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Makers of Canadian Literature 




'>/»-, 4 

TTlakers of 

Canadian Literature 

Lome Albcrb Rerce 

Victor Morirt 

Associaie Editor 
French Section 

Dedicated to &<2 wrifers of 
Canada ~pasl and present ~ 
{he real T2iaster -builders and 
interpreters of our arealr 
Dominion* in the hope that 
our People, equal heirs in 
ike rich inheritance, may learn 
h Iznow {Rem mtimalelu ; and 
hnounnq fhemloue {hem; and 


-■.-;"■ \- 

John Richardson 








Conjugi almx carissimxque 

This labor of love is dedicated 

by her husband 




Early Works 23 

" TecumseK 26 

" Ecarte " 34 

" Wacousta 43 

"The Canadian Brothers" (Matilda 

Montgomene) 53 

Life in Spain * 1 

"Movements of the British Legion " . 73 

" Personal Memoirs " 80 

Newspaper Ventures 87 

"The New Era, or Canadian Chronicle 89 

"War of 1812" . ;; 92 

" The Canadian Loyalist " 96 

Autobiographical Works 97 

"Eight Years in Canada" 99 

"The Guards in Canada" 118 

Tales of the Chicago Tragedy 127 

"Hardscrabble" 131 

" Wau-nan-gee 137 

" The Monk Knight of St. John " 145 

Anthology 153 

An Appreciation 195 

Bibliography ~Uy 

Index 2 J«5 


HE works of Major John 
Richardson, our first novel- 
ist, are still worth perusal; 
and I acceded very gladly 
to the request of the editor 
to prepare this volume. 
I have laid under contribution not only my 
own library and that of the Riddell Canadian 
Library at Osgoode Hall, but also the Parlia- 
mentary Library at Ottawa, the Legislative 
Library at Toronto, the Congressional Library 
at Washington, the Public Libraries of New 
York, Boston, Toronto and a few others. I 
thank the Librarians for their courtesy. 

Since the completion of the text, I have seen 
Prof. Ray Palmer Baker's valuable "History 
of English-Canadian Literature to the Con- 
federation," Cambridge, 1920; but I have not 
seen any reason to change my views. 


Osgoode Hall, Toronto, 
May 26, 1923. 



first Upper-Canadian novelist, 
was born at the old hamlet of 
Queenston, at the head of 
navigation on the Canadian 
side of the Niagara River, 
October 4, 1796. 

Both father and mother were of Jacobite 
stock, and the ancestors of both had suffered 
for their devotion to Prince Charlie and the 
Stewarts. Dr. Robert Richardson was a 
cadet of the Annandale family, attainted 
after the affair of 1745. He joined Simcoe's 
Queen's Rangers, a corps raised during the 
American Revolutionary War, as Assistant 
Surgeon; and was for a time quartered at 
Fort Erie. 

His future wife he met, wooed and won at 
Queenston, where she was visiting her elder 
sister Catherine, the wife of Hon. Robert 
Hamilton. She was Madeleine, second daughter 
of Col. John Askin, 1 of Detroit, by his first wife, 

— 1 — 


a French lady. Askin was a kinsman of the 
Earl of Mar, attainted after the affair of 171 5. 
His father also was implicated in the Rising 
in behalf of the Old Pretender, and, changing 
his name from "Erskine" to "Askin," fled to 
Ireland, where the son was born. The son 
came to America about 1759 and settled in 
Albany as a merchant; afterwards he went to 
Detroit, and became a prominent citizen there. 

Dr. Robert Richardson and Madeleine 
Askin were married at Niagara, January 24, 
*793> D y R ev - Robert Addison, afterwards 
the first Rector of St. Mark's. John was the 
eldest son and second child from this marriage 
— there being eight children in all. 

In 1801, Dr. Richardson was ordered to ac- 
company a detachment of his regiment to 
Fort St. Joseph on St. Joseph Island near 
Michillimackinac, and it was deemed expedient 
that the young wife and growing family should 
live with her father at Detroit. There John 
received the rudiments of his education, but 
before his father returned from St. Joseph the 
grandfather crossed over the river into Upper 
Canada 2 "where, on the more elevated and 
conspicuous part of his grounds which are situ- 
ated nearly opposite the foot of Hog Island, 

— 2 — 


(now Belle Isle) . . he caused a flag-staff 
to be erected, from which each Sabbath day 
proudly floated the colors under which he had 
served and never could bring himself to disown. 
.... At Strabane . . the old lady 
(his grandmother, Mrs. Askin) used to en- 
chain my young interest by detailing various 
facts connected with (Pontiac's) siege (of 
Detroit, in 1763), she so well remembered; 
and infused into me a longing to grow up to 
manhood that I might write a book about it." 3 

In 1802 the Queen's Rangers were dis- 
banded and Dr. Richardson was made sur- 
geon to the Garrison at Amherstburg. In 
1807 he became Judge of the Western Dis- 
trict of Upper Canada, with headquarters at 
Sandwich. 4 He saw to it that his children 
received the best education possible at the 
time; and John certainly profited by his at- 
tendance at school, even though he avers: 
"I had ever hated school with a most bitter 
hatred." 5 

The school was a long, low, narrow, stone 
building 5 with the reputation, well deserved, 
of having more than ordinary capacity. Rich- 
ardson always detested school and his days 
were passed in suffering. He says he was 

— 3 — 

J.R.— 2 


more frequently flogged than the greatest 
dunce, perhaps as much from the caprice of 
the tutor as through any fault of his own. 
Only fear of his father, a stern and unbending, 
if a just, man, prevented his running away. 
The thoroughness of his education was pro- 
bably due to the supervision of his father, who 
was well read, and his mother, a woman of 
culture, who had been educated at the Con- 
vent de Notre Dame in Montreal. However 
that may be, he acquired a thorough knowledge 
of French, conversational and literary, and 
more than a smattering of Latin and mathe- 
matics; of his English, there are abundant 
samples in his voluminous writings. 

The War of 1812 broke out when he was a 
schoolboy not yet sixteen. General Hull 
threatened the frontier from Detroit and 
General Isaac Brock came west to meet him. 
Brock was taken with the ardent youth, eager 
to serve his king and country, and offered to 
obtain a commission for him in the Imperial 
Army. Meanwhile he "did duty as a cadet 
with the gallant 41st Regiment' and was one 
of the Guard of Honor who took possession of 
the Fort" at Detroit, on its capitulation by 


An order for the advance of the Guard was 
prematurely given by a staff officer and this 
error narrowly escaped proving fatal; but 
at length the threatening Ohio militiamen 
moved away and the Guard of Honor moved 
in and replaced the Stars and Stripes with the 
Union Jack. Richardson, with a musket taller 
than himself, mounted his first guard at the 

Thereafter he fought with his regiment in 
every engagement during the war 6 until that at 
Moraviantown, where he was taken prisoner, 
October 5, 1813, with the rest of the Right 
Division. Taken to Detroit, he, with a few 
others, was conveyed to Put-in-Bay, where he 
saw Captain Barclay, the gallant but unfor- 
tunate commander of the British fleet in the 
naval battle at that place, September 10, 1813; 
"of his former self there seemed to be little 
left besides his unstained honor." 7 To San- 
dusky Bay and then to Chillicothe, Ohio, 
Richardson was removed ; then to Cincinnati, 
and at length to the penitentiary at Frankfort, 
Kentucky. After a short confinement there 
he was paroled and made his way to Canada, 
arriving at Long Point from Cleveland, October 
4, 1814, after a year's captivity. 


He lost no time in joining the King's 
Regiment, the 8th Foot, to which he had been 
gazetted some months before his capture, and 
which was then stationed at Montreal and 
Laprairie. He sailed from Toronto to King- 
ston in the St. Lawrence, Sir James Yeo's 
magnificent flag-ship of 112 guns; it was her 
"very last trip." Then he went to Montreal. 
When the intelligence of Bonaparte's escape 
from Elba came, the regiment went to Quebec 
in the first steamer which sailed the St. Law- 
rence, 8 and then, June, 1815, embarked to 
join the British Army in Flanders. They 
arrived too late; Waterloo had been fought 
before they were half way across the Atlantic. 

The war with France being over, one 
battalion of the King's Regiment was dis- 
banded toward the end of the year. Richard- 
son was soon appointed to the Queen's Regi- 
ment, the 2nd Foot, and sailed with them for 
the West Indies, arriving at Barbados early in 
June, 1816. After some time, he was 
transferred to the 92nd Highlanders, was 
placed on half -pay, October, 18 18, and for 
more than sixteen years he saw no military 
service. This time he spent for the most part 

— — 


in London, with an occasional visit to Paris, 
where he fought a duel with a French officer. 9 
He wrote some sketches, now quite forgotten, 
of Canadian and West-Indian life, for maga- 
zines; but his first work of any pretension 
was a poem, "Tecumseh," published early in 
1828. This is his only excursion into poetry 
that is at all well known; and while he re- 
peated the experiment a few years later, he 
for the most part confined himself within the 
limits of prose. 

In 1829 he published "Ecarte, or the Salons 
of Paris." This, a strong indictment against 
gambling, while well received in some quarters, 
was prevented from receiving due recognition 
by the adverse criticism of William Jerdan, 
who described it in the London Literary Gaz- 
ette, 10 the leading weekly review of the day, 
as "detestable," "unfit to be seen beyond 
the precincts of the stews." 

In 1830 appeared "Kensington Gardens in 
1830: A Satirical Trifle"; and a continuation 
was promised, which apparently never mate- 
rialized. 11 

He had, before the publication of "Wa- 
cousta," published "Canadian Campaign," 

— 7 — 


which seems to have been the first draft of 
his "War of 1812." It has apparently quite 
disappeared. 12 

The work by which Richardson is best 
known appeared in 1832, in London, "Wa- 
cousta, or the Prophecy: a Tale of the 
Canadas." 13 This was well received by critics, 
reviews and the public, and Richardson was 
favorably compared with James Fenimore 
Cooper and even with Sir Walter Scott. 

In 1834 he joined the "British Auxiliary 
Legion," under the command of General De 
Lacy Evans. This was an army of 10,000 men 
in ten regiments and it was intended to assist 
Isabella of Spain and her regent, Christina, 
against Don Carlos. Richardson was com- 
missioned as captain in the 2nd Regiment. Ar- 
riving in Spain he was made commandant at 
Vittoria, but was attacked with typhus and 
confined to bed for more than six weeks. On 
recovery he was appointed to the 6th Regi- 
ment, his own being disbanded, and May 5, 
1836, he led his regiment in the attack on the 
Carlists in the successful attempt to raise the 
siege of San Sebastian. 14 He left Spain a few 
days thereafter for London, where, in 1836, he 
published "Movements of the British Legion," 

— 8 — 


largely taken from the journal he had kept. 
When he was in London a Gazette appeared 
with a list of officers decorated for their con- 
duct at the attack on San Sebastian. His 
name did not appear in the list and he attrib- 
uted the omission and slight to the general, 
who, he declared, had been actuated by 
some particular private motive. He was also 
passed over in the appointment to a majority, 
to which he was fairly entitled by seniority 
and otherwise. 

He went to Spain and found that he was in 
ill odor among his fellow officers by reason of 
some ill-advised language used by him when 
in England. He demanded a Court of In- 
quiry which at length was ordered. When the 
court sat, little attention was paid to the lan- 
guage which had been considered a slur on 
some of his comrades and most of the inquiry 
was directed to his conduct "in the glorious 
action of the 5th of May" at San Sebastian. 15 
A favorable verdict followed, Richardson 
received his majority and was attached to the 
4th, the Queen's Own Fusiliers. He also 
received from Queen Christina, the Cross 
(First Class) of the Military Order of St. 
Ferdinand. After some further righting on the 

— 9 — 


Heights of Passages, July 30, he returned 
to England, not, however, without first 
fighting a bloodless duel with Captain Fielding 
and barely escaping a duel with Colonel La 
Saussaye on the sands of San Sebastian. 

In 1837 he published in London a second 
edition of his "Movements of the British 
Legion," this time giving an account of the 
operations after May 5, 1836. This contains a 
savage attack on Evans, whom he accuses of 
gross tyranny and personal malice. 

The transactions in Spain were brought up 
in the House of Commons, April 17, 1837, by 
Sir Henry Hardinge, 16 who quoted from Rich- 
ardson's book, describing him as a most un- 
objectionable witness who was very precise in 
his statements. Daniel O'Connell was not 
so complimentary :" He should be sorry to re- 
ceive praise from such a quarter .... 
If he was not mistaken all the officers of his 
regiment refused to mess with him. One 
Richardson whose book was really two books; 
the one v/ritten when he was in favor with 
General Evans and therefore all in his praise, 
the other written after he was dismissed the 
service and, of course, all against him." 

— 10 — 


Evans was not present at this debate, but he 
brought the matter up himself in the House, 1 ' 
March 13, 1838. He did not mention Rich- 
ardson by name, but Sir Henry Hardinge, in 
replying, did so. He said that he was justified 
in taking Major Richardson's book as a 
sufficient authority "on which he could safely 
depend," that a letter from Evans to Richard- 
son now in his possession thanked him for 
this very book, and another attested the great 
accuracy and fidelity of his book; and it was 
in vain that Evans protested that the books 
referred to by Hardinge and by himself in the 
letters, were distinct and separate works. 

The Spanish Legion was disbanded — sadly 
reduced in numbers by disease and bullet — 
in 1837, and Richardson looked to other 
quarters for employment. The Canadian 
Rebellion of 1837 indicated that military 
service might be hoped for in his native 
land, and early in 1838 he sailed for New 
York, on his way to Canada. He arrived at 
Queenston in April, 1838; "the astounding 
and unexpected events of 1837 and 1838 again 
brought me to my native land to aid if necessary 
in vindication of her wounded honor." He 

— 11 — 


was accompanied by his wife, one of an Essex 
family, whom he had married when in 
England about 1830. 18 

Remaining for a short time in Niagara with 
his brother Charles, then Member for that 
town, he went to Toronto and then to Lower 
Canada. He published in that year, 1838, his 
"Personal Memoirs." 19 He met Lord Durham 
and was strongly impressed with the wisdom 
of his views as to the proper means to make 
Canada a contented and prosperous part of 
the British Empire. He had come to Canada 
with a commission to write on Canadian 
affairs for the London Times at a salary of 
£300 a year. The Times did not approve of 
Durham's plans— or indeed of anything ema- 
nating from the Government which had sent 
Durham to Canada— and Richardson had to 
abandon what was at that time a handsome 

This sacrifice, he himself says, was such as 
no man had ever before made in Canada and 
"to an extent that has proved ruinous to our 
interest in the extreme." Durham was fully 
apprised of this and intended to make pro- 
vision for Richardson; this intention was 
frustrated by his sudden departure from 

— 12 — 


Canada and subsequent death. Lord Syden- 
ham personally assured Richardson three 
weeks before his untimely death that he 
would carry out the plans of his predecessor; 
his death prevented this being done. It is to 
the credit of Richardson that he did not com- 
plain of injustice when the position of Queen's 
Printer was subsequently given to Mr. Derbi- 
shire, who "had rendered important services 
to the British Government while employed in 
a confidential manner in Europe"; although * 
he entertained disappointment at not being 
admitted to a participation in the "feast of 
places." 20 

He lived for a short time at Amherstburg 
and Sandwich where he completed the sequel 
to "Wacousta," entitled "The Canadian 
Brothers, or the Prophecy Fulfilled : a Tale of 
the late American War" in two volumes. 21 
This is substantially the same as "Matilda 
Montgomerie, or the Prophecy Fulfilled," 
published in New York in one volume, 1851. 

In 1840 he went to live at Brockville, and the 
next year he commenced the publication of a 
periodical, The New Era, or Canadian Chron- 
icle. He wrote all the contents with the ex- 
ception of an occasional copied article. 22 In 

— 13 — 


this journal also appeared his "Jack Brag 
in Spain" and "Recollections of the West 
Indies" — the former being concluded early 
in 1842. In the issue of March 2, 1842, 
appeared the first part of "Operations of the 
Right Division of the Army of Upper Canada 
During the American War of 1812." 23 This 
was continued in every issue until that of 
July 22, 1842. In the last named issue ap- 
peared also a part of the first canto of "Te- 
cumseh," the remainder appearing in the 
three following issues of the journal. His 
"War of 18 1 2" appeared in book form at 
Brockville, 1842. 

He was appointed Superintendent of Police 
on the Welland Canal in 1845, but that situa- 
tion was abolished the following year. In 
1847 he published in Montreal his "Eight 
Years in Canada" and the following year a 
sequel, "The Guards in Canada." He then 
went to New York, where he published 
"Hardscrabble, or the Fall of Chicago," 
"Wau-nan-gee," "Matilda Montgomerie," and 
"The Monk Knight of St. John" ; and repub- 
lished others. Here he died of erysipelas, 24 
May 12, 1852. His wife had died at St. 
Catharines, August 15, 1845. 

— 14 — 


i The name of Col. John Asian's first wife is not 
known: but it is known that she was French. In the 
Marriage Register for the Western District of the 
Province of Upper Canada, still extant, there is pre- 
served evidence of his second marriage. He made 
affidavit at Sandwich, February 27, 1 798, before William 
Harffy, J.P., of his marriage, June 21, 1772, with 
Archange Barthe (from other sources it is almost cer- 
tain that her full name was Marie Archange Barthe — 
she signs her affidavit "Archan Askin," however). 
There were then living issue of this second marriage, 
Therese, who married Col. Thomas McKee; Archange, 
who married Col. Meredith, of the Royal Artillery; 
Allice (or Adelaide) who married Col. Elijah Brush, of 
the Michigan Militia; Charles, afterwards Captain of 
Militia; James, Colonel of Militia; Phillis Eleanor, who 
married Capt. Richard Pattison, of Sandwich; and 
Alexander David. 

Therese Barthe, sister of Col. John Askin's second 
wife, married Alexander Grant, at Detroit, September 
30, 1774. This was Commodore Grant, an Executive 
Councillor and for a time Administrator of the Govern- 
ment of Upper Canada. 

By his first wife Col. Askin had three children: 
John, who married Madelaine Peltier at Detroit, 
October 21, 1701; Catharine, who first married one 
Robertson who was, with Col. Askin himself, accused of 
disloyalty in 1780 by Capt. Sinclair to Haldimand— 
Canadian Archives, B. 97, 2, p. 393 (after Robertson's 
death she married Hon. Robert Hamilton of Queens- 
ton) ; and Madeleine, mother of Major John Richard- 

2 By "Jay's Treaty" of 1794, the United States agreed 
to pay the debts owing to British creditors and, in 
breach of the Treaty of Paris of 1763, detained by 
American laws; and Britain agreed to withdraw her 
troops from the posts within the boundary lines of the 
United States which she occupied as a means of en- 
forcing the performance by the United States of the 
agreements in the Treaty of Paris. All settlers and 

— 15 — 


traders, however, were to be permitted to remain 
and retain their property, without being compelled to 
become American citizens; they might elect their 
allegiance within a year after evacuation by the British 

Detroit was evacuated by the British troops in 1796. 
Askin elected to retain his British allegiance, but 
business exigency kept him resident in Detroit about 
five years thereafter. 

3 Richardson's own words in the introduction to the 
revised edition of "Wacousta," New York, Dewitt & 
Davenport, 1851, pp. V, VI. 

4 He died in office at Amherstburg, May 1, 1829, 
aged 59. The District Courts, first erected in 1794, 
became County Courts in 1849. Before this date it 
was not unusual to appoint laymen to the judgeship of 
these courts. In the earliest times these judges were 
all laymen; since 1849 the appointees have been 
barristers. The judges of the Superior Courts have 
always been barristers. 

5 Richardson's own words. The schoolhouse was 
afterwards used as a barracks. A District General 
Order contains his appointment as a "Volunteer in 
His Majesty's regular forces," July 9, 1812, and his 
assignment "to do duty with the 41st Regiment until 
further orders." At the beginning of the War, the 
garrison at Amherstburg consisted of 200 men of the 
First Battalion of the 41st Foot, a small detachment of 
the Royal Newfoundland Regiment and a subaltern's 
command of artillery. 

6 After the victory at Miami — the 41st Foot still has 
"Miami" on its flag — he was, with the other three 
volunteers, recommended by Brig.-Gen. Procter for 
promotion, May 14, 1813; but he was still officially a 
"Gentleman Volunteer," 41st Regt, when he was 
made prisoner. Dr. Richardson was called to the 
colors and served as a surgeon during the war on 
board the Lake Erie Fleet. He was also taken pris- 
oner. Captain Barclay calls him a "most deserving 

— 16 — 


7 Richardson's "War of 1812," Casselman's Ed. 
Toronto, 1902, p. 244. 

8 Richardson's "War of 181 2," p. 293, calls this 
steamer the "John Molson": the owner was Hon. John 
Molson, but the name of the steamer was The 

9 His adversary was an officer of Cuirassiers, who had 
been the aggressor. The duel was with horse-pistols, 
the Frenchman imagining Richardson to be skilled in 
the use of the duelling pistol. Richardson missed, but 
was himself struck over the tendo Achillis of the right 
ankle. The wound was contused but the pain was so 
severe that Richardson could not stand to fire a second 
shot. The Frenchman apologized and they became 
friends. Richardson makes use of his experience in a 
"contused wound" in explaining why he left the field in 
the Eattle of May 5, 1836. 

In his "Personal Memoirs," Montreal, 1838, p. 16, 
he says (speaking of this duel) : "As is generally the 
case in an affair of this sort, there were a variety of 
rumors on the subject and some of these officious 
nobodies — would-be important characters, who abound 
on the Continent and who manage to make every 
stranger's business their own — thought I ought to 
have killed the Frenchman, and thus have vindicated the 
character for pugnacity of John Bull. My seconds, two 
Irish officers who were the responsible persons in the 
matter, felt it necessary to intimate to these sagacious 
gentlemen that they should consider any further ob- 
servations a reflection upon their own conduct on the 
occasion, and make it a personal matter accordingly. 
This had the effect of silencing them. From this same 
duel, I may add, I have drawn the picture of the 
meeting in the Bois de Boulogne between Delmaine and 
the Comte de Hillier in my novel of 'Ecarte.' " 

^London Literary Gazette, 1829, p. 208. Richardson 
attributes this attack upon his work to Jerdan's ill- 
will to Henry Colburn, Richardson's publisher, who had 
assisted James Silk Buckingham to found an opposition 
review, The Athenaeum. 

— 17 — 


11 This work escaped the research of Mr. Cassel- 
man and my own. Professor Ray Palmer Baker in- 
forms me that he has seen a copy of the work 
"Kensington Gardens in 1830: A Satirical Trifle by 
the Author of Ecarte," Marsh & Miller, London, 
1830, and that there is a copy in the London Museum. 
I have not been able to find any trace of a copy 
on this continent, and have never seen the book. 

i-Ican find nothing more about "Canadian Cam- 
paign" than what appears in Richardson's preface to 
the London edition of "Tecumseh." See in the text 
at p. 25, post. 

i^The first London edition was inscribed to Richard- 
son's old Regiment, the 41st Foot. In the New York 
editions of 1851 and 1888, as well as in Lovell's Mon- 
treal edition of 1868, the title is"Wacousta, or the Pro- 
phecy: an Indian Tale." Some of the copies of the 
New York edition of 1851 bear the imprint of Robert 
M. Dewitt, 33 Rose Street; some bear the imprint 
160 and 162 Nassau St. One of my copies has "De- 
witt & Davenport, Publishers, Tribune Buildings;" 
the copies are in other respects identical. 

u In this fierce, bloody and brilliant battle in which 
DeLacy Evans lost 97 officers and 500 men out of 5,000 
engaged, but succeeded in raising the Siege of San 
Sebastian, Richardson received three bullet wounds, 
contused wounds, in a second attempt to bring his 
men to the advance. He was advised to leave the 
field and late in the day did so. This was made a 
charge against him in the Court of Inquiry afterwards 

15 The Court of Inquiry was ordered to "investigate 
and report upon the conduct of Captain Richardson, 
6th regiment, for having while in England thrown out 
imputations in print, and in letters addressed to the 
Military Secretary, calculated to cast discredit on the 
conduct of the Legion in the glorious action of the 
5th of May." Richardson might have objected to the 
Court dealing with any other matter; he very wisely 

— 18 — 


did not object, but got upon the much safer ground of 
his conduct on that day. 

His only defence to the former charge, so far as it 
relates to letters, was that the letters to Colonel Consi- 
dine were "private." The General ordered them to 
be laid before the court as their contents were of a 
public nature, although they were marked "private" 
and addressed to the Military Secretary. The Court 
refused to look at these letters and immediately sent 
them, enclosed in a blank envelope, to Headquarters. 
Otherwise it is hard to see how there could have been 
an acquittal; the language admittedly used was very 

Richardson seems quite unable to view any of the 
transactions in Spain impartially or dispassionately. 
His apologia is wholly unconvincing. 

16 Parliamentary Debates, 3rd Series, XXXVII, 1, 
330, sqq. No one can read this debate without seeing 
that political partizanship had much to do with the view 
taken of Evans and Richardson. 

17 Parliamentary Debates, 3rd Series, XLI, 823, seq. 

18 Her family name does not seem to be known. 
Her tombstone in the Butler Burying Ground near 
Niagara calls her Maria Caroline and states that she 
died at St. Catharines, August 16, 1845, at the age of 
37 years. 

The death notice reads: "On Saturday, the 16th 
instant (August, 1845), of bilious fever, after a few 
days' illness, at the residence of the Rev. Mr. 
McDonagh, St. Catharines, Maria Caroline, the be- 
loved, noble-hearted and highly-gifted wife of Major 
Richardson, Superintendent of Police on the Welland 

i9"Personal Memoirs of Major Richardson, author of 
'Movements of the British Legion,' etc., etc., etc., as 
connected with The Singular Oppression of that Officer 
while in Spain by Lieutenant-General Sir DeLacy 
Evans ..." Montreal: — Armour & Ramsay: W. 
Neilson, Quebec; R. Stanton, Toronto; and J. Mac- 

— 19 — 

J.R.— 3 


Farlane, Kingston, 1838. 8vo., 146, iv. The work 
is dedicated to The Honourable The Members of the 
Commons' House of Parliament of Great Britain and 

20 The New Era, or Canadian Chronicle. Brockville, 
March 2, 1842, editorial. 

21 The publishers were A. H. Armour and H. Ram- 
say, Montreal; the printer, John Lovell of the same 
place. In the entry, January 2, 1840, by Major 
Richardson, he is described as "now resident in the 
City of Montreal." 

22 Among these copied may be noticed an account of 
an action for libel brought by the American novelist, 
James Fenimore Cooper, against the Commercial Ad- 
vertiser of New York in consequence of a review in 
that paper of Cooper's account of the Battle of Lake 
Erie in the first edition of his "History of the United 
States." The case was removed from the Circuit Court 
of Otsego County and tried before three referees, 
Samuel Stevens of Albany, chosen by plaintiff; Daniel 
Lord, chosen by defendant; and Samuel A. Foot, 
chosen by mutual consent. The celebrated Marshall 
Spring Bidwell was of counsel for the defendant, W. 
W. Campbell with him, Cooper appearing in person. 
The Commercial Advertiser's report, Richardson, some- 
what maliciously perhaps,gives in full, but he also gives 
the verdict for the plaintiff holding that the review was 
untrue in five specified particulars. The report takes 
up much of the issues, June 9, 17, 24, July 8, 1842. 

Dr. Fisher's beautiful Latin version of part of Gray's 
"Elegy" is also given in July 8, 1842. As indicating 
Richardson's taste in Latin, the sixth stanza is here 
copied, of which he says "We particularly like the sixth 
verse (he means stanza) not only for its pleasing eu- 
phony but by reason of the chaste collection of words 
which compose it." 

Amplius haud illis candescet ab igne caminus 
Vespere nee conjux sedula tendet opus; 

Non reditus horum balbutiet obvia proles 
Aut patriam scandent aemula turba genu. 

— 20 — 


23 He had much earlier begun the advertisement 
which he repeated in every issue as follows: 

"Several of our contemporaries having intimated a 
desire that an accurate account of the events of the 
War of i8i2in this country, should be given by those 
who participated in it — and the Montreal Herald in 
particular having done the Editor of this paper the 
honor to name him among others who could, from 
personal experience, supply the desired information, 
we beg to state for the information of our subscribers 
that on the completion of the adventures of 'Jack Brag 
in Spain' we shall publish a 'Narrative of the Operations 
of the Right Division of the Army of Upper Canada.' " 

24 Several concurring circumstances indicate that he 
was undernourished if not actually starving; Canada 
was not generous to her first novelist. 

— 21 — 



WO well-known works of 
Richardson are "Tecumseh" 
and "Ecarte." It seems prob- 
able that the former was the 
first production of his genius. 
In the Preface to "Te- 
cumseh," London, 1828, he says: 

"Many of the notes to 'Tecumseh' betray 
its author to be that also of the 'Canadian 
Campaign,' several passages in both being 
written nearly in the same words. The fact 
is, that the poem was composed five years ago, 
and before he had thought of compiling the 
latter narrative. In the hurry of composition, 
he had recourse to his notes for matter which 
he felt too indolent to dress in a new garb. 
Hence the necessity for explanation." 

This would take the composition of the poem 
back to 1822 or 1823. 

"Ecarte, or the Salons of Paris" appeared in 
London in 1829: its reception by the critic 
Jerdan has already been mentioned. I would 

— 25 — 


conjecture that it was written about 1825 
or 1826. 


The best and only well-known effort of 
Richardson's poetic muse is his "Tecumseh,"a 
poem in four cantos composed of 50, 54, 48 
and 55* stanzas respectively; in the Canadian 
and revised form, of 45,50, 48 and 45 stanzas. 
Each stanza consists of eight verses, in iam- 
bic pentameter ; in one instance, in the Can- 
adian edition only, a solitary iambic hexa- 
meter is found. The first, third and fifth 
verses rhyme as do also the second, fourth 
and sixth; and the seventh and eighth — the 
system is a, b, a, b, a, b, c, c, Byron's adapta- 
tion of the Italian Ottava rima. 

While the verse runs smoothly, the rhythm 
and rhyme are both unexceptionable, the 
terminology is well chosen and little, if any, 
fault can be found with the imagery. There 
is a total absence of anything like poetic fire; 

*The numbering of the Stanzas is continuous from 
I to LVT, but Stanza LIII occupying the lower half of 
page 106, is printed in dashes only; this Stanza being 
blank, the number in Canto IV is 55. No apparent 
reason can be discovered for this peculiarity. The Can- 
adian edition will be used and quoted in this chapter. 

— 2G — 


nothing is said which could not be equally 
well said in prose form; the verse reads like 
so much prose cut into lengths; the whole 
work is a typical example of "machine made 
poetry." Richardson's muse was essentially 
Musa pedestris and he was wise to restrict 
himself to prose thereafter. 

It may be well to give an outline of the 
theme and some examples of the verse. 

The poem begins with the occurrences 
leading up to the defeat of the British Lake 
Fleet, under Barclay, at Put-in-Bay, Lake Erie. 

"It is in truth as fair and sweet a day 
As ever dawn'd on Erie's silvery lake; 
And wanton sunbeams on its surface play 

Which slightest breeze nor rippling currents break; 
Yet Devastation's voice her fiends obey 
And stern Bellona loves, e'en here, to slake 
Her quenchless thirst, in streams of human gore 
Which soon must dye that lake and distant shore. 


"And there is many a proud and stately bark 
Emerging from the waning mists of night; 
And many a bronzed tar and gallant spark 
Awaiting there the coming hour of fight; 
Their streamers gaily float in air — and hark! 

The Boatswain pipes aloft when soon with fingers 
The active crews unfurl the snow-white sail, 
Which vainly falls to woo the slumbering gale." 

— 27 — 


The Americans are spoken of in appreciative 

and even admiring terms : 

"And who are they who, fierce defying, dare 
To range their prows along the English shore; 
To seek the angry Lion in his lair, 

And boldly brave the sea god's savage roar? 
A haughty and a gallant band they are 

Nor seen nor known, nor understood before; 
Yet not unworthy to contend in arms 
With foemen long inur'd to war's alarms." 

The Battle is described in conventional 
terms: "thick sulphureous mists," "Murder 
opens all her mouths of blood," "scenes 
of fearful death," "the warrior's grave," 
"Mars in his sanguinary car," "streams of 

After the battle was fought and lost the 
terrible condition of ships and crew is graphic- 
ally described: the defeated commander 
himself is spoken of in language which recalls 
the description given in his "War of 1812" by 
Richardson who saw him on his own way to 
prison in Chillicothe: — 

"And thou, too, Barclay, like a branchless trunk 
Lay'st wounded, bleeding,' mid the death-fraught 
Writhing and faint, ere cruel slaughter, drunk 

With the rich stream of life, with haggard mien, 
Deep and more deep in stern destruction sunk 
Each short liv'd hope — who then alasl had seen 
Thy flashing eye, had trac'd not suffering there, 
But burning indignation, and deep care." 

— 28 — 


Quite without historical warrant, when 

"The red-cross flag has ceas'd to wave on 

high," the Indians appear, "a thousand naked 

warriors," with the savage war cry and the 

deafening yell, led by "that moveless warrior" 

Tecumseh. Tecumseh, as all readers of 

Richardson know, was a favorite of his— he 

is thus described: 

"Blood of the Prophet, and of vig'rous mould! 
Undaunted leader of a dauntless band, 
Vain were each effort of thy foes most bold 
To stay the arm of slaughter, or withstand 
The scathing lightnings of that eye, where roll'd 
Deep vengeance for the sufferings of a land 
Long doom'd, the partage of a numerous horde 
Whom lawless conquest o'er its valleys pour'd." 

Tecumseh's real kindness of heart and 

earnest desire for peace the author notes in 

the words: 

" 'Twas he first caus'd these scenes of blood to cease 
And deign'd the vanquish'd what they sue for — peace." 

The Indian chief is given an only son, Uncas: 

" . . youthful Uncas, foremost in the fight, 
His father's sole born and his nation's pride; 
He, too, hath mark'd and sicken'd at the sight; 
He, too, had seen the foe triumphant ride 
And spread their banners o'er the liquid plain 
In all the insolence of proud disdain." 

Tecumseh sends Uncas to gather his war- 
riors, and the canto ends. 

— 29 — 


At the beginning of the second canto, for 
twenty-three stanzas, soliloquizes 

" in simple strains, an ancient chief 

Whose tottering frame lay curv'd within his tent; 
Worn with much suffering and consuming grief, 
Beneath the weight of many winters bent." 

He sees the warriors returning from the 
battle : 

". . . the crowded barks approached that shore 

The gaudy streamers deck their prows no more, 

But poles, thick strung with scalps, in many a rank 
Arrest the eye — all loathsome in their gore — 
While ever and anon resounds the clank 
Of captive chains; and men of fairer hue 
And other garb are mingled with each crew." 

Uncas' corpse is seen in the mournful 
bark; he had been slain in battle. 

•'And darting now amid the sorrowing crowd 
Appear'd Tecumseh recent from the fight; 
He gaz'd upon the scene, a moment bowed 

By the thick mists which swam before his sight; 
But, firmly struggling with his secret woes, 
Suppressed the groan which half indignant rose. 

"Awhile Tecumseh gaz'd upon the wreck 
Of his lone house all silent there and low; 
. . . that son — his Uncas — form'd to deck 
The paths of those who wield the spear and bow, 
How sad to see him there — a blighted flower 
Cropp'd in the bloom of beauty and of power!" 

— 30 — 


The death of Uncas is avenged in true 

Indian manner : 

« an aged fiend, 

Low bent and wither'd by the blast of years, 
Whose trembling steps upon a hatchet leaned, 

At the dark entrance of a tent appears, 
With sunken eyes, that furious roll'd, and gleaned 
The fairest form amid those sad compeers, 
The youth most worthy to appease his shade 
Whose clay-cold corse within that tent is laid." 

She kills him : 

"Crash'd the fell hatchet on his front of snow 

Yet sank he not beneath the hellish blow 
Till wounds repeated, on the slippery sod, 

In death's cold grasp soon laid the sufferer low; 
Whom now the savage monster rudely strips 
Of the warm scalp, borne quivering to her lips." 

This whole scene, without historical warrant 
as it is, is practically what took place on the 
death of Logan in the War of 1812— one of 
the most appalling scenes in all history, and 
described by Richardson in Chapter III of his 
"War of 1812." 

The third canto begins with the morning of 

Procter's Council of War before his retreat to 

the Thames: 

"Long has Apollo in his flaming car 

Lash'd his hot coursers up the Eastern sky." 

— 31 — 


And now he 

"Awaits the moment when Aurora's charms 
Shall hail him blushing to her trembling arms." 

A council of war is held of whites and 

Indians : the prevailing opinion of the former is 

to retreat to 

". . . . where the Thames' sweet waters flow 
And higher banks, with thick'ning woods are 

A post more fitted for defence is found." 

Tecumseh takes strong ground against 

this view : 

"Up rose Tecumseh with impatient bound, 
Fire in his mien and anger in his eye — " 

He scorns to retreat from the frontier and 
ends by crying: 

"But since the blood runs coldly thro' thy veins 
And love of life belies the warrior's creed, 
Go — flee — and leave to hostile swords these plains; 

Then tell thy Father of the glorious deed, 
Yet say that well one native chief maintains 

The faith he pledged and on this spot will bleed — 
For by the Spirit of our mighty sphere 
Tecumseh moves not while a foe is near." 

Nevertheless, Procter, 

"The Christian father, in his judgment firm, 
Still deems retreat the most expedient mean 
To thwart the foeman's measure in the germ." 

— 32 — 


Tecumseh submits : 

"Then be it on the Thames' broad banks — I yield 
To riper Chieftains and more prudent sires; 

But by the mighty Prophet, on that field 
Tecumseh combats — conquers or expires." 

The fourth canto brings the climax and 
denouement. Awaiting the American invader 
at the Thames are, "the mild Huron who for- 
sakes his plough, the Winnebago fierce, the 
artful Chippawa, the Sawkie of the noble 
brow, the stern Munsee, the Kickapoo, the 
Foxes' warlike few, the watchful Shawanee 
(Tecumseh's pride), the wild Minoumini of 
flashing eyes who feeds on human flesh, the 
Ottawas, the Pottawatamies, and Fallowsine" 
— Tecumseh views them all with pride, 

"Still his soul slept not, and his wrath kept pace 

With the hate that mock'd at suffering and toil, 
For with his Uncas' death-pang snapp'd the tie 
Which bound him latest to humanity." 

The battle begins and, 

"Amid that scene like some dark, towering fiend, 
With death-black eyes and hands all spotted o'er, 
The fierce Tecumseh on his tall lance lean'd." 

He sees 

"The chief who leads the foeman to his shore, 
When with loud yells that devils might appal, 
Deep in his breast he lodg'd the whizzing ball." 

— 33 — 


Tecumseh sprang forward to finish his 

work with the hatchet 

"When from the adverse arm a bullet flew 
With force resistless and with aim too true." 

The poem ends with the hope that his deeds 
may be recalled who spared blood in many a 
battle dire. 


In the spring of 1824 an English baronet, 
Sir Edward Delmaine, and his nephew, Clif- 
ford Delmaine, the hero, went from London to 
Paris, most of the way with Colonel Stanley, 
"a tall, fine, military-looking man," and his 
daughter, Helen, then in her twenty-second 
year, and "a model of female beauty." The 
trip is amusingly described with little justice 
done to French politeness. 

In Paris Clifford meets an old friend, Fred- 
erick Dormer, who had ruined health and 
happiness by gambling. He tells a long story 
of his fall and its consequences ; this, in length, 
(four chapters, 22 8vo. pages) reminds one of 
the story told by Wacousta to Clara de Haldi- 
mar. Taken a prisoner in Canada at an early 
age, into the heart of the enemy's country, the 

— 34 — 


United States, he was tempted to play three- 
card-loo. At Frankfort, Kentucky, he fell in 
love with Agatha, the one loved and beauteous 
daughter of Mr. Worthington, a hospitable 
widower; and his love was returned. A gay, 
unclouded future was unfolded to their view, 
as Mr. Worthington was wealthy and approved 
of the match. But at Harodsburg, staying 
three weeks instead of three days, he won 
twenty eagles from an American officer, after 
three days' play and the destruction of fifty 
packs of cards ; then seventy-five eagles from 
a trans-atlantic chevalier d'industrie. Agatha 
and her father were displeased at his long 
absence : the chevalier d'industrie blackmailed 
him and stabbed him. Worthington wrote 
him breaking off the proposed marriage, but 
Agatha was true. 

Being released, Dormer returned to Canada 
and endeavored to join his regiment, then 
serving under Wellington in Flanders. In New 

York he met "General H , an officer who 

had fallen into the hands of our division at the 
commencement of the war" (of course, General 
William Hull) and his daughters, "elegant, 
well-informed, accomplished young women." 
He fought at Hougoumont and was taken 

— 35 — 
J.R.— 4 


prisoner but was recaptured. Going to Paris 
after Waterloo, he made his way to England 
and received a chilling letter from Agatha; then 
to Madras with many officers and "a number 
of married and single ladies . . . lovely 
and fascinating women;" but Agatha's image 
remained rooted in his breast. 

In India he gambled heavily, horse racing 
and cards, and at length even "withdrew from 
the intimacy of the society ... of the 
Colonel and his daughter, a fine and accom- 
plished young woman." The Colonel, a 
friend of Worthington's, was about to inform 
him, Dormer found, of his painful conviction 
of Dormer's utter devotedness to this ruinous 
vice. Dormer insulted him and fought a duel 
as the result; the parties then being reconciled, 
Dormer sold out and went to England; then in 
1821 to Paris where, in the Salons d'Ecarte, he 
gambled in large sums. "My days were now 
consumed at Frascati's and the Palais Royal, 
while my nights were devoted to Astellis, Le 
Pain and Magnolle and several other lady 
proprietors equally celebrated for the splendor 
of their establishments and the style and 
beauty of the females by whom they were 
frequented." He lost all his money and was 

— 36 — 


imprisoned nearly a year for debt. A French 
officer who had saved his life at Waterloo, 

Colonel H , was placed in the same 

prison on a charge of attempted robbery; 
though innocent he was convicted; "a victim 
of the spirit of persecution which had actuated 
the Bourbons since the restoration in regard 
to all the faithful adherents of the Emperor," 
he was sent to the hulks for five years. Dor- 
mer concludes his long story by saying that 
it would be his care to guard Delmaine 
"against the dangers by which the young and 
generous are almost imperceptibly assailed in 
this seductive metropolis." 

(Colonel Stanley turns out to have been 
Dormer's Colonel in India.) 

Comte de Hillier,"one of the fiercest des- 
peradoes and most successful duellists in all 
Paris," who had already killed five men, in 
company with "the self -expatriated and cox- 
combical Lord Hervey," insulted Helen, and 
Clifford fought a duel with him. Both were 
wounded, the Comte in the right breast, 
severely but not fatally, Clifford with a severe 
but not dangerous contused wound. 

Mr. W. C. H. D. F. Darte, the gentleman 
whom young Englishmen in Paris consult for 

— 37 — 


information in regard to the amusements of 
the evening, as "the farmer consults his baro- 
meter in order to ascertain the state of the 
weather," is introduced to us with "the enor- 
mous Mrs. Rivers, accompanied by two 
nearly equally voluminous masses of matter 
. . her daughters . . with . . Hot- 
tentot proportions . . Misses Fanny and 

Clifford narrowly escapes another duel, goes 
with a French friend, Marquis de Forsac, to 
Madame Astelli's Hotel in the Rue Grammont, 
where he recognizes as Adeline Dorjeville a 
beautiful young Frenchwoman whose life he 
had saved by seizing the bridle of a horse about 
to trample on her. He wins heavily at the 
gaming table, but, suspecting an opponent of 
cheating, leaves the game. He makes love to 
Adeline, whom he accompanies home, and 
makes an appointment for the following day. He 
takes her to dinner at Beauvillier's in the Rue 
de Richelieu, where they meet Colonel and 
Helen Stanley and Dormer. Sir Edward 
disowns him for the insult to Colonel Stanley 
and his daughter by placing himself immedi- 
ately opposite them with an artful French- 

— 38 — 


The inevitable complications take place. 
Helen, "a woman of strong mind . . with 
all the passion of love without any of its ro- 
mance," was more than usually sensible; 
Clifford had an intrigue with Adeline and led 
the gay life of the Salons. We have a lively 
description of these, of the money lenders, 
Jews and others, usurers, harpies, "the dash- 
ing, splendid females who frequent the 
Salons d'Ecarte . . and form attachments 
with the young men they usually meet in these 
haunts," the "faiseurs d'affaires" — "a more 
needy, worthless race of vipers never existed" 
— who introduce men of respectability requiring 
money "to the money lender; and all the 
tribe of scandalous gamblers." 

De Forsac tries to take Adeline away from 
Clifford : she orders him away from her room — 
she was clothed only in her night dress. He 
seizes her and a painful scene ensues; but 
Clifford, returning, finds her in the Marquis' 
wild embrace and stops the outrage. A chal- 
lenge follows, but Clifford, when the Marquis 
was thrown out, charges Adeline with being 
De Forsac's "servile paramour." She denies 
the charge but admits that she formerly lived 
with him, and Clifford leaves her for ever. 

— 39 — 


The fact appears in the course of the story 
that Adeline was the mistress of De Forsac 
and was brought in contact with Clifford by 
him, that she might capture Clifford and leave 
the field clear for the refined voluptuary, De 
Forsac, to obtain the hand of Helen, with whom 
he had fallen in love and of whom he had told 
his friend Dormer that she was neither cold 
nor insipid. Englishwomen "it is true . . 
have less of the vivacity of passion, but their 
feelings are deep, intense and lasting. More- 
over they live on the memory of love when 
love itself and the intoxication of the kisses 
have passed away." Besides "in the first 
place, she has fortune ... in the second 
place, she is a woman of birth and accom- 
plishments . . lastly and chiefly, she has 
the most desirable person I ever beheld." 

Clifford turns up at three o'clock for the 
duel, but he is arrested for debt through De 
Forsac's machinations: he cannot find bail 
and goes to St. Pelagie. The same night a 
ball is given by the English Ambassador : this 
is attended by the Stanleys, Sir Edward and 
Dormer. Helen learns there of Clifford's 
imprisonment, but meets Agatha Worthington, 
with whom she at once becomes a warm friend 
with admiration and love on both sides. 

— 40 — 


Clifford's prison life of misery is fully de- 
scribed, as is also the suicide of his prede- 
cessor, an English gentleman called Torring- 
ton, ruined by gaming ; Adeline visits Clifford 
but is repulsed and the money she offers him 
is refused. Helen pawns her jewels for 
money to release him: Dormer, taking the 
fifty thousand francs to the prison for that 
purpose, sees the unhappy Adeline, "her 
countenance pale and haggard — her eyes 
swollen — her lips partly unclosed and stained 
with blood." "No Frenchman," murmured 
the turnkey, "would have treated his mistress 
in the same manner ; the monster!" Clifford 
sees her through a window, hears the remark 
of the turnkey and exclaims "the man is 
quite right and I have acted like a brute." 

The money paid, Clifford is released; 
Dormer at his instance enquires for Adeline 
and finds her seriously ill. Admitted to 
visit her, he sees her die ; he carries the sad 
tidings to Clifford and "that night Clifford 
Delmaine was pronounced to be in a high 
state of fever, on the second it increased to 
delirium and on the third his life was des- 
paired of " — a truly conventional, if medically 
impossible, result. 

The conclusion of the story is admitted by 

— 41 — 


the author to be conventional: "few . . 
can be ignorant of the decidedly hostile man- 
ner in which the critics have recently opposed 
themselves to any infringement on the esta- 
blished customs of the day ... we bow 
to their fiat." 

Six weeks after Clifford's release from St. 
Pelagie, Frederick Dormer, now wholly re- 
formed, and Agatha Worthington were married. 
Sir Edward Delmaine died within three weeks 
after his return to London and in the autumn 
of that year "Sir Clifford Delmaine received 
the hand of the noble-minded Helen from her 
father . . . Like Dormer he had . . 
completely 'sown his wild oats.' " Marquis de 
Forsac was killed in a duel in Italy by a British 
officer who had detected him in an intrigue 
with his wife. It is not known whether Mr. 
Darte married either Miss Lucy or Miss Fanny 
Rivers. "Comte de Hillier is still living, as 
ferocious, as quarrelsome, and as brutal as 
ever ; his friend and second, Lord Hervy, has 
lately come to an Earldom" and" Reader, vale." 

So ends a somewhat lurid story. Every one 
must judge for himself whether it deserves 
the characterization of Jerdan; but it is not 
an unusually immoral or provocative novel 
for those times or, indeed, for these. 

— 42 — 



HIS is the best-known of 
Richardson's works, and with 
I all its faults it must be con- 
sidered his best. "It is foun- 
ded solely on the artifice of 
(Pontiac to possess himself of 






the two last English forts," Detroit and Mich- 
illimackinac ; and Richardson made full use 
of the stories told him in his childhood by his 
maternal grandmother at Strabane. 

The "Prophecy" was in reality a curse pro- 
nounced against Colonel de Haldimar, Com- 
mandant at Detroit, by the wife of a soldier 
whom he had caused to be shot for permitting 
the Colonel's own son to leave the fort against 
orders— an inhuman act wholly unjustified by 
the circumstances and which excited horror 
in every breast. It is explainable only by the 
overwrought state of the Colonel, induced by 
the nocturnal visit to his room of one he had 
wronged four and twenty years before. 

The agonized widow exclaimed : 

"Inhuman murderer, if there be a God of 

— 45 — 


justice and of truth, He will avenge this 
devilish deed. Yes, Colonel de Haldimar, a 
prophetic voice whispers to my soul that even 
as I have seen perish before my eyes all that 
I loved on earth, without mercy and without 
hope, so even shall you witness the destruction 
of your accursed race. Here— here— here 
. . . . shall their blood flow till every 
vestige of his own is washed away, and oh, if 
there be spared one branch of thy detested 
family, may it be only that they may be 
reserved for some death too horrible to be 
conceived !" 

This passage will give some conception of 
the work; the speakers all have a stilted, 
artificial style unlike anything that is ever 
heard in actual life, but not unlike that of 
Sir Charles Grandison and most of Sir Walter 
Scott's characters, except the most lowly.^ 
It would be unjust to Richardson to say that 
he founded his style on that of his illustrious 
namesake and fellow-novelist; but certainly 
there is a great resemblance. His narratives 
have not any such defects; facts are stated 
with clearness, and, in general, concisely; a 
little moralizing here and there is pardonable. 

To understand the plot we must go back 
— 46 — 


nearly a quarter of a century before the open- 
ing of the story. De Haldimar and Morton 
were subalterns in the same regiment, and 
intimate friends. The latter, hunting in the 
Highlands of Scotland, discovered Clara Bev- 
erley, the daughter of an English Colonel 
who had espoused the Stewart cause in 171 5 
and had buried himself and his only child in 
a secluded spot in the mountains. They fell 
in love with each other and became engaged, 
" whispering vows of eternal love." DeHaldi- 
mar was informed and promised to render 
Morton any service in his power. He also 
found the fair Clara and during the absence 
in the South of Morton, married her. He 
also preferred charges against Morton, who 
was tried by court-martial, found guilty and 
dismissed the service. 

Morton joined Prince Charlie in 1745. 
Learning that de Haldimar was in command 
of one of the regiments sent under Wolfe 
against Quebec, he made his way to Canada 
and joined the French army. In the attack on 
Quebec he shot at Charles de Haldimar, a 
subaltern in his father's regiment, and would 
have killed him but that the bullet was inter- 
cepted by a private soldier, Frank Hallo way — 

— 17 — 


the same man who was afterwards shot on 
Colonel de Haldimar's orders, and who was the 
nephew of Morton. Morton afterwards joined 
the Indians, assuming the name Wacousta. 
He it was who visited the room of Colonel 
de Haldimar at Detroit by night and put him 
in such trepidation that he would not listen 
to the entreaties of Halloway, Halloway's 
wife Ellen, or his officers. 

Much of the book is taken up in a descrip- 
tion, graphic and not far from historic truth, 
of the foiling of the attempt of Pontiac on 
Detroit. On this attempt, Wacousta came 
into the fort garbed and painted as an Indian. 
The Colonel recognized him and ordered him 
to be seized, but in vain. 

Then is described with some detail the cap- 
ture of the fort at Michillimackinac, the massa- 
cre of the garrison, and the escape on a schooner 
of Clara de Haldimar, the Colonel's daughter, 
who was at the fort on a visit, Madeline 
de Haldimar, her cousin, Madeline's fiance, 
Captain Frederick de Haldimar, Sir Everard 
Valletort and others. In this narrative Rich- 
ardson makes the River St. Clair so narrow 
that it was wholly overhung by the branches 

— 48 — 


of the trees on the banks, a liberty with fact 
which, in his introduction to the revised edi- 
tion, he justifies as a "license usually accorded 
to a writer of fiction in order to give greater 
effect to the scene represented as having 
occurred there, and of course in no way in- 
tended as a geographical description of the 
river." Beyond any question the scene is made 
more impressive and effective by the expedient 
employed, but there may be two opinions as 
to the validity of the excuse. 

The escaping party is captured by Wacousta 
who brings them to Detroit. In escaping from 
him, Charles de Haldimar and other British 
officers are met, disguised as Indian warriors. 
Wacousta, pursuing, kills Charles de Haldimar 
in the presence of Ellen Halloway, on the very 
spot at which her husband was slain, Sir 
Everard is saved, as is Clara, and they become 
affianced. Wacousta is taken prisoner by 
the English, Clara rushes to him and demands 
her brother Frederick, he seizes her in his 
arms and climbs the flag-staff; the Colonel 
dared not permit him to be shot at lest the 
woman should be hurt. "Wacousta had now 
reached the centre of the flag-staff. Pausing 

— 49 — 


for a moment, he grappled it with his strong 
and nervous feet, on which he apparently 
rested to give momentary relief to the muscles 
of his left arm (he still supported the ap- 
parently senseless Clara against his right 
breast with the other). He then abruptly 
abandoned his hold, swinging himself out a few 
yards from the staff, and returning again, 
dashed his feet against it with a force that 
caused the weakened mass to vibrate to its 
very foundation. Impelled by his weight and 
the violence of his action, the creaking pine 
gave way, its lofty top gradually bending over 
the exterior rampart until it finally snapped 
asunder and fell with a loud crash across the 

This extraordinary story excited the ridicule 
of some critics, and it may fairly be said that 
it is hard to find a parallel outside Baron 
Munchausen. Richardson, however, justifies 
it as quite possible : "a strong and active man 
such asWacousta is described to have been, 
might very well have been supposed in his 
strong anxiety for revenge and escape with his 
victim, to have doubled his strength and 
activity on so important an occasion, rendering 

— 50 — 


that easy of attainment by himself which an 
ordinary and unexcited man might deem im- 
possible. I myself have knocked down a 
gate almost without feeling the resistance in 
order to escape the stilettoes of assassins." 
Perhaps so, but one would like to know how 
many yards even a strong and active man 
could swing himself out from a flag-staff with 
a woman clasped to his breast. 

Wacousta effected his escape, though wound- 
ed by Sir Everard, and, in full view of father 
and betrothed, he killed Clara and threw her 
body into a ravine. Colonel de Haldimar 
believed that he was now childless, but 
Frederick was assisted to escape by an 
Indian woman, the devoted Oucanasta ; with 
him escaped his fiancee, Madeline. The 
Colonel did not live to see his son's return: 
"when the adjutant entered his apartment, 
the stony coldness of his cheek attested 
he had been dead for some hours." 
Wacousta, Sir Reginald Morton, takes away 
Ellen Hallo way as his wife. It turns out 
that the dead husband's real name was also 
Reginald Morton and that he was the nephew 
of Wacousta. "As for poor Ellen Halloway, 

— 51 — 



search has been made for her, but she never 
was heard of afterwards." 

So ends this interesting story, full of striking 
episodes and, in the main, true to nature. 
One may regret that the action is hampered 
and the vraisembiance almost destroyed by 
wearisome dialogue in stilted and unnatural 

— 52 



HIS work, the sequel to 
"Wacousta," was written in 
England as early as 1833 when 
Richardson was still a Lieu- 
tenant of the 92nd Regiment. 
The manuscript was seen by 
Sir Herbert Taylor, Aide-de-Camp and Private 
Secretary to King William IV and a soldier of 
considerable experience. Taylor expressed 
deep gratification at the chapter treating of the 
policy of employing the Indians in any future 
war with the United States. He also conveyed 
to Richardson the King's acquiescence in 
the request to dedicate the work to him, 
August 12, 1833. 

Why it was not published in England does 
not appear: local tradition, however, has it 
that it received its finishing touches when the 
author was living in Sandwich in 1839. Cer- 
tain chapters were published in the Literary 
Garland, of Montreal, and Richardson says 

— 55 — 


that "had it not been for the very strong in- 
terest taken in their appearance by a portion 
of the American public in the first instance, the 
volumes never would have been submitted 
to the press of this country." 

"The Canadian Brothers, or The Prophecy 
Fulfilled: a Tale of the late American War" 
was published at Montreal, 1840. It was 
dedicated to Sir John Harvey, then Lieutenant- 
Governor of New Brunswick who, as Colonel 
Harvey, had distinguished himself in the War 
of 1812. It was he who in the night of June 5, 
18 13, at the head of five hundred men of the 
8th and 49th Regiments, surprised and com- 
pletely routed the forces of Generals Winder 
and Chandler, 3,500 strong, at Stoney Creek 
in Upper Canada. The edition was in two 
volumes of 250 copies; but, notwithstanding 
the continued advertisement in The New Era, 
Richardson might as well have published it 
"in Kamtschatka" as in Canada : there was 
little demand in the Canada of that period for 
the productions of Canadian talent — nous 
n'avons pas change tout cela. 

When living in New York, Richardson pre- 
pared and published in New York in 1851, an 
edition for the American market of "Matilda 

— 56 — 


Montgornerie, or The Prophecy Fulfilled: a 
Tale of the late American War, Being the 
Sequel to 'Wacousta'." The plot, so far as 
there is any plot, is not altered, but many 
changes are to be found in this edition, some 
of importance. In the preface to the original 
edition the author apologized for the imper- 
fect Scotch which he had put into the mouth 
of one of his characters, his apology for which 
being that he was unaware of the error until 
the work had been so far printed as not to 
admit of his remedying it. In "Matilda Mont- 
gornerie," while Captain Cranstoun is men- 
tioned, he is no longer "a raw-boned Scotch 
Captain of Grenadiers"; whole passages in 
which he figures are omitted and when he 
does talk he speaks English and not such 
atrocities as "joodge of pheesogs," "yeet 
as ye're to be attoched to my deveesion y'ell 
perhaps roon jeest the same reesk," "What 
ha' ye doon wi' the oogly loot?" "How vary 
extraoordinary to soorender the ceetadel," 
"had Geerald doon this he would ha' maired 
his feenal treomph over the veellain," etc., 
etc. — alleged Scotticisms which certainly call 
for apology, but are not much, if any, worse 
than some we see in works of greater preten- 

— 57 — 


sions. The fact that Cranstoun was intended 
for a portrait of an actual personage, Lt.-Col. 
Short, does not diminish but rather increases 
the offence. 

In "Matilda Montgomerie" there are many 
omissions — I have noted over seventy — of 
more or less length and importance, ranging 
from three or four pages down to a single 
sentence; one of the longer being that part 
treating of the policy of employing the Indians 
in any future war with the United States, which 
had attracted the attention of Sir Herbert 
Taylor in 1833. Many omissions occur in the 
narrative of the events of the War: these are 
wholly pardonable, the War was a thing of the 
past and many of the passages omitted had 
interrupted the current of the story. 

In his preface to the original work the author 
had felt himself called upon to explain "the 
favorable light in which the American char- 
acter has been portrayed" and rejoiced that 
"in eschewing the ungenerous desire of most 
English writers in America to convey a de- 
basing impression of the people and seek- 
ing . . . to do justice to their character, 
. . . no interested motive can be ascribed 
to him." He hoped that his pages might dis- 

— 58 — 


sipate a portion of that irritation naturally 
"engendered in every American heart by the 
perverted and prejudiced statement of dis- 
appointed tourists whose acerbity of stricture 
not even a recollection of much hospitality 
could repress." And while sturdily British 
and almost passionately Canadian, Richardson 
says nothing at which any fair-minded Ameri- 
can could cavil. 

But in the New York work, he goes farther 
in the way of catering to American sentiment 
and suppresses anything which might wound 
American sensibilities and amour propre. 
We no longer read that war was declared by 
the United States, "the great aim and object 
of which was the conquest ... of the 
provinces on which she had long cast an eye 
of political jealousy, and now assailed at a 
moment when England, fighting the battles 
of the . . . recreant and unredeemed 
Peninsula, could ill spare a solitary regiment 
to the rescue of her threatened and but in- 
differently defended . . possessions." Nor 
do we read that "the Government of the 
United States, bent on the final acquisition of 
all the proximate possessions of the Indians, 
had for many successive years waged a war of 

— 59 — 


extermination against these unfortunate peo- 
ple." In an early chapter are omitted "while 
above the American flag was hoisted in all the 
pride of a first conquest, the Union Jack of 
England"; and "We have taken thirty soldiers 
of the American regular regiment, now in 
garrison at Detroit, besides the boat's crew." 
Of an American settler, Jeremiah Desborough, 
the villain of the play, the account is given in 
both editions, "whether Yankee or Kentuckian 
it would have puzzled one of that race of beings 
so proverbial for acuteness — a Philadelphia 
lawyer — to determine " ; but the later omits 
"for so completely did he unite the boasting 
language of the latter with the wary caution 
and sly cunning of the former that he appeared 
a compound of both. The general opinion, 
however, seemed rather to incline in favor of 
the presumption that he was less Kentuckian 
than Yankee." And we do not now hear of 
the "ferocious eye of the Yankee." 

The unstinted praise of General Brock and 
Commodore Barclay, well deserved as it was, 
contained in the first edition, disappears in the 
second : and the implied want of military skill 
and, indeed, of military honor on the part of 
certain American officers, "the hated thraldom 

— 60 — 


of American tyranny and American usurpa- 
tion," are also missing. "Let it suffice that the 
Americans triumphed at Put-in-Bay" becomes 
"Let it suffice that the Americans fought with 
determined bravery and eventually triumphed." 
Even the word "Yankee," so often em- 
ployed in the first edition, becomes "enemy," 
"settler," "person," "accused," in the second. 
Richardson omits the very reverent, loving 
and appreciative account of his father (as 
Major Grantham) and his mother— wisely 
perhaps, as this formed no part of the story; 
but Canadians are not likely to approve of his 
omission of the really excellent and spirited 
account of the Battle of Queenston Heights, 
which he by an admitted anachronism places 
in 1813 instead of in 1812. He retains much 
of his Canadianism, even if in the New York 
edition our "stern invigorating winter of 
Canada" becomes the "stern invigorating 
winter of beautiful America"; the "Canadian 
sky," "the American sky"; the "Canadian 
Lakes," the "American Lakes." And Colonel 
D'Egville, who boasted "I am a Canadian, but so 
far from endeavoring to repudiate my country, 
I feel pride in having received my being in a 
land where everything attests the sublimity 

— 61 — 


and magnificence of nature," in the second 
edition merely does not endeavor to repudiate 
his "American birth." 

There are in the second edition a few con- 
cessions to delicacy: Matilda, who had "a bust 
and hips to warm the bosom of an anchorite," 
loses the latter anatomical characteristic and 
ceases sub sileniio to be an Aphrodite Calli- 
pyge. The "doxies" of the vulgar Cockneys 
become "sweethearts," and a somewhat sug- 
gestive paragraph is omitted in a love-making 
scene. Then, too, Richardson omits Latin 
quotations and translates French. 

Leaving now the form, there is no difference 
in the substance of the two editions. The 
prophecy in "Wacousta" was that Colonel 
de Haldimar should see the destruction 
of his accursed race, that on the spot where 
lay the corpse of Frank Halloway should 
their blood flow till every vestige of his own 
should be washed away. The Colonel had 
perished, as had his son Charles and his 
daughter Clara; but there still survived the 
younger son, Frederick, then affianced to his 
cousin, Madeline; and, as Richardson says 
in the preface to the New York edition of 
"Wacousta," the curse pronounced by "the 

— 62 — 


wretched wife of the condemned soldier . . 
could not, of course, well be fulfilled in the 
course of the tale" (one rather fails to see why 

In "The Canadian Brothers" Frederick and 
Madeline had married and been blessed with 
four children. The two eldest, officers in his 
own corps, had perished in war, one daughter 
had died young of a decline, and the other, 
Isabella, had married Major Grantham, who 
had been a field officer in the British Army but 
who retired and was filling a civil situation in 
Amherstburg, that of Chief Magistrate. Major 
Grantham is recognized as Dr. Robert Rich- 
ardson, formerly surgeon in the army and 
afterwards Judge of the District Court of the 
Western District. 

Col. Frederick de Haldimar and his wife 
"perished in a hurricane on their route to the 
West Indies whither the regiment . . had 
been ordered." The shock was too much 
for Mrs. Grantham, she sank under fell con- 
sumption, leaving two children, Gerald, in the 
navy, and Henry, who afterwards joined the 
army. They are the "Canadian Brothers" and 
are intended for Richardson and his brother, 
Robert, who joined the Navy as midshipman, 

— 63 — 


was severely wounded at the Battle of French- 
town, January 22, 1813, and died at Am- 
herstburg in 18 19. 

The villain of the play is Jeremiah Bes- 
borough, a wholly unnatural, if not impossible, 
character who is sometimes the stage Yankee 
of broad comedy with his "tarnation" "mighty 
cute," "no sich thing," "sure-Zi/," "drot my 
skin," and "I guess," and sometimes a fiend 
in human form, greedily devouring human 
flesh. He turns out to be the son of Wa- 
cousta and Ellen Halloway. He had settled 
near Amherstburg between Elliott's and 
Hartley's Point; "an individual of whom, un- 
fortunately for the interests of Canada, too 
many of the species had been suffered to take 
root within her soil . . adventurers from 
the United States, chiefly men of desperate 
fortunes and even more desperate characters 
. . renegades." A smuggler, he had evaded 
the oath of allegiance, but was required to 
take the oath by Major Grantham, whom in 
revenge he murdered, ultimately escaping 
conviction for want of evidence. 

He had two children, Phil and Matilda, the 
former an Ensign in the Michigan Militia 
under the name of Paul Emilius Theophilus 

— 64 — 


Arnoldi, 1 the latter adopted into the family of 
Major Montgomerie of the Regular Army of the 
United States, and known as his niece under 
the name of Matilda Montgomerie. Phil is 
an ill-bred, dishonorable cur, but Matilda is 
beautiful, though cold and hard as the nether 
millstone. She had been wronged by her 
fiance, Colonel Forrester, who had seduced 
her under promise of marriage, and who 
had left her after finding her in the arms of a 
man, whom he supposed to be a negro, but 
who was in fact her father with a black mask 
on. And she lived for revenge. 

The story begins at Amherstburg with 
Gerald, in command of a war vessel, watching 
the river. Desborough and his son were plot- 
ting to run a boat laden with gold through to 
the Fort at Detroit. Desborough had given 
Gerald false news and had dropped a paper 
indicating that Gerald was a traitor. How- 
ever, Gerald captured an American vessel 
with Major Montgomerie, Matilda and thirty 
soldiers of the Detroit garrison, and brought 
them to Amherstburg, promptly falling in love 
with Matilda, but "discouraged by her apparent 
reserve" as she had "a cheek as cold and as 
pale as a turnip." Her brother Phil was cap- 

— 65 — 


tured at the same time. He broke his parole, 
made his way to his father and the two 
escaped across the river, notwithstanding the 
efforts of Henry Grantham and a brother 
officer, assisted as they were by Sampson 
Gattrie, who in the second edition is given his 
real name, Simon Girty. A very full and 
accurate description is given of this cele- 
brated character and loyal British subject. 

The capture of Detroit is described. Major 
Montgomerie having been severely wounded 
by a cannon shot aimed by Gerald Grantham, 
and Phil having been killed by the Indians on 
his escape from Canada, Desborough en- 
deavors to have himself carried out of the fort, 
covered with a sheet as a corpse. He is ar- 
rested as a traitor and a murderer ; but when 
Gerald and Matilda were love-making, he 
makes his escape from Gerald's schooner, on 
which he was being conveyed down Lake Erie. 

Before this Gerald's life was saved by 
Matilda, who sucked the virus from a wound 
made by the bite of a rattlesnake when he was 
wild-turkey shooting. 

As the 24-pounder had been tampered with, 
Gerald's British schooner was taken by an 
American vessel, aboard which was Des- 

— 66 — 


borough. Gerald also escaped and crossed 
the river to Amherstburg with his faithful 
negro, Sambo (whose dialect is a still more 
fearful thing than that of Cranstoun), in a 
terrible storm. Gerald was emaciated, pale 
even unto wanness, displaying signs of much 
care and inward suffering, as well he might, 
since Matilda, as the price of her love, had 
asked him to murder her seducer. As Sambo 
said to Henry, "berry much change, he poor 
broder Geral, he not a same at all." Gerald 
had already, near Detroit, without knowing 
the identity of either, prevented her from 
killing the Colonel with a dagger. 

The brothers took part in the Miami expedi- 
tion where Gerald was captured. Sent as a 
prisoner to Frankfort, Kentucky, he met Des- 
borough by the way in Tennessee, and nearly 
killed, and was nearly killed by, him. Arriving 
at Frankfort, an isolated prisoner of war, he 
strayed one day into the mountains and, in the 
centre of a little plain, found a small circular 
building resembling a temple, furnished with 
a single window, narrow, elongated and 
studded with iron bars. He reached up, 
seized the bars and, looking in," saw Matilda 
kneeling with clasped and uplifted hands, clad 

— 67 — 

J.R.— 6 


in a loose robe of black. She was reading the 
last letter he had written her, "prior to parting 
with her . . for ever." She detected his 
presence and he entered. She offered to be his 
on her terms; he recoiled but next day agreed. 
He swore to murder Forrester. "I swear it, 
Matilda — he shall die." "The interview, so 
fatal in its results to Gerald's long-formed 
resolutions of virtuous purpose, was followed 
by others of the same description"; but she 
answered his anticipation of his reward with 
an air of wounded dignity and sometimes of 
deep sorrow (once bit, twice shy). The 
seducer arrived and the day was fixed for the 
murder. Gerald primed himself with brandy, 
Matilda gave him a dagger. Gerald recognized 
who it was he was to kill, his uplifted arm sank 
by his side and Matilda snatched the dagger 
and drove it deep in the body of Forrester. She 
soon poisoned herself. Gerald is helped off 
to Canada and, having entered the American 
forces as a spy, is shot at the Battle of Queens- 
ton Heights by his brother, Henry. Henry 
was seized by Desborough and was carried 
with him when he threw himself backward 
from the top of the crag into the hideous abyss 
below; and their "picked and whitened bones 

— 68 — 


may be seen shining through the deep gloom 
that envelops every part of the abyss unto this 
day." The New York edition closes with the 
sententious words in capitals: AND THUS 

I may perhaps be permitted to add : "And no 
one can fairly say that Fate did not make a 
complete job of it." 

iNo doubt these names are taken by Richardson 
from those of Paulus Emilius Irving and Theophilus 
Cramahe, Lieutenant-Governors of Quebec, and Arn- 
oldi, a well-known surgeon in the Imperial service at 

2This was the third time he spied on her through 
a single window, and something must necessarily 
come of it this time. This "temple" had been built 
by the ubiquitous Desborough for the burying place 
of his mother, Ellen Halloway, and his wife, the 
mother of Matilda. 

69 — 




Rr Lk£' iTbS^^ 


2S T*??5$ 


N 1836 Richardson, on leave 
from Spain, published in Lon- 
don a volume, "Movements of 
the British Legion." "The 
principal object . . had in 
view was the upholding of a 
service which had been grossly vilified by a 
certain portion of the press and by the partizans 
of Don Carlos." For this work he received 
the thanks of Lieutenant-General DeLacy 
Evans, the Commander of the Legion; and 
well he might, for the Lieutenant-General was 
represented as possessed of great prudence 
and foresight, an orderly leader, punctiliously 
strict in his enforcement of the rules of dis- 
cipline, who had achieved a very splendid 
victory on the 5th of May, 1836, when he 
raised the siege of San Sebastian. Richardson 
calls the engagement the Battle of Ayetta. 
As we have seen, during this absence from 

— 73 — 


the army, Richardson was passed over in the 
granting of honors and in advance in rank to a 
majority to which he was undoubtedly entitled. 
He also was deprived of his place on the 
staff which he had a right to expect to retain, 
but of the loss of which he could not complain 
as a positive wrong. 

Having received his majority in Spain and 
having been acquitted of improper conduct by 
a Court Martial, he, on his return to England, 
published a second edition, "with strictures on 
the course of conduct pursued by Lieutenant- 
General Evans" ; and added "A continuation 
of the operations from the 5th of May, 1836, 
to the close of March, 1837." In this second 
edition the praise of DeLacy Evans is still 
continued up to the Battle of Arietta. He 
had a strong "hostility to flogging" in 
the Army, but "he was determined to have 
recourse to it . . as the service in which we 
were embarked rendered it imperative that 
the strictest order and discipline should be 
preserved to prevent those we were come to aid 
as friends from looking upon us as enemies"; 
his "dismissals from the service . . were 
. . of frequent occurrence — and not more 
frequent than necessary . . The army, God 

— 74 — 


knows, was well rid of men whose continuance 
in it would have injured the cause." 

Evans is defended from "the imbecile venom 
of a faction at home, the sworn enemies of all 
liberty save the liberty of planting their own 
feet upon the necks of others." The Tories, who 
had reviled him in no measured terms for an 
unnecessary exposure and sacrifice at the 
affair of Hernani, the attack of the "Morning 
Herald, whose vainly disguised acharnement 
leads it into a thousand ridiculous reports of 
our Legion," are combatted ; and the scene is 
described of the reception of Evans after the 
glorious victory of May 5, 1836. "The General 
came up to the battery; . . . officers 
and men promiscuously blended themselves 
together and saluted him with the most 
vehement cheering, intimating that to their 
gallant leader was their success mainly 
attributable. Such a moment could not fail 
to be one of pride to the Lieutenant-General, 
who, much touched by this enthusiastic re- 
ception by his gallant soldiers, replied that the 
victory had been gained by them, not him." 

In the continuation, he again defends Evans 
for his conduct at Hernani, and says that "it 
would have been highly imprudent in the 

— 75 — 


Lieutenant-General to have compromised the 
important advantages he had gained at so 
great a sacrifice of life" by "advancing his 
victorious columns on Hernani, . . ." even 
though "there can be no doubt that had he so 
advanced the Town of Hernani would have 
fallen a bloodless conquest into his hands." 
So, too, in respect of the unfortunate move- 
ment on Fuentarabia. "In common justice . . 
it should be recollected that General Evans 
was at the time exceedingly ill, so much so 
that he was seen lying on the grass in great 
bodily pain while the action was going on" ; and 
the only blame to be attached to him was being 
too much and too easily influenced by Brigadier- 
General Reid, whose caution was proverbial 
"and whose counsel in a great degree in- 
fluenced his chief on all occasions." There, 
however, the defence ceased. "Certain acts 
of extreme cruelty and injustice on the part 
of the Lieutenant-General . . had caused 
me to retire . . at the completion of my 
year . . the 29th of June," 1836. "I re- 
entered the service simply with a view to 
obtain my majority which had been most 
obstinately withheld from me through pique 
on the part of the Lieutenant-General." 

— 76 — 


(These statements will be examined when we 
come to treat of Richardson's "Personal 

Evans is charged with having regularly re- 
ceived his pay, £400 or £500 a month, from the 
military chest, "when the soldiers were abso- 
lutely starving from want of the common 
necessities of life, and when the junior officer 
scarcely shared a better fate"; with never 
being "in arrear for a single month although 
his men were daily dying of inanition and 
typhus blended together in Vittoria." He 
violated the terms of engagement and brought 
on a mutiny of the Sixth. The moral decline of 
the Legion began with the victory of May 5; 
"elated with . . success . . and vainly 
assuming that a veni, vidi, vici future awaited 
him, the Lieutenant-General utterly lost sight 
of moderation and conducted himself with the 
utmost hauteur and superciliousness towards 
some of his ablest officers . . sought to 
blind the public." 

But "the weakness of a mind unable to 
sustain the weight of its new and self-created 
consequence . . was not the evil which 
principally tended to the destruction of the 
morale of the Legion, it was the profuse, the 

— 71 — 


indiscriminate, bestowal of decorations and 
promotion after the affair of (May) 5th . . 
a glaring injustice." Be it remembered that 
Richardson had been neither decorated nor 

"The final cause of the disorganization of 
the Legion may be traced to the Lieutenant- 
General himself . . " ; had he been "less pro- 
fuse in his distribution of rank and decora- 
tions . . fewer officers would have gone 
home, some from gratified, others from morti- 
fied vanity; and he would not have been 
obliged, in order to compel the continuance of 
those who were about to follow, to have re- 
course to such glaring injustice, such flagrant 
violation of all good faith" as was exhibited in 
his refusal to permit "the officers to retire 
from the service with their gratuity at the end 
of the first year." He is guilty of "arbitrary acts 
of violence," "endeavors to sneer at his quon- 
dam favorite through his subservient writers" ; 
he "stoops to rack his invention to heap ig- 
nominy of the foulest kind on so humble a 
military individual of his Legion as" Richard- 
son, whom he looks "upon with an eye of 
extreme jealousy." Worse remains; to ob- 
tain forage for his horses he sacrificed nearly 

— 78 — 


a dozen men ; by an extraordinary omission he 
permitted the Carlists to construct batteries 
and breastworks on the Ametzagana ; his con- 
duct at the ensuing battle, though showing 
personal bravery and coolness under fire, was 
inefficient and the odium will long attach to 
him of refusing to advance to the assistance 
of the devoted town of Bilbao. "The people of 
Bilbao> who had hailed Lieutenant-General 
Evans with so much rapture in 1835, must 
have been sadly disappointed when they 
found he had refused them all aid in their 
imminent danger in 1836." 

Richardson closes this second part by saying 
that if Evans fails in his present plans — and 
"backed, as he will be, by some eight or nine 
thousand Spaniards, it will be very extra- 
ordinary if he does not succeed" — "the little 
military reputation he has already acquired 
must be lost." 

He adds "Additional Movements," in which 
he shows that Evans failed "by a want of due 
caution" ; that the disastrous termination of his 
plans was due to errors of omission and com- 
mission, delay due to his vacillation of pur- 
pose, "shameful abandonment of the position 
on the extreme left . . on which the safety 

— 79 — 


of the whole army seems to have depended." 
Moreover there were anomalies in his de- 
spatches of March and of July and his "de- 
spatches and orders of the day . . . are 
couched in terms of grandiloquence that ap- 
approach very near to the bombastic." He 
talks about the soldiers being resolved to 
conquer; all the same "if the Lieutenant- 
General wishes them to conquer . . any 
resolution of theirs to that effect must be in 
vain, unless, when next his line is drawn up 
in battle array before Hernani, he has the 
foresight to guard the passes of the Uramea 
and to adopt the old-fashioned military habit 
of strengthening his flanks with reserves." 

With this rather unworthy sneer, the book 


As the book published by Richardson at 
Montreal in 1838 deals with his troubles in 
Spain, it will be convenient to speak of it in 
this connection. 

The full title is "Personal Memoirs of Major 
Richardson (author of 'Movements of the 
British Legion,' etc., etc., etc.,) as connected 
with the Singular Oppression of that Officer 

— 80 — 


while in Spain by Lieutenant-General Sir 
DeLacy Evans." It is dedicated to "The 
Honourable The Members of the House of 
Commons of Great Britain and Ireland . . ." 

He tells of being put off the staff to make 
room for some favorite of the Brigadier, 
Evans' brother, when he himself was lying 
sick at Vittoria of typhus, unconscious of what 
was passing. This was certainly an un- 
kindness approaching injustice, and it was 
never satisfactorily explained. It must be 
admitted, however, that the subsequent at- 
titude of Richardson toward Evans rendered 
it impossible for the Lieutenant-General to 
make any explanation not due as a matter 
of right. 

The omission to advance Richardson to a 
majority is on a different footing: he claims 
that he was promised the next vacant majority 
by Evans at Santander. Evans says that he 
does not recollect any such promise; that all 
recommendations for regimental promotion 
must be forwarded by the Commanding Officer, 
and that his CO., Lieutenant-Colonel Ross, did 
not mention his name, but had recommended 
Captain Clarke, who received the vacant 
majority. Evans, before making the pro- 

— 81 — 


motion, asked Col. Ross why it was proposed to 
pass over the Senior Captain and was told 
that he had done scarcely any duty with the 
regiment and that he had retired from the 
action of May 5, 1836, at 8 o'clock in the morn- 
ing, on the ground of a wound in the arm so 
slight as not to justify his having withdrawn 
himself. Even then Evans did not consent to 
passing Richardson over until he found Col. 
Ross' recommendation concurred in by the 
CO. of the Brigade; Colonel Tupper, who had 
been killed, had also before his death re- 
commended Captain Clarke. 

One would think that on these facts Evans 
was justified in appointing the junior and in 
disregarding the suggestion of Col. Herman, 
the Assistant-Military Secretary, that Richard- 
son should receive the brevet ; but Richardson 
continued to the last to accuse Evans of 
personal spite and gross injustice. As to the 
decoration it would appear that Richardson 
was simply overlooked : he received the Cross 
a few days later and we hear no more com- 
plaint on that score. 

On his return to Spain there was a vacant 
majority; but a difficulty now appeared of his 
own making. When in London, he saw the 

— 82 — 


proposed list of decorations to be awarded, 
and noticing that his own name did not ap- 
pear in it, he wrote a letter marked "Private" 
to Col. Considine, the Military Secretary, 
detailing his claims to consideration, the pre- 
cise terms of which he does not recollect. 
When he saw the order of the Lieutenant- 
General, he wrote another letter to Col. 
Considine, stating that he had all along 
suspected some private, influential, enemy at 
Headquarters, and "that this last most glaring 
act of injustice on the part of the Lieutenant- 
General had converted that suspicion into 
certainty." He added that "I had some reason 
to know the individual but that a time would 
arrive when I should not fail to strip him 
of his borrowed plumes." These letters, 
marked "Private," were opened by Major 
Herman, Assistant Military Secretary, as Col. 
Considine was laid up with a wound received 
in the engagement of May 5; Herman told 
the Adjutant-General and both showed the 
letters to Evans. Evans was very much dis- 
pleased at the paragraph which spoke of strip- 
ping off the borrowed plumes. He wished 
to know who was referred to, but Richard- 
son did not choose to name him — and I can- 

— 83 — 

J.K.— 7 


not find that he ever did name him. He says 
of Evans: "Surely he could not fancy that I 
meant to allude to him, in writing of bor- 
rowed plumes." 

Richardson called Col. Ross to task and 
demanded the vacant majority. Ross said 
that he had submitted his name "with that of 
the other wounded officers" for favorable con- 
sideration: and added that he did not know 
of any vacant majority. Richardson, failing 
to obtain an interview with Evans, wrote him 
a long letter complaining of having been 
passed over, claiming that his letters to Col. 
Considine were private and saying that the 
observations "could only refer to certain in- 
dividuals whom I did not think it expedient 
to name." 

Col. Ross did go and recommend him for the 
brevet, but Evans warned him to be cautious 
about it, as Richardson had made threats of 
exposure in England. 

Then the officers of the 6th had heard that, 
when in England, he had reflected on Col. 
Tupper and the officers generally. This he 
denied: the officers countered with proof 
(of a kind) and Richardson was convinced of a 
plot against him; "it was obvious the Lieu- 
tenant-General had determined on making 

— 84 — 


the officers of the 6th instrumental to his 
views." The petty quarrel continued; Rich- 
ardson saw Evans, who refused a private inter- 
view, and required all documents to come to 
him through the usual channel. That was 
done, and in the long run Richardson had his 
court-martial; the Court refused to look at 
the private letters, absolved him of unsoldierly 
conduct on May 5, and other wrong-doing; 
he received his majority and his honorable 
discharge and came to England, treasuring to 
the last a firm conviction that Sir DeLacy 
Evans was actuated throughout by private 
malice not unmixed with jealousy. 

This work is not good reading : it gives one a 
low opinion of the author's common sense and 
prudence. It ends thus : 

"Every engine of his power had been put in 
motion by General Evans to accomplish the 
ruin of an officer who had in no other way 
offended than by refusing tamely to submit, 
firstly to his injustice, secondly to his op- 
pression . . . Yet this is the man — the 
political Tartuffe— the newly created Sir De 
Lacy Evans (so created through his very 
apostasy to the cause he at one time affected 
to advocate) ... I charge him in his 
capacity of Commander of the British force in 

— 85 — 


Spain with having been guilty of the most 
flagrant, groundless and unprecedented tyr- 
anny that is to be found on military record 
. . I charge him with having violated one 
of the first and fundamental articles of our 
military code in preferring an accusation of 
the most heinous and cruel nature against an 
officer bearing Her Majesty's commission, 
without affording even an hour's notice for 
defence . . 

Finally to him and his creatures, I address 
myself in the strong language of the poet : 

'Falsus honor juvat et mendex infamia terret 
Quern nisi mendarem et mendacem?' " 

Were Horace's words ever less justly ap- 
plied? Who would now suggest that DeLacy 
Evans, who fought bravely in the Peninsula 
and at Waterloo, who repulsed the attack at 
Sebastopol, ever received undeserved honor, 
or that he could with any decency be called 
a liar? 1 

i The usual reading is: 
Falsus honor juvat et mendax infamia terret 
Quern nisi mendosum et medicandum? 
But "mendacem" has fair authority: "mendarem" 
must be a misprint. Anthon,by the way, does not like 
"medicandum," though he adopts it after Bentley and 
Zumpt. The quotation is from Horace, Ep., lib. I, 
1 6, 39, 40. 

— 80 — 




HIS paper was published by 
Richardson at Br ockville, Up- 
per Canada, in 184 1 and 1842. 
It ran only for two volumes 
and Richardson contributed 
all the original matter. 
This publication contained his "Jack Brag 
in Spain, by Mr. Hardquill," 1 which does not 
seem to have been printed in separate form. 

The author takes Jack Brag where Hook 
left him and puts him through a series of ad- 
ventures in Spain, where he is a favorite with 
the commander, Don Lasho, and Major 
Templegrove. Jack Brag is an illiterate, im- 
pudent and somewhat cowardly officer; an 
inferior Thraso and a Captain Bobadil without 
the Captain's cunning. He is in the Legion at 
Trevino and elsewhere; but his adventures 
as a whole are vapid and uninteresting — as a 

— 89 — 


sample of his scholarship I copy part of a letter 
to the Commander : 

". . . rode as fast as I could but couldn't 
meet no guns on the road . . . made 
them [the men] dig the darbies [spurs] into 
their horses' flanks . . the cause of the 
delay of the ordinance . . send this by 
one of the Lansirs ..." 

I strongly suspect that in this letter Richard- 
son was hitting at Captain Archibald Calder, of 
the 6th Scotch, who had written him in Spain 
in 1836 a couple of letters with orthographical 
vagaries; but the matter is not worth in- 

The New Era also contained Richardson's 
"Recollections of the West Indies." It con- 
tains an account of his voyage to, and residence 
in Barbados in 1816 with the Second or 
Queen's Regiment. He speaks most appre- 

ciatingly of Lieutenant C "who undertook 

to supply the absence of a regular medical 
officer" and who, during their tossing in the 
Bay of Biscay, when most of the officers were 
compelled to keep their beds, visited them, 
"not with senna, rhubarb and black draughts, 
but with such delicious mulled wine as would 
have stayed the spirit of one struggling in 

— 90 — 


his last agony." The amateur doctor at- 
tended and dressed the breast of a young 
woman ; and cured her of the cancer though 
she died soon after of another disease. 

Having escaped "the usual filthy and dis- 
gusting operation of shaving" on crossing the 
Line, by threatening the masquerading sailors 
with pistols, the detachment made Carlisle 
Bay, Barbados, December 6 (it would appear 
that this should be June 5). Richardson landed 
and, "followed by a hundred naked black 
urchins who greeted me at every step with 
the appellation of 'Johnny Newcome', at length 
succeeded in gaining the highroad to the 

The "black vomit," or yellow fever, was pre- 
valent, numbers died the next day after seizure, 
including his friend M ; Richardson him- 
self was attacked and narrowly escaped death. 
Sir James Leith, the commander in chief, was 
one of the victims. Richardson considers 
yellow fever, like intermittent fever, to be pro- 
duced by miasma. 

The shameful cruelty to the negro slaves of 
the tyrant proprietors comes in for severe 
reprobation, and the horrors of slavery are 
strongly represented. A vivid account of the 

— 91 — 


volcanic eruption on St. Vincent is also given. 
A court-martial sentenced three deserters to 
death and three to receive eight hundred 
lashes and be branded. 

As we have seen, "Tecumseh" was re- 
published in this journal. But it is chiefly 
important from the fact that here for the first 
time appeared Richardson's best work, "Oper- 
ations of the Right Division of the Army of 
Upper Canada during the American War of 
1812"; this appeared in fourteen numbers of 
The New Era, March 2 to July 22, 1842. It 
was intended to be the first only of three 
series, but no other was ever written. 

The matter was published at Brockville in 
book form, 1842, under the title "War of 1812, 
First Series, Containing a full and detailed 
Narrative of the Operations of the Right 
Division of the Canadian Army." This was 
reprinted by the Historical Publishing Co., 
Toronto, 1902, with notes and a "Life of the 
Author" by Alexander Clark Casselman. 

This edition is one of the best, if not the best, 
of Canadian publications; the "Life" is full 
and accurate, the bibliography is adequate if 
not quite complete, and the notes are apt, 

— 92 — 


sufficiently numerous and illuminating. That 
the author was rather more of a hero to the 
editor than the facts fairly warrant is to the 
discredit of neither. This edition must continue 
to be the standard, alike creditable to editor, 
printer and publisher. 

The history begins with a justification of the 
employment as allies of the Indians, an echo 
of one chapter in "The Canadian Brothers," 
the declaration of war by the United States, 
June 18, 1812, and the riots of the "War 
Hawks." Then comes Hull's invasion and 
proclamation, Brock's reply, said to have 
been written by Mr. Justice Powell, and 
the capture of Michillimackinac. Tecumseh's 
defeat of Major Van Home at Brownstown 
follows, with the horrible account of revenge 
taken by the Indians for the death of Logan, 
a young chief, the one Indian killed in that 
battle and by almost the last shot fired. A 
young warrior, at a signal from one of the 
elders, rose from his seat and struck the 
single American prisoner with his tomahawk, 
killing him on the spot. The next morning 
another prisoner was brought in and "the 
aged aunt of the deceased issued from 

— 93 — 


her tent and stole cautiously behind him . , 
Without any previous admonition, the heartless 
woman drew a tomahawk from beneath her 
mantle and buried its point in the skull of the 
victim . . The Indians around instantly 
despatched and scalped him, stripping the body 
of its clothes and committing violations on his 
person in which the cruel aunt of Logan bore a 
principal share." This tragedy was seen by 
Richardson himself who had joined the army 
as a gentleman volunteer. 

Richardson describes as an eye-witness the 
Battle of Maguaga, the Capture of Detroit, the 
expedition to Fort Wayne, Frenchtown and the 
Battle of the Miami; interrupting the story of 
the latter with a page of complaint that Procter 
recommended all four volunteers of the 41st 
Regiment "as deserving of promotion," where- 
as Richardson was "the only one of the volun- 
teers who chanced to have been engaged in 
the storming of the batteries"; and stating 
that a report made by Major Chambers, in 
which he says he "had the honor of being partic- 
ularly mentioned, . . . seems to have been 
suppressed." He also took part in the second 
expedition to the Miami and the attack on 
Fort Stephenson. His last battle in the War 

— 94 — 


of 1812 was at Moraviantown where he was 
taken prisoner. The account of the Counsel 
of War at the Frontier before the retreat to the 
Thames, Tecumseh's indignant speech, the 
Indian applause, the retreat, the disastrous 
battle and Tecumseh's tragic death, is a fine 
piece of narrative. The description of the 
slaying and scalping of a Kentucky rifleman, 
within a few yards of where Richardson stood, 
cannot well be excelled in vigor and horror. 
Some of the particulars of this scene and of the 
council of war at the Detroit River are made 
use of in the poem "Tecumseh" with great 

A description of the Battles of Queenston 
Heights and Put-in-Bay, at which he was not 
present, is accurate and dramatic. The book 
concludes with an account of his prison expe- 
riences in Detroit, Put-in-Bay Island, San- 
dusky, Chillicothe and Frankfort (Kentucky) ; 
his return to Canada by way of Newport, 
Cincinnati, and Cleveland to Long Point. 
Outside of the chapters on Queenston Heights 
and Put-in-Bay, the work is, in reality, a per- 
sonal narrative; as such it cannot easily be 
excelled and will always repay perusal. In 
any case it is a worthy piece of literature. 

— 95 — 


SPIRIT OF 1 812 

This paper was published in Kingston for eigh- 
teen months in 1843-4; it differs in no appreci- 
able degree from the ordinary Canadian news- 
paper of the time. Opposed to the Govern- 
ment, its virulence was almost as great as 
that of the most virulent; and its literary 
merits, if any, are microscopical. It here 
calls for no further comment. 

iln his "Eight Years in Canada" (post, p. 99) 
Richardson tells us: "I had been engaged during the 
few months which intervened between ir.y return 
from Spain and departure for Canada in the continu- 
ation of the adventures of Jack Brag." "Hook was 
delighted with this continuation of his satire, and 
after an attentive perusal declared it ought to secure 
to me at least £500" — but neither Colburn nor 
Bentley would publish it. 

— 96 — 



ICHARDSON injects some 
of his personal story into al- 
most all his books; a great 
deal into his "War of 1812"; 
but there are two which are 
wholly, or almost wholly, 

autobiographical: "Eight Years in Canada" 

and "The Guards in Canada." 




This work was intended to be inscribed 
exclusively to Lord Durham, but he died ; and 
in the introduction, dated at Montreal, March 
1, 1847, Richardson inscribsd it "to the mem- 
ory of Lord Durham, the founder of a great 
system; and to that of Lord Metcalfe, the 
true reader of the application of that system 
to a colony." 

The book is frankly personal and discursive ; 
it pretends to no sense of proportion — the 
ponies of the author and how he drove them 

J.R.— 8 

99 — 


take up much more space than the trial and 
execution of Lount and Matthews ; Lord Dur- 
ham's insistence on having an egg warm from 
the nest for his breakfast at the British-Ameri- 
can Hotel at Kingston and how the landlady 
satisfied him by dipping one a second or two 
in hot water, and John Neilson's devotion to 
the fascinating "weed" — he is the "father of 
smokers" — are as important as Durham's 
policy given in his famous Report on the 
Second Lower Canadian Rebellion. 

Richardson begins with his leaving the 
London Docks on the Ontario, February 18, 
1838 ; tells of his forty-five days trip,with Fanny 
Kemble a fellow passenger on her first trip to 
America; of his "perusal of the works of Hall, 
Hamilton and Miss Martineau" concerning 
America, whenever the "horrid nausea" would 
permit; and his stay at the Carleton, a large, 
new hotel in a central part of Broadway, where 
he met Sir Francis Bond Head, then on his 
way to England, and also Lord Gosford. His 
journey from New York begins March 29 ; on 
the Rochester to Albany, then by rail to 
Utica, stage-coach to Syracuse for twenty- 
five hours — "fifty miles over the most execra- 
ble of roads" ; the insolence of the Irish hotel 

— 100 — 


porter, who would be d — d if he would un- 
strap the traveller's trunk; then by horse-cars 
from Syracuse twenty-five miles to Auburn, 
where he saw the celebrated Penitentiary; 
by stage coach to Rochester (sixty-four miles), 
passing over on the way, "the enormous 
length of a disproportionately narrow bridge 
traversing the Lake of Cayuga, one mile and 
eight rods in extent . . to a nervous per- 
son exciting in a high degree"; then by 
another coach, eighty miles to Youngstown 
on the Niagara Frontier, being taken for Lord 
Durham during this drive, then by ferry-boat 
to Canada — five days from New York to 

A first visit to Niagara Falls followed, where 
he was disappointed (as, indeed, everyone 
is) — "I felt admiration but no awe." A short 
stay at Niagara, where a younger brother 
(Robert) was Member of the Legislature, then 
to Toronto l where he delivered to Sir George 
Arthur, the Lieutenant-Governor, a letter he 
brought from Lord Glenelg to Sir Francis Bond 
Head; dined with Chief Justice Robinson, 
whose acquaintance he had made when they 
formed part of the guard of honor which took 
possession of Detroit, on the surrender, 

— 101 — 


August 12, 1812 — the youthful soldier now be- 
come the grave and courteous judge. Then 
to Montreal and Quebec, where he met Lord 
Durham, informing him that he was in Can- 
ada to represent the London Times. 

An appreciative account is given of Durham's 
policy, which recommended itself to Richard- 
son. Durham naturally desired to stand well 
with the Times and paid Richardson marked 
attention: he suggested an Indian mission but 
Richardson declined it. Durham said, "You 
may rely upon it that I shall never lose sight 
of your interests, whether in Canada or in 

The Times did not approve of the communi- 
cations sent by Richardson ; most of them were 
suppressed, but the few which were published 
met the approbation of the Liberals and were 
in part reprinted by the Examiner and other 
London papers. He was discharged, and lost 
his salary of £300 per annum because his 
opinion clashed with that of his employers. 

Sir John Colborne, the new Lieutenant- 
Governor of Upper Canada, arrived at Quebec 
and took part in a review of the troops on the 
Plains of Abraham. Richardson was struck, 
as were so many, with his resemblance to the 

— 102 — 


Duke of Wellington; Colbornewas, however, 
much taller. 

He went to Montreal, then to Quebec to bid 
good-bye to Durham, and to Montreal again. 
Some private business requiring his presence in 
Upper Canada, he left for Toronto. At Kings- 
ton he found the court-martial sitting to try 
Von Shoultz and several of his chief officers. 
He met Von Shoultz and was particularly and 
favorably impressed with his manner. He was 
"a gentleman and a soldier." Next day he left 
for Toronto where he remained three or four 
days ; he defended the conduct of Colonel Prince 
in shooting the prisoner "Sympathizers" taken 
at Windsor, who had been "shot accordingly." 
He then left Toronto for Kingston in the armed 
steamer Traveller with despatches for Sir John 
Colborne at Montreal (twelve pages of discus- 
sion of the amazing fact that there had been, 
from the close of the War, in 1815, not less than 
five thousand desertions to the United States 
from the British troops serving in Canada). 

Richardson then went to Amherstburg by 
way of Buffalo— but Amherstburg was changed, 
the harbor no longer resounded with the busy 
hammer of the ship-builder, no longer did 
three thousand Indian warriors from twenty 

— 103 — 


different tribes gather around the House of 
Council, the very town had altered its char- 
acter, the streets were dull and dirty, the 
houses destitute of paint; he found himself a 
stranger. But he saw the house of his child- 
hood, the "cage" or prison, the gate leading 
to the wharf, the store against which he had 
pitched marbles, the willow under which lay 
his hero brother. The clergyman of the 
Episcopal Church was "of very austere man- 
ners and unjustifiably prone to indulge in 
personalities against particular portions of 
his flock." 

Finding it impossible to procure a house in 
Amherstburg he got a "Den" in Sandwich, 
which town and its people he found in the same 
condition of apathy and poverty as at Amherst- 
burg; he availed himself of all opportunities 
of crossing the river, where he experienced a 
hospitality and kindness which he could never 

He draws a comparison between the Ameri- 
cans, "essentially a reading people," with 
scarcely an individual unfamiliar with the 
scenes in "Wacousta," and the Canadians, of 
whom "not more than one-twentieth . . . 
were aware of the existence of the book, and of 

— 104 — 


that twentieth not one third cared a straw 
whether the author was a Canadian or a 
Turk." They "are not a reading people." 

However, one crown of bays was offered 
him: a committee formed to make all 
necessary preparations for commemorating 
the Battle of Point-au-Pelee Island with a 
public dinner, requested his presence as 
"another way of evincing their respect and 
admiration of the man of talent, and the 
accomplished gentleman ... a gentle- 
man who by the splendor of his genius has 
spread an additional lustre on his native 

"General" Theller, the leader of the "Sym- 
pathizers," who had been captured and sen- 
tenced to death at Toronto, but had escaped 
from the citadel of Quebec,was then the editor 
of an anti-British paper in Detroit, The Spirit 
of '76— He warned his readers against "Major 
Richardson alias Stevens the Spy" describing 
him as "a man of middling height, rather in- 
clined to corpulency, florid complexion, sandy 
hair and whiskers, of easy manners and martial 
carriage" ; he warned the "Patriots" and ad- 
vised "Give him a peep into futurity and he'll 
be satisfied." As Richardson had neither 

— 105 — 


sandy hair nor whiskers, but had worn a 
moustache for five-and-twenty years, he con- 
vinced the fire-eating Theller that he was not 
Stevens the Spy. Theller so told the "Hun- 
ters" and Richardson ventured as usual to 

To his "Wacousta" he had written, but 
never published, a continuation of the tale 
under the title of "The Canadian Brothers." 
He was strongly urged by his American 
friends to publish it forthwith J he stipulated 
for a list of subscribers and in a few days 
had about a hundred ; he set off to Montreal 
to publish it, by boat to Buffalo, horse-car to 
Lewiston, "a rather nervous trip, then by boat 
to Montreal." 

Finishing his task at Montreal towards the 
close of February, he prepared to return to 
Sandwich to his "nut-shell"; he resolved to 
travel the six hundred miles in his own vehicle, 
bought a box-sleigh and two black Canadian 
ponies, costing £25 (or $100) for the pair. Up 
the Lachine road he travelled to Lachine, 
Coteau du Lac, and Cornwall, where he stayed 
with an old brother officer of the King's Regi- 
ment, now become the sober Judge Jarvis. 
The snow now disappeared; a storm, in- 

— 10G — 


deed, soon covered the ground again with 
a "wet snow" ; after four days' rest, to the west 
again through mud and slush, and after two 
days' exhausting travel Brockville was reached. 
Not a good hotel was in the place, the very 
indifferent best kept by a Yankee "pretty 

considerably independent." Colonel , 

Collector of Customs, sold him a wagon he had 
seized a few days before with smuggled goods 
for $26; and while it was being fitted with a 
proper box, showed him a "villa," adjoining 
his own grounds, which was to be "sold for a 
song." Richardson bought it with fourteen 
acres of land for £500 — he found out after- 
wards it was worth about £200. 

From Brockville he travelled to Gananoque, 
"one of the most miserable yet one of the 
most picturesquely situated villages in Can- 
ada"; a great part of the village was owned 
by a clan of M'Donalds, and it "has the repu- 
tation of producing the best flour in Can- 
ada, or even in the United States. It is 
fortunate that it can boast of something of 
which one may write favorably." Thence 
to Kingston, Belleville, Cobourg, Port Hope and 
Toronto, with the roads execrable throughout 
the greater part of the way; the accommoda- 

— 107 — 


tions for the "beast" being generally good, 
those for "man" not always of the most 
tempting character — a delightful meiosis. 

Through Hamilton, Brantford (where Rich- 
ardson falls into a curious error: "this scenery 
amid which were cradled the infant years of 
Brandt, immortalized by Campbell in his 
'Gertrude of Wyoming' "), Paris, London, on 
toward home he sped, narrowly escaping death: 
his horses ran away, the wagon upset, he found 
himself lying on his back a few feet from the 
vehicle, and his "tiger," with his face down- 
ward, without sense or motion. This gives 
him an opportunity of telling the story of a fatal 
runaway accident in England in 183 1, when 
"Colonel Gordon of the 51st Light Infantry 
and his young bride had been spending the 
day with my wife's family in Essex" and he 
"was then 'vegetating' in the neighbourhood 
while writing my 'Wacousta'. " 

His wagon was fixed up Canada-fashion 
with a fence-rail lashed "fore and aft" in a 
manner familiar to all Canadian countrymen, 
but which would have puzzled a Long-Acre 
coachbuilder. On through Chatham to Wind- 
sor and Sandwich, where he arrived late in 
April. Before leaving for his "Rock Cottage" 

— 108 — 


at Brockville he attended the monster meeting 
in favor of General Harrison, "Tippecanoe," 
then a candidate for the Presidency. Here he 
gives a full account of the siege of Fort Meigs 
and the "affair of the Miami," May 5, 1813. 

Toward the end of June he sent his heavy 
baggage by one of Mr. Dougall's vessels and 
himself set off by wagon, taking the Lake Erie 
shore road, a delightful journey. Reaching 
London, he passed "several days with the 
amiable and hospitable family of Colonel Askin, 
a short distance out of town." He visited 
Toronto, Napanee, etc., and in the early part 
of July "we reached Brockville." There he 
committed "the greatest act of folly" in sel- 
ling his commission, and then he began the 
issue of The New Era, or Canadian Chronicle, 
buying the press in New York. He gives a 
full description of the trip to New York by way 
of Morristown, Utica and Albany; and his 
treatment in New York again leads him to 
moralize "on the vast difference of the recep- 
tion I had invariably met with by the read- 
ing Americans and the non-reading Canadians." 

Returning home, he started The New Era, a 
"name that had been selected in consequence 
of the important political changes which had 

— 109 — 


taken place in the country and the new prin- 
ciple of government then being followed upon 
the recommendation of Lord Durham by Mr. 
Poulett Thomson." It occupied him only an 
hour or two each day to prepare his leaders 
and other matter necessary for The New Era, 
and he amused himself principally with fishing 
and shooting, both of which he describes with 
animation and gusto — Eheuf fugaces labuntur 

He made an application to the Governor, 
Poulett Thompson, Lord Sydenham, for gov- 
ernment employment, called on him at Kings- 
ton and was promised consideration; but not 
a week afterwards, Sydenham had the accident 
which caused his death. Richardson is not too 
considerate in speaking of Sydenham: "what 
contributed greatly to render fatal the unfor- 
tunate accident which befell Lord Sydenham 
was the free indulgence he had been in the 
habit of giving to his appetites. His Lordship 
. . . was a sensualist and his sacrifices to 
Venus were scarcely less copious than those 
rendered to Bacchus," etc., etc. Nothing in 
Sydenham's administration was new or 
original, the way had been completely paved 
before him by Lord Durham, and he owed 

— 110 — 


his success to his condescending to flattery 
and little acts to which Durham would not 

Baldwin does not fare much better: with 
"his extreme or republican views . . he 
insisted on the removal of the obnoxious col- 
leagues" (Draper and Ogden) who did not 
share them; and when Sydenham "had the 
firmness to resist this insolent and Wat Tyler- 
like demand . . Mr. Baldwin retired from 
the Cabinet, a pretended martyr to the in- 
tegrity of his public life !" 

Admirer of Durham as he was, Richardson 
rather affected "the good old times when 
Responsible Government had not started up 
like a bugbear to frighten the collectors of cus- 
toms into vigilance and attention to their 
duties," and when he was able to bring furni- 
ture, bought in Detroit, into Canada "without 
being subjected to the very disagreeable 
process of being interrogated as to whence it 
came, and consequently . . . spared some 
additional charges." It seems to me, born, 
brought up and living under Responsible 
Government, that no better testimonial could 
be given to it, no better evidence of its value, 
than this boast— before Responsible Govern- 

— 111 — 


ment, evasion of customs duties open to one 
who was of standing and in favor with the 
powers that be; under Responsible Govern- 
ment, the Customs Officers vigilant and at- 
tentive to their duties. It is indeed difficult, 
at the present time, to understand the mentality 
of one who puts this forth to the discredit of 
the new form of government, and the mor- 
ality of one who states, not by way of confes- 
sion, but of boast, that he had swindled the 
Customs; "the fruit of dexterity and address 
on the part of a French-Canadian whom I 

Richardson reprobates the admission of 
Baldwin and Hincks to the Cabinet: "Hincks, 
the editor of the Toronto Examiner, and the 
bosom friend of Mackenzie, with whom he 
communicated on the morning of the affair 
at Gallows Hill, when that traitor was in arms 
against the Government . . . was a 
libel of Colonial politics . . a zealous 
orangeman . . one of the most unprin- 
cipled adventurers on record . . capable 
of doing any dirty work . . with ingrained 
vulgarity . . recklessness and brutal tem- 
per . ." About the only thing Sydenham did 
that met Richardson's approval was his "dis- 

— 112 — 


missal of Mr. Berrie from the office of Clerk of 
the Peace at Hamilton for having publicly 
avowed sentiments hostile to his Lordship's 

Some months after Sydenham's death Ed- 
ward Gibbon Wakefield called on Richardson 
with a letter from Charles Buller. Wakefield 
and Buller were, of course, Lord Durham's 
secretaries and assistants. 

Sir Richard Jackson and Sir Charles Bagot 
were equally inefficient or worse. Richardson 
was passed over and went straight to Bagot. 
Bagot and Richardson agreed that the Council, 
in making appointments, had exhibited an 
"unjustifiable and indelicate interference 
with a privilege he considered ought to have 
been reserved wholly for himself" — (personal 
government pure and undefiled). Bagot de- 
clared that Richardson should have the first 
suitable office that became vacant, but later 
"disavowed all recollection of ever having 
made a promise of the kind." This bears a 
strong resemblance to the case of Sir DeLacy 
Evans and the majority which Richardson 

However, the "enfeebled Governor" could 
not get an appointment for him. Richardson, 

— 113 — 


having removed from Brockville to Kingston, 
applied for a grant in furtherance of the object 
of completion of his "War of 1812," "that is to 
say of the operations of the Centre and Left 
Divisions." This was refused by the Gover- 
nor : but Sir Allan McNab took the matter up 
in the House and the only dissentient vote was 
given by "Mr. James Durand, the father or 
some near relation of whom was strongly sus- 
pected of loyalty (sic) during the rebellion," 
and the sum of £250 ($1,000) was voted to the 

But now he changed his mind and "deter- 
mined to abstain for the present from entering 
upon a task which promised to be one of some 
labor without yielding the slightest remunera- 
tion in return," and determined not "to con- 
sider the sum of money which had been voted 
to me in any other light than as a remuneration 
for what had already been completed of the 
publication." For this act of plain dishonesty 
Richardson gives no satisfactory excuse al- 
though he has pages of explanation. 

Abandoning all desire for further inter- 
ference with the past, he threw himself into 
current Canadian politics: he started a paper 
in Kingston, the Canadian Loyalist and Spirit 

— 114 — 


of 1812. The New Era had been characterized 
by moderation, but now he "resolved to fall 
into the extreme of opposition and to leave no 
assailable weakness of the party in power un- 
touched." He pursued his "course with un- 
deviating hostility to the men who were 
scourging the country . . Hincks and his 
colleagues" ; and when they fell from power by 
the efforts of the Canadian Loyalist and the 
Conservative press generally, the paper ceased, 
after being published for eighteen months only. 

Sir Charles Bagot comes in for unsparing 
condemnation: Richardson says that even 
when he died, "such was the exasperation of the 
public mind that they scarcely accorded to 
him the common sentiments of regret which 
the departure of a human being from among 
his fellow-men occasions" — and certainly he 
accords to him none. 

But a brighter day was now dawning for 
Canada: Sir Charles Metcalfe had arrived, 
Bagot died, broken-hearted, censured by the 
Colonial-Secretary, cursed by the Conservative 
press, whose gentlest names for him were "im- 
becile" and "slave," and some of whom 
"boldly pronounced a wish that his death 
might free the country from the state of 

— 115 — 

J.R.— 9 


thraldom to which it had been reduced "by 
his trying to be a constitutional governor under 
Responsible Government." 

Sir Charles Metcalfe and the Ministry dis- 
agreed; the Ministry resigned; "His Excel- 
lency's subsequent appeals to the people, made, 
as they were, in the purest spirit of candor 
and mild reasoning, . . had the effect of 
giving to him a working majority in the ensuing 
Parliament . . The victory . . . will 
ever endear him to Canadian posterity as the 
bloodless avenger of wrongs which have never 
yet had a parallel in Colonial misrule" — one 
more example of the wisdom of the maxim 
"Never prophesy unless you know." 

Metcalfe repeatedly sought to obtain the 
consent of the Council to the appointment of 
Richardson to some office, but as often failed, 
until, at length, he "did manage to obtain their 
reluctant consent to his nomination to the 
command of a mounted police force" at the 
Welland Canal, and then "the stipend . . 
was so small — not a Captain's pay — that His 
Excellency was almost ashamed to offer it." 
But he did, and it was accepted ; one month after 
Metcalfe's departure the force was reduced. 

The work closes with the arrival of Lord 

— 116 — 


Elgin. A warning is given against the Radicals, 
whose motto is Aut Caesar aut nullus (the 
book has it "nullis"). "The crisis is one of 
interest and the people of Canada will watch 
it closely." 

A very considerable part of this book is taken 
up with complaints of his treatment by Cana- 
dians and the Canadian Government. "Eng- 
land . . France . . Scotland . . Ire- 
land . . every nation in the Old World 
has done honour to the profession of letters, 
and the United States . . glories, and justly 
glories, in the well-won reputation of her gifted 
Cooper . . Canada alone in the wide uni- 
verse forms the exception." 

"Had the inclination to appoint me [to a 
government post] not been wanting, a means 
might sooner or later have been found. I, a 
loyal subject of Her Majesty, who had brought 
out letters from the Colonial-Secretary and 
conferred services on the country, had been 
wholly passed over by the Council." (What 
"services" we are not told.) 

— 117 — 



This is a purely personal narrative of Rich- 
ardson's quarrels with the officers of the 
Guards at Montreal in 1839, with "a gentleman 
in Detroit" in the same year, with Colonel 
Williams at Prescott in 1840, and with Colonel 
Chichester and two others in 1838. 

Taking them in their chronological order, 
Colonel Chichester, when in Spain, and a 
Brigadier-General, had seconded a highly 
offensive resolution charging Richardson with 
outraging the feelings of the members of the 
Field Officers' Club, demanding his expulsion 
and the return of his subscription. This was 
under circumstances which rendered it im- 
possible for Richardson to take any action 
on it at the time and Chichester later gave a 
written apology. He found Chichester an 
Inspecting Field Officer in Canada; strolling 
one day on the Champ de Mars, he saw Chi- 
chester striking his favorite dog, Hector, 
which was fighting a smaller dog; but he 
apologized. Then a young Mr. Mytton, son 
of the celebrated — or rather notorious — horse- 
man of that name, thought it proper to act 

— 118 — 


toward Richardson "in rather a cavalier — nay, 
rude manner" ; he repeated his rudeness and 
Richardson told him that he would be "under 
the necessity of sending to him in the morning." 

Captain said that his friend Mr. Mytton 

was not addressing himself to Richardson, 
whereupon he said that he would be under the 
necessity of sending to the Captain also in the 

morning! Captain apologized and that 

passed over. Another officer begged him to 
pay no attention to Mytton, "that was only 
his manner" ; and he should treat him as but 
a rude and inconsiderate boy. Richardson 
was placated and let the matter rest. 

The Guards episode is a good instance of 
"how not to do it." Richardson first met 
Colonel Barnard at the table of Sir John Col- 
borne, "with whom I was rather a favorite 
until I adopted Lord Durham's views in favor 
of Responsible Government"; and through 
Barnard he became acquainted with the officers 
of the battalion generally. They dined with 
him and he with them. 

One morning, having had a difference with 
a party whose name is not disclosed, on account 
of Richardson having (as was supposed) written 
an offensive article, he was called on by another 

— 119 — 


individual on behalf of the other; he refused 
to receive the messenger as he was not a gen- 
tleman. The next day Colonel Barnard and 
Colonel Crawford met him and told him that 
the party intended to "post" him. They 
walked together to the bottom of the hill and 
met the party ; on Richardson making enquiry, 
he said that he did intend to post him and 
Richardson struck him a blow with his stick. 
A scuffle ensued, Richardson's stick was 
wrested from him and he fell, being pushed 
down by the horse. As he rose he said : "Now 
you scoundrel, I will meet you in half-an-hour." 
Richardson asked three different persons to 
act as second, and failed. He went home for 
his servant and pistols ; he offered to take as 
second one of the persons accompanying his 
adversary — this was refused; he asked for 
delay till 8 o'clock the following morning, which 
was also refused, and he returned home late 
in the evening to curse the false friends. 
Then he sought out Mr. Weir, who offered to go 
immediately and arrange a meeting; he could 
not get a definite promise from the antagonist ; 
and that night Richardson "was placarded over 
all the walls of every street and corner in 
Montreal as a coward." Richardson had been 

— 120 — 


invited to a ball by the Guards; this invitation 
was withdrawn and Richardson wrote : "Major 
and Mrs. Richardson know too well what is due 
to themselves to have profited by the invitation 
of the Grenadier Guards, under existing 

The adversary "swore the peace on him," 
and he gave two sureties in £100 each for his 
good behavior. Then he asked Sir John Col- 
borne, the Commander of the Forces, for a 
court of inquiry; that, of course, was refused 
as he was not under Sir John's command. He 
was "cut dead by the whole of those very 
formidable bear-skin-capped gentlemen" and 
asked Sir John to censure them; but His Ex- 
cellency could not interfere. He demanded 
from Colonel Ellison of the Guards an ex- 
planation of the withdrawal of the invitation 
to the ball and received it: "it would be very 
disagreeable if anything occurred to disturb 
the harmony of the ball." Richardson frankly 
said "that Colonel Ellison felt and acted 
throughout with all the delicacy . . of the 
high-minded gentleman," but all relations 
with the Grenadier Guards terminated. The 
example of the Guards was followed by many 
of the civil society, "who bowed and fawned 

— 121 — 


upon and licked the dust from beneath the 
feet of those gentlemen." 

It is hard to get at the rights of this affair, 
but it may be said that it is absurd to think that 
Richardson was wanting in courage. It is fairly 
clear that he had not made himself a favorite 
with the Guards, and it seems likely that he 
received hard measure, lacking, as he was, 
in anything like savoir faire or a conciliatory 
mind or manner. 

The Detroit affair, he thinks, grew out of the 
Montreal episode. A Canadian paper, the 
Western Herald, of Sandwich, published an 
article reflecting on the facilities afforded 
American visitors to Fort Maiden ; the Misses 
Mason, daughters of Governor Mason, chaffed 
Richardson about being the author and gave 
Lieutenant Schreiber as their informant. The 
lieutenant said that he only mentioned it as "a 
common rumor of the day"; and this, says 
Richardson, "was the first fruit of the notoriety 
given to my affair in Montreal by the conduct 
of Her Majesty's Grenadier Guards. I had 
been accused of paragraph writing in one 
place and, of course, the same charge must 
hold good in another." Schreiber apologized 
and so ended that difficulty. But Richardson had 

— 122 — 


accepted the hospitality of a friend in Detroit 
and stayed some weeks in his house, in which 
resided a lady separated from her husband. 
The husband wrote to him that "he thought 
it exceedingly improper that I should continue 
to remain where observation and comment 
might arise prejudicial to his wife." He did 
not answer, the husband challenged, a rendez- 
vous was fixed on Fighting Island ; one after- 
noon in June he went there with his seconds ; 
the husband did not turn up, but Mr. Joseph 
Woods, Member for Kent, did, and was about 
to arrest him when it was arranged that Rich- 
ardson should cross over again to the United 
States. The adversaries were afterwards 

Shortly after taking up residence in Brock- 
ville, he was mixed up in another affair. He 
had been playing cards with certain offi- 
cers one evening (he tells of paying £100 
as one night's losses at cards to one gentle- 
man). Lieutenant-Colonel Williams, com- 
manding the particular service at Prescott, had 
made (as he heard) the remark that "if Major 
Richardson wishes to keep a gambling house, 
he had better select his own residence," and 
he wrote him a letter (insulting enough, be it 

— 123 — 


said) demanding an explanation; the Colonel 
declined; he had not the honor of being ac- 
quainted with him and didn't want to. Rich- 
ardson replied expressing his contempt, which 
letter the Colonel handed to a Magistrate. 
Thereupon Richardson posted him in Ogdens- 
burg and Prescott as "a cowardly, shuffling and 
contemptible slanderer," and the Colonel 
challenged him to a pistol duel at four paces. 
Richardson refused, 2 but offered to fight at ten 
paces; the Colonel would not hear of more 
than five — and there was no fight. 

Sir Richard Jackson, the Commander of 
the Forces, "soon after the four paces farce 
had been acted," directed "that the officers 
under his command should have nothing to 
do with Major Richardson." But Richardson 
is quite convinced that "Colonel Williams 
would never have presumed to conduct him- 
self," as he did, had the Guards "acted in the 
bold, manly and independent manner which 
was to have been expected from men" in 
their position. 

Why this book was ever written must be a 
mystery to one who does not enter into Rich- 
ardson's mentality and his sensitiveness in 
respect of everything which even seems to 

— 124 — 


besmirch his honor. Were it not for his 
repeated protestations, we might be tempted 
to think that it was written in favor of "the 
good old fashion instituted in the days of 
chivalry and manly heroism, and which the 
utilitarian spirit of this matter-of-fact age is 
fast seeking to discountenance but can never, 
it is to be hoped, effectually destroy." 

i " I was present at this execution (of Lount and 
Matthews), which was conducted without any of the 
excitement which might naturally have been looked 
for at such a crisis, and it occurred to me that I had 
never seen two men more mean or less qualified in 
personal appearance at least, either to take the initia- 
tive in party or to be made the objects of selection 
for a politically criminal procedure." 

2 His second gave as an excuse that such a duel, if 
anything fatal occurred, would subject the surviving 
parties to a trial for murder. He did not add that the 
same result would take place if the duel was at twelve 
paces or fifty. Chief Justice Robinson on the trial at 
Brockville in 1833 of John Wilson (afterwards Mr. 
Justice John Wilson) for murder in killing young 
Robert Lyon in a duel near Perth, said that while 
killing in a duel was in law murder, "Juries have not 
been known to convict when all was fair." See my 
article "The Duel in Early Upper Canada" 35 Canadian 
Law Times (September 1915), pp. 726, et seq. 

— 125 — 



T the very time when Rich- 
ardson, a lad of fifteen, a gen- 
tleman volunteer attached to 
the 41st Foot, was assisting 
at the siege of Detroit, a trag- 
edy was enacted near Fort 
Dearborn on the site of the present City of 

Captain Heald, with Lieutenant Helm and a 
small detachment of American troops, garri- 
soned the Fort ; in April, 18 12, a party of Winne- 
bago Indians murdered two men near the fort ; 
August 7 or 8, Heald received an order from 
General Hull at Detroit: "forthwith . . if it 
be yet practicable, evacuate your post and re- 
tire on Fort Wayne, after dividing the public 
property among the friendly Indians." Heald 
obeyed and marched out, August 12, notwith- 
standing the protest of Helm, Kinzie and Cap- 
tain William Wells, who had arrived with 
twenty-seven Miamis. The Indians attacked 

— 129 


and all but ten of the soldiers were soon 
killed or wounded, the doctor, Van Dorns, 
being among the slain. Attacking the baggage 
waggons they killed every male but Kinzie, 
also two women and twelve children. Some 
of the women, including Mrs. Heald, were 
wounded. Mrs. Heald was taken to Michilli- 
mackinac and thence sent by the British 
Commander to Detroit, then held by the Brit- 
ish ; there Richardson saw and admired her. 

He informs us, at the conclusion of "Wau- 
nan-gee," that he "had always intended the 
facts connected with the historical events of 
that period to be divided into a series of three, 
like the 'Guardsmen,' 'Mousquetaires' and 
'Twenty Years After' of Dumas. Two of 
these, embracing different epochs and cir- 
cumstances, we have completed in 'Hard- 
scrabble' and 'Wau-nan-gee,' and whether the 
third, on a different topic than that of war, and 
which, as we have just observed, is not neces- 
sary to the others, ever finds embodiment in 
the glowing language and thought of Nature, 
nursed and strengthened in Nature's solitude, 
will much depend on the interest with which its 
predecessors shall have been received." He 
more than hints that the projected third vol- 

— 130 — 


ume of the trilogy would deal with the life 
after the massacre of "the sweet and gentle 
Maria . . the loadstone of attraction to 
all who knew her." So far as can be discov- 
ered, the third volume was not written, and 
we must be content with "Hardscrabble" and 


The full title is "Hardscrabble, or the Fall of 
Chicago," but the second part of the title is a 
misnomer, as Chicago does not fall or begin 
to fall in it. The plot is not complicated, if 
indeed the story can be credited with anything 
like a plot. As always with Richardson, the 
language is a little stilted, especially in the 
love passages. 

Heywood, the son of an American Revolu- 
tionary officer, left to his own resources at the 
age of eighteen, emigrated to Kentucky, there 
amassed a fortune, and repaired to Charleston, 
where he married a lady of considerable landed 
property. They had one child, Maria. Hey- 
wood, leaving wife and child, went again to 
Kentucky, where he killed in a duel a young 
lawyer of good family ; he then fled to Charles- 

— 131 — 

J.R.— 10 


ton and it was decided that the family should 
bury themselves in the remotest civilized 
portion of the continent. They went to Chi- 
cago, the remotest of the western possessions 
of the United States. 

Heywood erected a cottage near the Fort, 
"furnished from Detroit in what, at that period 
and so completely at the Ultima Thule of 
American civilization, was considered a style 
of great luxury." He also bought several 
hundred acres two miles up the southern 
branch of the Chicago River, and thereon built 
a log house and outhouses. 

At the time of the story, Mrs. Heywood and 
Maria, now a tall and elegantly formed girl 
of eighteen, were living with a woman servant 
in the cottage across the river from the Fort — 
which, by the way, is accurately described — 
that the mother, who was seriously ill, might 
have the care and attention of the medical 
officer of the Fort. 

The Commander of the Fort was Captain 
Headley 1 ; rather a martinet, somewhat on the 
model of Colonel de Haldimar of "Wacousta," 
but not so stubborn. Lieutenant Elmsley, 2 
with his wife, lived in the Fort as did Captain and 

— 132 — 


Mrs. Headley; Harry Ronayne,the ensign, in 
love with and loved by Maria Heywood, 3 was 
the other subaltern. 

Heywood lived in his own house about four 
miles from the Fort, with his hired man, 
Ephraim Giles, a former American soldier, 
Le Noir, a French-Canadian, with a dog, Loup 
Garou, and a boy, Wilton, of fourteen. 

The log cabin was invaded immediately after 
the mid-day meal by a dozen Winnebagoes in 
full war paint. Heywood sent Wilton to call 
Corporal Nixon and his party of six men who 
were fishing in a bay about two miles above 
the farm. Giles, by a ruse, made his way 
across the river and to the Fort, carrying a 
warning to the Commandant. 

The action now becomes swift; the fishing 
party is attacked by a band of Winnebagoes, 
who had struck down and scalped Wilton on 
his way ; they repulse the attack after recover- 
ing from the river their muskets, sunk by a 
clever trick of an Indian ; they make their way 
to Heywood' s cabin and find Heywood and 
Le Noir killed and scalped. 4 They, in their 
turn, stand a siege by the Indians, and are 
celebrating their success by eating an enor- 

— 133 — 


mous turkey obtained in a ludicrous way, when 
suddenly they are aware that the room is full 
of Indians. How this could possibly happen 
does not appear ; no body of soldiers besieged 
by Indians could have allowed them to enter 
"by the back door" unobserved, and to possess 
themselves of the weapons of the soldiers. 

But it turns out that these Indians are 
friendly Pottawattamies, led by Ronayne, 
dressed as an Indian. He had asked Elmsley 
to pass him out the gate just as young de 
Haldimar in "Wacousta" had asked the soldier 
Halloway; but Elmsley refused and Ronayne 
got out disguised as a drunken Pottawattamie. 
The boy Wilton was picked up by a soldier, 
who refitted the scalp which was found in the 
river ; he was still living but died on the way 
to the Fort. 

The Fort was not attacked nor was there any 
further casualty. Wau-nan-gee, a young Pot- 
tawattamie, falls in love with Maria Heywood, 
indicating future complications and tragedy; 
but he withdraws his attentions when he learns 
that she is Ronayne's. The dead body of Hey- 
wood is found and scratched up by the dog, 
Loup Garou, where it had been buried by 
Ronayne and his party. The body is reburied. 

— 134 — 


Ronayne makes a Fourth of July speech, "omit- 
ting all expressions of that rancor towards 
Great Britain which forms so leading a feature 
in American orations on this occasion." 

Ronayne and Maria are married on this 
Fourth of July, 1812, by the Commandant, as 
"at that remote period and in the absence of 
duly ordained clergymen, it was customary 
for marriages to be performed by the Gover- 
nors of districts and by Commanding Officers 
of district Forts." 

An ominous incident took place during the 
ceremony: when Ronayne proceeded to place 
the ring on her ringer it fell on the floor; 
"quick as thought, Wau-nan-gee . . 
stooped, picked it up, and attempted to place 
it upon the finger, still extended, for which it 
was designed." Ronayne intervened : "Gently, 
Wau-nan-gee, my good fellow, the husband 
only does that." Wau-nan-gee, his cheek 
becoming brighter and his eyes kindling into 
sudden fierceness, while his hand intuitively 
clutched the handle of his knife, at once re- 
linquished the ring. Wau-nan-gee, fascinated, 
"moved not away, but the expression of his 
eyes had wholly changed; there was no 
longer to be remarked there the great melan- 

— 135 — 


choly of the poet, but the wild, restless,flashing 
glance that told of strong excitement within." 
When "Ronayne saluted his bride in the usual 
manner, his cheek became suddenly pale . . 
and with folded arms and proud attitude he 
withdrew slowly ... to mingle more 
with the crowd . ." "And under those 
singular and somewhat ominous circumstances, 
were the long delayed nuptials of Harry Ro- 
nayne and Maria Heywood, the great favorites 
of the garrison, celebrated to the joy of all 
within the Fort of Chicago." 

The farm of Heywood was, by Corporal Nixon, 
leader of the fishing party, given the name of 
"Hardscrabble," on account "of the hard 
struggle the fellows must have had with Mr. 
Heywood before they mastered him, judging 
from his wounds and his broken rifle." 

Of course we find in "Hardscrabble" no 
indication in express terms of the author's 
intention to write further on the characters; 
but the fact that it is entitled "The Fall of 
Chicago" suggests that it is incomplete, and 
the "ominous incident" at the marriage is a 
further indication of a future supplement. 
Such a sequel Richardson did write in the 
work now to be examined. 

— 13G — 



The full title of this, the second work, is 
"Wau-nan-gee, or The Massacre of Chicago : 
a Romance." 

In his "Prefatory Inscription" Richardson 
says that the whole of the text approaches so 
nearly to historical fact that any other preface 
than that which admits the introduction of but 
one strictly fictitious character — Maria Hey- 
wood . . must be . . . supereroga- 
tory." He gladly avails himself of the oc- 
casion "to circulate, through the most attractive 
and popular medium, the merits of those whose 
deeds and sufferings have inspired him with 
the generous spirit of eulogistic comment 
. . . those who were then our enemies but 
whose sufferings are well known to all, and 
claim our deep sympathy, our respect and our 
admiration — none more than the noble Mrs. 
Heald and Mrs. Helm, the former the wife 
of the Commanding Officer, the latter the 
daughter of the patriarch of Illinois, Mr. 
Kinzie." 5 

Coming now to the story, it will be remem- 
bered that "Hardscrabble" concluded with 
the account of the marriage, July 4, 1812, of 

— 137 — 


Maria Heywood with Harry Ronayne, her 
mother being in ill health. Mrs. Heywood 
died within a week of the marriage and was 
buried in the garden of the cottage across the 
river from Fort Dearborn. Mrs. Ronayne, 
visiting her mother's grave, was kidnapped by 
Pee-to-tum, a Chief of the Porta wattamies, but 
escaped. Ronayne, his wife, and the surgeon 
of the Garrison, riding on a subsequent day to 
"Hardscrabble," Mrs. Ronayne was captured 
by a party of Indians. Ronayne wished to 
search for her with a detachment from the 
Fort, but an Order 6 had come, August 12, from 
General Hull at Detroit to evacuate the Fort. 
A letter from Maria to Mrs.Headley said: "If 
I have yielded to the persuasions of the gentle, 
the affectionate, the devoted Wau-nan-gee, 
it is not so much on my own account as in the 
hope held out to me of a long future of happi- 
ness with the object of my heart's worship. 
For him I can, and do, make every sacrifice, 
even to the incurring of your displeasure" : the 
surgeon told the story to Mrs. Headley of the 
capture of Maria by the Indians, so that she 
was convinced the whole had been planned and 
that Maria had willingly thrown herself into 
the power of Wau-nan-gee. 

— 138 — 


Notwithstanding the opposite opinion of 
Lieutenant Elmsley, of his father-in-law, Mc- 
Kenzie, 5 an old settler, and of Ensign Ronayne, 
and the open discontent of the soldiery, Cap- 
tain Headley determined to abandon the Fort 
and depart at once for Fort Wayne. He calls 
a council with the desire and intention of 
conciliating the Pottawattamies, which Elmsley 
and Ronayne refuse to attend. Headley 
promises against the protests of McKenzie and 
Winnebeg, a prominent Indian, to divide the 
ammunition and provisions amongst the In- 
dians, asking them, in return, for an escort to 
Fort Wayne. 

Next night Headley, now being awake to 
the extent of the indiscretion of which he had 
been guilty, had the casks of liquor, and many 
of the powder barrels, emptied into the well 
and river; Ronayne, superintending this work, 
was saved by Wau-nan-gee from death at the 
hands of another Indian chief, Pee-to-tum; 
Wau-nan-gee assured Ronayne: "Ah love him 
much, Ronayne wife— love him Ronayne, 
too— Wau-nan-gee friend, dear friend— Wau- 
nan-gee die for him — Ronayne wife in Ingin 

camp — pale — pale — very much 

Wau-nan-gee not make him wife. S'pose 

— 139 — 


him not Ronayne wife, then Wau-nan-gee die 
happy s'pose him Wau-nan-gee wife. Feel 
him dere, my friend — feel him heart — oh much 
sick for Maria — but Wau-nan-gee Ronayne 
friend . . no hurt him wife." He asks Ro- 
nayne to comewithhim to "squaw camp, stay 
there till battle over . . . Maria say 
come — must come;" but Ronayne is held by 
his duty. A letter is brought to him from 
Maria, with the tidings that the unfriendly 
portion of the Indians had intended to attack 
the garrison on the march after they had left 
the Fort. A letter to Mrs. Headley is still 
more explicit: Wau-nan-gee had learned of 
the treachery of Pee-to-tum, "not a full 
blooded Pottawattamie but a sort of mongrel 
Chippawa, adopted in the tribe for his untam- 
ably fiendish disposition"; had hastened to 
the Fort for the express purpose of Maria's 
safety, "to take her out of the Fort until all 
trouble was over, to conceal her in a spot, to 
watch her and to protect her as a brother." 
She had gone to Wau-nan-gee: "the crisis is 
desperate and anything to save my husband's 

Next morning, August 13, Headley gave the 
Indians the cloths, blankets, trinkets and pro- 

— 140 — 


visions, but only one cask of liquor and one 
barrel of powder were forthcoming: he said 
that that was all that had been left. Pee-to- 
tum called him a liar ; Headley struck him in 
the eye with his heavy military glove and 
trouble seemed imminent, when a band of five 
and twenty horsemen made their appearance 
under Captain William Wells, 7 uncle of Mrs. 
Headley and "the Hero of the Valley of the 
Miami." Wells, a native of Kentucky, who, 
adopted by the Miamis, fought with them 
against St. Clair, then abandoned his adopted 
father and his Indian wife and children and 
rejoined the whites, was made Captain, and 
fought under Wayne against the Indians. 

After a diversion describing the surrender 
of Detroit by Hull, Richardson proceeds with 
the story. August 15, the column marched 
out, Captain Wells and his Miamis in the van ; 
then the thirty men of the detachment, the 
wagons with women and children, the sick, the 
luggage and spare ammunition. Shot at by 
the Indians, the detachment formed a square 
and were again attacked . The Pottawattamies 
approached the wagons and began tomahawk- 
ing the children ; the surgeon was killed and 
scalped as was Captain Wells (his heart was 

— 141 — 


eaten); the Indians were seen to be bringing 
up a field piece from the Fort; Ronayne cap- 
tured the cannon and turned it on the Indians ; 
he then wounded Pee-to-tum, who had boasted 
of violating Maria; Pee-to-tum tried to kill 
him but was killed by a shot from the square. 

The Indians offer to spare their lives if the 
Americans surrender; the offer is voted on, 
eleven men voted for, eleven against surrender 
and Lieutenant Elmsley gives the casting vote 
for surrender. The remnant of the detach- 
ment re-entered the Fort, leaving Ronayne 
grievously wounded. His wife, disguised as 
one of Wau-nan-gee's sisters, found him, only 
to watch him die ; his dying words : "You will 
not be alone — Wau-nan-gee will love and 
protect you, obey your will." 

Wau-nan-gee brought Maria's trunks from 
Hardscrabble ; "she made up two large pack- 
ages which were tied to the back of her saddle, 
while the youth strapped two others similarly 
prepared, with provisions, behind his own 
pony. Thus provided, and Wau-nan-gee with 
his rifle on his shoulder and otherwise well 
armed, they set out at daybreak" for Detroit. 

The rest of the story is soon told : on the third 
day after the battle the prisoners were divided 

— 142 — 


into small parties and scattered at various 
intervals of distance from Mackinaw, then in 
British hands. Mrs. Headley was taken 
some three hundred miles away to Mackinaw, 
and by the British Commander sent to Detroit 
and "little did we, at the time, as we shared in 
the general and sincere homage to her magni- 
ficence of person and brilliancy of character, 
dream that a day would arrive when we should 
be the chroniclers of Mrs. Headley's glory, or 
have the pleasing task imposed on us of re- 
embodying after death, the inimitable grace 
and fulness of contour that then fired the 
glowing heart of the unformed boy of fifteen 
for the ripened and heroic, although by no 
means bold or masculine, woman of forty." 8 

"Ev'n in our ashes live our wonted fires." 

i Of course Captain Nathan Heald, who was in 
command at Fort Dearborn in 1812. 

2 Lieutenant Linai Taliafero Helm, a Virginian. 

3 Both fictitious characters. 

4 It is a historic fact that the first act of hostility by 
the Winnebagoes at Chicago was the killing and 
scalping of two men not in the Fort. 

5He is called "McKenzie" in the story and that was 
his original name. Born in Quebec in 1763, he carried 
on business there as a jeweller, but became a trader 
in the western United States. He took the name 
Kinzie (his first name was John) . In 1802 he established 

— 143 — 


a post on the present site of Chicago of which he was 
the earliest white settler. He also had posts on the 
Illinois, Kankakee and Rock Rivers. He died at 
Chicago, Jan. 6, 1828. 

6 Brought by Winnebeg, a friendly Indian — the real 
name seems to have been Winne Mag. 

7 Captain William Wells is a historical character: 
he arrived at Fort Dearborn just before the massacre 
with about twenty-seven Miamis. 

8 A very full and accurate account of the Chicago 
Massacre will be found in Milo Milton Quaife's " Chi- 
cago and the Old North-west, 1 673-1 835," Chicago, 
1913. Lieutenant Helm's account is given in 8 Michigan 
Pioneer Collections, pp. 648-652: for most purposes 
Prof. Clarence Walworth Alvord's "The Illinois 
Country, 1673-1818," Springfield, 111., 1920, pp. 440, 441, 
may be found sufficient — 53 Americans were killed, 
about fifteen Indians; "a veritable shambles." 

1 ! 1 — 





« 7jKu 

&x&& NavSl 


1 iff 


HE only edition of this work 
was published in New York 
in 1850. The story is pre- 
tended to be translated from 
an old French manuscript 
which was placed in the 
author's hands in 1837 by a servant in a 
dilapidated castle in Auvergne owned by the 
Baron de Boiscourt, under a promise not to 
speak of it while there was a single member 
of the family of de Boiscourt living. 

During the times of the Kingdom of Jerusa- 
lem about eighty years after the conquest of the 
City by Godfrey de Bouillon (1099), Baron de 
Boiscourt became intimate with Abdallah, the 
Monk Knight of St. John. Of Moorish origin 
and abducted in infancy by the Maltese, Ab- 
dallah had been compelled to abandon his 
religion and adopt the cowl. He became a fer- 
vent Christian and joined the Knights of St. 
John, the strictest of the religious orders, 

— 147 — 

J.R.— 11 


He was not less noted for his military prowess 
than for his scrupulous observance of his vow 
of chastity. 

The occasion of the two friends first meeting 
is described luridly and minutely in language 
hardly allowable at the present time in decent 
literature, and more in the manner of Aphra 
Behn than of Dickens or even Fielding. 
Abdallah had rescued Zuleima, one of the wives 
of Saladin, about to be violated by Christian 
soldiers, and was himself falling a victim to 
her nude charms when de Boiscourt came on 
the scene; she spent the night in de Bois- 
court's tent, the willing victim to the adulterous 
desire of de Boiscourt, and was taken to Saladin 
next day. 

De Boiscourt exacts a promise from Abdallah 
that he will marry Ernestina, de Boiscourt's 
wife, if he should be killed. Abdallah takes 
part in an attack upon the Saracen camp by 
three hundred chosen Knights of St. John 
and of the Temple; and is one of the three 
survivors of the fearful carnage which ensues. 

At the Battle of Tiberias (July 4, 1187), de 
Boiscourt was left on the field for dead, after 
his life had been saved three times by Abdal- 
lah. Abdallah, going to the camp of Saladin 

— 148 — 


to ask honorable burial for his friend, sees 
Saladin strike the head of the Grand Master 
of the Templars from his shoulders with one 
rapid blow of his scimitar. 

A Christian lad, Rudolph, being taken 
prisoner, becomes at the instance of Zuleima 
a Mahometan, her page and her paramour. 
Whole pages are given to the description of her 
voluptuousness and passion. Abdallah, also a 
prisoner, thinks of Lady Ernestina, but falls 
a victim to Zuleima's charms, admits his sin 
to his Grand Master and glories in it. 
Zuleima saves his life by telling her husband 
how Abdallah had saved her from the Chris- 
tian soldiery. The other knights are slain. 
Abdallah discovers that Zuleima is his sister, 
and Zuleima, renouncing the creed of the 
Prophet, embraces Christianity. 

The Monk Knight comes to the Lady Ernest- 
ina disguised as the Monk Gonzales, hears 
her admit her passion for Abdallah and later 
is admitted to her chamber, pretending to be 
de Boiscourt. He makes himself known and 
is received as a husband with "joy, supreme 
joy;" he tells her with exultation of the 
episode with Zuleima. They are privately 
married the following day and pass six months 

— 149 — 


together; she becomes enceinte — when de 
Boiscourt returns. Not recognized by either, 
he is about to kill Abdallah, and has already 
stabbed him with a poignard, when Ernestina 
begs his life. 

Shortly afterwards de Boiscourt makes 
himself known to Ernestina, but she decidedly 
prefers Abdallah, as her love for de Boiscourt 
is dead. He offers to become Abdallah's 
page but declines to marry Henriette, Ernest- 
ina's maid. Abdallah and Ernestina drive 
him away ; with the assistance of his man, 
Coeur-de-Fer, he captures them and im- 
prisons them in secret rooms, separated by 
iron bars but visible to each other. 

The return of de Boiscourt is publicly an- 
nounced, and the marriage of Abdallah and 
Ernestina annulled. De Boiscourt had agreed, 
on a condition unnecessary to state, that Ab- 
dallah and Ernestina should be for ever with 
each other, and himself makes love to Henri- 
ette. The Countess of Clermont tries to 
seduce Abdallah, again disguised as the 
real Monk Gonzales; Rudolph returns also 
and is to marry Zuleima ; Ernestina is poisoned 
by the Countess of Clermont, who is ap- 
parently killed by Abdallah with her para- 

— 150 — 


mour, Coeur-de-Fer. Ernestina dies and 
Abdallah poisons himself. The Baron is to 
marry Henriette; the night before the nup- 
tials the Countess of Clermont finds them to- 
gether and tries to kill Henriette, mistaking 
her for Ernestina; the Countess then con- 
fesses that she is the mother of Henriette, 
seduced at sixteen by her uncle, the Bishop 
of Clermont, and a mother at seventeen; 
then she stabs herself and dies. The Baron 
and Henriette are married by the Bishop 
and "live happy ever after." 

And so ends this amazing and shocking tale 
of love and lust, sin and blood, unrelieved by 
one single decent feature or a gleam of humor; 
no woman but was lascivious in the extreme, 
no man but was the slave of the vilest animal 
passion gratified on all occasions and at 
whatever cost of honor or decency. It comes 
well within Jordan's characterization of 
"Ecarte" : "disgusting" and "fit only for the 
stews." The whole work reminds one of Mat- 
thew Gregory ("Monk") Lewis' "Ambrosio, 
or the Monk," after which it is in part model- 
led and which it rivals and outdoes in 

— 151 — 



In Canto I the British Fleet sets out to 
attack the American. 

But now the breeze is up — the anchor 

weigh'd — 
The swelling canvas bends before the gale; 
Each towering ship, in battle-pomp array'd, 
In distance answers to the chieftain's hail; 
Each warrior-brow is clear'd — nor gloom, 

nor shade, 
Nor disappointed feelings now prevail : 
All hearts are light — the chase is full in view — 
They pant for combat, and forthwith pursue. 


Nor long they follow — nor a coward foe, 
Nor one unus'd, unskill'd in naval war; 
Their sails are instant clew'd— their course 

is slow — 
Each bark awaits her rival from afar; 
While with a secret, and exulting glow 
They count the little fleet who cross the bar, 

*These extracts are taken from the English edition, 

— 155 — 


And reckless of their weakness dare engage, 
And with superior force the contest wage. 

And now the thick sulphureous mists ascend, 
And Murder opens all her mouths of blood ; 
While streams of light with curling volumes 

And dart along the surface of the flood, 
Which, startled at the cries of foe and friend, 
Shrinks back, and seems as 'twere to brood 
O'er scenes of fearful death, which darkly 

The spotless bosom of her silvery plain. 


And who are they who, thus exulting, wake 
Each spring of action in that lengthened 

Whose the wild sounds which too delusive 

Upon the wond'ring ear, and eking out 
In distance ring along the troubled lake, 
Startling the storm-bird in its wonted route, 
And, e'en amid the cannons' ceaseless roar, 
Is heard in echo on the distant shore? 

— 15G — 



It is the lion-band, who fondly deem 
That hour arriv'd so pleasing to the brave ; 
Already Victory hath appeared to beam 
Upon their brows,— for many a watery grave 
Their foes have found, and in the flattering 

Of hope they reck of little left to crave : 
The eagle standard from the chieftain's prow 
Is dash'd below, and triumph hovers now. 

Tecumseh's defence of his country from 
American aggression: 

Nor wrong the chieftain of the snow-white 

crest : 
For scarce ten moons had dipp'd in silvery 

The verdant beauties of the glowing west, 
When now a mighty mass of foemen threw 
Their lengthen'd columns o'er the soil, and 

The spot where first the generous warrior 
The rich warm breath of sacred liberty, 
And swore to fall, or set his country free. 

— 157 — 


'Twas then that, like a mighty avalanche, 
His arm gigantic with his wrath kept pace, 
And, rear'd on high, like some vast towering 

Of a tall pine, dealt vengeance for a race 
Whose bleeding wounds the warrior swore 

to staunch 
With the deep groans of those he pledg'd 
to chase 
Like the fierce monsters of his native wood, 
Till gorg'd with victims and with human blood. 

How well that purpose of his soul he kept, 
Whole hecatombs of bleaching bones and 

O'er which nor sorrowing spouse nor sire 

e'er wept, 
Too well attest ; no burial rite had they — 
No tomb in which their ashes hallowed slept; 
But, torn by vultures, and by beasts of prey, 
E'en fertilized the bosom of that soil 
They came with savage fury to despoil. 



Tecumseh's grief for his son slain: 


Or where was he, who near Miami's wave, 
When coward hatchets madly rose to stain 
The well-earn'd laurels of the generous 

Dash'd fiercely thundering 'mid the recreant 

And swore to sheathe his yet ensanguin'd 

In their vile hearts, and strew them o'er the 

plain — 
While as he fell'd to earth the tainted barb, 
He shone the savage but in hue and garb? 

Alas ! he saw not — while the warrior stood 
Near the pale ashes of his martyr'd boy, 
With folded arms and melancholy mood, 
And rapt in contemplation's drear employ: 
As with a father's scrutiny he view'd 
The blasted promise of life's only joy, 
A panting envoy from the Christian chief 
Broke on the fulness of his tearless grief. 

— 159 — 

The morning hours at Amherstburg : 


The hour is that, when checking his career, 
The god low stoops to kiss his mistress 

And with his breath consuming dry the tear 
With which fell Night, of melancholy birth, 
Damps the warm bosom of the glowing 

Whose face, now radiant, proves her secret 

And burning blushes mark the mighty power 
Of him her lover in that ardent hour. 


The slumbering lake is one broad, silvery 

Within whose mirror move, reflected there, 
Along the cloudless sky, a mingled train 
Of various birds, which cleave the highest 

As if unable longer to sustain 
The warmth of Earth, which, like the Siroc 

Enchains all nature in its magic fold, 
And fills the atmosphere with flakes of gold. 

— 160 — 



The mountain-deer winds fearless to the 

And laps his pendent tongue within the 

Then panting casts him at the gaunt wolf's 

(Struck by the ardour of the raging beam), 
Whose wearied frame in strange inaction tied, 
Lies tame and spell-bound there, as if a 

Or incantation hung upon the scene, 
And chang'd his nature with creation's mien. 

The scaly serpent, deck'd in hues of gold, 
Basks near the drooping warbler of the 

spray ; 
Nor twines him now in close and tortuous 

To spring envenom'd on his wonted prey ; 
That eye, which late all fascinating roll'd 
In colors brilliant as the Iris' ray, 
Has lost its dreadful harmonies to lure, 
E'en though the victim felt it not secure. 

— 161 — 



The very waters, with the heat imbued, 
The languid fishes now essay to shun, 
Save where the weeping willows, thickly 

O'erhang the streams, and shield them from 

the sun; 
There, blended in one group, a gasping 

Of harmless sporters all-confiding run, 
And linger near the fierce, voracious pike, 
Who, with the power, lacks the will to strike. 

Tecumseh before the Battle of Moravian- 

For him again that moon may never rise, 
That sweet air freshen, or those waters flow : 
Another sun shall gild his native skies, 
But ere in the far west his last tints glow, 
The song of war, which o'er the valley flies, 
Shall bear him swift on his accursed foe, 
Whose ranks must thicken in the path of death, 
Or purchase vict'ry with his dying breath. 

162 — 


Such fate with him can boast no other sting 
Than that which fastens on the truly brave, — 
Those deep despairings of the soul, that 

The thought that, in his dark and lonely 

Must die the hopes which in his bosom spring 
To free his groaning country, and to save 
The faithful remnants of his weakened bands 
From the dire fury of the foeman's hands. 


And as he linger'd o'er the thought, like 

burning oil, 
The prestige deeper fann'd his bosom's fire ; 
The hours which flew in darkness o'er the 

Were weights imposed upon his deathless ire : 
And now he panted for the fierce turmoil 
With rage unpitying, and with wild desire ; 
And gnash'd his teeth, as fancy mark'd each foe 
Gasping, and writhing 'neath his vengeful 


— 1G3 — 
J.R.— 12 



Comte de Hillier, the notorious duellist, is 
thus described : 

"This nobleman was now in his twenty- 
sixth year; his person would have been ac- 
counted good, had not the natural elegance of 
his figure been destroyed by an offensive care- 
lessness of carriage, strikingly expressive of 
insolence and disdain. His features, also, 
were regular, and would have been considered 
handsome, had it not been for the contemptu- 
ous curl, which not merely played around the 
Up, but contracted the muscles of his face, 
even unto distortion of the countenance, and 
the fiend-like expression of his eyes, which 
were dull and glassy and filled with malignant 
cunning. His rank and fortune had given 
him access to the first society in Paris; but 
such was the brutal ferocity of his nature, 
that more than one member of that society 
had found reason to curse the hour of his intro- 
duction, in lamenting the untimely fall of 
some dear friend or relative by his ruthless 
hand. Urged by a wanton thirst for notori- 
ety, and priding himself on a dexterity in the 
use of weapons, which none of the young men 

— 164 — 


around him could succeed in attaining, he 
often deliberately and without provocation 
fastened insults on the inexperienced, which 
led to results almost ever fatal in their char- 
acter to the latter. 

"At the period now alluded to, his repu- 
tation had become notorious ; and although the 
houses of many of the more respectable famil- 
ies in Paris were closed against him, while in 
others he was received with cold and studied 
politeness, he still continued to keep up a 
certain connexion. Many of the young fash- 
ionables of the day adhered to him ; some from 
fear, some from vanity, some from the notor- 
iety attached to his name, and some from the 
similarity of their tastes and pursuits in the 
haunts of dissipation in which they were wont 
to meet. By far the greater number of these 
hated him ; but wanting courage to avow their 
real sentiments, were content to wish his 
downfall in secret." 

The drawing room at Madame Astelli's 
is thus described : 

"Nothing could surpass the magnificence of 
the scene. A flood of light seemed to burst 
from the rich crystal lustres, which studded 

— 165 — 


the walls of the gilded apartments, and were 
reflected from the splendid mirrors filling up 
the intervals between each, multiplying the 
objects into almost infinitude. Glittering in 
jewels, covered with plumes, adorned in all 
the elegance of Parisian costume, a hundred 
fine and voluptuous forms arrested the eye in 
quick succession. A few German and Italian 
women, who could readily be distinguished — 
the former by the rich fulness of their pro- 
portions, the latter by the almost overpowering 
lustre of their eyes — were among the number ; 
the remainder were almost exclusively French, 
and from every province, from the blood- 
exciting plains of the south, to the more frigid 
regions of the north. The men were of almost 
every country: French, English, Russians, 
Spaniards, Italians, Germans and Portuguese, 
composed the throng; and many of these, with 
the exception of the English, wore some 
decoration pending from their breasts." 

When Dormer went to see Adeline Dorje- 
ville this is what he found : 

"It was impossible for Dormer even with all 
the anxiety incident to his position, not to be 
struck by the extreme air of confusion pervad- 

— 106 — 


ing the apartment into which he had been thus 
hastily and unceremoniously ushered. On the 
breakfast table, and mingled with the several 
fragments, were profusely scattered various 
pots of solid, and phials of liquid rouge, pom- 
ades, graise d'ours, cremes pates d'amandes, 
and all the thousand auxiliaries necessary to 
the toilette of a Parisienne in the decline of 
her beauty. A small miroir rested in a slant- 
ing position against a coffee cup, while a piece 
of burnt cork for shadowing the eyebrows, and 
a light bougie, announced that the operation 
of the toilet had been disturbed in some 
sudden and disagreeable manner. A pack of 
dirty cards with which the good fortune of the 
owner had no doubt been told a hundred times 
over, were lying scattered on the same table, 
and with these, a fair haired, bare legged little 
girl, apparently about five years of age, and 
covered simply with a chemise de nuit, was 
amusing herself with all the eagerness of her 
years. At a little distance from the table, and 
on one side of the dull fire, before which the 
contents of the coffee pot were stewing and 
simmering, stood a foot bath, and on the other 
a canape, at one extremity of which, a large, 

— 1G7 — 


white, unwashed poodle dog lay snoring and 
stretched at his full length, intruding at in- 
tervals on a variety of rich costumes that lay 
on the opposite end, and had evidently been 
thrown off the preceding evening. A pair of 
fine embroidered cotton stockings, and a pair 
of satin shoes, one of which was burst on the 
instep, lay immediately in front of the fire. 
These were the principal objects in the fore- 
ground: nor was the perspective at all out of 
keeping. But we dare not venture into a 
closer detail of these mysteries." 


Wacousta, a prisoner in the Fort, having 
promised that if his hands be set free he would 
send a message to Pontiac to send Captain 
de Haldimar (who was a prisoner) to Detroit, 
is set free from his bonds. 

Colonel de Haldimar turns to speak to Sir 

"The command was executed, and the 
prisoner stood once more free and unfettered 
in every muscular limb. A deep and unbroken 
silence ensued, and the return of the adjutant 

* These extracts are from the Toronto edition of 

— 1GS — 


was momentarily expected. Suddenly a loud 
scream was heard, and the slight figure of a 
female clad in white came rushing from the 
piazza in which the apartment of the deceased 
de Haldimar was situated. It was Clara. 
The guard of Wacousta formed the fourth 
front of the square, but they were drawn up 
somewhat in the distance, so as to leave an 
open space of several feet at the angles. 
Through one of these the excited girl now 
passed into the arena, with a wildness in 
her air and appearance that riveted every eye 
in painful interest upon her. She paused not 
until she had gained the side of the captive, 
at whose feet she now sank in an attitude ex- 
pressive of despair. 

" 'Tiger! — monster!' she raved, 'restore my 
brother! — give me back the gentle life you 
have taken, or destroy my own ! See, I am a 
weak, defenceless girl; can you not strike? 
You have no pity for the innocent. But come,' 
she pursued, mournfully, regaining her feet 
and grasping his iron hand, 'come and see the 
sweet, calm face of him you have slain ; come 
with me, and behold the image of Clara 
Beverley ; and if you ever loved her as you say 

— 169 — 


you did, let your soul be touched with remorse 
for your crime.' 

"The excitement and confusion produced 
by this unexpected interruption was great. 
Murmurs of compassion for the unhappy Clara 
and of indignation against the prisoner were 
no longer sought to be repressed by the men, 
while the officers, quitting their places in the 
ranks, grouped themselves indiscriminately 
in the foreground. One, more impatient than 
his companions, sprang forward and forcibly 
drew away the delicate hand that still grasped 
that of the captive. 

"While he was yet turned to that officer, 
who had taken his post as commander in the 
inner angle of the square and with a counten- 
ance that denoted the conflicting emotions of 
his soul, he was suddenly startled by the con- 
fused shout and rushing f orward of the whole 
body, both of officers and men. Before he had 
time to turn, a loud and well-remembered yell 
burst upon his ear. The next moment, to his 
infinite surprise and horror, he beheld the bold 
warrior rapidly ascending the very staff that 
had been destined for his scaffold, and with 
Clara in his arms ! 

"Great was the confusion that ensued. To 

— 170 — 


rush forward and surround the flagstaff was 
the immediate action of the troops. Many of 
the men raised their muskets and in the ex- 
citement of the moment would have fired had 
they not been restrained by their officers, who 
pointed out the certain destruction it would 
entail on the unfortunate Clara. With the 
rapidity of thought Wacousta had snatched up 
his victim while the attention of the troops was 
directed to the singular conversation passing 
between the governor and Sir Everard Valle- 
tort, and darting through one of the open 
angles already alluded to, had gained the ram- 
part before they had recovered from the stupor 
produced by his daring action. Stepping 
lightly upon the pegs, he had rapidly ascended 
to the utmost height of these before anyone 
thought of following him, and then, grasping 
in his teeth the cord which was to have served 
for his execution, and holding Clara firmly 
against his chest while he embraced the smooth 
staff with knees and feet closely compressed 
around it, accomplished the difficult ascent 
with an ease that astonished all who beheld 
him. Gradually, as he approached the top, 
the tapering pine waved to and fro, and at 
each moment it was expected that, yielding to 

— 171 — 


their united weight, it would snap asunder and 
precipitate both Clara and himself upon the 
rampart or into the ditch beyond. 

"More than one officer now attempted to 
follow the fugitive in his adventurous course; 
but even Lieutenant Johnstone, the most 
active and experienced in climbing of the party, 
was unable to rise more than a few yards above 
the pegs that afforded a footing, and the enter- 
prise was abandoned as an impossibility. At 
length Wacousta was seen to gain the extreme 

"Axes were instantly procured, and two of 
the men now lent themselves vigorously to the 
task. Wacousta seemed to watch these pre- 
parations with evident anxiety, and to all it 
appeared as if his courage had been paralysed 
by this unexpected action. No sooner, how- 
ever, had the axemen reached the heart of the 
staff than, holding Clara forth over the edge 
of the rampart, he shouted : 

" 'One stroke more and she perishes !' 

"Instantaneously the work was discontinued. 
A silence of a few moments ensued. Every 
eye was turned upward — every heart beat 
with terror to see the delicate girl held by a 
single arm, and apparently about to be pre- 

— 172 — 


cipitated from that dizzy height. Again Wa- 
cousta shouted: 

" 'Life for life, de Haldimar ! If I yield her 
shall I live?' 

" 'No terms shall be dictated to me by a 
rebel in the heart of my own fort,' returned the 
governor. 'Restore my child, and we will 
then consider what mercy may be extended 
to you.' 

" 'Well do I know what mercy dwells in such 
a heart as yours,' gloomily remarked the 
prisoner ; 'but I come.' 

" 'Surround the staff, men,' ordered the 
governor, in a low tone. 'The instant he des- 
cends secure him, lash him in every limb, nor 
suffer even his insolent tongue to be longer at 

" 'Boyce, for God's sake open the gate and 
place men in readiness to lower the draw- 
bridge,' implored Sir Everard of the officer of 
the guard, and in a tone of deep emotion that 
was not meant to be overheard by the gover- 
nor. 'I fear the boldness of this vengeful man 
may lead him to some desperate means of 

"While the officer whom he addressed issued 
a command, the responsibility of which he 

— 173 — 


fancied he might under the peculiar circum- 
stances of the moment, take upon himself, 
Wacousta began his descent, not as before by 
adhering to the staff, but by the rope, which he 
held in his left hand, while he still supported 
the apparently senseless Clara against his 
right breast with the other. 

" 'Now, Colonel de Haldimar, I hope your 
heart is at rest,' he shouted, as he rapidly 
glided by the cord ; 'enjoy your triumph as best 
may suit your pleasure.' 

"Every eye followed his movement with in- 
terest, every heart beat lighter at the cer- 
tainty of Clara being again restored, and with- 
out other injury than the terror she must have 
experienced in such a scene. Each congratu- 
lated himself on the favorable termination 
of the terrible adventure, yet were all ready 
to spring upon and secure the desperate author 
of the wrong. Wacousta had now reached the 
centre of the flagstaff. Pausing for a moment, 
he grappled it with his strong and nervous feet, 
on which he apparently rested to give a momen- 
tary relief to the muscles of his left arm. He 
then abruptly abandoned his hold, swinging 
himself out a few yards from the staff, and 
returning again, dashed his feet against it 

— 174 — 


with a force that caused the weakened mass to 
vibrate to its very foundation. Impelled by 
his weight and the violence of his action the 
creaking pine gave way ; its lofty top gradually 
bending over the exterior rampart until it 
finally snapped asunder, and fell with a loud 
crash across the ditch. 

"Desperate as were the exertions of Wa- 
cousta, who evidently continued his mode of 
flight from a conviction that the instant his 
person was left exposed the fire-arms of his 
pursuers would be brought to bear upon him, 
the two officers in front, animated by the most 
extraordinary exertions, were rapidly gaining 
upon him. Already was one within fifty yards 
of him when a loud yell was heard from the 
bridge. This was fiercely answered by the 
fleeing man, and in a manner that implied his 
glad sense of coming rescue. In the wild 
exultation of the moment he raised Clara high 
above his head, to show her in triumph to 
the governor, whose person his keen eye could 
easily distinguish among those crowded upon 
the rampart. In the gratified vengeance of 
that hour he seemed utterly to overlook the 
actions of those who were so near him. Dur- 
ing this brief scene Sir Everard had dropped 

— 175 — 


upon one knee, and supporting his elbow on 
the other, aimed his rifle at the heart of the 
ravisher of his wife. An exulting shout burst 
from the pursuing troops. Wacousta bounded 
a few feet in air, and placing his hand to his 
side, uttered another yell more appalling than 
any that had hitherto escaped him. His flight 
was now uncertain and wavering. He stag- 
gered as one who had received a mortal wound, 
and discontinuing his unequal mode of re- 
treat, turned his back upon his pursuers, and 
threw all his remaining energies into a final 
effort at escape." 


Stating the effect of his note to the Gren- 
adier Guards Richardson says : 

"It would appear that my note to the Grena- 
dier Guards must have embraced an affront 
to the whole Garrison, for the two regiments 
of the line, then in Montreal, and including 
men who had been in the habit of visiting — 
nay, dining — at my house, following the course 
of the bear-skin-caps, no longer did me the 
honor to bless me with the light of their rosy 
and rubicund faces. But this was not all. 

— 176 — 


There is no country in the world — certainly 
no colony — wherein the military have such 
absolute and exclusive rule as in Canada, or 
are so slavishly copied. Like so many curs 
(I confine myself to their imitators) the few 
young men who aim at being considered ex- 
tremely fine and extremely fashionable, both 
in speech and manner, may be seen following 
in the wake of the men in scarlet, sniffing at 
their heels, and proud to be permitted to tread 
in their footsteps ; while the men they adulate, 
treating them with the secret contempt then- 
conduct so justly merits, reward their servility 
by monopolizing the attentions and affections 
of their women— few of whom ever condescend 
to notice a civilian, when a red coat is the 
competitor for favor. Some of these women 
flirt with regiment after regiment, as they 
succeed each other in garrison, until they have 
absolutely grown wrinkled in the almost 
diurnal occupation. These may ever be dis- 
tinguished by the loud laugh and speech, the 
bold look of effrontery, and the dissipation- 
telling cheek, on which the blush of virgin 
timidity has long ceased to mantle, as they 
saunter up and down the pave, or frequent all 
places of public resort, the scorn of some — the 

— 177 — 


pity of others — and the astonishment of all. 
I could name half a dozen of those misguided, 
half-educated women, who take the lead in this 
sacrifice of the commonest principles of 
delicacy and propriety ; but will not so far gra- 
tify those who have not yet made the same 
progress in a semi-courtesanship which has 
repeatedly been denounced from the pulpit — 
Catholic as well as Protestant — yet denounced 
in vain. Indeed, could credence be given to 
all that is said of some — not covertly, but 
openly said — not the painted, but far more 
modest looking harlot who daily frequents the 
same promenades, can have reason to envy 
the more distinguees of her sisterhood, on 
the score of morals. And yet, these latter 
affect to regard as beneath them on the social 
scale, those of their own sex, who, with ten 
times their talent, natural and acquired, do 
not mix in their tainted coterie of vicious ig- 
norance. Nor can it be wondered at, that 
they should be thus — for the mothers of the 
unblushing, dissipated looking women to 
whom I allude, having, in their youth, paid 
adoration at the same idol, are rather glorified 
than pained byunfeminine conduct of those 

— 178 — 


whom they seem to have trained but to one sole 
purpose — that of entrapping a military lover. 

"But, I have, insensibly, digressed from the 
parasites of their own sex. It would be in 
the highest degree amusing, were it not for 
the humiliation, and the shame for one's kind, 
induced by the sad contemplation, to behold 
the abjectness of self-gratulation — the silly 
pompousness of manner of those, the first 
desire of whose small hearts is to be deemed 
on familiar terms with a red coat, without the 
slightest reference to the qualifications— the 
talent or ignorance of him it covers. The 
acme of their happiness is to be permitted the 
enviable position of being dragged at an 
officer's heels, too happy if they are not kicked 
into the gutter, in some moment of caprice 
of their masters; but allowed to be seen by 
their fellows, who dare not, or choose not, 
to aspire to a similar distinction. Even by 
such creatures as these, and to whom, I 
scarcely can divine how I became known — was 
the conduct of those, to whom they bent the 
knee with all the adulation of the slave, in 
some degree imitated." 

— 179 — 

J.R.— 13 



Speaking of the departure from London 
for Canada, February 18, 1838, he says: 

"Notwithstanding a good deal of delay had 
occurred in the outset, my final departure from 
London proved a very abrupt one, and was, 
moreover, marked by a strong instance of that 
singular and unaccountable insight into the 
future which we usually term presentiment. 
The winter had been, as I have just remarked, 
exceedingly severe for an English season; so 
much so, that instead of being enabled to leave 
on the 1st of January, which was the regular 
day of sailing of the packet, the latter had been 
detained in the docks for upwards of six weeks. 
The intermediate time had been passed by a 
beloved one, now no more, and myself under 
the hospitable roof of the beautiful, amiable, 

and talented Countess M , in Montagu 

Square; our heavy baggage being deposited 
in a small lodging near the Docks, to be in 
readiness for embarkation at a moment's 
warning. On the night of the 17th, and while 
confident that many days must yet elapse 
before the ship could be got down the river, 
we attended a fancy ball at the Hanover- 

— 180 — 


Square Rooms. It was a very brilliant and 
crowded affair, and the day had dawned before 
we all returned home, and separated for the 
moment to meet again at breakfast. Alas! 
to one it was the last separation on this side 
of the grave. 

"It was not without difficulty that I could 
keep my eyes open, and sleep was to me then 
the sweetest boon upon earth; but I did not 
enjoy it long. I had not been half an hour 
in bed, when I felt myself gently shaken, and 
a well-known voice urging me to rise and leave 
for the East End of the town immediately, 
for nothing could induce the speaker to believe 
the vessel in which we were to embark would 
not leave the dock that morning. I endeav- 
ored to persuade my wife that the thing was 
impossible, and that if such were the intention 
some intimation would have been sent to us. 
Her reply was, that she had been awakened 
by the powerful impression forcing itself upon 
her mind, that she had risen in consequence, 
and that nothing could convince her she was 
wrong in attaching the faith she did to the 
correctness of her presentiment. There was 
no resisting her urgent manner. I was soon 
dressed ; a coach was sent for, and without an 

— 181 — 


opportunity of taking leave of our kind friends, 
we finally gained the lodging near the dock. 
I enquired, on alighting, if any message had 
been sent to announce the sailing of the vessel 
that day. The answer was in the negative, 
and I commenced rallying the disturber of 
her own and my rest on the fallacy of her 
forebodings. But, even v/hile in the act of 
doing so, a loud rap at the street door an- 
nounced a visitor, and one of the cabin boys 
entered stating that a sudden thaw having 
occurred during the night, the Ontario was 
getting out of dock, and we must, if we wished 
to avoid a journey to Portsmouth, embark 
immediately, as the "tugs" had their steam 
up, and were only waiting for the vessel to 
clear the dock to be lashed to her sides. Then 
came the triumph of the prophetess, for my 
pleasantry suddenly ceased, and the only 
object that now engaged my serious attention 
was the gathering together of our scattered 
luggage, and its introduction into a hackney 
coach as a medium of transport to the deck 
of the Ontario; and even so hurried was I in 
this, that I afterwards found I had left several 
articles behind. By eight o'clock we had cut 
our way through the rotting ice as far as Green- 

— 182 — 


wich, and by the time our friends had entered 
the breakfast room, where they of course fully 
expected to see those from whom they had so 
informally parted so shortly before, we must 
have been half way down the river." 

In accounting for the fact that his "Jack 
Brag in Spain" had not been published by 
Colburn or Bentley, notwithstanding all Theo- 
dore Hook's influence, Hook being delighted 
with the three volumes which Richardson had 
written under that title in continuation of 
Hook's "Jack Brag," and promising to obtain 
for Richardson at least £500 from one or the 
other publisher, the following is said : 

"There is a curious anecdote connected with 
this work which, showing as it does, that the 
humor or caprice of a critic should be consulted 
quite as religiously as the ancients were wont 
to consult the stars before offering their ob- 
lations, may be here advantageously inserted 
for the benefit of young authors. A few days 
before 'Ecarte' made its appearance before 
the London public, Jerdan, the leviathan of 
the Literary Gazette, had some disagreement 
with Colburn, and wrote to him to say that 
whatever he next published he would cut up 
in his review. 'Ecarte' was the fated next 

— 183 — 


book and no sooner had it issued from the 
counter of the publisher, when Jerdan, throw- 
ing all his acrimony into his pen, sought to 
annihilate it in a few brief sentences, which 
Colburn, who showed me the impartial critic's 
note, subsequently declared to me had had a 
most pernicious effect upon the sale of the 
book. And it was in this spirit that he, who 
lauded 'Beazley's Roue' to the skies, pro- 
nounced 'Ecarte' (a book which others have 
said ought to be in the hands of every young 
man designing to visit Paris) a publication fit 
only for the stews of London. But the best 
part of the story is to be told. On the very 
next day after the ill-natured and threatened 
critique had gone forth to the public, there 
was an evening reunion of literary people at 
Mr. Redding's — the author of the 'Beckford 
Papers,' etc. — at which were present Harrison 
Ainsworth, Thomas Campbell, Silk Bucking- 
ham the author of 'Tremaine,' Charles Oilier, 
and a number of other distinguished writers 
of the day whose names I do not recollect. 
Late in the evening and after coffee had been 
served, Jerdan made his appearance, flushed, 
as was his wont, with the fumes of the 'Tuscan 
grape.' After conversing a short time with 

— 184 — 


those who were most intimate with him, he 
came up to me, a personal stranger, and said 
'he should be very happy to have the pleasure 
of taking wine with me.' Most of those in the 
room had been aware of the severity — nay, 
bitter personality — of the critic's remarks the 
preceding day, and they naturally felt some 
surprise at his movement. It was soon, how- 
ever, evident that the Solon of the Literary 
Gazette did not know whom he was thus 
honoring, and their wonder gave place to 
amusement. I rose from a tabouret on which 
I had been sitting near the feet of the mistress 
of the house, and exchanging a significant 
glance with her, observed that Mr. Jerdan 
did the author of 'Ecarte' too much honor in 
inviting him to drink wine with him, but that 
nevertheless I should be most happy to accept 
his proposal. Jerdan stared, drew up his 
eyebrows, seemed for the first time conscious 
of a mal entendu, bowed stiffly, sipped his 
wine, and then turned to converse with 
somebody else. 

"I allude to this anecdote particularly, 
because it tends to show how completely the 
fame of a writer is at the mercy and in the 
power of the critic. Here is a man professing 

— 185 — 


to guide the public taste, who without any 
personal feeling towards myself, not even 
knowing me when he wrote his review, de- 
nounces a book he has eagerly devoured, not 
for the purpose of seeking food for commenda- 
tion, but with the avowed object of collecting 
materials for dispraise. And wherefore? 
Simply to gratify a low and unworthy feeling 
of pique, to which a man of letters should be 
immeasureably superior. Had Mr. Jerdan 
not given indulgence to this paltry and un- 
generous spirit I should have written many 
more works than I have. These might not 
have greatly benefited the public it is true, but 
they would at least have profited me, and that 
is no mean consideration. Of course I am 
prepared to expect, that should the impartial 
critic of the Literary Gazette notice these 
remarks, he will do so in the same spirit in 
which he reviewed 'Ecarte.' 

Richardson having taken part in the Battle 
of Moraviantown where Tecumseh was killed, 
was desirous of visiting Tecumseh's grave. 
On his way from Brockville to Sandwich, he 
passed near the spot where the Indian was 
said to be buried. 

"As I passed from the plain into the wood 

— 186 — 


where we had been attacked, I anxiously 
sought to discover any traces of the particular 
ground on which we had rested. For this 
purpose I alighted from my waggon, leaving 
the reins in the hands of my tiger ; but in vain 
did I seek any indication of the precise spot. 
The general features of the wood bore so 
monotonous a resemblance that I was com- 
pletely at fault, and after a fruitless attempt 
to discover the grave which was said to con- 
tain the bones of the well-known but un- 
fortunate Tecumseh, I moved along the road 
which I had last traversed as a prisoner of war 
in the hands of an exasperated and insulting 
enemy, with feelings deeply imbued with painful 
recollections of the occurrences of that event- 
ful day. There was no one who could point out 
to me the grave of the indomitable warrior 
who had sealed his faith to England, and his 
unbending determination to avenge the great 
and manifold wrongs of his oppressed race, 
with his heart's blood, and I felt deeply dis- 
appointed. I had known Tecumseh well. 
During my boyhood he had ever treated me 
as a young favorite, and I had experienced a 
good deal of pride in what I considered a very 
great condescension, for I had always enter- 

— 187 — 


tained a deep and enthusiastic admiration of 
his generous, fearless, independent and war- 
like character. Not an hour before he fell, 
he had passed along our line in the elegant 
deer-skin frock, fringed, and ornamented with 
the stained quills of the porcupine, which he 
usually wore, and which, on this occasion, sur- 
mounted a shirt of snowy whiteness. In addi- 
tion to this, he wore a plume of white ostrich 
feathers, and the whole style of his costume 
was such as to impart to his dark features an 
expression, and to his eagle eye a brilliancy, 
which the excitement of the occasion rendered 
even more remarkable, and which had been so 
forcibly impressed upon my memory, that 
whenever the image of the noble Indian has 
appeared to me, it has been as he then looked, 
when, for the last time, he cordially shook me 
by the hand." 


Maria Ronayne having gone off with the 
Indian, Wau-nan-gee, writes her husband : 

" 'Ah! Ronayne,' began the first (letter), 
'what language can express my feelings— my 
fears — my agony? For the last week I have 

— 188 — 


not seemed to live a shuman existence. My 
mind has been all chaos and confusion. I 
have been feverish, excited, scarcely conscious 
of my own acts, and filled with a strong dread 
of an evil which I know will come, must come, 
although only protracted. And yet, with all the 
horror of my position, how much more bitter 
might have been my self-reproach, my remorse, 
in having neglected, in my distraction, to in- 
close the packet for Mrs. Headley, which the 
noble-hearted, the devoted Wau-nan-gee now 
conveys. I thought I had given it to Sergeant 
Nixon, but Wau-nan-gee found it in the 
pocket of my saddle only yesterday. Oh, but 
for the arrival of Winnebeg with the intelli- 
gence he brings, it would now be too late, and 
what, then, would have been my sensations? 
His appearance has altered the plans of the 
unfriendly portion of the Indians, who, pre- 
suming that the troops will soon leave the fort, 
have determined to wait for the division of the 
stores, and attack you on the march. But 
still they could not restrain their impatience, 
and the day of the council was fixed. All this 
I learned from Wau-nan-gee, who makes me 
acquainted with everything that is going on, 
and is both hated and suspected by Pee-to- 

— 189 — 


turn, who would willingly find him guilty of 
treachery, and destroy him if he could. I 
begged him, in my deep sorrow, to be the 
bearer to you, even amid all danger of detec- 
tion, of a few words of warning which I knew 
you would sufficiently understand. He did 
go, while dashing up seemingly in defiance to 
the gate ; and with a joy you may well under- 
stand, I marked the result. So far, then, has 
the step which my great love for you in- 
duced me to take, regardless of minor con- 
siderations, been of vital service to you all; 
for good and generous as Wau-nan-gee is, 
nothing short of his deep and respectful at- 
tachment would have led him to reveal the 
secrets of his people, and thus defeat their 
cruel purpose. But, oh ! when I think that the 
danger is only deferred, not removed, how 
poor is the consolation! Dear Ronayne, my 
heart is sad, sad, sad! Last night I dreamed 
you were near, and this morning I awoke to 
horror, to know that, perhaps, your hours are 
numbered, while for me there is no hope of 
death, which then would be a blessing, except 
from my own hand! Oh, suffer me not to 
pray in vain if you would have me live ! Once 
you evaded (oh, how cruelly!) the stratagem 

— 190 — 


which would have saved your life and honor — 
which would have made you an unwilling 
prisoner with those who, for my own safety, 
hold me captive. 

11 ' Alas ! had I not hoped that you would have 
been compelled to share my weary bondage 
until the dread crisis had passed, I had never 
been here ; and now that the great object of my 
heart has failed, I would return, and share the 
danger that surrounds you. One more em- 
brace would give me greater strength to die. 
One more renewal of each well-remembered 
face would make me firmer in resolve to meet 
the coming danger, that danger shared by all. 
But Wau-nan-gee, in all things else docile as a 
slave, in this denies me. In his mother's tent 
I dwell, disguised from the wretch Pee-to-tum 
in Indian garb, and, although she does not 
seem to do so, she watches my motions 
closely. Oh ! then, since I may not go to you, 
come for a brief period to your adoring wife! 
Come with the occasion back with Wau-nan- 
gee. He will conduct you to the tent where 
now I am, some little distance from the general 
encampment, and never visited but by Winne- 
beg, and his son. You will say I am but an 
indifferent soldier's wife to give such counsel 

— 191 — 


to a husband. I confess it; my love for you is 
greater than my regard for your glory. But 
what glory do you seek? March with the 
troops and ingloriously you perish; for what 
can avail defence against the strong force I 
know to be fully bent upon your destruction. 
Join me here and you are saved — saved for a 
long and future course of glory for your coun- 
try — and, oh, far dearer to me, for a long and 
future course of wedded happiness. Yet, oh, 
God, how can my pencil trace this icy language, 
while my heart is desolate — longing, pining 
for your presence. Oh, beloved Ronayne ! by 
all the vows of love you ever poured into my 
willing ear — by all the fires of passion you ever 
kindled in my heart, I conjure you to come, 
for I can endure this suspense, this cruel un- 
certainty no longer. To-night I shall count 
the long, long hours ; and oh ! if Wau-nan-gee 
return without you, without one ray of hope to 
animate this breaking heart, I will not leave 
him until I have won his promise to conduct 
me at midnight to the secret entrance through 
which he has so often gained admission into 
the fort; or failing in my plea to him, I will 
make the attempt to fly myself. But, dear 
Ronayne, if you come not, the measure of my 

— 192 — 


grief will be full indeed to overflowing. I 
can no longer endure this.' 

"Such was the last note of the unhappy and 
distracted Maria Ronayne." 

— 193 — 


J.H— 14 


HE status of Major John 
Richardson as a maker of 
Canadian literature is per- 
haps at the present time, 
not definitely and finally 
fixed. Very much a mythical 
figure, he does not belong even to the class of 
writers, honored but unread; he is not only 
unread but he is also unknown. It is prob- 
able that his great wish, besides his desire for 
recognition by those whom he so unreservedly 
served with pen and sword and who always 
disappointed him, was to be remembered 
and honored by succeeding generations of his 
countrymen. It is true that he once cynically 
wrote : — " / cannot deny to myself the grati- 
fication of the expression of a hope that, should 
a more refined and cultivated taste ever be in- 
troduced into this matter-of-fact country in 
which I have derived my being, its people will 
decline to do me the honor of placing my 
name in the list of their 'Authors/ I cer- 



tainly have no particular ambition to rank 
among their future 'men of genius,' or to share 
any posthumous honor they may be disposed 
to confer upon them." But this was when he 
was smarting under what he considered unde- 
served neglect ; and it is not to be taken at its 
face value. He is undoubtedly worthy of a 
place among our authors. 

The secret of Richardson's strength was in 
the man himself and not in the schools he 
attended. Little school training did he possess, 
but the defect was more than made up for 
in his mother, a capable and cultured woman, 
and the accomplished society of French ladies 
among whom she moved. Richardson was 
able to speak fluently in both French and 
English, and this assisted in giving to him 
broad sympathies and grace of thought which 
was reflected in his cultured and dignified 
manner. Add to this his wide and varied 
experience, his frequent travels into out-of-the- 
way places, interesting society in the cities 
of two continents, and an insatiable appetite 
for ever newer quests and crusades and you 
have the basis for the work to which he set 
himself so resolutely. Equipped with a good 
military training, he adopted the career of 

— 198 — 


soldier, which he followed in both Europe and 
America with great distinction, passing through 
the roles of victor, captive, diplomat and trus- 
ted despatch rider. This experience prepared 
him for the historical work he was to excel in. 
Many would have taken all this as a matter 
of course, but Richardson was thrilled to the 
core by his experiences. His eye was as 
quick for the ghastly and the brutal as for the 
subtle beauties of love and nature. The 
vivacity of his mother warmed his own blood 
and flung him whole-heartedly into every 
event. He must live it all. Strong, forceful, 
dramatic, born with a scent for news and pos- 
sessed of a prodigious enthusiasm for facts, 
he developed himself into one of the greatest 
chroniclers of Canada or of any country. 
His extraordinary skill in description cannot 
be too much admired. We have nothing 
better in our literature. Many sidelights, 
many historical facts of importance, would 
for ever have escaped us had it not been for 
this soldier poet and recorder. "Eight Years 
in Canada" (1838-1847) is, except the news- 
paper press, the only contemporary history 
of this period we possess, but this is rather 
autobiographical than historical. His "War 

— 199 — 


of 1812," however, is unique among the 
contemporary histories of that stirring period 
in America, and continues to be an inexhaus- 
tible historical treasury. The contribution 
of Major Richardson to the historical literature 
of Canada has been monumental and of the 
highest importance. 

As a writer of imaginative literature, Rich- 
ardson will take a somewhat lower place. 
While he comes first in point of time in Can- 
adian writers of fiction, he can hardly be said 
to be first in importance ; his effect upon sub- 
sequent Canadian fiction in particular and 
English literature in general is as yet, at least, 
very slight. His poem "Tecumseh," dis- 
plays too close and un-original a copying of 
classic models, and it is too uniformly mediocre 
and conventional to merit anything more than 
a mildly favorable comment. The general 
effect must have been unsatisfactory to 
Richardson himself as he soon forsook 
poetry for prose. However, as a dramatic 
re-creation of historical fact, "Tecumseh" is 
important. "Ecarte" in the same way is a 
faithful contemporary portrait of Paris salons, 
and "Wacousta" contains a valuable, and, 
for the most part, accurate contemporary re- 

— 200 — 


cord, but neither of them, taken as complete 
works of art, comes within the charmed circle 
of great imaginative literature. 

One of the finest appreciations of Major 
John Richardson is to be found in the Intro- 
duction to Richardson's "War of 1812," by 
Alexander Clark Casselman, a competent 
authority both in his knowledge of Richardson's 
works and in his literary taste and skill. 

"Like the earliest English novelist, Rich- 
ardson has suffered neglect in his own land. 
All that Scotland had for her greatest poet 
was an office worth £70 a year, but her suc- 
ceeding generations remembered his exquisite 
productions. Canada could find not even 
such an office for her first novelist. His own 
generation refused him a living in his native 
land; subsequent generations of Canadians 
know him not. And his works, if obtainable, 
can be bought only at almost prohibitive prices. 
Yet three years before Scott died, when Thack- 
eray was a stripling of eighteen, when Dickens 
had not yet become a reporter, Richardson 
was winning, by his first work of the imagi- 
nation, applause from the English press and 
a large audience of English readers. In 
the very year of Scott's death, his master- 

— 201 — 


piece, "Wacousta," appeared; and the six 
editions through which it has run bear testi- 
mony to its popularity. 

"Whatever Richardson did he tried to do 
well. Unlike Cooper, he never trusted to 
chance to develop the circumstances of his 
plot ; unlike Cooper he tells his story well, and 
tells it in faultless English. The interest is 
sustained to the end. There are no careless- 
nesses, no crudities, no notable mannerisms. 
Cooper often loses himself in the pathless 
mazes of his long sentences. Richardson, 
incisive and logical, builds clause on clause, 
phrase on phrase, here adding a limiting detail 
and there a defining circumstance, until you 
marvel at the accumulated result and you would 
not have a single word changed. Yet there 
is no straining after rhetorical effect, no 
attempt at fine writing. The lucidity of style 
recalls Macaulay, who at this period was 
writing his early essays. 

"A born literary artist, Richardson has drawn 
with a firm and skilled hand not only the 
children of his imagination, but the people of 
his own day. His autobiographical sketches, 
his historical works, as well as his novels, 
show us their foibles, their weaknesses, and 

— 202 — 


their merits. His great interest is in men 
and their achievements; but there are de- 
lightful bits of painting from nature. Though 
a lover of nature, he seldom gives himself 
up to that revel in the life of nature which is so 
great a merit of Cooper's work. It is men and 
women in action that interest him. Only less, 
perhaps did the brute creation claim his 
attention. His ponies are still a memory 
among the older people of Windsor and Sand- 
wich. . . . 

"His notions of life were by no means purita- 
nical. He believed that solace and comfort 
were to be derived from an after-dinner cigar. 
In complete accord with the customs of the 
times among the circles in which he moved in 
his palmy days, he took his glass of wine, but 
none abhorred excesses more than he. 

"If we judge Richardson by the literary 
success that cheered him even amid his many 
days of adversity, we can merely wonder that 
a writer so wholesome in atmosphere, so 
buoyant in spirit, so notable in our literary 
development, is now almost completely for- 
gotten. His works, whether we consider their 
subject-matter, their literary merits, or their 
position in the growth of the novel, place 

— 203 — 


their gifted author high on that roll we 
choose to designate as our list of Canadian 

"These productions of his genius are his 
sole monument. The bright young Canadian 
lad who left school to fight his country's 
battles had to seek in the land he fought 
against an unknown grave in the teeming 
solitude of America's greatest city. No votive 
garland can be laid on that tomb ; no admiring 
young Canadian may visit that shrine." 

With most of this I cordially agree. 

Everything Richardson wrote was in vigo- 
rous, but dignified and good English. He 
loves rapid action and chooses his materials 
with the dramatic possibilities always in view ; 
frequently he tends toward the exciting and 
melodramatic. Usually the plots of his novels 
are simple, and, except in "Wacousta," they 
have a conventional ending. With Richard- 
son the style was the man; each page was 
packed with autobiography. He wrote as he 
experienced, con amore and joyously. While 
he had an eye open for remuneration, and 
confidently expected no small niche in the 
Canadian Hall of Literary Fame, still, except 
at the very last his main reward in writing was 

— 204 — 


the satisfaction it gave himself. In speaking 
of his literary ability he once wrote : "I look 
upon the art of ingenious writing, not as a 
merit, but a mere incidental gift, for which one 
is more indebted to nature than to judicious 
application." He loved to employ this gift 
which neither wars nor intrigues could destroy 
and poverty and neglect could not impair. 

The characterization in his novels is life- 
like, and a few characters are drawn with 
extraordinary skill. Exception must however 
be taken to the Negro dialect of Sambo, the 
Scotch of the Scottish captain in "The Cana- 
dian Brothers," and the Irish in Ecarte — the 
like of which was never heard from human 
lips ; and indeed even the author himself was 
not wholly satisfied with it, for he dropped 
much of it in later works and revisions. The 
"villain of the play" in "The Canadian Brothers" 
is wholly artificial and manufactured as a deus 
ex machina for the occasion, while his son 
is a mere lay figure. Except where straining 
after effect is most patent, as occasionally in 
"Wacousta," we meet human beings who 
actually live and move and have their being in 
circumstances quite as real. 

Richardson fails in depicting woman; with 

— 205 — 


the exception of Helen Stanley in "Ecarte," 
and the wife of Captain Heald in "Hard- 
scrabble" and u Wau-nan-gee," there is scarce- 
ly one that is natural or normal. Matilda 
Montgomerie is certainly a pure fiction, while 
Clara de Haldimar, Maria Ronayne and another 
score or more are "such. . . as never 
was nor no man ever saw." 

The Indian Richardson knew well and he 
succeeded admirably in depicting him — only 
once did he fail to apply his own knowledge, 
and that is when he fills Wau-nan-gee with a 
pure and romantic love for Maria. The same 
mistake is made by James Fenimore Cooper 
in "The Last of the Mohicans," in his char- 
acter Uncas, after whom apparently Wau- 
nan-gee was modelled. 

The charge of impurity against "Ecarte" 
would receive little attention in these days of 
the sex novel, Freud and psychopathy. In 
none of his other novels, excepting always the 
senile and silly "Monk Knight of St. John," 
is there anything to shock modesty, if we 
omit the conduct to each other of the impossible 
Matilda and the equally impossible Gerald. 

The poetry and fiction of Richardson are 
still worth reading. They are valuable in 

— 206 — 


themselves in that they give the first authentic 
note of a new literature in Canada, a literature 
instinct with the life and thought of a new 
nation even then beginning to take shape, 
a literature in which extremes meet without 
impropriety, a literature of expanding life, 
cosmopolitan sympathies, robust democracy, 
pioneering idealism and freshness and profu- 
sion, prodigal in its richness and lavish in its 
gifts. They are equally valuable for their 
lively and sympathetic descriptions of the early 
formative and transitional times of the Nine- 
teenth Century in Upper Canada and the West, 
as well as the significant days immediately 
after the fall of Napoleon in Paris. Others 
will almost certainly return to Richardson's 
material and weave out of it fresh Canadian 
romances. Historians, novelists and poets 
will turn to Richardson again and again in the 
days to come, and he will enter more fully into 
his deserved inheritance of acquaintance and 
appreciation. Then will it be possible to re- 
write this chapter, and to estimate more pre- 
cisely what effect his pioneering work has had 
upon the art as well as upon the materials of 
succeeding generations of Canadian literary 
craftsmen. Of one thing we are sure ; and that 

— 207 — 


is, that time will prove our judgment true 
and sound when we gave him a first place 
among the Makers of Canadian Literature. 
His real value will be not in his discovery 
of new poetic forms, or in changing the esta- 
blished traditions of English verse or fiction 
to suit the new colonial conditions. As 
Samuel Richardson discovered the novel in 
England, Major John Richardson showed — 
and not obscurely or incompletely — where the 
strength of Canadian poetry, drama and 
fiction must lie, namely, not in mere imitation 
and variation of Old World themes, but in fresh 
and vigorous interpretation of our own life 
and thought. Only in this way can Canada 
develop an artistic soul and consciousness, 
and eventually arrive at that stage of national 
independence, co-ordinated and entire, which 
makes possible a great spiritual contribution 
in the form of a national literature. 

— 208 — 




A poem in four cantos, with notes. By an 
English Officer. London : Printed for R. Glynn, 
36, Pall Mall. MDCCCXXVIII. 

In Prof. Ray Palmer Baker's " History of Eng- 
lish-Canadian Literature to the Confederation" 
(Oxford University Press, 1920), p. 127, we find it 
stated: — 

"During the next fifteen years in London and 
Paris, where he (Richardson) seems to have en- 
joyed all the gaieties of the French capital, he 
began his career as a man of letters. Some time 
before March, 1825, he published 'Tecumseh,' a 
narrative poem in four cantos." 

Dr. Baker, however, informs me that the date is 
probably a typographical error. "In the first draft 
of my manuscript, I find that I wrote 1828 and 
not 1825. However, I recall that I stumbled across 
some contemporary references which would in- 
dicate that 'Tecumseh' was published earlier 
than is generally supposed." "Tecumseh" was re- 
published in The New Era, or Canadian Chronicle, 
Vol. II, Nos. 15, 16, 17 and 18, July 23 and 29 and 
August 12 and 19, 1842, the last four issues of that 
journal. I do not find any other edition of the 
whole poem, but extracts have been published in 
various anthologies. The London edition is ex- 
ceedingly rare. Dr. Baker says, "Though I have 
searched in about fifty of the leading libraries of 
America and Europe and in countless second-hand 
shops, I have never been able to find a copy of 
the first edition." I have been equally unfortunate 
although I have been looking for the book for more 
than forty years. I owe to Mr. Casselman's cour- 
tesy the opportunity of examining the copy in his 

— 211 — 
J.R.— 15 


The Canadian edition differs from the original : 
in Canto I, Stanzas XXXVI, XXXVIII, XXXIX, XL 
and XLI are omitted, reducing the number of 
stanzas from 50 to 45 ; in Canto II, stanzas XLIV, 
XLV, LIII and LIV are omitted, 54 to 50; in Canto 
IV, stanzas IX, X, XXXII to XXXIX (inclusive), 55 
to 45 — nineteen stanzas in all are omitted. 

The verbal changes are very numerous, scarcely 
a line escaping a change more or less important: 
e.g., in the first ten stanzas I have counted over 
fifty verbal changes, none indeed much affecting 
the sense. 

I subjoin a comparison: 



Stanza I 

v. 1 In truth it is 
v. 6 fiends 
v. 7 seas 

It is in truth 



Stanza II 

t. 2 sombre 

v. 3 sturdy 

v. 6 Boatswain'pipes 



Boatswain pipes aloft 

Stanza HI 

v. 2 adjacent 
v. s upstart 


Stanza IV 

v. 1 pond'rous 

v. 2 in strength . . 

v. 3 Resolved to win 

watery grave 
v. 5 gaily turn 
v. 6 The raging fury 
v. 8 cursings 

deadly foe prepared . . noble foe 
. . . To win renown . . glori- 
ous grave 

taunting turn 

The vain. exertions 


Stanza V 

v. 1 But now 
v. 3 towering 

But lo! 

Stanza VI 

v. 1 coward shrinking 

v. 8 with . . contest 'gainst . . . battle 

— 212 — 




Stanza VII 

v. i clarion 

v. 2 murmurs 

v. 4 order rise in echoes long and 

v. 5 and 

v. 7 assembled 

v. 8 loud cries of war their pres- 
ence greet 



stern command is heard both 

deep and clear 

with defiance stern their onset 


Stanza Vm 

v. 2 opens all 

v. 6 back and seems as 'twere to 

v. 7 scenes of fearful death 
v. 8 her silvery plain 

opens wide 

quailing back and frighten'd 

seems to brood 
fearful scenes of death 
the silvery plain 

Stanza IX 

2 two rival 

3 vengeance 

4 gigantic grasp 

5 And hide the noonday sun's 

6 Which never yet with greater 

v. 7 dark 

v. 8 furrow'd first to form a human 



thick wreathing smoke 

Hiding the noonday sun's re- 

Which beautiful and bright 
that morning 


ruffled first to form the 

Stanza X 

v. i thunder 

v. 2 fierce 

v. 3 sworn that Jove all dreadful 

v. 4 shap'd . . his high imperial 

v. 6 winging 
v. 8 hate and blood, despair and 




deem'd that Mars all radiant 

Wing'd . . his sanguinary 

hate — -despair — of woe and 



London, 1829. Allibone; Diet. Lit. 


2, p. 

1795 says 3 vols, part 8vo. — I have not seen this 

Ecarte, or The Salons of Paris, by Major Rich- 
ardson, Knight of the Order of St. Ferdinand, 
author of "Wacousta," "Hardscrabble," etc., 
etc.; Author's revised edition, New York, DeWitt 

— 213 — 


& Davenport, Publishers, Tribune Buildings. 
8vo. Entered in the year 1851 by DeWitt & 
Davenport. Illustrated paper cover, price 50 
cents. The cover advertises several other books 
and three by Richardson, "Wacousta," "Ecarte," 
and "Matilda Montgomerie" (nearly ready) 
each priced at 50 cents. Of this edition I have 
seen only two copies, one from the library of Mr. 
A. C. Casselman, the other from the Boston 
Public Library. I can find no other copy any- 
where and have never seen it advertised for sale. 
This edition was reprinted by Pollard & Moss, 47 
John Street, New York, in 1888. 

It may be mentioned that DeWitt & Daven- 
port, 160 and 162 Nassau Street, were, a little later, 
by special arrangement with her, the sole American 
publishers of Mrs. Susanna Moodie's "Flora 
Lyndsay," "Roughing it in the Bush," "Life in 
the Clearings vs. the Bush," "Mark Hurdle- 
stone," and "Geoffrey Moncton, or the Faith- 
less Guardian." "Ecarte" also appeared as No. 31 
of the "Echo Series" of Pollard & Moss, Pub- 
lishers, 42 Park Place and 37 Barclay St., New 
York, in paper cover. 


"Vengeance is still alive; from her dark covert, 
With all her snakes erect upon her crest, 
She stalks in view and fires me with her 

charms." — The Revenge. 
By the author of "Ecarte." In three volumes. 
Vol. i. London T. Cadell, Strand, and W. Black- 
wood, Edinburgh, 1832. 

Apparently there was a reprint in London, in 
1833. Professor Ray Palmer Baker informs me 
that he has seen an advertisement of such an 
edition. He has in his library a reprint in three 

— 214 — 


volumes, London, 1839, corresponding in every 
detail with the first edition. 

A second edition of this purports to be published 
London, 1840, three volumes, "Printed by A. & R. 
Spottiswoode, Newstreet Square, London." 

There were two editions issued in Philadelphia 
— one (1833) by Key and Biddle, 23 Minor Street, 
the other with the title "Wacousta; or The Pro- 
phecy: a Tale of Detroit and Michillimackinac," 
appeared in Waldie's Select Circulating Library, 
April 16-May 7, 1833 (Vol. I, Nos. 14-17. PP- 209- 
271). The first page contains the following 
Introduction : 

"Note to the first American Edition. Although 
the following work has been received with great 
favour by the reading public in England, it is in 
this country where the scene is laid, and where 
we are more familiar with the Indian character, 
that its merits can be best tested. Though not 
without defects, yet taken as a whole, we think it 
will be pronounced a very superior production. 
For deep interest throughout it has few rivals of 
the modern school, and the style and language 
are in general excellent. We feel compelled, on 
a second perusal, to consider it highly creditable 
to the author and an earnest of still higher flights 
in a field so successfully trodden by our own 
Cooper. It is the more remarkable as coming 
from the pen of the author of 'Ecarte, or the 
Salons of Paris,' a work in which the gaming- 
houses of the French capital and its dissipations 
were the subjects — scenes which are strongly 
contrasted with those here portrayed." (Ex 
relatione, Prof. Ray Palmer Baker.) 

The first New York edition has the sub-title 
"An Indian Tale." It was published by Robert 
M. DeWitt, 33 Rose Street, 1851. Some copies 
have the imprint 160 and 162 Nassau Street; 
my own has, as the publishers, DeWitt & Daven- 
port, Tribune Building. 

— 215 — 


The second American edition was after Rich- 
ardson's death, by Pollard and Moss, 47 John 
Street, 1888 — this was in boards. An edition in 
paper covers was issued by Pollard & Moss, 42 
Park Place and 37 Barclay Street, New York, in 
the "Echo Series," as No. 27. 

The first Canadian edition was published by 
John Lovell, St. Nicholas St., Montreal, 1868, 
paper covers. It was reprinted as a serial in a 
Montreal paper, The Transcript. There is a copy 
in The Lome Pierce Collection of Canadian Litera- 
ture at Queen's University. 

The second Canadian edition was published by 
the Historical Publishing Company, Toronto, 
1906, an admirably printed, illustrated and 
bound volume ; it contains a portrait of the author. 

Wacousta, A Tale of the Pontiac Conspiracy, 
by Major Richardson, author of "The Canadian 
Brothers," "Hardscrabble," "Ecarte," etc., with 
Illustrations by Charles W. Jeffreys. 

"Vengeance is still alive; from her dark covert, 
With all her snakes erect upon her crest, 
She stalks in view and fires me with her 
charms." — The Revenge. 

Toronto, Historical Publishing Company, 1906. 

"Wacousta" was also reprinted in the Toronto 

An edition has just been published by McClel- 
land & Stewart, Toronto, and another is promised 
in the "Master Works of Canadian Authors," 
under the editorship of Mr. John Garvin. 


A Tale of the late American War by Major 
Richardson, Knight of the Military Order of Saint 
Ferdinand, author of "Ecarte," "Wacousta." 
In two volumes. Vol. 1 Montreal, A. H. Armour 
and H. Ramsay, 1840. 

The Printer was John Lovell and the work was 

— 216 — 


deposited in the Prothonotary's office by-"Major 
Richardson now resident in the City of Montreal." 

The Canadian Brothers has not been reprinted 
as such — the title of the subsequent (and Ameri- 
can) editions being "Matilda Montgomerie, or The 
Prophecy Fulfilled, A Tale of the late American 
War, Being the Sequel to 'Wacousta'." By Major 
Richardson, Knight of the Order of St. Ferdinand, 
author of "Wacousta," "Hardscrabble," "Ecarte," 
etc., etc. 

This edition, in some copies, bears no pub- 
lisher's name on the title page, but it was pub- 
lished by DeWitt & Davenport, New York, in 

Pollard and Moss, 47 John St., New York, 
published another identical edition in 1888. 

The first edition of the "Movements, etc.," has the 

following title: 

By an officer late of the Quarter-Master-Gen- 
eral's staff. London. Published by Effingham 
Wilson, Royal Exchange, Corahill, 1836. Lewis 
and Co., Printers, 15 Frith Street, Soho. Preface 
dated London, June 7th, 1836: 8vo. Boards, pp. 

The second: 

strictures on the Course of Conduct pursued by 
Lieutenant-General Evans. By Major Richard- 
son K.S.F., author of "Ecarte," "Wacousta," etc., 
etc., second edition. To which is added with 
new views a continuation of the operations from 
the 5th of May, 1836, to the close of March, 1837. 
London. Published by Simpkin, Marshall & 
Co., Stationers' Hall Court. J. Macrow, St. 
James Square; and E. Wilson, Royal Exchange, 
Cornhill, 1837. It has not been republished. 

— 217 — 


(Author of Movements of the British Legion, etc., 
etc., etc.,) as connected with the singular oppres- 
sion of that officer while in Spain by Lieutenant- 
General Sir DeLacy Evans. A man who is too 
proud to acknowledge a fault when he is conscious 
of having committed one and thereby wounded 
the feelings of another, shows himself to be, 
instead of elevated rank, very low indeed in the 
scale of intellectual worth. His pride is of the 
meanest kind and to him even more disgraceful 
than his fault. Anonymous, Montreal. Armour 
and Ramsay; W. Neilson, Quebec; R. Stanton, 
Toronto; and J. Macfarlane, Kingston, 1838. 

There has been only one edition of his "Personal 

The first edition of "The War of 1812" was from the 
types in The New Era. 

WAR OF 1812, First Series 

Containing a full and detailed narrative of the 
operations of the Right Division of the Canadian 
Army. By Major Richardson, K.S.F., 1842. 

The only other edition is that published by the 
Historical Publishing Co., Toronto, 1902, men- 
tioned above. 

"Jack Brag in Spain" and "Recollections of the 
West Indies" have not been republished. 


Embracing a Review of the Administrations of 
Lord Durham and Sydenham, Sir Chas. Bagot, 
and Lord Metcalfe, and including numerous in- 
teresting letters from Lord Durham, Mr. Chas. 
Buljer and other well-known public characters. 
By Major Richardson, Knight^of the Military Order 
of St. Ferdinand, author of "Ecarte," "Wacousta," 
"The Canadian Brothers," etc., etc., etc. De 
Omnibus Rebus et Quibusdam Aliis. Montreal, 

— 218 — 


Canada. Published by H. H. Cunningham, 50 
Notre Dame Street, 1847. 

Entered according to Act of the Provincial 
Legislature in the year 1847 by Major John Rich- 
ardson in the office of the Registrar of the Prov- 
ince of Canada, and at Stationers' Hall, London. 
Donohue and Muntz, Printers, Montreal. 

Only one edition of "Eight Years in Canada" 
seems to have been published. A lithograph of 
Richardson is found in some copies. 

THE GUARDS IN CANADA, or the Point of Honor; 
being a Sequel to Major Richardson's "Eight Years 
in Canada." Montreal, Published for the author 
by H. H. Cunningham, 1848. 

J. W. Harrison, printer. 8vo pp. 55. 

Some copies bear no date of entry, others have 
the date 1847; some have a lithograph (F. W. 
Lock, del.) of Richardson, prefixed. 

Only one edition of the "Guards in Canada" 
is known. 

CORRESPONDENCE (submitted to Parliament) 
KILLALY . . . MONTREAL, 1848. 
pp. 4 - 62. 
The above is to be found in the Catalogue of 
Columbia University. I have not examined the 
volume. (Ex relatione, Prof. Ray Palmer Baker.) 


It is not quite certain at what time this was 
written. In the edition of "Wacousta," entered 
according to Act of Congress in the year 1851, by 
DeWitt & Davenport, of New York (some copies 

— 219 — 


have the imprint of Robert M. DeWitt, 160 and 
162 Nassau Street, and these have not the entry 
on the reverse of the title page ; some have this 
entry with the imprint of DeWitt & Davenport, 
Tribune Building — but the issues are identical), 
Richardson is described as author of "Hard- 
scrabble," "Ecarte," etc. In "Matilda Mont- 
gomerie," entered the same year by the same 
firm (in some copies the entry is missing) he 
is "Author of 'Wacousta,' 'Hardscrabble,' 
'Ecarte,' etc., etc." The original issue of "Hard- 
scrabble," now before me, was published by 
Robert M. DeWitt, 160 and 162 Nassau Street, 
New York, in the same form and almost certainly 
at the same time, as the "Wacousta" and "Matilda 
Montgomerie"; it was probably written about 

Hardscrabble, or the Fall of Chicago, a tale of 
Indian Warfare. By Major Richardson, author 
of "Wacousta," "Ecarte," "Matilda Montgomerie," 
etc., etc. New York, Robert M. DeWitt, pub- 
lisher, 160 and 162 Nassau Street. This has had 
the date supplied in ink and is bound up with 
"Wacousta," "Matilda Montgomerie," Dickens' 
"Oliver Twist" and Emilie Carlan's "Woman's 
Life" in a volume in the Parliamentary Library at 
Ottawa. The plates of this edition were evidently 
used several times — a fact that has led to some 

Another edition was published by Pollard and 
Moss, 42 Park Place and 37 Barclay Street, 
New York, in 1888; and Allibone says that an 
8vo. edition was published in 1856. There is 
another edition published by Peterson, Phila- 
delphia, about 1866. I have not seen either of 


Wau-nan-gee, or The Massacre of Chicago, 
a Romance of the American Revolution. By 
Major Richardson, author of "Wacousta," "Hard- 

— 220 — 


scrabble," "£carte," "Jack Brag in Spain," 
"Tecumseh," etc. New York, H. Long and 
Brother, No. 43 Ann Street. (Entered, 1850, by 
H. Long and Brother.) Some copies bear the 
date 1852. 

Of course, the subtitle "A Romance of the 
American Revolution" is a misnomer; the story 
is of a date thirty years after the American Re- 
volution ; the only justification for it is that there 
was at the time (and in some quarters it still sub- 
sists), a silly practice of calling the War of 1812, 
the "Second War of Independence." 

So far as I know there has been only one edi- 
tion of this work. 


A Tale of the Crusades by Major Richardson, 
Knight of St. Ferdinand, author of "Ecarte," 
"Wacousta," etc. — New York, DeWitt & Daven- 
port, Tribune Building, 1850 — 8vo. pp. 192. Paper 
covers. Price 50 cents. The outside cover has a 
rude woodcut of Abdullah saving Zuleima from 
the Christian soldiery. This book is very rare — 
I have seen only two copies, one more than half a 
century ago, clandestinely circulated from hand to 
hand at college among "certain lewd fellows of the 
baser sort"; the other kindly loaned to me by 
Charles J. Musson, Esquire, of the Musson Book 
Company of Toronto, at my request for this work. 
There is a copy in the British Museum. 


I have not been able to find any copy of this 
work. It probably deals with Andrew West- 
brook, who was very active on the side of the 
Americans in the War of 1812-14, in the Western 
District. He was "outlawed" under the existing 
law, Easter Term, 1816. See my article, "The 
Sad Tale of an Indian Wife," 40, Canada Law 
Times (December, 1920), p. 983, at p. 989, n. n. 

— 221 — 


By Major John Richardson, who served under 
General Brock in the War of 1812. Author of 
"Wacousta" (The Great Canadian Romance), 
"War of 1812," "The Canadian Brothers," 
"Ecarte," "Hardscrabble," "Wau-nan-gee," "Te- 
cumseh" (poem), etc. Edited with notes by 
A. H. U. Colquhoun, LL.D., Deputy-Minister of 
Education, Ontario. (The Ontario Book Company, 
Toronto, 1923). 

This is a reprint of an anonymous article pub- 
lished in 1849. The editor and publisher, both 
competent authorities, have satisfied themselves 
that the article is by Richardson: internal evi- 
dence confirms the identification. 

The article is a description, graphic and amusing, 
of a trip in October, 1 848, to the places named. Its 
main merit is a letter from an Indian Chief, Shah- 
wa-wan-noo, who had been aide-de-camp to 
Tecumseh, describing the death of that great 
warrior at the Battle of Moraviantown. 



Richardson's War of 181 2, by John Stewart 
Carstairs. Vol. XIX, pp. 72-74. May, 1902. 


John Richardson, 1796-1852, Young Volunteer 
of 1812, by I. Burwash. Vol. XXXIX, pp. 218- 
225, July, 1912. 


John Richardson: His Sweethearts. Vol. LV, 
pp. 16, 17, Oct. 7, 1911. 

— 222 — 


Askin, Col. John, descent, 2 ; removes to U. C, 2 ; 
marriage, 15; children, 15. 

Bagot, Sir Charles, character of, 113; promise to 
Richardson, 113; death of, 115 

Baker, Prof. Ray Palmer, "History of English Can- 
adian Literature" referred to, Pref.; quoted, 18, 
2ii, 215. 

Barclay, Capt., in command at Put-in-Bay 5, 27; 
a prisoner, 5, 28; praised, 60. 

Brock (Sir) Isaac, meets Hull's Invasion (181 2), 4, 
93; befriends Richardson, 4; praised, 60 

Canadian Brothers, written in England (1833), 55; 

completed at Sandwich, U.C. (1839), 13, 55; 

appears as "Matilda Montgomerie," 13, 56; 

resume of, 57-69; bibliography, 216, 217; re- 
ferred to, 93, 205. 
Canadian Campaign, published, 7; 8, 18, 25. 
Canadian Chronicle, newspaper, 13, 90, 92, 109, no. 
Canadian Loyalist and Spirit of 1812, newspaper, 

96, 114, 115. 
Casselman, A. C, editor of War of 1812, 92, 218; 

opinion of Richardson quoted, 201; referred 

to, 211. 
Chicago Tragedy, Tales of, 131. 

Detroit, capture of by Brock, 4, 94; Richardson with 
(Sir) John Beverley Robinson in Guard of Honor, 
5, 101; evacuated (1796), 16. 

Durham, Lord, his policy approved by Richardson, 
12,99, in, 119. m 

Ecarte, written, 7; account of, 34; criticized by 
Jerdan, 7, 11, 17, 183, 184; quoted, 164; biblio- 
graphy, 213, 214; referred to, 200, 205, 206, 215. 

— 223 — 


Eight Years in Canada, written, 14; account of, 99; 
quoted, 180; bibliography, 218, 219; referred to, 

Evans (Sir) De Lacy, commander Spanish Legion, 
8, 18; accused by Richardson of arbitrary con- 
duct and injustice, 9; 80-86; attacked in House 
of Commons, defends himself, II. 

Girty, Simon, mentioned, 66. 

Guards in Canada, written, 14; account of, 118; 
quoted, 176; bibliography, 219. 

Hardinge, Sir Henry, quotes Richardson in House of 

Commons, 10, 11. 
Hardscrabble, written, 14; account of, 131; biblio- 
C3 graphy, 219, 220. 

Harrison, General, Tippecanoe, meeting, 109. 
Hull, General William, invades U. C. (1812), 4, 93; 

surrenders Detroit, 5; his daughters in New 

York, 35. 

Jack Brag in Spain, written, 96; published, 14, 89; 

approved by Hook, 96; described, 89, 90. 
Jay's Treaty, referred to, 15. 
Jerdan, William, criticizes Ecarte, 7, 17, 25, 183, 

184; meeting of Richardson with, 183, 184, 183. 

Kensington Gardens in 1830, published, 7, 18. 

Matilda Montgomerie. (See Canadian Brothers.) 

Metcalfe, Sir Charles, Lord, disagrees with mini- 
stry, 116; obtains Richardson's appointment, 116. 

Monk Knight of St. John, published, 14; account of, 
147; referred to, 206; bibliography, 221. 

Moraviantown, Battle of, 5, 33, 162; death of Tecum- 
seh at, 34, 95, 186; Richardson prisoner at, 5, 
95; site visited by Richardson, 186, 187. 

Movements of the British Legion, first edition, 8; 
second edition, 10; account of, 73; bibliography, 

New Era or Canadian Chronicle, (See Canadian 

— 224 — 


O'Connell, Daniel, attacks Richardson in House of 
Commons, 10. 

Personal Memoirs oj Major Richardson, pub- 
lished, 12, 19; quoted, 17; account of, 80; bib- 
liography, 218. 

Prince, Col., his execution of "Sympathizers" ap- 
proved by Richardson, 103. 

Procter, General, recommends Richardson for pro- 
motion, 16; his retreat, 31, 32; defeat at Moravi- 
antown, 5, 33, 34, 162. 

Richardson, Charles, member for Niagara, 12. 

Richardson, Major John, birth and descent, 1 ; youth 
and education, 2; joins Brock, 4; at surrender of 
Detroit, 5; taken prisoner, 5; release, 5; sails for 
Europe with 8th Foot, 6; at West Indies, 6; on 
half pay in London and Paris, 7; early work, 7, 
8; joins British Legion, 8; invalided home, 8; 
published Movements of British Legion, 
attacks De Lacy Evans, 8; returns to Spain, 9; 
court-martialled, 9, 18; leaves Legion, 10; 
book quoted in H.C., 10, 11; leaves for Canada 
11; visits Toronto, Montreal and Quebec, 12; 
Amherstburg and Sandwich, 13; residence at 
Sandwich, 13; residence at Brockville, 13; on 
Welland Canal, 14, 116; at St. Catharines, 19; 
at New York, 14; death, 14; appreciation of, 197; 
his duels. 17, 120, 123, 124 

Richardson, Dr. Robert, descent, 1 ; marriage, 2 ; 
children, 2; surgeon at St. Joseph, 2; Amherst- 
burg, 3; in War of 1812, 16; Judge of District 
Court, 3; character, 4; death, 16; Major Grant- 
ham, 63. 

Richardson, Robert, Jr., one of the Canadian 
Brothers, 63, 64; Gerald Grantham, 63. 

Robinson, (Sir) John Beverley, charge in duel-murder 
case, 125. 

— 225 — 


Sydenham, Lord, encourages Richardson, 13, no; 

cause of death, no; character, in; follows 

Durham's policy, no. 
Sympathizers, Col. Prince's execution of, 103. 

Tecumseh, written, 7, 25, 92; account of, 26; an- 
thology 155; bibliography, 211 212,213. 

Theller, "General," at Detroit charges Richardson 
as spy, 105, 106. 

The Times, employs Richardson, 12, 102; discharges 
him, 12. 

Uncas, fictitious son of Tecumseh, 29; his death, 
30; vengeance for, 31. 

Von Schoultz, trial of at Kingston, 103. 

Wacousta, written, 8, 18; account of. 43; quoted, 

168; bibliography, 214, 215, 216. 
War of 1812, written 8, 14, 92, 114; account of, 92; 

bibliography, 218. 

— 226 — 






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John Richardson 25 


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