The Darells again were equally embarras'ied, as we learn from J 
the Means Chronicle (i., 315). About the leader of the whole | 
attack, Richard Malehysso, the man specially mentioned by J 
Williani of Newbury as (he leader, we have much more eiiplicit.,« 
information as to his indebtedness to the Jews. As early as ll8g "r 

a receipt ofSplajjion of Paris, acting on behalf of Aaton^ J 
of Lincoln, of /f4 " out of the great debt which he owe 

!r Aaron " ^Brit, Mus. Add. Chart., 1251), though he had T 
only come into his property sis years before (Pipe Roll, x. 
Hen. n.. Honour of Eye). By a kind of premonition, Solomon 1 
of Paris, in the Hebrew receipt with which he endorses the Latin \ 
document (Davis, Shetarolh. zES) punningly translates his name, I 
Evil Beast, anticipating William of Newbury, who refers te 
as " Ricardus vero cognomine Mala Bestia." 

William of Newbury distinctly slates that the riots 
mstigaled by a number of Ihe nobles who were heavily indebted 1 
o the Jews, or were pressed by the Royal Treasury which had 1 
taken up the debts to deceased Jews. The final act of the I 
tragedy was the nish to the Minster, where the deeds of the | 
Jews had been sent, probably for safety; these wer 
legioualy burned within the precinctb of the Minster itself. We ' 



may conjecture that the real object of the seige of Clifford's 
Tower was to get possession of these deeds. Only after the 
tragedy did the besiegers learn, probably from one of the few 
surviving Jews, that their trouble had been useless, and that the 
deeds were at the Minster. Thither they rushed and effected 
the main object of the riot by destroying the evidence of their 
indebtedness to the hated Jews. Even this was in vain, for 
duplicates existed elsewhere, and we find several instances of 
indebtedness to Joce and other of the slain Jews of York long 
after the massacre (P. R., items No. 109, 121). The debts fdl-j 
into the King's hands as universal legatee of the martyrs. _i 
Though it was undoubtedly a deliberate plan of the leaders to 
get rid of their indebtedness to the Jews, the York riot would 
not have been possible but for the religious prejudices of the 
mob, upon which they played. These had been raised to fever 
heat by the enthusiasm for the Third Crusade, on which Richard 
Coeur-de-Lion was just starting. It was possible that even the 
leaders of the riot were combining business and religion in their 
attack on the Jews. They were all connected with various jj 
abbeys, and their names occur in the Abbey Cartularies, as we 
have seen. The Fauconbridges were the great patrons of the 
Abbey of Welbeck, and Malebysse himself was afterwards the 
founder of Newbo, co. Lincoln. This religious side of the attadL 
was led by a white-robed monk of the Premonstrateusianjorder, 
who was the most conspicuous figure in the attack throug^jit 
the two or three days it lasted. Now Welbeck was one of the 
few Premonstrateusian abbeys in England, and it is not stretching 
the point too far to suggest that this monk was a relation of the 
Fauconbridges, or perhaps of the De Cuckneys, Cuckney being 
a village near Welbeck. It was the death of this monk that 
exasperated the leaders so much and gave an incentive to the 
final cruel and treacherous scenes. 


punishment inflicled upon the riolerE was no means 
adequate lo their offence. Richard was doubly incensed, at the 
loss lo the Royal Treasury, and the offence lo the royal dignity. 
And his Chancellor, William Longchamp, undertook the task 
of punisbment with the more zeal, as the leaders were, as we 
have seen, all of the parly of Hugh Pudsey, Bishop of Durham, 
and Longchamp's chief rival (Norgate, l.c. ii., 2R6). But Long- 
champ's rule was short, and Prince John reinstated Pudsey, and 
we lind immediately afterwards Richard Malebysse restored to 
his forest rights, and even by paying a fine was granted posses- 
sion of his land taken from him by Ihe king (P. R., item 124)- 

Of Richard Malebysse'!; after fate we have abundant evidence; 
it was uniformly successful to the end, one regrets to observe. 
In izoo he gets warren for his land at Acastre, Cemanns thorp, 
Scallon, and Alby (Rot. Lit. CI., 51*]. A year later, we find 
him making airangemenls about other lands in Marton and 
Tolesby, Newenham, Bnggely, Scallon, Halmby, Dale. He 
obtains "rectum frussiandi" in TJsan and Coldric {pblales, 
p. 55, cf. 379). These and other places mentioned in Pipe 
Rolls 3 and 10, Ric, I. (Galesbris, Kepwerk, Toreoton, Stinton) 
are all in Yorkshire, and one of them to Ibis day preserves, 
written as it were on English soil, a record of (he arch villain of 
the Vork tragedy in the village of Acaster Malsis, hve miles 
south of York, 

He was clearly a large landed proprietor, and it is not 1 
prising to find him sent as ambassador to the King of Scot! 
1300 (Close Roll, p. 99), and appointed Chief Justice of the 
YotkAssiic, 4 Jo. (Foster, Yoriikirc Pidignes, ■•Beckwith of 
Clint"), and he showed his zeal for religion by founding the 
monastery of Newbo, co. Lincoln, in 1 198. He had sons who 
succeeded him, hul the family ultimately were incojp orated, by 
a female descendant, with the Beckwitlis of Clint. 



Yet he did not go altogether unpunished for his ciastardljr 
attack on a set of defenceless and harmless strangers. It vas 
for money that be planned the deed, and in his hopes of fredn^ 
himself from debt to the Jews he was disappointed. As late as 
1205 we find him being freed from all usuries to. .the Jews whik 
he was in the King's service (Close Roll, 58ft), probably in / 
Scotland, whither he was sent as ambassador as we have seen. 1 

The York riot is the central fact in the pre-expulsion histoiy 
of the Jews of England. Their position worsened from that 
date till their expulsion one hundred years later. Yet it was a 
scene in which the Jews came out in far brighter colours than 
their enemies, animated as they were by the highest motives, 
while the besiegers of CliiFord's Tower were mainly, as we have 
seen, animated by a desire to evade their just debts. 


In 1864 a great " find " of 6,000 of what are called " short- 
cross '' pennies (silver) was made at Eccles. These are so called 
to distinguish them from the later long-cross pennies where the 
cross on the reverse of the coin reaches the rim, so as to enable 
clipping to be easily detected. This expedient was adopted in 
1247, so that the short-cross pennies are prior to that date. 
Their peculiarity is, however, that they all bear the head and 
superscription of Henry II., none being known with those of 
Richard or John. It is clear that Henry's name and counter- 
feit presentment was used on the coins of his two sons. The 
distinguishing mark of the coinage consists in the name of the 
moneyer, which is invariably placed on the reverse ; there are no 
less than 240 different names included in the Eccles find from 
about twenty local mints. (See the hst in the late W. S. W. 
Vaux*s Paper on the Eccles find. Numismatic Chronicle, New 
Series, V., pp. 219-254.) 



From Ihe large nuinher and variety of the coins foand at 
Eceles, Dr. (now Sir) Joha Evans was enabled to make a number ' 
of induclion3, which gave an almost complete answer to what 
lias been known among English numismatists as '■ The Short 

I Cross Question" {Numism. CAron., i.e., pp. 219-254). From' 
certain minute variations in the effigy of Heni^' II. on the ca 

I arrangemeot of hair, etc., he was enabled to distiaguisb five 

■ different types, ranging from iiBo to IS47, while from the few 
names of moneyers known from the Records, Pipe Rolls, e 
he was enabled to distinguish the chronological sequence of the 
types. Besides this, he determined the <Iate of an earlier jind 
of 6,000 pennies of Henry II. at Tealhy described in A rchteotogia, 

' xviii., 1-8 as being (rom the earliest dies of Henry's reign, and 
datmg therefore from 1158-70. His investigations have si 
1865, the date of this Paper, been rcgardeed as decisive and 

Among the coins in the Eceles find were several with the 
moneycr's name ISAC ON EVERWIC, Isaac of (on) Evei 
or Yorit. Mr. Hubert Hall, in his Court Life under ihe 
Plaatagfnits, has regarded this moneyer as a Jew, and Ihe 
question is of the greater intercsl owing to the coincidence of the 
name with that chosen by Sir Walter Scott for the principal Je» 
in his Ivanhof. The point in favour of the identifcation, besides 
the probability of a connection between Jews and money, is 
Biblical name, but these were by no means uncommon among 
Englishmen. At any rale, if Ihis is lo be conadered at all 
decisive, it seems worth while considering it wilh the other 
Biblical or Jewish -looking names among the moneyers whose 
names are found on the short -cross pennies among Mr. Vaujt's 
and Sir J. Evans's lists ; they are as follows, placing them in 
alphabetical order, with the inscription and place of coinage, 
together with the types of coinage with B'hich each nair 




associated. I. refers to coins minted 1180-90; II., 1 190-1205; 
III., IV , 1205-12 16 ; v., 1216-47. It is obviously only the first 
two of these types which concern us here. 










n. in. IV. 





n. 1 










IV. V. 















IT. m. IV. 










III. V. 





I. III. IV. V. 


Now if these were all Jews it would be strange if we could not 
identify some of them at least with the names mentioned in the 
Records. There is a Benedict of London mentioned in Richard j 
of Anesty*s account, c. 1160. There is a Josce fil David of | 
London mentioned in the first list of London Jews, 1 186. There ! 
is an Isaac fil Mosse of York mentioned in the Pipe Rolls, } 
3 Ric. I., and an Isaac Blund of York mentioned in Fine Rolls i 
of 1205. There is a Samuel fil Jacob of Canterbury mentioned 
in the Northampton Donum of 1 194, as well as a Simon, nephew 
of Jacob of Canterbury. But none of these are mentioned as 
•'monetarii,*' and it was a law of Henry I. "Quod nullus ausus 
sit cambire denarios nisi monetarius regis " (Ruding, Annals of 
Coinage^ ii. 138). Not a single one of the names can, therefore, 
be identified with any probability with the name of a known Jew 
of the twelfth century, and the possibility of any single one of 

ISAAC OF i ORK. 395 

them being a Jew is almost annihilaled by this Tact.* I (hink 
wc may take it for granted that a Jew could not be a moneyer. 
The reason was, I imagine, that moneyers had to take the oalh 
of fealty (Sir John Evans, I.e., p. 290), and this included a 
Christian formula which a Jew could not take. The whole 
inquiry throws lighl on a mysterious passage of the Pipe Rtdl 
for 27 Hen. II., in which Isaac of Rochester and Isa 
(Isaac of TchcrnigofF mentioned by the author of the Sepker 
Hashahani), and Isaac of Beverley arc fined because Ihey ate said 
to have exchanged ot minted {cambivisst). The former could 
not well be an offence, but the latter was, according to the law 
of Henry I. qnoted above from Ruding, and we may be toler- 
ably certain that none of the three Isaacs or any other Jew would 
be allowed lo mint, possibly for fear of false coinage, 
whole investigation proves, I thini;, that we may nail 
so-called Jewish coins of Isaac of York to the countt 
numismatic intjuiry. 

I tnay add that Scott was unfortunate in naming liis chief 
Jewish character Isaac of York, as at the time at which he 
places the action of his novel, vi^. : in 1194, the da 
Richard's return, there were no Jews at York, owing ti 
scare caused by the massacre of H90. They are consjjicuous by 
their absence from the list of njmes of the contributoiies lo the 
Northampton Donum Rebecca also was a 1 
among English Jewesses of the twelfth century, the nearest 
approach being Biket, a servant in London, 11E6. KirjatI 
Jearim, the name of one of the minor Jews, is 


town not of a person and, as Mr. Israel Abrahams has shown, 
taken with some of the other names from Marlowe's "Jew of 


The Jewish Authorities I have used throughout this book, 
translations of which take up nearly a quarter of its length, are 
very various in kind. Histories, commentaries, legal responses 
and deeds, grammatical and exegetical works, sacred poems and 
satyric doggrel, translations and ritual codes — I have pressed all 
into the service of history. In the following list I arrange them 
alphabetically and give succinct accounts of their character and 
value. The paginations, as in § I, refer to the pages of this book 
on which the various authorities are quoted. Jewish authors are 
placed in the order of their first names. Those who lived in 
England are dealt with especially in § XIX., to which the reader 
is referred under each name. 

Abraham Ibn Ezra, Browning's ** Rabbi ben Ezra,*' pp. 29-38, 
262-3. One of the most eminent and versatile of medieval Jews. 
For a characterisation see supra p. 29 and cf. Dr. Friedlander's 
Essays on Abraham Ibn Ezra. Prof. Bacher has written on 
him as grammarian {A. i. E. als Grammatiker 1881) and as 
exegete {Einleitung zu Pentateuch Commentary 1876^ Dr. 
Steinschneider on his mathematical productions. Dr. Rosin on 
his secular poetry {Reiffie und Gedichte, 4 hfte 1891), Dr. Egers 
has edited his Diwan^ 1886, and Prof. Graetz has written on his 
travels and the chronological order of his works {Geschichte der 
Juden vi, note 8) . Of the two books he wrote while in England 
in 1158, the extracts given above, pp. 29 seq. 35 seq. will 
sufficiently indicate the character. The Yesod Aloreh (best 
edition that of Creizenach with translation, Leipzig 1840) was 



ills chief contribution to theology. 1 be Sabbath Efistlt (best 
edition in the Hebrew periodical Kerem Chemtd, iv. p. 158 seq.) 
deals with the view (probably R. Solomon ben Meir's) thai the-j 
day began with sunrise, which would lead in bis opinion 
desecration of the Sabbath. It is probable that Browtimj> had 
Ibn Ezra in view in his " Rabbi Ben Ezra," though he 
probably unaware that his prototype visited Englond. 
. Abraimm ben Nathan, wboEe .fe/AifrZ/aMianAilf (" Book of 
.Customs") is quoted p. 224 fur a reference to England, 
I born in Lunel, c 1150, aad after much wanc^ering settled down 
'.\a Toledo, where about 1204 be wrote bis book (best edition by 
jGoldberg, 1854), describing the dilTerecces of ritual observaace 
laniDQg the Jews of Ihe various lands he had vL-dted. A fiiU 
^account of the boolt was given by Dr. D. Cassel in the JubiU 
schrifl in honour of the great scbolar Zunz, pp. IZ2-137. 
n Beracbyah Nakdan, pp. 165-73,196-9, 266-8. See J XIX. 

Ephraim ben Jacob of Bonn wrote a Jewish martyrology of j 
the second and third Crusades, from which extracts are given, 
.pp. 23, I07-S, 130-1. I have used the text printed at the end 
"Wiener's edition of the Emek Habacka of Joseph Cohen, q. 
Jaal a better one has recently been published by Drs. Neubann 
,and Stem in Hebraische Berichte iiber die yuiUn-nerfolgungat 
tiia/ircad Jir JCrermtugi, Berlin, 1S92. 

Elchanan ben Isaac. See Tosapkctk and { XIX. 
_ Emek Habttcha, see Joseph Cohen, 
b Jacob ben Jehudaof London, author of a ritual and 
^nrk entitled Els Chayim (-Tree of Life"), the MS. of which 
is still extant at Leiplic. It wa.s written about 1287, and 
been ftdly described by f rof. Kaufmann in iwo articles of the 
yew. Quart. Rev., IV. pp. 20 seq., 550 scq., from the tatter of 
which have been translated the extracts on p. 189. 
Isaac ben Moses of Vienna, a Rabbi of the thineenth 


who died at Wiirzberg, and compiled the halachic or legal com- 
pilation Or Saruay from the MS. of which extracts are quoted 
on pp. 146, 241-2. 

Jacob of Rameru, knoMm as Rabbi Tarn, died 1 171, from 
whose school was derived Sepher Hayashar^ from which extracts 
are given on pp. 25-6. 

Jehuda ben Eliezer, a French Jew,^. 1300, compiled from 
previous exegetes a commentary on the Pentateuch, termed 
Minhat Jehuda^ from which extracts are given, pp. 81, 98. 

Joseph Bechor Shor, pp. 23-5. See § XIX. 

Joseph Cohen, a native of Avignon (1496- 15 75), who compiled 
from earlier chroniclers and annalists a martyrology of the Jews, 
^xi\X^t,d^ Emek Hdbachay ("Valley of Tears") from which is ex- 
tracted the extract on p. 4 The late M. Loeb wrote an 
elaborate work on him and his' sources [Joseph Haccohen et 
les chronicleurs juifs^ Paris, 1888). There is a good Grerman 
translation by Wiener, 1858. 

Joseph Kimchi, Ibe father of scientific Hebrew grammar in 
the North of Europe, flourished at the end of the twelfth 
century. His grammar Sepher Galuy has recently been edited 
by Mr. H. J. Matthews from a MS. which likewise contains 
glosses by a certain R Benjamin, who was probably of Cam- 
bridge, and a specimen is accordingly given above p. 281. 

Joseph ben Nathan the Official, a French Rabbi of the 
thirteenth century, a quotation from a MS. work of whom, given 
in Dr. Neubauer's catena of Rabbinic commentaries on Isaiah 
liii., refers to Joseph Bechor Shor and is given above p. 259. A 
full account of the MS. was given by M. Z. Kahn in Revue des 
etudes juives^ t. iii from which another extract is given on p. 

Meir of Rothenburg, one of the most distinguished of Geraian 
Rabbis towards the end of the thirteenth century, mentions in 


one of his Responses a curious fact relating to the Jews of 
England in the preceding century, which is given on p. 54. On 
his status in Germany and long incarceration see a long note at 
theend of the preface of Wiener's Regesten and Graetz Geschichte, 
Bd. VII. Note 9. 

Minhat Jehttda^ see Jehuda ben Eliezer. 

Mordecai ben Hillel, a Nuremburg Jew, ob. 13 10, who col- 
lected a large number of decisions of previous authorities on 
Talmudical questions, among which occur the passages quoted 
pp. 53, 54, III. There have been several editions since the 
ED. PR. of Alfasi's codification of Talmudic Law at Constan- 
tinople, 1509, on which the Mordecai^ as it is called, is a running 
commentary. A monograph on him and his sources was 
written by Dr. Kohn and went through several numbers of 
Graetz' Monatsschrift 1876-9 and was published separately. 

Moses (?ben Yomtob) of London, see § XIX. 

Moses Taku or of Tachau, who died at Vienna c 1290, wrote 
a curious work against the evils of philosophical speculation, en- 
titled Ketah Tamim (published in the Hebrew periodical Ozar 
Nechtnady iii. p. 54 seq.) in which occurs the passage on p. 264. 
On him see Graetz z.c, VII. 168-70. 

Or Sarua. See Isaac ben Moses. 

Sepher Hajaskar, see Jacob of Rameru. 

Shetaroth, or Hebrew Deeds of English Jews, were edited by 
Mr. M. D. Davis in 1888, for the Anglo- Jewish Historical Ex- 
hibition. Unfortunately almost all of them are of the thirteenth 
century, only three referring to our period, those given on pp. 
76, 77, 268. 

Shibbole Halleket. See Zedekiah Anaw. 

Solomon Luria, a sixteenth century Rabbi, of Lublin, in 
Poland, gives in a Response (reprinted in Graetz, Geschichte^ vi , 
note 1 ) some information on EngHsh Rabbis, quoted on p. 54. 



Tosaphoth are commentaries on the Talmud, additional to, 
but from the same school as, those of Rashi (R. Solomon ben 
Isaac of Troyes, ob. 1104). Passages are quoted, pp. 52-3, 116, 
178. A full account of the Tosaphists is given by Zimz, Zur 
Geschichte^ Berlin, i?45, pp. 29-60. A separate collection of 
Tosaphoth, compiled by R. Elchanan ben Isaac, is extant in a 
MS. now at Ramsgate, from which a quotation is given on 
p. 269. 

Zedekiah Anaw, a Jewish physician of Rome in the thirteenth 
century, compiled earlier decisions on ritual questions in his 
Shtbbole Halleket, from a Cambridge MS., of which a passage is 
quoted on p. 286. 

Many of these authorities, it will be observed, are of the 
thirteenth century, or even considerably later, and at first sight 
might not seem deserving of quotation as contem|X)rary. But 
they are mostly compilations, and the passages quoted by them 
are generally accurate. These are mostly from works of the 
twelfth century not now extant, but clearly of contemporary 
authority. Reference may perhaps be made to a number of 
articles which have appeared in the Jewish Quarterly Review 
where some of these authorities have been referred to or points 
of Angevin Jewish history discussed : — 

I. 182-3. y. Jacobs, A Mediaeval School of Massorites 
among the Jews of England. 
286-8. J. Jacobs. When did the Jews first settle in 
England } 
II. 322-30. A. Neubauer. English Massorites. 
330-338. J' Jacobs. A Reply. 
520-26. A. Neubauer. Berechiah Naqdan. 
III. 555-66. D. Kaufmann. Three Centuries of the Genea- 
logy of the most eminent Anglo-Jewish Family 
before 1290. 


776-8. y.yacobs. Three Centurieii of the Hagin Family. I 

IV. 20^3. D Kaufmann. The Prayer Book accordin 

the Ritual of England before ibe Expulsic 

550-61. D.KauJmann. The Ritual of the Seder and the I 

Agada of the English Jews hefore the Expul* T 

628-55. J- Jof^obs. Notes on (he jews of England under I 

the Angevin Kings. 

V. 98. J. yoiohs. Furlher Notes on the Jews of An- ] 

gevin England. 
[First draft of Introduction and Appendix of present work.] 

158, M. D. Davis. An Anglo-Jewish Divorce A.O1I 


351.2. M. D. Davis. Jews at Harford. 

References to earlier articlet> on the suhject may be found fgB 

Jacobs and Wolf, Sibliolheca Angle-yudaica, 1888, the fastM 

part of which gli'es a complete bibliography up to that dale of J 

lliE history of the Jews of England before 1290. Sec especially 

Nos. 79, 80, 116, 146. 


The twelfth century was the flourishing period of mediKval 
Jewish lilerature. It was the era of the great Maimnnides, the 
greatest name of aU. It counted the two sweetest singers of 
Israel, Muses ibn Esra and Jehuda Halevi, the most attractive 
Jewish figure since Bible limes. It saw the rise of modem 
Hebrew grammar with the Kimchis, whose work has not been 
without influence on the Authorised Version, A whole row of 
Jewish philosophers, mostly writing in Arabic, adorned the era. 
The Jewish Marco Polo, Benjamin of Tudela, was of that cen- 
tury and 90 wa« Abraham ibn Ezra, who cotnbmed in himself 


all the qualities of the rest. It saw with the Ibn Tibbons the 
beginnings of the work of translation which was to restore Greek 
learning to Europe via Arabia. Alfasi, the great codifier, and 
Rashi, the great commentator, lived into the twelfth century, if 
only for three or four years. 

All these names except tho last were from Spain or at least 
Southern Europe. The Jews of France and Germany were 
more concerned with the Law and its demands than with poetry, 
philosophy, and science. The one thing in which the French 
Jews in particular held the lead was in the explanation of the 
Talmud, in which they followed and added to the commentaries 
of R Solomon ben Isaac of Troyes, known as Rashi (t 1 104). A 
band of disciples, many of them his grandchildren (R. Tam and 
Rashbam) or relatives, made additional commentaries on Bible 
and Talmud which were known as Tosaphoth or additions. 
Northern Europe was less cultured than Arabia, Spain, or 
Provence, and the Jews have always shared the culture of their 
neighbours. Brilliant as was the century for the Jews of the 
South it was by no means radiant among their more northerly 

It has till lately been assumed that the English Jews shared in 
this comparative want of culture of their neighbours. Not a 
single name was known of importance among them in the century 
under review. Yet England itself was the home of a remarkable 
outburst of literary activity towards the latter half of the twelfth 
century. The same reasoning which would lead us to expect 
little from the Jews of Germany or France during this period 
would cause us to expect brighter things from the Jews of Eng- 
land. The result of my researches during the past' five years has 
shown that this general presumption was not unjustified. Some 
of the resjlts at which I have arrived are still hjqjothetical, but 
others have been remarkably confirmed by new discoveties, while 


olbers, while still remaininE in the liyliiithelical stage, havt 
accepted by leading authorities on the subject, e.^.,Pror. 
the greatest living autborily on the history of Jewish grami 
has accepted my dating of the Aoglq-Jewish grammari; 
Moses ben Yomtob and Moses ben Isaac. At the same lioie't) 
wish to emphasise that much of what I am about to sketch bFi 
still hypothetical, and awdts further investif 

The English Jews seera nevertheless to 
iheir first impetus from theu- neighbours the French Jew^ 
The earliest whom we can trace is R. Simeon Chaaid ufTreves, 
who appears to have been over here for some 40 years [1106-46; 
see pp. 23, Z53]. But it was from Orleans that the chief aeholflls 
came. Jacob of Orleans was over here at tl 
Richardl.,ani! Joseph of Orleans, known as Joseph Bechor S] 
was, according to my hypothesis, the head Jew of Londt 
nearly 60 years earlier. Other French Jews of distmction 
helped to kindle the torch of learning in this country wert 
Yomtob of Joigny the leader of the York community, who 
the prime iostigatoi of the self- slaughter of [I90; R. Sami 
ben Solomon of Falaise, known as '• Sir Morell of England, 
according to my views, R Elchanan ben isaac of Dampiei 
his most important pupil Jehuda ben Isaac, "Sir Leon of Paria,^ 
(see Iteit section). Besides these, other Jewish visitors froitf 
France mentioned as scholars are Chaim of Paris, whom i identify 
with Vives dc Paris [supra p. 240), Isaac ben Yomtob of 
Joigoy, Joseph ben Jacob of Morell for whom Abrahi 
Eara wrote his Yesad Mi/reh in London, and R. Moses of 
(tupm p. 225). 

The most illustrious of the visitors, however, « 
Ihn Eira, who was certainly in England fi-om May to Deceml 
of [he year 115(1 and probably visited it again 

tob of 
m Ibn 




Joseph ben Jacob heard him interpret Genesis according to the 
second version of his commentary which is dated in that year 
{supra p. 263). The mere fact of his visit implies a body of 
learned Jews capable of appreciating his lectures. Now it is 
characteristic that in his Yesod Moreh^ written in London, May, 
1 1 58, when dealing with the subjects of study current among 
Jews he places first the knowledge of the Massora, i e of the 
grammatical peculiarities of the Sacred Text. For among 
the Jewish scholars I would locate in England in the twelfth 
century some of the most important were Massorites, called 
Nakdanim or Punctuators. Indeed it may be said with some 
confidence that in the twelfth century England was the home ot 
the Massora. 

The earliest master of the Massora and Hebrew Grammar was 
Samuel Nakdan, whose work on Hebrew Grammar is still extant 
in MS. at the Berlin Royal Library (see Steinschneider's 
Catalog,^. 100, and supra p. 162). His views are expressly 
stated by Steinschneider to bear signs of priority to the influence 
of the Spanish and Proven9al school of the Kimchis. It 
is therefore not surprising that we find his authority 
quoted by Berachyah Nakdan (p. 198) and R. Benjamin 
of Canterbury (or Cambridge) bolh of whom were in 
England and opposed to the new philology introduced by the 
Kimchis. The comments of the latter especially, on Joseph 
Kimchi's grammatical treatise Sepher Galuy, are a running 
protest in the name of Samuel. Him I identify with the Samuel 
le Pointur of Bristol mentioned in the Northampton Donum of 
1 194. 

Besides these authorities on the Massora there were two 
Anglo-Jewish scholars of the name of Moses who executed 
important works of a Massoretic and grammatical character. 
The earlier of these, Moses ben Yomtob of London, is declared 


by a Berlin codei tobtthe author oSi^tDarkeNikudox "Rules ' 
of Piincluiition " which is In fhia day appended lo the editions 
of the Rabbinic Bibles and may be thus legarded as the standard 
lest-hook on llie subject. He is quoted by his pupil 1 
ben Isaac Hanassiah (Comitissa of Cambridge} whose woij^J 
Sephir Shaham ur "Onyx Book" ha; not yet been c 
pletely edited. He shows the influence of the elder Kimchi, so^l 
that the independence of the English school of Mas^^orilcs ha^-l 
been broken down by the cotnparaiive philology applied by tbel 
Spanish and Provcn:;al Jews to Hebrew for the first time iufl 
the history of the sdence. Moses ben Isaac shows s 
acquaintance with Arabic. Alloeetber the English gramniatical 
school — consisting of Samuel Nakdan, Moses Nakdan, Benjamin 
of Cambridge aud Moses ben Isaac — was the moat important 
one in North Europe during the latter half of the twelfth centuiy, J 
Besides gromm^ir there is some evidence of a proficiency infl 
legal casuistry among the English Jews. A reference i; 
long genealogy given above, p. 254, shows that Yomtob the " 
father of Moses Nakdan was the author of a work entitled 
S^hif Tanaim, and from a reference by Zunz (Zur Gcsckicktt 
'93) it wontd seem that tiiis was a legal work. Decisions by R. 
Moses, of London and R. Menachem, of London have also been 
found during my researches {supra pp. :37-2g2), though it now 
tnms ont tbat the former was probably of the thirteenth century. 
The remarkable code of education given on pp. 243-251 deserves I 
mention here as a proof of wide culture. And Prof. Kaufmannl 
has recently shown from a Hebrew MS. in the Leipzig Municipal 1 
Library, dated 1187, that the English Jews of the thirteenth 
century had a characteristic ritual which was probably developed 
from the French form in the twelfth, if, as is also possible, it did 
not preserve the original form brought from France 1 
eleventh century. One Uturgical piece, composed by R. Yomtob .■ 





4q6 appendix. 

of Joigny, later of York, for the Day of Atonement, the great 
fast of the Jewish calendar, has proved to be the most popular 
hymn of that solemn day and is still used in all the synagogues of 
the Ashkenazic or so-called German rite. 

Of science there is but little trace. One of the visitors, 
Elchanan ben Isaac, was the author of an astronomical work 
Sod Ha-Ihhur^ now lost, while Berachyah Nakdan translated a 
treatise on mineralogy corresponding to the mediaeval Lapidaria 
as well as Adelard of Bath's QucesHones Naturales {supra pp. 
196-98). Berachyah was mdeed a most versatile writer. 
Besides these translations of scientific works, he commented on 
several books of the Old Testament (p. 198), wrote an ethical 
treatise (p. 172), was a grammarian of repute as his byname of 
Nakdan would imply and, above all, was the author of the 
Mishle Shualim ox '*P'ox Fables.*' This was a collection of 
107 Fables of the -^sopic kind, many of which were derived 
from the East, and bears the marks of adaptation or translation 
(pp. 165-172). They are written in rhymed prose with much 
vigour and wit, and stamp Berachyah Nakdan as one of the 
most original and striking figures in media3val Jewish literature. 
My researches into Anglo -Jewish history would be sufficiently 
rewarded if I have succeeded in reclaiming for his native land 
Berachyah Nakdan, henceforth, I hope, to be known as 
Benedict le Puncteur of Oxford. 


Most persons w^ho see the above query will be inclined to 
answer it more Hibernico by two others : Who was Sir Leon ? 
and. What does it matter if he did or did not come to London ? 
I will soon answer the first, and the other query will answer 
itself during the course of this inquiry. 

Who, then, was Sir Leon } On opening a page of the 
Talmud the reader will observe in the middle of it the text of 


the Gem&ra in square characters, meandering between two 
columns of commentary in the so-called ** Rashi " type. The 
inner margin is taken up by the comments of Rashi himself (R. 
Solomon ben Isaac, 1040— 1 105), without which the text of the 
Gremara would be incomprehensible. The outer margin is taken 
up by additions (Tosaphoth) by a r.umber of Jewish scholars 
who followed in Rashi' s wake during the twelfth and thirteenth 
centuries. They are known in Jewish literature as the Tosa- 
phists or Adders : the Hebrew root 'is the same as that of 
Joseph, who was also an adder, or addition. There are nearly 
200 of them named in the Tosaphoth, and the great scholar 
Zunz has compiled a Hst of them in his Zur Geschichte (pp. 
29-59). Among these, three stand out prominent: R. Tam, 
Rashi's grandson, in the middle of the twelfth centiuy; R. 
Meir, of Rothenburg, who died in 1293 ; and, between the two, 
Jehuda ben Isaac, called also "Sir Leon of Paris," holds 
perhaps the most prominent position. Zunz (p. 35) sums up 
what is known of his life and connections in the following 
paragraph : 

"Jehuda ben Isaac of Paris, called Sir Leon, bom 1166, died 
1224, was a pupil of the elder Isaac [b. Samuel of Dompaire] 
(and of his son Elchanan, it is added in a note) and his father- 
in-law Abraham was the son of R. Jehoseph [of Orleans]. 
His Tosaphoth are frequently quoted, especially those on the 
Tractates Sabbath, Berachoth and Jebamoth. He received the 
surname of *the Pious,* corresponded with R. Joseph ben 
Isaac, and among his pupils was Jehuda Cohen of Friedberg.'* 

Dr. Gross has written an elaborate account of Sir Leon's 
Tosaphoth, and the authorities therein quoted (Berliner's Mag- 
azine 1877, pp. 173-187), but adds nothing to the above 
biographical details. We know, however, the important fact 
(for our present inquiry) that Philip Augustus drove all Jews 


out of Paris in 1 182, when Sir Leon was a youngster ^oi 16, and 
did not allow them to return till 1198, after which time Sir Leon 
returned to his native place and founded there an important 
School of Tosaphists. The point I wish to make is that Sir 
Leon lived in England during the period 1182-98. 

The point which first led me to this conjecture was his some- 
what peculiar name. There are only two "Knights** given 
among the Tosaphists, " Sir** Leon, and " Sir ** Morell. The 
latter, whose full name was R. Samuel b. Solomon of Fdaise, 
is on one occasion definitely referred to as "Sir Morell of 
England'* (see supra, p. 53). Guided by this clue I have been 
able to determine the date of " Sir ** Morell*s death. For in 
the Pipe Roll of 3 Richard I. under the heading "Nordf et Sudf. 
Nova Oblata,** there is an entry stating that Josce Crispin and 
the two daughters of Morell and their sureties, owe 1 00 shillings 
for sharing the books of the said Morell. The very passage 
from which we know Sir Morell to have been in England, 
informs us that he had three daughters. 

We know " Sir Morell ** to have been in England, and we 
find here a scholar named Morell dying in the year 1 192, leaving 
behind so many books that there had to be a decision of the 
court for their partition among his daughters. The only 
biographical fact given by Zunz in connection with " Sir " 
Morell is that he was a teacher of R. Elias, the martyr of 
Aborwick, and Dr. Neubauer has already suggested that the 
name of the town is York, which would fix his martyrdom in 
1 1 90, two years before his master Morell died at Norwich. On 
the other hand it is clear that Sir Morell could not have been, 
as Zunz asserts, the teacher of Meir of Rothenburg, who was 
not bom at the time of Morell*s death. Altogether we may 
take it for established that Sir Morell was one of the long 
sought-for "Wise men of Norwich,'* and died about 1192 
leaving two daughters. 


" Sir ",'Morel!_ being thus shown to be from England, i 
becomes ])robabIe Ihat tte title "Sir" is a specially Englidi 1 
just a5 " En " is speciiilly Provencal. We oughl, there, i 
to eipect to find the other " Sir," Sir J>on of Paris, also J 
iin EnEland. If he was in this country there is every reas 
expecting to find traces of him in the Latin records which begin 1 
to grow specially numerous and accessible towards the end of I 
the twelfth century, just at the time when, if ever, he visited f 
piese shores. We have especially two lists of the ejirly London j 
Jews compiled respectively at Gnildford in 1186 and at Nor- 
thampton in 1 194, which ought to give us what we want (supra, \ 
pp. 89 and 163). 

I would direct the reader's attention to the second name ii 
e Guildford list on p. 89, viz., Leo Blund. In the list he ii 
gandwiched between Abraham fil Rabbi and Abraham's soi 
Samuel, both Leo and Samuel are placed among the richest 
Contributors, though their own contributions are but modest ; 
there is therefore a presumption that Leo was in some way 
ected with Abraham fil Rabbi, tbe second most important 
personage in the London community of the lime. Now we know 
from Abraham's brother, Isaac fil Rabijoce, that their father 
IS named Joseph, and he happens to occur under the cv 
Tu " Rubigotsce " in the only Pipe Roll extant from the reign I 
of Hen. I. dated II30-I. From other matcriaJs in my possessi 
■ I am enabled to draw Qp a genealogy of the family as followf : 

Vbuic ei Rabbi Abiabam fil Rabbi 

I I 

Joics Muriel .Samuel Samsan 

In the earliest list then of London Jews we have an Abraham, 

son of Joseph, put side by ^de with a Leon just when ' 

Leon " was of age, and could not have been in Paris, and we 1 


know that Sir Leon was married to the daughter of Abraham, 
son of Joseph. It is the most obvious step to identify Sir Leon 
with Leo Blund and Abraham ben Jehoseph with Abraham fil 
Rabbi. See, too, how this agrees with another biographical 
item given by Zunz. Sir Leon corresponded with one R. Joseph 
ben Isaac, and among the cousins of the wife we have provision- 
ally given him is a Josce fil Ysaac, who, in 1 194, was the second 
richest man in the London community, as we know from the 
list of London Jews in the Northampton Donum (supra^ 
p. 163). This list also contains Leo Blund in the form 
** Leun le Blund," or " the Blond " from which we learn that 
Sir Leon, if this be he, was a fair Jew, which was probably 
a greater rarity in the early middle ages than now when bad 
nurture has introduced so much eruthrism among Jews. The 
only other notice of Leo is that he entered into partnership with 
Deulebenie of Chichester. In the loth year of Ric. I., 1198-9, 
all the Jewish items of the Pipe Rolls, including the arrears of 
the Guildford tallage, were transferred to special Jews rolls no 
longer extant for John's reign. But Leo Blund does not occur 
in the Charter, Patent, Close, Fine or Oblate Rolls for John's 
reign which are all extant and printed — all of which confirms 
the probability that he left England somewhere about 1 198, just 
the time when Sir Leon was enabled to return to his native 
place, Paris. Though he returned, I find evidence that he left 
behind him in England a son, Abraham. For in the Oblate 
Rolls, printed by Roberts for the Record Commission, there is 
a treble mention of one "Abraham fil Jude de Parisiis," who 
lived somewhere in Somerset in the years 1205-8. Few will 
doubt that this is a son of Jehuda ben Isaac of Paris, named 
Abraham in honour of his maternal grandfather, and probably 
identical with Abraham ben Jehuda mentioned among the 
Tosaphists (Bama Kama 87b., ap. Zunz, Z.G. 48}, and if Sir 


Leon's son is found in England, the presumption is increased 
that he himself had stayed here for some years. The fact that 
his son does not call himself Abraham fil Leonis need not 
disturb us. Mr. M. D. Davis has frequently pointed out how 
-names Varied between the sacred and secular. It would be 
quite normal for a Jehuda to call himself Leo, in reference to 
Jacob's blessing (Gen. xlix. 9), for his English neighbours to 
call him ** Leo the Blond " because of his fair hair, for his Paris 
friends to call him " Sir Leon " because of his English ways, 
and for after-ages to refer to him as "Sir Leon of Paris," 
because his chief activity as Tosaphist was shown in that city. 
It would be equally natural that Abraham would think of his 
fisither as R. Jehuda, of Paris, who was by this time establishing 
himself as the greatest Talmudical authority of the age. 
Altogether there is estabHshed sufficient probability of the 
identification of Sir Leon with Leo Blund for us to adapt it as a 
provisional hypothesis and proceed to verify it by working out 
its consequences. 

For if Sir Leon were Leo Blund and Abraham fil Rabbi's 
son-in-law, Abraham fil Rabbi was R. Abraham ben Joseph of 
Orleans, an important Tosaphist, and his father •* Rubigotsce " 
was R. Jehoseph of Orleans, a still more important Tosaphist. 
Drs. Berliner and Gross even identify Joseph of Orleans with 
Joseph Bechor Shor, the most important twelfth century exegete 
after Abraham ibn Ezra ; his commentary on the first three 
books of the Pentateuch was edited thirty years ago by Dr. 
Jellinek. A remarkable and unexpected confirmation of this is 
given by the seal figured on p. 26. There is mention of a R. 
Solomon ben Isaac, a stranger, being concerned with R. Joseph 
of Orleans in settling a dispute, and the very seal of this stranger 
is found in these islands. This relation with Orleans explains why 
R. Jacob of Orleans was over in London in 1189, when he was 


murdered at Richard I.'s coronation. R. Jehuda of Paris (Sir 

Leon) quotes R, Joseph of Orleans as his master (Zunz, Lit^, 
285) which agrees with om- h5rpothesis. The heads of the 

London community had hereditary connection with Orleans. 
Still more follows. For as Leo Blund was here already estab- 
lished in 1 186, he must have come over here almost immediately 
after leaving Paris in 1182, and must therefore have received his 
finishing in Talmudic learning in this country. But his chief 
masters were the elder Isaac, Rashi*s great-grandson, and 
Elchanan, the son of the said Isaac. Now it is a striking thing 
that there was a ** Deodatus Episcopus Judaeorum '* flourishing 
at London just at the time when Sir Leon was at the age of a 
learner : he is mentioned in the Pipe Rolls of 23-4 Hen. II. 
(II 77-8). Dr. H. Adler has already suggested that the Hebrew 
name of Deodatus was either Nathaniel or Elchanan {Papers 
Anglo-Jewish Exhibition, p. 262), and it would of course 
strengthen my case immensely if Deodatus turns out to be the 
Elchanan ben Isaac, who taught Sir Leon. What do we know 
of this Elchanan ? In the Response of Solomon Luria, which 
forms the basis of our knowledge of the succession of the Tosa- 
phists, it is mentioned that Elchanan was killed in the year 
1 184 (Graetz, Gesch. vi.). Now Deodatus was we have seen an 
Episcopus or Dayan in London in 11 78, and in 1 186 we find the 
three Dayanim to be Isaiah, Vivos, and Abraham. It is certain 
therefore, if my interpretation of Episcopus (see Appendix x.) is 
correct, that Deodatus had died in the interim, which exactly 
agrees with what we know of Elchanan. Elchanan, too (Zunz 
Litg. 253), married a sister of R. Samuel ben Solomon, who 
can be no other than Sir Morell of England. We may, there- 
fore, state with some assurance that whether Sir Leon was in 
London or not, Deodatus, •' Bishop of the Jews,** was Elchanan 
ben Isaac, Rashi's great -great-grandson. And here again we 



confirmation from the records. Elchanan tad a son 
Luel, and I find a Samuel fi] Deudone {the French form of 
] mentioned in Roberts's Oblalcs, p. 415 (wbere 
Judi " to "Judo"). If Elchanan did not come to 
Lhis series of coincidences would be one of the most 
^remarkable in existence, and if Elchanan was here, Sir Leon 
JBnst have studied under him in London. The Tosapholk ofR. 
Elchanan still extant among the Halberstamm MSS. at Judith 
.•"Montefiore College, do not help to sellle the question. They 
iJWere written in France and only show general knowledge of 
Bnglisb Judaism {of iupra, p, 269), but there is no indication 
nrhen Chen were written. 

The reader will now begin to see the importance for Anglo- 
"Jewish history of the question put at the head of this section. 
rThe student of Jewish literature will perhaps better appreciate 
>its importance when I sum up my investigations by stating that. 
■!if Sir Leon came to London, all the known members of the 
ionrtb and fifth generation of Kasbi's descendants can be shown 
fto have Uved in England. It mnst be remembered that we have 
! of the emigration to England of a family closelj 
^iriated to that of Rashi being descended from Simeon the Great 
I'^e etdet), of Mayence, his maternal uncle, so that we can trace 
early all the English rabbis of litcrarj' tastes to Rashi' s grand- 
Ither, Isaac Chasid [supra, p. 253). In order to exhibit this in 
tthe most succinct, though possibly the driest way, I will borrow 
%from Zunz's Litemtiirgesckickti, p. 253, the most complete 
■.genealogical table of Rashi's descendants yet given to the world, 
adding to it Dr. Gross's identification of the descent of Sir Leon 
Kashi, and placing beneath the names the Record namel 
lof the English Jews whom I identify with Rashi's descendants 
nnnectinns by marriage ( jf a genealogy neit page). 
I I may add that I have ventured to identify the Solomon wbo woe 




son of R. Tarn with the Solomon who was father of " Sir MoreD." 
When a Record name is given unaccompanied by a Hebrew 
one, I have been unable to find a suitable identification among 
Zunz's elaborate list of Tosaphists. 



< • 

< S 

m ^ 
I— I < 


pen U- 

O u 

^ < 






















— W 






+ '5 

I have now given enough from my Record sludits to shoi 
primd fade cnse thai: Sir Leon did come to London, and that J 
consequently the remainmg seven Tosaphists were also in Eag-f 
land, and I regard the case of Elcbanan as being something's 
more than prima facie. The rest must be left In ptofeRsetfB 
stndenta of the Tosapholh to whom I must leave the deci; 
the qaestion, though I would remind the readet that if m 
jectures prove well founded, a ronsiderahle body of HebrewV 
poetiy, as well as a large amount of Halachic discus^ 
exegttical comment will for the future form part zi the eorln 
annals of English Judaism, which would henceforth be indl3> 
pensable for the study of the Tosaphoth and incidentally o 
French phonolojiy. 

One more consideration and 1 shall have given all that I a 
at present conttthule to the discussion of the question I have 
raised. It should not be surprising if it tum out that a con- 
siderable number of French Tosaphists visited or inhabited 
England. For during the reign of the Angevin Kings (1154- J 
I206), London was the most important French city in Europe.' \ 
The King who had his chief residence in London was Lord oCa 
Anjou, of Bretagne, of Poitou, and of Gascoiiy, and Duke a 
Normandy, as well as King of England ; the so-called King ol 
France was practically at this period only King of the Isle o^ 
France. It should, therefore, not surprise us if the French:! 
Rabbis, who were obliged to be men of business as well, piiid4 
visits to the centre of Angevin commerce and sometimes settled J 
in this coimtry, especially during the seventeen years (llSa-q. 
during which they were eicluded from the Isle de France. Tl 
second earliest Hebrew Sbetar we possess is signed by Solomon | 
of Paris, another Vives of Paris is also mentioned about this I 
time, and Jacob de Paris occurs in the Guildford Tallage. Whj J 
should not X.eon of Paris have also come ovcrP Even if it 


never expressly mentioned that he did, that need not disturb us. 
After John lost Nonnandy and the other French possessions of 
the English crown in 1206, England ceased to have any interest 
for the later Rabbis who drew up the Tosaphoth in their present 
form. It is only by the merest chance mention of Ephraim of 
Bonn that we know that the head of the York community in 
1 1 90 was R. Yomtob of Joigny, and that R. Jacob of Orleans, 
was massacred in London. I hope that some Tosaphist scholar 
may likewise chance upon a similar reference proving that 
Jehuda ben Isaac, known as Sir Leon, did come to London 
about 1 182, and confirming the important conclusions which I 
have shown can be deduced from the fact. 



I have thought it desirable to give for the information of 
Jewish students a rather full bibliography of the passages in 
secondary authorities where the various Rabbis whom I have 
located in England in the twelfth century have been mentioned 
and discussed. In each case I give in brackets after the 
secondary authority the passages from the originals referred to 
by the various writers. These are mostly passages in the 
Tosaphoth or supercommentaries on the Talmud, and are quoted 
by the treatise and folio of the Talmud on which they occur. 
For other works reference will be necessary to Zunz's epoch- 
making volume on the literature of the mediaeval French and 
German Jews, Zur Geschichte und Litteratur, Berlin, 1845. 

The references are mostly given in a very shortened form, of 
which the following list will afford the key. 

Kohn=Kohn, Mordechai ben Hillel^ 1879. 

il/a^.=Berliner, Magazin fur judische Litteratur. 

K,K. J, ^=Revue des etudes j'mveSf Paris, 1880, seq. 


l^.Y .=^Rabbtns Franqais^ by Renan and Neubauer, in His- 
toire litteraire de la France ^ t. xxvii. 

Z.G.^ZvmZf Zur Litteratur und Geschichte. 
Zun2 Lit. ges =Litteratur der Synagogalen Poesie^ 1865. 
The references to Mordecai (Aford.) are to the Mordecai, 
mentioned in § xvi, s. v. Unfortunately there is a variation in the 
method of citation amon|^ Jewish scholars, and I have not been 
able to check the references. Those of the names that I regard 
as still uncertain in my identification with English Jews 
mentioned in the records are accompanied by a mark of 
Aaron of Canterbury, p. 98, exegete. 
[Z.G. 96 Alinhat yekuda, Deut. xxvi. 2 {supra p. 48). Orient ^ 
1850, p. 550. Univers Israelite, 1852, p. 357. Jeiv, Quart, 
Rev,, V. 161. See Note on p. 98 in § xx.] 
Abraham ben Jehuda (? Abraham fil Jude de Parisiis), 
p. 240, Tosaphist. 
[Z.G. 48 (Kama 87b, Batra 43a, Kidd 15a). Roberts, De 

Oblatisj pp. 2g6, 315, 416.] 
Abraham ben Joseph of Orleans {} Abraham fil Rabbi), 
p. 178, Tosaphist, father-in-law of " Sir Leon." 
[Z.G. 35, 47 (Ber. 45b, supra p. 178. Mace. 6b, Erub. 77b, 
8ia. Kidd, 15a, Batra. 5a). Kohn, Mord, (Beza I. 655, Ab. 
Sara II. 830. Berach. VI. 158). Afag. II. g^, {Or Sarua 
I. 58a. Mord. Beza i. Berach, c. 7.)] 
Benjamin of Canterbury (? Magister Binjamin de Can- 
tebrigia), pp. 54, 281, grammarian. 

[Kohn, Aford. (Ab. Sara II. 826, supra p. 54). S. D. Luz- 
zato in Afag. II., 126. Kimchi, Sepher Galuy passim. 
S. Luria, Response 29, ap. Graetz Gesch, vi. 365.] 

Berachyah ben Natronai Crispia Nakdan (Benedict 
le puncteur de Oxon), pp. 165-73, 196-9, 278-280, exegete, 
grammarian, Tosaphist, translator, and litterateur. 


[Z.G. 56 (Sanhedrin 20b), 97 (Minhat Jehuda 85b, 87b), loi, 
117, 127, i^, supra p. 172). R.F. 490 seq, (full biblio- 
graphy to date). Steinschneider Heb. Letterhode viii. Jacobs, 
jEsopi i. 167-78. Jew. Quart. Rev. ii. 322-38, 620-26. 
The only work of Berachyah*s yet printed is his Mishle 
Shualim ("Fox Fables"), the ED. PR. of which appeared 
at Mantua, 1557, a complete Latin translation by M. Hanel 
at Prague in 1661.] 

Chaim of Paris (Vives de Paris, see Name-List), Tosaphist. 

[Kohn, Mord. 104 (B. Kama, viii. 87).] 

Elchanan ben Isaac (PDeodatus Episcopus Judseonun), 
45, 64, 65, 81, 269. Tosaphist, astronomer, poet, t 1184. 

[Z.G. 34 (Gittin 72a, Mezia nib, Sheb. 28a, Mord. Ahoda 
§ 1364, Ker. Chem vii. 69), 37 (Joma 14a, 23 in Amst. cd. 
I753)> 80, 93, 97, 100, 102, 193, 208. Sal. Luria, Resp.i^ 
(Gz. vi.). Zunz, Syn. Poes.^ 249 {supra, p. 81), Halber- 
stamm Cat. No. 65. R.E.J, iv. 221, No. 64 (Luzzato, Hal. 
Kedem 46), vii 73 (Mord. § 952, 942, 953, Mag. iv. r86, 203, 
and 279). Kohn, Mord. (Choi. iii. 613, Ab. Sara v. 808)] 

Elia the Martyred of York t 1190. 

[R.F. 446, 736. Z.G. 49 (Joma 27a, Sebachim 14b), pupil 
of Sir Morell.] 

Elia Menachem, see Menachem. 

Isaac ben Yomtob of Joigny (Ysaac de Juueignj), pp. 88, 
241, Tosaphist. 

[Zunz, Lit.ges. 286. (Or Sarua Millah § 99.) Z.G. 52. (Aboda 
sara 67b, Hateruma, § 50, Rokeach § 475) R.E.J, vii. 43.] 

Jehuda ben Isaac of Paris, "Sir Leon" 1166-1224 
(? Leo Blundus), pp. 70, 88. Tosaphist, son-in-law of R. Abra- 
ham ben Joseph. 

[Z.G. 35. (Piske Recanate 160, Semag } 211, Chullin 47a, 
loob, Chagiga 25b, Jebam, io6a, Joseph Colon Resp. 


31, lb;. Uagahot Mord, Kidd § 1017, Semag ed. 
1547, f. loia, 118c, Ssmak 135b, 139b, Col Bo,'Na 37,, 
Reeanate Pesak. 191)], 37 (Moses of Coney his scholar], 3! 
(Semag 2a, 33^, Sec), 4;, 53, 58, 59. R.F. 438, 441, 444 
Gross in Berliner Magazin 1877, 173-187 [Full Biblio- 
graphy], Add. Z.G. z6, 51, 74, 76, 79, 80, 85, 89,51, 
93. 9&. 97, 59. "». loi, 102, 103, 104, ri8, 125, 116, I3S» 
i6i, 193, SOS, 5*56. R.E.J. iv. 220, No 54 [Zuni, *irt* 

Jacob of Oklbans, f 1189, eiegele, Tosaphist. 

[Z G. 38 (Tos. Joma ed. Amst. 1753, 34a), 51 (Gittin 8b, 
Jebam. 4a, Kelub. 47a, Sebach. 14b, &c.), 75 (Minchat Jeh, 
lb, 3ab, 4ab, 6b, Jb, 16b, 16a, &c.), 91, 93, 97, 103, ID4, . 
r93. R.F. 438, 441, 446. Ephraim of Bonn in Wienef's 
" Emek Habacba," p. g. R.E.J, iv. 219, No. 41 [itag. 1, 
78, 87), Kohn. Mordecai 125 (Gitt. II. 341, Kama X. 169, 
Ket. II. [48), vii. 71 (Simson on Sifra 3Bb, Men. 271* 
3Sb). Luzzatci (III. 466, 1287, IV. 630, 735, 860.)] 

JosFPH BEN Jacob, of Morell, pp. 29,20, 263, exegete, popil 
ofAbrabam Ibn Esra. 

[Graetz, Geschichte, vi. Neubauer Cat. Bodl. Heh. MSS. 486] , 

Joseph b. Isaac, (Josce fil Ysaac). Tosaphiat, pgel. 

[Z.G. 35, 52 (Aboda sara 67b, Hatemma \ 50, Rokeadi 
} 475.1 Others 75. 'oi- i'V- 285.] 

Joseph Bechos Shob (=Jehoseph of Orleans), exeg 

[Z.G. 51 [Mace. 6a, Ha}, 74 (Sal. Luria Rtsp. 29, Meir 
Rolh, Reip. 863, Semak 151 f, 50. 183 f. 67, 194 f. ; 
Mord. Kidd. inil., Hagah. Mard. Jebam. j 741, Cot 
Bo., No. 75, Geiger Zl. v. 418), 78, So, 86, 89 {Daat Ztktn. 
58a, 7o», 86b, 89a), 97 {Minh. yeli. lb, 2a, 11b. 32b. 31b, 
32b, &c.), 9), 101, 102, 104, 198. Lilg. 281.3, Stein- 


Schneider, Cat. Bodl. No. 5887, Cat. Munich MSS. Geiger, 
Parshandatha, R.E.J, iii. 6 {Mag. i. 93), iv. 223, No. 
50 {Mag. iv. 073, Monats. xxvi. 361, Kohn, Mord. 135-6). 
R.F. 435, 437, 441, 443, 488, 558. See Joseph of Orleans. 
His commentary on Genesis and Exodus was edited by 
Jellinek, 1856. 
Joseph of Orleans? = Rubigotce, fl. 1130. — Rubigotceis 
clearly Rabbi Josce or Joseph, and is mentioned in the Pipe 
Roll of Henry I., 1130, supra pp. 15, 23-5, 27, 217, 259. 
[Z.G. 33 {Hajashar } 686 ; Hagah. Maim, on Shophetini, 
No. 20, Ketub. 70a, Jebam. 15b, Sebach. 12a, Menach. 31b, 
Sabbat 12a, 41a, 107b, &c.), 75 {Hajashar 71a, 78a). 
R.E J. iii. 6 {Mag. I 93), iv. 220, No. 48. See Joseph 
Bechor Shor.] 
Menachem of London, also known as R. Elia Menachem, 
legal authority, pp. 287-9. 
♦ [Z.G. 98 Minhat Jehuda 46a.) Sepher Shoham, c. 8.] 

Moses ben Isaac Hanassiah, grammarian, author of 
Sepher Hashoham (ed. Collins, I. 1882) and Leshon Letnudim 
(youthful work, lost), pp 251, 253. 

[Z.G. 112 (Wolf, ii 596, Orient 1844, 518) R.F. 484.7, 
Bacher in Winter- Wuensche Ji'td. Littei-atur^ ii. 233 (Rosin 
in Graetz, Monats. xxxii, 232-40)] 
Moses ben Jacob, p. 287, pupil of R. Menachem. 
Moses ben Yomtob, p. 282, Massorite, grammarian, author 
of Darke Nikud, Rules of Punctuation appended to Rabbinical 
Bibles, published separately, Vilna, 1822 and by Frendsdorf, 
Frankfort. 1854, perhaps identical with R. Moses of London. 
[Z.G. Ill, 567, Steinschneider Bibl. Handbuch 95, Berl. Cat, 
R.F. 484, R.E.J, xii. 73-9. Moses Ben Isaac cites him as 
his teacher, ed. Collins p. 37. Bacher in Pref. to his edition 
of J. Kimchi's Sepher Zicharon and in Winter- Wiinsche, 
\\, 234, also yew. Quort. Rev. i. 182, ii. 322-7.] 


Moses of London (M agister Mossede Londres), pp. 289-92, 
legal authority, perhaps identical with Moses ben Yomtob, but 
more probably of the middle of the thirteenth century. 

\yew. Quart, RevAv. 551, 553, 557, v. 156 seq. and Note on 
p. 289 in § XX.] 

Moses of Paris, pp. 225, 229, legal authority. 

Samuel Nakdan (Samuel le Pointur de Bristowe; p. 162. 
Massorite and grammarian. 

[Steinschneider, Cat, Heh. MSS. Berlin, p. 100, ap. Kobak 
Jeshurun v. 146, Bacher in Winter- Wuensche, /. ^.] 

Samuel Ben Solomon ** Sir Morell," t 1192, Tosaphist, 
pp. 53, 146. — Came from Falaise in Normandy to England. 

[Z.G. 37 {Or Sarua ap. Mord Chullin § 11 27, Semaki. 82b> 
Sal. Luria Resp.^ No 29, Gz. vi. Shaare Dura § 75 
Pesach. 73b, Joma 40b, 42a. Catalog. Cod. Lips., p. 317), 
49 (teacher of R. Ella of York), 90 (Daat Zekenim i ib, 26b, 
73b). R.F. 438, 445, Zunz Lit. Ges, 253, Nachir. 40 
(brother-in-law of Elchanan ben Isaac, whom I have 
identified with Deodatus Episcopus Judoeorum). 

Samuel ben Elchanan (? Samuel fil Deudone). Tosaphist. 

[Z.G. 55 (Arachin i8b). Roberts Obi. p 425.] 

Yomtob ben Isaac of Joigny, 1 1190. Tosaphist, poet and 
martyr at York, pp. 109=112, 125. 

[Z.G. 52 (Erubin 90a, Sebach. 15b, 64a, Chullin 87a, Joma 
48a, Keritot 14b, Jebamot 37b, 44a, Menachot 88a, Kidd. 
38a), 86 (Cat. Cod. Lips., p. 315). 100, 119, 193, 327. Zunz 
Lit. ges. 286-7. R-I'^ 446. R.E.J, iii. 4, 5 (Mord 1524), 
vii. 72 (Simson on Sifra 113b). Kohn Alord 134 (Sabb. i. 
250, Hag. ib. 452).] 

Yomtob ben Moses of Bristol, pp. 253, 293, author of a 
legal work Sepher Tanaim. 

[Z G. 193. Jew. Quart. Rev. iii. 778.] 


This book has been so long passing through the press that 
many additional pieces of information have come to my notice 
after parts of it have been printed off, while further reflection 
has at times modified my views on various points. Some of the 
sheets were printed off rather hurriedly, some even in error, and 
contain therefore various misprints and lacunae. The more im- 
portant of these addenda and corrigenda I propose to give in the 
following notes. 

P. 7. This might have been written during any of Anselm's 
three visits to England, 1093-7, "00-3, 1 107-9. I a«i "^ow 
inclined to put it late during the last visit owing to my iden- 
tification of the Jewish interlocutor with R. Simeon Chasid. 
See p. 254. 
P. 18. On usury in mediaeval England, see Prof. Cunning- 
ham, Growth of English Industry^ i. § 84. 
P. 19 Thomas of Monmouth's account (infra^ p. 256) is nearly 

P. 23. R. Simeon, the Saint of Trier or Treves, I identify with 
the interlocutor in the Disputation, supra p. 7. See p. 254. 
P. 26. The seal is now numbered NM 51. See Cat. Nat. 
Mus. Antiq. Scotland^ 1 892, p. 369; also Proc. R.S.A. Scot!., 
i. 39, 50, and H. Laing, Supplementary Cat. of Scottish Seals, 
No. 1294. 
P. 27«. Angeon should of course be Angevin. 
P. 29. By a curious coincidence the Hebrew name of the com- 
piler of the present book is also Joseph ben Jacob. 
P. 32«. I have now given up the suggested interpretation of 
**Dovos"^Dover, in favour of **Rodom"i= Rouen. See p. 

P. 35. The seven divisions or climes are those of Arabic 
geography. See Lelewel, Geographie du Moyen Age. 


V. yfn. What \^ wrong here is my transcription. Mr. C. T. 
Alarlin lias kindJyloolted op the original for mc, and finds the 
Biun mentioned is ten pounds, which would make the interest 

F. 4Dn. Hakelln is rather the diminutive of Isaac, 1.;., 

P. 51. Miss Norgate has kindly called my attention to the fact 
that it isonly William of Newburgh who gives the confiscatioa 1 
of Richard Strongbow's estates as occurring after the expedi- \ 
tion to Ireland . \ 

V. 53. "Menacbam " should be ■■ Meaachem." 

P. S4- I have conjectured that R. Benjamin of Canterbury was 
rather R. Benjamin of Cambrid^'e. See p. 282. 

F. 56. P.R. item 25«. It was only six years after coming 
into his property that Malebysse got into difficulties. See 
infra p. 77, 

P.6s. P.R. item No. 30. "Southampton" is a mistake for 
South Hampshire. 

Ho. Mr. Hubert Hall has pointed out to me that the sum 
originally lent was more probably 40 marks, though 100 are 
mentioned in the deed. The deed would be then an early 
example of the legal offence known as CkeuisaiKe. The same 
view i? taken in the AtheHeum review of Mr. Roimd's book, 
July 2o, 1SS9. 

P. 87. "Badpass" is still called Malpas to this day. 

P. 92. " Hard beard " should be '■ hard he.irt." 

P. tja. Mr. M. D. Davis has discovered a reference to Aaron of 
Canterbury in the Close Roll uf i5 Hen. III., 1142, which 
proves that he was of the thirteenth century. — ^ew. Quart. 
Ren. v., p. 15a seq, 

P. 130. Emsi should be Emei Nnbac/ia. 

P. 133. "Against the Jews" should be " against the enemies 
of the Jews," 



P. I35«. The charter is given on p. 204. 

P. 142. The exact date of the sketch of Moyse Hall is 1782. 

P. 143, No. III. See the Red Book documents quoted later, 
p. 269, for earlier indebtedness of the Earl of Arundel to Deule- 

P. 165. '« That will " should be " that mUl." 

P. 181. XXX. "convicted" should be " converted." 

P. 190. The calculation is incorrect. The whole amount owed 
^ ;^I40 + 200 (220 and 80 marks) + 1 10 + 50 ^ ;f 500» of 
which ;f 140 had been paid off, lea\'ing £.}fxi 4- usury to be 
lined for a single deed of ;^6oo =100 marks of gold. 

P. 199. The omitted reference is to p. 23. 

P. 203. For "Nottingham " read "Northampton." 

P. 223. For " first " read " forest." 

P. 228. The omitted reference is to p. 158. 

P. 233, 1. 3, " Wardens of cyrographers " should be "of cyro- 
graphs." They were probably identical -wHth the " cyrogra- 
phers " mentioned elsewhere, p. 235. 

P. 235. For " consum '' read " censum." The omitted refer- 
ences are to pp. 127, 157. 

P. 240. "Abraham, son of the Jewess," should be "son of 
Judah," i.e.^ of Judah of Paris. 

P. 245. The omitted references are to pp. 1 11, 245. 

P. 25 1. " Sephes " should be " Sepher:' 

P. 269. Mr. Hubert Hall has convinced me that I have post- 
dated these documents by twenty years. I judged by the 
reference in P.R. item 1 11, which deals with the indebtedness 
of an Earl of Arundel to Deulebenie. The transfretation of the 
King was probably that of 11 73. See Miss Norgate, I.e. ii. 
144, 145. The border warfare in Wales began again in 11 74 
(Norgate, Lc. p. 181), about which time these deeds should 
pro bably be dated. The Earl died in 1 1 76. The indebtedness of 
the Earl to Deulebenie passed on to his son. See also p. 274* 


P. 274. These items have now been published in Prof. Mait- 
land's edition of the Rolls of the King's Court, I. (P. R. S.), 
pp. 30, 49. This also contains the following item : — 

Norf. — ^ Pledges of Roger Briton because he is 

suspected of the death of Abraam, the Jew, for 

right of awaiting the coming of the Justices Philip 

Fitz Robert [and] Peter Walter — Nicholas the 

Butler, Osbert of Waggeford. 

Professor Mai tland dates the Roll 1194, so, that this entry 
probably refers to one of the inquisitions into the massacres of 
1189-90 referred to supra p. 155. 
P. 289. Mr. M. D. Davis has published in jfew. Quart. Rev. v. 
p 158 seq. an interesting extract from the Close Roll 26 Hen. 
III., 1242, referring to a divorce pronounced by Mag. Mosse 
de Londres. He identifies him \^dth the Rabbi Moses ben 
Yomtob quoted by the author of the ** Onyx Book" which he 
would accordingly date later. Unfortunately the dates of 
literary history are against this. Moses ben Isaac quotes only 
authors of the twelfth century, e.g., Joseph Kimchi and not 
his greater son David, and cannot therefore be later than 1 200 
{Cf. Bacher in Winter- Wuensche, Judische Litteratur, ii. 
208, 234). It is of course just possible that Moses ben Yomtob 
may have lived on to a very great age, and that the Mag. 
Mosse of the earliest list of London Jews supra p. 89) may 
be identical with the Mag. Mosse of the Close Roll of 1242. 
But this is improbable, and we must identify R. Moses ben 
Yomtob with the earlier Mag. Mosse. while R. Moses of 
London is probably an entirely different person, a legal autho- 
nty and not a grammarian, of the thirteenth and not of the 
twelfth century. If Mr. Davis' article had appeared before 
the passages pp. 289-92 had been printed off I would have 
removed them from this book. 



EDWABD III. AND HIS WABS (1327-1360). 

Extracts from Ihe Chronicles of Froissart, Jehan le Bel, 
Knighton, Adam of Murimuth, Robert of Avesbury, The 
Chronicle of Lanereost, the State Papers, etc. Arranged 
and edited by W. J, Ashley, M, A., Fellow of Lincoln 
College, Oxford. 

TEE mXBBULE OF HENB.T UI. (1236-1262). 

Extracts from [he initings of Matthew Paris, Robert 
Grossetesle, Adam of Sfarsh, etc. Selected and arranged 
by ibe Rev. W. H. Hutton, M.A., Fellow of St. John's 
College, Oxford. 

lations from the Works of Gerald of Barri, Roger of 
Howdeo, BencdicI of Peterborough (Richard Fitz-Neill), 
William of Newbnty, Ralph of Dissay, Robert ol Si. 
Michael's Mount, Getvase of Canlerbuty, Ralph Niger, and 
Gervasc of Tilbur^', The Archives of Dnblin, the Annals of 
Boyle, The Anglo-Norman Poen on the Conquest knovvn 
as " Regan ; " and Eitracts from O'Douovan's versions of 
Four Masters and of the Annals of Innisfalleii, Hennesy's 
\ersioa of the Annals of Loch Ce. Magcophegan's version 
of the Annals of Cloiunacnoise, and other contemporary 
records. By Feancis Pibrrepoikt Baknard, M.A., 
Head Master of Reading School. 

1265). Exttatls from Matthew Paris, Robert of Gloii- 
r, W. Rishanger, Chronciles of Melrose, French anJ 

Latin Contemporary Poems, etc. Selected and arranged 
by the Rev. W. H. HUTTON, M.A., Fellow of St. John's 
College, Oxford. 

THE CRUSADE OF BICHABD I. Extracts from the 
Itinerarium Ricardi, the Chronicle of Boheddin, the 
Chronicle of Roger of Howden, etc Arranged and edited 
by T. A. Archer, B.A., Oxford. With Map and Illus- 
trations. 398 pp. 28. or 2b, 6d. uncut. 

S. THOMAS OF OANTERBXJBY. An Account of his 
Life and Fame from the Contemporary Biographers and 
other Chroniclers. Selected and arranged by the Rev. W. 
H. HUTiON. With 12 Illustrations from theVir Anonyme. 
286 pp. Is. 6d. or 2s. uncut. 

Restoration to the Treaty of Nimeguen. 1660- 1678.) 
Extracts from Comtemporary Records. Arranged and 
edited by W. F. Taylor. 188 pp. 

THE DAYS OF JAMES IV. (of Scotland) (1488-1613.) 

Extracts from the Royal Letters, Polydore Vergil and Hall, 
Major, Boece, Myln, etc. With Maps and Illustrations. 
Arranged and edited by G. Gregory Smith, M.A., 
219 pp. 

(1450-1485). Extracts from Blaicman, Gascoigne, 
Pecock, Whethamstede*s Register, Gregory's Chronicles, 
Wavrin, Comines, the Paston Letters, etc. Arranged and 
edited by Edith Thompson. With Map. 1 74 pp. 

American Publishers : G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS, 

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