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THE 


WORTHIES 


OF 


CUMBERLAND 


JOHN   D  ALTON,  F.R.S. 

Member  of  the  French  Institute  ; 

Hon.  D.C.L.  Oxon.;  LL.D.  Edin. ; 

President  of  the  Literary  and  Philosophical  Society  of  Manchester, 


BY 

HENRY    LONSDALE,    M.D. 


0.       £.       (A. 


LONDON: 
GEORGE  ROUTLEDGE  AND  SONS, 

THE  BROADWAY,  LUDGATE. 
1874. 


To 
HENRY   E.    ROSCOE,   B.A., 

Ph.D.,  F.K.S. 
Professor  of  Chemistry  in  Owens'  College,  Manchester 


t's  inscribed) 

with  the  sincere  good  wishes  of  his  Friend 
THE  AUTHOR. 


PREFACE. 


|HE  centenary  of  Dr  John  Dalton's  birth  was 
commemorated  at  Carlisle  on  September 
5,  1866,  by  a  public  dinner,  at  which  gentle- 
men from  all  parts  of  the  country  assem- 
bled. The  proceedings  of  the  meeting  were  reported 
in  the  Manchester  Guardian  and  Carlisle  Journal. 
In  the  absence  of  one  more  worthy  of  the  post,  I 
occupied  the  chair,  and  was  further  honoured  by  a 
request  to  enlarge  my  extempore  biographical  sketch 
of  Dalton,  and  to  publish  it  as  a  brief  memoir. 
More  mature  consideration  showed  that  the  history 
of  the  Founder  of  the  Atomic  Theory  could  not  be 
embraced  in  less  than  a  volume  ;  and  that  it  would  be 
well  to  wait  the  issue  of  the  Lives  of  John  Christian 
Curwen,  William  Blamire,  and  Sir  James  Graham,  the 
first  of  the  series  of  "  Cumberland  Worthies."  The 
delay  that  has  arisen  since  that  period  has  not  been 
owing  to  any  lukewarmness  on  my  part  in  the  cause 


viii  Preface. 

of  science,  but  rather  to  my  being  too  deeply  engaged 
in  the  historical  department  of  the  Biological  Sciences, 
of  which  some  proof  is  afforded  in  my  Biographies  of 
Professor  Goodsir  and  Dr  Robert  Knox,  the  highly 
distinguished  Scottish  anatomists. 

As  one  of  the  promoters  of  the  Cavendish  Society, 
London,  I  was  glad  the  Society  entrusted  the  Life  of 
Dr  Dalton  to  his  able  pupil  and  literary  executor, 
Dr  William  Charles  Henry,  F.R.S.,  than  whom  no  one 
was  better  fitted  for  the  task.  Seven  years  previous 
to  the  issue  of  Dr  Henry's  valuable  Memoir,  I  had 
commenced  inquiries  regarding  Dalton's  family  rela- 
tions and  his  earlier  years  ;  and  owing  to  my  plea- 
sant intimacy  with  the  leading  members  of  the 
"  Society  of  Friends  "  in  Cumberland,  every  facility 
was  afforded  me  for  obtaining  information  regarding 
his  personal  history  and  character.  The  centenary 
had  passed,  and  my  plan  of  this  Memoir  sketched 
out,  before  I  was  aware,  through  the  kindness  of  my 
estimable  friend  Mr  Edmund  Potter,  F.R.S.,  formerly 
M.P.  for  Carlisle,  of  the  excellent  Life  of  Dalton, 
written  by  Dr  Robert  Angus  Smith  for  the  Literary 
and  Philosophical  Society  of  Manchester.  Both 
these  Biographies  are  admirable  and  conclusive  as 
to  Dr  Dalton's  original  work  and  grand  services  to 
chemistry.  No  one  can  follow  these  faithful  historians 


Preface.  ix 

without  deriving  advantage,  and  here  I  beg  grate- 
fully to  acknowledge  my  indebtedness  to  them  both. 
They  wrote  for  the  scientific  public  ;  my  effort  is  a 
much  humbler  one,  aiming  more  or  less  to  satisfy  the 
wants  of  a  quasi-popular  or  less  instructed  class  of 
readers.  The  science  that  Dalton  taught  has  not, 
however,  been  lightly  passed  over  in  the  following 
pages,  but  rather  epitomised  and  offered,  as  far  as 
circumstances  permit,  in  a  form  comprehensive  to 
all  persons  of  average  intelligence. 

Favoured  by  a  number  of  letters  of  Dalton's,  and 
much  original  information  hitherto  unpublished,  I  am 
enabled  to  present  my  readers  with  a  more  correct 
personal  history  of  the  famous  chemical  philosopher 
than  has  yet  appeared  in  print. 

Among  those  with  whom  I  had  repeated  conversa- 
tions on  Dalton's  history  may  be  mentioned  my  late 
worthy  friends  Jonathan  and  Jane  Carr  of  Carlisle, 
who  were  pupils  of  the  Daltons  at  Kendal,  and  had 
a  lively  recollection  of  the  junior  schoolmaster;  my 
charming  and  joyous-hearted  friend  Mary  Sutton, 
who  thoroughly  appreciated  the  chemical  philosopher; 
and  the  estimable  Mr  John  Wilson  Fletcher  of  Tarn 
Bank,  near  Cockermouth,  with  whom  Dalton  invari- 
ably spent  an  evening  on  all  his  visits  to  Cumberland. 
Many  more,  especially  members  of  the  Society  of 


x  Preface. 

Friends,  who  aided  me,  have  passed  the  bourne  that 
allows  of  no  grateful  recognition.  Others,  happily, 
live,  to  whom  I  can  offer  my  cordial  thanks — namely, 
my  constant  friends  Isaac  Fletcher,  M.P.,  F.R.S.,  and 
William  Fletcher,  Esq.  of  Brigham  Hill,  for  valuable 
documents;  Henry  A.  Fletcher,  Esq.  of  Lowca 
Works;  Wm.  B.  Clarke,  Esq.  of  Barwickstead ;  and 
Edward  Waugh,  Esq.  of  Cockermouth,  for  aiding 
me  in  my  inquiries :  to  my  dear  friend  Mrs  Henry 
Wigham  of  Dublin  I  am  indebted  for  Dalton's  cor- 
respondence with  Elihu  Robinson  ;  whilst  the  letters 
that  passed  between  Dalton  and  Joseph  Dickinson 
on  colour-blindness  came  from  the  valuable  repertory 
of  Cumbrian  literature  of  my  friend  Mr  William 
Jackson  of  Fleatham  House,  St  Bees. 

I  was  greatly  helped  in  my  inquiries  at  Manchester 
by  my  esteemed  friend  Professor  Roscoe,  and  to 
Mr  G.  S.  Woolley  I  am  indebted  for  a  perusal  of  his 
father's  essay,  and  Dalton's  correspondence  with  the 
Johns  family. 

In  looking  over  the  history  of  the  Atomic  Theory 
and  the  opinions  of  authors,  among  whom  Professor 
Daubeny  stands  foremost,  I  cannot  help  recalling  the 
eloquent  mode  in  which  my  Edinburgh  associate,  and 
truly  a  man  of  genius,  Dr  Samuel  Brown,  treated  this 
subject  in  a  series  of  lectures,  which  were,  after  his 


Preface.  xi 

death,  published  in  two  8vo  volumes  by  Thomas 
Constable  &  Co.,  under  the  title  "  Lectures  on  the 
Atomic  Theory,  and  Essays  Scientific  and  Literary, 
by  Samuel  Brown." 

The  portrait  of  Dalton  in  the  frontispiece,  and 
described  in  page  225  of  this  Memoir,  has  been 
faithfully  lithographed  by  Vincent  Brooks,  Day,  and 
Son,  London.  The  autograph  beneath  the  portrait 
was  copied  from  a  certificate  of  Dalton's,  written 
about  his  sixty-third  year. 

ROSE  HILL,  CARLISLE. 
July  20,  1874. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAP.  PAGE 

INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER     .....  I 

II.  GEORGE  FOX  IN  CUMBERLAND — EAGLESFIELD — JOHN  DAL- 
TON'S  ANCESTORS  —  HIS  BIRTH,  EDUCATION,  AND 
FRIENDS — SCHOOLMASTER  AND  PLOUGHMAN — ADIEU 
TO  HOME  .  .  .  .  .  .22 

III.  KENDAL  SCHOOL  AND  SOCIAL  LIFE — LECTURES  ON  NATURAL 

PHILOSOPHY  —  MR  COUGH'S  FRIENDSHIP  —  CONTRI- 
BUTION TO  "THE  DIARIES  "  — INVESTIGATIONS  OF 
ENGLISH  SURNAMES  .  »  .  .  -44 

IV.  NATURAL  HISTORY  PURSUITS — METEOROLOGICAL  LABOURS 

AND  CORRESPONDENCE  —  BOTANY  —  ENTOMOLOGY — 
STUDY  OF  MAN  AND  THAT  OF  MEDICINE  CONTEM- 
PLATED— HIS  FATHER'S  WILL  IN  DISPUTE,  AND  NOVEL 

ARBITRATION — LEAVES  KENDAL  FOR  MANCHESTER     .         6 1 

V.  NEW  COLLEGE  OF  MANCHESTER  —  "METEOROLOGICAL 
ESSAYS  AND  OBSERVATIONS" — THE  ATMOSPHERE — 
EVAPORATION— AURORA  BOREALIS— JOINS  THE  LITER- 
ARY AND  PHILOSOPHICAL  SOCIETY  OF  MANCHESTER — 
CORRESPONDENCE  .  .  .  .  .  So 

vi.  ON  DALTON'S  COLOUR-BLINDNESS  .  .  .  -      99 

VII.  HIS  IDEAS  ON  QUAKER- WORSHIP — THE  HANDSOME  WIDOW 
AND  LOVABLE  SPINSTER — POETICAL  EFFORT — ESSAYS 
ON  THE  QUANTITY  OF  RAIN  AND  DEW — ON  THE 


xiv  Contents. 


CHAP.  PAGE 

POWER  OF  FLUIDS  TO  CONDUCT  HEAT — MAXIMUM 
DENSITY  OF  WATER  —  THE  SECRETARYSHIP  OF  THE 
LITERARY  AND  PHILOSOPHICAL  SOCIETY — ESSAYS  ON 
HEAT  AND  COLD  PRODUCED  BY  CONDENSATION  AND 
RAREFACTION  OF  AIR  —  CONSTITUTION  OF  MIXED 
GASES  —  FORCE  OF  STEAM  —  EVAPORATION  —  EXPAN- 
SION OF  GASES  BY  HEAT  .  .  ,  .  126 

VIII.  ELEMENTS  OF  ENGLISH  GRAMMAR  —  AN  EXCURSION  — 
'  VARIETY  OF  CORRESPONDENCE  —  GRAMMAR  AND 
PUPILS — THE  ATMOSPHERE — FIRST  INDICATIONS  OF 
MULTIPLE  PROPORTION — ELASTIC  FLUIDS — ABSORP- 
TION OF  GASES  —  ATOMIC  WEIGHTS  AND  INDEX  TO 
ATOMIC  THEORY  .  .  .  .'  .143 

IX.  A  SKETCH  OF  THE  ATOMIC  THEORY  FROM  THALES  TO   SIR 

ISAAC  NEWTON  .  .  .  .  .      l6l 

X.   THE  ATOMIC  THEORY  FROM  SIR  ISAAC   NEWTON   TO  JOHN 

DALTON  .  .  .  .  .  .      l8l 

XI.   JOHN  DALTON  ESTABLISHES  THE  ATOMIC  THEORY  .      2OI 

XII.  PORTRAITURE — SOCIAL  HABITS — TEACHING  AND  ITS  RE- 
WARDS—  LECTURES  AT  THE  ROYAL  INSTITUTION, 
LONDON — HIS  RESIDENCE — HIS  RETICENCE  ON  PUBLIC 
AFFAIRS— LECTURES  IN  EDINBURGH,  GLASGOW,  AND 
LONDON — HIS  CORRESPONDENCE  ON  A  VARIETY  OF 
TOPICS  .  .  .  .  .  .  223 

XIII.  VISIT  FROM  M.  PELLETAN  —  DALTON'S  APPARATUS  — 
CHEMICAL  PROGRESS  —  GAY  LUSSAC'S  LAW  OF  COM- 
BINATION BY  VOLUME— DALTON'S  OBSTINACY— ROYAL 

SOCIETY— NEW  SYSTEM  OF  CHEMICAL  PHILOSOPHY- 
ACADEMY  OF  SCIENCES— POLAR  EXPEDITION— VISITS 
PARIS  UNDER  HAPPY  AUSPICES  .  .  .  245 

xiv.  DR  DALTON'S  HOLIDAYS — MEMBER  OF  THE  FRENCH  INSTI- 
TUTE— D.C.L. — HIS  CLAIMS  TO  A  PENSION — OPINIONS 
OF  DRS  HENRY  AND  SEDGWICK  ON  THE  SUBJECT  — 


Contents.  xv 

CHAP.  PACK 

COURT     PRESENTATION  —  REFUSES     KNIGHTHOOD  — 

ILLNESS  —  VISITS  TO  EAGLESFIELD  —  DEATH  AND 
FUNERAL  OF  DALTON  .....  26$ 

xv.  BONAPARTE'S  LOVE  OF  SCIENCE — OPINIONS  OF  THOMSON, 

WOLLASTON,  HERSCHEL,  GRAHAM,  BERZELIUS,  FARA- 
DAY, LIEBIG,  ROSCOE,  CANNIZZARO,  TYNDALL,  DUMAS 
AND  WURTZ  ON  THE  ATOMIC  THEORY .  .  .  289 

APPENDIX. 

JOHN  DALTON'S  STATEMENT  OF  THE  CASE  IN  THE  AFFAIR 
BETWIXT  HIS  BROTHER  AND  SELF    .  .  .  .$01 

LIST  OF  DR  DALTON'S  ESSAYS  AND  WORKS          .  .  .    309 

ATOMIC  SYMBOLS  .......    321 


ERRATUM. 

Page  32,  1 3th  line,  for  "Sep.  6,"  read  "  Sep.  5." 


JOHN   DALTON. 


INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER. 

"  Now  the  true  and  genuine  end  of  the  sciences  is  no  other  than  to 
enrich  human  life  with  new  inventions  and  new  powers.  .  .  . 
Fruits  and  discoveries  of  works  are  as  the  vouchers  and  securities  for 
the  truth  of  philosophies? — LORD  BACON. 

|IGHT,  more  light !"  was  the  last  utterance 
of  Goethe  the  poet,  playwright,  and  philo- 
sopher. Emanating  with  the  lightning 
before  death,  these  words  were  looked 
upon  by  the  friends  and  disciples  of  the  renowned 
German,  as  the  breathings  of  the  oracular  spirit,  or 
"  primitive  divination,"  that  Lord  Bacon  assigned  to 
men  of  philosophic  genius  in  the  hour  of  their  de- 
parture for  the  unknown  bourne.  More  light  is  the 
chief  desideratum  in  the  world  of  thought,  as  it  is 
the  guide  and  aim  of  all  who  strive  after  the  good, 
the  beautiful,  and  the  useful ;  but  of  the  multitude 
of  workers  so  disposed,  how  incomparably  few  can 
expect  to  realise  the  height  attained  by  Goethe,  a 
great  master  in  art,  the  founder  of  German  literature, 
and  early  promoter  of  transcendental  anatomy. 

A 


2  John  Dalton. 

Light  traverses  space  with  measured  yet  almost 
inconceivable  rapidity,  and  reveals  countless  orbs  and 
a  countless  time ;  but  the  light  of  ideas,  brought  to 
bear  upon  the  interpretation  of  nature,  is  but  gradatory 
and  fitful  in  its  manifestations,  and  ever  dependent 
on  the  happy  genesis  or  moulding  of  a  human  being 
endowed  with  "  the  vision  and  the  faculty  divine." 
When  this  psychological  light  comes  vividly  forth  in 
such  instances  as  Da  Vinci,  Galileo,  Harvey,  and 
Newton,  it  gives  rise  to  new  and  nobler  develop- 
ments of  human  thought,  and  furnishes  permanent 
landmarks  in  the  historical  path  of  science  and 
philosophy. 

As  chemistry  treats  of  the  nature  and  composition 
of  bodies,  its  study  might  have  been  held  of  para- 
mount value  and  attractiveness,  as  furthering  the 
interests  of  man  in  all  his  advances  to  material  en- 
joyment and  civilisation.  Its  interest,  however,  does 
not  seem  to  have  been  commensurate  with  the  atten- 
tion bestowed  upon  the  physical  sciences,  the  laws  of 
which  were  in  part  indicated  by  Ptolemy,  and  after  a 
long  halt  by  Copernicus,  and  subsequently  so  nobly 
interpreted  by  the  labours  of  Galileo,  Kepler,  and 
Newton.  Yet  the  crude  arts  of  chemistry  may  be 
recognised  as  coeval  with  the  earliest  of  all  human 
inventions ;  indeed,  every  effort  to  rise  above  the 
essential  wants  of  bodily  sustenance,  and  even  to  aid 
in  that  primary  step  of  life,  would  necessarily  call 
forth  the  ingenuity  of  man,  seeking  to  convert  the 
organic  growth  and  inorganic  substances  of  the  earth 
to  the  increasing  of  his  resources,  and  the  bettering  of 
his  physical  condition. 

Enraptured  in  belief,  and  not  less  prone  to  the  wild- 


A  Ichemy  and  the  Occult  A  rts.  3 

est  of  superstitions,  the  nations  of  antiquity  traced 
their  origin  to  demigods,  prophets,  and  heroes  of  the 
superhuman  sort,  and  to  make  their  pretensions  to 
science  consonant  with  the  fabulous  character  of  their 
history,  gave  large  attention  to  those  dark-age  mys- 
teries, astrology  and  alchemy.  The  former  pursuit 
(astrology)  evoked  divination  and  protean  prophecies; 
the  latter  (alchemy)  dealt  largely  in  mystic  arts, 
from  which,  after  the  lapse  of  centuries,  arose  tan- 
gible data,  constituting  important  accessories  to  a  real 
science,  that  of  chemistry  itself. 

A  few  words  on  the  rise  of  alchemy,  "  the  sacred  and 
divine  art  of  making  gold  and  silver,"  may  serve  as 
an  introduction  to  the  modern  science  of  chemistry, 
of  which  John  Dalton  became  the  Grand-Master  in 
these  latter  days  of  European  history.  The  origin  of 
alchemy  is  involved  in  doubt,  but  the  curious  in  such 
matters  will  find  the  genii  of  the  East,  as  well  as 
angels  and  women,  credited  with  a  part  in  the  esoteric 
dogma,  upon  which  probably  more  arts  than  that 
of  alchemy  were  based.  The  prefix  al,  in  alchemy, 
is  clearly  Arabian,  possibly  invented  by  the  fol- 
lowers of  the  occult  art,  to  distinguish  the  doctrine  of 
transmutation  from  the  chemia  that  embraced  only 
simple  chemical  operations  —  in  other  words,  that 
of  vulgar  chemistry  as  disjoined  from  "the  divine 
art." 

In  all  his  attempts  to  unravel  the  web  of  history, 
man  looks  to  the  East  for  the  growth  and  collateral 
bearings  of  his  civilisation,  and,  in  endeavouring  to 
fathom  the  impenetrable  problem  of  his  own  genesis, 
and  the  gradatory  lines  of  his  intellectual  and  moral 
development,  is  led  to  consider  the  arts,  acquirements, 


4  John  Dalton. 

and  erudition  of  the  people  who  occupied  the  banks 
of  the  Nile  many  thousand  years  ago.  In  this  (Nile) 
valley  of  sunny  sky  and  pure  ether — of  lands  rich  in 
cereal  and  saccharine  growth — man's  physical  wants 
were  easily  sustained,  thereby  affording  him  freer 
scope  for  the  exercise  of  his  understanding  and  the 
culture  of  his  genius.  No  one  possessing  the  oppor- 
tunity of  traversing  the  land  of  the  Pharaohs  can  fail 
to  observe  that  the  Egyptians  who  lived  in  the  palmy 
days  of  Luxor  and  Thebes — upwards  of  3000  years 
before  the  -Christian  era — showed  an  acquaintance 
with  the  chemistry  of  the  arts  far  beyond  the  general 
supposition  of  modern  writers.  The  Egyptian  sepa- 
rated metals  from  their  ores,  and  practised  the  arts  of 
metallurgy  with  manifest  success  ;  he  quarried  massive 
monoliths  from  the  syenite  of  Assouan,  and  carved  the 
finest  lines  on  the  hardest  of  granitic  structures ;  he 
fabricated  gold  and  silver,  and  jewelled  ornaments  to 
deck  his  person,  already  beautified  by  cosmetics  and 
fragrant  with  essential  oils  ;  he  wove  his  linen  and 
woollen  stuffs,  then  bleached  and  dyed  them  ;  and 
pursuing  his  chemical  operations  beyond  our  know- 
ledge and  discovery,  adorned  his  temples  and  tombs 
with  frescoes  of  matchless  colours  and  unfading 
splendour ;  and  lastly,  and  not  least  significantly  of 
his  chemical  skill,  embalmed  his  dead  for  historic 
contemplation  and  wonder,  if  not  for  the  houris  and 
joys  of  the  everlasting  Hades. 

The  Hindoos,  who  in  their  vast  temples  sought  to 
do  honour  to  the  gods,  and  in  pertaining  to  a  know- 
ledge of  the  cosmic  atoms,  to  teach  the  general  cos- 
mogony; and  the  Chinese,  rejoicing  in  quaint  edifices 
and  quainter  attire,  that  borrowed  astronomical  em- 


Chemistry  of  the  Eastern  Nations.  5 

blems  for  their  faith  and  the  propitiation  of  their 
deities,  were  equally  alive  to  the  arts  of  chemistry  in 
their  reduction  of  metallic  ores,  in  the  processes  of 
dyeing,  the  fabrication  of  paper,  earthenware,  several 
salts,  and  possibly  gunpowder  itself.  Chronologically 
or  not,  it  is  difficult  to  say,  but  the  Phoenicians,  wel- 
comed for  their  higher  arts  by  King  Solomon,  and 
ready  to  offer  the  inimitable  purples  of  Tyre  to  the 
populations  on  both  sides  of  the  Mediterranean — nay, 
not  content  with  the  intercourse  of  the  Great  Sea, 
navigated  their  way  through  the  Pillars  of  Hercules 
to  the  Ultima  Thule  of  the  geographical  world  of  that 
day,  and  made  their  metallurgical  zeal  accessory  to 
the  exploration  of  Britain  itself.  In  the  plastic  and 
pictorial  arts,  in  bronze  statuary  and  diverse  artistic 
methods,  the  Etruscans  proved  their  aptitude  in 
chemistry  as  well  as  technology.  In  short,  all  the 
historical  groupings  or  nations  of  antiquity  left 
legacies  to  the  world  of  their  manipulative  skill, 
blended  with  the  practice  of  chemical  arts,  occasion- 
ally, indeed,  displaying  a  degree  of  excellence  in  their 
workmanship  that  has  not  as  yet  been  surpassed  by 
modern  operators. 

The  last  breath  of  the  love-inspiring  Cleopatra 
marked  the  last  flicker  of  the  once  glorious  Egyptian 
lamp.  Then  came  Caesarism,  that  sought  to  carve 
Roman  fame  in  every  land,  even  at  the  cost  of  a 
ruthless  destruction  of  the  archives  of  the  Pharaohs 
— an  act  of  Vandalism  on  the  part  of  Diocletian  that 
future  ages  can  never  forget* 

*  Gibbon,  in  his  "Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,"  chap, 
xiii.,  attempts  to  vindicate  Diocletian's  destruction  of  the  "Ancient 
Books"  of  the  Egyptians,  on  the  ground  of  their  containing  but  "mag- 


6  John  Dalton. 

Before  an  adverse  fate  had  laid  Egypt  at  the  feet  of 
the  "  Mistress  of  the  World,"  classic  Greece  had  come 
to  the  front  with  a  freshness  and  radiance  that  almost 
shadowed  the  illustrious  renown  of  the  mighty  em- 
pires of  the  East.  Its  people,  as  if  favoured  by  the 
gods,  presented  a  noble  physique  and  a  still  nobler 
emulation.  They  won  the  esteem  of  the  neighbour- 
ing nations  by  their  mental  character  and  vigorous 
defence  of  liberty ;  they  enlightened  mankind  by 
their  ethics  and  philosophic  culture,  and  left  most 
precious  proofs  of  their  architectural  skill  and  sculp- 
torial  arts,  unquestionably  the  grandest  achievements 
of  inspired  art  ever  presented  to  the  gaze  and  open 
admiration  of  man.  The  historical  Greeks  were  truly 
men  of  ideas  and  vast  conception,  able  to  embody 
natural  phenomena  into  universals  and  generalities 
in  appropriate  symbols.  If  more  disposed  to  hazard 
theoretic  views  on  the  cosmogony  than  to  test 
their  opinions  by  methods  of  induction,  and  more 
given  to  abstract  and  metaphysical  studies  than  to 
the  painstaking  efforts  demanded  in  physical  re- 
search, their  penetrative  eyes  could  not  overlook 
the  more  obvious  claims  of  chemistry,  were  it  only 
for  the  aid  it  offered  them  in  the  arts  of  war  and 


nificent  pretensions "  to  the  making  of  gold  and  silver  and  other 
indications  of  "  mischievous  pursuits."  Surely  the  Alexandrian  Library, 
with  all  its  rare  manuscripts  and  recondite  lore,  setting  forth  the  arts 
and  discoveries  of  one  of  the  oldest  dynasties  of  the  world,  older  than 
those  of  Biblical  history,  was  worthy  of  preservation.  The  Romans, 
in  all  their  greatness,  could  not  vie  with  the  Egyptians  in  the  higher 
branches  of  human  knowledge  ;  nay,  more,  after  eighteen  centuries  of 
Christian  life,  experience,  and  enlightenment,  the  European  has  failed 
to  reach  the  eminence  attained  by  the  Nilotic  races  in  some  depart- 
ments of  mechanics  and  chemistry. 


The  Higher  Minds  of  Greece.  7 

peace,  and  not  less  as  a  source  of  gratification  to 
their  aesthetic  tastes  displayed  in  the  colouring  of 
their  statuary,  and  the  decoration  of  their  magnificent 
temples. 

The  higher  minds  of  Greece — excepting  the  learned 
author  of  the  "  Historia  Animalium  " — tended  more 
generally  to  philosophy  than  science,  and,  it  may 
be  supposed,  saw  but  dimly  into  the  chambers  of 
chemistry.  In  a  subsequent  chapter,  treating  of  the 
atomic  theory,  it  will  be  shown  that  the  Greeks 
revelled  in  hypothesis,  apparently  less  partial  towards 
the  experimental  basis  of  the  statics  of  chemistry 
than  the  natural  history  of  atoms,  upon  which 
problematic  formation  they  could  found  endless 
speculations  and  doctrines.  Now  and  then  they  came 
across  chemical  phenomena  without  recognising  their 
import.  Thus  Empedocles,  on  burning  wood  upon 
the  surface  of  a  cold  body,  observed  during  the 
process  smoke  or  air,  followed  by  flame  or  fire  ;  then 
moisture  or  water  deposited  on  the  cold  substance, 
whilst  ash  or  earth  remained :  so  the  wood  had  been 
resolved  into  its  co-efficients  or  elements — fire,  air, 
water,  and  earth.  Though  the  aims  of  Empedocles 
were  to  illustrate  his  cosmic  ideas,  he  had  made  a 
true  chemical  experiment,  and  so  far  offered  an 
explanation  of  the  results  obtained.  This  was  the 
first  instance  of  the  art  of  analysis,  with  a  view  to 
discover  the  ingredients  of  which  matter  was  com- 
posed, and  the  doctrine  formed  upon  it  the  first 
starting-point  of  chemistry  in  history.  Further  in- 
quiry might  have  led  to  beneficial  purpose ;  but  the 
Greek,  somewhat  hasty  in  his  generalisations,  invested 
the  four  elements  with  universal  application,  and, 


8  John  Dalton. 

what  was  worse,  indoctrinated  the  world  of  thought 
with  the  same  dogma  and  unwise  limitation. 

The  military  prowess  of  the  Romans  not  only 
insured  them  dominion  over  the  sea  board  territories 
of  the  Mediterranean — that  "  Great  Sea  "  upon  whose 
shores  the  grandest  drama  of  human  history  has  been 
played  by  the  greatest  actors  on  the  world's  stage,  a 
drama  revealing  in  its  many  acts  the  formation  of 
political  institutions,  and  the  antagonistic  forces  of 
race,  the  rise  of  republics,  the  downfall  of  empires,  and 
all  those  organic  critical  periods  in  the  natural  order  of 
human  progress  in  which  Polytheism  or  Monotheism, 
Christianity  or  Rationalism  have  alternately  claimed 
jurisdiction  and  power  over  the  thoughts  of  mankind 
— but  extended  far  beyond  all  previously  ascertained 
geographical  bounds.  The  Roman  of  the  Augus- 
tan age,  might  well  boast  that  he  could  march  with 
safety  under  the  protective  aegis  of  his  citizenship 
through  Caledonia  "stern  and  wild,"  or  take  his 
siesta  amid  the  glowing  charms  and  sunny  favours 
of  Ma-nv-lak.  All  the  arts  and  sciences — all  govern- 
ments, records,  and  beliefs — all  traditions  and  customs 
were  marshalled ;  nay,  all  history,  was  culled  and 
digested  on  behoof  of  Imperial  Rome.  This  concen- 
tration of  the  intellectual  forces  and  industrial  arts, 
tending  to  man's  cultured  aims,  should  have  been 
productive  of  great  advantage  not  only  to  the  Roman 
people,  but  to  the  world  at  large.  Such  proba- 
bilities, however,  were  not  realised ;  for  whilst  fully 
appreciating  the  eloquent  outpourings  of  Lucretius 
and  Cicero  on  the  cosmic  atoms,  and  their  vivid 
resuscitation  of  the  Greek  philosophy,  it  is  doubtful 
if  the  Romans,  the  most  practical  people  of  the 


The  Romans  and  A  rabians.  9 

world,  threw  any  light  upon  the  real  aims  and  opera- 
tions of  chemistry.  The  pages  of  Celsus,  Dioscorides, 
and  Galen  afford  proofs  of  an  ample  Materia  Medica 
in  the  hands  of  the  Roman  physicians,  including  the 
more  important  metals  and  their  compounds,  saline 
substances,  and  animal  and  vegetable  products ;  and 
thirty  years  ago  the  archaeological  researches  of 
my  lamented  and  accomplished  friend,  Sir  J.  Y. 
Simpson,  fully  set  forth  the  fact  of  the  Romans  in 
Britain  being  conversant  with  ophthalmic  surgery, 
and  the  treatment  that  rested  on  chemical  agencies. 
Unfortunately,  nearly  all  the  knowledge  that  had 
been  gathered  of  the  chemical  arts  in  the  days 
of  Rome's  highest  ambition  got  scattered  to  the 
winds  in  her  decline  and  fall.  Sic  transit  gloria 
mnndi. 

In  this  faint  sketch  of  the  progress  of  chemistry,  it 
is  needful  to  pass  over  the  polypharmists  of  Arabia, 
eg.t  Rhazes,  of  2covolume  fame  and  marvellous 
erudition;  Alfarabius,  courted  for  his  wisdom  by 
caliphs,  and  still  credited  as  the  first  of  cyclope- 
dists  ;  and  Avicenna,  the  prince  of  physicians,  who 
got  glimpses  of  a  true  chemistry  amid  his  alche- 
mical pursuits.  Then  we  come  to  Albertus  Magnus, 
the  distinguished  European  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury— a  truly  great  man,  of  whom  it  was  correctly 
written : — "  Magnus  in  magia  naturali,  major  in 
philosophia,  maximus  in  tkeologia"  Albertus  saw 
beyond  the  vista  of  Avicenna ;  nay,  traced  chemical 
affinity,  and  employed  the  word  in  its  precise  sense, 
as  designating  the  combinations  of  bodies,  and  the 
effects  of  nitric  acid  as  a  solvent.  His  pupil,  the 
"  angelic  doctor,"  Saint  Thomas  Aquinas,  lagged 


10  John  Dalton. 

not  far  behind,  and  among  many  discoveries,  saw 
the  nature  of  an  amalgam.  Then  arose  our  country- 
man, Roger  Bacon,  known  as  a  monk,  and  often 
named  a  magician  ;  yet  the  latter  epithet  he  dis- 
claimed, and  tried  to  contravene  by  his  treatise  "  De 
Nullitate  Magiae."  His  "Opus  Majus"  proved  his 
recognition  of  the  experimental  method  of  investi- 
gating natural  bodies.  Raymond  Lulli,  pupil  or  not, 
followed  Roger  Bacon's  footsteps,  without,  however, 
abandoning  the  hope  of  finding  the  philosopher's 
stone ;  nay,  he  is  credited  with  having  possessed  it, 
and  of  having  filled  the  coffers  of  his  liege  lord,  the 
king  of  England,  by  his  manipulations  in  the  labora- 
tory erected  in  Westminster  Abbey.  Towards  the 
close  of  the  following  or  fourteenth  century,  Basil 
Valentine  of  Erfurth  appeared  with  his  quaint  sym- 
bolical designs  of  alchemical  processes,  and  not  with- 
out knowledge  of  many  metallic  compounds  and  the 
stronger  acids,  and  various  chemical  operations  and 
reactions. 

The  alchemistry  of  the  Middle  Ages  offered  large 
field  for  chicanery  and  charlatanism.  There  was  the 
alluring  search  for  the  philosopher's  stone,  to  trans- 
mute the  baser  metals  into  gold,  and  the  universal 
elixir,  to  cure  all  the  ills  of  the  flesh,  thereby  confer- 
ring immortality1  on  man — a  grand  consummation 
devoutly  to  be  wished.  Yet  these  alchemists  were 
men  of  acuteness,  and  persevering  inquirers  into  the 
mysteries  of  nature;  their  independent  labours 
helped  to  pave  the  way  to  a  fuller  and  better  know- 
ledge of  the  art,  and  ought  to  be  held  in  grateful 
remembrance  by  mankind.  Paracelsus  thus  wrote  of 
his  brethren  : — "  They  are  not  given  to  idleness,  nor 


The  A  Ichem  ists.  1 1 

go  in  a  proud  habit,  or  plush  and  velvet  garments,  but 
diligently  follow  their  labours,  sweating  whole  days 
and  nights  by  their  furnaces.*  They  wear  leather 
garments  with  a  pouch,  and  an  apron  wherewith  they 
wipe  their  hands.  They  put  their  fingers  amongst 
coals,  into  clay  and  filth,  not  into  gold  rings.  They 
are  sooty  and  black,  like  smiths  and  colliers,  and 
do  not  pride  themselves  upon  clean  and  beautiful 
faces." 

Whilst  empiricism  and  mystic  arts  clouded  the 
operations  of  too  many  of  the  brethren,  there  were 
notable  exceptions  to  be  found  among  these  pioneers 
to  a  higher  science,  of  whom  Friar  Bacon  was  a 
notable  example ;  and  his  namesake,  the  Lord  Chan- 
cellor of  England,  four  centuries  later  suggested  the 
method  of  interrogating  nature  by  observation  and 
experiment ;  and  in  the  practice  of  these  true  modes 
of  investigation,  there  in  time  arose  from  the  furnaces 
and  alembics  a  new  philosophy  that  confounded  all 
the  reasoning  of  the  ancients. 

Putting  aside  Hermes  Trismegistus,  "  the  doctor 
of  three  parts  of  the  wisdom  of  the  world,"  also  the 
Egyptian  and  scriptural  authorities,  the  esoteric 
angels  with  naughty  longings  for  Eve's  fair  daughters, 

*  The  alchemist's  laboratory  comes  down  to  us  as  "a  gloomy,  dimly« 
lighted  place,  full  of  strange  vessels  and  furnaces  and  melting-pots, 
spheres,  and  portions  of  skeletons  hanging  from  the  ceiling  ;  the  stone 
floor  littered  with  stone  bottles,  pans,  charcoal,  aludels  and  alembics, 
great  parchment  books  covered  with  hieroglyphics ;  the  bellows  with  its 
motto  Spira,  Spera,  the  hourglass,  the  astrolabe,  and  over  all  cobwebs 
and  dust  and  ashes.  The  walls  covered  with  various  aphorisms  of  the 
brotherhood,  legends  and  memorials  in  many  tongues,  passages  from 
the  Smaragdine  Table  of  Hermes  Trismegistus,  and  looming  out  from 
all  in  great  capitals  ANAI7KH." — ("Birth  of  Chemistry,"  A7aturet 
March  20,  1873). 


12  John  Dalton. 

Maria  the  Jewess,  and  other  mythological  entities,  it 
may  in  part  be  confessed  with  Monsieur  Dumas,  the 
French  chemist  of  our  day,  that  "practical  chemistry 
took  its  rise  in  the  workshops  of  the  smith,  the  potter, 
or  the  glass-blower,  and  in  the  shops  of  the  per- 
fumer, the  first  elements  of  scientific  chemistry  dat- 
ing no  further  back  than  yesterday." 

To  the  Hon.  Robert  Boyle,  the  first  President  of 
the  Royal  Society  of  London,  the  science  of  chemistry 
owes  no  small  amount  of  obligation.  He  entered  his 
protest  against  alchemistry,  and  raised  valid  objec- 
tions to  the  introduction  of  morals  and  politics  into 
philosophy.  His  experimental  inquiries  have  ranked 
him  among  the  first  of  the  true  chemists.  He  saw  that 
metals  increased  in  weight  when  calcined  in  the  air, 
as  had  been  surmised  in  the  year  1630,  by  Rey  of 
Perigord,  and  was  cognisant  of  the  air  containing  a 
principle  which  is  consumed  during  respiration  and 
combustion.  Dr  John  Mayow,  of  Oxford,  was  a 
worthy  contemporary  of  Boyle's,  and  had  definite 
notions  as  to  the  combination  of  acids  and  alkalis; 
they  and  the  inventive  Robert  Hooke,  who  was  more 
of  a  philosopher  than  a  chemist,  contributed  several 
papers  to  the  Royal  Society,  the  character  of  which 
rests  mainly  on  the  observation  and  the  description 
of  what  has  been  called  the  qualitative  side  of  phe- 
nomena, yet  not  without  real  value  in  building  up 
the  science. 

Sir  Isaac  Newton  was  more  or  less  an  alchemist, 
who  spent  days  and  nights  in  trying  to  discover  the 
secret  by  which  grosser  metals  might  be  changed  into 
the  more  refined  of  gold  or  silver;  but  he  failed,  like 
the  more  ancient  brethren  in  the  art.  His  hypo- 


Van  Helmont,  Stahl,  and  Lavoisier.  13 

thetical  and  grandly  deductive  investigations  found 
their  real  place  and  value  in  the  walks  of  Natural 
Philosophy  :  all  his  tentative  experiments  in  chemis- 
try were  but  haphazard  guesses  recorded  in  his 
celebrated  "  Queries." 

Among  others  of  real  note  was  Van  Helmont,  the 
mystic  Belgian  and  psychologist,  who  helped  to 
develop  pneumatic  chemistry  by  observing  the  pro- 
perties of  several  elastic  fluids,  and  who  also  described 
some  of  the  qualities  of  the  carbonic  acid  gas  in  the 
Grotto  del  Cane  near  Pozzuoli.  But  the  most  con- 
spicuous and  able  man  of  his  time  was  Stahl,  of 
Anspach,  who  propounded  his  phlogiston  theory  in 
1697,  possibly  borrowed  in  part  from  Albertus 
Magnus, — a  theory  that  took  well  with  the  culti- 
vators of  chemistry  early  in  the  following  century, 
and  retained  its  grasp  for  upwards  of  a  hundred 
years,  checking  in  part  the  thoughts  of  Black,  Caven- 
dish, and  Priestley,  and  for  a  time  at  least  modifying 
the  larger  views  of  Lavoisier,  and  thus  proving  how 
tenaciously  a  doctrine  once  established  will  hold  its 
own  against  the  innovations  of  modern  and  more 
correct  science. 

The  eighteenth  century,  that  ushered  in  Stahl's 
theory  with  such  force,  happily  provided  chemistry 
with  some  of  its  most  renowned  cultivators  and  dis- 
coverers, notably  Lavoisier,  whose  powers  of  gene- 
ralisation cast  the  balance  against  the  doctrines  of 
combustion  propounded  by  the  learned  Professor  of 
Halle,  and  opened  out  fresh  fields  of  inquiry  of  large 
interest  and  importance. 

The  Stahlian  theory  of  phlogiston  did  service  in  its 
way,  in  laying  hold  of  a  common  principle  in  facts 


14  John  Dal  ton. 

more  or  less  analogous,  e.g.,  those  of  combustion, 
calcination,  and  acidification,  though  it  erred  in  attri- 
buting these  processes  to  the  dissipation  of  a  peculiar 
ingredient.  The  new  theory  advanced  by  Lavoisier 
excluded  the  analogies,  and  offered  an  explanation 
more  conformably  to  their  nature,  in  the  addition  of 
the  pervading  element  oxygen.  This  was  the  turning 
over  of  another  page  in  chemical  history,  upon  which 
was  inscribed  the  freshest  interest. 

Chemistry  was  manifestly  in  the  ascendant  through- 
out the  eighteenth  century,  and  among  the  leaders 
of  the  science  were  Scheele,  Black,  Cavendish,  Priest- 
ley, and  Lavoisier ;  others  of  close  secondary  rank 
were  Boerhaave,  Bergman,  Watt,  Wenzel,  Richter, 
and  Higgins.  A  few  words  on  some  of  the  chiefs  may 
be  offered  here,  whilst  a  passing  remark  is  due  to 
Benjamin  Franklin,  the  printer,  for  his  revealing  a 
new  phase  of  electricity  that  excited  the  attention  of 
the  philosophic  intellects  of  the  world. 

Charles  William  Scheele,  the  Swede,  and  pupil 
of  Bergman,  was  an  able  analyst,  who  proved  the 
character  of  several  salts  and  gases,  notably  oxygen, 
without  being  aware  of  Priestley's  earlier  knowledge 
of  the  qualities  of  the  gas.  He  discovered  arseniate 
of  copper,  known  as  a  pigment  under  the  name  of 
Scheele's  green,  and  also  succeeded  in  obtaining  for 
the  first  time  the  active  poison  prussic  acid  in  a  sepa- 
rate form.  Scheele  justly  ranks  with  his  countrymen 
Linnaeus  and  Berzelius,  and  the  three  constitute  a  tri- 
nity of  eminence,  in  their  respective  walks,  of  whom 
the  greatest  nation  in  Europe  might  well  be  proud. 

The  investigations  of  Dr  Joseph  Black  of  Edinburgh, 
as  early  as  the  year  1754,  on  the  difference  between 


Blacky  Watty  and  Cavendish.  1 5 

mild  and  caustic  alkalis,  have  been  regarded  as  the 
inauguration  of  the  quantitative  method  in  chemis- 
try, and  the  first  instance  in  which  the  nature  of 
chemical  combination  and  decomposition  was  clearly 
pointed  out.  These  ideas  were  afterwards  extended 
by  Lavoisier  to  the  whole  range  of  chemical  pheno- 
mena. About  the  year  1760  Black  evolved  the 
theory  of  latent  heat,  on  which  his  scientific  fame 
mainly  rests,  a  theory  from  the  practical  application 
of  which  his  pupil  and  assistant,  James  Watt,  ob- 
tained a  great  success  in  his  own  line,  the  chemico- 
dynamical — so  great  indeed,  that  it  has  revolutionised 
the  mechanical  powers  of  the  world,  and  added  a 
thousandfold  to  man's  enterprise  and  superiority. 

The  most  renowned  man  in  science  yet  born  to 
the  aristocracy  of  England  was  the  Hon.  Henry 
Cavendish,  nephew  to  the  third  Duke  of  Devonshire. 
He  was  educated  at  Cambridge,  and  devoted  his 
whole  life  to  scientific  investigations ;  nay,  shunning 
society  and  women,  and  all  the  pomps  and  vanities 
of  the  world,  till  philosophy  marked  him  for  her  own.1 
To  him  we  owe  much  of  the  foundation  of  pneumatic 
chemistry.  His  discovery  of  hydrogen,  and  the  radi- 
cal difference  between  it  and  nitrogen,  led  to  projects 
for  aerial  navigation  or  ballooning.  He  ascertained 
the  composition  of  water  from  the  union  of  two  gases 
— oxygen  and  hydrogen — a  discovery  of  greater  im- 
portance than  any  single  fact  yet  arrived  at  by  human 
ingenuity  in  the  whole  range  of  chemistry.  He  con- 
tributed to  the  Royal  Society  of  London  many  papers 
on  electricity,  astronomy,  and  historical  subjects. 
All  his  experiments  and  processes  were  of  a  most 
finished  nature,  displaying  an  accuracy  and  beauty 


1 6  John  Dalton. 

that  had  never  been  equalled.  He  had  but  one  ser- 
vant, and  lived  the  life  of  a  recluse.  His  science 
was  his  mistress  and  delight ;  yet  he  was  the  largest 
holder  of  bank  stock  in  England,  probably  to  the 
extent  of  a  million,  besides  a  landed  estate  of  ^"6000 
a  year  and  tens  of  thousands  at  his  bankers  ! 

If  Henry  Cavendish's  walk  was  confined  to  his 
own  laboratory  and  the  meetings  of  the  Royal  Society, 
Dr  Joseph  Priestley  was  one  of  the  most  conspicuous 
men  of  his  epoch,  and  as  bold  and  fearless  in  politics 
and  theology  as  he  was  broad  and  successful  in 
science.  He  discovered  oxygen,  and  contributed 
largely  to  our  knowledge  of  electricity,  and  vision, 
light,  and  colour,  and  would  have  done  vastly  more, 
if  he  had  not  suffered  dire  persecution  from  Cal- 
vinistic  fanatics.  He  led  a  grand  and  virtuous  life, 
and  his  memory  was  gloriously  honoured  by  an  tloge 
from  the  great  Cuvier,  addressed  to  the  Institute  of 
France.  Both  Cavendish  and  Priestley  rendered 
great  service  to  the  cause  of  chemistry,  and  left  im- 
perishable names  to  the  country  of  their  birth. 

It  is  difficult,  and  not  always  safe,  to  institute  com- 
parisons on  the  respective  merits  of  men  of  science, 
inasmuch  as  prejudice  and  nationality  occasionally 
disturb  the  historic  balance  ;  yet  I  may  be  permitted 
to  remark  that  the  English,  German,  and  Swedish 
chemists  of  the  eighteenth  century  directed  their 
aims  to  practical  methods  and  exposition,  in  time 
realising  valuable  data,  whilst  Lavoisier,  the  noble 
Frenchman,  being  more  solicitous  for  general  prin- 
ciples, sought  by  experiment  and  logical  precision  to 
establish  a  comprehensive  groundwork  for  the  science. 
Had  Lavoisier  not  fallen  a  victim  to  the  revolutionary 


The  Noble  Lavoisier.  17 

furore  of  1794,*  he  would  have  been  the  Laplace 
of  chemistry,  eclipsing  all  his  contemporaries,  and 
probably  anticipated  the  important  researches  of 
Dalton. 

French  writers  are  prone  to  claim  the  majority  of 
discoveries  in  science.  Even  Wurtz  has  written : — 
"  La  chimie  est  une  science  Frangaise,  elle  fut  institute 
par  Lavoisier  cT immortelle  memoir e"  A  late  writer, 
Ferdinand  Hoefer,  in  his  history  of  Physics  and 
Chemistry  (1872),  is  more  just,  but  not  correct  as  to  the 
individual  Englishmen,  in  stating : — "  Tout  en  suivant 
chacun  line  rottte  differente,  trois  chimistes  ont  fonde1, 
vers  la  fin  du  dix-huitieme  sticle,  la  chimie  moderne, 
Priestley,  Scheele,  et  Lavoisier,  nn  Anglais,  un  SuSdois^ 
et  un  Frangais"  Cavendish,  by  far  the  greatest 
name  in  English  chemistry  up  to  the  time  of  Dalton, 
has  been  strangely  overlooked  in  this  historical  critr- 
cism  of  Hoefer's. 

The  investigations  of  Wenzel,  Higgins,  Richter, 
and  others,  whose  names  will  appear  as  claimants  to 
the  doctrines  expounded  by  Dalton,  were  in  the 

*  In  reference  to  the  fate  of  Lavoisier,  one  is  tempted  to  exclaim,  in 
the  words  of  the  noble  Madame  Roland  on  her  way  to  the  same  mar- 
tyrdom— "  O  Liberty,  what  crimes  are  committed  in  thy  name  ! " 
Seized  in  his  laboratory  by  the  gens  d'armes  of  the  bloody  Convention, 
and  knowing  that  a  few  hours  would  decide  his  fate,  Lavoisier  asked 
permission  to  finish  the  experiments  in  which  he  was  engaged,  and  to 
record  the  results  before  he  bade  farewell  to  science  and  life  ! 

A  historical  parallel  might  be  drawn  between  our  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh,  one  in  a  long  bead  roll  of  famous  Englishmen,  whose  beha- 
viour in  his  last  hours  comported  with  the  philosophic  calmness  of 
Lavoisier  :  the  one  was  a  martyr  to  the  monarchical  hate  of  a  vile 
king,  the  other  a  victim  to  republican  furor.  Fortunately,  neither 
autocrats  nor  republicans  can  impair  the  honourable  worth  and  gran- 
deur of  such  lives  as  Raleigh's  and  Lavoisier's  ;  history  is  proud  to 
offer  the  homage  due  to  immortality.  ( 

B 


1 8  John  Dalton. 

same  direction  as  Lavoisier's,  and  should  have  exer- 
cised a  marked  influence,  inasmuch  as  they  contained 
part  of  the  germ  or  scheme  that  in  Dalton's  hands 
led  to  great  results. 

The  crowding  of  men  of  genius  to  the  goal  of  the 
last  century  naturally  betokened  well  for  the  progress 
of  chemistry  in  the  present ;  yet  much  light  was 
required  to  clear  away  the  misty  phlogiston  atmos- 
phere, and  to  give  tangible  form  to  the  dicta  collectanea 
furnished  by  the  workers  of  the  past.  At  the  dawn 
of  the  nineteenth  century  England  rose  to  the  fore- 
most position,  and  France  and  Sweden  nobly  closed 
up  the  ranks  of  scientific  competition.  In  the  whole- 
some development  of  science,  every  step  gracefully 
follows  another,  and  every  movement  adds  life  and 
enterprise  to  it.  True  science  recognises  neither 
nationality  nor  creed,  nor  political  bias  ;  thus,  the 
rivalry  of  the  Saxon  and  the  Celt  was  healthfully 
bestowed  in  promoting  the  public  good  by  the  spread 
of  chemical  knowledge. 

As  the  phlogistic  theory  fell  into  the  shade,  the 
discoveries  of  Galvani  and  Volta  happily  came  in 
aid  of  chemical  investigation,  opening  out  a  new 
world  of  research,  that  has  already  yielded  mar- 
vellous results,  and  bids  fair  to  eclipse  the  cravings 
of  the  most  poetic  imagination.  Messrs  Nicholson 
and  Carlisle,  in  1800,  then  Cruikshanks,  Henry, 
Wollaston,  PfafT,  Biot,  Thenard,  and  perhaps  more 
than  all,  Berzelius,  laboured  in  the  work,  and  showed 
that  various  compounds  were  capable  of  decompo- 
sition by  electricity.  These  competitors,  however, 
were  speedily  outstripped  in  the  race  by  Humphrey 
Davy,  the  woodcarver's  son,  of  Penzance,  and  "mere 


Swedish,  French,  and  English  Chemists.         19 

apothecary,"  who,  entering  upon  a  comparatively 
new  field  of  chemistry,  startled  his  contemporaries 
both  at  home  and  abroad  by  the  brilliancy  of  his 
discoveries. 

Though  necessarily  sparing  in  historical  comment, 
and  afraid  of  selecting  single  examples  from  a  galaxy 
of  worthies,  I  must  not  overlook  Berzelius,  the  Swede, 
of  the  highest  rank  in  science,  so  grandly  methodical 
in  all  his  work,  and  no  less  inductive  in  his  beautiful 
methods  of  experimenting ;  Gay  Lussac,  of  noble  aim 
and  nobler  achievement ;  Berthollet,  the  voluminous 
writer ;  Thenard,  Proust,  Fourcroy,  and  others  of 
the  French  school ;  all  of  whom  highly  distinguished 
themselves  ;  and,  ranking  with  these  were  Wollaston, 
Professor  Thomas  Thomson  of  Glasgow,  and  the 
famed  Count  Rumford.* 

Of  this  noble  band  of  workers  and  discoverers, 
to  whom  the  civilised  world  is  so  largely  indebted, 
none  had  the  good  fortune  to  meet  the  exigencies 
of  the  hour,  that  called  for  a  new  hand  to  bind 
the  accumulated  and  heterogeneous  facts  into  a 
homogeneity  of  doctrine,  upon  which  chemistry 
might  step  forth  and  claim  high  place  among  the 
pure  sciences. 

The  light  so  long  and  earnestly  solicited,  to  dispel 

*  My  scientific  friends  will  please  to  look  upon  this  introductory 
chapter  as  meant  for  the  general  reader.  So  slight  a  historical  sketch 
of  the  rise  of  chemistry  can  only  offer  a  glance  at  the  tentative  efforts 
of  the  early  workers  in  the  field,  polypharmists,  alchemists,  and  the 
like.  At  the  same  time,  it  may  serve  to  show  the  slow  growth  of  the 
leading  principles  upon  which  a  true  science  has  at  length  been  founded. 

Those  who  wish  for  an  interesting  resume  of  the  rise  and  progress 
of  chemistry  will  do  well  to  consult  Mr  G.  F.  RodwelFs  interesting 
volume  on  "  The  Birth  of  Chemistry,"  issued  as  one  of  the  " Nature 
s,"  and  with  apt  illustrations  by  Macmillan  &  Co.,  1874. 


2O  John  Dalton. 

the  mists  overclouding  the  dawning  science  of  che- 
mistry, and  to  give  precision  and  tangible  method  to 
its  study  and  profitable  pursuit,  came  from  a  very 
unexpected  quarter  of  England — a  city  of  cotton 
interests  and  hard  cash,  not  without  laudable  am- 
bition to  become  "  the  Cottonopolis  of  the  North." 
The  lamp  of  knowledge  got  trimmed  amid  the 
din  of  shuttles  and  spinning-jennies  and  multifari- 
ous handicrafts  by  an  unobtrusive  Quaker,  pursu- 
ing his  calling  of  schoolmaster  in  a  back  street  of 
Manchester,  and  thankful  to  earn  the  wages  of  a 
skilled  artisan.  Yet  this  humble  individual,  scarcely 
known  outside  the  pale  of  his  peculiar  religious  deno- 
mination, was  daily  absorbed  in  profound  intellectual 
studies,  the  discoveries  arising  from  which  placed  him 
among  the  great  chemists  of  the  day,  and  ranked  him 
in  a  position  only  secondary  to  that  of  the  immortal 
Lavoisier. 

The  early  history  of  the  man  was  in  every  way  so 
antipodal  to  the  favours  of  fortune,  that  the  most 
imaginary  and  hopeful  of  temperaments  could  not 
have  foreshadowed  for  him  any  great  rise  in  the  world, 
much  less  a  claim  to  distinction  in  the  higher  sciences. 
Of  the  humblest  origin,  and  apparently  born  to 
manual  labour  and  the  lowest  grade  of  social  life, 
schooled  in  a  retired  hamlet  of  the  North  country, 
and  reared  amid  coarse  bucolicism  and  marked 
barrenness  of  thought,  he  had  no  propitious  patron 
to  advance  him  to  the  associations  and  emulation  of 
our  public  schools,  and  no  friends  in  court  to  secure 
him  a  place  among  the  humblest  alumni  of  our  Uni- 
versities. In  short,  possessing  none  of  the  advan- 
tages surrounding  ingenuous  youth,  and  springing 


Humble  in  Means,  Rich  in  Science.  2 1 

from  a  poor  household  on  the  bare  uplands  of  Cum- 
berland, away  from  the  main  arteries  of  England,  and 
the  great  centres  of  industry  and  enterprise,  John 
Dalton  appeared  on  the  horizon  of  inductive  research, 
a  self-taught  man,  whose  genius  and  assiduity  elicited 
an  original  and  comprehensive  law  in  the  Physics  of 
Chemistry,  that  gave  breadth,  and  form,  and  solid 
structure  to  a  science  deeply  interwrought  with  the 
essential  interests  of  mankind. 


CHAPTER  II. 

"  It  is  not  so  essential  to  have  a  fine  understanding,  as  to  apply  it 
rightly" — DESCARTES. 

GEORGE    FOX    IN    CUMBERLAND  —  EAGLESFIELD JOHN 

DALTON'S  ANCESTORS  —  HIS  BIRTH,  EDUCATION,  AND 
FRIENDS — SCHOOLMASTER    AND    PLOUGHMAN — ADIEU 

TO  HOME. 

| HEN  George  Fox,  the  Leicestershire  shoe- 
maker, could  find  no  means  to  salvation  at 
the  hands  of  the  spiritual  directors  of  the 
State  Church,  some  of  whom  advised  him 
beer  and  concubinage,  others  tobacco  and  psalm- 
singing,  he  sought  the  Scriptures  for  himself,  and 
speedily  made  up  his  mind  to  doff  his  leathern  apron, 
and  to  go  into  the  world  on  a  mission  of  evangelisa- 
tion. In  his  tour  northwards  he  spent  some  time  in 
Cumberland,  and  obtained  a  great  success  by  carrying 
the  pluralist  Vicar  of  Brigham  off  his  tithe  legs,  and 
all  his  congregation,  to  a  free  ministry.  The  religious 
fervour  of  the  Cumbrians  was  heightened  by  the 
preacher  appearing  in  a  buckskin  suit  of  his  own 
tailoring,  greased  by  use  and  compulsory  companion- 
ship with  the  filthy  occupants  of  filthy  jails,  to  which 
his  strong  speech  and  heterodoxy  often  consigned  him. 
Fox  addressed  an  open-air-meeting  at  Pardsey  Crag 
in  Brigham  parish,  and  among  the  motley  thousands 
who  flocked  to  his  standard  were  the  ancestors  of 


The  Influence  of  Quakerism.  23 

John  Dalton  of  Eaglesfield.  The  growth  of  Quaker- 
ism in  Cumberland  had  no  small  influence  in  promot- 
ing the  educational  and  religious  status  of  the  lower 
orders,  to  whom  the  great  text  was  daily  proclaimed 
— "  Search  the  Scriptures."  * 

In  the  parish  of  Brigham,  and  not  more  than  three 
miles  south-west  of  the  market  town  of  Cockermouth, 
stands  the  village  of  Eaglesfield,  which  forms  part  of 
the  ancient  inanor  and  borough  of  Cockermouth. 
Eaglesfield  enjoys  some  historic  repute  from  giving 
name  or  title  to  a  learned  ecclesiastic  of  the  Plan- 
tagenet  epoch,  "  Robert  de  Egglesfield,"  chaplain  to 
Edward  the  Third,  and  founder  of  Queen's  College, 
Oxford — an  institution  that  has  conferred  many 
lasting  advantages  on  Cumberland  and  Westmore- 
land men  of  Oxonian  merit.  A  greater  honour  fell  to 
Eaglesfield  when  it  gave  birth  to  John  Dalton,  whose 
name  is  indelibly  recorded  in  the  archives  of  the 
world's  science,  as  one  of  the  leading  philosophers  of 
his  age  and  country. 

The  township  of  Eaglesfield  situated  on  the  un- 
dulating limestone  formation  of  West  Cumberland, 
previous  to  the  enclosure  of  the  waste  lands,  and  the 
introduction  of  good  husbandry  about  half  a  century 
ago,  would  offer  little  more  than  herbage  for  rough 

*  "  Search  the  Scriptures,"  coupled  with  Fox's  soul-inspiriting  exhor- 
tations, induced  many  to  become  readers  who  had  previously  neglected 
the  very  alphabet.  It  is  well-known  that  the  reading  community  of 
England  was  comparatively  small  in  the  seventeenth  century,  and  that 
the  agricultural  districts  were  the  worst  in  this  respect ;  nay,  so  little 
progress  had  been  made  a  century  later,  that  Edmund  Burke  computed 
the  reading  population  of  this  country  at  only  30,000  ! — probably  much 
too  low  an  estimate,  and  not  in  accordance  with  what  is  generally 
understood  to  have  been  the  state  of  education  in  Cumberland. 


24  John  Dalton. 

kine,  and  hard  lines  of  life  to  the  scattered  inhabi- 
tants. Bucolic  life  of  the  boorish  sort  prevailed  in 
the  hamlet,  in  which  farmers  of  small  holdings, 
their  clodhopping  service,  and  common  craftsmen, 
laboured  for  a  subsistence  of  a  vegetative  or  earthy 
sort.  The  village  consisted,  and  its  features  are  not 
much  altered  to-day,  of  old-fashioned  grey  stone 
dwellings,  regular  in  their  irregularity  of  position,  and 
in  structure  dilapidated  ;  straggling  manure  heaps,  a 
bit  of  dirty  common  or  village  green,  and  dirtier 
duckpond,  backed  by  a  dingy  "smiddy,"  to  which 
the  loungers  with  their  gossip  and  tittle-tattle  daily 
gravitated  to  discuss  the  news  of  the  district.  There 
was  -little  to  affect  the  stagnant  life  and  clodhopping 
proclivities  of  the  locality,  beyond  the  calls  of  the 
huckster,  or  the  cries  of  the  travelling  tinker ;  and  its 
passive  quaint  domesticity  was  only  occasionally 
ruffled  by  the  loud  bravadoes  of  "  John  Barleycorn," 
and  the  louder  reproachings  of  his  disappointed 
spouse.  Eaglesfield  folk  were  a  stiff  race  of  country- 
men, presenting  stalwart  forms  in  coarse  woollen 
garb  of  home-make,  and  the  horny  hands  and  sweat- 
ing brows  of  labour,  rejoicing  in  hamlet  isolation, 
and  heedless  of  the  contentions  and  turmoil  of  the 
world. 

The  redeeming  feature  to  what  might  have  been 
doltishness  and  dotage  in  the  Eaglesfield  district, 
was  the  presence  of  Quakerism,  a  light  of  itself  both 
in  precept  and  example,  and  ever  tending  to  habits  of 
discipline  no  less  than  mental  and  moral  improve- 
ment. This  light  shone  on  the  hearth  of  the  Daltons, 
and  was  reflected  from  other  sources  that  proved  of 
high  import  in  the  training  of  John  Dalton,  nay,  of 


His  Birth-place — Eaglesjleld.  25 

lasting  influence  in  his  long  career  of  patient  inquiry 
and  investigation. 

As  pilgrimages  to  the  shrines  of  saints  draw 
thousands  of  English  Catholics  to  the  Continent, 
there  may  be  some  persons  in  the  British  Islands 
sufficiently  in  love  with  science,  not  only  to  revere 
the  memory  of  its  founders,  but  to  wish  for  a  de- 
scription of  the  locality  and  birth-place  of  a  great 
master  of  knowledge — John  Dalton — who  did  more  for 
the  world's  civilisation  than  all  the  reputed  saints  in 
Christendom.  To  those,  who  may  be  termed  scientific 
pilgrims,  the  following  brief  outline  may  not  be  un- 
acceptable. 

On  approaching  the  village  of  Eaglesfield  by  way 
of  Brigham  (a  railway  station  two  miles  from  Cocker- 
mouth,  and  about  thirty  from  Carlisle),  the  road 
diverges  ;  the  broad  and  continuous  line  leads  to  the 
"  Friends'  Meeting-house"  and  burial  ground,  and  the 
higher  parts  of  the  village  ;  the  narrower  road  sweeps 
to  the  left,  and  takes  you  direct  to  "  John  Dalton's 
house  " — pointing  south,  and  towards  you — its  gable 
forming  the  boundary  of  a  lane  that  gives  access  to 
the  centre  of  the  village.  The  house  in  which  Dalton 
was  born  has  been  altered  and  much  improved  since 
his  day ;  its  low  thatched  roof  has  been  raised  and 
slated  ;  the  partially  boarded  loft  converted  into  upper 
rooms ;  its  small  leaden  windows  displaced  by  larger 
panes  of  glass  ;  and  the  greystoned  facing  of  the 
building  white-washed :  still  the  general  features  of 
the  interior  of  the  humble  dwelling  remain  pretty 
much  as  when  occupied  by  weaver  Joseph  Dalton, 
and  his  active  spouse  Deborah — the  parents  of  John 
Dalton.  By  a  small  porch  showing  quaint  recesses  for 


26  John  Dalton. 

pots  and  pans,  you  enter  the  kitchen  or  general  sitting 
and  business-room  of  the  family,  where,  probably, 
Joseph  had  his  loom  placed  ;  from  this  apartment,  by  a 
narrow  passage,  you  reach  a  smaller  room  immediately 
adjacent,  in  height  and  width  six  feet,  and  in  length 
fifteen  feet.  The  recess  to  the  left  of  the  door-way 
was  occupied  by  a  chaff-bed,  upon  which  Joseph  and 
Deborah  slept,  and  there  John  Dalton,  the  chemist, 
first  saw  the  light  of  day,  on  or  about  September  6, 
1766. 

In  his  annual  visits  to  Eaglesfield  when  blessed 
with  fame  and  fortune,  John  Dalton  would  occasion- 
ally walk  into  the  domicile  of  his  birth,  and  point  out 
to  some  of  his  old  friends,  who  accompanied  him, 
the  domestic  arrangements  that  surrounded  his  in- 
fancy, the  fireplace  open  to  the  chimney,  the  position 
of  the  "  old  settle,"  and  his  own  three-legged  stool ; 
the  dresser  with  its  pewter  plates  and  horn  spoons  ; 
and  always  with  a  smile  on  his  countenance  pointed 
his  stick  to  the  recess  occupied  by  the  corner  cup- 
board. Liking  sugar  and  sweets,  this  cupboard  was 
the  earliest  idol  of  his  fancy,  and  in  trying  to  obtain 
a  footing  whereby  to  reach  the  latch,  he  took  the 
novel  mode  of  kicking  the  wall  beneath  it  with  his 
calkered  clogs.  This  was  hardly  an  act  worthy  of  a 
young  philosopher,  who  could  have  used  the  chair 
with  little  risk  of  detection,  whereas  the  plaster  on 
the  floor  exposed  his  naughtiness,  and  led  to  a  severe 
whipping. 

The  ancestors  of  John  Dalton  were  truly  sons  of 
toil,  either  engaged  in  rough  husbandry,  or  as  artisans 
of  the  common  sort ;  apparently  content  with  their 


Social  Position  of  his  A  ncestors.  2 7 

station  in  life,  and  thankful  for  a  livelihood  that 
demanded  thrift  and  economy  to  make  ends  meet. 
Living  on  rough  fare,  and  clothed  in  rougher  garb, 
their  physical  requirements  got  easily  supplied ;  the 
mental  appetites  would  claim  little  or  no  consideration. 
They  realised  the  saying  of  the  Roman  philosopher, 
that  wealth  consists  not  in  having  great  possessions, 
but  in  having  small  wants.  The  highest  ambition  of 
such  men  as  the  Daltons  was  to  possess  a  cottage 
and  a  small  garth  or  close  of  land  for  a  cow's  sum- 
mer grazing  ;*  and-  he  must  have  been  a  poor  crafts- 
man who  could  not  in  a  few  years  save  earnings  to 
acquire  both,  when  land  and  labour  were  of  so  little 
value. 

John  Dalton  was  more  lucky  in  his  genealogical 
tracings  than  the  famous  Daniel  Defoe,  inasmuch  as 
he  could  go  back  to  his  great  grandfather  on  the 
maternal  side,  whose  name  was  Thomas  Fearon,  born 
at  Eaglesfield  in  1658,  and  who  died  there  in  1704. 
In  the  year  of  the  Great  Revolution  of  1688,  this 
Thomas  Fearon  married  Mary  Gill  of  Eaglesfield,  at 
Pardshaw  Hall  Meeting-house.  There  were  thirty- 
five  witnesses  f  to  the  marriage  document. 

*  There  was  a  large  common,  or  portion  of  unenclosed  ground  ex- 
tending for  miles  around  Eaglesfield,  on  which  the  villagers  drove  their 
cows,  donkeys,  and  geese,  occasionally  spending  half  a  day  in  finding 
their  live  stock,  in  their  wild  rambles  ;  and  it  is  highly  probable  that 
weaver  Dalton  had  a  cow  on  this  rough  pasturage,  and  that  he  occa- 
sionally benefited  by  his  father's  or  brother's  paddock  at  suitable 
seasons. 

t  After  the  simple  form  of  marriage  of  Quakers  has  been  gone  through 
at  their  Meeting-house,  the  chief  point  being  a  mutual  declaration  by 
the  respective  parties  of  their  willingness  to  take  each  other  as  man 
and  wife,  and  of  course  to  love  each  other  affectionately,  the  friends  of 


28  John  Dalton. 

Little  or  no  information  can  be  offered  on  the  social 
position  of  Thomas  Fearon  ;  *  probably  he  was  a 
yeoman,  who  had  some  closes  of  land,  the  whole  or 
portions  of  which  he  bequeathed  to  his  daughter 
Abigail,  born  in  1690. 

Now  the  Daltons  come  into  view  by  a  Jonathan 
Dalton,  shoemaker,  and  grandfather  of  the  subject  of 
this  memoir,  marrying  Abigail  Fearon,  daughter  of 
the  aforesaid  Thomas  and  Mary  Fearon,  at  Pardshaw 
Hall  Meeting-house  in  1712.  "  Nineteen  witnesses." 
To  this  marriage  there  was  issue  Jonathan,  born  June 
4,  1715  ;  Anne  in  1717;  Ruth  in  1719;  Abigail  in 
1726;  and  Joseph  on  September  25,  1733.  Passing 
over  the  daughters  of  Jonathan  and  Abigail  Dalton, 
let  it  be  said  that  Jonathan,  their  eldest  son,  became 
a  farmer ;  and  Joseph,  their  youngest  son,  of  special 
interest  in  this  narrative,  was  put  to  handloom  weav- 
ing. Jonathan  Dalton,  senior,  shrewd  and  observant, 
pursued  his  craft  with  diligence  and  success  ;  and  in 
I727,f  purchased  some  freehold  and  customary  land, 

the  newly- wedded  couple  step  forward,  and  attach  their  names  to  the 
formal  wedding  document ;  and  they  are  designated  "  the  witnesses." 
A  certain  amount  of  respectability  is  attached  to  the  numbers  who  sign, 
as  proving  the  popularity  of  the  contracting  parties. 

*  Among  the  old  deeds  of  Dr  Dalton,  there  is  noted  (January  I,  1700) 
a  purchase  deed  of  lands  at  Eaglesfield  from  John  Leayths,  by  Thomas 
Fearon  of  Eaglesfield,  yeoman. 

•h  From  the  same  deeds  the  following  record  is  taken  : 

6  Feby.  1695.  Purchase  of  lands  at  Eaglesfield,  from  John  Fletcher 
of  the  Hill  Blindbothel,  by  Samuel  Robinson,  cordwainer,  and  Mary 
Fearon,  spinster,  both  of  Eaglesfield  as  joint  tenants,  so  that  survivor 
would  get  the  property,  which  consisted  of  a  messuage  and  land,  part  of 
which  laid  before  PETER  Dalton's  house,  price  ,£43. 

4  Aug.  1727.  Purchase  of  freehold  and  customary  land  at  Eagles- 
field,  from  John  Iredale  of  Cockermouth,  tanner,  by  Jonathan  Dalton 


Genealogy  and  Title  Deeds.  29 

from  John  Iredale  of  Cockermouth,  price  ^74 ;  and 
subsequently  became  possessed  of.  more  land  and 
hereditaments,  the  value  of  which,  long  after  his  de- 
cease in  1772,  and  that  of  his  son  Jonathan  in  1786, 
did  not  exceed  £35  a  year.  Whether  this  holding  of 
land  accrued  to  his  own  industry,  or  was  part  of  his 
wife  Abigail's  dowry,  is  a  matter  of  conjecture,  but 
after  his  death  in  1772,  his  son  Jonathan  inherited  it. 
This  Jonathan  Dalton  married  Mary  Thompson  of 
Gilcrux  in  1741,  at  Pardshaw  Hall  Meeting-house, 
but  had  no  issue.  His  death  is  recorded,  "  Jonathan 
Dalton  of  Eaglesfield,  yeoman,  aged  71  years,  Novem- 
ber 3,  1786."  His  widow  survived  him  four  years,  and 
may  be  heard  of  again  in  this  memoir  as  "  Aunt  Mary ; " 
on  her  decease,  December  2,  1790,  the  property  of  her 
late  husband  fell  to  his  brother  Joseph  Dalton, 
weaver. 

Joseph  Dalton,  the  father  of  John  Dalton  the 
philosopher,  was  a  common  country  weaver,  who 
showed  no  parts,  and  earned  but  small  pittances  by 
his  shuttle.*  He  was  looked  upon  as  somewhat  inert, 

of  Eaglesfield,  yeoman,  price  ^74.  Jonathan  Dalton  the  elder  is  ad- 
mitted on  the  Court  Rolls  in  same  year. 

24  Apl.  1 749.    Jonathan  Dalton  the  elder  surrenders  the  customary 
land  to  his  son  Jonathan  the yr. 

25  March  1751.     An  award  between  Jonathan  senior,  and  Jonathan 
the  younger,  respecting  their  lands  in  Eaglesfield — both  described  as 
yeomen. 

20  Deer.  1787.  Jonathan  Dalton,  eldest  son  and  heir  of  Joseph 
Dalton,  who  was  only  brother  and  heir  of  Jonathan  Dalton,  deceased, 
is  admitted  tenant  of  the  land  purchased  from  John  Iredale.  Dr 
Dalton  is  afterwards  admitted  as  brother  and  heir  of  Jonathan. 

*  The  operations  of  the  handloom  weaver  of  a  century  ago  were 
essential  in  the  rural  districts  of  Cumberland,  where  every  one  wore 


30  John  Dalton. 

if  not  a  feckless  sort  of  man  ;  yet  he  had  courage 
enough  at  the  age  of  twenty-one  years  to  go  miles 
from  home,  to  court  Deborah  Greenup  of  Caldbeck, 
whom  he  married  at  Cockermouth  Meeting-house  on 
June  10,  1755.  The  Greenups  of  Caldbeck  were  a 
respectable  family  of  yeomen ;  and  Deborah,  who 
linked  her  interests  with  weaver  Dalton,  was  an  active- 


cloth  of  home-make,  or  linen  of  their  own  spinning.  For  the  rougher 
wear  of  husbandmen  the  sheeps'  wool  was  washed  and  spun  with  little 
or  no  preparation  for  the  weaver;  and  from  this  material  the  "grey 
coats  "  were  made,  that  led  to  a  distinctive  appellation  being  used  for 
the  yeomen  and  farming  class — "  the  grey  coats  of  Cumberland."  Such 
coats  are  still  to  be  met  with  in  outlying  districts,  and  my  heart  would 
rejoice  if  the  honest  independence  and  patriotic  fervour  of  the  men  who 
fought  so  many  political  battles  could  still  be  recognised  under  the  old 
"  grey  stuff."  A' better  sort  of  wool  was  subjected  to  repeated  washings 
and  bleachings  for  the  purpose  of  finer  clothing  and  blankets  ;  and  of 
these  latter  such  as  were  made  in  the  "  good  old  times  "  lasted  for  three 
generations.  The  days  of  "  shoddy  "  and  shabbiness  of  purpose  had  not 
then  dawned  on  the  commercial  world  of  England. 

The  weaving  of  linen  was  of  equal  import.  The  small  landed  pro- 
prietors and  farmers  used  to  grow  their  own  flax;  and  in  the  Eaglesfield 
district  this  is  very  distinctly  shown  by  the  name  Hemplands,  corrupted 
into  that  of  Hemplin,  being  still  applied  to  fields  on  nearly  every  farm. 
After  beating  and  other  preparatory  processes  the  flax  or  "lin"was 
spun  by  the  "  small  wheels  "  then  in  use  in  every  country  kitchen,  and 
made  ready  for  the  weaver;  the  "large  wheels"  were  applied  to 
wool.  Forty  years  ago  the  kitchens  of  respectable  farmers  during  the 
winter  evenings  offered  a  refreshing  sight  in  the  mistress  of  the  house 
and  her  maids  busy  at  the  whirl-go-round  of  the  "small  wheels;" 
whilst  the  master  and  man-servants  on  the  other  side  of  the  ingle  nuik 
talked  over  farm  work  and  the  customs  of  the  country  side. 

In  Dalton's  youthful  days,  the  manufactures  of  this  country  were 
almost  entirely  domestic.  In  the  farm  houses  and  cottages  were  fabri- 
cated almost  every  article  of  clothing  which  their  occupants  required. 
The  growth  of  our  population,  and  still  more  the  introduction  of 
machinery,  put  an  end  to  this  domestic  independence  ;  and  now — 

"  The  wheel  is  silent  in  the  vale." 


The  Date  of  his  Birth  in  Doubt.  3 1 

minded,  energetic  woman,  from  whose  veins  it  may 
naturally  be  supposed  her  son  John  gained  a  share 
of  his  best  blood  ;  if  he  did  not  in  part  inherit 
the  observant  character  of  his  grandfather,  Jona- 
than Dalton,  who,  like  many  of  the  sons  of  Crispin, 
displayed  both  acumen  and  intelligence.  It  is  sup- 
posed that  Deborah  brought  a  small  dowry  to  her 
husband. 

By  this  marriage  of  Joseph  Dalton  with  Deborah 
Greenup  there  were  six  children,  three  of  whom — 
namely,  Jonathan,  Mary,  and  John — grew  to  years  of 
maturity.  Jonathan  was  born  on  September  9,  1759  ; 
Mary  on  January  24,  1764  ;  but  there  is  no  record  nor 
registry  whatever  of  the  birth  of  John  Dalton,  the 
subject  of  this  memoir.  Both  parents  were  "  Friends," 
and  had  hitherto,  as  seen  in  their  daughter  Mary's 
birth  registration,  conformed  with  the  rules  of  the 
Society ;  and  there  is  no  evidence  or  even  indication 
of  their  having  departed  from  them.  Was  the  omis- 
sion of  John  Dalton's  name  from  the  Quaker  registry 
of  births  purely  accidental ;  or  was  the  birth  of  a 
strong  boy  so  passively  viewed  at  Eaglesfield  that 
they  cared  not  to  make  any  record  of  the  fact,  either 
in  the  Family  Bible,  where  all  domestic  events  of 
import  got  inscribed,  or  the  registry  book  of  the 
religious  denomination  of  the  parents  ?  As  Quakers 
have  no  faith  in  water  baptism  and  priests,  there 
was  no  christening  of  the  lad,  therefore  no  god- 
father's or  godmother's  testimony  to  be  had,  and 
of  course  no  parochial  register  of  John's  advent. 
His  father  had  evidently  overlooked  the  registra- 
tion, or  deemed  such  a  form  of  little  or  no  con- 


32  John  Dalton. 

sequence,  seeing  that  his  youngest  son's  inherit- 
ance might  be  little  more  than  the  trappings  of  a 
weaver's  loom,  the  corner  cupboard,  and  "bits  of 
furniture."  It  was  only  when  John  Dalton  at- 
tained eminence  that  the  world  began  to  inquire 
the  date  of  his  birth,  and  he,  being  appealed  to,  and 
knowing  nothing  of  the  pleasures  of  birthdays,  those 
first  intelligible  memoranda  of  the  youthful  mind, 
could  not  answer  the  question  satisfactorily.  After 
various  inquiries  in  the  district,  more  particularly  of 
women  who  had  been  in  the  same  "  interesting  situa- 
tion "  as  Dame  Deborah,  it  became  established  that 
John  Dalton  was  born  on  September  6,  1766.  The 
historical  reader  will  recall  the  fact  of  Voltaire's 
birth  being  unknown,  and  the  Duke  of  Wellington's 
remaining  a  matter  of  doubt  as  to  the  month  at  least, 
and  the  present  narrative  is  not  less  strange,  quoad 
the  birth  of  a  great  chemical  philosopher,  whose 
coming  into  the  world  could  only  be  vouched  for 
by  the  furbished-up  memory  of  puerperous  neigh- 
bours, aided  by  the  village  gossips  and  "smiddy" 
oracles. 

As  soon  as  John's  fingers  were  pliable  enough,  he 
had  to  hold  the  spools,  to  prepare  the  shuttles,  and  do 
other  light  work  attached  to  the  weaver's  handicraft. 
In  due  season  he  was  sent  to  Pardshaw  Hall  School, 
two  and  a  half  miles  distant  from  Eaglesfield,  and 
placed  under  the  tuition  of  Mr  John  Fletcher,  the 
son  of  a  highly  respectable  Quaker  yeoman,  and  a 
youth  of  attainments  vastly  superior  to  his  age.  Mr 
Fletcher  had  in  neighbourly  kindness  undertaken  the 
duties  of  the  school  during  the  master's  absence,  and 


His  School  days.  33 

getting  a  liking  for  the  work,  continued  to  act  till  he 
attained  his  majority. 

John  Dalton  was  by  no  means  a  quick  boy,  neither 
sharp  at  work  nor  demonstrative  at  play,  but  steady- 
going  in  all  his  actions,  and  ever  faithful  to  his  book. 
The  prominent  and  noticeable  feature  of  his  early 
youth  was  constancy  of  purpose ;  indeed,  this  plod- 
ding and  thoughtfulness  grew  with  his  growth,  and 
became  a  chief  characteristic  of  his  manhood.  Mr 
Fletcher  seems  to  have  marked  the  promising  traits 
of  the  boy,  and  lent  him  every  aid  and  encouragement 
from  his  initiative  rudiments  onward  to  his  study  of 
mathematics.  Under  Mr  Fletcher's  good  guidance 
Dalton  gained  those  habits  of  self-reliance  and  in- 
domitable perseverance  which  enabled  him  to  go 
through  arithmetic  and  navigation  before  the  com- 
pletion of  his  twelfth  year.  It  is  pleasant  to  note 
here  that  John  Dalton  ever  spoke  in  the  highest 
terms  of  the  excellent  training  and  instruction  he 
received  at  the  hands  of  his  first  and  only  school- 
master,* whose  friendship  he  esteemed  through  life, 
and  whose  memory  he  did  not  cease  to  revere. 

John  Dalton  early  afforded  proofs  of  his  mental 
superiority,  and  the  story  is  told  to  this  day  at 
Eaglesfield,  of  his  curiosity  being  excited  by  a  dispute 
that  arose  among  some  mowers  in  a  hayfield,  as  to 

*  The  Quaker  schoolmasters  were  by  far  the  best  of  their  kind  in 
these  northern  parts.  Their  own  home  training,  orderly  habits,  quiet 
demeanour,  and  self-denial,  constituted  a  valuable  groundwork  to  the 
patience  and  painstaking  efforts  required  in  the  daily  tuition  of  obstre- 
perous youth  ;  whilst  their  superior  intelligence  and  culture  made  their 
vnitttn.  formula  tangible  to  the  learner,  and  gave  pleasant  colouring  to 
their  indoctrination  in  history  and  literature. 

This  subject  has  been  adverted  to  in  my  "  Life  of  Dr  John  Heysham. " 

C 


34  John  Dalton. 

whether  sixty  square  yards  or  sixty  yards  square 
were  identical.  At  first  he  saw  no  difference  between 
the  two  statements,  but  maturer  consideration  of  the 
subject  showed  him  his  error.  The  solution  of  the 
question  by  a  boy  of  ten  years  old  did  not  pass 
unnoticed  ;  and  it  was  by  such  "  feats  of  calculation  " 
that  he  won  the  good  opinion  of  the  neighbours,  and 
came  to  be  recognised  by  his  companions  as  their 
intelligent  leader.  Another  instance  of  his  precocity 
has  come  to  my  knowledge.  One  evening,  on  his 
way  home  from  school,  he  was  observed  standing  on 
the  highest  part  of  a  hedge,  delivering  an  extempore 
lecture  to  his  schoolfellows  on  a  \ subject  that  he 
believed  he  could  enlighten  them  upon,  and  it  is 
probable  that  he  succeeded  in  imparting  some  infor- 
mation, or  that  his  juvenile  effort  was  gratifying  to 
his  audience,  from  whom  were  heard  the  exclama- 
tion— "  Bravo,  John !  "  and  "  Hip,  hip,  hurrah !  " 

If  fortunate  in  having  a  teacher  in  John  Fletcher, 
John  Dalton  was  equally  fortunate  in  securing  the 
attention  of  Elihu  Robinson,  a  Quaker  gentleman  of 
ample  means  and  ampler  knowledge,  whose  scholar- 
ship and  philanthropy  well  entitled  him  to  the  desig- 
nation of  "  the  man  of  Eaglesfield,"  a  century  ago. 
The  recognition  of  Elihu  was  a  step  in  advance  to 
the  educational  and  social  status  of  John  Dalton,  who, 
being  invited  to  his  house,  could  not  fail  to  mark  the 
difference  between  his  father's  lowly  dwelling  and 
sanded  floor,  dirty  loom,  and  other  appurtenances, 
and  the  carpeted  parlour,  library,  and  comforts  sur- 
rounding his  new  patron,  and  his  well-educated  wife. 
As  a  true  Cumberland  worthy,  independent  of  his 
being  the  friend  and  active  promoter  of  John  Dalton's 


His  friend  Elihu  Robinson.  35 

mathematical  studies,  a  few  words  are  here  due  to 
the  memory  of  Elihu  Robinson.  If  the  reader  could 
be  favoured  with  a  peep  at  Eaglesfield,  as  it  presented 
itself  exactly  one  hundred  years  ago,  he  would  mark 
Elihu  Robinson  decked  out  in  his  three-cocked  beaver, 
light  drab  coat,  vest,  and  knee-breeches,  yellowish- 
grey  ribbed  stockings,  and  silver-buckled  shoes,  all 
in  the  best  style  of  rich  Quakerism,  fine  and  spotless, 
and  walking  in  sober  fashion  through  the  village  with 
silver-headed  cane  in  support.  Everybody  bowed 
respectfully  to  the  head  of  the  village,  a  man  of 
probity  and  learning,  a  benefactor  of  the  deserving, 
and  a  thoroughly  good  neighbour.  Elihu  was  pro- 
bably the  first  of  Cumberland's  meteorologists, 
gauging  the  rainfall,  recording  the  readings  of  the 
thermometer  and  barometer,  noting  the  seasons  and 
crops,  and  many  natural  phenomena;  moreover,  he 
had  manipulative  skill  that  was  exercised  on  the 
construction  of  philosophical  instruments,  sundials, 
&c.*  He  was  the  friend  of  Collinson,  the  correspon- 
dent of  Benjamin  Franklin,  of  Dr  Fothergill,  of  Anti- 
slavery  Clarkson,  and  others  of  scientific  renown, 
many  of  whom  visited  him  at  Eaglesfield.  United 
with  John  Fletcher  and  other  promoters  of  education 
in  Cockermouth  and  Whitehaven,  a  Book  Club  was 
instituted,  consisting  of  the  magazines  and  chief 
works  of  interest  obtainable  quarterly  from  London. 
Thus  literature  and  science  had  got  a  footing  in 
West  Cumberland,  chiefly  promoted  by  "Friends," 

*  Mr  William  Sutton  of  Scotby,  near  Carlisle,  who,  on  the  paternal 
side,  is  a  descendant  of  Elihu  Robinson,  possesses  a  well-constructed 
sundial  of  Elihu's. 


36  John  Dalton. 

and  aided  by  Dr  Brownrigg,  of  Whitehaven,  and  John 
C.  Curwen,  M.P.,  of  Workington  Hall.  These  West 
Cumbrians  were  men  of  real  mark  and  magnanimity, 
who  not  only  encouraged  a  love  of  letters,  and  the 
aspirations  of  science,  but  heartily  co-operated  in  all 
the  schemes  of  reform  and  practical  philanthropy 
which  dawned  upon  England  after  the  declaration  of 
American  independence.* 

Elihu  Robinson  invited  John  Dalton  to  his  house, 
and  offered  to  assist  his  studies  along  with  a  young 
man  of  the  name  of  William  Alderson,  then  in  his 
service,  and  anxious  for  self-improvement.  The  two 
lads  worked  well  together  in  the  evenings,  and 
though  Alderson  was  much  the  senior,  Dalton  was 
generally  ahead  of  him.  When  they  came  to  a  stand- 
still in  solving  a  problem,  Alderson  would  fain  have 
sought  Mr  Robinson's  aid,  but  Dalton,  with  resolute 
aim  and  a  belief  in  his  own  powers,  would  encourage 
his  companion  to  renewed  exertion,  by  remarking  in 
broad  Cumbrian  dialect — "  Yan  med  deu't "  (one 
might  do  it).  This  phrase  of  John's  always  came  to 
his  rescue  in  difficulties,  and,  like  a  clerical  text  of 
pithy  meaning,  conveyed  a  wholesome  sermon  point- 

*  "The  Society  of  Friends,"  collectively  and  individually,  have  ever 
taken  a  laudable  part  in  social,  educational,  and  political  questions. 
Speaking  from  large  opportunities  afforded  me  of  perusing  the  private 
correspondence,  public  manifestations,  and  parliamentary  petitions  got 
up  by  Cumberland  Quakers,  in  the  past  as  well  as  the  present  century, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  they  have  always  been  far  ahead  of  the  rest 
of.  the  world  in  all  matters  affecting  the  welfare  of  humanity  and  the 
varied  social  interests  dependent  on  governmental  legislation.  Every 
work  they  engaged  in  pro  bono  publico,  found  them  zealous  and  indefa- 
tigable supporters,  be  it  peace  or  pious  endeavours,  civil  or  religious 
liberty,  the  interests  of  our  national  commerce,  or  the  education  and 
happiness  of  our  people. 


"Yanmeddcttt?  37 

ing  to  self-dependence,  and  persevering  energy  as  the 
groundwork  of  success  in  life.  The  rivalry  of  the 
lads  was  healthful,  but  one  day  a  dispute  arose 
between  them  as  to  the  best  mode  of  working  out  a 
problem ;  Alderson  would  bet  Dalton  sixpence  on 
the  subject,  but  Mr  Robinson  objected  to  this,  as  all 
Quakers  properly  do  to  betting,  and  in  place  of  the 
money  wager,  suggested  that  the  loser  should  supply 
his  companion  with  candles  for  their  nights'  studies  in 
winter.  This  advice  was  acted  upon,  and  Dalton 
came  off  victorious.  Mr  Robinson  occasionally  tested 
John's  highest  powers  of  thought  by  setting  him  an 
algebraic  question,  and  after  the  lapse  of  an  hour 
would  return,  and  say,  "  Well,  John,  hast  thou  done 
that  question  ?  "  "  No,"  replied  John,  with  his  "  Yan 
med  deu't;"  and  another  hour  elapsing  with  no  better 
result,  John  met  his  kind  friend's  interrogation  by, 
"  I  can't  deu't  to-neet,  but  mebby  to-morn  I  will." 
So  he  went  home,  slept  over  the  problem,  and  rose 
again  to  work  with  refreshed  brain  that  brought  a 
solution  to  his  difficulty. 

The  day's  schooling  at  Pardshaw  Hall,  and  the 
evening  prelections  of  Elihu  Robinson,  were  re- 
markable adjuncts  to  the  development  of  a  brain  so 
broadly  constituted  as  Dalton' s,  and  the  result  was 
visible  in  his  rapid  advance  to  knowledge  and  supe- 
riority over  lads  of  his  own  age.  Of  this  position  he 
seemed  to  be  aware,  or  he  would  not  have  ventured 
on  so  bold  a  step  as  that  of  opening  a  school  on  his 
own  account  at  Eaglesfield,  in  his  thirteenth  year.  The 
retirement  of  Mr  Fletcher  from  Pardshaw  Hall  school 
was  probably  the  first  incentive,  as  he  never  would 
have  dreamt  of  opposing  his  friend  ;  and  the  absence 


38  John  Dalton. 

of  any  school  in  Eaglesfield,  and  not  less  the  limited 
means  of  his  father,  may  have  cast  the  balance  in  favour 
of  the  undertaking.  Weaver  Dalton  had  in  John's 
infancy  removed  three  doors  higher  up  the  lane,  and 
upon  the  outside,  or  as  some  say,  on  the  front  door,  of 
this  dwelling  John  posted  a  large  sheet  of  white  paper, 
inscribed  with  a  bold  hand,  containing  the  announce- 
ment of  his  having'opened  a  school  for  both  sexes,  and 
on  reasonable  terms.  This  advertisement  long  did  duty, 
and  was  also  accompanied  by  another  to  the  effect 
that  "  paper,  pens,  and  ink  "  were  sold  within — two 
literary  acquisitions  to  Eaglesfield,  springing  from  the 
enterprise  of  a  lad  of  twelve  or  thirteen  years  of 
age. 

For  a  short  while  he  taught  his  primitive  school  in 
an  old  barn,  then  in  his  father's  house,  and  finally  in 
the  Friend's  Meeting-house  within  the  burial-ground 
enclosure.  His  scholars  were  of  all  ages,  from  infancy 
to  seventeen.  Some  were  so  young,  that  he  had  to 
mount  them  upon  his  knee  to  teach  them  their  A  EC's; 
others  were  as  old,  and  much  older  and  bigger  than 
himself,  the  proximity  of  the  school  having  brought  out 
lots  of  Eaglesfield  lads  whose  education  and  manners 
had  hitherto  been  grossly  neglected.  These  last-named 
proved  highly  refractory  scholars ;  so  much  so,  that 
when  John  threatened  them  with  chastisement  for 
neglecting  their  lessons,  or  their  naughtiness  for  play- 
ing at  leap-frog  over  the  graves  of  the  dead — 

"  Where  heaves  the  turf  in  many  a  mouldering  heap, 
Each  in  his  narrow  cell  for  ever  laid, 
The  rude  forefathers  of  the  hamlet  sleep  " — 

they  rebelled,  and  actually  challenged  him  out  to  fight. 


The  young  Schoolmaster.  39 

Here  was  a  pretty  contretemps,  the  scholars  defying 
their  master  in  open  day,  and  in  pugilistic  fashion.  How 
the  young  "dominie"  got  over  an  exhibition  so  offen- 
sive in  character,  and  so  derogatory  to  his  dignity  as 
head  of  the  school,  can  only  be  inferred  on  reflecting 
on  his  dogged  perseverance,  and  Quaker  firmness 
under  the  most  direct  and  worst  forms  of  provocation. 

Whilst  busy  teaching  the  lads  and  lasses  of  the 
hamlet,  he  was  more  busily  engaged  educating  himself, 
and  carrying  on  the  good  work  the  foundations  of 
which  had  been  so  pleasantly  laid  by  his  attentive 
friends  John  Fletcher  and  Elihu  Robinson.  Those 
around  him  observed  that,  be  the  subject  what  it  might 
occupying  his  mind,  it  got  his  undivided  attention  ; 
he  sat  desk-bound  and  immovable,  uninfluenced 
by  noise  or  chatter,  and  not  easily  roused  by  repeated 
interrogations.  His  mental  power  seemed  focussed 
upon  a  point,  and  no  side-rays  were  permitted  to  in- 
terfere with  the  one  concentrative  thought  falling  on 
the  work  in  which  he  was  engaged. 

"  The  Ladies'  Diary,  or  Woman's  Almanac,  for  1779, 
containing  new  improvements  in  arts  and  sciences,  and 
many  entertaining  particulars,  designed  for  the  use 
and  diversion  of  the  fair  sex,"  came  into  his  hands, 
probably  through  Mr  Robinson's  kindness,  and  he 
copied  it  verbatim.  The  existence  of  an  almanac  in 
his  own  handwriting,  now  in  the  possession  of  Mr 
John  Robinson,  of  Eaglesfield,  led  some  persons  to 
suppose  that  John  Dalton  had  at  the  age  of  thirteen 
years  constructed  an  almanac  for  himself;  whereas  it 
is  that  [of  the  Ladies'  Diary — probably  the  first 
periodical  that  he  had  seen,  and  the  first  to  call  forth 
his  spirit  of  emulation  and  competitive  skill  as  an 


4O  John  Dalton. 

arithmetician ;  for  he  and  William  Alderson  in  the 
winter  evenings  used  to  pore  over  the  enigmas  and 
mathematical  problems  it  contained  as  long  as  the 
farthing  dip,*  or  midnight  oil,  or  the  last  flicker  of  the 
fire  would  enable  them  to  read  their  pencil-markings 
on  the  rough  slabs  of  Cumberland  slate.  This 
Diary,  which,  by  the  way,  cost  the  large  sum  of 
three  shillings,  owing  to  the  heavy  taxation  of  that 
day  on  all  kinds  of  knowledge,  will  claim  more 
particular  notice  in  the  next  chapter. 

John  Dalton,  in  the  briefest  of  autobiographical 
records,  which  he  had  been  solicited  to  contribute  to 
Mr  Roberts'  "  Book  of  Autographs,"  states  that  after 
two  years  of  schoolmastering  he  was  "occasionally 
employed  in  husbandry  for  a  year  or  more/'  Why 
or  wherefore  this  change  of  pursuit  from  that  of 
teacher  can  only  be  inferred.  He  may  have  found 
his  big  and  rebellious  scholars  too  much  for  his 
guidance,  or  that  his  teaching  was  less  profitable  than 
a  fair  day's  work  of  manual  labour  on  his  Uncle 
Jonathan's  estate.  From  what  I  can  gather  from 
other  sources,  to  be  noted  in  the  biography  of 
Abraham  Fletcher,  of  the  pay  of  schoolmasters  by 
weekly  pence  a  century  ago,  I  do  not  suppose  that 
John  Dalton  realised  more  than  five  shillings  a  week 
as  the  master  of  Eaglesfield  school ;  so  that  husbandry 
was  as  good  a  thing,  if  not  better,  in  his  instance, 

*  The  term  "farthing  dip"  is  used  to  distinguish  the  crude,  home- 
made tallow  candle  of  that  day — long  in  the  stalk,  of  dirty-grey  colour 
and  rough  surface — that  was  perhaps  as  much  in  favour  as  the  little 
lamp  that  was  made  to  do  duty  in  consuming  any  oily  refuse.  A  stick  or 
turf  fire,  that  emitted  an  occasional  blaze,  had  occasionally  to  do  the 
part  of  both  candle  and  lamp,  the  eyes  of  the  lieges  being  like  the  wiry 
framework  of  their  bodies,  and  fit  for  any  abnormal  deviation  of  service. 


Pretty  nearly  a  Clodhopper.  41 

seeing  that  healthful  occupation  in  the  fields  cleared 
his  brain,  and  fitted  him  the  more  for  evening  studies. 
At  this  period,  when  entering  upon  his  teens,  he  can 
have  had  no  ideas  beyond  the  bucolic  life  around  him  ; 
and  the  highest  aim  of  his  ancestors  was  farming,  with 
the  prospect  of  some  day  realising  by  wholesome 
industry  the  ownership  of  a  dwelling  and  some  acres 
of  land — a  cottage  and  cow,  garth  and  hempland,  so 
as  to  become  passing  rich  on  ^40  a  year.  And  it  is 
doubtful  if  his  father's  handicraft  had  advanced  his 
status  beyond  the  possession  of  a  cow  and  a  cow's 
grassing  until  the  death  of  his  brother  Jonathan — 
uncle  to  John.  From  the  circumstance  of  John  Dalton 
joining  the  rank  and  file  of  husbandmen,  it  may  be 
inferred  that  his 

"  Ambition  did  not  mock  their  useful  toil," 

and  that  he  did  not  disregard  their  "  homely  joys." 
His  disposition  to  farming  may  have  been  influenced 
by  the  fact  of  his  Uncle  Jonathan,  then  in  the  enjoy- 
ment of  a  few  acres,  being  in  the  sixty-fifth  year  of  his 
age,  and  without  any  probability  of  issue,  and  that  the 
said  uncle  had  noticed  with  favour  the  merits  of  his 
nephew,  upon  whose  shoulders  the  burden  of  the  day 
might  soon  fall.  Moreover,  an  honest  farmer,  with  a 
small  yeoman's  position  in  prospect,  would  be  viewed 
quite  as  respectable,  and  much  more  profitable,  than 
the  grade  of  a  country  schoolmaster  on  the  uplands  of 
Cumberland.  Thus  circumstances  might  have  thrown 
John  Dalton  into  the  position  of  a  poor  farmer,  with 
aims  no  larger  than  selling  corn  and  cows  at  Cocker- 
mouth  market,  instead  of  becoming  a  chemical  philo- 
sopher honoured  by  the  savans  of  Europe. 


42  John  Dalton. 

All  biographical  notices  of  John  Dalton's  assign  to 
him  yeoman's  ancestry.  This  would  appear  to  be  a 
mistake,  as  the  foregoing  pages  prove  the  artisanship 
of  both  his  father  and  grandfather,  and  probably  arose 
from  the  fact  of  Jonathan,  the  shoemaker,  possessing 
a  few  acres  of  land  through  his  own  industry,  or  as 
the  dowry  of  his  wife  Abigail,  which  eventually  fell  to 
John  Dalton  on  the  death  of  his  brother,  the  school- 
master at  Kendal.  In  a  statement  of  John  Dalton's 
(hereafter  to  be  noticed),  complaining  of  the  distribu- 
tion of  his  father's  property,  there  is  no  mention  of 
any  other  possession  of  his  father's  than  what  had 
accrued  to  him  as  the  successor  of  his  brother 
Jonathan — uncle  to  the  chemist.  The  only  circum- 
stance to  lead  to  a  contrary  opinion  is  a  mortgage 
of  ^150,  or  thereabouts,  on  the  Eaglesfield  pro- 
perty, and  this  may  have  been  laid  on  by  Joseph 
Dalton,  the  weaver,  after  his  brother  Jonathan's 
death,  with  the  view  of  assisting  his  two  sons  in 
the  establishment  of  a  boarding-school  at  Kendal 
in  1786. 

Whilst  John  Dalton  was  plodding  away  in  his 
capacity  of  schoolmaster,  or  taking  his  honest  share 
v  in  husbandry  operations,  by  which  his  bone  and 
muscle  got  their  truthful  balance  and  vigour  along 
with  the  development  of  his  nerve-power,  his  brother 
Jonathan  was  acting  as  usher  or  assistant  to  his 
cousin,  George  Bewley,  who  kept  a  school  at  Kendal. 
It  was  probably  owing  to  Mr  Bewley's  wish  to  retire 
that  Jonathan  Dalton  held  out  to  his  brother  John 
the  desirability  of  leaving  Eaglesfield  and  joining 
him,  with  a  view  to  a  school-partnership.  Joseph  and 


Seeks  fresh  fields  and  pastures  new.  43 

Deborah,  the  parents,  having  taken  counsel  of 
"  Friends,"  approved  of  the  son's  proposal ;  and  in  the 
summer  or  autumn  of  1761,  when  he  was  about  to 
complete  his  sixteenth  year,  John  Dalton  bade  fare- 
well as  a  resident  to  Eaglesfield. 


CHAPTER  III. 

"  For  Nature's  crescent  does  not  grow  alone, 
In  thews  and  bulk  ;  but,  as  this  temple  waxes, 
The  inward  service  of  the  mind  and  soul 
Grows  wide  withal."  —SHAKESPEARE. 

KENDAL  SCHOOL  AND  SOCIAL  LIFE — LECTURES  ON  NATURAL 
PHILOSOPHY — MR  GOUGH'S  FRIENDSHIP — CONTRIBUTION 
TO  "  THE  DIARIES  " — INVESTIGATIONS  OF  ENGLISH  SUR- 
NAMES. 

|N  anticipation  of  getting  on  in  the  world, 
and  disposed  to  covet  the  latest  novelty  of 
a  gentleman's  outfit,  John  Dalton  bought 
an  umbrella — a  curiosity  of  its  kind  a 
hundred  years  ago — at  Cockermouth,  and  with  this 
equipment  in  one  hand,  and  a  bundle  of  body-clothes 
in  the  other,  started  on  his  journey  for  Kendal,  a 
distance  of  forty-four  miles,  which  he  accomplished  in 
a  day.  This  was  his  first  break  off  from  the  home 
circle,  and  if  his  emotions  at  all  responded  to  the 
natural  scenery  through  which  he  passed,  he  may 
have  framed  for  himself  a  sort  of  earthly  paradise  en 
route.  Journeying  through  Cockermouth,  and  by  the 
banks  of  the  placid  lake  of  Bassenthwaite,  he  soon 
came  in  view  of  Derwentwater  in  all  its  glorious 
beauty  and  surroundings,  with  the  unrivalled  peaks 
of  Borrowdale  beyond,  each  step  revealing  new  fea- 
tures of  picturesque  hill  and  dale,  grey  homestead 


His  first  sight  of  the  Lakes.  45 

and  green  meadow.  Crossing  Dunmail  Raise  showed 
him  another  sight,  the  attractions  of  which  could  not 
fail  to  lighten  his  descent  to  Grassmere,  Rydal,  and 
Windermere — "  the  queen,"  and  fair  daughters  of  the 
lakes — and  to  fill  his  mind  with  poetical  fancy  and 
unspeakable  admiration.  The  mental  enjoyment  of 
such  a  day  would  bar  all  feeling  of  physical  fatigue, 
and  enable  him  to  reach  Kendal  with  a  mind  as 
buoyant  and  bright  as  the  ethereal  atmosphere  float- 
ing o'er  the  mountain-tops  of  Skiddaw  and  Langdale 
Pikes. 

As  a  boy  in  his  early  teens,  travelling  alone  amid 
the  indescribable  loveliness  of  the  lake  country,  and 
gazing  at  the  flickering  lights  and  shadows  on  the 
everlasting  hills,  he  little  conjectured  the  strange 
evolutions  of  the  coming  time — that  a  day  of  his- 
torical distinction  was  about  to  dawn  over  the  scene 
of  his  journey,  mainly  owing  to  the  genius  of  Words- 
worth, the  Coleridges,  Southey,  and  De  Quincey ; 
and  still  less  did  he  suppose  that  the  meteorological 
characteristics  of  the  district  would  some  day  become 
a  theme  of  fertile  interest  to  himself,  the  successful 
investigation  of  which  would  give  him  rank  among 
the  scientific  discoverers  of  the  age,  and  a  niche  in 
the  pantheon  of  English  celebrities. 

Kendal,  at  the  time  of  John  Dalton's  entry,  had  a 
population  of  5000,  and  a  flourishing  wool  and  cotton 
trade,  demanding  hundreds  of  packhorses  *  to  carry 

*  Before  Dalton's  time  stage-waggons  had  partly  displaced  "pack- 
horses,"  and  a  stage-coach — the  "Flying  Machine" — drawn  by  six 
horses,  arrived  twice  a  week  from  London  ;  but  it  was  1786  before  a 
mail-coach  ran  from  London  to  Kendal.  Though  churches  and  schools 
were  getting  built,  and  a  newsroom  established,  and  much  educational 


46  John  Dalton. 

its  merchandise  to  the  seaports — Liverpool  chiefly. 
If  its  stalwart  sons  in  native  green  had  bravely  fought 
and  won  on  Flodden  field,  they  were  no  less  anxious 
in  the  Georgian  era  for  the  arts  of  peace  and  com- 
mercial life ;  they  were  men  of  enterprise,  and  the 
leading  families  of  the  town  were  Quakers,  not  want- 
ing in  culture  and  education. 

John  Dalton,  looking  at  the  motto  on  the  arms  of 
the  Kendal  Corporation — "  Pannus  mihi  panis" — 
might  be  disposed  to  think  if  the  staple  produce  of 
the  town  yielded  bread  to  its  working  folk,  the  edu- 
cation of  the  lieges  should  go  a  step  higher,  and 
provide  him  with  butter  to  that  bread.  Teaching 
the  young  ideas  offered,  however,  no  easy  path  to 
the  comforts,  much  less  the  indulgences  of  life ; 
indeed,  no  class  of  persons  fared  worse,  considering 
their  great  merits,  than  the  schoolmasters  of  England 
in  the  i8th  century. 

It  was  in  the  year  1781  that  John  Dalton  joined 
his  cousin  George  Bewley,  who,  with  Jonathan 
Dalton  as  assistant,  conducted  a  school  for  both 
sexes — mainly  Quakers'  children.  On  the  retirement 
of  Mr  Bewley  in  1785,  the  brothers  Dalton  announced 
their  intention  of  continuing  the  school,  "where 
youths  will  be  carefully  instructed  in  English,  Latin, 
Greek,  and  French  ;  also  writing,  arithmetic,  mer- 
chants' accounts,  and  the  mathematics."  They  also 
offered  to  take  boarders  on  reasonable  terms.  Their 
sister  Mary  came  from  Eaglesfield  to  act  as  their 
housekeeper.  At  this  time  their  pecuniary  means 
were  very  limited,  having  occasionally  to  borrow  two 

progress  was  being  made  in  the  town,  bull-baiting  held  its  place  till 
the  year  1791,  when  it  was  suppressed  by  the  Corporation. 


Not  passing  rich  on  £40  a  year.  47 

or  three  pounds  from  Mr  Bewley  and  other  friends, 
as  well  as  their  own  parents,*  to  enable  them  to  carry 
on  their  small  establishment.  The  earnings  of  the 
two  brothers  in  the  first  year  were  about  100  guineas^ 
and  this  sum  was  thirty  guineas  more  than  the 
average  proceeds  of  some  succeeding  years.  They 
made  a  little  money  by  "  drawing  conditions,"  collect- 
ing rents,  making  wills,  and  other  small  commissions 
befitting  the  pen  and  ready-reckoning  attributes  of 
country  schoolmasters ;  but  it  is  doubtful  if  the  two 
brothers  conjointly,  and  by  arduous  labour,  realised 
;£ioo  a  year,  on  which  sum  they  had  to  supply  their 
own  and  their  sister's  wants,  and  to  appear  in  respect- 
able costume,  suited  to  the  middle-class  social  position 
of  Kendal. 

A  second  circular,  issued  on  July  5,  1786,  by  the 
Daltons,  showed  that  they  were  not  disposed  to  hide 
their  talents  under  a  bushel,  and  that  their  educa- 
tional programme  embraced  almost  all  that  could  be 
taught  in  the  highest  public  schools  in  the  realm, 
seeing  that  it  embraced  what  they  had  previously 
advertised,  and  nearly  the  whole  range  of  subjects 
included  under  the  heading  of  Natural  Philosophy. 
The  public  were  also  informed  that  the  Daltons 
would  give  private  instruction  in  the  use  of  the  globes 
after  school-hours  ;  that  they  "  could  conveniently 
teach  a  considerable  number  of  scholars  more  than 
at  present;"  and  that  parents  might  rely  on  their 
children  being  carefully  instructed. 

*  Joseph  and  Deborah  Dalton  used  to  visit  their  sons  and  daughter 
at  Kendal,  carrying  them  Eaglesfield  cakes  and  home  produce,  deeming 
the  long  day's  journey  of  forty-four  miles  on  foot  a  matter  of  minor 
consideration  when  the  welfare  of  their  family  and  their  own  parental 
joy  could  be  promoted  by  the  undertaking. 


48  John  Dalton. 

Whilst  truly  zealous  in  their  calling  of  school- 
masters, the  brothers  Dalton  were  neither  gainly 
nor  genial  in  manner,  and  somewhat  deficient  in  the 
art  of  winning  the  pleasant  regards  of  their  pupils. 
The  bucolicism  of  Eaglesfield  still  clung  to  their 
nature,  and  manifested  itself  outwardly  in  their  up- 
right coat-collars,  broad-brims,  and  an  unbending  fell- 
side  Quakerism.  As  schoolmasters,  they  were  severe 
disciplinarians,  exacting  silence,  order,  and  a  faithful 
adherence  to  prescribed  rules  :  the  gentlest  prating  of 
the  little  girls,  or  the  smallest  blot  on  a  page  of  writ- 
ing, called  forth  rebuke.  Admonition  was  the  fact 
of  the  hour,  and  if  this  did  not  suffice,  the  cane  or 
"  the  tawse,"  consisting  of  short  leather  thongs,  was 
applied  to  the  palm  of  the  hand,  and  in  worse  forms 
of  punishment  to  the  bare  back.  One  instance  of 
severity  brought  the  Daltons  rather  prominently 
before  the  public,  and  led  them  to  exercise  greater 
caution  in  future  in  flagellating  the  worst  offenders. 
Jonathan  was  looked  upon  as  principal  of  the  school, 
and  was  the  severer  taskmaster.  John's  more  youth- 
ful sympathies  saved  him  from  so  much  juvenile 
reproach  ;  yet  my  information,  derived  from  their 
pupils,  tends  to  show  that  he  was  far  from  conciliatory 
in  method,  or  prone  to  educe  the  kindlier  parts  of 
his  scholars.  Their  teaching  was  much  more  elemen- 
tary than  their  curriculum  of  study,  classics,  and 
physics,  indicated.  It  is  said  that  in  the  midst  of 
thirty  or  forty  scholars,  and  all  their  noisy  doings, 
John  found  minutes  of  leisure  at  his  own  desk  to 
work  out  the  higher  mathematics  ;  if  so,  he  possessed 
a  fifty-schoolmaster  power  of  abstraction,  along  with 
a  rare  intensity  of  application. 


Lectures  on  Natural  Philosophy.  49 

With  the  dawn  of  manhood  John  Dalton  would  try 
his  hand  at  public  lecturing,  and  here  is  his  pro- 
gramme issued  to  the  Kendalites  on  October  26, 
1787  :— 

"Twelve  Lectures  on  Natural  Philosophy,  to  be 
read  at  the  school  (if  a  sufficient  number  of  sub- 
scribers are  procured)  by  John  Dalton.  Subscribers 
to  the  whole,  half  a  guinea ;  or  one  shilling  for  single 
nights.  N.B. — Subscribers  to  the  whole  course  will 
have  the  liberty  of  requiring  further  explanation  of 
subjects  that  may  not  be  sufficiently  discussed  or 
clearly  perceived  when  under  immediate  considera- 
tion; also  of  proposing  doubts,  objections,  &c. ;  all 
which  will  be  illustrated  and  obviated  at  suitable 
times  to  be  mentioned  at  the  commencement."  His 
syllabus  included  mechanics,  optics,  pneumatics, 
astronomy,  and  the  use  of  the  globes,  and  concluded 
with  "  Ex  rerum  causis  supremam  noscere  causam" 

This  course  of  lectures  he  repeated  in  1791,  with  the 
addition  of  a  lecture  on  Fire.  As  indicative  of  his 
first  effort  being  less  supported  than  it  ought  to  have 
been,  his  terms  of  admittance  to  the  second  course 
were  five  shillings  for  the  whole,  or  sixpence  for  each 
lecture  ;  in  other  words,  half  the  charge  that  he  made 
in  1787.  Dr  Henry  states  that  "  it  became  a  part  of 
Dalton's  regular  occupations,  and  an  important  source 
of  his  slender  revenues,  to  deliver  lectures  in  Man- 
chester and  elsewhere."  Repeated  inquiries  on  my 
own  part  have  failed  to  show  his  character  as  a  public 
lecturer.  His  readiness  to  impart  knowledge  may  be 
assumed,  but  how  far  his  address  and  language  and 
illustration  were  suited  to  a  general  audience  at  this 
period  of  his  history  admits  of  question.  Moreover,  his 

D 


50  John  Dalton. 

inexperience  in  the  art,  no  less  than  his  early  training-, 
would  offer  no  small  drawback  to  his  success  and 
popularity. 

His  seven  hours'  tuition,  and  the  needful  victualling 
of  the  man  himself,  occupied  the  best  part  of  his  diurnal ; 
his  evenings  not  engaged  in  private  instruction  were 
given  to  classics,  mathematics,  and  historical  reading 
and  the  Diaries.  There  is  nothing  in  his  records  or 
reasoning,  as  far  as  I  can  learn,  to  indicate  large  attain- 
ment in  philology  or  classical  literature.  The  former 
study  engaged  his  thoughts  for  a  time,  as  will  pre- 
sently be  noted,  but  only  within  the  range  of  an 
English  tracing :  nor  could  such  accomplishments 
be  expected  in  a  man  the  bent  of  whose  mind  lay 
partly  in  the  direction  of  natural  history,  and  more 
largely  towards  the  culture  of  the  strictly  physical 
sciences.  Each  day  found  him  work  to  do,  and 
ability  and  force  to  grasp  what  he  undertook ;  it  was 
work  at  school,  work  at  home,  and  much  cogitation 
everywhere. 

John  Dalton  bore  considerable  affinity  to  Benjamin 
Franklin  in  mental  vigour  and  bodily  constitution, 
and  specially  in  habits  of  industry  and  forethought  ; 
but  the  renowned  American  printer  found  hours  of 
leisure,  and  could  bestow  a  helping-hand  towards  the 
social  and  political  amelioration  of  his  fellow-citizens. 
Moreover,  he  entered  with  zest  into  the  spirit  of  the 
times  and  the  calls  of  society,  thoroughly  appreciated 
the  smiles  and  favours  of  women,  and  all  the  ameni- 
ties of  life.  Nor  did  his  philosophy  and  patriotism 
suffer  an  iota  by  these  deviations  from  the  rigid  lines 
of  study  and  reflection,  but  probably  gained  much 
invigoration  and  lastingness,  and  gave  him  facili- 


Contrasted  with  Benjamin  Franklin.  5 1 

ties  of  intercourse  with,  as  well  as  high  rank  among, 
the  learned  men  of  his  epoch.  The  Cumbrian  school- 
master, on  the  other  hand,  would  direct  his  nerve-force 
almost  exclusively  to  purely  intellectual  aims,  passing 
through  his  adolescence  apparently  indifferent  to  the 
status  quo  of  governments  and  municipalities,  and 
not  much  cognisant  of  the  various  relations  of  man  to 
man — civil,  commercial,  and  political. 

During  the  first  few  years  of  his  residence  in 
Kendal  his  society  was  almost  entirely  confined  to 
the  guarded  coterie  of  his  own  "  regiment  of  drab  " — 
a  social  circle  possessing  many  good  qualities  of  both 
head  and  heart,  and  not  without  its  pretty  white 
caps,  rustling  muslins,  and  personal  charms,  but  more 
or  less  deficient  in  breadth  of  character,  vivacity  of 
deportment,  and  adaptation  to  the  usages  of  the 
world.  His  probationary  period  on  the  banks  of 
the  Kent  extended  over  twelve  years,  namely,  from 
his  early  teens  to  the  age  of  twenty-seven  years,  an 
important  period  in  a  man's  life,  when  the  body 
breathes  full  vitality  and  force,  and  the  heart  should 
be  plastic  and  impressionable.  His  youth  and  grow- 
ing adolescence  showed  lots  of  vigour  and  mental 
scope;  yet  his  life  comes  down  to  us  not  betokening 
any  signs  of  an  active  citizenship,  but  rather  as  the 
manifestation  of  an  intellectual  machine  seldom 
beating  time  to  the  social  or  political  impulses  of  a 
free  and  happy  community  like  that  of  England.  It 
may,  however,  be  said  in  favour  of  this  comparative 
seclusion  from  the  fraternisations  of  the  world,  that 
high  aims  can  only  be  grasped  by  continuous  and 
concentrated  efforts  in  one  direction,  and  John  Dai- 
ton's  vocation  lay  in  the  interpretation  of  the  abstruse, 


52  John  D  alt  on. 

and  the  methodising  of  science  out  of  a  careful  study 
of  natural  phenomena.  He  was  a  student,  and  a 
hard-working  one,  all  his  days ;  the  temptations  of 
youth  seem  to  have  passed  him  by  as  one  too  sparingly 
emotional  for  the  snares  of  life.  Love,  which  a  great 
poet  said 

"  Rules  the  court,  the  camp,  the  grove," 

seemed  to  find  no  favour  in  Dalton's  eyes,  even  at  a 
time  when,  if  ever,  the  feelings  are  warm  and  prone 
to  be  waylaid  by  the  blandishments  of  the  fair.  His 
eyes,  it  is  true,  were  peculiarly  affected,  and  could  not 
be  gladdened  by  the  roseate  hue  of  woman's  cheeks, 
or  the  ribbon  adornments  and  other  coloured  media 
displayed  as  attractions  indigenous  to  the  sex. 

John  Dalton's  studious  character,  and  solicitations 
foradvancement  beyond  the  sphere  of  common  mortals, 
as  evinced  by  his  public  lectures,  would  suffice  for  an 
introduction  to  Mr  John  Gough,  the  intellectual  man 
of  Kendal,  and  the  pleasant  friendship  that  sprung 
up  from  this  intercourse,  was  the  third  piece  of  good 
luck  falling  in  the  way  of  the  poor  weaver's  son,  the 
tuition  of  John  Fletcher  and  the  guiding  counsel  of 
Elihu  Robinson,  constituting  the  two  first  props  to 
his  well-doing  in  the  world.  Though  blind  from 
early  infancy,  Mr  Gough  was  a  person  of  rare  accom- 
plishments, whose  fertile  mind  travelled  over  a  large 
field  of  science,  and  whose  character  was  well-known 
to  some  of  the  leading  minds  in  the  north  of  England. 
It  is  difficult  to  estimate  the  amount  of  good  derived 
by  Dalton  from  a  man  of  such  ripe  judgment  and 
intellectual  grasp  as  Mr  Gough,  who  could  be  no 
ordinary  person  to  gain  the  following  tribute  from 
Wordsworth  the  poet : — 


His  friend  John  Gough.  53 

"  Methinks  I  see  him  now,  his  eyeballs  roll'd 
Beneath  his  ample  brow — in  darkness  pained, 
But  each  instinct  with  spirit,  and  the  frame 
Of  the  whole  countenance  alive  with  thought, 
Fancy,  and  understanding,  whilst  the  voice 
Discoursed  of  natural  or  moral  truth 
With  eloquence  and  such  authentic  power, 
That  in  his  presence  humbler  knowledge  stood 
Abashed,  and  tender  pity  overawed." 

A  letter  of  Dalton's  to  Mr  Peter  Crosthwaite,  of 
Keswick,  shows  his  opinion  of  his  friend  Mr  Gough  : — 

"  John  Gough  is  the  son  of  a  wealthy  tradesman  in 
this  town ;  unfortunately  he  lost  his  sight  by  the  small- 
pox when  about  two  years  old,  since  which  he  has 
been  quite  blind,  and  may  now  be  about  thirty.  He 
is  perhaps  one  of  the  most  astonishing  instances  that 
ever  appeared  of  what  genius,  united  with  perseverance 
and  every  other  subsidiary  aid,  can  accomplish  when 
deprived  of  what  we  usually  reckon  the  most  valu- 
able sense.  He  is  a  perfect  master  of  the  Latin, 
Greek,  and  French  tongues,  the  former  of  which  I 
knew  nothing  of  six  years  ago,  when  I  first  came  here 
from  my  native  place  near  Cockermouth,  but  under  his 
tuition  have  since  acquired  a  good  knowledge  of  them. 
He  understands  well  all  the  different  branches  of 
mathematics,  and  it  is  wonderful  what  difficult  and 
abstruse  problems  he  will  solve  in  his  own  head.  There 
is  no  branch  of  natural  philosophy  but  what  he  is 
well  acquainted  with ;  he  knows  by  the  touch,  taste, 
and  smell  almost  every  plant  within  twenty  miles  of 
this  place  ;  he  can  reason  with  astonishing  perspicuity 
on  the  construction  of  the  eye,  the  nature  of  light  and 
colours,  and  of  optic  glasses ;  he  is  a  good  proficient 
in  astronomy,  chemistry,  medicine,  &c.,  &c.  He  and 


54  John  Dalton. 

I  have  been  for  a  long  time  very  intimate ;  as  our  pur- 
suits are  common,  viz.,  mathematical  and  philosophical, 
we  find  it  very  agreeable  frequently  to  communicate 
our  sentiments  to  each  other,  and  to  converse  on  those 
topics." 

In  his  preface  to  his  "  Meteorological  Observations 
and  Essays,"  published  in  1834,  Dalton  expresses  his 
obligations  to  Mr  Gough  in  the  following  words  : — 

"For  about  eight  years  during  my  residence  in 
Kendal  we  were  intimately  acquainted.  Mr  Gough 
was  as  much  gratified  with  imparting  his  stores  of 
science  as  I  was  in  receiving  them.  My  use  to  him 
was  chiefly  in  reading,  writing,  and  making  calcula- 
tions and  diagrams,  and  in  participating  with  him  in 
the  pleasure  resulting  from  successful  investigations  ; 
but  as  Mr  Gough  was  above  receiving  any  pecuniary 
recompense,  the  balance  of  advantage  was  greatly  in 
my  favour,  and  I  am  glad  to  have  this  opportunity  of 
acknowledging  it.  It  was  he  who  first  set  the  example 
of  keeping  a  meteorological  journal  at  Kendal." 

"  During  this  period,"  writes  Dr  Henry,  "  he  con- 
tributed frequently  to  two  periodical  works  then  in 
considerable  repute,  the  Gentleman's  and  Ladies' 
Diary.  The  volumes  from  1784  to  1794  contain  many 
solutions  of  questions  in  mathematics  or  general 
philosophy  to  which  his  name  is  attached.  He 
obtained  two  of  the  prizes  awarded  by  the  editors." 

Quoting  from  "  An  Account  of  the  Early  Mathe- 
matical and  Philosophical  Writings  of  the  late  Dr 
Dalton,"  by  Mr  T.  T.  Wilkinson,  F.R.A.S.,  of  Burn- 
ley, Dr  Henry  continues  his  remarks  on  the  Diaries, 
and  Dalton's  contributions.  "  The  selection  of  ques- 
tions for  the  year  1787  embraced  nearly  alPthe  branches 


Contributions  to  the  {(  Diaries."  55 

of  mathematics  then  cultivated  by  English  geometers ; 
and  yet  he  correctly  solved  thirteen  out  of  the  list  of 
fifteen,  the  prize  question  included.  His  solution  of 
question  850  is  inserted  at  length  in  the  Diary,  and 
is  probably  the  earliest  printed  specimen  of  his  mathe- 
matical writings.  He  was  equally  successful  in  the 
following  year,  1788,  and  from  his  replies  to  questions 
in  general  philosophy,  appears  to  have  already  be- 
stowed some  attention  on  chemistry,  and  to  be 
conversant  with  some  French  writers  on  that  science. 
Mechanics  and  fluxions  had  also  engaged  his  atten- 
tion. On  the  appearance  of  the  Ladies*  Diary  for 
1789,  Mr  Dalton  must  have  felt  himself  amply 
rewarded  for  all  his  previous  disappointments ;  for, 
besides  obtaining  insertion  of  his  answers  to  all  the 
philosophical  queries,  and  to  three  out  of  eleven  solu- 
tions sent  to  the  questions  in  the  mathematical 
department,  he  was  awarded  the  "prize  of  six  diaries." 
In  the  Gentleman's  Diary  for  the  same  year  his  name 
is  announced  as  having  furnished  correct  solutions  to 
seven  of  the  mathematical  questions,  of  which  that 
to  question  591,  relating  to  a  case  of  hydrostatical 
equilibrium,  is  inserted  at  length,  and  gained  him  his 
first  position  amongst  the  correspondents  to  that 
noted  and  difficult  serial.  The  Ladies'  Diary  and 
supplement  for  1790  conveyed  the  gratifying  intel- 
ligence, that  he  had  been  awarded  the  highest  prize 
of  ten  diaries  for  his  masterly  solution  of  the  prize 
question." 

A  few  extracts  from  the  Ladies'  Diary,  containing 
some  queries  and  solutions  by  Dalton  on  questions 

*  The  Ladies'  Diary  is  said  to  have  been  conducted  by  Dr  C.  Hutton, 
of  the  Royal  Military  Academy. 


$6  John  Dalton. 

apparently  incongruous  with  his  usual  studies  may 
interest  the  reader ;  they  were  furnished  by  my  late 
friend  Dr  George  Wilson  of  Edinburgh  to  Dr  Henry 
of  Manchester. 

QUERY  i. — Whether,  to  a  generous  mind,  is  the  conferring,  or 
receiving  an  obligation  the  greater  pleasure  ? 

Answered  by  John  Dalton  as  follows: — 
The  pleasure  arising  from  conferring  an  obligation,  especially 
if  it  be  effected  without  much  inconvenience,  is  pure,  and  must 
be  a  grateful  sensation  to  a  generous  mind ;  but  that  arising 
from  receiving  an  obligation  is  often  mixed  with  the  unpleasing 
reflection  of  inability  to  remunerate  the  benefactor.  It  is  pretty 
clear,  therefore,  that  the  pleasure  of  conferring  an  obligation 
must  exceed  that  of  receiving  one. 

QUERY  2. — Is  it  possible  for  a  person  of  sensibility  and  virtue, 
who  has  once  felt  the  passion  of  love  in  the  fullest  extent  that 
the  human  heart  is  capable  of  receiving  it  (being  by  death,  or 
some  other  circumstance,  for  ever  deprived  of  the  object  of  its 
wishes),  ever  to  feel  an  equal  passion  for  any  other  object  ? 

Answered  by  John  Dalton  as  follows: — 
It  will  be  generally  allowed  that  in  sustaining  the  disappoint- 
ments incident  to  life,  true  fortitude  would  guard  us  from  the 
extremes  of  insuperable  melancholy  and  stoic  insensibility,  both 
being  incompatible  with  your  own  happiness  and  the  good  of 
mankind.  If,  therefore,  the  passion  of  love  have  not  acquired 
too  great  an  ascendency  over  the  reason,  we  may,  I  think,  con- 
clude that  true  magnanimity  may  support  the  shock  without 
eventually  feeling  the  mental  powers  and  affections  enervated 
and  destroyed  by  it,  and  consequently  that  the  query  may  be 
answered  in  the  affirmative.  However,  if  this  passion  be  too 
strong,  when  compared  with  the  other  faculties  of  the  mind,  it 
may  be  feared  that  the  shock  will  enfeeble  it,  so  as  to  render 
the  exercise  of  its  functions  in  future  much  more  limited  than 
before. 

The  following   letter    of   Dalton's  to    his   friend 


A  new  line  of  thought.  57 

William  Alderson  of  Eaglesfield,  shows  a  new  walk  of 
study,  and  is  highly  characteristic  of  the  writer  : — 

"  KENDAL,  8  mo.t  afh,  1788. 

"  RESPECTED  FRIEND, — Happening  a  while  ago  to 
be  in  company  where  the  topic  of  conversation  was 
the  derivation  of  surnames,  a  subject  quite  new  to 
me,  and  being,  as  thou  may  remember,  inquisitive 
into  things  seemingly  involved  in  mystery,  and  which 
require  some  sagacity  to  unravel,  I  could  not  help 
afterwards  reflecting  a  little  upon  it.  The  substance 
of  my  reflections,  and  the  information  I  could  get 
being  put  to  paper,  will  run  nearly  as  follows.  There 
is  very  little  utility  arising  from  the  subject,  but  a 
small  matter  of  curiosity,  which  I  thought  might  not 
be  altogether  unacceptable. 

"Anciently  in  this  kingdom  it  seems  to  have  been 
customary  to  have  only  one  name,  that  is,  what  is 
now  called  the  Christian  name ;  and  that  not  being 
sufficient  for  distinction,  others  were  added  to  it,  such 
as  were  most  fit  to  answer  that  end,  such  as  whose 
son  a  person  was,  what  trade  he  was,  where  he  came 
from,  &c.,  which,  however,  were  subject  to  change, 
according  to  the  caprice  of  the  neighbourhood  or 
fancy  of  the  person,  till  the  Legislature  found  it 
necessary  that  they  should  be  fixed,  to  prevent  the 
evils  that  might  otherwise  arise. 

"  INVESTIGATION  OF  ENGLISH  SURNAMES. 

"ist.  Of  those  ending  in -SON. 

"  We  have  a  large  tribe  of  these  from  Christian  or 
first  names,  such  as  John,  Jack,  Harry,  Dick,  Richard, 
William,  Will,  Tom,  Robin,  Robert,  Ben,  Allen,  &c. — 


58  John  Dalton. 

that  is,  the  father  being  called  John,  his  son  was 
called  John's-son,  or  Johnson,  &c. 

"Also  diminutives  of  some  of  these;  as  Dickin,  Wil- 
kin,  Tomlin,  Jenkin,  &c.  -son;  that  is,  little  Dick's 
son,  &c. 

"  A  few,  probably  bastards  from  women's  names ; 
as  Ann,  Elly,  Matty,  Nel,  Patty,  &c.  -son. 

"  Some  from  other  surnames ;  as  Cook,  Smith, 
Hodge,  Dodge,  Dod,  Dob,  Hood,  &c.  -son. 

"2d.  Another  custom  seems  to  have  obtained  in 
the  south  part  of  the  kingdom,  that  is,  using  the 
genitive  case  of  the  father's  name  instead  of  the  word 
*  son '  at  the  end  of  it ;  thus  we  there  meet  with 
Stephens,  Roberts,  Philips,  Edwards,  Harrys  or 
Harris,  Jones  (that  is,  Joan's  or  John's),  &c.,  which 
in  the  north  are  more  commonly  Stephenson,  Robert- 
son, &c. 

"  From  this  it  may  be  suspected  the  Harris 
families  in  the  north  were  originally  from  the  south, 
otherwise  they  would  most  likely  have  been  called 
Harrisons. 

"  3d.  Another  source  of  surnames  we  have  from  an- 
cient and  trading  towns  ;  as  York,  Chester,  Lancaster, 
Kendal,  Carlisle,  Derby,  Wakefield,  &c.  Thus  an  in- 
habitant of  Kendal  called  Tom,  removing  to  a  distant 
place,  would  be  called  Kendal  Tom,  to  distinguish 
him  from  the  other  Toms  of  the  place.  Besides  these, 
a  great  number  from  places  of  less  note  ending  in  ton 
(z>.,town),  thwaite  (a  place  cleared  of  wood) ;  asBraith- 
waite,  Cros-thwaite,  Lew-thwaite  ;  Dai-ton  (a  village  in 
Lancashire  meaning  Dale-town),  New-ton,  Penning- 
ton,  Pockling-ton,  Nor-ton,  Wes-ton,  &c.  To  these 
may  be  added  a  few  from  the  names  of  nations;  as 


English  Surnames.  59 

Scot,  English,  Ireland,  French,  Norman  (i.e.,  a  fol- 
lower of  William  the  Conqueror  from  Normandy), 
Wales,  &c. 

"  Also  a  number  derived  from  the  situation  of  their 
dwellings;  as  Fell,  Gill,  How,  Hill,  Bank,  Bottom, 
Beck,  Brook,  Wall,  Penn  (i.e.,  Hill),  Mount,  Slack, 
Cragg,  Moor,  Moss,  Tarn,  Pit,  &c. 

"  4th.  A  vast  number  from  trades,  &c. ;  as  Smith, 
Wright,  Weaver,  Webster,  Waller,  Mason,  Fisher, 
Hunter,  Fiddler,  Piper,  Harper,  Walker,  Cleaver, 
Slater,  Sadler,  Herd,  Cook,  Clark,  Steward,  Butler, 
Baker,  Brewer,  Gardener,  Roper,  Fletcher  (one  that 
makes  bows  and  arrows),  Glover,  Barber,  Ridler, 
Stamper,  Shepherd,  Turner,  Forster  (i.e.,  Forester), 
&c.  Also  from  articles,  &c.,  dealt  in;  as  Hay,  Stone, 
Steele,  Bell,  Wood,  Peat,  Lindsey,  Wolsey,  Cotton, 
&c. 

"  5th.  From  animals ;  as  Fox,  Tod  (an  old  word  for 
a  fox),  Stag,  Hinde,  Kid,  Lamb,  Drake,  Duck,  Cock, 
Peacock,  Salmon,  Pike,  Trout,  &c. 

"6th.  Some  adjectives;  as  Black, Blake, Dun,  White, 
Brown,  Green,  Grey,  Petty,  Wild,  Swift,  Smart,  Sharp, 
Wise,  Young,  &c. 

"  7th.  A  few  ending  in  man  ;  as  Bulman,  Cow-man, 
Bow-man,  Chap-man,  Priest-man,  Spel-man,  Wool- 
man,  &c.  Also  several  in  ley;  as  Ains-ley,  Bay-ley, 
Bew-ley,  Brink-ley,  Cow-ley,  Hors-ley,  Chalk-ley, 
Hay-ley,  Hart-ley,  Priest-ley,  &c.  Ley  is  an  old 
word  for  scythe,  also  for  ploughed  land  now  resting 
for  the  scythe. 

"  8th.  Compound  names  of  pretty  obvious  origin  ;  as 
Brock-bank,  Sow-den,  Lang-mire,  Mire-house,  Water- 
house,  Salt-house,  Cross-field,  Swin-burn,  Burn-yeat 


60  John  Dalton. 

(N.B.  Bourn  is  Saxon,  meaning  a  brook),  Black-stock, 
Light-foot,  Young-husband,  Tod-hunter,  Drink-water, 
&c. 

"  I  might  pursue  the  subject  farther,  as  also  of  the 
origin  of  the  names  of  places,  &c.,  but  I  leave  it  to 
antiquarians. 

"  However,  as  I  have  explained  my  own  name,  I 
must  do  the  same  with  thine.  Alderson  means  un- 
doubtedly older-son,  old  being  pronounced  aid  in  this 
county,  where  possibly  the  name  originated ;  but  it 
is  not  easily  made  appear  how  such  a  name  rose. — 
Please  to  accept  the  best  respects  of  thy  friend, 


"JOHN  DALTON. 


"  WILLIAM  ALDERSON, 
Eaglesfield." 


CHAPTER  IV. 

"  Nature  is  not  an  inert  mass  ;  and  to  him  who  can  comprehend  her  vast 
sublimity,  she  reveals  herself  as  the  creative  force  of  the  universe — 
before  all  time,  eternal,  ever  active,  she  calls  to  life  all  things,  whether 
perishable  or  imperishable" — SCHELLING. 

NATURAL  HISTORY  PURSUITS — METEOROLOGICAL  LABOURS  AND 
CORRESPONDENCE  —  BOTANY  —  ENTOMOLOGY  —  STUDY  OF  MAN 
AND  THAT  OF  MEDICINE  CONTEMPLATED— HIS  FATHER'S  WILL 
IN  DISPUTE,  AND  NOVEL  ARBITRATION — LEAVES  KENDAL  FOR 
MANCHESTER. 

|N  his  hours  of  comparative  relaxation,  John 
Dalton  took  his  constitutional  walk,  and 
on  Saturdays  extended  his  rambles  o'er  the 
country  side ;  admiring  the  grand  pano- 
rama— the  sweeping  outline  of  mountain  range  and 
fertile  valleys  in  the  environs  of  Kendal ;  and  medi- 
tating much  on  the  geognosy  of  the  district,  its  fauna, 
flora,  and  natural  history  in  general.  Like  Goethe, 
Alexander  von  Humboldt,  and  others  who  paved 
their  way  to  distinction  by  researches  in  the  domain 
of  natural  science,  Dalton  early  engaged  in  the  study 
of  botany,  entomology,  and  more  especially  mete- 
orology. The  friendship  of  Mr  Gough  naturally 
exercised  a  beneficial  influence  over  Dalton's  scientific 
endeavours.  In  that  day  when  Buffon,  Goldsmith, 
and  peripatetic  herbalists  held  sway  as  naturalists, 
and  Linnaeus  was  only  to  be  found  in  the  hands  of 
the  learned,  it  is  doubtful  if  any  other  library  than 
that  of  the  blind  philosopher  of  Kendal  was  accessible 


62  John  Dalton. 

to  him,  from  which  he  could  even  cull  a  knowledge  of 
the  descriptive  forms  of  plants  and  the  common  kinds 
of  insects.  And  this  kind  of  information,  little  more 
than  a  systematic  nomenclature  in  the  hands  of  the 
renowned  Swede,  was  but  elementary  and  limited  in 
scope  compared  with  the  needs  of  a  true  science.  As 
far  as  the  study  of  meteorology  was  concerned,  Dalton 
could  have  no  better  guide  than  Mr  Gough  himself. 

Dalton's  love  of  nature  did  not  find  expression  in 
the  sentimental  language  of  Rousseau ;  it  was  neither 
exalted  nor  demonstrative,  and  probably  owed  less 
to  his  emotional  or  pleasurable  instincts  than  to  his 
innate  scientific  ardour,  ever  aiming  at  the  grasp  of 
the  unproclaimed  and  the  unknown.  Imbued  with  the 
faculty  of  originating  fresh  paths  of  inquiry,  and  pos- 
sessing a  genetic  force  to  cope  with  difficulties  whence- 
soever  arising,  he  would  seem  to  have  anticipated 
Schelling's  observation,  that  philosophy  advances  not 
so  much  by  the  answers  to  difficult  problems,  as  by 
the  starting  of  new  problems,  and  by  asking  questions 
which  no  one  else  would  think  of  asking. 

In  his  endeavours  to  elucidate  the  phenomena  in- 
cluded under  the  general  term  of  meteorology — phe- 
nomena so  fitful  and  protean  in  character  on  the  shores 
of  England,  and  markedly  pluviose  around  Kendal 
— he  fell  upon  an  inquiry  consonant  with  his  untiring 
industry  and  careful  methods  of  observation.  The 
subject,  comprehensive  in  itself,  also  involved  many 
questions  which  had  never  been  asked,  and  as  many 
more  equally  worthy  of  solution.  Meteorology  had 
an  historical  basis  as  old  as  Aristotle  himself,  and 
though  the  theme  of  many  minds  in  many  countries, 
yet  so  little  progress  had  been  obtained  since  the 


His  first  Meteorological  efforts.  63 

days  of  the  Greek  naturalist,  that  it  presented  almost 
a  new  field  for  John  Dalton's  patient  investigation. 
Observation  and  observations  ever  repeated  were, 
from  the  very  nature  of  the  elements  in  operation, 
essential  to  unravel  the  phenomena  grouped  under 
the  subject-matter  of  the  weather,  the  seasons,  and 
climate;  and  these,  again,  had  to  be  viewed  under  the 
modifying  influence  of  heat,  electricity,  and  more 
strictly  astronomical  causes.  The  general  laws  of 
physics  and  chemistry,  and  due  recognition  of  the 
researches  of  Galileo,  Torricelli,  and  Newton,  formed 
an  instructive  basis  upon  which  future  labourers 
in  the  field  must  rest  their  lines  of  inquiry.  All 
this  would  be  patent  *to  Dalton,  and  the  encoun- 
tering of  difficulties  at  the  very  threshold  would 
really  offer  the  largest  inducement  to  him  to  per- 
severe in .  the  pursuit.  As  the  thermometer,  baro- 
meter, and  rain-gauge  were  the  first  requirements  in 
the  physical  investigation  of  meteorology,  he  thought 
the  best  way  of  knowing  how  to  use  them,  was  to  know 
how  to  construct  them  ab  initio  ad  finem.  Besides, 
philosophical  instruments  of  all  kindswere  exceedingly 
scarce  and  dear  in  the  north  of  England  ;  and  John's 
pecuniary  means  were  not  commensurate  with  any 
extraordinary  outlay. 

As  Dalton's  meteorological  labours  will  be  more 
appropriately  discussed  in  the  next  chapter,  all  that 
is  needful  here  is  to  trace  the  beginning  of  his  work, 
and  to  show  by  his  letters  how  his  enthusiasm  led  him 
to  try  and  indoctrinate  others  with  the  same  scientific 
penchant.  From  personal  inquiry  I  am  led  to  infer 
that  Dalton's  first  meteorological  observations  were 
made  in  the  year  1787-88  ;  and  this  is  confirmed,  or 


64  John  D  alt  on. 

rather  more  clearly  set  forth,  by  Dr  Henry,  who  re- 
ports that  he  found  among  his  friend's  papers  a  small 
quarto  volume  entitled  "Philosophical  Memoirs, 
begun  at  Kendal,  1787;  auctore,  Johanne  Dalton ; " 
and  that  it  was  "loosely  attached  to  two  similar 
books,  which  carry  down  the  history  of  his  inquiries  to 
1801."  This  journal  records  little  of  interest  between 
June  1787  and  the  end  of  the  year,  except  the 
measurement  of  some  hills  near  Kendal  by  means  of 
the  barometer.  The  year  1788  commences  with  a 
"  memorandum  of  the  going  of  two  hygrometers,  or 
pieces  of  whipcord,  each  being  eight  feet  five  inches 
long,  stretched  by  equal  weights,  and  similarly 
situated  along  an  oaken  post  in  the  school,  where 
was  no  fire."  These  experiments  are  followed  by  a 
table  of  times  when  the  aurora  boreales  have  been 
seen,  together  with  the  moon's  age  at  the  several  times. 
Subjoined  is  a  letter  to  Miss  Hudson,  one  of  his 
Eaglesfield  pupils,  couched  in  terms  to  imply  that 
Cumberland  villages  had  young  women  of  education 
capable  of  grasping  decimals  and  the  use  of  a  scientific 
instrument.  The  letter  is  given  in  extenso,  to  show  his 
mode  of  rain-gauge  and  calculations  : — 

KENDAL,  8  mo.,  4tk,  1788. 

RESPECTED  FRIEND, — The  study  of  Nature  having  been  with 
me  a  predominant  inclination,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  I  should 
be  ready  to  prompt  others  to  the  same.  I  have  been  tempted 
to  think  that  thou  would  take  a  pleasure  in  remarking  the 
quantity  of  rain  that  falls  with  you  each  day,  if  thou  knew  with 
what  facility  the  same  is  effected.  I  have  observed  here  that 
people  who  are  entirely  ignorant  of  the  matter  suppose  it  a 
work  of  great  labour  and  difficulty,  and  which  can  only  be  done 
by  those  they  call  great  scholars.  This,  however,  is  a  great 
mistake.  A  very  little  knowledge  of  mensuration  is  sufficient 


His  Rain-Gauge. 


for  the  theory  of  it,  and  nothing  but  plain  addition  is  wanted  in 
the  practice. 

The  annexed  scheme  will  represent  the  most  simple  appara- 
tus :  A  B  is  a  three-foot  stool,  to  be  fixed  in  a  garden  bed,  &c. 
A  C  and  B  D  two  posts  fixed  in  the  same 
about  II  or  12  inches,  and  support  the  arm 
C  D,  which  is  i^  inch  broad  and  I  deep ; 
the  pipe  of  the  funnel  exactly  fits  the  hole 
in  C  D,  keeping  the  funnel  firm  and  level. 
The  funnel  may  be  6,  7,  or  more  inches 
over ;  and  if  it  have  an  upright  rim  of  an 
inch,  it  is  better,  but  will  do  without  it. 
Also,  it  should  be  painted  to  save  it  from 
the  weather.  A  common  glass  bottle  will 
hold  all  the  water  that  falls  at  any  time  in 
24  hours,  if  the  funnel  be  on  only  6  or  7 
inches  diameter  ;  except,  perhaps,  two  or  three  days  in  the  year. 
A  pair  of  scales,  with  a  few  small  weights,  axe  requisite. 

Now,  to  determine  the  depth  of  water  that  falls  on  any  level 
surface  from  the  above,  we  have  the  following  tables  made  for 
funnels  of  6  and  7  inches,  wherein  are  set  down  the  depths, 
corresponding  to  the  several  weights,  in  decimal  fractions.  And 
any  person  who  has  learned  mensuration  will  be  able  to  adapt 
a  table  to  any  funnel,  by  knowing  that  62^  Ibs.  Avoirdupois 
equal  I  cubic  foot  of  water. 


Suppose    there    is    caught 
with    a   funnel   of    6    inches 

WEIGHTS. 

DIAMETERS  OF  FUNNELS. 

diameter  i  Ib.  3  oz.    5!  drs. 

Ib.  Av. 

6  inches. 

7  inches. 

of  water,  required  the  depth. 

i 

•9778 

•7184 

oz. 

i  Ib.     =     -9778 

8 

•4889 

•3592 

4 

"2445 

"1796 

2  OZ.      =       '1222 

2 

'1222 

•0898 

I              =       '06  1  I 

I 

drs. 

•0611 

•0449 

4  drs.  =     -0153 

8 
4 

'0306 

'oi  S3 

'0225 

•01  1  2 

i          =     -0038 

2 

I 

•0076 
•0038 

•0056 
'0028 

i          =       -0010 

i 

•0019 

'0014 

* 

! 

•ooio 

•0007 

J 

i 

•0005 

•0004 

1-1812 

That  is,  the  depth  that  would  have  fallen  on  a  level  surface 

E 


66  John  Dalton. 

will  be  i  inch,   I   tenth,  8  hundreds,   I  thousand,  and  2  ten 
thousand  parts  of  an  inch. 

Suppose  with  a  funnel  of  7  inches  there  is  caught  i  oz.  7^  drs. 


That  is,  6  hundredth,  5  ten 
hundredth  or  thousandth,  9  ten 
thousandth  parts  of  an  inch . 

•0659 

r  N.B. — The  water  is  supposed  to  be  taken  at  stated  hours,  as 
6,  or  8,  or  10  at  night. 

By  this  time  I  apprehend  the  difficulty  generally  supposed  to 
attend  this  matter  is  removed.  I  should  be  glad  if  thou,  or  any 
other  in  your  neighbourhood,  on  whose  accuracy  one  might 
rely,  would  find  it  agreeable  and  convenient  to  notice  this 
matter ;  but,  however,  I  do  not  mean  to  request  it,  but  only  to 
show  the  easiness  with  which  it 's  done.  Ignorance,  no  doubt, 
will  look  upon  this  as  a  trifling  and  childish  amusement,  but 
few  of  this  nature  are  such  in  a  philosophical  sense.  If  to  be 
able  to  predict  the  state  of  the  weather,  with  tolerable  precision, 
by  which  great  advantages  might  accrue  to  the  husbandman, 
to  the  mariner,  and  to  mankind  in  general,  be  at  all  an  object 
worthy  of  pursuit,  that  person  who  has  in  any  manner  contributed 
to  attain  it  cannot  be  said  to  have  lived  or  to  have  laboured  in 
vain.*— I  am  respectfully,  thy  friend,  JOHN  DALTON. 

To  SARAH  HUDSON, 
Eaglesfield. 

Dalton's  mode  of  making  thermometers  is  described 
in  the  following  letter  to  Elihu  Robinson.  In  pre- 
senting these  instruments  to  those  who  befriended 
his  early  youth,  he  proved  his  gratitude  for  past 
favours,  no  less  than  a  wish  to  see  the  struggling 
science  of  meteorology  promoted  by  men  of  real 
capacity  and  worth. 

*  The  caligraphy  of  this  and  the  following  letter  is  nearly  as  perfect 
as  the  work  of  the  engraver. 


Makes  his  own  Thermometers.  67 

KENDAL,  8  mo.  2$d,  1788. 

DEAR  COUSIN,—  Herewith  thou  wilt  receive,  I  hope  safely, 
two  thermometers  with  somewhat  longer  scales  than  the  former  ; 
please  to  take  thy  choice  of  the  three,  to  let  John  Fletcher 
have  the  next  choice,  and  to  reserve  the  other  till  my  brother 
comes. 

You  will  probably  chuse  by  the  length  of  the  scales ;  but 
those  with  the  least  bulbs  will  soonest  come  to  the  temperature 
of  the  surrounding  medium.  However,  the  largest,  I  apprehend, 
will  rise  or  fall  to  within  a  degree  of  the  proper  place  in  half  an 
hour  in  the  air.  Thou  may  try  whether  that  thou  hast  already 
is  with  these  two  or  not,  by  dipping  the  bulbs  into  a  bason  of 
water  for  five  minutes. 

Possibly  the  manner  of  making  them  may  not  be  unentertain- 
ing.  A  small  receptacle  being  fixed  on  the  end  of  the  tube,  a 
quantity  of  mercury  is  poured  into  it,  part  of  which  runs  down 
the  tube  so  as  to  half  fill  the  bulb,  and  then  stops,  the  tube 
being  still  filled  with  mercury,  which  is  unable  to  fall  by  reason 
of  the  pressure  of  the  air  in  the  bulb.  Then  a  candle  is  applied 
to  the  bulb,  which,  rarefying  the  air  contained  in  it,  raises  the 
mercury  in  the  tube  quickly  to  the  top,  and  then  it  escapes  in 
bubbles  through  the  mercury  in  the  receptacle.  This  done,  it 
is  cooled  again,  when  the  internal  air  contracting,  another 
portion  of  mercury  falls  down  into  the  bulb  ;  and  this  opera- 
tion is  repeated  till  all  the  air  is  expelled.  Then  the  mer- 
cury is  heated  above  boiling  water,  and  the  end  of  the  tube 
melted  and  closed  at  the  same  time,  when,  the  mercury  sub- 
siding, there  is  left  a  vacuum  ;  this  is  done  chiefly  to  keep  the 
moisture,  dust,  &c.,  out  of  the  tube.  The  whole  is  then  put 
into  boiling  water,  when  the  barometer  stands  at  30  inches,  and 
the  boiling  point  thereby  determined ;  afterwards  (if  circumstances 
admit)  the  freezing  point  is  found  by  putting  it  into  a  mixture 
of  water  and  pounded  ice,  or  water  and  snow,  which,  when 
melting  before  the  fire,  keep  at  an  invariable  point  (32°)  till  the 
whole  is  melted.  If  this  cannot  be  done,  as  in  summer,  it  may 
be  set  by  another  thermometer,  and  the  scale  adapted  accord- 
ingly. N.B. — As  the  freezing  points  of  these  two  were  not 
found  on  account  of  the  season,  it  will  not  be  amiss  to  try 
whether  they  are  accurate,  when  a  convenient  season  comes. 


68 


John  Dalton. 


The  principles  on  which  they  act  need  little  explication  ;  as 
mercury,  like  most  other  bodies,  is  subject  to  be  contracted  by 
cold  and  expanded  by  heat ;  and  as  the  capacity  of  the  bulb 
remains  always  rilled,  the  total  variation  of  the  mercury  in 
bulk,  it  is  evident,  will  be  manifested  in  the  tube. 

The  range  of  the  thermometer  is  little  in  these  parts  compared 
with  the  more  northern.  At  Petersburgh  the  summer  heat  is 
equal  to  ours,  but  in  winter  severe  cold  predominates ;  the 
thermometer  is  frequently  found  40  or  60  below  nothing  ;  and 
in  Siberia  it  has  been  observed  even  100  or  120  below  nothing. 
On  the  contrary,  in  the  burning  sands  of  Africa  it  reaches  120 
or  140  above  nothing.  Is  not  the  internal  principle  of  heat  in 
man  and  other  animals  a  wonderful  phenomenon,  that  can 
sustain  these  two  extremes  without  any  sensible  variation? 
Remark. — Reaumur's  scale  (used  by  the  French  and  others) 
counts  from  o  at  the  freezing  point  to  80  at  the  boiling  point ; 
consequently  2j  degrees  Fahrenheit  are  equal  to  I  of  Reaumur. 

ABSTRACT  OF  MY  JOURNAL  FOR  THE  PRESENT  YEAR. 


THERMOMETER  WITHOUT. 

RAIN. 

INCHES  AND 
DECIMALS. 

WET  DAYS. 

AURORA 

BOREALES. 

Mean. 

Highest 

Lowest 

i  mo. 

39' 

47 

20 

5-6160 

20 

6 

2  mo. 
3  mo- 

3%'3 
36-8 

47 
50 

28 
18 

3-3064 
2-8183 

3 

2 

4 

4  mo. 

4&J 

69 

32 

2-9047 

16 

ii 

5  mo. 

53' 

80 

38 

1-1872 

10 

7 

6  mo. 

57  '3 

80 

45 

2'3*37 

7 

2 

/mo. 

56-8 

68 

47 

7  '0323 

28 

I 

5  mo.,  19. 
„      26. 

7  mo.,    3. 

8  mo.,  16. 


THUNDER-STORMS. 

2  P.M.,  distant,  W. 

7  P.M.,  frequent  loud  peals,  very  near. 

6  P.M.,  frequent  peals,  some  very  near. 

7J-  P.M.,  distant  about  8  miles  S.E.,  but  loud  and 


tremendous  ;  about  20  or  30  flashes  were  observed  in  as  many 
minutes,  and  the  reports  of  each  heard  through  the  cloud,  was 
but  just  visible  above  the  horizon  ;  the  zenith  clear. — My  love 
to  Cousin  Ruth,  self,  and  family,  JOHN  DALTON. 


His  Barometers.  69 

Dr  Henry,  who  had  access  to  a  series  of  letters 
written  by  Dalton  to  Mr  Peter  Crosthwaite  of  Keswick 
in  the.  year  1787-94,  relating  almost  entirely  to  mete- 
orological observations  made  simultaneously  by  the 
two  friends  at  their  respective  stations,  Kendal  and 
Keswick,  for  the  purpose  of  comparison,  informs  his 
readers  that  "  Dalton  supplied  Mr  Crosthwaite  with  a 
barometer  and  thermometer  of  his  own  construction, 
for  which  he  charged  the  modest  sums  of  eighteen 
shillings  and  five  shillings.  It  is  true  that  the  baro- 
meter was  not  a  very  refined  instrument,  for  in  a 
letter  to  Mr  Crosthwaite,  May  24,  1788,  he  describes 
minutely  the  mode  of  its  construction.  It  is  obvious, 
that  as  he  omits  to  boil  or  even  heat  the  mercury 
after  it  is  poured  into  the  tube,  both  air  and  moisture 
must  remain  attached  to  the  tube,  and  mingled  with 
the  mercury.  This  imperfection  he  seems  to  have 
discovered,  for  he  writes  soon  afterwards :  *  I  intend 
to  renew  mine  as  soon  as  convenient ;  if  thou  do  the 
same,  be  careful  in  undoing  it,  and  attend  to  the 
cautions  I  give.  Be  sure  to  rub  the  inside  of  the  tube 
well  with  warm  dry  cotton  or  wool ;  and  have  the 
mercury,  when  poured  in,  at  least  milk-warm;  for 
moisture  is  above  all  things  else  to  be  avoided,  as  it 
depresses  the  mercury  far  more  than  a  particle  of  air 
does :  mine  is,  as  I  have  said,  at  least  y^-th  of  an  inch 
too  low,  and  yet  it  is  clear  of  air,  and  to  all  appear- 
ances dry;  but  I  doubt  not  but  attending  to  these 
precautions,  which  I  knew  nothing  of  when  it  was 
filled,  will  raise  it  up  to  its  proper  height.'  Again, 
in  January  1793,  he  observes:  I  consider  both  our 
barometers  as  inaccurate  with  respect  to  the  distance 
of  the  basins  and  scales  ;  but  this  is  of  little  importance, 


70  John  Dalton. 

provided  they  be  true  in  other  respects ;  this  only 
serves  to  show  the  relative  heights  of  the  places  to  the 
sea,  which  we  can  come  at  better  by  other  means.' " 

Botany  also  came  in  for  a  share  of  his  correspond- 
ence, and  I  am  again  indebted  to  Dr  Henry's  quota- 
tions from  the  Crosthwaite  series  of  letters  : — 

"  Dalton  informs  Mr  Crosthwaite  that  he  had  '  dried 
and  pressed  a  good  many  plants,  and  pasted  them 
down  to  sheets  of  white  paper,  and  found  that  they 
look  very  pretty,  and  attract  the  attention  of  all,  both 
learned  and  unlearned ;  this  has  induced  me  to  think 
that  a  tolerable  collection  of  them,  treated  in  this 
manner,  would  be  a  very  proper  object  in  the  museum. 
I  cannot  say  what  kind  of  recompense  would  be 
equivalent  to  such  a  task,  but  think  I  could  engage 
to  fill  a  book  of  two  quires  for  half-a-guinea.'  He 
afterwards  writes,  October  4,  1791:  'I  have  at 
length  completed  the  book  of  plants,  and  made  an 
index  both  to  the  Linnaean  and  English  names.  I 
am  not  so  confident  in  my  abilities  as  to  maintain 
that  I  have  given  no  plant  a  wrong  name,  but  I 
believe  the  skilful  botanist  will  find  very  few,  if  any, 
miscalled.'  Mr  Isaac  Braithwaite  remembers,  that 
once  when  Dalton  was  botanising  with  a  companion, 
*  they  had  a  narrow  escape  from  a  bull  that  attacked 
them  in  a  field  ;  Dalton  saved  himself  by  climbing 
into  a  tree,  or  over  the  wall.'  " 

Dalton's  classification  of  the  Kendal  flora  extended 
no  further  than  the  lines  of  systematic  botany.  There 
was  little  more  to  be  gained  at  the  time,  for  owing  to 
the  neglect  of  the  older  authors,  such  as  Malpighi, 
structural  botany  was  little  cultivated ;  and  till  the 
advent  of  Humboldt  and  Bonpland,  geographical 


His  Botanical  Pursuits.  71 

botany,  so  full  of  general  interest,  had  scarcely  been 
heard  of  in  England.  In  short,  a  true  botany  had  as 
yet  no  place  among  the  sciences,  and  Dalton,  like 
others  of  his  day,  were  busy  collecting  and  learning 
the  names  of  plants  without  any  clear  insight  into  the 
deeper  meanings  of  phytology. 

His  herbarium  or  collection  of  specimens  of  plants 
around  Kendal  is  preserved  in  the  Public  Free 
Library  of  Manchester.  According  to  Dr  Angus 
Smith,  Mr  T.  P.  Heywood  of  the  Isle  of  Man  has 
eleven  volumes  of  Dalton's  Hortus  siccus.  The  first 
is  a  thick  volume,  containing  the  general  title-page, 
"Hortus  siccus •,  seu  Plantarum  diver sarum  in  Agris 
Kendal  vicinis  sponte  nascentium  Specimina,  Opere  et 
sttidio  Johannis  Dalton  collecta,  et  secundum  Classes  et 
Or  dines  disposita.  1790." 

With  a  mind  ever  on  the  alert  for  novelty  of  study 
and  treatment,  the  insect  tribe  came  under  his  sur- 
veillance, along  with  botanical  forms.  Some  of  the 
butterflies  he  caught  and  prepared  found  their  way 
to  Mr  Crosthwaite's  museum  at  Keswick  ;  other  speci- 
mens and  groups  of  various  entomological  genera  got 
scattered  among  his  friends,  and  were  lost  sight  of 
— probably  owing  to  their  imperfect  preparation  or 
preservation. 

It  would  appear  that  Dalton  was  occasionally 
occupied  in  the  years  1787-89  with  observations  on 
the  changes  of  caterpillars,  and  on  the  power  of  a 
vacuum  or  immersion  in  water  to  destroy  or  suspend 
vitality  in  snails,  mites,  and  maggots.  In  sending  to 
his  correspondent,  Mr  Crosthwaite,  specimens  of 
butterflies  and  ichneumon  flies  for  the  museum,  he 
observed,  "They  may  perhaps  be  deemed  puerile, 


72  John  Dalton. 

but  nothing  that  enjoys  animal  life,  or  that  vegetates, 
is  beneath  the  dignity  of  a  naturalist  to  examine." 

His  collecting  of  insects,  and  his  physiological 
experiments  on  mites  and  maggots  just  referred  to, 
came  to  the  ears  of  the  public,  and  created  some  talk 
and  curiosity,  if  not  distinct  disapproval.  The  tradi- 
tions of  sorcery,  and  the  beliefs  in 

"  Adder's  fork*  and  blind- worm's  sting 
For  a  charm  of  powerful  trouble," 

still  slumbered  along  the  mountain-sides,  and  super- 
stition, in  all  its  hydra-headed  forms,  lent  wings  to  the 
imagination  of  the  unlettered  class  ;  so  that  insinua- 
tions, promoted  by  the  twisting  influence  of  an  enemy, 
might  have  proved  damaging  to  John  Dalton's  more 
humane  reputation.  His  studious  habit  and  Quaker's 
garb,  and  probably  the  idea  of  his  being  an  "  herbalist 
and  half  doctor,"  that  attributed  his  snail-gathering  to 
a  medical  purpose,  saved  him  from  the  declamation  of 
gossiping  women. 

Inasmuch  as  he  had  a  marked  deficiency  in  the 
perception  of  colours,  it  would  not  be  the  attractive 
rainbow-coloured  wings  of  the  butterfly  hanging  over 
lovely  roses,  or  the  emerald  coat  of  the  beetle  shining 
amid  the  dusky  moss ;  nor  the  beauteous  world  of 
light,  and  the  radiance  of  colours  and  shapes  spread 
around — 

"  In  air,  in  water,  and  on  earth, 
A  thousand  gems  were  struggling  forth  " — 

that  captivated  his  entomological  zeal.  His  choice 
seems  rather  to  have  been  determined  by  a  love  of 

*  "  Adder's  wisdom  I  have  learned, 

To  fence  my  ears  against  thy  sorceries." — MILTON. 


From  Mites  up  to  Man.  73 

knowledge  for  its  own  sake,  and  a  wish  to  embrace 
the  study  of  animated  nature  within  his  expansive 
sphere  of  observation.  These  natural  history  pursuits 
were  a  happy  relief  to  his  scholastic  calling ;  they 
offered  fresh  fields  and  pastures  new,  correcting  his 
more  dry-as-dust  studies,  and  giving  him  higher  and 
healthier  views  of  the  outer  world.  The  beetle  and 
the  butterfly  would  in  time  be  viewed  by  Dalton  not 
as  individual  species  only  to  be  examined  per  se,  but 
as  types  and  illustrations  of  generic  form  ;  and  these 
again  as  but  minor  links  in  the  great  and  apparently 
endless  chain  of  organic  life.  Advancing  onwards 
from  this  initiative  step,  the  larger  scheme  of  organi- 
sation would  force  itself  upon  his  attention,  and,  as 
a  corollary,  the  workings  of  the  human  machine,  the 
investigation  of  which  proved  a  large  incentive  to  his 
study  of  the  structure  and  physiology  of  man. 

As  he  had  no  knowledge  of  the  anatomy  or  ground- 
work of  man's  physical  nature,  Dalton  fell  upon  a 
plan  of  his  own  to  ascertain  the  mode  of  building  up 
and  sustentation  of  the  human  frame,  and  the  meta- 
morphoses which  the  solids  and  fluids  of  nutriment 
undergo  in  the  digestive  and  respiratory  processes 
of  the  economy.  His  method  of  inquiry,  if  crude, 
rested  its  evidence  on  the  application  of  the  balance, 
and  so  far  claimed  the  consideration  of  accuracy.  It 
consisted  in  his  daily  weighing  his  own  ingesta  and 
egesta,  including,  of  course,  the  perspiration,  in  the 
hope  of  discovering  man's  positive  wants  as  an  animal ; 
the  quantity  of  food  and  drink  essential  to  healthy  life  ; 
and  the  mode  in  which  nature  disposed  of  the  excre- 
tory and  effete  matters  of  the  body.  However  curious 
and  apparently  foreign  to  all  but  the  strictly  pro- 


74  John  Dalton. 

fessional  class  such  an  investigation  will  appear,  it 
is  strongly  indicative  of  Dalton's  love'of  research,  and 
of  the  deep  interest  he  took  in  the  laws  of  vitality 
affecting  man's  constitution. 

This  new  experimental  investigation,  far  from  agree- 
able in  pursuit,  usurped  his  attention  for  some  time, 
and  gave  a  new  direction  to  his  thoughts  of  the 
future.  If  the  proper  study  of  mankind  be  man,  why 
pursue  laborious  teaching,  that  saddens  the  patience 
rather  than  improves  the  intellect,  when  the  laws  of 
physiology  await  elucidation,  and  the  pathological 
conditions  of  man  demand  his  best  energies  and  skill 
to  overcome  ?  Such  thoughts  evidently  possessed 
Dalton  when  he  wrote  the  following  letter  to  Elihu 
Robinson,  soliciting  his  opinion  on  a  change  of  pro- 
fession— that  of  medicine  being  most  to  his  mind,  and 
evidently  springing  from  the  pursuits  just  noticed: — 

KENDAL,  4  mo.,  %th,  1790. 

DEAR  COUSIN, — The  occasion  of  my  addressing  thee  at  this 
time  is  a  projected  change  of  my  occupation,  which  I  have  been 
meditating  on  for  some  time  past,  in  which  thy  countenance  or 
disapprobation  cannot  fail  of  having  due  weight. 

I  have  but  one  objection  to  my  present  business,  which,  how- 
ever, is  a  very  material  one,  and  a  very  rational  one ;  that  is, 
the  emoluments  attending  it  are  not  sufficient  to  support  a  small 
family  with  the  decency  and  reputation  I  could  wish,  should  it 
fall  to  my  lot  to  have  it  to  do.  As  to  the  making  of  a  fortune 
by  it,  that  is  entirely  out  of  the  question.  I  much  doubt  whether 
there  is  one  person  in  the  kingdom  (amongst  friends,  I  mean) 
who  has,  after  a  laborious  life,  reached  independence  by  it. 
Indeed,  very  few  people  of  a  middling  genius,  or  capacity  for 
other  business,  will  be  found  willing  to  undertake  it,  for  the 
obvious  reason  assigned  above. 

I  hope  thou  wilt  not  impute  the  above  sentiments  to  the  mo- 
mentary chagrin  of  some  disappointment,  or  to  the  gloom  of  a 


Desirous  of  Becoming  a  Doctor.  75 

declining  school,  as  neither  of  these  causes  exist  in  any  degree  ; 
they  are  the  result  of  mature  consideration  and  unbiassed 
judgment. 

Thou  wilt  next  expect  I  should  signify  what  way  my  inclina- 
tion has  led  me,  as  I  may  now  be  presumed  capable  of  judging 
for  myself,  after  having  reviewed  the  vast  variety  of  trades,  arts, 
sciences,  and  professions  with  which  the  country  abounds. 
Though  I  doubt  not  but  my  inclination  would  yet  adapt  itself 
to  any  business  that  promised  to  be  of  advantage,  yet  it  seems 
most  'natural  to  turn  to  such  wherein  literary  or  scientific 
knowledge  is  requisite,  as  my  pursuits  and  acquisitions  hitherto 
have  been  chiefly  of  this  nature.  At  the  head  of  these  stand 
law  and  physic.  Whether  of  these  professions  would  be  more 
likely  for  me  to'make  a  livelihood,  or  whether  would  require 
more  time  and  expense  to  attain,  I  cannot  tell ;  but,  interest 
being  set  aside,  I  should  much  prefer  the  latter. 

The  great  objections  are  the  expense  at  first,  and  the  uncer- 
tainty of  getting  business  afterward ;  but  these,  though  great, 
I  think,  are  not  insurmountable.  To  qualify  for  a  physician, 
three  winters'  study  at  Edinburgh  will  be  indispensable ;  the 
board  for  six  months  may  perhaps  be  had'for  ^10  or'^ij,  and 
the  college  fees  will  be  about  12  guineas  each  season  :  the  two 
intermediate  summers  may  be  employed  in  some  sort  of  business, 
which  will  render  the  plan  as  frugal  as  possible.  Now,  putting 
the  case  at  the  worst,  that  I  spend  most  or  all  of  my  effects  in 
this  scheme,  and  cannot  succeed  at  last,  I  may  then  return  to 
my  present  employ,  as  places  are  frequently  vacant  nearly  as 
profitable  as  this. 

Upon  the  whole  the  plan  does  not  appear  to  me  chimerical, 
and  I  should  be  glad  to  know  thy  sentiments  upon  it,  at  or 
before  the  time  of  the  ensuing  meeting  at  Lancaster.  I  have 
not  yet  acquainted  friends  here  with  it.  Please  also  to  inform 
us  how  and  where  my  mother  is.  Our  quarterly  meeting  is  on 
the  1 8  and  19  instant. 

Were  I  disposed  to  amuse  thee  a  little,  I  might  add  some 
experiments  I  have  lately  made  to  determine  the  quantity  of 
matter  discharged  from  the  body  daily  by  insensible  perspira- 
tion, &c.,  which  I  made  for  two  weeks  successively ;  and  other 
particulars,  as  that  I  have  practised  as  a  quack  for  some  time 


76  John  Dalton. 

past  with  good  success  ;  but  further  of  these  some  other  oppor- 
tunity. 

I  hope  this  will  find  you  all  well,  as  it  leaves  us,  and  am  thy 
affectionate  cousin,  JOHN  DALTON. 

To  ELIHU  ROBINSON, 
Eaglesfield, 

near  Cockermouth. 


Mr  Robinson's  reply  intimated  his  wish  to  see 
Dalton  continue  in  his  own  groove  of  schoolmaster, 
as  being  suited  to  his  talents,  which  would  "  not  only 
shine,  but  be  really  useful  in  that  noble  labour  of 
teaching  youth."  Lest  he  should  run  counter  to  any 
settled  opinions  of  his  friend,  he  continues :  "  Now, 
after  using  so  much  freedom,  I  may  own,  I  doubt  not 
but  thy  genius,  unshaken  perseverance,  and  steady 
application  may  gain  a  competent  knowledge  in  any 
profession,  and  I  am  far  from  thinking  that  of  physic 
would  be  a  misconstruction  or  misapplication  of  thy 
talents,  parts,  or  genius.  So  I  much  desire  thou 
mayest  be  guided  by  best  wisdom  in  all  thy  pursuits." 

He  also  consulted  his  uncle,  Thomas  Greenup,  then 
in  London,  on  the  subject,  and  cannot  be  said  to  have 
obtained  much  encouragement.  Thus  wrote  Mr 
Greenup :  "  As  to  the  two  professions  of  law  and 
physic,  if  thou  wishest  to  be  at  the  head  of  one  of 
those  professions — that  is,  to  be  at  the  bar  or  to  be  a 
physician — I  think  they  are  both  totally  out  of  the 
reach  of  a  person  in  thy  circumstances.  ...  If 
thou  art  tired  of  being  a  teacher,  and  wishest  to 
change  it  for  some  more  lucrative  or  agreeable  em- 
ployment, and  couldst  be  content,  instead  of  becoming 
a  physician  or  barrister,  to  move  in  the  humbler 
sphere  of  apothecary  or  attorney,  thou  mightest, 


A  Quaker  Court  of  Arbitration.  77 

perhaps,  be  able,  with  a  little  capital  and  great  in- 
dustry, to  establish  thyself  in  one  of  these." 

Here  it  becomes  necessary  to  notice  a  family  dis- 
pute of  the  brothers  Dalton,  arising  out  of  their 
father's  will,  where  John,  the  younger  son,  was  the 
complainant.  Joseph  Dalton  died  in  1787,  leaving  a 
widow,  an  only  daughter,  and  two  sons.  In  the  dis- 
posal of  his  affairs  he  seems  to  have  laboured  under 
the  belief  that  the  property  which  came  to  him  on 
his  brother  Jonathan's  death  was  an  entail  of  their 
father's,  and  that  he  could  not  meddle  with  it,  and 
that  it  must  necessarily  fall  to  his  oldest  son,  Jonathan. 
John  Dalton,  on  the  other  hand,  felt  sure  that  his 
father  wished  to  make  no  distinction  between  his  two 
sons,  and  argued  for  a  more  equal  distribution  of  his 
father's  effects.  John  did  not  think  of  applying  to  a 
court  of  law — there,  indeed,  he  would  have  been  non- 
suited— but,  in  the  spirit  of  George  Fox  and  what  may 
be  termed  a  high  moral  equity,  solicited  the  mediation 
of  the  Friends'  monthly  meeting  on  his  behalf.  This 
mode  of  procedure  cannot  fail  to  strike  the  reader  as 
a  denominational  novelty  of  a  startling  kind,  and  so 
it  is.  And  though  seldom  brought  to  bear  upon  tes- 
tamentary matters,  such  a  court  of  arbitration,  con- 
sisting of  two  or  more  members  —  the  chiefs  and 
elders  of  Quakerism  —  is  a  happy  exemplification 
of  their  peaceful  attitude  as  a  religious  body,  and  their 
laudable  wish  not  only  to  avoid  the  meshes  of  the 
law,  but  so  to  counsel  the  brethren  that  they  may 
live  in  amity  and  peace.  In  the  instance  before  us 
the  good  purposes  of  the  arbitration,  however  the 
decision  was  made,  was  best  demonstrated  in  the  fact 
that  Jonathan  and  John  Dalton  continued  in  brotherly 


78  John  Dalton. 

affection — a  circumstance  but  rarely  seen  after  the 
antagonisms  and  conflict  of  a  lawsuit  involving  the 
rights  of  property,  and  too  often  a  man's  personal 
status. 

John  Dalton's  statement  of  the  case  in  the  affair 
betwixt  his  brother  and  self  is  set  forth  in  the  follow- 
ing articles ;  his  arguments  in  support  of  these  will  be 
given  in  extenso  in  the  Appendix,  so  as  not  to  disturb 
the  general  narrative  : — 

"Article  1st.  That  my  father,  in  apportioning  the 
paternal  inheritance  to  us,  has  made  a  vastly  great 
and  unusual  distinction  betwixt  my  brother  and  self. 

"  Article  2nd.  That  he  would  have  placed  his  chil- 
dren upon  a  more  equitable  footing  if  he  had  appre- 
hended it  was  in  his  power  to  do  so  with  reputation 
to  himself. 

"  Article  3rd.  That  it  was  in  his  power  to  dispose 
of  the  whole  of  his  property  according  as  he  should 
think  best ;  but  from  a  great  deficiency  in  the  know- 
ledge of  the  law,  and  from  a  want  of  advice  suited  to 
the  exigencies  of  his  situation  at  the  time  he  made 
his  will,  he  has  not  availed  himself  of  his  power. 

"Article  4th.  That  upon  these  considerations  I 
think  myself  entitled  to  something  more  out  of  the 
paternal  inheritance  than  I  have  yet  received." 

A  body  of  Protestant  Dissenters  in  the  year  1786 
established  a  New  College  at  Manchester.  This  edu- 
cational institution  seems  to  have  arisen  out  of  the 
Warrington  Academy  for  Dissenters,  where  Dr  Joseph 
Priestley  taught,  as  well  as  Dr  Aikin,  father  of  Mrs 
Barbauld;  Dr  Enfield,  author  of  "The  Speaker;"  and 
Gilbert  Wakefield.  Dr  Barnes,  the  principal  of  the 
college,  wishing  for  a  suitable  person  to  take  the 


Adieu  to  KendaL  79 

mathematical  and  natural  philosophy  course,  applied 
to  Mr  Gough  of  Kendal,  who  recommended  John 
Dalton  to  the  situation — vacant  in  1793.  The  terms 
proposed  and  accepted  by  Dalton  were  that  he 
should  receive  three  guineas  per  session  from  each 
student  attending  his  lectures,  with  the  proviso  that 
the  total  remuneration  of  the  year  should  not  fall 
below  ^"80  for  each  session  often  months.  "  Commons 
and  rooms  in  the  college "  were  allotted  him  at 
£27,  I os.  per  session,  which  being  deducted  from 
the  probable  and  stipulated  sum  of  ^80,  would  leave 
him  fifty  guineas  clear  money  for  his  year's  work. 

Thus  after  twelve  years'  residence  in  Kendal,  where 
he  had  laid  part  of  the  foundation  of  his  future  emi- 
nence, he  moved  to  Manchester,  carrying  with  him 
the  revised  proofs  of  his  "  Meteorological  Essays," 
credentials  of  high  promise  for  the  future.  There  he 
continued  to  live  for  the  remainder  of  his  life.  His 
first  six  years  were  engaged  in  the  New  College ; 
afterwards  he  acted  as  a  private  teacher  of  youth, 
and  may  be  said  to  have  devoted  every  available  hour 
to  the  study  of  science. 


CHAPTER  V. 

"  The  whispering  air 

Sends  inspiration  from  her  shadowy  heights 
And  blind  recesses  of  the  caverned  rocks." — WORDSWORTH. 

NEW  COLLEGE  OF  MANCHESTER — "  METEOROLOGICAL  ESSAYS  AND 
OBSERVATIONS  "  —  THE  ATMOSPHERE — EVAPORATION — AURORA 
BOREALIS— JOINS  THE  LITERARY  AND  PHILOSOPHICAL  SOCIETY 
OF  MANCHESTER — CORRESPONDENCE. 

JN  establishing  the  New  College  of  Manches- 
ter, the  promoters  made  a  worthy  effort 
to  meet  the  growing  wants  of  the  Non- 
conformists, then,  and  long  afterwards, 
denied  access  to  the  reputed  "great  seminaries  of 
learning" — Oxford  and  Cambridge.  Its  formation 
marked  the  footing  and  laudable  expectations  of  the 
followers  of  George  Fox,  the  Wesleys,  and  that  small 
and  highly  intellectual  band  who  looked  to  John 
Milton  and  Sir  Isaac  Newton  as  their  religious  anti- 
types ;  and  who,  in  the  middle  of  the  last  century, 
had  a  noble  advocate  in  Dr  Joseph  Priestley — himself 
a  worker  in  the  Warrington  Academy,  the  head- 
quarters of  advanced  opinion  in  politics  and  religion, 
and  the  foster-parent  of  the  Manchester  Institution. 
As  a  college  it  pertained  to  the  progressive  in  art  and 
science,  and  the  embodiment  of  instruction  suited  to 
the  purposes  of  English  life  ;  it  sought  for  independent 
habits  and  culture,  and  a  sounder  enlightenment  than 
"  oaths  of  privilege,"  exclusive  creeds,  or  the  clothing 


Unitarian  and  Quaker  Philosophers.  8 1 

of  knowledge  in  the  torn  and  tattered  garments  of  an 
antiquated  scholasticism.  No  more  fitting  place  for 
such  an  institution  could  have  been  found  than  cen- 
tral Manchester,  where  the  discoveries  of  Arkwright 
and  Crompton  were  daily  in  force  to  convert  a  staple 
produce  of  the  New  World  to  the  material  advantage 
of  the  Old,  and  the  general  interest  of  commerce  and 
civilisation ;  and  where  the  leading  citizens  were 
guided  by  the  spirit  of  enterprise  and  the  ennobling 
march  of  education.  Moreover,  the  ranks  of  science, 
and  not  less  the  religious  sects  that  held  aloof  from 
State  Churches,  were  growing  in  numbers  and  merit ; 
for  who  could  claim  higher  distinction  in  the  annals 
of  British  or  even  Continental  science  than  Dr  Priest- 
ley, Dr  Thomas  Young,*  and  John  Dalton  ?  Yet 
the  former  as  a  Unitarian,  and  the  two  latter  as 
Quakers,  were  as  much  excluded  from  the  privileges 
of  Oxford  and  Cambridge  as  if  they  had  been  aliens 
in  race,  and  paganish  in  principles.  The  New  College 
served  an  essentially  good  purpose  claiming  special 
attention  in  these  pages  ;  it  helped  to  foster  the  bent 
and  genius  of  John  Dalton  when  his  mind,  buoyant 
in  freshness  and  vigour,  was  looking  up  from  elemen- 
tary teaching  to  the  higher  domain  of  physics  and 
chemistry  for  its  more  energetic  display. 

The  materials  from  which  Dalton  constructed  his 
"  Meteorological  Essays  and  Observations "  were 
obtained  at  Kendal,  indeed  written  and  printed  there, 

*  Professor  Tyndall,  in  his  lectures  "  on  light"  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  nobly  vindicated  the  high  claims  of  that  truly  great 
and  sagacious  philosopher,  Dr  Thomas  Young ;  and  deserves  the 
thanks  of  all  men  for  exposing  the  foul  and  unwarranted  attack  made 
on  the  modest  Quaker  by  Lord  Brougham  in  the  Edinburgh  Review, 
when  criticising  Young's  "  Original  Views  of  Light." 

F 


82  John  Dalton. 

but  published  at  Manchester  in  September  1793. 
A  second  edition  was  issued  in  1834.  It  has  been 
justly  inferred  that  his  birthplace  on  the  uplands,  and 
his  residence  up  to  the  age  of  twenty-six  years  amid 
the  lakes  and  mountains  of  Cumberland,  made  him 
familiar  with  the  ever-varying  conditions  of  the  atmos- 
phere— the  deposition  of  vapour  on  the  colder  sum- 
mits in  the  form  of  cloud,  and  its  breaking  up  and 
disappearance  when  drifted  into  the  warmer  valleys. 
In  endeavouring  to  account  for  these  phenomena,  he 
was  led  to  those  meteorological  inquiries  with  which 
his  name  is  now  historically  associated.  The  example 
of  Elihu  Robinson  at  Eaglesfield  may  have  furnished 
him  with  a  taste  for  the  pursuit,  and  the  encourage- 
ment of  Mr  Gough  at  Kendal  gave  it  a  wholesome 
direction. 

Seeing  the  advantages  of  Mr  Gough's  meteorolo- 
gical journal,  he  would  observe  for  himself;  and  the 
proximate  stimulus  to  his  meteorological  fervour 
arose  from  the  appearance  of  a  grand  aurora  borealis 
on  March  24,  1787.  .  The  first  entry  in  his  record 
of  "  Observations  on  the  Weather,"  &c.,  was  on  the 
same  day  :  "  In  the  evening,  soon  after  sunset,  there 
appeared  a  remarkable  aurora  borealis,  the  sky  being 
generally  clear  and  the  moon  shining ;  it  spread  over 
above  one-half  of  the  hemisphere,  appeared  very 
vivid,  and  had  a  quick  vibratory  motion;  about  eight 
the  heavens  were  overcast,  and  the  aurora  almost 
disappeared.  N.B. — Three  nights  before,  a  similar 
aurora  appeared  with  rather  a  brisk  wind,  and  the 
day  following  windy  and  stormy." 

This  kind  of  general  observations  on  the  weather 
sufficed  for  a  time;  then  he  began  to  record,  in  a 


Meteorological  Essays.  83 

tabulated  form,  the  indications  of  the  thermometer, 
barometer,  and  hygroscope,  all  of  his  own  construction, 
and  which  are  described  in  the  following  sentences : 
"  The  barometer  is  graduated  into  sixteenths  of  an 
inch.  The  thermometer  is  mercurial,  with  Fahren- 
heit's scale,  exposed  to  the  open  air,  but  free  from 
the  sun.  The  hygroscope*  is  about  six  yards  of 
whipcord  suspended  from  a  nail,  with  a  small  weight 
to  stretch  it ;  its  scale,  length  of  inches,  beginning 
from  no  certain  point  —  the  less  the  number,  the 
shorter  the  string  and  the  greater  the  moisture." 

Dr  Henry  possessed  two  volumes  of  this  journal, 
comprising  the  years  1787-93  in  Kendal,  and  1793- 
1803  in  Manchester;  and  it  is  affirmed  that  he  con- 
tinued his  records  with  unbroken  sequence  to  the 
last  day  of  his  life. 

As  every  fact  pertaining  to  the  aurora  borealis 
observed  by  Dalton  in  his  early  attempts  to  unravel 
its  character  is  interesting,  it  is  well  to  note  here  that 
in  June  1788,  about  a  year  subsequent  to  his  com- 
mencing his  meteorological  journal,  he  writes  to  Mr 
Crosthwaite  that  he  had  "  added  a  fresh  column 
relative  to  the  tides  of  the  air.  What  gave  rise  to  this 
was  a  supposition  that  these  tides  may  possibly  give 
birth  to  some  of  the  more  minute  changes  in  the 
weather;  or  that  they  may  have  some  influence  on 
the  aurora  borealis,  a  phenomenon  which  has  baffled 
the  sagacity  of  the  last  and  present  age  to  account 
for  in  a  satisfactory  manner." 

Afterwards,  in  February  1793,  he  tells  his  corre- 

*  This  simplest  of  all  modes  of  determining  the  volume  of  vapour  in 
the  atmosphere  was  thrown  aside  by  Dalton  when  he  became  acquainted 
with  Leroy's  method. 


84  John  Dalton. 

spondent :  "  I  am  engaged  at  present  in  observing  the 
daily  variation  of  the  needle  by  an  excellent  compass. 
The  aurora  borealis  disturbs  the  needle  pretty  much, 
perhaps  half  a  degree  or  more,  during  its  action  in  the 
air.  This  was  first  discovered  by  an  Italian  philo- 
sopher ;  but  I  have  discovered  a  further  connection 
betwixt  these  two  so  apparently  different  phenomena 
of  the  aurora  borealis  and  magnetism.  Instead  of 
observing  in  future  to  what  point  the  beams  of  light 
converge,  observe  at  what  point  of  the  compass  the 
beams  rise  directly  iipwards,  or  perpendicular  to  the 
horizon." 

Again,  in  April  of  the  same  year,  he  writes  to  Mr 
Crosthwaite  :  "  It  will  be  unnecessary  to  remark  my 
very  high  satisfaction  with  thy  observations  on  the 
aurora.  I  think  no  one  could  have  done  better.  I 
should  wish  to  know  whether  the  observation  of  the 
altitude  was  repeated  or  only  taken  once.  Upon  re- 
viewing my  observations,  I  find  the  altitude  here  was 
53;°  thine  was  48°;  the  difference,  5°,  gives  the  height 
about  150  miles.  I  think  the  true  altitude  here  would 
not  be  2°  over  or  under  ;  probably  there  the  altitude 
would  be  within  2°  of  48°  also.  The  height  of  this  arc 
must  therefore  be  very  great,  and  much  higher  than  the 
atmosphere  has  usually  been  supposed.  I  should  like 
to  have  at  some  opportunity  the  notes  thou  hast  made 
upon  the  other  aurora  this  winter,  and  then  I  think 
thou  may  desist  from  so  watchful  and  particular  care 
of  these  phenomena,  as  we  shall  hardly  have  another 
opportunity  so  fine  as  that  above,  of  determining 
their  height." 

His  first  notion  in  publishing  these  essays  was  to 
explain  the  nature  of  the  barometer,  thermometer, 


Meteorological  Essays.  85 

and  other  meteorological  instruments;*  and  then  to 
offer  a  few  practical  rules  for  judging  of  the  weather, 
deduced  from  his  own  experience  ;  but  as  his  obser- 
vations led  him  to  discover  the  relation  of  the  aurora 
borealis  to  magnetism,  he  was  prompted  to  extend 
his  plan,  and  to  address  "  a  pretty  large  dissertation 
more  peculiarly  to  philosophers."  In  the  first  part  of 
his  volume  he  described  the  Barometer,  Thermometer, 
Hygrometer,  and  Rain-gauges;  and  under  each  of  these 
headings  offered  an  epitome  of  his  own  observations 
made  at  Kendal,  also  those  equally  accurate  of  his 
friend  Mr  P.  Crosthwaite  of  Keswick,  over  a  period 
of  five  years — 1788  to  1793  ;  and,  as  far  as  related  to 
the  barometer  and  rainfall,  the  results  of  three  years' 
observation  made  in  London,  and  reported  in  the 
Philosophical  Transactions.  In  other  sections,  also 
in  the  first  part  of  his  work,  he  records  the  height  of 
the  clouds,  the  thunder-storms,  hail-showers,  winds, 
frost,  snow,  &c.,  observed  at  Kendal  and  Keswick  ;  and 
gives  special  attention  to  the  number  and  character 
of  the  aurorae  boreales,  seen  by  himself  and  friend  in 
their  respective  localities,  from  May  1786  to  May  1793. 
In  the  preface  he  leads  you  to  infer  that  he  had  not 
"  a  superabundant  assistance  from  books "  in  pro- 
viding and  digesting  the  matter  contained  in  his 
volume,  and  therefore  seeks  the  credit  of  resting  his 
opinions  on  an  attentive  consideration  of  facts.  A 
highly  laudable  claim,  it  must  be  conceded,  yet  not 
without  its  drawbacks  to  the  student  zealous  to  be 
made  partaker  of  the  history  of  the  subject,  as  well  as 

*  Meteorological  Observations  and  Essays.  By  John  Dalton.  8vo. 
London  :  Baldwin  &  Cradock.  My  quotations  are  from  the  second 
edition,  published  in  1834. 


.86  John  Dalton. 

the  special  services  rendered  by  the  last  competitor 
in  the  field  of  discovery. 

Dalton's  innate  originality  of  method  made  him  less 
prone  to  review  the  labours  of  those  who  had  gone 
before  him  than  was  consistent  with  the  position  of  a 
man  who,  inter  alia,  was  not  reticent  as  to  his  claims  for 
novelty  of  research  ;  and  this  occasionally  placed  him 
in  a  slightly  equivocal  attitude  qua  his  contemporaries 
and  his  predecessors.  Thus  in  1793,  after  printing 
off  his  essay,  he  found  that  his  theory  of  the  trade- 
winds  had  been  explained  by  George  Hadley,  F.R.S., 
in  the  Philosophical  Transactions  for  1735.  Again, 
his  more  complete  essay  on  the  aurora  borealis,  one 
which  he  had  no  doubt  would  "  attract  the  attention 
of  philosophers,"  had  been  greatly  anticipated  by  the 
learned  Dr  Halley,  who  formed  a  hypothesis  to 
account  for  this  curious  atmospheric  phenomenon  by 
magnetism.  It  is  of  paramount  import  to  those  who 
seek  to  enlighten  the  world,  to  trace  the  historical 
development  of  their  science,  not  less  as  a  bene- 
ficial prelude  and  exercise  to  their  own  efforts,  than 
as  affording  a  groundwork  to  the  clear  understanding 
of  the  subject,  and  the  exposition  of  their  claims  to 
discovery.  Dalton's  indifference  to  the  labours  of 
others  was  at  times  more  apparent  than  real,  and  owed 
much,  particularly  in  the  investigations  he  made  at 
Kendal,  to  his  not  having  had  access  to  a  library 
of  any  great  value ;  at  the  same  time,  it  must  be 
admitted  that  it  more  frequently  sprang  from  his 
own  solid  force  of  mind,  and  the  high  privilege  he 
possessed  of  being  able  to  mark,  learn,  and  with 
equal  facility  interpret  the  phenomena  of  nature 
for  himself.  When  he  came  to  the  knowledge 


The  A  urora  Borealis.  87 

of  having  been  forestalled  in  his  researches,  as  in 
the  instance  of  De  Luc's  observations  on  the  varia- 
tions of  the  barometer,  he,  with  due  acknowledg- 
ment of  the  fact,  had  the  satisfaction  of  stating  that 
it  was  "a  favourable  circumstance  to  any  theory 
when  it  is  deduced  from  a  consideration  of  facts  by 
two  persons  independently  of  each  other." 

He  gives  a  list  of  the  aurorae  boreales  observed  at 
Kendal  and  Keswick,  eighteen  miles  distant,  for  seven 
years  (May  1786  to  May  1793),  and  seems  to  have 
been  specially  struck  with  the  appearance  of  the  aurora 
seen  at  Kendal  on  October  13,  1792,  where  a  large 
luminous  horizontal  arch  to  the  southward,  with  one  or 
more  faint  concentric  arches  northward,  was  noticed ; 
and  all  the  arches  exactly  bisected  by  the  plane 
of  the  magnetic  meridian.  His  description  of  this 
southern  light  ending  in  the  whole  atmosphere  being 
covered  with  streamers,  rises  in  eloquence  with  the 
grandeur  of  the  panorama  presented  to  his  notice  : 
"  The  intensity  of  the  light,  the  prodigious  number 
and  volatility  of  the  beams,  the  grand  admixture  of 
all  the  prismatic  colours  *  in  their  utmost  splendour 
variegating  the  glowing  canopy  with  the  most  luxuriant 
and  enchanting  scenery,  affording  an  awful,  but  at  the 
same  time  the  most  pleasing  and  sublime  spectacle 
in  nature.  Everybody  gazed  with  astonishment ;  but 
the  uncommon  grandeur  of  the  scene  only  lasted 
about  one  minute;  the  variety  of  colours  disappeared, 
and  the  beams  lost  their  lateral  motion,  and  were 
converted,  as  usual,  into  the  flashing  radiations ;  but 

*  This  glowing  description  from  Dalton's  pen  is  difficult  to  reconcile 
with  his  well-known  visual  defect  regarding  the  colour  of  objects — to 
be  discussed  in  the  chapter  on  "  Colour  Blindness." 


88  John  Dalton. 

even  then  it  surpassed  all  other  appearances  of  the 
aurora,  in  that  the  whole  hemisphere  was  covered  with 
it"  (Essay,  p.  64). 

He  discusses  the  "constitution,  figure,  height,  &c., 
of  the  atmosphere ;  and  on  the  subject  of  winds 
remarks  (p.  83),  "  The  inequality  of  heat  in  the  dif- 
ferent climates  and  places,  and  the  earth's  rotation  on 
its  axis,  appear  to  me  the  grand  and  chief  causes  of 
all  winds,  both  regular  and  irregular ;  in  comparison 
with  which  all  the  rest  are  trifling  and  insignificant." 

His  essay,  "  On  the  Variation  of  the  Barometer,  "  is 
carefully  drawn  up,  as  the  following  quotation  shows  : 

It  appears  from  the  observations  (recorded  in  page  1 5  of  the 
Essays)  that  the  mean  state  of  the  barometer  is  rather  lower 
than  higher  in  winter  than  in  summer,  though  a  stratum  of  air 
on  the  earth's  surface  always  weighs  more  in  the  former  season 
than  in  the  latter  ;  from  which  facts  we  must  unavoidably  infer 
that  the  height  of  the  atmosphere,  or  at  least  of  the  gross  parts 
of  it,  is  less  in  winter  than  in  summer,  conformable  to  the  table, 
p.  80.  There  are  more  reasons  than  one  to  conclude  that  the 
annual  variation  in  the  height  of  the  atmosphere,  over  the 
temperate  and  frigid  zones,  is  gradual,  and  depends  in  a  great 
measure  on  the  mean  temperature  at  the  earth's  surface  below, 
for  clouds  are  never  observed  to  be  above  four  or  five  miles 
high,  on  which  account  the  clear  air  above  can  receive  little  or 
no  heat  but  from  the  subjacent  regions  of  the  atmosphere, 
which  we  know  are  influenced  by  the  mean  temperature  of  the 
earth's  surface  ;  also,  in  this  respect,  the  change  of  temperature 
in  the  upper  parts  of  the  atmosphere  must  in  some  degree  be 
conformable  to  that  of  the  earth  below,  which  we  find  by 
experience  increases  and  decreases  gradually  each  year,  at  any 
moderate  depth,  according  to  the  temperature  of  the  seasons. 

Now,  with  respect  to  the  fluctuations  of  the  barometer,  which 
are  sometimes  very  great  in  twenty-four  hours,  and  often  from 
one  extreme  to  the  other  in  a  week  or  ten  days,  it  must  be 
concluded,  either  that  the  height  of  the  atmosphere  over  any 


Fluctuations  of  the  Barometer.  89 

country  varies  according  to  the  barometer,  or  otherwise  that  the 
height  is  little  affected  therewith,  and  that  the  whole  or  greatest 
part  of  the  variation  is  occasioned  by  a  change  in  the  density 
of  the  lower  regions  of  the  air.  It  is  very  improbable  that  the 
height  of  the  atmosphere  should  be  subject  to  such  fluctuations, 
or  that  it  should  be  regulated  in  any  other  manner  than  by  the 
weekly  or  monthly  mean  temperature  of  the  lower  regions  ; 
because  the  mean  weight  of  the  air  is  so  nearly  the  same  in  all 
the  seasons  of  the  year ;  which  could  not  be  if  the  atmosphere 
was  as  high  and  dense  above  the  summits  of  the  mountains  in 
winter  as  it  is  in  summer.  However,  the  decision  of  this 
question  need  not  rest  on  probability ;  there  are  facts  which 
sufficiently  prove  that  the  fluctuation  of  density  in  the  lower 
regions  has  the  chief  effect  on  the  barometer,  and  that  the 
higher  regions  are  not  subject  to  proportionable  mutations  in 
density.  In  the  "  Memoirs  of  the  Royal  Academy,"  at  Paris, 
for  1/09,  there  is  a  comparison  of  observations  upon  the  baro- 
meter at  different  places,  and,  amongst  others,  at  Zurich,  in 
Switzerland,  in  lat.  47°  N.,  and  at  Marseilles,  in  France,  lat. 
43°  15'  N. ;  the  former  place  is  more  than  400  yards  above  the 
level  of  the  sea.  It  was  found  that  the  annual  range  of  the 
barometer  was  the  same  at  each  place ;  viz.,  about  ten  lines ; 
whilst  at  Genoa,  in  latitude  44°  25'  N.,  the  range  was  12  lines, 
or  i  inch ;  and  at  Paris,  latitude  48°  50'  N.,  it  was  about  I  inch 
4  lines.  In  the  same  Memoir  it  is  related  that  F.  Lavetma.de 
observations,  for  ten  days  together,  upon  the  top  of  St  Pilon,  a 
mountain  near  Marseilles,  which  was  960  yards  high,  and  found 
that  when  the  barometer  varied  2|  lines  at  Marseilles,  it  varied 
but  if  upon  St  Pilon.  Now,  had  it  been  a  law  that  the  whole 
atmosphere  rises  and  falls  with  the  barometer,  the  fluctuations 
in  any  elevated  barometer  would  be  to  those  of  another  baro- 
meter below  it,  nearly  as  the  absolute  heights  of  the  mercurial 
columns  in  each,  which  in  these  instances  were  far  from  being 
so.  Hence,  then,  it  may  be  inferred  that  the  fluctuations  of 
the  barometer  are  occasioned  chiefly  by  a  variation  in  the 
density  of  the  lower  regions  of  the  air,  and  not  by  an  alternate 
elevation  and  depression  of  the  whole  superincumbent  atmos- 
phere. How  we  conceive  this  fluctuation  in  the  density  of  the 
air  to  be  affected,  and  in  what  manner  the  preceding  general 


90  John  Dalton. 

facts,  relative   to   the   variations    of  the   barometer,  may   be 
accounted  for,  is  what  we  shall  now  attempt  to  explain. 
This  is  referred  to  the  varying  amount  of  vapour. 

If  dependent  on  others  for  his  remarks  "on  the 
Temperature  of  different  Climates  and  Seasons,"  he 
is  more  at  home  on  evaporation,  rain,  hail,  snow,  and 
dew.  After  advancing  a  series  of  experiments  made 
in  order  to  ascertain  what  pressure  upon  the  surface 
of  water  is  requisite  to  make  it  boil  at  a  given  tem- 
perature, it  appeared  to  him  "  that  evaporation  and 
the  condensation  of  vapour  are  not  the  effects  of 
chemical  affinities,  but  that  aqueous  vapour  always 
exists  as  a  fluid,  sui  generis,  diffused  among  the  rest  of 
the  aerial  fluids  "  (pp.  127, 128)  ;  and  on  the  following 
page,  "  that  it  may  be  determined  a  priori  what 
weight  of  vapour  a  given  bulk  of  dry  air  will  admit 
of,  for  any  temperature,  provided  the  specific  gravity 
of  the  vapour  be  given/'  This  was  breaking  fresh 
ground ;  and  as  his  opinions  became  a  matter  of  public 
discussion,  he  continued  his  experiments,  and  at  p. 
1 88  more  clearly  defines  his  views  by  saying,  "I 
am  confirmed  in  the  opinion  that  the  vapour  of  water 
(and  probably  of  most  other  fluids]  exists  at  all  times 
in  the  atmosphere,  and  is  capable  of  bearing  any  known 
degree-  of  cold  without  a  total  condensation,  and  that 
the  vapour  so  existing  is  one  and  the  same  thing  with 
steam ,  or  vapour  of  the  temperature  of  2 1 2°  or  upwards" 
After  further  illustration  he  writes,  "  Hence,  then, 
we  ought  to  conclude,  till  the  contrary  can  be  proved, 
that  the  condensation  of  vapour  exposed  to  the  common 
air,  does  not  in  any  manner  depend  upon  the  pressure  of 
the  air"  (p.  189).  To  revert  for  a  moment  to  p.  135, 
where  he  contends  for  the  theory  that  the  vapour  of 


New  Views  on  the  A  urora  Borealis.  9 1 

water  is  mixed  with  the  air  and  not  combined,  he 
explains  how  the  precipitation  takes  place ;  the  mul- 
titude of  exceedingly  small  drops  forming  a  cloud, 
mist,  or  fog,  descending  very  slowly,  compared  to 
clouds  with  heavy  drops,  as  the  resistance  of  the 
drops  is  as  the  square  of  the  diameter — a  fact  cited 
by  Dr  Smith  to  show  how  Dalton's  mathematical 
knowledge  helped  his  meteorology. 

His  eighth  essay,  "On  the  Aurora  Borealis,"  is  much 
elaborated.  In  introducing  it  he  writes,  "  As  this 
essay  contains  an  original  discovery  which  seems  to 
open  a  new  field  of  inquiry  in  philosophy,  or  rather, 
perhaps,  to  extend  the  bounds  of  one  that  has  been, 
as  yet,  but  just  opened,  it  may  not,  perhaps,  be  unac- 
ceptable to  many  readers  to  state  briefly  the  train  of 
circumstances  which  led  the  author  to  the  important 
conclusions  contained  in  the  following  pages."  This 
declaration  ought  to  induce  a  careful  examination  of 
his  views,  some  of  which  are  undoubtedly  original, 
and  should  become  historical,  though  it  must  be 
admitted  that  in  this  department  of  physics  Dalton 
has  not  hitherto  had  full  justice  meted  out  to  him 
either  at  home  or  abroad.  Some  of  his  observations 
had  been  anticipated,  notably  that  of  the  aurora  in 
relation  to  magnetism,  by  Dr  Halley ;  but  his  reason- 
ings on  the  subject  went  much  beyond  his  learned 
predecessor.  His  views  as  to  the  luminous  beams 
being  straight  and  parallel  to  each  other,  and  nearly 
perpendicular  to  the  horizon,  and  probably  cylindrical, 
were  also  forestalled  by  Henry  Cavendish  (Phil. 
Trans,  for  1790).  This  historical  reference,  however, 
in  no  way  detracts  from  Dalton's  character  as  an 
original  observer,  who  had  ever  shown  himself  cap- 


92  John  Dalton. 

able  of  the  keenest  discrimination  and  power  of 
generalisation  to  elucidate  not  a  few  of  the  most 
obscure  of  natural  phenomena. 

The  grand  aurora  seen  on  the  I3th  October  1792, 
led  him  to  the  discovery  of  the  relation  betwixt  the 
phenomenon  and  the  earth's  magnetism.  He  writes  : 
"  When  the  theodolite  was  adjusted  without  doors, 
and  the  needle  at  rest,  it  was  next  to  impossible  not 
to  notice  the  exactitude  with  which  the  needle  pointed 
to  the  middle  of  the  northern  concentric  arches  ;  soon 
after,  the  grand  dome  being  formed,  it  was  divided  so 
evidently  into  two  similar  parts  by  the  plane  of  the 
magnetic  meridian,  that  the  circumstances  seemed  ex- 
tremely improbable  to  be  fortuitous  ;  and  a  line  drawn 
to  the  vertex  of  the  dome  being  in  direction  of  the 
dipping  needle,  it  followed,  from  what  had  been  done 
before,  that  the  luminous  beams  at  that  time  ^vere  all 
parallel -to  the  dipping  needle:  that  the  beams  were 
guided,  not  by  gravity,  but  by  the  earth's  magnetism* 
and  the  disturbance  of  the  needle  that  had  been  here- 
tofore observed,  during  the  time  of  an  aurora,  seemed 
to  put  the  conclusion  past  doubt "  (pp.  147,  148). 

His  chapter  on  the  theory  of  the  aurora  borealis 
shows  a  greater  tendency  to  undue  hypothesis  than 
generally  marks  Dalton's  views,  and  it  is  to  be 
regretted  that  the  opinions  which  he  hazarded  in 
1793,  in  the  inchoate  stages  of  meteorology,  when 
cruder  materials  existed  and  more  daring  theories 

*  The  able  researches  of  Ampere  on  terrestrial  magnetism  and  the 
electro-dynamic  forces  (as  quoted  by  Humboldt  from  his  "  Theorie  des 
Ph'enomlnes  Electro-dynamiques"  1826,  p.  199) ;  and  the  brilliant  dis- 
covery made  by  our  own  Faraday  of  the  evolution  of  light  by  magnetic 
forces,  gave  an  empirical  certainty  to  the  correctness  of  Dr  Halley's 
bold  conjecture  in  1735,  and  Dalton's  more  assured  view  of  the  aurora 
borealis  being  a  magnetic  phenomenon. 


Is  the  Light  of  the  Aurora  Electric  ?  93 

were  admissible,  should  have  found  place  in  his  work 
issued  at  so  late  a  date  as  1834,  long  after  the 
researches  of  Arago,  Humboldt,  Farquharson,  and 
not  a  few  of  his  own  countrymen,  had  thrown  new 
light  on  the  subject,  more  or  less  invalidating  his 
earlier  prognostications.  Dalton  considered  it  "almost 
beyond  doubt  that  the  light  of  the  aurora  borealis,  as 
well  as  that  of  falling  stars  and  the  larger  meteors,  is 
electric  light  solely,  and  that  there  is  nothing  of  com- 
bustion in  any  of  these  phenomena  "  (p.  168).  He 
continues  :  "  Air  and  all  elastic  fluids  are  reckoned 
amongst  the  non-conductors  of  electricity.  There 
seems,  however,  a  difference  amongst  them  in  this 
respect,  dry  air  is  known  to  conduct  more  than  moist 
air,  or  air  saturated  with  vapour.  Thunder  usually 
takes  place  in  summer,  and  at  such  times  as  the  air 
is  highly  charged  with  vapour  ;  when  it  happens  in 
winter,  the  barometer  is  low,  and,  consequently,  ac- 
cording to  our  theory  of  the  variation  of  the  barometer, 
there  is  then  much  vapourised  air ;  from  all  which  it 
seems  probable  that  air  highly  vapourised  becomes  an 
imperfect  conductor,  and,  of  course,  a  discharge  made 
along  a  stratum  of  it  will  exhibit  light,  which  I  sup- 
pose to  be  the  general  cause  of  thunder  and  lightning." 

He  inferred  from  the  observations  collated  at 
Kendal  and  Keswick,  that  the  appearance  of  the 
aurora  borealis  is  a  prognostication  of  fair  weather ; 
that  the  aurora  is  more  frequently  followed  by  fair 
weather  in  summer  than  in  winter. 

After  some  general  rules  and  observations  for  judg- 
ing of  the  weather,  Dalton  furnished  an  appendix 
containing  additional  notes  on  different  parts  of  the 
work,  in  which  the  reader  will  find  much  valuable 


94  John  Dalton. 

information,  consisting  mainly  of  the  results  of  his 
own  observations  compared  with  other  workers  in  the 
same  field.  The  last  chapter  is  "  On  the  Height  of 
the  Aurora  Borealis,"  in  which  he  regrets,  "  to  the  no 
small  discredit  of  meteorology,  that  there  are,  at  this 
day,  some  persons  who  hold  the  height  of  the  aurora 
to  be  1000  miles,  others  who  hold  that  1000  feet  may 
be  nearer  the  truth." 

His  earlier  observations  led  him  to  infer  that  the 
height  of  the  rainbow — like  arches  of  the  aurora  above 
the  earth's  surface — was  about  150  English  miles. 
The  altitude  of  the  remarkable  aurora  seen  on  March 
29,  1826,  he  viewed  as  from  100  to  no  miles  above 
the  earth  ;  and  to  the  latest  period  of  his  life  was  not 
disposed  to  yield  to  the  larger  and  more  correct 
experience  of  others,  especially  the  Arctic  observers. 
The  Rev.  Mr  Farquharson,  from  full  observation  of 
the  same  aurora  that  Dalton  saw  in  1826,  believed 
that  there  were  several  nearly  vertical  fringes  of  the 
said  aurora  hanging  over  many  lines  from  Edinburgh 
to  Warrington,  at  a  few  thousand  feet  above  the 
surface  of  the  earth.  The  experience  of  that  glorious 
band  of  men,  Captain  (afterwards  Sir  John)  Franklin, 
Sir  E.  Parry,  Dr  Richardson,  &c.,  derived  from  several 
hundred  appearances  of  the  aurora  borealis  in  the 
Arctic  regions,  1819-22,  &c.,  seemed  to  determine 
that  the  height  of  the  aurora,  instead  of  being,  as 
supposed  by  Dalton  and  others,  beyond  the  region  of 
the  atmosphere,  is,  in  fact,  rarely  above  six  or  seven 
miles,  or  not  higher  than  the  region  of  the  clouds. 
This  seemed  proved  by  angles  taken  in  the  same 
moment  at  two  distant  places,  always  exceedingly 
small  at  one  or  both  stations  ;  the  extreme  rapidity 


Height  of  the  Aurora  Borealis.  95 

with  which  a  beam  darts  from  one  side  of  the  horizon 
to  the  opposite  side,  which  could  not  happen  if  a 
hundred  miles  high,  or  upwards  ;  by  its  frequently 
darting  its  beams  beneath  the  clouds,  and  at  very  short 
distances  from  the  earth's  surface,  and  by  its  being 
acted  upon  by  the  wind. 

Dalton  was  apt  to  be  tenacious  of  his  own  opinions; 
and  as  the  investigation  of  the  aurora  borealis  had 
been  a  pet  and  original  subject  in  his  earlier  scientific 
days,  he  fought  hard  for  his  measurements  of  the 
altitude ;  and  did  not  much  relish  the  publication  of 
Mr  Farquharson's  paper  as  stamped  with  British 
authority.  Thus  in  a  letter  he  addressed  to  Dr 
Faraday  (Sept.  3,  1840),  he  makes  the  following 
comment :  "  I  observe  the  Council  have  voted  the 
Rev.  Mr  Farquharson's  paper  as  fit  for  publication  in 
the  second  part,  1839.  The  height  of  the  aurora  was 
1897  yards,  or  rather  above  one  mile  ;  I  calculated  it 
100  to  1 60  miles  (1828)  ;  Mr  Cavendish,  52  to  70  miles 
(1790)  ;  Robert  Were  Fox,  1000  miles  (183 1).  Surely 
this  would  be  an  interesting  phenomenon  to  the 
British  Association,  whether  its  height  was  I  mile  or 
100  miles/' 

Much  distrust  has  been  expressed  regarding  the 
modes  of  determining  the  height  of  the  aurora  borealis; 
so  that  Humboldt  and  Arago  might  be  justified  in 
expressing  that  every  observer  sees  his  own  aurora, 
and  no  two  men  the  same ;  the  former  adding  that  this 
may  arise  from  the  phenomenon  of  "the  effusion  of  light 
being  generated  by  a  large  portion  of  the  earth  at  once." 
The  Arctic  voyagers  had  the  best  chance  of  determin- 
ing this  knotty  point,  and  much  confidence  may  well 
be  reposed  in  their  observations,  which  went  far 


g6  John  Dalton. 

to  contravene  the  measurements  of  Dalton.  Colonel 
Sabine,  one  of  the  noble  Arctic  band,  had  no  doubt 
as  to  the  aurora  occasionally  resting  on  the  surface  of 
the  sea  or  land ;  and  records  an  instance  which  fell 
under  his  own  observation  in  Skye,  of  an  aurora,  of 
similar  character  to  those  described  by  Mr  Farquhar- 
son,  "  low  in  the  atmosphere,  having  during  the  day 
the  appearance  of  a  thin  mist,  permitting  the  forms  of 
the  hills,  and  the  irregularities  of  the  surface  of  the 
ground,  to  be  distinctly  visible  through  it,  and  at 
night  becoming  luminous  with  auroral  streamers 
proceeding  from  it." 

On  October  3,  1794,  John  Dalton  appeared  as  a 
member  of  the  Literary  and  Philosophical  Society  of 
Manchester ;  a  society,  be  it  remembered,  that  has 
done  good  service  to  the  cause  of  literature  and 
science,  not  only  in  the  manufacturing  districts  of 
Lancashire,  but  throughout  the  whole  of  Northern 
England  ;  and  on  the  3ist  of  the  same  month  made 
his  scientific  debut  by  reading  a  paper  entitled 
"  Extraordinary  Facts  relating  to  the  Vision  of 
Colours."  *  Nothing  could  be  more  auspicious  of  the 
rise  of  the  young  philosopher  than  this  first  appear- 
ance before  a  learned  society,  to  whom  he  com- 
municated an  important  discovery,  arising  oddly 
enough  from  a  personal  imperfection — a  discovery 
fraught  with  interest  in  a  scientific  point  of  view,  and 
not  without  material  bearing  on  man's  non-adaptation 
to  certain  callings,  trades,  or  professions.  This  essay 
well  deserves  another  chapter. 

His  residence   and   engagements    in    the    "New 
College"  or  "  Academy"  of  Manchester;  his  mode 
of  life,  philosophical  tendencies  and  work ;  his  social 
*  Memoirs  of  the  Lit.  and  Phil.  Soc.  of  Manchester,  vol.  v.  part  i.  p.  28. 


The  Manchester  Academy.  97 

and  intellectual  relations,  are  touched  upon  in  the 
following  letter,  addressed  to  Elihu  Robinson  of 
Eaglesfield.  It  also  recalls  Manchester  of  eighty 
years  ago,  the  old  watchmen  of  the  night  proclaiming 
the  hour  on  their  different  beats,  and  the  condition  of 
the  sky,  for  the  benefit  of  the  sleeping  lieges: — 

MANCHESTER,  2  mo.,  zoth,  1794. 

DEAR  COUSIN, — Amidst  an  increasing  variety  of  pursuits — 
amidst  the  abstruse  and  multifarious  speculations  resulting  from 
my  profession,  together  with  frequent  engagements  to  new  friends 
and  acquaintance,  shall  I  find  a  vacant  hour  to  inform  thee 
where  I  am,  and  what  I  am  doing  ?  Yes  ;  certainly  one  hour 
out  of  sixteen  some  day  may  be  spared  for  the  purpose. 

I  need  not  inform  thee  that  Manchester  was  a  large  and 
flourishing  place.  Our  academy  is  a  large  and  elegant  building, 
in  the  most  elegant  and  retired  street  of  the  place  ;  it  consists  of  a 
front  and  two  wings  ;  the  first  floor  of  the  front  is  the  hall,  where 
most  of  the  business  is  done  ;  over  it  is  a  library,  with  about  3000 
volumes  ;  over  this  are  two  rooms,  one  of  which  is  mine  ;  it  is 
about  eight  yards  by  six,  and  above  three  high,  has  two  windows 
and  a  fire-place ;  is  handsomely  papered,  light,  airy,  and 
retired;  whether  it  is  that  philosophers  like  to  approach  as 
near  to  the  stars  as  they  can,  or  that  they  choose  to  soar  above 
the  vulgar,  into  a  purer  region  of  the  atmosphere,  I  know  not ; 
but  my  apartment  is  full  ten  yards  above  the  surface  of  the 
earth.  One  of  the  wings  is  occupied  by  Dr  Barnes'  family  ;  he 
is  one  of  the  tutors,  and  superintendent  of  the  seminary  ;  the 
other  is  occupied  by  a  family  who  manage  the  boarding,  and 
seventeen  in-students  with  two  tutors,  each  individual  having  a 
separate  room,  &c.  Our  out-students  from  the  town  and 
neighbourhood  at  present  amount  to  nine,  which  is  as  great  a 
number  as  has  been  since  the  institution  ;  they  are  of  all 
religious  professions  ;  one  Friend's  (Quaker)  son  from  the 
town  has  entered  since  I  came.  The  tutors  are  all  Dissenters. 
Terms  for  in-students,  40  guineas  per  session  (10  months); 
out-students,  12  guineas.  Two  tutors  and  the  in-students  all 
dine,  &c.,  together  in  a  room  on  purpose  ;  we  breakfast  on 
tea  at  8£,  dine  at  i  £,  drink  tea  at  5,  and  sup  at  8^ ;  we  fare  as 
well  as  it  is  possible  for  any  one  to  do.  At  a  small  extra 
expense  we  can  have  any  friend  to  dine  with  us  in  our  respective 
rooms.  My  official  department  of  tutor  only  requires  my 

G 


98  John  Dalton. 

attendance  upon  the  students  21  hours  in  the  week  ;  but  I  find 
it  often  expedient  to  prepare  my  lectures  previously. 

There  is  in  this  town  a  large  library,  furnished  with  the  best 
books  in  every  art,  science,  and  language,  which  is  open  to  all, 
gratis ;  when  thou  art  apprised  of  this  and  such  like  circum- 
stances, thou  considerest  me  in  my  private  apartments, 
undisturbed,  having  a  good  fire,  and  a  philosophical  apparatus 
around  me,  thou  wilt  be  able  to  form  an  opinion  whether  I  spend 
my  time  in  slothful  inactivity  of  body  and  mind.  The  watch- 
word for  my  retiring  to  rest,  is  "past — 12  o'clock — cloudy 
morning." 

Now  that  I  have  mentioned  clouds,  it  leads  me  to  observe 
that  I  continue  my  meteorological  journal,  have  two  rain-gauges 
about  a  mile  off,  at  a  friend's  house  ;  one  gauge  is  in  the  garden, 
and  the  other  upon  the  flat  roof  of  his  house,  10  yards  higher 
than  the  former.  I  find  that  the  lower  gauge  catches  12  parts  of 
rain  for  the  upper  n.  From  my  correspondence  with  my 
brother,  it  appears  they  have  had  about  twice  the  rain  we 
have.  I  hope  my  friends  there  are  not  altogether  disappointed 
with  my  essays  ;  please  to  make  the  following  correction,  and 
intimate  it  occasionally  to  such  as  have  them.  Page  37 — total 
rain  at  Kendal  1790,  should  be  62.363,  and  for  1791,  66.200. 

Among  my  late  experiments,  have  had  some  on  the  artificial 
production  of  cold,  but  have  not  been  able  to  freeze  quicksilver. 
I  find  that  two  parts  of  snow  and  one  of  common  salt,  mixed 
and  stirred,  produce  a  cold  regularly  of — 7°  or  7°  below  O.  I 
have  sunk  the  thermometer  below  O,  in  a  common  wine  glass, 
half  filled  with  the  mixture. 

There  is  a  very  considerable  body  of  Friends  (Quakers) 
here  ;  near  200  attend  our  first-day  (Sunday)  meetings.  I  have 
received  particular  civility  from  most  of  them,  and  am  often  at  a 
loss  where  to  drink  tea  on  a  first-day  afternoon,  being  pressed 
on  so  many  hands.  One  first-day  lately,  I  took  a  walk  in 
company  with  another  to  Stockport ;  there  are  but  few  Friends 
there,  but  the  most  elegant  little  meeting-house  that  can  be  con- 
ceived ;  the  walls  and  ceiling  perfectly  white ;  the  wainscot, 
seats,  gallery,  &c.,  all  white  as  possible  ;  the  gallery  rail  turned 
off  at  each  end  in  a  fine  serpentine  form  ;  a  white  chandelier  ; 
the  floor  as  smooth  as  a  mahogany  table,  and  covered  with  a 
light  red  sand  ;  the  house  well  lighted,  and  in  as  neat  order  as 
possible  ;  it  stands  upon  a  hill ;  in  short,  in  a  fine  sunny  day 
it  is  too  brilliant  an  object  to  be  attended,  by  a  stranger  at 
least,  with  the  composure  required.  JOHN  DALTON. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

ON  DALTON'S  COLOUR-BLINDNESS. 

"  Oculus  advitam  nihilfacit,  advitam  beatam  nihil  magis" — SENECA. 

Or, 

"  The  eye,  no  servitor  of  duty, 
But  minister  of  all  life's  beauty." 

OHN  DALTON,  passing  a  shop-window  in 
Kendal,saw  a  pair  of  stockings  prominently 
marked — '"  Silk,  and  newest  fashion,"  and 
having  examined  their  texture,  bought 
them  as  a  fitting  present  for  his  mother,  whom  he  knew 
to  be  acquainted  only  with  knit  yarn  and  home-made 
sorts.  On  his  next  visit  to  Eaglesfield,  the  com- 
pliment of  the  stockings  was  duly  made,  and  elicited 
the  following  exclamation  from  Dame  Deborah  : — 
"  Thou  hast  brought  me  a  pair  of  grand  hose,  John, 
but  what  made  thee  fancy  such  a  bright  colour  ? 
What,  I  can  never  show  myself  at  meeting  in  them  !  " 
John  was  disconcerted  by  the  maternal  comments,  as 
the  colour  of  the  said  stockings  appeared  to  his  eyes  a 
bluish  dark  drab,  and  quakerish  enough  in  all  verity. 
"They're  as  red  as  a  cherry,  John!"  But  John 
could  not  see  this,  nor  could  brother  Jonathan,  who 
was  also  present;  so  there  were  two  to  one  in  the 
dispute,  and  poor  Deborah  left  in  the  minority. 
Being  firm  in  her  opinions  she  called  in  her  neighbours, 


ioo  John  Dalton. 

whose  verdict  was  "  varra  fine  stuff,  but  uncommon 
scarlety." 

As  John  believed  in  his  young  eyes  rather  than 
his  mother's  spectacled  ones,  the  ambiguous  reception 
of  the  cardinal-coloured  hose  dropped  out  of  view,  and 
apparently  claimed  no  further  consideration  from  him 
till  the  summer  of  1793.*  It  will  at  once  strike  the 
reader  as  strange,  that  a  teacher  of  youth,  and  a  man 
of  ability  and  observation,  mingling  in  society  where 
the  colour  of  objects  would  often  be  remarked,  should 
live  to  the  age  of  26  years  without  being  fully  alive  to 
such  an  imperfection  as  that  of  not  distinguishing  red 
from  green.  Did  he  wish  to  hide  his  defects,  believing 
them  to  be  of  slight  extent  and  consideration  ?  or  did 
he  look  upon  others,  and  not  himself,  as  wanting  in 
true  perception  of  colour  ?  But  how  did  he  reconcile 
the  usual  description  of  natural  objects  and  scenery 
with  his  own  notions  of  colour-distinction  ?  When 
people  talked  of  the  beauty  of  apple  blossom,  and 
cherry  ripe  fruits,  of  bonny  red  hawthorn,  and  robin 
redbreasts,  he  must  have  been  tried  to  know  their 
meaning  ;  and  in  the  company  of  friends  point- 
ing to  the  setting  sun  in  all  its  golden  effulgence,  or 
the  bright  hues  of  the  rainbow  arch,  the  picture  must 
have  seemed  much  overdrawn,  inasmuch  as  the 
varied  tints  and  radiance  would  be  little  more  than 
streaks  of  light  on  a  dull  background. 

*  Perhaps  I  should  qualify  the  statement  in  the  text  as  to  the  date 
(1793),  as  my  information  tends  to  the  belief  that  both  John  and  his 
brother,  find  ing  themselves  alike  in  colour  perception,  at  some  earlier  date 
tested  the  vision  of  their  scholars,  in  several  of  whom  they  found  a  similar 
failing  to  themselves  ;  indeed,  so  great  a  percentage  affected,  that  they 
were  disposed  to  console  themselves  with  the  notion  that  the  tables 
might  be  some  day  turned  upon  the  orthodox-vision  people. 


John  Daltoris  Colour-Blindness.  101 

In  a  letter  to  Elihu  Robinson,  bearing  date,  Man- 
chester, 2nd  month,  2Oth,  1794,  he  first  introduces  his 
defect  to  the  notice  of  his  "  dear  cousin,"  in  the  follow- 
ing sentences : — 

I  am  at  present  engaged  in  a  very  curious  investigation.  I 
discovered  last  summer  with  certainty,  that  colours  appear  differ- 
ent to  me  to  what  they  do  to  others.  The  flowers  of  most  of  the 
Cranesbills  appear  to  me  in  the  day  almost  exactly  sky  blue, 
whilst  others  call  them  deep  pink ;  but  happening  once  to  look 
at  one  in  the  night  by  candlelight,  I  found  it  of  a  colour  as 
different  as  possible  from  daylight ;  it  seemed  then  very  near 
yellow,  but  with  a  tincture  of  red  ;  whilst  nobody  else  said  it 
differed  from  the  daylight  appearance,  my  brother  excepted,  who 
seems  to  see  as  I  do.  I  never  till  now  set  about  an  examination 
into  the  matter.  I  have  collected  specimens  of  ribbons,  &c.,  of 
various  colours,  and  the  result,  as  far  as  I  have  yet  gone,  is 
nearly  as  follows. 

The  primary  colours,  orange,  yellow,  and  blue,  appear  to  me 
much  the  same  in  the  night  as  they  do  in  the  day,  and  I  always 
distinguish  them  and  call  them  by  their  proper  names,  as  well 
as  several  drabs,  and  other  mixed  colours  ;  some  reds— far  in- 
stance, vermillion — appear  the  same  or  alike  day  and  night ;  but 
others,  and  more  especially  the  different  shades  o&pink,  confound 
me  most  completely  in  the  day,  they  all  appearing  light  blue  ; 
all  the  dyed  greens  seem  to  have  little  or  no  green  about  them  ; 
they  appear  inclining  to  red  or  to  brown  in  the  day,  and  almost 
blue  in  the  night ;  the  pinks  and  light  blues,  which  appear 
almost  of  the  same  piece  in  the  day,  are  as  opposite  as  black 
and  white  in  the  night,  or  by  candlelight.  A  piece  of  silk 
ribbon,  which  some  call  a  very  deep  pink,  and  others  crimson, 
appears  to  me  in  the  day  to  be  a  very  dark  drab,  and  exactly 
like  another  which  they  call  a  mud  colour ;  -in  the  night,  how- 
ever, the  former  seems  red  or  crimson,  and  the  latter  unchanged. 
I  was  the  other  day  at  a  friend's  house,  who  is  a  dyer ;  there 
was  present  himself  and  wife;  a  physician,  and  a  young  woman. 
His  wife  brought  me  a  piece  of  cloth  ;  I  said  I  was  there  in  a 
coat  just  of  the  ^colour  a  few  weeks  before,  which  I  called  a 


102  John  Dalton. 

reddish  snuff  colour  ;  they  told  me  they  had  never  seen  me  in  any 
such  coat,  for  that  cloth  was  one  of  the  finest  grass  greens  they 
had  seen.  I  saw  nothing  like  grass  about  it.  They  tell  me  my 
table-cloth  is  green,  but  I  say  not,  and  further  that  I  never  saw* 
a  green  table-cloth  in  my  life  but  one,  and  everybody  else  said 
it  had  lost  its  green  colour.  In  short,  my  observations  have 
afforded  a  fund  of  diversion  to  all,  and  something  more  to  philo- 
sophers, for  they  have  been  puzzled  beyond  measure,  as  well  as 
myself,  to  account  for  the  circumstances.  I  mean  to  communi- 
cate my  observations  to  the  world,  through  the  channel  of  some 
philosophical  society.  The  young  women  tell  me  they  will  never 
suffer  me  to  go  on  to  the  gallery  [in  the  Meeting-House]  with 
a  green  coat ;  and  I  tell  them  I  have  no  objection  to  their  going 
on  with  me  in  a  crimson  (that  is,  dark  drab)  gown." 

The  following  letter  on  colour-blindness  is  ad- 
dressed to  Joseph  Dickinson,  shoemaker,  Maryport, 

Cumberland. 

MANCHESTER,  -$dmo.,  loth,  1794. 

RESPECTED  FRIEND,  JOSEPH  DICKINSON,— Permit  a  quon- 
dam coadjutor  in  aerial  castle  building  to  solicit  a  favour  of 
thee.  Thou  must  understand  that  I  have  some  time  ago  dis- 
covered that  some  colours  appear  very  different  to  me  to  what 
they  do  to  others,  and  I  think  my  case  (and  my  brothers,  for 
we  are  nearly  alike  in  this  respect)  is  very  singular,  unless  the 
case  of  Friend  Harris,  of  Maryport,  be  similar.  I  lately  read 
Huddart's  account  of  the  Harrises  in  the  Philosophical  Trans- 
actions for  1777,  but  it  does  not  satisfy  me. 

From  it  I  understand  that  the  most  remarkable  of  them  in 
this  respect  is  deceased,  but  that  the  captain  is  probably  still 
living,  of  whom  some  account  is  given,  and  whose  case  I 
strongly  apprehend  is  similar  to  mine,  and  am  anxious  to  know 
some  further  particulars  from  him  in  this  respect.  My  friend 
Mary  Cockbain  suggested  it  to  me,  that  thou  would  be  a  likely 
person  to  procure  me  this  information. 

I  could  wish  thee,  therefore,  if  thou  canst  make  it  convenient, 
to  give  my  respects  to  the  captain,  and  desire  him  on  my  part 
to  answer  thee  some,  or  all  of  the  following  queries — but  if  he 
be  abroad,  and  likely  to  be  so  some  weeks,  then  perhaps  some 


His  Inquiries  on  Colour-Blindness.  103 

of  his  relatives  may  be  able  to  answer  them  in  part  for  him  ;  and 
a  communication  thereof  to  me  would  be  highly  acceptable. 

Query  i.  Did  he  ever  look  through  a  prism  ?  What  are  the 
chief  colours  he  sees  in  it  ? 

2.  Do  not  pinks,  roses,  &c.,  which  others  call  red)  appear  to 
him  to  have  some  affinity  to  sky-blue  ? 

3.  Has  he  distinct  ideas  of  red,  orange, yellow,  and  green;  or 
does  he  not  meet  with  colours  which  he  would  hesitate  to  pro- 
nounce one  of  these  rather  than  another  ? 

4.  What  are  the  most  conspicuous  colours  of  the  rainbow  ? 

5.  Does  the  green  woollen  cloth,  used  to  cover  tables,  &c., 
appear  green,  or  anyway  like  grass  to  him  ;  or  would  he  not  call 
it  a  brownish  red?    Whether  is  common  red  sealing  wax  or  it 
more  nearly  the  colour  of  grass  ? 

6.  I  wish  particularly  to  know  whether  a  ribband  of  a  deep  pink 
colour  appears  remarkably  different  by  day  light  and  candlelight, 
as  well  as  dark  green  and  crimson  ? 

7.  Does  he  perceive  in  the  day-time  much  difference  between 
crimson  and  dark  drab  ? 

I  and  M.  Cockbain's  respects  to  thee,  and  mine  to  cousins 
Jona  and  Sarah  Ostle,  if  convenient. — I  am,  thy  assured  friend, 

JOHN  DALTON. 
Direct  to  me  at  the  New  College. 

The  following  letter  is  clearly  a  reply  from  John 
Dickinson,  but  either  its  date,  or  that  of  John  Dalton's 
communication,  must  be  an  error :  probably  Dalton's 
letter  should  be  3d,  loth  month,  1793. 

MARYPORT,  8^,  zd  Month,  1794. 

RESPECTED  FRIEND,  JOHN  DALTON,— If  my  quondam  friend 
be  disposed  to  build  aerial  edifices,  I  should  be  glad  to  be 
employed  as  a  workman  or  at  least  a  coadjutor  in  rearing  those 
visionary  fabrics,  but  beg  to  be  informed  where  they  are  to  be 
erected,  that  I  may  bring  such  materials  as  I  can  collect 
towards  the  construction  of  those  pendant  piles.  So  much  in 
freedom,  but  to  the  point  in  request.  Two  of  the  Harrises, 
Thos.  and  the  captain  thou  mentioned,  are  dead  long  ago ;  there 
is  yet  living  other  two  nearly  similar  to  those,  with  one  I  have 
had  an  opportunity,  and  proposed  thy  Queries  as  follows,  viz. — 


104  JohnDalton. 

Quaere  i St.— Did  he  ever  look  through  a  prism  ?  What  are  the 
chief  colours  he  sees  in  it  ? 

Ans.  i  st. —  Yellow  the  most  conspicuous  colour  he  sees  in  it. 

Quaere  2d. — Do  not  pinks,  roses,  &c.  which  others  call  red, 
appear  to  have  some  affinity  to  sky-blue  ? 

Ans.  2d. — Roses,  pinks,  &c.,  he  calls  sky-blue. 

Quaere  3d. — Has  he  distinct  ideas  of  red,  orange,  yellow,  and 
green  ;  or  does  he  not  meet  with  colours  which  he  would  hesitate 
to  pronounce  one  of  these  rather  than  another  ? 

Ans.  3d. — Quite  an  imperfect  idea  sired,  orange,  &&&  green  ; 
some  idea  of  yellow — hesitates  to  call  red,  orange  and  green. 

Quaere  4th. — What  are  the  most  conspicuous  colours  of  the 
rainbow  ? 

Ans.  4th. — Answered  in  first,  yellow. 

Quaere  5th. — Does  green  cloth  used  to  cover  tables,  &c.,  appear 
green,  or  anyway  like  grass  ;  or  would  he  not  call  it  a  brownish 
red  ?  Whether  is  sealing  wax  or  it  more  nearly  the  colour  of 
grass  ? 

Ans.  5th.— A  table-cloth  don't  appear  like  grass  ;  red  sealing- 
wax  appears  rather  darker  than  it  (only  a  shade),  but  neither 
like  grass  ;  no  difference  between  dark  green  and  blood. 

Quaere  6th. — I  wish  particularly  to  know  whether  a  ribband  of 
a  deep  pink  colour  appears  remarkably  different  by  daylight 
or  candlelight,  as  well  as  dark  green  and  crimson  ? 

Ans.  6th. — A  ribband  of  a  deep  pink  colour  appears  remark- 
ably different  by  candlelight/rom  daylight ;  he  calls  it  the  colour 
of  an  orange. 

Quaere  7th. — Does  he  perceive  in  the  day-time  much  difference 
between  crimson  and  dark  drab  ? 

Ans.  yth. — He  can  perceive  a  difference  between  crimson  and 
dark  drab  ;  he  calls  crimson  blue.  I  was  beholden  to  one  of  his 
brothers  who  has  no  defect,  who  assisted  me  in  making  the  fore- 
going experiments. 

It  must  be  observed,  he  says  he  has  no  just  ideas  of  any 
colour  except  black,  white,  and  yellow,  some  little  idea  of  drab. 
In  order  to  try  him,  we  prepared  a  basket  of  creweling  or  quilt- 
ing worsted,  of,  I  think,  almost  all  colours  and  shades,  and 
wished  him  to  choose  out  a  colour  nearest  resembling  blood, 
and  to  our  astonishment  he  chose  out  a  dark  green.  We 


A  Mary  port  Family  Colour-Blind.  105 

asked  him,  if  a  white  cloth  or  stocking  should  be  spotted  with 
blood  if  he  could  perceive  it  ?  he  said  he  would  not  know  it  from 
dirt.  ,We  asked  him,  if  ever  he  saw  blood  near  slaughter-houses 
or  a  smithy  door?  he  says  he  has  perceived  a  wetness,  and 
judged  it  to  be  blood  from  the  little  bells  or  froth  frequently 
upon  it,  which  is  all  he  knew  it  by. 

We  tried  him  with  a  glass  prism  held  in  the  sunshine,  which, 
reflecting  upon  the  wall  what  philosophers  call  a  spectrum,  I 
could  not  perceive  it  struck  him  more  than  if  reflected  from  a 
looking-glass,  only  a  little  deeper,  which  he  called  yellow.  I 
think  these  are  all  the  observations  I  made  respecting  his  parti- 
cular case ;  what  was  a  hindrance,  he  seemed  rather  backward  in 
giving  us  explicit  answers,  arising  from  a  knowledge  of  his 
imperfection  in  not  having  the  same  optics  as  other  men. 

He  has  another  brother  and  a  nephew,  nearly  similar,  it  is 
thought. 

-  Please  make  my  respects  to  J.  and  M.  Cockbain,  and  accept  of 
same  thyself.  I  remain,  thy  assured  friend, 

J.  DICKINSON. 

P.S.  My  own  affairs  prevented  me  from  writing  thee  sooner. 
To  JOHN  DALTON, 

At  the  New  College,  Manchester. 


MANCHESTER,  i^th  of  qth -Month,  1794. 

RESPECTED  FRIEND,  JOSEPH  DICKINSON,— I  received  and 
perused  thy  letter  with  great  pleasure,  and  consider  my  best 
acknowledgments  to  [be  due  to  thee,  and  to  the  others  con- 
cerned in  the  business. 

I  find  by  it  that  friend  Harris's  eye  is  constituted  like  my  own 
and  that  of  my  brother  ;  and  am  induced  to  think  from  what  I 
have  heard  from  different  quarters,  that  there  are  several  indi- 
viduals and  branches  of  families  up  and  down,  who  do  not  see 
colours  as  the  generality  of  people  do,  but  as  we  do.  It  is  a 
subject  that  has  not  been  much  'handled  by  philosophers  ; 
I  mean,  therefore,  to  make  inquiries  in  different  places,  to 
!  ascertain  the  facts  as  well  as  I  can,  and  then  endeavour  to 
account  for  them.  The  result  of  my  labours  will  be  communi- 
cated to  the  public,  inj  some  way  or  other.  The  only  circum- 
stance that  was  unpleasant  to  me  was,  that  the  friend  should  be 


io6  John  Dalton. 

rather  backward  in  giving  you  his  judgment.  I  do  not,  however, 
wonder  at  it,  for  the  reason  assigned  :  but  tell  him  from  me, 
that  formerly  when  I  used  to  call  pink  sky-blue,  and  incur  the 
ridicule  of  others,  I  used  to  join  in  the  laugh  myself,  and  then 
nobody  thought  I  was  in  earnest  ;  nor  did  I  think  at  that  time, 
that  there  was  such  a  great  difference  in  the  appearance  of 
colours  to  me  and  to  others,  as  it  now  seems  there  is.  I  thought 
we  differed  chiefly  in  words  and  not  ideas ;  but  now  that  I  am 
certain  of  a  real  and  very  great  difference,  I  make  no  scruple  of 
publishing  the  circumstance  respecting  myself,  in  every  company 
where  I  happen  to  be,  and  boldly  assert  with  a  grave  face,  that 
pinks  and  roses  are  light  blue  by  day,  and  a  reddish  yellow  by 
night,  that  crimson  is  a  bluish  dark  drab,  that  all  the  dark  greens 
(so  miscalled)  are  of  a  red  or  blood  colour,  and  the  most  dis- 
agreeable colour  imaginable  for  a  table,  infinitely  different  from 
the  pleasant  verdure  of  the  fields. 

Having  made  this  long  introduction,  I  must  beg  leave  to 
trouble  thee  a  little  farther  on  the  business  :  I  hope  I  shall  rest 
satisfied  with  one  more  communication.  Though  I  am  per- 
suaded friend  Harris  and  I  agree  in  ideas  in  general,  yet  I 
wish]  to  ascertain  the  matter  by  particular  observations.  My 
method  is  this  :  I  get  a  number  of  coloured  ribbons  and  look  at 
them  by  daylight;  I  put  down  the  name  to  each,  such  as  I 
think  it  merits,  and  make  comparisons  betwixt  them,  guessing 
as  near  as  I  can  how  one  colour  might  be  made  from  two 
others,  by  mixing  such  and  such  proportions  of  the  colours. 
I  then  do  the  same  by  candlelight.  I  have  sent  herewith  a 
specimen  of  colours  and  my  opinions  upon  them,  by  which  you 
will  understand  my  meaning  more  fully.  I  wish  him  to  give  you 
his  opinion  of  the  colours,  in  like  manner,  both  by  daylight  and 
candlelight;  he  should  not  see  my  remarks,  so  as  to  be  guided 
by  them  in  making  his  remarks  to  you. 

[Unfortunately  the  colours  to  which  this  above  paragraph 
refers,  are  not  forthcoming  ;  so  that  both  his  letter  and  J. 
Dickinson's  reply  lose  part  of  their  value  ;  this  is>f  less  moment, 
as  the  history  of  Dalton's  case,  and  all  that  really  pertains  to 
the  subject,  will  be  found  in  subsequent  pages  of  this  chapter.] 

Now,  if  thou  hast  read  these  remarks  withjhe  colours  before 


Tests  the  Colour  Blindness  of  Others.          107 

thee,  and  hast  kept  a  grave  face  all  the  while,  thou  hast  done 
more  than  anybody  here  has  yet ;  but  the  person  thou  art  to 
show  the  colours  to,  will  find  nothing  strange  in  all  this,  I  ex- 
pect. These  observations  will  sufficiently  point  out  to  thee 
what  sort  of  questions  to  put,  in  order  to  find  whether  we  are 
alike.  Thou  wilt  please  to  inform  me  of  the  Nos.  in  which  we 
agree  by  day  or  night,  and  likewise  of  those  (if  such  there  be) 
in  which  we  seem  to  disagree.  I  hope  he  will  be  explicit  and 
unreserved ;  whatever  ridicule  is  incurred,  shall  be  equally 
divided  amongst  the  whole  fraternity  of  us ;  when  we  become 
acquainted  with  each  other,  I  will  heartily  take  my  share.  But 
perhaps  we  shall  be  so  strong  a  party,  as  to  be  able  to  turn  tails 
upon  our  antagonists,  and  convince  them  that  'tis  they  not  we, 
who  do  not  see  things  in  a  proper  light. 

Besides  his  remarks  on  the  enclosed  colours,  I  wish  to  know 
the  following  particulars  : — 

Does  he  not,  in  looking  properly  through  a  prism  at  the  flame 
of  a  candle  or  fire,  see  a  very  grand  blue  or  purple,  as  well  as 
yellow  ? 

Is  he,  or  was  any  of  the  family  who  were  in  the  same  predica- 
ment, in  any  degree  shortsighted?  is  his  sight  strong  or  weak, 
that  is,  can  he  look  at  a  brilliant  object  without  uneasiness  ?  and 
do  objects  appear  clear  and  distinct  to  him,  the  colours  ex- 
cepted  ? 

If  convenient,  should  wish  to  know  more  precisely  whether 
the  brother  and  nephew  living,  and  those  dead,  were  in  the 
same  state  ? 

I  should  suppose  they  would  have  no  objection  to  their  names 
being  mentioned  in  an  account  of  the  subject ;  if  so,  please  to 
give  me  them. 

N.B.  I  have  kept  a  duplicate  of  this  letter  and  the  colours,  so 
that  they  need  not  be  returned.— I  am,  thy  sincere  friend, 

JOHN  DALTON. 

[No  date.'] 

RESPECTED  FRIEND,  JOHN  DALTON. — In  order  to  gratify 
thy  request  more  fully,  I;  have  waited  a  long  time  with  im- 
patience on  my  part  (and  I  daresay  with  more  on  thine)  for 
the  arrival  of  Captain  A.  Harris,  whose  company  I  thought 


io8  John  Dalton. 

necessary,  in  order  to  obtain  a  more  full  investigation  of  the 
matter  in  request ;  at  last  his  company  being  had,  we  have 
had  an  opportunity  with  his  brother  John  Harris,  who,  I  think, 
gave  us  as  explicit  answers  as  he  well  could,  both  by  day  and 
candle  light,  which  is  here  annexed,*  whereby  I  hope  thou  11  be 
enabled  to  make  a  fair  comparison  between  the  visionary  organs 
of  the  said  J.  Harris  and  thyself;  I  should  be  glad  to  hear 
reasons  assigned  for  such  a  strange  phenomenon. 

In  looking  through  a  prism  at  the  flame  of  a  candle  or  fire  he 
sees  a  blue  as  well  as  a  yellow,  but  does  not  "seem  struck  with 
any  grand  appearance  thereof.  Neither  he  nor  any  of  the 
family  are  in  any  degree  shortsighted  (except  a  daughter  of  his, 
who  has  no  defect  respecting  colours,  is  of  a  very  strong  sight, 
and  can  look  at  brilliant  objects  without  much  uneasiness}. 
Objects  appear  clear  and  distinct  to  them  at  a  great  distance, 
colours  excepted. 

The  brother  Joseph  living,  we  had  an  opportunity  with  by  day, 
who,  I  think,  is  nearly  similar,  except  not  quite  so  defective  in 
reds,  which  thou  '11  perceive  by  his  remarks  on  the  colours,  which 
is  herewith  transmitted.* 

The  other  two  brothers  who  are  dead  were  in  the  same  state, 
whose  names  were  Thomas  and  Jonathan. 

Indeed,  friend  John,  thou  conjectured  right ;  I  did  not  read 
thy  remarks  with  a  grave  face,  but  on  the  contrary  with  many 
fits  of  risibility  which  I  am  subject  to,  but  I  think  more  so  on 
hearing  J.  Harris'  remarks  and  my  own  reflections  thereon.  I 
find  by  your  accounts  you  must  have  very  imperfect  ideas  of 
the  charms,  which  in  a  great  measure  constitute  beauty  in  the 
female  sex,  I  mean  that  rosy  blush  of  the  cheeks,  which  you  so 
much  admire  for  being  light  blue,  I  think  a  complexion  nearly 
as  exceptional  in  the  fair  sex  as  the  sunburnt  Moor's  or  the 
sable  Ethiopian's,  consequently  (if  real),  a  fitter  object  for  a  show 
than  a  wife. 

The  following  are  their  remarks  by  daylight  and  candlelight 
after  thy  manner ;  but  observe  these  are  Joseph's  remarks  by 
day  only,  we  had  no  opportunity  with  him  by  candlelight.  I 
showed  him  the  effects  of  a  prism,  and  observed  he  was  like 
John,  seeing  no  colours  but  yellow  and  blue;  I  believe  red  seems 

*  See  the  explanation  within  brackets  in  page  106. 


A  Sky -Blue  Rose  deemed  Beatitiful.  109 

cloudy  to  them.  I  am  glad  to  find  they  have  no  objection  to 
having  their  names  made  use  of  in  what  decent  manner  thou 
may  think  proper,  provided  it  may  be  of  benefit  to  mankind. 
After  relaxing  my  muscles  a  little  on  writing  these  above  remarks 
of  theirs,  I  have  composed  myself  and  am  glad.  I  think  I  have 
nothing  more  to  communicate  at  present  on  the  subject.  Wishing 
it  may  give  thee  full  satisfaction,  and  prove  of  real  advantage 
to  thyself  and  the  community  at  large,  is  the  sincere  wish  of 
thy  assured  friend,  J.  DICKINSON.* 

As  soon  as  Dalton  had  collected  his  ideas  on 
colour-blindness,  derived  from  a  study  of  his  own 
and  brother's  vision,  and  the  facts  obtained  by  J. 
Dickinson,  he  read  a  memoir  on  the  subject,  entitled 
"  Extraordinary  Facts  relative  to  the  Vision  of 
Colours,"  to  the  "Manchester  Literary  and  Philo- 
sophical Society,"  at  their  meeting  on  October  31, 
1794.  The  main  facts  of  his  memoir  are  to  be  found 
in  the  following  excerpts  : — 

"  In  the  course  of  my  application  to  the  sciences, 
that  of  optics  necessarily  claimed  attention ;  and  I 
became  pretty  well  acquainted  with  the  theory  of 
light  and  colours  before  I  was  apprised  of  any  pecu- 
liarity in  my  vision.  I  had  not,  however,  attended 
much  to  the  practical  discrimination  of  colours,  owing, 

*  This  Joseph  Dickinson  of  Maryport  was  a  shoemaker,  and  father 
of  Isaac  Dickinson,  now  of  Whitehaven.  The  said  Joseph  was  sent  to 
learn  the  art  of  St  Crispin  in  Roper  Street,  Whitehaven,  in  1778,  and 
had  hardly  got  reconciled  to  his  sleeping  garret,  when  a  great  tumult 
was  heard  in  the  street ;  and  on  looking  out  he  saw  the  shipping  on  fire. 
He  rushed  down  to  the  strand,  and  on  to  the  rocks,  where  the  bold 
pirate,  Paul  Jones,  was  seen  hauling  aft  his  starboard  sheets  and  making 
off  after  his  victory,  laughing  over  his  taffrail  at  the  efforts  of  the  trades- 
folk to  rake  the  gravel  out  of  their  great  guns  in  the  halfmoon  battery. 

Isaac  Dickinson,  now  living  at  Whitehaven,  has  colour  blindness  like 
the  brothers  of  his  grandfather  ;  his  vision  resembles  very  closely  that 
of  John  Dalton.  Isaac  objects  to  be  considered  "  colour-blind,"  and 
wishes  to  know  on  whose  side— the  minority  like  himself,  or  the  majority 


1 10  John  Dalton. 

in  some  degree,  to  what  I  conceived  to  be  a  perplexity 
in  their  nomenclature.  Since  the  year  1790,  the 
occasional  study  of  botany  obliged  me  to  attend 
more  to  colours  than  before.  With  respect  to  colours 
that  were  white,  yellow,  or  green,  I  readily  assented  to 
the  appropriate  term.  Blue,  purple,  pink,  and  crimson 
appeared  rather  less  distinguishable,  being,  according 
to  my  idea,  all  referable  to  blue.  I  have  often  seri- 
ously asked  a  person  whether  a  flower  was  blue  or 
pink,  but  was  generally  considered  to  be  in  jest. 
Notwithstanding  this,  I  was  never  convinced  of  a 
peculiarity  in  my  vision,  till  I  accidentally  observed 
the  colour  of  the  flower  of  the  geranium  zonale  by 
candlelight,  in  the  autumn  of  1792.  The  flower 
was  pink,  but  it  appeared  to  me  almost  an  exact 
sky-blue  by  day;  in  candlelight,  however,  it  was 
astonishingly  changed,  not  having  then  any  blue  in 
it,  but  being  what  I  called  red,  a  colour  which  forms 
a  striking  contrast  to  blue. 

"  It  may  be  proper  to  observe  that  I  am  shortsighted. 
Concave  glasses  of  about  five  inches  focus  suit  me 
best.  I  can  see  distinctly  at  a  proper  distance ;  and 
am  seldom  hurt  by  too  much  or  too  little  light ;  nor 
yet  with  long  application. 

"  My  observations  began  with  the  solar  spectrum,  or 
coloured  image  of  the  sun,  exhibited  in  a  dark  room 
by  means  of  a  glass  prism.  I  found  that  persons  in 

who  console  themselves  with  being  perfectly  endowed—the  colour-blind- 
ness exists  ?  He  professes  to  see  colours  bright  and  brilliant  as  other 
persons  ;  and  asks,  Can  anything  be  grander  than  a  cherry  tree  with 
leaves  the  same  colour  as  the  cherries  ?  Addressing  himself  to  me  he 
remarked :  "  You  say  cherries  are  red,  well,  what  colour  is  red  ?  or  can 
there  be  a  more  beautiful  flower  than  a  sky-blue  rose  ?  People  say  the 
rose  is  pink,  but  who  can  clearly  describe  the  colour  of  pink,  it  may  be, 
when  viewed  with  a  lamp,  yellow  or  green  ?  " 


Describes  his  Colour-Blindness.  1 1 1 

general  distinguish  six  kinds  of  colour  in  the  solar 
image ;  namely,  red,  orange,  yellow,  green,  blue,  and 
purple.  To  me  it  is  quite  otherwise — I  see  only  two, 
or  at  most  three  distinctions.  These  I  should  call 
yellow  and  blue ;  or,  yellow,  blue,  and  purple.  My 
yellow  comprehends  the  red,  orange,  yellow,  and  green 
of  others;  and  my  blue  and  purple  coincide  with 
theirs." 

He  thus  sums  up  the  characteristics  of  his  own  and 
his  brother's  vision  : — 

1.  In   the  solar  spectrum   three   colours   appear, 
yellow,  blue,  and  purple.     The  two  former  make  a 
contrast ;  the  two  latter  seem  to  differ  more  in  degree 
than  in  kind. 

2.  Pink  appears   by   daylight    to   be   sky-blue   a 
little  faded ;  by  candlelight  it  assumes  an  orange  or 
yellowish  appearance,  which  forms  a  strong  contrast 
to  blue. 

3.  Crimson  appears  a  muddy  blue  by  day ;  and 
crimson  woollen  yarn  is  much  the  same  as  dark  blue. 

4.  Red  and  scarlet  have  a  more  vivid  and  flaming 
appearance  by  candlelight  than  by  daylight. 

5.  There  is  not  much  difference  in  colour  between 
a  stick  of  red  sealing-wax  and  grass  by  day. 

6.  Dark  green  woollen  cloth  seems  a  muddy  red, 
much   darker  than   grass,   and   of  a   very   different 
colour. 

7.  The  colour  of  a  florid  complexion  is  dusky  blue. 

8.  Coats,  gowns,  &c.,  appear  to  us  frequently  to  be 
badly  matched  with  linings,  when  others  say  they  are 
not.     On  the  other  hand,  we  should  match  crimsons 
with  claret  or  mud ;  pinks  with  light  blues ;  browns 
with  reds ;  and  drabs  with  greens. 


H2  John  Dalton. 

9.  In  all  points  where  we  differ  from  other  persons, 
the  difference  is  much  less  by  candlelight  than  by 
daylight. 

In  concluding  his  paper,  he  thought  it  probable 
that  the  sun's  light  and  candlelight,  or  that  which  we 
commonly  obtain  from  combustion,  are  originally 
constituted  alike ;  and  that  the  earth's  atmosphere  is 
properly  a  blue  fluid,  and  modifies  the  sun's  light  so 
as  to  occasion  the  commonly  perceived  difference. 

In  reference  to  red  by  daylight,  he  says,  "  I  have 
seen  specimens  of  crimson,  claret,  and  mud,  which 
were  very  nearly  alike.  .  .  .  The  colour  of  a  florid 
complexion  appears  to  me  that  of  a  dull,  opake, 
blackish  blue,  upon  a  white  ground.  A  solution  of 
sulphate  of  iron  in  the  tincture  of  galls  (that  is,  dilute 
black  ink)  upon  white  paper,  gives  a  colour  much 
resembling  that  of  a  florid  complexion.  It  has  no 
resemblance  of  the  colour  of  blood.  Blood  to  me  is 
not  unlike  that  colour  called  bottle-green.  Stockings 
spotted  with  blood  or  with  dirt  would  scarcely  be 
distinguishable.  ...  By  day  some  reds  are  the 
least  showy  imaginable ;  I  should  call  them  dark 
drabs."  It  thus  appears,  as  Dr  G.  Wilson  remarks, 
that  as  Dalton  saw  the  red  end  of  the  spectrum  dark 
or  darkish,  so  certain  red  objects  showed  to  his  eye 
as  dark  blue,  dark  brown,  dark  drab,  mud-coloured, 
dirt-coloured,  or  even  like  ink ;  so  he  seems  to  have 
been  in  certain  circumstances  blind  to  red. 

Sir  John  Herschel  and  Sir  David  Brewster,  who 
both  paid  much  attention  to  Dalton's  case,  have 
expressed  their  conviction  that  he  saw  as  long  a 
spectrum  as  others  did,  but  that  the  red  extremity 
appeared  to  him  yellow.  Herschel,  in  addressing 


Herschel  and  Brewster  on  Colour-Blindness.    113 

Dalton,  says  : — "  It  is  clear  to  me  that  you,  and  all 
others  so  affected,  perceive  as  light  every  ray  which 
others  do.  The  retina  is  excited  by  every  ray  which 
reaches  it."  And  again, — "  It  seems  to  me  that  we 
(the  normal-eyed)  have  three  primary  sensations 
where  you  have  only  two.  We  refer,  or  can  refer  in 
imagination,  all  colours  to  three — yellow,  red,  and 
blue.  All  other  colours,  we  think,  we  perceive  to  be 
mixtures  of  these,  and  can  produce  them  by  actual 
mixture  of  powders  of  these  hues,  whereas  we  cannot 
produce  these  by  any  mixtures  of  others.  .  .  .  Now, 
to  eyes  of  your  kind,  it  seems  to  me  that  all  your 
tints  are  referable  to  two."  A  similar  conviction  is 
stated  by  Herschel,  in  his  treatise  on  light  ("  Encyclo. 
Metropol."),  in  reference  to  the  colour-blind  as  a 
class : — "  All  the  prismatic  rays  have  the  power  of 
exciting  and  affecting  them  with  the  sensation  of 
light,  and  producing  distinct  vision,  so  that  the  defect 
arises  from  no  insensibility  of  the  retina  to  rays  of 
any  particular  refrangibility" 

Sir  David  Brewster  ("  Letters  on  Natural  Magic," 
1832,  p.  31)  thus  writes: — "In  all  those  cases  [of 
colour-blindness]  which  have  been  carefully  studied,  at 
least  in  three  of  them,  in  which  I  have  had  the  advan- 
tage of  making  personal  observations ;  namely,  those  of 
Mr  Troughton,  Mr  Dalton,  and  Mr  Listen,  the  eye  is 
capable  of  seeing  the  whole  of  the  prismatic  spectrum, 
the  red  space  appearing  to  be  yellow.  ...  I  have 
lately  shown  that  the  prismatic  spectrum  consists  of 
three  equal  and  coincident  spectra  of  red,  yelloiu,  and 
blue  light ;  and  consequently,  that  much  yellow  and 
a  small  portion  of  blue  light  exist  in  the  red  space ; 
and  hence  it  follows  that  those  eyes  which  see  only 

H 


1 14  John  Dalton. 

two  colours — viz.,  yellow  and  blue,  in  the  spectrum, 
are  really  insensible  to  the  red  light  of  the  spectrum, 
and  see  only  the  yellow  with  the  small  portion  of 
blue  with  which  the  red  is  mixed.  The  faintness  of 
the  yellow  light  which  is  thus  seen  in  the  red  space 
confirms  the  opinion  that  the  retina  has  not  appre- 
ciated the  influence  of  the  simple  red  ray." 

Though  such  eminent  men  as  Dugald  Stewart  and 
M.  Sismondi  laboured  under  the  infirmity  of  abnormal 
colour-vision,  the  fact  of  John  Dalton  reporting  his 
own  case,  led  the  Continental  savans,  and  notably 
those  of  the  Academy  of  Geneva,  to  designate  the 
defect  of  colour-blindness  "  Daltonism  "  and  its  sub- 
jects "  Daltonians."  This  was  hardly  fair  to  our 
countryman,  to  have  his  physical  weakness  trumpeted 
to  the  world  when  he  had  won  immortality  in  the 
fields  of  science  ;  his  name,  if  used  at  all  for  special 
distinction,  should  have  been  applied  to  his  discovery 
of  the  Atomic  Theory. 

Various  terms,  chiefly  of  Greek  origin,  have  been 
applied  by  Whewell,  Herschel,  and  others,  to  desig- 
nate the  defect  experienced  by  Dalton.  Perhaps  the 
name  Ckromato-Pseudopsis,  or  a  false  vision  of  colours, 
would  be  generally  applicable,  but  not  entirely  so,  as 
there  are  gradations  beginning  with  deficient  colour- 
sight,  and  ending  in  monochromic  or  achromic  vision, 
or  true  colour-blindness.  The  term  "colour-blind- 
ness "  introduced  by  Sir  D.  Brewster  is,  after  the  ex- 
planation just  given,  most  expressive  and  simple,  and 
as  it  is  generally  adopted  by  scientific  men,  will  be 
used  in  this  brief  sketch. 

Professor  Wartmann*  of  Geneva  has  recorded  a 

*  Those  who  seek  for  a  complete  history  of  the  subject  under  dis- 


The  Normal  Vision  of  Colours.  115 

case  of  doubtful  colour-vision  as  occurring  in  1684,  but 
the  first  really  well-authenticated  instances  of  colour- 
blindness were  met  with  in  a  family  of  the  name  of 
Harris,*  residing  at  Maryport,  Cumberland,  to  which 
reference  has  been  so  pointedly  made  by  John  Dalton's 
inquiries  in  the  foregoing  letters  to  J.  Dickinson. 

A  few  words  will  show  how  colour-blind  persons 
differ  from  their  more  fortunate  neighbours.  Without 
aiming  at  a  scientific  analysis  of  light,  I  may  be  per- 
mitted for  the  purpose  of  this  memoir  to  assume  that 
there  are  three  simple  elementary  or  primary  colours, 
red,  blue,  and  yellow,  visible  by  daylight  to  perfect 
eyes ;  besides  white,  the  mutual  neutralisation  of 
these  colours  ;  and  black,  the  absence  of  these  colours. 
Perfect  natural  vision  is  a  three-colour  vision,  and 
each  of  the  colours  may  be  changed  by  addition  of 
white  into  tints,  and  by  addition  of  black  into  shades. 
Then  the  primary  colours  may  be  mixed  with  each 
other  so  as  to  produce  by  the  addition  of  red  to 
yellow,  scarlets  and  orange  colours;  or  by  the  addi- 
tion of  red  to  blue,  crimsons  and  purples.  All  these 
secondary  colours  are  visible  both  in  their  entirety, 
and  throughout  a  long  series  of  tints  and  shades  to  a 
perfect  eye ;  as  also  the  mixtures  of  these  secondary 
colours  with  each  other,  giving  rise  to  russet  browns, 
olives,  &c. 

cussion  will  do  well  to  consult  Professor  Wartmann's  works  translated 
in  Taylor's  "Scientific  Memoirs,"  for  1846,  and  the  able  monograph  of 
Dr  George  Wilson,  of  Edinburgh,  "Researches  in  Colour-Blindness, " 
Edinburgh,  Sutherland  &  Knox,  1855. 

*  Capt.  Joseph  Huddart,  whose  biography  forms  part  of  the  fourth 
series  of  "Cumberland  Worthies,"  addressed  a  letter  to  Dr  Joseph 
Priestley,  the  chemist,  characterising  the  peculiar  condition  of  some  of 
the  Harris  family,  which  was  published  in  the  Philosophical  Tran- 
sactions for  1777., 


u6  JohnDalton. 

The  colour-blind  distinguish  white  and  black  per- 
fectly enough,  some  few  having  no  other  perception 
of  colours  than  light  and  shade.  The  great  majority 
of  them,  however,  distinguish  two  only  of  the  primary 
colours,  yellow  and  blue ;  but  are  quite  at  fault  with 
red,  which  they  confound  with  green,  with  brown,  with 
grey,  with  drab,  and  occasionally  other  colours ;  and 
not  unfrequently  red  is  altogether  invisible,  or  appears 
black.  So  the  colour-blind  possess  a  bicolor,  or  two- 
colour  vision  of  yellow  and  blue,  and  these  only  when 
deep  or  full ;  but  as  they  are  liable  to  mistake  purple 
for  blue,  they  in  reality  are  clearly  cognizant  only  of 
yellow. 

The  most  serious  defect  in  the  colour-blind  is  in 
reference  to  red  and  its  complementary  colour  green. 
Now,  by  artificial  light,  such  as  lamps,  candles,  gas, 
red  is  less  liable  to  confusion  with  green  than  by  day- 
light ;  in  other  words,  artificial  light  lessens  colour- 
blindness— a  circumstance  that  is  often  adverted  to 
by  those  so  affected,  for  the  purpose  of  showing  that 
their  vision  is  not  so  bad  as  it  has  been  represented. 

The  observations  of  Professor  H.  W.  Dove  (Philo- 
sophical Magazine,  Oct.  1852)  tend  to  show  that  <c  we 
all  become  sooner  blind  to  red  than  to  other  colours, 
so  that  between  us  and  the  colour-blind  persons  em- 
phatically so-called,  there  is  but  a  difference  in 
degree." ' 

It  will  be  understood  that  though  there  is  a  defec- 
tive or  negative  vision  of  colours  in  the  colour-blind, 
their  vision  in  other  respects  is  good  ;  nay,  not  un- 
frequently they  have  a  very  nice  perception  of  form 
and  outline,  not  only  in  full  but  in  faint  light ;  as  was 
well  evidenced  in  Dalton's  case. 


Colour-Blindness  in  all  Ranks  of  Life.        117 

Colour-blindness  has  been  met  with  in  all  ranks 
and  stations  of  life,  including  the  peasant  and  painter, 
the  professor  and  the  philosopher.  The  affection  is 
congenital,  hereditary,  and  apparently  incurable. 
It  has  been  traced  through  five  generations,  and 
whilst  descending  by  both  the  father  and  the  mother's 
side,  it  always  attaches  to  the  sons  rather  than  the 
daughters ;  as  many  as  six  brothers  have  been  found 
with  this  defect  of  vision.  The  great  preponderance 
of  males  so  affected  compared  with  females,  as  far  as 
has  been  hitherto  ascertained,  seems  curious,  if  not 
unintelligible,  excepting  on  the  supposition  of  a 
general  reluctance  on  the  part  of  women  to  admit 
of  either  a  moral  or  physical  weakness  touching  their 
personal  attributes,  or  calculated  in  any  way  to  affect 
their  matrimonial  prospects. 

Dr  George  Wilson  believed  that  "the  number  of 
males  in  this  country  who  are  subject  to  this  affection 
of  vision  is  not  less  than  one  in  twenty,  and  that  the 
number  markedly  colour-blind,  id  est,  given  to  mis- 
take red  for  green,  brown  for  green,  purple  for  blue, 
and  occasionally  red  for  black  (as  in  Dalton's  case), 
is  not  less  than  one  in  fifty.  The  actual  number  of 
the  markedly  colour-blind  detected  in  an  examina- 
tion of  1 1 54  males  in  Edinburgh,  was  one  in  fifty-five, 
and  the  parties  examined  were  students,  soldiers, 
and  policemen,  born  in  various  parts  of  the  British 
dominions." 

My  late  esteemed  friend,  Dr  William  Mackenzie  of 
Glasgow,  one  of  the  best  oculists  of  his  day,  only  saw 
two  cases  of  colour-blindness  in  thirty  years  in 
40,000  opthalmic  patients.  This  would  tend  to  show 
that  there  is  no  relation  between  diseased  con- 


ii8  John  Dalton. 

ditions  of  the  eye  and  the  curious  phenomena  now 
under  discussion.  Insensibility  to  colours  is  in  nowise 
incompatible  with  distinct  vision  in  other  respects ; 
nay,  probably,  as  the  retina  in  persons  like  Dalton  is 
unfatigued  by  the  impression  of  colour,  the  sensi- 
tiveness to  light  is  longer  retained ;  in  other  words, 
ordinary  vision  is  rather  strengthened  than  otherwise, 
obviously  seen  in  Dalton,  who  suffered  nothing  from 
long  application  of  his  eyes. 

Many  odd  mistakes  have  been  committed  by  the 
colour-blind;  but  how  some  of  them  came  to  be 
painters,  and  dyers,  and  tailors,  is  difficult  to  compre- 
hend. A  house  painter  who  could  only  distinguish 
black  and  white,  and  required  his  wife's  eyes  to  keep 
him  right,  attempted  in  her  absence  a  stone  tint  for 
an  outside  wall,  and  had  covered  some  yards  of  the 
building  with  a  fine  blue  before  he  was  corrected.  A 
tailor,  to  whom  black  appeared  green,  or  in  particular 
instances  crimson,  repaired  the  parson's  black  silk, 
and  the  officer's  dark  blue  coat,  with  crimson,  to  the 
great  chagrin  of  his  employers.  An  officer  daily 
mingling  with  people  in  bright  colours,  purchased  .; 
blue  uniform  coat  and  waistcoat,  with  red  breeches  to 
match ! 

When  Dalton  had  made  up  his  mind  to  visit  Paris 
in  1821,  a  good  external  appearance  seemed  to  him 
very  requisite ;  accordingly  he  went  to  a  tailor's  shop 
in  Market  Street,  Manchester,  and  said  :  "  I  am  going 
to  Paris,  I  want  thee  to  sell  me  some  good  strong  drab 
cloth."  Passing  his  hand  over  a  piece  lying  on  the 
table,  he  remarked,  "  I  think  this  will  suit,  just  the 
colour  I  want,  and  stout  good  cloth."  "  Why,"  said 
the  tailor,  "  Dr  Dalton,  that  is  a  piece  of  scarlet  cloth 


The  Chromatic  Theory  not  Proved.  1 19 

for  hunting  coats!"     "Ah,"  replied  the  Doctor,  "I 
see  thou  knowest  the  infirmity  of  my  eyes." 

The  seat  or  cause  of  colour-blindness  is  a  mystery. 
Two  theories  have  been  advanced  on  the  subject. 
The  one  refers  the  false  perception  of  colours  to  the 
chromatic  condition  of  certain  portions  of  the  optical 
apparatus  of  the  eye  ;  the  other  to  \hzpeculiar  organi- 
sation of  its  nervous  apparatus,  including  so  much  of 
the  brain  as  is  essential  to  vision. 

The  chromatic  theory  was  upheld  by  Dalton,  who 
was  strongly  of  opinion  that  one  of  the  humours  (the 
vitreous)  of  his  eye  was  a  coloured  medium,  probably 
some  modification  of  blue.  But  the  examination  of 
his  eyes  after  death  revealed  nothing  in  support  of 
his  views.  Mr  Ransome,  who  made  the  post  mortem, 
states  that  "  the  aqueous  humour  of  one  of  them  was 
found  to  be  perfectly  pellucid  and  free  from  colour. 
The  vitreous  humour  and  its  envelope  (the  hyaloid 
membrane)  were  also  perfectly  colourless.  The  crys- 
talline lens  was  slightly  amber-coloured,  as  usual  in 
persons  of  advanced  age.  The  tunics,  retina,  choroid, 
and  sclerotic,  with  their  subdivisions,  presented  no 
peculiarity."  Dr  George  Wilson  discusses  the  chro- 
matic theory  at  great  length,  chiefly  on  the  relation 
which  the  retina,  the  yellow  spot  of  the  retina  (the 
foramen  of  Scemmering  *),  and  choroid  membrane 
bear  to  colour-vision. 

The  second,  or  Cerebro-retinal  theory  of  colour- 
blindness, has  found  supporters  in  some  of  the  best 
authorities  of  the  day.  In  reference  to  the  cerebrum 

*  Any  opinion  based  on  the  "  yellow  spot  of  Sremmering  "  should  be 
received  with  caution.  See  my  "  Life  of  Robert  Knox,  the  Anato- 
mist," pp.  27  and  31,  for  some  curious  observations  thereon. 


I2O  John  Dalton. 

or  brain  part  of  this  theory,  the  phrenologists  attribute 
the  power  of  distinguishing  colours  to  a  particular 
part  of  the  brain  lying  over  the  roof  of  the  orbit,  and, 
when  largely  developed,  rendering  one  part  of  the 
superciliary  ridge  specially  prominent.  Dalton's  fore- 
head, and  strongly-marked  eyebrows,  lent  no  sanction 
to  this  opinion ;  for  as  already  stated,  this  portion  of 
his  cranium  bore  considerable  analogy  to  that  of  Sir 
Isaac  Newton,  whose  knowledge  of  colours  was  ex- 
ceedingly good. 

The  only  remaining  explanation  of  colour-blindness 
is  to  be  found  in  the  retina  itself,  that  portion  of  the 
eye  upon  which  vision  truly  and  essentially  depends. 
Now,  all  the  great  authorities  on  optics,  Young, 
Brewster,  Herschel,  Miiller,  construct  their  theories 
of  colour-blindness  entirely  on  the  retina,  believing 
some  parts  of  its  structure  to  be  deficient,  or  that  its 
sensibility  to  colour  is  impaired  in  those  whom  we 
call  colour-blind. 

In  the  discrimination  of  colour,  remarkable  inequali- 
ties would  appear  to  exist  in  different  parts  of  the 
retina,  all  of  us  being  more  or  less  blind  to  red  in  the 
outermost  parts  of  our  field  of  vision.  The  accom- 
plished Helmholtz*  states  that  "  all  red  colours  appear 
much  darker  when  viewed  indirectly.  This  red-blind 
part  of  the  retina  is  most  extensive  on  the  inner  or 
nasal  side  of  the  field  of  vision ;  and  according  to 
recent  researches  of  Woinow,  there  is  at  the  furthest 
limit  of  the  visible  field  a  narrow  zone,  in  which  all 
distinction  of  colour  ceases,  and  there  only  remain 
differences  of  brightness.  In  this  outermost  circle 
everything  appears  white,  grey,  or  black." 
*  "  Popular  Scientific  Lectures,"  p.  248. 


Helmkoltz,  Young,  and  Schultze.  121 

The  Berlin  professor  had  the  good  fortune  to  exa- 
mine the  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Society  of  Lon- 
don, and  there  met  with  what  he  calls  a  wonderfully 
simple  solution  of  the  theory  of  colours,  laid  down  at 
the  beginning  of  the  century  by  the  renowned  philo- 
sopher Thomas  Young.  According  to  Dr  Young 
"  there  are  in  the  eye  three  kinds  of  nerve-fibres,  the 
first  of  which,  when  irritated  in  any  way,  produces 
the  sensation  of  red,  the  second  the  sensation  of  green, 
and  the  third  that  of  violet.  He  further  assumes  that 
the  first  are  excited  most  strongly  by  the  waves  of 
ether  of  greatest  length ;  the  second,  which  are  sensi- 
tive to  green  light,  by  the  waves  of  middle  length ; 
while  those  which  convey  impressions  of  violet  are 
acted  upon  only  by  the  shortest  vibrations  of  ether." 

The  discussion  of  this  subject  would  be  apt  to  lead 
far  beyond  the  lines  of  this  memoir.  It  may  suffice 
to  state  that  those  who  suffer  from  red-blindness  are 
deficient  in  that  class  of  nerve-fibres  which  are  sensi- 
tive to  red  rays,  or  that  these  fibres  are  so  sparingly 
distributed  as  to  be  incapable  of  excitation. 

The  observations  of  Max  Schultze  on  the  rods 
of  the  retina  of  birds  and  reptiles,  in  which  he 
found  a  number  of  rods  containing  a  red  drop  of 
oil  in  their  anterior  extremity,  or  looking  towards  the 
light,  while  other  rods  contained  a  yellow  drop,  and 
others  none  at  all,  are  of  great  interest.  And  as 
Helmholtz  has  said,  "  we  may  with  great  probability 
regard  these  rods  as  the  terminal  organs  of  those 
nervous  fibres  which  respectfully  convey  impressions 
of  red,  of  yellow,  and  of  blue  light." 

Hitherto  there  has  been  but  one  post  mortem  exami- 
nation of  the  colour-blind,  namely,  Dalton  himself,  so 


122  John  Dalton. 

that  the  theories  afloat  have  not  been  subjected  to  the 
proper  test ;  and  a  pathological  inquiry  is  essential  to 
the  elucidation  of  the  cause  of  this  anomalous  condition. 
It  is  worthy  of  note  that  Quakers  show  a  greater 
proneness  to  colour-blindness  than  any  other  class  or 
denomination  ;  that  is,  if  our  present  statistics  can  be 
relied  upon.  The  Harrises  of  Maryport  were  of  this 
persuasion,  and  where  the  largest  number  have 
occurred  in  one  family,  it  has  been  generally  among 
"Friends."  The  regular  avoidance  by  this  worthy 
sect  of  anything  like  gay  colours  in  dress  or  house- 
hold adornment,  might  so  far  deaden  the  acuter  per- 
ception of  the  finer  shades  of  colour.,  and  possibly 
induce  in  the  course  of  a  few  generations  a  hereditary 
indifference  in  that  direction,  and  so  subject  the  eye 
to  a  modified  colour-blindness.  My  friend,  Dr  George 
Wilson,  was  disposed  to  support  this  theory,  and  to 
view  it  rather  as  un  fait  accompli.  The  period,  how- 
ever, elapsing  between  the  stirring  days  of  George  Fox, 
and  the  first  appearance  of  colour-blindness  in  the 
Maryport  family  (Harris),  being  less  than  a  century, 
implies  that  the  first  instances  of  this  defect  noticed 
among  Quakers  in  England,  owed  little  or  nothing 
to  the  drab  surroundings  of  their  ancestors.  It  would 
be  none  the  less  interesting  to  ascertain  how  far 
colour-blindness  prevails  among  "  Friends,"  as  com- 
pared with  the  general  community ;  and  if  this  is  to 
be  done,  it  should  be  done  speedily,  as  the  rank  and 
file  of  the  regiments  of  drab  are  rapidly  thinning,  and 
bid  fair  to  die  out  before  the  end  of  the  present 
century — their  present  number  of  bona  fide  members 
fairly  told,  probably  not  exceeding  9000  persons  in 
England  and  Wales. 


Dangers  attendant  on  Colour-Blindness.        123 

As  colour-blindness  has  hitherto  proved  incurable, 
care  should  be  taken  by  parents  and  guardians  to 
restrict  those  affected  by  it  to  lines  of  pursuit,  be  it 
art,  trade,  or  profession,  in  which  colour  forms  no 
essential  part.  It  would  be  absurd  to  send  a  colour- 
blind person  to  house  painting,  dyeing,  and  weaving ; 
and  equally  futile  to  make  the  most  educated  a 
botanist,  an  analytical  chemist,  or  physician.  Above 
all  other  pursuits  railway  service  and  sea-faring  should 
be  avoided  by  such  persons ;  and  it  is  especially 
demanded  of  railway  authorities  to  test  the  visual 
capacity  of  all  their  employed,  seeing  that  the  colour- 
blind often  mistake  bright  red  for  green,  dark  red  for 
brown,  and  red  for  black,  as  well  as  dark  or  light 
shades  of  all  colours  for  each  other :  thus  the  caution 
signal  green  is  liable  to  be  mistaken  for  the  danger 
signal  red,  and  the  latter,  when  it  appears  black,  not 
to  be  seen  at  all.  That  accidents  have  occurred,  and 
do  still  occur,  from  employing  the  more  or  less 
colour-blind,  and  that  many  valuable  lives  have  been 
sacrificed  in  this  way,  can  hardly  admit  of  a  reason- 
able doubt. 

If  there  be  any  organ  in  the  body  more  likely  than 
another  to  show  weakness  of  function  or  defect,  it 
should  be  the  eye,  in  all  its  wonderful  organisation, 
and  delicacy,  and  beauty,  resting  also  for  its  mani- 
festations on  the  motions  of  a  matter  of  extreme 
tenuity — the  light, 

"  From  matter  streaming,  it  makes  matter  bright, 
Matter  arrests  it  on  its  onward  flight ; " 

a  world  of  light  and  colour  vibrating  through  the 
ethereal  atoms  of  the  universe. 


124  John  Dalton. 

Of  what  moment  was  it  to  Dalton  to  note  the 
climatic  conditions  and  physiognomy  of  Nature,  the 
delicate  buds  of  spring,  the  leafy  woods  of  summer, 
and  the  yellow  ripening  of  autumn  in  all  their  dis- 
play of  variety  of  colour,  exquisite  contrast,  and 
beauty !  The  organic  kingdoms  would  present  to 
him  little  more  than  an  arrangement  of  form,  whereas 
to  the  normally-constituted  and  aesthetic  vision  they 
offered  alternate  brightness  and  tint,  and  to  the  de- 
votee a  hieroglyphic  of  the  Eternal,  in  whose  ma- 
terial fashionings  were  to  be  found  the  indications 
of  a  spiritual  existence.  Wanting  one  of  the  chief 
senses  of  the  naturalist,  or  having  its  capacity  and 
fitness  impaired,  his  scope  of  observation  would  be 
more  or  less  limited  to  the  forms  and  nomenclature 
of  organisms,  so  far  worthy  of  pursuit,  but,  com- 
paratively speaking,  little  more  effective  than  peeling 
off  the  outer  bark  of  the  tree,  when  a  more  enlarged 
observation  would  treat  of  the  circulating  sap  ves- 
sels, the  structural  pith  and  entire  physiology.  In 
morphology,  a  subject  akin  to  his  breadth  of  inquiry 
and  powers  of  generalisation,  as  it  was  to  Goethe, 
he  might  have  shone ;  for  there,  as  the  noble  exponent 
of  the  science  aptly  wrote — 

"  All  shapes  are  similar,  yet  all  unlike, 
The  chorus  thus  a  hidden  law  reveals." 

The  aesthetic  feeling  being  thus  so  far  impaired, 
Dalton  might  well  remain  a  bachelor;  true  beauty, 
flowing  from  colour  and  emotional  surprise,  could 
offer  no  charms  to  him.  For  what  purpose,  beyond 
the  interchange  of  commonplace  thoughts,  did  he 
associate  with  the  pretty  Quakeresses  of  Kendal,  of 


Untouched  by  Beauty 's  Charms.  125 

fair  complexion,  peach-blossom  cheeks,  ruby  lips,  and 
auburn  hair,  decked  out  in  simple  yet  seductive 
forms  of  cap  and  ribbon  ?  These  bright  and  natural 
emblems  of  Hymen  worship  touched  not  the  inner 
chords  of  John  Dalton's  heart.  He  might  have  ex- 
claimed, in  the  words  of  Horace, 

"  Meu  !  quove  color?  decens 
Quo  motus  ?  " 

The  "  Quo  fugit  Venus "  was  not  applicable  to  one 
who  never  enjoyed  the  real  flame  of  love,  but  only 
the  smallest  of  flirtations,  nay,  hardly  so  much,  with 
a  pretty  widow.  Circumstanced  as  he  was  to  the 
aesthetic  and  beautiful  of  the  world,  the  best  thing 
he  could  do  for  his  own  satisfaction  was  to  follow  the 
science  that  dwelt  in  numbers,  algebraic  forms,  and 
chemical  symbols;  for  there  he  could  be  on  a  par 
with  other  men,  making  use  of  black  and  white 
lines  to  illustrate  their  abstract  formulas. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

"  Modifications  in  the  religious  sentiments  and  the  tender est  social  feelings 
of  men,  and  changes  in  the  special  habits  of  those  who  exercise  an 
influence  on  the  ideas  of  the  mass,  give  a  sudden  predominance  to  that 
which  might  have  previously  escaped  attention" — ALEXANDER  VON 

HUMBOLDT. 

HIS  IDEAS  ON  QUAKER- WORSHIP — THE  HANDSOME  WIDOW  AND  LOVE- 
ABLE  SPINSTER— POETICAL  EFFORT — ESSAYS  ON  THE  QUANTITY 
OF  RAIN  AND  DEW — ON  THE  POWER  OF  FLUIDS  TO  CONDUCT 
HEAT — MAXIMUM  DENSITY  OF  WATER — THE  SECRETARYSHIP  OF 
THE  LITERARY  AND  PHILOSOPHICAL  SOCIETY — ESSAYS  ON  HEAT 
AND  COLD  PRODUCED  BY  CONDENSATION  AND  RAREFACTION  OF 
AIR — CONSTITUTION  OF  MIXED  GASES — FORCE  OF  STEAM — EVA- 
PORATION— EXPANSION  OF  GASES  BY  HEAT. 

JOHN  DALTON,  though  reticent  on  reli- 
gious questions,  and  never  voluntarily 
entering  upon  their  discussion,  felt  himself 
bound  to  obey  regimental  orders ;  and  in 
outer  habiliments,  no  less  than  in  denominational 
observances,  justly  ranked  as  a  "  Friend/'  or  faithful 
disciple  of  George  Fox.  His  first  visit  to  London  in 
May  1/92,  evidently  arose  out  of  a  wish  to  attend 
the  "yearly  meeting  of  Friends/'*  where  this  pious 

*  The  Prince  Regent,  afterwards  George  the  Fourth,  fond  of  excite- 
ment and  adventure,  laid  a  wager  with  one  of  his  Beau  Brummel  jovial 
crew  that  he  could  appear  as  a  Quaker  at  the  great  yearly  meeting  in 
London.  In  suitable  drab  and  broad  brim  he  entered  the  meeting- 
house, and  took  a  seat,  a  little  disconcerted,  perhaps,  to  find  that 
"  Women  Friends  "  sat  apart  from  the  men.  Whether  his  embonpoint, 
jaunty  air,  or  non-quakerish  countenance  betrayed  him  as  he  passed 


His  First  Visit  to  London.  127 

and  peaceful  people  most  do  congregate  from  all 
parts  of  the  empire;  either  as  representatives  of 
their  respective  "  monthly  meetings/'  or  as  zealous 
partakers  of  the  wisdom  of  the  higher  orders  of  the 
ministry  assembled  to  discuss  the  laws  and  discipline 
of  the  body,  and,  it  may  be  added,  with  a  solemnity 
becoming  those  who  seek  the  Divine  Spirit  in  all 
matters  relating  to  their  moral  and  religious  welfare. 

Coming  from  the  quietude  of  a  small  market  town 
like  Kendal,  he  naturally  looked  upon  London  as 
"a  most  surprising  place,  worth  one's  while  to  see 
once,  but  the  most  disagreeable  place  on  earth  for 
one  of  a  contemplative  turn  to  reside  in  constantly." 
The  number  and  noise  of  the  hackney  coaches  en- 
gaged his  attention  as  much  as  any  novelty  he  saw, 
and  his  numerical  habits  led  him  to  count  the  num- 
ber of  coaches  conveying  Friends  to  their  meeting- 
house, and  he  found  no  less  than  one  hundred  and 
four  in  the  service.  There  is  no  indication  of  his 
having  made  the  acquaintance  of  any  of  the  scientific 
men  in  the  metropolis  on  the  visit,  his  time  being 
apparently  absorbed  with  his  co-religionists,  and  a 
general  glance  at  the  wonders  of  the  New  Babylon. 

He  felt  more  than  usual  interest  in  the  mode  of 
worship  practised  by  Friends,  as  is  revealed  by  a 


through  the  porch,  some  of  the  elders  scrutinised  him  very  closely,  and 
were  consequently  led  to  express  a  doubt  as  to  his  claims  to  a  seat  in 
the  synagogue.  After  a  few  minutes'  consultation  on  the  subject,  an 
aged  Friend  approached  the  Prince,  and  put  this  simple  question — 
"  May  I  ask  thee  to  say  what  monthly  meeting  thou  belongs  to,  friend  ?" 
This  interrogation  was  beyond  the  card  of  His  Royal  Highness,  so  he 
found  it  convenient  to  withdraw  from  the  meeting;  not,  however, 
without  a  polite  uplifting  of  his  broad  brim  to  the  wondering  Friends 
as  he  passed  from  the  threshold  of  the  meeting  to  the  open  street. 


128  John  Dalton. 

record  in  his  Journal  of  1795,  where  he  states  that, 
along  with  another  Friend,  he  "  drew  up  a  petition  to 
the  yearly  meeting  soliciting  permission  to  use  music 
under  certain  limitations."  To  those  who  are  aware 
of  the  extreme  simplicity  guiding  Friends  in  their 
religious  attitudes,  where  there  is  no  tuning  to  the 
heavenly  spheres,  no  vociferation,  but  much  silent 
meditation,  nay,  a  silence  not  infrequently  quite  pro- 
found during  the  hour  and  a  half  of  their  assembling, 
it  is  needless  to  say  that  so  bold  an  innovation  as 
that  suggested  by  Dalton  must  have  taken  the  "  Con- 
script Fathers,"  and,  it  may  be  added,  "  Mothers," 
seeing  that  the  majority  of  Quaker  ministers  are 
women,  with  no  small  amount  of  astonishment. 

As  there  is  nothing  more  akin  to  the  higher  reli- 
gious feelings  of  man  than  his  sympathetic  relations 
with  the  tender  sex,  the  following  love  episodes  in 
John  Barton's  staid  and  invulnerable  bachelorship 
may  find  appropriate  place  here.  In  a  long  letter  to 
Elihu  Robinson  (February  20,  1/94),  after  describing 
his  residence  in  the  New  College,  his  varied  engage- 
ments, and  observations  on  colour-blindness,  he 
frames  a  supposition  for  his  Eaglesfield  friends — 
"  I  wonder  whether  John  is  going  to  marry  yet  or 
not?"  and  then  describes  with  becoming  discretion 
his  experiences  with  a  pretty  love-making  widow  in 
the  circle  of  "  Friends."  For  a  time  he  seemed  to 
feel  with  Shakespeare's  "  Biron  "— 


"  From  woman's  eyes  this  doctrine  I  derive  ; 
They  are  the  ground,  the  books,  the  academies, 
From  whence  doth  spring  the  Promethean  fire. 
Why,  universal  plodding  prisons  up 
The  nimble  spirit  in  the  arteries." 


His  English  Grammar.  145 

issued  in  1803  (Ostell,  Ave  Maria  Lane,  London, 
I2mo,  pp.  122).  The  book  was  dedicated  to  John 
Home  Tooke,  M.P.,  to  whom  he  expressed  his  obli- 
gations in  the  following  terms :  "  To  the  literary 
world  it  will  be  unnecessary  to  observe  that  in  this 
department,  etymology,  I  have  drawn  a  great  deal 
from  one  sotirce;  but  I  have  not  rested  satisfied  with 
the  ipse  dixit  of  the  author  of  '  The  Diversions  of 
Purley/  when  time  and  opportunity  afforded  me 
means  of  confirmation  and  inquiry."  He  writes  to 
his  brother:  "I  have  sent  a  copy  to  Home  Tooke, 
but  he  has  got  things  to  attend  to  now,  instead  of 
works?  This  was  in  allusion  to  Mr  Tooke  being 
then  arraigned  on  a  charge  of  high  treason. 

This  concisely-written  Grammar  found  favour  with 
some  literary  critics,  and  was  not  without  a  certain 
degree  of  merit,  were  it  only  as  an  innovation  on  the 
grammatical  systems  then  in  use.  Thus,  he  banished 
the  articles  from  the  parts  of  speech,  and  associates 
them  with  the  adjectives  under  the  title  of  definitives. 

At  p.  8,  he  says — 

"It  may  be  taken  as  an  axiom  that  all  time  or  duration,  in 
the  strictness  of  the  terms,  is  either  past  or  future.  But  for  the 
purposes  of  speech  we  must  have  a  present  time  of  some  dura- 
tion, which  must  necessarily  be  comprised  of  a  portion  of  the 
past  and  a  portion  of  the  future,  having  the  present,  now  or 
instant,  as  a  boundary  between  them.  Its  length  may  be  what 
we  please  to  make  it. 

"  Grammatically  speaking,  therefore,  there  are  three  times, 
present,  past,  and  future  ;  though  strictly  and  mathematically 
speaking,  we  can  admit  only  two,  past  and  future,"  £c. 

insisting  upon  a  more  careful  search,  a  dusty  corner  revealed  a  large 
parcel  of  his  Grammars.  The  opinion  prevailed  that  few  were  sold 
beyond  the  wants  of  his  own  academical  classes. 

K 


146  John  Dalton. 

The  Rev.  Sydney  Smith,  in  one  of  his  amusing 
contributions  to  the  Edinburgh  Review,  avowed  his 
belief  that  if  "  Quakers  "  had  prevailed  in  numbers,  the 
world  would  have  been  a  very  stupid  and  dull  affair. 
Not  improbably  he  formed  his  estimate  from  some 
demure  Obadiah,  or  ancient  spinster  Tabitha  of  the 
order  drab,  as  little  seen  now-a-days  as  the  ultra 
"  broad-brim  beaver  "  or  "  coal-scuttle  bonnet "  of  a 
past  generation.  Though  stiff  in  manners,  and  formal 
in  phraseology,  the  "Friends"  are  a  worthy  people, 
who  cultivate  the  homely  virtues,  and  enjoy  the  ame- 
nities of  life  as  happily  as  any  class  of  her  Majesty's 
subjects.  Their  youths  are  well  trained  in  schools  of 
their  own  persuasion ;  where  order,  occupation,  and 
the  culture  of  independent  habits  and  resources,  are 
strongly  inculcated.  All  "  Friends "  are  neat  in 
their  attire  and  personal  and  domestic  relations  ;  they 
are  much  given  to  hospitality  and  social  fraternisation 
with  members  of  their  own  order;  and  their  homes 
are  enjoyable.  Another  feature  of  their  lives  is  a 
tendency  to  holiday-making  and  travelling  to  and  fro 
visiting  their  brethren — a  cheap  and  pleasant  mode  of 
being  entertained  whilst  gathering  a  knowledge  of  the 
outer  world. 

John  Dalton,  like  his  fraternity,  had  a  great  pen- 
chant for  rambling  during  the  summer  months  ;  and 
one  of  these  excursions  may  be  appropriately  intro- 
duced here  by  quotations  from  a  long  letter  of  his  to 
Elihu  Robinson.  Though  not  in  exact  chronological 
order,  the  letter  may  be  viewed  as  episodical  to  the 
general  narrative,  and  help  to  lighten  the  dry  scienti- 
fic details  prevailing  towards  the  close  of  this  chapter. 
Dalton's  companion  was  a  brother  of  the  "  amiable 


A  Pleasant  Excursion.  147 

Hannah/'  The  young  Quaker  pedestrians  lost  their 
geographical  bearings  in  a  way  to  make  them  the 
laughing-stock  of  an  English  village. 

MANCHESTER,  ist  month,  27^,  1798. 

DEAR  COUSIN, — It  is  now  three  months  since  I  received  thy 
kind  notice  of  my  letter  of  last  summer.  My  engagements  of 
teaching  in  public  and  private,  together  with  my  own  literary 
pursuits  and  the  necessity  of  frequent  visits  amongst  an  exten- 
sive acquaintance,  occupy  my  time  so  regularly  from  8  in  the 
morning  to  12  at  night,  that  I  rarely  find  an  opportunity  for 
occasional  correspondence.  However,  I  mean  herein  to  give 
thee  a  further  account  of  our  tour,  agreeable  to  thy  request ; 
only  I  am  afraid  that  some  part  will  only  be  a  tale  twice  told, 
as  I  am  not  aware  of  what  I  wrote  last. 

We  had  a  very  pleasant  passage  across  the  Mersey  from 
Liverpool  towards  Chester  (about  12  miles),  and  had  a  fine  view 
of  Beeston  Castle  (about  30  miles),  whither  we  were  aiming ;  we 
reached  Chester  in  the  canal  boat  about  5,  and  having  drank 
tea,  started  on  foot  for  Tarporley  (10  miles),  anticipating  the 
twofold  pleasure  of  a  fine  view  from  the  castle  the  next  day,  and 
of  there  partaking  of  a  cold  collation  in  the  open  air  in  company 
with  my  amiable  friend  Eliza  Rothwell  and  her  daughters,  who 
were  on  a  visit.  They  had,  however,  been  suddenly  and 
unexpectedly  called  home  the  day  before ;  but  had  taken  care 
to  secure  us  a  welcome  reception  at  their  friend's  house,  which 
was  situate  on  a  hill  about  three  miles  from  the  castle,  and  in 
full  view  of  it,  a  valley  intervening.  In  the  morning  we  had  no 
sooner  drawn  aside  the  curtains,  than  the  rising  sun  shone  in 
upon  us,  and  discovered  the  most  elegant  lodging  room  I  was 
ever  in.  But  that  was  not  all ;  the  views  from  the  windows  on 
two  sides  of  the  room  were  exquisite ;  we  seized  upon  a  large 
reflecting  telescope  and  pointed  it  to  the  castle  before  we  were 
dressed.  After  spending  the  morning  there  we  went  over  to  the 
castle,  which  answered  our  expectation,  and  then  proceeded  to 
Whitchurch  that  night.  Rose  at  6,  and  would  go  to  Wem  to 
breakfast  (n  miles) ;  when  we  had  gone  two,  came  to  a  village 
where  we  were  told  to  inquire  for  a  footroad  which  was  about  three 
miles,  and  said  to  be  at  least  a  mile  nearer ;  there  were  many 


148  John  Dalton. 

cross  roads  at  the  village,  and  we  asked  at  a  flax  shop  on  our  left, 
which  was  the  short  road,  and  were  directed  to  turn  to  our  left 
at  a  barn,  &c.,  &c.,  and  found  all  as  was  told  ;  presuming,  how- 
ever, that  the  main  road  was  right  forward  ;  but  it  happened  to 
be  a  road  still  more  to  the  left,  as  we  found  to  our  cost  in  the 
sequel.   An  hour  after  we  got  into  the  main  road  at  right  angles 
to  our  last  track,  and  turned  of  course  to  the  left ;  soon  after 
came  to  a  stone,  but  its  inscription  defaced.    We  rested  awhile, 
and  a  person  came  up  who  told  it  was  four  miles  to  Wem  ; 
unfortunately,  we  were  standing  still  when  we  asked.    We  pro- 
ceeded, and  another  stone  presented  itself  likewise  defaced, 
which  we  called  three,  and  going  on  we  began  to  look  long  for 
two,  when  we  entered  a  village  where  were  many  cross  roads. 
My  companion,  impatient  for  his  breakfast,  would  inquire  of 
somebody,  and  stepped  aside  to  a  shop  on  his  right,  whilst  I 
went  up  to  a  guide  post.     I  had  not  got  up  to  it  before  I  heard 
a  voice  behind  me  : — "  We  have  been  here  before  this  morning? 
I  went  on, — it  repeated,  "  /  say,  we  have  been  here  before  this 
morning?    "What  dost  thou  mean?"  said  I,  turning  round; 
"  Well,  I  say  we  have  been  here  before  this  morning,  this  is  the 
flax  shop  I  inquired  at  before,  and  yonder  is  the  barn?    I  per- 
ceived it  was  so.     The  very  same  men  that  had  directed  us 
before  came  out,  and  seemed  as  much  surprised  as  we,  inquir- 
ing whether  we  had  been  at  Wem,  as  we  had  asked  of  them  the 
way  about  two  hours  before.     Our  surprise  and  chagrin  may  be 
easily  conceived.    They  told  us  to  go  back  the  way  we  had 
last  come,  and  then  they  defied  us  to  get  wrong  ;  which  we  did 
accordingly.     In  this  manner  we  paid  for  a  piece  of  advice, 
"  Never  to  leave  the  main  road  without  knowing  well  on  which 
hand  you  have  it."    We  could  get  nothing  but  bread  and  water 
till  we  got  to  Wem  at  1 1,  and  then  we  had  each  about  eight  or 
ten  cups  of  coffee. 

He  visited  Shrewsbury,  Coalbrookdale,  Birming- 
ham, &c. ;  his  comments  thereon  need  not  detain  the 
reader.  After  spending  a  fine  day  at  Blenheim  House, 
he  continues : — 

At  Oxford  we  had  a  line  to  one  of  the  Fellows,  who  showed 
us  what  was  worth  attention  at  that  celebrated  place,  as  the 


His  Description  of  Ross.  149 

libraries,  gardens,  buildings,  £c.  At  Slough,  we  'saw  Dr 
Herschel's  great  telescope ;  and  the  royal  family  at  Windsor  ; 
also  the  college  at  Eton.  The  places  we  visited,  and  the  obser- 
vations made  in  the  metropolis,  I  must  omit,  as  they  would 
require  some  room.  In  going  down  to  Bristol  we  stopped  a  few 
days  at  Wilton,  at  a  gentleman's  house,  where  we  had  an  intro- 
duction ;  here  we  had  a  full  opportunity  of  visiting  Salisbury, 
Lord  Pembroke's,  &c.,  not  forgetting  Old  Sarum,  Stonehenge. 
Thou  inquirest  more  particularly  about  Ross. 

We  travelled  from  Monmouth  by  Ross  to  Hereford  in  one 
day ;  it  is  twenty-five  miles  direct,  but  we  made  nearly  thirty. 
Betwixt  Monmouth  and  Ross,  we  left  the  road  and  followed  the 
meandering  Wye,  surrounded  by  the  most  picturesque  scenery 
that  can  be  imagined ;  there  is  a  plain  about  100  yards  broad 
along  the  Wye  at  that  place,  and  the  banks  rise  very  abruptly 
from  that  plain  on  each  side  to  a  great  height,  interspersed  with 
trees  of  various  kinds,  and  rocks  rising  up  amongst  them,  vying 
with  the  trees  in  height.  At  one  place  we  disputed  whether  the 
appearances  were  natural  or  artificial ;  whether  the  remains  of 
an  old  castle,  or  some  vagaries  of  nature  ;  in  consequence  of 
which  we  climbed  the  hill,  and  had  scarcely  satisfied  ourselves, 
when  looking  round  we  discovered  a  profusion  of  plants  we  had 
never  before  seen,  and  several  of  the  more  rare  ones  which  we 
had  seen.  These  things  took  up  so  much  of  our  time  and 
attention,  that  if  we  had  met  the  Man  of  Ross  himself  we  could 
scarcely  have  stopped  to  ask  him  how  he  did.  We  were  an 
hour  in  Ross,  and  dined  there  ;  it  is  a  neat  and  pleasant  town  ; 
we  inquired  what  there  was  to  be  seen,  and  were  informed, 
nothing  so  remarkable  as  a  view  from  the  churchyard.  We  went, 
and  were  gratified  with  a  sight  which  immediately  suggested  to 
us  both  the  view  from  Windsor  Terrace  ;  it  was  indeed  nearly 
equal  to  it.  The  church  stands  upon  a  hill,  neat  and  well  built, 
with  a  noble  spire  ;  the  yard,  walks,  &c.,  remarkably  neat,  and 
fine  green  turf.  Of  the  alms-house  we  heard  nothing.  We 
walked  over  the  causeway  indeed,  but  knew  not  that  we  were 
upon  hallowed  ground!  till  we  got  to  Liverpool.  Then  we 
learned  that  a  causeway  we  remembered  very  well  in  coming 
out  of  Ross  was  that  in  question  ;  it  is  on  the  road  in  a  low 
place,  apt  to  be  flooded,  where  a  foot  walk  is  raised  a  great 


ISO  John  Dalton. 

height,  I  think,  by  one  or  more  arches,  and  paved  for  about  100 
yards.  I  remember  when  we  passed  it,  a  horseman  chose  to 
ride  over  it,  and  leapt  the  bar  at  the  end.  Were  I  to  go  again, 
I  should  wish  to  spend  more  time  at  Ross.  I  do  not  mean  so 
much  to  compliment  Eaglesfield  as  to  decry  Montgomery  in 
what  I  said.  When  one  goes  to  a  county  town,  and  has  to  look 
at  every  house  side  for  a  painted  board,  and  when  they  have 
found  one,  they  have  not  one  spare  bed  for  a  couple  of  tra- 
vellers, it  is  not  to  be  expected  that  visitants  will  go  away  with 
a  good  report.  With  respect  to  Wales  in  general,  thou  thinkest 
I  am  too  severe.  In  Cumberland  every  other  man  one  meets  has 
a  little  estate  which  he  cultivates  himself,  and  enjoys  the  pro- 
duce ;  but  in  Wales  they  are  all  labourers,  the  masters  are  never 
seen,  they  are  not  in  the  country.  How  can  a  "  Philanthropic 
Philosopher"  observe  these  things  without  emotion  ? 

I  paid  a  visit  this  winter  to  Kendal,  and  to  my  esteemed 
friend  John  Fell  of  Ulverston,  in  whose  family,  consisting  of 
himself,  wife,  daughter  Margaret,  and  a  relation  of  theirs,  I 
spent  four  or  five  days  with  great  satisfaction.  I  also  spent  a 
day  or  two  at  Lancaster  for  the  first  time  since  the  death  of 
my  fellow-traveller.  His  amiable  sister  Hannah  has  never  been 
well  since. 

I  must  now  conclude,  with  my  continued  respects  for  cousin 
Ruth  and  thyself ;  and  the  remembrance  of  my  other  friends  at 
Eaglesfield  is  grateful.— I  remain,  £c.,  JOHN  DALTON. 

P.S. — As  one  of  the  committee  of  Friends'  school  here,  I  may 
observe,  that  we  are  yet  in  want  of  a  master,  but  expect  to  agree 
with  one  shortly. 

In  the  midst  of  his  scientific  pursuits,  upon  which 
his  energies  were  daily  concentrated,  Dalton  had  the 
faculty  of  unbending  himself  in  the  society  of  women, 
and  could  enter  with  zest  into  their  homely  wants 
and  pursuits,  especially  when  they  relished  his  con- 
versation and  offered  no  objection  to  his  use  of 
tobacco.  The  purport  of  the  subjoined  letter  was  to 
get  a  small  spinning-wheel  from  Cumberland,  but  it 


Smokes  his  Pipe  to  the  Whirl-go-round.        151 

comprises  other  subjects  worth  noting,  both  as  to  his 
social  enjoyments  and  the  historical  relations  of  Man- 
chester. 

1  MANCHESTER,  2  mo.,  ioth,  1800. 

DEAR  COUSIN,— I  do  not  know  whether  I  ought  not  to 
apologise  for  troubling  thee  so  often  on  matters  of  business  ; 
but  not  knowing  exactly  Isaac  Harris'  address,  and  wanting 
simply  to  tell  him  that  another  wheel  [small  spinning-wheel]  is 
wanted,  as  like  the  former  as  may  be,  I  thought  it  would  be  no 
great  inconvenience  for  thee  to  inform  him.  The  one  we  have 
got  gives  great  satisfaction,  and  I  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  it 
in  motion,  whilst  I  smoke  my  pipe,  two  or  three  evenings  in  the 
week,  though  it  is  more  than  half  a  mile  from  my  lodgings.  It 
reminds  me  of  some  pleasant  evenings  spent  at  Eaglesfield  in 
times  of  old,  and  prevents  me  repining  at  the  loss  of  them. 
The  second  is  for  two  younger  sisters  who  will  be  anxious  for 
its  speedy  arrival. 

The  high  price  and  scarcity  of  flour  is  a  serious  calamity 
with  you,  I  suppose,  as  well  as  with  us ;  it  is  no  trifling  matter 
to  supply  our  market  with  10,000  stone  per  week. 

In  the  literary  and  philosophical  way  I  suppose  thy  curiosity 
will  be  subsided  a  good  deal.  The  Literary  and  Philosophical 
Society  of  this  place  (a  concern  wholly  independent  of  the  aca- 
demical institution  I  am  in)  have  lately  erected,  for  themselves 
to  meet  in  once  a  fortnight,  a  very  elegant  building.  The  mem- 
bers are  about  70,  resident  in  Manchester.  I  am  just  making 
out  a  statement  of  the  expenditure  :  the  building  has  cost  us 
about  ^800,  and  the  furniture  of  the  room  to  meet  in  upwards 
of  ^100.  It  is  said  to  be  much  more  elegant  than  that  of  the 
Royal  Society.  I  read  two  papers  last  winter ;  one  relative  to 
an  essay  of  Count  Rumford;  the  other  an  inquiry  whether  the  rain 
is  sufficient  to  supply  springs  and  rivers,  and  afford  enough  of 
water  besides  for  the  purposes  of  vegetation  ;  which  I  endeavour 
to  show  is  fact.  The  rivers  of  England  and  Wales  I  calculate 
equal  to  nine  times  the  Thames,  and  that  they  all  together  take 
off  little  more  than  one-third  of  the  water  that  falls  in  rain. 

I  almost  forgot  to  say  anything  of  my  fellow-traveller ;  the 
truth  is,  I  have  not  seen  him  for  two  months ;  he  is  busy  and  I  am 
busy,  and  if  we  meet  it  is  only  to  have  a  hearty  shake  of  hands. 


152  John  Dalton. 

We  have  had  a  severe  cold  or  influenza  here  lately,  which 
most  people  have  had.  I  never  remember  to  have  been  so  ill 
in  my  life  ;  was  confined  to  the  house  for  several  days.  It  was 
attended  with  an  extraordinary  degree  of  languor,  along  with 
other  symptoms  of  a  cold. 

I  must  conclude  with  my  kind  love  to  cousin  Ruth  and  to 
friends,  and  remain  thy  affectionate  cousin,  JOHN  DALTON. 

To  ELIHU  ROBINSON, 

Eaglesfield,  near  Cockermouth. 

Here  is  a  letter  explanatory  of  his  Grammar,  and 
containing  good  news  as  to  the  number  of  his  pupils, 
and  his  fees  as  a  teacher :  "  not  yet  rich  enough  to 

retire  "  :— 

MANCHESTER,  3  mo.,  22^  1802. 

DEAR  COUSIN, — Having  an  opportunity  to  write  thee  by  a 
friend,  I  am  unwilling  to  neglect  it,  though  my  time  is  very 
limited.  Thy  favour  of  the  2d  of  i  mo.  came  duly.  I  am 
obliged  to  thee  for  thy  remarks  on  my  "  Grammar,"  and  do  not 
differ  so  widely  from  thee  in  regard  to  Fisher's ;  for,  I  think 
upon  the  whole,  it  is  as  good  as  any  that  has  succeeded  it ;  but 
at  the  same  time  I  think  they  are  all  very  bad,  or  I  should  not 
have  been  at  the  trouble  to  write  one  principally  for  my  own 
use.  I  am  now  in  the  practice  of  teaching  it,  and  find  it  the 
most  intelligible  to  my  young  people  of  any  they  have  met  with. 

I  believe  it  has  not  yet  been  reviewed ;  whether  through  the 
negligence  of  my  bookseller  or  the  reviewers,  I  know  not,  and 
have  been  too  busy  to  mind  it  till  lately  :  I  wrote  my  bookseller 
a  few  days  ago  on  the  subject.  Some  of  my  friends  gave 
Morris  Birkbeck  a  copy,  and  he  did  not  like  it  at  first;  but 
upon  a  second  perusal  he  became  a  convert.  I  have  seen 
Wilson's  edition  of  Fisher,  but  do  not  recollect  particulars.  It 
certainly  makes  against  an  elementary  treatise,  and  especially 
one  on  grammar,  if  the  language  be  not  intelligible.  It  seems 
the  expression,  "  Diversions  of  Purley,"  *  is  not  easily  under- 

*  This  must  refer  to  John  Home  Tooke's  publication  in  1786,  of 
"  Diversions  of  Purley,"  the  latter  of  which  names  was  given  to  the 
work  in  compliment  to  the  residence  of  his  friend,  Mr  Wm.  Tooke. 


"  Not  yet  Rich  Enough  to  Retire?  1 5  3 

stood  without  some  notes  critical  and  explanatory.  Please 
then  to  take  the,  following  : — 

Explanatory  Note.— Purley  is  the  name  of  the  house  or  place 
where  the  author  resides  ;  it  is  noted  by  the  author  as  being  the 
residence  of  Bradshaw,  the  President  on  King  Charles's  trial. 
It  is  about  a  mile  from  Wandsworth,  Surrey. 

Critical  Note.— The  title  "  Diversions"  seems  very  inappropriate 
to  a  learned  dissertation  on  the  origin  and  structure  of  language  ; 
perhaps  it  was  a  little  vanity  in  the  author  to  denominate  what 
some  people  would  think  very  laborious  investigations  by  the 
name  of  diversions.  However  that  might  be,  his  Greek  title 
['Erect  Hrepoevra]  is  appropriate  enough,  signifying  "Winged 
Words,"  to  denote  the  speed  with  which  language  conveys 
ideas. 

My  Academy  has  done  very  well  for  me  hitherto.  I  have  about 
eight  or  nine  day  pupils  at  a  medium,  at  ten  guineas  per  annum, 
and  am  now  giving  upwards  of  twenty  lessons  per  week,  pri- 
vately, at  two  shillings  each  besides.  [I]  am  not  yet  rich  enough 
to  retire,  notwithstanding. 

With  my  kind  love  to  cousin  Ruth,  thyself,  and  other  friends, 
I  remain,  in  haste,  JOHN  D ALTON. 

To  ELIHU  ROBINSON. 

On  November  I2th,  1802,  Dalton  read  to  the  Liter- 
ary and  Philosophical  Society  an  "  experimental 
inquiry  into  the  proportion  of  the  several  gases"  or 
elastic  fluids  constituting  the  atmosphere."  (Memoirs, 
Second  Series,  vol.  i.  p.  244).  These  he  ascertained 
by  weight  to  be : 


Azotic  gas 
Oxygenous  gas 
Aqueous  vapour 
Carbonic  acid  gas 


100*00 


This  essay  is  of  no  small  interest  as  one  of  his 
earliest    contributions  to    pure    chemistry,    and    it 


154  John  D  alt  on. 

assumes  historic  value  as  announcing  in  the  combi- 
nations of  oxygen  and  nitrous  gas  (now  called  nitric 
oxide  gas)  the  first  example  of  the  law  of  multiple 
proportions.  In  describing  the  various  eudiometrical 
processes  then  in  use,  he  preferred  the  nitrous  gas 
method.  The  oxygen  contained  in  100  measures  of 
common  air,  he  found,  would  combine,  in  a  narrow 
tube,  with  36  of  pure  nitrous  gas,  forming  nitnV: 
acid;  or  with  72>  in  a  wide  vessel,  forming  nitrous 
acid.  The  residuum  in  each  experiment  was  79  or  80 
measures  of  pure  nitrogen  gas.  "  These  facts  clearly 
point  out  the  theory  of  the  process  :  the  elements  of 
oxygen  may  combine  with  a  certain  portion  of  nitrous 
gas,  or  with  twice  that  portion,  but  with  no  inter- 
mediate quantity."  His  general  conclusion  from  his 
own  experiments,  and  those  of  Davy,  was,  that  100 
volumes  of  air  consist  of  79  of  nitrogen  and  21  of 
oxygen,  numbers  nearly  accordant  with  the  later  ones 
of  Dumas. 

He  was  strongly  of  opinion  that  the  proportions  of 
these  gases  would  differ  at  various  elevations ;  and 
that  at  the  height  of  Mont  Blanc  the  ratio  of  oxygen 
gas  to  nitrogen,  in  a  given  volume  of  air,  would  be 
nearly  as  20  to  80  ;  but  the  observations  of  Gay 
Lussac  showed  the  relative  composition  of  air  brought 
from  an  elevation  of  four  miles,  to  be  the  same  as 
that  at  the  earth's  surface. 

This  subject  was  one  of  lasting  interest  to  Dalton, 
and  his  more  mature  views  will  fall  better  under  con- 
sideration here  than  in  a  subsequent  page.  In  his 
Memoir,  "  On  the  Constitution  of  the  Atmosphere," 
published  in  the  Philosophical  Transactions  for  1826, 
Part  ii.  p.  174,  he  recurs  to  the  question,  "  Whether 


On  the  Constittttion  of  the  A  tmosphere.         155 

the  uniform  diffusion  of  elastic  fluids  through  each 
other  is  occasioned  by  the  repulsion  of  the  element- 
ary particles  of  the  same  kind,  which  appears  to 
force  them  through  most  bodies,  as  well  solid  and 
liquid  as  aerial,  except  glass  and  the  metals ;  or 
whether  it  is  caused  by  attraction  or  chemical  affi- 
nity : "  and  adds,  "  I  have  long  been  inclined  to 
adopt  the  former  notion,  as  most  consistent  with 
the  phenomena/'  It  is  less  needful  to  dwell  on  the 
theoretical  considerations  adduced  in  this  Memoir, 
as  a  sequel  to  it,  recording  his  final  opinions,  was 
read  on  June  I5th,  1837,  and  published  in  the 
Philosophical  Transactions  of  that  year  (x.  p.  347). 
He  describes  his  experiments  on  air  obtained  by 
himself  from  the  summit  of  Helvellyn,  about  3000 
feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea  ;  by  a  friend,  at 
various  stations  in  Switzerland,  about  6000  feet ;  and 
by  Mr  Green,  in  a  balloon,  at  elevations  of  9600  feet 
and  15,000  feet.  This  last  air  yielded  20.59  and 
20.65  oxygen  per  cent.  ;  while  air  collected  in  Man- 
chester the  same  day  gave  20.95  on  the  average  of 
five  experiments.  He  concluded  that  "  in  elevated 
regions  the  proportion  of  oxygen  to  azote  is  some- 
what less  than  at  the  surface  of  the  earth,  but  not 
nearly  so  much  as  the  theory  of  mixed  gases  would 
require  ;  and  that  the  reason  for  this  last  must  be 
found  in  the  incessant  agitation  in  the  atmosphere 
from  winds  and  other  causes."  Dr  Henry  found  in 
Dalton's  letter-book  (February  1836)  the  following 
notice  on  atmospheric  air — "  Will  it  not  be  thought 
remarkable  that  in  1836  the  British  chemists  are 
ignorant*  whether  attraction,  repulsion,  or  indifference  is 

*  This  note  of  Dalton's  would  show  that  he  felt  as  dissatisfied  with 


156  John  Dahon. 

marked  when  a  mixture  of  any  proportions  of  azote 
and  oxygen  is  made?" 

That  which  Dalton  conceived  within  the  scope  of 
British  chemists  in  1836,  is  still  a  matter  sub  judice ; 
but  what  evidence  is  adduced,  and  notably  by  Gay 
Lussac,  Regnault,  and  Bunsen,  is  in  favour  of  the 
variation  in  the  composition  of  the  atmosphere  at  all 
attainable  elevations  as  regards  oxygen  and  nitrogen 
being  very  small,  and  not  exceeding  the  slight 
changes  which  are  noticed  at  the  same  spot  on 
different  days. 

He  read  an  essay  of  considerable  interest  on  Janu- 
ary 28,  1803,  "  On  the  Tendency  of  Elastic  Fluids  to 
Diffusion  through  each  other."  He  took  two  phials, 
filled  with  different  gases,  and  connected  them  to- 
gether by  a  glass  tube  10  inches  long  and  -^  inch 
bore.  In  all  cases,  the  heavier  gas  was  in  the  under 
phial ;  yet,  after  the  lapse  of  a  certain  time,  the  gases 
were  uniformly  diffused  through  each  other  in  both 
phials.  Thus  he  proved  that  elastic  fluids  of  different 
specific  gravities,  if  once  diffused  through  each  other, 
do  not  separate  by  long  standing,  so  that  the  heaviest 
is  found  lowest,  but  remain  in  a  state  of  uniform  and 
equal  diffusion.  These  phenomena  of  diffusion  were 
afterwards  investigated  very  thoroughly  by  Professor 
Graham,  who  determined  the  beautiful  law  that  the 
rate  at  which  gases  diffuse  is  inversely  as  the  square 
root  of  the  densities  of  the  gases. 

The  year  1803  showed  a  large  amount  of  good  and 

the  knowledge  then  extant  on  the  conditions  of  the  atmosphere,  as  he 
was  with  the  ideas  generally  prevalent  regarding  the  height  of  the 
aurora  borealis,  to  which  reference  has  been  made  in  p.  95  of  this 
Memoir. 


On  the  A  bsorption  of  Gases.  157 

original  work  done  by  Dalton,  and  was  probably  the 
most  prolific  in  scientific  gains  of  any  year  that  he 
had  spent  in  Manchester  from  1793  to  1803.     Be- 
fitting  the   close   of  this  first  decennial   period,  so 
truly   fertile   in    the    growth    of    great    ideas    that 
tended  to  elevate  the   author  to  high  rank  among 
the    savans  of   Europe,   Dalton   read    (October   21, 
1803)   a   paper   "On   the   Absorption   of  Gases  by 
Water    and    other    Liquids,"   which    contains    the 
first    announcement   of  his   discovery  of    the    laws 
of    combining    proportion    and    the    germ    of    the 
Atomic    Theory.      After    stating    the    laws   which 
he  had  found  to  regulate  the  absorption  of  gases 
by   water,    he    contends   that    gases   such   as   oxy- 
gen, nitrogen,  carbonic  acid,   &c.,  when  in  aqueous 
solution,  are  mechanically  mixed   with    water,    not 
chemically  combined  with  it — a  view  that  has  not 
met  with  general  approval.     He  compared  his  gas 
dissolved  in  water  to  a  pile  of  shot, — "  a  particle  of 
gas  pressing  on  the  surface  of  water  is  analogous  to 
a  single  shot  pressing  upon  the  summit  of  a  square 
pile   of  them ; "   and   to   make  this   distinct  to  his 
readers,  inserted  an  engraving  of  a  pyramidal  pile  of 
balls  left  unshaded,  with  a  dark  ball  surmounting  the 
apex.     "  The  lower  globes  are  to  represent  particles 
of  water,  the  top  globe  a  particle  of  air  resting  on 
particles  of  water."     Two  other  engravings  show  a 
"  horizontal  view  of  air  in  water,"  and  a    "  profile 
view  of  air  in  water,"  in  which  dots  and  crosses  are 
taken  to  represent  particles  of  air,  with  spaces  of 
water  between  them. 

These  engravings  are  viewed  by  Dr  George  Wil- 
son,  "  as    affording    additional   illustrations   of    the 


158  John  Dalton. 

hold  which  a  belief  in  the  atomic  constitution 
of  matter  had  taken  of  Dalton's  mind,  and  the 
use  which  he  made  of  it  in  discussing  purely  phy- 
sical problems  (or,  at  least,  what  he  considered  such), 
before  he  had  occasion  to  apply  it  to  chemical  ques- 
tions at  all." 

The  concluding  paragraph  of  the  Memoir  on  "  Ab- 
sorption," is  the  first  clear  indication  of  his  greatest 
discovery,  and  is  best  introduced  in  his  own  words, 
some  of  which  I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  place  in 
italics  as  worthy  of  special  notice  : — 

"  The  greatest  difficulty  attending  the  mechanical 
hypothesis  arises  from  different  gases  observing  dif- 
ferent laws.  Why  does  water  not  admit  its  bulk  of 
every  kind  of  gas  alike  ?  This  question  I  have  duly 
considered,  and  though  I  am  not  yet  able  to  satisfy 
myself  completely,  I  am  nearly  persuaded  that  the 
circumstances  depend  upon  the  weight  and  number 
of  the  ultimate  particles  of  the  several  gases,  those 
whose  particles  are  lightest  and  single,  being  least 
absorbable,  and  the  others  more,  according  as  they 
increase  in  weight  and  complexity.  An  inquiry  into 
the  relative  weights  of  the  ultimate  particles  of  bodies  is 
a  subject,  as  far  as  I  know,  entirely  new.  I  have 
lately  been  prosecuting  this  inquiry  with  remarkable 
success.  The  principle  cannot  be  entered  upon  in 
this  paper ;  but  I  shall  just  subjoin  the  results, 
as  far  as  they  appear  to  be  ascertained  by  my 
experiments." 

Then  follows  a  Table  (read  October  1803,  but 
published  November  1805)  of  the  Relative  Weights 
of  the  Ultimate  Particles  of  Gaseous  and  Other 
Bodies : — 


Foreshadowing*  of  the  Atomic  Theory.        159 


Hydrogen, 

Azote,     . 

Carbon, 

Ammonia, 

Oxygen, 

Water,    . 

Phosphorus,    . 

Phosphuretted  hydrogen 

Nitrous  gas,    . 

Ether,     . 

Gaseous  oxide  of  carbon 


4-2 
4'3 
5'2 

S'S 
6.5 
7-2 
8-2 

9'3 
9-6 


Nitrous  oxide,         .         .  137 

Sulphur,          .         .         .  14-4 

Nitric  acid,     .         .         .  15-2 

Sulphuretted  hydrogen,  15-4 

Carbonic  acid,         .         .  15*3 

Alcohol,          .         .         .  15-1 

Sulphurous  acid,    .         .  19-9 

Sulphuric  acid,       .         .  25*4 

Carburetted  hydrogen,   .  6*3 

Olefiant  gas,  ...  5-3 


"  Such,  then,"  writes  Dr  Wilson,  "were  the  steps  by 
which  Dalton  was  conducted  to  the  discovery  of  the 
laws  of  combining  proportions.  He  was  testing,  by 
experiment,  the  truth  of  a  hypothesis  as  to  the  cause 
of  the  specific  solubility  of  gases  in  water,  which 
proved  in  the  end  to  be  quite  untenable ;  but,  like 
Columbus,  who  missed  an  El  Dorado  but  found  an 
America,  he  discovered  something  better.  From 
what  Dr  Thomson  tells  us,  he  was  struck  by  observ- 
ing that  the  quantity  of  hydrogen  in  fire-damp  is 
exactly  twice  that  in  heavy  carbu retted  hydrogen, 
the  quantity  of  carbon  being  the  same  in  both.  His 
constant  reference  of  the  properties  of  masses  to  those 
of  their  smallest  molecules,  led  him  at  once  to  connect 
these  proportions  in  which  the  carbon  and  hydrogen 
occurred,  with  the  relative  weights  of  their  attracted 
particles."  Dr  Wilson  supposes  that  Dalton  reasoned 
thus :  "  Hydrogen  and  carbon  are  made  up  of  par- 
ticles which  have  different  weights,  the  carbon  atoms 
being  all  six  times  heavier  than  the  hydrogen  ones ; 
but  if  hydrogen  and  carbon  have  atoms  differing  in 
relative  weight,  oxygen,  nitrogen,  and  every  other 
elementary  substance  will  have  atoms  differing  in 
relative  weight  also ;  and  these  may  be  ascertained 


160  John  Dalton. 

by  finding  the  relative  weights  according  to  which 
the  masses  made  up  of  them  combine  with  each 
other.  To  Dalton's  mind,  fitted,  as  it  were,  already 
with  the  conception  of  everything  consisting  of  atoms, 
it  was  only  necessary  to  introduce  the  additional  idea 
of  those  atoms  differing  in  relative  weight,  and  all 
the  laws  of  combining  proportion  rose  at  once  into 
view.  He  was  gifted  with  a  bold,  self-reliant,  far- 
glancing,  generalising  spirit,  and  the  researches  he 
had  long  been  prosecuting  had  doubtless  strength- 
ened greatly  that  faith  in  the  uniformity  of  Nature's 
laws,  which  we  all  inherit  as  an  essential  part  of  our 
mental  constitution.  We  may  believe  that,  without 
an  effort,  and  almost  instinctively,  he  would  infer  that 
if  hydrogen  followed  a  law  of  multiple  proportion  in 
its  higher  combinations  with  carbon,  a  similar  relation 
would  be  found  to  hold  in  every  case  where  the  same 
elements  united  to  form  more  than  one  compound." 

Dalton's  views  of  chemical  combination,  including 
both  the  facts  and  the  hypothesis  which  expressed 
and  explained  them,  are  generally  known  as  his 
"Atomic  Theory." 


CHAPTER  IX. 

A  SKETCH  OF   THE  ATOMIC  THEORY  FROM  THALES 
TO  SIR  ISAAC  NEWTON. 

"  For  hot,  cold,  moist,  and  dry,  four  champions  fierce, 
Strive  here  for  mastery,  and  to  battle  bring 
Their  embryon  atoms."— MILTON. 

IOEVAL  with  the  manifestation  of  the  rea- 
soning faculties — that  far  and  pre-historic 
past  of  man's  development — the  constitu- 
tion of  the  earth  and  its  different  aspects 
and  surroundings  would  hardly  fail  to  excite  the 
imagination  of  the  denizens  of  the  wilde;  and,  in 
the  course  of  time,  natural  phenomena  would  offer 
large  discussion  to  the  better  endowed  of  the  race.  A 
recognition,  however  faint,  of  the  external  world  and 
its  living  beings,  would  gratify  the  dawning  mind,  and 
vie  in  interest  with  the  contemplation  of  the  gods, 
whose  attributes  were  not  seldom  associated  with  both 
human  and  terrestrial  agencies.  In  scanning  these 
agencies  endless  speculations  arose,  as  fanciful  in  tone 
as  they  were  ephemeral  in  duration ;  each  new  thought 
proving  as  baffling  as  its  predecessor  in  the  attempted 
solution  of  the  great  problem : — What  is  the  con- 
stitution, the  ultimate  composition,  or  real  nature  of 
matter  itself  ? 

The  bold  expounders  of  the  cosmogony  undertook 
an  arduous  task,  and  as  their  efforts  to  unravel  the  in- 

L 


1 62  John  Dalton. 

tricacies  of  nature  often  failed,  they  found  it  con- 
venient to  follow  the  example  of  the  theogonists,  and 
shelter  their  ignorance  under  the  shadows  of  the 
mythological  altars  of  their  age  and  race — an  orthodox 
mode  of  treating  scientific  difficulties  that  is  not 
without  its  counterpart  in  the  history  of  the  state 
churches  of  these  latter  days.  The  progress  of 
knowledge  might  well  be  dilatory  amid  the  almost 
impenetrable  mists  of  superstition  in  the  past,  when 
to-day  the  cry  of  "  more  light "  is  still  so  audible 
among  the  adepts  of  science  ;  and  this,  be  it  remem- 
bered, after  eighteen  centuries  of  Christian  indoc- 
trination, itself  ushered  into  the  world  upon  a  large 
substratum  of  man's  intellectual  gains. 

History  has  made  us  cognisant  of  the  varied 
acquirements  of  the  Eastern  nations;  of  the  mar- 
vellous skill  and  aptitude  of  the  Egyptians  ;  of  the 
nobler  forms  of  art,  the  noblest  ever  vouchsafed  to 
man,  being  developed  pari  passu  with  the  grandly 
philosophic  aims  of  the  Greeks ;  of  the  world-wide 
dominion  and  scope  of  the  Romans ;  of  the  subtle 
grasp  of  the  Arabian  physicians,  and  the  erudite  lore 
of  the  schoolmen  ;  all  operating  more  or  less  in  the 
direction  of  enlightenment  and  civilisation.  Yet 
the  science  of  these  modern  days  culling  its  data  from 
the  great  stores  of  evidence  of  the  past,  and  favoured 
by  novel  experimental  appliances  and  methods  of 
inquiry  strictly  inductive,  can  lay  claim  to  little  more 
than  a  firm  step  on  the  threshold  of  discovery. 

As  of  yore,  so  do  enthusiastic  minds  now  look 
hopefully  for  still  higher  revelations  in  science ;  and 
assuredly,  if  there  was  ever  an  epoch  in  human 
history  marked  by  bold  and  progressive  lines,  and 


A  Sketch  of  the  Atomic  Theory.  163 

powers  to  fathom  the  arcana  of  the  cosmos,  it  is  the 
present  age  that  has  been  blessed,  beyond  all  pre- 
cedent, by  discoveries  of  overpowering  brilliancy  and 
magnitude. 

Man  looks  upon  the  Earth,  its  waters  and  dry  land, 
and  admires  its  meres,  its  meadows,  and  its  moun- 
tains ;  he  soars  for  miles  in  its  circumambient  air ; 
he  mines  its  superficial  crust,  and  fathoms  its  ocean 
depths  ;  and  everywhere  marks  a  marvellous  diversity 
of  form  and  substance  in  the  stratified  rock,  the 
tidal  wave,  and  transparent  ether.  His  admiration 
is  enhanced  by  contemplating  the  myriads  of 
organisms  in  active  life,  taking  their  start  from  the 
primitive  organic  cell  that  in  its  timely  growth  and 
maturity  may  become  shaped  into  the  umbrageous 
palm  or  gnarled  oak ;  or  find  its  nidus  in  the 
higher  organisation  of  the  chimpanzee  or  cetacea. 
Yet  the  organic  and  inorganic  worlds  in  all  their 
entirety ;  the  blood  and  the  life  thereof,  as  well  as 
the  adamantine  conditions  of  inert  matter,  when  sub- 
jected to  chemical  analysis,  become  resolved  into  a 
few  primary  or  elementary  substances.  They  are 
designated  simple  or  elementary  bodies,  because 
they  can  be  shown  to  exhibit  one  kind  of  ponderable 
matter  only,  be  it  light  as  air,  or  heavy  as  lead ;  for 
instance,  the  gases  oxygen  and  hydrogen,  or  the 
metals  gold  and  silver,  which  the  chemist  has 
hitherto  failed  to  resolve  into  more  parts  or  con- 
stituents than  one. 

To-day  the  chemist  assures  us  of  sixty-three 
elementary  bodies — some  of  them  being  little  heard 
of,  others  in  vast  proportion  to  the  mass ;  thus  four 
well-known  elements  in  their  various  compounds, 


1 64  John  Dalton. 

constitute  the  whole  of  the  organic  kingdom — in- 
cluding all  living  things  flourishing  on  the  earth  or 
in  the  ocean.  Reflecting  on  the  mode  in  which 
Nature  works,  and  the  few  agencies  she  employs 
in  the  formation  of  the  most  composite  of  her  struc- 
tures, it  is  probable  that  in  the  course  of  time  these 
sixty-three  elements  may  be  reduced  to  a  smaller 
compass,  and  eventually  man,  by  the  aid  of  a  higher 
science,  may  realise  the  grand  idea  of 

One  God — one  Law — one  Element. 
This  word  "  element "  has  been  in  use  for  thou- 
sands of  years,  bearing,  however,  a  very  different 
meaning  to  that  attached  to  the  term  by  modern 
chemists  ;  thus  air,  water,  fire,  and  earth,  were  called 
elements,  and  in  common  parlance  to-day  we  hear 
of  the  watery  or  the  fiery  elements.  Now  air  and 
water  are  not  primary  or  elementary  in  structure, 
(though  they  were  viewed  as  such  till  about  one 
hundred  years  ago),  but,  consisting  as  they  do  of  two 
or  more  gaseous  substances,  belong  to  the  class  of 
bodies  designated  composite'  or  compound.  The 
chemist  has  no  faith  in  substances  being  deemed 
elementary  till  his  experiments,  or  processes  of  re- 
duction, fail  to  elicit  more  than  one  kind  of  matter 
from  his  analyses. 

The  nature  and  the  number  of  elementary  bodies 
do  not  affect  this  thesis ;  but  rather,  having  got  an 
unit  or  element,  say  oxygen  or  gold,  chlorine  or 
mercury,  it  behoves  us  to  know  the  condition  of  its 
minutest  particle  or  ultimate  form  ?  Is  it  solid,  pene- 
trable, or  divisible  ;  and  what  are  its  relations  and 
affinities  ? 

It  is  pretty  well  established,  that  with  the  dawn 


A  Sketch  of  the  Atomic  Theory.  165 

of  philosophy  among  the  Greeks,  if  not  dating  back 
to  the  Egyptians,  with  whom,  as  far  as  this  narrative 
is  concerned,  the  Hindoos  and  Chinese  may  be 
historically  bracketed,  the  higher  minds  of  these  re- 
spective races  were  divided  in  opinion,  not  only  as  to 
the  character  and  import  of  the  visible  agencies  in 
the  cosmogony,  but  as  to  the  ultimate  and  invisible 
or  smallest  conceivable  particles  of  matter.  And 
the  discussion  arising  thereon  has  been  continued 
down  to  our  own  day  without  arriving  at  a  deter- 
minate or  settled  conclusion  on  the  subject. 

Two  theories  have  long  been  upheld,  and  are  still 
current  regarding  the  constitution  of  matter. 

1.  According  to  one  class  of  thinkers,  there  is  no 
limit  to  the  divisibility  of  matter,  the  smallest  portion 
of  any  substance  still  consisting  of  an  infinity  of  parts, 
which  could  be  rendered  distinct  if  our  instruments 
and  senses  were  capable  to  the  task. 

2.  The  opposing  party  hold   that   every  material 
mass   in   nature   is   divisible    into  very   minute,   in- 
destructible, and    unchangeable  particles ;    to  which 
particles  the  name  Atom— a.  Greek  term   signifying 
that  which  cannot  be  further  cut  or  divided — has  been 
given.     The  preponderance  of  opinion  is  in  favour 
of  this  view,  or   the   atomic  constitution    of  bodies 
upheld  by  Dalton,  who  maintained  that  all  bodies  are 
composed  of  ultimate  atoms,  the  weight  of  which  is 
different  in  different  kinds  of  matter. 

The  ancients  meditated  much  on  atoms,  the  primi- 
tive matter  or  essence  of  things,  mainly,  however, 
from  a  physical  point  of  view.  And  though  the 
opinions  they  advanced  were  not  infrequently  sha- 
dowed by  a  fitful  intuition,  or  swayed  by  a  longing  to 


166  John  Dalton. 

define  the  proximate  cause  or  generative  principle, 
that  in  the  beginning  of  things  educed  form  out  of 
chaos,  and  life  out  of  inert  matter,  they  were  not 
devoid  of  significance  in  the  initiatory  stages  of  the 
science.  The  pioneers  in  this  path  of  speculation, 
along  which  the  Greek  minds  took  foremost  rank  and 
action,  may  be  briefly  noted. 

Thales  of  Miletus,  styled  the  Father  of  Greek 
Philosophy,  originated  the  conception  of  water  being 
the  first  principle  of  things,  the  sole  primeval  matter 
that  could  be  rendered  by  some  plastic  power  into 
vital  organisms,  as  well  as  the  structureless  inorganic. 
The  thought  was  beautiful,  and  seemed  to  flash  a 
significant  light  over  the  varied  phenomena  of  nature 
— water,  the  essential  stimulus  to  vegetation  and 
animal  vitality;  the  refreshing  dew  and  rains,  the 
rivers  and  seas,  and  the  pervading  element  seeking 
the  great  and  unknown  deep. 

Then  came  Anaximenes  trying  to  improve  upon 
Thales,  and  assigning  to  air  the  foremost  place  in  his 
theory  of  nature,  nay,  of  such  value  as  to  be  the 
equivalent  of  intelligence,  if  not  a  kind  of  deity  itself. 
Thales  and  Anaximenes  were  but  carrying  out  the 
poetic  myths  of  the  age,  and  not  altogether  without  a 
glimmering  of  light  bearing  upon  the  chemistry  of  the 
universe. 

A  more  stable  doctrine  than  the  foregoing  got 
promulgated  by  Pythagoras — the  doctrine  of  the  four 
elements,  culled,  it  is  believed,  along  with  his  special 
views  of  monads,  from  the  land  of  mystery — Egypt. 
This  dogma  found  support  in  the  experiment  of 
Empedocks,  recorded  in  page  7.  Democritus  held 
by  the  four  elements  as  evidences  of  chemical  change, 


A  Sketch  of  the  Atomic  Theory.  167 

but  would  revert  to  the  Thalesian  view  of  one  true 
and  primitive  substance.  These  varied  opinions 
found  disciples  in  the  great  men  of  the  epoch.  Plato 
looked  to  the  earth  as  fixed  and  penetrable,  and 
differing  from  fire,  air,  and  water,  the  transmutable 
elements.  Aristotle  held  with  Democritus  in  the 
belief  of  one  radical  matter  of  the  universe,  and  cast 
some  doubts  on  the  four  so-called  elements;  yet 
history  generally  associates  his  name  with  this 
quaternion,  because  historians  were  disposed  to  ap- 
prove of  the  doctrine,  and  liked  a  great  name  to 
countenance  their  beliefs. 

Now  and  then  in  the  dark  vista  of  history,  a  name 
shines  out  like  Geber,  the  head  of  the  polypharmists 
in  the  eighth  century,  who  held  that  arsenic,  mercury, 
and  sulphur  are  the  elements  of  all  other  chemicals, 
and  that  they  are  mutually  transmutable  into  one 
another.  He  also  believed  that  his  red  solution  of 
gold  might  turn  out  the  veritable  elixir  of  life. 
Others  again  reverted  to  the  ideas  of  the  Greeks,  with 
their  primal  matter,  out  of  which  sprang  four  elements, 
and  sundry  secondary  and  derivative  chemical  shapes 
and  shadows. 

The  Hindoos  had  their  own  views  of  the  constitu- 
tion of  matter  ;  and  in  their  reasonings  upon  natural 
things  as  springing  from  four  or  five  elements,  they 
were  in  the  same  track  as  the  Greeks.  Mr  James 
Mill,  in  his  work  on  British  India,  ridicules  their  views 
as  the  offspring  of  an  erratic  mind  ;  but  Mr  Colebrooke 
("  Daubeny's  Atomic  Theory,"  p.  8),  citing  Kanadi  for 
his  authority,  shows  that  they  regarded  matter  as  con- 
sisting of  the  smallest  possible  bodies,  or  atoms  which 
are  indivisible ;  that  the  particles  of  dust  seen  in  a 


168  John  D alien. 

sunbeam  are  composed  of  several  of  them ;  that  a 
superior  force  drew  the  atoms  together ;  and  that 
the  first  compound  is  binary,  consisting  of  two 
simple  atoms,  the  next  compound  of  three  binary 
atoms,  &c. 

The  most  striking  fact  in  favour  of  the  Hindoo 
philosophy  is  furnished  by  Sir  William  Jones,  from 
the  poem  of  "  Shi'ri'n  and  Ferha'd,"  or  "the  Divine 
Spirit  and  a  Human  Soul  Disinterestedly  Pious." 

"There  is  a  strong  propensity  which  dances  through  every 
atom,  and  attracts  the  minutest  particle  to  some  peculiar  object ; 
search  this  universe  from  its  base  to  its  summit,  from  fire  to  air, 
from  water  to  earth,  from  all  below  the  moon  to  all  above  the 
celestial  spheres,  and  thou  wilt  not  find  a  corpuscle  destitute  of 
that  natural  attractability  ;  the  very  point  of  the  first  thread  in 
this  apparently  entangled  skein,  is  no  other  than  such  a  prin- 
ciple of  attraction,  and  all  principles  besides  are  void  of  a  real 
basis  ;  from  such  a  propensity  arises  every  motion  perceived  in 
heavenly  or  in  terrestrial  bodies ;  it  is  a  disposition  to  be  attracted, 
which  taught  hard  steel  to  rush  from  its  place  and  rivet  itself 
on  the  magnet ;  it  is  the  same  disposition  which  impels  the  light 
straw  to  attach  itself  to  the  amber  ;  it  is  the  quality  which  gives 
every  substance  in  nature  a  tendency  toward  another,  and  an 
inclination  forcibly  directed  to  a  determinate  point." 

It  would  appear  that  the  orthodox  priesthood  of 
the  Hindoos  objected  to  this  atomic  doctrine,  as  too 
materialistic  ;  the  same  scruples  arose  in  Greece :  and 
it  is  doubtful  if  nineteenth-century  England  is  alto- 
gether free  of  men  of  professedly  philosophic  turn, 
who  look  harshly  upon  the  carrying  out  of  the  atomic 
doctrines  to  their  fullest  extent. 

If  the  Oriental  sages  recognised  the  fact  of  matter 
being  ponderable  and  permanent,  the  Greeks,  and 
notably  Anaxagoras,  Leucippus  and  Democritus, 


A  Sketch  of  the  Atomic  Theory.  169 

inspired  by  a  higher  genius  that  partly  uplifted  the 
veil  of  Chaos,  and  admitted  a  designing  intelligence  or 
vovs  in  the  arrangement  of  matter,  were  led  to  the  hy- 
pothesis of  its  composition  of  molecular,  or  indivisible 
and  indestructible  atoms.  The  speculations  of  these, 
and  other  learned  Greeks  as  to  the  constitution  of  the 
universe,  show  a  remarkable  coincidence  with  the  views 
that  have  been  educed  from  the  researches  of  modern 
philosophers  of  our  own  epoch.  Aristotle  (Met.  I.  ch. 
4)  wrote :  "  Leucippus  and  his  companion  Democritus 
say  that  the  plenum  and  the  vacuum  (or  the  full  and 
the  empty)  are  elements  .  .  .  and  that  these  are 
causes,  as  matter,  of  things  which  are  .  .  .  And  they 
say  that  different  things  are  produced  by  the  differ- 
ences as  to  these  ;  which  differences  are — I.  of  form, 
as  A.  differs  from  N ;  2.  of  arrangement,  as  A.N. 
differs  from  N.A ;  3.  of  position,  as  Z.  differs  from  N." 
Leucippus  looked  upon  the  cosmos  as  produced  by 
the  falling  together  ,of  small  indivisible  particles  or 
stones,  which  he  viewed  as  the  principle  of  things  ; 
and  which  possess  a  rapid  circular  motion.  Democritus 
extended  the  views  of  his  master,  and  held  the 
atoms  to  be  too  small  to  be  visible,  yet  they  were 
indivisible,  impenetrable,  and  unalterable.  As  the 
atoms  were  infinite  in  number,  the  vacuum  was 
infinite  in  magnitude.  From  the  meeting  of  atoms  in 
vacuum,  sensible  qualities  of  matter  arise,  e.g.,  heat, 
cold,  sweetness,  colour,  which  qualities  exist  only  vopw 
(by  convention),  "only  atoms  and  vacuum  really  exist." 
Again,  he  says,  there  are  various  shapes ;  so  every- 
thing was  referred  to  atoms,  to  which  simple  bodies  he 
gave  shape,  extension,  and  force.  They  were  the 
primary  elements,  and  all  things  were  made  up  of 


170  John  Dalton. 

them  by  configuration,  combination,  and  position. 
Leucippus  and  Democritus  alike  held  that  the 
number  and  the  shapes  of  the  atoms  are  both  in- 
finite. 

Here  is  presented  to  us  the  atomic  theory  of  the 
Greeks,  as  laid  down  by  Democritus,  and  which  was 
further  elaborated  by  Epicurus. 

"The  atomic  philosophy  of  Epicurus,"  as  sketched  by  Dr  Good 
in  his  ."Book  of  Nature,"  "allows  of  nothing  but  matter  and 
space,  which  are  equally  infinite  and  unbounded,  which  have 
equally  existed  from  all  eternity,  and  from  different  combinations 
of  which  every  visible  form  is  created.  .  .  .  Matter,  in  its  ele- 
mentary state,  consists  of  inconceivably  minute  seeds,  or  atoms 
so  small,  that  the  corpuscles  of  vapour,  light,  and  heat,  are  com- 
pounds of  them  ;  and  so  solid,  that  they  cannot  possibly  be  broken 
or  abraded  by  any  concussion  or  violence  whatever.  The  express 
figure  of  these  primary  atoms  is  various,  but  not  infinitely 
diversified  ;  the  atoms  of  each  existing  shape  being  infinite  or 
innumerable 

tf  When  these  primary  atoms  are  closely  compacted,  and  but 
little  vacuity  lies  between  them,  they  produce  solids,  such  as 
stones  and  metals  ;  when  they  are  loose  and  disjointed,  bodies 
of  lax  texture,  as  wood,  water,  and  vapour. 

"  The  world,  thus  generated,  is  perpetually  sustained  by  the 
application  of  fresh  tides  of  elementary  atoms,  flying  with  incon- 
ceivable rapidity  through  infinite  space,  and  occupying  the  posts 
of  those  that  are  perpetually  flying  off.  Yet  nothing  is  eternal 
or  immutable,  but  these  elementary  atoms  themselves. 

"  Space  is  infinite,  material  atoms  are  infinite,  but  the  world 
is  not  infinite.  This,  then,  is  not  the  only  world,  nor  the  only 
material  system  that  exists.  The  cause  that  has  produced  this 
visible  system  is  competent  to  produce  others ;  it  has  been 
acting  perpetually  from  all  eternity  ;  and  there  are  other  worlds, 
and  other  systems  of  worlds,  existing  around  us." 

It  has  been  supposed  that  the  opinions  of  Democritus 
were  copied  from  Moschus  a  Phoenician  ;  and  that  the 


A  Sketch  of  the  Atomic  Theory.  171 

doctrine  of  monads  advanced  by  Pythagoras  was  but 
the  corpuscular  atoms  of  the  Egyptians.  Pythagoras, 
according  to  Aristotle,  considered  his  monads  as 
possessed  of  size  :  ra?  fiovaSas  virokapftdvovo  iv  e%€iv 
peyeQos  (Met.  lib.  xii.  c.  6). 

From  the  axiom  that  "  like  can  act  upon  like," 
Anaxagoras  formed  his  hom&oinerice  (some  attribute 
the  doctrine  to  Aristotle),  that  Democritus  accepted 
and  extended.  There  was  much  of  the  Democritean 
theory  implied  by  Anaxagoras  in  his  tenet,  that  every 
distinct  kind  of  matter  has  its  distinct  shape  and 
weight  of  particles. 

The  atomism  of  Democritus  has  enjoyed  as  great 
historical  repute  as  any  scientific  theory  that  ever  ema- 
nated from  the  Greeks  ;  and  according  to  my  friend, 
Mr  G.  H.  Lewes,  it  is  one  of  the  profoundest  specu- 
lations yet  reached  by  human  subtlety.  Leibnitz, 
belonging  to  our  modern  school  of  philosophers,  was 
led  to  a  doctrine  essentially  similar  :  his  celebrated 
monadologie  is  but  atomism  with  a  new  terminology. 
Leibnitz  called  his  monad  a  force,  which  to  him  was 
the/ft#ftz  materia. 

The  admirers  of  Democritus  will  have  it  that  he  saw 
an  Intelligence  in  the  "  formative  principle  "  of  things  ; 
and  that  his  atomism,  developed  two  thousand  five 
hundred  years  ago,  prefigured  the  corps  de  doctrine, 
established  by  John  Dalton  in  the  nineteenth  century 
of  the  Christian  era,  and  now  accepted  as  the  ground- 
work of  a  true  chemistry.  Admitting  to  the  full  the 
admirable  conception  of  the  renowned  Democritus, 
it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  modern  atomic 
theory  sets  forth  the  Law  of  definite  proportions, 
whilst  the  ancient  theory,  as  Lewes  has  so  well  ex- 


172  John  Dalton. 

pressed,  "  is  merely  the  affirmation  of  indefinite  com- 
binations" 

In  further  evidence  of  the  keen  grasp  of  the  Greek 
philosophers,  Berzelius,  the  famous  Swedish  chemist, 
in  his  paper  on  *'  Proportions  Determinate,"  quotes 
from  Philo,  who  in  his  collection  of  the  choicest 
philosophical  ideas  of  his  time,  says  : — Tldvra  #605 
/jLerpqy,  /col  apiOjJuw,  /col  (rraO/jiq)  Sfcerafe.  (God  ordered 
all  things  by  measure,  number  and  weight.) 

Lucretius,  in  his  "De  Rerum  Natura,"  eloquently 
introduced  the  philosophic  views  of  Epicurus  to  the 
Roman  world.  A  few  excerpts  from  the  excellent 
translation  of  Lucretius  by  Professor  H.  A.  J.  Munro, 
M.A.,  1st  ed.,  Cambridge,  1864,  seem  desirable. 

"  Bodies  again  are  partly  first-beginnings  of  things,  partly 
those  which  are  formed  of  a  union  of  first-beginnings.  But 
those  which  are  first-beginnings  of  things  no  force  can  quench  ; 
they  are  sure  to  have  the  better  by  their  solid  body  ;  although 
it  seems  difficult  to  believe  that  aught  can  be  found  among 
things  with  a  solid  body — for  the  lightning  of  heaven  passes 
through  the  walls  of  houses,  as  well  as  noise  and  voices  ;  iron 
grows  red  hot  in  the  fire."  &c  .  .  .  "  Attend  till  we  make  clear 
in  a  few  verses  that  there  are  such  things  as  consist  of  solid  and 
everlasting  body,  which  we  teach  are  seeds  of  things  and  first- 
beginnings,  out  of  which  the  whole  sum  of  things  which  now 
exists  has  been  produced."  (Bk.  i.  483-490  and  500-502.) 

"Again,  unless  'matter  had  been  eternal,  all  things  before 
this  would  have  utterly  returned  to  nothing,  and  whatever  things 
we  see  would  have  been  born  anew  from  nothing.  But  since  I 
have  proved  above  that  nothing  can  be  produced  from  nothing, 
and  that  what  is  begotten  cannot  be  recalled  to  nothing,  first- 
beginnings  must  be  of  an  imperishable  body,  into  which  all 
things  can  be  dissolved  at  their  last  hour,  that  there  may  be  a 
supply  of  matter  for  the  reproduction  of  things.  Therefore 
fi  rst-beginnings  are  of  solid  singleness,  and  in  no  other  way  can 


A  Sketch  of  the  Atomic  Theory.  173 

they  have  been  preserved  through  ages  during  infinite  time  past 
in  order  to  reproduce  things."     (Book  i.  pp.  540-550.) 

"  Moreover,  while  the  bodies  of  matters  are  most  solid,  it  may 
yet  be  explained  in  what  way  all  things  which  are  formed  soft, 
as  air,  water,  earth,  fire,  are  so  formed,  and  by  what  force  they 
severally  go  on,  since  once  for  all  there  is  void  mixed  up  in 
things.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  if  the  first-beginnings  of  things 
be  soft,  it  cannot  be  explained  out  of  what  enduring  basalt  and 
iron  be  produced ;  for  their  whole  nature  will  utterly  lack  a 
first  foundation  to  begin  with.  First-beginnings,  therefore,  are 
strong  in  solid  singleness,  and  by  a  denser  combination  of  these, 
all  things  can  be  closely  packed  and  exhibit  enduring  strength." 
(Book  i.  565-576.) 

"  First-beginnings,  therefore,  are  of  solid  singleness,  massed 
together  and  cohering  closely  by  means  of  least  parts,  not  com- 
pounded out  of  a  union  of  those  parts,  but  rather  strong  in  ever- 
lasting singleness.  From  them  nature  allows  nothing  to  be 
torn,  nothing  further  to  be  worn  away,  reserving  them  as  seeds 
for  things.  Again,  unless  there  shall  be  a  least,  the  very 
smallest  bodies  will  consist  of  infinite  parts."  .  .  .  .  "  Therefore, 
between  the  sum  of  things  and  the  least  of  things,  what  differ- 
ence will  there  be  ?  There  will  be  no  distinction  at  all ;  for  how 
absolutely  infinite  soever  the  whole  sum  is,  yet  the  things  which 
are  smallest  will  equally  consist  of  infinite  parts."  (Book  i. 
609-622.) 

"  The  first-beginnings  of  things  have  different  shapes,  but  the 
number  of  shapes  is  finite."  (Book  ii.  479-80.) 

"Since  a  fixed  limit  has  been  assigned  to  things  which 
bounds  their  sum  on  each  side,  you  must  admit  that  matter 
also  has  a  finite  number  of  different  shapes,"  (Book  ii. 
512-514). 

Lucretius  condemned  those  who  advocated  the 
opinion  that  the  primary  matter  of  all  things  rested 
on  either  fire  or  air,  water  or  the  earth.  His  specula- 
tions on  the  mode  by  which  the  primordial  elements 
are  acted  upon  by  force,  are  less  clearly  expressed. 
He  gives  his  atoms  various  shapes  and  sizes,  but  does 


i/4  John  D  alt  on. 

not  admit  of  their  being  sentient,  or  they  would  "  pro- 
duce nothing  but  a  crowd  and  multitude  of  animals." 

It  is  curious  to  observe  his  approximative  aim  to 
the  atomic  theory,  and  not  less  his  tentative  efforts 
to  elucidate  the  mode  in  which  the  primordial  ele- 
ments being  "  not  sentient,"  are  acted  upon  by  forces 
throughout  the  whole— a  problem  of  much  interest 
and  somewhat  akin  to  the  determination  of  force,  at 
present  agitating  the  physicists  of  Europe. 

Cicero  in  his  "  De  Natura  Deorum,"  reasoning  on 
the  rotundity  and  apt  analogies  of  the  celestial  orbs  to 
natural  history  entities,  and  the  construction  of  the 
visible  earth,  would  seem  to  have  fallen  upon  many 
lines  of  thought  previously  traversed  by  the  Greeks, 
and  adorned  by  his  friend  Lucretius,  from  whose 
poem  several  quotations  have  been  made.  He  was 
probably  incited  to  this  by  his  love  of  Athens,  and 
his  friendship,  as  Munro  says,  with  the  leading  Epi- 
cureans, both  Greek  and  Roman,  to  one  of  whom, 
Philodemus,  as  it  now  appears  from  the  Herculanean 
fragments  recently  published,  he  was  greatly  indebted 
in  his  "  De  Natura  Deorum.'' 

As  the  ancient  schools  of  philosophy  gradually 
waned  and  sank  below  the  horizon,  there  arose,  and 
among  the  Arabians  chiefly,  the  mystical  arts  shadowy 
of  themselves,  and  not  less  shadowed  by  spiritual  au- 
thority and  interference.  Of  these  arts  alchemy  was 
most  prominent,  and  its  cultivators  seem  to  have 
blended  what  knowledge  had  come  down  to  them 
from  the  Alexandrian  school,  and  a  portion  of  the  Aris- 
totelian philosophy,  with  the  results  of  their  own 
operations  in  the  laboratory — it  being  as  much  a 
matter  of  policy  in  the  East  to  be  able  to  cite  great 


A  Sketch  of  the  Atomic  Theory.  175 

names  in  support  of  new  doctrines,  as  it  is  the  fashion 
of  Western  nations  to  hold  by  precedent  and 
privilege  in  the  defence  of  the  status  quo  of  govern- 
mental rule. 

If  the  masters  in  alchemy,  and  chief  men  of  the 
Middle  Ages,  gave  the  doctrine  of  atoms  a  place  in 
their  speculations  regarding  matter  and  the  cosmos, 
they  do  not  appear  to  have  enlarged  the  thesis,  or 
to  have  advanced  beyond  the  doctrines  so  classically 
expressed  by  Lucretius.  Dr  Angus  Smith  has  gone 
carefully  over  the  history  of  the  period,  but  apparently 
elicited  little  more  than  a  confirmation  of  the  belief 
generally  entertained,  that  the  mediaeval  workers 
rested  their  reasonings  very  much  on  the  existence  of 
four  elements,  or  old  Aristotelian  dicta,  so  long  viewed 
by  the  multitude  as  infallible.  Now  and  then  a  ray 
of  light  emanated  from  the  dark  chambers  of  these 
enthusiasts,  that  partook  of  novelty  rather  than  logical 
accuracy,  and  got  shaped  into  such  forms  as  the 
"  quinta  essentia  ;  "  " specific  fermentations; "  and  the 
' :  materiaprima"  the  latter  tenet  being  little  more  than 
a  revival  of  Plato's  TT/XWT^  v\r},  the  primary  hyle,  that 
might  be  freely  translated  as  true  matter,  though 
others  have  viewed  it  as  "  matter  in  the  abstract." 

The  fetishisms  and  national  "  idols  "  were  not  with- 
out their  visible  effect  upon  the  primitive  ideas  emerg- 
ing from  the  chaos  of  thought,  that  in  time  served 
as  modes  of  interpreting  natural  phenomena.  The 
mingling  of  these,  and  the  adoption  of  a  form  of  theo- 
logy based  on  the  generative  principle  that  existed 
in  full  force  in  the  speculations  of  the  ancients,  found 
illustration  in  the  names  of  Isis  and  Osiris,  typical 
of  the  Alexandrian  school  of  thought,  being  retained 


1 76  John  D  alt  on. 

by  alchemy,  whilst  salt,  sulphur,  and  mercury  were 
connected  with  the  Trinity  of  Christians. 

After  the  Arabians,  Geber,  Raymond  Lully, 
Albertus  Magnus,  Roger  Bacon,  and  Basil  Valentine 
were  among  the  most  conspicuous  members  of  the 
great  school  of  alchemy  ;*  men  who,  in  their  prac- 
tical aims  and  manipulations  of  ordinary  chemical 
workings,  rendered  service  to  the  cause  of  qualita- 
tive chemistry,  as  long  as  they  confined  themselves 
to  the  experimental  path ;  but  as  they  were  led 
away  by  their  metaphysics  and  current  theological 
opinions,  they  rendered  but  inadequate  help  to  the 
cause  of  quantitative  chemistry. 

Comte  has  said  that  there  must  be  three  principal 
epochs  in  the  growth  of  every  science,  and  of  all  the 
sciences  together  :  "  the  childish  religious,^the  boyish 
metaphysical,  and  the  manly  positive  of  develop- 
ment." Dr  Samuel  Brown  would  have  preferred 
to  distinguish  these  three  ages  as  the  superstitious, 
the  fictitious,  and  the  real.  In  the  dreamy  age  of 
chemistry,  theories  in  abundance  were  being  offered 
on  the  ultimate  composition  of  matter,  chiefly  in  an 
abstract  form,  or  based  on  the  Pythagorean  or 
Aristotelian  methods.  The  professed  cultivators  of 
science  were  more  disposed  to  give  airy  attitudes  to 


*  Dr  Angus  Smith  cites  Palissy,  the"well-known  potter  of  the  i6th 
century,  as  taking  part  in  the  discussion  of  the  great  problem  of  the 
day,  and  actually  siding  with  the  notions  expressed  by  Thales,  the  first 
of  Greek  reasoners,  a  fact  that  proves  him  to  be  less  of  a  philosopher 
than  a  potter.  Bottcher  was  wiser,  he  stuck  to  his  alchemy,  and 
though  he  failed  to  make  gold,  he  made  the  best  of  Dresden  porcelain. 
Of  him  it  was  said  : 

"Ye  heavens,  alchemy  has  won  my  votes, 
A  goldmaker 's  changed  to  a  maker  of  pots.'' 


"  Sir  Roger  de  Coverleyed''  1 29 

Philosopher  John  triangled  !  or  "dephlogisticated," 
and  nearly  "Sir  Roger  de  Coverleyed "  by  "the 
handsomest  woman  in  Manchester,"  can  only  be 
credited  by  sober  friends  on  perusing  his  own  nar- 
rative of  this  delicate  affair.  The  untoward  symp- 
toms marking  his  captivity  or  bondage  may  seem  a 
little  peculiar. 

It  seems  that  another  of  your  maids  is  become  mistress — a 
good  omen  for  the  next,  whoever  she  may  be.  Methinks  there 
may  be  a  question  started  from  some  side  of  the  fire  when  this  is 
read — "  I  wonder  whether  John  is  going  to  marry  yet,  or  not?" 
I  may  answer  that  my  head  is  too  full  of  triangles,  chymical 
processes,  and  electrical  experiments,  &c.,  to  think  much  of 
marriage.  I  must  not,  however,  omit  to  mention  that  I  was 
completely  Sir  Roger  de  Coverleyed  a  few  weeks  ago. 

The  occasion  was  this  :  being  desired  to  call  upon  a  widow, 
a  Friend,  who  thought  of  entering  her  son  at  the  academy,  I 
went,  and  was  struck  with  the  sight  of  the  most  perfect  figure 
that  ever  human  eyes  beheld,  in  a  plain  but  neat  dress ;  her 
person,  her  features,  were  engaging  beyond  all  description. 
Upon  inquiry  after,  I  found  that  she  was  universally  allowed 
to  be  the  handsomest  woman  in  Manchester.  Being  invited  by 
her  to  tea  a  few  days  after,  along  with  a  worthy  man  here,  a 
public  Friend  [a  Quaker  minister],  I  should  have,  in  any  other 
circumstances,  been  highly  pleased  with  an  elegant  tea  equi- 
page, American  apples  of  the  most  delicious  flavour,  and  choice 
wines,  but  in  the  present  these  were  only  secondary  objects. 
Deeming  myself,  however,  full  proof  against  mere  beauty,  and 
knowing  that  its  concomitants  are  often  ignorance  and  vanity, 
I  was  not  under  much  apprehension  ;  but  when  she  began  to 
descant  upon  the  excellence  of  an  exact  acquaintance  with 
English  grammar  and  the  art  of  letter-writing ;  to  compare  the 
merits  of  Johnson's  and  Sheridan's  dictionaries ;  to  converse 
upon  the  use  of  dephlogisticated  marine  acid  in  bleaching ; 
upon  the  effects  of  opium  on  the  animal  system,  &c.,  &c.,  I  was 
no  longer  able  to  hold  out,  but  surrendered  at  discretion. 
During  my  captivity,  which  lasted  about  a  week,  I  lost  my 
appetite,  and  had  other  symptoms  of  bondage  about  me,  as 
incoherent  discourse,  &c.,  but  have  now  happily  regained  my 
freedom. 

I 


130  John  Dal  ton. 

Having  now  wrote  till  I  have  tired  my  hand,  and  probably 
thine  eyes  in  reading,  I  shall  conclude  with  my  love  to  cousin 
Ruth  and  thyself,  and  to  all  inquiring  friends, 

JOHN  DALTON. 

If  Dalton  could  afford  to  treat  his  relations  to  the 
fascinating  widow  in  a  vein  of  facetiousness,  it  was 
far  otherwise  with  his  pen,  when  the  object  of  his  ad- 
miration was  worthy  of  his  more  thoughtful  hours. 
Little  demonstrative  in  any  direction  outside  his 
own  laboratory,  he  was  not  without  the  higher  sen- 
sibilities of  our  nature  that  make  the  society  of 
women  of  amiability  and  mental  culture  highly  en- 
joyable. In  his  journeys  to  Cumberland,  he  used  to 
pay  a  visit  to  a  Friend  in  Lancaster,  who  had  two 
daughters  of  both  of  whom  he  spoke  very  highly; 
but  Hannah  was  evidently  his  favourite,  of  whom 
he  writes  in  the  following  enthusiastic  terms  to  his 
brother,  September  15,  1796.  Considering  the  high 
qualifications  of  the  lady,  it  is  to  be  regretted  that 
Dalton's  means  were  too  limited  to  enable  him  to 
marry,  or  there  might  have  been  "  a  wedding  of  it," 
with  probably  blissful  issue  to  posterity. 

"  I  may  here  observe  that  it  has  been  my  lot  for  three  years 
past  to  be  daily  gaining  acquaintance  of  both  sexes.  I. have 
consequently  had  opportunities  of  estimating  and  comparing 
characters  upon  a  pretty  extensive  scale.  Since  my  first  intro- 
duction to ,  twelve  months  ago,  I  have  spent  a  day  .or 

two  with  them  at  six  different  intervals,  with  the  highest  .satis- 
faction, as  I  never  met  with  a  character  so  finished  as  Hannah's. 
What  is  called  strength  of  mind  and  sound  judgment  she  pos- 
sesses in  a  very  eminent  degree,  with  the  rare  coincidence  of  a 
quick  apprehension  and  most  lively  imagination.  Of  sensibility 
she  has  a  full  share,  but  does  not  affectedly  show  it  on  every 
trivial  occasion.  The  sick  and  poor  of  all  descriptions  are 
her  personal  care.  Though  undoubtedly  accustomed  to  grave 
and  serious  reflections,  all  pensiveness  and  melancholy  are 


Describes  a  Fair  Quakeress.  131 

banished  from  her  presence,  and  nothing  but  cheerfulness  and 
hilarity  diffused  around.  Her  uncommon  natural  abilities 
have  been  improved  by  cultivation,  but  art  and  form  do  not 
appear  at  all  in  her  manner — all  is  free,  open,  and  unaffected. 
Extremely  affable  to  all,  though  every  one  sees  and  acknow- 
ledges her  superiority,  no  one  can  charge  her  with  pride.  She 
is,  as  might  be  expected,  well  pleased  with  the  conversation  of 
literary  and  scientific  people,  and  has  herself  produced  some 
essays  that  would  do  credit  to  the  first  geniuses  of  the  age, 
though  they  are  scarcely  known  out  of  the  family,  so  little  is  her 
vanity.  Her  person  is  agreeable,  active,  and  lively.  She  sup- 
ports conversation,  whether  serious,  argumentative,  or  jocular, 
with  uncommon  address.  In  short,  the  tout  ensemble  is  the 
most  complete  I  ever  beheld.  Next  to  Hannah,  her  sister  Ann 
takes  it,  in  my  eye,  before  all  others.  She  is  a  perfect  model  of 
personal  beauty.  I  do  not  know  one  that  will  bear  a  comparison 
with  her  in  this  respect,  at  least  in  our  society.  With  abilities 
much  superior  to  the  generality,  she  possesses  the  most  refined 
sensibility,  but  in  strength  of  mind  and  vigour  of  understanding 
must  yield  to  her  elder  sister.  I  dwell  with  pleasure  upon  the 
character  of  these  two  amiable  creatures,  but  would  not  have 
thee  communicate  my  sentiments  to  others." 

In  the  journal  of  a  tour  in  the  previous  year,  when 
he  first  became  acquainted  with  this  lady,  he  thus 
describes  a  walk  in  her  company  up  the  river  Lune, 
as  far  as  Horton : — 

"  The  pleasantness  of  the  evening,  the  delightful  scenery  of 
the  country,  added  to  the  amiable  softness,  vivacity,  and  good 
sense  of  our  female  companion,  made  it  one  of  the  pleasantest 
walks  I  ever  enjoyed."  And  again  he  quaintly  remarks  : — "  In 
going  to  a  tea-party  we  were  introduced  by  our  fair  companion 
to  the  hospital  for  old  maids,  and  saw  one  of  no  very  alluring 
aspect.  Oh  what  a  contrast !  " 

It  is  not  improbable  that  his  intercourse  with  the 
pretty  Friends  of  Lancaster  gave  an  impulse  to  his 
aesthetic  sensibilities,  that  found  occasional  pleasure 
in  cultivating  the  muse — 

"  Never  durst  poet  touch  a  pen  to  write, 
Until  his  ink  were  temper'd  with  love's  sighs ; " 


132  John  Dalton. 

for,  notwithstanding  his  bucolic  and  Quaker  associa- 
tions, and  the  general  absence  of  social  opportunities, 
he  had  a  love  of  melody,  and  in  listening  to  his 
favourite  airs  would  appear  more  or  less  spellbound. 
His  "  Stanzas  Addressed  to  an  ^Eolian  Lyre  "  have 
been  cited  as  his  best  attempt  at  versification.  They 
are  as  follows  : — 

STANZAS  ADDRESSED  TO  AN  AEOLIAN  LYRE. 

Far  from  the  noisy  dissonance  of  strife, 

From  war's  dire  clarion,  boding  vengeful  ire, 

Here  let  me  spend  one  vacant  hour  of  life, 
To  sing  thy  well-earned  praise,  melodious  Lyre  ! 

When  thy  soft  airs  first  touched  my  ravished  ear, 

My  heart  accorded  to  the  tender  strain  ; 
Now  gently  swelling,  called  forth  pity's  tear, 

Now  languished,  pining,  for  the  love-sick  swain. 

To  every  tender  feeling  of  the  soul, 

A  kindred  tone  the  various  breeze  excites  ; 
The  enchanted  heart  yields  to  the  mild  control, 

And  sweetly  banquets  on  thy  soft  delights. 

At  times  the  notes  with  gentle  zephyrs  rise, 
And  trembling  touch  the  chord  of  fond  desire, 

Now  mingling,  breathe  in  soft,  responsive  sighs, 
Then  fluttering,  fall,  and  with  the  gale  expire. 

Again  the  slowly-rising  notes  assail — 

As  if  some  tender  maid,  unseen,  unknown, 
Sighed  for  neglect — yet  tuneful,  swelled  the  gale, 

To  melt  the  unfeeling  heart  with  sorrow's  plaintive  moan. 

If  e'er  a  breast  was  by  soft  passion  moved, 

If  e'er  it  felt  love's  sympathetic  fire, 
With  mine  thy  strains  it  cordially  approved, 

And  breathed  in  chorus  to  thy  praise,  sweet  Lyre  ! 

A  sudden  gust  now  sweeps  thy  trembling  strings — 
What  wild  luxuriance  undulates  the  air  ! 


His  Poetical  Efforts.  133 

The  swell  majestic  all  its  grandeur  brings, 
And  dying  gales  their  softer  tribute  bear. 

To  yonder  copse  why  should  I  anxious  rove, 
To  hear  its  songsters  hail  the  new-born  day  ? 

Why  pensive  court  the  music  of  the  grove  ? 
Thy  charming  airs  surpass  their  sweetest  lay. 

When  vernal  showers  refresh  the  parched  vale, 
And  Flora's  train  in  richest  hues  appear, 

Not  more  their  varied  tints  the  eye  regale, 
Than  thy  ecstatic  notes  delight  the  ear. 

Should  adverse  winds  the  ruffled  soul  assail — 
Impassioned  looks  the  rising  storm  presage — 

Thy  soothing  airs,  mellifluous,  cannot  fail 

To  calm  each  ranc'rous  passion's  keenest  rage. 

When  nature  bids  the  busy  world  to  close, 
And  silence  reigns,  obedient  to  her  power, 

Thy  grateful  murmurs,  lulling  to  repose, 

Beguile  the  solemn  gloom  of  midnight  hour. 

His  description  of  Hannah's  personal  charms  showed 
him  to  possess  a  larger  share  of  the  imaginative  faculty 
than  was  generally  assigned  to  him  by  his  friends. 
That  he  was  fully  alive  to  the  beauty  of  natural 
scenery  may  be  gathered  from  the  following  extract 
from  his  Journal  of  August  22,  1796  : — 

"We  had  a  pleasant  ride  from  Kendal,  for  eight 
miles,  when  the  grand  scenery  of  the  Lakes  opened 
upon  us,  with  full  force  ;  the  head  of  Windermere, 
and  about  half  of  the  lake,  with  the  surrounding  hills, 
skirted  with  wood,  formed  a  fine  and  capacious 
amphitheatre,  which  we  had  in  view,  more  or  less, 
till  we  arrived  at  Lowwood.  Drank  tea  there,  and 
immediately  after  took  a  boat  out  to  a  central  part  of 
the  lake,  when  we  beheld  the  sun  descending  below 
the  summit  of  Langdale  Pikes,  whilst  its  rays  still 
continued  to  gild  the  delightful  landscape  on  the 


134  John  Dalton. 

opposite  shore.  .  .  .  Came  off  the  lake ;  then  pro- 
ceeded to  Ambleside,  winding  round  the  still  lake  by 
twilight.  Went  out  about  ten  to  view  the  night 
scene ;  the  atmosphere  was  as  clear  as  possible ; 
Jupiter  and  the  fixed  stars  shone  with  uncommon 
splendour,  and  suggested  an  unusual  proximity.  The 
moon,  risen,  but  not  above  the  mountains,  cast  a 
glimmering  light  upon  the  rocky  hills  just  opposite, 
and  produced  a  fine  effect.  These  circumstances, 
together  with  the  awful  silence  around,  would  have 
persuaded  us  we  had  been  transferred  to  some  other 
planet." 

John  Dalton  was  thirty  years  of  age  before  he 
gave  any  direct  or  special  attention  to  chemistry,  and 
his  first  awakening  arose  from  attending  a  course  of 
lectures  on  the  subject,  delivered  by  Dr  Garnet  at 
Manchester.  Though  versed  in  experiments  on 
natural  philosophy,  he  saw  the  advantage  of  the 
varied  and  attractive  illustrations  of  the  chemist  in 
obtaining  the  approval  of  popular  audiences;  and 
wishing  to  utilise  his  knowledge,  wrote  to  his  brother 
in  June  1796,  that  he  had  some  thoughts  of  delivering 
a  course  of  lectures  at  Kendal  that  summer,  including 
six  on  physics  and  six  on  chemistry.  "  Twenty  sub- 
scribers at  half  a  guinea  would  be  a  sufficient  induce- 
ment to  commence."  Here  it  is  seen  that  the  sum  of 
ten  guineas  was  all  he  aimed  at  for  twelve  lectures  to 
be  delivered  at  Kendal,  two  days'  journey  from  Man- 
chester, and  with  the  probability  of  having  to  purchase 
new  apparatus,  chemicals,  and  other  adjuvantia. 

After  an  interval  of  nearly  five  years  (his  essay  on 
Colour-blindness  being  read  in  October  1794),  Dalton 
made  his  second  communication  to  the  Philosophical 


His  Theory  of  Aqueous  Vapour.  135 

Society,  entitled — "  Experiments  and  Observations 
to  determine  whether  the  Quantity  of  Rain  and  Dew 
is  equal  to  the  Quantity  of  Water  carried  off  by  the 
Rivers,  and  raised  by  Evaporation :  with  an  Inquiry 
into  the  Origin  of  Springs."  Read  March  I,  1799 
(Memoirs,  vol.  v.  p.  346). 

As  a  matter  of  supposition  rather  than  evidence, 
Dalton  concluded  in  favour  of  their  equiponderance ; 
the  more  valuable  part  of  his  essay  contains  his  first 
distinct  enunciation  of  the  theory  of  aqueous  vapour. 

"  I.  That  aqueous  vapour  is  an  elastic  fluid  sui 
generis,  diffusable  in  the  atmosphere,  but  forming 
no  chemical  combination  with  it. 

"  2.  That  temperature  alone  limits  the  maximum  of 
vapour  in  the  atmosphere. 

"3.  That  there  exists  at  all  times,  and  in  all  places, 
a  quantity  of  aqueous  vapour  in  the  atmosphere, 
variable  according  to  circumstances." 

Count  Rumford  having  attempted  to  show  "  that 
water,  and  by  analogy,  all  other  fluids,  do  not  trans- 
mit heat  in  the  manner  that  solids  do  ;  but  circulate 
it  solely  by  the  internal  motion  of  their  particles," 
Dalton  (April  12,  1799),  reac*  to  the  Philosophical 
Society  an  essay  on  the  "  Power  of  Fluids  to  Conduct 
Heat "  (Memoirs,  vol.  v.  p.  373),  based  on  numerous 
experiments,  and  calculated  to  affect  the  accuracy  of 
the  Count's  conclusions.  Dalton's  method  of  inquiry 
was  original,  and  in  writing  to  his  brother,  March  28, 
1 799,  he  says: — I  have  lately  been  making  some  curious 
experiments  on  the  congelation  of  water  in  certain  cir- 
cumstances. I  have  cooled  it  down  to  5°  or  6°  without 
freezing,  by  putting  it  into  a  thermometer  tube.  I  find 
it  also  impracticable  to  freeze  it  in  such  circumstances 


136  John  D  alt  on. 

above  15°  or  20°;  when  it  does  freeze  it  is  instantan- 
eous, and  the  liquor  shoots  up  the  tube  as  if  ejected 
by  a  syringe,  and  often  bursts  the  tube  with  a  report." 

At  first  he  supposed  the  degree  of  greatest  conden- 
sation of  water  to  be  at  42°  Fahrenheit ;  that  water 
expands  below  42°  exactly  as  it  does  above — namely, 
according  to  the  number  of  degrees.  Afterwards  he 
found  it  needful  to  correct  many  of  his  numerical 
results,  and  shifted  his  ground  from  42°  to  36°  and 
38°  as  the  point  of  greatest  condensation  of  water. 
To-day  chemists  accept  Messrs  Playfair  and  Joule's 
determination  of  39*  101°  Fahrenheit. 

In  May  1800,  Dalton  was  elected  Secretary  to  the 
Literary  and  Philosophical  Society  of  Manchester,  in 
the  place  of  Dr  William  Harvey.  This  office  he 
retained  until  the  year  1808,  when  he  was  made 
Vice-President  in  the  room  of  Dr  Roget. 

In  1817  he  was  raised  to  the  highest  dignity  in  the 
Society,  and  continued  to  occupy  the  President's 
chair  during  the  remainder  of  his  life.  The  Society 
practised  a  generous  liberality  towards  Dalton,  who 
contributed  so  largely  to  its  fame,  nay,  European 
reputation,  by  permitting  him  to  occupy  one  of  the 
lower  rooms  of  the  Society-house  in  George  Street  as 
a  study  and  a  laboratory. 

He  conferred  honour  on  his  secretaryship  on  June 
27,  1800,  by  reading  to  the  Society,  "Experiments 
and  Observations  on  the  Heat  and  Cold  produced  by 
the  Mechanical  Condensation  and  Rarefaction  of  Air  " 
(Memoirs,  vol.  v.  p.  515). 

He  endeavoured  to  show  "  that  the  capacity  of  a 
.vacuum  for  heat  is  less  than  an  equal  volume  of 
atmospheric  air,  and  that  the  denser  the  air  is,  the 


Experimental  Essays.  137 

less  is  its  capacity  for  heat/'  indicating  a  mode  of 
ascertaining  "  the  absolute  capacity  of  a  vacuum  for 
heat,"  and  "likewise  the  capacity  of  the  different 
gases  for  heat  by  a  method  wholly  new ;  but  this 
must  be  left  to  future  investigation."  Dalton  found 
that  gases  expand  i-ioth  of  their  volume,  nearly  for 
50°  of  heat,  or  nearly  i-5ooth  of  their  bulk ;  and  at 
a  later  period  of  his  life  again  took  up  the  subject. 

In  October  1801,  he  read  to  the  Literary  Society 
the  following  memoirs  :  "  Experimental  Essays  on 
the  Constitution  of  Mixed  Gases  ;  on  the  Force  of 
Steam  or  Vapour  from  Water  and  other  Liquids  in 
different  Temperatures,  both  in  a  Torricellian  Vacuum 
and  in  Air ;  on  Evaporation ;  and  on  the  Expansion 
of  Gases  by  Heat  "  (Memoirs,  vol.  v.  p.  335). 

He  begins  by  saying,  "  The  progress  of  philosophi- 
cal knowledge  is  advanced  by  the  discovery  of  new 
and  important  facts  ;  but  much  more  when  those  facts 
lead  to  the  establishment  of  general  laws.  ...  In 
the  train  of  experiments  lately  engaging  my  attention, 
some  new  facts  have  been  ascertained,  which,  with 
others,  seem  to  authorise  the  deduction  of  general 
laws,  and  such  as  will  have  influence  in  various 
departments  of  natural  philosophy  and  chemistry." 
Contrary  to  what  might  have  been  expected  of 
Dalton,  he  propounded  those  general  laws  before 
citing  the  experiments  upon  which  they  were  ob- 
tained. However,  he  denied  having  made  the 
experiments  in  support  of  any  preconceived  theory ; 
and  remarked  "  on  the  contrary,  the  first-laid,  which  is 
as  a  mirror,  in  which  all  the  experiments  are  best 
viewed,  was  last  detected,  and  after  all  the  particu- 
lar facts  had  been  previously  ascertained." 


138  John  Dalton. 

1.  When  two  elastic  fluids,  denoted  by  A  and  B,  are  mixed 
together,  there  is  no  mutual  repulsion  amongst  their  particles  ; 
that  is,  the  particles  of  A  do  not  repel  those  of  B,  as  they  do  one 
another.     Consequently  the  pressure  or  whole  weight  upon  any 
one  particle  arises  solely  from  those  of  its  own  kind. 

2.  The  force  of  steam  from  all  liquids  is  the  same,  at  equal 
distances  above  or  below  the  several  temperatures,  at  which  they 
boil  in  the  open  air  ;  and  that  force  is  the  same  under  any  pres- 
sure of  another  elastic  fluid,  as  it  is  in  vacuo. 

3.  The  quantity  of  any  liquid  evaporated  in  the  open  air,  is 
directly  as  the  force  of  steam  from  such  liquid,  at  its  tempera- 
ture, all  the  circumstances  being  the  same. 

4.  All  elastic  fluids  expand  the  same  quantity  by  heat ;  and 
this  expansion  is  very  nearly  in  the  same  equable  way  as  that  of 
mercury,  at  least  from  32°  to  212°.     It  seems  probable  the  ex- 
pansion of  each  particle  of  the  same  fluid,  or  its  sphere  of  influ- 
ence, is  directly  as  the  quantity  of  heat  combined  with  it ;  and 
consequently  the  expansion  of  the  fluid  as  the  cube  of  the  tem- 
perature, reckoned  from  the  point  of  total  privation. 

The  results  of  these  important  researches  on  eva- 
poration are  thus  clearly  summed  up  by  Dr  Balfour 
Stewart  in  his  excellent  treatise  on  heat  (2d  edit.  p. 
101),  "  The  law  of  evaporation,  first  discovered  by 
Dalton,  may  thus  be  stated — In  a  space  destitute  of 
air  the  vaporisation  of  a  liquid  goes  on  only  until  the 
vapour  has  attained  a  determinate  pressure  dependent 
on  the  temperature,  so  that  in  every  space  void  of  air 
which  is  saturated  with  vapour,  determinate  vapour 
pressure  corresponds  to  determinate  temperature." 

"  With  reference  to  mixtures  of  gas  and  vapour  in  a 
confined  space,  Dalton's  experiments  lead  to  the  fol- 
lowing law : — *  In  a  space  filled  with  air  the  same 
amount  of  water  evaporates  as  in  a  space  destitute  of 
air  ;  and  precisely  the  same  relation  subsists  between 
the  temperature  and  the  pressure  of  the  vapour, 


More  Original  Essays.  139 

whether  the  space  contains  air  or  not/  This  law  of 
Dalton  was  verified  by  Gay  Lussac,  but  recently 
Regnault  has  found,  by  more  exact  experiments, 
that  the  pressure  in  air  is  always  less  (about  2  per 
cent.)  than  that  in  vacuo  ;  he  is,  however,  inclined  to 
believe  that  Dalton's  law  is  true  in  principle,  and  that 
the  deviations  which  he  noticed  are  to  be  explained 
by  the  hygroscopic  character  of  the  walls  of  the 
chamber  which  contained  the  vapour." 

His  essay  "  On  the  Constitution  of  Mixed  Gases, 
and  particularly  of  the  Atmosphere,"  was  not  favour- 
ably received,  inasmuch  as  his  views  were  not  so  very 
clearly  expressed,  and  afterwards  received  much 
modification  at  his  own  hands.  The  history  of  the 
controversy  will  be  found  in  his  "  New  System  of 
Chemical  Philosophy,"  Part  i.  pp.  150-193. 

His  second  essay  "On  the  Force  of  Steam  or 
Vapour  from  Water,  and  various  other  Liquids,  both 
in  a  Vacuum  and  in  Air,"  was  deemed  by  Dr  Henry 
as  one  of  transcendent  importance,  as  first  furnishing 
tabulated  [data  for  the  solution  of  perhaps  the  most 
interesting  problem  in  meteorology ;  namely,  the 
calculation,  after  noting  the  dew  point,  of  the  absolute 
quantity  of  moisture  in  a  given  volume  of  air.  The 
first  sentence  of  the  essay  contains  the  anticipation 
of  a  discovery  subsequently  made  by  Dr  Michael 
Faraday.  Dalton's  words  are  : — "  There  can  scarcely 
be  a  doubt  entertained  respecting  the  reducibility  of 
all  elastic  fluids,  of  whatever  kind,  into  liquids  ;  and 
we  ought  not  to  despair  of  effecting  it  in  low  tempera- 
tures, and  by  strong  pressure  exerted  upon  the  un- 
mixed gases." 

His  experiments  made  on  the  vapours  of  sulphuric 


140  John  Dalton. 

ether,  spirits  of  wine,  water  of  ammonia,  solution  of 
muriate  of  lime,  mercury  and  sulphuric  acid,  led  him  to 
entertain  as  a  general  law,  "  that  the  variation  of  the 
force  of  vapour  from  all  liquids  is  the  same  for  the 
same  variation  of  temperature,  reckoning  from  vapour  of 
any  given  force ;  thus,  assuming  a  force  equal  to  30 
inches  of  mercury  as  the  standard,  it  being  the  force 
of  vapour  from  any  liquid  boiling  in  the  open  air,  we 
find  aqueous  vapour  loses  half  its  force  by  a  diminu- 
tion of  30°  of  temperature ;  so  does  the  vapour  of  any 
other  liquid  lose  half  its  force  by  diminishing  its 
temperature  30°  below  that  in  which  it  boils,  and  the 
like  for  any  other  increment  or  decrement  of  heat." 
Nothing  could  well  appear  more  unlike  in  character 
than  the  six  liquids  operated  upon  by  Dalton ;  and 
though  the  law  he  laid  down  does  not  universally 
obtain,  "it  is  nevertheless  remarkable,"  observes 
Gmelin,  "that  this  law  is  pretty  nearly  true  in  the 
case  of  many  substances."  Dalton's  views  received 
further  sanction  at  the  hands  of  such  great  authorities 
as  Arago,  Faraday,  and  Dove,  who  have  shown  that 
although  the  hypothesis  does  not  hold  generally,  it 
is  approximately  true  for  short  distances  on  each  side 
of  the  boiling  point  in  a  large  number  of  instances. 

Though  Dalton  experimented  largely  before  offer- 
ing his  opinions  "  On  Evaporation,  "  it  does  not  seem 
needful  to  do  more  than  draw  attention  to  the  fact  of 
its  appearing  with  his  other  essays  of  greater  import. 
His  essay,  "  On  the  Expansion  of  Elastic  Fluids  by 
Heat,"  arising,  in  part,  from  a  discussion  in  which 
several  French  savans  took  part,  led  to  greater  results. 
Dalton  ascertained  by  repeated  experiments  that 
1000  volumes  of  common  air  of  the  temperature  55° 


The  Expansion  of  Elastic  Fluids.  141 

and  common  pressure  expand  to  1325  volumes,  when 
heated  to  the  temperature  of  212°,  and  he  concluded 
that  any  gas  at  any  temperature  increases  in  volume 
for  a  rise  of  one  degree  by  a  constant  fraction  of 
its  bulk  at  that  temperature.  He  also  found  that 
hydrogen,  oxygen,  carbonic  acid  gas,  and  .  nitrous 
gas,  expand  to  the  same  amount  as  common  air ;  the 
minute  differences  observed  being  attributable  to  the 
presence  of  aqueous  vapour.  Gay  Lussac  obtained  in 
the  same  year  (1801)  results  differing  but  slightly 
from  those  of  Dalton,  the  expansion  for  a  single 
degree  of  Fahrenheit  being,  according  to  Gay  Lussac, 
^^  of  the  primitive  volume  at  32°,  and  according  to 
Dalton  T|-^.  Magnus  and  Regnault,  by  more  exact 
experiments,  have  determined  the  expansion  to  be 
T|T,  and  their  experiments  leave  little  doubt  that  Gay 
Lussac's  method  of  expressing  the  law  is  much 
nearer  the  truth  than  Dalton's. 

From  these  experiments  Dalton  was  led  to  conclude 
"  that  all  elastic  fluids,  under  the  same  pressure,  ex- 
pand equally  by  heat,  and  that  for  any  given  ex- 
pansion of  mercury  the  corresponding  expansion 
of  air  is  proportionally  something  less,  the  higher 
the  temperature.  ...  It  seems,  therefore,  that 
general  laws  respecting  the  absolute  quantity  and 
the  nature  of  heat  are  more  likely  to  be  derived  from 
elastic  fluids  than  from  other  substances.  .  .  .  As 
every  other  liquid  we  are  acquainted  with  is  found  to 
expand  more  in  the  higher  than  in  the  lower  tempera- 
tures, analogy  is  in  favour  of  the  conclusions  of  De 
Luc,  that  mercury  does  the  same."  It  is  scarcely 
possible,  writes  Dr  Henry,  p.  37-8,  to  over-estimate  the 
value  of  these  sagacious  conclusions.  They'may  be 


142  John  Dalton. 

affirmed  to  lie  at  the  basis  of  the  profound  and  hither- 
to unrivalled  Memoir,  by  MM.  Dulong  and  Petit,  on 
the  "Measure  of  Temperature."  .  .  .  "It  is  well  known 
that  their  singularly  precise  experiments  signally 
confirmed  Dalton's  sagacious  inferences  from  his  less 
exact  researches." 

Dr  Henry  has  dwelt  at  some  length  on  these  four 
remarkable  essays,  because,  as  he  says,  "  independently 
of  their  momentous  bearing  on  meteorological  science, 
they  are  deeply  stamped  with  the  impress  of  Dalton's 
genius,  and  furnish  instructive  types  of  his  modes  of 
working  and  thinking.  His  instruments  of  research, 
chiefly  made  by  his  own  hands,  were  incapable  of 
affording  accurate  results,  and  his  manner  of  experi- 
menting was  loose,  if  not  slovenly.  His  numerical 
determinations  have  not,  therefore,  like  even  the 
earlier  analyses  of  Prout,  been  confirmed  by  sub- 
sequent inquiries.  Still  his  experiments,  though 
wanting  the  exactitude  of  modern  research,  were  not 
unskilfully  devised,  and  were  most  sagaciously  inter- 
preted. They  were,  perhaps,  such  as  were  most 
needed  at  the  close  of  the  last  century,  when  so  many 
fields  of  experimental  research  were  untilled,  that 
bold  tentative  incursions  into  new  domains  of  thought, 
large  groupings,  and  happy  generalisations  of  ap- 
proximate results  were  more  effective  instruments 
of  advance  than  scrupulous  precision  in  details.  At 
all  events,  from  these  imperfect  experiments,  Dalton 
arrived  at  the  discovery  of  those  general  laws  of 
evaporation,  and  of  the  relation  of  air  with  moisture, 
which  were  translated  by  Biot  into  the  exact  language 
of  analytical  formulae,  and  which  still  constitute  the 
foundation  of  meteorological  science." 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

"  There  are  more  things  in  heaven  and  earth,  Horatio, 
Than  are  dreamt  of  in  your  philosophy." — 

SHAKESPEARE. 

ELEMENTS  OF  ENGLISH  GRAMMAR — AN  EXCURSION — VARIETY  OF 
CORRESPONDENCE— GRAMMAR  AND  PUPILS — THE  ATMOSPHERE 
— FIRST  INDICATIONS  OF  MULTIPLE  PROPORTION  —  ELASTIC 
FLUIDS — ABSORPTION  OF  GASES — ATOMIC  WEIGHTS  AND  INDEX 
TO  ATOMIC  THEORY. 


educational  and  scientific  walk 
was  variec*  and  laborious  to  a  degree  almost 
unprecedented  in  the  pages  of  biography. 
His  faithful  plodding  truly  merited,  and 
in  due  time,  met  with  paramount  success.  Happily, 
in  his  struggles  for  a  bread-and-butter  existence,  and 
his  more  earnest  solicitation  for  philosophical  inspira- 
tion, he  possessed  a  hardy  and  robust  constitution, 
and  a  northern  temperament  that  found  its  most 
fitting  stimulus  in  mental  efforts  and  continuous 
work.  How  few  men,  even  of  the  hardy  Teutonic 
race,  could  have  sustained  the  long  and  tedious  hours 
that  saw  Dalton  engrossed  with  the  duties  of  teaching 
arithmetic  and  grammar  to  "  young  ideas !  "  Yet 
these  compulsory  engagements  were  as  the  play- 
things to  his  mind,  whose  proper  pabulum  was  to 
be  found  in  experimental  research  and  abstruse 
inquiries. 


144  John  Dalton. 

As  an  instance  of  his  diverging  from  his  ordinary 
course  of  study,  may  be  quoted  the  fact  mentioned 
to  his  brother  in  a  letter,  dated  April  14,  1794,  of  his 
reading  Euler,Bernouille,and  D'Alembert on " Sound;" 
finding,  as  he  says,  "  no  English  author  comparable 
to  them."  The  business  of  teaching  still  pressed 
upon  his  other  work  ;  and  in  December  of  the  same 
year  he  writes  to  his  brother — "  My  time  at  present 
is  much  taken  up  with  tuition  at  home  and  in  the 
town  together,  so  that  I  can  scarcely  turn  to  any 
particular  mathematical  or  philosophical  pursuit;  but 
occasionally  of  late  I  have  been  attending  to  the 
philosophy  of  grammar,  and  to  that  of  sound." 
Again,  in  1801,  he  writes — "Since  the  year  came  in 
I  have  not  been  much  troubled  with  V ennui.  Eight 
regular  pupils  by  day,  and  as  many  more  in  the 
evenings,  to  whom  I  have  sometimes  given  fifteen 
lessons  a  week ;  my  Grammar  in  the  press — the  whole 
of  it  to  write  over  and  to  retouch,  and  to  attend  to 
the  press — have  required  a  considerable  activity  both 
of  body  and  of  mind." 

As  his  classes  at  the  Academy  in  Manchester  were 
as  miscellaneous  as  the  scholars  of  any  school  requir- 
ing indoctrination  in  English  grammar,  and  as  his 
method  of  teaching  did  not  exactly  coincide  with  the 
published  authorities  on  the  subject,  he  deemed  it 
right  to  issue  a  work  of  his  own.  His  first  edition  of 
the  "  Elements  of  English  Grammar  "  is  dated  March 
IO,  1 80 1,  and  although  it  is  doubtful  if  it  met  with 
much  success  in  point  of  sale,*  a  second  edition  was 

*  In  confirmation  of  this  view,  it  is  said  that  Dalton,  a  few  years 
afterwards,  went  into  the  shop  of  the  publishers  of  his  Grammar  and 
asked  for  a  copy,  and  was  distinctly  told  they  had  none  left.  On  his 


A  Sketch  of  the  Atomic  Theory.  177 

their  fancy  than  to  sift  the  evidence  of  facts,  or  even  to 
seek  an  explanation  of  the  phenomena  daily  educible 
from  their  alembics  and  furnaces.  Many  obstacles,  it 
is  true,  lay  in  the  way  of  chemical  research,  and  men 
who  had  to  labour  without  the  aid  of  the  thermometer 
or  the  balance,  and  other  requisites  in  experimental 
science,  were  unable  to  grasp  the  fruits  of  their 
industry,  be  it  ever  so  sagaciously  directed. 

As  the  world  grew  older  and  better  by  experience 
and  improved  methods — and  alchemy,  with  all  its 
occult  operations,  should  not  be  robbed  of  just  credit 
in  furnishing  much  that  was  valuable  to  the  science 
— the  band  of  investigators  greatly  increased  in  num- 
bers, and  probably  in  wisdom  also,  though  not  held 
altogether  free  of  the  imputation  of  Quot  homines, 
tot  sententice ;  so  many  men,  so  many  different 
opinions. 

Coming  nearer  to  our  own  day  than  the  mediaeval 
schoolmen,  a  few  instances  may  be  adduced  of  men 
whose  writings  contain  much  of  the  ancient  philo- 
sophy represented  in  briefer  form  and  newer  type, 
and  greatly  modified  by  modern  reasonings  and 
research — men  whose  intellects  vied  with  the  best 
of  any  age,  and  whose  fame  will  be  as  lasting  as 
European  history. 

Among  the  great  men  of  the  past  whose  influence 
still  operates  on  the  great  men  of  the  present  was 
Descartes,  the  sickly  child  and  "  young  philosopher  " 
of  the  Jesuits  ;  he  who  at  the  age  of  twenty-one  years 
sought  to  divest  himself  of  the  teachings  of  the  Con- 
script Fathers  of  the  Church,  and  to  make  his  mind 
a  tabula  rasa  for  the  reception  of  a  higher  philosophy. 
It  is  true  he  made  the  study  of  mathematics  and 

M 


178  John  Dalton. 

metaphysics  of  more  consequence  than  science ; 
hence  his  claims  to  the  distinction  of  the  father  of 
modern  philosophy,  and  on  grounds  as  substantial 
as  those  which  elevated  Lord  Francis  Bacon  to  the 
title  of  father  of  experimental  science.  In  discussing 
physical  questions  he  was  led  to  discoveries  in  optics, 
&c.  A  few  words  will  show  his  views  in  relation  to  the 
atomic  hypothesis.  He  followed  in  part  the  doctrines 
of  Plato  and  Pythagoras  as  to  the  divisibility  of 
matter  without  any  assignable  limit.  He  banished 
the  notion  of  a  vacuum  that  so  strongly  possessed  the 
Greek  mind,  not  that  nature  had  a  horror  of  vacuum, 
but  because  the  essence  of  substance  being  extension, 
wherever  there  is  extension  there  is  substance,  con- 
sequently empty  space  is  a  chimera.  He  looked 
upon  the  substance  filling  all  space  as  divided  into 
equal  angular  parts,  which,  being  set  in  motion,  the 
parts  assume  a  spherical  form — these  motions  taking 
the  form  of  revolving  currents  or  vortices.  On  the 
same  mode,  and  it  was  but  a  reaffirmation  of  the 
doctrine  of  the  Greeks,  he  explained  the  motions  of 
the  planets. 

Attention  should  be  drawn  to  Spinoza,  that 
swarthy,  olive-complexioned  Jew,  of  penetrating  eye 
and  long  black  hair,  who  suffered  more  for  his  free 
utterances  than  Jew  ever  did  at  the  hands  of  Jews ; 
yet  this  spectacle-maker  was  withal  one  of  the  most 
religious  and  philosophical  men  of  the  seventeenth 
century.  Let  him  be,  as  his  enemies  averred, 
pantheist  or  infidel,  nevertheless,  his  opera  posthuma 
will  live  for  ever.  No  doubt  Spinoza  was  greatly 
influenced  by  Descartes'  philosophy,  as  Goethe  and 
others  were  by  the  persecuted  Jew. 


A  Sketch  of  the  Atomic  Theory.  179 

Leibnitz,  the  stolid  German  who  conversed  with 
Spinoza,  looked  upon  the  universe  in  its  threefold 
relations  of — i.  Its  elements  ;  2.  Their  manner  of  con- 
nection ;  and  3.  The  end  of  their  combinations.  His 
doctrine  of  elements,  that  they  were  simple  unex- 
tended  forces,  or  monads,  constituted  his  "Monad- 
ologie."  Blinded  by  a  metaphysical,  if  not  a  theologi- 
cal basis,  he  viewed  each  monad  as  a  living  mirror 
of  the  universe  and  its  physical  and  spiritual  forces ; 
this  creation,  in  his  eyes,  involved  the  existence  of 
a  monas  monadum,  or  One  of  the  Supreme  Infinite, 
from  whom  all  that  was  finite  was  derived. 

The  Hon.  Robert  Boyle,  treating  of  the  "  origin  of 
form  and  qualities,"  records  :  "  There  is  one  universal 
matter  common  to  all  bodies,  an  extended,  divisible, 
and  impenetrable  substance. 

In  the  " Sceptical  Chemist"  he  maintains  that  the 
"Aristotelian  hypothesis  of  four  elements  is  not 
comparable  to  the  mechanic  doctrine  of  the  bulk  and 
figure  of  the  smallest  parts  of  matter ;  for  from  these 
more  universal  and  fruitful  principles  of  the  elemen- 
tary matter  may  spring  a  great  variety  of  textures, 
upon  whose  account  a  multitude  of  compound  bodies 
might  greatly  differ  from  one  another." 

Again  he  says:  "  It  seems  probable  that  at  the 
first  production  of  mixed  bodies,  the  universal  matter 
whereof  they  consist  was  actually  divided  into  par- 
ticles of  several  sizes  and  shapes,  variously  moved. 
.  .  .  'Tis  also  possible  that  of  these  minute  particles 
many  of  the  smallest  and  contiguous  ones  were 
associated  into  minute  masses,  and  by  their  coalitions 
constituted  such  numerous  little  primary  concretions 


i8o  John  Dalton. 

as  were  not  easily  separable  into  the  particles  that 
compose  them." 

Were  it  desirable  or  consistent  with  this  sketch  of 
the  atomic  theory,  the  list  of  men  who  contributed 
opinions  to  the  general  stock  of  metaphysical  reason- 
ing, qua  the  part  played  by  atoms  in  the  general 
cosmos,  might  be  greatly  extended.  The  views  of 
Sir  Isaac  Newton  may  fitly  close  the  chapter ;  and 
with  the  further  admission,  that  no  essential  progress 
had  been  made  towards  the  solution  of  the  knotty 
question  of  the  ultimate  conditions  of  matter  till 
nearly  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century. 

"  All  things  considered,"  says  Sir  Isaac  Newton, 
"it  seems  probable  that  God,  in  the  beginning, 
formed  matter  in  solid,  massy,  hard,  impenetrable, 
movable  particles,  of  such  sizes,  figures,  and  with 
such  other  properties,  and  in  such  proportion  to  space, 
as  most  conduced  to  the  end  for  which  He  formed 
them  ;  and  that  these  primitive  particles,  being  solids, 
are  incomparably  harder  than  any  porous  bodies 
compounded  of  them  ;  even  so  very  hard  as  never  to 
wear  or  break  to  pieces;  no  ordinary  power  being 
able  to  divide  what  God  himself  made  one  in  the  first 
creation." 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  ATOMIC   THEORY  FROM  SIR  ISAAC   NEWTON 
TO  JOHN  D ALTON. 

"  To  trace  in  Nature's  most  minute  design 
The  signature  .and  stamp  of  power  divine. 


The  Invisible  in  things  scarce  seen  revealed, 
To  whom  an  atom  is  an  ample  field." — COWPER. 


HE  foregoing  chapter  offers  an  outline  of  the 
efforts  made  by  the  ancients  to  comprehend 
the  nature  of  the  cosmos  on  the  basis  of 
atoms.  The  same  groundwork  materially 
influenced  the  speculative  philosophy  that  long,  and 
almost  lastingly,  ruled  the  direction  of  modern  thought, 
that  is  seen  cropping  out  from  time  to  time  in  the 
hands  of  the  Cartesians  and  other  metaphysicians  and 
physicists ;  and  exercising  more  or  less  jurisdiction 
from  the  days  of  the  poetic  Lucretius  down  to  the 
author  of  the  "  Principia."  "  The  chemical  atoms  " 
may  have  passed  across  the  mental  vision  of  Geber 
and  the  polypharmists,  but  any  recognition  of  their 
apparent  nature  dates  no  further  back  than  the  year 
1777>  when  ^Wenzel  in  part  indicated  the  law  of 
reciprocal  proportion ;  and  can  only  be  said  to  have 
attained  scientific  place  in  1803,  'when  Dalton  pro- 
pounded the  essentials  of  his  atomic  theory. 


1 82  John  Dalton. 

To  the  mind  of  the  observant  reader  the  question 
will  ere  this  have  occurred,  "  What  is  an  atom  like  ? 
— its  size,  configuration,  and  affinities  ;  its  history,  in 
short?"  To  meet  such  interrogations  the  greatest 
intellects  of  every  age  have  devoted  their  energies  ; 
yet,  with  all  their  mental  discernment,  backed  by 
most  ingenious  appliances,  Nature  cannot  be  made 
to  disclose  her  arcana,  much  less  to  present  herself 
in  the  nude  form  that  would  afford  demonstration  or 
conviction  to  the  uninitiated.  It  may  be  stated  in 
limine,  and  with  a  frank  admission  of  our  imperfect 
knowledge  of  the  status  quo  of  atoms,  that  inference 
and  hypothesis  guide  chemists  in  their  discussions  on 
those  infinitesimal  units  or  particles  of  matter.  By- 
and-by,  however,  it  will  be  made  apparent  that  the 
framing  of  the  atomic  hypothesis  is  not  only  justi- 
fiable, but  found  to  be  in  accordance  with  both  the 
phenomena  and  the  facts  falling  within  the  operations 
of  the  chemist. 

To  give  the  amateur  in  science  a  notion  of  the 
minute,  marvellously  minute,  conditions  in  which 
Nature  carries  on  her  mysterious  work,  a  few  facts 
may  be  adduced  in  the  hope  of  affording  him  a  certain 
amount  of  insight  into  the  outer  world  of  molecular 
atoms  ;  be  these  atoms  viewed  as  parts  of  the  gaseous 
atmosphere,  or  as  dense  liquids,  or  as  the  more  solid 
constituents  of  the  organic  and  inorganic  worlds. 

The  air  we  breathe  is  like  a  vast  ocean  trembling 
with  invisible  waves,  of  which  no  more  tangible  idea 
can  be  formed  than  that  elicited  by  watching  the 
finest  dust  of  a  sunbeam  ;  that  dust  consisting  of 
dark  molecules,  or  aggregate  masses  of  atoms  float- 
ing amid  the  purer  ether  pervading  space. 


A  Sketch  of  the  Atomic  Theory.  183 

Everybody  is  familiar  with  the  sting  of  a  nettle, 
but  few  persons  have  examined  by  means  of  a  lens 
the  delicate  hairs  on  the  leaf  of  the  nettle,  from  which 
the  tiniest  of  drops  escapes,  the  insertion  of  which 
within  the  human  skin  causes  heat,  redness,  and 
irritation.  But  what  is  this  irritating  fluid  compared 
with  the  deadly  poison  of  prussic  acid,  a  minim  or 
full  drop  of  which,  in  its  pure,  anhydrous*  state,  causes 
death  in  a  few  seconds !  Here  is  a  strange  subtlety 
of  action  that  can  arrest  pulsation  and  life  at  once, 
yet  all  its  virus  is  to  be  found  in  a  single  drop  of 
transparent  fluid !  This  instance  of  the  extreme 
potential  of  force  clothed  in  a  liquid  globule  is  rivalled 
in  character  by  the  revelations  of  the  microscope 
displaying  to  us  a  world  of  mimitia,  of  organic 
beauty  throughout. 

Turning  to  animal  life,  the  microscope  in  the  hands 
of  Ehrenberg  disclosed  animalcules  so  infinitesimal  in 
size  that  a  single  drop  of  water  was  computed  to 
contain  500,000,000  of  them.  Here  was  not  only  a 
picture  of  a  universe  of  atoms,  but  the  living  proof 
of  a  universe  of  organic  beings  equal  in  number  to 
the  entire  human  population  on  the  surface  of  the 
globe ! 

In  the  fossil  world  geologists  have  traced  a  whole 
system  of  rocks  (these  calcareous  masses  in  England 


*  The  anhydrous  or  pure  prussic  acid  is  only  to  be  seen,  and  that 
very  rarely,  in  the  hands  of  the  scientific  chemist  or  experimental 
physiologist.  The  medicinal  prussic  acid  only  contains  about  three 
per  cent,  of  this  anhydrous  acid. 

The  potency  of  the  pure  acid,  and  its  general  toxicological  and 
therapeutical  history,  constituted  my  graduation  thesis,  an  abstract  of 
which  will  be  found  in  the  Edinburgh  Quarterly  Medical  and  Surgical 
Journal,  January  1839. 


184  John  Dalton. 

being  about  a  thousand  feet  deep)  composed  entirely 
of  the  shells  of  siliceous  animalcules  ;  yet  so  small 
are  these  debris  of  a  former  world  of  organic  life,  that 
a  single  chalk-enamelled  card  of  my  Lady  Fashion- 
able form  a  zoological  cabinet  of  perhaps  a  hundred 
thousand  shells  ! 

The  dark  spot  on  a  soap-bubble,  just  before  it 
bursts,  cannot  exceed  4oQQOQoth  part  of  an  inch  in 
thickness  ;  yet  even  this  is  composed  of  many  strata 
of  atoms  ;  for  this  iridescent  film  of  moisture  must 
consist  at  least  of  one  atom  of  soap  and  one  of  water. 
Now,  the  atom  of  soap  is  composed  of  soda,  stearic, 
margaric,  and  oleic  acids  ;  and  the  latter  of,  at  least, 
one  molecule  of  oxygen  and  one  of  hydrogen  ;  and 
each  of  these  possess  the  essential  properties  of  im- 
penetrability, extension,  and  figure. 

Dr  Thomson  of  Glasgow  has  shown  that  an  atom 
of  lead  cannot  exceed  in  weight  the 


of  a  grain  ;  and  that  the  sulphur  united  with  it 
in  the  form  of  sulphuret  could  not  be  more  than 
of  the  same!  Goldbeaters  by 


hammering  reduce  gold  to  leaves  so  thin  that  360,000 
must  be  laid  upon  one  another  to  produce  the  thick- 
ness of  an  inch  ;  and  sTrnr^rorrth  of  a  grain  may  be 
distinguished  by  a  common  microscope.  But  the 
coating  of  gold  on  silver  lace  is  still  finer,  when  it  is 
computed  that  the  TTrrorrbwo^tn  of  a  grain,  spread 
out  as  a  distinct  layer  of  gold,  may  be  seen  through  a 
good  lens. 

The  contemplation  of  these  remarkable  proofs  of 
the  molecular  forms  and  minutia  pervading  Nature's 
great  plan,  may  help  the  reader's  belief  to  a  more 
infinitesimal  condition  of  matter  than  has  been  set 


A  Sketch  of  the  Atomic  Theory.  185 

forth,  or  is  ever  likely  to  be  demonstrated ;  and  at 
the  same  time  tend  to  promote  his  sanction  of  doc- 
trines that  chemists  have  found  it  needful  to  frame 
upon  a  theoretical  consideration  of  the  atomic  con- 
stituents of  bodies. 

Not  only  is  our  planet,  in  all  its  granitic  framework, 
and  its  liquid  and  aerial  construction,  built  up  of 
indescribably  minute  particles,  or  the  atoms  of  the 
sixty-three  elementary  substances  noted  by  chemists  ; 
but,  relying  on  the  observations  made  by  the  spectrum 
analysis,  which  finds  the  vapours  and  the  metals  of 
earth  in  the  radiant  streaming  aurora  borealis,  and 
in  the  central  nucleus  of  comets,  it  is  fair  to  infer 
that  such  also  is  the  construction  of  the  great  orbs  in 
the  firmament.  Such  phenomena  are  of  striking 
interest,  as  illustrating  the  structural  inorganic  ana- 
logies pervading  the  universe,  upon  which  the  natural 
theologian  may  found  an  attractive  teleological 
theme,  not  so  striking  or  convincing  in  character, 
perhaps,  as  one  that  might  be  drawn  from  the  con- 
templation of  the  organic  morphological  types  so 
strikingly  visible  and  intelligible  to  all  men  of  culture 
and  education. 

The  atom  in  the  physical  world  is  like  the  cell  in 
the  biological  world — that  morphological  unit  or 
ultimate  element  of  form  out  of  which  all  the  organs 
in  the  living  body  are  built  up.  As  every  organised 
being  derives  its  existence  from  a  sphere  of  protoplasm 
and  cell-growth,  so  does  every  chemical  change  rest 
on  the  fresh  arrangement  of  molecular  atoms.  The 
microscope  enables  the  anatomist  to  define  the 
organic  cell  in  some  of  its  phases ;  but  no  one  has 
been  able  to  see  or  handle  a  single  molecule.  Mole- 


1 86  John  Dalton. 

cular  science,  therefore,  is  apt  to  create  a  doubt  in 
the  minds  of  many,  inasmuch  as  it  is  a  branch  of 
study  which  treats  of  things  invisible,  and  imper- 
ceptible by  our  senses,  and  necessarily  beyond  direct 
experiment  and  proof. 

Any  attempt  to  evolve  the  beginning  or  the  end- 
ing vibration  of  the  ultimate  atoms  of  matter  would 
only  bewilder  the  imagination,  and  reduce  the 
mightiest  of  intellects  to  the  submissive  attitude  of 
acknowledging  the  infancy  of  man's  knowledge,  and 
the  finiteness  of  his  reach  compared  with  the  tran- 
scendent depth  of  Nature's  operations,  as  displayed  in 
the  countless  Infinite. 

How  are  we  to  arrive  at  a  clear  notion  regarding 
the  size. of  an  atom,  when  its  minuteness  escapes  the 
detection  of  the  most  powerful  microscope  yet  made, 
or  likely  to  be  constructed  ?  Ehrenberg's  researches, 
some  of  which  have  been  already  mentioned,  led  him 
to  infer  that  the  diameter  of  an  atom  (the  molecule 
of  the  chemist)  was  considerably  less  than  six- 
millionths  of  a  line.  Quite  recently,  Sir  W.  Thomson, 
in  a  paper  "  On  the  Size  of  Atoms,"  presented  four 
lines  of  argument 'founded  on  experiments  of  phy- 
sicists, which  all  lead  to  substantially  the  same  esti- 
mate of  the  dimensions  of  molecular  structure.  He 
says : — 

"  Jointly  they  establish,  with  what  we  cannot  but  regard  as  a 
very  high  degree  of  probability,  the  conclusion  that,  in  any 
ordinary  liquid,  transparent  solid,  or  seemingly  opaque  solid, 
the  mean  distance  between  the  centres  of  contiguous  molecules 
is  less  than  the  hundred-millionth,  and  greater  than  the  two 
thousand-millionth  of  a  centimetre.  To  form  some  conception 
of  the  degree  of  cross-grainedness  indicated  by  this  conclusion, 


A  Sketch  of  the  Atomic  Theory.  187 

imagine  a  raindrop,  or  a  globe  of  glass  as  large  as  a  pea,  to  be 
magnified  up  to  the  size  of  the  earth,  each  constituent  molecule 
being  magnified  in  the  same  proportion.  The  magnified  struc- 
ture would  be  coarser  grained  than  a  heap  of  small  shot,  but 
probably  less  coarse  grained  than  a  heap  of  cricket-balls. 

"  Beyond  this  point'  of  extreme  tenuity,  where  matter  first 
exhibits  that  property  which  is  revealed  in  visible  forms,  we  are 
forced  to  consider  it  in  a  still  more  expanded  state,  as  the 
universally  diffused  medium  of  light,  heat,  and  actinism." 

Here  it  may  be  observed  that  science  informs  us 
of  two  modes  in  which  elementary  bodies  combine, 
the  chemical  and  the  mechanical ;  the  chemical  being 
generally  viewed  as  a  true  and  vital  fusion  between 
atoms,  whilst  the  mechanical  is  only  a  simple  bond  of 
juxtaposition.  My  last  chapter  concluded  with  a 
quotation  from  Sir  Isaac  Newton,  cautiously  express- 
ing a  theory  on  the  nature  of  atoms  that  rested  on 
mechanical  grounds. 

Among  others  of  the  last  century  who  broke  ground 
in  the  direction  of  a  truer  science  than  reigned  in 
the  preceding  one  (the  seventeenth),  and  who  deserve 
honourable  mention,  were  Boscovich,  Cullen,  Black, 
Bergman,  the  Wenzels,  Richter,  and  the  two  Higgins. 

The  Abbe  Boscovich,  in  his  work  on  Natural  Phi- 
losophy, in  1759,  gave  the  fullest  expression  to 
the  dynamical  theory  of  matter.  According  to  Dr 
Daubeny  ("Atomic  Theory,"  p.  34) — 

"  Boscovich  supposes  that  matter  is  made  up  of  a  number  of 
unextended  indivisible  points,  which,  however,  never  touch  each 
other,  owing  to  the  mutual  repulsion  subsisting  between  them, 
as  soon  as  they  come  within  a  certain  distance  of  each  other  ; 
which  repulsion,  increasing  gradually  in  proportion  as  they  are 
made  to  approach  nearer  and  nearer,  becomes  at  length  too 
powerful  for  any  force  to  overcome. 


1 88  John  Dalton. 

"  Dealing  with  particles  as  with  matter  formed  of  indestructible 
atoms, ( he  supposes  that  the  points  of  matter  alternately  attract 
and  repel  each  other,  according  to  the  distance  that  separates 
them,  until  they  either  come  very  close  to,  or  are  removed  to  a 
comparatively  great  distance  from  each  other;  in  the  former 
case  they  are  repelled,  in  the  latter  attracted  ;  the  former  force 
preventing  mutual  contact,  the  latter,  which,  when  considered 
as  acting  between  the  earth  and  bodies  upon  it,  is  no  other  than 
gravitation,  drawing  them  all  together.' " 


Dr  William  Cullen,  who  raised  himself  from  the 
humblest  position  in  Scottish  life  to  the  rank  of  the 
most  distinguished  physician  of  his  epoch,  applied 
his  methodical  mind  to  the  elucidation  of  the  higher 
science  pertaining  to  the  physical  elements,  and 
stepped  far  beyond  the  usual  limits  assigned  to  a 
professor  of  chemistry  and  medicine. 

Dr  Angus  Smith  had  the  good  fortune  to  find  a 
manuscript  copy  of  the  lectures  delivered  by  Dr 
Cullen  in  1762-63,  from  which  the  following  facts  are 
gathered.  Cullen,  reasoning  from  the  prevalent 
doctrines,  was  of  opinion  that  no  physical  element  or 
chemical  principle  possessed  fixed  and  permanent 
qualities.  He  afterwards  adds  :  "  Having  laid  down 
and  demonstrated  this  fundamental  proposition — 
viz.,  that  the  changes  of  the  qualities  of  bodies  are 
all  of  them  produced  by  combination  or  separation — I 
now  proceed  to  inform  you  that  combination  depends 
upon  attraction,  that  is,  the  attraction  of  cohesion, 
whereby  the  small  particles  of  bodies  very  near  each 
other  are  disposed  to  approach,  and  in  a  certain 
contiguity  to  remain  coherent  together."  He  also 
explained  "simple  elective  attraction  and  double 
elective  attraction  by  diagrams,"  and  anticipated  by 


A  Sketch  of  the  Atomic  Theory.  189 

some  years  the  views  somewhat  similarly  expressed 
and  illustrated  by  Bergman. 

Dr  Black,  whose  name  is  associated  with  the 
doctrine  of  latent  heat,  succeeded  Dr  Cullen,  and  also 
imbibed  his  views.  Thus  he  "taught  that  bodies 
combine  in  definite  proportions,  and  explained  double 
decomposition  by  means  of  diagrams,  not,  indeed,  the 
same  as  those  of  Mr  Higgins  "  (to  whom  allusion  will 
presently  be  made),  but  much  simpler  and  more 
elegant.  "  I  have  no  doubt,"  continues  Dr  Smith, 
"  that  all  similar  diagrams  published  in  London  by 
Dr  Fordyce,  &c.,  were  derived  from  the  same  source. 
Now,  could  the  doctrine  of  de- 
finite proportions  be  taught, 
and  could  double  decomposi- 
tion be  explained  in  this  way 
(I  quote  Dr  Black's  explana- 
tion), let  the  bodies  A  and  B 
be  united  with  a  force,  10;  and 
the  bodies  C  and  D  with  a 
force,  6.  Suppose  the  attrac- 
tion of  A  for  C  to  be  8,  and  that  of  B  for  D  to  be  9, 
if  we  mix  these  bodies,  A  will  unite  with  C,  and  B 
with  D.  To  me  they  conveyed  just  as  much  of  the 
atomic  theory  as  the  perusal  of  Mr  Higgins'  book 
did  "  (p.  146). 

Those  who  wish  for  ampler  explanation  of  Dr 
Cullen's  views,  will  find  them  in  a  letter  of  his  to  his 
pupil,  Dr  George 'Fordyce  of  London,  in  Oct.  1759  ; 
which  my  old  teacher,  Professor  John  Thompson, 
quotes  in  his  Life  of  Cullen.  Both  the  text  and 
diagrams  justify  Dr  Smith's  opinion,  that  Dr  Cullen 
was  the  first  who  used  the  words  and  explanations 


190  John  Dalton. 

in  the  manner  afterwards  made  so  famous  by 
Bergman.  And  Dr  Smith  has  done  Bergman  full 
justice,  and  attributes  to  him  "a  valuable  disco- 
very in  the  establishment  of  the  permanence  of  the 
amount  of  oxygen  in  precipitated  oxides,  the  very 
foundation  of  analysis,  and  an  important  step  to- 
wards the  knowledge  of  permanence  of  constitution 
in  all  substances  whatever." 

Richard  Kirwan  the  Irishman,  Copley  Medallist 
of  the  Royal  Society  of  London,  and  afterwards 
President  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy,  experi- 
mented very  much  in  the  direction  which  Bergman 
had  followed.  He  is  another  of  those  who  nearly 
discovered  the  atomic  theory,  who  laboured  in  a 
legitimate  direction,  but  whose  discoveries  and 
theories  on  the  subject  are  merged  in, a  higher  and 
simpler  law.  His  "Essay  on  the  Constitution  of 
Acids"  contains  much  original  observation,  and 
must  have  been  of  some  interest  to  induce  the  great 
Lavoisier  to  translate  it  into  French,  and  afterwards 
to  criticise  its  doctrines. 

Among  the  claimants  to  the  discovery  of  the  earliest 
stages  in  the  atomic  theory,  Wenzel  has  had  high 
place.  Thus,  according  to  Dr  Henry — 

"Wenzel  ascertained,  by  a  numerous  series  of  analyses  far 
surpassing  in  accuracy  those  of  any  other  chemist  of  his  time, 
that  the  different  weights  of  the  alkalies  or  earths  which 
neutralise  the  same  weights  of  any  given  acid,  also  require  for 
their  neutralisation  an  equal  quantity  of  every  other  acid ;  in 
other  words,  that  the  relative  proportions  between  certain 
quantities  of  alkalies  or  earths,  which  saturate  a  given  weight 
of  one  and  the  same  acid,  remain  the  same  with  all  other  acids  ; 
hence  the  persistence  of  the  state  of  neutrality  after  double 
decomposition,  whether  the  two  salts  are  mingled  in  the  exact 


A  Sketch  of  the  Atomic  Theory.  191 

proportions  necessary  to  entire  decomposition  or  not.  Wenzel 
had  the  rare  merit  of  discovering  all  the  consequences  flowing 
from  this  prolific  truth;  he  perceived  that  the  composition  of 
neutral  salts  being  "  thus  subordinate  to  definite  laws,  it  is 
possible  by  the  careful  analysis  of  a  few  to  ascertain  the  con- 
stitution of  many  others  by  a  simple  calculation.  He  did  not, 
however,  pursue  this  important  line  of  research,  his  main  object 
having  been  to  explain  the  persistence  of  neutrality  after  mutual 
decomposition." 

Another  version,  and  probably  a  more  correct  one, 
of ' Wenzel's  work,  will  be  found  in  Dr  A.  Smith's 
biography  of  Dalton,  derived  at  least  from  a  careful 
examination  of  Wenzel's  rare  volume,  "  The  Doc- 
trine of  the  Affinity  of  Bodies,"  published  in  1777. 
Dr  Smith  shows  that  the  reciprocal  saturation  which 
results  when  two  salts  decompose  each  other,  is  due 
to  Wenzel ;  and  whilst  admitting  this  great  service  in 
seeking  for  the  distinct  constitution  of  bodies,  and 
the  constancy  of  combination,  will  not  concede  to 
him  the  claim  of  having  established  the  doctrine  of 
reciprocal  proportion,  with  which  his  name  has  hitherto 
been  associated. 

Dr  Bryan  Higgins  of  London  was  a  man  of  parts,  and, 
judging  from  a  pamphlet  proposing  a  course  of  lectures, 
in  Nov.  1775,  for  "literary  noblemen,"  not  disposed 
to  hide  his  talents  under  a  bushel.  He  believed  in 
the  existence  of  seven  primary  distinct  elements  of 
matter — earth,  water,  air,  alkali,  acid,  phlogiston,  and 
light;  that  each  element  consists  of  atoms  homo- 
geneal,  impenetrable,  immutable  in  figure,  incon- 
vertible, and  in  the  course  of  nature  neither  anni- 
hilated nor  newly  created.  Dr  Angus  Smith  finds 
nothing  in  Dr  Higgins'  writings  to  indicate  that  he  had 
formed  any  correct  idea  of  definite  compounds.  "Dr 


1 92  John  Dalton. 

Higgins  thinks  of  atoms,  of  simple  particles,  and 
even  speaks  of  gases  uniting,  in  some  cases,  in  nearly, 
if  not  accurately,  a  fixed  proportion,  and  yet  he  sees 
no  law.  He  does  not  carry  his  idea  far  enough.  .  .  . 
As  far  as  our  subject  is  concerned,  Dr  Higgins  has 
small  claims.  His  opinions  on  atoms  might  have 
been  held  by  the  ancients,  whilst,  standing  on  their 
shoulders,  it  would  have  required  much  less  sagacity 
to  discover  than  was  needed  for  them.  He  speaks  of 
the  sums  and  the  forces  of  atoms  measuring  the 
attraction  of  matter,  but  does  not  suppose  that  if 
matter  be  atomic,  the  number  of  atoms  might  also 
in  this  way  be  got  comparatively"  (p.  175). 

Another  member  of  the  family  of  Higgins,  one 
who  received  his  first  instructions  in  chemistry  from 
his  relative  Dr  Bryan,  was  William  Higgins  of 
Pembroke  College,  Oxford,  who  issued  a  volume  in 
1789,  entitled  "  A  Comparative  View  of  the  Phlogistic 
and  Antiphlogistic  Theories,  with  Inductions."  It  is 
needful  to  offer  some  quotations  from  the  work  of  the 
Oxonian,  as  larger  credit  has  been  given  to  him  than 
to  any  other  writer  whose  views  have  been  held 
anticipatory  of  Dalton's  promulgation  of  the  laws  of 
combination.  As  phlogiston  still  held  sway  with 
chemists,  and  formed  part  of  their  nomenclature,  it  will 
be  well  to  translate,  as  Dr  Henry  has  done,  the  terms 
used  by  Mr  Higgins  into  the  language  of  modern 
chemistry.  « 

Mr  Higgins,  referring  to  the  combinations  of  sulphur 
and  oxygen,  thus  expresses  himself: — 

"  100  grains  of  sulphur,  making  an  allowance  for  water,  require 
100  or  102  of  the  real  gravitating  matter  of  oxygen  to  form 
sulphurous  acid  gas,  and  as  this  gas  is  little  short  of  double  the 


A  Sketch  of  the  Atomic  Theory.  193 

specific  gravity  of  oxygen,  we  may  conclude  that  the  ultimate 
particles  of  sulphur  and  oxygen  contain  equal  quantities  of  solid 
matter,  for  oxygen  suffers  no  considerable  contraction  by  uniting 
to  sulphur  in  the  proportion  merely  necessary  for  the  formation 
of  sulphurous  acid.    Hence,  we  may  conclude  that  in  sulphurous 
acid  a  single  ultimate  particle  of  sulphur  is  intimately  united  only 
to  a  single  particle  of  oxygen,  and  that,  in  sulphuric  acid,  every 
single  particle  of  sulphur  is  united  with  two  of  oxygen,  being  the 
quantity  necessary  to   saturation."     Still  more  in   conformity 
with  modern  doctrine  is  his  view  of  the  composition  of  water  : — 
"  As  two  cubic  inches  of  hydrogen  require  but  one  of  oxygen, 
to  condense  them,  we  must  suppose  that  they  contain  an  equal 
number  of  divisions  (atoms),  and  that  the  difference  of  their  specific 
gravity  depends  chiefly  on  the  size  of  their  ultimate  particles  ;  or 
we  must  suppose  that  the  ultimate  particles  of  hydrogen  require 
two  or  three,  or  more,  of  oxygen  to  saturate  them.     If  this  latter 
were  the  case,  we  might  produce  water  in  an  intermediate  state, 
as  well  as  sulphuric  or  nitrous  acids,  which  appears   to  be 
impossible  ;  for  in  whatever  proportion  we  mix  our  airs,  or 
under  whatsoever  circumstances  we  combine  them,  the  result  is 
invariably  the  same.      This  likewise  may  be  observed  with 
respect  to  the  decomposition  of  water.     Hence,  we  may  justly 
conclude  that  water  is  composed  of  molecules,  formed  by  the 
•union  of  a  single  particle  of  oxygen  to  an  ultimate  particle 
of  hydrogen,  and  that  they  are  incapable  of  uniting  to  a  third 
particle  of  either  of  their  constituent  principles"  (pp.  37  and 
38).     Equally  meritorious  was  his  sagacious  anticipation  of  the 
composition  of  the  nitrous  compounds  : — "  I  am  of  opinion  that 
in  nitrous  gas  every  primary  particle  of  azote  is  united  to  two 
of  oxygen,  and  that  these  molecules  are  surrounded  by  one 
common  atmosphere  of  fire."   He  has  given  a  diagram  exhibiting 
the  mode  in  which  he  supposed  the  nitrous  oxide  gas,  then 
recently  discovered  by  Dr  Priestley,  to  be  formed,  so  as  to  consist 
of  one  particle  of  azote  and  one  of  oxygen,  the  constitution  now 
assigned  to  it.   His  views  regarding  the  composition  of  this  other 
compound  of  azote  and  oxygen  were  purely  conjectural. 

"The  impartial  historian,"  writes  Dr  Henry,  -"will 
certainly  not  withhold  from  the  author  of  these  in- 

K 


194  John  Dalton. 

genious  views,  the  praise  of  uncommon  sagacity ; 
though,  after  a  careful  perusal  of  the  entire  work,  he 
will  pronounce  them  to  be  rather  brilliant  conceptions, 
hastily  struck  off,  than  the  fruits  of  sober  and  sus- 
tained induction.  It  is  evident  that  Mr  Higgins  was 
guided  by  no  fixed  and  uniform  principle  in  assigning 
the  atomic  constitution  of  the  above  compound 
bodies." 

The  title  of  Mr  Higgins'  volume  was  not  en- 
couraging, 'inasmuch  as  it  pertained  to  phlogiston,  a 
kind  of  materies  morbi  that  had  long  tended  to  re- 
tard the  progress  of  chemistry,  and  though  then  in 
its  last  throes — thanks  to  Lavoisier — gave  a  smack  of 
empiricism  to  the  science  that  men  of  original  con- 
ception gladly  sought  to  avoid.  Hence,  it  is  not  a 
matter  of  surprise  that  the  work  was  less  known  than 
it  should  have  been.  More  than  this,  however  :  many 
of  Mr  Higgins'  opinions  bearing  on  this  narrative 
were  hidden  from  view  by  his  larger  controversial 
statements  and  inconsistencies;  and  the  probability 
is  that  the  book,  though  placed  in  the  hands  of  so 
distinguished  a  chemist  as  Professor  Thomson  of 
Glasgow,  would  have  passed  into  oblivion  had  not 
Dalton's  memoirs  attracted  European  attention,  and 
caused  Mr  Higgins  to  step  forth  and  claim  the 
discoveries  of  the  Manchester  schoolmaster  for  him- 
self. In  1 8 14  Mr  Higgins  issued  his  "Experiments 
and  Observations  on  the  Atomic  Theory,"  for  the  pur- 
pose of  vindicating  his  title  to  be  regarded  as  its 
discoverer,  and  by  implication  charged  Dalton  with 
plagiarism. 

In  defence  of  Dalton's  fair  fame,  it  is  imperative 
to  show  how  this  false  imputation  of  Mr  Higgins'  was 


A  Sketch  of  the  Atomic  Theory.  195 

met  by  Dalton's  friends,  and  especially  those  who 
were  in  almost  daily  intercourse  with  him,  as  well  as 
others  living  at  a  distance  from  Manchester,  to  whom 
he  had  at  all  times  been  frank  and  communicative  on 
scientific  subjects.  Dr  Henry,  the  able  biographer  of 
Dalton,  writes  : — "  I  have  heard  my  father  affirm,  on 
various  occasions,  and  to  various  persons,  that  Dalton 
had  never  seen  Mr  Higgins'  work  till  some  years 
subsequent  to  the  publication  of  the  '  New  System/ 
when  it  was  lent  to  him  by  my  father.  And  further, 
it  appears  from  a  memorandum  of  Dr  Henry,  senior, 
that  Professor  John  Leslie,  on  a  visit  to  Manchester, 
told  Dalton  that  Sir  H.  Davy,  in  a  paper  in  the 
'Philosophical  Transactions,'  had  denied  his  (Dalton's) 
claim  to  the  atomic  theory,  and  had  set  up  one  for 
Higgins."  This  took  Dalton  by  surprise,  as  he  had 
neither  seen  Higgins'  book  nor  Davy's  memoir.  The 
"  Philosophical  Transactions  "  had  not  reached  either 
of  the  two  Fellows  of  the  Royal  Society  residing  at 
Manchester  (Dalton  was  not  then  a  Fellow) ;  and  as 
already  stated,  he  was  obliged  to  his  friend  Dr 
Henry,  senior,  for  a  perusal  for  the  first  time  of 
Higgins'  work. 

Dr  Henry's  evidence  seems  conclusive,  and  it 
derives  large  confirmation  from  the  fact  that  Dalton, 
at  no  period  of  his  life,  devoted  much  time  to  reading. 
Those  who  have  attentively  read  the  earlier  chapters 
of  this  memoir  will  have  gathered  that  he  was  intui- 
tively so  reliant  on  his  own  observations  and  ideas, 
and  so  wedded  to  his  own  interpretation  of  nature, 
that  he  omitted  to  make  himself  acquainted  with  the 
history  of  the  subject  engaging  his  attention.  What 
Playfair  said  of  Dr  Hutton  is  thoroughly  applicable 


196  John  Dalton. 

to  Dalton :  "  that  the  originality  of  his  own  concep- 
tions, and  the  little  regard  he  had  to  authority  in 
matters  of  theory,  relieve  us  from  the  necessity  of 
looking  to  others  for  the  sources  of  his  opinions." 

As  regards  the  effect  that  Higgins'  book  had  on 
his  contemporaries,  Dr  Thomson  of  Glasgow  is  the 
best  authority.  Now  Dr  Thomson,  in  his  "  Annals  of 
Philosophy"  (May  1814),  vol.  iii.,  p.  331,  says — "  I  have 
certainly  affirmed  that  the  atomic  theory  was  not 
established  in  Mr  Higgins'  book.  And  here  is  my 
reason.  I  have  had  that  book  in  my  possession  since 
the  year  1798,  and  have  perused  it  carefully;  yet  I 
did  not  find  anything  in  it  which  had  suggested  to  me 
the  atomic  theory.  That  a  small  hint  would  have 
been  sufficient,  I  think  pretty  clear  from  this,  that  I 
was  forcibly  struck  with  Mr  Dalton's  statements  in 
1804,  though  it  did  not  fill  half  an  octavo  page;  so 
much  so,  indeed,  that  I  afterwards  published  an 
account  of  it,  and  I  still  consider  myself  as  the  first 
person  who  gave  the  world  an  outline  of  the  Daltonian 
theory." 

Dr  R.  Angus  Smith's  criticism  on  the  respective 
merits  of  Mr  William  Higgins  and  his  predecessor, 
Dr  Bryan  Higgins,  appears  so  judicious  that  I  cannot 
do  better  than  quote  it.  He  writes : — 

"William  Higgins  made  an  advance  on  Bryan  Higgins  in 
this  theory  of  sulphur  and  heat,  and  he  was  a  man  evidently  of 
an  acute  mind.  But  he  was  destined  to  find  Emerson's  saying 
true,  that  we  often  find  in  the  sayings  of  great  men  our  own 
rejected  ideas.  He  was  heir  to  the  common  opinion  that  atoms 
existed,  and  the  opinion  of  Dr  Higgins  that  they  united  and 
formed  molecules  of  compound  bodies.  He  applied  the  reason- 
ing further,  and  said  that  they  must  then  unite  in  numbers  of 
one  or  two  or  three,  and  that  there  could  be  no  intermediate  com- 


A  Sketch  of  the  Atomic  Theory.  197 

bination,  as  there  were  no  intermediate  division  of  atoms.  He 
applied  this  reason  in  two  or  three  cases.  These  cases,  such  as 
nitric  acid,  are  so  clear  and  beautiful,  that  we  can  only  be  sur- 
prised that  the  general  law  was  not  seized  on.  They  are  the 
first  clear  and  satisfactory  reasons  given  for  saturation,  and  for 
definite  proportion  in  general.  Higgins  was  therefore  the  first 
man  who  used  the  idea  of  atoms  with  such  force  as  to  be  service- 
able in  chemistry.  He  used  the  idea  of  ultimate  particles  and 
the  molecular  state  of  bodies  to  illustrate  saturation,  and  definite 
and  multiple  proportion,  and  gave  us,  therefore,  the  fundamental 
ideas  of  stoechiometry  as  they  existed  in  chemical  science,  from 
which  everything  else  might  have  easily  flowed"  (p.  183). 

Again — "I  look  upon  Higgins  as  the  first  man  who  ever  in 
his  imagination  formed  a  correct  atomic  compound,  and  gave 
a  correct  analysis,  in  spite  of  his  thousands  of  previous  specula- 
tions and  the  simplicity  of  the  idea,  but  one  who  lost  the 
opportunity  of  elevating  his  idea  into  a  great  law  of  nature.  It 
is  well  to  express  the  claim  of  a  discoverer  in  the  widest  and 
in  the  fewest  words.  He  expressed  the  fact  of  atomic  simple  and 
multiple  proportion,  which  is  the  foundation  for  all  the  other 
atomic  laws,  although  in  his  mind  it  was  not  raised  to  the 
dignity  of  a  great  law,  and  it  is  for  great  laws  only  that  we  can 
give  great  honours  in  this  case. 

"  Higgins  speaks  so  clearly  and  simply  that  we  can  readily 
believe  that  he  would  have  illustrated  the  laws  of  chemical  com- 
bination with  great  beauty  had  he  seen  the  great  value  of  his 
ideas.  There  is  no  obscurity  in  his  language — there  is  no  diffi- 
culty in  telling  exactly  his  place  in  science  ;  but  there  is  a  diffi- 
culty in  defining  it  exactly  when  we  have  to  deal  with  Dalton, 
who  grasped  the  whole  so  much  more  firmly,  enlarged  it,  placed  it, 
and  established  it  in  a  series  of  laws"  (pp.  184-5). 

No  one,  as  far  as  my  reading  extends,  ever  made 
an  important  discovery  in  science  without  the 
accompaniment  of  an  unwelcome  challenge  being 
offered  to  his  claims  to  priority  by  his  contemporaries. 
Dalton  had  taken  too  great  strides  in  the  path  of 
original  research,  and  achieved  too  much  to  escape 


198  John  Dalton. 

the  common  fate  of  mortals  possessing  genius  and 
foresight  in  advance  of  their  epoch.  It  was  said  that 
his  atomic  views  were  not  new ;  that  he  had  been 
anticipated  by  Democritus  the  Greek,  and  in  his 
own  century  by  Wenzel,  Higgins,  and  Richter.  After 
showing  the  fallacy  of  the  claims  of  the  two  first- 
named  with  his  usual  painstaking  industry  and  fair- 
ness, Dr  R.  A.  Smith  goes  fully  into  Richter's  views, 
quoting  largely  from  his  works,*  and  with  due  con- 
sideration to  the  merits  of  this  renowned  German. 

In  his  preface,  Richter  says  : — "  As  the  mathe- 
matical portion  of  chemistry  deals  in  a  great  measure 
with  bodies  which  are  either  elements  or  substances 
incapable  of  being  decomposed,  and  as  it  teaches  also 
their  relative  magnitudes,  I  have  been  able  to  find 
no  more  fitting  name  for  this  scientific  discipline  than 
the  word  stoechiometry,  from  aToiytiov p,  which,  in  the 
Greek  language,  means  a  something  which  cannot  be 
divided,  and  fjierpew,  which  means  to  find  out  relative 
magnitudes."  Here,  then,  was  an  effort  worthy  of 
Richter  to  make  the  study  of  atomic  chemistry  a 
science.  He  also  indicated  that  the  smallest  portions 
of  a  body  are  of  the  same  composition  as  the  largest, 
that  the  affinity  exists  in  every  particle — an  illustration, 
Dr  Smith  remarks,  afterwards  used  by  Dalton  on  the 
same  subject,  but  in  clearer  words,  and  still  earlier  by 
Higgins.  This  idea  leads  directly  to  the  atomic  theory, 
and  theory  of  equivalents ;  but  it  was  not  followed 
out  by  Richter.  Again  writes  Dr  Smith : — "  The 


*  Richter's  books  are — "  Anfangsgriinde  der  Stoechyometrie  oder 
Mess-Kunst.  Chymischer  Elemente,"  3  vols.  Breslau  und  Hirschberg, 
1792-94;  and  "  Ueber  die  Neuern  Gegenstande  der  Chymie,"  1792- 
1802. 


A  Sketch  of  the  Atomic  Theory.  199 

discovery  of  reciprocal  proportions  is  given  by  no  one 
before  Richter,  as  far  as  I  know  ;  but  he  himself  does 
not  speak  of  it  as  a  discovery,  but  as  a  well-known 
fact,  with  which  he  was  familiar  before  he  wrote  his 
inaugural  dissertation."  The  following  is  worthy  of 
quotation  from  the  same  pen  : — 

"  It  certainly  is  difficult  to  tell  how  discoveries  grow,  often 
impossible  to  tell  who  is  the  discoverer  ;  but  this  we  may  con- 
sider a  fair  rule,  not  always  easily  applied,  it  is  to  be  confessed, 
that  he  is  a  discoverer  who  sees  distinctly  the  full  bearing  of  his 
discoveries  ;  when  this  does  not  happen,  there  is  a  difficulty  in 
giving  that  man  the  place  due  to  him.  It  is  clear  that  Richter, 
like  some  others  already  mentioned,  had  fundamental  principles 
which  would  have  led  him  to  the  atomic  theory  ;  but  he  has 
evidently  been  led  by  foregone  conclusions,  and  the  law  of 
planetary  distances  has  been  floating  in  his  mind  and  misleading 
him  when  seeking  for  the  differences  in  the  combining  weights 
of  bodies. 

"The  discovery  of  reciprocating  proportion  was  a  very  impor- 
tant and  memorable  one,  although  the  scientific  world  did  not 
recognise  it.  ...  Who  discovered  this  very  important  fact,  it  is 
still  left  unascertained :  as  the  expression  of  a  law,  it  is  Richter's  ; 
but  as  a  fact  regarding  neutral  salts,  the  author  appears  not  to 
be  known. 

"  As  a  general  summary  of  Richter's  most  important  works,  we 
may  say  he  found  that  there  was  a  certain  quantitative  relation 
between  all  bodies  ;  and  he  made  out  the  laws  so  far,  that  when 
he  knew  the  quantitative  analysis  of  a  salt,  he  could  tell  its  quan- 
titative decomposition  with  another.  But  he  never  saw  it  with 
sufficient  clearness  to  be  able  to  express  the  combining  quan- 
tities each  by  its  own  distinct  number  ;  nor  does  he  appear  to 
have  ever  proceeded  far  enough  to  be  able  to  assign  a  cause 
for  the  phenomenon,  or  to  connect  it  with  any  fundamental 
idea. 

"  It  has  been  said  that  Dalton  had  read  Richter,  and  had  never 
acknowledged  his  claims.  It  is  a  melancholy  thing  to  see  men 
of  talent  and  learning  so  readily  distrusting  their  own  class,  as 


200  John  Dalton. 

if  dishonesty  were  so  common.  I  might  say  the  same  of  Richter, 
that  for  more  than  ten  years  he  continued  to  publish  on 
stoechiometry,  and  never  once  mentioned  Higgins  ;  but  his 
whole  works  show  that  he  did  not  see  Higgins'  writings,  or  he 
would  have  probably  got  less  involved  than  he  did.  We  learn 
from  Dr  H'enry  that  Dalton  had  seen  Richter's  results  on 
reciprocal  proportions,  and  had  received  assistance  from  them  ; 
but  although  they  may  have  assisted  him  in  proving  his  laws, 
Richter  could  never  have  given  him  fundamental  ideas.  These 
are  much  wanted  in  Richter's  chemistry.  Richter's  cotem- 
poraries  did  not  obtain  the  atomic  theory,  although  some  were 
students  of  his  work.  Berzelius  himself  did  not  obtain  the 
atomic  theory  from  Richter,  although  the  most  illustrious  of  the 
students  of  Richter's  books.  Dalton,  then,  could  not  have 
obtained  it,  and  the  direction  he  takes  is  perfectly  different,  the 
road  he  went  quite  clear,  and  the  results  he  came  to  entirely 
distinct  from  that  aimed  at  by  Richter.'' 

Other  authors,  notably  Fischer,  Berthollet  and 
Proust,  took  a  part  in  the  same  direction  as  Higgins 
and  Richter ;  but  it  would  profit  nothing  to  offer  an 
analysis  of  their  work,  nor  to  enter  upon  the  anta- 
gonistic relations  of  the  two  last-named  chemists. 
Having  afforded  the  reader  an  opportunity  of  judg- 
ing of  the  labours  of  his  predecessors,  it  is  now  im- 
perative to  set  before  him  Dalton's  own  investigations, 
upon  which  are  based  the  modern  doctrine  of  the 
atomic  theory. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

JOHN  DALTON  ESTABLISHES  THE  ATOMIC  THEORY. 

"  Philosophy  is  the  art  of  deciphering  the  mysteries  of  nature  ;  and  every 
theory  which  can  explain  the  phenomena  has  the  same  evidence  in  its 
favour  that  it  is  possible  the  key  of  a  cypher  can  have  from  its  explain- 
ing that  cypher" — HARTLEY. 

]ET  the  historian,  faithful  to  his  trust,  render 
all  honour  to  such  illustrious  men,  as 
Cullen,  Black,  Bergman,  Wenzel,  the 
kinsmen  Higgins,  Richter,  and  Proust, 
for  excavating  the  foundations,  and  holding  the 
plumb-line  in  the  erection  of  an  edifice  that  was  to 
become,  in  the  hands  of  John  Dalton,  a  noble  struc- 
ture of  magnificent  proportions.  These  men  were  no 
common  masons,  but  skilled  designers,  each  of  whom 
brought  fitting  patterns,  and  true  carving  power,  to 
the  architectural  lines  of  the  Temple  of  Chemistry,  the 
adornment  of  which  was  so  happily  realised  by  the 
Grand  Master — Dalton. 

In  obtaining  access  through  the  outer  approaches 
of  all  discoveries  in  art,  science,  or  philosophy,  there 
must  necessarily  be  sappers  and  miners,  the  pioneers  in 
the  undertaking ;  and  though  several  laboured  right 
soldierly  at  the  fortifications,  William  Higgins  made 
the  boldest  effort  to  carry  the  citadel  that  contained 
the  treasures  of  a  new  and  fundamental  doctrine  in 
the  physics  of  chemistry.  That  he  did  not  entirely 
succeed  was  very  much  owing  to  his  judgment  being 


202  John  Dalton. 

warped  by  phlogistic  theories.  It  should  be  observed 
that  whilst  Cullen  and  Black  stood  in  the  relation  of 
master  and  pupil  and  constant  friends,  the  other,  and 
equally  renowned,  coadjutors  in  the  preliminary  con- 
struction of  the  atomic  theory  acted  independently  of 
each  other,  and  lived  far  apart,  so  that  their  labours 
were  comparatively  little  known  to  each  other,  or  to 
the  world  at  large.  Had  the  same  freedom  of  inter- 
course existed  a  hundred  years  ago  between  nations 
and  their  representatives  that  now  prevails,  Dalton's 
discovery  in  1803,  admittedly  based  on  his  own  un- 
aided researches,  would  probably  have  been  anticipated 
by  ten  or  more  years.  Thus  had  the  leading  ideas  in 
Mr  Higgins'  mind,  pointing  to  the  law  of  definite 
composition  and  multiple  proportion,  come  to  the 
knowledge  of  Lavoisier,  the  whole  fabric  of  the  atomic 
theory  would  have  sprung  forth  as  a  happy  generali- 
sation worthy  of  this  noble  cultivator  of  the  science. 

After  recalling  the  import  of  the  various  essays 
emanating  from  Dalton's  fertile  mind  during  his  first 
decennial  period  in  Manchester — his  clear  conception 
of  the  nature  of  mixed  elastic  fluids,  his  eudiometrical 
observations,  his  inquiry  into  the  tendency  of  elastic 
fluids  to  mutual  diffusion,  and  his  researches  on  the 
absorption  of  gases  by  water,  through  all  of  which  may 
be  traced  an  obvious  and  natural  affiliation  of  thought 
— Dr  Henry  observes : — "  To  the  same  parentage  we 
may  now  trace  his  first  vision  of  the  atomic  constitu- 
tion of  matter.  It  is  impossible  to  peruse  the  essay 
on  the  constitution  of  mixed  gases,  and  especially  to 
contemplate  the  plate  of  atomic  symbols  used  by 
Dalton  as  late  as  1835,  by  which  it  is  illustrated  (see 
appendix  for  plate),  without  perceiving  that  medita- 


A  Sketch  of  the  Atomic  Theory.  203 

tion  on  the  constitution  of  homogeneous  and  mixed 
elastic  fluids  had  impressed  his  mind  with  a  distinct 
picture  of  self-repellent  particles  or  atoms.  Thus,  he 
affirms,  homogeneous  elastic  fluids  are  constituted  of 
particles  that  repel  one  another  with  a  force  decreas- 
ing directly  as  the  distance  of  their  centres  from  each 
other.  Again :  it  follows,  too,  that  the  distances  of 
the  centres  of  the  particles,  or,  which  is  the  same 
thing,  the  diameters  of  the  spheres  of  influence  of 
each  particle,  are  inversely  as  the  cube-root  of  the 
density  of  the  fluid."  But  the  plate  which  is  repro- 
duced in  the  appendix  furnishes  ocular  demonstration 
that  it  was  in  contemplating  the  essential  condition 
of  elastic  fluidity  that  he  first  distinctly  pictured  to 
himself  the  existence  of  atoms.  As,  however,  the 
origin  of  this  great  conception  is  doubtless  the  most 
interesting  circumstance  in  his  life,  I  copy  verbatim 
the  following  minute  in  my  father's  handwriting, 
dated  1830,  February  13,  of  a  conversation  with  Mr 
Dalton  : — "  Mr  Dalton  has  been  settled  in  Manchester 
thirty-six  years.  His  volume  on  meteorology,  printed, 
but  not  published,  before  he  came  here.  At  p.  132 
et  seq.  of  that  volume,  gives  distinct  anticipations  of 
his  views  of  the  separate  existence  of  aqueous  vapour 
from  atmospheric  air.  At  that  time  the  theory  of 
chemical  solution  was  almost  universally  received. 
These  views  were  the  first  germs  of  his  atomic  theory, 
because  he  was  necessarily  led  to  consider  the  gases  as 
constituted  of  independent  atoms.  Confirmed  the 
account  he  before  gave  me  of  the  origin  of  his  specu- 
lations leading  to  the  doctrine  of  simple  multiples, 
and  of  the  influence  of  Richter's  table  in  exciting 
these  views.  Thus  far,  then,  we  can  trace  a  natural 


204  John  Dalton. 

filiation  of  thought,  in  unbroken  sequence,  from — (i.) 
The  vigilant  and  persistent  observation  of  meteoro- 
logical phenomena,  and  specially  of  the  variations 
of  the  atmosphere  in  weight,  temperature,  and  moisture; 
to  (2.)  The  theory  of  the  relations  of  air  and  vapour, 
and  of  mixed  gases;  and  finally,  to  the  abstract  con- 
ception of  elastic  fluidity,  and  of  self-repulsive 
molecules  or  atoms.  There  remained,  however,  a 
wide  space  to  be  traversed,  from  this  general  physical 
conception  of  the  existence  of  atoms  to  the  experi- 
mental establishment  of  the  relative  weights  of  the 
ultimate  particles  of  various  chemical  elements  and 
compounds,  announced  by  him  two  years  afterwards — 
October  1803. 

Reference  to  a  previous  page  (158)  will  show  that 
Dalton,  in  one  of  his  earliest  chemical  memoirs  in  1802, 
had  discovered,  in  the  combinations  of  oxygen  with 
nitrous  gas,  an  undoubted  example  of  multiple  pro- 
portions ;  or  to  use  his  own  words  : — "  These  facts 
clearly  point  out  the  theory  of  the  process ;  the  ele- 
ments of  oxygen  may  combine  with  a  certain  portion 
of  nitrous  gas,  or  with  twice  that  portion,  but  with 
no  intermediate  quantity."  The  steps  by  which  he 
ascended  from  this  first  special  example  to  the  general 
law  of  multiple  proportion  seems  pretty  clearly 
indicated  as  resulting  from  the  observations  he  made 
on  the  light  carburetted  hydrogen  and  olefiant  gas. 
Dr  Thomson  of  Glasgow,  who  spent  a  day  or  two 
with  Dalton  in  Manchester,  in  August  1804,  offers  a 
clear  narrative  of  the  origin  of  the  atomic  theory  in  the 
following  words  : — "  Mr  Dalton  informed  me  that  the 
atomic  theory  first  occurred  to  him  during  his  inves- 
tigations of  olefiant  gas  and  carburetted  hydrogen 


A  Sketch  of  the  Atomic  Theory.  205 

gas,  at  that  time  imperfectly  understood,  and  the 
constitution  of  which  was  first  fully  developed  by  Mr 
Dalton  himself.  It  was  obvious,  from  the  experiments 
which  he  made  upon  them,  that  the  constituents  of 
both  were  carbon  and  hydrogen,  and  nothing  else  ;  he 
found,  further,  that  if  we  reckon  the  carbon  in  each 
the  same,  then  carburetted  hydrogen  contains 
exactly  twice  as  much  hydrogen  as  defiant  gas 
does.  This  determined  him  to  state  the  ratios  of 
these  constituents  in  numbers,  and  to  consider  the 
olefiant  gas  a*  compound  of  one  atom  of  carbon  and 
one  atom  of  hydrogen  ;  and  carburetted  hydrogen  of 
one  atom  of  carbon  and  two  atoms  of  hydrogen.  The 
idea  thus  conceived  was  applied  to  carbonic  oxide, 
water,  ammonia,  &c.,  and  numbers  representing  the 
atomic  weights  of  oxygen,  azote,  &c.,  deduced  from 
the  best  analytical  experiments  which  chemistry  then 
possessed  "  ("  History  of  Chemistry,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  291). 
In  treating  of  carburetted  hydrogen  long  afterwards, 
in  1810  ("  New  System,"  vol.  i.,  p.  444),  Dalton  writes  : 
— "  No  correct  notion  of  the  constitution  of  the  gas 
about  to  be  described  seems  to  have  been  formed  till 
the  atomic  theory  was  introduced  and  applied  in  the 
investigation.  It  was  in  the  summer  of  1 804  that  I 
collected,  at  various  times  and  in  various  places,  the 
inflammable  gas  obtained  from  ponds."  He  had  there- 
fore been  working  at  the  analysis  of  this  gas  just 
previously  to  Dr  Thomson's  visit.  Moreover,  in  his 
first  table  of  atomic  weights  (see  page  158),  in  which 
hydrogen  being  unity,  carbon  was  estimated  4-3, 
olefiant  gas  is  represented  by  5*3 — that  is,  C+H,  and 
carburetted  hydrogen  from  stagnant  water  by  6-3, 
or  C4-2H.  This  same  table  supplies  other  examples 


206  John  Dalton. 

of  the  law  of  multiple  proportions,  which  (in  the 
absence  of  more  direct  testimony)  we  may  reasonably 
presume  to  have  constituted  the  foundations  of  that 
most  significant  generalisation.  Thus  carbonic  oxide 
and  carbonic  acid  are  denoted  by  numbers  equal  to 
C-fO  and  C+2O  respectively ;  sulphurous  and 
sulphuric  acid  by  numbers  equal  to  S+O  and  S+2O  ; 
and  three  of  the  nitrous  compounds — nitrous  oxide, 
nitrous  gas,  and  nitric  acid — by  numbers  equivalent  to 
2N+O,  N+O,  and  N+2O. 

His  correspondence  with  his  brother  offers  substan- 
tial confirmation  as  to  the  date  of  his  original  work. 
Thus,  on  March  21,  1803,  he  informs  his  brother  : — 
"  I  have  been,  as  usual,  fully  engaged  in  all  my  leisure 
hours  in  the  pursuit  of  chemical  and  philosophical 
inquiries.  Even  my  Christmas  vacation  was  taken  up 
in  this  way  ;  indeed,  I  have  had  considerable  success 
of  late  in  this  line,  having  got  into  a  track  that  has  not 
been  much  trod  in  before?  This  is  conclusive  that  he 
had  in  the  autumn  or  early  winter  of  1802  struck 
upon  a  new  path  of  such  absorbing  interest  that  he 
would  not  allow  the  Christmas  holidays  to  interfere 
with  its  fuller  development. 

On  reviewing  the  early  stages  of  his  scientific  life, 
with  the  view  of  tracing  the  genesis  of  the  atomic 
theory,  you  cannot  but  revert  to  Dalton's  methodical 
labours  to  interpret  the  constitution  of  the  atmo- 
sphere, a  subject  upon  which  he  dwelt  with  the  fond- 
ness of  a  parent  proud  of  his  offspring.  Thus,  in  his 
preface  to  the  second  edition  of  his  "  Meteorological 
Essays,"  issued  in  1834,  or  forty-one  years  after  the  first, 
he  says  : — "  I  have  been  the  more  anxious  to  preserve 
the  first  edition  unchanged,  as  I  apprehend  it  contains 


A  Sketch  of  the  A  tomic  Theory.  207 

the  forms  of  most  of  the  ideas  which  I  have  since 
expounded  more  at  large  in  different  essays,  and 
which  have  been  considered  discourses  of  some 
importance." 

In  Chapter  II.  of  his  "  New  System,"  treating  on  the 
constitutions  of  bodies,  and  especially  on  pure  and 
united  elastic  fluids,  he  says,  inter  alia,  that  "  all  bodies 
are  constituted  of  a  vast  number  of  extremely  small 
particles  or  atoms  of  matter,  bound  together  by  a 
force  of  attraction.  .  .  .  Besides  this,  we  find  a  force  of 
repulsion.  This  is  now  generally,  and  I  think  properly, 
ascribed  to  the  agency  of  heat.  An  atmosphere  of 
this  subtle  fluid  constantly  surrounds  the  atoms  of  all 
bodies,  and  prevents  them  from  being  drawn  into 
actual  contact."  Again — "  In  prosecuting  my  inquiries 
into  the  nature  of  elastic  fluids,  I  soon  perceived  it  was 
necessary,  if  possible,  to  ascertain  whether  the  atoms 
or  ultimate  particles  of  the  different  gases  are  of  the 
same  size  or  volume  in  like  circumstances  of  tem- 
perature and  pressure." 

His  inquiries  into  the  density  of  the  gases  afforded 
to  his  mind  clear  evidence  in  support  of  the  existence 
of  ultimate  indivisible  particles,  and  led  him,  uncon- 
sciously perhaps,  to  the  revival  of  the  atomism  pro- 
pounded by  Democritus  and  others,  that  now  and 
then  cropped  out  in  history,  with,  however,  little  or 
no  scientific  significance,  and  when  resuscitated  by 
Descartes  and  Newton,  not  treated  as  applicable  to 
the  laws  of  chemistry. 

"  From  a  careful  examination  of  all  the  evidence 
before  me,"  says  Dr  Henry,  "  I  am  led  to  conclude 
that  the  facts  and  reasonings  on  which  the  first  table 
of  atomic  weights  was  based,  were  assembled  by 


208  John  Dalton. 

Dalton  during  the  years  1802,*  1803,  anc*  1804,  and 
that  the  discovery  of  the  law  of  multiple  proportions 
was,  in  the  order  of  mental  operations,  the  immediate 
antecedent  of  the  atomic  theory  of  chemical  com- 
bination. Thus  it  will  be  seen,  on  inspection  of  the 
table  given  in  page  158,  that  of  the  fifteen  compound 
atoms  whose  weights  are  assigned,  not  fewer  than 
nine  are  examples  of  multiple  proportions — viz.,  the 
two  carburetted  hydrogens,  the  two  compounds  of 
carbon  and  oxygen,  the  two  compounds  of  sulphur 
and  oxygen,  and  the  three  of  oxygen  and  nitrogen. 
It  is  also  worthy  of  remark,  as  confirming  the 
genealogy  of  the  atomic  theory,  already  traced  from 
the  abstract  conception  of  elastic  fluidity,  that  of  the 
twenty-one  bodies  comprehended  in  Dalton's  earliest 
table,  sixteen  are  either  permanent  gases  or  vaporis- 
able  bodies ;  and  that  of  the  remaining  five,  Dalton 
calculated  the  atomic  weights  of  the  three  solids,  car- 
bon, sulphur,  and  phosphorus,  from  the  analysis  of  their 
aeriform  combinations  with  hydrogen  and  oxygen, 
and  those  of  the  two  liquids,  sulphuric  and  nitric 
acids,  from  the  lower  aeriform  compounds  of  sulphur 
and  azote  respectively  with  oxygen.  Not  a  single 
metal,  alkali,  or  earth,  appears  in  this  first  table. 
The  atomic  weights  of  these  solid  bodies  were  first 
published  by  him  in  the  description  of  Plate  IV.  of 
his  "  New  System,"  Part  I.,  p.  219,  1808.  - 

It    seems    pretty    clearly    established    that    the 

*  The  earliest  examples  of  his  atomic  weights  were  probably  ob- 
tained before  November  1802.  In  the  preface  to  the  first  part  of  his 
"  New  System,"  Dalton  writes  : — "In  1803  the  author  was  gradually 
led  to  those  primary  laws  which  seem  to  obtain  in  regard  to  heat  and 
to  chemical  combinations,  and  which  it  is  the  object  of  the  present 
work  to  exhibit  and  elucidate." 


A  Sketch  of  the  A  tomic  Theory.  209 

hypothesis  of  the  atomic  theory  arose  in  Dalton's 
mind  from  the  study  of  matter  in  an  aeriform 
condition ;  that  its  first  practical  application  in 
chemistry  was  to  gaseous  bodies,  and  particularly  to 
such  as  combine  in  multiple  proportions.  How  far 
Dalton  was  influenced  by  the  law  of  reciprocal  pro- 
portions or  equivalents  of  Richter  may  admit  of 
question ;  but  looking  to  the  evidence  adduced  by  Dr 
Henry,  senior,  as  well  as  his  son  (Dalton's  biographer), 
there  is  reason  to  think  that  some  of  the  earlier  specu- 
lations which  gave  birth  to  the  atomic  theory  were 
in  part  suggested  by  the  experiments  of  Richter  on 
the  neutral  salts.  The  German  chemist,  having  ascer- 
tained the  quantity  of  any  base — as  potass,  for  example 
— which  was  required  to  saturate  a  hundred  measures 
of  sulphuric  acid,  then  set  to  work  to  determine  the 
quantities  of  the  different  acids  which  were  adequate 
to  the  saturation  of  the  same  quantity  of  potass.  In 
this  fashion  a  table  was  formed  exhibiting  the  pro- 
portions of  the  acids  and  the  alkaline  bases  constitut- 
ing neutral  salts.  "  It  immediately  struck  Mr  Dalton," 
writes  Dr  Henry,  "that  if  those  saline  compounds  were 
constituted  of  an  atom  of  acid  and  one  of  alkali,  the 
tabular  numbers  would  express  the  relative  weights  of 
the  ultimate  atoms."  Dr  Henry  continues : —  "  My  own 
belief  is,  that  during  the  three  years  (1802-4)  in  which 
the  main  foundations  of  the  atomic  theory  were  laid, 
Dalton  had  patiently  and  maturely  reflected  on  all 
the  phenomena  of  chemical  combination  known  to 
him,  from  his  own  researches  and  those  of  others,  and 
had  grasped  in  his  comprehensive  survey,  as  signifi- 
cant to  him  of  a  deeper  meaning  than  to  his  prede- 
cessors, their  empirical  laws  of  constant  and  reciprocal 

O 


2io  John  Dalton. 

proportion,  no  less  than  his  own  law  of  multiple 
proportion,  and  his  own  researches  in  the  chemistry 
of  aeriform  bodies." 

A  few  quotations  from  Dalton's  chapter  on 
"  Chemical  Synthesis  "  will  be  serviceable  in  illustrat- 
ing his  theory. 

"ON  CHEMICAL  SYNTHESIS. 

"When  any  body  exists  in  the  elastic  state,  its  ultimate 
particles  are  separated  from  each  other  to  a  much  greater  dis- 
tance than  in  any  other  state  ;  each  particle  occupies  the  centre 
of  a  comparatively  large  sphere,  and  supports  its  dignity  by 
keeping  all  the  rest,  which  by  their  gravity,  or  otherwise,  are 
disposed  to  encroach  upon  it,  at  a  respectful  distance.  When 
we  attempt  to  conceive  the  number  of  particles  in  an  atmosphere, 
it  is  somewhat  like  attempting  to  conceive  the  number  of  stars 
in  the  universe  ;  we  are  confounded  with  the  thought.  But  if 
we  limit  the  subject,  by  taking  a  given  volume  of  any  gas,  we 
seem  persuaded  that,  let  the  divisions  be  ever  so  minute,  the 
number  of  particles  must  be  finite ;  just  as  in  a  given  space  of 
the  universe,  the  number  of  stars  and  planets  cannot  be 
infinite. 

"  Chemical  analysis  and  synthesis  go  no  further  than  to  the 
separation  of  particles  one  from  another,  and  to  their  reunion. 
No  new  creation  or  destruction  of  matter  is  within  the  reach  of 
chemical  agency.  We  might  as  well  attempt  to  introduce  a 
new  planet  into  the  solar  system,  or  to  annihilate  one  already  in 
existence,  as  to  create  or  destroy  a  particle  of  hydrogen.  All 
the  changes  we  can  produce  consist  in  separating  particles 
that  are  in  a  state  of  cohesion  or  combination,  and  joining  those 
that  were  previously  at  a  distance. 

"  In  all  chemical  investigations  it  has  justly  been  considered 
an  important  object  to  ascertain  the  relative  weights  of  the 
simples  which  constitute  a  compound.  But  unfortunately  the 
inquiry  has  terminated  here  ;  whereas  from  the  relative  weights 
in  the  mass,  the  relative  weights  of  the  ultimate  particles  or 
atoms  of  the  bodies  might  have  been  inferred,  from  which  their 


A  Sketch  of  the  A  tomic  Theory.  2 1 1 

number  and  weight  in  various  other  compounds  would  appear, 
in  order  to  assist  and  to  guide  future  investigations,  and  to 
correct  their  results. 

"  Now,  it  is  one  great  object  of  this  work  to  show  the  im- 
portance and  advantage  of  ascertaining  the  relative  weight  of 
the  ultimate  particles,  both  of  simple  and  compound  bodies,  the 
number  of  simple  elementary  particles  which  constitute  one  com- 
pound particle,  and  the  number  of  less  compound  particles  which 
enter  into  the  formation  of  one  more  compound  particle. 

"  If  there  are  two  bodies,  A  and  B,  which  are  disposed  to 
combine,  the  following  is  the  order  in  which  the  combinations 
may  take  place,  beginning  with  the  most  simple,  namely  : — 

i  atom  of  A  +  i  atom  of  B  =  i  atom  of  C  binary. 

1  atom  of  A  -f  2  atoms  of  B  =  i  atom  of  D  ternary. 

2  atoms  of  A  +  I  atom  of  B  =  i  atom  of  E  ternary. 

i  atom  of  A  -|-  3  atoms  of  B  =  i  atom  of  F  quaternary. 

3  atoms  of  A  -f-  i  atom  of  B  =  i  atom  of  G  quaternary,  &c.,  &c." 

This  was  followed  by  rules  of  guidance  respecting 
chemical  synthesis,  and  the  introduction  of  plates 
exhibiting  the  modes  of  combination.  The  elements 
or  atoms  of  bodies  viewed  as  simple  were  denoted  by 
a  small  circle  with  some  distinctive  mark,  and  their 
combinations  were  also  represented  in  a  way  to  be 
understood.  He  also  furnished  a  plate  of  the  "arbi- 
trary marks  or  signs  chosen  to  represent  the  several 
chemical  elements  or  ultimate  particles." 

His  atomic  weights  were  inexact,  but  this  was  to 
be  expected  in  the  infancy  of  the  science.  He  seemed 
to  be  aware  of  this,  and  expressed  great  caution,  both 
as  to  the  accuracy  of  his  numbers  and  his  weights,  and 
not  less  our  viewing  substances  as  simple  in  their 
nature,  which  a  higher  analysis  might  prove  to  be 
compound. 

Here  it  is  needful  to  consider  the  laws  of  proper- 


212  JohnDalton. 

tional  combination  which  are  everywhere  accepted 
as  true  by  chemists.  These  laws  are  generally 
viewed  as  three  in  number,  but  Dr  George  Wilson 
held  out  for  a  fourth :  all  the  laws  refer  to  combination 
by  weight.  Three  of  these,  as  Wilson  affirms,  were 
discovered  by  Dalton,  and  all  of  them  were  brought 
into  new  prominence  by  his  labours ;  and  his  atomic 
theory,  or  rather  hypothesis,  as  it  should  be  called,  is 
an  endeavour  to  explain  them,  by  assuming  a  peculiar 
ultimate  constitution  of  matter  which  absolutely 
necessitates  their  existence.  These  laws  are  based 
upon  one,  deeper  and  more  fundamental  than  them- 
selves, which  is  assumed  in  their  enunciation,  and  is 
to  the  following  effect: — The  same  compound  consists 
invariably  of  the  same  components.  Water,  for 
example,  always  consists  of  oxygen  and  hydrogen  ; 
common  salt  of  chlorine  and  sodium. 

I.  The  first  of  these  laws  is  designated  the  law  of 
definite  or  constant  proportion,  by  which  we  understand 
that  the  elements  forming  a  chemical  compound  are 
always  united  in  it  in  the  same  proportion  by  weight. 
Thus,  water  not  only  consists  invariably  of  oxygen 
and  hydrogen,  but  the  weight  of  oxygen  present  is 
always  eight  times  greater  than  that  of  hydrogen ; 
or  in  other  words,  eight-ninths  of  the  weight  of 
water  are  always  oxygen,  and  the  remaining  ninth 
hydrogen. 

It  is  the  same  with  every  compound.  Thus,  common 
salt  always  contains  thirty-five  parts  of  chlorine  to 
twenty-three  of  sodium ;  marble,  twenty-two  of  carbonic 
acid  to  twenty-eight  of  lime.  In  virtue  of  this  law,  a 
number  can  be  found  for  every  body,  simple  or  com- 
pound, expressing  the  ratio  in  which  (or  in  a  multiple  or 


A  Sketch  of  the  Atomic  Theory .  213 

sub-multiple  of  which)  it  combines  with  every  other. 
Any  series  of  numbers  may  be  taken  to  represent  these 
combining  ratios,  provided  the  due  proportion  is  main- 
tained among  them,  so  that  the  number  for  oxygen 
shall  be  eight  times  greater  than  that  for  hydrogen, 
that  for  nitrogen  fourteen  times  greater,  and  so  on, 
according  to  the  relations  which  analysis  brings  out. 
The  scale  recognised  by  Dalton,  and  used  here,  makes 
hydrogen  I,  and  counts  from  it  upwards. 

It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  such  tables  represent 
relative,  not  absolute,  weights.  Of  the  smallest  pos- 
sible quantity  of  oxygen  which  can  combine  with 
the  smallest  possible  quantity  of  hydrogen,  we  know 
nothing ;  all  that  we  are  certain  of  is,  that  it  is  eight 
times  greater  than  that  of  hydrogen,  whatever  that 
be.  None  of  the  numbers  taken  singly  has  any 
absolute  value  ;  the  16,  for  example,  which  in  tables 
of  this  kind  we  are  discussing  stands  against  sulphur, 
does  not  represent  16  grains,  i6-millionths  of  a  grain, 
or  any  other  absolute  quantity ;  its  value  appears 
only  when  it  is  taken  in  connection  with  the  number 
attached  to  hydrogen,  to  which  the  exact  arbitrary 
value  of  I  has  been  given. 

As  in  the  analysis  of  every  chemical  substance,  it 
must  have  been  assumed  that  it  would  prove  definite 
in  composition,  others  before  Dalton  must  have  been 
cognisant  of  this  law  of  constant  proportion.  Caven- 
dish, in  his  "  Analysis  of  Water,"  Bergman,  in  test- 
ing the  saturation  of  the  salts,  could  not  fail  to  see 
the  law  that  received  special  attention  at  the  hands 
of  Wenzel,  Richter,  and  Proust,  before  the  year 
1792. 

2.    The    second    law    of    combining    proportions 


214  John  Dalton. 

brings  out  the  fact  that  the  same  elements,  in  almost 
every  case,  combine  in  more  than  one  proportion  to 
constitute  several  compounds.  This  law  is  named 
that  of  Multiple  Proportion,  and  shows  that  when  one 
body  combines  with  another  in  several  proportions, 
the  higher  ones  are  multiples  of  the  first  or  lowest.  To 
illustrate  this,  the  two  compounds  of  hydrogen  and  car- 
bon may  be  cited,  and  with  all  the  more  effect  that  they 
were  the  bodies  operated  upon  by  Dalton,  and  which, 
indeed,  suggested  to  him  the  law.  In  one  of  these 
(plefiant  gas)  there  are  six  parts,  by  weight,  of  carbon, 
to  one  of  hydrogen  ;  in  the  other  (tnarsh  gas  or  fire- 
damp), there  are  six  parts  of  carbon  to  two  of 
hydrogen  ;  or,  the  weight  of  carbon  being  the  same  in 
both,  there  is  exactly  twice  as  much  hydrogen  in  the 
first  as  in  the  second. 

The  law  of  multiple  proportion  was  specially  realised 
by  Dalton  from  a  solitary  case — that  of  the  compounds 
of  carbon  and  hydrogen  described  above.  So  strongly 
did  the  facts  strike  Dalton's  mind,  that  he  at  once 
predicted  the  applicability  of  the  law  to  all  kinds  of 
compounds. 

In  this  direction  of  inquiry,  or  rather  discovery,  it  i$ 
supposed  that  Dalton  was  anticipated  by  Mr  William 
Higgins,  who  showed  the  combinations  of  sulphur  with 
oxygen,  one  ultimate  particle  of  sulphur  and  one  of  oxy- 
gen constituting  sulphurous  acid ;  and  moreover,  that  in 
the  compound  of  nitrogen  and  oxygen  the  ingredients 
are  to  each  other  as  I  to  1,2,  3,  4,  and  5  respectively. 
Here  was  a  clear  enunciation  of  the  law  of  multiple 
proportion,  yet  the  author  can  hardly  have  seen  the 
importance,  or  he  would  have  laboured  to  the  end, 
and  completed  the  chapter  he  had  so  well  begun. 


A  Sketch  of  the  Atomic  Theory.  215 

His  work  made  no  impress  on  the  public  mind,  and 
Dalton  had  not  even  heard  of  it  till  his  rediscovery  of 
the  law  came  to  be  discussed.  Had  Higgins,  as  Dr 
Wilson  remarks,  seen  the  value  and  importance  of  the 
law  as  Dalton  saw  it,  he  would  have  done  as  Dalton 
did,  who  spent  ten  or  twelve  of  the  best  years  of  his 
life  in  verifying  its  truth  by  analysis  of  as  large  a 
series  of  compounds  as  he  could  possibly  compass. 

3.  "The  third  law  of  combination  is  named  that  of 
Reciprocal  Proportion,  and  is  to  the  effect,  that  if  two 
bodies  combine  in  certain  proportions  with  a  third, 
they  combine  in  the  very  same  proportions  with  each 
other.  Thus  sixteen  parts  of  sulphur  combine  with 
eight  of  oxygen,  and  twenty-seven  parts  of  iron  com- 
bine with  eight  of  oxygen ;  but  sixteen  parts  of  sul- 
phur is  the  very  quantity  that  combines  with  twenty- 
seven  of  iron.  We  may  reverse  the  numbers  :  eight 
of  oxygen  combines  with  twenty-seven  of  iron,  and 
sixteen  parts  of  sulphur  with  twenty-seven  of  iron ; 
but  eight  of  oxygen  is  the  very  number  that  combines 
with  sixteen  of  sulphur.  Or,  a  third  time,  eight  of 
oxygen  and  twenty-seven  of  iron  combine  respectively 
with  sulphur ;  but  twenty-seven  of  iron  is  the  quantity 
that  combines  with  eight  oxygen." 

The  theoretical  interest  attached  to  this  law  of 
reciprocal  proportion  is  of  large  practical  value  to 
the  chemist  in  all  his  analyses.  For  instance,  if 
he  ascertains  the  proportion  in  which  one  body  com- 
bines with  any  other,  that,  or  a  multiple,  or  sub- 
multiple  of  that,  is  the  proportion  in  which  it  com- 
bines with  every  other  with  which  it  can  combine 
at  all. 

It  is  in  relation  to  this  law  more  than  to  the  others 


216  John  Dalton. 

that  the  combining  weights  of  bodies  are  named 
their  equivalents.  This  term  expresses,  in  a  way  no 
other  does,  that  a  certain  weight  of  one  body  is 
equivalent  to,  or  goes  as  far  as,  a  certain  but  different 
weight  of  another,  in  the  construction  of  a  similar 
compound.  One  part  by  weight  of  hydrogen,  for 
example,  goes  as  far  in  combining  with  eight  of 
oxygen  to  form  an  oxide  as  twenty-seven  of  iron,  or 
197  of  gold.  These  compounds  have  all  the  same 
value ;  the  weight  of  oxygen  is  the  same  in  all,  and 
the  197  parts  of  gold  do  not  neutralise  the  eight  of 
oxygen  197  times  more  effectually  than  the  one  of 
hydrogen  does,  but  only  as  well  and  with  the  pro- 
duction of  a  similar  compound. 

With  this  law  of  reciprocal  proportion  Wenzel's 
name  is  honourably  associated  as  far  back  as  the  year 
1777;  yet,  for  reasons  already  expressed,  little  or 
nothing  was  heard  of  his  indefatigable  labours  in  this 
direction.  Even  his  countryman  Richter,  who  began 
to  publish  in  1792,  and  who  spent  many  years  in 
analysing  the  different  salts,  with  a  view  of  ascertain- 
ing the  exact  weight  of  acid  and  base  required  for 
mutual  saturation,  so  as  to  be  able  to  express  this  by 
a  number  attached  to  each,  hardly  received  recogni- 
tion at  the  hands  of  his  contemporaries. 

A  fourth  law  of  combination  has  been  instituted  by 
Dr  Wilson,  and  though  not  generally  accepted,  is  never- 
theless thought  worthy  a  place  in  this  memoir,  from 
its  being  advanced  by  a  practical  chemist.  Dr  Wilson 
called  it  the  law  of  Compound  Proportion,  which 
"teaches  that  the  combining  proportion  of  a  com- 
pound body  is  the  sum  of  the  combining  proportions 
of  its  components."  The  combining  proportion  of 


A  Sketch  of  the  A  tomic  Theory.  2 1 7 

water,  for  example,  is  found  by  experiment  to  be 
nine  (or  a  multiple  of  nine),  hydrogen,  as  before,  being 
taken  as  unity ;  but  zinc  is  the  sum  of  eight  parts  of 
oxygen  and  one  of  hydrogen,  its  constituents.  The 
equivalent  of  carbonic  acid  appears  upon  trial  to  be 
twenty- two ;  but  carbonic  acid  is  found  on  analysis 
to  consist  of  six  parts  of  carbon  and  sixteen  of 
oxygen,  which  exactly  make  up  twenty-two.  The 
combining  weight  of  lime  is  twenty-eight ;  but  lime 
consists  of  twenty  calcium  and  eight  oxygen,  which 
are  also  twenty-eight. 

"  This  law  is  of  as  much  interest  and  practical  value 
as  the  preceding  one,  and  supplies  the  chemist  with 
a  most  important  means  of  checking  the  results  of 
empirical  analysis  in  the  case  of  compound  bodies. 
The  merit  of  discovering  it  belongs  entirely  to  Dalton." 
Other  chemists  have  looked  upon  this  law  as  part  of 
the  general  hypothesis,  and  resting  on  the  ground  of 
experimental  evidence ;  and  the  late  Dr  Whewell, 
Master  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  in  discussing 
Dalton's  atomic  theory  in  the  "  History  of  the  Induc- 
tive Sciences  "  does  not  mention  or  allude  to  it. 

Modern  chemistry  seeks  to  determine  the  constitu- 
tion of  atoms  and  "  the  phenomena  attendant,  both 
upon  the  state  of  combination,  and  the  two  antithetical 
processes  of  atomic  analysis  and  synthesis,"  and  is 
based  on  the  laws  just  propounded. 

With  the  exception  of  the  law  of  constant  propor- 
tion, these  laws  were  wrought  out  by  Dalton  for 
himself,  and  were  by  him  first  fully  made  known  to 
the  world.  Before  this  discovery  chemistry  was  little 
more  than  an  empirical  art,  treating  of  the  qualities  or 
properties  of  bodies  ;  now  it  is  a  science  possessing 


218  John  Dalton. 

the  character  of  a  science  of  quantity*  And  as  this 
science  of  quantity  has  come  more  and  more  to  the 
light,  it  has  widened,  and  made  more  accurate  the 
range  of  chemistry  as  a  science  of  quality. 

As  proving  the  value  of  the  laws  of  chemical  com- 
bination, and  the  direct  application  of  quantitative  to 
qualitative  chemistry,  the  manufacture  of  sulphuric 
acid,  or  oil  of  vitriol,  so  well  known  in  the  arts,  may  be 
instanced.  Before  Dalton's  researches,  every  manu- 
facturer had  his  own  views  as  to  the  quantity  of 
sulphur  required  in  the  process — a  complicated 
process,  resting  its  operations  on  the  burning  of 
sulphur  in  leaden  chambers — and  was  apt  to  per- 
suade himself  of  his  superior  management.  Now 
Dalton  showed  that,  adopt  whatever  quantity  of 
sulphur  you  may,  only  a  certain  portion  by  weight  of 
sulphur  can  unite  with  a  certain  proportion  of  oxygen 
in  the  air  to  constitute  sulphuric  acid,  and  that  to 
put  a  larger  quantity  in  the  retorts  than  could  be 
associated  with  the  oxygen,  not  only  did  no  good,  but 
was  a  positive  waste  of  material.  Hosts  of  instances 
of  a  similar  nature  might  be  adduced  to  prove  the 
great  strides  made  in  the  pursuit  of  a  real  chemistry 
since  the  establishment  of  the  laws  of  combination, 
or  the  application  of  the  atomic  hypothesis. 

Dalton's    early    inquiries    in    natural    philosophy 

*  Were  it  pertinent  to  this  narrative,  much  might  be  offered  on  the 
apt  analogy  subsisting  between  the  laws  regulating  the  infinitely 
great  world  of  the  firmament  and  the  infinitely  small  world  of  atoms. 
The  quantitative  method  that  enters  the  mind  of  the  chemist  seeking 
to  determine  the  groundwork  of  his  science,  and  the  conception  of 
gravitation  by  the  astronomer  discovering  the  movements  of  the 
heavenly  orbs,  are  based  on  the  same  method  :  both  depend,  as  Comte 
would  say,  on  "  weight  properly  generalised." 


A  Sketch  of  the  Atomic  Theory.  219 

would  necessarily  make  him  more  or  less  familiar 
with  the  opinions  held  on  the  atomic  constitution  of 
matter  by  modern  physicists  and  metaphysicians ; 
and  possibly  his  reading  of  the  Greek  and  Roman 
authors  had  given  him  a  notion  of  the  views  of 
Democritus  and  the  Epicureans.  However  this  may 
be,  in  framing  his  views  of  an  atomic  theory  to 
illustrate  or  give  effect  to  his  laws  of  combining 
proportion,  he  assumed  the  existence  of  certain 
ultimate  particles  or  molecules  possessed  of  a  definite 
and  unchangeable  weight,  shape,  and  size.  These  he 
called  atoms,  to  signify  that  they  were  indivisible  ; 
not,  however,  affirming  this  absolutely,  but  indivisible 
in  relation  only  to  the  chemical  and  other  disintegrat- 
ing forces  existing  in  nature,  none  of  which  were 
supposed  able  to  divide  them.  Thus  Dalton  viewed 
the  ponderable  masses  of  the  different  and  elementary 
bodies  as  consisting  of  a  countless  multitude  of  undi- 
vided atoms. 

On  the  shape  and  size  of  the  atoms  Dalton  could 
offer  no  opinion.  From  inspecting  his  diagrams  it 
might  be  supposed  that  he  looked  upon  them  as 
spherical.  The  size  of  the  atoms  apparently  never 
entered  into  his  speculations,  knowing  full  well  that 
they  were  inconceivably  small,  and  altogether  beyond 
the  grasp  of  our  senses  aided  by  the  highest  appliances 
of  art. 

Where  Dalton's  reasonings,  based  on  experimental 
inquiry,  passed  beyond  the  thoughts  of  all  his  pre- 
decessors, from  Newton  and  Liebnitz  down  to  his  own 
contemporaries  engaged  in  discussing  the  atomic  con- 
stitution of  bodies,  was  his  introducing  the  question 
of  weight  in  his  treatment  of  the  ultimate  particles. 


22O  John  Dalton. 

It  was  "this  stride  in  advance  of  all  speculators  in 
atomics,"  and  before  he  had  completed  his  analysis  of 
a  score  of  compounds,  that  gave  him  such  confidence 
in  propounding  his  hypothesis  "that  the  ultimate 
atoms  of  the  elementary  bodies  do  not  possess  the 
same,  but  different  weights,  and  that  the  difference 
between  their  weights  is  identical  with  that  which 
subsists  between  the  combining  proportions  of  the 
elements  themselves." 

He  could  not,  of  course,  pronounce  any  opinion  on 
the  absolute  weight  of  atoms,  millions  of  the  heaviest 
of  which  might  not  affect  the  most  delicate  balance  ; 
but  he  thought  that  if  it  were  possible  to  weigh  them 
one  by  one,  we  should  find  that  whatever  was  the 
absolute  weight  of  any  one  would  be  found  to  be  the 
weight  of  each  of  the  others  of  the  same  kind  ;  thus, 
if  one  atom  of  hydrogen  weighed  the  millionth  of  a 
millionth  of  a  grain,  each  of  the  hydrogen  atoms  would 
weigh  the  millionth  of  a  millionth  also.  Again,  we 
should  find  that  all  the  oxygen  atoms  were  eight  times 
heavier  than  the  hydrogen  ones,  all  the  nitrogen  four- 
teen times  heavier,  all  the  gold  atoms  197  times  heavier. 
In  short,  as  Dr  Wilson  observes,  "  the  proportion  in 
which  bodies  combine  with  each  other  are  supposed 
to  depend  upon  the  weights  of  the  atoms  which  make 
them  up,  and  to  be  identical  with  them.  All  the 
numbers,  accordingly,  which  before  the  hypothesis  is 
considered  represent  combining  proportions,  as  soon 
as  it  is  adopted,  come  to  represent  weights  of  ultimate 
atoms  or  atomic  weights." 

Dalton  looked  upon  the  ultimate  particles  in  the 
act  of  combination  as  being  brought  into  closer 
proximity,  or  fused  together,  but  in  no  way  losing 


A  Sketch  of  the  Atomic  Theory.  221 

their  individuality  ;  so  that  when  the  compound  they 
form  is  decomposed,  they  separate,  and  reappear  with 
all  their  original  properties.  "  The  smallest  possible 
quantity  of  water  is  in  this  way  conceived  to  consist 
of  one  atom  of  hydrogen  and  one  of  oxygen  bound 
together,  without  loss  of  the  individuality  of  either,  by 
the  unknown  and  invisible  tie  which  we  term  chemical 
affinity." 

This  brief  exposition,  divested  as  far  as  practicable 
of  unnecessary  technicalities,  may  enable  the  reader 
to  form  some  notion  of  Dalton's  great  discovery. 
Dalton's  views  of  chemical  combination,  including 
both  the  facts  and  the  hypothesis  which  expressed 
and  explained  them,  are  generally  known  as  the 
"  Atomic  Theory."  Dr  Wilson  observes  : — "  To 
Dalton  himself,  the  evidence  in  support  of  the 
existence  of  ultimate  indivisible  particles  appears  to 
have  seemed  so  conclusive,  that  he  considered  the 
doctrine  of  atoms  in  the  light  of  an  induction  from  the 
data  furnished  by  observation  and  experiment,  and 
this  without  reference  to  any  other  than  purely 
physical  questions.  We  cannot  sufficiently  reiterate 
that  he  was  an  atomist  before  he  was  a  chemist.  In 
his  lips,  therefore,  the  name  '  Atomic  Theory/  was 
consistent,  and  had  a  clear  meaning.  It  was  John 
Dalton's  atomic  theory  of  chemical  combining  pro- 
portions ;  his  theory  of  atoms  connected  with  his 
discoveries  in  chemistry,  so  as  at  once  to  account  for, 
and  to  expound  them.  To  those,  however,  who  can- 
not by  any  process  of  generalisation  establish  to  their 
own  satisfaction,  or  to  that  of  others,  the  actual 
existence  of  atoms  (and  it  includes  almost  every  one 
who  thinks  on  the  subject  at  all),  and  for  whom  the 


222  John  Dalton. 

doctrine  of  atoms  is  only  a  questionable,  and,  we  may 
say,  an  indifferent  hypothesis,  Dalton's  view  is  'an 
atomic  hypothesis  of  combining  proportion.'  It 
matters  comparatively  little,  however,  whether  we 
say  atomic  theory  or  atomic  hypothesis,  provided  we 
keep  perfectly  distinct  what  is  matter  of  assumption 
concerning  atoms  from  what  is  matter  of  fact 
concerning  laws  of  combining  proportion." 

In  a  subsequent  chapter  a  few  words  will  be  offered 
on  the  influence  of  the  atomic  theory  in  the  develop- 
ment of  the  science  of  chemistry,  and  the  mode  in 
which  the  new  doctrine  was  received  by  the  con- 
temporaries of  Dalton  both  at  home  and  abroad.  In 
the  meantime  some  recognition  should  be  made  of 
his  social  life,  and  his  public  appearances  as  a  lec- 
turer in  London  and  the  larger  cities  of  Britain. 


CHAPTER  XII. 


"  For  the  highest  degree  of  organization 


Gives  the  highest  degree  of  thought." — PARMENIDES. 

PORTRAITURE — SOCIAL  HABITS — TEACHING  AND  ITS  REWARDS — 
LECTURES  AT  THE  ROYAL  INSTITUTION,  LONDON — HIS  RESIDENCE 
— HIS  RETICENCE  ON  PUBLIC  AFFAIRS — LECTURES  IN  EDINBURGH 
GLASGOW,  AND  LONDON — HIS  CORRESPONDENCE  ON  A  VARIETY 
OF  TOPICS. 

JOHN  DALTON'S  stature  was  slightly  above 
the  middle  height,  say  sixty-eight  inches. 
His  robust,  muscular  frame  bore  con- 
siderable resemblance  to  a  class  of  men 
daily  met  with  in  the  agricultural  districts  of  Cum- 
berland. Seen  in  country  garb,  and  judged  from  his 
mere  physique,  he  might  have  been  looked  upon  as 
possessing  sufficient  of  the  athlete  to  become  a  prize- 
winner in  the  Carlisle  wrestling-ring ;  nor  would  his 
deep,  somewhat  gruff  voice  have  been  an  unworthy 
accompaniment  of  such  bucolic  championship.  His 
slight  stoop  forward,  in  part  arising  from  his  studious 
and  sedentary  habits,  and  unpolished  gait,  betrayed 
the  absence  of  physical  training;  yet  after  middle 
age,  it  appears  he  could,  without  a  day's  preparation, 
walk  as  rapidly  and  continuously  as  the  most  dis- 
ciplined pedestrian  ;  nay,  climb  the  dark  brow  of  the 
mighty  Helvellyn,  of  three  thousand  feet,  with  ease 
and  alacrity. 


224  John  Dalton. 

The  real  strength  and  pith  of  the  man  lay  not 
in  bone  and  muscle,  but  in  an  ample  nerve-power  and 
the  possession  of  a  fine  cerebral  development.  He 
had  an  expressive,  thoughtful  countenance,  and  a 
healthful  masculine  organisation  that  could  not  fail  to 
attract  attention.  All  the  portraits  of  Dalton  display 
a  broad,  expansive  head,  bearing  no  small  resemblance 
to  that  seen  in  the  engraved  portrait  of  Sir  Isaac 
Newton.  And  it  would  appear  that  the  members 
of  the  British  Association  who  were  present  at 
the  Cambridge  meeting,  in  the  year  1833,  were 
impressed  with  Dalton's  likeness  to  Roubiliac's 
statue  of  Newton  in  Trinity  College  Chapel.  Mr 
Woolley,  also  an  intimate  friend  of  Dalton's,  who 
had  a  cast  of  Newton's  head  placed  near  Dalton 
after  his  decease,  has  recorded  "that  the  likeness 
which  had  been  observed  during  life  was  in  death 
most  striking." 

As  far  as  a  careful  comparison  instituted  within  an 
interval  of  four  days  can  be  relied  upon,  I  should  say 
the  configuration  of  the  head  in  the  statue  of  Sir 
Isaac  Newton  at  Grantham  resembles  very  much  that 
of  Dalton's  standing  in  front  of  the  Manchester  In- 
firmary. Whether  this  analogy  of  form  be  strictly 
dependent  on  the  similarity  of  the  crania  of  the  two 
philosophers,  or  is  in  part  borrowed  from  the  ideal 
conception  of  the  sculptors  aiming  to  give  breadth  to 
the  intellectual  organs,  is  beyond  my  decision.  The 
statue  of  Dalton  by  Chantrey  appears  to  me,  both  in 
pose  and  general  treatment,  one  of  his  best  works. 
The  artist,  however,  has  given  undue  and  unnatural 
prominence  to  the  part  of  the  forehead  immediately 
above  the  eyebrows.  Among  other  relics  of  their 


His  Portraiture.  225 

accomplished  President  preserved  by  the  Literary  and 
Philosophical  Society  of  Manchester,  is  Dalton's  hat, 
from  the  shape  of  which  it  is  easy  to  see  that  Dalton's 
head  was  of  the  bracycephalic  type,  with  great  width 
across  the  temples,  or  in  the  tranverse  axis  of  the 
cranium. 

The  massive,  full  contour  of  Dalton's  head  impresses 
you  with  the  stamp  of  intellectual  power,  and  a 
capacity  for  the  highest  of  human  efforts  ;  and  nobly 
distinctive  as  it  appeared,  it  was  not  a  whit  more 
noble  in  form  than  the  brain-structure  it  enclosed  was 
in  fitting '  response  to  those  claims  which  science 
exacts  from  her  more  distinguished  votaries.  His 
prominent  eyebrows  shaded  in  deeper  setting  eyes 
of  quiet  discernment,  whilst  the  use  of  large  spec- 
tacles added  to  his  general  philosophic  seeming 
and  force  of  character.  In  his  marked  nose,  rather 
massive  jaws,  and  firm,  deep  chin,  you  saw  the 
features  of  the  sturdy  race  of  the  "  north  countrie," 
not  altogether  free  of  an  air  of  severity  at  times ; 
these,  however,  were  somewhat  toned  down  by 
lips  less  masculine  than  usual,  and  a  physiognomy 
that  offered  blandness  as  well  as  firmness  and  pene- 
tration. 

The  portrait  accompanying  this  memoir  is  taken 
from  an  admirable  likeness  of  John  Dalton  by  Mr  J. 
Lonsdale,  engraved  by  C.  Turner,  A.R.A.  The  origi- 
nal picture  was  in  the  possession  of  James  Thomson, 
Esq.,  F.R.S.,  of  Clitheroe.  In  preferring  Lonsdale's 
portrait  to  that  by  Allen,  or  the  engraving  taken  from 
Chantrey's  bust,  I  am  guided  by  those  who  knew 
Dalton  long  and  intimately.  There  are,  it  is  said, 
other  excellent  portraits  of  the  philosopher,  whose 

P 


226  John  Dalton. 

marked  facial  lineaments  were   easily  rendered   by 
artists  of  ordinary  distinction. 

If  his  cranium,  and  forehead  especially,  had  much 
of  the  contour  and  type  of  Sir  Isaac  Newton,  his 
general  demeanour  and  scientific  methods  tallied  not 
a  little  with  what  I  used  to  observe  of  his  worthy  con- 
temporary, Gay  Lussac.  This  noble  Frenchman  and 
true  savant  dressed  in  country  fashion,  and  steadily 
held  by  the  subject-matter  of  his  prelections  without 
offering  much  rhetorical  adornment  to  his  science. 
Perhaps  Dalton  and  Gay  Lussac  had  closer  personal 
and  scientific  affinities  than  any  two  men  of  their 
epoch.  As  it  might  appear  a  little  incongruous  to 
enter  into  historical  parallels  in  this  brief  memoir,  I 
rest  content  with  drawing  attention  to  the  cognate 
scientific  relations  of  Dalton  to  Berzelius  the  renowned 
chemist,  and  Alexander  Von  Humboldt  the  philoso- 
pher ;  both  of  them  possessed  the  intellectual  traits  and 
Teutonic  perseverance  so  markedly  seen  in  Dalton's 
character.  The  Swede  was  the  faithful  historian  and 
honest  exponent  of  his  science,  over  which  his  friend 
Dalton  had  thrown  a  halo  of  light;  the  German  tra- 
veller had  the  keen  grasp  that  could  embrace  the 
"Principia"  of  Newton,  the  atomic  theory  of  Dalton, 
and  all  the  ancient  and  modern  philosophies  bearing 
on  the  elucidation  of  natural  phenomena. 

Dalton  dressed  in  Quaker's  costume,  wearing  knee- 
breeches,  dark-grey  stockings,  and  buckled  shoes,  the 
fashion  of  that  day.  He  always  appeared  in  neat 
attire  and  good  broadcloth,  with  gloves,  gaiters,  and 
a  handsome  walking-cane,  headed  or  not  with  silver 
or  gold.  His  broad-brim  beaver  showed  the  finest 
texture,  and  his  white  neckcloth  was  spotless.  He 


His  Faculties  unbent  over  a  Pipe  of  Tobacco.   227 

did  not  invariably  adopt  the  phraseology  of  "  Friends  " 
by  addressing  individuals  as  "thou"  and  "thee;"  nor 
was  he  quite  so  formal  in  other  ways  as  the  old- 
fashioned  representatives  of  his  religious  deno- 
mination. In  general  society  he  was  somewhat 
reserved,  and  as  a  good  listener,  not  much  disposed 
to  break  the  line  of  conversation  unless  he  could  do  so 
succinctly,  and  with  a  word  or  two  of  dry  humour 
that  generally  told  very  happily.  Considering  his 
self-possession,  to  which  he  was  to  the  manner  born, 
he  did  not  appear  to  advantage  in  miscellaneous 
groupings  of  people,  and  still  less  amid  the  gatherings 
of  the  elite  and  philosophic  of  the  metropolis.  This 
apparent  deficiency  in  his  mental  manifestations  arose 
from  his  bringing  up,  his  want  of  social  opportunities, 
and  his  comparatively  little  intercourse  with  men  and 
women  of  high  culture.  When  placed  among  his  own 
circle,  and  encouraged  to  certain  trains  of  thought 
favouring  his  tendency  to  exposition,  he  had  no 
difficulty  in  sustaining  an  animated  conversation,  and 
at  the  same  time  greatly  interesting  his  hearers. 
His  colloquial  faculty  was  at  its  best  over  a  pipe  of 
tobacco,  surrounded  by  two  or  three  friends  in  an 
evening  :  then  he  was  at  home,  and  felt  as  a  philo- 
sopher who  had  something  to  say,  and  could  say  it 
well.  As  a  general  rule,  he  exhibited  much  of  the 
golden  silence  so  vauntingly  preached  by  Thomas 
Carlyle,  but  so  seldom  practised  by  that  great  his- 
torian, whose  loquacity  is  rather  a  paramount  feature 
in  his  social  fraternisations. 

John  Dalton  enjoyed  the  constantly  happy  pri- 
vileges attendant  on  a  healthy  organisation,  scarcely 
experiencing  even  a  day's  illness,  excepting  from 


228  John  Dalton. 

adventitious  circumstances,  such  as  the  porter-poison- 
ing in  London  to  be  presently  noted,  or  an  attack  of 
the  prevailing  epidemic,  influenza.  He  had  a  good 
pulse  and  a  good  digestion,*  and  these  constitute 
nine-tenths  of  the  groundwork  of  a  man's  success  in 
the  world  of  competition.  How  great  soever  the 
mental  gifts  may  be  in  an  individual,  the  exercise  of 
them  remains  more  or  less  in  abeyance  under  the  dark 
clouds  of  dyspepsia,  and  other  ills  to  which  human 
flesh  is  heir.  No  puny-framed  person  has  reached  the 
higher  honours  of  statesmanship,  and  no  bilious  phleg- 
matic lawyer,  as  far  as  I  know,  has  attained  the  wool- 
sack. The  men  of  eminence  who  have  figured  in 
history,  be  they  soldiers,  philosophers,  physicists,  or 
others,  have  been  strong-stomached,  or,  as  Paley,  who 
was  a  true  example  of  the  kind,  used  to  say,  good 
trencher  men.  Dalton's  organic  functions,  aided  by 
balmy  sleep,  went  on  pari-passu  with  his  prescribed 
mental  labours  and  laboratory  work.  Calmness  and 
serenity  ruled  the  mind  as  equality  governed  the 
bodily  operations  of  the  philosopher.  He  ate  mode- 
rately, and  generally  drank  only  water,  even  in  his 
old  age,  when,  if  ever,  the  most  temperate  of  men 
may  stand  in  need  of  wine  and  stimulants. 

There  are  but  faint  tracings  of  historical  interest  in 
the  life  of  a  man  who  had  to  pursue  the  calling  of  a 

*  No  class  of  people  in  Her  Majesty's  dominions  look  more  atten- 
tively to  their  victuals  than  the  worthy  Society  of  Friends,  whose 
daughters  are  neat  cooks  and  dainty  purveyors.  Dalton  was  a  true 
Friend,  who,  on  his  journeying  from  home,  seldom  omitted  to  note  his 
stomach  supplies,  and  what  they  cost  him.  Thus  he  wrote  : — "  Mr  J. 
Pearson  and  I  walked  to  Hayfield  (four  miles),  breakfasted  there  on 
tea,  two  basins  of  milk,  four  eggs,  bread  and  butter,  muffins,  &c.  :  for 
what? — for  gd.  a  piece  ! " 


In  his  Capacity  of  Schoolmaster.  229 

schoolmaster,  and  to  practise  the  sedate  virtues  of  a 
bachelor  Quaker,  whose  walk  was  mainly  confined  to 
a  circle  neither  enlivening  in  tone  nor  brilliant  in  social 
qualities.  Dalton's  life  was  truly  in  his  works,  his 
science,  and  his  discoveries  ;  in  any  other  direction  it 
was  monotonous  in  form  and  details,  and  most  unevent- 
ful in  character.  Each  day  of  the  week,  except  the 
first  (Sunday),  found  him  engaged  teaching  grammar, 
arithmetic,  and  caligraphy,  or  lecturing  on  physics 
and  chemistry  to  more  advanced  students.  It  is 
true,  he  had  grown  up  with  this  kind  of  occupation 
from  a  very  early  age,  and  apparently  felt  it  the  most 
suited  to  the  habits  and  contemplative  moods  of  his 
mature  years.  Teaching  was  the  sustentation  fund 
of  both  his  virtues  and  his  philosophies  ;  and  he 
showed  his  wonted  sagacity  in  holding  on  by  the 
essentials  of  life,  for,  as  an  Englishman  of  obscure 
birth,  what  could  he  expect,  or  what  has  science  ever 
obtained,  at  the  hands  of  the  so-called  paternal 
government  of  this  great  country  ?  My  genial  and 
lamented  companion  of  other  days,  Professor  Edward 
Forbes,  used  to  reply  to  such  a  query,  "  More  kicks 
than  ha'pennies,  my  friend  !  " 

His  ordinary  fees  for  instruction  were  at  first  one 
shilling  ;  then  eighteenpence ;  and  at  a  later  period  of 
his  life  he  exacted  half-a-crown.  He  earned  a  few 
guineas  as  a  "  professional  chemist,"  making  the  low 
charge  of  half-a-guinea  for  an  ordinary  chemical 
analysis  showing  the  different  constituents  to  be  found 
in  a  gallon  of  water :  the  same  kind  of  work  to-day 
would  fetch  ten  guineas.  For  special  instruction  in  the 
laboratory,  or  practical  chemistry,  his  fee  was  35.  6d. 
With  the  increased  demand  for  his  services  arose  a 


230  John  Dalton. 

higher  remuneration  ;  so  that  after  his  sixtieth  year 
his  pecuniary  means  were  ample.  The  story  is  told 
of  Dr  Bardsley,  a  Manchester  physician  of  eminence, 
calling  once  on  Dalton,  and  observing  half-a-crown 
lying  on  the  table,  said,  "You  throw  your  money 
about  carelessly."  "  Ay,"  replied  Dalton,  "  a  woman 
has  just  gone  away  that  I  have  been  teaching  a  bit  of 
arithmetic  to,  and  thou  see  she  has  left  me  half-a- 
crown." 

The  mode  by  which  he  earned  a  livelihood  became 
after  long  years  of  pursuit  so  essentially  a  part  of  his 
nature,  that  he  had  no  disposition  to  cast  it  aside  when 
by  dint  of  success  he  had  gathered  a  modest  independ- 
ence. To  follow  a  settled  course,  that  in  time  lapsed 
into  a  regular  groove  of  thought  as  well  as  of  action, 
was  characteristic  of  Dalton,  who  claimed  for  per- 
severance a  place  among  the  highest  of  virtues  in  a 
man's  career,  the  main  step  in  the  ladder  of  progress, 
and  the  promotion  of  a  life's  well-doing.  He  was  a  twin 
brother  in  sentiment  with  the  monk  of  old  whose  motto 
was  Laborare  est  orare — a  text  that  Dalton  typified 
in  a  high  degree  in  his  course  through  the  world. 
Energetic  and  laborious,  and  quietly  pushing  along 
the  road  to  material  prosperity,  he  might  hope  for  the 
verification  of  the  saying — "  If  thou  dost  well  unto 
thyself,  all  men  will  speak  well  of  thee."  * 

Schoolmastering  was   less  of  a  drudgery  to  him 

*  The  schoolmasters  in  the  days  of  palmy  Rome  occasionally  got  a 
remunerative  quid  pro  quo  for  their  services  to  youth,  in  enjoying  official 
positions  worthy  of  the  best  men  in  the  commonwealth.  The  Emperor 
Vespasian,  though  no  scholar  himself,  had  sense  to  see  that  it  was  for 
the  public  good  that  men  of  letters  should  be  encouraged ;  and  he 
caused  Quintillian,  one  of  the  most  successful  teachers  of  the  day,  to 
be  elevated  to  the  Consulship. 


Perseverance  his  Motto.  23 1 

than  to  most  persons  of  his  class  ;  for  having  set  his 
pupil  to  his  tasks,  with  a  general  remark  as  to  the 
mode  of  pursuing  them,  he  left  him  very  much  to  do 
what  he  best  could  by  persevering  exertions,  whilst 
he  turned  his  own  attention  to  chemical  experiments, 
and  the  calculations  naturally  arising  out  of  their 
consideration.  Inasmuch  as  this  laboratory  work 
was  comparatively  little  checked  by  solicitations 
for  help  on  the  part  of  his  scholars,  he  worked  double 
tides  in  each  diurnal — earning  his  bread  and  butter, 
and  at  the  same  time  realising  the  data  or  foundations 
upon  which  he  was  enabled  to  erect  a  grand  super- 
structure of  theoretical  and  practical  science. 

With  all  his  eagerness  in  the  paths  of  philosophy, 
he  had  sufficient  of  the  shopkeeping  Briton  in  his 
composition  to  keep  his  eye  open  to  the  main  chance 
of  being  able  to  live  prudently  well,  and  to  save 
money  to  meet  the  wants  and  infirmities  of  old  age. 
This  careful  procedure  was  justifiable  in  his  early 
struggles,  when,  as  a  teacher  of  natural  philosophy,  he 
could  only  realise  about  £100  a  year  in  one  of  the 
great  commercial  capitals  of  Lancashire,  where  opu- 
lence so  largely  abounded.  By  and  by  his  lectures 
delivered  in  the  cities  of  England  and  Scotland 
brought  considerable  grist  to  the  mill,  and  gave  clear 
promise  of  further  accession  of  means  and  sources 
of  independence.  Such  fortune  in  prospect  did  not 
alter  his  mode  of  living;  and  it  is  to  be  feared  that  his 
habits  of  saving,  so  long  practised,  got  too  retentive  a 
hold  to  be  cast  aside  in  the  declination  of  life,  when 
the  mind  is  apt  to  be  disquieted  by  its  prospects  of 
the  future.  If  frugal  and  economic,  to  a  degree  worthy 
of  a  fellside  patriarch  rather  than  a  bachelor  of  inde- 


232  John  Dalton. 

pendent  resources,  he  was  by  no  means  wanting  in 
generosity  on  a  great  demand  for  its  exercise  ;  whilst 
he  privately  afforded  aid  to  the  well-deserving  of  his 
old  friends  in  lack  of  money. 

The  many  valuable  memoirs  furnished  by  Dalton 
to  the  Literary  and  Philosophical  Society  of  Man- 
chester between  the  years  .1 800  and  1803  called  forth  a 
large  share  of  attention  both  at  home  and  abroad. 
In  proof  of  which  the  Directors  of  the  Royal  Institu- 
tion of  Great  Britain,  consisting  of  Count  Rumford, 
the  founder,  of  Humphrey  Davy,  Dr  Wollaston,  and 
others  eminent  in  science  and  literature,  invited 
Dalton  to  deliver  a  course  of  lectures  to  the 
members  of  the  institution.  These  lectures  em- 
braced mechanics  and  physics,  and  inaugurated 
the  session  1803-4.  Dalton's  first  appearance  before 
a  London  audience  was  on  December  22,  1803. 

In  a  letter  to  Mr  John  Rothwell  we  get  more  know- 
ledge of  his  London  experiences  : — 

LONDON,  January  10,  1804. 

I  was  introduced  to  Mr  Davy,  who  has  rooms  adjoining 
mine  in  the  Royal  Institution.  He  is  a  very  agreeable  and  in- 
telligent young  man,  and  we  have  interesting  conversations  in 
an  evening.  The  principal  failing  in  his  character  is  that  he 
does  not  smoke.  Mr  Davy  advised  me  to  labour  my  first 
lecture  ;  he  told  me  the  people  here  would  be  inclined  to  form 
their  opinion  from  it.  Accordingly  I  resolved  to  write  my  first 
lecture  wholly,  to  do  nothing  but  to  tell  them  what  I  would  do, 
and  enlarge  on  the  importance  and  utility  of  science.  I  studied 
and  wrote  for  nearly  two  days,  then  calculated  to  a  minute  how 
long  it  would  take  me  reading,  endeavouring  to  make  my  dis- 
course about  fifty  minutes.  The  evening  before  the  lecture, 
Davy  and  I  went  into  the  theatre  ;  he  made  me  read  the  whole 
of  it,  and  he  went  into  the  furthest  corner  ;  then  he  read  it,  and 
I  was  the  audience.  We  criticised  upon  each  other's  method. 


Lectures  at  the  Royal  Institution.  233 

Next  day  I  read  it  to  an  audience  of  about  150  or  200  people, 
which  was  more  than  was  expected.  They  gave  a  very  general 
plaudit  at  the  conclusion,  and  several  came  up  to  compliment 
me  on  the  excellence  of  the  introductory.  Since  that  time  I 
have  scarcely  written  anything ;  all  has  been  experiment  and 
verbal  explanation.  In  general,  my  experiments  have  uniformly 
succeeded,  and  I  have  never  once  faltered  in  the  elucidation  of 
them.  In  fact,  I  can  now  enter  the  lecture-room  with  as  little 
emotion  nearly  as  I  can  smoke  a  pipe  with  you  on  Sunday  or 
Wednesday  evenings. 

On  his  returning  to  Manchester  at  the  end  of 
January,  he  wrote  as  follows  to  his  brother : — 

February  I,  1804. 

DEAR  BROTHER,-—!  have  the  satisfaction  to  inform  thee  that 
I  returned  safe  from  my  London  journey  last  seventh  day 
(Saturday),  having  been  absent  six  weeks.  It  has,  on  many 
accounts,  been  an  interesting  vacation  to  me,  though  a  laborious 
one.  I  went  in  a  great  measure  unprepared,  not  knowing  the 
nature  and  manner  of  the  lectures  in  the  institution,  nor  the 
apparatus.  My  first  was  on  Tuesday,  December  22d  (1803), 
which  was  introductory,  being  entirely  written,  giving  an 
account  of  what  was  intended  to  be  done,  and  natural  philosophy 
in  general.  All  lectures  were  to  be  one  hour  each,  or  as  near  as 
might  be.  The  number  attending  were  from  one  to  three 
hundred  of  both  sexes,  usually  more  than  half  men.  I  was 
agreeably  disappointed  to  find  so  learned  and  attentive  an 
audience,  though  many  of  them  of  rank.  It  'required  great 
labour  on  my  part  to  get  acquainted  with  the  apparatus,  and  to 
draw  up  the  order  of  experiments  and  repeat  them  in  the 
intervals  between  the  lectures,  though  I  had  one  pretty  expert 
to  assist  me.  The  scientific  part  of  the  audience  was  wonder- 
fully taken  with  some  of  my  original  notices  relative  to  heat,  the 
gases,  &c.,  some  of  which  had  not  before  been  published. 
Had  my  hearers  been  generally '  of  the  description  I  had  ap- 
prehended, the  most  interesting  lectures  I  had  to  give  would 
have  been  the  least  relished ;  but  as  it  happened,  the  expecta- 
tions formed  had  drawn  several  gentlemen  of  first-rate  talents 
together,  and  my  eighteenth,  on  heat,  and  the  cause  of  expan- 


234  John  Dalton. 

sion,  &c.,  was  received  with  the  greatest  applause,  with  very 
few  experiments.  The  one  that  followed  was  on  mixed  elastic 
fluids,  in  which  I  had  an  opportunity  of  developing  my  ideas 
that  have  already  been  published  on  the  subject  more  fully. 
The  doctrine  has,  as  I  apprehended  it  would,  excited  the  atten- 
tion of  philosophers  throughout  Europe.  Two  journals  in  the 
German  language  came  into  the  Royal  Institution  whilst  I  was 
there,  from  Saxony,  both  of  which  were  about  half  filled  with 
translations  of  the  papers  I  have  written  on  the  subject,  and 
comments  on  them.  .  .  . 

In  lecturing  on  optics,  I  got  six  ribbands — blue,  pink,  lilac, 
and  red,  green,  and  brown — which  matches  very  well,  and  told 
the  curious  audience  so.  I  do  not  know  whether  they  gene- 
rally believed  me  to  be  serious,  but  one  gentleman  came  up 
immediately  after,  and  told  me  he  perfectly  agreed  with  me  : 
he  had  not  remarked  the  difference  by  candle-light. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year  1805,  he  went  to 
reside  in  Faulkner  Street,  at  the  house  of  the  Rev. 
William  Johns,  with  whom  he  continued  to  lodge  and 
board  for  the  greater  part  of  his  life.  Miss  Johns  has 
thus  recorded  the  characteristic  simplicity  with  which 
this  engagement  was  formed  : — "  As  my  mother  was 
standing  at  her  parlour  window  one  evening  towards 
dusk,  she  saw  Mr  Dalton  passing  on  the  other  side  of 
the  street,  and  on  her  opening  the  window,  he  crossed 
over  and  greeted  her.  '  Mr  Dalton/  said  she,  '  how 
is  it  that  you  so  seldom  come  to  see  us  ? '  '  Why,  I 
don't  know,'  he  replied,  '  but  I  have  a  mind  to  come 
and  live  with  you.'  My  mother  thought  at  first  that 
he  was  in  jest ;  but  finding  that  he  really  meant  what 
he  said,  she  asked  him  to  call  again  the  next  day, 
after  she  should  have  consulted  my  father.  Accord- 
ingly he  came  and  took  possession  of  the  only  bed- 
room at  liberty,  which  he  cpntinued  to  occupy  for 
nearly  thirty  years.  And  here  I  may  mention  to  the 


Resides  with  the  Rev.  W.  Johns.  235 

honour  of  both,  that  throughout  that  long  connection 
he  and  my  father  never,  on  any  occasion,  exchanged 
one  angry  word,  and  never  ceased  to  feel  for  each 
other  those  sentiments  of  friendly  interest  which,  on 
the  decline  into  years  of  both,  ripened  into  still 
warmer  feelings  of  respect  and  affection." 

No  one  ever  worked  more  methodically  or  lived 
more  regularly  than  Dalton  did  during  his  long  and 
happy  residence  with  the  family  of  Mr  Johns.  He  rose 
at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning  ;  if  in  winter,  went 
with  his  lantern  in  his  hand  to  his  laboratory  in 
the  rooms  of  the  Literary  and  Philosophical  Society, 
and  not  above  two  minutes  walk  from  his  lodgings, 
lighted  the  fire,  and  came  over  to  breakfast  when  the 
family  had  nearly  done.  Went  to  the  laboratory,  and 
stayed  till  dinner-time,  coming  in  in  a  hurry  when  it 
was  nearly  over,  eating  moderately,  and  drinking  water 
only.  Went  out  again,  and  returned  about  five  o'clock 
to  tea,  still  in  a  hurry,  when  the  rest  were  finishing. 
Again  to  his  laboratory  till  nine  o'clock,  when  he  re- 
turned to  supper;  after  which  he  and  Mr  Johns 
smoked  a  pipe,  and  the  whole  family  seems  much  to 
have  enjoyed  this  time  of  conversation  and  recreation 
after  the  busy  day. 

A  lady,  whose  bedroom  commanded  a  view  of 
Dalton's  laboratory,  always  knew  the  morning  hour 
to  a  minute  by  observing  him  noting  the  condition  of 
his  thermometers  outside  his  window.  It  was  by 
exercising  the  same  methodical  habits  that  enabled 
him  to  accomplish  so  much  real  work.  Literally 
everything  went  on  like  clockwork  with  him  from 
day  to  day;  even  the  few  hours  of  recreation  he 
snatched  in  the  week  were  guided  by  rule  and  habit. 


236  John  Dalton. 

As  a  boy,  he  enjoyed  rustic  amusements,  among 
which  a  game  at  bowls  was  deemed  as  innocent  as 
any ;  and  in  Manchester  he  attended  a  bowling-club 
which  met  regularly  every  Thursday  afternoon  at  a 
tavern  at  Broughton  and  at  Stretford,  where  he  played 
with  all  the  zest  and  earnestness  of  a  young  man, 
watching  the  movements  of  the  bowls,  and  swaying 
his  body  to  and  fro  in  accordance  with  their  direction 
and  speed.  After  the  game  was  over,  upon  which 
some  moderate  betting  took  place,  tea  was  served ; 
and  in  the  evening  the  members,  with  the  exception 
of  Dalton,  who  did  not  know  a  king  of  spades  from  a 
knave  of  hearts,  played  whist ;  whilst  all  enjoyed  the 
fragrant  weed,  smoking,  as  was  the  fashion  in  those 
days,  long  churchwarden  pipes.  After  "  blowing  a 
big  cloud,"  Dalton  left  the  snug  parlour  of  the  "  Dog 
and  Partridge,"  returned  to  town,  and  of  course  to  his 
laboratory,  to  note  the  state  of  his  barometer  and 
thermometer.  On  being  questioned  as  to  his  reasons 
for  selecting  Thursday  for  his  country  amusement,  he 
replied  that  he  liked  his  Saturday  holiday  in  the 
middle  of  the  week. 

He  would  occasionally  spend  a  few  minutes  in 
reading  the  newspapers,  the  politics  of  which  do  not 
seem  to  have  interested  him  very  greatly,  or  he 
would  have  shown  less  reticence  on  public  affairs. 
Mr  Johns  and  his  family  thought  him  Toryish  in 
principle ;  others  maintain  that  he  was  a  Whig,  as 
almost  all  true  and  well-educated  Quakers  are.  His 
manhood  was  developed  during  the  most  eventful 
era  in  European  history — French  revolutions  and 
terrorism ;  Napoleonic  wars  abroad,  and  English 
radicalism  at  home — yet  in  none  of  his  letters  to  his 


Reserved  on  Questions  of  Public  Interest.       237 

brother  and  friends  does  he  allude  to  the  great 
changes  affecting  the  ancient  dynasties,  or  the 
threatened  disorganisation  of  the  interests  of  society 
at  large. 

How  differently  did  Dalton  comport  himself,  and 
wisely,  too,  compared  with  his  French  contemporaries 
Berthollet,  Monge,  Arago,  Raspail,  who  entered  con- 
spicuously into  all  the  turmoil  of  politics,  as  ready  to 
ascend  the  tribune,  and  to  raise  their  voices  and 
swords  against  aristocratic  rule,  as  to  determine  the 
nature  of  a  chemical  salt,  or  to  measure  an  arc  of  the 
meridian. 

Reflecting  on  his  position  as  a  teacher,  naturally 
involving  comment  on  modern  as  well  as  ancient 
history,  and  not  less  his  religious  affinities  and  the 
stirring  times  in  which  he  lived,  his  reserve  on  ques- 
tions of  deep  and  lasting  interest  to  his  species 
appears  somewhat  remarkable.  Though  by  no 
means  a  recluse  in  habit  like  Cavendish,  nor  a  dreamy 
philosopher  like  Spinoza,  he  seems  to  have  bestowed 
little  or  no  thought  upon  the  current  topics  of  the 
day — political  or  philanthropic;  or,  if  he  entertained 
any  opinions  thereon,  he  refrained  from  expressing 
them.  Nor  did  he  engage  in  the  metaphysical  or 
purely  philosophical  questions  agitating  the  leading 
minds  of  Europe,  the  discussion  of  which  brought  the 
views  of  Locke,  Hobbes,  and  Hartley,  and  those  of 
the  Scottish  school  of  philosophy,  headed  by  Hume, 
in  competition  with  the  Cartesians  and  the  Cyclopaed- 
ists  abroad.  He  was  not  a  many-sided,  but  rather  a 
single-minded  man,  who  concentrated  all  his  energies 
on  his  favourite  studies — chemistry  and  meteorology, 
and  both  were  closely  allied.  The  occasions  on 


238  John  Dalton. 

which  he  was  induced  to  deviate  from  his  own  special 
path  of  meditative  culture  were  so  rare  as  not  to  be 
worth  naming.  His  life  was  spent  in  his  laboratory 
almost  to  the  exclusion  of  all  other  pursuits,  be  they 
patriotic,  or  moral,  or  political  in  aim.  It  is  said  that, 
when  urged  to  come  more  into  the  world,  and  to  take 
part  in  matters  of  real  public  interest,  that  he  replied 
in  the  words  he  made  use  of  when  asked  why  he  did 
not  get  married  ? — "  Oh  !  I  never  had  time." 

He  manifested  much  kindly  good-will  towards 
his  friends  and  old  Cumbrian  acquaintances,  and 
liked  to  promote  the  sociable  relations  of  his  Man- 
chester visiting  circle ;  but  his  sympathies  were 
hardly  catholic  enough  to  include  the  joys  and  griefs 
of  the  world  outside  his  own,  or  the  larger  interests  of 
humanity.  He  adhered  to  his  social  groove,  and  that 
was  pretty  Quakerish,  in  the  same  rigid  way  that  he 
stuck  to  his  scientific  calling.  He  wanted  academic 
culture,  and  the  refined  thought  that  tends  to  ennoble 
men,  be  their  walk  what  it  may  in  life — nay,  seemed 
proud  of  his  broad  Cumbrian  dialect  and  plainness  of 
speech.  No  mention  is  made  of  his  being  a  reader  of 
history  or  belles-lettres,  and  there  is  nothing  to  indicate 
his  having  given  much  consideration  to  the  influ- 
ences exercised  by  the  leading  minds  either  of  the 
Elizabethian  historical  period,  or  by  the  poets  and 
writers  in  whose  hands  a  graceful  literature  flourished 
in  the  century  of  his  birth. 

Attention  has  already  been  directed  to  the  circum- 
stance of  Dalton  showing  but  little  regard  for  any 
kind  of  reading — be  it  historical,  geographical,  or 
scientific — even  at  a  time  when  his  contributions  to 
the  Literary  and  Philosophical  Society  of  Manchester 


"  Cotdd  carry  all  his  Books  on  his  Back?       239 

were  numerous,  and  his  "  Meteorological  Essays  "  and 
"  New  System  of  Chemistry "  were  cast  before  the 
public  for  no  other  purpose  than  being  consulted. 
He  acted  in  this  respect  as  if  he  were  a  light  to  his 
own  path  beyond  all  other  lights  visible  or  attainable. 
And  what  is  more  incongruous  and  inconsistent 
with  the  character  of  a  man  aspiring  to  a  keen  grasp 
and  comprehension  of  all  available  knowledge,  he 
seems  to  have  discouraged  reading  in  others.  On 
the  council  of  the  Philosophical  Society  he  stood  in 
the  way  of  acquiring  the  kind  of  library  suited  to  so 
cosmopolitan  an  institution,  and  was  in  the  habit  of 
saying  to  the  remonstrances  of  those  who  inculcated 
the  introduction  of  good  works  and  in  good  quantity, 
"  I  could  carry  all  the  books  I  have  ever  read  on  my 
back  !"*  He  was  not  aware  that  he  was  in  part  re- 
proving himself  by  this  statement,  inasmuch  as  more 
careful  reading,  and  the  wish  for  higher  culture,  would 
have  added  vastly  to  his  own  resources,  and  given 
breadth  and  light  to  the  needful  literary  exposition 
of  his  scientific  work. 

Dalton's  first  appearance  in  North  Britain,  his 
impressions  of  Edinburgh  and  the  reception  he  met 
with  there,  and  in  Glasgow  as  a  lecturer,  may  be 
gathered  from  his  letter  to  Mr  Johns,  who  was  looking 
after  Dalton's  schoolmastering  interests  in  Manchester. 

EDINBURGH,  April  19,  1807. 

RESPECTED  FRIEND, — As  the  time  I  proposed  to  be  absent 
is  nearly  expired,  and  as  my  views  have  recently  been  somewhat 

*  His  stock  of  books,  as  early  as  the  year  1800,  were  beyond  the 
power  of  any  man's  back.  Note  is  made  of  them  in  a  subsequent  page, 
in  discussing  the  character  and  amount  of  his  chemical  and  other  ap- 
paratus. 


240  John  Dalton. 

extended,  I  think  it  expedient  to  write  you  for  the  information 
of  inquirers.  Soon  after  my  arrival  here  I  announced  my 
intention  by  advertisement  of  handbills.  I  obtained  introduction 
to  most  of  the  professional  gentlemen  in  connection  with  the 
college,  and  to  others  not  in  that  connection,  by  all  of  whom  I 
have  been  treated  with  the  utmost  civility  and  attention.  A  class 
of  eighty  appeared  for  me  in  a  few  days.  My  five  lectures 
occupied  me  nearly  two  weeks.  [Owing  to  several  persons 
being  disappointed  in  not  hearing  him,  Dalton  arranged  a 
second  course.] 

Hitherto  I  have  been  most  highly  gratified  with  my  journey  ; 
it  is  worth  coming  100  miles  merely  to  see  Edinburgh.  It 
is  the  most  romantic  place  and  situation  I  ever  saw  ;  the  houses 
touch  the  clouds.  At  this  moment  I  am  as  highjabove  the 
ground  as  the  cross  of  St  James's  spire  ;  yet  there  is  a  family  or 
two  above  me.  In  this  place  they  do  not  build  houses  side  by 
side  as  with  you,  they  build  them  one  upon  another — nay,  they 
do  what  is  more  wonderful  still,  they  build  one  street  upon 
another  ;  so  that  we  may  in  many  places  see  a  street  with  the 
people  in  it  directly  under  one's  feet,  at  the  same  time  that  one's 
own  street  seems  perfectly  level  and  to  coincide  with  the  surface 
of  the  earth.  My  own  lodgings  are  up  four  flights  of  stairs  from 
the  front  street,  and  five  from  the  back.  I  have  just  100  steps 
to  descend  before  I  reach  the  real  earth.  I  have  a  most 
extensive  view  of  the  sea.  .  .  .  The  walks  about  Edinburgh 
are  most  delightfully  romantic.  The  weather  is  cold ;  ice 
every  morning,  and  we  had  a  thick  snow  a  few  days  ago.  Upon 
walking  up  on  to  an  eminence,  I  observed  all  the  distant  hills 
white,  the  nearer  ones  speckled.  I  saw  five  or  six  vessels  just 
touching  the  horizon ;  they  seemed  to  be  about  ten  or  twelve 
miles  off,  and  their  white  sails  looked  like  specks  of  snow  on 
the  sea.  I  saw  a  dozen  or  two  at  anchor  in  the  river,  and  a  most 
charming  view  of  the  Fifeshire  hills  on  the  other  side  of  the 

Forth.     Adieu.     My  best  regards  to  you  all. 

J.  DALTON. 

He  gave  a  second  course  of  lectures  to  the  Royal 
Institution  of  Great  Britain  in  1809,  and  in  December 
of  that  year  addressed  the  following  letter  to  Mr 


Philosophizes  and  Dines  Cheaply.  241 

Johns,  in  which  there  is  a  curious  mingling  of  potatoes 
and  philosophy,  with  an  eye  to  Bond  Street  fashions 
and  pretty  women  : — 

On  Tuesday  I  spent  greater  part  of  the  day  (morning,  they 
call  it  here)  with  Mr  Davy  in  the  laboratory  of  the  Royal 
Institution.  Sir  J.  Sebright,  M.P.,  who  is  becoming  a  student 
of  chemistry,  was  present.  On  Wednesday  I  attended  Mr 
Bond's  lecture  on  astronomy,  and  prepared  for  mine  the  next 
day.  On  Thursday,  at  two,  I  gave  my  first  lecture.  Mr 
Pearson,  a  former  acquaintance,  went  home  with  me  after  the 
lecture,  and  we  had  a  long  discussion  on  mechanics.  Mr  Davy 
had  invited  me  to  dine  with  the  club  of  the  Royal  Society  at 
the  Crown  and  Anchor  at  five  o'clock  ;  but  I  was  detained  till 
nearly  six.  I  got  there,  and  called  Davy  out.  All  was  over  ;  the 
cheese  was  come  out.  I  went,  therefore,  to  the  nearest  eating- 
house  I  could  find  to  get  a  dinner.  Looking  in  at  a  window,  I 
saw  a  great  heap  of  pewter  plates,  and  some  small  oblong  tables 
covered  with  cloths.  I  went  in  and  asked  for  a  beefsteak. 
"No."  What  can  I  have?  "Boiled  beef."  Bring  some 
immediately.  There  was  nothing  eatable  visible  in  the  room, 
but  in  three  minutes  I  had  placed  before  me  a  large  pewter 
plate  covered  completely  with  a  slice  of  excellent  boiled  beef 
swimming  in  gravy,  two  or  three  potatoes,  bread,  mustard,  and 
a  pint  of  porter.  Never  got  a  better  dinner.  It  cost  me  n^d. 
I  should  have  paid  75.  at  the  Crown  and  Anchor.  I  then  went 
to  the  Royal  Society,  and  heard  a  summary  of  Davy's  paper  on 
chemistry,  and  one  of  Home's  on  the  poison  of  the  rattlesnake  ; 
Sir  J.  Banks  in  the  chair.  Davy  is  coming  very  fast  into  my 
views  on  chemical  subjects.  On  Friday  I  was  preparing  for  my 
second  lecture.  I  received  a  visit  from  Dr  Roget.  On  the 
evening  I  was  attacked  with  sore  throat.  I  sweated  it  well 
in  the  night  with  clothing,  but  it  was  bad  on  Saturday,  and  I 
was  obliged  to  beg  a  little  indulgence  of  my  auditors  on  the 
score  of  exertion.  However,  I  got  through  better  than  I 
expected.  I  kept  in  on  Sunday  and  Monday  and  got  pretty 
well  recruited.  On  Tuesday  I  had  my  third  lecture,  after 
which  I  went  to  dine  at  a  tavern  to  meet  the  Chemical  Club. 
There  were  five  of  us,  two  of  whom  were  Wollaston  and  Davy, 

Q 


242  John  Dalton. 

secretaries  of  the  Royal  Society.  We  had  much  discussion  on 
chemicals.  Wollaston  is  one  of  the  cleverest  men  I  have  yet 
seen  here.  To-day,  that  is  Thursday  (for  I  have  had  this  letter 
two  or  three  days  in  hand),  I  had  my  fourth  lecture.  I  find 
several  ingenious  and  inquisitive  people  of  the  audience.  I 
held  a  long  conversation  to-day  with  a  lady  on  the  subject  of 
rain-gauges.  Several  have  been  wonderfully  struck  with  Mr 
Ewart's  doctrine  of  mechanical  force.  I  believe  it  will  soon 
become  a  prevalent  doctrine.  I  should  tell  Mrs  J.  something 
of  the  fashions  here,  but  it  is  so  much  out  of  my  province,  that 
I  feel  rather  awkward.  I  see  the  belles  of  New  Bond  Street 
every  day,  but  I  am  more  taken  up  with  their  faces  than  their 
dresses.  I  think  blue  and  red  are  the  favourite  colours.  Some 
of  the  ladies  seem  to  have  their  dresses  as  tight  round  them 
as  a  drum,  others  throw  them  round  like  a  blanket.  I  do  not 
know  how  it  happens,  but  I  fancy  pretty  women  look  well  either 
way. 

I  am  very  regular  with  my  breakfast,  but  other  meals  are  so 
uncertain  that  I  never  know  when  or  what.  Hitherto  I  have 
dined  at  from  two  to  seven  o'clock  ;  as  for  tea,  I  generally  have 
a  cup  between  nine  and  ten,  and,  of  course,  no  supper.  I  am 
not  very  fond  of  this  way  of  proceeding.  They  say  things 
naturally  find  their  level,  but  I  do  not  think  it  is  the  case  in 
London.  I  sent  for  a  basin  of  soup  the  other  day  before  I  went 
to  lecture,  thinking  I  should  have  a  good  threepenny-worth,  but 
I  found  they  charged  me  one  shilling  and  ninepence  for  a 
pint,  which  was  not  better  than  some  of  our  Mary's  broth.  Of 
course,  I  could  not  digest  much  more  of  the  soup. 

Another  letter,  similarly  addressed,  shows  the 
narrow  escape  that  Dalton  had  from  lead-poisoning 
in  the  use  of  his  favourite  beverage — porter. 

LONDON,  January  29,  1810. 

You  may  perhaps  have  heard  from  Dr  Henry  that  I  have 
been  nearly  as  ill  as  formerly,  that  I  have  been  nearly  poisoned 
since  I  came  here.  I  had  been  about  three  weeks  when  I 
discovered  it  was  the  porter  which  produced  the  effects.  I 


Among  the  London  Celebrities.  243 

have  not  had  a  drop  since,  and  have  never  had  any  more  of  the 
symptoms.  [This  was  owing  to  the  presence  of  lead  in  the 
porter  drawn  through  leaden  pipes  at  the  bar  of  the  public- 
house.] 

I  have  had  a  pretty  arduous  work,  as  you  may  imagine, 
having  had  three  lectures  to  prepare  each  week,  to  attend  two 
others,  and  to  visit  and  to  receive  visits  occasionally  besides. 
I  find  myself  just  now  in  the  focus  of  the  great  and  learned 
of  the  metropolis.  On  Saturday  evening  I  had  a  discussion 
with  Dr  Wollaston,  and  a  party  at  Mr  Lowry's.  On  Sunday 
evening,  last  night,  I  was  introduced  to  Sir  Joseph  Banks,  at 
his  house,  by  Sir  John  Sebright.  Sir  Joseph  said,  "  O  Mr 
Dalton,  I  know  him  very  well ;  glad  to  see  you  ;  hope  you  are 
well,"  &c.  There  were  forty  or  more  of  the  leading  scientific 
characters  present,  many  of  whom  were  my  previous  acquaint- 
ances, such  as  Sir  Charles  Blagden,  Drs  Wollaston,  Marcet, 
Berger,  and  Roget ;  Messrs  Cavendish,  Davy,  Tennant, 
Lawson,  &c.  We  had  conversation  for  about  an  hour  or 
more  in  Sir  Joseph's  library,  when  the  company  dispersed.  To 
judge  from  the  number  of  carriages  at  the  door  it  might  be 
a  court  levee. 

I  paid  a  visit,  in  company  with  Dr  Lowry,  to  Dr  Rees,  the 
other  day ;  we  spent  an  hour  in  conversation  in  the  doctor's 
library.  The  doctor  seems  a  worthy  philosopher  of  the  old 
school ;  his  evening  lucubrations  are  duly  scented  with  genuine 
Virginia. 

From  all  that  can  be  learned  of  Dalton's  mode  of 
lecturing,  it  would  appear  that  his  facts  and  experi- 
ments were  more  worthy  of  approval  than  either  his 
manner  or  his  language.  London  audiences  were 
accustomed  to  listen  to  the  eloquence  of  Davy,  and 
the  academic  exposition  of  Wollaston  and  other 
celebrities ;  so  that  Dalton  could  hardly  expect  the 
laudation  of  critics.  One  of  them,  a  writer  in  the 
Quarterly  Review,  vol.  xcvi.,  said,  "  His  voice  was 
harsh,  indistinct,  and  unemphatical,  and  he  was  sin- 


244  John  Dallon. 

gularly  wanting  in  the  language  and  power  of  illus- 
tration, needful  to  a  lecturer  on  these  high  matters 
of  philosophy,  and  by  which  Davy  and  Faraday  had 
given  such  lustre  to  their  discoveries.  Among  other 
instances  of  his  odd  appropriation  of  epithets,  we  re- 
collect that  in  treating  of  oxygen,  hydrogen,  nitrogen, 
&c.,  those  great  elements  which  pervade  all  nature, 
he  generally  spoke  of  them  as  these  articles,  de- 
scribing their  qualities  with  far  less  earnestness  than 
a  London  linendraper  would  shew  in  commending 
the  very  different  articles  which  lie  on  his  shelves." 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

''The  character  of  the  true  philosopher  is  to  hope  all  things  not  impossible, 
and  to  believe  all  things  not  unreasonable^ — SIR  JOHN  HERSCHEL. 

VISIT  FROM  M.  PELLETAN — DALTON'S  APPARATUS — CHEMICAL  PRO- 
GRESS— GAY  LUSSAC'S  LAW  OF  COMBINATION  BY  VOLUME — 
DALTON'S  OBSTINACY — ROYAL  SOCIETY — NEW  SYSTEM  OF 
CHEMICAL  PHILOSOPHY— ACADEMY  OF  SCIENCES— POLAR  EXPE- 
DITION— VISITS  PARIS  UNDER  HAPPY  AUSPICES. 

JONS.  PELLETAN  of  Paris  visited  Manches- 
ter in  1820,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  paying 
his  respects  to  the  founder  of  the  atomic 
theory.  He  fancied  that  Dalton  would  be' 
a  professor's  chair,  surrounded  by  adepts 
in  science  and  hundreds  of  ingenuous  youths  ;  residing 
in  a  handsome  mansion  in  a  handsome  square  of  the 
city,  or  enjoying  his  otium  cumdignitate  in  a  suburban 
villa,  with  roses  embellishing  its  porch ;  in  short,  the 
great  representative  man  of  Manchester,  and  well- 
known  and  appreciated  by  every  citizen.  Judge  of 
his  surprise  when  Monsieur  Dalton,  le  philosophe,  could 
only  be  found  after  much  inquiry,  and  when  found, 
was  engaged  looking  over  the  shoulders  of  a  boy  figur- 
ing numbers  on  a  slate.  The  Frenchman,  doubting 
his  senses,  asked  the  grey-headed  gentleman  if  he 
really  had  the  honour  of  addressing  Monsieur  Dalton. 
"  Yes,"  replied  Dalton  ;  "  will  you  sit  down  till  I  put 
this  lad  right  about  his  arithmetic."  "  What !  a  philo- 
sopher of  European  fame  acting  as  schoolmaster — 


246  John  Dalton. 

impossible!"  As  the  stranger  gathered  confidence,  he 
asked  Dalton's  permission  to  see  his  laboratory  and 
philosophical  instruments,  the  employment  of  which 
had  led  to  such  remarkable  discoveries  in  physics. 
"  Oh,"  said  Dalton,  pointing  to  a  miscellaneous 
collection  of  apparatus,  occupying  a  corner  of  the 
room  not  much  larger  in  area  than  what,  in  Mrs 
Gamp's  eye,  would  be  needful  for  the  reception  of  an 
infant's  cradle,  and  the  appurtenances  thereunto 
belonging,  "that's  all  the  apparatus*  I  possess." 

M.  Pelletan  might  well  be  astonished  on  seeing 
the  humble  lodging  of  the  philosopher,  who  pursued 
the  vocation  of  schoolmaster,  and  who  had  with  such 
meagre  apparatus  determined  so  many  knotty  points 
in  the  history  of  chemistry.  He  returned  to  his  own 

*  The  bulk  of  Dalton's  apparatus,  both  that  employed  in  his 
researches,  and  that  used  for  illustrating  his  lectures,  is  carefully 
preserved  in  the  rooms  of  the  Literary  and  Philosophical  Society,  of 
which  society  he  was  so  long  the  ornament.  These  fill  a  large  glass 
case,  and  could  not  by  any  possibility  have  been  thrust  into  the  corner 
of  the  biggest  room  in  the  Institution.  Why  Dalton  should  have 
spoken  to  others  as  well  as  M.  Pelletan  in  so  depreciating  a  tone  of  his 
instruments  of  research,  is  only  explicable  on  the  grounds  of  his  wishing 
to  show  that,  unlike  other  experimentalists,  he  did  not  rely  on  intricate 
and  costly  tools  for  the  carrying  on  of  his  scientific  investigations.  He 
used  to  indulge  in  the  same  disparaging  comments  on  the  quantity  of 
books  in  his  possession,  saying  that  he  "  could  carry  them  all  on  his 
back."  Considering  Dalton's  accuracy  of  statement  on  all  matters,  it 
is  curious  to  note  in  his  catalogue  of  books,  made  in  1800,  that  he  then 
possessed  a  good  collection  of  works  on  chemistry,  natural  philosophy, 
mathematics,  classics,  history,  and  belles  lettres,  &c.  In  the  same  year  he 
took  stock  of  his  philosophical  instruments,  and  recorded  under  different 
headings  : — "  Electrical,  Magnetic,  Optical,  Hydrostatical,  Botanical, 
Astronomical,  Chemical,  Meteorological  Apparatus  ;  Mathematical  and 
Mechanical  Utensils  and  Tools  ;"  also,  "  Phonic  and  Musical  Appa- 
ratus." This  collection  must  have  been  greatly  supplemented  before 
M.  Pelletan's  visit  in  1820. 


Simple  Apparatus  and  Big  Achievements.      247 

country  thankful  to  know  that  France  could  recognise 
her  men  of  science  in  a  spirit  worthy  of  an  enlightened 
age ;  nor  was  he  less  indignant  that  rich  and  boastful 
England  permitted  the  greatest  of  her  sons  to  waste 
his  strength  in  practising  the  common  duties  of  a 
common  schoolmaster.  England  had  spent  800 
millions  sterling  in  upholding  a  rotten  Bourbonic 
dynasty,  but  could  not  afford  £200  a  year  to  the 
man  whose  scientific  discoveries  had  made  her  name 
known  to  the  ends  of  the  civilised  world. 

Few  things  in  Dalton's  remarkable  career  as  an 
experimentalist  were  more  surprising  than  the  crude- 
ness  of  his  chemical  apparatus.  Among  other  econo- 
mic chemical  contrivances,  he  used  his  empty  penny 
ink-pots,  through  the  corks  of  which  he  inserted  glass 
tubes  of  less  than  a  farthing  value.  And  no  doubt 
he  turned  these  to  good  account.  If  the  reader  will 
refer  to  the  appendix  containing  a  list  of  his  works 
and  contributions  to  chemical  science,  he  cannot 
fail  to  be  struck  at  the  amount  of  work  achieved 
by  Dalton  with  such  simple  means. 

Dalton  read  no  less  than  one  hundred  and  sixteen 
essays  to  the  Literary  and  Philosophical  Society  of 
Manchester.  These  essays,  it  must  be  admitted, 
though  original  and  suggestive  in  aim,  are  of  unequal 
merit.  Some  are  worthy  of  his  best  days,  but  the 
majority  were  got  up  for  the  purpose  of  meeting  the 
wants  of  the  society.  It  should  be  observed  that  the 
higher  office-bearers  of  every  scientific  society  are 
bound  to  do  their  best  to  render  their  society  worthy 
of  public  regard  ;  and  as  the  contributions  of 
members  are  often  irregularly  offered,  it  behoved 
Dalton  to  be  ready  with  a  paper  when  the  programme 


248  John  Dalton. 

of  the  meeting  seemed  less  attractive  than  usual.  In 
addition  to  the  large  number  jusf  named,  he  made 
various  contributions  to  the  scientific  journals  of  the 
day ;  thus,  he  furnished  twelve  essays  to  Nicolson's 
Journal,  seven  essays  to  Thomson's  "  Annals  of 
Philosophy,"  and  one  to  Phillip's  "  Annals  of 
Philosophy  ;  "  three  papers  to  the  Philosophical 
Transactions,  and  one  to  the  "  Annales  de  Chimie."  Of 
weightier  import,  as  embracing  much  that  appeared 
in  an  isolated  form,  were  his  editions  of  his  "  New 
System  of  Chemistry,"  and  his  "  Meteorological 
Essays  and  Observations."* 

Then  it  ought  to  be  borne  in  mind  that  this  array  of 
chemical  volumes,  and  essays,  and  fragmentary  papers 
were  the  mental  offspring  of  a  man  whose  time  was 
not  at  his  own  disposal ;  he  had  to  labour  for  his 
daily  bread,  and  this  could  only  be  obtained  by 
devoting  the  best  part  of  each  day  to  the  vocation  of 
schoolmastering. 

At  a  later  period  of  his  career,  about  the  year  1840, 
when  he  took  offence  at  the  refusal  of  the  Royal  Society 
to  insert  his  "  Essay  on  the  Phosphates  and  Arseni- 
ates,"  he  printed  it  in  a  separate  form,  with  the  in- 
dignant comment,  "  Cavendish,  Davy,  Wollaston;  and 
Gilbert  are  no  more  ;  "  and  concluded  by  saying,  "  I 
intend  to  print  my  essays  in  future  to  be  appended  to 
my  other  publications."  Accordingly  he  printed  four 
short  essays,  viz.,  "  On  Microcosmic  Salt ;  "  "  On  the 

*  These  valuable  scientific  works  were  little  heard  of  outside  the 
strictly  professional  circle.  On  December  22,  1800  (seven  years  after 
their  issue),  Dalton  records — "  It  appears  that  my  '  Meteorological 
Essays '  have  cost  nearly  ,£45  ;  that  300  have  been  sold  for  .£45,  that 
33  have  been  given  away  or  lost,  and  that  417  remain  on  hand." 


Still  believing  in  his  Strength.  249 

mixture  of  Sulphate  of  Magnesia  and  the  Biphosphate 
of  Soda  ; "  "  On  the  quantity  of  Acids,  Bases,  and 
Water  in  the  different  varieties  of  Salts,  with  a  new 
method  of  measuring  the  Water  of  Crystallisation,  as 
well  as  the  Acids  and  Bases ;  "  and  "  On  a  New  and 
Easy  Method  of  analysing  Sugar."  Dr  Henry  says 
"  the  last  two  announce  a  discovery  of  considerable 
importance."  Dalton  found  that  certain  salts,  rendered 
perfectly  anhydrous  by  heat,  when  dissolved  in  water, 
caused  no  increase  of  its  volume,  showing  that  the 
salt  enters  into  the  pores  of  the  water  ;  also  that  salts 
containing  water,  when  dissolved  in  a  measured 
quantity  of  pure  water,  increased  the  volume  of  the 
solvent  by  a  quantity  precisely  equal  to  their  con- 
stituent water,  the  solid  matter,  as  before,  entering  the 
pores  of  the  water.  Sulphate  of  magnesia  was  the 
subject  of  several  experiments  ;  but  he  adds,  "  I  have 
tried  the  carbonates,  the  sulphates,  the  nitrates,  the 
muriates  or  chlorides,  the  phosphates,  the  arseniates, 
the  oxalates,  the  citrates,  the  tartrates,  the  acetates, 
&c.,  &c.,  and  have  been  uniformly  successful ;  only 
the  water  adds  to  the  bulk,  and  the  solid  matter  adds 
to  the  weight.  This  fact,"  he  continues  in  his  last 
paper  on  sugar,  "  was  new  to  me,  and  I  suppose  to 
others.  It  is  the  greatest  discovery  that  I  know  of 
next  to  the  atomic  theory."  He  proceeds  to  apply  this 
new  principle  to  the  analysis  of  sugar. 

These  views  of  Dalton's,  though  regarded  at  first  as 
more  or  less  imperfect,  were  nevertheless  confirmed 
by  Gay  Lussac  and  Thenard,  and  in  a  remarkable 
manner  by  Dr  Lyon  Playfair  and  Mr  Joule.* 

*  The  subject  is  fully  discussed  by  Dr  Henry,  p.  194,  &c. 


250  John  Dalton. 

To  attempt  the  briefest  review  of  Dalton's  nume- 
rous works  would  require  a  volume  equal  to  the  pre- 
sent ;  moreover,  such  laborious  investigations  as  his, 
extending  over  a  period  of  forty  years,  can  only  claim 
the  consideration  of  the  man  of  science  pursuing 
similar  paths  of  inquiry,  or  the  enthusiastic,  or 
rather  the  cyclopaedic,  historian.  Much  of  his  work,  it 
ought  to  be  remarked,  is  rendered  valueless  to-day 
by  the  great  strides  made  in  the  domain  of  analytic 
chemistry  during  the  last  thirty  years.  Chemistry 
has  mightily  changed,  and  is  daily  changing  its 
operations  as  these  affect  both  the  organic  and  in- 
organic kingdoms,  and  is  prepared,  as  Dr  Samuel 
Brown  said  a  quarter  of  a  century  ago,  "to  cast  its 
light  into  the  subterraneous  physics  (to  borrow  the 
title  of  Beccher's  chaotic  opus}  of  geology,  and  into 
the  still  more  secret  physics  of  physiology,  pathology, 
therapeutics,  all  its  gifts  and  promises  being,  even 
ostentatiously,  fraught  with  practical  benefits  and 
intentions.  In  short,  notwithstanding  the  prowess  of 
Herschel  and  the  astronomers,  or  of  Cuvier  and  the 
naturalists,  and  notwithstanding  the  presence  of  such 
questioners  as  Maedler  and  Owen,  chemistry  is  the 
science  of  the  century ;  and  that,  not  by  any  means 
for  what  has  yet  been  done  or  conceived  in  it,  nor  yet 
for  the  unprecedented  conquests  which  the  chemists 
are  making  ready  to  attempt  with  success,  but  be- 
cause there  are  sciences  at  work  which  cannot  ad- 
vance a  step  farther,  we  do  not  say  in  mere  breadth, 
but  in  depth,  until  this  eminently  terrestrial  yet 
cosmical  and  ideal  science  be  carried  nearer  perfec- 
tion." 

"Dalton,"  writes   Dr    Henry,  "was  not  great   in 


"  A  Lawgiver  of  Chemical  Science!'  25 1 

experimental  chemistry.  It  may  be  urged  that,  as  a 
chemist,  he  was  entirely  self-taught,  and  commenced 
his  labours  at  a  time  when  the  resources  of  the 
experimentalist  were  scanty  and  imperfect.  Yet 
there  must  have  been  some  inherent  deficiency  in  his 
mental  or  manual  endowments  disqualifying  him  for 
accuracy  in  experimenting.  For  his  great  contempo- 
rary, Berzelius,  created  for  himself,  and  through  his 
numerous  pupils  for  Europe,  that  system  of  exact 
analysis,  based  upon  an  infinitude  of  minute  pre- 
cautions— upon  rigid  weighings,  upon  vigilant  wash- 
ings on  the  filter,  upon  the  greatest  attainable  purity 
of  reagents — which  has  raised  chemistry  to  its  present 
rank  among  the  experimental  sciences.  Davy  and 
Gay  Lussac,  too,  not  many  years  his  juniors,  work- 
ing simultaneously  with  him  in  the  same  mighty  era 
of  chemical  progress,  devised  for  themselves  instru- 
ments and  processes  of  research  susceptible  of 
extreme  precision.  If  we  compare  the  experimental 
researches  of  Dalton  detailed  in  his  New  System,  1810, 
and  in  subsequent  special  chemical  memoirs,  with  the 
marvellous  discoveries  revealed  in  rapid  succession  in 
the  years  1807-1 1  by  the  genius  of  Davy,  and  recorded 
in  those  masterworks  of  investigation,  his  '  Bakerian 
Lectures,'  or  with  the  somewhat  later  transcendent 
monographs  of  Gay  Lussac  on  cyanogen,  iodine,  and 
the  compounds  of  nitrogen — eternal  monuments  of 
exact  and  exhaustive  chemical  working — we  cannot 
hesitate  to  admit  Dalton's  vast  inferiority  in  experi- 
mental chemistry.  Nature,  it  would  seem,  with  a  wise 
frugality,  averse  to  concentrate  all  intellectual  excel- 
lences in  one  mind,  had  destined  Dalton  exclusively 
for  the  lofty  rank  of  a  lawgiver  of  chemical  science/' 


252  John  Dalton. 

In  acknowledging  the  justice  of  the  foregoing 
criticism,  it  is  curious  to  note  that,  like  Black,  Caven- 
dish, Priestley,  and  Lavoisier,  Dalton  sought  the  more 
arduous  paths  of  his  science,  by  making  the  chemistry 
of  the  gases  his  special  study.  Luckily  for  him,  he 
began  his  chemical  career  when  the  phlogiston  phan- 
tom that  troubled  his  predecessors  was  vanishing 
like  the  dim  twilight  before  the  rising  sun  of  another 
day  in  science,  that  of  positive  chemistry.  Dalton 
did  not  consider  himself  bound  by  the  prescriptive 
rights  of  antiquated  doctrinaires,  or  even  the  current 
credentials  of  his  contemporaries;  butenteringupon  the 
great  field  of  chemistry,  unshackled  by  traditions  and 
beliefs,  he  pursued  his  own  method  of  culture  and 
cropping.  His  innovations  upon  the  old  lines  of 
conservative  chemistry  must  have  been  as  disturbing 
to  some  of  the  old-fashioned  followers,  as  Sir  H. 
Davy's  discoveries  of  the  nature  of  the  oxides  were 
to  the  old  Aberdonian  professor  who  "couldna  be 
fashed  "  to  notice  them.  At  length,  impelled  by  the 
entreaties  of  his  colleagues  to  place  his  pupils  au 
courant  with  the  latest  discoveries  in  science,  the 
professor  made  a  compromise  of  his  opinions  by 
observing  to  his  class,  in  the  following  Scottish 
manner — "  Both  potash  and  soda  are  now  said  to  be 
metallic  oxides — the  oxides,  in  fact,  of  two  metals 
called  potassium  and  sodium — by  the  discoverer  of 
them,  one  Davy,  in  London — a  varra  troublesome 
person  in  chemistry." 

Within  a  year  of  Dalton's  issuing  his  "  New  System 
of  Chemical  Philosophy/'  Gay  Lussac  published  an 
important  memoir  on  the  law  of  combination  of  the 
gases  by  volume  in  equal  or  multiple  proportions, 


Obstinately  opposes  Gay  Lussac' s  Views.       253 

which  law  appeared  to  furnish  strong  support  to  the 
atomic  theory.  Unaccountably  as  it  may  appear, 
Dalton,  instead  of  welcoming  the  precise  experi- 
mental results  of  Gay  Lussac,  offering  as  they  did 
such  valid  confirmation  of  his  own  doctrines,  raised 
various  objections  to  them,  and  apparently  never 
gave  in  his  adhesion  to  the  view  so  ably  and  correctly 
enunciated  by  his  French  contemporary.  All  the 
great  chemists  of  the  day  sanctioned  the  words  of 
Berzelius  on  this  question — "  If  we  substitute  the 
term  atom  for  volume,  and  contemplate  bodies  in 
the  solid  instead  of  the  gaseous  state,  we  find  in  the 
discovery  of  Gay  Lussac  one  of  the  most  immediate 
proofs  in  favour  of  this  hypothesis  of  Dalton."  And 
as  Dr  Henry  observed,  "The  simple  relation  dis- 
covered by  Gay  Lussac  was  independent  of,  and  sup- 
plemental to,  that  revealed  by  Dalton."  It  was  so 
treated  by  Dr  Prout  in  his  masterly  essay  ("  Annals  of 
Philosophy,"  vol.  vi.,  1815),  and  has  been  since  univer- 
sally thus  regarded.  Moreover,  Dalton  himself,  in  de- 
termining the  important  atomic  weight  of  water  (vol.  i., 
p.  275),  bases  his  calculation  on  the  experiments  of 
Humboldt  and  Gay  Lussac,  and  concedes  the  fact 
(though  at  a  later  period  he  doubted  it)  that  two 
measures  of  hydrogen  require  just  one  of  oxygen  to 
saturate  them. 

Dalton's  self-will,  or  rather  obstinacy,  that  pre- 
vented him  accepting  Gay  Lussac's  beautiful  law, 
also  prevailed  in  other  directions.  Thus,  he  adhered 
to  his  own  system  of  atomic  symbols  (given  in  the 
appendix  to  this  memoir),  and  "steadily  persisted  in 
denying  the  superior  precision  and  expressiveness 
of  the  admirable  system  of  chemical  formulae  pro- 


254  John  Dalton. 

posed  by  Berzelius  in  1815,  and  now  employed  by 
all  European  chemists."  Dr  Wollaston's  equiva- 
lents received  no  higher  consideration  at  Dalton's 
hands. 

This  disposition  to  call  in  question  the  well- 
matured  opinions  of  others,  and  particularly  of  such 
nobly  efficient,  nay,  almost  unparallelled,  workers  in 
the  field  of  chemistry  as  Gay  Lussac  and  Berzelius, 
indicated  a  trait  of  non-amiability  or  direct  perverse- 
ness  of  feeling  in  Dalton's  psychological  nature  that 
is  not  at  all  reconcilable  with  his  general  deport- 
ment and  the  simplicity  of  his  character.  Like  many 
Quakers  of  the  old  school,  and  possibly  some  of 
the  present,  he  was  self-opinioned  beyond  the 
warranty  of  good  manners  ;  but  as  a  man  of  inductive 
thought,  and  constantly  engaged  in  experimental 
inquiries,  his  refusal  to  test  for  himself  what  had 
been  advanced  by  the  greatest  French  chemist  of  his 
era  seems  altogether  inexplicable. 

Owing  to  the  same  cause,  call  it  want  of  breeding, 
or  a  fellside  rough  independence,  he  occasionally 
showed  abruptness  of  manner,  and  more  or  less  rude- 
ness of  speech,  even  at  the  meetings  of  the  Literary 
and  Philosophical  Society  of  Manchester,  where,  as 
President,  it  behoved  him  to  practise  dignity  and 
forbearance.  On  one  occasion,  whilst  acting  in  that 
capacity,  he  had  to  listen  to  a  long-winded  paper 
on  some  subject  foreign  to  his  own  studies,  and 
unhesitatingly  remarked  at  the  conclusion,  "Well, 
gentleman,  I  daresay  this  paper  is  very  interesting 
to  those  who  take  an  interest  in  it." 

Dalton  did  not  like  to  be  cross-examined  and 
cross-questioned  on  scientific  subjects,  and  when 


The  Royal  Society  too  Contracted.  255 

persons  indeavoured  in  this  way  to  get  information 
from  him,  he  used  to  say,  "  I  have  written  a  book 
on  that  subject,  and  if  thou  wishest  to  inform  thy- 
self about  the  matter,  thou  canst  buy  my  book  for 
33.  6d." 

In  the  year  1810  Davy  solicited  Dalton  to  offer 
himself  as  a  candidate  for  the  fellowship  of  the 
Royal  Society,  but  he  declined,  on  the  ground,  it  is 
supposed,  of  the  admission-fee  being  so  heavy. 
Others  have  opined  that  he  might  have  doubts  of  his 
election,  with  Davy  so  influential  in  the  counsels  of 
the  Society,  and  still  opposed  to  the  atomic  theory, 
and  moreover,  disposed  to  treat  Dalton  with  a  certain 
amount  of  hauteur, \i  not  professional  jealousy.  Taking 
the  prevalent  opinion,  that  the  fees  were  a  hindrance, 
the  Society,  being  aware  of  his  humble  vocation  and 
means,  should  have  endeavoured  to  open  the  way  for 
his  admission.  Something  has  been  said  about 
precedent  and  custom ;  but  the  laws  of  the  Society 
were  not  like  those  of  the  Medes  and  Persians,  and  it 
would  have  been  a  simple  procedure  to  elect  him, 
and  then  to  pass  a  resolution  exempting  him  from 
paying  any  fees.  Surely  if  any  man  in  England 
merited  public  distinction  in  the  first  decennial  period 
of  this  century,  it  was  John  Dalton,  who  had  thrown 
fresh  light  on  the  study  of  meteorology,  and  proved 
himself  equal  to  the  highest  conceptions  in  science  in 
framing  the  atomic  theory.  The  leading  minds  of 
the  metropolis  committed  an  oversight  in  not 
enlisting  within  their  ranks  the  ablest  worker  in 
chemistry,  by  which  they  incurred  the  censure  of  the 
savans  of  Europe.  Manchester  showed  a  higher 
appreciation  of  their  renowned  citizen,  and  honoured 


256  John  Dalton. 

itself  by  elevating  him  to  the  highest  office  in  the 
Literary  and  Philosophical  Society. 

In  November  1810,  appeared  the  second  part  of 
the  first  volume  of  a  "  New  System  of  Chemical 
Philosophy."  It  was  dedicated  to  Sir  H.  Davy  (then 
Mr  Davy,  and  Sec.  R.S.)  and  to  Dr  William  Henry, 
"  as  a  testimony  to  their  distinguished  merit  in  the 
promotion  of  chemical  science  and  as  an  acknow- 
ledgment of  friendly  communications  and  assist- 
ance." To  his  brother  he  writes,  November  17, 
"  Herewith  I  send  six  copies  of  my  '  Chemistry/  Part 
II.,  which  I  have  just  brought  out.  The  work  is  not  yet 
finished,  but  I  have  no  doubt  the  judicious  reader  will 
thank  me  for  the  delay,  having  been  spending  a  great 
part  of  my  time  for  the  two  last  years  in  prosecut- 
ing inquiries,  the  results  of  which  are  now  published." 

The  following  excerpts  from  the  Preface  are  inter- 
esting : — 

When  the  first  part  of  this  work  was  published,  I  expected 
to  complete  it  in  little  more  than  a  year  ;  now  two  years  and  a 
half  have  elapsed,  and  it  is  yet  in  a  state  of  imperfection.  The 
reason  of  it  is  the  great  range  of  experiments  which  I  have 
found  necessary  to  take.  Having  been  in  my  progress  so  often 
misled  by  taking  for  granted  the  results  of  others,  I  have  deter- 
mined to  write  as  little  as  possible  but  what  I  can  attest  by  my 
own  experience.  On  this  account,  the  following  work  will  be 
found  to  contain  more  original  facts  and  experiments  than  any 
other  of  its  size  on  the  elementary  principles  of  chemistry. 

Whatever  may  be  the  result  of  my  plan  to  render  the  work 
somewhat  like  complete  by  the  addition  of  another  volume,  I 
feel  great  satisfaction  in  having  been  enabled  thus  far  to 
develop  that  theory  of  chemical  synthesis •,  which  the  longer  I 
contemplate  the  more  I  am  convinced  of  its  truth.  Enough  is 
already  done  to  enable  any  one  to  form  a  judgment  of  it.  The 
facts  and  observations  yet  in  reserve  are  only  of  the  same  kind 
as  those  already  advanced ;  if  the  latter  are  not  sufficient  to 


Corresponding  Member  of  the  A  cademy  of  Sciences.  257 

convince,  the  addition  of  the  former  will  be  but  of  little  avail. 
In  the  meantime,  those  who  with  me  adopt  the  system  will,  I 
have  no  doubt,  find  it  a  very  useful  guide  in  the  prosecution  of 
all  chemical  investigations. 

Had  amity  and  peace,  rather  than  diplomacy  and 
war,  ruled  the  destinies  of  Europe  at  the  earlier  part 
of  the  century,  Dalton's  claims  to  the  honours  con- 
ferred by  continental  savans  on  foreigners  of  merit 
would  have  been  recognised  on  the  first  propounding 
of  the  atomic  theory.  The  French  Institute  took 
an  early  opportunity,  namely  in  1816,  of  testifying 
their  high  regard  for  Dalton,  by  electing  him  a  corre- 
sponding member  of  the  Academy  of  Sciences.  This 
was  the  first  honour  awarded  to  Dalton,  and  he 
valued  it  greatly. 

Early  in  the  year  1818  an  expedition  was  fitted 
out  for  investigating  the  Polar  regions,  and  the  Royal 
Society  had  the  power  of  recommending  "  a  natural 
philosopher  "  to  go  on  the  expedition.  Sir  H.  Davy, 
in  a  very  handsome  manner,  offered  the  post  to 
Dalton,  not  omitting  to  mention  the  probable  remu- 
neration of  ^500  for  the  voyage.  Dalton  was  then 
fifty-two  years  old,  and  wisely  declined  the  proposi- 
tion, on  the  grounds  of  not  being  able  to  quit  the 
regular  habits  of  a  sedentary  life  for  a  seafaring  one, 
and  that  on  a  voyage  of  uncertain  duration,  besides 
involving  a  great  interruption  to  his  chemical  investi- 
gations. 

All  who  sought  excellence  in  art  and  the  higher 
walks  of  science  used  to  bend  their  steps  to  Paris,  a 
city  that  held  out  superior  advantages  to  the  learned 
men  of  Europe,  be  they  naturalists,  historians,  or 
physicists.  Its  libraries,  museums,  and  galleries  of 

R 


258  John  D  alt  on. 

art — its  schools  of  learning,  and  other  admirably 
organised  institutions — its  architecture,  its  garden- 
esque  and  floral  culture,  and  not  least,  its  fashionable 
resorts  and  gaiety,  made  the  City  of  the  Seine  the 
grandest  capital  of  Europe.  To  the  insular  English 
mind  it  was,  and  still  is,  peculiarly  attractive.  How- 
ever he  may  have  been  prompted  to  cross  the  Straits 
of  Dover,  Dalton,  accompanied  by  two  intelligent 
friends,  travelled  to  Paris  in  1822,  and  was  richly 
rewarded  for  the  effort. 

Dalton  had  unfortunately  preserved  only  very  brief 
notes  of  this  interesting  journey.  The  first  person 
upon  whom  he  called  was  M.  Breguet,  the  celebrated 
mechanician,  and  a  member  of  the  Institute,  merely 
with  the  object  of  placing  in  his  hands  a  watch  con- 
structed by  Breguet,  that  required  some  repairs. 
When  M.  Breguet  learned  the  name  of  his  visitor 
he  welcomed  him  with  the  liveliest  enthusiasm,  and 
immediately  engaged  him  and  his  two  companions  to 
dinner,  where  they  met  M.  Arago,  M.  Fresnel,  and 
other  distinguished  persons. 

"  Saturday,  July  6th :  Received  a  visit  from 
two  Swedish  chemists  from  Abo,  in  Finland, 
pupils  of  Berzelius,  Bonsdorf,  and  Nordenskiold. 
Visited  the  Venerable  Abb<£  Gregoire. — /th,  Sun- 
day :  Attended  the  service  at  the  British  Ambas- 
sador's chapel.  From  one  to  two  hundred  present, 
chiefly  English,  and  more  than  half  ladies.  Very 
genteel  and  attentive  congregation.  Good  sermon, 
well  calculated  for  Paris,  on  the  evidences  of  Chris- 
tianity. After  4  P.M.  took  coach  with  companions 
for  Arcueil,  to  dine  by  invitation  with  the  Marquis 
Laplace  and  lady.  Met  Berthollet,  Biot  and  lady, 


Takes  his  Seat  in  the  French  Institute.        259 

Fourier,  &c.,  &c.  A  most  agreeable  and  interesting 
visit,  and  a  beautiful  place. — Monday,  8th  July: 
Walked  down  to  the  Arsenal ;  saw  Gay  Lussac  for  half 
an  hour ;  went  to  the  Jardin  du  Roi ;  saw  the  wild 
beasts  and  the  anatomical  preparations,  &c. ;  took 
coach  home,  and  then  went  to  the  Institute.  About 
one  hundred  persons  present ;  was  introduced  by  Biot, 
and  placed  in  the  square  adjacent  to  the  officers ;  was 
announced  by  Gay  Lussac  (as  president)  as  a  corre- 
sponding member  (English)  present.  The  sitting 
was  from  three  to  five  o'clock.*  After  my  announce- 
ment, my  two  companions  were  introduced  to  the 
same  bench  during  the  sitting. — Sunday,  I4th :  Gay 
Lussac  and  Humboldt  called  and  spent  an  hour  on 
meteorology,  &c.  Took  a  coach  to  Thenard's  ;  break- 
fast d  la  fourchette  with  him,  family,  and  Dr  Milne- 
Edwards.  Went  to  the  laboratory  near  M.  Biot's,  and 
saw  a  full  set  of  experiments  on  the  deutoxide  of  hydro- 
gen, most  curious  and  satisfactory.  M.  Thenard  then 
went  with  us  through  the  laboratory  ;  showed  us  the 
new  theatres  for  chemistry,  physique,  &c.,  and  then 
went  to  M.  Ampere's,  who  had  previously  prepared 
his  apparatus  for  showing  the  new  electro-magnetic 
phenomena.  Saw  a  set  of  these  experiments,  which, 
with  the  aid  of  Dr  Edwards,  were  made  intelligible 
to  me. — 1 5th:  Took  coach  to  the  Arsenal;  spent 

*  Dr  Robert  Knox  was  present  at  the  seance,  and  told  me  that  on 
Mr  Dalton's  name  being  announced  the  president  (Gay  Lussac)  and  the 
other  members  of  the  Institute  rose  from  their  seats,  and  bowed  to  the 
Manchester  philosopher.  Such  honours,  it  was  remarked  at  the  time, 
were  not  offered  Napoleon  le  Grand  when  he  took  his  seat  among  the 
renowned  FORTY  of  France.  I  remember  in  the  year  1838  seeing 
Lord  Brougham  enter  the  Institute,  without,  however,  eliciting  any 
special  mark  of  attention  from  its  members. 


260  John  Dalton. 

an  hour  with  Gay  Lussac  in  his  laboratory ;  saw  his 
apparatus  for  specific  gravity  of  steam,  vapours,  &c. 
also  M.  Welters,  the  improver  of  chemical  distillation, 
&c.  Walked  to  the  Jardin  du  Roi  ;  dejeuner  a  la 
fourchette  with  Monsieur  and  Madame  Cuvier  and 
youngest  daughter.  M.  Cuvier  went  with  us  to  the 
museum,  and  accompanied  us  for  some  time,  and 
then  left  a  gentleman  to  attend  us  through  the 
museum,  being  himself  engaged,  but  occasionally 
meeting  us  ;  spent  two  hours  in  the  museum — the 
most  splendid  exhibition  of  the  kind  in  the  universe 
— it  beggars  description.  Left  after  two,  and  took  a 
coach  to  the  Institute  ;  took  a  cup  of  coffee,  &c.,  and 
then  entered  the  library  ;  saw  and  spoke  to  MM. 
Milne-Edwards,  Biot,  Cuvier,  Laplace,  Berthollet, 
Breguet,  &c. ;  entered  the  Institute,  heard  papers  by 
Milne-Edwards,  Biot  (on  "  The  Zodiac  de  Denderah  "), 
Fourier,  on  "The  Population  of  Paris,"  after  which 
notice  was  given  for  strangers  to  withdraw,  when  Gay 
Lussac  called  to  me  to  stay,  if  I  chose,  being  a  mem- 
ber, which  I  did.  The  business  was  about  election  of 
members,  and  lasted  nearly  half  an  hour,  after  which 
we  broke  up.  Saw  M.  Pelletan  on  coming  out,  who 
kindly  inquired  of  me  my  health,  &c. ;  went  with 
Vanquelin  in  a  coach  to  dine,  when  my  companions 
met  me ;  saw  M.  Payen,  a  young  chemist  of  promise." 
Mr  Dockray,  one  of  Dalton's  companions,  says — "I 
was  particularly  struck  by  observing  the  impression 
made  on  Mr  Dalton  by  the  solemnities  of  Roman 
Catholic  worship,  and  the  evident  sincerity  of  profound 
devotion  which  he  saw  there ;  and  I  do  not  doubt  it 
was  to  him  a  page  of  human  nature  which  till  then 
he  had  never  had  an  equal  opportunity  of  witnessing. 


The  French  Philosophers  at  Arcueil.          261 

Second,  I  think,  only  to  this,  for  impressiveness  of 
novelty,  was  the  Gallery  of  the  Louvre.  I  do  not 
doubt  but  that  he  felt  there  was,  in  the  masterpieces 
of  art  which  he  saw  there,  a  new  world  of  interest  and 
wonder  on  which  he  would  gladly  have  had  the 
opportunity  of  longer  meditating."  Mr  Dockray  also 
furnished  the  following  narrative  of  Dalton's  meeting 
with  the  philosophers  at  Arcueil : — 

"  At  four  in  the  afternoon,  by  a  coach,  with  Dalton 
to  Arcueil,  Laplace's  country  seat,  to  dine.  On 
alighting,  we  were  conducted  through  a  suite  of  rooms, 
where,  in  succession,  dinner,  dessert,  and  coffee  tables 
were  set  out ;  and  onwards  through  a  large  hall,  upon 
a  terrace,  commanding  an  extent  of  gardens  and 
pleasure-grounds.  It  is  in  these  grounds  that  are 
still  remaining  the  principal  Roman  works  near  Paris, 
the  vestiges  of  Julian's  residence  as  Governor  of  Gaul. 
Avenues,  parterres,  and  lawns,  terraces,  and  broad 
gravel-walks,  in  long  vistas  of  distance,  are  bounded 
by  woods  and  by  higher  grounds.  As  yet  we  had 
seen  no  one,  when  part  of  the  company  came  in  view 
at  a  distance — a  gentleman  of  advanced  years  and  two 
young  men.  Was  it  possible  not  to  think  of  the  groves 
of  the  Academy  and  the  borders  of  the  Ilyssus  ?  We 
approached  this  group,  when  the  elderly  gentleman 
took  off  his  hat,  and  advanced  to  give  his  hand  to 
Dalton.  It  was  Berthollet.  The  two  younger  were 
Laplace's  son  and  the  astronomer-royal,  Arago. 
Climbing  some  steps  upon  a  long  avenue,  we  saw,  at 
a  distance,  Laplace  walking  uncovered,  with  Madame 
Biot  on  his  arm  ;  and  Biot,  Fourier,  and  Courtois, 
father  of  the  Marchioness  Laplace.  At  the  front  of 
the  house  this  lady  and  her  grand-daughter  met  us. 


262  John  Dalton. 

At  dinner,  Dalton  on  the  right  hand  of  Madame  La- 
place, and  Berthollet  on  her  left,  &c.  Conversation 
on  the  zodiac  of  Denderah  ^and  Egypt  (Berthollet  and 
Fourier  having  been  in  Egypt  with  Napoleon),  the 
different  eras  of  Egyptian  sculpture,  the  fact  that  so 
little  at  Rome — of  public  buildings — is  earlier  than 
Augustus,  &c.  After  dinner,  again  abroad  in  the 
beautiful  grounds,  and  along  the  reservoir  and  aque- 
duct of  Julian.  These  ancient  works,  after  falling 
very  much  into  decay,  were  restored  by  Mary  de 
Medicis.  Dalton  walking  with  Laplace  on  one  side 
and  Berthollet  on  the  other,  I  shall  never  forget." 

"The  enjoyment  and  advantage  of  his  stay  in 
Paris,"  says  Dr  Henry,  "  were  greatly  enhanced  by 
the  friendly  attentions  of  Dr  Milne-Edwards,  who 
kindly  acted 'as  interpreter  between  him  and  those  of 
the  French  savans  who  did  not  speak  English. 
Dalton  was  always  accustomed  to  mention  Dr  Milne- 
Edwards  in  terms  of  grateful  regard,  and  appears  to 
have  maintained  some  intercourse  with  him  by 
correspondence." 

It  is  said  that  Mademoiselle  Clementine  Cuvier, 
the  only  child  of  the  famous  Baron  George  Cuvier, 
was  his  chaperone  to  many  public  places  in  Paris ;  and 
that  Dalton  regarded  her  as  the  most  attractive  and 
amiable  young  creature  he  had  ever  seen,  and  whose 
early  death  he  sensibly  lamented.  He  never  spoke  of 
her  without  betraying  some  emotion.  One  day  he  said 
to  a  friend,  " Ah  !  she  was  a  bonny  lass;  she  treated  me 
like  a  daughter." 

In  1822  some  of  Dalton's  friends  proposed  him  as 
a  candidate  for  the  Fellowship  of  the  Royal  Society  ; 
he  was  elected,  and  paid  the  usual  fees.  Nineteen 


The  Royal  Society  and  Prize  of  50  Guineas.    263 

years  previous  to  his  admission  to  the  Royal  Society 
he  had  been  deemed  worthy  of  lecturing  to  the  select 
audiences  of  the  Royal  Institution,  London  ;  and  for 
six  years  he  had  enjoyed  the  honour  of  being  corre- 
sponding member  of  the  French  Academy  of  Sciences. 
Moreover,  long  before  this  tardy  recognition  of  his 
own  countrymen,  he  had  received  the  sincere  homage 
of  the  most  distinguished  savans  in  Europe,  many 
of  whom  had  visited  or  corresponded  with  him:  and  his 
works  had  claimed  the  attention  and  warm  approval 
of  the  best  reviewers  of  the  Continent,  and,  in  short, 
wherever  science  was  taught  and  understood. 

In  the  year  1825  King  George  IV.  founded  two 
annual  prizes  of  fifty  guineas,  to  be  at  the  disposal  of 
the  Royal  Society.  Sir  H.  Davy,  in  his  anniversary 
discourse  of  1826,  made  known  the  award  of  the  first 
prize  to  Mr  John  Dalton,  "  for  the  development  of  the 
chemical  theory  of  definite  proportions,  usually  called 
the  Atomic  Theory,  and  for  his  various  other  labours 
and  discoveries  in  physical  and  chemical  science." 

To  Mr  Dalton  belongs  the  distinction  of  first  unequivocally 
calling  the  attention  of  philosophers  to  this  important  subject. 
Finding  that  in  certain  compounds  of  gaseous  bodies  the  same 
elements  always  combined  in  the  same  proportions ;  and  that 
when  there  was  more  than  one  combination  the  quantity  of  the 
elements  always  had  a  constant  relation,  such  as  I  to  2  or  I  to 
3,  or  to  4,  he  explained  this  fact  on  the  Newtonian  doctrine  of 
indivisible  atoms,  and  contended  that  the  relative  weight  of  one 
atom  to  that  of  any  other  atom  being  known,  its  proportions  or 
weight  in  all  its  combinations  might  be  ascertained ;  thus 
making  the  statics  of  chemistry  depend  upon  simple  questions 
in  subtraction  or  multiplication,  and  enabling  the  student  to 
deduce  an  immense  number  of  facts  from  a  ferw  well-authenti- 
cated, accurate  experimental  results.  Mr  Dalton's  permanent 
reputation  will  rest  upon  his  having  discovered  a  simple  prin- 


264  John  Dalton. 

ciple  universally  applicable  to  the  facts  of  chemistry,  in  fixing 
the  proportions  in  which  bodies  combine,  and  thus  laying  the 
foundation  for  future  labours  respecting  the  sublime  and  tran- 
scendental parts  of  the  science  of  corpuscular  motion.  His  merits 
in  this  respect  resemble  those  of  Kepler  in  astronomy.  .  .  . 
Mr  Dalton  has  been  labouring  for  more  than  a  quarter  of  a 
century  with  the  most  disinterested  views.  With  the  greatest 
modesty  and  simplicity  of  character  he  has  remained  in  the 
obscurity  of  the  country,  neither  asking  for  approbation,  nor 
offering  himself  as  an  object  of  applause.  He  is  but  lately 
become  a  fellow  of  this  Society,  and  the  only  communication  he 
has  given  to.  you  is  one,  compared  with  his  other  works,  of  com- 
paratively small  interest ;  the  feeling  of  the  Council  on  the 
subject  is  therefore  pure.  I  am  sure  he  will  be  gratified  by  this 
mark  of  your  approbation  of  his  long  and  painful  labours.  It 
will  give  a  lustre  to  his  character,  which  it  fully  deserves ;  it 
will  anticipate  that  opinion  which  posterity  must  form  of  his 
discoveries  ;  and  it  may  make  his  example  more  exciting  to 
others  in  their  search  after  useful  knowledge  and  true  glory. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

"  There  is  a  history  in  all  men's  lives, 
Figuring  the  nature  of  the  times  deceased  ; 
The  which  observed,  a  man  may  prophecy, 
With  a  near  aim,  of  the  main  chance  of  things 
As  yet  not  come  to  life. " — SHAKESPEARE. 

DR  DALTON'S  HOLIDAYS — MEMBER  OF  THE  FRENCH  INSTITUTE — 
D.C.L — HIS  CLAIMS  TO  A  PENSION — OPINIONS  OF  DRS  HENRY 
AND  SEDGWICK  ON  THE  SUBJECT — COURT  PRESENTATION — 
REFUSES  KNIGHTHOOD  —  ILLNESS — VISITS  TO  EAGLESFIELD — 
DEATH  AND  FUNERAL  OF  DALTON. 

JITH  the  exception  of  his  weekly  half-holi- 
day at  the  bowling-green,  Dalton  kept  all 
his  terms  of  service  most  faithfully,  and 
seldom  moved  out  of  town  till  the  summer 
holidays  :  these  he  almost  invariably  spent  amid 
the  lakes  and  mountains  of  Cumberland  and  West- 
moreland. No  change  could  well  be  greater  than 
passing  from  the  din  and  smoke  of  Manchester  to 
the  sylvan  banks  of  Windermere,  and  the  pine- 
clad  slopes  of  northern  England.  The  air  was 
pure,  transparent,  and  bracing,  and  his  ascent  of  the 
highest  mountains,  by  bringing  every  muscle  into 
operation,  naturally  called  for  a  larger  amount  of 
oxygenation  to  his  system.  It  was  a  joyous  time  to 
Dalton,  who  no  sooner  touched  his  native  heather 
than  he  seemed  to  throw  off  the  incubus  of  age,  and 
all  the  depressing  influences  of  urban  life.  He  began 


266  John  Dalton. 

his  trips  to  the  Lake  Country  when  his  meteorological 
fervour  was  at  its  height,  in  the  third  decade  of  his 
life,  and  as  this  fervour  never  entirely  abated,  he  went 
on  from  year  to  year  for  forty  years,  or  as  long  as  his 
limbs  could  support  him,  in  his  fatiguing  explorations. 
The  pleasure  of  his  holidays  was  enhanced  by  the 
opportunity  of  embracing  work  with  play,  and  a 
certain  amount  of  science  with  large  social  liberty. 
How  placidly  he  spent  his  first  day  in  boating  from 
Low  Wood,  and  viewing  Langdale  Pikes  and  the 
magnificent  scenery  around  Ambleside  !  The  next 
morning  he  was  early  afoot,  armed  with  his  barometer 
and  thermometer,  and  marching  with  the  firm  and 
constant  step  of  a  mountain  guide,  would  climb  three 
thousand  feet.  It  was  difficult  to  his  companions, 
indeed  to  all  but  the  experienced  pedestrian,  to  keep 
pace  with  him  in  his  ascent.  This  fast  walking  elicited 
from  one  of  his  Quaker  friends  the  remark,  "  Why, 
John,  what  are  thy  legs  made  of? "  John's  legs  were 
so  true  to  their  fellside  growth,  that  the  civic  restraint 
of  months  together  seemed  in  nowise  to  impair  their 
capacity  for  the  greatest  demands  of  pedestrianship. 

After  his  return  in  an  evening  from  measuring  the 
height  of  Helvellyn — his  favourite  mountain  for 
observation — how  he  enjoyed  the  roadside  hostelry — 
its  snug  parlour,  its  neat  service,  its  savoury  ham, 
and  the  fresh  trout  from  the  "  beck  " — its  oat-cakes, 
and  cream  cheese,  followed  by  draughts  of  good 
home-brewed  ale.  After  a  bountiful  supply  of  the 
inner  man,  he  would  take  his  seat  on  the  rude  bench 
outside  the  trellised  porch  of  the  "  White  Swan  Inn  " 
and  smoke  his  "  Virginian,"  whilst  he  looked  with 
placid  admiration  on  the  green  meadows  and  purling 


Enjoys  tlie  English  Lakes  and  Mountains.     267 

waters  backed  by  wooded  knolls,  and  these  again 
overtopped  by  higher  and  higher  ranges,  presenting 
endless  variety  of  form  and  colour,  either  sparkling 
in  light,  or  dimly  shadowed  by  passing  clouds,  but 
ever  suggestive  and  beautiful  to  the  aesthetic  mind. 
On  one  of  these  excursions,  in  1812,  he  made  the 
acquaintance  of  Mr  Jonathan  Otley,  who  knew  every 
nook  and  corner  of  the  Lake  District,  and  who  wrote 
by  far  the  best  work  on  the  subject — "A  Descriptive 
Guide  to  the  English  Lakes  and  Adjacent  Mountains," . 
— a  book  now  held  old-fashioned,  *  but  the  basis  of 
all  that  has  been  since  published  in  tourist  form. 
Mr  Otley  has  given  an  interesting  narrative  of  his 
excursions  with  Dalton,  from  which  it  would  appear 
that  the  philosopher  embraced  every  opportunity  of 
studying  the  constitution  of  the  atmosphere,  and  the 
transition  from  cloud  to  sunshine  and  from  sun- 
shine to  shadow,  in  "those  loftier  regions."  The 
heights  of  the  mountains,  and  their  marked  geolo- 
gical features ;  the  dew  point ;  the  quantity  and 
density  of  vapour  ;  the  fall  of  rain ;  the  direction  of 
the  winds,  and,  in  short,  all  the  natural  phenomena 
presenting  themselves  to  the  experienced  observer, 
were  duly  rioted  and  commented  upon.  He  was  not 
easily  deterred  by  the  threatening  aspects  of  the 
weather,  but  seemed  satisfied  with  the  prospects  of 
the  day  if  he  could  only  see,  as  he  used  to  say,  as 
much  blue  sky  as  would  make  a  pair  of  breeches. 
Dalton's  party  was  sometimes  too  large  to  be  ac- 

*  To  those  who  really  wish  to  know  the  Lake  District  as  it  ought  to 
be  known,  let  me  commend  the  beautifully- written  volume  of  my  clever 
friend  Mrs  E.  Lynn  Linton,  entitled,  "  The  Lake  Country,"  neatly  illus- 
trated by  her  husband. 


268  John  Dalton. 

commodated  under  one  roof,  and  the  search  for  night- 
shelter  in  the  farm-houses  of  these  outlying  districts 
often  caused  much  diversion.  There  were  no  grand 
hotels  in  those  days,  and  the  shifts  to  which  innkeep- 
ers and  their  daughters  were  placed,  rather  than  lose  a 
customer,  may  be  instanced  from  Dalton's  experience. 
When  describing  one  of  his  many  trips  to  the  Lake 
District,  Dalton  was  asked  by  a  young  lady  friend 
if  he  had  seen  the  celebrated  beauty,  Mary  of  Butter- 
mere,*  the  daughter  of  the  landlord  of  the  inn  in  that 
place.  "  No,"  said  he,  "  but  I  have  slept  in  her  bed  ; 
for  one  night  I  arrived  wet  and  tired  at  Buttermere 
to  find  the  inn  full ;  but  by  dint  of  persuasion  a  room 
was  found  for  me,  and  Mary  got  out  of  her  bed,  and 
I  got  in,  and  right  warm  it  was,  I  can  tell  thee." 

The  death  of  Sir  H.  Davy  caused  a  vacant  seat  in 
the  French  Academy  of  Sciences,  and  Dalton  who  had 
for  fourteen  years  enjoyed  the  honour  of  being  a  corre- 
sponding member,  was  in  1830,  raised  to  the  rank  of 
one  of  its  eight  foreign  associates,  the  highest  com- 
pliment in  its  power  to  bestow,  and  universally  re- 
garded as  the  crowning  distinction  in  European 


*  Mary  of  Buttermere,  the  theme  of  many  a  fanciful  story  and 
rural  ditty,  and  the  heroine  of  a  three-volumed  novel,  gave  a  personal 
colouring  to  the  picturesque  and  romantic  scenery  of  the  Lakes  in  days 
gone  by.  Her  marriage  to  Hatfield  the  forger  was  sad  enough  ;  in  her 
second  espousals  she  was  fortunate  in  having  a  worthy  yeoman,  to 
whom  she  bore  a  family  of  handsome  children,  her  daughters  being  as 
pretty  as  she  was  in  her  youth.  I  made  her  acquaintance  under  pain- 
ful circumstances.  She  had  then  passed  the  climacteric  of  age,  and 
the  existence  of  a  cancerous  breast,  in  the  removal  of  which  I  assisted, 
had  considerably  affected  her  looks  ;  yet  through  these  lines  and  sallow 
colouring  that  organic  disease  had  made  so  striking,  the  lineaments  of 
the  beautiful  in  form  still  prevailed.  She  died  at  the  How,  near  Cald- 
beck,  and,  as  far  as  I  can  recollect,  in  the  year  1836. 


Foreign  Associate  of  the  French  InstiUite.      269 

Science.  In  the  words  of  Baron  Cuvier  in  his  eloge 
on  Dr  Joseph  Priestley,  "  L' Academic  de  Paris  lui 
accorda  un  prix  non  moins  noble  et  plus  difficile 
encore  a  obtenir,  parcequ'il  est  plus  rare,  Tune  de 
ces  huit  places  d'associes  etrangers,  auxquelles  tous 
les  savans  de  1'Europe  concourent,  et  dont  la  liste, 
commengant  par  les  noms  de  Newton,  de  Leibnitz,  et 
de  Pierre  le  Grand,  n'a  degenere  dans  aucun  temps 
de  ce  premier  eclat." 

John  Dalton  placed  a  proper  estimate  on  the 
honours  and  distinctions  conferred  upon  him  by  the 
universities  and  learned  societies  of  his  own  country, 
and  that  estimate  was,  if  possible,  enhanced  by  the 
unsolicited  and  gratifying  acknowledgments  paid  to 
his  scientific  status  by  several  of  the  more  renowned 
continental  academies ;  e.g.,  Berlin,  Munich,  and 
Moscow.  His  highest  honour,  that  marked  his  supre- 
macy in  the  world  of  thought,  was  the  Foreign  Asso- 
ciateship  of  the  Academy  of  Sciences,  for  there  he 
ranked  among  the  eight  elite  of  Europe.  It  may  be 
remarked  parenthetically,  as  a  circumstance  highly 
flattering  to  our  national  genius,  that  of  the  eight 
chairs  of  honour  offered  to  the  competition  of  the 
world  at  large  by  the  French  Institute,  no  less 
than  four  of  these  were  occupied  at  one  time  by 
Englishmen. 

With  all  his  quiet  reserve  and  reticence,  it  was 
manifest  to  the  Johns  family  that  Dalton  liked  the 
company  of  men  of  distinction,  and  especially  those 
devoted  to  science,  and  was  not  a  little  proud  of  the 
numerous  visitors  who  found  their  way  to  Manchester 
on  his  account.  The  presence  of  such  men  as  Professor 
Thomson  the  chemist,  Sir  John  Leslie,  Dr  Chalmers, 


270  John  Dalton. 

and  Sir  D.  Brewster,  of  world-wide  fame,  from  the 
sister  kingdom,  could  not  fail  to  be  gratifying  to  his 
amour-propre ;  and  this  pleasure  was  enhanced  on  the 
appearance  in  his  humble  lodgings  or  laboratory  of 
eminent  savans  from  the  Continent.  Owing  to  his 
staid  demeanour,  and  plain,  dry  mode  of  accosting 
others,  that  occasionally  implied  indifference,  or  even 
rusticity  and  rudeness,  his  reception  of  foreigners  was 
not  always  what  it  should  have  been,  much  less 
was  it  en  accord  with  their  gentility  and  politeness. 
A  great  deal  depended  on  the  humour  which  prevailed 
with  the  meditative  philosopher.  He  could  be  kind 
and  affable  in  manner,  and  occasionally  make  his 
reception  of  strangers  agreeable,  and  their  introduc- 
tion to  the  Johns  family  worthy  of  the  jocular  strain 
of  M.  Biot ;  at  other  times  he  seemed  to  forget  the 
ordinary  courtesies  of  life,  as  is  shown  in  the  following 
paragraph. 

A  few  intimate  friends  were  drinking  an  early  tea 
with  Dalton  at  the  Rev.  Mr  Johns'  when  some  dis- 
tinguished French  savans,  members  of  the  French 
Academy,  were  announced  as  having  come  to  see  the 
great  chemist.  Dalton,  by  nature  a  silent  and  re- 
served man,  and  disliking  in  any  way/to  be  called  out, 
was,  after  the  introduction,  barely  civil  to  the  talka- 
tive foreign  gentlemen,  and  scarcely  spoke  a  word 
during  the  interview.  When  tea  was  over,  he  quietly 
got  up  from  table,  and  called  to  the  old  servant  for 
his  lantern,  and  silently  withdrew,  walking  across,  as 
was  his  wont,  to  his  laboratory  at  the  Society's  rooms. 
Mr  Johns  then  asked  one  of  the  French  Academicians 
what  he  thought  of  the  great  philosopher.  "  Ah ! "  he 
replied,  " Monsieur  Dalton  a  une  simplicity"  admirable" 


Honoured  by  Oxford.  271 

Though  not  one  of  the  original  promoters  of  the 
British  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science, 
he  was  present  at  its  first  meeting,  held  in  York  in 
1831,  and  as  long  as  his  health  permitted,  continued 
to  take  great  interest  in  its  proceedings.  On  the 
occasion  of  the  second  meeting,  at  Oxford  in  1832, 
the  honorary  degree  of  D.C.L.  was  conferred  upon 
him  and  three  most  worthy  compeers,  Dr  Michael 
Faraday,  Sir  David  Brewster,  and  Robert  Brown. 
Dalton  was  apparently  proud  of  his  Doctor's  red 
gown,  as  he  perambulated  the  halls  and  gardens  of 
Oxford,  and  cared  not  to  be  quizzed  about  his  scarlet 
robing,  inasmuch  as  its  colour  differed  not  from  the 
green  foliage  of  the  trees  shadowing  him  and  his 
companions  on  the  banks  of  the  Isis. 

To  the  eminent  Mr  Charles  Babbage  is  due  the 
credit  of  having  been  the  first  person  to  moot  the  de- 
sirability of  an  annual  pension  being  granted  to  Dr 
Dalton,  in  a  letter  he  addressed  to  Dr  Henry,  senior, 
of  Manchester,  as  early  as  the  year  1829.  He  also 
laboured  zealously  at  headquarters  to  obtam  the 
acquiescence  of  the  Government  to  his  proposal,  and 
found  no  small  support  to  his  application  in  the  able 
statement  furnished  by  Dr  Henry ;  portions  of  which 
deserve  quoting,  not  less  for  the  noble  sentiments  it 
contains  than  the  just  estimate  conveyed  to  us  of 
the  character  of  Dr  Dalton  : — 

Mr  Dalton  never  had,  nor  was  ever  given  to  expect,  any 
reward  or  encouragement  whatsoever  from  Government,  and 
having  been  in  habits  of  unreserved  communication  with  him 
for  more  than  thirty  years,  I  can  safely  aver  that  it  never 
occurred  to  him  to  seek  it.  He  has  looked  for  his  reward  to 
purer  and  nobler  sources  ;  to  a  love  of  science  for  its  own  sake  ; 
to  the  tranquil  enjoyments  derived  from  the  exercise  of  his 


272  John  Dalton. 

faculties  in  the  way  most  congenial  to  his  tastes  and  habits, 
and  to  the  occasional  gleams  of  more  lively  pleasure,  which 
have  broken  in  upon  his  mind,  when  led  to  the  discovery  of 
new  facts,  or  the  deduction  of  important  general  laws.  By  the 
moderation  of  his  wants  and  the  habitual  control  over  his 
desires,  he  has  been  preserved  from  worldly  disappointments ; 
and  by  the  calmness  of  his  temper  and  the  liberality  of  his 
views,  he  has  escaped  those  irritations  that  too  often  beset  men 
who  are  over-anxious  for  the  possession  of  fame,  and  are  im- 
patient to  grasp  prematurely  the  benefits  of  its  award.  For  a 
long  series  of  years  he  bore  neglect,  and  sometimes  even  con- 
tumely, with  the  dignity  of  a  philosopher,  who  though  free  from 
anything  like  vanity  or  arrogance,  yet  knows  his  own  strength, 
estimates  correctly  his  own  achievements,  and  leaves  to  the 
world,  generally  although  sometimes  slowly  just,  the  final 
adjudication  of  his  fame.  Among  the  numerous  honours  that 
have  since  been  conferred  on  him  by  the  best  judges  of  scientific 
merit  in  this  and  other  countries,  not  one  has  been  sought  by 
him.  They  have  been,  without  exception,  spontaneous  offerings, 
prompted  by  a  warm  and  generous  approbation  of  his  philoso- 
phical labours,  and  by  the  desire  to  cheer  him  onward  in  the 
same  prosperous  career.  Deeply  as  he  has  felt  these  distinc- 
tions, they  have  never  carried  him  beyond  that  sober  and  well- 
regulated  love  of  reputation,  which  exists  in  the  purest  minds, 
and  is  one  of  the  noblest  principles  of  action. 

In  perfect  consistency  with  Mr  Dalton's  intellectual  qualities 
are  the  moral  features  of  his  character,  the  disinterestedness, 
the  independence,  the  truthfulness,  and  the  integrity  which 
through  life  have  uniformly  marked  his  conduct  towards  others. 
Nor  is  it  on  the  atomic  theory  only  that  his  reputation  must 
rest.  It  has  a  broader  basis  in  his  beautiful  and  successful 
investigations  into  the  subject  of  heat ;  into  the  relations  of  air 
and  moisture  to  each  other  ;  and  into  a  variety  of  other  topics 
intimately  connected  with  the  stability  and  advancement  of 
chemical  philosophy.  I  therefore  agree  with  you  that  Mr 
Dalton  has  strong  claims  upon  the  national  respect  and 
gratitude,  and  contend  for  his  title  to  reward,  even  though  he 
may  not  have  accomplished  anything  bearing  strictly  upon  the 
improvement  of  those  arts  and  manufactures  which  are  the 


Dr  Henry's  Appeal  on  Behalf  of  Dalton.       273 

chief  sources  of  our  national  wealth.  For,  let  it  be  remembered, 
that  every  new  truth  in  science  has  a  natural  and  necessary 
tendency  to  furnish,  if  not  immediately  yet  at  some  future  time, 
valuable  rules  in  art. 

It  would  surely  be  unworthy  of  a  great  nation  to  be  governed 
Jn  rewarding  or  encouraging  genius  by  the  narrow  principle  of 
a  strict  barter  of  advantages.  With  respect  to  great  poets  and 
great  historians,  no  such  parsimony  has  ever  been  exercised. 
They  have  been  rewarded,  and  justly,  for  the  contributions  they 
have  cast  into  the  treasury  of  our  purely  intellectual  wealth. 
And  do  not  justice  and  policy  equally  demand  that  a  philosopher 
of  the  very  highest  rank,  one  who  has  limited  his  worldly  views 
to  little  more  than  the  supply  of  his  natural  wants,  and  has 
devoted  for  more  than  forty  years  the  energies  of  his  powerful 
mind  to  enlarging  the  dimensions  of  science,  should  be  cherished 
and  honoured  by  that  country  which  receives  by  reflection  the 
lustre  of  his  well-earned  fame  ?  It  is  most  desirable,  then,  that 
the  British  Government,  by  extending  its  justice  to  another  not 
less  illustrious,  should  be  spared  the  deep  reproach,  which 
otherwise  assuredly  awaits  it,  of  having  treated  with  coldness 
and  neglect  one  who  has  contributed  so  much  to  raise  his 
country  high  among  intellectual  nations,  and  to  exalt  the 
philosophical  glory  of  the  age. 

The  admirable  letter  just  quoted  was  brought 
under  the  notice  of  Earl  Grey's  Government,  and 
Lord  Brougham  professed  himself  "very  anxious  to 
obtain  some  provision  for  Dalton,  but  that  it  was 
attended  with  great  difficulty."  *  After  much  writ- 
ing, and  protocoling  and  canvassing  of  the  parlia- 

*  Lord  Brougham  could  see  no  difficulty  in  appointing  his  brother  a 
Master  of  Chancery,  when  he  himself  had  already  prepared  a  bill  to 
extinguish  the  office,  and  with  the  view  of  compensating  the  retiring 
masters  with  the  pretty  sum  of  ^"2200  a  year  for  a  few  months  of  the 
most  trifling  service.  Talleyrand,  or  some  other  equally  wide-awake 
Frenchman,  who  had  carefully  studied  our  institutions,  maintained 
that  England  was  the  very  paradise  for  priests.  Had  he  known  of  the 

S 


274  John  Dalton. 

mentary  economists,  it  was  not  till  June  1833  that 
anything  got  done.  The  mountain  had  been  in 
labour  for  three  or  four  years,  and  then  crept  out  the 
little  mouse  in  the  shape  of  a  paltry  sum  of  £150  a 
year,  to  be  bestowed  by  the  richest  nation  on  earth 
on  the  most  gifted  of  persons,  and  the  chief  scientific 
leader  of  his  epoch. 

It  was  deemed  advisable  to  announce  the  fact  of 
the  pension  to  Dalton  at  the  meeting  of  the  British 
Association  held  at  Cambridge  in  1833  ;  and  Lord 
Monteagle,  just  before  the  meeting,  requested  Pro- 
fessor Sedgwick,  the  President,  to  allude  to  it  in  his 
introductory  address.  The  words  in  which  the  learned 
professor,  without  notes  or  preparation,  offered  his 
"fervent  heartfelt  homage  to  the  genius  of  Dalton," 
are  marked  by  a  rare  eloquence,  worthy  of  the  high- 
est master  of  the  art.  They  were  as  follows  : — 

They  had  all  read  a  highly  poetical  passage  of  a  sacred  pro- 
phet, expressed  in  language,  to  the  beauty  of  which  he  had  never 
before  been  so  forcibly  awakened  as  at  that  moment — "  How 
beautiful  upon  the  mountains  are  the  feet  of  him  that  bringeth 
good  tidings."  If  he  might  dare  to  make  an  adaptation  of 
words  so  sacred,  he  would  say  that  he  felt  himself  in  the  position 
here  contemplated— of  one  who  had  the  delightful  privilege  of 
announcing  good  tidings,  for  it  was  his  happiness  to  proclaim 
to  them  what  would  rejoice  the  heart  of  every  true  lover  of 
science.  There  was  a  philosopher  sitting  among  them,  whose 
hair  was  blanched  by  time,  whose  features  had  some  of  the 
lines  of  approaching  old  age,  but  possessing  an  intellect  still  in 

above  instance  of  naked  nepotism,  and  lawyer  fattening  lawyer,  he 
would  have  found  two  parties  in  the  English  paradise ;  and  that  a 
fourth-rate  barrister,  almost  briefless,  was  estimated  in  the  year  of  grace 
1833,  and  a  reformed  Parliament  in  England  (in  the  proportion  of 
^2200  to  ^150),  at  fourteen  times  the  value  of  the  greatest  man  of 
science  born  to  England  since  the  days  of  Newton. 


Dr  Sedgwick's  Eulogium  on  Dalton.          275 

its  healthiest  vigour — a  man  whose  whole  life  had  been  devoted 
to  the  cause  of  truth  ;  he  meant  his  valuable  friend  Dr  Dalton- 
Without  any  powerful  apparatus  for  making  philosophical 
experiments — with  an  apparatus,  indeed,  many  of  them  might 
almost  think  contemptible — and  with  very  limited  external 
means  for  employing  his  great  natural  powers,  he  had  gone 
straightforward  in  his  distinguished  course,  and  obtained  for 
himself,  in  those  branches  of  knowledge  which  he  had  cultivated, 
a  name  not  perhaps  equalled  by  that  of  any  other  living  philoso- 
pher of  the  world.  From  the  hour  he  came  from  his  mother's 
womb,  the  God  of  Nature  had  laid  His  hand  upon  his  head,  and 
had  ordained  him  for  the  ministration  of  high  philosophy.  But 
his  natural  talents,  great  as  they  were,  and  his  almost  intuitive 
skill  in  tracing  the  relations  of  material  phenomena,  would 
have  been  of  comparatively  little  value  to  himself  and  to  society, 
had  there  not  been  superadded  to  them  a  beautiful  moral 
simplicity  and  singleness  of  heart,  which  made  him  go  on 
steadily  in  the  way  he  saw  before  him,  without  turning  to  the 
right  hand  or  to  the  left,  and  taught  him  to  do  homage  to  no 
authority  before  that  of  truth.  Fixing  his  eye  on  the  highest 
views  of  science,  his  experiments  had  never  an  insulated 
character,  but  were  always  made  as  contributions  towards  some 
important  end — were  among  the  steps  towards  some  lofty 
generalisation.  And  with  a  most  happy  prescience  of  the 
points  towards  which  the  rays  of  scattered  experiments  were 
converging,  he  had  more  than  once  seen  light,  while  to  other 
eyes  all  was  yet  in  darkness  ;  out  of  seeming  confusion  had 
elicited  order,  and  had  thus  reached  the  high  distinction  of 
becoming  one  of  the  greatest  legislators  of  chemical  science. 

While  travelling  among  the  highest  mountains  of  Cumberland, 
and  scarifying  the  face  of  Nature  with  his  hammer,  he  (the 
President)  had  first  the  happiness  of  being  admitted  to  the 
friendship  of  this  great  and  good  man,  who  was  at  that  time 
employed,  day  by  day,  in  soaring  among  the  heavens,  and 
bringing  the  turbulent  elements  themselves  under  his  intellectual 
domination.  He  would  not  have  dwelt  so  long  on  these  topics, 
had  it  not  been  his  delightful  privilege  to  announce  for  the  first 
time  (on  the  authority  of  a  minister  of  the  Crown  who  sat  near 
him),  that  his  Majesty  King  William  the  Fourth,  wishing  to 


276  John  Dalton. 

manifest  his  attachment  to  science,  and  his  regard  for  a  character 
like  that  of  Dalton,  had  graciously  conferred  on  him,  out  of  the 
funds  of  the  civil  list,  a  substantial  mark  of  his  royal  favour. 
The  announcement  was  received  with  long-continued  applause. 

Such  a  eulogium  as  Professor  Sedgwick  pro- 
nounced in  the  Senate  House  of  Cambridge,  to  a 
crowded  audience  of  scientific  men  gathered  from  all 
corners  of  the  civilised  globe,  could  not  fail  to  reach 
the  inmost  heart  of  Dalton,  who,  if  his  memory  of 
the  past  served  him  in  that  hour  of  trial  and  triumph, 
would  probably  recall  his  humble  parentage  and  the 
prospects  of  his  youth  offering  nothing  better  than 
the  weaver's  loom  or  the  spade  and  the  plough.  As 
he  sat,  the  observed  of  all  observers,  in  the  midst  of 
as  distinguished  an  assembly  of  savans  as  the  world 
could  present,  he  could  not  fail  to  realise  the  senti- 
ment so  beautifully  expressed  by  the  illustrious 
Sedgwick,  that  "the  God  of  Nature  had  laid  His 
hand  upon  his  head,  and  had  ordained  him  for  the 
ministration  of  high  philosophy." 

Manchester,  true  to  her  commercial  instincts  of 
rewarding  merit  where  merit  is  due,  and  wishing  to 
do  honour  to  her  great  chief  in  science,  determined 
on  having  a  full-sized  statue  of  Dr  Dalton  sculptured 
by  Sir  Francis  Chantrey.  Accordingly  Dr  Dalton 
went  to  London  in  May  1834,  and  gave  Chantrey 
the  necessary  sittings.  The  Chantrey  statue  of 
Dalton  is  now  in  the  entrance-hall  of  the  Manchester 
Royal  Institution ;  and  a  copy  of  it  in  bronze  is 
placed  in  the  front  of  the  Royal  Infirmary,  where  are 
also  statues  of  the  Duke  of  Wellingon,  Sir  R.  Peel, 
and  James  Watt. 

On  the  year  following  the  "royal  bounty"  of  £150 


Gracing  the  Court  of  William  the  Fourth.      277 

a  year,  some  of  Dalton's  more  ardent  friends  were 
of  opinion  that  he  should  appear  at  the  Court  of 
William  IV.  It  might  have  been,  indeed  was, 
supposed  by  many  persons  that  his  retired  habits, 
grave  demeanour,  and  Quakerish  nature  would  be 
directly  opposed  to  a  courtly  ceremonial  under  any 
circumstances.  And  so,  probably,  he  would  have 
thought  and  determined  in  earlier  life ;  but  he  was 
then  in  his  sixty-eighth  year,  when  the  reputed  glitter 
and  pageantry  of  courts  may  have  revived  in  him  the 
curiosity  of  juvenility :  baubles,  sometimes  becom- 
ing a  source  of  attraction  to  men  when  verging  on 
the  "  lean  and  slippered '  pantaloon "  of  age.  Mr 
Babbage  has  given  a  lively  account  of  his  efforts  to 
indoctrinate  Dalton  in  the  ways  of  the  Court,  actually 
rehearsing  for  his  benefit  the  mode  of  presentation  to 
royalty.  The  difficulty  of  a  court  dress  was  readily 
obviated  by  Dalton  appearing  HI  the  scarlet  robes*  of 
an  Oxonian  Doctor  of  Laws ;  and  this  colour,  it  need 
hardly  be  noted,  did  not  disturb  his  drab  proclivities 
in  the  slightest  degree  ;  nay,  accorded  so  entirely 
with  them  that  he  felt  quite  at  home,  and  totally 
unaware  of  the  various  comments  made  upon  his 
figure  and  habiliments — Quaker  in  his  nether  gar- 

*  He  had  evidently  gone  to  London  unprepared  beyond  a  good  suit 
of  clothes,  as  in  his  account-book  there  is  the  entry  of  "  a  guinea  paid 
for  loan  of  doctor's  gown"— a  circumstance  that  may  have  influenced 
his  observations  of  the  tailors'  shops  on  his  way  to  a  house  in  the  city, 
where  some  friends  of  both  sexes  were  waiting  to  hear  his  account  of 
the  Court  presentation.  "  Well,  John,  thou  wilt  have  much  to  tell  us," 
said  one  of  them.  "Oh,  I  don't  know,"  replied  Dalton,  "but  I  have 
been  struck  on  my  way  hither  with  the  appropriateness  of  a  name  to 
the  vocation  of  a  man,  having  seen  on  the  signboard  of  a  tailor,  Thomas 
Bumfit,  Breeches  Maker." 


278  John  Dalton. 

ments,    with    Church   and    State    colouring    in    its 
glaring  form  enveloping  his  person. 

Dr  Dalton's  costume,  as  he  appeared  at  Court, 
naturally  attracted  attention  from  its  novelty,  and 
whispers  were  heard  of  "  who  can  this  be  ? "  Some 
looked  upon  him  as  a  provincial  mayor  coming  up 
to  be  knighted  ;  others  thought  him  a  man  of  mark  ; 
and  an  officer  was  heard  saying,  "  Who  the  devil  is 
that  fellow  whom  the  King  keeps  talking  to  so  long  ?  " 
Mr  Babbage,  the  only  person  who  knew  Dalton, 
enjoyed  the  fun  arising  out  of  this  curiosity,  and 
joked  the  bishops  standing  near,  by  saying  that  he 
had  a  Quaker  by  his  side — a  fact  calculated  to  call 
forth  the  old  cry  of  the  "  Church  in  danger."  It  is 
said  that  Lord  Brougham  promised  to  enlighten  the 
King  as  to  Dalton's  character,  so  that  he  might 
say  something  to  the  philosopher  that  might  please 
Manchester.  Another  version  holds  good,  that 
Dalton's  figure  and  dress  caught  the  King's  eye,  and 
he  quickly  asked,  "Who  is  this?"  "This,  please 
your  Majesty,"  said  the  official,  as  Dalton  awkwardly 
passed  up,  "  is  the  great  Manchester  philosopher,  Dr 
Dalton."  "  Oh,"  said  the  King,  and  then  turning  to 
Dalton,  "Well,  how  are  you  getting  on  at  Man- 
chester ;  all  quiet  I  suppose  ? "  This  remark  of 
Majesty  sprang  from  the  unpleasant  recollection  of 
the  Peterloo  riots  of  1819,  and  the  reputed  Radicalism 
of  Manchester.  This,  and  one  or  two  common-place 
remarks,  would  appear  to  have  been  pretty  nearly  all 
the  notice  that  royalty  took  of  a  man  whose  name 
will  be  known  to  the  nations  of  the  earth  when  that  of 
William  the  Fourth  of  England  is  buried  in  well- 
merited  oblivion. 


Declines  Knighthood.  279 

Not  content  with  having  persuaded  him  to  go  to 
Court,  some  of  his  over-zealous  friends  wished  to  see 
him  knighted.  Dr  Dalton  being  made  aware  of  their 
intention,  felt  not  a  moment's  hesitation  in  refusing 
to  accede  to  their  proposal,  and  along  with  his 
affirmation  to  that  effect,  declared  he  would  not  bend 
his  knee  to  any  man  on  earth,  neither  king  nor 
potentate,  for  any  earthly  honours  that  might  be 
conferred  upon  him.  Moreover,  the  privilege  of 
adding  SIR  to  his  name  could  not  be  viewed  by 
Dalton  as  any  honour  at  all,  when  it  was  so  freely 
distributed  upon  every  gold-stick,  and  fiddle-stick, 
and  groom-in-waiting  about  the  Court.  His  views 
probably  accorded  with  those  of  a  distinguished 
admiral*  mentioned  below  ;  at  any  rate  he  did  not 
wish  to  be  classified  with  the  rank  and  file  of 
flunkyism. 

In  describing  his  summer  holidays  among  the 
mountains  of  Cumberland,  I  purposely  abstained  from 
speaking  of  his  visits  to  his  home  district  of  Eagles- 
field  till  a  more  appropriate  opportunity.  On  his 
way  to  the  haunts  of  his  youth,  he  generally  stopped 

*  A  well-known  admiral,  who  in  former  times  had  served  with  Prince 
William  Henry  (Duke  of  Clarence),  was,  after  the  accession  of  that 
prince  to  the  throne,  presented  at  Court.  The  admiral  had  dis- 
tinguished himself  in  various  ways,  but  especially  in  the  survey  of  the 
Mediterranean  Sea,  his  chart  and  surveys  being  then,  as  now,  the  best 
book  of  all  navigators  in  that  stormy  region.  His  Majesty  (William 
IV.)  at  once  recognised  his  old  shipmate,  and  said,  "  You  have  done 
good  service  to  navigation,  we  must  bestow  some  honour  upon  you. 
What  do  you  say  to  knighthood  ?  "  The  admiral  (then  a  captain)  said, 
"I  esteem  it  a  much  higher  honour  to  be  a  captain  in  your  Majesty's 
service  than  to  be  a  knight."  The  King  said,  "  Well,  but  I  knighted 

your  friend the  other  day."     The  answer  was,    "Your  Majesty 

served  him  right !  " 


280  John  Dalton. 

a  night  at  the  Globe  Hotel,  Cockermouth,  where  he 
received  some  of  his  friends  to  supper.  Next  morn- 
ing he  was  early  astir,  as  if  impatient  to  reach  his 
old  home,  and  to  shake  hands  with  the  "  weel-kent 
friends  "  of  the  hamlet.  In  his  manners  and  dialect 
he  was  as  much  a  Cumbrian  after  forty-five  years' 
residence  in  Manchester,  as  he  was  on  the  day  he 
tramped  from  Eaglesfield  to  Kendal  in  his  sixteenth 
year — a  raw  lad,  whose  survey  of  the  world  had  been 
confined  to  the  borough  of  Cockermouth.  He  talked 
about  the  weather  and  the  crops,  and  how  things  were 
done  in  his  boyhood,  or  he  accosted  old  farming 
friends  by  saying,  "What,  ye'll  be  thrang  wi'  yer 
hay  ?  "  and  on  being  invited  within  doors,  sat  down, 
lighted  his  pipe,  and  then  had  what  Cumbrians  call  a 
"  real  gude  crack  "  about  old  times.  It  was  a  delight 
to  Dalton  to  meet  his  early  associate  William 
Alderson,  and  Joseph  Dickinson  and  others,  to  talk 
over  the  days  o'  auld  langsyne  at  a  cottage  fire- 
side in  Eaglesfield,  where  old  Alderson,  not  seeing  the 
utility  or  elegance  of  a  fender,  would  use  his  clogs 
to  kick  any  stray  cinders  behind  the  grate. 

Among  those  whom  Dalton  regularly  visited  was 
his  esteemed  friend  John  Wilson  Fletcher  of  Tarn 
Bank,  near  Cockermouth.  After  Dalton's  introduc- 
tion to  the  Court,  Mr  Fletcher  asked  him  how  he  got 
on  with  William  IV.  and  the  grand  folk  at  St  James's, 
and  what  passed  between  him  and  the  King.  Dalton 
told  him  that  the  King  said,  "  Ah  !  Dr  Dalton,  how 
are  you  getting  on  at  Manchester  ?  "  to  which  he 
replied,  "Well,  I  don't  know;  just  middlin',  I  think." 
Mr  Fletcher,  after  a  hearty  laugh  at  John's  simplicity 
of  speech,  said,  "Why,  John,  thou  hardly  showed 


A  mong  his  Cumberland  Friends.  281 

Court  manners  in  addressing  the  King  in  such  com- 
mon parlance."  John  Dalton's  remark  upon  this 
comment  of  his  friend  far  surpassed  his  reply  made 
to  the  King ;  it  was  given  in  broad  Cumbrian  dialect, 
"Mebby  sae,  but  what  can  yan  say  to  see  like 
fowk?" 

On  one  of  his  visits  to  his  old  friends  in  Cumber- 
land, Dalton  attended  the  annual  examination  of  the 
children  at  the  Friends'  School,  Brookfield,  near 
Wigton.  When  the  examination  in  grammar  was 
proceeding  (Lindley  Murray  being  the  text-book  of 
the  school),  Mr  Cook,  the  head-master,  asked  the 
Doctor  if  he  would  like  to  put  any  questions  to  the 
children.  "  No,"  said  he  ;  "  for  I  consider  that  of  al 
the  contrivances  ever  invented  by  human  ingenuity 
to  puzzle  the  brains  of  the  young,  Lindley  Murray's 
grammar  to  be  the  worst." 

This  sentiment,  it  need  hardly  be  added,  gave  the 
Doctor  great  popularity  among  the  Brookfield  lads, 
who  on  resorting  to  the  playground  gave  him  three 
hearty  cheers. 

An  anecdote  may  be  related  which  shows  the  trust 
he  put  in  arduous  industry,  compared  with  the  exer- 
cise of  what  the  world  calls  genius.  Entertaining  Jona- 
than   and  his  son  to  supper  at  the  Globe  Hotel, 

the  conversation  fell  on  education,  and  this  led  Dalton 
to  inquire  into  the  studies  and  progress  of  his  young 
friend ;  he  then  said  to  him,  "Thou  seems  to  have 
better  talents  than  I  possessed  at  thy  age  ;  but  thou 
may  want  the  thing  that  I  had  a  good  share  of — perse- 
verance." The  doctrine  that  greatness  in  every  walk 
of  life  is  only  attained  by  dogged  perseverance,  he 
was  accustomed  to  maintain  at  all  times  and  seasons. 


282  John  Dalton. 

Thus  he  wrote:  "If  I  have  succeeded  better  than 
many  who  surround  me,  it  has  been  chiefly — nay,  I 
may  say,  almost  solely — from  unwearied  assiduity.  It 
is  not  so  much  from  any  superior  genius  that  one 
man  possesses  over  another,  but  more  from  attention 
to  study,  and  perseverance  in  the  objects  before  them, 
that  some  men  rise  to  greater  eminence  than  others." 
Like  Sir  Isaac  Newton,  Dalton  did  not  believe  in 
such  a  thing  as  genius ;  and  though  it  be  too  much  to 
say  that  they  were  altogether  right  in  their  estimation 
of  the  operations  of  the  human  understanding  under 
varied  conditions  of  life,  history  and  biography  offer 
large  evidence  in  their  favour.  Little  has  been  done 
in  the  world  without  painstaking  observation  and 
industry ;  on  the  other  hand,  a  true  inspiration  has 
often  given  point  and  character  to  a  subject  which 
hard-earned  labour  had  failed  to  elucidate  or  com- 
prehend. 

In  Dalton's  instance,  perseverance  made  him  the 
best  scholar  in  Pardshaw  School ;  perseverance  sup- 
ported him  in  making  200,000  meteorological  obser- 
vations ;  perseverance  from  his  first  introduction  to 
chemistry  enabled  him  to  develop  the  atomic  theory ; 
and  the  same  perseverance  gained  him  one  of  the 
highest  seats  in  the  French  Institute — the  crowning 
distinction  of  European  eminence. 

In  the  autumn  of  the  year  1834,  on  the  occasion 
of  the  meeting  of  the  British  Association  at  Edin- 
burgh, the  Senate  of  the  Northern  University  con- 
ferred upon  Dr  Dalton  the  degree  of  LL.D. 

In  December  of  the  same  year  Jonathan  Dalton 
died,  leaving  all  his  real  and  personal  estate  to  his 
brother,  Dr  John  Dalton.  With  this  accession  to  his 


His  First  A  ttack  of  Illness.  283 

own  hoardings,  and  the  pension  of  £150  a-year,  he 
was  well-to-do  in  the  world,  and  considered  himself 
rich  enough  to  buy  a  full  set  of  silver  spoons  for 
dinner,  dessert,  and  tea  service.  In  1836  the  royal 
bounty  was  augmented  to  .£300  a-year. 

The  long-continued  good  health  that  Dalton 
enjoyed  was  suddenly  broken  in  upon  by  a  paralytic 
seizure  on  the  1 8th  April  1837.  He  had  on  the 
previous  evening  had  a  long  and  warm  discussion 
on  chemical  notation  and  symbols,  and  had  evidently 
got  much  excited.  Early  in  June  he  had  sufficiently 
recovered  to  send  to  the  Royal  Society  his  "  Sequel 
to  an  Essay  on  the  Constitution  of  the  Atmosphere," 
that  was  published  in  nis  Philosophical  Transactions 
for  1837. 

From  a  memorandum  of  Miss  Johns'  (December 
9,  1840)  it  would  appear  that  Dalton  was  making 
notes  of  his  life.  On  the  same  evening  he  spoke  of  his 
election  to  the  Academy  of  Sciences,  and  of  Laplace 
being  the  greatest  man  of  his  age,  nor  did  he  forget 
the  extraordinary  powers  of  Cuvier.  Of  one  of  the 
Frenchmen  who  fell  under  consideration,  Dalton  said, 
"  Aye,  he  was  a  nonentity,  as  I  am  now."  "  No,  no," 
said  Miss  Johns  to  him,  "you  are  not  a  nonentity 
yet;"  but  still  he  seemed  to  feel  a  difference  from 
what  he  had  been.  After  this  period  Dalton's 
memory  was  hardly  trustworthy,  and  his  persistence 
in  work  tended  materially  to  make  his  deteriorated 
brain  worse  and  worse. 

In  his  latter  days,  when  possessed  of  ample  means, 
John  Dalton  felt  anxious  to  distribute  his  property 
among  his  blood  relations  and  others  who  had  be- 
friended his  early  years,  and  the  following  letter  indi 


284  John  Dalton. 

cates  a  wish  to  know  the  relations  of  the  Robinsons 
of  Eaglesfield  to  his  ancestral  tree  : — 

MANCHESTER,  \§th  of  \\th  month,  1841. 
DEAR  FRIEND,  JOHN  ROBINSON.— I  left  Eaglesfield  when 
I  was  very  young  (about  15),  and  never  returned  but  a  very  few 
days ;  my  sojourning  was  12  years  at  Kendal,  and  upwards 
of  48  at  Manchester.  Of  course  I  could  not  be  apprised  of  my 
relations  ;  but  now  when  one  has  time  to  reflect  on  the  past, 
we  are  engaged  to  look  back  at  our  ancestors. 

Thomas  Fearon,  my  great  grandfather,  and  Mary  Gill  of 
Eaglesfield,  were  married  at  Pardsey  Cragg  (Pardshaw  Hall), 
in  1688.  35  witnesses. 

Jonathan  Dalton,  shoemaker  [my  grandfather],  and  Abigail 
Fearon  of  Eaglesfield,  were  married  at  Pardsey  Cragg  (Pard- 
shaw Hall),  in  1712.  19  witnesses. 

Joseph  Dalton  of  Eaglesfield  [my  father],  and  Deborah 
Greenup  of  Caldbeck,  were  married  at  Cockermouth  in  1755. 
37  witnesses. 

John  Robinson  was  among  the  witnesses  of  Thomas  Fearon 
and  Mary  Gill.  Samuel  Robinson,  Joseph  Robinson,  Matthew 
Robinson,  John  Robinson,  were  amongst  the  witnesses  of  my 
grandfather's  marriage. 

Betty  Robinson,  John  Robinson,  Elihu  Robinson,  John  Rob- 
inson, were  among  the  Robinsons  in  my  father's  marriage  ; 
taking  them  in  succession. 

I  would  like  to  know  whether  Samuel  Robinson,  who  was  joint 
co-partner  for  a  deed  of  Mary  Fearon,  youngest  sister  of  Abigail 
Fearon,  thou  must  know,  I  conceive,  whether  one  of  thy  rela- 
tions, or  Elihu' s  relation.  I  used  to  call  Elihu  my  cousin,  but 
he  seemed  not  to  be  near  of  kin  to  me.  Thou  must  know, 
I  guess,  whether  Samuel  Robinson  was  thy  grandfather,  or 
not. 

When  I  left  Eaglesfield  there  were  John  Robinson,  the  father, 
John  Robinson  (of  fauld),  son,  I  believe,  of  old  Betty  Robinson 
(widow),  and  her  two  or  three  daughters,  Friends  ;  old  Isaac 
Robinson,  and  young  Isaac  Robinson  (of  fauld)  ;  and  Elihu 
Robinson  ;  and  not  to  forget  Dinah  Robinson  ;  she  died  some 
time  before  I  left. 


Lord  Egertoris  Remarks  on  Dalton.  285 

Samuel  Robinson  and  John  Gill  were  appointed  trustees  to 
my  great  grandfather,  Thomas  Fearon.  Thomas  Fearon  calls 
him,  in  his  last  will,  my  "  brother  Samuel  Robinson  ;  "  is  there 
any  name  Samuel  of  your  family  ?  Thy  assured  friend — JOHN 
DALTON. 

I  do  not  forget  your  kind  entertainment  of  the  bidders  to  my 
estate. 

[This  postscript  refers  to  the  sale  of  his  property,  which  he 
wished  converted  into  money,  to  enable  him  to  distribute  his 
effects  equally  among  his  relatives  and  friends.] 


The  British  Association  met  in  1842  at  Manchester. 
Dalton's  infirm  state  of  health  rendered  it  impossible 
for  him  to  fill  the  office  of  President,  for  which  he  was 
designated  ;  so  he  acted  as  one  of  the  Vice-Presidents. 
Lord  Francis  Egerton  filled  the  chair,  and  made 
the  following  appropriate  remarks  : — 

"  Manchester  has,  in  my  opinion,  a  claim  of  equal  interest  as 
the  birthplace,*  and  still  the  residence  and  scene  of  the  labours 
of  one  whose  name  is  uttered  with  respect  wherever  science  is 
cultivated,  who  is  here  to-night  to  enjoy  the  honours  due  to  a 
long  career  of  persevering  devotion  to  knowledge,  and  to  receive, 
if  he  will  condescend  to  do  so,  from  myself,  the  expression  of 
my  own  deep  personal  regret,  that  increase  of  years,  which  to 
him  up  to  this  hour  has  been  but  increase  of  wisdom,  should 
have  rendered  him,  in  respect  of  mere  bodily  strength,  unable 
to  fill  on  this  occasion  an  office  which,  in  his  case,  would  have 
received  more  honour  than  it  could  confer.  I  do  regret  that 
any  cause  should  have  prevented  the  present  meeting,  in  his 
native  town,  from  being  associated  with  the  name  of  Dalton  as 
its  president.  The  council  well  know  my  views  and  wishes  in 
this  matter,  and  that  could  my  services  have  been  available,  I 

*  Owing  to  Dalton's  long  residence  of  fifty  years,  Manchester  in  the 
eyes  of  a  vast  majority  of  people  was  considered  his  birthplace. 


286  John  Dalton: 

would  gladly  have  served  as  a  doorkeeper  in  any  house  where 
the  father  of  science  in  Manchester  was  enjoying  his  just  pre- 
eminence." 

With  his  increasing  years  came  increased  debility, 
so  that  he  required  the  constant  attention  of  an 
attached  servant.  On  the  2Oth  May  1844,  he  had  a 
slight  fit ;  and  on  the  2/th  July  of  the  same  year, 
after  an  effort  to  rise,  he  had  fallen  backwards  from 
his  bed,  and  was  found  with  his  head  on  the  floor 
quite  lifeless. 

His  body  was  examined  by  Messrs  Ransome  and 
Wilson,  who  found  "  in  the  anterior  portion  of  the 
middle  lobe  of  the  brain,  on  the  left  side,  above  the 
filsure  of  Sylvius,  a  firm,  thick  sac  containing  the 
debris  of  an  old  coagulum,  and  softening  of  the  brain 
around  it.  The  weight  of  the  brain  and  membranes 
was  about  3^  Ibs."  * 

There  was  nothing  in  the  humours  of  the  eye  (as 
already  stated  in  the  chapter  on  Colour-blindness)  to 
account  for  his  colour-blindness.  A  phrenologist 
present  at  the  post-mortem  examination  pointed  out 
what  he  considered  a  deficient  development  of  the 
convolutions  of  the  anterior  lobes  resting  on  the 
frontal  portion  of  the  orbitar  plates,  the  phrenological 
site  of  the  "  organ  of  colour." 

No  sooner  had  the  death  of  Dr  Dalton  been 
announced,  than  a  universal  feeling  arose  in  the  city 
of  Manchester,  from  the  ruling  powers  to  the  hum- 
blest citizen,  to  pay  all  honour  to  the  memory  of  the 

*  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  Mr  Ransome  had  not  been  more  definite 
as  to  the  weights  he  used,  and  whether  it  was  the  brain  proper  or  the 
encephalon  he  weighed,  so  that  some  comparisons  might  have  been 
instituted  between  Dalton's  brain  and  those  of  Cuvier,  Blumenbach, 
Abercrombie,  and  others. 


His  Death  and  Funeral.  287 

deceased  philosopher.  A  public  funeral  was  resolved 
upon,  and  in  imitation  of  the  honours  paid  to  the  great 
in  State  and  Church,  the  coffin  containing  his  remains 
were  placed  in  the  Town  Hall,  in  a  darkened  apart- 
ment, hung  with  back  draTpery,  and  illuminated  by 
artificial  light.  In  one  day  upwards  of  40,000  persons 
passed  through  the  Town  Hall  to  gratify  their 
curiosity  *  by  a  sight  of  a  "beautiful  mahogany  coffin  " 
containing  the  remains  of  the  deceased.  The  public 
funeral  took  place  on  Monday,  August  12,  and  in  point 
of  numbers  of  persons  present,  and  private  carriages — 
nearly  one  hundred — as  well  as  in  the  display  of  all 
the  paraphernalia  of  woe,  such  a  funeral  was  probably 
never  witnessed  in  provincial  England.  Four  hun- 
dred of  the  police  were  on  duty,  each  with  an  emblem 
of  mourning,  and  the  funeral  train  was  nearly  a 
mile  in  length.  Almost  every  public  body  in  the 
towns  of  Manchester  and  Salford  were  represented  in 
the  procession.  The  shops  and  warehouses  were 
closed ;  the  windows  were  lined  with  spectators,  as 
well  as  the  roofs  of  the  houses.  The  burial  took 
place  in  the  Ardwick  Cemetery.  The  grave  is  en- 
closed and  covered  by  a  massive  block  of  polished 
red  granite,  inscribed  JOHN  DALTON,  and  in  smaller 
letters  the  dates  of  his  birth  and  death. 

At  the  sale  of  Dr  Dalton's  furniture  and  effects,  in 
October  1844,  seven  hundred  volumes  of  books  were 
offered  for  sale,  some  of  them  of  considerable  value. 
He  died  possessed  of  about  £8000  personality,  besides 

*  No  wonder  the  Society  of  Friends,  whose  mode  of  interment  is  so 
simple,  yet  so  solemn  and  impressive,  entered  their  protest  against  the 
"  lying  in  state  "  of  one  of  their  members,  as  they  have  uniformly  borne 
"  a  testimony  against  all  parade  and  show  on  such  occasions,  and 
against  all  external  emblems  of  mourning." 


288  John  Dalton. 

the  realty,  which  consisted  of  six  houses,  bequeathed  to 
Mr  Alderman  Nield  and  Mr  Peter  Clare,  two  of  his 
oldest  friends.  He  made  his  will  on  December  22, 
1841,  and  a  codicil  in  June  1843.  With  the  exception 
of  £500  to  the  Quaker's  school  at  Ackworth,  York- 
shire, and  ;£3OO  to  a  similar  school  at  Brookfield,  and 
£50  to  the  Eaglesfield  and  Blind  Bothell  School  at 
Paddle,  Cumberland,  he  distributed  his  money  pretty 
equally  among  his  relatives  and  friends. 

A  meeting  was  held  on  January  26,  1853,  m  ^e 
Town  Hall,  Manchester,  for  promoting  a  testimonial 
to  the  memory  of  John  Dalton  ;  a  committee  was 
appointed  to  collect  subscriptions  for  the  erection  of 
a  monument  over  his  grave  in  the  Ardwick  Cemetery, 
and  of  a  statue  in  front  of  the  Manchester  Royal 
Infirmary ;  and  also  to  found  one  or  more  scholar- 
ships for  the  best  original  investigation  in  Chemistry, 
to  be  prosecuted  in  the  laboratory  of  the  Owens' 
College.  A  sum  of  upwards  of  ^4000  was  devoted 
to  this  latter  object,  and  a  more  fitting  testimonial 
could  not  have  been  proposed.  "  The  establishment 
in  England,"  sagaciously  observes  Professor  Roscoe, 
"  of  a  scholarship  for  original  research,  was,  twenty-one 
years  ago,  a  circumstance  without  a  parallel ;  but  in 
spite  of  the  novelty  of  the  experiment,  time  has  fully 
proved  the  wisdom  of  the  course  which  its  originators 
adopted,  and  already  a  considerable  number  of  men 
have  had  the  Dalton  Scholarship  awarded  to  them 
for  original  work  of  a  more  or  less  important  char- 
acter, and  are  now  holding  high  and  responsible 
positions  in  scientific,  manufacturing,  and  official 
life." 


CHAPTER  XV. 

"  Truth  is  the  daughter  of  Time,  and  not  of  Authority  " 

— LORD  BACON.    1 

BONAPARTE'S  LOVE  OF  SCIENCE — OPINIONS  OF  THOMSON,  WOLLAS- 
TON,  HERSCHEL,  GRAHAM,  BERZELIUS,  FARADAY,  LIEBIG,  ROSCOE, 
CANNIZZARO,  TYNDALL,  DUMAS,  AND  WURTZ  ON  THE  ATOMIC 

THEORY. 

[ENERAL  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE, 
in  his  expedition  to  Egypt,  was  accom- 
panied by  naturalists,  historians,  and  others 
eminent  in  art  and  science,  selected 
for  special  services  in  exploring  the  land  of  the 
Pharaohs.  After  the  decisive  battle  of  the  Pyramids, 
Bonaparte,  stationed  at  Cairo,  was  one  day  riding 
through  the  Uzbekeeh  gardens  with  M.  Monge,*  one 
of  the  Scientific  Institute  the  General  had  founded 
in  Egypt,  whom  he  thus  addressed  : — "  I  find  myself 
here  the  conqueror  of  Egypt,  marching  in  the  foot- 
steps of  Alexander  the  Great,  but  I  should  have 
greatly  preferred  following  those  of  Sir  Isaac 
Newton."  M.  Monge  remarked  that  Newton  had 
exhausted  the  field  of  discovery  in  physics,  leaving 
nothing  to  those  who  might  follow  him.  "By  no 
means,"  was  Bonaparte's  reply,  "  Newton  dealt  with 
masses  of  matter,  and  with  their  movements;  I 

*  This  was  Gaspard  Monge,  who  founded  the  Normal  and  Poly- 
technic Schools  of  Paris,  and  proved  himself  equal  to  the  organisation 
of  numerous  schemes  for  the  benefit  of  the  French  Empire. 

T 


290  John  Dalton. 

should  have  sought  in  the  atoms  for  the  laws  by 
which  worlds  have  been  constructed."  What  a  testi- 
mony to  the  genius  of  the  young  Corsican,  who,  with 
a  full  appreciation  of  the  light  that  Newton's  mind 
had  revealed  of  the  laws  of  gravitation  affecting  the 
great  orbs,  was  incited  by  motives  of  ambition  to 
soar  for  the  light  that  should  disclose  the  infinitesi- 
mal small  in  the  worlds  of  atoms.  Whilst  the  bright 
Eastern  sun  was  warming  the  lofty  inspirations  of 
the  soldier  of  France  towards  scientific  discovery,  the 
son  of  a  poor  weaver,  a  humble  schoolmaster  and 
man  of  peace,  in  a  dingy  room  of  smoky  Manchester, 
was  preparing  his  balances  and  crude  apparatus  for 
the  solution  of  that  great  problem  in  the  physics  of 
chemistry  that  Bonaparte  longed  to  be  master  of. 

Though  the  laws  of  definite,  reciprocal,  and  multiple 
proportions  remain  in  their  integrity  as  laid  down  by 
Dalton,  it  must  not  be  supposed  that  all  his  experi- 
ments, much  less  his  combining  weights  of  elements 
and  calculations,  are  to  be  viewed  as  faultless.  Thus, 
more  accurate  experimenting  than  his  has  proved 
that  certain  atoms  are  a  little  heavier,  and  others  a 
little  lighter  than  he  believed  ;  and  the  work  of  per- 
fecting the  observations  of  chemists  is  constantly 
going  on,  aided  very  materially  by  improved  instru- 
ments and  methods  of  operating.  Rarely  can  the 
claim  be  made  for  approximative  perfection,  even  in 
the  arts  guided  by  the  best  mechanical  skill.  In 
science,  it  need  not  be  said,  there  are  greater  difficul- 
ties to  contend  with,  inasmuch  as  science  has  to  do 
with  phenomena  more  subtle  in  nature,  more  diversi- 
fied in  relations,  than  mere  technological  plans  and 
arrangements.  Hence  it  may  be  inferred  that  the 


Not  ivitheut  Questioners.  29 1 

exposition,  if  not  a  portion  of  the  doctrines  promul- 
gated by  Dalton,  has  undergone  certain  modifica- 
tions, not  affecting  that  part  of  his  views  which 
ascribed  the  union  of  indestructible  atoms  to 
chemical  affinity,  but  rather  the  accuracy  of  his 
balance  and  the  relative  weights  of  the  substances  he 
treated.  This  is  of  minor  import  compared  with  the 
great  strides  he  made  upon  the  ancient  atomists,  and 
the  more  modern  Cartesian  philosophers,  who  could 
only  see  the  irregular  and  fortuitous  in  the  arrangement 
of  atoms,  and  not  a  constant  and  methodical  action 
affecting  all  molecular  arrangements. 

Dalton  met  with  opponents  in  his  own  day,  and 
there  are  still  some  to  be  found  who  object  to  his 
theory;  but  hitherto  they  have  not  shown  any 
inconsistency  in  the  atomic  theory,  nor  in  the  con- 
clusions to  which  it  leads.  As  Professor  Williamson, 
in  his  able  address  as  President  of  the  British 
Association  at  Bradford  in  1873,  observed  on  this 
subject,  that  no  philosopher  had  been  able  to  explain 
"  the  facts  of  chemistry  on  the  assumption  that  there 
are  no  atoms,  but  that  matter  is  infinitely  divisible/' 
Nay  more,  that  "when  they  interpret  their  analyses, 
these  chemists  allow  themselves  neither  more  nor 
less  latitude  than  the  atomic  theory  allows :  in  fact, 
they  are  unconsciously  guided  by  it"  No  doubt  it 
is  by  examining  the  combining  proportions  of  atoms 
that  we  get  clear  ideas  of  the  constitution  of  matter — 
that  great  desideratum  in  the  mental  vision  of 
Napoleon  le  Grand. 

The  test  of  a  good  hypothesis  is  its  conformity 
with  observed  facts,  and  Daiton's  theory  is  thoroughly 
reconcilable  with  this  view.  The  most  satisfactory 


292  John  Dalton. 

theories  often  involve  suppositions  of  an  irreconcilable 
character.  Thus,  how  difficult  it  is  to  frame  one's 
notions  of  the  force  of  gravity  acting  instantaneously, 
between  the  most  distant  parts  of  the  planetary 
system  ;  or  that  a  touch  of  electricity  should  be  made 
to  pass  along  a  wire  of  23,000  miles  in  length  in  a 
single  second  ;  or  that  a  ray  of  violet  light  should 
consist  of  700  billions  of  vibrations  in  each  second  : 
yet  these  statements,  however  extraordinary  in  char- 
acter, are  essential  to  enable  us  to  explain  the 
phenomena  observed  by  the  physicist. 

The  Abbe  Boscovich  said  that  we  are  to  under- 
stand by  hypotheses  "  not  fictions  altogether  arbitrary, 
but  suppositions  conformable  to  experience  or  ana- 
logy." Newton's  motto  of  "Hypotheses  non  fingo" 
heralding  his  "  Principia,"  was  not  only  called  in 
question,  but  treated  as  somewhat  ironical ;  so  much 
so,  that  Liebnitz  and  other  philosophers  on  the 
Continent  repelled  the  Newtonian  tenet,  and  anim- 
adverted strongly  on  his  re-introducing  part  of  his 
occult  chemistry  into  the  science  of  facts. 

In  a  previous  chapter  of  this  memoir,  circumstances 
of  historical  note  and  proof  were  adduced  to  clear 
the  ground  of  those  doubts  at  one  time  prevalent 
regarding  the  originality  of  the  discovery  of  the 
modern  atomic  theory  by  John  Dalton ;  now  it 
behoves  me  to  notice  the  manner  in  which  the  new 
chemical  doctrines  were  received  by  his  contempo- 
raries. 

To  Dr  Thomson  of  Glasgow  must  be  awarded  the 
honour  of  first  embracing  and  making  known  to  the 
world  the  atomic  philosophy.  It  was  during  his 
visit  to  Manchester  in  1804,  already  mentioned,  that 


Opinions  of  Thomson  and  Wollaston.          293 

he  learned  from  Dalton's  lips  his  new  doctrine,  and 
the  experimental  evidence  on  which  it  reposed.  Dr 
Thomson  saw  at  a  glance  the  immense  importance  of 
this  theory,  and  at  once  cordially  adopting  it,  became 
and  continued,  during  a  long  and  brilliant  scientific 
career,  its  most  earnest  and  persevering  expounder. 
He  first  announced  its  principles  in  the  third  edition 
of  his  "  System  of  Chemistry,"  p.  424,  &c.,  and  in 
January  1808,  brought  it  prominently,  with  praise- 
worthy hardihood,  before  the  notice  of  the  Royal 
Society.  In  this  memoir,  on  " Oxalic  Acid,"  he  showed 
the  existence  of  two  salts  of  oxalic  acid  and  potash, 
the  oxalate  and  superoxalate,  in  the  last  of  which  the 
acid  was  found  to  be  "  very  nearly  double  what  is 
contained  in  the  oxalate."  He  also  proved  that  there 
are  two  oxalates  of  strontian,  and  "  that  the  first  con- 
tains just  double  the  proportion  of  base  contained  in 
the  second."  .These  remarkable  examples  of  the  law 
of  multiple  proportions  constituted  of  themselves, 
especially  at  the  time  when  they  were  made  known, 
invaluable  facts  in  favour  of  the  atomic  theory.  But 
Dr  Thomson  ventured  further,  at  the  close  of  his 
memoir,  to  lay  down  distinctly  and  fully  the  doctrines 
of  Dalton,  and  to  give  the  atomic  weights  of  several 
bodies — all,  it  may  be  observed,  in  the  gaseous  state — 
which  Dalton  had  then  obtained.  "This  curious 
theory,"  he  observes,  "which  promises  to  throw  an 
unexpected  light  on  the  obscurest  parts  of  chemistry, 
belongs  to  Mr  Dalton." 

At  the  next  succeeding  meeting  of  the  Royal 
Society  Dr  Wollaston  read  his  remarkable  memoir  on 
"  Superacid  and  Subacid  Salts."  In  this  he  points  out 
the  existence  of  the  law  of  simple  multiples  in  the 


294  John  Dalton. 

subcarbonate  and  carbonate  of  potash  and  soda,  in 
the  supersulphate  and  sulphate  of  potash,  and  in  the 
three  compounds  of  potash  and  oxalic  acid — the  oxa- 
late,  binoxalate,  and  quadroxalate.  In  these  last  the 
weights  of  acid  combining  with  a  constant  quantity 
of  base  are  represented  by  the  numbers  I,  2,  and  4. 
He  regards  these  facts  as  "  but  particular  instances 
of  the  more  general  observation  of  Mr  Dalton,  that  in 
all  cases  the  simple  elements  of  bodies  are  disposed 
to  unite  atom  to  atom  singly,  or  if  either  is  in  excess, 
it  exceeds  by  a  ratio  to  be  expressed  by  some  simple 
multiple  of  the  number  of  its  atoms."  He  adds — "  I 
am  further  inclined  to  think  that  when  our  views  are 
sufficiently  extended  to  enable  us  to  reason  with 
precision  concerning  the  proportions  of  elementary 
atoms,  we  shall  find  the  arithmetical  relation  alone 
will  not  be  sufficient  to  explain  their  mutual  action, 
and  that  we  shall  be  obliged  to  acquire.a  geometrical 
conception  of  their  relative  arrangement  in  all  the 
three  dimensions  of  solid  extension/' 

In  a  letter  dated  November  15,  1809,  addressed  to 
Dalton  by  Sir  H.  Davy,  on  matters  connected  with 
the  Royal  Institution,  he  writes  : — "  I  shall  be  very 
glad  to  hear  your  new  views  of  the  atomic  system. 
I  think  it  likely  that  there  is  always  a  regular  order 
of  proportions  in  composition,  but  I  doubt  whether 
we  have  yet  obtained  any  elements  ;  and  I  am  con- 
vinced that  there  are  yet  great  changes  to  be  made  in 
our  existing  arrangements."  Again,  in  the  year  181  r, 
Sir  H.  Davy  expressed  his  matured  objections  to  the 
doctrines  of  Dalton  as  follows : — "  I  shall  enter  no 
further  at  present  into  an  examination  of  the  opin- 
ions, results,  and  conclusions  of  my  learned  friend. 


Sir  H.  Davy  and  Berzelius.  295 

I  am,  however,  obliged  to  dissent  from  most  of  them, 
and  to  protest  against  the  interpretations  that  he  has 
been  pleased  to  make  of  my  experiments,  and  I 
trust  to  his  judgment  and  candour  for  a  correction  of 
his  views.  ...  It  is  impossible  not  to  admire  the 
ingenuity  and  talent  with  which  Mr  Dalton  has 
arranged,  combined,  weighed,  measured,  and  figured 
his  atoms  ;  but  it  is  not,  I  conceive,  on  any  specula- 
tions upon  the  ultimate  particles  of  matter  that 
the  true  theory  of  definite  proportions  must  ulti- 
mately rest." 

Considering  Davy's  exalted  position  as  a  discoverer 
in  chemistry,  his  keen  vision,  fertile  imagination,  and 
powers  of  induction  equal  to  the  best  men  of  his 
epoch,  it  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  he  should  have 
shown  such  jealousy  of  his  rivals  approaching  near 
the  throne  of  science,  and  apparently  so  domineering 
a  spirit.  In  my  last  volume,  when  treating  of  the 
character  of  James  Losh,  Recorder  of  Newcastle-on- 
Tyne,  I  had  occasion  to  point  out  this  marked  fault  in 
Davy's  scientific  temperament.  It  is  more  agreeable 
to  note  that  after  a  lapse  of  years  Sir  Humphrey 
came  round  to  Dalton's  views,  and,  as  mentioned  in 
a  previous  page,  when  presenting  Dalton  with  the 
fifty-guinea  prize  offered  by  George  IV.,  spoke  in 
the  highest  terms  of  his  contemporary. 

It  may  be  stated  in  limine  that  almost  all  the  great 
chemical  writers  of  the  present  day  concur,  without  any 
reservation,  in  attributing  to  Dalton  the  fame  of  this 
remarkable  discovery.  Thus  Berzelius  affirms — "  To 
Dalton  belongs  the  honour  of  the  discovery  of  this 
part  of  chemical  proportions  which  we  name  multiple 


296  John  Dalton. 

proportions,  and  which  none  of  his  predecessors  had 
observed." 

In  the  estimation  of  the  same  distinguished 
chemist,  writing  in  1835,  "the  atomic  hypothesis  was 
afterwards  confirmed  by  numerous  experiments ;  and 
we  may  state  without  exaggeration,  that  this  is  one  of 
the  greatest  steps  which  chemistry  has  yet  made 
towards  perfection."  Mitscherlich  thinks  "  that  this 
hypothesis,  like  every  other,  must  undergo  changes,  in 
proportion  as  observations  are  multiplied.  It  is 
possible,  although  highly  improbable,  that  it  may  be 
wholly  superseded  by  another  ;  yet  the  history  of 
science  can  adduce  scarcely  any  law,  and  certainly  no 
theory,  which  has  conducted  the  inquirer  to  so  many 
discoveries  as  this  hypothesis."  Dr  Hermann  Kopp's 
opinion  coincided  with  those  of  Berzelius. 

"  The  extreme  simplicity,"  Sir  John  Herschel  ob- 
serves, "  which  characterises  the  atomic  theory,  and 
which  is  itself  an  indication,  not  unequivocal,  of  its 
elevated  rank  in  the  scale  of  physical  truths/ had  the 
effect  of  causing  it  to  be  announced  at  once  by  Mr 
Dalton  in  its  most  general  terms,  on  the  contemplation 
of  a  few  instances,  without  passing  through  subordinate 
stages  of  painful  inductive  assent  by  the  intermedium  of 
subordinate  laws.  .  .  .  Instances  like  this,  where  great, 
and  indeed  immeasurable,  steps  in  our  knowledge  of 
nature  are  made  at  once,  and  almost  without  intel- 
lectual effort,  are  well  calculated  to  raise  our  hopes 
of  the  future  progress  of  science,  and  by  pointing 
out  the  simplest  and  most  obvious  combinations,  as 
those  which  are  actually  found  to  be  most  agreeable 
to  the  harmony  of  creation,  to  hold  out  the  cheer- 
ing prospect  of  difficulties  diminishing  as  we  advance, 


Graham ,  Faraday,  and  Liebig.  297 

instead  of  thickening  around  us  in  increasing  com- 
plexity." 

Professor  Graham  states — "But  the  first  foundations 
of  a  complete  system  of  equivalents,  embracing  both 
simple  bodies  and  their  compounds,  were  laid  by 
Dalton  at  the  same  time  that  he  announced  his 
atomic  theory."  Again — "The  laws  of  combination 
and  the  doctrine  of  equivalents,  which  have  just  been 
considered,  are  founded  upon  experimental  evidence 
only,  and  involve  no  hypothesis.  The  most  general 
of  these  laws  were  not,  however,  suggested  by 
observation,  but  by  a  theory  of  the  atomic  constitu- 
tion of  bodies  in  which  they  are  included,  and  which 
affords  a  luminous  explanation  of  them.  The  partial 
verification  which  this  theory  has  received  in  the 
establishment  of  these  laws  adds  greatly  to  its  interest, 
and  is  a  strong  argument  in  favour  of  its  truth." 

Dr  Faraday,  in  reply  to  Dr  W.  C.  Henry's  inquiries 
as  to  his  views,  wrote,  August  2,  1853  :  "  I  do  not 
know  that  I  am  unorthodox  as  respects  the  atomic 
hypothesis.  /  believe  in  matter  and  its  atoms  as  freely 
as  most  people,  at  least  I  think  so."  The  subsequent 
part  of  his  letter  showed  great  reserve  of  mind  as  to 
the  existence  of  "little  solid  particles"  independent 
of  the  forces  of  matter  ;  and  apparently  his  views  of 
the  ultimate  constitution  of  matter  agreed  pretty 
much  with  that  of  the  Abbe"  Boscovich — a  little 
dreamy  and  uncertain. 

Baron  Liebig's  answer  to  Dr  Henry's  application 
was  of  a  more  definite  character.  He  wrote  : — 

Chemistry  received  in  the  atomic  theory  a  fundamental 
view;  which  overruled  and  governed  all  other  theoretical 
views,  to  which  the  ideas  of  the  age  respecting  chemical  forces, 


298  John  Dalton. 

affinity,  cohesion  referred  themselves ;  it  was  the  bond  which 
bound  together  all  other  views.  In  this  lies  the  extraordinary 
service  which  this  theory  rendered  to  science — viz.,  that  it 
supplied  a  fertile  soil  for  further  advancement ;  a  soil  which 
was  previously  wanting.  In  the  most  recent  investigations 
concerning  the  constitution  of  organic  bases,  the  alcohols  and 
the  acids  corresponding  to  the  alcohols,  we  have  seen  that  the 
groundwork  of  the  Daltonian  theory  is  equally  valid  for  organic 
bodies.  His  main  law,  that  the  properties  of  compounds  are 
dependent  on  the  nature  of  their  elements,  and  on  the  mode 
and  way  of  their  position  or  arrangement,  will  always  main- 
tain a  high  value. 

Professor  Roscoe,  as  President  of  the  Chemical 
Section  of  the  "  British  Association  for  the  Advance- 
ment of  Science  "  in  1870,  after  alluding  to  the  views 
of  Sir  B.  C.  Brodie  and  Dr  Odling,  with  which  he 
mainly  agreed,  and  believing  that  we  must  carefully 
distinguish  between  fact  and  theory,  went  on  to 
say : — 

I  would  remind  you  that  Dalton's  discovery  of  multiple 
and  reciprocal  proportions  (I  use  Dr  Odling's  word),  as  well  as 
the  differences  which  we  now  acknowledge  in  the  power  of 
hydrogen-replacement  in  hydrochloric  acid,  water,  ammonia, 
and  marsh-gas,  are  facts,  whilst  the  explanation  upon  the 
assumption  of  atoms  is,  as  far  as  chemistry  has  yet  advanced, 
a  theory.  If,  however,  the  existence  of  atoms  cannot  be  proved 
by  chemical  phenomena,  we  must  remember  that  the  assumption 
of  the  atomic  theory  explains  chemical  facts  as  the  undulatory 
theory  gives  a  clear  view  of  the  phenomena  of  light ;  thus,  for 
instance,  one  of  the  most  important  facts  and  relations  of 
modern  chemistry  which  it  appears  difficult,  if  not  impossible, 
to  explain  without  the  assumption  of  atoms,  is  that  of  Isomerism. 
How  otherwise  than  by  a  different  arrangement  of  the  single 
constituent  particles  are  we  to  account  for  several  distinct 
substances  in  which  the  proportions  of  carbon,  hydrogen,  and 


Roscoe,  Cannizzaro,  and  TyndalL  299 

oxygen  are  the  same  ?  Why,  for  instance,  should  48  parts  by 
weight  of  carbon,  10  of  hydrogen,  and  16  of  oxygen,  united 
together,  be  capable  of  existing  as  three  different  chemical 
substances,  unless  we  presuppose  a  different  statical  arrange- 
ment of  the  parts  by  which  these  differences  in  the  deportment 
of  the  whole  are  rendered  possible  ? 

Professor  Cannizzaro  of  Palermo,  now  of  Rome, 
delivered  the  " Faraday  Lecture"  to  the  Chemical 
Society,  May  30,  1872.  Nature  of  June  20  gives 
inter  alia  the  following  as  part  of  the  professor  s 
lecture : — 

Whilst  giving  a  broad  sketch  of  the  progress  of  modern 
chemistry,  he  showed  that  the  atomic  theory  had  become  more 
and  more  intimately  interlaced  with  the  fabric  of  chemistry,  so 
that  it  is  no  longer  possible  to  separate  them  without  rending 
the  tissue,  as  it  were,  of  the  science,  and  that  up  to  the  present 
time  we  have  been  unable  to  enunciate  even  the  empirical 
laws  of  chemical  proportion  independently  of  that  theory  ;  for 
those  who  employ  the  term  equivalent,  in  the  sense  that  Wol- 
laston  did,  commit  an  anachronism.  Consequently,  in  the  expo- 
sition of  the  value  and  use  of  symbols,  formulae,  and  chemical 
equations,  not  only  are  we  unable  to  do  without  the  atomic  and 
molecular  theory,  but  it  is  inconvenient  to  follow  the  long  and 
fatiguing  path  of  induction  which  leads  up  to  it.  By  one  of 
those  bold  nights  of  the  human  mind  we  can  at  once  reach 
the  height  whence  we  discern  at  a  glance  the  relations  between 
facts. 

Professor  Tyndall,  who  seconded  a  vote  of  thanks 
to  Cannizzaro  for  his  lecture,  said  : — 

The  chemist  cannot  halt  at  equivalent  proportions— he  must 
ask  himself  whence  they  arise,  and  the  inevitable  answer  is 
some  form  of  the  atomic  theory.  This  theory,  however,  cannot 
be  confined  to  chemical  phenomena.  The  motions  of  those 
atoms  and  molecules  underlie  all  our  explanations  of  the 
physical  cause  of  light  and  heat,  and  it  is  already  taking  up  the 


3  oo  John  Dalton. 

field  of  magnetism  and  electricity.  Consider,  for  example,  the 
heat  of  gases,  both  as  regards  the  motion  of  translation  of  the 
molecules  which  produce  temperature,  and  the  motions  of 
rotation  and  vibration  of  their  constituent. atoms,  which,  though 
they  do  not  express  themselves  as  temperature,  constitute  a 
portion  of  the  heat. 

Dumas,  the  most  distinguished  of  French  chemists 
("Legons  sur  la  Philosophic  Chimique,"  p.  221),  calls 
Dalton  "the  Nestor  of  Chemistry;"  and  Wurtz 
("  Histoire  des  Doctrines  Chimiques,"  Discour  pre- 
liminaire,  p.  xiv.),  after  describing  the  relation 
between  combining  weights  observed  by  Wengel  and 
Richter,  adds : — 

Mais  1'interpretation  thdorique  faisait  encore  defaut. 
Elle  ddcoule  des  travaux  d'un  savant  anglais  qui  a  dote'  la 
science  de  la  conception  a  la  fois  la  plus  profonde  et  la  plus 
fe'conde  parmi  toutes  celles  qui  ont  surgi  depuis  Lavoisier.  Au 
commencement  de  ce  siecle,  la  chimie  etait  professed  a  Man- 
chester par  un  homme  qui  joignait  a  un  amour  ardent  de  la 
science  cette  noble  fierte'  du  savant  qui  sait  pref^rer  1'inde- 
pendance  aux  honneurs,  et  a  une  vaine  popularity  la  gloire  des 
travaux  solides.  Ce  professeur  est  Dalton  ;  son  nom  est  un 
des  plus  grands  de  la  chimie. 


APPENDIX. 


JOHN  DALTON'S  STATEMENT  OF  THE  CASE  IN  THE 
AFFAIR  BETWIXT  HIS  BROTHER  AND  SELF. 

Article  1st.  That  my  father,  in  apportioning  the 
paternal  inheritance  to  us,  has  made  a  vastly  great 
and  unusual  distinction  betwixt  my  brother  and  self. 

Article  2d.  That  he  would  have  placed  his  children 
upon  a  more  equitable  footing,  if  he  had  apprehended 
it  was  in  his  power  to  do  so,  with  reputation  to  him- 
self. 

Article  3d.  That  it  was  in  his  power  to  dispose  of 
the  whole  of  his  property  according  as  he  should 
think  best ;  but  from  a  great  deficiency  in  the  know- 
ledge of  the  law,  and  from  a  want  of  advice  suited  to 
the  exigencies  of  his  situation  at  the  time  he  made  his 
will,  he  has  not  availed  himself  of  his  power. 

Article  4th.  That  upon  these  considerations,  I  think 
myself  entitled  to  something  more  out  of  the  paternal 
inheritance  than  I  have  yet  received. 

I  shall  now  state  the  facts,  to  the  best  of  my  knowledge,  in 
support  of  these  articles. 

Facts  relating  to  article  ist.— My  father's  property,  when  his 
verbal  will  was  made,  was  a  real  estate,  £  of  it  freehold, 
the  rest  copyhold,  let  to  farm  for  .£41,  los.  p.  ann.  without  the 
dwelling-house,  now  let  for  £2  p.  ann.  Total,  ^43,  los.  p.  ann. 


302  Appendix. 

The  neat  value,  therefore,  may  be  set  at  ^1000.  His  personal 
estate  was  thought  to  be  nearly  sufficient  to  pay  his  debts.  By 
his  will,  to  which  E.  and  J.  Robinson  were  witnesses,  the  whole 
estate,  real  and  personal,  was  left  to  brother ;  but  he  engaged, 
as  desired,  to  pay  my  sister  and  self  each  ^50  one  year  after 
father's  decease,  and  to  pay  my  mother  ^50  also,  or  rather  an 
annuity  of  ^6  p.  ann.  for  life  :  these  three  fifties,  or  ^150,  were 
expressly  mentioned  and  considered  as  the  value  of  the  copy- 
hold. The  freehold  was  scarcely  mentioned.  This  is  the  sub- 
stance of  the  matter  as  related  by  my  brother  to  me  at  the  time 
(for  I  was  not  present)  :  and  the  two  friends,  I  believe,  do  not 
differ  materially  in  their  relation.  I  should,  however,  except 
the  valuation  of  the  estate  at  ;£iooo,  which  is  my  own,  and  was 
not  then  mentioned  I  presume.  As  the  estate  was  not  then 
thought  to  be  chargeable  with  anything  but  Aunt  Mary's  dower 
out  of  the  copyhold,  the  rate  of  brother's  part  to  mine,  from 
this  view  of  things,  is  as  1 8  to  I  nearly. 

Though  this  appeared,  at  the  time  of  father's  death,  to  be  a  fair 
estimate,  yet  from  different  circumstances  the  proportion  of  our 
shares  is  much  changed.  The  following,  then,  is  a  statement  of 
our  shares  at  father's  death,  as  they  have  really  turned  out  to  be. 


Father's  real  estate,  ^1000;  •» 

personal,  £73  .        .         .  )       *>IO73 
[Debts] 303 


Debts £122 

Sister's  debts*   ....          15 
Mortgage  and  interest      .        .        166 


Remr.  descended  to  brother  £  770 

From  this  .£770,  which  brother  may  be  said  to  have  received 
at  father's  death,  we  are  to  deduct  the  following,  in  order  to  get 
the  neat  value  of  his  share,  viz.  :  Aunt  Mary's  dower,  3  years, 
^40  ;  mother's  do.,  being  £8  p.  ann.  for  life,  may  be  estimated  at 
;£8o.  Value  of  the  copyhold,  ^150,  to  pay  at  i  year,  being  dis- 
counted, is  ^144.  Total,  ,£264.  Remains  neat  to  brother,  ^506. 
My  share,  ,£50,  discounted  for  I  year,  is  ^48.  Ratio  io|  :  I 
nearly. 

This,  then,  is  the  real  proportion  of  the  effects  we  received 
immediately  from  our  father. 

N.B. — With  respect  to  legacies  in  a  collateral  relation,  origi- 

*  N.B. — My  brother  has  included  these  in  father's  debts  :  the  reason 
he  alleges  is  that  father  intended  to  have  paid  them  on  her  behalf. 


Appendix.  303 

nally  out  of  the  same  estate,  we  are  pretty  much  upon  a  par  ; — 
sister  dying  intestate,  we  each  received  £2.1.  Uncle  Jona's 
legacy  to  my  brother  is  about  ^15  ;  to  myself,  ^28  :  the  advan- 
tage ^13  in  my  favour. 

Facts  relating  to  article  2d.— My  father  expressly  told  me, 
about  three  months  before  his  death,  when  he  was  at  Kendal, 
"  that  Jonathan  being  provided  for,  he  had  only  to  care  for  us 
(meaning  sister  and  self),  that  he  had  nothing  for  us  but  the 
tenancy  as  yet,  but  that  he  would  be  as  frugal  as  might  be,  in 
order  to  accumulate  something  more  for  us ;  that  as  for  the 
entailed  estate  he  would  not  touch  it." 

This  is  the  purport  of  his  words,  and  I  apprehended  at  the 
time  it  was  a  true  statement  of  the  case,  and  therefore  made 
little,  if  any,  remark  upon  it  to  him.  Upon  this  idea  the  settle- 
ment was  afterwards  made,  and  J.  Robinson  says  that  he  asked 
my  father  sometime  after  the  settlement  was  made,  whether  he 
continued  satisfied  with  it,  and  he  answered  in  the  affirmative. 
From  the  above  I  am  persuaded  that  my  father  thought  it  out 
of  his  power,  or  at  least,  that  he  had  no  business  to  meddle  with 
the  entailed  estate.  However,  as  others  may  not  be  so,  con- 
sidering I  am  witness  in  my  own  cause,  I  should  therefore  direct 
them  to  reason  upon  the  following  facts,  which  no  one  will 
deny.  viz. — 

ist,  That  my  father  had  as  much  common  sense  as  men  at  a 
medium  have. 

2d,  That  he  had,  or  might  have  had,  near  ^icoo  value  to 
dispose  off  by  will,  from  a  moderate  computation  of  his  effects, 
as  circumstances  then  appeared  to  him. 

3d,  That  he  left  one  son,  as  appeared  then,  near  18  times  as 
much  as  the  other. 

4th,  That  he  was  never  heard  to  express  the  least  inclination 
to  cut  off  the  entail,  nor  to  regret  at  last  that  he  had  not  cut  it 
off;  but,  on  the  contrary,  that  he  was  quite  easy  and  satisfied 
with  what  he  had  done. 

5th,  That  there  is  no  person  who  ever  heard  him  say  that  he 
could  cut  off  the  entail  when  he  thought  fit,  or  words  to  this 
import. 

6th,  That  he  was  never  known  to  manifest  any  partiality  for 


304  Appendix. 

one  of  his  children  more  than  for  another,  except  this  be  an 
instance. 

Now,  I  appeal  to  any  one  who  is  acquainted  with  human 
nature,  whether  these  facts,  together  with  those  that  are  related 
to  have  taken  place  at  the  time  of  the  settlement,  are  better 
accounted  for  on  the  one  supposition  or  the  other ;  on  the 
supposition  that  he  knew  very  well  he  could  cut  off  the  entail 
at  pleasure  without  meriting  any  just  censure — or  on  the  sup- 
position that  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  do  so,  nor  his  business 
to  meddle  with  it. 

Facts  relating  to  article  3d. — Every  one  who  is  acquainted 
with  the  laws  of  landed  property  in  this  country,  knows  that  an 
entail  may  be  defeated  by  the  tenant  in  possession.  Nothing 
more  is  required  than  to  fee  a  few  persons  in  office,  who  will, 
after  a  sham  process,  sufficiently  guarantee  the  tenant  against 
the  effects  of  the  iniquitous  statute.  This  need  not  be  further 
insisted  upon.  With  respect  to  my  father's  knowledge  about 
these  quirks  of  law,  we  differ  very  much  :  my  brother  seems  to 
think  my  father  knew  as  much  as  the  exigencies  of  his  affairs 
required,  and  I  think  quite  contrary.  It  is  proper  we  advance 
what  we  have  in  support  of  our  opinions.  I  believe  father 
never  read  a  printed  page  on  law  in  his  life.  He  seems  to  have 
had  no  idea  of  the  difference  of  an  estate  tail  and  an  estate  for 
life,  and  the  whole  of  his  transactions  and  opinions  seem  to 
have  been  formed  on  the  supposition  of  the  estate  being  his  for 
life  only  ;  I  have  no  doubt  that  my  grandfather  designed  Uncle 
Tona  to  have  the  estate  for  life  only,  and  that  father,  if  he  sur- 
vived, should  have  it  fee-simple  ;  however,  father,  when  in 
possession,  finding  he  had  it  not  fee-simple,  concluded  the  next 
descent  would  make  it  such,  and  told  my  brother  so,  who  told 
it  to  me  not  many  years  ago.  Now  it  is  evident  that  he  must 
have  had  a  very  imperfect  idea  of  the  tenure  of  an  estate  tail,  to 
suppose  that  simple  descent  made  any  difference  in  the  tenure 
of  it.  He  was  equally  out  of  it  in  the  persuasion  that  neither 
Aunt  Mary  D.  nor  my  mother  had  any  claim  of  dower,  as  E. 
and  J.  Robinson  very  well  know. 

I  believe  he  refused  J.  Sandilands  the  farm  of  the  stone 
quarries,  from  an  idea  that  he  had  no  right  to  let  it.  All  these 
things  prove  him  to  have  been  greatly  deficient  in  the  knowledge 


Appendix.  305 

his  affairs  required.  But,  notwithstanding  all  this,  it  is  said  he 
knew  very  well  he  could  cut  off  the  entail.  I  shall  now  speak 
more  particularly  to  this  point. 

When  father  was  informed  Uncle  Jona  demanded  the 
entail  deed  upon  paying  the  mortgage,  he  was  uneasy  ;  he 
procured  an  attested  copy  of  it,  and  took  it  to  Uncle  Greenup. 
Uncle  G.  rinding  the  estate  entailed,  and  not/0r  life,  as  he  had 
previously  apprehended,  told  him  there  had  been  a  flagrant 
mismanagement  in  the  affair,  and  that  as  it  was,  Uncle  Jona 
had  the  power  to  cut  off  the  entail  at  pleasure,  and  that  his 
interference  could  be  of  no  service,  but  might  do  harm ;  that 
his  interest  was  to  be  quiet  and  make  no  noise  or  opposition 
about  the  matter.  I  relate  this  to  the  best  of  my  memory  as  he 
told  it  at  his  return.  Here  it  rested  till  Uncle  Jonathan's 
death. 

Father  hearing  Uncle's  will,  concluded  he  had  availed  himself 
of  the  power  to  cut  off  the  entail,  and  that  there  was  no  ground 
for  opposition  ;  accordingly  he  wrote  immediately  to  brother  to 
come  over  and  settle  the  matter  ;  but  being  much  agitated 
with  the  manner  in  which  Uncle  Jona  had  treated  him,  and  at 
his  open  violation  of  grandfather's  known  intentions,  however 
he  might  be  sheltered  by  law  in  so  doing — he  thought  it  proper 
to  advise  with  J.  Robinson  of  Greysouthen  before  he  sent  the 
letter.  J.  R.  told  him  the  devise  of  the  entailed  estate  was 
invalid,  as  he  believed  Uncle  Jona  had  not  formally  cut  off  the 
entail ;  this  father  added  in  a  postscript,  and  countermanded 
his  former  order.  From  the  conversation  betwixt  my  father 
and  J.  R.  at  this  time,  and  at  some  other  times,  the  latter  has 
conceived  an  idea  that  my  father  knew  a  good  deal  respecting 
the  matter  ;  upon  hearing  what  I  have  said,  and  reconsidering 
the  matter,  I  am  inclined  to  believe  he  will  alter  his  opinion  a 
little.  The  subsequent  correspondence  betwixt  my  father  and 
Uncle  G.  did  little  or  nothing  more  than  revive  in  my  father  the 
idea  that  Uncle  Jona  might  have  cut  off  the  entail.  This,  it  is 
said,  is  expressed  in  such  clear  and  strong  terms,  that  father 
could  not  avoid  understanding  it ;  and  yet  he  misunderstood  an 
expression  equally  as  plain  in  one  letter,  which  was  that  aunt 
Mary  would  be  entitled  to  dower. 

Were  we,  however,  after  all  to  admit  that  he  knew  he  could 

U 


306  Appendix. 

bar  the  entail ;  yet  his  conduct  and  conversation  evidently 
demonstrate  that  he  considered  it  as  an  unjustifiable  and 
reproachful  action  ;  this  is  not  much  to  be  wondered  at,  con- 
sidering his  ignorance  in  point  of  law,  and  the  disagreeable 
idea  of  the  business  Uncle  Jona's  attempt  had  made.  What  in 
Uncle  Jona  was  perhaps  censurable,  would  have  been  highly 
meritorious  in  my  father.  Is  there  any  one  who  will  say  he  was 
sensible  of  this  ? 

Let  any  person  who  is  acquainted  with  the  nature  of  an 
entail  put  himself  in  my  father's  circumstances,  and  consider 
whether  the  plan  he  went  upon  was  not  the  most  inconsistent 
imaginable — a  family  of  three  children — a  comparatively  large 
portion  of  freehold — a  small  portion  of  copyhold,  all  in  one 
estate,  though  under  different  tenures — to  set  aside  the  freehold 
entirely  for  one,  and  to  carve  in  the  copyhold  for  a  widow  and 
two  children.  Would  it  not  have  been  more  consistent  and 
prudential,  as  soon  as  his  title  was  fully  established,  to  have  cut 
off  the  entail  immediately,  and  then  he  was  ready  for  any 
occurrence,  or  else,  to  avoid  expense,  have  made  the  next  in 
succession  (my  brother)  enter  into  some  provisional  agreement, 
not  to  take  any  advantage  of  his  situation  ?  Father  never  so 
much  as  hinted  the  least  design  of  this  sort,  whether  it  was 
because  he  was  not  careful  for  his  wife  and  two  younger 
children,  or  from  other  causes,  I  leave  to  be  determined. 

E.  &  J.  Robinson,  as  has  been  mentioned,  were  so  obliging  as 
to  be  present  at  the  time  of  the  settlement  of  my  father's  affairs, 
and  to  advise  to  the  best  of  their  knowledge  ;  whatever  my 
father  knew  about  the  entailed  estate,  I  believe  they  will  not 
hesitate  to  say  they  considered  it  as  quite  out  of  his  power  to 
devise  it,  either  at  that  time,  or  at  any  other  time  ;  and  likewise 
that  no  dower  was  claimable  on  my  mother's  behalf.  Of  course 
they  could  not  but  approve  the  distribution  then  made.  Had 
they  known  my  mother  could  claim  dower,  it  seems  to  me  they 
would  have  rather  advised  to  increase  sister's  portion  and 
mine,  by  dividing  the  copyhold  into  two  instead  of  three 
portions  ;  the  debts,  too,  might  have  been  laid  upon  the  freehold, 
especially  when  it  is  considered  that  a  great  portion  of  them 
was  spent  in  improvements  and  other  incidental  expenses  to 
the  freehold.  These  things  might  have  been  done,  even  if 


Appendix.  307 

brother  had  been  disposed  to  take  the  utmost  advantage  of  the 
situation  of  father's  affairs  at  the  time  of  settlement. 

Facts  relating  to  article  4th. — It  appears  from  the  nature  of 
the  case  that  I  can  claim  no  specific  sum,  because  father  never 
mentioned  how  he  would  have  distributed  his  effects  amongst 
us  had  they  been  unfettered  ;  but  if  we  may  judge  from  the  speci- 
men he  has  given  us  in  dividing  the  copyhold,  his  ideas  have 
not  been  widely  different  from  those  of  others  who  use  their 
reason  on  such  occasions  :  considering  that  we  stood  alike 
expensive  to  him  in  education,  and  alike  circumstanced  in 
every  respect,  except  age,  I  doubt  not  he  would  have  placed  us 
upon  an  equal  footing,  because  the  same  is  reasonable,  regard 
being  had  to  the  difference  of  our  ages,  by  which  I  mean  that 
we  should  have  been  on  an  equality  at  equal  ages,  or  that  my 
portion  to  brother's,  taken  at  any  given  time,  as  at  his  death, 
would  have  been  as  10  to  13  nearly.  To  do  this  at  present 
would  take  above  ^200  from  him  to  add  to  my  part ;  whether 
disinterested  persons  who  hear  all  on  both  sides  will  judge  my 
right  equal  to  this  amount,  or  something  less,  or  nothing  at 
all ;  or  that  I  am  making  all  this  stir  through  envy,  or  some 
other  cause,  I  know  not ;  they  have  a  right  to  judge  for  them- 
selves, and  whatever  their  judgment  be  I  shall  not  be  greatly 
moved  with  it.  As  for  myself,  when  I  think  about  the  matter 
(and  who  is  there  would  not  think  about  it,  considering  we 
were  left  as  18  to  I,  or  even  as  10  to  i)  I  am  unavoidably  led  to 
judge  hardly  either  of  my  father  or  brother,  on  whatever  side  of 
the  matter  I  look. 

In  the  one  case,  supposing  it  was  my  father's  positive  will  to 
leave  us  so,  and  that  if  he  had  possessed  cash  instead  of  land 
he  would  have  done  just  the  same,  I  am  puzzled  to  account  for 
his  extreme  caprice  in  placing  sister  and  self  at  such  a  distance, 
especially  as  it  was  so  inconsistent  with  the  general  tenor  of  his 
character. 

In  the  other  case,  supposing  his  want  of  knowledge  in  the 
different  points  of  law  to  have  been  the  cause  of  this  great 
distinction,  it  seems  peculiarly  uncharitable  in  a  brother  to 
make  no  allowances  for  such  a  circumstance,  even  if  not  com- 
pellable  by  law  ;  and  if  the  former  were  the  true  case,  one  would 
think  he  could  hardly  beeasy  without  making  me  some  amends 


308  Appendix. 

for  the  injury  done  me  by  a  piece  of  caprice,  which  neither  he 
nor  any  one  else  ever  pretended  to  account  for. 

ADDENDA. — Having  given  the  above  statement  into  my 
brother's  hand,  he  drew  up  his  likewise  and  gave  it  to  me  to 
peruse.  I  have  nothing  to  remark  thereon  till  he  comes  to  state 
our  respective  receipts,  where  he  calculates  the  value  of  the 
freehold  upon  the  supposition  of  an  annuity  for  life  :  which 
calculation  I  think  merits  no  notice,  because  he  allows  that  by 
paying  £20  the  value  will  be  increased  ^300,  and  because  he 
would  not  part  with  the  estate  for  the  sum  he  has  put  down. 

Also  he  places  the  fine  on  the  tenancy  amongst  the  encum- 
brances :  I  supposed  the  estate  would  bring  ,£1000,  though  it 
might  cost  the  purchaser  ^1000  and  the  fine  :  in  other  respects 
we  differ  no  otherwise  in  stating  his  receipts  than  that  I  have 
taken  round  numbers.  With  respect  to  my  receipts  he  has 
put  down  ^20  that  I  have  on  the  part  of  my  mother,  but  do  not 
know  whether  I  can  call  it  my  own ;  it  is  hers  if  she  demand 
it  :  however  this  may  be,  if  I  be  placed  anything  near  on  an 
equitable  footing  with  him,  I  shall  give  it  up  to  her. 

He  has  put  our  legacies  from  uncle  and  sister  into  the 
account ;  this  appears  to  me  unfair,  because  these  were  con- 
tingencies which  my  father  could  not  foresee,  and  therefore 
could  not  influence  his  conduct  to  us  ;  and  besides,  if  we  had 
been  equal  before,  these  would  not  have  much  disturbed  the 
equality  ;  we  ought  then  to  ascertain  the  proportions  which  we 
have  received  from  him,  and  which  are  nearly  as  I  have  stated 
above.  JOHN  DALTON. 

KENDAL,  12  mo.  1792. 

For  the  arbitrators  in  the  above-mentioned  case. 


Appendix.  309 


LIST  OF  DR  DALTON'S  PAPERS, 

READ   BEFORE    THE   MEMBERS   OF   THE   MANCHESTER 
LITERARY  AND   PHILOSOPHICAL   SOCIETY. 

1.  October  31,  1794.     Extraordinary  Facts  relating 
to  the  Vision  of  Colours,  with  Observations. 

2.  November  27,  1795.     On  the  Colour  of  the  Sky, 
and  the  Relation  between  Solar  Light  and  that  derived 
from  Combustion;  with  Observations  on  Mr  Delaval's 
Theory  of  Colours. 

3.  April  7,  1798.      Essay  on  the  Mind,  its  Ideas, 
and  Affections  ;  with  an  Application  of  Principles  to 
explain  the  Economy  of  Language. 

4.  March    i,  1799.     A  Paper  containing  Experi- 
ments and  Observations,  to  determine  whether  the 
quantity  of  Rain  and  Dew  is  equal  to  the  quantity 
of  Water  carried   off  by  the  Rivers   and  raised  by 
Evaporation;   with  an  Inquiry   into   the    Origin   of 
Springs. 

5.  April  12,  1799.     Experiments  and  Observations 
on  the  Power  which  Fluids  possess   of  conducting 
Heat ;  with  Reference  to  Count  Rumford's  Seventh 
Essay. 

6.  June  7,  1799.     On  the  Colour  of  the  Sky,  and 
the  Relation  betwixt  Solar  Light  and  that  derived 
from  Combustion  ;  with  Observations  on  Mr  Delaval's 
Theory. 

7.  April  1 8,   1800.     Experimental  Essays,  to  de- 
termine the  Expansion  of  Gases  by  Heat,  and  the 
maximum  of  Steam  or  Aqueous  Vapour,  which  any 
Gas    of    a  given   Temperature   can   admit   of;  with 


3io  Appendix. 

Observations  on  the  Common  and  Improved  Steam 
Engines. 

8.  June   27,    1800.     On  the   Heat  and  Cold  pro- 
duced  by  the  Mechanical  Condensation   and  Rare- 
faction of  air. 

9.  October  17,  1800.     Philological  Inquiry  into  the 
Use  and    Signification  of  the  Auxiliary  Ver]?s  and 
Participles  of  the  English  Language. 

10.  December  12,  1800.     Review  of  Dr  Herschel's 
Experiments  on  the  Radiant  Heat,  and  the  Reflec- 
tibility  and  Refrangibility  of  Light. 

11.  July  31,  1801.     Read  Part  ist  of  Mr  Dalton's 
Paper  on  the  constitution  of  Mixed  Gases,  &c. 

12.  October  2,  1801.     Read  Part  2d  of  Mr  Dalton's 
Paper  on  the  Force  of  Steam,  &c. 

13.  October  16, 1801.     Read  Part  3d  of  Mr  Dalton's 
Paper  on  Evaporation,  &c. 

14.  January  22,  1802.     On   the    General    Causes, 
Force,  and  Velocity  of  Winds  ;  with  Remarks  on  the 
Seasons  most  liable  to  High  Winds. 

15.  October  29,  1802.     On  the  Proportion  of  the 
several   Gases    or    Elastic   Fluids,  constituting   the 
Atmosphere ;  with  an  Inquiry  into  the  Circumstances 
which  distinguish  the  Chymical  and  Mechanical  Ab- 
sorption of  Gases  by  Liquids. 

16.  January  14,  1803.     On  the  Spontaneous  Inter- 
course of  different  Elastic  Fluids,  in  confined  circum- 
stances. 

17.  October  7,  1803.     On  the  Absorption  of  Gases 
by  Water. 

18.  November  4,  1803.     On  the  Law  of  Expansion 
of  Elastic  Fluids,  Liquids,  and  Vapours. 

19.  February  24,  1804.     A  Review  and  Illustration 


Appendix.  3 1 1 

of  some  Principles  in  Mr  Dalton's  course  of  Lectures 
on  Natural  Philosophy,  at  the  Royal  Institution,  in 
January  1804. 

20.  August  3,  1804.     On  the  Elements  of  Chemical 
Philosophy. 

21.  October  5,  1804.     On  Heat. 

22.  November  30,  1804.      Review  of  Dr    Hope's 
Paper  "  On  the  Contraction  of  Water  by  Heat." 

23.  September  2,  1805.     Remarks  on  Mr  Gough's 
two  Essays  on  Mixed  Gases,  and  on  Mr  Schmidt's 
"  On  Moist  Air." 

24.  March  7,  1806.     On  Respiration  and  Animal 
Heat. 

25.  February  6,    1807.     On   the  Constitution  and 
Properties  of  Sulphuric  Acid. 

26.  October  2,  1807.     On  Heat. 

27.  October  16,  1807.     On  the  Expansion  of  Bodies 
by  Heat. 

28.  January  22,   1808.     On  the  Specific  Heat  of 
Bodies. 

29.  March  18,    1808.       On  the  Specific  Heat   of 
Gaseous  Bodies. 

30.  December  2,  1808.     On   the  Measure  of  Me- 
chanical Force. 

31.  December  16,  1808.     On  Respiration. 

32.  March  10,  1809.     On  Evaporation. 

33.  April  7,  1809.     On  the  Compounds  of  Sulphur. 

34.  November  3,  1809.     On  Muriatic  Acid. 

35.  December  I,  1809.     On  Sulphuric  Acid. 

36.  March  9,  1810.     On  Fog. 

37.  November  16,  1810.     Appendix  to  his  Remark 
on  Respiration  and  Animal  Heat. 

38.  December  28,  1810.     On  Hygrometry. 


312  Appendix. 

39.  April  3,  1812.     On  Meteorology. 

40.  April  17,  1812.     Meteorology  continued. 

41.  October   2,    1812.       On   the   Oxy-muriate   of 
Lime. 

42.  January  8,    1813.     Experiments  on  Phospho- 
ric Acid,  and  the  Phosphates. 

43.  March  5,   1813.      Experiments  and  Observa- 
tions on  the  different  compounds  of  Carbonic  Acid 
and  Ammonia. 

44.  October  u,   1813.      On  the  Combinations  of 
Gold. 

45.  October  15,  1813.     Continuation  of  the  paper 
on  the  Combinations  of  Gold. 

46.  November   12,    1813.      The   Combinations  of 
Platina. 

47.  December  10,  1813.    On  the  Cause  of  Chemical 
Proportion,  being  remarks  on  a  paper  by  Berzelius. 

48.  January  7,  1814.     Experiments  on  certain  Fri- 
gorific  Mixtures. 

49.  March  18,  1814.     Remarks  tending  to  facilitate 
the  Analysis  of  Spring  and  Mineral  Waters. 

50.  October  7,  1814.     On  Metallic  Oxides. 

51.  December  2,  1814.     On  Metallic  Oxides  (con- 
tinued). 

52.  January  27,   1815.     Critical  remarks  on  some 
modern  Chemical  Phrases. 

53.  November  17,  1815.     Remarks  on  Saussure's 
Essay  on  the  Absorption  of  Gases  by  Liquids. 

54.  October  4,    1816.      On    the    Chemical   Com- 
pounds of  Azote  and  Oxygen. 

55.  December    13,   1816.      An  Appendix   to   the 
Essay  on  Chemical  Compounds  of  Azote  and  Oxygen. 

56.  October    3,    1817.      On   Phosphurets,    or   the 


Appendix.  3 1 3 

Combinations  of  Phosphorus,  with  Earths,  Alkalies, 
Metals,  &c. 

57.  November  21,  1817.     Observations  on  Oxides 
and  Sulphurets. 

58.  November    13,    1818.      Observations    on    the 
Quantity  of  Rain  during  the  last  twenty-five  years  ; 
with  Remarks  on  the  Theory  of  Rain. 

59.  December   n,    1818.      Summary  of  Observa- 
tions on  the  Barometer  and  Thermometer  made  at 
Manchester  for  the  last  twenty-five  years. 

60.  January  8,   1819.     Experiments  on  the  Force 
of  the  Vapour  of  Ether,  to  show  the  fallacy  of  some 
of  Dr  Ure's  Statements  just  published  in  the  Philoso- 
phical Transactions. 

6 1.  April  1 6,  1819.     On  Sulphuric  Ether. 

62.  October    15,    1819.      On   Alloys,   particularly 
those  of  Copper  and  Zinc,  and  Copper  and  Tin. 

63.  November  12,  1819.     On  Amalgams,  and  other 
Metallic  Alloys. 

64.  December  10,  1819.     A  Chemical  Analysis  of 
the  Mineral  Waters  of  Buxton. 

65.  October   6,    1820.      On   Oil,   and    the   Gases 
obtained  from  it  by  Heat. 

66.  December  I,  1820.     On  Alum. 

67.  January  26,  1821.     On  Meteorology,  or  Obser- 
vations on  the  Weather  for  the  years  1819  and  1820 
in  Manchester. 

68.  February  9,  1821.     Observations  on  Meteoro- 
logy, particularly  with  regard  to  the  Dew  Point,  &c., 
or  quantity  of  Vapour  in  the  Air. 

69.  October  5,  1821.     Some  Observations  on  the 
Salts  and  Sulphurets  of  Iron. 

70.  November  30,  1821.     On  the  Effects  of  Con- 


314  Appendix. 

tinued    Electrification    on    Compound    and    Mixed 
Gases. 

71.  December   13,  1822.     On  the  Saline  Impreg- 
nations of  the  Rain  which  fell  during  the  late  storm, 
viz.,  December  5,  1822. 

72.  March  21,  1823.    Appendix  to  an  Essay  on  Salt 
Rain  (read  December  13,  1822),  with  additional  Obser- 
vations on  the  succeeding  Storms  of  Wind  and  Rain. 

73.  November  14,  1823.     On  the  Nature  and  Pro- 
perties of  Indigo ;  with  directions  for  the  valuation  of 
different  samples. 

74.  December  26,  1823.     On  various  Alloys  of  Tin, 
Zinc,  Lead,  Bismuth,  Antimony,  &c. 

75.  October  15,    1824.      On  Associations   for  the 
Promotion  of  the  Physical  Sciences,  Literature,  and 
the  Arts. 

76.  November   12,    1824.      An  Account  of  some 
Experiments  to  determine  the  Light  and  Heat  given 
out  by  the  Combustion  of  different  Gases. 

77.  April  15,  1825.     Results  of  Meteorological  Ob- 
servations at  Manchester,  for  thirty-one  years ;  with 
Remarks  upon  them. 

78.  December  30,   1825.     On  the  Constitution  of 
the  Atmosphere. 

79.  October  6,  1826.    On  the  Height  of  the  Aurora 
Borealis  above  the  Surface  of  the  Earth,  particularly 
the  one  seen  on  the  2Qth  March  1826. 

80.  November  4,  1826.     An  Appendix  to  a  paper 
read  on  October  6,  on  the   Height  of  the   Aurora 
Borealis  above  the  Surface  of  the  Earth. 

8 1.  November  26,  1827.     An  Historical  Sketch  of 
the  Society's  Library :  with  an  account  of  its  present 
state. 


Appendix.  3 1 5 

82.  December    28,    1827.       Observations,    chiefly 
Chemical,  on  the  nature  of  the  Rock  Strata  in  Man- 
chester and  its  vicinity. 

83.  October  17,  1828.     Summary  of  the  Rain,  &c., 
at  Geneva  and  at  the  elevated  station  of  St  Bernard, 
for  a  series  of  years,  from  the  "  Bibliotheque  Univer- 
selle"  for  March  1828;  with  observations  on  the  same. 

84.  January  8,  1830.     Physiological  Investigations 
deduced  from  the  Mechanical  Effects  arising  from 
Atmospherical  Pressure  on  the  Animal  Frame. 

85.  January  22,  1830.     Remarks  on  a   Statement 
of  the  Amount  of  Rain  fallen  at  different  places  on 
the  line  of  the  Rochdale  Canal. 

86.  March  5,  1830.    On  the  Quantity  of  Food  taken 
by  a  person  in  health,  compared  with  the  Quantity 
of  the  different  Secretions  during  the  same  period  ; 
with  Chemical  Remarks  on  the  several  Articles. 

87.  October  15,  1830.     Chemical  Observations  on 
certain   Atomic   Weights,    as    adopted   by   different 
Authors ;   with  some  Remarks  on  the  Notation  of 
Berzelius. 

88.  October  29,  1830.     Observations  on  the  Causes 
of  Colouring  Matter. 

89.  November  23,  1830.      Chemical  Observations 
on  certain  Atomic  Weights,  as  adopted  by  different 
Authors  ;  with  Remarks  on  the  Notation  of  Berzelius. 

90.  January   21,     1831.     Meteorological   Observa- 
tions for  a  period  of  thirty-seven  years ;  with  Theo- 
retical Remarks. 

91.  February  18,  1831.     On  the  Quantity  of  Oxy- 
gen in  Atmospheric  Air. 

92.  December  2,   1831.      On    the   Proportion   of 
Oxygen  Gas  in  the  Atmosphere. 


316  Appendix. 

93.  January   13,  1832.     A  Summary  of  Meteoro- 
logical Observations  for   1831,   made  in  Manchester 
and  the  Vicinity. 

94.  January  n,   1833.     Mr  Dalton's  Remarks  on 
the  Meteorology  of  the  last  year. 

95.  March  8,  1833.     Observations  on  the  Anoma- 
lous Vision  of  Colours. 

96.  November    i,    1833.      A   Description   of   an 
imaginary  Aurora  Borealis   in   the  North  of  Eng- 
land. 

97.  February  7,  1834.     An  Account  of  Meteorolo- 
gical Observations  at  Manchester  and  other  places  in 
the  year  1833. 

98.  March  7,   1834.     Some  Remarks  on  Clouds; 
their  Nature,  Height,  &c. 

99.  October   17,    1834.      Observations  on   certain 
Liquids  obtained  from  Caoutchouc  by  Distillation. 

100.  December   26,    1834.      Observations   on  the 
various  accounts  of  the  Luminous  Arch  or  Meteor 
accompanying  the  Aurora  Borealis  of  November  3, 
1834. 

lor.  February  20,  1835.  Account  of  Meteorolo- 
gical Observations  made  in  Manchester  and  other 
places  in  1834. 

1 02.  October  2,  1835.     Read  a  paper  by  Mr  Dai- 
ton.     (Subject  not  named  in  the  Journal.) 

103.  February  15,  1836.     An  Account  of  Meteoro- 
logical Observations  made  in  Manchester  and  other 
places  in  1835. 

104.  October  21,  1836.    Sequel  to  an  Essay  on  the 
Constitution  of  the  Atmosphere ;  read  to  the  Society 
in  the  year  1825.     Part  I. 

105.  November  4,  1836.     Second  part  of  a  paper 


Appendix.  317 

entitled  "  Sequel  to  an  Essay  on  the  Constitution  of 
the  Atmosphere." 

1 06.  October  2,  1838.     On  Arseniates  and  Phos- 
phates. 

107.  February  5,  1839.    Some  Account  of  Meteoro- 
logical Observations  made  in  Manchester  in  the  years 
1836-38. 

108.  October  i,  1839.     On  the  Ammoniaco-Mag- 
nesian  Phosphate,  as  it  was  formerly  called ;  or  the 
Tribasic  Phosphates  of  Magnesia  and  Ammonia,  as 
Professor  Graham  has  called  it     And  on  the  Phos- 
phate of  Soda  and  Ammonia,  or  Microscopic  Salt,  as 
it  was  formerly  called ;  and  now  Tribasic  Phosphate  of 
Soda  and  Ammonia  and  Water,  of  Professor  Graham. 

109.  March  31,  1840.     On  the  Quantity  of  Acids, 
Bases,  and  Water  in  the  different  varieties  of  Salts ; 
with  a  New  Method  of  Measuring  the  Water  of  Crys- 
tallisation of  Water. 

no.  April  28,  1840.  Some  Account  of  Meteoro- 
logical Observations  made  in  Manchester  in  the  year 
1839. 

in.  October  6,  1840.  Continuation  of  a  paper 
on  the  Quantity  of  Acids,  Bases,  and  Water  in  the 
different  varieties  of  Salts. 

112.  January    12,    1841.      Meteorological    Obser- 
vations made  in  Manchester  and  the  neighbourhood 
during  the  year  1840,  or  previously. 

113.  March  9,  1841.     On  a  New  and  Easy  Method 
of  Analysing  Sugar. 

114.  October  5,  1841.    On  a  Citric  Acid,  the  Oxalic 
Acid,  the  Acetic  Acid,  and  Tartaric  Acid. 

115.  January  10,  1843.     Meteorological  Observa- 
tions at  Manchester,  made  in  the  year  1842. 


3i8  Appendix. 

1 1 6.  April  1 6,  1844.  On  the  Fall  of  Rain,  &c.,  in 
Manchester,  during  a  period  of  fifty  years. 

Some  of  these  were  embodied  in  other  works  or 
printed  elsewhere. 

In  Nicholson's  Journal. 

New  Theory  of  the  Constitution  of  Mixed  Gases 
elucidated,  Vol.  iii.,  p.  26.  November  18,  1802. 

Letter  from  Mr  Dalton,  containing  Observations 
concerning  the  Determination  of  Zero  of  Heat,  the 
Thermometrical  Gradation,  and  the  Law  by  which 
Dense  or  Non-elastic  Fluids  expand  by  Heat,  Vol. 
v.,  p.  34.  April  20,  1803. 

Correction  of  a  mistake  in  Dr  Curwen's  Essay  on 
the  State  of  Vapour  in  the  Atmosphere,  Vol.  vi.,  p. 
118.  August  22,  1803. 

On  the  supposed  Chemical  Affinity  of  the  Elements 
of  Common  Air  ;  with  Remarks  on  Dr  Thomson's 
observations  on  that  subject,  Vol.  viii.,  p.  145.  June 
1 6,  1804. 

Observations  on  Mr  Gough's  Strictures  on  the  Doc- 
trine of  Mixed  Gases,  &c.,  Vol.  ix.,  p.  89.  September 
8,  1804. 

Facts  tending  to  Decide  the  Question  at  what  Point 
of  Temperature  Water  possesses  the  greatest  Density, 
Vol.  x.,  p.  93.  January  10,  1804. 

Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Mr  J.  Dalton  :  On  a 
remarkable  Aurora  Borealis,  Vol.  x.,  p.  303.  March 
12,  1805. 

Remarks  on  Count  Rumford's  Experiments  relating 
to  the  Maximum  Density  of  Water,  Vol.  xii.,  p.  28. 
August  17,  1805. 


Appendix.  319 

Investigation  of  the  Temperature  at  which  Water 
is  of  the  greatest  Density,  from  the  experiments  of 
Dr  Hope,  on  the  Contraction  of  Water  by  Heat  at 
low  temperatures,  Vol  xiii.,  p.  377.  April  14,  1806. 
And  Vol.  xiv.,  p.  128.  May  1806. 

Inquiries  concerning  the  Signification  of  the  word 
Particle,  as  used  by  modern  chemical  writers,  as  well 
as  concerning  some  other  terms  and  phrases,  Vol. 
xxviii.,  p.  8 1.  December  19,  1811. 

Remarks  on  Potassium,  Sodium,  &c.,  Vol.  xxix.,  p. 
129.  May  II,  1811. 

Observations  on  Dr  Bostock's  Review  of  the 
Atomic  Principles  of  Chemistry,  Vol.  xxix.,  p.  143. 
May  15,  1811. 

In  Thompsons  "Annals  of  Philosophy." 

Further  Observations  and  Experiments  on  the 
Combinations  of  Oxymuriatic  Acid  with  Lime,  Vol. 
ii.,  p.  6.  1813. 

Remarks  on  the  Essay  of  Dr  Berzelius,  on  the 
Cause  of  Chemical  Proportion.  December  24,  1813. 
Vol.  iii.5  p.  174.  1814. 

Vindication  of  the  Theory  of  the  Absorption  of 
Gases  by  Water  against  the  conclusions  of  Saussure, 
Vol.  vii.,  p.  215.  1816. 

On  the  Chemical  Compounds  of  Azote  and  Oxy- 
gen, and  on  Ammonia,  Vols.  ix.,  p.  186,  and  x.,  pp. 
38  and  83.  1817. 

On  Phosphuretted  Hydrogen,  Vol.  xi.,  p.  7.  1818. 

On  the  Combustion  of  Alcohol,  by  the  lamp  with- 
out flame,  Vol.  xii.  p.  245.  1818. 

On  the  Vis  Viva,  Vol.  xii.,  p.  444.     1818. 


320  Appendix. 

In  Phillips'  "  Annals  of  Philosophy '." 

On  the  Analysis  of  Atmospheric  Air  by  Hydrogen, 
Vol.  x,  N.  S. 

In  the  " Philosophical  Transactions" 

On  the  Constitution  of  the  Atmosphere.     1826. 

On  the  Height  of  the  Aurora  Borealis.     1828. 

Sequel  to  an  Essay  on  the  Constitution  of  the 
Atmosphere ;  with  some  Account  of  the  Sulphurets 
of  Lime.  1837. 

In  the  "  Annales  de  Chimie^ 

Sur  1'Hydrogene  Phosphure*  (Extract  of  a  letter 
addressed  to  the  Royal  Academy  of  Sciences),  Vol. 

vii.     1817. 

In  a  Separate  Form.     1840. 

Essay  on  the  Phosphates  and  Arseniates. 

On  Microcosmic  Salt. 

On  the  mixture  of  Sulphate  of  Magnesia  and  the 
Biphosphate  of  Soda. 

Essay  on  the  Quantity  of  Acids,  Bases,  and  Water 
in  the  different  varieties  of  Salts;  with  a  New  Method 
of  Measuring  the  Water  of  Crystallisation  as  well  as 
the  Acids  and  Bases. 

On  a  New  and  Easy  Method  of  Analysing  Sugar. 

"  GRAMMAR,"  1801.    His  "METEOROLOGY,"  1793. 

"NEW  SYSTEM  OF  CHEMISTRY,"  Part  L,  1808; 
Part  II.  1 8 10,  Vol.  ii.,  Part  I.  1827. 

A  new  edition  of  Vol.  i.,  Part  L,  appeared  in  1841, 
and  a  new  edition  of  his  METEOROLOGY  in  1834. 


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