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Preface xix 

Introduction xxi 


Birth — First Campaigns — ^Meeting with Chaucer — 

Marriage with Blanche of Lancaster (1340-59) . i 


Campaign of 1359-60 — ^Peace of BRtTiGNi— The House 
OF Lancaster and the Lancastrian Succession — 
Mission to Flanders (1359-64) ... 16 


Pedro the Cruel and Henry of Trastamare — Invasion 

OF Castile — Najera (1366-7) ...» 33 


Outbreak of the War — Campaign in Picardy — Death 
OF the Duchess Blanche — Campaign in Gascony — 
Sack of Limoges — First Lieutenancy in Aquitaine — 
Lancaster's Ambitions — ^The Earldom of Moray 
AND the County of Provence — The Wooing of 
Constance of Castile — Second Marriage ( 1 369-7 1 ) . 66 


Naval Expedition — Negotiations with Portugal — the 

Great March — Negotiations at Bruges (i 372-6) 95 


Lancaster's Unpopularity — The " Good " Parliament 

— ^The Duke's Revenge (1376) . . . .121 





Trial of Wycliffe — Quarrel with the Church and 

THE City (1376) 145 

Lancaster, Wycliffe and the Church 160 


Death of Edward III — Accession of Richard II — The 

Duke's Retirement (1377) 184 

The Lancastrian Estates — ^The Duke's Household 196 


The Duke's Return to Power — The Siege of St. Malo — 
The Hauley and Shakyl Episode — ^Scottish Policy 
— The Peasants' Rebellion — Quarrel with Nor- 
thumberland—Percy's Apology (1378-81) . 230 


Hindrances to the Invasion of Castile — Failure of 
the Earl of Cambridge — France, Flanders and 
Scotland — The Salisbury Parliament and the 
Carmelite Friar — The Plot against the Duke's 
Life — Invasion of Scotland — The Spanish Ex- 
pedition Approved (1382-5) .... 260 

John, King of Castile and Leon (1386-9) . .301 


John of Gaunt the Peacemaker — ^The Cheshire Rising 
— Quarrel with the Earl of Arundel — Death of 
THE Duchess Constance — the Forged Chronicle 
(1389-94) 337 


John, Duke of Aquitaine and Lancaster (1395). . 363 





The Duke's Return — Marriage with Katharine Swyn- 
ford—The Beauforts Legitimated— The Quarrel 
OF the Dukes of Hereford and Norfolk — Last 
Years — Death (1396-9) 390 

Appendix I. Testament of John of Gaunt . 420 

„ II. Invasion of Scotland, August, 1385 — 

Ordinance of Durham . 437 

„ HI. Retinue of John of Gaunt . . 440 

„ IV. Account of the Receiver-General of 

THE Duke of Lancaster (1394-5) 447 

„ V. Epitaph 451 

„ VI. Coinage of John of Gaunt . . 452 

„ VII. Arms and Seals of John of Gaunt . . 456 

„ VIII. Notes on Lancaster's Family (Percy 

MS. 78) 459 

Index I. — Persons 467 

„ II.— Places 481 

Table I. The House of Lancaster 21 

„ II. The First and Second Marriages of John 

OF Gaunt 94 

„ III. Castile and Leon 300 

„ IV. Portugal 308 

,, V. The Beauforts 389 


List of Illustrations 

John of Gaunt . . . . Frontispiece 

(From a Window in All Souls' College. Oxford.) 

to face pagb 
Knights and Ladies Riding to a Tournament . -14 
(From British Museum Harl. MS. 4379, f. 99.) 

John of Gaunt 100 

(From a Picture ascribed to Luca Comelli, in the possession of the 
Duke of Beaufort) 

The Relief of Brest 310 

(From British Museum MS. 14 E. iv. f. 234.) 

JoAO I Entertaining the Duke of Lancaster . .316 
(From British Museum, 14 E. iv. t 245.) 

The Marriage of Joao I and Philippa of Lancaster . 320 
(From British Museum MS. 14 £• iv. f. 284.) 

The Siege of Bayona 322 

(From British Museum MS. 14 E. iv. f. 232.) 

The Jousts of St. Ingelvert 344 

(From British Museum MS. Harl. 4379, f. 24.) 

Signature of a Truce 348 

(From British Museum, Harl. MS. 4380, f. 11.) 

Richard II Receiving Isabella of France from 

Charles VI 396 

(From British Museum, Harl. MS. 43^t 1 89.) 

The Quarrel of the Dukes of Hereford and Norfolk . 402 
(Ftom British Museum, Harl. MS. 4380, f. 141.) 

The Banishment of the Dukes of Hereford and Nor- 
folk 404 

(From British Museum, Harl. MS. 4380, f. 148.) 

Seals of John of Gaunt 456 



Spain. To illustrate (i) the Campaign of 1367 and (2) the 
Campaign of 1387 To face page 46 

Francs. To illustrate (i) the Campaign in Picardy, 1369, and 
(2) the Great March of 1 373 . . To foes page 106 

England. The I^ancastrian estates .. .. To face page 218 

Note. — ^The attempt to illustrate fourteenth century history 
from contemporary sources is almost hopeless. So far as illumina- 
tion goes, the period was one of decadence, while portrait painting 
in England at least had not begun. Contemporary M^. have 
scarcely anything worth reproduction. (See e.g. Cotton Nero, 
D. vi. and the engravings from it in Strutt's Regal and Ecclesi' 
asHcal Antiquities.) 

The face has perished from the drawing of John of Gaunt which 
formed part of the fresco in St. Stephen's Chapel, Westminster ; 
the sepulchral figure of the Duke and the Duchess Blanche in 
St. Paul's, which has often been engraved, has no authority, for 
it was not placed in the cathedral until the reign of Henry VII. 
It was destroyed in the great fire. 

It is not impossible, however, that the window in All Souls' 
preserves some tradition, for the College was founded only a 
generation after the Duko's death, and the glass dates from the 

The picture ascribed to Luca Comelli is supposed to date from 
1390. Internal evidence would place it between 1600 and 1650. 
Luca Comelli is unknown to art, but if the picture is a Jacobean 
forgery it is interesting, for the face has cluuracter, and is of the 
true Plantagenet type. 

The two MSB. from which most of the illustrations have been 
taken are Harl. 4379 and 4380, and 14 E. iv. Both are late 
fifteenth century. The first is French, and belonged to Philip 
de Commines ; the second is of Flemish workmanship, and 
was executed for Edward IV. 

The blazons of the English, French and Gascon lordships of the 
Dukes of Lancaster are to be found brilliantly illuminated in the 
Great Cowcher of the Duchy (Carte Regum, Vol. ii.). 

The Map of England attempts to provide a rough index to the 
political influence of the Duke of Lancaster, rather than a com- 
plete reconstruction of the Lancastrian estates. 



As no Inquisition Post Mortem appears to have been held on 
the death of John of Gaunt, the material has been compiled 
from the Ministers' Accounts fDuchy of Lancaster : Nos. 1 1, 986, 
11,987, etc.) read in conjunction with the Inquisition held in 
A.D. 1 361, and the evidence of the Register, the great Cowcher, 
Duchy of Lancaster deeds, leases^ etc., and the Patent Rolls. 

The shaded portions of the map represent the manors, etc., 
in the County of Lancaster and the four Yorlsshire Honours, 
which are too numerous to be inserted in a map of this scale. 


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AN attempt has been made elsewhere to acknowledge 
the debt which this book owes to published 
authorities ; it is a pleasant duty to express also my 
obligations to those who during the past three years 
have given me help and advice. 

All who venture into the field of military history, es- 
pecially that of the Middle Ages, must be sensible of 
the debt which they owe to Professor Oman's History 
of the Art of War ; my own debt is more considerable, 
for I have also had the advantage of Professor Oman's 
advice in dealing with the French and Spanish campaigns. 

I have to thank Professor Arthur Piatt for his kindness 
in imdertaking the laborious task of reading the proof- 
sheets, and for much valuable criticism. To Mr. Hubert 
Hall, of the Public Record Office, I am imder no ordinary 
obligations. Not only has Mr. Hall placed his knowledge 
of mediaeval records and the mediaeval economy most 
freely at my disposal, but he has contributed many valu- 
able suggestions. It is impossible for me to express in detail 
all my indebtedness to him, but in particular I must 
thank him for a transcriptof the Account of the Receiver- 
General of the Duke of Lancaster, and for a collation of the 
fragment of genealogical history printed in the Appendix. 

My thanks are also due to Mr. Oswald Barron, who has 
generously allowed me to avail m3^self of his genealogical 
knowledge ; to Mr. Giuseppe, of the Public Record Office, 
for guidance among the records of the Duchy of Lancaster, 
and to Mr. Herbert, of the Department of Manuscripts 
of the British Museum, for similar help in that depart- 



word. Traces of his doings are met with on every side, 
for he seems to have been everywhere and to have 
attempted everything. 

Long ago the last traces have disappeared of that 
magnificent building which once fronted the Thames 
between the Tower and the Palace of Westminster ; yet 
to whom does not the name of the Savoy recall John 
of Gaunt and the stately palace, where Jean le Bon spent 
his last days of exile, and where Geoffrey Chaucer listened 
to the " goodly softe speche " of Blanche the Duchess ? 

Abroad, too, his name is not forgotten. In Ghent the 
Abbey of St. Bavon and the Ch&teau des Comtes 
still dispute the honour of ranking as his birthplace, 
and Gantois cicerones and English guide books keep up 
the quarrel. 

In Bordeaux some old stone carving still displays the 
leopards of England quartering the lilies of France with 
the familiar label of three points ermine, and in the Abbey 
of Batalha the Duke's exploits are recorded on the tomb 
of his daughter, a Queen of Portugal. 

Kenilworth,with its Lancaster tower, and the ruins of 
a score of castles proclaim the lavish hand of the builder 
and the power of the great feudatory. The Duchy of 
Lancaster is still a fact, and the Sovereign still bears the 
title of his far-off ancestor of the fourteenth century. 

Yet the man whose territorial power stretched over 
a third of England, who in a sense may be said to have 
created the Duchy of Lancaster and founded the Portu- 
guese Alliance, who was for fifteen years the titular King 
of Castile and Leon, and for a dozen years the imcrowned 
King of England, still moves through the realm of history 
in a region of half-lights and hazy outlines. For a 
moment, as he comes within their range, the military or 
constitutional historians turn their modem searchlight 
upon him. It is only for a moment ; again he is lost to 
sight. Now and then some enterprising essayist tries 



to penetrate the darkness, only to bring back anything 
but a reassuring report. We content ourselves with ill- 
defined notions both of grandeur and of wickedness. We 
acquiesce in unexplained contradictions, and are willing 
to accept the hiend of Chaucer and the patron of letters 
as the enemy of the Church ; the favourite son of Edward 
III and the favourite brother of the Black Prince, as 
the " wicked uncle " of Richard II. The " illustrious 
prince " of one writer is the " unscrupulous villain " of 
a second ; historians of the Constitution, of the Church, 
of warfare, and of letters — each tell a different tale. 

From this unmerited obscurity an attempt, however 
inadequate, has now been made to rescue him. 

Of short notices in works of reference there is an 
abundance. Sir £. Maunde Thompson has a long article 
in the Dictionary of National Biography, and writers 
like Beltz {Memorials of the Order of the Garter) and 
Raines {History of the Duchy and County Palatine of 
Lancaster) review the more obvious and accessible facts 
of his Ufe. The indefatigable Dugdale has compiled a list, 
incomplete it is true, of his estates ; and of those who have 
transcribed from Dugdale the name is legion, but the 
Duke has never been accorded the distinction of a 
separate biography. 

So far as the author is aware (and one cannot be wiser 
than the Catalogue of the British Museum), there is no 
extant biography of John of Gaunt in EngUsh, French, 
German, Spanish, or Portuguese. 

In 1740 Arthur Collins appended an account of John 
of Gaunt to his Life of the Black Prince. It runs to some 
ninety pages of small octavo, the substance of which is 
for the most part an unacknowledged loan from Dugdale. 

In 1803 WiUiam Godwin tacked on to his account of 
Chaucer's life and works " Memoirs of his near friend 
and kinsman, John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster." The 
kinship to Chaucer is one of the least questionable of 



Godwin's facts, which by the way are based cm the 
supposition that every writing of the poet must turn 
on some fact of his patron's Ufe, the Chaucerian canon 
itself being enough to make a Chaucerian scholar shudder. 

To Godwin John of Gaunt is everything that is good 
and great : the result is an uncritical eulogy, a lay figure 
of a fourteenth-century Maecenas. 

From the first the Portuguese writers have shown a 
vivid interest in the exploits of the ally of Dom Joio of 
good memory, but to take a modem example, the Count 
of Villa Franca, in Jodo I, e a AUianQ Inglese, succeeds 
rather in evidencing than stimulating that interest, and 
the student is grateful to him chiefly for acting as a guide 
to the original sources. 

The attempt, therefore, to present a connected account 
of the acts of a great historical figure, to analyze his 
admitted ambition and to gauge his character, is justified 
by the silence of others ; of the difficulties inherent in 
the task no one is more conscious than the author of 
these pages. 

For better or for worse, Lancaster's name is connected 
with nearly every event and nearly every actor on one 
of the most interesting scenes of history. Within his life- 
time (1340 to 1399) fall the first half of the Himdred 
Years War, the beginnings of the new economic system 
in England, the new Uterature, and the early Reforma- 
tion. The Duke crosses swords with du Guesclin; Sir 
John Chandos is his friend ; Sir Hugh Calverly fights imder 
his banner, and Sir Robert KnoUes is of his retinue. The 
imsuccessful general of the Hundred Years' War is the 
victim marked out for slaughter by the peasants in 1381 ; 
the friend of Chaucer is the patron of Wycliffe. The story 
of his life takes us from the Painted Chamber at West- 
minster to the Municipal Council hall of Bordeaux; 
from the Savoy to Hol3n:ood, to Malmaison, to the cathe- 
drals of St. James of Compostella and of Burgos ; from 



the battlefields of France and Aquitaine to those of 
Castfle ; from the struggle of Valois and Plantagenet to 
the death feud of the brothers Pedro the Cruel and Henry 
of Trastamare. 

In all this the Duke, if a fascinating leader, is a dan- 
gerous guide. His biographer is led insensibly to preci- 
pice after precipice. He has to avoid the desperate 
suggestion of casting himself headlong into the abyss of 
the Hundred Years War, the early Reformation, the 
early Renaissance, or the County Palatine of Lancaster. 

He must fix his eye upon one figure : the hero, or it may 
be, the villain of the piece. He must neglect all issues, 
however important, not his own. No underplot, however 
tempting, must disturb the unity of the story which tells 
of the ambitions of the protagonist and the events to 
which they led. 

If the study of institutions is more important than the 
sludy of the Uves of men and women, the large canvas 
a nobler work than the portrait or the cameo, the task 
of portraying personahty has its own pecuUar difficulties. 

Foremost among these difficulties comes one peculiar 
to the period. For the riddle of personal character in 
the whole Middle Age is harder to guess than in any other. 
That age falls on the other side of the great dividing hne 
drawn by that strange re-awakening, that re-discovery by 
man of himself and his place in the imiverse, which is 
summed up in the word Renaissance. After that epoch 
history has to deal with men and women ; before, with 
children, children who with Uttle of the simpUcity have 
much of the naivete and incomprehensibility of childhood. 
The ages of faith and the ages of chivalry have passed 
away, and the seamless robe is rent. Between the 
modem and the Middle Age a great gulf is fixed. 
Therefore all estimates of character must be subject 
to doubt, and must be put forward with becoming 
diffidence. Dogmatism and easy assurance are less 



appropriate and less convincing than suggestion or at 
best a hesitating judgment. To these general considera- 
tions, true of the whole age, must be added one true of 
the particular period. 

More perhaps than at any other time in English history 
our judgment of individiials must depend on the un- 
ravelling of a complex of intrigues, personal and political, 
which come down to us chronicled by men who united 
- the passions of the partizan with the credulity of an age 
scorning evidence, greedy of the miraculous, ever ready 
to hear the devil speak with human voice, or to see blood 
flow at the tomb of a political martyr. Subject to 

r these qualifications, the evidence both of the chronicles 
and of more formal documents is abundant and rich. 
There are those who record hearsay in the cloister, but 
there are also eye-witnesses and men of the world. 

Froissart must have seen John of Gaimt and talked 
with him again and again. Ayala — courtier, soldier, 
statesman, and chronicler — ^met him in the field of battle 
and in the warfare of diplomacy ; the Portuguese chroniclers, 
biassed doubtless in favour of the father of Queen Philippa 
and the father-in-law of the Master of Avis, the hero of 
national independence, have preserved in detail the 
record of his deeds in the great invasion, and, strangely 
enough, the only extant description of his appearance. 
After the men of affairs and men of letters come a mob 
of gentlemen who write with more or less of ease and 
more or less of prejudice : Henry Knighton and the name- 
less continuator of his chronicle, who, living in the 
shadow of the Lancastrian foundation at Leicester, 
testify to the Duke's piety ; the imknown monk of 
St. Albans, who testifies to his wickedness ; Adam of Usk, 
hard-headed lawyer and impartial critic, who sat in the 
reporters' gallery when the Duke as High Seneschal of 
England passed sentence on the conspirators of 1397 ; 
Chandos Herald, not altogether free from a herald's 



Rulings, who extols his prowess ; and a score of others, 
some with names, more without, a few interesting, the 
majority dull, but all having some fact to add to the story, 
some comment to show how the man appeared to those 
of his day. 

Of formal evidence the amount is overwhelming. The 
RoUs of Parliament have of course long since been ex- 
plored, though even here patient research can gather 
up crumbs that have fallen from the table.* For other 
sources similar in nature the student feels gratitude, 
tempered with despair. The records of the Duchy and 
County Palatine of Lancaster are almost inexhaustible, 
and suggest tempting lines of inquiry at every turn. 
Series like the Collection de documents inidits sur rhis- 
taire de France, M. Delpit's CoUecUon des documents 
franfois qui se trouvent en Angleterre, and the municipal 
records of Bordeaux — a monument of civic patriotism — 
are invaluable sources for the life of John of Gaunt. 
Often formal evidence succeeds where the professed 
chronicles are disappointingly inadequate. Froissart, 
with all his brilliance and charm, too often puts into the 
mouth of the Duke of Lancaster set speeches which would 
fit the Duke of Burgimdy or the Count of Foix as well. ; 
Instead of the man, he gives us the type. Where Froissart L 
fails, Walsingham is intolerable. Better the immeasured 
abuse of the *' scandalous chronicle " than Knighton's con- 
ventionality. It is from this curse of conventionahty, 
as also from the barriers of prejudice, that formal evidence 
sets us free. 

The Calendars of Papal Petitions and Papal Letters do 
far more than the Fasciculi Zizaniorum to explain the 
Duke*s attitude to the early Reformation ; with the 
Livre des Bouillons in our hands we can watch the Duke 
fencing with the obstinate champions of municipal 
privilege and feudal independence ; the official records 
^See Ch. xi. pp. 257-8. 



of the township of Bergerac show us the mayor and 
6chevins listening to news of their seigneur far away in 
Kenilworth or Pontefract ; the cartularies of Troyes 
conjure up the injured Abbot of " Chapelle aux Planches " 
fixing to the doors of his houses the arms of the Duke of 
Lancaster and Lord of Beaufort and Nogent ; the Register 
furnishes a picture of the daily life of the Duke and his 
stately household ; we watch his servants bearing gifts of 
firewood to the poor lazars of Leicester, or carrying gifts 
of wine to the prisoners of Newgate. 

The type of the grand seigneur, the lay figure, warms 
into hfe and becomes the man of flesh and blood. 

This man, who to the constitutional historian is only 
important as the persistent enemy of constitutional pro- 
gress, and the author of the circimistances which produced 
a change of dynasty, has his faults — they are many and 
conspicuous — and also his virtues. We must not look 
for any one great and good. The age is not an heroic 
age ; it is one of dicadence. The man is not a hero. 
But he is profoimdly interesting. The great feudatory 
with princely wealth and an imposing retinue, appears now 
as the patron of letters, now as a knight errant in search 
of adventures, now as a general, usually unfortunate, 
now as the pretender aspiring to a throne. Military 
fame eludes him ; the laurels of victory wither at his 
touch. Royal dignity escapes him; the crown and 
sceptre are beyond his reach. He stands by the steps of 
two thrones ; he cannot moimt to either. 

But judged by the standard of the time, the life is 
not altogether in vain. The roll of dignities and honours 
is long. Passion, whether of ambition or of love, claims 
its due. He enjovs great power, and he has enough of 
fighting and adventure to satisfy the cravings of one 
bom in the age of chivalry. 


Chapter I 


NEAR the Antwerp gate of Ghent, at the meeting 
place of the Lys and Scheldt, lie the ruins of the 
Abbey of St. Bavon. 

little but the cloisters and the baptistery now re- 
mains of the famous Abbey founded by Saint Amand, 
once one of the chief seats of Flemish learning, where 
Eginhardt had found a home, and the bones of the 
sainted Pharailde had been laid to rest. 

For in 1540, to punish the rebellious city of his birth, 
Charles V ordered the destruction of certain ancient 
gates, towers and walls no longer needed, and those of 
the Abbey were among the number condemned. The 
canons removed their reliquaries to the Cathedral, 
henceforth to be known by the name of St. Bavon, and 
the walls of the Abbey were thrown down to build a 
castle which should overawe the tm'bulent subjects of the 

But in the fourteenth century the Abbey was a rich 
foundation enclosing a large area within its precincts. 
At the beginning of 1340 there was unusual stir 
within its walls, for the ancient seat of Flemish learning 
was for the moment the scene of a Court, and the monks 

^ Kervyn de Volkaersbeke, Les Eglises de Gand. (Ghent, 

I B 


of St. Bavon were the hosts of Edward III of England 
and his Queeji Philippa of Hainault.^ 

The Hundred Years War had begun, and King Ed- 
ward, to quiet the conscience of his Flemish allies, had 
just assumed the royal style of France * and ridden into 
Ghent with the lilies of France quartered on his shield 
with the English leopards.* For in January a great 
Parliament was held in Ghent ; Holland, Brabant, and 
the three great cities of Flanders had been leagued 
together in alliance with England against Louis Count 
of Flanders, and his suzerain, Philip of Valois.^ 

The alliance was signed at St. Bavon, and the triumph 
of Artevelde*s policy seemed complete, the conmiercial 
union of England and Flanders cemented by the 
strongest of political ties, when in the great piazza of 
the city, the March6 du Vendredi, the Flemings did 
homage to their new suzerain, and swore to obey 
Edward HI as King of France. This was the prelude 
to the campaign which was to open in the spring, and 
Edward returned to England to prepare. 

Leaving the Queen and her little son Lionel, bom at 
Antwerp the year before, to the protection of St. Bavon 
and his new subjects, the King left Flanders on Feb- 
ruary 20.* In March his fourth son, John, was bom.* 

^ Elide Edewaert, des seken sijt, 
Sijn wijf ende sine kindere mede, 
Bleuen te Ghend in de stede 
Tsente Baefs int cloester geLdert. 
— Reimchronik von Flandem, vol. i. i, 8224-7. 
(£d. £. Kausler, Tubigen, 1840.) 
' Istare et Chroniques de Flandres, 1, 572. 
* See Edouard III, Rot d'AngUterre en Belgiqtte, translation of 
the rh3aned chronicle of Jean de Klerk, by Octave DeLepfterre. 
(Ghent, 1841.) 
^ De Smet, Collection de Chroniques Beiges InSdites, III. 151. 
< See King Edward's Itinerary in M. Lemoine's Appendix to 
his edition of Richard Lescot. 

« Mense Martii : Murimuth, 93; Chr. Angl, 11. Wals. I, 


With a strange persistence, the name of his birthplace 
has dung to John Plantagenet from the first. Lionel 
" of Antwerp " is more familiar as Earl of Ulster, or as 
Duke of Clarence, but for his yoimger brother posterity 
has chosen to prefer, to an abundance of territorial titles, 
the name of the town known to English ears as " Gaunt," 
and John of Lancaster is John of Gaunt. 

The Uttle child bom at St. Bavon in March was an 
early, if unconscious, witness of his father's democratic 
alliance inaugurated a few weeks earlier, for he was held 
at the font by James van Artevelde, nor did the biurgesses 
of Ghent forget that their leader had been god-father to 
an English prince.^ 

The King remained in England until June. The day 
after he left, St. John the Baptist's Day, he won a battle 
memorable in the annals of the English navy, the crush- 
ing victory of Sluy«, which destroyed the French mari- 
time power, and gave England the conmiand of the 
Channel for many years. Flushed with his triumph 
over the French and Genoese admirals, Edward rode to 
Ghent to greet the Queen and the son who had been bom 
to him in his absence. 

The Queen and her children remained at Ghent during 
the short campaign of the sununer, which ended at the 
siege of Toumai, a campaign without a battle, for the 
French and English armies, after facing each other out- 
side Toumai, made terms. King Robert of Naples had 
dreamed dreams and warned his cousin of France never 

* [Regina] pcperit filium, quern Jacobus de Artevella de 
sacro fonte levans, compater factus est regi Angliae. Chr. 
Reg. Franc, 93. Cf. Istare et Chroniques de Flandres, I, 574. 
Is this what Walsingham means when he says of Artevelde — 
Qui quondam consanguineus exstltit Anglorum Reginae Philip- 
pae ? (II, 61). Froissart says that John of Brabant was his 
god^ther, and that the name John was given to him as a com- 
pliment to his sponsor. (J^. de L. Ill, p. 207). Froissart also 
wrongly gives as his birthplace the Abbey of St. Peter at Ghent. 
K. de L, XVII, 78. 



to engage an English army led by the King in person* 
Prophecy and policy for the moment agreed, and when 
Jeanne de Valois came from the cloister to make peace 
between her brother and her cousin, she succeeded. In 
September the truce of Esplechin postponed the struggle 
until June, 1341, and in November the King and Queen 
and the Uttle Princes Lionel and John returned to Eng- 

A courtly writer of the seventeenth century assures 
us that Queen Phihppa*s fourth child was **a lovely and 
lively boy." * Probably Philippa thought so, but it is 
safer to imitate the not unnatural silence of contem- 
porary chroniclers, who had not yet learned to fix their 
attention on the King's fourth son. Isolda Newman, 
his nurse,* has left no reminiscences of the childhood of 
the great Duke of Lancaster, and curiosity must await 
his first appearance on the stage of public life. Im- 
patience is soon set at rest, for it was not long before 
Edward III took the first step towards the family settle- 
ment completed twenty years later. In 1341 the King 
declared his intention of marrying Lionel, when of age, 
to Elizabeth de Burgh, daughter and heir of the Earl 
of Ulster.* Meanwhile, the English lands of John de 
Montfort, late Duke of Brittany and Earl of Richmond, 
were assigned for the maintenance of Lionel and John, 
and the King's daughters, Isabella and Joan, under the 
guardianship of the Queen.* 

In 1342 John of Gaunt, only in his third year, was 
granted the Earldom of Richmond in tail, and was duly 
invested with the "girding of the sword." During his 

* Barnes, History of Edward III, 158. 

^ Annuity of ;( 10 to Isolda Newman, nurse of the King's son, 
John of Gaunt, February 22, 1346. Froissart, K, de L, XXII, 
32, note. 

' Foed, V. 247-8, dated May 5, 1341. 

* Foed, V. 249, dated May 19, 1341 ; Rot. Pat,, May 25, 1341, 
and June 25 (15 Edward III, pp. 197 and 236, and 17 Edward 
HI, p. 42). 



minority the Queen was made his guardian.^ Henceforth 
John of Gamit bears the title Earl of Richmond until 
his alliance with the House of Lancaster brought him 
an ampler patrimony and a more famous name. 

His youth falls in the first period, the heroic age of 
the Hundred Years War. A child of six when Prince 
Edward won his spurs at Crtey, his earUest memories 
must have been those of the great victories which filled 
men's minds. 1347 saw the defeat of the Scots at Nevil*s 
Cross, King David a prisoner, the fall of Calais, and 
England holding " the keys of France." Then, after the 
victories which were quickening the people with a newly 
awakened sense of national life, came the Black Death. 
The age is one of sharply defined contrasts ; the bright- 
est lights and the darkest shadows meet and touch on 
the canvas. Between Crdcy and Poictiers the Great 
Plague swept over England, decimating the people. 

Coming from the East-^fruitful soil of disease and 
teeming populations — ^it had reached Italy in 1348, where 
Boccaccio raised to it a monument of graceful egoism 
and refined callousness in the Decameron, Traversing 
Germany and France, it provoked an outburst of 
gloomy mysticism, to which expression was given by the 

If the faint recollections of childhood had any place \ 
in the thoughts of the grown man, these things formed 
their subject: wars and rumours of wars, plague, 1 
pestilence, and famine. But childhood did not last — ^ 
long. If Ufe ended sooner in the fourteenth century than 
in later times, at least the business of Ufe began earlier. 

At eighteen Edward had avenged his father, over- 
thrown the power of Mortimer and Isabella, and begun 

^ Foed, V. 348. The grant is dated November 20, 1342, and 
was confirmed March 6, 1351. The Earldom had been granted 
September 24, 1341, to John de Montfort as a reward for his 
attachment to the English cause (Ibid. V. 280 ; 299-300). 


to rule. At fourteen his son had commanded at Cr6cy. 
John of Gaunt saw his first battle at the age of ten. In 
1350 an Invincible Armada of Castilian ships was Ijong 
in the roads of Sluys. Nominally there was a truce be- 
tween England and France and their allies, but a truce 
made Uttle ctifference at sea. Since the battle of Sluys 
Enghsh sea-borne commerce had nothing to fear from 
France, but the wine fleets coming from Bordeaux and the 
wool fleets passing between England and Flanders had 
suffered severely at the hands of the CastiUans, who had 
refused Edward's offer of a dynastic alliance, and disputed 
his claim to the lordship of the seas — that " Dominium 
Maris*' which was recognized as the birthright of the 
island kingdom. 

To protect his conmierce and complete the work done 
at Sluys, the King got together a fleet and waited for the 
enemy. Nearly all the principal feudatories were with 
him, and it is with an evident relish that Froissart tells 
over the names famous to chivalry: Derby, Hereford, 
Anmdel, a Holland, a Beauchamp, a Neville, and a Percy. 
John, Earl of Richmond, now in his eleventh year, went 
to sea with his peers, and was on board Prince EdwardV 
ship on the day of the battle.^ 

Among immmerable picturesque pages in the Chronicles, 
perhaps one of the most striking is that in which Frois- 
sart tells how King Edward waited for the Spaniards 
on that Sunday in August off the Sussex coast, between 
Winchelsea and Rye. The King sits on the foredeck of 

^ For the battle of " L'Espagnols sur Mar" see Chr. Angl. 28. 
Kn. II. 67, Cargrave, Hist. Chandos Herald, 499-501, forigets his 
dates — 

£t 14 fut chivaler Johans 
Son frdre, qui moult fut vaillantz 
Qui de Lancastre fut puis ducz ; 
Moult grantz parfurent ses vertuz. 
Froissart is more convincing : " Mais oils estoit si jones que 
point il ne s'armoit, mais Tavoit le princes avoecques lui en sa 
nef pource que moult Taimoit." £. de L. V. 258. 



his flagship, the Salle du Rat, with his captains about 
him, while minstrels play an air brought back from 
Germany by the gallant Sir John Chandos. Suddenly 
music is interrupted by a shout from the look-out man : 
" A Sail ! " The King, like Drake on the historic Devon- 
shire green, will not be interrupted. He calls for wine, 
and pledges his knights. Soon the whole Spanish fleet, 
forty sail, with the afternoon sun striking on their can- 
vas, bears down with a fresh north-easter towards the 
English ships. 

With the wind in thefr favour and their greater tonnage 
and sail power, they might have swept down the Channel, 
but they chose to stay and fight. There was no 
manoeuvring in naval warfare of the fourteenth century. 
Tactical instructions were comprised in three simple 
rules: grapple your enemy, board him, and fight it 

From vespers to nightfall the battle was fought. At 
its close Edward had won another crushing victory ; but 
it had been a hard fight, and there was scarcely a man in 
the English fleet who had not a wound to show. ^ One 
of the incidents of the battle was the danger of the Black 
Prince. He had grappled a Spaniard, and his own ship 
was sinking. For long his men could not board the 
enemy, and it seemed as though Prince Edward, and with 
him John of Gaunt and the whole crew, must be lost. 
With the cry of " Derby to the Rescue ! " Henry of Lan- 
caster laid his ship alongside and carried the enemy ; 
the Prince and his little brother were saved — ^not the 
last time that the fortimes of John of Gaunt were bound 
up with those of Henry Plantagenet. 

When the battle was over, the King landed atWinchel- 
sea to bring the news of the victory and the safety of her 
sons to Queen Phihppa. Si pasUrent celle nuit les 

* Froissart, who got his facts from an eye-witness, put the 
Castilian loss at 14 ; Walsingham at 24 ; Capgrave at 30. 



seigneurs et les dames en grand revel en parlant d'armes 
et d'amour. 

This was the young Earl of Richmond's first taste of 
chivalry. Five years later the apprenticeship in arms 
was renewed. In the summer of 1355 John of Gaunt 
was attached to the expeditionary force placed under 
the command of the Duke of Lancaster with a view to 
co-operating against the French with Charles the Bad, 
King of Navarre — who, having quarrelled with his 
cousin, John, Kkig of France, had concluded a secret 
treaty with Henry of Lancaster at Avignon the year 
before, agreekig to surrender his northern port of Cher- 
bourg into English hands.^ 

The young Earl of Richmond doubtless wondered, 
with the rest of Duke Henry's captains, where the force 
would land, for the objective was kept as secret as the 
treaty which had brought this latest and least desirable 
ally into the circle of England's friends, and the Admiral 
lying with his fleet in the Thames had sealed orders. 

In the end nothing was done, for when the fleet got 
under weigh at the beginning of July and reached the 
Channel Islands to wait for intelligence from the 
supposed ally which never came, Charles the Bad 
made peace with his adversary ; the fleet returned to pay 
off, nothing done, and the Treaty of Valognes saved 
Cherbourg for awhile from English occupation. France 
had parried the thrust, but Edward III returned to the 
charge, and at the beginning of November landed with 
an army at Calais to lead a raid through Picardy.* Again 
John of Gaunt took part in the expedition.* He was 
now more than fifteen years of age, old enough to begin 
fighting in earnest,^ for this was the occasion on which 

* Robert of Avesbury, p. 425-^ (Rolls Series). 

* Wals, I, 280 ; Marimuth, p. 186. 

* Robert of Avesbury, 427-9. 

^ £t se coinmen9oient j4 li enfant k armer (Lionel and John). 
Froissart. K. de L. V. 321. 



King Edward's sword laid knighthood on the shoulder 
of the young Earl of Richmond/ The Black Prince was 
younger when he won his name upon the field of Cr6cy ; 
but no fame was to be won on this march, for the demon- 
stration in Picardy failed to bring on an engagement, 
and accomplished nothing more than useless devastation. 
Further operations were effectually stopped by serious 
news from home. 

On November 6 the Scots had surprised Berwick, the 
favourite pastime of the Border chiefs, and the King 
returned at once. After a hasty session of Parliament, 
Edward marched north, taking once more the Earl of 
Richmond with him. Christmas was kept at Newcastle- 
on-Tyne, the rendezvous of the army, and on New Year's 
Day the march b^an. There was little trouble in re- 
gaining the town, which was not garrisoned or victualled 
for a siege. On January 13 the keys were given up, 
and the King marched into Scotland to exact reprisals.* 

At Roxburgh John of Gaunt witnessed the famous or 
infamous act of renunciation, whereby Edward Baliol 
sold his birthright for a mess of pottage, making over to 
the King of England his rights to the Scottish kingdom 
and the Baliol inheritance.* The first formal docimients 
witnessed by the Earl of Richmond are the letters 
patent in which Baliol, pleading his age and failing 
strength, and disguising his hatred of David Bruce imder 
the pretext of a statesmanlike desire of seeing the imion 
of Englishmen and Scots under one ruler, transferred his 
rights to Edward III. 

After BaUoPs surrender the march continued without 
opposition, to Edinburgh, where the King took up his 
quarters in the house of that good burgess who, on the 

1 Kn. II, 80. 

' Scotichronicon, IV, 104-5. Fordun's indignation runs away 
with him. Baliol addresses the King tamquam leo rugiens ; £a- 
ward advances velut ursa raptis foeiibus in saltus saviens, 

^ Dated Bamburgh, January 20, and Roxburgh, January 20 
and 25 (^Foed. V. 832-43). 



eve of the expedition ending at Nevil's Cross, besought 
David Bruce to make him Mayor of London. 

There John of Gaunt must have seen the charming 
Countess of Douglas, whose prayers stayed the King's 
vengeance and saved Edinburgh from the flames, an act 
of clemency which thirty years later he himself repeated 
— saving, without the prayers of a Countess of Douglas, 
the city which Froissart calk the Paris of Scotland, " car 
c' est Paris en Ecosse comment que eUe ne soitpas Francc.^^ 

After this lesson in warfare and chivalry for a time 
we lose sight of the Earl of Richmond. He was almost 
certainly in London when the Black Prince returned in 
the spring of 1357, and the city cheered the hero of 
Poictiers as he rode in triumph with his royal prisoner, 
John, King of France. In November of that year John 
of Gaunt probably shared in the conventional mourning 
for the Queen Mother Isabella, whose last years of dis- 
grace since Mortimer's overthrow had been spent in a 
semi-captivity at Castle Rising, and who died when her 
grandson was in his nineteenth year. 

But far more important than his early apprenticeship 
in the trade of war was Richmond's first meeting with 

Cone who was to be through life his friend and intimate, 
Geoffrey Chaucer. It was at Christmas, 1357, that John 
5f Gaunt and Chaucer first came to know each other. 
Before this the poet may have come under his notice 
in the King's household, but at the Christmas feast of 
1357 they met in a more intimate manner, for both were 
staying at Hatfield in Yorkshire with Lionel, now Earl 
of Ulster in the right of his wife, Elizabeth de Burgh.* 

^ Skeat, Chaucer, vol. I, xvii. (Introduction). Apparently 
the Earl of Richmond took his whole household with him. At 
least, the following entries occur in the account of the Earl of 
Ulster : Magistro Johanni Coq' comitis Richemundiae pro oon- 
sueto annono de consueto aono— 135. 4^. Johanni Lincoln 
derico coquinae dicti comitis pro consueto annono de consueto 
dono— 13s. 4^. Brit. Mus. MS. Addit., 18,632. 



Upon Chaucer's fortunes this meeting had a lasting 
efEect, for the friendship of John of Gaunt secured to him 
the favour of the G>urt, so long as his patron lived, and 
after his death the protection of the new dynasty. 
But the advantage was not all on one side. It is 
scarcely fanciful to date from their meeting at Hatfield, 
and the friendship which then b^an, that^ interest in 
letters and men of letters which never forsook John of 
Gaunt among all the cares of military and politicd^ 
ambition. The soldier and politician is touched by the 
graces of " more humane " pursuits : it is this which 
differentiates him from the rough and uncultured type \ 
of men of the age, whose thin veneer of chivalry too often. J 
scarcely concealed a rough and brutal nature. 

Hitherto the movements of King Edward's fourth son 
have been barely followed by a few scattered notices 
in the chronicles. After 1359 his position changes. All 
at once he becomes a public character, and for the next 
forty years he is never for long out of the public eye. The 
reason for this change lies in his marriage. In planning 
his children's marriages, Edward III kept two objects o|r 
in view : that of strengthening his position abroad by i 
political alliances, and of building up the royal power f 
at home upon the solid basis of territorial power. 

It was the first policy which led him to look to the 
Low Coimtries. Perhaps the husband of Philippa of 
Hainault had his prepossessions, but for his attitude to 
the princes of the Low Countries satisfactory reasons, 
military and political, could be adduced in support of 
the dictates of sentiment.* Flemish and English com- 
merce were interdependent ; and since the short-lived 
imperial alliance had been discounted, it became all the 
more desirable to establish friendly relations with the 
powers lying near the French frontier. With these aims 

1 The Marquess of Juliers was created Earl of Cambridge 
May 13, 1340. Foed, V. 184-5. 



in view, the King in 1340 had proposed to betroth his 
daughter Isabella to a son of the Count of Flanders,^ and 
at the same time had asked the hand of the daughter of 
the Duke of Brabant for his eldest son, Edward.* Those 
negotiations came to nothing, but eleven years later the 
same poUcy was uppermost in the King's mind, when 
he despatched his cousin, Henry Duke of Lancaster, to 
the Count of Flanders, to arrange a marriage between 
the Count's daughter and John of Gaunt.' 

Upon the success or failure of that mission depended 
the dynastic history of England for the next century. 
If John of Gaunt had married the Count's daughter and 
succeeded in time to the position of a continental poten- 
tate, the fortimes of England and of France must have 
been materially different. Perhaps Artevdde's dream 
of an Anglo-Flemish empire might have been realized. 
But at least one all-important factor would have been 
removed from the problem of English politics: the 
House of Lancaster might not have dethroned the 
Plantagenets ; perhaps the Wars of the Roses would not 
have been necessary. But a speculative reconstruction 
of history, however tempting, is unprofitable. Duke 
Henry did not succeed in winning the daughter of the 
Coimt of Flanders for John of Gaunt. Eight years later 
he gave the hand of his own daughter instead. The first 
epoch in the public life of John of Gaunt had begun. 

Some families owe both the b^inning and the con- 
tinuance of their power to fortunate marriages. That 
this is true of the Hapsburgs is a commonplace of 
history. It is equally true of the House of Lancaster, 
peculiarly so of John of Gaunt himself. His fate is 

^ Powers were given to the Earl of Salisbury Jan. 4, 1340. 
Foed, V. 155. 

^ May 3, 1340 {Ihid. 181); letter to the Pope dated 
Oct. 30, 1340, and Oct. 26, 1344. Ihid. 214-5 \ 432. 

' Powers dated June 27, 1351. Ihid, 710. 



moulded by marriage. The first made him a feudal 
magnate and shaped the next dozen years of his history. 
The second, equally momentous, converted the great 
feudatory into something more, making him the claimant 
to a continental throne and deciding the bent of his 
ambition for another dozen years. His public life begins 
and ends with marriage. To this are due his wealth, \ 
his power, and his prominence, and the multiplicity of \ 
those hereditary claims which make up so large a part \ 
of the interest of his life. 

In this prominence of the dynastic element the story 
of John of Gaunt is typical of the age. For six years 
Parliament and the Privy Council are occupied witii the 
dispute of two gentlemen about a certain coat-of-arms. 
For Sir Henry le Scrope and Robert Grosvenor substi- 
tute the Kings of England, France, and Castile ; for the 
arms " azure ov un hende d^or ** — the lilies, the castle triple 
towered, and the lion rampant ; and the private quarrel 
becomes the international dispute. The nations had 
not yet learned to fight for religions or for markets: 
they fought for the hereditary rights of their sovereigns, 
Valois and Plantagenet fight for the crown of France. 
Burgundy and Trastamare for the crown of Castile, and 
minor potentates follow suit. For twenty years Brit- 
tany is torn by the dynastic quarrel of the houses of 
Blois and Montfort. 

The dynastic importance of John's first marriage was 
the residt of the extraordinary position won by the 
House of Lancaster. Henry Duke of Lancaster was 
the most prominent man in England. In the wars 
he had proved himself one of Edward's ablest generals. 
His vast wealth and power made him unquestionably 
the greatest feudatory of the Crown, but he had no 
male issue. Two daughters were co-heirs of his estates : 
the elder, Matilda or Maude, manied to William 
Duke of Zealand ; the younger, Blanche, whose hand he 
now gave to John of Gaunt. 



The prospect of succeeding to a moiety of the Lan- 
castrian inheritance would have been enough to make 
the match desirable. But the young Earl of Richmond, 
we are told, had other motives besides that of ambition. 

If Chaucer's picture is true to the original, Blanche 
of I^ncaster united unusual graces of disposition with a 
full measure of womanly beauty. The White Lady 
of the Book of the Dudkess was the flower of English 
womanhood, a blonde with golden hair, tall, graceful, 
and with something of that ample richness of fann so 
prized by the taste of the fourteenth century. 

It is not unknown for Court poets to use both a poet*s 
and a courtier's licence; and Chaucer doubtless wrote 
with the prepossessions of friendship, but he wrote for 
those who knew both John of Gaunt and Blanche of 
Lancaster. His attractive story of the courtship of the 
Earl therefore may perhaps be accepted : how he met 
with difficulties, and failed at first (for there is no royal 
road to love), but, haunted by the " goodly softe speche '* 
and the eyes — 

Debonair goode ^^e and aadde, 
which looked gentleness and forgiveness, persevered and 
at length succeeeded. 

On Sunday, May 19, the marriage was solenmized at 
Reading^ by papad dispensation, for John and Blanche 

^ Capgrave: De lllustribus Henrids. 164: Mnrimntfa, 193. 
Chr, Angl. 39. Wals. I, 286. 

To Thomas de Chynham, Qerk of the Chapd of Fhilippa, 
Queen of England, in money paid to him of the King's gift lor 
his fee for the performance of three marriages in the same chapel, 
viz., Margaret, the King's daughter, the cUiughter of the Earl of 
Ulster and John Earl of Richmond — ^10. Issue Roll. (Devon), 
July IS, 33 Ed- IH, 1359, p. 170. 

For jewds purchased for the marriage of the Ead of Richmond 
and the Lady Blanche : to wit, for one ring with a ruby, ;£20 ; 
and for a belt garnished with rubies, emeralds and pearls, £iS ; 
for a trypod with a cup of silver gilt, £20--£sZ. Ibid. July 6, 
33 Ed. Ill, 1359, Ibid. 

For divers jewels purchased for the marriage of the Earl of 












Chapter II 


AT daybreak on October 28, 1359, the flagship Philip 
of Darifnotdh was hoisting her sails at Sandwich. 
Edward III was on board, bound for Calais : the last 
campaign of the first great epoch of the Hundred Years 
War was beginning. 

Edward had determined to besiege Rheims. In the 
cathedral of the ancient city where, from time imme- 
morial, the Kings of France had received unction and 
coronation, in the birthplace of the French monarchy, 
consecrated by tradition and surrounded by the halo of 
a peculiar sanctity, the King of England aspired to 
receive the crown of the " Fleurs de Lys." 

The march from Calais to Rheims has little of military 
interest ; but the pomp and pageantry of the battle array 
still live in the pages of Froissart, who describes the 
English army marching out of Calais " so great multitude 
of people that all the country was covered therewith, so 
richly armed and beseen that it was great joy to behold 
the fresh shining armours, banners waving in the wind, 
their companies in good order, riding a soft pace." At 
this " soft pace ** they advanced through Picardy, Artois, 
and Cambr&is to the ecclesiastical capital of France. 

In the middle of the fourteenth century a walled city, 
strongly held and well garrisoned, was almost impreg- 
nable. Si^e warfare reversed the judgment of the 
stricken field; the advantage was on the side of the 
forces of defence. As Rheims was well garrisoned and well 



were related in the third and fourth degrees of con- 
sanguinity.^ Taking place as it did at a time when 
England was looking forward to a period of peace, the 
marriage was eagerly welcomed as an excuse for national 
rejoicing. Three days' jousting celebrated the event at 
Reading, and for three days more rejoicings continued in 
London. To mark its loyalty to the Sovereign and his 
family, the City proclaimed a tournament. Mayor, 
sherifib, and aldermen undertook to hold the field for 
three days against all comers. At the appointed time 
twenty-four knights wearing the cognizance of the City 
entered the lists. They made good their challenges, but 
when the tournament was over a surprise was in store 
for the people. To its astonishment and delight, London 
found that, in place of the civic officers, the combatants 
who had upheld the City's challenge were the King, his 
four sons, Edward, Lionel, John, and Edmund, and 
nineteen of the principal barons of England.* 

Such at least is the tradition. If it is true, the situation 
is one of the ironies of history; before very long the 
cheers of the London crowds were to turn to hisses, and 
the citizens who in 1359 applauded John of Gaunt 
as their champion soon came to look upon him as the 
most determined enemy of their privileges and the foe 
of all civic Uberty. 

Richmond and Blanche, daughter of the Duke of Lancaster, 
;^I39 7$. 4d. Issue Roll, Oct. 26, 34 Ed. Ill, 1360, Ibid. p. 172. 

For silver buckles given to the Countess of Richmond, £^0, 
Ibid, March 2, 1360, Ibid, p. 173. 

* Papal Petitions, I, 337. Granted Avignon 8 Id. Jan. 7, 
Innocent VI, 1359. 

« Barnes, History of Edward III, quoting Holinshed from MS. 
Vet. in Bibl. CCC, Cambridge, c. 230. 



seemed to have turned against them. The saints were 
surely ptmishing their impiety in violating the lands 
of Notre Dame de Chartres. Tlie King allowed himself to 
be persuaded to listen to terms ; on May 8 the treaty con- 
cluded at Br6tigni ended the first phase of the great war. 

If the sufferings of the invading army had been great, 
those of the miserable crowds herded together within the 
walls of the capital had been greater. 

On Sunday, May lo, the Regent took the oath to ob- 
serve the treaty ; the act, humiliating as it was for 
France, was hailed *' with a joy imspeakable " ; through- 
out Paris the church bells were set ringing, while in Notre 
Dame the " Te Deum " was chanted in thanksgiving for 
the deliverance. 

The army returned to England. Apart from its poli- 
tical results, the campaign had done little to justify the 
judgment of the Valois Chronicler who calls Edward, 
" Le plus sage guerroier du monde et le plus soubtil." 
The political results, the terms of Br^tigni, might with 
more justice be attributed to the campaign of 1356 than 
to that of 1360. It was really the captivity of his father 
which forced the Regent's hand. Judged from a stra- 
tegic point of view, the campaign was a failure. The 
military education of John of Gaunt had opened with a 
most imfortunate example. Thirteen years later he was 
to put into practice the principles of his father, to be 
confronted with the same difficulties, and to suffer the 
same failure. But if there had been little generalship, 
there had been plenty of fighting, and in that the Earl of 
Richmond had played his part : he had taken his share in 
the skirmishes and raids on the march — at Rethel, where 
his friend Geoffrey Chaucer was captiu-ed, at the sack of 
Cemay-en-Dormois, and at the captiu-e of Cormicy; and 
atRheimshe had commanded one of the three " battles " 
of the besieging army.^ 

^ Kn. 107-8. 


When in May he returned with the King to England, 
and the curtain fell on the first act of the Hundred Years 
War, his political life was just beginning. In 1360 he 
received his first smnmons to Parliament as Earl of 

Within three years the king's fourth son was the great- 
est feudatory in England, and in power, wealth, and 
position there was no one to dispute his claim to rank as 
the first subject of the Crown. 

John was ambitious ; but apart from ambition, he found 
"greatness thrust upon him." Forces beyond his con- 
trol — ^partly fortune, partly poUcy — ^had shaped his des- 
tinies. The causes of this " greatness " were : first, the 
succession to the Lancastrian inheritance ; and second, 
the removal from England of his two elder brothers, 
Edward and Lionel. 

War, plague, and famine succeed one to another in the 
Middle Ages with a fearful regularity. For a time war 
had ceased ; but in 1361 the Great Plague, which, since 
its first appearance in 1349, had never wholly passed 
away, broke out with more than usual malignancy. 
The death roll was long ; but among many notable 
victims the most illustrious was Henry the " Good " 
Ihike of Lancaster,^ and the Plague, which enriched 
William of Wykeham with a dozen prebends, brought to 
John of Gaunt the greatest inheritance in England. 

Duke Henry left two daughters and co-heirs, the 
younger Blanche Countess of Richmond, the elder 
Matilda or Maude, who had been married first to Ralf , son 
of the Earl of Stafford, and afterwards to William of 
Bavaria, son of the Emperor Lewis, and Duke of Zealand. 

The lands of Duke Henry were divided,^ but not for 

* By writ dated November 20, 34 Edward III. Dugdale, 
Summons, p. 262. 

* Aetema memoria dignus. Kn. II. 114. He died March 23, 
1 361 (Bateson, Records of the Borough of Leicester). 

» Kn.n,iis,ii6, 



long. Matilda of Lancaster, coming to England to take 
possession of her patrimony, fell a victim, Uke her father, 
to the Plague, and died on April lo, 1362, and all Ihike 
Henry's lands passed to his yomiger daughter, now sole 
heir, and in her right to her husband, John of Gaunt. 

A few months later John of Gaunt, Earl of Richmond, 
in his own right and in the right of his wife Earl of Lan- 
caster, Derby, Lincoln, and Leicester, and High Seneschal 
of England, was promoted to the dignity held by his 
father-in-law. In the Parliament of November, 1362, 
the King created him Duke of Lancaster, and formally 
invested him with the duchy, by " girding him with the 
sword and setting the cap upon his head." * 

In the history of the House of Lancaster, with which 
John of Gaunt now became identified, it is possible to 
trace, with all due allowance for the difference of circimi- 
stance and divergence of personal temperament, a marked 
and permanent tradition. Towards the great problem of 
constitutional government which, since the end of the 
thirteenth century, the nation had set itself to solve, the 
Earls of Lancaster had contributed little or nothing. 
They had good service to record, but there was no con- 
stitutional fibre in the stock. All were men of great 
energy. They were pious, with the conventional piety 
of their age. They were men of strong purpose, and of 
great ambition. They were gallant soldiers, and perhaps 
the strongest passion of their race was the love of arms 
combined with thirst for adventure. 

Edmund, the founder of his house, as a child had been 
trained to thoughts of continental sovereignty. By 
Papal grant the titular Kingship of Sicily and Apulia is 

1 Rot. Pari, II. 273. "Et puis nre dit Seign' le Roi ceinta son 
dity filz Johan d'un Espeie, et mist sur sa teste une cappe furre, 
et desus un cercle d'or et de peres, et lui noma et fist Due de 
Lancastre ; et lui bailla un Chartre du dit Noun de Due de 
Lancastre." The Charter is dated November 13, 1362, Hardy 
Charters VI. 



^3 III 
11 if 3^ 

«3 Hit 





a "8 























a ** 






his until Henry III, repenting of a bad bargain, refuses 
to fight the battles of the Popes against the Hohen- 
stauffen. A grown man, he longs to exchange the ease 
of the Savoy for the hardships of the fields of Palestine ; 
he shares in the glorious illusions of the Crusades, draws 
his sword against the enemies of the Faith, and fights in 
the last great battle at Acre. His devotion is vouched 
for by many besides the Grey Friars of Preston, whose 
house he foimded, or the Sisters of St. Clare at Aldgate. 
The second Earl, Thomas, shows less knight-errantry 
than any other of the house : with him home politics and 
the cares of a vast English domain thrust aside the calls 
of foreign ambition. For Earl Thomas, though no 
statesman, has a policy. He asserts the rights which his 
position, as the greatest feudatory of the Crown, seems 
to challenge. A coimcil of magnates is to govern Eng- 
land and the King, and he is to exercise an irregular 
dictatorship in the Council. But the times are changing, 
and the ideals of Simon de Montfort no longer satisfy 
a people awakening to constitutional life. In one thing 
alone he has the sympathy of all parties — ^his bitter 
hatred of upstart royal favoiuites. He puts Piers 
Gaveston to death, and his own Ufe pa)^ the forfeit, 
y But the people do not forget. The hard man of few 
^ scruples and unmeasiu*ed ambition is transformed into 
a Saint. Blood stiU flows and miracles are wrought at 
the tomb of St. Thomas of Lancaster, and the Govern- 
ment of Edward II cannot prevent the worship of Piers 
Gaveston's murderer with Simon de Montfort among 
the martyrs of English liberty.* 

^ See the " Office of St. Thomas of Lancaster," banning : 

Gaude Thoma, ducum decus, lucema Lancastriae. 

Ad sepulchrum cujus fiunt frequenter miracula. 

Caeci, claudi, surdi, muti, membra paralytica. 

Prece sua consequentur optata praesidia. Political Songs of 
England from the reign of John to that of Edward II, Thomas 
Wright, Camden Society, 1839. / 



In the death of the favourite, Henry, third Earl, had 
no share. But the feud with royal favoiuites he makes 
his own. With his brother's arms he assumes his bro- 
ther's quarrel. The Despencers and Mortimer share 
Gaveston's fate ; Edward H falls, and Earl Thomas is 
avenged. Henry, too, has the piety of his father; the 
new hospital of St. Mary of Leicester is one of the many 
foundations which prove the devotion of the House of 
Lancaster to the Church. 

His son Henry, the first Duke of lancaster, was the 
best and greatest of his line. Known to his age as the 
" Good Duke," Henry was the very pattern of the " parfit 
gentil knight." Aspirants for chivalrous distinction 
came from all parts of Europe to perfect themselves in 
arms and knighthood in his household — the most mag- 
nificent in England, for even in peace Duke Henry retained 
two hundred knights and esquires in his service. He 
fought the enemies of England and of the Church. The 
heathen in Lithuania, and the Moors at Algeciras, Rhodes, 
Cyprus and the East knew his courage. The favourite 
of the nation and the hero of the French wars, he was 
the most notable of Edward's generals, until his fame 
began to pale before the rising brilliance of Prince 
Edward's star. 

And in Duke Henry the adventiu-ous daring of the 
Lancastrian blood was crowned with the ornament of 
personal saintliness and gentle piety. In a time of sickness 
he had written a book of devotion, ' * Mercy, Grand, Mercy, ^^ 
recalling the sins for which he prayed forgiveness, and 
the blessings for which he owed gratitude to Heaven. 
He built churches and endowed monasteries. The 
Church was enriched by his bounty and edified by his life, 
and the poor and oppressed found in him a protector 
and a friend. 

Such were the traditions of the house with which John 
of Gaunt aUied himself, and whose name he made pecu 





liarly his own. The fifth Earl followed in the steps of his 
kinsmen, and with the heiress of their lands espoused 
their traditions. 

With as little of real statesmanship as Earl Thomas, 
John of Gaunt stands the foremost of the great feuda- 
tories, his influence built on the solid basis of territorial 
power. In the stormy days of King Richard's rule he 
shows the same hatred of royal favourites. What 
Gaveston and the Despencers were to Earl Thomas and 
Henry, Robert de Vere is to him. He has the same con- 
ventional piety ; indeed, in foundations and endowments 
he surpasses sdl his predecessors. Above all, he has the 
Lancastrian love of arms and adventure. The days of 
the Crusades are over; but as Edmund the Crusader 
had fought the infidel, John "Captain and Standard- 
bearer of the Church " fights the Antipope. Edmund, 
" King of Sicily and Apulia," reappears in John " King 
of Castile and Leon." 

Was it policy or the mere caprice of fortune that 
thrust King Edward's third surviving son into the fore- 
most rank ? Certainly it seems as though the King had 
from the first marked out for special favour the son who, 
with the Plantagenet build and features, inherited to the 
full the characteristics of his race. If this were so, fate 
conspired with the King's preference. 

Lionel " of Antwerp " was two years older than John 
" of Gaunt." Betrothed in 1342 to the infant heiress of 
the Earls of Clare and Ulster, Lionel in 1363 went to 
Ireland as the King's Lieutenant. After three years' 
dreary exile he returned,^ but not to play the part which 
might have fallen to him at the English Court. He went 
to Italy to seek a bride — and to find a grave. In April 
he married the daughter of Galeazzo, Lord of Milan. 
Six months later death cheated him of the Italian inherit- 

^ Eulog, 241. 


ance. His end was mysterious ; there were dark hints 
of poison, and perhaps the Lord of Milan knew more 
than another of the m)^tery. 

The Duke of Clarence scarcely finds a place in the 
annals of his time ; for history the only significance of 
his life lies in his first marriage. The heiress of Clare, 
before her death in 1363, had borne him a daughter, 
whose issue by the Earl of March came, on the failure of 
Prince Edward's line, to inherit the legitimate right to 
the English throne. 

The Black Prince, who in 1361 had married his cousin 
Joan, the " Fair Maid of Kent,'* created Prince of Aqui- 
taine, in 1362 left England to govern the Gascon de- 
pendency in the same year in which Clarence went to 

John of Gaunt was left at the King's right hand, with 
little rivalry to fear from Edmund of Langley, Earl of 
Cambridge, a colourless character with neither energy 
nor ambition, or from Thomas of Woodstock, fifteen 
years his junior. During the few years following his 
succession to the Lancastrian inheritance John of Gaunt 
remained in England, enjoying his new dignities and 
visiting with the Lady Blanche his new lands and 

Questions of the first importance were discussed in 
Parliament and in the Council; as yet the Duke of 
Lancaster was content to listen. He was one of the 
" Triers of Petitions " in the ParUament of October, 
1362, which recognized English as the language of the 
courts of law,* and again in October, 1363, when for the 

* Tax of a custom given to the Lady of Leicester on her first 
coining. Tallage RoU quoted by Bateson, Records of the Borough 
of Leicester. iL 131. 

* Parliament sat at Westminster from October 13 to November 
17, 1362 (^Rot. Pari. II. 268-274). John was summoned by writ 
dated August 14 as " Earl of Lancaster and Richmond." Dug- 
dale, Sumnums, p. 266. 



first time a Chancellor declared the causes of the sum- 
mons of Parliament in the mother tongue/ 

The most significant sign of the times was the growing 
hostility of England to the Papacy, now transplanted to 
Avignon, and acting in undisguised alliance with the 
Court of France. In January, 1365, Parliament forbade 
English subjects to obey citation to the Papal Court, and 
declared Papal " provision " to English benefices illegal,* 
and when Urban V made his ill-timed demand for the 
thirty-three years* arrears of tribute, the Parliament of 
May, 1366, repudiated once and for all the preposterous 
claim, which dated from the infamy of King John.' 

At both these Parliaments Laiicaster was present. 
He was the first on the roll of peers summoned to the 
Parliament which rejected the claim of Urban Vto feudal 
suzerainty over England, the decision for which John 
Wycliffe, now a Royal chaplain, produced the official 
apologia. But the real significance of the changing 
relations between England and the Papacy he did not 
see ; with the principle underlying " provisors '* and ** prae- 
mimire" he had httle sympathy, and, as will be seen, in 
later years he regarded what was really the quarrel of the 
nation with Rome as the quarrel of the bishops, and his 
sympathy was more or less openly on the side of the 

But this is a forecast. As yet far more engrossing 
than pontics were the feasts and revels of King Edward*s 
brilliant Court. 

On St. George's Day, 1361, Lancaster for the first time 

1 This Parliament sat from October 6 to November 3, 1363. 
Rot. Pari, II. 275-282. John was summoned as " Duke of Lan- 
caster." Dugdale, Summons, p. 268. 

^ Parliament sat from January 20, 1365, to February 25. Rot. 
Pari. II. 283-48. Lancaster was one of the Triers of Petitions 
in this and in aU succeeding Parliaments which he attended. 

^ Parliament sat from May 4 to 12, 1366. Rot. Pari, 11, 289- 




fined a stall in the Chapel of the Knights of the Garter at 
Windsor, and took his place at the feast of the Order, 
dad in a " scarlet robe embroidered with garters of blue 
taffeta."* With his brothers Lionel and Edmund he 
was enrolled in the brotherhood of chivalry, which was 
to make Windsor another Camelot, to restore the faded 
glory of King Arthur's Court, and bind to one another 
and to the person of the English sovereign the first sol- 
diers of the lands of chivalry. 

England, now at the height of her military fame, was 
visited by knights from all the nations of Europe. After 
the Peace signed at Br^tigni had been confirmed at 
Calais, the country was given up to rejoicing. At Smith- 
field and Windsor there were tomnaments and jousts 
at which French and Bohemian, Spanish and Gascon 
knights vied with one another and with their English 
hosts. Himting in the forests of Sherwood and Rocking- 
ham was as serious a part of the business of life as the 
meetings of Parliament. 

In one year three kings met at King Edward's Court — 
Waldemar III of Denmark, David King of Scots, and 
Pierre de Lusignan, King of Cyprus. David had come 
to visit the shrine of Our Lady of Walsingham ; he was a 
suppliant for temporal fovours also, and was begging for 
a reduction of his ransom. Pierre de Lusignan, after 
visiting Avignon and Prague, Bruges and Paris, to preach 
his crusade against the infidel, was entreating King 
Edward to take the Cross. 

1 According to Beitz (^Memorials of the Order of the Garier)]oh.n, 
Lionel, and Edmund succeeded to the stalls of Thomas Holland 
Earl of Kent, John Lord Beauchamp, and William Bohun Earl 
of Northampton, all of whom died at the close of 1360. 

Thus Lancaster's staU would be the fourteenth, and he himself 
the thirty-seventh Knight of the Garter. Robes were first pro- 
vided for him at the festival of 1 361 . Ibid, 

There is no trace of his achievement in the Chapel, nor is it 
mentioned in any extant list. 



At the Savoy, the " fairest palace in the realm," which 
Duke Henry had rebuilt from the spoils of Beigerac^and 
filled with all the precious things which fourteenth- 
century luxury could afford, the three kings and the 
French hostages were entertained by the Duke of Lan- 
caster. There, doubtless, Chaucer met the Crusader 
who had won AttaUa from the Paynim, and was soon to 
win Alexandria, and whose untimely end still points a 
moral in the " Monke's Tale." * There, too, the next 
year the King of France, returning to the land of his 
captivity, to take the place of the Duke of Anjou, who 
had broken his parole, lived for the few months that 
remained to him, and there on April 8, 1364, he died. 

By that year the family settlement of Edward III 
was thought out and almost completed. One thing, 
however, remained to be done. Edmund of Langley, 
Earl of Cambridge, the King's fifth son, had no wife. 
The search for one brought to John of Gaunt his first 
experience of diplomacy. 

In 1361 Phihp " de Rouvres," Duke of Burgundy, died, 
and his line became extinct. Philip left a widow, Mar- 
garet, only daughter and heiress of Louis III, sumamed 
de Male, Comit of Flanders, Artois, Nevers, and Rethel. 
On Philip's death his duchy of Burgundy reverted to 
the French crown, but the county of Burgimdy, a fief 
of the Empire, was held by the Counts of Flanders, and 
was therefore part of Margaret's patrimony. 

With the prospect of succeeding to this great inherit- 

* O worthy Petro, King of Cypre, also 
That Alisaundre wan by heigh maistrye 
Ful many a hethen wroughtestow ful wo. 
Of which th3ni owene liges hadde envye, 
And for no thing but for thy chivabye 
They in thy bedde ban slayne thee by the morwe. 
Thus can fortune his wheel goveme and gye. 
And out of Joye bringe men to sorwe. 

Chauoer : Monhe*s Tale, 3581-9 (Skeat), 


ance, comprising fiefs of France and of the Empire, the 
wealth of Flanders, and lands stretching into the very 
heart of France, Margaret was imqiiestionably the most 
important heiress of the day.* Philip's death left her 
hand to be the apple of discord at the feast of the Princes 
of Europe — the prize of successful diplomacy. 

Edward III took time by the forelock, and opened 
n^otiations as soon as decency allowed. The match 
would provide for Edmund, and round off the family 
settlement. It would strike a fatal blow at the Valois 
d3masty, and do more for the English cause in the great 
quarrel than ever Crdcy or Poictiers had done. 

Fortune seemed to be smiling on the King's efforts. 
By 1364 he had arrived at an understanding with Count 
Louis, and in the summer a special mission, consisting 
of the Bishop of London, the Earl of Salisbury, and 
Henry le Scrope, Warden of Calais, was appointed to go 
to Flanders and conclude preliminary arrangements.* 
On September 7 the Count met the English envoys at 
Bruges and came to terms.' A fortnight later Lancaster 
was on his way to Flanders, accredited as envoy extra- 

1 Philip V of France 

Louis II Count = Margaret Jeanne=Eudes IV 

of Flanders, 
Nevers and 
Rethel, d. 1346 

Countess ot 

Duke of 
d. 1350 

Louis III "de Mile, "= Margaret Philip Duke ot 

Count of Flanders, 
Artois, Nevers and 
Rethel, d. 1383 

daughter ot Burgundy, 

John III of d. 1346 


(iL) Philip "le Hardi"= Margaret =(1) Philip " de Rouvre," Duke 
1363, Duke of Bur- of Burgundy, d. 1 361, 21 Nov. 

gundy, d. 1404 

* Powers dated July 20, 1364. Foed, VI. 444-5. 

• Record Report XLV. Appendix (3) viii. 208. 



of Louis XI, and the ghost of the "' Middle Kingdom/* 
which had come back once more in the fourteenth cen- 
tury to haunt France, was laid once and for all. 

To a man who had in him the makings of a statesman, 
insight into political conditions, and the power of measur- 
ing and using political forces, the embassy of 1364 would 
have been an invaluable experience. The wooing of 
Margaret of Burgundy brought to view a complex of 
pohtical forces of the first importance. The relations, 
commercial and political, of England and Flanders ; the 
relations of the Count to his Flemish subjects on the one 
hand, and his French suzerain on the other ; the power 
and policy of the Papacy transplanted to Avignon and 
its value to the Kings of France — all these questions 
demanded thought of one who aspired to be a ruler in 
fourteenth-century Europe. That John of Gaunt had 
the capacity to become a statesman his history unfor- 
tunately d^proves ; but one principle at least forced 
itself upon him during the mission of 1364. 

WycUffe would have seen, and seen with shame and 
anger, the incongruity between the theory and practice 
of the head of Catholic Christendom, now using and now 
withholding for pohtical purposes a power claiming 
divine sanction. Lancaster felt no such incongruity, 
but he had learnt the value of an ally in the Papal Coiul. 
The Papacy had turned the scale against England and 
snatched the prize from her grasp. It was better to have 
the Pope for a friend than for a foe. This power he spared 
no effort to concihate, and when the time came he was 
able to enlist the forces of the Papacy to serve his am- 
bition and to use the spiritual weapons of the Church to 
fight in his cause. 



But the Vicar of Christ, who held the power to bind 
and to loose, lived at Avignon, and Avignon obeyed the 
commands of Paris. Urban V listened to the repre- 
sentations of his ally, or his master, and refused dispen- 
sation.^ It is true that a few months before he had 
granted it under exactly similar circmnstances, but now 
it was found impossible to relax the strictness of canon 
law. The barrier of relationship could not be sur- 

In vain the marriage was postponed from February to 
May, and again in May to a later date.* The Pope re- 
mained inexorable. Negotiations dragged on,' but to 
no purpose. Margaret remained a widow. Gradually 
the affections of Count Louis, never very stable, for the 
English alliance cooled, and the importunate demands 
of his mother, a bitter enemy of England, prevailed.* 

Eight years later Margaret married PhUip the Bold, 
to whom King John had granted the Duchy of Bur- 
gundy. French diplomacy had won the battle ; but it 
was a victory dearly purchased. In 1383 Louis de 
M&le died, and the coveted inheritance was united with 
the Duchy of Burgundy, in the hands of the most am- 
bitious of the Valois princes. Overgrown feudatories 
like the Dukes of Lancaster and the Dukes of Burgundy 
proved a thorn in the side of the French monarchy imtil 
the fatal success of Charles V was remedied by the policy 

* Bull dated Avignon 15 Kal., January 3, Urban V. Foed,Vl, 


^ Powers to Sir Henry le Scrope, December 18, 1364, Foed, VI. 
47-8. Record Report XLV. Appendix (3) viii. 205. 

' October 24, 1365. Foed, VI. 479. 

* In the Chron. Reg, Franc. II. 335-6, the negotiations of 
1350 and 1364 are confused. The author thinks that the object 
of later negotiations was to marry Margaret of Burgundy to 
Lancaster " cuius uxor decesserat." But Blanche of Lancaster 
died September 12, 1369, and Philip the Bold married Margaret 
June 19 that year. The Religieux de St, Denys repeats the mistake, 
I. 159. 



of his ambition, diverting it from its natural channeb, 
it becomes necessary to plunge into the politics of the 
Spanish peninsula and to unravel the threads of the 
dynastic history of Castile and Leon which, a few years 
later, Lancaster himself helped to tangle. 

In the fourteenth century the Iberian peninsula 
contained five independent kingdoms. Two centuries 
of uninterrupted conquest had driven the Moors, once 
masters of all but the impregnable highlands of the 
Asturias, southwards, and penned 'them within the 
narrow limits of Granada in the south-east, a refuge 
permitted to the waning fortunes of the Crescent, until 
a century later the imited forces of the Christian kingdoms 
drove them out of Spain. In the east the three provinces 
of Aragon, Valencia and Catalonia made up the kingdom 
of Aragon : in the west, within the same frontiers as 
those of to-day, lay Portugal. The little kingdom of 
Navarre, leaning on the support of a foreign dynasty,^ 
maintained its independence in the north, henuned in 
on all sides by more powerftd neighbours, from whom 
it was marked off by differences of race, language and 

But Navarre, though inferior to the other kingdoms in 
material strength, was one of the most important factors 
in Peninsular politics, for the Lord of Pampeluna was 
also master of Roncevalles ; he held the keys of Spain 
in his hands, and could open or close the doors of the 
Pyrenees to the invader. Tlie centre and south-west of 
Spain was subject to a ruler who styled himself " King 
of Castile, Leon, Toledo, Galicia, Seville, Cordova, Murcia, 
Jaen, Algarve and Algegiras, Lord of Biscay and Molina," 
titles which, while indicating the steps by which his 

* The House of Champagne, 1 250-1 283 ; the royal House of 
France, 1 283-1 328; then, owing to the absence of Salic Law, 
the House of ^.vreux, 1328-1425 ; the House of Aragon, 1425- 
1479 ; finally, the House of Foix and Albret, and dismemberment. 



power had grown up, betray at the same time the 
looseness of its poUtical organization. 

When, in 1350, Alfonso XI, King of Castile and Leon, 
after winning Algeciras from the Moors and adding it to 
his dominions, died at the siege of Gibraltar, the great 
period of Castihan expansion ended. The kingdom now 
needed a period of quiet and orderly government, in 
which to consohdate its strength ; at a time, however, 
when the firm hand of a strong ruler was required, the 
crown devolved upon a minor, and at sixteen years of age 
Alfonso's son, Pedro I, was called to the task of ruling the 
most ungovernable race in Europe. In Spain, where the 
soil had been won field by field, village by village, from the 
Moors, poUtical organization inevitably took a miUtary u 
shape, and feudal government assumed a more extreme 1 
form than was to be found elsewhere in Europe. The 
mesne tenant owed obedience only to his immediate 
overlord : if a tenant in chief led his men against the 
Crown, what in him was treason was in them only loyal 
performance of feudal duty, while between vassal and 
vassal the right of private warfare had a legal sanction. 
When Pedro succeeded, the central authority of the 
Crown was a pretence and government might appear 
a visionary ideal. Yet, from the task of governing, a 
task far harder than that of his father Alfonso the 
Conqueror, or than that of Henry II and Edward I of 
England, who had the Church or the people to help 
them, Pedro did not shrink : he made a deliberate } 
effort to crush disorder and its cause, the independence ;' 
of the nobles, and for fifteen years struggled with the' 
hydra of feudal anarchy. Unfortunately his most 
inveterate enemies were those of his own blood, for 
Alfonso had left to him the most fatal of royal inheri- 
tances — the legacy of a dynastic struggle. Alfonso, 
for pohtical motives, had married his cousin Maria of 
Portugal, but his affections were bestowed elsewhere, 



So soon as the Queen had borne an heir, Don Pedro, 
she was thrust aside to make place for the beautiful 
Leonor de Guzman, who became the mother of a line 
of royal bastards, nine sons and a daughter, the eldest 
of whom, Enrique, Count of Trastamare, inevitably 
became the rival of his legitimate half-brother. The 
position was invidious ; it was accentuated by the folly 
of Alfonso, who, leaving Queen Maria and Pedro the 
Infante in obscurity and neglect, allowed his mistress 
to keep open court as the uncrowned Queen of Castile, 
,and trained his bastard sons to arms and a public career. 
'Thus the earliest lessons taught to the Infante were 
' those of a deep jealous hatred of the royal mistress and 
her sons, whose position was an insult to his mother 
and an injustice to himself. Yet Pedro began his reign 
with moderation and attempts to conciliate. It was 
only as his efforts were met with distrust and treachery 
that his temper hardened, and, wearied with sham 
reconcihations with Enrique, his brothers and their adher- 
ents, Pedro adopted harsher measures. Then the King's 
true character began to show itself ; ungovernable 
passion, whether of hate or love, swept away the last 
restraints imposed by conscience or policy ; meeting 
treachery on all sides, he answered it with cunning ; 
whoever thwarted his will was a traitor, and in the code 
of Pedro the Cruel there was only one penalty— death, 
without trial or sentence, without respite or dday. 

One after another the noble families of Castile reckoned 
a kinsman struck down by the King's merciless hand 
on a charge of disaffection or rebellion ; blood-feuds 
multiplied, but anarchy continued. And, not content 
with declaring war on the nobles, the King alienated 
the second estate. The Church was the enemy of a ruler 
who cared nothing for ecclesiastical privilege, spared 
no one for the tonsure, and was reputed to be a scoffer 
at religion, while catholic sentiment and racial feeling 



alike were outraged by the conduct of a king who 
protected the Jews and chose his ministers from them, 
and who openly aUied himself with the infidels of Granada. 
The Church and the nobles were against him ; the people 
alone recognised a method in his blood-madness, and 
applauded his severity to their oppressors, but in Castile 
the third estate was as useless in poUtical life, as its 
levies were helpless on the field of battle. Pedro therefore 
stood alone, and, to complete his isolation, he had forfeited 
the support of foreign powers. He had consented to 
marry Blanche of Bourbon, but the day after the wedding 
he repudiated her to go back to his favourite Maria de 
Padilla, to whom he swore that he had been secretly 
married,, and when Blanche died in captivity soon after, 
the guilt of blood was believed to rest upon the King. 
This France did not forget. Aragon, too, was a bitter 
enemy of the Castilian king, who had become involved 
in a long frontier struggle with his most powerftd 

In 1365 Enrique of Trastamare, who had fled to 
France, found every circumstance favouring the attempt, 
which he had long been planning, to overthrow his brother 
and reign in his stead. When the Papal summons to 
Don Pedro to appear at Avignon and answer to the 
charges laid against him had been contemptuously 
disregarded. Urban V, declaring Pedro an enemy of 
the faith, " bougre et incredule,^^ excommunicated 
him and gave his kingdom to his half-brother. The 
King of Aragon, smarting under the loss of his frontier 
provinces, offered sympathy, a passage through his 
dominions and financial support. But the determining 
cause of Enrique's success lay in the condition of France. 
From the time of the Peace dates the rise of the " free 
companies," who under their EngUsh, Gascon or Breton 
leaders were now ovemmning France. In vain Urban V 
had backed the invitation of the King of Hungary, 



who wished to lead the companies against the Turk; 
at ease in "their chamber," as they called France, 
they preferred devastation of Christian provinces to 
the less profitable glories of a crusade. When, however, 
the prospect of enriching themselves in the yet un- 
plimdered provinces south of the Pyrenees was offered, 
they accepted gladly/ 

In December, 1365, Enrique found himself at the 
head of a formidable mercenary army, consisting of 
French men at arms, free companies and volunteers 
from Gascony, Brittany, and even from England, for Jean 
de Bourbon and the Marshal of France marched side by 
side with Sir Hugh Calverley, Eustace d*Aubr6cicourt, 
and the Sieur d'Albret.^ Urban V had bestowed his 
blessing and, less willingly, a contribution of two himdred 
thousand francs on the companies, whom a few months 
earlier he had cursed, and the army marched through 
Perpignan and the eastern gate of the Pyrenees to 
Barcelona, where on New Year's day, 1366, the King 
of Aragon feted the leaders and paid a subsidy to the 
troops. Thence, with an insolent summons to Don 
Pedro to open the passes to the Pilgrims of God marching 
to avenge the faith and destroy the infidels of Granada, 
the invaders advanced to Saragossa, up the valley of 
the Ebro, which they crossed at Alfaro, to Calahorra, 
maintaining the name of Crusaders by plimdering and 
murdering all the Jews whom they found. At Calahorra, 
on March 22, the bastard was proclaimed Enrique II ; 
then, advancing unopposed to Navarette, he sacked 
Briviesca and continued his victorious march to Burgos 

^ Froissart, K. de L. vii. 80-95 ; Chandos Herald, 1668-1773 
Ayala, i. 395-402. 

2 The loyalty of the English and Gascon contingent is not 
above suspicion. According to Ayala the Sieur d'Albret offered 
to detach the Gascons and join Don Pedro, but Pedro would 
not pay for his services : non era usado de partir sus tesoros, 
Ayala, i. 398, cf. i. 405. 



itself. It was at Burgos that Pedro had been concen- 
trating; but when the usurper was ahnost upon him, 
his nerve failed. The summons to arms had met with 
a poor response, and even among those who had come 
to protest their loyalty, Pedro knew that many were 
only waiting their time to desert. 

On March 28, in spite of the entreaties of the city, 
Pedro abandoned Burgos and fled precipitately south- 
wards to Seville.* In the hour of need the King bethought 
him of his cousin of Portugal, whose son had been 
betrothed to Beatrix, the eldest of Pedro's daughters, 
Infanta of Castile. But the King of Portugal declined 
to help him, and sent back the Infanta and her dowry, 
and the utmost that Pedro could obtain was a safe 
conduct through Portugal to the north. Taking his 
daughters with him, and as much treasure as he could 
collect, the King fled to Albuquerque, to find its gates 
shut in his face, and thence through Chaves and Lamego 
to Monterrey. There he stood at the parting of the ways, 
for in Galicia he was stiU king. Logrofio, too, com- 
manding the Ebro and the Burgos road, was still holding 
out for the legitimist cause. To march on this faithful 
city, and rally his forces for a campaign, was the advice / 
of his trusted adviser, the governor of Galicia, Fernando' 
de Castro, brother of the Inez de Castro famous in the 
annals of Portugal and the verse of Camoens. But 
Pedro despaired, and not without reason. For the 
Bastard's advance had been one of triumph : crowned 
at Las Huelgas on April 5, he had received the homage 
of nearly all the hidalgos of Castile at his court at Burgos, 
where he rewarded their support with a lavish generosity 
which won him the name Enrique " el Magnifico." Then, 
turning south, he had won Toledo, and as Pedro was 
flying north, had established himself in Cordova and 

1 A3rala, i. 402-406; Chandos Herald, 1774-1815; Froissart, 
K. deL. vii. 95-115. 



Seville.^ Pedro was convinced that resistance was hope- 
less. From Monterrey he had written the story of his 
misfortunes to Prince Edward ; he now advanced 
to Coruna, and without awaiting the arrival of the 
envoys sent to meet him by the Prince, took ship, 
coasted to San Sebastian and landed at Bayonne, where 
he found Sir Thomas Fdton, Seneschal of Aquitaine, 
waiting to receive him.* 

Prince Edward himself rode out of Bordeaux to meet 
the royal exile, and by the cordiaUty of his welcome 
showed that he had already formed his decision on what 
was perhaps the most fateful issue ever presented to 
him — the decision to espouse the quarrel of the dethroned 

The Prince's motives betray a mixture of policy 
and sentiment which is characteristic of the age. The 
Treaty of Calais, as every one knew, could not last for 
ever, and if, when war broke out again, France were 
to be supported by a friendly d3aiasty in Castile, and 
Aquitaine, fearing for her lines of conununication by 
sea, were to be surrounded north, east and south by 
hostile powers, the Prince's position would be one of 
extreme danger. But apart from considerations of 
policy, two motives powerfully inclined the Black Prince 
to support Don Pedro — his feeling for royalty and his 
feeling for legitimate birth. To Spanish law and Spanish 
sentiment bastardy might be a matter of small moment, 
but in England and France this was not so. The Prince 
saw in Don Pedro the representative of legitimate 
royalty, and in the usurpation of Don Enrique an outrage 
upon the social order. 

" Ce fCest pas cose afferant de^ie ne raisonnablc (Tun 
bastart tcnir royatdme et hiretage, et bouter Iwrs de son 

^ Ayala, i. 406-412 ; 421^30. 

2 Ibid. i. 430-33 ; Chandos Herald, 1816-1963 ; Froissart, 
K. deL. vii. 94-117. 



rayaulme et hiretage un sien frire, toy et hoir de la terre 
par loyal manage ; et tout toy et enfant deroynele doient 
mMementvoloif ne consentir, car c^est uns grans prijudisces 
cofUre Festal royal.^^ * 

So argued the Prince of Wales, who before all his 
other titles styled himself "Eldest son of the King 
of England." 

The project of restoring a dethroned king was a matter 
of policy and principle. It fell in too with the Black 
Prince's humour of knight-errantry. Was there not a 
prophecy, as old as Merlin's age, which foretold that 
the Leopards of England, known to the fields of 
Crfey and Maupertuis, should some day float over the 
battlefields of Spain ? In vain the brave but cautious 
Sir John Chandos, who had refused to take part in 
the expedition of 1366, now gave his voice against a 
policy which would divide the forces of England. Pedro's 
appeal for help was accepted by a Pariiament at Bordeaux 
and referred to the home government. At. the council 
which listened to the Prince's proposal and the apologia 
delivered by Don Pedro's envoys, the Duke of Lancaster,^ 
was present ; he gave his vote in favour of the projeft 
to support the legitimate king and check the growing; 
influence of France in the Peninsula, and he accompanied 
the envoys who returned to Aquitaine with the royal 

At Bayonne in September, 1366, a second Parliament 
discussed the invasion of Castile. There were two routes 
by which a mounted force could enter Spain : the eastern 
door, by which Enrique had entered, and the western 
door which alone was practicable from Aquitaine. Charles 
the Bad, King of Navarre, therefore, was invited to the 
meeting of the Gascon barons, and asked to name his 

* Froissart, K. de L. vii. 107. 

* Orders to arrest ships for Lancaster's passage, dated 
September 16, 1366. Rot. Case. i. 154 (Carte). 



price for opening the pass of Roncevalles.^ The cession 
of a couple of provinces and half a dozen frontier towns 
on the part of Don Pedro bought Charles* adherence, 
and in consideration of two hundred thousand florins 
he agreed to open the passes and lead two thousand 
Navarrese troops in the invading army. 

With the Gascon barons, as with the King of Navarre, 
the enterprise was purely a matter of business. They 
were perfectly willing to fight for Don Pedro, as many 
of their comrades had just fought against him, if he 
made it worth while, and when the exiled king talked 
freely of the hidden treasures of Castile, the Gascons 
needed no further argmnent to convince them of the 
divine right of kings. Pedro, however, was without 
resources for the time, and in a fatal moment Prince 
Edward undertook to advance not only Navarre's bribe, 
but the pay of the mercenary army.* This debt Pedro 
engaged himself to repay by the most solemn oaths, 
under pain of excommunication and interdict, and until 
the sum should be discharged he agreed to leave his 
daughters at Bordeaux, with the families of the Grand 
Master of Alcantara and the Chancellor of Castile by way 
of security, while, to mark his sense of obligation to his 
generous ally, he granted Prince Edward the province 
of Biscay and Castro-Urdiales in full sovereignty.^ A 

1 L'an mccclxvi en hahost bengo lo rey Dempetro d'Espanha 
de Nabara e lo rey de Malhorguas e lo due de Bretanha a parlamen 
a Bordeu. Petite Chranique de Guyenne^ § 55. 

2 The articles of agreement between Prince Edward, Charles, 
King of Navarre, and Pedro, King of Castile, were confirmed 
at the Friars Minors, Liboume, September 23, 1366 (^Foed, vi, 
514-20). The Prince advanced 20,000 florins, the first instal- 
ment of Navarre's 200,000 for opening the passes, and 36,000 
the first month's pay for Navarre's contingent (ibid. 512-4) ; 
the wages of the Prince's army, viz. 550,000 florins for six months' 
service, were to be repaid at Bordeaux by fixed instalments at 
specified periods within the next two years (ibid, 528-31). 

3 The donation, dated Liboume, September 23, was witnessed 
by Lancaster (Foed. vi. 521-3) ; on the same day letters com- 



commercial concession and an honorary distinction com- 
pleted the expression of Pedro's gratitude ; he agreed 
that all EngUsh subjects should be quit of payment of 
taxes and customs (save ordinary octroi dues) through- 
out his dominions, and he granted to the King of Eng- 
land and his heirs in perpetuity the right of fighting in 
the vaward of Castihan armies, ordaining that in their 
absence the standard of England should be borne 
" honorifice prout decet " with the standard of 

The alliance was sealed and the die was cast. Prince 
Edward began to prepare without delay. Reminded 
by Chandos that taxation would be an imwise method 
of raising the supplies he needed, the Prince commanded 
his plate to be melted down, summoned back his 
Gascon and Enghsh subjects from Trastamare, and 
sent Chandos to negotiate with the leaders of the free 
companies, while John of Gaimt went back to England 
to raise a body of men for the compaign.* Lancaster 
spared no cost to appear worthily in his brother's army. 
To raise supplies he pledged his Honor of Richmond,* 
and at the beginning of November he left England in 
command of a compact force of four hundred men-at- 
arms and six hundred archers.* After crossing the 

manding obedience were issued to the judges, alcaides and 
sheriffs of the ceded territories (jhid, 524-5), and powers were 
given to Sir John Chandos and Sir Thomas Felton to take pos- 
session (ibid. 525-7). All Pedro's obligations were again ratified 
at Bayonne, February 11, 1367 {ihid, 527-8; 528-31). 

1 Same date (Jhid. 531-3). Cf. Brit Mus. Cot, Ch. v. i, with 
a fine specimen of the leaden " bulla " of Castile. 

a Chandos Herald, 1964-201 3 ; Froissart, K. de L. vii. 115- 
117 ; 120-123. 

3 Delpit, Collection, ccii. Cf. Great Cowcher, ii. 413, dated 
Westminster, November 5, 1366. 

* I store et Chroniques de Flandres, ii. 102. Orders to seize 
ships for his passage, dated October 20. Rot. Gasc. 154 (12) 



Channel and landing in Brittany/ the Duke marched 
to Nantes, where the Duke and Duchess of Brittany 
gave him a send-off, crossed the Loire, advanced through 
Poitou and Saintonge, and crossing the Gironde at 
Blaye entered the capital of Aquitaine just a week after 
the birth of the Prince's second son, Richard of Bordeaux. 
On January lo the Black Prince had left Bordeaux to 
take command of his army concentrated at Dax, and 
there three days later he welcomed John of Gaunt (who 
had stayed in Bordeaux only long enough to greet his 
sister-in-law), and the fine contingent marching under 
the Lancastrian banner, the only force in the army all 
ranks of which were English. On the eve of the march 
the Prince gave a banquet in honour of his brother's 
arrival, and there Lancaster for the first time met the 
Count of Foix. But in spite of festivities and the high 
hopes of the army, the moment was not without grave 
anxiety, for no one knew what game the King of Navarre 
was playing.^ 

At Bayonne, in September, 1366, he had sworn to open 
the passes to the Prince ; at Santa Cruz de Campezo 
in January, 1367, for the same bribe he swore to dose 
them. Committed so far as oaths could commit him, 
first to the Prince and then to Enrique, Charles the Bad 
was wondering which perjury would be more profitable 
and less dangerous.^ But his dream of impartially 
malevolent neutrality suffered a rough awakening. 
Sir Hugh Calverly had been the last to leave the Bastard, 
in obedience to the Prince's summons, and on his home- 
ward march through Navarre, knowing Charles* double- 
dealing, he sacked Miranda del Arga and Puente la 

1 Chandos Herald (2 11 8) says he marched through theCoten- 
tin ; but according to Froissart's version (K. de L. vii. 149), 
the Duke landed at Saint Mahicu de Fine Poterne (i.e. Saint 
Mathieu Fin-de-Terre). 

2 Chandos Herald, 2014-2204. 
^ Ayala, i. 434-6. 



Reina.^ Navarre thus convinced as to the side on which 
his immediate interest lay, sent his right-hand man, 
Don Martin Henriquez de la Carra, to Dax with his 
excnses. With some difficulty a meeting was arranged 
between Navarre and Lancaster at St. Jean, when the 
Duke persuaded him to meet the aUies, whom he had 
betrayed, at Peyrehorade, and in the end the old agree- 
ments were renewed, Navarre was held to his first 
promise, and nothing remained to hinder the advance.* 
It was bleak winter weather when on Monday, Feb- 
ruary 15, 1367, the vaward of the Prince's army, some 
ten thousand strong, under the command of the Duke 
of Lancaster, began the ascent from St. Jean, and wind 
and hail beat upon horse and rider as the long line wound 
through the famous pass where more than five centuries 
before Roland the Paladin had fallen, and the Basques 
had cut up the rearward of Charlemagne's army. But 
the longest day's march comes to an end, and before 
nightfall the Duke had left Roncevalles behind him, 
and his force, descending the valley of the Arga, debouched 
upon the march of Pampeluna. The next day, when the 
Prince, with Don Pedro and the unwilling King of Navarre, 
led the centre coliunn through the pass, was equally 
trjdng, but on Wednesday, 17th, the rearward, under 
the Gascon Albret and the dethroned King of Majorca, 
had better weather.' For the rest of the week the army 
remained round Pampeluna, enjoying an abundance 
of provisions, for which they were not too scrupulous 
in paying. Meanwhile Charles of Navarre was in an 

1 Chandos Herald, 2193-6. It is clear that this was done on 
his homeward march, for Calverly did not leave Enrique until 
after the meeting with Navarre at St. Cruz. (Ayala, i. 437.) 
Froissart's account is unintelligible, and leads one to suppose 
that Calverly rushed the pass of Roncevalles, which was of 
course, impossible (K. de L. vii. 1 50-3). 

' Chandos Herald, 2205-2221. 

• Ibid, 2221-2384. 




uncomfortable position. In spite of his diplamafi 
efforts forty thousand men were in his kingdom, mas 
without a keen sense of the rights of property, ^vUli 
he himself stood committed to a side, and he was bj 
no means sure that it was the winning side. It was a 
case for finesse. From Pampdima Tudela was not &r 
distant, and a few leagues from Tudela lay Bozja oiver 
the frontier, a castle given by the King of Azagon to 
Bertrand du Guesclin, and by him to his cousin Olivier 
de Mauni. Navarre arrived at an understanding with 
the lord of Borja, and, by accident, rode too near the 
frontier. Unfortimately he was captured, and there- 
fore could take no farther part in the invasion ; and while 
Martin de la Carra, a subordinate who could be dis- 
owned, took command of the Navarrese contingenti 
the Queen of Navarre went to the Prince with tears in 
her eyes to report the disaster and to beg for his rescue.^ 

While this comedy was being played in Navarre the 
Castilian scouts were not idle. Enrique on the first 
news of the Prince's movements had left Burgos and 
concentrated at Santo Domingo de la Calzada, on the 
Pampeluna-Logrono-Burgos road, where he found him- 
self in command of some sixty thousand troops of all 
arms, heavy Castilian cavalry, light horse and infantry. 
His mainstay, however, was a picked body of French 
lances two thousand strong imder the command of du 
Guesclin. The Bastard was confident of success, and 
wrote a spirited defiance to the EngUsh general.* 

Henceforward the movements of three forces have 
to be followed : the usurper's army lying at San Domingo, 
the main body of Prince Edward's army lying at Pam- 
peluna, and a flying column under Sir Thomas Felton 
sent to keep in touch with the enemy and report their 

* Chandos Herald, 2476-99. Froissart, K. de L. vii. 163-4. 
2 Ayala, i. 438; Froissart, K. de L. vii. 159-61; Chandos 
Herald, 2385-447. 


March of Prince Edward 
March of Don Enrique 
^^ Casttie mi, 
- Mard} of John of Gaunt ^unptmum 




io 4o iif ^ mo 




movements. This latter force struck south-west at 
once, and relying on the support of the legitimist strong- 
hold of Logrono, crossed the Ebro there, and took up 
a position at Navarette/ Meanwhile the Prince, who 
had resolved to follow the Pampeluna-Vit6ria-Burgos 
road, was advancing through Guipuzcoa and Alava 
under the guidance of Martin de la Carra and his native 
guides. Traversing the pass of Arruiz, the army reached 
Salvatierra after a hard march, and after resting there 
six days continued imopposed to the outskirts of Vit- 
6ria.' Don Enrique on his part, so soon as the line 
of the English advance became clear, broke up his camp 
at San Domingo, marched north to Baiiares, crossed 
the Ebro, and took up a strong position at Aiiastro, 
near Trevino, thus throwing himself across the road 
from Vit6ria to Burgos, while Sir Thomas Felton, re- 
gaining the left bank of the Ebro, rode north to rejoin 
the army between Salvatierra andVit6ria with the news 
of the enemy's movements.^ 

The two armies, though hidden from each other by 
the rising ground between them, were now within strik- 
ing distance, and an action seemed imminent. Warned 
by his scouts of the enemy's arrival, the Prince mar- 
shalled his army for battle, and, in accordance with the 
usual custom, went through the ceremony of making 
new knights. With two hundred Englishmen and Gas- 
cons the King of Castile received knighthood at the 

* Chandos Herald, 2448-75 ; Froissart, K. de L. vii. 161-3 ; 
Ayala, i. 438. I dissent from the conclusion of M. Luce (Froissart, 
vol. vii. Introduct. p. vii.), who thinks that the Navarette in 
question is a town of that name in Alava on the Salvatierra road. 
If the statement given above rested on the evidence of Froissart 
alone it might be rejected, but Chandos Herald is explicit, and 
cannot be set aside. Moreover, considering the position of the 
enemy, the other identification is impossible. 

2 Chandos Herald, 2500-21 ; Froissart, K. de L. vii. 164-6. 

^ Chandos Herald, 2523-78 ; Froissart, K. de L. vii. 166-9 ; 
Luce, vol. vii. Introd. ix. 



hand of the Black Prince, while John of Gaunt also 
gave the accolade to a dozen captains of his division. 
It was an anxious moment, for the rearward of the Prince's 
army was some seven leagues away to the east, and had 
the enemy attacked they could never have come into 
action. But no attack was delivered, and after standing 
to arms imtil nightfall the troops were dismissed to 
their quarters.* 

The next day an incident occurred which might have 
proved serious. Don Tello, the Rupert of the Castilian 
army, a dashing but imtrustworthy leader of light horse, 
got together a body of some six thousand men, and left 
the Bastard's camp before dawn to reconnoitre the 
Prince's position, and to see what mischief could be done. 
Successfully evading the Prince's pickets, he fell upon 
an outpost of the first division, and then, after cutting 
up some of Calverly's men stationed there, advanced 
to the centre of the line. Soon, however, he had to 
beat a retreat, for at the first alarm Lancaster had come 
out of his tent fully armed, and displaying his standard 
had rallied his men. The attack, thanks to the readi- 
ness of John of Gaimt, * had failed, but Don Tello had 
not finished yet. 

The chief disadvantage of the Prince's position was 
the difficulty of getting supplies, and it was the necessity 
of foraging far afield which led to the first and only 
reverse of the campaign. For while the army lay on the 
south-east side of Vitoria facing Sant Roman, Sir 
Thomas Felton, with a couple of himdred men, had 

^ Chandos Herald, 2579-2641 ; Ayala, i. 447 ; Froissart, 
vii. 168-173. 

2 lA eust est6, si Dieux me garde 
Forment supprise Tavant-garde, 
Si n'eust est6 li francs dues 
De Lancastre, plein de vertus. . . . 
Chandos Herald, 2647-2720 ; Ayala, i. 445-6 ; Froissart, K. de 
L. vii. 173-7. 



been sent westwards in search of provisions, and, as 
ill-luck would have it, at Arinez he fell in with Don 
Tello*s brigade fresh from their exploit in beating up 
Lancaster's camp. Felton was at once surroimded, 
but, in spite of fearful odds, fought the Spaniards 
with dogged determination from morning to nightfall. 
It was only after French men-at-arms had been brought 
up to reinforce Tello's genetours that the Uttle band of 
English and Gascons was overpowered. Half of their 
number, including Felton's brother, had fallen; the 
rest were taken prisoners, after fighting all day with a 
heroic courage which has never been forgotten, for to 
this day the spot where they made their last stand 
retains the name of " Inglesmendi," or the " Grave of 
the English." ^ 

These two successes, trivial as they were, buoyed the 
hopes of Enrique, who, hailing them as the prelude to 
a general defeat of the invading army, cotdd not be 
brought to listen to the advice sent him by Charles V 
and urged upon him by his French officers — to avoid a 
pitched battle, and by closing the passes round Vitoria 
to starve the English general into surrender. Only 
disaster had taught Charles V the lesson of inaction, and 
Enrique had yet to learn his lesson in the same school. 
It is true that, as often happens, the Castilian general 
was forced to quaUfy military conclusions by political 
considerations. The dynasty of Trastamare was only a 
year old ; it had yet to prove its title, and in view of the 
desertion * from the ranks which had taken place (and 
was to continue), it seemed imperative to strike a de- 
cisive blow. But the course actually adopted had all 
the faults of a compromise; Enrique refused to block 
the passes and trust to inaction ; he refused also to 
sacrifice the advantage of a strong position and attack, 

^ Chandos Herald, 2642-6, 272 1-282 1 ; Froissart K. de L. vii. 
177-84; Ayala, i. 446. 
* Ayala, i. 439 and 454. 

49 E 


and he forgot that there was more than one road to 

A cold, wet and stormy March had caused intense 
suffering in the Princess camp, where every one was on 
short rations. The road vid Miranda to Burgos was 
blocked, and every foraging party that left the lines was 
cut up. The enemy held a strong position, and showed 
no signs of intending to abandon it. So the Prince decided, 
after a week's delay before Vit6ria, to change his line 
of advance, and by manoeuvre to regain the superiority 
of position. Suddenly breaking up his camp, he doubled 
back by a forced march to the south-east over the Sierra 
de Cantabria by the pass of La Guardia to Viana, and 
thence after breathing his army for a couple of days, 
marched into Logrono. The faithful city which com- 
manded the passage of the Ebro deserved well of Don 
Pedro, for it was the lo3^ty of Logrono alone which 
enabled the Prince to imdertake this brilliant flank 
march which had completely changed the position. * 

The Bastard was compelled to abandon his position 
at Anastro, and crossing the Ebro at San Vicente to 
march to the south and throw himself once more across 
the line of the Prince's advance from Logrono to Burgos. 
The position which he chose was at Najera, where the 
river Najarilla, a tributary of the Ebro, protected his 

Meanwhile the Prince advanced from Logrono to 
Navarette, and it was there that on April i he sent a 
letter * to the Bastard in answer to the challenge which 
had reached him at Pampdima. The cause of legitimate 
royalty as much as Don Pedro's misfortimes and the 
traditional alliance of England and Castile had forced 

1 Chandos Herald, 2822-73 ; Ayala, i. 443-5. 

^ Chandos Herald, 2874-63 ; Ayala, i. 447-8 ; Froissart, K. de 
L. vii. 184-7. 

a Chandos Herald, 2894-3140; Ayala, i. 448-50; Froissart, K. 
de L. vii. 187-91 ; Foed, vi 554-5. 



him to intervene in the struggle; Enrique was in arms 
against the lawful sovereign to whom he had swom 
obedience, and unless he would consent to lay down 
his arms and accept the Prince's mediation, the quarrel 
must be referred to the arbitrament of the sword. 

A dignified reply, dictated in the royal palace of Najera 
on April 2, set forth the usurper's apology. Pedro's 
misgovemment was notorious, and Enrique would not 
abandon his self-chosen part of the deliverer of Castile. ^ 

With this the Bastard crossed the Najarilla and took 
up a position in the open plain between Najera and 
Navarette, where he could have free play for his mounted 
men, and prepared for battle, while the Prince on the 
morning of Saturday, April 3, advanced to meet him.* 

The Prince's army was marshalled in three divisions : 
the vaward imder the command of the Duke of Lan- 
caster, with Sir John Chandos at his right hand ; the 
centre imder the Prince himself, with two wings com- 
manded by the Captal de Buch and Sir Henry Percy 
respectively ; the rearward imder the King of Majorca 
and the Gascon Armagnac, the three divisions and the 
two wings being flanked on either side by a strong force 
of archers, and the whole force, numbering some twenty 
thousand men, half men-at-arms and half archers, all 
dismounted. On the Spanish side only the vaward 
was dismounted. This, consisting of about two thousand 
men-at-arms, was composed of the French auxiliaries 
and a picked body of Castilian men-at-arms, including 
the Knights of the Scarf (the Castilian Garter), the 
whole being under the command of Bertrand du Guesclin. 

1 Ayala, i. 450-5 3 ; Foed, vi. 556-7. 

2 See Professor Oman's exhaustive account in the Art of 
War {Middle Ages), pp. 637-48, and in addition to the authorities 
quoted of. Chr. Reg, Franc, ii. 324-30 ; Guillaume de Nangis 
(Cont.), ii. 16^ ; Chr. Vol. 167 ; I store et Chroniques de Flandres, 
ii. 102 ; Petit Thalamus, 376 ; Chr. Angl, 57-60 ; Wals. 
i. 302-6 ; Kn. 121-3 ; Eulog. 333-4- 


Enrique commanded the centre in person ; it con- 
sisted of about fifteen himdred mounted knights, and 
was supported by two wings, the left led by Don Tello, 
and the right by the Coimt of Denia and the Grand 
Master of Calatrava. In the rear was stationed a mob 
of Castilian infantry, who proved useless in the battle 
and an encumbrance in the flight/ 

The battle array must have presented a fine pictiure. 
Chandos Herald had seen many a battle, but none like 
this, for in his own words — 

Unques tel mervaille ne fu, 
Ne tiel plenty d6 poeple vu 
Come il ot d, cele joum6e. 
lA ot mainte baniere ouvr6e 
Qui fu de cendal et de soye ■ — 

and Froissart, who, in spite of his eagerness to follow 
the army over the Pyrenees, had been sent back from 
Dax to Bordeaux when the march began, from the 
Abbey of St. Andrew conjures up the picture of the 
battlefield on that fateful day, when for the first time 
Castile was to feel the force of English archery, while 
even the dull prose of Ayala's narrative warms into life 
as he writes of the day when, bearing the banner of the 
Knights of the Scarf, he saw the red cross of St. George 
flutter over the crests of the English knights, and heard 
the battle-cries " Guyenne, St. George ! '* and " Castile, 
Sant lago ! " ring in his ears as the two hosts met in 
the shock of battle. 

As the signal was given Lancaster pushed forward 
his archers, who poured a deadly fire into the ranks 
of the enemy, enfilading the Castilian vaward as it ad- 
vanced. Yet in spite of this fusilade, for which the 
slingers and bowmen of the enemy were no match, 
Lancaster's division was borne back a spear's length 

1 ** Pero aprovecharon muy poco en esta batalla, ca toda la 
pelea fu6 en los omes de armas." Ayala, i. 442. 
Chandos Herald, 3075-9. 



as du Guesdin's Frenchmen charged home, and for a 
moment the English van wavered. Soon, however, 
they held their own again, and the two lines remained 
locked together in a desperate struggle. It was the 
disgraceful conduct of the two wings which decided 
the battle. Appalled by the English archery, Don 
Tello never drove his charge home, and after the first 
onset galloped off the field. His loyalty to Don Enrique 
is not above suspicion, and it is more than probable 
that on the day of the battle he was thinking more of 
his own cherished ambition of maintaining an inde- 
pendent position in his northern lordship of Biscay than 
of the cause of Trastamare. However this may be, the 
right wing made no better show, the Coimt of Denia 
was woimded and captured, and the Prince, though 
he had made no attempt to outflank the enemy, was 
able by wheeling in his two wings to produce the same 
effect. When Percy and the Captal de Buch fell upon 
du Guesclin's right and left the issue was certain, and 
by the time the second lines got into action the 
little was virtually decided. In vain Don Enrique 
with magnificent courage attempted to rally his men, 
three times leading a charge in person. The Spaniards 
were flying, and though du Guesclin's Frenchmen and 
the Knights of the Scarf stood their ground and fought 
until they were all killed or captured, the battle was 
lost, and the army was routed. It was in the pursuit, 
as usual, that the greatest carnage took place. The 
narrow bridge over the Najarilla was choked by the 
infantry, who had been the first to fly, and hundreds 
of the Bastard's cavalry were cut down as they fled or 
drowned as they attempted to cross the river, and eye- 
witnesses described how from Najera to the Ebro the 
stream was red with the blood of the slain.^ 

* Chandos Herald, 3141-3455 ; A3rala, i. 453 ; Froissart, 
K. de L. vii 191-219. 



So was won the last and greatest victory of the Black 
Prince, a victory which sent a thrill of admiration through 
Europe, compdling friend and foe to see in Edward 
Plantagenet what Froissart saw in him : " la fieur de 
totde la chevalerie dou monde.^^ Not only in England, 
where Najera was celebrated with a tumultuous extra- 
vagance of joy, but in Flanders and the Low Countries 
and in all the states of the Empire the prowess of the 
Black Prince was the subject of universal acclamation/ 
mingled in France alone with other feelings — ^regret for 
the hundreds of brave men who lay lifeless on the field 
of battle, dismay at the captivity of the heroic Bertrand 
du Guesclin. The victory which brought such fame to 
Prince Edward filled his ally with a savage exultation. 
One day had given him back his kingdom and placed 
in his hand the lives of those who had driven him from 
the throne to exile. So at least Pedro hoped, as, for- 
getting his oath that no Castilian should suffer death 
save for proved treason, he began to give way to the 
blood-thirst which possessed him. On the very day 
of the battle he had met one of the Bastard's most not- 
able supporters, Inigo Lopez de Orozco, who had sur- 
rendered to a Gascon knight, and in spite of the indignant 
protest of the captor, whose honour was pledged to 
protect the Castilian, the king had set upon him, and 
struck him dead with his own hand.* In vain the Prince 
complained of this violation of the compact, asking 
Don Pedro if such were the spirit in which he intended 
to fulfil his engagements, and warning him that he must 
learn gentler methods if he would keep his throne, for 
the next day the King put forward a transparent pro- 
posal to buy all Castilian prisoners from their captors, 
and when his offer was contemptuously rejected, pas- 
sionately declared that the Prince was robbing him of 

^ Froissart, K. de L. vii. 227. 
a Ayala, 1.458,471. 


the fruits of the victory. The restoration was only a 
day old» and akeady the allies were seriously estranged, 
for with Pedro gratitude was lost in the deeper feeling 
of disappointed revenge. In a few days this estrange- 
ment had ripened into a scarcely veiled hostility. On 
Monday, April 5, the king rode from the battlefield 
where the army had bivouacked in the enemy's deserted 
camp, straight to Burgos ; the Prince halted for a couple 
of days in Briviesca, and did not reach Burgos until the 
7th, when he was quartered in the Convent of Las Huelgas, 
where a year before the rebels had proclaimed Enrique II, 
while Lancaster was received in the Dominican Monastery 
of San Pablo.^ 

It was not long before further ill-feeling resulted from 
the false position of the aUies.* Technically the Prince 
was merely a mercenary in the service of the Castilian 
King,' but he bore himself like a victorious general in 
a conquered country.* Nothing could have been more 
certain to arouse Perdo's jealous pride, while the Prince 
on his part did not scruple to show what he thought of 
the honour of his ally. It had been arranged that all 
the engagements entered into at Bayonne in September, 
1366, and confirmed at Liboume and again at Bayonne 
just before the start, should be pubhcly ratified in Burgos, 
but before the Prince would consent to enter the capital 
of his ally he required that one of the city gates, with the 
wall flanking it, should be held by his own soldiers, and 
when the Prince and Lancaster entered Burgos for the 
ceremony of ratification they rode at the head of five 

1 Ayala, i. 461 ; Froissart, K. de L. vii. 222-3 ; Chandos 
Herald, 3583-88, 3621-722. 

« Ayala, i. 47 ^-^3, 493-8- 

» Ibid. I 458-61. 

A Avoecq tout chou li prinches de Galles tint son jugement 
et son gage de bataiUe devant Burghes siques on puet bien dire 
tout notoirement que toutte Espaigne par concquds fu ^ lui et 
k son commandement. Fioissart, K. de L, vii. 223. 



hundred trusty men-at-anns. However, the promises, 
for what they were worth, were repeated, and on Sunday, 
May 2, in the Church of St. Mary the Greater the several 
instruments were read alone, and Pedro standing before 
the high altar, with his hand upon the gospels, solemnly 
swore to fulfil his engagements/ Half of his debt to the 
Prince Pedro was to discharge at the end of a period 
of four months, during which the army was to remain 
in the province of Valladolid, while the other half was 
to be paid at Bayonne in a year's time. After this com- 
promise Pedro set out for the south, ostensibly to raise 
supplies to pay the army. Unquestionably the feat 
of raising the money forthwith would have tasked the 
powers of a conscientious monarch, but Pedro chose to 
intensify the difficulty and to disregard the obligation. 
His progress southwards to Seville was traced in blood ; 
everywhere those who were barely suspected of sym- 
pathy with the usurper were cut down without mercy ; 
even kinship with a rebel was a death warrant, while 
the cities which were compelled to deUver up hostages 
to their rightful king were not induced by open suspicion 
to loose their purse-strings. But financial embarrass- 
ment alone cannot excuse Pedro's delay, and only the 
grossest disloyalty can explain his conduct. If the 
whole sum required could not be raised at once, Pedro 
might have advanced a portion ; but, in fact, he had no 
intention of keeping his word. He began by haggling 
over the value of the treasure, consisting chiefly of jewels 
and precious stones, which he had carried with him in 
his flight to Bayonne and had surrendered before the 
army started. These valuables had been realized at 
once at enormous loss by the Prince's captains, but the 
King insisted on reckoning their value at a full, if not 
fancy price. After long parleyings between the King's 
treasurers and the Prince's agents over this piece of 

1 Foed, vi. 559-60 ; Record Report, xl App. (3), ix. 252. 



up practice, there came an impudent attempt to 
Bide indisputable obligations. The grant to the Prince 

the province of Biscay and Castro-Urdiales was 
nunally made good when Pedro issued letters com- 
inding his officers to deliver possession, but these 
ters were accompanied by others less official and more 
loere, and when Lord Poynings went to take over the 
ids in the Prince's name he was met by a determined 
dstance, which was admitted to be coimtenanced by 
Ydl authority. Even more shameless and undisguised 
IS the fraud practised upon Sir John Chandos, who 
d been named Coimt of Soria. The grant was ad- 
itted, but before issuing the necessary letters patent 
dro's chancellor demanded a chancery fee of ten 
oosand marcs. 
Meanwhile the army remained in the neighbourhood 

Burgos, finding provisions daily more difficult to 
►tain. -At first, with a rare and laudable restraint, 
e Prince had forbidden plimder, refusing, as he said, 

make the poor folk pay for the debts of their ruler. 

it gradually, as Pedro's ill-faith became more certain, 

e Prince's temper hardened, until, faced with the 

temative of starvation or plimder, he gave a loose 

in to his mercenary forces. The maxim of necessity 

eds no justification, and, as Chandos Herald tersely 

Its it— 

Un proverbe al oy noncier. 

Que horn doit pur sa femme tender 

£t pur sa viande combatre. 

ben Burgos was exhausted the army marched on and 
cupied Amusco, which found supplies for another 
onth, thence moving on to Valladolid, Medina del 
unpo and Madrigal, levying blackmail on the towns, 
id plundering the villages far and wide. Meanwhile 
le privations suffered on the march through Guipuzcoa 
id Alava, combined with the effects of climate and 



excess, produced the inevitable outbreak of dysentery. 
Hundreds of men-at-arms and archers perished, whik 
in the Prince himself symptoms appeared of the lingering 
illness which nine years later was to prove fatal. Cleaiiy 
the position could not last. The latest representations to 
Don Pedro brought back nothing but the request that 
the Prince would lead his mercenaries, "ces m a le di Us 
gens de compagnes,^^ out of Castile, as no subsidy could 
be raised while they were living on the country, while 
to the Prince's demand for a score of strongholds by 
way of security the King returned a curt refusal.^ 

This reply put an end once and for all to relations 
between the ^'allies," and the Prince, mobilizing his 
army which was lying round Madrigal, marched east- 
wards to Soria, near the Aragon frontier.* There were 
indeed imperative reasons for beginning the return 
march, for disquieting news came from Aquitaine. 

For weeks after the battle no one, but a few faithful 
adherents, knew what had become of Don Enrique.' In 
point of fact he had ridden for his life across the moun- 
tains to Soria, narrowly escaping capture, and thence 
by the Calatayud road to Saragossa.^ Trastamare had 
no stauncher friend than the House of Luna, and among 
the members of that House no partizan more devoted 
than Pedro de Lima (afterwards Pope by the name of 
Benedict XIII), who guided the fugitive north through 
Jaca. Once safe across the Pyrenees, Enrique breathed 
more freely, and looked for a resting-place at Orthex 
with the Coimt of Foix. But Foix, while welcoming 
the foe of Don Pedro, was embarrassed by the enemy 
of the Black Prince,'^ and hastened to speed the parting 

1 Froissart, K. de L. vii. 224-6, 236-9. 

* Chandos Herald, 3723-44. 

' On April 15 Pedro writes: "E el traydor non sabemos 
si es preso 6 muerto." Ayala, i. 461. 

* Ibid. L 461-3 ; Froissart, K de L. vii. 227-31. 

'^ "Ca veia que el principe era estonce uno de los mayores 
omes del mundo entre los Christianos." Ayala, i. 462. 



est with money and horses to Toulouse. Something 

the chivahx>us daring of the fallen king struck the 
agination of his contemporaries, who soon weaved 
md his figure the web of a cycle of romance, telling 
w in the guise of a pilgrim he wandered from the hills 
Lerida to the Biscay shore and to the Mediterranean, 
w he paid a secret visit to the King of Aragon at Per- 
;iian, and spoke with the great Bertrand in his cap- 
ity at Bordeaux/ But the legends of the trouvfire are 
leed less interesting than the facts of history, for 
rique, indomitable where another would have de- 
ured, was no sooner overthrown than he began again 

plan, to intrigue and work for his restoration. So 
jat was the terror of the Prince's name that none of 
5 friendly powers dared openly to receive him ; his 
lerview with Urban V at ViUeneuve, near Avignon, 
IS secret,* and official correctness constrained Charles V, 
lo gave convincing if furtive encouragement to the 
arper, to place the Count of Auxerre imder arrest for 
cess of zeal in his cause. But the strongest support 
me from Louis, Duke of Anjou and Lieutenant of 
inguedoc. Between Anjou and Trastamare a secret 
jaty was concluded, directed not only against Prince 
Iward, but also his brothers, and Lancaster in par- 
nilar ; nor was it long before the alliance began to show 
actical results. Financed by Anjou, Enrique gathered 
few hundred lances about him, and began forthwith 

harry Aquitaine from the side of Bigorre. 
The manoeuvre succeeded. Anxious messages from 
e Princess Joan recalled the Prince to the protection 

his own lands ; but to return direct by the route of 
e invasion would be both to lose all hold on Don Pedro 
id to invite the usurper to return by the eastern gate 
d to repeat his victorious march of 1366. 

1 See Cuvelier 444-55 and Froissart, K. de L. vii. 515-7, note» 
■ Ayala, i. 503-5. 



Hence the Prince's move to the confines of Aragon 
and the beginning of a new chapter in the history of 
English relations with the Peninsular powers/ So far 
as foreign affairs are concerned there were two phases 
of political opinion in Aragon. One party, led by the 
Infante Don Pedro, the Archbishop of Saragossa and 
the powerful House of Luna, was devoted to the interests 
of Trastamare; it was this faction which had obtained 
a refuge for Juana, Enrique's Queen, and her children, 
the eldest of whom, Don Juan, was betrothed to Dona 
Leonor, daughter of the King of Aragon.* " Pedro, the 
Ceremonious" himself, however, was not inclined to 
sacrifice his kingdom to a losing, if not a lost caiise, and 
when Sir John Chandos and Sir Hugh Calverly arrived 
on a mission from the Black Prince, they found it no 
hard task to expel the emigri family of the usurper of 
Castile. For a time the House of Lima felt their 
influence paralyzed : Juana finding Saragossa uncom- 
fortable, went north to join her husband on a more 
friendly soU.^ But much more than a strict neutrality 
in the quarrel of Trastamare and Burgundy was required 
of Aragon by the English envoys, for the Prince, in- 
furiated by Pedro's treachery, was contemplating some- 
thing like a partition of his dominions. Chandos found 
Aragon in a state of panic ; his master's name was one 
to conjure with throughout the peninsula. So soon 
as Najera was won and Enrique overthrown, Aragon 
had feared the worst. Proximus ardet Ucalegon. The 
rumour of invasion had grown precise enough to fore- 

^ Ayala, i. 465-6. Chandos Herald knows, as he admits, 
nothing of the n^otiations but the fact of their existence. The 
gap is filled byZurita {Anales de la Corona de Arag6n, ii. 348-50). 
Zurita was not contemporary ; he Uved a.d. 1512-80. But he 
worked from originals, and though dull, is accurate and not 
lacking in the critical sense. 

2 Ayala, i. 463 ; Chandos Herald, 3589-622. 

^ Ayala, i. 562. 



cast the exact intentions of the Black Prince : while he 
himself looked to the eastern frontier, John of Gaunt, 
supported by the King of Majorca, so it was believed, 
would attack Aragon via Tarrazona, and attempt a 
systematic conquest of the kingdom. These fears and 
the sense of rehef consequent upon the revelations of 
Prince Edward's true intentions, made the task of nego- 
tiation easy. The King of Aragon welcomed the Prince's 
proffered alliance, at once disowned Don Enrique and 
annulled the betrothal of his daughter to Enrique's 
son, agreed to oppose Enrique's restoration if necessary 
by force, and seriously discussed the proposal that, if 
Don Pedro did not make good his promises of repay- 
ment and the cession of Biscay and Castro-Urdiales,^ and 
did not also pay an indemnity for the losses suffered by 
Aragon in the former war, he should unite his forces 
with those of the Prince in a confederation into which 
Navarre and Portugal were to be called, should attack 
Pedro, and partition his dominions. The Infanta Leonor, 
divorced from the usurper's son, was by this arrange- 
ment to be married to Edward Plantagenet, elder son 
of the Black Prince, and an Anglo-Aragonese dynasty 
was to be set up in the central kingdom, or what was 
left of it after partition between the allies. 

Thus in August, 1367, England appeared to be on the 
brink of a new and revolutionary Peninsular policy. 
That these proposals were never carried further was 
due to the condition of the Prince's health and the danger 
of Aquitaine. But at least for the moment the Prince's 
object was served ; he had shut the doors of Aragon 
on Trastamare, as it seemed, and he had prepared the 
way for punishing the perjured Castilian King. He 
was free therefore to return to Aquitaine. No difficulty 
hampered the retreat. Navarre was unable to offer 

^ The Prince never obtained possession, but continued to 
style himself Lord of Biscay and of Castro-Urdiales. 


resistance, and Charles the Bad, having now emerged 
from his sham captivity at Borja (and, by the 
way, having cheated Olivier de Mauni of the reward 
promised for his complaisance), hastened to place him- 
self at the disposal of the successful general, and to atone 
by obsequiousness for treachery. Conducting Prince 
Edward from the southern to the northern limit of his 
dominions,^ he bowed the English army out of Navarre 
at RoncevaUes, and the Prince and Lancaster returned 
through Bayonne to Bordeaux. 

So ended the great Castilian expedition of 1367, an 
episode which marking as it does an epoch in the history 
of the Himdred Years War, marks also a crisis in the 
lives of Prince Edward and the Duke of Lancaster. Of 
its disastrous effects upon the Prince and through him 
upon the fortunes of English Aquitaine, more will have 
to be said hereafter. In the life of John of Gaunt also 
its importance is scarcely less. He had gained a new 
and invaluable experience of men and affairs. He had 
borne himself bravely in battle, so that the Herald of 
the gallant Chandos could say of him — 

£t d'autre part li noble ducz 
De Lancastre, plein de vertuz 
Si noblement se combatoit 
Que chescun s*en emerveilloit 
En regardant sa grant prouesse 
Coment par sa noble hautesse 
Mettoit son corps en aventure : 
Car jeo croy que nunques creature 
Poevre ne riches, ne se mist 
Cel jour si avant come il fist. 

Well served, as he had been, by the ablest of English 
leaders, the Duke had won some credit as a divisional 
commander : in a critical moment he had shown courage 
and presence of mind. But the experience of 1367 was 
not confined to the art of war ; it furnished also a lesson 

1 Froissart, K. de L. vii. 240-243; Chandos Herald, 3745-814. 



in statecraft. The Black Prince had overwhehned 
all material opposition to his will ; he had shown himself 
arbiter of the destinies of kings. Lancaster who, while 
lacking the force and strength of purpose which alone 
secm-e permanence to the work of the statesman, had 
yet in imagination and in reserve two qualities essential 
to the diplomatist, burned to imitate the example of 
one who at a touch had made the whole fabric of the 
new dynasty collapse, who made and immade alliances 
at his will, and by his mere fiat rearranged the relations 
of the powers. That example was not forgotten, and 
it work^ in the mind of the ambitious Duke, as in October 
he returned to England and dismissed his men-at-arms 
and archers to fight all their battles o'er again and to 
tell the story of Najera to their comrades in the chaces 
of Derb5^hire and the Lancashire forests. 

It seemed then an easy thing to set up and dethrone 
kings, but, in truth, the brilliance of the Prince's achieve- 
ment was illusory and its results ephemeral. No sooner 
had the Prince crossed the Pyrenees than the reaction 
began. Enrique soon foimd himself in command of 
a second army ; in spite of the protests, sincere but 
inoperative, of the King of Aragon, the usurper a second 
time crossed the frontier and invaded Castile. A short 
campaign recovered Leon ; Oviedo and the Asturias 
accepted the counter-revolution, and though Logrono 
again held out for the legitimist cause and Galicia made 
only a nominal surrender, there was nothing to check 
Enrique's advance or to hinder his progress to the south. 
At Toledo du Guesclin, now at liberty, again joined his 
standard with a body of fine French troops, and the army 
advanced to the south. 

On March 13, 1369, the issue was decided. Instead 
of the invincible army led by Prince Edward two years 
before, Pedro had to rely on a heterogeneous mass of 
untrustworthy Castilian levies, Moorish cavalry, and 


armed Jews. When the two armies got into touch the 
legitimist superiority of numbers was useless, for Pedro's 
forces were taken by surprise and defeated in detail. 
Du Guesclin's Frenchmen easily accoimted for the Cas- 
tilian division ; the Jews fled at the first onset, and 
the splendid courage of the Moors of Granada, who 
only came into action when the battle was akeady 
decided, only availed to swell the numbers of the slain. 
Pedro's own ferocious bravery was useless ; his last 
army was routed, and there was no alternative to flight. 
With a few faithful followers he reached the Castle of 
Montiel, but his movements were known and the place 
was surroimded. The hope of getting past the enemy's 
pickets on a dark midnight after the battle proved for- 
lorn. As a last expedient the King sent an emissary 
to du Guesclin's camp with the offer of an inmiense 
bribe if he were allowed to escape. The great Breton 
soldier despised the treachery, but used it. He enticed 
the King to his tent, and there, with the aid of Olivier 
de Mauni, du Guesclin's cousin, Enrique of Trastamare 
stabbed his brother, the last monarch of the House of 

In later days, when the memory of Pedro's disloyalty 
to the Black Prince was less present to men's mincb 
than the motives, both personal and political, which 
made England the enemy of the usurping dynasty, 
Geoffrey Chaucer, learning it doubtless from the lips 
of Constance of Castile, told the story of Pedro's 
death — 

O noble, O worthy Petro, glorie of Spajnie, 

Whom fortune heeld so hy in magestee, 

Wei oughten men thy pitous deeth complayne ! 

Out of thy lond thy brother made thee flee ; 

And after, at a sege, by subtiltee, 

Thou were bitrayed, and lad un-to his tente, 

Wher-as he with his owene hond slow thee, 

Succeding in thy r^;ne and in thy rente, 



The feeld of snow, with thegle blak ther-inne, 
Caught with the lymrod, coloured as the giede, 
He brew this cursednes and at this sinne. 
The " wikked nest " was werker of this nede ; 
Noght Charles Oliver, that ay took hede 
Of trouthe and honour, but of Armorike 
Genilon Oliver, corrupt for mede, 
Broghte his worthy king in swich a brike.^ 

Like those of old upon whom the curse of blood-guiltiness 
had fallen, Pedro the Cruel had been driven from crime 
to crime, never suffered to rest, involving others in his 
own fall, driven by the results of his deeds to expi- 
ate the curse with his own life. Yet in spite of his 
savagery there is something of real tragedy in his life 
and death. He stood for a true principle, and he failed, 
not only because his own character was wanting, but 
because anything save failure was impossible. 

History in Spain was written not by monks, but by 
gentlemen, and therefore in the verdict of history for 
Pedro, the enemy of the nobles, there are no extenua- 
ting circumstances. But to the people, who remembered 
his stem justice and forgot the cruelty only shown to 
their oppressors, Pedro the Cruel was Pedro the Justiciar. 

Thus in two years the work of Najera was undone 
at Montiel ; but the dynastic struggle continued, and 
the blood feud of Burgundy and Trastamare remained, 
to be renewed a generation later by the son of Enrique 
the Magnificent and the daughter of Pedro the Cruel, 
when English soldiers were to fight once more in Spain 
under the standard of John of Gaimt, and as the old 
prophecy foretold, the English Leopards were again 
to be seen on the field of Castile. 

1 Chaucer, "The Monke's Tale," 384-400. The "feeld of 
snow," etc., describes du Guesdin's arms ; the " wikked nest " 
is Sir OUver de Mauni " Mau " " ni." See Skeat, Chaucer, vol. v. 
Notes to the Monke's Tale, p. 238-40. Ayala (i. 551-557) is, 
as usual, more trustworthy than Froissart. 

65 F 

Chapter IV 


IN the Livre des fails et bans moeurs du sage Roy 
Charles Vy Christine de Pisan, the first of literary 
ladies, has an excellent story which iUustrates the charac- 
ter both of the King who, she persuades herself, is the 
pattern of knightly accomplishments, and of the Duke of 

Once the court of Edward III was discussing the merits 
of his " adversary of France," and Lancaster remarked — 
** Notre adversaire n'est pas un sage prince : ce n'est 
qu'im avocat." The mot coming to the ears of Charles V 
provoked the retort : " Si nous sommes avocats, nous 
leur batirons td plaid que la sentence les ennuiera." 
The royal " attorney " made good his threat : he lived 
to see England weary of the struggle. But if history has 
justified the King's retort, the events of 1369 testified to 
the Duke's judgment. The phrase touched a weak spot 
in the King's armoiu. It was a hit — a very palpable hit. 
King John had fought his enemies in the field. He had 
failed, and failed disastrously, it is true, but England 
and France, foe and friend, respected " Jeanle Bon " even 
in failure. When a prince of the " Fleurs de Lys " had 
broken parole. King John, it was remembered, had 
returned of his free will to captivity, to redeem the for- 
feited honour of France. He was a man of action and 
a man of his word. 

John, if a poor king, was a good knight ; Charles was 
a '* politique," and pohcy rather than chivalry was 



needed to deliver France out of the hand of her enemies. 
But the contrast between father and son was striking, and 
seemed to many besides the Duke of Lancaster far from 
favourable to Charles V. 

From the point of view of chivalry, and to men 
imbued with the prejudices and prepossessions natural 
to a mihtary society, in all of which the Duke shared, 
Charles V was a craven. Weighed in the balance of feudal 
thought, he was found wanting. It required a stand- 
point more detached, an insight into poUcy more clear 
and penetrating, to appreciate the kingUness of the man 
who now sat on the throne of the Valois, the friend of 
scholars and priests, the lover of books, of fasts and 
masses, the king who never bore arms in battle or tourney, 
who rarely travelled more than fifty miles from Paris, and 
who won his victories from the council chamber. 

Devout and orderly in his life, monastic in the regu- 
larity if not in the simplicity of his habits — for he loved 
a measure of kingly magnificence and did not spare France 
the burden of a costly household — Charles had taken for 
his model his ancestor Louis IX. But he inherited neither 
the real grace and goodness of Louis the Saint nor the 
frank manUness of John the Good. If his subjects could 
interpret caution as timidity, his enemies may be excused 
for finding in his subtlety something underhand. 

The attorney's nature had shown itself in manipulating 
the Treaty of Calais. The engagements entered into at 
Br6tigni in May, 1360, and confirmed by the treaty at 
Calais in October, had never been fulfilled. The really 
vital issue was mutual renunciation on the part of the 
King of France of his claim to the suzerainty of 
Aquitaine ; on the part of the King of England of his 
claim to the throne of France. There were doubtless 
faults on both sides, but it may be accepted as a fact that 
the then Regent of France had no intention of handing 
over territories as great as his own kingdom to the 



enemy. In spite of formal orders, he had made no 
effort to restore Limousin, P6igord, Querci and Rouergue 
to effective English rule. A new pretext was ever at 
hand for delaying the performance of treaty obligations, 
until the time-limit fixed by treaty was passed. The 
" attorney " had won his legal point. He could wait. 

For nine years he had been content to wait, while the 
peace was observed with doubtful faith and on both sides 
with mutual distrust. With malevolent neutrality 
he had watched the Black Prince cross the Pyrenees and 
oust Don Enrique. The Marshal of France and a French 
army had fought for Don Enrique, himself a pensioner of 
the French court, but between France and England 
there had been no overt hostiUties. The peace was 
shaken, not broken. 

Then came the day of reckoning. Don Pedro's promises 
proved worthless. How was Prince Edward to pay the 
army which had followed him on the strength of under- 
takings for which he had made himself responsible ? 

It was with the free assent of the Estates that the Black 
Prince had espoused Don Pedro's quarrel ; the promised 
gain had proved a loss, and those who had coveted the 
spoils were not willing to share the cost. 

The Estates which met at St. £mihon in October, 1367, 
and at Angoulfeme in January, 1368, granted a fouage, 
a tax of ten sous on each hearth, to nm for five years, 
but they were not speaking with the voice of Aqui- 
taine. Owing to the unsettled state of the country, 
for one reason and another many deputies of the towns 
had been prevented from coming to the Parliament ; 
others deUberately stayed away. Armagnac and his 
nephew Albret, the most powerful of the Gascon barons, 
refused to come, and swore that the fouage should never 
nm in their lands. 

The Prince insisted. It was in vain that Sir John 
Chandos protested, pointing out that he was taking the 



surest means to shake his subjects' wavering loyalty 
and to throw the malcontents into the arms of France. 

Was it that Prince Edward's illness had clouded his 
view of a plain political issue ? Or did he despise the 
meanness of those who repudiated what was virtually 
their own action, and refused the tax which was to pay 
a debt in which the honour of their suzerain was at 
stake ? 

The Prince would not give way, and Chandos, the 
best and greatest of King Edward's captains, withdrew to 
St. Sauveur, his lordship in the north, only to leave it 
two years later to draw sword and die in the quarrel he 
had striven to avert. The fatal step was taken. In 
April, 1368, Armagnac and the disloyal party appealed 
from the Black Prince to the King of France as overlord of 
Aquitaine. The spring of that year saw a throng of 
emigrS Gascon barons at the French Court, ffited and 
caressed by the King, who had fair words, promises, and 
gifts for each. Some received money bribes ; others rich 
fiefs. To Albret himself the King gave the hand of his 
sister-in-law, Isabella of Boiubon. Charles had accepted 
the appeal, but while treating the Gascon barons as sub- 
jects, he still hesitated to take the last step. 

At length he was persuaded by the counsels of his 
advisers, backed by the devastations of the free com- 
panies who, unemployed since their return from Spain, 
and now dismissed frrm Aquitaine, were Uving at ease 
in their " chamber " of France. 

Charles would have all the law gave him. The " attor- 
ney" looked into his bond. The bond said that the 
King of England was still his vassal for Aquitaine. He 
cited Prince Edward to Paris to answer to the complaints 
of his Gascon subjects. The summons, given publicly 
in the Abbey of St. Andrew at Bordeaux, stung the Prince 
to fiuy. 

His answer is one of the many boasts which history has 



preserved only to belie. He would come to Paris, but 
with helmet on head and sixty thousand men behind 

Then at length Charles defied the King of England, and 
Edward reassumed, with the sanction of Parliament, the 
style and title of King of France. The most timid of 
the Valois had " cried havoc and let slip the dogs of war." 

The nine long years of waiting since Br^tigni had not 
been wasted, and Charles, with a true instinct for the 
needs of France, had given proof of the wisdom which 
Christine claims for him. 

When the struggle opened again in 1369, he had a 
policy, an ally, and the sinews of war — a fleet and army 
ready to use. His policy — inaction — was his own. His 
ally was given to him by the Black Prince. In more 
ways than one the policy of the Black Prince in supporting 
Don Pedro was fraught with fatal results. The ruin of 
his own health, the loss of Aquitaine, and the downfall 
of English naval supremacy were all, wholly or in part, 
the consequences of the momentous decision of 1366. 
In 1340 and 1350 Edward III had cleared the Channel 
^of enemies, and had done something to win the proud 
title — " Lord of the Seas." The Spanish policy of his 
son threw Castile into the arms of France, and made the 
alliance of the Houses of Trastamare and Valois a political 
necessity. Henceforth the naval force of Castile and 
y^ Leon is added to that of France ; the existing balance of 
Tiaval power is overthrown. In the second epoch of the 
Hundred Years War the fleets of Charles V and Don 
Enrique make common cause. England has lost the 
mastery of the seas : she cannot even hold the Channel. 

Meanwhile, in France itself, all through these years of 
peace, preparations had been made for war. Charles had 
worked hard to supplement the feudal levies which had 
failed so signally at Cr^cy and Poictiers by the creation of a 
royal army, and taking a leaf from his rival's book, he had 



begun to take the people into partnership, and to place 
bin-gess and citizen in the field beside knight and man- 
at-arms. Co-ordinate in the King's policy with the 
creation of a royal army was the attempt to create a royal 
navy. Side by side with du Guesclin stands Jean de 
Vienne, soon to be Admiral of France, and worthy to be 
ranked with the great Breton soldier among the heroes of 
French emancipation. 

At Clos des Gaines, the royal arsenal and dockyard 
on the left bank of the Seine, there were busy preparations 
in the autunm of 1369. The King himself was at Rouen, 
superintending, with Philippe le Hardi, Duke of Biu- 
gundy, the preparations for the struggle. Vexin and 
Beauvais swarmed with soldiers. From Harfleur to 
Rouen the river was crowded with ships and vessels, large 
and small, for Charles meant to make a great demonstra- 
tion in the Channel, his plan being to ravage the south 
coast of England, and to keep Edward engaged in pro- 
tecting his home ports, while, communications being 
thus severed between England and Bordeaux, the Dukes 
of Berri and Anjou pushed back the English frontiers 
in the south and drove Prince Edward out of Aquitaine. 

To this England replied by despatching the Earls of 
Cambridge and Pembroke south with reinforcements, 
while Lancaster was sent to Calais, to engage Burgimdy's 
attention and to make a diversion in Picardy.^ 

^ Lancaster's powers as Lieutenant of the King in the North 
and Captain of Calais, Guines and Merk, with the duty of super- 
vising fortresses, etc., are dated 12 June, 1369. Rot, Franc, 
ii. 100, m. II. Cf. orders to Adam de Hoghton and four of the 
commissioners of array to enrol 400 archers in Lancashire. 
RoL Vase, 43 Edw. III. m. 5. 

For the raids in Picardy in August and September, 1369, I 
have followed Froissart K. de L. vii. 420-443 ; xvii. 480-3, 
and the French chroniclers Chron. Bourb., 72-43 ; Chron, Norm. 
1 90-1 ; Grandes Chroniques, vi. 318-320. Cf. I store et Chroniques 
de Flandres, II. 106. Chr, Rig, Franc, ii. 341. Chr. Fa/. 205. 
Chron, Angl, 63. Eulog. 336. 

Walsingham's i. 307-8 account seems intended as a eulogy of 
the Earl of Warwick, and does not'square with the known facts. 

71 ' 



In July John of Gaunt landed at Calais with som 
hundred men-at-anns and fifteen hundred archers- 
first independent command. The army was too s 
to do much ; it was just strong enough for a " recon 
sance in force,** capable of the usual devastations, 
large enough to postpone for a time Burgundy's pro 
of invasion. 

It numbered some soldiers of note — Sir Walter Mj 
and the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick ; and the di 
friend. Sir Henry Percy, a splendid fighting man, 
among the number. Some notables of theLowCounI 
the Marquess of Juliers, the Duke of Gueldres and Re 
of Namur, who had done as much as most men to i 
the Himdred Years War, joined the duke's standard 

Lancaster soon made his presence felt.^ The wee 
which Burgundy should have mobilized his fleet in 
Seine, the whole country side from Calais to Boul 
and Licques was reported in flames, and the C 
of St. Pol was shut up in Th6rouanne and dare 

Burgimdy, recalled from his preparations to c 
English depredations in the north, marched 
Rouen through Abbeville and Hesdin to Toumeh 
This was the news for which Lancaster was waiting. 
Duke had returned to Calais after a couple of raids 
hearing of Burgimdy's advance, he at once marched s 
to Tournehem and took up a strong position opp 
the enemy. 

The French outnumbered the Duke's army by at 
seven to one, and no one doubted that they would at 

* Cf. Mandemenis et actes divers, No. 566. On 16 Aug., 
Charles had already heard that Lancaster " had landed at ( 
with a great force of men-at-arms and archers, and had r 

2 See Itineraires de Philippe le hardi, 58. 



But no attack came. From August 25 to September 12, 
I369> the two armies faced each other, the English in daily 
and hourly expectation of the assault which was never 
delivered. Burgundy's movements were controlled from 
headquarters ; the new policy of inaction had begun. 
In spite of their vast superiority of numbers, the French 
did nothing. The siun total of mihtary operations 
amounted to a few irregular encounters between individual 
knights, desirous of "advancing themselves," and one 
half-hearted surprise attack on the English camp, which 
was easily beaten off. At length, after a fortnight's 
inaction, Philip " the bold " obtained permission to end 
a situation little to his taste. One night — September 12 — 
covering his movements by a long line of fires, Burgundy 
broke up his camp and marched away to Paris. Lan- 
caster's camp was roused by the glare of French^ fires. 
At length the expected attack was coming! After 
standing to arms for half the night the Duke's force 
became convinced of the truth. Lancaster had refused 
to believe that Burgundy would withdraw without 
battle, but his spies con&med what his council had 
told him. The enemy had retreated. 

The next day he bivouacked in the French camp, and 
after a halt carried out his original plan. His objective 
was the Seine : he intended to see what damage could 
be done to the French shipping. 

The line of march lay past St. Omer, Th^rouanne, Femes 
and St. Pol, and the coimtry was swept clear as the army 
advanced.* Without stopping to besiege strong places, 
Lancaster, on reaching Lucheux, turned westwards to St. 
Riquier and crossed the Somme near Abbeville at the 
historic ford of Blanchetaque. Meeting no opposition, 

^ For the march through Picardy Pierre Cochon (p. 123) is 
worth reading. He wrote a generation later than the events, but 
he was a native of Caux, and preserved the tradition of things 
which happened there with the greatest interest. 



he struck due west to the sea coast,* looting as he went 
and embarking his spoils on board the ships which fol- 
lowed his march, guided by the smoke and flame of burn- 
ing farm and village. This went on till the army reached 
St. Adresse, the most important port on the Seine before 
the existence of Le Havre de Grace. MontiviUiers was 
assaulted, but Harfleur itself was too strong to be 
attacked. Had the Duke been in greater force it would 
have been tempting to assault Rouen and try to cross 
the Seine and bum " Qos des Gal4es.'* But happily for 
the French the Duke had only a handful of men and 
no siege engines, and the arsenals, being on the south side 
of the river, were safe. After a few dajrs before Harfleur 
the army returned through Estouteville, Gomerville, 
fitienville, Bolbec, Oisemont, Rue and Montreuil to 

Outside Abbeville the Duke had captured Hugh de 
Chatillon, captain of Abbeville and Master of the French 
crossbowmen, the man who nine years earher had been 
in command of the French fleet which burned Winchelsea. 
This was the one success scored on the homeward march, 
for, as in most of the operations of the second part of the 
great war, there was little miUtary result to show. The 
enemy's attack had been postponed but not prevented, 
for the next month a French fleet ravaged the south coast 
and burnt Portsmouth. After providing for the proper 
custody of Calais and the neighbouring fortresses, Lan- 
caster returned to England in November.' 

Bitter tidings awaited him on his return. During 
his short absence in Picardy two events had taken place 

^ The Duke appears to have struck the coast near Dieppe. 
See Mandements de Charles V, No. 657, a letter addressed to the 
royal "grenetier" at Dieppe reciting that the salt-pan industry 
at Bouteilles had been stopped owing to the ravages of the 
English army. 

^ Froissart Luce, VII, Ixxxiii-lxxxv. 

^ Foed, VII, 640-1, and Calendars of the Exchequer, I. 223. 



in England, both significant in their results upon his 
I fortunes and the fortunes of England — the death of his 
mother and the death of his wife. 

On August 15 Queen Phihppa died, and within a month, 
Ji on the very day on which Burgundy's camp fires at 
Toumehem had given the alarm to the English army, 
England was mourning for the Duchess of Lancaster. 

The year 1369 had seen another outbreak of the great 
plague, severe enough to be remembered as " the third 
pestilence,'* and Blanche of Lancaster had fallen a victim 
to the disease which had already proved fatal to her 
father and her sister. The two noblest women of the 
English court had passed away, and it was fitting that 
Froissart should place together in his lament the names 
of Philippa of Hainault and Blanche of Lancaster — 

La bonne, qui pourist en terre, 
Ip' Qui fu roine d'Engleterre ; 

^ Aussi sa fille de Lancastre — 

Haro 1 Mett^ moi une emplastre 

Sus le coer, car, quant m'en souvient, 

Certes souspirer me couvient, 
^ Tant sui plains de melancolie. — 

Elle monit jone et jolie, 
* Environ de vingt et deux ans ; 

Gaie, lie, friche, esbatans, 

Douce, simple, d'umble samblance ; 

La bonne dame ot k nom Blanche.^ 

Of the gentle consort of Edward III, whose last 
> thoughts were for those of her household, whose last 
I prayer that the King, when his hour came, would be 
I buried at her side, history has nothing but good to relate, 
p To many beside Froissart Philippa " of good memory " 
t > was " la plus gentil roine, plus large et plus courtoise 
/ que oncques regna en son temps." Her death marked 
I' a climax in the reign of Edward III. Of Philippa it 
■f might truly have been said that she was " feUx oppor- 

^ * Le Joli Buisson de Jonece (^PoSsies, voL ii, p. 8). 

f 75 


tunitate mortis." She lived to see her husband and her 
sons attain the pinnacle of military fame; she had 
welcomed her husband back from the victories of Slu}^ 
and L'Espagnols-sur-mer and Cr6cy, and her son from 
Poictiers. She died before the great failures of the 
war : before the Good Parliament and the Peasants* 
rising, and she left a place that no one could fill. The 
most brilliant court of Europe became the most corrupt. 
After the reign of PhiUppa comes the. reign of Alice 

To John of Gaunt the death of Blanche of Lancaster 
was a momentous loss. In his life also the death of his 
consort draws the dividing line. Before it all had gone 
well. Of the dangers which were soon to beset the 
Duke's path she could foresee nothing. Those belong 
to a later epoch. 

Of the sincerity of the Duke's grief there need be no 
question, though there is no evidence and little proba- 
bility that we have his own words in the lament of 
Chaucer's Man in Black, the " wonder wel-faringe knight," 
who sits refusing to be comforted, and mourning her 
whom he had lost — 

I have of sorwe so gret woon, 

That Joye gete I never noon. 

Now that I see my lady bright. 
Which I have lov^ with al my might, 

Is fro me deed, and is a-goon. 

Alas, o deeth f what ayleth thee. 
That thou noldest have taken me. 

Whan that thou toke my lady swete ? 
That was so layr, so fresh, so free. 
So good, that men may wel ysee 

Of al goodnesse she had no mete ! ^ 

The Book of the Duchess is a tribute alike to the 
chivalrous love of John of Gaunt for Blanche and to the 
affection of the poet for his earliest patroness. Who 

^ Chaucer, The Book of the Duchess, 475-486. 


> fit to offer consolation to one who had loved and lost 
s he who himself knew, if dark hints are rightly inter- 
reted, the sorrows of unrequited affection ? But 
haucer does not attempt to console. The poet's 
lot saves him from offering '' vacant chaff well meant 
»: grain.'' Master of a subtle sympathy, he knows 
bat the only true consolation is to dwell on and recall 
be image of the departed. Therefore Chaucer speaks 
f the graces of person and of character, of the simplicity, 
entleness and beauty of the " Whyte " lady — Blanche 
he Duchess. It was only ten years since their marriage. 
Vdl could Lancaster cry with the widowed queen of 
Siaucer's story: "To litd whyl our blisse lasteth." 
Blanche had borne her husband five children : two died 
n infancy ; of the three who survived two were to play 
L leading part in the story of these times, for Henry 
was destined for the throne of England, and Philippa 
or that of Portugal. 

Blanche was buried in the " Cathedral Church of St. 
Paul at London." There, near the high altar, the Duke 
raised over her body a costly tomb of alabaster, 
rhat men might not forget the form and features 
)f the dead Duchess, a painted effigy of marble was placed 
here, a monument, as time has proved, less durable 
Jian Chaucer's elegy, and all the year roimd two priests 
dianted masses for her soul at an altar built beside 
ler tomb, and furnished with rich missal and chalice. 
Dnce a year, on September 12, the anniversary of 
tier death, a solemn celebration was held in St. Paul's, 
rhe Duke and his household attended, or if the Duke 
were out of England his high officers took his place. 
Gratitude to the memory of his first wife never failed : 
>o long as he lived the rites due to reUgion and affection 
f¥ere observed, and in his will^ the Duke's first injimction 
is that he shall be laid by her side. " My body to be 

^See Appendix I. p. 420. 



buried in the Cathedral Church of St. Paul of London, 
near the principal altar, beside my most dear late wife 
Blanche, who is there interred.** ^ 

But for the time there was little leisure for mourning. 
The war had b^un in grim earnest, and there was work to 
be done. Charles V had planned a two-fold invasion of 
Aquitaine. The Duke of Anjou, concentrating at Toulouse, 
was to advance by the line of La Rtole and Bergerac. The 
Duke of Berri was to invade Limousin, and the two 
columns converging at Angoulgme, were to besiege the 
Prince of Wales there. The English King, on the other 
hand, resolved to harry the enemy in the north, and to 
send Lancaster to the south to reinforce his brother. 
The northern conunand was given to Sir Robert KnoUes, 
and soon Champagne and Brie were again in flames and 
the pennon of St. George was waving under the walls of 

In the south the outlook for English arms was gloomy. 
The plan of campaign of the French had been skilfully 
conceived ; it only failed because at the last moment 
their nerve failed, and no one dared to come within 
striking distance of the Black Prince. 

England sadly lacked the generalship which could alone 
save a losing cause and coimteract the errors of a fatal 
policy. Prince Edward himself, wasted by disease, 
and broken in all but spirit, was quite unfit to control 
the operations of a campaign. Chandos, the best general 
on the Enghsh side, had fallen mortally woimded on 
January i, 1370, in a skirmish at the bridge of Lussac, in his 
last hour saving his prisoners from the vengeance of his 
men, with his last breath commending to God the King, 

^ Warrants to pay for the annual celebration and for the 
services of the chantry priests extend over the whole period 
covered by the Register (1372-1382), and similar notices are 
found in the Receiver-Genetal's Accounts for 1 391-2. Duchy of 
Lanes. Accts. iii. 2. They are too numerous to quote, but they 
show the Duke's solicitude for the memory of his first wife. 



and Prince, and the lady he loved. England had lost 
the one man whose advice could have saved Aquitaine 
and whose skill might even then have retrieved her 

But while the English forces had no man of genius left 
to lead them, France had recalled du Guesclin from Castile, 
where, in his new lordship of Molina, he was detained, 
so rumour said, not by loyalty to his new master alone, 
but by the yet more potent spell of Castilian beauty, 
a triumph not foreseen by the prophetic vision of his 
Preton wife. 

At the end of June John of Gaimt was at Plymouth 
in command of a force of 300 men-at-arms and 500 
archers ready to sail for the south. ^ But the government 
did not rely on force alone. The time had come, so it 
appeared, to try the effect of persuasion on Gascon 
discontent. In the vain hope that the removal of the 
fiscal grievance would at the same time remove its 
results, the King revoked the objectionable fouage. 
Further, he empowered Lancaster, with the concurrence 
of the Prince, to pardon and reinstate all rebels who would 
return to their allegiance.* In England it was recognized 

* Froissart, K. deL. vii, 480-2, viii, 13-15. Orders for men-at- 
arms and archers to be ready at Southampton and Plymouth by 
the Sunday next before the Feast of Pentecost. Rot, Franc. 
44 Edw. Ill, m. 25. 

Payment to sergeants-at-arms, etc., sent from the Thames to 
Lyme, Hull, Newcastle, Bristol and the Severn, Weymouth 
and the coasts of Cornwall and Wales, to arrest ships. Issue Roll, 
May IS, 44 Edw. III. 

The Duke received over igjooo for the expenses of his army, 
and something over 12,000 for freight (^Issue Roll, May 9 and 22, 
June 15 and 20, 44 Edw. III.), but he had to borrow heavily as 
well. (Reg.). 

The payments to the Duke and his retinue were : — ^The Duke, 
265. 8^. a day ; three bannerets, 85. ; eighty knights, 45. ; 216 
men-at-arms, 25., and 500 archers, i2d. a day. (Issue Roll, 44 
Edw. III. May 9). Sir Hugh Calverly was among the bannerets. 

* For the Duke's powers, dated July i, 1370, see Rot. Vase. 



that the Black Prince had become unfitted by his iUness 
for public business. Hence the large discretionary 
powers granted to John of Gaunt by the King. As yet 
events had not made the Duke of Lancaster the unpopidar 
figure which he appears a few years later, but sub- 
sequently his enemies were quick to seize upon this 
point and to attempt to twist it into evidence of 
unscrupulous ambition. The grant of these legal powers, 
however, remained a matter of purely academic interest. 
The fouage had done its work ; revocation had no effect 
upon the poUtical situation. 

Step by step, castle by castle, and town by town the 
French were gaining groimd and pushing back the 
frontiers of Enghsh Aquitaine. In the autumn the Duke 
of Bern scored a great success. He had been in com- 
munication with Jean de Cros, Bishop of Limoges, and on 
August 24 the Bishop surrendered the town to the enemy 
and received a French garrison. Apart from the military 
importance of the gain, English prestige had suffer^ 
a severe blow. The example of Limoges was sure to have 
weight wherever loyalty to the English crown was 
wavering, and it seemed as though with the defection of 
the capital the whole of Limousin would be lost. The 
loss of Limoges roused the Prince to one last burst of 
passionate energy. Suffering in body and in mind, 
embittered by the loss of his physical strength and the 
humiliating sense of failure, and infuriated by the trea- 
chery of Jean de Cros (for the Bishop had been his friend 
and councillor, and had held his first-bom son at the 
font), the Black Prince made a vow of vengeance, and 
imhappily for himself and for others, made it good. 
He swore " by his father's soul, by the which he was 
never forsworn," that he would have Limoges and with 
it the lives of every one who dwelt in that city of traitors. 

I, 158. 12. They axe printed in LeUres de Rots, p. i76,No.xcviii. 
Cf. Record Report, xxxi. App. I. p. 36. 



Lancaster landed at Bordeaux in the late summer 
of 1370. For once du Guesclin*s generalship failed him. 
By the middle of July he had reached Toulouse. The 
obvious duty of the French general was to prevent the 
junction of Lancaster's comparatively small force with 
the main body of the Prince's army, some five thousand 
of all ranks, lying at Cognac, but he let the golden oppor- 
tunity pass. The Duke joined his brother at Cognac, 
and their united forces marched on the doomed city.* 
At the news of the English advance Limoges began, too 
late, to repent its choice. Berri had taken p)ossession 
of the city on August 24. The next day he left it to its 
fate, and no entreaties induced him to attempt to raise 
the siege. But he had left a stout garrison under Jean 
de ViUemur, and the besieged fought with the courage of 
despair. From the day the English Army left O^nac 
to the end of the siege the command was virtually 
entrusted to Lancaster, for the Prince was too ill even to 
ride : he was carried in a litter, and was forced to leave 
the conduct of siege operations to his brother. 

Limoges was well victualled and provided with artillery. 
The besiegers also had artillery with them, but they 
relied chiefly on mining operations to carry the city, 
and there Lancaster directed in person. One of the 
French chronicles has a strange story of how once miners 
and cdhnterminers met beneath the ground when the 
Duke was present. Lancaster and Jean de Villemur 
for a long time fought hand to hand. Then the Duke 

* For the siege of Limoges see Chr, Vol, 209. Chr. Norm. 19s ; 
Froissart, K. de L. viii. 29-43, 54 ; xvii. 502. Cf. Delpit, Collec- 
tion, ccxviii., ccxxi., and ccxxxi. Petite Chronique dt Guyenne, 
f 62, L'an MCCCLXX en jun fo destruita la siutat dei.emodoges 
per monsehnor lo prince de Anglaterra. The Chronique Romane 
of Petit Thalamus is the only authority for the date : Item, 
aquel an meteyss a xix joms del mes de setembre, fou preza e 
destmcha la ciutat de Lymotoges per lo princep de Galas lo qual 
y avia tengut cetl per alcun temps petit p. (385). Cf. Livre des 
Coutumes, p. 688. 

81 G 


says : " Qui es tu qui si fort te combas k moi ? Es tu 
comte ou tu es baron ? Nennin, dist Vinemeur, mais 
je suis ung povre chevalier. Adonc dit le Due de 
Lancastre : Je te prie que tu me diez ton nom» puis que 
tu es chevalier, car tel porras estre que j*auray honneur 
de m*estre essay6 k toy, ou tel que non." Done dit 
Vinemeur : " Saches Angloiz que oncquez en armes ne 
regniez mon nom. J 'ay nom Jehan de Vinemeur." A 
done dit le Due de Lancaster : " Monseigneur Jehan 
de Vinemeur, j'ay bien grant joye que je me suy esprouv6 
eontre si bon ehevalier eomme vous estes. Si sachiez 
que je suys le Due de Laneastre.** The story may be 
only a confused version of a better-attested duel fought 
above groimd, but the account is singularly circumstan- 
tial and minute, describing how the Duke was woimded 
by a prop which gave way in the mine. However this 
may be, it was Lancaster's mine which brought about 
the fall of Limoges, one of the few instances in the 
history of the Hundred Years War of a successful attack 
on a walled city. 

After a month's work everything was reported ready. 
The word was given and the mine fired. A himdred feet 
of rampart and wall crashed to the ground, and over 
the ruins the invaders rushed to the assault. The 
first attack was beaten off ; with the second Limoges 
was carried. The Prince's vengeance had begim. He 
had issued his orders in person. They were ruthless, 
and they were obeyed. Neither age nor sex, neither 
man, woman nor child was to be spared. Limoges was 
a city of rebels and traitors, and the Prince had hardened 
his heart ; the whole population was given up to the 
vengeance of the besieging army. For once the Black 
Prince, the pattern of chivalry, stained his name 
and his knightly honour. For once even Froissart's 
insouciance forsakes him. Usually so indifferent to the 
miseries of the "povre gens," Froissart melts at the 



picture of weak women and children crying out for mercy 
and crying in vain. " La eut grant pit6 ; car hommes, 
fenunes et enfans se jetoient en genouls devant le prince 
et crioient : * Merci, gentils sires, merci I ' Mais il estoit 
si enflammds d*air que point n'i entendoit. ... II 
n'est si durs ccers, se il fust adont k Limoges et 
il li souvenist de Dieu, qui ne plorast tenrement 
dou grant meschief qui y estoit, car plus de trois mille 
personnes, honunes, femmes et enfans, y furent 
d^vyet et d^colet celle joum6e. Diex en ait les ames, 
car il furent bien martir.'* 

The carnage was greatest near the Cathedral of 
St. £tienne. There, in later days, men raised a statue 
to Notre Dame de Bonne Ddlivrance, the Madonna hold- 
ing the Child in her arms, and with one hand covering 
His face to shut out the sight of the slaughter. History 
would willingly follow the example and draw the veil 
over the darkest day in the life of the Black Prince. 

At length the massacre was stopped, and that in a 
way characteristic of the hardening caste feeling of the 
fourteenth century. What had been refused to the poor 
and helpless citizens of Limc^es was granted to the 
courage of a few knights and gentlemen of the garrison. 
Some eighty of these, with Jean de Villemur the captain, 
withdrew to one place, put their backs to the wall, and 
resolved to sell their hves dearly. 

Lancaster fought the captain of the garrison hand to 
hand, while his brother Cambridge and the Earl of 
Pembroke each singled out his man. It happened that 
in the thick of the fight Prince Edward was carried past 
in his litter. Touched by the gallantry of the French 
garrison, who knew that they were doomed and were 
fighting heavy odds, the Prince spared their hves and 
ordered the slaughter to cease. 

So soon as the town was carried the first care of the 
besi^ers was to find the arch-traitor who had brewed 



the mischief. Jean de Cros was caught in his palace, 
and taken chained and bareheaded before the Prince, 
who swore by God and St. George that he would have 
his life. It was a great thing to hang a bishop, even 
if that bishop were the traitor who had surrendered the 
key of a whole province to the enemy. But in the 
heat of Prince Edward's fury it is doubtful if his tonsure 
could have saved Jean de Cros, and Froissart evidently 
thinks that his life lay in the balance. It was Lancaster 
who saved him. The Duke, who had not yet learnt to 
hate political bishops, begged that the traitor might be 
given to him to deal with at his pleasure, and when 
the first burst of the Prince's resentment had passed, 
and he was left to look on the ruin he had wrought, 
Lancaster was allowed to send the Bishop a prisoner 
to the Papal court. 

The Prince's vengeance was achieved. He had ful- 
filled his vow ; the English army marched back to 
Cognac, leaving Limoges a desert and a ruin. 

The feverish burst of energy which had carried the 
Black Prince to Limoges was succeeded by the usual 
reaction. The strain had been more than his health 
could bear. His vengeance was satisfied ; he had saved 
his word ; he could not save Aquitaine. 

On reaching Cognac at the beginning of October, 
the Prince made a grant in tail to his brother of the 
castles and towns of Bergerac and of Roche-sur-Yon.* 
It was his last act of sovereignty. Three days later he 
abandoned the government of the Principality, formally 
appointing Lancaster his Lieutenant and surrendering 
Aquitaine into his hands.* Both the Prince and his 
brother must have been aware that to hold what remained 

* Dated Cognac, 8 Oct. 1370. Delpit Collection, ccxviii. and 

* DatedCognac, Oct. II, 1370. Delpit Collection, ccxx. Ftois- 
sart, K. de L. viii. 60-64 ; xvii. 505. 



was a difficult task, to recover what was already lost 
wen-nigh impossible. The treasury was empty. Those 
of the Gascon barons who had accepted French 
suzerainty were committed hopelessly and beyond recall, 
and the struggle between the English Gascons and the 
French Gascons was fought out with all the bitterness 
of a dvil war.* 

A stroke of the pen could not undo the past, nor stop 
the slow but sure advance of the enemy east and north 
and south. 

By the terms of the indenture of agreement drawn up 
between the Prince and his Lieutenant it is expressly 
stipulated that under no circumstances is Lancaster boimd 
to continue in office after Jime 24, 1371. Then, failing 
the appearance of a new lieutenant, the Constable and 
Steward of Aquitaine are to assume charge of the 
Principality. At the root of the poUtical situation lay 
the financial embarrassment of the country.* Men-at- 
arms, as Froissart reminds us, cannot be expected to 
fight without their wages. If the Duke*s forces find their 

^ Chandos-Herald regards the war as a civil war — 

La v6issez guerre mortele 

Et en plusours lieux moult cruele 

Le frere fut centre le frere 

Et le fitz fut contra le piere 

Chescun de eux sa part tenoit 

A quel part que meulx li plesoit 

There was no principle at issue : a good instance is to be 
found in the Pope's own family. One kinsman, Jean de Cros, 
had betrayed Limoges to the French ; another, William Viscount 
of Turenne, he protests, had always been faithful to the English 
cause. (S^ letter to Lancaster dated Villeneuve, Non. Aug. 
1 37 1, Papal Letters, iv. 96). 

' The wine duties levied in the Isle of Oleron produced a small 
revenue for the war chest. Cf. Warrant dated 3 May, 1371, 
to Sir Thomas Percy, Steward of Poitou and Governor of 
Oleron to pay 600 franks from this source to the Marshal of 
Aquitaine (Delpit Collection, ccxxviii.). 



pay in arrears for more than a month he is to be at once 
free from all responsibility. 

: So with feelings of disappointment at the past and 
misgivings for the future, Prince Edward laid down his 
burden. No other course was possible. His doctors 
were despairing of his life, and ordering his inmiediate 
return to England. At Bordeaux the Duke of Lancaster 
was presented to a Parliament of the loyal barons, and 
received from them the oath of fealty ; the Prince was 
free to go back to the lingering death which awaited 
him in England. Yet the cup of bitterness was not even 
now filled to the brim ; one more sorrow was in store 
for him. To the bitterness of failure and the loss of 
health and strength was added the death of his elder 
son, Prince Edward, a child of six, who died on the eve 
of the departure for England. Prince Richard alone 
survived to continue the eldest line of succession. 

Lancaster was left at Bordeaux to bury his nephew, 
for the Prince was too ill to stay for his funeral,* and 
then to take up the task of holding Aquitaine. 

The work began without delay. No sooner had his 
brother hoisted sail, than news came to Bordeaux that 
the Breton garrison of P^rigueux had made a sally and 
captured Montpont-sur-l'Isle.* Lancaster began his task 
with energy. He marched out to Montpont,' invested 

^ Kervyn de Lettenhove. Froissart. Note, vol. viii., 432. The 
body was brought to England later by the command of 
Richard II. 

2 Chr. Vol. p. 208, Chr. Norm. p. 200. The town in ques- 
tion is Montpont-sur-l'Isle (Dordogne arr. de Riberac), not 
Montpont in Rouergne, with which it has often been confused. 
It was taken by a column from P^rigueux, which helps to fix the 
situation ; Chr. Norm, is explicit as to the site — " bien avant 
vers Bordeaux." Gregory XI, in his anxiety for peace writes to 
Charles V asking him to forbid the Duke of Anjou to attempt 
the relief of Montpont, at least in his own person (^Datum sub sig- 
neio nostro secrete, 14 Kal. Feb. Avignon 1371 (Papal Letters, 
iv. 92). 

3 Froissart K. de L. viii, 64-76; xvii 506-7, Cf. Petit Thala- 



the town closely, and after a vigorous siege lasting some 
weeks, won it back from the French. Montpont was 
only a pawn in the great game of the French conquest 
of Aquitaine, but in one respect its capture was a 
triumph for the new Lieutenant. For the second time 
he had scored a success over the great Breton general. 
Du Guesclin had marched to raise the siege, but he came 
too late — only in time to find the English flag floating 
from its walls. 

For six months after the capture of Montpont 
Lancaster fought on the ever-shifting frontier of Aqui- 
taine with varying fortune. Montpont fell in February ; 
he is back at Bordeaux in March ; in April he is at Niort 
in the north ; in May at Saintes and Pons, and he is back 
again at Bordeaux in the sunmier. Here and there a 
Gascon baron tmned French and carried over his lands 
and castles to the enemy; here and there the English 
won back some stronghold from the French. The cam- 
paign, if it deserves the name, was one of sieges and 
desultory fighting. There were no pitched battles ; there 
was nothing like a sustained plan of operations. But the 
general result is clear enough. Little by Uttle the 
French were gaining ground, and pushing back the 
frontiers of the Principality. 

Time passed, and with it the term of Lancaster's Ueu- 
tenancy. The terms of the engagement had been more 
than fulfilled on the Duke's part, for since February 
his men had not had a day's pay from the exchequer of 
Aquitaine. The Duke had been fighting his brother's 
battles at his own cost, and the financial burden could 
be borne no longer. In July he summoned a meeting 
of the barons and explained his position. On June 

mns (385) : Item aquelan meteyss, en lo mes de febrier, fou pres 
e destmg lo castel de Montpaon en Peiragorc per lo due de 
Lemcastre e mossen Aymo irs^yT^ del dich princep los quals y avian 
teugat ceti per alcun temps ; and Livre des Coutumes, 688, 
and Petiie Chronique d$ Guyenne, § 6$, 



24 his legal responsibilities had ceased. Although for 
the last six months his men-at-arms and archers had 
not been paid, and he would therefore have been justified 
in laying down the conunand, he had consented to remain 
at the head of affairs. Hitherto, out of consideration 
for the exhaustion of the country, he had levied no aid 
or tax. If he stayed on he would be compelled to 
" live on the country " with his army, a course which did 
not tend to the honour of the King his father, or the 
Prince, and which was not for the interest of the Princi- 
pality. So long as he remained in Aquitaine he was 
ready to defend its territories against enemies without 
or rebels within, but he wished to be relieved of formal 
responsibility.^ On July 21 the Duke resigned his powers, 
and the control of affairs was taken over by two of the 
most trusted officers of the Black Prince, Jean de Graily 
Captal de Buch and Sir Thomas Felton, Constable and 
Seneschal of Aquitaine. 

This surrender of the Lieutenancy of Aquitaine is 
bound up with one of the events which had the most 
profound influence upon the Duke's life — ^his second 
marriage. Ambition has been admitted on all sides 
to have been the dominant note in the character of John 
of Gaunt, but satisfied with this general impression, 
none too explicit, history has not always consented to 
dwell for a moment on her judgment and analyse the 
motives at the root of this ambition. It is easy to take 
a statical view of a man's character, to hit upon some 
striking moment, some notorious and clearly understood 
phase, and by a hasty but unsafe generalisation to read 
all events previous and subsequent in the light of this 
alone. In 1371 it was John's ambition to play a great 
part among the Princes of Europe. He had not yet 
attempted to dominate the domestic politics of Englsmd, 
and some years were to elapse before the illness which 

1 Delpit Collection, ccxxx. 


ifiaced the Black Prince, and the dishonoured dotage 
rf the King, forced Edward's favourite son to act as the 
epresentative of the Crown. 

In 1371 the Duke had set his heart on Continental sover- 
eignty, and to realize the dreams of foreign ambition 
latural to the son of Edward III, he endeavoured first to 
txploit to the full the dynastic claims of his inheritance, 
tnd then when this failed to create new claims by foreign 

On the shadowy borderland of the great Lancastrian 
>atrimony there were several claims which a man 
imbitious of power and dignity might wish to assert. 
3ne of these was the right to the Earldom of Moray, 
i¥hich David II had granted to Henry Duke of Lancaster, 
^th remainder to his co-heirs for their lives, and which 
therefore should have descended with the other Lancastrian 
titles to Blanche and John of Gaunt.^ The grant is indis- 
putable. It passed under the great seal of Scotland and 
N3S witnessed by the leading magnates of the kingdom, 
mi not even John of Gaunt dreamt of asserting his right 
to the Scottish earldom. 

With another claim even more remote and more difiicult 
to make good, it was otherwise. The Duke claimed the 
I)ounty of Provence. To revive a long-dormant and 
[lalf-forgotten right like this is characteristic both of the 
Duke's temper and of his age— an age in which d3mastic 
:onsiderations determine foreign policy, and kings and 
princes haggle like lawyers over every clause in the 
family title deeds. 

Such as it was, the claim arose in this way. Raymond 
V^I of Provence had four daughters. All were beautiful, 
and all were wooed by royal suitors. Margaret, the 
ddest, married Saint Louis ; the second daughter, 
Eleanor, married Henry III of England ; while Sanchia, 

* Dated Dundee, April 5, 30 David II. {Record Report, 
icxxv. App. (i) No. 119). 



the third, married his brother, Richard Earl of Cornwall. 
The County of Provence passed with the hand of the 
youngest, Beatrice, to Charles of Anjou, brother of Saint 
Louis. Charles, thus Count of Provence in the right of 
his wife, became in 1268 King of Naples and Sidly. 
The Angevin inheritance, robbed of one kingdom by the 
Sicilian Vespers in 1282, passed through the descendants 
of Charles to Joanna Queen of Naples and Countess of 
Provence, who held it when John of Gaimt put forward 
his claim. 

Though the youngest of Raymond's daughters haa 
been allowed to carry the County to her husband and 
her children, her elder sister Eleanor, Queen of Henry ITI, 
retained or claimed to retain certain rights in Provence. 
These she made over to her grandsons Thomas and 
Henry, Earls of Lancaster, and their issue, and from 
Henry they passed with the rest of the patrimony to 
Blanche of Lancaster and her husband. Queen Eleanor's 
grant had been confirmed by Edward I and Edward H.* 
It remained a dead letter, but it was not forgotten, 
nor was John of Gaunt a man to lose sight of any claim 
which inheritance might bring him. When he came 
back to England from the council at Bayonne, at which 
Don Pedro had poured out his sorrows and his promises 
to the Gascon barons, he procured a renewal of the 
time-honoured grant of his ancestress.* The moment 
chosen to revive this visionary right is suggestive. At 
the council of Bayonne there was another royal suitor 
besides Don Pedro entreating Prince Edward's help, 
Dom Jayme, the de jure King of Majorca, and 
husband of the same Joanna who now called herself 
Queen of Naples and Countess of Provence. Was some 
concession as to the Lancastrian claim to be part of the 

* Dated York, June 5, 13 13 (Delpit Collection, xdx.). 

* Inspeximus of the letters patent of Edward II, dated West- 
minster, 30 October, 1366 (Delpit ibid. cci. p. 124.) 



ice to be paid by Dom Jayme for his restoration to 
s Balearic kingdom ? The conjecture is tempting, 
it if there is anything in it, it is more than probable 
lat Dom Jayme was reckoning without his consort, 
r Joanna of Naples had no intention of being dis- 
3ssessed of the Coimty of Provence. The disastrous 
iding to the campaign of 1367 put an end once and for 
1 to the knight-errantry of the Black Prince. With 
quitaine in arms he had enough to do in setting his own 
rase in order, and was compelled to abandon the 
iccour of distressed monarchs, Dom Jayme among the 
imber. Had it been otherwise, the Prince might 
srfaaps have been engaged by his brother in an attempt 
> make good this far-fetched claim. 
What is certain is that Lancaster's ambitions became 
lown, and that Queen Joanna took alarm. For the King- 
)m of Sicily she owned the suzerainty of the ApostoUc See, 
id the Pope took up the cause of his vassal. The next 
jar Urban sent a legate to the English court with a Bull of 
monstrance.^ The Duke's rights were denied in round 
rms, and the King was entreated not to allow his am- 
tiousson to take up arms in an unjust quarrel and so to 
sturb the peace of princes. Negotiations dragged on for 
vend years, of course to no purpose. As late as 1371 
r^ory XI issued a mandate to the Bishops of London 
id Worcester to inform themselves as to the Duke's 
;hts and to report to the Curia,* but needless to say no 
oglish army invaded Provence, and the Duke never 
ok any practical steps to become Count of Provence. 

^ Dated Viterbo, vii. Kal. August, 5 Urban V. 1367 (Foed VI. 
9). Baines confuses the claim to the County of Provence 
th an impossible claim to the Kingdom of Sicily (History of 
f Duchy of Lancaster, 351). 

* Dat^ Avignon, 2 Kal. April, 1371. Papal Letters M, 169 ; 99. 
. Warrant to Raif de Erghum his Chancellor to pay 40^. to a 
Msenger who brought the Pope's Bull touching his right to the 
mnty of Provence, dated The Savoy, April 17, 46 Edw. Ill) 
)72) Keg, 1. 1 146. 



Neverthdess, the foreign ambitions remained. John 
of Gaimt had not given up the game. The luck was 
against him ; he doubled the stakes. There were bigger 
prizes than Provence to be won ; one of these was the 
throne of Don Pedro, the crown of Castile and Leon. 

In the flight from Castile in 1366 Don Pedro had 
brought with him to Bordeaux his three daughters, 
Beatrice, Constance, and Isabel. The eldest took the 
veil and died soon after. The second remained the 
heiress of Castile, and with her sister Isabel the sole sur- 
vivor of the House of Biu-gundy. 

An emigrie Princess, Uving on the charity of a foreign 
court, without dynastic alliances, and having for friends 
only the few courtiers who still clung to the fortunes of the 
fallen House, Constance must have found her position at 
Bordeaux doubtful and difficult. She must have seen 
about her the evidence of her father's ill faith in the ruin 
of the Black Prince and the rebellion of Aquitaine. 

But if she inherited nothing else, the heiress of Don 
Pedro had something of that fierce tenacity of purpose 
which had sustained her father single-handed in his life- 
long struggle with the feudal anarchy, and she had in no 
small measure the pride of race and instinct of royalty, 
and all the exile's bitter love for her native land. 

Lancaster's ambition, or as Froissart puts it, his 
council, suggested a match. To the Duke, Constance of 
Castile stood for boimdless possibilities of adventurous 
ambition. To Constance, the alliance presented a ready 
means of escape from the difficulties of her position, and 
perhaps the only possibility of making the dream of her 
youth a reality — the overtlu-ow of the usurper, the traitor 
who had stabbed her father after the fatsd day of Mon- 
tiel, and the restoration of the legitimate line. 

Though the succour of distressed princesses might fall 
in perhaps with the Duke's humour — ^for motives are 
often mixed and even politicians are men— there was no 



pretence on either side of any motive but convenience. 
Chaucer has no deUcate idyll of a romantic courtship, no 
meed of a melodious tear when thirteen years later the 
"Queen of Castile" followed Blanche the Duchess to the 

" For better or for worse " the die was cast. In 
September, 1371, at Roquefort,^ the Duke married his 
second wife. Constance of Castile became Duchess of 
Lancaster and, with a less certain title, John of Gaunt 
became " King of Castile and Leon." When soon after- 
wards Edmimd Earl of Cambridge married her younger 
sister Isabella the sole siu^ivors of the House of 
Burgundy had carried their rights of royalty to King 
Edward's sons. 

In November Lancaster landed at Plymouth with his 
bride. As the cortege passed through Exeter, Win- 
chester and Guildford to London, curious eyes might have 
noted new faces in the retinue of ** Monseigneiu- d'Es- 
paigne," Spanish knights wearing the Lancastrian livery, 
and a train of Spanish ladies-in-waiting of the " Queen 
of Castile." 

^ Froissart, K. de L. viii. 104-7 ; but according to xvii. 514, the 
marriage took place at St. Andrew. 


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Chapter V 


THAT Lancaster's second marriage had any imme- 
diate result upon the relations of France and Castile 
is extremely doubtful. 

It has been argued that Lancaster's claim threw Don 
Enrique into the arms of France and engaged England 
in a struggle with two enemies instead of one ; but this 
argument overlooks the fact that in 1372 the offensive 
and defensive alliance of the Kings of France and Castile 
was three years old/ Najera was a defeat for the French : 
Montid was a victory for the French. Don Enrique held 
his throne by the gra:e and favour of the Frendi King, 
and to him at least the alliance with the ultramontane 
neighbour was from the first a cardinal point of policy, 
and indeed a poUtical necessity. To the action of the 
Black Prince in 1366 and 1367, not to that of Lancaster 
in 1371, is it due that England began the second period 
of the Himdred Years War against a combination of 

At the root of the Franco-Castilian alliance lay the 
burning question of naval supremacy. Once only in the 
wars did a Castilian army march across the Pyrenees to 
reinforce the French ; there were negotiations for such 
assistance in 1374, ^^ is true, but they came to nothing. 
On the other hand, never in the dynastic struggles which 

* Dated Toledo, Nov. 20, 1368, Foed, VI. 598, 602. Cf. 602-3. 



convulsed Castile was an important battle fought without 
the aid of French troops. It must not be supposed that 
the aUiance was a one-sided bargain, or that Charles V was 
guilty of poUtical philanthropy. He got as good as he 
gave, and he got what he needed — Castilian ships to 
make common cause against the enemy, who in 1340 
and 1350 had defeated France and Castile in detail. 
Since 1350, however, the naval situation had changed, 
for, with a want of forethought which in the greatest 
military power of the day is Uttle short of extraordinary, 
England had neglected her navy and let the power won 
at Slu)^ and Winchelsea shp from her grasp. 

In the fourteenth century there was, for England at 
least, no "Mediterranean question." Only once, and 
then by accident, did an English battle fleet pass through 
the Straits of Gibraltar ; only once — in 1355— did an 
English army march to the shores of the Mediterranean. 

It was left to Genoese and Venetian, Catalan and 
Portuguese to dispute among themselves, with occasional 
protests from the corsairs of the African coast, for the 
mastery of the seas in which Great Britain now main- 
tains her most powerful battle fleet. But then, 
as now, England had maritime interests at stake 
second in importance to those of no other European 
State. Naval force exists for one purpose, and one pur- 
pose only — to maintain lines of communication ; to 
destroy any hostile force which can menace them. In 
the period in question those lines lay between Bayonne 
and Bordeaux and the home ports ; along the Channel, 
and between Dover, Sandwich and Yarmouth and the 
mouths of the Scheldt and Rhine. Here, therefore, on 
the routes followed by the great sea-borne commerce, the 
naval battles of the period are fought — at Sluys in 1340, 
off Winchelsea in 1350, off Rochelle in 1372. 

Although Edward III knew that commerce furnishes 
the sinews of war, he did little or nothing to create a 



royol navy, or to maintain in numbers and efficiency the 
ships of the English mercantile marine. In spite of pro- 
tests on the part of Parliament, the oppressive system 
of seizing merdiant ships for transport purposes went on 
as before — ^an abuse which did as much as the depre- 
dations of enemies to discourage maritime enterprise. 
England had no naval policy as such, for there was no 
fleet capable of being mobilized without delay and of 
keeping the sea for a continuous period. 

Faced, therefore, with the united naval force of France 
and Castile, England was found wanting. In this naval 
combination, which marks the second period of the war, 
lies the true significance of the alliance of Valois and Tras- 
tamare. It was this condition of affairs which a dozen 
years later enabled John of Gaunt to make out a case 
for the invasion of Castile, and to plead with some show 
of plausibility that he was doing for England what 
Oiarles V had done for France. English archers fight 
the battles of Portuguese independence, and help to set 
up the House of Avis, as French men-at-arms had set up 
the House of Trastamare. Portuguese galle)^ come 
across the bay to reinforce EngUsh fleets. In the eighties 
John of Gaunt can persuade Parliament that the answer 
to the coaUtion of Valois and Trastamare is the alliance 
of Portugal and Lancaster. 

But this is an anticipation. In 1372 England fought 
single-handed, and with disastrous results. On his 
return Prince Edward had surrendered the Principality 
of Aquitaine to the King, and in Jime, 1372, the Earl of 
Pembroke was sent south as the King's Lieutenant. 

Off La Rochelle Pembroke's ships fell in with the Cas- / • 
tilian Admirals, Boccanegra and Cabeza de Vac$, in 
command of a powerful fleet. A two days' action, 
stubbornly fought against heavy odds, decided Pem- * 
broke's fate. His ships were simk or captured. His 
treasure, the war chest which was to pay for the coming 

97 H 


campaign in Gascony, fell into the hands of the enemy, 
and the Earl himself was carried away into captivity. 

Meanwhile du Guesclin, now Constable of France, with 
energy almost amounting to genius, was pressing on with 
the reduction of Aquitaine. Town after town, castle 
after castle, surrendered to the Constable and his Lieu- 
tenants, Clisson, KerlouSt, Mauni and Beaumanoir — ^tbe 
Breton heroes who inspired Cuvelier's interminable epic. 
Chiz6, Niort, Lusignan, Cognac and Lancaster's town 
Roche-sur-Yon had fallen already. Poitou and Saint- 
onge were as good as lost. Chauvigni, Lussac, Moncon- 
tour, Sainte S6v&"e fell in August. Thouars, hard pressed 
by the besiegers, had agreed to surrender if no help came 
by September 30. 

The King resolved to save Thouars, and avenge 
Pembroke. Every ship that could be pressed from the 
mouth of the Thames to Newcastle and to the ports of 
Lancashire was swept into the harbours of Portsmouth 
and Sandwich.^ Every tenant in chief was simunoned to 
join the king's flag. Lancaster brought his whole retinue.* 
Even the Prince of Wales was carried from his sick bed 
at Berkhamstead on board the Grace de Dieu, the King's 
flagship. On the last day of August, when there was just 
a month to save Thouars, the fleet weighed anchor : but 
a month was not enough. The Channel in September 
is not a good sea for Uttle vessels dependent solely on sail 

* Orders to collect ships February 6 and 7, 1372 (Fo^rf, VI. 
708-9; 715-6); hastened, April 4 (ibid.). The date fixed lor 
departure was originally May i, but it was the end of August 
before the ships were ready. 

* The Duke orders ships to be collected Feb. 10, 1372 ; levies an 
aid Feb. 7 ; contracts for provisions March 3. Reg. I. f. is>-si. 

He receives 6,000 marcs for the expenses of the expedition 
(Register, Aug. 10). The King orders the guardian of the privy 
wardrobe in the Tower to give him " de nostre artillerie quatre mill 
quarelx " (Lettres des Rots, p. 181^ No. ci. Dated Westminster, 
August 26, 1372). Cf. Froissart, K. de L. viii. 205-7 • xvii. 



power, and before Edward's ships were out of sight of 
the Hampshire coast they met the full strength of the 
equinoctial gales. For a month or more the ships were 
storm-tossed on the Norman and Breton coasts, trying to 
beat up against contrary winds. They could never make 
Cape Ushant. The costly expedition proved futile: 
Thouars was perforce abandoned to its fate, and the fleet 
returned to pay off, nothing done. 

At the close of 1372 the military position was deplor- 
able. Before the end of the year AngoulSme had fallen ; 
La Rochelle had received a French garrison, and Thouars 
was in the hands of the enemy. Aquitaine was as good 
as lost. Only in the North the English cause seemed less 
desperate, where the Earl of SaUsbury was gallantly 
holding out against the Constable for Edward's ally, the 
Duke of Brittany. In the spring of 1373 Montfort came 
to England in person to concert a plan of action.* It 
was arranged that in the summer a strong army should 
be despatched to invade France ; the restoration of the 
Earldom of Richmond rewarded Montfort's promise to 
lead his Breton levies in the EngUsh army, which was 
to be placed imder the command of John of Gaimt. 

The summer of 1373 marks the zenith of Lancaster's 
ambition. Of late years EngUsh arms had suffered 
reverse after reverse ; there had been no victory since 
Najera, and at Najera the Duke, though acquitting 
himself well, had held a subordinate command. The 
short campaign in Picardy in 1369 had been con- 
trolled by him, it is true, but the army only amoimted 
to a handful of men. In 1370 and 1371 again he had 
fought for a losing, if not a lost, cause with few men and 
no money. 

Now he foimd himself Commander-in-Chief of as fine 
an army as ever left English shores during the Himdred 

* Froissart, K. de L. viii. 249-50 ; 266-8. 


Years War, with the sole and indepenctoit command of the 
flower of English soldiery, ^liat wonder that the mq 
of Edward III and brother of the Black Prinoe dnmt 
of victories and burned to win a place beside hk fafl|er» 
his brother, and Good Duke Henry among the natioii's 
heroes ? 

But this is not all. Strong as the desire for mililaiy 
fame was with the ambitious Duke of Lancaster, fliere 
was one desire even stronger, that craving for Cmitiwtital 
sovereignty, which Edward III had transmitted to his 
son and encouraged by his own example. 

Fascinated in 1367 by the spectacle of Castilian loyaltyi 
though in ruins, as in 1396 Richard II became *^y*^Mt^ 
by the spectacle of French royalty, Lancaster from 
the first had formed the resolve of winning back PtedloV( 
heritage, enforcing the just claims of his coQSCvt, and 
building up again the fallen fabric of the House of 

Thus the invasion of France in 1373 was, in the Duke's 
mind, but the prelude to the piece ; the drama vAiicfa 
was to begin on the fields of Picardy was to have its 
closing scene upon the battlefields of Castile/ 

Because the event behed his hopes and frustrated his 
intention, the intention itself has escaped notice. That 
interference in home poUtics, which in conjunction with 
military disaster produced his extraordinary unpopularity, 
has usually been placed half a dozen years too soon, 
while the foreign ambitions which give the keynote to 
his character and policy have been placed at least ten 
years too late. From the day when in the village near 
Bordeaux Constance of Castile united her fortunes to 
his, to the day when sixteen years later his army of 
invasion left Plymouth boimd for Coruna, the single aim 

^ The great invasion was to have taken place in the previous 
year, but was postponed on account of the Thouars expedition. 
Froissart, K. de L. viii. 91 -3 ; 1 18-207. 


John ok Gaunt. 

(From a Put are .tsirihtJ (o Lura ConttUL) 


of the Duke of Lancaster was to win the throne of 

The first and most obvious ally for a would-be invader 
of Castile is the sovereign who holds Oporto and Lisbon 
and commands access to the long and exposed Castilian 
frontier. Lancaster recognized the fact, and shaped his 
policy accordingly. 

So soon as the marriage was solemnized the work 
began. From 137 1 to 1386 envoys are passing to and 
fro between the court of ** Monseigneur d'Espaigne" in 
England or Aquitaine and the court of the King of 

By 1372 a treaty of alliance had been concluded be- 
tween John and Constance, King and Queen of Castile 
and Leon, on the one part, and Fernando and Leonor, 
King and Queen of Portugal, on the other,^ by which 
the allies bound themselves to attack the House of 

From the ratification of that treaty onwards the 
Duke has a stream of emissaries constantly flowing to 
the Portuguese court boxmd on diplomatic missions.' 

Just before the unlucky attempt to relieve Thouars 
offensive action against Castile was expressly contem- 
plated, for the Duke*s indenture of service mentions a 
possible invasion, and goes so far as to fix the numbers 
of his retinue to meet that event.* Further, on 
the eve of his departure for France in July the 
Duke empowers his consort to pardon rebels in his 
kingdom of Castile, an attempt to profit by the chronic 

* Duchy of Lancaster, Ancient Correspondence, No. 29. 
Dated Nov. 27, 1410 (i.e. a.d. 1372). Cf. also No. 30, dated 
July lOr 1372, and Foed, VII. 15-22 and 263. 

* Warrant to his Receiver-General to pay Mons. Lambard de 
Weston £20 and to John Mere 10 marcs lor their expenses on their 
«royage to Portugal, dated Hertford, Jan. 10, 1373, Reg. I. f . 169 ; 
Jo. to pay the Dean of Segovia 1005. which he had given him for 
his expenses, dated The Savoy, April 3, 1373. Reg. 1. 1 177. 

» Reg. If. 12. 



discontent among the semi-independent feudal nobles 
and to detach waverers from the usurper's cause, and 
on the same day he empowers his Chamberlain, Sir 
Robert Swylyngton, and his Steward, Sir William Croyser, 
with Sir Godfrey Foliambe, a trusted retainer, and that 
faithful adherent, Juan Guttierez, Dean of Segovia and 
afterwards Bishop of Dax, to negotiate as plenipoten- 
tiaries and make alliances in Castile/ 

The Duke's intentions, therefore, are beyond the range 
of doubt. They comprised far more than an invasion 
of France. Lancaster's midsummer madness — ^for such 
the sequel proves it — ^was the dream of following up the 
conquest of France by the conquest of Castile, of winning 
some great victory which should make him the popular 
hero of the hour, and then with the acclamations of the 
nation of leading his victorious army from Bordeaux 
across the Pyrenees, to cast the usurper from his throne, 
and to be proclaimed in the Cortes by that title to which 
he clings — John, King of Castile and Leon. 

With such high stakes it is not surprising that the 
Duke watched the game with feverish interest. Froissart 
does not exaggerate when he says : " Li dus de Lancastre 
et li consauk dou roy d'Engleterre avoient entendu k 
appareillier les pourv6ances si grandes et si belles, que 
merveilles seroit k penser." * 

The details of preparation fill the Duke's mind ; they 
are arranged months beforehand with elaborate fore- 
thought. He is careful to give orders that his archers 
shaU be picked men ; they are to have their wages paid 
in advance ; there is to be no pretext for failure to appear 
at the rendezvous on the appointed day.' 

Early in the year the Duke is pledging his credit with 

* Register I. f. 6i. Dated Norbourne, July 14, 1373. 

* Froissart, K. de L. viii. 268. 

« Warrants dated Hertford, April 17, 1373. Reg. I. £. 179. 



friends lay and clerical to raise money for the war ; ^ in 
the Eastern counties, in the Midlands and the North, 
the Duke's receivers have urgent orders to send all the 
money in their hands to the Savoy. In March his 
avener is buying horses ; ' his stewards are contracting 
for supplies and his commissioners of array are recruiting 
men-at-arms, and his foresters are choosing archers 
wherever men are to be found who can shoot true.* 

The first rendezvous was Plymouth, the date May lo.* 
The choice of the Western port shows that the 
Duke's original idea was to land somewhere on the 
Breton or west Norman coast, effect a junction with 
Montfort and his men, and after relieving the beleagured 
garrisons of Brest, Becherel, St. Sauveur and Derval, to 
advance between the Loire and the Seine, perhaps on 
Paris, but at any rate to dehver an attack from the 

This plan was abandoned. In the first place, England 
had lost command of the sea ; from Cherboiurg to Plymouth 
and from Plymouth to Brest the Channel was swept by 
Amaury de Narbonne, Admiral of France, and his 
lieutenant, Jean de Vienne." Then there was the usual 
delay in getting the transport ships together ; * unhappily 
for the Duke and his army, it was near the end of July 

^ Warrant to the Receiver in Yorkshire to borrow ;£200 of the 
Bishop of Durham and 200 marcs of the dowager Lady Neville 
until March next, dated The Savoy, March 23, 1373, Reg.I.f. i75« 
The Earl of Arundel lent him 2,000 marcs, and he received from 
the Treasury £1,977 5s. 6d. and 2,000 marcs on account of the late 
campaign in Aquitaine. (Reg. I. f. 171 and 178). 

« Reg. I. f. 176-7. 

' Warrants to the Receivers in Stafford, Lincoln, Yorkshire, 
Norfolk, and Suffolk, and to the Foreister of the Frith of Leicester, 
dated Hertford, April 19, 1373. Reg. 1. 1 159. See Note of the 
delivery of munitions of war to the Duke, dated July 28, 1373. 
Lettves des Rats, p. 193. 

* Reg. I. f. 179. 

" See Jean de Vienne, by Terrier de Loray, p. 61. 

« Orders dated April 28, 1373. Foed, WII, 7S. 



instead of the beginning of May before the freight fleet 
was mobilized — a delay which had the most disastrous 
effect on the fate of the expedition. 

Instead of Plymouth, Dover and Sandwich were 
chosen as the ports of embarkation/ and the line of 
advance was changed accordingly. 

By the end of July everything was ready. The Duke 
had appointed new constables for all his castles, for most 
of his officers were going with him to the wars ; he had 
prepared Tutbury Castle for his children and the " Queen 
of Castile " ; * he had named his attorneys and chosen his 
executors — among them, be it noted, William of 
Wykeham, Bishop of Winchester.' 

The army had mustered — something like fifteen 
thousand men, including 6,000 archers, all ranks being 
mounted.* There was a good transport service and a 
useful body of sappers and miners. Nothing had been 

With full powers as Commander-in-Chief of the King's 
forces, as Lieutenant in the realm of France and in 
Aquitaine,' with the prayers of the Church • and the hopes 
of the nation, the Duke set sail from Calais at the end of 
July, boimd on the adventure so bright in its inception, 
so gloomy in its sequel. 

At Calais Montfort's men, and soldiers of fortxme from 
Hainault, Brabant, and Germany added a few hundreds 
to the Duke's forces, and his popularity across the Border 

^ For the rendezvous at Dover and Sandwich see orders 
dated May 20, 1373. Reg. I. 1 59. 

* Ord* to prepare Tutbury Castle, dated Norboume, July 6, 
i373(Reg. I. 1 181). 

' Appointed May 11, 1373. Foed^Yll, 7-8. 

* The numbers given by Chr, Bourb. are 16,000. 

* The Duke's Commission is dated June 12, 1373. Foed,Vll. 


* For " Prayers for King John in his Expedition of Anns " see 
letters dated June 16, 1373. Foed, VII. 15. 



thought a contingent of some three hundred Scottish 
lances to foiget the national quarrel and fight under 
his banner.^ 

On August 4 the great march began. With banners 
and pennons flying, to the blare of tnmipets and the 
beating of drums, the Duke's army marched out of 
Calais and debouched on the plains round Guines and 
Ardres in three divisions or " battles." With the first 
were the Marshals, the Earls of Warwick and Suffolk. 
The Duke of Brittany was with Lancaster in the second ; 
so was Sir Hugh Calverly, the veteran campaigner, 
who now acted as " chief of the staff " to the Duke, as 
Sir John Chandos had done six years before. Then 
came the transport and baggage train. The Constable, 
Lord Despencer, brought up the rear. 

Straggling and irregular fighting were strictly for- 
bidden — a soldierlike precaution which, though difficult 
to enforce in an army of the foiurteenth century, saved 
the Duke from considerable loss. For the first third 
of the march, from Calais to Troyes, the line of advance 
was roughly that followed by Edward III in the cam- 
paign of 1360, viz. through Picardy, Artois, Vermandois, 
Laonnois and Champagne.' After leaving the marches 
of Calais the division into three " battles " was changed 
for a formation more convenient to an invading army 
on the march, viz. that of two columns. The western 
colxmm, under the Duke of Brittany, followed a fairly 
straight line to the south-east.^ Lancaster, who led the 

^ Froissart, K. de L. viii. 450. 

* For Lancaster's March see Grandes Chroniques de France, 
vi. 339-341 ; Chr, Vol. 245-48 ; Chr. Reg. Franc, 346-7 ; Istore 
et Chroniques de Flandres, ii. 136-9; Froissart, K. de L. viii. 
280-296; xvii. 542-5; Luce viii. (i) lxxxiii.-ciii. ; and Chroni- 
can Briocense, quoted by Morice, Histoire de Bretagne (Preuves i. 
pp. 47-8). 

' The itinerary given by the Grandes Chroniques de France (vi. 
339), is evidently that of the western column :^Calais, La 



eastern column, advanced in a direction forming a very 
irregular parallel to Montfort's line, keeping his men 
as long as possible in the fertile river basins, the valleys 
of the Authie, the Somme and the Gise. The two 
columns converged near Vailly-sur-Aisne, but Lancaster's 
right wing and Montfort's left wing were never faff out 
of touch with each other. The area enclosed between 
the two lines represents roughly the sphere of devastation. 

The western column marched past Licques, Th&rouanne, 
Hesdin, crossed the Authie at Doullens, which beat oflE 
an attack, and the Somme at Corbie. Meanwhile, 
Lancaster at a leisiu"ely pace had marched past Ardres, 
St. Omer and Aire, ravaged the lands of the Count of 
St. Pol, and after calling a halt for a couple of days near 
Arras, where he stayed in the Abbey of Mont-St.-Eloi, 
had turned due south, getting into close touch with 
his ally at Bray-sur-Somme. 

It was here that the greatest havoc was wrought. 
Santerre, Noyon, all that " fair and rich land of Ver- 
mandois," as Froissart calls it, were swept by the in- 
vading army. Roye, Essigni, Vendeuil and R6nugny 
were burnt to the ground. So thorough was the work 
of destruction that long after the invasion was over the 
French King's exchequer had to abandon all hope of a 
revenue from these towns, and the Receiver of Noyon 
was ordered to remit their taxes.^ 

From the ruins of Roye Montfort wrote a defiance to 
his French suzerain ; there could be no longer any doubt 
as to the side which the Duke of Brittany chose. 
Throughout Noyon, Soissons and Champagne there was 
a reign of terror. It was now the time of harvest and 

Marche, Hesdin, Doullens, Beauquesne, Corbie, Roye, Vailly-sur- 
Aisne, Oulchie ; then of the two columns combined, Gy^, Mardn- 
gny-les-Nonnains, etc. Cf. Chronicon Briocense. 

^ Mandements de Charles V, dated Paris, Jan. 4, 1374. 
(No. 1091.) 






vintage, but the year's labour and hopes went for nothing. 
To add to the misery of the crowds herded from all 
the country side into the strong places (the weak had 
been abandoned), they could mark the progress of the 
work of devastation by the flame and smoke of their 
burning farms and houses. 

From Nesle-notre-Dame to Rheims and from Rheims 
to Chalons and from Ch^ons to Troyes sentinels watched 
night and day from the walls of the defensible posi- 
tions for the signs of the English advance. 

On August 20 the Duke's army was signalled at 
Bray and Cappy ; in hot haste the Captain of Nesle sent 
a courier to the Governor and fichevins of Rheims. 
Rheims passed on the word to Troyes. Just as the 
Governor was sealing his letter the news came in of the 
occupation of Roye, while from the east Ch41ons on 
August 25 reported another body of the invaders across 
the Oise then camping between Pont I'Evfique and 

From Calais to Vailly the Duke had only met with 
one sign of activity on the part of the enemy. The 
captain of Ribemont had led a sortie and by a 
successful ambush cut up the retinue of Sir Hugh 
Calverly, to whom, however, no blame attached, for he 
was with the Duke and the main body of the army at 
the time. 

But the French had not been idle. Charles V had a 
policy, thoughtfully conceived and persistently enforced. 
It was not heroic, but events proved its wisdom. The 
" attorney " was " pleading his cause," and he pleaded 
long enough to weary the English general. Charles 
chose persistent inaction ; he had made up his mind to 
bow before the storm, until it should have spent its fury 

* The letters are printed in M. Arbois de Jubainville's Voyage 
Paliographique dans le dSpartement de l*Aube,pp. 148-150. (Troyes, 



and worn itself out. " Laissez-les-aller " — ^Froissart is 
speaking for the King's Council — " Par fumi^res ne 
peuvent-ils venir a votre h^itage ; il leur ennuira, 
et iront tous k neant. Quoi que un orage et une tem- 
pete se appert k la fois en un pays, si se depart depuis et 
degate de soi-m6me, ainsi adviendra-t-il de ces gens 

At all costs the hazard of battle was to be avoided. 
To hang upon the rear and flank of the invading army, 
to cut off stragglers and foraging parties, and in some 
measure to " contain " the movements of the enemy 
was all that Charles was prepared to attempt. 

This pohcy did not pass without comment. There 
were hot-headed critics who construed inaction as 
cowardice, and forgetting Poictiers, longed for the dajrs 
of " Jean le Bon." To those without the King's fore- 
sight, to aU who had failed to learn the lessons of the war, 
Charles was the dastard son of a brave if unfortimate 
father. But at least the Council was unanimous. Thanks 
to the Black Prince and English archery^ the belief of 
the invaders in their own invincibility was a creed un- 
questioned by the invaded. Not a voice was given for 
accepting Lancaster's chaUenge of battle. 

To carry out the King's pohcy, Philip Duke of Bur- 
gundy had been sent to Amiens as soon as the nunour of 
the coming invasion reached France. He was supported 
by Jean de Vienne, a brave and dashing captain both 
ashore and afloat, whose merit was soon to be rewarded 
by the office of Admiral of France. 

Philip the Bold, in spite of his name, was statesman 
first and soldier second. Perhaps, like Lancaster, he 
lacked the real essence of statesmanship. The Duke 
was playing his own game. His predecessor in 
1360 had bribed Edward HI not to ravage Burgundy, 
and had left the Regent and the rest of France to 
their fate. With equal preoccupation for the safety 



of his own lands the Duke showed now plainly 
enough his anxiety to get to the south. He left Amiens 
on August 17 ; the English did not reach Bray till the 
20th. When the Duke of Brittany was burning Roye, 
Burgundy had reached Soissons. It is true that he cut 
up an English outpost at Oulchy-le-Ch4teau, but that was 
by the way. The Duke could not rest until, throwing 
himself into Troyes a few days ahead of the enemy, he 
was within easy distance of his own dominions.^ 

Thus the Duke, who for the time represented the defen- 
sive force of France, had marched in line roughly parallel 
to but shorter and more direct than that followed by 
Lancaster, in advance of the invaders, and only three 
times coming into contact with them — ^at Ribemont and 
Oulchy, mere matters of outposts, and at Plancy, where 
there was a trifling encounter at the Barriires 
Amour euses. 

Meanwhile, the Court of Avignon, always anxious 
for the peace of Christendom, doubly so when the French 
King was in difficulties, had been roused to one more 
effort to stop hostiUties.* 

Two Cardinals, the Archbishop of Ravenna, and the 
Bishop of Carpentras with this object in view had 
been sent from Avignon to Paris, where their efforts 
were welcomed, if they had not been invited. The peace- 
makers followed Burgimdy to Troyes, charged with the 
duty of mediation, and parleying began so soon as Lan- 
caster came within sight of Troyes. But there was no real 
basis for negotiations. The Duke listened but paid 
no attention, and the cardinals returned with their 

Lancaster now stood at the parting of the ways : 

^ From this point onwards see CArott. Bourb. 50-51, which sa3rs 
the English lost 120 killed^ 180 captured^ in the fight round 
sabnrbs oi Troyes. 

* Papal Letters, IV. 125. 



the advance from Calais to Troyes had produced no 
engagements and no military result. He could go back, 
which would be inglorious, or he could go on, which 
would be useless. So much was clear^ for the tactics 
of the enemy had paralyzed the English attack. But the 
general failed utterly to realize the altered conditions 
under which he had now to conduct the campaign. 

He had avoided one possible but disastrous mistake — 
to fritter his strength away on isolated si^es. His 
fault was of omission, not of commission. The Duke, 
remembering Rheims, refused sieges. The French, re- 
membering Poictiers, refused battle. John of Gaunt, a 
respectable tactician, as he had shown at Najera, was as 
incompetent a strategist as his father, and had learned 
little from the generalship of the Black Prince. 

Only accident and circiunstances for which he was 
not responsible saved King Edward's campaign in 1360 
from ending in disaster. Then the captivity of King 
John and the exhaustion of France forced the hands 
of the Regent, and Br^tigni saved the credit of the 
English King. Now fortune, which had smiled on the 
father, frowned on the son. A repetition of the treaty 
of Br^tigni with its wildly favourable terms was impos- 
sible in 1373. The Duke could not have peace with 
honour. He chose honour with disaster, and went 

If he was not prepared to besiege Troyes (and sieges 
were difficult and rarely successful), he might have 
threatened Paris and tried to compel Charles V, that 
carpet knight, to don his armour for once and do battle 
for his throne. The Black Prince would have manoeuvred 
until he had the advantage of the enemy. Then he would 
have attacked and driven the charge home. There 
was something to be said for going back : there was still 
more to be said for forcing the enemy's hand and compel- 
ling him to fight. For the course which the Duke chose, 



there was little or nothing to be said. It meant the ruin 
of the army. 

So the advance continued, but under very different 
conditions. About six hundred horse had followed 
the Duke as far as the line of the Seine. Now Anjou 
Qisson and the famous Constable of France, recalled 
from the siege of the Breton towns (so much the 
Duke's invasion had done) to reinforce Burgundy, 
with their combined forces, were free to harry the 
Duke's flanks and rearguard and to cut up stragglers 
and foraging parties.^ 

It was the time of vintage and harvest when the English 
had advanced through Picardy, Artois, Vermandois 
Laonnois and Champagne ; when they left Troyes, 
September was nearly over ; the land of com and wine 
was behind them ; in front of them lay two-thirds of the 
journey ; the barren mountains of Auvergne, the Loire, 
Authie, Dordogne, Lot, and Garonne, all swollen by 
the rainfall of an unusually wet season. 

Leaving Troyes behind him, Lancaster marched up the 
valley of the Seine as far as Gy^, where he crossed, while 
Brittany with a detached force crossed the river just 
below Troyes itself and marched on Sens only to faU 
into a cleverly laid ambush of Clisson and to suffer ac- 
cordingly.' The first week of October found the two 
columns combined again, and preparing to waste the 
entourage of Avallon. 

On October i the Bailiff of Auxerre, writing to the 
Duchess of Burgimdy, reported that the invaders had 
just occupied Pothiferes, Pontaubert and le Vault de 
Lugny, and were destroying everything that they could 
find.' There was httle enough left for them, for the same 

• Froissart, K. de L. viii 307-21 ; xvii 546-50. 

• Chr. Bourb., p. 54. Et fut la plus grosse destrousse que les 
Anglois eussent en cellui voyage. 

• See M.E. Petit Avallon et I'Avallonnais, vol. ii p. 246 (Aux- 



district had been ravaged only the year before by Breton 
free companies, and the Burgundians had learnt the 
lesson. More fortunate, too, than the men of Vennandois 
and the northern provinces, they had been given time 
to get their harvest in, and the com, with every sort of 
movable property — "jusqu'aux fers des moulins'* — 
which could tempt destruction or plimder, had been 
carried off and stored in strong places. 

After leaving Avallon the real nature of the great 
march appeared in its true light : that of a disastrous 
military promenade. The fighting, such as it was, was 
over. TTie captain of Marigny-le-Ch&tel, it is true, 
plucked up courage to lead a sortie, but failed to do much 
damage.^ True to the King's policy, the " containing 
force " kept in touch with every movement of the invaders 
but steadily refused to come to close quarters. Leaving 
Troyes on September 26, the Duke of Burgundy had 
marched through Joigny, Auxerre, Varzy, Premery and 
Decize in a line parallel to Lancaster's route. From 
Decize Burgundy made a spurt, and getting ahead of the 
English, crossed the Loire at Roanne, a point a good 
deal south of the crossing place chosen by Lancaster, 
with the idea of heading off the English army to the 
west. But Lancaster, instead of striking westwards from 
Marcigny-les-Nonnains, as might have been expected, 
turned sharp to the south, and in spite of the time of the 
year (it was the beginning of November) faced the fearful 
prospect of leading an army to Bordeaux through 
Auvergne in the winter. 

At Clermont Philip the Bold gave up the pursuit. 
His lands had no more to fear from the invasion, and 

are 1867) ; quoting Comptes de VAuxois, and M. A. Chkieat^tudt 
Historique sur VSzelay, vol. ii p. 245-6 (Auxerre 1863); quoting 
Archives de la Cdte-d^or. 

1 Boutiot. Histoire de Troyes iL 234-5, quoting Arch. Dep. 
de St. Pierre, 



knowing that the enemy were doomed^ he was content 
to leave them to their fate. Cold and privation would 
henceforth deal with the invaders. 

The miseries of this last stage of the march can well 
be imagined. It is no longer possible to trace Lancaster's 
movements by the records of the villages which he 
Inimt, the despairing petitions of ruined communes praying 
for remission of taxes. In that rugged volcanic region 
of the Puy de D6me, the barren hills and scarcely less 
barren plateaux of lower Auvergne, there was little 
damage to be done. But the hardships of the march 
were intensified tenfold. The crossing of the Loire 
and AUier had accounted for the baggage train and 
transport ; now the horses began to get knocked up, 
and many of all ranks, high and low, had to march on 
foot, while provisions became daily more hard to find. 

Just at the time when at Westminster Sir John Knyvett, 
the Chancellor, was assuring Parliament that I^ancaster's 
forces had " stayed the malice of the King's adversa- 
ries and by their good and noble governance and deeds of 
arms had wrought great damage and destruction to the 
enemy in France,"^ himger and cold were thinning the 
ranks of the army ; horse and man were dropping out 
to perish of cold, disease, and starvation in the defiles 
and passes of Auvergne. 

With stubborn endurance and indomitable courage, 
which even their enemies extolled, the army, or what was 
left of it, struggled on. By December 14 Mur-de-Barrez 
and Montsalvy were reached ; * a few days later 

^ " £t ore taxd' Tan passe manda celes parties son filz le Roi 
de Castil et de Leon et due de Lancastre, ov© plusours grantz et 
autres en sa campagnie a grant nombre a aresteer la malice de 
ses dits adversoirs : queux parmi lour bon et noble govemement 
et fait d'armes ont fait grantz damages et destruction as enemys 
par dela . . . Rot. Pari, ii. 316a. 

* See Le Rouergue sous les Anglais, p. 271 (L'Abb6 Rouquette 
Millau, 1887). 

113 I 


How severe the hardships of the campaign had been 
may be judged from the result. 

On reaching Bordeaux the men began to desert in 
scores ; the King was compelled to issue a writ to the 
Mayor and Sheriffs of London ordering the arrest of 
all who returned without the Duke's licence.* 

With what remained of his army Lancaster, after 
spending Christmas at Bordeaux, prepared to take the 
field again in the spring against the Duke of Anjou, who 
had been sent to the south in command of a considerable 
force. In spite of his losses, Lancaster managed to 
secure a few gains in the debatable land of the Gascon 
frontier. Though without any permanent influence on 
the fate of EngUsh Aquitaine, they were considerable 
enough to alarm Anjou, who entered into conununication 
with his ally south of the Pyrenees. Don Enrique had 
promised to lead 30,000 men to his assistance, and a day 
had been fixed for a pitched battle near Moissac in the 
spring, when further hostilities were postponed by a 
truce. Once more the Pope had attempted the thankless 
task of peace-making.* Threats of excommunication, 
coupled with the fact that plague and famine* were 
ravaging the south of France and that both sides were 
weary of the struggle, produced the desired result. 

At Perigord the French and English generals patched 

* Dated Jan. 8, 1374. After Lancaster reached the Duchy : 
" Nous est dit que pour tant ascuns de gentz du dit hoste se sont 
tretz et pensent de soi trer deins bricft d'illoeques en tapizon et 
autrement de nostre dit fitz, sannz son congie, en nostre roialme 
d'Angleterre, en deshonour et contempt de nous et de mesme 
nostre fitz et arrierissement qe Dieu defende de notre dite guere, 
au damage de nostre roialme avant dit (Delpit Collection, cd. 
p. 190). 

* Mandate to the Patriarch of Jerusalem and the Archbishop of 
Bordeaux, dated Avignon, March 6, 1374. Papal Letters^ iv. io8 
and 135. 

3 L'an MCCCLXXIIII fo grant carestra de blat en Guasquonha 
que bale lo bochet deu fromen x. {Petite Chronique de Guyenne, 



up a truce, and Lancaster prepared to abandon the com- 
mand of Aquitaine to Sir Thomas Felton.^ 

The invasion of France had failed; the invasion of 
Castile was out of the question. England was disap- 
pointed ; the Duke's hopes were dashed to the groimd. 

Crippled in resources (for he had to borrow heavily 
before leaving Aquitaine),* and with the disappointment 
of the great failure, Lancaster returned to England in 
April, 1374.' 

According to Christine de Pisan, who, however, had 
no love for the Duke, and may be romancing, the King 
openly reprimanded him for his mismanagement of the 
campaign.* At any rate, for nearly a year he took no 
part in affairs. There was no ParUament between Novem- 
ber, 1373, and April, 1376, and the half-hearted attempt 
to continue the war in Brittany was entrusted to others. 

The Duke's ten months' retirement from public affairs , 
which he spent chiefly at Hertford and in his northern 
estates,' gave him leisure to think about the political 
situation and his own position. What his thoughts were 
may be judged from the result, for when he emerged from 

^ Lancaster agrees to pay John Cresswell and GeofErey St. 
Qnintin 6,000 florins for keeping the Castle of Lusignan (indenture 
dated Bordeaux, April 4, 1374), Delpit Collection, p. 191, No. cclii. 
Calendars of the Exchequer, i. 243. 

* Lancaster had borrowed 500 francs (gold) from the Chapter 
of St. Andrew at Bordeaux (Warrant for repayment dated 
The Savoy, June] 13, 1374, Delpit Collection, p. 192, No. cliv.) ; 
;^20 from Nicholas Duchayn, Aquitaine King at Arms (Warrant 
dated Jan. 17, 1375, ibid. No. cclviii.) ; 200 marcs from Benet Bod- 
sawe (ibid, ccliii. Warrant dated June 11, 1374), etc. 

' Warrant dated June 11, 1374, to pay JohnSnelle, Master of 
the Grace de Dieu, ;f 140 for freight on account (Delpit Collection^ 
p. 192, No. ccliii.), also ;fi8o to Marcellini Albertson for freight 
from Bordeaux to Dartmouth. Reg. I. f. 205. 

* " Si fu moult blasm6 de son pere et a petite feste receu pour 
ce que si mal ot exploicti6." Christine de Pisan quoted by Kervyn 
de Lettenhove. Froissart viii. 460 (note). 

' Register passim. 



retirement to exchange the rfile of Conunander-in-Chief for 
that of Ambassador, he appeared as the exponent of a new 

The conclusion had forced itself upon him that the 
struggle with France was hopeless. His readiness to 
abandon the first d3mastic struggle is the measure of his 
determination to continue the second. The dream of 
winning the crown of Castile has not left him. He has 
not yet learnt its unreality. 

As the forces of England cannot be divided, the 
enemies must be divided, or if this is not possible, one 
must be neutralised. ** Qui trap embrasse fnal eireinty 
Hostilities with France must cease. That is the key- 
note to the Duke's foreign policy for the next dozen 

The financial exhaustion of England gave him his 
chance. In spite of repeated rebufEs, the Papacy had 
never ceased trying to bring about peace ; in the spring 
of 1375 England Ustened to the proposals, and a meeting 
between envo3rs from both countries was arranged to 
take place on neutral ground. 

The Dukes of Anjou and Berri represented France ;* 
Lancaster met them at Bruges as the King's Lieutenant. 

^ The Duke's first absence was from about March 10 to 
July 10, 1375. His powers are dated February 20 and 21, 
and June 8, andletters of attorney March i, 1375. Foed, VII. 58- 
60, 61, 66-7. 

His second absence was from the end of October, 1375, to the 
end of March, 1376. His powers aie dated September ao and 23, 
and Oct. 10, 1375. The commission of the Dukes of Anjou and 
Brittany is dated Feb. 18, 1376. 

The first Truce concluded at Bruges June 27, 1375, lasted until 
June 31, 1376, Foed, VII. 68-9, 80, 82-3 ; the second concluded on 
March 1 2, also at Bruges, prolonged the first until April i , 1 377. 

King Edward confirmed th^ first Truce Aug. 24, 1375 ; the 
second, April i, 1376. Foed.VlL 88-91, 99, 100-102; Record 
Report, xlv. App. (JDiplomaHc DocumerUs), x. 279. 

Froissart, K. de L. viu. 327, 338-9, 343, 349-S^ 335; xvii 



Insuperable diflBculties lay in the way of a definite 
peace. The Duke stood on his royal dignity as King of 
Castile. Don Enrique was the ally of Charles V, and 
Charles' representatives refused of course to acknowledge 
the Duke's pretensions, and in the official documents 
that passed, denied him his royal title. Again, the Duke 
of Brittany was in arms against his suzerain and in open 
alliance with England. As yet there was no solution 
possible to the difficulties created by the position of 
Castile and Brittany. But there was no real hindrance 
to a truce. England was anxious for it, while France 
acted on the principle " reculer pour mieux sauter." 

After three months' parleying, the envoys concluded 
a truce at Bruges on Jime 27, 1375, to last for a year. 

In July Lancaster returned to procure the ratification 
of his terms ; in November he was back again at Bruges, 
working hard by personal efforts to bring about a better 

The routine of diplomatic negotiations was relieved by 
feasts and banquets, which gave to Louis, Duke of 
Anjou, the opportunity for the lavish display in which 
he delighted, and which provoke the horror of the French 
chroniclers, who complain that there is little to choose 
between peace and war, the money saved in soldiers' 
wages being poured out by the wanton extravagance of 
the King's envoys.^ 

On this occasion the Duchess of Lancaster accom- 
panied her husband, and it was at Ghent, his own birth- 
place, that the Duke's son John, also called " John of 

^ Chron. Reg, Franc., 361. The English chronicles echo the 
complaints. Lancaster stayed at Bruges ** in gravibus expensis 
r^^ni "... NuUas gratias reportavit. Coni: Eulog. 336. 

The Duke received 500 marks for his expenses on the first 
mission. Receipt dated Brug*, June 28, 1375 (Reg. I. f. 36). 

Cf . Warrant to the Qerk of his Great Wardrobe to send him at 
once by a safe messenger his collar and circle of gold and ;£ioo in 
gold. Dated Oct. 22, 1375 (ibid.). 



Gaunt," was bom, ou the return of the Duchess from a 
pilgrimage to Saint Adrien de Grammont/ 

On March 12 the truce was prolonged until April i, 
1377, and the Duke returned to England after nearly six 
months' absence. 

Kervyn de Lettenhove: Froissart, viii. 466-7 (note). 


Chapter VI 


THE Duke of Lancaster was never peculiarly sensitive 
to public opinion. Secure in the consciousness of 
his own power, he was usually contemptuously indifferent 
to the feelings with which the people regarded him, 
neither courting their favour nor fearing their hostiUty. 
Yet, as he rode from Windsor after the feast of the Garter 
on St. George's Day, to Westminster, where Parliament 
was to meet on April 28, his insouciance must have been 
to some extent affected by the prevailing sense of un- 

It was possible, indeed, without the gift of prophecy, 
to foretell an uncomfortable session, for various causes 
had contributed to produce a large measure of discontent 
in the country. There had been no Parliament since that 
of 1373, when, almost at the close of the Duke's disastrous 
campaign, every one had been deluded by the Chancellor's 
assurance that all was going well at the front. In view of 
the strong feeling in favour of annual Parliaments, a feel- 
ing by no means confined to constitutional purists, this 
three years' interregnum was sufficient to cause alarm. 

Further, the country, which had again and again given 
expression to the feelings of hostilit5^th which it regarded 
Papal exactions, and the relations subsisting between the 
courts of Avignon and Paris, received with surprise and 
disappointment the results of the negotiations which had 
been carried on in Flanders by the Bishop of Bangor and 
his colleagues, concurrently with Lancaster's negotiations 



with France, and the anti-papal or national party con- 
tended with some show of reason that the e£fect of the 
concordat of Bruges was merely to stereotype some of the 
worst ecclesiastical abuses which it had been intended to 

More general, however, and more serious than either 
of these sources of discontent was the disappointment 
caused by the military failures of the last half dozen years. 
A series of brilliant victories, Sluys, Crfcy, Winchel- 
sea, Poictiers and Najera, had reconciled England to the 
heavy burden of taxation involved in Edward's military 
ambitions, but, so soon as failure took the place of the 
success which had come to be regarded almost as the 
right of English arms, discontent at once appeared, and 
people demanded an explanation for this succession of 
misfortunes — the rebellion of Aquitaine, the costly fiasco 
of 1372, and the great failure of the following year. 

Nor was the administration of home affairs less un- 
popular. The King had of late years abandoned himself 
to pleasure and the control of affairs to ministers who 
failed to conunand the confidence of any one but an 
indulgent or indifferent master. The country suspected 
them of abusing their trust, and did not hesitate to ex- 
press the opinion that the shortcomings of the administra- 
tion were due quite as much to corruption as to incom- 

All this discontent found expression in the national 
assembly held in April 1376, which, on account of its 
well-meaning (though inoperative) efforts at adminis- 
trative reform, has achieved, somewhat cheaply perhaps, 
the title of the " Good " Parliament. As the episode 
which has now to be related marks a crisis in the history 
of John of Gaunt, and as his acts in this Parliament are 
responsible for the usually accepted tradition of his 
character, it may be well to define his position at the time 
when the eventful session began. 



In the first place it is dear that the attack deUvered on 
the administration was not aimed at Lancaster in person, 
and that at the outset there was no quarrel between the 
Parliament and the Duke. John of Gaunt had not 
chosen his father's ministers, and there was no obUgation 
upon him to accept responsibiUty for their doings. It is 
important to remember the directions in which the Duke 
had exercised his influence. Hitherto he had used the 
position which his territorial power as much as his birth 
gave him, to secure the command of armies and the con- 
trol of foreign relations. Indeed, up to the year 1376 
there had been little opportunity for that supposed inter- 
ference in home pohtics which is usually included in the 
vague phrase "Lancastrian influence," for during the 
last six years John of Gaunt had never spent twelve con- 
secutive months in England. From July to November, 
1369, he was fighting in Picardy ; then, after staying in 
England just long enough to get another army together, 
he left for the south, where the campaign and lieutenancy 
of Aquitaine kept him fully occupied for the eighteen 
months between June, 1370, and December, 1371. The 
year 1372, a year without a ParUament, the Duke spent 
in England, save for his two months* absence with the 
fleet in the autunm, but in July, 1373, he left England 
once more, not to return imtil the end of April, 1374, 
while from that date to the opening of the " Good " Par- 
liament two diplomatic missions to Flanders account for 
nearly a year's absence. 

If the country held the Duke responsible for the conduct 
of military operations and negotiations with foreign 
powers he could not complain, for that was the sphere of 
action which he had jealously marked out for himself. 
Even here, however, one reservation has to be made. In 
the Church question the Duke's sympathies were cer- 
tainly on the side of the Papacy as opposed to the 
national party, as his later action shows, but as yet he 



had not betrayed this inclination or formulated an 
ecclesiastical policy, and he was therefore free as yet 
from the impopulaiity which such sympathy would en- 
tail with a large section of the nation. 

In April, 1376, therefore, the Duke's unpopularity, 
such as it was (and it was in no way comparable to the 
feeling with which he was regarded three months later), 
arose from one main and principal cause. He stood be- 
fore the coimtry as the unsuccessful general^ the leader 
whose promises had proved delusive and whose policy had 
failed, the commander who had poured out blood and 
treasure lavishly in the war without achieving any result, 
who had impoverished the country and led an English 
army to ruin, where others had brought back king's 
ransoms and won victories which stirred the reluctant 
admiration of Europe. To this must be added the dislike 
of his countrymen for the Castilian marriage and their fear 
of the international difficulties which it appeared to in- 
volve, and the natural suspicion which they felt for one 
who, not content with his extraordinary position as the 
wealthiest subject of the English crown, surrounded him- 
self with royal state and claimed also llie respect due to 
the King of Castile and Leon. 

Such was the position of John of Gaunt when the session 
of Parliament began : he came to Westminster with the 
consciousness of failure ; his pride as a soldier touched, his 
ambition cruelly disappointed — a disappointment the 
bitterness of which can only be measured when it is 
remembered that for five years he had given his whole 
strength to the Castilian scheme, and that before another 
opportunity occurred of attempting to carry it out, he 
had to work and wait for thirteen years. 

On Monday, April 28, the "Good" Parliament^ 

1 For the '-Good" Parliament see Rot. Pari. ii. 321-60 ; Chr. 
Angl. 68-108; bcvii.-lxviii. ; Ixx.-bcxii. ; 391-4. WaJs. i. 
320-32 1 . Murimu th, CofUin. 2 1 8-20. 



opened in the Painted Chamber at Westminster, but, 
as the zeal for reform which animated its members 
failed to bring them to Westminster pimctually, the 
usual adjournment was necessary in order to allow 
late-comers to take their places. The next day their 
duties were explained to them by the Chancellor, Sir John 
Knyvett : to provide for the good government of the 
realm, the safety of the King's dominions and the prosecu- 
tion of the war — a sufficiently comprehensive programme. 
On all grounds a liberal subsidy was necessary, and the 
Conmfions were invited to sanction it without delay. The 
Commons, however, had no intenfion of doing any such 
thing, and preferred to assert the soimd constitutional 
principle that redress of grievances should precede supply. 
Before the King could have his votes there were scores to 
settle with his ministers, and, as a prelude to the attack 
which they intended to deUver, following the precedent 
set in 1373, they invited a committee of Peers to join their 
deUberations. Among those on whom their choice fell, 
the Bishops of London, Norwich, Carlisle, and St. David's, 
the Earls of March, Stafford, Warwick and Suffolk, and 
Lords Henry Percy, Guy Bryan, Henry le Scrope and 
Richard Stafford, John of Gaunt had two supporters at 
least, for Adam Houghton, Bishop of St. David's, was an 
adherent, and Henry Percy, though not yet a declared 
partisan, must from the first have been drawn to the side 
of the Duke by kinship, common service in the wars, and 
class feeling. 

Having thus stiffened their ranks with these twelve 
lords spiritual and temporal, the Commons next selected 
a " Speaker." Their mouthpiece was Sir Peter de la 
Mare, one of the knights of the shire for the county of 
Hereford, and steward to the Earl of March, a man whose 
courageous bearing justified their confidence, and whose 
sacrifices in the cause were to win him a place among the 
martyrs of Parliamentary freedom. 



It was no easy task which their choice laid upon him, 
for, true to the maxim that " the King can do no wrong," 
the Speaker, in attacking the royal ministers, had to avoid 
the semblance of attacking their master, and while de- 
noimcing the administration to show due respect to the 
sovereign himself. Sir Peter discharged his duty without 
hesitation, and without mincing words. 

The Conunons had been asked to vote supplies : every 
one must be aware how heavy was the burden of taxation 
hitherto borne by the country. Yet that burden, heavy 
as it was, would have been borne cheerfully, had the 
coimtry derived from it any proportionate advantage. 
The conduct of military operations had not been success- 
ful. (Here the Duke of Lancaster must have turned 
colour.) But the nation would have acquiesced even in 
failure, had the moneys voted been spent upon the war. 
That the reverse was the case was notorious. The King 
was poor because his Ministers were greedy and corrupt ; 
the constant need for taxation was the result of minis- 
terial dishonesty. It was imperative that a close 
scrutiny should be held of public accoimts. 

Sir Peter sat down. TTie boldness of his attack had 
made a great impression. The manifesto was a sufficient 
achievement for one day's session, and the House ad- 
journed. So far nothing had been said which could be 
construed as an attack on the Duke of Lancaster. The 
single casual reference to miUtary failure was the only 
point at which Parliamentary criticism had touched him, 
and at the end of the first day's session John of Gaimt 
stood absolutely free to choose his course. He might 
have stood aloof and watched the efforts of the Commons 
to assert some sort of control over the executive ; on the 
other hand, he might have thrown his influence into the 
scale of reform, and given his sympathy to the popular 
party, as the Prince of Wales was imderstood to have done. 
Unhappily for himself and for the peace of political life, 



the Duke chose neither the Uberal side, nor the cautious 
and safe alternative of ncutrahty. With any theory of 
popular control of the administration he had no vestige 
of sympathy, and, over-rating his own strength and under- 
estimating that of the opposition, he was not inclined to 
stand aside in the quarrel. 

The Ministers who had been, as yet covertly, attacked, 
were his father's servants. Criticism of the administra- 
tion was, in the Duke's eyes, criticism of the Crown, and 
the King's son was the representative of the Crown and 
the natural champion of the court party. 

Yet, when the session was resumed on the following day, 
the Duke's demeanour was remarkably gracious. It is 
quite clear that by the exercise of his personal influence 
he still hoped to avert anything like a definite conflict 
between the popular party and the court, and as yet not 
fully conscious of the extreme bitterness of feeling which 
animated the opposition, or of the strength of their cause, 
he reUed on compromise. 

Acknowledging the sacrifices which had been made by 
the country, the Duke, in a sympathetic address, invited 
the Commons to declare their grievances, and promised 
to use all his influence to secure redress. 

But the Commons were in no mood for conciliation or 
half-measures : they took the Duke's invitation literally, 
and through the mouth of Sir Peter de la Mare proceeded 
to make a sweeping condemnation of the administration. 
The first victims to be impeached were WiUiam Lord 
Latimer, Chamberlain to the King and a member of the 
Privy Coimcil, and Richard Lyons, a wealthy London 

Latimer was charged with oppression and extortion in 
Brittany, and with wholesale embezzlement of public 
money. In particular he was said to have sold the castle 
of Saint Sauveur to the enemy, to have prevented the 
relief of Becherel, and to have appropriated eight thousand 



marcs out of a fine of ten thousand marcs inflicted on 
Sir Robert KnoUes, which had passed through his hands, 
and to have perpetrated a similar fraud in connexion 
with a fine levied on the city of Bristol. 

Conjointly with Latimer, Richard Lyons was charged 
with similar misappropriation of public fimds ; they had 
lent to the King, it was said, twenty thousand marcs, at 
a time when no loan was needed, and had repaid them- 
selves twenty thousand pounds, the whole transaction 
being cloaked under fictitious names, and they had made 
a " comer " in imported goods, raising the price for their 
own profit to such an exorbitant scale that the poor had 
been starved in consequence. 

Even now, when the Conunons had declared war, the 
Duke hesitated to join in the struggle : he attempted to 
gain time, and after these sweeping charges had been 
heard, postponed judgment to a further sitting. In the 
meantime the Commons, for the first time, fell foul of one 
of the Duke's personal friends. Lord Latimer was of 
course well known to Lancaster, who had occasionally 
employed him in positions of trust, but he was not one of 
the Lancastrian party. Terrorized by the indictment of 
the Speaker, he had attempted to enlist the sympathy of 
one who was united to the Duke by the strongest ties, John 
Lord Neville of Raby, a constant companion of the Duke, 
who had enrolled him in his retinue. When, however, 
Neville hinted to the Speaker that the violence of his 
attack on one of the officers of the royal household might 
expose him to unpleasant consequences, he was met with 
the open threat that his own case would shortly be dealt 
with, a threat which the Commons made good by peti- 
tioning for the removal of Lord Neville from the position 
of Steward of the King's household. 

It is impossible to say, on the evidence which has sur- 
vived, how far Latimer and Lyons were guilty of the 
charges brought against them ; what is certain is that 



the Commons believed them guilty, and the Duke was 
compelled to allow them to be punished. Latimer was 
deprived of the ofl&ce of Chamberlain and placed under 
arrest, a number of peers going surety for him. Lyons 
was to be condenmed to forfeiture and imprison- 

When the Commons proceeded to attack Ahce Ferrers, 
they were adopting a course which, bold as it was, pro- 
bably commanded the S3anpathy of all sections of the 
House. The royal mistress had completely dominated 
the court, and abused the influence which she exercised 
over the King in the most shameful manner, interfering 
with the course of justice, and enriching herself at the 
expense of others, after the manner of her kind. One of 
the victims of her oppression was the Abbey of St. Albans, 
a fact which is not without its influence upon the history 
of the proceedings. The prosecution of the royal favourite 
came nearer to a direct attack upon the King than any 
other act of the session ; it also placed Lancaster in a 
position of the utmost difficulty. The influence of the 
mistress was the only serious rival to his own power with 
the King, who was completely infatuated with the woman, 
and could not bear to be parted from her. Personally the 
Duke had nothing to gain from her presence at the court, 
and everything to lose, for her connexion with the King 
discredited the court party, and, as will be seen, stood in 
the way of the Duke's own projects. Probably, there- 
fore, he was not sorry when, upon the imanimous peti- 
tion of the opposition, Ahce Ferrers was condemned to 
banishment from the court and to confiscation of 

In the middle of this conflict between parties, on 
Trinity Sunday, Jime 8, died Edward Prince of Wales, 

* On January 19, 1378, John of Gaunt obtained a grant (after- 
WBida surrendered) of the forfeited property of Alice Ferrers in 
London. Rot, Pat, 

129 K 


and England was thrown into mourning for one whose 
career is among the most brilliant and the most sad of 
whom her annals tell. If, as has been conjectured, the 
Black Prince had been the strength of the opposition in 
the battle with his father's Ministers, his death would 
assuredly have dealt the party a blow from which 
it could scarcely have recovered. Since 1370, however, 
the Prince had been unable to take any part in affairs, and 
apart from the tradition that he openly sympathized with 
some effort at reform, there is no sufficient evidence for 
the view which represents him as a violent partisan 
of those who were attacking the court, or for drawing 
an imaginary line of cleavage between the Prince of Wales 
on the one hand and the King and the Duke of Lancaster 
on the other. The inunediate political result of the 
Prince's death was not to discourage the popular party, 
which, on the contrary, redoubled its efforts, but to bring 
Prince Richard one step nearer to the throne and to in- 
tensify the suspicions of the Duke's enemies on the deli- 
cate question of the succession. On this subject all kinds 
of rumours were rife, one of the most improbable being 
to the effect that John of Gaunt chose this critical moment 
for a proposal to set aside the right of succession through 
females, in order to remove from the direct line the heirs 
of Lionel of Clarence, Philippa and her husband the Earl 
of March. No position more invidious than that of 
John of Gaunt at this time could well be imagined. 
He stood before England as Viceroy of a dying king 
whose heir apparent was a helpless minor. It was in- 
evitable that to the least ambitious of men, situated as 
he was, designs on the throne would be imputed. The 
Black Prince at least harboured no sach thoughts with 
regard to the loyalty of the brother who had been his 
constant companion and comrade-in-arms from boyhood 
onwards, for on the day before he died the Prince named 
first among his executors his " very dear and well-beloved 



brother of Spain," * and the best friend whom the Duke 
had to rely on in the troubled days after his nephew came 
of age was the Princess Joan. But the suspicion which 
the Prince repudiated the Commons chose to pubUsh and 
emphasize. The last act of the " Good " Pariiament was 
to request that Prince Richard should be introduced to 
Parliament forthwith, while to neutralize the Duke's power 
it was proposed that a permanent body of ten or twelve 
peers should be added to the council, some of whom were 
always to be attached to the King's person. In com- 
pl5dng with the former request and causing the lands 
and titles of the Prince of Wales to be at once bestowed 
on the infant Prince, John of Gaunt never forgave the 
thoughts which had prompted it ; the slur on his 
honour roused him to fury. 

A man of stronger purpose and weaker principle might 
have been tempted to some such treason as the Commons 
suspected, but Lancaster was true to the ethical code of 
his age and his class. John of Gaunt was of a different 
mettle from Henry of Bolingbroke, nor was England in 
1376 prepared for that change of dynasty which twenty 
years of ill government made welcome in 1399. 

A false imputation of disloyalty is the greatest wrong 
that a man can suffer, and Lancaster's thirst for revenge 
hurried him into a course of action which violated law and 
justice aUke. No sooner had the members dispersed than 
the Duke, assuming an authority which no King of Eng- 
land had dared to exercise, and for which no precedent 
could be found since the first beginnings of constitutional 
government, declared the " Good " ParUament to be no 
ParUament at aU, and condemned its acts as null and void^ 
He dismissed the council which the Commons had tried 
to place about the King, restored those who had been 
impeached, and allowed the King's mistress to return to 
the court. 

1 Royal Wills, p. 75. 


Not content with undoing the work of one of the 
longest and busiest sessions in the history of Parliament, 
he determined to punish the leaders in such a way as 
should ser\'e as a warning to others for all time. 

Two men in particular were singled out to bear the 
bnmt of his wrath. It was by the mouth of the intrepid 
Speaker of the Conmions that the defiance had been 
uttered ; among all the denunciations of Sir Peter de 
la Mare that of Alice Perrers had been the most vehe- 
ment. For once the royal mistress and the only rival of 
her influence with the King found themselves agreed: 
Sir Peter was sent to imprisonment in Nottingham Castle. 

The second victim was more illustrious and more diffi- 
cult to reach. Among those who had prompted the im- 
peachment of Lord Latimer, William of Wykeham had 
shown the greatest bitterness, even proposing, it is said, 
to refuse the prisoner time and counsel for his defence. 

But apart from his prominence in the attack upon the 
court, there were reasons which had suddenly changed the 
feelings of John of Gaunt towards the man who had 
hitherto in a special d^ee shared his confidence.^ 

William of Wykeham had risen from obscurity to such 
a position of influence at the court, that Froissart records 
with astonishment that without the advice of this single 
priest nothing of importance was done in England.* Such 
preferment the Bishop owed to his own administrative 
capacity and to royal favoiur. That the power of the 
great feudatories should be equalled by that of an official 
hierarchy was bad enough : that this power, created by 

1 The name of the Bishop of Winchester appears with those of 
five others who were all friends and household officers of the Duke, 
as sureties on the pledging of the Honor of Richmond in 1366. 
(Delpit Collection, p. 124. ccii.) William of Wykeham also 
appears as Attorney for the Duke in 1375. Foed., vii. 61. The 
only notices of 1 ancaster in the Bishop's Roister are purely 
formal, viz. mandates to the clergy of his diocese to pray for the 
success of the Duke's military expeditions. 

' Froissart K, de L., vii. 232. 



royal favour, should be used to oppose the King's govern- 
ment and criticise the King's ministers was intolerable. 
So argued the Duke of Lancaster, regarding the Bishop's 
part in the opposition as a double treason, to his sovereign 
and to his benefactor. So must be explained, but not 
excused, the treatment accorded by the Duke to the great 
minister, whose services to his sovereign, however con- 
siderable, were surpassed by those services to the cause 
of learning to which his two noble foundations have 
erected an imperishable monument. 

The Duke's vengeance was thorough. He chose two 
weapons to attack his enemy. The first was a charge of 
malversation, difficult to prove, impossible to disprove, 
and certain to carry conviction with those who were 
anxious to be convinced. It is needless to examine the 
charges in detail.* Probably Lord Latimer was innocent 
of several of the counts of the indictment upon which 
he was condemned ; certainly the accusations launched 
against William of Wykeham were merely the expression 
of poUtical hatred. 

The Bishop was condemned to lose his temporahties, 
which were granted to Prince Richard, and he himself 
was forbidden to come within twenty miles of the court.* 

The second mode of attack was more subtle in concep- 
tion, more far-reaching in effect. William of Wykeham 
did not stand alone. He was one of the class of political 
bishops with whom on more occasions than one the court 
had come into conflict in the past, and with whom there 
were to be bitter feuds in the near future. 

John of Gaunt, who had a habit of discovering interest- 
ing people, had met at Bruges a year before a certain 
priest John Wycliffe, who had formed decided views 

1 One may deserve notice in this connexion. Among those 
whom the Bishop was charged with oppressing were Sir Thomas 
Fogg and Sir John Seyntlowe, both retainers of the Duke. Foed, 
VII. 164-70. 

« Foed,YLl. 142. Cf. 132. 



about priests who neglected the cure of soak fw the care 
of castles, devoting to the secular service of the state 
livr:s consecrated to the service of religion. 

John Wycllffe, bom near Richmond in Yorkshire (until 
1372 a Lancastrian Honor), and connected with a family 
one member of which at least was known to the Duke/ 
had made an impression on the man who had discern- 
ment enough to see much merit in Geoffrey Chaucer and 
none in Walter of Peterborough. There were other \iews 
besides those in question, which Wycliffe held and pub- 
lished, but in order to secure co-operation on the lines of a 
particular policy it is not necessary to sjrmpathize \^ith 
a man's whole scheme of thought. 

Two months after the close of the " Good " Parliament a 
courier was riding from Westminster to Oxford, with a 
summons to Wycliffe to appear in London before the King's 
council,^ and for the next six months, by the mandate and 
under the protection of the Duke of Lancaster, the reformer 
was busied in exposing, with the all power of his moral 
carnc^stness and unrivalled dialectic, the abuses and evils 
of a corrupt church. Such was the answer of the Duke 
of Lancaster to clerical zealots for administrative reform, 
niicl so ended one of the most deeply interesting episodes 
in the political history of England. 

1 1 is unfortunate that by far the most graphic account 
of the events of these three months comes from a source 
whidi is rendered wholly untrustworthy by the violence 
of its ])ias. The story of the Monk of St. Albans, how- 
<»v(M- dramatic and full in detail, forms a most unsub- 
stantial basis for sober history. 

The tone of his writing may be gauged from its intro- 
(hu'tion. Nothing short of a miracle would be a fitting 
consecration of the efforts of the reforming party. There- 

» Warrant to the Chief Forester of Knaresborough to deliver 
one biirk to Sir Robert clc Wycliffe, Reg. I. f. 197. 

* Issue Roil, ]). 21X5. 



fore a miracle is forthcoming. One of the knights of the 
shire, our author's informant, on the eve of the impeach- 
ment, goes to bed, his thoughts full of the evils of the 
times. Naturally he dreams. With his fellow members 
he is sitting in the Chapter House at Westminster (though 
by a sUp of the pen the Monk of St. Albans says St. Paul's). 
He sees on the floor seven golden coins, picks them up, 
and being an honest man, goes about trying to find the 
owner. Strangely enough, no one claims the money, and 
when the finder, in his quest, reaches the Choir, he dis- 
covers a number of monks conspicuous by their black 
robes (worn also by our Benedictine author) and their 
pious and godly bearing. To his question if any one of them 
has lost the coins their leader repUes : " My son, those 
seven coins have not been lost ; they are the seven gifts 
of the Holy Spirit, bestowed upon you and the other 
faithful Commons who are to reform the abuses of Gov- 
ernment." Such is the proem : the rest is in keeping. 

The Chronicon Angliae for this period indeed reads like 
the " Annals " on the reign of Nero. Like Tacitus, the 
Monk loves bright lights and dark shadows, and abhors 
semitones. The reformers are men of saintly life and in- 
spired wisdom ; the court party are villains, traitors, 
adulterers and murderers. With an eye for contrast and 
a love of antithesis, the author cannot refrain from seeing 
some occult meaning even in the names of the hero and 
the villain of the piece. Peter, the name of the Speaker 
of the Commons, suggestive of apostolic boldness and 
eloquence, is worthily borne by one whose cause is built 
upon a rock of popular good will ! But as for John 
Plantagenet, Quantum mutatus ah illo I His words and 
deeds behe the name borne by the evangelist. Is he not 
altogether devoid of grace human or divine ? 

When, however, the Monk of St.Albans comes to describe 
Lord Latimer, his own words fail him. Conjuring up the 
picture of another patrician equally abandoned, equally 



pernicious to his country, the monk borrows the language 
of Sallust and dresses up Latimer in the rags of Catiline.^ 

Unfortunately no Lancastrian account of the year 1376 
has survived. Knighton's history breaks off abruptiy 
ten years before, and there is no chronicle, however frag- 
mentary, to balance the prejudice of St. Albans with the 
bias of the Savoy. Walsingham's narrative, toned down 
to respectability when the son of John of Gaunt had be- 
come King of England, surprises the reader not so much 
by its omissions and alterations as by the large amount 
of abuse which has been suffered to stand, and it is not 
unnecessary to place upon record a protest against the 
too literal interpretation of a chronicle inspired by the 
double acrimony of the chmrchman and the political 
partisan.* Though the staunch courage of Sir Peter de la 
Mare and the calm dignity of William of Wykeham must 
win the admiration and claim the sympathy of all impar- 
tial minds, it must also be admitted that the popular 
party adopted an extreme and somewhat vindictive 
attitude, and that it was their suspicion which drove 
Jolm of Gaunt from unwise obstruction to violent and 
unjustifiable revenge. 

There can be little doubt that to him the boldness of 
the attack was a surprise, an unwelcome revelation of a 
power the extent of which he had never realized, and 
the destiny of which he never even dimly discerned. 

The Duke's conception of political hfewas old-fashioned, 
not to say obsolete. The prerogative of the Crown and 
the predominance of the noblesse, especially of the royal 
noblesse, were among the presuppositions of his political 
creed, while, in his view, the sphere of the faithful Com- 
mons was merely to register the decisions of the Crown 
and to vote supplies for the King's necessities. 

1 Sallust, Belhim Catilinae, Ch. 5, Ed. Eussner. Chr. AngL 84. 
^ See Sir E. Maundc Thompson's valuable introduction to the 
Chronicon Angliae, pp. bdi. Ixiii. 



Hitherto he had taken Uttle interest in the proceedings 
of ParUament, but taught by Sir Peter de la Mare, he 
b^ins to give his attention to questions of ParUa- 
mentary representation. If pubUc opinion could not be 
ignored, at least its expressions could to some extent 
be controlled in the Commons, nor was the task one of 
extreme difficulty. Henceforth a Lancastrian party is 
a permanent factor in the composition of the "Lower 
House," as well as in that of the Lords or the King's 
council ; for year after year the counties where the 
Duke's interests predominate,^ send his friends, re- 
tainers or administrative officers, to Parhament as 
knights of the shire. A year later John of Gaunt 
will be fotmd receiving legal powers to nominate the 
members for the County of Lancaster, but the power 
which in that county possessed a legal sanction was 
exercised de facto in a score of other constituencies. The 
representation of Yorkshire was a matter of the Duke's 
discretion as entirely as that of the Coimty of Lancaster. 
In successive ParUaments the electors for the county of 
Derby chose Sir Avery Sulny, one of the Duke's master 
foresters. Sir Esmon Appleby, Sir Thomas Marchington, 
Sir Philip Okonore, Sir Thomas Wennesley, Oliver de 
Barton, or John de la Pole, all knights or esquires of his 
retinue, while Lincoln in like manner sent now a retainer 
of the Duke, now his feoder for the county, and now his 
chief steward. 

Time after time Sussex returned Sir John Sentcler and 
Sir Edward Dalynrigg, one a retainer, the other a friend 
of the Duke, while in Kent Sir Thomas Fogg found as safe 
a seat as John Mautravers in Dorset, or Sir Thomas Fychet 
and Sir Thomas Hungerford in Wiltshire and Gloucester. 
These are certain and obvious instances of an influence 
which must have been exercised also in many directions 

1 See map illustrating the territorial interest of the Duke of 



less easy to follow, and it is not surprising that the Duke 
was able to command the support of a respectable minority 
at least in the Commons, whenever he might desire to 
issue some manifesto or lurge a cherished scheme upon 
the country.* 

Not the least difl&cult of the tasks devolving upon this 
Lancastrian party was to defend the honour and good 
name of their leader among their colleagues. For his 
high-handed treatment of the popular leaders, coupled 
with existing causes of impopularity and reinforced by 
the hostility of the Church which had already been 
challenged, created for a time a fever of hatred for the 
Duke, for which it would be difficult to find a parallel in 
English history. Henceforth every word and act of John 
of Gaunt becomes the object of rooted suspicion on the 
part of enemies constantly on the alert to catch some 
rumour likely to damage his name, or to discover some 
fact capable of being twisted into evidence of criminal 
ambition, and where the sUght foundation of fact which 
gives stability to calumny is wanting, imagination 
sharpened by " odium theologicum " or political pas- 
sion readily supplies the deficiency. 

Dark stories of treason and crime crowd the pages of 
the ** Scandalous Chronicle " ; John of Gaunt is branded 
as an abandoned libertine, an unscrupulous intriguer, a 
traitor false to his country and to those of his own house, 
a murderer whose hands are red with innocent blood. 

The Duke's personal morality, if no better, was certainly 
no worse than that of the court ; the standard of English 

* These are the most obvious instances which strike one on 
comparing the " Return of every Member of Parliament " with the 

It is impossible to say exactly where the Duke's political in- 
fluence ended, and I recognize a number of names in the lists of 
Sheriffs (P. R. O. Lists and Indexes, No. IX.) which are famihar 
as those of members of the Lancastrian Household and Civil 



society in the fourteenth century was not exacting in such 
matters, and putting it at the worst, the Duke conformed 
to the standard. One amour in early youth, and in later 
life a liaison which lasted nearly thirty years, and was 
eventually covered by an honourable marriage, do not 
constitute a very heavy indictment against a man whose 
position exposed him to the temptations of one of the 
most luxurious courts of Europe. But the Monk of St. 
Albans launches reckless charges of gross Ucentiousness, 
pretending that John of Gaunt insulted the memory of 
the Duchess Blanche and outraged the feelings of the 
Duchess Constance in the most callous and shameful 
manner,^ while, in the pages of his inveterate enemy, 
the Duke, who though a hardened is an inconsistent 
villain, sins and weeps, errs and repents with a tiresome 
and suspicious regularity.^ 

Again, the proudest of Plantagenet princes, a "vial 
full of Edward's sacred blood," trained to arms by the 
Black Prince and Sir John Chandos, inured to hardship 
and danger from tender years, the man whose livery some 
of the bravest soldiers of the day were not ashamed to 
wear, and whose knighthood was more to him than his 
royal blood — this man placed by Froissart among the 
" preux " with Duke Henry, the Black Prince and 
Edward III, is, according to the "Scandalous Chron- 
icle," a coward. It is his habit to say "Go!" not 
"Follow ! " and to hang back out of the reach of danger 
while his men rush to the assault.^ 

This is merely the venom of the cloister, and could mis- 
lead no one, but charges of poUtical crime are more in- 

1 Chr. Angl. 75. 

« E.g. Chr, Angl. 328 ; Wals. ii. 43, 194, etc. 

* Chr. Angl. 205, describing the siege of St. Malo, 1378. The 
paraUel passage in Walsingham (i. 374) is softened down to in- 



To the author of the Chranican Angliae it was axiomatic 
that directly or indirectly the Duke of Lancaster was at 
the root of any base intrigue that came to light. For \ 
instance: in 1370 a Gloucestershire knight, Sir John Ifinster- 
worth, after betraying a position of trust in the army of 
Sir Robert Knolles, turned traitor and sold himself to the 
French. Seven years later, whUe engaged in a plot of 
that irreconcilable Celt, Owen of Wales, he was captured , 
in Navarre red-handed, carrying despatches from France ; 
to Spain relative to the invasion of England. When 
brought home he was veiy properly hanged, drawn and 
quartered, but before his execution he was allowed to 
write a letter to the King. This letter, which probably 
contained an appeal for mercy and the usual kind of 
promise of information, was opened by Henry Percy as 
Earl Marshal, and no more was heard of it. But the 
Monk of St. Albans must of course drag the Duke in, and 
leave it on record that the dying appeal of Sir John 
Minsten\'orth was suppressed by Lancaster and Percy 
because it betrayed the secret of some infamy with which 
both were stained.^ 

Once more : in 1380 a charge of treasonable corres- 
pondence with the enemy was brought against Sir Ralf 
Ferrers, a man who had for many years served the 
country in responsible positions. The supposed treason 
rested on the evidence of letters purporting to be under 
his seal, containing state secrets and addressed to Bureau 
de la Riviere, Chamberlain of the King of France, Clisson, 
and Bcrtrand du Guesclin. These letters were sent by 
Jolm Philipot to the Duke, then on the Scotch border, 
and the Duke caused Ferrers to be arrested and sent for 

* Chr.A71gl.6s-6; 135-6; 399. Wals. i. 310-1 ; 326. Frois- 
s«irt, K. de L. vii. 481 ; viii. 16, 50-51, 90, 430 ; ix. 508. Minster- 
worth held lands of Lancaster on the Welsh border, and the 
Register contains a warrant to the feoder to seize them on the 
ground of the tenant's treason. Reg. i. f. 91 and ii. f. 15. 



trial to the Parliament then sitting at Northampton. 
The Monk of St. Albans is quite satisfied of Ferrers' guilt, 
and relates how Lancaster himself, impHcated as principal 
in the conspiracy, was secretly encouraging his agent ; 
but in point of fact the incriminating letters, when ex- 
amined by a judicial committee in ParUament, were 
proved to be forgeries, and Sir Ralf Ferrers was acquitted, 
the Earls of Warwick, Stafford, Salisbury, and North- 
umberland, Lord Grey de Ruthyn, and the Prior of St. 
John going surety for him.* 

This running comment of maUce is kept up for the 
next dozen years, but it is in relation to the critical 
years 1376-7 that the charges are most definite and most 

It was at this time that the famous changeling story 
came into vogue, according to which John of Gaunt was 
no true son of Edward III, but really the child of some 
Flemish woman, juggled into the place of the infant whom 
Queen Philippa had bom and overlain at birth. To 
shelter herself from the King's anger "good" Queen 
Philippa had practised this fraud, only confiding the 
shameful secret, under seal of the confessional, to the 
Bishop of Winchester, and enjoining him to reveal it if 
ever the changeling should come near to the royal suc- 

It is not likely that John of Gaunt cared to challenge 
any views which might be held as to his personal moraUty, 
his courage, or his legitimate birth, but on one score he 
showed himself keenly sensitive, and there was one charge 
which he took the pains to rebut. It took various forms, 
from the crude version of St. Albans that Lancaster was 

1 Chr. Angl. 210, 278-9, 281 ; Wals. i. 447-8; Rot. Pari. 
iii. 90-93. Froissart, K. de L. xii. 378. 

' For the changeling story see Chr. Angl. 107, 398. The Baron 
Kervyn de Lettenhove, accepts it 1 After all, N*itaii il pas 
um Stranger dans la maisan royals? Froissart, xxii. 34 (note). 



plotting to murder his nephew,^ to the more elaborate 
fiction of a deep-laid international conspiracy. An ex- 
amination of the version current abroad may give some 
idea of the difficulties in which Lancaster found himself 
in the imhappy days following the " Good " Parliament. 

The great march of 1373 had proved a signal failure. 
What more obvious than to ascribe failure to corruption ? 
Between 1372 and 1376 envoys were passing between 
the Count of Flanders and the King of Navarre, an inde- 
fatigable intriguer, whose latest scheme was to organize 
a confederacy of Flanders. Foix and Brittany under his 
own leadership, and of course for his own ends, against 
Charles V. From the Navarrese court the Count's 
envoys brought back to Flanders a truly sensational 
rumour. There was a secret treaty, they had heard, 
between Charles V on the one part and the Duke of 
Lancaster on the other. Edward III was d3ang : Prince 
Edward's days were numbered. The early matrimonial 
adventures of Princess Joan offered scope not only for 
scandal, but for legal difficulties. A bull from Avignon 
would declare Prince Richard ill^timate. (In point of 
fact the Pope had threatened to issue such a bull when 
the life of Jean de Cros was in danger after his capture 
at Limoges, but Lancaster's intervention had prevented 
things reaching extremities.) John of Gaunt, with the 
support of Charles V, would then supplant his nephew, 
and, assured of the throne of England, would proceed to 
seize the throne of Spain, while, as the price of abandoning 
the French war, he was assured of the benevolent neu- 
trality of Charles V.* 

If sensational reports such as tliis found a place in the 

* Consideravit enim senectutem regis cujus mors erat in januis, 
ct juvcntutcm principis, quern, ut dicebatur, impotionare cogi- 
tabat, si aliter ad regnum pervenire non posset. Chr. Angl. 92. 

^Archives of Lille, quoted by Kervyn dc Lettcnhove. Froissart, 
viii. 460 (note). 



diplomatic despatches of a foreign court/ it is not sur- 
prising that the rumours which have been noticed were 
current in England, and we read without extravagant 
surprise that in 1362 the Duke poisoned Maude of 
Lancaster, his sister-in-law, to re-unite the inheritance of 
Duke Henry, and that in 1376 he was plotting to poison 
Richard his nephew to secure the succession to the 
throne of Edward III ! ^ 

It would perhaps be scarcely worth while to repeat and 
examine the imsupported charges launched by the 
" Scandalous Chronicle," but that at the time they had a 
real poUtical significance in increasing tenfold the diffi- 
culties of Lancaster's position, and that since they have 
tended to give a real if imconscious bias to history. 
Severally unconvincing, they have had a cumulative effect 
upon the judgment afforded by posterity to the man who 
was their victim, for, though first cast out at random with 
the saving clause " ut dicitur,'* " ut fertiur," " ut qui- 
dam asserunt," they have been repeated not as rumours 
but as facts, and at first holding by a most precarious 
tenure, they have in course of time and by dint of repeti- 
tion acquired prescriptive rights, and have become history 
by courtesy. 

If John of Gaimt, by setting himself for a while above 
the law, helped to create this prejudice and played into 
the hands of the prosecution, it is only fair that his words 
and acts should be taken also as evidence for the defence. 

On Christmas Day, 1376, six months after the death 
of the Black Prince, six months before the death of 
Edward III, there was a great gathering at Westminster 
Palace. There the King, or rather John of Gaunt 
acting in his name, had summoned the great feudatories 
and ail the men of note at the court, and there he pre- 

^ For other echoes of these suspicions in foreign chronicles see 
Chr, Vol. 257-8 ; Istore et Chroniques de Flandres, ii. 144. 
a Kn. 116. 



sented to them Richard of Bordeaux as the heir to the 
throne and kingdom, while the Duke of Lancaster, first of 
all as the greatest of the Lords Temporal, knelt down be- 
fore the throne where his brother's child sat at the King's 
side, and swore to accept him as sovereign.^ 

How John of Gaunt kept his oath and how he replied 
to those who held him guilty of intended treason, he was 
soon to show. 

* Fxoissart, K. de L. vui. 384-5. 


Chapter VII 


THE last Parliament of Edward III met at Westmin- 
ster on January 27, 1377.^ Rank and file had been 
carefully recruited, and the whole army was ofl&cered by 
the Duke's partisans. Just before the session began he 
had given the great seal to Adam Houghton, Bishop of 
St. David's, an old friend in whose foimdations both 
he himself and the Duchess Blanche had shared. The 
Speaker of the Commons was Sir Thomas Hungerford, a 
man who owed his knighthood and his whole fortimes to 
the Duke, and who was entirely devoted to his master's 
interests.* The acts of a carefully packed Parliament, 
with Chancellor and Speaker in the Lancastrian interest, 
may fairly be regarded as the acts of the Duke, and a 
scrutiny of what was said and done in it will reveal the 
Duke's thoughts and intentions. The result is clear. On 
the one hand, Lancaster meant to answer the challenge 

* Parliament was summoned by writ dated Dec. i. 50 
Edward III for the quinzaine of St. Hilary following, and sat 
from Jan. 27 to March 2. Dugdale Summons to Pari. 291 ; Rot. 
Pari. ii. 361-75; Chr, Angl, 108-9; 395 111-4. Higd. viii. 387; 
Murimuth22i. Wals. i. 323-4. 

* Sir Thomas Hungerford was not the Duke's Steward, as is 
usually stated. He was successively Chief Steward North and 
South of Trent, an administrative office in the Lancastrian 

The Stewardship of Lancaster's household, an honorary position 
of some dignity, was at this time held by Sir William Croyser. 

145 L 


of the • * Good " Parliament in the most unmistakable 
manner ; on the other, he intended, while his &ther yet 
lived, to give the lie once and for all to the calumnies 
which had been circulated about his designs on the suc- 
cession. The acts and words of the Parliament form a 
manifesto of loyalty to the court and loyalty to the 
legitimate heir. 

In the first place, the Duke had insisted on the young 
Prince Richard being introduced into Parliament as the 
King's Lieutenant, and made a point of treating the 
child with pronounced deference.^ In the second, he 
had carefully coached his friend the Bishop of St. David's, 
and addressed Parliament through his mouth. 

The Chancellor opened proceedings in the Painted 
Chamber at Westminster with a speech, or a sermon, 
in which the words of the spiritual father and the courtier 
are somewhat grotesquely blended, beginning with an 
affectation of humility which is more conventional than 
convincing, seeing that he had the whole homily entered 
on the Rolls of Parliament. 

Compared with the wisdom of Lords and Commons, 
his own words can be but foolishness. Yet he knows 
they will willingly hear him — "Libenter suffertis in- 
sipientes cum sitis ipsi sapientes'' — the more so as 
he has good news to tell. The King has been afflicted 
with a grievous sickness ; that is not surprising, for whom 
God loveth He chasteneth. But now happily he is on his 
way to recovery. 

This was scarcely the fact, but it served to introduce the 
real subject of the Bishop's discourse. For the mention of 
the King's name is the signal for a eulogy not only of 
Edward himself, but of the whole Toyzl family. The on- 
slaught of 1376 had been an attack on the King and the 
court. This is Lancaster's reply. *' Consider, my lords," 

* Chr. AngL iii. 


says the Bishop, speaking for John of Gaunt, "if any 
Christian King or any other Prince in the world had ever so 
noble and gracious a lady to wife, or such sons as our Lord 
the King." The reference to Queen PhiUppa was singu- 
larly ill-judged when the affaire Perrers was fresh in every 
one's memory ; and it was going a Uttle far in view of 
1373 to say, as the Bishop proceeded to do, that the 
King's sons had not only made the name of England 
dreaded abroad, but had enriched the country and reahn. 
But the Bishop knew his points ; he was working up to 
the climax. The country should be grateful for King 
Edward and for the Duke of Lancaster. But not only was 
the King blessed in seeing his sons about him, but in his 
son's son. Turning to the royal throne where the child 
Richard sat, the Chancellor pronoimced a eulogy upon 
the heir who was to succeed to the throne of the glorious 
Edward. Then for the practical application of the text. 
Just as the wise men from the East had brought gifts of 
gold and frankincense and myrrh to the Child at Bethle- 
hem, so the faithful subjects of the King should bring 
their gifts to the cherished heir of England, in Uberal 
subsidies for the defence of the realm and in their true 
service and obedience. 

The political object served, the manifesto of the Duke's 
loyalty published, the Chancellor concluded in a brief 
sentence with the causes of the smnmons of Parhament 
— provision for the exigencies of national defence. 
Under colour of the truce the French had been pre- 
paring for war, and when war broke out again the 
enemy would not be single-handed. The Scots would 
be with them ; and finally (the reference is significant), 
Spain — ^that is, Castile under the usurping dynasty — 
would help to fight their battles. 

The Chancellor sat down, and Sir Robert Aston, the 
King's Chamberlain, rose to define in a few words the 
policy of the Government to the Papal See — to find a 



compromise between Papal claims and the King's 


As the business of Parliament heg^n, everything seemed 
to be working well. The obedient G>mmons voted a 
poll-tax of fompence, and refused to listen to the protests 
of the small minority who, in spite of Lancastrian elec- 
tioneering, had retained their seats from the last P^lia- 
ment, and were demanding a fair trial for Sir Peter 
de la Mare. 

On the committee of peers chosen (it is not dear by 
whom) to dehberate with the Commons the Duke's in- 
terests were sufficiently safeguarded. Arundel and War- 
wick, if not partizans, were at least friendly at this time ; 
Lords Percy and Fitzwalter were firm adherents, and 
Lord Roos was among the Duke's retainers. 

But the opposition smothered in Parliament found a 
voice outside : the Bishops gallantly continued the 
quarrel.* When Convocation met (February 2) William 
of Wykeham was not in his place. Obedient to the sen- 
tence of exile from the court, he had ignored the mandate 
to attend, issued by Courtenay as Dean of the Province. 
Lancaster had several firm friends on the episcopal bench, 
but whether it was from professional feeling or from want 
of nerve they did not disturb the unanimity with which the 
clergy declared their intention of refusing to proceed to 
business until their brother of Winchester was present. 

Yielding to pressure, the Primate appealed to the King, 
and William of Wykeham appeared and took his place. 

Courtenay had scored his first successes. He was not 
content. If the great Duke of Lancaster was for the 
time beyond the reach of spiritual or temporal weapons, 
if he coidd not be attacked in person, he could be attacked 
in the person of his friends. Having championed the 
Duke's victim, the Bishop of London undertook to make 

^ ChuAngh 114. 


a victim of the Duke's champion : he would bring John 
Wycliflfe to book. 

Wycliflfe was cited ^ to appear before the Bishops at St. 
Paul's on February 19, Parliament yet sitting. 

For six months the London pulpits had been ringing 
with denunciations of clerical wealth, luxury and 
worldliness, which were none the less galling because 
they were well deserved, and with anathemas of episcopal 
shortcomings, the application of which was obvious. 
For these crimes, the attack on the wealth and worldly 
ambitions of the prelacy, and for these alone, Wycliffe 
was arraigned^ 

The step was a bold one. It would never have been 
taken on the initiative of the Primate, for Sudbury, 
a man of peace and far from unfriendly to Lancaster, 
was not unenlightened, and for some of the abuses 
denounced by Wycliffe had scant sympathy. But 
Courtenay was a man of different metal. In his eyes 
the Primate was a weakling who was self-deceived. He 
was one of those crying peace where there was no peace : 
and there could be no peace while Wycliffe was aJlowed 
to preach with impunity doctrines subversive of the whole 
ecclesiastical and social order. But the dangerous 
fanatic did not stand alone. In the Court he had the 
most powerful support. As well as Lancaster, the 
Princess Joan was an adherent ; and more than half 
London openly S3nnpathized. Therefore when Courtenay 
resolved on the prosecution he was playing a dangerous 
game. He was pushing the quarrel with the Court party 
to extremes, and nmning the risk of aUenating the sym- 
pathy of his own diocese. But the game was worth 
playing, for Wycliffe was not only an enemy of the Church, 
but a friend of the Duke of Lancaster. 

John of Gaunt took up the challenge. His first step 

* For Wyc\iSe*s trial, see Chr, AngL 115-21 ; 397. Murimuth, 
223-4. Wals. i. 325-6. Higd. viii. 389-90, 



was to retain four friars, one from each of the great men- 
dicant orders, to defend the prisoner/ Because, later, 
Wycliffe and the friars were bitter enemies, this has been 
questioned. But there can be little doubt of it. In the 
first place it rests on the strongest possible evidence, that 
of the Monk of St. Albans,' who hated Lancaster and 
Wyclifie about equally. In the second place, there is 
nothing antecedently improbable in the friars defending 
Wycliffe in 1377. The friars loved Lancaster and hated 
tlie Bishops. Wycliffe was attacking poUtical bishops 
and the principle against which, in theory at least, the 
whole mendicant organization protested— clerical wealth. 
Here then was a chance of gratifying their patron and their 
animosities — and a fine chance for ecclesiastical polemics I 

The trial was to take place on the afternoon of Thursday, 
February 19. Long before it began St. Paul's was crowded 
to overflowing ; all who could had found places, but there 
was a mob of expectant sightseers outside, for half London 
was burning with excitement about the trial, the greatest 
cause celdbre of the day. At length the cort^e arrived : 
Courtenay and his brother bishops, and the prisoner, 
supported by Lancaster, Percy, and other notables, and 
followed by the four mendicants who held briefs for the 

The first difiiculty was to get Wychffe through the 
crowd into the Lady Chapel, and Percy, Earl Marshal, 
cleared the way with perhaps unnecessary violence. 
This was the beginning of a scene. Percy's rough methods 
and indeed the use of the Marshal's authority at all within 
the precincts of St. Paul's roused the Bishop of London, 
who ordered him to stop, and told him that had this been 
foreseen he would never have allowed him to enter the 
Cathedral. Lancaster joined in the quarrel, and told the 

1 Chf.Angl. 118. 

' [Wycliffe] ordinibus adhaesit Mendicantium eomm pauper 
tatem approbans, periectionem extoUens. Chr, Angh 1 16« 



Bishop that Percy would continue to act as Marshal 
whether the Bishop liked it or not ! 

By the time the Lady Chapel was reached every one 
was fairly heated. But the trial was even yet not begun. 
The prisoner had taken his place ; his friends were en- 
couraging him. The scene was memorable ; one which 
has most strangely repeated itself in the drama of 
history. A century and a half later, in the ancient hall 
of audience at Worms, Martin Luther stands at the bar 
before a Diet of the Empire ; as the Landgrave of Hesse 
and George of Frondsberg encourage the monk who single- 
handed has defied the thunders of the Church, so now 
Lancaster and Percy support the secular priest who has 
dared to expose the sins of the clergy. 

At Worms George of Frondsberg said to Luther : 
" Little monk, thou hast a fight before thee which we, 
whose trade is war, never faced the Uke of." * 

So now : hard soldiers like Lancaster and Percy must 
have admired the coiu"age of the poor scholar who had 
dared to defy the whole ofl&cial hierarchy of the Church. 

Whatever their own views might be, Lancaster and 
Percy were going to see fair play. 

Percy began the next episode by ordering Wycliffe to 
be seated. The indictment was long, and the prisoner 
would need rest. The Bishop of London refused to 
allow it ; Wycliffe as an accused priest in the presence 
of his ordinary must stand. 

As Percy and the Bishop raged at each other the crowd 
in St. Paul's grew more and more excited. There was a 
curious mixture of parties in London, for while the citizens 
were loyal to their Bishop, Percy was as yet a popular 
hero, and Wycliffe had half of London for him. The 
mob in St. Paul's began to take sides and make an uproar. 
When Lancaster joined in the quarrel it was worse. The 

* Froude. The Council of Trent, p. 53. 


Duke abused the Bishop, and the Bishop replied in kind ; 
as his admirers claim the victory for him, it may perhaps 
be conceded that the episcopal language was on the whole 
more powerful/ The Duke's temper was up ; he swore 
that he would humble the pride of the Bishop of London 
and all the bishops in England. " You trust in your 
family," said Lancaster (the Bishop was a son of the 
Earl of Devon), " but they shall not help you ; they will 
have enough to do to look to themselves/' to which 
Courtenay repHed with unction that he trusted in God. 

When a muttered threat of the Duke to drag the Bishop 
by the hair from St. Paul's was overheard, the uproar in 
the Cathedral became a riot. S3anpathy for Wydiffe 
might divide the mob, but in a quarrel between the Bishop 
and the Duke they were united. It had long been clear 
that there would be no trial. The meeting now broke up 
in confusion ; for the time Wycliffe was free. The devil 
had known how to save his own I* 

For a moment Wycliffe was forgotten. The insult to the 
Bishop of London excited the citizens to fury. It was 
taken as an insult to the city itself, and, as it happened, 
it confirmed their worst fears. The Duke was plotting 
against ci\'ic hberty and privilege. The " trial " took 
place in the afternoon. That very morning, so the 
citizens heard, a petition had been presented in Parlia- 
ment by Thomas of Woodstock and Henry Percy to 
replace the Mayor by a captain, of course a royal officer, 
and to extend the Marshal's jurisdiction to the city. 

The next day (February 20) the citizens held a meet- 
ing : ^ their privileges were at stake ; their corporate 
existence was threatened. In the middle of the debate, 
enter Lords Fitzwalter and Guy Br5^n. Fitz- 

^ Erubuit Dux quod non potuit praevalere litigio. Chr. Angl, 
^ Chr. Angl. 119. 
3 Chr, AngL 121-129; 397-398. 



waiter was himself a civic officer : he was a Standard- 
bearer to the City ; both had property in the city, and 
were entitled by citizenship to be present. But they 
came at the risk of their hves, for anti-feudal feeling ran 
high. Fitzwalter had news to tell : he came to add 
fuel to the flames. In violation of civic Uberty the Mar- 
shal was detaining a prisoner in his house. A fatal 
precedent. Let the City beware ! It is not clear what 
game Fitzwalter and Brian were playing, for both were 
supposed to be friends of the Duke. Perhaps they wanted 
to see what was going on, and it is just possible that 
Fitzwalter had some old score to wipe out with Percy. 
The history of the period is a perfect tangle of personal 
quarrels, and such an explanation is always antecedently 
probable. Whatever his motive, his story had a magical 
effect. The meeting broke up in a moment : the citizens 
flew to arms and made a rush for the Marshalsea. 
Percy*s doors were beaten in ; the prisoner was f oimd in 
the stocks and rescued^ and his stocks were burnt in the 
street. The mob searched the house from cellar to attic ; 
pikes were thrust through every curtain, and every cup- 
board was examined. Happily for himself the Marshal 
could not be found. As it happened, that day Lancaster 
and Percy were dining in London with Sir John d'Ypres, 
a rich London merchant, who had risen to knighthood 
and to so high a position of trust in the royal household 
that King Edward made him one of his executors. The 
mob did not know their movements, and failing to find 
Percy at the Marshalsea, made for the Savoy. It was 
this false scent which saved the Ufe of the Duke and the 
Marshal, for while the mob was howling outside the gates 
of the Savoy a knight of Lancaster's retinue rode to 
Ypres Inn to give the alarm. Breathless with haste the 
knight told his news : the Marshalsea was gutted, the 
Savoy besieged, London in arms and at the heels of the 
Duke. Dinner had only just begim ; in fact, according 



to the Monk of St. Albans, who has a most grzptDC 
and detailed account of the whole episode duly embel- 
lished with ornaments of his own setting, the Mors 
d'ecuvres had just been served. But there was not a 
moment to be lost. Lancaster and Percy rose and 
made for the river. The Duke took his baige up the 
river as fast as oars could carry it, and did not stop 
till he reached Kennington, where Princess Joan and 
the little Prince Richard were staying. 

They were well out of danger, for the blood of the 
Londoners was up. Stray retainers of the Ehike found 
it prudent to hide their badges ; one, braver or less prudent 
than the rest, who refused to hide the proud emblem of 
the Lancastrian retinue. Sir John Swjmton, a Scottish 
knight, was badly mauled by the mob, who dragged him 
from his horse and tore the badge of Lancaster from 
his neck. A priest who asked what the riot was 
about, being told that London was going to make the 
Duke release Sir Peter de la Mare, in a rash moment 
said that Sir Peter was a traitor, who ought to have 
been hanged long ago. The mob beat him to death. 
At length the Bishop of London, roused by the riot, came 
out to quiet his disorderly diocese. It was February 20, 
the middle of Lent, and the Bishop entreated the citi2ens 
not to distiu"b the sanctity of the lenten season. The 
promise of satisfaction succeeded in restoring some 
degree of calm — a result which speaks well for his in- 
fluence, and the rioters promised to return to their homes. 
One more picturesque episode before the day closed. 
Outside a shop in Cheapside there was hung up an escut- 
cheon bearing the Duke's arms — the familiar blazon 
Castile and Leon quartering England and France. Here 
was a chance of insulting Monseigneur d'Espaigne. 
The mob hung the shield up reversed, as was done with 
the arms of a traitor I 

It was no easy task which the flight of Lancaster and 



Percy to Kennington had laid upon the Princess Joan, 
but the widow of the Black Prince and the mother of 
Prince Richard was popular in the city, and she used her 
influence to the full to make peace. 

Three of her knights. Sir Aubrey de Vere, Sir_Simon 
Burley and SirLewisXUfford were despatched to the city. 
Vere belonged to the family that gave to Richard when 
King his greatest favourite : Biu"ley was to lose his life 
through his devotion to his young master, and CUfford 
was notorious for his Lollard opinions. The choice of 
emissaries was poHtic ; but they found the task of con- 
ciliation diflScult. The citizens returned an answer at 
once respectful and firm. " The Bishop of Winchester 
and Sir Peter de la Mare must have a fair trial " : and 
they would " have the traitor wherever he were found " : 
a rather obscmre threat, to which Lancaster found a ready 

A deputation followed to explain and excuse the riot. 
For a long time they were denied the King's presence, 
but at length the Duke consented to receive them, adding 
that the King was too ill to be disturbed. But John 
Philipot, spokesman for the city, stuck to his point. 
His message was for the King alone, and he was not 
empowered to convey it through an intermediary. 
Brought before King Edward, Philipot declared the 
grievance of the City : — the nnnour that the Mayor was 
to be replaced by a captain, and the threats levelled at 
the city privileges. As for the riot of the previous day, 
and the insults heaped on the Duke, that was the work 
of a few disorderly persons for whom the city was in no 
way responsible, people who had nothing to lose and were 
bent on making mischief. He protested, however, that 
neither the Duke nor his men had suffered any material 

^ Here the Monk of St. Albans is sarcastic : " Hoc " ait [Dux] 
*'de me dicunt": tamen non est ctedihiU eos de eo hoc dixisse 
QChr. Angl. 127). 



damage. Perhaps Sir John Swynton would have taken a 
different view I With that gracious demeanonr which 
always won the confidence of his subjects. King Edward 
dismissed the deputation with the assurance that he had 
never intended to cancel the Uberties of the city» but on 
the contrary, was prepared to extend them. 

As the emissaries left the presence they met the Duke, 
and promised him that those guilty of the insults to his 
name should be punished when found. Of course no one 
was found. So far from any discouragement to such in- 
sults being given, matters went from bad to worse. Lam- 
poons, composed in terms calculated to rouse popular 
passion, were posted about in the principal streets, and 
the Duke, stiU more infuriated, demanded that their 
authors should be excommunicated. 

By this time the civic dignitaries had become genuinely 
alarmed ; thinking things had gone far enough, and 
intent on showing their innocence, they stood by while 
the Bishop of Bangor formally excommunicated those who 
had defamed the Duke's good name. 

Wyclifie's trial and the next day's riot had e£fectually 
stopped the business of Parliament. When peace and 
order were sufficiently restored, the session was continued, 
but the Duke and the Marshal took the precaution of 
riding to Westminster with a strong armed retinue, and 
gave the city a wide berth.* 

The opposition of the clergy had only served to ex- 
asperate the Duke. Inside Parliament he could at least 
do what he would ; the majority he commanded would 
secure that. He used it to undo the last remaining acts 
of the previous parliament. Among the victims of the 
reforming party some were illustrious and others were 
obscure. The Duke insisted on restoring one and 
all to their former estate. The restoration of petty 

* Chr, Angl. 130. 


offenders could certainly not benefit him; on the 
contrary, it could only damage his reputation. Only 
one of the impeached, as has been seen, was a friend 
of the Duke. But in spite of this, Lancaster insisted on 
a complete reversal of the acts of 1376 ; nothing less 
would satisfy his vengeance, and without this the chal- 
lenge to the opposition would be incomplete. 

The answer to the city was equally decisive. Sir Peter 
de la Mare remained in prison. On February 23 a selected 
body of lords and commons went to Sheen to hear the 
answers given by the King to the petitions which had been 
presented, and to listen to the general pardon which the 
King had granted to mark the jubilee of his reign. The 
interest of the charter of pardon lay in the last paragraph, 
in which " Sir William of Wykeham " was excepted by 

The exchequer provided with funds and the work of 
" restoration " completed, Parliament dissolved. Lan- 
caster had achieved his objects, but at a great cost. 
He was involved in a bitter quarrel with the City and 
the Church. 

Since the riot the citizens had hved in a state of painful 
expectancy. It must have been something of a reUef 
when a royal mandate arrived, summoning the Mayor, 
Sheriffs and Aldermen to the King's presence at Sheen.^ 
At least they would soon know the worst. King Edward 
had only a few weeks to Uve, and when they arrived they 
foimd him propped up in his chair, and scarcely able to 
speak. In his name Sir Robert Aston, the royal chamber- 
lain, addressed them. 

They must know the cause of their smnmons. Insults 
had been heaped upon the Duke of Lancaster. The Duke 
was the King's son ; more, he was the King's repre- 
sentative. Therefore an insult to the Duke was an insult 

* Chr.AngL 131-^. 


to the King himself. The dtuEens would be well ad\ised 
to submit themselves without more ado to the Duke's 

This proposal did not commend itself to the officials of 
the city. In reply they could only protest their entire 
innocence of the events of the 20th ; for the disorders, 
which they lamented, they were in no way responsible. 
On the contrary, they were ready to do anything in their 
power to compel restitution. 

No one, of course, supposed that the Mayor had thrown 
stones at the Savoy, or that the Sheriffs had with their 
own hands posted up lampoons about the streets of the 
city. The fact remained that these disorders had been 
committed within their jurisdiction, and that they had 
done nothing to stop them, and to protest inability to 
maintain order was unfortunate at the very moment 
when the continuance of civic jurisdiction was one of the 
points about which they had shown such concern. 

To prove their sincerity, however, the citizens deter- 
mined to make some demonstration ; though the form 
which this took was peculiarly ill-advised. If, as is stated, 
the suggestion came from the King's advisers, it seems 
almost as though some mischief-maker had deliberately 
chosen a measure calculated to embitter the quarrel. 

A candle was prociu"ed, bearing Lancaster's armSj 
and the city magnates forming themselves into procession, 
which the common people, in spite of the crier's procla- 
mation, refused to follow, solemnly bore their peace- 
offering to St. Paul's, where they deposited it before the 
altarof the Virgin. 

t, A ceremony performed in memory of the dead inevitably 
suggested the wish that the Duke might shortly be in a 
position to require that honour, and to subtle minds 
conveyed a hint of his political annihilation ! 

Tlie City was disappointed. The procession had 
proved a failure, and the penance was performed by the 



? civic dignitaries alone. The Duke was not conciliated ; 
he chose to r^ard the whole effort as a deliberate insult. 
No one had been brought to book for the disorders of 
the riot ; there was no intention of so doing. The parties 
to the quarrel remained exasperated. 

Nothing would satisfy the Duke, said the citizens, 
short of making him King ! 

All this is petty enough, but the quarrel with the 
Church leads us to larger issues. 

In the fight with the Bishops Lancaster and Wydiffe 
had stood side by side. What was the true relation be- 
tween them, and what was the Duke's real attitude to 
the Church ? 


Chapter VIII 


IN the latter half of the fourteenth century the conditioD 
of the Church was such as to inspire thoughtful men 
with feelings almost amounting to despair. From head 
to foot the body of the Church seemed smitten with 
disease, and there were no signs of a healthy and vigorous 
life in any member. Papacy, secular cleigy» and "re- 
ligious " — all were alike discredited. 

When in 1305 the head of Catholic Christendom re- 
moved his court from Rome to Avignon, deserting the 
Eternal City for a town on the borders of France, that 
'' sinful city of Avignon," as the English Commons called 
it, something more than mere dignity was lost» something 
more than the prestige of immemorial tradition. Inno- 
cent III had aspired to imiversal dictatorship, to the 
arbitrament of the affairs of Christian Europe ; with 
Urban V and Gregory XI the interests of the Papacy 
during the war are no longer Catholic; they are 
parochial. The imiversal arbiter has become the 
political partisan. In 1377 the Papacy was already 
standing on the verge of the abyss, for no sooner 
is the " Babylonish captivity " over than the Great 
Schism begins. To the pohtical quarrels of Europe, 
which they are powerless to prevent or to compose, the 
Popes add an ecclesiastical quarrel. The seamless robe 
is rent, and Christian Europe is divided into two hostile 
camps. The infidel is pressing on their frontiers, but 
Christian princes waste their strength on internecine 



struggles ; while French and English, Castilian and 
Portuguese struggle one with the other, and Urbanist 
and Clementist spill Christian blood, the Crescent 
triumphs over the Cross, and Bajazet crushes a crusading 
army under the walls of Nicopolis. 

But while the Papacy abated nothing of its preten- 
sions, in the unhealthy moral atmosphere of the day it 
had caught the infection of that " covetise " which, as 
Chaucer in a serious moment tells us, was the predomi- 
nant vice of the age ; ^ the spirit of Lady Meed of the 
Visicm of Piers Ploughman corrupting all classes of 
society. This indeed was nothing new. ^ Had not Dante * 
at the beginning of the century written of the Pope 

... La vostra avarizia il mondo attrista, 
Calcando i buoni e soUevando i pravi. 
Di voi pastor s' accorse il Vangelista, 
Quando colei, che siede sopra I'acque, 
Pattaneggiar coi regi a lui fu vista. 

Fatto v'avete Dio d' oro e d' argento: 

£ che altro 6 da voi all' idolatre, 

Se non ch' ^li nno, e voi n' orate cento ? 
Ahi, Constantin, di quanto mal fu matre, 

Non la tua conversion, ma quella dote 

Che da to prese il primo ricco patre 1 

Fifty years later Boccaccio, in the frivolous setting of 
the Decameron,' has the story, profoundly significant in 
spite of its cynicism, of Abraham the Jew, who, pressed 
by a proselytising Christian friend, goes to Rome, sees 
the spectacle of the Papal Court, and in spite of this 
revelation, demands baptism, convinced that a Church 

^ Alias, alias I now may men wepe and crye ! 
For in our dayes nis but covetyse 
And doublenesse, and tresoun and envye, 
Poysoun, manslauhtre, and mordre in sondry wyse. 
(Chaucer, The Former Age, 61-4). 
* Inferno, xix. 104-1 19. 
' Decameron, Giomata Prima ; Novella II. 

l6x M 


which could survive in spite of such depravity must be 
built upon the rock, and can indeed claim a divine 

The facts of the chronicler are stranger than the 
fictions of the novelist. Adam of Usk» a prosaic lawyer, 
who had no love for Lollards or doctrinal reform, echoes 
the same cry : " Romae omnia venalia,** 

Adam, who, like Abraham the Jew, himself went to 
Rome, says : " There everything was bought and sdd, 
so that benefices were given not for desert, but to the 
highest bidder. Whence, every man who had wealth 
and was greedy for empty glory, kept his money in the 
merchants' bank to further his advancement. And 
therefore, as, when imder the old testament the priest- 
hood were corrupted with venality, the three miracles 
ceased, namely the unquenchable fire of the priesthood, 
sweet smell of sacrifice which offendeth not, and the 
smoke which ever riseth up, so I fear will it come to 
pass under the new testament. And methinks the 
danger standeth daily knocking at the very doors of the 
Church " ^ — ^words which most strangely anticipate the 
warning of the later reformation — 

That two-handed engine at the door 

Stands ready to smite once, and smite no more. 

If things were bad at the metropolis of Christendom, 
they were Uttle better in the outlying provinces of the 

In England two abuses in particular called aloud for 
remedy — ^plurality and non-residence. William of Wyke- 
ham, who in 1362, even before he was ordained priest, 
held a deanery of St. Paul's and of Hereford as well as 
twelve other prebends, was only an example, if an ex- 
treme example, of the prevailing system which Wycliffe 
denounced. He was only one offender out of many, and 

^ Adam of Usk, p. 201. 


his practice was the rule not the exception. To the 
prejudice alike of princiide, of ecclesiastical discipline, 
and of learning, the Church was invaded by an army of 
men, who, so far from devoting their lives to their pro- 
fession — ^it would be absurd to say their "calling" — 
had no intention of giving any portion of their time to 
the duties of the priesthood. Orders formed the neces- 
sary preliminary to a civil career ; the reward of clerical 
labour, whether in departments of government, the 
household of the King, or that of some great feudatory, 
was, according to the dignity of the service, a bishopric, 
prebend, canonry, or Uving — more often a number of 
benefices held concurrently. The result was inevitable : 
on the one hand, a body of ecclesiastics, differing in 
rank but agreeing in their interests, those of a secular 
ambition, from the Bishop who presided over the Chan- 
cery or Treasury, down to the absentee clerk who held 
a single benefice ; on the other hand, a laity alienated 
from the secular clergy, consisting of the rich who looked 
to others — the monk or the mendicant — to satisfy their 
spiritual needs, and of the poor whose spiritual condition 
was too often one of entire neglect. The duties of the 
parish priest were left to a substitute : a " curate," 
ignorant, poor, often the father of a family which canon 
law refused to recognize, struggling for existence in com- 
petition with the friar, who deprived him of the profits 
of the confessional, and the chantry priest, if possible 
more ignorant than himself, who absorbed the offerings 
wrung from the rich by family sentiment and superstition.* 

Such is the picture of the secular clergy of England, 
painted by contemporary hands. If some portions of 
the canvas are overcoloured, there can be little doubt 
that the general impression is faithful to fact. 

Against the regular clergy, the " religious," the charges 

^ See the valuable introdaotion to vol. ii. of the Monumenta 
Frandscana (Roils Series). 



are different. The chief sins of the monks are those of 
omission. Such services as the monastic system had 
been able to render to the cause of learning and civilization 
belong to the dark ages of ignorance and insecmity long 
since past. In this age the monks stood condenmed 
because, in spite of their enormous wealth and ample 
opportimity, they were doing Uttle or nothing for So- 
ciety. Doubtless in some places the standard of conduct 
was not what might have been expected of monastic pro- 
fession, but on the whole the complaints made against 
the monks by the men of their day are not so much those 
of ill-living as of idleness and luxury. With their wealth 
and power their pretensions had grown and their sense 
of responsibility had diminished. The wealthiest class 
of the conununity was aiming at exemption from the 
burdens of national life ; privil^e had taken the place 
of duty. 

Side by side with the secular deigy and the monks, 
stands the third great division of the forces of the Church 
militant, the mendicant orders, organized in four great 
battalions — Franciscans, Dominicans, Augustinians, and 

It was a true instinct which caused Innocent III to 
hesitate before sanctioning the scheme laid before him by 
the saintly enthusiasm of Francis of Assisi ; for the religion 
of St. Francis was in its essence spiritual, and therefore, 
had it been able to preserve the purity of its f oimder, de- 
stined to prove a solvent of the papal system ; and, on the 
other hand, the mendicant organization vras incompatible 
with the existing machinery of the Church. But the 
doubts of the thirteenth century had been long since laid 
to rest ; first one then another mendicant order had come 
into existence, to become a devoted militia of the Pope, 
to challenge the spiritual monopoly of seculars and monks 
and to earn the hatred of both. In England for more 
than a century the friars had secured an established 



position ; they had won their battle against episcopal 
control, and were emancipated from the diocesan system. 
They had their own independent organization, a hierarchy 
consisting of wardens or superiors, and Provincial, the 
Provincial responsible to the Minister General at the 
Papal Court, the Minister General responsible directly to 
the Pope. 

Like the monks, the friars had forgotten the early 
strictness of their rule ; a legal fiction which vested their 
property in the Pope evaded the Uteral interpretation of 
the vow of poverty, and the principle of " accommodation " 
disposed of the duty of manual labour. But in spite of 
shortcomings which poet and satirist are never tired 
of denouncing, the friars prospered. It was in vain 
that FitzRalf, Archbishop of Armagh, had fought 
his campaign against mendicancy and had been himself 
to Avignon to denounce the corruption of the orders. 
The friars, who had once seemed superfluous, were now 
indispensable. The Pope could not spare them. The 
laity were in their power, for they had wrested from 
seculars and monks the weapon of the confessional. 
Two-thirds of the laity of England confessed to them 
and received absolution at their hands.* 

The vices of all orders of ecclesiastical society did not 
pass without criticism. 

Chaucer, the genial man of the world, laughs at 
them ; Langland, the brooding mystic of the Mal- 
vern hills, weeps over them ; Gower, the sententious 
morahst, lashes them — and every one else who comes 
within reach of his arm. The age condemned them ; 
the age found a voice in one man — John Wydiffe. This 

^ "Tertio quoque nobis imponunt quod major pars dominonim 
et populi, sicut nobis praecipue confitentur, ita et nostro, ut 
fingnnt consilio in agendis potissime regulantur." Letter of the 
four claustral orders to John, Duke of Lancaster. Fasc, Ziz. 
p. 294. 



is not the place to tell the story of Wydifie's life, or 
to trace the development of his thought, the growth of 
his system. It is necessary only to indicate the point at 
which the lines followed by the great reformer and his 
patron intersect, to show how sharply they diverge and 
to what different pdes of thought they point. Suffice it 
to say that Wjrcliffe, like Luther, offended by practical 
abuses, was led by intense moral conviction and by the 
positive and rationalistic bent of his mind first to 
challenge the existing administrative organization of 
the Church, and finally to question its fundamental 
doctrines ; first to assail the outworks of the ecclesiastical 
camp, and finally to lay si^e to the very citadel of the 
Catholic faith. Wydiffe condemned the Papal system, 
with its exactions and '' provisions," its weapons of ex- 
communication and interdict ; he condemned the monastic 
system and the mendicant system, and contrasted the 
wealth and luxury, the secular ambition and temporal 
power of the clergy with the apostohc purity of the early 
Church. But while his doctrinal doubts and beliefs belong 
to the history of thought and the history of the Church, 
there is one beUef that now claims examination, the 
belief that in John Plantagenet he had found the chosen 
minister to reform the abuses of the age, and to set right 
a time out of joint. 

How Uttle justification there was for such a beUef, how 
far John of Gaunt was from the position of an ecclesiasti- 
cal reformer, how scant his S3anpathy with the ideals 
and theories of Wycliffe, will appear from a brief review 
of the circumstances which throw a light on his dealings 
with the Church and the ecclesiastical problems of his day. 

What was the Duke*s attitude to the regular clergy, 
the monks and the friars ? To judge by the rumours 
afloat in 1378, or from the impression created by 
the sensational author of the Chronicon Angliae, it 
might be thought that the monks regarded John 



of Gaunt as their peculiar enemy, the sworn foe of 
the monastic system and of ecclesiastical property. The 
credulous reader of the Monk of St. Albans will conjure 
up the vision of some Abbot or Prior, meeting the caval- 
cade of the Duke of Lancaster on the King's highways, 
crossing himself with horror at the sight of the Church's 
arch-enemy, and, with a muttered prayer to his patron 
saint, turning his bridle for the nearest way of escape. 
Such is the fiction ; the fact is otherwise. The Abbot, 
let us suppose, was a mitred abbot among the number of 
those who sat in Parliament and knew the Duke at West- 
minster. If so, he would know him as a man always 
ready to use his influence with the King or the Pope on 
behalf of a monastic foimdation. It is more than likely 
that he would also know him as a host, for abbot 
and bishop jostled knight and baron in the castle halls 
of Leicester and Kenilworth whenever the Duke had a 
party to hunt in the Lancastrian forests. So far from 
appearing as an enemy of the regular clergy, or a " sus- 
pect " person in their eyes, the Duke is on the best of 
terms with them. He is an indulgent landlord ; he visits 
their houses constantly in his endless journeyings to and 
fro in England,^ and the visit is usually remembered by 
the monks with satisfaction, for by Papal indulgence 
religious persons may eat meat in his presence,* and he 
leaves behind him some mark of favour, a remission of 
rent or grant of lands or privilege.* Licences for aliena- 
tion in mortmain the Duke, like other lay tenants, scatters 

^ John of Gaunt certainly availed himself of the " indult to 
enter any monasteries of religious men and women once a year 
with thirty persons of good repute " (a wise qualification). Papal 
LetUrSf iv. 167. 

• John, Duke of Lancaster, and Blanche, his wife : That re- 
ligious pca:9ons may eat meat in their house or presence. Petitions 
to the Pope, i. 422. 

» E.g. The Abbey of CristaU, i.e. KirkstaU, Hist, MSS, 8th 
Report App. p. 413, and Register /^asstm. 



with a lavish hand;^ he is constantly backing the 
petition of Abbots and Convents to the Papal court.* 

The man whom Wydiffe in 1376 thought to be sin- 
cerely opposed to the undue wealth of the religious orders, 
whom the country in 1378 believed to be plotting a 
wholesale expropriation of Church property, is the patron 
of more than a score of abbeys. He is constantly giving 
gifts, not only the small marks of favour like timber 
and venison from his forests, but gifts of land, solid 
endowments, manors, and the advowsons of churches 
and chapels. He protects the clergy from the rapacity 
of the King's officers and from oppression by his own 
purveyors.' He acts as their champion in difficulties 
and as arbiter in their disputes.^ 

Something of course must be allowed for the Lan- 
castrian tradition. The heir of Duke Henry could 
scarcely abandon foundations like Leicester, and the 
great monasteries of Fumess and Whalley looked to the 
Duke of Lancaster as their natural protector. But the 
Duke showed no inclination to break with the Lancastrian 
tradition, and Duke John in continuing the Hospital 
and Collegiate Church at Leicester* continued Duke 
Henry's pohcy, and besides those anciently associated 

* Register I. f. 31-6, etc. 

* E.g. The Duke supports thcf petition of the Benedictine 
Priory of St. Faiths, NorfoUc, cell to the Abbey of Conches to be 
considered an English and not an alien Priory {Rot, Pat. 17 Dec., 
1 390) ; he is the patron of the Austin Priory of St. Mary's Norton 
and of the Cistercian Abbey of St. Mary's, Kirkstall, and supports 
their petition to the Pope (Papal Letters, iv. 405 ; and v. 16); 
he is the present founder of Biddlesdon Abbey (Brit. Mus. Harl. 
Ch. 84. c 17.) and supports their petition and that of the Bene- 
dictine Abbey of St. Peter's, Gloucester {Papal Letters, v. 598, d 

3 Reg. II. f. 137. 

* E.g. St. Frideswyde's, Oxford. Rot. Pat, July 22, 1377. 

* Lancaster gave the Dean and Chapter of the New Church at 
Leicester 100 marcs a year. For marl^ of his favour to Leicester 
see Register passim. 



with the Lancastrian name, a score of foundations, 
Cistercian and Benedictine aUke, scattered over all 
England enrolled Duke John among their patrons. 

As the birthplace of the Scandalous Chronicle, St. 
Albans has a peculiar interest for the history of John of 
Gaunt. His relations to this great Abbey may be taken 
as a typical example of his real attitude to the monks. 

Thomas de la Mare, perhaps a kinsman of the hero of 
the " Good '' Parliament, thirtieth Abbot, reigned there 
from 1349 ^^ ^ death in 1396— a reign of terror to 
erring brethren, for the Abbot, equally renowned for 
his flagellations, his bad handwriting, and his hatred of 
sport, was as merciless to his flock as to himself. Next 
after himting, the Abbot, who had supported FitzRalf 
in the anti-mendicant crusade, hated Lollard and friar 
with an equally unmeasured hatred. The Duke loved 
sport, protected Wycliffe, and was the firm friend of the 
friars. But this difference of taste did not prevent friendly 
relations. An early case of disputed jurisdiction, in 
which the Duke had shown a very concihatory attitude, 
was terminated in favour of the Abbey,* and in more than 
one legal diflBculty the Abbey chose John of Gaunt as 

When the Abbot petitioned the Pope for remission of 
the yearly payment and dispensation from the duty of 
personal attendance at the Curia, Lancaster used his 
influence in favour of the request, and gave testimony 
to the sanctity of the brotherhood.* 

* The dispute turned on the question whether the Abbot, in 
virtue of his tenure of the Manor of Norton near Boroughbridge, 
owed suit to the Duke's Court of Frendles Wapentake. 

The Duke's officers, for the Honor of Richmond, had amerced 
and distrained on the Abbot for refusal, but an Inquisition held 
with the Duke's assent found in favour of the Abbot (42 £dw. Ill) 
Gesta Abbatum SancH Albania iii. 97. 

* Ibid. iii. 241-6. 

* The Duke writes : " Ego qui honorem et bonum statum 
dictorum monasterii Abbatis et conventus . . . ob dicti Sancti 


One of the burning questions of monastic politics, 
one on which tiie Abbot Thomas held strong views, 
was the relation between the Abbey of Saint Albans 
and the Priory of Christ Church, Canterbury. The 
Prior claimed exemption from the duty of sending 
proctors to the Chapter of the Benedictine Order, oa 
the ground of Papal indulgence. St. Albans had never 
admitted this claim, or succeeded in enforcing its 
own. The Abbot Thomas, being a man of energy and 
nothing if not a disciplinarian, insisted. In 1376 a 
formal summons to the Capitular meeting reached Can- 
terbury. The Prior showed his independence by beating 
the Abbot's envoys and then locking them up. As it 
happened, the Black Prince was in Canterbury at the 
time, and heard of the indignity. The result was a 
reprimand to the Prior for this open a£Eront to the head 
of the order. The Prior, finding court influence against 
him, hastened to agree with his adversary by the way, 
and sent his proctor to the Chapter, but as the Abbot 
was not likely to foigive or forget, he went further, and 
tried to enlist S3anpathy at Court also. He appealed to 
John of Gaunt, who went to St. Albans, interceded for 
the offending Prior, made peace between these angry sons 
of the Church, won the gratitude of the Prior and the 
friendship of the Abbot, and was received into the 
brotherhood of the Benedictine Order.* 

Four years later we find the Duke backing a petition 
from the Abbey to the King for conunutation of the fine 
levied on " vacation " for a yearly payment,* and eleven 
years later still it is the Duke who, acting out of " love 
and charity to the Abbey,'' satisfies the King in his 

reverentiam at honorem et degentiam meritorum et vitae mona- 
chorum inibi degentium non inmerito desidero augeri . . ." 
Gesia Ahhatum Sc, Albani, 

^ ** Cum sumtna devoHone." Ibid. ii. 403. 

* Ibid. iii. 135-137)- 



extortionate demands for a forced loan from St. Albans/ 
Friendly relations were not broken by the hostile 
attitude of the Abbot to the Duke's crusade in 1386 ; 
the Abbot, forcibly as usual, expressed his opinion of the 
sale of papal chaplaincies, but the Abbey still regarded 
John of Gaunt as a friend and patron. In the official 
list of benefactors the Duke's picture is still to be found. 
In the margin above a miniature of the Duchess Con- 
stance is a miniature of the Duke ; in the text a grateful 
acknowledgment of his gifts to the foundation — in par- 
ticular a gift of one hundred pounds towards the restora- 
tion of the gate at Tynemouth Priory — ^and this sen- 
tence : " This prince had an extreme love and affection 
for our monastery and Abbot ; many a time he gave us 
gifts of wine ; he promoted our interests and greatly 
enriched the Church with his magnificent and oft-repeated 
oblations." * 

The Abbot Thomas died in September, 1396, and Lan- 
caster was among those who came to visit him in his 
sickness and to ask for his blessing and his prayers.' 

So much for Lancaster's hostility to the monks and the 
monastic system. But it was upon the other great body 
of the regular clergy that the Duke bestowed his favour 
preeminently. To the friars he entrusts his soul while 
he lives and his body when he dies. Friars Preachers, 
Friars Minors, Austins, and Carmelites — to all his patron- 
age extends, but it is the Carmelites which he singles out 
for especial favour.* One after another his confessors 

* Wals. ii. 403. Cf. Gest. Abb. Sc, Alb, iii. 363. Rot, Pat. 
23 Feb. 1390. 

' Liber de Benefactoribus Monasterii Sancti Albani. Ann, 
Ric. II, p. 434-5, and British Museum MS. Cotton Nero. D. vii. 
Wals. ii. 403. 

' Gesta AbbcUum Sc, Albani, iii. 412. 

* Among the Friars mentioned in the Register as recipients of 
presents, etc., are the Carmelites of Nottingham, of Sandwich, 
of Doncaster, and of London ; the Minors of Richmond and of 



non-residence. What, however, is the fact ? The Duke 
in these matters, as in all others, conformed to the prac- 
tice of his day; the Lancastrian household, like the 
King's government, is supported by the very abuses 
which Wydiffe denounced. The diocese of Salisbury 
shifted for itself while its Bishop, Ralf Erghum, presided 
over the Ducal Chancery, and if William de Sutton, who 
was the Chancellor in 1363, did not hold a canonry and 
prebend of Salisbury concurrently with the Church of 
Trimingham in Norfolk by the Duke's presentation that 
was not the fault of his patron.^ In 1359 the Duke's 
treasurer, Walter de Campeden, rector of Somercotes, 
gets a Canonry of York, with expectation of a prebend ; * 
in 1363 the Duke does his best to get for another 
treasurer, John de Lincoln' (who, by the way, had been 
ordained by Lancastrian influence in spite of the canonical 
ban of illegitimacy), a canonry of York, with expectaticm 
of a prebend, concurrently with the free chapel of Wykes. 
The Duke petitions that William de Homeby ^ his Receiver 
for Lancashire, may hold a Canonry of Lincoln, with 
expectation of a prebend notwithstanding that he has 
the church of Ribchester. While John de Yerdburgh* is 

^ Petitions to the Pope, L 423. 

* Ibid. 337. 

^ Petition of John, Duke of Lancaster, etc. : on behalf of John 
de Lincoln, the son of a priest, for dispensation to be ordajned 
and hold a benefice or dignity and exchange or resign the same and 
accept another, do, on behalf of the same, who has been ordained 
priest and has obtained the Chapel of Wykes, which belongs to 
the presentation of the said Duke, to retain thd Chapel and 
hold canonry or prebend. Ibid. 480 and 496. 

* Ibid. 423. 

^ Presentation of John de Yerdeburgh to the Church of Rib- 
chester in the archdeaconry of Richmond and of John de Lin- 
coln to the Church of Leadenham in the diocese of Liacoln by 
exchange, 18 Dec. 1374 ; ditto of John de Yerdeburgh to the 
Church of Stoke in the diocese of Lichfield and Coventry, 21 Jan. 
1375. Reg. L f. 47. 

Similarly Robert de Whitby, Receiver General, is parson 



command the services of a powerful and highly dis- 
ciplined army, invaluable for its effects on public 
opinion, unswerving in its devotion to its greatest lay 
patron. It was the Carmehtes who preached the Duke*s 
crusade against Spain in 1386. When in 1384, for 
reasons which will appear later, a Carmehte Friar brought 
charges of treason against the Duke, he was at once dis- 
owned by the brotherhood, and those who would have 
made political capital out of the man's arrest and death 
were promptly suppressed by orders from headquarters. 

The friars had no illusions about the Duke's hetero- 
doxy and revolutionary ideas. They were willing at 
first to defend his agent in an attack on ecclesiastical 
wealth theoretically condemned by their own rules, and 
later, when the reformer of administration became the 
heretic, while attacking Wydiffe to defend his patron. 
The Duke shared both their friendships and their hatreds. 
He was inclined to regard the Pope as an ally ; the friars 
were the Pope's devoted servants. He hated political 
bishops ; the friars were the enemies of the whole secular 
clergy. Unlike the temporary alliance with Wycliflfe, the 
Duke's connexion with the hiars lasted to the end of his 
life ; it was foimded on similarity of interests, and had 
all the elements of permanence. 

Had the Duke any sympathy with Wydifie's ideas of 
administrative reform ? There should be little doubt on 
this point, for the man who possessed the largest ecclesi- 
astical patronage in England had ample opportunities 
of doing something to remedy the evils of plurality and 

en maniere come appient a fiondour de tiele meson de reson et par 
ycestes nous voulons et acceptons en noz mains et ea les mains 
de noz heireset successours de la duchee de Lancastre la fundacion 
de la dite meson et d'estre leur foundour en tout temps avenir en 
eide et sustenance et promossion del dite meson ove Teide de 
notre Seigneur le toutpuissant Dieu. 

En tQsmoignance, etc. Donne, etc., a Everwyk le xiii jour 
de Septembre, Tan . . . etc., sisme. Register II. f. 143, in tergo. 



Duke was in any way below the standard of his age. 
That is not so. He did the same as other lay patrons, 
only being more important than the rest, the resolt is 
more conspicuous. 

Nor had Lancaster any quarrel with the bishop or 
parish priest as such, but, in common with the men of 
his time, he preferred to subsidiie the non-efEective 
forces of the Church — hence his expenditure on chantry 
priests, and his soUcitude for the comfort of hermit and 
recluse. To the parish priest he gives gifts of brushwood 
for fuel from his woods, conies from his warrens, and now 
and then a fat buck from his parks. He rebuilds his 
parsonage, and now and then, when some sacrilegious 
thief has broken into a church and stolen the altar furni- 
ture, he makes good the loss. He is particularly careful 
of the fabric of his churches and parsonages, and visits 
his wrath on the incumbents who let them decay. For 
the humbler ranks at least of the secular deigy he has 
much sympathy ; but he is devoid of any sense of the 
abuses which are making their position intolerable, any 
appreciation of the evils of accepted practice, which would 
assuredly have been found in one who understood Wy- 
cliffe's aims. 

Evidently, then, the point of agreement between 
Wycliffe and Lancaster is not to be found in the desire 
for administrative reform. 

Can it be found in doctrinal opinion, in religious thought 
or practice ? Wycliffe thought that for a penitent of " a 
broken and a contrite heart " the external act of con- 
fession was superfluous and useless.^ Not so the Duke 
of Lancaster. To him the act of confession was one of 
the first of rehgious duties. His confessors are among 
the most important ofiicers of the household. From 
two successive popes he obtains permission to choose 

^ Kn. ii. 158. Haeresis, 5. 


them at his pleasure ; Urban V grants him Ucenoe to 
change them at will. That there may be no interregnum 
in the reign of the spiritual father who grants absolution 
to the Duke for his sins, he importunes the Pope to 
grant hcence that his chaplain, too, may listen to his 
confessions and those of his household, and minister to 
them the sacraments, and both for himself and io£ his 
intimates he craves plenary remission at the hour of 

Wydifie denied the divine sanction for the institution 
of the mass.* When foreign envoys or the King's 
ministers had occasion to visit John of Gaimt, they 
could testify that the celebration of mass was the in- 
variable prelude to pubhc business in the Lancastrian 
household. That household breathes an atmosphere of 
conventional piety. When the Duke leaves the Savoy 
for Hertford, Leicester, or Pontefract, a body of chap- 
lains, the Dean, and the clerks of his chapel go with him. 
His religious officers have a definite and permanent place 
in the household : their number is considerable ; among 
them are foreigners as well as EngUshmen, seculars as 
well as friars, and one at least, in spite of canon law and 
propriety, is openly and unblushingly married ! ' 

Again, when the Duke goes to the wars, his chaplains 
go with him. There is no break in their ministrations, 
and ever3nvhere they find prepared for them in England, 
or take with them abroad, the rich and comely furniture 
of the chapel, vestments and altar trappings, missal 
and chahce. So far as the outward observances of re- 
ligious Ufe go, the Lancastrian household is a model. 
Blanche the Duchess had perhaps the real piety of her 

* Petitions to the Pope, i. 337 ; 52S-30; 422. Cf. 401. 

^ Kn. ii. 158. Haeresis6. 

» Reg. II. f. 40, 42, 53, 56, 58, 63, 72, etc. John Crowe, Clerk 
ol the Chapel, and his wife Alexandra are both in receipt of pen- 
sions. Rog. II. f. 29. Cf. Wycliffo's lourth her»y. Kn. ti. 158. 

177 N 


father ; it is piety which marks the contrast between the 
Duchess Constance and the Duchess of York. Katharine 
of Lancaster, the Duke's daughter, astonishes the Casr 
tilians by the tenacity of her ecclesiastical principle; 
Philippa of Lancaster, her half-sister, is an ensample of 
godly living, and the Portuguese chroniclers remark her 
assiduous attention to the duties of religion, her daily 
care to recite the offices after the custom of Sarum. 

Wyclifle had denied the special efficacy of " [>articular 
prayers " recited for the benefit of one person singled out 
of the whole congr^^tion of the Church. 

From the date of the death of the Duchess Blanche, 
throughout the Duke's life he pays two chaplains to sing 
daily for her soul by the altar and tomb in St. Paul's ; 
and his last wishes are that obits shall be celebrated each 
year for his own soul and for the souls of Blanche and 
Constance on the anniversaries of the day of their death.^ 
Not only for himself but for others he builds chapels and 
founds chantries ; ' he pays for masses to be sung for the 
souls of his brother Knights of the Garter at their de- 
cease.* To Wyclifle it seemed that he who offered money 
for participation in the benefits of the prayers of convent 
or priory was guilty of the sin of Simon Magus, holding 
such an act to be more truly simoniacal than even the 
purchase of benefices. But Lancaster, in accordance 
with the conscience of his time, felt no scruple in carrying 

* Appendix I: pp. 423, 429, 435. 

* Record Report, xxxv. App. 353, etc, 

^ E.g. Warrant to the Receiver General to pay to Brother 
Walter Dysse, his confessor, £4 3s. 4d, for 1,000 masses sung lor 
the souls of Sir Guichard Dangle and Sir Thomas Bamastre, 
Knights of the Garter (dated Kenilworth, April 15, 3 Rich. II) ; 
do. to his auditors to allow in the R.G.'s account £4 35. 44. for 
1 ,000 masses sung for the souls of Half, Earl of Stafford, and 
Humphrey, Earl of Hereford, K.G. (dated Savoy, April 24, 1373) ; 
do. to pay to Brother Walter Dysse 2,500 pence for so many 
masses to be sung for the souls of five of the companions of the 
Garter lately dec^ised. Register, I. f. 227 and II. f. 3a 



the contractual spirit of feudalism into the things of 
religion. There were a score of heads of religious houses 
who, like ''John, Abbot of Barlings Abbey, with the con- 
vent at that place," entered into a formal bond ' " for the 
performance of divine service by five canons of the house 
at the feast of Pentecost yearly, for the good estate of 
John, King of Castile and Leon, and Duke of Lancaster, 
their great benefactor, during his life, and for the per- 
formance of divine service by four canons of the house 
for the benefit of his soul on the anniversary of his 

To Wycliffe, penetrating to the spiritual reaUty of 
things which lay beneath and were often concealed by the 
external form and ceremony, exconununication meant 
the veritable severance of the sinner from the body of 
the Church, a cutting o£E of the diseased branch £rom 
the stem of the True Vine in which alone Christian men 
could have true Ufe. Hence his condemnation of the use 
and abuse for personal or poUtical ends of the sentence 
of exconununication. 

Lancaster saw nothing incongruous in the use of the , 
power for mundane purposes. It was a poUtical fact of 
the first importance ; sometimes convenient, sometimes 
the reverse. In 1377 he had used it against the tur- 
^bulent citizens of London ; in 1386 he used it against the 
usurper of his kingdom of Castile. In other words, excom- 
munication was a weapon to be wielded by a complaisant 
prelacy at the request of the temporal power for per- 
sonal or d3mastic purposes. It was part of the poUtical 
as weU as of the ecclesiastical system ; a man of the world 
would accept the fact, and a statesman would not desire 
to have it otherwise. 

Lastly, we come to the crowning act of revolt, the 
fundamental heresy — ^the denial of transubstantiation. <. 
Lancaster, though far from uncultured, was no scholar, 

^ Dated April z, 1386. Hist.MSS. Com. Ninth Report, App. 54b. 



and the metaphysical aigmnent of the impossibility of 
the existence of substance without accidents^ upon which 
Wycliffe based his denial of the accepted Eucharistic 
doctrine, must have sounded in his ears like the raving 
of a madman. Any paltering with so sacred a truth 
was impossible ; when the enormity of this latest condu- 
sion was put before him, he bade Wycliffe be silent. 

To sum up : John of Gaunt in no point differed from 
the average of religious thought and practice of his day. 
From the days of Archbishop Stratford onwards there 
had always been a party jealous of the influence of an 
episcopal ministerial class. In 1376 events forced on Lan- 
caster the leadership of that party. He had no quarrel 
with the sceular clergy as such, apart from their share in 
political opposition. The parish priest found him an 
indulgent landlord ; the monastic orders a munificent 
patron ; to the friars he was something more, for their 
leaders looked to him for support, and their armies fought 
his battles. From them he chose friends and councillors, 
and to every rank and division of the mendicant army 
he showed imstinted favour. 

He was free on the one hand from any touch of the 
rationalism which questioned accepted doctrine ; on 
the other, from C3mical indifference to religious duties 
and observances. Conventional in all things, in none 
was he more conventional than in religious practice; 
though his piety, like that of others then and since, was 
not inconsistent with a certain laxity of moral practice. 

The great issues raised by Wycliffe he did not under- 
stand ; could he have done so, he would have viewed the 
whole scheme of Wycliffe*s thought with horror. The 
early reformation was still-bom ; an angel had troubled 
the waters, but they were not waters of healing. Wycliffe 
came not to bring peace but a sword. His doctrine, 
ecclesiastical and civil, was a wild flight of idealism. 
Lancaster was no enthusiast, but a practical man of the 



world. With Lollard doctrine he had no sympathy, and 
it does not mark an inconsistency in the Lancastrian 
tradition that Henry IV should {dace upon the statute 
book the Act "De heretico comburendo," or that 
Cardinal Beaufort should help at the Council of Con- 
stance to bum John Huss. 

Whether Wydiffe, led away by enthusiasm for reform, 
misunderstood Lancaster as Lancaster misimderstood him, 
and mistook the conventional and conservative politician 
for an apostle of reform, or whether, keenly observant 
of the Duke's mode of life as well as of the signs of the 
times, he was astute enough to use Lancastrian support 
against a worldly prelacy, and, making friends, like 
Wykeham, with the mammon of unrighteousness, con- 
sented to use for a moment a power which he knew could 
not be his for long — ^this depends upon an estimate of 
the reformer's character which would be out of place 

On the other hand, the issue which concerns us at 
present is plain. 

The connexion of Lancaster and Wycliffe was a poUti- 
cal mistake ; it ahenated more support than it gained. 
It did not divide the Londoners, who continued to hate 
Lancaster more than any man in England. It infuriated 
the episcopal party. It was imnatural and perplexing. 

LoUardry was from the first a cross current in poUtics. 
Corresponding to no existing division of poUtical thought, 
it only made the confusion of parties worse confoimded. 
The short-lived " imholy alliance " proved to be not only 
an encumbrance to the Duke himself, but an embarass- 
ment to his friends. Knighton, sharing the prejudices 
of the religiosi possessionati and the benefits of Lan- 
castrian boimty, must not allow himself to forget that 
while Wycliffe is the heresiarch, his supporter is the 
"pious Duke." Brother Stephen Patrington, who, if 
he did not write, at least had a hand in much of the 



Pasctculi Zixaniomm^ while regarding the refonner as 
the forerunner of anti-Christ, has no scruple in declaring 
that '' illustrious prince, gallant soldier and wise counr 
cillor, John, Duke of Lancaster," to be a fedthful son of the 
Church,^ a judgment which may conceivably be afiected 
by the fact that Brother Stephen was in receipt of a pen- 
sion from Wydiffe's patron.* Brother Walter Dysse, the 
Duke's confessor, and the Bishop of Salisbury, the Duke's 
Chancellor, sign the condemnation of Wydiffe's heresies ; 
so does John Cuningham, who succeeded Walter Dysse, 
and was one of the first " harvesters " who took sidde in 
hand to mow down Wydiffe's tares.* The Friars, at first 
the reformer's friends and afterwards his most inveterate 
enemies, turn for support to the supporter of Wydiffe, 
and regard the Duke as peculiarly their champion.^ The 
alliance has all the marks of a temporary and make-shift 
expedient, adopted in haste, repented of at leisure. 

At first a puzzle to friend and enemy, it became under- 
stood later, and then those of the Duke's admirers who 
wrote a record of the events were bound to use measured 
language and choose their words with care. Hence the 
caution of the Canon of Leicester and the apparent con- 
tradictions of the Fasciculi. 

In this explanation there is nothing antecedently 
improbable. Indeed, it is what might have been ex- 
pected from the character of the man. The Duke was a 
man of expedients, not of principles. In politics as in 
warfare he was a good tactician, a bad general. He 
could strike hard ; he could not plan ; he won battles, 
and lost campaigns. The advocacy of Wycliffe won a 
momentary success at immense cost. Inter alia it has 

* Fasc. Ziz. p. 114. 

* Confirmation of a grant of an annuity to Brother Stephen 
Patryngton. Patent Roll, 22 Rich. II, Part 2, Membrane 3. 

* Fasc. Ziz. pp. 286 and 357. 

^ Letter of the iovit claustral orders (per Patryngton) to the 
Duke, Fasc. Zu. p. 292. 



helped to secure for John of Gaunt five centuries of 
persistent obloquy. 

On the other hand, the story illustrates one quaUty 
of the Duke's nature. After 1382, at any rate, 
Wycliffe's position was dear. Even to the least care- 
ful observer the reformer was now a dangerous heretic 
whose mouth must be dosed. But John of Gaimt would 
not abandon the man who had been led to look to him 
for protection. The Church was balked of its prey. It 
touched the Duke's honour to protect John Wychffe as 
he would have protected the humblest of those two 
hundred knights and esquires who had sworn to serve 
him in peace and war. 

Wycliffe was suffered to die in peace. 


Chapter IX 


IN spite of optimistic assurances in Parliament it 
must have been dear that at the end of 1376 Edward 
III had not long to live. For a few months after 
October 7, when he made his will, naming John of 
Gaunt his chief executor/ the King lingered on. While 
he lived there was one influence and one alone 
stronger than that of the Duke. The King's son had one 
rival, the King's mistress, for to the end Alice Ferrers 
preserved her power over her dying lover. The fact was 
recognized by all, including William of Wykeham. The 
Bishop was a practical man. It was for the interest 
of the Church as well as for himself that he should recover 
the temporalities of the see. The Bishop went to the 
all-powerful favourite and bought her favour.* In spite 
of Lancaster's protest the confiscated temporalities were 
restored. That the Bishop should thus stoop to make 
friends with the mammon of unrighteousness has shocked 
many good people and all good Wykehamists. The fact 
is scarcely open to doubt, but the judgment need not 
be too severe. The Bishop was the representative of 
a cause, and in a good cause one must make sacrifices. 
William of Wykeham sacrificed his pride. Moreover 
there was precedent for the course. Should a Bishop be 

* Dated Havering-atte-Bower, 7 Oct. 1376. Royal WiUs, 

^ Chr. Angl. 136-7. Itaque invito duce redonari sibi tempo- 
ralia sua jussit. The evidence of the Monk of St. Albans is here. 
I think, conclusive. He would never slander one of his own 
partyi an enemy of Lancaster. 



more punctilious than the Pope himself ? Who would 
dare to cast the first stone, whai the head of Christendom 
had besought the King's mistress to use her influence in a 
personal quarrel ? * 

This restoration of his persecuted servant was the 
last political act of Edward III. In spite of his feebleness 
he was able to hdd one last feast of the Garter at Windsor, 
and there he made his grandson and heir knight.^ 

After that his strength gradually sank. The end 
came at Sheen cm Simday, June 21, 1377, the jubilee 
of his reign. In spite of the misfortunes of his last years 
and one discreditable liaison which cast a shadow over his 
good fame at the end, Edward never lost the affections 
of his people. Even the chroniclers who lament his 
fatal infatuation save their censures for its unworthy 
object, and pour out the vials of righteous wrath upon 
the heartless and greedy favourite who deserted the King 
in his last moments and, if nunour speaks truth, robbed 
him of the very rings on his fingers.' As for Edward 
himself his faults and sluxlcomings are forgotten. The 
callous and selfish amlHticm which embarked England 
upon the Hundred Years War did not appear in its true 
light to his subjects. They were dazzled by his victories. 
They loved him for his past glories, for his comrage and 
clemency, his affability and generous, openhanded 
character. His end was edifying, for at the last, the monks 
are careful to record, a sincere repentance smoothed the 
way to that bourne from which no traveller returns. 

* Jean de Graily had got Roger Beaufort, brother of 
Gregory XI, in his possession ; Roger had been his prisoner ever 
since the Pope's election. The Pope writes on his behalf to the 
Black Prince, John of Gaunt, Aubrey de Vere, the Prince's 
secretary, William of Wykeham, Richaord, Earl of Arundel, and 
Alice Ferrers, Papal Letters, vol. iv. p. 96. 

« Wals. i. 326. 

* For the death-bed scene see Chr, Angl. p. 142-6, Wals. 
i. 326 ; for Edward's character, Murimuth, 225-7. 



The King had many qualities which endeared him to his 
subjects, who soon learned to point the contrast between 
his martial spirit and the effeminate weakness of his 

The glories of the great war were remembered, its 
failures and miseries forgotten; its fatal consequences 
could not be foreseen. Therefore history, which like 
fortime deals out good and evil things in unequal measure, 
has consented to deal tenderly with the memory of the 
third Edwardf and Froissart is only expressing the 
thoughts of his subjects when he says of Edward III : 
'' He had been a good King to them : never had they 
the like since the time of King Arthur who was afore- 
time King of England," * 

Le Roi est mort ; Vive le Roi I The dty of London 
at least was not slow in declaring its lo3ralty to the young 
King. When the news of Edward's condition was known, 
even before the end came, the dty sent a deputation to 
Prince Richard, who with his mother was stajdng at 
Kingston. John Philipot, as spokesman for the dtiiens, 
was charged to protest their unwavering lo3ralty to the 
person of the heir,* to recommend the dty to his favour, 
to entreat him to come to London, and finally to compose 
the quarrel between the dty and the Duke. 

The next day a gracious reply was returned, and Lord 
Latimer, Sir Nicholas Bonde, Sir Simon Burley, and Sir 
Richard Aderby were sent to London with a formal 
announcement of Edward's death and the greetings of the 
new King. 

In compliance with the dtizens' request the King would 
shortly come to London. Meanwhile he had already 
tried to compose the quarrel, and the Duke had submitted 

^ Froissart, K. de L. viii. 389. 

^ Chr, Angl. 146-7, Wals. i. 329-30. The words '* Qui in 
proximo eritis noster rex, quern solum regem recognoscimus," 
etc., arc significant. 



without reserve to his will. The citizens were invited 
to do the same. 

A storm of opposition greeted this suggestion. The 
citizens were on their guard ; they suspected a trap. 
Only after six hours' argument, and upon the King's 
envoys swearing on their honour that submission should 
not prejudice hfe, limb or privileges, did the citizens 

At length they screwed their courage to the sticking 
point and went to the yoimg King at Sheen, where 
Richard received them in the presence of his mother 
and his tmcles and the whole royal family. Lancaster 
did everything in his power to disarm suspicion. Falling 
upon his knees before the young King, he entreated him 
to take the quarrel into his own hands. He even asked 
pardon for those who were awaiting pimishment on 
account of the late disorders. Then rising, the Duke 
swore to forget the quarrel, and gave the kiss of peace 
to each of the city magnates in turn. Such an edif3ang 
spectacle moves the contemporary chroniclers to pious 
thanksgiving. Once more the Monk of Saint Albans* 
loses control of his feelings, and cries out — " Haec est 
mutatio dextrae Excelsi I " 

On Friday following the Duke met his late enemies 
at Westminster, and a herald publicly proclaimed the 
welcome news of the pacification.* 

PoUcy required one more reconciUation, and justice 
cried aloud for one act of restitution. 

Richard made peace between his uncle and the Bishop 
of Winchester, and released Sir Peter de la Mare from 
prison. The Duke had no choice but to be reconciled. 

* The point of his story, however, is rather spoilt by the fact 
that it was not St. Albans Day, and thelrefore the Saint's mediation 
need not be invokckl to supplement political causes. Chr. Angl, 


• Chr. Angl. 150. 



To smooth the way for his nephew's accession was the 
only practical way of rebutting the charges of disloyalty. 
But he must have been galled at the reception givento 
the persecuted Speaker of the Commons. 

From his prison at Nottingham to London, Sir Peter's 
journey was a triumphal progress, for persecution, as 
usual, had made a martyr, and Lancaster had gained 
nothing by a flagrant act of injustice to a bold political 

For the moment, however, old quarrels were buried, 
and all parties combined to welcome the new^King. 

The Duke of Lancaster was not a man to forego any 
dignity to which his territorial positioa gave him a claim. 
There were reasons of poUcy, however, as well as of 
etiquette, which induced him to play a prominent part 
in the coronation. The Council had admitted his legal 
right as Earl of Leicester to act as High Seneschal of 
England, as Duke of Lancaster to bear the Curtana on 
the day of the coronation, and as Earl of Lincoln to carve 
before the King at table. 

All these duties he undertook in person or by deputy. 
The coronation was the outward and visible expression 
of the beginning of the new reign. As the Duke had 
smoothed the way for the accession, he was determined to 
play his proper part in the ceremonial also. 

As High Seneschal his first duty was to hear and decide 
claims to perform the traditional coronation services. 
Under the Duke's presidency the Court of Claims began to 
sit in the White Hall of the Palace at Westminster, near 
the King's Chapel, on July 9th. As the ceremony itself 
had been arranged for the i6th this left only a week 
for the work, and it is not surprising that the Sene- 
schal foimd himself hard pressed. Out of nineteen 
claims preferred fourteen were clear, and were granted 
forthwith. One was ruled out of court, but the remaining 
four, claims which raised complicated issues of hereditary 



right, had to be settled "without prejudice " by a pro- 
visional ruling.^ 

After the Seneschal himself the most important officers 
were Thomas of Woodstock, Constable in the right of 
his wife, a daughter and co-heir of Humphrey de 
Bohim, the last Earl of Hereford of his name, and Henry 
Percy, Marshal, an office which in spite of the right of 
Margaret, Coimtess of Norfolk, the Crown claimed to 
dispose of at will. Robert de Vere, Earl of Oxford, 1 
although a minor, was allowed to act as the King's 
Chamberlain — a mark of that friendship which, dating 
from childhood, was to be the curse of Richard's later 
years. Among the coronation services one innovation 
marks the pecuUar condition of pohtics at the time : 
by Richard's special desire the Mayor was allowed to serve 
the king with a golden cup and the citizens to serve in the 
butlery. Even in the ceremonial the spirit of compromise 
showed itself , for the Mayor served beside his foe Lord 
Latimer the Almoner. The Uon and the lamb lay down 
together and a Uttle child led them. 

The claimants satisfied, or the reverse, London got ready 
for the ceremony of the i6th.* 

On the day before the coronation the Peers, with their 
retinues, and the Mayor and Sheriffs assembled at the 
gates of the Tower, and amid the blare of tnmipets 
conducted the King down Cheapside and Fleet Street, 
where fountains were running with wine, and the houses 
were hung with cloth of gold and silver or hangings of 
gay colours, toWestminster Palace,while the fickle London 
crowd, delighted with the gracious bearing of the Seneschal 
and Marshal, forgot their grudge and for one day cheered 
Lancaster and Percy as they headed the cortege. 

^ Munimenta GildhaUae Londaniensis (Liber Custumarum), 
p. 456. 

• Chr. Angl. 152-163 ; Wals. i. 331-9; Murimuth, 228; Mon. 
Eve. i. Froissart. K. de L. viii. 392. 



That night the King slept at Westminster Pdace. 
The next morning after hearing mass the procession 
passed over scarlet cloth, laid down by the King's Almoner, 
from the great Hall of the Palace to the Abbey. 

Even in his tender youth the King seems to have 
possessed the strange beauty of the Plantagenets, and 
eye-witnesses described the child dressed in white robes 
symbolical of his innocence, as "'fair among men as another 
Absalom." ^ Before him were Lancaster with the Curtana, 
the Earls of March and Warwick with the second sword 
and the gilt spurs, the Earl of Cambridge and Thomas of 
Woodstock, each bearing a sceptre surmounted with a 
dove. The Bishops of St. David's and Worcester, Chan- 
cellor and Treasurer respectively, walked before the King, 
bearing a rich chalice, and the Primate with the Bishops 
of London and Winchester followed. 

Then came the elaborate ceremonial consecrated by 
tradition for the coronation of an English King. The 
King takes the oath to keep faith, to preserve and maintain 
the laws of the realm, in particular those of St. Edward, 
to do justice and show mercy. He is accepted by acclama- 
tion. Solemnly the Primate gives him his blessing. He 
receives the holy rite of unction. He is invested with 
the tunic of St. Edward, the sword and bracelet, the robe 
and the spurs. Finally the crown is placed upon his 
head and the ring upon his finger. The sceptre is handed 
to him, and again invoking divine blessings the Primate 
leads him to the throne. After the enthronement mass 
is sung ; the King makes his offering, receives the Eucha- 
rist, confesses, and is absolved. 

Among many impressive coronation scenes that of 
July i6, 1377, is peculiarly moving. The helplessness, 
the youth and innocence of the child upon whom King 
Edward's crown had devolved, had done what the will of a 
grown man could scarcely have effected. For a moment 

^ Adam of Usk, i. 


all parties had laid aside their quarrels. The Bishop of 
Rochester, in his sermon addressed to the city the next 
day, could hold up before the people the ensample of a life 
as yet unspotted by the world. But time failed to keep 
its promises. The King, whose advent was hailed with 
loyal enthusiasm on every side, could not win and keep 
his subjects' affection. Generous instincts and childless 
innocence disappeared in a premature manhood, giving 
place to callousness, levity and vice. The oath to do 
justice between man and man and show mercy, to observe 
the laws and hve according to right, was soon to be broken; 
the reign begun with such bright promise was to end in 

But the future moulded by Richard's yet unformed 
character could not be foreseen. For the moment London 
and the Court was given up to rejoicing. 

A state banquet closed the coronation day ; and before 
feasting began the King made four grants of peerage. His 
youngest imcle, Thomas of Woodstock, was made Earl 
of Buckingham ; Guiscard d'AngoulSme, Earl of Hunting- 
don ; Thomas Mowbray, Earl of Nottingham, and the 
Marshal Henry Percy, Earl of Northmnberland. Thomas 
of Woodstock, though a son of Edward HI, was far 
behind his brothers in territorial dignities ; he had seen 
a nephew, Lancaster's son, Henry, Earl of Derby, admitted 
to the Order of the Garter before him : the Earldom 
of Buckingham was a tardy recognition of the claims of 
the blood royal. The other creations show Lancaster's 
influence and the yoimg King's own preferences. The 
new Earl of Huntingdon had been his tutor ; Mowbray, 
like Vere, was of his own years and had been brought 
up with him, while Henry Percy was as yet a firm 
partisan of the Duke.* 

^ At the end of the detailed account of the Coronation in the 
liber Custumarum : — Memorandum quod praedictus Rex Cas- 
teUae et Legionis Dux Lancastriae eft Seneschallus Angliae istum 
processum per manus suas proprias in Cancellarium Domini 



Three days later the King, or rather his advisers, named 
the G)uncil.^ All interests were represented ; no single 
party predominated. The royal family was represented by 
the Earl of Cambridge, a man entirely under his brother's 
power, but too feeble to have any influence. William 
Courtenay, Bishop of London, was balanced by Ralf 
Erghum, Bishop of Salisbury, the Duke's Chancellor ; the 
rest were the Earls of Arundel and March, Lords Latimer, 
Cobham, Roger Beauchamp, and Richard Stafford, Sk 
John Knyvet, Sir Ralph Ferrers, Sir John Devereux and 
Sir Hugh S^^rave. Lancaster himself was too wise to 
claim a place. 

This spirit of compromise which had marked the 
accession inspired the acts of the young king's first Par- 
liament, which met at Westminster on October 13th.' 
It was undoubtedly an anti-Lancastrian Parliament. A 
large proportion of the Knights of the Shire who had 
sat in the " Good " Parliament and had lost their seats in 
January, were returned again,' and Sir Peter de la Mare 
was again chosen Speaker. 

This being so, the Conunons showed an altogether 
extraordinary friendliness to the Duke. Perhaps the 
correctness of his attitude at the accession had told in his 
favour ; probably the rumours of disloyalty had not been 
believed by those who for political purposes had consented 
to give them currency. At any rate the first act of the 
Commons was to conciliate their former enemy. Following 
the precedents set in the last two Parliaments,they prayed 
that certain peers would form an advisory committee. 

Regis liberavit, ibidem in rotuiis ejusdem CanceUarii irrotu- 

^ Foed VII. 161, dated July 20, 1377. 

* Parliament was summoned by writ dated 4 August, i Richard 
II, for the quinzaine of St. Michael (Dugdale, Summons, 29A). 
Rot. Pari. iii. 3-31. 

3 A return of every member of Parliament. Chr, AngL 171 ; 
Wals. i. 343. 



"he name of the " King of Castile and Leon and Duke 
f Lancaster " headed the list. This gave the Duke his 
hance. No sooner was the Commons' bill read than 
Lancaster rose in his place and walked up to the throne. 
Tiere was a flutter in the House. All parties were 
nxious for peace, and nervous members wondered 
^at was in store. Falling upon his knees before the 
oy King, the Duke prayed humbly that he would listen 
JT a while to words which concerned his own person 
s well as his sovereign. 

The Commons had chosen him to be one of their 
dvisors. By the King's favour he would not act as 
heir advisor tmtil he had cleared himself of charges 
urrent among the people, charges which touched his 
lonour. Unworthy as he was, he was a son of Edward 
II, and after the King one of the greatest peers of the 
ealm. The malicious rumours spread by his enemies 
Tould, if true (which God forbid) amount to open treason. 
Jntil the truth were known he could do nothing. None 
►f his ancestors had ever been traitor ; they had all 
)een true and loyal subjects of the crown. He himself 
lad more to lose by treachery than any other man in 
uigland ; apart from this, it would be a strange and 
narvellous thing if he should so far depart from the 
raditions of his blood. If any man, whatever his degree, 
lared to charge him with treason, disloyalty or any act 
Mrejudicial to the realm, he was prepared to defend 
limself with his body as readily as the poorest gentleman 
n England.^ 

The Duke ended. It was a striking scene — the greatest 
ieudatory of the realm kneeling before the child-king, 
>rotesting his innocence, defying his unknown slanderers, 
ind offering to defend his loyalty by wager of battle. 

It was a repetition in a hostile parliament of the 
nanifesto, which in the Lancastrian Parliament of 
* Rot, Pari, iii. 5. 

193 O 


January he had issued in the Chancellor*s opening 
speech, and it produced a marked effect. Lords spiritual 
and temporal crowded round the Duke before the throne 
and entreated him to be appeased. They were sure 
that no one would dare to pronounce the charges which 
he denied. The Commons joined the entreaties of the 
peers. Covld any one doubt that they held the Duke 
innocent ? Had they not selected him to be their 
" principal aid, comforter and councillor ? " 

With a protest against the nameless authors of these 
calumnies, the real traitors who were endeavouring 
to wreck the peace of England. Lancaster allowed himself 
to be pacified. For himself he was willing to forgive the 
guilty. He did not ask that any man should be 
punished for the past. But he uiged ParUament to 
prevent the recurrence of conduct which might imperil 
the peace and quiet of the realm. 

Following up this moderate conduct Lancaster acqui- 
esced in the wishes of the Commons. They peti- 
tioned that Acts of Parliament should not be repealed 
by irregular influence out of Parliament ; that eight 
members should be added to the Coimcil, that Lord 
Latimer should be removed and that William Walworth 
and John Philipot, merchants of London, should be 
appointed treasurers to receive the monies voted for the 
war. When the Commons insisted on bringing Alice 
Ferrers to trial, the Duke, so far from interfering, gave 
evidence against her.^ 

These petitions were granted, and after a liberal vote, 
two tenths and two fifteenths, Parliament dissolved. 
Lancaster had ofl[ered no opposition. He had put 
forward no claim to the regency or to a preponderant 
influence on the council. Leaving the affairs of state 
to others Lancaster retired for a while from public bfe. 

To avoid responsibility was to avoid suspicion. The 

1 Rot. Pari. iii. 13a. 


Duke had other interests in life besides the control of the 
King's council, the Chancery and the Treasury. What 
these interests were will appear from a short survey of 
the Lancastrian estates. 


Chapter X 


" TOHN, by the grace of God, King of Castile and Leon, 
^ Duke of Lancaster, Earl of Derby, Lincoln and 
Leicester, Lord of Beaufort and Nogent, of Bergerac and 
Roche-sur-Yon, Seneschal of England and Constable of 
Chester " — such was the style in which Lancaster Herald 
could proclaim John of Gaunt. 

The titular sovereignty of Castile forms one of the 
most interesting portions of Lancastrian story, and of 
this we shall speak at length later ; the lands in France 
and Aquitaine deserve at least a passing notice. 

On the fringe of the great Lancastrian inheritance lay two 
seigniories in France, Beaufort and Nogent ; and these, 
with two others, Bergerac and Roche-sur-Yon, which 
came not by inheritance from Duke Henry, but by grant 
from Prince Edward, make up the smn of Duke John's 
territorial interest in France and Aquitaine.^ Beaufort 
and its connexion with John of Gaimt have for genera- 
tions proved a stumbling block and rock of offence to 
the genealogist. Unfortunately, there is a Beaufort in 
Anjou, in Artois, in Picardy, in Champagne, in Dauphin^ 
and in Savoy. With this " embarras de choix " com- 
pilers of Peerages and others* have usually fixed upon 
Beaufort in Anjou, which has never had the remotest 
connexion with John of Gaimt. 

^ He had also certain tenements in Calais (Ddpit ColiecHoHt 
pp. 83, 189, ccxlix; 200, cclxxviii; 202, cclxxx; 208-9, cccvi). 
In 1489, the Lancastrian tenements in Calais were worth 40/. 45. 

' e.g. Collins* Peerage, etc., and Did. Nat. Biog, Art. Henry 
Beaufort. Kervyn de Lettenhove. Froissart, xx. 282, etc.. 



t is perhaps worth while to rescue the name of 
lufort' from the limbo of romance. 
U the present time in the Canton of Chavanges (Aube), 
ween Chalons and Troyes, there is a village called 
Qtmorency. Before the family of Montmorency held 
nd gave it their name the village was called Beaufort. 
1270 Blanche of Artois, niece of Saint Louis and 
e of Henry HI, Cotmt of Champagne and King of 
v^arre, bought the lordship of Beaufort and of Nogent.* 
nche married en secandes noces Edmund, Earl of Lan- 
ter, and on Edmund's death Blanche's lands were 
ided between her second and third sons, Henry, 
:d Earl, and John " of Lancaster." When John died 
1336 without issue, Beaufort and Nogent became the 
5 property of Henry, third Earl of Lancaster, and 
sed from him through Duke Henry to Blanche of 
icaster and John of Gaunt. 

xj III. Count of s Blanche of Artoiss Edmund, Earl of Lancaster, 

mpagne ; King bought the lord- 
avarre, m. 1209, ship of Beaufort 
I July, 1274 1270 (June) 

Count Palatine of Cham- 
pagne and Brie, m. January, 

tiomas, Earl Henry, Earl John "of Lancaster,"=Aalis de 

Lancaster of Lancaster, Lord Lord of Beaufort, Joinville 

of Beaufort, d. 1336 (no issue) 


Henry, Duke of Lancaster, 
Lord of Beaufort 

Blanches John of Gaunt, 
Lord of Beaufort 

Lancaster's lease quoted below (L. 962) describes the town 
logent-sur-Mame. There are two towns of this name on the 
ne, ' Nogent-sur-Mame ' arr. Sceaux. cant. Charenton, and 
gent-l'Artaud,' on the left bank of the Mame art. Chkteau 
srry cant, Charly. It was the second which belonged to the 
at of Champagne. See Pigeotte, Seigneurs de Beaufort, 16, 17. 



It is dear that John of Gaunt could not in the nature 
of things exercise much influence in an outlying part of the 
Lancastrian inheritance situated in the heart of what 
was for the greater part of his life an enem3r*s country. 

His lordship perhaps saved the lands from devastation 
when Champagne was raided time after time by 
English armies marching from Calais to the South, but 
there is no evidence that he ever set foot in either of the 
towns which called him lord,^ or ever spent a day in the 
castle where romance tells us that his children were 
bom. A charter still exists, however, by which the 
Duke takes under his protection the Abbot and 
Convent of Chapelle aux Planches, who, in 1364, were 
being persecuted in a local feud, and grants the Abbot 
licence to affix the arms of Lancaster to the houses of the 
Convent, in token of his favour." 

Beaufort only once draws upon itself the attention of 
history during the Hundred Years War. That is upon 
the outbreak of the hostilities in 1369. 

The duke was imfortunate in his choice of a tenant, 
for John Wyn, to whom in 1365 he had leased the 
castles and lordships of Beaufort and Nogent for ten 
years, at a yearly rental of £100 sterling,* turned French 
and sold his trust.* Wyn was a friend of Owen of Wales, 
Froissart tells us ; that he had a reputation for gallantry 
we may perhaps infer from his nickname " Poursuivant 
d' amour," but little else is known of the last tenant who 
held Beaufort and Nogent of a Lancastrian overlord except 
the treason with which Beaufort and Nogent pass into the 

* He passed near his lands in 1373. 

' Dated the Savoy, October 28, 1 364, Lalore Cartulaires di 
Troyes, iv. 85-6. The mandate is addressed " Aux premiers 
sergens de nos terres de Beaufort et atOres en France," 

» Indenture dated Leicester, June 6, 39 Ed. III. 1365. [P.R.O 
Series L (Duchy of Lancaster Royal Charters and ancient deeds) 

* Froissart, K. de L. viii. 324-5, 539. Boutiot,Htrfoir* d* Troyes. 



bands of the Kings of France, become part of the royal 
domain, and disappear from Lancastrian story. If 
it had not been gravely stated that the " Beauforts " 
must have been bom before 1369, when the castle was 
lost, it would scarcely be necessary to add that no 
argument as to the date of the liaison with Katherine 
Swynford can be based on the Duke's tenure. Katherine 
never saw Beaufort, and her children were certainly not 
bom there. The explanation of the choice of this name 
for the Duke's illegitimate family must be found in the 
fact that among the many territorial titles which came by 
descent to John of Gaimt it was foimd convenient to 
choose one which would not prejudice the rights of his 
legitimate heir. The names of the English Honors being 
impossible, it was fotmd convenient to assume for them 
the name of a French seigniory long since lost, and after 
the legitimation to retain a name long famiUar to England, 
and not unknown to the chivalry of Europe. 

Bergerac and Roche-sur-Yon were both granted to 
John of Gaunt by the Black Prince on the same 
day, October 8, 1370, just after the destraction of 
Limoges.^ Both were granted to the Duke and his heirs 
male in tail, with reversion to Prince Edward as over- 
lord. The French soon got possession of Roche, but 
while the Duke held it, the town was worth 500 marcs 
a year to his exchequer.* 

Bergerac, as well as being a source of revenue, was a 
place of considerable strategical importance, for it com- 
manded the Dordogne, and the lines of communication 
between Bordeaux and central and southern France. 

Captured in 1345 by Henry Duke of Lancaster, 

^ Delpit Collection, ccxviii. and ccxix. 

• Indenture dated La RocheUe, September 25, 1371, leasing 
the lordship to Sir Thomas Percy and Sir John Harpeden, Sene- 
schals of Poitou and Saintonge and to Sir Regnault Vivonne. 
Delpit Collection, ccxxxi. 



Bergerac had been granted in tail to him and his heirs 
male by Edward III two years later/ 

Having reverted to the Crown on Duke Henry's 
death, Bergerac, being parcel of the Duchy of Aquitaine, 
came into the hand of Prince Edward, and by the 
grant of 1370 John of Gaunt held it with the same powers 
and privileges as his father-in-law had held it from 
Edward III. When the Black Prince renounced the 
Principahty Edward III renewed the grant,* and one 
of the first acts of Richard's minority was to confirm it.* 

But it was one thing to hold the town by charter and 
another to hold it by the sword, and the importance 
of Bergerac as a strategical position exposed it to 
the brunt of all the fighting in the South. Anjou 
and du Guesclin took the town after a great siege 
in September, 1377,* and after that date it was 
taken and retaken a dozen times by French and English 
forces, until in the end it shared the fortimes of the 
whole Gascon dependency of the English Crown. In 
1381 the Duke makes a charge upon its revenues, to 
reward one of his feudatories who had suffered in the wars, 
but the town was then in the hands of the French, and 
the grant is conditional on its recovery.* At different 
times three members of the family of Buade were chargec?. 
with its custody. A certain HeUot Buade was appointe«l 
Governor in 1371,* and ten years later Pierre Buade and 

* June I, 1347. Cf. Delpit Collection, clii. 

* November 8, 1376. Delpit Collection, ccbcvii: 

3 September 15, 1377. Delpit Collection, cclxviii. 

* L'an m.ccc.lxxvii a iii de Setembre lo due d'Ango c 
mossenhor Bertran de Claquin Conestable de Fransa prengorca 
Bragueyrac Sancta Fe e Castelhon de Peyregorc e aprop antt 
a Basax. Petite Chronique de Guyenne%y^. The siege begaii 
August 22. 

^ Warrant to the Governor, Receiver and other officers of the 
town of Bergerac in favour of Mondon Ebrad, Esquire, dated 
Hertford, May 6, 1381. Register II. f. 97. 

* Warrant dated Montpont, January 15,1371. Delpit ColUcHon 
ccxxv. Gift to Heliot Buade, Captain of Bergerac, April 28, 51 




Miot Buade appear as Governor and Ch&telain re- 
spectively. Their loyalty is not above suspicion. The 
Duke thought they had an understanding with the 
enemy, and commanded them at their peril to restore 
their trust, appointing Bertongat de la Bret to super- 
sede them.^ Whether Bertongat recovered the strong- 
hold is doubtful, but as late as 1395 the Duke appears 
to have been in possession, for it was at Bergerac that 
he received the French envoys in that year. 

The history of the town with its vigorous civic hfe 
and its mihtary importance is rich in interest ; and 
John of Gaunt knew its value, and he speaks of the town 
" come de ville et chastel que nous aviens bien pres au 
cuer." In the great Cowcher book of the Duchy of 
Lancaster, among a series of richly illuminated blazons 
of his lordship, the arms of Bergerac ma)^ till be seen : 
** Deux pattes de griffon de sable sur im champ d'or." 

Leaving these outposts, let us advance to the citadel 
itself, and examine the foundation of the Duke's great- 
ness, the broad and soHd basis of territorial power 
upon which was built his preeminence in English politics. 
TTie bulk of his lands, as has been seen, came to him 
hy inheritance ; they were the fiefs of Edmund Crouch- 
Wck, the broad acres of Ferrers Montfort, Lacy, and 
Chaworthe — the accumulated result of lavish royal 
giants and a succession of pohtic marriages. 

But though the Lancastrian patrimony formed the 
buik, it was not the whole of the Duke's possessions. 

In 1360, after the death of Queen Dowager Isabella, 
Edvard III granted to his son the castle, town and Honor 
of 'Hertford, and the towns of Beyford, Essendon, and 

Ec'.w. Ill ; payment to Amald Buade, Captain of the Castle and 
T^wnof Bei^erac (Duchy of Lanes.). Accounts Various, Bundle 
yil. No. I,) Confirmation of indenture of service with Amald 
Buade, Rot, Pat, 22 Ric. II. 

^ Commission and warrants dated Hertford, May 6, 1381. 
Delpit CdUcHon, cclxxxii. and ccboodii. and cclxxxiv: 



Hertingfordbury, ''with all their members and appurte- 
nances, and the endowments and issues thereunto 
belonging." ^ 

The object of the grant was to provide the Earl of 
Richmond, as he then was, with a residence until 
he should inherit some other dwelling befitting his 
station. But when the Earl of Richmond had be- 
come Duke of Lancaster and the master of the Savoy, 
he still retained his Honor of Hertford, and Hertford 
Castle was to the last one of his favourite residences. 

This addition is inconsiderable in relation to the 
total of the Duke's estates ; not so the next. 

The Honor of Richmond had been the first appanage 
granted to John of Gaimt. The Earldom and Honor 
since the Conquest had belonged to the family of Mont- 
fort, which, besides claiming the Dukedom of Brittany 
in France, had also taken a place in the ranks of the 
EngUsh baronage. In 1372, to attach John de Mont- 
fort, who was wavering between England and France, 
definitely to the English cause, it was resolved to restore 
the Earldom and Honor to the original holders. It was 
found to be *' for the advantage of the King and the 
quiet and honour of the whole realm " of England that 
the Earldom and Honor of Richmond should be restored, 
and John, " like a grateful son, preferring his father's 
pleasure and the honour and convenience of the kingdom 
to his own private advantage," smxendered lands and 
title. Such sacrifice did not go unrewarded. He 
received in exchange the castle of Pevensey, the castle, 
Honor, and manor of Tickhill, and of Knaresborough. 
and the castle and manor of the High Peak, together 

* Record Report, xxxi. App. p. 32. The charter is dated 
May 20, 1360. It was renewed October 8, 1376 (ibid. p. 37). 
Great Cowcher, 228 (1,2 and 4). The manors of Be)rfoni and 
Essendon more than once had been granted in the twelfth and 
thirteenth centuries to the Lord Treasurer of England. 



with manors, franchises, and advowsons m half a dozen 
counties, Nottingham, Huntingdon, Cambridge, Norfolk, 
Suffolk and Sussex/ 

These two additions, the Honor of Hertford, and the 
Honors of Tickhill, Knaresborough and the High Peak 
and the rest form the greater part of the second Duke's 
additions to the Lancastrian patrimony, but throughout 
the reign of his father and that of his nephew, the Duke's 
possessions were in one way or another swelled from 
time to time by royal boimty. 

The mere extent of lands, however, extraordinary as it 
was, would never have given to the Lancastrian in- 
heritance its peculiar distinctiveness. The Duke is 
differentiated from his compeers as much in the nature as 
in the extent of his power. 

In 1377 he was Duke and Count Palatine of Lan- 
caster. As for the title of Duke it meant nothing 
more than a certain primacy of dignity among the lords 
temporal. When Edward III made his eldest son 
Duke of Cornwall in 1333, the title was new to England. 
The creation of Duke Henry in 135 1 was the second 
precedent, and the creation of John of Gaunt in 1362 is 
the third. A few years later the title used so sparingly 
by Edwaiti HI was scattered broadcast by the prodigal 
hand of his grandson, and Richard H's Duketti or *' Duke- 
lings" made this cheapened dignity ridiculous in the 
eyes of all good conservatives. The title as such was 
" vox et praeterea nihil." A breath could make it and 
unmake it. At the most, before the lavish creations of 

* Hardy, Charters, viii. dated June 25, 1372. Cf. Pari. Petit 
4678. Foed, VI. 728-737 ; Gt. Cowcher, 222 (i) ; the Earldom was 
given to Montfort on July 20. Foed. Warrant to the Receiver 
of Richmond to bring all the accounts to London, May 13, 1372. 

Some of the rolls appear to have gone astray. Warrant to pay 
to men to go and search for them, Aug. 30, 1372. 

The search appears to have been successful. Warrant to deliver 
muniments, standards and measures to the Duke of Brittany, 
February 18, X373. Register, I. f. 151, 174. 



Richard II, it could call attention to an existing pre- 
eminence. It did not create that preeminence. 

The title of Duke then is comparatively unimportant. 
As for the Duchy of Lancaster, it did not exist. It 
may seem at first sight a paradox, but it is none the less 
true that in the modem sense the Duchy of Lancaster 
did not and could not exist in the lifetime of John of 
Gaunt. When the Duke in letters and warrants speaks 
of his " Duchy of Lancaster," he always means not the 
sum total of his vast possessions but merely one portion 
of them — ^the County of Lancaster; before 1377, the 
county pure and simple, and after 1377, the County Pala- 
tine. One and the same officer is referred to now as 
the Receiver " in Lancashire," now as the Receiver " of 
the County of Lancaster," now as the Receiver of " the 
Duchy of Lancaster." 

It was only after the Dukes of Lancaster became 
Kings of England that the Duchy, as distinct from the 
County Palatine, came to exist. Then Henry IV, 
desiring to mark off the princely inheritance which 
came to him by hereditary right, from the royal 
estate, which he had acquired by usurpation, con- 
quest or election, or by all together (he was careful 
not to distinguish), gave a imity to his father's lands 
which did not exist in his father's lifetime : lands in 
Sussex or Yorkshire which would now be spoken of as 
" parcel of the Duchy of Lancaster," would in the life of 
John of Gaunt have been referred to as " parcel of the 
Honor of Eagle," or " parcel of the Honor of TickhiU, 
or of Knaresborough," held by the Duke of Lancaster 
in chief. 

Remembering then that the " Duke " of Lancaster 
is only the more dignified style of the Earl of Lancaster, 
and that for present purposes the Duchy of Lancaster 
means, in 1377, no more than the County of Lancaster, 
which county was also a County Palatine, we must 



examine the nature of the first great source of the Duke's 
power and wealth — ^the Palatinate. 

In earUer days, when England was threatened by 
invasion from over sea, and was hard pressed by enemies 
on her own borders, it had been foimd highly convenient 
to allow the feudatories, whose territorial power lay in 
the districts most exposed to attack, certain powers 
and privileges of royalty. Hence the erection of the 
Counties Palatine. 

But even in those days of insecurity the creation of 
a Palatinate had been recognized as a dangerous remedy, 
and measures had been taken to limit the risk. The Pala- 
tinate of Chester, for instance, soon became a royal 
appanage, never going further out of the King's hand 
than to the hand of the heir-apparent. 

In 1351 Edward HI recognised the debt which he 
and England owed to his cousin, Henry of Lancaster, 
by erecting the county of Lancaster into a Palatinate. 
TTic grant was for life only, and therefore became 
legally extinct in 1361. 

The position of Duke Henry did not differ greatly 
from that of his son-in-law, and John of Gaunt was deter- 
mined to regain all that his predecessor had held. Ever 
since his succession he had exercised one act of regality : 
he had nominated the Sheriffs of the County of Lancaster.^ 
In 1377 he recovered the whole of the jura regalia 
conceded to his predecessor, and after an abeyance of 
sixteen years the Palatinate was again called into 
existence, and again the grant was for the Duke's 

John of Gaunt, possibly, had his own reasons for seeking 
this aggrandizement : if ever there were to be a repeti- 
tion of the "Good" Parliament it might be convenient 
to have a quasi-royal jurisdiction in the North, where 
he might entrench himself against his enemies. 

1 Reg. I. 48, 6$, etc. 


What had been granted to Duke Henry as the reward 
of state service was obtained by Duke John to satisfy 
his ambition and to guard against contingendes. But 
the concession made in 1351, equally with that made 
in 1377, was poUtically indefensiUe. For the Palatinate 
of Lancaster no necessity could be adduced, military or 
political. It was and always has been an anarhronism. 
It never had a rai^on ffitre, and has never served a useful 
purpose ; it was a glaring example of Edward Ill's 
indifference to constitutional considerations, if not of 
his incapacity in statesmanship, for the step was a depar- 
ture from the sound policy of Henry II and Edward I — 
the statesmanlike effort to build up a central system of 
royal justice and administration. 

If the old idea of a Palatinate had still had any sig- 
nificance, a case might perhaps have been made out for 
erecting on the southern borders of Wales, in Hereford, 
Monmouth, Glamorgan, and Carmarthen, where Lancaster 
held a group of fortresses of the first rank, a palatinate 
jurisdiction, to join through the lands of the Earls of March 
with the Northern Palatinate of Oiester. A still more 
plausible case might have been made out by the Percies 
for a Palatinate in Northumberland. At least the lords j 
of Alnwick could plead a real danger on the Scottish j 
border. But the Scots never got so far as the Duke's ' 
lands ; if they crossed the border at the northern end of I 
the Cheviots they ravaged Northumberland ; if they ; 
marched across the southern border they overran Cum- ' 
berland, and Westmorland. Berwick, Carlisle, and 
Penrith were attacked : but the Duke's castles of Lan- 
caster and Hornby never stood a siege, still less Clitheroc 
and Liverpool. 

Politically, therefore, the Palatinate of Lancaster was 
useless, and could only be harmful. The charter of 
1377 was an act of retrogression. To measure the 
extent of that retrogression the question must be asked : 



What were the rights and privileges appertaining to 
a Count Palatine ? 

Let the royal charter of donation speak for itself/ 

It opens with the usual preamble, a mere matter of form, 
reciting the conspicuous merits of the grantee, his strenu- 
ous goodness, excellent wisdom and readiness to serve the 
King with labour and charges, and his intrepid exposure 
to the dangers of war — ^merits for which the benefit and 
hcmour now bestowed are some, howbeit an inadequate, 

Then we come to business. "Of certain knowledge 
and with cheerful heart, with the assent of the prelates 
and nobles in Parliament assembled," the King grants 
for himself and his heirs, " that for the whole of his life 
John Duke of Lancaster may have within the county 
of Lancaster his chancery and his writs to be sealed 
under his seal to be deputed for the office of chancery ; 
his justices to hold as well the pleas of the Crown, as all 
other pleas whatsoever touching the common law and 
the cognizance thereof, and all manner of execution to be 
made by his writs and his ministers there, and all other 
liberties and jura regalia pertaining to a Count Pala- 
tine, as freely and entirdy as the Earl of Chester is 
well known to obtain within the County of Chester.'* 

Certain regalia, however, are reserved by the Crown. 
The Count Palatine shall not have the tenths and fif- 
teenths granted by ParUament and Convocation ; his 
jurisdiction shall not preclude the King from pardoning 
those condemned to lose Ufe or Umb ; it shall not derogate 
from the " superiority and power of correcting those things 
which shall have been erroneously done in the Courts 
of the Count Palatine." In other words, the King re- 
serves for himself ParUamentary subsidies, the royal 
prerogative of pardon and ro3ral jurisdiction in cases of 

1 Hardy, Charters, ix. (Feb: 28, 1377). 


All other regalia are handed over to the Duke. Not 
only, the grant continues, shall the- Duke nominate his 
own justices ; he shall also choose at the King's mandate 
two knights of the shire and two burgesses for every 
borough to sit in Parliament ; he shall choose and 
appoint collectors of subsidies voted by Parliament^ 

From February, 1377, for the rest of the Duke's life, 
there is to be one Court of Chancery at Westminster, 
and another at Lancaster. Side by side with the King's 
justices are the justices of the County Palatine, the 
nominees of the Duke, holding office by and during his 

To '' cut off all ambiguity," and to make general terms 
clear by special and express terms, a further charter' 
declares that the Count Palatine shall have his Ex- 
chequer and Barons of the Exchequer and exercise 
within the county all manner of jurisdictions, profits, 
and commodities, which would otherwise have pertained 
to the King : he is to appoint his justices in eyre for 
pleas of the forest and all other justices for all manner 
of other pleas touching the assize of the forest, etc. 

These are extensive powers. For the life of the Duke 
England is dismembered. For all purposes of justice, 
finance and administration the county of Lancaster is 
severed from the body poUtic. Within its limits the 
King is dethroned ; the Count Palatine is set up in his 

The grant is for Ufe. Thirteen years later, the same 

1 For the Duke's commissions to his officers to levy taxes voted 
by Parliament in West Derbyshire, Leylandshire, Amoander- 
nesse, Lonsdale, Blackbumshire and Salfordshire, see Record 
Report f xl. App. (No. 4), 18, 30, 46, 53, 71 ; and for the selection 
of the Knights of the Shire, see Register passim. 

In every county except Lancashire the sheriff makes proclama- 
tions on the royal mandamus. The sherifE of Lancaster waits for 
the Duke's mandamus (ibid. 8). 

* Dated November 10, 2 Richard II (1378) Hardy, Charters, 
xiii. Rot, Pat. 



powers axe entailed with the title of Duke of Lancaster, 
upon John and his heirs male for ever/ So long as the 
Duke*s issue remains the dismemberment of England 
is to continue. It was unnecessary : Richard II, who 
makes the grant in fee tail, loses the regalia of Lancaster, 
and with them the realm of England, and Henry, third 
Duke and Count Palatine of Lancaster, is Henry IV of 

Such a result was not foreseen by the dying King, whose 
last political act had been to give his assent to the Charter 
of February 28 ; nor by those who were present when 
" on April 17, 1377, at the Savoy, near Westminster, 
John, King of Castile and Leon, Duke of Lancaster, 
in the presence of Sir Robert de Swylyngton, Knight, 
Sir Thomas de Hungerford, Knight, and others of 
the same King's household, in the chapel built within 
his mansion there did constitute Thomas de Thelwall, 
Clerk, his Chancellor within the Duchy and County of 
Lancaster, and upon his taking the oath, the same 
King with his own hand deUvered to the said Thomas 
his great seal for the governance of the regality of the 
County Palatme."* 

Three days later the new Chancellor set the great seal 
to the first writ issuing from the Chancery of John of 
Gaimt — a proclamation notifying to the Sheriff of Lan- 
caster the names of the Duke's justices, fixing the date 
of the sessions, and ordering the Sheriff to give notice 
that all and singular persons wishing to prosecute their 
business before the justices should be present on that 

The first of the twenty-two years of Duke John's 
regality had begim. 

But the regalia of the County Palatine do not exhaust 
the extraordhiary powers enjoyed by John of Gaunt as an 

* Charter dated Feb. 16, 1390. Hardy Charters, xiv. 
■ Rec9rd Report, xxxii. App. (i). 

209 P 


English subject. The Palatine franchises are sharply 
differentiated from the others ; they are the most im- 
portant, but they are confined to the territorial limits 
of the County of Lancaster, and there are other extra- 
ordinary liberties and franchises to be considered, for 
not only in relation to England, but also in relation 
to the sum total of the Duke's lands, the County Palatine 
forms an imperium in imperio. 

The source of these other exceptional liberties is, as 
before, the King's grace and favour : they are built up 
by a succession of royal grants. 

By charter,^ dated May 7, 1342, certain exceptional 
franchises had been granted in tail to Henry, third 
Earl of Lancaster. Seven years later the grant was 
reconsidered. Henry, son of the grantee, had no male 
issue. As the law stood, the lands and the franchises 
which they carried would descend to his daughters and 
co-heirs, Maude and Blanche. Both were mere 
children, and no one could foretell the consequence of 
their marriage. It was not surprising, therefore, that 
the grant appeared to have been made to the " exceeding 
damage and excessive disherison" of the Crown. The 
Earl surrendered the grant-in-tail : it was formally 
cancelled and annulled, and he received in exchange 
a similar grant for hfe only.* 

A fresh grant ' bestowed the same franchises on John 
of Gaunt and Blanche, in respect of their share of the 
inheritance, actual and prospective, and, further, upon the 
death of Maude and the re-union of the inheritance the 
grant was extended to cover her sharie also.* 

But the matter was not allowed to rest there. The 
surrender and cancellation of the charter of May 7, 1342, 

^ Hardy, Charters, i. 
« Ibid. ii. 

^ Ibid. iv. dated November 13, 1361. 
* Ibid. V. May 12, 1362. 


was, of course, dictated by the fear of allowing an ex- 
tensive source of wealth and power to descend to persons 
unknown, perhaps friends, possibly enemies of the 
Crown. Now that the actual course of events had 
placed the lands in the power of a member of the royal 
family, the danger disappeared. 

Hence a new charter,* declaring the surrender by 
Earl Henry, and consequent cancellation of a grant 
in fee-tail duly passed under the great seal of England, 
to be null and void, and renewing the grant to John, 
Duke of Lancaster, in its original form and extent, viz., 
in fee-tail, and applying to the whole of the lands held 
by the original jgrantee. Earl Henry, on May 7, 1342. 

A subsequent charter " dating^ be it noted, from the 
last days of the dying King, bestowed upon his all- 
powerful son and minister similar Uberties to those thus 
recovered for the Lancastrian lands, in respect of the fiefs 
which the Duke had received in exchange for the Honor 
of Richmond. 

Such is the history of the grants ; now for the franchises 
and Uberties themselves. 

The golden age of feudal law is, by the middle of the 
fourteenth centmy, passing away if it is not past, but 
still the main characteristic of feudal ideas holds good : 
jurisdiction and property have not yet become differen- 
tiated ; in surrendering the first the king surrenders the 
second. Edward IH adds to his son's sources of income 
by increasing his jurisdiction ; in giving him new fran- 
chises he gives him new revenues. 

To name these franchises runs through the gamut of 
feudal tenure ; their names exhaust the vocabulary of 
the law books. 

The Duke and his men are quit of paviage, passage, 

^ Dated July 14, 1364, Hardy, Charters, vii. 
•Dated June 4, 1377. Hardy, Charters, x. Cf. Pari. Petition, 



payage, lastage, stallage, tallage, carriage, pesage, plcage, 
andgroundage. Hehas the return of allwritsandsummons 
of the Exchequer ; attachment of pleas of " vdthemam " 
and pleas of the Crown and of all pleas whatever ; he has 
fines and amercements, fines for licence to agree, chattels 
of felons, fugitives, and condemned persons ; infangthef 
and outfangthef, year; day; waste, estrepements and 
murders, assay and assize of wine and bread, waifs and 
strays, wreck flotsam and jetsam, deodand, and that most 
coveted of royal liberties — treasure trove. To deal with 
these terms which denote rights, some of which have 
passed away and some of which are with us still; in the 
concrete — this is what they mean. 

If any of the Duke's men or tenants '' made fine," or 
were amerced in any of the royal coiu'ts, wheresoever 
it might be, the fines and amercements went not to the 
King but to the Duke. Needless to add, the Duke's 
men and tenants, Uke the men of other tenants in chief, 
were being amerced in the King's courts on all possible 
occasions. If any of the Duke's men were convicted of 
felony, or fled from justice, " not being willing to stand 
his trial," or if for any cause he were condemned to lose 
life, limb, or chattels, those chattels, which, without proof 
of a claim of franchise, would have gone to the King's 
exchequer, went in virtue of this grant to the Duke. 

It must be remembered here that in the fourteenth 
century felony was by no means the comparatively rare 
offence which it has become to later law : convictions of 
felony are matters of constant occurrence. High and low, 
layman and cleric, found themselves condemned on a 
charge of felony ; or else, " not willing to stand their 
trial," fled from the arm of the law — if they could not 
reach sanctuary — to the woods. The Duke's register 
and the patent rolls of the Palatinate under his regahty, 
for the years which they cover, are crowded with 
instances ; usually the felony was pardoned, and pardon, 



it goes without saying, meant a consideration to the 
Duke's exchequer. 

Again the Duke and his men and tenants are quit of 
the oppressive tolls which like many other forms of 
indirect taxation were more successful in hindering com- 
merce than in benefiting the Exchequer. 

Once more : no sheriff, bailiff, or other royal ofl&cer 
could enter the lands and fees of the Duke (within the 
limits prescribed by the charters) to exact the writs 
and summonses of the King's exchequer and to make 
attachment of pleas, this, save in the case of default, being 
done by the Duke's ofl&cers. 

So far we have been dealing with the exceptional 
liberties and franchises, sources of revenue and sources 
of power, enjoyed by John of Gaunt, including both those 
confined to the County Palatine of Lancaster and those 
pertaining to the whole of the lands held by him in chief. 

Both these are exceptional in the sense that they were 
called into existence by specific royal grant ; without 
such acts of royal favour they would not have existed, 
at least not for the Duke. 

Now let us consider the ordinary sources of revenue 
and power which the land carried with it. If wealth 
were merely the power of commanding pleasures and 
comforts, this would scarcely be worth doing, but in 
this age wealth and poUtical power were intimately 
associated with each other, and a survey of the Duke's 
estates is a survey of his power. It explains an im- 
portance which otherwise he would not have possessed, 
and it shows by the way the extraordinary nimiber of 
people who in one way or another, directly or indirectly, 
found their hves and their fortunes bound up with those of 
the great Duke of Lancaster. 

We are now examining the first head in the ducal budget 
— issues of land in England and Wales.* 

* See Appendix iv. p. 447. 


These, the ordinary sources of revenue, are three: 
feudal incidents, (H-dinary feudal jurisdiction, and the 
profits issuing from the land itself and the things on 

John of Gaunt still receives the old feudal profits 
incident alike to the life of the tenant and to the life 
of the lord. 

When Henry, Earl of Derby, is eleven years old, the 
Duke levies an aid ** for knighting his eldest son.'* ^ In 
1372, when every baron of England is preparing for the 
military expedition which feiled so ignominiously to 
relieve Thouars, the Duke levies an aid **paur fiUe 
fnariery'^ ' though at the time Philippa of Lancaster was 
twelve years old and there was no question of betrothing 
her. Again, more than once when the French wars had 
drained even the Duke's resources to the dregs, and when 
he had borrowed wherever money was to be raised, the 
Duke levies a general aid from all his tenants in " reUef 
of his great necessities.*' A reasonable aid is asked of 
the free tenants as an act of grace ; the Duke orders his 
bondmen to be seized vdth their chattels until they have 
satisfied his officers.* 

Again, on the other hand, every tenant holding of the 
Duke paid a " reUef " on succeeding to his lands ; at his 
death the wardship of his lands and of his hefr or heiress 
passed to the overlord. This wardship was an asset : it 
could be farmed for so many marcs down, or it could 
be used instead of a pension or gift to reward faithful 
service. The marriage equally had a money value : if 
passion beguiled a minor into matrimony without the 

^ Record Report, xxxii. App. (i), 16, mandate to the sheriff 
dated May 20, second year of the regality, i.e. 1378. 

• Reg. I. f. 51. 

* In the Duchy of Lancaster bondmen preserved their servile 
condition longer as a class than in any other part of England. 
Large numbers were emancipated in the reign of Elizabeth, on 
payment of an extortionate fine to a royal patentee. 



Duke's permission, he must sue for pardon and pay a 

With the feudal incidents goes feudal jurisdiction. 
Wherever among the Duke's inniunerable manors the 
manorial court is held its profits belong to him ; 
often the jurisdiction of a group of manors has become 
absorbed in that of the hundred or wapentake : the 
Duke has hundreds and wapentakes and takes the 
profits of their courts. 

Again we must not forget that the Duke is one of the 
largest proprietors of ecclesiastical patronage in England : 
there are plentifully scattered up and down the Duke's 
lands, abbeys, priories, hospitals and churches, to which 
the Duke presents, and in such cases the new Prior or 
Abbot must, unless a charter of immunity can be 
produced, pay a reUef to Lancaster as lord.' 

Lastly, we come to the land itself 

The Duke's interest consists, as usual, in the profits to 
be derived from the demesne lands, and the right to 
claim certain services or certain rents or both from 
tenants free and imfree. 

But John of Gaunt's rent roll is not a simple affair : 
as well as the " free customs and Uberties," and in 
addition to the " manors, hundreds, and wapentakes," 
there are the issues of "hamlets, meadows, pannage, 
herbage, fisheries, moors, marshes, turbaries, chaces, 
parks, woods and warrens, fairs and markets." 

The Duke being lord of some himdreds of manors was 
necessarily an absentee landlord, and it may be of interest 
to observe the fiscal machinery whereby he was able 
to receive these compUcated " issues of lands in England 
and Wales." 

* Record Report^ xl. App. No. 4, 29, 71, etc. 

' Sedes vacantes ought, of course, normally to be in manu Regis, 
but in one of two cases the Duke got the profits, e.g. Hertford. 
Reg. II. f. 55. Cf. II. f. 30. 



He might put a bailif! or provost in charge of a manor 
or a group of manors, and this officer would account 
directly for its proceeds, or he might lease its profits 
"at farm" for a money rent. Following the usual 
practice, the Duke combined both systems as occasion 
served. He leased the manor in most cases for a money 
rent, i.e. the lessee paid so much per annum to the Duke 
and took the ordinary profits ; but when the lease expired, 
or when for one reason or another a lease was inexpedient, 
he farmed the demesne land through a reeve or bailiff. 
In both cases, of course, the seignorial perquisites accrued 
to the Duke, being in normal cases outside the terms 
of the lease. 

This raises the further question, Who were the officers 
responsible for the administration of the great Lancas- 
trian estates ? 

The men of the highest rank in the Duke's service 
were those who kept his castles and his forests. 

More than thirty castles were held by John of Gaunt 
in fee, and as if these were not enough he had also the 
ward of three royal castles — Chester, Hereford, and 

Down in the South, in the Honor of Eagle, lay the 
Conqueror's old castle of Pevensey, an important post 
when year after year privateers from Normandy came 
over to harry the Sussex coast. 

Queenborough,* began by Edward III in 1361, was in the 
Duke's custody.* It commanded the entrance to the 
Thames, and formed one of the strongest naval bases 
on the Kentish coast. 

Hertford was not a strong place ; the rebels did what 
they liked there in 1381. Being primarily residential 
and not military, the castle had no constable, but was 

^ 1 36 1. Rexabundans auro coepit aedificare castrum insignein 
insula Shipey. Cont. Eulog. 333. 
^ Reg. II. f. 120. 



placed under the bailiff who had the management of the 

With these three exceptions, Pevensey, Queenborough, 
and Hertford, the Duke*s castles lay in the North and 
West. They fall into three great groups, those of the 
Welsh border, the Midlands, and the North. Draw a 
line across England from the mouth of the Severn to the 
Wash, and to the north of it there are scarcely a score 
strongholds of importance out of the Duke's hands. 

In Monmouthshire, Whitecastle, Monmouth, Skenfrith, 
and Grosmont form a buttress against the Welsh — ^the 
last bound up in more ways than one with the story of 
the Lancastrian House, for at Grosmont the Good Duke 
Henry was bom, and its Welsh name Rhdslwyn, the 
castle on the rose-clad hill, first suggested, it is said, the 
red rose of Lancaster. 

These four castles are flanked on the north by Hereford, 
impregnable in its marshes, another royal castle in the 
Duke's ward ; on the south by the strongholds of Car- 
marthen and Glamorgan — Kidwelly, Iskennyn, Carreg 
Cennen, and Ogmore. In the days when Welsh dis- 
affection had been a standing menace to the peace of 
the realm, the command of these places had been a 
matter of the first importance ; now Wales was pacified, 
but the Duke always kept a firm grip of them. No 
sooner has the news of the rising reached him, in June, 
1381, than a courier is riding in hot haste to the south 
to warn the constables of his castles on the Welsh border. 

Leaving Hereford, if Lancaster rode round the southern 
bend of the Malvern hills, where WiUiam Langland as a 
young man had dreamt dreams and seen the vision of 
Piers the Ploughman, past Evesham, where his great- 
grandfather had crushed Simon de Montfort ; or again, 
if he rode to the north across Worcestershire by the 
Shropshire border, he would find himself once more 
within range of his own strong walls — the second group, 



the castles of the Midlands stretching out with unbroken ■ 
continuity to the North. 

Tutbury, Newcastle-under-L3rnie, Halton, Chester (the 
third royal castle held in ward), Kenilworth and Leicester, 
Melbourne and the High Peak, Higham Ferrers, Lin- 
coln and Bolingbroke, Liverpool, Clitheroe, Lancaster 
and Hornby, TickhiU, Pontefract, Knaresborough, and 
Pickering— all these were garrisoned by the Duke's 
men, and held by his officers, and far up in the North 
his banner waved from the walls of Dunstanburgh in 
the midst of the Percy country, and Liddell by the Scottish 
border. This represents a power which no other 
feudatory of the Crown could rival, and more than 
once Lancaster was to find his castles a very present 
help in time of trouble. To each castle he appointed 
a constable, a knight or esquire who was entitled ' 
to the wages of his office, "with twenty shillings 
for a robe '* of the Duke's livery, and two pence a 
day for a porter. The constable was responsible 
for the military efficiency of his castle; he stocked 
it with artillery and saw that his garrison had bows 
and sheaves of arrows enough : he superintended the ^ 
repairs of its walls and the new works planned by his ■ 
master — the most lavish and inveterate builder of his 
age. In times of danger he answered for it that no one 
passed the gates without express mandate under the 
Duke's privy seal. In time of peace and quiet, too, he 
might have the ward of civil prisoners, defaulting 
debtors and other evildoers, until the justices in eyre 
arrived and assizes claimed their victims. 

The ward of castles being a miUtary service ranks first 
in dignity, but next to the profession of arms venery is the 
most serious and respected pursuit of the times. 

Was there ever a Plantagenet who did not love the 
deer ? John Plantagenet was no degenerate scion of 
the race whose passion for hunting is written plain in 




the harsh letter of the EngUsh forest law. The Duke has 
forests, chaces, parks and warrens, north and south and 
west, from the Chace of Ashdown in the Honor of Eagle, 
to the forest of Liddell, far away in the North, " called 
Nichol forest " ; * from the woods of Glamorgan to the 
Chaces of Needwood and the High Peak and the great 
forests of Yorkshire and Lancashire. To keep them he 
has in his pay an army of forest officers, knights, esquires, 
and yeomen (for this is no clerk's work), fighting men one 
and all, though var3dng in dignity and degree, from the 
humble freeman who holds the moiety of the office of 
parker, through the warden of a chace, to deputy foresters, 
foresters, and foresters in chief. 

At the head of the hierarchy stands that gallant 
soldier and best of sportsmen, Sfr Walter Ursewyk, the 
man whom Lancaster had made knight on the battle- 
field of Najera, and whose courage and devotion raised him 
from the rank of a humble esquire to the highest positions 
of trust in the Lancastrian household. Sfr Walter is 
justice of the forests in the Duchy and County Palatine 
of Lancaster ; he is forester in chief of all the chaces in 
Blackbumshire,Trawden,Pendle, Rossendale, Tottington, 
and Hoddlesden ; he has letters patent imder the Duke*s 
privy seal appointing him master of all the Duke's 
games, sports, and hunting,* and he has jurisdiction over 
all the forest officers high and low, even over men Hke 
Sfr John Marmion, a Knight Banneret, who keeps the 
Chace of Knaresborough. These forest officers have the 
most varied duties ; they enclose parks and stock them 
with bucks and does ; they look to the underwood 
and trees, settle compUcated questions of agistment, 
and doubtless, and do not forget the tithes pan- 
nage ; at the Duke's mandate they make presents 
of venison or timber, for, as in the royal economy 

1 Reg. II. f. 119. 
> Reg. I. 53. 


itself, not a buck can be taken from his forest 
not an oak or sapling from his woods for timber, not 
bundle of brushwood for fuel without a warrant under tl 
privy seal, and even the bream and luce in his fishponi 
and the conies in his warrens are numbered. Above al 
their duty is to see that no " evildoers or sons of iniquity 
hunt in the Duke's forests,^ chaces or parks without h 
hcence ; even to kill a hare without a due permit brin| 
down on the hapless offender the full weight of tl 
ducal displeasure, and a trespass of venison is among tl 
mortal sins. 

In the duke's lands there were, it appears, many th 
left the rule of " Seinte Maure " or " Seint Beneit " 1 
follow St. Hubert — in his unregenerate days — ^men wl 

" Yaf nat of that text a pulled hen. 
That seith, that hunters been not holy men." 

At least, they are to be found among those guilty 
forest trespass. One at least was foigiven ; * for wha 
ever Wycliffe might think, John of Gaunt at least pr 
ferred a sporting parson to a political bishop I 

Before we leave the army of forest ofl&cers, the groon 
who kept the Duke's horses, ambling palfreys ridden I 
Dame Catherine Swynford and her charges, PhiUppa ai 
Elizabeth, and great destriers for the Duke's own us 
and the boys who keep his hounds, the falconers deser 
a mention. There was a whole staff of them under Anthoi 
the head falconer, a person of importance, for his year 
wages are £io, as much as the retaining fee of an esquir< 

Hunting, coursing, and hawking — for all these tl 
Lancastrian household was well equipped. Men migl 
question the Duke's pohtical principles, but no one cou 
deny that he was a keen sportsman. 

His castles and forests provided the Duke with 

^ Reg. I. f. 150. 
* Reg. II. I. 131. 


possible refuge in times of danger, and the means of 
gratifying a predominant passion : the lands and fran- 
chises, which provided the sinews of wars, were adminis- 
tered by officers equally useful if less interesting. 
They fall into three classes — feeders, stewards and 
bailiffs, and receivers. It was of course quite possible 
for one man to hold several offices : the Constable of 
Liverpool Castle was also a forester and the steward of a 
wapentake. In an out-of-the-way and self-contained 
lordship, like that of Dunstanburgh, the same man was 
steward, receiver, and constable of the castle. But in 
normal cases there was a receiver, and a steward, and a 
feeder for each coimty or group of coimties, and the 
individuals who held these offices were sharply distin- 
guished one from the other ; for while the receiver is almost 
always a " clerk," the steward and feeder are knights 
or esquires. 

The " issues of lands in England and Wales " are, as 
we have seen, those arising from extraordinary franchises, 
from feudal incidents, from seignorial jurisdiction, and 
from money rents or profits. 

A desire for completeness and symmetry would lead 
us to suppose a priori that the feeder or " warden of fees 
and franchises" would deal with the extraordinary 
franchises and the incidents of feudal tenure, and the 
steward and bailiff with the profits of jurisdiction and 
money rents ; but in point of fact, this distinction cannot 
be maintained, and in many cases the duties of the first 
and second are interchangeable. 

The feoder and steward distrain for homage on the lands 
of those who hold of the Duke by knight's service : they 
supersede distress and deliver seisin of lands at the Duke's 
warrant, homage done ; on a tenant's death they take 
possession of the heir and his lands and tenements imtil 
their master has signified his pleasure as to the wardship 
of the heir and his lands ; they levy and collect aids, and 



they are responsible for the franchises granted by royal 

If a ship is wrecked on the coasts of Lincoki or Lanca- 
shire they seize the wreck and sell it for their master's 
profit, unless, as sometimes happens, the owners belong 
to some powerful trading company having interest at 
the Savoy, when they restore the wreck to the owner. 
They collect the profits of the Duke's court in manor, 
hundred and wapentake, or where these have been farmed, 
they see that the ferm is handed over with their other 
moneys to the receiver. 

This officer is the centre of the Lancastrian fiscal 
system. The receipt (a county, or a group of counties) 
is the unit of the financial administration, and illus- 
trates its great merit, decentralization — devolution of 
work and responsibility. For the receiver is not merely 
the channel by which the " issues of lands in England 
and Wales" reach the Savoy; he receives with one 
hand while with the other he defirays the costs of 
administration. He pays the wages of steward, bailiff 
and feoder, and of so many knights and esquires of the 
Duke's retinue. His surplus moneys, less these wages, he 
surrenders to the Duke's chief financial officer, the 
Receiver General. Thus the Receiver General's accounts 
only show a tithe of his income and expenditure, viz., 
the net proceeds of the Lancastrian estates, less the cost 
of administration and considerable other payments. 

But decentralization is not enough without super- 
vision. Hence the itinerant officers, whose task it is to 
see that the various local officers do their duty. There 
are chief stewards — three in niunber — ^men of rank, 
always knights bachelor, who go on circuit and 
exercise a general supervision. For the purpose of 
this supervision the Trent is the dividing line ; one works 
over the Duke's lands south of Trent and in Wales ; 
one ** north of Trent " for the Duchy of Lancaster, Stafford 



and Derby, one for the other northern lands. Finally, 
following the same divisions, there are the auditors, 
clerks of course, who check the accounts of each 
receiver, examine the warrants which are his vouchers 
for each item of expenditure, see that no greedy feoder 
is exacting more than the accustomed wages of his office, 
and that no imjust steward or bailiff has taken his bill 
and written fifty marcs where eighty are due. 

Finally there is the Duke's Council, a definite and 
formal body, who help him in the administration of his 
estates. Under the presidency of the chief of the council 
(in 1377 Sir John d'Ypres, one of the Duke's retainers), 
accompanied by the clerk to the Coimcil, they go on 
progress through the Lancastrian lands, listening to 
the petitions of aggrieved tenants, settling questions 
of disputed ownership, respiting demands on a farmer 
in arrear with his ferm or a minister in arrear with his 
accoimts, acting in short as a final court of appeal, to which 
all causes may be brought, and thus becoming the custod- 
ians of the Duke's good name for clemency and justice. 
The Duke's coimdUors too are men of substance ; they 
go siu-ety for his debts. 

Leaving the local and subordinate officers, let us go to 
headquarters and ask : What did Lancaster do with 
the great wealth at his command ? This takes us to 
the Receiver General, the keystone in the arch of Lancas- 
ter's financial S3^tem. The Receiver General, a highly 
paid officer who has his own official residence, finds the 
funds for the three great spending departments — the 
Household, Wardrobe and Wvy Purse. At intervals, 
by warrant imder the privy seal, he pays to the Treasurer 
of the Household, the Clerk of the Great Wardrobe and 
the Clerk of Privy Expenses, the sums necessary for 
their departments, and even these, large as they are, 
do not exhaust their expenditure, for the issues of certain 
lands and lordships are ** appropriated in aid" of the 



several departments and paid over direct. The Lancas- 
trian household is unique. No other in England can 
rival it ; it rivals that of the King. The Duke aspired 
to the conunand of English annies and the control of 
foreign relations. He must therefore maintain a state 
to correspond with his position. Whenever a king or 
prince visits King Edward's court, the welcome at the 
Savoy must equal that of Westminster Palace. The 
sovereignty of Castile must be brought home to English- 
man and foreigner. £migr6 Spanish knights, the Spanish 
ladies of Queen's Constance court, or Portuguese envoys 
must realize that they are enjoying the hospitality of 
one who is not only the first subject of King Edward, 
but the legitimate heir of Don Pedro. Hence a lavish 
expenditure upon the household. Like the King, the 
Duke has his Chamberlain, Steward, and Controller of the 
Household ; all these are men of position. His chief 
butler and paneter, who has charge of " all things per- 
taining to the butlery, pantry, ewery and saucery ** is an 
esquire ; so is his master cook. Beneath their command 
they have a force of poulterers, achatoius, purveyors, -etc. 
The mere cost of living was enormous. It must not 
be forgotten that the foiuleenth century was an age of 
decadence. Doubtless the influence of the French wars 
explained much. Human life coimted for little, but 
while men lived it was as though each man said -' Let 
us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die ! '*^ Hence the 
strange and appalling contrasts : a profusion of wealth 
side by side with the extremes of poverty ; a wild 
luxury side by side with want and misery. Gida 
had long since taken its place beside accidia in the 
official catalogue of monastic sins; but now gluttony 
invades every rank of society. In vain Parliament 
enacts that the common people shall not wear furs, 
and prescribes the legal number of dishes according 
to each man's degree. Sumptuary laws serve not to 



alter but to chronicle the vices of their age, and 
it is significant that in this age the poets go to the 
kitchen for their metaphors, and borrow from 
the menu terms to describe the entanglements of the 
"grande passion."* Against extravagances of dress, 
those bizarre and fantastic devices of fashion, which give 
to the costumes of the period such a quaint picturesque- 
ness, the puritans of the period lay and clerical 
protested, but protested in vain. In vain the moral 
Gower mixed his breath with the popular cry ; society 
turned a deaf ear.* Even the Church was divided against 
itself, for some of the worst offenders of Edward's lavish 
court were the "reUgious," who, discarding the seemly 
dark raiment of their orders, vied with courtiers no more 
worldly than themselves in the brilliance of their slashed 
doublets, dyed rufis and sweeping gowns. 

When in the house of a simple frankhn it ** snowed meat 
and drink," when mere knights put the rent of a manor 
into one garment, what wonder that there was luxury 
and profusion in the household of the greatest magnate 
of the realm ? The possessions of which the Clerk of the 
Wardrobe had charge were priceless, and the furs and cloth 
of gold which John of Gaimt gives to the Queen his consort 
are worth a king's ransom ; while for the charge of the 
pearls, diamonds, rubies, sapphires and emeralds in the 
Savoy, a whole staff of warders under a yeoman of the 
jewek is necessary. 

But if the Duke spent freely on himself he spent as 
freely on others. The bulk of the sums handed to him 
for his secret expenses by the Clerk of the Privy Purse 

* Was never pyk walwed in galuntyne. 
As I in love am walwed and y-wounde. 
Chaucer. To Rosemaunde," 17-iS, 

* Gower, On the Corruptions of the Age — " ContramenHs Saevi- 
Ham in causa superbiae " Political poems, i. 350, Cf. the 
Chronicles passim. 

225 Q 


went in presents ; he had his Ahnoner en titre, who every 
Friday disbursed ten shillings, and twelve and sixpence 
every Saturday to the poor, but this does not exhaust his 
almsgiving. The Duke is above all things a cheerful 
giver. He is not guilty of the sins of omission, and the 
official charity of the Almoner is supplemented by his 
master in person. 

Enough has been said to form a rough estimate of the 
nmnbers of the Duke's officers ; the whole army cannot 
be reviewed. There are many of importance of which 
a bare mention must suffice ; the legal officers for instance, 
the ministers in the King's court at Westminster, Attorney 
General, sergeants, attorneys in Chancery, and Exchequer, 
King's Bench and Conmion Pleas, derk of estreats and 
apposer, clerk of the marshalsea, and the rest ; there 
is the Duke's '' mire and surgeon," who, like the fighting 
men, accompanies him to the field and receives in war 
double his accustomed wages ; there are darioners, 
buglers and minstrels, some of whom are incorporate 
by ducal charter, under the King of the Minstrels. Once 
at least they forget to be merry, for there is a general 
strike among the Duke's minstrels and he has to take 
severe measures to restore order.* There is the Master 
of the Duke's barge,^with his crew of eight oars, who row 
the Duke on the Thames between the Savoy and West- 
minster, and once stand him in good stead when the 
London mob is at his beds and he has to fly for safety to 
Kennington ; and there is Lancaster Herald, a person 
of international importance, for it will be his task to 
prodaim through Europe the challenge of R^^nault 
de Roye at the Jousts of St. Ingdvert. There are, too, 
the officers of the separate establishments of the Queen 
Consort — for Constance has her own treasurer and derk 
of the wardrobe — of the young Ecirl of Derby and of 
Katharine of Lancaster, under the charge of Lady 

1 Reg. II. f. 117. 


de Mohun, and Philippa and Elizabeth under the charge 
of Dame Katharine Sw5aiford. These we must leave, 
and pass to the highest dignitary and the most significant 
members of Lancaster's household — ^his Chancellor and 
his Retinue. 

The Chancellor is always in orders, sometimes like 
Ralf de Erghum, Bishop of Salisbiuy, a man of high 
ecclesiastical rank. He is the Duke's coimcillor in chief, 
the guardian of his secrets and the keeper of his seals. 
He is altogether superior to the Chancellor of the County 
Palatine, who holds the " magnimi sigillum pro regimine 
r^alitatis." The Duke's Chancellor keeps the "great 
silver seal with the arms of Spain," while for the privy 
seal he has under him a Keeper of the Privy Seal specially 
deputed for that office. Through his hands pass the 
most important docimients that issue from the Savoy, 
the treaties with foreign powers, to which Lancaster as 
envoy extraordinary and plenipotentiary or as indepen- 
dent potentate is a signatory. 

Lastly we reach the apex of the structure and the 
crown of the Lancastrian Household. More important 
than the administrative and financial officers, more 
important than the ceremonial officials of the Savoy are 
the knights and esquires of the Duke's Retinue. 

John of Gaimt did not sit alone with his family in the 
banqueting halls of Hertford, Leicester, or Kenilworth, 
and when he went to the wars the men who followed his 
banner were not hired troops alone. The "grand 
seigneur " must have his circle of comrades in arms, his 
followers and his bodyguard, and, in accordance with 
the custom of the age, these followers are united to their 
chieftain by a bond of a special and peculiar nature. 
More than a himdred knights, banneret or bachelor, and 
as many esquires, entered into a formal compact with 
the Duke, swearing to serve him faithfully in peace or 
war for their lives. They expoused his quarrels (which 



were not few) at home, and they followed his banner into 
the field of battle, forming with their attendants the 
nucleus of the force which he led in his sovereign's service 
or his own adventures. In retmn for this service they 
enjoyed the Duke's favour and protection, and received 
each one his retaining fee, so much for a simple esquire, 
more for a knight bachelor or banneret, more still for a 
baron, the amoimt varying not only with the rank of the 
retainer, and the regard which the Duke had for him, 
but also in proportion to the niunber of men whom he 
might bring into the field, from the fee of ten pounds per 
annum drawn by an esquire to the annuity of five hundred 
marcs paid to a great north country baron. In time of 
war the fee was doubled, and in addition to the " r^ard " 
the Duke paid for the "restore" of horses killed or 
captiu'ed by the enemy, and advanced in part or \^olly 
the ransom money of a captured retainer. The cost of 
a permanent establishment on such a scale as this was, 
of course, enormous ; but his political influence, if not his 
personal safety, depended in no small measure on the 
power to command the support of armed force at short 
notice. This formed the material guarantee of his power 
and dignity — decus et ttUatnen in armis. So soon as the 
clerks in the Savoy could write copies of the summons, 
and the Duke's couriers could carry his message, mobiliza- 
tion began, and the Duke's men rode to the rendezvous, 
equally prepared to fight the foreigner, to follow their 
master to the Scottish border, or to stand by him dming 
a stormy session at Westminster. 

Among the men whom Lancaster gathered about him 
were many of note both in the arts of peace and war : 
Sir Robert KnoUes, the brave and dashing captain of 
Edward III, Sir Richard Le Scrope (Lord Le Scrope 
of Bolton), and Sir Michael de la Pole (afterwards Earl of 
Suffolk), the faithful minister of Richard II. Lord 
Neville of Raby, Lord Roos of Hamelak, Lord Dacre, 



and Lord Welles took the Duke's wages and wore his 
livery ; the roll of his men contains many a well-known 
name — Banastre, Marmion, D5anmok, Blount, Ursewyk, 
Ciurzon and Foljambe. For the most part the Duke's 
men were recruited in the great northern lordships, but 
southerners from Kent and Sussex, and East Anglians, 
find a place in the ranks, while Cornwall, Wales and 
Scotland are ako represented. Like Duke Henry, Duke 
John had little insular prejudice, and true to the spirit 
of chivalry, which inclined to place knighthood above 
race and nation, John of Gaimt maintained foreigners 
as well as his own coimtrymen among his retinue. Jean 
d'Aubr^cicourt the Hainatdter, and Maubumi de 
Liniferes the Poitevin fought side by side with their 
English comrades for the Duke of Lancaster in France 
and for the King of Castile in Spain ; Spanish knights 
follow Queen Constance from Bordeaux to the Savoy 
and enroll themselves in the Lancastrian retinue, while in 
the " eighties " the chivalry of Portugal is also represented. 
Such was the territorial interest and such the house- 
hold of the most powerftd subject of Edward IH. and 
Richard H. 



the English cause, pledging himself to surrendtf 
Brest, and to serve King Richard, while Charles of 
Navarre was negotiating to place Cherbourg in English 
hands, and, as Charles V believed, planning a blood 
alliance with the royal house of England.^ 

In addition to Calais, Bordeaux and Bayonne, there- 
fore, Cherbourg and Brest were, or were soon to be, at 
the disposal of England ; but the Government had yet 
to learn that naval bases do not win battles or secure 
the control of the sea. Meanwhile the Castilian fleet 
had returned, for Enrique II found enough to do for 
the moment in protecting his commerce from Gascon 
privateers, and his frontiers from his cousin of Portugal, 
to say nothing of his son-in-law of Navarre. 

Such was the naval situation when Lancaster, after 
long delay caused by contrary winds, put to sea at the 
beginning of Jtdy to meet the French admiral.' 

If Jean de Vienne had fought, he wotdd have fought 
single-handed without the support of Castile, but his 
orders were not to fight, for Charles V was resolved to 
carry out at sea also that policy of inaction which had 
achieved such signal success in 1373. When, therefore, 
Lancaster's fleet, after lying weatherbound at Sand- 
wich, reached the Isle of Wight and thence made for the 
Norman coast, there was no enemy to be found, for Jean de 
Vienne had crept up the coast to Harfleur and was lying 
in the Seine. After searching the Norman coast in vain 

^ FoedyVll, 174 ; 190-5 ; 196-7. The proposal for a marriage 
between Katherine of Lancaster and Pierre, second son of Charles 
of Navarre, was said to have been found in the secret correspon- 
dence captured with Navarre's agent, Jacques de Rue. Chr, Vol. 
26|. Froissart K. de L. 55. 

^ Letters of protection for Lancaster's suite, dated March 4, 
1378 ; Foed, VII. 186 ; orders to impress mariners dated May 20 
and May 24, ibid. 195 ; letters of attorney for members of his 
suite, dated June 18, ibid. 199-200 ; letters of protection, dated 
June 16, ibid. Record Report, xxxii. App. (i.) 17. Froissart, 
K. de L. 54-93- ^^^' ^^f* ^94, 204. Wals. i. 367, 373-5. 



the Duke was compelled to abandon his main object. 
Operations on land had formed no part of his plans, and 
he had embarked no horses, but to return without strik- 
ing a blow, as the great fleet had returned in 1372 after 
the failure to reach La Rochelle, would be to play into the 
hands of the critics at Westminster, so Lancaster, finding 
the wind favourable for St. Malo, determined to land 
there and besiege the strongest port on the northern 
coast yet remaining in French hands. The idea was an 
afterthought ; it took the enemy by surprise. They had 
just time to throw a couple of himdred lances into the 
town before the siege began. It was diflftcult for Charles V 
to relieve St. Malo without departing from his defen- 
sive poUcy, but he sent du Guesdin to give the town all 
assistance compatible with the standing orders to avoid 
an engagement. While the French and EngUsh forces 
faced each other, and skirmished at low tide across the 
tidal river which separated their camps, the siege went 
on. Lancaster kept his batteries busy on the walls, and 
delivered assaults, but now, as at the siege of Limoges, 
he reUed on his miners to carry the town. The work was 
well advanced, when one night early in August the Earl 
of Arundel was in charge of the mine ; the Earl had 
proved himself an energetic and able commander at sea, 
but on this occasion his conduct left much to be desired. 
A sortie from St. Malo took him completely by surprise, 
and succeeded, imder cover of the confusion of a night 
attack, in completely wrecking the mine. 

As a coimcil of war, which censured Arundel for his 
carelessness, decided that it was useless to begin the work 
again, the siege was raised, and the Duke's force returned 
to England. Arundel was in disgrace, but responsibiUty 
for the failure was, naturally enough, laid at the door 
of the commander-in-chief ; a new count had been added 
to the indictment against the unpopular Duke.* 

^ For the naval expedition and the siege of St. Malo, see 



It was unfortunate that the Duke's first military ex- 
pedition since his retirement should have ended as it did ; 
still more unfortunate that this military failtve should be 
followed by another quarrel with the Bishops. This new 
conflict with the powers of the Church was the result of an 
act of violence done during Lancaster's absence, the stoiy 
of which takes us back to the Spanish campaign of 1367. 

Among the foreign volunteers who came to the hdp 
of Enrique of Trastamare in 1366 was Alfonso, Count of 
Ribagorza and Denia, son of the Infemte Don Pedro, 
and grandson of the King of Aragon Don Jajone 11.^ 

Enrique rewarded his adherence by a grant of lands on 

the frontier of Castile and the title of Marquess of Villena,' 

and sixteen years later created him Constable of Castile.' 

Froissart, K. de L, ix. 54-5, 60, 64-5, 67-71, 79^3. Chr. V0I. 
274. Chr. AngL 194-197, 201, 204-6 ; and Weils, i. 367, 371, 
373-5 (an untrustworthy account). 

^ Ayala, i. 397, and ii. 235 ; besides the passages quoted bdow, 
sec Ayala ii. 661 {Adigiones a las Noias) and Fernan Peres de 
Guzman, Getterafiones de los Reyes, pp. 597-8. 

Jayme II. King of Aragon 

Don Pedro, Infante of Aragon 


Don Alfonso, Count of Ribagorza 
and Dcnia Marcjue^ of Villena, 
i>uke of Gandia, Constable of 

Enrique II.=Dofla Elvira 
' Ifiiguez 

Don Alfonso 
hostage of Ilauley and Shakyl) 



Don Pedro 
(hostage of the 
Count of Foix), I 
d. 1385 I 

Don Enrique de Villena 

3 £ di6 A Don Alfonso Conde de Denia del Regno de Aragon, 
que venia con 61 la tierra que fucra de Don Juan fijo del In- 
fante Don Manuel ... 6 mando que le llamasen Marques de 
Villena. Ayala, i. 408. 

3 Ayala, ii. 157. 



Alfonso fought in the cavaby division of the usurper's 
army at Najera, where he was captured ^ by two squires, 
Robert Hauley and John Shakyl. By the ordinary 
rules of warfare the captive, being of the blood royal, 
remained at the disposal of Prince Edward, who was 
bound to compensate the captors with a suitable reward. 
The Marquess of Villena, or to give him his more familiar 
title. Count of Denia, was allowed to go on parole^ 
giving as hostages his two sons, Alfonso and Pedro. 
The younger, Pedro, was handed over to the Coimt of 
Foix, a friend of the Denia family, who made himself 
responsible for his ransom; the elder, Alfonso, was 
assigned to the squires, who returned to England with 
their prize and the prospect of a substantial ransom. 

Unfortunately for all concerned, the asset was hard 
to realize. With the double object of rewarding his 
supporter and disposing of the hands of two illegitimate 
daughters, Enrique II agreed to advance 60,000 florins 
towards the ransom, on the understanding that Alfonso 
should marry one daughter, Leonor, and Pedro should 
marry tlie second, Juana, the advance being considered 
as the joint dowry of the two. 

So far as the younger son is concerned this arrange- 
ment was carried out ; Pedro married Juana, and con- 
tinued to serve the House of Trastamare until 1385, 
when he was killed at Aljubarrota.* Alfonso, however, 
flatly declined to accept the hand of a lady of Leonor's 
reputation, and her father in consequence demanded 
back 30,000 florins, i.e. half the dowry advanced as 

So much is necessary to explain, firstly the importance 
of the Count of Denia in international politics, and 
secondly, the long delay in ransoming the English hostage. 

* Ayala, i. 457 ; Wals. i. 304 ; Chr. Angl, 59. 

* Fern o Lopes, Chronica d*el Rey D. Joao I, iv. 182. Higd. 
ix. 66. Wals. ii. 135, Cf. Ayala, II. iio-ii and note. 



For in 1377, ten years after the windfell which had 
come to them at Najera, the squires were still cherishing 
their hopes and their security. Their troubles began 
when in the autumn of that year the Count of Denia sent 
representatives to England with a portion of his son's ran- 
som and instructions to negotiate terms for his release/ 

Being a cadet of the Royal House of Aragon, Denia was 
able to induce the Court of Aragon to move in the 
matter.* It was an opportune moment, for n^otia- 
tions between the two countries were just beginning.' 

The Government requested Hauley and Shakyl to 
produce their hostage, but the squires, fearing the loss of 
their ransom money, refused. A writ ordering the Count 
of Denia to be produced before the King and Council in 
Parliament * succeeded no better, for the Count could 
not be foimd ; finally the captors, by the order of Parlia- 
ment, were committed to the Tower for contumacy and 
for keeping a " private prison" in their own house.* A 
plea that their case might be referred to a committee of 
the King's Council, * proved of no avail ; the Government 
remained obdurate, and the squires remained con- 

This situation lasted from November, 1377, to August, 
1378. Then the squires escaped from the Tower and 
took sanctuary at Westminster. The Constable of the 

* Safe conduct, dated August 4, 1377. Faed, VII. 171. 

^ Cont, Eulog, iii. 342 — an important point which has been 
overlooked, as also has the fact that Denia was Aragonese, not 

^ Powers to two commissioners to treat with Aragon, dated 
October 30, 1377. Foed, VII. 179. 

* Dated October 28, 1377. Foed, VII. 178. 

'^ Rot, Pari. iii. 10 a. Sir William Faringdon was also 
committed to the Tower in connexion with the Count 's disap- 
pearance ; he was released and handed over to the Earl of 
Northumberland, who undertook to be surety for him. Warrant 
dated December 5, 1377. Foed. VII. 179-80. 

® Rot. Pari. iii. soa. The Count of Denia's was not the only 
case : there was trouble about Flemish prisoners too. 



Tower, Sir Alan Buxhill, who was responsible for their 
safe custody, determined to get them back. Accom- 
panied by Sir Ralf Ferrers and a body of armed men, he 
went to the Abbey and soon succeeded in getting 
Shakyl out of the precincts by a ruse. Hauley was less 
fortunate. A heated argument ensued, the Constable 
chaiging him with contimiacy in resisting the King's 
conunands, the squire charging the King's coimcillors 
with injustice and avarice. Finding argument useless, 
the Constable ordered his guard to drag the man from 
the Abbey. Mass was being celebrated at the time, and 
the priest had just reached the words " If the Master of 
the house had known at what hour," etc., when the 
Abbq^ became the scene of wild confusion, the himted 
man breaking in among the monks in the chancel, with a 
body of armed guards at his heels. It was useless to 
try to protect the fugitive ; the monks were driven back 
at the sword's point, and one, a sacristan, bolder than 
the rest, was cut down. Hauley himself was caught and 
despatched on the very steps of the altar. 

Blood had been shed in the sacred building, and not 
only had sanctuary been violated, but the Abbey 
miraculously consecrated by Saint Peter himself had been 
desecrated by murder I For a while the clergy hesitated 
between desire for vengeance and fear of the secular 
power. The murderers were the King's oflftcers : Was it 
wise to defy the Government and challenge the strong 
anti-clerical feeling of the day, when the King's mother 
was notorious for her Lollard s)anpathies, when the 
King's uncle was protecting Wydiffe, and the reformer's 
ideas were gaining every day a stronger hold on the 
court and people ? Bold coimsels prevailed : the Bishop 
of London, with five suffragans, proceeded to St. Paul's 
and solemnly excommimicated Sir Alan Buxhill and Sir 
Ralf Ferrers and all directly or indirectly responsible for 
the outrage. 



It was in vain that the King wrote to the Bishop 
requesting him not to publish, or at least to postpone 
the sentence. The Bishop ignored the royal letters, and 
repeated his curses three days a week at St. Paul's. 
It is true that the names of Richard himself, the 
Princess Joan and the Duke of Lancaster were speci- 
fically excepted from the sentence of exconmiunication» 
but this exception, insinuating a responsibility which 
could not be openly maintained, only served to irritate 
the Government more. The King's officers had violated a 
privilege of the Church, and the Church had declared 
war on the Government. 

Such was the situation when John of Gaunt returned 
from his ill-fated expedition to St. Malo. In the outrage 
of August II the Duke can have had no share direct or 
indirect, for he had been at sea for more than a month 
when the crime took place. He has been held responsible, 
however, for the events which led to it, for the attempt, 
that is, to get possession of the Count of Denia, on 
the word of the Monk of St. Albans, evidence which 
would prove the Duke guilty of all possible crimes and 
treasons from his first appearance in public life to the 
year 1388, when the "Scandalous Chronicle" ceases. 
The St. Albans chronicler says that the attempt to 
secure Denia's person was made to please the Duke of 
Lancaster, giving the statement on the strength of a 
popular nunour,^ producing a confession of guilt on the 
same authority,* but making the mistake of coupling 
with this explanation another equally imconvindng, to 
the effect that the attempt was made not by the Duke 
at all, but by the King's advisers, who wanted to marry 
the Count of Denia to the King's half-sister, Matilda 

A priori it is difficult to see how the possession of the 

^ Ut quibusdam placet. Chr. AngL 210. 
* Ut quidam dicunt. Chr, AngL 210. 



person of the young Alfonso could help Lancaster's 
Castilian ambitions, seeing that the Count himself, a 
noble of Aragon, was definitely committed to the cause 
of Trastamare. But in this case there is something more 
than antecedent probabihties or the reverse to go upon. 
The writ ordering the production of the hostage, and 
the conunittal of his captors, was issued not by the Lan- 
castrian ParUament of January, 1377, ^^^ ^Y ^^^ ^^' 
liament of October, 1377,^ led by Sir Peter de la Mare, 
recruited from the veterans of 1376, a house, we are 
told, which if not anti-Lancastrian, was the most inde- 
pendent of all the assemblies of the reign.* 

To overcome the improbabiUty that such a Parliament 
would go out of its way to perpetrate an act of injustice 
to please John of Gaimt requires evidence rather more 
satisfactory than one of two inconsistent explanations 
offered, on the strength of idle rumour, by the St. Albans 
chronicle. There is no reason to reject the plain and 
natural explanation, that the Coimt of Denia wanted to 
get his son back, that he got his own court to back his 
request, and that Richard's Government, anxious as 
they showed themselves to conciliate both the King of 
Aragon and the Count of Foix, were prepared to do what 
they could. The rest is explained by the natural fears 
of the captives and the violence of the King's officers, and 
to look for the traces of a deep political conspiracy, or to 
cast an air of mystery about the incident, is gratuitous.® 

Lancaster then had no share in the crime of August 11, 

* Rot. Pari. iii. loa. 

* Stubbs, Const. Hist. ii. 463. 

* Higden, viii. 397, says explicitly that the act was done by 
"sceUraH de familia regis.*' 

SeeChr.Angl. 207-8,241 ; Wals.i. 376-8,411 ; Etilog.ui. 342 ; 
Record Report, xlv. App. x. 308. Delpit Collection, p. 205. 
Foed, VII. 275, 287, and 312. 

In the end the King agreed that in exchange for the captive 
Shakyl should have lands worth 100 marcs p.a., and promised 



or in the circumstances which led up to it ; the wise 
coiurse, the course which ten years later he would cer- 
tainly have adopted, was to stand aside and leave the 
Bishop of London and the monks of Westminster to 
fight their quarrel out with the King's Council. But 
instead of doing this the Duke repeated his mistake of 
1376 ; and threw himself into a quarrel which was none 
of his making. The Bishop of London had been sum- 
moned to a meeting of the Council at Windsor, and 
had refused to attend. Irritated by another example 
of the arrogance of the chiefe of the hierarchy, the Duke 
offered to ride to St. Paul's and drag the Bishop to 
Windsor " in spite of the ribald knaves of London." * 

Once more a rash threat aroused popular passion. 
Once more suspicion was aroused, taking, as usual, the 
form of exaggeration and invention. The failure at St. 
Malo must be the result of corruption : the Duke had got 
into his hands the taxes voted by Parliament, and was 
using them for his own ends ! He was plotting the destruc- 
tion of the Church : wholesale abolition of privilege and 
confiscation of property were the main featiures of a 
scheme of disestablishment to be propounded to the 
forthcoming Parliament! 

to found a chantry for the souls of those killed. by^ihis officers. 
Lancaster's only appearance in the case is as arbiter in a quarrel 
twelve years later between Hauley's heir and Shakyl {Rot. Pat. 
Oct. 20, 1 390) as to the division of the spoil. 

The account of Mr. Shirley (Fasc, Ziz. Introduction, xxxv.) is 
most misleading. Denia was a " relation of the reigning house " 
of Aragon, not " of Castile** Sir Ralf Ferrers was not " one of 
the Duke*s retainers.** Lancaster did not, and could not " follow 
the squires to sanctuary.** Where is the evidence that he 
" offered the squires a price for the prisoner ** ? Or that he *'put 
forward claims, we scarcely know what, on the part of the Crown ** ? 

The scandalosa mendacia of Lancaster's " deeper scheme of 
revenge *' are refuted by the events which followed, and by the 
passage from the De Ecclesia which Mr. Shirley quotes (^Fasc. Ziz, 
Introduction, xxxvi.-xxxvii.), 

^ Chr. Angl, 210, 



Parliament met at Gloucester, out of the reach of the 
" ribald knaves of London," * and opened with every sign 
of an uncomfortable session. The Lords refused to 
follow the precedent of the last three ParUaments by 
allowing a number of themselves to be selected to con- 
fer with the Commons ; the Conmions, on their part, 
showed a disposition to grumble at everything, and a 
strong reluctance to vote taxes. 

Lancaster's chief object was to clear his own name and 
to place it beyond question that the subsidies had been 
spent on the purposes for which they had been voted. 
Knowing his position and foreseeing suspicion, he had 
taken care to name Walworth and Phihpot, the ParUa- 
mentary Treasurers, among the conunissioners of array 
appointed to supervise the preparations for the naval 
expedition of the summer.* When, therefore, Richard 
le Scrope declared in the King's name that every penny 
of the taxes had been spent on the war, the Treasurers 
were compelled to support the statement. But the 
Conmions were not satisfied even by the words of their own 
officers ; they demanded that the accounts should be pro- 
duced. There was a strong feeling among the Council 
against making a concession which might become an incon- 
venient precedent, but Lancaster insisted, and the 
accounts were produced. A scrutiny justified the state- 
ments of Richard le Scrope, Walworth and Phihpot. 
It was proved that all the money had been spent on the 
war, and the Commons had to content themselves with 
gnmibling that it was not proper to charge to voted 
moneys the expense of maintaining Cherboiu'g, Brest, 
Calais, Bordeaux, and Bayonne, ports which, as the 
ministers reminded them, were not only " beles et nobles 

^ Summoned by writ dated September 3, 2 Rich. II, to meet 
on Wednesday after St. Luke (Dugdale, Summons, 297), it sat from 
October 20 to November 16, 1378. Rot. Pari. iii. 32-54. 

• Fo0d, VII. 199. 

241 R 


entrees et Portz pur grever noz enemys," but also the 
" barbicans " of the Kingdom. 

As for the threatened spoliation of the Church, the 
charge had to go the way of the other equally fanciful 
charge of corruption. 

Common sense and justice alike demanded that a limit 
should be placed on theabuse of sanctuary, and that a time- 
honoured privilege of the Church should not be employed 
to protect the person and property of a fraudulent debtor. 
Such a limitation of a long-standing grievance Lancaster 
supported : ^ it represented the extreme limit of hb 
" revolutionary policy ; " * and that others besides Wydiffe 
supported his view appears from the fact that a year 
later the reform was embodied in a statute.' 

It was seven years since John of Gaunt had married the 
heiress of Castile. He had never laid aside his continental 
ambitions or abandoned his resolve to win a place among 
the kings of Europe. In spite of difficulties the work of 
preparation went on. Of those negotiations with the 
Peninsular powers which led to the expedition of the 
Earl of Cambridge in the sununer of 1381 more will be 
said later. While circumstances made it impossible to 
carry out the scheme, the Duke found occupation in 
a political problem nearer home, and now for the first 
time began to play a prominent part in the relations 
between England and her northern neighbour. 

The condition of the Border was a constant source of 
anxiety to Parliament. Since 1369 there had been, in 
theory at least, a truce between England and Scotland, but 

^ Fasc. Ziz. Introduction, xxxvi.-xxxvii. 

' The Monk of St. Albsuis is amusing : " [Dux] se in lucis 
angelum transformavit, nihil pro tunc omnium quae decreverat 
tempiaturus, sed universa facturus quae ipse arcliiepiscopus et 
sufFraganei pro tunc decemerent vel juberent. Chr. Angl. 211 . 
Cf. Wals. i. 380. 

' In the Parliament which sat at Westminster from 25 April 
to 27 May, 1379. Rot. Pari, iii. 55-70. 



the period was one of constant fighting and disorder. 
Berwick was taken and retaken with a wearisome 
regularity; again and again the Earis of March and 
Douglas and Archibald Douglas, Lord of Galloway, 
swept over the border and harried the northern 
counties ; as often Percy, Greystock and Neville led 
their border riders to ravage the Lowands. It is useless 
to attempt to distinguish aggression from retahation, 
or to say who began a quarrel which in point of fact 
never ended. This anarchy was tempered by the institu- 
tion of March days, on which commissioners from either 
Government met at some Border village to discuss in- 
fractions of the truce and to make redress. 

The Scottish king was prepared to accept peace but 
powerless to control his subjects ; both Governments had 
groimds for the behef that the turbulent border famiUes 
were largely responsible for a state of disorder which, 
ruinous at any time, might prove fatal to England in 
a critical period of foreign relations. 

One of the poUtical convictions of the Duke of Lan- 
caster was the possibihty and desirabihty of cultivating 
better relations with Scotland. He was led to form this 
conclusion both by poUtical considerations and personal 
prepossessions. Obviously, while the French war lasted 
it was necessary to seciure the northern frontier against 
invasion ; to remove the threat of such invasion was 
equally necessary to the prosecution of the expedition to 
Castile. Not only so, but the Duke was strongly pre- 
judiced in favour of the Scots. There were Scottish 
knights among his retinue, and Scottish lances had fought 
under his banner in the war, while the Duke could breathe 
more freely in a pohtical atmosphere where fewinstitutions 
flourished to check the power of the great feudatories. 
The Duke had formed a definite Scottish policy ; in the 
autunm of 1380, for the first time, he prepared to carry 
it into efiect. Not, however, without opposition. The 



Earl of Northumberland did not share Lancaster's 
Scottish sympathies, and regarded border politics as 
part of the Percy inheritance. Given an irregular dic- 
tatorship in the North, the control of the Marches, and 
a free hand to harry the Lowlands when he thought fit, 
Percy would have been willing enough to leave Govern- 
ment and opposition, Lollard and Churchman to fight 
out their pitiful quarrels at Westminster without 
interference. Unlike his brother. Sir Thomas Percy, 
Henry, Earl of Northiunberland, was no politician and 
no courtier. He was happy fighting, especially fight- 
ing on the border, and his ambition was to convert 
into a permanent arrangement the position which he 
had first held in 1368, when the custody of both the 
Eastern and Western Marches had been placed in his 

It happened that in the sununer of 1380 there was an 
imusually flagrant breach of the truce. The men of Hull 
and Newcastle captured a Scottish ship with a rich 
cargo : by way of revenge, the Scots invaded the 
northern counties in force, surprised Pemith during the 
fair, and carried away with them their loot and their 
prisoners.^ This was enough to rouse the Lord of 
Alnwick and light the border firebrands. The Percy 
lands had suffered, and the Earl called out his moss- 
troopers and prepared to strike back. 

But in the midst of his preparations he was stopped 
by a mandate from Westminster, and, riding to London 
to ask the reason for this inexplicable order, the Earl 
learnt that a March day had already been arranged, and 
there must be no hostilities.* 

Percy was out of humour when he reached London ; 
it did not calm him to hear that at the head of the 

^ ScotichronicoHy xiv. 43. 
^ Chr, Angl. 267-270. 


border commission the King had placed his unde the 
Duke of Lancaster. ^ 

The Duke went to the Border prepared for war ; • but, 
met in a conciliatory spirit, difficulties soon disappeared, 
and after a week's preliminary discussion at LiUotcross, 
the Scottish Commissioners (the Earl of Douglas, the 
Bishop of Glasgow, the Chancellor) met the Duke in 
person at Berwick, and agreed to prolong the truce imtil 
November 30, 1381.* 

After naming deputies and wardens of the marches,* 
Lancaster turned south to repdrt his success to the Parlia- 
ment which had been sitting for the last three weeks at 
Northampton, busy as usual with financial problems, 
and tr5dng to get at the facts of the supposed treason- 
able correspondence with the enemy on the part of 
Sir Ralf Ferrers.* 

The Commons had feared an expensive compaign 
as the result of the Scottish inciursion of the smmner, 

^ Lancaster's commission is dated September 6, 1380 (Foed, 
Vn. 268-9) ; see also notification of his appointment (ibid. 269- 
70) ; writ de iniendendo, dated October 2 (ibid. 274) ; memo, of 
copies of documents relating to Scotland to be sent to Mon- 
seU^neur d'Espaigne (ibid., 273-4). 

*^ Warrants, dated Tutbury, August 14, 1380, to the Re- 
ceivers of Lancashire and Yorkshire, to call out the most ser- 
viceable knights and squires of his retinue to go with him against 
Scotland ; appointment of John de Norfolk to be Treasurer of 
the "expedition of war" against the Marches of Scotland, etc. 
Reg. II. 46, etc. 

' Safe conduct for the Scottish Commissioners dated Bam- 
borough, October 28, 1380. Reg. II. 46. The truce was struck 
November i, and orders were given for it to be proclaimed 
December 2. Foed, VII. 277-8, 278-9. 

* Warrants dated Newcastle, November 8, 1380. Reg. II. 147. 

" Parliament had been summoned by. writ dated August 26, 
4 Ric. II, to meet at Northampton on the Monday after All Saints 
Dugdale, Summons, 304. It sat from November 5 to December 
6, 1380. Rot. Pari. iii. 88-98. Cf. warrant to the Receiver in 
Lincolnshire to pay for purveyances made for the household at 
Northampton, dated Knaresborough, October 2,1380. Reg. II. 
38; Chr.Angl. 280; Wals. i. 449. 



and the Duke*s successful Palings amounted to a 
pleasant surprise. Froissart says that no envoy was 
able to secure such good terms from Scotland as John of 
Gaunt. One reason for this lay in the Duke's readiness 
to hear both sides. His idea of international rdatioDS 
was that there should be '* peace in time of peace» and 
war in war."^ If a definite infraction of the truce could 
be proved, he was willing to give judgment against his 
own side, punish the offender, and make redress.' 

Success made the Duke acceptable to the Government, 
and in the spring of the following year he received his 
second commission,* the second instance, as Henry Peny 
thought, of vexatious interference in the affairs of the 

Little did John of Gaunt think as he rode out of the 
Savoy on May 12 that he had lived his last day in the 
stately palace of the Earls of Lancaster, the treasure- 
house of their precious possessions, or that within a 
few months he would find in the place of the Savoy a 
heap of charred ruins ! Little did he think, as he lode 
with his retinue through Hertford, Bedford and North- 
ampton to his castles of Leicester and Knaresborougb, 
that beneath the calm surface of English Ufe forces were 
at work which in a few weeks were to break out, threaten- 
ing to overwhelm the whole structure of society. Yet, 

^ Froissart, K. de. L. viii. 326. 

^ For instances, see Warrant dated December 6, 4 Rich. II, to 
the Chief Baron of the Exchequer and Steward of Lancaster to 
make redress for the injuries done (i) to the Castle of Old Rox- 
burgh ; (2) to the Earl of Douglas in the last expedition against 
Scotland to the amount of £$0$- Reg. II. 41 : Mandate to the 
Sheriff of Lancaster to distrain on certain persons . . . for casks 
of wine taken contrary to the truce with Scotland, and to pay 
10 marcs for each cask. Dated March 20, sixth year of the 
Regality (1382). Record Report, xxxi. App. No. 54. 

' Dated May i, 1381. Foed, VII. 288-9 ' ^^ colleagues were 
the Bishop of Hereford and the Earl of Stafford. Note of money 
paid to the Duke by the hands of his clerk, John Norfolk, £1,000 
and ;fi,333- 6s. Sd, Issue Roil, May 10, 1381. 



though no signs of the coming revolution met Lan- 
caster's eye, perhaps among the peasants who stared at 
his cavalcade, among the friars or russet-gowned 
Lollard preachers who met him on the road, there may 
have been agents of the " Central Committee," emissaries 
of the discontented, organizers of revolution. The calm 
which for the most part lay over England was the calm 
before the storm. This is not the place to tell the story 
of the Peasants' RebeUion, or to sketch the causes and 
results of an upheaval unique in English history. It is 
a famihar story how the burden of villein service, weigh- 
ing all the more heavily since the ravages of the Black 
Death and repressive legislation ; — ^the unpopular poll- 
tax of 1380, which brought home to every household, 
however humble, the cost of the war ;— the abuse of 
purveyance, and the general weakness of the administra- 
tion ;— how these grievances, leavened here and there by 
the preaching of theoretical socialism, drove the peasants 
to rise against the estabhshed order.* 

Equally famihar is the stirring history of the march 
of the men of Kent and Essex to London : how they 
entered the City and murdered the Primate-Chancellor 
and the Treasurer. 

The first act of the rebels after reaching London was 
to make for the Savoy. There, with the help of the 
London mob, they wrecked the palace built by Boniface 
of Savoy and the good Duke Henry, the building which, 
by all contemporary account, had no equal in England 
for beauty and magnificence. They tore to pieces cloth 
of gold and silver and rich tapestries, broke up the rich 
furniture, crushed the Duke's plate, and ground his 
jewels and precious stones under foot. All that could 
not be destroyed was cast into the river, and when the 

* Chr. AngL 285-326; Wals. i. 453-484, ii. 1-41- Higd. ix. 
i-io; Kn. ii. 1 31-143 ; Eulog.iu, 351-4. Memorials of London 
Ufe, p. 449. 



work of destruction was over the Savoy lay a smoulder- 
ing ruin. 

Nothing is more striking in the whole story of the 
rebellion than the eagerness of the rebels to prove their 
single-minded hatred of the Duke of Lancaster. "We 
are no thieves," they cried, when one of their number tried 
to make off with a piece of the Duke's plate, and cast the 
wretch with his plunder into the flames. No indignity that 
could be invented was spared : a ** jack " of the Duke 
was set up on a spear riddled with arrows, taken down, 
and hacked to pieces. The rebels hated the Duke as the 
most prominent man in England, as the t}^ of the ad- 
ministration responsible for their troubles. They hated his 
assumption of ro3ral dignity ; they would have " no King 
named John.** Failing to satisfy their lust for vengeance, 
they wreaked it on the himiblest victims. To be connected 
with the Duke in any way was to be in peril ; to be in his 
service was to be marked out for certain destruction. A 
certain Minorite Friar, the Duke*s physician, was mur- 
dered for no other reason than the Duke*s friendship for 
him,^ but, by some strange fatality, while his servants 
were being murdered in London and in the Eastern 
coimties, the Duke's eldest son, Henry of Bolingbroke, 
who was in the Tower with the King, escaped notice. 

So great was the terror inspired by the rebels* hatred 
for John of Gaunt that no one dared to harbour his 
property. At Hertford no effort was made to defend 
the castle : the rebels entered and caroused in the Duke's 
cellars as they had done at the Savoy, where more than 
thirty had perished in the ruins.* 

^ Knighton (ii. 133) calls him *' Johannes de ordine Minonim 
in armis belUcis strenuus, in physica peritissimus, domino 
Johanni duci Lancastriae familiarissimus." Cf. Ftoissart, K. de 
L. ix. 400 ; 404. His name was William de Appleton, and he was 
retained by the Duke at 40 marcs p.a. for Ufe. Reg. I. f. 128. 
Cf. Anglo-French Chronicle {Hist. Rev. 1898), p. 517. 

2 Warrant to the Treasurer of the Household to allow in 
the accounts of William de Overbury, Esquire, chief butler, for 



The attack on the Savoy had taken every one by sur- 
prise : Leicester, on the other hand, was warned in time. 
When a courier arrived with the news that the rebels 
were marching north to wreck the castle and bum all 
the Duke's property, the keeper of the Duke's wardrobe 
packed his treasures and drove them to the Abbey. 
The Abbot refused to admit them ; to harbour the 
goods of the patron of Leicester was to court destruction, 
and as no one seemed anxious for martyrdom in the 
cause, the Duke's property found no asylum save in the 
precincts of St. Mary's Church. 

Still more extraordinary is the story of the Duchess 
Constance and her flight. When the rebels entered 
London the Duchess was probably at Hertford, her usual 
residence, but on the first warning of the outbreak she 
hastened north with the intention of joining the Duke 
on the Border.^ But Constance reached Pontefract only 
to find its gates shut in her face. The craven who held 
the castle for the Duke dared not admit his lady, and 
from Pontefract she rode on, the same night, to 
Knaresbrough by'^torchlight. 

That the pious Duke should be beyond the reach of the 
rebels' fury appeared to the Canon of Leicester at least 
a manifest dispensation of Providence.* 

When the peasants were gathering for the march on 

two pipes of wine lost and destroyed at the Savoy by the common 
rebels in time of the great rumour, and for one pipe of wine 
destroyed by the rebels at Hertford, dated London, February 20, 
1382. Reg. II. 58. Warrant to the Auditors to allow in the 
accounts of the Treasurer of the Household the prices of several 
articles destroyed at the Savoy, etc., dated Pontefract, Septem- 
ber 8, 1381. Reg. II. 67. Cf. Rot. Pat. April 24, 1382. 

^ Warrant to the Receiver of Lancashire to send ^ the money 
in his hands to him by his Queen, dated Roxburgh, June 23, 
1386. Reg. II. 47. 

' For Lancaster on the Border and in Scotland, his return and 
quarrel with Northumberland, see Chr, Angl, 327-30 ; Wals. ii. 
414-5 ; Kn. 143-149; Crony kit of Scotland, iii. iv.i6; ScoHchroni- 
can, xiv. 46 ; Froissart, K de, L. ix. 383-6 ; 397-8 ; 417-27. 



London, Lancaster was safe within the castle walls of 
Knaresbrough ; two days' discussion with the Scottish 
marchers had already taken place at Coldingham and 
Abchester when the mob was wrecking the Savoy/ 

But iU news flies fast, and before an understanding 
had been arrived at, it had reached the Border. The 
truth was terrible enough, but in the form in which the 
news reached Lancaster panic had exaggerated the dan- 
ger. He was told that his castles in the south were lying m 
ruins, that everywhere his property had been destroyed, 
and that now two bodies of rebds, each ten thousand 
strong, were marching north, sworn to make him share 
the fate of the slaughtered Primate and Treasurer. 

John of Gaunt was a true Plantagenet ; no sign of fear 
betrayed his secret to the Scottish envoys. While his 
couriers were riding with orders to the constables of his 
castles in Yorkshire and on the Welsh marches to 
garrison them for a siege and admit no one without 
letters imder his seal,' the Duke quietly went on with the 
negotiations, and by the offer of liberal terms persuaded 
the Scots to prolong the truce.* 

Not till the compact was sealed did the Scots learn that 
they had lost the golden opportunity of attacking England 
in the hour of weakness. Too loyal to repudiate their 
engagement, but unwilling to lose the chance of fighting, 
the Scottish Earls offered Lancaster an army to lead 
against the insurgents. To this strange offer, doubtless 
made in good faith, the Duke's answer was firm. Re- 
membering that he was the representative of his coimtry, 

^ £S97 145- 9^- was paid for the expenses of the negotiations 
between the Earl of Carrick and the Duke of Lancaster. Ex- 
chequer Rolls of Scotland f iii. 81. 

^ Warrants to the Constables of Whitecastle, Grosmont, 
Skenfrith, Tutbury and TickhiU, dated Berwick, June 19. Reg. 
11. 46-7. 

^ Payment of the balance of King David's ransom was post- 
poned : the truce (to last till February 2, 1383) is dated Berwick, 
June 19, 1381. Foed, VII. 312-315. 



and that his country's honour was at stake, he told the 
Scots that if their forces entered England, rebellion or 
no rebellion, they would find fighting enough before ever 
they reached York. 

On leaving the Border he turned south, intending to 
march to the help of the King.^ 

At Bamborough he foimd reason to change his plans. 
It was not surprising that the rebels should be crying out 
for his life ; as the most prominent man among the 
ruling class he might expect to have to bear the brunt 
of revolutionary fury. But not only were the people 
against him ; the Government whom he was serving had, 
it seemed, declared him a traitor. The wildest rumoiurs 
were repeated and beheved ; one story said that he was 
marching South with an army of twenty thousand Scots 
to seize the kingdom ; according to another, he had 
freed all his bondmen, and they had sworn to make him 
King.' The man for whose head the Kent and Essex 
peasants had been clamouring fotmd himself the centre 
of an imaginary conspiracy, the subject of wild and 
conflicting rumours, in which only one thing appeared 
probable, that he would be sacrificed to the fury of the 
insurgents and the hatred of his enemies. There was a 
general belief that the King had placed him beyond the 
protection of the law ; some of his men began to desert, his 

^ Lancaster's itinerary here becomes interesting : May 12, the 
Savoy ; 19 and 20, Leicester ; 26, 28, 31, Knaresboro* ; June i and 
2, Knaresboro' ; 1 1 to 20, Berwick and Abchester (near Ayton) 
and Coldingham ; 20 and 21, Bamborough; 23, Roxburgh; 

24, Melrose ; 25, 29, and 30, Edinburgh ; July i and 10, Edin- 
burgh ; 13, Berwick; 14, Bamborough; 16, Newcastle; 17, 
Durham ; 19, Northallerton ; 20 and 21, Boroughbridge ; 21 to 

25, Pontefract ; 28, Leicester ; August i to 4, Leicester ; 7, 
Sunning ; lo^ Reading ; 13, Southam ; 18^ Brackley ; September 6, 
Ponteiract, etc. (R^.) 

* C£. Rot, Pat, Feb. 14 and April 14, 1383. Isolated cases of 
manumission and remission of dues on the part of Lancaster 
may have been talked of and exaggerated. Cf. Reg. II. f. 38, etc. 



friends wavered, and his enemies declared themselves,* 
among the nimiber Henry Percy. At length, the Earl 
thought, the time had come for getting rid of a rival on 
the Border, for Percy believed the Duke ruined, and the 
wish was father to the thought. Before the crisis he had 
invited the Duke to dine with him and stay for a night 
on the journey south. On leaving Berwick on June 20 
the Duke received a curt message to the effect that he 
could not receive him or admit him to any castle in his 
charge without the King's licence. This threat was made 
good at Bamborough* by the EarPs order. Sir Matthew 
Redmayne, the Captain, shut its gates in the Duke's 
face, and even prevented the removal of the Duke's 
transport wagons, which had been left there during the 
negotiations at Berwick. 

Betrayed by his friends, sacrificed, as he believed, by 
the Government, Lancaster turned back to the north 
and threw himself upon the protection of the Scots. The 
Earls of Carrick and Douglas had protested their friend- 
ship ; he put their professions to the test and was not 
disappointed. In answer to a letter asking for permis- 
sion to visit Scotland, the Duke received an eager wel- 
come. He might stay in Scotland at his pleasure and 
travel at his will ; his messengers were to be free to come 
and go and his armed retinue might accompany him.* 

The Duke's late adversaries exhausted every possible 
courtesy in their welcome ; they met him at the Border, 
escorted him to the capital and lodged him in the Abbey 
of Holyrood, where, from June 25 to July 10, he re- 

^ Here the Monk of St. Albans inserts the usual repentance. 
Chr. Angl. 328. Kn. i . 147-8. 

^ Froissart says Newcastle. 

3 The letters of safe conduct for the Duke and for a hundred 
attendants (later two hundred) are dated Melrose June 22, and 
Scone, June 28, 1381. Reg. II. 147. See also warrants to the 
Receiver of Yorkshire to pay for sending archers from Knares- 
boro' to Berwick, dated Edinburgh, June 29; Berwick, July 13, 
and Pontefract, October 10. Reg. II. 48, 55. 



mained the guest of the Scottish nation. It was an 
extraordinary situation ; the greatest feudatory unable 
to return to his own country, the King's representative 
disowned, as it seemed, by the Government from which 
he was accredited, relying on the protection of a foreign 

Obviously such a situation could not last, and it was 
natural that Lancaster should write to demand an 
explanation. He had been sent to the Border 
on the King's service, and had loyally carried out 
his instructions. He had been refused entrance to 
the King's castles, and had been given to imderstand 
that he was an outlaw and a traitor. If this had been 
done with the King's sanction, and if it were the King's 
pleasure, he was ready to turn his back on England and 
go into exile. Or, if his presence were required, he was 
willing to return without his retinue, with only a single 
knight, a squire and a servant to attend him. 

The reply proved that the Earl of Northiunberland and 
his party had misjudged the situation. The absurd stories 
of complicity in the rebellion, which his enemies had been 
willing to believe or at least to circulate, were never 
seriously entertained by those in authority. On the day 
that Lancaster entered Scotland the King had placed 
him at the head of a commission to quell disorder in the 

Richard requested his uncle to return, bringing with 
him a sufficient armed force. A writ commanded the 
sheriffs to protect him on the journey, and a proclama- 
tion denied the defamatory reports in circulation, de- 
clared the Duke's zeal for the King's service, and com- 
manded all loyal subjects to render him due obedience,* 

* The other Commissioners were the Earl of Northumberland, 
Lords Roos, Neville, Clifford, the Baron of Greystock, and 
Richard le Scrope. Dated Waltham, June 23, 1381. Reg. II. 

* Writs dated July 2 and 3. Foed, VII. 318-19. Rot. Pai, 



while the Earl of Northumberland and Lord Neville 
were specially commissioned to escort the Duke throu^^ 
Northumberland, Yorkshire and Nottingham to the 
King's presence. 

On July 10 John of Gaunt said farewell^ to the dty 
which had given him so voysl a welcome, and which was 
soon to receive a signal proof of his gratitude. 

He set out for the South, but not alone. Along the 
road from Edinburgh, through Haddington to Berwick, 
by which many a troop of English borderers had ridden 
back with the spoils of the Lothians, the Duke was 
escorted by his Scottish hosts, the Earls of Carrick and 
Douglas, the Lord of Galloway, and the principal barons 
of Scotland, with a guard of honour of eight hundred 
lances, to English territory, where Lord Neville, one of 
his retinue, met him with a body of men-at-arms, the 
escort of the Earl of Northumberland, present by the 
King's order, being dismissed. 

Before the events of June could be forgotten there 
was more than one score to settle. The first was wiped 
out when the Duke reached Pontefract and laid on the 
goods and chattels of Sir Matthew Redmayne a fine 
amounting to half the damages due to Lord Archibald 
Douglas for trespasses done in Annandale in violation of 
the truce * But Sir Matthew was only a second ; the 
duel with the principal was to be fought later. After 
five days' halt at Pontefract, Lancaster rode on through 
Leicester to the King at Reading, the sheriff of every 
coimty on the line of march turning out with his levies 
to swell the Duke's escort. 

Expressions of good will, words and gifts ^ were all 
very well, but the Duke's honour had been touched, and 

^ Warrant to the Treasurer of the Household to send gold and 
silver cups to Scotland for presents, dated Edinburgh, July lo, 
1 38 1. Reg. II. 48- 

^ Warrant dated Pontefract July 23, 1381. Reg. II. 51. 

3 The Duke was promised the wardship of the first heiress 



he intended to have satisfaction. Far more heinous in 
his judgment than the plot of the rebek against his life 
was the insolence of the Earl of Northumberland. Henry 
Percy was his kinsman/ had been his friend ; to him he 
owed his Earldom and the Marshal's staff. John of 
Gaunt regarded his conduct, therefore, as ingratitude and 
disloyalty, as well as gross disobedience and contempt of 
the King's representative. His complaint, laid before 
the King at Reading, was considered at an extraordinary 
meeting of the Council at Berkhamstead,* but Lancaster's 
demand for satisfaction only drew angry retorts from 
Northumberland, who, disappointed at the failure of his 
plan, was in no mood for conciliation. Threats and 
recriminations were exchanged until the King com- 
manded both disputants to be silent. The Duke was 
wise enough to obey, but the Earl, losing control of him- 
self, burst out into violent abuse of his rival, and ended 
by throwing down his gage of battle in the King's 
presence, for which he was placed under arrest imtil the 

wrorth less than i,ooo marcs in the King's gift. Rot. Pat. (Carte) 

K>8, 12. 

^ They were third cousins. 

Henry, 3rd Lord Percy of Alnwick=Mary Plantagenet, sister 01 

I Henry, Duke of Lancaster 

Henry, 4lh Lord = Margaret, dau. Sir Thomas Percy, K.G. 

Percy, 1377, ist 
Earl of Northum- 
berland, b. 1342, 

a. 1407 

of Ralf, Lord b. 1345, Earl of Worcester, 1398, 
Neville of d. 1403 

Raby, d. 1372 

Sir Henry Percy = Elizabeth, dau. of Sir Thomas Percy Sir Ralf Percy 

K.G. (Hotspur), 
^ 1366, d. 1403 

Philippa, dau. of (the younger), d. 1387 

Lionel, Duke of 


Henry, and Earl of Northumberland 
* Higd. ix. lo-ii. 



Earls of Warwick and Suffolk ^ went surety for his ap- 
pearance at the forthcoming session of Parliament. 

Sure of a backing from the Londoners in a quarrel 
with their great enemy, Percy forthwith enrolled himself 
as a citizen of London, and quartered troops of borderers 
in the City. But if it were to come to fighting the Duke 
could hold his own, as he showed when at the end of 
October he rode out of Leicester Castle with five hun- 
dred men at his back. As the session of Parliament 
approached London began to look like a city in a state 
of siege ; barricades were thrown up, and guards were set 
at the gates in case the Duke's men attempted to enter, 
—an imnecessary precaution, for Lancaster quartered his 
men at Fulham, and gave the City a wide berth. 

When the session began at Westminster on Novem- 
ber 3,* nothing could be done ; the quarrel prevented any 
pretence of transacting pubUc business; the Peers all 
came armed and chose sides, and things looked like civil 
war. In the end the Earl of Northumberland had to 
submit. It was not only a gross outrage to shut the 
Duke out of Bamborbugh, but disobedience of orders, for 
the Duke held the King's commission. Again at Berk- 
hamstead Lancaster's bearing had been correct, while 
Percy, by his violence, had placed himself hopelessly in 
the wrong. The sympathies of ParUament, too, were on the 
Duke's side, as appeared from the fact that the Commons 
named him among the committee of consultative peers, 
and that he was placed at the head of a committee 
appointed to reform the royal household.' The result 

^ William UflFord, who died a few weeks later. Higd. ix. ii. 

^ Parliament was summoned for the day after All Saints by 
writ dated August 22, 5 Rich. II. (Dugdale, Summons, 308). Rot. 
Pari. iii. 98-1 13. The first session lasted till December 13 ; the 
adjourned session from January 27 to February 25, 1382. Rot. 
Pari. iii. 11 3- 122. 

^ The name of the Earl of Northumberland does not appear 
among the Triers of Petitions. 

256 • 


was an unconditional surrender on the part of the Earl. 
His apology, ample enough to satisfy the King's offended 
dignity and the Duke's honour, unlike that made by the 
Earl of Arundel four years later, was not entered upon 
the Rolls of Parliament, but Lancaster took care to have 
it enrolled in his private records. 

Addressing the King the Earl said : — '' My honoured 
liege Lord, in that in your high and honourable presence 
at Berkhamstead, I, in my ignorance, offended you by 
answering without leave or licence my Lord of Spain 
here present otherwise than I ought in reason to have 
done, and by throwing down my gage of battle before 
him, I submit myself to your grace and will, and pray you 
pardon my offence." 

Then turning to the Duke : — " My Lord of Spain, in 
that in the presence of my redoubted Lord the King at 
Berkhamstead I answered, in my ignorance, otherwise 
than I ought to have done to you, my Lord, who are son 
to my redoubted Lord the King, whom God pardon, and 
nnde to my redoubted Lord the King here present, and 
so high a person and of such noble royalty of blood, and 
the greatest Lord and most high person of this realm 
after my liege Lord the King here present, who is of your 
blood and kindred, and also in that I cast down my gage 
of battle before you in the presence of my Lord the King, 
I beseech your honourable Lordship's pardon." Once 
more addressing Richard, the Earl said : — " My Liege 
Lord, as for the disobedience done to you, God knows 
that never was it my will or intent to disobey in any wise 
your Royal Majesty. And if through ignorance any 
disobedience were done, I submit me to your gracious 

Finally turning to the Duke : — " My Lord of Spain, if 
any disobedience were done to you, in ignorance or 
otherwise, such was not my intent, and I pray you pardon 
me and forego your anger. And as for the disloyalty 

257 s 


charged against me, I am not always so wise or well ad- 
vised as to do always what is best ; and insomuch asl 
have failed to do my duty as fully and naturally to your 
Lordship as I might have done and as I was bound to 
do, I beseech you have me excused of your good lordship, 
which I desire with all my heart." * 

After this apology had cleared the air it became pos- 
sible to proceed to business— the business of restoring 

^ Apres les replications Monseignur Despaigne sanz responce 
del Conte de Northumbreland ce fust la submission da dit Conte 
en pleine Parlement. 

Mon treshonore Seignur lAege quant a ce que en vostre 
honorable et haute presence a Berkhampstede sanz congie 
et license de vous monseignur liege par ma ignorance Je voos 
desplesa respoignant Monseignur D'Es^migne qi a est autrement 
que je ne devoi de r6son faire et en mettant mon gage devers 
lui je me sumet en votre grace et ordonance et vous prie de 
pardonner de ma desplesance. 

£t Monseignur d'Espaigne ^ant a ce que en presence mon 
tres redoute Seignur le Roi a JBerkhamsteae je vous respondue 
par ma ignorance autrement que je ne devoy faire a vous Mon- 
seignur qui estez filz a mon tresredoute Seignur liege le Roi qui 
Dieux assoiUe et Uncle a mon tresredoute Scogneur le Roy Uege qi 
si est, et si haute persone et de si tresnoble regalite de sang come 
vous estez Monseignur et auxint a vous Monseignur qui estez 
le plus grant seignur et plus haute persone del Roialme apres 
mon Seignur liege le Roi qi si est, et est de votre sang et 
alliance mettant mon gage devers vous en presence Monseignur 
liege le Roy qi si est Je vous prie pardon de votre honourable 

Monseignur lige quant a la desobeissance envers vous dieox 
sait que unque n'estoit ma volentee ne entente a desobeir 
aucunement a votre Roiale Mageste. Et si aucune y estoit 
par ignorance Je me en souzmett a votre gracieuse ordenance. 

Monseignur d'Espaigne si aucune desobeisance estoit fait a 
vous par ignorance ou autrement ce n'estoit mye ma entencion 
en suppliant que vous me veuUez pardonner votre maltalent. 

Et quant a Tautre matire touchante disnaturesse a moy sur- 
mise Je ne fu mye si sages ne avisez de faire toutdys le meilliour 
et en ce que je n'ay faite si naturelment ne si pleinement mon 
devoir devers votre seignurie come je pourroy avoir fait ou come 
je fuy tenuz il m'en poise fortment et vous supplie de votre 
bone seignurie la quele je desire de tout mon cuer. 

(Register, II. f. 153 inter go.) 


order and confidence in the country after the upheaval 
of the summer. 

On one point all parties were agreed— cordial support 
of the King's action in cancelling the charters of manu- 
mission. The Commons assumed responsibility for the 
act and gave it their sanction. For the rest, they con- 
tented themselves with abusing the administration and 
indulging in an academic analysis of some of the social 
evils of the times. Their reflections/ which are interest- 
ing but innocent of much practical result, were cut short 
by the news of the arrival of Anne of Bohemia, the 
chosen bride of Richard II,' and the session was ad- 
journed for the ro3^ marriage ' and the coronation of 
the young Queen. 

^ Higd. ix. ii. ^ Cont, Eulog. ii. 355. 

• Kn. ii. 150. Chr. Angl. 331. 


Chapter XII 


WHEN Parliament met again after the King's mar- 
riage, for the adjourned session, it must have 
marked the strange tenacity of purpose shown by John 
of Gaunt in the pursuit of the object which for ten years 
had been uppermost in his mind — the conquest of Castile. 
It was a perfectly definite proposal which the Duke laid 
before ParUament at the end of January, 1382. He asked 
for 60,000 pounds to be advanced to him to pay two thou- 
sand men-at-arms and two thousand archers for six 
months for operations in Portugal and Castile, offering 
as security the Lancastrian estates, and undertaking, 
if he were neither killed nor captured, to repay the debt 
within a period of three years, either in money or service, 
at the King's choice/ 

It was unfortimate for the Duke that the proposal came 
at a time when the condition of England was so unsettled, 
and when his opponents could urge the danger of with- 
drawing a considerable body of fighting men from the 
coimtry. This consideration had weight with the Com- 
mons, and while voting suppUes for the next few years 
for national defence and for '' resisting the malice of the 
King's enemies," they declined to express any opinion on 
the question whether Lancaster's proposal would or 
would not be the best means of achieving that 
object. Going fmlher, they expressly protested that 
their action must not be interpreted directly or 

Roi. Pari, iii. 1x4a. 


indirectly as sanctioning the scheme/ Discussion on 
the policy involved had been heated, and the 
conclusion bears all the marks of compromise. It 
was tmderstood that while the Commons were lukewarm, 
a majority of the Peers favoured the scheme. To 
pour out English blood and treasure in the dynastic 
quarrel of a single member of the royal family might, 
to the clearer and cooler heads, appear tmjustifiable ; 
but England had grown used to dynastic quarrels. The 
ambitions of Edward III were as personal as those of 
his son, and it was only a succession of great victories 
which had made his private quarrel a national cause. 
To enlist popular S3nnpathy for the present undertaking 
Lancaster did not fail to dwell on the effects of the 
Franco-Castilian aUiance.* Two years before, a French 
and CastiUan fleet had sailed up the Thames and burnt 
Gravesend. The damage done to English shipping made 
it easy to represent the expedition as a matter of pubUc 
policy, and to urge that if England were smarting under 
the loss of the control of the seas, the country had only 
to support the Portuguese alliance to restore the dis- 
turbed balance of naval power. 

But the strongest argument that the supporters of the 
scheme could urge was that public faith was already 

^ Faisantz nientmains lour protestation expressement, qe 
rentention de la Commune d'Engleterre n'est mye de leur 
oWger parmy aucunes paroles devant ditz a la querele, conquest, 
ou la guerre del Roialme d'Espaigne efn especial par aucune voie, 
einz soulement en general, al defens du Roialme d'Engleterre et 
resistance des ditz enemys (^Rot, Pari. iii. 1 14). 

' Within a few da3rs of hils accession Juan had despatched eight 
gaUeys to the assistance of Charles V. The next year (1380), at 
SeviUe, " fizo armar veinte galeas, las quales envi6 con Don 
Ferrand Sanchez de Tovar su Almirante, en ayuda del Key de 
Francia ; pero el Key de Francia pag6 lo que costaron armar 
las diez galeas, segund los tratos que eran efntre ellos. Las quales 
fideion grand guerra este aiio d los Ingleses por la mar ; 6 
entraron^r el rio de Artamisa fasta cerca de la cibdad de Londres, 
d d6 galeas de enemigos nunca entraron." Ayala, ii. 130. 



pledged, and that it was imperative to support the Eng^ 
army then in Portugal under the conunand of the Earl 
of Cambridge. To understand Lancaster's position 
it is necessary to make a brief retrospect of the politics 
of the Spanish peninsula, and his share in them, 
during the period between the prqxisal to Parliament 
of January, 1382, and those first treaties with Portugal 
ten years earUer, the effect of which was frustrated by 
the great failure of 1373. 

The throne of Portugal in 1382 was still occupied by 
Fernando and his consort Leonor. Their most powerful 
minister was J(Ao Fernando d'Andeiro, Count of Ourem, 
Master of the Order of St. James of Portugal, and, unless 
Leonor of Portugal has been deeply wronged, the lover 
of the Queen. 

In 1380 Andeiro was at Richard's court, engaged in 
procuring a renewal of the former treaties between England 
and Portugal and in particular the treaty between his 
master and the claimant of the Castilian throne.^ For 
the moment the main object of his mission was unattain- 
able, for the condition of domestic politics kept Lancaster 
at home ; but the Count concluded an agreement by which 
the Earl of Cambridge was to be sent to Portug^ with 
a thousand lances and as many archers, to make a com- 
bined attack with Fernando upon Juan I of Castile,* 

^ Commission from Richard II dated Westminster, May 23, 
1380. Andeiro was in England at the time, acting as inter- 
mediary between the two courts. Foed^ VII. 253-^. 

2 See in Foed. VII. 262-5, three instruments of the King and 
Queen of Portugal dated Estremos, July 15, 1380 (in the era of 
Portugal, 1 41 8). 
(i) Renewal in favour of Richard II as King of England and 
France of the previous alliance with Edward III, concluded 
by Juan Fernandez and Vasco Dominguez, Canon of 
Braganza. (Confirmed by Richard II, May 14, 138 1. Foed, 
VII. 307). 
(2) Renewad of the alliance with John of Gaunt as King of 
Castile, concluded by the same envojrs. (See Ch. V. p. loi 
and note.) 



who had succeeded his father Enrique the Bastard in 


Juan had inherited the kingdom, but little of that dash- 
ing courage which, in spite of disaster, had set up the House 
of Trastamare. With his last words Enrique II had urged 
his heir to continue the French alUance ; the first act of 
Juan I was to renew that aUiance and send a fleet to the 
help of Charles V.' A blind reliance on France supplied 
the place of a poUcy with the Bastard's degenerate son ; 
equally distrustful, with perhaps equal justice, of him- 
self and his subjects, the yotmg king looked to France to 
maintain the power which France had created. 

From the day of his accession Juan was hatmted by the 
spectre of the Lancastrian claim. While John of Gaunt 
lived Juan could know no peace. In renewing the old 
alliances with the power north of the Pyrenees, he 
was careful to stipulate that if ever the Duke of Lancaster 
were captured in any operations of the aUied armies, 
the prisoner should be handed over to him to be dealt 
with at his pleasure.' 

But John of Gaunt was not destined to languish in a 
Castilian dimgeon. While the Duke was detained in 
England by Border politics his brother, the Earl of Cam- 
bridge, for the time took his place, and in 1381 led an 
English army to fight the battles of Portugal and 
Lancaster against their common enemy.* 

Leaving England in June, 1381, Cambridge dropped 

(3) Undertaking (also contained in 2) to support Cambridge's 
force in the campaign against Castile and to marry the 
Infanta Beatrix to his son Edward. 
^ Enrique II died Monday, May 30, 1379. Ayala, ii. 123 (and 

» Ayala, ii. 138-9 ; 125. 

* Treaty concluded Bicdtre, April 22, 1381. Piices InSdites, 
i. 15. 

^ Orders to impress ships for the Earl of Cambridge, dated 
May 12,1381. Foed, VII. 305 . Juan had intelligence of the pre- 
parations. Ayala, ii. 15 1-2. 



one and then another obstacle was thrown in his way. 
The ParUament which sat at Westminster in May, 1382/ 
had refused to discuss anything but a proposal, constantly 
debated but never seriously entertained, for the King to 
go in person to France. 

In October' the Duke seemed to have made a little 
progress, for one of the first subjects put forward for dis- 
cussion was the '' socours de les nobles gentz esteantz 
en Portugal, illocques esteanz en grant peril.'' He had 
lost one ally, for his friend, Richard le Scrope, had 
been forced to surrender the seal in July* for a sturdy 
opposition to Richard's reckless alienation of crown 
lands, but the Bishop of Hereford supported the 
Duke's policy, and, addressing Parliament in the 
King's name, in a pessimistic account of foreign 
relations, assured the House that the shortest way 
to the goal of the wars was a vigorous support of the 
Portuguese undertaking. 

The kingdom, he told the House, had never been 
in greater danger : its very existence was at stake. 
But the Chancellor's hopes for the future were as 
bright as his view of the present was gloomy. It 
was an attractive picture that he sketched for the 
Commons. For the paltry sum of £43,000 (it had 
been estimated at £60,000 before) in wages for the 
Duke's army the Commons would get a speedy and 
sure return. In six months Lancaster, with the help 
of Heaven, would be King of Spain, and England would 
liave seen the last of the war and war budgets. 

This was promising : still more so was the attitude of 
the Commons in naming not only Lancaster but Lords 

^ Parliament sat from May 6 to 22 at Westminster ; the Duke 
as usual was among the Triers of Petitions. Rot, Pari, ui. 122- 


^ Parliament met at Westminster on October 6, 1382. Rot. 
Pari. iii. 132-143). 

3 Higd. ix. 14; Wals. ii. 68-70; Chr. Angl, 353-4. 



Neville and Richard le Scrope among the Peers to 
confer with them on the proposal. The result was a 
victory for the cause. The Commons declared the 
scheme of invasion to be "honourable and profitable 
for the realm," remarking somewhat pertinently that an 
army of two thousand men seemed scarcely adequate 
for the conquest of Castile. At length the scheme was 
sanctioned : but too late ! For the Kmg of Portugal at 
last had made up his mind, chosen his side and 
made terms with the enemy. There was a strong party 
in Castile which had no desire to see Lancaster on their 
frontiers reinforcing a Portuguese army, and a modus 
Vivendi had been reached. Quietly ignoring the engage- 
ments just entered into, Fernando promised the hand 
of his daughter Beatrix to the second son of the King 
of Castile, and made peace with his enemy without 
consulting his ally.^ 

Fernando pleaded that he had not been treated in good 
faith. He had been led to expect Lancaster and Lancaster 
had not come. Cambridge could only protest and with- 
draw. Taking Prince Edward with him he returned to 
England, out of temper with the Government which had 
failed to support him, his army which had mutinied, and 
his ally who had made peace behind his back. To com- 
plete his humiliation he was brought home in a Castilian 
fleet, for Juan, only anxious to be rid of English inter- 
ference in the politics of the peninsula, had placed ships 
at the disposal of his new ally to replace the fleet cap- 
tured by his admiral in 1381.* 

^ Ayala, ii. 158-9. The Infanta Beatrix had already been 
betrothed three times, (i) to Don Fadrique, brother of Juan I 
of CastUe ; (2) to Enrique (III), Infante of Castile ; (3) to 
Edward Plantagenet, and now (4) to Don Fernando, brother of 
the Infante Enrique. For ( i ) and (2) see Ayala, ii. 1 3 1 . 

' Ayala, ii. 159-60. Higd. ix. 14-15. Cambridge returned 
to England about Christmas, 1382. He sat in the Parlia- 
ment which met on February 23, 1383. Rot, Pari, iii, 145a. 



At the close of 1382 the golden oppof Uinity seemed lost 
beyond hope. So sure had Lancaster felt of succeediDg 
that before the end of the October Parliament he had 
called out his retinue and made preparations ix the 

Then came the news of the humiliating fiasco. To the 
end the Duke never forgave the blundering half-measures 
of the Government and his brother's incompetence, and 
seventeen years later in his will he expressly disclaimed 
any responsibility for the cost of Cambridge's expedition. 

His disappointment at the result of his brother's 
achievements in Portugal was shared by others also. 
It was quite clear that the money spent on the expedi- 
tion was so much waste, and the imdertaking itself one 
of those costly half-measiues that could satisfy no one. 
Its uselessness was certainly realised by the Parliament 
which sat at Westminster in February and March, 1383,' 
a session decidedly hostile to Lancastrian influences. 
The Commons showed their hostility first by omitting 
the Duke's name from the list of advisory Peers, and 
secondly, by actively opposing his wishes. 

Departing from their usual attitude of reserve in relation 
to foreign policy, the Commons, alarmed at the attitude 
of the Scots, entreated the King neither to leave England 
himself in the existing condition of foreign affairs, nor to 
allow his uncles to withdraw from the country, which 
needed their protection.* They went further, and peti- 
tioned Richard to listen to the proposals of his Gascon 
vassal, the Sieur de Lesparre, who professed to have 

^ Warrant dated November 20, 1382. Reg. II. f. 65. 

^ Parliament was summoned for Monday in the third week of 
L«it by writ dated January 7, 1383 (Dugdale» Summons, 315.) Rot. 
Pari. iii. 144-8). 

3 Semble a la Commune avaunt dite, que vous notre Seigneur 
lige, ne nul de voz trois Uncles, de Lancastre, de Cantebr', et de 
Bukyngham, purra quant au present estre desportez hors de 
votre Roialme {Rot, Pari. iii. 145 b). 



found a convincing solution of the Spanish problem, 
showing thereby an unmistakable unwillingness to be 
drawn further into the vortex of Lancastrian dynastic 

This recommendation had weight : John of Gaunt could 
not ignore it. Probably the dispatches of his trusted 
councillor Juan Guttierez, now Bishop of Dax, who was 
in Spain at the time, contained matter for serious reflection. 
At any rate, as there seemed no prospect of succeeding 
by force, the Duke was persuaded to try other means. 
The inheritance of Don Pedro was still an asset, and 
though difficult to realize, something could be raised on it. 
War being for the time out of the question, the Duke 
raised no objection to diplomacy. The duel was not to 
be forgone, but he would change the broadsword for the 
foil. In April, 1383, he acquiesced in the appointment 
of commissioners to find a pacific settlement of the 
differences between England, himself, and Castile,* and 

^ Item, la Commune prierent a notre Seignur le Roi, qu'il 
vOQsist doner ascout et audience al Seignur de la Sparre, qi 
novdment s'estoit venuz del Roialme d'Espaigne, lequiel Seignur 
dit, et il se face fort, que a Taide notre Seignur de Roi, si vous 
notre Seignur lige vorrez a ce encliner de votre grace, qu'il vous 
monstrera diveises bones et honorables voies, par lesqueUes vous 
pourrez bien honorablement venir a la Paix avec le dit Roialme 
d'Espaigne ; laqueUe Paix si vous notre Seignur Lige purrez 
avoir, votre honor salvez, pur Dieux le vorrez resccfvier et 
prendre, pour grant profit de vous et de votre Roilame, et quiete 
de vo6 subgitz. 

A quoy feust responduz de par le Roi de son commandment, 
Qe le Roi s'adviseroit avec les seignurs de son roiaumcf, et sur 
ce par lour advis ent ferroit ce qe lui sembleroit a faire en le cas, 
son honor salve (JRot, Pari, iii. 148 b). 

' Dated April i, 1383. They are also accredited to the courts 
of Aiagon and Navarre, and empowered to make terms with the 
King's rebellious Gascon vassal, the Count of Armagnac. Foed, 
VII. 386-90. Warrant dated April 19, 1383, to the Treasurer of 
the Housdiold to pay ;£40 to the Bishop of Dax for his journey 
to Spain. Reg. II. f. 72. The departure from England of Alfonso 
Rii3r8, Knight of Co^ova, envoy from Portugal, closes the 


the diversion of the martial enthusiasm of his country- 
men into a different channel. 

When the Parliament of the autumn of 1382 had 
approved of the project of invading Castile, it had at the 
same time given a still more pronounced opinion in 
favour of another proposal — an expedition to Flanders 
to support Ghent against Bruges, and the popular party 
of Flanders against the Count and French influence. 
The Count was a Clementist, and his suzerain Charles, 
King of France, was the strongest supporter of the 
Anti-pope. Therefore Urban had urged the invasion 
of Flanders and had consecrated the expedition with the 
sanctity of a crusade. This crusade was the pet project 
of Henry le Spencer, Bishop of Norwich. The Bishop 
was one of those prelates who were particularly obnoxious 
to the Duke of Lancaster. Like William Courtenay, he 
had strong family influence, great energy and ambiticm 
of a pronounced secular flavour. He represented the 
system denounced by Wycliffe in the interests of apostolic 
purity and detested by John of Gaunt in the interests of 
feudal power. The Bishop's hobby was fighting. His 
exploits in this direction won him the favour of the Pope, 
the nickname " Pugil Ecclesie " and, later, a place among 
Capgrave's portraits of the " Illustrious Henries." ^ In 
his youth he had fought the enemies of the Church in the 
service of Urban V. His reward was the Bishopric of 
Norwich, granted by Papal provision in 1370 Then^ for ten 
years the unfortunate prelate had been condemned to 
the dull routine of diocesan work. His opportunity came 
again in 1381, when in the imiversal panic of the Peasants' 
Rebellion, the Bishop had scored some successes over 
the insurgents in East Anglia, and had duly confessed 

negotiation with Don Fernando. See Letters of Protection, 
dated June 9, 1383. Foed, VII. 396. 

^ In robore juventutis sola belki sitire visus est. Capgrave, 
De Illustribtis Henricis, 170. 



and hanged the ringleaders of the revolt. A little success 
is a dangerous thing. Flushed with his triumph over 
a disorderly mob of half-armed peasants, the Bishop 
aspired to lead armies against the enemies of the faith 
and to win the fame of a Crusader. 

To the disgust of Lancaster and the Peers, in 1383 he 
was allowed to lead an expedition to Flanders in fulfil- 
ment of the Pope's conunission.^ 

Devout ladies, fascinated by the dashing piety of this 
hero of the Church Mihtant, contributed gold and jewels, 
and the doctrines of purgatorial torment denounced by 
Wycliffe's preaching were exploited to their full value 
to fill the Bishop's war-chest. 

Landing in Flanders, he took Gravelines and marched 
into Dunkirk without much difficulty, commemorating 
his victories over the peaceful Flemings, who were as good 
subjects of Urban as himself, by the pompous title of 
" Conqueror of West Flanders." There his short career 
of victory ended. There was no discipline among his 
mob of armed priests, sham regulars and sanctified ad- 
venturers. His captains got out of hand, and some of 
them were suspected of negotiating with the enemy. The 
Bishop, having undertaken the siege of Ypres to please 
Ghent, was compelled to withdraw on the advance of 
a French army, and to shut himself up in Gravelines. 
After an ignominous failure he was released by the good 
offices of the Duke of Brittany and allowed to return to 
England. The Bishop, who had set out " en establis- 
ment de seint Esglyse," beyond slaughtering a few 
thousand faithful subjects of the canonical Pope, had 
done nothing. He had thrown away tKe forces which 
Lancaster wanted to lead against Castile, and on his 
return he was punished with the loss of his temporalities, 
while to complete his hmnihation he was made to pay for 
masses for the souls of those whom he had destroyed ! 

* Chr. Angl, 355 ; Wals. ii. 71-82,88-104 ; Eulog. 357. 


*' Benedictus Deus qui confundit insolentes '' — such 
is the comment of the continuator of the Eulogium. 

Another failure was registered in the account of the 
executive. Little wonder that the Conunons began to 
weary of the constant proposals for war. In the summer 
of 1383 the Duke had concluded a truce with the 
Scots. That was so much to the good, for the country 
was growing daily more anxious for peace. But instead 
of building " castles in Spain " the Duke had to under- 
take yet further diplomatic duties, for when Parliament 
met at Westminster in October/ foreign relations 
were once more the burning question of the hour. The 
great seal was now in the hands of the Duke's friend Sir 
Michael de la Pole, and the Chancellor, in declaring the 
causes of the sununons of Parliament, laid stress, undue 
stress it might seem, on the dangers of the kingdom. 

On all sides, France, Spain and Flanders, England was 
encompassed by enemies. Unless God of His grace 
should provide a remedy, and the faithful Commons do 
their part, the greatest mischief might ensue. The result 
was that John of Gaunt was sent to France, where in the 
following January he concluded a short truce. 

All this had done nothing directly towards the achieve- 
ment of the great quest. In the autumn of 1383 the 
dynastic claim seemed to have merely an academic 
interest for politics. Mismanagement and misfortune 
had combined to ruin the chances of invading Castile 
with the help of Portugal. 

Suddenly a gleam of hope broke across the darkness 
of the situation. When tiie Earl of Cambridge left 
Portugal at the end of 1382, taking Edward Plantagenet 
away from his child-bride the Infanta Beatrix, who for 
a while is the pivot of Peninsula politics, her hand 
had just been pledged by his fickle ally to the second 
son of the King of Castile. 

* Rot Pari, iii, 149-65. 


After four successive betrothals the Infanta at length 
found a husband, for in 1382 the Queen of Castile died, 
and the next year Juan I, supplanting his son, married 
the heiress of tiie kingdom of Portugal himself. Solemn 
oaths bound the nobles of both kingdoms to accept the 
ultimate union of their crowns. By the marriage treaty 
it was provided that on the death of Don Fernando, 
Leonor his widow should be regent until the child to be 
bom of the union of Juan and Beatrix reached the age of 
fourteen ; then the heir to Castile should become sovereign 
of Portugal, and Portugal and Castile should become one^ 

Fernando had agreed with his adversary in haste ; 
his subjects were left to repent at leisure. To the forces 
of disimion, difference of race and language, blood and 
tradition, must be added the bitter hatred bred by long 
feuds on the border, for in the fourteenth century 
Portuguese hated Castilian as the Scot hated his southern 

These passions, instinct of race and a fierce love of 
independence, Fernando had chosen to defy. When the 
time came it is not siuprising that two-thirds of those 
who had sworn to the marriage treaty of Badaj6z in 

1382, broke their oaths, and would have none of the foreign 
dynasty. The day of reckoning came soon, for in October, 

1383, Fernando died, and the question of the succession 
was opened at once. Leonor his widow ought by the 
terms of the treaty to have become Regent, but Juan of 
Castile at once assumed the royal style of Portugal and 
prepared to enforce his claim by arms. A possible pre- 
tender, Joao, half-brother of the late king by Inez de 
Castro, was seized and imprisoned in Castile. But there 
was another Joao, also half-brother of the late king, who 
was to prove a more formidable rival, and he, as fate 
would have it, had been left out of the reckoning. 

Joao, afterwards sumamed " de Boa Memoria," the 
hero of Portuguese independence, whose fortunes now 

273 T 


find a place in the Lancastrian story, was the son of 
Pedro I and Theresa Lourengo, and Grand Blaster of 
one of the four great orders of chivalry in Portugal, 
the Cistercian Order of Avis. 

Within two months of JDom Femando's death the cities 
of Portugal elected him R^^ent. 

Being a man of action, his first step was to kill the 
Count of Ourem, a veteran intriguer who had negotiated 
the hated marriage of the In&mta Beatrix to the 
Castilian king, and who, with the help of his paramour, 
the Queen, was trying to sell his country into bondage. 

The Count disposed of. Queen Leonor was dismissed 
to repent in a cloister. At first the Portuguese tried to 
reconcile the Infanta's claims with national independence. 
Toacknowledge Beatrix asQueenintheory andto vestthe 
royal power in the Regent was the first solution attempted. 
But no peaceful solution was possible, for the enemy were 
overrunning the country, and Leonor, to avenge her 
lover's death, had transferred her treaty rights as R^ent 
to the invader. Juan advanced through the heart of 
Portugal, occupied Santarem and shut up Dom JoSLo in 
Lisbon. For four months the siege dragged on, untfl 
the plague threatened to annihilate the army of Castile 
and forced Don Juan to withdraw. 

Meanwhile the Regent had sent to England for help. 
Once more a Portuguese ruler was in difficulties, the 
enemy being a prince of the House of Trastamare, and 
once more it was to England that Portugal turned for 
help.* The new Master of the Order of St. James, Dom 

^ Acordaram de enviar pedir a el rei de Inglaterra que Ihe 
prouvesse dar lugar e licen9a aos do seu reino, que por soldo e 
a sua vontade viessem ajudar contra seus inimigos (FemSo Lopes, 
i. 141). The envoys left Lisbon at the end of March, 1384 (ibid, 
V. 80), landed at Plymouth on April 10 and did not return until 
1386, when they landed at Corufia on July 5. Lopes noiakes a 
mistake of a year when he says (v. 1 10): " C)s quaes duraram f6ra 
do reino do dia que partiram de Lisboa at6 que chegaram d 



Fernando Affonso de Albuquerque and Lourento Aunes 
Fogaja, Chancellor of Portugal, were despatched to 
recruit in the dominions of Portugal's traditional ally.* 

In spite of Dom Femando's treatment of the last English 
army which had come to the Peninsula, the envoys found 
no difficulty in raising a strong body of men. A stream 
of volunteers, archers and men-at-arms flowed from Eng- 
land to Portugal, and their help in the great crisis of 
Portuguese history was never forgotten, for the EngUsh 
contingent had no small part in the victories of the 
campaign which followed. 

Such support, however, was purely voluntary and un- 
official ; the ambassadors hoped for something more. Their 
credentials were addressed not only to Richard II, but 
to the " King of Castile," and they were charged with the 
duty of renewing the proposals made by Fernando before 
the fiasco of 1381-2 for joint operations against Juan of 

Once more John of Gaunt began the task of impor- 
tuning King and Parhament for men and money to 
fight his battles. 

For the next few years the chief interest of his Ufe and 
the key to his position in domestic poUtics, is to be fotmd 
in his foreign relations, in his efforts to overcome the 

Corunha trez annos e trez mazes e vinte e cinco dias. Trez 
should be dots, viz. March 3,' 1384 (1383, old style, which probably 
explains the error) to July $', 1386. 

* For recruiting in England by the Master of St. James and Chan- 
cdlor of Portugal, see licence dated July 28, 1384. {Foed VII, 436) ; 
letters of protection for thirty recruits dated December ist, 1384 ; 
(ibid. 450-1); for fifty-five more dated January 16, 1385 (ibid. 
454) ; orders to arrest ships for their passage to Portugal dated 
January 8, 1385 (ibid. 453) ; orders to arrest all Portuguese ships 
in English ports and to hand them over to the Chancellor and 
Grand Master, dated January 23 (ibid. 455), and May 26, 1385 
(ibid. 472-3) ; appointment of commissioners of array, February 
16* 1385 (ibid., 462-3); letters of protection for the Portuguese 
envoys for a further period of six months, dated October 20, 
1385 (ibid 479). 



obstacles successively placed in his path, until at length 
the very jealousy and suspicion which had thwarted bis 
designs overreached itself and conceded him his desire. 

It was obvious that so long as the Conunons continued 
to feel the nervousness on the score of foreign relations 
which they had displayed in recent Parliaments, the 
Duke woidd never induce them to vote supplies for 
an army to invade Castile. His task therefore was to 
remove apprehension by improving the relations between 
England and her enemies, and this, with the attempt to 
keep the peace among the factions at home, fully occupied 
him for the next few years. In December, 1383, and the 
January following he was at Calais, debating terms with 
the Dukes of Berri and Brittany for the renewal of the 
truce ; the result was the Truce of Ldinghen,^ the half- 
way house between Calais and Boulogne, where so many 
French and English envoys met, by which peace was 
assured until September 29, 1384. If the period were 
short, and seemed a poor result for two months' negotia- 
tions carried on as usual at ruinous expense, it was at 
least a diplomatic victory for Lancaster, for he had 
secured one concession all-important for his object — ^the 
Scots were to be free to come within the provisions of the 

To induce the allies of Charles VI to profit by this 
condition was another matter. 

The truce with Scotland ran out on February 2. 
The Scots lost no time ; on the 5th Archibald Douglas, 
Lord of Galloway, that dark spare big-boned hero of the 

^ For the negotiations of December, 1383, and January, 1384^ 
ending with the truce of Lelinghen, concluded January 26, 1384, 
see Religieux de St. Denys, i. 299, and Partie Inidite des Grandes 
Chroniques de France (Pierre d'Orgcmont), p. 44 ; Lancaster's 
powers, dated September 8, 1383 {Foed, VII, 407-8), notification of 
the appointment of the envoys, dated September 12 and Novem- 
ber 4 (ibid. 408-410) ; letters of safe conduct for the French 
envoys dated November and December (ibid. 412-8), 



ScotichronicoHy who with eighty men could rout an 
army of two thousand and take five himdred prisoners, 
siuprised Lochmaben Castle, and a little later the Baron 
of Greystock, while on his way to Roxburgh, was captured 
by the Earl of March, who carried him off to Dunbar, and 
set before him a feast served from his own plate in a 
hall hung with his own tapestries. Meanwhile, envoys to 
Scotland were in England commissioned to lay the terms 
before the Scots/ 

On Lancaster's return the Enghsh Government, 
annoyed by the reverse in Annandale, schemed for 
revenge by means which can only be described as 
sharp practice.' 

The French envoys were entertained with unnecessary 
cordiality, and every inducement was held out to them 
to prolong their stay in the south, for the Government 
intended to strike a blow before the Scots could come 
within the provisions of the truce. Unforttmately they 
were hampered in their choice of a general. Any mihtary 
command went as a matter of coiu-se to the Duke of 
Lancaster, and the Duke was therefore sent north with 
orders to ravage the Lowlands and avenge the loss of 
Annandale. Jolm of Gaimt had his private reasons for 
wishing well to his late hosts, but apart from personal 
motives, he had made it his settled policy to cultivate good 
relations with the northern neighbours. But further, 
to invade Scotland at the present moment was to stultify 
the whole of the negotiations just concluded at Lelin- 
ghen and to throw away the whole result of his labours. 
Lancaster was not a man to set aside the policy of years 
at the bidding of the King's Coimcil. Regarding the 
invasion as a flagrant act of bad faith, but being unable 
to prevent it, he determined to carry out his instruc- 

* Letters of safe-conduct, dated February 13, 1384. Foed^ VII. 

^ Exchequef Rolls of Scotland, Vol. III. bdii (Introduction). 



lions in such a way as to inflict as little damage as 

The rendezvous was Newcastle on March 24/ and the 
Duke entered Scotland on April 4, and following 
the east coast route vi& Haddington, Berwick, Dunbar 
and Preston, marched on Edinburgh.' A flotilla of store 
ships followed the army from the Humber, as before 
during the invasion of Edward III in 1355. A couple 
of ships were surprised at Queensferry — the only loss 
in action during the whole military promenade, for 
the Scots, true to their usual policy, avoided the enemy 
and withdrew to the north of the Firth. Arriving 
within striking distance of Edinburgh the Duke called a 
halt, and refused to leave his camp until the citizens had 
had time to remove their prop^y. When the army 
entered, the city was desert^. All movables had been 
carried away ; looting was impossible, and wrecking was 
forbidden by the most stringent orders. Holjnrood Abbey, 
where the Duke had stayed in the troubled days of 1381, 
and the city itself were saved from the flames. Was 
there no fair ch&telaine to entreat the general to spare 
Edinburgh as the Countess of Douglas had entreated 
Edward III thirty years before ? Or must the more 
prosaic story of a ransom' be accepted ? The fact remains, 

^ Mandate dated March 17 to the Sheriff of Lancaster to meet 
the Duke with all men-at-arms and archers arrayed within the 
Duchy at Newcastle on March 24. Record Report, xl. Ap. (4), 
No. 35. Cf. ibid. No. 36, S7- 

2 For the demonstration in Scotland, April 3-18, 1384, see 
Crofiykil of Scotland, Ch. V. § 2, p. 20 ; Scotichronicon, xiv. 48 ; 
Hig. ix. 32 ; Kn. ii. 203 ; Wals. ii. 111-112 ; Chr. Angl, 3S8--9 ; 
Ypod. Neust. 339 ; Mon. Eve, 50. 

3 Bot thai that dwelt into the towne 
Gert it be sawffyt for ransowne. 

— Cronykil of Scotland. 
Sed propter Scotorum curialitatem sibi per prius exhibitam 
quanto minus potuit malum eis ingessit burgenses fovorabili 
summa pecuniae promissa et postea soluta viUam redimervnt 
Scotichronicon ibid). Malveme has the same story, 



that the Duke, out of gratitude to his Scottish hosts, and 
in pursuance of his pohcy, refused to allow a single house 
to be burned. 

By April 23 he was back at Durham. His demonstra- 
tion had only lasted a fortnight, and beyond burning 
a few villages on the march and destroying some 
of the woods of the Lothians, he had done nothing ; 
but the spring had been exceptionally severe, and the 
army had suffered accordingly. 

Before leaving the North the Duke, in consultation with 
his friend and recent enemy, Henry Percy, drew up an 
agreement as to the defence of the border.* Percy was 
to have his wish ; the command of the whole border from 
Carlisle to Berwick was placed in his hands, but the Duke 
took care that with this power the Earl should accept full 
responsibihty for the safety of the northern counties, and 
had the agreement, which reads like a treaty ^between 
two hostile powers, ratified by the King in Parlia- 

It might have been expected that Parliament, which 
had been smnmoned ' to meet at Salisbury on April 29, 
would show signs of resentment at the Duke's inaction 
in the North. This, however, was not the case. After 
the Chancellor, Sir Michael de la Pole, had declared the 
causes of sununons, the House was at once adjourned 
till the following Wednesday, to await the arrival of Mon- 
seigneur d'Espaigne and his suite, who were still on the 
border. The Duke had not arrived on Monday, May 9, 
when the Commons named their committee of advisors, 
but so soon as he reached Salisbury they added his name 
to the list. 

The most important subject for discussion was the 

i Dated Durham, April 23, 1384. {Foed, VII. 425) ; ratified in 
the Salisbury Parliament, May 16, 1384 (Foed^ VII. 427). 

' Bv writ dated March 3, 1384 (Dugoale, Summons^ 320). It 
sat from April 29 to May 27. (fiot. Pari. iii. 166-183.) 



policy to be adopted with regard to the war. With 
due safeguards to the King's prerogative the ComnKXis 
were invited to give their opinion. They had not 
yet aspired to control foreign relations, and their reply 
recognized that foreign poUcy was properly a matter for 
the King and Council. But their attitude was dear ; it 
amounted to an unmistakable approval of the Duke's 
policy so far as France was concerned. If " peace with 
honour " could be had, the Commons would welcome it 
and with it a reUef from war taxation, and were 
content to leave questions of detail to the King and 
his advisers.* 

Unhappily, discussion of poUcy was hampered by violent 
personal quarrels.* Peers quarrelled with one another 
and with the King. The Earl of Arundel, the strongest 
man among the opposition and the most determined 
enemy of the King and the young Court party, chose the 
moment to launch a wholesale denunciation of the 
government and ministers, telling the King that his 
advisers were at fault, the administration was incapable 
and the country was going to destruction. 

Richard flew into a passion. White with fmy, he gave 
the Earl the lie. " If you say that I am at fault," the King 
shouted, " you lie in your throat : go to the devil." * 
This was unparhamentary language. The Lords of the 
Council and his intimates knew Richard's temper and 
were not to be surprised at such unseemly outbursts, 
but Parliament was astounded at this public affront to a 
man of Arundel's position. There was an uncomfortable 

^ Rot. Pari. iii. i68a. Cf. 170a : la dite Paix, si pleut a Dieu de 
Tottroier tielle que feust honorable et profitable a lour dit seigneur 
lige et son Roialme, si lour serroit la pluis noble etgraciouseeide 
et confort que homme purroit en monde dcK^iser. 

* For the quarrels in the Salisbury Parliament see Higd. ix. 
32-33. Sed dux Lancastriae superveniens eas in multa verborum 
faccundia minas intermiscens pacificavit. 

3 Higd. ix. ss. 



feeling in the House until Lancaster, who since his 
arrival had been doing his best to keep the peace, after 
a long silence, rose and tried to pacify the King and explain 
the Earl's words away. 

The Salisbury Parliament marks a climax in the relation 
of the Duke to party pohtics. In 1376 Lancaster was 
the best hated man in England : of that there can be no 
question. But during the last eight years a fimdamental 
diange had taken place in party politics. The Duke's 
retirement and correct bearing at the critical period of 
the accession had done something to efface his un- 
popularity. Still more had been done by Richard's 
favourites, for side by side with the waning jealousy of 
Lancastrian influence there was growing up a hearty 
distrust of the new court party. 

Richard was now in his eighteenth year, and was 
beginning to assert himself. His favour was monopolized 
by a small coterie of friends and courtiers, the most con- 
spicuous being the yoimg Earl of Nottingham, Thomas 
Mowbray, and Robert de Vere Earl of Oxford, who held 
the first place in his affections. Besides the court, 
three other parties have to be taken into accoimt in an 
analysis of the pohtical situation of the year 1384. On 
the other extreme the Earl of Arundel, who had the 
support of the Earl of Warwick and the sympathy, at 
present somewhat suppressed, of Thomas of Woodstock, 
the King's youngest uncle, an able if violent and un- 
scrupulous pohtician. Between these two extremes, the 
royal favourites on the one hand, and the irreconcilables 
of the opposition on the other, come the moderate con- 
stitutional party and the Lancastrian party. It is true 
that Scrope and de la Pole, the leaders of the moderates, 
were also retainers of the Duke and always attached to 
his interests, but these two parties, though now working 
together are distinct, and a dozen years later draw apart. 
The position of the Lancastrian party was peculiar. 



During the last few years of his father's reign John of 
Gaunt had been the ackno^edged leader of the conrt, 
but his nephew's accession completely changed hb 
position. His sympathies were throughout with the 
Crown, but he found himself alienated from the party 
of "prerogative" by rivals who had monopolised 
Richard's favour, while to throw himself into opposition 
would be to court misrepresentation and suspicion, and 
perhaps to provoke civil war. Had he given his whole 
thought to English poUtics his position would have been 
extraordinarily strong; for as yet Arundel was his 
friend, while in addition to his vast territorial influence 
he could rely on the ministerial experience of Scrope and 
de la Pole^ and enjoy the moral influence of their support. 
As it was, the Duke chose to stand aloof from internal 
poUtics, detached from ordinary interest by his private 
and dynastic ambitions. 

That his power was still dreaded is proved by the 
sequel, for the Salisbury Parliament, which had opened 
with an onslaught by the opposition on the court, closed 
with an attack by the leaders of the court party on 
Lancaster. Vere had now displaced the Duke as the 
centre of national distrust. He must have known his 
unpopularity, but he also knew his influence with the 
King, and determined to measure it against the Lan- 
castrian power. The defence or apology for Arundel 
coming hard upon the Duke's doubtful dealings with 
the Scots may have given him his cue. At any rate, he 
made a reckless attempt to get rid of his rival. 

1 In face of the conclusive evidence of the Register it is im- 
possible to accept the views of Bishop Stubb that Michael de la 
Pole was a ** powerful enemy to Lancaster influence." (Const. 
Hist. ii. 489). Both Richard le Scrope, who as Stubbs admits 
(ibid.) was " the Duke's friend and honest adviser/' and Michael 
de la Pole were moderates and retainers and friends of John of 
Gaunt. This, I submit, must greatly modify the accepted view 
of the Duke's position. 



The means chosen, if discreditable, were ingenious 
and all but successful. One day, during the session of 
Parliament, the King was in the chamber of the Earl of 
Oxford, when suddenly a Carmelite Friar, who had 
just been celebrating mass, came forward with a story 
of a conspiracy against the King's life. The friar was of 
Irish birth ; his name was John Latemar, and he was 
a Bachelor of Theology. His story was that a wide- 
spread conspiracy was afloat, in which the citizens of 
London and Coventry and other cities were implicated, 
but which was organized and controlled by the Duke 
of Lancaster. 

Richard, as usual giving way to his first impulse, 
ordered his uncle to be seized and killed forthwith. 
That was doubtless the consunmiation hoped for by the 
Earl of Oxford, but happily there were cooler heads who 
prevailed upon the King to listen to reason. Sir John 
Clanvowe, Prior of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem, 
an eye-witness from whom a most detailed account 
is derived, gave a graphic description of the scene 
which followed.^ Richard, nervous and highly strung at 
all times, now completely lost self-control. He behaved 
like a madman, took off his hat and shoes and threw 
them out of the window. 

When he became calmer he was induced to order the 
informer to write down the story, giving the names of his 
witnesses. At this turn of events the friar's face fell ; 
Vere and the accomplices had reckoned on some such hasty 
act as Richard had ordered on the impulse of the moment, 
and were unprepared for a calm sifting of evidence. 

It happened that on the day of this affaire arrangements 
had been made for a solemn procession to be made to 

^ See the account of Malverne, who got his facts from Sir 
John Clanvowe, Higd. ix. 33-40 ; ' M<m. Eve, 50-52 ; Wals. ii. 
1 12-5 ; Chr, Angl. 359 ; Ypod. Neusk, 339. Both Malveme and 
the Monk of Evesham think the friar demeniid instigaius ; stimuio 
faiuitaHs adducius, 



the cathedral, King, Lords and Commons taking part, 
where mass was to be celebrated and intercession made 
for the safety, honour and welfare of the Church and 
realm. The clergy had taken their places in the cathe- 
dral precincts and every one was waiting for the King's 
arrival. As he did not appear Lancaster went to find out 
the reason. So soon as the Duke entered Vere's 
chamber, where the King was, the friar shouted : " There 
is the villain I Seize him and put him to death, or he 
will kill you in the end." The Duke's astonishment 
can well be imagined. When the plot was explained to 
him, he indignantly denied all knowledge of it, and 
offered to prove his innocence by wager of battle. 
Richard, completely swayed by his emotions, in a sudden 
revulsion of feeling, convinced by his uncle's bearing, 
turned his fury on the informant and ordered him to be 
put to death. That Lancaster prevented. Failing the 
success of their manoeuvre the friar's death was the next 
best thing for those who had hatched the plot. Dead 
men tell no tales, but the Duke's anxiety was that the 
tale should be told. The Carmelite was obviously a mere 
tool, and Lancaster wanted to expose his enemy. 

The friar was told to repeat his story, and did so, naming 
Lord la Zouche as a witness. The witness denied all 
knowledge of the story, and, like Lancaster, offered to 
defend his honour with his life. A second witness named 
by the friar was equally ignorant. The friar was then 
removed in the custody of John Holland, and the solution 
of the mystery was as far off as ever. 

What would have happened had the proposed judicial 
inquiry been held is a matter for conjecture, for it never 
was held. 

Sir John Montague, the King's Seneschal, and the 
Chamberlain, Sir Simon Burley, led the prisoner away, 
intending to take him to Salisbury Castle. At the door 
of the King's lodging they were met by Sir John Holland 



and four other knights. Their names are important. They 
were Sir Peter Courtenay, Sir Henry Grene, Sir William 
Elmham and Sir Thomas Morienx. Sir Peter Courtenay, 
the Beau Brummel of Richard's court/ was a son of the 
Earl of Devon, and, Uke the rest of the Courtenay family, 
had little love for Lancaster, and had led the opposition in 
1382 to the Castilian expedition. Holland himself was the 
King's half-brother and not yet a partizan of the Duke. 
Elmham and Morieux were royal officers. Morieux 
was a favourite of both the King and of Lancaster ; he 
had married an illegitimate daughter of the Duke and 
was entirely devoted to his interests. Thus of these five 
one was an enemy of the Duke ; one was a partizan, and 
all were friends of the King, but none were members of 
the faction of the Earl of Oxford. 

Acting as they thought in the King's interest they 
determined to get at the truth. A mortal feud between 
Richard and his uncle was clearly not for the interests of 
King or nation. 

Unhappily the means employed were only too charac- 
teristic of the age. In the presence of the King's Chamber- 
lain and Seneschal they proceeded to torture the friar 
with a brutaUty too foul to be described, in order to make 
him disclose the real movers in the plot. All the devices of 
a devilish ingenuity failed. The victim had fortitude 
enough to preserve silence and incriminate no one. 

Mutilated and dying, he was handed over to the Warden 
of Salisbury Castle. When the King heard what had 
been done he wept for pity. Neither he nor Lancaster 
had known of the torture : callous cruelty was not part of 
the nature of either. The dying man had made one last 
request — to be allowed a secret interview with Lord la 
Zouche. The interview was granted, but not in secret. 
Six of the King's knights, three of Lancaster's and three 
from the Commons, were present. But the mystery was 

^ ScoHchronicon, xv. 6. 


not cleared up. Asked if he knew anything against Lord 
la Zouche, the friar replied that he knew him to be a brave 
and true gentleman. Then words failed hun, and after 
lingering for a few days, he died without making any 
further statement. 

Whatever the interest in which Latemar had spoken, 
it was certainly not that of the Carmelite Order. The 
usual attempt was started to make capital out of the 
man's death. Miracles were invented^ it was said 
that the dead wood of the crate on which his body had 
been dragged through the streets put forth leaves, that 
a blind man had got back his sight by touching it, and that 
a light had been seen shining over the martyr's grave. 
But the CarmcUtes knew their friend and refused to 
sanction the fraud ; when a month later a Carmelite of 
Oxford tried to preach inflammatory sermons on the 
subject he was promptly suppressed by orders from 
the Provincial. The solidarity of the mendicant orders 
is notorious, and it is a striking proof of the Duke's in- 
fluence with the Carmelites that they should thus readily 
support him against one of the brotherhood. 

lliere can be little doubt as to the real instigator of the 
plot. It was revealed in Vere's chambers. It could 
scarcely have been opened without his knowledge and 
permission, and the state of party poUtics makes the pre- 
sumption practically certain. The details had been 
clumsily concocted, for a conspiracy in which Lancaster 
was leagued with the Londoners is little short of ludicrous, 
and the conspirators ought to have been prepared 
for either event, and to have had a supply of plausible 
witnesses forthcoming at short notice. 

No one believed the charge, but while all agreed in 
attempting to calm the King and appease the Duke, the 
loudest championship of his brother's innocence came 
from the Earl of Buckingham. Thomas of Woodstock 
was no violent partizan of Lancaster. The Duke had 



thwarted his cherished scheme of absorbing the whole 
Bohun inheritance, by rescuing Mary de Bohun from the 
cloister and marrying her to his son Henry. Bucking- 
ham too was strongly opposed to the peace policy, and 
jealous of his brother's predominant influence. Yet 
when this monstrous charge was put forward he drew his 
sword in the King's presence and swore that he would 
kill any one who charged his brother with treason. 

The friar was dead, but the effect of his words did 
not die with him. The poison of suspicion worked in 
the King's sensitive nature. He could neither beheve 
nor entirely forget. The scene had made a lasting im- 
pression upon him, and for the next half-dozen years it 
was always easy for mischief-makers to work upon his 
fears and revive the dormant suspicion. 

For a while Vere was defeated, but he did not 
abandon his object. The conspiracy scare was 
not allowed to interfere with Lancaster's diplomatic 
labours. In the stunmer negotiations were resumed 
at the old rendezvous between Calais and Boulogne. 
Considering the number of interests involved, the 
proceedings were singularly ineffective, and the 
result was altogether disproportionate to the cost.^ 

Not only England and France, but Castile, Scotland, 
Flanders and Navarre were represented directly or in- 
directly, England by Lancaster, France by the four Dukes 
of Berri, Burgundy, Bourbon and Brittany ; Castile by 
Pero Lopez de Ayala, now Lord of Salvatierra and Senes- 
chal of Guipuzcoa (who, however, has not thought it 
worth while to record his doings in the Cronicas)^ Scot- 

* For the negotiations in France between July and October, 
1384, see Higd. ix. 44 ; Chr, AngL 360 ; Wals, ii. 115. Lancaster's 
commission is dated Salisbury, May 27, 1384, {Foed^Vll, 428-9 and 
429-^431); safe-conduct for the French envoys, Foed, VII. 431- 
and 433-^. The Duke was named Lieutenant of the King in 
France, June 1 5 , (Foed, VII. 432). The truce was concluded Sep- 
tember 14. {Foed, VII. 438-443.} 



land by her Chancellor and the Bishop of Glasgow, 
Navarre and Flanders by one or other of the principal 

The position of John of Gaunt as pretender to the 
throne of Castile was a standing source of difficulty, and 
presented one of those problems where etiquette m^ges 
in poUcy. It was obviously impossible for the French, as 
allies of Don Juan, to concede him the style of King of 
Castile ; " Duke of Lancaster " is the only title of which 
the French envoys were officially cognisant. At the same 
time for practiced purposes he was recognized to be acting 
in a double capacity, not only as an envoy of the King of 
England, but as a principal.^ 

The Duke strained every efEort to attain some solid 
result. The social aspect of diplomatic intercourse 
was not neglected ; he entertained lavishly, and is said 
to have spent as much as fifty thousand marcs in the 
short period of the meeting.' But his hopes of a substan- 
tial result were defeated ; he could get no better terms 
than a short extension of the existing truce, viz. till 
May I, 1385. 

England and her representative were equally dis- 
appointed. Another war budget seemed inevitable, 
and the prospects of a clear field for the great event were 
not favourable. 

There was no disguising the fact that EngUsh diplomacy 
had sustained a reverse, and when ParUament met in 
November the fact was faced.® The truce, such as it 
was, was duly ratified and pubUshed, but, two days after 
its proclamation, the King, in a letter addressed to the 

* Tanque a luy appartient en chief, Foed, VII. 446. 

Chr. AngL 360 ; Wals. ii. 118 ; Higd. ix. 44. 
3 Parliament was summoned, by writ dated Sept. 28, to meet 
at Westminster Nov. 12. It sat from Nov. 12 to Dec. 24. Rot. 
Pari, iii. 184-202. Mandate to the Sheriff, dated Oct. 20, 1384 
Foed, VII. 444. 



Archbishops,^ commented on the untrustworthy attitude 
of the French and exhorted the country to renewed 
efforts. He had akeady received a substantial vote 
from the Commons for national defence. 

Lancaster's failure to get better terms disappointed 
himself, the Conmions, and every one but his enemies. 
To them it was welcome, for it might give them a chance 
of attack. Nothing daunted by his failure during the 
Salisbury Parliament, the Earl of Oxford again took up 
the forlorn hope of crushing the Duke of Lancaster.* A 
good hater, he was a poor general in the campaign of 
poUtical intrigue. Somehow or other his forces never con- 
centrated their attack to time, and so the enemy was 
always able to get away. Above all he had Uttle imagina- 
tion, and his only expedient was that of assassination. 
These defects exclude him from the front rank of 
poUtical intriguers, but in persistence he was second to 

Shortly after the rising of ParUament and the Christmas 
festival, the King held tournaments on two successive 
days at Westminster, and in the entertainments which 
followed his boon companions were of course with him. 
Vere was easily the first in the King's favour, but 
Thomas Mowbray, Earl of Nottingham, and the Earl of 
SaUsbury, an older man, were among the number. The 
favourites now hatched a further plot to get rid of the 
Duke of Lancaster. 

1 Letter to the Primate dated Oct. 22, 1384. Foed, VII. 444. 

* For the plot against the Duke's life see Higd. ix. 55-9 ; Mon, 
Eve, 60; Chr, AngL 364; Wals. ii. 126; Ypod. Neustr, 340-1. 
The plot was admit tedyhatohed'' instructu fuvenum qui cum rege 
nutriti fuere.'* This description fits two men and two only — 
Robert de Vere, Earl of Oxford and Thomas Mowbray, Earl of 

There may be more than meets the eye in the dispute between 
Oxford and one Walter Sibille, which came up before the Parlia- 
ment of Nov. 1384. Lancaster appears to have acted as arbiter. 
Rot, Pari. iii. 184, 299. 

289 u 


The legacy of the murdered Carmelite was still an 
asset ; it was bearing interest in an accumulating fond 
of suspicion. The plot was briefly this. A meeting of 
the Council was to be held at Waltham. The Duke, as 
the King's principal adviser, would of course be sum- 
moned to attend. On his appearance he was to be 
seized. This time appearances were to be preserved; 
a complaisant bench of judges had already prepared a 
verdict of guilty on a charge of treason. The Duke would 
be executed ; the ghost of the Lancastrian power would 
be exorcised, and Vere and the King's favourites would 
then have a free hand. How far Richard knew of the plot 
must remain uncertain ; the details were probably left 
to the conspirators, but it is scarcely probable that the 
King was left in entire ignorance of the main idea, even 
assuming that it was originated by others. 

Once more there was a weak link in the chain. On the 
King's Council there were men of different parties; 
moderate men like Michael de la Pole, who was honestly 
devoted both to Lancaster and his nephew, and others 
who were the Duke's men. The conspiracy leaked out ; 
the Duke was warned, and instead of attendhig the council 
made excuses. His excuses were not accepted. The 
King's command must be obeyed. If John of Gaunt 
throughout his pubUc Ufe had acted with the same bold- 
ness as he did on this occasion, some of his earUer trouble 
might have been avoided. It was a critical situation, 
and the Duke kept his head. Ten da}^ after the plot was 
hatched, February 24, Richard was at Sheen. Taking 
a strong escort, the Duke went to the royal palace. Reach- 
ing the river, he left most of his men to be ready at a smn- 
mons. Another body was left to guard the barge in 
which he crossed. ITie rest went with him to the palace and 
halted at the entrance, with strict orders to prevent any 
one from going in or coming out. Accompanied by a 
few friends, the Duke, who had taken the precaution of 



wearing chain armour under his clothes, entered; and in 
Richard's chamber spoke his mind. 

Without charging the King with compUcity in the plot 
the Duke denounced the would-be murderers, declared 
that while the King surrounded himself with men who 
were plotting against his Ufe he would not come to the 
council, and concluded with a warning against his nephew's 
choice of advisers. 

Whether Richard knew that he was helpless, or whether 
he had once more changed his mind about his uncle, 
he listened to this explanation with astonishing calm- 
ness, and even promised to act on the advice. 

Having simply stated the course he intended to 
pursue the Duke left, and the same night withdrew to 
Tottenham and soon after to Hertford Castle. 

Every one except Vere and his friends knew that 
the best thing for the country was an understanding 
between the King and his uncles, and that a serious quar- 
rel might mean civil war. Princess Joan saw the situa- 
tion as clearly as most people, and feared for the issue 
more than any. The Lancastrian power was great 
enough to disturb the balance of pubUc Ufe ; and had 
John of Gaunt been a man of the temper of Thomas of 
Woodstock, Richard would probably have felt the result 
of plasdng with edged tools. Happily for the King, his 
mother still Uved, and her influence with her brother- 
in-law was considerable. 

Once more the Fair Maid of Kent came forward in the 
guise of a peacemaker. On March 6 she brought Lancaster 
and his nephew together at Westminster, and a reconciU- 
ation took place between the Duke and his would-be 
assassins, at which he declared himself reconciled with 
the ring-leaders, the Earls of Oxford, Nottingham and 

So far as the Duke's position went this abortive con- 
spiracy had done Uttle harm. For some time the clouds 



had been gathering ; now the storm had come and had 
cleared the air, and Lancaster's unpopularity had almost 
entirely disappeared. Vere had. taken the burden 
from his shoulders. Even old enemies like Courtenay 
the Primate had completely transferred their hatred to 
the King's favourites. Indeed Courtenay and a number of 
Peers openly reproached the King for his reckless conduct, 
and warned him of the consequences of countenancing 
a reign of terror in which assassination was to be the fate 
of all who provoked the jealousy or dislike of a small 
coterie of unprincipled favourites. The Primate's plain 
speaking exposed him to a furious outburst on the part 
of Richard, and only Buckingham's interference pre- 
vented the King from killing him with his own hand. 
But before very long the wisdom of his advice was 
proved by the event. 

After this quarrel and hollow reconciliation John 
of Gaunt withdrew to his northern kingdom, garrisoned 
Pontefract Castle for a siege, and shut himself up in it. 
From the walls of that impr^;nable fortress, his favourite 
northern dweUing, upon which he had spent lavishly in 
building,the Duke could see the spot where two generations 
ago his predecessor, Earl Thomas of Lancaster, had been 
murdered to avenge a royal favourite. History was 
repeating itself, telling over again in 1385 the story of 
1322. Duke John was standing in the same perilous 
position as that of Earl Thomas, while Robert de Vere, 
like Piers Gaveston, in plotting the ruin of those whom he 
hated was in truth leading his friend to the fate of the 
second Edward. 

But John of Gaunt was not a man of the temper 
of Thomas of Lancaster, or Thomas of Woodstock, or 
indeed of Henry of Bolingbroke. He never attempted to 
avenge himself upon his nephew. Strong enough to 
defy open violence, he was too loyal to meet treachery 
with treason, and chose to bow before the storm and 



to repeat the policy of 1377 — a policy of self-efiace- 

Negotiation with France, the result of his own initiative, 
was abandoned to others ; ^ when the King's Council met 
in June at Reading the great Duke of Lancaster was 

Perhaps the policy of retirement which had overcome 
unpopularity in 1377 might have disarmed suspicion 
in 1385, but events precluded the Duke from carrying it 
into effect for long. Though Richard, until schooled 
by adversity, never trusted his over-powerful imcle, he 
could not do without him, as the events of the smnmer 
proved. For in 1385 Charles VI, yoimg and ambitious 
of fame, had devised the boldest scheme of offensive 
action that France had as yet attempted. This was 
nothing less than to carry war into the enemy's coimtry 
by a combined attack upon the south coast and the 
northern border simultaneously. 

A powerful fleet assembled at Sluys intended to trans- 
port an army to invade England. Meanwhile Jean de 
Vienne had been sent to the North, and in May had 
landed with a force of French lances at Dimbar and Leith 
to join Charles' Scottish aUies and to harry the northern 

At the last moment the combination failed, for the 
army which had mustered at Shiys was diverted from its 
objective by affairs in the Low Countries. 

It was left to the Government to deal with the northern 
force in detail and to concentrate the whole strength of the 
kingdom on the Scottish border.^ At last, men thought, 

^ Item xxiii^ die Martii tractatores pacis ex parte nostra 
omn^ CKcepto duce Lancastriae Calesiam transierunt qui circa 
finem mensis Aprilis redierunt absque pacis effectu. Higd. ix. 59. 

* Higd. ix. 60. 

' For Jean de Vienne in Scotland and the invasion August, 
1385, see Froissart, K. de L. x. 376-405 ; Wals. ii. 131-2; Chr. 
Angl, 364; Kn. ii. 204-6; Eulog, 358; Higd. ix. 63-5. 



the son of the Black Prince and grandson of Edward III 
would show the martial spirit of his race, and would display 
against an alien and an enemy the courage which for a 
moment had cowed the rebels at Smithfield. Sununoning 
his levies to meet him at Newcastle on July 14, Richard 
prepared to invade Scotland in force. 

Even before he reached the rendezvous the King's 
troubles began. Near York, in a brawl between re- 
tainers of Sir John Holland and the Earl of StafiOTd. a 
favourite squire of Holland was killed. As the murderers 
took sanctuary and Richard refused to let them be 
dragged out, Holland took the law into his own hands. 
Riding from Bishopthorpe to York he met the son of 
the Earl of Stafford. It was easy to provoke a quarrel, 
and Holland, a man of great strength and a master of his 
weapon, struck Stafford dead with one blow. The 
murdered man, like Mowbray and Vere, was of the 
King's age, and had been brought up with him, and had 
been one of the knights of the Queen's retinue. 

Richard received the news with extravagant grief, 
and though Holland was his own half-brother, swore that 
he should be treated as a common murderer. It was in 
vain that Princess Joan interceded for one son to the 
other ; her prayers were useless, and wearied with the 
hopeless task of mediating in the quarrels of the royal 
family,Princess Joan a few days later died broken-hearted. 

On July 20 the King reached Durham and found the 
Duke of Lancaster with his levies, awaiting him. Once 
more the farce of reconciliation was gone through, and 
the Duke agreed to forget the quarrel with the Earls of 
Oxford, Nottingham, and Salisbury. A more practical 
task was to array the army for the coming invasion.^ 
The forces which Richard was leading against Scotland, 

* See the " Army Order *' issued by Richard II, the Duke of 
Lancaster, the instable and Marshal, at Durham, July 27. 
Brit. Mus. Cotton Nero, D. vi. f. 91. 



unlike the armies which invaded France, were feudal 
levies : the great feudatories brought their retainers. 

The " ordinances of war made at Durham " ^ form there- 
fore a measure of the comparative fighting force of the 
nobles of England in 1385. 

The army consisted of 13,734 men, i.e. 4,590 men-at- 
arms and 9,144 archers. Of this total the Duke of 
Lancaster alone contributed almost a third, for he led 
4,000 men, 1,000 men-at-arms and 3,000 archers. The 
proportion of archers to men-at-arms in the Duke's 
contingent is striking : the old campaigner had learnt the 
lesson of the French wars. But still more striking is the 
disproportion between the Duke's forces and those of all 
the rest. His men number nearly half as many again 
as the King's own levies ; more than three times as 
many as those of his brother the Earl of Buckingham, 
and just five times as many as those of the Earl of 
Northumberland, the next most powerful feudatory. 

It is also worth noting that five hundred men were 
brought by Lord Neville of Raby, and Neville was, like 
Lord Roos who brought fifty and Michael de la Pole who 
brought 140, a retainer of Lancaster. As usual, the 
formation of " three battles " was adopted : vaward, 
centre with two wings^ and rearguard, Lancaster, with 
the Constable and Marshal commanding the van, the 
King the centre and the Earl of Northumberland the 
rear. To prevent the factions of politics being carried 
into the field, friends were separated, and enemies 
thrown together ; Lancaster marched with the Earl 
Marshal, and Lord Neville, the Duke's retainer.j^was 
with the Earl of Northumberland. The King con- 
sented to have the Earl of Anmdel in the centre, but 
he would not be parted from his favourite Vere, a 
fact which had a great influence on the conduct of the 

* See Appendix ii. p. 437 (Cotton Nero, D. vi. f. 92). 


On August 6 the King entered Scottish territory and 
signalized the occasion by the bestowal of dignities. 
The Earl of Cambridge was created Duke of York, the 
Earl of Buckingham became Duke of Gloucester : Michael 
de la Pole*s faithful service was rewarded by the Earl- 
dom of Suffolk, which had become extinct at the death 
of William Ufford three years before. 

Pursuing their usual tactics the Scots retreated before 
the invader, and even the enthusiasm of Jean de Vienne 
cooled when he saw the imposing army which Richard 
was leading against his allies. On the northward march 
therefore the English found no enemy to attack ; the 
few stray prisoners, Scots and Frenchmen, who fell into 
their hands were killed in cold blood, and the adherence 
of Scotland to the anti-pope was made the excuse for 
burning the monasteries, which Lancaster had always 
spared. The Abbeys of Melrose and Newbattle were 
destroyed, and Holyrood itself was only saved at the 
Duke's entreaty. 

On reaching Edinburgh the young commander was 
faced with a difficulty. One body of the enemy had fled 
to the north, but it was hopeless to attempt a pursuit into 
" sauvage Ecosse." Another body, stiiiened by Jean de 
Vienna's French lances, had made a coimter move into 
England, marching westwards as the English army ad- 
vanced north, burning Penrith and attacking Carlisle. 
Lancaster's advice was to tmn to the west and cut off 
their retreat. 

A council of war accepted the proposal, but on the eve 
of the march the plan was suddenly abandoned. Robert 
de Vere, the evil genius of the young King, was bent once 
more on makmg mischief. It was an easy task to fan into 
flame the king's smouldering jealousy, and the end was 
probably achieved by some such words as Froissart^ puts 

* Froissart K. de L. x. 395. This is the advice of "/$ ccnUs 
d'A squ$suffoft, qui estoit pour che tamps tous li coers et It consaulx 



into his mouth. : *^ Ha I monsigneur, k quoi pensfe-vous, 
qui vol& f aire che chemin que vostre oncle vous conseillent 
k faire ? Sachi^, que se vous le faites ne all& aucune- 
ment jamais n'en retoumer6s, ne li dus de Lancastre ne 
tire ne tent k autre cose que il sois rois, et que vous soy6s 
mors/' Richard was in command, and it was open to 
him to accept or reject his uncle's advice, but with his 
usual maladroitness he displayed his suspicion and, 
reversing the policy agreed upon, took the occasion to 
heap insults on his most powerful subject. He cast the 
Duke's own miUtary failures in his face, and told him 
that he was a traitor and that he might march whither 
he would with his own men, but the rest would return to 

Once more, as at the famous quarrel with Percy four 
years before, Lancaster, who had learnt the lesson of 
caution and self-restraint with years, kept his head. 
There was a certain dignity in his reply, that the King had 
no more faithful subject than himself and he would follow 
wherever his sovereign should lead.^ The intervention 
of the Peers brought about the tisual reconciliation ; 
the retreat took place, and by August 20 this short military 
parade, Richard's most pretentious efifort in arms, was 
over, and the army was back at Newcastle. 

At last John of Gaunt was nearing the goal of his 
ambitions. The situation of domestic politics was not 
one which could last. Quarrels, conspiracies and sham 
reconciliations could not go on for ever, and in the 

dou toy,** Asquesuffort is of course Oxford not Suffolk, but 
Mr. G. M. Trevelyan (" England in the Age of WyclifEe," p. 286) 
ascribes the speech to Michael de la Pole Earl of Suffolk, the 
Duke's friend. This mistranslation by Johnes involves an entire 
misunderstanding of the relation between the party leaders, but 
apart from this the words above quoted could in 1385 apply to 
no one but Robert de Vere. 

^ The long and his uncle were better friends again about the 
end of the year, if borrowing money is any test. Lancaster lent 
him ;(Jioo. Rot, Pat. Nov. 16, 1385. 


autumn of 1385 it became dear that there was no room 
for both the Earl of Oxford and the Duke of Lancaster 
in English poUtics. There was one obvious solution to 
the difficulty, one which pleased all parties — ^the Spanish 

For eighteen months the Portuguese envoys, the Grand 
Master of St. James and the Qiancellor of Portugal had 
been in England, working hard at recruiting and waiting 
for the turn of the tide which should carry Lancaster 
and his army to Portugal. Meanwhile fortune had 
strengthened their hand, for Jo3.o, Master of Avis and 
Regent, was now Joio I, King of Portugal : the deliverer 
of the nation had been chosen by his people to succeed 
to the throne of Dom Fernando, and had abundantly 
justified the choice. While Richard II was quar- 
relling with his uncle at Edinburgh, JoSlo I, with 
the help of English archers, had on August 14, won 
the crushing victory of Aljubarrota, which established 
Portuguese independence for good and crippled the 
military power of Castile for a generation. Instead 
of the friendship of a weakling like Fernando, who never 
knew his own mind, the Portuguese envoys could offer 
the active support of a tried soldier, the favourite of his 
people, a general commanding all the prestige of a mo- 
mentous victory. A combined attack upon Castile would 
solve the domestic difficulty and the problem of the 
Lancastrian claim. Once more the Council and Parlia- 
ment^ debated the Duke's proposal. His friends and 
enemies were agreed. De Vere, if he could not ruin 
his rival, would gladly be rid of him : his jealousy played 
into the enemy's hand. The project was approved, and 
the Commons voted the necessary suppUes.* 

1 This Parliament was summoned by writ dated Sept. 3, 1385, 
for Friday after the feast of St. Luke. It sat from Friday, Oct. | 
20, to Thursday, Dec. 6. Rot. Pari, iii 203-14. 

^ Et sciendum quod dictum viagium dicti Regis Castelli in , 



From their lodging at the Falcon Inn, in Gracechurch 
Street, the Master of St. James and the Chancellor were 
summoned to the presence of the King and Queen of 
Castile to hear the welcome news that their mission had 
snicceeded, and that a Lancastrian army would soon be 
fighting side by side with the forces of their master against 
the usurper of Castile ! 

Ispanniam concordatam fuit et concessam per dominam regem^ 
px^tos^ proceres magnates et commimitates predictes in pleno 
Parliamento. Rot. Pat, iii. 204b. 

For the Spanish expedition, the safe custody oi the sea and 
the Scottish border and for the relief of Ghent the Commons voted 
a tenth and fifteenth and half a tenth and fifteenth, the first to be 
paid by Feb. 2, 1386, and the second by June 24 following. Rot, 
Pari. iii. 204 a. 


^ 1 

Q i 

^ r 

Chapter XIII 


IN the Chronica d^El Ret D. Joao I there is a striking 
scene, depicting the passionate longing of the exiled 
daughter of Don Pedro to recover her fatherland and 
her father's throne. The time is the autumn of 1385, 
when England was ringing with the news of the great 
victory of Aljubarrota ; the place, the Duke's chamber ; 
and the actors are Lancaster himself, his consort, and the 
Portuguese ambassadors. The Master of St. James has 
just been urging the Duke to attack Castile in the hour 
of weakness, and to accept the proposed alliance of the 
victorious Portuguese King. His arguments are rein- 
forced by the prayers of Constance of Castile. 

Leading her daughter Katherine by the hand and 
falling upon her knees before her husband, the Duchess 
entreats him with tears to champion her right and avenge 
the murder of her father.^ 

Tears and entreaties indeed were scarcely necessary, 
and Lancaster's ambition needed no spur. For sixteen 
years " Monseigneur d'Espaigne " had claimed and used 
the royal style. Edinburgh, Paris, Bruges and Lisbon 
knew as well as Westminster the maker of treaties and 
aUiances, " Roy de Castell et de Leon, Due de Lan- 
castre." At last, it seemed, his infant fortune had come 
to years ; the day-dream was to become a waking reality, 
and he was to cease building '' castles in Spain " to begin 
the more practical task of capturing them. 

^ Femao Lopes, Chronica de El Rei D. Joao I, v. 83-4. 


The Duke was now in his forty-sixth year, well past 
middle age as the fourteenth century understood it. His 
career had not been one of uninterrupted success ; yet 
neither age nor experience had blunted the edge of his 
ambition. In 1386 his hopes were higher than ever. 
That before long the throne of Castile would be won, 
either by arms or by treaty, he for one had Uttle doubt. 
He knew the demoralization of the enemy ; the antici- 
pation (abundantly justified by the event) that his adver- 
sary would hasten to agree with him by the way, can be 
read between the lines of his contract with Richard U, 
made on the eve of the enterprise. It is assumed as a 
matter of course that Juan I will cower at the advance 
of the rightful king. Richard's only soUcitude is to 
prevent the interests of England being sacrificed by the 
inevitable capitulation.^ 

In treating as an independent sovereign with his 
nephew " of France and England," John of Gaunt pro- 
mises to Richard the friendship of the kingdom yet to be 
won, and binds together Castile and England in an in- 
dissoluble alliance by the concord of Plantaganet kings 
as yet imbom.* 

* John of Gaunt undertakes (i) that he will make no agreement 
with his adversary of Castile until Richard II is satisfied in 
respect of 200,000 doubles d'or, representing the damage done 
to English shipping by Castile ; (ii) that any sdliance he may make 
with Juan I shall be without prejudice to his engagements to 
Richard ; and (iii) that he will repay as soon as possible, and with- 
in three years at the outside, the 20,000 marcs advanced to him 
by Richard. 

(Dated Feb. 7, 1386, and cancelled May 26, 1390.) Foed. VII, 


2 The alliance between John, King of Castile, Leon, Toledo, 
Galicia, Seville, Cordova, Murcia, Jaen, Algarve and Algedras, 
Duke of Lancaster and Lord of Molina on the one part, and 
Richard II, King of France and England on the other, was con- 
cluded by their plenipotentiaries (Sir John Marmion with V^lliam 
Ashton, the Duke's Chancellor, and Sir Richard Atterbury with 
Sir John Clanvowe) at Westminster, April 28, 1386. (Powers for 
the Duke's proctors are dated Kingston Lacy, April 8.) Lan- 



The Portuguese alliance, the Duke's own creation, was 
conceived on a grand scale. It bound England and 
Portugal together in a league offensive and defensive 
against all Europe, saving only Pope, Emperor, and the 
legitimate King of Castile.^ 

Was it only anxiety to be rid of the nightmare of Lan- 
castrian domination, that shadow ever lying across the 
throne, that worked in the mind of the young king ? 
Or was Richard II also, impulsive, impressionable, easily 
led by a stronger hand, deceived by the delusive promise 
of his uncle's fancies ? Perhaps he was for a moment 
convinced,and came to see John of Gaunt, as the Duke saw 
himself, the creator of a great Peninsular alliance, which 
should raise again the fallen barrier of the Pyrenees, 
restore to England the command of the seas, and hem 
France in north and south between confederate king- 

Whatever his motives, it is impossible to doubt the 
sincerity of Richard's support, for he lent money to his 
uncle for the purpose.* Financial help came too from 

caster confirmed the alliance at Flympton, June 20. {Foed, VII: 
510-15, and 525-26) : Richard II on June i {Rot, Franc, ii. 152 
I and 2.) 

^ The offensive and defensive alliance of Richard II and JoSo I 
(against all powers save Pope^ Emperor, and John of Gaunt) was 
concluded by Fernando, Master of St. James with Louren90, 
ChanceUor of Portugal, and Sir Richard Atterbury and Sir John 
Clanvowe, May 9 (Windsor), and May 17 (Westminster), 1386. 
The Portuguese env03rs' powers are dated April 15, 1385. Foed^ 
VII. 518-24; FemSo Lopes, v. 87-89. It was confirmed by 
JoSoI at Coimbra, August 12, 1387. Foed, VII. 561, 562. Cf. 
Safe conduct for two ambassadors of the King of Portugal, 
the Bishop of Elvas, and Gonsalvo Gomes da Silva, dated West- 
minster, April 3, 1386. Foed^ VII. 508-9. 

* The King commands that the sum of 1,000 marcs advanced 
to his unde by the Treasurer of the Royal Chamber shall be re- 
funded from the first instalment of the Parliamentary grant. ^ 
Roi. Pat. May 14, 1386. Richard had to borrow from Lombard 
merchants for the purpose ; see bond dated May 22, 1386. Rot. 


another source besides the cofiers of the Lombard bankers 
with whom the King was pledging his credit. 

The CastiUan quarrel can be viewed from varioos 
standpoints. It is a piece in the puzzle of dynastic 
history. It is a side current in the stream of the Hundred 
Years War. It is also a scene in the drama of the Great 
Schism, an interlude in the struggle of the rival popes. 

Castile was for Clement/ Portugal for Urban, and John 
of Gaunt was a persona gratissima at the court of Urban 
VI. It was three years since the Pope had conferred cm 
the patron of Wycliffe the title of " Standard Bearer of 
the Cross for the Pope and the Roman Church,** naming 
him Captain and Standard Bearer against Juan of Castile.' 
Just at the moment when encouragement was most 
needed, when the Earl of Cambridge had made a fod of 
himself in Portugal and Dom Fernando had gone over 
to the enemy, came the apostoUc exhortation to this 
faithful son of the Church to " merit the rewards to be 
gained by diligently and faithfully carrying out the office 
entrusted to him." At the same time plenary pardcm 
had been granted to all who, fortified by the sign of the 
Cross, should embark in Lancaster's company on the 
intended expedition, and die truly penitent and con- 
fessed,^ while at the Duke's petition his army received 
the promise of all those privileges and indulgences which 
the Crusaders had received by the constitution of Inno- 
cent III published in the Fourth General Lateran Coxmcil.* 
For three years these powers had lain dormant. Now 

^ Enrique II was neutral, but Juan I took the schism seriously, 
and after some hesitation declared for Clement VII in 1381. 
(Ayala, ii. 130, 140-1 ; 142-150.) This was the result of French 

^ Dated Rome, 12 Kal. Apr. (5 Urban VI), 1383; Papal LeUers, 
iv. 264. 

3 Dated Rome, 12 Kal. Apr. (5 Urban VI), 1383. Papal LttUfS, 
iv 265. 

* April 6 (5 Urban VI), 1383. Papal Letters, iv. 265. 


they were called out of abeyance and enlarged. Four 
Bulls were issued in Lancaster's favour/ Choosing as 
his agents the Bishop of Hereford (the prelate who had 
urged the Spanish expedition on ParUament in 1382), 
the Bishops of Uandafi and Dax, and Walter Dysse, the 
Duke's confessor, the Pope empowered them to restore 
all churches and cemeteries, however polluted, in Eng- 
land and Spain ; to create fifty Papal chaplains from 
persons of good repute, regular or secular, and fifty 
notaries pubUc, even married clerks being eligible ; and 
fourthly to remove the barrier of illegitimate birth for 
persons wishing to be ordained to the priesthood. 

The ecclesiastical campaign began on February 18, 
when the standard of the Cross was raised in St. Paul's, 
and the first sermon was preached in favour of the Cru- 
sade.' The secular arm seconded the efforts of the 
Church, and in every county of England the sheriffs, by 
royal mandate,' published the Bull promising absolution 
to all who directly or indirectly should further the ex- 
pedition of the Duke for the succour, help and comfort 
of the Holy Mother Church against the schismatic usiurper 
of Castile. 

Wydiffe must surely have turned in his grave when 
the Bishops of Llandaff and Hereford went on progress 
through England, selling Papal indulgences to finance a 
dynastic quarrel. But though Wycliffe was dead there 
were many who from various motives were ready to 
raise a protest against the Crusade. Unhappily for 
Lancaster, the novelty of the thing had been spoilt by 
the Bishop of Norwich three years before, but there was 
still a brisk market for the papal wares. As a papal 

* Fasf, Zu. 508. See Baronius, Annales EccUsiastici (Ed. 
Tbeiner), vol. xxii. p. 466. 

* Higd. ix. 81-2. 

* Mandate to the sherifis to cause the Bull to be published, 
dated April 11, 1386. Foed, VII. 507-8. 

305 X 


chaplaincy removed its possessor from the control of his 
ecclesiastical superiors, regulars and seculars, black monks 
and white, canons, rectors, vicars and friars rushed for 
the bait. 

The Abbot of St. Albans, always at his best in dis- 
cipUnary matters, took strong measures to repress the 
movement among his brethren. Every Benedictine who 
bought a papal chaplaincy (except one old man whose 
years and past service saved him) was turned out of his 
house.* But on other grounds than those of discipline 
the Ciiisade encoimtered vigorous opposition. Sermons 
were preached against it, and it became necessary for 
; the secular power to intervene.* The strongest support, 
' however, came from the friars. Once more Lancaster 
reaped a solid benefit from his alliance with the Carmel- 
ites. Dysse the Carmelite was one of the Pope's com- 
missioners. The Duke was the Carmelites' friend. That 
was enough : the whole order made his quarrel their own. 
The sort of argument advanced in support of this last 
sham crusade may be gathered from a fragment still ex- 
tant of a sermon, doubtless one of many, preached by a 
Carmelite friar at the time.' The faithful are invited to 
ponder on the wickedness of that monster Robert of 
Geneva, calling himself Clement VII, who is indeed no 
true shepherd, but a thief, a robber, a wolf who devours 
the lambs of the Church, a deceiver who has led astray 
many, including Juan, calling himself King of Castile. 
To bring back this erring sheep to the true fold, the Pope 
has called not once, but many times, at first softly, then 
angrily, but always in vain. At length he has com- 
missioned the true King of Castile to drive him back by 
force. It is vain to say, as some do, that the Spaniarck 

^ Gesi. Abb. Sc. Alban, ii. 417. 

^ Orders to three sergeants-at'-arms to arrest John Eljrs, of 
Stowmarket, Chaplain, who had preached against the Spanish 
Crusade, dated February 12, 1387. Rot. Pat. 

^ Fuse. Ziz. 506-11. 



are as good Christians as ourselves, and that it is a sin to 
shed their blood. Not so. They are guilty of the sin 
of schism, a sin against the whole body of the Church. 
Faith without works is vain ; the faithful will show their 
devotion by supporting the Pope and his minister, John 
of Gaimt. Equally vain is it to argue that the sale of 
indulgences amoimts to simony. Distinguish between 
obtaining things for money and through money. These 
indulgences are obtained through money, it is true, for 
money is necessary to pay for the soldiers who are to 
fight in the good cause. But they are bestowed not for 
money but for the spiritual ends of restoring Spain to the 
true fold, and promoting the unity of the Catholic Church. 
Such contributions are therefore an acceptable oblation. 
" Date eleemosynam et omnia munda vobis " — an elastic, if 
not convincing formula, and one which the friars knew well. 

The results were eminently satisfactory, for the con- 
tributions of the faithful were considerable. 

On March 25, the date fixed for the ceremony of fare- 
well. King John and Queen Cx)nstance, after receiving 
crowns of gold from Richard II, took leave of the court 
and began their royal progress through the southern 
counties to Plymouth, the port of embarkation.^ Lan- 
caster had to wait for more than two months in the 
west country while the ships and vessels impressed for 
the expedition assembled.* It is difficult, as usual, to 

^ Kn. ii. 207. Higd. ix; 82. 

* Mandate to impress 20 ships of 70 casks burden and up- 
wards within the Northern Command, to be at Plymouth by Palm 
Sunday, dated March 15,1386. Foed, VII. 501-2. CI (ibid. 
504) orders to impress mariners for the Marie of London, the 
Margaret of London, and the Maudelyn of London, dated 
March 26. Orders to impress 24 ** mineatores " from the Forest 
of Dean and carpenters from the western counties, dated March 
24. Foed, VII. 503-4. Orders to hasten the ship>s impressed, dated 
April 20 and 23. Foed, VII. 509. One roU gives the names of 
57 ships, which with 20 more from the Northern Conunand gave 
a total tonnage of nearly 10,000 doL {Exchequer A acts, Q.R. 
Bundle 42, No. 18, Army). 









B ^ 

& *-• 
II ^o 

^ 8 









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00 t*** 

•^ S 



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Q c 




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& K 



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o o S .S 5 

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speak with anything Uke certainty of the numbers of the 
army. Knighton's guess, twenty thousand men, must be 
a wild exaggeration. On the other hand, the Duke cer- 
tainly had more than the 1,500 men-at-arms and 1,500 
archers who, according to Ayala, followed him to Castile.^ 

He had led 4,000 men-at-arms and archers in the Scottish 
promenade, and with the lesson of Cambridge's expe- 
dition in his mind, and the warning of Parjiament, he 
would certainly raise more for the object for which he 
was straining every nerve. Probably the Portuguese 
chronicles are near the mark when they put the numbers 
at 2,000 lances and 3,000 archers, or some 10,000 men 
in all. At any rate the force was large enough to make 
transport a matter of some difficulty, and it appears that 
the greater part of the English marine was engaged in 
the Duke's service.* This, in view of the attitude of the 
French, constituted a grave danger. One of the engage- 
ments entered into by the Portuguese envoys was to 
place a naval force at the disposal of England in the 
autumn,' but in addition to this Dom Joio volunteered 
naval assistance to his ally.^ On Jime 30 his admiral, 
Affonso Fiulado, reached Plymouth with a flotilla of 
transports for Lancaster's use, ten fine galleys, and half 
a dozen smaller ships. 

At length all preparations were complete. Lancaster 
and his knights had given their evidence at Plymouth in 

^ Kn. ii. 207 ; Ayala, ii. 249 ; FemSo Lopes, v. 91. Many 
names of the knights and esquires of the Duke's retinue 
appear in the lists of those who obtained letters of protection 
(dated January 7 and March 6, 1386; Foedy VII. 490-1, and 
490-501}, and letters of attorney (dated April 12, ibid. 508). 

^ See commission to Lancaster to provide for the safe return 
of the fleet, and appointment of two sergeants-at-arms to bring 
it home^ dated June i, 1386. Foed, VII. 524-5. Jj 

* Foed, Vll. 521-3. i^ . 

* Kn. ii. 207. FemSo Lopes, v. 39, 40 ; 86, and 90. According 
to Lopes the whole floUlla numbered 130 sail, v. 91. 



the cause cSlibre Scrope v. Grosvenor ; * the great ofift- 
cers of the army were named. 

The G)nstable was Sir John Holland. After a few 
months' disgrace Holland had emerged from sanctuary 
at Beverley to be restored to favour and to give another 
proof of the violence of his passions. Impetuous alike in 
love and hate, Holland, after a rough wooing, had won the 
heart of Ehzabeth of Lancaster. Elizabeth had been 
betrothed in childhood to the Earl of Pembroke ; this 
was annulled, and Holland, who had forestalled a l^gal 
union, saved appearances by a hasty marriage.' 

Sir Thomas Morieux, husband of another daughter of 
the Duke, the mysterious Lady Blanche, with Sir Richard 
Burley, acted as Marshal. Sir Thomas Percy was Ad- 
miral. Where there was fighting to be had, the Perdes 
were always to the fore, and the old quarrel was for- 
gotten, for besides his brother the Adniiral, the Earl of 
Northumberland had a son. Sir Thomas Percy the 
yoimger, in the Duke's army. The Coiurtenay feud 
too was now over also, for on the eve of his departure 
Lancaster, protesting his " entire affection " and con- 
fidence in the Earl of Devonshire, names him lieutenant 
of his fees and franchises in Devonshire.' 

All the Duke's children accompanied the exp>edition 
save one : the omission is significant. Henry, Earl of 
Derby, was left to watch over his father's interests, and 
to act as Lieutenant of the County Palatine * — a very 
necessary precaution — but the Duke took with him his 
two unmarried daughters, Philippa of Lancaster, and 
Katharine her half-sister, as well as Constance and 

On Sunday, July 7, a fair wind sprang up. The Earl 

^ Scrope-Grosvenor , i. 49. 
2 Higd. ix. 96-7. Sec Appendix, viii. p. 458. 
•• Brit. Mus. Ad. Ch. 13910. 

* This appears from the Patent RoUs of the Palatinate. 







' m 






of Derby said his last farewells and returned to the shore, 
and in the afternoon the fleet hoisted sail/ 

With an object as definite as the invasion of Castile, 
and a kingdom for the prize, it might have been thought 
that Lancaster would steer a straight course for the shores 
of Spain. Such was not the spirit of adventure. There 
is a certain knight-errantry in the Duke's adventures 
which touches them with romance, and lends to them an 
interest which perhaps might not be felt in the fortimes of 
a more practical character. As the fleet doubled Cape 
Ushant news came that the Duke of Brittany, to prove 
his new-bom loyalty to France, was beleaguering the 
English garrison of Brest.* The besieged were hard 
pressed, and in particular they were harassed by two 
forts, one nicknamed the " Dovehouse," built by the 
besiegers uncomfortably near the walls of the town. 
John of Gaimt landed his men, and allowed Lord Fitz- 
walter to storm the forts. The effort cost some valuable 
lives, but it should never be said that a Duke of Lan- 
caster left a besieged EngUsh garrison to its fate. 

Putting to sea again, the Duke and his council debated 
the question where the landing should be effected. The 
Portuguese admiral offered his master's ports, but Lan- 
caster, sensible of the moral effect of landing on Castilian 
soil, ordered his pilots to make for the coast of Gahcia.* 

On July 25 the fleet dropped anchor in the harbour of 

* Kn. ii. 207. 

* For the relief of Brest see Knighton's inspired account, ii. 
208-10; Froissart, K, de L. xi. 331-7; Religieux de SL Denys, 
i. 433-49, whose narrative is not very helpful ; Wals. ii. 143 ; 
Chr, Angl. 368-9 ; FemSo Lopes, v. 90-1. 

' For what follows the authorities of the first value are Ayala 
and FemSo Lopes. Duarte Nunes do Liam, in the Cronicas del 
Rey Dom Jodo /, adds nothing of importance to the narrative of 
Lopes. The events of 1 386-7 are treated with the greatest brevity in 
the Chronicle of the Constable {Chronica do Condestabre de Portugal 
Dom Nunalvarez Pereyra, Lisbon, 1623, pp. 51, 52), 



Coruiia ; it was a happy omen that the King of Castile 
should first set foot in h^ kingdom on the day of St. James, 
the patron saint of Spain and the eponymous hero of the 
GaUcian capital, and the capture of a squadron of 
Don Juan's ships at Betanzos on the same day seemed to 
confirm this augury of success/ 

The captain of Coruna, Ferrand Perez de Andrade, 
not being strong enough to offer resistance, and not 
knowing which way things would go, elected to tem- 
porize. Lancaster accepted his professions without 
putting them to the test, and pushed on without staying 
to occupy the town, to the capital of Galicia, Saint James 
of Compostella.* 

In the troubled days of 1366 the Gallegos had been the 
last to abandon the cause of Don Pedro, and even now 
the sentiment of loyalty to his line lingered among the 
hidalgos of the Northern Province. Events justified 
Lancaster's choice of the port of disembarkation, for 
Santiago opened her gates at the first summons ; a pro- 
cession of clergy met the Duke and conducted him to the 
shrine of St. James, and nobles and gentlemen irom 
Galicia and Castile came in to kiss the hand of Queen 
Constance and to do homage to the rightful king.* Lan- 
caster's first act after entering the city was to turn out 
the Clementist archbishop, Don Juan Garcia Manrique,* 
and to put in his place an adherent of the canonical Pope. 
Then the " Captain and Standard Bearer of the Cross" 
forgot all about the Crusade, and began business by an- 
nouncing his arrival to the Kings of Portugal and Castile. 
Sealed with the royal arms of Castile, and bearing the 

^ FernSo Lopes, v. 91-2; Ayala, ii. 249 ; Froissart, K. de L. 
xi. 338-44. 

^ Lopes, V. 108-9 ; Ayala (ii. 249) diflfers ; Froissart, K. de L. 
xi. 344-9. 

* Ayala, ii. 250. 

* The Duke killed two birds with one stone, for the archbishop 
)vas also Don Juan's Chancellor. Ayala, ii. 635. 



proud signature Nos Ei, Rey, his letters conveyed a 
message of friendship to the first and a challenge to the 

Don Juan had for long been familiar with his rival's 
plans ; the challenge only confirmed the fears which 
had haunted him from the day of his accession. After 
Aljubarrota he had made an abject appeal to France 
for help,* to which Charles VI had replied in a sympathetic 
letter containing commonplaces on providence and the 
mutability of fortune, accompanied by the more welcome 
promise of men and money. Less practically useful, the 
Court of Avignon was equally sympathetic. To con- 
sole Don Juan in the hour of defeat Clement had sent 
him a homily on the text " Whom God loveth He chas- 
teneth," and with graceful allusions to the sufferings of 
Saul and Jonathan at the hand of the Philistines, had 
entreated him not to despair.' 

In spite of the promises of the first and the consolation 
of the second Juan did despair. Only the poUtical and 
military condition of Castile can explain Lancaster's 
confidence, and the large measure of success which in 
the end attended his rash adventure. 

At Aljubarrota the Castilian army had been ruined ; 
all Castile was in mourning, and king and kingdom were 
utterly demoralized. Nothing is more significant of the 
utter collapse of the power which a generation earlier had 
almost driven the Moors out of the Peninsula than the 
eagerness of the de facto king to make terms with the 

• Lopes, V. 107-8 ; 93 ; Ayala, ii. 250, 253. 

• Relig, St. Denys, i. 438, etc. ; Ayala, ii. 243-5 ; Froissart, 
K. de L. xi. 375-7. 

• Ayala, ii. 246-7 ; Chr, Reg, Franc, iii. 85. Guillaume de 
Naillac and Gaucher de Passac undertook for 100,000 francs to 
Idad 2,000 m^-at-arms to the help of Juan (agreement dated 
PaxiB, Feb. 5, 1387, Piices InidiUs, i. jj. See also Brit. Mas. 
Add, Cb. 3358, 6759, 1360-62, 1 1368). 



pretender. Before Lancaster had been a month in 
GaUcia an embassy arrived to negotiate.^ 

Dtm Juan Serrano, Prior of Guaddupe and Chancdlor 
of the Privy Seal, Diego Lopez de Medrano, Knight, and 
Alvar Martinez de Villareal, Doctor of Laws, carried the 
King's reply to his adversary's challenge. They found 
the Duke at Orense in August, and there, in the presence 
of his council, each in turn delivered his message. 

The Prior, in the most solemn manner, protested that 
the true right of succession lay with his master, and con- 
jured Lancaster by God and Saint James not to invade 
the kingdom in an unrighteous cause. To the Duke's 
challenge of battle the Knight replied with a counter 
challenge in the usual form. In order to avoid the 
ahedding of Christian blood his master was ready to meet 
John of Gaunt man to man, ten against ten, or a hundred 
against a himdred — a conventional reply which of course 
meant nothing. The man of law then argued the ques- 
tion of hereditary right at length. It is noticeable that 
the legality of Don Pedro's marriage with Maria de 
Padilla was never called in question. The son of Enrique 
the Bastard could scarcely stand upon the punctilio of 
legitimate birth. Neither was it convenient to urge the 
objection which in later years decided that ardent Lan- 
castrian jurist, Sir John Fortescue, to condemn the 
Lancastrian claim ; ' it was scarcely open to Juan of 
Castile, who laid claim to Portugal in the right of his 
wife Beatrix, to condemn the transmission of hereditary 
right through females. The lawyer took a very different 
line and tried to establish the position of Don Juan as the 
heir, through his mother Juana, of the House of la Cerda, 
the elder line of descent from Alfonso X, dispossessed ever 

^ For the negotiations at Orense see Lopes, v. 94-104 ; Ayala, 
i. 253-261. Froissart has nothing. 
^ Fortescue, Works, p. 497. 


since Sancho IV set aside his nephew Alfonso de la Cerda 
the " disinherited," and usurped the throne/ 

After this argument, which lasted long, the envo}^ 
were courteously entertained by the Duke. The next 
day they had their answer. Juan Guttierez, Bishop of 
Dax, as spokesman for the Duke, answered each in turn. 
It was rather absurd to support the strong claim of 
Constance as elder surviving child of Don Pedro by a 
far-fetched claim of John of Gaunt himself as great- 
grandson of Edward I and Eleanor of Castile, but any 
argument was good enough in a case of hereditary right. 
The Bishop was on stronger ground when to the claim 
of the House of la Cerda he opposed their formal renun- 
ciation and the homage actually done by Enrique the 
Bastard to his brother. 

But the interest of the conference at Orense does not 
lie in this academic discussion of title. Don Juan*s real 
motive was betrayed when at the close of the second day's 
palaver the Prior of Guadelupe disclosed to the Duke 
that he was the bearer of secret instructions.' He was 
empowered to propose a compromise of the dynastic 
quarrel by the marriage of the heir of Don Juan with the 
heiress of Queen Constance, Katharine of Lancaster ! 

If Lancaster had reaUzed his true position he would 
have closed with this offer forthwith. It was the natural 

^ The House of La Cerda could not establish any such right for 
(i) the Siete Partidas which first recognised the modem rule of 
succession had not, at the time of Sancho's " usurpation," been 
accepted by the Cortes, and (ii) any claim which the descendants 
of Alfonso " the disinherited " might have had been renounced, 
in exchange for a grant of lands, by the Treaty of Camillo (i 305). 

* The " S^rdt Treaty " is established beyond a doubt by a 
document in the French archives. On Septembeir 11, 1386, 
Charles VI empowered Jean Sire de Foleville to represent him in 
the negotiations with Lancaster, and the commission recites that 
terms had already been discussed. {Pieces Inidites, i. 74-6.) See 
also Lopes, v. 104, and the convincing account oi Ayala, ii. 255, 



and obvious solution of the dynastic proUem. But to 
accept a compromise at the outset would have plaoad 
him in difficulties. The Duke could not reckon wifboat 
his ally ; he had already contracted definite ofaligattov 
to the King of Portugal. The invasion of Castile tms 
presupposed by all the elaborate negotiations ivbidt'lad 
been taking place between himself , Richard II and ! 
Jo&o. He may of course have suspected the good ; 
of his adversary and regarded the whole proposal as a 
ruse invented to gain time, and to break up the Aiiijkh 
Portuguese federation. These considerations had wej^it, 
but there was something further. 

The truth is that John of Gaunt never realised the 
hopelessness of his position. The fundamental foDy of 
the Plantagenet claim to France and of the Lancastrian 
claim to Castile was the same — ^the attempt to font an 
aUen dynasty on a high spirited people keenly sensible 
of their national honour. Don Pedro died in 3369; 
Enrique in 1379 ; since then Don Juan had hdd the 
sceptre without challenge. The House of Trastamaie 
had established a prescriptive right. 

Lancaster, misled by the support of a few Galidan 
gentlemen who still cherished a sentimental affection 
for the line of Don Pedro, and a few malcontents from 
Castile and Leon/ imagined that one striking success 
would throw the whole people into his arms. He forgot 
that such a success, which could only be achieved by the 
united forces of England and Portugal, could not help the 
dynastic cause. A king who carved his way to the throne 
by Portuguese swords would never rule long in Castile. 

Miscalculation of political forces, loyalty to his ally and 
personal pride, all urged him in the same direction. He 
chose to go through with the adventure and play the 

^ Juan's protestations of faith in his subjects' lojralty make 
one suspect that the number of Castilians who were sitting on 
the fence was considerable. Ayala^ ii. 303. 





{ J. 



game. To the proposal of the Prior of Guadelupe he 
returned an evasive answer. Neither rejecting the offer 
outright nor accepting it, he sent Sir Thomas Percy, the 
best head in the army, to hear what Don Juan had to say, 
and then proceeded to commit himself still further to 

For, on the heels of the departing envoys from 
Castile came a second embassy.^ The Falcon Inn 
in Gracechurch Street knew the Chancellor of Portugal 
no longer ; after more than three years' service in Eng- 
land, Lourenfo Annes Foga9a had returned to Portugal, 
and now headed a deputation sent by Dom JoSLo to bear 
words of welcome and presents to the Duke of Lancaster. 
The Chancellor and his colleague, Vasco Martins de Mello, 
were also charged to arrange a conference between their 
master and his ally at a place on the northern frontier of 
the two kingdoms, Ponte do Monro, on the river Minho, 
between Melga90 and Mongao. The offer was accepted, 
and by the end of October John of Gaunt with his court 
was at the Benedictine Monastery of Cellanova near 
Milmanda, a few miles from the meeting place, waiting 
for the approach of the King of Portugal.* It was on 
November i that for the first time the two kings met ; 
John of Gaimt, surroimded by an imposing retinue of 
English, Galician, and Castilian knights ; Dom Jo^o and 
his knights in the white robes of the Cistercian order, 
with the crimson cross of St. George, emblem of the 
Knights of Avis. 

While the chivalry of England and Portugal were 
fraternizing, the councils of the allies met in the royal 
pavilion of Castile, a trophy of Aljubarrota, to concert 
measures against the enemy. 

* Lopes, V. 109, 1 12-3 ; Ayala, ii. 250. 

' For the meeting at Ponte do Mouro see Lopes, v. 11 5-1 19. 
There are several inaccuracies in Ayala's account of the treaty 
(ii. 251-2) Froissart, K. de L. xi. 403-410. 



It was at Ponte do Mouro that Portugal repaid her debt 
to England. For the last three years volunteers had been 
pouring from the island kingdom to fight in the battles 
against Castile. As a soldier the Master of Avis knew the 
value of English archers and men-at-arms ; as a states- 
man he knew the moral force of the acknowledged sympa- 
thy of the first military power of the day. But for the 
events of the last few years, the terms of the present 
treaty would be inexpUcable ; it would appear the most 
one-sided of poUtical bargains. The first article disposed 
of Sir Thomas Percy's mission for good, for the allies 
bound themselves together in an offensive alliance against 
the usurper of Castile. By the second Jo&o imdertook 
to lead an army of 5,000 men to help Lancaster from 
January i to the end of August at his own cost. If after 
the expiration of eight months John of Gaunt still needed 
Portuguese support he was to pay the cost of further 
operations, but the allies evidently considered eight 
months enough to dispose of Don Juan. 

Lancaster on his side agreed that after the conquest of 
Castile a line of towns on the Portuguese frontier, from 
Ledesma in the north to Fregenal in the south, should be 
ceded to his ally,^ such cession being obviously con- 
tingent on the success of the expedition. 

The last article united Lancaster and Portugal by a 
blood alliance. The Duke, as we have seen, had brought 
both his unmarried daughters to Spain, Philippa his 
eldest child and Katharine. It says much for the poli- 
tical wisdom of Dom Joao that he chose the hand of 
Philippa. Katharine, as the only surviving child of 
Queen Constance, would ultimately become the heiress 
of Don Pedro's claim, and her rights vested in a Queen of 
Portugal might at any time re-open the vexed question 

^ Ledesma, Matilla, Monleon, Plasencia, Grimaldo, Cafiaveral, 
Alconeta, Carceres, Alcu6scar, Merida, Fuente del Maestre^ Zafra 



of political union between the two kingdoms, the prin- 
ciple against which the Portuguese king had successfully 
protested. JoSLo, whose policy was not aggressive, chose 
the elder daughter, and the hand of Katharine remained 
at her father's disposal. 

On Novermber ii, Lancaster at Cellanova ratified the 
Treaty of Ponte do Monro, and Joao went south to prepare 
for the coming invasion. Phihppa was entrusted to the 
care of the Archbishop of Braga and lodged in the Fran- 
ciscan Abbey at Oporto.^ One difficulty yet remained, 
before effect could be given to the treaty obligations. Joa.o 
of Avis was still bound by his priestly vows. Immedi- 
ately on his election as king he had despatched envoys 
to the Pope to secure his release, and though dispensation 
had been promised, formalities were not completed. In 
January the King was still a suitor ; Lent, the close 
season for marriages, was approaching, and the cam- 
paign was soon to open; yet Joa.o and PhiUppa were 
still exchanging presents, but not the vows which should 
make Philippa Queen of Portugal and definitely seal the 
Lancastrian alliance. 

It was clear that a hitch had occurred in the negotia- 
tions at the Papal court. This contretemps has given an 
opening to the gossips of the ancient and modem world. 
Froissart would have us believe that Lancaster, who had 
staked everything on the Portuguese alliance, hesitated 
at a blood alliance with one whom his enemies described 
as a bastard, and renegade monk, and that Jo^o on the 
other hand, alarmed by the preparations of the French 
to invade England, began to repent of the alliance,' while 
a modem writer has assured us that PhiUppa was not 
beautiful and that the King found among his subjects 
ladies who were both charming and complaisant.' 

^ Lopes, V. 121. 

* Froissart, K. de L. xii. 77-79. 

* Count Villa Franca in Joao lea Allianga Ingleu, 



Like so many pieces of court scandal, the tale is without 
foundation. What really happened was this. Lan- 
caster, who constantly had dealings with the Papal court, 
had there in 1386 an agent who, like many of his master's 
partizans, possessed more zeal than discretion. A little 
knowledge proved, as usual, a dangerous thing. The 
agent knew that John of Gaunt claimed the kingdom of 
Castile, and knew also that the de facto King of Castfle 
claimed Portugal as well. Of the relations between 
Lancaster and his ally he appears to have been igncvant, 
and when Dom JoJo's envoys pressed for the issue of the 
Bull of dispensation they encountered opposition in the 
most unexpected quarter, the Duke's agent protesting 
that Dom Joao was a usurper, and that Lancaster was 
the legitimate king. When the circumstances were laid 
before him the Duke was naturally indignant, denied all 
knowledge of the affair, and offered to send his own 
Chancellor to the Pope to explain. All this took time, 
and Jo^o determined to wait no longer.^ On February 2, 
1387, Joao of Avis and Philippa of Lancaster received 
the blessing of the Church in the Cathedral of Op<^o. 
In a manifesto addressed to his subjects the King ex- 
plained the situation.^ The Bull had been already 
granted ; only formalities remained. In a few days 
Lent would begin and the campaign would open. He 
declared his intention of beginning his married life on 
February 14, and invited his subjects to welcome their 

* After considerable delay the Bull was finally issued by 
Boniface IX (dated Rome, February 5, 2 Boniface IX). It 
recites the circumstances, absolves Joao from the penalty of 
excommunication for marrying, dispenses him from his vows, 
and legitimates the marriage and offspring. 

It was read from the pulpit of the Cathedral at Lisbon on July 
I, 1 39 1. Soares da Silva, Collecfoo dos Documenios para as 
memorias del Rey, D. JoSo I, Vol. iv p. 50, Nos. ix. and x. and 
FemSo Lopes, vi. 9-28. Papal Letters iv. 367. 

^ Lopes, V. 122-128 ; Froissart, K. de L. xii. 90-95. 



















new Queen with appropriate rejoicings. Portugal re- 
sponded with enthusiasm, and for fifteen days the mar- 
riage which was to inaugurate the new dynasty was cele- 
brated throughout the kingdom. 

In postponing the military history of this enterprise 
to the story of diplomatic intercourse, the narrative has 
only followed Lancaster's own procedure, for the first 
place in his mind was occupied by negotiations, the 
threads of which he kept in his own hand while leaving 
the fighting to his officers. 

The mihtary operations of 1386-7 fall into two parts, 
the reduction of Galicia, and the invasion of Castile. 

The first task was accompUshed by the Duke's Mar- 
shals, Sir Thomas Morieux and Sir Richard Burley, 
and was fairly complete before the joint invasion of 
Castile by the Portuguese and English armies. The 
campaign, so far as it deserves that name, was one of 
sieges ; there was no battle, for there was no enemy. 
From Santiago the Marshals rode to town after town 
sununoning the inhabitants, who for the most part were 
perfectly indifferent to the d5mastic quarrel, to accept 
their lawful sovereign Queen Constance and King John.* 
Where resistance was offered it was because the burgesses 
feared pillage at the hands of the army, or dreaded that 
surrender to King John would be punished sooner or 
later by King Juan. Now and then, where the de facto 
king's garrisons were stiffened by Breton or French 
soldiers of fortune, there was some stubborn fighting. It 
is impossible to follow the course of events with any sort 

^ Froissaxt's account of the Galician campaign is simply hope- 
less. Chronology and topography are nothing to him. The 
Marshal takes a town in the heart of Leon, and goes back to 
Santiago to dinner 1 It is curious that Froissart should have 
made such a muddle of it, for he was in Foix in 1388, where there 
were eye-witnesses to question, and Joao Femandes Pacheco, 
who told him about it at Middelburgh a few years later, was in 
a position to know. 

321 Y 


of precision, for the accounts that have survived arc 
either meagre or hopelessly confused, but the main 
features of the operations are fairly intelligible. At first 
Santiago was the headquarters, but very soon the army 
appears in the south of Galicia, and the Duke seems to 
have been in possession of Orense in August. Then, from 
Betanzos and Ferrol in the north to the river Minho, 
which forms the southern boundary of Galicia, the English 
army got possession by force or by composition of the 
most important towns and strongholds, until by the 
spring of 1387 they had got a grip of the whole northern 

Pontevedra surrendered after a day's siege, and a 
Galician knight of the retinue of Queen Constance re- 
placed Don Juan's captain.* Vigo followed suit, and 
Bayona surrendered at the first assault. Ribadave 
formed an exception to the indifference of the Gallegos 
and made a stout defence. The town was built on a 
strong position, assailable on one side only, but neither 
the natural strength of the position, nor the conrage of 
the besieged, saved it. The English army stormed the 
walls, sacked the town, and captured a certain amount 
of treasure. 

From a strategical point of view the conquest of 
Galicia was useless. It was not even necessary to hold 
Conina as a base, for no supplies or reinforcements were 
expected from England or Gascony, and the fleet had been 
dismissed. The excellent port of Vigo in the south 
would serve the purposes of re-embarkation, and after the 
treaty of Ponte do Mouro the harbours of Portugal were at 
the disposal of the English, and in the end, as will be seen, 

^ Lancaster's successes in Galicia were reported in England, 
where his dynastic policy was followed with interest. Higd. ix. 


^ For Pontevedra see Froissart K. de L. xi. 410-17 ; Vigo, 417- 
420 ; Bayona, 420-5 ; Ribadave, 425-90 ; xii. 7C^7 ; Orense, 
185-202; Ferrol, 205-215. 












the army sailed from Oporto. Not only were the opera- 
tions in the northern province useless for any military 
purpose, they were actually harmful, for the casualties ^ 
which resulted from the unimportant fighting and march- 
ing in a poor country, where suppUes were difficult to get, 
together with the locking up of valuable forces in garri- 
sons damaged the army as an effective fighting force. 

From a poUtical point of view, however, there was a 
certain justification for the Duke's policy. With his banner 
fl5dng from the walls of the Galician strongholds the pre- 
tender was in a better position to make terms with his 
adversary on the one hand and his ally on the other. 
Failing the possibiUty of immediate decisive action by the 
English and Portuguese armies acting together, which 
was the proper coiuse, the Duke may have held with 
some show of reason that the occupation of the northern 
province strengthened his hand and gave him a certain 

The real military interest of the story begins with the 
joint invasion of March, 1387.* The allies met near 
Braganza,' at the end of March : this was later than the 
date contemplated by the Treaty of Ponte do Moiuo, but 
Dom Joio's excuses were readily accepted, for the fault 
lay solely with the busybody at the Papal Court who had 
delayed the marriage. To clear up any possible mis- 
understanding on this score John and Constance formally 
renounced and transferred to their ally any right which 
they had or could have in the Kingdom of Portugal.* 

^ For the English losses by disease in Galicia see Ayala, ii. 251. 

* For the invasion see Lopes, v. 1 30-171 ; Ayala, ii. 263-i ; 
Froissart, K. de L. xii. 295-308. 

' It was at Braganza that the duel was fought by Sir John 
Holland and Sir Regnault de Roie. See safe conduct, undated 
(? end of March, 1387). Delpit Collection, No. ccxciii. p. 206 ; 
Froissart, K. de L. xii. 11 5-1 24. 

^ The donation is dated Bab6 (near Braganza), March 26, 
1425^ A.D. 1387, Sousa Provas de Hisioria Genealogica, i. 354; 
Soares da Silva^ CoUecfiao dos Documenios, iv. No. xi. 



Then, when the last Portuguese levies had come from the 
south, Philippa returned to Oporto and the march b^an. 

Disease and garrison duty had reduced Lancaster's 
available force to something like six hundred men-at-arms 
and six himdred archers ; JoSo, however, put about ten 
thousand men in the field, an army nearly twice as large 
as that stipulated for by the treaty. In spite of this dis- 
proportion of force the King of Portugal made no claim 
to direct operations; indeed the deference which he 
showed to his father-in-law throughout the campaign 
appeared to his own subjects extravagant, and only the 
instances of Nuno Alvares Pereira, the Constable, pre- 
vented him from conceding to Lancaster the post of 
honour which he held in the campaign of 1367, the com- 
mand of the van. 

The plan was to march north-east into Leon ; once 
established there, Lancaster expected his adherents to 
declare themselves and to flock to his standard. By 
March 30 the combined armies had passed Alcanices 
and entered Don Juan's territories ; by Easter they were 
at Benavente, in the heart of the old kingdom of Leon. 

Meanwhile Don Juan was moving about in a helpless 
way on the line of the Douro between Tordesillas Toro 
and Zamora. How far he had relied on negotiations to 
stave off invasion must remain uncertain/ but, the in- 
vasion once a fact, the King's plan was clear. He had 
no intention of risking battle, and was committed to a 
wholly defensive policy. Though the large reinforce- 
ments promised by Charles VI had not yet arrived, there 
were numbers of French volunteers in Juan's service, and 
their advice was accepted ^ — to clear the country so far 

^ Ayala admits that Juan was afraid to fight : " temia mucho 
la guerra, por quanto avia grand mengua de gentes de armas en 
el su regno, ca los mas 6 mejores capitanes avia perdido en la 
guerra de Portogal de pestilencia, 6 de batallas (ii. 252). 

^ For the advice of the French volunteers, see Froissart, K. dc 
L. xi. 350-6. 



as possible before the invaders, garrison the strong places 
and abandon the weak, and while leaving no vulnerable 
point for attack; to wear out the enemy by fatigue, starva- 
tion and disease. Juan was taking a leaf out of the 
book erf Charles V, but the policy of inaction accepted in 
France was new to Castile, and required justification/ 
Could a more convincing argument be conceived than 
that afforded by the great march from Calais to Bor- 
deaux ? The King reminds his subjects of Lancaster's 
failure in 1373, and proposes to defeat him by the same 
means in 1387.* Once more the policy of inaction was 
fully justified by its results. Lancaster's archers and 
Joio's lancers never had the chance of winning another 
Aljubarrota. For all practical purposes the invasion 
ended at Benavente. It was hopeless to attempt a siege 
of the town, which was held in force by Alvar Perez de 
Osorio, a noble of Leon ; and though individual Castilians 
were quite willing to break a lance with English or Por- 
tuguese knights, there was no chance of bringing on an 
engagement. JoSo Femandes Pacheco, who in later 
years told the story of the campaign to Froissart, marched 
north threatening Astorga, but the demonstration pro- 
duced no appreciable effects. Other attacks were delivered 

* In a circular letter to the cities of the kingdom Juan gives 
his reasons for not fighting a pitched battle, (i) His forces are 
scattered on the frontiers of the kingdom ; (2) the English may 
go away without fighting ; (3) the precedents of Alfonso and the 
Moors, Charles V and the English, point the other way ; (4) 
Bourbon and the 2,000 French lances have not yet arrived. 
Ayala, ii. 634-7 (note). 

* Otrosi el Rey de Francia, quando el Principe entr6 en su 
regno, 6 quando el Duque de Alencastre nuestro enemigo pas6 d 
Francia agora hd diez anos con el poder mayor que jamds sali6 
de Inglaterra, que eran fasta quarenta 6 quatro mil de a caballo, 
los entretuvo en tal manera, que salieron muy perdidos de su 
regno, especialmente el dicho Duque, que non tomaron con 61 d 
Burdeos mas que tres mil lanzas ; por lo qual fasta agora nunca 
los dichos Ingleses han podido facer otro ningun pasage : tanta 
p6rdida 6 mal rescibieron. Ayala, ii. 636 (note). 



east and south of Benavente, but a fortnight's desultory 
fighting and the capture of some half-do2en towns, 
Matilla, Roales, Santillan, Valdfras and Villalobos/ left 
Lancaster no nearer to the goal of his ambitions. Mean- 
while a deadlier enemy than French or Castilian had been 
fighting the English army. Froissart says that the English 
archers drank the strong wines of the country till they were 
useless for fighting. Whether it was intemperance, or short 
rations, and hard marching in an imaccustomed climate, 
dysentery broke out ; and dysentery was succeeded by an 
outbreak of the plague.' Lancaster himself is said to 
have sickened, but his great physical strength pulled him 
through. Among his followers the mortality was fearful. 
According to one estimate three hundred knights and 
esquires died besides a great number of archers. After 
the deadly summer of 1387 many a well-known name 
falls out of the roll-call of the Lancastrian retinue. More 
fortunate than their comrades, the gallant Poitevin Sir 
Maubumi de Linigres and Sir John Falconer died with 
arms in their hands ; disease accounted for Lord Post- 
ings, Lord Fitzwalter, Lord Scales, both the Marshals, 
Sir Thomas Morieux and Sir Richard Burley> Sir John 
Marmion, Sir Hugh Hastings, Sir Thomas Symond and Sir 
Thomas Fychet. A Percy too was among the victims, 
Thomas the younger brother of " Hotspur." * 

It was clear that as a fighting force Lancaster's army 
was useless. Dom Joao put the issue to him clearly : 
either he must get together another force from England, 
or he must accept the compromise offered at Orense. The 
enemy believed that the first alternative would be chosen, 
and already the rumour had got about that Lancaster 

^ For Roales and Villalobos see Froissart, K. de L. xi. 377-S7. 

* For the plague and the break up of the English army, see 
Froissart, K. de L. xii. 308-11, 311-26. 

^ Here Walsingham inserts the usual repentance. The Duke 
weeps for his past life, ^c. etc. ii. 193-4. 



had sent home to recruit a second army.* There were the 
Portuguese forces moreover to be reckoned with, for the 
plague had not touched them. On both grounds there- 
fore Don Juan was wiUing to resume negotiations. When 
the French auxiUaries under the Duke of Bourbon 
began to arrive the campaign was aheady over. There 
was Httle to choose so far as the cities of Castile were 
concerned, whether they should be plundered by Breton 
free lances or English archers, and the King was as much 
afraid of his friends as of his enemies. It was an expen- 
sive matter to maintain a large body of foreign mercen- 
aries,so the Frenchmen were thanked, paid, and dismissed.' 
The plague-stricken army was disbanded ; some 
received letters of safe conduct from Don Juan to return 
through his territory to Gascony ; others followed the 
Duke to the friendly soil of Portugal. Turning south 
from the neighbourhood of Benavente, between Zamora 
and Toro, Lancaster and his ally marched to Ciudad 
Rodrigo, and thence over the frontier to Almeida. At 
Trancoso' the Duke was overtaken by Juan's envoys, 
who offered once more the terms of the secret treaty of 
Orense as the price of renunciation of rights which could 
not be enforced — generous terms to a foiled if not de- 
feated foe. This time they were accepted, and after 
agreeing to a compromise on the hues suggested, to be 
ratified at Bayonne as soon as convenient, Lancaster 
withdrew to Coimbra. 

The allies had passed imscathed through the campaign 
only to encounter more formidable dangers at its close, 
for in July the King of Portugal fell dangerously ill and 
the '* King and Queen of Castile " narrowly escaped being 
poisoned by a Castilian conspirator. However, JocLo 
recovered, and the plot against his father-in-law was dis- 

^ Eulog, iii. 367. 

* Ayala, ii. 266-8. 

• For the negotiations at Trancoso see Ayala, ii. 268-9. 



covered in time.and in October John of Gaunt said farewell 
to his ally and left Oporto for Bayonne.* There, where the 
body of the first Earl of Lancaster rested, Edmund " King 
of Sicily and ApuUa," the " King of Castile and Leon" 
waited for the embassy from his rival, and prepared to lay 
down his royal state. But while day after day passed, no 
embassy arrived. Once more the Duke, whose experience 
had taught him what faith was to be put in princes, began 
to entertain the old suspicion — that Don Juan was plajdng 
him false and, once nd of the invading army, would re- 
pudiate his undertakings. 

If he could not win the crown of Castile for himself 
John of Gaunt was at least resolved that it should be 
worn by his daughter. Force being out of the question, 
he had recourse to other means, and proceeded to teach 
his contemporaries a short lesson in the art of state- 

Relations between the Courts of France and Castile 
for the moment were somewhat strained. The Duke of 
Bourbon and the French auxiliaries had been dismissed 
with scant ceremony, and Charles VI considered that 
Juan had not behaved with proper deference to the para- 
mount power. Lancaster, understanding the situation, 
and being, as Froissart tells us, " sage et imaginatif,^^ used 
the jealousy of Charles VI to produce the very result 
wliich Charles feared. The courtly author of the Chron- 
icles assures us that Katharine of Lancaster was beau- 
tiful. The Duke of Berri was a widower, and, according 
to the same authority, a man of confirmed domestic 

^ Letters of general attorney of John, King of Castile, *' qui in 
partibus transmarinis moratur." Foed,yil. S64. Notification of 
the appointment of Lancaster as the King's Lieutenant in the 
Duchy of Aquitaine, dated May 26, 1388. Fo^d, VII. 585-6. 
Lancaster's arrival caused some alarm at the French court. 
See mandate of Charles VI to the receivers of Bayeux for the 
levying of an aid dated Compidgne, Dec. 19, 1387. Pieces Inidites, 
i. S3 (Brit. Mus. Add. Ch., 3360). 



habits. It was one of Bern's maxims that " un hotel 
d^un seignenr ne vaut rien sans dame, ni un homme sans 
femme I " When, therefore, his wise councillors suggested 
that Juan might very well be thrown overboard, and the 
hand and heritage of Katharine won for a French prince, 
Bern was charmed with the idea. He proposed himself 
for the match, and forthwith despatched Helion de Lignac, 
his right-hand man, to Lancaster's court on this delicate 

There is a time to speak one's whole mind, and a time 
to be silent. John of Gaunt thought the case was one 
for reserve, and without conunitting himself encom-aged 
the suit, and contrived to make the visit of HeUon de 
Lignac to Bordeaux particularly agreeable. The next 
step was to bring Berri's suit to the ears of the King of 
Castile. What more natm*al than that the Duke should 
mention it to his friend the Count of Foix ? For the 
purposes of gossip Foix was particularly well placed. 
Soldiers of fortune bound for Spain, pilgrims bound for 
Santiago, every one in fact bound for the south knew the 
hospitality of Gaston Phoebus, and felt sure of a welcome 
at the Court of Orthez, where a few months later that 
paragon of gossips. Sire Jean Froissart himself, puzzling 
over the intricacies of the Spanish campaign, learnt the 
news of this startling development. 

From Foix the tale of Berri's courtship spread to 
Navarre, and from his brother-in-law of Navarre it 
reached the ears of Don Juan himself. There is no 
reason to doubt Juan's good faith ; financial difficulties 
were probably responsible for the delay, but when the 
report of Berri's demarche reached him Juan took alarm. 
Before many days his envo)^ were on the way to Bayonne 
to claim the fulfilment of the conditions proposed at 

* For Berri's courtship see Froissart, K. de L. xiii. 110-116, 
1 32-4. Ayala says nothing about it. 


Lancaster had won the game ; and while the wits of 
Charles' court were making merry over the short and ill- 
fated courtship of the Duke of Berri, John of Gaunt was 
sealing the compact with his adversary which promised 
Katharine to the Infante, and put an end once and for 
all to the Lancastrian claim. 

The Castilian embassy consisted of Brother Fernando 
de lUescas, the King's confessor, and a couple of trusted 
lawyers. An edifying discourse on the blessings of peace 
was preached before the Duke and Duchess in their 
chapel by the chief envoy, but as Lancaster had never 
learned Spanish the point of the homily was rather lost 
upon him. When it came to business, however, the 
Duke made himself imderstood and showed that he 
could drive a hard bargain. 

A few articles of the Treaty * concluded in the spring of 
1388 are of general interest ; the first, for instance, in 
which the two contracting parties professed their anxiety 
to heal the schism in the Church, and which could not 
amount to much more than a pious hope while both re- 
mained committed to opposite sides. By the second 
they bound themselves to promote better relations be- 
tween England and France, an engagement in which the 
Duke was certainly sincere, though he failed to induce his 
adversary to abandon his existing obhgations to 
Charles VI. After this preamble the treaty is perfectly 
definite, and astounding in the generosity of its conces- 
sions to Lancaster's claims. 

On the one hand John and Constance imdertook to 
swear upon the holy gospels (an oath from which imder 
pain of excommimication they were never to seek release) 
to renounce and transfer to Juan I any right which they 
had or might have in the kingdoms of Castile, LeoUi 

* For the Treaty see Ayala, ii. 271-8 ; Higd. ix. 97. It was 
ratified by Enrique III in 1391. Ayala, ii. 387. 


Toledo, Galicia, Seville, Cordova, Murcia, Jaen, Algarve,* 
and Algeciras, and the lordships of Lara, Biscay and 

On the other hand the de facto King agreed to terms of 
compensation so important as to constitute an implicit 
acknowledgment of the legality of his rival's claim. 

The foundation of the compromise was the ultimate 
fusion of the claims of Trastamare and Burgimdy. 
Within two months of the ratification of the treaty 
Katharine of Lancaster was to be married to Enrique, 
eldest son of Juan I. The Prince and Princess of the 
Asturias (such was to be their new title) were to be pre- 
sented to the Cortes at the earliest moment and recog- 
nized as heir and heiress to the throne, while to support 
their dignity a sufficient appanage was to be assigned to 
them — the towns of Soria, AlmazAn, Atienza, Deza and 
Molina, the large fief formerly granted by Enrique the 
Magnificent to Bertrand du Guesclin. 

In 1388 Enrique the Infante was only in his tenth year,* 
while Katharine was fourteen. To guard against any 
possible danger that Katharine might lose her right, it 
was provided that Juan's second son, Don Fernando, 
should remain unmarried until the utnion had been con- 
summated, and that should Enrique die before that date, 
he should take his brother's place. 

So much for the ultimate succession. It remained for 
Don Juan to satisfy the immediate claims of the heirs of 
the dispossessed House. This he agreed to do in the most 
ample manner. The cession of the revenues and govern- 
ment of three important towns, Guadalajara, Medina del 
Campo and Olmedo, saving only the direct suzerainty, 
to " Queen " Constance was perhaps only claimed by 

* Pbrtuguese Algarve had been already ceded to Jo5o I by the 
donation of March 26, 1387. See above, p. 323 note. 

> Enrique (III) was bom in Burgos, October 4^ 1379. Ayala, 
iL 128. 



sentiment, but the other articles were practical, and suffi- 
ciently serious for Castile. 

For the lifetime of the Duke and Duchess, and for the 
lifetime of the survivor, Juan imdertook to pay an annuity 
of forty thousand francs of gold, and the imhappy King, 
who had already been compelled to pay his allies, was 
now compelled to indemnify his enemy for the costs of 
the campaign. John of Gaimt was to receive the enor- 
mous sum of six hundred thousand francs of gold, to be 
paid at Bayonne by equal instalments within the next 
three years. For both payments hostages, nobles and 
burgesses of Castile, were to be given. 

Even now Juan's concessions were not exhausted. It 
was necessary to contemplate the ultimate failure of the 
royal line. The agreement fixed the succession first in 
the issue of Katharine and Enrique ; if Katharine died 
without issue, in Enrique and his line ; if both died with- 
out issue, in Don Fernando and his line, and finally 
in any other issue, of Don Juan. But in case all these 
claims became extinct the right to the throne was to 
revert to Constance of Castile and her husband and their 
issue. In any case the act of renunciation was to become 
void if payment of the annuity fell three years in arrear. 

On these conditions Juan I and John of Gaunt, no longer 
" King of Castile," consented to be true friends and allies ; 
onerous as they were, they were for the most part loyally 
fulfilled.^ Few will be found to quarrel with the judg- 

^ The indemnity was paid, though it produced a financial crisis. 
The general tax proposed at the Cortes of Briviesca had to be 
abandoned, for the nobles and clergy succeeded in asserting their 
privileges (Ayala, ii. 272 and 279). Safe conduct for the hostages 
dated Aug. 26, 1388 {Foed, VII. 603). Knighton says that it took 
47 mules to carry the second instalments (ii. 208). The annuity 
seems to have been paid almost up to the end of Lan- 
caster's life. See general safe conduct for Juan's agents 
dated July 13, 1391 {Foed, VII. 704). In 1393 it was two years in 
arrear ; Lancaster sent envoys to Enrique III, excusing pay- 
ment of interest in honour of Queen Katharine^ but claiming the 



ment of that disinterested spectator, the Count of Foix, 
who, expressing himself in terms far from complimentary 
to Juan I, added of Lancaster : " Par ma foi, il y a 
ung sage homme au due de Lancastre, et vaillamment et 
sagement il s'est port6 en ceste guerre ! *' ^ 

The great adventure, which had cost so many years of 
labour and scheming to prepare, and so many gallant 
lives to achieve, ended with the soimd of marriage bells. 
In September at Fuentarrabia on the Guipuzcoan frontier, 
a cortege of prelates, knights, and ladies of Castile re- 
ceived Katharine of Lancaster from her English escort 
and conducted her with the honour due to the heiress 
apparent to Palencia. There in the Church of St. Antolin 
she was married by the Archbishop of Seville to the In- 

There were two powers who found the settlement of 
the Lancastrian claim far from satisfactory — ^France and 
the Papacy. 

There was no disguising the fact that so far as the 
Church was concerned the Crusade had been a failure. 
Urban VI showed his displeasure by revoking the powers 
granted to Brother Walter Dysse and the Bishops of 
Hereford, LlandafE and Dax, and citing them to appear 
before him in person to explain their conduct in con- 
tinuing to raise money by the sale of indulgences, long 
after the cause for which they had been granted had 
ceased to be operative.' 

The King of France, too, affected to see in the protracted 
negotiations which Lancaster set on foot after the Treaty 

principal (Ayala, ii. 480). For payment in 1394 see Appendix IV. 
Balance Sheet. There is a safe conduct for the King's agents 
dated January 12, 1397 (^Foed, Vll. 849), three years after the 
death of Constance. In 1399 there were arrears. (Appendix I. 
p. 429-430). 

^ Froissart, K. de L. xiii. 297. 

■ Ayala, ii. 278-80. 

^ Mandate to the Archbishop of Bordeaux dated 17 Kal. Feb. 
1389 (i I Urban VI). Papal Letters, iv. 270-1 . 



of 1388 ^ a deliberate attempt to detach Castile from the 
French alliance. Apart from the fact that the Duke was 
now firmly committed to a policy of international peace 
and had no aggressive intentions, there was a certain 
justification for this view, and it was natural to look for a 
poUtical motive for the long visit paid by the Duchess of 
Lancaster to her cousin of Castile in 1388-9.* 

But the meeting which had been arranged between 
John of Gaimt and Juan of Castile on the frontier never 
took place. The cause, or as Lancaster thought the 
pretext, was the King's ill-health, and Constance had 
other interests besides those of policy for her stay in 
Castile. There was a sacred duty to be fulfilled. Going 
to the place near the battlefield of Montiel, where nineteen 
years ago Don Pedro had been murdered by his half- 
brother, Constance reverently caused the remainis of the 
last monarch of the House of Burgundy to be gathered 
up and laid in the burial place of his ancestors. 

For the rest, the only poUtical significance of her visit 
was to promote better relations between Lancaster and 
Castile,' and to strengthen the position of the Princess of 
the Asturias. 

The dynastic quarrel was forgotten in the interchange 

^ Notification of the appointment of Lancaster by Richard II 
to treat with his adversary of Castile, dated June i, 1388. (JFoed, 
VII. 587-8). Ratification by Juan I of the alliance between En- 
rique II and Charles V, dated Segovia, Nov. 23, 1386. (Foed, VII. 
550-1.) On Jan. 3, 1390, at the instance of John of Gaunt, envoys 
were appointed to conclude a treaty of alliance, or peace, or truce 
with Castile {Foed, VII. 680-2). This was followed by a confir- 
mation by Enrique III of the French alliance (dated May 27, 1391. 
Foed, VII. 700-1). The same story is repeated three; years later. 
On April 17, 1393, envoys are appointed to treat with Castile 
(Foed, VII. 739-40) ; a few months later Enrique again confirms 
the alliance with France. Foed, VII. ^62- 

^ For the visit of the Duchess of Lancaster to Castile see 
Ayala, ii. 281 ; Froissart, K. de L. xiii. 302-4. 

^ E de cada dia se enviaban sus joy as, 6 sus dones, € muy buenas 
cartas, 6 crescia grand amor entre eUos. Ayala, ii. 281. 



of courtesies between the Castilians and their former 
enenues. To the King's presents of Spanish mules and 
horses Lancaster repUed by sending to his rival the golden 
crown which he had brought from England for his own 
coronation. Dis aliter visum. The Duke's ambition was 
realized in the person of his daughter. 

Between Katharine of Lancaster and her half-sister 
the Queen of Portugal the contrast is as striking as that 
which tradition draws between their husbands, Enrique 
sumamed El Dolente, a grave and austere man of few 
words, but, so far as his colourless disposition shows him, 
of good intentions, and Jo&o, soldier, statesman, man of 
affairs, a man of vast strength with a full measure of 
virile activity. 

Katharine, to judge by the portrait in the fascinating 
gallery of Feman Perez de Guzman,^ was tall, fair, a 
Plantagenet in build and feature, stately, and with some- 
thing of her father's haughtiness, never forgetful of her 
royal ancestry, as is shown by her defiant signature ** Yo 
sin Ventura reyna."* 

The worst that scandal could whisper of the Queen of 
Castile was a fondness for wine and a readiness to listen 
to favourites. If the first failing was responsible for the 
troubles of her later years (she died of paralysis), the 
second may be excused by her early difficulties,' for after 

^ Fu6 esta Re3ma (Doi&a Catalina) alta de cuerpo, macho 
gmesa, blanca 6 colorada 6 rubia, y en el talle y meneo del 
cuerpo tanto parecia hombre como muger : fii6 muy honesta 6 
gnardada en su persona h fama, h liberal 6 magnifica, pero muy 
aometida d privados 6 regida dellos. . . . 

No era bien r^da en su persona [Feriur quod Umtdenta erai 
midier], Ovo una gran dolencia de perlesia de la qual no qued6 
bien suelta de la lengua ni libre del cueipo. She died June 12, 
141 8, and was buried at Toledo. Generaciones semblamas i obras 
de los reyes de EspaHa : Feman Perez de Guzman, Valencia, 1779, 
pp. 582-4. The author was Ayala's nephew. 

■ M. A. E. Wood, Royal Letters, p. 85. 

' It would be interesting to trace the influence of Katharine, 
a firm adherent of the canonical Pope, on the relations of Castile 



a reign of six years Enrique III died and left to his con- 
sort the cares of a minority and the guardianship of their 
child Juan II, the first of a long line of CastiUan monarchs 
who could trace their ancestry to John of Gaunt. 

Devotion was the feature which impressed her con- 
temporaries most in the character of the Queen of Por- 
tugal,^ devotion to the Church and the daily duties of 
religion, to the subjects whose love she won, above all 
to the large family of sons and daughters whom she bore 
to the King. The lesson learnt at the Savoy was remem- 
bered at Lisbon, and Phihppa's sons were taught to add 
to the practice of arms a love of more hiunane pursuits. 
For two htmdred years the descendants of the daughter 
of John of Gatmt ruled Portugal ; ' the Lancastrian aUi- 
ance, which had synchronised with the brilliant opening 
of a new chapter of national life, was never forgotten, and 
the dynastic imion produced others besides Prince Henry 
the Navigator to continue the Lancastrian tradition of 

to the Papacy. See the story in Ann, Ric. II (p. 162-4), of an 
attempt to detach her from the cause, and the mandate to Juan 
Guttierez, Bishop of Dax (Lancaster's old agent), to dispense 
Enrique III and Katharine being related in the tlurd degree, to 
contract marriage anew on returning to obedience of the Roman 
Church, dated 8 Kal. Oct., 2 Boniface IX, 1391. Papal Letters /iv- 

Cf. Raynaldi, Annates Ecclesiastici (sub anno 1391). 

^ Foy a Rainha D. Filippa dotada de formosura discri9ao, e de 
muita piedade, e singular modestia de sorte que o seu ordiiiaho 
modo de andar era com os olhos baixos, e o rostro cuberto de 
hum natural pejo. 

Philippa died of the plague, July 18, 141 5. Sousa,, Historia 
Geneatogica da Casa Real Portuguesa. Cf. Lopes, v. 128-130. 

2 In the British Museum there is a series of vellum tables 
(sixteenth century) elaborately illuminated, showing the descent 
of the royal houses of Castile and Portugal from John of Gaunt, 
Ad. MS. 12, S3 1 (x. and xi.). 


Chapter XIV 


"Z^NCE upon a time the rats and mice, persecuted 
\J incessantly by their enemy the cat, met together 
in parliament, and resolved that it was expedient that a 
bell and a collar should be bought and hung roimd the 
cat's neck to signal the approach of danger. The bell 
and chain were procured, but when the time came no one 
of them was bold enough to carry out the plan." 

Langland did not invent the fable of the mice who 
would bell the cat,^ but in the Vision concerning Piers the 
Plowman he adds a touch of his own, for in his version of 
the tale a certain wise mouse points out that a cat is an 
inevitable and indeed salutary feature of the constitu- 
tion : if the cat were killed another would take its place, 
and better an old cat able to keep the rest in order than 
a kitten, for " There the caite is a kittoun the courte is ful 

This allegory, which the poet probably meant for the 
events of 1376, though he says that he dare not explain 
himself, fits the circumstances of 1386 equally well.' 
The Lancastrian power, which Richard regarded with 
suspicion and Robert de Vere with hatred, had at least 
imposed a check on the forces of disorder and of rival 
ambitions ; so soon as the check was removed, the struggle 
for power began, and Richard learnt to his cost the dif- 

^ B. Prologue, 145-191. 

' See M. Jnsserand's essay V£:popie Mystique d$ W, Langland^ 
pp. 37-46. 

337 z 


of the moment. In 1384 
Iks of the King's favourites; 
, but is ready to accept a 

made the favourite Robert 
Dublin, Duke of Ireland,'S. Gloucester declared 
iiack on the liing's friends 
lh*r. Michael dc la Pole, Earl 
wt'te remo\'ed from office ; J 
01 tJic *'Good'* rariiciuient^ 
Pit ion was brought iorward 
St ministers. It was m vain 
%tgt*s laid against him, and 
lie or Lancastrian party, 
im behalf. Judgment was 
erty wm confiscated and he 
ijtd pending payment of 
now cleared, Glourester 
imiBsion of regency with 
age of Iwecty^one Kichard 
] child in tutelage, with les^s 
*.! Lfs^ peers. It is nut sur* 
ised the Earl of Suffolk 
^s about him, compelled 
K.m illegal, and prepared 
^^ nipt to arrest the Earl 
It tlic cn^kis, and in November, 
Once more Robert de 
tins. With the hated 
^command no support 
tends. Michad de la 
year later ; 
he had raised 
into exHei 


bloody work. Of the five victims arraigned by the Lords 
Appellant and condemned as guilty of treason, four, Vere, 
de la Pole, Neville Archbishop of York and the Chief 
Justice TresiUan were beyond their reach. Nicholas 
Brambre was hanged, but one death could not satisfy 
Gloucester's hatred. In spite of the protests of the Earl of 
Derby he hanged Sir John Beauchamp, Sir James Bemers 
and Sir John Salisbury, and in an evil hour for himself 
refused to spare Sir Simon Burley who had been the King's 
tutor and was one of his dearest friends. 

For a year Gloucester retained his position, but the coup 
(Pitai by which he rose to power was not more sudden 
than his downfall. On May 3, 1389, Richard declared 
himself of age, dismissed the Chancellor and Treasurer, 
removed the Lords Appellant, and in a manifesto to the 
country declared his intention of ruling. Gloucester, 
whose violence and cruelty had alienated all moderate 
men, taken completely by siuprise, was compelled to 
submit. How long he woiild have acquiesced in political 
annihilation is another matter, but Richard by his next 
step forestalled the possibihty of another coimcil of re- 
gency and sealed Gloucester's political fate for good, for 
he recalled the Duke of Lancaster. 

Preparations for the Duke's return began in August ; ' 
but delay only increased the King's impatience, and on 
October 30 a formal summons to return either by sea or 
land was despatched to the Duke at Bordeaux. A 
courier reported to the Privy Council that weighty 
matters touching the custody of Aquitaine had pre- 
vented the Duke from returning as he had hoped to 
do at the beginning of November. As it was, he pro- 
posed to come back at the beginning of February ; if, 
however, the King required his presence earUer he would 
obey forthwith, but to guard himself against suspicion 

* Mandate to scrgeant-at-arms to collect freightships, cum omni 
festinatione possibili, dated August 11, 1389. Foed, VII. 641. 



and the malice of enemies he requested formal sanction 
for travelling if necessary overland. 

But Richard, fearing some act of violence from 
Gloucester, refused to wait imtU February; and on 
November 19, 1389, John of Gaimt landed at Plymouth/ 

On December 10 there was to be a meeting of the CoimcU 
at Reading : ' as Lancaster rode thither he was met two 
miles from the town by the King. Three years and their 
bitter experiences had worked a change in Richard's 
estimate of parties and their leaders : the man whose 
departure in 1386 he had welcomed with ill-concealed 
satisfaction he now hailed as a deUverer. 

The Duke's arrival marks the beginning of a new era 
in the reign, the period of orderly constitutional govern- 
ment, which like the quinquennium Neronis precedes the 
troubles of the last years. It also marks a new era in 
the Duke's life. Henceforth, the man round whom the 
darkest suspicions had gathered, and the fiercest party 
fights had raged, appears in the guise of a peacemaker. 
His first act is s)mabolical of the part which he was about to 
play : to the King and to each of his suite John of Gaunt 
gave the kiss of peace, declaring the old quarrels for- 

Lancaster's presence worked wonders. On the Coimcil 
faction suddenly became silent. In Kent and Essex 
the royal justices had been guilty of injustice and oppres- 
sion under colour of a Court of Trailbaston. On the 
Duke's arrival, we are told by an authority with a pro- 
noimced anti-Lancastrian bias, they desisted. 

The Church and the City showed that past bitterness 
was now forgotten, for when the Duke, escorted by peers 
and courtiers, rode to Westminster, he fotmd the Mayor 
and Sheriffs vying with the Abbot and Monks of West- 

* Higd. ix. 218. Rot. Pat. 22 Ric. II, part ii. 

* Privy Council, i. 14 o. Delpit Collection, ccxcii. 

* Higd. ix. 218 sqq. 


yntfictpr to do him hoDoiir. A prooessni of die doEgj 
conducted him to the Abbey, and chantisg tiie xcsponse 
Honor virtus kd him to the hi^ altar. The Abbot 
preactied, and the Duke made his ofieiing:. and tbes 
went away to repeat the same ceresnooy at St. FznTs. 

The same ^Hrit of comprooiise and moderatiGQ TrtaTfaJ 
the conduct of all parties in the Pariiament ^ which inct ax 
Westminster in January, 1590. 

The Chance&or and Treasurer vofamtarfly resigned and 
demanded a scrutiny of their temne <rf offioe« bat wbeo 
Lancaster the next day in the King's name demanded the 
opinion of the ConmicMxs, the rei^y amooonted to ac 
unhesitating vote of omfidence, and both ministefs were 
restored to office. Richard himself set an eTampIr ot 
moderation and forbearance. He discharged his Coimdl 
and reappointed the members, with the addition of two 
names, those of Lancaster and Gloucester.' Assured <d 
the support of his eldest unde, the King had no iear of 
the Lords Appellant, and to purchase that siq^xirt he was 
prepared to pay la\ishly. On February 16 the Coonty 
Palatine of Lancaster mth the title of Duke, which John 
of Gaunt, like Duke Hi^nr\', held for life only, was granted 
to him and his heirs mile in tail.' 

On the last day of the session another equally >triking 
proof of royal favour was given. Prominence had been 
given in the Chancellor's opening speech to the dangerous 
position of .\quitaine, and at the Council of Reading * the 
same subject had been discussed. Despatches had then 

^ Summoned b\' vrrit dated December 6, 1 3 Ric. II, for Monday 
after St. Hilary- ; it sat from January- 17 to March 2. Rot. PawL 
iii. 257-76. 

* Lancaster (with York, Gloucester and the Chancellor) was 
placed a little later on the committee appointed to restrain 
Richard's lavish grants. Pri\'y Council, March 8, 13 Ric. II, 

* Hardy, Charters ^ xiv. 

* Privy Council, i, 17. g 


been sent to the south, notifying Lancaster's return and 
sanctioning the provisional measures proposed by him 
for the safety of the King's dominions. At the same 
time the promise had been given that in the forthcoming 
ParUament measures would be taken " for the governance 
of Aquitaine, the comfort of the King's subjects there 
and the honour and profit of the Duchy." What these 
measures were now became clear, for on March 2, by the 
advice and with the assent of Peers and Commons in 
Parliament assembled, the King created John of Gaunt 
Duke of Aquitaine for Hfe/ 

Had the grant of the Duchy of Aquitaine been made 
half a dozen years earlier, it might legitimately have 
been interpreted as evidence of the King's anxiety to 
be rid of his imcle. But in 1390 John of Gaunt was 
necessary to Richard's peace of mind, and four years 
were to elapse before he could be spared to rule his 
new dominions. Those four years were devoted to 
the realization of his cardinal pohcy, the policy of 
peace with France. The rapprochement which a decade 
before the Duke had desired as a necessary condition 
of prosecuting the dynastic quarrel in Spain, he now 
desired as a consequence of the settlement. If, as he 
had reminded Parhament at the accession, he had 
interests in England second in importance to those of 
no other subject of the Crown, interests which would 
assuredly be imperilled by internal troubles, it was 
equally true that in continental Europe he had given 
pledges to fortime, which might be forfeit in a general 
disturbance of the peace. Sensible as he was of the 
necessity of peace to England, it was inevitable that 
Lancaster should find his views on foreign policy coloured 

* FoedyWl, 659-63. Rot, Pari. iii. 263. a. For other marks of 
Richard's favour see (i)a grant of exemption from payment of fees 
in Chancery dated February 8, 1391, Foed, VII. 695 ; (2) grant of 
exemption from import duty on wine, dated May 30, 1392, Foed 
VII. 721. 



by his own dynastic interests. Public and private 
motives therefore combined to lead him to devote the last 
vigorous years of his life to the work of pacification ; and 
he may fairly claim the credit for setting on foot and 
leading to a successful conclusion those negotiations 
which led first to a considerable truce and finally to the 
entente cordiale of 1396, when the King of England married 
a daughter of France and the Hundred Years War was 
adjourned sine die. 

In the Parliament of November, 1391,* the Commons, 
assuming an imusual degree of initiative, gave an unhesi- 
tating expression to their approval of the peace policy 
and their preference for the Duke as ambassador, and for 
once at least John of Gaimt found himself singled out as a 
popular and trusted minister. ** If," said the Conunons, 
" there should be negotiations for a peace or a truce 
between our Lord the King and his adversary of France, 
it seemed expedient and necessary, if it pleased the 
King, that Monseigneur de Guyenne (the title of Mon- 
seigneur d'Espaigne was obselete) should proceed to such 
negotiations, he being the most sufficient person of the 
realm," and when the King had concurred, and asked 
the Duke if he were willing to go, Monseigneur de 
Guyenne replied that " he would very willingly under- 
take the work, and labour for the honour and profit of 
the King and kingdom." 

Peculiar qualifications fitted Lancaster for the duty 
of representing England at foreign Courts. That grand 
manner, which to some of his fellow countrymen passed 
for haughtiness, made a favourable impression abroad : 
it covered a thorough knowledge of international relations 
resulting from a long and varied experience. In 1392, 
when negotiations began, the Duke of Lancaster was a 

^ Rot, Pari. iii. 284-99. Parliament was summoned by writ 
dated September 7, 15 Ric. II, for the day after AU Saints, and 
sat from November 3 to December 2, 1391. 










personage of international importance. One son-in-law 
was King ot Portugal ; another was King of Castile. 
The Duke felt the power given him by his family alliances, 
a power which a generation later was to prove invaluable 
to his son, Cardinal Beaufort, in his capacity of foreign 
minister. He knew and was personally known to nearly 
all the potentates of Western Europe ; the Dukes of 
Berri and Burgundy, the King of Navarre, the Duke of 
Brittany and the Count of Foix, the Scottish Earls and the 
princes of the Low Coimtries — all at one time or another 
had met him in battle or diplomacy. In an age when 
the personal character of rulers was a matter of the first 
importance in determining poUcy, John of Gaunt, tmlike 
his untravelled nephew, had the power which comes from 
knowing men ; in an age when chivalry, hardening into 
caste, was tending to override with its own distinctions 
those of race and nation, Lancaster was the best known 
citizen of the world of chivalry, and it was Lancaster 
Herald who proclaimed the jousts of St. Ingelvert, where 
Sir Regnault de Roye and the Marshal Boucicault threw 
down their challenge to Em-ope and where the Earl of 
Derby and Sir John Beaufort maintained the honour of 
England and the Lancastrian name.* 

When, therefore, Lancaster took up again in 1392 the 
task of negotiation which as a yoimger son of Edward HI 
he had first attempted in 1364, his own position was 
vastly different ; the conditions of politics had undergone 
a change equally decisive. 

The peace policy had first appeared at Bruges in 1374, 
after five years' continuous fighting and on the morrow 
of a disastrous campaign, when England, disappointed of 
victory, considered herself defrauded of that which she 
had a right to expect. In 1392 most men, though not 
all, had outgrown the illusions of the war, and Parhament 

* Livre des faits de Jean Bouciquaut, I. xvi. • Pierre d'Orge 
mont, 73 ; Chr. Reg, Franc , iii. 97. 



was ready to welcome a definite settlement. In France, 
too, the obstacles to peace had been one after another 
removed. While Lancaster threatened the dynastic 
policy of the Duke of Burgundy, first by attempting to 
secure the hand of the Duchess Margaret for Edmund 
of Langley, later by proposing the hand of Philippa of 
Lancaster for William Count of Ostrevant, heir of Albert 
of Wittelsbach, Philip the Bold had remained committed 
to hostihties with England. But now the Burgundian 
alliances with the princes of Southern Germany and the 
Low Countries were complete, and for the moment at 
least the Burgundian supremacy was in abeyance. 

When therefore Lancaster landed at Calais in March, 
1392, there was every prospect of arriving at an under- 
standing.^ He had taken care that his colleagues should be, 
like himself, chosen from the peace party ; they were the 
Duke of York, the Earls of Derby and Huntingdon, and 
Sir Thomas Percy. There was no dissentient like the 
Duke of Gloucester, who tried to wreck the success of the 
later negotiations. The French had expected Richard H 
to come over in person ; but after accompan3dng the envoys 
to Dover, the King returned to Westminster. No wel- 
come, however, could have been more royal than that 
accorded to John of Gaunt, for the French king treated 
him with marked deference, and showed every possible 
courtesy to his suite.* 

^ For the negotiations at Amiens see Relig. St. Denys, i. 735 ; 
Chr. Reg. Franc, iii. 102-4 ; Wals. ii. 205-6 ; Higd. ix. 265 ; 
Kn., ii. 318 ; Ypod. Neust. 392 ; Cronykil of Scotland, ii. 56; 
Froissart, K. de L. xv. 79-82, etc. Lancaster landed at Calais on 
March 11, 1392, and returned between April 8 and 22. The truce 
was signed at Amiens on April 8. Brit. Mus. Add. Ch. 11, 310. 
Lancaster's powers are dated February 22, Foed, VII. 710-11 
and the prolongation of the truce was confirmed May 5. Foed, 
VII. 714-22. 

^ Ipse rex (Charles VI) venit ei obviam, salutans eum et 
praenominans dignissimam personam militae totius christianitatis 
regali dignitate inuncta solummodo excepta. (Kn. ii. 318.) 



Throughout their visit the envoys were treated as 
guests of the French nation, and their entertainment cost 
as much as a campaign. On reaching Amiens every 
knight of the Duke's retinue found his arms painted on 
the door of his lodging, that he might have no difficulty in 
finding it. No innkepeer was allowed to take money 
from any of the Duke's suite. Every precaution that 
could be devised was put into effect to prevent unplea- 
santness. Brawling was forbidden on pain of death : no 
French gentleman was allowed to go out at night without 
lights, and the streets of the town were patrolled by a 
body of 4,000 watchmen, while the King's forethought 
even went the length of improvising a fire-brigade. 

From the day the Duke left English territory the 
attentions began. From Calais^ the Count of St. Pol 
escorted Lancaster and his suite, which numbered a 
thousand horsemen, through the lands which he had 
harried in days gone by, to St. Riquier and Doullens. 
On Monday, March 25, Charles, with a stately retinue, 
lords spiritual and temporal, knights and men-at-arms, 
made his entry into Amiens ; simultaneously Lancaster 
rode into the city from Doullens under the escort of 
the " Princes des fleurs de lys." 

When his hosts offered to lead him to his lodging the 
Duke refused, insisting on being taken immediately to 
the King. Charles received him in the Archbishop's 
palace, and the interview over, Lancaster was conducted 
to Malmaison,' where he was to stay. The next day at 
a state banquet the Duke found himself seated at the 
King's right hand, and served by the Dukes of Orleans 

Cuius adventui Rex Franciae non minora parari fecit quam pro 
adventu imperatoris cuj usque maximi providisset. Wals. ii. 

* It was then that the Duke built Lancaster's new tower at 
Calais. Archaeologia, iii. 250 note. 

• For Malmaison in the fourteenth century, see Chr. Reg. Franc. 
ii. 12 (note). 



and Bourbon. So far as ceremonial could smooth the 
way to peace, the path was dear. 

But when business began it became dear that the 
political situation was not yet ripe for a permanent peace. 
Both sides opened discussion with extravagant and 
unpractical proposals. The French demanded that 
Calais should be evacuated and its fortifications raied 
to the ground, a proposal to which Lancaster retunied 
a curt non possumus. On the other hand Lancaster pat 
forward the claim, out of date in 1384, but absurd in 1592, 
to the balance of King John's ransom, and a reversion to 
the s/a/fi5 ^Mo of Br^tigni. All this was, perhaps, a matter 
of form, for envoys were bound by the diplomatic tradi- 
tions of the age. But, on the English side, there weie 
reasons of policy for haggling. Though Parliament was 
weary if not of the war at least of a succession of war 
budgets, there was a formidable party who did not want 
to see the doors of France and campaigning dosed far 
good. Lancaster in Amiens had Westminster in mind ; it 
was necessary to go warily ahead and not to give colour to 
the charge actually preferred later, that by unduly favour- 
able terms he was sacrificing the rights of the Crown and 
the interests of England. Apart however fi:om the large 
question of peace there was no difficulty. Both sides 
readily agreed to a truce and consented that the existiog 
truce should hold good for twelve months more. A year 
had been won in which to work for the end of peace, and 
the Duke had made a great impression. 

He returned to England in the middle of April and a 
month later laid the results of his embassy before an 
extraordinary meeting of the Council at Stamford, to 
which a number of peers and representatives of the 
counties and boroughs had been summoned. This Uttle 
parliament approved the Duke's pohcy, and the King 
formally ratified the truce.* In the spring of 1393 the 
^ Kn. ii. 318-9. liigd. ix. 265-7. 




same story was repeated, the scene of negotiations being 
moved to the old rendezvous, Lelinghen, whither the 
French Commissioners repaired from Boulogne and the 
English from Calais/ Again the envoys had to content 
themselves with a prolongation of the truce : * any con- 
sideration of the larger issue was postponed by the King's 
illness, for in August of the previous year Charles had 
lost his reason, and for the rest of his reign he was liable 
to intermittent fits of madness which effectually hindered 
the treatment of serious affairs. 

To Lancaster this interruption was a disappointment,' 
but he stuck to the work, and when he met the French 
envoys at Lelinghen in the spring of 1394 the end was well 
in sight.* The first thing was to remove sources of mis- 
understanding, one of which lay in the difficulty of 
language. ' It is scarcely smprising that the official lan- 
guage which passed for French in formal documents 
puzzled the French ambassadors, while the Enghsh com- 
plained of not being able to follow discussion in what was 
fast becoming a foreign tongue. To clear the path 
towards mutual understanding, it was agreed that all 
proposals should be written down and presented in the 
form of a verbal note. A more serious stumbling-block 
was found in the presence of the Cardinal of Luna, a 

* It was in April, 1393, at Boulogne that the Duke of Burgundy 
gave the Duke of Lancaster some tapestry hangings pourtraying 
the history of Clovis. Itineraires de Philippe le Hardi, 547 (note). 

* For the second period of negotiation see Higd. ix. 280 ; 
Kn. ii. 321 ; Wals. ii 213 ; Ann, Ric. II, 157 ; Froissart, K. de L. 
XV. 108-12, 1 16-9, 123-4; Cont. Euiog. 369; Foed, Vll. 737-9, 
741, 748-9. On April 28 the truce was prolonged till September 
29, 1394- Lancaster and Gloucester received further powers 
September 12, 1393. Ibid. 752-3. 

* Froissart, K. de L. xvii. 52. 

* For the final negotiations see Wals. ii. 214 ; Kn. ii. 321 ; 
Higd. ix. 282 ; Ann, Ric, ii, 168. 

Lancaster's powers are dated March 10, 1394 ; he left for 
France soon after and returned about June 24. Peace was signed 
at Lelinghen May 24, 1394. Foed, VII. 775 ; Rot, Franc, ii. 170. 



truculent Spaniard who had taken upon himself the task 
of representing Clement VII, and was trying to extort 
recognition of his master from the English Conmiissioners. 

On the papal question John of Gaunt was sound. He 
would not palter with the claims of the canonical Pope, 
and refused to begin negotiations until the Cardinal was 
removed. After that all went well. A fortnight's dis- 
cussion brought the envoys within reach of an understand- 
ing and they separated to communicate with their 
Governments. Meanwhile the terms were not divulged ; 
even Froissart, who was present, failed to discover their 
exact import, though in spite of official reticence he 
had got enough information to persuade him of the 
existence of a secret treaty. When the envoys met 
again they found themselves in agreement ; on May 27 
a truce for four years was concluded between France and 
England. At length the great war seemed at an end, for 
before the expiration of the truce of Lelinghen England 
had drawn still closer to France, Richard had married 
the daughter of his adversary, and the struggle of Valois 
and Plantagenet for the crown of the ficurs-4e4ys was 
forgotten for a generation. 

More difficult however than the task of reconciling 
Richard II with his adversary of France, was that of 
maintaining peace and order among the King's subjects. 
The interludes between negotiations in France were spent 
by the Duke in attempting to compose political factions, 
personal quarrels and popular discontent. 

For half a dozen years successive Parliaments had 
called attention to the dangerous state of anarchy pre- 
vailing in many parts of England. It was an almost 
daily occurrence for leaders of armed bands to dispossess 
tenants of their property, carry ofi and put to ransom 
their wives and heirs, and forcibly marry their heiresses. 
It is significant of the general disorder, which was, how- 
ever, worst in the north, that one of Lancaster's first 



proclamations as Count Palatine had been to prohibit the 
gathering of armed men to hinder the sessions of the 
justices in Lancaster. 

This state of anarchy, the result of weak administra- 
tion rather than of unwise laws, long since chronic in 
England, had become acute in the summer of 1393. 

An insurrection, which threatened to become formid- 
able, broke out in the northern counties in the spring of 
that year/ Beginning in Chester it spread across the 
County Palatine to Yorkshire, and assumed such danger- 
ous proportions that, according to popular belief, there 
were at one time as many as twenty thousand malcon- 
tents under arms. 

The objects and the origins of the discontent are con- 
fused and obscure. Once more political issues are mixed 
up with personal feuds. The men of the royal palatinate 
of Chester, the most disorderly county in England, were 
led to believe that their liberties were being threatened. 
Some said that the Dukes of Lancaster and Gloucester 
were attempting to deprive the King of his right to France 
and to dispossess him of the Palatinate. In Yorkshire 
disorder tiuned on a local feud between Sir Robert 
Rokeby and William Beckwith, who, having slain his 
enemy, fled from justice, and, like the "tough-belted 
outlaw " of Sherwood Forest, gathering his friends about 
him in the forests, bid defiance to the law. It is 
clear that in some quarters the intention was to kill 
Lancaster and Derby, but the relation of Gloucester and 
Arundel, whose names were mentioned in connexion with 
the disturbance, to the rebels and their plans must remain 
a mystery. There was a rumour that Arundel had 

* For the Cheshire rising and the " famosa discordia ** of Lan- 
caster and Arundel with which it is connected see Rot, Pari. iii. 
309-23 ; Ann, Ric. II, 159-62, 166 (a strongly Lancastrian 
account) ; Wals. ii. 214 ; Higd., ix. 239-40, 265, 281. Malveme 
is usually most accurate in dates, but here he seems to be wrong. 



organized the disorder and that Gloucester was secretly 
aiding his designs ; it is probable, though the evidence is 
insufficient to prove the case. On the other hand, when 
the day of reckoning came Gloucester and Lancaster are 
found side by side, and Anmdel was never formally 
charged with compUcity. The distribution of inflam- 
matory placards denouncing Lancaster, which were 
posted on the doors of every parish church in the dis- 
affected districts, proves that the disturbance was care- 
fully organized by certain mischief-makers who were bent 
on fishing for themselves or their party in troubled 
waters. So far as can be seen, these mischief-makers 
belonged to the war party, who were infmiated by Lan- 
caster's foreign policy, and the old opposition of 1386. | 

As usual, a poUtical motif allowed the development of 
other sub-plots in the drama. Pohtical or social griev- 
ances were made the colour for a general disturbance, in I 
which private hatreds and greed of plimder had free play, j 

It was to meet this situation that Lancaster hastily 
left the French Commissioners in the summer of 1393, for 
the King, who had allowed the evil to grow unchecked 
in his absence, had placed his uncle at the head of a 
special commission of royal justices. 

Lancaster went first to Yorkshire, where the disorder 
had grown round the outlaw Beckwith and his adherents, 
and contrary to the expectations of his enemies, set 
himself to work cautiously and in a moderate spirit. 
Having succeeded in dispeUing suspicions as to his own 
conduct, he restored order in the districts where his 
territorial power lay, and then turned westwards toward 
the dangerous palatinate of Chester. For once at least 
the Duke seized the leading feature of a poUtical situation. 
Social and economic causes were largely responsible for 
the unrest. Since the era of truces with France there 
were a large number of disbanded soldiers in England, men 
without means of subsistence and unfitted for civil 



employment. The Duke emroUed them for service in 
Aquitaine, whither he intended soon to proceed. A few 
ringleaders were arrested for trial. Most were suffered to 
go. The disorder collapsed, and Lancaster returned to 
the south with the news that his mission had accomplished 
its end and that order was restored. 

The relation of Anmdel to the episode had not been 
cleared up. Arundel and Lancaster, friends in the 
seventies, had long since drifted apart. The Earl de- 
spised the peace policy and was jealous of the Duke's 
influence with the ICing. He feared too, and as it 
proved not without reason, that Richard had never for- 
given him for his part in the events of 1386. 

When Parliament opened in January, 1394, Arundel 
determined to forestall an attack. He had watched the 
young King's temper, and knew his fickleness of character. 
If he could succeed in doing what Robert de Vere had 
only just failed to do at the Salisbury Parliament ten 
years before, and destroy the confidence of the King in 
his unde, there might be another deal in the game, and 
his own hand might be stronger. PoUtical annihilation 
was little to his taste ; however, if he were going to be 
brought to book for the events of the summer it might 
go hard with him. So he chose the bold course and 
struck the first blow. 

So soon as the Chancellor had declared the causes of 
the smnmons of Parliament and the usual business of 
appointing receivers and triers of petitions had been 
got through, the Earl rose and declared that there were 
certain matters touching the honour and profit of King 
and kingdom so nearly that his conscience did not suffer 
him to be silent. His indictment of Lancaster and 
his policy, was comprised in six articles. It was 
contrary to the King's honour, firstly, that his uncle the 
Duke of Guyenne and Lancaster should be seen constantly 
walking hand in hand and arm in arm with the King ; 

353 A A 


secondly, that the King shocdd wear round his neck 
the Duke's " livery " ; thirdly, that the King's retainers 
should wear the same livery; fourthly, the Duke in 
Council and in Parliament was in the habit of using such 
" rough and bitter words," that he, the Earl, and others, 
often dare not fully declare their intent; fifthly, it 
was greatly to the King's disadvantage that he had 
granted to his uncle the Duchy of Aquitaine ; sixthly, 
the King had squandered the resources of the kingdom on 
his uncle's crusade against Castile. 

The challenge was made and the Earl hopelessly com- 
promised. He expected considerable suppcnl among 
Peers and Commons ; as it proved he was disappointed, 
for no one followed up the attack. 

The first three articles were calculated to catch popular 
favour, and revive the old cry against ** livery and main- 
tenance." But things had changed since the days of the 
" Good " Parliament, when the Duke's retainers had been 
glad to hide their Uvery from the London mob, and the 
political war cries of 1376 did not fit the circumstances 
of 1394. Again, in the hot days of Lancaster's youth 
the charge contained in the foiurth article might have 
struck home. Had not John of Gaunt cursed Bishop 
Courtenay in Saint Paul's, and offered to ride to London 
and drag the Bishop to Windsor in spite of the " ribald 
knaves " of London ? But that, too, belonged to 
the past, and years had calmed the Duke's passions 
and taught him the lesson of restraint and caution. The 
fifth article was a skilful attack. The grant of the Duchy 
of Aquitaine was unpopular, as will be seen, in the duchy 
itself, and there was a large party in England also who 
feared the results of the grant on Gascon loyalty and 
viewed with the utmost jealousy any fiuther aUenation 
of lands and honours by the Crown. 

But Arundel had saved his strongest point till the end. 
The invasion of Castile had wrecked an English army, 



without appreciably altering the political situation. The 
Commons cared very little whether or not Philippa of 
Lancaster were Queen of Portugal, or whether Katharine 
secured the reversion of Don Pedro's throne. If the Duke 
chose to prosecute his dynastic ambitions, at least he 
might be made to pay for them, and the party for 
economy might well hold that the treasure which was 
being poured over the P5n-enees into the Duke's coffers 
at Bordeaux ought to be called on to pay the cost of the 
Spanish crusade. 

There was, doubtless, still a party in the Commons and 
a smaller one in the Lords who, for personal or poUtical 
reasons, retained the old jealousy of Lancastrian influence, 
but Arundel had miscalculated the strength of poUtical 
forces. Lancaster had outlived his unpopularity. The 
old anti-Wycliffe feeling among clergy and laity was 
useless in 1394 to the enemies of the Lancastrian power. 
The country, too, was tired of the Lords Appellant, and 
since Richard's assumption of power had welcomed a 
period of orderly government. Consequently the Earl's 
manifesto fell flat ; he failed to fan into flame the embers 
of the King's jealousy or to touch his pride by this skilful 
attempt to represent him as still in the tutelage of his 

In reply to the indictment, the King presented a formal 
answer, taking the Earl's points one by one. 

If the King walked arm in arm with the Duke of Lan- 
caster, that was only what he did habitually in the case of 
his other uncles. As for the Uvery, in point of fact on 
Lancaster's return from Spain he had himself taken the 
coUar from his uncle's neck, and worn it " en signe de 
bon amour iTeniier cor etUre eux,'^ and if his retainers did 
the same it was by the roysl command. He denied that 
Lancaster had ever overborne any member of the Council 
in his hearing ; it was open to the Earl as to the rest to 
speak their will. 



The grant of the Duchy of Guyenne had been made 
with the assent of the estates in Parliament assemUed. 
Of the cost of the army in Spain, 200,000 marcs had been 
voted freely by the Ccnnmons ; the other half was a loan 
for which the Duke acknowledged his liability and which 
he had offered to repay ; in consideration, however, of 
the relief of Brest and other e^tpeditions in the King's 
service for which he had not received payment in full» this 
sum, with the consent of Parliament, had been remitted. 

As for the negotiations with France, Lancaster, like 
the other envoys, had merely carried out his instructicms. 
He had laid the result before the Council ; Council and 
Parliament had been free to accept or reject the terms, 
and it had been open to Arundel with the rest to criticise 
the policy. 

The indictment and the King's reply were examined 
by Parhament. Opinion was unanimous that Lancaster 
was free and quit of any blame. 

The vote of censure was defeated. Asked if he had 
anything further to say, the Earl replied in the n^;ative. 
Thereupon the King, with the assent of Parliament, 
ordered the Earl to apologize. There was no choice but 
to obey. Addressing the Duke of Lancaster, Anmdd 
repeated these words : " Sire, sith that hit semeth to the 
Kyng and to the other lordes, and eke that yhe ben so 
mychel greved and displeisid be my wordes, hit for- 
thynketh me, and byseche yowe of your gode lordship 
to remyt me your mautalent." * Whether or no John of 
Gaunt carried the duty of forgiveness to the extent of 
"remitting his mautalent" entirely may be questioned 
in the light of events which happened two years later. 
Nothing had been said officially of Anmdel's share in the 
northern rising ; and the matter was allowed to drop. 
Arundel retired from the Council for a time, and the Duke, 
having quieted the rising in the north and won a victory 

* Rot. Pari. Ill, 314 a. 


over the opposition, went back to France to finish the 
business of peace-making. 

It was at the time of his departure for the final nego- 
tiations in France that John of Gaunt lost his second 
wife. Constance of Castile died on March 24, 1394/ 

By a strange fatality Lancaster, the King and the Earl 
of Derby all became widowers in the same year, for 
within a few weeks of the death of the Duchess of Lan- 
caster, Queen Anne and Mary Coimtess of Derby passed 
away. Of the two daughters of Pedro the Cruel contem- 
porary annalists have Uttle to say ; only enough to 
point a contrast between Constance, a pattern of orderly 
and devout Uving, and her worldly and Ugire sister, the 
Duchess of York,* who did not pass imscathed among 
the ladies of Richard's luxurious Court. 

The silence of the chronicles is not broken by Chaucer's 
verse. A threnody on Constance of Castile could not 
have breathed the same evident sincerity as the lament 
for Blanche of Lancaster ; the tie which bound John of 
Gaunt to his second wife was too obviously the result 
of political convenience, and when death loosed it, the 
poet had no graceful and touching memorial to raise to 
the second Duchess of Lancaster. Half her life, a hfe of 
exile, had been spent in England, but she had never 
identified herself with the country of her adoption and 
left no impress upon the life of the Court. From the first 
she had had a rival ; it must have been difficult for her, 
even allowing for a different standard of taste in such 
matters, to do the honoius of the Lancastrian household, 
while every one paid court to the Duke's mistress, and 
Katharine Swynford's position was openly acknow- 

^ A fedrly certain inference from the date of the obit. See 
Will. p. 439 ; Higd. ix. 283, "who says March 25. Kn. ii. 321 
Atm. Ric» II , 168 ; Wals. ii. 214. 

* Isabdla died in 1392 (Higd. ix. 278}, not 1394, as most of 
the chxonides have it. Her wiU was proved January 6, 1392. 
Tsst. Vit. 135. 



ledged not only at the Savoy or Hertford, but at the 
State ceremonies of Westminster and Windsor/ 

Constance remained Castilian at heart ; her strongest 
feelings were those of attachment to the memory of her 
father, her happiest days those of the autmnn of 1586, 
when the Gahcian nobles came to do homage to their 
Queen, or of 1388 and 1389, when, the last honours paid 
to the memory of Pedro the Just, Constance saw his 
right acknowledged in the person of her daughter, 
Katharine of Lancaster, Princess of the Asturias. 

One of her letters, an autograph, has survived.* It is 
addressed to the Chancellor of the University of Oxford, 
entreating him to commend a friar. Brother Alvarez, one 
of her own subjects, to the Prior of the Oxford Dominicans, 
evidence perhaps of her care for the poor and her regard 
for learning. 

Her son, "John of Gaunt," had died in infancy; 
after the marriage of her daughter in 1388, Constance 
seems to have Uved apart, with a Court of her own, a few 
gentlemen of Castile and a train of ladies who followed 
her into exile in 1366 and came with her from Bordeaux 
at her marriage. She was buried with great magnificence 
in St. Mary's, Leicester, where every year on the anni- 
versary of her death Lancaster caused an obit to be 
celebrated for her soul.* 

* Robes were provided for Katharine Swynford at the feast 
of the Garter, St. George's Day, 1387. Beltz, Memorials of the 
Garter, p. 250. For her influence see Bateson, Records of the 
Borough of Leicester : Mayor's account, 1375-6 : 165. for wine 
sent to the Lady Katharine Swynford (ii. 155) ; 1377-9, £3 6s. W. 
for a horse given to the Lady Katharine Swynford ; £2 os. 6d. for a 
pan of iron given to the said Katharine for '* expediting business 
touching the tenement in S tret ton, and for other business for 
which a certain lord besought the aforesaid Katharine ... so 
successfully that the aforesaid town was pardoned the lending 
of silver to the King in that year" (ii. 171). 

" M. A. E. Wood, Royal Letters, i. 66. 

^ For the enormous expense of the burial see balance sheet 
(Appendix, p. 449) ; for the obit, see Will (Appendix, p. 429). 



Her death had no effect on the relations between Lan- 
caster and the CastiUan Government. The yearly tribute 
continued to be paid, and no attempt was made to repu- 
diate the obligations of the treaty of 1388. Only an out- 
break of the war would have been likely to jeopardise the 
Duke's position, but with the notable successes achieved 
by his policy in May, 1394, such a contingency was now 
more remote than ever. He might rest content, his hopes 
realized and with the assurance of success. 

Yet, according to one authority, there was still an 
anxiety weighing on the Duke's mind ; he could not, we 
are told, leave England with any peace of mind until he 
had secured the recognition of his son, Henry Earl of 
Derby, as heir apparent I 

The writer who continued tne Eulogium is respon- 
sible for the statement that Lancaster asked ParUament 
(meaning that of January, 1394, though the chronology 
of the passage is hopelessly confused) to reopen the 
question of the succession, which he elsewhere states to 
have been definitely settled nine years earlier by the 
proclamation of the Earl of March as the lineal heir to 
the throne.* 

The story (of which it is needless to say that the Rolls 
of Parliament and the records of the Privy Council know 
nothing) briefly is this : that Lancaster asked that his 
son should be recognized as heir to the throne ; that the 
Earl of March rebutted the claim and urged his own right 
(which was indisputable), and that the Duke thereupon 
came forward with an absurd story to the effect that 
Edmund Crouchback, great-grandfather of Blanche of 
Lancaster, was really the elder brother of Edward I, but 
that owing to a personal deformity (the origin of his name), 
he had been set aside in favour of the younger brother, 
on the understanding that this deviation from the right 

* C(mt. Euhg. iii. 361, 369-70. 


line of descent should not prejudice the rights of his 

The myth was capable of expansion ; to read it in its 
completed form we must turn to the pages of John 
Hardyng's chronicle/ Hardyng improves on the simple 
absurdity of the original, first by making John of Gaunt, 
who was thirty-seven years older than Richard II, claim 
himself to be recognized as his nephew's heir ; secondly, 
by adding his famous embellishment — the story of the 
forged pedigree and chronicle. Hardyng states that John 
of Gaunt *' among the Lords in Council and in Parliaments 
and in the Common House among the knights chosen for 
the Commons asked by bill to be admit heir apparent to 
King Richard, considering how the King was like to have 
no issue of his body." To this he adds, '*the Lords 
spiritual and temporal and the Conunons in the Conunon 
House by whole advice said that the Earl of March, 
Roger Mortimer, was his next heir to the crown of full 
descent of blood, and they would have none other, and 
asked a question upon it, who durst disable the King of 
issue, he being young and able to have issue.** Foiled 
in his first intent, the wicked Duke puts forward the 
story about Edmund Crouchback, and " feigns an im- 
true chronicle " to support it, " which chronicle so forged 
the Duke did put into divers Abbeys and in Friaries for 
to be kept for the inheritance of his son to the crown." 
Hardyng then goes on to relate how Henry IV, in 1399, 
having got Richard II securely in the Tower, made use 
of this forged chronicle to prove his hereditary right to 
the throne.* 

It is imnecessary to go into the sequel, for this part of 
the story has already been disposed of : * all that concerns 
the history of John of Gaunt is the first part, his share in 

* Archaeologia, vol. xvi. pp. 139 sqq. 
^ See also Scotichronicon, xv. 7. 

* Stubbs, Constitutional History, iii. 11 and 12 (notes). 



this supposed childish attempt to delude England and 
alter the line of succession. 

In the absence of any decent evidence, it may be suf- 
ficient to point out the inherent absurdities of the whole 
story. The tale about Edmund of Lancaster, who was 
known to have been *' one of the seemUest persons in 
England/' would of course have deceived no one, and, 
if ever it had been put fonvard, would have been refuted 
by common notoriety; yet there is no hint in official 
records or trustworthy contemporary annals of any such 
plea being produced, and had it been produced it would 
certainly have awakened Richard's former jealousies and 
fears and wrecked his new-bom confidence in his eldest 
uncle. The Duke's " bills " and the forgeries themselves 
have never been seen,^ and supposing the insuperable 
difficulties overcome of executing a fraud which would 
convince no one, the task of foisting copies of the forged 
chronicle upon " divers abbeys and friaries " would have 
baffled all ingenuity. How much influence Lancaster 
had upon the writing of history even in abbeys which 
claimed him as a benefactor, appears from the existence 
of the ** scandalous chronicle " of St. Albans. 

Hardyng gives his account on the authority of certain 
conversations which took place at different times between 
himself and his patron, Henry Percy, and it bears all the 
marks of an invention produced to explain previous 

Cross-examination being impossible, it may be material 
to say something of the character and antecedents of 
the witness.* 

^ Henricus . . . vendicavit sibi coronam, prime ex propin- 
quitate sanguinis, quam probavit ex antiquis quidem gestis, 
quorum veras copias necdum vidi. Capgrave, de Illust, Henricis, 

» See article •• Hardyng " in Diet, Nat, Biog, and Sir F. Pal- 
grave's introduction to Documents and Records illustrating the 
History of Scotland, (Record Commission, 1837.} 



Bom in 1378, Hardyng was brought up in the house- 
hold of Henry Percy the younger (" Hotspur "), and was 
devoted to the family of Northumberland. He had two 
passions, a love of antiquities and a hatred of the Scots, 
and he was fortimate in finding a vocation which gratified 
both together. This was to collect documents concemiDg 
the relation between England and Scotland with a view 
to proving the fact of English suzerainty over the northern 
kingdom. Failing to find proofe, Hard3mg forged them, 
and the fruits of his labours, a series of spurious charters, 
were sold by him to the English Government for a con- 
sideration, and duly deposited among the records of the 
Exchequer in a box labdled " Scotia Hardyng^ The tale 
of the forged chronicle deserved a place in that box. It 
amounts to gossip between the Percies, bitter enemies of 
the Lancastrian dynasty who lost their Uves in rebeUion 
against it, reported by a convicted swindler, who, himself 
an expert, imder-rated the difficulties of the profession 
of forgery. 

If the story proves an3^hing at all, it may be taken as 
evidence of tiie anxiety felt by the nation as to the suc- 
cession, ever since BUchard's marriage with Anne of 
Bohemia had proved sterile, and of the interest felt in the 
position of the House of Lancaster in relation to the 
dynastic problem/ 

* For another instance of this feeling see the detailed account 
of the family of Lancaster and Clarence, Higd. ix. 96-7. 


Chapter XV 


IN September, 1394, the King left for Ireland, and 
soon after the Duke sailed for the south/ 

Almost a generation of Gascon hegemen had passed 
away since the Duke of Aquitaine had first seen the land 
which he now came to rule ; but since the parhament at 
Bayonnne of 1366, when Don Pedro had boasted of the 
hoarded treasures of Castile, since the return to Bordeaux 
while the laurels of Najera were still fresh, John of 
Gaimt had lived many months among the sunny vineyards 
of the Garonne and Dordogne. Six months' experience 
as Lieutenant for the Prince his brother, in 137 1, had 
taught him something of the difficulties miUtary, 
political and financial, which beset the King's representa- 
tive in the Gascon dependency. In Gascon territory he 
had married Constance of Castile ; to Bordeaux he had 
led the remnants of the shattered army which followed 
him through France in 1373, and in 1388 during a third 
Lieutenancy in the south the Duke had won the diplo- 
matic victory over the courts of Castile and France, 
which secured a throne for Katharine of Lancaster. 

More than three years spent in Aquitaine, and three 
successive terms of supreme mihtary command must 

* Froissart, K. de L. xv. 136, 139. Order to collect ships for the 
voyage to Ireland " exceptis dumtaxat navibus et aliis vasis de 
partibus borealibus pro passagio carissimi Avunculi nostri 
Johannis etc. . . versus partes Aquitaniae . . . ordinatis." 
September 13, 1394. Foed, VII. 789. ^ 



have made him familiar with the men whom he was now 
to rule. Baron and burgess were known to him alike, 
the turbulence of the one and the stubborn pride of the 
other. Hot-headed courage and impulsiveness have 
made the name of the Gascon noble a by-word: 
to the proud independence of the burgesses of the great 
cities, Bordeaux, Bayonne and Dax, the Italian re- 
publics or the great towns of Flanders can alone supply 
a parallel.^ 

Gascon differed from Frenchman as much in political 
conditions as in race, language and sentiment. The 
administrative system of Aquitaine was complete and 
self-contained. At its head stood the "Seneschal of 
Gascony," the chief executive officer military and dvil. 
The " Constable of Bordeaux," at first a military officer, 
had been forced by time and circumstance to the head 
of the financial system. These two great officials, to- 
gether with the '* Chancellor of Aquitaine,*' acting with 
the advice of the royal council, formed the executive 
government of Aquitaine. 

The King's Lieutenant stands outside the ordinary 
governmental system. He is Commander-in-Chief of the 
forces, charged with the defence of the King's dominions. 
During the Hundred Years War the force of circum- 
stances converted into a permanent office what had been 
in its origin a temporary miUtary command, called into 
existence to meet special and extraordinary conditions. 
So, throughout the reigns of Edward III and Richard II 
the government of the dependency is never left for long 
without the protection of the King's special representa- 
tive, though, of course, when the "Duke" or the 
** Prince " of Aquitaine is present, the special office of 
King's Lieutenant is merged in the higher dignity. 

^ The provision excluding nobles from the Corporation of Bor- 
deaux was suppressed by Lancaster at the request of the city 
28 Oct. 1392. Livre des Bouillons, 291. 



Two features stand out clearly in the picture of four- 
teenth-century Aquitaine ; the extreme independence 
of Gascony under English rule, and the loyalty of 
the Gascons to their alien suzerain.^ 

The situation was unnatural : it was doomed to fall 
with the growth of a national sentiment, of a French 
patriotism. As }^t that sentiment scarcely existed. 
It must not be forgotten that the Gascon dialect marked 
off the men of the south as a distinct race, and that the 
Gasccm still looked upon the man from the north much 
in the same way as the Provencal had regarded Mont- 
fort and the northern invaders in the Albigensian crusades 
of the thirteenth century. Froissart can still speak of 
Gascons in distinction to Frenchmen and Burgimdians, 
Ficards and Normans. 

Meanwhile policy had maintained in equilibrium a 
balance of forces that could not in the nature of things 
be permanent, for while the Kings of France had made 
it their settled policy to crush municipal independence, 
English sovereigns had for more than a century done 
everything in their power to foster local liberty. 

When John of Gaunt arrived in Aquitaine the French 
monarchy had already won a barren victory over its 
own subjects ; the French commimes had entered upon 
the period of their decline. In Gascony municipal 
liberty had reached its zenith. 

The judicial system of Aquitaine, allowing appeal to 
the suzerain, but virtually self-centred, preserved justice 
between Gascon and Englishman. A fiscal system far 
less burdensome than that of France offered advantages 
which the cities were not slow to appreciate. English 
rule meant a large measure of self-government, and 
considerable commercial privilege. 

Bordeaux, the emporium of the great wine trade, and 
the entrep6t of the scarcely less important canying trade 

> See M. Brissaud's valuable^essay L§s Anglais $n Guyenm. 



in pilgrims (who flocked from the north, from England, 
France and the Low Countries, to the shrine of St. James 
of Compostella) had for a century basked in the sunshine 
of ro3^ favour; indeed, on more than one occaacm 
Edward II had supported the interests of his Gascon 
capital against those of London itself, and since 1272 the 
city had enjoyed the privilege of electing its own mayor. 
Bordeaux therefore was identified with the En^Ush 

* But the loyalty of Aquitaine must not be overstated. 
Resting solely on self-interest, it lacked what is perhaps 
the strongest of all bases, the sentiment of common race 
and blood, language and tradition, and such bonds of 
imion as did exist, were from their nature stronger with 
the cities than with the feudal classes. 

The English, it has been remarked,^ never succeeded 
in producing a Gascon-English patriotism. If the 
Gascon was not French, neither was he English. Gascons 
remained a race apart, subject to alien rule, and to them 
the wine trade and local hberty were more than the 
English leopards or the lihes of France. The bond, 
therefore, which imited this dependency to the English 
crown remained material, not racial or sentimental, and 
under a strain it would snap. 

Such a strain had been brought to bear upon it by the 
taxation of the Black Prince in 1368. 

In spite of Prince Edward's personal charm, a pres- 
tige without rival in the lands of chivalry, a court witiiout 
parallel for its brilliance in Western Europe,* his eight 
years' government (1362-1370) had ended in disaster 
and ruin. The Prince had alienated the nobles ; he had 
thrown the powerful House of Albret and its following 
among the noblesse into the arms of France. He had 

* Les Anglais en Guyenne, p. 115. 

^ For Prince Edward's court at Bordeaux and Angoul^me, see 
Chandos Herald 1607-1637 and Froissart. 



weakened instead of strengthening the hold of England 
over the Principality: his government recalled the 
memories of the fatal " fouage," the appeal to France 
and the rebellion. 

The difficulties which in 1395 were awaiting the new 
Duke of Aquitaine were part of Prince Edward's legacy. 
Once more the fortimes of the yoimger brother are 
shaped by the stronger hand of the elder. Prince 
Edward's example had fired John of Gaunt with the 
martial spirit ; his precept had trained the yoimg soldier 
to arms. The Spanish campaign produced the Spanish 
marriage : the mistakes of the Black Prince in 1368 are 
visited after a generation upon his brother in the sus- 
picion and mistrust of a disaffected baronage and jealous 

To strengthen the grip of England on the Gascon 
dependency, after vears of uninterrupted miUtary failure 
had damaged her prestige and pushed back her hrcmtiers, 
might seem difficult ; to succeed where the Black Prince 
had failed might well seem impossible. The new Duke 
of Aquitaine was called to a task requiring in a rare 
degree tact both personal and poUtical, and finnness. 
Strangely enough, the chroniclers from whom such an 
assurance is least expected, say that he had almost over- 
come his difficulties when the task was taken from his 

The four and a half years between the formal investi- 
ture and the departure for the south were full of ominous 
signs. The charter * which granted to him the Duchy of 

^ See in Foed^ VII. 659-663 five instruments all dated 
March 2, 1390 (i.) The Charter (ii.) Letters addressed to 
the three estates commanding obedience, (iii.) Letters ad- 
dressed to the officials of the duchy commanding them to pro- 
duce their accounts to the Duke's officers, (iv.) Letters revoking 
concessions and grants, (v.) Letters enjoining obedience, 
specially addressed to the Seigneur de Castelnau, the Sieur de 
Le-sparre and Amald Giliam de Marsen. 



Aquitaine made over to the Duke ** all cities castles towns 
places lands conununes and provinces within it, to be held 
of King Richard and his heirs OS liCf figs of France by homage 
Uege for life." The grant included ** all islands adjacent, 
homages, fealty, honour and obedience, all vassals, 
questals, fees, reversions, services, jurisdictions and 
rights, justice, advowsons of religious houses, and 
all revenue, emoluments and r^^alia, as fully, wholly 
and perfectly as the King possessed them, in spite of 
any grants previously made to the contrary,** but the 
King adds, " saving to us as Kings of France and to our 
heirs as Kings of France the direct lordship, suzerainty 
and reversion of the Duchy." It is expressly provided 
that on the Duke's death the Duchy shall revert intact 
to the Crown. 

The known susceptibiUties of the Gascons had been 
spared, so it seemed, in the letters patent (bearing the 
same date), reciting the grant and commanding obedience, 
addressed to the prelates, nobles, officers and citizens 
of Aquitaine. Existing privileges might indeed appear 
to receive sufficient guarantee in the clause "Sauvez 
toutdis a vous vos privileges franchises et Ubertees et a 
nous et a noz heirs le directe seignurie soverainetee et 
resort de la dite Duchee et des pais et subgitz de notre 
seignurie d'Aquitaigne." 

Only the entourage of Bordeaux and Bayonne, with 
the littoral between the mouth of the Garonne and the 
Pyrenees remained at this time under effective English 
nile. With shnmken territory, therefore, and a depleted 
income the King had thought it necessary to revoke such 
concessions as had alienated sources of revenue. 

Hence a third instnmient (bearing the same date), 
which runs : " Inasmuch as the coimtry is so heavily 
charged by certain donations made by us and by our pre- 
decessors . , . that the Duke cannot have aid or comfort 
for the sustenance and support of his officers^ ajl such 



concessions and grants are hereby revoked in order 
that the profits and revenues may be applied to and 
expended on the good government and safeguard of the 

This act of resumption was unfortimate. It is dear 
from the Duke's language in ParUament at the time of 
his investiture^ that he expected considerable financial 
embarrassment on taking up his new duties. That was 
nothing new. He had felt the same difficulty in 1371. 
Anything like wholesale expropriation was certainly 
not contemplated, but the letters seemed of dangerous 
import. They were interpreted as an attack on vested 
interests. It is always impoUtic to disturb prescriptive 
rights, and so it proved in this case, for those who feared 
for their own interests were not slow to raise the cry that 
Gascon liberties were threatened and the constitution 
was in danger. Before the end of the year a deputa- 
tion from Aquitaine had laid a remonstrance before the 
King, who, with a protest against misrepresentation, 
caused the objectionable instrument to be revoked, while 
Lancaster with his own hand tore up the letters patent 
of revocation.* 

But his difficulties were not over : they were only just 

To the Gascon it seemed that the palladium of his 
freedom was the direct and inmiediate connexion of 
Aquitaine with the English crown. 

^ Rot Pari. III. 263 b 264 a. Cf . ibid. II. 31 1 and Appendix IV. 
p. 447. 

• After reciting the letters of revocation dated March 2, the 
instrument goes on : " Ascuns disans autrement que a point, et 
mal gratiousement, que non seulement dessons avoir revoque les 
donations suisdites, mes les privileges francheisies et libertes a 
mesme les paiis et sul>giz . . . ottroies, come par le teneur des 
dites lettres revocatoires aparoit du tout le contraire." 

The letters of revocation are then cancelled, without prejudice 
to the grant of the duchy. Nov. 30, 1390. Foed, VIII. 687-8. 

This is what Malveme has got hold of and twisted. Higd. ix. 

369 BB 


So strong was this feeling that Edward III, on assum- 
ing the royal style of France, had thought it politic to 
place on record, in the most formal manner, that the 
suzerainty of Aquitaine belonged to him and to his heiis 
as Kings of England and not as Kings of France/ 

The grant of March 2 had sinned against this prindide 
in two ways. In the first place, it had been made by 
Richard II as King of France, and in this capacity 
homage was claimed. With no semblance of probability 
that the crown of the Valois would now be wcMi by the 
Plantagenets, this might pass as a constitutional point of 
merely academic interest. But, in the second place, it 
was argued that to create as Duke of Aquitaine any one 
save the heir to the throne of En^and, was a violation 
of the Gascon constitution. The Gascons protested 
against a mesne lord being thrust between them and 
their suzerain. They would " hold of the King of Eng- 
land or of themselves." 

This opposition, however unexpected, was met in 
a spirit of conciliation. In letters patent (dated Novem- 
ber 23, 1390) * the King repUed to the objectors. He 
had no intention of cancelling the liberties of Aquitaine, 
least of all that which united the Duchy irrevocably to 
the English crown, but merely of suspending this privi- 
lege for the lifetime of the present Duke. 

*' Inasmuch as it is a privilege of the said Duchy 
that it may not be withdrawn, separated, or bestowed 
away from the royal hand and crown of England . . . 
we declare that it was not and is not our intention to 
derogate from or prejudice by the said donation, the 
said privilege for the future, but merely to susi>end it 
for the lifetime of our imcle, for the good of our country 
and subjects, and for just and reasonable cause moving 
us thereto." 

^ Dated June 4, 1342. Melanges Historiques, ii. 170. 
^ Livre des Bouillons, i. 233. 



The reservation of suzerainty and reversion to the 
crown are again repeated. 

By admitting expressly that the Duchy could not be 
alienated, and by implication that the grant to Lancaster 
was in this sense an alienation (which is disputable), 
Richard had virtually conceded the whole position. A 
privilege that could be suspended for one life could be sus- 
pended for a second, for a succession of lives — in fact, 
indefinitely. The direct suzerainty of the crown of 
England, and its immediate connexion with Aquitaine 
recede into remote distance. 

A grant "saving all privileges," coupled with the 
admission that the inalienable character of that which 
is granted is one of those privileges, is indeed an elaborate 
contradiction, hard even for the subtlety of constitutional 
law to explain away. 

But the legal contradiction was not of course the vital 
point at issue. 

It was a mediaeval habit of thought to cloak a practical 
issue in legal garb. The burgesses of Bordeaux were 
men of business, and what touched them nearly was the 
prospect of a resident governor instead of an absentee 
suzerain. Hitherto, with the exception of the last few 
years of Prince Edward's government, the balance of 
Gascon liberties and English claims had been nicely pre- 
served. The presence of a Duke of the blood royal, 
whose pride was known and whose ambition was noto- 
rious, might disturb that balance. Another " fouage " 
would assuredly lead to another rebellion, and revolu- 
tions are not good for commerce. " Laissez-faire," said 
the Gascons, " and we will be loyal." There was no 
motive to be otherwise. But would the new Duke leave 
things as they were ? 

The period between the grant of the duchy and the 
Duke's departure for the south saw repeated attempts 
at conciliation. Sir William le Scrope, who was Senes- 



chal of Aquitaine, had confirmed in the Duke's name 
all existing privileges. Lancaster was careful to publish 
his ratification of this act. He claimed the nomination 
of pubUc officers ; for the rest he left things as they were.^ 

To put people's minds at ease, the royal charters stating 
the inalienable nature of the duchy were reissued and 
proclaimed anew.* 

A batch of new privileges followed the confirmatioD 
of the old/ and a poUtic effort was made to humour 
Bordeaux in its jealousy of its neighbour and rival, 

This was not without effect, for by July, 1392, most 
of the prelates, barons and conunons had taken the oath 
of allegiance — ^with reservations. 

But consciences were tender, and there yet remained 
a scruple to remove. Had the grant been made of the 
King's free will, and was it still his intention that it 
should take effect ? 

The Gascons pretended to have their doubts. The 
King could only repeat, in words as explicit as words 
can be, that the grant had been made of his free will in 
full Parliament, by the advice and with the assent of 

* Instrument dated September 4, 1391. Livre des Bouillons, L 


3 Notarial instrument dated November 13, 1391. Record 
Report, xlv. Appendix, ix. Box ii. No. 295. Cf. instrument dated 
Winchester, Jan. 24, 1393. Livre des Bouillons, i. 298-9. 

3 Orders to the Duke's ofl&cers to respect a grant to the Mayor 
and Jurats of Bordeaux of the right to comp^ merchants whose 
ships anchor before the town to land provisions carried by them. 
Livre des Bouillons , i. 246. 

Grant to the Mayor and Jurats of power to compel the pay- 
ment of accustomed " phages " which some people had tried 
to avoid, dated July 24, 1392. Ibid. 248. 

Declaration that no privileges which have been or shaU be 
granted to towns or persons in the duchy shall prejudice the 
existing privileges of Bordeaux (same date). 

Grant of building rights dated October 38, 1392. Ibid. i. 249. 

* Ibid. i. 298-9. 


the Privy Council and both Estates of the Reahn ; that 
it had been and still was his will, purpose and intention 
that it should take effect/ The document appears con- 
vincing, but the Gascons remained of the same opinion 
still, and when in the next year Harry " Hotspur " went 
south as the Duke's Ueutenant, Bordeaux refused to 
receive him except as the representative of the King.* 

By the spring of 1394 a deputation was on its way 
from the unwilling subjects of John of Gaimt to the 
English court. The Sieur de Lesparre, the Vicomte de 
Dort and the Seigneur de Castelnau, three of the leading 
magnates of Aquitaine, were charged to speak with the 
King "on certain weighty matters touching the King 
and the state of Aquitaine." * 

If the minutes of the Privy Council meetings for these 
years survived, it would be interesting to hear the Gascon 
doubts and scruples from the Ups of the Lord of Castle- 
nau. But the result of the mission is clear. A 
fresh declaration was issued by the King. The grant 
had been made of his entire free will, and he was de- 
termined to make it good. 

The Gascons are reminded that an oath of obedience 
"with reservations" is contrary to the tenour of the 
King's commands. Idle rumours to the effect that 
in making his uncle Duke of Aquitaine the King had 
not acted as a free agent are to be ignored. So also is 
the offending oath ; the proper oath must be taken, and 
homage and obedience rendered in due form.* 

Fortified with this instrument, the Duke and his 

* Dated July 7, 1393, Rot. Gasc, i, 178 (4). 

■ Henry Percy was sent out in 1393. Ypod. Neust. 368, 
Ann, Ric. II» 158. He was still acting as Lieutenant in March, 
1304. Livr$ des BauiUans, 484. 

* Letters of protection, dated April 8, 1394. Faed, VII. 767, 

* Mandate, dated Cardiff, September 10, 1394. Livre dss 
Bauilhns, i. 228. For the Gascon oath see Record Report, xlv, 
App. Box ii« N08. 313, 3x8, and 325. 



retinue set sail from English shores. The passage was 
stormy, and heavy gales were blowing in the " Bay.*** 
It was ominoiis of what remained in store. 

At length the Duke of Aquitaine reached his dominions, 
and disembarked at Liboume on the Dordogne. From 
Liboume he sent messengers to announce hfe arrival 
to the prelates, nobles and cities of the Duchy. Every- 
where the envoys were receiv^ with respect, but withoat 
enthusiasm. The Council of Bordeaux declined to 
recognize his authority unless Bayonne and Dax did 
the same. 

The same answer was received from the other cities. 
As the King's representative, Lancaster was welcome. 
That was all. It was obvious that the great^t caution 
must be exercised. A false step at the start might 
offend susceptibilities and render the difficidties of 
the Duke's position insuperable. The imposing retinue 
of men-at-arms and archers was in itself a danger : no 
one must be allowed to represent this force as a menace. 
The Duke intended to achieve his object by fair means 
and fair words. 

^ Liboume is hard by Lormont, and from Lormont on 
the right bank of the Garonne it is only a step to Bor- 
deaux. Lancaster took up his residence at Lormont and 
prepared to face the initial difficulty of entering his 

At Bordeaux the council debated. To shut their gates 
on a Prince of the blood would scarcely be regarded in 
England as a convincing proof of their boasted loyalty 
to the crown. Lancaster held the King's commission, 
and Duke or not Duke, he was the King's representa- 
tive. He had lived among them, and had led their 

^Ann. Ric. II, 169. This may explain the liberal annuity 
granted by Lancaster on his arrival to John Brambre, mariner, 
" for good and agreeable service/' dated Liboume, Dec. i, 1394. 
Duchy of Lanes, Accts, Bundle xxxii, No. 22. 



armies and protected their territories. An extreme 
course would put them hopelessly in the wrong. More- 
over it might be dangerous. The burgesses of Bordeaux 
were men of peace, and Lancaster had an army. 

On the other hand, to receive him sans phrase 
might appear to concede the whole position, and prejudge 
the issue. 

Lancaster cut the knot by issuing letters patent in 
which he declared that by passing through Bordeaux 
" at the request of the good people of the city " on his 
way to Saint Seurin, where he intended to spend the 
next few months, he was acting without prejudice to any 
right or privilege which might be involved. He added 
that no damage should be done to the city, and that no 
one should suffer in body or estate.* 

The first step had been taken. The Duke reached 
Saint Seurin. 

Three days later a politic manifesto appeared in which, 
after reference to the losses suffered by the Gascons in 
the wars, and their steady loyalty to the English cause, 
the Duke, in view of the good and true obedience which 
he expected of them, confirmed all existing rights, Uberties 
and privileges, to those who had recognized his authority 
or would do so before February 2 next following.* 

Meanwhile there had been parleyings with the lords 
spiritual and temporal, and a " modus vivendi " had been 
reached. The Duke was to be received in Bordeaux 
provisionally ; but he agreed not to perform any act of 
sovereignty without the concurrence of the mimicipal 
government.* The real issue was deferred. 

^ Livrs des Bouillons, i. 253 and 257, dated Lormont, January g, 
and Saint Seurin, March 13, 1395. 

• Livr$ des Bouillons, i. 244, dated Saint Semrin, January 12, 


' Livr$ des Bouillons, i. 257. See also confirmation of a number 
of concessions dated March 20, ibid. 269, and Record Report, xlv. 
App. (Dip. Doc.) Box ii. No. 324. 



This was made the subject of a formal treaty between 
representatives of the three estates, the Archbi^op of 
Bordeaux with some of the leading cleigy, Aichambaud 
de Graily and the leading barons, and the Ma3^or and 
Jurats of the city/ This document, the Magna Carta 
of Aquitaine, opens with general considerations. The 
terms which follow are to be submitted to the EJng 
for his approval (Article I). There is to be a general 
amnesty for the past ; the contumacy of the Duke's un- 
willing subjects is not to be visited by fine, amercement 
or imprisonment (Article^ II and III). The Duke will 
respect the franchises and Uberties granted to Aquitaine 
by his predecessors and by his own officers ; he renews 
and confirms all grants hitherto made (Articles IV, V 
and VIII). 

The body of the treaty itself (for it is virtually a treaty 
between two independent contracting powers) reflects, 
as might be expected, the separate interests of the three 
estates. It is possible to distinguish between the shares 
of the nobles, the clergy and the conunons respectively. 

In Aquitaine as in England the cleigy were the 
estate most easily conciliated. The clergy of Bordeaux 
had no fears of a dangerous enemy to ecclesiastical 
possessions or accepted doctrine. To them Lancaster 
was the friend of tiie Church,* and what was for the 
moment equally important, the friend of the Pope. 
Their demands, which the Duke at once concedes, go 
farther than those of nobles or commons. They raise 
the cry which Aquitaine under English rule never dared 
to raise : " Gascony for the Gascons." They ask (and 

^ Dated March 22, 1395. Livre des Bouillons, i. 259-267. 

' It is perhaps significant that Lancaster's decision in a suit 
between the Canons of St. Andrew and St. Seurin and the clergy 
of Bordeaux generally on the one hand, and the corporation on 
the other, about the privilege of selling wine in the Bordeaux 
taverns, was given in favour of the clergy (dated Oct. 22, 1389). 
Registre des Jurades, iv. 160. Cf . Livre des Bouillons, i. 289, 290. 



the Duke grants) that their lord will so use his influence 
with the Papal coinrt that the benefices of the duchy 
shall be given to ecclesiastics native to the duchy ; if 
possible to those who are friendly to the English cause 
(Article ' XXVII). In other words, the clergy place 
Gascon birth first and loyalty to the crown second 
among the qualifications for a benefice, and the Duke 
tacitly accepts their position. It was perhaps necessary ; 
certainly it was a pohtic concession. It cost him nothing, 
and it secured a powerful ally. Henceforth the lords 
spiritual and their levies, that is, one third of the estates 
and one half of the upper classes, would be on his side in 
the coming struggle. 

What benefices were to the clergy, feudal jurisdiction 
was to the noblesse. Even before the formal treaty the 
Duke had done something to conciliate the most power- 
ful of his subjects and the most staimch of his opponents, 
Archambaud de Graily, by guaranteeing him immimity 
from interference with his seignorial rights.^ What he 
had granted by a separate charter to the Sieur de Graily 
he now granted to the whole Gascon baronage. He 
undertakes not to step in between the seigneur and his 
" serfe questiaux " — ^betwe.en the lord and his justiciables 
(Article XI). Feudal jurisdiction hauU moyenne et 
basse is to be left untouched. One further concession 
is made clearly in the hope of conciliating the Gascon 
gentlemen ; the Duke promises that any lands which may 
be recovered from the French shall be restored to their 
former tenants (Article XVIII). Anything like a 
campaign of restoration was of course out of the 
question, but the frontier even in the quietest times 
was by no means a fixed and immovable boimdary. 
It fluctuated ; if it receded at the expense of the French, 
the former lord should regain his lands on payment of a 
reasonable "fine" by way of contribution towards 

^ Dated March 14^ 1395. VafiiUs BordeMses, iii. 297. 


military expenses. Again a politic concession. It 
cost nothing; it held out an incentive to adventuroas 
knights whose lands lay in the debatable zone, and it 
bound up the interests of the dispossessed with the Duke's 

The concessions clearly granted in the interest of the 
commercial classes are neither so important as the fan- 
going, nor so easy to distinguish from those which are 
general in their scope and application.^ On the one hand, 
Lancaster doubtless cared less for the friendship— or 
enmity — of the burgess than for that of baron or church- 
man ; on the other, the privileges for which the com- 
mercial classes were anxious natiually affected the 
interests of all classes of society. 

On one point the burgesses of Bordeaux received a 
distinct rebuff. Knowing, as a commercial community 
might be expected to know, how much the prosperity 
of Bordeaux depended on a stable currency, they had tried 
to make Lancaster pledge himself to make no innovation 
in the coinage. The Duke turned their own argument 
against them. They were standing on the time-honoured 
inalienable privileges of Aquitaine. The weapon was 
double-edged. The Duke took his stand on the same 
ground, and refused to depart from the privileges which j 
by royal charter his predecessors had enjoyed. The ! 
regality of coinage in England was enjoyed by no subject | 
of the crown, not even by a Coimt Palatine. Lancaster j 
had no intention of giving up any portion of his rights. ' 

^ During his tenure of office as Lieutenant Lancaster had 
been careful to conciliate the commercial classes ; e.g. his in- ' 
tervention brought about an agreement between the cloth 
merchants of London and Bordeaux who were quarrelling about 
the length of the measure (^Livre des Bouillons, i. 374, letters 
dated Jan. 31, 1374). He had supported a claim of Bordeaux 
to pontage as against Corbiac (ibid. 297, letters dated Oct. 23, 
1389); and had granted the burgesses a boucherie outside the 
M6doc gate (Oct. 25, 1389, ibid. i. 300). 



i To Article XIV, therefore, he returned a refusal, at 
t the same time promising redress to a practical incon- 
venience, the insufficient nimiber of money-changers. 
Yet the conmiercial classes did not go away empty- 
handed. Next to the wine-trade the most lucrative 
industry of Bordeaux was the transport of pilgrims. 
When Saint James chose a local habitation in Galicia, 
and gave his name to Compostella, he conferred a boon 
of the first value upon the great port of Aquitaine ; for 
it was at Bordeaux that the flocks of pilgrims met to be 
shipped viSi San Sebastian and Coruna to the Galician 
shrine.* A prohibitive tariff might deprive the Spanish 
saint and the Gascon dealers of a considerable revenue. 
To commerce and devotion alike it would be calamitous. 
• Article XXIV promises that in this matter only the 
customary dues shall be exacted by the officers of the 

The other financial articles are of general application. 
Confiscated property of rebels shall be devoted in the 
first instance to discharging the royal liabilities (Article 
XXV). Persons who have an assignment on the revenues 
of the Castle of Bordeaux shall receive due payment 
(Article XXI). The Duke will not disturb old tariffs 
like that of the Chateau de rOmbrifire (Article XV). 
Letters " of chancery and seals " shall be taxed according 
to a preconcerted scale, so that evcjry one may know 
beforehand what he has to pay (Article VI). Had 
the Gascons heard of the capricious extortion which the 
Duke's father-in-law of Castile had practised in the 
matter of chancery fees ? The hated right of purve3^ance 
shall not be exercised in the capital (Article X) ; no issue 
of fraudulent " lettres dCeUU " shall deprive creditors of 

» See Early Naval Ballads, No. i (Ed. J. O. HaUiweU, 
Ptercy Society : London, 1841), for the discomforts of the sea 
voyage, which in the fourteenth century was usually broken at 
one of the Gascon ports. 



their due under colour of fictitious debts to the | 
sovereign (Article XII). Lastly, no new imposition or j 
tax shall be established without the consent of the 
Estates (Article IX). 

Next in importance to finance comes the administra- 
tion of justice. To this four Articles are devoted. No 
one shall be liable to confiscation until his cause has 
been duly heard (Article XIII) ; no one shall be hanged 
or tortured without a sentence of the courts (Article 
XIX) ; no one who has the right to be tried at Bordeaux 
shall be transferred to any other court ^ (Article XX) ; 
finally, the appellate jurisdiction of the royal courts in 
England is to be duly respected.* 

As to the general conduct of the administration, the 
Gascons confine themselves to moderate and sensible 
demands. Froissart's testimony may be accepted with- 
out suspicion when he tells us that under Prince Edward's 
rule the chief practical Gascon grievance was the monopoly 
of official position by Englishmen, and the pride and 
arrogance of the official dass. The Gascon commons do 
not ask Lancaster for concessions so large as those de- 
manded by the clergy ; they do not raise questions of 
blood and race. They merely pray that the Duke will 
choose capable and honest administrators from men 
who know the coimtry (Article VI), and will only lease 

^ For Gascon susceptibilities on this point see Livre d»s 
Bouillons, i 295. When Lancaster removed a prisoner to Eng- 
land for trial he issued letters patent at the request of the Mayor 
and Jurats of Bordeaux dedaiing that the transfer was made 
at the prisoner's own request^ and without prejudice to the 
privileges of the city (dated Oct, 23, 1389). 

' For instance, during Lancaster's lieutenancy a question 
arose as to the jurisdiction of the Abbot of Holy Cross, Bordeaux, 
and others, over six members of the parish of St. Seurin, whom 
they claimed as questales, A judgment of the courts of 
Bordeaux in favour of the defendants (with costs) was reversed 
on appeal to Lancaster as the King's Lieutenant. The defendants 
in the original action appealed to the King's courts at West- 
minster. Foed, VII. 653-4. 



or farm offices to men of good repute (Article XXIII). 
In other words, Aquitaine must not be exploited by a 
class of needy and imscrupulous adventurers. 

The treaty concluded, the high contracting parties 
sat down to wait for the ro3ral approval and a better 
understanding of one another. In later days, when the 
son of the Duke of Aquitaine became King of England 
and suzerain of the duchy, the Gascons remembered 
the events of the year witii some alarm. Things had 
gone too fail, and they evinced some anxiety on the score 
of a possible retribution/ 

But though relations had for a while been strained, 
the treaty had cleared the air, and John of Gaunt did 
his best to remove misapprehension and distrust. That 
a large measure of success attended his poUcy of con- 
ciliation may be accepted as a fact, for all the chronicles, 
hostile or otherwise, attest it. 

And the secret of this success is not hard to find. For 
while the Black Prince had looked on his principality, as 
King Edward looked on his kingdom, merely as a source 
of revenue and a recruiting ground for soldiers to fight 
his battles, Lancaster came not to tax but to spend. ' 
The tribute of Castile and the rent rolls of the Lancas- 
trian lands were exhausted in lavish expenditure — ^a sure 
way to conciliate merchant and burgess. Nor was the 
Gascon noblelsse insensible to the attractions of a 
luxurious and stately court such as the Duke maintained. 

^ Henry IV, by letters patent dated May lo, 1401, pardons 
the officers of Bordeaux "omnem rancorem omne odium et 
omiies excessus et transgressiones . . . contra nos et progenitores, 
ao contra carissimum dominum et patrem nostrum nuper Ducem 
Aquitainie et Lancastrie . . . usurpando dominium nostrum, 
vctt dominiis privilegiis franchesiis et statutis suis abutendo 
{Ldvre des BouUlans, i. 309 and 315). 

* "Cum jam inaestimabilem summam thesauri profudisset 
in lllis partibus pro adipiscenda patriotanim benevolentia, 
•nbito per mandatum revocatur. Ann. Ric, II, 188. Cf. 
Ypcd. N0H$i. 370 and Wals. ii. 219. 



So the work of restoring confidence in Aquitaine pro- 
gressed. Meanwhile others besides the Gascons had been 
troubled by the Duke's arrival : Pans as well as Bordeaux 
had taken alarm. By 1395 it must have been clear to 
those who understood poHtics that Lancaster's influence 
had been thrown into the scale of peace. Since the 
great meeting of Amiens, if not before, the " Princes des 
fleurs de lys " must have known that peace was the 
keynote of his policy, and statesmen like Burgundy 
had no longer any fears as to aggression on the part of 
the Duke of Lancaster. Their enemy was Gloucester, 
and they knew it. Still the presence of John of Gaunt 
had caused some uneasiness, for hard on the news of his 
arrival came word of fighting in the " debatable land," 
and the capture of a couple of towns in Saintonge and 
AngoulSme. Nervous politicians began to fear the 
reopening of the old quarrel ; their fancy saw a Gascon 
and English army spreading desolation in the south as 
Prince Edward had done on the famous march to Car- 
cassonne a quarter of a century before. 

To sound Lancaster's intentions Jean Boucicaut, 
now Marshal of France, was sent to the South. From 
Agen the Marshal announced his arrival, and the Duke 
advanced to his old Gascon lordship of Bergerac to meet 
the French envoy.^ The breach of the Truce in Saintonge 
and Angouleme was disowned and restitution promised, 
and all fears of aggression were removed ; indeed, it was 
easier to disarm the suspicion of enemies than of subjects. 
His mission accomplished, the Marshal was in no hurry 
to go ; a certain stately hospitality was part of the 
Lancastrian tradition, and the Duke was never more 
ready to display it than to his ** adversaries of France." 
Boucicaut, mirror of the latter day chivalry, a ^^ chevalier 
sans peur et sans reproche,^^ stayed to talk with the veteran 
campaigner of " arms and the deeds of knighthood." 
^ Livre des faits de Jean Boucicaut, i. xx. 


Doubtless to suoh a willing listener the Duke '^ fought 
his battles o'er again " ; there were many things to talk 
of — the campaign of '70; the glorious day of Najera, 
and the invasion of Leon when the Marshal had been 
found in the ranks of his enemies, or again the famous 
joust at St. Ingelvert, where Boudcaut had thrown down 
his gage to the chivalry of Europe, and Henry of Boling- 
broke and John Beaufort had borne themselves with 
honour. When the Marshal left it was to report that 
alarm was needless.^ 

With this twofold reconciliation accompUshed, the 
French reassured and the Gascons pacified, John of Gaunt 
might have looked forward to a period of quiet rule in 
Aquitaine, but it was not to be. Six months after the 
famous treaty of Bordeaux came a royal mandate summon- 
ing him back to England. To understand the King's 
latest move it is necessary to leave Gascony for a while, 
and follow the envoys charged to submit the " Treaty of 
Bordeaux" for the ro3ral approval. Hitherto the 
case for plaintifib and defendant has been followed on 
unimpeachable evidence, state papers and the municipal 
records of Bordeaux. When the legal tangle is carried 
to the court of appeal the nature of the evidence changes. 
Formal doctunents fail, for the minutes of the Privy 
Council before which the envoys went to lay their 
" draft agreement " have not survived. But in their 
silence is heard a voice more eloquent, if less certain. 
A new witness enters, and with him sunlight and the 
breath of the open air burst into the court close with 
the dust of legal records.* 

For soon after the Gascon envoys arrived in England, 
on July 12 there landed at Dover "Sire Jean Froissart, 

^ Lancaster was also visited by envoys from Hungary escorted 
to Bordeaux by officers of the Duke of Anjou. Brit. Mus. Add. 

Ch- 3371-7- 

" Fxoiasart, K. de L. zv. 140-168. 



treasurer for that time and Canon of Chimay in the 
county of Hainault and the diocese of Li^e," who, aftff 
twenty-seven years* absence, was returning to visit the 
English coinrt. Fortified with letters from the Princes 
of the Low Countries, Froissart had come to pay court 
to the grandson of his earliest patroness, that **nobk 
lady Fhilippa," of whom he cannot speak without grati- 
tude and affection. The times had changed since 
Froissart's first visit to England. The little child whom 
he had seen last at the font in the Cathedral of Bordeaux 
on the eve of the great march across the Pyrenees was 
now King, and as Froissart made his offering at the shrine 
of St. Thomas at Canterbury he saw the tomb of King 
Richard's father, the hero of Najera. A generation had 
changed the players on the stage of English society. 
The '' goodly fellowship of feunous knights " who met at 
Windsor for the first festival of King Edward's table 
round, was all unsoldered. Sir John Chandos, Sir 
Walter Manny and the great captains of the old days 
had passed away, and in their place a generation had 
arisen that knew not the favomite of Queen Philippa. A 
sense of loneliness came over him when, his "great longing 
and affection " satisfied, he stood once more on English 

At length, however, he found a friend. Lancaster's 
councillor, Sir Thomas Percy, received him courteously 
and promised to bring him to the King. As Froissart 
rode along the highway from Canterbury to Ospringe, 
where the Wife of Bath had told the joys of marriage, 
and mine host with unfailing good humour had kept the 
peace among the strange company who rode to Canter- 
bury from the Tabard Inn in the spring of the year, and 
the dawn of English poetry, he listened the while to 
Sir William de Lisle fresh from Donegal and full of 
tales of St. Patrick's purgatory. 

At Leeds, half way between Ospringe and Rochester, 



the chronicler had his desire. He was presented to the 
King. More potent talisman to conjure ro3ral favour 
than letters from the Coimt of Hainault, Froissart had 
brought with him a book wherein, with the bright 
illmnination, which still delights the lover of manu- 
scripts, were written " all the matteis touching morahty 
and love which for the last four and thirty years by the 
favour of God and of Love he had indited and com- 

The treasured volume, with its rich binding of crimson 
velvet studded with silver nails, was not yet to be pre- 
sented, for weighty matters lay on the King's mind. 
•' The ambassadors sent to France to demand the hand 
of Isabella, and the Gascon envoys w^rej both awaiting 

Riding from Rochester through Dartford to Eltham, 
where the King's Council was to meet, Froissart learnt the 
news of Aquitaine from Jean de Graily, bastard of the 
great Captal de Buch, whose heir Archambaud de Graily 
had led the Gascon noblesse in their opposition to the 
new Duke of Aquitaine. 

At Eltham by good fortune Froissart found another 
friend. Sir Richard Stury, now in disgrace for a too 
vigorous support of Lollard doctrine, and as they 
walked about the gardens of the royal palace at Eltham, 
Sir Richard, undeterred by any " OflScial Secrets Act," 
told Froissart what happened at the Council. 

First the envoys from Bordeaux, Bayonne and Dax 
and the Gascon noblesse had been introduced ; then Lan- 
caster's two knights. Sir Peter Clifton and Sir William 

Then the Council, dismissing them, discussed the posi- 
tion of affairs in the Duchy. 

Opinion was divided. Some sympathized with the 
Gascons, and somet with the Duke. But one voice 
dominated the Coimcil. The Duke of Gloucester, 

385 CO 


seoure of power while Lancaster was absent, bat redooed 
to insignificance with his brother's retunit was deter- 
mined that the Duke of Aquitaine should be kept away 
from England. He stood on punctilio. The King's 
honour demanded that the grant should be made good 
and the royal commands obeyed. The Earl of Derby 
for different motives supported his uncle in his faither's 

The agreement between th^ Duke of Aquitaine and his 
subjects was didy record^ among the archives of the 
exchequer, and the King went on to discuss the affair 
which h^ had more at heart. 

With characteristic impulsiveness Richard had re- 
solved to marry the French king's dau|^ter. The 
marriage would definitely seal the policy of peace with 
France. Though Gloucester had failed to i»ievent negotia- 
tions he had not failed to obstruct, and with the violent 
and overbearing manner which made his nephew detest 
his presence as much as his interference, he endeavoured 
to thwart the King's favourite scheme. Like all the 
King's decisions, this last was sudden and unexpected. 

That Richard feared disaffection in Aquitaine as a 
result of his uncle's further stay is unlikely, for the fight 
was over, and the combatants were ready to make peace. 
But the King was thinking of England, not of Aquitaine. 

The summons was inconvenient but it was obeyed; 
Lancaster returned at once. Knighton, or the pseudo- 
Knighton, usually well informed in all that concerns 
the Duke's Ufe, says that h? cam^ back through France. * 
It is not improbable, though for a few months his move- 
ments cannot be traced. There would be no difficulty 
about a safe-conduct from the French king, and the 
return through France had been contemplated six years 

^ Kn. ii. 322. £t post Natale Domini seqnens dominns 
Johannes Dux Lancastriae rediit in Angliam cie Vasconia et 
venit per Franciam. Froissart, K. de L. xv. 181, 182, 189. 



before. When next the Duke can be traced he is in 
Brittany, where on November 25 he made a treaty of 
alliance with England's inconstant ally, the Duke of 
Brittany.^ This was something more than a mere 
treaty of friendship and alliance, for John of Gaunt, an 
inveterate matchmaker, after disposing of his daughters 
and his son in marriage, had bethought him of his 
grandson Henry, afterwards Fifth of England. A 
marriage between Brittany's daughter Mary and the 
son of Henry, Earl of Derby, was to confinn the old 
alliance of the Montforts with the royal house of England. 
But Montfort chang^ his mind, and in June following, 
when the wedding should have taken place, Mary of 
Brittany married the Count d'Alenjon and " Prince 
Hal" found another bride. 

Lancaster's abortive marriage treaty was his last act 
bef<Mne setting foot on English soil. He had left his 
Gascon fief behind him ; he was never to see it again. 
Had he remained, there would have been little to do. 
While the peace held, as Lancaster intended it should 
hold, the Gascon frontier could not be pushed back 
again. The Gascon governmental system was complete 
and needed no interference. What tact and forbearance 
could do the Duke had done. Had he shown in 1376 the 
same astuteness in the face of opposition, our reading of 
an obscure page of English history must have been 

^ Mr. Williams in the Preface to his edition of the Chronicque 
de la TraUan ei Mort de Richart Deux Roy SEngleterre (London, 
1846), says that this treaty of alliance was made without any 
reservation as to aUegiance to Richard II (p. xix.)> and that the 
King was so displeased with the conduct of the parties in this 
afiair " either with the Duke of Brittany or with the Duke of 
Lancaster or as is most probable with both/' that it required 
all Uie efforts of the King of France to reconcile them. But 
in the first place reservation of allegiance is made, and that in 
the most express terms ; and in the second place Richard con- 
firmed the treaty. See the text given in full in Lobineau's 
Histaire de Breiaigne, ii. 791, quoting from the Chronicle of 
Nantes. Cf. Pierre Cochon Chroniqiie Normande, 196. 



changed and history m^t periiaps have registered 
a difterent verdict on John of Gamit. The Duke 
of Aquitaine returned to Engfand leaving the Duchy 
as he had foond it. If the Gascons had txemhled for 
their hberties and the FraM:h for their frontiers theyhad 
trembled at a shadow. The menace of feudal tyranny 
proved as vain as the threat of a war of aggressioo. His 
short tenure of pow^ left no permanent resahs hot 
the Treaty of March 22, 1395. 

Recalled after ten months' government, he left no 
imjxess on the province. Once more, Uke the ^' King 
of Castik/' the ^^Dnke of Gnyenne" had p a fa ce 
to content himself with the semblance ratho- than the 
reahty of power: once more history is deceived 
by ibe ^' boast of heraldry the pixnp of power." A 
century and a half later an ambassador of Heniy 
VIII found the *' armcMries of the Duke of Lancaster " 
still entire in a glass window in the church of the Friais 
Preachers at Bordeaux.^ For history, the only abiding 
traces of the last Duke of Aquitaine are to be found in 
the vig<HOUS protests of municipal independence written 
on the pages of the Litre des BouUlcns and the Rrgistre 
d€s Jurades^ and for the Duke's life the ten mcoiths* 
rule has its interest mainly in the great change which 
years and their experience had wrought in the charaaer 
of the man once so ''jealous of honour, sudden and 
quick in quarrel." 

* Speed, Gteai Brit4Min, 618. For the Dake*s acts after his 
recall, see Livre d€s Bouillons^ L 214, 251, 255, 256, 268; and 
RoL Gasc, L 180 (i). 




« la 

X 111. 

Lllf HI U 



Chapter XVI 


IF John of Gaunt expected his nephew's welcome 
to show something of the confidence in his support 
which explained his sudden recall, he was destined to 
disappointment, for Richard's reception, though correct, 
was not cordial. Delay at Langley, therefore, where the 
King was keeping Christmas, proved irksome to the Duke, 
who had sufficient motives for wishing to bring his visit 
to an end. 

A few days after his departure a startling piece of 
news was afloat : gossips high and low in Court and cottage 
were telling one another how the Duke on leaving the 
court at Langley had ridden straight to Lincoln, and there 
at the beginning of January had married his mistress.^ 

At length, after more than twenty years,* the union of 

John of Gaunt and Katharine Swynford received the 

sanction of the Church. Katharine had long been a 

familiar figure at the English Court. The daughter of a 

Hainaulter who came over in the suite of Queen Philippa, 

Sir Paon Roelt, Guyenne King of Arms, she had been 

attached in her youth to the household of Blanche of 

Lancaster, a position which she continued to hold after 

her marriage in 1368 to Sir Hugh Swynford, to whom 

she bore two children, Thomas and Blanche. Then, when 

Philippa and Elizabeth of Lancaster were bom, Katharine 

1 Ann. Ric. II. 188 ; Wals. ii. 219 ; Mon. Eve, 128. Froissart, 
K. de L. XV. 238-40. 
a Sec note on Katharine Swynford, Appendix VI. p. 461. 



became their guardian, and as the elder of the children 
was only in her ninth year when the Duchess Blanche died, 
the guardian found herself in the position of a foster- 
mother to Lancaster's little daughters. If tradition can 
be trusted Katharine was beautiful, and the Duke's 
"visits to the nursery" allowed an intimacy to ripen 
which soon after the death of his first wife, but while Sir 
Hugh Sw}mford still lived, resulted in the Duke becoming 
her lover. In 1372 Sir Hugh died fighting in Aquitaine ; 
henceforth " Queen " Constance had to bear a rival near 
her throne, and Dame Katharine took her place as the 
Duke's mistress en titre. 

When, ten years later, she ceased to be guardian to the 
Duke's daughters, retiring from the Lancastrian house- 
hold to the estates in Lincolnshire and Nottingham given 
her by her lover, Katharine was the mother of four children, 
John, Henry, Thomas, and Joan, sumamed " Beaufort," 
or, as the wits of Richard's Court preferred to have it, 
" Faerbom," with a jesting allusion to the open secret of 
their birth.* 

In spite of law social and canonical, the Beauforts 
took a place with their legitimate half-brother and 
sisters in the front rank of pubUc life ; the Lancastrian 
love of arms, and a certain administrative capacity, were 
conspicuous in the eldest, John, while Henry, the futm-e 
Cardinal and Chancellor of England, was laying at 
Oxford the foundations of his reputation as a jurist and 
a scholar. One disability alone attached to their position, 
the defect of illegitimate birth, and it was partly with a 
view to smoothing the way to remove it, that in 1396 
John of Gaunt, then in his fifty-sixth year, married 
Katharine, who was herself only ten years younger. 
Negotiations had already been set on foot at the Papal 
Court, and in September Boniface IX issued a bull con- 

^ Ste Appendix VI. (Percy MS. 78}, p. 463. 


firming the Duke's third mairiage, and dedaring Ae 
offispnng past and fature kgithnate/ 

When, therefofe, in the following Fefamaiy, the Kiog 
in Parliament granted to the Beanfdrts letters patent 
of legitimation,' their position was established so ^ as 
law ecclesiastical or dvil could establish it, and ooe of 
Lancaster's most cherished wishes was folfiHed. 

The third marriage, easQyeiqilicable on a cafan examina- 
tion of the Doke's motives, proved, however, a stnmbling- 
Uock to those who had hitherto regarded him as the type 
of unqualified ambiticxi. No one had expected that 
John of Gaunt, now ^ (dd man aocoiding to the standard 
of the age, would marry again : had soch a possibility 
been forecast the quidnuncs of the day woold certainly 
have chosen as the third Dudiess of Lancaster an heiress 
who would bring another roll of lands and hcnoors to 
swell the Lancastrian inheritance. It was natural that 
some should point the contrast between Blanche, a 
princess of the Uood roy^l^ and Constance the ** Queen ** 
of Castile, on the one hand, and the gamfenumie of the 
Duke's daughters on the other. It was inevitable that 
others should moralize on the liaison which, however, was 
of a kind too prevalent to shock or surprise the Court 
of Richard II. The Scandalous Chronicle has, it is true, 
chosen to describe the Duke's mistress in offensive 
language ; but the mortal sin in which Lancaster li\'ed 
is too ob\iously his connexion not with Katharine 
Swynford, but vdih John Wydiffe, and the best answer 
to detractors who, like the Monk of St. Albans, attempted 
to class Katharine ^^ith adventuresses like Alice Perrers, 
is furnished by his new Duchess of Lancaster herself. 

* Dated Rome, Kal. Sept. 1396 (7 Boniface IX), Papal 
Letters, iv. 545. 

» Dated Feb. 9, 1 397, Rot. Pari. iii. 343. Foed, VU. 84^50. Rot. 
Pat. 213, ch. 6 (Carte). Cf. Ann. Ric.II. 195 ; Wals. ii. 222. The 
interpolation excepta dignitate regali was made by Henry IV 
when he had begun to t^ jealous of his half-brothers. 



Froissarty a witness by no means indifferent to questions 
of rank and precedence, only states the fact when he 
describes her as une dame qui sfavoit mouU de toutes 
honneurs ; and when placed in the first position of English 
society Katharine bdiaved with a quiet diginity which 
silenced comment, and forced the high-bom dames who 
had expressed horror at the mesalliance to reconcile 
themselves to the idea of yielding precedence to the 
daughter of a plain Hainault knight. 

The legitimation of the Beauforts, however, though 
the most obvious, is by no means the only proof of the 
King's anxiety to conciliate the man whose influence was 
still so important a factor in the balance of party power. 
Signs of the same disposition recur constantly from the 
Duke's return until his death. 

The circumstances under which, in 1398, the venerable 
Bishop of Lincoln was turned out of his see to make room 
for Henry Beaufort, then a mere boy, amounted to a 
grave scandal, but the episode proved that, if Boniface IX 
was ready to gratify a faithful son of the Church, Rich- 
ard II was equally willing to reward a staunch supporter 
of the Crown, by sanctioning the bull of provision which 
raised the third son of Katharine Swynford to the ranks 
of the Lords Spiritual.* With less questionable justice, 
but with equally transparent intention, Richard appointed 
John Beaufort, now Earl of Somerset, to the office of 
Admiral * in 1397, while with the same object, in 1398, 
he confirmed and enlarged for John of Gaunt and his 
heirs male in perpetuity the powers which since the days 
of Edward III the Duke had held as Constable and 
Steward of the royal Palatinate — ^now Principality — of 

* Ob Duels reverentiam et honorem. Ann. Ric. II, 226-7. 
Wals. ii. 228. 

« Rot. Pari. iii. 343, 368. 

' Letters Patent dated Holt Castle, August 8, 1398. Record 
Report, xxxi. App. p. 41. Cf. Record Report, xxix. App. p. 49 , 



From any explanation of these marks of royal favour 
(me motive at least must be excluded. Richard had no 
sort of affection for the man at whose attempted assassina- 
tion he had connived in 1384, and whose last trust he 
betrayed in 1399 ; he was willing, however, to pay the 
price, not an extravagant one, for the support of the 
Lancastrian party. 

Sir John Fortescue, discoursing on "the perils that 
may come to the King by over mighty subjects," writes : 
"Certainly there may be no greater p^ grow to a 
prince than to have a subject equipdlent to himself, . . . 
and it may not be eschewed but that the great lords of 
the land by reason of new descents falling unto them, by 
reason also of marriages, purchases, and other titles, shall 
oftentimes grow up to be greater than they are now, 
and peradventure some of them to be of livelihood and 
power like a King, which shall be right good for the land 
while they aspire to none higher estate."^ 

And when the great Lancastrian jurist, who finds 
everything for the best in the history of the best of all 
possible dynasties, proceeds to add : " For such was the 
Duke of Lancaster that warred the King of Spain one 
of the mightiest Kings of Christendom in his own realm " 
— the opinion was one in which Richard II, with certain 
qualifications, might now have acquiesced. 

Whether he would have classed the heir of Lancaster 
also with those who " aspire to none higher estate ** is 
another question, but to one man assuredly the words 
could not apply — Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Glou- 
cester and Constable of England. 

Time, instead of abating the King's resentment against 

appointment by the Duke of Sir T. Sotheworth as his deputy, 
dated August 5, 1377, and also Record Report, xxxvi. App. (/?#- 
cognizance Rolls of Chester.) 

1 The Governance of England, p. 130. Ed. C. Plummcr, 
Oxford, 1885. 



the authors of the commission of government, had 
accentuated his hatred, and during recent 3^ears Gloucester 
by his opposition to the King's French poUcy had added a 
count to the indictment akeady severe enough. Therefore 
Richard found it convenient to humour his unde of 
Lancaster until he had avenged himself on his unde of 
Gloucester ; then, perhaps, time would hdp him to rid 
himself of his cousin of Derby. 

The result was that John of Gaunt, in 1396-99, found 
himself once more, as in 1382--6, in a middle position. 
If he had failed to learn any sympathy for the constitu- 
tional party, and had not drawn any doser to the opposi- 
tion, he was still as widdy divided as ever from the real 
Court party ; he stood opposed to the King's upstart 
favourities, Bussy, Bagot, and Grene, in the nineties, as 
he had stood oppc^ed to Robert de Vere, who had steered 
the King's party to shipwreck in the eighties, for while 
prepared to go a long way in supporting his nephew, the 
Duke would not go the whole course. 

The first step, indeed, was easy and agreeable. All 
the preliminaries had now been conduded for the mar- 
riage of Richard II and Isabella of France, and with 
feelings of immixed satisfaction Lancaster left England, 
in October, 1396, to arrange the formalities of that 
meeting * between the two Kings which was to inaugurate 
a new period of peace, and unite the Houses of Valois 
and Plantagenet by the bonds of a blood alliance. 

According to a doubtful though possible tradition 
reported by Froissart,* the Duke, fourteen years earlier, 
had proposed the hand of Philippa for his nephew ; 
iortmie, however, had ruled that the name of the ddest 
daughter of Lancaster should be associated with the 
brilliant sunrise of the new Portuguese dynasty rather 

1 Mon, Eve, 128-9 ; R^ig- Si, Denys, ii. 450-475. 
■ Froissart, K. de L. ix. 212. 



than the fast fading light of the Plantagenets. So far as 
could be forecast in 1396, no alliance could have been 
better fitted than that now proposed to secure an efiective 
result for the Lancastrian policy. 

There was, indeed, every excuse for believing in the 
definite and permanent triumph of that policy, as ex- 
pressed in the Articles of the twenty-eight yeais' trace, 
when at the end of October John of Gaunt, after finding 
himself the honoured guest of Charles VI, and watching 
the new Duchess of Lancaster do the honouxs of England 
to the French Court, accompanied the two Kings on 
Friday, October 26, from their meeting-place between 
Guines andArdres to a spot not fifty miles from Crdcy, 
or thirty from Agincourt, where they vowed to build 
conjointly a chapel to '' Our Lady of Peace," and when 
in the evening of the same day he saw Ridhaid receive 
Isabella from the hands of her father, thanking him for 
'* so gracious and honourable a gift " ; when, too, in the 
Church of St. Nicholas at Calais, on Saturday, Novem- 
ber 4, the Archbbhop of Canterbury married the King of 
England to the daughter of his hereditary adversary, 
the war party appeared to have no alternative but to 
acquiesce in complete political defeat, and the Duke 
might view with legitimate satisfaction the results of his 
diplomacy upon the Great Powers, Portugal, Castile, ! 
France, and England, their differences laid aside, and | 
their dynasties united by common kinship with the 1 
House of Lancaster. I 

Yet, in fact, nothing could be more illusory than the ' 
hopes built upon the French marriage. It failed to 
perpetuate peace between the two countries ; it failed 
inevitably to settle the question of the succession ; and 
in relation to home affairs, it served not to inaugurate 
a golden age of peace, but to mark the beginning of a fatal 
period of disorder and misgovemment. v 

Tlie few short years of the King's constitutional rule j 

396 ^ 


lay behind : before him the attempt at absolutism and 
its disastrous failure. 

Perhaps, as has been suggested, the extravagant pomp 
and meaningless ceremonial with which Charles VI sur- 
rounded himself may have inspired Richard with the 
hope of transplanting to English soil the growth of 
continental despotism ; if so, the example was no less 
lamentable than its imitation was calamitous. It was 
always easy to flatter the King's vanity, and now his 
ambition was excited by the prospect of succeeding 
Wenceslaus of Bohemia on the Imperial throne. Every- 
thing conspired to bring upon him " judicial blindness,'* 
the pride which goes before destruction. Reckless 
extravagance involved him in debt, and to meet debt 
his only expedient was to levy oppressive and iniquitous 
forced loans, imsoimd finance proving, as usual, a precipi- 
tating cause of revolution. The King, too, forgetting 
the lesson which the moral Gower would teach, that the 
only security of princes lies in the affection of their 
subjects, chose to surround himself with a bodyguard of 
Cheshire archers, and the royal progresses were followed 
by the curses of the people oppressed and pillaged by 
these lawless pretorians. 

The causes of discontent were various, nor was it 
difficult for the Duke of Gloucester to exploit them to 
their full political value. Brest and Cherbourg were to be 
restored to Brittany and Navarre, the logical corollary 
of the peace ; but what more easy than to represent such 
restoration as a treason to England, the folly of a spend- 
thrift King squandering a royal patrimony ? The Duke 
of Lancaster was reported to have said that " Calais 
grieved more England and did more hurt thereto than 
profit for the great expenses about the keeping thereof." ' 
Let the Duke, therefore, as the King's chief adviser and 

i An English Chronicle, 1 377-1461, p. 7 (Ed. J. S. Davies, 
Camden See. 1856). 



the exponent of this glorious peace pc^cy. explain to 
the faithful citizens of London why war taxation was to be 
continued in peace. The Duke attempted to do so, pro- 
bably with less success than Froissart would have us 

In the summer of 1397 the crisis came. Richard 

believed that he had discovered a treasonaUe plot in 

which the leaders were the Duke of Gloucester, the Eaik 

of Arundel and Warwick, and the Abbot of Westminster * ; 

he beUeved, too, that the time was ripe for revenge, and 

with the cunning natural to the weakling and the craven, 

the King caressed with the hand that was ready to strike. 

Arundel, whose brother had just been raised to the 

primacy, Warwick, and Gloucester were invited to a royal 

banquet. Warwick complied and found himself arrested ; 

Arundel hesitated to place himself in the King's power, 

but,rel3dng on a treacherous promiseof safety,surrendered; 

but Gloucester, urging the plea of ill health, a plea which 

was soon to prove invaluable to the King's designs, 

refused, and the most dangerous of the King's enemies 

was still at large. The situation required prompt and 

cautious action, and Richard showed himself able to 

deal with it. Of late the Dukes of Lancaster and York 

had taken no active part in affairs. Lancaster, it is true, 

could be cotmted upon to support the King against the 

party of Anmdel, just as in the Haxey Case he had shown 

himself ready to act as the spokesman of the prerogative 

cause against Parliamentary criticism.' He was aware, 

too, of Gloucester's attitude, and was opposed to his 

whole policy, but declined to regard it as a serious menace 

to the peace of the realm. But the Duke would certainly 

discriminate between Gloucester and Arundel : he might 

* Froissart, K. de L. xvi. 9-12. 

* Froissart, xvi. 1-29 ; 71-79. Ann. Ric. II, 201-2. Wals. ii. 
223-6. Eulog. 371-6. Man. Eve, 129-30. 

' Rot, Pari, iii. 339a. 



acquiesce in a condemnation of his old political enemy ; 
he would never sacrifice his brother to his nephew's 
hatred. Therefore Gloucester must be got out of the 
way and dealt with alone. So reasoned the King as on 
the night of July 8 he rode from London to Pleshey with 
the two Hollands, Rutland his cousin, and Nottingham, 
and a force of armed men. Gloucester, taken by 
surprise, was seized without difficulty ; a ship was lying 
ready in the Thames, and the Earl of Nottingham con- 
veyed his prisoner forthwith to Calais. 

The proclamation notif}dng the arrest declared that 
new treasons had been discovered in the prisoners, 
and that they had not been arrested for their share in the 
events of 1387 ; but the promise that these new treasons 
should be investigated in the forthcoming Parliament 
was never kept : before the session began Gloucester 
was dead, and to charge the prisoners with complicity 
in the newly discovered conspiracy (which was probably 
a fact) would not help men to believe that its instigator 
had died a natural death. Though the secret of Glou- 
cester's end was well kept at the time, it is easy enough 
to read now, and history, however imwillingly, must now 
accept it as a fact that when Parliament opened Richard II 
and his instrument, Thomas Mowbray, Earl of Notting- 
ham, had the blood of a murdered man upon their hands/ 

The great difficulty thus surmounted, the King found 
no obstacle in the path of his vengeance : indeed, the 
obsequiousness of the Parliament which began to sit at 
Westminster on Monday, September 17, might have been 
forecast from the first day's proceedings, for an opening 
address taking the form of a sermon on the prerogative, 
and the choice of Sir John Bussy, the King's minion, as 
Speaker, augured well for Richard's designs. The principal 

^ This has been placed beyond any reasonable doubt by Mr. 
Tait in his essay, Did Richard II murder the Duhe of Gloucester ? 
(Owens College Historical Essays, No. vii. London, 1902.) 



victims were Gloucester, Warwick, Anmdel, and Anmdd's 
brother, the primate. In answer to the smnmoDS to 
produce the Duke of Gloucester ior trial, the Captain of 
Calais certified his death, but sentence was passednever- 
thdess, and Thomas of Woodstock wss attainted as 
guilty of treason. The primate was impeached and sooo 
after suffered the penalty of banishment. The greatest 
interest, however, centred round the trial of Richard. 
Earl of Arundel. Had the verdict been a matter of doubt, 
Arundel's attitude to the prosecution would have been 
foolhardy ; but knowing himself a doomed man» he pre- 
ferred to answer interrogations with insult and to defy 
his enemies, rather than to defend himsdf. It was 
useless to plead the royal pardon condoning his action in 
1387, for the first act of the session had been to revoke 
the pardons. "Traitor," said the Duke of Lancaster, 
presiding in his capacity as Seneschal, '' that pardon is 
recalled." Arundel gave the Duke the lie. "Truly 
thou liest ! Never was I traitor ! " " Wherefore then 
didst thou get the pardon ? " asked Lancaster, to wfaidi 
Arundel answered, "To dose the mouths of mine 
enemies, of whom thou art one. And in truth as for 
treasons, thou needest pardon more than I." * 

Then by the mouth of the Duke of Lancaster the House 
passed the terrible sentence sanctioned by English law 
for the crime of treason, a crime now for the first time 
clearly defined : " Richard, I, Seneschal of En^and, 
do adjudge thee traitor, and I do by sentence and judg- 
ment condemn thee to be drawn, hanged, beheaded, and 
quartered, and thy lands entailed and unentailed to be 
forfeit." By the King's clemency the more barbarous 
details were omitted, but Arundel was hurried off to 
execution the same day, and at length, after ten years, 
the blood of the murdered Simon Burley was avenged. 

A less rigorous punishment was meted out to the 

1 Adam of Usk, 118. 


Earl of Warwick. Throwing himself on the King's 
mercy and getting the Earl of Salisbury to plead on his 
behalf, he escaped with his life, and a sentence of per- 
petual imprisonment. 

So ended the King's vengeance ; such was the answer 
to the " Merciless " Parliament. The initiative in all this 
had come from Richard himself, but no party had ven- 
tured to oppose. The Lancastrian party, like the rest, 
had acquiesced ; the Earl of Derby had taken a prominent 
part in the attack upon Arundel ; Sir Thomas Percy, who 
since the invasion of Castile must be reckoned as a 
Lancastrian partisan, had sat at the trial as proctor for 
clergy, and John Beaufort had figured amongst the 
appellants ; while the Duke himself had presided at the 
trial as Seneschal of England. 

This support did not go unrewarded. Though the 
bulk of the hcmouis conferred by Richard to signalize his 
triumph went to his own personal adherents — ^the two 
Hollands and Rutland, who became Dukes of Surrey, 
Ejceter and Aum&le, William le Scrope, who became Earl 
of Wiltshire, and the Earl of Nottingham, who received 
the Dukedom of Norfolk as the price of blood — ^the Duke*s 
party had their share. Two of Lancaster's sons were 
advanced in the peerage, the Earl of Derby being created 
Duke of Hereford, and John Beaufort, Earl of Somerset, 
being made Marquess of Dorset ; the Earldom of Worcester 
rewarded Sir Thomas Percy, and Lord Neville of Raby, 

^ the husband of Joan Beaufort, was created Earl of 

With this. Parliament, after a fortnight's session, was 

' adjourned to meet at Shrewsbury on January 28/ 

fThis is not the place to tell the stoiy of the strange 
session in which the great national assembly abdicated 
^ . in four days the powers which it had taken a century of 
L statesmanship to build up ; or to describe the fatal sub- 

. * Rot. Pari. iii. 356-73. 

^ 401 D D 


servience of the PaiUament ^ich, by voting the King i 
subsidy for life, placed the royal power bq^ood their 
control, and by del^;ating its powers to a Gxnmittee 
of members struck at the root of rei»esentative goverxh 
ment ; or again to dedde whether this oousommatioQ 
was achieved by sudden impulse or ddiberate caIcQla< 
tion. So far as John of Gaunt is caucnued these prob- 
lems, fascinating as they are, demand no answer. It is 
true that the name of the Duke, like that of York his 
brother, Dorset his son, and Worcester his intimate 
friend, stands on the roQ of the Committee of Mcmbexs 
to exercise the powers of Parliament, bat no more can be 
argued from this fact than from his titular presidenqr 
over the trial of the previous year. Slowly but sureh' 
the personal influence of the great Duke of Lancaster 
had been waning : he is still to be found on the fidd 
where the forces of rival pditical principles and personal 
ambitions meet in conflict, but he is no loQger in the 
thick of the fight; the hardest blows are dealt In- 
younger arms, and it is by other combatants that the 
vital issues are decided. 

Already the Lancastrian party, though faithful to their 
old leader, were beginning to group themselves around ( 
another, and it is that other — ^Henry of Bcdingbroke, | 
now by the King's grace and favour Duke of Hereford I 
— who henceforth is the real centre of interest in [ 
political history. 

It was in December, 1397, after the King's revenge, thaii 
while the new Dukes of Hereford and Norfolk were 
riding side by side between Brentford and London, the 
conversation took place which from its results has eve: 
been memorable in the dynastic history of England. 

What Norfolk's real words and intentions were will 
never now be known ; but according to the version which 
Henry repeated to Lancaster and Lancaster, as one 
chronicler has it, to the King, the version which was laid 


The Quarrel of the Dukes of IIerekord and Norfolk. 


officially before Parliament, Mowbray talked wildly of 
a plot hatched by the King's friends against Lancaster, 
Hereford, and himself, declared that Richard could not 
be trusted on his oath, and asked Hereford for coimsel.^ 

An anti-Lancastrian plot was scarcely enough to alarm 
a tried soldier and man of affairs like Henry of Boling- 
broke, but Norfolk's words gave him the chance of 
picking a quarrel with the man who had murdered his 
uncle, and he took it, formally impeaching the Duke of 
Norfolk of treason before the Shrewsbury Parliament. 

On February 23, at Oswestry, appellant and de- 
fendant appeared before the King, and again at Bristol 
on March 19, when the cause was referred to a Court of 
Chivalry which sat at Windsor on April 28 and 29. It 
was with evident reluctance that, after repeated efforts 
to reconcile the Dukes had failed, the Kmg appointed a 
day for trial by combat. The place chosen was Coven- 
try ; the day September 16, the very day when by 
popular tradition Gloucester had been murdered the year 
before ; but the duel which would prove either the King's 
cousin or his friend and kinsman traitor was not to be 
held. Trial by battle would, it is true, rid him either 
of the man who knew his secret or of the man whose 
power and popularity he feared and hated : better to be 
rid of both together. So at least Richard thought, and 
when the lists were prepared and the champions had 
taken their places, and at the signal Hereford had started 
to charge his enemy, he threw his warder down and 
stopped the duel. 

Like all Richard's acts, his sentence on the Dukes of 
Hereford and Norfolk is a puzzle. Hereford's was the 
popular cause, and Hereford too was a tried fighter and 
a skilful lance. No pains had been spared to win over 
Thomas Mowbray to the Court party, and Mowbray had 
proved his devotion. Why therefore the disproportion- 
1 Rot. Pari. ui. 3S2. 


ate sentences, ten years* exile for Hereford, and for 
Norfolk banishment for life ? 

If the ten years were, at Lancaster's entreaty, reduced 
to six, the difference was immaterial: in less than six 
years John of Gaunt would be dead and the King would 
be free. 

Whatever its motive, the sentence was obeyed : Norfolk 
left England to die within a year at Venice ; Hereford, 
with the tears and regrets of half England, was com- 
pelled to betake himself, as Lancaster also had done in 
1381, to the hospitality of a foreign Court.^ 

The results of the sentence passed on Hereford, and of 

the last fatal act of injustice which followed it, concern 

the larger issues of the history of England, for in truth 

they decided the fate of Richard and of his dynasty, and 

when in the lists at Coventry 

The King did throw his warder down^ 
His own life hung upon the staff he threw; 
Then threw he down himself. 

The effect of the decision upon John of Gaunt 
might easily have been foretold. In 1397 the Duke's 
long and adventurous career was crowneid with pros- 
perity. His policy had triumphed at home and abroad ; 
he had placed his daughters upon the thrones of Castile 
and Portugal ; he had ended the French War ; he had 
won his nephew from suspicion to confidence, and the 
Crown leaned on his support and that of his sons. All 
at once the keystone of the arch had been destroyed, and 
the stately fabric of the Lancastrian power was shaken 
to its foundations. All that the Duke had lived for 
seemed lost ; the strongest instinct of the man, his attach- 
ment to those of his own blood, had received an irrepar- 
able injury ; the sentence of exile to the son was a sentence 

1 Chronicque de la Tralson et Mort, 11-23 » Wals. ii. 227-8; 
EtUog. 379. Ann. Ric, II, 225-6. Froissart, K. de L. xvi. 
89-116. Rot. Pari. iii. 382-385. Mon. Eve, 146; Relig. de St. 
Denys, ii. 673. 



of death to the father. John of Gaunt had outlived 
most of his contemporaries ; his sixty-eight years repre- 
sented a much fuller measure of life than was accorded 
to most men of the fourteenth century. For some 
time he had felt his strength failing, and it was this feeling, 
perhaps, which led him on February 2 to make his will. 
In this testament, by far the most elaborate of the 
documents of its kind which have come down to us from 
the Middle Ages, the feelings of the Duke as he looked 
back upon his long life, his regrets, his hopes and his 
fears, are clearly reflected. 

Not only does he display an evident reluctance to part 
with the great possessions which it had been the work of 
a lifetime to amass, but his minute and elaborate dis- 
positions, his cautious and laboured repetitions and 
saf^;uards, betray an ill-concealed soUcitude — the fear 
that, after all, his last wishes may not be respected. As 
though he could foresee the act of confiscation which 
was to convert Henry of Bolingbroke from an injured 
subject to a usurping King, he shows himself anxious to 
ccmdliate his nephew. Even greater, however, is his 
anxiety to propitiate the powers of the other world, for 
the Duke, though among those who set great store by 
corruptible things, does not forget, at least, after the 
manner of the age, to lay up treasure in heaven. 

Hence, before all mention of the great inheritance 
which, the Duke fondly hoped, would pass by the common 
law of England to the droits heirs de Lancastre, before 
all provision for his family, absent and present, wife, 
sons, daughters, and grandsons, precedence is given to 
the daims of religion and the needs of the Church. 

How characteristic of the feeling of the age is the 
quaint symbolism of the ceremonial prescribed by the 
testator for his exequies — the ten tapers standing for the 
ten commandments which he has broken, seven for the 
seven works of charity which he has neglected, and the 



seven deadly sins which lie upon his conscience, five 
again in honour of the five principal wounds of Christ, 
and the five senses which, like an unprofitable servant, 
he has spent to no purpose, and finally the three tapers in 
honour of the Blessed Trinity ! 

And how would Wycliffe, with his Puritanism, his 
intellectual detachment from the foibles and super- 
stitions of the age, have scorned these poor attempts to 
pacify the offended powers of righteousness ; how would 
he have condemned the " blabbering with the lips " of 
those chantry priests who were to sing masses continually 
for the souls of the Duke and his wives, as though men 
could buy with money the merits of the saints, and 
barter the things of this world for the inestimable gifts 
of the Spirit ! 

But the Church, especially the " religious," must have 
found convincing proof, if any further proof were needed, 
of that type of devotion which they prized most highly, 
in the Duke's bequests to ecclesiastical societies — to St. 
Paul's, the monasteries of Bury St. Edmunds and Lincoln, 
and to the favourite Lancastrian foundation of Leicester. 
Among the friars, no order of whom is forgotten, the 
Carmelites as usual are singled out for especial favour ; 
hermit, lazar, and prisoner all find a place in his thoughts ; 
and when all bequests, public and private, are made, the 
Duke's soul becomes the residuary legatee. 

Then, a month after his will was sealed, the Duke 
carried out his last commission. While the quarrel of 
Hereford and Norfolk was still pending, the Duke, true 
to the policy which he had formulated nearly twenty 
years before, went for the last time, at the request of the 
Scottish King, to hold ^ March Day and to appoint the 
Deputies for the Marches.^ 

1 The meeting had been arranged in October,[i 397 {Foed^VlH, 
17). Lancaster's commission is dated February 5, 1398 (ibid. 
32-3) ; the negotiations took place at Hawdenstank, March 1 1 to 



After that he took no further part in public affairs : 
the last mission of the enemy of the " Good " Parliament 
had been one of peace. 

Alarming reports of Lancaster's health were brought 
back to Hereford in Paris by Sir John Dymmok, and 
these, perhaps, as much as his father's advice, restrained 
him from taking part in the more ambitious miUtary 
adventures to which he was being tempted/ Nor were 
these reports exaggerated. The Duke fell into an illness 
that could only have one end. In December he had 
reached his favourite castle of Leicester ; he was not to 
leave it again alive. 

The quaint words of a Scottish chronicle describe the 
last moments of the great Duke : how as he lay worn out 
by heaviness of age and of heart he was visited by the 

Nevyrtheless upon a day, 

In til his sekeness quhen he lay. 

The King com tiL hym boddy 

And til hym spake rycht curtasly, 

And gaive hym consale of dysporte, 

Wytht plesaund wordis of confort, 

Nevyrtheless he gert be layd 

Upon his bed, as sum men said, 

Prev6 billis : thare tenoure 

Amesyt na thing his langoure.' 

The only "privy bills** capable of bringing consola- 
tion would have been letters recalling Henry of Boling- 
broke, and that course the King's jealousy and fear 

Exactly a year after making his will John of Gaunt 

breathed his last at Leicester Castle.' 

x6» 1398 (ibid. 35-6}, and the Duke's acts were confirmed by the 
King Septemb^ 22 (ibid. 45). Cronykil of Scotland, Ch. xviii. ; 
Cai. Scot, Doc, iv. 493. See letter dated Melrose, March 17, 
Record Report, xxxi. App. li. 

^ Ftoissart, K. deL. xvi. 131-2 ; 136-7. 

• Cronykil of Scotland, Ch. xix. p. 68-9. 

• De gravi languore moritur, Eulog. 38 1 . See App. VIII . p. 463, 



In accordance with his wishes, his body was carried to 
the Carmelites in Fleet Street, to remain there until the 
day of burial. As the procession passed from Leicester 
to London, the body of the Duke rested for one night, 
as thirty years before the body of the Duchess Blanche^ 
had rested, at St. Albans, where Henry Beaufort, now 
Bishop of Lincoln, celebrated a requiem for the dead. 
With a strange and unseemly persistence the enmities 
which had beset the living man followed his body to the 
grave. The Abbey of St. Albans lay within the diocese 
of Lincoln but outside the jurisdiction of the Bishop, 
and it required all Bishop Beaufort's tact to calm the 
susceptibilities of the great Benedictine foundation.' 
History has a strange love of irony : the walls of St. 
Albans, within which the " Scandalous Chronicle ** was 
written, were the last to offer their hospitality to the dead 

John of Gaunt was buried, as he had desired, in St. 
Paul's Cathedral near the principal altar, by the side of 
Blanche the Duchess, and at the funeral all his peers 
were present, foremost among them the King, even then 
plotting how to slay the son, that the inheritance might 
be his. 

At the end, then, of this story of a long life, a story 
reconstructed from material so ample and so various, 
let us stop to examine how far the problem of person- 
ality has been solved. 

Doubtless the impression made by John Plantagenet 
upon the men of his age differed with the differences of 
individual temperament and predisposition. For safety. 

If the Duke had died at Ely House, Holbom, as some of the 
chronicles state, it would not have been necessary for his body 
to pass through St. Albans on the way to Fleet Street. The true 
tradition has been preserved by Higden (viii. 506) and Otter- 
bourne, 197. Cf. Froissart, K. de L. xvi. 1 37-141. 

1 Ann. Ric, II ^ 434. 

2 Gest. Abb, Sc. Alb, iii. 438, 274-7, 472-4- 



as usual, a middle path must be chosen, midway between 
the grotesque caricature of the Monk of St. Albans 
and the uncritical encomiimi of Chandos Herald. 
Chaucer was already a friend when in the hour of mourn- 
ing he spoke in that forest of dreamland with the ^' wonder 
wel-faringe knight '* and found him 

so tretable 
Right wonder skilful and resonable. 

With less of the prepossessions of friendship, Jean Frois- 
sart, who, if he was somewhat over-ready to put his trust 
in princes and to find merit in the great ones of the earth, 
still was a man of the world who knew men — ^Froissart 
styles him "sage et imaginatif,'* and forthwith the 
Duke takes his place with Sir Walter Manny, Lord 
Audeley, Sir John Chandos, King Edward and the Black 
Prince among the immortals of the chronicles. 

Fem&o Lopes, preserving the tradition of the years 
1386-7, draws the picture of a tall spare man, well knit 
and erect as a soldier should be, prematurely aged doubt- 
less by constant action and much exposure, a man whose 
conversation was reserved and had something of what 
with an enemy would pass for haughtiness and with a 
friend for dignity.^ 

The men of the court and of the camp are agreed : from 
the doister little help can be got ; not indeed from the 
Monk of St. Albans, who sees Lancaster playing Beelze- 
bub to Wycliffe*s Lucifer ; not from the Canon of Leicester, 
who sees in the " pious Duke " the model of piety, wis- 
dom and virtue ; not from the compiler of WycUffe^s 
Tares, who with the same breath wherewith he curses 
Wydiffe blesses Wydiffe's patron, and finds in John of 

^ Este D. JoSo, duque de Alencastro, era homem de bem feitos 
membn», comprido e direito, e n^ de tantas cames como re- 
qiieria a grandeza do seu corpo, e seria de edade de sessenta annos, 
de poacas cSs, segundo taes dias, e de boa palavra, n3x) muito 
trigosa, nusnrado e de boas condigoes. (Fem3o Lopes, V. Ixxxix.) 


Gaunt a pillar of Church and State ; ^ nor yet from 
Capgrave, the fifteenth-century Vicar of Bray, who, im- 
partially sycophantic to York and Lancaster, hands doivn 
an attenuated tradition of wisdom and greatness.' A 
sympathetic judgment will adopt the criterion of the 
age : the age was one of chivalry. In the last days of 
Richard II, when humiliation and suffering had broken 
his spirit, shattered his highly strung nerves, and almost 
unhinged his mind, again and again the King repeated, 
with a passionate regret that seemed to strive to convince 
himself as well as his hearers, that he had never forfeited 
his knighthood. " Je suis loyal chevalier et oncques ne forfiM 
chevalerie / " ' 

The boast repeated by the murderer of Thomas of 
Woodstock might with more truth have been uttered by 
the Duke of Lancaster. 

For he had remained true to the ethical standard of 
society as he knew it : he had been loyal to Edward III, 
to his brother the Black Prince, and, at what cost of per- 
sonal pride has been seen, to his nephew Richard. 

With loyalty goes courage, and here, to his courage and 
love of adventure and sport, Lancaster found a sympa- 
thetic echo in the hearts of his fellow subjects. A certain 
sturdy love of fair play too marked his character — witness 
the Monk of St. Albans himself. In 1380 Sir John An- 
nesley fought a judicial duel with Thomas Katrington. 
The knight, husband of Elizabeth Chandos, daughter 
and heir of the great Sir John, had accused the squire of 
selling the Castle of St. Sauveur, part of Chandos* inherit- 
ance, to the French, a charge that dated from the day 
when Lord Latimer was impeached in the " Good " Par- 

1 Illustris princips {Fasc. Ziz. 3), nobilis dominus dux egregius 
et miles strenuus, sapiensque consiliarius Dux Lancastriae, Sacrae 
ecclesiae filius fidelis (ibid. 1 14). 

* Prudentissimus vir et nobilissimus dominus. Cap. De lUust. 
Hen. 94. 

^ Chrofiicque de la Traison et Mort, 76. Cf. 67 and 55. 



liament. The Duke was strongly suspected of exercising 
undue influence in favour of Katrington.^ But when on 
the day of the duel Katrington began to hang back and 
take exception to the conditions of battle which he had 
previously accepted, the Duke swore that unless he fought 
in accordance with the laws of arms he would have him 
hanged as a traitor. The result was an immediate re- 
vulsion of popular feeling, for, as the " Scandalous 
Chronicle *' reluctantly admits, the decision was greeted 
with loud applause.' For the last time the testimony of 
this advocatus diaboli has been heard. Redeat in in- 
fernum I 

In truth the Duke loved more to preside over the 
lists than the council, for he held the laws of chivalry 
more sacred than those of Parliament. Seven years after 
the Annesley-Katrington duel we find him presiding over 
another and less bloody encounter. It was in March, 1387, 
and the English and Portuguese forces were l3mig round 
Braganza on the eve of the great invasion. Suddenly a 
herald appeared bearing a challenge to Sir John Holland 
from Regnault de Roye, who six years earlier had fought 
William de Windsor when the Earl of Cambridge was in 

Lancaster at once granted a safe conduct for Sir Reg- 
nault and his escort,' and set his carpenters to work to 
put up lists, and a platform for the ladies to view the 

The encounter proved indecisive, but the French knight, 
by wearing his helmet loosely laced, won some advantage, 
for Holland, though he struck his aim each time, could 

^ Here it may be remarked that Lancaster, doubtless out of 
gratitude to Sir John Chandos, had exempted the lands of Eliza- 
beth Chandos from pa3rment of an aid. Warrant dated March 23, 
46 Edward III. Reg. I. f. 145. 

> Quo facto dux multorum sibi conciliavit gratiam, et partem 
infamiae suae antiquae detersit. Chr. Angl, 263. 

» Reg. II. f. 152. 



not unhorse his opponent. Munnurs frmn the onlookers 
greeted R^;nault's ruse, but Lancaster turned a deaf ear 
to their complaints. 

So long as a combatant did not break the laws of arms, 
he was free to take what advantage he could, and the 
Duke was loud in his praises of the Frenchman's skill.^ 

But when a knight sinned against the onnmandmaits 
of chivalry and struck a foul blow, the Duke's anger was 
at once roused. This happened at Bordeaux in 1389, 
when an Anglo-Gascon killed the horse of a French knight 
with whom he was jousting, and Froissart, who had ridden 
all the way from Orthez to see the tournament, remem- 
bers Lancaster's indignaticm, recording how he compelled 
compensation to be made.' 

The love of seeing or hearing of " granies appertises 
d^armes^^ indeed, was one of the many points of sympathy 
between Lancaster and the historian of chivalry, and the 
pages of the chronicles furnish many an example. How 
the Duke must have envied those soldiers of fortune who 
led the few hundreds of English soldiers at Aljubarrota ! 
Though absent himself from the great battle, the Duke 
learns all about it from the Portuguese envoys. Lourenfo 
Annes Fogafa speaks French fluently, and finds in his 
host a ready listener. He talks, it is true, at unconscion- 
able length, but the Duke will not let him stop. " I will 
not let you go," says the Duke, if Froissart is to be trusted, 
" until you have told me all the story : car je oy mouU 
vouUfUiers purler (Tarmes quoyque je ne soie pas bon che- 
valliery^^ ^ a fine touch of knightiy modesty in the mouth of 
the man who had fought hand to hand with Jean de Ville- 
mur at Limoges, who, on the day when the two vawards 
were facing each other at Najera, said to Sir William 
Beauchamp : " GuiUaume, veld nos ennemis ; mis, foy que 

* Froissart, K. deL. xii. 11 5-1 24. 

* Froissart, K. de L. xiii. 301-2. C£. Kn. II. 204. 
' Froissart, K. de L. xi. 318. 



je dot d DieUf vous me veris hut bon chevalier^ ou je 
demorray en le place. AvantI avant bannHre^ ou 
nam de Dieu et de Saint George^ et face chacuns son 
devoir. " * 

If Chaucer had not shared the patronage of John of 
Gaunt with Wydiffe, how different the reputation of the 
patron might have been ! Against the odium theo- 
logicum has been set the love of letters, and in some 
measure at least protection of the poet has atoned for pro- 
tection of the heresiarch ; for though the sins of John of 
Gaunt have been visited upon the name he left behind 
him far beyond the third or fourth generation, yet pos- 
terity has never forgotten the debt owed by Chaucer and 
English literature to the Duke of Lancaster. In this the 
Duke has got no more than his due ; he was no indis- 
criminate patron, and if he knew when to give, he knew 
also when to withhold. 

Among those who wrote about the Spanish campaign of 
1367 there was one Walter of Peterborough, a monk of 
Revesby Abbey in Lincolnshire, a foundation not un- 
known to Lancastrian bounty. Walter wrote a poem on 
the expedition,* with a fulsome dedication to the Duke, 
-an affected piece of doggerel in quite the worst style of the 
age. Knowing the Duke's treasurer, the author hoped 
that the merits of his effusion backed by influence might 
win him a suitable reward either in the Church or in the 
ducal household. He was disappointed. John of Gaunt, 
as it seemed, preferred the style of the Canterbury 
Tales, and the author went away empty-handed to regret 

1 FFoissart, K. de L. vii. 200, who is repeating Chandos 
Heralds' words — 

Veiez, fist-il, nos enem5rs; 
Mais, si m'alde Jesus Cris, 
Huy me verrez bon chivaler, 
Si mort ne me fait encombrer. 

s Political Poems and Songs, vol. i. 97-122. 



his lost labour and his folly in casting pearls before 
swine !^ 

A feeling for the value of learning and literature might 
have been expected to show itself in a liberal support of 
the Universities. One college at least counted John of 
Gaunt as a patron — Corpus Christi at Cambridge — and in 
the troubles of 1381 looked to him for protection.* 

The Duke was not insensible of the value of academic 
life, for he maintained several " clerks " at the University, 
and both Henry Beaufort ' and the Duke's grandson, 
Henry V, resided at Queen's College without any fear of 
contamination from a lingering Lollard tradition in the 
college where a generation earUer Wycliffe himself had 

The Duke too frequently presented petitions to the 
Papal coiut on behalf of individual scholars of Oxford 
and Cambridge ; * but on the whole the evidence of a 
strong interest in the Ufe and work of the Universities is 
conspicuously small. In the middle of the fourteenth 
century the collegiate idea was still young at the Univer- 

^ Sed margarita nunquam fuit uUa cupita 
Porco plus placita stercora dentur ita. 

Political Poems and Songs, vol. i. 97-122. 

3 There wdiS a great '* town and gown " row in 138 1 ; the Mayor 
raided the college and burnt some of its property, and the Master 
and scholars presented a petition for redress to the Parliament of 
May, 1382. The college is there described as de la patronage man 
tres honoure Seigneur de Lancastre. Rot. Pari, iii. 128-9. The 
draft petition has the word fundacion instead of patronage 
(Hist. MSS. Com. I. 65). Neither Duke Henry nor Duke John 
were, strictly speaking, benefactors, but they used their influence 
with the King in favour of the college, e.g. by procuring licences 
for alienation in mortmain, etc. Cf. Reg. II. f. 20, 71. 

^ There is an entry in the College Account, *' xxx solidi pro vino 
Duci Lancastrie," on the occasion of one of the visits paid by the 
Duke to Henry Beaufort, and there are several references in the 
Receiver General's Accounts to wine sent to Oxford for " Master 
Henry Beaufort." 

* e.g. on behalf of his clerk, John Chaterys, M.A., Warden of 
Clare Hall, Cambridge, for a benefice. (Papal Petitions, 529.) 



sities, and John of Gaunt, instead of following the notable 
example of William of Wykeham, preferred to endow 
and support the more exclusively " religious " founda- 
tions, monasteries, friaries, collegiate churches, and chan- 

> The influence of that early humanism which was be- 
ginning to refine Enghsh society, conspicuous in the case 
of the gentle Philippa of Hainault, was even more strongly 
marked in the Lancastrian household. The tastes of the 
Duchess Constance have akeady been noticed ; the 
Duchess Blanche also was regarded as a patroness of 
letters, and Froissart offers her the homage of his verse, 
as he offered to her husband the more lasting fame of 
a place among the preux chevaliers of the Chronicles} 

Philippa of Lancaster inaugurates a new era at the 
Portuguese Court by the careful education of her children. 
While Prince Henry the Navigator is begining to lead his 
countrymen towards undiscovered lands, Joan Beaufort, 
to whom Hocdeve dedicates his verses, is reading the TaU 
of Tristan^ the Travels of Godfrey of Bouillon, and the 
Chronicles of Jerusalem, and it is at least suggestive that, 
as has been remarked,' among the first ladies in England 
who learned to write, were those of the family of John of 
Gaunt, and that among his friends were men like Sir 
Thomas Percy, who, with all the cares and ambitions 
of statecraft and war, found time to appreciate the 
things of the mind and the gentler graces of life.* 

Was it the insensible effect of these leanings towards 
humanism that softened the Duke's nature and saved him 

* There are two mteresting appomtments in the Roister : Henry 
Barton to be Master of the Grammar School at Higham Ferrers 
(I. f. 51) ; John Bradley to be Master of the Grammar School in 
the town of Crofton (I. f. 53). 

• Froissart, K. de L. ii. 3. 

• M. A. E. Wood, Royal Letters, p. 89. 

* The Pope recognized Sir Thomas Percy's accomplishments by 
conferring on him the degree of B.C.L. 



from the brutality and cradty common to the society of 
the age ? Certainly his record is extraordinarily free 
from acts of violence and oppression. 

Life comited for little in the fourteenth century ; con- 
stantly risked in battle, it was lightly thrown away in the 
tournament. The innumerable pardons for homicide 
registered on the Patent Rolls show how easily men passed 
from a word to a blow, and how often their quarrels proved 
fatal. A man of power like John Holland could defy the 
law ; but though the Duke of Lancaster, if any one, stood 
above the law, he used his vast power with a rare re- 

Five times in ten years he was threatened with assassi- 
nation. Putting aside the conspiracy of the Spaniards 
who tried to poison him at the dose of the invasion of 
1387,^ there remain four distinct plots against the Duke's 
life hatched in England between 1384 and 1394. Robert 
de Vere*s unsuccessful efforts in 1384 and 1385 have 
already been related ; the same intriguer must certainly 
have been responsible for the scheme planned a few years 
later to seize the Duke on his return from the Spanish 
expedition,* while it is probably that mysterious con- 
spiracy of 1393 in which the Duke of Norfolk avowed 
his complicity before the Court of Chivalry at Windsor — 

For you, my noble Lord of Lancaster, 
The honourable father to my foe, 
Once did I lay an ambush for your life, 
A trespass that doth vex my grieved soul ; 
But ere I last received the sacrament 
I did confess it, and exactly begg'd 
Your grace's pardon, and I hope I had it.* 

1 FernSo Lopes, v. 177. 

* Et outre ceo les ditz Mesfesours et Tretours ordeigneront qc 
bon espie serroit fait sur la arryvaille Monsr de Lancastre, et q*il 
serroit arestuz meintenant sur sa anyvaille. Rot. Pari, ill. 234a. 

* King Richard II. Act. I. Scene i. : Chrontcque de la 
Tratson et Mort, 16-17. "Si est vray que jauoye mise une em- 
busche pour tuer le due de Lenclastre qui la est assiz, et est veritc 



Yet in these cases Lancaster made no attempt to follow 
up the feud or to protect his life by destroying his ene- 
mies, and Knighton's praise is not undeserved when he 
calls the " pious " Duke " Pacis amator et reformator." 

Gloucester sent his political rivals to the scaffold; 
Richard himself took life for life, and when the time came 
Henry of Bolingbroke punished rebellion with ruthless 
severity ; but John of Gaunt shed no blood in his quarrels, 
and the assemblies dominated by Lancastrian influence 
have no parallel to offer to the de^ds of the " Merciless " 

Where the common people were concerned the Duke 
was never vindictive. Towards the rebels of 1381 and 
the insurgents of 1393 he acted with moderation. North- 
umberland and Arundel were compelled to sue the Duke's 
pardon, but if honour exacted reparation from the strong, 
pride demanded mercy for the weak, and the Duke was 

Knighton tells an anecdote to illustrate this virtue of 
clemency which he claims for his hero. Some servants 
of the household once stole a large quantity of silver 
vessels ; the Duke's ofl&cers caught them and wanted to 
have them hanged. But Lancaster refused. Contenting 
himself with making the culprits abjure the service of the 
King and his family, he let them go, sa3mig that no man 
should lose his Ufe on account of his chattels.^ The Canon 
of Leicester is a biassed witness, but his story does not 
stand alone. The statute against " Backbiters " was 
passed by the Duke's influence and for his own protec- 
tion, but some of the first prosecutions under the new law 
show that it was not administered with undue severity. 
A certain clerk called Thomas Knapet, probably a religious 

que monsr le ma pardonne et en a estee faicte bonne paix entre 
luy et moy de quoy je len mercye.** Probably the plot for which 
Sir William Bagot was brought to book in 1 399 belongs to the same 
conspiracy. Rot. Pari., iii 458a. 
^ Kn. ii, 149-150. 

417 B B 


fanatic, was proved guilty^of speaking " disrespectful and 
disorderly words of his puissant and most honourable 
lordship of Lancaster ;" but when he confessed and sued 
for pardon, the Duke sent one of his esquires to John 
Philipot the Mayor with a request that the man might be 

A personal sympathy with the poor and humble is not 
inconsistent with a reactionary political creed, and that 
John of Gaunt felt such sympathy there is ample evi- 
d^uice. The attempt to put a stop to " advancement by 
clergy ,** made by the Commons after their panic in 1381, 
found no support from the Duke, who was always ready to 
manumit a serf that he might take orders,' or to release 
him that he might go on a pilgrimage. 

Simple unremembered acts of kindness and charity are 
vouched for by many a warrant under the Duke's privy 
seal, nor should posterity neglect the unrecorded testi- 
mony of the " poor lazars of Leicester," or the wretched 
prisoners of Newgate, who drank the wine and warmed 
themselves in winter at the fires provided for them by 
John of Gaunt.' 

Six years before Henry of Bolingbroke was bom.a grey- 
haired knight of Queen Philippa was once entertaining her 
maids of honour at Berkhamstead with stories of ancient 
days. Froissart, yoimg, eager and inquisitive, was there, 
and a generation later could recall the words then spoken/ 

1 Memorials of London, 425. 

^ Here is an instance. 

Johan etc a touz etc Sachez que nous de notre grace especiale 
avons grantez congee a Andrew fitz Symond Grajme notre neif 
de Stepyng d'estre ordenez si bien as saintz ordres come as autres 
nient contreesteantz q'il est notre neif come avant est dit issint 
toutes voies que pur tout le temps q'il ne preigne mye les saintz 
ordres susditz q'il demure notre nief come reson demande. En 
tesmoignance ^/^. Donne a notre manoir la Savoye le vi jour 
de May I'an etc tierz (Reg. II. f. I53<0- 

* e.g. Reg. I. f. iS7rfand 214^. 

* Froissart, K. deL. xxi. 142-3 ; 235. 



The knight was saying how, long ago in the mystic days 
of Merlin, it had been foretold that " the realm and crown 
of England shall come neither to Edward Prince of Wales, 
nor to the Duke of Clarence, nor to the Duke of Lancaster, 
sons though they be of King Edward, but the realm shall 
return to the House of Lancaster." 

One half the ancient prophecy had been proved ; the 
other part was soon to have its fulfilment. 

Suddenly, in the year in which Lancaster died and 
the King set out for Ireland, the bay trees withered 
throughout England, and as suddenly again put forth 
their leaf. Was it hot a prodigy, portending the reversal 
of unjust acts, the restoration of fallen fortunes ? 

So at least it appeared to the men of that time, believing 
as they did that — 

These signs forerun the death or fall of kings. 

But John Plantagenet died before the full measmre of his 
nephew's treachery had been made dear, or the full 
measure of his son's revenge. But could those " juggling 
fiends who palter with us in a double sense " have re- 
vealed the futmre of John of Gaunt, as they revealed it to 
Macbeth and Banquo on the dreary heath, the wildest 
dream of ambition, the most eager desire for revenge, must 
have been satisfied. Imagine the dying man in Leicester 
Castle. The spirits of his children and their children yet 
tmbom, kings of Portugal, kings of Castile, file before 
him. As the long procession fades, another scene succeeds. 
In the Great Hall of Westminster the Lords spiritual and 
temporal and the Commons of England are gathered, 
and Henry, no longer Henry of Hereford, but Henry 
of Lancaster, Henry of England, is saying, " In 
the name of God, I Henry of Lancaster chsJlenge this 
realm and this crown," and as the vision fades away the 
voice of Fate whispers in the ears of the dying man, " Thou 
shalt get kings though thou be none " ! 


Appendix I 


En noon de Diea le 'pier» du filtz, et de seint eq>iiit. Amen. 
3 Feb. Jeo Johan filtz da Roy d'Engleterre, Doc de 
1598. Lancastr*! en IxMie monoiie k tieix jour de 
feverer, Tan da grace mil trois centz qoatie vingts dis et 
sept, ay fait mon testament par maner qa'ensaj^ 
(i) To be ^^ primes jeo devise m'alme a Diea et a sa 
baried in tiesdoace mieie Seinte Marie et a le joy da del, 
St. Paul's et mon corps a estie enseveles en Te^^ise cathe- 
betide the dfale de Sclnt Pook de Londres, pies de Tantier 
^^^ prindpale de mesme Te^lise, joxte ma tiescbere 
jadys compaigne Blanch Uleoq's entene. 
It'm je devise paxxx^iell oa qe jeo moeige toat ceo q' 
(ii) Exequies mes execatoois y voillent donner en noan de mxm 
and boriaL prindpalli qaelle par le ley y doit estie donnes 
pur mortuair ; et ce cas qae jeo moeige hois de Loandies jeo 
voille et devise qe la prim' nayt qae mon dit coips seira 
apportez a Londres qe soit portez tat droit as fras Cannes 
en Fletstrete par ycelle nayt, y avoir les exeqaies, et lende- 
main la haut messe de requiem, apres quelle messe jeo voilk 
soit mon corps removez et portez tut droit a la suisdet esglise 
de Seinte Poule, pur y avoir ycelle nuyt les exequies, et lende- 
main la haute messe de requiem et la sepultur' ; et en quelle 
lieu qe jeo moerg jeo voille et devise que apres mon trespasse- 
ment mon corps demoerge desur la terre nemy enterez qe 
quarant jours, et doune en charge a mes execu tours qe de- 
aeinz yceulx quarant jours nulle encerement de mon corps 
ne soit fait ne faynez privement n'en appert. 
(iii)Almsto Item je voille et devise qe chescun jour des 
be given to suisditz quarant jours soient pur m'alme donnez 
the poor for ad pov's gentz de pays cynquant marcs d'argent, 
forty days. ^^ ^3, veiUe de ma sepulture troiz centz marcs 
d'argent, et la jour de ma sepulture cyiik centz marcs d'ar- 
gent, s'il semble a mes executours qe ceo purra estre fait, 
considere la quantite de mes biens et autres mes ordinances 
et devys, les ditz somes ne purront de tout estre donnez as 
pov's com desuis, adonques mes executours a leur discredon 



facent donner as pov's chescune des ditz quarants jours 
autielles sommes com faire purront le quantite de mes biens 
et mes aultres ordinamices et devys considere.- 
Civ) Tapers to ^*®°^ ^^^ devise entier pur arde entour men corps 

be b^S. 1® jo^ir de ma sepulture primerement dis grossez 
cieiigez en noun des dis commandementz de n're 

ten. in the seignour Dieu, countre les queux j'ay trop male- 

**^ ^V^ ™ent trespassez, suppliant a mesme n*re seignour 

ten com- x^. * . -*"^ . . . jP j 

mandments. J^^^^ que ceste ma devoaon me puiss remedier de 

tuit cella q'encontre les ditz conmiandements ay 

seven, in multz sovent et trop malement fait et ferfait, et 

?^»vra ^® desuis yceulx dis soient mys sept cierges grosses 

works of ^^ memoire des septz oevres de diarite es queux 

charity, and j'ay este negligent, et pur les septz mortielx 

of the pecches, et desuis yceulx sept jeo voille qe soient 

deadly^s • ^Y^ ^^ cierges grosses en I'onur des cink plaies 

' principalx n're seignour Jesu, et pur mes cynk 

five in scenslesquelxj 'ay multz negligentmentdespendie, 

l^o^o'^L.of dounte je prie a Dieu de mercy ; et tout amont 

Wou^^s ^ yceulx cierges jeo voille qe soient trois cierges en 

and the five I'onur de la benolt trinite a la quele jeo me rende 

senses ; de touts les malx qe fait ay» ensuppliant de pardon 

et de mercy pur la mercy et pite q' de sa benigne 

hOTOTT^f gra^® ^ ^ *^* purlasalvacion de moy et d'autres 

the Trinity ; peccheours. Et voille bien qe de parentre les 

suisditz cieiiges soient mys entour mon corps 

morters de cier tieulx et atentz come a mes ditz executours 

plena de y mettre. 

(v) Prayers ^*®°^ '® voille qe mes executours facent prier 
yers. ^^^ cosyns et amys d'estre a ma sepulture 
pur prier pur m'alme» san ce faire de mon devys autre 
solempnitie ne feste, si ceo ne soit as pov's gentz a prier Dieux 
pur m'alme. 

(vi) Pay- Item je voille ordeigne et devise qe de 1-es- 
ment of toutes mes biens et chateulx mes executors 
debts; apres ma mort devant lestoutes mes aultres 
ordinances et devys facent paier lestoutes mes dettes qe le 
jour de mon trespassement serront duz, savant qe si nulle 
dettes lors serra demande la quelle pur negligence nounchalure 
poverte au temps male talant ou autre defaut soit aderier 
noun paie come reason demaimde, et purra par evidence ou par 
bon' conscience estre trovee qe soit due, a demandant, qe mes 
executours la facent paier si avant s'ils averont de quoi des 



mes biens et chateulx, except toutz voiez qe je ne vcSBe par 
reroedf ^^^ ^^^® qu'ils paient ascune dettes par raime en 
o?the Duke ^oiagc qe mon tresame frere k Due de Everwyk 
of York to devant ore fist en Portugole, doont jeo me teigne 
Portugal de tut quites devant Dieu et tout la mou]^ 
'38i» «x- n^es des toutes autres dettes jeo voille que reson- 
^^ ^ ' able gree soit fait, et aussi voille et ordeime et 
devise q'si a asscune temps de ma vie j'ay ehu aucuns tenes, 

resUtuUon • ^®^'^» rentz, services, ou or ou argent, ou autres 
'biens moebles d'acune autre persone sanz juste et 
due title, ou a autre a fait tort ou injurie, combien qe de {He- 
sent ne cognoisse nulle en espedale meintenaines, si en temps 
avenir il puisse estre duement preuvez, mes executors facent 
plain restitucion et amend, si avant ils averont de quoy de 
mes biens et chateulx, des quelx facent ils aussi coustage con- 
venables pur ma sepulture et entour mon corps del jour de 
mon trespassement, jusques au temps qe mon enterment 
serra acompliz, et auxi paient a mes servitours lours regardes 
per mon ordenns, et outre ceo q'mes executours pregnent de 
mes biens en leurs mains un tid some convenable, de quelle 
ils purront faire et acompler toutz les chanteries et obitz en 
ceste mon testament orcfennes pur m'alme et pur les almes 
des mes tres-cheris jadis compaignes Blanche et Constance 
qe Dieux assoille. Et depuis facent mes ditz executours 
acomplir mes devys desoubz expresses si averount com de 
mes biens et chateulx ils averont, de quoy issuit toutz voies 
q' si apres les coustages affaire entour mon corps apres ma 
mort et ma sepulture et enterement plainement accompliz 
et apres qe trestouts mes dettes serront paiez et restitucion 
faitz des torts et injuries com desous, et les regardes par moy 
ordennez de tout paies a mes serviteurs et pris et reservez 
es mains des executours la somme pur les chanteries et obits 
suisditz, mes biens et chateux lors remainantz es mains de 
mes executours ne suffisent my pur en acomplir mes devises 
desoubz expressez, qe de mes dites devys et de chescime de 
(legacy to yceulx soit rebatement fait solom la descrecion 
the King to de mes executours, exceptez toutz voiez les 
be paid in choses desobz limitez a mon tres sovereigne 
*"^^^* seignour le roy, les queulx jeo voille qe luy soient 
livrez come chose a luy donne en ma vie. 
(vii) Gift to Item jeo devise a la suisdit aultier du Sejmt Poule 

St. Paul's, mon graunt lyt de drap d'ore, le champ piers 
poudres des roses d'ormyses sur pipes d*or, et en chescun pipe 



deux plums d' ostrich blankes, les curteines de taffeta piers 
batuz de sembleable ovra^, xiii. capits de tapiterie texes de la 
suite, et a mesme I'autier mon vestement de satyn blank 
embroudez d'ore, done I'ovrage est un raille passant parmy 
corons d'or le quelle jeo achatay de Courtenay, broudier 
de Londres, et contient le vestement deux frontiers per 
I'autier, et un chescun frontiers trois grosses tabernacles 
d'ore, et grosses images d'or enbroudez en ycelle, un chesible, 
deux tmucles, iii. aubes, ii. estoles, iii. fanons, iii. copes, et im 
covertur pur le letton, im corpora, ii. courtins, ii. tonailles 
pur I'autier I'une aieant petit front ensemble, et mon entierre 
vestment de camaca noir fait a deserver pur messes de requiem 
enbroudez d'une crucifix d'or ovesq' les trois corporax et 
autres pieces a ycelle vestiment appurtenantz. Et voille 
toutz voiz qe trestouts cestes choses a le suisdit autier prin- 
cipall de Seint Pouls devisez ovecq' trestouts leurs appur- 
tenances demoergent a mesme I'autier a toutz jours pur ycelle 
autier a honuer, et entoure ma sepultur* sanz estre a nule 
autre oeps convertez, ne d'illoesques esloignez par nule voie. 
Et voille qe mes executours de mes biens facent purchacer 
en Londres, ou dehors la ou pluis profitablement ceo faire 
purront, atant de terre, ou derent,appropriacion des esglises, 
ou aultres possessions done ils me purront faire avoire pur 
m'alme et I'alme de ma dit nadgairs compaigne Blanch pur 
T bt • *^^^ jours en la suisdite esglise de Saint Poule 
one^for hhn-^®^"^ obite, cest assavoir, pur m'alme im obit 
self on the solempnement a celebrer chescune an le jour 
anniversary de mon trespassement, et pur I'alme de ma 
of his death ,^^1^ nadgaires compaigne Blanch-un obit solempne- 
ment a celebrer chesam an le xii. jour de septembr' a toutz 
one for the jours, et aussi voille jeo, ordenne et devise que de 
Duchess mes biens et chateux mes executoures facent 
^^ig^^^^ordeignier et establer en I'avant dite esglise de 
September Seint Poule, un chanterie des deux chapelleins 
13 yearly, a celebrer divines services en ycells a toutz jours 
pur m'alme et I'ame de ma dite nadgairs compaigne 
Blanch, et que a ce sustenir perpetuelement soient donnez 
et amortizez certeinz terres et tenementz en Londres des 
queux la reversion est purchacez a mon oeps, reddant ent par 
an vint marcs a dame Katerine del Staple a terme de sa vie. 
Et voille que durant sa vie el en soit paie del issues de manoir 
de Bemolswyk en counte d'Everwyk des queux issues soit 
auxi sustenuz la dit chanterie diu^ant la vie de dit Katerine. 



(viii) Item, pur estrem devocion, q j'ay a la monstier 

Edm^ds ^® ^^^ Esmon de Bury en counte SufP jeo 
°° *' devise au dit monstier mon lych vestment de 
perill c'est assavoir, un chesible ovecq' les parures d'une anbe 
et d'un amitte, un estole, et un fanon de rouge velvet en- 
broudez d'un frett d'or et en chescune un mascle de la frette 
un augnell de perill, et en chescun autre mascle un escochon 
de penll faite des armes de Seint George, et a cella un touaill 
ovecq' un petit frontier pur Tautier de velvet vert enbroude 
de perill, Fovrage testes des xii. apostres ensemble, et Tune 
des deux pieces de drap pur un autier enbroudez d'or, quelnx 
j'a achatez a Dameux faiz de n're seignour Dieu et de sa 
tresdouce miere Seinte Marie et des dusz apostres, et tres- 
toutes mes draps d'armes texes d'or pur parcelles q' sont 
faiz de Dieu et de n're dame, except ceulx qui sount alUiours 
en mon testament devisez, et mon vestment rouge de drap 
d'or done la champ satyn et Fovrage angils d'or, ovecq' 
trestoutz parcelles et pieces qe a cele vestm*.*-' appartiegnent, 
en paravant a I'abbe et covent de ycelle monstier, qu'ib 
pur cestes choses me f acent avoir en ycelle monstier de Seint 
Esmond un obitperpetuele a tenir chescune an le jour de mon 

(ix) Monaa- Item, je devise al monstier de n're dame de Nicol 
teryofour ma tierce chalice d'or fait a Burdens qu'ad un 
Lady of crucifix grave desuis la pie et en la patens un 
Lincoln. vemicle grave, ma table d'or en ma chapell, 
la quell table jeo apelle Domesday achatez a Amien et 
mes plus grantez chandeleurs d'or faitz pur ma chapell, 
et mon novell vestment de drap d'or la champe rouge ovez 
des faucons d'or contenant dieux frontiers et ii. touailles 
pur I'autier, un chesible, deux tunicles, trois aubes, trois 
amyttes, ii. estoiles, iii. fanons, iii. copes et un drap pur le 
lettron, et ii. curteins pur I'autier raiez de soi et I'un piece pur 
un autier enbroudez d'or lequel je achetaz a Amienx faitz 
de n're seignour Dieu et de sa tresdouce miere Marie et des 
xii. apostres. 

(x) The Col- Item, jeo devise a le nouvell esglise collegialle 
legiate de n're dame de Leycestre mon rouge vestment 

Church of de velvet enbroudez de solailes d'or ovesq' tres- 
our Lady tout I'appareille a ycelle vestment appurtenante 
o eicester. ^^ ^ ^^j|^ trestouts mes messalx et autres livres de 
ma chapell qe sont del use et ordinale de la esglise cathedrale 
4e Sarum, et qe sont ne serrout aillours en ma vie devisez. 



(xi) Friars Item, jeo devise a Tautier principale des frers 
Carmelites. Cannes en Londre mon veille vestment blank 
de drap d'ore apelle Rakamas, ovecq' tout ceo qe a ycelle 
vestment appurtient ; a celle xv. marcs d' argent en Tonur 
des XV. joyes de n're dame. 

(xii) Friars Item, jeo devise as trois autres ordres des 
Preachers frers en Londres, com as Precheours Minours 
BiUnor. and et Augustins, a chescun ordre x. marcs, dont les 
Augustins. ^^ marcs en Fonur des v. plaiez principalx de 
n're seignour J'hu, et les autres v. marcs en ronur des v. 
joyes de notre dame, 
(xiii) Minor- Item, jeo devise a convent de Minoresses pres 

esses, la tour de Londres cent livres d'argent d'estre 
paie eutre eux. 
(xiv) Her- Item, jeo devise a chescun pov'e heremite et 

mits. recluse aiant maison en Lx)ndres ou dedeins v. 
lieues environ, en quel il demoert, trois nobles, en Tonur de 
la benoit trinite. 

(xv) Nuns. Item, jeo devise a chescun des noneignes denis 
Londres et en les suburbs v. marcs, en r onur des 
V. joies de n're dame, et a les noneignes de ClerkenweU, vint 
livres d'argent. 

(xvi) Lazar Item jeo devise a chescun maison de lepres 
Houses. deins v. leues entour Loimdres charges de v. 
malades, v. nobles, en I'onur de v. plaiz principabc de n're 
seignour J'hu, et a ceulx qe sont meniz charges troice nobles, 
en I'onur de la benoit trinite. 

(xvii) Char- Item jeo devise a chescun maison de Charthous 
terhouses. en Engleterre vint U'. 

Item, jeo devise as prisons de Newgate et Ludgate en 
(xviii) Pris- Loundres cent marcs, pur estre departe par entre 
ons. eulx par mialtz manire come multz leur purra 

profiter solom la descrecion de mes executours. 
(xix) Kath- Item jeo devise a mes trescheer compaigne 
arine, Katerin deux meillor nouches qe j'ay apres le 

Duchess of nouch qe j'ay devise a mon tresredoute seignour 
Lancaster. ^^ newL le Roy, et mon pluis grant hanap d'or 
lequelle le counte de Wyltes donna a Roy mon seignour, 
et il le donna a moy a mon alee en Guyen darreinement 
devant la date du cestes, ensemble ove toutz les hanaps d'or 
qu'ele mesme m'a donne devant ore, lesqueulx serront les 
meins le jour de mon trespassement, et ensemble ovecq' 
trestoutz les femiculs, anelx, diamandes, rubieSi et autre 



choses qe senont trovez en un petit cofre de cypres qe j'ay, 
done jeo porte le dief mon mesmes ; et aussi q'apres ma mort 
serront trovez en ma bource, le quel port mesmes desaz 
moy ensemble, et mon vestment entier de drap d'or, la lite 
et fa sale de sa suyt, ovesq' trestoutz les copes, tapites pur 
le chambre, ^uissins, closet oreillers, drap enbroudes pur la 
sepulcre et toutes autres pieces de la suyt, de qel condidon 
en entaille qe soient, quels je achatay de ma treschere cousyn 
la Duchesse de Northfolk aussi entieiement sang riens eat 
enbeseiller com jeo les avoy de de, dont le champ rouge irette 
d'un noir traille et en chescun place ou qe le frette se joynte 
un rose d'or, en chescun un masde de la frette un tielle lettre 
CD noir, en chescun autre masde un leopard noir, et a cella 
jeo devise mon grant lit de noir vdvet enbroude d'un com- 
passe de ferures, et gartiers, et un turturell en mylieu de les 
compasses avecq' tr^tout les tapites et tapicerie et cuissins 
a ycelle lit ov chambres appurtenantes et a cella jeo le 
devise trestouts mes autres lits faitz pur mon coips, 
appelles en Engleterre trussyng beddes, ove les tapites 
et autres appurtenances, et mon meillour cerf ov le 
bonne rubie, et mon meillour coler ovecq' touts les 
diamandes ensemble, et mon second covertur d'ermyn, et 
deux mes meillors mantils d'ermyn ovecq' les robes de la 
suyt ; et a cella jeo devise a ma dit compaigne trestoutes les 
biens et chateulx de quelconq' natur ou condidon qe soient, 
les queles ele avoit devant les espousailles entre moy et de 
celebres, ovecq' trestoutz les aultres biens et joialx le queulx 
jeo luy ay donne depuis les espousailles suisditz, et le quelx 
biens et joialx sont en la garde de ma dite compaigne nient 
expressez en rinventoire de mes biens. 

(xx) The Item jeo devise a ma tresredoute seigneur et 

King. neveu le Roy le meilliour nouche qe j'avois le jour 

de mon trespassement, et le mein meillour hanap d'or coverez, 
le quel moy donna ma treschere compaigne Katerin le jour 
de Tan renoef darrein passez, et mon saler d'or ovecq' le 
gartir, le coler overez, entour le saler un turturell assis 
desuis le coverde, et a cella xii. draps d'or done la champ 
rouge sat5ni raye d'or, les quelx draps j'avoye ordenuz d'en 
faire un lit, lequel n'est uncore comencez, et un covertur 
d'erm5ni le meillour qe j'ay ovecq' la coverchief de la 
suyte ensembler, et la piece d' arras la quelle le Due de 
Burgoyn me donna a darrein qe jeo estoie a Calays devant 
la date du cestes; 



(xxi) The Item jeo devise a ma trescher frere Due 
York ^^ d'Everwyk mi hanap d'or coverez. 

Item jeo devise a mon treschere filtz Henry 
(aodij The Due de Herford, Counte de Derby, deux les meil- 
^^^^ lours peces drap d'arras que jay outre ceulx 
qu'en especial j'ay en cest mon testament, dount 
Tun me donna mon tresredoute seigneur et neveu le Roy, 
et mon tresame frere le Due de Gloucestr', qui Dieux assoille, 
Tautre au temps qe je retouma darreinement d'Espaine 
devant la date du cestes, et mon grant lit de camaca escnette 
blank et rouge, enbroude d'un arbre d'or et un turturell 
assis desuis I'arbre ovecq' xiiii. tapitz de tapiterie, et a cella 
mon grant lit de draps d or, le champ piers overez des arbres 
d'or, et juxte chescun arbre un alant blank liez a mesme 
I'arbre ovecq' la vestment de la suyt et toutes les tapitez de 
tapiterie faitz a ycell, et en outre jeo ltd devise toutz les 
armures, espies, et dages, qe serront miens le jour de mon 
trespassement except ceulx q'aillos sount devisez ou donnez ; 
et plus outre jeo lui devise iiii. chargeors, deux du^in de 
escuilles et sis saucers d'argent, et a cela jeo lui devise un 
fermaile d'or del veile manere, et escriptz les nons de Dieu 
en chescun part d'ycelle fermaile, la quele ma treshonour 
dame et mier la reigne qe Dieu assoille me donna, en comand- 
ant qe jeo la gardasse ovecq' sa benison, et voille q'il la garde 
ovecq' la benison de Dieu et la mien, 
(xziii) Phil- Item jeo devise a ma treschere fille Phylypp' 
ippa. Queen Roigne du Portugale mon second meillour cerf 
?*^^K^* d'or et un hanap d'or coverez. 
(navjKath- ^^^^ j^ devise a ma treschere fille Katerine 
Queen of Roigne de Chastill et de Lyon un hanap d'or 
Castile and coverez. 

L^^- Item jeo devise a ma treschere fille Elizabeth 

(xxv} Eliza- Duchesse d'Excestre mon blank Ut de soi overez 
beth, des egles bloyes displaies, les curteins de taffeta 

^(diess of blank batuz de la suyte, xiiii. tapitz de tapiterie, 
^*®*^* et mon meillour nouch qe j'ay apres ceulx qe sont 

(xzviljohn. Item jeo devise a mon trescher filtz John 
Marquess of Beaufort Marquis de Dorset deux douzein de 
^^^'"®*' escuilles et un douzein saucers, deux pottes demy 
galons d'argent pur le vin, un hanap d'argent endorrez, 
ii. bacins et ii eauers d'argent. 

Item jeo^ devise a reverent pier en Dieu et mon tresame 



(xxvii) filtz Tevesq' de Nicol iin douzein des escoilles ct 
BU^ of ^^^^^^^ saucers, deux pottes d'aigent de galoos 
Unc^. P*^ ^® vin, un hanap d'aiigent endonez ovecq' 
un hsLcyn et i. eauer d'aiigent, et mon entier 
vestment de velvet jane ovesq' les choses appurtante au cdl 
vestment, et a celle mon messale et mon portheus qe fuient 
a mon seignour mon fiere Prince de Gales qe Dieux assoille. 

(xxviii) Item jeo devise a mon tres chere fitz Thomas 
Thomas Beaufort leur frere im douzein des escuilles et 
Beaufort, ^j douzain saucers, deux pottes d'argent demy 
galons pur le vin, et sis tasses d'argent. 

(xxix) Item jeo devise a ma treschere fille leur seure 
J«»n. Coun- Countesse de Westmorland et dame de Nevyll un lit 
r^Und ^^' de soy et un hanap d'or decovrez, ovecq' un eauer. 

(xxx) Item jeo devise a mon tres chere Henry fitz 

Henry [V] ayzn de mon tres chere filtz le due de Herford, 

(»S?\ .un hanap d'or. Et a mon tresame filtz John, frere 
ofsLifo^S ^^ ^* Henry, filtz de mon dit filtz, un hanap d'or. 

(xxxii) Itcni jeo voille et devise qe si apres costages 

Residuary affairs entour mon corps apres ma mort, et entour 

legacies ; ma sepultur, et entierement plainement accomplez, 

et apres qe trestoutes mes dettes serront paiez et pleniere 

restutcion fait des tortes et injuries par moy et mes ministres 

a mon oeps faitz, et les coustages de mes executours en faisant 

execution du cest mon testament, et auxi mez servitws 

regardes et liveretz regardes a eaulx paiez, et la some gardee 

es mains des executours pur la fundacion des dites chanteries 

et obitz com desuis, adonques de les dettes qe lore me serront 

duz quant ils purront estre levez, soient par mes executurs 

„ ^ ^^ ^, paiez a la suisdite monstier de 

Bury St. Edmund s ; g^^ ^^ j.^^^^^ ^^ ^ ^^ ^^^^ 

Katharine Swynford ; compaigne Katerine deux mils 

Henry. Duke of Hereford ; "^res, a mon dit filtz le Due 

de Hereford mil hvres, a mon dit 

John. Marquis of Dorset ; filtz le Marquis mil livres, a mon 

Thomas Beaufort ; dit filtz Thomas Beaufort mil 

^. ^, ^ , ^ marcs, a mon tres chere bachelier 

Sir Thomas Swynford ; j^^^^,^ j^^^^ Swynneford cent 

Sir Walter Blount ; marcs, a Mons'r Waut' Blount, 

Sir Hugh Shiriey ; M^^s;r Chamblayn cent marcs, a 

Mons r Hugh Shireley cent marcs, 
Sir Richard i\burbury ; ^ Mons'r Ric' Aburbury le fils cyn- 

Sir waiiam Par ; quant marcs, a Mons'r Wyllyam 

Par cynquant marcs de mon 


dev)^, issint touz voiez que se atant ne puissent lors estre 
leues des dictes dettes residues, adonques de cest mon devys 
soit rebsttemcnt a chescun person de Tafferant par ordinances 
et discrecion de mes executours. 

Item jeo voille, ordenne, et devise, qe de 
(xxxiii) A mes biens et chateulx mes executours lacent 
st^tfv**^ ordenner et establer en la novel esglise de n're 
L^owto"'' Dame de Leycestre un chanterie de deux chapel- 
for the soul leins a celebrer divines services en yceU a toutz 
of the Duke ;jours pour moy, et m'alme et I'alme de ma nad- 
DuchMs^* gaies tresame compaigne Dame Constances illeou- 
ConstMce; Q^^ enterres, et pur tenir et faire tenir en la 
an obit for oiste esglise un obit pur I'alme de ma dite nadgairs 
Duchess compaigne le xxiiii* jour de Mars annuelement as 
onMSi toutz jours. 

^s^ly, ^ Et qe a ceo faire et sustenir perpetuelement 
mes ditz executours par Tavys de gents de loy 
de mes biens facent sufficantment endower la susdite esglise 
pur le sustentacion de les chanteries et obits suisditz. 

Item com ensi soit qe de I'annuite ou pension 
t^^^rrewB ^"^^^^ ^® quarant mil frankes en la quell m'este 
of ^he^ tenuz mon tresame filtz le Roy de Chastiell et de 
tribute from Lion certens summes sont oncore a derier nient 
Spain one- paiez, non especial ordenuz d'estre paiez a moy, 
K^ ^on^^ ^® ^ ^^ procures a mon oeps, si voille et devise 
recovery. 4^ ^^ toutz ces tiells sommes par mon dit filtz 
einsi a moy duez nient paier, ne uncore ordenuz 
par espedale d'estre paiez a mon oeps, mon tres sovereigne 
le Roy ait le tierce dernier de ceo qe per son sovereigne aide 
en serra recouvrez par mes executours, et derement restez 
oustre les coustages et expensez. 

Item jeo devise voille et ordeigne imprimerement 
'«Sue^* ®^ principalement de trestouts mes biens et 
any)"to be chateulx soient trestoutz mes dettes pleinement 
expended acquites, et les extorcions tortz et injuriez 
for the par moy et mes minist-es a mon oeps [faitz restorez 
Suke's^so^* et amendez solom la aescrecion de mes executours, 
* et les coustages resonables entour mon corps 
del jour de mon trespassement jusques au temps que ma 
sepulture et les coustages de mon entierement serront accom- 
plez, depuis de la residue de mes biens soient mes servitours 
regardez solom la discrecion de mes executours, et les suisdits 
mes legats accomplez et parformez par les dit mes executours 



n ftvut OQflu ils AWQot de tpof de ows bicos et 
etkioidDedeiiMtUaiset du^nlz rimlky 

ieo voiDe qne pir nes ftieoulwire aoit dolose pur 
t pins proiitaMkfiieiif qa'ib c& MTeraot devises* 

(nsvi) Ar- I^^^^ ^^0^ ^ ^^ eomiiie des Imicp dd '< 
neftotfOie peoaoD des qwnoit mille Inno^ a may et d( 
te^etomdeie memoir la suisdtle C4wwtamoe qomi i 
^^*™' viveit maoam»%iie, filfeetheirde deremenuir 
IVtie jadjw Roy de Castiu et de Leoo, a tenme de i« 
vie dek dicte Cooslaiioe km macampaigiie et dePaatiedeanB 
survivaiit, yaotei copstitoe et snlimjwmmt pfaatyspv k 
poismiit Pjmioe Joban jtidys Roy de Qotill et oe Lyon et de 
rartagale per oocaskm dranemys aooocdes tnnwaocion et 
amicsEfe oooqxMicioQ SOT ks diois de loialmes de CastiD et de 
Leon, Tokte» Gafide^ Sevfle^ Cofdnbetf Mmtgr, Gkon, d*Al- 
nrve et Alg^osiie, et de ks sejgnooiies de Lsiot, Biacayi et 
Molyiie fstts paientre k dit Johan jadys Roy de CastiDetde 
Leon et dn Pwtqgak et moy et Constance jms ma qwnpajgnr 
soiadite, si com phns an pkme est contemis en kttees et 
instraments ofaligatoiys sor ks traktus^ oanqxxnckasy et 
transacctoos ent kites, ks qodox ktres et instnmieiits jeo 
voiDe icy avoir por inserteesi pksoiini sommes des fraaqi 
a moy nottairement soieat dns et remalgneat nienti paiei^ 
Jeo voOk, ocdemie et devise qe mes eiecotowi desoobs escri^ 
que ks ccmq's sommes des feascs por qudoonq's ans teiBies 
et temps aderier estieants, en touts lieiis et en qudkxmoq' s 
lieu qe ce soit, demandant, exigent, et levent de quelconq'z 
persones et person de les queles les ditz sommes des franoqs 
doient estre demandez exiges ou kves, par toutes voies, 
manere et forme meilliours qe purront yceulxmes execatoois, 
et leur serra avys qe serra pluis expedient de faire, solom 
tout force, fourme, et effect de les letres et instrumentz 
obligacions des quelx mencion est fait desuis ; et de cest mon 
testament et darrein volunte, a Texecution d'ycelles bien et 
loialement faire jeo face, ordeine et constitue les reverents 
Executors P^^^ ®^ ^^^ Richard Evesq' de Saresbure, Johan 
' Evesq' de Wyrcestr' mes tres chere et tresames 
cousyn et compaignons Thomas Count de Wyrcestre, seneschale 
del housteU de mon tresredoute Seigneur le Roy, et Wyllyam 
Count de Wyltes, tresorer d'Engleterre, mon tresame filtz 
Rauf Coimt ae Westmerland, Mons'r Waltier Blownt, Mons'r 
Johan Dabruggecourt, Mons'r Wyll5^am Par, Mons'r Hugh 
War'ton, Mons'r Thomas Skelton, et Johan Cokeyn, chief 



seneschall de mes terres et possessions, Sir Rob't Qwytby 
mon attomee general!, Piers Melbum, Willyam Keteryng^ 
Robert Haytfield, countreroUour de mon hostiell, Sir Jdian 
Legbum mon receviour generall et Thomas Longley derk^ 
mes executours, donant a eux et a chesom d'eubc plein pouar 
et auctorite de trestoutz mes biens et chateulx administrer 
et de toute ceo faire executier qe as bons executours par qud- 
conqe voie resonable et justifiable il appartient, premierement 
et enespedaleparmanierecom jeo lour a devyse desuis, et en 
autre com lour tres sage discredon et bone consdence leyr 
purra sembler qe mieultz soit pur moy affaire et pur la service 
de Dieu et de sa tresdouce miere Marie, ayantz mes ditz 
executours de mes biens lour coustages resonables droit come 
par loure fait ils voillent respondre devant Dieu le haut jour 
de justice. 

(xxxvii) Item, pur ceo qe auscun foiz un des executours 
deputez al testatour qi mort est nient sachant, les autres 
executours, mes de tout ignorantz, pur son singuler profit 
recevant des grantez sommes dues a son testatour certein 
pur certie, et ascun foiz la meindre partie apliant et conver- 
tant a son propre oeps, ad remys la residue d'icelles sommes 
frauddousment et contre bone consdence et graunt prejudice 
del testatour et de ses executours et en graunt peril d'alme 
de tid frauddens, et de mal ensample des plusours, pur ceo 
pur eschuir tid &aude, voille jeo ordenne et despone et aussi 
charge mes dit executours qe nulle d'eux sans consaile» 
voulente consent auxi et assent expresse dd greindre partie 
des ditz executours de et sur grandes et grosses sonunes de 
monnoyes, ne face acquittances generalles ne particuliers a 
nulz, ne aucun acquite delivre ou absolve : mes que mes 
ditz executours ne facent le contraire ; je a done et reserve 
toutes et qudconq' povoir en celle partie. Et pur survoier 
et faire veir q'ils ensi ferront jusques al complisement de ces 
mes darrennsvoulontes jeo prieet a mon tres redoute seignour 
tres humblement jeo supphe come a mon Roy et sovereigne 
seignour terrien en qui devant touts autres jeo me pluis a&ce, 
qu'il de sa incomparable bontes et en accomplissement de ses 
gnidousez promesses les qels de sa noble seignorie il m'a 
fait, en ceo case luy please me estre bon seigneur et du cest 
mon testament soverein surveoire et comandoir, que soit lesse 
ne changee ceo que jeo paramont ay devise ; et apres luy 
son treshonourable estat et honoure tout jour sauvez, jeo 
face surveoirs de mesme le fait mon trescher et tresentiere- 



ment bien aime frere Esmon Doc d'EvenvTk, mon trescher et 
tvesentienment bien ame nevea Edward Due d'Aumade, 
k ties leverentz i»ers en Diea Rog^ erchevesque de Cantir- 
bme, Ric' ercbevesqoe d'Everwyk et le reverent pier en Diea 
revesqoe de Nkxde mon tiesame filt2 ; en priant a mes 
soisditz frere natniel et nevea, qui de reason et de nature 
me deossient estie phiis procheins amys, et as ditz ties 
leverents |neis en Diea et mon tresame filtz, com a mes 
penes espiiitneb qi de reson et d'esprituelte me deossent estie 
e^iritoelx amys, q'ils, ovesq' mon tres redoute seignor k 
Roy sosdit, son honor toatzdis sauvez, me voillent estre boDS 
sorveoiis de mon dit testament, et s'il eu busoigne par k 
meilUoar de moy en comfort de mes executoors saisdits, co- 
mandent et ordenent coadjutors, que pur necgligence, non- 
chalur, male talent, n'autre defaute, cestes mes dits volentes, 
ordennances, et darreins devys ne soient par voie de monde 
lessez, ne en autre manere que par dessous est escript changies, 
ne toames, come ils voillent respondre devant luy qa'cest 
Roy de toutz roys, et ad le seurveue de toutz terriens faits 
et pensez pur quelx il rendre guerdon a chescun solom son 
desert. En foy et tesmoignance de trestouts cestes choses 
pur dessus escripts com a ceste mon testament j'ay fait mettie 
mon scale de mes armes, de quelle cele pur greincu-e conissanz 
et affirmance de mon propre fait j'ay mesme mys en le dorce 
mon signett quele je porte toutes jours mon mesmes, le jour 
et an suisditz, et les gentz desoub escriptz en ay requis de 
les tesmoigner, c'est assavoir mestre Johan Kynyngham 
doctour en theologie, Sir Johan Neuton parson de I'esglise de 
Burback) Sire Wautier Piers, person de I'esglise de Wymond- 
ham, Wyllyam Harpeden et Robert Symeon escuiers. 

Subscripcio, Et ego Johannes de Bynbrok, presbyter, Lin- 
coln' dioc' publicus apostolica et imperiale auctoritate nota- 
rius, una cum reverendis et discretis viris fratre Johanne 
Kyningham in theologia professore, D'no Johanne Newton 
rectore ecclesie paroch' de Burbach et Waltero Piers rectore 
ecclesie paroch' de Wymondham, et Willo Harpeden et 
Roberto Simeon armigeris, Norwyc' Lincoln' et Exon' dioc', 
Anno Domini, mense, et die supradict' indiccione septima 
pontificis sanctissimi in X'to patris et domini nostri domini 
Bonifacii divina providencia pape noni anno decimo, praesens 
interfui ubi et quando illustrissimus princeps et dominus 
Johannes filius Regis AngUae Lancastr' Dux supradict' in 
camera infra castrum suum Leycestr' situat diet' Lincoln' 



dioc', personaliter existens in manibus suit tenuit presentem 
dcripturam superscriptam, et ipsam in testim' superius 
sescriptos ad hoc specialiter vocatos et rogatos, et mei pre- 
senciapalam et publice fatebatur et expresse dixit suum esse 
testamentum, acsuumprotunc ultimam continere voluntatem, 
quam quidem scripturam sivi testamentum una cum quodam 
codicello eidem scripture inferius annexe voluit et vult juxta 
ipsorum tenorem et effectiun fieri et compleri, eaque sicut 
praemittitur fieri vidi et audivi ac de mandate ejusdem 
principis ac ducis hie me subscribendo ac signum meum hie 
apponendo consuetum, in hanc publicam formam redegi 
rogatus et requisitus in fidem et testimonium praemissorum 
intertinear' ilUas diccionis auires super undedmam lineam, 
ac rasuras illius dictionis ordre in tricesima quarta linea et 
illarum dictionum (et ks coustages resonables entour mon 
corps del jour de mon trespassement jusques au temps de 
ma sepulture) in sexagesima quarta linea, praesentis testa* 
menti approbo, ego Johannes notarius antedictus.- 


It'm, la ou jeo Johan filtz du roy d'Engleterre, Due de 
Lancastre, ay purchacez et fait purchacer a mon oeps diversez 
seignouries, manoirs, terrez, tenements, rentes, services, 
possessions, et advoesons des benefices de seint esglise, ove 
lours appurtenances, des quelx devant les esposailles d'entre 
moi et ma tresame compaigne Katerine celebrees, jeo luy a 
fait doner aucunes parceUes a avoir a termede sa vie, et d'au- 
cunes parceUes j'ay fait enfeffer mon tresame filtz Johan 
Beaufort Marquis de Dorset a avoir a lui et a ses heirs de son 
corps issantz, solom la contenue des feffements sur ceo 
faitz, et d'aucunes autres parceUes sont de ma ordinance 
diversez personez enfeffez, au f3nie qu'ilz doient as autres 
feoffement ou feoffements faire a ma volente, ordinance, et 
devys, quand ils serront achetez, et a ceo de par moy requis, 
si ay jeo fait faire ceste cedule annexe a yceste mon testa- 
ment contenante ma darreine et entier volente toucheant 
les suisditz seignouries, manoirs, terres, tenementz, rentes, 
services, possessions, reversions et advoesons, ove lour appur- 
tenances, laqueUe ma volunte jeo voiUe que soit a toutz 
convee et effectuelement accomplee en toutes pointz, des 
quelx jeo ne ferra autre ordenance en ma vie. Et est tiel 
ma ordenance et devys : Premierement jeo voiUe que toutz 
les seignoiries, manoirs, terres, tenementz, rentes, services, 

433 FF 


possessions, reversions et advoesons, ove lour appurtenances, 
par manere que desuis purchases et com desus donnes 
et grantez a ma dite compaigne a avoir a terme de sa vie, re- 
maignent a ele tuit entierement solonque Teffecte et puipous des 
douns et graunts a ele faitz, la reversion d'ycelles que de ma 
ordenance sont taillez per fyn ou autrement, toutz foiz 
remaignent a celuy ou a ceulx a qui ou as quelx ils sont taillez. 
Et que la reversion de toutes autres seignouries, manoirs, terres, 
tenementz, rentz, services, possessions, reversions, et avoesons, 
ove lours appurtenances, es quelx ma dite compaigne a estate 
a terme de sa vie, et lesquells ne sont de ma ordeignance 
taillez, soient donnez a mon trescher filz Thomas B^ufort 
frere du devant dit Johan, ensemble et avecque la reversion 
de toutz les seignouries, manoirs, terres, tenementz, rentz, 
services, possessions, reversions, et avoesons, ove leurs appurte- 
nances, que furent a Edward de Kendale, laquele reversion 
j'ay fait purchacer de Dame Elizabeth Croiser, et les seignou- 
ries, manoirs, terres, tenementz, rentz, services, possessions, 
reversions, et avoesons, ove leurs appurtenances qe Dame 
Elizabeth Barry tient a terme de sa vie, a avoir au dit Thomas 
et a ses heirs deson corps issants; et pur defaut d'issue audit 
Thomas, la remeindre au dit Johan et a ses heirs de son corps 
issants; etpur defaut d'issue de dit Johan le remeindre a ma 
tresame fille Johane leur seur countesse de Westm'land et a 
ses heirs de son corps issant ; et pur defaut d'issue de dit 
Johane la remeindre a mes drois heirs q'ils serront heirs et 
heritage de Lancastre. 

Item, jeo voille que Tavant dit Johan Beaufort mon filtz 
ait a luy et a ses heirs de son corps issants toutes les seignouries, 
manoirs, terres, tenementz, rentz, services, possessions, re- 
versions, et avoesons ove lour appurtenances que de ma 
ordinance luy sount donnez solom Teffect et purpoys de doun 
et grant a luy ent faiz. 

Item jeo voille que les certeines terres et tenementz en la 
cyte de Londres a mon oeps nadgairs purchacez d'une Dame 
Katerine del Staple en rendant a ele vint marcs per an a terme 
de sa vie soient per le coungie de n're tressovereigne seignour 
le Roy donnez a un chanterie a estre fundie des deux chapel- 
leins, a celebrer devines services en Tesglise cathedrale de 
Seint Poule du Londres pur les almes de moy et de ma tres- 
cheer nadgairs compaigne Blaunch, que Dieux assoille, queUe 
chanterie jeo voiUe que mes executours facent founder en 
meilliour manere des biens que serront les miens le jour de 



mon trespassement, si jeo ne face fonder et ordenier en ma 

Item jeo voille que mon trescher bachelier Mons Robert 
Nevill, Wyllyam Gascoigne, mes treschers esquiers Thomas 
de Radclyf and Wyllyam Kat'yng et mon trescher clerk 
Thomas de Langley, qui de ma ordenance sunt enfeffez en 
manoir de Bemolswyk en counte d'Everwyk, facent an- 
nuelement paier a mes executours pur outre a Tavant 
dit Dame Katerine del Staple les suisdites vint marcs par an 
a terme de sa vie, et outre ce facent les ditz enfeffez paier des 
issues suisditz a mes ditz executours autres vint marcs per 
an a estre per eulx outre paiez as deux chapelleins celebrantz 
divines services en la dit esglise cathedrale de Seint Poule pur 
m'alme et Talme de ma dite jadis compaigne Blanch a un 
aultre jour le leu de n're sepulture tanq' a temps que serra 
illeoucq' fondue et endowe un chanterie perpetuele de deux 
chapeUeins a celebrer divines services pur les almes de moy 
et de ma dite nadgairs compaigne Blanch. Et outre ceo 
paient les ditz enfeffez as dits executours autielle sonune per 
an de laquele sonmie ils purront faire annuelement estre 
celebrees deux obitz en la dit esglise de Seint Poule, c'est 
assavoir un obit pur moy le jour de mon trespassementet un 
autre obit pur ma dit nadgairs compaigne Blaunchledouzisme 
jour de Septembre d'an en an, tanque au temps que terres, 
tenementz, rentz ou autre su£E[sant possessions soit donne et 
amortize pur la peipetuelement sustenacion des ditz obitz. 
Et voille que la residue des ditz issues soit paie a mes ditz 
executours pour outre paies en partie de paiement de la 
sustenance de deux chapeUeins celebrantz services divines 
en la novelle esglise coUegiale de n're Dame de Leycestre, 
pur m'alme et Talme de ma treschiere nadgairs compaigne 
Dame Constance illeouquesentierree,et purun obit a celebrer 
illeoques pur I'alme de ma dite nadgairs compaign Constance 
le vint et quart jour de Mars d'an en an, tanque au temps que 
en la suisdit novell esglise coUegialle serront sufficientement 
fonduz un chanterie perpetuele de deux chapelleins a celebree 
divines services pur Yshne de moy et de ma dit nadgairs 
compaigne Constance illeouques enterree, et aussi un obit pur 
I'alme de le a celebrer perpetuelement le jour de Mars suisdit. i 

Adonques soit estate faite du dit manoir a mon tresame 
filtz aizne Henry Due de Herford, et a ses heirs de son corps, 
et pur defaute d'issue de dite Henry la remeindre a mes 
droitz heirs. 



Item touchant les wapentakes de Hangest, Hangwest et 
Halykeld en Rychmondschir, les queulx j'ay devaunt ore 
faite grantier a mon tresame filt£ en ley Raufe Counte de 
Westmerlande et a ma tresame fille Johane sa compaigne, 
a avoir a terme de leurs vies, jeovoille qu'ils les aient a eolx 
et a lems heirs malz de lour corps issantz, et pur defant 
d'issue de heir male de lour corps la remeindre a I'avant dite 
Johan mon filz et a ses heirs de son corps issants, et pur de- 
faut d'issue de dite Johan la remeindre a dit Thomas et a ses 
heirs de son corps issants, et pur defaut d'issue de dit Thomas 
la remeindre au dit Johane et a ses heirs de son corps issauts, 
et pur defaute d'issue de dit Johane la remaindre a mes droiz 
heirs de Yancastre. 

Item jeo voille que toutz aultres seignories, manoirs, 
terres, tenementz, rentz, services, possessions, reversions, 
et avoesons ove leurs appurtenances a mon oeps purchases 
et remaignants uncore es mains des enfeffez pur moy a ceo 
ordennes, soient apres ma mort si jeo ne face autre ordenance 
en ma vie, donnez a I'avant dit Thomas mon filtz, a avoir a 
luy et a ses heirs de son corps issants, et pur de&iute 
d'issue de son corps issants la remeindre a I'avant dit 
Johan son frere et a ses heirs de son corps issants, et pur 
defaute d'issue de dit Johan la remaindre a la suisdite Johane 
leur seur, et a ses heirs de son corps issants, et pur defaute 
d'issue de la dite Johane la remaindre a mes droits heirs que 
serront heirs del heretage de Lancastre ; voillantz toutz voies 
que toutes ycestes mes voluntees, ordinaunces et devys en ceste 
cedule comprys soient toutz accompliez per ceulx que averont 
Testate et povoir, et per I'avys ordenancesetconseillede genti 
de ley en le pluis sur manere que en ceo puna ordenner. 



Appendix II 


Ceux sont les ordenances de les trois batailles et de les deux 
eles du batsdile du Roy a son primer viage en Escoce Tan de 
son r^ne noefisme; 

En l'avantgarde 

Monsr. de Lancastre m hommes d'armes iii™ archiers. 

Le Conte de Bukyngham cccc hommes d'armes viii*' archiers. 
Le Conte Mareschall et de 

Notyngham cc hommes d'armes ccc archiers. 

En la bataille du Roy 

Le Tynell du Roy viii« hommes d'armes ii™ archiers. 

Monsr de Cantebrigg d hommes d'armes cc archiers. 

Le Conte d'ArundeU cxl hommes d'armes cc archiers. 
Le Conte de Warrewyk cxl hommes d'armes ccc archiers. 
Le Conte de Stafford cxx hommes d'armes cc archiers. 
Le Conte d'Oxenford cxx hommes d'armes cc archiers. 
Le Conte de Sar" 1 hommes d'armes cxx archiers. 

Le Chanceller Ix hommes d'armes iiii'W archiers. 

Le Tresorer xl hommes d'armes xl archiers. 

Le Gardein du prive seal XXX hommes d'armes xxx archiers.' 
Le Seneschall del 'ostell du 

Roy xxx hommes d'armes xxx archiers. 

Le Sire du Roos xx hommes d'armes xxx archiers. 

Le Sire de Beaumont xxx hommes d'armes xl archiers. 
Le Sire de Wylughby 1 hommes d'armes Ix archiers. 

Mons. Johan Lovell 1 

Mons. William Botreaux j-c hommes d'armes cc archiers. 
Le Sire de Seymour J 

Mons. Johan Deveros 1 hommes d'armes iiii'W archiers. 

Mons. Symon Burley xx hommes d'armes xxx archiers. 
LeSiredefferersdeGrobyxx hommes d'armes xx archiers. 
Le Sire de Har3mgton xxx honmies d'armes Ix archiers. 
Mons. Thomas Tryvet xx hommes d'armes xx archiers. 


Maheu Goumay xx hommes d'i 
L. Aubrey de Veer xx hommes d'a 
L'ewque d'Everwyk hommes d'i 

Venoit apres rordenance faite< 

£t est assavoir q'U covient avoir deux dfii pur la 
fcfitujm de la somme susdite come ensuyt. 

Ex UL B£s uncrsB 

Montr de Cantebrigi d imiBieB d'wnom cc McUMi 
Lovdl Botreuut Soratoor • bommeft d aimes cc' * ' 
. Le Siie de Wyhii^by 1 imiiBM d'aimee fac 

Em l4 blb siNBsnB 

Le Omte de Wwaewyk cxl bonunes d'armes ooc aidiin: 
Le Omte de Stafford csx hommes d'annes cc aidnat. 
Le Oianceller be bommes d'annes iii^^itiiiaii 

En L4 Rbsgardb 

Le Conte de Northmnbr* cooc bommesd'armesoooc ardiieis. 

Le Conte de Deveneshire be hommes d'armes be axcfaieis. 

Le Sire de NevQl cc hommes d'armes ^ccc ardiieis. 

Mons. Henrv Percy c hommes d*armes c archiers. 

Le Sire de Oifiord xl hommes d*amies be archieis. 
Le Sire de la Zouche de 

Haryngworth xxx hommes d'armes xxx archiers. 
Mons. Amory Seint Amant xvi hommes d'armes xxiiii archiers. 

Le Sire de Berkele xxiiii hommes d'armes xxx archiers. 

Mons. Thomas Percy Teisne be honmies d'armes be archiers. 

L'evesque de Duresme hommes d'armes archiers. 
Venoit apres Tordenance. 


Le primer le Conestable et Mareschall sanz plus. 

Le Tynell du Roy ....... i. 

Monsr de Lancastre ....... i. 

Les deux eles de la bataille du Roy . . . i. 

Les autres contes et baneretz du bataille le Roy . . ii. 

La tierce bataille ii: 

La nombre des gens d'armes iiii "* ccccc iiii " x.\ par Torden- 
La nombre des archiers ix vii ** iiii / nance du Roy 

Dount en Tavantgarde m. cccccc honmies d'armes et des 
archiers iiii" c. 



Et en la bataille du Roy ii°^ iii" hommes d'armes et des 

archiers iii ™ ix <* iiii = 
Et en la reregarde ix « xxx hommes d'armes et des archiers 

m. Ixiiii. 

I This is froin Cotton Nero, D. vi. 1 916 and 92a. There are ei^ht 
other MSS. purporting to give the same thing in thr British Maseum 
alone, viz. : {i)Add Ms, 29901. 1 36-7 (fifteenth century) ; (2) Cotton Jul, 
B, i. f. 956-96 (early sixteenth century) ; (3) Cotton Dom. xviii. f. 32-3 
(sixteenth century); (4) Stowe 140. f. 1506 (sixteenth century); 
(5) Stowe 531. f. 2966 (seventeenth century) ; (6) Harl. 1309. f. 39-40 
(eighteenth century) ; (7) Harl. 369, f. 92-3 (sixteenth century) ; (8) 
Add MS, 57 s8, f. 226 (seventeenth century). 

The text of the first five is French ; of the last three English. 

The two printed by Sir H. Nicolas in Archaeolopa, vol. xxii. p. 16 
(viz. : (5) and (7) above) are obviously of no authority. 

Mr. Williams in his edition of La Chronicque du TraUon st Mori de 
Richard II (p. 239 note), printed a similar text from Latin MS. 6,409 
Bibliotheque de Roi : the figures there given differ slightly from the 
above and the text contains se\'eral obvious corruptions. 

Cotton Nero, D. vi. appears to be the most authoritative text. 



Appendix III 


The Earl of Derby. 

The Earl of Nottingham. 

Lord Roos. 

Lord Neville. 

Lord Dacre. 

Lord WeUes. 

Sir Michael de la Pole. 

Sir Richard le Scrope. 

Sir John Marmion. 

Sir Robert Knolles. 

Sir Richard Abbirbury. 

Sir Esmon Apleby. 

Sir John de Assheton. 

Sir Nicholas Atherton. 

Sir Richard de Baldreston. 

Sir Thomas Banastre. 

Sir Robert Barry. 

Sir William Beauchamp. 

Sir Thomas Beaumond. 

Sir Thomas Beck. 

Sir Baldwyn Bereford. 

Sir Walter Blount. 

Sir John Boseville. 

Sir Thomas Boseville. 

Sir John BotiUer. 

Sir Ralf Braysbrugg. 

Sir William Breteville. 

Sir John Bromwych. 

Sir Richard Bureley. 

Sir John Busshe. 

Sir William Cantelowe. 

Sir Robert Charles. 

Sir Roger Cheynee. 

Sir Robert Clifton. 

Sir Thomas Colshall. 



Sir Thomas Colvyll. 

Sir John Croyser. 

Sir William Croyser (Sieward). 

Sir Roger Curson* 

Sir John d'Aubrecicourt. ' 

Sir Thomas Dale. 

Sir John de Dalton. 

Sir Thomas Daventre. 

Sir Philip Denys. 

Sir John Dodyngsels. 

Sir John Dymmok. 

Sir John Dypre {the father. Chiefs of the 

Sir John Dypre {the son). 
Sir Thomas de Erpyngham: 
Sir Juan Fernandez, 
Sir William FiUwilUara, 
Sir Thomas Fitzsyinond 
Sir Thomas Fogg. 
Sir Godfrey Foliambe. 
Sir William Framik. 
Sir Esmon de Frithby. 
Sir Thomas Fychet. 
Sir Otes Graunson. 
Sir Henry Grene. 
Sir Henry Grey of Codenore. 
Sir John Gniivre* 
Sir Frank van Hale. 
Sir Thomas Harecourte; 
Sir Ralf Hastynge. 
Sir Robert Hanley; 
Sir William Hanley. 
Sir Richard de Havering. 
Sir Nichol Has^vood. 
Sir Robert de Herford. 
Sir John Herlee. 
Sir Richard de Hoghton; 
Sir William de Hoghton; 
Sir Richard Hoc. 

Sir Thomas Hungerfoni {the father): 
Sir Thomas Hungerford {the son). 
Sir Thomas Ildreton. 
Sir Richard Kyghley. 



Sir Nichol de Longfoni 

Sir John de Loadham. 

Sir Gcraid da Loimde; 

Sir William de Lossy. 

Sir Andrew Lottcrelb 

Sir Maubnroi de Lmieres, 

Sir John Namets; 

Sir Thomas de la Mare, 

Sir Thomas Marchrngton; 

Sir Williajn Mauleverer, 

Sir Thomas de Mcthanig 

Sir Thomas Means. 

Sir Thomas Morieoi. 

Sir Baldwyn Monfordi 

Sir Richard Northlondi 

Sir Roger North wode. 

Sir Phiiip de Okovere: 

Sir Rail Pa>Tiell. 

Sir Hans Pajnewydu 

Sir John Payton. 

Sir Jolm Pecche, 

Sir Walter PcnkergardeJ 

Sir John Plaj^es. 

Sir Ralf de Radedift 

Sir Robert Roos. 

Sir David RoccUf. 

Sn- Richard Rouclif {ike faiker)i 

Sir Richard Rouclif {ike son)i 

Sir John de Rocheford. 

Sir John de Rondon. 

Sir Thomas de Routhei 

Sir John Scott 

Sir John Sentder. 

Sir Matthew Senchess 

Sir John Seyntlowe 

Sir John Seyville. 

Sir John Seyton.- 

Sir William SkargilL 

Sir Nicholas de Shamsfdd: 

Sir Thomas de Soatheworthi 

Sir Ralf Stanley. 

Sir Robert Staiid5^e; 

Sir John Stramige: 



Sir Robert Swylyngton (Chamberlain). 


oho Swynton, 

Sir Thomas Symond- 

Sir John Talbot. 

Sir John Thomebury. 

Sir Richard Torbok. 

Sir Thomas Travels. 

Sir Roger de Trumpinrton. 

Sir WOtiam de TunstaL 

Sir Walter Ursewyk (Master]of Spnrts and 

Sir Gerard de Usflet. 
Sir Thomas Wamiesley; 
Sir Geoflfrey de Workesleyj 
Sir Richard de Whitefeld; 

Hugh de Amiesley. 
Thomas de Aynfreson. 
Riduird de Aston. 
William Bagote; 
Edward Banastre. 
Thomas Barley* 
Oliver de Barton, 
William de Barton, 
John Bathe. 
Philip Baynard. 
Edward Beanchampj 
Thomas Berkeley. 
Robert Beyville. 
Robert Blakewell. 
William BloumehiU. 
John Bolton, 
Robert Boulot, 
Thomas de Braddeley. 
William de Bradeshawe. 
John Brenchelee. 
Roger de Burelay. 
Wifiiam Burgoyn. 
Thomas de Burton: 
John Care. 

Robert de Caimsefeld; 
William Chetewynd: 
John Collepepir. 



JoMi dft Dmiooiirtib 
Thonits de Ikybyi 
Tliomtt dfr DiyMdi 

Thonas wEeton: 

Rribert de Ecfcstoo: 

Rog er de WUtoo: 

Wmm Fifide. 

Robert Fiteani 

Plen Frank. 


Waxyn Freedak: 

William Gadoigi 

Plan Gebkaen. 

Edward GefDeige. 

Thomas GcrfB: 

Jobn Gj^ffaid; 

tiraUam atte HaUe: 

Ritt^ Haywode. 

Robert de Hayteielde 

WUHam Haybere. 

William Hervy. 

Thomas de Hesulden {ConiroUer of ih$ 

Richard de Holand; 
William Holme; 
John Holt. 
John de Halford; 
Thomas de Holfoids 
John de Kendale. 
William Keteryng: 
John de Kirkeby. 
Nicholas Kynbell {Chief Butler). 
Hugh Lottciell. 
William Marschall. 
Thomas Mamideville: 
Thomas Maistreson. 
John Mautravers: 
Richard Blassy; 



Piers de Melbourne: 

Roger Mess3mgham5 

Richaxd Mikelfeld. 

John Moresam. 

Symkyn Molyneux, 

Robert de Morton. 

John Myniott 

Adam de Neusom. 

John Newmarche 

William Nessefield. 

William de Notion: 

James Orell. 

Walter Oliver. 

William Overbury. 

Robert de Pylkyngton; 

William Par. 

Stephen Pulham. 

WiUiam Paumes. 

Richard Perrers. 

Roger de Pyrtons 

Henry ap Phelipe. 

Robert Pershay. 

John de la Pole of Hcrtington: 

Roger Perewyche. 

William de Quemeby; 

Lowys Recouchez. 

Henry Roose. 

John Rous. 

Thomas Roos* 

Piers Roos. 

John Reynald (Master Cook): 

Robert de Rokkeley. 

William Randolf. 

John de Roudon. 

John de Rixton. 

Richard de Rixton. 

Alfonso Senche. 

John Skargill. 

John Skogan; 

John de Southenon. 

William de Staines. 

John Strange. 

Hamond Strange; 


Robert de Stanfeld^W 

WiiUam de Suddebuny. 

John Synnes. 

Symkyn Symeon. 

Thomas Swynford. 

William de Swyllyngton. 

John Stynt. 

John Tayleboys* ■ 

Thomas de Tniwennok of ComwalL 

John Topelyf. 

Piers Tebaud* m 

Thomas Tutbmy, 

Elys de Thursby, 

Henry Warde, 

John Wanndesford, 

Hugh de Waterton, 

Richard de Wirley 

Robert de Workesley. 

John Wrenche. 

John White, 

t This list. wHch does not pretend to be exh^ustive^represeiits the 
Oako'H retinue roughly between 1572 and 1382. Tlie list entitled 

"Nomina Milit et Scuiiit^" i 6 and 7 ot the second part at tht 
R*giatuT haa been supplemented from indentures of service* warrants 
to pay fees and wages, etc., in the Register II, L 8-13 a£id passim* 
The new names given in the confirmation o( the Duke*s retainers {RU. 
Pal. 32 Ric. II. part 3) have not been added. Many gaps were made 
n the ranks by the invasioa of Castile in 1387. 


O^ es •^ 

•§•8 ^q ^ Y? rs 

O O^ 

O ocsooo O O 

CI « 









O ^ I ^o o 
O •*> too O 

Ooo O O 


00 00 OVO 

00 M 


&:? 5- 8» S ^^2^ "^^ "^ 

^ 1^ « »-• 


<^ 00 tng 1 
00 O'.yo V. 'I 






Ooo O 


N. ^ 




1 o« 



o>o O 

00 *nO «*> 






8:? 8S 


On«*>0 -^ 
CI ** w 

SO «n 



o o 


\9^yio o o 00 
^ ^- *. w^ o o >o 


O w% 
O ^ 

O Wt ■ 




"« .§ ii 

•I -I •III 

A o ft ^ 3 .5 


ScCU "O 0) o t? •>►* 

1:2 ;c s^"^ .. 

Is ^ 


00 O 

^O o 



O O t^O 

'♦'♦'So 00 




<o O 


>0 w%tn 



ff>\0 o>o 

00 00 M 

•♦ ►• 





so HI ro 

o o « «♦ 

C« l-i l-i M 




00 O 

♦ oo 



O t^O 

^Hl W% 00 





w>0 O 



82 = S 

«*>woo 1 SO 





^ ^ 

t o 





1 1 

1 1 1 

\0 «^*n 

«o 1 ro 

1 1 1 1 

1- l°l 

00 > c« 





1 - 

? 8 

^ s 







s a ^ § S 



I t4 





1^1 2 I" 



^ BO •-• ^ 

•3 5 - • 


en 3 

Xi Q H 


w :? ^^ 

) P M g fa 

. w 9 (< < 

{ w 2 ft. 3 

eSHz aft 

a CO H S B < 



a mon seigneur le roy, ne attendons aucune chose octroier ou 
muer, en cest article contenue, qu'ele soit en prejudice de 
la royalty dudit duche pour nostre temps, mais toutes choses 
garder et observer selonc que antiquement est use et observe ; 
toutesfoiz nous promettons pouvoir des changeours come ils 
demandent {Livre des Bouillons^ p. 267). 

III. As Lord of Bergerac 

The right of coinage is contained in the grant by Prince 
Edward of the Lordship of Bergerac to his brother, dated 
Cognac, Oct. 8, 1370,^ and is repeated in the King's confirma- 
tion of the grant ' — " Concessimus insuper de gratia nostra 
speciali auctoritate nostra regia et ex certa scientia dicto 
fdio nostro et heredibus masculis de corpore suo ut prae- 
mittitur exeuntibus, cussionem monetae in dicto loco, sic 
quidem ipsi in eodem loco monetam cudere possint seu cudi 
facere prout sibi visum fuerit faciendam, et quod emolu- 
mentum cussionis illius monete suum remaneat, et ad ipsorum 
utiUtatem omnimodo convertatur prout nuper prefato con- 
sanguineo nostro concesseramus. 

" Ita tamen quod moneta ilia ibidem sic cudenda sit ita 
fortis aut fortior moneta nostra partium praedictarum." 

The danger, anticipated in the last clause, of an inferior 
baronial ciurency starting from Bergerac to conquer Aqui- 
taine and to drive the royal currency out of circulation was 
not formidable, for, as has been seen, John of Gaimt held the 
town with no very certain grip, and if Pelegrin de Ser coined 
for his master as Lord of Bergerac, his coins have not sur- 
vived. A priori it is probable that the attempt was made, for 
the privilege of coining in Aquitaine would be all the more 
valued by the Duke because he could not coin at home. The 
Counts Palatine of Lancaster had never possessed that regaUty, 
and in England the Palatinate of Durham alone was allowed 
to compete with the royal mints. 

IV. By Special Grant 

One of the last acts of Edward III was to grant to John of 
Gaunt for two years the right of coinage in Bayonne Guiche 
and the Landes, with all its profits. 

The date, June 12, 1377, is significant. Obtained during 
Lancaster's dictatorship, it affords one more proof of his 

^ Register, and Delpit Collection, ccxviii. 

* Dated Havering, Nor. 8, 1376 (Delpit Collection, cclxvii.). 



noyes que les Anglois frapperefU en AquUaine (p. 162), quoted 
in Ducard's Anglo-Gmic Norman and AquUanian Coins 
(p. 51), is perhaps a genuine Lancastrian piece. 

It is a silver penny, stamped with the King's head and bust, 
" bearing a crown with large fleurs-de-lys open and adorned 
with roses, siurounded by the lejgend, Ioann : Rex : Cas- 
TELLE : Et : Legionis ; in the middle three towers and the 
letters b.s." 

Is B.s. an error for p.s. ? If so, these letters may possibly 
represent the initials of Lancaster's " Master of the Mint," 
for the " Register " contains a transcript of a warrant, dated 
April 15, 3 Richard II (1380), appointing " Mestre Pelegrin 
de Ser to be Mestre Soverain of all his monies of gold and 
silver and other metals, and to make money in Spain "(ii. f. 116). 

What the " monies " other than those of Spain were will 
appear below. 

II. As Duke of Aquitaine 

The right of coinage is expressly mentioned in the terms 
of the grant of the Duchy of Aquitaine, dated March 2, 

" Et ad honoris et nominis tui validius fulcimentum, banc 
tibi auctoritatem et potestatem specialiter impertimur, 
monetam auream et argenteam et aliam qualemcunque 
faciendi cudendi et fabricandi, monetamque jam usitatam, 
seu alias quascunque imposterum per te cudendas, quoties 
et quomodo tibi videbitur expediens, mutandi (aliqua con- 
suetudine in contrarium ibidem retroactis temporibus usitata 
non obstante) ac magistris et operariis earundem indulgentias 
et privilegia taUbus dari soUta largiendi," etc. 

Henry, Duke of Lancaster, coined as Duke of Aquitaine, 
and under the Black Prince coinage produced a large propor- 
tion of the revenue of the principaUty. 

But on Lancaster's creation, as we have seen,* the bare 
possession of the powers described above excited a storm of 
excitement in Bordeaux. Article XIII of the Treaty of Bor- 
deaux (March 22, 1395) runs as follows : — 

" Item an xiii' artide, en laquel nous supplient que'nous 
ne fassons faire ne faisons nouvelle monoye, ne muer la valeur 
de I'antique, sinon de consentiment du peuple d'iceulx qui 
ont part en lez monoyes ; et que soit pourveu suffisantment 
des changeours ; Nous ne le povons octoyer sans faire assavoir 

* See above, Chi XV. p. 378. 



Appendix VII 


Lancaster used several varieties of privy seals. He had 
also his great seal as King of Castile and Leon, his great seal 
as Count Palatine of Lancaster, and lastly a private signet 

L Privy Seals 

I. Of the Privy seals there are three main varieties bdow- 
ing to — (i.) the period before his second maniage ; (iL) tCl 
period during which he claimed the throne of Castile ; apl 
(iii.) the period after that claim had been compranised. 

(i.) Before the marriage with Constance of Castile 
John of Gaunt bore on his privy seal the royal aims of I 
and England, with a difference (see Fig. i). There is a Vfiy 
fine specimen of this period attached to Harl. CL. 43, S JCf, 
in the British Museum. It is No. 12,691 in W. de Gny 
Birch's Catalogue of Scab in the Dept. of MSS. of the BrOiA 
Museum (iii. 386), where it is thus described : — 

" A shield of arms, couchS, quarterly i and 4 France ; 
2 and 3 England : over all in chief a label of three poiots 
ermine ; crest on a helmet and short mantling diapered, 
on a chapeau a lion statant guardant, crowned, chaiged on 
the neck with a label of three points ermine, the tail hanging 
down ; supporters, two falcons, each standing on a padlock 
and essaying to open the same : the backgroimd replenished 
with sprigs of foliage : — within a carved Gothic quatrefoil, 
ornamented along the inner edge with small quatrefoils: 
surrounded with the legend : — ^S : p'uat : joh'is : duels : 
Lancastr* : comit : richemond' : derb : line : leyc : senescalle : 

(ii.) From 1371 to 1388 the Duke bore the royal arms of 
Castile and Leon quarterly, impaling the royal arms of France 
and England quarterly, with a difference. (See Fig. 2.) 

There are two specimens of this period in the British Mu- 
seum — one of a.d. 1386, attached to Ad. Ch. 13,910 (Catalogue, 
No. 12,694) ; one of a.d. 1380, attached to Harl. Ch. 84, 
c 17 (Catalogue, No. 23,053). They are described (ibid.) :— 

" Armorial bearings not on a shield. Per pale dexter, 
quarterly i and 4 Castile ; 2 and 3 Leon ; sinister, quarterly 
I and 4 France (ancient) ; 2 and 3 England, with a label of 
three points ermine. The first and fourth quarters of each 


Fir,, (iv.) 
Privy Seals and Great Skal of John of Gaunt. 


impalement raised, and the second and third comiter- 
sunk : within a carved border ornamented with cinquefoils 
along the inner edge, surrounded by the legend : — S : privatu : 
joh'is : dei : gra : Regis Castelle : et : Legionis : Ducis : 

(iii.) After 1388 the Duke continued to bear the royal arms 
of Castile and Leon, impaling those of France and England, 
but he moved the Spanish quarterings from dexter to sinister. 
(See Fig. 3). 

There is a fair specimen of this later period in the British 
Museum attached to Ad. Ch. 8,125, a.d. 1392 (Catalogue, 
No. 12,695), and to Ad. Ch. 11,310 of the same year (Catalogue, 
No. 12,69(5). 

11. The Great Seal of Castile and Leon 

The plate here reproduced (Fig. 4) b from a cast in the 
possession of the Society of Antiquaries. There is a reverse, 
with the usual equestrian figure bearing the royal arms of 
Castile and Leon quarterly (engraved in Rymer^s Foedera, 
vol. vi.), but I have not been successful in finding the 

Unlike the other monarchs of Europe, the Kings of Oistile 
and Leon did not use the ordinary wax seals ; instruments 
issuing from their chanceries, like those of the Papacy and 
Empire, bore a metal " bulla." 

John of Gaunt did not follow precedent in this, but impressed 
wax with a silver seal in the manner common to the other^royal 
chanceries. (See Reg. Warrant dated Dec. 11,1375, to Half de 
Erghum, Bishop of SaHsbury, his Chancellor, to deliver to 
his Chamberlain and his Receiver-General . ; . the two seals 
in his possession, viz., the Privy Seal and the Silver Seal, with 
the arms of Spain.) The leadfen " bulla " preserved in the 
Museum of the PubUc Record Office, which used to be de- 
scribed as the seal of John of Gaimt, is now recognized as 
that of his grandson, Juan II of Oistile and Leon (a.d. 1406- 

III. The Great Seal of the County Palatine. 

John of Gaunt, after February, 1377, ^^^ ^^ course his 
" magnum sigillum pro regimine regalitatis comitatus pala- 
tini " (Record Report, xxxii. App. I. xl. and App. IV. 17), but 
I have not found an impression as old as 1377-1399. 



The arms of the Duchy of Lancaster were — "Gules, 
three lions passant guardant in pale or ; a label of three 
(sometimes of five) points azure, charged with fleurs-de-lys 
of the second." {Notes and Queries, sixth series, x. 208.) 

IV. The Duke's Signet Ring. 

I have not found an impression of this. The antiquary 
may possibly find the following extract from the Register 
(I. f. 149) of interest : — 

" Trescher et tresbien ame pour divers choses et busoignes 
moult chargeantz quelles nous avons affaire volons et voos 
mandons que a nostre bien ame Johan Gutier Dean de 
Segovy qi nons avons chargez des ditz choses et busoignes 
vous deUverez notre seal plat de nos entiersarmesdeCastille 
et de Leon pur ycelles exploiter et expedir prenant de lay 
serement de bien et loialment garder le dit seal sanz preiu- 
dice damages ou desheretison a nous faire le temps quil s^a 
en sa garde. Et cestes etc. Donne sous le signet de notre aud 
a notre manoir de la Savoye le xii jour d'avril Tan etc xlvi.* 



Appendix VIII 


Malverne is the only authority for the scandal about Eliza- 
beth of Lancaster, but he is usually so full and accurate that 
there can be little hesitation in accepting the story, especially 
as it squares with everj^hing known of John Holland's 
character and the manners of the English court at the time. 
Here it is : — 

Altera vero (Elizabeth) fuit desponsata comiti Penbroke 
puero immaturae aetatis ; sed ilia viripotens tunc (i.e. 1386) 
effecta, in regalem curiam est delata ad conspicandum gestus 
aulicos et mores eorum. Quam ut aspexit dominus Johannes 
Holand frater domini regis nunc ex parte matema vehementer 
captus est ejus amore propter quod die nocteque earn solli- 
citavit tamen {sic) per temporum intervalla tandem tam 
fatue illam allexit sic quod tempore transitus domini ducis 
patris sui ad mare per eirni extitit impregnata. Unde illam 
incontinenti postea duce acceptante duxit in uxorem ante 
prolis exortum transivitque in Hispaniam cum illo (Higden, 
ix. 96-97). Is this last fact the basis of the myih of the 
Religieuxde Saint Denys, i. 443, who says that a daughter was 
bom to the Duke on his arrival at Coruiia ? 

Elizabeth was a younger sister of Philippa. How much 
younger is uncertain, and the fact that she was " viripotens " 
in 1386 does not give much help. The sisters were sufficiently 
near in age to have the same mistress, Katharine Swynford. 

The betrothal to John Hastings (b. 1372, s. 1375, d. 1389), 
third Earl of Pembroke, took place in 1380 (warrant to the 
Clerk of the Great Wardrobe to make several payments 
amounting to £257 6s. sJi., several of which are on accoimt 
of the marriage (i.e. betrothal) of the Duke's daughter Eliza- 
beth, dated June 24, 4 Rich. II [Reg. II. f. 38 ; 42], and war- 
rants to pay the Coimtess of Pembroke £100 for the expenses 
of her household and wardrobe, ibid, passim). 

After the betrothal was annulled (Kn. ii. 208) Pembroke 
married a daughter of the Earl of March. On the death of 
his favourite, Michael de la Pole, Richard II granted Elizabeth, 



then Countess of Huntingdon, his Inn in Lombard Street 
{RoL Pat. April 30, 1391). Their usual residence was Pal- 
teney House.^ 

(ii) Dame Blanche Morieux 

Of this mysterious daughter littie is known. Her parentage 
rests on the authority of a single passage of Froissart, ^0 
speaking of the Duke's army in 1386 says : " Et mar6chal 
(^toit) messire Thomas Moriaux lequd avoit aussi par 
mariage une de ses filles k f emme ; mais elle 6toit bastarde, 
et fut mere k la Dame Morielle demoiselle Marie de Saint- 
Hylaire de Haynau [K. de L. xi., 326]. The English chronicleis, 
curiously enough, have nothing to say about the Duke's 
daughter Blanche. From the Register it appears (i) that on 
her wedding day Lancaster gave her twelve silver spoons, 
twelve silver saucers, two basins with ewers, a basket with a 
silver top, etc. (March 6, 1381) ; (ii) that he settled upon 
Blanche and her husband for their lives £100 a year out of 
the issues of the manors of Snettisham and Fakenham in 
Norfolk (June i, 1382). There is one unimportant reference 
to Dame Blanche Morieux in the Patent Rolls, a pardon for 
homicide ''at the supplication of Blanche, wife of Thomas 
de Murrieux, the King's knight." * 

Her mother, Marie de Saint Hilaire, is equally obscure. 
The facts are (i) that as late as 1399 Marie is in receipt of a 
pension from the Duke " for the good and agreeable service 
she has rendered for a long time to our honoured Lady and 
mother Philippe, late Queen of England " (confirmation of 
grant dated April 7, 22 Rich. II, Rot, Pal. Part. III. m. 3) ; 
(ii) that in 1360 she received a pension of ;f20 per annum 
from Edward III to be paid at the Exchequer, which was 
exchanged in 1390 for an annuity of £20 charged on the 
issues of the Counties of Cambridge and Huntingdon.' Marie 
was therefore a maid of honour of Queen Philippa, and a 
native of Hainault. Kervyn de Lettenhove (Froissart i a, 
443-4) gives as her probable ancestry — 

Jean dit Vilain de Saint Hilaire = Mahaut de Wasnes. 
John of Gaunt = Marie de Saint Hilaire. 

Blanche = Sir Thomas Morieux. 

1 D. N. B. Articles, Holland, John ; Hastings, John. 

2 Rot. Pat. Rich. II, vol. ii. 295, dated Aug. i, 1383. 

3 Issue Roll of Branttngham, p. 359, and Rot. Pat. Feb. 19, 1390. 



In determining the date of this liaison the significant facts 
are (i) that Marie received the considerable pension of £20 
per annum as early as 1360, and (2) that Blanche her daughter 
was already married in 1381. 

There is no evidence that any atnour disturbed the married 
life of John of Gaunt and Blanche of Lancaster. The Duke 
married Blanche in 1359. Probability therefore points to the 
conclusion that Blanche, afterwards wife of Thomas Morieux, 
was the fruit of a very early liaison (? 1358 or 9), before the 
first marriage, and before the Duke's actions were being 
scrutinized by the chroniclers. An amour with one of the 
Queen's maids of honour would have delighted the Monk of 
Saint Albans, and would certainly not have passed imnoticed 
in later years. 

The problem has been complicated by the existence of a 
second Blanche, daughter of Katharine Swynford, vouched 
for by the Register (e.g. grant to Katharine Swynford for her, 
and for her daughter Blanche, of the wardship of the lands 
and heir to Sir Robert Devncourt, Jan. 1374, Reg. I. f 41). 

But the attempt to identify the Duke's daughter and the 
daughter of his later mistress breaks down hopelessly. (It 
was made by Sir N. Nicolas, Scrope v. Grosvenor Con- 
troversy ii. 185). For (i) there is Froissart's explicit state- 
ment quoted above ; (ii) Blanche is never mentioned among 
the Beauforts ; (iii) there is the insuperable difficulty of age. 
Katharine Swynford, bom in 1350, and married to Sir Hugh 
Swynford in 1367, whose elder chUd, Sir Thomas Sw)mford, 
was bom in 1368, could not possibly have been the mother 
of Blanche, who was married to Sir lliomas Morieux in 1381. 

The matter is settled by a passage in the last published 
volume of Papal Letters. In 1396 the Duke and Katharine pray 
the Pope to sanction their marriage. Among the impediments 
recited are, first, the fact that they have been living in adultery 
during the lifetime of the Duchess Constance ; second, the fact 
that they are already united by the bond of compatemity (a 
canonical bar to marriage), the Duke having been godfather 
to Blanche, a daughter of Katharine by another husband, i.e. 
Sir Hugh Swynford.* 

As for Sir Thomas Morieux, there is no mystery. He was 
a well-known public character in the reigns of Edwird III and 
Richard II. A son of Sir Thomas Morieux, of Thorpe 

1 Papal Letters, Kal. Sept. 7, Boniface IX, 1396, iv. 545. 


Morieux, Suffolk, he was a sheriff of Norfolk and Suffdk in 
1367 and 1368, and from time to time held a score of can- 
missions of the Peace and of Oyer and Tenniner. In 1376 
he was one of Lord Latimer's sureties ; in 1381 he was made 
Constable of the Tower, and two years later Master of the 
Horse to Richard II. In 1384 he was one of the knights who 
tortm-ed the Carmelite Friar. In all the campaigns in France, 
Gascony, Spain and Scotland he had his share. The cam- 
paign in Castile was his last. He died worn out by fighting 
in Galicia before May 5, 1387. (See Nicolas, Scrape and 
Gfosvenor Case, ii. 183). 

(iii) Katharine SwYNFORD 

It is difficult to fix an accurate date for the beginning of 
the liaison of John of Gaunt with Katharine Swynford. 

The Monk of Evesham, speaking of Katharine, says: 
" Quam ut concubinam multo tempore vivente uxare Con- 
stancia camaliter cognovit (p. 128)," which, if true, limits it 
to 1371-1394, while Froissart's account narrows the period 
still further, viz. : ** Quant . . . celle seconde duchesse Con- 
stance fut morte, le due de Lancastre, la dame vivante, avoit 
tenu celle Katherine de Ruet, qui aussi avoit est6 marine 
k img chevallier d'Angleterre. Le chevallier vivant et mart, 
tousjours le due Jehan de Lancastre avoit am6 et tenu ceUe 
dame Katherine . . ." [K. de L. xv. 239]. 

Only the years 1371 and 1372 fit in with this statement, a. 
conclusion which harmonises with the other available evidence 
For instance, the petition to the Pope above quoted mentions 
the adultery in the life of Duchess Constance, not in that of 
the Duchess Blanche. The Chronicon Angliae (p. 196) speaks 
of the notoriety of the affair almost as something new in 1378, 
while, according to Knighton (ii. 147), it was a well-estabhshed 
fact in 138 1. No contemporary evidence supports the state- 
ment of Percy MS. 78 (quoted below), which places the birth 
of the Beauforts in the life of the Duchess Blanche. There 
is no doubt, however, that most historians have postdated 
the birth of the Beauforts, or at least of the eldest of them, 
for in 1390 Monscigneur Jehon de Biaufort, bastart de Lan- 
castre, was old enough to bear himself with credit at the 
jousts of Saint Inglevert [Froissart, K. de L. xiv. 416], though 
on the other hand Henry Beaufort could be described as 
admodum puer, when in 1398 he obtained the Bishopric of 



Lincoln, and Thomas Beaufort, being described in the patent 
of legitimation as domicellus in 1397, was evidently too young 
for knighthood in that year. 

The evidence of the Register, though inconclusive because 
incomplete, points to the same conclusion, viz., that the 
liaison began in 1371 or 1372. 

At that date the Duke's gifts and grants to Katharine 
are no greater than might have been made to any other 
member of his household ; inmiediately after they begin to 
become significant. Here are the principal instances: — 
(i) May i, 1372, gift of £10 ; (ii) May 15, 1372, grant of an 
annuity of 50 marcs, on surrender of a former annuity of 
20 marcs ; (iii) June 20, 1372, grant of the wardship of the 
lands of her late husband, excepting the marriage fees and 
advowsons ; (iv) June 23, 1373, gift of three bucks ; (v) 
June 28, 1373, gift of oaks ; (vi) Jan. i, 1375, grant of the 
wardship of the lands and heir of Sir Robert Deyncourt, and 
the marriage of the heir for her daughter Blanche ; (vii) 
Jan. 1377,, grant of the manors of Gringley and Wheatley, 
and gift of a tun of wine ; (viii), July 23, 1377, grant of tene- 
ments, late of GeoflErey de Sutton, in St. Botolph's ; (ix) 
July 24, 1377, gi^^ ^^ fi^^y ^^^ ^or ^^^ repair of her houses at 
Ketelthorp ; (x) July 25, 1379, grant of the wardship of the 
lands and heir of Bertram de Savenby ; (xi) Jan. 20, 1381, 
grant of the wardship of the lands, and the marriage of the 
heir of Elys de Thorsby ; (xii) Sept. 7, 1381, grant of an 
annuity of 200 marcs. 

The presents, ahready noticed, made to Katharine by the 
Mayor of Leicester belong to the years 1375 and 1379. 

(iv.) Note on Lancaster's Death. 

Recordasse pudet, matema lingua scribere abhorret quae 
sequuntur, sed quo perfectius opusculum istud de Ganda- 
vensi nostro existat, citare cogimur obscoenam quamdam 
fabulam quam primus edidit Thomas Gascoigne, qui natus 
anno domini MCCCCiii.,defunctusMCCCCLViii.librum insulsum 
conscripsit, cui falsilatem sic dissimulans nomen, " Loci e 
Libro Veritatum " finxit. Audi deliramenta : — 

Novi enim ego Magisler Thomas Gascoigne, licet indignus 
sacre Theologiae doctor qui haec scripsi et coUegi, diversos viros qui 
moriui fuerunt ex putrefactione membrorum suorutn et corporis 
sui.quae corruptio et putref actio causata fuit, ut ipsi dixerunt, 



per exercUium capidae camalis cum muUeribus. Magma 
enim dux in Anglia scU. J. de GawtU mortuus esi ex tdi 
puirefactume tnembrorum geniUdium et corporis sui^ camsaU 
per frequentaUonem mulierum. Magnus enim fornicator fuit, 
ut in Mo regno Angliae divulgabatur, d anie mortem suam 
jacens sic infirmus in lecto eandem putrefactionem regi Af^ioi 
Ricardo IP ostendii, cum idem rex ipsum ducem in sua in-- 
firmitate visitavit, et dixit michi qui ista novit unus fiddis 
thelogiae bachUlarius} 

Nota bene callide lector clericom audisse dericum lettolisse 
fabulam btam. Enimvero qui odio habuit Lollardos et 
illustrem ilium Lancastrensium domum huiusmodi men- 
daciis fundatoris, qui vir robustus et valens miles strennus 
vixit ad summam senectutem, famam denigrare concapisdt 

£tatissuaemalignitatem,posterum obscoenitatem immerito 
luit Dux noster. 

(v) Percy MS. 78 (Alnwick Castle). 

The following extract from Percy MS. 78, preserved at Aln- 
wick Castle, contains some genealogical facts not otherwise 
known, and is therefore (for the first time, I believe) here 
reproducttl. The nickname " Fairbom " given to the Beau- 
forts is interesting. Is this mentioned in any other record ? 

The MS. is in a late fifteenth-century hand (or early six- 
teenth-century), and breaks oflf suddenly. 

Iste Johannes Gaunt Dux Lancastrie et quartus filius 
Edwardi III prime duxit in uxorem Blanchiam filiam Henrid 
Ducis Lancastrie et heredem de qua genuit Johannem qui 
moritur Henricum regum Illltum Elezabetham Comitissam 
Huntyndonie Phelippam Reginam Portingalie Edwardmn et 
Johannem qui moriuntur. 

Mortua domina Blancia idem Johannes superduxit Con- 
stanciam filiam Regis Hispaniarum de qua genuit Katerinam 
post hereditariam reginam Hispaniarum et obtinuit a regibus 
Anglorum et Hispaniarum quod captivi Anglorum a piratis 
Hispaniarum et captivi Hispaniarum a piratis Anglorum 
puppis (sic) et bonis retentis captivi abirent illesi. Quod 
servatum est in hodiemum diem. 

Iste etiam Johannes Gaunt post mortem Constancie secunde 
uxoris sue adhuc superduxit dominam Katerinam de Sv^-yn- 
furth de qua genuit in diebus domine Blanchie prime uxoris 

^ Loci e Libro Veritatum Thomae Gascoigne, pp .136-7. Oxford ,1881. 



sue Johannem Bowfurth comitem Somersissie Johannam 
Bowfurth comitissam Westmorelandie Henricum Bowfurth 
presbiterum cardinalem et episcopum Wsmtonyensem ; qui 
potenti manu et sumptu proprio invitis Franciis coronari 
fecit Parisitis Henricum Vlum in Regem Francorum anno 
regni et aetatis sui X® et eum ibi secure retenuit, et in Angliani 
iterum similiter cum magna prosperitate et pompa militari 
reduxit : Thomam Bowforth ducem Exoniensem vel Exeter. 
Et legitimari fecit omnes istos quatuor a domino Papae unde 
vocebantur Bowfurthes aut Faerbome. 

Henricus (sic) rex Hispaniarum habuit tres filias quibus 
intalliavit coronam Regni Hispaniarum propter defectum 
maris, quarum primogenita in virginitate deftmcta secunda 
nupta erat Johanne {sic) de Gaunte ut supra duci Lancastrie, 
qui ex ea genuit Katerinam que nupta (sic) hereditavit 
coronam Hispaniarum : tertia vero filia nupta erat isti 
Edmundo Langley duci Ebor fratri ejusdem Johannis ducis 
Lancastrie qui ex ea genuit Edmundum Ducem Ebor qui 
occiditur in bello apud Agyncourt, et Ricardum fratrem ejus 
comitem Cantabregie quem decapitari fecit Henricus Vus 
apud Southamptonam. 

Iste Ricardus comes Cantabrigie ex herede Marchie et 
Ulton genuit Ricardum ducem Ebor qui Ricardus dux 
anno Domini m.cccc.liv, infirmitate regie Henrico sixto (sic) 
in consilio quorundam dom norum apud [West]monasterium 
ordinatus erat Protector Anglie et duxit in uxorem Mariam 
filiam Radulphi Nevelle primi comitis. 

Iste Johannes Bowfurth comes Somersecie genuit Johamem 
aliter Henricum comitem Somersecie qui cito moritur,Thomam 
qui moritur, Edmundum ducem Somersecie Joh[anname 
reg[inam] Scotorum et Margaretam comitissam Devoni] 
Ista Johanna Bowfurth prima maritata fuit domini de Ferrers 
et genuit ex ea duas filias unam maritatam Baroni de . . . 
(desinit MS.). 

465 H H 

Index I — Persons 

Abbirbury or Aburbury, Sir 

Richard : 428. 440 
Adam of Usk : 162 
Aderby, Sir Richard : 186 
Albert of >Arittelsbach : 346 
Albret. Sieur de : 38 and note ; 

45. 51. 68. 69 

House of : 366 

Albuquerque, Dom Fernando 

Affonso de. Grand Master of 

St. James of Portugal : 274, 

Alc&ntara, Grand Master of : 42 
Alen9on, Count of : 387 
Alfonso X. of Castile : 314, 325 

Alfonso XI. of Castile : 35. 3^ 
Alfonso, "de la Cerda":3i5 

and note 
Alfonso : See Denia, Count of 
Alvarez, Brother : 358 
Amand, St. : i 
Andeiro, Jo^ Fernando de : See 

Ourem, Count of 
Andrade, Femand Perez de : 

Angouldme. Guiscard de: See 

Huntingdon, Earl of 
Anjou, Louis, Duke of : 59, 71, 

78, III, 118, 200 and note» 383 

Charles of : 90 

Anne of Bohemia, Queen of Eng- 
land : 259, 294, 357, 362 
Annesley, Sir John : 410, 411 
Anthony, the Falconer : 220 
Antwerp, Lionel of : See Clarence, 

Duke of 
Appleton, William de, physician 

to the Duke of Lancaster : 

248 and note 

Appleby, Sir Esmon : 137, 440 

Thomas de : See Carlisle, 

Bishop of 

Apulia and Sicily, King of : See 
Lancaster, Edmond, Earl of 

Aquitaine, Duke of : See Lan- 
caster, John, Duke of 

Armagh, Richard Fitz Ralf , Arch- 
bishop of : 165, 169 

Armagnac, Count of : 269 note 

Artevelde, James van : 2. 3, 12, 

Arthur, King: 27, 186 

Arundel, Richard Fitz Alan, Thir- 
teenth Earl of : 148, iSS ^^* 
192, 233, 280, 281, 282, 295. 338. 
339. 351. 352, 353. 354. 355. 
356. 398, 400, 401. 417. 437 

Ashton, William, Chancellor to 
the Duke of Lancaster: 302 

note, 448. 449 ^^ ^ , . 

Aston. Sir Robert, Chamberlam 

to Edward III. : I47» ^57 
Atterbury, Sir Richard : 302 note, 

303 wo^ 
Aubr^court, Eustace de : 38 

Jean de : 229. 430. 44^ 

Audley, James. Lord : 409 
Aumile, Edward, Duke of: See 

York, Edward, Duke of 
Auxerre, Count of : 59 
Avis, House of: See Jofto I. of 


Order of : 274. 317 

Ayala. Pfero Lopez de : 52, 287, 



Badby, John, Confessor to the 
Duke of Lancaster: 172 note 
Bagot, Sir William : 395, 417 
Bajazet, Sultan : 161 



Baliol. Edward, King of Scotland : 

Banastre, Sir Thomas : 178 note, 

229, 440 
Bangor. John Swaffham, Bishop 

of: 121, 156 
Banquo : 419 
Barry. Elizabeth : 434 
Barton. Henry : 415 note 

Oliver de : 137, 443 

Beatrice. Countess of F^vence : 


Beatrix of Portugal. Queen of 

Castile and Leon : 263 note, 
264.265 note, 267 Bnd note, 272, 
273» 274, 314 

Infanta of Castile : 39, 92. 


Beauchamp. Thomas, de : See 

Warwick, Earl of 
Beauchamp. Sir John : 340 
Roger Lord : 192 

Sir William : 412, 440. 449 

Beaufort. John : See Dorset. 

Marquess of 
Henry : See Lincoln. Bishop 

Thomas : 389. 391. 428. 

434. 436, 462 

Joan : See Westmorland, 

Countess of 

Henry : See Somerset, Earl 


John : See Somerset, Duke 


Edmund : See Somerset, 

Duke of 

Margaret : See Richmond, 

Countess of ; Devon, Countess 

r of 

Joan : See Joan, Queen of 


Beauforts, The : 199, 389, 391, 
392 and note, 393, 460, 462, 463 
Beaufort, Roger : 185 note 
Beaumanoir, Jean de : 98 
Beaumont, John, Lord : 437 
Beckwith, William : 351, 352 
Bedford, John, Duke of : 428 
Benedict XIII. (Pedro de Luna) : 

58. 349 
Berkeley, Lord : 438 
Bemers, Sir James : 340 
Berri, Duke of: 71, 78, 80. 81, 

118. £76. 287. 328. 329. 330. 


Blanche of Bourbon. Queen of 
Castile and Leon : 37 

Blanche of Lancaster : See Lan- 
caster. Duchess of 

of Artois : 197 and note 

See Morieux. Swynford 

Blois. House of : 13 

Blount. Sir Walter : 229, 428. 

Boccaccio : 5, 161 

Boccanegra : 97 

Bohun. Humphrey de : See Here- 
ford, Earl of 

- Mary de : See Derby, Coun- 
tess of 

Bonde. Sir Nicholas : 186 
Boniface IX. : 320 note, 391. 393, 


of Savoy : 247 

Bordeaux, Archbishop of: 376 
Abbot of Holy Cross of: 

380 noftf 
Botreaux. Sir William : 437. 438 
Boucicaut. Jean : Marshal of 

France : 345. 382, 383 
Bourbon, Jean. Duke of: 38. 

287. 325 note, 327. 328, 347. 

Brabant. Duke of : 12 
Bradley, John : 41 5 note 
Braga, Archbishop of: 319 
Brambre, Nicholas, Mayor of 

London : 340 

John, 374 note 

Bret, Bertongat de la : 201 
Brinton, Thomas de : See Roches- 
ter, Bishop of 

Brittany, Jean de Montfort, Duke 
of : 4, 5 note, 13, 44, 99, 103, 
104, 105, 109, III, 114 note. 
115 note, 119, 202, 203 noti, 
271. 287. 311, 345, 387. 389. 
note, 397 

Duchess of : 44 

Mary of : 387 

Bryan, Guy, Lord: 125, 152 
Buade, Arnold : 200 note 

Heliot : 200 and note 

Miot : 201 

Pierre : 200 

Buch, Captal de : See Graily 
Jean de 



Buckingham, Thomas of Wood- 
stock, Earl of : See Gloucester. 
Duke of 

Burgh, Elizabeth de : See Ulster, 
Countess of 

Burghbrigg. William de, Receiver- 
General of the Duke of Lan- 
caster : 175 and note 

Burgundy. House of: 13. 100, 
33 1 » 334- {See also Castile and 

Philippe de Rouvres, Duke 

of : 17. 28. 29 note 

Philip the Bold. Duke of : 

29 note, 31. 71. 72, 73. 108. 
109, III, 112, 287, 345. 346, 
382, 426 

Margaret. Duchess of, Coun- 
tess of Flanders. Artois. Nevers 
and Rethel : 28, 29 note, 30, 

31. 32. 346 
Burley, Sir Richard : 310, 321, 326 

Sir Simon: 155, 186, 284, 

340, 400. 437 

Busshe, John (Chief Steward 

North of Trent) : 448 
Bussy, Sir John : 395, 399 
Buxhill, Sir Alan : 237 
Bynbrok, John (Notary) : 432, 


Calatrava, Grand Master of : 52 
Calverly, Sir [Hugh : 38, 44, 45 

note, 48. 60, 105. 107 
Cambridge, Edmund of Langley, 

Earl of : See York, Duke of 

Richard, Earl of : 464 

Earl of: See Juliers. Mar- 
quess of 

Camoens : 39 

Campeden, Walter de. Treasurer 

of the Duke of Lancaster : 174 
Canterbury, Archbishop of : 

Thomas Arundel : 396, 398 

William Courtenay: 29, 91. 125, 

148-154. 190. 192* 237» 238, 240. 

270. 292, 354 

Simon Sudbury : 149 

John Stratford : 180 

Cap^ave, John : 270. 410 
Carlisle. Thomas de Appleby, 

Bishop of : 125 
Carpentras. Bishop of : 109 

Carra, Don Martin Henriquez de 
la : 45. 46. 47 

Carrick, Earl of : 250 note, 252. 

Castelnau. Sieur de : 367 note, 373 

Castile and Leon : See Alfonso X., 
Sancho IV.. Alfonso XL. Pedro 
I.. Enrique 11. . John. Duke of 
Lancaster, Juan L, Enrique IIL, 
Juan IL 

Castro. Fernando de : 39 

Inez de : 39, 273 

Catiline : 1 36 

Cause. Petrine de : 449 

Cerda. La, House of: 314. 315 

and note 

Alfonso de : See Alfonso 

Chandos. Sir John : 7. 33, 41, 43, 

51. 57. 60, 68. 69. 78. 105, 139. 
384, 409, 410, 411 note 

Elizabeth de : 410, 411 note 

Chandos Herald : 33, 52, 57, 62. 

Charlemagne : 45 
Charles I. (the Bad) of Navarre : 

8. 41, 42 and note, 44, 45. 46. 

61. 62. 142, 232 and note, 329. 

345. 397 
V. of France : 17. 18. 30, 

31. 49. 59. 66, 67, 69. 70. 71. 78. 

96. 97, 107. no. 119. 332. 233. 

261 note, 263, 325 and note, 334 

VI. of France : 270, 276, 

293. 313* 315 fiote, 324, 328 and 

note, 330, 333, 347. 349. 386, 

387 note, 396, 397 

v.. Emperor : i 

Chaterys. John : 414 note 
Ch4tillon. Hugh de : 74 
Chaucer. Geoffrey: 10, 11, 14, 

18. 28. 64. 76. 77, 93. 134. 161. 

165. 357. 409. 413 

Sir Thomas : 449 

Chaworthe. Family of: 201 
Christine de Pisan : 66. 117 and 


Clanvowe. Sir John. Prior of St. 
John of Jerusalem : 141. 283 
and note, 302 note, 303 note 

Clare. Elizabeth de Burgh. Coun- 
tess of : See Ulster, Countess 

Clarence, Lionel of Antwerp, Earl 


of Ulstflr, DqIbb of : a, 3. 4. 10. 

15. 19. 14. as. 37 fiolf. 130, 4x9 
Cfemflnt Vn. (Robert of peneva) : 

304 and mU, 306, 313, 350 
CKfiocd. Sir LcriHt : 15s 
-^^ Lord : 353 note. 438 
CliftoQ, Sir Ptoter: 383 
CUami. Oliver da, Constabie of 

F^raaoe: 98, xix, xx4. 140 
Cobbam, Ref^nald. Lord: 192 
Cokayn, Jobn : 430 
Constanoe of Castile : 5^ Lan- 
caster, Dncbess of. 
Coostantine : 161 
Com^mll: Ridiaxd, Earl of: 90 
Edward. Duke of : 5m 

Wales, Prince of 
Conrtenay, Sir Peter : 285 

5^ Devon, Earl of 

William. Bishcnp of London : 

S$e Canterbnry, Arcbbishop of 

— (Mercbant of London) : 433 
Croa, Jean de: 5^ Limoges, 

Crowe, fobn: 177 imU 

Alexandra: 177 fiolf 

Croysmr, Sir William: loa, 145, 


ERaabatb : 434 

Conba, Joio Loorenoo da: 364 
Cnnlngbam, John : Conl esaor to 

the Duke of Lancaster: 172 

and note, 182, 432 
Curson. Sir Roger : 229. 441 
Cuvelier : 98 

Dacre, Lord : 228, 440 
Dalynrigg. Sir Edward : 137 
Dante : 161 
David II. of Scotland : 5. 9. 10. 

27, 89, 250 note 
Dax, Juan Guttierez, Bishop of. 

Dean of Segovia : 102, 269, 

305. 309. 315. 333. 336 note, 

Denia, Alfonso, Count of (Duke of 

Gandia. Marquess of Villena. 

Count of Ribagorza) : 52, 53. 

234 and note 235, 236 and 

note, 239. 240 note 
Alfonso, son of : 234 note, 

335* 236* 338. 239, 240 note 

Denia. Pedio, son of : 334 noli, 

Deroy, John of Gaimt, Bad of: 
S§e Laacaater, Duke of 

Henry of Bo&y^facoliB; 

Earl of : 5^ Hsmrt IV. 

Mary, Conateoa of: 387. 

33«. 357 
Despenser, Hn|^ k (elder and 
younger) : 33, 34 

Edward. Lard: 105 

Deverenx. Sir Icdm : 193, 437 
Devon. Earl of : 1 53. 438 
.. Ifargaret (Beantet), Cobb- 

tess of : 465 
Deynoourt, Sir Robert : 460^ 4S1 
Domingnes. Vaaoo. Canon of 

Brannxa: 363 noU 
Dort, A^oomte de : 373 
Dou^as. Earl of : 343, 345, 246 

note, 253, 254 
Conntess of : 378 

Archibald. Lord ol Gallo- 
way: 343.254.376 

Dorset. John Beaolort, Bad of 
Somerset, Blarqiiesa of: 34$, 

Lnrase. our rrancta : 7 

Dublin. Marquess of: Sm Ok- 

lord. Earl<j 
Durham. John Fordham. DiAop 

of: 438 
Dymmok, Sir John : 339, 407. 

D'Ypres.Sir John : 153, 223, 441 

Sir John (the younger) : 441 

Dysse, Walter, Confessor to the 

Duke of Lancaster: 172 and 

note, 178 note, 182, 305, 306, 


Ebrad, Mondon : 200 note 
Edmund, Crouchback : See Lan- 
caster. Earl of 

of Langley: See York, 

Duke of 
Edward the Confessor : 190 
Edward I. of England : 90. 206. 
315. 359 



Edward II. : 33, 90 and note, 

Edward III. : 2-13, 14 note, 
15-19. 23-25, 27-29, 70, 89, 96, 
98, 100, 105, no, 1 1 5-7, 122, 
139, 141-3, 145, 146, 153, 
155-7, 184-6, 190, 193, 200, 
201, 203, 205, 206. 211, 216, 228, 
229, 261, 262 note, 278, 294, 
345. 364* 370. 381. 384. 393. 
409. 410, 419, 420. 451, 454. 
455. 460, 461. 463 

Edward IV. : 389 

Edward V. : 389 

Edward, the Black Prince : See 
Wales, Prince of 

son of the Black Prince : 

61, 86 

son of John of Gaunt : 


son of Edmund of 

Langley: See York, Duke of 

Eginhardt : i 

Eleanor of Provence, Queen to 
Henry III. of England : 89, 90 

of Castile, Queen to 

Edward I. of England : 315 

EuzABBTH. Queen of England : 

Elizabeth of York, Queen to 

Henry VII. of England : 455 
of Lancaster : See Exeter, 

Duchess of 

daughter of Philippa, Coun- 
tess of March : 255 note 

Elmham. Sir William : 285 

Elnet, John : 448, 449, 450 

Elvas, Bishop of : 303 note 

Elys, John : 306 note 

Enriqub II. of Castile: 36-41, 
43. 44, 45 note, 46-53. 58-^1. 
63-5, 68, 70, 95, 116, 119.232- 
235, 263 and note, 304 note, 315, 
316. 331 

Enriqub III. of Castile : 265 
note, 267 note, 315. 330 and 
note, 331 and note, 332 and 
note, 333. SS4note, 335, 336. 345. 

Erghum, Ralf : See Salisbury, 

Bishop of 
Erm3m, William : 449 
Evesham, Monk of : 461 
Exeter, John Holland, Earl of 

Huntingdon, Duke of: 284. 
285, 294, 310, 323 note, 346, 
399, 401, 411, 416, 458 
Exeter. Elizabeth of Lancaster, 
Countess of Huntingdon, 
Duchess of: 220, 227, 310, 
390.427.458-9, 464 


Fadrique. Don. son of Enrique 

II. : 267 note 
Falconer. Sir John : 326 
Faringdon. Sir William : 236 

Felton. Sir Thomas : Seneschal 

of Aquitaine : 40. 46-49, 

88, 117 
Fernandez, Juan : 262 note, 441 
Fernando, Don, son of Juan I. of 

Castile : 267 note, 331. 332 
Fbrnando I. of Portugal : 39, 

loi. 262. 264, 265, 267, 270 

note, 273-5, 298, 304 
Ferrers of Groby, Lord : 437. 

Sir Ralf : 140. 141. 192. 

237. 240 note, 245, 389 

Family of : 201 

Fitz Alan, Richard : See Arundel. 

Earl of 
Fitz Ralf. Richard : See Armagh. 

Archbishop of 
Fitzwalter, Walter, Lord : 148, 

152. 153. 5". 326 
Flanders : See Louis II., Louis 

III., Count of 
Fogafa Louren90 Annes : Chan- 
cellor of Portugal : 265 note, 275. 

298. 303 note, 317. 412 
Fogg. Sir Thomas: 133 note, 

137. 441 
Foix, Gaston Phoebus. Count of : 
44, 58, 142. 234 note, 235. 239. 

329. 333. 345 
Foleville. Jean Sieur de : 315 

Foliambe. Sir Godfrey : 102. 229. 

Fordham. John: See Durham. 

Bishop of 
Fortescue, Sir John : 314. 394 



ir^ftiiee : Sm FUlip VL. Jolui I.. 

Cbtttot v., auiriM VL. Louis 

TnodB^St.: 164 
FraiMMt, jMn : 6. 10. 16. ;a. 54. 

75, 8a. 84. 92. loa. X06. lol, 132. 

139* x86. 198. 246, 396* sax 

mie, 396, S^S.'S^* 350. 365. 

380b 3^3' 384. 3^5. 393. 395. 

398. 409. 4"» 415. 418. 459. 

460. 461 _ 
Frondibarg. George of : 151 
Fnrtado, Affonao, Adminil of 

Fychet. Sir Tbomaa: 137, 3a6. 



Galeasso (Viaoonti] IL, Lord of 

of: 5m Denia, 

' U , 

Gandia, Duke 
Count of 

Gaaootone, Tbomaa : 463 

¥^Iliam: 435 

Gaaton, Fboeboa: S$$ Foiz, 
Count of 

GaveatoD. FIcib : aa. aA, 292 

Gilbert, Jobn: S§$ Iferefoid. 

Glaegow, Biahop of: a45» ^88 

Gloucester, Thomas of Wood- 
8tock,£arl of Buckingham. Duke 
of: 25. 152, 189, 191,231.268 
note, 281, 286. 291. 292. 295, 
296. 338, 340. 342 and note, 
346, 351. 352. 382. 385. 386. 394, 
395. 397» 398» 399 and note, 
400. 403. 417. 427. 437 

Cower. John: 165. 397 

Graily. Jean de. Captal de Buch. 
Constable of Aquitaine: 51. 

53. 88. i8S. 385 
Jean de. bastard son of : 

Archambaud de : 376. 377. 

Grayne. Andrew Fitz Symond : 

18 note 
Grbgory XI : 91, 160, 185 note 
Grene, Sir Henry : 285 

Henry: 395 

Grey de Ruthyn. Lord : 141 

Greyatodi. Baran of: a4|» jfs 

Gtosveoor. Robert : 13, jto 

Goadelopa. Fdor of : Snt SomM 

Don Joan 
Gnaldfea, Duke of: 7a 
Gnesdin, Bertnad dn. Coostabb 

of ^oe : 46. 5«. S3. S4. $^ 

63. 64. 71. 79, Ex. S/. 9I, ixi. 

X14, X40, aoo and moft, 2$$, 

Gvxney, Sir Matthov: 438 
Gnttieres. Joan, BmA of 

Segovia: 5^ Daa^ BUop af 
Gnaman, FemaaPoraa da: 31s 

Lec»or d^ ICatui of 

AUonao XI., ^ 500 

Hainanlt. Coont of : 385 

Hapabnrg^Hoiiaaol: ta 

Hardyng. John : j6o. j6x, 

Harpedan, Sir John : 
ox Saintonga : 199 

\(^Iliam, 43a 

Harrington, Lord : 437 

Haatinaa, Sir Kngk : 396 

John : 5m PembiDke, Eari 


Hauley. Robert : ^34 note, 335-7. 

Haxey. Thomas: 398 

Haytfield. Robert. 431 

Henrique (Prince Henry, the Navi- 
gator) : 308. 336, 415 

Henry II. of England : 35. ao6 

Henry III. : 22, 89, 90 

Henry IV. : Earl of Derby. 
Duke of Hereford, Duke of 
Lancaster: 131. 181, 191, 304, 
209. 214. 226. 248. 310, 338, 
340, 345. 346. 351. 357. 359. 360. 
381, and note, 383. 386, 392 
note, 395. 401-7. 417-9. 427. 
428. 435, 464 
Henry V. : 387, 414. 428. 464 
Henry VI. : 464 
Henry VII. : 389. 451, 455 
Henry VIII. : 388 



HxNRY III., Coant of Cham- 
pagne, King of Navarre, 197 
and note 

Henry : 5m Lancaster, Earl, Duke 

Hereford, Humphrey de Bohun, 
Earl of : 178 note, 189 

John Gilbert, Bishop of : 

Treasurer of England : 246 
note, 266, 305, 333 

Hesse, Landgrave of: i$i 
Hocdeve, 415 
Hoghton, Henry : 449 
Hohenstauffen, House of : 22 
Holland, John : See Exeter, Duke 

Thomas, Earl of Kent : 

See Surrey, Duke of 

Homeby, William de : 174 
Houghton, Adam : See St. 

David's, Bishop of 
Hungary, King of : 37 
Hungerford, Sir Thomas : 137, 

145, 209, 441 

Sir Thomas (the younger) : 


Huntingdon ; Guiscard d'An- 
goul6me, Earl of : 178 note, 

John Holland, Earl of: 

See Exeter, Duke of ; 

Elizabeth of Lancaster, 

Countess of : See Exeter, 
Duchess of 

Huss, John: 181 


Illescas, Femand de (Confessor to 

Juan I. of Castile : 330 
Ifiiguez, Dofia Elvira (Mistress of 

Enrique II. of Castile) : 234 

Innocent III : 160 , 164, 304 
Ireland, Duke of : See Oxford, 

Earl of 
Isabella, Queen to Edward II. : 

5. 10, 201 
Isabella, Queen to Richard II. : 

385. 386, 395. 396 
Isabella, daughter of Edward III. : 

Isabella of Bourbon : 

of Castile: 

Duchess of 



See York, 

4. 12 

Jambs I. of Scotland : 389 
JAYMB II. of Aragon : 234 note 
JAYMB III. of Majorca: 45. $1, 
61,90, 91 

Jeanne of Valois : 4 
OAN (Beaufort), Queen of Scot- 
land : 389, 465 
Joan : See Wales, Princess of 

daughter of Edward III. : 4 

Joanna, Queen of Naples, Coun- 
tess of Provence : <)0* 91 
Joao I. of Portugal: 273, 274, 
298, 301, 303 note, 309, 312, 
316-9, 320 ^d note, 323-7. 

331 ^^» 33S. 345 
son of Pedro I. of Portugal : 

273» 308 
John, King of England : 26 
I. of France : 8, 10. 28, 31. 

66, 67, 108, 1 10, 348 

of Gaunt : See Lancaster, 

Duke of 

*' of Gaunt," son of : 94, 

119, 120, 358,464 

Abbot of Barlings : 179 

Joinville, Aalis de, wife of John 

of Lancaster : 197 note 

Jonathan: 313 
UAN I. of Castile and Leon : 60, 
261 note, 262, 263, 267 and note, 
273-5» 288. 302, 304 and note, 
306, 312 and note, 313 and note, 
3H» 315* 3i6andtiote, 317, 321, 
322, 324 and note, 325 and note, 
327. 33i» 332 and note, 333, 334 
and note, 394, 430 
Juan II. of Castile and Leon : 336, 

452, 457 

Juana (de la Cerda), Queen of 
Castile and Leon : 60, 314 

Dofia : illegitimate daugh- 
ter of Enrique II. : i^^note, 235 

Juliers, Marquess of. Earl of 
Cambridge : 1 1 note, 72 



Katbakuib of 
of Castile and Leon : 178, 226. 
z$2 noU, 901. 310, 3XS. 31^, 
3a8, 3^9-'SX« 33* ^nd mie, 333, 
334. 335 «wl «o<». 336 ifoie, 355, 

KathaxiiM' Ro^t or Swynted: 
5m Lancaster. Dndiess ol 

Katrh^rton. Thomas : 4XO» 4<< 

Kendate, Edward de : 434 

kent.' Thomas HoQaod. Earl of: 
5^ Sumy, Duke of 

KeriouAt: 98 

Keteryng, William : 43x» 43S 

Knapet, Thomas : 4x7 

Kni^toD. Hem7, Canon of Lei- 
cester : X36. lit. S49. 309. 386, 
409. 4x7. 46a 

KnoQes, Sir Robert : 78, xa8, X40. 
aa8. 440 

Kttvvett. Sir John : CJiancuHor of 
Bni^d: 1x3. xas. x^a 

Lacy. Honse of : aox 

Lancaster. Kdmnnd. Bail of: 

King of Sicily and ApnBa: 

ao-aa, 24, 197 and tioi$, $2S, 

Thomas, Second Bail of : 

21, 22, 24, 90, 197 note, 292 

Henry, Third Earl of : 23, 

90, 197 noie» 210, 211 

Henry, Duke of : 7, 8, 12, 

13. 19. 20, 23, 28, 29, 100, 139, 
143, 168, 196, 197 and note, 199, 
200, 203, 205, 206, 210, 217, 
229, 247, 414 fiote, 451, 453. 

— — John, Duke of ; King of 
Castile and Leon ; Duke of 
Aquitaine ; Earl of Richmond, 
Derby, Lincoln and Leicester; 
Lord of Beaufort and Nogent, 
Bergerac and Roche-sur-Yon : 
High Seneschal of England ; 
Constable of Chester: See 
Table of Contents 

Henry, Third Duke of: 

See Hbnry IV. 

X3, X4 and mi§. 19, %$, ys-f »«9^ 
90, 93. 139. 145. »^ «^ m* 
178. i97aiid«0i)p. am, $S9»»' 
a. 408. 4IS* 4^. 4^. 4^3. 434. 
43S. 448. 449^ 4SX. 4^^ 4^ 

— Conataaoa of Gaaiife: 
Dnchesaof : 64. 9a. 93, loo^ Mu. 
104, XX9. tjow xyt, tr$, m> 
aas. aa9. 349^ $cn» joy. p^ 
3X». 3IS. 3i8. JSB, |ia» 39. 

3y>-33». 334 9mA mm. j^, 3$!. 

363. 391. 399^. 415. 4^ 4^ 
430. 435. 449. 4SI. 455^ 4S^ 
46X. 46a, 464 

— — Katharifttr. Daehoia of : 199, 
aao. aay. 357. 358 wbU^ 389^ 
390 and mU. 391-3. 396. 4*5. 
4a6, 4*8. 433. 45*. 459* 

^Philippa of : Sm 

' Qnesn bi PocUupal 
BliJEabeth of: . 

DttdMss oC. 
Kathariaeol: SssKaisab- 

nfB. Qoaan ol CaatOe and Lsoa 

Jobn of t t97 woi9 

Slary <rf : ass •w'^ 

Mande orlLtilda of: Sm 

Zealand. DqcIims of 
Honse of: la, 13, ao-23. 

396, 410, 419. 434, 436, 451. 


Herald : 226, 345, 448 

Langland, William : 165, 217, 337 
Langley, Edmund of : See York. 

Duke of. 

Thomas de : 431. 435, 448 

Latemar. John (Carmelite): 283. 

Latimer, William Lord : 127-139. 

I3«-I36. 186, 189, 19a, 194, 410. 

Legboume, John (Reoeiver-Genefsl 

of the Duke of Lancaster) : 431, 

448, 449 
Leicester, Simon de Montlort, Earl 

of: 22, 201, 217 
Earl of : See Lancaster : 

John, Duke of 

Mayor of : 463 

Lbonor : Queen of Castile and 

Leon : 60. 61, 273, 300 



Leonor Queen of Portugal: loi, 
26a, 273, 274 

(illegitimate daughter of 

Enrique II. of Castile and Leon) : 

Lesparre, Sieur de : 268, 269 note, 

367 note, 373 
Lewes, Prior of : 230 
Lbwis, Emperor : 19 
Lignac, Heuon de : 329 
Limoges, Jean de Cros, Bishop 

of : 80. 84. 142 
Lincoln, Esurl of : See Lancaster, 

John, Duke of 

John Buckingham, Bishop 

of : 393 

Henry Beaufort, Bishop of : 

181 » 345. 389. 391. 393.408, 414 
and note, 427, 428, 432, 462, 464 

John de : 174 and note 

Linidres, Maubumi de : 229, 326, 

Lionel of Antwerp : See Clarence, 

Duke of 
Llandaff, Bishop of : 305, 333 
London : Mayor of : 10, 116, 152, 

Sheriffs of : 116, 189 

William Courtenay, Bishop 

of '\See Canterbury, Archbishop 

Longley, Thomas: See Langley, 

Thomas de 
Lopes, Ferflao : 409 
Louis (Saint) IX. of France : 67, 

89. 90. 197 
Louis XI. of France : 32 

II., Count of Flanders : 2, 

29 note 

III., Count of Flanders, 12, 

28, 29 note, 30-32, 142, 270 

Louren^o, Teresa (Mistress of 
Pedro I. of Portugal) : 274, 308 

Lovell, Sir John : 437, 438 

Luna, Pedro de : See Benedict 

House of : 58, 60 

Luther, Martin : 151, 166 

Lyons, Richard : 127-^ 

Macbeth : 419 

Mahaut de Wasnes : 460 
Majorca : See Jayme III. 
Maiet, John : 448 
Manny, Sir Walter: 72, 384. 

Manrique, Don Juan Garcia: 

See Santiago. Archbishop of 
Manuel, Don, Infante of Castile : 

234 note 

Don Juan : 234 note 

March, Earl of : 25, 125, 130, 190. 

192, 206. 231 note, 359, 4S9, 

George, Earl of: 243, 277 

Phihppa, Countess of: 130 

Marchington, Sir Thomas : 137 
Mare, Thomas de la : See St. 

Albans, Abbot of 

Sir Peter de la : 125-7, 

132. 135-7. 148. 154. 15s. 
157, 169, 187, 188, 192, 239 

Margarbt, Queen to Louis IX. 
of France : 89 

Margaret : See Burgundy, Duch- 
ess of 

Brotherton : See Norfolk, 

Duchess of 

See Northumberland, Count- 
ess of 

Maria, Queen to Alfonso XI. of 

Castile and Leon : 35, 300 
Marie : See St. Hilaire 
Marmion, Sir John : 219, 229, 

302 note, 326, 440 
Marsen, Amald Giliam de : 367 

Mary de Bohun : See Derby, 

Countess of 

daughter of Ralf, Earl 

of Westmorland : 464 

See Brittany 

Matilda or Maude of Lancaster : 
See Zealand, Duchess of. 

Mauni, Olivier de : 46, 62, 64, 65 
note, 98 

Mautravers, Sir John : 137, 444 

Medrano, Diego Lopez de : 314 

Melbourne, Piers : 431 

Mello, Vasco Martins de : 317 

Merlin, 41, 419 

Milan, Lord of: See Galeazzo, 
Visconti II. 

Minsterworth, Sir John : 140 

Mohun, Lady de : 226-7 



Sa^Munr. Bad of 

- Sir John : 384 
Ifontlort, Simon de» Count of 

Xooloine, 565 
Simon de : S$$ L^^estar, 

Eari of 
— ^lohn de: 5^ Brittany. 

Doke of 
Mocieiiz, Sir Thomas: 28*5, 310. 

—— Bumche, 31a 459*46x 
liortimflr, Hoger, 5 : xo, a; 
Mowbray, Thomas^ Eari <» Not- 

tini^iam: 5^ Norfolk* Doha 



Namnr, Robert de : 72 

Karbonne, Amanry de. Admiral 
of France : X03 

Navarre: S§e Oiarlea L (The 
Bad). lOnff of; Utauy IIL 
Count of Champagne. King of. 

NeiUac. Gnillanme de : 3x3 note 

Nero: 135 

Nevffi of Hornby, Sir Thomas : 


Ifaroaret. dan^^ter of : 389 

Neville cl Raby. John. Lord: 

138. 338, 231 mie, 343.353 note. 

354. 266-7. 295, 438. 440 
Neville of Raby, Half, Lord : See 

Westmorland. Earl of 
Cicely : 389 

Sir Robert : 43 s 

Newman, Isolda (Nurse to John 

of Gaunt). 4 

Newton. John : 433 

Norfolk. Thomas Mowbray. Earl 
of Nottingham. Duke of : 191. 
281. 289 and note, 291. 294. 338. 
391. 399. 401. 404. 416 

Margaret Brotherton. Du- 
chess of : 189, 426, 437 

John de : 245 note, 246 

Northumberland, Henry Percy, 

Earl of: 51. 53, 72, 125, 140, 
141, 148. 150-5, 189, 191, 
206, 218, 236 note, 243, 244, 
246, 249, 252, 253 note, 254. 
255 and note, 256 and note, 257, 
258 note, 279. 295, 297, 361, 
417. 438 

Noctitettibertanil; liaiygat. Com- 

teas of: 35S <*0<* 
Korwich. Henry Im Spenoar. Bb- 

bop of : xas, 370. 371 ^305^ 
Nottmidiam. Thowms Muwhraj. 

BxAoiiSee NorMk; Did» ef 

Okovere. Sir Phil^ : 137. 44< 
Oriean^ Poke of : 347 
Orosco. Ifiigo Lopes de : 54 
OBorio.Alvar Peres de: 33$ 
Ostrevant. William. Coant ef: 

Oarem, JoAo Fernando d'Andom. 
Coont of. Grand Maaler of St 
James*, and Caianceiler of Rsr- 
tosal : 363 and tioii. 364. 374 
Overbnry. William de : 384 nA 

Owte of Walea : 140^ 198 
Oxford. Robert de V«ra. Sari of : 
lHucqnesa of Dnblin. Dnke of 
Ireland: 34. x89b I9X. sSx-;, 
389 and noU, ^90-9^ 39^ 39S. 
396 and noli. 397 fioli. 398. Ji;. 
338. 319* 340^ 3S1* 395. 4SV 


Pacheco, Jo&o Femandes : 331 

note, 325 
Padilla, Maria de (wife of Pedro I. 

of Castile and Leon) : 37, 314 
Par, William : 428, 430 
Passac, Gaucher de : 313 note 
Patrington, Stephen : 181, 182 

Pedro IV. of Aragon : 38. 46, 59- 

61. 63, 239 
Pedro I. of Castile and Leon : 

35-37, 38 and note, 39-41. 4^ 

and note, 43. 45. 47. 54-5^. 58. 

61, 63-65, 68. 70, 90, 92, 100. 

269. 301, 312. 314-16, 318, 329, 

334. 3S5. 357. 358. 363. 430. 

451. 464 
Pedro I. of Portugal: 39. 232. 




Pedro, Don, Infante of Aragon : 
60, 234 and note 

See Denia, Count of 

Pembroke, John Hastings, Second 

Earl of: 71. 83, 97, 98 
— — John Hastings, Third Earl 

of : 310. 458, 459 
Percy, Henry, Third Baron of 

Akiwick : 255 note 

Henry, Fourth Baron of 

Ahiwick : See Northumber- 
land, Earl of 

Sir Henry (" Hotspur '*) : 

25s note, 326, 362, 373 and note, 

Sir Thomas : See Worcester, 

Earl of 

Sir Thomas (the younger) : 

25s note, 310, 326 

Sir Ralf : 255 note 

Pereira, Nuno Alvares : Con- 
stable of Portugal: 311 note, 

Perrers, Alice : 76, 129 and note, 
1 31, 147, 184, 185 and note, 

Sir WilUam : 385 

Peterborough, Walter of: 134, 

Pharailde, St. : i 
Philip VI. of France : 2, 3, 4 
Philipot, John, Mayor of London : 

140, 155. 186, 194, 241, 418 
Philippa, Queen of England : 

2-S» 7. II, 75. 76. 141. 147. 

384. 390. 415. 418. 460 
Philippa (of Lancaster), Queen 

of Portugal : 178, 214, 220, 227, 

310. 318. 319, 320, 324, 335, 

336 and note, 346, 355. 390, 

395. 415. 427. 4S9. 464 
Philippa : See March, Countess of 
PiBRRS of Lusignan, King of 

Cyprus : 27 
Pierre (second son of Charles I.) 

of Navarre : 232 note 
Piers, Walter : 432 
Plant AGBNBT, House of : 12. 13, 

190, 218, 250, 316, 33S, 370. 

395. 396 
Pole, John de la, of Hertington : 

137. 445 
Pole, Michael de la : See Suffolk, 
Earl of 

Portlewe, Adam (Trier in Bul- 
Uon) : 450 

Poynings, Lord : 57, 326 

Provence, Count of : See Ray- 
mond VI. 

Radclyfie, Thomas de : 435 
Ravenna, Archbishop of : 109 
Raymond VI., Count of Provence : 

Redmayne, Sir Matthew : 252, 


Reynham, William de : 172 and 

Rheims, Archbishop of : 17 

Ribagorza, Count of : See Denia, 
Count of 

Richard II. of England : 24, 44, 
86, 130, 131, 133, 142-4, 146, 
154. 155. 185-7, 190. 191, 200, 
203, 264, 209, 228, 229. 232, 
238, 239, 253-5, 259, 262 
and note, 265, 266, 268, 269 
note, 275, 280-5, 288-93, 294 
and note, 295-8, 302 and note, 
303 and note, 307, 316, 337-41. 
342 and noU, 343, 346, 350, 
352, 353. 355-7. 360-4. 368- 
74. 376, 383-86, 387 note, 389, 
391-8, 399 and note, 400-5, 
407 and note, 408, 410, 413, 
417, 419, 425-27, 429-32. 
434. 437-9. 45 L 459. 461. 463 

Richmond, Earl of : See Lan- 
caster, John, Duke of ; Brittany, 
John, Duke of 

Countess of : See Lan- 
caster, Blanche, Duchess of 

Edmund Tudor, Earl of : 


Margaret (Beaufort), Coun- 
tess of : 389 

Rividre, Bureau de la. Cham- 
berlain of the King of France : 

Robert, King of Naples : 3 

Robert of Geneva : See Clement 

Rochester, Thomas de Brinton, 
Bishop of: 190, 191 



Rdelt, Sir Pim»i : 390 
Katharine : Sm 

Rokeby, Sir Robert : 351 
Roland: 45 
R008 of Hamdak, Thomas, Lord : 

148. 228. 253 ftote, 295, 437. 

Roye* Regnanlt de; 226» 323 

MOto, 345, 411,412 
Roe, Jacques de : 232 noU 
Rutland, jSdward, Sari of: 5m 

York, Duke of 
Rnys, Alfonso: 269 ttote 

St. Albans, Thomas de la ICare, 
Abbot of : 169-71, 306 

Monk of : 134, 135, 140. 

141. 150, 154, 184 note, 187, 
338, 239. 392, 409, 410, 460 

St. Amand. Sir Aniory : 438 

St. Benet: 220 

St. David's, Adam Houghton, 
Kshop of. Chancellor of Eng- 
land: 125, 145, 146, 190 

St. George: 424 

St. Hilaire, lean de : 460 

Marie de, of Hainanlt : 45^ 


St. Hubert : 220 

St. James : 314, 366, 379 

of Portugal, Grand Master 

of the Order of : See Ourem ; 

St. John of Jerusalem, Prior of: 

See Clanvowe, Sir John 
St. Mary : 420, 424, 431 
St. Maure : 220 
St. Peter : 237 
St. Pol, Count of : 106, 347 
St. Thomas : 384 
Salisbury, William de Montague, 

Fifth Earl of : 72, 99, 141, 289, 

291, 294, 401, 437. 449 
Sir John : 340 

Ralf Erghum, Bishop of : 

174, 182, 192, 227, 430, 457 

Sallust : 1 36 

Sanchia of Provence : 89 
Sancho IV. of Castile and Leon : 
300, 315 and note 

SaatisfeftbfDootaat Gwcial 
ArdUbniop I 


of tlii 

ol : 31a I 

Saragossa, AjrHitiiitfiop of: ^ 

Savenby, Bertram de: 462 

Sanl : 313 

Scales, Lord: 326 

Scrope, Henry leollffaAant.Lflia 

Locd: ChanceBoi of 

228, 231, 241, 953 nfll^ a66b 

267, aSi, ^2 aid nslf; 339^ 

William le: Sm WStbm^ 


, Juan Gntttee*, Benef : 
Dadc Bldiopof 
Segrave, Sir Hngb : 199 
Sentder, Sir Jobn : 137, 442 
Ser, P^egrine de (Mooeyerlote 

Duke of Laacaater): 433^1 
Serrano, Don Jnaa, Vi^at of 


Privy Seal to Ji 

Seville, Archbidiop ol: 333 
Seymour, Lord: 437, 43^ 
S^tlowe. Sir John : 133 

Shakyl, John : 334 iwi9, 233^37* 

240 note 
Shirley, Sir Hugh : 428 
Sibille, Walter: 289 note 
Sicily and Apulia, King of: See 

Lancaster, Edmund, Earl of 
Silva, Gonsalvo Gomes da : 303 

Simon, Magus : 178 
Skelton, Sir Thomas (Chief Stew- 
ard South of Trent): 430. 

Somerset, John Beaufort, Earl 

of: See Dorset. Marquess of 

Henry Beaufort, Earl of 

339. 464 

John Beaufort, Dnke of 

389. 464 

Fdmund Beaufort, Duke of 

339. 46s 
Sotheworth. Sir Thomas : 394 

Spencer. Henry le : See Norwich, 

Bishop of 



Stafford. Rail. Earl of: 125, 141, 
178 note, 294. 437. 43^ 

Rail. Son of : 294 

Richard, Lord : 125, 192 

Staple, Katharine del : 423, 434. 

Stenche, John : 449 
Stury. Sir Richard : 385 
Suffolk, William de Ufford, Earl 

of : 105, 125, 256 and note, 296 
Michael de la Pole, Earl of, 

Chancellor of England : 228, 

272, 281, 282 and note, 290, 

29s. 296, 297 note, 339, 340, 

440. 459 
Stdny, Sir Avery : 137 
Surrey, Thomas Holland, Earl of 

Kent, Duke of : 401 
Sutton, Geoffrey de : 462 

William de ; 174 

Swaffham, John: See Bangor, 

Bishop of 
Swylyngton, Sir Robert : 102, 209 
Swynford, Sir Hugh : 390, 391, 

460, 461 

Katharine: See Lancaster, 

Duchess of 

Sir Thomas: 390, 428, 461 

Blanche : 390, 460-2 

Swynton, Sir John: 154, 156, 

Symeon, Robert : 432 
Symond, Sir Thomas : 326, 443 

Tacitus : 135 

Telles de Meneses, Leonor : 264, 

Tello, Don : 48, 49, 52, 53 

Thelwall, Thomas de. Chancellor 
of the County Palatine of Lan- 
caster : 209 

Thomas of Woodstock : See Glou- 
cester, Duke of 

Thorsby, Elys de : 462 

Tihiey. Sir Philip de (Chief 
Steward of the Duke of Lan- 
caster) : 448 

Tovar, Fernando Sanchez de. 
Admiral of Castile : 230, 261 
note, 264 note 

Trastamare, House of: 13, 97, 
lox, 235, 239, 263, 274, 316, 331. 

See also Enrique II., Juan I., 

Enrique III., Juan II., of Castile 

and Leon 
Count of : See Enrique II. 

of Castile and Leon 
Tresilian, Robert, Chief Justice : 

Tryvet. Sir Thomas : 437 
Tudor, Edmund : See Richmond, 

Earl of 


Ufford, William de: See Suffolk, 
Earl of 

Ulster, Elizabeth de Burgh, Coun- 
tess of : 4, 10 

Lionel of Antwerp, Earl 

of: See Clarence, Duke of 

Urban V. : 26, 31. 37. 38. 59. 9'. 
160, 177, 270 

VI. : 270, 304. 333 

Ursewyk, Sir Walter : 219. 229, 

Usk, Sir Nicholas : 450 

Vaca, Cabeza de. Admiral of 

Castile : 97 
Valois, House of: 13. 29, 31, 97, 

370, 395. See also Philip V., 

John I., Charles V., Charles VI. 
Chronicler of the first four : 

115, 185 
Vere, Aubrey de : 155, 185 note, 

Robert de: See Oxford, 

Earl of 
Vienne, Jean de. Admiral of 

France : 71, 103, 108, 230, 232, 

293 and note, 296 
Villareal. Alvar Martinez de : 314 
Villemur (or Vinemur), Jean de; 

81, 412 
Villena. Marquess of : See Dema, 

Count of 
Vlsconti, Galeazzo II., Lord of 

MUan: See Galbazzo 
Vivonne, Sir Regnaut : 199 note 


Waldemar III. of Denmark : 27 



Wales, Edward, Prince of, Duke 
of Cornwall, Earl of Chester, 
Lord of Biscay and Urdiales : 
5-7. 9» lo, 12, 19, 23. 25, 40-7, 
50. 51. 54-63. 68-70, 78-86. 
9^>-2. 95» 97. 98. 100. 108. no, 
126, 130, 131, 139. 142, 143. 155, 
170, 185 note, 196, 199, 200, 
235. 294, 325 note, 363, 366, 
367. 371. 380-2, 384. 409. 
410, 419. 428. 453-5 

Joan, Princess of : 25, 59, 

131. 142, 149. 154. 15s. 186, 
237. 238, 291, 294 
Walsingham, Thomas : 136 
Walworth, William : 194, 241 
Warwick, Thomas de Beauchamp, 
Thirteenth Earl of : 72,105, 125, 
141. 148, 190, 256, 281, 338, 
Waterton, Sir Hugh : 430 
Welles, Lord : 229, 440 
Wencbslaus. Emperor : 397 
Wennesley, Sir Thomas: 137 
Westminster, Abbot of: 342, 

Westmorland, Ralf, Sixth Lord 
Neville, of Raby, First Earl of : 
389, 401. 430, 436. 464 

Joan (Beaufort), Countess 

of: 389* 391* 401. 415. 428, 
434. 436. 464 

Whitby, Robert de, Receiver- 
General, Attorney-General of 
the Duke of Lancaster: 174 
note, 431. 448 

Willoughby, Lord : 437, 438 

Wiltshire, William le Scrope, 
Earl of (Treasurer of England) : 
371, 401, 425, 430 

Winchester, William of Wyke- 
ham, Bishop of : 19, 104, 132, 
136, 141, 148, 155, 157, 162. 
175, 181, 184, 185 note, 187, 

190. 415 

Henry Beaufort, Bishop 

of : See Lincoln, Bishop of 

Windsor, William de : 411 
Woodstock, Thomas of : See 

Gloucester, Duke of 
Worcester, Thomas Percy, Earl 

of: 199 note, 244, 2$$ note. 

3»o, 317. 318. 346. 384. 401. 
402, 415 and note, 430, 438 

Bishop of : 91, 190. 430 I 

WydifiEe, John : 26, 32, 133, 134. ' 
149-52, 156, 162, 165. 166. i 
168, 169, 172-4, 176, 177 I 
note, 178-83, 220, 242, 270. j 
371. 304. 305. 355. 393. 406. I 
Wyn, John : 198 

Yerdburgh, John de. Clerk of 
the Wardrobe, Receiver-Gene- 
ral of the Dnke of Lancaster : 
174 and note 

York, Edmund of Ltuigley. Earl 
of Cambridge, Dnke of: 15. 
25, 27 and note, 28-30, 71, 85. 
93, 190, 192, 262, 263 and noU, 
264, 265, 267 and note, 268 wAe, 
272, 296, 304, 309, 346, 398, 
402, 410, 4". 423, 427, 432. 
437. 438, 464 

Edmund, Duke of : 464 

Edward. Earl of Rutland. 

Duke of Ann:iAle. Dnke of: 
263 note, 264, 267 and note, 273. 
399, 401. 432 

Richard. Duke of : 389, 


Isabella of Castile. Duchess 

of: 93, 178. 357 and note 
York, House of : 451 

Alexander Neville, Arch- 
bishop of : 340 

Richard, Archbishop of: 

432. 438 

Zealand, WilUam of Bavaria, 
Duke of : 13. 19 

Maude, or Matilda, of Lan- 
caster, Duchess of, 13, 19. 20, 
143, 210 

Zouche, of Haringworth. Lord 
la : 284-86, 438 


Index II — Places 

Abbcvflle : 7«. 73. 74 

Abchester: 250, 251 note 

Acre : 22 

Agen : 38a 

Agincourt : 396. 464 

Aire : 106 

Alava, Province of. 47 ^^^ ^^^» 

Albuq^uerque : 39 
Alcafiices: 324 
Alconeta : 318 note 
Alcu6scar : 318 note 
Aldgate. Convent of St. Clair of, 

Alemtejo, Province of: 264 
Alexandria : a8 
Alfaro: 38 
Algarve : 302 note, 331 and note, 

Algeciras : 23. 35. 302 noU, 33 ». 

Aljubarrota: 235. 29^. 301, 313. 

317. 325. 41a 
Allier. River: lii. 113 
Almaz4n: 331 
Almeida : 327 
Alnwick: 206, 244. 255 note 
Amiens : 108. 109. 347. 348, 382. 

Amondemess : 208 note 

Amusco : 57 

Aiiastro : 47. so 

Angoulfime : 68. 78. 99. 366 note, 

Anjou : 190 
Annandale : 254. 277 
Antolin, St.. Church of, at Palen- 

cia: 333 
Antwerp : i, 2, 3 

Aquitaine : 40. 58, 59. 61. 62. 67, 

68. 69, 79. 84. 87, 9>. 92. 97. 98. 

99. loi. 104. 1x6. 117. 122. 123. 

196. 200, 322. 327. 328 note, 

34«. 343. 353. 354. 363-388. 

391. 447. 448. 451. 453. 454. 

455. 461 
Aragon : 34. 37, 60, 61, 231, 236, 

239. 240 note, 269 note 
Ardres : 105. 106. 396 
Arga. River : 45 
AnSiez : 49 
Arras : 106 
Arruiz. Pass of : 47 
Artois: 16. 28. 105. iii. 196 
Ashdown. Chace : 2x9 
Assisi : X64 
Astorga : 325 

Asturias , Province of the : 34. 63 
Atienza : 33X 
Attalia: 28 

Aube (Department) : 197 
Authie. River : 106 
Auvergne: xxi. xx2. xx3 
Auxerre: xix. 1x2 
Avallon : xix. 1x2 
Avignon : 8. 26. 27. 3X note, 59. 

X09, X2X. X42, x6o, X65, 175, 

Ay ton : 251 note 


Bab6 : 323 note 
Badaj6z : 265, 273 
Bamborough: 9 note, 245 note, 

251 and note, 252. 256 
Bafiares: 47 
Barcelona: 38 

481 1 1 


Barliiigi Abbey : 179 

Bawrifigbonni : 175 note 

Bayeax: 328 note 

Bayona: 322 and noU 

Bayoime : 40, 41, 44. 55, $6. 62, 90, 
96. 332» 341. 327, 33S, 339, 333, 
363. 3^ 3^. 374. 385. 454. 

Beaufort : X96» 197 and not$, 

198 and noi€, 199 
Beaoqueene : 106 noU 
Beao^ais: 71 
Becherd: tot, 137 
Bedford: 346 
Bdloc: 1x4 

Baoavente : 334, 335. 336, 337 
Baigerac: 33,78,84. 1x4. 196, 199. 

300 and noU, 30Z and note, 383, 

Berkhamatead : 98, 3$$, 356. 357, 

358 noi$, 418 
Bemolswick, Manor of : 433, 435 
Berwick : 9, 306. 343, 350 note, 

351 note. 353 and note, 354, 

378. 379 
Betanaot: 333 
Bethlehem: 147 
Beverlejr: 310 
Beyford: 301, 303 noit 
Biddlesdon Abb^ : x68 noU 
Biodtre: 363 Mote 
Bigorfe : 59 
Biscay: 42. 53. 57. 59, 61 and 

^^» 331. 430 

Bishopthorpe : 294 

Blackbumshire : 208 note, 219 

Blanchetaque : 73 

Blaye : 44 

Bohemia : 397 

Bolbec : 74 

Bolingbroke Castle : 218 

Bordeaux : 6, 44. 52, 62. 71, 81, 
86 and note, 87. 92, 96, 100, 102, 
112, 114. 115, 116. 199, 229. 
232, 241, 325 and note, 329, 333 
^^» 340, 363. 364 and note, 
365. 366 and note, 368, 371, 372 
and note, 373, 374, 375. 376 
and note, 378 and note, 379, 
380 and note, 381, 382. 383 
and note, 384, 385. 388. 412, 
424, 449. 453. 455 

Borja : 46. 62 

Boroughbridge : i6g note, 2$i note 

Bonfogne: 73, 376, aSy* 349 
Brabant : 3, I3, 104 
BcacUey: 351 noU 
Bradford, Chnrch of: 175 and 

Bragania: 363 noi§^ 333 aad 

note, 41X 
Bray-inr-Somiiie : 106, xp7, 109 
Brentford: 403 
Brest: 103, 333, 341, 311 and 

noU. 397 
Br6tigni: x8, 37, 6f, 70, ixo^ 

B&: 78 

Bristol : 79 maU» xsS* 4P3 

Brittany: 13, 44. 117. 137, 143. 

Bnve la Galllarde : 114 
Briviesca : 38, 55, 333 moU 
Bruges : 37, 39, 30, tx8 and »oU, 

1 19 and noli, 133, 133. 37a 30i. 

Bnrbage, Church of : 433 
Burgos: 38. 39. 4^* 47* 5^ SS «bA 

noU, 57, 331 nols 
Burgundy, Duchy of : 17,38, xol, 


Cenntr of : 38 

Bury St Krtmnnds, Abb^ of: 

406, 434. 4*8 

C&ceres : 3x8 note 

Carmarthen : 206, 217 

Calahorra : 38 

Calais : 5. 16, 27. 29. 30, 40, 67, 
71 and noU, 72, 74, 104, 105 
and note, no, 114, 115, 196 
note, 198, 232. 241, 276, 287, 
325, 346 and note, 347 and 
note, 348, 349. 396. 397. 399. 
400. 426. 447 

Calatayud : 58 

Cambr^sis : 16 

Cambridge : 172 note 

County of : 203. 460 

University of : 

Clare HaU : 41 note 

Corpus Christi College : 414 

and note 

Camelot : 27 

Camillo; 315 note 



Cafiaveral : 318 note 

Canterbury : 384 

Christ Church, Priory of : 


Cappy : 107 

Carcassonne : 383 

Cardiff : 373 note 

Carlisle : 206. 279, 296 

Carreg Cennen : 217 

Castile and Leon : 13, 24, SS-^S* 
95. 96. 97. 100. loi. 102. 117. 
119, 124, 142, 154, 179. 196, 
209, 224, 229, 230, 234, 240 
note, 260, 263 note, 264, 265, 
267. 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 
274, 287, 288, 298. 301-336, 
354. 363. 331. 396. 401. 404. 
419. 429, 430. 451. 452. 456, 
457. 458. 467 

Castle Rising : 10 

Castro Urdiales : 42, 57, 61 and 

Caux : 73 note 

Cellanova : 317, 319 

Cemay en Dormois : 18 

Chilons : 107, 197 

Champagne: 78. 105, 106, iii, 
196, 197 note, 198 

Channel, The : 96, 98, 230 

Channel Islands, The : 8 

Chapelle-aux-Planches : 198 

Charenton : 197 note 

Charly : 197 note 

Chartres : 17 

Ch&teau de I'Ombridre : 379 

Ch&teau Thierry : 197 note 

Ch&tillon : 17 

Chauvigni : 98 

Chavanges : 197 

Chaves : 39 

Cheapside: 154, 189 

Cherbourg : 8, 103, 232, 241, 397 

Chester : 196, 205, 206, 207, 216, 
218, 351, 352, 393, 397 

Cheviots, The : 206 

Chimay : 384 

Chiz6 : 98 

Ciudad Rodrigo : 327 

Clerkenwell, Convent of : 425 

Clermont : 112. 114 

Clitheroe : 206, 218 

Clos des Galees : 71, 74 

Cognac: 81, 84, 98 

Ccnmbra: 303 note, 327 

Coldingham : 250, 251 

Compidgne : 328 note 

Conches : 168 note 

Constance : 181 

Corbiac : 378 note 

Corbie : 106 and note 

Cordova : 39, 269 note, 302 note, 

331. 430 
Cormicy : 18 
Comwsdl : 79 note, 229 

Duchy of, 203 

Coruiia : 40, 100, 274 note, 275 

note, 312. 322, 379, 452, 458 
Coventry : 283, 403, 404 
Cr6cy : $,6,% 29, 41, 70, 76, 122, 

Cristall, Abbey of : See Kirkstall. 
Crofton, Grammar Sdiool of : 415 

Cumberland : 206 
Cyprus : 23 

Dartford : 385 

Dauphin6 : 196 

Dax : 44. 45. S^, 3^4. 372. 374, 

385. 455 
Dean, Forest of: 307 note 
Dedze : 112 
Demanac : 1 14 
Derby : 63, 172 note, 223 
Derval : 103 
Deza: 331 
Dieppe : 74 note 
Doncaster : 171 note, 172 note 
Donegal : 384 
Dordogne, River: 111. 199, 363, 

Dorset : 137 

Doullens : 106 and note, 347 
Douro, River : 324 
Dover: 30. 96, 104 and note, 

346. 383 
Dunbar : 277, 278, 293 
Dunkirk : 271 
Dunstable : 449 
Dunstanburgh : 218, 221 
Durham: 251 note, 279 and 

note, 294 and note, 295 
Palatinateof :^454 , 



Eagjte; Hooor ol: 204. ai6w »9 
Bait Anp^: ^70 
Efann Rmr : 18. 391 47* SO^ 5S 
B dlulmigl k : 91. lOb 351 lioiK. 3$a 

fMi^ a54 aad fMi^ ^8» J98. joi 
Btham: 385 
Ehras: 36$ 

Hy. DiooHeol: ir$ «oli 
Tfce: J9. 54 

3<5^ 3^» 37^ S7«» 

374. 3;^ 37«. 330b 3«x. 3«3- 

3% 3«7. 388. 39S. 39^ 397. 

40s. 404. 40S* 419. 447. 4SU 

: : 947. aSL a64. 34* 

EMOBtvville: 74 
ffitwiinot : 969 mt$t 964 
Kfampf: 17 
fitknville: 74 
Eirariiam: 917 
Bawlar: 93 
Diooeie of : 439 


Fakenham, Manor of: 459 

Ferrol : 322 

Firth of Forth : 278 

Flanders: 6, 11, 28, 29, 30, 32, 

33. 54* 121, 142. 270. 271, 272, 

287. 288, 364. 451 
Fleet Street : 189, 408 and noU, 

Foix : 142, 321 note, 329 
France : 5. 13, 17, 29. 38, 40. 54, 

160, 190. 196, 230, 231, 266, 

272, 287 and note, 293, 295, 

302, 303. 311, 325. 328. 330. 

333. 363. 366, 367, 368, 370. 

379. 332, 385. 386, 396. 448. 
_ 455. 456. 457» 461 
Fregenal : 318 note 
Frendles, Wapentake : 169 note 
Fuentarrabia : 333 
Fuente del Maestre : 318 note 
Fulham": 256 
Fumess*: 168 

39» $om mttf. 311. 312. 

314. 39t. jai mad imH; 393. 

33i» 43% 4S^ 4fo 
OOkmafz^^ «54. i^ 
Gmmmw Bfvvr: iii. $fy, jflL 

Sm AtjMtimn 

3¥^ CSS* 



I. 9. 3, JQi, 119^ H^O, J7X. 
999 «0«^ 4$I 

GilMaltar: 96 
GiraBde^ Sivcr: 44 

906^ at7. a»9 

137. U^ 

StiMt: 999. 317 


: 971 

: 9|0^ 96t 

318 «wi» 
Griiii^^iliBorol: 469 
Gfonont: 917, 930 moi§ 
GmiHihijifm; 331 
Gndiaaa, Rhrar: 964. 965 
Gniidia, Ia: 50 

GwilfcMHiir-Sentfm ; 17 
Gniiiet: 30^ 71 note, 105, 396 
Gnipozooa: 47, 57, 987 
Cayenne: See Aqoitaine 
03^6 : 106 note, 1 1 1 


Haddington : 254, 278 
Hainaolt : 11. 104, 384. 393, 459. 

Halton : 3x8 

Halykeld. Wapentake of : 435 
Hampshire : 99 
Hangest, Ws^>entake of : 435 
Hangwest, Wapentake of : 435 
Harfleur: 71 74, 232 
Hastings : 230 
Hatfield : 10, 1 1 
Havering-atte-Bower : 184 note, 

454 note 
Havre, Le : 74 
Hawdenstank : 406 note 
Hereford : 125, 163, 306. 216, 217 


Hertford : 103 note, 117, 177, aoo 
note, 201 and note, 202, 203, 
215 note, 216, 217, 227, 246, 
248, 249 and note, 291, 358, 
448. 449 

Hertingfordbury : 202 

Hesdin : 72, 106 and note 

Higham Ferrers : 218 

Grammar School of: 415 


High Peak, The : 202, 203, 218, 

Hoddlesden : 219 

Holbom. Ely House : 408 note 

Holland : 2 

Holt Castle : 393 

Holyrood Abbey: 252, 278, 296 

Hornby : 206, 218 

Huelgas, Las : 39, 55 

Hull : 79 note, 244 

Humber, The : 278 

Hungary : 383 note 

Huntingdon, County of : 203, 460 

Inglesmendi : 49 
Ireland : 24, 263 note, 419 
Iskennen : 217 
Italy : 24 


Jaca : 58 

Jaen : 302 note, 331, 430 

Joigny : 112 


Kenil worth : 167, 178 note, 218 
Kennington : 154, 155, 226 
Kent: 137. 216. 229, 247, 251, 

Ketelthorp : 462 
Kidwelly : 217 
Kingston : 186 
Kingston Lacy : 302 note 
Kirkstall: 5w St. Mary. Abbey of 
Knaresborough : 202, 203, 204, 

2x8. 219. 245 note, 246, 249. 

251 note, 2$2 note 

Lalinde : 1 14 

Lamego : 39 

Lancaster: 63. 71 note, 98, 137 
174. 188. 203-210, 212. 213, 
214 note, 219, 222, 227, 245 note, 
249 note. 310. 351. 454, 456, 457, 

Landes, The : 454, 455 

Langley : 390 

Languedoc : 59 

Laonnois : 105, iii 

Lara, Lordship of : 331, 430 

Leadenham, Church of : 174 

Ledesma : 318 and note 

Leeds : 384 

Leicester Castle: 167, 177, 218, 
227, 246, 251 note, 254, 256, 
406, 407, 408, 418, 419. 432 

Collegiate Church and Hos- 
pital of St. Mary at : 23, 168 
and note, 182. 249, 358, 424, 

429* 435 

Frith of : 103 note 

Leith : 293 

Lelinghen : 276 and note, 277. 

Leon : 63, 124, 302 note, 324, 325, 

330, 383. {See also Castile.) 
Lerida : 59 

Leylandshire : 208 note 
Liboume : 42 note, 55, 374 and 

Lichfield and Coventry, Diocese 

of : 174 note 
Licques : 72, 106 
Liddell Castle : 218 
Liddell Forest : 219 
U6ge : 384 
Liliot Cross : 245 
Limeuil : 1 14 and note 
Limoges : 80, 81 and note, 

84, 142. 199, 233, 412 
Limousin: 68, 78. 80, 114, 

Lincoln, County of : 103 note, 137, 

222, 245 note, 390, 391, 413 
Cathedral : 174 note, 408, 


Castle : 218 

Abbey : 406, 424 

, 82, 83. 




Utbon : lOi. 364 and tM^ 365/974 

and note. 501. 3J0 mtt, ZJ6 
litluuuiia: 2$ 

Liverpool Castle : ao6. 218, aat 
Locbmaben Castle: 277 
Lografto : 39, 46. 47» SO. 63 
Loire, Rhrer: 44, 103, iii» ita, 

Lombani Street: 459 

London: 15. 149, lyi mfi$, i96» 
188. 189. 340, 341. 244. *4B» 
356, 361 note, 383, 366. 378 note, 
398, 399, 4M, 408. 4«>, 4*3. 
4^5' 434. 449 

Looadale : 308 noli 

LannoDt : 374, 378 noU 

Lot, River: iii 

Lothians, The : sc^, 379 

Low Countries, 'Ae: 11, 54. 73, 

^ a93. 345. 346. 3^6, 3«4 

Lowlands, Tne : 344, 377 

Lodieox: 7^ 

Lndgate, I^non : 43$ 

Lnsignan: 98 

Lnssac : 78, 98 

Lyme : 79 note 

Lys, River : z 

Madrigal : 57, 58 

Malmaison : 347 and note 
Malvern : 165, 217 
Marche, La : 106 note 
Marcigny-les-Nonnains : 106 note, 

Marigny-le-Ch&tel : iia 
Mame, River : 197 note 
Marshalsea, The: 153 
Mart el : 114 

Matilla de los Canos : 318 note 
Matilla : 326 
Maupertius : 41 

Medina, de las Torres : 318 note 
Medina del Campo : 57, 331 
Mediterranean, The : 96 
Melbourne Castle : 218 
Melga90 : 317 
Merida : 318 note 
Merk : 71 note 

Melrose: 251 note, 252 note, 296 
Middelburg : 321 note 
Milmanda : 317 
Minho, River : 317, 323 


;: 116 

; 79, S03 Mi^ jji. 49» 

_ : 3xr 
Monoo nt o u r: 98 
MbpleoB : 318 moi§ 
MooaKNith : 3o6/ai7 
Monterrey: 39.40 

Mbiitiel:64.93.95. 3S4 
Mbotlviliiaia : 74 
Mbotllfttei: 17 
Ifontmocency : 197 
Mdiitpoat-sor4*IslB: BSwrndrntlB, 

87 and note, aoo twit 
Montpoat (Ronetgna) i96mi$ 
Mootieoil: 74 
Mbiit-St.-Eloi : to6 
Mdntsatvy : 113 
Moray, Earldom of: 89 
Mnrcut : 303 maU. 331 • 430 
Mnr de Barres: 113, 114 


KalariUa, River : $0, $1. 53 
Najera : 50, 51. 53. 54. 95. 99. x«a 

133, 319, 335. 336b 363. 3S3t 

384. 41a. 4X« 
Nantes: 44 

Navarette : 3«. 47. 50. 5« 
Navarre : 34, 46, 63, 140, 369mI«, 

388, 329 
Need wood Chace : 219 
Nesle Notre Dame : 107 
Nevers : 28 
Nevil's Cross : 5. 10 
Newbattle Abbey : 296 
Newcastle-on-Tyne : 9, 79 note, 

98, 224p 251 note, 252 note, 278 

and note, 294. 297 
Newcastle-under-Lyme : 318 
Newgate Prison : 425 
Nichol Forest : 219 
Nicopolis : 161 
Niort : 87, 98 
Nogent-rArtaud : 196, 197 and 

note, 198 
Nogent-sur-Mame : 197 note 
Norfolk : 103 note, 174, 203, 459, 

Normandy: 216 
Northallerton : 251 note 
Northampton : 141. 245 and note, 




Northumberland : 306, 354 
Norton : 169 note 
Norwich, Diocese of : 432 
Notre Dame des Champs : 17 
Notre Dame de Chartres : 18 
Notre Dame de Paris : 18 
Nottingham: 132, 171 note, 188, 

203, 254 
Noyers : 17 
Noyon : 106 


Ogmore : 217 

C^. River : 106 

Oisemont : 74 

Ohnedo : 331 

Oporto : loi, 319. 320. 323. 324, 

328, 4S2 
Orense : 314 and note, 315, 322, 

326. 327 
Orthez : 58, 329. 412 
Ospringe : 384 
Oswestry : 403 

Oulchy le Ch&teau : 106 note, 109 
Oviedo, Province of : 63 
Oxford : 134, 230, 286, 358, 391, 

414 note 
Queen's College, : 414 and 


Palenda: 333 

Palestine : 22 

Pampeluna : 34, 45, 46, 47, 50 

Paris : 17. 27. 67. 70. 73. 78. 103. 

109, 121, 301, 313 note, 383, 

PendleChace : 219 
Penrith : 206, 244, 296 
P6rigord : 68, 116, 200 note 
P6rigueux : 86 

Pemes : 73 ; 

Perpignan : 38, 59 
Pevensey Castle : 202, 216, 217 
Peyrehorade : 45 
Picardy : 16, 71, 73 note, 74, 

99, 100, 105. Ill, 123, 196 
Pickering : 218 
Plancy : 109 
Plascenda : 318 note 
Pleshy : 399 

Plymouth : 79 and note, 93, 100, 
103. 104, 274 note, 307 and note, 
309» 448 

Plympton : 303 note 

Poictiers : 5, 10. 29, 70, io8, 110, 

Poitou : 44, 98, 199 note 

Pons : 87 

Pontaubert : 1 1 1 

Ponte do Monro : 317 and note, 
318, 322, 323 

Pontefract : 172 note, 177. 218, 
249 and note, 251. 252 note, 
254 and note, 292 

Pontevedra : 322 and note 

Ponthieu : 30 

Pont-rEv6que : 107 

Portsmouth : 74, 98 

Portugal : 34, 61, 260, 262 and 
note, 263. 264 and note, 265 
note, 266, 267, 268, 269 note, 
272, 273, 274. 275, 298, 303 
and note, 304, 317. 321. 323, 
327. 336 and note, 396. 404, 
411. 419. 422, 452 

Pothidres : 1 1 1 

Prague : 27 

Premery : 112 

Preston : 22, 278 

Provence, County of : 89, 90, 

Puente la Reina : 44, 45 

Pulteney House : 459 

Puy de D6me : 113 

Pjrrenees : 52, 58, 68, 95, X02, 116. 
263, 303. 355. 368, 384 

Queenborough Castle: 216, 217 
eensferry : 278 

erci : 68 


Reading: 14, 15. «5J. ^oU, 255, 

R6migny : 106 
R6ole, La : 78 
Rethel : 18. 28 
Revesby. Abbey of : 413 
Rheims : 16, 18, 107, no 



Rhine, River : 96 
Rhodes: 23 
Rhdslwyn : 217 
Ribadave : 322 

Ribchester : 174 and note, 175 
Ribemont : 107, 109 
Richmond, Honor of: 134, 169, 
202, 203 note, 435 

Archdeaconry of : 174 


Minorite Friary of: 171 


Roales : 326 

Roanne : 112 

Rochelle, La : 96. 97, 99, 199 

note, 233 
Roche-sar-Yon : 84, 98, 196, 199 
Rochester: 384, 385 
Rockingham Forest : 27 
Rome : 160, 304 note, 320 note 
Roncevalles : 34, 42, 45, 62, 172 

Roquefort : 93 
Rossendale : 219 
Rottingdean : 230 
Rouen : 71. 72. 74 
Rouergue : 68, 1 14 
Roxburg : 9 and note, 246 note, 

249 note, 251 note, 277 
Roye : 106 and note, 109 
Rue : 74 
Rye : 6, 230 


Ste. Adresse : 74 

St. Adrian de Grammont : lao 

St. Albans, Abbey of: 129, 136, 
169, 170. 171, 361, 408 and 

St. Andrew, Abbey of, at Bor- 
deaux : 69, 376 note 

St. Bavon : i, 2, 3 

St. Botolphs : 462 

St. EmiUon : 68 

St. Etienne, Cathedrad of, at 
Limoges : 83 

St. Faith, Priory of, Norfolk : 
168 note 

Ste.«Foy-la-Grande : 200 note 

St. Frideswyde, Priory of, Ox» 
ford : 168 

St. Germain des Pres : 17 

St. lago de Compostella : 312, 

321. 322. 329* 379» 452 
St. Ingelvert : 226, 345, 383. 462 
St. Jean Pied de Port : 45 
St. Malo : 233 and note, 238, 

Sti Mary, Priory of, Norton: 

168 note 
St. Mary. Abbey of, KirkstaU: 

167 note, 168 note 
Ste. Marcelle : 17 
St. Mathieu Fin-de-Terxe : 44 

St.- Nicholas, Church of, Calais : 

St. Omer : 73. 106 

St. Patrick's Purgatory : 384 

St. Paul's Cathedral : 135. 150. 
151. 152, 158, 162, 178, 237, 
238, 240, 305. 408. 420. 422, 
423. 434. 435. 448 

St. Peter, Abbey of. Gloucester : 

168 note 
St. Peter, Abbey of, Ghent : 3 note 
St. Pol : 73 
St. Riquier : 73, 347 
St. Sauveur le Vicomte : 69. 103, 

127, 4x0 
St. Seurin : 375 and note, 376 

note, 380 note 
Ste. S6vdre: 98 
San Pablo : 55 
San Roman : 48 
San Sebastian : 40, 379 
Santa Cruz de Campezo : 44, 

45 note 
Santo Domingo de la Calzada, 

46. 47 
Saintes : 87 

Saintongue : 44, 98, 199 note, 382 
Salfordshire : 308 
Salisbury : 174, 178, 279 and 

note, 282, 284, 285, 287 noU, 

289. 353. 424 
Salvatierra : 47, 287 
Sandon : 449 
Sandwich : 16, 96, 98, 104 and 

note, 232 
Carmelite Friary of : 171 

Santarem : 274 
Santerre : 106 
Santillan : 326 
Saragossa : 58 



Sarlat: 114 T. 

Savoy. The : 22, 28, 103. 136, ^ , , r o 

i53» 153, 175. U7» 202. 209, Tabard Inn : 384 

217. 222, 224, 226, 227, 228. Zf^^^^t.: ^^ « 

247. 248 and note, 249 and Thames, River : 8, 79 note, 216 

note, 250, 251 note, 264, 336, -.^.^^' ^30. 261 note, 399 

3S8» 418 

Sceaux : 197 note 

Scheldt, River: i, 96 

Scone : 252 note 

Scotland : 9, 10, 89, 228, 229, 
231, 242, 243, 245 note, 246, 
249 note, 252, 253, 254 and note, 
276, 277, 278 and note, 287, 
293 and note, 294, 296, 362, 
406 and note, 461 

Segovia : 334 note 

Seine, River : 17, 71, 72, 73, 74, 
103, III 

Sens : 1 1 1 

Severn, River : 79 note, 217 

Seville : 39, 40, 56, 264, 302 
note, 331. 430 

Sheen : 157, 185. 187, 290 

Sherwood Forest : 27, 351 ' 

Shrewsbury : 401, 403 

Sierra de Cantabria : 50 

Skenfrith : 217, 250 note 

Th6rouanne : 72, 73, 106 
Thorpe Morieux : 461 
Thouars : 98, 99, 100 note, 10 1 

Tickhill Castle : 202, 203, 204, 

218. 250 note 
Toledo : 39, 63, 95 note, 302 note 

33i» 430 
Tonnerre : 17 
Tordesillas : 324 
Toro : 324, 327 
Tottington Chace : 219 
Tottenham : 291 
Toulouse : 59, 78, 81 
Tournai : 3 
Toumehem : 72, 75 
Trancoso : 327 note, 329 
Trawden Chace : 219 
Trent, River : 222 
Treviflo : 47 
Troyes : 17, 105, 107, X09. no, 

III, 112, 197 
Tudela: 46 
Tulle: 114 

Sheppey, Isle of : 216 note 

Shropshire : 217 ^ , ^ , 

Sluyf: 3, 6, 76, 96, 122, 231, 293 Tutbury Castle : 104 and note. 

Smithfield : 204 _ ^^^^ 245 note, 250 note 

Tynemouth Priory : 171 
Trimingham : 174 

Snettisham : Manor of, 459 
Soissons : 106, 109 
Somercotes : 174 
Somme, River : 73, 106 
Soria: 58, 331 
Southam : 251 note 
Southampton : 79 note, 464 
Spain : 140, 147, 173, 227, 229, 

257, 266, 269 and note, 272, 301, 

30s, 3"» 3". 329. 343. 427. 

447' 453* 461* (See also Cas- Vailly-sur-Aisne : 106 and note, 

tile and Leon, Aragon, 107 

Ushant, Cape: 99. 311 


Navarre, Portugal, Granada) 
Staffordshire : 103 note, 222 
Stamford : 172 note, 348 
Stebbing : 418 note 
Stoke : 174 note, 175 
Stowmarket : 306 note 
Suffolk : 103 note, 203, 424, 461 
Sunning : 251 note 
Sussex: 6, 137, 203, 204, 2164 


Vald6ras : 326 

Valladolid : 56, 57 

Valognes : 8 

Varzy: 112 

Vault de Lugny, le : in 

Vendeuil : 106 

Venice : 404 

Vermandois : 105, 106, in, 112 

Vexin : 71 

Veidre, River : 1 14 

489 KK 



Viana : 50 
Vigo : 322 and note 
Villalobos : 326 and note 
\^llaviciosa : 264 
AOlleneave: ^.59 
Vit6ria : 47. 4^» 49. 5© 


Wales: 79 f^^» «o^. «i3. 221, 

222 , 447/448 
Waltham : 253 note, 290 
Wash. The : 217 
West Derbyshire : 208 note 
Westminster: 113, 121, 124, 125. 

134. 135. 143. 145. 156. 187. 

188. 189, 190, 192. 208. 209. 

224. 226, 228, 233. 236. 240. 

244, 256, 266, 268, 272, 288 

note, 289, 291, 301. 302 noU, 

303 note, 341. 342. 348. 358. 

372 noU, 380 note; 384. 399. 

416. 419. 448 
Westmorland : 206 
Weymonth : 79 note 
WhaUey Abbey : 168 
Wheatley, Manor of : 462 

Whitecastle : 217, 250 note 

Wight, Isle of : 230. 232 

Wiltshire : 1 37 

Winchelsea : 6, 7, 74, 96, 122 

Winchester : 93 

Windsor: 27, 121. 185, 240, 303 

note, 354, 358, 403 
Worcestershire : 217 
Worms: 151 

Wykes, Chapel of : 174 note 
Wymondham, Church of : 432 


Yarmouth : 96 

York: 10. 103 note, 134, 137. 
172 note, 173 note, 174, 175 
note, 204, 219, 245 not^, 250, 
252 and note, 254, 294, 351. 
352, 423, 435 

Ypres Inn : 153 

Zafra : 318 note 
Zamora : 324, 327 

Dutloj V*;: Tr.nner, The Selwood Printing Woilcs, Fiome, and London. 




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-289 — MAY Z 9 1836 ,