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Professor in Harvard Unirertity, ProfcMor in Tale Unirenity, 

Cambridge, Mast. Kew Haren, Conn. 





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A copy of this volume, postage paid, may be 
obtained anywhere within the limits of the 
Uniyersal Postal Union, by sending a Postal 
Money Order for six dollars, or its equiva- 
lent, to The American Oriental Society, New 
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Proceedings of the Society at its Meeting in Baltimore, 1910 1 — IX 

Proceedings of the Society at its Meeting in Cambridge, 

Massachusetts, 1911 I — IX 

List of Members, 1911 XI 

Constitution and By-laws of the Society XXIII 

Publications of the American Oriental Society XXVI 

Notices XXVII 

Jacobi, Hermann: The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras of the 

Brahmans 1 

B1.BT0N, George A.: Hilprecht's Fragment of the Babylonian 

Deluge Story 30 

Bloomfield, Maurice: Some Rig- Veda Repetitions 49 

C0N1.NT, Carlos Everett: The RGH Law in Philippine Languages . 70 
Kyle, M. G.: The "Field of Abram" in the Geographical List of 

Shoahenq 1 86 

Edoertom, Franklin: The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. Part I: The 

K-Suffixes in the Veda and Avesta 98, 296 

AsAKAWA, K.: Notes on Village Goyemment in Japan after 1600. 

Part II 151 

Blake, Frank R.: Vocalic r, I, w, n, in Semitic 217 

MicHELsoN, Truman: The Interrelation of the Dialects of the Four- 

teen-£di6ts of Asoka. 2. The dialect of the Gimar Redaction . 223 
Bakton, George A.: The Babylonian Calendar in the Reigns of 

Lugalanda and Urkagina 251 

Mobtoohery, James A.: Some Early Amulets from Palestine . . 272 
Bradley. Cornelius Beach: Graphic Analysis of the Tone-accents 

of the Siamese Language (with one plate) 282 

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Breasted, James Henry: The "Field of Abram^' in the Qeographi- 

cal List of Shoshenq 1 200 

QuACKEifBOs, 6. P.: The Mayura^taka, an unedited Sanskrit poem 

by Mayura • 849 

Bartoit, George A.: On the Etymology of Ishtar B66 

Kent, Roland G.: The Etymology of Syriac dmiabUrd 359 

Maroolis, Max L. : The Washington MS. of Joshua ...... 365 

Sverdeup, George, jr. : A Letter from the Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad 

to General C. G. Gordon 368 

CoiTANT, Carlos Everett: Monosyllabic Hoots in Pampanga • . . 889 

Pri5Ce, J. Dyneley : A Divine Lament (CT. XV, plates 24— 26) . 396 

Fat, Edwin W.: Indo-Iranian Word-Studies 403 

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Profoasor in the Unireraity of Ohicago, 
Ohioago, 111. 

Profeisor in Tale Unirersity, 
New Haven. 



Hermann Jacobi: The Dates 
of the Philosophical SQtras of 
the Brahmans 1 

GeorgeA.Barton: Hilprecht's 
Fragment of the Babylonian 
Deluge Story 80 

Maurice Bloomfield: Some 
Rig- Veda Repetitions .... 49 

C.Everett ConantiTheRGH 
Law in Philippine Languages 70 

M. G. Kyle: The "Field of Abram" 
in the Geographical List of 
Shoshenq I 86 




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The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras of the Brahmans. — 
By Hebmann Jacocbi, Professor in the University of 
Bonn, Germany, 

Subject of the investigation* — Some of the Sutras of the six 
orthodox philosophical Systems of the Brahmans ^ refer to 
Buddhist doctrines and refute them. As we are now sufficiently 
acquainted with Buddhist philosophy and its history, we can 
attempt to make out the peculiar school of Buddhist philosophy 
which is referred to in a passage of a Sutra, and thus to 
determine the date, or rather terminus a quo, of the Sutra in 
question. Our inquiry will be chiefly concerned with the 
Sunyavada or philosophical nihilism, and with the Vijfianavada 
or pure idealism. The former is the philosophy of the Madhya- 
mikas; the latter is that of the Yogacaras. It may be premised 
that both these systems admit the K^aQikavada or the theory of 
the momentariness of everything, so far at least as is consistent 
with their peculiar principles'; to these I will now briefly advert. 
The Sunyavada maintains that all our ideas, if analysed, contain 
logical impossibilities or self-contradictions, and that therefore 
nothing real can underlie them; and that that upon which 
they are based is a nonentity or the void {§unya^ nirupakhya). 
This system 2 was established by Nagarjuna, who flourished 

» Abbreviations: M.S. «« Mimamsa Satra; B.S. = Brahma Sutra (Ve- 
dSnta); V.D. = Vaiaesika Darsana; N.D. = Nyaya Darsana; Y.S. — =Yoga 
Stitra; S.S. =» Saflkhya Sfltra. 

3 The Sanyavfida may be compared with the philosophy of Zeno, who 
by a similar method tried to refute the common opinion that there exist 
many things of a changing nature. Aristotle called Zeno tvper^ rr/t Sta- 
XemxiTf; the same may be said of Nagarjuna whose Msdhyamikasfltras 
set the example for the dialectical literature of the Hindus which reached 
its height in Sriharsa's Khandana-Khanda-Khadya. It deserves to be 
remarked that in this regard also the VedSntin of Sankara's school 
foUows in the track of the Sanyavadin, 

VOL. XXX r. Part I. " \ 

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2 Hermann Jacobi, [l9il. 

about the end of the second century A.D.* The Vijnanavftda 
contends that only consciousness or vijndna is real. There 
are two kinds of vijndna: 1. dlaya-vijndna or consciousness 
proper, which lasts till the individual reaches NiiTftpa (d-laya) ; 
and 2. pravrtti-vijndna or the thoughts of the same individual 
concerning objects. The latter is produced from alaya'Vijndna, 
The Vijnanavada w^as established by Asaiiga and his younger 
brother Vasubandhu, who seem to have flourished during the 
latter part of the fifth century A.D.^* To this school belong 
Dignaga and Dharmaklrti, the gi-eatest Buddhist philosophers 
and writers on Logic (pramdna). Dignftga attacked Vatsya- 
yana's Nyayabhasya, and was answered by the Uddyotakara 
(6 th century A.D.) in the NyayavSrttika. Dharmaklrti, who 
further developed Dignaga's philosophy, appears to have flourish- 
ed about the middle of the seventh century A.D. 

It will be our task to examine closely the Buddhist doctrines 
controverted in the philosophical Sutras in order to decide 
whether they belong to the Sunyavada or to the Vijnanavada. 
On the result of our inquiry will depend the presumable date 
of the Sutras in question. If they refer to the Vijnanavada, 
they must be later than the fifth century A.D.; if however 
this is not the case, and we can assign to them an acquain- 
tance with the Siinyavada only, they must date somewhere 
between 200 and 500 A.D. 

Doubts about the conclusiveness of this argumentation. — Even 
if we should succeed in recognising the true origin of the 
controverted doctrines, still it might be doubted whether the 
few passages on which we must rely for proof, form a genuine 
part of the work in which they occui', or are a later addition. 
For the aphoristical style of the Sutras, the somewhat desultory 
way of treating subjects, and the loose connexion of the several 
parts (adhikaranas) in most of these works make the insertion 
of a few Sutras as easy as the detection of them is difficult. 
The text of the Sutras as we have them is at best that which 
the oldest Scholiast chose to comment upon, and it cannot be 

1 A contemporary of Nagfirjuna was Aryadeva. A poem ascribed to 
him has been edited in JASB. 1898. As in that poem the zodiacal signs 
(rail) and the weekdays {vdraJ:a) are mentioned, it can not be earlier 
tlian the third century A.D. 

2 See Takakusu in Bulletin de Vilcolc Fran^aise d^ Extreme- Orient^ 
1904, vol. iv, p. 53 f. 

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Vol. xxxi.] The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras (&c. 3 

safely traced further back. The uncertainty occasioned by the 
nature of our texts is, however, in the present case partly 
remedied by the repeated allusions in one text to the same 
doctrines, or by the occurrence in two Sutraworks of the same 
discussion with the same arguments. These facts make it 
probable that the topic in question was one which at that 
time a Sutrakara considered himself bound to discuss. 

Another objection may be raised against our chronological 
argument. It may be said, and not without a considerable 
amount of plausibility, that even before Nagarjuna had brought 
the Sunyavada into a system, similar opinions may already 
have been held by earlier Buddhist thinkers; and the same 
remark applies to the Vijiianavada. Therefore, it may be 
argued, a reference to doctrines of the Sunyavada or Vijnana- 
vada, need not be posterior to the definite establishment of 
these systems. On the other hand, however, it is almost certain 
that a Sutrakara would not have thought it necessary to refute 
all opinions opposed to his own, but only such as had success- 
fully passed the ordeal of public disputation. For only in that 
case would the doctrines themselves and the arguments pro 
and contra have been defined with that degree of precision 
which rendered their discussion in aphorisms possible to the 
author and intelligible to the student. Now when a philo- 
sopher succeeds in upholding his individual opinions against 
all opponents in public disputations, he is henceforth considered 
the founder of a new school or sect, and the author of its 
tenets. 1 Therefore we may be sure that a discussion of ^^unya- 
vada or Vijiianavada opinions in a Sutra must be referred to 
the period after the definite establishment of those schools. 

Origin and devdop)nent of the views here presented. — I con- 
ceived the general ideas set forth above and began to work 
them out in the summer of 1909. My first impression, sup- 
ported by the comments of Saukara and Vacaspatimi^ra and 
others, was that the Sutras, especially B.S. and N.D., refer to 
the Vijnanavada. On a closer examination, however, of the 
evidence, I became convinced that they really refer to the 
Sunyavada, and that the later commentators had brought in 
the Vijnanavada because that system had in their time risen 
to paramount importance. I had nearly finished my article 

« Compare my remarks on the Dhvanikara in ZDMG. 56. 409 f. 


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4 JBenMnn Jacobi, [1911. 

when Professor von Stcherbatskoi told me that he had treated 
the question about the age of the philosophical Sutras in his 
work TeopiH noanaHiH u AOiUKa no yHenifo noddnibuuiuxs Eyd- 
ducm065, qacTB II, St. Petersbui-g, 1909, and had arrived at the 
conclusion that the Sutras refer to the Vijfianavftda. He kindly 
sent me an abstract in English of his arguments, which I sub- 
join for the benefit of those readers who, like the author of this 
paper, cannot read the Russian original. 

In his work " Epistemdogy and Logic as taught by the later Buddhists** 
Mr. Stcherbatskoi maintains (p. 29) that the SQtras of the chief philo- 
sophical systems in their present form do not belong to that high anti- 
quity to which they commonly are assigned, nor to those half-mythical 
authors to whom tradition ascribes them. The philosophical systems 
themselves have been evolved at a much earlier period than that in 
which the Stltras were written. The Stitras in their present form must 
have been elaborated during the period subsequent to the formation of 
the YogacBra school (V'ijfianavBda), and their authorship has been attri- 
buted to writers of a high antiquity in order to invest them with greater 
authority. In a previous paper (Notes de litterature huddhique, Museon 
nouv. serie, vol. vi, p. 144), Mr. Stcherbatskoi had already established, 
on the authority of the Tibetan historian Bouston, that the VijfiSnavada 
system (Buddhist idealism), professed by a part of the Yogacara school, 
was clearly formulated for the first time by Vasubandhu in his celebrated 
Five Prakaranas. As Vasubandhu could not have lived much earlier 
than the fifth century A.D., it follows that those philosophical Siitras 
which refer to his doctrine, in order to refute it, cannot have been 
w^ritten at an earlier time. 

It is well known that Buddhist idealism is mentioned, and that ita 
tenets are refuted, in the Sutras of Badarayana and of Gotama. Thus 
B.S. ii. 2. 28 refutes the doctrine of the non-existence of external things. 
Again, ii. 2. 30 refutes the erroneous opinion of those who admit solely 
the existence of a series of mental impressions unsupported by external 
objects, and, arguing from the Buddhist's point of view, demonstrates 
that a series of mental Impressions (internal cognitions) could not exist, 
unless there were external objects to produce the impression. Once 
more, B.S. ii. 2. 31 maintains, according to Saiikara^s interpretation, 
that, inasmuch as, according to Buddhist doctrine, the stream of internal 
cognition consists of a series of separate moments, it cannot have actual 
existence on account of its momentariness. 

It appears upon consideration of these Sutras that their author is 
bent upon refuting the doctrine which proclaims 1. the unreality of the 
external world, and 2. the actuality of an internal consciousness which 
consists of a series of cognitional acts. Both these tenets are charac- 
teristic of Buddhist idealism which developed subsequently to the nihi- 
listic doctrine of the Madhyamikas. The latter denied the reality of the 
internal consciousness as well as that of the external world. 

In his commentary, Sankara corroborates our opinion, inasmuch as 

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Vol. zzxi.] The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras dx. 6 

he avers that the above mentioned Sdtras refute the doctrine of those 
who maintain that the stream of our consciousness is an altogether 
internal process, existing only so far as it is connected with the mind. 
Now it is well known that the Yijfianavadins alone professed the doctrine 
that prameya and pramana and pramdnapkala have existence only in so 
far as they are connected with the mind (cf. p. 418 of vol. i of Thibaut's 
translation of B.S.; Slokav. iv. 74ff.; NySyabindu, i. 18, ii, 4). §an- 
kara mentions likewise the scholastic argument against realism of which 
Dignaga made use at the opening of his work Alambanapaiikfa (cf. Tan- 
jour, mdc V. 96). This work, in which the main tenet of idealism 
(YijfiSnavada, otherwise termed Niralambanavada) is proved, is one of 
the fundamental works of the school. The argument starts from the 
antinomic character of the ideas of the whole and of the parts, and 
states that the external object can be neither the whole, nor can it con- 
sist of atoms (indivisible partless things: cf. p. 419 in Thibaut's transl. 
of B.S.). 

Further we find in the NySyastttras a refutation of Buddhist idealism, 
namely in iv. 2. 26 — 35. It is worthy of note that the Buddhist doctrine 
is referred to in the course of an argument upon the nature of atoms — 
thus as it were answering the considerations which we likewise find in 
the work of Dignaga in favor of the NiralambanavSda. The XySyasiltras 
maintain the indivisibility of atoms, and, while refuting the opposed 
opinions touching this point, they refer to the Buddhists, to the Madhya- 
mikas (who denied the existence of atoms), and to the idealists (who ad- 
mitted atoms to be a percept of the mind or an idea). In the Tatparya- 
tlka, p. 458, Vicaspatimidra avers that the S&tra, N.D. iv. 2. 24 implies 
a refutation of the Madhyamika doctrine, while the Satras iv. 2. 26 — 35 
are directed against those who proclaim that all ideas of external things 
are false (ibid, p. 461). It is thus established by th3 testimony of V&cas- 
patimiSra and of VStsyayana (Ny5ya-bha9ya, p. 233. 6) that SQtra iv. 
2. 26 is directed chiefly against the school of the VijnanavSdins. 

Though the philosophical Sutras of the remaining systems do not 
contain any clear reference to the Vij&anavadins, yet it has been noted 
that some of the Satras display a remarkable knowledge of each other. 
To judge by the whole tone and drift of the philosophical Sutras, they 
must be the production of one and the same literarj* epoch. 

On the basis of what has been here said, it can be averred with a 
considerable degree of probability that the philosophical SQtras of the 
chief systems belong approximatively to one and to same period, a com- 
paratively late one, and can in no wise be attributed to those venerable 
authors to whom tradition ascribes them. 

Improbability of this view. — As stated before, I too enter- 
tained at first the opinion expressed by Professor von Stcher- 
batskoi, but I was induced to give it up by reason of the 
following chronological considerations. As the XySyabhasya 
was criticised by Dignaga, its [author Yatsyayana (Pak§ila- 
svftmin) must be earlier than the latter, by at least ten or 

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6 Hermann Jaccbi, [1911. 

twenty years, since it is not Vfttsy&yana, but the Uddyotakara 
(Bh&radvaja) who answered Dign&ga. He may therefore have 
flourished in the early part of the sixth century or still earlier. 
Now YatsySyana is not the immediate successor of Aksap&da 
Gautama, the author of the Sutra; for, as Professor Windisch 
pointed out long ago, Vatsyayana incorporated in his work, 
and commented upon them, sentences of the character of Vart- 
tikas which apparently give in a condensed form the result 
of discussions canied on in the school of Gautama. Hence 
Gautama must have been separated by at least one generation 
from the Bhasyakai'a, and can therefore not be placed after 
the last quarter of the fifth century. * Thus if we accept the 
latest possible date for the composition of the N.D., it would 
fall in a period when the Vijnanavada could scarcely have 
been finnly established. The V.D. is probably as old as the 
N.D.; for V.D. iv. 1. 6 is twice quoted by Vatsyayana, namely 
in his comment on X.D. iii. 1. 33 and 67, and V.D. iii. 1. 
16 is quoted by him 2 in his comment on N.D. ii. 2. 34, and 
the Uddyotakara quotes the V.D. several times simply as the 
Sutra or Sastra, and once calls its author Paramarsi, a title 
accorded only to ancient writers of the highest authority.* 
We are therefore almost certain that two Sutras at least, N.D. 
and V.D., preceded the origin of the Vijnanavada, or rather 
its definite establishment; and the same assumption becomes 
probable with regard to some of the remaining Sutras, because 
the composition of the Sutras seems to be the work of one period 

1 This result is supported by collateral proofs. 1. When commenting 
on N.D. i. 1, 5, Vatsyayana gives two different explanations of the terms 
purvavat, iesavat, sdmdnyato drstam, the names of the three subdivisions 
of inference, showing thereby that the meaning of these important terms 
had become doubtful at his time. 2. In his concluding verse, which 
however, is wanting in some MSS., Vatsyayana calls Ak^apada a 5?i, 
which he would not have done, if he had not considered the Sutrak&ra 
as an author of the remote past. 

2 See Bodas's Introduction (p. 23) in Tarkasamgraha BSS., 1897. 

• At this point I may mention that Professor von Stcherbatskoi, when 
passing through Bonn on his way to India in December 1909, told me 
that he had meanwhile studied the first pariccheda of Dignaga's Prama- 
nasamuccaya in the Tanjour. DignSga giving there his definition of 
pratyaksa (perception) and refuting the opinions of the MimamsS, Nyaya, 
Vaisesika, and Sankhya, quotes N.D. i. 1. 4 and several Satras of V.D. 
which treat of pratt/aksa* 

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Vol. xxxi.] Tlie Dates of the Biilosophical Sutras &c. 7 

rather than of many. In order to prove this assumption to 
be true, we must show, as stated above, that the Buddliist 
doctrines refuted in several Sutras need not be interpreted as 
belonging to the Yijn&nav&da, but that the discussion in the 
Sutra becomes fully intelligible if understood as dh-ected against 
the SunyavSda. 

Difficulty of distinguishing both systems in our case, — The 
point at issue is whether perception (pratyaJcsa) is a means of 
true knowledge (pramdna) or not. The realistic view, strictly 
maintained by the Nyaya and Vai§e§ika philosophies, is that 
by perception we become truly cognizant of real objects. The 
^unyavada, Nihilism or Illusionism, contends that no real 
objects underlie our perceptions, but that those imagined objects 
as well as our ideas themselves are intrinsically illusory, in 
other words, they are nonentities or a mere void. On the 
other hand, the Vijnanavada declares that our ideas or mental 
acts (perception included) are the only reality, and that ex- 
ternal objects (since they have no existence) are not really 
perceived and do not cause our ideas about them, but are 
produced, so far as our consciousness is concerned, by ideas 
existing independently of objects. It will thus be seen that 
both Vijnanavada and Sunyavada are at one as far as regards 
the unreality of external objects; and therefore a refutation of 
this theory may be directed against the one of these doctrines 
as well as the other. Commentators chose between them as 
suited their purpose. Thus Kumarila, commenting on a passage 
which will be dealt with later, makes the following remarks: * 
"(Among the Bauddhas) the Yogacaras hold that * Ideas' are 
without coiTOsponding realities (in the external world), and 
those that hold the Madhyamika doctrine deny the reality of 
the Idea also. To both of these theories, however, the denial 
of the external object is common.2 Because it is only after 
setting aside the reality of the object that they lay down the 
Saipvrti (falsity) of the *Idea.' Therefore on account of this 
(denial of the reality of external objects) being common (to 
both), and on account of (the denial of the reality of the 
*Idea') being based upon the aforesaid denial of the external 

» SlokavSrttika, translated by Ganganatha Jha, p. 120, 14—16 (Biblio- 
theca Indica). 

> Similarly Sridhara ad Prasastapadabhasya p. 229 speaks of nirdlam- 
banam vijfUmam iccJ^atdm Mahaydnikd'ndm. 

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8 Hermann Jacohi, [1911. 

object, — the authoi* of the Bhasya has undertaken to examine 
the reality and um-eality of the external object/' And accord- 
ingly KumS,rila interprets his text in such a way as to make 
it serve as a basis for the refutation fii'st of the VijnanavSda 
and then of the $unyavada. He, as well as Sankara and 
Vacaspatimi^ra and later authors who wrote when the Vijnana- 
vada had become the most famous Buddhist philosophy, felt 
of course bound to refute it; and if the text they commented 
upon still ignored the Vijnanavada and combated the Sunya- 
vada only, they could introduce then* refutation of the Vijnana- 
vada by doing just a little violence to their text. That such 
was actually the case, is the thesis I want to prove.* 

Mentioning of the Vijnanavdda in the Sankhya Sutra. — ^Be- 
fore examining those texts which give rise to doubts regarding 
the particular school combated, I briefly advert to one which 
beyond doubt discusses the Vijnanavada doctrine. I refer to 
the Sankhya Sutra. In that work the principal doctrines of 
the four philosophical schools of the Buddhists are discussed: 
those of the Vaibhasikas i, 27 — 33, of the Sautrantikas i, 
34 — 41, of the Vijnanavadins i, 42, and of the 6unyavadins 

* Remarks on the development of the Swit/avdda. — Like Kumfirila, other 
brahmanical philosophers treat the Sunyavada as the logical sequence of i 
the Vijnanavada or as a generalization thereof; but the true or historical 
relation is just the reverse: the belief in the unreality of external things . 
is a restriction of the previously obtaining and more general belief in ' 
the unreality or illusory nature of everything whatever, consciousness 
included. Buddliist Nihilism or lUusionism, introduced and supported 
by a splendid display of the novel dialectic art, seems to have deeply 
impressed and invaded the Hindu mind of that period. But realistic 
convictions or habits of thought could not be wholly eradicated; they 
entered into various kinds of compromise with Illusionism. The belief 
in the transcendent reality and oneness of Brahma as taught in the 
Upanisads admitted a combination with Illusionism in the MSyavSda of 
the Vedfintins of Sankara*s school, nicknamed Pracchannabauddhas, who 
maintained that Brahma alone is real and that the phenomenal world is 
an illusion (see Sukhtankar, The teachings of Veddnta according to Ed- 
fndnuja in AVZKM. vol. xii). On the other hand the 'cogito ergo sum' 
proved irresistibly self-evident to many MahSySnists also, and led them 
to acknowledge the reality of consciousness. Th?se were the Vijfiana- 
vSdins or pure Idealists. But the great Logicians of this school seem 
to have further encroached on its principles; for Dharmakirti, in this 
particular point also probably following Dignajra, declared the object of 
perception to be sralaksana, i. e. the catena or series {santdyia) of ksanas 
to be parmdrthasat^ i. e. really existing. 

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Vol. xxxi.] The Dates of the Pliilosophiccd Sutras cfec. 9 

i, 43 — 47. The Sutra referring to the VijnSnavadins reads 
thus: na vijndnamdtram bahyapratUeh; *Not Thought alone 
because of the conception of the external.' ^ The next Sutra 
(43): tadabhdve tadabhdvdc chunyam tarhiy 'Since as the one 
does not exist, the other too does not, there is the void then* 
is according to Vijnanabhiksu a refutation of the Vijnanavada, 
but according to Aniiniddha the statement of the ^unyavada 
which is discussed in the following Sutras. However this may 
be, there can be no doubt that here both the Vijnanavfida 
and the Sunyavada are discussed, in that sequence which (as 
stated in the last note) has become customary for later 
theoretical writers. Now it is admitted on all sides that the 
Sankhya Sutra is a very late, or rather a modern, production, 
and that it does not rank with the genuine philosophical 
Sutras. Therefore the fact that the Sankhya Sutra mentions 
the Vijnanavada does in no way prejudice any one in deciding 
the question whether the Sutras of the other systems also were 
acquainted with it. Perhaps it might be said that the direct-^ 
ness of reference to the Vijnanavada in the Sankhya Sutra 
shows what we should expect to find in the other Sutras if 
they did really know and refute that doctrine. 

I. Nyfiya. 

I begin our inquiry with the examination of the passage 
N.D. iv. 2, 26 ff., which, according to Vacaspatimii§ra, is 
directed against the Vijnanavadins; for, as explained above, 
chi'onological considerations make it almost certain that our 
Sutra was composed before the establishment of the Vijnana- 
vada, and therefore entitle us to doubt, in this matter, the 
authority of the author of the Tatparya fika. The subject 
treated in those Sutras, namely, whether perception is a means 
of true knowledge, is connected with and comes at the end of 
a discussion of, other subjects which for the information of the 
reader must briefly be sketched. First comes the problem of 
the *whole and its parts,* iv, 2, 4ff. The adherents of Nyaya 
(and VaLSesika) maintain that the whole is something different 
{arthdntara) from the parts in which it * inheres,' an opinion 
which is strongly combated by other philosophers. Connected 

1 Aniruddha's Commentary, Garbe's translation, in BI., page 2B. 

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10 Hermann Jacobi, [t9ll. 

with this problem is the atomic theory, which is discussed in 
14flF. After Sutra 17, VatsySyana introduces an opponent, *a 
denier of perception, who thinks that everything is non-existent' 
(annpalanAhikah sarvatn ndstlti manyamdndh). There can be 
no doubt that an adherent of the ^unyavada is meant. He 
attacks the atomic theory, 18 — 24, and is refuted in 25 thus: 
^as your arguments would lead us to admit a regressus in in- 
Jinitum (by acknowledging unlimited divisibility) and as a 
regressus in infinitum is inconsistent with sound reason, your 
objection is not valid (anavasthdkdritvdd anavasthdmipapaite^ 
cd 'pratisedhah). Vfttsyayana, after explaining this Sutra, con- 
tinues: *(An opponent objects:) what you say with regard to 
notions (biiddhi), that their objects are really existing things, 
(that cannot be proved). These notions are intrinsically er- 
roneous (mithydbiuidhayas)\ for if they were true notions, 
(tattvabuddhayas) they would, on being analysed by the under- 
standing, teach us the true nature of their objects." The 
argument of this opponent is stated in Sutra 26 which the 
above passage serves to introduce, and runs thus: "If we ana- 
lyse things, we do not (amve at) perceiving their true nature 
(or essentia); this not-perceiving is just as, when we take aw^ay 
the single threads (of a cloth), we do not perceive an existing 
thing (that is called) the cloth." Vfitsyayana explains; "(This is) 
just as on distinguishing the single threads (of a cloth): this is a 
thread, this is a thread, &c. &c., no different thing is perceived 
that should be the object of the notion cloth. Since we do 
not perceive the essentia, in the absence of its object, the 
notion of a cloth, that it exists, is an erroneous notion. And 
so everywhere." Sutras 27 and 28 contain the counter-argu- 
ments, and Sutra 29 adds to them the following: "And because 
by right perception (pramdnatas, viz. upalabdhyd) we come 
to know things (whether and how they are)." Sutra 30 gives 
a proof for this view : pramdndnupapattytipapattibhydm. Vat- 
syayana explains: *Now then the proposition that nothing 
exists is against reason; why? (answer): pramdndnupapattyU" 
papattibhydm. If there is proof pramdna (in favoui- of the 
proposition) that nothing exists, (this proposition that) nothing 
exists, sublates the (existence of) proof as well. And if there is 
no proof for it, how can it be established that nothing exists? 
If it is regarded to be established without proof, why shoidd 
(the contrary) that all things do exist, not be regarded as 

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Vol. ixxi.] The Dates of the Ihilosqphicdl Sutras^ dtc. 11 

established?'' Here it is quite clear that the opponent whom 
Yatsy&yana refutes, is a ^unyav&din just as in Sutra 17. For 
there is no indication that V&tsyftyana in the mean time has 
changed front, and that the opponent in Sutra 26 is not a 
Stinyavadin, but a Vijnanavftdin. The latter contends that 
external things do not exist (bdhydrthd na santi)^ while Y&tsya- 
yana (on 27) makes his opponent uphold sarvabhdvdndm ydthd" 
tmydnupdcMhih. Moreover, this opponent maintains that 
^notions about things are erroneous notions (mithydbtiddhayas)" 
and this is primarily the view of the SunyavSda. The fun- 
damental principle of the Yijn&nav&da is that ideas only 
(yijndna) are really existent, and not that they are erroneous 
ideas. That Vatsyayana really has in view the opinions of 
the Sunyavadins, may be seen from his concluding words in 
36, "therefore erroneous notions too are really existing," and 
in 37, where he speaks of his opponent as one for whom 
"everything is without essence and unreal" (nirdtmdkam niru- 
pdkhyatn sarvam). Nevertheless Vacaspatimi^a, > commenting 
on Vatsyayana's words in Sutra 25 translated above ("An 
opponent objects: what you say," &c.), remarks that the op- 
ponent is a Vijnanavadin. That he is mistaken, we have seen, 
and a general cause of such a mistake on the part of later 
commentators has been given above, p. 7. In the present case 
we can watch the gradual development of this mispresentation. 
For in his comment on 26 the Uddyotakara again introduces 
the opponent's argument that every part of a thing may be 
regarded as a (minor) whole consisting of minor parts, and 
that this analysis may be continued not only down to atoms 
but in infinitum till everything is dissolved into nothing. 
Now as Professor von Stcherbatskoi informs us (see above 
p. 5), Dignaga in his work Alambanaparlk^a makes the dis- 
cussion of the problem of *the whole and its parts' the basis 
of his exposition of the Vijnanavada. Therefore the Uddyota- 
kara, who answers Dignaga's attacks on Yatsyayana, avails 
himseK of an opportunity to undermine the antagonist's basis 
of argumentation. And Yacaspatimifra, knowing what was 
the starting-point of Dignaga's speculations, and seeing that 
it was exhaustively treated by the authors of the Sutra and 
the Bha^ya, was easily misled to believe that they were defend- 

> Nyayavarttikatfitparyatika (viz. S. S.), \\ 460, 3d line from below. 

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12 Hermann Jacobin [1911. 

ing it against the Vijn5navada. Being separated from them 
by 400 years or more, he was ignorant of their historical 
interrelation, and consequently interpreted the philosophical 
discussion in the text before him from a merely theoretical 
point of view. For, as indicated above, a rational refutation 
of the SunyavSda was natui-ally divided into two parts, the 
first proving the reality of objects and the second the reality 
of ideas; and a theoretical construction could well treat the 
6unyavada as the logical outcome of the Yijnanav&da, and 
take the fii'st part of the refutation of the SunyavSda as 
directed against the Vijnanavftda. 

We proceed in our analysis of the Sutra. After the last 
passage translated above, we have another objection of the 
Illusionist in Sutras 31 and 32. "Like the erroneous belief in 
the objects seen in a di-eam is this belief in the means of true 
knowledge and the things known through them erroneous." 
Vfttsyayana explains: "Just as in a dream the objects seen in 
it are not real, while there is belief in them, so the means 
of knowledge and the things known through them are also not 
real (na santi), though there is belief in either." Sutra 32 
completes this argument: "Or like magic, fata morgana, and 
mirage." As this argument serves to demonstrate that pra-- 
mdna and prameya are an illusion, it is evident that the 
opponent is a Sunyavadin. The next Sutra 33 answers his 
objection, in pointing out that 'he has established nothing, as 
he has given no reason' for declaring (1) that the belief in 
pramdm and prameya is like that in objects seen in a di*eam 
and not like the perception of objects in the waking state, 
(2) that in a dream non-existing things are perceived. This 
argument of the Sutra is supplemented in the Bhftsya by 
another formulated in what looks like a Varttika; it comes to 
this. If you say that things seen in a dream do not exist 
because they are no more seen in the waking state, you must 
admit that those seen in the waking state do exist; for the 
force of an argument is seen in the contrary case, viz. that 
things exist because they are seen. The Uddyotakara enlarg- 
ing upon this argument unmistakably introduces Vijnanavada 
views ; for he speaks of things independent of the mind (citfa- 
vyatirekin) and uses the term vijmna; but there is no trace 
of all this in the Bha^ya. The Sutra then goes on to explain 
the belief in things seen in a dream and other topics con- 

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Vol. xxxi.] The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras, (&c. 13 

nected with the subject in hand which, however, do not con- 
cern us here. 

To sum up: our investigation has proved that neither the 
Sutra nor the Bha§ya refer to the Vijnanavada, and that the 
whole discussion is perfectly intelligible if we consider it as 
meant to refute the Sunyavada.i 

2. VedSnta and Mlmaihsa. 

Brahma Sutra, 2nd Adhyfiya; 2nd Pada, contains a dis- 
cussion and refutation of other philosophical systems. The 
Sutras 18 — 32 deal with Buddhist philosophy. Sutras 18—27 
deal with the doctrines of the Sarvastivadins; and 28 — 32, 
according to ^ankara, with those of the Vijnanavada. Eama- 
nuja agrees with Sankara in so far as he also refers Sutras 
28 — 30 to the Vijnanavada, but he differs from him in that 
he interprets the last Sutra 2 as containing a refutation of the 
Sunyavada. For convenience of reference I subjoin the text 
of the Sutras 28 — 32 and the translation of them by Thibaut 
according to ^aiikara's and Ramanuja's interpretation: 
ndhhdva upalabdheh 28 
vaidharmyac ca wa svapnadivat 29 
na bhdvo ^mipalabdheh 30 
ksanikatvdc ca 31 
sarvathdmipapattes ca 32. 
I. Sankara's interpretation, SBE. vol. xxxiv, p. 418 ff.: 
The non-existence (of external things) cannot be maintained, 
on account of (oui*) consciousness (of them), 28. 

And on account of their difference of nature (the ideas of 
the waking state) are not like those of a dream, 29. 

The existence (of mental impressions) is not possible (on 
the Buddhist view) on account of the absence of perception 
(of external things), 30. 

And on account of the momentariness (of the dlayavijndna 
it cannot be the abode of mental impressions), 31. 

And on account of its general deficiency in probability, 32. 

1 If the Satrakara knew the Vijnanavada, we should expect him to 
combat it in ii, 1,8 ff., where pratyaksddindm aprdmdnt/am is discussed^ 
But in that place even VacaspatimiSra (p. 249) assigns this opinion to the 

3 He omits Satra 31 of Sankara's text. 

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14 Hermann Jajobi, [1911. 

II. Ramftnuja's interpretation, SBE. xlviii, p. 511 ff.: 

Not non-existence on account of consciousness, 27. » 

And on account of difference of nature (they are) not like 
dreams, 28. 

The existence [of mere cognitions] is not on account of the 
absence of perception, 29, 

[Here ends the adhikarana of perception.] 

And on account of its being unproved in every way (viz. 
that the Nothing is the only Reality), 30. 

Now it would be rather surprising if the SunyavSda had 
been ignored by the Brahma Sutra as Sankara in his treat- 
ment of the above Sutras would make us believe; he says that 
^unyavada is thoroughly irrational and may therefore be left 
out of account. But the ^unyavftdins were once formidable op- 
ponents, and it would have delighted an orthodox dialectician to 
expound their unreasonableness. Ramanuja apparently was con- 
scious of this deficiency and therefore introduced the refutation 
of the ^unyavada in the very last Sutra. But this Sutra con- 
tains only an argument, and if Ramanuja be right, we search 
in vain in the preceding Sutras for the statement, or even a 
hint, of the doctrine he wishes to refute. However this Sutra 
reads like a finishing blow dealt to a vanquished opponent 
whose arguments the author had just been refuting. That 
this opponent was a iSunyavadin becomes probable if we 
compare the Sutras in question with those in N.D. which we 
have examined above and, which, as we have seen, refer to 
the Sunyavada only. For Sutra 29: vaidharmydc ca na svap- 
nadivat, deals with the same argument which is stated in 
N.D. 31 f.: svapnabhimdnavad ay am p^'amdnaprarneyabhimdnah; 
mdydgandharvanagaramrgatrsmkdvad vd. The dii in svapnd" 
divat means according to Sankara mdyddi, in other words the 
things fully enumerated in the second of the quoted Sutras^ 
of N.D. As the argument in N.D. and B.S. is the same, it' 
is almost certain that the same doctrine is discussed in both- 
works, and as the doctrine refuted in N.D. i sj bhe Sunyavada, 1 
it is highly probable that it is meant in B.S. also. Though] 
w^e have thus very weighty reasons for not trusting Sankara, 
Ramanuja, and all the later commentators in their inter- 

> iUmSnuja's numbering here differs from that of Sankara. In order 
to avoid confusion I shall refer to the latter only. 

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Vol. xxxi.] The Dates of the Biilosopkical Sutras, dtc, 15 

pretation of the passage under consideration, still the almost 
deliberately enigmatical character of the Sutras would make it 
a hazardous task to explain them without the aid of ti*adition. 
Fortunately, however, the same philosophical problem aphoristi- 
cally discussed in those Sutras has been dealt with at con- 
siderable length by an other ancient author. 

For Sabarasvamin, the Bha§yakara of the Mimftipsa Sutra, 
after having commented on M.S. i, 1, 6 transcribes a long 
passage from the unknown Vrtti, which begins in the edition 
of the Bibliotheca Indica on p. 7, line 7 from below, and ends 
on p. 18, line 6, as the editor remarks in a footnote p. 18. ^ 
The whole passage is without doubt by the Vrttikara; it gives 
an explanation of Sutras 3 — 5, and is introduced by Sabara- 
svamin at the end of his own comment on Sutra 5. It is 
therefore a matter of no little surprise to find that KumSrila- 
bhatta in the Slokavarttika (on Sutra 5) assigns only the fii-st 
part of this passage, viz. from p. 7, 1. 7 from below, dovm to 
p. 8, 1. 8 from below, to the Vrttikara; and accordingly his 
comment on this part only bears the title Vrttikaragrantha in 
the edition of the Slokavarttika in the Chowkhamba Sanskrit 
Series, p. 212, 216. Kuraarila himself refers to the author of 
this part of the passage as the Vrttikara, ib., p. 136; but he 
refers to the author of the following part (which is actu ally , 
the work of the same author) as Bhasyakyt, p. 221 (v. 16) and 
Bhasyakara, p. 224 (v. 29), i. e., JSabarasvamin. That part which 
Kumai'ila ascribes to the Vrttikara, contains the explanation 
of Sutra 3 and part of Sutra 4 only. If Kumai-ila were right, i 
this passage should have been quoted by Sabarasvftmin at the \ 
end of his comment on Sutra 4, and not, where he actually . 
introduces it, at the end of his comment on Sutra 5. Kimia- j 
rila does not notice nor attempt to account for the fact that . 
Sabarasvamin, on his assumption, twice interprets part of 
Sutra 4 and the Sutra 5, once at the proper place, and then 

* Sabarasv§min introduces this passage by the following words : Vrtti- 
hdraa tv anyathe ^mam grantham vaniai/drncaJcdra: tasya nimittaparistlr 
ity evamddim. We first have a comment on Satra 3; the comment on 
Sutrik4 commences p. 8, 1. 2, that on the second part of Sutra 4 {ani- 
fnittam,-&c.) on p. 12, 1. 2 from below; on p. 11, 1. 2 from below, begins 
the coniment on Sutra 5, and that on the last part of the same Sutra 
on p. 17, 1. 10 {avyatirekai ca)\ arthc *nupalabdhe, p. 17, last line; tat pra- 
ntdnam {Bddardyanasya) anapeksatvdt, p. 18,1. 3. 

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16 Hermann Jacohi, [I9ll. 

again after what he contends to be the end of the quotation 
from the Vrttikfira. And any lingering doubt that also the 
second part of the passage ending on p. 18, 1. 6, is not by 
8abarasvamin, is removed by the passage that comes after it. , 
For there (p. 18, 1. 7, 14, 16; p. 24, 1. 9) he controverts and ' 
sets right some assertions in the preceding part which accord- 
ing to Kumarila is not by the Vrttikara. Whether Kumfirila ' 
himself or some predecessor of his was the author of this 
eiTor, we do not know; but we can well understand how it 
crept in. For SabarasvSmin, whose habit is not to make long 
quotations, apparently inserted this passage from the Vrttikara 
because it contains a discussion of peculiar Mlmaipsaka doc- 
trines, e. g., on the six pramdms, for which his succinct commen- 
tary on the Sutras of Jaimini would not otherwise have oflfered 
an opportunity. In quoting, and not criticising, those doctrines, 
he intimated his acceptance of them ; and Kumarila therefore, 
misled by 6abarasv amines words Vrttikdras tv anyathe 'warn 
grantham varmydmcakdra, ascribed to the Vrttikara only that 
part of his exposition where it obviously differs from Sahara- ' 
svamin's comment, not the remaining part which chiefly con- 
tains the additional matter. This second part was so important 
for the Mimamsaka philosophy, that Kumarila devoted to the 
discussion of its contents little less than half the volume of 
his Slokavarttika. He had therefore a strong motive to ascribe 
this part of the quotation to Sabarasvamin on whose Bha^ya 
he wrote his Varttika. But from the fact that he did so, we 
may perhaps conclude that at his time, or earlier, the original 
work of the Vrttikara had been lost or at least had ceased 
to be studied at all; for otherwise he could not have committed 
or repeated this gross error. 

Now the question arises as to who is the author of the 
Vrtti from which the passage under consideration has been 
taken. Ganganatha Jha in his admirable translation of the 
Slokavarttika, p. 116, note (17) says with regard to this passage: 
"Karikas 17—26 expound the view of the author of the Vrtti 
(Bhavadasa)." However, the name of Bhavadasa is not given 
by Parthasarathi commenting on the passage in question 
(printed text, p. 212—216); but on p. 11, commenting on v. 33, 
in which Kumarila adverts to a controverted opinion brought 
forward *in other commentaries' vrttyantaresn, he mentions 
as the authors * Bhavadasa and others,' in accordance with 

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Vol. xxxL] The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras, &c. 17 

Kumarila's statement in v. 63, p. 21. On these passages, it would 
seem, Gang&n&tha based his conjecture, which in my opinion 
is unacceptable. For if an author is referred to simply by 
the title Vrttikara, an authority of high rank must be intended, 
as is seen in many other cases; and it is not at all likely that 
Kumarila would have ranked such an authority together with 
other commentators, as he did with regard to Bhavadasa in 
the phrase vrttyantaresu. If there had been more than one 
Vjrtti, then it w^ould have been inaccurate to speak of the 
Vrttikara. And besides, the Bhasya contains no reference to 
Bhavadasa; Kumarila must therefore have learned Bhavadfisa's 
opinion from his work. But as shown above, he most probably 
did not know the original work of the Vrttikara. Hence it 
would follow that the Vrttikara is not to be identified with 

The same scholar ascribes, on p. Ill of the introduction of 
his work named above, the Vrtti to the revered Upavarsa. 
But as the hhagavdn Upavarsa is mentioned in the very passage 
from the Vrttikara, he must be not only different from, but 
also considerably older than, the latter; for the title bhagavdn 
is given only to authors of high authority arid some antiquity. ^ 

As thus both conjectures of Ganganfttha Jha about the 
author of the Vrtti can be shown to be wTong, I venture to 
advance one of my own. Ramanuja quotes a Vrtti on the 
Brahma Sutra by Bodhayana and refers to him as the Vrtti- 
kara.2 Now I think it probable that Bodhayana wTote the 
Vrtti not only on the Uttara Mimaipsa (i. e. B.S.), but also 
on the Pui-va Mimamsa, just as Upavar§a, the predecessor of 
the Vrttikara, commented on both Mlmaijisas. For, according 
to Sankara ad B.S. iii, 3, 53, Upavarsa in his commentary on 
M.S. referred to his remarks in the Sarlraka, i. e. his commen- 
tary on B.S. And Sabarasvamin also was equally versed in 
the Uttara and the Purva Mlmaipsas; for a lengthy dissertation 
on the existence of the soul, called Atmavada, (p. 19, 1. 3 — 
p. 24, 1. 9 of the printed text) in his Bhasya reads like part 

» Hall, Index, p. 167, says with reference to the Sahara Bhafya 
''Krfna Deva states, in the Tantra Cudamani, that a Vrtti was composed 
on this work, by Upavarsa." If Krsna Deva is right, his Uijavarja must 
ho a different person from our Upavarsa. 

' Thibaut in SBE. vol. xxxiv, p. xxi. Sukhtankar, The teachings of 
Vedinta according to Ramanuja, p. 7, 9 (WZKM. vol. xii, p. 127, l-2f»). 

VOL. XXXI. Part I. i> 

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18 Hennann Jacohi, [1911. 

of a Vedanta treatise. Sankara ad B.S. iii, 3, 53 says ^ witli 
regard to that passage that the Acarya Sabarasvamin took 
(his subject) from B.S. iii, 3, 53, and treated it in the pa- 
mdjudaksana (i.e. ad M.S. 1, 5). The meaning of this state- 
ment is that ^abarasvamin by anticipation discussed the existence 
of the sold in the Bhasya on M.S. i, 1, 5, while the proper 
place for this subject is in a commentary on B.S. iii, 3, 53; 
we can not safely conclude from J^ankara's words, that Sabara- 
svamin actually wrote a commentary on B.S., and even less, that 
he transcribed the passage in question from it (for it is clearly 
worded with reference to the context in which it now stands). 
But at any rate it is evident that at Sabarasvamin's time the 
Purva and TJttara Mlmaipsas still foi-med one philosophical 
system, while after Kumarila and l^ankara they were practically 
two mutually exclusive philosophies. ; 

After this necessarily long digression we return to the 
examination of that part of the passage from the Vrttikai'a 
which relates to the Bauddha doctrines. It consists of two 
sections called Niralambanavada and Sunyavada in the Sloka- 
varttika where the discussion of it is introduced by the remarks 
translated above, p. 7. The author, i. e., the Vrttikara, has 
explained in the preceding part that perception is a means of 
right knowledge provided that no defect (dosa) vitiates any of 
the parts or elements which combined constitute perception; 
he then goes on as foUows: 

"(An opponent objects:) *A11 cognitions (pratyaya) are witli- 
out foundation (in reality) just like a di'eam; for we recognise 
in a* dream that it is the nature of cognition to be without 
foundation. A waking person also has cognitions, e. g. of a 
post or a wall; and therefore this cognition also is without 
foundation.' We answer: a waking man's notion (e.g.) ^this is 
a post« is a positively ascertained one; how is it possible that 
it should turn out wrong? *The notion in a dream also was, 
just in the same way, a weU ascertained one; previous to the 
awakening there was no difference between the two.' You are 
wTong; for 'we lind that (what we saw) in a dream, turns out 
wrong; but we find that (what we see) in the other case (i.e. 
in the waking state), does not turn out w^'ong. If you say 
that on account of the class-characteristic (cognition as a 

t ita evd ^^krsyd ^'cdryoia Sabarasvdmhid pramdnalaJxT-une varnitam^ 

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Vol. xxxi.] The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras, &c. 19 

genus) (the same predication) will hold good in the other case, 
(we reply as follows). If you mean that the cognition in a 
dream is wrong because it is a cognition, then of course the 
cognition of a waking man must be wrong too. But if cognition 
is (taken to be) the reason that something is so as it is cognised 
(and not different), then it is impossible to say that this 
cognition (viz. one in a dieam) is different (i. e. wrong) because 
it is a cognition. (Not from the nature of cognition by itself), 
but from something else we come to know that cognition in a 
dream is wTong on account of its being opposed to truth. 
*How do you ascertain this?' In the following way because 
a sleepy mind is weak, sleep is the reason for the wrongness 
(of cognition) in a di*eam; in dreamless sleep it (the mind) is 
absent altogether; for one without any consciousness whatever, 
is said to be in dreamless sleep. Therefore the cognition of a 
waking man is not wrong. *But the sensorium of a waking 
man also may be vitiated by some defect.' If so, the defect 
may be found out! 'While one dreams, a defect is not found 
out.' It is; for on awaking we find out that the mind had 
been vitiated by sleep." 

The problem discussed in the preceding passage is the same 
as that in N.D. iv, 2, 31 — 33, see above, p. 12. The point 
at issue is this. Perception in a dream cannot be said to be 
wrong, unless some other perception is admitted to be true, in 
contradistinction to which that in a di*eam could be recognised 
to be wrong. As the opponent maintains that all cognitions 
are wrong, his argumentation from di'eams is without meaning. 
I now continue the translation of the passage from the Vrtti- 

"(The opponent says: *The cognition itself) is a void. For 
we do not perceive a difference of form in the object and the 
idea of it; our idea is directly perceived, and therefore the 
so-called object which should be different from the idea, is a 
non-entity.' (Answer:) Well, this would be the case, if the 
idea had the form (or shape) of its ol)ject. But our idea is 
without form, and it is the external object which has the form; 
for the object is directly perceived as being in connexion with 
a locality outside of ourselves. An idea caused by perception 
is concerned with an object, and not with another idea; for 
every idea lasts but one moment, and does not continue to 
exist while another idea comes up. (The opponent says:) 

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20 Hermann Jacobi, [191 L 

*While this second idea is originating, it becomes known (to 
the first idea) and, at the same time, it makes known to it 
the object, just as a lamp (illumines and makes thus known 
things).' We reply: This is not so. For before the object has 
become known, nobody is conscious of having the idea, but 
after the object has become known (to us), we become aware 
by inference that we have an idea concerning it; it is im- 
possible that both these processes should be simultaneous. (The 
opponent says:) *We do not contend that we know the object 
before the idea has originated, but after it has originated; 
therefore the idea originates fii*st, and afterwards the object 
becomes known.' (We reply:) Quite right! The idea originates 
first, but it is not the idea that first becomes known. For as 
will occur occasionally, we say of an object which we do know, 
that we do not know it.* — Moreover it is the very nature of 
every idea to be always and necessarily bound up with the 
name of (or a word denoting) its object. Therefore an idea 
is * intimately connected with a name,' but that which is *not 
intimately connected with a name' is termed * directly per- 
ceived.' 2 — And furthermore, if (the object and the idea) had 
the same form, this would sublate the idea and not the object 
which is directly perceived. But there is no such uniformity 
(between the object and its idea, as you assume); for by in- 
ference we become cognizant of the intrinsically formless idea, 
but we directly perceive the object together with its form. 
Therefore cognition is based on the object. — And furthermore, 
the notion of (e. g.) a piece of cloth has an individual cause 
(in this sense, that we have the idea of the cloth) only when 
threads form the material cause (of the object, viz. the cloth). 
For if this were not the case, a man of sound senses might 

J We are not conscious of having an idea concerning it. 

> The printed text is wrong. Instead of ^tasmdn na vyapcutefyd 
buddhih, avyapadefyam ca ndpratyaksam^ we must read 'tasmdn navy a- 
padefyd buddhih, avt/apadefyam ca ndma pratyakaam.^ 

\yhat is meant is this. An abstract idea is always coupled with a 
word expressing its object j but this is not the case when we directly 
perceive a thing. Therefore perception is thus defined in N.D. i, 1, 4: 
indriydrthasannikarsotpannam jndnam avyapadeiyam avyabhicdri vyava- 
sdydtmakam pratyaksam. Instead of avyapadeiyam the Buddhists say more 
accurately kalpandpodham. The definition of pratyaksa^ Nyayabindu I, 
is pratyaksam kalpandpodham abhrdntam-, and kalpandpodka is defined 
(ibidem) abhildpasamsargayoyyapratibhdsapratltih kalpand, tayd rahitam. 

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Vol. xxxi.] The Dates of the Philosophical Stitras, &c. 21 

have the notion of a jar though threads had been used (in 
the production of the object in question) ; but that is not the 
caseJ Therefore cognition is not without foundation (in ex- 
ternal objects), and consequently direct perception does not 
convey erroneous knowledge." 

In this part of the passage from the Vrttikfira, the opponent j 
whose arguments are refuted is without doubt a Sunyavadin. 
This is not only the opinion of KumSrila (see original, p. 268 
to 364, translation, p. 148 — 182), but it is unmistakably in- 
dicated by the word, with which this part opens, viz. iunyaa 
tu. But if we consider the arguments brought forward, by 
themselves, we might be led to believe that their object is to 
prove that only the idea has real existence. And on the other 
hand in the first part the illusory character of all ideas or 
cognitions is discussed; and this is properly the view of the 
SunyavSdins. Nevertheless Kumarila would make us think 
that the Vijnanavadins are combated in this fii-st part to 
which he gives the title Xiralambanavada (see original, p. 217 
to 268; translation, p. 119 — 148). At fii'st sight the text itself 
seems to speak in favour of his view; for it opens with the 
opponent's statement that the pratpayas are nirdlambana. But 
very weighty reasons prove, in my opinion, that Rumania's 
view is wrong. (1) As said above, the problem discussed in 
the first part of our text is the same as in N.D. iv, 2, 31 — 33. , 
and we have demonstrated above that not only these Sutras, 
but also VatsySjrana^s comment on them have in view the 
Sunyavada only. (2) The technical terms peculiar to the 
Vijnanavada, e. g. vijMna, alayavijndna,pravriiivijfidna^ vdsand, \\ 
are absent from our passage, and instead of them only such 
words as pratyaya^ and huddhi, and jndna (which are common 
to all Indian philosophers) are used. (3) The only argument 
discussed is that waking-cognitions being like dream-cognitions 
are likewise illusory, and as has already been said, this is not 
an opinion which is peculiar to the Vijnanavadins. (4) The 
division of the whole passage into two parts, of which the fii-st 
combats the Niralambanavada, and the second the Sunyavada, 
is quite arbitrarj-. There is in truth but one subject of dis- 

* The meaning of this argument is that the object is not caused by the 
idea, but it has a cause which is independent of the idea, viz. the material 
from which the object or the thing is produced. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

22 Hermann Jacohi, [1911. 

cussion in the whole passage, viz, that which is stated at the 
beginning of the first part, and which is repeated at the end 
of the second: nirdlainbanah pratyayali. And therefore the j 
whole text must be directed against the Sunyavada because 
this is avowedly the case in the second.* 

In the introductory remarks it has already been explained 
how later commentators came to interpret a refutation of the 
Sunyavada as one of the Vijnanavada. If radical Scepticism, 
represented by the former, attacked the validity of perception 
as a means of true knowledge, it is natural that it brought 
forward arguments which might be used also by pure Idealism^ 
represented aftei-^ards by the Vijnanavada. But it is worthy {. 
of note that all those arguments on which the Vijnanavadins; jj 
based their idealistic system, had already been advanced by' 
the Sunyavadins. Thus it is evident that the Vijnanavada 
was potentially contained in the Sunyavada, and that Asanga » 
and Vasubandhu, who founded the idealistic school of Buddhist 
philosophy, were largely indebted to their predecessors. 

The result of the preceding inquiry, viz. that the contro- 
versy in the passage from the old Vrttikara is about Sunya- 
vada opinions only, a fortiori holds good with the Vedanta 
Sutras also. But that passage may also serve us as a com- 
mentary on B.S. ii, 2, 28 — 32. I have above identified con- 
jecturally our Vrttikara with Bodhayana who wrote a Vrtti 
on B.S.; if this be true, it is most likely that in our passage 
he should have given the essence of his comment on the quoted 
Sutras in B.S., which are concerned with the same problem. 
But if my conjecture is not accepted, then the case is similar 
to that of Sabarasvamin, who, when expounding the Atmavada 
in his Bhasya on M.S., anticipates the Sutras of B.S. in which 
this topic is discussed. In the same way our author who wrote 

1 I draw attention to another passage, p. 14 f., though it is not con- 
clusive for the question in hand. There the Vyttikara discusses the 
problem about the meaning of words, and touches the problem of the 
whole and its parts. The opponent denies that there is such a thing as 
a wood, a herd, &c., and goes on to object to perception as a means of 
true knowledge * the trees also are non-existent.' The answer is : "If you 
say this (we need not enter into a renewed discussion), for this view of 
the Mahayanikas has already been refuted'' (prafyuktah sa mdhdydnikah 
paksahy This is apparently a reference to the passage translated in the 

, [ text, and the followers of the MahSyana are spoken of without the 

i I distinction of Madhyamikas and YogacSras. 

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Vol. xxxi] Tlie Dates of the Philosophical Sutras, &c. 23 

the Vrtti on M.S. must have regarded Pui*va and Uttara 
Miinaipsa as the two interconnected parts of one uniform 
system; and when he treated a subject which properly belongs 
to the Uttara Mimaipsa, he must have treated it in conformity 
with the latter. We actually find in the passage from the 
Vrttikara the substance of a commentary on B.S. ii, 2, 28 — 32, 
disposed in nearly the same order as that of those Sutras, 
as will now be proved. The substance of the first part of the 
passage is epitomised in Sutras 28 and 29: na bhdva upor 
labdheh; vaidharmydc ca 7ia svapnadivat We may paraphrase 
these two Suti'as in accordance with the explanation of the 
Vrttikara as follows: "The objects of cognition are not non- 
entities (i. e. cognition is not without foundation in the external 
world: na niralambanah pratyayah), because we actually per- 
ceive external objects. 28. Xor is our cognition similar to 
di^eams, &c., because there is a real difference of cognition in 
the state of waking and that of dreaming 29" The next two 
Sutras contain in a condensed form the substance of the second 
part of our passage, na hhdvo ^nupalabdheJi 30. "(An idea) 
cannot be the real object (underlying cognition, as proved in 
Sutras 28 and 29), because (the idea) is not the object of 
direct perception." In the passage from the Vrttikara the 
opponent maintains: *our idea is directly perceived (pratyalc§d 
ca no buddhih), and the author refutes him by showing that 
an idea is not perceived, but that we become aware of having 
an idea by inference. This is the substance of Sutra 30. The 
next Sutra: ksaniliatvac ca (31): "And because cognition has 
but momentary existence" is explained by the Vrttikara in 
the passage beginning: *for every idea lasts but one moment' 
(ksanikd hi so). The meaning is of course that one idea cannot 
perceive another ; for w^hile the first exists, the second has not 
yet come into existence; and when the second has come into 
existence, the fii'st has ceased to exist. The last Sutra: sar- 
vcdhd ^mipapattcs ca (32) "And because it is um-easonable in 
every way" gives occasion to the Vrttikara's remarks beginning 
with* But there is no such uniformity' (apt ca hdmam, &c.). 

Thus it will be seen that with the help of the passage from 
the Vjitikara we can fully and consistently explain the original | 
Sutras. And I venture to presume that this interpretation 
comes nearer the meaning of the original, than that given j 
either by Safikara or Eamanuja; for these commentators living . 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

24 Herinann Jacobi, [1911. 

several centuries after the Vrttikftra did violence to the text 
because they felt obliged to introduce into their comments the 
substance of controversies which happened long after the time 
of the Sutrakara. 

The preceding inquiry has proved that the Sunyavada only 
has been confuted in the Brahma Sutras and in the Vrtti 
quoted by SabarasvSmin. These two works must therefore 
have been composed in the period between 200 and 500 A.D. 
according to what has been said in the beginning of this paper. 
I am inclined to think that 6abarasvamin also must be assigned 
to the same period, since he also appears to ignore the Vijnana- 
vada and to refer to the Sunyavada when controverting the 
Buddhist denial of the soul (p. 20 f.). There a Buddhist com- 
bats the argument that knowledge {vijMna) presupposes a 
knower (vijndtr)^ and explains that knowledge and memory 
can be accounted for by the assumption of sJcandhas or rather 
a santdna of momentary skandhas. He concludes: tasmdc 
chunyah skandhaglxandh, "therefore nothing real is behind the 
skandhas" This doctrine is of course common to all Buddhists, 
but the expression used here, sunya, seems to betray the |'. - 
Sunyavadin. And besides, in this controversy, especially where i ' 
the real meaning of aliam, is discussed, a Vijnanavadin would 
have introduced his term dlayavijhdna\ but no special terms ^^ 
of the Vijiianavada are used by ^abarasvamin. It is there- 
fore probable that he wrote before the establishment of the 
Vijnanavada. His archaic style also speaks in favour of an 
early date.^ 

3. Yoga. 

In Yoya Sutra, iv, 15 f., the Buddhist denial of the external 
world is briefly discussed. Sutra 15: vastiisdmye cittahlieddt 
iayor tnviktah panthdlu "Since the same object (is perceived 
by many persons and) causes various impressions on their 
mind, they (i. e., the objects and the ideas caused by them) 
must be two diifferent things." This is apparently a refu- 
tation of the Niralambanavada, but it does not appear 
whether it is intended against the Sunyavada or the Vijnana- 

i Cf. Buhler in SBE., vol. xxv, p. CXII. After the preceding dis- 
cussion it is perhaps supei^fluous to state that I cannot subscribe to the 
exaggerated chronological estimate of that scholar. 

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Vol. xxxi] The Dates of the Pfiilosophical Sutras, &c. 25 

vada.i Sutra 16: na cat 'Jcacittatantram vastu; tad aprama- 
nakam, tadd Jcim sydt? "Nor can the existence of an object 
be dependent on the mind oione observer; for when (his mind 
being absent) it is not observed at all, (pray) what would be- 
come of the object?" (cf. S.S. i, 43) Here, I think, the meaning of 
the Sutra will be best understood, if we assume the opponent to 
be an adherent of the VijnanavSda. For in that philosophy 
the dlayavijndna which represents the self-consciousness of the 
individual person, contains the vdsands (^ sa^mkdras) which 
becoming mature (paripdJcd) produce the pravrttivijndna or 
the thoughts concerned with objects.^ According to this theory 
the object is dependent on pravrttivijndna or, in common 
language, on the mind of the observer. ' If this interpretation 
is right, Patanjali must be later than the middle of the 
5 th century A.D. At any rate he cannot be earlier than 
the 3rd century A.D. 

Even the earlier of these two dates is at variance with the 
prevailing opinion that Patanjali the author of the Yogasutra 
is the same Pataiijali who composed the Mahabhasya. For 
Patanjali is said to have written the Yogasutra, the Maha- 
bhasya, and a work on medicine. This tradition, however, 
cannot be traced to an ancient source.* Nevertheless European 

^ In the Bhasya on the preceding Sutra we find the same argument 
about things seen in a dream with which we are already familiar. 
Vacaspatimiira in the Tika ascribes this argument to the Vijflfinavadin 
(cf. above, p. 11), but he says expressly that it has been introduced by 
the Bhasyakara without its being warranted by the Sutra {utsiitra), 

^ Sarvadarianasaingraha, Anandasram edition, p. 15 f. 

> Y.S. iv, 21 might be taken for a reference to the VijflanavSda; but 
the commentators are apparently right in referring to the mdnasa- 
pratydksa or mayiovijfidna^ which seems to have been acknowledged by 
the older schools also. The definition in the Ttka, however, agrees 
nearly verbatim with that in the NyayabindutTka {Bibl, Ind.y p. 13, 1. 11). 

* It occurs in a traditional verse which is quoted, as Professor J. H. 
Woods informs me, in the commentary on the Yasavadatta by Sivarama 
(p. 239 of the edition in the Bibl. Indica; Sivarama wrote in the beginning 
of the 18th century, Aufrecht Cat. Cat., p. 652). According to BodSs 
(Tarkasamgraha, B.S.S., p. 24) this (?) verse is said to be from Yogabija. 
It must be stated that the passage in the YasavadattS which refers to 
Pataiijali alludes to his oratorical gifts only. Similarly, a verse in the 
Patafijalicarita, Y, 25 (Kavyamala, Nro. 51), by RSmabhatta Dik^ita of 
the 18th century (cf. Aufrecht, 1. c, p. 517), ascribes to him sutrdni 
YogoHostre Vaidydka&dstre ca vdrttikdni. Here he is identified apparently 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

26 Hermann Jacohi, [1911. 

scholars are inclined to give it credit, e. g. Lassen, Ind. Alt», 
12, p, 999, Garbe, Sdnkhyaphilosophiey p. 26, note, and Sdnkhya 
und Toga, p. 36, and others; and accordingly they place Patan- 
jali in the 2nd century B.C. But it can be shown on internal 
evidence that the author of the Mahabhasya cannot be identical 
with the author of the Yogasutra. It is worth while definitely 
to establish this point. 

Professor Garbe admits that there are no special coincidences 
between the language of the Yogasutra and the Mahabhasya, 
and accounts for this want of agreement by the difference of 
the subject of both works. But on the other hand we certainly 
might expect that the greatest grammarian of his age should 
have observed the rules of his grammatical work when he 
wrote another on Yoga. Yet in Y.S. i, 34 he writes pracchai'- 
danavidhdrandlhydm instead of vidhdranapracchhardandbhydm 
as it ought to be according to the rule laghvak^aram (i.e., 
purvam) in vdrttika 5 of ii, 2, 34; and here the meaning of 
the two parts of the compound furnishes no reason for alter- 
ing their grammatical order, as might perhaps be pleaded for 
the order in sarvdrthataikdgratayoh iii. 11 instead of ekagra- 
tdsarvdthatayoh as postulated by Pacini's rule ajddyadantam 
ii, 2, 33. A similar case is grahitrgrahanagrdhyesu in i, 41. 
Vacaspatimi^ra says when commenting on that Sutra :* "the 
order of the members of the compound as given in the Sutra 
is irrelevant, because it is opposed to the order required by 
the subject (viz. grdhyagrahanagrahitr).'' Now grammar is in 
favour of that very order which is also required by the subject; 
for this order is in accordance with Pacini's rule: (Updctaram 
ii, 2, 34: "In a Dvandva the member of fewer syllables 
should come first." And though a deviation from this rule 
might be defended, still the grammarians seems to have regarded 
it as an irregularity better to be avoided.^ At any rate our 

with Caraka. This is expressly done according to Bodas (1. c.) by the 
grammarian Nagesa, who lived in the 18 th century, in his YaiySkarana- 
siddhantamanjusa (cf. Aufrecht, Cat. Cat., s. v.). 

1 tatra grahitrgrahanagrahycsv iti sautrah pathakramo ^rtkakratna- 
virodhdn nd ^Waraniyah. 

2 Patafijali discusses the question whether the rule alj)dctaram applies 
to compounds of more than two members, to which alone the compara- 
tive alpdctaram would seem to apply, lie adduces two verses which 
contain three-membered dvandvas: mrdaftgasahkhatunavah and dhana- 
patirdmakesamndm. Katyayana in vdrttika 1 accounts for these ex- 

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Vol. xxxij The Dates of the IhUosophical Sutras, <&c. 27 

case would have given cause to a grammarian to consider the 
order in which he should place the members of the compound, 
and he certainly would not have chosen that order which 
could be impugned for reasons derived from grammar and from 
the nature of the subject. The reason why the author of the 
Sutra placed graJiltr first in the dvandva, was perhaps a linguistic 
instinct that words not ending in a or a should come first, a 
inile which grammarians restrict to words ending in i and u 
(dvandve ghi ii. 2. 33). 

On the other hand it can be shown that the author of the 
Mahabha^ya held philosophical ideas which differed consider- 
ably from those of Yoga and Sankhya. Commenting upon 
Vdrttika 53 ad i, 2, 64 he discusses a Mrikd on the meaning 
of gender: the feminine denotes the congelation {sam8tydKa\ 
the masculine the productivity (prasava) of the qualities (gu7ias) : 
sound, touch, colour, taste, and smell. "All individual things 
(murtayas) are thus constituted, they are qualified by con- 
gelation and productivity, possessing 80und,'^touch, colour, taste, 
and smell. Where there are but few qualities, there are 
at least (avaratas) three: sound, touch, and colour; taste 
and smeU are not everywhere." This is a very crude theory 
about the qualities and one that is very far removed from 
the refined speculations of the Sankhyas and Yogas about 
the ianmdtras and mahabhutas, — Therefore, since the author 
of the Yogasutra does not conform [to the grammatical 
rules taught by the author of the Mahabhftsya, and because 
the latter is ignorant of the philosophical views of the 
former, they cannot be identical, but must be two different 

Having shown that the only argument for the great anti- 
quity of the Yogasutra is fallacious, I shall now bring forward 
internal evidence for a rather late date of that work. The 
Yogaiiastra of Patanjali is described as being part of the 
SSnkhyasystem (yogasdstre sdnkhyapravacane)] and it is well 
known that it generally conforms to the Sankhya. But there 
are some Yoga doctrines which differ from the Sankhya. Yoga 
admits the ISvara, while Sankhya is essentially atheistic; and 

ceptions by assuming that the two last members are a dvandva {ianklta' 
tunava) and form the second member of the whole dvandva {atantre 
taranirdeie Safikhatunavoyor mrdavgena samdsah). 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

28 Hermann Jacobi, [1911. 

this peculiarity of the Yoga seems to be very old, since it is 
mentioned in so ancient a work as the Mah&bh&rata (xii. 
300. 3flF.). But there are other Yoga doctrines not coun- 
tenanced by Sankhya i which are clearly adoptions from other 
systems. They are the following: 

(1) The doctrine of Sphota has been adopted from the 
Vaiyakara^ias; it is expounded in the Bhft^ya ad iii< 17. 
This theory is however not directly mentioned in the Sutra, 
and its introduction rests entirely on the authority of the 
Bha§ya. (2) The doctrine of the infinite size of the antah- 
karana seems to have been adopted from the VaiSesika philo- 
sophy (atman). It is given in the Bhasya on iv. 10 and 
there ascribed to the 'Acarya.' (3) The atomic theory which 
-originally belonged to the Vai§esika,2 is clearly referred to by 
Patanjali in i. 40 (cf. Bhasya on iii, 44). (4) The doctrine 
that time consists of ksanas, which was first put forth by the 
Sautrantikas, is clearly assumed in iii. 52, though the details 
are explained in the Bha§ya only. — The Sphotavada and the 
Manovaibhavavada (1. and 2.) may be later additions to the 
system, but the P'aramanuvada and the K§anikavada must be 
ascribed to Patanjali and cannot be later than him. That he 
did adopt them, dh-ectly or indirectly, from the Vai^esikas and 
Buddhists, though of course not in their original form, pre- 
supposes that these doctrines had somehow ceased to be shib- 
boleths of hostile schools, and that the general idea underlying 
them had been acknowledged by other philosophers too. We 
know that this has been the case with regard to the atomic 
theory which has also been admitted by Buddhists, Jainas, 
Ajivakas, and some Mimaipsakas.' The Ksa^iikavada, in an 
altered and restricted form, has been adopted by the Vaiiie^ikas* 
For according to them some qualities (gunas) exist for three 
ksanas only, e. g., sound originates in one ksana, persists in the 
second, and vanishes in the thh^d. This is a kind of K^a^ika- 
vada so changed as to avoid the objections to which the 
original doctrine was exposed. Still it must be remarked that 
even this altered form of the Ksanikavada is not yet found in the 

1 See Grarbe, Sankhya und Yoga, p. 49 ff. 

> Of. Encyclopedia of Beligi&n and Ethics^ vol. i, p. 199 ff. 

* See my article quoted in the last footnote. 

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Vol. xxxi.] The Dates of the Hiilasophical Sutras, cCc 20 

Sutra,* but is first taught in the Pnisastapadabha§ya, p. :?87. — 
This adoption of originally heterodox doctrines by Patanjali 
therefore unmistakably points to a relatively modern time, and 
thus it serves to confirm the result at which we arrived by 
examining the allusions to Buddhist doctrines contained in 
Y.S.; namely, that the Togasutra must be later than the 
5 th century A.D. It is probably not far removed in time from 
I^'ara Krsna, the remodeler of Sankhya. 

Nor can an objection be raised against this date from the 
remaining literature of the Yoga, For the Bhasya by Vyasa, 
which is next in time to the Sutra, contains nothing that 
would make the assumption of an earlier date necessary, (rarbo 
places VySsa in the seventh century (1. c, p. 41); and though 
his estimate is supported only by a legendary account of Vyasu s 
pupils, still it is not improbable in itself. 

The results of our researches into the age of the j)hilo- 
sophical Sutras may be summarized as follows. N.D. and B.S. 
were composed between 200 and 450 A.D. During that i)eri()d 
lived the old commentators: Vatsyayana, Ui)avarsa, the Vrtti- 
kara (Bodhayana?), and probably Sabarasvamin. V.D. and 
M.S. are about as old as, or rather somewhat older than, N.I), 
and B.S. Y.S. is later than 450 A.D., and S.S. is a modern 

* V.D. ii. 2. 31 teaches that aound is produced by conjunction and 
disjunction and sound. This is the germ of an undulatory theory of the 
transmission of sound in India; but the details of this theory, containing 
the above mentioned doctrine of the three ksanas, are not yet worked 
oat in the SQtra. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Hilprechfs Fragment of the Babylonian Deluge Story 
(Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsyl- 
vania^ Series Z>, volume F, fasc. I). — By GBOBaE A. 
Babton, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa. 

On Saturday morning, March 19*^ the daily press of Phila- 
delphia and other cities contained announcements of the dis- 
covery, by Professor Hilprecht, of a new version of the story 
of the deluge, which antedated all the accounts previously 
found and which vindicated the correctness of the statements 
of the Priestly Document of the Pentateuch. Interest was 
increased when in the Old Penn Weekly Review of the Univer- 
sity of Pennsylvania of March 19*** Dr. Hugo Radau, commen- 
ting on the discovery, WTote: "It in safe to say that this 
publication, based upon one of the most remarkable finds in the 
Temple Library of Nippur, is destined to usher in a new 
period in the history of religion." 

The speedy publication of the tablet itself together with Prof. 
Hilprecht's interpretation enabled us to examine both in detail. 

The Nippur version of the Delupre Story 

(From The Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania, 

Series D, vol. V, fasciculus 1, Philadelphia, 1910). 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] HilprecliVs Fragment of the Babylonian, &c 31 

The text of the tablet is given below followed by Professor 
Hilprecht's transliteration and translation as they appear on 
pp. 48 and 49 of The Babylonian Expedition of the University 
of Pennsylvania^ Series D, Volume V, fasciculus 1 (Phila- 
delphia 1910). 

(p. 48) Transliteration. 

1 i?)'Sa{r)'Si-il(?) i'{?y. ..{?)-lia 

2 a-pa-a^' Mr 

3 Ica-la ni-U iS-te-niS i-za-bat 

4 'ti la-am a-bu-bi wa-si- e 

5. . . (?)-a'ni ma-la i-ba'a^-^H'-u lu-kinub-bu-lai hi-pn-ut-iu Im-ru-Mi 

6. ..^^dippu ra-be-tu bi- ni- ma 

7. .,ga-be- e gab-bi lu bi-nu-uz- za 

8. .M4 lu *^magiirgurrum ba-bil- hi na-at- rat na-pis-tim 

9. -ri{?)zu- lu'la dan-na zu- ul- HI 

10 te-ip' pu' sa 

11 4am{?}u-ma-am si-rim is-mr M-me-e 

12. kii'Um mi' ni 

13 -(?) u ki[n]- ta rii{?)- 

14. u] 

(p. 49) Translation. 
1 **thee, 

2. . . . "[the confines of heaven and earth] I will loosen, 

3. . . . "[a deluge I will make, and] it shall sweep away all 

men together; 

4. . . . ''[but thou seek l]ife before the deluge cometh forth; 
6. . . . "[For over all living beings], as many as there are, 

I will bring overthrow, destruction, annihilation. 

6 "Build a great ship and 

7 "total height shall be its structure. 

8 "it shall be a house-boat carrying what has been 

saved of life. 
9 "with a strong deck cover (it). 

10. ... "[The ship] which thou shalt make, 

11. ... "[into it br]ing the beasts of the field, the birds ol 


12. ... "[and the creeping things, two of everything] instead 

of a number, 

13 "and the family 

14. ..."and" 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

32 Oeorye A. Barton, |i9ii. 

In the present paper it is proposed: 1. To examine the 
interpretation of the text. 2. To discuss the evidence for the 
age of the document, and 3. To discuss its bearings on the 

1. As to the interpretation: 

In line 1 Hilprecht interprets only the last sign ta, render- 
ring it **thee." In the absence of what preceded we do not 
know whether this is right or not Even if a pronominal 
suffix, it was, perhaps, dependent on a noun, and to be ren- 
dered "thy." 

In line 2 the only legible syllables are ap-pa-aS-Sar, "I will 
loosen" or **let loose." Hilprecht supplies before it, usurd- 
(or kippdt)$ame u ir^itimj and renders: "the confines of heaven 
and earth I will loosen." He refers for authority to Jensen 
in KB., VI, 620, where Jensen quotes a conjectural emendation 
made by Haupt in Schrader's KAT^ to line 2 of DT, 42, 
published in Haupt's NE, p. 131. What really stands in that 
text is kima Jcip-pa-ti No mention of heaven and earth 
appears on that tablet, nor the verb ap-pa-aMar. To base 
a conjectural emendation on another conjectural emendation 
to another passage which stood in another context, is insecure 

In line 3 the words that stand are very clear: kaAa ni-H 
iS'te-niS i-za-hat, "all the people together it shall seize." i-za-hat 
being clearly for i-sa-bdt, the future of aabatu, "to seize," "take."* 
While Hilprecht recognizes the '^possibility" of this reading, 
he "prefers" to regard it as from the stem Sabfi^tu, "to beat," 
"to strike." Why this common form, written as it often is in 
the time of the Cassites and of Hammurabi, should be dis- 
carded for one that presupposes the difficult phonetic change 
of ^ to ;? and the imnecessary change of ^ to t, is because 
Jensen had noted (KB., YI, 531), that sabatu was the tech- 
nical term used of the deluge! 

^ Hommel, who Las defended Hilprecht^s main positions in articles 
published in the Frafikfurter Zeitung of April, 19, 1910 and the Eocpasitory 
Times for May, 1910, improves upon Hilprecht^s rendering by boldly 
inserting from Gen. 7ii the words **the springs of the deep^\ making the 
line read, ''the springs of the deep will I loose". Bezold, Frankfurter 
Zeitung, May, 21, 1910, renders "I will loose a bann". Prince and Vander- 
burgh AJSL, XXVI (July, 1910), p. 305, note that it is ordinarily used 
of loosening a curse. It is clearly uncertain how the line began. 

5 So also Prince and Vanderburgh. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol xxxij Hilprechfs Fragment of the Babylonian, &c. 33 

In line 4 we can make out the signs: ti la-am a-bu-ii 
tva-se-e. Disregarding the first sign the three remaining words 
clearly mean, as Hilprecht has translated them, "before the 
deluge comes forth." The ti belongs to a lost word. Hilprecht 
fills it out u at'ta-ma $6-4 (or bul-lit)nap'M'ti on the ground 
that in the **first Nineveh version" 11, 25 fi'. these phrases 
appear. A part of them do appear there, it is true, but in a 
dilFerent order. In reality no one knows what stood at the 
beginning of this line. Ti might belong to any feminine or 
abstract noun. 

Of line 5 Hilprecht has con*ectly transliterated the visible 
signs, and disregarding the a-ni at the beginning, which belong 
to a lost word, his rendering of the remainder ("as many as 
there are, I will bring overthrow, destruction, annihilation") 
may pass. What is to be supplied at the beginning is uncer- 
tain. Hilprecht's guess may in this case be right. 

In lines 6 and 7 Hilprecht wisely refrains from filling out 
the broken lines, ^ and as his rendering of the Semitic is possible 
no comment is necessary. 

In line 8, however, we come upon more difficulties. The 
sign which he renders bil ceilainly does not have that value. 
It is in reality two signs ^'um-$a,^ The preceding sign, which 
Hilprecht reads ba may be ma. The sign which he reads at 
is probably a carelessly written su We should, therefore, 
probably read . . . h-i-lu *?"MA-GUR-GUIt-ma him-Sa lu-nor- 
§i'rat ua'i)iMim, . . . . "a GUH-GUR^ boat indeed is its name, 
verily it is a savior of life". Perhaps we should render . . 
**a GUR-GDB. boat, and its name is 'Lu-nasirat napiStim'^\ 
Evidence that the Babylonians gave such names to their 
boats is, however, wanting. The three signs after GUR-GUR 

1 Not BO, however, Hommel. Taking a Lint from Gen. 6 1« he supplies 
in line 6 ^Take wood and pitch' \ so as to make the whole "Take wood 
and pitcb and build a great ship"! lu line 7 he also supplies from Gen. 6^^ 
the word "cubits" and reads "and . . . cubits be its complete height". 

2 In all the writer's researches for his forthcoming volumes on the 
Origin and Development of Babylonian Writing he has met with no 
instance of bil made in this way in any period of the writing. Professor 
Clay, who has edited as many documents from the Cassite period as any 
other living scholar agrees with the writer that the reading is Sum-ia. 
Bezold questions UilprechVs reading, but suggests no other. 

' Prince and Vanderburgh, op. cit, show that we should not read "house- 
boat", but a "navigable vessel", i.e. one that can be steered without difficulty. 

VOL. XXXT. Part I. 3 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

34 Oeorge A. Barton, [1911. 

might also be read ba-taq-bU == **its crack". Were we sure 
that the line referred to stopping the cracks with pitch, this 
would be attractive. The line is too broken for certain inter- 
pretation, but Hilprecht's interpretation is clearly wrong. 

Hilprecht renders line 9 ( zu-hiAa dan-na zti-uUil), 

"with a strong deck cover it", and claims that this conclusively 
proves the ordinary rendering line 31 of the well known 
version, "upon the deep launch it," wrong. In this he is, 
perhaps, right, but his statement (p. 56) that nw (Gen. 6 *«) 
means "roof" and not "window" is not new. It is found in 
Brown, Driver and Briggs, Hebrew and English Lexicon, 844 a. 

In line 10 Hilprecht's conjecture of "The ship" before 
te-ip-pu-§u is as probable as any other. 

In line 11, we clearly have "the beasts of the field and the 
birds of heaven" referred to (u-ma-am si-rim is-sur Sa-armi), 
and no fault need be found with Hilprecht's guess that we 
should supply at the beginning "Into it bring." 

Upon line 12 Hilprecht stakes a great deal, and his treat- 
ment of it is really astounding. The only signs visible in the 
line are .... ku-um-mi-ni. Hilprecht divides this kn-nm mi-ni, 
and translates, "instead of a number". He then supplies from 
the P Document of the Old Testament, without even telling 
us what the Babylonian form of the words would be, "and 
the creeping things, two of everything," making the whole read: 
"[and the creeping things two of everything*] instead of a 

If now we compare the passage with what Hilprecht calls 
the Nineveh version 11, 84 ff., it becomes certain that this 
rendering rests on a most uncertain basis. LI, 84 — 86 
of the copy in the British Museum tell of three classes of 
living things that went into the ship: bu-ul siri, ii-ma-am siri 
("cattle of the field, beasts of the field") formed one class. 
That class is represented in Hilprecht's tablet by "beasts of 
the field and birds of heaven," which forms a more beautiful 
line and avoids tautology. Another class was the "family" 
Qdm-ti) of Par-napishtin which appears in the last fragmentary 

1 Hilprecht's friend Kittel has pointed out, Theologisrhes LiteraturUatt, 
XXXI, col. 243 (May, 27, 1910), that one could as well supply "seven of 
everything" and obtain agreement with the J document. It would cer- 
tainly be quitie as justifiable as that which Hilprecht has done. 

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Vol. xxxi.] Hilprechfs Fragment of the Babylonian, &c. 35 

line of Hilprecht's tablet as kin-ta.^ The third class, the arti- 
sans or people, was expressed by um-ma-a-nL This class 
probably occurs in Hilprecht's text in the line under discussion 
(line 12), but he has not recognized it. We should read ...ku 
nm-ini-ni, taking kic as the final syllable of some lost word. 
Probably that word is supplied for us in the fragment published 
by P6re Scheil (cf. Rec, de Travaux, XX, p. 58, 1. 20), in 
which we have the word li-il-li-ku. If now we supply the 
remainder of the missing word thus [li'il-Uyku um'tni-nu^ we 
obtain: "let the artisans (or people) come." This rendering 
supposes that wmntni^ is the plural of a variant form of 
timmdnij just as we have ^urmmi for ^urmdni and kurtimmiti 
for kurtimmcdi. Mdri ummani, of the Nineveh version shows 
that the Deluge writers did not regard the collective ummani 
alone as a sufficient plural. 

More extraordinary and inexplicable still, however, is Hil- 
precht's note on line 12. He equates mi-nu, which we have 
shown to be a part of um-mi-nu, with the Heb. ]"•», "species," 
which occurs so often in the P document in the phrase v\yt:h 
or ^ni"»D^, meaning "according to its kind," and claims that 
the occurrence of mimi in his tablet in this connection proves 
that YD means "number." He further states that if we insert 
this meaning wherever \12 occurs in the P document, the sense 
is improved; and on p. 65 of his pamphlet he actually trans- 
lates Gen. 6 20, rendering ny^Db "instead of a number." h in 
Hebrew never means "instead of;" even Hilprecht can find no 
Biblical parallel, all the corroborative passages which he cites 

i Prince and "Vanderburgh, (op. cit.) declare that Hilprecht has no right 
to read Kin-ta here. It is true that the tablet is crumbling at this point, 
but I see no reason for seriously questioning Hilprecht's reading. 

2 £€Zold questions whether instead of ku-um we should not render 
§U-NIGIN mi-nij "the total number". Prince and Vanderburgh read kHm 
mi-niy "the dwelling of a number", understanding it to mean that the 
GUR-GUR boat shall be the dwelling of a number. Some may prefer 
one of these explanations to that offered above. The text is so frag- 
mentary that we are all groping in the dark. These explanations, how- 
ever, show how insecure Hilprecht's interpretation is. 

3 The kindred word ummdni, "people", makes one of its plurals by 
the form ummdnif (HWB, 87a). A plural ummini from a singular urn- 
minu would be analogous to this; it also finds analogy in the change of 
the plural ending -an to -en] cl". Delitzsch, Asst/rische Grrammatiky 
§ 93, a), 3). 


Digitized by LjOOQIC 

36 George A. Barton, [1911. 

use hy as he himself confesses, in the sense of "to" or **for." ^ 
The word ]^D, moreover, cannot possibly mean "number." One 
has but to substitute "number" for ]'»D and "instead of" for ^ 
in any random passage in Gen. 1 to see how absurd Hilprecht's 
contention is. Take, e. g., Gen. 1 ^^: "Let the earth bring forth 
grass, herb seeding seed instead of a number and trees bearing 
fruit, the seed of which is in it instead of a numher*\ What 
nonsense! Hilprecht endeavors (p. 57 ff.) to gain help for this 
impossible meaning by making it seem that Wellhausen and 
Delitzsch favor it. He says that Wellhausen had pronounced 
the word a riddle, but he gives no reference to a work of 
Wellhausen. The fact is he quotes the remark from Delitzsch, 
Hebrew Language in the Light of Assyrian Research, 1883, 
p. 70 f. and Prolegomena eines neuen Hebrdisch-Aramdischen 
Wbrterbuches p. 143. Delitzsch gives no reference for the 
remark, and Hilprecht evidently does not know where to find 
it in the voluminous works of Wellhausen. The statement looks 
very much like a free quotation on the part of Delitzsch of 
a remark of Wellhausen Prolegomena zur Oeschichte Israels, 
5 th ed., p. 396 (cf. his English History of Israel p. 389). 
Wellhausen says: "j^'D (kind), a very peculiar word, especially 
in the form leminahu, is found outside this chapter [Gen. 1] 
and Lev. 14, Gen. 6^0 714^ only in Deut. 14 and Ezek. 47 ^K' 
That is all he says about it, and he clearly translates it 
"kind," never hinting that there is any doubt as to the signi- 
fication, but only remarking that the word itself is peculiar. 

As to Delitzsch, in his Hebrew Language (1883) he expressed 
the conjecture that it might be "ultimately derived from the 
Assyrian word "number." He would render e. g. Gen. 1 ^*: 
**Let the earth bring forth grass, herb seeding seed according 
to its number," understanding the last phrase to be equivalent 
to the Assyrian "as many as there are." This conjectui'e, 
however, he withdrew in 1886 {Prolegomena p. 143), where he 
says: "I have expressed in Hebrew Language p. 70f. the guess 
that originally it [pD] was borrowed from the Bab.-Assyr. minu 
*number' ... I am quite prepared to give this conjecture up." 
It was a rash theory of Delitzsch's youth, which he abandoned 
twenty-four years ago. 

As is well known, ]^D is the regular word in Jewish 

1 Compare the remarks of Kittel oa this point, op. cit note to coL243. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] Hilprecht'8 Fragment of the Babylonian, &c. 37 

Aramaic and Syriac for "species," "kind," and Professor Haupt 
has shown that it occurs in Assyrian also (see JAOS XXV 71). 

We have now examined Professor Hilprecht's interpretation 
of the text, with the result, that, while in many of the less 
important parts of the little tablet his interpretation is sound, 
he has drawn too freely throughout upon his imagination in 
iilling out the broken lines, and in the one passage upon which 
he lays most stress, as having a bearing upon Biblical criti- 
cism, he has not only hazardously rendered the cuneiform text, 
but filled out a broken line from the Bible itself in a most 
improbable way, and grossly mistranslated his Hebrew. 

2. We now turn to the evidence for the age of the tablet. 
Professor Hilprecht claims that the tablet was composed 
between 2137 B. C. and 2005 B. C. He bases this claim on 
three kinds of evidence, A. The stratum in which the tablet 
was found, B. Palaeographical evidence, C. Linguistic peculi- 
arities. Let us examine each of these in turn. 

A. Hilprecht says on p. 1 of this Deluge publication, (i. e. 
Bab. Exp, of the University of Pennsylvania, Series D, Vol. V, 
Faciculus I), that the tablet was found "while unpacking and 
examining two boxes of cuneiform tablets from our fourth 
expedition to Nippur." On p. 36 of the same publication he 
says: "it was found intermingled with the dated and undated 
tablets of the lowest of the three strata of "Tablet Hill". 

Now the tablet was clearly found before Hilprecht himself 
reached Nippur, for he had not seen it until October 1909. 
Indeed, in a foot note on p. 1 he excuses himself for having 
overlooked it in Constantinople in 1901.* An important point 

> The writer is reluctantly compelled to believe that Hilprecht's foot 
note is deliberately misleading afld that the following statements of Hil- 
precht in the So-called Peters- Hilprecht Controversy are untrue. Hilprecht 
says on p. 191 : "My examination at Constantinople of at least 40,000 
tablets from the Third and Fourth Expeditions merely strengthened my 
conviction. And indeed in setting this number at 40,000 I do not mention 
enough, for I practically examined to some extent every tablet taken to 
Constantinople from both thes* expeditions". Again he says on p. 339: 
"I had personally examined all the tablets excavated by the fourth expedi- 
tion in 1902". [Italics, mine.] 

My reasons for doubting the truth of these statements are as follows: — 

Dr. G. B. Gordon , who was appointed Director of the Museum of the 

University of Pennsylvania in February 1910, sent me an invitation on 

June 14th, 1910 to come and see what Babylonian material the Museum 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

38 George A Barton, [1911. 

is, that in BE., Series D, Vol. I, p. 609 Professor Hilprecht 
has Iiimself said some interesting things about the methods 
of work followed by the fourth expedition before his arrival. 
He says: "Our knowledge as to how and precisely where the 
tablets were found is extremely limited. As I must depend 
exclusively on Haynes' official entries and records for this 
important question, I deem it necessary to submit a spe- 
cimen of my only written source of information for the time 
prior to my arrival when most of the tablets were taken out 
of the ground. I quote literally from his diary. *Jan. 16, 
1900 : 30 sound tablets from a low level in Tablet Hill" (To 

contained. His letter slated that ^'these tablets are now accessible to all 
Babylonian scholars". I accepted his invitation and visited the Museum 
on June 17 th. Dr. Gordon informed me then that a similar invitation 
had been sent to all American Assyriologists. In the basement room of 
the museum, where many boxes of tablets have reposed unpacked, some of 
them for twenty years, I saw a box of tablets from the fourth Expedition, 
which was just opened and the contents of which a workman was beginning 
to clean. Some of these tablets were wrapped in paper which had clearly 
been put about them while they were still damp, for it had dried on, and 
came off with the greatest difficulty. 

I then recalled that Mr. Clarence S. Fisher, who was the architect of 
the fourth Expedition and who helped pack these tablets was once, 
while Fellow in Architecture at the University, asked to assist in un- 
packing some of these very boxes and had declared in an article in the 
Philadelphis Public Ledger of Feb. 4, 1907 that this paper was the same 
which they had wrapped about the tablets at Nuffar while they were yet 
wet. An examination of the boxes and the tablets convinced me that 
Mr. Fisher's statements are true, and that Hilprecht's explanation given 
in BE, XX, p. viii ff. and the So- Called Peters- Eilprecht Cmitroversy, 
p. 307 ff., viz:— that the boxes were w^et by rain in Constantinople will 
not hold. 

Further, of tablets in the box which were not so wrapped, a large 
number were covered with mud and gypsum, sometimes to the thickness 
of 1/4 inch. It is clear that no scientific examination of such tablets could 
have been made in Constantinople. In view of these facts no comment 
is necessary on the quotations from Hilprecht made above. 

It is to be hoped that many Assyriologists will accept Dr. Gordon's 
invitation and obtain first hand evidence on this point as well as upon 
some of those mentioned below. 

Since Professor Clay convinced the Museum authorities some years 
ago that Professor Hilprecht's carelessness had let a large number of 
tablets crumble to dust, H. has rigidly shut every one from this tablet 
room. The action of the new Director accordingly means much to 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] Hilprecht^s Frdgnient of the Babylonian, &c. 39 

this statement Hilprecht adds a foot note which reads: "I 
cannot e^en find out in which section of the large mound he 
unearthed these particular tablets. Nor is the slightest indi- 
cation given by him as to w^hether he worked in a room, or 
found the tablets loose in the earth, or in both.") To continue 
his quotation of Haynes' diary. ''Many large fine fragments 
of tablets, 1 pentagonal prism, 7^/4 inches long; its five sides 
from 1 to 2^6 inches wide." Three or four other quotations 
from Dr. Haynes' diary follow, all of the same import. The 
only definite statement is that the tablets were found at a 
**low level" in '^Tablet Hill." 

Again, in the So-Called Fetet's Hilpj'echt Controversy y p. 196, 
after saying in substance that Dr. Haynes simply numbered 
his boxes of tablets 1, 2, 3, 4, etc., and that he (Hilprecht) 
could only determine their locality by the dates at which 
Dr. Haynes was digging in certain localities, as e. g. on the 
west side of the Shatt-en-Nil, Hilprecht continues: "It would 
have .been useful for me if the marking had been such as 
would indicate also the height of the stratum i and the exact 
position; but Dr. Haynes could not attempt to do it, since 
he was alone in the field, and Mrs. Haynes never attempted 
to do it; consequently I must now infer ... by other means, 
to which stratum the tablets belong". 

If we turn now to p. 132 of the same work, we find that 
Hilprecht has there published the testimony of Mrs. Haynes, 

1 In connection with this declaration that no record was kept of the 
"stratum" the reader should compare a statement by Professor Hilprecht 
published in all the daily papers of Philadelphia on April 23 rd, 1910. 
Hilprecht there declares that he only meant that Dr. Haynes did not keep 
a record of the exact position in which ever}' single tablet had been found, 
and Bays that "the stratum of the temple library, the place of its discovery, 
and the precise number of boxes coming from a certain locality are abso- 
lutely known". The reader should note how this statement in part flatly 
contradicts that quoted in the text above, and should also note the adroit 
wording of the last part of the sentence. The word "stratum" is intro- 
duced here, so that a casual reader gains the impression that Hilprecht 
asserts that Haynes kept a record of the strata from which tablets came. 
While the sentence does give that impression, he could, if pressed later, 
say that he only declared that the stratum of the library was known. 
This is an excellent example of Hilprecht's habit of endeavoring by adroit 
wording to convey one impression, while he retains the power of declaring 
later that he did not say what he has seemed to say. It is this kind of 
writing that has destroyed the confidence of American scholars in him. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

40 George A. Barton, P^n. 

who was present when the so-called library was discovered. 
Her testimony shows that the general level at which tablets 
were found was known, but that the tablets were not found in 
strata at all. They were found, Mrs. Haynos says, in different 
rooms, dumped in such great heaps in the middle that the 
men could separate them only with the greatest difficulty, and 
that these heaps appeared as though the tablets had been 
thrown from shelves at the sides of the room. Imagine a 
library of account books thrown into the middle of the room 
from the shelves, would there be strata in it? If the books 
had been arranged chronologically on the walls, would they 
be chronological in the heap on the floor?* 

From these statements of Hilprecht himself it is clear that 
he has not in his possession any definite data about strata. 

B. Hilprecht remarks (p. 3) that the "writing employed" (in 
the documents from the supposed stratum in question) "is the 
script of the early Babylonian period in its various varieties.** 
This is a very vague statement. I venture to think that if 
the stratum referred to really existed, there are several 
varieties of early Babylonian writing that were not found in 
it — such, for example as those of Ur-Nina, Lugalanda etc. 
Every Assyriologist knows, however, that in the period of 
Hammurabi a variety of scripts were used. The laws of 
Hammurabi, for example, and many of his inscriptions, are 
written in a fairly archaic script — a script readily distinguish- 
able from that of the time of Gudea, as Gudea's is from the earlier 
periods, but still fairly archaic. There are also scripts which 
approximate in archaic coloring to that of the laws, but side 
by side with these there came into use at this time a cursive 
script, which is indistinguishable from the script of the 
Cassite period, and many of the features of which persisted 
into the Neo-Babylonian period. 

The writer has taken pains to compile a table, which is 
here reproduced, by means of which an intelligent idea of the 
bearing of palaeography upon the date of the tablet may be 

1 Since the above paragraph was written my visit to the Museum of 
the University of Pennsylvania mentioned in the previous note has afforded 
proof that the supposition as to the mingling of tablets from different 
periods in the boxes is true. Dr. Gordon allowed me to see four or five 
boxes the contents of which had just been cleaned, and this was true of 
each box. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] HilprechVs Fragment of the Babylonian, i&c. 41 

scientifically estimatei In five successive columns 37 signs 
are arranged The signs of col. i represent the time of the 
Second dynasty of Ur, with the exception of two which are 
taken from Gudea (Stat. B, vi, 34 and Cyl. B, xiv, 12). In 
col. ii are signs from a tablet in the Harvard Semitic Museum 
dated in the reign of EUil-bani ^ one of the later kings of the 
dynasty of Isin, who ruled about 2100 B. C— the very time 
from which Hilprecht claims that his tablet came. It is a 
business document. It is well known that business tablets 
were written in a less archaic script than that employed by 
the scribes of the same period for literary work, and yet the 
script of col. ii is much more archaic than that of col. iv in 
which are placed signs from Hilprecht's deluge fragment In 
col. iii are collected signs from the Temple Archives of Nippur 
of the time of the First Dynasty of Babylon, published by 
Poebel in BE, VI, 2. In col. iv, signs from Hilprecht's deluge 
fragment, and in col. v, signs from the Cassite sign list com- 
piled by Clay in BE, XIV. 

The tablets published by Poebel in BE, VI, 2 were selected 
for comparison because they were written at Nippur. A com- 
parison of Poebel's volume with Ranke's (BE, VI, 1) and 
Scheil's publications of texts from Abu Habba^ reveals the fact 
that at the time of the First Dynasty of Babylon the scribes 
of Nippur were using a considerably more archaic script than 
the scribes of Sippar. 

A comparison of the signs in this list produces the following 
results. Of the 37 signs compared, 9 (§AR, A, PA, NI, §1, 
PU, PI, LXJ, §U) undergo no marked development. They are 
the same in all the five columns. Twenty-one signs on Hilprecht's 
tablet agree closely with Cassite forms but show decided 
development over all the other columns, even over that con- 
taining signs from Nippur tablets of the first dynasty of 
Babylon. These signs are IS, AM, SI, E, UB, BIT, HA, MA, 

Sum, ^a, kal (Dan), il, te, ib, um, ta, ka, pi§, 

KIN, ZU, UL. Four signs (LA, TIM, NA, NU), have the 
same form as those of the first dynasty tablets and as the 
Cassite tablets also, but dififer from the earlier periods. There 

^ A photograph of the tablet was kindly furnished me by Professor 
D. G. Lyon. 

2 Une saison de fouiUes a Sippar, Paris, 1902. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Digitized by 


Vol. xxxi.] HiliwecMs Fragment of the BabyJonian, &c. 43 

are but two signs (NE and BI) which differ from Cassite 
forms in favor of an earlier period, while one (KAB) is inter- 
mediate in form between forms of the First Dynasty and those 
of Clay's Cassite list. 

Of the twenty eight signs which can be counted as evidence, 
therefore 26 favor the Cassite date as against two which are 
opposed to it. The evidence is 21 to 7 against a date earlier 
than the time of the First Dynasty. This is the verdict of 
palaeography concerning the date of the tablet. Had Hilprecht 
bought the tablet in the market so that one could plausibly 
connect it with Sippar, an earlier date would be more thinkable. 

C. On p. 39 Hilprecht urges that the use of PI = wa and 
of binuzza = binussa point to the period of the first dynasty 
of Babylon. It is true that these phenomena appear in first 
dynasty documents, but they are also occur of the Cassite 
period, and in part of later periods. 

With reference to PI =» wa three remarks should be made. 

1. PI is used in inscriptions of the First Dynasty both for 
wa and we. Thus in the law^s of Hammurabi we have a-PI-<MW 
for a*wa4um and a-VUu-Unn for a-we-lu-tum. The two usages 
go together; we find both in the Cassite period. Thus Ka- 
dashman-Ellil in the El-Amarna letters writes the name of 
AmenophisIII of*Egypt Ni-mu-Vl-ri-ya for Ni-mU'-wa-ri-ya^ 

» In this connection it may not be out of place to remark, since Hil- 
precht has asserted in a newspai)er article that in the El-Amarna letters 
PI=»a never wa, that in the name Ni-mu-wari-ya the consonant w 
occurs after the vowel u and before a, and would certainly be pro- 
nounced wa. The fact that the name is Egyptian and not Babylonian is 
no proof that in the form of it written in Babylonia this ordinary phonetic 
laws did not apply. The hieroglyphic Egyptian did not write the vowels. 
Ni-im'tnu-^-wa-ri-ya and Ni-im-mu-wa-H-ya are attempts to represent 
the Egyptian Nb-in*'t-rej the Egyptian vowels being unknown. In the 
Babylonian form b is assimilated to the following my t is elided, and the 
vowel a follows u. It would be inevitable among a Semitic people that 
between the u and a & w should slip in to help the pronunciation. There 
is no more ground for doubting that PI was pronounced wa in this word 
because there was no to in the Egyptian form of the word than there is 
for supposing that ya at the end of the word was not pronounced ya 
because the Egyptian does not contain either letter of that syllable. The 
fact that in the Tell el-Amarna Tablets in the British Museum^ No. 1, 1. 2, 
the name is spelled Ni-ib-bu-a-ri-a in no way affects the above argument, 
as that letter was written in Egypt and does not represent the Babylo- 
nian pronunciation. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

44 George A. Barton, [1911. 

and Ni-mU'Vl-ri-ya for Numu-wa-ri't/a (see Abel and Winckler, 
Thontafelfund von TeU-EUAmama, No. 1 : 1; 2 : 1). In BE, 
XIV, No. 58, 1 we also find a-PI-Zw-fwm for a-we-lu'tum. The 
same usages are also found in copies of the Greek period. 
In Reisner's Sumerisch-Bahyloimche Hi/mnen, No. 55, 69 we 
have OrFI-tim for a-ua-tim, and in No. 2 rev. 27 a-FL-lu-tu 
for a-we'lu-hi. It is clear, then, that where we find one usage 
we find the other. 

2. The evidence just adduced shows that PI «= tua is not a 
mark even of a First Dynasty date, to say nothing of a date 
in the time of the Isin dynasty, for it is found in the Cassite 
period and even in the Greek period. 

3. PI is defined in II R, 39, No. 2, 14 as a where it is used 
in writing the word a-,9M-i*— the very word under discussion 
in Hilprecht's tablets In 1 R, 52, No. 4, 3 Pl-a^-ra stands 
for a-aS-ru (Cf. Ball, PSBA, X, 290). Here PI must equal a, 
for the root is a "^'D OVf^). In the word ti-PI-mat (K, 5298, 
cf. AL^ p. 26, n.) PI might stand either for wa or a. In the 
Neo-Babylonian period it was used at Nippur, from which 
Hilprecht says his deluge tablet came, at the beginning of 
several words. Thus Nebuchadrezzar, BE, I, No. 86, i, 10 
uses Pl-a^-rat for a-ahrat Nabu-na'id, BE, No. 84, i, 6 has 
Fl'U'ih for a'^i-ih\ in i, 16, Pl-a^-rw-wm for a-a^-rH'-um', in 
ii, 33, Yl-ar-ka-at for wa-ar-ka-at or a-ar-ka-at; in ii, 45, 
Pl-aS-ri-im for a-as-ri-im; and in ii, 52, hi-u-Fhas-si-im for 
lU'U-wa'aS'Si'im or lu-ic-a-aS'Si-im. It is not certain that any 
of these were pronounced wa, but when the sign was part of 
a V'B word it may still have had the value tua; that, however, 
we cannot confidently affirm, for already in the time of the 

1 In connection with this passage it may be well to note an illustration 
of Professor Hilprecht's methods of answering his critics. Professor Clay, 
in an article published in the Filadelphia Evoting Bulletin of April 16, 
1910, had cited PI (a)-8u-u, II, H, 39, No. 2, 14, ])ut in printing it the 
typesetter had accidentally made the reference read No. 2, 4. Professor 
Hilprecht in the newspaper article of April 23, 1910. referred to above, 
showed that he recognized the real reference by remarking that PI here 
has the rare Neo-Babylonian value a, but in order to make Professor Clay 
appear ridiculous, he chose to translate II K, 39, No. 1, 4, which happens 
to be pi-tu-u^ remarking this passage will doubtless be read by every be- 
ginner in Assyrian pi-tu-u, "to open" (namely, "the mouth"). It must be 
said that such an act is disingenuous, especially as he intimates that Clay 
may have intentionally misrepresented the easel 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] Hilprechfs Fragment of the Babylonian, &c, 45 

first dynasty of Babylon we find wa-ar-liU'iim^ "month" (King's 
Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi No. 14, 5) by the side 
of arhu (No. 27, 10; cf. also Laws of Hammurabi, xxxix, 11, 15 
and xliii 62 and Brockelmann's VergleicJiende Orammatik der 
semitischen Sprachen, § 49, h, a). Apparently the initial w 
had begun to disappear very early. ^ As a result of observing 
these facts we may affirm that the one occunence of PI « wa 
in Hilprecht's tablet (occurring in wa-si-e) does not prove 
that the tablet is earlier than the Cassite period, and that it 
may be that we should read a-si-e in which case we have a 
purely Neo-Babylonian form, which is not a mark even for a 
Cassite date. 

In the Cassite period we have the following parallels to 
binuzzu: Belit-M-mu (which would regularly hecome Belit-su-nu) 
is in BE, XY, 149, 38 written Belit'ZVrnu\ the same name 
with the loss of the t, according to another well known pho- 
netic law, is spelled in BE, XV, No. 188, Iv, 20 [Be^jii'ZVrmi 
(cf. No. 195, rev. 26, where it is spelled Beli-su-nu), and Enlil- 
ubaUit'SM is in BE, XIV, 33, 9 EnliUuhallit-zu. Outside of 
proper names the following examples may also be cited, viz: 
qa-az'zu for qa-at-l-u, "his hand" occurs in BE, XV, No. 158, 5 
and in the KuduiTu of Melishikhu, i, 26, Delegation en Ptrse, II, 
opposite p. 98; also x^-uz-zu for pu-ut-du, "in front of him" or 
"instead of him", BB, XIV, No. 11, 6. 

Hilprecht also claims as a mark of the early date of his 
tablet the occurrence of the mimmation in two words, sirim 
and najn^tim. It happens, however, that no more can be in- 
ferred from the mimmation of these words than from the use 
of PI for iva, since in both cases the mimmation continued 
to be used down to the time of AssurbanipaL Sirim has the 
mimmation as late as the time of Nabu-na'id (see V. R. 63, 
41^), and napiStvn occurs in the annals of Assurbauipal, e. g. 
1 R, 9, 33. 

The philology of the tablet, then, no more than its paleo- 
graphy carries us back of the Cassite period. The fragment 

1 There is some uncertainty about the matter, as the word which 
scholars transliterate arhu is written ideographicallyj but that it should 
be transliterated without the initial w is the opinion of Scheil (Delegation 
en Feme, Vol. IV, pp. 114, 127), of R. F. Harper {Code of Hammurabi^ 
pp. 92, 106 and 155), L. \V. King {op. ciL III, 267), and Brockelmann 
{Yergleichcnde Gramnu der sem, Sprachen, § 49, h, e). 

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46 George A. Barton, [1911. 

of the deluge stoiy dated in the reign of Ammi-sadugga, dis- 
covered some years ago by Pere Scheil and now preserved in 
The Morgan Library in New York City, still antedates by 
some centuries all other accounts of the deluge which are known. 
3. We now come to the claim that this fragment contains 
a text so strikingly like that of the Priestly Document of the 
Pentateuch that the antiquity of the tradition of that Document 
is vindicated from the aspersions of critics. What little need 
be said upon this point has already been anticipated. Any 
resemblance, which the text of this document has been suppo- 
sed to present to the P text over and above other Babylonian 
accounts of the deluge is based, as has been shown above, on 
an unscientific handling of the Babylonian text, a mistranslation 
of the Hebrew text, and upon pure imagination. 

Post Script. 

Since the above article was sent to press a German edition 
of the deluge fragment has reached me. It bears the title 
Der neue Fund zur SinfflutgescMclite aus der Tempelbibliothek 
von Nippur von H. V. Hilprecht, Leipzig, 1910. In this edition 
there are a number of new features which call for a few 

1. Bezold in the article quoted above had said that he had every 
reason to doubt that Hilprecht first saw this tablet in October 
1909. Having no authoritative information as to the grounds 
of Bezold's doubt, and wishing to be fair to Hilprecht, this 
sentence was not referred to above. Authoritative information 
is now at hand, that Hilprecht wrote Bezold two years ago 
informing him that he was absolutely sure that he had found 
a fragment of the deluge story. Hilprecht would now have us 
believe (see p. 19flF.) that this letter referred to "a new fragment 
of the Deluge tablet" mentioned as absolutely certain in the 
So-called Peters-Hilprecht Coniroversfj, p. 289, which he had re- 
ferred to in his English edition of The Earliest Version of the 
Babylonian Deluge Story (i. e. BE, Series D, Vol. V), p. 33 n. 
in these w^ords: "Possibly we have another exceedingly small 
fragment of the Deluge Story from the second expedition, too 
small to be determined accurately.'' 

One cannot but be grateful to Hilprecht for telling us that 
these two passages refer to the same thing. He has thereby 
revealed a standard by which to judge other confident state- 

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Vol. xxxi.] Hilprechfs Fragment of the Babylonian, &c. 47 

ments of his in the So-called Peters -Hilprecht Controversy. 
Scholars cannot be expected to attach a higher value to those 
statements than Hilprecht himself does. 

A comparison of these passages tends strongly to confirm 
the conviction that Bezold's doubts were well founded. 

2. Hilprecht endeavors on p. 19 of the new German edition 
to break the force of his former declarations concerning the 
fact that Dr. Haynes kept no adequate records of where the 
tablets were found. His remarks on this point are the same 
in substance as those printed in the newspaper aHicles of 
April 23rd, 1910, which have been disposed of above on p. 38. 

3. We learn on p. 25 that Professor Lyon of Harvard sent 
Professor Hilprecht a copy of the tablet of Ellil-bani, which 
is quoted above, at the same time that he sent one to me. 
Hilprecht admits that the writing on this tablet is more archaic 
than on his fragment, but claims to know some unpublished 
material from Zambiia and Damiq-iliSu of the same dynasty 
which is not in such archaic writing. 

In view of the evidence presented above, one must decline 
to give this much weight to this statement until the material 
is published. 

Indeed there is no reason to believe that religious or my- 
thological texts were written in Semitic as early as the dynasty 
of Isin. 

4. On p. 50 Hilprecht says that my suggestion that the ku 
of ku um-mi-ni may belong to a form of the verb alaku is 
impossible in the context because it is not the technical term 
for entering a ship. The reader should note that it is shown 
above, p. 35 to occur in a deluge fragment in an analogous 
context. That it was the technical term for entering the ship 
I never implied. 

5. In a foot note on p. 50 Hilprecht declares that when I 
wrote the first draft of the above article part of which was 
published in the Philadelphia Ledger of Apr. 3, 1910, I did 
not consult the cuneiform text of the Nineveh version of the 
Deluge but used Jensen's translation in KB, VI. His evidence 
is (forsooth!) that I rendered ummaui, "artisans or children" 
and Jensen renders it Handwerker(s6hne). 

The evidence presented has no connection whatever with 
the conclusion drawn. Every tyro in Semitic would know that 
Jensen's sohne is the translation of marl in the phrase marl 

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48 Barton, HilprechVs Fragment of the Babylonian, <&c. [1911. 

nmmdni and that he bracketed it because it has no more 
signilicance than ^ill in the phrase ^«Tfcr» '•iD, literally 'xhildren 
of Israel," but really "Israelites." To suppose that Jensen 
meant it as an alternative for "children" and to be misled by 
it| is a piece of reasoning worthy of Hilprecht himself! I cannot 
truthfully plead guilty to it Hilprecht seems to be ignorant 
of the fact that in Muss-Amolt's Assyrian-Dictionary, p. 58 a, 
ummdni » "young man" and that a number of new passages 
have come to light which bear out this meaning (See Jastrow's 
Die Beliyion Babyloniens ufid Assyriens, II, p, 657, n.4). It 
was in reality from pondering these passages that I was led 
to waver as to whether timnidni in the deluge fragment might 
not mean "childi*en", but afterward abandoned the idea, because 
the "children" must be included in the "family" {kintu). 

Naturally in working up the article I consulted Jensen's 
work along with that of other Assyriologists. Not to have 
done so would have been unscholarly, but this is no evidence 
for Hilprecht's false statement that I did not consult the ori- 
ginal If this reasoning were sound one could prove by it that 
Hilprecht cannot read cuneiform at all, for on p. 27 of his 
German edition, where his argument demands citations from 
the cuneiform texts, he cites only the transliterations of 
Knudtzon and Jensen! 

6. Hilprecht declares on p. 51 that my suggestion that 
um-mi-ni may be a variant of um-ma'a-ni is impossible. His 
words are: "eine seiche Schreibweise ist fiir das Altbabylonische 
direkt ausgeschlossen". 

With reference to this statement two remarks should be 

1. The tablet is not Old Babylonian as has been convin- 
cingly proven above. 

2. Whatever the tablet is Hilprecht himself (see p. 47) pre- 
supposes an analogous scribal change of i or 6 to a in natrai, 
on which he still insists instead of the more probable na>sirat 
Vowel changes seem to be perfectly legitimate when it suits 
his purpose, but otherwise they are impossible! 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Some Rig-Veda Repetitions.— By Maubice Bloompield, 
Professor in Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore. 

The Kig-Veda contains repeated stanzas, hemistichs, and 
single verse lines {pada) which amount to a total of between 
1600 and 1600 pSdas — more precisely about 1560. They are 
repeated an average of nearly 2^/i times, making a total of 
about |3560 padas. This count does not include such as are 
repeated, for |one reason or another, in the same hymn. Of 
such there are about 60, making a total of about 120, exclusive 
of rhetorical concatenations between successive stanzas; the 
latter also result in pairs |that are so much [alike as to be 
almost identical. Again, a fortiare, this count does not include 
refrain padas which abound in the Rig- Veda. Of these there 
are just about 160, repeated a total of about 1000 times. 
Thus the total of repeated padas in the RV., aside from 
sameness due to catenation is about 1770, repeated about 
4680 times; it involves quite a little more than one tenth of 
the entire Rig- Veda collection. 

I have been engaged for some time with a statistical and 
critical study of this material, ^ and I wish now to show by a 
number of selected examples how these repetitions can be made 
helpful for the interpretation of the text, the proper estimate 
of its metrical [habits, and, above all, the relative chronology 
of the hymns or stanzas which contain the repeated materials. 

I. The meaning and etymology of ismin. 
5. 87. 5 (Evayamarut Atreya; to the Maruts). 
svan6 nd v6 'mavan rejayad vr§a tveso yayis tavisa evayamarut, 
yena s4hanta rnj^ta svarocisa sthiiragmano hiranyaylh svdyu- 

dhdsa ismimh, 
7. 56. 11 (Vasi^tha; to the Maruts) 
svdyudJidsa i^nindh mniskd ntk svayam tanv^h Qiimbhamanah. 

1 Of. JAGS, xxix, pp. 287 ff. 

VOL. XXXr. Pari I. 4 

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50 Maurice Bloomfiddy [1911. 

The hieratic word ismin occurs, as far as I know, only foui- 
times, all in the RV. Yaska deals with the word in Nirukta 
4. 16, to no purpose. All Western authorities derive the word 
from the root is * impel,' or the noun is * strength;' they trans- 
late by something like 'hasting,' 'driving,' or *strengthy.' Under 
such construction isminah in 7. 56. 11 is badly coordinated 
with its sun-oundings, because it is preceded and followed by 
words designating the warlike, or personal equipment of the 
Maruts. It can be made plain that ismin also is such a 
word, being — ^isu-min 'armed with arrows.' In sense the 
word is a perfect equivalent of isu-mant For the omission of 
u before m I may simply refer to AVackernagel, AltindiscJie 
Orammatiky 1. 59, with the additional remark that the loss of 
u before m seems, by the terms of ismin^ no less organic than 
the loss of It before v. 

In RV. 5. 22. 16 the crested Maruts are said to call upon 
their father Rudra, ddhd pitdram isminam vocanta gikvasaJt. 
The translation 'stormy' for isminam suits Rudra, of course. 
Still more to the point is 'armed with aiTows;' see rudrdya 
Jcsipr^save, 'for Rudra whose arrows are swift,' RV. 7. 46. 1; 
rudrdh svisuh, 'Rudra whose arrows are strong,' RV. 5. 42. 11. 
In the Qatarudriya sections of the Yajur-Vedas we have 
namas tigmesave, and namas tiksnesavey both, of course, refer- 
ing to Rudra; see my Vedic Concordance under these items. 
In AV. 1. 19. 3 we have rttdrdh garavydyditdn mdmdmitrdn vi 
vidhyatUj 'may Rudra hit these my enemies with a volley of 
arrows;' cf. also RV. 10. 125. 6; AV. 15. 5. 5. Rudra's missile 
(rudrdsya hetih) is di-eaded in every book of Vedic literature. 
A typical expression is (see Cone): 

2Mri no (»o) rudrasya hetir vrnaldu 
pari no hetl rudrasya vrjydh (w'jydt) 
pari tvd (vo) rudrasya hetir vniaktti 
pari vo hetl rudrasya vrjydh (vrnjydt), 
Rudra is really the typical archer (dstar) of the Veda: RV. 
10. 64. 8; AV. 6. 93. 1. The archer is described as isumant, 
of course: RV. 2. 42. 2; cf. AV. 20. 127. 6. The equation 
ismin = isumant follows automatically. 

Otherwise ismin is an attribute of the Maruts. They are 
described as svdyudhdsa isminah^ 'having strong weapons and 
arrows,' RV. 5. 87. 5; 7. 56. 11; as vdrlmanta isminah, 'armed 
with axes and arrows,' RV. 1. 87. 6. But in RV. 5. 57. 2 

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Vol. xxxi.] Some Big- Veda Rvpetitioyis. 51 

they are vdgimanta rstimdnto sudhdnvdna isumantah, * armed 
with axes, spears, bows, and arrows,' and so, again, ismin 
— isumant Cf. also RV. 5. 53. 4; 8. 20. 4, 12, and the Qata- 
rudriya fomiula, nama isumadbhyo dhanvdyibhyag (or, dfianvd- 
vibhyag) ca: see Concordance. It is scarcely necessary to state 
that ismindh and immantah are metrical doublets, and that, 
of the two, isminah is the secondary formation, as, e. g. ojasvin : 
ojasvant] bhrdjasvin: bhrdjasvant\ see Cone, under indrdujasvinn, 
and surya bhrdjistha. Stems in -vin and -min are primarily, 
and in the main, -vant and -mant stems modulated over into 

2. On the meaning of kiri. 

6. 23. 3 (Bharadvaja; to Indra) 
pdtd sutdm indro astu somam praiienir ugro jaritaram uti, 
k&rta virdya siisvaya u lok^m data vasu stuvate klraye cit. 

6. 44. 15 (Qamyu BSrhaspatya; to Indra) 
pdtd sutdm indro astu somam hanta vrtraih vajreria mandasaut^h, 
ganta yajndm paravatag cid acha vasur dhinam avita kdrudhdydh. 

By italicizing the two words Idrdye in 6. 23. 3, and /cdr6- 
dhdydh 'nourishing poets,' in 6. 44. 15, I have indicated my 
belief that Mri means *poet.' Pischel, Ved. Stud., I, 216 ff, 
following Ludwig, Der Rig-Veda, vol. vi, p. 105, takes klri in 
the sense of 'miserable, poor,' contending that the word nowhere 
means *poet.' Why not here in 6. 23. 3, where the antithesis 
between virdya susvaye and stuvate kirdye cit is positively 
fundamental? The rich gentleman who presses the soma for 
the gods, and *aye the poet who has only his song of praise 
to ofiFer the gods' — that is what stuvate kirdye dt means — are 
contrasted most effectively (cf. 7. 97. 10). So also in 1. 31. 13 
rdtdhavyah, *he who gives the offering,' and kirig cin mdntram, 
Hhe poet with his mantra only.' In 2. 12. 6 we have coditd 
yo brahmdno nddhamdnasya klreh, '(Indi-a) who promotes the 
needy Brahman poet.' The word klri has the side meaning 
^oor' only in so far as the poets of the Veda are constitu- 
tionally and congenitally poor. The normal state of the 
Brahman poet and priest is expressed explicitly in AV. 7. 103: 
^What gentleman (ksatriya), desiring to improve his condition, 
wiU get us (the priests) out of this wretched plight? Who 
desireth to sacrifice, who to give baksheesh? Who shall gain 


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52 Maurice Bloan^ld, [1911. 

long life with the gods?'^ I am sure that in this way the 
word klri in the sense of *poet/ with the implication that poets, 
in contrast with their employers, are, as a rule, poor men, will 
he finally placed upon solid ground. And so kiri and kdrU 
and Mstdj all from the set- root kari (cf. kirti, *act of praising:* 
I. E. type kfti), need not be separated etymologically. In RV. 
5. 4. 10, yds tvd hfdd klrim mdnyamdno . . .johammi^ means 
*I, who remember thee with a heart full of praise, fervently 
call upon thee.' Geldner, in his RV. Glossary^ under 1dr% 
remarks that SSya^ia takes Tdri in the sense of *poet.' Geldner 
believes in Sayapa more than I do: it would have been well 
to have listened to him in this instance, not because Ss^ya^a 
knows anything special about the word, but because it is 
antecedently unlikely that a Hindu could err in the case of 
word which must suggest to him the root kariy Upraise.' 

3. On the ethnical or geographical term dmbanu 

1. 47. 7 (Praskanva Kapva; to the Agvins) 
ydn ndsatyd pardvdti ydd vd stlio ddhi turvdce, 
kto r^thena suvrta na a gatam sakdm suryasya ra^mibhih. 

8. 8. 14 (Sadhvafisa Kanva; to the Agvins) 
ydn ndsatyd pardvdti ydd vd stho ddhy dnibare, 
atah sahasranirpija rathena yatam agvina. 

The confrontation of the two stanzas throws some light on 
the word dmbare in 8. 8. 14. The Pet. Lex. started by giving 
it the meaning *umkreis,' *umgebung,' (with an fanciful deri- 
vation from anU'var). Ludwig, 66, renders the two words 
ddhy dmbare by *oben ira luftkreise.' I think that if this 
scholar had remembered his own rendering (25) of ddhi tur^ 
vdge, in 1. 47. 7, by, *uber den Turvaga,' he would have 
rendered ddhy dmbare by, *Uber den Ambara' (whatever that 
is). Grassmann, ii, 51, renders 1. 47. 7^ *ob ihr bei Turva^A 
verweilt;' but, in i, 406, he renders 8. 8. 14*», *wenn in der 
nahe ihr verweilt.' Again the parallelism between ddhi tur^ 
vdge^ and ddhy dmbare is obliterated. 

The Nigliantavas have played mischief with dmbara. There 
are two treatments of the word. In 1. 3 it figures among 

» See BloomficlJ, The Atharva-Veda (Grundrisa der Indo-Arischen 
Philologie), p. 77. For Brahmans in need see further RV. 6. 44. 10; 
8. 80. 3; and 10. 24. 3. 

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Vol. xxxi.] Some Big 'Veda Repetitions. 53 

the sixteen words for *midair' (antariksa). That, I i)resunie, 
is at the root of the Pet. Lex.'s rendering. In 2. 16 it appears 
in a list of eleven words for *near' (antika). Thence, perhaps, 
Grassmann's *in der nahe.' Unfortunately 2. 16 contains also 
turvagej in the very same locative case of 8. 8. 14. The ab- 
surdity of such glossography is really appalling. The only 
excuse for the appearance of the two words in this list is that 
they are both contrasted in the RA". stanzas above with para- 
vdti, 'at a distance.' The enticement lies in the fi*equent con- 
trast between pardv&ti and arvdiati, e. g., RV. 8. 97. 4, y&c 
chakrdsi pardv&ti yad arvdvdti vrtrdhan, I should not wish 
to go so far as to say that the school of interpretation which 
bred these glosses actually meant that both ambaram (sic) and 
turvage were adverbs « antikej 'near.' They probably conceived 
them to be things or places near at hand (in contrast with 
pardvati). Yet their statement was misleading enough to lead 
astray so very distinguished a scholar as Grassmann. It would 
pay well to work through the Nighantavas and Yaska to dis- 
cover in what way they arrived at their many equally stunning 

One gain accrues fi-om this discussion. Itturvage is beyond 
doubt an ethnical or geographical designation, then Ambare 
also is the name of a people, or a land. As such it occurs in 
the BrhatsamhitSl, and elsewhere; see Bohtlingk's Lexicon, s. v. 
In his D^olegomena, p. 263, note, Oldenberg thinks that possibly 
8. 8. 14 is less original than 1. 47. 7, but this opinion may be 
due to the current lop-sided interpretation of ambare. With 
Anibare in an ethnical sense, I see no reason for discriminat- 
ing against 8. 8. 14. 

4. An exceedingly wonderful horse. 

1. 152. 5 (Dirghatamas Aucathya; to Mitra and Vanina) 
anagvd jdtd anabJngur arvd kanikradat patayad urdhvasanuh, 
acittam br^hma jujusur yuvanah prA. mitre dhama v^rune 

4. 36. 1 (Vamadeva; to the Rbhus) 
anagvd jdtd anabhigtir ukthyo r^thas tricakrah pari vartate 

mah&d t&d vo devyasya pravacanaiii dyam ybhavah prthivim 

ykc ca piisyatha. 

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54 Maurice Bloon^fidd, [1911 

In 4. 36. I the Rbhus are said to have fashioned a chariot, 
fit to be praised in hymns, because without horse or bridle it 
courses with three wheels through the air. Since it is three- 
wheeled it seems to be the chariot of the Agvins (cf, 1. 120. 
10). That sort of a vehicle is, the lord knows, marvelous 
enough, but it will pass in the light of mythic fancies and 
ethnological parallels elsewhere. Similarly, in 6, 66. 7 the 
Maruts are described, along the same line of fancy even more 
energetically, as crossing the air without span of deer or horses, 
without charioteer, and without bridle. Now in 1. 152. 5 
(above) the mystery is heightened to the second power, as it 
were. Ludwig, 97 : *ohne ross geboren, ohne ztigel der renner, 
wiehernd fliegt er mit aufgerichtetem rticken.' Grassmann, ii, 
153: 'Geboren ohne Ross und Zugel, w^iehernd fliegt auf der 
Renner mit erhobenem Riicken.' Geldner and Kaegi, Sid)emig 
Litder, p. 13, more diplomatically, but less close to the text, 
and its parallel in 4. 36. 1 : *Sich baumend schiesst nach oben 
mit Gewieher der Renner ohne Ztigel, der kein Ross ist,' 
. Any attempt to extract a picture with clear outline out of 
1. 152. 5* will prove quite futile; the pada is built by a secon- 
dary poetaster upon the previously existing pada 4. 36. 1'; he 
*goes' his model *one better,' and loses himself in mock-mythic 
fatuity — one of the standard failings of his class. What he 
had in mind may perhaps, after all, be expressed by *the steed 
which is yet no horse and goes without bridle.' Or, *the steed 
which is born from no horse,' &c. In any case the present 
parallel offers a clear case of relative chronology: 1. 152. 5 is 
later than 4. 36. 1. 

5. The Bull-Cow. 

4. 3. 10 (Vamadeva; to Agni) 
rtena hi sma vysabhag cid akttih puman agnih p^yasa pr?thyena» 
dspandamano acarad vayodha vfsci gukram duduhe pfgyiir tidhafju 

*In accord wdth the divine law, indeed, Agni, the bull, the 
man, has been annointed with the heavenly fluid. Unwavering 
he moved, strength-bestowing; he the bull, the Prcni-cow, has 
milked his bright udder.' The paradox in pada d between 
vfsdj *bull,' eind pfgni, ^heavenly cow' (especially, * mother of the 
Maruts') has led the interpreters in various directions. Ludwig, 
330, changes pfgmr to pfgner, *es melkte der stier der Prgni 
belles enter;' in his commentary he retains pfgnir but takes 

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Vol. xxxij Some Big - Veda Bepetitions. 55 

v/'sd with tlie preceding pada, so as to avoid the paradox: 
*nicht zuckend ohne anstrengung gieng der lebenskraft schaffende 
stier, ihr helles enter liess Pygui fliessen.' Grassmann's render- 
ing, i, 112, *der Same stromt dem Stier, der Kuli das Enter,* 
is negligible, in the light of the parallel pada, 6, 66, 1*. Olden- 
berg, 8BE, xlvi, 326, does not quite do justice to pfgnir in 
his rendering, *the speckled bull has poured out his bright 
udder/ I think that Bergaigne, ii, 397, 398, is unquestionably 
right in assuming a paradoxical *taureau-vache,' here, and in 
other passages mentioned by him. The daring metaphor is, 
that Agni shoots out his flames from his bright udder; he, a 
bull, is thereby also a pf^ni, the heavenly, yielding cow, par 
excellence. Although the conception is very efifective, it is, 
nevertheless, modelled after a simpler one of which we have 
the exact record: 

6. 66. 1 (BharadvSja; to the Maruts) 
vA-pur nu tac cikituse cid astu saman^rii naraa dhenu patya- 

m^rte§v anyad dohase pipaya salcfc chuJcrcuh diidulie pfgnir 

V. Ludwig, 696, translates the stanza very cleverly, as follows: 
*Ein wunder muss sein selbst dem weisen, was den gemein- 
samen namen Kuh hat; das eine schwoll dass die menschen es 
melkten, einmal nur hat Pr<;;ni ihr helles enter gemolken.' In 
6. 48. 22 we have a similar statement, pfgnyd dugdlidm sakft 
pdyah. Max Miiller, in a note to his similar translation, SBE. 
xxxii. 370, explains that dhenUj a cloud, yields rain but once, 
or that Prc^ni gave birth but once to the Maruts. The first 
alternative seems likely to me, as it does to Bergaigne, i. 321 j 
ii. 399. The pertinence and originality of the repeated pada 
in 6. 66. 1 is established beyond peradventure by the parallel 
in 6. 48. 22; equally certain is, that the metaphor which turns 
Agni in 4. 3. 10 into a *bull Prgni who milked his bright 
udder' is the work of a later poet who is unquestionably bend- 
ing to his purpose the very wording of a familiar mythological 
conceit, current in his time as kind of myj^tery (brahmodya) 
about Pr^ni. ; Cf. v. Bradke, Festymss an Both, p. 123; Olden- 
berg, Big 'Veda Noten. p. 268. 

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56 • Maurice Bloon^dd, [1911. 

6. 'In the maw of the biter' (upa sr&kvesu bipsatah). 

7. 55. 2 (Vasistlia; Prasvftpinyah [sc. yeah]) 
ykA. arjuna sarameya dat^h piganga yAchase, 

TiYa bhrajanta r^t^va upa srdkvesu h&psato ni su svapa. 

*Wlien, o white-brown Sarameya (dog), thou doest show thy 
teeth, then, as it were, spears shines in the maw of thee bit- 
ing — sleep thou deeply.' Cf. Pischel, Ved. Stud. ii. 55 ff; Foy, 
KZ. xxxiv. 257; Oldenberg, ZDMO. Ixi. 823. Pischel, p. 58, 
renders b&psatah here, erroneously and unnecessarily, by 'knur- 
rend,' though admitting *verzehi'end,' *fressend,' as the meaning 
of the word on p. 63. In this way he places out of accord the 
repeated p&da, iipa sralcvesu bdpsatahf in another stanza: 

8. 72. 15 (Haryata PrSgatha; to Agni, or Havi^ftiii Stutih) 
upa ardkvesu Mpsatah kr^vat^ dharu^aih divi, 

indre agna namah svah. 

Pischel, 1. c, p. 58, thinks this repetition an instructive example, 
calculated to show that the same words do not have the same 
sense everywhere. The same words, taken singly, of course 
not, tho even in this matter we may remember Bergaigne's 
warning against splitting up too much. But the same pSda, 
that is a more ticklish matter. My own, more extensive in- 
vestigations of repeated padas show that they have as a rule 
the same value, wherever they occur. He translates, p. 59: 
*Wenn ihn (die Presssteine) im Maule zermalmt haben, machen 
fiie ihn (that is. Soma) zum Tragepfciler am Himmel. Ver- 
ehrung sei Indra, Agni, Svar.' In the line of Pischel's own 
thought we could but translate: *They that eat him in their 
maws make (or build) support in heaven.' But I see no reason 
to take it for granted that hdpsatah are the Adrayahj or press- 
stones, because the verb in question is used of things other 
than the press-stones as well; see Pischel, ibid.,, p. 63; Aufrecht, 
KZ. xxxiv. 459. The subject of krnvat^ seems to be the same 
as that of the preceding stanza, 8. 72. 14, namely the sub- 
stances added to soma (mUk, &c.), of which it is there said 
that they know their own belongings as a calf its mother; 
that is, they know that they belong to soma: te jdnata svdm 
okydm sdm vatsdso nd mdtfbhih. The hymn 8. 72, as a whole, 
is obscure and mystically ritualistic, but it w^ill be safe to 
translate 8. 72. 15 verbally: *in the maw of consuming (soma) 
they (the ingredients of the soma mixture) create support in 

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Yol. xxxi.] Same Big -Veda Repetitions. 57 

heaven. To Indi-a, Agni obeisance, light.' Now in 9. 73. 1, 
it seems to me, we have the true parallel to the pftda, iipa 
8r6kvesu bapsatah in 8. 72. 15. The first hemistich of the 
former stanzas reads: sr&kve drapsdsya dhdfnatdh sdm asvarann 
rtdsya yond s&m aranta ndbhaydh. Grassmann, ii, 242, renders 
aptly, though not literally: 'Im Schlund des Tropfens, welcher 
g&hrt, in Opfers Schoos vereinten stromend jetzt verwandte 
Tranke sich.' One thing is certain, it is a question in this 
stanza, as well as in 8. 72. 14, 16, of soma and his admixtures 
(of. Grassmann's introductions to the two hymns); hdpsatdh as 

EiBiixA lA. 

In vol. 30, p. 369, line 14, read "refuge" for "refuse"; p. 366, 
foot-note 1, line 4, read "Vasistha" for "Vaslatha"; p. 371, 
note 1, line 2, read "dvlpas" for "dvipas"; p. 372, line 29, read 
"beside" for "besides"; and p. 372, line 33, read "Symplegades" 
for "simple edges". 

» For adrivah see the author, ZDMG. xlviii. 572. 

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^^ Maurice Bloon^W, [ion. 

pada &, indra tvdddtam id ydgah, appears in proper connection 
at 3. 40. 6<^. 

It is well to compare the translations of 3. 40. 6 with those 
of 1. 10. 7»»; they reveal extreme inconsistency in the render- 
ings of the repeated pada. Ludwig, 505: *lieder liebender, 
trink unsern saft, in madhustromen badest du; Indra, von dir 
wird diese herrlichkeit geerntet.' Grassmann, i. 86: *Den 
Liedern hold geniess den Trank, du wirst mit siissem Strom 
gesalbt. Von dir ist, Indra, Gluck geschenkt.' The repeated 
pada fits here perfectly: Indra bestows prosperity or glory in 
return for abundant soma. It requires no too great boldness 
to assume that the traditional Jfadhuchandas VaiQvamiti*a of 
1. 10. 7 borrowed the pada in question from the hymn of the 
traditional Vigvamitra of 3. 40. 6. Note that 1. 10. 7 shares 
another of its padas, namely, hinisva rddho adrivah with 
8. 64. 1. In this way, that is by regarding 1. 10. 7^ as an 
awkward interpolation, we are saved the necessity of regard- 
ing 1. 10. 7» as a separate sentence, and supplying a verb 
from the preceding stanza, as suggests Oldenberg, Rig -Veda 
Noten, p. 13. It is interesting to add that the extraneous 
character of 1. 10. 7^ was clear to Aufrecht's mind in the year 
1888 (see Festgriiss an Otto von BohtUngk, p. 2), tho he did 
not know that .the pada was borrowed, or, at least, repeated 

8. A new case of parenthesis. 

1. 124. 3 (Kakslvat Dairghataraasa; to Fsas) 
esa divo duhita praty adargi jyotir vdsana saraana purdstat, 
rtasya pdnthdm anv eti sadhu prajdnativa na digo mindti 

5. 80. 4 (Satyagravas Atreya; to Usas) 
e?d vyeni bhavati dvibarha aviskrnvaiia tanvam purdstat, 
rtasya pdnthdm dnv eti sddlnt prajdnativa nd digo mindtu 

We have not the means of deciding which of these two 
stanzas is entitled to priority. But one point is certain: the 
two padas of the repeated hemistich are so well knit together 
as to preclude their having been composed in the fii'st place 
separately: ^straight does she (the daughter of Heaven, TJsas) 
go along the path of rtd (divine law); as one who knows 
(the way) she does not miss the directions.' Now we find 
the pada, rtasya pdnthdm dnv emi sddhuyd (sddhuyd, neat 

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Vol. xxxi.] Some Big - Veda Repetitions. 59 

jagati variant for the tristubh cadence in sadhiC), in another 

10. 66. 13 (Vasukari;ia Vasukra; to the Vi^ve Devah) 
daivya h6tarft prathamd pur6hita ft&sya pdnthdm dnv emi 

k§etrasya p4tiia prativeijam Imahe yigvan devan amrtSLn ^pra- 


Ludwig, 228, tries the tour de force of translating the first 
two padas in one construction: *den beiden gottlichen hotar 
als den ersten purohita geh ich glucklich nach den weg der 
ordnung.' Grassmann, ii. 353, not unsimilarly, *Den gotter- 
priestern, als dem ersten Priesterpaar folg graden Wegs ich 
auf dem Pfad des rechten Werkes.' And again Bergaigne, 
iii. 241: *Je suis exactement les deux sacrificateurs divins, les 
premiers purohita sur le chemin du rta.'' I do not regard 
these translations as correct, first, because they impose a different 
meaning upon &nv emi in 10. 66. 13 from that of dnv eti in 
1. 124. 3; 5. 80. 4; secondly, because dnv + i does not govern 
two accusatives; cf. in addition 3. 12. 7 (where there are two 
verbs, {cpa prd yanti, and dnu yanti)\ 7. 44. 5; and 8. 12. 3. 
The facts are these: in 10. 66. 13 ridsya pdnthdm dnv emi 
sddhuyd is a parenthesis suggested by the ritualistic d&ivyd 
hotdrd prathamd purohita, who are stock figures in the seventh 
or eighth stanzas of the ajpr^-hymns: see 2. 3. 7; 3. 4. 7 == 3. 
7. 8; 10. 110. 7, and cf. of the more recent literature on the 
dpri^siikta^, Bergaigne, Eecherches sur VHistoire de la Liturgie 
Vedique, Journal Asiatique, 1889, pp. 13ff.; Oldenberg, 8BE. 
xlvi. p. 9. The stanza 10. 66. 13, therefore, is to be rendered: 
*We implore the two divine Hotar, the first Purohitas — ^straight 
do I go along by the path of the divine law (here the ritual- 
istic rtd, or sacrificial law) — we implore the Lord of the Field, 
our neighboui*, and all the immortal gods, the unfailing.' There 
can be no doubt that the repeated pada means about the 
same thing in all thi'ee places, and that the author of 10. 66. 
13 has borrowed it with loose and slightly secondary adaptation 
to the theme which he had in hand. 

g. Antithesis as a text-critical aid. 
1. 92. 11, and 1. 92. 12 (Gotama Rahugana; to Usas) 
vytirpvatl divo antan abodhy apa svdsaram sanutar yuyoti, 
praminati manusyd yugCini yosa jarasya cak§asa vi bhati. 

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60 Maurice JBloonifield, [1911. 

pagun Jik citri, subhagS prathand sindhur na k$6da urviyd vy 

dminati d&ivyani vratdni suryasya ceti ra^mibhir dr^ftna. 

The two repeated padas occur together in one stanza: 

1. 124. 2 (Kaksivat Dairghatamasa; to Usas) 
dminati ddivydtii vratdni praminati vmnusyd yugdni, 
xyimndm tipanid gdgvattudm dyatindm prathamosd vy ddydtit 

There can be no question but what 1. 124. 2 is the source of 
the repeated padas in 1. 92. 11 and 12. The antithesis between 
dminati and praminati, and tyushidm and dyatindm cannot 
but be intentional and primary. Note also the parallelism 
between dminati and dyatindm\ and praminati and lyti§tndm. 
On the other hand, we ought to allow lull weight to the really 
senseless non sequitur of the second hemistich in 1. 92. 11: 
•reducing the ages of men, the woman shines by the light of 
her paramour (the sun).' For the meaning of yugd *age,' L e. 
'period of time,' see Bfil Gangadhar Tilak, TJie Arctic Home 
in the Vedas, p. 176. The second hemistich of 1. 124. 2 recurs, 
with the yariants vibhdttndm for dyatindm, and agvdit for 
adydut (cf. agvdit in 1. 92. 11), in 1. 113. 15. The probability 
is that this stanza also is secondary, because vihhdtlndm 
disturbs the antithesis between lyusindm and dyatindnij and 
because the connection between its two hemistichs is sufficiently 

av4hantl posya varya^i citr4m ketuih kroute c^kitana, 
lytisindm upamd gdgvatlndm vibhdilndm pratham6§d vy dfvdU. 

Stanza 1. 124. 2 is the high-water mark of Vedic composition. 
The two antitheses dminati . . . praminati and lytmndm . . . dya- 
tindm mark as later imitations all repetitions that disturb this 
balance. The relation of the two pairs of antithetical words 
may be expressed in the proportion: dminati : dyatindm — pra- 
minati : iyufindm. Or by the diagram: 

dminati -- --^l^^amiwa^i 

lyufmdm : • - -dyatindm 

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Yol. xxxi.] Some Big 'Veda Repetitions. 61 

lo. A solecism. 

1. 8. 5 (Madhuchandas Vaigvamitra; to Indra) 
msihiii indrah par&g ca nu mahitv^m astu vajri^e, 
dydur n& prathind QCivah. 

*Great is Indra, aye more than great: may greatness be to 
him that wields the club, strength extensive as the sky/ Pada c 
is repeated in the following Valakhilya stanza: 

8. 66 (Val. 8). 1 (Praadhra Ka^va; Danastuti of Praskanva) 
pr^ti te dasyave],vrka radho adargy ^hrayam, 
dydur n& prathind gdvah. 

Ludwig, 1018: *0 Dasyave vrka! deine unerschSpfliche gabe 
zeigte sich, als fiille wie der himel an breite/ Grassmann, 
ii, 503: *E8 hat sich gezeigt, O Dasyavevrka, dein reichliches 
geschenk, wie der Himmel breitet sich dein Ruhm aus.' Since 
(dvah means neither 'fiille,' nor *ruhm,' the secondary application 
of the Valakhilya pada is clear. The use of the pada is a 
mere solecism in this connection. The words rddho dhrayam 
are best rendered by *gift that is not shabby.' 

II. From real to mystic. 

1. 22. 21 (Medhatithi Ka^va; to Vi?nu) 
tad viprdso vipanydvo jdgrvdnsah sdm indhate, 
visnor y&t param4ih pad^m. 

3, 10. 9 (Vigvamitra Gathina; to Agni) 
tdm tvd viprd vipanydvo jagrvdmah sdm indhate, 
havyavdham 4martyaih sahovrdham. 

The repeated first hemistich appears in primary application 
in 3. 10. 9: *The bards, skilled in song, on waking, have kind- 
led thee (Agni, fire).' The application of the same idea in 
1. 22. 21 is mystic: the bards kindle the highest stepping place 
of Visnu, the sun-fire at its zenith, the abode of the blessed. 
Cf. 1. 22. 20; 1. 154. 5; 10. 1. 3 &c., and Haiebrandt, Yedische 
Mythologie, i. 354. We may admire the ingenuity which enables 
the epigonal poet to express the thought that the inspired 
song of the poets kindles the light of the heavens, but the 
fact remains that he has adapted an ordinary sense motif 
effectively, yet mechanically, to his high idea. Without the 
former (3. 10. 9) we should have hardly had the latter. Cf. also 
Oldenberg, Rig -Veda Noten, p. 17. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

62 Maurice Bloort\tield, [1911. 

12. How an Indra line is turned into a Rudra line. 

3. 22. 7 (ViQvainitra; to Indra) 
yajama in namasa vrddhdm indram hrhaniam rsvdm aj&ram 

yasya priye mamatur yajniyasya na rodasi mahimanam mamate. 

6. 19. 2 (Bharadvaja; to India) 
indram eva dhisana satiiye dhad brhantam rsvam ajaram 

isalhena gavasa gui^uvansam sadyag cid yo vavrdhe 4sami. 

6. 49. 10 (Kjigvan Bliaradvaja; to Eudi-a) 
bhtivanasya pitaram glrbhii* abhl rudram diva vardhaya rudr&ra 

trhdntam rsvam ajaram suswmiam rdbag ghuvema kavlnesi- 


In the two Indra stanzas the pada, brhantam rsvam ajaram 
yuvanam, agi-eeing with indram, is altogether fit. Certainly 
ajaram yUvanam, 'youth that does not age,' with its obviously 
intentional implied antithesis, is a better sequence of words 
than ajaram siisumnam, * ageless and kind,' in the Eudra 
stanza. In adapting the pada to Eudra (Qiva) the need of 
mentioning his precarious kindness was sufficiently urgent to 
procure the chauge. Cf. his epithets mldhvds and givd; his 
hdsto mrlayCikuh in 2. 33. 7; and more dii-ectly such a passage 
as 2. 33. 1, d te pilar marutdm sumndm etu. See also 1. 43. 4 
and 2. 33. 6.— For 3. 32. 7^^^ gee Oldeuberg, Big -Veda Noten, 
p. 244; for dhisana in 6. 19. 2, Geldner, Fed. Stud, ii, 83. 

13. How a Rbhu line is addressed to the Press-stones. 

3. 60. 3 (ViQvamitra; to the Ebhus) 
indrasya sakhy^m ybhavah sam aua^ur manor n^pata ap4so 

saudhanvanaso amrtatvam erire vistvi ^amlbhih sukftah au- 

*The Rbhus have obtained the friendship of Indra; they, the 
children of Manu, the workei^, have bestirred themselves. The 
Saudhanvanas, laboring on (pious) tasks, have obtained im- 
mortality, tbey the pious workers, tlirough their pious work.' 
Cf. Ludwig. 164; Grassmann, i. 103: Bergaigne, L 69, note; 
ii. 403, 409, 412, 418; Ryder, Die Bbhtts im Rgveda, pp. 21, 

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Vol. xxxi.] Some Big - Veda Repetitions, 63 

22, 25, The foui-th pada is of the very essence of the Rbhu 
myth (see especially 4. 33. 4; 4. 35. 2, 7, 8); there can be no 
question as to its primary character. This pada, with a single, 
obviously ritualistic variant, appears again, to wit: 

10. 94. 2 (Ai-buda Kadraveya Sarpa; to the Press-Stones) 
ete vadanti ^at^vat sahasravad abhi krandanti h&ritebhir 

vistvi grdvdnah sukftah sukrtyaya hotuQ cit purve havir^dyam 


*They speak a hundredfold, a thousandfold, shout to us with 
their yellow mouth; the press-stones, laboring, they the pious 
workers, through their pious work, have come to the eating of 
the havis before even the Hotar.' Exact technical proof that 
the repeated pada is here modulated secondarily cannot be 
rendered, but I am, nevertheless, certain that of the two 
phrases vistvi gdrntbhih in 3. 60. 3, and vistvi grdvdnah in 
10. 94 2, the former is the mother; cf. vivesa . . . gdmibhih in 
5. 77. 4, and the interesting epithets of the Rbhus in their 
nivid, QQ. 8. 20, vistvi svapasah, and gamyd gamistlidJi. The 
expression sukftah stikrtyayd also belongs primarily to divine 
beings; secondarily to a ritualistic instrument like the press- 

14. Principal and relative clause as a criterion of relative 


1. 39. 6 (Kanva Ghaui-a; to the Maruts) 
upo r^thesu pf§atir ayugdhvam prdstir vahati rohitah, 
d vo yamaya prthivi cid agrod ablbhayanta manusah. 

*And ye have hitched the spotted mares to your chariot; a 
red stallion acts as leader. Even the earth hath listened at 
your approach, and men were frightened.' Cf. Ludwig, 675; 
Grassmann, ii. 43; Max Miiller, 8BE. xxxii. 97. The word 
pfsatlr which the translators render by * antelopes' means in 
fact 'spotted mares,' because the Maruts have the epithet 
pfsadagva. See Bergaigne ii. 378, and, very explicitly, Naighan- 
tuka ]. 15; Brhaddevata 4. 144 (catalog of the spans of the 
gods) where we have the express statement, prsatgo 'gvds tu 
marutdm. The word prdsti (pra + sti, like abhistij dpasti, and 
2)dristi) means literally * being in front,' * leading horse.' It is 
the analog of purogavd and Tpca-fivsj ^leading steer.' Both refer 

Digitized by LjOOQ IC 

64 Maurice JBloomfield, [1911. 

to what is known as a * spike-team/ or, 'unicorn.' To a team 
of two animals a third is hitched in front for better guidance. 
See the author in American Journal of Philology, xxix, 78ffl 

The p&da, prd§tir v&hati r6hitah^ is repeated in a closely 
related stanza to the Maruts: 

8. 7. 28 (Punarvatsa Ka^va; to the Maruts) 
yad e§am prsati r&the prastir vahati rdhitahj 
ydnti fubhrd riQdnn ap4^. 

*When the red stallion guides as a leading horse their speck- 
led mares at the chariot, then the bright Maruts approach 
and let the waters flow.' Subtly, and yet in a peculiarly 
certain way, this stanza is secondar}% directly patterned after 
1. 39. 6. The entire characteristic and imaginative description 
of the span of the Maruts in 8. 7. 28 is crowded incidentally, 
as it were, into a subordinate clause (note orthotone vdJiati in 
8. 7. 28; enclitic vahati in 1. 39. 6), whereas in 1. 39. 6 the 
description is the set theme of the first hemistich. I cannot 
doubt that this important bit of mythography was first stated 
in the explicit terms of 1. 39. 6, before it could be refeiTed 
to incidentally, yet in the very same words, in 8. 7. 28. 

15. Attraction to the Vocative. 

1. 30. 21 (Qunah^epa Ajigarti, alias Devarata; to U?as) 
vay&ih hi te amanmahy antad & parakdt, 
0^:1 e fid citre arusu 

4. 52. 2 (Vamadeva; to XJ§as) 
agveva citrdrusl mata gdvam rtavari, 
sakhabhud agvinor usiih. 

Bergaigne, La Syniaxe des Coinjjaraisons Vediques {Milanges 
Benier, p. 75flF.; especially, p, 77, note 1), and Pischel, Ved. 
Stiid. i. 91 S. have treated the phenomenon of case attraction 
in comparisons; they show that the primary word in a com- 
parison attracts to its own case-form the secondary, or simile 
word. On page 92 Pischel remarks that he has found scarcely 
more than one case of attraction to the vocative, namely, dgve 
ud citre ariisu But he lias failed to note the parallel, which 
puts the stamp of imitativeness upon 1. 30. 21. I do not 
wish to say that the vocative attraction in 1. 30. 21 violates 
any habit, notwithstanding its rareness, especially as Delbriick, 
AUindische Syntax cites, correctly, one more case from the 

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Vol. xxxi.] Some Big 'Veda Repetitions. 65 

fii'st book, 1. 57. 3. But of the two repeated padas, above, 
one must be the model, and that is 4. 52. 2, making it likely, 
after all, that the construction in 1. 30. 21 is for the nonce. 
We must not forget the cases in which the secondary or simile 
word is in the nominative, while the primary word is in the 
vocative, e.g., 1. 16. 5; 1. 36. 13; 7. 13. 3 &c. More precisely, 
therefore, o^ wd in 1. 30. 21, imitates agviva in 4. 52. 2. It 
is significant that all previous discussions of this vocative con- 
struction were without reference to the parallel nominative 
construction, tho the interdependence of the two is not to 
doubted, especially as the final cadence of both lines is irregular 
(v^ w *^ br^), and it is not to be supposed that two poets would 
happen upon the same metrical irregularity. 

i6. How a repeated pada may teach construction. 

6. 5. 1 (Bharadvaja Barhaspatya; to Agni) 
huve vah suntiih s4haso yuvanam ddroghavdcam inatibhir 

yk invati dravinani prdceta viQv^vara^i puruvaro adliruk. 

*I call -for you the son of might, the youth; him whose 
word is not false, the youngest (I call) with prayers, &c.' 

6. 22. 2 (Bharadvaja; to Indra); 
tjim u nah purve pitaro nc^vagvah saptji vipraso abhi vajayantah, 
naksaddabh^ih itaturiiii parvatestham adroghavdcani inatibhih 


The modulation of the repeated pada is interesting: yavistham 
for Agni (see Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 91); gdvistham 
for Indra. Qavasi is Indi'a's mother; see the author in ZDMQ. 
xlviii. 548, and cf. qdvisfha in Grassmann^s Lexicon. The word 
ddroghavdcam does not determine the prior phice of the repeated 
pada. Though Indra is depicted in the Brahraaipias as a good deal 
of a liar, still in the Rig-Veda this euphemistic epithet is assigned 
not only to him but also to Agni; see Bergaigne, iii. 181, 187, 
The value of the repeated pada lies in its dctinite settlement 
of |the meaning and .'government of jMtibhilj. Ludwig, 546, 
takes matibhih yavistham in 6,. 22. 2^ together in the sense of 
*gedankQnstarksten.' This is disproved by the [parallel words 
matibhir yavistham in 6. 5. l'*. This cannot mean *gedanken- 
jiingster.' Translate 6. 22. 2: *Him our Fathers of yore . . . (have 
called) with their prayers, him whose word is not false, the 
strongest.' Cf. Grassmann, i. 253, 

VOL. XXXI. Part I. 5 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

66 Maurice Bloomfield, [1911. 

17. How a repeated p&da may teach a point or two in 

4. 17. 3 (Vamadeva Gautama; to Indra) 
bhin^d girim ^avasa vajrani i8^ann avi^kynvanah sahasana ojah, 
vddhld vrtram v&jrem mandasdndh sarann apo javasa hat&vrsnih. 

*He cleft the mountain, hurling his club with might, mani- 
festing, exerting his strength. He hath slain Vrtra with his 
club, rejoicing; the waters flowed in haste as soon as their 
bull (master) had been slain.' The third pada is repeated 
with a change from the third person verb vadhid, to the first 
person verb vadhim in an imitative stanza: 

10. 28. 7 (Vasukrapatnl; to Indi'a) 
ev4 hi mam tavasaih jajiiur ugraih kdrman-karman vfi^anam 

indra devah, 
vddhlm vrtrdm vdjrena mandasand 'pa vraj4ih mahina da^tise vam. 

This stanza is, of course, put into the mouth of Indra. 
Ludwig, 970, in his note, suggests convincingly indradevah for 
indra devG}i\ Grassmann, ii. 515, also scents the difficulty at 
that spot. Translate: 'Thus they whose god is Indi*a (that 
is, the pious) knew me (Indra) to be a mighty and strong 
bull in every task: I have slain Vrtra with my club, rejoicing, 
with might I have opened the stable for the pious.' There 
can be no doubt that pada c with its precarious analogical 
vadhim (also 1. 165. 8) is a dii-ect copy of 4. 17. 3^ Tins is 
shown further by the nonce-formation vam in pada d which 
is again analogical. Grassmann naively explains it in his 
Lexicon, column 1321, as *aus varam,^ but it is a product of 
proportional analogy w^hich helps to fill in a smooth paradigm: 
vam, vah, vah. Both vadlwn and vam reflect the difficulty of 
stating secondarily the deeds of Indra in the first person, 
because they were originally conceived in the third person. We 
must note that vahj like vmm always stands at the end of a pada. 
The grammatical forms mentioned are peculiarly sound criteria 
for deteimining the relative chronology of the two stanzas. 

18. A truncated line, unchanged in meaning. 

1. 80. 10 (Gotama Kahugana; to Indra) 
indi'o vftrasya tavisliii nir ahan sahasa sahah, 
raahat tad asya paunsyaih vrtrdm jaghanvdh asrjad arcann anu 


Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] Some Rig - Veda Repetitions, 67 

This case is remarkable, because it is both definite and 
simple. The fourth pada fails to end in an iambic dipody, 
and its verb has no object. Ludwig, 460, translates diplomati- 
cally *als er den Vrtra getotet liess er fliessen;' Grassmann, 
ii 80, more fireely, *schlug Vrtra und ergoss die Fluth.' But 
the Rig- Veda tells in unmistakable language that the pada is 
the truncated torso of another pada, regular in its final cadence 
and the preceding anapaest, and duly furnished with that 
object which every reader of this Veda would supply anyhow, 
namely sindhun: 

4. 18. 7 (Samvada IndraditivamadevanSm) 
kim u svid asmai nivido bhanantendrasyavady&m didhisanta 

m^maitan putr6 mahata vadhena vrtrdm jaghanvdh asrjad vi 

4. 19. 8 (Vamadeva; to Indra) 
pui-vlr us^isah garadag ca gurtA vrlram jaghanvdh asrjad vi 

p^risthita atr^ad badbadbanah sira indrah sr^vitave prthivya. 
From these padas a later poet over-familiarly has extracted 
the short form to suit his metre. Cf. also Oldenberg, Rig* 
Veda Noten, p. 83, to RV. 1. 82. 2. 

ig. A line soldered together from two, and vastly changed 

in meaning. 

1. 142. 3 (Dirghatamas Aucathya; Aprl-stanza to Nara^ahsa) 
fiidh jpdvaJid Mbhuto madhva yajn&ih mimiksati, 
n4ra<;4nsah trir a divo devo devesu yajniyah. 

8. 13. 19 (Narada Kanva; to Indra) 
fltota ykt te A,nuvrata ukthany rtudhd dadhe, 
ftunh fdvakd licyate so ddbhtitaJh 

9. 24. 6 (Vigvamanas Vaiyagva; to Pavamana Soma) 
p&vasva vrtrahantamokthebhir anumadyah, 

({icih pdvako ddbhiitah. 

9. 24. 7 (The same) 
fitciA pavaM ucyate somah sutasya madhvah, 
devavlr agha^ansaha. 

Stanza 8. 13. 19 offers a remarkably convincing instance of 
secondary workmanship, both from the point of view of form 
and contents. As regards the form, 8. 13. 19^ is evidently 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

68 Maurice Bhomfield, [1911. 

pieced together; it consists in fact of two padas. so ddbhutah 
is the usual and secondary tetrasyllabic refrain pada which 
marks the artificial workmanship of 8. 13 throughout. The 
two parts of 8. 13. 19 « are derived respectively from 9. 24. 7 
and 9. 24. 6. As regards the meaning, the entire group of 
repeated pS^das shows that the expression, ({icih pdvaka ucyate 
$6 adbhutah, can be applied to a devoted poet (Uotd Anuvratah^ 
in pada 8. 13. 19*) only in a secondary, hyperbolic sense. 
The poet is said to be (ucyate) the possessor of the divine 
attributes, (udh pavalco ddbhutah] in reality he is no such a 
thing. If we press the point the poet who devotedly sings 
songs of praise that accompany the oblations of Soma assumes 
the attributes of Soma himself (9. 24. 6, 7). Aufrecht, in the 
Preface to his second edition of the Rig- Veda, p. xxxv, writes 
anent 8. 13. 19^=: *Wer? der stotr oder Indra? In dem Kopfe 
der Uebersetzer steigt keine Ahnung von einer Schwierigkeit 
auf. Die Attribute passen nur auf Agni odor Soma.' Sayana, 
indeed, whom some scholars still would fain regard as an 
authority, imposes the pada upon Indra. But the text is 
clearly otherwise, and its oddity is explained by its obvious 
secondary origin. 

20. A scooped out pada. 

1. 144. 7 (Dli-ghatamas Aucathya; to Agni) 
^gne ju§asva prati harya tad vaco mdndra svadhdva ftajdta 

yo vigvatah pratyann asi dargato ra^ivah samd^stau pitumdn 

iva ksayal^. 

*0 Agni, enjoy and delight in this song, lovely, blissful, 
rfa-begotten, highly intelligent (god), who art turned toward 
us on all sides, conspicuous, lovely to behold like a dwelling 
rich in food.' The second pada has a curious parallel: 

8. 74. 7 (Gopavana Atreya; to Agni) 
iyam te mivyasl matir agne adhayy asmad a, 
mdndra sUjdfa siihrato 'mtira dasmatithe. 

*This quite new song was furnished thee by us, O Agni^ 
lovely, well-born, highly intelligent, wise, wonderful guest.' 
The pada mdndra svjdta sulcrato = mdndra sv[ddhdva fta]jdta 
sukratOj and it seems to me likely that the longer pada is the 
original; note tlie anapaest after its caesura. The shorter 

Digitized by LjOOQ IC 

Vol. xxxi.] Some Rig 'Veda Repetitions. 69 

pada is the result of a sort of scooping out of the longer in 
the middle. Cf. the relation of aristah sdrva edhate, 1. 41. 2; 
8. 27. 16, to dristah sa marto vigva edhate, in 10. 63. 13. 
Their relation may be almost expressed in the formula dristah 
sa [mdrto vig]va edhate. Here, however, the shorter pada is 
the original, from which the metrically imperfect longer pada 
is derived bv additions which do not add to the sense. 

21. How one line begets two others. 

1. 1. 8 (Madhuchandas Y ai^vamitra ; to Agni) 
rdjantam adhvardndm gopam rtasya didivim, 
vardhamauaih sve dame. 

1. 45. 4 (Praska^va Ka^va; to Agni) 
m^hikerava iitaye priyamedha ahusata, 
rdjantam adhvardndm agnim (ukre^a goci^a. 

8. 8. 18 (Sadhvansa Kanva; to the A^vins) 
d vaih vigvabhii* utibhih priyamedha ahusata, 
rdjantdv adhvardndm kqyma, yamahutisu, 

1. 27. 1 (Qunah^epa Ajigarti; to Agni) 
kq\Sim na tva varavantam vandddhya agnhh namobhih, 
samrdjantam adhvardndm. 

The original form of the repeated pada is doubtless rdjantam 
adhvardndm, an Agni motif; cf. such expressions as, patir hy 
ddhvardndm agtie, in 1. 44. 9; or, {agnhh) netdram adhvardndm, 
in 10. 46. 4. Oldenberg, Prolegomena, p. 262, rightly regards 
the group of hymns ascribed to Praskanva (1. 44 — 50) as 
related to and prior to the Vatsa group (8. 6--11). The pada, 
rdjantdv adhvardtidm, as applied to the A^vins in 8. 8. 18, is 
obviously secondary in sense; it is equally clear that the trickily 
trochaic pada, samrdjantam adhvardndm in 1. 27. 1 is secondary 
both in form and sense. The chronological relation of the 
padas may be expressed as follows: 

rdjantam adhvardndm 

samrdjantam adhvardnam rdjantdv adhvardndm. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

The EGH Law in Philippine Languages. — By Cablos 
Everett Conant, Professor in the University of 

The attention of investigators in the field of Indonesian 
phonology was early attracted to the remarkable correspondence 
of r^g, h, and y seen in Toba and Malay urat: Tagalog ugdt: 
Dayak uhat: Lampong oya *vein, nei-ve, sinew'. 

The 'first formal statement of this varied representation of 
an originally single phonic element was made by the Dutch 
scholar H. N. van der Tuuk in what is known as the first 
van der Tuuk law, the phenomena of which have been further 
examined and classified by others, notably Brandes, Kern, 
Adriani, and Brandstetter. 

According to this law the IN^ parent speech possessed a 
certain consonantal sound which, being lost in some languages, 

» Abbreviations used in this paper: 






New Javanese 






Old Favor- 











Old Javanese 
































Duz on 















Singkan For- 






















* Bis. includes the three great Bisaya dialects, Cobuan, Panayan, and 
that of Samar and Leyte, except on pp. 83, ^4, and 85, where it includes 
only the first two named, the last being indicated by S.-Bis. 

Digitized by 


Vol. xxxi.] The RGH Law in Pldlippine Languages, 


like Old Javanese, became in others variously r, as in Toba, 
Karo, Cam, and Malay; </, as in Tagalog, Bisaya, Formosan, 
Ponosakan, and Chamorro; ft, as in Dayak, Sangii-, and Bulu; 
and y, as in Lampong, Gayo, and Pampanga. 

The following comparative table will illustrate the most 
natural operation of the law, that is, where the RGH consonant 
is intervocalic and hence least liable to the influence of second- 
ary phonetic laws. 















OFonn. ugat i Day. uhat 
Favor, oggach , Bulu ohad 
Tag. ugat Sang, ilia 
Bis. ugat I 
Mongd. ugat 
Chro. gugat \ 

Lamp, oya 
Gayo uycit 
Pamp. uyat 

lOJav. uwad 
INJav. uwat 
I Nias uwo 

Batan liyat | Sumb. uwa 

The languages of the OJav. type have developed a parasitic 
labial glide w between the two vowels thi'own together by the 
loss of the RGH consonant. Chro. gugat has an initial parasitic 
g, as m gunum *six'.i The phonetic changes seen in the other 
non-Philippine examples are due to the regular operation of 
secondary laws, and need not be detailed here. The Malagasi 
cognate uzaira shows z for RGH, as in Mlg. zahitra *raft', 
beside Mai. rakit, Bis. gdkit. This z is shown by Ferrand^ 
to have evolved from a spirant y in OMlg. In Mlg. vay, vey 
'burning coals', beside Mai. lara, Tag. Mga, this spirant seems 
to have coalesced with the Mlg. i, the frequent representative 
of IN a in final position. The RGH consonant in final 
position is lost in illg., as in several other IN speech gi'oups, 
e. g. Mlg. uhi, uhu 'tail', beside Mai. ikor, Toba iJiur, Bis. ikog. 
Further it also becomes r medially, e. g, illg. avaratra *North', 
beside Mai. harat, Tag. hahdgat, Bulu awahat Cam has r 
initially and medially, but drops the RGH consonant finally, 
with compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel ; e. g. 
Cam ratiih 'hundred', beside ]Mal. raius^ Bis, gaius] Cam bard 
'shoulder', beside Day. haJia, Toba ahara, Bis. abdga; Cam uld 

1 Compare my paper, Conso7iant changes and vowel harmony in 
ChamorrOj pub. in Anthro2)03 vol. v. 

' Essai de phonetique comparce du malais et des dialectes malgachesy 
Paris 1909, p. 106. 

Digitized by 


72 Carlos Everett Conant, [1911. 

'snake', beside Mai. tdar, Ibg. tilag, and Jav. uld, the Jav. 
showing the same loss and compensatory lengthening. Certain 
Phil, languages represent RGH by I (see below p. 73). 

The Philippine Islands* form the center of the speech ter- 
ritory in which the consonant of the RGH series appears 
as g. Hence it is customary to classify as belonging to the 
Philippine group, not only languages of that archipelago, but 
such other speech groups as show the g of that series. Among 
the non-Philippine languages of this category are the Duzon 
and Iranun of X. W. Borneo, the ^Singkan Formosan and the 
Favorlang of Formosa, the Pouosakan and Mongondou of 
North Celebes, and the Chamorro of the Marianas. The 
following examples will further illustrate the g languages in 
non-Philippine territory. 

Duz. wagas 'unhulled rice', Iran, hugas, Chro. pugas, beside 
Bis. bugcis, Mai. heras, Day. behas, 

Duz. waig *water', Iran, aig, beside Mgd. ig, OJav. er, Mai. 

Duz. gamut *root', beside Tag. gamut, Ilk. ramut, Tonsea 

Duz. niog *cocoanut', Chro. niyo(g), beside Tag. Bis. niug, 
Mai. nigur, 

SFoim. pagig *ray fish', beside Tag. Bis. pagij Mai. pari, 
Day. pahi, where SForm. pagig shows final parasitic g, as in 
wagiog * storm', beside Phil, bagyu, 

OFavor. tagga *blood\ Chro. haga, beside Ibg. ddga, Mai. 
and Cam darah, Bulu raha. The OFavor. iagga shows second- 
ary gemination of g, as in oggach (Tag. iigdt). and t for d, as 
in OFavor. tarran (Phil, dalan) *way'. Chro. haga has h 
regularly for initial d.^ 

Ponosakan and Mongondou dugi * thorn', beside Ibg. diigij 
Toba duri, Day. duJii, 

Ponos. goivii * night', beside Tag. Bis. gaVi and gabVi, Ilk. 
rabiH, Sang, hebbi, Nias owi. 

1 For the geograi)hy of the Philippine languages and dialects see 
Scheerer's sketch map in his work. The Bat an dialect as a tnember of 
the PhUippine group of languages, Div. of Eth. Pub. vol. v, part i, Manila 
1908, p. 17. 

2 See Coiiant, op. cif. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The RGH Law in Philippine Languages, 


Mongd. doiiog *hear', beside Bis. duhugj Mai. denar, Sang. 

In the three great languages, Tagalog, Bisaya (with its 
many dialect variations), and Bikol, together constituting the 
speech of seventy per cent of the entire population of the 
Philippine Islands, the RGH consonant invariably appears as 
g in all positions, initial, medial, and final. The same is true 
of Ibanag (North Luzon), Magindanau (South Mindanao), 
Sulu, and several other speech groups of minor importance. 
There are, however, a number of Philippine languages in 
which the RGH consonant develops other sounds, particularly 
r, I, and yj as exemplified by the following table, showing the 
consonant in question in initial, medial, and final position. 

G languages 





gamot *root' 

ugki *vein' 

ikog 'tail' 












(niug 'cocoj 




ikug [ni 









R languages 




(bibir *lip') 


(rohok *ril)') 



L languages 














82[d, w5d, uSd 



(darala *sii*l') 

(bibil 'lip') 

Y languages 








(itioi 'egg') 


(vabi *niffht') 

(buvas 'rice') 

(toloi 'sleep 

Remarks on the alwve table, — In the Ibanag examples gamu* 
and ug&* the final t has lost its original pronunciation, and, 
like the other surd stops k and jp, has become a mere glottal 
stop (hamza) in Ibg. when finnl. I write the original surd 

Digitized by 


74 Carlos Everett Conant, [1911. 

stop above the line, since it has its original value when sup- 
ported by a suffix, e. g. gamutdn. 

The intervocalic rr written by Bennasar> in his spelling of 
Tiinirai words, e. g, urrat 'vein', urrar 'snake', is simplified to 
r in this paper, since it is not a case of gemination, but is a 
trilled r which would regularly be represented in the Spanish 
orthography by rr when intervocalic. 

Tir. ro/io/f, beside Mai. rusiik^ Bis. Bgb. giisoh, has h for 
IX s, as in Tir. liJia 'nit', beside Tag. lis&. 

Tir. igor 'tail' shows g for IN h as in Tir. 9igeu 'elbow', 
beside Phil. sihi. 

The Kankanai uwat and Bontok odd, wad, Udd^ show 
secondary loss of intervocalic Z, the former with compensatoiy 
labial glide w, while the latter shows a tendency to reduce 
the initial o(m) to a labial semivowel, as appears fi-om the 
variant wad. 

The d of Inibaloi damot is also secondary for Inb. I, with 
which it interchanges. Cf. Inb. ulat and ikol, and see Scheerer, 
The Nabaloi Dialect, p. 102. 

Bagobo properly belongs to the g languages, as will appear 
below, ramot being one of the few anomalous examples of r 
representation of RGH to be found in that language. 

Ibg. niug is cognate with Mai. niyur^ Tag. niug\ and Ilk. 
hihir, Kalamian hihil 'lip', with Mai. hihir, Ibg. hibig, 

Kim. darala 'girl' is identical with Bis. daidga, a reduplicated 
form of Mai. dara, Mgd. laga, ra/a. 

For Btn. itioi, beside Tag. itliig, Mai. teltir, see below (p. 81). 
AVith Sambal ydbi compare Tag. gaVl and Ilk. rabVi, and 
with Sbl. bnyas and toJoi compare Bis. higds, Mai. beraSj and 
Bis. tulog, Mai. tidoVj Jav. ttiru. 

The r, Z, and y languages in detail, Unlike the Tagalog, 
or pure g type, the r, Z, and y languages show some irregular- 

^ Dlccionario Tinirat/'Eapafid^ Manila 1892, diud Ificcionario Espafiol- 
Tirurai/, Manila 1893. This rule (if Drthojrraphy is, however, not con- 
sistently adhered to by Bennasar, e. g. he writes hiarung 'a kind of tree' 
in his Observaciones Gramaticales sobre la Irngua Tirurat/, Manila 1892, 
p. 8, while the same word appears as bidn^ung in the Diccionario Tiruray- 

' The Bontok examples thruuirhout the paper are taken from Seiden- 
adel, The language npohcn by the Bontoc Igorot. ('hioago 1909, Open 
Court Pub. Co. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] TlieRGH Law in Philippine Languages, 


ities, their characteristic consonant often interchanging with g. 
They therefore require individual examination. 

The r languages. These are the Iloko, spoken on the N.W. 
coast of Luzon, and the Tirurai, spoken by a mountain tribe 
of South Mindanao. Bagobo, also spoken in South Mindanao, 
is very similar to Bisaya in many respects, and generally has 
g like that language. It is possible that the sporadic cases 
of the r representation in Bagobo may be due to the influence 
of some neighboring mountain dialects, or to Malay. The 
inconsistencies of its vocalism, doubtless due to the same in- 
fluence, have been pointed out in my paper on the pepet law.^ 
It will appear from the follovring comparative table that the 
interchange of r and g follows different norms in the two r 
languages, and that r is more persistent in Tir. than in Ilk. 
It will also appear that Bgb. is properly a g language, as 
above stated. 

Mai. rebah *to fall' 
Mai. rusuk *side' 
Mai. rakit *raft' 
Pamp. ayan 'light, quick' 
Toba abara 'Bhoulder' 
Mai. duri 'thorn' 
Toba uras 'to wash' 
Mai. bara 'hot coals' 
Mai. barat *west wind' 
Day. besoh 'satiated' 

Tlie vocalism of the first syllable of Ilk. rehld, Tir. rehdt 
gehd, Bgb. gobb&j Tag. gibd, and that of Ilk. bussug, Tir, besor, 
Bgb. bossog, Bkl. basog, is according to the pepet law, and the 
consonantal doubling in the Ilk. and B^b. examples, according 
to the law of gemination of a consonant following original 
pepet.2 Tir. has both rebd and geld with slightly different 
meanings, while Ilk. has only rebbd. and Tir. has g in gakit 
beside the Ilk. r of rdkit But in throe of the examples Tir. 





reba and geba gobba 

Tag. giba 




Bis. gi'isuk 



Ibg. gaki* 



Tag. ga'an 



Ibg. abaga 




Bkl. dugi 




Sulu hugas 




Bis. baga 

aba gat 


habagat Tag. habagat 




Bkl. basog 

* The Pepet Law in Fhillppijie languages^ to ai)pear in an early 
number of Anthropos^ to which journal it wts sent for publication several 
months ago. 

* Cf. Conant, P€j)et Lawj and Brandstetter, Wurzel und Wort in den 
Indonesischen Spracherij Luzcni 1910, p. 41, who has independently dis- 
covered the same law for Ilk. 

Digitized by 


76 Carlos Everett Conant, [1911. 

has r where Ilk, has only g, namely wardt urah{en), and besor. 
The h of Tir. rohok and uraJi(en) has been treated above 
(p. 75). 

An examination of the Iloko vocabulary reveals a large 
number of r:^^ variants. The following are selected from a 
long list: 

Ilk. ribak ^fi-agment of pottery', beside the later, but less com- 
mon gibak (Ibg.^f&a*); Ilk. bard *new', beside bdgo, in the sense 
of ^newcomer' (Mai. barUj Tag. bdgic); Ilk. dards *quick, prompt', 
beside dagos (Toba 'doras, Day ddhes, Tag. dag'ds); Ilk. bekkor 
'convex', beside bekkog 'concave'; Ilk. bibir (obsolete) 'lip', beside 
the modern bibig (Mai. bibir, Ibg. bibig). Ilk. girdi 'notch' 
shows this interchange by metathesis in the reduplicated rig- 
rigdyan 'thing notched, leaf with notched edge'. 

It appears from a study of all the material for Ilk. that 
the original representation of the RGrH series in that language 
was r unless disturbed by secondary laws. This r has been 
preserved in a large number of the most common words, e. g. 
rosok, ramiit, urdt, bdra, diiri, bus^j iiker. In other cases the 
r and g forms exist side by side, sometimes with different 
shades of meaning, as seen in the above examples, while in 
some cases the new g has entirely replaced the older r. Further- 
more some g words have crept in [from pure g languages, 
. chiefly Ibg. and Tag. 

The most striking difference between Ilk. and Tir. in the 
RGH representation is perhaps the treatment of the RGH 
consonant in final position. It is more commonly r in Tir., 
w^iile g prevails in Ilk., e. g. Tir. besor: Ilk. btissug of the 
above table; Tir. bew'er 'lip', beside Modern Ilk. bibig \ Tir. 
igor, beside Bis. ilctig; Tir. sawer 'scatter', beside Bis. 8&bwag] 
Tir. reer 'neck', beside Bis. Wog, Tag. Wig, Mai. leiher; Tir. 
urar 'snake'. Ilk. ideg. 

But for the g of this last Ilk. example, see below p. 77. 

As a general rule both languages have g when preceded by 
original pepet and followed by a non-pepet vowel; e. g. Tir, 
begds 'rice'. Ilk. bagds, Tag. bigds, Bis. bugds, Mai. beras, Toba 
boras, Day. behas ; Tir. tegds 'hard'. Ilk. sagdt (metathesis), Tag. 
tigds, Bkl. tagds, Bis. tugds, Bgb. tuggds, Mgd. tegds, Mai. teras, 
Toba turas; Tir. begat 'weight'. Tag. bigWt, Bis. bufdt, Toba 
biirat, Day. behat. Both languages have r between the two 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The BOH Law in Philippine Languages. 


pepet vowels in Tii\ feres *to press out', Ilk, pert es, 8und.peres, 
DsLj.peheSf S&ng.pehase, 

An examination of the vocabularies of these two languages 
during the preparation of the present paper has revealed the 
following special law for the liquids { and r: Iloko and Tirurai, 
like Toba and Dayak, do not admit both I and r in the same 

In Ilk. this is avoided by the g representation of RGH in 
words having an i; e, g, ideg * snake', beside Mai. ular. In 
Tir. it is avoided either in the same way, e. g, Tir. and Ilk. 
l&yag 'sail', beside Mai. layar, or, and this is by far the more 
common, by an assimilation of liquids in which the r of the 
RGH series generally assimilates the neighboring J, e. g. Tir. 
urar (Mai. ular), as is regularly the case in Toba and Day., 
e. g, Toba, Day. rayar, beside Mai. Sund. layar, Tag. Bis. Ibg. 
layag. But exceptionally the RGH r is assimilated to the 
neighboring Z, e. g. Tir. lilei *post' (Tag. haligi^ Mai. diVi), 
where the Tir. I of the RLD series prevails. The following 
tabulation will show at a glance how the law affects the two 



j Other languages 

layag *sair 

1 Mai. Sund. Ach. layar, Toba, Day.rayar, 

Tag. Bis. Bkl. Ibg. Bgb. Sulu layag 

btilig 'bunch of 


Ma], bulir, Toba burir, Bis. Bkl. bulig 


ribuk *roil, disturb, 


Mai. lebur, OJav. labQ, Mak. laboro', 



, Mgd. lebug, lebuk, Bis. lubiig, 
Bgb. lobbog, Pamp. labug 

uleg 'snake' 


Mai. ular, OJav. Cam ula, Mak. ulara', 
Toba uluk, Paug. ulog 

rarei 'run' 

Mai. Mak. Bug. lari, Mgd. Bgb. lagiii, 
Bis. Bkl. lagiu 

reer 'neck' 

j Mai. leiher, Saug. lehe, Kuyunun 
; lieg, Bis. Bkl. Sulu li'ug, 
Ibg. Mgd. lig, Bgb. alig 

arigi or 


' Mai. (ber)diri, Day. jihi, Sang, dihi, 

adigi 'post' 

Bulu arihi, Tag. Bis. haligi, S.-Bis. 
■ Bkl. harigi, Mlg. andri 

1 As the question whether IN roots are to be regarded as dissyllabic 
or monosyllabic has not yet been settled, I employ the convenient term 
Grrundwort following the terminology of Bi'andstetter, Wurzel und Wort^ 
p. 3 et passim. 

Digitized by 



Carlos Everett Conant^ 


For further I assimilation in Tir., compare Tir. lual 'except', 
Mai. Sund. luar 'outside'. The r prevails in the Ilk. cognate 
rua?', in which it agrees with Toba, Day. riiar. Compare also 
Til*. lalan(en) 'prohibit', beside Mai. Sund. Mak. laran, Toba, 
Day. rarah, Sulu Idu (for *lalah). 

The g of Ilk. Tir. layag may also be explained as a case 
of stereotyped Phil, g to be treated below (p. 82). The surd 
k replaces the sonant g in final position in Ilk. ribuJc. This 
wavering between final sui'ds and sonants is not uncommon, 
not only in this language, but elsewhere in the Philippines 
and in Chamorro.^ It is possible that Tii\ bulik *a kind of 
wild banana' is to be connected with Ilk. hidig, in which case 
we should have, instead of the regular Tir. assimilation, an 
example of final RGH g becoming k just as in Tir. rihuk; 
cf, also Tir. tanuk 'sound', beside Mgd. tanuk, Tag. tunog. Pang. 

The I languages. In Kalamian (North Palawan), Pangasinan, 
and the related Igorot dialects Inibaloi, Kankanai, and Bontok, 
the RGH consonant appears regularly as ?, exceptionally as g, 
which sometimes becomes the surd k. The I of these languages 
is considerably more constant than the r of the r languages, 
as will appear from the following table and the additional 
examples given below. 






G languages 

lamot 'root' 





Bis. gamut 

labiis 'night' 
kabala 'shoulder' 





Tag. gab'i 
Ibg. abag& 

bibil 'lip' 
teual 'voice' 

ulat 'vein' 






Bgb. ugat 
Bis. bil)ig 
Bkl. tanog 

The Inb. secondary d for I in damot and awada, and the 
loss of intervocalic I in Bon. odd are explained above (p. 5). 

Kim. kabala has an initial parasitic k as in kolo 'head', 
beside IX ulu. This k may also appear medially, as in takon 

1 Cf. Conant, Consonant changes and vowel harmony in Cliamorro. 

* Corrected spelling for the Span, orthography lavii of Father Jero- 
nimo de la Virgen de Monaerrate in his Yocabidario Castellano-CalamianOy 
pub. by Retana in the Archivo del BiUiofilo Filipino, vol. ii, Madrid 189H. 
On this spelling and the whole subject of Span, confuniou of 6, v, and u, 
^ee my F and V in Philippifie languages, p. 2, note. 

Digitized by 


Vol. xxxi.] The BOH Law in Philippine Langiuigcs. 79 

*yeai'', beside Tag. to* on, and finally, as in polok 'ten', beside 
Bis. pulo, and generally, perhaps always, stands in the place 
of the glottal stop (hamza). 

As the r languages avoid the concurrence of I and r in the 
same word, so the I languages do not allow two Ts in the 
same word when such would be the result of the I represen- 
tation of RGH. In such cases BGH generally appears as g, 
e. g. Pang, idig *snake', Ibn. ideg, Knk. eweg, Bon. utviig, beside 
Mai. ular, Tir. iirar, the Knk. and Bon. examples showing 
regular loss of inten^ocalic I (see above, p. 74); Kim. and Pang. 
Hog 'river', beside Tag. ilog, Mai. dlur. 

The correspondence of Kim. kilog *egg' with its Pang, 
cognate iknol (Tag. Bis. Ilk. itlitg, Mai. telor) is interesting as 
showing the different evolution in the two languages of the 
RGH consonant in the same word with an original /. In 
Kim. kUog BGH appears as g and the original I remains un- 
changed, while the slightly pronounced t of Fhil.itlug degenerates 
to hamza, which shifts, as often in Kim., to the other side of 
the vowel i and there appears regularly as k (see above). In 
Pang, iknol, the BGH consonant persists as Z, and by a dis- 
similation of liquids the original I becomes w, to which the t 
is then partially assimilated, becoming k. Precisely the same 
evolution as to liquids is seen in Pang, monil *bunch of bananas' 
(Bis. hiilig, etc. See table p. 77). In this example, furthermore, 
the n produced by dissimilation acts in tui'n on the initial 
labial sonant stop 6, changing it by partial assimilation to the 
labial nasal m. In Kim. the persistence of final I of the BGH 
series in a word beginning with an original I is shown by 
dikel *neck', beside Tag. Wig, Bis. IVug, Mai. leiher, Tir. r'eer. 
Here the repetition of I is avoided by changing the original 
initial I to its corresponding sonant stoj) d. The vocalism of 
the last syllable follows the pepet law, and the ])arasitic k 
takes the place of the hamza seen in the Tag. and Bis. 

While the r languages generally have g for BGH when 
this is preceded by a pepet vowel and followed by any other 
vowel, Pang, shows I under the same circumstances, e. //. Pang. 
belds *hulled 'rice\ beside Tir. hegds, Ilk. hagds\ Pang, heldt 
'weight', beside Tir. begat. 

The material at hand for tjie other I languages is not suffi- 
cient to permit of classification in this particular. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

80 Carlos Everett Conant, [1911. 

Pang, also shows { as the first element of a consonantal 
group following any vowel, e.(j. Pang. %d8& 'deer', beside Ilk. 
ugsa, Toba ursa,, Mai. ru8a\ Pang, belwis *alzar 6 coger lo que 
esta dentro del agua', Tag. bigwds *tirar el anzuelo'; Pang. 
peUd *boil, carbuncle', Tag. pigsdj Bis. Bgb. pugsd. The last 
two examples have pepet vocalism of the penult. The exceptional 
g of Pang, begsdi * paddle', beside Pamp. hagsdi, Bis. Sulu 
biigsai, Bgb. htigse, Chro. pogsai, is probably to be explained 
as a case of stereotyped g (see below, p. 82). 

The y languages. As in Gayo and Lampong, the RGH 
consonant appears as y in the Phil, languages, Pampanga, 
Batan, and Sambal, where it also appears exceptionaUy as g, 
though most of the exceptions may here be referred to the 
stereotyped class. The regular representation for Pamp. and 
Btn. is shown by the following examples: 

Pamp. uydt *vein', Btn. iiyat, Gayo uyot, Lamp, oya^ Tag. 
uydt^ Day. uhaJt. 

Pamp. ddya 'blood', Btn. rayd^ Ibg. daga^ Ghi-o. liaga^ Day. 
da/ia. Pang, dald, Ilk. Tir. ddra, Cam, Mai. darah. 

Pamp. ^jaydu (modern payo) 'hoarse', Gayo payOj Mai. Hk. 
parau, Tag. pagan, Day. pehau, 

Pamp. yamiit 'jroot', Btn. yamot, Tag. gamut, Pang. Klra. 
lamot, Ilk. ramut, Tonsea amut 

Btn. itioi 'egg'. Lamp, tehii, [Mai. telor, Bgb. toUog, Tag. 

Pamp. iki 'tail', Lamp, ikui, Gayo uici, Mai. ikor, Toba ihur, 
Tir. igor, Pang, ikol, Tag. Bis. ikog, Day. ikoh, OJav. Cam ii^w, 
5Ilg. ttfci, zJiM. f 

When final, the y becomes i and coalesces with a preced- 
ing i in both Pamp. and Btn., as in Btn. bibi 'lip', Ibg. bibig, 
Mai. bibir; Pamp. bidi 'cluster of bananas'. Bis. bulig, Mai. bidir, 
Jav. tuuli, Mlg. villi, btili. With a preceding a it forms the 
diphthong ai in both languages, as it does in. Lampong, e. g. 
Pamj). tikcU 'reed-mace, cattail', Bis. Bkl. tikog, Ilk. tiker, Mai. 
tikar, Mlg. tsihi, tihi, ^hi (the examples showing regular pepet 
vocalism of tlio ultima); Btn. vudcii, huddi^ 'snake', Lamp. tUai, 

1 The Batan word may now be included under Brandstetter's Variation S 
under Schlayige, {Mata-Hari^ p. 34), since the only difficulty it presents 
is the prefixed v or b, which can easily be explained as an initial parasitic 
labial glide before the labial vowel «. In fact it is j»rononnced muchi 
like the Span, b in bullir. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The ROH Law in Philippine Languages, 81 

Ibg. ulag, Pang. iHeg, Mai. ular (pepet in ultima). With a 
preceding o (u) the i (<j/) forms the diphthong oi (ui) in Btn. 
as in Lamp., e. g. Btn. itioi *egg', Lamp. iehii\ Btn. fcwsoi *enemy\ 
Hk. hiisor^ Pang, ttisol. In Pamp. the final diphthong oi {ui) 
thus formed contracts to i, e. ^r. Pamp. iki 'tail' (but Lamp, 
ifcm*). Other examples for Pamp. are &pi 'lime', Tag. &pog\ 
Pamp. atni 'sound', Tag. Bis. tiindg, Bkl. tanog, Ibg. tanniig, 
Pang, tandl (pepet in penult); Pamp. absi 'sated', Tag. Bis. 
husog^ Bkl. haadg^ Ilk. btissug, Bgb. bo^^o^r, Ibg. battug, Tii*. 
fee^or, Day. fte^oA (pepet in penult). The Pamp. examples 
atnl and absi show a very common characteristic of Pamp. 
pointed out in a previous paper,* namely, the metathesis of 
initial consonant + vowel. 

In Pamp. RQ-H regularly appears as y when preceded by 
a pepet vowel, whatever be the character of the following 
vowel, e. g. Pamp. Myat 'weight', Pang. hMt, Tir. hegat\ Pamp. 
abyas 'rice', Tang, hel&s^ Ilk. hag&s, Tir. beg&s\ Pamp. asyad 
'sting (of insect)', Tir. seged^ Tag. sigid, Bkl. Bis. sxigud (pepet 
in both syllables). 

The material for Sambal is meager, but sufficient to enable 
us to classify that language here: SbL ySbi *night'. Tag. gabH, 
Pang. Ubi^ etc.; Sbl. biiyas, buy a 'rice', Tag. bigas, etc; Sbl. 
rayOf Idyo 'run', Bis. Bkl. Icyiu, etc.; Sbl. tdoi 'sleep', Tag. 
tidog, Mai. tidor, Day. tiroh, illg. turi, turu. It appears from 
the last example that final y is treated in Sbl. as in Btn. and 

In Pamp. RGH frequently appears as g, but more often in 
final position than] initially orj medially, e. g. Pamp. gatiis 
*hundred thousand', but Btn. yaius 'hundi*ed', Mai. ratus', Pamp. 
db&gat 'west wind'. Pang, abaldten, Bulu awahat; Pamp. sagdp 
to skim', Tag. sagip, Toba sarop^ Mai. sarap, Day. sdhep 
(pepet in ultima); Pamp. ilitg 'river'. Tag. Hog, Mai. alur; 
Pamp. amdg or amig 'dew of morning', Tag. hamog, Ilk. dtnory 
Pang. amol. The g of these examples is anomalous, and an 
explanation of its irregular appearance in place of the natural 
y is impossible at this stage of our investigation, as is the 
case with many ^'s of the RGrH series in the r and I languages. 
Pamp. gatHs is probably to be explained as a boiTowed word 
originally taken into the language with the meaning of an 

» Fepet Law. 

VOL. XXXI. Part I. (J 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

82 Carlos Everett Conant, [191 1. 

indefinitely large number, just as in Tag., where "the same 
word means million according to the dictionai-y of Noceda 
and Sanlucar. 'Hundi-ed' is dalan in Pamp. {limah dalan 
*five hundred'), and the same word in Tag. daan, with secondary 
Tag. loss of intervocalic l. It is quite possible that Pamp. 
Hug and sag&p are cases of stereotyped Phil, g, but dbagat 
and amog, together with a considerable number of other g 
examples of unmistakable RGH origin, remain to be explained. 
On the other hand, the RGrH g is doubtless rare in Btn. 
The available material for that language is not copious, and 
I have noted but one certain example in point, namely, Btn. 
agsa *deer', beside Ilk. wysd. Pang, ulsd, Toba ursa, Mai. rt*5a. 
The g frequently seen in Rodriguez's Catedsmo corresponding 
to IN J, e. g. Btn. ogo 'head', beside IN mJw, is replaced by 
the modern h (Span, orthography j)^ and is the regular treat- 
ment of IN I in that language. Sambal has Uug 'river' (Mai. 
altir)^ but shows the regular y in ioloi 'sleep,' where Pamp. 
{tulug) and the r and { languages show persistently g, which 
in the last two types may be due to the laws of liquids (see 
above, pp. 77, 79). 

The three-fold origin of the Philippine g. The p's of the 
Phil, languages may be divided into three classes according to 
their origin, namely original g^ the g of the RGrH series, and 
that of the RLD series. 

In a considerable number of words g persists uniformly in 
the languages of the archipelago unless affected by some second- 
ary law. In order to detennine whether the g in such cases 
is original or belongs to the RGrH series, comparison must be 
made with material from other IN languages. Thus the word 
for 'rayfish' is pdgi in Tag. Bis. Bkl. Mgd. Ibg. Pamp. Pang. 
Ilk., and fagi in Tir., where / is regular for IN p >, and it is 
only by comparison with the non-Philippine cognates Mai. 
Sund. pari. Day. pahi, that the g of the Phil, words is shown 
to be of RGrH origin. We have here what may be termed a 
stereotyped Phil, g of the RGrH series. 

On the other hand, the g of Tag. Mgd. Sulu, Pamp. Pang. 

1 Conant, F and V in Philippine languages, Division of Ethnology 
Publications, vol. v, part ii, Manila 1908, trans, into Japanese by Mr. 
K. Torii, Jourml A^ithrop, Sor. of Tokyo, vol. xxiv, No. 283, TakyO, 
Oct. 1909. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxij The BOH Law in Philippine Languages. 


lugi 'loss' is original, as evidenced by Mai. Jav. Sund. Toba, 
]Mak. Bug. Day. rugi. Other examples of original g are Tag. 
Pamp. Tir. Bgb. Mai. Jav. Sund. Toba, Day. dagah *trade, 
merchant', and Mgd. Mai. Jav. Sund. Day. getas *cut (as 
string)', Toba gotaSj Bis. gutas, Hk. gess&t (metathesis and 
gemination), Pamp. agtda (metathesis), Ibg. gatta*, these last 
cognates showing regular pepet vocalism of the penult. 

Some words show one stereotyped form running through 
one group of Phil, languages while a stereotyped variant 
appears in another. An example in point is the IN word 
for 'indigo', which shows a medial EGH consonant in Mai. 
Sund. Cam tarum (cf. Bahnar trtimf Khmer trom), Mak. tarun, 
Day. tahun, Jav. <(ww, while Toba has tayum where we should 
expect *tarum according to the RGH law. Now the Luzon 
languages Tag. Pamp. Pang. Ilk. have tdytcm following the Toba 
variant, while the languages of the southern Philippines, Bis. 
Bkl. Bgb. Mgd., have tagum following the RGH type. Further 
investigation of such variants would doubtless throw additional 
light upon the history of Malayan migrations to the Philip- 

Pang. Ilk. and Ibg., like the non-Philippine languages Toba, 
Karo, and Mentawai, have also a g representing the consonant 
of the ELD series. ^ This correspondence is shown by the 
following comparative table. 



Jav. pari 

Sund. pare 

Mak. pare 

Day. parai 

Tir. farei 

Bkl. parol 

S.-BiB. parai 

Btn. par&i 

'rice (unhulled)' 

Tag. palai t 

Pamp. palai 

Sulu pfii (<*palai) I 

Mai. padi i Karo page 
Cam padai ! Toba page 
Mkb. padi 

Pang, pagei 
Ilk. pagai 

» This g has been pointed out for Ibg. and the non-Phil, languages 
by Kern, Taalvergelijkende verhandeling over het Aneityumsch, met een 
Aanhangsd over het klankstelsel van het Eromangay Amsterdam, 1906, 
p. 11, et passim, and by Brandstetter, Frodromus zu einem vei-gleichenden 
Worterlmch der malaio-polynesischen Sprachen, Luzt'i-u 1906, p. 61 ; Mata- 
Hari, Luzem, 1908, pp. 22, 26. 


Digitized by 



Carlos Everett ConanU 






'how much?* 





Mentw. piga 







Tag. ila 



Pamp. pila 

Pang, piga 



Bis. pila 



A[gd. pila 

Ibg. piga 



Sulu pila 




Mad. elon 



Karo iguii 





Toba igun 





Mlg. urun, uruna 











Tag. ilon 



Ilk. agon 


airun, Airuii 




Ibg. igun 



' Bis. ilon 



Sulu ilon 




Further examples of this conspicuous g in Pang. Ilk. and 
Ibg. are the following: 

Pang. Ilk. Ibg. mag& *dry', beside Tag. Pamp. Bis. inal6^ 
Bkl. S.-Bis. mara. 

Pang. Ibg. lagd^ Ilk. laga *weave matting', beside Tag. Pamp. 
Bis. ZcUa, S.-Bis. Idra, Bkl. rara^ where Bkl. assimilates the 
original initial I to the r of the RLD series. 

Pang. Ilk. Ibg. sigi *thiow grain into sieve', beside Tag. 
Pamp. sill, Mgd. siri. 

Pang. Ilk. $uga *thorn', Ibg. iuga^ Toba suga^ beside Tag. 
Bis. sida^ Mai. suda. 

Pang, sogod *comb', Ilk. siigud, Ibg. tufjiid^ beside Bis. sidod^ 
Tir. Bkl. S.-Bis. sunid, Mgd. surut 

Ilk. ag^k *sniff', Ibg. agd^, beside Tag. halilc, Mgd. alek, Bis. 
halok, S.-Bis. hardk, Tir. Arelc, Bkl. Bgb. hadoh This last 
example shows regular pepet vocalism of the ultima throughout. 

In Pang, an interesting exception to this g representation 
of an intervocalic RLD consonant is to be noted. By a special 
law of Pang, and its related Igorot dialects, an intervocalic 

Digitized by 


Vol. xxxi.] The BOH Law in Philippine Languages. 85 

consonant of the ELD series does not become g in sl Orund- 
wort whose initial or final consonant is the velar nasal n. In 
Pang, the ELD consonant becomes a liquid, I or r, in such 
words, while Hk. and Ibg. show the regular g. This is illustrated 
by the following examples. 

Pang, elm *nose', Knk. eUn, Bon. ileii, Inb. idofi, but Ilk. 
agon, Ibg. igiin, Karo and Toba iguh, beside Jav. irun, Tag. 
Hon, 6am iduii, etc. (see table p. 84). 

Pang, orln * charcoal', Inb. Bon. idin, but Ilk. 6gin, Ibg. 
tigin, beside Tag. Bis. Pamp. Mgd. tdih, Bgb. iirin. 

Pang, nardn 'name', Inb. Knk. ndran, Bon. nddan, nddan, 
but Dk. ndgan, Ibg. iiagan, beside Tag. Bis. Mgd. ndlaw, Bkl. 
S.-Bi8. wdran, Kuyunon aran, Isinai iiaron, Bgb. iiadan, Cha- 
morro naan, Jav. iiaran, Mlg. awaraw, anaran, anarand. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

The ^' Field of Abram" in the Oeographical List of 
Shoshenq L — By M. G. Kyle, Professor Biblical 
Archaeology, Xenia Theological Seminary. 

Thb Palestinian list of Shoshenq I on the South wall of 
the Temple of Kamak is one of the best known of Egyptian 
inscriptions, having been published by Rosellini {Monume^iti 
Storici, 148), Champollion (Notices Mantiscrites, ii. 113), Lepsius 
(Denkmdler, iii. 252), and Brugsch {Oeographische Inschrifien^ 
ii), though never completely by any of them. Prof. Masp^ro 
has given (Becueil de Travaux^ vii. 100) selections from the 
list designed to assist [and correct an understanding of Cham- 
poUion's text, and Prof. W. Max Miiller has [rendered the same 
service to all the previous publications [and also added a few 
names never before published in jhis Egyptdogical Researches 
for Hie Carnegie Institute, pp. 51 — 54, plates 75 — 87. 

Many names in the inscription are destroyed and so lost 
absolutely, unless a duplicate list be somewhere preserved for 
future discovery. All the names fully remaining are easily 
legible, but owing to the facts that some hieroglyphic signs 
have more than one phonetic value, that, of others, the phonetic 
value is uncertain, and [that the exact equivalency between 
Semitic and Egyptian characters has never been completely 
made out, the transliteration of these names is difficult and 
in a large number [of them yet uncertain, and even if trans- 
literated correctly, the identification of the names either with 
classical or with biblical names and still more with modern 
names is very problematical; and the task is rendered complex, 
not only by reason of the phonetic problems, but by reason 
of the additional fact that the ancient scribe was considerably 
puzzled over some phonetic and linguistic problems of his 
own. Some of these problems arose from his ignorance of the 
Palestinian tongues, some from the list which he copied not 
being always in exact Greographical order and probably, as 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The ''Fidd ofAbram^^ in the Geographical List, &c, 87 

Miiller thinks, written in Phoenician script. There will be 
room for a long time to come for additional identifications 
and for the correcting of mistakes. 

A recent identification of names 71 and 72 as "The Field 
of Abram" drawing 71 to 72 and making one name there-of, 
it is proposed in this paper briefly to examine, as probably 
one of the mistakes to be corrected. We will proceed by the 
simple method of bringing before us by the aid of the black- 
board as clearly as possible, all the epigraphical evidence for 
the various renderings which have been given to the signs on 
these two shields, that we may be able to estimate correctly 
the value of this new identification, which is put out in recent 
times by Prof. Spiegelberg (Aeffyptohgische Randglossen, 1904, 
p. 14) and in popular form by Prof. James Henry Breasted. 
Whether either of these scholars be indebted to the other or 
whether each worked independently, I do not know. 

The text placed on the board is that of Prof. Miiller. With 
this text in hand, I made a careful examination of the in- 
scription at Karnak in 1908 and found it copied with that 
scholar's accustomed accuracy. The list here as published is 
absolutely correct, not even minute typographical errors, as so 
often in published texts, have crept in here. 

Prof. Breasted, who now brings forward the identification 
"The Field of Abram," {A History of Egypt, 1905, p. 530, 
Ancient Records, 1906, pp. 352 — 353) does not give there-with 
his copy of the text, but only the transliteration and identifi- 
cation. It is thus impossible to say whether or not his text 
agreed with any of the other published copies of the text. If 
his text differed fi'om Miiller's, then he used an incorrect text, 
which in most cases would set aside the identification altogether. 
If his text agreed with Miiller's, then this transliteration and 
identification is to be discussed. 

The identification, "The Field of Abram," is a very interest- 
ing one and, if correct, will be welcomed by every one, but 
before critics and theologians shall build too many theories 
there-upon, it is well to understand the exceeding, not to say 
insuperable, difficulties which lie in the way of the identification. 

(1) The inscription on shield number 71 needs but little 
discussion. Egyptologists differ somewhat about the correct 
transliteration. Miiller prefers "Pa Hekla" which follows 
exactly the text, always a good way, while Breasted changes 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

88 if. 0. Kyle, [1911. 

the final vowel to "u," Semitic "1." But it is generally agreed 
that the whole expression is a Canaanite word with the definite 
article, the article being translated into Egyptian, and means 
"The field" here in a relation to what follows similar to the 
construct state. 

(2) The relation between the inscription on shield 71 and 
that on shield 72 is of the utmost importance. In the identifi- 
cation, "The Field of Abram," 71 is carried over to 72 and 
made a part of the name. This is impossible; a proper name 
would not have the article, which the scribe here does not 
transliterate as though he supposed it could be a part of the 
name, but translates into the Egyptian definite article; besides, 
this same combination of "Field," or "Fields," with a following 
name occurs in the inscription of Shoshenq I, as it still remains, 
eight times (Nos. 68, 71, 77, 87, 94, 96, 101, 107), an examination 
of which makes very evident that this is the Egyptian way of 
representing the Palestinian expression found so often in the 
Bible, "The viUages of," and that "Hekla" means "vicinity," 
"neighbourhood" or "community" and in the plural, as 107, 
"Environs" or "villages." Thus the name following "Pa Hekla," 
in this case identified as "Abram," stands alone. No such 
complex name as "the Field of Abram" was intended. 

(3) But is the name on shield 72 Abram? This is the 
question of greatest moment. No special importance attaches 
to this shield at all except for this question. A detailed 
analysis of the name gives the following: 

(a) The fii*st sign "izn, the canal," as a syllabic stands for 
"mer." This syllable "mer" occurs with great frequency in 
proper names, especially of Egyptian kings, where it is represented 

sometimes by "izn, the canal" and sometimes by "p, the hoe." 

That these two signs were always, in these names, interchange- 
able is not quite certain, but that in the New Empire, from 
which this inscription comes, they were interchangeable, is 
certain. "Mer" is used in at least twenty seven of the royal 
names, as Mer-pa-ba, Mer-em-ptah, and various names com- 
pounded with the phrase "meri-amon, loved of amon." In 
some sixteen of these twenty seven "nzr, the canal" is used, 
beginning with Ramses II and including Shoshenq I, for whom 
this inscription under discussion was made. So, if this sign 
on shield 72 be intended for "mer," it would be the perfectly 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Tol. xxxi.] The ''Fidd ofAbram " in the Oeographical List, &c. 89 

natural and proper and to-be-expected use of it, and the 
probability that it should be so transliterated is very great 
Moreover, a Semitic name from Palestine beginning with the 
syllable "mer" is quite to be expected also, as there are twelve 
Bible names (aside from some Persian and other foreign names), 
beginning with "mer." Brugsch {Oeographische Inschriften, 
p. 68) reads this sign "mer," so, also, Rosellini quoting Lepsius. 

But the "izzr, canal" is ^thought by some to be also an 
alphabetic character used in transliteration as an equivalent 
for the Semitic "«." It is so used by Brugsch jn this same 
list (Egypt under the Pharaohs, Broderick edition, p. 376), 
wherever the sign occurs at the beginning of a name, not- 
withstanding that he had {read the sign "mer" in his Oeo- 
graphische Inschriften. Erman, also, according to Breasted 
{Ancient Records, p. 353), so reads the sign in this instance, 
though Erman in his Egyptian Orammar, translated by Breasted, 
makes it only probably equivalent not to "«," but to "H\" 
Miiller also finds the "izzr, canal" used sometimes as the 
equivalent of "«." 

But it can not be shown that Shoshenq's scribe always used 
this sign for an initial **«" in the list which he was copying, 
for even if it could be shown that wherever the "izisc, canal" 
occurs at the beginning of a word he used it for "8," it remains 
that in three, and probably four, instances (Names, 32, 66, 
108 and 12(?)) he used another hieroglyph for initial "a," 
which may have been an "H" in the Canaanite list which he 
was copying. 

(b) The second sign, " <^JU» the crane," is usuaUy a syllabic 

for "ba" or "hi" and is certainly so used here, and the Egyptian 
scribe with this list of names before him, probably in Phoenician 
script, must have chosen this sign intentionally, as he has 
placed after it the character "I" a determinative of rather 
indefinite signification which sometimes in transliteration in- 
dicates for us the end of a syllable (Miiller's Researches for 
Carnegie Institute: list of Shoshenq 7, names 13 and 38; list 
Thothmes III, name 84; list of Rameses 333, name 73), besides, 
had he wished an alphabetic character for "b," he had it at 

hand in the much more usual " jj, the boot." Brugsch, in the 

Geographische Inschrijten. p. 68, strangely mistook this sign 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

90 M. (?. KyU, [1911. 

for "^^j the goose" and transliterated it "s," but corrects 

this in his Bigypt under the Pharaohs. 

(c) The third sign "<:=>, the mouth," either "ro" or "ra," 
is here also most probably a syllable, for though it is very 
often used as an alphabetic character, it, also, is here followed 
by the termination of a syllable. But the Egyptians did not 
clearly distinguished between "r" and "1." This sign was used 
for both these letters, as in the well-known instance in the 
name "Israel" in Mer-em-ptah's hymn of victory. Maspero in 
the Transactions of the Victorian Institute, 27, 83, so trans- 
literates it here. 

(d) The fourth sign ^=^, the half pai-t" is a New Empire 
sign for "m." It admits of no discussion, and, indeed, none, 
I believe, has arisen concerning it. But as the preceding 
syllable is closed, it begins a syllable here and can not, with- 
out straining, be suffixed to the preceding syllable "r" to make 
"ram" in the name "Abram." It should be followed by a 
vowel and in this case the scribe has written the vowel. 

(5) The fifth sign, " o, the arm," according to Erman in 

his Egyptian Grammar, translated by Breasted, is equivalent 
to Semitic "y" and, in any case, whether one accepts the 
equating of Egyptian and Semitic vowel letters or not, is the 
strongest of the Egyptian vowel letters, but is entirely ignored 
in the transliteration "Abram." 

The examination of the reading "The Field of Abram" may 
be summarized thus: 

(1) The inscription on Shield 71, "Pa hekla," is not a part 
of the name, but a Canaanite descriptive phrase like "The 
villages of," or "The environs of" 

(2) The fii-st sign of shield 72, "the canal," may be an "a" 
but it may also be the syllable "mer," as it usually is. 

(3) The second sign, "the crane," is clearly intended by the 
scribe to be a syllable, a "b" followed by a vowel and not 
joined immediately to the "r" following. 

(4) The third sign, "the mouth," is probably an "r" but 
quite possibly an "1" and in either case, is also followed by a 
vowel making a complete syllable. 

(5) The fourth sign, "the halfpai't," "m," can not naturally 
be joined to the "r" preceding, but should begin a syllable. 

(6) The last sign, "the arm," is a strong vowel letter which 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] TJie ^' Field of AbrarrC^ in the Geographical List, &c. 91 

ought not without special reasons to be ignored in the trans- 
literation, and in fact is needed after the "m." 

The most probable transliteration yielded by this analysis 
is "Merbiroma" or "Abiroma" or perhaps better still "Abirama." 
The identification "Field of Abram," scarcely comes within 
the bounds of possibility, certainly has little probability, and 
any theological or critical discussion made to depend upon it 
is exceedingly precarious, not to say hopeless. 











List of Palestinian Cities by Shoshenq I 
From W. Max Miiller^s Egyptological Researches, 

Digitized by 


Printed by "W. Dmgalin, Leipzig (flermany). 

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1 •: 

PrlnUd by W. Drugulln, Lelpslg (Qwrnany). 

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ProfeitOT in the UniTenlty of Ohicago, Profeator in Tale UnWenity, 

Chieago, BI. New IJaTen. 


Franklin Edgerton: TheK- R. Blake: Vocalic r, 1, m, n in 

Su f fixes of Indo-IraniaD. Parti: Semitic 217 

TheK-SuffixeaintheVedaand ^ ,. * « ,,. * , ,^ 

Aveata 93 Proceedings at Baltimore 1910 1-IX 

K.Asakawa: Notes on Village Title-page and Table of Con- 

Government in Japan after I tents for volume XXX. 
1600, 11 IBl 


M C M X I. 

This number co^itains the Proceedings of the Meeting at Baltimore, 
1910 and the Title-page and Table of Cotitents for volume XXX, 

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The K'Suffiooes of Indo-Iranian. Part I: The K-Suf- 
fixes in the Veda and Avesta. — By Fbanklin Edgebton. 

Chapter L 
Description of the Suffixes. 

1. The ultimate aim of this paper is to give a complete and 
detailed account of the suffix -ka and related suffixes in San- 
skrit and Avestan, covering all their occurrences throughout 
the entire history of the languages, so far as these are access- 
ible. For both theoretical and pi-actical reasons, however, it 
has seemed best to divide the Sanskrit field, and the first part 
of the work will deal exclusively with the Vedic period. In 
that term I mean to include Mantras, Brahma^as, Ara^yakas, 
Sutras and TJpani?ads, so far as their linguistic matter is avail- 
able. I have gathered the materials for the investigation in 
the first place from Monier- Williams's Lexicon, 2nd edition, 
^supplemented and verified by constant reference to the larger 
and smaller Petersburg lexicons and to the original texts. 
The number of cases in which I discovered mistakes in 
the redaction of M.-W.'s lexicon was so small as to be en- 
tirely negligible; the small sprinkling of wrong references 
&Q. which have come to my notice originated in nearly every 
instance in the Pet. Lex. itself. I feel therefore especially 
appreciative towards the work of the redactors of the Ox- 
ford lexicon, Profs. Leumann and Cappeller, whose careful 
scholarship has given us such a valuable aid to this sort of 

2. There is, however, no Sanskrit lexicon in existence which 
even approaches the completeness which would be attained by 
good word-indices of the various works included. In the Veda, 
with which alone we are now concerned, this deficiency is 
especially felt in the Sutra and T^panisad periods. These 

VOL. XXXI. Pan ir. 7 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

94 F. Eigerton, [1911. 

seem to have been only scantily covered by the Petersburg 
lexicon; and the successors of Boehtlingk and Roth have done 
little to fill the gap. Fortunately we now have, in CoL Jacob's 
excellent Concordance, a word-list of the principal Upani^ads; 
and from this have been extracted scores of words in -ka which 
would otherwise have been unnoticed. As for the older Vedic 
works, the indices to the RV.. and AV. by Grassmann and 
Whitney have been used with profit, and from Whitney at 
least several AV. words have been discovered which are not 
in any lexicon. These facts are mentioned as show*ing the 
crying need which exists for indices of the principal Vedic 
works. Until they are produced any such undertaking as the 
present one must rest for the most part on the more or less 
unstable ground of the dictionaries. 

3. It is hardly necessary to defend the division of the sub- 
ject into the Vedic and Post- Vedic periods. In the Veda we 
find the small beginnings of several of the commonest uses of 
the Classical suffix -ha. There is no Classical use of the suffix 
which is not foreshadowed in the Veda; but there are one or 
two Vedic uses which practically die out before Classical times. 
That is to say, we find here, as in most other linguistic points, 
that in general there is a line of cleavage between the Veda 
and the Sanskrit of later times, although as a matter of course 
the two periods shade into each other, and there is in reality 
no such sharp break as we are compelled to make for practical 
pui'poses. In fact, as far as the suffix -ka is concerned, the 
Upanisads show uses which agree much more closely with the 
language of the Mahabharata than with that of the Br&hmaxias, 
to say nothing of the Vedic mantras. Nevertheless, I have 
not ventured to disturb the traditional classification, which of 
course is on the whole justifiable, and have included the 
Upanisads in the Veda. 

4. The suffix -ka in all its ramifications is one of the com- 
monest suffixes of the Classical Sanskrit language; and although 
it is much less common in the Veda, it is by no means rare 
from the earliest times. 

5. I shall not at present attempt to go extensively into the 
ciuestion of the prehistoric (I.E.) suffix or suffixes from which 
the Sanskrit ka is derived. According to the theory of gut- 
turals now usually accepted, Skt. k may go back to I.E. k or 
q. And accordingly two independent suffixes, I.E. -kos and 

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Vol. xxxi.j The K'SufflseeB of Ifdo-Iranian. 95 

-qoSy are actually assumed by Brugmann as antecedents of 
Skt. ka, — certainly not without much show of probability (cf. 
Lat. -gtius and -cue). Whether right or wrong, this division 
of the sufBx is not only unnecessary but quite impossible within 
the Sanskrit language itself. It must be said that the suffix 
-ka on the whole presents itself to the feeling of the investigator 
as a single unified and coherent suffix, which in the early 
language at least is quite clearly and narrowly circumscribed 
in its use. The widely divergent meanings which forms of the 
suffix show in some later developments are all demonstrably 
secondary in point of time, and in most cases it is furthermore 
easy to trace their semantic evolution from one or another of 
the more primitive uses. — In Chapter VI we shall take up 
the use of the suffix in Avestan, and shall also add a few 
words on its appearance in Lithuanian (based on Leskien's 
work). From these may then be deduced, in a very tentative 
and experimental way, an outline of the apparent uses of the 
suffix in the Ursprache in so far as they are indicated by 
these languages. 

6. Forms of the ka^suffixes. — The Veda has a few adverbial 
forms (fdhak &c.) where the suffix is simple -fc There is a 
small group of words of doubtful relationship in -ku^ usually 
preceded by a; they ai-e very few in number, and show no 
agreement as to signification, so that I have not thought it 
worth while to make an independent chapter of the suffix -ku 
or -aku, but have treated these words along with the ka suffix. 
The Classical Skt. has a few words which seem to show a 
suffix -ki, generally forming patronymics; cf. sditrdki (M.S. 3. 
1. 3) which may be a Vedic instance. Otherwise aU the suf- 
fixes which we treat here end in -ka masc. or neut. and -kd or 
-fci fern. 

7. The feminine -tied, — In all cases of masc. and neut. words 
in the suffix ka preceded by a, whether the a is part of the base 
or of the suffix, it is possible (and in most cases usual) to form 
corresponding feminines in -i/ra, rather than in a-kd or a-fct. 
This rule applies to all periods of the Skt. language fi'om RV. 
onward (cf. iyattaka -iyattikL a RV. instance). The fern, forms 
a&i and dtid are, however, not rare; and even ikl appears to 
be found fi'om an oka masculine in one or two cases (see s. v. 
dtUci, G-eneral Index), though this is not certain. — Because of 
the regularity of the fem. in ikd it becomes unnecessary — and 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

9B . R Edgert^n, - ! [I9il. 

in fact impossible — to set up a separate category for these 
words. Where a masculine word in -oka requires a feminine, 
the ending ika is to be expected; and all statements in this 
thesis are to be understood with that in view. It should at 
the same time be borne in mind that aJd and dkd also occur, 
sometimes from the same words which also form the more 
regular fem. in 4ka. There seems to be no rule by which it 
can be determined antecedently what form of the feminine is 
to be expected. 

This foiTnation appears to be an inheritance from something 
of the same sort in the Ursprache (cf. the Lithuanian pheno- 
mena mentioned in § 117). It is doubtless connected with 
the fem. suffix % associated so commonly with masculines in a. 
The regular fem. of any adjective stem in a was formed with 
I: and it was an easy step, therefore, to form a fem. in i-kd 
(with i instead of t, § 32b) to |a masc. in a-ka, by taking the 
fem. of the original adjective as a bas6. This was then general- 
ized into a "suffix iia," applied as a fem. to any masc. in -akUy 
even when no fem. base in I could have existed. Other for- 
mations fi'om feminine adjectival bases are lohinikd (Ap. Qr. &c.) 
from the fem. of the adj. lohita; and even hdriknikd (AV.) 
from a fem. *hdrikm (not preserved) to Jidrita, like asikni to 

8. The Secondary Siiffix toi.— The suffix ka is essentially a 
secondary suflix; i.e. it is affixed to nominal or pronominal 
stems. There are a few words in which it has the appearance, 
at least, of being added directly to roots or verbal bases; we 
*shall deal with tliem later. Secondary ka may be divided into 
four subdivisions. For practical reasons, because I have been 
unable to invent any concise and appropriate names, I have 
had recourse, to numbers in designating them. I realize that 
tliis arbitrary method of nomenclature is open to grave- ob- 
jections. But any truly descriptive names for these categories 
would be so cumbrous as to be quite incapable of practical 
use; and it has therefore seemed better to me to have recourse 
frankly to numerals as aibitrary svmbols instead of applying 
incomplete or misleading epithets. 

A. The Suffix i ka. (Nouns or Adjectives of Similarity 
i)V Characteristic.) 

9. The suffix ka is added to nominal stems to form other 
nouns or adjectives, with the meaning "partaking of the nature 

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Vol. xxxi] The K'Suffix^s. of ft^o-Iranian. 97 

q^" "having the characteristics of,*" "similar ta," '•like;'*-— or, 
it is added to. adjectives or adverbs to form 'jipmis or other 
adjectives or adverbs with the meaning "characterized by/' 
"having the quality (rf." ^ V 

This is the most primitive use, of the suffix, at least as a 
secondary suffix. All other secondary uses are developt out 
of it. 

Ex.: nabnikdf navel-like cavity, <ndbhij navel. — manika. hump, 
watCT-jar, <mm% pearl, lump &c. — nadXka, jthroat, <nddh tube. 
^-^madhyamikd, middle finger, < madJiyamd, middle.— jjie^f to, n. 
of a plant, <jn?W, foul-smeUing. v, 

10.. (The J)iminutive ka.) — From the meaning "simihir to," 
"like," — ^the suffix ka often comes to mean "owZy similar to," 
i. e., "not equal to," and thus arise the well-known diminutive, 
deprecatory and contemptuous uses of the suffix,, which prob- 
ably existed once in all Indo-European languages, but which 
are. more striking and prominent in Sanskrit than anywhere 
else. In Sanskrit the suffix may be added with some such 
force to nouns, adjectives, pronouns, adverbs, participles, and 
even (once) to a finite verb-foim. A detailed classification 
will be undertaken in Chapter IV; for the present it will be 
enough to distinguish the following main heads. 

I. True Diminutives (of size, importance, &c.): as kanlnakd, 
little boy, <kanina, hoy. — miihukd, moment, <fnuhu (or muhii). 
— arbhaka, tiny, <drbha, small. — bdbhrukdj brownish, <babhruj 
brown. — abhimddyatkd, a little tipsy, <abhimddyat, drunk. - 
hotrka, secondary priest, <hdtr, priest. 

II. Endearing Diminutives: as ambikd, dear little mother, 
<ambi, mother.— ;ptc/raftd, sonny, <ptdrdj son. 

III. Pitying Diminutives: as kstdlakd, poor (helpless) little, 
<kmdrd {*ksuUd, prakritized form). 

IV. Diminutives of Inferiority with evil connotation, often 
called Pejoratives: including — 

(1) Contemptuous Diminutives, where the idea of smallncss 
caiTies with it that of weakness or wretchedness and contempt : 
as — usrikd, worthless bullock, <usrd, bull. — rdjdkd^ wretched 
kinglet, <rdjan, king. — bhinnaka. crushed and worthless, <bhin- 
nd, broken. 

(2) Pejoratives in the narrower sense, or Imprecatory Dimi- 
nutives as I have ventured to call them, because the suffix is 
often equivalent to a curse or imprecation accompanying the 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

98 F. BSigtrton, [19U. 

word to which it is applied: as — agvaka^ accursed horse, <agva^ 
horse, — anantaka^ accursed Ananta (a serpent-demon). — rUpakd, 
evil phantom, <rupdj shadc-^fcrfafca, artificial, false, <krt&, 
made. — anyakd, other scoundrels, <anya, other. 

(3) Diminutives of Obscene Humor, in a certain range of 
popular composition which is offensive to modern sensibilities, 
and presumably for that reason little noticed as yet. For in- 
stance, in the lascivious ribaldry of some of the Kuntfipa hymns, 
and in parts of the A<;vamedha ceremony, various slang terms 
of extreme vulgarity appear with this suffix: as — dhdnika, 
dhdrakd, the vagina, < dhdnOj dhdra, receptacle.— pla/r^niXrd adj. 
slippery, of the sexual organs in coition, <(ldk^nd, slippery. — 
muskd, testicle, <mfi8, mouse. 

Modern parallels will doubtless occur to everyone.* 

V. Generic Diminutives, with nouns of masculinity and femi- 
ninity — like Grer. Mdnnchen, Weibdien: as — mrakd and maryaM, 
male {Mdnnclien), <tnra, mdrya, man; so dhinukd, mahilukd, 
female. See § 87 ff. 

VI. Diminutive as attribute of the female sex, and gram- 
matical concomitant of feminine gender. See § 90 below. Not 
to be confused with the foregoing, which is of totally different 
nature and origin. Ex.: praddlrikd, a female giver, <praddtf, 
giver. — candrikd, the moon (as fem.) < candra, moon (masc.). 

B. The Suffix 2 ka, (Adjectives of Appurtenance or Re- 

11. Next, the suffix ka forms secondary epitheta, mostly 
adjectives, from nouns or pronouns, with the meanings "con- 
nected with," "having to do with," "belonging to," "of;" and 
these secondary words, in many if not most cases, take Vriddhi 
in the first syllable. Here are to be included the patronymics 

1 These three categories, and especially the imprecatory and con- 
temptuous ones, are closely connected. It is often hard, and sometimes 
next to impossible, to decide which idea predominates in a given word. 
For instance in the refrain ndbhantdm anyakesdm jydkd ddhi dhdnvami 
— RV. 10. 133. 1 ff. — there seems to be no doubt that an imprecation is 
hurled at certain enemies: "Let the damned bowstrings of the others, 
devil take them! be torn off from their bows!" But while this idea 
predominates, it would be rash to deny the presence also of a con- 
temptuous note ; for it is quite like a Yedic charm-maker to dwell with 
great insistence on the scorn he pretends to feel for enemies, however 
much he may really tremble before them. Indeed, this is a common 
trick of magic in every age and land. 

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Vol. xxxi.] The K*8uffixe8 of Indo-Iranian. 99 

which are occasionally formed with this suffix. — This heading 
is of course developt out of 1 ka. — Ex.: pdQuka, animal (adj.), 
of an animal, <pd(u or pagiij animal (n.). — dtmaka^ of the 
dtm&n. — caturhotrkd, of the c&turhotr (rite). — divaka^ divine, 
Kdevij god. — cumdkaj ours, of us <asmd (pron. stem), we. — 
napdtka, pertaining to a grandson, <n&pdt, grandson. 

Whitney, whose entire treatment of the suffix suffers from 
over-reliance on the native grammarians, does not recognize 
the use of the simple ka with Vriddhi, and calls bhdvatka 
(classical) < bhavat ^ anomalous.^' Instead he follows the Hindus 
in setting up (1222j, k, 1) two Vriddhi-taking secondary suf- 
fixes, aka and ika, of which he says that no instances of dka 
(unless mdmakA) and few of ika have heen noted in the Veda, 
— ^meaning, doubtless, the Vedic Mantras.* The facts are these: 
In the second category of the suffix ka, the non-possessive 
secondai7 adjectives,^ the derived suffix ika (see § 14) makes 
a strong bid to drive out of the field its competitor ka. In 
the Veda, if we count i-stems like dgnika &c. as having the 
suffix ika, there have been recorded 118 words in -ika, 50 in 
'ka (besides 3 in which ka follows an i-stem with no Vriddhi). 
Among the 4ka words, Vriddhi overwhelmingly predominates ; 
in the -ka words, it appears in more than half the cases. 
Exact figures cannot be given with safety, because in some cases 
the primary word had itself a Vriddhied vowel, and in others 
its stem ended in -i. There are only 13 cases where ika in 
this sense certainly occurs without Vriddhi, out of 118. Out 
of the 50 clear cases of the suffix -ka (i. e. where the suffix 
cannot be confused with ika) 21 clearly have Vriddhi, 19 
clearly do not have it, and 10 are doubtful. Of the 21 which 
have Vriddhi, 14 are formed from a-stems (or a«-stcms, weak 
grade in -a), but seven from stems in other finals, showing cou- 
trlusively that the suffix must have heen ka, not aka. The Class- 
ical language adds many other instances; this suffix is much 
<:ommoner there than in the Veda. The supposed secondaiy 
Vriddhi-causing suffix aka is largely or wholly a grammatical 
fiction; in the Veda at least, it never existed at all. Instead 

» But even so restricted the statement is inaccurate; e.g. cdturhotrkd 
<cdturhotr (M.S.) and kdverakd, patronymic from kttvera (AV.); also 
idvakd (HV.) analogous to mdmakdj and others. 

> Which alone are concerned her«, since Vriddhi occurs nowhere else. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

100 F. EdgertahyW ':^ ..,[l^w. 

we must recognize this seeoixdary Vriddhi-causing use of the 
.suffix 'ka added both to a-stemsl' and to otheiis. Tho never 
excessively common, it occurs ^rlier and more frequently than 
.the grammars have so far given it credit for*v 

C. The Suffix 3 ka« (Adjectives or Substantives of Possession.) 

12. The third category of the secondary suffix ka is made 
up principally of secondary adjectives (as in the case of 2 ka) 
with the meaning •* having," "possessing;" also "consisting of/' 
with numerals,— a frequent use. ^x.: parutkaj having joints. 
< pdrt^, joint. — dvdrakd, n. of a city, "City of Gates," < dvdra. 
— dndika, having bulbs, < dndi, egg, bulb. — catuska, having or 
containing or consisting of four, < catH8\ so dagaka &c. 

This force of the suffix is not very common with uncom- 
pounded words. But because of the accidental appropriateness 
in semantics, it was added ft-equently to BaJiuw'lhi compounds, 
and gradually came to be felt as peculiarly appropiate to them. 
There are a few instances of this in the Vedic mantras. In 
the Br&hma^as it becomes not uncommon; its frequency con- 
stantly increases in the Sutras and especially in the Upani^ads, 
where it flourishes with as much luxuriance as in the later 
language. — In the early parts of the Veda it is interesting to 
note that it is mucli commoner when the last part of the 
compound is not an a-stem, and is especially frequent with 
consonantal stems, showing a vigorous (even if unconscious) 
striving after uniformity of declension at that early time. By 
means of the harmless suffix ka any Bahuvrlhi (as in later 
Skt. any noun whatever) not of the a-declension could be 
easily brought into line with the a-stems, w^hich formed the 
great bulk of the noun declension. — See § 53flf., especially 54, 
Examples are: acakmska, having no eyes, < a + cak§us. eye. — 
trikadrnka, having three kddrus, <tri + kadru, a sort of vessel. 
— saptadhdtuka, having (consisting of) seven elements, < sapta 
+ dhdtUj element. 

D. The Suffix 4 ka. (Active or Verbal words.) 

13. In a few secondary fonnations, — to wit: dntaka ("Ender," 
Death, < dnta, end) {ntaka, hlddaka, ydcanaka and vinianyuka 
— the suffix ka has distinctly an active verbal force. These 
words may bo more conveniently treated in connection with 
the derivative fca-suffixes which show the same value; see 
§ 19. The origin of this usage lies perhaps partly in some 
of these derivative suffixes themselves, and certainly in part 

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VoJi xxxi.] The K'Suffixe$ of Indo-Iranian. 101 

in the "primary" ka words of correBponding meaning (see 
§28). • . 

14. The Suffix ika. — This is a secondary adjective-forming 
suffix whose range of meaning exactly coincides with 2 ka and 
3 ka, but chiefly with 2 fca; in the possessive-adjective sense 
it is very rare. It must of course have originated, by clipping, 
from t-stems + suffix ka. The adjectives formed with it show 
meanings like "connected with," ^*belonging to," "of." It almost 
tilways (in these meanings, — 2 ka) causes Vriddhi of the first 
syllable; and if the primary word is a compound, it occasionally 
takes Vriddhi in the first syllable of both its parts. I have 
found only 13 cases in the Veda where Vriddhi does not 
occur. See § 11. — The Vriddhi-causing suffix ika is a markt 
characteristic of the language of the Sutras, where it is very 
common. In the Brahma^jas it is rare, in the Mantras almost 
unknown; in the Upanisads, while not uncommon, it is much 
less frequent than in the Sutras. Ex. (-* 3 ka): tundika, hav- 
ing tunda^s (tusks or teeth).— (« 2 ka): jyotistomika of the 
jyotistoma (rite).— dgnistmnika, of the agnistomd (rite), dnuydjika, 
of the after-sacrifice {anuydjd).- cdttirthika, of the 4th (day), 
KCcUurthd, fourth. 

16. The Suffix aka. — This appears (certainly in the Veda) 
only as a "primary" suffix, added to verbal rather than to 
nominal bases, — if we rule out the two words madhvaka and 
prsdtaka, apparently formed from mddhu Ruipf^at respectively, i 
Perhaps a *madhva and a '^p^)'sdta are to be hypothetized.— 
Three uses of "primary" aka occur. Of course they cannot be 
primitive; they must have arisen through suffixal adaptation 
from secondary noun formations in aka; but one of them at 
least becomes so widespread that it cannot be denied its in- 
dependence. The other two stand on more uncertain foun- 
dations; but on the whole some limited range may best be 
allowed to them too. 

16. (1) Most dubious, and showing least claim to independent 
rank, is this branch of the suffix aka. The RV. contains two 
words in which -oka seems to convey the force of a gerundive^ 
adjective. They are sdyaka "to be cast," and as a noun "arrow;" 

* Note that neither has Vriddhi; cf. § 11, where the supposed **8econd- 
ary suffix aAra" is delt with. Cf. also imtantaka (Word List, s. v.) 

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102 F. Edgerlon, [1911. 

and su'labhika (fern, to -*aka)^ "easily to be won," from the 
roots ai and labh. It has been usual among grammarians to 
class aayaka with 3 aka as a participial adjective, which does 
violence to its meaning (not "throwing," but "to be thrown"!) 
No noun saya exists with any meaning from which it could 
possibly be derived. As for sulabhikOj though by some mental 
contoi-tions it might be derived from the noun ISbha^ it is 
certainly much more simple and natural to regard it in the other 
light. The only objection is that there seems to be in sulor 
bhikd as used in RV. 10. 86. 7 (the only occurrence) a sug- 
gestion of the obscene (erotic) Diminutive. It is an epithet 
addrest by Vrsakapi to Indr&^l; the whole passage where it 
is found reeks with that licentious vulgarity which naturally 
suggests such a value in the suffix -ka. (See §§ 85, 86.) This, 
however, does not seem to me necessarily inconsistent with the 
derivation of the word put forward. Appearing in such a 
context any word in fta, however reputable in origin, was 
bound to take on the vulgar coloring which was a prominent 
characteristic both of the suffix in general, and of the verses 
in which the word appeared. Probably the original force 
of the word was gerundival, and the obscene suggestion is 

17. (2) Secondly, in a small group of words the suffix (dca 
seems to give the value of a noun of action, when added to 
a verbal root. As the primary suffix -a often has this mean- 
ing, it is easy to see how this force of (Uca originated, through 
the medium of -a -f secondary -ka. There are not many of 
these words which occur without the occurrence of a parallel 
noun in -a; they number not more than seven or eight in the 
entire Veda. But a carefiil consideration of the words and 
the passages where they occur has convinced me of the genuine- 
ness of this use of the suffix. No certain instance appears 
before Brahma^a times. — The root has the same form which 
is found in the next category of -aka. — The nouns are mostly 
neuter (e. g. dgaka in dn-dgaka, not-eating, a fast, < ag- eat); 

I It has been suggested to me that suLdhkikd might be considered to 
have an active value; in other words, that the usual interpretation is 
wrong, and that the word means "well embracing, giving a good embrace." 
This is possible; but against it must be reckoned the fact that this active 
force of the suffix aka is practically not found in the earliest period of 
the language. In fact, the RY. has not a single instance. 

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Vol. xxxi.] The K'Suffixes of Indo-Iranian 103 

but one certain fern, in -ika occurs — abhimithiM (QBr.) < abhi — 
VmUh. See § 95. 

18. (3) The only commonly recognized use of primary -aka 
is its use in forming nouns of agent or adjectives of participial 
value from verb-roots. It is a late development, by analogy 
from certain words in simple -ka. There is not one instance 
in the RV.; {or pdvakA^ (so explained by Sayana — ^gcbhaka'' — 
"purifying") and sdydka (see § 16) do not fit semantically. 
The eai-liest instances are all nouns of agent (1 or 2 in AV., 

2 in VS., 2 in the Brahma^ias). Of six instances in the Sutras, 
five ai-e nouns. Only in the Upanisads does the suffix acquire 
any frequency, and only here does it develop into a regular 
verbal adjective, equivalent to a present participle, and some- 
times taking participial constructions. The TTpani^ads have 
over 30 examples. They represent, in this respect as in others, 
approximately the condition of the later language. See §§ 96, 
97. Ex.: abhikrdgaka, reviler, < abhi-knig, reyile,- -samjlvaka, 
animating, Ksam-jiv, animate.- ydcaka, begging, a beggar, 
< yac, beg. 

19. The origin of the suffix is not quite so simple as might 
appear at first sight. It is, indeed, not uncommon to find the 
primary suffix -a giving the force of a noun of agent, or even 
of a verbal adjective. But it so happens that there are very 
few demonstrable cases in the Yeda where to such a noun or 
adjective was formed a secondary noun or adj. in -ka. The 
nouns vddhaka (AV.), c&raka (QB.), ghdtdka, varaka, prasar^ 
paka (Sutras) are among the few clear instances (from vadha, 
cara &c.); and three out of these five do not comply with the 
custom of -aka words in regard to the form of the root (see 
§ 20). Because of this fact, and because the words vadhd &c. 
occur, while the suffix aka was at that time scarcely felt to be 
in existence, it is better to regai:d these words as derived 
from the nouns vadhd &c. and containing secondary ka. But 
they represent a transition stage. — There are furthermore 
certain other -ka formations which assisted in the process. 
Primary ka seems to show this meaning; so pivah-sphakd (AV.) 

^ pavdkdi not pdvakdi is demanded by the meter throughout the RV. 
The word contain 8 no active force, but is simply an adj. meaning "clear, 
bright" Its exact formation is not certain, though its connexion with Vptl 
is obvious ; it is probably a primary derivative, but cannot be olast with 

3 aka. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

104 ,. F. JSdifertmy - . , [mv 

"dripping with fat" from 8pha{i). See § 28* — And secondai'v 
-ha forms foui- or five words with a similar force^ The noun 
antaka (AV. &c.) has from its first appearance a quasi-active 
value; it is translated "ender," and is a frequent epithet of 
death. Closely parallel to antaka are the two words, gitaka 
and Uadaka (in the fem. ikd) RV. 10, 16. 14 -= AV, 18. 3. 60.— 
Though they cannot be anything but secondary derivatives 
from the adjective (itd and the noun hlada, they have markedly 
active meanings: "cooling" and "refreshing," or, as it were, 
"refreshmenting*" Most translators recognize this; that it was 
so felt by the Hindus from the earliest times is shown by the 
extremely interesting parallel TAr. 6. 4. 1, where in the same 
verse hlddukd appears for hlddikd. The suffix uka, as we shall 
see (§ 22),, is the regular BrSLhmapa formation for verbal ad- 
jectives, like -aka of later times. It thus appeal's that the 
TAr» compiler felt the words distinctly as verbal, and, perhaps 
unconsciously, chsLngei hladikd to look like an -uka formation 
from Vhldd. That gltthd did not in like manner become 
*gltukd is due simply to the fact that no root *^t existed, 
from which such a form could be derived. * The word viman- 
yiika "freeing from anger, allaying wrath" is in like manner 
an active derivative from vimanyu "free from anger;" cf. suffix 
uka, § 22. 

20. The root-syllable must be metrically long before alia^ 
and unless it ends in two consonants or in one consonant 
preceded by a long vowel, it is strengthened, — by Vriddhi of 
a, by Gu^a of other short vowels. A final vowel, long or 
short, always takes Vriddhi. These rules hold for the Veda 
without exception, — except that if kfttikd (see General Index) 
is really a noun of instrument or agent from Vkri with aka 
(ikd), the root in this case doubles its final consonant by way 
of strengthening, instead of gu^ating its vowel. There are 
further exceptions and complications in the Classical language 
which I shall not go into here. If dhuvaka (see § 96) is really 
a Vedic occurrence, it also is exceptional. 

21. The Suffix uka. — (1) Secondary, There are four words 
in the Veda which have the appearance of containing a second- 

1 Ydcanakay beggar, <ydcana. request, is another instance of second- 
ary -ka with active meaning, forming a sort of noun of agent. But as 
this word does not occur until Upanisad times, it may be due to analogy 
with the suffix -aka (cf. udbhrdntaka, § 44 end, Note). 

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Vol. xxxi.] The K'Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 105 

ary suffix -uka. But two of these axe arof Xtyifiofa and ought 
perhaps to be emended: one is analogical, and the fourth i^ 
very doubtful. The adjectives dhdrmuka and samnahuka appear, 
each once, from dharma and samnaha'^ they correspond in 
meaning and in the Vriddhi vowel to the i/ca-adjectives, and 
perhaps -ika should be the reading instead of -nka^ compare, 
however, the Classical Skt. words kdrmuka <karman, and nan- 
dvka n. pr. apparently < nanda. — On mahtliika "female," < mahild 
^woman'' see § 89; it has its -u-kd by analogy from dhenu-ka. 
The only other possible case of secondary -uka in the Veda 
is kdnukd RV. 8. 77. 4, an epithet of soma-vessels which has 
never been satisfactorily explained. I suggest tentatively a 
dei'ivation from kdnd- "one-eyed." Such a figure might easily 
be suggested by a jug with a small opening and a large bulging 
body. The vowel u is the most serious obstacle to the etymology. 

22. (2) Primary. The chief use of uka is in the formation 
of the well-known verbal adjectives with participial meaning 
(and construction, in many cases). The chief sphere of these 
words is. as has been often observed, the BrShmana literature. 
There are very few occurrences in the SaihhitSs; and they are 
not numerous in the post-Brahmanical literature. Even in the 
epic, however, the formation continues to show a few feeble 
signs of life. These may be artificial or learned reminiscences. 
Tjx,:—vydyuka, ininning away, < in-i, run away. — drdhuka, 
prospering, <rdJu pros])er. — upaddsuka, failing, Kupa-das, fail. 

In separating Saiiihita from BrEhmapa occurrences, the 
Black YV. texts present difficulties, in that by intermingling 
the two they make it impossible to tell from lexical references 
whether a given passage is Saiiihita or BrShmana; while some 
of the texts are unpublisht and hence inaccessible to the or- 
dinary student. How^ever, all the recorded instances of the 
suffix 'Uka in the publisht texts of the YV., both White and 
Black, have been examined, and they have turned out to be 
all, without exception, in Brahma^ia passages.** ^The Sailihitas, 
apparently, do not have the suffix. This must be largely 
accidental, however, since there are several clear cases in the 
AV. — The few cases in the Sutras that are known to me arc 
all but one repeated from the Brahmavas. The Cha. Up. has 
one new instance, and as has been said there are a few in 
the later language. But the formation practically is born and 
dies with the Brahmana period. Of the 71 words, represent- 

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106 F. Edgerton, [mi. 

ing 57 different vei-bal roots, found in the Veda, 67 axe found 
in the Br&hma^as (incl. Ara^yakas), and most of them no- 
where else. 

23, That the tito-formation is somehow connected with the 
"present tense formatives" in u (i. e. with dissyllabic bases in 
u) is probable antecedently, and is borne out by the fact that 
some of the earliest instances are formed from such verbs. 
The only RV. example is $dnukd < Vsan, present sanotL Here 
the suffix was probably in reality primary ka (q. v.) added to 
the present stem sanu-, and not uka at all; cf. fivah -sphi 
'kA &c. Another, tho somewhat later appearing, case of the 
same thing is rdhnvka (A^v. Grh.) beside ardhuka (Br.) < Vrdh\ 
rdJmuka is from the present stem rdhnu, and has in reality 
the primai-y suffix ka, though for convenience it is classed with 
-uka. Compai-e further the secondary foimations in which -ka 
adds an active (verbal) force. (§§ 13 — 19.) Of especial interest 
here is vimanyuka "allaying anger" from vimanyu "free from 
anger." — In some words in the early language it is hard to 
say whether the suffix is secondary -ka or primary -uka: e.g. 
pramdyuka (AV. &c.) "perishing," <pra- Vml, beside pratndyu 
of identical meaning. — From a blend of these various formations 
arose the suffix uka. 

24, The root has the same form here as with the suffix aka. 
A final vowel has Vriddhi; a non-final long vowel is unchanged; 
a non-final short vowel is unchanged except before a single 
consonant, in which case it takes gupa (but a takes vriddhi). 
In*egular is the vriddhi in nirnidrguka (TS.) < nir- Vmrj] also 
the short vowel in -kasuka {m-. sdm-kasuka- AV.). It should 
be further remarked that the present stem may replace the root: 
cf. sdnuka and rdhnuka above; also nahguka besides ndguka 
< Vnag, pres. stem nahg\ vibhinduka <vi- Vbhid, — The root 
han forms ghdtuka as is to be expected (see Pa^ 7. 3, 22). 

In one instance yjca seems to show the gerundival use which 
we have noted in one or two oka words, and which also crops 
out in the suffix -ika. This is an^dlambhukd {KS; TBr.) <d- 
Vlambhj "not to be touched," of a woman in menstruation. 
This case seems to be the only one with uka. — This turn of 
meaning, appearing sporadically in different forms of Aa-suf- 
fixes, may have appurtained to the primary suffix ka, tho sign^ 
of it are scanty (see § 28), 

25, The Suffix uka.— This is added to intensive verb-stems 

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Vol. xxxi.] The K'SuJfixes of Indo-Iranian. 107 

foiming verbal adjectiyes, like the tika words fi-om simple roots. 
The u has the accent. The suffix seems to have arisen by a 
sort of proportional analogy to uJca, but makes its appearance 
curiously early, one instance being found in RV., and that 
too from a root which is not addicted to ti-formations: jagarQka 
'Wakeful," RV. 3. 54 7. The only other Vedic examples are 
dandoQuka (VS.) and ydyajuka (QBr.). The Classical Skt. has 
one or two more. — salcduka RV. 3. 30. 17 was explained by 
the Hindus as belonging here, as if from Vsr (^sararukd") ; 
but it is most uncertain and probably of different character; 
see General Index s, v. It seems to be clearly a noun, 
probably a nomen actionis, and so quite different from this 

26. The Suffix Ika. — This is the most problematic of the 
derivative fca-suffixes. It may never have been felt very 
definitely as a productive suffix. Many cases included under 
it are doubtful or entirely uncertain in etymology, and some 
of them may contain not Ika, but secondary ka added to a 
lost stem in i, Cf. dgartka, vi-gar-, from Vgr, in dissyllabic 
form fan. 

In so far as we can analyze the suffix tta, it appeal's to be 
primary as a rule, and most often imparts the value of a 
verbal adjective or noun of agent, like aka and uka. So -rjika, 
iu^ika &c. Of like meaning is drgikii "beholder," Vdrg, — the 
only instance of the "suffix f/cu" (see § 29 d). — In two words, 
istkd and dfgika "splendid (i. e. to be seen)," the suffix seems 
to have gerundival force (see § 24). — There are two abstract 
nouns, mrdXka "mercy, favor" < Vmfd and dfgikay -kd, appear- 
ance, < V^drf.— Three or four Vca words have the aspect of 
secondary noun formations from a-stems; the a is dropt before 
the suffix. The most plausible example is kaglkd "weasel" 
< kdga. Whether tliese are really from lost feminines in i 
cannot be determined. — In some Ika words the I represents a 
stem-final i or in before suffix -ka', see §§ 31, 32, 36. 

27. The Adverbial Suffix -k.— In half-a-dozen very ancient 
adverbs there appears a suffix -A:, added to vocalic stems of 
nouns 01- adjectives, apparently merely as an adverb-forming 
affix. It is probably a petrified form of the adjectival suffix 
-]ia, in its first and original sense (1 kd).^ I find no proof of 

» It is, however, possible that this gi'oup of words really contains a 
form of the suffix aficjac. The main objection to regardin<i^ tliem in this 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

108 F. EdgerMu [i»W 

the existence here of any developed meaning of Ica^ such as the 
diminutive. The words are: fdhdk or rdh6k "separately" <base 
*refAa, cf. ardhd; ninth "secretly" <ninydj cf. § 29 a; pfihdk 
"in a scattered manner," ci.prthu, prOiA "palm of the hand;" 
prab&Jitdc "on an even line" Kprabahw^^ visun&k "in various 
directions" (with possibly a suggestion of imprecatory-diminutive 
value, see s. v. sdnalca, Chap. IV, § 80); Kvisum] vfOiak 
"lightly" &c. < base t^rtha, whence the (instrum.) adv. vftha 
(« vfthak). — mandk probably does not contain this suffix, but 
a form of the root-suffix afic, like prdfika &c. Manandk, sup- 
posed by some to be from mandk^ cannot possibly be so ex- 
plained either formally or semantically (see Ludwig on RV. 
10. 61. 6). Ludwig would derive it from manu in some way. 
but neither this nor any other explanation so far offered is 
satisfactory. The word looks as if it contained some form of 
the root anag : nag (rJ^cyKOF). But it is still too dubious in 
etymology and meaning to permit any safe conjecture as to 
the suffix. Could mandnd be connected? 

28. The Primary Suffix ka. — The words which are thrown 
togethei' under this head are so varied in meaning, and in 
many cases so problematic in etymology, that I despair of 
giving any intelligible or intelligent classification of them. 
There seems to be a group of them containing more or less 
suggestion of that verbal adjective idea which we have found 
in the suffixes afta, ie/ica, and tka, as well as in secondary ka 
(4ka, § 13). This is clearly present in pivah'Sphdka < Vaphdi 
and a few others; perhaps in stoka < Vstu in ghrta-stdvas 
(AV.); mUka </t*v-w, mu-tus] pdka < Vpd ("suckling?"), j&hakd 
"hedgehog/^ apparently < Vhd and others. — Whether in su- 
meka <Vm% "well-established" we have a gerundival use (see 
§ 24) is not certain. Words like gloka and guska (Av. htiSka) 
are perfectly clear in theii* etymological belongings, but do not 
fit in very well as to semantics with other words of this class. 
Rome of the words are hopelessly obscure and may not contain 
a suffixal ka, — I shall give the list (§ 103) in alphabetical order, 
not attempting to classify the words semantically. 

light is the short quantity of the vowel before -Jci the suffix -ac in com- 
bination Ayith a vocalic stem regularly i)roduce8 a long vowel -f it. 

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Vol. xxxi.] The K' Suffixes of Jndo-Iranian. 109 

Chapter IL 


The Samdhi of stem-finals before the fta-suffixes. 
A. The Samdhi of Secondary -ka. §§ 29—37. 
29. a. Before secondary ka the stem-final a regularly remains 
unchanged. But: 

a) Final -ya of a stem appears to be reduced to -i before Tea 
in a few cases, pdrsthika {Kdty. Qr,^ Ldty.) < prsthya, — bhd»il<a 
{Kdty. Qr., Qdnkh. Or.) prob. < hhdsya.—mangalikd (AV.), best 
derived <mangalya, — ninik (adv.) (RV.) <ninya. 

Note, — In U8rikd (RV.) < usrd the i is due to analogy from usriya. 
It would be impossible to regard the suffix as -iA:a, since the word is 
obviously a contemptuous dim., and ika is never used in that sense, at least 
in the Veda. — Similarly the Bahuvrihia -varstka, -gilika, -cdrika^ 'Samnydsika. 
M from stems in a, are influenced in their vocalism by the parallel and 
equivalent words in -varsin &c. 

b) In one instance final a seems to be dropt entirely : g&Jka 
<gdld. It is possible that gdlka may be really a primary 
derivative from the (hypothetical) root of gal-d. In this con- 
nection it should, however, be mentioned that the lexicographers 
quote a word kinjdla — not yet found in the literature — with 
the same meaning as ftiw;alta— "plant-stalk"; and cf. further 
Av. ndmadka, from and = ndmata, 

c) In some cases d seems to be substituted for a before ka. 
The words are all more or less problematical, and some of 
them are entirely obscure. Those which seem most plain are: 
ekdkin (ika, ekakd); chattrdka (chattra); tatdka (tata); nabhdka 
n. pr. (wa6?ia?); patdku cf. Vpat (primary?); galdkd (gala); 
praccddka (pracala), — Very dubious are rksAka (rfea?); put- 
ydka (?); pindka (TrtVof, OSlav. pint); sdiirdki (patron.; from 

These words, or some of them, may be derived from lost 
stems in a. Yet the appearance of ekdkin is not encouraging 
to this theory; for although the fem. ekd exissts, there is nothing 
about ekdkin to suggest a derivation from it. Furthermore 
we should expect the derivatives to be fern, on such a supposition, 
whereas these words are nearly all masc. or neut. Metrical 
considerations may have affected some of them. See also § 30 a. 

Note. — ^dmdka has a justifiable d] s'o § 30 a. Nolo 1. 

d) Here belong also one or two words in -dkii: pfddhu 
<?prda^ cf.TrdpSos (loanword); mrdayilkit <mrdaya (mQiYic'dl?). — 

VOL. XXXI. Part II. : 8 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

110 F. Edgerion, [1911. 

kyaku "mushroom" is of unknown etymology. (The pronominal 
word yuvdku is from the base yuvd, and the n. pr. iksvdku 
[or -M] seems to be derived from iksu, though this cannot be 
regarded as certain. The only other Vedic word in ku is 
drglkii, see Chap. I, § 26.) 

30. a. The stem-final a before ka either a) remains un- 
changed, b) is reduced to d, or c) is changed to i in fem. 
words in accordance with the powerful tendency of i to usurp 
the place of all other vowels before fem. forms of the suffix 
ka (cf. § 7). — Naturally, most of these d-stems are fem.; and 
the ta- derivative generally follows the primitive word in 

a) d remains a before ka. — vltiakd (ifc.) = riwd; kanydkd 
<kanyd; jydkd <jyd; rasnakd <ra8nd\ *vaydka (in vaydliin) 
< vayd{?); mdinoM metronymic < mend., in Bahuvrlhi cpds., 
-vapaka, -samkhydka, — More problematic, but still probably 
belonging here, are baldkd, roddkd, ropandkd, (drigdkd, -prnakdj 
from lost primitives. 

Note 1. — oydmdka (VS.) "millet" may be derived directly from the 
noun gydmd (only Glass. Skt.) "a kind of grain," or from gydmd used in 
a vaguer way as the fem. base of the adj. Qyamd-dj this fem. base is 
frequently found in composition. 

Note 2. — Pronominal words in dka {dku) are to be regarded as formed 
from bases in d; only the ka {ku) is suffixal. See Wh. Gr. 4^; Thumb 
357; Brugmann Gr. II > j). 830. The existence of these pronominal bases 
in long vowels is unquestionable; they appear frequently in derivatives 
and in composition as the "stems" of the pronouns. The exact meaning 
of the long vowel is problematic and need not concern us here. In the 
Veda we find wdH, mdkhia, asmaka, yiAsmaka^ yuvdku from the bases 
md, asmdy yuanid, yuvd. On mdkt see Greneral Index s. v. 

b) d >d before ka. Especially in Bahuvrlhis; -ambaka <ambd] 
'dkhyaka <dkhyd\ -samkhyaka <8amkhyd (cf. samkhydka above); 
'Samjnaka < saihjm. — Also: tdraka <tdrd\ cikitsakd KcUcitsd'., 
mdnasthaka (? perhaps from a cpd. of Vsthd); menakd — metron. 
<mSnd (ci.mdindkd above); gi/aka n. pr., perhaps <gild. 

c) d + ka > ikd, I know of only three clear examples in 

the Yeda: aksamdlikd (ITp.) <aksamdld: ndsikd (RV.) <ndsd] 

imksikd (RV.) < indksd. These RV. words show how early 

began the encroachment of ikd on all other fem. forms of the 

suffix ka. — Most ikd feminine words are formed directly from 

aka masculines. 

NotC'—maJitlukd < mahild has its wkd by analogy from dhenukd] see 
Chap. IV, g 89. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The K'Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. Ill 

31. i. Begularly remains unchanged before ka. In a few 
doubtful cases it seems to be lengthened to i, but this is pro- 
bably only apparent. So the crucial word kalmalVcin (RV.), 
<kalmali?] punddrUca cf. pun^^ri-sraja, but cf. also punddrin 
(only Lex.). — putika (once also -ika) apparently <puti (adj.). 
'Valika probably <t;aB, not vali 

32. i a) In Bahuvrlhis l remains before ka invariably. 
'tantrika, -patrnka, -samidhentka^ -sdvitnka. 

b) In other derivatives it either remains, or (more often) is 
reduced to t. Especially when the ka derivative is fem. the ^ 
is usually reduced, so that the word ends in -iia; cf. § 7. 

i remains: dndtka <dndi; tusmka <tumt; nddikd; lohinikd; 
valtka (see § 31); hlilca <*fcK — Ari; dti^d (also -ikd) <dfisi; 
valmika cf. vamrU Lat. fonmcd;, aikdka. 

i > i: kiigika j^roh. <kugi; gavtnikd <gavini\ gopikd; mahd- 
ndmnika; avaghatarikd] avacarantikd; karkarika < karkaA\ 
dhayantikd r dusikd (cf. dusikd) ; pratlclkd ; tnukharikd < mu- 
khan(?)\ vajrasucikd; Mriknikd. 

NB, — dyumntka and varsika are from -in steins, q. v. 

33. II. Remains unchanged before ka regularly. 

a) Here as with a and i there are a few cases in which ii 
seems to be lengthened. Word or sentence cadence may be 
the cause of this. Kambdka (AV.) •'rice husk" < kanibu "shell." 
madhiika n. pr., apparently < madhu. — gdiuka (AV.) a plant, cf. 
gdlu (Class.) a fruit. — dbhdka "powerless" < dbha "empty." — 
iduka "owl," onomatoi)oetic, cf. ulucuSj tdula (see § 79, s. v. 
dluka). — karkandhiikd (AV.) should be read karkandhUkd, as 
the parallel B.V. Kh. stanza reads. 

b) The word madhvaka (Adbh. Br.) "bee" is probably an 
instance of some soi-t of adaptation, whose nature cannot be 
decided. At first sight it looks like a suffix al -aka added to 
m&dhu; but this is most unlikely. 

c) iksvdku n. pr. may be derived fi-ora iksu + dku\ see under 
§ 29 d. 

34. u. This would doubtless remain unchanged before ka, 
but I know of no clear instance in the Veda. The following 
words are doubtful as to etymology: dnusukciy brbtika, manduka^ 
valuka, sakduka. 

36. r. Remains unchanged l)ef()re ka, mdtrka, h6trka\ in 
Bahuvrlhis, -pitrka, -yantrka. 

a) praddtrikd "giver" (fem.) < praddtf shows the fem. suflix 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

112 F. JSdgerton, [1911. 

ikd (see §§ 7, 38), not to be confounded with the suffix -ika; 
before it r appears in its consonantal form. 

36. Consonants, Consonantal stems before -ka appear in 
theii* weakest stem-form. The ordinary rules of internal com- 
bination are generally observed. But the sibilants g and s 
appear in the form found in composition, and some 5-stems 
are in-egular. 

an-stems: tdmakUj tidakdj -carmaka, -ndmaka &c, 
Ui'Stems: -sdksika (in Bahuvrlhi cpd.) <saksin and -hastika 
< hastiyi are the only Vedic instances found w^hich shows the i we 
should expect, dyumntka < dytimnin and varfika < varsin have 
taken over I from the nom. sg. masc. of the tw- declension. — 
On 'varsika, -gUika, -cdrika, -samnydsika see § 29 a, Note; they 
probably come from stems in -a, but are influenced by m-stems. 
nUstems: -brhatka, ejatka, -datka &c. 

t'Stems: napdtkUj pratigrutkd (noun) and prdiigruika (adj.) 
<]^aiigrut\ -parigritka (Bah.). 

iyattakd {'ikd) < iyat and mfttiJcd « mfd are peculiar. The 
insertion of the glidal vowel a (i) seems to have been merely 
euphonic. Xo significance is to be attached to it, and probably 
not to the doubling of the t either (this latter is only a matter 
of word cadence); iyattakd is a dim. from iyat, and it is 
scarcely conceivable that the suffix is anything else than plain 
ka, tho in a disguised form; cf. Av. daitika <dat (§ 108). Why 
the t of the nom. sg. should appear in mfitikd instead of the 
d of the stem mfdj I cannot say; but to set up a suffix 
'takaj'tikd goes too much against probabilities. It is hard to 
imagine an analogical process by which such a suffix could 
have arisen in these words, and the instances are too few to 
make such an assumption safe. Cf. kfttikd < Vkrt under pri- 
mary -aka, 

d-stems: (Bahuvrihis) -upanisatka^ -nivitka, -parisatka, -sam- 
viika. For mfitikd < mfd see under <-stems. 
dh'Stems: -samitka < samidh, updnatka < updnah (orig. -nadh). 
C'Stems: -tvakka, -vakka, purorukka, 

S'Stenis: (see above) satka < sas (only known Vedic in- 

g-steins: -dikka <diQ (only known Yedic instance). 
S'Stems: appear regularly with s after a, s after i, w; anlyaskd, 
Aapaska, -tejaska^ medaska, -rajaska, -retaska; mastiska (? No 
"^mnstis occurs); catuska, dhamiska^ caksiiska, 'yaju^ka. 

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Vol. xxxL] The K'SiiJfixes of Indo-Iranian. 113 

a) 'd^irka (Bahuvrlhis) < dgis is due to analogy with cpds. 
in which s was followed by a sonant, as df^rdd &c. 

b) parutka <pdfus is due to analogy with stems in s, which 
take t before ka. The proportion is sis ^ t :t — Cf. also 

37. Stereotyped Endings. — When ka is added to a word 
haying a stereotyped ending, or an ending which does not 
vary according to a nominal declension, the word is always 
treated as if it were formed from a noun stem in -a, whether 
it is so or not: the ka is added to this (often imaginary) 
o-stem, and then the ending of the original word is attached 
to the fca-derivative, the -a of the suffix of course disappearing. 
This gives the word the appearance of being formed with an 
infix -oft-. 

So in the case of adverbs like drakdt < drdt, dlakam < /dam, 
Qanakdis < gandtSy in which the original base actually was dra-. 
gana-, ala-. 

But also: asakdu^ <asdu, as if the stem were asa- and the 
ending -dw; and the extraordinary verb.-form ydmaki < ydmi, 
as if ydmi were a nominal form from a stem ydma-. 

B. Saihdhi of the Secondary Suffixes ika, uka, Tka, and 
the fern. ik3. 

38. In the Veda these do not appear after d-stems. A final 
stem vowel disappears before them without trace, except r, 
which becomes consonantal r. Consonantal stems before them 
appear in their weakest pre-vocalic stem form; e. g. gdgvatika 
<g&(vant'^ paramavyomnika <'vyoman\ dparahnika <-ahany 
and so other compounds of ahan. Apparent exceptions like 
fem. tdddtmiJcd come as a rule from masculines in a-ka (suffix 
ka), or are derived from parallel bases in -a (as sddahika 
<sadahay not -ahan). — In the classical language, however, this 
rule no longer holds; particulary aw-steras take the form in -a 
before -ika (the a dropping). In the V^cda sdman and its 
compounds follow this habit: sdmika {Laty), jydisthasdmika 
< jyestha^dman &c. 

39. The primary suffixes require no remarks under this 
heading; the treatment of verbal bases before them, in so far 
as it is capable of discussion, has been taken up under the 
respective suffixes. 

1 The grammarians allow asuka as well asakdiK asciUy but it has not 
been reported as occurring in the literature. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

114 F. Edgerton, [1911. 

Chapter 111 

The Secondary Suffix ka (excl. diminutives). 

The Suffix I ka (excl diminutives) §§ 40—48. Meanings 
see Chap. I, § 9. (About 110 words.) 

40. a) Forms nouns from nouns; meaning 4ike." 
antak&, border (QB.), <dnto, end. 

Icambuka (AV.), husk of rice, < kathbu, shell (see § 33). 
klldka (U.), the middle pai-t of a mantra, <}nla, post. 
Icumbhaka (U.), the holding of the breath after filling the 

passages with aii* — a i-eligious exercise; the appearance of 

the performer suggested a pot, hence the name. < kumbha 

pot. See § 95. 
kiisthikd (AV.), dew-claw, <kAstha (cf. also § 90, 91). 
cidaka (U.), the top of a column, <cula, crest. 
chattrdka (B.), mushi'oom, < chattra, shade, umbrella (see § 30) 

(Class, chattrdka = mushroom). 
nadaka (S.)» hollow of a bone, < nada^ reed. 
nddikd (A v.), throat, <nddiy tube. 
ndbhikd (B.), navel-like cavity, <ndbhij navel. 
bhdsika (S.), general rule, < bha^ya, speech, commentary (see 

§ 29 a). 
manika (B), hump, water-jar, <maui, pearl, lump &c. 
vallka (S.), thatch; reed, sedge, <vali, fold, or vdli, edge of 

a roof. 

41. b) The signification of the fca-derivative is often so like 
that of its primitive that it is hard or impossible to distinguish 
any difference between them, so that the ka seems to be 
meaningless. The Hindu grammarians recognize as a distinct 
category this "meaningless ia" (anartha). Sometimes, however, 
the exigencies of meter explain the addition of ka. So: 
astaka (AV), home, «= asto. 

gavinikd (AV.), gi^oins, « gavtnt 

(The same pada repeated in TS. has gamnt) 
isiikd (A v.), arrow, = isu, 
piyu^aka (RVKh.), biestings, ^ plyfisa. 
(The same pada in AV. has jnyiisa, but is deficient in meter.) 

42. c) Sometimes, again, the suffix is used as a convenient 
means of bringing into the ordinary a-declension words of less 
usual stem-formations (mostly consonantal stems). This may 
explain the following (and cf. I, 12); 

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Vol. xxxi.] The K'Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 115 

dmlvatkd (YV.)t pressing, « amlvat (pres. part.). See G^n. 
Index; cf. vik^natk&t vidnvatkd. 

udaka (RV.), water, — uddn. The stem udaka was at first 
used, apparently, only in the nom. ace. sg. tidakdm to replace 
the form "^tida <uddn, which never occurs. The form udakdm 
is found 8 times in RV. and 17 times in AV., while the oblique 
cases occur only once in B.V. and 6 times in AV. The 
oblique cases of uddn on the other hand occur 19 times in 
RV. and 4 times in AV.; its nom.-acc. is not found. As 
the oblique cases of udakd increase in frequency the stem 
uddn becomes correspondingly rare. 

pratigruOcd (VS.), Echo, « pratigrut 

hrhatka (B.), n. p., < IrhdJt, adj. (But cf. also § 46). 

vik^inatkd and (inferior) viksinakd (YV.), destroying, epithet 
of gods, «= viksimnt; see General Index. 

vicinvatkd (YV.), sifting, discriminating, epithet of gods; see 
General Index, and cf. preceding and dmlvatkd, 

stUkd? (RV.), tuft of hair; prob. not "primary ia" (Whitney), 
but rather from the noun stu in prthurstu. 

43. d) But in many cases there seems to be no evident 
reason for the appearance of ka. — It may be that one or 
another of the words which are grouped under this heading 
will seem to sharper senses than mine to show some differen- 
tiation between the primary word and the fca-derivative. It 
is morally certain that some of them would have presented 
differences to an ancient Hindu. It is possible that some of 
them are diminutives of some sort, tho I have sought in vain 
for some sign of this in the various passages. However that 
may be, of the general fact there can be no doubt; from very 
early times the suffix ka became in some cases so colorless 
that it might be added without change of meaning to nouns, 
and even to adjectives. This usage increases greatly in fre- 
quency in the later language. Even if, then, a few of the 
examples quoted prove to be wrong, the principle is undoubt- 
edly right. — Note that the usage is rarest in the Mantras and 
commonest in the Upanisads. 

44. Nouns: 

avadJiutaka (U.) n. of an Upani^ad -== avadhuta 
dtmabodhaka (U.) n. of an Upanisad =» dtmabodlia 
urvdrukd (RV.) in a late and interpolated verse, a soi-t of gourd, 
— urvdrii 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

116 F. Edgerton, [191 K 

k&ntdka (AV.), thorn = kanta (only in cpds.) 

karkataka (U.), crab =» karkata 

karnave^taka (S.), earring « karmvesta 

IcinjaUca (S.), plant-stalk « kinjala (only Lexx.) see § 29 b. 

kramuka (B.), betel -nut tree =« kramu (only Lexx.) (also 

gavidhuka or gavi- (TS.), coix barbata = gavidhu (gavedhu) 

(not Vedic) 
gopikd (F.), protectress — ^ropl' 
cakraka (U.), wheel -= caftrd 
jardyttka (B.), after-bii-th ^jardgu 
jivikd (S.V.), manner of life, cf. ^'fm, life (Possibly primary -aka-y 

cf. § 95) 
tdrakd (AV.), star « tdrd 
nikharvaka (B.), billion — nikharva 
parusaka (S.), n. of a tree, and its fruit « pariisa 
pracitaka (S.), n. of a meter — pracita 
VhdradvdjaJd (B.), skylark i= bharadvdjl (f. of -jia) 
bhiksuka (S.) mendicant = bhikm 
mampuraka (U.), n. of a mystic circle on the navel, = mani- 

mfttikd (VS.), clay = mfd (see § 36) 
yastikd (F.), club -= yasfi 
rupdka (B., F.), image; species -= rupa 
lokapdlaka (F.), earth-protector ^ lokapald 
vardJiaka (F.), n. of an Fpanisad =» vardhd 
vdhyaka (S.), draft-animal -= vahyd] 
vdrddhusika (S.), usurer — vdrddhusi 
vikalpaka (F.), hesitation -» vikalpa 
'V'mdkd (S.), flute = i7'/?a 
vyddhaka (S.), hunter = vyddha 
gydmdka (YV.), millet, — gydmd (? cf. § 29 c, Note) 
samtanika (B.), n. of a Saman, == samtani. 

Note. — ajdvikd, neut. sg., "goats and sheep," is the equivalent of the 
(masc. plur.) dvandva ajavi. The -ka seems to have a sort of collective 
force, not exactly paralleld elsewhere. 

45. Adjectives: 

dgantuka (S.), accidental, «= dgantu 

dvapantikd (AV.), pros, pai-t., scattering, — dvapantt. (Note 
in Whitney's edition seems to imply dim. — i, e. pejorative — 
force, like avacarantikd &c. But as it is applied to the 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The Kr Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 117 

bride scattering gi*ains in the marriage ceremony, this is 
hardly conceivable. In the AV. passage the -JcA might be 
metrical, but not in the Q-rS., where it is also used [unless 
they depend directly on the AV. passage; note that some 
parallel passages, as MantrBr., read dvapantl]. Might this 
be a case of the "feminine" Diminutive — § 90?) 

iirdhvaka (TJ.), raised. « urdhvd 

krtsnaka (S.), all, «= krtsnd 

caturthaka (U.), fourth -= caturtha^ 

iiis)nka(m) (S.), silent(ly), =='tii8ni(in). Doubtful and prob. corrupt. 

mrdaydku (RV.), or mrl- merciful, -» mrdaya, cf. § 29 d. 

svaka (U.), own, -» svd 

Note, — The word pidguka (B., S.), rapidly growing up, < *pla = pra 
-)- agdi takes ka because of its quasiparticipial meaning, being influenced 
by the suffix -wAra. Similarly udbhrdntaka (U.), roaming, = tMhrdnta, 
from the analogy of words in primary cJca, several of which are found 
in close proximity to the word udfibrdntaka in Nrsut. Up. 7. 

46. e) Often the suffix forms substantives, from adjectives 
or other words, with the meaning '^characterized by" (such a 
quality or thing). When the primitive word is an adjective 
the derivative is frequently no more than a substantivized ad- 
jective. As such it is particularly adapted to the fonnation 
of proper names. 

Substantive from adjective: 
dbhinivistaka (S.), ? (ace. to Knauer) stale (of food) ; < p. pp. 

of abhi-ni'vig, 
invaka (SV., B.), n. pr. of a Saman, < inva, pervading. 
istaka (YV.), brick, <*istd, burnt, IE. Vaidh burn. Cf. Av. 

kunika (S.), n. of a man, <kuni^ adj., having a withered arm. 
ghdtdka (S.), n. of a kind of wood, < ghdta, smitten. 
cdraka (B.), wanderer, <cara, wandering. 
jayantaka (U.), n. of a man, <jayanta, victorious. 
tataka (B.), pool, <tata, declivity, bank. 
dyummka, n. of a man, dyurnnin, glorious. 
nyastikd (AV.), epithet of a plant, < nyastd, thrown down. (§ 91.) 
piitika (TS.) or -i/ra, n. of a plant, <pUti, foul (see § 31). 
pfthuka (B.), flattened grain, < prthu, flat. 
perukd (BV.), n. of a man, <peru, delivering. 
pracaldka (S.), chameleon 1 i - c 

praeaWca (TS.). cloudburst | < ^''«^«'«' "'^^''"^ *^"- 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

118 F. Edgerton, [1911. 

praaarpaka (S.), assistant or spectator at sacrifice, <pra8arpa, adj. 
madhyamika (U.), middle finger, <fnadhyamd (c£ § 90). 
munddlca (U.), n. of an Upani^ad, < mtmdOj shorn. 
rohitaka (MS.), n. of a tree, KrdhUn, red (in Class. Skt. also 

applied to the tree rohitaka), 
vddhaka (AV.), n. of a wood, < vadhd, smiting &c. 
varaka (S.), suitor, <vard^ desiring (also n., suitor). 
varsHka (S.), n. of a meter, < varsin, raining. 
vigvaka (RV.), n. of a man, <vifva, 
gamakd (S.), n. of a plant, perhaps < gama? 
sndtaka (B.), one who has ceremonially bathed, a gfhastha, 

< sndtd. 

Substantive from noun (which miist have been felt adjecti- 

cilaka (B.), n. of a man, perhaps <cda. 
dandaka (S., IT.), n. of certain meters, < dandd, 
vamrdkd (RV.), n. p., "Antman", < vamrd^ ant. Called dim. by 

Nftigh., followed by BR., but this seems ver}' unlikely. It 

is rather a noun of characteristic. 
vr§aka (SV., B.), n. of certain sfimans, < wsan. 
sampdtika (S.), n. of certain demons, < sampdti. 

tiragcikd (S.), a horizontal region, < tirdgci, loc, sg. of tiryahc. 

47. f) The suffix furthermore forms adjectives of characte- 
ristic, mainly from adjectives, adverbs and numerals. 

ddhika (S., U.), additional <ddhu 

dnuka (B.), subordinate <dnu. 

antilid (RV.), near <dnii. 

dvakd (AV.) (subst.) n. of a plant <dva, 

ekakin (AV.), solitary, <&ca. 

vigvaka (U.), all-pervading, <vigva, 

sdni'samdka (AV.), united, <8amd. 

From numerals, forming adjectives with a sort of distribu- 
tive force: ekakd, singly; dvakd, by twos; trikd, bv threes — 
aU RV. 

One adjective of material (others in Classical Skt.): sidhraka 
(S.). made of sidhra-wood. 

48. g) Presumably growing out of the usage described in 
§ 46, we find a few rare and abortive appearances of the 
suffix in formation of abstract nouns, with the force of the 
English suffixes -ness or -hood. The few Vedic cases are: 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] Hie K'SuJfixes of Indo-Iranian. 


madhMaka (AV.), sweetness (or, honey) <madhula, sweet. 
mairka (U.), "das Mutterwesen" <matr. 
lohinika (B.), red glow < lohim, fern, of Uhita. 
sfitc^a (S.), birth, childbirth <8uta. 

Note. — Logically the treatment of the Diminutive ka should follow 
here, it being a phase of the suffix Ika. But for practical reasons, be- 
cause of its importance and the space it requires, it has seemed best to 
devote a separate chapter to it. 

The Suffix 2 ka. §§ 49 — 52 incl. Meanings see § 11. 
(53 words.) 

49. Here no additional remarks or semantic distinctions are 
necessary, and we need only give the words, practically all of 
which are adjectives, as they occur. The. words which have 
Yriddhi are: (21 w^ords) 

apartvka (S.) <apariu 
dmcHaka (U.) <amala 
dranyaka (V.) <dranya 
drxmakeivka (TAr.) < arum + 

didakd (B.) <e(Ia 
Tidverakd (AV.) <Mvera (pa- 
cdturhotrkd (MS.) <cdturhotr 
tdddtmaka, ikd (V,)<tad-dtman 
tdvakd (RV.) <Uiva. gen. sg. 

of tvam 
^pdrsthika (S.) <prsthijd, cf. 
§ 29 a. 

pdgtika (S.) < pd^ii or pagfi 
pd(ubandhaka(S,) <pa^uhandha 
prdtigrutkd (U.) <prati^nit 
bhdumaka (B.) <hlifiman 
manusyaka (U.) <manusyd 
mdmakd (RV.) < mama, cf. 

mdindkd (TAr.) < mend (metro- 
rdivataJia (U.) < revata (patro- 
vdibhttaka (TS.) < vibhita(ka?) 
(;drlraka (U.) <^(mra 
sdmspar^aka (S.) < sai}ispa7'{'d. 

50. Those which may 
Vriddhi: (10 words) 
dtmaka (U.) <dtmdn 
ditareyaka (B.) <ditareya 
tdluka (U.) <tcdu 
tdittirtyaka (U.) <tdittiriya 
trdividyaka (S.) <trdividya 
'dhdvanaka (S.) <dhdvana 

or may not be considered as having 

hddhaica (B.) <hddhd? 
(mdki, mCiklna) <w»a— see §30a, 

vdjasaneyaka (S., U.) < vdjasa- 

{dtydyanaka (S.) <^dtydyana 

1 Note, — This must be admitted to be not a certain case of the suffix 
ka, as against ika. Nevertheless it is hardly likely that the entire 
syllable -ya would disappear before -ika without any trace; — at least I 
know of no parallel for such a phonetic change, whereas § 29 shows 
parallels for the reduction of -ya to i before ka. 

Digitized by 



F. Edgerton, 


61. The words which fail to show Vriddhi (19 words): 
agnihotraJca (V.) < agnHiotra, tndinaka (RV.) < mima, cf. md- 

asmdka (RV.) < asmd- see § 30 a 

gdndka (VS.) <gand. 
cikitsakd (B.) <cikitsd. 
tftlyaka (AV.) <trtiya (as 

devaka (U.) <deva, 
napdtka (RV.) <napdi. 
madhuka (S.) <fnadhu. 
madhva}{a (B.) < *madhva ? see 

§ 33 b. 
mantraha. ikd (U.) <mdntra. 

maka § 49. 

markataka (S.) <fitar/cdto. 

menakd (B.) <m^iia, metro- 
nymic; cf. mdindJcd. 

yantraka (B.) <yantrd. 

yuvdku (RV.) < yura- see § 30 a 

yiismdka (RV.) <yusmd' see 
§ 30 a Note. 

siifi/fa (AV.) <5uti (cf. pra- 
sutikd, CI., and -pramta, AV.). 

svastika (V.) <st;a5K. 

hotraka (B.) <hotrd. 

52. A few un-vriddhied words from bases in i, where it is 
impossible to say whether the suffix is ka or ika. The over- 
whelming preponderance of Vriddhi with ika has led me to 
classify them here, while vriddhied words from i-stems are for 
the same reason put under -ika. (3 words): 

kugikd (RV.) prob. <ku{i, 
UUiika (AV.) <hcahL 
mahdndmnika (S.) <mahdndmnl. 

The Suffix 3 ka. §§ 53— 55.— Meaning see § 12. 

53. This category consists mainly of adjectives (which, how- 
ever, are frequently substantivized), like the foregoing. It is 
on the whole not fi-equent in the Veda, except in the developt 
use with Bahuvrlhis. — Especially to be noted is the use of the 
suffix with numerals, in the sense "consisting of," "containing." 

Parenthetically it may be noted that the suffix -ika has the 
value of 3 ka in two AV. words: tundika^ having a snout or 
trunk, < tunda; amd parydyikd, having (i. e. composed in) strophes, 
<parydya. This seems to be the extent of the usage. 
The following words show ka in its third use (21 words): 
(From numerals:) (8 words.) 
dstaka (B.) pancaka (S.) 

ekatringaJca (U.) pancavihgaka (U.) 

catuska (S.,IJ.) satka (S.) 

dagaka (S.) sadvihgaka (XJ.) 

Digitized by 


Vol.xxxi.] The K'Suffix of Indo-Iranian. 121 

(From other words:) (13 words.) 
aristdka (S.), having the disease Arista 
dndika (AV.), having egg (—like bulbs) <dndi 
janakd (B.), n. of a king <j&na? 
ddyaka (S.), heir, <ddyd, inheritance 
dvdrdkd (U.), n. of a city, "City of Gates" < dvdra 
nimtistika (Ait,Ar.), of the size of the fist, <niinusti, a measure 

of that size 
parutka (S,), having joints <p&ru$ (see § 37 fin.) 
madhuka (B.), n. of a man ("rich in honey") < mddhu 
muktikd (U.), n. of an TJpan., "String of Pearls" <muktd 
mtisHkd (V,), n. of a prizefighter <mmth fist 
vasnikd (B.), prize ("having value") Kvusnd, value 
galyaka (VS.) porcupine ("having darts") <gdlyd, dart 
hlika (KS.) possest of modesty < *hli = hri 

54. Bahuvrihis. — Very scarce in the Mantras (2 in RV.; 5 
in RV. — AV. together); they become not infi:equent in the 
Brahmanas, but can hardly be called common until the Sutra- 
TTpani^ad time. There are 42 words found in the Mantras- 
BrS^hmapas together, and 54 which occur for the first time 
in the Sutras and Tlpani^ads, making 96 for the entii-e Veda. 
In the later language the cases are numerous. — That non -a 
stems predominate as primitives (cf. § 12) is shown by the 
statistics; of 96 words, 37 are from consonantal stems, 37 from 
stems in other vowels than a, and only 22 from a-stems. 

For Sanidhi of stem-finals see Chap. II. — The most striking 
facts are that f always remains unchanged, while a may do 
so, but more often is shortened before ka. — Fom* stems in a 
change a to i before ka, through the influence of parallel -in 
stems of like meaning. They are <drika <cdra^ cf. cdrin] 
'Var^ika <varsd, cf. varsin; -^ika <gUa, cf. ffUin; -samnydsika 
Ksamnydsa, cf. samnydsin. 

a) The heteroclite stems aksi (ak^an) and asthi (asthan) use 
either form of the stem before -ka, as also (in the Veda) 
before the pada case-endings (AVh. 431). The same verse in 
different parts of the Vedic literature may vary in this regard. 
Thus anaksikdya svdhd TS. 7. 5. 12. 1, but anaksakdya svdhd 
KSA. 5. X—anasthikaya (-akdya) svdhd TS. (KSA.). Cf. 
/isth&bhyah svdhd VS. 39. 10, TS.; but asthibhyah sv. KSA. 3. 6. 
Cf. also the Bahuvrihis anastha^ anasthan, anasthi, a^msthimat 
— all of which are found. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 


F. Edgerion, 


The coi'pus of variants revealed by the Vedic Concordance, 
which I have been able to examine through the kindness of 
Prof. Bloomfield, further reveals the fact that in a number of 
cases the same pada in different texts varies by adding ka to, 
or dropping it from, a Bahuvrlhi stem. Examples are anang& : 
anangaka, aprdnd : aprdmka^ CMiands : amancukA; and avajihva 
nijihvika HG. 1. 15. 5* cf. avc^jihvaka nijihvaka ApM. 2. 21. 32*. 
The second word in both places should probably be emended 
to nir-jiJivaka, A form -jihrnka as a Bahuvrlhi-final is quite 

The list gives the final parts of the compounds only, in 
alphabetical order; the stem-form of the original word is added 
where it is not obtainable by simply striking off the -ka. 

56. List of Bahuvnhi ka-words. 



'Onfdka U. 

-aksaka <ak8dn KSA. 
-ak^ikd {Kdksi) TS. 
'Ogmka B. 

-angaka KSA. 

'Ofj^uka U. 

-ambaka (tryd-) 

< anibd R V. 

'Ugitika U. 

-astakd (<d8ta) AV. 
'asthaka<asthdn KSA. 
-asthika (<dsthi) TS. 
'dkhyaka < dkhyd U. 

'dgirka Kdgis 
'Ukthaka (sok-) 

'Upanisatka Kupa- 

'Upasatka Kiipa- 

'Updnatka <upd' 








-r^ika {in sarsika) S. 

stem „ ^-i 

final ^^"^ 

a 'kanthaka (sdhdr 
(an)a k) (<kanihd) 
i -kadruka (tri-k,) 
i (<kddru) 

a "karndka (< kdr- 
u no) 

d>a 'kegakd (<kiga) 
i -cak§u^ka < c&ksiis 
a 'Carmdka < cdr- 
(an)a man 

i -cdrUia < cdra cf. 
d>a cdrin 

i 'Citika (in sdt-c.) 

s>r (< citi) 

I 'jihvaka <jihvd 

a 'tapaska 
d>t 'tfdalcay 4kd 

'tejaska (Ktejas) 
d>t 'tvdkka <tvttG 
(d)h>t 'datka <ddnt 
i 'dantaka (<ddnta) 
















TS. {an)a 

u. a>i 








Digitized by 


Vol. xxxi.] The K-Stijfixes of Indo-Iranian. 





word occurs 


'dikka <dif 



-yonika S. 


-dhcUuka <dJiatu 



-rajaska U. 





-ragmika S. 





-retdska {<reta8) B. 


-namaka <ndman S.r. 


'Upaka V. 


-nivitka <nivid AitAr. 


'lomaka (or -dka) 




<l6man TS. 





"Vapaka B. 


'parisatka Kpari- 

'varnaka U. 





'Varsika < varsd 




cf. varsin S. 





'vastuka U. 


'Puro\ niivdkydka 

'Vdkkd <vdc B. 





-vibhaktika B. 


'purorukka <pu' 

'visuvatka 8. 





-vrttika U. 





-glrsdka < i'lrsdn TS. 





-gilika < gila cf. 




gilin B. 





'satka <sds S. 





'Samvitka <5am- 




vid U. 


'brahmaka <brah' 

'Samkhyaka)<sam-( U. 
'Sarhkhydkaj khyd V. 






'bhasmaka < bhds- 

'8a7HJnaka<samjhd U. 





'Samnydsika <sam- 

-majjaka onajjdn 



nydsa cf. sam- 

'tnanaska I 


7. s 

nydsin V. 


-mdrisdJca (< mdh' 

'8am itka < sarnidh S. 





'Sdksika <sdksin U. 


-manaka (see In- 

-8dmidhen%ka B. 


dex 8. V.) 



'Sdvitrika S. 


-medaska {<meda8] 




-yajiiska <yajus 



(or -van) TS. 





-heUika IJ. 


-yu§ka <yU8 



The Suffix 4 ka. Meaning- 
56. The five words belonging 
they are (5 words): 

-see § 13. 

here have been already quoted; 

Digitized by 



F. Edgerton, 


dntaka (AV.), ender, death <&nta, end. 

yacanaka (U.), beggar <yacana, request 

vimanyuka (AV.), freeing from wrath, <vimanyu, free from wrath. 

fitaka (RV.), cooling <gltdy cool. 

hlddaka (RV.), refreshing <1ildda, refreshment. 

Unclassified (Secondary) ka. 

57. All, or nearly all, the following words in suffixal ka have 
evidently a secondary suffix. But it is impracticable to separate 
them into the various categories, either on account of the un- 
certainty of their origin, or in a few cases because, though 
they are clear as to general derivation, it cannot be determined 
which branch of the suffix they belong to. For instance, $6- 
maka, a proper name, might mean "Soma-like" (1 ka), "of or 
belonging to Soma" (2 ka\ "having 5oma" (3 ka, cf. mMhuka 
n. pr.), or it might be a diminutive. — In most of the following 
cases, however, the etymologies are unknown; and often even 
the meaning of the word is not clear. Whatever can be said 
about them will be said in the General Index (q. v.), under 
the individual words. They are recorded here merely for the 
sake of completeness. 

68. List of UndassifiaUes. (87 words.) 

aftjalika (or nyanj-) 

dmanika (or dmanaka) 






ik^dkii (or -M) 









kdplaka (or kdlpaka) 





kirikd (or gir-) 

kugavartaka (?) 










chubuka (c\. cibuka) 

-jaldynkd in U-na-j. 

jdnukd (or ni-j.) 



dhdrikd and d-rf/?. 



Digitized by 


Vol. xxsi.] The K'Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 


nardka and ndraka 


patantaka (suffix oka? Cf. 

§ 15, footnote.) 
patdkd (primary?) 
parisdraka {-oka suffix?) 
{partikd, patikCi- corrupt.) 







vastikd (2 ka or 3 ka?) 









gipivistakd (1 ka ? cf. General 

Index s. v. and § 45) 

grnkhdnikd (v. 1. singh- &c.) 

{sphatika- in-iraary ?) 

Chapter IV. 

The Secondary Suffix Ka. Diminutives. 
(About 180 words.) 

59. It is not always easy or possible to draw the line sharply 
in any given case between the various diminutive values of the 
suffix ka, as laid down in § 10 — which see. The diminutive 
of pity is almost always associated with contempt; without 
that idea it is doubtful whether it is found at all in the Veda. 
Theire are very few words in the Ycda which show a marked 
endearing force of the suffix ; in so far as it occurs it is usually 
found along with simple diminutive force (smallness). Again, 
the imprecatory and contemptuous uses are often hard to 
distinguish; nevertheless they are essentially distinct. They may, 
and very often do, exist quite independently of each other. 

VOL. XXXL Part IL 9 

Digitized by 


126 F. EdgerUm, [iwi. 

60. In treating of adjectives and pronouns having this suffix, 
it is to be noted that the diminutive idea (of whatever variety) 
usually belongs not so much to the adjective or pronoun itself 
as to the noun with which they are connected, — or rather to 
the whole complex idea; the diminutive notion pervades, as it 
were, the atmosphere of the whole sentence. So e. g. AV. 20. 
136. 14 kunmrikd pingalikd — "wretched little yellow girl;" it is 
an open question whether pingalikd (from piilgalA, tawny) has 
the suffix ka in the sense of our suffix -ish, so frequent with 
color words (pingalakd- "yellowish"), or whether the suffix has 
simply the contemptuous diminutive force, which is then, so to 
speak, transferred from the noun kumdrikd to its modifying 
adjective. 1 incline to the latter view in this case; the occui'- 
rence is by no means rare in the Veda, and is so simple 
and natural that it is hardly necessary to dwell on it. 

We shall now proceed to classify the ka diminutives by lists, 
according to the divisions laid down in § 10. 
I. True Diminutives. (72 words.) 

61. The suffix is applied — 

a) to nouns — indicating an object of the same kind as the 
primitive, but smaller. 

b) to adjectives of smallness — emphasizing and exaggerat- 
ing that quality. 

c) to adjectives of color, — indicating a color approaching 
or suggesting the original color (Eng. -iah, Ger. -lich). 

d) rarely to other adjectives and adverbs — indicating 
qualities approaching but falling short of the original 

e) principally to nouns — indicating not physical small- 
ness, but relatively secondary importance of the object 
denoted. Related to, but distinct from, the diminutives 
of pity and contempt; such notions are absent here. 

62. a) Diminutives of Size — nouns. (51 words.) 
aksamdlika, "little rosary," n. of an Up. — Mukt. Up. 1. 36 

< aksamdld 
alabuka, the fruit of the bottle-gourd (aldbu) <aidbu 

AV. 20. 132. 1, 2 = KVKh. 5. 15. 15 id aldbukam ekakam 

aidbukam nikhdtakam. '%Iust one little aldbu, a little aldbu 

cut into just a little." 
avaghatar'ikd, kind of lute, (^aiikhQr. 17. 3. 12. — Prob. Dim., 

cf. ghdtarlf lute. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The K'Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 127 

avatakdj little spring, AV. 2. 3. 1. So Ppp., adopted by Bl, 
and Ludwig; Wh. keeps the Qaun. MSS. avathd, which is 
scarcely interpretable. <avatd, 

avikdy little sheep, ewe-lamb. RV. 1. 126. 7; AV. 20. 129. 17. 
Prob. Dim. <dm. 

(In an obscene passage; is the suffix perhaps due to 
that fact? See § 85.) 

indragopdka, little firefly. Amrt. Up. 36 (^MarienkHferchen,'' 
Deuss.) < indragopa. 

(1) upajihvikd RV. 8. 102. 21 &c. ] names of sorts of ants. 

(2) upajikd AV. 2. 3. 4; 6. 100. 2 &c. , Whatever the true inter- 

(3) upadtkd QBr. 14. 1. 1. 8 relation of these words 
may be, it is safe to say they are diminutives. Bl. (AJP. 
7. 482 ff.) derives (2) fi-om (3), and then (1) from (2) by 
popular etymology. Is upadehikd (Class.) in like manner a 
popular etymology <upadikd, and is dehikd (Class.) further 
etymologized from that? Or are two quite different stems 
confused in this group, the bases deha and jihvd? 

'kanikdj a minute particle of anything, in vata-k. Sarvop. 2. 


kandnakd for kani-, pupil of the eye, only TS. 5. 7. 12. 1. 
Corrupt for kant-, as shown by fact that the same pada in 
other places (VS. 25. 1. 2; MS. 3. 15. 1; KSA. 13. 2) reads 

kamnaJcd (RV. 10. 40. 9, VS. 4. 3 &c.). -akd (RV. 4. 32. 23), 
kaninakd (QB. 14. 5. 2. 3), 4kd (AV. 4. 20. 3 &c.), pupil of the 
eye, from kaninUy -a. Bloomfield (AJP. 17. 400, Note 2) has 
shown conclusively that in all the known occun-ences these 
words mean "pupil of the eye," and never "boy" or "girl." 

kanydkd, pupil of the eye, Ait.Ar. 3. 53. 5. <kanyd. 

karkandhukd, tiny jujube-berry, AV. 20. 136. 3 (where MSS. 

and Edd. kdrkandhukd) -= RVKh. 3. 22. 3 (has coiTCctly 

ukd). See cdpikd under § 86. The obscene meaning pervades 

the passage so thoroughly that this word might also be classed. 

there. < karkdndhu 

karkarikd, little lute, AV. 20. 132. 3.^ 

< karkari, lute, R V. and (,'anhkQr. 

kdrnaka, tendril or handle ("earlet"), QBr. 9. 2. 3. 40; Katygr. 
18.4.6, 7. <kdrm. Cf § 86. 

kundika, little pot. SamnyUp. 4. 1. Of the pot of the Samnyasin, 

. in a description of his modest belongings. Dim. <kwida. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

128 F. Edgerton, [1911. 

kumdraM, ikd, boy, girl, RV. 8. 69. 15 &c. &c. kumdrUf d. 
ksurikd, "little dagger or razor," n. of an Up.K§ur.Up. 1 < ksitrA, 
khandtaka, prob. "little shovel," Ap.Qr. 17. 26. <*khandta. 

NBD. makes it an adj. "dug up;" but it is clearly a noun, 
• being connected with samuhaka (q. v.) by vd. Neither it nor 

its primitive *khanata occurs elsewhere, but prob* Dim, 
golaka, little ball, gankh.Gr. 4. 19; Gobh.Gr. 4. 4. 20. <gola. 
cdnddtaka, a short petticoat, QBr. 5. 2. 1. 8 &c. Derivation 

unknown; Prob. Dim. 
jdtaka, a new-born child, Kau^. 11. <jdt&. 

jdlaka, little net, web, Brh ArU p. 4. 2. 3. Prob. Dim. <jdla, web. 
tarfinakaj a young sprout, AV. 10. 4. 2. The verse is hopelessly 

obscure in its application, but some sort of dim. use may be 

assumed. < tdrumj 

fidsikd, nostril, RV. 10. 163. 1; AV. 10. 2. 6 &c. <nd8d, nose. 
pddtikdn slipper, A^ramUp. 4. Dim.? <pddiiy foot. 

pipilaka, (ika?) and (most often) ikd, ant; AV. 7. 56. 7 &c. &c. 

<pipfl&. See Word-List s. v. 
putrakd, little son, RV. 8. 58. 8. Cf. § 67. <putrd. 

-prndkd in harim-p.,\W\Q (fern.) young of any animal. No 

'^pmd occurs, but it is clearly a dim. Cf. Class. Skt. pr-thu-ka, 

Lt. pario, vofyns &c. 
prapdthaka^ little section, subdivision of cert, works 

<prapdtha "lecture." 
priyahgukd, little panic-seed, Samavidh.Br. 2. 6. 10. <priydngu. 
maksikci. Hy, RV. 1. 119. 9 &c. Dim. <fndJc8d, fly. 

mcK^dka, gnat. AV. 4. 36. 9 &c. — The cognate Lith. maszalai 

with suffix IE. 'los points to a Dim. -ka. 
mukharika, the bit of a bridle, KatyQr. 16. 2. 5 (BR. wrongly 4) 
. according to Sch. < mukharl (not otherwise found). The word 
. is in any case ultimately KmukhasmA is prob. Dim. <mukhart. 
miihukcl moment, RV. 4. 16. 17; 4. 17. 12. 

< muhu (or miihii) adv. ace. 
matakd, little basket, QBr. 2. 6. 2. 17. <miUa. 

mdsaka, rat or mouse, Garud.Up. 21 

'.*a, rat or mouse, VS. 24. 36. ) < ^^^« (G\^>y 

rd^ndkd, little girdle, Kath. 25. 9. <rd8nd. 

vajrasucikd, "little sharp needle," n. of an Up., also called 

vajrasucl. ilukt.Up. 1. 33. Kvajrimkl. 

'^caydka (in vaydkin), prob. "little tendi-ils," RV. 5. 44. 5. 


Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.j The K'Suffixes of Indo-Iranim. 129 

So S&yapa and Ludw.; somewhat dub.; epithet of the 

valmika, ant-hill, VS. 25. 8 &c. cf. vamrdj -t, ant. 

Doubtful. The -ka is prehistoric, but ceiiainly suffixal, 

and probably dim.; cf. Jormlca, H-^piirjl^. If valmSca meant 

originally **little ant," its semantics have wandered peculiarly. 

vamanakay dwarf, Gai'bh.Up. 3. Dim. < vamana, dwarf. 

vibhidaka, the inbhlda(ka) nut used as a die. RV. 7. 86. 6; 

10. 34. 1. <vibhUa. 

Although the form vibhtda('ta) does not occur until later, 

the 'ka was clearly felt as dim. — Cf. vibhitaka Imprec. in § 79. 

visdnakdj n. of a plant, AV. 6. 44. 3. — Prob. "little horn," 
referring to horn-shaped leaves or flowers. Kaug. even takes 
it as a real "little horn," not as a plant at all, and this may 
be right. — The other alternative is to regard the suffix as 
possessive (3 ka); visdnakCi, "horned." This is on the whole 
less likely, though possible. Cf. gaphaka, <visdna, 

{;aphaJca, n. of a plant, AV. 4. 34. 5 &c. Comm. says "a hoof- 
shaped plant;" prob. therefore "little hoof" rather than 
"hoofed;" cf. visdnakCi, to which the same questions apply. 

< gapha. 

galdkd (once dka, Kath. 26. 1), little stake or twig, TS. 6. 3. 1. 
2 &c. <gdld; cf. 29 c.) 

galka, splinter, TBr. 1. 1. 9. 9 Ac. Cf. § 29 b. prob. Kgcdd. 

gacaka, (little) hare?, Adbh.B. in I. St. 1. 40. 

<(agd] no very clear dim. force. 

samiihaka, little sweeper, Ap.Qr. 17.'^26. (NBD., "heap"). See 
khandtaka, — The word samuha only occuis as a n. of action, 
not as a noun of instrument; doubtless it must have been 
used in the other sense too, as this word shows, — for samil- 
haka clearly has that meaning. The whole sense of tlie 
passage suggests also diminutive value. Otherwise it would 
be possible to call samichaka a noun from sam + Vuh wdth 
primary oka. < samuha {?), 

suctka, "little needle," epithet of a stinging insect, RV. 1. 191. 7. 

I do not think any imprecatory or othei* pejorative force 
is present here. 
63. b) Diminutives of Size — adjectives. (8 words.) 

anlyaskd, more tiny, AV. 10. 8. 25. bdldd ekam anlyaskdm, 
"one is more tiny than a child." Kdnlyas, comparative* 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

130 F. Edgerton, [1911. 

arbhakd, tiny, RV. 1. 114. 7 &c. (see also § 72) <drbha. 

alpaha, tiny, AV. 20. 136. 3 (see Obsc, Dim., § 86); gBr. 1. 
7. 3. 25 &c. <(tfpa. 

kanisthdk&j smallest, AY. 1. 17. 2 | Kkanisihd (or 

(kanisthiJca, little linger, QBr. 3. 1. 2. 4 &c.). jfcdw-) superlative. 
ksuUakd, tiny, TS. 2. 3. 8. 3. But see § 68. 

<*ksuUa <ksudrd, praki'itized form. 
daharaka, short, Kau?Br. 19. 3. <dahara. 

bdlaka, young; a child, KrsITp. 19; MuktUp. 2. 7. <bdla. 

("ifuftd, young (animal), AV. 6. 14. 3. <Qigu, 

64. c) Diminutives of Degree— adjectives of color, (6 words.) 
kdldkdj „blackish," n. of an unidentified bird. VS. 24. 35. < kdla. 
krsnaka, prob. "blackish," n. of a plant, Kau<;. 80. < krmd, 
pingalakd, ikd, tawny(ish?), AV. 20. 136. 14.— But see § 60. 

bahhrukdy brownish, QBr. 1. 6. 3. 3; (bd-) an ichneumon VS. 
24. 26. <babhrti. 

lohitaka, reddish, red. Ap. (NBD.; no reference quoted.) < Idhita. 
gydvaka, "brownish," n. of a man, RV. 8. 3. 12; 8. 4. 2. < fydvd. 
Examples are more plentiful in Classical Skt. 

65. d) Diminutives of Degree- other adjectives (and adverbs). 
(3 words.) 

abhimddyatkd, somewhat drunk, QBr. 1. 6. 3. 4; 5. 5. 4. 5. 

< abhimddyant, i)res. p. abhi- Vmad, 
mkhdtaka, cut into a little, AV. 20. 132. 2— see cddbuka § 62. 

^anakdh, adv., quite gently, softly, RV. 8. 80. 3 &c. 

<gandts (fdw-). 
The German word sachtchen exactly renders ganakdis. 

66. e) Diminutives of Importance (without contempt). (4 words.) 
tipapdtaka, a minor sin, Xar.l^p. 5; Kalag.I^p. 2. <pdta, sin 

pdtaka is also found, but dim. force is hard to find in it; 
it lias rather the aspect of a nomen agentis. The prefix 
upa- adds dim. force, and there is no doubt that in upa- 
pdtaka at least the suffix -ka suggested diminution to the 
consciousness of tlie hearer. 

ekaka, "just one (little, valueless)," AV. 20. 132. 1— see aldbuka^ 
g 62. <eka, 

devikd, an inferior class of goddesses. AitBr. 3. 47, 48; ^Br. 
9. 5. 1. 34. <devi. 

hotrka, assistant-priest, secondary Hotr,QBr. 13. 5.4. 24 itc. <h6tr. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxij The K' Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 131 

II. Diminutives of Endearment. (7 — 8 words.) 
67. The paucity of Vedic material under this head is partly 
due to the character of the literature, whose atmosphere is to 
a large extent unfavorahle to ^^Kosenamen.^^ But after taking 
this into consideration, it is surprising that the numher should 
he so small. Following are the only cases which seem to me 
clear enough to warrant classifying them here. 
amhikdj dear little mother, Miitterchen. VS. 23. 18 &c. 

<ambd or ambt. 

nmbcUikd, dear little mother, Miitterchen, VS. 23. 18, QBr. 12. 

2. 8. 3 &c. <ambdld or -Zi. 

ambe (MS. amhj) ambike ambdlike YS,, QB., MS. ambe 

anibcdi/ ambike TS. &c.; see Ved. Cone. 

(The suffix -Id is also diminutive.) 

zdukhcdakaj dear little mortar (Morserchen, Gr.), RV. 1. 28. 5. 

< ulukhala. 
yac cid dhi tvdm grhegrha idakhalaka jjujydse ihd dyumat- 
tamam vada jdyatdm iva dundiibhih 

"However thou mayst be used in every house, O dear 
mortar, yet sound most clearly here!" 
jivikdy in jivikd ndma stha td imam jivayata. MS. 4. 8. 7, 
115. 5; AgvQr. 6. 9. 1 ; Apgr. 14. 20. 8. Addressed to the 
waters, in a magic formula or charm; "ye are jivikds, — do 
ye then make this man live (jiv)l'^ The same formula with 
jlvd in place of jivikd occurs in the same places quoted and 
in others (see Ved. Cone). Cf. also A V. 1 9. 69. 1 if., especially 4. 
Verse 1 reads jlvd stha jivydsayn- , "ye are alive {jlvd)\ 
may I live!" Vs. 4 reads jlvald stha jivydsayn — •. Whitney 
renders jlvald -'lively." But note the diminutive suffix -la, 
and cf. jivikd. The occurrence of hotli those words with 
diminutive suffixes in practically tlie same connection shows 
that neither of them is accidental. Tlicy were hoth evidently 
felt as carrying the same quasi-endearing, coaxing idea which 
is found in uliikhalaka and mahgalikd. Although this mean- 
ing seems clear enough here, to render it in English is a 
different proposition, and one winch I do not feel ecpial to 
attempting at present. 
jpddakd, little foot (Filpchen, Gr.), KV. 8. 33. 19. <pdda. 

samtardm pddakdii hara — *'keep your little footies together," 
spoken in a playfully affectionate way. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

132 F. Edgerton, [1911. 

putraM, Kttle sonny, RV. 8. 69. 8. <putra. 

Dim. of size, with addition of some endearing force. 
mahgaUkd, (adj.) of good omen, AV. 19. 23. 28. 

<mangalya (see § 29a). 
The word clearly refers to the hymns of AV. 18, which 
are funeral h^inns. Lanman is right in remarking (note to 
Whitney's translation) that it is a euphemism for this par- 
ticularly ill-omened class of hymns. The suffix ka perhaps 
adds something to this euphemistic touch by giving it a turn 
akin to the endearing diminutive (cf. uliikhalaka and jivikd). 
It would be futile to try to bring this out in translation. 
Xstibhadrilcd), coui-tezaii, VS. 23. 18. 

<8iibhadra\ cf. ^'Freudenmadchen'* 

This word may have been, and probably was, originally a 

playfully endearing dim., but in this passage, where alone it 

seems to be found, the suffix is rather imprecatory; see § 79. 

III. Diminutive of Pity. (3 words.) 

68. In the Veda this almost always carries with it the ad- 
ditional idea of contempt. It is almost doubtful whether the 
Veda knows the suffix -ka with the connotation of simple pity 
in a good sense at all. All the following instances are capable 
of being treated as terms of contempt. 

unmantaka, insane, only A(^ram.Up. 3. The exact formation 
of this word is uncertain, though its general etymology 
{ud + Vman) is clear enough. No *inanta or *unmanta oc- 
curs. If the ka is diminutive, as seems likely, it belongs 
under this head. 
ksidlakd, tiny, cf. § 63, 72. This word, <*k8uUa — kmdrA, 
regularly caiTies with it (at least in the Veda) the idea of 
weakness, as well as smallness. So QBr. 1. 8. 1. 3 — ydvad 
vdi ksullakd bhdvdmo bahvi vdi nas tdvan 7idstrd bhavati, — 
"As long as we are poor (helpless) little shavers, we are in 
gi'oat danger." In this case we seem to have a tnie Dim. 
of Pity. — More often tlie word takes on contemptuous force; 
see § 72. 
pradrdnaka, very poor, Cha.rp. 1. 10. 1. 

<jpra, intens, + dram, poor. 
Probably pitying dim. Xo idea of contempt seems to be 

IV. Diminutives of Inferiority with evil connotation, often 
called Pejoratives. (94 words.) 

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Yol. xxxi.] The K-Sujfixes of Indo-Iranian. 133 

69. They arise from the above-mentioned diminutives of ]nty 
and inferiority (§§ 66, 68) and may be conveniently divided 
into three classes (§ 10); 1. Contemptuous — § 70 — 76; 2. Im- 
precatory— § 77—84; 3. Obscene— § 85—86. 

1. Contemptuous Diminutives. (29 words.) 

70. In these the idea of smallness carries with it that of 
weakness or wretchedness and contempt. Applied to nouns, 
adjectives, participles, pronouns, and adverbs. Common fi*om 
the earliest times. As has been said, this category is often 
difficult, of not impossible, to separate from the imprecatory 
diminutive, with which it is closely connected. In many of 
the words quoted under each head something of the other 
idea is also present. 

Following are the words which show more or less clearly a 
contemptuous use of fca, an^anged according to the parts of 

71. a) Nouns, 

&haUika, "prattler"? BrhArUp. 3. 9. 25. A term of reproach 
whose mg. and etymology are not certain, but prob. con- 
taining some pejorative notion. 

tmikd, miserable bullock, RV. 1. 190. 5 (see § 29 a, N.). <u$r&. 
t/6 tvd devosrikdm mdnyamdnah pdpd bhadr&m &c. "The 
evil ones' who reckon thee, O God! (Brhaspati) as a 
wretched bullock," &c. 

kiimdraM, RV. 8. 30. 1— see § 72 s. v. arbhdkd. 

kumdrikd,^ (despised) little girl, AV. 10. 4. 14; 20. 136. 14. 

AV. 10. 4. 14 — kdirdtikd kumdrikd sakd khanati bhesajam 
— "Even the wretched little kirdta-girl, even she — a worth- 
less creature (sakd) — digs up a remedy (which is sufficient 
to destroy the serpents)." In a chai-m against snakes. The 
idea is that a worthless person of very little power or in- 
fluence can destroy the hostile serpents. The kirdtas were 
a despised mountain tribe. See § 72 s. v. kdirdtikd. 

This verbal minimizing of the power of adversaries is a 
common characteristic of all magic, and we shall have oc- 
casion to note it more than once in dealing with our suffix, 
which is peculiarly adapted to this purpose. Cf. RV. 1. 191. 
11 — 16, and see s. v. kusumbhakd, Qakuniikd, 

» Either accent. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

134 F. Edgerton, [IMI. 

For AV. 20. 136. 14, where kumdrikd also occui-s, see 
§ 72 s. V. pinffalakd. 
himmbhdkdy venom-bag of an insect, RV. 1. 191. 15, 16. 

<ktisi(mbha, id. 
vs. 15 — iyattakaJi kimmibhakas tidcdm bhinadmi dgmana tdio 
visdm prd vdvrte pdrdclr dnu samvdtah 
Ky—kusumbhakds tad dbravld girih pravartwndndkdh 
vfqcikasydrasdm visdm arasdni vrgcika te visdm, 

15. **A wretched, feeble thing is that miserable little poison- 
bag! I smite it with a stone; then the poison has departed 
into remote places." 

16. "Thus spake the ac<5ursed little poison-bag, slinking 
down from the mountain: *The poison of the accursed stinger 
is powerless.' Thy poison, accursed little stinger, is power- 

The power of the poison is belittled; the speaker declares 
with all possible vehemence that he despises it, and that it 
cannot do him any hann. See s. v. kumdrikd and ^akuntikd 
Of course imprecatory, as well as contemptuous, force per- 
vades the ka suffixes which bristle in this passage; I have 
tried to bring out both ideas in the translation. 

The word kusumbhakd is often translated "venomous in- 
sect," as if it contained tlie suftix 3 ka and meant '*possess- 
ing a kumynbha" It seems dear, however, that it has just 
the same meaning as hisiimbha (e. g. A\, 2. 32. 6), plus a 
pejorative value. Dur modern preconceived ideas, based on 
modern prejudices, of what such stanzas ought to say in 
order to give "good sense/' are of practically no weight 
whatever with verses of this kind, which may even be in- 
tentional nonsense. The meaning **poison-bag/* incidentally, 
lits in vs. 15, at least, quite as well as the other meaning. 
And as for vs. 16. we can only say that the poet speaks of 
the i)oison-bag as crawling down fiom the mountain, and 
there is an end of it. If anyone demands that logical sense 
be extracted from this abracadabra, 1 respectfully request 
that he identify the mountain (giri) alluded to, and explain 
why the ktiswnbhakd (whatever its meaning) should be crawl- 
ing down from it. — A parallel stanza to vs. 16 is AV. 5. 
13. 9; see § 73 s. v. avacarantikd. 

vfrcika, "stinger," scorpion, from Vvrai^c, The ka may be 
in origin primary and not diminutive; but that it is felt as 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 135 

diminutive in this passage is evident. The imprecatory force 
of the suffix is strong in this word, — stronger than the con- 
temptuous, perhaps. 
devaka, (wretched, worthless) god, RV. 7. 18. 20. <devd. 

devdkam cin mdnyamandm jaghanta. 
"The wretched fellow who thought himself a godling, 
forsooth! {cid) him didst thou (Indira) slay." 
dhanuska^ small, poor bow, Laty 8. 6. 8. <dMnu8. 

pdndaka, eunuch, weakling, Kath. 28. 8; 13. 7. < panda, id. 
ndpuhsaka, eunuch, hermaphrodite, QBr. 5. 5. 4. 35 &c. 

< norpuiisa, 
pvlkaka or puklaka, n. of a despised tribe. MS. 1. 6. 11. <? 
In Classical Skt. they are called pulkasa; the dim. suftix 
'ka is prob. present in the word. 
rcijakd, worthless kinglet, RV. 8. 21. J 8. <rdjan. 

citra id rdjd rdjakd id anyaki yak6 sdrasvattm dnu &c. 
"Citra is a reed king; worthless kinglets truly are the other 
wretches (anyake) who {yoke) live about the Sarasvati" &c. 
visadhdnaka^^Q^ under § 79. 
vispulingaka, (miserable) little spark?, RV. 1. 191. 12. 

trih sapid vispulingakd visdsya pusyam aksan. The exact 
meaning of the word is not entirely clear, but it must be a 
contemptuous formation <visphulinga, like qakuntikd (q. v.) 
in the preceding verse, and with a similar application, viz. 
used in minimizing verbally the power of the poison. See 
also kusHml)hakd^ and cf. kumdrikd. The vispulingakdh must 
be some w^eak and worthless creatures, at all events. 
vfrcika, scorpion, RA". 1. 191. 16 ttc. <tc. See on knsumhhakd, 

and, also § 79. 
(;akuntakd^ ikd, (wretched, accursed) little l)ird. <rdkunta, 

RA\ 1. 191. 11 iyattikd rakiintikd sakd jaghdsa te vimm 
so cin nit nd mardti no vaydm mardmdre asya yojanam 
harhfhd mddhu ivd madhuld cakdra. 
"A miserable little creature is that little h\vA\—she has 
swallowed thy ])oison; yet she shall not die; we too shall 
not die! Far off is thy course; the sun-god has turned 
thee into h(meyed honey." 

Another case where the power of a hostile object (poison) 
is belittled in words, the idea being that the very words by 
their macrical power accomplish the things stated to l)e al- 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

136 F. Edgerton, [1911. 

ready accomplished. "Even a wretched little bird has eaten 
the poison without injury; what harm can it do us?" 
AV. Ppp. folio 115 b, line 1 — (ukuntikd dhayantika, see § 73. 
VS. 23. 22, 23 and parallel passages, contain this . word. 
They occur in the obscene paits of the A^vamedha cere- 
mony; the use of the suffix belongs to the Dim. of Obscenity, 
and will be mentioned there — see § 85. 
galdkakd, wretched little splinter, AV. 20. 130. 20. <galdkd. 
See s. V. yakdj § 75. 
72. b) Adjectives, 
arbhaka, small, weak, wretched, RV. 7. 33. 6 (see also § 63). 

< drbha. 
dandd ived godjandsa dsan pdrichinnd bharatd arbhakdsaJu 
"Like ox-driving staves, the miserable Bharatas were 
crushed to pieces." 
RV. 8. 30. l—ndhi vo dsty arbhakd divdso nd kumdrakdh- - 
"Xot one of you is a little wretch, o gods! nor a weak 

AV. 1. 27. 3, in a chann against serpents, ndrbhakd dbhi 
dadhr§uh (cf. kusutnbhakd, § 71, and comment.). — Similarly 
AV. 7. 56. 6, 
dbMka, powerless, weak, AV. 6. 29. 3. 

<abhu, which means simply "empty.'' 
kdirdtakdy ikd, of the kirdtas (contemptuous), AV. 10. 4. 14. 

<kdirdta, id. 

See kumdrikd, § 71. — They were a despised tribe. This 

word is a contemptuous formation from the adjective kdirdta. 

ksuUakd, tiny and wretched. See § 68, 63, < kmdrd {*k8uUa). 

AV. 2. 32. 5 shows the word in a clearly contemptuous 

sense (with some imprecatory force added): 

dtho yi kstillakd iva sdrve te krimayo hatdh « "The tiny 
little wretches — all the worms are slain." In a vermin-charm. 
pingaUkd, tawny, AV. 20. 136. 14. Kpififfold. 

kumdrikd pingalikd, "the wretched little yellow-girl." 
This color-adjective may or may not partake of the force 
of the Dim. of degree otherwise common with such adjectives. 
See §§ 60, 64. 
bhinnaka, broken and worthless, MantraBr. 2. 7. 3. <bhinnd. 
athdi *sdm bhinnakah kumbho ya esdm visadhdnakaJu 
"So their bag is crushed and powerless, — their cursed poison- 
receptacle." In a charm against poisonous insects. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The K'Suffixcs of Indo-lranian. 137 

In the word visadhdnaka the idea of imprecation seems 
to outweigh that of contempt. 

73. c) Participles. 

ava^arantiJcd, slinking down, AV. 5. 13. 9. <avacarantl. 

karnd gvdvit tad dbravtd girir avacarantikd 

ydh kdgcemdh khanitrimds tdsdm aras&lamam visam. 

"The eared hedge-hog said, as she slunk down from the 
mountain," &c. — The whole stanza is suggestive of RV. 1. 
191. 16, and pada b is pada b of the RV. verse with the 
substitution of avacarantikd for pravartamdnakdh, q. v. The 
sense of the kd is doubtless contemptuous. This stanza has 
less appearance of fi-eshness and originality than the RV. 
stanza; it looks like a secondary and epigonal renjiniscence 
of the latter. See § 71 s. v. kusumbhakd, 
pravartamdnakd, slinking down, RV. 1. 191. 16. <pravartamdna. 

See kusiimbhakd, § 71, and cf. avacarantikd above. 
dhayantikd, sucking, AV. Ppp. folio 115 b, line 1. <dhayanti. 

Qokuntikd (ilS. -ka) ine 'bravid visapuspam dhayantikd. 

(For MS. visapuspam probably -pusyam is to be read; 
cf. RV. 1. 191. 12, and see § 71 s. v. visptdingaka) 

"A miserable little bud said to me, as she sucked up the 
essence of the poison; — "(The following words in the MS. 
are not entirely clear to me; they are probably corrupt, and 
are in any case unimportant for the present purpose.) That 
the suffix ka here has contemptuous force is made clear by 
a comparison of RV. 1. 191. 11 — 16, of which this verse is 
a reminiscence. See gaku7ttikd in § 71, also kusumbhaJid, 

74. d) Fronomiyml adjectives, 

anyaka, otl^er (contemptuous), RV. 6. 21. 18. — See rdjakd, § 71. 

< dnya. 
See also § 82, Imprecatory Diminutives. 
iyattakd, ika, so tiny and wi-etched, RV. 1. 191. 11, 15. 

<iyat' "of such a size." 

Sec rxikuntikd, kusumbhakd, § 71.— In AV. 20. 130. 20 

the MSS. have uydm yakdm galdkaJcd, for which R.-Wh. 

read iyattika gala-; but the coiTCct reading is probably 

iyd}ii yakd calAknkd, as sliown by RV.Kh. 5. 15. 10. 

75. e) Pronouns, 

saka, Sdkd, takad Ac, that (An-etched or miserable little). 

<saj sdf tad. 
RV. 1. 191. 11, see ^akuniika § 71. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

138 F. Edgerton, [1911. 

AV. 10. 4. 14— see kiimdrikd § 71. 

RV. 1. 191. 15— see Jmsumbhakd § 71. 

Katy. Cr. 13. 3. 21 takd vayam plavdmahe. Parallel texts 
read ime or eta for takd. There is no apparent reason for 
the dim. or pejorative suffix. The verse is difficult and 
uncertain; see Garbe on Vait. S. 34. 9. 

RV. 1. 133. 4 ydsdm tisrdh paficd{;ato ^bhivlangdir apdvapah 
tat su te mandyati takdt su te mandyati 

(Addressed to Tndra.) *'0f them (witches) thrice fifty didst 
thou hiy low with blows (? abhivlanydir); that deed of thine 
(te gen.) is highly praised, — yea, even that slight task of 
thine!" He means that this great perfonnance (which is 
itself worthy of laudation) was nothing to what the power 
of Indra could do, -not that the performance was in itself 
slight. Grassmann's translation misses the point. 
yaka^ which (miserable j)erson). <ya. 

RV. 6. 21. 8— see rdjakd, § 71. 

AV. 20. 130. 20 « RVKh. 3. 15. 10 iydm yakCi galdkaJcd 
(see on iyattakd § 74) -^that wretched little splinter." 
Whether an obscene meaning is hidden in the phrase (wliich 
is quite likely) or not, the contemptuous idea is plain. See 
further § 85, Dim. of Obscenity. 

76. f) Adverb. 

alakam, in vain (contemptuous and imprecatory) <dlam. 

RV. 10. 71. 6; 10. 108. 7.— Applied to actions which fail, 
and which are not desired to succeed. In 10. 108. 7 the 
Pa^is tell Sarama contemptuously that her long journey has 
been useless (alakam), since she has no power to get the 
desired cows away from them. 
(IV. Pejoratives:) 2. Imprecatory Diminutives. (59 words.) 

77. These are sometimes called simply Pejoratives, in a 
narrower sense. But this expression, if used at all, is better 
applied to this entire category, including the contemptuous 
and obscene words. I have applied the term imprecatory to 
this subdivision, because these words in ka often have just the 
value of the primitive words accompanied by a curse. This cannot 
be brought out in translation oftentimes, without over-translating 
the idea. And of course it cannot be prest too closely in the 
case of every individual word. Sometimes the idea is more 
deprecatory than imprecatory. But it always conveys the 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxij The K-Sujfixes of Indo-Iranian. 139 

impression of something bad, — something that is more or less 
emphatically disapproved of. And it diflfers from the foregoing 
subdivision in that the idea of contempt, if present at all, is 
at least not prominent, or not as prominent as the idea of 
hostility or vigorous disapprobation. As we have said, it is 
sometimes hard to say in given cases whether imprecation or 
contempt is more strongly felt. Proper names are peculiarly 
susceptible to the imprecatory ka, which casts a slui* of some 
sort or other on the personage so denominated. It is especially 
common with names of hostile demons. — Besides the other 
parts of speech represented in the contemptuous ka words, 
we find here one remarkable verb-foim containing the suffix. 
Following are the words which occur. 

78. a) Proper names, 
anantaka, n. of Qe^a, a snake-god, Garud. Up. 2; see elapairaka. 

He was regularly called ananta. 
ddpatraka, n. of a Naga or serpent-demon, Garud. Up. 2. 

<eldpatraj id. 
(mahdUdpatraka [mahdreU] is another Naga in the same 
section.) ddpatra is the name of a Naga, found in the 
Classical Skt. — This chapter is a charm against serpents, 
personified as demons. A number of them are listed and 
exorcized by name. Names in -ka predominate (only one 
out of the 12 names lacks the suffix), and in many cases 
(as in this one) the same names appear elsewhere without 
ka. It is plain that an imprecatory force is felt in the 
suffix with all of them. 
karkotaka, n. of a Naga, Garud. T^p. 2. See eldpatraka. 

<karkota, id. 
kdlika, n. of a Naga, Garud. Up. 2. See eldpatraka. No *Zcaii 

kidika, n. of a Naga, Garud. Up. 2. See ddpatraka. No *kiili 

chayaka, n. of a demon, AV. 8. 6. 21; prob. imprec. 

Kchdya (only occurs as common n.) 
jdmbhaka, •*crusher", n. of a demon, VS. 30, 16. 

<jambhd n. of a demon, AV. 
taksakd, n. of a Naga, Garud. Up. 2, AV. 8. 10. 29, &c. 

<taksa, id. (Kaug.) 
tdtivilikd, n. of a female demon, AV. 6. 16. 3. Derivation un- 
known; prob. imprec. -kd. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

140 F. Edgerton, [1911. 

fadniaka, n. of a Naga, Garud. Up. 2. See eldpatraka. 
(and mahdpadmaka — same section.) <padina, id. 

palijakaj n. of a demon attacking women, AV. 8. 6. 2. The 
proposed etymologies are all merest guesswork; but the ka 
is probably imprecatory. 

vdsukij n. of a serpent -king, Gfirud. I'^p. 2; brother of ^/e§a, 
who is referred to in the section as anantaka. VdsuJci, by 
its ending i and Vriddhi, suggests a patronymic formation 
<va8uka\ but still the -fci may have been felt as imprecatory, 
in the connection where this passage occurs. 

gankhapulika, n. of a Naga, Garud. Up. 2. See eldpatraka. 
No *^ankhaptdi occurs. 

Qerabhaka (voc), n. of a kimldin or hostile demon, AV. 2. 24. 1. 

< rerai)ha. 
which is joined with it in the same stanza. The opening 
of the exorcism is gerahhaka ^erdbhal (vocatives). Some sort 
of a serpent or dragon is doubtless refeiTcd to. The suffix 
'bha indicates that it is some animal; and the radical part 
of the word is probably connected with {ira — serpent (Pane). 
In any case the suffix, in this word as in ^evrdhaka. is 
plainly imprecatory. 

Qevrdhaka, n. of a kimldin, AV. 2. 24. 2. <cevrdha. 

Occurs in the stanza following the one which contains 
Qerahhaka\ this stanza opens in the same way with a corre- 
sponding address —ferrdAafca rm•d/^a!— The words are puzz- 
ling in this connection, because revrdha is otherwise an 
adjective of good signification, meaning •'favoring, kindly." 
It seems likely that the vague assonance of the words with 
i^erabha(ka) suggested their use in this jJace: although it would 
be rather bold to suppose that the charm-maker forgot, or 
did not know, the regular meaning of revrdha (which was, 
nevertheless, a rare word). In any case the ka is impreca- 
79. b) Nouns (not Proper Xames). 

armakd, heap of ruins, EV. 1. 133. 3. <arma, id. 

avdsdm maghavafl jahi rardho ydtiamdlndm vdilasihdnak^ 
armake mahAvdilasthe annake. On account of the fact that 
drma is only found as a noun, and that the ka is plainly 
pejorative, I prefer to regard armaka (as well as vdilasthd- 
ndkd q. v.) as a noun (drma + imprecatoi-y idea), rather than 
as an adjective, which some commentators prefer. Translate: 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The K'Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 141 

"Smite down, O Maghavan, the crowd of these witches into 
the fearful pit, the heap of ruins; — even into the great pit, 
the heap of ruins." It is indeed somewhat awkward to 
construe these four successive words as nouns in apposition 
to one another. But the pejorative notion seems so marked 
in the verse that I am unable to believe that fra is the mere 
adjective-forming suffix. 

a^vaM, accui-sed horse, VS. 23. 18 (repeated TS. 7. 4. 19. 1, 2 &c.). 

In part of the A^vamedha-ceremony. The Mahisi speaks: 
sOsasty agvak&h siibhadrikam Mmpilavdsinlm. — -'(If I do not 
perfoi-m the revolting ceremony required of me) this damned 
horse w^ill sleep with (impregnate) the accursed whore 
(sHibhadrika) who lives in Kampila." She does not want to 
do what she is compelled to do, but knows that if she does 
not, the benefits she desii-es fi'om the horse will go to other 
women. The imprecatory idea is beautifully clear. ?Iot 
"little" or "contemptible" horse (which would certainly not 
be said of the sacrificial beast at this solemn occasion), but 
"this horse, confound it!" — The siibhadrikd (q. v.) is supposed 
to personate vaguely any hostile or rival woman. 

uWca (once uruka. Ait Br. 2. 7. 10), owl, RV. 10. 165. 4 &c. 
Onomatopoetic base + ka; the owl was a bird of evil omen 
from the earliest times. Lat. ulucus as well as ulula point 
to a prehistoric pejorative. 

didakd, QBr. 12. 4. 1. 4. Eggeling "a vicious ram," <e(la. 
on the ground of the suffix, the associations in the passage, 
and a similar meaning which the word has in Marathl. 
Otherwise didaka only occurs as an adj. <e(la, with 2 ka, 
meaning "of the sheep erfa." I think E. is right in his 
interpretation; ill-omened animals are dealt witli in the 
passage. But as dida does not occur as a noun, and as the 
vriddhi-vowel is tlierefore inexplicable, T sliould emend to 

kancdcnaka, a sort of poison, AV. K). 4. 22. Etymology un- 
known. Very possibly contains imprecatory ka. 

kdsikd, cough (as a disease), AV. 5. 22. 12; 11. 2. 22. 

< kds or kdsd. 
In 5. 22. 12 kdsikd follows directly upon kCis and kdsd in 
preceding verses, and the suffix is undoubtedly felt as im- 
precatory (or pejorative). 

VOL, XXXI. Pait II. 10 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

142 F. Edgerton, [1911. 

kuhaka, rogue, cheat, Maitr. Up. 7. 8. <1mha, id. 

kusuwihakay poison-bag, RV. 1. 191. 15, 16, See § 71. 

< hisiimbha. 
The word may contain impi'ecatory as well as contempt- 
uous force. 
jyakd, accursed bowstring, RV. 10. 133. Iff. (repeated as re- 
frain). <jyd. 
n&bhantdm anyak6§dm jydkd &dhi dh&nvam. ^Let the 
damned bowstrings of the others, the scoundrels (our enemies), 
be smashed upon their bows!" Strongly imprecatory, tho a 
contemptuously belittling idea is also present to some extent. 
In AV. 1. 2. 2 jyi^d may be used for jyd for metrical 
reasons. Certainly no reason for a dim. use of any sort is 
tUvaka, a certain plant, Q. Br. 13. 8. 1. 16; A^v. &c. <tUva, id. 
only Lexx.; but cf. tilvila (RV.), "fertile."— In the Q. Br. 
passage it is found in a list of ill-omened trees, and the ka 
was probably felt as pejorative, whether it was so originally 
or not. 
dusikd, impurity from the eyes, VS. 25. 9 &c. <djm, id. 
(dusikd, Maitr. Up. 1. 3.) 

Perhaps originally pejorative, though this force is not pro- 
minent in any of the passages where it occurs. 
bdddhaka, captive, AV. 6. 121. 3. 4. Kbaddhd. id. 

Used of one bound by sin or by hostile magic. Contains 
some sort of pejorative notion. 
tnakaka, a kind of evil demon, AV. 8. 6. 12. Perhaps cf. makara, 

a sea-monster. The suffix is doubtless imprecatory. 
manaska, accursed mind, AV. 6. 18. 3. Km&nas, 

ado ydt te hrdi ^itam manasMth patayisnukdm tdtaa te 
trsydm muncdmi nir usmdnam nftef* iva. In a chaim 
against jealousy. — "That accursed restless mind that is loca- 
ted in thy heart, — from it do I let loose thy jealousy, as 
vapor from a skin." A brilliant example of the strongly 
imprecatory ka. A translation as a simple dim., "little mind" 
or the like, misses the point entirely; nor is the word con- 
temptuous. It connotes strong disapproval, tdtas «» mdnasa^ 
(manaskdt te,) 
rupakd, AV. 11. 9. 15, evil phantom. <rupa, shade, shape. 

Appears in a group of hostile spirits invoked to torment 
enemies. Although none of the commentators appear to have 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The K'Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 143 

struck this note, it seems to me clear that we have a pejo- 
rative (imprecatory) formation to rupd, which has the 
meaning "specter" in VS. 2. 30, and "visionary appearance" 
in Q. Br. 14. 7. 1. 14. The fem. gender is due to the in- 
fluence of the other names of demons in the gloka, all of 
which chance to be fem. The translation "female jackal" 
has no basis except the fanciful identification with Av. urupi, 
which is Lt. vulpes and should not be connected with 

vibhitaka, a certain tree, Q. Br. 13. 8. 1. 16, among a list of 
trees declared to have evil names. The same word is also 
used of the nuts of this tree used as dice, and is in that 
case a simple dim. (see § 62). <vibhUa, id. 

visadhdnaka, cursed poison-receptacle, Mantra Br. 2. 7. 3. 

< visadhdna. 
The same pada in AV. 2. 32. 6 reads visadhdna.— See 
bkinnaika § 72, where the passage is given and translated. — 
I have hesitated long before separating the words hkinndka 
and visadhdnaka, which occur in the same line, — classifying 
one as contemp. and the other as imprec; but the predomi- 
nance of ideas in either case seems to demand it. Both 
notions are present in both words, to a certain extent. 

visdtaki, n. or epithet of a poisonous plant, AV. 7. 113. 2. 
trstdsi trstikd (-asi Ppp.) visa visdtakydsi pdrivrktd yathd- 
easy rsahhasya vagSva. "Rough one, thou art an accursed 
rough one; visd, thou art visdtaki; that thou mayst be 
avoided (be a pdrivrktd wife), as a barren cow (Pro^Yi) of a 
buU." Pdrivrktd is a terminus technicus for a disliked and 
neglected wife; TS. 1. 8. 9. 1 &c. 

The imprecatory character of the word visdtaki is fairly 
clear, but otherwise it is problematic— visd occurs as the 
name of a plant in Su^r., and is probably here used as 
such, with intention to pun on visd, poison. — visdlaki is 
either 1) the name of a poisonous plant, containing or punned 
upon as if containing the stem visa, or 2) au epithet of 
such a plant, or an epithet applied to the woman against 
whom the chann is directed, or loosely to both, and con- 
taining the base visd or visd extended by an element of 
uncertain value plus the imprecatory suffix kl (fem. of ka). 
Can the meter have anything to do with the extra syllable 
-<a-? The Ppp. reading gives perfect meter to the whole 


Digitized by LjOOQIC 

144 F. EdgerUm, [1911. 

line; but it must be admitted that the additional -asi insert- 
ed in Ppp. has the appearance of a later attempt to improve 
the meter, which as a matter of fact far fi*om improves the 

A striking parallel to visd: visdtaki is the Classical Skt. 
equation bhanditakl ■= bhandh also n. of a plant. No *bhandUa 
occurs, any more than *visdta. As to the nature of the 
suffixal element or elements, I cannot pretend to have any 
opinion further than that the -kl is imprecatory, 

visucikd, a disease, a form of cholera. VS. 19, 10; TBr. 2. 6. 1. 5. 

< and = vlsiUn. 

visdHpaka (Wh.) or vis&lyaka (MSS.), a certain disease, AV. 

< and » visalp&(-lyd). 
E. g, AV. 9. 8. 5 (^visalpd or -ya occurring in the same 
hymn.) The suffix is doubtless imprecatory. — Wh., emending 
to visidpa(ka), derives from vi — Vsrp. In support of this it 
may be noted that Su^r. uses visarpaka of "a spreading 
eruption," like erysipelas ; and that the root vi — srp is found 
in VS. with the meaning "to be spread or diffused over." 

vf^cika, scorpion, EV. 1. 191. 16 &c. See § 71 s. v. kusumbhaka. 
The word may be a primary derivative; if its suffix is dim. at 
all, it is probably rather imprecatory than contemptuous. 

vdilasthdnaka, a hon-ible pit, E-V. 1. 133. 3. See armakd. 

< vdilasthdnd. 
Some commentators consider this word an adj., for which 
there seems to me still less ground than for holding armakd, 
q. v., to* be one. 

gipavUnukd, a kind of vermin, AV. 5. 23. 7. Probably impre- 
catory; cf. ejatkd (§ 81) in same verse. Derivation unknowm. 

sardbhaka, a kind of grain-devouring insect, Adbh. Br. (in I. St.) 
1. 40. 5, 6. Probably imprec. < sarabha (with the animal 
suffix -bha). The word sarabha is only found as the name 
of a monkey (Eamatup. Up.). 

subhadrikd, couilesan, VS. 23. 18. C^f. **Freudenmadchen." 

< subhadra. 
See s. V. agvaka; see also § 67. The suffix in this passage 
is plainly imprecatory (perhaps also contemptuous), tho it 
may have been originally endearing. The Mahisi uses this 
epithet as an invective against a (not necessai'Uy definite) 
hostile or rival woman, whom she fears the horse will favor 
if she does not perform her disgusting share in the rite. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi] The K'Suffixes of Indo-lranian. 145 

sphdfjaka, n. of a plant, said to be ill-omened, Q. Br. 13. 8. 1. 
16. sphurja, id., only Lexx. Prob. an imprecatory formation. 
80. c) Adjectives, 
unaka, defective, lacking. Qankh Qr. 7. 27. 27. <una, id. 

kdtuka, sharp, bad, RV. 10. 85. 34 — AV. 14. 1. 29. 

<katu, id. 
krtaka^ artificial, unreal, false, Gaudap. 3. 22. < krtd, made. 
kh&rvikdj mutilated, AV. 11. 9. 16. Imprec. < fcftarvd, id. 

khdrvikdm kharvavdsinlm, of a female demon. 
trstikd, rough (imprec.) AV. 7. 113. 1, 2 — see s. v. visdtaki 
§ 79. <^rsfri. 

durakd, far off RV. passim; AV. 10. 4. 9. < durd, id. 

Seems to be generally used in imprecatory sense; either 
1) applied to dangers and enemies, which are desired to be 
"at a distance," implying an imprecation (as RV. 9. 67. 21; 
9. 78. 5; AV. 10. 4. 9 of hostile serpents); or 2) if used of 
other things, usually with a deprecatory idea, as RV. 10. 
58. 1 — "Thy spirit which hath departed to a distance (as 
it should not have done), to Yama son of Vivasvant, that 
we make to return hither" — i/A^ fe . . . mdno jdgdme durakdm 
(of the soul of a dying man). 
ndgnaka, ikd, naked, AV. 8. 6. 21 — applied to demons. 

< nagnd. 
Also used of wanton women. Imprecatory. 
tiirmitaka, conjured up, illusory, Gaudap 4. 70. <nirmita. 

"Fixed, arranged," ppp. of nis — VmL — Of the illusions and 
tricks performed by magicians. 
patayisnukd, fluttering, unstable (imprec.) AV. 6. 18. 3. 

See manaskd § 79. <patayisnu. 

pdpaka, bad, evil. Q. Br. 13. 5. 4. 3 &c. <pdpd (either ace). 
praticikd, AV. 19. 20. 4 — of uncertain mg.; probably imprec. 

<pratici, fem. o{ pratydnc. Perhaps a noun — -^offense"? 
sanakd, old (imprec.) RV. 1. 33. 4 &c.; in this passage at least 
strongly imprecatory. <sdna, cf. senex. 

dhdnor ddhi visumk te vrjdyann dyajvdndh sanakdh pretim 

"From the dhanu they fled away pellmell {vimndk—in all 
directions), the old rascals who give no offering." ^ 

I Whether the k of visundk is also felt as having some sort of pejo- 
rative force is doubtful. The adverbs in -k (see § 27) do not otherwise 
show any signs of such value. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

146 P. Edgerton, [1911. 

81. d) FUrticiples. 

ejaikdj (subst.) kind of hostile insect, AV. 5. 23. 7. 

Kejantj trembling. 
Prob. imprec; cf. ^pavitnukd (§ 79) in same verse. 
jyotdyamdnakd, AV. 4. 37. 10 (edd.; MSS. 'maka). 

< jyotdyorfndna pr. p. med. 
epithet of demons; imprecatory dim.; *^ damned little 

82. e) Pronominal adjectives. 

anyaka^ other (imprec). <dnya. 

RV. 10. 133. 1— see jydkd, § 79. 

EV. 8. 39. 1 fin. — ndbhantdm anyaki sami (of enemies): 
"Let the othei's, curse them! be crushed, all together!" See 
also § 74, contemptuous dim. 
sarvakd, all (imprec), AV. 1. 3. 6 — 9. <8drva. 

evd te mutram mucyaidm baJiir bdl iti sarvakdm 

"So let thy urine be released, out of thee, splash! the whole 
horrid mess;' — In a charm against strangmy and retention 
of feces. 

83. f) Adverb. 

drakdt, from a distance, Q. Br. 3. 2. 1. 19 &c. < dr&t. 

Tu tlie passage named there seems to be at least a de- 
precatory force discernible; it is said of a woman: "she hath 
disdained me from a distance (drakdt)y" i. e. rejected my 
advances with haughty scorn. 

84. g) Verb Jorm. 

ydmaki, Qaukh Br. 27. 1, -'I go basely, disgracefully". 

<ydmi "I go". 

no tv evdnyatra ydmaki puhgcalyd ayanam me astUi. 

"Nor will I basely go over to another (meter than the 
anustubh; otherwise one would say) I am like a common 

Brilliantly explained by Aufi'echt — Z. d. d. mgl. Ges. 34 p. 
176 — 6, and since then almost universally accepted.* — Some 
Hindu gi*ammarians prescribe the use of the suffix with any 
finite verb form, and especially with the imperative. — I cannot 
here go into the very interesting, but more than problematic, 
questions raised by Aufrecht as to fui'ther parallels for this 
use of the suffix with verbs. 

> Boelitlingk accepted it at first, but later in the Abh. d. kgl. sachs. Ges. 
d. Wiss. (23 apr. 1897) attacked it — without sufficient reason, in my opinion. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] 7^e K' Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 147 

(IV. Pejoratives:) 3, Obscene Diminutives. 13 words. 

85. These belong to a certain style of popular humorous 
composition which crops out in one or two places in the Veda. 
They are related by their erotic chai*acter to the affectionate 
diminutives on the one hand, and by their debased vulgarity 
to the pejoratives on the other. Some of the examples also 
show a sort of playfully contemptuous force. Many of the 
passages are so filthy that they are scarcely translatable; and 
indeed most commentators either omit their translation or 
delicately veil them under decent Latin disguises. The use 
of a diminutive suffix with such words and in such passages 
is common to all languages, and easily comprehensible. Adjec- 
tives and pronouns take the same suffix by attraction, being 
colored by the nouns they are connected with (cf. § 60). 

The passages of this nature found in the Veda are few but 
striking. Following are the words which occur. 

86. Word list of Diminutives of Obscenity. 

alpakd, ikd, tiny, RVKh. 5. 22. 3 « (except pada d) AV. 20. 
136. 3. <dlpa. 

y&d alpikd svalpikd karkandhukiva pdcyate 

vdsantikam iva tejanam ydbhyamdnd vi namyate. 

An obscene verse; the adjectives cdpikd and svcdpikd go 

not with karkandhukd (q. v. § 62), but with the understood 

subject of the verbs (viz. the female organ). 

asakdu, that (obs.), VS. 23. 22, 23 (the verses also repeated 

with minor variants in other texts, see Vedic Concordance). 


VS. 23. 22 — yakdsakdu gakimtikdJialag iti vdncati dhanti 
gcibhe pdso nigcdgcdUi dhdrakd. 

23 — yako' sakdu gakimtcikd ahdlag iti vdficati vivaksata 
iva te mAkham cidJwaryo md nas tvdm (d)hibhdsathdh. 

Translation of 22 — ''That little birdie (obs.) which bustles 
about with the sound dhcdag — thrusts the phallus into 
the cleft; the female organ (see dhdrakd) oozes (or, trem- 

The verses are both filthy and not entirely clear in syntax. 
The Adhvaryu addi-esses the verse just translated to the 
women, at a certain stage of the Agvamedha ceremony. 

The women reply with vs. 23, which is equally ribald and 
still more confused as to sense; it evidently includes a scoff 
at the Adhvaryu. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

148 F. EAgerton, [1911. 

These verses ai*e repeated, in whole or in part, and with 
minor variants, TS. 7. 4. 19. 3 {dh&nika for dhdrakd); MS. 
3. 13. 1; g. Br. 13. 2. 9. 6; 13. 5. 2. 4 &c. (see Vedic Con- 
kdrnaka, AV. 20. 133. 3, an obscene slangy expression applied 
to the position of the two legs spread apart. < k&ma, 

dhdnikd — the female pudendum — TS. 7. 4. 19. 3 (see asakdii, 
end), AV. 20. 136. 10, for d/m/ziia— RVKh. 5. 22. 8; cf. 
fui-ther dhdna, <dhdna "receptacle." 

mandura'dhdnikl (voc), RV. 10. 155. 4, supposed to be a 

Bahuvrlhi cpd. meaning "having an impure pudendum.'' 
dhdrakd, the female pudendum (slangy-humorous).' 

<dhdra "holder." 

VS. 23. 22 (see asakdii)] Q. Br. 11. 6. 2. 10. 

mandurikd (voc), AV. 20. 131. 13, emendation of R-Wh. for 

mamltlriti, "vile woman"(?), cf. mandura-dhdnikl s. v. dJidnikd. 

muskd, testicle, RV. 10. 38. 5 &c; du. female organ — AV. 6. 

138. 4 &c. Obscene-slangy expression. <mds. mouse. 

yalid, which (obs.), VS. 23. 22, 23 &c. — see asoJidu <yd. 

See also § 75. 
Qakuniaka. ikd, birdie (obs.), VS. 23. 22, 23 — see asakdu. 

See also § 71. <^,akunta. 

^laksnikd, slii)pery, AV. 20. 133. 5. <glakma. 

Of the sexual organs in coition ; obscene slangy expression. 
suldbhikd (voc), easily won, RV. 10. 86. 7. 

<sti-Viabh cf. Idbha, 
Addressed by Vrsakapi to Indrani in a very obscene pas- 
sage. See § 16. AVhatever the original force of the suftix 
in this word, it seems probable that it was felt in this pas- 
sage as having dim. (obscene) value. 
{sv)alpikd, very tiny (of the female organ), AV. 20. 136. 3 — 

see alpakd, 
hdriknikd, bay mare (dim., of obscenity?), AV. 20. 129. 3 — 4. 

< *Mrikni, f. of hdrita. 
(« RV.Kh. 5. 15. 1.) — The whole passage isriddlesome; it is 
very likely of obscene api)lication. 

AV. 20. 130. U.— RWh. read enl hdriknikd hdrih for the 
unintelligible MSS. reading. The same verse in RVKh. 3. 
15. 8 has an equally senseless JIS. reading. Even the 
emendation is obscure enough as to its real application, — 
which may indeed be said of the entire hymn. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi,] The K'Suffixes of Indo-lranian. 149 

V. The Generic Diminutive. (4 words.) 

87. By this I mean the suffix ka applied to words denoting 
masculinity and femininity to form derivatives with meanings 
"male" and "female" respectively. The striking German parallels 
"MS-nnchen" and "Weihchen" suggest that the suftix was probably 
diminutive in origin. It may have begun to be used with pet 
domestic animals, or in a similar way; at any rate the fact is, that 
"little man" came in Skt. as in modern Germ, to mean ^-male." 

88. Prof, von Schroeder, in his article on the Apala-hymn 
(EV. 8. 80), points out that vlraM (vs. 2) must be used in 
this sense, since it is applied to Tudra. Indi'a was the very 
emblem of virile power. It was natural enough, therefore, to 
call him vlraka^ "male" par excellence, wliile it would be absurd 
to suppose that he was addressed directly (the word is voc.) as 
"0 little man!" or "Thou wretched manikin!" 

marycika, RV. 5. 2. 5, likewise means "male," being obviously 
contrasted with female animals (see the passage); it could not 
mean "Stierlein," as Grassmann renders it. 

89. The feminine counterpart, which neither v. Schroeder 
nor anyone else seems to have noted, is dhenukd. ''Weibchen," 
"female" of any animal or of the human species, — not "milch- 
cow." This becomes clear upon an examination of the passages 
where the word occurs. 

So Pancav Br. 25. 10. 23 ciivdw ca pKriisim ca dhennke 
dattvd — "giving two females, to wit, a mare and a woman." 

Katy CJr- ^4. (>. 8 tasydm arrapurusydu dhenuke dadyuh — 
"in it they offer a female horse-and-humau-being" (note af;va' 
is not the fem. stem, but common gender. As in German, 
when "Weibchen" limits a noun, the noun stem keei)s its mas- 
culine (i. e. common) form: Froschweibchou etc.) 

Similarly Mw Qr. 12. H. 30. 

AY. 3. 23. 4 — in a charm for fecundity in a woman: 

sd prasar dhenukd bhant — "Be thou a fruitful female!" (not 

The word mahihikd, AY. 10. 10. (\ used as an epithet of 
the cow, probably means nothing more than ^'female." "Weib- 
chen," being derived from mahild "woman.". 

The vowel -w- in niahUukd, instead of -ikd which we should 
expect, is apparently due to the analogy of dhemikd. — The 
lengthening of the i in the second syllable is an instance of 
that widespread tendency to iambic cadence which is especially 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

150- F. Edgerton, The K-Sufjixea of Indo-Iranian. [1911. 

marked in the language of the Veda. There are a number 
of parallels which might have been pointed out within this 
very treatise; but they are mostly self-evident. 
VI. Diminutive of Femininity. 

90. From the diminutive and endearing uses of the suffix 
was developed a tendency of the derivative kd (ikd) to be used 
merely as a mark of the feminine gender, when the primary 
word either had common gender, or its feminine character was 
not marked by its ending; or, when the primai'y word was 
grammatically masc. or neut. and the writer desired to treat 
it as a fem. Sometimes there is to our minds no very clear 
reason for putting the word in the fem. gender; but that does 
not alter the facts, nor greatly weaken our position. It is 
Ruflicient that we frequently find a fem. noun in kd (ikd) from 
a masc, neut. or common noun without ka, and without any 
other noticeable difference between the two. — The association 
of the diminutive idea with femininity is not rai'e in all 
languages and periods, and is easily comprehensible. — There 
are few examptes in the Veda, — as is true also of the endear- 
ing dim., to which this is closely related. In the later language 
it is commoner, though never very common. 

91. The examples here given are not exhaustive, even for 
the Veda, but they are some of those which show most reason 
for the use of the fem. diminutive. — Whether dhinukd and 
mdhilukd {^ee g 89) have any right to be counted here is very 
<juestionable. (.^ertainly this force of the suffix ka is quite 
distinct from the Generic Dim., to which those two words 
belong. (8 words.) 

praddirikd, giver (fem.), MS. 2. 5. 7. <praddtf', giver. 

candrikd, moon (as fem.), RSmap.IIp. 24. <candr& (masc). 
kusthikd, dew-claw, spur? AV. 10. 9. 23 &c < Ati^/i a, entrails, 
madhyamikd, middle finger. Pra^i.Up. 1. <madhyamA. 

prav(dhikd, an enigma, — challenge; AitBr. 6. 33 &c. <pravalha. 
nyastikd^ n. or epithet of a plant, AV. 6. 139. 1. <nyasiou 

The plants (rushes) were "thrown down" (nyastd <ni'Va8) 

as a seat for the bride in the marriage ceremony. Cf. AV. 

14. 2. 22 where ni^Vas is used in connection with the same 

])erf()nnance; and see my paper on the subject, — I. F. 24. 291. 
kuthdrikd (in pdda-k,, a position of the feet, ^'Gr. 4. 8), 

<kufhdra: "ax," or "little ax." ]^o particular sign of dim. use. 
bhumipd^akd, a plant, — -Qa (masc).— Samav.B. 2. 6. 10. 

((Vnitiniu'd in the ni'xt number.) 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Notes on Village Government in Japan Ajt&r 1600, 11. — 
By K. AsAKAWA, Ph. D., Yale University, New Haven, 

Additional Bibliography. 

103. KAGA SHO-UN KO, iKi H ^ ^ Si, [Hfe of Lord Maeda 
Tsunatoshi, A. D. 1643—1724], compiled by Kondd Iwawo, HMMHk' 
Tokyo, 1909. 3 vols., lxxiv + 697, xvi + 804, xi + 630 -f cxxii pages. 

104. ShO'Un kd aho-den, :^ ^ ^ ij\ ^, [brief Ufc of the same], by 
Fujioka SakutarS, M M i^ i^ P&- Tokyo, 1909. 1 vol., xxiv + 334 
+ 7 pages. 

105. I8hida Mitsunari, (ifH ;s^) ;5 ffl H J5ft» Pife of Ishida Mitsu- 
nari or Katsushige, A. D. 1560—1600], by AVatanabe Sei-yG, ^ Ift 18: I&. 
Tokyo, 1907. 1 vol., xxiv, 336 pages. 

106. Reki'Shi chi-ri^ M A A6 8> [monthly journal devoted to history 
and historical geography]. Tokyo, 1899 — . 

2. [To the note of this work add:] Part XII, vol. xiii, 1010 pages. 


Ish 105. Ishida Mitsunari. 
Reh 106. Keki-shi chi-ri. 
8ho 104. ShO-un k5 sh6-den. 


(1) Dependence of povser on peace. It is generally, held that, shortly 
before his death, Tokugawa leyasn solemnly enjoined the great barons 
who had lately become his vassals, that the best among them should 
supersede his successor, should the latter fail in maintaining justice 
and peace in his government of Japan. For, said he. [quoting an old 
saying], the world was the world's world, and not one man's. To, IX. 826. 

It matters little if this story is historically untrue, so long as the 
whole life of leyasu as a ruler and the whole structure of his system 
of administration substantiate, as they must be said to do, the sentiment 
implied in the alleged remark. 

The same sentiment also animated many an able baron in the govern- 
ment of his fief. Uesugi Harunori (1751 — 1822), lord of Yonezawa, on 
yielding his position to his son Haruhiro, in 1785, instructed the latter 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

154 K. AMkawa, [1911. 

but the general opinion is otherwise]. Those who exercise the mind rule over 
others, and those who exercise physical strength are ruled over by others. 
Those who are ruled support others, and those who rule are support- 
ed by others." He then adds: "This is the common principle of the 

world." (tt B. ^ # >6 ^ ^ :^. ^ >& « «r A. # :^ « Jfe 
« A. fi& * A « * A. f& A « * * A. 5cT ±3iit *) 

3; :f , chapter flf % ^, I, No. 4. 

(5) Warriors- This English term is applied in this essay to the 
bU'Shi ClSC "^t) class in the broadest sense of the word, that is, includ- 
ing the lords and vassals of all degrees, from the suzerain down to the 
lowest foot-soldier. 

Samurai is expansive, and though it may be conceived as identical 
with hu-shi^ it is even more susceptible than the latter of a narrower 
construction. The term hu-ke (|S5 5K) is used rather in contrast to ku- 
ge (5V 5K), civil nobility, and may perhaps be rendered as military 

(6) Distinction between warriors and peasants. The wearing of two 
swords, one longer than the other, and the bearing of a family name in 
addition to his personal name, were privileges denied to the commoner, 
but granted to the warrior as badges of his noble birth. There were, 
however, other and more significant marks of distinction. The peasant 
owed taxes both regular and irregular in nature; the warrior as such, 
namely, when circumstances had not reduced him to the position of a 
half-peasant, paid, if any, fewer and lower taxes, and, when his position 
was high, owed nothing but feudal aids and charges which never entirely 
lost the appearance of being voluntary contributions. The warrior's 
proper service was in government and wai-fare. and was considered noble, 
while that of the peasant was menial, and was rendered in terms of 
rice, money, and labor. That the laws governing the conduct of the two 
classes were largely apart from one another is well-known, the difference 
not being the least conspicuous in the forms of punishment inflicted on 
culprits of the classes. The peasant criminal was, for example, seldom 
allowed to disembowel himself for a capital offence, as was the warrior, 
but his death penalty consisted in decapitation with or without exposure 
of the head, in burning, or in crucifixion, according to the gravity of 
his offence. Cf. TAr, IX, 16; Ksd, 947; KB, II. No. 23. The education of 
the warrior emphasized the importance of martial arts, of honor, courage 
and endurance, and of learning in Confucian literature; that of the 
peasant inculcated passive obedience. He was not encouraged to study 
Chinese classics, as they contained political discussions and threw light 
on history. Even his practice in fencing was often discountenanced in 
later years of the Tokugawa period. The very views of life, and even 
the esthetic taste, were often radically different in the two classes. 

The division was sharp, but the barrier was not insurmountable. 
Many a peasant, as well as merchant, was, either for his distinguished 
birth or service or for his exceptional virtues, honored with the special 
priviledge to carry one or two swords for life, or to assume a family 
name for all time. To, XIII, 661; Zo, I, 620; KEE, 205—6; Jh, VII, 
50 — 67. This distinction, however, hardly extended beyond the mere 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Oovernmmt in Japan. 155 

external sign, which symbolized a quasi-warrior, but not a real warrior. 
Was it impossible to become the latter? Althoug^h it was often decreed 
that the warrior should not adopt a peasant's son as his heir (e. g. DSR^ 
Xn, ix, 228), cases of such adoption were not absent. The social mingling 
of the two classes took place in many a fief, notably in Satsuma, Tosa, and 
Yonezawa, where warriors continued or were encouraged to have their 
landed estates, despite the fact that the mutual contact was sometimes 
lamented as detrimental to both classes. E. g., YZS, 533, 571—572, 583 
— 584, 748 — 750, 821. Feasants, however, never entered into the warrior 
class to the extent that the merchants did at Edo. 

(7) Population. The official figures of the population of Japan, ex- 
clusive of the warrior classes, between 1726 and 1847, rangfe between 25 
and 27 millions. SCR, V, 7—8; Nfz, III, 15. Of these numbers, a pre- 
ponderant majority consisted of peasants, as may be inferred from the 
following instances. In the fief of Mito, of the population of 229,239, 
in 1797, 221,900 were peasants, and 7,200 merchants. K%o, I, 1, 3—4. 
In Yonezawa, in 1776: 24.061 warriors, 80,488 peasants, 16,099 merchants, 
and 1,354 priests and others; total, 122.102. rZSf,228. Here the pro- 
portion of the warrior and merchant classes is unusually large. About 
1830, in a fief in KyQsha: 88,036 peasants, 18,321 merchants, 738 priests 
and others; total 107,095, exclusive of warriors. Km, VIII. 29. The 
warriors in the whole of Japan could not at any time have much ex- 
ceeded 350.000, or, about 2,000,000 with their families and servants. (Cf. 
SCR, V, I.) Also see Notes 135—137, below. 

(8) Suzerain. This term is used throughout this study to indicate the 
Sho-gun. which is an abbreviation of Sei-i tai aho-gun (fjE ^ ::^ Sff ¥« 
Great general for subduing alien races on the frontiers). English writers 
about the time of the fall of the Japanese feudal government were wont 
to employ the word Taicoon (Tai-kun, ^ S, great lord) for the same 
personnage, Tai-kun being one of the several honorific titles by which 
the Sho-gun was popularly designated. A fuller discussion of this and 
other high offices of the Tokugawa government must be reserved for a 
later study of the feudal classes. 

(9) Intendants of the Suzerain. Those were generally called Dai-hoan 
(f^ 1^, deputy-officials), only a few of the more important incumbents 
being especially kenned Ghm-dai ({p f^, district-deputies). In early 
years of Japanese feudalism, the dai-kwan was not a repfularly consti- 
tuted official, but was exactly what his provisional title indicated, 
namely, a deputy or aprent of any official whatsoever, not excepting the 
suzerain's Regents {Shikken, ^ fl|^- "^^^^ Suzerain himself was some- 
times popularly called Kwan-to no Dai-kwan. Deputy in Kwan-to (i. e.. 
provinces about Edo), he being considered the deputy-general of the 
Emperor. In the sixteenth century, agents of the provincial 
governor-general {shu-go) and of the local comptroller (ji-fo) were 
often called, respectively, ahu-go-dai (^ ^ f^) and ji-to-dai (Jfc |H f^)- 
The former of these two classes of agents were, in distinction for their 
greater importance than the latter, sometimes designated Great dai-kwan 
(:k f^ '&). Kori dai'kwan iMf^'^h or Kori hwgyo (JP J^ ^f ), koH 
{gun) here meaning, not the definite territorial unit of that name, but 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

156 K. Asakawa, [1911. 

district in a loose sense. The term dai'kwan remained as the general 
name for all local agents, but also assumed a specific meaning as jir 
to-dai. The Tokugawa rulers, as was customary with them, accepted Uie 
current terms dai-ktcan and gun-dai (abbi-eviated from kori dav-kwan), 
but clearly defined their office, so far as the sphere of the Suzerain's 
direct rule was concerned, as his Intendants appointed from among his 
hereditary vassals to take charge of financial and judicial affairs of most 
of his Domain-lands. Bu-ke myo-moku shOj |^ % ^ @ ^, [cyclopaedia 
of feudalism], compiled by Hanawa Hoki-ichi, ig iS £ — (1746—1821), 
and others, (in 441 chapters), ed. Tokyo, 1903—1906, chap, liii— liv, 613— 
680; Dch, Introduction, 75,82,83—^4; Ksd, 840,1612; lah, 105,106—107, etc. 

The gun-dai were merely the most important dai-kwan. Their num- 
ber was originally four (in Kwantd, Hida, Mino, and Kyflshu), but in 
1792 the first was split into five dai-kwan, and later reorganized into 
three gun-dai. The official duties of the gun-dai were identical with 
those of the dai-kwan. Tky I, 6—9; JRcIi, XIII, 419. 

These duties were most multifarious. The dai-kwan received from the 
villages and transmitted to the Suzerain's government report on the 
census and the religion of the inhabitants, saw to the detail of assessing, 
collecting, and forwarding taxes, and supervised public works, the care 
of the forests, the tiUing of new land, and the restoration of damaged 
land. His judicial powers were limited: he could on his own respons- 
ibility inflict only the penalty of beating, but should report on all 
graver offences to the central feudal government of Edo. It was moraUy 
binding on him to oversee the behavior of the peasants, and admonish 
them against extravagance and misdemeanor. He had extraordinary 
duties to perform on special occasions which concerned the person of 
the Suzerain, and in case of a riot or warfare. Tky II, 27 — 31; IX, 17; 
8mwy 52 — 58. 

His military powers as well as duties were, however, practically nil, 
for he was primarily a local administrator in control of peasants' affairs, 
and not a baron. He, as an Intendant, owed no knights' service, nor 
was the district to which he was appointed his fief. Not even heredi- 
tary was his post in a given district, only five out of the more than 
forty Intendants remaining in the same localities for generations. All 
Intendants received salaries which were paid out of the central treasury 
of Edo, and which were graded according to the relative importance of 
their districts. They were, with half a dozen exceptions, responsible to 
the financial department of the Suzerain's government, for, indeed, their 
functions, as well as their previous training, were first and foremost 
fiscal: they collected taxes from the people and delivered them to Edo, 
and observed other details of local government largely in order to secure 
the successful transaction of this essential business. Tk^ I, 6, 9 — 11,20, 
II. 3; To, XIII, 890; SZ, XV. 

Thin is a point of the gieatest importance in the whole range of the 
Tokugawa system. It may be seen that Japan's regime after 1600, when 
her feudal institutions were brought to their highest perfection, was 
really in part un-feudal; that is to say, in so far as the Suzerain's own 
domains were conrerned, their administration was put in the hands of 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] Notes on ViUage Oovernment in Japan. 157 

his paid servants removable at will. It will bo seen lat(*r that in many 
a baron's fief, also, similar conditions prevailed. 

To return to the Intendants. In assuming the capacity already de- 
scribed, he took an oath that he would faithfuly fulfil his official duties, 
and at the annual meeting in Edo of all his colleagues he listened to 
the reading of special instructions to the dai-kwan. Toy XII I, 315 — 319, 
846—847, 959, 1082, 1099; XV, 780; JG, III, No. 1; 1, No. 1; Jt, I, i, 
9—12; TKB, I, iv, 19a— 248. The following arc instructions dated 1680: 
— "The people are the foundation of the country: the Intendant shall 
always study their hardships, and see that they do not suffer from 
hunger and cold. When the country is prosperous, the people are ai)t 
to be extravagant, and when extravagant, they are apt to neglect their 
calling; see, therefore, that they are not extravagant in food, clothing, 
and dwelling. The people are suspicious of officials distant from them, 
and then the officials suspect the people: see that neither of them enter- 
tain suspicion of the other. The Intendant should always be frugal, 
know details of agriculture, and carefully observe that the taxes are 
justly levied. It is essential that the Intendant should not leave his 
affairs to his subordinates, but undertake all things in person, and then 
all his subordinates will be dutiful. The Intendant and his subordinates 
should under no circumstances employ people of their district for private 
ends, or borrow from them or lend them money or rice. Always note 
the condition of rivers, roads and bridges, and repair them while the 
damage is still small; if there is a quarrel among the people, investi- 
gate it before it becomes serious, and, if it may be adjusted privately 
among the disputants, see that it is settled without partiality or trouble 
to any party. Always observe that all affairs are diligently settled, and 
especially that there are no arrears in the public accounts, so as to lie 
ready for the possible transfer of the Intendant to another district or 
giving over of his district to a baron." Tk, II, 26 — 27. 

It was customary with tlie Intendant of a distant post to stay in Edo 
and only periodically visit his district. In that case, cme or more of 
his subordinates presided at the local office. These and other subordi- 
nate officials {te-taitke ^ pfl*, te-dai -^f^, sho-yaku ^^yC, etc.), many of 
them hereditary, were remarkably few in number, and served long yc^ars 
of hard work. They perforce led the most frugal and monotonous life, 
and in fact, whatever their illicit incomes, their regular salaries wero 
mere pittance, the lowest clerks receiving nothing. Tk, 1, 14 — tl; II, 3 — 4, 
11 — 13, 25. The Intendant received a special small allowance, besides his 
regular salary, for the maintenance of liis assistants and local offices. To, 
XIU, 846—847, 1082; XIV, 751; XV, 789; Tk, II, 13-25; Jt, II,i, 25— 32; 
Jo, VI, 4—8; Jh, V, 6—11; TKR, I, iv, 249—271. From the financial 
stringency of the Suzerain's government, it was urgent that his Domain- 
lands should yield the maximum revenue with the minimum expenditures. 

The following is a table of all the Intendants in 1867, with the rela- 
tive importance of their districts in 1838 as shown in their assessed pro- 
ductivity in terms of rice. The gun-dai have (r, and, hereditary dai-kwan, 
hi after their family names. 1 koku is nearly eaqual to 5 bushels. From 
Tk, I, 11—13, 20-24; II, 7—9. 

VOL. XXXI. Part IL 11 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 


K. Asakawa, 


Family names 


Main office at 


Aatesaed product- 
iTitj of the diatriot 


in 1838 



Kobori, h 

Kyoto, Yamashiro 














? 20,531 


Goj6, Yamato 




Osaka, Settsu 






Ishihara, h 

Otsu, Omi _ 



Tadara, h 

Shigaraki, Omi 



Iwata, G 

Kasamatsu, Mino 




Nakaidzumi, TotOmi 




Shidzuoka, Suruga 




Kofu, Kai 




Ichikawa, Kai 




Isawa, Kai 



Egawa, h 

Nirayama, Idzu 




1 Edo, Musashi 













Kimura, G 

Iwahana, Kodzuke 


Kawadzu, G 

Fusa, Shimodsa 


Oguri, G.; h 

? 681,642 








Maoka, Shimodzuke 



1 Edo 



Hanawa, Mutsu 




Kori, Mutau 




j Onahama, Mutsu 




■ Shibahashi, Dewa 






: Nakano, Shinano 




Niimi, G 

Takayama, Hida 



Idzumozaki, Echigo 




: Midzuwara, Echigo 




Kumihama, Tango 




\ Kurashiki, Bitchu 




1 Ikuno, Tajima 




1 Omori, Iwami 



Kubota, G 

Hida, Bungo 



Takagi, h 

1 Nagasaki, Hizen 






Digitized by 


Vol. xxxi.] Notes on ViUage Oovemment in Japan. 1 59 

(10) The Suzerain's domain -lands and the barons' fiefs. During the 
Tokugawa period, the importance of any territory was measured, not by 
its total extent, but sometimes by its area under cultivation, and much 
oftener by the officially determined productive capacity of this area stated 
in terms of koku (4.963 bushels) of rice. The total cultivated area of 
Japan, which had gradually increased, was officially stated at the end 
of the feudal rule, as 3,260,000 cho, or nearly 8,000,000 acres, although 
the actual area seems to have been nearer 12 than 8 million acres. 
Chkj 100 — 101. The total productive capacity of Japan, as officially 
accepted, increased from 18.5 million koku about 1600 to 25.8 about 1700, 
to 30.4 about 18a5, and to 32.0 about 1868. Koku-daka ko, in Dse; SCB, 
Yy 23, 38, 49; Dch, In trod., 89, 94. When the total was about 26.4 mil- 
lion koku, it was apportioned, or, to be a little more precise, the lands 
which were estimated to produce the various amounts or their equivalents 
were distributed, approximately as follows: — 

1. The Suzerain's Domain -lands under the Intendants 3.28 million koku 

2. The Suzerain's Domain-lands in the larger cities and 
other special places, which were under his special 
agents or temporarily entrusted to neighboring 

Barons 93 ., 

3. The three Tokugawa brandies of Tayasu, Hitotsu- 

bashi, and Shimidzu 30 ,, 

4. The Suzerain's smaller immediate vassals, all below 
10,000 koku . 2.60 

5. The Barons' fiefs 18.86 „ 

6. The Imperial House 10 „ 

7. The civil nobles 04 „ 

8. Beligious houses and persons 31 „ 

Tk, II, 7—11. Of, SCR, V, 51, 55—56. 

Of these, the Suzerain's Domain-lands (Nos. 1 and 2 in the table) were 
known as ko-ryo {^ ^ or ^ f^, public domains or possessions, — the 
word 'public' applying, in the usage of the period, to all things pertain- 
ing to the government of the Suzerain, as distinguished from the barons'), 
and' the barons' fiefs (No. 5) were called shi-ryo (^i ^, private domains). 
The former were sometimes designated go-ryo (|ft ^, go being honori- 
fic), and were popularly styled even as ten-ryo {J^ ^, literally, heavenly 
domains), so exalted was the Suzerain in the eyes of the common people. 

The individual baron's Fief was popularly designated, if it covered an 
entire province (or kuni, B), by the name of the province, but more 
frequently, even in that case, and of course when the fief was a i)art of 
a province or extended 'over several provinces, by the name of the 
central castle-town. Occasionally, the family name of the baron was 
used in denoting the fief. In all these instances, the name was followed 
by the word han (^, original meaning: frontier defense, march); as 
Nihonmatsu Aan. The same word was used also as an adjective; as, e. g., 
han-shi (31 "i, warriors of the fief) and han-shu (SF i> ^^^^ ^^ *^^ 
fief). To all intents and purposes, han may be translated as 'fief. A 
grievous usage has grown up among native and foreign writers in English 
to render the word with the most inappropirate and misleading term, 


Digitized by LjOOQIC 

160 K, AjBokawa, [191I. 

clauj a practice which every lover of truth should strongly combat. The 
luzn was a territorial division, which retained its name independently of any 
change in its population, so long as it existed as an undivided fief. If 
such word as ka-chu (5|E ff*? in the family) was used to designate the 
immediate vassals of the baron of the kati, its meaning was figurative, 
denoting that the vassals, who formed a minority of the population of the 
ban, and who were never all of one clan, had sworn fealty to the successive 
lords of the baron's house, which itself was seldom permanent. There 
is not one leading feature of the /*an justifying the use of the word *clan\ 

(11) Barons. These include all the immediate vassals of the Tokugawa 
house owing military service and receiving in fief pieces of land valued 
above 10,000 koku for each man. There were 194 Barons in 1614, 240 in 1700, 
and 266 in 1865. At the last named date, the largest fief (Kanazawa) was 
officially registered as productive of 1,022,700 koku, and the average of the 
fiefs, about 70,000 A-oitw. The class titles of the Barons in official documents were 
slio-ko (^ ^ princes) and man-goku i-zho (^ ^ VX i^i those above 
ten thousand koku). The familiar title dai-myd (:^ iS' originally, holder 
of a great myo-den^ land bearing the name — myo — of the owner, original 
cultivator, or some other person or thing) was only half official as a 
general name for the barons. Sometimes, however, a distinction was made 
in public documents between dai-myd and sho-myo barons (holders of 
greater and lesser fiefs), but the line of demarcation is obscure and was 
probably never officially defined. Ksdy 1687 ff,, 2244. 

(12) Baron* 8 Bailiff a and land-holding vassals. Despite the great 
diversity of detail in the village administration of the various Fiefs, the 
general outlines were drawn after the model of the Suzerain's Domain- 
lands. In the ordinary Fief, there were districts given in fief to vassals, 
besides those reserved for the Baron. These were often called, respect- 
ively, kyu-nin mae {^ J\^ *J5f) and o-kura-iri (^ ^ \\ {Ish, 108; 
SDS, 1, 16.) 

The management of the vassals' fiefs rested sometimes with the vassals 
themselves, (as was the case with the ho-ko-nin mae, ^ 5* A ^' ^^ 
Sendaij ibid., 18), but oftener with village-heads with or without special 
agents placed above them. The ancient term ji-to (^ BH) ^'^^ applied 
very loosely to indicate either the holding vassals or their agents. The 
vassals, so far as their rural aftairs were concerned, or, at least, their 
agents and village -heads, were usually under the supervision of the 
Baron's Bailiffs, who in these instances had general control over all local 
affairs. SDS, 1, 9, 10; 11, 86, 1(4; DSR. XII, xi, 861, 363; vi, 586; Gi, 
1, 3; BK, 1, 4-5. 

These Bailifts' business, however, concerned jjrimarily the districts 
reserved for the Baron himself. They were nearly always of the warrior 
class, but, like the Suzerain's Intendauts. did not hold their respective 
districts in fief, for they were paid servants usually removable at will. 
YZS, 107—108; NTK, 404. In many Fiefs, there were some Bailiffs who 
held their spheres, or at least regarded them, as in fief (cf., e. g., YZS, 
565), but the tendency was toward making these cases exceptional. 

The Baron's Bailiff's were generally of two grades, the names of which 
varied considerably in the different Fiefs. Perhaps the commonest grades 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Qovernment in Japan. IHl 

were kdri bu-gyo, {|S $ ^, (other names being gun-dai, 8|5 fij, gun-to, 
815 51- gun-zhij 8|S ^) and dai-ktcan, "f^ '^, (also gun-dau kdri nioku- 
dai, SB @ fii). the first higher than the second. Some of the larger 
Fiefs, however, had three or more grades, while the smaller had only one. 
Kw, II, 3; Zo, I, 1030; Gi, II, 24—25; Mkr, throughout. 

Instmctions to the Bailiffs were necessarily of the same nature as 
those given to the Suzerain's Intendants. 

In the same manner that the Suzerain's government occasionally de- 
spatched special inspectors to observe conditions of rural administration 
{To, X, 610, 622, 661—662; XI, 495, 509. 596—599, 826; XII, 47—48, 64; 
XIII, 60, 67—68, 174, 237—238, 439, 444,481-^483; XIV, 410— 414; XV, 
11—14; ZO, I, 43; III, 1374; IV, 103), so also many a Baron sent about 
r>fficials with similar missions (e. g., YZ8, 98, 104 — 107,'28o — 286, 525—526). 
The practical value of these inspectors, as likewise of the general in- 
structions to the Bailiffs, was often problematical. Mi^ I, vi, No. 41. 
See Note 111, below. 

(13) Village, The villages, or mura (4^), were the smallest territoria 
units, an<l as such had a long and imi)ortant evolution in Japanese 
history. Under the Tokugawa, they differed greatly in size and impor- 
tance. The average mura was a historic entity^ composed almost ex- 
clusively of peasant families. The number and fiscal values of these 
families seldom underwent abrupt changes, and, as we shall see later, 
the productive capacity of each village was officially estimated and 
registered at an early date of this period, and was not revised except 
under an urgent necessity. Its agricultural character, its historic origin, 
and its comparative unity as a fiscal coi-poration, are the three dominant 
characteristics of the normal mura of the Tokugawa epoch. 

The total number of mura in Japan was, in 1834, 63,493. Arai Aki- 
michi, Ni-ho7i koku-gun en-kaku go, 1860 {SCR, III, 9). 

It is interesting to note that, all through the Tokugawa period, the 
extent of many mura in sparsely inhabited parts or on provincial borders 
remained more or less indefinite. Dch, introd., 93. These villages were 
in the historic process of finding themselves, which others had already 
gone through. They also emphasize the truth that a mura was often an 
aggregate of peasant families, or, more exactly, of peasant holdings and 
their fiscal values, rather than a mere area of territory. When the popu- 
lation grew dense in proporticm to the land of the village, the latter's 
limits would be determined. There also a^ipears to have existed some 
resisting power of the mura against arbitrary division or combination, 
so strong was its historic character. Where mura were altered, their 
old names persisted as the names of hamlets or homesteads {aza-iu^ ^ 
^, aage-^na "^ /5)> ^^^* historic names were too dear to be forgotten. 
(Cf. Tnk, 206.) When extensive areas were tilled and inhabited, they 
formed either distinct and seldom totally assimilated parts of the motlier 
villages, or independant villages. Dch, Introd., 92. 

Many villages preferred to mura other unit-titles which they had 
borne, or titles expressive of their geographical positions or genetic re- 
lations. Bi(^), go {^), sho {j±.X and }nakiri (PhJ -|(J-in Ryu-KyQ),are 
illustrations of the former, and tsu or minato (^, f^. harbor) , hama 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

162 K. Asakawa, [1911. 

(fi[, beach), shima (jj^, island), 8an ( [Ij —Buddhistic), uke(*^—hom the 
Chinese unit shou 5^> ^ (Itli offshoot), and sabaki (S!|, rule) and 
kaito (Ji ^, M ^- JP # ^» separated), of the latter. Ibid., 90—93; 
Gei'han tsu-shi, II, 479, 484, &c. 

It would be extremely interesting to study, from old maps and from 
all the actual examples, the various types of settlement and of the arrange- 
ment of houses in the historic villages of Japan, to note the geographical 
distribution of these types, and to infer from these data the probable 
historic and economic reasons of the variation. It is, of course, to be 
expected that, even aside from the changes that have taken place since 
the end of the feudal regime, some villages are too old and too much 
alt-ered from their original forms to be reduced to types or to lead one 
to safe conclusions as to their evolution. However, it is easy to see 
that there must be a great number of other villages in which may be 
traced \^4th more or less clearness their original types or their subsequent 
alterations. Scarcely any extended study has yet been made in this 
fruitful field of research. One geoprapher has barely enumerated eight 
different types in existence, as follows: — 1. a single row of houses on 
one or either side of a road or a river or cm the sea-shore; 2. parallel 
rows of houses in similar positions ; sometimes on ascending or descend- 
ing terraces; 3. two such single or parallel rows intersecting each other 
at an angle ; 4. a more or less circular or arcuated distribution of houses 
around a fortress, a temple, a great estate, or a small harbor; 5. a linear 
distribution with its one end closed against further extension, for in- 
stance, by an important temple, which is usually situated before a thickly 
wooded spot; 6. villages in which single houses are scattered with no 
system of arrangement; 7. those in which houses are found in small 
groups on advantageous spots ; and 8. those in which houses are arranged 
and roads built in accordance with some preconceived regular geometrical 
glans. (Makiguchi Tsunesaburo, Zhin-sei chi-ri gakuj 3rd ed., 19()3, 
pp. 904—907.) 

Also see Notes 15 and 22, below. The striking case of the lya-yama 
villages of fyo deserves a special mention. 

(14) The lya-yama villages in the province of lyo (^ ]|^ IE. ^ ill )• 
About 180 square miles in extent, and situated on the sinuous course of 
the river Matsuo, the lya-yama villages were completely protected from 
the outside world by high mountains and deep ravines. The latter were 
crossed over only by means of ropes made of twisted vines, for it was 
impossible to span the wide gorges with bridges. In the fourteenth 
century, this place was found to be occupied by a few hardy warriors 
with their retainers, who resisted encroachments, and stood against a 
powerful baron when all the rest of Shikoku had succumbed to him. 
In 1585, lyo was given in fief to Hachisuka, but it was not till 1590 
that he extended his authority to this part of the province. The chiefs 
either fled or were killed rather than surrender, and the region was well- 
nigh deserted. Afterwards old inhabitants were slowly induced to return, 
and surviving chiefs were permitted to re-instate themselves in their 
former positions. In 1612, the productive capacity of the land under 
cultivation was estimated as about 1200 koku. The chiefs, at that time 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] Notes on ViUage Government in Japan. 163 

less than twenty, were granted hereditary rights as village-heads, as well as 
whatever land they might open beyond the cultivated area then registered. 

Throughout the Tokugawa period, these privileges of the chiefs re- 
mained undisturbed. They owed a nominal military service in case of 
an emergency, which seldom occurred. The population gi'aduaUy in- 
creased, as also the area tilled after 1612, which all belonged to the 
hereditary chiefs. At the fall of the feudal government in 1868, lya-yama 
was found to contain nearly ten thousand souls, living in 36 villages 
styled as myo, (the reader will remember the word myo-den mentioned 
in Note 11, above), under the control of 21 chiefs (myO'Shu, ^ J, heads 
of the myo) belonging to seven old warrior-families. Feasants who culti- 
vated the land that was examined and registered in 1612 were free, but 
those who lived on other land, which was in the chiefs' possession, were 
the latter's tenants, and stood in a servile tenure. DSRj XII, v, 321 j 
X, 4d4-496; Mkr, 198, 216—217; Dch, 1230—1231. 

These facts about lyoryama are extraordinary and instructive, at least in 
the following respects : 1. they retained the old name myo for the village, — 
a point of interest at this stage of our discussion, — and fnyd-shu for the 
village-head; 2. the chiefs were warriors, and owed a knight's service; 
3. they held their post by heredity; and 4. they held their tenants as 
serfs. Por these reasons, we shall often recur to these isolated villages 
in the course of this essay. 

It would be interesting to visit this region to-day and study its present 
conditions. A citizen of lyo who has recently traveled across lya-^ama 
observes that it was still largely inaccessible, that the families of the 
chiefs were stiU greatly respected by the peasants, and that many of the 
latter were still notably intractable and defiant. 

(16) Classes of peasants. The ordinary peasants, technically caDed 
hyaki/^shd (jS ^)» constituted the bulk of the peasant population. Their 
status may be explained in connection with their landed holdings. The 
latter had each an officially fixed and registered productive value, and 
by this value the importance of the holding peasant was measured. 
(E. g., YZSi 506.) From the fiscal point of view, the holding was as 
important as the holder. A piece of land might be divided or trans- 
ferred within certain limits, but its name {aza, ^) would probably 
remain the same (cf. Mkr, 332), and the new holder or holders would 
be responsible for the same amount of dues as had always been levied 
on the piece. Individual holdings were thus regarded as a sort of per- 
manent entities, and in fact often proved more enduring than the peasant 
families who held them, for the latter might and did change. 

Where these families remained unchanged, their heirs frequently 
transmitted through generations the same personal names, the peasant 
being forbidden to bear a family name; if the same families held the 
same pieces of land during successive generations, the names of the 
families and of the holdings became intimately associated with one an- 
other. Thus, a piece of land called Mikubo might for a century be held 
by Zenkichi succeeding from father to son. The latter would ver>' re- 
luctantly part with the former. 

Such conditions were, however, far from being universal. Division 

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164 K. AsaJcawa, [1911. 

and transfer of land frequently took place, as we shall see later, both in 
accordance with and in violation of law. Peasant families came and 
went, and rose and fell, and the dull land also changed names or even 
aspects through natural calamities or human fortune, (cf. GGIj III, 1, 
15, 16.) Often families altered more rapidly than land. 

In a village where there were families much older than others, the 
former, especially if they were proportionately rich, were often called 
sen bf/akti-sho (^ "^ ^, advance peasants), and enjoyed a degree of pre- 
stige. If they were original settlers of the village, they would be distin- 
guished as kusa-wake {^ ^, grass-dividers). In some places, older 
families were kon hyakursho (^ "jSf jft, main peasants), and later ones 
waki hyakursho (1^ ^ ^, side peasants). D^'iJ, XII, v. 535— 536; GGI, 
II, 17; III, 20. Often the land-holding peasants in a village w^ere collect- 
ively called so hydk-usho (!|^ 1^ ft, all peasants). 

Few villages were regularly laid off like the townships in the new^er 
American States. Japanese peasants were by nature gregarious and 
mutually dependent. Groups of houses would first spring up freely over 
w^idely separated spots, and as each spot became filled, virgin soil between 
the first spots w<)uld be settled upon and tilled, until an increased popu- 
lation should have turned with plough and spade all the available sur- 
face of the village. Peasants holding many pieces of land would find 
them scattered over too wide an extent for him alone to manage them. 
Also, as the village was well filled with small peasants, probably some 
of them would, impoverished by their mismanagement and by excessive 
taxes, mortgage and lose their patches of land, or perhaps abscond. 
Thereby the greater peasants would have their holdings added to, some- 
times to their delight, but oftener against their will, when the taxes 
were heavy and the margin of i)rofit small. From these and many other 
circumstances, all large peasants emi)loyed hired men as farm hands. 
This practice was common from the beginning of the Tokugawa period 
(cf., e. g.. DSR, XII, iv, 196). About 1720, a well-informed writer affirm- 
ed that few landholders of 20 to 100 koku of recorded productivity could 
cultivate with their own hands more than a tenth of their holdings. 
(3f«, II, No. 15.) 

The hired men were not all of a uniform status. Some were younger 
sons of other peasants, but these became fewer, for economic reasons 
that we shall examine later. Some others were hereditary servants (/w- 
^^h Vk ^^; these also decreased in number toward the end of the 
period, though they increased temperorarily in hard years (To, XII, 621) 
and never disappeared throughout this period. There were many men 
all over Japan w^ho had few or no holdings of their own, and would be 
willing to be hired for short periods as farm hands. These usually had 
no voice in the councils of the villages where they had their temporary 
domicile. If they became settled, or, perhaps, if they continued to live 
in their own villages, and worked as tenants, they were called na-ko 
(^5 "F? s^iis of the myd-den'f cf.Xotes 11 and 14, above), midzu-nf>mi (7|C §, 
water-drinkers), mae-chi CSJ" J||, front-land), and the like. In the Kana- 
zawa fief, a kashira-buri (S^ ^0 owned his own dwelling-house; he had 
greater freedom of movement than the ordinary peasants. In Buzen, 

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VoLxxxi.] Notes on Village Oovernment in Japan. 165 

some tenants lived rent-free in houses built by the landlord. In most 
places, the tenants were incorporated into five-man ^oups, which will be 
described below, but seldom had any voice in village administration. 
(GGI, II, 17; Ggs, 136; Jh, VII, 67—68; Tk, VII, 17—20; Mkr, 232, 
236, 251, 305, 532; YZS, XI, 628; Sfnw, 82—84.) See Note 37, below. 

It would be difficult to determine the average proportion of the 
various classes of peasants. In a village in Murayama Gori, Dewa, there 
were, in 1772, out of the total number of 96 houses, 41 ht/akushOj 23 na- 
go, 28 midzvMiomij and 1 Buddhist priest. Tk, VII, 16. It w^as one of 
the most important characteristics of the Japanese peasants of this 
period that a large majority of them were small landholders. This paper 
aims to show some of the reasons for this remarkable condition. Cf. 
Notes 36, 37, 45, 64, 126, 141—143, below. 

None of these peasant classes were serfs. The nearest to the latter 
were the hereditary servants of large peasants, but these were a de- 
creasing minority of servants, and their relation to the masters was 
more personal than real, for they were attached to the latter's families 
rather than to the soil. The others were either temporarily employed 
laborers or tenant-farmers. The former married, and frequently establish- 
ed themselves as petty peasants, with the assistance of their benevolent 
masters, with whom they thus "divided kitchen", as the act was locally 
called (J/At, 372 — 373). In fact, no law impeded the servants or tenants 
from acquiring land holdings and setting themselves up as full hydku- 
sho. The kaskira-buri had. as has been seen, even a larger freedom of 
movement than proprietors. Tliis important point will be more fully 
discussed later. 

A singular exception is seen in the case of the ge-nin of lya-yama, 
(see Note 14, above), who were peasants living on lands belonging to 
the hereditary chiefs, or myd-shv,. Peasants cultivating land registered 
in 1612 were, cm the other hand, called fia-gOy and were ordinary hyaku- 
sho, owing thirty men's annual convee per family. The ge-nin^8 corre- 
sponding convee was five men. It is briefly stated that the latter were 
much like serfs, held down to the soil of the myo, Mkr, 216—217. If 
80, it must have been owing to the fact that the hereditary chiefs were 
warriors personally overseeing the tilling of their landed estates. The 
^e-niw, therefore, must have stood in a much different position in rela- 
tion to their lords from that of the tenants or servants in peasant fa- 
milies in other villages. 

(16) Village-officials, Village-officials in the Suzerain's Domain-lands, 
and also in most of the Baron's Fiefs, consisted of three classes of person- 
ages of divers titles, whom we may call, respectively. Village-heads, 
Chiefs, and Elders. Tk, II, 33—34; etc. 

The Village-head was variously designated as na^nushi, sho-ya, kimo- 
irij and ken-dan^ the first two titles being most common throughout 
Japan, while the last two were practically limited to the northern pro- 
vinces of Mutau and Dewa. The various titles were used with little 
system, the same village, or even the same document, sometimes using 
two or three titles to denote the village-head. {Tnk; GGI, I. 15, 16, III, 
20; DSE, XII, V, 536—537; ^[kr.) It is only in a general way that it 

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16(i K. Asakawa, [1911. 

can be said that villages east of the Hakone Pass used the title fia-nushit 
and. those west, the title sho-ya. 

Kimo-iri (Jj-f ^, roasting the liver, or jff \y putting in the liver), 
is a title appearing from the end of the sixteenth century, and merely 
meaning utmost diligence [in the care of village affairs], as witness 
the familiar Chinese expression *to break one's liver and bile' (^ J)f JJjl), 
and such English phrases as ^putting one's heart into his work' and 
'racking one's brains'. (Of. Xz, I, 15; DSR, XII, v, 316. 8mw, 101 note, 
is improbable). The term was not limited to the village-headship, but 
was applied to many other kinds of chiefs. As for ken-dan (|jS Mfv 
examining and deciding), its use seems to have dated earlier than kimo- 
iri. During the later years of the Tokugawa period, it was usually con- 
fined to town officials in the north, especially in the Sendai and Yone- 
zawa fiefs. {Nz, I, 15—16; Mkr; YZS; SDS.) 

The title Na-nushi (^ ^) was derived from nu/d-shu, written in the 
same characters, and meaning: head of the myo {^, name),— myo being 
an abbreviation of mt/o-den (^ Q, name-land), land bearing the name 
of the owner or original cultivator. The ^nyo-shu of the Xamakura and 
Muromacb periods (from the late twelfth to the late sixteenth century) 
was, however, radically different from the na-nushi of the Tokugawa 
epoch, for the former was a little seigneur or at least a man of the 
warrior class, while the latter was essentially non -feudal, though some- 
times vested with the right to wear swords and bear family-names. 
(Dch, Introd., 74, 84; Nz, I, 14; DSHy VII, 23; Ksd, 2243.) The tran- 
sition of the title from the one to the other is not yet clearly traced, 
and falls beyond the scope of this paper. 

Sho-t/a (ji±, ^) was originally cognate with na-nushi. Literally, it 
meant a house (house-master) in the sho-enj large private estate which 
paved the way toward feudalism in Japan, and which in many instances 
remained for a long time as a territorial unit. (Cf. SmWf 100 — 101, note.) 
The owner of a distant sho would leave its management in the hands of 
his agents, who, being private men, were called by different ill -defined 
titles. Of these, shb-ya was oiie. In its exact form, it is not found in 
documents as early as is mt/o-shu, and it is difficult to say whether all 
the sho-ya were also originally warriors, as they generally were not 
under the Tokugawa. (JVr, I, 15; DSR, XII, i, 793 ft'.) 

It is interesting to note that, in the early years of the Tokugawa 
regime, there lingered excei)tional cases of warrior village-heads at places 
where warriors did not live in castle-towns, but were settled in villages as 
petty seigneurs. These being influential among peasants, some of them 
became village-heads. Tliere occuiTcd, in 1603, a serious insurrection of 
one of these slio-ya in Tosa, where, at the coming of the baron Yama- 
nouchi, some two thousand vassals of the old lord Chosokabe had settled 
as farmer-warriors in different parts of the province. (DSR^ ^^^i h 
734 — 749.) Many of their descendants retained their role of gd-shi (^ 
-J;, country warriors) throughout the Tokugawa period. There were 
go-ski in a few other fiefs, and many of them must have served as 
village -heads. A conspicuous example is that of lya-yama, where, as 
will be remembered, several old seigneurs remained as hereditary village- 

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Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 167 

heads for more than two hundred and fifty jears. They even reverted 
to the old title myd-shu in 1616, after having for a brief period been 
called tia-moto (^ >Z|Si). See Note 14. above. 

As for the appointment of the village-head, it has been saiil that 
generally in western Japan, the headship was handed down from father 
to son in old, but not always the wealthiest, families; that in eastern 
provinces either a general election or an infoi-mal selection for life or 
rotation for an annual term x>revailed; and that, as a consequence, the 
office possessed more dignity and worked with greater ease in the west 
than in the east. {Jh, VII, 28 — 31.) 11 this was true in a very general 
way, there were numerous exceptions to this contrast. Even in Fiefs 
and Domain-lands near Edo, an official appointment of the head without 
popular election or choice was not infrequent. (E. g. Nz, I, 15; Mi^ I, 
iv, 32.) Even in cases of election, the authorities sometimes exercised 
a veto power or ordered reconsideration. {Jh, A"I1, 31.) It would seem, 
on the whole, that election or rotation was much less common than 
appointment, and tended to lapse into the latter. {Smw^ 103^107.) 

The duties of the village-head were, like those of the Intendant or 
Bailiff, varied and extensive. He acted as the medium between higher 
authorities and the village, both the former's orders and the latter's 
reports always passing through his hands. Deeds of sale and mortgage, 
as well as petitions and appeals from villagers, required his seal affixed 
to the documents. He assisted in the examination of the productive 
power of cultivated land. He divided among the people taxes due from 
the village, and collected and delivered them. He was responsible for 
the accuracy of the accounts of the village finances, and also for the 
correctness of all the regular records and reports. Public works and 
repairs, distribution of official loans and alms, examination of the census 
and the religion of the village, and the like, also devolved on him. Not 
the least important and delicate point of his duties was to guide the 
morals of the peasants, and prevent their extravagance and misconduct, 
by persuasion and personal example. Everywhere the importance of 
his moral qualities was strongly emphasized. (GGI; YZSj 506; Smw, 

The village-head had, of course, no military or judicial power. He 
exercised police functions with the aid of villagers, and, in disputes 
among people, he offered his good offices to advise private reconciliation 
of the parties, in accordance with the policy of the feudal authorities 
to discourage judicial contest as far as was compatible with justice. 
{GGI, II, 7, 12, 36—37; III, 1.) 

In return for these varied services, the village-head received a re- 
muneration, which, in Domain-lands, seldom exceeded a half of one per 
cent, of the recorded annual productivity of the village. He was, also, 
remitted a part or the whole of the village dues, and in some instances 
given free labor on his fann of two or three days of all the peasants. 
He also received presents from villagers, and those must have been con- 
siderable when the head was virtuous and beloved by the people. (Jk, 
n, 46; Jh, VII, 32—33; Tk, VII, 15; Hrs, 1296; Smw, 107.) Between 
his heavy duties and small emolument, many village-heads in Domain- 

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168 K. Asakawa, [IMl. 

lands became impoverished ^^fi, I. iv. 32). In the Barons' Fiefs, great 
diversity of practice seems to have prevailed respectinjLj the question of 
remuneration. In some places, the reward was much more liberal than 
in the Domain-lands, (e. jr., SDS, II, 43, 4H; DSR, XIT, vii. 1158). The 
degree of the heatls' usefulness and moral influence widely differed in 
difterent Fiefs, according to the jrcneral condition prevailing in their rural 

One head for each village was a rule usually followed, but sometimes 
two small villages were under one head, and one large village had two 
heads. In every village, the head was assisted by some half a dozen 
Chiefs oiflinarily called Kumi-gashira ($J1 BM' gi'oup-heads), but also 
known as toshi-r/ori (4^ ^-, elders), osa h/ahu-sho (-^ 'Q H, leading 
j)easants), oto}W bt/aku-sho (^ "0 JJ. P^, older peasants; in a docu- 
ment of Ugo dated 1*>()7 occurs the title otonashiki mono-domo, 'obedient 
fellows'), osa-hito (;^ ^, leading men), and the lik'\ In Yonezawa, the title 
Kan-dai (^ f^) was used after 18()1. Suwo had hiro-gashira (11$ BH)- 
The first name, kumi-gashira. suggests that, in some cases, the office 
originat(»d with the heads of five-man gi'ou])s, which are considered in 
Note o-J, below. {Tk, II, 3H— ^; Jh, VII, 33; DSB, XII, v, 530—537; 
Mkr; Hrs, 1*296 ; Wigy i, 47.) This title was. however, evidently not uni- 
versal. The other titles would seem to indicate that the Chiefs had 
merely been leading j)easants of the village. Osa byaku-shOy for exam])le, 
was the title applied in some parts till a late ])eriod to jieasants who 
held no official position, but w^hose forefathers were large landholders. 
(Cf., e. g., DSB, XII, V, 316, 530; with Xz, I, 16; Jh, VII. 34.) 

The Chiefs were usually chosen by the village from among the chief 
families, for a term of one or more years, and the choice was reported 
to the authorities. (TA*, II. 33 — 34.) This, however, did not prevent the 
office from becoming confined to a limited number of persons in a given 
village. {YZS, 553; lYTX, IV, 419—420.) The duties of the Chiefs were 
much the same as those of the head, whom they assisted. They some- 
times received a slight remuneration, and, in addition to it, or instead of 
it, a remittance of village dues. (JA, VII, 32; Tk, VII, 15.) 

Besides the Head and the Chiefs, the average village had one or more 
Elders, whose function was to keep an eye on the conduct of the vill- 
age-officials, to give counsel and admonition, and generally guard and 
promote the best interest of the village. They were chosen from among 
the most highly respected of the peasants, and usually served with little 
or no remuneration. They often enjoyed greater moral influence than 
the Head, but in public documents his signature and seal followed those 
of the Head and the Chiefs. {Jh, VII, 33; NTK, IV, 419; etc.) Their 
title was hyaku-sho dai ("jSf ^ fi^, representatives of peasants), s(J- 
dai (!f8 fij, representatives), so hjakn-shd {^^^"^ ^, re])resentative peas- 
ants), or mura-bito gashira {J^j J^ FH' beads of villagers). Where the 
Chiefs were called kumi-gashira, the Elders might lie known as osa 
br/aku-sho, a title which was applied to the Chiefs in other places. (Ttik; 
SDS; Mi,) This confusing identity of titles for the two different posts 
would seem to point to tlu-ir common origin and later diff'erentiation. 

(17) District-heads and groups of villages. In larger Fiefs and Domain- 

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Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Tillage Qovernment in Japan. 169 

lands, as, for example, Yonezawa, Sendai. Kanazawa, Okayama, Hiro- 
shima, Yamaguchi, Kururae, Xumamoto, and others, neighboring villages 
were gi*ouped together for administrative purposes. The commonest 
name for the groups was the plain Kumi-ai mura (^J. ^ ^»}", associated 
villages), b\it the old names go (||5), ho {^\ ryo (^), and others per- 
sisted in some places, as also the peculiar tori (jj), «MJi (^)j te-naga 
(^ :^), and the like. (Dch, Introd., 93; YZS; Mkr,) 

The to-mura (+4^? ten villages) groups were probably found only in 
the Kanazawa liof comprising for the most part the provinses of Kaga, 
Noto, and Etchu. These groups are said to have dated as early as 1604, 
and were originally composed of ten or twelve villages situated near to- 
gether, but they grew larger and fewer, as time went on. At the end 
of the feudal regime, many a to-mura was found to comprise 30 or 
40 mura. {Mkr, 475.) According to the normal scheme, however, which 
probably continued to be in i)ractice in several districts of this fief, vill- 
ages were to be organized as follows: five neighboring villages were 
under the supervision of an o kimo-iri (great village-head), who was one 
of the kimo-iri, or heads, of the villages, and took the i)ost of the general 
head annually by rotation ; two such groups of villages, that is, ten vill- 
ages, formed a larger division, and its head, called to-mura kimo-iri (ten- 
village head), was one of the two d kimo-iri of the five-village groups, 
and served for life, but not by heredity; and five of the five -village 
divisions were likewise banded together under the control of an d to- 
mura (great ten-village [head]) selected from among the five o kimo-iri. 
(ShOj 144.) ''To-mura" seemed later to have become the popular general 
name for this elaborate organization. 

The heads of the ^o-inwra were called fo-mwra kimo-iri, or simply, to-mura; 
sometimes, osa hyaku-8hd. The great majority of them were of the peasant 
class, though, like some village -heads, many of them were favored with 
the privilege of wearing swords and bearing family -names. A few were 
real warriors. None of them, however, seem to have held their districts 
in fief. They were directly responsible to the Baron's government, 
and not to his Bailiffs and land-holding vassals. {DSR, XII, ii, 854 
—859; Mkr.) The importance of such an institution in extending tlie 
Baron's authority throughout the Fief and in securing uniformity of 
rural government may well be inferred. The to-mura arrangement is 
said to have excited the Suzerain Yoshimune's admiration for its effi- 
ciency. (To, XIV, 300—301.) 

More common for district -heads than to-mura were the titles o sho- 
t/a (:^ ^ M» great sho-i/a), o ktjno-iri (:^ JJf A)* so sho-ya (ifS ^ Mi 
sAo-^— general), warinnoto (^J JQ, SH >4^» dispenser), o yoko-me (;^ ^ @ , 
great superviser), o so-dai (;^ !f8 fi^, great representative), ken-dan (^jgt 
m, examiner and judge), o doshi-yori and chu doshi-yori (;:^ and lj» 
^ ^» great and middle elders), and the like. (See Mkr; YZS; Gsr.) 

They were generally great peasants, and, as heads of extensive regions, 
some of them wielded as large an influence as petty barons and bailifls. 
Their 8er\'ice, which was similar to that of the village-head but magni- 
fied, was remunerated with a special slight levy imposed upon the 
districts. For the maintenance of the to-mura, for example, all the male 

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170 K. Asakawa, [1911. 

peasants between 15 and 60 years of age gave about y^ peck of rice 
(AfAr, 259). Tliis circumstance and the great power of the district-head 
had led to so many corrupt practices, that, in 1713, the Suzerain's govern- 
ment decreed that this office should henceforth be discontinued but in 
exceptional regions throughout the Domain-lands. (To, XIII, 318, 320 j 
Note 59, [XXVII, 6], beldw.) This law did not affect the Fiefs. 

(18) Delegation and responsibUity in China. See the author's Early 
institutional life of Japan^ chap. 3. 

(19) Inciolahility of the official. Each official represented in his proper 
sphere the power delegated to him in successive steps from the very 
highest authorities. He was a dignitary of the Suzerain or the Baron 
(5V 'fli or ^ ^ ^ f^ ^), the honoric go (^) commanding respect 
from all persons below him (^ ^, Jj^i T T)- He, on his part, for 
the same reason, showed extreme deference in addressing himself to his 
superiors. The latter were approached with reverence (^ J^), and were 
listened to with abject fear ($ ^ ^). It was a capital offence to use 
jirivately the Suzerain's family emblem or to pretend that a private 
undertaking was official (^Ij flB). {KB, I, No. 33; GGI, II, 19, 20.) 

/ (20) Sacredness of tfie laws. We cannot tarry to go into the fruitful 
discussion as to the source and meaning of *law' during the Tokugawa 
period. It may be stated, in short, that, whatever the origin of the 
ideas contained in the law, the latter became such only as it emanated 
from the higher authorities. Each law took the form of an official 
command, and was regarded as embodying the will of the ruler. It 
might gradually and naturally fall into disuse or be modified by custom, 
or even might at once be found to he unworkable, but it should not be 
wilfully altered or abrogated by the people without official sanction. 
The law was sacred, for it was the voice of the powers that ruled. Even 
a sign-board bearing an official proclamation was treated with reverence : 
it was surrounded with a fence, was guarded from fire, and was re-made 
when it wore out by exposure. (GGI, I, 12; II, 25.) 

It is interesting to note that frequently the authorities sought to add 
to the majesty of a law by stating that its infraction would incur punish- 
ment from heaven (5^ J§[). 

(21) Punishment of feudal nobles. This subject should be discussed in 
a seperate paper on the feudal classes of this period. 

(22) Joint responsibility of corporate bodies. Of the various kinds of 
corporate bodies mentioned, the cities and gilds form the subject for an 
independant discussion. As for the village communities, their joint re- 
sponsibility will be more fully treated when we discuss the five-man group. 
In short, the whole or a part of the village, or its officials, were held re- 
sponsible for the reciept and transfer of the official circulars, for the pay- 
ment and delivery of the taxes, for the good behavior of all the members, 
for the arrest and surrender of robbers and incendiaries, for the main-, 
tenance of taxable estates, despite the running away of their present 
holders, and for a hundred other al!'airs. (E. g., see GGI, I, 6, 7, 14, 
34; IV, 3, 8. 11, 12, 13, 15; Ggs, 5, 7—8, 1^4—135; KR, 11, No. 44.) 
Cf.. also, Note 144 b, })olow. 

(23) Framing laws with discretion. An examination of a large body 

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Vol. xxxi.] Notes Oil Village Oovernment in Japan. 171 

of Tokugawa laws will strike one by the persistent recurrence, after 
important provisions, of the clause that cases requiring arrangements, 
contrary thereto should be reported to the central government. 

"What might be termed discretionary laws, also, were abundant. Some- 
times special laws supplied or modified general orders previously issued 
in the form of public moral exhortations or as informal measures, or 
vice versa] for example: an increase of population was generally en- 
couraged, but an excessive increase in an old village was checked by 
prohibiting indefinite divisions of land-holdings; the peasants were 
continually taught to settle disputes by private adjustment, and yet the 
evil of supressing litigation was provided against by law. (To, XIII, 
315—316.) Of. Notes 36, 45, 49, below. 

(24) Operating laws with discretion* Judgments passed by the courts 
afforded numerous examples of the use of equity. This and the speed 
of rendering justice struck Kaempfer, who thought them exceptional 
(Engelbert Kaempfer, History of Japan, Engl, transl., new edition, 
Glasgow, 1906, III, 319 — 320), but who, it is to be feared, was acquainted 
only with favourable instances. (Kaempfer was in Japan in 1690 — 1692.) 
Good rulers emphasized the importance of equity and discretion, leyasu 
remarked: "Rules of conduct are generally fixed according to men's rank, 
but beware that time and place alter the modes (^ iF»y^"*w). (Iwa- 
buchi ya-wa, in DSR, XII, v, 115 — 116.) lemitsu criticized his chief 
justices, as they, prompted by a desire for an exhaustive inquiry, put 
to the witnesses questions beyond their intelligence, which bewildered 
them without enlightening the issues. He also taught the distinction 
between what he termed the commissioner's decision (^ fj ^ ^J) 
and the suzerain's decision (^ T ^ ISL ^J)* ^^ * dispute over a 
boundary, for example, the former would determine the truth, but the 
latter would add that a part of the land of the winning side be ceded 
to the other, if the correct division was certain to deprive many men of 
the losing party of their very means of sustenance. He did not praise 
a man who made a useful compilation of court decisions, for, thought 
he, no two cases would be exactly alike, and precedents were not always 
safe guides. {To, X, 1090 — 1092.) Tsunayoshi ordered that decisions 
should not be based on the consideration of immediate justice alone, but 
also on their probable effects on popular morals and customs. {Ibid., 
XII, 107.) Uesugi Harunori was a living example of discretionary 
justice, and so were Hosokawa Shigekata and other barons noted for 
political wisdom. (E. g., YZS, 81—88, 262, 807; Gi, I, 2; etc.) Equity 
and judical acumen combined in the highest st^te of efficiency in the 
person of 6-oka Tadasuke (1676—1752). {To, XIV, 263—264.) Cf. Wig, 
i, 71—73; Prof. Mikami Sanzhi's articles in Hrs, 1088—1115. 

(25) Bending laws for equity. Kuroda Yoshitaka (^ S :$ ]%> 
1546 — 1604), like many other Barons, had made gambling in his fief a 
capital offence. His vassal Katsura won a large stake one evening, and 
on his way home, with all the booty on his shoulders, unexpectedly 
met his lord, and, in bewilderment, improvidently exclaimed: "I have 
not been out gambling." His comrades gave him up as lost. The next 
morning he was summoned to Yoshitaka's presence. The [latter asked 

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172 KAjBokafffOy [1911. 

him how much he won the preceding evening, to which Katsura replied 
in exaggerated terms. "Bravo!" said the loi"d, "but it was a risky 
business to evade my law. Your foolish exclamation shows your fear 
of the law. If you fear it to that extent, rather observe all laws. Beware, 
too, that after too good a fortune usually comes ill luck. If I hear you 
have squandered your money, I shall punish you. Do not gamble. Do 
not buy luxuries, and be careful not to become bankrupt." During his 
rule, few of his vassals were punished capitally or banished. Kuroda 
ko-h/o mofio-gatari in DSR, XII, ii, 72 ff. 

The evading of a barrier was punishable with death, but a peasant 
committing this offence on his w^ay to Edo to lay before the central 
authorities an appeal over the head of an unjust local official, from 
whom he could of course secure no passport, was not punished therefor. 
He was allowed to testify that, as he came to a town just this side of 
the barrier, he lost his way and strayed into a forest, where he met a 
man who gave him a wrong direction; this brought him to a town just 
beyond the barrier. Slight falsehoods regarding the ages of the culprits 
who have just outgrown their minority, or time, distance, the length of 
weapons, and other circumstances, were frequently imposed upon the 
offenders by the magistrate himself, in order to extenuate their penalties 
when their cases called for ecpiity. (The ])opular story of Yao-ya 
(J-shichi, a maiden who set a building on fire with a hope to see her 
lover, and who honestly and innocently refused to testify that she was 
still in her minority, as the magistrate would have her do, is a pathetic 
illustration. She was a year too old to be a minor, and was, much 
against the wishes of the authorities and the people, punished capit-ally 
for incendiarism.) Perhaps for this nee. I of considei^ate justice, it was 
customary not to allow the affidavit of the defendant to be shown him 
in writing, though he might listen to its reading. Tk, IX, 5 — 6, 15. 

(26) The peasant as the foufidation of the State. The constantly quoted 
maxim (derived from the Shu-king, hia-shu, iii. 2) is, JJ ^ H ;^}4^ ^ ^ , 
meaning ])recisely the caption of this Note. According to the economic 
conception of most rul(»rs of this period, the i)easantry was the only 
l)roductive class of people, and furnished the wherewithal of maintaining 
government and all phases of national life. "Agriculture is the basis of 
all things and the treasure of the world. It is the peasants' honor to 
be engaged in it." Even if a i)ejisant should be enabled to pay more 
taxes by becoming a merchant, ,,nothing was precious that had not been 
yielded by the soil." YZS, 99, 105. "Of the four classes of people, [i. e., 
gentlemen, peasants, artisans, and merchants], tlie peasants are the foun- 
dation of the State. . . . From the Emj)eror down to the common peoi)le, 
men's lives dei)end ui)on food and clothing. That food and clothes are 
fruits of the i)easant's labor is self-evident." Om, ii, 44. 

It will be remembered that the peasants formed nearly ninety per 
cent, of the entire population of Japan under the Tokugawa.* See 
Note 7, above. 

(27) Feasants and warriors as against burghers. The warriors and 
peasants, to a large extent, prospered and suffered togt^ther under vary- 
ing c(mdition8 of the rice crop and its market value, whereas merchants 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] Notes 071 Village Oovernment in Japan. 173 

often profited when the others lost. The warrior's income was fixed, 
and the toiling peasant's was little more elastic, but the burgher seemed 
frequently to make fabulous fortunes with little labour. It will be well 
understood that, according to the current economic theories of the period, 
the merchant did not produce or increase the wealth of the nation, and 
gained where others lost. His apparently easy profits, therefore, made 
him an object of suspicion and hatred. Moi'eover, under the prevailing 
arrangement of the period, the warrior's income in rice was converted 
into money through the medium of merchants, who not seldom speculated 
on the rice at the warrior's expense. If the latter was improvident enough 
to spend more than his income, the merchants would willingly finance 
him with his future years' incomes as security, and thereby hold him in 
perpetual obligation. (JBws, 39 — 41.) Spiritually, too, there was much 
in common between the peasant and the warrior, beside much in anta- 
gonism between them both and the burgher. The fomier too prized 
physical vigor, simplicity and loyalty; the letter's venturesome and 
ostentatious habits, accompanied by a utilitarian and impersonal point of 
view, were disliked and feared as tending to debase and undermine the 
moral life of the feudal society. (Nghf 228.) 

The feudal legislation was largely influenced by these ideas and sen- 
timents. To take a few illustrations, the suzerain's government once 
forbade merchants to undertake the opening of new land, {To, XII, 269), 
and always looked askance at, and often interdicted, their acquiring 
titles over cultivated land, (3f A:r, 334, 335 ; Miy II, vii, No. 27). Peasants 
noted for filial and other great virtues were rewarded with the privileges 
of bearing family-names and of wearing swords, but the latter privilege 
was sometimes denied to merchants equally virtuous (To, XIII, 661). 
On the face of law, at least, farmers and merchants might not adopt 
each other's occupation (GGI, III, 12; KKK, 545—546; YZS, ia5— 106; 
TMK, f. I, 33; Mkr, 246, 252 — 254) or enter into marriage relation, and 
the younger sons of the peasants might not serve in merchants' families 
{Mkr, 51—52; YZ8, 527, 631). "As the minor occupation [5|c H, i. e., 
commerce, as distinguished from the major or chief occupation, "J^ ^, 
namely, agriculture] seems to return much profit for little labor and 
therefore excites the peasant's envy and interferes with agriculture, it 
has been a custom in aU ages both in Japan and in China to forbid him 
to marry a merchant's daughter." (Ibid.y 747.) 

The rising influence of the burgher class was, however, so in'esistible, 
and had so insidiously stolen over a large section of the warrior class, 
that, especially at Edo after the end of the seventeenth century, the 
mercantile mode of life and thought began deeply to aft'ect the warriors 
(Sb, I, 59—66; V, 27—31; Bjns, 25—26, 50—51). The same mode in its 
worse aspects, it was continually deplored, was coiTupting the innocent 
peasants also (Miy I, iv, No. 29). This important tendency falls beyond 
the liipits of our essay. 

(28) Seperation of arms from land. Further, see this Joumaly vol. XXX, 
pt. Ill, pp. 270—271, (the 12tli to 13th page of the Introduction to these 
Notes), and Note 60, below. 

(29) Tenants atid farm laborers. See Notes 15, above, and 37, below. 

VOL. XXXI. Part II. 12 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

174 K.Asakawa, [1911. 

(30) Oimiership virtual and theoretical. It is hazardous to make a 
general statement on the question of ownership of land. Law and 
customs varied in different places and at different times. 

Just prior to 1600, when a general cadastral survey of Japan was 
made under Hideyoshi's command, each piece of land whose name and 
average productive capacity were registered was entered under the name 
of the actual possessor, regardless of the history of his possession. He 
was allowed to hold the piece even agrainst the lord of the fief in which 
he lived. ^It is strictly forbidden," says an order of a chief commissioner, 
"to give to the lord any of the cultivated lands recorded in the register." 
Was it ownership that was here recognized? It was, as is evident from 
an order of another commissioner, the right of cultivation (f^ ]0|, saku- 
shiki), rather than ownership. "The right of cultivation over a wet or 
upland piece," says the order, "belongs to him under whose name it was 
registered during the recent survey. It is forbidden to allow the land 
to be taken by another person, or to Hake another person*s la^d under 
the pretext that one has once had the right of its cultivation." (Dch, 
introd., 94 — 95.) These are illuminating orders, as coming from the 
commissioners of Hideyoshi, the autocratic suzerain bent upon enforcing 
a uniform land law throughout Japan. They may perhaps be said to 
reflect his policy of curbing the powers of the barons by directly pro- 
tecting the rights of the peasants under them. Nevertheless, it is pro- 
bable, too, that the right of prescription and the right of cultivation 
which he recognized in the actual holder were based upon a prevalent 
practice of the period. 

Whatever the effects of these orders before 1600, it is hard to assume 
that the same p"rinciples ruled under the Tokugawa. During the early 
years of their suzerainty, one occasionally meets with deeds of sale in 
which it is apparent that what was transferred thereby was the right of 
cultivation rather than ownership. (Cf., e. g., D5jK, XII, iv, 575 — 577.) 
It makes little difference if the right had been enjoyed through generations 
and was now transferred pennanently. (Of., e. g., ibid^ XII, x, 504 ff.) 
The same idea lingered in some Fiefs till long afterward. In Akita, for 
example, the peasants tilled the land which the Baron owned, the former 
owning not even sites for their houses, which were erected on cultivated 
land. {Ibid., XII, xi, 169—170, from J^ ^ \b 1$. $^ :k ^)' ^^ ^ana- 
zawa, the same theory was held : land was the Baron's (on haka, ^ft ?K)» 
and if a peasant was too poor to meet his obligations, he was allowed 
only to seU the use, not the ownership, of his land. The process was 
called kiri taka (^ ift, dividing the assessed productivity, that is, not 
the acreage), and the price was euphemized as return-favor (rci, U). 
{Mkr, 335, 473-475.) 

In several other places where, as in the greater part of Japan, people 
no longer remembered the distinction between the right of ownership 
and of cultivation, or, perhaps, the latter had long been assimilated with 
tlie former, the idea of transferring the mere use of land still adhered 
to tenant-farm ipg. Tenant-farmers sold their right of tenancy to others, 
and pieces of land under long terms of lease changed hands with more 
or less freedom. The practice was especially prevalent in parts of Echigo, 

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Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Oovernment in Japan, 175 

BitchU, and Tosa. {Ibid., 476, 527, 530— 5B1, 539—544.) This last usage 
seems highly significant. 

Even where the holding peasant was to all intents and purposes 
regarded the owner of his land, the persistent fiction that he merely had 
the right of use lingered almost universally, and, in many places, un- 
consciously. This will be clearly seen in the following Notes 31 — 40. 

The legal proof of a holding consist<»d of either an entry in the official 
register, a title deed, a deed of sale, or a receipt of the land dues. {Mkr, 
331—332, 336—340; Wig, v, 1—20.) 

(31) Cidtivated and Micultivated land. As might be expected, the 
peasant's virtual ownership extended over cultivated land, but seldom 
over uncultivated or non-arable land adjacent thereto. The tenure of 
the latter was neither uniform nor always definite within the same Fief 
or Domain-land, Fiefs often presenting a great variety of tenures in juxt- 
aposition. In Sendai, Tosa, and Higo, for instance, different kinds of 
fief land, village land, religious land, and private land, existed side by 
side, many of them in ill-defined tenures (JfAr, 441 — 443, 445, 451). 

Generally speaking, some of the following belonged to the Domain or 
the Fief, (it would be truer to the popular conception of the question to 
say *the Domain or the Fief than to say 'the Suzerain or the Baron,' for, 
thanks to the presence of intendants and bailiffs, the peasant's point 
of view in regard to landed property was rather impersonal): 1. grass- 
land next to rivers, lakes, and the larger ponds ; 2. gi-ass-land and wood- 
land on the borders of villages and districts; and 3. forests specially 
re«er^'ed for public purposes. The privilege of cutting grass and smaDer 
trees on these lands for fodder and fuel was often granted to villages 
or individual peasants, on payment of small dues or under other con- 
ditions, and the felling of larger trees for more pei*manent ends was 
allowed under varying terms. The border-land often played an important 
part in the economy of villages which had insufficient areas of cultivated 
land, and gave rise to many a serious dispute between them. (jPAfBT, 
f. II, 1—106, pts. A # ill and 1^ :^; III, 149—181, 204—308, pts. 
>^^ i^ and llj :^ i^; Mkr, 346, 431-^34, 440, 442, 445—446.) 

Some other land along rivers and ponds, and grass and wood land, 
were considered as common property of a village in which or the villages 
between which they were situated. In these cases, dues, if any, in return 
for the use of grass and trees were paid to the village, which made the 
necessary regulations. Larger lots were guarded by wardens. These 
men originally were, in many places, said to have been owners of these 
tracts, which they, under the pressure of the taxew levied on them, volun- 
tairly turned them over to the village, and became their keepers, {^£kr^ 
381, 420-^24, 430—432, 43o— 440, 449.) 

Some uncultivated and non-arable land was already in private owner- 
ship. Customs, of course, [varied greatly in this matter. The narrow 
marginal i)atches about rice-fields, for example, were considered in some 
places as belonging to the owner of the fields, but, in some others, he 
owned the soil of these margins, but not the grass growing thereon, 
which was common [property of the village. In Yonezawa, the holder 
of a piece of tilled land had a free title over the uncultivated land 


Digitized by LjOOQIC 

176 K. Asakawa, [1911. 

bordering upon it. Most of the wood-land originally granted by the 
Fief to the village gi*adually passed, in Sendai, into the hands of large 
land-holders. The owner of uncultivated and waste land either did or 
did not pay taxes for its free use, according to the localities and to the 
origin of the lots. In most places, land of this description could be 
alienated with greater freedom than cultivated land. The authorities, 
however, actively interfered with an indiscrimate cutting of large trees, 
it being a traditional policy of all Japan in this period to preserve and 
increase forests so far as it did not interfere with the life of the peasants. 
{TMK, f. n, 91, pt. lie Jft, No. 1; Mkr, 333, 438, 441, 455.) See also 
Notes 36 and 66, below. 

(32) Bight of seizure. In Sendai, the government of the Fief might 
demand a piece of private land for official purposes, and recompense 
the holder with another piece of equal value. If such a piece .could not 
conveniently be found, he might claim no pecuniary consideration for 
the land he surrendered. This latter outcome was called to-moku (^ @» 
overthrowing the title). Mkr, 334. This is a solitary instance of the 
lord's lingering right of seizure. Even in Sendai, this practice was 
evidently rare, and it is difficult to find similar rights exercised elsewhere. 
Cf. Note 144 b, below. 

In some parts of Tosa, the system of making allotment and periodical 
redistribution of land, which was copied in Japan from China in the 
seventh century, (cf. the author's Earfy inst, life of Japan), had been 
resuscitated and in force for a considerable period, when the feudal 
administration was abolished. This subject is still obscure, but it seems 
unlikely that the system was extensively applied to peasants' holdings 
even in Tosa. Nor does it seem to have been in practice in any other 
part of Japan, save poi*tions of the distant ByU-kya (Loochoo) 

(33) Bight of escheat or morttnain. In the Suzerain's Domain-lands, 
landed property was confiscated (1) for grave offences, (2) for illegal 
mortgages and other fraudulent or unlawful transactions in land, (3) for 
an intestate succession in which the deceased's relatives were engaged 
in hopeless disi)utes. Technically, the fii'st class of forfeiture seems 
to have been called kessho (|^ fff), and the others tori-age (® Jl)- 
Throughout the period, a gradual trend toward leniency in all these 
cases is discernible, the moveable property of the culprits, the belongings 
of members of their families, and the claims and interests of their 
creditors and debtors, receiving greater and greater consideration. The 
most remarkable is the matter of the holdings of runaways who were 
only impecimious, not criminal. Once these holdings were probably con- 
fiscated, but the universal tendency was to forfeit them only when no 
relatives and no friends of the runaways were forthcoming to succeed 
to their estates. Even then, the forfeiture was reluctantly accepted by 
the authorities, and the estates were gladly restored to the original 
holders, if they returned, or to their kin. 

As will be seen in the next Note, escheat in default of heirs was as 
infrequent as that for desertion. 

Theoretically, land was to be forfeited for a repeated failure to yield 

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Vol. Mxi.] Notes on Village Oovernment in Japan. 177 

its taxes, but in this instance, also, the authorities were far from being 
eager to seize the land. When friendship or neighborly spirit did not 
come to the rescue, a village-official would offer his good offices, and 
the Intendant or Bailiff was not to show his hand until all resources 
were exhausted to save the land from confiscation. 

It is apparent that all this leniency was not entirely due to official 
benevolence, but was largely influenced by the consideration that, owing 
to peculiar economic conditions, it was growing more and more difficult 
to find men willing to undertake the cultivation of confiscated or deserted 
land. (See Note 133, below.) 

Land confiscated for whatever reason was either entrusted to the 
charge of relatives, village officials, or the village as a whole, or let out 
to tenants, the actual holders being held responsible for the regular dues 
from the land. It is also probable that pieces of land sometimes granted 
permanently to persons of exemplai-y virtues (cf. in Okayama in 165i; 
Semetewa-gusa.ft M^^,^y Shibui Xoriakira, SBe # ^ *, IV, xii, 24) 
were parcelled out of confiscated cultivated land. 

If the original holders had arrears either of taxes or of debts, all or 
part of the land they forfeited was sold in order to satisfy the claims, 
or else the i)resent holders were obliged to meet them in instalments 
out of the income from the land, in addition, of course, to the payment 
of the regular taxes. 

(DSB, XII, ii, 857; To, XII, 268; BK, I, 8; TMK, z. I, 126, pt. 
* # te «» ^o. 4; z. II, 11, pt. ^ ^, No. 8; f. I, 216-240, M «; 
Mkr, 170—219, 337—339; JK II, 37, 40, 41, 53.) Cf. Note 144 b, below. 

(34) Succession testate and intestate. Customs concerning succession 
showed great diversity. In some places, primogeniture, even representative 
primogeniture, was the rule; in others, simply agnatic succession. In 
these respective districts, the principles prevailed over other considerations, 
and when they conflicted with testaments, a compromise was effected by 
dividing the property and giving its major part to the oldest male son. When 
the heir was still a minor, — the minority ending between 14 and 20 years of 
age, according to localities. — a guardian or two were chosen from among 
the relatives and village officials, or else the boy was adopted as heir 
to his uncle or aunt or the second husband of his mother. The rigor 
of primogeniture or agnatic succession was further softened by a free 
law of adoption, which prevailed in all Japan. 

In other places, the will was a common requisite for succession, and 
was binding even when the testator ran away, provided it was drawn up 
in due form. It either was accompained with the seals of village officials 
and relatives, or was made alone by the testator and was kept strictly 
secret till it was opened after his death in the presence of relatives. 
The testator could nominate as heir one of his nearest kin other thkn 
his eldest son, if the latter was incapable or physically invalid, or even 
a woman. If a man died intestate, or if the will was not in correct form, 
it was incumbent upon his relatives and village officials to deliberate 
and decide upon a proper heir from among the former. 

In some districts, none of the three agents, that is, primogeniture, the 
testament, and the council of relatives, were alone strong enough to decide 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

178 K, Asakawa, [1911. 

a succession, but the first two were weighed carefuDy in the last. In such 
instances, the relatives naturally were an important factor in the problem. 

In all these various cases, however, the universal and predominant 
principle was that the name of a family should be preserved against all 
obstacles that could possibly be overcome. This idea prevailed through- 
out Japan, and exerted a tremendous influence on social order. It is a 
subject worthy of a fidl discussion. It is enough here to allude to it 
and say that the feudal authorities were obliged to respect this strong 
popular demand. Indeed, the principle was as strong among the warrior 
class as among the peasants, for neither probably had any other point 
of view regarding matters of the family. Escheat in default of a male 
heir in a peasant family would be unlikely to be iu practice in such a 
society, for the independent peasant family was usually closely identified 
with hereditai*y holdings of land which had acquired names {aza*na 
2^ ^), and always subsisted on some landed estate, however small. 
The family shouM not die, and, if it would live, it needed laud. An 
estate left heirless, therefore, was not confiscated until it was evident 
that there existed no worthy relative of any deg^'ee whatever of the 
deceased to succeed it or no person to be adopted. 

Formal official sanctions were necessary in some places for adoption, 
guardianship, and succession. In others, the authorities were not even 
notified of these events, and the census was revised only once in the 
year. Even in the former cases, too, there was little official interference. 

{QGl I, 8; II, 16, 18, 27—28; III, 8, 15, 16; TMK, z. I, 126—127, 
pt. 515 # iB IHI' No. 4; Mkr, 175—176, 267—300, 305, 347—374; Wig, 
V, 88—95; Smw, 90—91.) 

(35) Land, cajntatiofi, and house taxes. The subject of taxation will 
receive special attention later in this essay. (See pp. 277 — 283 of this 
Journal, vol. XXX, j^t. Ill, namely, the 19tb — 25th pages of the Intro- 
duction to these Xotes, and Notes 95 — 113, below.) There it will be seen 
that the principle tax, that is, the land-tax, was assessed according to 
the officially determined annual productivity of each piece of cultivated 
land, which was considered an entity; that several other taxes were 
assessed likewise ; and that each household or each male peasant as basis 
for assessment occurred only in some instances of village dues, as distin- 
guished from the taxation of the Fief or Domain-land. Even the village 
taxes were levied in few places exclusively on houses or men. (JTAr, 257 
—260, 263, 413—415, 418—419, 423, 434.) ' 

(36) Alienation and division of land, also, will be discussed more fully 
later. At the beginning of the feudal ages, when the warrior was an 
actual holder of land, it was he who was forbidden to alienate his land 
at will. Since the se])aration of arms from land, the burden of the pro- 
hibition naturally shifted from the warrior to the peasant. (Prof. Miura 
Shako, Kamakura zhi-dai-shi, H ftll JS It. $t it" JHf fi! A. Tokyo, 
1907, pp. 530 — 531; Nns, 95.) In the Suzerain\s Domain-lands, at least, 
a permanent sale of land was illegal since the second quarter of the 
seventeenth century, and the principle boon prevailed over most Fiefs. 
It was, however, not only impossible, but also often injurious to peasants, 
to suppress transactions in land. Consequently, penalties for sales became 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] Notes on ViUage Oovernment in Japan. 179 

less severe in the Domain-lands from the eighteenth century, and every- 
where sprang up interesting practices, both legal and illegal, whereby 
either the title or the use of land changed hands, though with varying 
degrees of freedom in different parts of Japan. Newly opened lands 
could be more freely transferred than old lands, house-land than tilled 
land, and uncultivated land than either, while in several Fiefs any land 
whatsoever could in one way or another be disposed of. The fictitious 
devices employed to preserve the semblance of observing the law for- 
bidding the sale of land included practices analogous to usufruct and 
superficies, as well as sales for terms of years and mortgages with the 
original intention to foreclose. In spite of all this, however, the law 
against permanent sale persisted, and its principle was a legal tradition 
respected throughout the Tokugawa period. On the subject of alienation, 
see Xote 127, below. 

As for the division of land among children or other persons, which 
will again be taken up in Note 45, below, a similar tendency was marked. 
While the peasant might not divide his holdings indefinitely, he was at 
liberty to do so up to a prescribed limit. This limit, also, was in no 
place absolutely insurmountable, for the law was always accompanied 
with a proviso for cases of urgent need, and the latter was taken full 
advantage of in many a locality. The prohibition of indefinite division, 
however, and that of permanent transfer, formed two legal maxims that 
were never completely forgotten. 

That the maxims were at the same time respected and evaded is 
highly significant, for it would seem to indicate the transitional state of 
the peasant's proprietary right over cultivated land. It was impossible 
positively to forbid him from disposing as he wished of his land, which 
he had long been accustomed to regard at least as much his own as 
the lord's; nevertheless, the feudal authorities shrank from admitting 
that the title over the land had passed to its cultivator. Nor could they 
even entertain such a thought, so long as their point of view was at 
all feudal, that is, so long as the means of maintaining their military 
functions were supplied by the agricultural land over which they could 
not imagine they had lost a right of superiority. Hence they avowed 
that they would be failing in their duties as benevolent rulers if they 
tolerated unlimited freedom in dividing and alienating land, which would 
result in making rich peasants richer and the poor poorer. It would, 
however, appear that it was not their paternalism alone, but also the 
controlling motive that transactions in landed properties should not be 
allowed to afi'ect the revenue of the feudal State, that impelled the 
authorities to continue to interfere with them. This motive more than 
any other would seem to have determined the degree of latitude granted 
for the division and alienation of peasants' holdings. One would almost 
say that the Japanese peasant would have been the full owner of his 
land, but for the nature of his taxes. 

(37) Tenant farming. The reflections of the last Note receive 
further confirmation from the conditions of tenant-farming. The 
limited right of alienation did not prevent the rise of comparatively 
large land-holders who employed tenants and laborers on their farms. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

180 K. Asakawa, [iwi. 

In some instances, single holders held entire villages, (e. g., see 
TMK, f. Ill, pt. jgP J^, No. 4). The tenures of the tenant-farmers 
showed a great diversity, and their conditions duplicated certain features 
of the general destiny of landed property described in the preceding 
Notes. Land — if we confine ourselves to rice-land — was let for a term 
ranging between one and twenty or more years, often accompanied by 
no writt-en statement, and the owner himself paying the taxes. The land 
might be revoked on due notice, if its cultivation was neglected and rent 
unpaid, but leases over twenty years were usually considered permanent, 
and could not be revoked but for exceptional reasons. £ven an annual 
lease tended, notably in Echigo, to become permanent, and there were, 
as in Se.ndai, leases that were from the outset considered permanent, 
and could not be terminated even if the tenants would. The longer 
and pennaneut leases were sublet or transferred with ease in Echigo 
and Tosa. the tenants paying all the taxes due from the land, and con- 
sidering themselves as good as proprietors. In Tosa and other western 
provinces, the real proprietor was called the *holder of under soil' {soko- 
chi mocfUy i& ^ ^, or shita-tguchi mochi, T i ^)» ^^^ ^® tenant 
the 'holder of upper land' (uwa-cki mochi or uwa-tsuchi mochi, Jl ^ ^, Jl 
i ^), or, as one would say, of superficies. {Ish, 72; To, XII, 621 ; TMK, f.I, 
pt. -© Sfe, No. 1; Mkr, 517—546.) 

It is impossible to estimate the relative extent of tenant-farming in the 
whole of Japan in this period, but it may l>e inferred to have been small, 
though probably increasing. Of. Mi, I, ii, No. 15. During the present reign, 
when the old restraints of division and alienation have largely been removed, 
and the tenants have relatively increased, about a third of the culti- 
vated land in Japan Proper is estimated to be under tenant-farming, and 
probably as much as a fifth of the peasantry consists of tenants, part 
owners and part lessees constituting more than a half. (Of. Japan in 
the beginning of the twentieth century^ compiled by the Department of 
Agriculture and Commerce, Tokyo, 1903, p. 90; Ngh, 131.) Also see 
Note 15, above. Under the Tokugawa, the proportion of landholders to 
tenants must have been higher. This remarkably large percentage of 
landholders in the entire peasant population, together with as remarkably 
a small percentage of large landlords, constitutes a great fact that lies 
at the bottom of our whole subject. It is hoped that, before the paper 
is gone over, both the importance of this condition and the reasons 
therefor may be patent to the reader. 

(38) Change of residence. The passing of a land-holding peasant from 
one Fief to another was not allowed, except under the not always 
practicable subterfuge that he was to become a member of a religious 
house in the latter. There was, however, less difficulty for a landless 
peasant to move, for his absence would not affect the Fiefs revenue. 

A man might, without relinquishing his present holding, succeed to 
a holding in another village within the same Fief, provided that the 
first holding was taken care of by his relatives and they paid the usual 
taxes. The census of the first village generally remained unchanged, 
despite the moving of one of its members, if his family stayed and if 
the title over his holding continued the same. It was on the holdings 

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Vol. XXXI.] Notes on ViUage Government in Japan. 181 

that the taxes were levied, and it mattered little whether the holders 
lived in the village. In the second village, the new resident either was 
registered as a full citizen, or merely had his domicile, and paid the 
village dues, not the public taxes, except for the new holding to which 
he had succeeded. Sometimes a removal was authorized of a peasant 
without any holding in the village in which he wished to live, and then 
his financial obligation in the original village was of course uncancelled. 
No change of abode could in any event occur without an explicit sanc- 
tion by village officials or Baili£Ps. 

In some localities, old residents of a village exercised a strong moral 
control over the new comers, whose continued presence they would 
refuse to tolerate, if they proved unworthy during a t^rm of probation. 
Likewise, the villagers whom a man left behind sometimes demanded 
what was called farewell-money. 

{TMK, z. II, pt. A IS' ^'08. 3 and 4; Mkr, 231—267.) Also see 
Notes 74 and 144b, below. 

(39) Marriage. The passing from one village into another of a woman 
in marriage affected little the fiscal issue of either, and hence met no 
official interference. A marriage between persons of different Fiefs was, 
however, difficult, though not impossible if the woman was first adopted 
as daughter of a peasant in the man's village. Marriages between vill- 
ages of the same Fief were contracted with merely formal sanctions of 
officials, while within the same village marriage or divorce involved 
little official formality, the act often preceding its registry by months 
or years. {Mkr, 4.5—65, 70, 105—116.) 

It should be noted that, while official interference was absent, there 
was not wanting a vigorous moral sanction of the kin and of the vill- 
age over all matters of marriage and divorce. 

Nor should it be forgotten that when an inci*eased population was 
desirable for the Fief or the village, marriages were encouraged by the 
authorities with paternal care, (e. g., in Yonezawa under Uesugi Haru- 
nori; YZ8, 530—531, 746). See Note 140, below. 

(40) Right of pursuit. It has beon seen (in Note 33, above) that the 
land deserted by the runaway was not always confiscated. Nor was it 
necessary for the authorities to pursue him, if he owed no debts and 
no taxes in arrear, for the village was responsible for the taxes to be 
levied on all the taxable holdings within its limits, no matter if some 
of its members were absent. Either the runaway's relative or friend, or 
any other willing person, or the entire village, would be compelled to 
keep the deserted land under cultivation. Sometimes, when such adjust- 
ment was readily made, the disappearance of the person was not even 
reported to the Intendant or Bailiff, or, if properly reported, his name 
was not cancelled from the village census, until it was certain or pro- 
bable that he was no longer living. A search was often ordered to re- 
latives and villagers, but the degree of eagerness with which the search 
was conducted depended on the interest these men personally had in the 

If the runaway was in heavy debts or had repeatedly failed to return 
taxes, those persons who were liable to be held responsibe for satisfying 

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182 K. Asakawa, [1911. 

the claims were ordered, very often on their own request, to institute a 
search lasting for a definate period, usually six months. Passports were 
supplied to pursuers for travelling in other Fiefs. During this time, 
periodical reports were made of the progress of the search, which there- 
after was definitely prolonged (^ ^). Lack of zeal in pursuit, if it 
was brought to official notice, and if it was accompanied with a possible 
failure to meet the claims, was punished with a reprimand, sometimes 
accompanied by a fine. The property of the deserter would be forfeited, 
in default of a relative or friend to maintain it and pay the arrears. 

Thus, one never meets an instance of a rigorous pursuit conducted 
by the authorities themselves. Prom their fiscal point of view, land was 
more valuable than personal service, and the dues from the land, than 
the land itself. These dues and the village responsible for their payment 
were two things which had made the lord's right of pursuit lose much 
of its reality. 

At Saga, a relative of a criminal runaway was imprisoned for fifty 
days, and, if the latter returned, he was either banished or killed, but 
it is evident that this severity was intended as exemplary punishment 
for such-like misdemeanors. It did not accompany a real right of pur- 
suit. Elsewhere returning runaway does not seem to have been so harshly 
treated; in some fiefs which were particularly lenient, he was welcome, 
and was restored to his original estate, even when the latter had been 
taken up by a relative. 

(TMK, z. II, pts. ^ l^, Nos. 5, 7, 9, 10, 13, 26, and |^ |g, Nos. 3, 9, 
12; Mkr, 169—230; Tk, VIII, 20—21; Jh, VII, 70^-86.) See, also. Notes 133 
and 144b, below. 

In the first years of the regime, however, when the warrior's direct 
power over the peasant was presumably greater than in later years, and 
when the idea of village-responsibility had not been elaborated, ^the 
pursuit of the non-criminal runaway was somewhat more strict, though 
generally not rigorous. At lya-yama (cf. Note 14, above), it was an 
offence to retain a person in any part of the whole district who had run 
away from any other part, (A. D. 1607— D^JJ, XII, v, 321). At Iga and 
Ise, Bailiff's were responsible for the restoration of deserters, which pro- 
bably meant, in practice, the collection of the taxes the latter owed for 
their estates, (A. D. 1609 — ibid., XII, vi, 586) ; at Okazaki, the wives and 
children of the remaining peasants in the village were imprisoned until 
the runaway was found, (A. I). 1(^11— ibid., XII, vii, 1164—1165). The 
latter case was exceptional, for the Fief then needed labor for unusual 
public works. In some places the runaway was not molested if he remain- 
ed within the same Fief, (A. D. leil—ibid.y XII, vii, 1163). One fails to 
discover any instaiic.e of a concert of Fiefs for the pursuit or search of 
one another's deserters, (cf. A. D. 1611 — ibid.^ XII, ix, 230). The nearest 
approach to this was the law, by no means universal, that a runaway 
should be delivered if claimed from his original Fief or district, (A. D. 1609 
— ibid.j XTI, vi, 772). Even if so claimed, however, he needed not always 
be restored, according to an order of the Suzerain's government, if his 
desertion was due to the bad government of an Intendant or a Bailiff 
(A. D. 1603— i6id., XII, i, 206). In all these instances, two things will be 

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Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Oovernment in Japan, 183 

found to be common: first, the duty of search, wherever it existed, de- 
volved primarily upon peasants; second, the reason for the search was 
fiscal, and not personal. Already the cumbersome and ineffective method 
of pursuit was giving place to the later system of the joint financial re- 
sponsibility of the village as described above (A. D. 1608 — ibid,, XII, v, 832). 

(41) A good lord. Uesugi Harunori, pseudonjTn Yozan, (1751 — 1822), is 
always cited as an exemplary lord, and his life largely influenced contem- 
porary and subsequent administrators. From his boyhood he never ceased 
to study Chinese classics, as was customary with every well-bred feudal 
noble, and deeply imbibed the words of wisdom they contained on the care 
of the people. When he succeeded to the barony of Yonezawa at the age 
of sixteen, he took a secret oath to a deity that he would strive to be 
the true "father of the people". All his subsequent years were spent 
in an ever-increasing solicitude for the wellfare of the peasants. With 
his continual struggle against obstacles, and his constant practical sense, 
benevolence, and imremitting industry, he achieved an incrediable degree 
of success in building up new industries, improving agricultural con- 
ditions, reforming rural customs and morals, and making contented and 
loyal subjects of the once impoverished, dissatisfied peasants of the fief. 
His unbounded love of them found response in their beautiful affection 
and veneration for him. His death, which occured in 1822, was lament- 
ed by all the Fief and all lovers of good government throughout the 
country. {JZS; NTK; Uyz; Om, vi, sup. 151 ff.) 

Almost as illustrious for good rural administration are the examples 
of Tsugaru Nobumasa (1646 — 1710), lord of Hirosaki; Maeda Tsunatoshi 
(1644—1724), lord of Kanazawa; Hosokawa Shigekata (1718— 17a5), lord 
of Kumamoto; and Matsudaira Sadanobu (1759 — 1829), once lord of Shira- 
kawa. (Tnk; KSK; Sho; Gi; Shz, XVII, 1085—1125; XIX, 1—30, 525 
— (>42, 880—893.) 

(42) Study of rural conditions. An earnest study of the life of the 
silent peasant was another tradition in the political lore of China and 
Japan. A lord who was brought up amid court ladies in ignorance of 
the use of the sickle or of "the tree on which rice gi'ew", was unfortun- 
ately not an altogether fabulous figure during the later years of this 
period, and his appearance was a curse to his fief. If his councillors 
had as low a sense of duty as he, his rule was certain to bring a disaster 
upon his house and his people. 

All good lords had recourse to several well-known measures of obtain- 
ing intimate information of popular conditions. One of them was to 
raise efficient men of good birth of the peasant class to responsible 
posts in the rural administration. Land-survey, irrigation, and other 
important work were entrusted to their care, often with great success. 
(Cf., e. g., Giy I, 22, 30 — 31; the case of Horie Arashiro employed by 
the suzerain, Tbfy 793 — 794.) Another measure was to establish a close 
connection between village-officials and bailiffs, (e. p:., see YZ6', 98, 104, 
106—108; 804—806, Zo, I, 1030). Still another and always commended 
mode of approach was the Baron's frequent tours of the Fief under pre- 
texts, {DSBy XII, V, 156; Tnk, 119; Gar, 158; etc.). These often took the 
form of hawking, which, save a brief space of time at the end of the 

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184 K, Asakawa, [1911. 

seyenteenth century, was a universal pastime of Suzerains and Barons 
throughout the period. Besides affording the much needed diversion 
and fi'ee exercise, the sport had the great value of bringing the lord 
out from the enervating influences of the inner chamber and into the 
heart of rustic life. It may be readily imagined that a sympathetic and 
observant lord could learn peasant conditions in a day of the game more 
than he could in years of study from treatises on rural administration, 
leyasu (e. g. DSR, XII, xiii, 73) and Yoshimune, and many good lords, 
made capital uses of this sport, visiting the poor, rewarding the virtuous, 
hearing complaints, discovering hidden talents, and, not seldom, testing 
the character of vassals and peasants. 

Like many other well-conceived measures of the period, however, 
falconry was prone to abuses in the hands of an inconsiderate lord or 
his ignorant retainers. Places reserved for the fowling and for the 
brooding of falcons were often too extensive, and were protected against 
trespassing with too great severity. Hawks were sent up to Edo or 
distant castles, and then brought out into the field, with too much pomp, 
by officials who would disport themselves luxuriously at the expense of 
the villagers. When the lord himself came a-hunting, the nuisance was 
sometimes extreme, all the village being forced to run and wait upon 
the fowlers, who would perhaps heed neither the time nor the field of 
the peasant. Even under the most scrupulous lord, and with the strict- 
est laws, some of these evils were unavoidable. (For falconry, DfiB, 
XII, ii, 86—87, 521 ff., 547, 584, 789—790, iii, 604—605, 631, iv, 464, 558, 
Y, 116, 158, 530, 965, viii, 83, 952—953, xiii, 1, 26, 36, 73, 213, 388, 669, 
etc.; To, IX, 614—615, X, 145, XIII, 530 ff., 555—556, 704, XIV, 320— 
336, 360—361; Zo, II, 931—933; <?i, I. a5— 36, IV, 2—3; Tnk, 134—135, 
190; KB, ii; Jg, II, i, 22; Jo, X. 10—11; JA, X, 35—36; Mi, II. iv, 
No. 26; TKR, I, iv, 45—55; Sg. ii, 52—54; Nns, 17, 79—80; etc.) (The 
art of falconry began early in Japanese history. It was so universally 
practised and so highly developed, that Yashiro Hirokata devotes to it 
twenty-seven chapters, Bks. 179 — 188, 473 — 490, of his encyclopedic work 
KO'kon po-ran ko, T^ ^^ ® 5t ffi, 584 chapters, 1821—1840). 

(43) Ideas of paternalism, "The lowly peasants in ease today forget 
to think of the troubles of tomorrow. They would not appreciate the 
best law of the government if it causes them immediate inconvenience." 
The Bailiffs should frequently travel in the villages and study their con- 
ditions. "They should sometimes explain to leading peasants how bene- 
ficent the laws and orders are If there be disorderly villagers, 

they should be speedily pimished. Then the people would I'espect and 
love the authorities. When their respect and love are assured, there 
would be no just order that could not be executed." (From an order 
to Bailiffs at Yonezawa in A.D. 1804. YZS, 804—806.) "Good government 
of the peasants consists in guiding them in such a manner that they 

would be industrious even unconsciously They are innocent and 

thoughtless: they should be led with both mercy and severity." "By 
mercy is meant winning through humanity; by severity, strict and swift 
punishment of wrongs. Mercy alone would tend to laxity; severity 
alone, to harshness. Both should be used according to circumstances." 

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Vol. xxxi.] Notes on VjUage Oovernment in Japan. 185 

(From similar orders, A. D. 1770. Ibid., 80—88.) "It was said of old that 
peasants were easy to employ but difficult to govern. If they were well 
cared for by the officials, they would likewise care for the latter." (Ibid.) 
^If you go to them with your minds filled with the desire to improve 
their welfare, your countenance and tone of speech will unmistakably 
reflect it. They will never turn angry faces at you, if you yourselves do 
not show them false dignity." (From another order in A. D. 1777. Ibid.y 
262.) '^Nothing can be enforced against the peasant nature. The peasant 
nature is the genuine human nature .... If you ran counter to it, the 
peasants would not submit, and all the forces in the world would be 
unable to bend them. Having little sense of duty [such as inspires the 
warrior], the peasants are unable to control their feelings, but think 
only of their convenience. Hence it is said that no order contrary to 
this simple nature could be executed. Although they have a fear of 
punishment, they are nevertheless apt to violate a law which causes them 
present inconvenience. No government has ever endured against the 
peasant nature. It is, therefore, essential that the officials should learn 
to like what the people like, dislike what they dislike, and care for them 
with the same tenderness and wisdom as the parents bestow on their 
children." (A. D. 1770. Ibid., 8a— 89.) 

The following remark is attributed to leyasu himself: — "The amount 
of the taxes to be levied on the peasant is like the quantity of bait for 
the hawk; too much and too little are equally bad." Tsk, II, 48. 

"It is a great mistake to suppose that the common people would do 
as the officials please," said a memorialist: "They would be i)atient in 
small things, .... but never obey and flatter the authorities, as 
does the warrior of to-day, when they are unjust It is the be- 
ginning of a trouble to suppress the peasants with mere official dignity." 
Ibid. 88. 

(44) Following afid knowing. R ^ ^ i±. ^RT^^^. 
Xwn-^, YIII. 9. There is a different construction of this famous say- 
ing, according to which a free translation might be given as follows: 
"The people may be guided by injunctions, but may not possibly be 
enlightened as to their reasons." It is implied that the people are at 
liberty to learn the reasons in accordance with their individual intelligence, 
but it is physically impossible to make every one imderstand them. 
(See Ohu-hi's commentary and K'ang-hi's Imperial edition. Xemoto Tsu- 
mei, also, gives a similar interpretation in his Bon-go ko-gi, ^ >4^ i£ ^r 
Ift IS Si il» Tokyo, 1906, pp. 297—298). AVhether correct or not, it is 
unlikely that this was the sense in which the saying was commonly under- 
stood in feudal Japan. The difference of interpretation depends largely 
on which phase of the complex meaning of the auxiliary pf is emphasized. 

(45) Size of peasants estates. The author of this remark was a man 
of the Sendai fief {SDSy V, 9), where the maximum limit of the peasant's 
estate was fixed in 1728 at 5 kwan of productive value, equivalent at 
least to 50 koku. This limit applied, however, only to the old land 
registered in the official record, and not to land newly opened or 
acquired. Later, it seems, land acquired since 1787, also, was submitted 
to this limitation. It was roughly calculated that an estate of one kwan 

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186 K. Asakawa, [1911. 

in productive value could be managed by three men with a horse and 
support a family of five persons. (SDSj I, 9; V, 9; Mkr, 332.) 

It is rather rare to see, as in Sendai, the maximum limit of an estate 
defined by law, although it was very common to prevent aggrandisemet 
by a small number of peasants by limiting the freedom of alienating 
land by sale. 

As for the minimum limit for the peasant's estate, which became 
almost universal under the Tokugawa, it appears that it did not begin 
to be defined with much rigor till the division of land, which was com- 
paratively free during the first years of the period, was found to be 
going too far (cf. Bnis, 11 — 15). In the first half of the seventeenth 
century, there were near Edo many peasants each holding as little as 6 
or 7 kokti and unable to keep a horse (To, XII, 90). Probably an 
earnest effort to restrict the division of land dated from the middle of 
the century (e. g., in 1656 at Okayama, BK, III, 7 — 8). Very soon it 
is found that the maximum extent was fixed, in the Suzerain's Domain- 
land, as 10 koku (49.6 bushels) of hulled rice in productivitj'^ or 1 cho 
(2.45 acres) in extent. {To, XIII, 315, 319; GGI, I, 2, 18; Il]^5; III; 1, 
2, 7, 16; TMK, z. I, 260—261, pt. j> J|, No. 1.) Similar provisions 
prevailed in most Fiefs ; sometimes ten koku was the limit for the ordinary 
peasant and 20 for the village-head (as in Shinano). In Xanazawa, 
50 koku seems to have been the legal limit for all. In practice, however, 
divisions beyond these points were tolerated under certain conditions, 
and servants were set up as peasants with much smaller estates. {Mkr, 
241, 334, 369—374; SDS, I, 27—29; Wig, v, 95—112.) See also Note 64 

That the laws limiting the size of an estate by restricting the alienation 
and division of land were never literally enforceable has already been 
suggested (cf. Note 36, above). That they, however, despite many trans- 
gressions, achieved their aim to a remarkable degree, may be established 
from the fact that, at the general land survey made in the early years 
of the present reign, a large majority of the peasants were found to be 
holders of small estates the average extent of which approximated the 
minimum limit established by the Tokugawa government. There were a 
little more than 6 million landholders, and more than 85 million entries 
of cultivated land. Each entry averaged 12.7 o/^j of an acre, and each 
landholder's estate, 14.2 entries, or, about 2 acres. {Chk, 171.) To this 
day, Japan remains a country of extremely small lots and small farming 
{Ja})an in the beginning 20 th century, 98—99, 115), and the fact constitutes 
for the nation a most important economic condition. While this pheno- 
menon has been largerly due to the hilly nature of the country, it is 
apparent that the persistant policy of Tokugawa authorities to limit the 
size of the peasant estate has contributed to this result. It will be seen 
later that there were two other important reasons: namely, first, that 
the principal form of agricultural labour being manual, the working 
capacity of a peasant family was very limited; and, second, that the 
relatively high level of the taxes in comparison with rents, together with 
the [difficulty of buying land, prevented the appearance of many large 

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Vol. jtxxi.] Notes on Village Oovernment in Japan, 187 

(46) Financial publicity. There is a little confusion in the general 
understanding of this subject. Some think that every detail of public 
finance was open to the people, while others say that strict secrecy was 
observed. The truth is that some things were open and others con- 
cealed. AVhat was not always withheld, and was in the Domain-lands 
ordered to be carefully inspected by the peasants, was the registered 
productivity of each piece of cultivated land, and the annual apportion- 
ment of the public taxes to each landholder, as well as the receipts and 
expenditures of the village finances. (Note 59, [IX, 5], [XI, 11, 12], 
[XXYII, 3].) Even this limited publicity was not granted in all the 
Fiefs. As for the mann£r of determining the productive capacity of a 
piece of land, which was in some localities bewilderingly intricate, and 
also the annual accounts of the Fief or the Domain -land as a whole, 
these were, even if the peasants were capable of comprehending them, 
never published among them, though some of them might learn a little 
by hearsay. Cf. DSB, XII, xi, 168; 8DS, II, 20—21, 28; V, 9ff.; Uyz^ 
137—138; To, X, 734; XI, 568—569; XII, 269; XIV, 54. See also Note 110, 

(47) Publicity of the penal law. For more than a hundred years after 
its foundation, the Tokugawa government made no attempt at an athori- 
tative compilation of penal laws. The third Suzerain, lemitsu (in office, 
1623 — 1651), was not overjoyed when a private compilation of court 
decisions was made, for he thought that, no two cases of human disputes 
being precisely alike, precedents might hinder true justice (To, X, 1090 
— 1092), so strong was the principle of equity and discretion. (Cf. Notes 
23 — 25, above.) The need of authoritative compilations, however, must have 
long been felt, when the eighth Suzerain, Yoshimune (in office, 1716 — 1745), 
authorized a collection of edicts and orders of his predecessors, and 
himself assisted in compiling notes and orders concerning mainly judicial 
procedure and penal law. The latter (known as Ku-zhi-kata o sadame- 
gakij 'S^ ^ "ff ^ & ^)» was completed in 1742, and was augmented 
twenty-five years later with later laws as well as old pertinent materials, 
(which new edition is substantially our TKEy II). To, XIV, 214; XV, 
249. About 1790 was made a briefer edition (O-sadame-gaki hyakka jo, 
la 5£ t^ W « ii, or, Kwan^sei ko^cho sei^ten, 5t Ife H ?fi ijj: J!|). 
The substance of these works has been done into German by Otto 
Kudorff in the MitteUungen der deutschen Gesdlschaft fiir Natur- und 
Volkerkunde Ostasietis, Band V, Supplement - Heft, Yokohama, 1889, 
S. 32—133. 

These works were intended as a guide to the judiciary, and it was 
explicitly stated that they could not be expected to anticipate all future 
cases, to some of which it might be incongruous to apply principles 
contained in the compilations. (See Preface to the last work mentioned, 
the Kyu-baku'fu o sadame-gaki, % jj^ /)^ 1^ £ tf , in the Hyaku-man 
to series, "g" ^ ^.) 

These penal works were followed by very many private memoranda, 
more or less of the same nature, and some worthy compilations of general 
laws. (Cf. KK, 1\\ iv— vi.) 

They nearly all related to laws for the peasant and merchant classes. 

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188 K. Asakawa, [1911. 

Any sly attempt at publishing laws and customs of the warrior class 
was met with severe repression. Nor should it be forgotten that most 
of the compilations contained laws which were intended primarily for 
the Suzerain's Domain-lands. Similar works in Fiefs (such as our BK 
and BR) were fewer and less extensive. 

No penal compilation was allowed publicity. Some of the works of 
the seventeenth century that have been mentioned bear the post-scripts 
that they should be shown to none but the three councillors of the 
Suzerain, who had the right to sit at the high court of justice {Hyd-jo 
shOy ^ £ ^). It was but true to human nature, however, to wish 
to see a hidden treasure because it was hidden. The authoritative penal 
compilations, therefore, found their way, in more or less imperfect copies 
in manuscript, into the libraries of many officials and commoners, where 
they were carefully concealed from the authorities. These copies have, 
since the fall of feudalism, been coming to light through second-hand 
book-dealers, some of them bearing titles indicating anything but the 
nature of the work. A copy on hand contains a curious preface, dated 
1812, as follows : — "There is an old chest in my warehouse. One day, as 
I examined its contents, which were all worm-eaten manuscripts, I dis- 
covered these five volumes. They bore no title, but I found that they 
contained what might be called laws of the government. How my house 
came in possession of these books I had no means of telling, as they 
were very old. Since they should belong to the authorities, and should 
not be here, I had a mind to put them in fire or sink them under water. 
However, I did not like to destroy them. I have repaired the worm- 
eaten parts, rebound the work in four volumes, and now write this 
preface, and conceal the work in my warehouse. No one should see it. 
My descendants should keep it in secrecy, as if they did not know whether 
it existed or not, and as if they did not remember whether they had 
read it or not. Learn from* it laws of the authorities only for your own 
enlightenment, and be careful not to tell others about them. In order 
that my intention may be evident, I give this work the title Fwe-ya no 
kij [? a tree by an humble hut], and conceal it in the warehouse. Tate 
AnshQ, at Yushima, [Edo]." 

The statement that the penal law was never officially published 
requires some qualification. Although the peasant was usually told what 
to do and what not to do, but not how he would be punished for doing 
what he should not do, it was of course impossible to conceal the 
penalty for a very common offence, as, for instance, excessive charges 
for the post-house service. It was also desirable to let the people know 
the extreme severity of punishment for an act held to be particularly 
odious, such as gambling. (See J02, I, Nos. 13, 16, etc.) 

(48) Law and morals. How largely these coincided with each other, 
not only in form, but also in matter, will be seen in Notes 55 and 69, 
below. From remarks given in Note 43, above, it will not be difficult 
to see that the very point of view of the rural administrator could not 
help being largely moral. Law and morals were undifferentiated rather 
than combined. "V\Tien toward the end of the eighteenth century un- 
usually large numbers of peasants were punished for unlawfully banding 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] Notes on ViUage Government in Japan. 1H9 

together and rioting, the suzerain's government ascribed the increase of 
the cases, not to the evil-mindedness of the criminals, but to their igno- 
rance and to the want of zeal on the part of village-officials to admonish 
them. (To, XV, 539, 667). 

(49) Right of appeal. That a chain of delegation and responsibility, 
however carefully forged and tightly drawn, would be unable to hold a 
State in perpetual peace, and that the best conceivable equilibrium 
between law and equity would fail to prevent all injustice, was frankly 
admitted by practical administrators of ancient China and feudal 
Japan. They provided for certain rights of the people to appeal and 
petition even to the highest authority. ''To stop the mouths of the 
people is more injurious than stopping the course of a river," Confucius 
is said to have remarked; "The river would overflow and destroy many 
men. The people would act likewise. Therefore, engineers dredge rivers 
and direct their courses, and rulers permit the people to express them- 
selves." "If the people were not allowed to give vent to their thoughts," 
says an official instruction in Yonezawa, dated 1778, "their resentment 
would be pent up, and burst forth at a misfortune. When the people 
are silent under bad government, they are none the less lamenting it; 
if they were allowed to express themselves, the authorities might discover 
good points in their words, and at once correct the wrongs." (YZS, 261.) 

In Japan the possible sources of wrongs for the peasants were: 1. a 
bad Suzerain or Baron or his councillors; 2. a bad Intendant or Bailiff 
and his subordinates; 8. bad village-officials; and 4. bad commissioners 
especially appointed by the authorities to take charge of particular 
affairs of rural government. Of these, the last three, being in immediate 
contact with the people, were the most frequent orig^ of grievances. 
Every effort was made by the higher authorities to prftect the people 
from the possible arrogance or greed of these officials, who received 
minute instructions regarding their conduct toward the villagers. The 
latter, also, were continually reminded that the officials had been for- 
bidden to receive presents, to be entertained, to enter into pecuniary 
transactions with the people, or to do aught to involve them in needless 
expense or hardship. The annals of the period abound with instructions 
and orders of this nature. (Cf. e. g., DSR, XII, v, 761; vi, 349; vii, 725; 
ix, 225; To, X, 666, 734; XI, 692; XU, 16—17, 269; XIII, 315—320; etc., 
etc.) Such was, however, the force of the theory of delegation that no 
law could completely prevent the meek peasants from being imposed 
upon by irresponsible officials. It was largely against abuses from these 
quarters that the right of appeal had to be granted and grandually 
though imperceptibly increased. (For the earlier form of this right, see 
Note 59, [II] and [III], below. Compare this with the later form as 
described below in this Note.) 

There was another feature of this subject which should not be for- 
gotten. If we turn to the first of the sources of wrongs enumerated 
above, we shall obsorvc therein two forces one of which operated against 
the other. It was the traditional policy of the Suzerain's government 
at once to give to the Barons a large degree of autonomy, and to weaken 
them under every justifiable pretext. The first half of the policy served 

VOLi XXXI. Part II. l)\ 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

190 K. Asakawa, [1911. 

to multiply opportunities for the second, and this result was not the least 
frequent in judicial affairs. A Baron, or, to be more exact, his council, 
having the power of life and death over the peasants of his Fief, and, in 
judicial and fiscal matters, being curbed by nothing but customs and 
conscience, might be betrayed into repeated acts of oppression, until 
the patient peasantry would at length rise in furious mobs or resort to 
a direct appeal to the government of the Suzerain. The riots would be 
severely repressed, and the appellants, as we shall see below, delivered 
up to the Baron as disloyal subjects. For, nominally, there was no 
appeal from the Baron, especially from the eighteen principal Barons, to 
the Suzerain. However, in case feuch a riot or appeal took place, the 
Suzerain might, provided the grievances were real, degrade or replace 
the Baron and have the wrongs rectified as far as possible. An appeal, 
therefore, over a Baron to the Suzerain, was explicitly forbidden but 
tacitly permitted to those brave peasants who staked their lives there- 
for. Cf. Wig, i, 84—85. 

Let us now describe the normal process of appeal and petition. The 
peasant could address the authorities only through village-officials, whose 
certificate or presence was necessary if he would bring the matter to 
the Intendant or Bailiff. AVithout this formality, no ordinary petition or 
complaint would be entertained. (See GGI, II, 21, 23—24, 87; Note 59, 
[XX], below.) A complaint, however, against the village-head or sub- 
ordinate of the Intendant or Bailiff, might be lodged directly at the 
latter's office, but this had to be done without disorder and with due 
notice to the village-officials, {ibid., II, 24, 81, 37; DSR, XII, v, 531; 
NTK, 344— ai«). 

An appeal could still be made from the Bailiff to the Baron^s council 
or the Baron himself, again after notifying the Bailiff of the appellant's 
intention. Tliis right was exercised from the beginning of the period 
(seeD.S'i?, XII, ii, 584, 586; iv, 196; v, 319), and probably dated earlier. 
This was the law, l)ut its practical merit must have varied much in 
different Fiefs and at different times, according to the character of the 
Baron and Ms ad\'i8ers. 

A corresponding appeal over the intendant was carried to the Suze- 
rain's high court of justice at Edo. The Hyd-jo sho (fl^ J^ ff[^ place of 
determination), as the court was called, was l>egun in 1631, and, as it 
was finally constituted, heard, besides appeals, disputes involving the 
jurisdictions of two or all of the three high commissioners of the Suze- 
rain (i. e., Zhi'sJui hu-gyo, ^ Jift 3^ fr* commissioner of religious in- 
stitutions, Machi bu-gi/o, BJ" 1^ ^, of the municipality of Edo, and 
Kan-jo bu-gi/o. Hff % $ ff, of finance) or unusually important cases in 
each commissioner's jurisdiction, and complaints and petitions from 
Barons and the Suzerain's lower vassals. (See KR, I, Nos. 1 — 12, II, 
Nos. 1—8; TK, II, i, 23—143, 403—502.) Although it was forbidden to 
local officials to suppress ])ea8ants' appeals {To, XIII, 816, 1089), it 
nevertheless >)ecame desirable, when the business of this court multiplied, 
to rele prate it as far as it was practicable to the commissioners {bu-gyo, 
j^ ^) at Kyoto and Osaka, and to order the peasants to settle their 
affairs wherever possible at local courts (KB, I, No. 15, II, No. 1 ; TK, 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Tilkiffc Oovernment in Japan, 191 

II, i, 192, 408flf.; To, XIII, 1178). Besides, when they appealed to Edo, 
they were to notify the local officials, and bear the expenses. (JBTjB, I, 
No9, 3, 6, II, No. 24; TK, II, i, 71 ff., 92 f., ii, 98 ff.; To, X, 298, 301; 
GGI, I, 30.) Cf. Wig, i, 87—94. 

From 1721, the Suzerain Yoshimune ordered a box {me-yctsu bako, 
@ 5c ^ ^ l>c hung before the court at Edo, and, from 1726, in Kyoto 
and Dsaka also, for the purpose of receiving appeals and petitions from 
common people and outlaws (To, XIII, 1178, XIV, 214—216). He him- 
self examined their contents. That this would encourage appeals and 
bring about good results, as it did, in the hands of a good Suzerain 
might be imagined, but later it happened not seldom that corrupt com- 
missioners intercepted appeals (e. g., JBn, 19). Sporadic efforts were made 
to restore this institution to real service (e. g., Zoy I, 112), but there is 
little reason to believe that they were followed by continued successes. 
Like 80 many other discretionary measures of this bureaucratic govern- 
ment, the use of this device, as has been the fate of similar practices 
in China, depended entirely upon the frail human nature of the officials. 

When the wrongs of an Intendant were real, and when they were 
brought to the commissioners' notice in such a way as it was impossible 
to deny them, a summary justice could be expected by the appealing 
peasants (e. g., DSR, XII, i, 356). If the court failed to satisfy them, 
there was yet another way open to them, namely a direct appeal to the 
Suzerain in person while on « visit or in hunting. This was done in 
an appeal, not only from an Intendant, but also from a Baron. This 
irregularity was punished with imprisonment or death, and if the appeal 
was against a Baron, the appellant was guilty of the double offence of 
transgressing on the dignity of the Suzerain and of violating the rule 
that there was no appeal from a Baron. However, if the Suzerain hap- 
pened to be eager for justice or for extending his power at the expense 
of the Barons, the complaint would be examined and satisfied, and the 
unjust Intendant or Baron degraded (e. g., To, IX, 614 — 615, XI, 929, 
XIV, 285). The following are two well-known instances of appeals 
to Edo. 

In 1651 the young Hotta Masanobu succeeded to the lordship of 
Sakura, Shimo-osa, and was appointed a councillor to the Suzerain. 
Taking advantage of his youth and his absence in £do, his councillors 
suddenly increased the land-tax to an enormous extent, and, rejected 
petitions from aU the village heads of the Fief to reduce it to its former 
level. Large numbers of peasants sold their holdings, and, dividing their 
families, wandered out. In 1654, more than three hundred representatives 
repaired to Edo and complained at the residerenee of Masanobu, but 
were not listened to. Then a petition was made to one of his fellow- 
councillors, which also was returned. Kiuchi (better known as Sakura) 
SOgorO, one of the six representatives who had remained in Edo, boldly 
presented a petition to the Suzerain letsuna, as he was on his way to 
the temple at Ueno. The latter delivered the petition and the six men 
to Masanobu. He still believed his councillors, and allowed SogorO and 
his wife to be crucified, his four children to be beheaded, and the other 
^ve leaders to be banished. Later, however, the tax was restored to 


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192 K. Asdkawa, [mi. 

the original rate, and the councillors ptmished. In 1660, Masanobu for- 
feited his Fief for another offence. SOgorO has been deified by the 
peasants, and his story has been dramatized into a thrilling play. (See 
the Tei-koku zhin-mH zhi-ten, ed. 1904, 1428—1429; the Han-kan-pu, VI, 
pt. Hotta.) 

The district Yashiro, in Uzen, was severed from the Yonezawa fief 
and restored to the Suzerain, in 1664, but its government was still put 
under charge of the same Fief. In 1863, the peasants of the thirty-five 
villages of this district complained unsuccessfully, even in £do, against 
an unjust treatment from the authorities of Yonezawa. Finally, the 
petition was put in a beautiful lacquered box bearing the emblem of the 
Suzerain's house, and was purposely left in a restaurant, whence it was 
at once taken to the Suzerain. The district was definitively confiscated 
from the Fief, but the chief appellant was delivered to the lord of the 
Fief, who crucified him. {Dck, 4373; Dai Ni-hon zhin-^nei zhi^shOt 2nd. 
edition, 1891, III, 36—37.) 
i^, (50) The Chinese house-groups. This institution is considered as old 
as the Chou dynasty, and has, as will be seen in the following sketch, 
persisted throughout the long history of China. According to the Chou 
^^ (JS IS) ^^^ ^^^ commentaries, each of the six hiang (|||S) and six 
sui (^), into which the Inner Country of China was divided, was or- 
ganized as follows : in the hiang, five houses formed a pi (Jj^) and were 
mutually (?) responsible (^, pao\ five pi made a lH (^), four lu a tsu 
(JK)> fi^6 tsu a tang (jK), five tang a chou {j^\ and five chou the hiang\ 
in the sui, five houses formed a lin ([^), five lin a li (£), four li a 
fs'uan (JJP), five ts%Can a j>'i (S5), five_p*i a hien (J|t?), and five hien the 
^ sui. The five-house group was responsibe for the mutual help and ad- 
monition of its members. This is the generally accepted view of the 
organization under the Chou dynasty, although it would not be easy to 
prove either that the system in this advanced form was so old as the 
dynasty, or that, if so, it was put into universal practice. The general 
idea of the system^ namely, that neighboring houses should with respon- 
sibility watch and help one another, and that the larger administrative 
divisions of territory should as far as possible be based upon this group 
as a unit and held together by a chain of responsibility, date apparently 
several centuries before the Christian era. They are found in practice 
in several different forms among the contending States into which the 
kingdom of Chou became divided, and in Ts'in. The latter made five 
houses a group and two adjoining groups, consisting of ten houses, a 
unit with joint responsibility for the crimes of its members. 

After the Christian era, the general idea, having come through the 
hands of various dynasties, was made under the great T'ang dynasty 
into a system which became the model for Japan to copy since 646. In 
this system, four houses made a lin and five houses a pao — this distinc- 
tion is not clear, (some say, five houses made a lin and five lin a pao)\ 
a hundred houses fomied a li, and five li a hiang. Under the Sung 
dynasty, the idea was elaborated by several administrators for use in their 
particular spheres, the general conception, however, being always the same. 
It is not until one reaches the Ming dynasty that he finds the system 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol; jtxxi.] Notes an Village Qovemment in Japan. 193 

really extensively applied, as well as fully described. Barring local 
variations, generally ten houses formed a kia (^, which was an old 
term), with an additional house of the group-chief (^ 'M'r kia-shou); ten 
kia formed a H (£? otherwise called j)ao, ^), with ten additional houses 
of heads (fUMang^ J|. ^), who each held the office in turn for a year. 
This personage, like the Japanese village-head, was assisted by several 
chiefs. Besides these, there was an elder {li4ao, £ ^) in each liy who 
at first exercised a considerable moral influence, but who in later years 
of the dynasty was treated by officials as a mere publican, and in many 
a li declined to serve any longer. 

An important part of the business of the Ida was periodically to take 
the census of its members, in order to ascertain that none were sus- 
picious characters and none adhered to evil religious sects. 

Once in every month, the people in every li assembled at the public 
hall of the village (1/^ Ify 3^), where amid solemn music the li-ch^ang read 
and explained the Imperial instructions to the people. These instructions, 
which were always posted at the hall for exhibition, were intended to 
inculcate the spirit of concord and mutual service among peasant 
members. The instructions were arranged under six heads: 1. obedience 
to the parents; 2. respect of authority and age; 3. concord in the vill- 
age, including mutual cordiality, and assistance for the sick, the poor, 
and orphans, and at funerals; 4. education of children, including rever- 
ence for the teachers, and rites of majority and marriage; 6. industry; 
and 6. abstention from evil deeds, the latter including the harboring of 
thieves and robbers, disseminating false stories, arrogance, extravagance, 
heresy, theft, quarrel, murder, disputes about water and forests, needless 
killing of cattle, and other offences. 

The village-elder exercised certain judicial power over minor cases, 
though this feature of the village administration disappeared later with 
the elder's loss of influence. 

The /* had also a temple for the deity of the earth (M Jlt Jtt) where, 
besides other minor rites, sacrifices were offered in spring and in 
autumn, followed by a feast for the peasants. On this occasion, a spokes- 
man solemnly swore: "The people of our li should observe rules of 
proper conduct, and the strong shall not oppress the weak. Those who 
act contrariwise would be examined and reported to the authorities. The 
family of poor and forlorn persons shall be supported by the village 
for three years; the people shall assist each other in marriage and at 
funeral. Those who defy others or commit theft, fraud, or any other offence 
whatsoever, shall not be admitted into our company." Then the villagers 
sat down in the order of seniority, and passed the day in a happy feast. 

There was, in accordance with a time-honored custom, another period- 
ical occasion for conviviality of the village, (|^ fjt fB Ift)? ** which 
venerated seniors, ex-officials, and scholars, were given places of dist- 
inction, and the other villagers sat in the strict order of their ages, 
regardless of wealth. 

The li also had its special granary (ftt ^\ to which all the families 
contributed according to their means, and which was opened in case of 
a famine. This, too, was an old institution. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 


]94 K Asakawa, . ^^i^i'- 

The viUage supported a primary school ( ftt ^), where the Imp<>rial 
instructions already refeiTed to and elementary laws were taught t^j such 
pupils as wished to enroll. It was the policy of the government to en- 
courage the establishment of village-schools, but not to interfere with 
their affairs. 

The laws of the present dynasty recognize the existence of kia-sJMU 
and li'ch'ang organized in the same manner as that of Ming. They hold 
their office by rotation, and take charge of the affairs, including the 
financial, of the village. In some places, it seems, ten houses make a 
p'ai (f^\ ten j)'ai a kia^ and ten Aria a pao. each with its elected head. 
The Japanese authorities of the leased land at Kwantung in southem 
Manchuria are making use of the system of the joint responsibility of 
groups with considerable success in maintaining the peace of the vill- 
ages against bandits and in aiTesting the latter. 

See Prof. Tomidzu Hiroto. Shfl-dai go-ka no kumi-ai (P ^ 5E A» ^ 
fii £ * <?> Ift 'S'' ^o- 5 of the Ho^ri ron-so ?i 8 tftH series); Nz, 
I, 14; Tang lu-tien (Jgl^^; J|, ed. 1895), II 1,9; G^fr, 9—10; Asakawa, Ear/y 
ifist life, 214—215; Asai Torao, Shi-na ho-sei ski (fS # ]^ ^» i iU ^ 
-^J 4, Tokyo, 1904), pp. 28—29, 43, 80, 185, 276. 332—336); the same 
author's article in the Kokka Gakktcai zasshi (H ^ $ '^ ^ i^iO ^^^ 
April, 1906, pp. 63~»4; Ta-TsHng lu {± ?# ft), pt- P S» art. ^ 
I ± 1* M :g; the TO'A Do^hun Kwai ho^kohi OK 55 IhI iX # fc 
^), No. 115, p. 30; current numbers of the Man-shu nichi-nichi shim-lmn 

(51) The group idea copied in Japan, Beginning with the year 
645, Japan entered upon the great work of reorganizing her state- 
system largely on the basis of the Chinese institutions of the early 
T'ang period. (Cf. Asakawa, Early inst life] J. Murdoch, History of 
Japan, vol. 1, Tokyo, 1910, chap. 5.) The Decree of the Reform of 
646 contains the following: ^-For the first time, make a census of the 
families (^ f§), a record of financial accounts, and an equal allot- 
ment of land. Fifty families (^) shall form a sato (M, Chinese pro- 
nunciation, li), and every sato shall have a chief (;^, Chin. cKang\ 
whose duty shall be to examine the families (pi) and their members 
(P), to promote agriculture and sericulture, to forbid and examine mis- 
deeds, and to collect the taxes and enforce forced labor." {Ni-hon sho-ki, 
H >4^ ^ |£t XXV. Tai-kwa year 2 month 1). In 652, the oi-der was 
repeated: .,Make a census of the families. Fifty families shall form a 
sato, and ever/ sato shall have a chief. The head of the family (^ j^) 
shall be the chief member of a house (^ ^). As regards the families 
(p), five houses (^) shall be mutually responsible [? shall mutually 
protect; -(jj^, Chin, pao]^ shall make one man the chief (§), and shall 
mutually examine [the conduct of the members]." {Ibid., Haku-chi y. 3 
m. 4. The older translations of these passages that occur in Asakawa, 
op* cit., p. 275, and Aston, Nihongi^ II, 208 & 242, cannot be accepted.) 
In the Ryo no gi-ge {^ ^ f(lf, commentary, officially compiled in 
826 — 833, on the Code of law which was edited in 700 — 701 and revised 
slightly in 718, 791 and 797) occur the following passages, (large letters 
probably indicating portions in the text of 700—701, and words of the 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] Note8 on Village Oovemment in Japan. 195 

commentary being here put in parentheses) — "AS JK.EGARD8 FAMILIES, 
families [in the same neighborhood], ten of them shall be separated as 
a sato and have a chief. If there be less than ten families [in the same 
neighborhood], they shall be included in a larger village, and not be 
separated.) EACH SATO SHALL HAVE A CHIEF, whose duty shall 
be to examine the families and their members, to promote agriculture 
and sericulture, to forbid and examine misdeeds, and to collect dues and 
enforce forced labor. WHERE MOUNTAINOUS OR REMOTE AND 


OFF ACCORDING TO CONVENIENCE ( If [the neighborhood] 

does not contain ten families, it shall be made into mutually protecting 
groups of five houses, and included in a large village.) .... THE HEAD 

(The eldest son of the main line ) .... AS REGARDS THK 

MEMBER OF A GROUP [i^, Chin.;jao, Jap. ho] GOES AWAY, THE 

HIM " (VIII, arts. 1, 5, 9, 10.) (For bibliographical comments of 

the two sources from which the above passages have been cited, see 
Asakawa, op. cit, 7—17.) 

In these passages, it is evident that the Japanese five-house group 
was a copy of the Chinese prototype, the idea and language of both 
being largely identical. One point, however, of great importance in the 
copy is not found in the model, namely, the ^ (Chin. hu\ Jap. pron. 
ko\ corresponding native word, he\ which I have purposely translated 
with the loose term 'family'. It did not exclude the idea of a 'house', 
but oftener it consisted of persons living in near-by houses and mostly 
related to one another by blood-tie. Thus, sometimes scores of men 
and women formed one ko and had one Aro-head. The fragments of 
census of the eighth century which stiU exist (DKM, I.) confirm the 
supposition to which some of the clauses quoted above point, that often 
neighboring houses were' related to one another in blood. Indeed, an old 
record quoted hi the B^d no shu-gey ^ ^ S?? commentary on the Byo 
compiled in the latter half of the ninth century, says: \ln organizing 
five-house groups], "Even if one family {ko) coutauied ten houses (Ay(), 
the family shall form its own limit [i. e., form a group by itself], regard- 
less of the number of the houses [composing it]". {Ggk^ 1*2.) Add to those 
considerations the fact that in the language of China in this general 
period, |4 and jjS did not differ much from each other in the average 
number of persons they contained, if indeed the two were not often 
identical, as they later came to }>e in Japan also. They could be con- 
fused, but not so in the Japan of the Reform period. (Cf. the excellent 
articles by Mr. Y. Shinmi on the Japanese family in the eighth century, 
in Shz, XX, Nos. 2-^, March-May, 1909.) Here the viUage (mto) was 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

196 K AMkawa, [1911. 

built upon families, and the ^up was composed of neighbouring houses 
not infrequently related to one another. The inference is then irresist- 
ible that, as a whole, the Japanese copy of the house-group system 
must have been less purely administrative and more consanguinous in 
nature than the Chinese model. 

This comparatively natural character of the Japanese institution is 
also notable in the gi'oup and village of the Tokugawa period. Here, 
however, the qualifying principle was oftener historic associations than 
ties of blood. 

(62) The ffroup si^stem resuscitated after 1600, That the general idea 
of responsible groups of houses was not entirely forgotten during the 
long and eventful ages which intervened between the Reform and the 
battle of Sekig^hara, is a point which falls beyond the limits of this 
paper. (See Ggk, 31—76; Ggs, 4—5; Nz, I, 6; Dc/i, introd., 74.) 

As one reaches the years just before and after 1600, he finds that 
warriors, of the lower grades at least, were not seldom organized in 
gi*oups of five or ten men responsible for their good behavior. (Under 
Hideyoshi, Ggk, 68—76; Ish, 7&— 79; DBS, XII, i, 773; in Yonezawa, 
ibid,, i, 638, 773, x, 43; in Saga, ibid,, i, 733; in Kochi, ibid,, i, 736; at 
Uwazhima, ibid,, v, 402 — 403; in Iga, ibid,, v, 762; under the Mori, Md„ 
V, 551 — 554; in Edo, ibid., ix, 559; &c.) Among peasants and burghers, 
it is probable that, though less frequently than among warriors, similar 
customs existed here and there. It, also, appears to have been Hide- 
yoshi's intention to extend the system among the non-feudal, as well as 
feudal, classes all over the country. {Ggk, 72 ff.) The occasional mentions 
of groups found in documents of this age relating to different parts of 
Japan may, in some cases, refer to results of Hideyoshi's probable policy 
just outlined. Some other cases may be survivals of older institutions. 
In Mimasaka, for example, we find in deeds of sale dated 1603 
and 1607 men styled fljc among witnesses, {ibid., i, 855; v, 335). The ten- 
y man groups (^ ^ \ ^) ^^ 1&* ^^^ five-man groups (^ ^ ^) in 
/ Yonezawa in 1608, and the groups (^£, ^ ^) in Omi in 1611, do not 
seem to have been new creations, {ibid., v, 762, 831; ix, 224). Even if 
they had been recently organized, it is more probable that they were 
patterned after sporadic local survivals than that they were all created anew 
in accordance with an order of the Suzerain. The occasional kumi-gashira 
{ibid., ix, 219, 224, &c.) may be heads of groups from whom evolved the 
later village-chiefs of the same title, (see Note 16, above). However that 
J may be, it is certain that the gi*oups, whether old or recent, were built 
upon the fundamental idea of the joint responsibility of their members, 
(see the above references to DSR), 

That some places had entirely forgotten the system and had now to 
adjust themselves to it with difficulty may be mferred from the follow- 
ing example of Kyoto. "This year [1603]", says the To-dai ki C^ f^ IB, 
annals 1565 — 1615), "it happened that the burghers of Kyoto were organ- 
ized in groups of ten men. This was by the Suzerain's order. All men 
of the city, high and low, were embarrassed, for if one man out of ten 
/ committed an offence, all the other nine would be punished therefor. This 
'^ arrangement had been oi-dered because there prevailed robbery in Kyoto, 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xzzi.] Notes on Vtttage Oovemmmt in Japan. 197 

Fushimi, and their neighborhood. But the rich folks, being reluctant to 
be grouped with the poor, carried their treasures out of the city; This 
measure was said to have been unprecedented in the history of KyOto.'' 
{D8R, XII, i, 773.) The writer is, of course, incorrect in his statement 
that the measure was unprecedented in Ky5to. 

It is clear that from the first quarter of the seventeenth century, the 
Suzerain's government zealously extended the system to those places in 
his Domain-lands where it' had died out. However, such an exhaustive 
institution could not be resuscitated in one day. It is found in operation 
about Edo already in 1626, (To, X, 64--65, 301), and, eleven years later, 
a comprehensive body of instructions was, through five-man groups, 
disseminated in the eighth Kwantd provinces and Kai, Shinano, and 
Idzu, (ibid^ 463-464; Note 59, [VII], below). Henceforth the system y 
was continually used as the medium of securing peace and concord, and 
enforcing orders against Catholicism, the harboring of outlaws, the use 
of arms by the common people, and the like, at least in the provinces just 
named or in Domain-lands, (ibid^ X, 666, 672, 7U, 965, 1052; XI, 204, 390; 
XII, 99, 499; XIII, 162, 770). It may be presumed that the system was 
fairly well installed in all the Domain-lands in the course of the seven- 
teenth century. The search for Catholic converts and dangerous outlaws, \/ 
the latter of whom, owing to peculiar conditions of the feudal organi- 
zation, were graduaUy increasing, (cf. Tbf, 221 — 223), appears to have ' 
formed a special motive for the eager extension of the group system. 
A constant need for it must also have been felt in affording order and 
contentment to the people and in securing their sure support. The 
system made it possible to serve their ends at once with comparatively 
small cost and care to the Suzerain and with the satisfaction on the 
part of the people of exercising a large degree of self-government. 

In the meantime, the merit of the system had commended itself to 
the Barons as well, who were prompted to adopt it by the surviving 
examples with which some of them must have been acquainted, as well 
as by the example and encouragement shown by the Suzerain's govern- 
ment. The latter advised the Barons, in 1661, to facilitate the search 
for Catholics by organizing groups of five men, (To, XI, 390, — Note 59, 
[XVI], below). As was usual with the Fiefs, however, there was a wide 
difference among them, both of the times in which the system was 
established, and of the forms it took. Some Fiefs had it, if indeed they 
had not inherited it from earlier times, in the first quarter (DSR, XII, 
V, 762, 831; ix, 219, 224) and even in the first decade after 1600 (ibid^ 
i, 865; V, 335). The system was in good ordor in Okayama in 1642 
{BK, I, 4r-12), and in Sendai in 1718 {SDS, I, 19), to take only cases 
of positive certainty. It is possible, however, that in some instances 
groups were not adequately organized till after 1800, (e. g., Shonai in 
1819, Ggs, 136). 

(53) The normal group. All the known groups in villages were based 
on the same general principles and designed for the same general pur- 
poses with which the reader is now familiar. There was, however, a y 
considerable difference in their names and forms, particularly in the ^ 
Fiefs. The groups in the Domain-lands were probably all called, as in 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

198 K. Asakawa, [1911. 

many Fiefs, go-nin-gumi (^ ^ i|fl., five-man group), consisting usually 
of five — more or less — land-holding house-fathers, one of whom served as 
jfroup-chief, by either election or rotation. The latter, called fude-gcuhira or 
hitto (^ Hi, first writer), fian-gashira (^ |@, first seal), or the like, 
was seldom a very important personage in the government of the entire 
village. Neighbors would normally be in the same groups, {GGI^ I, 13, 
21; II, 8), but historic or social conditions largely interfered with this 
arrangement even in Domain-lauds, {Ggs, 14 — 19). Cases were not want- 
ing in which a group atid neighboring houses were held responsible for 
oflfences, (G(^/, 11, 8—9; KRy I, No. 16; Ggk, H«; YZS, 44). Cf. Smtc, 

To take a few variants found in Fiefs. Yonezawa changed its system 
!*(»veral times during the period: it had five-man groups {go-nin-gumi) 
already in 1(>08 {DSR^ XII, v, 831); in 1769, some of them seemed to be 
composed of relatives, and others of neighbors (— ' |K 3£ ^ & and fji ^ 
i A ft' YZSy 44, 366); in 18()1, there had been groups for religious 
examination and for the collection of taxes (^ f^ ^^ and fff f^ |B.), 
which were now all incorporated into five-man and ten-man groups 
{ibid.j 743 1!'.); and at the end of the feudal period, about fifteen men 
fonned a larger group, which was divided into three smaller groups 
ikumirai). (AfAr, 143). At lya-yama (cf. Note 14, above), every fifteen to 
twenty-five houses composed a group {ftirshin-gumiy ^ tn ^» building 
group), which furnished thatch and rope when one of its members built 
or repaired his house, and supplied free labor till the work was com- 
pleted. The houses, therefore, could not be disposed of without the 
consent of the group. {Ibid.f 217, 439.) In SuwO, the head of the five- 
man group was called kuro-boahi (^ ^i literally, black star, ibid^ 187), 
the village-chiefs being designated kuro-gashira B$ BM» (*1^^ characters 
meaning, respectively, ^marginal land between rice-fields' and 'head*). 

These and other variations from the normal type were no doubt in 
Koiiu* instances owing to peculiar social conditions of diflerent regions, 
and in others, to the persistence of older institutions of similar nature. 
Among these cases of historic survivals, Professor S. Miura mentions 
s(mie instances of ten-men groups and of irregular small groups of adjoining 
ami opposite houses {Ggky 66, 76). It is evident that, in many examples, 
abnormal types were only slowly, if at all, assimilated to the normal, 

(54) No person withmit group. It was the fixed rule that every 
inhabitant in the village should belong to some group {GGI, 1, 12, 13; 
II, 1, 17; III, 1, 15, 16, etc.). In many examples, however, only land- 
holders were full members of the groups, and their tenants and servants, 
priests attached to no temples, and the like, were included under the 
names of the owners of the land which they tilled or of the houses in 
which they lived {ibid., Mkr., 27—29; SDS, I, 19). 

(55) Edicts, sigh-boards, and oral commands. Occasional written orders 
were on kaki-tsuke (^ ^ H) and on fure-gaki (|Sl JS #). (E. g., KR, 
I, Nos. 3—6, 10—12, 19—40, etc.; GGI, I, 1, II, 33, etc.) Some orders 
came to the lutendants or Bailiffs, who transmitted them orally to the 
village officials or the villagers themselves. (E. g.*, To, X, 463, 665, 734, 
1052, XI, 390. XIII, 318, etc.) 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. ixzi.] Notes on Tillage Oovernmffnt in Japan. 199 

Public sign-boards (known as ko-aatsu or taka-fuday ^ ^, and sei- 
aatsu^ "$1) >|*L» the latter term being sometimes technically applied *to 
written prohibitory orders of the more special or less extensive appli- 
cations) posted up in conspicuous places on streets, roads, or the coast, 
had for a long time been a common device of official proclamation, and 
were kept up throughout the period. {DSR, XII, iv, 196 — 197; v, 973 
—974; vi, 182; ix, 220; To, X, 298, 537, 663, 669, etc.; Ksd, 15ia-1516.) 
They were revised througliout the Domain-lands in the first half of the 
eighteenth century and were thenceforth renewed at the change of the year- 
period ("TC) or the succession of the Suzerain, and when worn out by 
exposure. The nature of their contents may be gathered from the 
following specimens, which were seen most frequently in Domain-lands 
till the end of the period. (Tk, VIII, 10—20; Jg, II, i, 13—15; cf. KB, 
I, Nos. 13—18.) 

[1] (About 2 feet high and 7 feet long.) 

"Parent and child, brothers, husband and wife, and all relatives, shall 
be harmonious; mercy shall be shown even unto the lowest servants. 
Servitors shall be faithful to their masters. 

"[Every one] shall be diligent in his pursuit, shall not be idle, and 
in every thing shall not exceed the bounds of his position and means. 

"Fraudulent deeds, unreasonable speech, and whatever else that might 
do harm unto others, are forbidden. 

"All kinds of gambling are strictly forbidden. 

"One shall refrain from making a quarrel or dispute, and should one 
occur, shall not unnecessarily meddle with it. Nor shall he conceal a 
wounded person. 

"Needless use of fire-arms is forbidden. Any one found violating this 
rule shall be reported. If one connives at the offence, and if it is dis- 
covered from another source, he will be adjudged guilty of a heavy offence. 

"If there be thieves, robbers, or evil persons, their presence shall be 
reported. The person reporting will receive a sure reward. 

"Do not congregate at an execution. 

"The sale and purchase of persons is strictly forbidden. A man or 
woman servant may, however, serve for life or by heredity, if that is 
the voluntary agreement of the parties. If a hereditary servant or an 
old resident has gone elsewhere and settled down there with his family, 
he shall not be recalled, unless he is an offender. 

"The above articles shall be observed. Any person violating them 
will be punished accordingly. 

"ShO-toku 1st year 5 th month— day, [1771]. 


[2] (About 1.3 by 2.1 ft.) 

"Any one using fire-arms in a village shall be reported. If a jjerson 
catching birds on forbidden grounds is arrested or discovered, he shall 
at once be reported. The person reporting will receive a sure reward. 

"KyO-ho 6th year 2nd month— day, [1717]. 

[3] (About 1.5 by 3.6 ft.) 

"Christianity [Catholicism] has for years been under prohibition. Any 
suspicious person shall be reported. Rewards will ]>e given as follows : 

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iOO K AjBokawa, [1911. 

"500 pieces of silver to a person reporting a Padre, 

''SOO pieces of silver to a person reporting a Friar, 

'^The same amount to a person reporting a re-convert, and 

^'lOO pieces of silver to a person reporting individuals living in the 
same house with Christians or reporting converts. 

"The reporter, even if he be a follower of the sect, [i. e., if he has re- 
canted and reported against other Catholics], may be given 600 pieces 
of silver, according to the importance of the case he reports. If any one 
harbors a Christian, and if the latter is discovered from other sources, 
the village-head and the five-man gi*oup of the place will be pimished 
together with the offenders. 

"ShO-toku Ist year 5th month— day, [1711]. 


[4] (About 1.4 by 1.3 ft.) 

"The assembling of many peasants for any kind of evil purpose is 
called to-to (^ jK), and the forcing of a petition by a to-to is go- so 
(SS 1^^) ^"^ ^^® desertion of the village by them in concert is cha-ten 
(^ Hf, tai'ten). All these offences have a long time since been for- 
bidden. If any such case is discovered in one's 0¥m or neighbouring 
village, it shall at once be reported. Reward will be given as follows : — 

"100 pieces of silver to a person reporting a to-fo, 

"The same amount to a person reporting a go-sOt and 

"The same amount to a person reporting a cko^ten. 

"According to the case, the privilege of wearing a sword and bearing 
a family-name may be granted to the person reporting. Even if he 
was one of the offending party, he would receive pardon and reward if 
he reported the name of the leader. 

"Wlien, owing to the absence of any one reporting, village* becam? 
restless, if in that case there be any village that arrested offenders and 
allowed none of its inhabitants to take part in the concert, the principal 
men so doing, whether village-officials or peasants, would be rewarded 
with pieces of silver and the privilege of wearing swords and using 
family-names. If there were any other persons who assisted in pacify- 
ing the village, they also would be rewarded accordingly. 

"Mei-wa 7th year 4th month, [1770]. 


Oral inatructions. Besides the regular oral commands delivered through 
official channels, some Barons followed the historic customs of China of 
giving the people of the village moral exhortations through teachers. 
These were usually Confucian scholars. Sometimes they were sent in 
circuit through the fief, villagers assembling to receive then* and listen 
to their lectures. In the following quotation will be seen the character 
of the instruction. In 1835, some dozen representative peasants of the 
Nagoya fief, regretting that the custom once in vogue had been dis- 
continued, petitioned that it be revived, and said: — ". ... If in plain 
language and with persistence it were taught year after year how high 
was the virtue of the founder of the regime [i. e., leyasu], how great 
was the benefit of the State and its merciful government, and, as regards 
our daily conduct, how important it was to be frugal, to practise filial 

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Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Oovemment in Japan. 201 

piety to\7ards parents and fraternal respect for elder brothers, and to be 
diligent in agriculture and not to fall into other occupations, it is certain 
that, by the grace of benevolent rule, evil customs would be changed, 
and all the peasants would adopt simple and sincere manners. The 
government, also, would be much relieved of trouble . . . ." (Quoted by 
Mr. JL Nakamura, 8hz, XIX, v, 12—13.) 

(56) R^etition of orders. Cf., e. g., Uesugi Kagekatsu's orders in 
1603, 1607, and 1606, repeating substantially the same ideas, in DSR, 
XII, i, 637; v, 110, 831. Group-records often refer to instructions that 
had frequently been reiterated, (GGI, I, 1, 6). The Suzerain's govern- 
ment was extremely persistent, dwelling continually on identical points 
in language slightly altered from time to time, {To, X, 463—464, 665—666^ 
672, 734^735; XI, 41, 204, 585, 706; Xn, 99ff.; XIH, 162flf., 319— 32oi 
485, 697, 701, etc.; KRE, j^ 11 ^ , I, 195 ff., etc.) See Note 59, 

(57) Group^ecords, I venture the suggestion that the custom which 
was rather common among the warrior class for men charged with a 
mission to repeat almost verbatim the instructions given them, with 
an oath that they would be followed, (e. g., see DSR, XII, v, 319 fF., 
xi, 360flf., xiii, 687-688; To, IX, 971 ff., etc.; also see Notes 9 and 16^ 
above), was extended to the peasant groups, and became the origin of 
their records. These in substance re-stated all the important instructions 
that had been repeatedly given to the village and enforced through the 
instrumentality of the group, and was accompanied by the pledge of 
the peasants to observe them. 

The group-records came into existence only by degrees. Professor 
Hodzumi quotes Mr. Oda as saying that they were first made in 1664, 
and adds that thereby the group system was almost perfected {Ggs, 
8, 43), but I fail to trace the first part of this statement to its source, 
and entertain doubts about the second. The group system itself must have 
been far from being either universal or perfect in 1664, (see Note 52, 
above). As for the group-record, in Buzen it seems to have existed in 
a fairly complete form in 1657, and thirty years later was probably 
already so complete that between that date and 1836 there was little 
change in the substance of the articles the record contained. (GGT; IV, 
22, and inferences from citations throughout the work.) As we note 
that the model articles for the group-record compiled by the Suzerain's 
government in 1725 {Ggs, sup. 1 — 19) are much the same as those of 
Buzen in 1657 and 1687, we infer that their substance must have actually 
appeared in the group-records in several places about the latter dates. 
At least, the practice of keeping the records appears to have pretty 
generally prevailed in the Domain-lands in 1722. (Cf. edict To, XIII, 
749 — 750.) In the Fiefs, however, the group-record was still unknown in 
1737 in some places even in provinces nearest Edo, (ibid^ 1203 — 1204; 
KR, I, No. 57). It was in the making in Yonozawa so late as 1769 or 
1770, (YZS, 89, 91). In 1786, there were some regions which had not 
yet returned the religious census of their villages (To, XV, 783); if the 
performance of this duty> which was one of the first raisons d^etre of the 
group system, was still so remiss, one is forced to suppose that the very 

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202 K, Asdkawa, [1911. 

By stem, still less the group -record, may have been but insecurely 
established in those places at that late date. 

(58) The redding and revising of the groujhrecord. Seals. For difference 
in the frequency of reading, see GGI, III, 6, IV, 20— -21, 22; Ggs, 44—48, 
and for the frequency of revision, which was either annual, septennial, 
or indefinite, see GGI, IV, 22; Gg»^ 136. The suzerain's govemraent 
ordered, in 1722, that the articles of the group-records should be given 
to pupils in village-schools for their lessons in hand -writing. (7V», 
XIII, 749.) 

Seals. Each person had an officially registered seal of his ovm, which 
alone had to be used by him on all occasions. £very change of a seal 
was to be immediately reported to the village-head. A person's name 
on a document was not always signed by him, 1>nt under it he affixed 
his seal with his own hand. Though repeatedly warned, however, 
peasants were often inclined to leave their seals with village-officials 
and authorize them to use them when necessary-. Counterfeiting another 
person's seal and drawing with it a false document w^as punishable with 
decapitation with exposure of the person before execution and of the 
head afterward. {GGl 1, 11, 22; II, 13—14, 28; KR, II, No. 62; TK, 
II, iii, 4a5— 500.) 

(59) Laws for the peasants. An attempt is made in the following 
summary to state, not topically, but chronologically, such orders and 
instructions as were given by the Suzerain's government to the peasants 
of the Domain-lands. It is hoped that this summary given in this form 
may be found useful to the student whose interest is more than merely 
institutional. (For specimens of group-records, the reader is referred to 
Smw, 177—210. For modem survivals, GS, MK, MO, 00,) 

(I) 1603. An edict to the villages. {JKB, I, v, 226.) 

(I) Peasants who have run away dissatisfied with the government of 
an official shall not be restored. 

[2] Peasants with taxes in arrear shall ^lay them in the presence of 
the In ten dan t. 

[3] Peasants shall not be killed. If one has committed an offence, he 
shall be arrested and examined at the Intendant's office. 

(II) 1603. An edict to the villages. {Ibid., 227.) 

[1] Peasants running away dissatisfied with the government of an 
official may pay dues and live in any place in a neighboring district. 

[2] If an unjust official holds a personal hostage from a peasant, the 
atter may appeal directly to Edo. Otherwise direct appeals are for- 

[3] How could the Edo government know details of local taxation? 
Appeals about taxation are forbidden. 

[4] An appeal against an official may be made only with full pre- 
paration to leave his district. 

[5] An appeal shall not be presented to Edo before the Intendant 
has been petitioned two or three times. A direct appeal may be made, 
however, if it contains complaint against the Intendant. 

(III) 16U8. An edict to the viJlages. {Ibld^ 228.) 
[1] (The same as [I, 1].) 

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Vol. zzxi.] Notes on Village Oovernment in Japan. 203 

[2] (The same as [I, 2].) 

[3] (The same as [II, 4].) 

[4] (SimUar to [II, 3].) 

[5] (The same as [II, 2] and the first half of [5].) 

[6] (The same as the last half of [II, 5].) 

[7] (The same as [I, 3].) 

(IV) 1616. {Ibid^ 229.) 

[IJ Henceforth, when commuting the land-tax in money, the rate 
shall be on the basis of 3 fo 7 sho (about 1.8 bushels) to a straw-bag 
of rice. 

[2] The kuchi-mai (P tR) shall be 1 «/*d for a straw-bag. 

[3] If commuted, the A:ueAi-8en ( H S^) sh&U ^^ ^ V^^ eeni. 

(V) 1626. An edict. (To, X, 64—65.) 

[1] A person finding hawks in nest [in a place reserved for hawks] 
will be rewarded, and his five-man group will be excused from keeping 
watch over the place. A person finding a new nest will receive a double 

[2] Any one stealing young hawks from a nest [in a reserved place] 
will, with his relatives, be beheaded, and his five-man group will be 
imprisoned. A person arresting and reporting him will, even if he was 
in collusion with him, be pardoned and rewarded with fifty pieces of gold. 

(VI) 1628. An edict. {Ibid^ 126; TKR, I, v, 230.) 

The peasant shall use only grass cloths and cotton cloths for their 
clothes, but their wives and daughters and village-heads may use pongee, 
but nothing of better qualities. 

(VII) 1637. An edict to the Intendants and Bailifis in the eight 
Kwant5 provinces, Kai, Shmano, and Idzu. {To, X, 463—464; TKR, I, 
V, 231.) 

[1] Examine the five-man groups with ever increasing zeal. 

[2] Examine each district separately, so that there may be no bad man- 
If a wicked man is discovered, not only his five-man group, but all the 
district, may be punished, according to the nature of the case. 

[3] Do not lodge a suspicious stranger. If after lodging a stranger 
he is found suspicious, the case shall be reported to the five-man group 
and village-officials. 

[4] If there be persons wishing to settle in the district or in a newly 
opened place, their character and origin shall be investigated, and per- 
mission be given only to trustworthy persons. 

1 5] If a peasant wishes to go elsewhere as servant or for a commer- 
cial transaction, he shall report his destination to the five-man group 
and village-officials. 

[6] If there be a robber or any other wicked man, his presence shall 
at once be reported. Even an accomplice will be pardoned if he so 
reports. If the offender is concealed and is discovered through otlier 
sources of information, the five-man group and even village-officials may 
be punished after ^examination. If a revenge from an ac<'omplice or 
relative is feared, the report shall be made secivtly; the authorities will 
reward the person reporting, and strictly command the offender not to 
avenge himself on him. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

204 K. A$akawa, [1911. 

[7] If a suspicious character is found in hiding in a temple or wood, 
the viilage-officials and peasants shall arrest and deliver him to the In- 
tendant or Bailiff, or, if that is impossible, pursue and arrest him where 
he stops. It is an offence to allow him to make his escape. 

[8] When a wicked man is found in a village, an alarm shall be struck, 
and peasants from neighboring villages shall come together and arrest 
him. A peasant not coming to take part in the arrest will be punished 
after examination. If the Intendant or Bailiff is absent, the arrested 
offender shall be taken to £do. The expenses therefor will be paid by 
the government. 

(VIII) 1642. An edict to villages. (To, X, 665; TKR, I, v, 233.) 
[1] (The same as [VI].) Materials of better qualities shall not be 

U8ed even for collars and sashes. 

[2] Festivals and Buddhist rituals shall be simple. 

[3] Palanquins shall not be used in wedding. 

[4] Blanket shall not be put over a saddle. 

[5] A house unsuitable to one's position shall not be built. 

[6] Tobacco shall not be planted on registered land, whether in a 
Domain-land or in a Fief. 

[7] Every village shall plant trees and build up forests. 

(IX) 1642. An edict to the Intendants. {Ibid.) 

[1] All the previous laws issued for the peasants shall be strictly 

[2] From this year, the villages shall not brew sake. Those who are 
licensed to sell sake on the high roads may sell it to travellers, but not 
to peasants. 

[3] Instruct the peasants to mix other cereals with rice for their 
meals, and to save as much rice as possible. 

[4] Rice for the taxes shall not be broken or poor rice. 

[5] Accounts of the expenditures of the villages shall be made by 
them, with the seals of the village-heads and chiefs affixed thereto. 
They shall be examined and returned to the villages with the seals of 
the Intendants' assistants affixed. 

[6] Fish-mongers and collectors of contributions to temples shall not 
be allowed to enter the villages. 

(X) 1642. An edict to villages. (To, X, 672.) 
[1] Let no weed gi*ow in the fields. 

[2] If there is a sick orphan or solitary person, or a family with too 
few members to cultivate its land, the whole village shall offer help. 
[3] Irrigation shall be constantly taken care of. 

(XI) 1644. An edict to the Intendants. {Ibid,, 734.) 
[1] (The same as [IX, 1].) 

[2] (The same as [VIII, 7].) Plant bamboos also. 

[;i] Help peasants, and encourage diligence, honesty, and frugality. 
hee that they are not remiss in their public obligations and do not 
incur debts. 

[4] Take a good care of water-courses, repairing embankments and 
dredging rivers every year in due season, 

[5] Secret del)ts and sales are forbidden. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Oovernment in Japan. 205 

[6] Secret cultivation is forbidden. A place intended for new culti- 
vation shall be reported. 

[7] Tax-rice shall not be sold in the districts without an official order. 

[8] In the KwantQ provinces, each straw-bag of tax-rice shall contain 
3 ^0 7 sho (about 1.8 bushels), including 1 sho of kuchi'-mai', when the tax 
is commuted in money, the kuchi^sen shall be 3 per cent. In the Kwansei 
provinces, a koku (4.963 bushels) of tax-rice shall include 3 sho (i. e., 3o/g) 
of the kuchi'fnau There shall be no further dues. 

[9] In order that the laws wiU be observed, an annual instruction 
shall be given regarding the five-man group. A special care shall be 
taken, as heretofore, of the exclusion of Catholics. Examine every sus- 
picious inhabitant, not excepting ascetics and beggars. 

[10] When taxes are transported in boats, the captains shall be care- 
fully instructed not to be dishonest. 

[11] The assessment of the rice-tax shall be shown annually to the 
peasants, and receive their seals. The record of the returns of the tax 
shall be certified by village-officials, and the latter shall give receipts 
to the tax-paying peasants. The record shall be certified by the In- 
tendant's clerk. 

[12] (The same as [IX, 5].) 

(XII) 1644. An oral order to the Intendants. (Ibid., 735.) 

That the luxury of peasants in dwelling and clothing should be 
stopped; that cultivated land should not be laid waste; etc. 

(XIH) 1649. An edict to villages. (To, X, 965ff.; TKB, I, v, 242ff.) 

[1] Peasants shall obey the laws, respect the Bailiff or Intendant, and 
be toward the village-officials as toward the parents. 

[2] The viUage-officials shall respect the Bailiff or Intendant, shall 
not delay the collection of the taxes, shall not break laws, and shall 
instruct small peasants to be good. As the peasants would not do 
service to the government, if the order were given them by bad village- 
officials, the officials shall always be upright, impartial, and considerate. 

[3] Weed and hoe the fields. Plant beans and pease between wet or 
upland fields. Rise early, work in the field during the day, and make 
rope and straw-bags in the evening. Do not be slack in whatever one 
does. Do not buy and drink sake and tea. Plant bamboos and trees 
near the house, and use lower branches as fuel. Select good seeds in 
early autumn. Mend or change sickles and spade every year before the 
11th day of the first month. Make manure of horses' and human refuse, 
ashes, and hay. 

[4] Peasants are too imprudent to think of the future, and recklessly 
eat up rice and other grains in autumn. Always spare food as in the 
first three months of the year; raise barley, millet, lettuce, daikon, and 
other crops, and save rice. If one remembers a famine, he shall not 
waste an edible leaf or stem. Every one in the house ^ shaU eat ^as 
simply as possible at usual times, but shall have plenty to eat at the 
seasons of hard work. 

[5] Make every effort to get good oxen and horses, for the better 
these animals, the more hay they tread for manure. 

[6] The wife shall weave diligently, and assist the husband till night. 

VOL. ZXXL P»rt II. 14 

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206 K. AmAawa, [1911. 

A wife shall be diyoroed who, thoagh beautiful, neglects her husband 
and spends time in eating, drinking, and seeking pleasures; but if she 
has many children, or has done special service to the husband, she may 
not be divorced. An ugly wife who is economical shall not be divorced. 

[7] An outlawed warrior of uncertain origin shall not be allowed to 
live in the village. Do not harbor "robbers' accomplices or other lawless 
men. for their discovery would involve the village in trouble and expense. 

[8] In order to be thought well of by village-officials, rich peasants, 
and all other people in the village, one shall be honest in every thing, 
and shall not entertain evil thoughts. 

[9] (The same as [VI].) 

[10] In houseliold economy one shall have a little idea of the merchant, 
so that he^ would not be imposed upon when buying or selling grains 
for taxes. 

[11] If a poor peasant has many children, some of them shall be given 
or be hired out. 

[12] The courtyard before the peasant house shall be open toward the 
south and be well swept over, in order that sand would not be mixed 
into the grains when they are thrashed and dressed here. 

[13J Consult experienced men, and raise only what is suitable to 
the soil. 

[14] It would greatly benefit the people if barley was planted wherever 
possible. If one district planted barley, neighboring districts would 
follow the example. 

[15] Apply cauterization with moxa in Spring and Autumn, so as to 
prevent diseases. 

[16] Do not use tobacco, for it is injurious to health, wasteful of time 
and money, and liable to cause fires. 

[17] As soon as a notice of the tax for the year is received, the 
peasant shall devote his energy to cultivation, so that the crop might 
exceed the tax. If it is evident that the crop would be insufficient, he 
should borrow the balance before the rate of interest rises at the end 
of the t4ix-paying season. It would be wasteful to wait borrowing a 
little rice till the village has used much of the harvest in taxes, and to 
be obliged to sell clothes audi implements at unreasonably low prices or 
to borrow at a high rate of interest. It is wise to deliver tax-rice 
promptly, for it might be diminished by mice, robbery or fire, while in 

[18] Kice shall be well dried before it is hulled, or it would crack 
and decrease in quantity. 

[19] Consider the great importance of industrious and saving habits. 
For example, if an idle man borrowed only two straw-bags of rice for 
his tax, the principal and interest would in five years be fifteen straw- 
bags, when he would be obliged to sell his land, his family and himself, 
and involve his children in misery; whereas, if he saved two rice bags 
each year, the principle and interest would in ten years be 117 bags. 
• [20] (The same as [X, 2].) 

[21] Though a poor peasant may be looked down upon by his neigh- 
bors, village-officials and every one else would alter their treatment of him, 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Yol, xzxi.] Notes on ViUage Oovemment in Japan. 207 

if he iinproTed his condition by industry, and he would be raised to a 
higher seat. On the contrary, one would be despised if he became poor* 
however rich he may have been. Therefore, be industrious and well- 

[22] If there is one man who has become rich through honest industry, 
the village, and even the whole district and neighboring districts, would 
be influenced by his example. Bailiffs change, but peasants find a 
greater advantage in not changing their homes. How great a benefit it 
would then be to improve one^s own estate! 

If there were only one lawless man in a village, the whole viUage 
might become restless and quarrelsome. It would cause annoyance and 
expense to the village to arrest offenders and take them to the author- 
ities. Therefore, care should he taken to prevent such misfortune. That 
depends on the Village-Head, who shall always instruct the small peasants 
in the right path. 

[23] Be in harmony with neighboring villages, and do not quarrel 
or dispute with other fiefs. 

[24] Have a deep filial regard for the parents. If, as the first prin- 
ciple of filial piety, one kept himself in good health, abstained from 
drinking or quarreling, behaved himself properly, and respected elder 
brothers, pitied the younger, and aU brothers lived in concord, the parents 
would be especially glad. Such a person would be protected by Shinto 
and Buddhist deities, and his harvest would be plentiful. However 
anxious to show filial regard to the parents, one would find it difficult, 
if he were poor. If poor and consequently ill, he might become ill- 
natured, steal, break law, and be imprisoned, and then how the parents 
would grievel His family and relatives would also be thrown into grief 
and shame. Hence, it is wise to be thoroughly honest and industrious. 

[25] When money and rice and other cereals are saved, dwelling, food, 
and clothes would be procured as one wishes. In this peaceful age, 
there is no danger that savings might be taken away by an avaricious 
Intendant or Bailifi', but, on the contrary, they would insure the family 
of their owner against famines and other emergencies, and secure the 
wealth of his descendants. 

[26] No class of people is so secure and peaceful as the peasants, so 
long as they render their taxes. They shall thoroughly understand this 
truth, and instruct it to their children, and zealously pursue their calling. 

(XI\'^ 1650. An edict to Intendants and Bailiffs of the eight Kwanto 
provinces, (TOj X, 1052.) 

Xo peasant shall own a fire-arm. No fire-arms shall be used, except 
by licensed hunters, even in the woods where firing has been permitted. 
A person reporting an offender against this law will be rewarded, even 
if he was an accomplice. Concealment will involve the five-man group 
and village-officials in punishment, according to the nature of the case. 

(XV) 1657. An edict to the KwantO provinces. (There had been many 
robbers roaming about Katsusa. To, XI, 204—206; TKR, I, v, 249.) 

[1] (The same as [VII, 1].) 

[2] (Similar to [VII, 6].) 

[3] (The same as [VII, 5]), when staying out even over one night. 


Digitized by LjOOQIC 

208 K. Aaakawa, [1911. 

[4] (The Bame as [VII, 3] and [XIII, 7].) As priests, ascetics, men- 
dicant priests, beggars, and outcasts, may lodge robbers or be their 
accomplices, they shall not be allowed to remain, if they are not of 
certain origin or if they have no acquaintances in the village. 

[5] There shall be watch-houses at suitable places in villages, to keep 
night watch for robbers. On the appearance of one, an alarm shall be 
struck. (The rest the same as [VII, 8].) 

[6] (The same as [VII, 7].) 

[7] (The same as [XIV].) 

[8] The stealing of horses is said to be frequent. An unknown 
character passing through the village with a horse shall be requested to 
tell his destination. If he appears suspicious, his passing shall be 
notified by the village to the next, and so on. Do not buy a horse 
without certain recommendations. 

(XVI) 1661. An edict to all the Barons. (To, XI, 890.) 

On this occasion of the change of the year-period, public sign-boards 
prohibiting Christianity shall be renewed. Judging from the occasional 
arrests of Christians still taking place in many places, it is surmised 
that any region might yet contain Christians. 1 Continue a diligent 
search throughout the Fiefs. For this purpose, peasants and merchants 
shall be organized into five-man groups. If a Christian is discovered in 
a viUage or town from another source of information, its officials may 
be punished after examination. 

(XVII) 1666. Instructions to all the villages [in the Domain-lands?]. 
(To, XI, 685 ff.; TKR, I, v, 251 ff.) 

[1] (The same as [IX, 1].) 

[2] All sales of persons are forbidden. Personal service may be hired 
for periods less than ten years. 

[3] Places reserved for hawking shall be strictly guarded, and roads 
and bridges in them repaired. 

[4] Returns of taxes should be forwarded from point to point with 

[5] (The same as [XVI].)] 

[6] (The same as [VII, 3, 5, 7, 8].) 

[7] If a villager is accidentally wounded, it shall at once be reported. 
If a traveller quarrelled with another, or ran away after killing him, 
his passing into a next village shall be reported to the latter^s officials, 
and their certificate of the report be asked for. It is an offence to kill 
the murderer privately. 

[8] A permanent sale of cultivated land is forbidden. The village- 
officials and five-man groups shall put their seals on every deed of 
mortgage. Any of them refusing to affix his seal wiU be punished. A 
mortgage effected without these seals is illegal, and even the village- 
head and five-man group will be punished therefor. 

[9] It is forbidden to evict peasants and seize their lands. If there 
is no son to succeed to a deceased peasant's estate, the case shall be 
reported, and a relative, whether man or woman, shall be, with official 
sanction, set up as successor. It is an ofi'ence to destroy the house, 
absorb the land, and obliterate the estate. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Oovemment in Japan. 209 

[10] (The same as [X, 2].) 

[11] (The same as [VIII, 1, 5].) The purple and scarlet colors on 
clothes are forbidden, but other colors may be used at will. 

[12] (The same as [VIII, 3].) 

[13] (The same as [IX, 3].) 

[14] (The same as [VIII, 2].) 

[15] Not a horse and not a man shall be furnished to a man provided 
with no ticket issued by due authorities. 

[16] Disputes about water and bounderies shall be referred to the 
authorities, and shall not be agitated privately. 

[17] Do not secretly make new coins, or use iUegal coins. 

[18] All kinds of gambling are forbidden. 

[19] Persons who are inharmonious with their families and cause 
dissention in the villages shall be reported. 

[20] No money, rice, or other article shaU be handed to any official 
or person whatsoever who is unable to show a proper certificate. 

[21] Any Bailiff, Intendant, or village-official doing the slightest in- 
justice to peasants shall at once be reported. 

[22] Do not conceal land, old or new, [from assessment for taxation]. 

[23] Land that has long lain waste or virgin soil shall, with official 
sanction, be cultivated 

[24] (The same as [VIII, 6].) 

[25] Do not cut down trees and bamboos even for urgent need with- 
out official permission. 

[26] It is forbidden to sell a house recently built and build another. 

[27] When an official visits a village, he shall not be entertained 
with anything specially bought, shall pay for everything he needs 
and get a receipt therefor, and shall receive no presents from the 
village-head or a peasant. If he annoys peasants, the case shall be 

[28] Fires shall be carefully prevented, and, if one takes place, it 
shall be speedily extinguished. Any man tardy in coming out will be 
examined and punished. 

[29] Storehouses in charge of villages shall be protected from fires 
and robbery. 

[30] Dikes and water-gates shaU not be opened without order. If 
they break from neglect and cause damages, the entire village will be 

[31] If a peasant owing taxes runs away, his five-man group or the 
entire village shall pay the taxes and search for him. 

[32] An article offered at a price lower than the current price shall 
not be bought without a guarantee. No suspicious goods shall be 

[33] (Similar to [IX, 2].) 

(XVIII) 1668. An edict. (To, XI, 639.) 

[1] (The same as [VIII, 5].) Hotels on high roads are exceptions to 
this rule. 

[2] (The same as [VIII, 1].) Use plain colors other than purple and 
scarlet, without patterns. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

210 K. Asakawa^ [1911. 

[3] (The same as [IX, 3].) 

[4] Neither the village-head nor the peasant shall ride in a palanquin. 

[5] Wrestling, no dance, puppet show, and other public amusements, 
are strictly forbidden. 

[6] (The same as [VIII, 2].) Extravagance shall be avoided at wedd- 
ing or other joyous occasions. 

(XIX) 1670. " An order. (To, XI, 706.) 

[I] (The same as fVail, 5].) 
[2] (The same as [XVIII, 2].) 

[3] Do not sell in the village vermicelli, buckwheat cakes, manjtl, tofu^ 
and other things the making of which wastes cereals. 

[4] (The same as [IX, 2].) 

[5] Cultivate, weed, and manure the fields with care. 

[6] (The same as [X, 2].) 

[7] There shall be no delay in paying taxes. 

[8] (The same as [XVIII, 4].) 

[9] No strangers who do not cultivate shall be allowed to stay in the 
village. If any one conceals such a person, he will be examined and 

[10] Nor shall a peasant who has run away from a judicial contest 
be concealed. The person harboring him shall be examined and punished. 

[II] (The same as [XVIII, 6].) 

(XX) 1670. An order. (To, XVI, 706—707.) 

A peasant's petition shall be presented to the Intendant or Bailiff; if 
the Intendant fails to give justice, the peasant may bring his petition to 
Edo, after notifying the Intendant of his intention. If the petitioner failed 
to give this notice, his case, however just, would not be entertained. In 
the [eighteen] principal fiefs, the Baron's decisions shall be final. 

(XXI) 1682. Public sign-boards. (To, XII, 99—100.) 

(The same as Note 55, [1], above, except the part of the last article 
which deals with the period of personal service.) Men-servants and 
maid-servants shall not be hired for longer periods than ten years. 

(XXII) 1682. Public sign-boards. {Ibid^ 100.) 
(The same as Note 55, [3], above.) 

(XXIII) 1682. Public sign-boards. {Ibid,, 100.) 

[1] The sale and purchase of poisons and counterfeit drugs are for- 
bidden under penalty. A person reporting an offence against this law, 
even if he was an accomplice, vdU be rewarded. 

[2] Transactions in false coins are forbidden. 

[3] Do not deal in recently published books containing uncertain 

[4] It is forbidden to comer a commodity, to force up its prize by 
concert, and to raise wages likewise. 

[5] All kinds of the assembling of peasants under oath will be severely 

(XXIV) 1711. Public sign-boards. {To, XIII, 162.) 
(Identical mth Note 55, [1], above.) 

(XXV) 1711. Public sign-boards. {Ibid., 162—163.) 
(The same as [XXIII].) 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Yai. xxxi.] Hotes on ViUage Oovernment in Japan. 211 

(XXVI) 1711. Public sign-boards. (Ibid., 163.) 
(The same as Note 56, [3], above.) 

(XXVII) 1713. Instructioiis to the peasants in the Domain -lands. 
(iWd., 319—321; TKR, I, t, 258 ff.; GK, No. 13.) 

[1] Despite the minute instructions already given, villages have 
recently become more or less lawless and disorderly, peasants neglecting 
theii* work and indulging in luxuries. They are extravagant in dwelling, 
clothing and food, raise useless plants in places where grain should be 
raised, and, contrary to law, divide estates smaller than ten koku of 
productive power. Henceforth, the Village-Head and all the peasants 
shall observe all the laws previously issued, avoid all luxury, and devote 
all energy to agriculture. 

[2] Recently, at the examination of land by the Intendant, villagers 
bribe his assistants, in order to secure low values attached to the land, 
and consequently tax-returns have decreased year by year, until in some 
places they are less than a half of their former amount. Nevertheless, 
those places do not seem to become richer, for the result is said to be 
due to continual corrupt practices of the lower officials. For the people 
in the Suzerain(^)'s Domains who till the Suzerain(^)'s land and thereby 
support their families and dependents in security, not to render taxes 
according to their means, but to squander wealth for private affairs, is 
very foolish conduct. The Intendants will henceforth supervise all finan- 
cial matters, and their assistants have been instructed not to receive 
bribes, under a severe penalty. The peasants shall, therefore, devote 
their energies to cultivation, shall not be remiss in returning taxes, and 
shall report an imjust assistant to the Intendant. Village-Heads are also 
reported to be partial and corrupt. Henceforth, both the g^ver and the 
receiver of a bribe will be punished alike. 

[3] (The same as [IX, 6], [XI, 11], with a reminder of recent laxity.) 

[4] (The same as [XVII, 25], with a reminder of recent abuses.) 

[5] (The same as [XI, 4], with a reminder of recent instances of farm- 
ing out the work to unscrupulous contractors.) 

[6] Some District-Heads have become avaricious and arrogant. Their 
office shall henceforth be abolished, and all village affairs shall be in 
charge of the Head and five-man groups of each village. Places that 
cannot dispense with District-Heads shall consult the Intendant. 

[7] Village-officials are expected to advise peasants to adjust their 
differences as far as possible by mutual conciliation, but shall not sup- 
press petitions which must be heard by the authorities. 

[8] It is reported that lower officials of the storehouses of Edo detain 
peasants unnecessarily long when the latter come to deliver tax-rice, 
and that, when peasants come to £do for presenting petitions, an In- 
tendant's assistant compells them to stay at the house of his acquain- 
tance at an unreasonable cost. All these cases, of whatever nature, 
shall be reported to the Intendant. 

[9] Peasants frequently bribe officials for various purposes, as, for in- 
stance, when they fear that their village might be incorporated into a 
neighboring Fief, but as the affairs of the government cannot be ex- 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

212 K. Asalmtva, [1911. 

pected to be changed by bribery, peasants should not listen to the 
argument of any person whatsoever seeking bribes. 

[10] If the peasants concealed wrongs committed by an unjust Vil- 
lage-Head or assistant of the Intendant, and thereby caused their own 
difficulties to multiply, the persons concealing would be punished to- 
gether with the oflfender. 

(XX\TII) 1716. An edict. {To, Xni, 485.) 

[1] (The same as [XIII, 2]. Cf. [XXI].) 

[2] (The same as [VII, 3], [XIII, 7], [XV, 4].) 

[3] (The same as [XVII, 3].) It has been forbidden for the mort- 
gager, instead of the mortgagee, to pay the dues levied on the land on 

(XXIX) 1721. An edict to the Intendants. (Ibid^ XIII, 701.) 

[1] The land that has been laid waste shall be again cultivated by 
the owner. If he is unable to do so, the entire village shall assist him; 
if the work is too difficult for the village, the Intendant shall supply 
the balance of the expense; and if that is still inadequate, the case shall 
be reported to Edo. Newly opened land shall be exempt from taxation 
from two to five years, after which its productive power shall be examined 
and the rate of the tax determined. A careful investigation shall be 
made as to whether there is not still some waste land capable of re- 

[2] Peasants who have served under warriors in Edo are often reported 
to wear swords after returning to the village. This shall be stopped, on 
the Village-Head's responsibility. 

[3] It is forbidden to start a new trade, excepting that of the fisher- 
men and hunters who sell their fish and game for livelihood. 

[4] The building of a new Shinto temple and the making of a new 
Buddhist image, as well as gambling, habitual indulgence in amusement, 
unsuitable customs, and idleness in agriculture, are forbidden, as be- 

(XXX) 1721. {GK, No. 15; TKBy I, v, 266.) 

No estate shall be divided which is smaller than 10 koku in assessed 
productivity or 1 cho (2.45 acres) in extent. As the remainder after a 
division also shall not be smaUer than this limit, it follows that a peasant 
holding an estate smaller than 20 koku or 2 cho may not divide it among 
children or relatives. Dependents shall be hired out in the village or 
take a suitable service elsewhere. 

(XXXI) 1722. An edict to Intendants. (To, XIII, 750.) 

Feasants cannot remember all the instructions which they have heard 
but once, and innocently commit wrongs. As there must be teachers of 
writing even in remote villages, these, whether priests or laymen, shall 
carefully instruct the people, and shall at leisure write down, for the 
pupils to copy or recite, the more important laws, articles of the five- 
man group record, and any other instructive matter. 

(XXXII) 1725. Articles for the five-man group record selected by 
the suzerain's government. (Ggs, sup. 1—20; DNR, iv, 103 ff.) (In this 
document, the articles are put in the form of a pledge from the people, 
not of a command from the officials.) 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Tol. xxxi.] Notes on VtUage Oovemment in Japan. 213 

[I] The group, its examination, and its complaints. (The same as 
[Vn, 1, 2, 6], [XVII, 20].) If one single inhabitant is left out of the 
group system, the village-officials will be punished. 

[2] Unjust officials. (The same as [XVH, 21], [XXVII, 10].) 

[3] Accounts. (The same as [IX, 6], [XI, 11, 12], [XXVU, 3].) 

[4] Each one to have his seal registered. 

[5] Wages for labor in public works to be properly receipted. 

[6] Tax-rice. (The same as [XI, 7], [IX, 4].) 

[7] The village shall be responsible for a ftafe delivery of the tax-rice 
done in full straw-bags of 3 *o and 7 she each. (Cf. (IV, 1], [XI, 8].) 

[8] Annual taxes to be assessed by the Village-Head in the presence 
of representative peasants. 

[9] Annual taxes to be demanded and receipted by the Village-Head 
exactly as they were assessed. 

[10] Village store-houses to be guarded by the village against aU 
accidents, and to be opened by all the village together even und^ an 
urgent order from the authorities. 

[II] No bribes to officials. Peasants to enter a complaint against an 
unjust official at once to the Intendant. 

[12] Officials visiting the village. (The same as [XVII, 27].) 

[13] Wicked men. (The same as [VII, 6, 7, 8], [XV, 2, 6].) 

[14] To report on loss by robbery, on robbers, and on discovery of 
articles once stolen. 

[15] Strangers. (The same as [Vn, 3], [XV, 4], [XIX, 10].) 

[16] To report on a wounded traveller and the death of a traveller. 
A sick traveller to be taken care of, and reported to his home. 

[17] Murderers'. (The same as [XVII, 7].) 

[18] Not to neglect cultivation, on pain of punishment, in addition to 
the ordinary taxes. A really helpless peasant shall be helped in culti- 
vation by the village. 

[19] No permanent sale of land. 

[20] Deeds of mortgage to bear the seals of the Village-Head and 
the five-man group, and the term not to exceed ten years. 

[21] Succession to heirless estates. (The same as [XVII, 9].) 

[22] Planting of tobacco. <The same as \YIL1, 6], [XVII, 24].) 

[23] The post-horse service to be prompt and honest, (and same as 
[XVII, 15). 

[24] Official circulars to be promptly delivered to the -next village. 

[25] Trees of the forests not to be cut. 

[26] Trees. (The same as [XVII, 25].) 

[27] The roads and bridges charged to the village to be repaired and 
cared for, on penalty, without waiting for an order. 

[28] [29] Reservoirs. (The same as [XVII, 30].) 

[30] Cultivated land not to be extended over roads and other public 
works, or penalty to be inflicted on the Village-Head and the five-man 

[31] Gambling forbidden, on penalty on all parties and the Village- 
Head and five-man group. 

[32] Fires. (The same as [XVII, 28].) ' 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

214 K. Asdkawa, [1911. 

[33] Tenants to have g^uarantors, and the land-lord and his five-man 
group to be responsible for their good behavior. 

[34] Not to be guarantors to servants without sub -guarantees of their 
own relatives. 

[35] Outlaws. (The same as [XIII, 7].) 

[36] Secret hawking. (The same as [XVII, 3].) 

[37] Not to allow a courtesan to be in the village, on penalty on the 
woman, the land-lord, and his five-man group. 

[38] In weaving silk and pongee, to conform to the standard width 
and length for each piece. 

[39] Christians. (The same as [XVI].) 

[40] Disorderly men. (The same as [VII, 3, 6].) 

[41] Guard-houses. (The same as [XV, 5].) 

[42] Fire-arms. (The same as [XIV].) 

[43] Horse-stealing. (The same as [XV, 8].) 

[44] Not to divide an estate smaller than 20 Aroibf, if of the Village- 
Head, or 10 koku, if of the ordinary peasant. 

[45] Not to mortgage land or building belonging to a temple and 
guaranteed by the Suzerain's vermilion seal. 

[46] All men and women to be industrious in farming and to engage 
in suitable subsidiary occupations, on penalty of the village-officials and 
the five-man group. 

[47] Shinto and Buddhist services to be simple. 

[48] Even salaried burghers not to wear swords at a dancing show. 

[49] Peasants and burghers to wear plain silk, pongee, cotton or 
hempen clothes, according to their means, and not to use better materials. 
The servants to use cotton and hempen cloths for clothes and sashes. 

[50] and [51] (do not concern peasants.) 

[52] Mortgage. (The same as [XXVIII, 3].)^ 

[53] Wearing swords. (The same as [XXIX, 2].) 

[54] Shinto temples and Buddhist images. (The same as [XXIX, 4].) 

[55] To instruct children not to be lazy and extravagant. 

[56] Ferry-boats in Kwanto to bear the official brand. 

[57] Sales of persons are forbidden. 

[58] To report on men falsely calling themselves officials. 

[59] Not to buy or take in mortgage stolen or uncertain goods, on 
penalty on the five-man group and the >'illage-officials. 

[60] Gambling strictly forbidden. 

[61] Cultivation of wasted land. (The same as [XXV, 1].) 

[62] No new Shinto or Buddhist service to be introduced. No public 
show without permission, on pain of penalty. 

[63] Good care of water-works and equitable distribution of water. 

[64] Not to present complaints too old or with insufficient proofs. 

[65] Not to force persons in wedding to give drink or to throw stones 
at them. 

[66] To report on a foundling, and not to give it to an uncertain 
person and without official permission. 

[67] As before, the peasant shall not mortgage land without the seal 
of the Village-Head, nor the latter without the seal of another village- 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

YoL xxxi.] Notes on VOOage Chvernment in Japan. 215 

officiaL As before, a mortgage is illegal in which the mortgager, and 
not the mortgagee, pays the taxes on the land in question. 

[68] No mortgage whose term expired before 1716 shall be considered 
at court after ten years after the expiration of the term. Nor shall a 
mortgage after ten years after the date of the contract which states that 
the land would be restored at any time the debt is repaid. 

(XXXTII) 1737. An^edict (Toy XIII, 1203.) 

[1] A deed of mortgage which does not bear the seal of the Village- 
Head, a deed of mortgage by a Village-Head which does not bear the 
seal of another village-official, a deed of mortgage which exempts the 
mortgagee from the pa3rment of taxes on the mortgaged land and charges 
the mortgager to pay them, these three have been declared illegal long 
since, and must be so stated in the five-man gproup record. However, 
there still are people who present petitions on the strength of illegal 
deeds. Henceforth, village-officials shaU frequently read the group 
record to the people. Mortgages whose terms have expired since 1716 
would not be considered, were disputes concerning them brought to the 
court. Nor would a deed of mortgage stating that the land would be 
restored to the owner at any time the debt was paid be entertained, if 
the term of the mortgage has expired. This order shall be promulgated 
through the KwantO provinces, the Fiefs receiving notice thereof from 
the nearest Intendant. 

[2] It is reported that there are still some places in the Fiefs that 
have not made their five-man group records. These shaU be made. The 
order therefor shall also be transmitted to the lords from their nearest 

(XXXIV) Articles of five-man group records (of Domain-lands) not 
included in the summaries already given. (GGL) (It should not be 
presumed that each article appeared for the first time in the year here 
given. Many articles were based on old laws still in force. Few 
articles in the later group-records were not repetitions.) 

[1] Shimotsuke, 1743. The estate of an orphan shall be taken care 
of by the relatives and the village, who shall make a written agreement 
in order to prevent misunderstanding, and shall render the taxes on 
the land. The orphan on reaching the majority, shall take back the 
estate, and be set up as a peasant {kyaku-sho), 

[2] Shimotsuke, 1743. An especial care to be taken of rivers and 
embankments when there is a long rain and danger of overflow. 

[3] Shimotsuke, 1743. Villagers shall not feast at the expense of the 
viUage when they congregate on common business. 

[4] Mino, 1759. Peasants shall not be discourteous to warriors. 

[5] Mino, 1759. If any unusual and improtant thing takes place in 
the village, or in a neighboring village, or even in a Fief near by, it 
shall be reported. 

[6] Mikawa, 1816. No new houses shall be erected without permission. 

[7] Mino, 1831. Any jjerson especially noted for filial piety to his 
parents, faithfulness to his master, benevolence to the destitute, or other 
virtues, shall be reported. 

[8] Bttzen, 1836. A village-official especially faithful in doing his 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

216 K. Asakawa, Notes on Village Oovermnent in Japan. [1911. 

duties, considerate of the interests of small peasants, and consequently 
regarded by them with great respect, shall be reported by peasants. 

[9J Buzen, 1836. Large bells, torii^ and stone lanterns for temples 
shall not be made. No ShinttJ or Buddhist images, whether of bronze, 
stone or wood, larger than three shaku (3 feet) in height shall be made. 
A permission is necessary for making more than ten images at a time, 
even though they are of wood and do not exceed three shaku. 

[10] Buzen, 1836. No Buddhist temple building larger than three ken 
(6 yards) in front and no shrine or pedestal larger than one and a half 
ken (3 yards) in front, shall be erected. Elaborate beam constructions 
with hiji-ki brackets shall be avoided. 

[11] Yamashiro, 1848. Any matter that would be good for the govern- 
ment, and any measure, however old, which troubles people, shall be 

[12] Kotsuke, 1863. The peasant shall not be disrespectful to officials 
even in another district, and shall not be discourteous to travellers. 

(Nate: The Notes 60 — 146 will appear in a subsequent number of the Journal.) 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vocalic r, Ij m, n in Semitic. — By F&ank R. Blake, 
Ph. D., Johns Hopkins University. 

In Indo-European philology vocalic r, I, m, n are equally 
as important as those sounds which are usually designated as 
the Yowels par excellence. They seem to have been among 
the sounds possessed by the original common Indo-European 
speech, and many phenomena can be explained only by 
referring to them. For example the varying forms of the word 
for "wolf," Sanskrit vrkas, Greek Awos, Gothic umlfs, Lithua- 
nian viihis, Old Bulgarian vluku, or again of the word for 
"hundred," Sanskrit gatam, Greek (€)kotov, Latin centum^ Gothic 
hundj Lithuanian szimtas, are best explained by assuming that 
the original vowel of the first syllable was in the first case 
vocalic I, in the second, vocalic «.* 

In the Semitic languages apparently no such important role 
is played by these sounds. It is usually supposed that they 
did not form a part of the sound material of the parent 
Semitic speech, * but there seems to be one form at least in 
which the positing of a vocalic liquid is possible. 

In Hebrew, Biblical Aramaic, and Assyrian we find two 
negative adverbs whose chief component is the consonant {, viz., 
Hebrew 46, ^8; Biblical Aramaic H^, ^IJ; Assyrian Id, id. In 
the first two languages the form tib, t^h is employed as the 
usual negative of declaiative statements, and is regularly 
authotonic, while ^fej is the negative of optative and subjunctive 
statements and is proclitic, as is indicated by the Maqqeph 
which joins it to the following word. In Assyrian la is certainly 
the usual accented negative, while ul seems to be used, at 
least in many cases, in sentences in which some other element 
bears the chief stress, e. g., edu ul ezib, *not one escaped', nuru 
ul immariL 'light they see not,' iCL zikaru Swnu, ul sinniSdti 

1 Cf. Brugmann, Crrundriss d. Vergl. Gram, der Indogernu Sprachen^ 
2t« Bearb. Strassburg, 1897, §§ 30, 77, 429—460, 497^532. 

» Cf. Haupt, Uher die beiden Halbvocale ff und i, BA. I., p. 294. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

218 F. R. Blake, [1911. 

Sunu *they are neither male nor female.' In Ethiopic, the 
only other language in which 'oi occurs, we find it only in 
the quasi-verb XAl^i 'albd * there is not, has not,' and in the 
negative At* i 'akko, in both cases without accent. It seems 
therefore that these two series of forms may be ultimately of 
the same origin, Id, Id being the representatives of the negative 
when accented, *ai, ul being the representatives, when proclitic. 
The latter forms may have been developed fi'om the authotonic 
Id as follows. With loss of accent the vowel d was shortened 
and finally disappeared, leaving only I, probably pronounced 
as I; this vocalic I developed a prothetic vowel which was 
pronounced with initial glottal catch; the a vowel of Hebrew, 
Aramaic, and Ethiopic 'al is due to the influence of this catch; 
in Assyiian the Aleph was probably lost, and then the form 
was wi-itten with u, the vowel that seemed to render the 
sound best.i 

Altho liquid and nasal vowels play so unimportant a part 
in the parent Semitic speech, there are a number of cases in 
which they appear to have been developed in the individual 
languages. In many cases, however, in the fonns in question 
the liquid and nasal vowels themselves do not appear, but 
must be assumed in the transition forms from which they are 
derived, e. g., Nestorian Syriac l^^f dehSlfhd is developed 
from the original dihlatd through the intermediate stages 
dihlHhd, diljlthd. 

In classical Arabic, Ethiopic, and Assyrian examples of these 
vowels are rai'e. The perfect of the YII form in Arabic 
seems to be a case in point, J-Xii^ inqatala being derived from 
i^qatala,^ a form developed on the basis of the imperfect by 
dropping the performative ia, but the treatment of p + con- 
sonant does not differ from that of any combination of two 
consonants at the beginning of a word, as for example in 
VIII form JJLXil iqtatcda. The varying foims of the word for 
*man' *^, xyc\ mar'u^, mir'u^, mur'u^, imra*u^ may point to 
the presence of an r, the form being originally mfu^. 

In Ethiopic the prepositional forms Xy^i% X9^ — emna, em 
are to be derived from the original mina (cf. Arab. ^ before 
the article) thi'ough an intermediate stage nma; em is derived 

1 Cf. ultu below p. 219. 

2 Cf. Haupt, Xacktrdge und Berichtigungerii BA. I p. 328. 

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Vol. xxxi.] Vocalic r, 2, m, n in Semitic. 219 

from emna by dropping of the final syllable after the accent 
had shifted to the fii*6t. 

In Assyrian the wiiting er in forms like unamtner *make 
shine/ uma'er *send,' instead of the regular ir may represent 
the 7' vowel in the unaccented syllable. * It is not impossible 
also that the preposition altu 'from' is derived from an originally 
unaccented or proclitic form of iStu or Utu, through the inter- 
mediate stage Itu. Notice that the vowel developed out of | 
is xi in this case as in the negative vl above. 

In Syriac the fonns of this character are more numerous.* 
In the Eastern dialect words in which r, 2, m, n followed by 
Shewa immediately precede the final syllable e. g., dMHha 'fear\ 
syncopate the Shewa and develope a vowel before the consonant, 
e. g., deheltha. Between forms like deklHha and dekeUha there 
must have been a sei-ies of intermediate forms like def^ha 
with liquid or nasal vowel. 

Words which begin with r followed by Shewa, e. g., JL»aji< 
reg^d * firmament,' often lose the Shewa and take a prothetic 
vowel instead written with aleph, e. g., K^(( 'arjffi; an inter- 
mediate stage /-^a must also be assumed here. 

After a word ending in a consonant the initial syllables le, 
he, de are often changed in poetry to el, ev, ed, e. g., ^aiX K*J 
'Uh ethon. In the case of { an intermediate stage | is to be 
assumed e. g., Wi pion ; in the other cases the change is pro- 
bably analogical. 

In Hebrew, liquid and nasal vowels appeal- to occur in 
unaccented final syllables. These are found chiefly in the 
following classes of forms; viz., 

a) Segholate nouns, e. g., 1BD *book,' by) *foot,' DhV 
*bread.' ]0B^ *fat;' 

b) in Segholate verbal forms, e. g., by, by, jussive Qal 
and Hiphil respectively of n^i *reveal;' 

c) in fonns of the imperfect with 1 conversive which 
have recessive accent, e. g., Dll^^.l *and he fought.' 

In the first two classes of forms the fact that the last 
syllable contains a liquid or nasal vowels and not short e 
followed by a consonant is indicated in the fii*st place by the 
fact that such vowels are found in similai* forms in other 

1 Cf. Delitzsch, Asst/r. Gram., Berlin, 1889, p. 89. 

2 Cf. Brockelmann, SyriscJ^e Gram,, Berlin, 1899, §§ 70—73. 

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220 F. R. Blake, [1911. 

languages, e. g., Eng. taper, eagle, bosom, leaven, the last syllables 
of which all contain liquid or nasal vowels in spite of the 
spelling: secondly by the fact that similar Hebrew forms ending 
in u or i, change these consonants to the vowels ft or f e. g., 
XiHl * chaos' from buhu or "hh * sickness' (pausal form) from }^uli; 
so ]nl3 (i. e. bohi}) 'thumb' from buhn. The fact that all other 
Segholate forms with the exception of those containing second 
or third guttural radicals are likewise spelt with Seghol in 
the last syllable does not militate against the assumption of 
liquid and nasal vowels in words ending in liquids or nasals. 
The Massorites, of course, knew nothing of such vowels and 
so spelt them, with the sign for an unaccented short vowel in 
a closed syllable + consonant, just as we do for example in 

In the forms of the imperfect with 1 conversive like Dn^*l 
*and he fought,' we find of course plenty of forms that do not 
end in liquids or nasals also written w^ith Seghol + consonant, 
e. g., ^yj, and the Seghol might in most of these cases be 
regarded simply as a modification of accented Qere in forms 
like Dn^^ "^T. The correspondence, however, of 1D«*J with 
unaccented Seghol + r to 1Dfc<^ with accented Pathah + r, 
where Seghol + r evidently indicate the r vowel, since Seghol 
is not the representative of unaccented Patha^, seems to 
indicate that we have liquid or nasal vowels also in the forms 
with original i in the final syllable. 

In all these forms, then, the spelling Seghol + liquid or 
nasal seems to be used to indicate vocalic r, l, m, n. When- 
ever, therefore we find these combinations in an unaccented 
position, we are confronted with the possibility of liquid or 
nasal vowels. There are several series of forms besides those 
just discussed in which these vowels seem to be present. 

In a number of nouns with prefixed D made from stems with 
initial r, I, m we find the vowel of the prefix written Seghol, e. g., 

n^sno 'chariot' 
an"]lj 'wide space' 
pljllj 'distance' 

n''rig*10 'aromatic plants' 

nijglO 'salve' 

D^njJ^D 'pinchers' 

nnPlSo 'wardrobe' 

n'jB^pi} 'ruling.' 

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Vol. xxxi.] Vocalic r, I, w, n in Semitic. 221 

Here the Seghol befor 1 might be explained as a partial 
assimilation of i to r, r being sometimes a guttural. But 1 
when it acts as a guttui'al regularly causes complete assimilation 
of the preceding vowel to a and not partial assimilation to 
Seghol; besides the fonns with I and m remain unexplained. 
It is not improbable that in all these forms we have 
a vocalic liquid or nasal after the prefix D indicated as we 
should expect by Seghol + consonant; thus, mrkebdh, mlqdJ^aim, 
mtriSdldh, &c. The form 1^0 *thy rebelliousness,' from ^ID is 
probably to be explained in the same way. 

The possessive suffixes of the second and third person plural 
DD, ]D, on, ]n as well as the independent pronouns of the 
second person plural DnfcJ, ]nH, all have Seghol in the last 
syllable followed by m or n. This Seghol is said to be derived 
from an i which belonged originally only in the feminine, e.g., 
Assyi*. S^ina Hhey,' but which has been extended by analogy 
to the masculine fonns which originally had i/, e. g., Assyr. 
Sunu Arsih.htim *they,' Assyr. aWM/iii, Aroh. antiim 'ye'^ The 
presence of Seghol in these syllables instead of the regular 
Qere is explained by Brockelmann as due to the fact that 
they were originally unaccented, and that the original vocali- 
zation is preserved even after the shift of the accent to the 
last syllable. 2 Such a levelling of the i vowel of the feminine 
has certainly taken place in the independent pronoun of the 
third person masculine DH, Htjn *they,' and it may have taken 
place in all the masculine forms above mentioned, but it is 
unnecessary to assume such a process. If, as we have supposed, 
the final syllable was originally unaccented, we may have here 
simply nasal vowels, in the masculine representing a reduced 
fonn of urn, in the feminine, of in. 

This conception of these endings also offers a better ex- 
planation of the third person plural suffixes dm, dn as in 
Dp^D, )D1D 'their horses.' It is difficult to see how they could 
be contracted fi-om "^ahim or *ahum and "^ahin. These would 
naturally yield the diphthongal forms *(^(//>^ *fl^(w/, *ain or con- 
tracted *em, *3m, *en. If, however, we sui)pose ahim or ahum 
and ahin to have l)een first reduced to ahm and aJuj, which 

1 Cf. Brockelmann, Grwidriss d» Vergl. Gram. d. semitischen Sprachen, 
Berlin, 1907, §§ 104(18, 105 e 7, Hm^e. 

2 Cf. Brockelmann, oj)- citj Inc. cit. 

VOL. XXXI. Part II. 15 

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222 F. R. Blake, Vocalic r, I, m, n in Semitic. [1911. 

with loss of intenocalic h become am, rtti or aw, an, and under 
the influence of the accent dm, an, the difficulty vanishes. 

In the active participle of stems tertise "1 + suffix of the 
second person masculine singular, such as for example ^|^ 
*thy creator,' the Seghol before the 1 is explained as partial 
assimilation of i, which we find in such forms as ?p';h <thy 
enemy,' to the guttural "1. We find the same phenomenon, 
however, in ^Jinh 'thy father-in-law' (Ex. 18, 6) and in ^iJji 
* giving thee' (Jer. 20, 4). Both the forms with 1 and those 
with y are best explained as containing liquid and nasal vowels, 
viz., jogrxa, hothyx^i, noth'pxdA 

In Exodus 33, 3 occurs the unusual form 'f?5t$ *I will con- 
sume thee' which stands for I^JIj}, first person imperfect Piel 
of nte 'be completed,' with suffix of second person singular 
masculine. In the form in the text we evidently have an { 
vowel. The development from the normal form is to be 
conceived of as follows; ^akall^xf^ > 'akoTx^ > 'akaJxd > 'ak^ca. 

From what has been said it will appear that the part played 
by the liquid and nasal vowels in the Semitic languages is 
not entirely without significance. In the parent speech, it is 
true, they are apparently all but non-existent, but in some of 
its descendants, especially in Aramaic and Hebrew .we find 
them developed in a number of cases. These cases serve to 
show that while these vowels in Semitic cannot compare in 
importance to the corresponding sounds in the Indo-European 
family, the possibility of their occurrence should be borne in 
mind in any study of exceptional forms. 

> This form of the active participle is rare, the cases given being all 
those that occur with stems tertise 1 or i; no forms occur from stems 
tertise 0: from stems tertiae ^ we have only ?iVk> "thy redeemer," where 
/ has become al under the influence of the guttural K ; in the forms ^^^?*1 
"thy trader" (Ez. 27,20; 23) and OJ^^DKn 4t shaU devour you" (Is. 33^ U) 
in which the conditions are similar to the above, the a may be explained 
as due to the influence of the 5 which acts as a guttural; in Dd^aur it 
may be simply analogy with the other forms of the imperfect. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

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Printed by W. Drugulin, IMpti^ (GermaDy). 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 






Professor Id the UniTerelty of Chicago, 
Ohioago, m. 

Professor in Yale UniTersity, 
New Haren. 



Truman Miclielson: The In- 
terrelation of the Dialects of 
the Fourteen-Edicts of Asoka 223 

George A.Barton: The Baby- 
lonian Calendar in the Reigns 
of Lugalanda and Urkagina 251 

James A. Montgomery: Some 
Early Amulets from Palestine 
(With two Plates) 272 

Cornelius Beach Bradley: 
Graphic Analysis of the Tone- 

accents of the Siamese Lan- 
guage (With one Plate) ... 282 

James Henry Breasted: The 
"Field of Abram" in the 
Geographical List of She- 
shonk I 290 

Franklin Edgerton: TheK- 
Suf fixes oflndo-Iranian. Parti: 
The K-Suffixes in theVedaand 
Avesta 296 




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The Interrelation of the Dialects of the Fourteen-Edicts 
of Asoka. 2: The dialect of the Oirndr redaction. — 
By Tbumak Michelsok, Smithsonian Institution, 


BsFOBE at once proceeding to give a summary of the special 
features of this dialect there are a few points which require 
our consideration. 

First of all I would remind the reader that the G-irnfir 
redaction of the Fourteen-Edicts of Asoka is a translation from 
a M&gadhan original, and that the dialect of this MSgadhan 
original has left traces in text of the Girnftr recension. This 
is a universally acknowledged fact.^ 

Secondly, I wish to investigate Senart's theory of learned 
and historical spelling as applied to the G-im&r redaction. 
Against his assumption regarding the Shfthb&zgarhi and Man- 
sebra recencions see the excellent arguments of Johansson, 
Shb. ii, § 77 (but on the history of «, i^, ?, rtk, rdhj rt see 
Michelson, AJP. 30, pp. 287ff., 294ffi, 416fF.). 

It will be noticed that in the Gim&r version, r is retained 
after preceding stops and sibilants; but is assimilated to follow- 
ing stops, sibilants, and nasals; it is kept before a following 
V (see Michelson, AJP. 30, p. 290; cf. also JA08. 30, p. 88). 
To Senart the forms with r retained are simply learned 
historical spellings. Franke seems to have been painfully un- 
decided as to whether r in combinations with consonants in 
Shb., Mans., and G-. was actually pronounced or was graphical 
only; and if pronounced as to whether it was or was not due 
to the influence of secondary Sanskrit: see pages 50, 64, 66, 66, 
71, 72, 115, 117. And at the bottom of page 72 he gave his 
case away to Senart. 

Whatever may be the merits of Franke's theory of second- 
ary Sanskrit, I am convinced that no influence of it is to be 
seen in the inscriptions of Asoka. 

> This seems to be a suitable place to remind the reader of the works 
of Konow and Senart, cited iu part 1, on this dialect. 

VOL. XXXL Part IDL 16 

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224 T. Micheisan, [lOll. 

There is no fluctuation in the non-writing of r in the Gir- 
n&r text before immediately following nasals, sibilants, or stops. 
Why then do we find fluctuation in the case of stops and 
sibilants immediately followed by r, and r when immediately 
followed by v? If the r in these cases is only a learned and 
historical spelling, why is it that we never find a learned and 
historical spelling with r in the first cases? It should be noticed 
that in the ^Magadhan' dialects r is assimilated to all adjacent 
consonants. We are therefore justified in making the deduction 
that jpr, 8r, rr, <fec. represent the actual pronunciation in the 
Gimftr dialect; and that where we havejp (jpp medially, written 
jp), 8 (medially ss, written s), w (written v) etc. for these 
respective combinations, they are ^M&gadhisms'; and that the 
assimilation of r to immediately following stops, sibilants and 
nasals was native to the Girnftr dialect. Senart himself ad- 
mitted the principle of ^Mftgadhisms* (see Indian Antiquary 
21, p. 174); why he never thought of applying it to these 
cases is unclear to me. Against his theory of learned and 
historical orthography may be urged the fact on the ^Msga- 
dhan' inscriptions we never have r (which would become I) 
written in conjoint consonants; but why do never find a 
learned or historical spelling with r (I) in them? Surely we 
should look for historical or learned spelling in a document 
written in the imperial official language, if anywhere. Again 
corresponding to Indie pr in the Girnftr text we have pr 
60 times, p 32 times. That is by actual figures pr is a trifle 
less than twice as common as p. But it should be noticed 
that pati {pati once) is found eleven times: SLuApati is a most 
undoubted *M5gadhism'; see Michelson, IF. 23, p. 240. An J 
piye is found once: this too may be classed as an obvious 
*Magadhism'; ctpiye in the *Mftgadhan' versions of the Four- 
teen-Edicts as well as in the various redactions of the Pillar- 
Edicts. Even Senart admits that the final e of the GirnSr 
word is a 'Magadhism'; why then should he not admit that 
the initial p for pr is also one? Subtracting these 12 cases 
of obvious 'Mftgadhisms' we have 20 cases of j? for Indie pr 
and 60 cases where pr is retained. That is to say that pr is 
found three times as often as p for Indie pr. Moreover it is 
only after the 4th edict that p for pr is frequent: in edicts 
1 — 4 pr is retained 35 times, p for pr occurring but 3 times. 
The very obvious 'M&gadhism' pati occurs twice; the sole 

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Vol. xzxi.] 2726 InterrdoHon qf the Dialects, dte. 225 

remaining form with p {or pr is Piyadasiy and the most scep- 
tical would scarce consider this as true to the native dialect 
Now if there is anything in the whole theory of 'Mfigadhisms' 
— and this theory has been held as far as I know by all who 
have investigated the dialects of the Asokan inscriptions — it 
is dear that all cases in which p for Indie pr is apparently . 
found in the Girn&r redaction of the Fourteen-Edicts are 
'Mftgadhisms'. Now if p for j^r is a 'M&gadhism' so are k 
for At, t for fr, &c. In these, however, the 'Mfigadhisms' are 
as frequent as are the true native sounds; and in some cases 
more frequent. GirnSx ithljhaJdiamdhdmdtd is an exceptionally 
good example to show that t for tr is a ^M&gadhism'; the th 
for str is one as is also the kh for ch (really kJch and ock)\ 
see Johansson, Shb. 2, p. 23, and Michelson, JAOS. 30, p. 88. 
In short the true native word should be *i8tryhachamahdmdtraj 
c£ Mansehra i8trij[h]achamahamatra as contrasted with K&lsl 
ithidhiyakhafndhdmatd. The fact that Sh&bhSlzgarhi i[8tridhi\yar 
chamahamatra abo shows 'M&gadhan' influence points distinctly 
in the same direction; for the principle involved see Franke, 
Pali and Sanskrit, p. 109, footnote 2, and compare Michelson, 
AJR 30, p. 427; 31, p. 57. (Note the true native Girn&r 
mahdmatresu; the 'Mftgadhism' dhammamahdmdtd occurs 
3 times: cf. Dhauli, K&lsi, Delhi-SivaUk dhafmiamahdmatd, 
Jaugada mahdmdtehi) The fact that Mansehra Amdhor is a 
'Mfigadhism' (see IF. 24, p. 55) is good evidence that Qim&r 
.mdhor, i.e. Amdha^, is also one. This at once lays Q. dhuvo 
open to the same suspicion, cf. KiQsI dhuve, Jaugada dhuvam, 
In the remaining cases of stops + r 'M&gadhisms' are in full 
possession except in the combination 6r, and here the ^M&ga- 
dhism' h is twice as frequent as native 6r. But the forms are 
too few and too isolated to be any criterion. Observe that 
*Mftgadhan' pati {patl) outnumbers native Girnftr prcUi (pratt) 
more than two to one; while it has completely wiped out 
native prati in the Mansehra redaction,' occurring over a dozen 
times; similarly *Magadban' athor has nearly everywhere usui*ped 
the place of native athra- in the Shfthbazgarhi recension (see 
IF. 23, pp. 240, 241; AJP, 30, p. 294flF.). So that mere numbers 
are not necessarily a deciding factor in every given case. 

As an explanation of the fact that in the Girnftr redaction 
'Magadhisms* for pr, &c. are so prevalent, it may be said that 
the dialect of Girnar agreed with the ^Magadhan' dialect in 


Digitized by LjOOQIC 

226 T. MUhd$&n, [1911. 

assimilating r to immediatelj following stops, thus causing 
certain forms to be identical in both dialects; for this reason 
it was difficult for the scribe to abstain from substituting p 
for pr; etc. Now in the dialect of the Shfthb&zgarbi and Man- 
sehra recensions 'M&gadhisms' are comparatively rare (outside 
of pati for prati) in the case of stops + r; the reason for this 
is that in this dialect r was not assimilated to any adjacent 
consonants except in the combination dr8{y) and perhaps in 
the combination rn (see AJP. 30, p. 289; JAOS. 30, p. 89; 
and my essay on the etymology of Sanskrit punyor which is 
in TAPA. 40). As long as r was not asimilated to im- 
mediately following stops as in the case of the 'Mftgadhan' 
dialect, there was comparatively little danger of a 'Mftgadhism* 
occurring for a stop + r. Such 'M&gadhisms' as are found are 
readily to be recognized by the non-agreement of Shb. and 
Mans. Of course there are other means of detection; e.g. 
Mans, tint has a 'M&gadhan' -nt; cf. Kalsl tint] hence the 
initial tU of Mansehra tini is open to the same suspicion, and 
as a matter of fact there is other evidence to show conclusively 
that it is a *Mftgadhism'; compare the Shfthbazgarhi corre- 

Let us now turn to the treatment of the Indie sibilants + 
an immediately following r. For Indie sr we have sr 5 times 
and no other correspondent. It is therefore certain that sr 
is the true native Girnar combination of sounds. It is as 
absurd to consider the sr as a purely historical and learned' 
spelling as it is to regard the spelling asti (found repeatedly) 
for atthi (which would be written athi: it never is found in 
the Girnftr redaction). If sr was a purely historical and 
learned spelling, we certainly would find s written at least 
once which is not the case. 

The history of Indie sr goes a long way in assuring us 
regarding the history of Indie sr. Corresponding to Indie ir 
we have sr 11 times, s (really ss medially) 10 times. But s 
(medially really ss) is the sole *Mfigadhan' correspondent to 
Indie ir. What is simpler than to explain the s of the Gir- 
nSr text as a 'Magadhism'? And it should be noticed of 
samana^ (which occurs 6 times, either in the nom. or gen. pi., 
and always in compounds) there is no reason why we should 
not regard the lingual n as the sole trace of the native word 
precisely as in the case of Mansehra kayana- (for fariawa-; the 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

YqL zzxi.] The Interrelation of the Dialects, dc 227 

credit of discoyering this belongs to Franke), and panaiika (on 
which see Michelson, AJF. 31, pp. 58, 59). Per contra note 
hramhanasraniandnafii at G. iv. 2 with true native br and er. 
And Qirn&r gururStumsa betrays ^M&gadhan' influence in the 
Yocalism: see Michelson, AJF. 30, p. 287; in fact the form 
coincides exactly with the ^Ml^adhan' word sueusd, and for 
this reason it is not reliable evidence for the history of ir in 
the Girnar dialect. It is then not at all venturesome to in- 
clude the 3 other cases of 8 for 9r (Indie sr) among 'Msiga- 
dhisms'. And it should be particularly noticed that sesfe at 
G. iv. 10 has a 'M^gadhan' final e for native am as even 
Senart would admit: cf. Kftlsl eefhe, Dhauli s^fhe]] for this 
reason we may doubly suspect the initial 8 of being a *M&ga- 
dhism'; see also AJP* 30, p. 293. 

We have now to consider the correspondents to Indie rv. 
In the case of the correspondents to Sanskrit earva- and its 
adverbial derivatives we have rv 15 times, v 18 times. But 
sava- (i. e. satwa-) and eavata (i. e. savvaUa) are the sole 
correspondents to Sanskrit earva- and sarvatra respectively in 
the ^Magadhan' redactions. It is therefore highly probable 
that the forms with v in the Girnfix version are *Magadhisms'. 
A decisive proof that this is the case is the following: Corre- 
sponding to Sanskrit sarva-, sarvatra in the Shahb&zgarhi 
recension we have forms with vr (i. e. rv) as well as v (i. e. in;), 
but these latter are in a distinct minority; but in the Man- 
sehra redaction we find forms with vr (i. e. rv) only. It there- 
fore follows that the forms with v (i. e. w) in the Shahb&z- 
garhi are 'M&gadhisms': see Johansson, 8hb. ii, § 65; Michelson, 
AJP. 30, p. 285; the statement in JAOS. 30, p. 82 is an error. 
Now if Shb. savor, &c. be a 'Magadhism' it is impossible to 
escape the conviction that Girn&r savc^, &c. is also a 'M&ga- 
dhism'. It will be recalled that the GirnSr dialect is most 
intimately related with the dialect of the Shahbazgarhi and 
Mansehr a redactions: see Senart, Indian Antiquary^ 21, p. 172; 
Michelson, AJF. 30, p. 291, JAOS. 30, pp. 87—89, TAFA. 40, 
p. 28. Below I have ti'ied to show that the falling together 
of Indie 8, ^, 8 into « is a relatively late development in the 
Girn&r dialect; and in my judgement the assimilation of r to 
following 8t<^s, sibilants, and nasals is likewise of recent origin, 
say shortly before the historical transmission. (This last does 
not apply to the assimilation of r in the combinations drsl^]^ 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

T. MuheUoHj [1911. 

rn: these I consider old.) Then the dialects of the Shfthbfiz- 
garhi, Mansehra, and Girnfir recensions of Asoka's Fourteen- 
Edicts would be very much more intimately related than 
hitherto suspected. 

The Girnar correspondents to Sanskrit purva- oflFer con- 
siderable difficulty. At v. 4 we have bhutaprurvam] obviously 
the first r should be eliminated. At iv. 5 we have bhutapuve. 
This is wholly nonsensical. The final *Magadhan' e should be 
noticed. In this we have the key to the situation: *Magadhan' 
puluve has completely distorted the native word. At vi. 2 the 
text has bhutapurva (m is graphically omitted). But the 
true reading is -pniva. Here too we have u preceding the v 
in imitation of the ^Mftgadhan' form; but the scribe was dimly 
conscious that in the Girnar word there ought to be an r 
somewhere, and so inserted one, albeit in the wrong place. 
(Some may seize upon Girnar -pruva as a proof that Shb., 
Mans, pruvor is not merely graphical for purvor but represents 
the true pronunciation. But see Michelson, AJP. 30, pp. 289, 
290, 426; 31, pp. 55—57.) 

It is barely possible that Girnar bhdtrd is for "^bhrdtrd by 
dissimilation, but it is far more likely that the initial hh is 
simply a *Magadhism' for bhr as is shown by Mansehra bhatuna 
for bhratuna (so the Shb. redaction) altered by *Magadhan' 

I think pitrd (not pita) should be read at xi. 3. The words 
pita and bhdtd (at ix. 5 and xi. 3 respectively) are hyper- 
Magadhisms exactly as Shb. ayi, on which see Michelson, IF. 
24, p. 56; and JAOS. 30, p. 85. 

The statistics given above are made on the basis of the 
Girnar text in EL 2, and the fragments in WZKM, 8 and 
JRA8. 1900*. They are wholly independent from the figures 
published long ago by Senart. 

Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra pravrajitani makes it highly 
probable that the v of Girnar pavajitdni is a 'Magadhism' as 
is the initial p for pr, if indeed this latter is not the true 
reading. Similarly with respect to two. Now if the mb of 
Tambapamm be a *Magadhism' — the Shahbazgarhi and Man- 

1 I have not included aavesu of Senart's smaller fragment, because I 
suspect that this fragment is identical with the fragment published by 
Biihler. The grounds for this belief I hope to publish at any early- 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxij Ttie Interrdalion of (he Dialects, cfec. 229 

sehra redactions support this view: see Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 1, 
Michelson, IF, 24, p. 55 — as is the am for dm (see below), 
then the rule should be given: B is not assimilated in the 
Grim&r dialect to preceding adjacent consonants but is assimi- 
lated to adjacent following consonants except v. 

The lengths to which Senart is carried by his theory 
of learned and historical orthography, is well illustrated by 
his discussion of Girnar n and n {Indian Antiquary, 21, p. 171 
= Les In8criptio7t8, 2, p. 430). He acutely observes that though 
Girnar possess n and n in the interior of words where ety- 
mologically required, yet in case-endings we have n where 
Sanskrit shows us that n was to be expected. He further 
notes that the ^Magadhan' dialect possesses only n as the 
correspondent to Sanskrit n and n alike. He therefore argues 
that Girnar n does not represent the actual pronunciation 
and is only a learned and historical spelling. Now Senai-t 
can be excused from not noting the same apparent substitution 
of n for ?? in case-endings in the dialect of the Shahbazgarhi 
and Mansehi*a redactions (Johansson, Shb. i, p. 166, 52 of the 
reprint; Michelson, JAOS. 30, p. 87, AJP. 30, p. 422) for two 
excellent reasons, to wit, Btihler had not published his edition 
of the Shb. text nor the Mansehra version when Senart first 
wrote his arguments. But since the charge of a promiscuous 
use of n and n in the Girnar dialect as correspondents to 
Indie w, cannot be maintained (see Michelson, IF. 24, pp. 53, 
54), he certainly should have ascribed the use of n for n in 
the case-endings of G. to the influence of analogy. Consider- 
ing the fact that in Pali this same analogical use of n for n 
obtains almost exclusively, and is frequent in suffixes (see AJF. 
31, p. 64 and my aiiicle on the etymology of Sanskrit punya- 
which is in TAPA. 40) — there existed ample material in the 
texts published at the time for him to have made this ob- 
servation — his failure to do this is regretable. In justice, 
however, it should be said that Senart admitted that he could 
not prove his case in this pai*ticular instance. 

Special features of the dialect of the Girnar redaction of 
the Fourteen-Edicts. 
Special features of the dialect of the Girnar redaction of the 
Fourteen-Edicts as compared with the dialects of the other 
redactions are: 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

230 T. Midtdeon, [1911. 

1. A is retained before m in majhamencu 

Strictly speaking, we can only contrast this retention with the 
change to t in the ^Magadhan' dialect as the Shb. version differs 
in the wording where we otherwise would find a correspondent, 
and in the Mans, text there is a lacuna in the corresponding 

2. A is retained after v in ucavacd- (see the reading of J. 

in ASSI). 

3. A for of the other versions in the foreign name Amtiyako. 
4 The combination ary becomes er {samacerdm). 

5. The combination ava is retained in bhavixti. 

See Michelson, ATP. 80, p. 287; JAOS. 30, pp. 78, 88. 

6. The i of vacigutl (Shb., Mans., K. vacaguti). 

Shb., Mans., K. vaca- is a transfer from *vaca9 to the a-de- 
clension. The point of departure for the transfer of a«-stems 
to a-stems in Middle Indie languages was (as has been long 
known) the nom. sing, which coincided with the nom. sing, 
masc. of a-stems. The vaci of vacigutl is identical with vad 
in Sanskrit vacibheddt In vaci I see a fossilized locative 
singular. Though in Sanskrit we have the inflection vdk, vdcam, 
vacdj vdcaSj vdciy &c., it is clear that originally there was 
gradation exactly as in the case of pat This is shown by 
Avestan vaxS, vacim, vaca, vaco, vacaa-ca^ vacqm. The levelling 
of the gradation Skt. vak, Latin vox, Greek «^ is secondary; 
see Brugmann, Grundri88^i 2. 1, p. 131. 

7. The first i in P[i]rimdesu. 

We cannot be absolutely positive that this is a peculiarity of 
6. as Shahbazgarhi Puii[de]8Uj i. e. JPulifndesu is a 'MSgadhism', 
as is shown by the L It is unfortunate that the Efilsl corre- 
spondent is so damaged that it is impossible to tell what the 
vowels of the first two syllables were with certainty. The 
first may have contained u, but the second apparently has no 
vowel-indicator, so that we must read a, a palpable blunder 
for i. To sum up, Pul[a]d€8u should be read FtUidesu, i. e 
Fulimdesu. I have previously pointed out the fact that *MSga- 
dhisms' are especially frequent in the names of peoples, coun- 
tries, &c. See AJF. 30, p. 426; IF. 24, p. 54, 55. On GimBr 
Tambapam^h see my observations above in my discussion of 
learned and historical orthography, and below in my discussion 
of the history of d when followed by in -|- a consonant To 
these may be added SatiyaputOj 6. ii. 2, SaUyaputra, Shb. 
ii. 4, 8atiya[putr .]j Mans. ii. 6; cf. Jaugada Satiyapu^ Kslal 
Sdtiyaputo. For this reason GimSr Satiyaputo has no bearing 
on tiie origin of the word. Biihler overlooked this fact. (Note 
also the Mftgadhan t for tr in -pvto.) 

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Vol. xxxi.] The Interrelation qf the Dialects, &c. 231 

8. The second H of stusnisd (in compounds only) and sue* 


See AJF, dO, p. 287. Delhi Sivalik sususdyd must be kept 
apart from Gim&r susruad because DS. bhutdnam corresponds 
to Gimgr bhUtdnam. Thus it is patent that DS. sususdyd is a 
secondary shortening from suausd-. Formerly I explained the 
Gimftr u as being more primitive than the Skt. u of iuirusd, 
comparing Avestan aiisrus^mnd (JA08. 30, p. 79). If I could 
formulate any phonetic law that would account satisfactorily 
for the u of G. susrusd as being of late origin, I should great- 
ly prefer it. It is undeniable that in a few cases the Middle 
Indie languages are more, or equally as, primitive as Sanskrit. 
But as a whole I feel that this has been rather overdone. See 
below in my discussion of d when followed by w + a con- 

9. Vocalic J- becomes a for the most part, but dental stops 

are not thereby converted to Unguals, e. g., kator. 

See AJF. 30, p. 421. There is not the slightest evidence that 
r ever becomes i in our dialect. See Claasical Philology, 5, 
pp. 219, 220. 

10. Vocalic f becomes a in mago (Shb. mnigo, K., J., Dh. 


On Mans, mruige and mrigfj see AJF. 30, p. 424. 

11. Long vocalic r becomes a in dadhor. 

The 'Mfigadhan' correspondent is didha-. On Mans, dridhra-j 
see AJF. 31, pp. 55, 56. Shb. didha- is a 'M&gadhism.* 

12. The e of lekhdpitd. 

13. Long a is not shortened before medial m, e. g., apabhdmdaid. 

The m is graphically omitted in niydtw, this is a third person 
plural as is shown by Kalsl nikhamamtUi Dhauli and Jaugada 
nikhamdvu. The correspondents of the ShahbSzgarhi and Man- 
sehra redactions are not decisive. The m is likewise omitted 
in Fddd (Shb. Famda at xiii. 9) and apardtd (Shb. aparamta, 
K. apcUamtd) exactly as in dhammamfnbadho (Shb. [dhrdjnup- 
sambamdho), ki at ix. 9 and xii. 2 for kim elsewhere in this 
version; karoto (for karomto)] and possibly in karote at ix. 3 
if not purely an error induced by karote at ix. 1 and 2 where 
a singular is in place. At v. 5 Bilhler reads Kambo., i. e. 
Kamboja-. As a matter of fact the correct reading is Kdnibo.. 
[Kambo in Buhler's fragment of the thii-teenth edict (on 
Senart's smaller fragment, see above) is a ^Magadhism', if the 
correct reading.] At v. 5 Biihler reads Gamdhdrdnarn. Yet it 
is not impossible that the correct reading is Gdm- as there is 
a large crack in the stone at this point which preveatB us 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

232 T. Mclidsoih [1911. 

from being positive as to which reading is correct If the 
true reading be (rain-, then it is a 'Magadhism' as is the case 
with Tambapamni {Kslsl Tambapamni; see my discussion of 
learned and historic orthography above). As I pointed out 
above in my discussion of F[i]rinidesUi 'Magadhisms' are com- 
mon in names of countries, peoples, &c. That ni-ydtu is San- 
skrit ydntu and not Sanskrit yantu is clear from SSmSth ydvu. 
According to the St. Petersburg lexicons Sanskrit Panda- is 
merely an error for Pdndya-. If so it must be a very old one 
as evinced by the Asokan inscriptions. It is not possible that 
in some dialects postconsonantal dy became d phonetically? 
Then Mansehra Pa[m]diya, Shb., Mans. Pamdiya would be 
•Magadhisms', and Skt. Panda- a borrowing from some Middle 
Indie vernacular. Formerly {JAOS. 30, p. 79) I held that as 
dy and this only, corresponds to Skt. an »» original i^t (attkatamy 
iv. 1, V. 3, viii. 1, atikrdtam, vi. 1 = Skt. atikrdntam\ chdti\m\', 
xiii. 11 BB Skt. ksdnti-\ the GimSr a was more primitive in this 
respect than Sanskrit as it is admitted that the n of Skt. 
krdnta-, ddnta-j &c. is analogical in origin. I thought that as 
in Gimar -dm- never occurs in these cases, it was impossible 
to regard the omission of m as merely graphical. Prof. Bloom- 
field at the meeting of the AOS. adversely criticised this point, 
and after a subsequent discussion with Dr. Sturtevant, I am 
ready to admit that the forms cited are too few to form a 
sound basis for the proposed theory inasmuch as m is often 
graphically ommitted in other cases. At the same time it is 
well to mention the theory in the hopes that new evidence will 
turn up to either establish or completely disprove it. A single 
form with a medial m would do the latter. Shb. and Mans. 
atikratam are merely graphical for atikramtam (which occurs 
in both). — I likewise stated in JAOS.y 1. c, that this theory 
proved that G. was not a linear descendant from Sanskrit. If 
this theory is wrong, that would not invalidate that claim. For 
the fact all the Asokan dialects point to a loc. sing. *-8mi (G. 
tamhi; &c.) [not *-8min (Skt. tasmin)] shows that not a single 
Asokan dialect is such a descendant. A further proof of this 
as applied to the Gimar dialect is idha (Skt. iha), 

14, Long vowels are not shortened before two consonants 

{ndsti, brdmhanor, niahdrndtresu, Rdstxka-^ pardkramdmi, 

pardJcramena [not pdrdkram^a as Btlhler reads] dfya-, 

[Skt. dtma-]j hhdtrd. 

It is clear that bamhana- at ix. 5 is merely a blunder for 
bdmhana- which is found in this version: note the blunders 
ddnam, etdrisam^ ndtikena in the same edict. Similarly hramhana'' 
[not hrdhmana- as Biihler transcribes] in the fourth edict is 
merely a blunder. See IF, 24, pp. 53, 54; AJP. 30, p. 296. 
It should be noted that rd9ia* rdi^o can be in themselves 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The Interrelation of the Dialects, &c. 233 

either roflo, raXio or rdftfta, rdflflo respectively. Pili and Pi^- 
krit show that they are to be read ra^fld, rafi^o. It will be 
remembered that on inscriptions fi can stand for flfi, m for mtn 
exactly as b for ss. Compare Biihler, Epigraphia Indica, ii, 
p. 91. Supdtkaya at L 9 is graphical for g&pdtthdya. This is 
shown by Dhauli tupathay{e), KBlsT 8upathay[e\y Jaugada 
{sii^thaye^ As a long vowel is regularly shortened in these 
redactions before two consonants these forms are merely 
graphical for supatthaye. Hence GimSr supdthdya is for «w- 
pdtthaya (Skt. supdrthdya). Just so with mahdthdvahd at x. 1 
cf. XsJsI mahathdvd (read mahathdvahd). Psli is likewise con- 
firmatory for these two cases. Similarly asamdtam (Skt. asa' 
rndptam; K&lsl and Dhauli asamatt). Pardhamate is a 'Mada- 
dhism' for *pardkramate. Similarly pardkamena at x. 4 if this is 
the correct reading which at least is not certain. If taddtpano 
stands for *taddtvana- we have another example. If it is a 
blunder for Haddtpdya, we still have a case. It should be 
mentioned that dnapaydrni, dfiapitarn do not belong here : they 
come from the simplex n-, compounded with d-. This is shown 
by PfiH and *Magadhan* versions of the Fourteen -Edicts. There 
remain some unexplained apparent exception. Note that we 
have kiti at x. 1 but at x. 2 kiti. It is quite likely that the 
vocalism of the *Magadhan* original of which the Gimar 
version is a translation, is responsible for this: cf. Jaugada 
ki{t)%j Dhauli {k)v^ and (H)ti, i. e. kitti (local peculiarity for 
*kittifni Skt. Jdrthn). For *M5gadhan' influence in the vocalism 
of words in the Gimar redaction, see Michelson, AJF» 30 
p. 287, JAOS. 30, p. 90. A case in point is daaayitpd for 
^daseptd'j cf. Shb. draiayitu for native (and Mans.) draieti 
'Magadhan' dasayitu has been the disturbing factor in both 
cases: see AJF. 31, p. 60. At ix. 9 we have svagdradhi. This 
certainly corresponds to Skt. svargdrdddhi-, cf. the preceding 
svagatn drddhetu (Skt. svargam drddhayitum), svagam drddha- 
yamtu, vi. 12, and the correspondents of the other versions. 
But it should be noted that the nineth edict has many blunders 
of & for d (see above). So svagdradhi might be one for 
*8vagdrddhi (i. e. svagdrdddht). But we have dradho hoti at 
xi. 4. Here we can ascribe the a with confidence to *Maga- 
dhan' influence (Kslsi dladhe\ for the following hoti is a ^Ma- 
gadhism': see AJP, 30, p. 287; JAOS, 30, p. 78 j and above. 
Hence it would be plausible to attribute svagdradhi to such 
influence. But the reading of the Dhauli text (which alone has 
a correspondent) is uncertain. In either case, it is not against 
the law proposed. The correspondents to Skt. purva- cannot 
be taken into consideration, for bhutapuve and bhutapruva have 
both ^MSgadhan' u : see my discussion of learned and historical 
orthography. Bhiitaprurvam has at least one blunder as it is; 
so u for u might be another. See Biihler, EL 2, p. 453; 
Michelson, AJP. 30, p. 184. Dighdya at x. 1 is very difficult. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

234 T. MicheUon, [1911. 

The Sanskrit correspondent is dUrghdya. The »Mftgadhan' ver- 
sions have a diflferent word in the corresponding passage, and 
both the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra versions have *Miga- 
dhisms' in the corresponding passages. Of course the fact that 
the *Magadhan* versions have a different word does not preclude 
the possibility of the particular *M5gadhan* text of which G. 
is a translation from having had a form precisely the same or 
very similar to the Gimar form. It will be remembered that 
frequently the versions do not agree in the wording. In this 
way dighdya might be due to *Magadhan' influence. It may 
be mentioned that once dighdya was read dighdyUy but I am 
convinced from the plate in EI. that this is not the true read- 
ing.— The most obstinate of all to explain is anusasfi (this or 
other cases of the same word occurs 4 times, including the 
occurrence in a fragment of the thirteenth edict, and always in 
the compound dhammdnuaasti). Ndati (Skt. ndsH) occurs half 
a dozen times, there being no other correspondent to Skt. ndsti. 
It would therefore seem impossible that antuasti can phonetic- 
aUy stand for Skt. anuidsti-. At the same time I hardly dare 
ascribe the a to 'Mfigadhan' influence because of the frequency 
of the word. Perhaps this timidity is wrong as p<Ui is frequent 
in G. and outnumbers native prati two to one. Also thaira- 
(or other forms of this) occurs three times, and the initial th 
looks like a 'Magadhism', though another explanation (see 
below) is possible. Finally it should perhaps be queried if G. 
antisasti is not Skt. anuiasti', not anuidati'. 

15. The diphthong ai in thairor and traidasor. 

The origin of this diphthong is not wholly clear. Without 
question the e of Dhauli tedifl)8a, Kalsl t[e\da8a, Prftkrit tmua. 
teraha is to be associated with the ai of traidasa. According 
to Pischel, Grammatik, § 119, the prototype was *trayadaia, 
the e then being a result of contraction. The trouble with this 
explanation is that -aya- in G., Dh., and J. otherwise is un- 
contracted (cf. JAOS. 30, p. 91). Franke, PuSkty p. 104 rejects 
Pischel*s explanation, and says the e is for i. This leaves 
Gimar traidasa hanging in the air. Johansson, Slib. i, p. 136 
(22 of the reprint) suggests that the Middle Indie dialects in 
this case are very archaic and that Skt. trayodaia is analogical. 
This last no doubt is the case, but I hardly like to start from 
this point of view. Phonetically there is nothing for or against 
his proposition as -aye- is unique at present as far as the 
phonetics are concerned. (J's prototype is ^trayazdaia which 
would become *trayedam,) Similarly regarding thaira-. Pili 
and Prakrit thera- postulate some such intermediary form as 
the Gimar word (Pischel, 1. c, § 166). But here again, the 
loss of V between a and t, and the subsequent contraction of 
these vowels is unique. — A further note on tiaira-. The word 
apparently contradicts the law that sth becomes at in our 

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Vol. xtxi.] The Inttrrdation of the Dialects, &c. 235 

dialect {ghatMtani), The *M8gadhan' versions have an entirely 
different word as correspondents. Still that does not preclude 
the possibility of a *Magadhan' *thda' having distorted an 
original ^ataira-. Cf. my remarks on dighaya above. It is 
very bold to assume descent from a prototype that bore the 
same relation to Skt. sthavira- as Gr. tAm to ^rA», though I 
still believe in spite of Fischel that Fkt chepa- is similar a 
case as compared with Skt. iepa- (IE. 8k- and £-). It might 
be a late product. Cases like -a« sth- phonetically became 
-iMth-i and this was wrongly divided -05 th-. Hence a form 
^thavira- beside sthavira-. But this is purely speculative. 

16. The combinations viy and vy fall together in vy (kept 

apart as such in the Kalsl dialect): vyasantm, vyamjor 
ntxtOy gerundives in -tavyc^f divydni. 

Buhler wholly inconsistently transcribes the same symbol 
initially by v^ but medially by yv. Why he made any distinction 
is not clear to me. If we transcribe diymnij we must transcribe 
*ywManafn, yvdpatdj &c. But such a combination would be 
impronounceable. His appeal to Psli yha from hya is wholly 
irrelevant as we do not have yv from vy in P8li. As I am 
ignorant of the modem Indo-Aryan vernaculars, I cannot 
criticise his argument from this source. 

17. The combination duv becomes dv {dvo, Vedic duvdu). 

18. The combination dv becomes db {dbddasa). 

19. The combinations suv, 8v (kept apart as such in the 

*Mfigadhan' dialects) fall together in sv (svamikena, svctgam). 

20. The combinations tv and tm become tp; catpdro, gerunds 

in "tpdj dtpor (Skt. dtmor). 

There is considerable dispute as to the exact value of the 
ligature which Buhler transcribes by tp. There is no question 
but that the true order of the letters is pt, and some (Pischel 
and Pranke) maintain that this represents the actual pro- 
nunciation. But it is universally admitted that the actual 
spelling is no criterion; and some (Bumouf, Ascoli, Buhler 
[EL 2, p. 210], Johansson) have tried to show that the real 
pronunciation was tp. The linguistic arguments that have thus 
far been adduced, in my opinion, have a negative value, some 
tending to show that the pronunciation was pt, some tp. And 
it should be especially noted that no arguments from the 
dialect itself have been brought forward but only from allied 
languages. The following linguistic argument, especially when 
taken in conjunction with Biihler's pateographical one, seems 
to me conclusive proof tnat tp was the pronunciation: Dbadoia 
corresponds to Sanskrit dvddaiai and there is no question but 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

236 T. Michelson, [1911. 

that db represents the correct order of the letters. Now if 
Indie dv becomes db^ then Indie tv surely should become tp. 
Hence gerunds in -tpd (Skt. -tvd) are to be read as such. This 
settles the reading dtpa' (Skt. dtma-) without further arguments. 
The fact the Singhalese gerunds in -pata point to -ptd (Skt. 
-tvd), does not show that the Gimar gerunds in -tpd are really 
'ptd, for a stage -tpd is presupposed between -ptd and -ivd; 
and the metathesis of tp to pt can be specifically Singhalese. 
Oertel recently (Lectures, pp. 221, 222) has tried to defend the 
view that we really have pt and not tp, admitting a stage tp 
between pt and tv, but saying that pt was substituted for the 
unusual combination tp because pt was a frequent combination. 
Inasmuch as the p *in the combination of original pt was 
assimilated in this (e. g. asamdtam, Skt. asarndptam) as well 
as other Asokan dialects and in Psli and PrCkrit, I confess 
that I am not convinced by this line of [reasoning. Senart, 
admitting that the ligature should be transcribed fy, in accord- 
ance with his theory of learned and historical spelling on the 
inscriptions of Asoka — which seems to me to be quite unten- 
able — contends that the actual pronunciation was pp. 

21. The combination sm becomes mh: tamhh *ta9mij cf. Skt. 


22. The combination hm becomes f;iA: brdmhanor (for the other 

variants of this word see above). 

23. B is assimilated to all adjacent following consonants ex- 

cept t?; it is retained after preceding adjacent consonants, 
and before v when that follows immediately: crihdyOf 
dhammor, Priyadasij priyo, srammor, sarvatra. 

The apparent exceptions are 'MSgadhisms'. See my discussion 
of learned and historical orthography above. 

24. The combination -ars- and -arsy- become -as-: vasa-, Skt. 

varsa-, kdsa/nvti, *karsyanti, cf. Skt. karisyanti. 

See Michelson, IF. 24, pp. 53, 54; AJP. 30, p. 289; JA08. 30, 
p. 89. I give this as a characteristic of G. because the final 
product is such, whether or not the phenomenon is to be 
associated with a similar one in Shb. and Mans, (as I think 
likely). The chronology I formerly assumed is a trifle inexact; 
we need only assume that in GimSr the r was assimilated 
and the gemination simplified with compensatory lengthening 
before ri reached a stage r«; we cannot know whether in G. 
the sibilant in the first case had already become a dental Note 
'MSgadhan' vasa^, i. e. vassa- »» Gim&r vosa-, Skt. Darfa-. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. soud.] The Interrelation of tJie Dialects, <&c. 237 

25. Original rs converts a following intervocalic dental n to a 
lingual n: vimdnadasand. 

See Michelson, IF, 24, p. 53. 

26. Aryan St (Skt. §t, Av. U) and Aryan M (Skt. sth, Av. 5^ 

fall together in gt: tigfeya, seste (a 'Magadhism' for arestaifi). 
See MicheUon, AJP. 30, p. 291; JT^OA 30, p. 89. It ia likely 
that this is to be brought into rapport with the change of 
Aryan it and ith to at in the dialect of ShShbftzgarhi and 
Mansehra. I list the phenomenon here because the final result 
is different in the two dialects. 

27. An original palatal sibilant converts st beginning the next 

syllable to st (dhamnidntMastl), 

See the references cited under 26. I have much less hesitation 
than formerly in connecting this process with the law in Shb. 
and Mans, that original i converts a following intervocalic a 
to i. For convenience I repeat the law I gave in AJFr. A 
palatal sibilant converts a following dental sibilant to a palatal 
one in the dialects of G., Shb., Mans., the combination it sub- 
sequently becoming it exactly as pre-Aryan it became Aryan 
it Then this secondary it had the same history in the separate 
dialects as Aryan it{h), i. e., G. »*, Shb., Mans. st. Secondary 
intervocalic i had the same history as original intervocalic i, 
namely, G. s, Shb., Mans, i. In support of this combination I 
would urge that the special points of contact between these 
dialects are extremely numerous. See below, and J AGS. 30, 
pp. 87-^. 

29. The combination hv becomes h and the preceding vowel 

is lengthened: prajuhitavyam. 

The gerundive is based on the present stem as is common in 
Middle Indie languages. The stem juhv- was abstracted from 
juhvati, whence juh. If the long vowel u could be otherwise 
accounted for, I should prefer to take juh- as being the ab- 
straction from the present stem. [For the phonology, see 
Pischel, §§ 65, 332; Konow in AL Afh, tU 8, Bugge.] 

30. The combination -niy-j -ny- become -nn* (written -mn-): 

dnamnam (Skt. dnpiyam), hiramna- (Skt. hiranya-). 

31. The retention of dh in idha (Skt. iha). 

32. The t of Ketdlar in Ketaiaputo. 

33. The g of Magd (Kalsi Maka, Shb. Maka, Mans. [Maka]). 

34. The sandhi of iti, namely, the first i is not lost after im- 

mediately preceding vowels or nasals except in the com- 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

338 21 MicheUon, [mil 

bination Mm tiipativedetha iti, vi, 5; tisteya iti, vL 13; 
8ddha (blander for sddhu) iti, ix. 8; dradhetu {-in graphically 
omitted) itij vi. 9; dlpayema itij xii. 6; daham (blander 
for danatn) Ui, ix. 7 but always Jam ti (except once where 
the m of kim is graphically omitted). 

36. Etayam for eia ayam. 

According to Buhler this is for eta iyam. As iyavi in this 
text is a -Mftgadhism', I prefer the above. 

36. The double treatment of final am becoming am and 

The law governing this double correspondence is not clear. I' 
give two explanations for what they are worth without defini- 
tely committing myself, to either. To judge from the accusative 
singulars vihdrai/dtdm, and aamacerdm as compared with the 
genitive plurals devdnant (found repeatedly), mitasanistutafid' 
tinam, bdmhanaaamandnam, (three times), prdndnam (twice), 
In'dmhanaarainandnain, bramJianammandnatn, dhammapwtdnatn, 
gurunam^ thairdnam, mitdsastutahdtikdnafnj tnanusdnam, pasu' 
manusdnamf bhutdnamy the law would seem to be: final dm 
with acute syllabic accent becomes drn\ final dm with circum- 
flex syllabic accent becomes am The final m is graphically 
omitted in pujdj xii. 8, xii. 2; dhammasusruad, x. 2 as in 
vadhij iv. 11, phala, xii. 9, drddhetu^ ix. 9, Jati, x. 1, kith x. 2, 
bhutapruva (so!) vi. 2, aava, vi. 2, hi ti (= kim ti)^ xii. 2, 
susera^ xii. 7. It is also probable that mahdthdvahd at x. 1 is 
for 'vahdm as is shown by Mansehra mahathravaham^ Dhauli 
'{ham) : yet this is not certain as it might be a nom. pi. neutre 
like vimdnadasafwL, hastidaaand, — ^We then should infer that 
the middle ending -tdm had the acute syllabic accent (suaratdm, 
X. 2; anuvidhij/atdniy x. 2) and that the locative sing, of d- 
stems, -ay dm, had the circumflex syllabic accent on the ultima 
(ganandyam, iii. 6; parisdyam, vi. 7). The objection to this 
explanation is that it is highly speculative, even if we have 
Vedic genitives in -a^m to back it up. On another occasion 
I had a chance to point how groundless a Maw' was in the 
Middle Indie dialects which was based on a differentiation by 
acute and circumflex syllabic accent (AJF* 30, 296). And I 
have shown in my Notes on the FUlar-Edicts of Aaoka (IF. 23) 
that corresponding to Skt. -vyd- and -vyd- alike we have FSli 
-W-, Prakrit -tw-. In AJF. 30, p. 292 I have disproved 
Johansson's explanation of Shb. etisa by accentual conditions. 
And I have shown in JAOS. 30, p. 85 how very improbable is 
his theory that the position of the accent determines the treat- 
ment of final -am in Shb. So that on general principles I am 
averse to any explanation involving the accent. Yet I may add 
that the law that in the dialects of the Hadhia, Mathia, Bim- 
pQrv& redactions of the Pillar-Edicts final d (whether original 

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Vol. xxxi.] The Interrdaiion of the Dialects, Ac. 239 

or secondary) is shortened to A, except in the case of accented 
monosyllables, and before postpositives and enclitics, is due to 
accentual conditions: dayd necessarily presupposes the accen- 
tuation d&yd as opposed to Skt. day a, similarly kcM the accen- 
tuation kdia as opposed to Skt. hrtas. So there might be 
something in this theory ; but, I repeat, I am very dubious on 
the point. The alternative explanation I give, and the one in 
which I have greater confidence is this: final dm when pre- 
ceded by a syllable that contains a long vowel, becomes 
am'', otherwise it becomes dm. This would account ,nicely for 
the difference between devdnam, &c. and dhammasusrusd (i. e., 
-dm). But this would not answer at all for vihdraydtdmj sama- 
cerdm, and pujd (i. e. pujdm). We would have to 'assume ex- 
tensive levelling, and ratier more than our evidence warrants. 
Moreover with this explanation we presuppose the accentuation 
devdnam^ So we are again involved in an ac(!entual condition. 
Still I should very much prefer to assume that the accent was 
that of Classical Sanskrit rather than a relic of Vedic accen- 
tuation, if for no other reason than that in certain Asokan 
dialects (see above) the accentual system was identical with or 
similar to the former. To sum up, the evidence at hand will 
not permit us to formulate a law governing the correspondence. 
— Senart at first held that -am and -a were interchangeable; 
later, without giving up the possibility of this, considered that 
final m had been lost after -a. Konow in his treatise on the 
dialect of the Gimar redaction clung tenaciously to the theory 
that -d and -am were interchangeable. He said that pujd was 
i'or piljatn, but accepted vihdraydtdm] but nowhere is anyj[ ex- 
planation given to account for the double form of the accusa- 
tive in the same dialect. His appeal to the Pkt. grammarian 
Canda is no explanation. I hope now to definitely disprove 
the mistaken notion that -am and -a are interchangeable in the 
GimSr dialect. I have shown AJF. 30, p. 183 ff. that Bdmipaniy 
a supposed nom. pi. masc. of an a-stem is in reality a nom. 
sing, neutre of an «-stem. In the same paper 1 have made it 
clear that if the reading hhutaprurvam be retained, or rather 
emended to hhutapurvam, so far from being a nom. \)\. at all, 
it is the equivalent of Pali bhutapMjam, an adverb. Senart 
once held that atikdtam was for ^atikamtaiiu lat^r gave this 
up. The fact that *atikamtam is never written is a guarantoo 
that this was not intended by the [spelling otikdtam (see my 
discussion on the history of lonp d before medial m). Similarly 
chdti[m] is not for *chamtim. Long ago Biihler made it clear 
that nicd does not correspond to Skt. nityam. The long I and 
tho c of Dhauli and Jaiigada nice and the c of KSlsi nice (i.e. 
n'tce) show this. Vincent Smith's reversion to the older view 
h regretable. Phonetically we would have K., Dh., J. *nitiyam 
corresponding to Skt. nityam, 1 admit that the short i of G. 
nicd is hard to explain. Probably the last word has not yet 
VOL. XXXI. Part IH. ]7 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

240 T. IHchelsan, [1911. 

been said on the group of words. But if the Gimir word were 
the equivalent of Skt. nifyam, it would be the sole case in 
which -d and -am apparently interchange. For some positive 
arguments against this interchange we have the following: the 
ace. sing. masc. of a-stems is always -aw, never -d; the nom. 
ace. neutre of a-stems is always -am (barring *M5gadhisms^, 
never -d; the of a-stems is -d. never -am; the genitive 
pi. always ends in -aw, never -d. Now if -d and -am were 
interchangeable we surely would have some confusion in these 
categories. And such is not the case. 

37. The final vowels of prefixes are occasionally lengthened in 

compounds: asamprailpatlf abkiramakdnu 

38. The dat. sing, of a-stems ends in -dya : athdya^ paribhogdya, 

Jcammdyay tdya, etdya, imdya. 

39. The dative sing, athd. 

According to Senart, Konow, and Pischel this is merely a 
blunder for athdya. I see no reason why it may not be a case 
of haplology as the word occurs in the expression etaya athd. 
Biihler, Johansson, and Franke have defended the word on 
other grounds. See Buhler, ZDMG. 46, p. 62; 48, p. 56; 
Johansson, ^ib, ii, p. 53, footnote 1, BB. 20, p. 85 ff. (especially 
p. 92); Franke, Pali and Sanskrit, pp. 122, 152; Pischel, VS, i, 
44, 61 ; Bartholomae, BB. 15, p. 221 if., GrIrPhil. 1, p. 122; Auf- 
recht, Festgruss an Bohtlingk, p. Iff.; Brugmann, Grundris8\ 
2. 2. 1 § 159 Anm., and the literature cited in these references. 

40. The *ohlique' cases of the d-stems ends in -dya: vividhdya 

pujdydj xii. 1; mddhuratdya, xiv. 4 (inst.); athasamtiramya, 

vi. 7 (loc). 

This 'dya is identical with Pali -dya. The explanation of the 
form is as follows: -dya as a daiive sing, was taken over 
analogically from the 5-stems just as in certain other Middle 
Indie dialects the 5-stems have analogically taken over -dye 
from d-stems (see JAOS. 30, p. 92). After the syncretism of 
the dative and genitive sing., -dya was used in place of older 
"^'dyd from *-dyds. Then -dya levelled the inst. sing., and 
eventually came to be used as a locative exactly as in certain 
Middle Indie dialects -dye, properly a dat., came to be used 
as an inst. and loc. sing. The inst. sing, and gen. sing, of i- 
stems, *-iyd and *-iyd8 respectively, phonetically fell together 
in -iyd\ and this no doubt accounts for the levelling in the 
case of the inst. sing. Moreover -iyd was used as a loc. sing. ; 
so the spread of -dya to the locative is also readily accounted 
for. — It would be possible to account fbr the loc. sing, other- 
wise, and consider it an archaism as opposed to Skt. -dydm 
which is obscure in termination. For -dya could phonetically 

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Vol- xxxi] The Interrelation of (he Didects, &c. 241 

be combined with GathS-Avesta -aya^ Young-Avesta -aya^ Old 
Persian -aya from Aryan *-dya. It will be remembered that 
neither the Avestan nor Old Persian are to be considered in 
determining the vowel-quantity of the final syllable. For original 
'd and -d graphically appear the same, namely, GAv. -d, YAv. 
-a, OP. -d. It may be added that it is univeraaUy admitted 
that the vocalism of the first syllable in Avestan has been 
affected by the vocalism of the inst. sing. The fact that Gir- 
nSr, Pali tamhi', &c. point distinctly to a prototype *ta8mi, not 
^tasmin (see Johansson, Shb. ii, § 88) can be used as an argu- 
ment in favor of this explanation. For the ending ^-smi is to 
be found in Avestan aetahmiy ahnU, kahmi (per contra Skt. 
etasmtHf asmin, kasmin). See Brugmann, Qrundriss^ 2. 2. 1, 
§ 360. Attractive as this is, I think it can scarcely be main- 
tained in view of the comparatively simple explanation offered 
above. — ^There is no necessity of assuming with Johansson and 
Torp a law that final d is shortened if the preceding syllable 
contains a long vowel to account for -dya as a gen. sing. 
Moreover as the preceding syllable in the case of tamhd (Skt. 
tasmdt), pacchd (Skt. paicdt) contains a vowel long by position, 
we would expect the final d to be shortened. Only assuming 
the most complicated chronology can the law be maintained, 
and allowance made for tremendous levelling. And there is no 
trouble in the explanation I have given to explain -dya as a 
genitive. Pali assa, Gimar asa i. e. assa is no support for the 
proposed law of shortening. It does not correspond to Vedic 
asat (subj.) as Kern suggested. But it would be possible to 
consider it as coming from ^asyat^ a cross between aaat and 
sydt A good parallel is Dhauli and Jauga^a nikhamdvu (see 
Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 89, footnote 3). Or it might be due to 
such forms as G. tisteya (*ti8theyatj created by analogy; tiathe" 
yam is to Histheydt as atisthatn is to atisthat). Henry's ex- 
planation of -dya (see his Fticia) is improbable. — Formerly I 
thought that -dya on the Pillar-Edicts of Asoka was to be 
connected with Pali and GimSr -dya. This is wrong as is 
shown by the fact that in those dialects the dat. sing, of a- 
stems ends in -dye, while Pali and Gimfir have -dya. The end- 
ing -dya in Radhia, Mathia, and K&mpurva is from *-dyd in 
accordance with the law that I have established for these 
dialects, IF. 23, p. 228 ff. Delhi Sivalik -dya beside -dyd is 
due to analogy: as in the a-stems there existed the doublets 
-ena, -end in the inst. sing., so -dya was made to match -dyd 
in the inst. sing, of d-stems. Allahabad -dya is due to the 
same cause. It obtains exclusively exactly as does -ena. — 
• Finally it should be mentioned that the genitive sing, -dya on 
the dedicatory inscriptions of Barhut, &c. have to be kept ab- 
solutely apart in deciding the origin of -dya on other in- 
scriptions and in Pali. For it is notorious that the dedicatory 
inscriptions are inaccurate in orthography; and -dyd and -ayd 


Digitized by LjOOQIC 

242 T. MitheUon, [1911. 

are found as well as -dya. So that it would appear that the 
true orthography should be -dydj not -dya, -ayd. If -dya was 
admitted as genuine, -ayd would also have to be admitted, and 
I fancy few would venture to parallel the d with the Avestan. 

41. The locative sing, of a-stems ends in -ay am: parisdyam, 

42. The nominative plural of a-stems ends in -dyo: mahiddyo. 

The ending is taken analogically from the f-stems. For the 
literature, see Johansson, S}^» ii, p. 55. 

43. The nominative singular of feminine i-stems nearly always 

ends in -i\ dhammdlipl, asamprati'patlj ahlnl, sampatipaRy 

samyapratipatlf dhammdntisastl. 

It should be mentioned that in the Dhauli redaction, this ter- 
mination is also frequent, though not to the same extent as in 
the Gimar version. Hence I list it as characteristic of G. The 
dialects of the various recensions of the Pillar-Edicts show 
that the 'MSgadhan' dialect did not possess this ending. It is 
therefore likely that the termination -t in the Dhauli redaction 
is a trace of the local dialect (cf. JAOS. 30, p. 77). The Kalsi, 
Shahbazffarhi, and Mansehra redactions can give no testimony 
owing to their deficient alphabets. 

44. The nom. pi. of i-stems ends in 4yo: ataviyo (Shb. and 

Mans, atavi). 

45. Original r-stems kept as such: pitarij mdtari, bhdtrd, 

46. The nom. sing, of iw-stems ends in -i: Priyadasi (Dh., J, 


The Shb., Mans., and K. redactions again can shed no light 
on this point. The Allahabad redaction of the Pillar-Edicts 
agrees with Dh. and J. ; the Delhi Sivalik, Delhi Mirat, Radhia, 
Mathia, and lifimpurva redactions agree with G. 

47. The dual dvo (Vedic duvdiC). 

48. The phonetic equivalent of Indie *catvdra$ (Skt. caivdras) 

is retained: catpdro, 

49. The nom. pi. of tri- is trl. 

Tri is a nom. pi. masc. as is shown by the phrase ete pi trl 
prdnd, i. 12. Johansson, Shb. ii, pp. <J0, 65 wrong. T for tr 
in ti at i. 10 is due the influence of 'Magadhan' tiinni. 

50. The phonetic equivalent of Indie *tad, ta, is maintained. 

51. The new-formation ya {^yad). 

52. Ayam as a nom. sing, neutre: ay am phala, xii. 9. 

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Vol. xxzi.] The Interrdatum of the Dialects, Ac. 243 

53. The nom. sing, neutre idam. 

It is true that [i(f| am is found once in Shb., but it is so com- 
mon in 6. that it must be classed as characteristic of that 

64. The pronouns tdrisor, yarisory eidrisor (see Michelson, 
Classical PhiUiogy, 5, pp. 219, 220). 

55. The pronoun ne, ndni. 

56. The instrumental singular imind. 

In IF. 23, p. 237 I wrongly assumed that Pali amind was a 
contamination of imind and amund. I now hold that amind is 
an inst. sing, to such forms as ami, amibhis, and that imind is 
a compromise between amind and imena. The fact that amind 
became reduced to a mere particle in Pali points to its origi- 
nality in formation. 

57. Middle termination in verbs: pardkamatej karote (twice: 

once possibly a third pi., unless a mere error), marnnate^ 

st/isrusatdm^ anuvidhiyatdm. 

In Shb. there are two cases, namely, karotne, i. e., karantcj 
dipiata'i in Dh. also one, mam[n]at{e)i note too Kslsl nikha- 

57. The termination -tha in the optative patipajeffia. 

59. Personal endings in r: drobhare, drabhisare, stwisera, anu- 

vatard^n^ anuvaiisarej srwidru. 

According to BiLhler anuvatardfn should be emended to anu- 
vateramj but this is not necessary as the form is explainable 
as it stands: see Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 90. The form srundru 
is difficult. The reading is certain. Various conjectural emen- 
dations have been made. AVith the emendation sruneru, things 
are just as bad as ever as -am does not become -u in the 
Gimar dialect. Personally I think we should try to explain 
the form as it stands. I would not be surprised if smndru 
were a fusion of a subjunctive *8rundre and an optative 
*8ruiSt€f/u (cf. Shb. §nmet/u) somewhat as Dhauli and Jaugatja 
nikhamdvu ; or a fusion between a subjunctive *8t'undre and an 
imperative *8runamtu somewhat as the Satra imperatives in 
-dtu (a fusion of the subjunctive -dti and the imperative -atu). 
It will be noticed that we have such an imperative in Kalsl 
stMUSdtu as Buhler has pointed out. See also Johansson, Shb. 
ii, p. 89. However for the want of further material the whole 
matter must be left undecided. 

€0. The optative asa. 

61. The optative bhave. 

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244 T. MieheUan, [l9ll. 

62. The participle karoto (i. e. karoitUo) as a nom. sing. 

63. The participle karunij xii. 4, karu, xi. 4 (with m graphic- 

ally omitted). 

What Franke says on karu at GGn. 1895, p. 535 is unconvincing. 
The form is certainly a participle. The stem A'aru- seems to 
be a compromise between karo- and kuru-. 

64. Gerunds in -fpa, Skt. -tvcl: cdocetpdj dasayitpd, paricajitpd. 

65. The future liklidpayisain. 

66. The j?-causative in sukhdpdyami. 

67. Certain lexical features as svayam, sdmlpam {AJP. 30, 

pp. 183—187), mahiddyo, pasatij gamndyam, nircUhanij 
nistdndyay ghara {AJP. 31, p. 63), pamthem, dighdya, 
dnamtaram, bhdvasudJiitd (unless an error induced by 
katammtd and dadhabhatitd in the same line), taddtpano 
{^taddtvana-'^), srdvdpakam, ilokika (from i+hkikd as 
Franke first pointed out ; formerly wrongly taken to be a 
contraction of iha + Z-; per contra note idha — Skt. iha), 
pracamtesu, ekadd, mddhuratdya, gacheyam, aparigodhdya 
(see below), vrachd (see below), niydtu, naydsu, aydya 
(see below). 

I do not venture to decide if ilokacasa is a mere corruption 
or stands for ^-lokatya- as Biihlcr has suggested. 

Lassen long ago (J. A. 11', p. 251 = II >, p. 238) saw a 
root gtidh 'enclose' (on which consult the St. Petersburg lexicons) 
must be assumed to account for aparigodhaya\ see Johansson, 
Shh. ii, p. 97; Pischel, GGA. 1881, p. 1330, following Pott, 
1*, p. 27, considers this gudh an older form of Skt. guh\ and 
he endeavors to support this view by the modern Indo- Aryan 
vernaculars. As I am ignorant of these, I cannot criticise his 
opinion from that point of view. But the Skt. participle gudha- 
and the Avestan \^gaoz show that the Skt. Ygilh comes from 
Aryan *ghuzh, Indo-European *ghu()h\ see Wackemagel, Ai. Gr. 
i, pp. 247, 251; Brugmann, Grundriss^, T, p. 558. Gudh is for 
*ghudh by Grassmann's law, and is simply a parallel form to 
*ghugh as vcdh (Old Bulgarian vcdq, Lithuanian veduy Avestan 
Yvad 'fiihreu'. Old Irish fedlm) to *veijh (Old Bulgarian vezq, 
Lithuanian veziij Avestan Y vaz^ Sanskrit |/^mA, Latin veho). 

The word vr/ichd is ordinarily taken as being the equivalent 
of Skt. irksfa- with ra as the develoi)ment of Indie r. As this 
would be the solo case in which such a development is found 
in this dial^^ct (per contra note kafd^ vyo-patd^ mago, vadhi, &c.) 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

VoL xxxi.] The Interrelation of the Dialects, dc. 246 

one would properly regard the form with suspicion. But 
another factor should be taken into consideration^ namely, that 
strictly the word should be transcribed as rvachd^ for we 
transcribe the same symbol as rv in sarvatra. I regard rvachd 
as a clerical eiTor, being a mixture of *vachd (Skt. irksa-) and 
*ruchd (Vedic ruksa-). It may be added that the other versions, 
save the Shahb&zgarhi one which differs in the wording, have 
correspondents to ruksa-. In Prakrit we have the equivalents 
of both vrksa- and riiksa-. 

Franke's explanation of fiaydsu being due to sandhi is un- 
tenable as other examples of such sandhi are not found in the 
Gimfir redaction. If niydtu is phonetic for *nirydntu, then 
Johansson's explanation {Shb, ii> p. 87, footnote 1) is correct. 
But it is possible that we have an analogical extension of ni 
from *7iih. Then naydsu would be for ny-a-, from ni-a-^ The 
form aydya is an imperfect of the y yd conjugated according 
to the 2/a-class. 

These aj-e all the special characteristics of the Grirnar dialect 
that I venture to point out at present. Opinions will probably 
differ regarding some minor points as to what should have 
been left out and what should have been included. For 
examples vowel-quantities are not distinguished in the Kharo- 
sthl alphabet, nor I from % u fi'om u in the alphabet of the 
Kals! aecension. Hence I have ignored for the most pai't the 
dialects the alphabets of which are deficient in the way indi- 
cated, when treating vowel-quanties. Again I have not listed 
the contraction seen in GirnSr mora (Skt. mayuror) as character- 
istic of the dialect, because T suspect 'Magadhan' influence in 
the Shb., Mans, correspondents {JA08. 30, p. 84). But I 
have not ventured to list this contraction as a special point 
of contact between the ShahbSzgarhi, Mansehra and Girnar 
dialect, for the reason that at present there is no positive 
evidence for such contraction in tlie dialects of Shb. and Mans. 
Similarly regarding Girnar maniisacildchd (Skt. cikitsd-), and 
a few other cases. In all such cases J have tried to use my 
best judgement; and I am confident that it will be found that 
I have listed all leading features of this dialect. 

Special points of contact with the 
dialect of the Shabhazgarhi and Mansehra redactions. 

I have previously treated these in JAOS. 30, pp. 87 — 89. 
To them may be added ayam as a nom. sing, feminine. If 
the reading of Shb. [osu(lh\ani be correct, the u and dh are 

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246 T. MtcMam, [1911. 

to be added also; cf. Gii*n&.r osudhani, *Magadhan' osadhanu 
Mans. 08a[dh%\ni is a coiTuption of some sort, the a may be 
due to *Mftgadhan' influence; but -ini is surely unintelligible. 
The dh of Girn&r osudhdni is, of coui'se, due to the influence 
of the preceding (original) lingual s. This tends to place the 
change of s to 5 is a late period of the Grirnfir dialect. The 
dh of 'Magadhan' osadhdni points to an early change of s to 
8 in this dialect. Moreover Girnftr sakam (i. e. sakkam), 
Shahbazgarhi 4ako (i. e. sakko) should be associated: cf. Jau- 
gada sakiye (Skt. sakyor). The -y- passive (Magadhan -iy- 
[JAOS. 30, p. 91]), and the participle samto (written sato in 
Shb.; Fleet wrong) belong also under this rubric. It is quite 
clear that the final merging together of Indie 8, ^, s into 8 is 
a late development in the Girnar dialect. I have shown above 
that drs and drs are treated differently: this shows that s and 
s must have been kept apart for some time. The feet that 
original rs converts a following intervocalic n to n presupposes 
an intermediate stage *rs before the final stage 88. Similarly 
the change of s — 8t to 9 — sf presupposes that the change of 
s to 8 was late: see JA08. 30, p. 89, AJR 30, p. 291. So 
that it is highly probable that this retention of Indie 8, $, s 
as distinct sounds is to be connected with the maintainance 
of these in the historic period of the dialect of the Shahb&z- 
garhi and Mansebra redactions. Furthermore it appears that 
the assimilation of r to certain adjacent consonants in the 
Girnar dialect is also of recent origin. For drs and ars are 
kept apart though they are treated precisely alike in the dialect 
of the * Magadhan' versions. Again r, though assimilated to 
following dental stops, does not convert these to Unguals as 
is the case in the * Magadhan' dialect. Hence the assimilation 
though a parallel development was an entirely separate one. 
In so far as r is not assimilated to certain adjacent consonants, 
this tends to show that the assimilation to certain consonants 
is late. (I should add however that to-day I think it quite 
certain that the assimilation of r in the combination drs\y] is 
early, and common to Shb., ilans., and G. Formerly I was 
doubtful regarding this point.) If then these two suggested 
rapprochements are true, then the Girnar dialect was very 
much more intimately related to the dialect of the Shahbaz- 
garhi and Mansehra redactions than hitherto supposed. 

In my essay on the etymology of Sanski*it punyOr. which is 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] 2he Inierrdatwn (jf the Dialects^ dtc. 247 

in TAPA. 40, I have collected some evidence that tends to 
show that r was assimilated to an immediately following n in 
the dialect of Shh. and Mans. The evidence, as I stated there, 
is not wholly satisfactory. Yet it may be urged that at any 
rate r never is found before n in the transmitted texts. The 
assimilation is found in the Oirnar dialect; and if it took 
place in the dialect of Shb. and Mans., this would be another 
special point of contact. In the *Mftgadhan' dialects n is 
lacking; its place is taken by n. Now I do not think it all 
probable that this n is an archaism as compared with Sanskrit^ 
GirnSr, &c. n, but that it is rather a secondary change from 
Indie n. If this is so, then win from rn would presuppose an 
intermediate stage mn (i. e. nn); and thus it is possible that 
the assimilation of r to an immediately following n is rather 
a Pan-Middle-Indic trait as is the assimilation of stops of one 
order to stops of another order. But the fact that the assi- 
milation of r to rs in the ^Magadhan' dialect must be kept 
apart from the con*esponding assimilation in Grii*n&r (see above) 
is against this belief. It will be recalled that both n and s 
are Unguals. 

Special points of contact with the dialects of the 
Shahbfizgarhi, Mansehra, and KSlsi redactions. 

I have treated these in JAOS. 30, p. 90. To the traits 
mentioned may be added asu as a third pi. optative (Gr., Shb. 
asu, K., Mans. a[«tl); and o for uo in Girnar pasopagdni, «S:c. 

Special points with the dialect of the KSlsI redaction. 

Owing to the fact that in edicts i — ix the dialect of the 
Kalsl redaction is practically pure 'Magadhan', and that in 
the remaining edicts ^Magadhisms' ai'e not infrequent, it is 
difficult to point special points of contact with the Girnar 
dialect, even if they existed. As I mentioned before (AJF. 30, 
pp. 297, 417, 421) there is some evidence to show that in the 
Kalsl dialect r though assimilated to following dental stops, 
does not convei-t them to Unguals; and there is some evidence, 
though very meagre, to show that in the true native words 
original r does not Ungualize adjacent following dental stops. 
It is possible that these constitute real special points of con- 
tact with the Girnar dialect. But if the assimilation of r in 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

248 T. Mchdsan, [1911. 

the case of rth, Ac. is a late development in the Grirnar dialect, 
as I have assumed above, then the assimilation of r in such 
cases may be merely a parallel development, not a special 
point of contact. And in so far as the Girnar and Kalsl 
dialect do not always agree in having the same vowel developed 
from Indie r (G. kata-, K. kita-) it is possible that the non- 
lingualization of dental stops after original r in both dialects 
is a chance-coincidence (the t of kita- is likely enough due to 
'Magadhan' kaJtOr), At present these are the only possible or 
probable special points of contact between the two dialects 
that I can point out. If they ai-e not real points of contact, 
we face the proposition that they are no special points of 
contact between the Girnar and Kalsl dialects. This would 
lead to an important conclusion, namely, that there are no 
true special points of contact between the dialects of the 
Girnar, Kalsl, Shahbazgarhi, and Mansehra dialects; where 
apparently such exist we must assume that the special points 
of contact are between the Girnar and Shahbazgarhi, Man- 
sehra dialects on the one hand; and between the Kalsl and 
Shahbazgarhi, Mansehra dialects on the other. [Note J. 
kam{mane), Dh. {k)am{ma)ne as opposed to G. kammdya, Shb. 
kramaye, K. kammaye. Mans, kramane is a 'Magadhism'.] 

Special points of contact with the 'M3gadhan' dialects 
of the Fourteen-Edicts. 

It is not always easy to tell what are true points of contact 
between these dialects. For example my is retained in G. as 
w^ell as the *Magadhan' dialects. But Mansehra my is without 
question a 'Magadhism' as is shown by the Shahbazgarhi 
correspondent mm. Now as y otherwise is invariably assimi- 
lated to a preceding adjacent consonant in the Girnar dialect, 
it would seem likely that my in this text was a *Magadhism'. 
As a parallel where a 'Magadhism' has completely usurped 
the place of a native product we have ifansehra final e for 
0, and pati for prati. Unfortunately we have no means of 
checking the Girnar redaction by another text written in the 
same dialect as we have in the case of the Mansehra redaction. 
We must admit our inability to determine the point at issue 
with absolute certainty. The most we can say is that as 
there are so many special points of contact between the dialects 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Yol, xxxi.] The InterrekUian of the DicdectSy &c. 249 

of G., Shb., and Mans, that it is highly probable that mm for 
my was also such a point of contact. 

We encountered the same difficulty in treating the special 
points of contact between the Mansehi'a and Shahbazgarhi 
dialect and the ^Magadhan' dialect (JAOS. 30, pp. 91—93). 
I may perhaps add that to-day I have what I consider con- 
clusiye evidence that gerunds in tit in Shb. and Mans, are 
*Magadhisms'; see AJP. 31, p. 60. 

A few apparent special points of contact can easily be 
shown to be entirely separate though parallel developments. 
For example there is but one sibilant in both. But I have 
shown that this is a relatively late development in the Grirnfir 
dialect. Again though there is partial agreement in the assi- 
milation of r to adjacent consonants in these dialects, the 
fact that they differ in the treatment of -tfrs(y)-, Gr. -as-, 
*M&gadhan' -a^«-, shows that the assimilation of r in these 
combinations is a wholly separate development. Moreover 
though r is assimilated to dental stops in both when they 
follow immediately, yet in the ^Magadhan' dialect the dental 
stops are thereby converted to linguals, whereas in the Grirnftr 
dialect the dental stops remain as such (see AJP, 30, pp. 296, 
297, 416, 417, 419). Consequently the entire process of assi- 
milating r to any adjacent consonants whatsoever must be 
kept absolutely apart in the dialects concerned. They are 
parallel developments but not special points of contact. Just 
so in regard to the treatment of original r. It becomes a 
for the most part in both dialects. But adjacent following 
dental stops are not thereby converted into linguals in the 
Girnar dialect as they are in the *Mfigadhan' dialect. Hence 
the process though similar in both case is an entirely in- 
dependent parallel development. The fact that the same 
vowel is not always developed from r (e. g. Girnar mago, 
*Magadhan* mige, Skt. mrgas) cuufii-ms this belief. 

What then are true special points of contact between the 
Girnar and *Magadhan' dialects? Indie sv- remains, e. g. 
svagor (i. e. svagga-), Skt. svarga-'^ I for d in the Iranian 
loan-word -lipi] Indie ^c becomes cch (written ch), e. g. pacha, 
Skt. pascd (see JAOS, 30, p. 85); -aya- remains {JAOS, 1. c. 
p. 91); kim ti (Shb., Mans., K, kiti (see Johansson, Shb. ii, 
p. 52); intervocalic -j- is retained (JAOS. 30, p. 83); -j- is 
retained in the correspondents to Skt. vyanjanatas {JAOS. 30, 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

250 T. Michdsan, The Interrelation of the Dialects, dkc. [1911. 

p. 83); the gen. sing, of in-stems retains the old form, e. g. 
G. Priyadasino, J., Dh. Kyadasine (Shb., Mans. Priyadrasisaj 
Kftlsi Fiyadasied; Mans. Priyadrasine, K. Piyadasine are 
^MSgadhisms'); the infinitive in -tave. These are all the 
special points of contact that I venture to enumerate at 
present. Note how few they are as compared with the special 
points of contact with the Sh&hb&zgarhi and Mansehra dialect. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

The Babylonian Calendar in the Reigns of Lugalanda 
and Urkagina. — By George A. Babton, Bryn Mawr 
College, Bryn Mawr, Pa. 

Within the past three years a large number of documents^ 
from the temple archives of Telloh, dated in the reigns of 
Lugalanda and Urkagina have been published, and these 
documents show that the calendar of the period which they 
represent was in some respects diflferent from the calendar of 
the time of Sargon, or of the dynasty of Ur, or of Ham- 
murabi, or of the later periods. 

For the most part, the names of the months in the time of 
Lugalanda and Urkagina were taken from agricultural processes 
and the agricultural festivals connected with them. There is 
but one exception to this; one month is named from a star. 
The names of these months had not yet crystallized into one 
conventional form. The names of several of them are expressed 
in a great variety of ways. Two or three of these names have 
survived into later times, as have fragments of several others 
of them. One who would reconstruct the calendar of this eai'ly 
time must be guided by the following clues. 1. He must adjust 
the month to the season described in its name. A harvest 
festival month must come at the time of harvest; a sheep- 
shearing festival at the time of sheep-shearing, &c. 2. He should 

* These are the E,ussian publication of the collection of Nicolas 
Likhatscheff, St. Petersburgh, 1908, (cited below as Ku), AUotte de la 
Fuye's Documents presargoniques, Fasciculus I, 1908, Fasciculus II, Paris, 
1909, (cited below as DP), a few of the texts in T. G. Pinches, Amherst 
Tablets, London, 1098, (cited below as A), De (jenouillac's Tablettes 
sumSriermes archaiques, Paris, 1909, (cited below as TSA). These works 
contain more than five hundi'cd documents from this period. To these 
should be added the seventy six tablets comprising series one and two 
in Thureau Dangin's Eecueil de tablettes chaldeennes, Paris, 1903, (cited 
below as ETC). Professor A. T. Clay has kindly permitted me to examine 
his unpublished copies of the texts of this period which belong to the 
Library of J. Pierpont Morgan. (They are cited below as Mo.) 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

252 Oeorge A. BarUm, [1911. 

study the survival of the month names of this period and their 
fragments in the later times, and may often gain help in 
determining the place of a month in the earliest time by the 
place its name held in later month lists. The use of these 
lists requires caution, however. They represent not only other 
times, but other localities, and often the survival of other 
primitive names. Then several things may have affected 
them. If these month names originated before 3000 B.C., 
the precession of the equinoxes has carried the zodiac forward 
since that time, so that whereas then the vernal equinox 
occurred in the sign of Gemini, from about 3000 to about 750 
it occurred in the sign of Taurus, and then in the sign of 
Aries. While in this earliest period astronomical considerations 
played almost no part, it is conceivable that at a later time 
the months may have been attached to the zodiac sufficiently 
to be slightly drawn out of position by the precession of the 
equinoxes. Again, special displacements occurred. King Dungi, 
of the dynasty of Ur, was deified and was assigned a 
festival. It can, I think, be shown that when that occurred 
the feast of the goddess Bau was pushed forward, and held a 
month later. Possibly in one or two instances the name of a 
month was through a new interpretation transferred to a 
different part of the year; but this should not be assumed 
without proof. The month lists which are of assistance 
in this study are published as follows: RTC, No. 180; EBH, 
p. 299; VR, 43; VR 29, 1— 13 a. This last list is repeated in 
ASKT, 64, Iff., AL», 92 ff., and AL*, 114 ff. To these should 
be added for the time of the dynasty of Ur the comprehensive 
grain account in CT. Ill (No. 18343) and TCI No. 77, in which 
the months are all mentioned, in such various combinations that 
their position in the year can usually be determined. 

3. The nature of the transactions in the reigns of Lugal- 
anda and Urkagina dated in these various months should be 
taken into account to see what light they throw upon the 
season of the year. 4. The nature of the transactions in 
dated documents of the dynasty of Ur, (these published in 
CT, I, III, Y, VII, IX & X, in Reisner's TempeUUrkunden,^ 
in RTC, in A, in Barton's HLC,* in Laus Temple Records, 

1 Cited as RU. 

» Haverford Library Collection of Cuneiform Tablets, Philadelphia 
1905— 1909. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The Babylonian CcUendar in the BeignSy dx. 253 

and Radau's Early Babylonian History, cited as EBH), should 
be studied for light as to the season at which certain things 
were done. The assumption seems just that similar agricul- 
tural work had to be done at the same time of year. 

In the following discussion all these sources of information 
are drawn upon. 

There are two reasons why this discussion is undertaken. 
1. Genouillac in TSA, p. xviiflf. has made an arrangement of 
the calendar which starts, I believe, with a wrong premise, 
and is accordingly wrong in many of its conclusions. * 2. The 
Bussian publication referred to above, which contains more 
than thi*ee hundi^ed tablets and much rich material on the 
calendar, was apparently unknown to Genouillac, and the 
addition of this material warrants a new discussion. 

Genouillac rightly begins his discussion with the month of 
the Feast of Bau. This month name continued in common 
use through the time of the dynasty of Ur, and Gudea twice 
states that the ZAG-MU, or New Year's festival occurred 
on the fea^t of Bau (stat. E. v. 1—2, stat. G 111. 5). Gen- 
ouillac assumes accordingly that the month of the Feast of 
Bau was identical with the month March 15th to April 15th. 
In this he is, I believe, mistaken. In VB, 43, 36 a the month 
of the Feast of Bau* is said to be one of the names for the 
month DUL-AZAG. In VR, 29, 7 a and ASKT, 64, 7 a 
DUL-AZAG is said to be a name for Tashrit, the seventh 
month of the year. The occurrence of this name in this 
position in this list can, I think, be explained only as a 
survival of the position of the month in a list earlier than 
the dynasty of Ur. It foUowsi accordingly that down to 
the time of Gudea the year at Telloh began at or near the 
autumnal equinox, as the Jewish year did in pre-exilic times, 
and as the religious year does among the Jews to the present 
day. 3 This fundamental error has made much of Genouillac's 
outline of the calendar wrong. It is hardly conceivable that an 
important feast should have been transferred from the spring 
to the autumn in this way. In a country where the winter 
is mild and is a season of agricultural work which culminates 

» Kugler, Sternkunde und Stemdienst in BaheL II. Buch. Munster 
in Westfalen, 1909, p. 176 ff. accepts Genouillac's results, 
a The phrase reads ITU [EZIN-]<i BA-U. 
> This had been recosrnized by Radau, EBH, 295. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

254 George A. Barton, [IWl. 

in a spring harvest, and where the summer is a time of drought, 
it is more natural to begin the year in the autumn when 
vegetation is reviving after the summer heat. In Babylonia, 
too, this corresponds to the beginning of the date harvest^ — 
a harvest of gieat importance to the country — when the goddess 
of plenty begins anew to bestow her gifts. Such a time was 
most fitting both for a festival to the goddess and the be- 
ginning of a new year. The month of the Feast of Ban was. 
then, September -Oct. Eighteen documents from the reigns 
of Lugalanda and Urkagina are dated in this month. They 
are: Ru, Xos. 64, 167, 209, 217, 219, 235, 239, 253, and 261, 
DP, Xos. 51, 96, and 112, TSA, No. 20, A, No. 14, ETC, 
Nos. 27 and 39 and Mo. Nos. 1476 and 1494. These docum- 
ents, however, throw little light on the month itself, as they 
consist almost altogether of pay rolls and lists of sacrifices — 
both of which might be written in any month of the year. 
The predominance of lists of sacrifices is, however, fitting to 
the new year season. 

Later at the time of the dynasty of Ur the month 
of the Feast of Bau was pushed forward two months. It 
happened probably in part at the time king Dungi was deified. 
In honor of the king, perhaps, the feast of the Xew Year was 
given to his month, and made the Feast of Dungi, while the 
Feast of Bau was transferred to the next month. By that 
time other causes had already pushed the month of Bau 
forward one month. It still came, however, approximately at 
the sea.son of dates. So it came about that a pay roll of date« 
(CT, VII, No. 17765) is dated in the month of the Feast of 

Thus all the indications that we have point to the autumn, 
not the spring, for the month of the Feast of Bau, and to a 
year in ancient Lagash which began in the autumn. 

Our next step should be guided by RTC, No. 39 and 
Mo. 1476 — two tablets which, though dated in the month 

1 See Doughty, Arabia Deserta, l«t ed. 1. 557. 561, Zwemer, Arabia 
the Cradle of Islanty 125, and Barton, Semitic Origins, 111. 

2 It is no disproof of this that an account of quantities of dates sold 
for money (CT, V, 17765) should run from the month Amarasi (Jan. — 
Feb.) to Shukul (July~Aug.), but rather a confirmation of it, for these 
would be the months when dates'^ were sufficiently scarce to be bought 
for money. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The Babylonian Calendar in the Reigns^ £c. 255 

of the Feast of Bau, contain lists of provisions for the 
month of the DIM-eating feast of Nina. DIM was a kind 
of grain, the ripening of which was apparently celebrated by 
a feast. DIM-eating is expressed by the signs DIM-KIT. 
Here we are confronted by a difficulty. DIM-KIT is almost 
certainly the same as the combination found in the dynasty 
of I"r texts, usually read by scholars ZIB-KU. The four 
w^edges of DIM, when carelessly written, as they were in the 
l)eriod of Ur, have not until recently been recognized as the 
equivalent of the earlier sign. On the tablet, RTC, 180 (of the 
Ur period) DIM-KU is the third month before the month 
of the Feast of Bau, and not the month after it. There were, 
however, in the Lugalanda period two months which bore the 
name of this grain — one was the month of the DI]M-eating 
feast of Ningirsu, the other the DIM-eating feast of Nina. 
In countries like Egypt and Babylonia, in which agriculture 
is fostered partly by the overflow of the rivers and partly by 
iiTigation, three different harvests may occur. In Egypt 
today there is the winter crop sown after the subsidence of 
the inundation, which is raised with almost no irrigation. * In 
Babylonia, where there are winter rains, such crops grew with 
no in'igation at all. In Epypt the summer crops are sown in 
April, and are harvested, according to the rapidity with which 
they ripen, from August to November. Babylonia, too, as will 
be shown below, had also its summer crops raised by irrigation. * 
DIM probably included the two grains, sesame, and the grain 
known today in Babylonia and Palestine as dhurah (iy>). Ses- 
ame is hai'vested I am informed by Dr. John P. Peters and 
D. Z. Noorian (who was formerly a resident of Babylonia), in 
July and Aug., while dhurah is harvested late in the summer. 
If the sign designated two grains which ripened at different 
periods, or if two crops of the same thing were raised in the 
same summer, the feast of the fii'st harvest would naturally be 
dedicated to Ningirsu, and the second, to Nina. At all events, 
the indications of the tablets are that there were two separate 
feasts, which celebrated the harvesting of this grain. 

1 See Baedeker's Egypt.^ p. Ivi. 

> See RawUnson'a Ancient Monarchies 1, 12, Jaatrow's Religion of Bah* 
<fe Asayr,, p. 29, Roger's Histort/ of Bab. & Assyr, I, 273 fi'., Barton, 
Semitic Origins, 156. 

YOL. XXXI. Part III. 18 . 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

256 Qeorge A. Barton, [1911. 

We conclude then from ETC, No. 39 and Mo. 1476 that 
the month of the DIM-eating Feast of Nina (EZEN-DIM- 
KU-dNINA) followed the month of the feast of Bau (EZEN- 
^BA-U), and corresponded to October-November. 

The following tablets of the time of Lugalanda and Urka- 
gina are dated in this month: Ru, Nos. 6, 230, 254, 272, 288, 
DP, Nos. 106, and 109. Their contents present quite a yariety, 
Ru, 6 is a pay roll; Ru, 230, a list of skins of sheep; Ru,254, 
quantities of wool, 269 and 272, quantities of fishes which formed 
an important part of the festival; Ru, 288, quantities of drinks 
and wood; DP, 106 and 109, both record quantities of dates 
and some other fruit. All the transactions are appropriate to 
an autumn month. 

Ru, 269 states that fishermen brought quantities of fish for 
"the grain-eating, the DIM-eating festival of Nina (EZIN 
§E-Kt EZIN DIM.Ktj.<»NINA). This shows that the DIM- 
eating festival of Nina was also called sometimes by the more 
general name of "grain-eating festival of Nina" — a fact which 
proves that the month name ITU EZIN-SE-KU-^NINA, 
which is found in Ru, 57, 225 and 260 is a variant name for 
the "Month of the DIM-eating festival of Nina". These 
tablets are respectively a pay roll, a list of skins, and a list 
of supplies. 

RTC, 30, a tablet of the time of Lugalanda, records the 
bringing of a quantity of fish for the DIM-eating feast of 
Nina of the month of the Feast -of- the -going -out -of- the -sea 
(EZEN-AB-UD-DU). If the DIM-eating feast of Nina was 
in this month, the name must have been another name for 
the month Oct.-Nov.i Genouillac makes it follow the month 
of the Feast of Bau, so making it April-May, but is unable 
to explain the appropriateness of the name. That it belongs 
in the part of the year in which we have placed it is shown 
by V, R, 43, 52— 57a, where the name speUed AB-BA-UD-DU 
occurs as the name of the 10th month, Tebet (cf. V, R, 29, 10a), 
i. e. Dec- Jan. It has there been pushed along one month 
further — a thing which probably happened when the month 
of the Feast of Bau was pushed forward. 

1 The Sumerian is ambiguous. It may be interpreted to mean that 
EZIN-AB-UD-DU is simply the date of the tablet in which case 
EZIN-AB-UD-DU would be another name for the month of the Feast 
of Bau. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The Babylonian Calendar in the Beigns^ <&c 257 

This name — month of the Feast of the-going-out-of-the-sea — 
probably designated the month of low water. The overflow 
of the Tigris and Euphrates, which begins with the Tigris in 
March, has ceased on the Euphrates by the end of September. 
The rains do not begin until December, so that the month 
Oct.-Nov., after the overflow and before the rains, would be 
the month of lowest water. This again confirms our placing 
of the month. What is probably a variant of this name oc- 
curs in an unpublished tablet in the Harvard Semitic Museum, 
a copy of which has been loaned me by Dr. Mary I. Hussey. 
It reads: ITU GAR-KA-ID-KA, "Month of the food of the 
river 'V ^^^ is n^ost probably interpreted as a variant name 
of this feast. 

As the next month — November - December — Genouillac 
places the month SIG-BA, the month of wool, on the ground 
that as the cool weather approached the people would be 
employed in making their winter garments. The one document 
dated in this month known to him (TSA, 27) is a receipt for 
flails and some wooden pegs from a carpenter. One would 
expect such objects to be sold nearer the threshing season, 
which is shown below to have coincided in Babylonia with 
the time of sheep shearing. There was a month named 
from the shearing of the sheep, as Genouillac noted and 
as we shall show below, and the "month of the wool" would 
be a fitting alternate name for that. It is shown below 
that these names were applied to the month March-April. 
Moreover in the time of the dynasty of Ur the wool was dis- 
tributed to the weavers either in the month of the Feast of 
Tammuz (HLC, PL 51) or the Feast of Bau (HLC Pis. 23, 
24), that the garments might be made before cold weather. 

Nevertheless I suspect Genouillac is partly right in thinking 
that Nov.-Dec. had something to do with garments. A new 
month-name, which may be thus explained, has come to light 
in the Russian publication. In Ru 241, a list of skins for 
garments is dated, ITU Sl-GAR-MA, which may be rendered, 
"the Month they *put on' garments" (cf. Br. No. 11978 and 
No. 6778). As one sees men in the East today clothed in the 
cold rainy time in sheepskin coats, so this month-name appears 
to refer to time of putting these on. 

» It seems reasonable to regard GAU-KA as a variant writing of B. 
11997, ukultth rather than to interpret by M. 9232, egifru. 


Digitized by LjOOQIC 

258 George A. Barton, [1911. 

As to the name of the month Dec-Jan. in this eaily time, 
I am in doubt. I am, however, tempted to believe that it 
may have been the month ITU UZ-NE-GU-RA-A-A (Eu, 226), 
the "Month they call the goats." After the rains begin, grass 
begins to grow, and it would be a natural time to lead the 
goats aw^ay to pastuie again. Possibly a reference to some 
such process has survived in the month name ITU APTN- 
GAB-A (V, R, 43, 40— 45 a), which might be read the "Month 
the shepherds separate.'' If that name perpetuates the name 
of the one before us, and our supposition as to the time of 
year intended is conect, we must suppose that it was displaced 
at a later time and put back, for in V, R, 43 APIN-GAB-A 
stands for Oct. -No v. The text Ru, 226, is a list of skins, and 
such lists are dated at all seasons of the year. 

This month (Dec-Jan.) corresponds to the month MU-§U-UL 
the period of the dynasty of Ur. The lai*ge transactions of 
that dynasty dated in that month are payments in wheat (CT, 
VII, 18395) and flour (CT, X, 12246)— transactions which 
do not help us in determining the correctness of our guess. 

Next, we believe, should come the month called in Ru, 1, 
ITU AMAR-A-A-SIG-GA and in Ru, 222, ITU AMAR-A- 
A-SI-DA. AMAR was either young grain, or a variety of 
grain (cf. HI.C, Pt. II, p. 23, i, 9 and p. 24, iii, 10). As AMAR 
stands for the young of animals also (cf. Reisner, U, No. 2, 
iii, 6 and passim), probably here it stands for young grain. 
The month-name probably means, the "Month of the filling- 
out-of-the-young-grain." According to DP, 60 and 69, there 
was a "Peast of Amaraasi."i DP. 60 is a list of sheep and 
quantities of oil furnished to the wife of Urkagina for that 
festival, and DP, 69 of food and gailands (in Semitic Minnu\ 
cf. M, 3853 and BA, V, 638, 13) furnished to the same lady. 
There was, then, a kind of a festival of first fruits from which 
the month was named. We place the month in Jan.-Feb. 
because in CT, I, No. 77 it is placed just before §E-KIN- 
KUD, and throughout the dynasty of Ur held this position. 
Genouillac, who appai-ently gains his conceptions of the Baby- 
lonian agricultural seasons from the climate of southern France, 
makes this month May-June and calls it "the month when the 
crops begin to whiten." Many grain account tablets from the 

1 This would be a fresh of first fruits similar to the Hebrew feast of 
unleavened bread. 

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Vol. zxxi.] The Babylonian Calendar in the Beigns, i&c. 259 

time of the dynasty of Ur, as will be pointed out below, 
show that the harvest was over, the grain threshed and ready 
for distribution by the month April-May, so that it must have 
been possible for them to have the feast of fii-st fruits in 
February. 1 Of the two documents from our period dated in 
this month, one (Ru, 1) is a long pay roll (and pay rolls are 
dated in all months of the year), and the other (Ru, 222) is a 
list of skins received. Skins were likewise received in all 
months. In later times the month Amaraasi seems to have 
been the time for leasing asses, which were much used in 
the harvesting operations of the months which followed. Thus 
RU, 29 is an a«8 account from Amaraasi of one year to ftukul 
(July- Aug.) of the next. Flour accounts are dated in Amaraasi 
(CT, VII, 12932), payment of wages to IM-E-KID-A workmen 
(CT, X, 14313), payments of wheat (CT, VII, 12940 and 18409), 

* It is possible that AMAR-A-A-8IG-GA was Feb.-Maroh and that 
SE-KIN-KUD was one of the names for Marcli-April. One would be 
forced to think this the case, if he reasoned from modern conditions 
only. Mr. D. Z. Noorian writes me: "In southern Babylonia barley is 
harvested in the latter part of March, immediately after barley, wheat 
is harvested, and so is rice rather early in Aijril. Kound about and 
south of Nippur all tender vegetation dies or dries up by the end of 
March except such as grows along the canals or swamps." Hilprecht, 
Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania^ Series D, Vol. I. 
J). 446, states that the workmen left Nuffar at the middle of April to 
harvest their barley and attend to agricultural affairs. This would imply 
that, if the climate remains unchanged, AMAR-A-A-SIG-GA and SE- 
KIN-KUD should come a month later than we have placed them. It 
is, of course, possible that by the period of Ur these months may have 
been pushed forward one place. It should be remembered, however 
that the names of both months remained unchanged during the Ur^ 
period, that both were names the meaning of whi(*h was well understood, 
and that, if their season had not really corresponded to the actual time 
of the harvest at that period, it is highly probable that other names 
wouJd have supplanted them. As noted above, too, there is abundant 
evidence in the Ur texts that at the time the grain was threshed and 
ready for storage by April-May, so that it is probable that in ancient 
times the harvest came slightly earlier than now. Possible confirmation 
of some climatic change in the Mesopotamian valley may be found in 
the fact that as late as 1470 B.C. elephants were still roving in upper 
Mesopotamia in the general region of Carchemish. Thothmes III. of 
Egypt hunted 120 of them there in the vicinity of Niy. (See Breaste d 
Ancient Records, Egypt, Vol. II, § 588, and History of Egypt, p. 304.) 
This would seem to be evidence that in ancient times the climate was 
warmer than now. 

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260 George A. Barton, [1911. 

and an account of the sale of dates for money, brought to a 
close (CT, V, 17752). 

The next month was caUed ITU SE-KIN-KUD-DU, the 
"Month of cutting-the grain," a name which the month Feb.- 
March bore at the time of the dynasty of Ur (cf. TCI, 
No. 77). One document from our period is dated in it, BTO, 55. 
It is a list of quantities of A§-plant foods. From V, R, 43, 
1 — 6 b it would appear that the month Amaraasi later was 
named from AS, perhaps because the A§-plant was cut in it. 
At all events in the times of Urkagina AS- plant products 
were to be had in the month §E-KIN-KUD. 

Probably a variant name of this month at this early time 
was ITU-AMA-UDXJ-TITK, or "Month the sheep become 
mothers." A tablet of the reign of Lugalanda, (Ru, 184), 
bears this date. It is the record of articles brought by a 
shepherd for the wife of Lugalanda. The month of the yeaning 
time in the East is most naturally Feb.-March. 

The next month, called in later times §E-IL-LA (cf. CT, 
III, 18343, iii, 31 and passim), was agriculturally a busy one 
in Babylonia, and was, if I rightly understand the agricultural 
references, designated by several names in the period of 
Lugalanda and Urkagina. 

To begin with a name in which the name elements which 
have survived to later times appear, it is called in Ru, 234, 
ITU UDU-§U-§E-A-IL-dNINA, the "Month when the goddess 
Nina carries grain to the sheep." In three documents, (Ru, 
211, Mo. 1474, and TSA, 18), it is written, ITU UDU-SE-A- 
IL-LA, the "Month sheep-grain-carried," which is evidently 
an abbreviation for the longer form previously quoted. Other 
forms of the name are as follows: ITU UDU-^U-§E-A-GU, 
"Month to the sheep grain they feed," (DP, 47), ITU UDU- 
§U-§E-A-dNINA, "Month to the sheep the grain of Nina," 
(Ru, 153, 176, 265), ITU UDU-§U-SE-A.<»NIN-GHR-SU, 
"Month to the sheep the grain of Ningirsu," (Ru, 196, 208, 
274, TSA, 6, Mo. 1503); ITU UDU-SU-SE-A, "Month to 
the sheep the grain," (Mo. 1469); ITU SE-GAR-UDU, 'Month, 
they feed the sheep," (Ru, 231); and ITU AN-TA-GAR-RA-A, 
"Month of feeding," (RTC. 20). 

Genouillac puts this month in July-Aug. on the ground that 
forage was short and they then had to feed the sheep. I 
doubt the correctness of this for two reasons. 1. The part of 

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Vol. xxxi.] The Bdbylcynian Calendar in (he Reigns, (&c. 261 

the name that has survived (§E-IL-LA) was, as every one 
knows, the name for March- April. 2. There is no one month 
in the summer when sheep had to he fed more than during 
some other months. In CT, III fourteen texts published on 
plates 11 — 15 record certain amounts of grain which were for 
certain sheep and cattle, hut the texts are dated all the way 
from Gudranemumu (May -June, No. 13892), to the Feast 
of Dungi (Sept.- Oct., No. 13882). On the other hand it is 
probable that the sheep were used in threshing the grain 
(goats were used in the time of Hammurabi, see Code, xxxviii, 
96 — 98), and that while the threshing was going on they were 
fed on straw, tibn, and perhaps some grain. This would con- 
centrate a feeding on an especial time, and would agree with the 
survival of the name to later times. I therefore believe we 
should place this month at March- April where we find it later. 

There was another phase of activity, to which the energies 
of a large portion of the community were directed. The time 
at which sheep are shorn in Babylonia today, Mr. D. Z. Noorian 
informs me, is the end of March. So the sheep which had 
been collected to assist in the threshing were in ancient times 
probably shorn of their wool before being sent back to pasture 
again. Accordingly, when we find a month named ITU 
MAL-UDU-UR, "Month of sheep-shearing" (RTC, 36), we are 
justified in supposing that it also refers to the month March-^ 
April. A shorter form of this name is found in Ru, 228, where it 
is called ITU MAL-UR, "Month of shearing." Sheep-shearing 
was an important function and was attended with feasting, as is 
shown in 1 Sam. 25 and 2 Sam. 13 : 23, and it is not strange that 
an agricultural population should have named a month from it.* 
A more popular name at Lagash seems to have been ITU SIG- 
BA, "Month of wool." This name occurs five times in the docu- 
ments of our period (Ru, 9, 224, 229, Mo 1456, and TSA, 27). 
There can, it seems to me, be no doubt that it refers to the 
same month as the sheep-shearing. Still another variant of the 
name appears in Ru, 63, where it is written ITU SIG-*BA-U-E- 
TA-GAR-RA-A, "Month the goddess Bau bestows the wool." 

That these four names which have to do with wool refer 
to the same month, seems to me most probable. At the time 
of the dynasty of Ur, wool for clothing was distributed 

J See Additional Note on p. 271. 

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262 George A. Barton, [I9ll. 

from EZIX-^DUMU-ZI to EZIX-^BA-U (July to Oct.), see 
HLC, Xos. 1 and 29. Between the sheep-shearing and these 
dates there was time for cleansing it. 

The texts which we thus place together treat of the follow- 
ing topics all of which are appropriate to the time of year, 
viz.: DP, 47. is a list of provisions of all sorts presented by 
Barnamtarra, wife of Lugalanda, to various temples; TSA, 18 
is a pay roll; TSA, 6, a list of perfumes; Eu, 208, a list of 
oxen for sacrifice; Ru, 153 and 176, sheep and goats for sacri- 
fice; four tablets contain lists of sheep-skins; two, lists of fishes; 
two supplies of grain; and one (Ru, 211) is a receipt for a cow. 

The next month was njwied from the storing and accounting 
for grain. 1 Foui- tablets (Ru, 16, Mo. 1505 and TSA, 14), 
bear the date ITU KARU-DUB-BA-A, or "Month of store- 
house accounts." Ru, 249 expresses it ITU KARU-DUB-DA. 
On one text (DP, 119), the month is written ITU KARU-IMI- 
A-TA. IMI is here a variant of DUB in the sense of DuppUy 
"account" (cf. Br. 8360), so that the name still means "Month 
of storehouse accounts." On still another document (RTC, 56) 
it is expressed ITU SI-NAM-DUB-NI-BA-DUR-BA-A 
"Month when accounts are opened" (literally "established," cf. 
Br. 10528). This refers to the fact, which the great grain 
account tablet of the dynasty of Ur (CT, III, 18343) 
establishes, that grain accounts which ran for a year were 
opened in GAN-MA§ (April -May, the month was called 
GAN-MA§ from the time of Sargon, a name not yet found 
in the Lugalanda documents) and ran to SE-IL-LA. See 
CT, III, 18343, vii 34, 35, viii 46, 47, x 23, 24 and xvi 42, 43. 
CT, V, 18358 is also wheat account for five years which ran 
from GAN-MA§ to SE-IL-LA. It was also a favorite time 
for the beginning of shorter accounts. All the following texts 
are wheat accounts beginning in GAN-MAS: CT, VII, 17761, 
CT, IX, 13134, 19050, 21348, CT, X, 14308. While wheat 
accounts exist which were opened in other months, (e. g. 
61, EZIN-^NE-SU, CT, X, 14316, SU-KUL, CT, III, 19740, 

1 That the storage of grain is of very great antiquity at Lagash, is 
shown by the elaborate storehouse constructed by Ur-Nina, something 
like a century and a half before the time of our period. Cf. Heuzey, 
Une ville rot/ale chaldeenne, p. 9ff., and L. W. King, History of Sumer 
and Akkod, p. 92 ff. 

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Vol. xxxi.] The Babylonian Calendar in the Beigns, &c. 263 

IX, 13657, and CT, X, 14315, DIM-Ktl, CT, X, 21355, EZIN- 
<iDUMU-ZI, CT, VII, 18422, MU-SU-UL, CT, VII, 18395, 
13166, DIR-SE-KIN-KUD, CT, X, 12235), the documents 
from the dynasty of Ur show that GAN-MA§ saw the 
opening of more accounts than any other month. This fact 
had, no doubt, a natural cause in the fact that the grain was 
then threshed and ready for market, and confirms us in the 
belief th atthe month April-May 'was the "Month of storehouse 
accounts," ITU KARU-DrB-BA-A. 

I therefore regard it as the early name for that month, 
which by the time of Sargon was displaced by the name 
GrAN-MA§, "Month of the division of the fields," — a name 
which probably refers to the repair of the canals for the 
irrigation which began in the next month. 

As the next month we are, I think, compelled by the docu- 
ments of the period of the dynasty of Ur to place ITU G-UD- 
RA-XE-MA-AS "Month the faithful oxen go out" — a month 
found in DP, 143 and RTC. 322. The documents of the period 

t Genouillac (p. xix, n. 8) reads the name ITU-HAR-RA-NE-§AR-A 
on the basis of a remark of Thureau-Dangin in ZA, XVI, 345, n. 1 — a 
remark based on the writing of the month name in RU, 222, a tablet of 
the period of Ur. This writing also occurs in the Ur tablet published 
in HLC, II, pi. 75 although it is not certain in either case that the first 
sign is to be read HAR instead of GUD. A copy of the month name 
quoted from an unpublished tablet by Thureau-Dangin, Inventaire des 
tMettes de Tellohj p. 9, where the name is spelled GI:D-RA-NE-MU-MU, 
shows that in the Ur period the name was pronounced Gudranemumu. 
Thureau-Dangin himself has abandoned the reading 5AR for the first 
syllable. SAR has the value MU when it means "to sing" (B. 4347) 
and "to shine" (B. 4346), but the value MA when it means "to go out" 
(B. 4302). That it had the value MA in our period the phonetic com- 
plement A shows. The MU of the Ur period arose, I believe, from 
phonetic deflection. 

The value RA attaches to the sign DU when the latter means "go", 
"walk" (B. 4871) or "be firm", "faithful" (B. 48&4). We might accord- 
ingly read "the walking oxen" instead of "the faithful oxen". 

The value HAR for GUD is attested only in III R, 68, 64 a— a late 
syllabary. It may have arisen from the assimilation of d to the follow- 
ing r in this month name and from the softening of the initial palatal. 
It is quite uncertain whether GUD was pronounced BAR as early as 
the Ur period. 

« In RTC, 32, the name is ITU GUD-RA-NE-MA-A-dNINA-KA, 
"Month the faithful (or walking) oxen go out for Nina". It seems 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

264 Oeiyrge A. Barton^ [mi. 

of ITr show conclusively that the month followed GAN-MAS. 
For example HLC, 53 (Pt, II, pi. 72) reads ITU GUD-RA- 
KE-MU-MU ITU EZIN-^NE SU-RA (Month Gudrane- 
mumu to month of the Feast of Neshu), which shows that 
Gudranemumu preceded Neshu. HLC, 81 (Pt, I, PL 33) 
Illkam.^ (from the month Ganmash to the month of the feast 
of Xeshu, three months). Putting the two statements together 
it follows that for that period Gudranemumu followed Gan- 
mash. HLC, No. 72 (Pt, II, PI. 81) shows it in another 
way. We read ITU SE-IL-LA-TA ITU GUD-RA-NE- 
MU-MU-KU . . . III^«- (from the month Seilla to the month 
Gudranemumu . . . three Months) from which it follows that 
Gudranemumu was the third month. So far as I can see there 
is no good reason for supposing that the months were not in 
the same order in the period of Lugalanda. 

The oxen went to the fields to work at the irrigating 
machines, as is shown for example in the Neo-fiabylonian text 
published in BE, X, 44 and translated by Clay, Light on the 
Old Testament from Babd, 421. The month May-June occurred 
at the time when the combined flow of the Tigris and 
Euphrates rivers was at its height, and it strikes one as strange 
that oxen for irrigating purposes should have been so ex- 
tensively employed then as to cause a month to be named 
from the fact. It is this which leads G^nouillac to place 
this month in autumn, Sept. -Oct., when the rivers were 
subsiding. It seems, however, a violent preceding to suppose 
that the month was transferred a third of a year between the 
two periods. It is quite possible that the name is equally 
appropriate where it stands. ^ It is quite probable that sum- 
mer crops and orchards stood beyond the range of the over- 
flow of the rivers and needed the aid of irrigation. It was 
customary, apparently, to begin such irrigation at this time. 
In a later list of months (V R, 43), a transformation of this 
name occurs as the name of the second month (April-May, 
see 11. 3—8 where the name ITU GUD-SI-DA occurs). Prob- 

natural to infer from this that the oxen were laboring on the crop 
which was harvested for the DlM-eating festival of Nina. ThiB would 
place the month where we have placed it above. 

1 It is not certain that they went to work at the irrigating machines. 
They may have gone to plough for the autumn crop. 

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Vol. xxzi.] The Babylonian Calendar in the Reigns, (6c. 265 

ably this use of the ox in a month-name, however, had in this 
list an astronomical import and was connected with the 
second month to correspond with the Bull sign of the zodiac. 
It does not indicate that the ox-laboring month of the time 
of Lugalanda was the second instead of the third. 

The one document dated in this month is a list of quan- 
tities of grain and fishes. 

The next month was called by the same name that it bore 
at the time of the dynasty of Ur, ITU EZIN-^NE-SU, 
"Month of the Feast of Xeshu.'' Genouillac makes this the month 
Oct.-Nov., apparently because many tablets dated in the month 
designate quantities of seed for various fields. It is clear, how- 
ever, fi-om the evidence presented above, that the montli was the 
fourth month or June-July in the time of the dynasty of Ur, 
and it seems gratuitous to suppose that earlier it came at a 
different time of year. The distribution of seed grains in 
tablets of the Ur period dated in this month may well have 
been for the crop which was to be gathered in October, or it 
may have been customary to have the distribution well out 
of the way before autumn. Two documents in the Lugalanda 
period are dated in this month, B-u, 29— a list of supplies — and 
RTC, 53«-a pay roll. 

The next month was, we believe, ITU EZIN-DIM-KlJ-dN I N- 
GIR-SU, '^Month of the DIM-eating Feast of Xingirsu," so 
called in Ru, 60, 218, DP, 117, TSA, 32, 48, and RTC, 34, but 
also called in A, 8, and Mo. 1457 and 1480, simply ITU 
EZIN-DIM-KtF, "Month of the DIM-eating feast." Oui- 
reasons for distinguishing this feast from the Dlil-eating feast 
of Nina have already been given. Our reason for placing it 
here is that A, 83 has a passage which reads ITI* DIM- 
Kt-ZI-TA ITU EZIN BA-U-KU ITU 4'^*"- (from the 
month DIM-KU to the month Ezin-Bau, four months) which 
shows that at the time of the dynasty of Ur two months 
intervened between DIM-KL^ and EZIN-^BA-U. Now the 
month list in TCI, 77 begins with ITU-^DUMU-ZI, then 
comes ITU EZIN-^^DUN-GI, then, ITU EZIN-^BA-U. 
Combining these two passages it follows that at the time of 
the dominance of Ur the feast of DIM-KU came next before 
the month of the feast of Tammuz. As we shall show below 
that the Babylonian year at the time of Urkagnia closed with 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

266 Oeorge A. BarUm, [1911. 

a month which was in reality the month of the feast of Tammuz, 
we place the month DIM-KIt, or the DIM-eating festival of 
Ningursu, here in July-Aug. It seems fair to assume that, 
although the two months had been pushed forward a month 
by the time of Dungi, that they would retain the same order. 
From the analogy of the names of the month of the DIM- 
eating feast of Nina already treated, we are led to regai-d the 
name ITU EZIN-^E-KF -dj^iN-Gm-SU, "Month of the 
grain-eating feast of Xingu'su", as a variant name of this 
month. Ru, 197, 257, and RTC, 67, are dated in it. 

The tablets which bear this date treat the following topics: — 
Ru, 60 is a list of provisions for asses and men, Bu, 218, a 
list of provisions, DP, 117, a summary pay roll, while TSA, 
48 and RTC, 34 are records of quantities of fishes, A, 8 is a 
receipt for salt. TSA, 32, a list of oxen and cows, Ru, 197, 
and RTC, 67, lists of supplies, and Ru, 257, quantities of 
oil. The business which appears here is business which 
was carried on throughout the year. While not character- 
istic of any one month, it is not inappropiate to July-Aug. 
One text, Ru, 2, presents what is, I believe, a variant 
name for this month, and the only astronomical name which 
appears in these texts. The tablet — a list of provisions 
for temple servants — bears the date ITU MUL-BABBAR- 
SAG-E-TA-SUB-A-A, the "Month the star Babbar lays down 
its head," or "abandons its leadership." BABBAR means 
"bright," "white," and is the well known ideogram for the sun, 
but in the later Babylonian astronomy was a name for the 
planet Jupiter. ^ Babylonian astronomy as such was, however, 
the accumulation of many centuries of observation, developing, 
as Kugler ^ has shown, at a relatively late date. At the early 
time of which we are speaking BABBAR, "the white star," 
might have been equally well applied to any other star equally 
bright. The following considerations lead me to believe that 
in the month-name before us Sirius, not Jupiter, is intended. 

1. Sirius, the brightest of the fixed stars, is about equally 
bright with Jupiter, and it comes about each year with a 
regularity with which Jupiter does not. BABBAR would be a 
very natural name for a primitive folk to apply to it, and in 

» See Jensen, Koamologie, 125 ff. 

2 St&mkunde und Stemdienst in Babel^ Munster in Westfalen, 1907. 

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Vol. xxxL] The Babylonian Calendar in the Reigns, dkc. 267 

naming a month they would be far more likely to name it 
for a star which they had obserred came regularly in that 
month than for a planet which wanders about from month to 

2. At the time of the dynasty of Ur there is evidence that a 
month was sometimes named after Sirius. In RTC, 180, the name 
ITU LIG, "Month of the dog" occurs, and the tablets, HLC, 
Pt, II, No. 2 (PI. 52) RTC, 283 and 286 are dated in it. In 
II R, 43, 63 a we find a star name MUL LIG '^BABBAR, (or 
if read Semitic, Kakkabu Kalim ^SamaS, i. e. the star "dog of 
the sun"). This star is recognized by Kugler and others as 
a name for Sirius.^ Now in a text of the period of Ur (RTC, 
276), this month is expressed thus: ITU LIG-BA-BAD, the 
"Month the dog dies" (cf. Br. 1517). This is, I take it, a 
reference to what astronomers call the "heliac rising" of the 
dog star. The sun approaches more and more closely to a star 
until finally it rises so nearly simultaneously with the sun that 
it cannot be seen. The last time it can be seen is called its 
"heliac rising." AVhen the stai* disappeared in the rays of the 
rising sun it might naturally be described as the "month the 
dog dies," and an earlier age might as natui'ally describe it 
as the "month the bright star abandons its leadership." The 
two descriptions appear to refer to the same phenomenon. 
Kugler, (op. cit p. 234), reckons that the heliac rising of 
Sirius about 700 B. C. was, for the latitude of Nineveh, July 25th. 
Of course for Lagash it would be slightly earlier. If these 
names, then, refer to Siiius they would refer to an event about 
coincident with the beginning of the month July- Aug. 

3. Another reason for thinking that Sirius would fii*st attract 
the attention of the Babylonians is that it attracted the at- 
tention of the early Egyptians, and gave them the foundation of 
their calendar. This calendar was adopted, Meyer 2 and Breasted ' 
hold, about 4240 B. C. If the brightest of the fixed stai's 
could thus attract the attention of one early people, it could 
easily that of another. 

If the months DIM-Kt and LIG (or BABBAR-SAG-E- 

* See Kugler, op. cit, 230 and 273 also, Brown, Primitive Constettatums, 
I, 277 ff. 

2 Cf. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertuma, 2te Aufl. p. 101. 
' Ancient Records, I, 30, and History of Egypt^ 14. 

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268 Oearge A» Barton, [1911. 

TA-SUB-A-A) were, as we hare supposed, originally the 
same, they had ceased to be so by the time of the dynasty 
of XJr, for B.TC, 180 has the names on two successiYe lines as 
two different months. It must be borne in mind, however, 
that by that time considerable displacement in month names 
had taken place. A month §U-KUL had been introduced 
before DIM-KIT, Dungi had appropriated a month, and various 
slight changes had occurred. 

The next month in the year was in the Ur period sacred 
to Tammuz and was caUed ITU EZIN.<»DUMU-ZI (cf. TCI, 
77). Tammuz was closely associated with the goddess Ishtar, 
and in the list in V R, 43 this month is called ITU KIN- 
**ININNI, "Month of the mission of Ishtar" — referring, no 
doubt, to the myth of the descent of the goddess to the lower 
world. According to the myth she went to the lower world 
because Tammuz was dead, and the feast of Tammuz was 
accompanied with wailing for the death of the god. While 
the name Tammuz (DUMU-ZI) ha^ not yet been found in a 
month name of the Lugalanda period, it is probable that the 
month is alluded to under three different names. One of these 
is ITU EZIN-<>LUGAL-ERIM, "Month of the feast of the 
god King-of-Erim." Two documents are thus dated: Ru, 202 
and ETC, 59. I contended some years ago ^ that Lugal-Erim 
was a masculinized Ishtar. That he was either that or Tammuz 
himself is altogether probable, for NA-NA or Ishtar was the 
goddess of Erim. This month is not, then, to be placed in 
the winter as Genouillac does, but is to be recognized as the 
month of the Tammuz festival, Aug.-Sept. 

What I regard as a variant name of the same month occurs 
in Ru, 313, where we read ITU GAL-SAG-GA, "Month of 
the man of favor" (possibly to be rendered "Month of the man 
of the palm tree"). The primitive Tammuz was associated 
with the palm tree, 2 and the closing lines of "Ishtar's Descent" 
(Rev. 47 — 49) show that the epithet "man of favor" would not 
be inappropriate to Tammuz. Probably, therefore, we have 
here a reference under another epithet to the same god, and 
through him to the same month. As the tablet records a 

» Semitic Origins, pp. 183, 187. 
2 See Semitic Origins, 86 ff. 

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V(4. zxxi.] The Babylonian Calendar in the Reigns, &c. 269 

payment of money by a man of Elam, the subject matter does 
not help us in determining the time of year. 

Still another variant I would connect, though with less 
confidence, with the same month. This occurs in Ru, 227 and 
reads ITU GAL.UNUG"-GA, "Month of the man of Eridu." 
The tablet is a list of skins presented by a NU-BANDA, 
officer of E-NAM-DUMIT, or the "Temple of Sonship." Is 
it fanciful to see in DUMl^ here the same element as the 
DUMU in ^DITMIT-ZI? If it is not, this tablet is connected 
with a temple of Tammuz. 

The writer showed some years ago that the religion of at 
least one of the cities of which Lagash was composed was 
connected with Eridu, ^ and that there was a sacred palm tree 
at Eridu.2 Combining these facts with the previous epithet, 
we gain some probability that we have here another reference 
to the month of Tammuz. 

We have now completed the circuit of twelve months, but 
we have in the tablets of our period one intercalary month. 
It is the month in which DP, 99 is dated, and is expressed 
ITU GAL-LA-A, "Appointed month" (cf. Br. 2253). GAL 
is the ideogram by which the appointment of an intercalary 
month was expressed in the period of the kings of ITr, see 
CT, III, 18343, iii, 45, vii, 40, ix, 12, 49, and xvi, 45. There 
can be no doubt, therefore, of its meaning here. The tablet 
records a list of cows and oxen under a NU-BANI)A officer. 

While the above arrangement of the months is necessarily 
in part tentative, we have endeavored to utilize all available 
information, cuneiform, agricultmal, geographical, religious and 
astronomical, in making it. It does not, as does that of 
Genouillac, presuppose the transfer of month names half way 
around the year before the time of the dynasty of Ur. Such 
changes of the position of month names by a month or two 
before that period as we have pre-supposed are made credible 
in part by the introduction of new month names, in part by 
the imperfection of the year, which had to be adjusted by 
intercalary months, and in part by the loss of the original 
significance of certain names as they became abbreviated. 

We may tabulate our results as follows: 

* Semitic Origins, 196. 
» Ibid, 197. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 


Oeorge A. Barton, 


First month, Sept.-Oct. 

Second month, Oct.-Nov. 

Third month, Nov.-Dec. (?) 
Fourth month, Dec.-Jan. (?) 

Fifth month, Jan.-Feb. | 
Sixth month, Feb.-March, | 

Seventh month, March-April, 

Eighth month, April-May, 

Ninth month, May-June, 
Tenth month, June-July, 

Eleventh month, July-Aug., 




ITU udu-Se-a-il-la 


ITU udu-Su-Se-a-inina 











Digitized by 


Vol. xxxi.] The Babylonian Calendar in the Reigns, i&c. 271 

Twelfth month, Aug.-Sept.,(?)i ITU GAL-SAG-GA 

Intercalary month, ITU GAL-LA-Ai 

1 A study of the month names in this, the earliest list of Babylonian 
months known to us, impresses one as a strong argument against the 
astral theory, which the pan-Babylonians make the basis of their work. 
Of thirty six month-names, but one is astral. One is the name of the 
intercalary month; one has to do with the sea or the rivers; while all 
the rest have to do with agricultural occupations or agricultural festivals. 
The predominant influence of the heavens, which the pan-Babylonians 
postulate, is entirely lacking. 

Additional Note. 

In connection with the remarks about the importance of sheep-shearing 
in ancient Lagash made above on p. 261, it should be noted that Ur- 
kagina in Cone B (Sarzee, DicouverteSj p. LI) bears witness to the im- 
portance of this operation. In col. ii, 4 — 6 he says MAL-URU-UR 
UflU-AZAG-GA-KA-NI MU-NA-RU, "The sheep -shearing house of 
Uruazagga he built." This implies that sheep-shearing was a kind of 
public event, and would account for the naming of a month from it. 

VOL XXXI. Part ni. 19 

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Some Early Amulets from Palestine. — By Jambb A. 
MoNTQOMEBY, Assistant Professor in the Uniyersity 
of Pennsylvania. 

The following inscriptions are in the possession of Mrs. 
Henry Draper of New York and the New York Public 
Library. Dr. Billings, Librarian of the latter institution, placed 
some of the photographs in the hands of Prof W. Max Mtiller, 
who generously handed them over to me; and subsequently 
Dr. Billings and Mrs. Draper allowed me most liberally fuD 
access to the originals, along with permission to publish them. 
But the original inscriptions are so minute that any study of 
them has been made on the photographic reproductions, which 
fortunately magnified and rendered more distinct the fine and 
worn characters of the originals. 

The originals were once all in the possession of Mrs. Draper, 
who gave most of them to the New York Public Library. 
The following account of them is given in the Bulletin of that 
Library, vol. XII (1908), p. 5, as follows: "Three Hebrew 
amulets of silver and two of gold, in silver and glass frames, 
one of the gold amulets having attached the gold cylinder 
case in which it was worn, all having been found at Irbid 
[in the Hauran in 1853] and belonging in date to about the 
second to the fifth Centuries, A. D." 

The discoverer of the inscriptions is a dealer in oriental 
antiquities in New York City, and from him I obtained the 
following information: 

"The amulets Dr. Billings sent you to translate were found 
in tombs excavated under my personal supervision at Irbid in 
the Hauran, Syria. Some of them were found last summer 
[1909] and some two and three years ago.^ They were worn 

1 This 18 discrepant with the date given in the BtUletin. The writer 
then alludes to a long inscrii)tion of similar character, (^but evidently 
late) now in possession of Messrs, Tiffany & Co., New York, which has 
been partly translated by Dr. William Hayes Ward. 

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Vol xxxi.] Same Early Amulets from Palestine. 273 

in cases of gold (Mrs. Draper has three or four of the gold 
cases), sometimes in bone cases." 

Irbid lies east of the southern end of the Lake of Galilee, 
just west of the Haj route, and is now an important town.* 
As indicated above, the inscriptions are written on small pieces 
of metal foil, the largest of them being less than 4 x IV2 
inches in size, and were folded in gold or bone capsules. The 
minuteness of the script appears upon observing that one of 
the inscriptions (A) contains 32 lines, and another which is 
still smaller, 42 lines. 


Inscription of 32 lines on silver foil, in possession of the 
New York Public Librai-y; 3^/4 x l^/s inches. After line 9 
follow several rows of conventional round figures, with some 
charactei-s which recall the Q-reek alphabet; then a line of 
larger figures mostly rectilinear. One figure is a cross with a 
small circle at each end. The cii*cles probably indicate the 
magician^s seal; compare the use of the circle in the in- 
cantation bowls. 


pn«T nrsni n»Dn rrmrm 1 

[yo]y\ ntj^an nnpryai nan mro 2 

n»[n]fi« nyxoi nncipni Tin ni 3 

♦ ♦ ♦ y HnnniDi mn'» ^an r^pb 4 

r\[<pff TDW n^:Q Dinr • . 5 

[ncn»]T nnna pntn mi raoBf ][t] 6 

[nby ^]DV p rryoan n^jn 7 

nte pH p» D^i Tjn 8 

^•D.*.m »,. ]*D ••• 9 

]M Dnna« 7\^2 h»^ i^« 10 

. HfifnW vtm 'rnfM n[ma] 11 

a Tyi nb)v iDipT rno w'?. 12 

• * . B? in m: riK peni iTB^ 13 

m n^nyw« rvyh^ n>[i] 14 

ID1 po ]D pny:in ^::« rw 15 

rpiTO . ♦ . rryom n^v 16 

I See Baedeker, Palastina 11. iS^ien * p. 185; Merrill, ^asi of the 
Jordan, p. 293. Extensive ruins exist here and the place has been identi- 
fied with Arbela. 


Digitized by LjOOQIC 

274 J. A. M<mtff<meiry, [1911. 

rii ri nnnn ^td p) pn 18 

rnn nrw^ ^n Km n^v pi 19 

[K] Knn ixnhvn rro»i 20 

[n]!?D p» 19b rv'hhn p 21 

rh tth nnnn i'^td^ b^tcf 22 

]6 rryo li^i n^ySi 23 

B^ • ♦ . nKinn nn^p m^^^ 24 

iDB?^ I1T i«te n^nD 25 

[nn]:D iT"^ V?^n |nD*?y^ n 26 

nnn ]nD^i p iBn» 27 

mptDm r6ij;^i m b^ ri 28 


nwin mjnDm [n^ij^i] 30 

ihtff nnn po pi nn . ♦ 31 

rf?D [tvihbn] pK [1] 32 


1. And now with the wand of Moses and the shining-plate 
of Aaron 

2. the high priest, and with the seal of Solomon, and with 
[the shield] 

3. of David, and with the mitre of the chief priest, have I 
pronounced (?) 

4. [the wo]rd: I am Yhwh, and repeatedly [have I exer- 

5. cis]ed them on behalf of Sahpur, his name, 

6. of (?) Smnt, and for Marian his daughter 

7. and the unborn-child in her bowels, from the days [of ever] 

8. and aye and forever. Amen, Amen, Selah. 

9. ? ? ? 

10. Oh, intercede in behalf of him, Abraham our father. 

11. With a seal (?) stamp him. And hear my prayer 

12. on account of the dead: "Rise ye forever and ever," (? that 
his so- 
ls, ul thou bring forth. Do thou drive out that . . . ?) 

14. and his devourer I have exorcised. And n- 

15. ow, my father, scold them away from Marian and from 

16. the unborn-chUd in her bowels, by Yahweh (?), 

17. who has been (so) revealed — YahCl Sebaoth is his name, 

18. Amen; and from this Marian daughter of S., 

19. and from the unborn-child which shall be this year. 

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Vol. xzxi.] Some Early Amulets from FaJestine. 275 

20. In the name of the great God, A- 

21. men, HaUeluia, Forever, Amen, Selah. 

22. Peace to this Marian daughter of §. 

23. and to the unborn-child which is in her bowels, from 

24. the lilith of her canopy. . . . She- 

25. mariah[(?)] angel of Yahft protect (?) 

26. her for ages. Hallelu le-Yah, on behalf of 

27. this Sahpur and for this Marian daughter 

28. of S. and for the unborn-child in her bowels 

29. ? ? ? 

30. [and for the unborn-child] in her bowels in her body 

31. ... and from Marian daughter of §ahp- 

32. ur. Amen, [Halleluia], Selah. 


Line 1. The sorcerer claims to be armed with the fiill 
magical equipment of the magicians of yore.* ^tDH is the 
Targumic translation of the biblical HtDO of Moses (e. g. Targ, 
Onk. to Ex. 42). The rxrt is the biblical )^ri, the plate of 
gold on the high priest's mitre, e. g. Lev. 89. 

Line 2. David's magical perquisite was his shield, and so 
I restore at the end of this and the beginning of the following 
line, niiD. This is probably the earliest literary reference to 
that magical element; see JiQB. XIV, p. Ill, for an early (3d 
century?) representation of it. 

Line 3. The term indicating the priest's property I con- 
jectured to be the mitre, and following a suggestion of Professor 
Jastrow, comparing the Biblical ^313, VJip', "helmet," I suppose 
that 7)T>^\p refers to a high head-dress. The theme KB, 
KP, &c. appeal's iu various foims, in the sense, "heap up, be 
gibbous," &c. Compai-e also the root y^i, with its derivative 
niyajp, "turban" of the ordinary priest, and the Syriac Kfip, 
"heap up." The latter root illustrates the t in our word. 

The nS'no is the high priest of the second temple (na^*!^), 
when no anointing was practised, so called because of his 

* Cf. the Greek magical papyri, e. g. Wessely, Gricchische Zauber- 
papyrus, Wiener Denkschriften XXXVI, 2, p. 129, 1. 109 ff: "I am Moses 
thy prophet to whom thou gavest thy mysteries." 

> The Oxford Lexicon lists these words alphabetically; but they should 
appear under 935 and pap. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

276 J. A» Montgomery, [IMI. 

many garments.^ The last word in the line I conjecturally 
restore to HB^nDK, Afel; in the sense "pronounce" the word, is 
generally used in the Pael, but the Aiel appeara as variant 
in the ancient Bambei-ger Codex of Targwn Onkdos to Lev. 272, 
Num. 6 2.^ 

Line 4. ^iK is fairly certain. KHino I take to be the 
fern, of the Pael ppl. used adverbially. Verbs may be supposed 
at the end of the line and the beginning of the next (the 
latter with the pronominal suffix Din), which would express 
the operation of the magical apparatus. 

Line 5. rDKl!: (with pleonastic M) is parallel to the Jewish 
Aramaic SJ bf, ^§J b% 2iif, "on account of," with feminine pi. 
ending instead of the masculine.' It is resumed with ^ in 
the next line, and is probably to be read in 1. 26, being resumed 
there with b. l^Titff is a unique and early spelling of the 
famous Pei*sian name Sahpuhi-e, appearing in the Semitic 
dialects as Sabor. The fii-st gieat king of this name flourished 
in the thii'd century, but the name was an old one in Persia.* 

Line 6. ntitff J«: the missing latter may be 3 or 0. We 
should expect the parent's, especially the mother's name to be 
mentioned ; but the Aramaic would require "IS, unless we may 
suppose that the Hebrew p has persisted. D^OKff would be a 
good feminine name, i. e. "fat," or possibly n)ba^, "Octavia." If 
|D be read, 'B^ is the name of a place. J^'ID is the Hebrew 
D^'ID, the ^ is unique. It may be a local dialectic form; cf. 
UIDy and \yoy. A similar prayer for the unborn child, ^bxjfh 
Wefc<D^>1, appears in one of the (unpublished) Mandaic incan- 
tation bowls in the University of Pennsylvania Museum. 

Line 10. I^K « if the lii'st chai'acter is correctly read, the 
biblical ^h and Targumic ''fc<l'?IS. The following verb is the 
biblical and Rabbinic ^fc<i; the accompanying preposition D is 
peculiai-, but is not out of place with a verb of touch. This 
prayer to Father Abraham is unique, although the atoning 
and intercessory power of the Fathers is a prevailing Jewish 
doctrine.* The form of the prayer recalls the supplication of 
the rich man in hell to Father Abraham in the parable in 

» See Yoma 73 a. and Levy, Neuhebr. ti. ehald, Worterbuch, IV, p. 413. 

* See Berliner, Targ. (hik, ad loc, 

3 For the feminine form cf. the Syriac ncmp == DTp, rhWO *= VwD. 

* See Justi, Iran, Namenbuch^ p. 284. 

* Weber, Judische Thedogie, pp. 292 ff, 326 ff. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol xxxL] Some Early Amulets from Balestine. 277 

Lu. 16. pK is the probable reading at end of the line, but 
^M appears in 1. 15. 

Line 11. ^T^fM is sure, and I restore the preceding word 
to Drn at a venture. In magical language Abraham is asked 
to stamp the dead man as his own. Compare the sealing of 
the redeemed in Bev. 7 4, and the comments upon Ezek. 9 4 
in Shabbath 56 a: "The Holy One said to Gabriel: Go and 
mark with ink a Taw upon the forehead of the righteous that 
the angels of destruction, n^iPi '•DK^O, may have no power over 
them," &c.; and further on: "Taw is the last latter of the 
Holy One, for R. BEanina said. The seal of the Holy One is 
nD« (truth)." The suf&xal form NT • • • is characteristic of 
Onkelos in the imperative. 0T\b is a common biblical and 
Rabbinic word for a spell. There is room for a missing 
character at the end of this line and at the beginning of the 

Line 12. The particle 1 introduces the following imperative 
quotation, as in Syriac. lyi D^iy is without ^ as in Ps. 21 6. 
Some incantation of magical import is here quoted; cf. the 
fragment of an early Christian hymn in Eph. 5i4: "Awake 
thou that sleepest, and arise from the dead, and the Christ 
shall give thee light." 

Line 13. My restoration ptm rWDi is possible so far as 
the remains of the characters are concerned, but the inter- 
pretation of the whole passage is not satisfactory. DM may 
be the pronoun, while n"U may be the Hebrew and Rabbinic 
B^^t:}, supposing aa original stem grt The final word would 
then represent some evil spirit; but it may possibly be Tfirw, 
which would alter the interpretation of r^. 

Line 14. rvyh^ti: cf. the legend in Sifre of the n"^jn D'*D«!?0 
who await the death of the wicked to tear out his soul,i and 
n. b. Satan's part in disputing over the body of Moses, Jude 9. 

Line 15. pnyiH: n. b. the jussive without the parengogic y 
This verb often appears in the bowl incantations in the 
quotation of Zech. 3 a. 

Lines 16 f. At the end iTW is most likely to be read; this 
would be then the expression of the pronunciation of the 
Tetragrammaton, as preserved in Samaritan tradition,^ and 

1 Weber, op. cit p. 339. 

J See Montgomery, JBL XXV (1906), p. 49. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

278 J. A. Montgomery, [1911. 

corresponding to the modern pronunciation Yahwe. This is 
a unique spelling in Hebrew.* In the next line Tfhl is evident, 
and doubtless refers to the revelation contained in iTW; it is 
probably the passive particle (cf. Biblical Aramaic), and prac- 
tically equivalent to tBnifiDn,^ rPVT being actually the B^IIDDH QBf. 
The letters preceding r6i are uncertain. There follows nw^^T W, 
cf. W in 1. 25. This is exceptional in the magical forms of 
the Tetragrammaton, and aichaic; cf. Assouan Papyri. 

Line 18. rii VH: the restoration is made from 1. 28. 

Line 19. HiT and ^S both Targumic; for the latter cf. Targ. 
Yerush. Num. 22 28. Here the pronoun Kin and in 11. 18, 28 
«n, and the masc. ]n, 1. 27. 

Line 24. nn^ or TMrh^ «= canopied-couch, see Jastrow, 
Did. of the Talmtid, Evil spirits lurked especially in roofe, 
trees, and all kinds of coverings, and were most noxious in 
proximity of a bed. The latter part of the line is obscure. 
The last letter in the line may be Iff, to make rPTDiy — ^K^TDtS^, 
a favorite angel of charms. ' HK may be the pronoun of address 
to the angel. 

Line 26. tVb \bhT\: various perversion of this magical word 
are found, e. g. in the G-reek magical papyri. 

Line 28. We expect the particle T before B^, but there is 
no room for it (n is almost certain). I have found cases in 
the Mandaic bowls from Nippur where after the pronominal 
suffix T is omitted, the suffix appearing sufficient to establish 
the genitive relation. So also in the Assouan papyri; we 
find the relative particle omitted in the construction "year x 
of such a king," e. g. Sachau's Papyrus A, 1. 19, B^inm XIII fUBf. 
For the abbreviation B^ for TDrW, cf. Sayce and Cowley, Azaouan 
Papyri, E 17, ''13 — n^iT ia; also the Talmudic abbreviations. 

Line 30. nm3, the Targumic Kn^i, Jastrow, op. cit. p. 221a; 
also found in Ben Sira 41 ii. 

The charm is made out for the repose of soul of a certain 
"IfiiW and for the health of his daughter ]^'TD, who is pregnant. 
In the latter part, the scribe has not very much to add and 
monotonously repeats the subjects of his charm. But the first 

i Perhaps the same pronanciation is also intended in the magical term 
iTiiT, found in the text published by Stiibe, Judisch^habylmiische Zauber^ 
texte, 1. lb.-—P.S. The same form I also find in texts at Pennsylvania. 

» See Amold^s discussion in JBL XXIV (1905), p. 157 ff. 

* See Schwab, Vocahulaire de Vangeloloffie, s. v. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxij Some Early Amuleta from IW^stine. 279 

part of the charm is fresh and original in comparison with 
the usual stereotyped forms of incantation. 

The orthography is marked by absence of vowel letters, e. g. 
such words as nnpry, Ttobtt;, IfiTO, ubV] yet TH, D^iy, nb^V- 
Final H appears instead of K, as in early Aramaic, and as in 
the Samaritan usage; the one exception is t^ihi^, where M is 
used after n. The masculine suffix is written rP, to distinguish 
it from the feminine. 

The forms of pronoun, verb, &c., can all be exemplified from 
the early Palestinian Targums, and the vocabulary is of like 
character. The noun nnsip and the prepositional r\M^2 are 
new. Ifii'W is an early and unique spelling. 

The script is of the fully formed square type, but certainly 
early, as reference to Euting's tables in Chwolson, Corpus 
inscriptionum hebraicarum will show. I may specify the long 
left leg of n, the single form for ^ — a long perpendicular stroke, 
the lack of distinction between *T and "1, and the archaic fi. 
Taking into consideration the language and the spelling, I 
would assign the inscription to the second or third century 
after Christ. There may be also noticed the archaic use of 
continuing words over the line. The inscription would then 
be the oldest amulet of any length which we possess. 

The charm largely consists in conventional Jewish phrases and 
repetitions. It contains however some novel features. The 
elaborate introduction, with the self-assertion of the conjurer, 
is of interest, and so is the union in the one charm of prayers 
for the dead and the living, and also for the unborn. Unique 
is the prayer to Abraham. The divine Name is spelled not 
only mrp, but also, archaically, W, and H^liT, doubtless the 
phonetic representation of the pronunciation of the Ineffable 


Inscription of 40 lines on silver foil, in possession of Mrs. 
Henry Draper of New York; S^/a x l^/s inches. The charm 
is so obliterated that despite the use of a bromide enlargement 
I have been able to obtain but little consecutive sense from 
the inscription, and hence have not thought it worth while 
to give a reproduction. It appears to be of the same age as 
A, though the vocalization is very fiilly carried out, but differs 
from that in consisting largely of magical formulas. I give 
the little that is legible. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

280 J. A. Montgomery, [1911. 

1. nte p\ 

2. ... 1 TOU nte pi iTh ♦ Di iT'filU 

4. ... \V^ • . • . 

5. ]DM {DM .... 

7. B^np B^np B^np misp e^np 

9. . • »( mt "hv i^n . . . • 
10. .... na^n ^d!? . . ♦ . 
11 iT niD^ji 

15. ... m^tx' Tw^'i:^ .... 

16. .... TXTtn 7\Ttr\ mr\tK Bnn« 

17. B^in cnn 

18. iTnW •1Bf« iTHH 

19. .... rm iiT m mn'* nw . . . 

20. ..*.♦. pn B^nn« rPiT . . . 

21. . . . 1W5 '•TB^ . . ♦ . 

24. ... iT.T r\^ bvi^tr\ ♦ ♦ . . 

25. . * . THD n»iD^ n^iin Bmpn 

26. [n%n« ]iBfH rrn« inuo loan mn^ . . ♦ 
33. nw i>«i» ....♦....♦ 

Line 9: "Protect this . . ."; n. b. Hit for nn 

Line 16. BTinK «= B^DIH, "quickly," and na^fin "avaunt," terms 
found in the incantation bowls. 

Line 20. NB. Br3rtt< used as a magical formula. 

Line 24. ^K^DH, a form of ^H^T, found in Pognon's, Cdupea 
de Kh&uabir, and in a Sjriac bowl in the University of Penn- 
sylvania, as also in Enoch. It stands for Rafael, with the 
Hebrew ppl. for the first component. 

A talisnian on bronze foil (size unknown to me as I have 
not seen the original), in the New York Free Library. The 
remains of nine lines are visible. The first two lines are 
almost illegible. To the left are some magical signs, the only 
discernible one being a cross, whose arms terminate in a circle — 
the same figure is found in A. The charm is addressed against 
the evil eye and certain named calamities and demons, and was 
probably intended to be worn on the person. In my inter- 
pretation I have had the assistance in part of a translation made 
by Mr. S. A. Biuion of New York. The charm is of a character 
that still survives in Palestine among the Jews; for examples see 
Hanauer, Folk-Lore of the Holy Land (London, n. d.) p.318ff. 

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Vol. xzxi.] Some Early Amulets from Palestine. 281 


3. [NTia«n] ]7 pi iro to p D^nnaBT mn D-^inr^T neui 

4. [«n«]^irQn ]^ ]di pa:n xv pi l^riT TJ^ P^ TMO'tifn \^ ][di] 

5. |DK n^D p« ]D« n^D nipy'' '•m^K «^ niO'^D lao'^y ni«M [mn^ 

6. Din'' rrny «Di^ n ♦ ♦ • 6 nnni ^« ♦ ♦ p« niKns [mrr] 

7. iD« ]D« p« nte iD« ]D« Ttyi nni ipyi ennDi • ♦ ♦ 

8. ♦ • ♦ oirp n ♦ ♦ . n^notB^ nw • ♦ • mm ^?« ♦ ♦ ♦ 

9. ]DK n^D ]DH pK 

[Protect the . . .] 

3. and the body of Georgios son of Pagatios from all evil, 
from the eye of [his father] 

4. and from the eye of his mother and from the eye of women 
and from the eye of men and from the eye of virgins 

5. [Yhwh] Sebaoth is with us, the god of Jacob is oiu' refuge. 
Selah, Amen, Amen, Selah, Amen. 

6. [Yhwh] Sebaoth, Amen . . . 

7. . . . ailment and shame and spirit and demon. Amen, Amen, 
Selah, Amen, Amen, Amen, . . . 

8. ? . . . ? 

9. . . . Amen, Amen, Selah, Amen. 


Lines 6 and 8 have evidently some identical words, but both 
are almost entirely obscure. The last word in each may be 
JWliT, i. e. a name of salvation. Line 5 is a quotation of 

Ps. 46 8,12. 

In line 7 B^iriD is for tyiTO (B^in^D), with equivalence of H 
and n as in the Babylonian incantation bowls. The vocalization 
is very fully expressed, e. g. in the scriptural quotation, which 
is written by ear and not from knowledge of the text. Both 
script and spelling refer this charm to a much later date than 
A. Georgio§ is a common name in late Greek and Syi'iac; 
Pagatios, or Pagatis, I have not found elsewhere, i 

1 Professor Gottheil has priven a brief account of these amulets in the 
Journal asiatiquCj X. ix (1907), p. 150. 

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Graphic Analysis of the Tone- accents of the Siamese 
Language. — By Coenelius Beach Bradley, Professor 
in the Univergity of California, Berkeley, Cal. 

The so-called "tones" of certain oriental languages of the 
Chinese type have been not merely stumbling-blocks in the way 
of the practical learner, but puzzles to the scientific student 
as well, because of a lingering uncertainty as to the precise 
quality and definition of each separate tone, and because of 
the irrational or even misleading nomenclature often applied 
to them. As to their general nature, indeed, there is substan- 
tial agreement: They are pitch-variations corresponding to 
such inflections of voice as in most languages regularly accom- 
pany sentence-stress, and serve to distinguish diflferent kinds 
of sentences; as, for example, "He has come" (with falling tone 
indicating simple statement), "He has come?" (with rising tone 
indicating question), "He has come" (with compound tone 
indicating incredulity), and so on. * In tonal (pitch-ac<5enting) 
languages, however, these pitch -variations are not used to 
distinguish between sentences of similar form, but between 
individual words in other respects similar. In such languages 
"tones" are elements as inseparable from the enunciation of 
words as are the vowels and consonants which make up their 
articulation. Each word in the language, therefore, has its 
own fixed and inherent "tone," subject only to such variation 
as may be brought about by varying conditions of emphasis 
or speed or nervous excitement. The "tones," in short, are 
pitch -distinctions inherent in words, and necessary to the 
right apprehension of their content or meaning, rather than 
applied to words adventitiously and occasionally, as tokens of 
the modal aspect of sentences in which they occur.^ So far 

1 Sweet, A New English Grammar, Oxford, 1898, Part II, §§ 1925 ff., 
pp. 37 ff. 

2 Wershoven: pp. 8—9; Frankfurter: p. 18 j Bastian: p. 360. 

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Vol. zxxi.] Oraphic Analysis of the Tone<u:cents^ dtc 283 

all! are agreed; and beyond this there is, of course, substantial 
agreement in the actual practice of all who have really mastered 
the native speech and accent. But in the various accounts 
which such persons give of the several "tones," we have all 
the uncertainty and discrepancy which inevitably attend the 
attempt to dotermine phonological matters by reference to the 
ear and the subjective consciousness alone. The native scholar 
is here even more helpless than the foreign; — his processes of 
utterance are wholly instinctive, and therefore more difficult 
of analysis. As for nomenclature, when the native tells us 
that a certain tone is "high" or "level," we doubtless have 
some inkling — though a very inadequate one — of what he 
means. But when he tells us that this an "entering" and 
that a "retiring" tone, we are hopelessly at sea. These are 
terms of pure subjective fancy, and have no directive force 
whatever for one who does not already know what they ai'e 
intended to mean. As for the foreign scholar, his "expectant" 
and "anxious" tones are quite as impossible as any invented 
by the native.2 

In thinking this matter over with reference to the Siamese 
language, which is one of the tonal group, it occurred to me 

1 The following are some of the more important references on the 
subject of Siamese tone-accents : John Taylor Jones, Brief Grammatical 
Notices of the Siamese Language, with appendices, Bangkok, 1842; Caswell, 
Treatise on the Tones of the Siamese Langttage (the manuscript was com- 
posed about 1847, finally printed in the Siam Repository, vol. II, Bangkok, 
1870); D. J. B. Pallegoix, Grammatica Linguae Thai, Bangkok, 1850 (this 
work has been frequently quoted and followed by later writers j a special 
feature is Pallegoix* attempt to represent the "tones" by musical notation) j 
D. B. Bradley, Elementary Tables and Lessons in the Siamese Language, 
Bangkok, 1875 (this is the date of my copy which is the eighth edition ; 
the book is printed in Siamese throughout); A. Bastian, tjber die 
siamesischen Laut- und Tonaccente, in Monatsberichte der Akademie der 
Wissenschaften, Berlin, 1867, pp. 357 — 386 (in his account of the "tones", 
the writer, for the most part, follows Caswell); P. J. Wershoven, Lehr- 
buch der siamesischen Sprache etc., Leipzig, 1891 ; Samuel J. Smith, The 
Principles of Siamese Grammar, Comprising the Substance of Previous 
Grrammars of the Language, Bangkok, 1889; 0. Frankfurter, Elements of 
Siamese Grammar, with appendices, Bangkok, 1900; for an interesting 
discussion of the origin and nature of pitch- accents see A. Conrady, 
Eine Indochinesische Causativ-Denominativ Bildung und ihr Zusammenhang 
mit den Tonaccenten etc, Leipzig, 1896. 

* Of course, not all the designations here cited have found their way 
into authoritatiYe print ; nor are all from the Siamese field. For illustration 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 


C. B. Bradlay, 


that sinoe the essential element in all these "tones" is undoubt- 
edly pitch, and since the permanent records of speech made 
possible by modern mechanism register pitch as wave-length 
in the tracing, it should be possible to make sure of the facts by 
actual measurement, and so to end the controversy. Some 
years ago, therefore, while busy with other points of Siamese 
phonetics, and making records with Abbe Bousselot's appai^atus, 
for other purposes, I made a series of records of the "tones" 
as well. I never found time, however, for their proper study 
and analysis until this last year, when I took them in hand 
and worked them out, with results which I have plotted on 
the accompanying chart. The actual operation, however, was 
by no means as simple as it might seem; and calls, perhaps, 
for some little explanation, that there may be no misappre- 
hension as to the nature or value of the results. In the first 
place, since the instrument records all sorts of air-pulses caught 
in its receiver: — the shocks of contact and release, the physical 
impact of breath, the intricate pattern of resonance-waves 
peculiar to each diflferent vowel, the varying intensity of 
utterance shown in the amplitude or swing of the waves, and 
the harmonic overtones of the particular voice — all these as 
well as the fundamental pitch of the vibrating chords; and 
moreover since these are not analyzed out and separately 
recorded, but are superimposed the one upon the other in a 
single intricate pattern, precisely as they are in our hearing 
of them; it becomes important to the success of our investigation 
that everything else save fundamental pitch should be either 
eliminated or minimized. It was comparatively easy to exclude 
some of the disturbing elements by choosing for the experiment 

of the wide divergence between standard authorities both in their 
apprehension and in their designation of the Siamese "tones," the reader 
may he interested to consult the following list: 

in the Chart 

Pallegoix I 




Falling ' Circumflex ^Middle 


Alius < Demissus 

Steigend I Pallend 
Ansteigend i Fallend 



Gravis (sic) 


Second Accent 







Digitized by 


Vol. xxxi.] Graphic Analysis of the Tone-accents, <S:c. 285 

syllables in which they do not appear. But pure vowels alone 
would not do either, since the conditions of bona fide speech 
must be observed; — that is, genuine words must be used. After 
various experiments it appeared that the combination of nasal 
consonant plus long open vowel gave the most stable and least 
confused record; since the nasal, being itself vocalic, passes 
over without shock into the vowel. I was fortunate also to 
bethink me of one such combination — the syllable nd — actually 
in use in the five different ^i.ones'^ of long syllables^ making 
five distinct words of identical articulation — perfect homonyms 
save for the tonal distinctions in question. The conditions 
were thus almost ideal for the success of the experiment. 
Furthermore, for purposes of comparison and control, records 
were taken of two separate utterances of the series of five words. 

In the Rousselot apparatus, a cylinder covered with smoked 
paper revolves at uniform speed under a needle which vibrates 
from side to side in response to the air-pulses of the voice. 
The trace appears as an intricate, crinkly curve, the result of 
the interference or coincidence of the various elements already 
described. The fia^st step was to distinguish the waves of 
fundamental pitch from those extraneous elements, and then 
to measure them. Thanks to the precautions taken, the longer 
waves of pitch in most cases emerged unmistakably, as the 
long ocean swell emerges from the complex of minor waves 
and ripples which it carries. At some points, however, the 
wave-crests were more or less confused by interference. In 
such cases the well-known principle of continuity in movement 
of pitch was applied to discover the true crest, and the result 
was checked by comparison with the duplicate record. 

The length of the waves as shown in the trace ranged from 
.035 in. at the upper limit of pitch to .125 in. at the lower. 
In the middle portion of the register .01 in. makes the differ- 
ence of a whole tone between F and G. To ensure greater 
accuracy, as well as to economize effort, the wave-lengths were 
not measured singly, but in groups of five. Using the quantities 
so obtained as vertical ordinates of pitch, and arbitrarily 
assuming equal horizontal spaces of convenient length as ordi- 
nates of time,* the curve of each of the tones was separately 

« It was not possible, of course, to give all the syllables precisely 
equal time in utterance. As shown in the measurements, the time actually 
varied from about i/j to '/a o^ * second. In order that difference of 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Chart of the Five Tones of Long Syllables in Siamese. 

2. £ ^ 

«. t- * 

n 1 ' n . . 

- l " ^ 

^ l/ • ii -, 

t ^ 

- ^ ^ ^ 

7^ * 

__r»»2^_. ^' 

X ^=' 2^-:^ ^ 

^ ^^ ^^ H. 

-^ -r.*^^ S 

^Z ji ^ " -« 

^ Z 3 

t 7- ^ * 

r y ,v^ \ 

i _^'-'^'^*->^ - ^ £ -« 

i''"' -y^~ ^^^^ * * 

* T' - ^-N * ■« 

^^ ^ vX it ^ 

^^ ^-S 

^^ ^ , 

t r £■ ■* 

"^^ J 

\ ru.'-H"* \ 

^^ ^:^ ^- t ^ 

i--'^ ^^ "^N i £ ^ 

'N -^ ^, 

"^^ M 

i. ^ a _ 

- S « 

\ * 

^^ - * 

^^ - 

1 " 


^ — «• 

ib — ^S; ^A- - 

Digitized by 


Vol. xxxi] Oraphie Analysis of the Tone-accents, d:c. 287 

plotted on the chart. I feel sure that the curves as plotted 
are accurate translations to the eye of those pitch-sequences 
which the ear recognizes as the five tones of Siamese speech. ^ 

One striking feature of the result, and one which concerns 
not Siamese speech alone, is the almost entire absence of 
straight lines in these figures. This feature seems constant in 
all speech so far examined. It means, of course, that the 
speaking voice does not hold the same pitch true even for a 
very short interval of time. That which the ear recognizes 
as a monotone, is in fact a sinuous curve oscillating about an 
average level. The glides also vary in steepness of slope in 
diflferent portions of their course. All of them show a double 
or triple curvature. Uniform pitch is by no means practically 
impossible, as the case of the singer shows; but incessant 
variation of pitch is doubtless one chief difference between the 
speaking and the singing voice. 

The five "tones" whose pitch-curves have thus been analyzed, 
are the only ones hitherto recognized in Siamese speech by 
writers who have dealt with the subject. The list of five, 
however, is not quite the complete list, as I hope presently to 
show. But, taking it as it stands, the five "tones" fail obviously 
into two groups: — a) three sweeps or glides, of large movement 
and definite figure, designated on the chart as rising, falling, 
and circumflex; and b) two tones of small variation and inde- 
terminate figure, the middle and the depressed. I think it 
has never been pointed out that these two groups stand in 
entirely different relation to vowel-quantity. The long sweeps 
and glides require appreciable time not only for their proper 

dimension might not stand in the way of proper visual comparison of 
the figures, the horizontal ordinate^ in two cases were slightly increased. 

1 In order to give a clearer idea of the scope and relations of these 
"tones," I have plotted our musical scale on the margins of the chart. 
It will he observed that the figures group themselves about the line of 
medium pitch, which in the experiment was approximately F. But this 
medium pitch, it must be remembered, is no fixed datum. It varies not 
merely as between individual voices; but in the same voice it rises and 
falls with every shifting flood or ebb of psychical excitement ; and in its 
movement it carries along with it the whole scheme of tones related to 
it as their center. Under excitement moreover, and under sentence-stress^ 
the sweep of these curves is far greater than it is in quiet talk or in 
the unemphatic parts of the sentence. No two records of the same tone 
are precisely alike in pitch, though the pattern of the curves and their 
general relation to each other are remarkably constant 

VOIi. XXXT. Part m. 20 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

288 a B. Bradley, [mi. 

execution by the voice, but also for their proper recognition 
by the eai\ For this, the time of a long vowel or of a diph- 
thong seems absolutely necessary; — a short vowel is ordinarily 
quite insufficient. But there is one very interesting exception. 
The nasal sounds nt, n, and ng are sonorous, and are capable 
of rendering pitch as truly as are the vowels. For tonal 
pui'poses, therefore, a nasal consonant operates as an extension 
of the time of a preceding short vowel in the same syllable, 
precisely as does the final element of a diphthong. The three 
tonal sweeps, therefore, are heard only in syllables with a long 
vowel or a diphthong, or else with a short vowel plus a nasal 

To all ordinary apprehension the two remaining "tones" on 
the chart are monotones. Very few students have noticed, or 
ai*e ready to admit even when it is pointed out, the pronoun- 
ced final drop in that middle tone. The other is not only 
lower in pitch but has besides a peculiar element or color, which 
I believe to be nasal resonance, though I have not yet had 
opportunity to verify the matter by instrumental test. Since 
these two are effectively monotones, there is apparently no 
reason why they should not be found indifferently in syllables 
either short or long. As a matter of fact they are found 
in both, though in short-syllables native scholarship recognizes 
only the depressed "tone." The other, at the medium pitch 
of voice, and reached with least effort, we should expect to 
find most common. But no short Siamese monosyllable, if 
spoken by itself with conscious attention, ever takes this tone. 
It is heard only in continuous speech, that is, in the atonic 
elements of quasi-compounds and phrases, and is doubtless the 
result of weakening before stress. Thus it is that it has 
escaped notice altogether. 

There is yet one other "tone," found only in short syllables, 
which has similarly escaped notice, apparently because it has 
been carelessly identified either with the rising glide or with 
the circumflex. The oversight here has escaped detection 
largely because of the fact that the Siamese scribes have not 
thought necessary to provide any device to mark this "tone." 
This third "tone" found with short vowels is a short high note 
pitched at about the level of the crest of the circumflex, but 
lacking both the introductory rise of the cii-cumflex and the 
long deep drop of its vanish. It does not appear on the chart 

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Vol. xxxi] Oraphic Analysis of the Tone-accents, die. 289 

for the same reason that the other "tones" of short vowels do 
not appear: — these facts had not yet been reached when the 
records were made. When subjected to instrumental analysis — 
which I hope ere long to be able to give them — the three 
"tones" of short vowels should appear as short horizontal lines 
nearly straight, occupying rather less than half the space of 
the long "tones," and in general position coincident respectively 
with the crest of the circumflex, with the middle monotone, 
and with the low monotone. Between the long and short 
varieties of the last mentioned "tones" there is no need to 
distinguish, since there is practically no difference in pitch or 
in quality. But the short high "tone" is so manifestly distinct 
from any other long or short, that it should be added to the 
traditional list of five to make the series complete. There would 
be then six "tones"; — three with long vowels only, or with 
their equivalents; two with vowels either long or short; and 
one with short vowels only. 

It is my expectation soon to apply this same method of 
instrumental analysis to the "tones" of Chinese speech also. 
If the method should turn out to be really conclusive as to 
the nature and the figure of the "tones" — and I see no reason 
why it should not be so, — it ought to lead to a more rational 
nomenclature of them in both languages. The names affixed 
to the curves on the chart, and used in the course of this 
discussion, are, in the main, those suggested long ago by Rev. 
Mr. Caswell, and adopted in German form by Dr. Bastian. 
For the newly discovered sixth "tone," I offer with hesitation 
the name "elevated," chosen principally because it balances its 
mate the "depressed." It could not well be called "high" 
because there are already two other tones which might claim 
the same designation. But Mr. Caswell's names receive sur- 
prising justification from the results of this analysis; — they are 
really descriptive, as all such names should be. If, as the 
confusion and the uncertainty which have gathered about this 
matter are cleared up, Mr. Caswell's nomenclature should once 
more take its deserved place in general use, it would be only 
one more testimony to the keenness and accuracy of the now 
almost forgotten scholar who contributed so much towai'd the 
training and equipment of the Prince who afterwai'ds became 
King MahU Mongkut, and whose reign ushered in the modern 
era for Siam. 


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The ^ Field of Ahram^^ in the Geographical List of 
Sheshonk Z— By Jameb Henby Breasted. The Uni- 
versity of Chicago. 

In a recent fascicle of this journal Professor M. G. Kyle has 
discussed the above geographical name in the great list ac- 
companying the large historical relief of Sheshonk I at Karnak« 
Professor Kyle concludes that the identification of the second 
portion of the name as Abram "scarcely comes within the 
bounds of possibiUty." It is important for Old Testament 
scholars to know whether this conclusion is well grounded or 

In the first place Professor Kyle is in doubt as to the ac- 
curacy of the text which I used in making the identification. 
He refers to my discussion of the matter in my Ancient Becords 
of Egypt (IV, pp. 352 — 353), where I have clearly indicated 
that I had photographs of the text (iftid., p. 348, note a), tt 
seems not to be known to Professor Kyle that I fiirst published 
this identification in 1904 in the American Journal of Setnitic 
Languages in an article entitled "The Earliest Occurrence of 
the Name of Abram" (AJSL., Vol. xxi, pp. 22— 36).i I there 
(p. 36) included a perfectly clear photograph of the name, in 
which not a doubtful sign occurs. Moreover the same photo- 
graph was later inserted in my History of Egypt (p. 530) in 
Connection with a mention of the identification, and this pas- 
sage, mentioning the identification and referring to the photo- 
graph, is particularly referred to by Professor Kyle with page 

^ Even if I attached any consequence to questions of priority in such 
matters, I would not raise the question with my good friend Spiegel- 
berg who published the same identification, the same year. "We did so 
in entire independence. Moreover as I stated (in AJSL. X3d, p. 36, n. 24). 
Erman's papers show that he had noticed it in 1888, but did not publish 
it, and ray friend Schaefer had also noticed it independently. It is of 
importance to remember in tliis discussion, tliat four scholars have made 
this identification independently. 

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VoLxxxi.] The "IHdd of Abram'' dtc. 291 

reference. I do not understand how it could have been read 
without noticing the reference to the photograph in the text, 
and also to the earlier article in the American Journal qf 
Semitic Languages appended in a footnote. In any case there 
is no reason for uncertainty as to the text which I used, nor 
the slightest basis for calling it in question. 

This term "The Field of Abram" contains three words and 
although the second and third are Asiatic words foreign to 
the Egyptian scribe, he has prefixed the Egyptian article "P*". 
To this Professor Kyle objects that it is impossible that the 
Egyptian scribe should have translated the foreign article into 
Egyptian, even granting that it was prefixed to a geogi'aphical 
name. I quite agree with him. This unsatisfactory assumption 
is however not necessary. * The first noun in this compound 
is, as is now commonly recognized the Semitic word ^pn "field", 
which occurs eight times in this geographical list, showing that 
it was a current element in the geographical names of Palestine 
at this time. Nothing is commoner throughout the foreign 
world at the present day than for some such native geographical 
term to be used without translation. In the East we con- 
stantly say ".the tell of A," "the wadi of B," "the ghor of 
C," and when we were in the cataracts of Nubia we fi:e- 
quently spoke of "the bab of so and so," meaning one of the 
natural gates in the rock barriers of the cataracts which the 
natives call a "bab." In the same way ^pn "field" was a 
current geographical designation in Palestine, but not itself a 
proper name. The Egyptian took it up and spoke of "the 
^ekel of this" and "the feekel of that," using the Egyptian 
article before it. This continued into New Testament times 
in Palestine. Compare *Aic€A8a/*ax "Field of Blood" or "Field 
of Sleep." That this is the case is shown conclusively by the 
parallel use of the well-known Semitic word poy "valley," 
which also occurs in this list with the Egyptian article «P'" 
before it. Just as we say "the Wadi Tumilat," prefixing the 
English article to the Arabic word "wadi," so the Egyptian 
said "P«'-hekel of — ," and "P^-'emelc of—," meaning "the 
field of — " and "the valley of — ". 

* I accepted it formerly {AJ8L. xxi, p, 32, n. 11), but I have had 
more experience in the East since then, and the above explanation seems 
to me conclusive. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

292 J. H. Breasted. [191 1. 

Professor Kyle also objects to the interpretation of hpT\ as 
forming a compound with the following word. The existence 
of such compounds in the list is proven by the example in which 
pDJJ is the first member, or compounds with ntelf' "stream" 
and 2^^ "south country," examples so conclusive that it is 
fruitless to discuss the question. Moreover Professor Kyle's 
own proposed explanation (for which, by the way, no demon- 
stration is oflFered), viz. that this first member means "vicinity,'* 
"neighborhood" or "community" demands connection with a 
second identifying word as much as does the word "field"; or 
are we to suppose that the Egyptian scribe eight times recorded 
the name "community" in this list, as the name of eight 
different towns in Palestine! 

As to the transliteration of the word Kyle is mistaken in 
stating that I "change the final vowel to u," with the impli- 
cation that this is done in violation of the text. In writing 
foreign words, and later also in writing words for which he 
had inherited no current or generally prevalent orthography, 
the Egyptian scribe usually employed for each consonant a 
syllabic sign containing two consonants, of which however he 
read only the first, the second being a very weak consonant, 
corresponding to Semitic \ 1 or K. Many if not all of the 
letters of his alphabet had grown up in this way. Thus ci 
the old writing for t\ "a loaf of bread," became the letter "T'; 
^ the slope leading to the high desert plateau, as its archaic 
forms show, the writing for k* "high," is the letter "fe"; <z=> 
«=r* "mouth'' is the letter "r".^ There was nothing new to 
the scribe therefore in this acrophonetic system which he 
employed for writing foreign names. We call it "syllabic writ- 
ing," but it has been widely misunderstood and various futile 
efforts have been made to interpret the weak second consonant 
of each sign as a vowel. In view of what Sethe has brought 
out in his " Tertwrn" and Burchardt's recent study of the foreign 
words (see below), it is safe to say that such modern efforts 
have been conclusively shown to be unsuccessful. The Egyptian 
scribe wrote our word hkl thus: 

1 See Sethe, Das dgt/ptische Vcrhum, I, §§ 73—76, 138—141, 195-201 
for a full treatment of such phenomena. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The "Field of Abram'' dtc 293 

We may slavishly transliterate this: F'-hw-k-rw-, but (dis- 
regarding p% the Egyptian article), the reading intended by 
the Egyptian scribe war fe-A:-r(— I), The weak w in rtu, which 
is the correct reading of the lion is the occasion of Kyle's 
remark that I have "changed the vowel," though of course 
there are no vowels in the text.* 

Turning now to the more important final word of the group, 
which three others beside myself have independently identified 
as "Abram," we find it written as follows: 



This is to be transliterated thus *-6'-r'-m and read 'brm — tDM. 
Kyle fia-st objects to the reading of the first sign t — r, as ' or », 
because in the writing of ordinary, that is non-foreign words 
this sign has the value mr. Against the reading K he quotes 
Brugsch who once read it ntr, though noting that Brugsch also 
read it J«. For these two different readings by Brugsch there 
is of course a reason, for it was Brugsch himself who dis- 
covered and demonstrated the reading » for jz=l in the "syllabic 
writing " The reading mr which Kyle finds in Brugsch's Oeo- 
graphische Inschriften belongs to 1867 — 1880, when this work 
of Brugsch appeared. Years later he discovered the proper 
reading of the sign and published it in the Zeitschrift filr 
Aefft/ptische Sprache in 1874 (pp. 142 — 143), He clearly proves 
the new reading J<, and refers to the old reading mr as an 

"Irrtum den sammtliche Aegyptologen mich selbst nicht 

ausgeschlossen, begangen haben in Bezug auf die Lesung des 
Zeichens t — r in bestimmten Worterverbindungen." Egyptology 
is among the sciences which are making rapid progress and 
Brugsch's old reading of over fifty years ago was one which 
he himself consigned to the populous limbo of incorrect and 
obsolete readings. Kyle also quotes the English edition of 
Erman's Aegyptische Orammatik as throwing doubt on the 
reading of i — r as K. That edition represents a state of know- 
ledge nearly twenty years old; it is entirely out of date and 
although I translated it myself, I have reason to hope that it 
will ere long be superseded by an English edition based on 
the ttiird German edition, now in press. But even in the 

1 On the weak I* by which the scribe writes ' at the end, see my 
note, Records J vol. iv, pp. 352—353, note f. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

294 J. H. Breasted, [XML 

second German edition of 1903 the reading of t — r as Iw (« K) 
in "syllabic writing," is inserted without question (p. 217). 
Moreover, as I know from my notes of Erman's lectures twenty 
years ago he never questioned Brugsch^s reading H for xizz in 
"syllabic writing." His interrogation point in the first edition 
of his grammar has nothing to do with its use as K, but refers 
to something quite diflferent. The value M which the sign t — r 
has in a large number of foreign words, is due to the fact that 
there arose a confusion in the usage of the Egyptian scribe 
between the sign t — ^ (Iw) and izn {mr), which in the lapidary 
style are very much alike. aZD and izzr in "syllabic writing" 
strictly equal Iw^ or disregarding the weak second consonant 
it is used for /, and this constantly corresponds both in genuine 
Egyptian words and in the writing of Palestinian words to 
the Semitic K. All the numerous examples will now be found 
collected in Burchardt's recent and careful compilation of foreign 
words transliterated in Egyptian hieroglyphics* and it would 
be superfluous to repeat any of them here. 

Not only was the reading K demonstrated by Brugsch thirty 
six years ago, but we may go further and show that the read- 
ing mr in our word is impossible. In the "syllabic writing" 
the consonants w + r cannot be indicated by one sign! If the 
scribe finds the consonants w + r in a foreign word which he 
is transliterating, he renders them invariably by a syllabic 

sign or signs for each consonant, thus: for m: J^^^ •»'» 

E^ ^^^' ^^ ^^' %^ ° ^^' ^ •^^ ^^^' ^^^' ^ *"^' 

^va n my\ for r: <=>| r\ <-^ I yr*(?), or ^ rw (rare- 
ly <^=>). Anyone at all incredulous on this point can satisfy 
himself of the fact in Burchardt's convenient list,* though the 
fact has been common property among Egyptologists for twenty 
years. The reading mr for t"^=t in our word is absolutely im- 

Finally Professor Kyle objects to the reading of as m 

and affirms that the second sign, the arm, is entirely ignored 
in the transliteration "Abram," and further that "the arm is 

* Die altkanaandischen Fremdworte uni Eigennamen im AegyptiBchen 
von Max Burchardt, Leipzig 1909—1910. 
2 See especially §§ 56—60 and 77—83. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The "Mdd of Ahram'\ <&c. 295 

a strong vowel letter which ought not without special reasons 
to be ignored in the transliteration." As a matter of fact 

^bv or / with the ^ q is the U9ual writing for m in the 

^syUdbic writing*'; and even in Erman's grammar of twenty 
years ago, in the treatment of the alphabet (§ 35), the mean- 
ingless fl with initial m in Egyptian words is duly noted. 

Its frequent use throughout the "syllabic writing" in the 
initial, medial or final position is a commonplace of modern 

It will be seen that none of the objections offered by Prof. 
Kyle cause any difficulty. I may refer to another interpretation 
of the name which has occurred to me since first publishing 
it in 1904. The consonants D13« might be the plural ofT?^, 
and "The Field of Stallions" or "Bulls" would give excellent 
sense. It lacks however the preciseness which we expect in 
such a defining genitive, a preciseness which is only obtained 
by the use of a proper name after such a common word as 
"field." This is one of the objections also to the interpretation 
suggested by Maspero years ago, viz. that ^^*brfn^^ is D^^JK* 
"meadows." To this we may also object that in Hebrew b^ 
occurs only in compounds with a following noun in the genitive, 
and that the plural is never found. I am therefore still in- 
clined to see in the word the earliest occurrence of the name 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

The K'Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. Fart I: The K-Suf- 
fixes in the Veda and Avesta. — By Fbanklin Edoebton. 

Chapter V. 
Other Ka Suffixes. 

The Suffix ika, § 92—94. 

92. a) Without Vriddhi. 

1) With meaning "having, possessing" (— 3 Jca) — (2 words). 
tundika (AV.), having a tusk or tooth, <tuy}da. 
parydyikA (AV.), having (i. e. composed in) strophes, <parydj/cu 

2) With meaning "of," "belonging to" &c. (— 2 ka). Ad- 
jectival, primarily. (13 words.) 

khandika (B.8.) <khanda. -yuthika (S.) <yuthd. 

goddnika (S.) <goddna (cf. Idatika (S.) <laldta. 

gaud', § 94). -vyomnika (U.) <vybman. 

gondmika <gondm&. gdndika (RV.) <gdnda, patro- 

jyotisfomika (S.) <jy6tisfoma, nymic. 

degika (U.) <d€gd, sodagika (B.) <§odag&; soda- 

pitrmedhika (U.) <pitrm€dha. gika — "connected with the 

mahdvratika (S.) <mahdt;ratd. 16-partite Stotra." 
yamika (SV.B.) <yamdi 

Three other words, which may have either the suffix ika or 
its equivalent 2 A:a; see § 52. 

93. b) With Vriddhi. Meaning always = 2 fto, "of," "con- 
nected with" &c. Especially common in the Sutras; infrequent 
before them. Not one case in RV. — Only two in AV. {vdrsika^ 
vdsantika). — In all the Samhitas and Brahmaijas only 16 cases 
(nearly all in Br.), against 64 found for the fii-st time in Sutras. 
The Upanisads add 11 which are not found in the other early 
literature; occuiTcnces are much less common than in the Sutras. 

Double Vriddhi, — i. e. vriddhi of the principal vowels of both 
parts of a compound primitive — appears in the Veda only 
three times, to my knowledge: ddrgapdurnamdsika {QMikh,Qr. 
5. 18. 7) < dargapurnamdsd; sdrvavdidika (Ksu^. 67) Ksarva- 
veda; and sdtkdugika (Kau^.) sas-koga. Other instances in 
later language. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The K'Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 


94. Word^ist Suffix ika with Vriddhi (agnika — of or per- 

taining to Agni, and so forth). 
agnika (S.) <agnt 
dgni§tamika (B.) <agnistom&, 
agnyddheyika(S.) < agnyddh§ya. 
djdvika (S.) <ajdvi. 
ddhikdrika (S.) <adhikdra, 
ddhydtmika (U.) <adhydtma. 
ddhydyika (IT.) <adhydya. 
ddhvarika (B.S.) <adhvard. 
dnumdyiika (S.) <anwiwawa. 
dnuydjika (S.) <anuydjd. 
dpardJinika (S.) <apardhnd. 
dbhicaranika (S.) < ahhicarana. 
dhhicdrika (S.) <abhicdrd. 
dbhiplavika (S.) <abhiplavd. 
abhyxidayika (S.) < abhj/tidaya. 
dvaddnika (S.) <avaddna. 
dvika (S.r.) <dvi. 
dgvamedhika (B.S.) < af t;a- 

dikdhika (B.S.) <ei(yi(i. 
disUka (S.U.) <fefi. 
duttaravedika (B.) < t^torav^df. 
dupavasathika (S.) < upavor 

ksdumika (S.) <A:^wma. 
gduddnika (S.) <goddna. 
cdturthahnika (S.) Kcaturthd- 

cdturthika (S.) <caturtha. 
cdiurdhdkdranika (S.) Kcatiir- 

cdturvingika (S.) <caturvihq&, 
chdndomika (S.) <chandomd. 
jydisthasdmika (S.) <jyesthar 

tddarthika (S.) <tadariha. 
trdivarsika (S.) <fn-rar5a. 
ddksindgnika (S.) < ddksindgni, 
ddrQapaurnamdsika (S.) <dar- 

(106 words.) 
foptirnawa^d (Double Vrid- 
dhi). ' 

ddgardtrika (B.S.) < dagardtrd. 

dhdrmika (U.) <dhdrma. 

ndstika (S.U) <narasti (cf. o^- 
ttfca, CI.). 

ndimittika (S.) <r2im{^<a. 

ndiyamika (S.) <«iyama. 

migcdrika (S.) <nig€dra. 

ndisthika (IT.) <ni$thd. 

pdncamdhnika (S.) <paficama- 

pdramdrthika (U.) Kparawdr^ 

Ipdrsthika (S.) Kprsthyd- Suf- 
fix 2 A:a— see § 29 a.] 

pdunarddheyika (S.) <ptiwa- 

pdAmsamedhika (B.) <pan*- 

pdurvdhnika (S.) <|mrt;dfcnd. 

prdkaranika (S.) <prakara9ia, 

prdgdihika (S.) <pragdtha. 

prdtinidJiika (S.) <pratinidhi 

prddegika (S.) <jprad€fa. 

prdyagcittika (S.) Kprdyagcitta. 

brdhmduddnika (S.) brahmdu- 

bhdkiika (S.) fc/zoArff. 

rnddhuparkika (S.) < madhu" 

ydjnikd (S.U.) <yajnd. 

yddrcchika (U.) <yadrcchd. 

rdjasuyika (S.) < rdjas^ya. 

Idghavika (S.) < Idghava. 

Idiikika (S.) <iot(i 

vdyotndyikd (B.) <vayovidyd,, 

vdrunapraghdsika (S.) <rarw- 

Digitized by 



F. EdgertoHf 


vdrsagaiika (S.) Kvarsagata. 
vdrsika (AV. +) <varsa, 
vdsantika (AV. +) <va8antd. 
vdikcdpika (S.) <vikalpa. 
vditdnika (S.) <vitdn<i, 
vdidika (U.) <vida» 
vdi{;e§ika (S.) Kvigesa. 
vdigvadevika (S.) <vdirvadevd. 
vrdtika (S.) <vratd. 
gdkttnika (S.) <g€tkun&. 
gdgvatika (S.) <gdgvant 
sdtkdugika (S.) Ksas-koga. 

(Double Vriddhi.) 
§ddahika (S.) <saddhd. 
sdmvcUsarika (B.) <5ai?it;atsard. 
sdmramika (B.) <samfa/A«a. 
sdmgayika (S.) <8amgaya. 
sdmsiddhika (U.) <sanisiddhi. 
Bdnigrdmika (S.) <sanigrdma. 
sdmghdtika (S.) Ksamghdta. 
sdttrika (B.S.) <fia^trd. 
sdttvika (U.) <5a^^i'tt. 
sdmniydtika (S.) <Bamupdia. 
sdptamika (S.) <saptami 
sdptardtrika (B.) <$aptardtrd. 

The Suffix aka. 95—97. 

95. For 1 aAa, see § 16, where the examples are quoted. 
(2 words.) 

2 ofca. — Nouns of action from verb stems. Usually neuter; 
one or two fern. See § 17. (8 words.) 
abhim6thikd (QBr.), ribald talking, Kobhi-Vmith. 
'dgaka in dndgaka (QBr.), not eating, fasting (as noun), <Vaf. 
codaka (KatyQr.), invitation, direction, <Vcud. 
jlvikd (U.), manner of life, <Vjlv? But cf. ^ivd, life. Perhaps 

pdtaka (S.U.), sin, fall, < Vpat? But cf.jpato; very likely secondary. 
puraka (U.), "filling" of the lungs, inspiration, <Vpr. 
prak^epaka (U.), throwing (noun), KprO'Vk^ip. 
reedka (U.), expiration, < Vric (of. puraka). 

Cf. also pravalhikd <pravalhaj n., or from pra-VpaUi] § 91. 

sdmayacdrika(S,) <samaf/dcdra. 
edmavdyika (S.) <8amavdy<i. 
8dmika(8.)<$dman. (See §38.) 
sdthpdUka (S.) <8ampdti 
sdmpraddyiJca (U.) <sampra' 

sdrvakdmika (S.) <8arvakama 

(as n.). 
sdrvakdlika (S.) < sarvakdla. 
8drvayajnika (S.) <8arvayajna. 
sdrvavarnika (S.) < 8arvavarna. 
sdrvavdidika (S.) <8arvaveda 

(Double Vriddhi.) 
8dvika (S.) <^at;d. 
sdugandhika (B.) <8ugandha^ 
BoMrdmanika (B.) <«at^ra- 

sdumika (S.) <«dma. 
8tdubhika (S.) <«toMa. 
svdbhdvika (S.U.) <8vabhdva. 
svdrasdmika (S.) ^dro^aman. 
hdviryajfiika (S.) < haviryajfid. 
hdimantika (VS.TS. +) <fte- 

hdutrika (S.) < *o<rd (or It^tr). 

Digitized by 



Vol. xxxi.] The K'SuJSfixes of Indo-Iranian. 299 

The noun kumbhaka, "inflation" (of the breath-passages, i. e. 
keeping them fall of air, a religious exercise) Amrt.Up. 9 et 
alibiy gets its -ta by levelling from the nouns puraka and 
reeaika (see above), which are found in close juxtaposition to 
it (they being also religious exercises). Kumbhaka is of course 
formed from the noun kumbhA (because the appearance of a 
person performing the exercise suggested a pot), while the 
other two are formed by the suffix aJca from roots. 

96. 3 oka. — Participial adjectives and nouns of agent. At 
first only the latter use is found. All the Yedic cases outside 
the Upani^ads, except two in the Sutras, are exclusively used 
as nouns (of agent), not as adjectives. In the XJpani^ads the 
two uses are found mingled about as in later Skt. — The only 
words which appear before the Upanisads are: 

piyaka, n. of a class of demons; "abuser" ? Vply. 
kfttikd, pi. the Pleiades (as a sword); Vkfi- See § 20. 
abhikrogaka, reviler, dbhirVkru^. 
vildyaka, soother, vi^Vll. 

iksaka (QBr.), spectator, Vlks. 

pariprcdhaka (GopBr.), inquirer, pari-Vprcch. 
and four words quoted in Whitney's Verb-forms as primaiy 
derivatives from the Br9.hmaQas, which may belong here; I 
have not been able to find where they occur. They are: 
dhuvaka- Vdhu. 
pdtdka- Vpat 

avabhedaka, "splitter," epithet of headache, ava-Vbhid. 
updaaka, servant, upor Yds. 

khddaJca, eater, Vkhdd. _ 

preksakuj spectator; as adj. deliberating im^pra-Viks. 
vindyaka, n. of demons, vi-Vnu 
samjlvaJca, animating, sam-Vjiv. 
The remaining words are all Upani^adic, and a majority of 
them are adjectival (participial) in meaning. There ai-e signs 
of a tendency for these words to take the meaning of the 
causative of the verb-root from which they ai*e derived; so, 
e. g., tdraka „one who takes across or saves;" pravartaka "one 
who sets in motion." In the Classical language this tendency 
became very prominent, and the number of such causative 
words in -oka is large, as will be shown in Part II of this book. 

Sutras: — . 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 


F. EdgertoHy 


97. In this list, which includes all Vedic words in 3 oka, 
the roots are listed alphabetically; roots compounded with 
prepositions are placed under the simple roots. The accent 
was on tbe root-syllable regularly. (45 words: 40 different 

anj 4- vi 


nl 4- vi 



dtikl (? n. pr.). 





pad + ud 


dp + vi 




as + upa 


prcch + pari pariprcchaka. 



bhds + ud 


+ pra 


bhid + ava 







krttikd (see above, 



and also 

§ 20). 



Jdp-^ sam 


rudh + ni 


krug + abhi abhikrogaka. 





ll + vi 


gras + ud 










vH + ni 


jlv + sam 


-¥ pra 




+ sam 




vraj + pari 


+ pra 




dip + pari 



sdraka (?). 









The Suffix uka. §§ 98—99 


98. (For Secondary uka, see § 21, where supposed examples 
are quoted.) Primary. Words of present-participle meaning 
(besides d-lambhukd^ see § 24, with gerundival meaning) from 
verbal roots. Piftctically limited to the BrShmapa language 
(see §§ 22 — 24). Of 71 Vedic words aU but four are found 
in the BrShmapas. These four are: 
sdnukd (RV.), Vsan. vikasuka {A\.), vi-Vkas, 

fdhnuka (S.), Vrdh. lambhuka (IT.), Vlambh. 

The AV. has furthermore three words which ai'e also found in 
the Brahma^as, viz: ghdtuka (Vhan), a-pramdyuka (pra-Vmij^ 
samkasuka (sam-Vkas), This makes five pre-Brahma^ic in- 

Digitized by 


Vol. xxxi.] The K- Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 


stances; for the YY. Samhit&s proper do not contain a single 
instance, so far as recorded. Following are the 71 Yedic 
words I have noted, arranged alphabetically under the 57 roots. 
On the forms of the roots, see § 24. The accent is on the 
root-syllable, whether the root is simple or compound, — unless 
a-privativ is prefixed, in which case it has the accent. The 
only exceptions are sdnuJcd (RY.), vi- and i&m-kasuka (AY.), 
which date from the formative period of the suffix; sdnukd 
was not felt as Vsan + suffix -wfta, but as an u-base from 

V^an (sanoti) 

+ suffix -ka. 

99. agandya 




i + abhi 


pat + para 


+ vi 


pad + pra 












bandh + ud 



bhid + vi 


4- sam 




+ a 


-{- pard 


+ vi 


bhrang + prar prabhrdhguka. 



mad + ud 


has + vi 


man + abhi 


+ sam 


ml 4- pra 






kr -{• prd 




kram + apa 


mrj + nis 


+ upa 


mrit + nis 






gam + d 






rudh + apa 


car + dbhy -( 

%va 'dbhyavacar- 

ruh + dbhy-d 


uka in dn-a. 



cyu -k- pra 


vad + abhi 




vid (1) 




vid (2) 






das + upa 








+ nis -nirddhuka in d-». 

gus -{' ud 


nam + upa 


gf + sam 




sad + apo-ni 


Digitized by 


302 F. Edgerion, 


san $antik&. 
stha sthayuka. 

+ upa upasthdyuka. 

+ prati prcUiithdyuka 
in &-p. 

+ pra 


hvr + vi 






+ praty-iid pratyutOior 
yuka in o-j?. 


The Suffix uka — see § 25, where all quotable examples are 
given. (3 words.) 

g ^The Suffix ika. See § 26. (20 words.) 

100. a) VerbcU adjectives or nouns of agent from Verbal bases. 
{dgartka^ AV., tearing pains; <dVgf in dissyllabic form ^ar%; 

primary ka.) 

-rfika, RV., AV., gleaming; Vrj (in Arjuna, ryrA, fjtti). 

In dvir-, bhd-, gd-rfika. That the word ever means "ming- 
led with," except in a purely secondary way, I do not believe. 
go-rjika is commonly rendered "mixed with milk," but more 
accurately it means **milk-8hining," „gleaming with milk" (of 
the soma-mixture). 

dufika, AV. n. of demons, "spoilers;" Vdus {du§i), 

drQViiiy TS., beholder, Vdr^. 

dfbhVca, RV., n. of a demon, Vdrbh- weave, tie. 

[parpharika?—RY. 10. 106. 6.— BR. merely quote Sfty.— 
"Zerreisser oder ErftQler;" other comm. have various guesses; 
nothing certain. The whole hymn is late, and purposely 
mystical and obscure. With reference to turphdr% which is 
closely connected with it, I should suppose that parphartka 
is a secondary formation to *parphart; but it might be 
primary, from the root of parpharati (next verse). Ludwig 
"zerstreuend," Grassmann "Gabon ausstreuend."] 

{vigarika, AV., a disease; primary ka — see dgarlka. But c£ 

vrdhtkd, RV., n. of Indra, "increaser;" Vvrdh. 

101. Other Uses. 

b) Gerundive Adjectives from Verbal bases: 
isikd (AV. +), "to be shot," an arrow, Vis. 
dfgika (RV.) "to be seen," splendid, Vdrg. 

c) Abstract Xouns from Verbal bases: 
dfglka, and (once) -d (RV.), appearance, Vdr^, 
mrdVcA, and (deriv.) mdrdUcA (RV.), favor, mercy, Vmrd. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The K'Suffixes of Irub-Iranian. 303 

d) Secondary nouns from nouns, with mg. of 1 ka. 
rksikd (A v.), n. of an evil spirit; "bear-like?" <fk§a? 
ktiglkd (RV.)? weasel; <kdQa, the same or a like animal. 
kumbhika (AV.), a sort of demon; perhaps cf. ku)nbhd. 

e) Wholly uncertain are the following words (see General 
Index for what little can be said about them): 

utlka garsika 

kidika (jndikd) satlka 

cupunikd sdrnlka 

pardrikd susilika (for gugiduka?) 

The Adverbial Suffix k — see § 27, where all quotable examples 
are given. 

The Primary Suffix ka. See § 28. 

102. Nothing remains after what has been said (§ 28) but 
to give an alphabetical list of those words which have most 
the appearance of primary derivatives. Any attempt to assign 
definite meanings to the suffix, except in a general way as 
has been done in § 28, would be fruitless. How many of the 
words here listed are really formed from true "roots" or bases 
with the suffix ka, not from lost adjectives or nouns, is a 
question that is very difficult to answer. — It will be noted that 
the words are nearly all ancient, most of them appearing in 
the RV. — In the case of some it is very doubtful whether the 
suffix ka is really contained in them. When this is the case 
it will be indicated. 

103. Word list.— Primary ka. (About 30 words.) 
atka (RV.), a garment, Av. oCBm. 

dgarika ( A V.), a disease, **tearing pains," < a- Vgr, in dissyllabic 

form ^ri. Cf. vigarika. 
dsuka (Ar§Br.), n. of a sSman, < OrVsu? Comm. < asidca, an 

alleged n. pr. 
eka (RV. +), one. IE. base oi-. 
karkd (AV.), white. ? 
ksvifikd (RV.) a cert. bird. Prob. onomatopoetic. 

jdhdkd (TS.,VS.), hedgehog. Vhd, 

ndka (RV.), heaven. Suggested Vnam; IE. nm + ka. Quite 

nika (ArsBr.), n. of a saman. — Cf. wi? 

niakd (RV.), a neck' ornament. ? Cf. OHG. nusca, Olr. nose, 
nihdkd (RV.), storm. ? 

▼OL. XXXL Part in. 21 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

304 F. EdgerUmy [I9ll. 

pdka (B.V.), very young; simple &c. Prob. Vpd -f to, "suckling." 
pik& (VS.), a bird. Uhlenbeck compares plcus; very doubtful. 
baka (KS.), n. pr. (in Class. Skt., a crane). Prob. non-suffixal fc« 
bedcUy bai^kUj bleska, meska, veskA, vlesika (YY. +), a snare. 

Perhaps from Vve^ ray-weave. But Binigm. has a different 

etymology, assuming vleska as the orig. form. 
bheka (Maitr.Up.), frog. Prob. onomatopoetic. 
mdka or muM (YS.), dumb. Cfc mura, fi\Mo, Lt. muttis, 
-rnHkd in sumlka (RY.), well-established. Vnd. 
yaska (S.), n. pr. ? {yd$ka, patron.). 
rdkd (RY.), full-moon. Cf. ra(i)? 
Uka (TS.), n. of an Aditya, Vli, stick, Jie,—? 
vaUcd (TS.), tree-bark. Perhaps cf. Vvr, cover. 
vika (Ars.Br.), n. of a sfiman. Cf. vi? — Compare nika. 
vigarUca (AY.), a disease, cf. dganka\ <t;i-/ff, in dissyllabic 

form garl-. But cf. vigardl 
vrkkd (BY.), kidney, for vrtka, as Av. v9r9dko shows. Further 

gulkd (BY.), price. Uncertain. 
gu§ka (BY.), dried up. Vgiis. Av. huSka. 
QL6ka (BY.), sound &c. V g-u 

fvO'kiskin (AY.), of uncertain meaning and etymology. 
sarhpuska (S.), unground. Mistake for aam-guska? 
{srkd (BY.), arrow — Av. har9ko, Vhardc\ non-suffixal &). 
(stuka)j child (TAr.), text probably corrupt. 
{stiikd, hair-tuft, called by Wh. primary, but see § 42.) 
stokd (BY.), drop, Vsiuj as in ghftostdvas (better than the 

derivation from Yocut by metathesis). 
sphatika (U.), crystal. Vsphat, burst, only Dhatup; Uhlenbeck 

compares spalten, 
-sphdkd (AY.) in ptvah-sphakd, swelling with fat. Vsphd(t). 

Chapter VL 

The Sufiix in Av., compared with RV.; the Prehistoric 


Based on list of Av. words in Bartholomae's Wbch. 

104. In striking contrast to the fullness and richness shown 

in the development of the ka suffixes in Skt. stands the meager 

use of them in the most closely related language, Avestan. Not 

only are the Av. instances very few in number (barely over 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The K'SuffixeB of Indo-Iranian. 305 

50 in Bartholomae), but semanticaJly the conditions are primitive 
compared with those existing even at quite an early date in 
the sister language of India. However, if we examine separa- 
tely the ka sufGixes found in the RY. alone, we shall find a 
striking resemblance between them and those of the Av. And 
from a combination of the two it will be possible with a fair 
degree of confidence to deduce the values which the suffix had 
in the common Ind.-Iran. period. We shall find, it may be 
added, that these values were surprisingly restricted, in com- 
parison with the extent to which the suffix developed in later 
Skt. It will be seen at once that this fact may have an 
important bearing on the question of the origin of the suffix 
in the still more remote IE. period. — Probably it will appear 
that too much weight has been placed on the great fi'equency 
of the suffix in some historic languages, notably Skt. and G-k. 
But there is no evidence that it was at all common in the 
parent language; rather, there is evidence to the contrary. 

105. Let us first take up briefly the state of the suffix in 
the RV. The only common use of it is our first category, 
1 fta (§ 9), to which (with its subdivision, the diminutive koL) 
belong over half the ka words whose derivation is determinable. 
Inside this division the dim. and pej. words again largely 
predominate, with about 40 words as against 11 cases of 1 ka 
in its non-dim. use as a suffix of characteristic. Over half of 
the 40 diminutives are pejoratives of one sort or another. — 
The adjectival suffix 2 fta (§ 11) is unknown except for 7 pro- 
nominal adjectives {mawakA &c.) and the n. pr. kuQik& (§ 52) 
which is more or less uncertain, though it has been clast here. 
Only the faint beginnings of the Possessiv and Bahuvrihi suffix 
3 ka appear, with three cases of a transitional character, 
which might be considered cases of 1 ka (characterizing ad- 
jectives). Interesting are the two RV. cases of 4 ka, giving 
activ value (§§ 13, 19). — None of the derived suffixes ikay aka^ 
uka, ukaj are found, if we except g&ndika (said to be a 
pati'onymic < ^dnda on no other authority than Saya9a), sdyaka 
and suldbhikd (uncertain and in any case not belonging in 
meaning to the later suffix aka), sdnukd (really a case of 
primary ka from the verb-stem sanu-, like vigarika (§ 103) 
from garirVgf); and the curiously anachronistic word jdgaruka 
(§ 25). The little group of ika words (§§ 100, 101) is not 
very clear and may be neglected. The five RV.-adverbs in -t 


Digitized by LjOOQIC 

306 F. Edgerton, [1911. 

are also not clear, but are most likely developed from forms of 
1 ka. There remain only the dozen or more primary ka 

106. Practically, then, in the RV. the sufdx is used (1) as 
a primary suffix, most often giving active verbal force (which 
also appears in two secondary adjectives); (2) as a secondary 
suffix, forming nouns and adjectives of likeness and character- 
istic; (3) as a dim. and pej. suffix (developed out of the preced- 
ing); (4) as a secondary suffix forming adjectives of appurtenance 
and relationship (almost restricted to pronominal bases). 

107. These same conditions are approximately reproduced 
in the Av., though not in the same numerical ratio; the pro« 
portion of diminutives is very much smaller, and the pejorativ 
category is much less clear-cut and certain than in the RV,, 
so that its existence might even be doubted from the stand- 
point of the Av. language alone. The investigation of such 
fine shades of meaning is extremely difficult in the Av. because 
of the limited material. A number of words which evidently 
contain suffixal ka cannot be classified with certainty as to 
semantics because the primitivs from which they were derived 
do not chance to occur, so that we cannot be certain as to 
just the touch which the suffix added. Following is an at- 
tempt to classify the ka words of Av. along the same general 
lines already applied to the Vedic words. 

108. Suffix 1 ka (§ 9). 12 words, a) noun < noun; mg. 
"like, similar to" (§ 40). 

maSydkaj man (homo; perhaps orig. adj., humanus?) <inaSya. 
The a is probably a textual mistake, 
b) adj. or subst. < noun, mg. "characterized by (a quality 

or thing)." 

apakJiraosaka, reviling (i. e. having a nature giving to revil- 
ing, characterized by reviling, not the same as a verbal 
adj.); as Barth. rightly says, from *apakhrao$a (aporkhrtis) 
« Skt. apakroga^ n. — The accidental resemblance of this 
and one or two other words to the late Skt. development 
of primary aka (see § 96) should mislead no one. Cf. nipa- 
inaka, with analogous meaning, but proving by its suffixal 
-na that it is a nominal derivativ. 

apaskaraka, scornful, < ^apaskara (hypothetical), "scorn." Cf. 
apakhrciosaka. Barth. cannot explain the etymology. Could it 
not be from apa'{s)kar? In Skt. apa-kr means "injure, insult." 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxL] The K'Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 307 

daitika, wild beast, presumably from dot; "characterized by, 

remarkable for teeth." The i is probably euphonic; cf. Vedic 

iyat-Uikd, mfUUika, § 36. — Cf. AV. 4. 3. 4 vyaghram dot- 

v&tam pratham&m. 
paiUka, quarrelsome, <paiti «=» 8\ct.pr6ti. Barth. derives <pait' 

yanc, which seems inferior. Cf. Ved. adhika^ dnuka, antika 
■ (§ 47). 
nipoMaka, envious (i. e. characterized by envy). <*nipaSna 

(hypothetical), envy, < ni-paSna ( Vpa^ — Skt. pag). 
puitika, "having the character of *puiti = Skt. jptki, cleansing"; 

i. e. cleansing (adj.). — This partakes of the character of 4 to, 

by its active force. 
bandaka, subject, vassal, < banda, fetter. Contrast Skt. bandhaka, 

captor {'Oka), 
nivayaJca, terrifying, K^nivaya, terror (ni + vay, bay, = Skt. 

bhl). Cf. apakhraosaka, 
vamrka, great; cf. vagdr9t, mighty. Porh. cf. Skt. ojas &c. 

If so, it would mean "characterized by, having, strength." 

In this word and in daitika we have formations leaning in 

the direction of the possessiv suffix (5 ka), which however 

remain abortiv in Av. 
spa/ia, dog-like, dog- (adj., applied to serpents). Cf. Hdt. 1. 

110 (nroKa rrjv Kwa KoXeovci ol JArj8oi, 

c) subst. < adj. (§ 46), sydmaka, n. of a Mt., < *8ydma — Skt. 

gtjdmd, dark, black. Cf. Av. sydva- (in comp.), id. 

109. Simple Diminutives. (11 words.) 
aparendyuka, minor, child (usually adj.), < a-psrandyu, id. ("not 

having full age"). 
araeJca, a sort of ant. Etym. unknown. Dim.? Cf. Skt. pipiUxka, 

Lat. formica, &c. 
kainikd, girl; Dim. of kaini, kainyd -= Skt. kanya. 
kanukd, n. of a pious damsel. Cf. kainyd*^ Dim.? Perh. a 

kasvikd, very tiny < kasu, tiny, (cpv. kasyah, sup. kasistha; the 

i-{ka) seems to have been carried over fi'om these forms). 
kutaka, small, cf. NP. koda, child. Presumably Dim. 
carditikd, young woman, <carditl, id. Dim.; of Endearment? 
jahikd, wife (of demon, beings); common, wicked woman, jahl 

has the same meanings. Dim. (orig. of endearment? or Pej.?) 
pasuka, domestic animal, from and ^ pcmc. Dim.? cf. Skt. 


Digitized by LjOOQIC 

308 F. Edgerton, [l9il. 

nairika, woman, wife, chief wife (ahui'ic; opp, to jaJiikd). 

< ndirly woman, wife — Skt. ndrl. Dim., prob. of endear- 
namadka, brushwood, small kindlings, «» ndmata. Perhaps dim. 

For the dropping of -a cf. Ved. g&lka < qoUl, § 29 b. 

110. Pejorativ Diminutive. 

The extensiv development of the contemptuous and impreca- 
tory meanings of the suffix ka which characterize the Veda 
is markedly lacking in the Av. In fact, on the basis of the 
Av. language alone it would scarcely occur to any one to set 
up this department of the suffix. — Nevertheless, there is a group 
of evil words in ka, mostly names and epithets of demoniacal 
personages, which seems to me too numerous to be quite acci- 
dental. Cf. the Ved. use of the suffix with names of demons, 
§ 78. — It cannot be claimed to be absolutely certain that the 
suffix in these Av. words was felt in this way, but it is at 
least quite probable. Besides jahikd above (which may have 
been originally endearing) the following are the words in 
question. Their etymologies are largely uncertain. (10 words.) 
dahaka, n. of demons (also epithet of Vayu.). — Cf. Skt. ddsdj 

ddsyuj Av. dahyti. 
ddhdka, n. of a fabulous demon-king. Cf. dahaka. 
{diizaka); opprobrious epithet of the hedgehog. — Barth. takes 

it as a Bah. <du^ + oka', otherwise it might be a pej. 

(druka), n. of a disease, sin, or the like. Etym.? If suffixal 

at all, the ka is probably imprecatory. 
pairikd, enchantress. Barth. in BB. 15. 8 < Skt. para-; very 

improbable, phonetically as he admits in his Lex., and also 

semantically. No etym. of value has been suggested. Prob. 

mar oka, n. of devilish beings. Etym. and Mg. unc; prob. 

<mura = Skt. murd, dull, stupid. Pejorativ. 
vawzaka, n. of a demoniacal animal; ace. to Barth. <*vaw£a 

= bal. gvabz, bee, wasp, cf. Skt. urna-vdhhi, spider. — Imprec.? 
d'Vdrdzikdy not working, lazy (demonic word). < var^zi, working 

(comp.). Pej, 
rapaka, supporting, siding with (only with daevanam). < *rapa 

Vrap\ Imprec.'^ 
zairimydka, n. of the tortoise, a demonic beast; ace. to Barth. 

"abbreviation" of zairimyamcr a, with dim. (i.e. imprec.) suffix. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Yol. xxxij The K'Suffixes of Iftdo-Iranian. 309 

111. The Suffix 2 ha (§ 11). (5 words.) As in the RV., the 
clearest examples are pronominal adjectives: ahmaka^ astndka^ 
yuSmaka — yusm&ka. Furthermore: andmaka, n. of a month, 
lit. "of, belonging to, the Nameless (the Supreme Deity)," ace. 
to Barth., < *andman. If this is correct, the suffix is 8 ka, — 
arikd, hostile, is better derived fi'om "^ari == Skt. ari, enemy. 
Barth.'s labored derivation seems inferior. — Here seems also to 
belong: pacika <*paca (Vpac) in the. adj. ydmo-pacikaj with 
khumba, "a vessal intended for burning glass." In this sole 
instance we have what looks like the Skt. suffix ika (§ 92). 
The lack of parallels in RV. and Av. is against this, however. 
Probably the i was really the result of some analogy, now 
indiscernible, — if it is not a corruption of the text. — That 
vdkhodrikd, n. of a Mt., is a Vriddhi formation from an imag- 
inary *vcLkh9dra is a quite arbitrary assimiption on the part 
of Barth. There is no Av. instance of vriddhi with a ka 
suffix. Neither does the RV. know this phenomenon, which 
only comes in with the development of the suffixes 2 ka and 

112. Primary ka (§ 103). (7 words.) 

zinaka, destroying, a true verbal adj. <zinar, present base of 
Visn., — adka, garment, — Skt. atka. — VBrsdka, kidney, «= Skt. 
vrkka. — hu^ka, di-y, « Skt. guska. — maridika or mardzdikay 
mercy, «= Skt. mrdlkd. The appearance of i (Skt. %) in deriva- 
tivs from this root is as perplexing as it is persistent. — araska^ 
(supposed to mean) envy, cf. ardsyanty Skt. Irsyati. Abstract 
noun from root; cf. Ved. gloka <gru, and the following. — saokd 
n. or f. advantage (?); < Vsu — to be of advantage to. Abstract 
noun < rooty cf. araska, (Or, possibly, < Vsuc = Skt. gucT) 

113. Unclassified. (10 words.) 

The following Av. words mostly must have suffixal ka, but 
are not clear etymologically. 

kuganakdy n. of a city. — tudadkd, n. of a Mt.; has the 
appearance of being derived from a pres. part, stem, cf. Skt. 
ejatkdy hrhaika. — druvika, howling, groaning (imprecatory ka?). — 
pdrdskd, price; see Barth. Wbch. and references there quoted. 
If from the base IE. pret- (as generally assumed), the suffix 
must be -ska, for *prtka could not give Av. pdr9skd.—fraMLmaka, 
buttocks. — nydkdy grand-father, -mother. — yaska, disease, perhaps 
for *yaks'ka, cf. Skt. ydksma. — vdkhddrikdy n. of a Mt. — vdidi- 
midkaj in urunyo-v., n. of a Mt. Uncertain; Barth. conjectures 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

310 F. Edgerton, [1911. 

-midka < *mit = Skt. mit, pillar. — sanaka^ mouth (of the Tigris). 
Etym. unknown. 

114. The Prehistoric Suffix ka. 

What, then, on the basis of these results, appears to have 
been the state of the suffix in primitive Aryan? Although argu- 
ment from negation has its dangers, it is hai'dly likely that 
uses of any frequently occurring suffix which are found in later 
Skt., but not in the RY., nor in the Av., could have belonged 
to the prehistoric Ind.-Iran. On that hypothesis, we must 
rule out the derived suffixes ika^ aka (Verbal), uJca and uka, 
all of which are practically lacking in RV. and Av.^ We 
therefore cannot accept Brugraann's statement (Gr.II*: 1 p. 488) 
that the adjectival suffix -iqo- (« Skt. ilea) is found "throughout 
the entire IE. territory." In the oldest strata of Aryan it 
cannot be proved to have existed, unless by one or two sporadic 
and doubtful examples ; and its extensiv growth in Skt. is cer- 
tainly a late development.— The use of ka as a possessiv suftix 
(5 ka) shows only the barest beginnings in RV., and as a 
conscious suffixal category is also post- Aryan. — The suffix 2 ka 
evidently existed in Aryan, but its use was principally restricted 
to pronominal stems. The adverbial -k is not demonstrably 
Arj'an, no instance occurring in Av. — We have left, then, as the 
demonstrable uses of the ia-suffix inlnd.-lran.: 1) the formation 
of nouns of likeness or adjectivs of characteristic; 2) the diminu- 
tiv and (perhaps) pojorativ formations, 3) occasional formations 
with 2 ka, mainly pronominal adjectivs,' and 4) the primary 
formations from verbal bases, apparently inclining towards 
the meaning of verbal adjectives or nouns of agent (with which 
meaning also a few secondary formations are created). This 
primary use of the suffix was proportionately much more 
frequent, it seems, in the prehistoric language than in the 
literature we have, where it has died out as an active fonnant, 
overwhelmed by the flood of secondary ka formations. In its 

* Neglecting jdgaruka, the alleged patronymic Qandika. and the isolated 
Av. -pacika. As has been said (§ 108) the i of Av. daitika is probably 
merely euphonic, cl". Vod. mfttikd] and in any case its meaning does not 
tit with the ordinary meaning of the suffix ika (== 2 ka). -kasvika, which 
Brugm. quotes as an exami)le of A v. ika^ is stiil less apt, for it is 
obviously a diminutive formation, and in Aryan they always take simple 
ka. As has been indicated (§ 109) its i is probably analogical, from 
knsyaJi, kasistha. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The K'Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 311 

place sprang up the various derivativ fto-suffixes of Skt. which 
have this active value exclusivly. 

115. If these conclusions be accepted, it will be seen at once 
that the suffix ka was much more restricted in early times 
than is often assumed. It may be that in the same way the 
extensiv use of -kos suflfixes in Gk. and other languages will 
prove to be secondary. At any rate, from the Aryan point 
of view the range of the IE. kos or qos appears to have been 
quite limited. 

116. We cannot conclude this brief allusion to the IE. suffix 
ka (which will probably at some future time receive more 
fitting consideration) without mentioning Leskien's interesting 
chapter on the related fc-suffixes of Lithuanian i, especially as 
it seems to bear out in general our position as to the com- 
parativly restricted use of ka in IE. In Lith., according to 
Leskien, ka appears principally in the derivativ suffixes ika, oka, 
uka, — all evidently of secondary origin and not dating back 
to the LVsprache. They preserve (in a confused and rather 
hit-or-miss way) practically the same meanings which we 
arrived at as the values of the suffix in Aryan, to wit: 1) pri- 
mary formations, verbal adjectivs and nouns of agent; 2) secon- 
dary formations of characteristic (i ka), especially making sub- 
stantivs out of adjectivs (cf. § 46); 3) diminutivs; 4) secondary 
adjectivs and patronymics (our 8 ka); the secondary adjectivs 
are principally words in'-oAra (— Skt. Av. -dka) from prono- 
minal stems, — so that the correspondence is almost marvellously 
close. I should be very loath to believe that this is entirely 
accidental; I think that we have here the kernel of the 
suffix 'kos (qos) in IE. 

117. To show that the derived suffix -ika in Lith. does not 
really support the hypothesis that such a suffix existed in IE. 
we need only mention that its principal values are 1) formation 
of nouns of agent from roots, 2) formation of diminutivs from 
nouns. Neither of these meanings for -ika is found at all in 
Skt. literature,— least of all in the Veda. — An interesting 
parallel to Skt. formations in ^aka (masc. neut.), -ika (fem.) is 
the Lith. combination of masc. -uka with fern, -ike, AVhether 
this is enough to establish an IE. fem. suffix -ika, corresponding 
to masculins in -o-fco, is doubtful; but such a phenomenon would 

1 Bildung der Nomina im Littauischen. p. 504 ft*. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

312 F. Edgerton, [1911. 

be quite conceivable, and is contradicted by nothing of which 
the writer is aware. To be sure the masculine -oka (IE. -oko') 
is replaced in Lithuanian by a different form of the suffix. 

Statistics of Vedic k -Words. 

118. Detailed statistics are hard to give: Some of the words 
are used in different senses and hence counted twice; others 
are classified under more than one head because they might 
belong to any one of them. The following figures are approxim- 
ately correct: 

1 ka (circ. 110 + Dim., circ. 180) circ. 290 
3 ka 53 

3 ka (21 + Bah., 96) 117 

4 ka . , 5 

Unclassified Secondary ka 87 

Total Secondary ka circ. 550 

Suffix ika (with Yriddhi 105; without 15). . 120 

aka (1 aka 2, 2 aka 8; 3 aka 45) . . 55 

Ilka (Participial 71; others 5) . . . . 76 

aka 3 

Ika circ. 20 

k 6 

Primary ka circ. 30 

Total circ. 860 

General Index and List of Vedic k-W^ords. 

See i 

-aht^xika « dii^a, ifc. Bah. — Maitr. Up 55 

-aksaka = aksdn, ifc. Bah. — KSA. 5. 3. Of -aksika and 

54 a, 55 
aksamdlikd, '^little rosary," n. of an Up.. Mukt I^p. ... 62 
'Oksikd, ifc. Bah. = dksi, TS. 7. 5. 12. 1, cf. -alcsaka and 

54 a, 55 

agnika^ ifc. Bah., = agnt Gop. Br 55 

agnihotrakaj n. of au Up., Mukt. Up 51 

-angaka, ifc. Bah., «= dnga, KSA. 5. 3 54 a, 55 

ajdvikd, see s. v. avikd 44 

anjalikd (or nyaiijalikd?), ?Comm. hastdgravarttinam afijor 
Urn, — The passage (TAr. 1. 6. 1) reads: tvam [sc. QiQiraK\ 
karosi ny anjalikdm I tvaui karosi ni jdnukdm \ nijdnvkd 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The K'Suffixea of Indo-Iranian. 313 

See I 

me ny ahjalika \ ami vdcam updsatam Hi |. — The accents 
are hopelessly confused. — The whole passage is very 
dark and uncertain. The comm. takes wt with karosi 
in the first clause, and in the third supplies bhavatu. 
His laborious explanation is about as follows: "The 
winter causes people to make an anjalikd (see above) 
downwards (towards the fire, for warmth). — It causes 
them to bend the knees (see s. v. jdnukd) downward (to 
warm the body at the fire). — *Let there be of me a 
bending of the knees, an anjalikdV — These (wise people) 

cherish this saying (during the winter)" 58 

anlyaskd, more tiny, AV.^ K&nlyas, smaller 63 

-anvka — atm^ ifc. Bah. Maitr. Up 55 

&lka, armor, garment, RV. &c 103 

, n. of an Asura, RV 

ddhikay additional, <ddhi; Katy. Qr ' ... 47 

anantaka, n. of a Naga, GSxud. Up 78 

{dnlka, face.) -ka not suffixal, but an a -extension of a 
formation in -(y)anc, -Ic; cf. prdWca, abhika &c. The 
base is compared with Gk. €v. For the i cf. cvi, — or 
otherwise it may be merely analogical to prdtlka &c., as 
is undoubtedly the case with samlkd (q. v.), from samydiic — 

dnuka, subordinate, <dnu. QB. . . : 47 

dntaka <dnta, ending, ender, AV. &c.; as npr. Death, 56, 19 

A v., VS. &c.; (antakd) border, QB 40 

antHcd <dnti in adv. forms -am, -at, -c; near. RV., AV. . 47 
anyakd, other (contempt. — imprec), < dnya. Only RV. 74, 82 

apakramukUy retiring, TS. &c 99 

apanisddukaj lying down apart, MS 99 

aparodhuka, detaining, MS 99 

abhikrogaka, reviler, VS. (so Say.— -'niwJaAra'; so also BR.; 

Griffith— "watchman") 96, 97 

abhinivistaka, stale (food) — ? Man. Gr. 2. 13. 5. See 

Knauer's note 46 

abhimddyatkdj somewhat drunk, QB 65 

abhimdnuka, insidious, QB. Ait.B., &c 99 

abhimethikd, insulting speech, C-B 95 

-abhivdduka in an-a., not greeting, Gop.B. Vait 99 

'dbhyavacdruka in dn-a., not attacking, MS 99 

dhhydyukaj coming to, Kap. S 99 

abhydrohnka, ascending, MS 99 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

314 F. Edgertoyiy [1911. 

diwawifca,— ? AV. 20. 130. 9 (Mss. mnanako mdnachak&h; 
RWh. dmanikd manichMah; RVKh. 5. 15. 7 dmanako 

mdnasthcikah, q. v 58 

(amotaJca, corrupt Ms. reading AY. 20. 127. 5. RWh. 

amota gd.) — 

-ainbakay ifc. Bah., as try -d., having 3 mothers? n. of 

Rudra RV 55 

ambdlikd, dear little mother, VS. (voc, ambdJike) ... 67 
ambikd (voc), dear little mother, VS. &c. (Also n. of sister 

of Rudra) VS. &c 67 

ardtdki, n. of a plant, AY. The Comm. do not attempt 
to explain the word. Cf. mrga-rdtikd (Lexx. only), a 
medicinal plant and pot-herb; rdti^ war (Lexx.), Vrat 

shriek 58 

aristaka, having the disease drista, Kau^. (ace. to MW. 

Addendum) 53 

drtuka^ quarrelsome, QB 99 

(ardhaka-ghatin) — ? AV.i Prob. the Ppp. adhvaga-ghdtin 
is the true reading. "Slayer of travellers" means Rudra, 
who is besought to spare the speaker. The verse is in 
a charm for safe travel. See notes of Bloomfield and 

Henry for discussion — 

drdhiika, prospering, QB 99 

arhhakd, small (dim. and contempt.) RY. etc 63, 72 

armakd^ heap of ruins, RY 79 

(in Kau^ 26 appears to be an adj. "ruined"). 

dlakam, in vain (contempt.) RY • . 76, 37 

aldbuka, the fi-uit of the gourd, AY., RYKh 62 

(allka) < *aU'anc, cf dnlka] *ali- cf oAAos, alius &c. . . . — 

aipakd, ikd, small (dim. obs.) AY., QB 63, 86 

dvakd (once, MS. 3. 15. 1, -ka), a plant; AY., YS. &c. . 47 
avaghatarikd, n. of a musical instrument, Qankh. Qr. . . 62 
avacatnuka, Ait. Br. — Say — "n. of a country." Obscure . 58 

avacarantikd, AY. contempt. <avacaranti 73 

avatakd (Mss. and R^Vh. avatkd), little spring, AY. . . 62 
avadhutaka — dvadhuta, n. of Ilpanisad, Mukt. Up. . . 44 

avdbhedaka, "piercer," headache, Par. Gr 96, 97 

{dvdkha, QBr. 9. 1. 2. 22, artificial word, as if avdk [avanc] + kd, 

invented to explain dvakd, q. v.) — 

avikd (or avikd), ewe-sheep, lamb, RY., AY 62 

ajdvikd, goats and sheep, = (dvandva)a;ai;?, QBr. . 44 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The K'Su^ftxes of Indo-Iranian. 315 

agandyuJca, hungry, QB 99 

-agUika^ ifc. Bah., as sdfitika, with (i. e. plus) eighty, 

Garbh. Up 55 

ogvtM,, horse (imprec), VS., TS. &c 79 

Astaka^ consisting of 8, QBr.; n. pr. Ait. Br. <asta\ -kd, the 

day of the moon's quarter, AV 53 

asakdii, — asM (obs.), VS. &c 86, 37 

asuyakaj envious, Maitr. Up 97 

dstaka, home, AV. <&sta,—iiQ>, Bah. in svastak&—AN, 41, 55 
{(kstaimkiL^ adv. -xki^ at home, < dstam^ id., by analogy with 

'Ika formations like pr&tika &c., cf. dnika^ dltka, samtka) — 
'Osthdka (KSA. 5. 3) and -asaiika (TS. 7. 5. 12. 2) ifc. 

Bah. = asthan (Asthi) 54 a, 55 

asmdJca, our, RV. &c 51, 30 a Note 

dhaUika, prattler?, QB. (BrArUp.) 71 

'dkhyaka, ifc. Bah. in ddhdrakhyaka. Ramap. Up. (« akhyd) 55 

dgantuka, accidental, adventitious, A^v. Qr 45 

dgdmuJca, coming to, MS 99 

dgnika, of Agni, or the sacrificial fire, Katy Qr. &c. . . 94 

dgnistomika, of the agnistoma, QBr 94 

dgnyddheyika, of the agnyddh^a, Katy Qr 94 

djdvika, made of goat's and sheep's hair, Kau<j .... 94 
dtiklj n. pr. of the wife of a Rishi, Cha.Up. — Vat] cf. dtaka 

(only Lexx.), dtika, n. of a YV. school; dto, n. of Naga 97 

ddhcJcUj a measure of grain, Q-arbh. Up. Obscure ... 58 
(ddhdrikd, see dhdrikd), 

dndtka, "egg (i. e. bulb-) bearing," the lotus, AV. Kaug . 53 

dtmaka, of the nature (self, dtman), Cha. Up., Qvet. Up. . 50 

cAmahodhcika — -dha, n. of an Upani9ad, Mukt. Up. . . 44 

-ddika, ifc. Bah. — -ddij Ramap. Up 55 

ddhikdrika, of the adhikdras (individual sections), Qankh Gr. 94 

ddhydtmika, of the adhydtmd, Gaudap 94 

ddhydyika, occupied in reading (adhydya), Tait. Up. . . 94 

ddhvarika, of the adhvard, QBr., Katy Qr 94 

dnumdnika, inferential, Ap., Katy Qr 94 

dnuydjika, of the after-sacrifice, Man. Qr 94 

dnusukd, shot after? TS. 2. 3. 4. 2. Uncertain word. . . 58 

dpardhnika, of the afternoon, Agv. Qr., Katy Qr. ... 94 

dpartuka, unseasonable, Kaug 49 

(0>hicaranikay maledictory, Katy Qr 94 

abhicdrikaj incantation, KauQ 94 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

316 F. EigerUm, [I9li. 

&•• § 

abhiplavika, of the Abhiplava, A^v. Qr 94 

ahhyudayika (concerning the rise of anything; as n.), a 

kind of graddha, Aq\, Qr 94 

abhuka, powerless, AV 72, 33 

(dmanaka, see Amanika,) 

dmalaka, a tree and its fruit, Cha. Up. and Class. < atnala 

spotless? 49 

dmlvatkA, pressing, pushing? TS. 4. 5. 9. 2. — See viksinatkd 
and vicinvatkcu These three are among a list of honorific 
epithets of certain gods, found in the Qatarudriya. No 

dim. force of any kind is discernible 42 

drakdty far, from a distance (Imprec), QBr. ... 83, 37 

dranyakaj a class of Vedic works, Arup. Up 49 

drtika^ hurting TAr 99 

druTudcetuka, of the aruna-ketus (spirits), TAr 49 

(drksdka, see rks-.) 

drcatkd, n. of Qara, RV. A Patronymic, ultimately (and 
perhaps directly, cf § 11, 49) < *rcatj Vare, cf. infin. 

rcase (RV.) 58 

{drfikd) RV., a n. pr., deriv. of rjVcOy q. v — 

drdhuka^ beneficial, Q&nkh fi 99 

'dlambhukd in an-d., not to be touched, TBr., Kath. . . 24 
dvaddnika, offered after being cut up in pieces, Yait. . . 94 
dvapantikd, scattering (grains, of the bride in the wedding- 
rite) AV.; Par. QX' &c. Suffix obviously cannot be pejo- 
rative; some related texts have dvdpantr, may be merely 
metrical, and the Sutra passages then due to reminiscence 

of the older (metrical) version 45 

dvika, of sheep; woolen, QB.; Katy Qr 94 

'dgaka in dn-d. — not eating, a fast, QB 95 

dgarika, rheumatism, AV 103 

'dgirka, ifc. Bah. = dgU, TS 55, 36 (s.) a. 

dgvamedhika^ of the agvamedhd, QRr-; Katy Qr. &c. . . 94 

•dsandtka in sds-, ifc. Bah., Katy Qr 55 

dsuka, n. of a Saman Ar? Br 103 

(dsmdkd, our, RV. — see asmdka) — 

iksvdku (or iksvdku), n. pr. RV., AV. — < iksu sugar-cane? 33 c 

indragopaka, little firefly Amrt. Up 62 

invakd, n. of a Saman SV.; of a constellation TBr. <4nva 46 

iyattakd, -ikd^ so tiny, RV 74, 36 

isikd (once -a, Kau^. 11), arrow, reed, AV., (^E. &c. . . 101 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] 2%e K'8u£fixe$ of Indo-Iranian. 317 

800 1 

isukd, arrow -= few, AV.* 41 

istakd, brick, cf. A v. mya, VS.; TS. &c 46 

iksaka, spectator, QBr.; Agv. Gr 96, 97 

Isikdj arrow, MS. The variant from isikd is doubtless 

meaningless, probably a mistake — 

'UMhaka in sdkthakay having an ukthd, QB 55 

ucchd^ika, drying up, Gop. Br.; QBr 99 

utpdtikdy outer bark of a tree, B^h. Ar. Up. Cf. utpata . 68 
utpddaka, producing, Nrsut. Up. (in -ka-tva, noun) ... 97 

tidukd, w^ater, RY. &c 42 

udgrdsaka^ devouring, Xrsut. Up. (in -ka-tva, noun) ... 97 
udddlaka, n. of a teacher, QBr. &c.; cf. tidiobi, a plant. 58 

tidb&ndhuka, one who hangs up, TS 99 

udbhdsaJca, shining, Nrsut. Up. (in -ka-tva, noun) ... 97 
ndbhrdntaka, roaming, N^sut. Up. (in -ka-tvaj noun) 

44 ad fin. — Note 

unmantaka, insane, Agram. Up 68 

unmdduka, fond of drink, MS.; TS 99 

upiikrdfnukaf approaching; ace. to Wh. Gram., in Br&hma^as 99 

upajihvikd, upajikd, upadikd, ant; BY. &c 62 

upaddmka, failing, TS 99 

upandmuka, bending towards, QBr 99 

-iipan^aika, in xMopan. — having heard the Upanis^ds, QB. 

(Brh. Ar. Up.) . 65 

upapaiaka^ minor sin, Nar. Up. &c 66 

"Upasaika in try -u., ifc. Bah., Ap. Qr 55 

upasthdyuJca, approaching, K&th 99 

'Updnatka in an-up,, without sandab (updndh), K&ty Qr. 55, 36 
updnasyakUj n. of Indra, Ap. Qr. Cf. updnasA, adj., being 
in a carriage, BY.; n. — the space in a caii'iage, AY. . 58 

updscAa, servant, K&uf &c 96, 97 

(uruka, owl, =« Uluka, Ait. Br.) — 

urvdrukd, gourd, BY., AY. A late and interpolated verse 44 

iduka, owl, BY. &c 79 

uiukhalaka, mortar (Dim. End.) BY.^ (as voc.) .... 67 
{tilkd, firebrand; ka prob. not suffixal, cf. varcas, Yolcanus) — 
idmuka, firebrand, Ait. Br.; QB. &c, Unc. etym. ... 68 

wmia, bullock (contempt.) BY.* 71, 29 a. Note 

utlka^ n. of a plant, subst. for Soma, Kath. &c. Probably 
mistake for putika, q. v.; or else the two words have in- 
fluenced each other 101 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

318 F. EdgerUm, [1911. 

unaka, defective, lacking, Qfinkh Qr 80 

urdhvakUj raised, Saihny. Up 45 

rksdka (or, as Wh. conj., ark-) AV.* Say ''inhabited by 
bears," which is mere etymological guesswork. The whole 

passage is obscure, and this word is prob. corrupt. . . 58 

rksikd, n. of an evil spirit, AV.; VS.; QBr. Cf. fksa? . 101 

-rjika, beaming, gleaming (in cpds.); RV. &c. (as dvir-fj.) 100 

fdhak (or rdhaJc), separately, RV. &c 27 

rdhnuka, causing increase, Aqv. Gv 99 

-rsika in sarsika, ifc. Bah., A<^. Gr 55 

ikUy one, RV. + 103 

ekakd^, singly, RV.; just one, AV.^ 47, 66 

ekdkin, alone, AV., VS. &c. Formation problematic. Pa5. 
5. 3. 52 notes it as a solitary form, without explanation 

or parallel. BR. suggest an anc formation . . . 47, 29 c 

ekatringakaj consisting of 31, Gaudap 53 

ejatkd, kind of insect, AV.^ 81 

eldpatraka, n. of a Naga, Garud Up. .* 78 

dikdhika, of the one-day offering, Ait Br.; QBr. &c. . . 94 

dulakd, of the eda (sheep), QBr. &c 49, 79 

— n. a vicious ram (should be edaka?), QBr. 

ditareyaka, the Ait. Br.; see I. St. 1—106, 7 50 

{dinvaka, n. of two Samans, < invaka\ Ars. Br.) .... — 

distika, of the isti — sacrifice, Aqv. Qr.; Kau§ Up. ... 94 
orimikd^ n. of a section of the Kath. S.; see I. St. 1. 69, 70. — 

Uncertain 58 

duttaravedika, of the northern altar, QBr 94 

dupavasathika, of the upavamthd — rite, A^v. Qr 94 

kakdtikd — ? part of the head (Wh. hindhead), A V. Obscure 58 
(Prob. for krkdtikd, neck-joint, = kfkdta id., AV.) 

katuka, sharp, bad, RV., AV 80 

'kanikd, a minute part of any thing, in vata-k., Sarvop. . 62 
kdntaka, thorn, AV. 14. 2. 68 (?); QBr. &c,—kanta only 
in cpds. — Uhlenbeck holds it to be prakr. for *krntaka, 

Vkrt.—Vnc . 44 

-karithaka, ikd, in sahork,, with the throat, AV 55 

"kadruka in tri-k.^ having three vessels, RV., AV. ... 65 
kanaka^ golden, Adbh. Br.; Samh. Up. — No *kana occurs. 

Uhlenbeck cf. KV7K09 and Honig 68 

» Eithpr accent. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The K' Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 319 

Ste i 

kandknaJca, sort of poison, AV.* (?) 79 

kandnaka, mistake for kaninakd, pupil of the eye, only TS-^ 62 
kani^thakd, ikd, smallest, only AVJ; kanisthikd little finger 

gBr. &c 63 

kaninak&j -i, kaninakd, -ika, pupil of the eye, RV. &c. . 62 
The words never, in the passages which occur, have 
the primitive meaning of "boy" or "girl" (kaninay -d). 

kanydkd, pupil of the eye, Ait. Ar 62 

k&plaka? v. 1. k&lpaka. TBr.— Mg. unknown 58 

kamb'dka, husk of rice, AV 40, 33 

karkdy white, AV. The ka is perhaps not suffixal. Unc, . 103 

karkataka, crab, Brahm. Up 44 

karkandhukdy RV. Kh. 5. 22. 3 — (k&rkandhukd) AV. 20. 

136. 3— jujube-berry. {<karkandhu) (Dim.) 62 

karkarikdj kind of lute, AV 62 

karkotaka, n. of a Naga, Garu4. Up 78 

karnaka, "earlet," tendril, QBr.; handle (also -fcd), TS., MS.; 
of the two legs extended, AV.^; {-karmkii) ifc. Bah. 

^.fcarwa, TS ". . . 62,86,55 

karnavestaka, earring, — -ta, Par. Gr 44 

kalankUy spot, in nis-k., XSr. Up. — Uncertain 58 

'kalpaka in a-k,, irregular, Gaudap. (see also k&plaka) . . 55 
kalmallkinj RV. — glorious? Epithet of Rudra. Say. says 
from *kdlinalika (not found) -= tejas. Cf. kalmali — (AV.) 
"glory"? Grassmann "funkelnd." — Ludwig "pfeiltrager," 
which according to his note is "ofifenbar" the meaning; 
I confess I am unable to follow him. — The word kalmali 
(see above) is itself very doubtful and might mean any- 
thing, so that Saya^a's interpretation, which Roth, 
Grassmann and Delbriick follow, is dubious . . 58, 31 

kaglkdj weasel?, RV 101 

ka^'oka, n. of hostile demons, RV.; AV. Cf. Mfa? ... 58 

kdnukd, ? RV. See § 21 21 

{kdntaka, thorny, <kdntaka) — 

kdmikd, n. of certain letters in a mystic alfabet; Ramap. 

Up. Presumably < kdma 58 

kdmuka, deshdng; a lover. TS 99 

kdraka, maker &c. Garbh. Up 97 

kdrtika, artisan, artificer (?) ace. to Wh. Vbl. roots, in 

Brfthmanas. I find no instance before Epic times . . 99 
kdtakd, unidentified bird, VS.; "Blackish" 64 

VOL. XXXI. Part in. 22 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

320 F. Edgerton, [19ii. 


Jcalika, n. of a Naga, Gftrud. Up 78 

kdverakd, n. pr., patronymic <kUv€ra^ AV 49 

kdsika, cough, AV 79 

-kimgak& (in «i-A:.), a plant or flower; RV. AV 58 

kinjalkay plant-stalk, A^v. Qr 44, 29 b 

Icirikd or girikd, epithet of gods in Qatarudriya, meaning 
unknown, various guesses (sparkling, Eggeling; sprinkling, 

Griffith) VS. &c 58 

('kiska see gvaJcisMn.) 

kUaka, the middle syllables of a mantra — Haihs. Up. (as 
being the stake or post, kUa, to which the extremes are 

attached) 40 

-kuthdrikd in pdda-k., QGr.; a position of the feet ... 91 

kunika^ n. of a teacher, Ap 46 

kundikd, little pot, Saihny. Up.; also title of an Up. . . 62 
ktitndrakd (or kumdr-), ikd, boy, girl, (< kumdrd) RV.; 

AV. &c 62, 79 

kumbhaJca, retention of the breath, as relig. exercise; Amrt. 

Up. &c 40, 95 

kunibhika, kind of demon, AV. Cf. kumbhd 101 

kulika, n. of a Naga, Q-arud. Up 78 

kuUkdy a bird, VS. (MS. haspuZiM). — Uncertain; cf. ktdlpdya, 

an animal (VS.); Uhlenbeck cf. russ. kidik^ snipe &c. . 101 
kiigavartaka, AV. — corrupt and uncertain. RV. Kb. reads 
ahcdakuQ gavartakdh, which Scheft. thinks is the true 

reading 58 

kugikd, n. pr., RV.; pi. his descendants, RV. &c. Prob. 

<kugi, pin used as mark in recitation from texts . . 52 
kusitaka, n. of a bird, TS.; of a man — TancJyaBr. — Uncertain 58 
kusujnbhakdj RV., venom-bag of an insect (<kusufnbha) 71, 79 

kusthikd, dew-claw, spur, AV., Ait. Br 40, 90 

kusttika, n. of a teacher, Vamga Br. — Entirely obscure . 58 

kuhaka, rogue, cheat; Maitr. Up.; Ap 79 

{krka — said to mean "throat" or "navel"; Prob. onomato- 
poetic, cf krkara, krkana — partridge. — In krka-ddgd^ a 

demon; -vCiku^ cock; -Idsd^ lizard) — 

krtaka, false, artificial, Gaudap 80 

kfttilxd, tlie Pleiades (as a sword), AV. &c.; cf. karttikd, 
dagcror (CI.). The noun kftti seems to mean only "hide, 

skin." Prob. Primary -aka 20, 96, 97 

krtsnaka, all, Qankh. Qr. 16. 29. 8 (Lexx. wrongly 9) -= krtsnd 45 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The K-Sv^ffixes of Irdo-Iranian. 321 

See I 

hnnuk&, kind of tree, — kramuka, q. v.; QBr., Kftug. . . 44 

krsnaka, "blackish," n. of a plant, K&uq 64 

'kegakd in sarva-k.^ having all the hair, AV. (Bah.) . . 55 

kdiratikdj of the kirdtas (contempt.), AV. < kdirdta ... 72 

kogdtaka, a plant and its fruit, Q&nkh. Gv\ presumably <Xp^ 58 

{kdiiRkd, a bird, < and — kulikd, q. v.; VS.; MS.) ... — 

(katigikd, < kagik&y son of kugUcd^ or friend oikuQikd [Indra]) — 

{kdv^Uaka, -ki, patron. < kusttaka, and n. of a Br&hma^a) — 
kydku, fungus, Ap. Dh.; G&ut. — Obscure .... 58, 29 d 
kramukd, the betelnut tree, cl^adv. Br. — kramu (only 

Lexx.), krmuka 44 

(krumukd, piece of kindling-wood, TS. &c., < kramuka by 

assimilation) — 

Jdlic^a, dough, paste, Aqv. Gr. &c. Obscure 58 

ksitikd, a part of a lute, KfiuQ. ? Cf. ksiti ? 58 

ksuUakd, small (dim.); AV., TS. &c. <ksuir& . . 63, 68, 72 

ksurikdy "little razor," n. of an Up., K§ur. Up 62 

ksMhuka, hungry, TS., QB 99 

ksdumika^ made of linen, Ks.uq 94 

ksvinkd^ an evil bird, RV., AV. &c. Prob. onomatopoetic 103 

khdndika, pupil, Kalpas.; n. of a man, QB. (cf. §dn4ika) . 92 

khandtaka, little shovel, Ap. Qr. 17, 26 (NBD. "dug up.") 62 

kkdrvdka, mutilated (imprec.) AV. <kharvd 80 

khdndika- ?Gobh. 3. 3. 8. — Comm. gisyasamuha\ but see 

Oldenberg's note ,58 

khddaJca, eater, Gobh. Gr. ap. Praya^c. in Q. K. Dr. . . 96, 97 

gdndka, astrologer, <gana', VS. &c 61 

gavidhiika or gavi-, coix barbata, TS. — gavidhu (not Vedic) 44 

gavinikdj groins (?), AV. — metr. for gavini 41 

{gdmdhukd^ gave-, deriv. <gavidhuka) — 

(ffirikd, MS., for kirikd, q. v.) — 

goddmka, of the ^odana-rite, Gobh. 3. 1. 28 (cf. gaud-) . 92 

gandmika, n. of MS. 4. 2, called after gondmd formulas . 92 

gopikd, protectress, Gop. Up 44 

golaka, ball (dim.), Gobh. Gr. &c 62 

golattikd, kind of animal, VS., TS.; cf. lattikd (Un.) lizard 58 

gdvddnika, of the goddnorv'iie, Agv. Gr. &c. (cf. god-) . . 94 

grOhuka, seizing, TS. (cf. grhd- RV.) 99 

ghdtaka, kind of wood, AQv.Qr.; « ghdta and vddhaka . 46 

ghdtuka, slaying, AV., TB., QB. &c 99 

cakraka, wheel, Maitr. Up 44 


Digitized by LjOOQIC 

322 F. Edg0rton, [1911. 

"Cak^ka in a-c, without eyes, Brh. Ar. Up 56 

ednddtakaj short petticoat, QBr^ Kftty Qr. Obscure deriTation 62 

eaturthdka, fourth, Nad. Up 45 

eaiu^ka^ consisting of 4; L&ty? Y&suUp 53 

candrikd, moon, Ramap. Up 91 

c&rakOj wanderer, mendicant, QBr. (also n. of a Y V. school). 46 

-^Mrm&ka in a-^.y without skin, TS 55 

cdturthdhnika, of the 4th Day, Qftnkh. Qr 94 

edturthika, of the 4th Day, Laty 94 

cdturdhdJtdranika, of a division into 4 parts, Ap.Qr. • . 94 

cdturvingika, of the 24th day, Qankh. Qr 94 

cdhirhotrkA, of the c&hirhatr service, MS 49 

-cdrika in utpathO'C., having byways for a course, Nrsut. 

Up. (in "kortva^ noun) 54, 55 

cikitsakd, physician, QBr. &c 51 

ciccikd, kind of bird, RV., TBr. Obscure 58 

-citika in mt-c,, ifc. Bah., QB 55 

<intaka in kalarcintaka, considering; G&udap 97 

eupunikd, one of the Pleiades, TS. Obscure 101 

culaka, top of a column, Cul. Up 40 

cilaka, n. of a man, QB 46 

codaka, direction, invitation, Katy Qr 95 

chattrdka, mushroom, A dbh. Br. (-> chattraka. Class., Kchattrn, 

parasol.) 40, 29 c. 

chdndomika, of the chandomds, Qankh. Qr., Katy Qr. . . 94 

chdyaka, n. of a demon, AV 78 

chtibuka, chin (Class. Skt. cibtika), RV., QBr. &c. Obscure. 58 
janakdy n. of a king, QBr. (Brh. Ar. Up.), cf. jdna ... 53 

jdmUhaka, "crusher," n. of a demon, VS 78 

jayantaka, n. pr., Ramap.Up. <jayanta, victorious ... 46 
jardyuka, after-bii-th, Samav.Br. ^jardyu. No reason is 

apparent for the use of the form in -ka in this passage. 44 
jdldyukd, leech, in trna-j., caterpillar, Brh. Ar. Up. Thought 
to contain jala-dyu — dyus (Bah.), but c£ jdldtAka and 
other forms. Popular etymology has operated hera 

Origin uncertain 58 

jdJiakd, hedge-hog, VS., TS. Supposed to be from Vhd. 103 

jdgarilJia, wakeful, RV 25 

jdtaka, newborn child, Kftug 62 

{jdnaka, -ki, patron, from jandka) 

jdnukd, bearing, MS., Ap. Qr. Cf. janUy AV 99 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol wxi.] The K'SvffiMs of Indo-Iranian. 323 

see I 

jdnukd'? TAr. 1. 6. 1; Comm. janupradega. See s. v. 

anjalUcd 58 

japaka, muttering, Nrp. Up 97 

jdyuka, conquering, MS. Cf. jdyA, BY 99 

jiUakdy little net, web, Brh. Ar. Up 62 

{'jihvikd see upd-j.) 'jihvaka ifc. Bah. ^jihvd . . 54 a, 55 
jivikdj epithet of water (end. dim.), MS. &c., Agv. Qr.; 

life, Kathop 44, 95, 67 q. v. 

jumbakoy n. of a Varuna, VS., QBr. Obscure .... 68 

jydkd, bowstring (pej.), RV., AV 79 

jydisthasdmika, adj. <jye^hasdman, Gobh. 3. 1. 28 . . 94 

jyotdyamdnakA (MSS. 'inaka), n. of demons, AV. ... 81 

jyotistomika, of the jydti^toma, sacrifice, Katy Qr. . . . 92 

derikdj muskrat, Ap. 1. 25. 13. Obscure 58 

dhdrikd and ddhdrikd, centipede, Ap. Orx- Obscure . . 58 

taka, that (contempt.), RV., AV., Katy Qr 75 

taksakd, n. of a Naga, AV., Kaug. («- -so) 78 

tatdka, pool, =- tatd. Sadv. Br., Adbh. Br. ... 46, 29 c. 

'tantrtka, ifc. Bah. — tdntri, thread, Pancav Br 55 

-tapaska^ ifc. Bah. = tdpas, Maitr. Up 55 

'tamaska, ifc. Bah. — tdmaSy Cha. Up 56 

tariinakay sprout, AV 62 

iddarthika, intended for that, KauQ 94 

tdddtmcAa, ikd, denoting the unity of nature, Ramat. Up. 49 

tdrakay carrying across, saving, Maitr. Up 97 

{tdrdkd, adj. of stars; < tdrakd) — 

tdrcAd (< tdrd), star, AV., TBr., QBr. Ac. 44 

tdlukay du. n. the two arteries supplying the palate, Tait. Up. 50 

tdvakd, thine, RV. (only 1 Vedic occurrence reported) (<tdva) 49 

iiragcikd, a horizontal region? So BR. — Agv. Qr. . . . 46 

tilvaka, a plant of evil name, Q.Br., Agv. Gr. &c. . . . 79 

timdikUy having a snout or trunk {turdci), AV 92 

-tulaka^ ikd, ifc. Bah. — tula, mattrass, Ramat. Up. . . 55 

tusnika, silent, in Veda only adv. -kam, silently, Man. Qr. 46 

tusnim, id. RV. — The text is dubious, and Knauer 

calls this word suspicious. 

tftiyaka {<trtiya), recurring the 3d day, AV. . . . . 51 

(trstaka) 4kd, rough (creature), AV 80 

'iejdska, ifc. Bah. = tejas, Brh. Ar. Up 56 

tdittinyaka, of the Tait. school, Mukt. Up 50 

tduvU^d, (voc.) n. of a female demon, AV.^ Obscure . 78 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

324 F. EdgerUm, [19U. 

trikd, in threes, RV., Laty &c 47 

trdivarsika, a triennial perfoiinance, Agv. Qr 94 

trdividyaka, practised by trdividyas, Ap 50 

— n., their doctrine, Man. Gr. 

4v&kka, ifc. Bah. — tvac, skin, TS. in a-t 55 

'Uaruka, ifc. Bah., Tand. B. (in M. W. Addendum) . . 55 

ddngukoy biting, TBr., TS., Kath 99 

dandaka, a class of meters, Chanda^s., Han. Eam. Up. . 46 

'datka, ifc. Bah. — d&nt, Cha. Up 55 

-danictka, ifc. Bah. — ddnta, TS., QBr 55 

daYidaguka, biting, malignant, VS., TS., QBr 25 

dagakOj consisting of 10, Chandal^s 53 

daharaka, short, Kaus. Br 63 

ddksindgnika, performed in the southern fire, Man, Qr. . 94 

ddyaka, giving (in Veda only ifc), Mukt. Up 97 

ddyakUy heir, <ddydj Gr. S 53 

ddrQapdurnamdsika, of the New- and Full-moon sacrifice, 

Qankh. Qr 94 

ddgardtrika, celebrated like the dagardtrd, QBr. &c. . . 94 

ddhuka, burning, TBr., Ap. Qr 99 

•dikka in a-d., having no part of the heaven, QBr. ... 55 

dutaka, n. of Agni, Gr. S. Of. Vdu^ du 58 

durakd, far (pej.), RV., AV 80 

dusikd (dusikd Maitr. Up. 1. 3), rheum of the eyes, VS., 

kath., QBr 32, 79 

dusika, n. of demons, AV., Primary, Vdiks, and not to be 

confused with the foregoing, which is secondary, from 

the n. dusi 100 

dfbMka, n. of a demon, RV 100 

dfglka, worthy to be seen, splendid, RV 101b, c. 

— n. appearance, RV. &c. — kd, id, RV. 

drgikii, beholder, TS., Ap. Qr 100 

divaka, god (contempt.), RV., adj. divine, Kr§.Up. (< devd). 71, 51 

-iM, an inferior class of goddesses. Ait. Br., QBr. . 66 

degikUj teacher, Ramap. Up., Mukt. Up 92 

dyumnika, n. pr., supposed author of RV. 8. 76. <dyumnin^ 

glorious 46, 36. 

dvakd, by twos, RV 47 

dvdrakd, "City of Gates," Vasu Up 53 

dJianuska, small, poor bow. Laty 71 

dhayantikd, sucking (contempt.), AV. Ppp. folio 115b, line 1 73 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxzL] The K'Suffioces of Indo-Iranian. 32& 

See I 

dhdnikd (prakr. form of dhdn-), vagina, AV., TS. &c. . . 86 

-dhdtuka, ifc. Bah. — dhdtu, Garbh. TJp 55 

dhdnika, vagina, RV. Kh. 5. 22. 8 86 

dhdrakd, vagina, VS., QBr 86 

dhdrmika, righteous, Cha. Up 94 

dhdrmuka, righteous, Man. Qr 21 

'dhdvanaka in danta-dh., n. of a tree, KEu^., prob. < dJidvana, 

cleaning (a tree "for teeth-cleaning") 50 

dhuvdka, ace. to Wh. Vb. forms from Vdhu, in Jaim. Br. 96, 97 

'dhumaka in a-dh^ without smoke, Kath. Up., Maitr. Up. 55 

dhSnukd, female, Weibchen\ AV., Pancav. Br. &c. • . . 89 

naiiguka, perishing, Kath 99 

{yidgnaka) -?ftd, naked, wanton (imprec.), AV. {<nagnd). . 80 

fiadaka, hollow of a bone, Katy Qr 40 

napdtka, concerning a grandson, n. of a cert, sacrificial 

fire, Kath 51 

ndpuiisakaj eunuch (contempt.), QBr., Katy Qr. &c. . . . 71 

nabhdkar n. pr.. Ait. Br. — Cf. nabha, n&bhas? . . . 58, 29c 

fiardka, hell, TAr. Uhlenbeck cf. ckc^-^cv &c. Not clear. 58 

-navaka, ifc. Bah. — ndva, Garbh. Up 55 

ndka, heaven, RV., AV., VS. &c 103 

nddVcd, throat, AV. {<nddi) 40 

(ndbhdJcd, adj. or patron <ndbhdka, RV.) — 

ndbhikd, navel-like cavity, QBr 40 

-ndmakay ikd ifc. = ndmar, Bah., Qiras. Up 55 

. in dndmikdy ring-finger (for semantics see BR.), QBr. &c. 

ndycJca, leader, chief, Gaudap 97 

{ndrdka, hellish, <nar&ka, AV. &c.; VS. ndrakd). . . . — 

mdguka, perishing, TS 99 

ndsikd, nostril, du. nose, RV., AV. &c 62 

ndstika, atheist; Ap.; Mukt. Up. (cf. dstika, CL, < asti) . . 94 

nika, n. of a Saman, Ars. Br 103 

nikharvaka, one billion, Pancav Br 44 

nikhdtaka, cut into a little, AV 65 

{nijdnukd? see jdnukd, TAr. 1. 6. 1.) 

niniJc, secretly, RV 27, 29 a 

nimu§tikaj of the size of a fist. Ait. Ar. 5. 1. 3. 6 (p. 405. 6). 53 

nimusH, a measure of that size. 

nirodaka, read nirodhaka (Deussen), hindering, Brahm. Up. 97 

'fiirdahuka in d-n., not burning down, MS 99 

liirmdrguka, withdrawing from, TS . 99, 24 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

326 F. JEdgertoth [1911. 

nirmitaka, conjured up, illusory, Gfiu^ap 80 

nirmretuka, withering, Pancar Br 99 

-nivartaka in a-n., not flying or flinching, Maitr. Up. . . 97 

-nivitka ifc. Bah. -= nivid, Ait. Ar 55 

niskd, a neck-ornament, RV., AV. &c 103 

Uncertain. Uhlenbeck compares OHG.nwsca, Ir. nose, ring. 

nihaka, storm, whirlwind, RV., TS. Obscure 103 

naimiUika^ occasional, accidental, Katy Qr. <tc 94 

ndiyamika, settled, prescribed, Ap 94 

-ndigcarika, in a-n., not distracting, Ap 94 

ndisthika^ final, perfect, A^ram. Up 94 

{nyanjdlikd? See s. v. anjdikd. TAr. 1. 6. 1.) 

nyastikd, n. of a plant, AY.i 46, 91 

nyunkhamdnaka, see -mdnaka. 

pakvakd? AV., RVKh. Prob. corrupt. The Lexx. do 

not render the word. Grif. "that knoweth." May be 

either "ripe, mature," or "gray, hoary," <pakvd. Uncertain. 58 

'pancaka, consisting of 5; a group of 5, Gopl. Up. . . . 53 

pancavihgaka, consisting of 25, Gaudap, Maha, Up. ... 53 

p&ndaka, eunuch, weakling, Kath. &c. (contempt.). ... 71 

paiantaka, kind of rite, Laty. Cf. patat ? 58 

patayisnukdj flying off", unsteady (imprec), AV 80 

patdkd, flag, Adbh. Br. 10, 3. Primary ka? No noun 

paid exists. Vpai', formation dubious 58, 29 c 

'patnika, ifc. Bah. -« pdtnl, wife, Ait. Br., Katy Qr. . . 55 

padmaka, n. of a sei-pent-prince or demon, Garud. Up. . 78 

pardpdtuka, abortive, TS 90 

pardbhdvukaj perishing, transient, Kath 99 

jjaranid, leek, Ap. — Ohscure^ \ A. paldrtka 58 

paridlpaka, lighting up, Gaudap , 97 

pariprcchaJca, inquirer, Gop. Br 97 

parivrdjdka, wandering (mendicant), Aru^.Up.; Agram Up. 97 

'parigritka, ifc. Bs^h., — parigrit, Katy Qr 55 

'parisatka, ifc. Bah., — parisddj Gobh 55 

parisdraka, n. of a place. Ait. Br., pan-Vsr; formation 

uncertain .... 58 

parisdra as n. reported by Wils. only — '^wandering about." 
panUka, having knots or joints, Ap. Qr. . . . 53, 36 (s) — b 

parusaka, a tree (= pariisa) and its fruit, Qankh Qr,. . 44 
partikd, RV. Kh. 5. 15. 8, v. 1. patikd; corrupt and uninter- 

pretable 58 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The K'SuJfixes of Indo-Iranian. 327 

B«e i 

parpharika, ? RYA 100 

paryaj/iJcA, atrophic, AV 92 

palijaka, n. of a demon, AV.^ Obscure 78 

-paguka^ ifc. Bah., — p&cu (or pagd), A^v. Qr 65 

pdka, very young, Qfinkh Gr. 3. 2.— simple, RV., AV. &c. 103 

pdjaka, a kitchen implement, Ap. Qr. Etym.? 58 

pdncamdhnika, of the 6^ Day, Qankh Qr 94 

pdtdka, ace. to Wh. Vb. roots in the Brahma^as. Vpat 96, 97 
pdtaJca, fall, downpour, Samny. Up. 2; sin, Cankh Qr. &c. 96 
j)ac?aA:d, little foot (End. Dim.), R v.* {<pMa) .... 67 

pdduJcd, slipper, A^ram. Tp 62 

pdpaJca, evU, QBr. &c. (< pdpa or pdpd) 80 

pdramdrthika, real, actual, Mukt. Up 94 

(pdrivrdjaka — adj. < parivrdjaka^ Kfiu^.) 

parsthika, after the manner of the Pfsthyd, Lftty &c. 49, 29 a 

pdvaka, clear, bright, RV. &c.; n. of Agni, TS. &c.; fire, in 

general, Mu^c} Up. 2. 1. 1 . ._ 18 Note«; 58 

An ancient word; from Vpu, but exact formation 
uncertain. Early appearance and accent forbid taking 
it as primary -oka, which Say. does Q'cobhakd'y 

pd^ka, concerning cattle, Kfity Qr.; Qankh Qr 49 

pd(tibandhaka, of the pagahandM^ A^v. Qr,; Qankh Qr. . 49 
pikd, Indian cuckoo, VS. (Uhlenbeck cf. plcm\ very doubt- 
ful) 103 

pingalakd, ikd, yellow, taw^ny, AV. (< -Id) .... 64, 72 
pinydka, oil-cake, Ap. (no reference given). Obscure . . 58 

-pitrka, ifc. Bah. — pitf, Katy Qr.; Aqv. Gr 56 

pitrmecOiika, of the pitrmedha, Saiiiny. Up 92 

{piddku — for pfddku q. v. MS.) 

pindka, staff, bow, AV.; VS.; TS 58 

Uhlenbeck cf. mvai and OSlav. pini, tree-trunk. 
pipUaka (<-W), ant, Cha. Up. — ika, ant, only Adbh. Br. 

(Prob. to be emended to -oka or ikd) 62 

'ikd, small ant, AV.; QBr.; Pane. Br. &c. 
pippakd^ a sort of bird, VS. (cf. pippVca, Class., a bird or 

beast) 58 

piyaka, n. of a class of demons, "abuser," AV. . . 96, 97 
piyusaka, biestings, RV. Kh. 5. 15. 14. — The parallel AV. 
text has piy^sa, but the meter needs an extra syllable, — 

which the later compiler evidently added 41 

puUaka or piiOcaka, n. of a despised tribe, MS. Not cesrtain 71 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

328 F. Edgerion, [1911. 

See S 

punddrika, lotus blossom, RV.; AV 58 

Prob. connected with pundari-^rajd (TBr.), — but the 

meaning of this pundari is uncertain; ctpundariUj another 

flower (Lexx.). 
putraka, little son, RV.; AV. (<-trd) ...... 62, 67 

'pura'nuvdkydka, ifc Bah. -« puro'nuvakyd^ QBr, in a-p. . 55 

'purorukka, ifc. Bah. -= puroriic, QBr. in a-p 55 

{pulikd — MS. — variant for kulikd, q. v.) 101 

{pidkaka, see puMaka.) 

putika (once -ika, Aqv. Qr. 6. 8), a plant, (<piiti)j substitute 

for soma, TS.; Kath.; QBr. &c 46, 31 

puraka, filling (noun), Amrt Up.; Dhyan, Up 95 

'purvaka in nydya-p. — having reason as precedent — Gaudap. 55 
'prndkd in harina-p., female young of an animal, Ap. Qr. 62 

pfthak, isolated, scattered (adv.), RV., AV. &c 27 

pfthuka, rice or grain flattened and ground, TBr. <prthu 46 
pfddku, serpent, RV.; AV.; TS. Cf. iropSos, ace. to Uhlen- 

beck loanword from Ind.-Iran. *pardar .... 58, 29 c 
prsdiakUj a mixture of ghee, milk &c. (cf. pfsat), AV.; 

Par. Gr 58, 15 

'kt a disease, or the she-demon causing it, AV. 

perukdy n. pr. RV 46 

pesuka, spreading out, QBr 99 

posuka, thriving, Sadv. Br 99 

pdunarddheyika, of the punarddMya-Yiie, Agv. Qr. &c. . . 94 
pduritsamedhika, of a human-sacrifice, QBr.; Katy Qr. . . 94 

pdurvdhnika, of the forenoon, Katy Qr 94 

praksepaka, throwing (n. act.), Maitr. Up 95 

pracaldka, chameleon, Ap. pracaldkd — cloudburst (?) TS. — 

Cf. pracdlaka, Class., reptile; praccda, creeping &c. 46, 29 c 

pracitaka, n. of a meter, Chandahs 44 

pracydvuka, transitory, fi*agile, Qankh Br 99 

'prajdpatika in sa-p., ifc. Bah. — Ait. B 55 

pratigrutkd, echo, VS.; Kaua. Up 42 

'pratisthdyuka in d-j)., not standing firm, MS 99 

prattcikd, AV., <pratk% f. of pratyahc\ mg. uncertain; 

"oflfense"? 80 

'pratyutthdyuka in a-p., not rising respectfully, Gop. Br. . 99 

praddtrikd, (female) giver, MS 91, 35 a 

praddyaka, bestowing, Garbh. Up 97 

pradrdnakaj very poor, Cha. Up. (pra — intens; -ka — Pity.) 68 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The K'Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 329 

Bee i 

prapdthdka, section, n. of divisions of cert, works, as TS., 

QBr., Chfi.Up 62 

prapdduka, falling prematurely (fetus), TS.; Kath. ... 99 

prabdliuk, on an even line, Ait. Br.; TBr.; TS. &c. . . . 27 

prabhrdnguka, falling oS, vanishing, QBr.; TBr 99 

pramdyuka, perishing, AV.; TS.; TBr. &c 99, 23 

pravartaka, one who sets in motion, Qvet. Up 97 

pravartamdndkd, slinking down, BY.* 73 

pravalhikdj riddle, challenge, Ait. Br.; Qankh Qr. , 91, 95 

prasarpaka^ assistant or spectator at sacrifice, Aqv. Qr; Lfity 46 
prahastaka, n. of KV. 8. 86. 13— 15.— Kfius Ar.; Qankh Qr.; 

< prdhasta, extended hand. Application not clear to me. 

— Lex. gives Qankh Br., wrongly 58 

prahdruka, carrying off, Kap. S 99 

prdkaranika, of the prakarana, Man. Gr 94 

prdkdruka, ? perhaps scattering about? Kap. S., Kath. . 99 
prdgdthika, of or derived from the Pragatha (i. e. RV. 8), 

Laty &c 94 

'prdnaka ifc. Bah. -= prdna, KSA. 5. 3 aprdnakdya svdhd, 

cf. TS. 7. 6. 12. 1 aprdndya svdhd 54 a, 55 

prdtinidhika, substitute, Katy Qr. . . . • 94 

prdtiQnUka, existing in the echo, Brh.Ar.rp 49 

prddegika, chief of a district (pradega), KauQ 94 

prdyagcittika, expiatory, A^v. Qr 94 

prdgatika, a leguminous plant, Ap. Qr. Cf. pragdtika, -sdtika, 

various grains (Class.) 58 

priyangukd, panic seed (dim.), Samavidh Br 62 

preksaJca, deliberating on, Man. Gr.; as n. spectator 96, 97 
pldguka, rapidly growing up, QBr.; Katy Qr. . . 45, Note 
haka (a crane, only Class.), n. of a demon, Man. Gr.; of a 

seer, Kath. &c 103 

bataraka, m. pi., lines of light appearing before^closed eyes, 

Ait.Ar. ? 58 

hadihaka, captive, AV. <baddhd 79 

babhrukd, brownish (clearly dim.), CB.; (6d-) ichneumon, 

VS. &c. {<babhrii) 64 

baldkdj crane, VS., &c. Obscure 58 

bdlhika, n. of a man, QB.; of a people, AV 52 

bddhdka, a cert, tree, Gobh.; also as adj., of the bddhakor 

tree. Uncertain; cf. bddhd (?), obstacle, trouble, &c. . . 50 

bdlaka, young; child, Krs.TJp. &c 63 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

330 F. Edgerton, [1911. 

(balaki, metronymic from baldka as n. p.) 

-bdhtika, ifc. Bah. — hahu, Aq. Qx- (in ud-b.) 55 

'binduka, ifc. Bah. — bindii. Nrp. Up 55 

hfbuka, — ? RV.^ — Entirely uncertain. Grassmann, "dick, 

dicht." — Ludwig "murmelndes Wasser." — BR. ? ... 58 

-brhattka, ifc. Bah., Qankh Qr. (in tat(hb,) 55 

brhatJca, n. of a Saman, Pancav. B 42 

("bodhaka in dtma-b., q. v.) 

"brahmakci, ifc. Bah. «= brahman, A^v.Qr 55 

brdhmdtidanika, (fire) on which the brdhtndudand (the 

priest's rice) is boiled; Kau^j. (with or sc. agni) ... 94 

Ueska^ noose, snare, Kath 103 

'bhastnaka, ifc. Bah., Gop. B. (in sorbh,) 55 

-hhdktika, retainer, Ap. (in nitya-bh,) 94 

bhdradvdjakl, skylark, -> -jl, Samav. B 44 

bhcivuka, being, becoming, TS., Kath &c 99 

bhdsika, general rule, Qankh Gr. &c 40, 29 a 

hhiksukq, mendicant, Par. Gr 44 

bhinnaka, broken (contempt.). Mantra B 72 

bhumipdgakd, a plant, — -ga (m.), Samav. B. 2. 6. 10 . . 91 

bheka, frog, Maitr. Up. Prob. onomat lOS 

bhduynaka, terrestrial animal or being, Adbh. Br. ... 49 

mdkaka, kind of demon, AV 79 

maksikd, fly RV.; AV. &c 62 

mafigcdikd, of good omen, AV 67, 29 a 

-majjaka, ifc. Bah. = majjan, TS 55 

mmliisikd (v. 1. mat-, mand-, madh-, mandh-) a dwarfish 

gu-1, unfit for marriage, Ap. Gr 58 

manika, water-jar, Aqv. Gr.; Gobh. &c. — Ait. Br. 7. 1 — ace. 

to Say., a fleshy excrescence on an animal's shoulder . 40 
manipuraka, a mystic circle on the navel, Hariis. Up. 1 . 44 

mandUka, frog, RV. &c. Uncertain origin 58 

mandurikd (edd.; MSS. — riti), vile, filthy woman, AV.* 

(voc.) 86 

mddhiika, n. pr., QBr. {mddhu) 53 

madhuka, a bee, Qankh.Gr.; a tree and its fruit, ib. . . 51 

madhnlaka, sweetness, honey, AV 48 

madhyamikd, the middle finger, Prap.Up. .... 46, 91 

madhvaka, bee, Adbh. Br 51, 33 b 

manaskd, mind (impr.), AV.; ifc. Bah. « ntdwiw, Kath Up. 

&c 79, 55, 54 a 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The K'Suffixes of Indo-Iranian, 331 

&•• i 

mdnarihaka, RVKh. 5. 15. 7,— "freundlich gesinnt" (Scheft.), 

see s. v. dmanikd 58 

mandnak, RV. Obscure word, see 27 

niantrikOj n. of an Up., Mukt. Up 51 

mdmaka, my, only KV 51 

marJcatdka, kind of gi'ain, Ap. Qr 51 

maryakd, male, Mannchen. EV^ 88 

magdka, gnat, AV., VS., QBr. &c. (w. r. mas&ka) ... 62 
mastaka, head, Mahfinftr. Up., and masti^a, brain, EV., 
AV. <tc. Of. masturhmgOy brain. The base seems to 

have been mast-a, i or «. Uncertain 58 

mahdndmnika, of the Mah&namni, Grobh 52 

tndhdvratika, of the Mah&vrat& S&man, QOnkh Qr. . . . 92 

fnahilukd, female, AV.^ 89 

-mdiisdka ifc. Bah., -= nidmd, TS 56 

mdki, du., EV.^ This word has been variously rendered. 
Ludwig makes it an adj. to naptyd, either "brtiUend" 
(Vmak; application?), or (and this I believe to be right) 
from base md- of the 1st. pers. pronoun; see § 30a, Note. 
The phrase then means "my daughters he has helped . . . 
to marriage {janitvandyay This interpretation seems 
to me secured by comparing mdMnOj which L. apparently 
did not notice, but which is obviously a derivative from 

the stem mdki 60, 30 a Note 

mdklna^ mine, EV. < mdki, q. v 60, 30 a Note 

{mdkfika^ spider, Brahm. Up., prob. deriv. < mdksikd.) 
mdtrka, "das Mutterwesen," (Deussen) n. abstr. < mdtf, 

Maitr. Up 48 

mdddnaka, kind of wood, Kau^. — Uncertain; cf. mddana 

(adj.) 68 

mddhuparkika, of the madhuparkd rite, Qankh Gx- ... 94 
^mdnaka in nyMkha-mdnaka, having a desire to insert the 
nyunkha, Qankh Br. 25, 13; 30. 8 (Bah. from mdna). — 
BE. regard it as a pai'ticiple; but there is no verb nyunkhati, 
only nyunkhaycdi The sentence is: tasmdn nyunkhayati 
nyuFikhamdnaka iva vdi prathaynam cicarimg carati. 
From this the following semantic proportion is evident — 
nymkhamdnaka : nyunkhayati «— cicarisu : carati. Ergo, 
ny. «— "desiring to perfonn the act nyunkhaya, i. e. to 
insert the nynnkhar — The noun mdna — "desire" . . 55 
mdntisyaka, human, QBr. (< mantisyd) 49 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

332 F. EdgertoKy [1911. 


mdmaJc&y mine, RV. &c. (< tn&ma) 49 

mdruka, dying, TS.; Mftn. Gr. Cf. maru- 99 

{mdrdikdy deriv. of wrdi/ca, RV. &c.) 101 

muktikd, "string of pearls," n. of an Up., Mukt. Up., < muktd 53 
mukharikd, bit of a bridle, Katy Qr. 16. 2. 5 (Lexx. 

wrongly 4) 62 

mundaka, n. of an Up., Mukt. Up 46 

mt^kdj testicle, RV. &c.; female organ (in du.), AV. Ac. 86 

miLStika, n. of a fighter, Kr9.Up 53 

miihukdj moment, RV 62 

mUka or muk&y dumb, VS., QBr 103 

mutakd, little basket, QBr 62 

mfisofca, rat or mouse (Dim.), Gftrud. Up.; -ikd, id, VS. . 62 

mrdayCtku, merciful, RV 45, 29d 

mrdlkd, favor, only RV., AV 101 

mfttikd^ earth, clay, VS.; Ait. Br. &c 44, 36 

-mika in sumika, well-established, RV. Most often of heaven 

and earth 103 

-meddskOj ifc. Bah. «= in6das, TS., in a-m 55 

menakd, n. of a daughter of Mena, Sadv. Br. (metron.) . 51 

{me$ka for bleska &c., only mAaia, Ap. Qr.) 

mdindkdj n. of a Mt., TAr. — Metronymic < m6nd ... 49 

'Mocaka, releasing, Mukt. Up 97 

mohuka, falling into confusion, TS 99 

yakd, which (contemp.-obs.), RV. &c 75, 86 

-yajuska ifc. Bah. = ydjiLS, QBr., in a-y 55 

-yantrka ifc. Bah. -= yantf, Katy Qr 55 

yantraka, ikd, tamer, subduer, Pahcav Br. < yantrd, fetter 51 
yamika, du, n. of 2 Samans ("Twins"), Ai'?. Br.; SV. . . 92 

yastikdj club, Krs. Up 44 

yaska, n. pr., A^v. Qr. &c.; pi. his pupils or descendants . 103 

-ydcaka, beggar, in ptira-y., Maitr. Up 97 

-ydcanaka, beggar, in nitya-y., Maitr. I^p. < ydcana, request 56 

ydjaka, sacrificing, Maitr. Up 97 

ydjuka, sacrificing, QB 99 

ydjnikdn sacrificial, Qankh Qr.; Kau^ . 94 

— , a sacrificer, QBr.; Par. Gr. 2. 6. 
yddrcchika. relating to or depending on chance (yadrcchd), 

Param. Up 94 

ydmaki, I go basely, Qankh Br. < yCimi .... 84, 37 
ydyajdkcu constantly sacrificing, QBr 25 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The K' Suffixes of Ind(hlranian. 333 

8«« i 
(ydska) patron < yaska. 
yavdkii^ adj. of you two, RV. < yuvd- ... 51, 30 a Note 

yusmdka^ your, RV. < yusmd- 51, 30 a Note 

-yuthika, in a-y., not in the herd, < yuthd. Kath Gr. 44a 

-= Mfin. Gr. 2. 17 92 

-yuska^ in vi-y,, ifc. Bah., Hir. P 55 

-yonika^ in o-y., Bah., not containing the phrase esd te yonih, 

Kfity gr 55 

-rajaska, ifc. Bah. «= rq;as, Nrsut. Up 55 

-ragmikoj ifc. Bah. -=r rafwf, A^v. Gr 55 

rakd, fiiU moon, RV. &c. Cf. ra{i)? 103 

rdjaka, king (contempt), RV.^ < rdjan 71 

rdjasuyika, of the ro/owlyo-sacrifice, Qr. S 94 

rdsndkdy little girdle, Kath 62 

rUpaJcd, evil shape, AV.; {-ka) species, Maitr Up.; image, 

AH. Br. (= ni^) 79, 44 

recaka, expiration, Amrt. Up., Dhyan. Up 95 

-retdska, ifc. Bah. — ritas, QBr 55 

rdivatakcu, n. of an ascetic, prob. patron. < revata^ Jabal Up. 49 

rdcuka, causing pleasure, MS 99 

raddkd—? Vfiit 58, 30a 

ropandkd, a certain yellow bird, thrush? RV., AV., TBr. 

Origin obscure 58, 30 a 

rohitaka, n. of a tree, MS.; Katy Qr. Prob. <adj. rohita 46 
(rduhiiaJca, made from the rohitaJca tree, Katy Qr.) 
lamhhdka^ ace. to Wh. Vb. roots, found in Brfthmanas 96, 97 
lanibhuka, accustomed to receive. Cha. Up. (cf. dlambhukd) 99 

laldtika, being on the forehead, A p. Qr 92 

Idghavika, adj. < laghava, n. — Katy Qr 94 

-Idhhikd, in su-l, easily won, RV.^ (voc.) 16 

Uka, n. of an Aditya, TS. Obscure 103 

'lepaka, ifc. Bah. = lepa, Mukt. Up 55 

lokapalaka, earth-protector, Mahanar. Up 44 

'lomaka or lomdka, ifc. Bah, = loman, TS.; QBr. <tc. . . 55 

lohitakaj red, reddish, Ap 64 

hhinikd, red glow, Ap. Qr. <l6him, f. of lohita .... 48 

IdvJcika, worldly, usual, Katy Qr.; Kaug &c 94 

vajrasucikd, n. of an Up. (also called vajrasuct), "little 

sharp needle," Mukt. Up 62 

v&dhaka, sort of reed or rush, = ghdtaka\ AV.; QBr. &c. 46 

vadh&r deadly weapon, destroyer &c.; cf. ghdtorka. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

334 F. EdgertoHf [1»1L 

&•• I 

-vapdka, ifc. Bah. — vapi, QBr.; Katy Qr 55 

{vdbhruka, v. 1. for bdbhruka, MS. 3. 14. 7.) 

vamrakdj " Antman," n. pr., RV., < vamrd 46 

vaydkin, 'RYA (of the soma plant): prob. "havmg little 

tendrils/' (yayaJca, dim. of vayd', so Sfty. and Ludwig) . 62 

vardka, suitor, Qankh Gr 46 

vardhaJca, n. of an Up., Mukt. Up 44 

'varnaka, ifc. Bah. -= v&rna, Gopl. Up 55 

vdrtikd, quail (o/^ruf), RV. &c. (only RV. and Classical) 

(suftixal formation uncertain) 58 

-var^ika, ifc. Bah. -= varsd (cf. varsin), Aqv. Qr. . . 54, 55 

varstka, kind of meter, Nid&nas 46, 36 

vdrsuka, raining, rainy, TS.; TBr.; QBr. &c 99 

valika, projecting thatch, Gaut.; reed, KauQ. &c. <vali or volt 40 

vcduka, red or black, Pane. Br.; Laty &c. Obscure ... 58 

valkd, tree-bark, TS.; TBr. Vvr? 103 

vcUmika, ant-hill, VS.; TS.; QBr. &c 62 

vasukd, having or bestowing weal (ydsu), TS. &c.; in formula 

vasukffsi vi^agrir asi &c. — Comm. vdsayitr, as if Vvas 

and uka, which is highly improbable 58 

-vastuka, ifc. Bah. — vdstu, Gaudap 55 

vasnikd, prize, reward, Pane Br. (vasnikdm jaydya). Comm. 

vasnisamjndm vctsusambandham dhanasamuham ... 53 
vahyaka, draft-animal, Katy Qi\ 14. 231 (not 331 as BR.) 

A^v. Qr. has in same passage vaJiya 44 

-vdkkd, ifc. Bah. — vac, QBr 55 

vdcakuy expressing, declaring, Ramap. Up 97 

vdjasaneyaka, of or by Vajasaneya, Kftty Qr. &c. . . . 50 

vdmanaka, dwarf, Garbh. Up 62 

vdyovidyikd, fowler, QBr 94 

'Vdraka, keeping, guarding, Nrsut. Up 97 

vdruka, choosing, MS 99 

vdrumpraghdsika, adj\, of varumpraghdsd, Ap. Qr. . . . 94 

vdrddhusika, usurer, Ap 44 

vdrsagatika, bestowing life for 100 years, Kiu^. .... 94 

vdrsika, of the rainy season, or year, AV.; VS.; QBr. &c. 94 

vdlnkd, sand, Qvet Up. Obscure 58 

vdsantika, vernal, AV,; VS.; Ait. Br. &c 94 

vdsiiki, (prob. patron.), n. of a Naga, Garu4. Up.; Qobh.; 

Kaug &c 78 

vihkrndhikd, croaking, ace. to Sch., Maitr. Up. Obscure 58 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The K'SuffixeB of Jndo-lranian. 335 

Bee i 

vika, n. of a S&man, Ar$. Br 103 

vikcdpdkaj hesitation, Tej. Up 44 

vikasuka, "bursting", n. of Agni, AV 99, 24 

{vikusuka, corruption of vlkasuJca, n. of Agni, Ap. Qr.) 

{viksinatka, VS., QBr. 1 (cf. dmlvatkd-) destroying, 

(inferior) vik^mka, TS., Kath j epithet of gods in ^ata- 

rudiiya; cf. following word, and see Weber, I St. II — 43 42 
vieinvatka (in same passages as foregoing), discriminating 

see viksinatkd 42 

vindyakaj n. of evil demons, Man. Gr. <vi'Vnl. Cf. 

vdindyaka 96, 97 

'VibhiMika, ifc. Bah. = vibhdkth declension, Tapd. Br. . . 65 
vibhindukaj "tearing," n. of an Asura, Pancav Br. ... 99 
vibhitaka, a tree, QBr.; Katy Qr.; its nut, used for dice, 

RV : 62, 79 

vimanyuka, allaying wrath, AV 56, 23 

vUdycJcaj soother, VS. — ^mdnaso' si vildyakah'^ . . 96, 97 

vigarika, a certain disease, AV 103 

vigvdka, all-pervading, Ramat. Up.; n. pr. (vig-) RV. &c. 47 
vwodMwafea, poison-receptacle (imprec). Mantra Br. . . 79 
vi§duakdj "little horn," n. of a plant, A V. (< visdna) . . 62 

vi^dtakij a plant, AV 79 

visundk, RV., in various dii-ections .27 

'Visuvatka in a-v., ifc. Bah., Laty 55 

visucikdj a certain disease, VS.; TBr. < fem. of vlsvanc . 79 

vi^hulingdkd^ little spark ?, RV 71 

vis&lydka, Wh. visdXpaka, a disease (« visalyd), AV. . . 79 
visrdmikd, — (of unknown mg.), visrdimkdydh kdnddbhyah, 

Kath; MS.; Ap. Qr. — In later times, n. of a plant . . 58 

vihvdruJca, tumbling, MS 99 

'Vindkd, flute, in godha-vtU', Katy Qr 44 

virakdj male, Mannchen, RV. (< mrd) 88 

vrkkd, kidney, RV.; AV.; VS.; QB. &c 103 

-vrttika, ifc. Bah. = vrtti, disposition, Mukt. Up 55 

vfthc^, easUy, lightly, RV., cf. vfthd 27 

vrdhikd^ increaser, RV. (epithet of Indra. The context, 

and the correlation of this word with susd and suddSj 

uphold Say.'s interpretation) 100 

vfnddraka, best of its kind, Brh. Ar. Up. Prob. conn. w. 

vrndd' mass, crowd. Formation obscure 58 

vfgdka, scorpion, RV.; AV 71, 79 

VOL. XXXI. Part ni. 23 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

336 J^. EdgerUm, [191 1. 

vrsaka, n. of several Samans, SV.; Ars. Br 46 

vMuka, knowing, TS.; Kfith 99 

vidukOy obtaining, TBr 99 

veskA, noose, QBr.; Katy Qr. See hleska &c 103 

vi§tuka. adhering, MS 99 

vdikdlpika, optional, A^v. Qr 94 

vditanikaj of the 3 sacred fires, A^v. Gr; Agv. Qr. . . • 94 

vdidika, vedic, Mfiitr. Up. &c 94 

vainayak<i, of Vindyaka (a n. of Gane^a, as such first 

found Yajn.), Samav Br — 

vdibhttaka^ made from the vibhita-tree, K&th &c. (also-i{a^a) 49 

vdUasthdnakd, abyss, pit (imprec), RV.* 79 

vdigesika, special, peculiar, Ap 94 

vdigvadevika, of the Vftigvadev^ P4rvan, Man.Qr ; Qankh.Qr. 94 

vyanjaka, indicating, Nrsut. "Dp 97 

vy&rdhuka, being deprived of, Kath; MS. &c. . . . • . 99 

vyddhaka, hunter, Kftu^ 97 

vyapaJca, Kath. Up. &c., pervading, permeating .... 97 

vydyuka, running away, MS.; Kap. S.; Kath 99 

'Vyomnika in parama-vy,, an inhabitant of highest heaven, 

Nrp. Up 92 

vrdWca, adj. < vratd, Gobh. 94 

vleska, see veskd &c. Brugm. thinks this is the original 

form 103 

gakuntakd, ikd, birdlet (dim.-contemp.-obs.), (< qakhnta), 

RV. &c 71, 86 

gankhapulika, n. of a Naga, Garud. Up 78 

gdndika, n. of a family or tribe, RV. — Say. says "descen- 
dant of Q^^da" (an Asura priest, VS., MS.). — faw^ as 

common n. "curds,^ only Lexx 92 

ganakdts, very gently (dim.), RV.; Kath; Maitr. Up. 66, 37 

g&phaka, "little hoof,'* n. of a plant, AV.; Ap. Qr. (< fopfcd) 62 

gamdkd, a plant, Kau^ 46 

gaydndaka, lizard, TS. — ? gayanda ace. to Lexx. — "sleepy" 58 
(aydn^oJca, kind of bird, VS. Cf. foregoing. Perh. cpd.; 

-andaQca)? 58 

garsikd, kind of meter, Nidanas. Cf. sar^d^ a kind of 

meter, R. Prat; etymologies of both words unknown . 101 
gdlakd {'ka only Kath 26. 1), small stake, twig, TS., QB. &c. 

62, 29 c 

galakakdy twig (contempt.), AV.* 71 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

YoLxxn.] l^e K-SujSHxet of Btdo-Iranian. 337 

fiffca, splinter, TBr.; Ait. Br.; TS., cf. f oM . . . . 62, 29 b 

(dlyaJca, porcupine, VS.; Ait. Br,; Ap 53 

{gavartakdy see kAfarvataka.) 

gagaka, hare (dim. ?), Adbh. B 62 

gakunikay bird-catcher, Maitr. Up 94 

Qdtyayandka, the Br. of Qatyayana, Aqv. Qr.; Laty ... 60 
{QdmGka — wrong reading for fya-, KauQ.) 
(drifdkd, AV.i, unexplained word. It may be a cpd., in 
which case the -kd would presumably be not suffixal . 68 

gdriraka, n. of an Up., Mukt. Up 49 

Qdliika. a plant, said to be "an esculent lotus root," AV.; 
Kaug. — Doubtless conn. w. gdlu (class.), a fruit (unidenti- 
fied) . . . . 58 

(dfvatikay eternal, Ap 94 

(*fiftftawdafc»— mistake in NBD. for fiMandd— TS. 5.7. 16. 1) 
gipavitnukoj kind of worm, AV. Etymology unknown . 79 
gipivistakd, smooth? TBr. < gipivistd, bald-headed ... 68 

(ilaka, n. pr., Cha. Up 58 

(ifuM, young (animal), AV 63 

gUiM, cooling, RV., AV. (voc.) 66, 19 

-glrsdka^ ifc. Bah. — ^rsdtij TS 66 

'{^ika, ifc. Bah. = gila, cf. ftiin, Gop. Br 64, 55 

gutted, price, RV. Obscure. Primary? 103 

{gugtdiikdi a bird, RV.); Say. "owlet"; prob. for gigu-tduka — 

gu^ka, dried up, RV., AV., QBr. &c 103 

grnkhdnikd {grngh-y singh'\ mucus of nose, Ap. Uncertain. 
A word ginghdm or singhdna, of like meaning, is quoted 

in Lexx .58 

gerabhaka, n. of demons, AV.* (voc.) 78 

gevrdhaka, n. of demons, AV.^ (voc.) 78 

gdimdka, n. of a Rishi, QBr. &c. — Supposed to be patron. 

< gunaka, and this < gvdn 58 

gydmdka, millet, TS.; VS.; QBr. &c 44, 30 a Note 

gydvaJca^ n. pr., RV 64 

{glaksnaka), -ikd, slippery (obscene), AV 86 

^ka, sound &c., RV. &c 103 

gvakiskin, applied to demons, AV.* Text and meaning 
uncertain; "having dogs' tails"?— The word *kiska is 

hopeless 103 

satka, consisting of 6, Laty; ifc Bah. -« ,90^, as navasatkOy 
having nine sixes or hexads, Agv. Qr 53, 55 


Digitized by LjOOQIC 

338 F. BdgerUm, [1911. 


sadvingdka, consisting of 26, Cul. Up 63 

{s&ndika) n. pr^ for khdndika q. v., MS. — 

sdtkdugika, six-sheathed, Kaug (reference not given; MW. 

Add.) 94 

mdahika, of the sodofed-festival, Laty 94 

^odagika, of the 16-partite Stotra, Pane Br. &c. ... 92 
sathvartaka, '^destroyer," the great world-ending fire, Nrp. 

Up 97 

samvitka, ifc. Bah. « samvid, Nrsut. Up 55 

'Mfhgdruka in a-5., not breaking down, Kap. S 99 

sdfhsamaka, united together, AV 47 

{sakd, see tcM) 75 

samkalpaJca, determining, purposing, Amrt. Up 97 

sdmkasuka, n. of an Agni, AV.; KauQ 99, 24 

— adj. — splitting off, QBr. 

{'Samkhydka, ifc. Bah. = samkhyd, Mukt. Up. . . . 55, 30 b 
sarhkhydka^ ifc. Bah. -= samkhyd, Mukt. Up.; Otil.Up. 55, 30 a 

sathjivdka, animating, A^v. Qr.; Ap. Qr 97 

-samjndka, ikd, ifc. Bah. — samjnd, Ramap.Up.; Msitr.Up. 55 
sdtika, TS. 4. 4. 6. 2. — Unknown mg. P. p. sa-ttka. Comm. 
"water." Cf. sdrmka, with which this is closely connected 
in the text. Both words are obscure and perhaps arti- 
ficial in formation 101 

sanakd, old (imprec), RV. ..." 80 

mmtanika, n. of a Saman, Ars. Br. (v. 1. sanUdjiika) . . 44 
'Samnydsika, ifc. Bah. «=samwyasa, cf. samnydisin^ Agram.Up. 

54, 55 
{samanVcd, battle, B.V. < samana^ with -ika by analogy 
with samikd^ q. v. Not real suffix al ka. Gf also Cistamika,) — 

satn&rdhuka, prospering, TS 99 

-samitka, ifc. Bah. = samidh, Kau^, 55 

(samikdj battle, RV.; from wk. stem of samydfic^ cf. prdr 

tika &c.) — 

samuhakOj little broom, Ap. Qr. (NBD. "heap") .... 62 
sampdtika, n. of certain demons, Gobh. (MW.; no reference 

quoted) 46 

sampu^ka, unground, Ap. Gtx. — Comm. aksata. Uncertain 103 
sarabhaka, kind of grain-devouring insect, Adbh. Br. . . 79 
{sararukd, see saMuka.) 

sdrmka, TS. 4. 4. 6. 2 — ? Comm. "water;" see sdtika. Perhaps 
Vsf — ? (BR. quote the reference as QBr. by mistake.) 101 

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Vol. xxxi.] The K'St0xe8 of Indo-Iranian. 339 

806 i 

sarvak&j all (imprec), AV. {<8&rva) _• ®2 

salal^ka, RV.* — ? Sch. "aimless wandering," as if from Vsr, 
intens. -f -uka (§ 25). So Grassmann. Nir. even makes 
up the word sararuka to explain it; but the true intens. 
stem of Vsr is sarsr-. Grif. "wavering;" Ludw. "club." 

The word is at present quite uninterpretable .... 58 

sdmvatsariJcaj yearly, Ait. Br.; Qankh Br. &c 94 

sdmgafisika, recited together, Gop. Br.; Vait 94 

sdmgayika^ doubtful, Ap 94 

smnsiddhika, natural, Giludap 94 

sdmspargaka, contact, Man. Gr., Kftth Gr 49 

{si^m, together, RV.; Vsac, cf. sdcd, sad.) 

'Sdksika, ifc. Bah. — saksin, Maitr. Tip 55 

sdmgrdmika, warlike, KauQ 94 

sdmghdtika, of a group, Qankh Qr 94 

sdttrikOy sacrificial, Kaug; Qankh Br 94 

sdttvika, true, good, Maitr. Up 94 

sddhaJca, accomplisher, Gaudap 97 

sdnuk&j eager for prey, RV.*, cf. sano-ti 99 

sdmndhuka, able to bear arms, Ait. Br.; mistake for -ika 

(Class.)? 21 

sarhndJia, n., armor; the girding on of armor. 

sdmfdpdtikOj complicated, coalescing, Laty; Gobh. &c. . . 94 

sdptamika, of the seventh day, Laty 94 

sdptardtrika, lasting 7 nights or days, Samavidh. Br. . . 94 

sdmavdyika, inherent, concomitant, Katy Qr 94 

sdmaydcdrika, of usage or custom, Gaut.; Ap 94 

sdmika, adj., < sdman, Laty 94 

-sdmidhenlka, ifc. Bah. — sdmidheni, Qankh Br.; Katy Qr. 55 

sdmpdtika, of contiguous hymns, Agv. Qr 94 

sdfhpraddyika, traditional, Ramat. Up 94 

sdydka, to be sent, RV.; n. arrow, RV 16 

sdraJca, ace. to Wh. Vbl. roots found in Brahma^as 96, 97 

sdrvdkdmika, fulfilling every wish, Agv. Qr.; Qankh Qr. . 94 

sdrvdkdlika, of all time, Ap 94 

sdrvayajnika, of all sorts of sacrifice, Qankh Qr 94 

sdrvavarnika, of every kind, Ap. Qr 94 

sdrvavdidika, of all the Vedas, KauQ 94 

sdvika, adj. < savA, Vait 94 

-sdvitrikaj ifc. Bah. — sdvitri, A<jv. Gr; Par. Gr 55 

{singhdnikdj v. 1. for (rfMi- q. v., Ap.) 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

340 F, Edgertan, [1911. 

gidhraica, made of the wood of the nd%ra- tree, KSity Qr. 47 
silikii- in sUikafnadhyama, RY.^ Obscure word, commonly 

rendered "united, tied together" (Vsi?) 58 

{siika, parrot, AV.; should be guka. Non-sufi^al k.) 
(mtuka, RV., running swiftly? Ludw. strong. Prob. non- 

suf&xal 1c€L XJhlenbeck derives from Vtuk in toko.) 
subhadrikd, courtesan, VS., < siibhadra^ pleasant &c. 79, 67 
sumeka, see -mika. 
(msUikd) kind of bird, VS., cf. MS. 3. 14. 17, same verse, 

which reads gugul^kd. Is this a later lectio facilior for 

susUikdj or is it the true reading, corrupted in VS.? 

Other parallel texts have not the word 101 

audka, epithet of a stinging insect, RV 62 

suiaJca, birth, childbirth. Par. Gr; Ait. Br.; Ktog &c. . . 48 
siutikdj a lying-in woman, AV.; Qankh Gr. {cf. prcisutikdy 

-= pramtd) 51 

(srkd, arrow, RV.) Non-suffixal k. Cf. Av. hardko^ < harec 103 

sevakay worshipper, Rftmap. Up 97 

admaka, n. pr. RV., Ait. Br. < soma, cf. § 57 . . . 57, 58 

sdvLgandhikOj kind of unguent; TsljjlA Br 94 

sdiitrdinanika, of the sairfrawam-sacrifice, QBr 94 

sdumika, of the sdnuij Aqv, Qr.; Qankh Qr. &c 94 

sdiirdki, a patronymic, MS.; Kath. — From *8ura or *8uraka, 

presumably. Exact formation not certain 58 

(stuka, child — tokd, TAr. 3. 11. 12. The text is difacult 

and coiTupt, and -ka probably not suffixal.) 

stUkd, tuft of hair, RV. &c 42, c£ 103 

stokd, drop, RV. &c. {prastokd, n. pr. RV.) 103 

stdubhika, forming or containing a Stobha, Laty ... 94 

sthdyukOj staying, Pane. Br 99 

sndtaJca, a grhastha, QBr.; Gobh. &c 46 

'Sndv&ka, ifc. Bah. = sndvan (-vin), TS. in a-a 55 

aphoHka (aphat-), crystal, quartz, Qvet. Up. Uncertain . 103 

-aphaka in plvcih'aphdkd, swelling with fat, AV 103 

aphUrjakaj n. of an iU-omened plant, QBr.; Katy Qr. . . 79 

svaka, own, Maitr. Up.; Mukt. Up 45 

(avapdka? epithet of Agni, RV.^ — BR., following Say^ say 

< au-apds, "Gutes bewirkend," "Kunstreich." Improbable. 

Others — <au'dpdnc. The word is very doubtftd; on the 

whole perhaps Ludwig's suggestion is best, avorpdka (Vpac) 

= "self-ready". Non-suffixal ka in any case, probably.) — 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xKi.] The K'Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 341 

See § 

svdlpilcd, very tiny (obs.), AV. Cf. cdpaM 86 

svastika, a mode of sitting (in the shape of a svastiJca, which 

is by origin adjectival, —"lucky, bringing luck"), Amrt.ITp. 51 

svdbhdvikOj natural, inherent, Ap.; Maitr. Up. &c. . . . 94 

svdrasdmika, adj. < av&rasdman, Laty 34 

(sv&ca, artificial word, to explain sumeka, QB.) 

hdriknikd, bay-mare (dim; obs.?), AV.; < fem. of hdrita . 86 

-hastaka^ ifc. Bah. -= h&sta, Qankh. Gr* (in aporh,) ... 56 

'hasiika, ifc. Bah. = hastin, TB. (in bahu-h.) 55 

hdtaka, gold, Param. Up.— Uhlenbeck: < IE, ^hoU (hari &c.) 
+ to- (cf. OSl. zMo, Gth. gvlp, gold) + ka.—'^hdta is 

not found 58 

hdruka, seizing, consuming, TS 99 

hdviryajnika, adj. < haviryajM, Laty 94 

hihsaJca, injuring, Maitr. Up 97 

'hetuJca, ifc. Bah. — hetii, Gfiudap 55 

hdimantika, wintry, VS. &c., <hemantd 94 

hdtrkaj assistant hdtry QB., Lftty 66 

hotraka, a priest at the sacrifice. Ait. B 51 

(Orig. adjective, "connected with the hotrd'^) 

hdutrika, sacerdotal, K&ty Qr. 94 

hlddikd, refreshing, RV 56, 19 

hlddukd, refreshing, TAr.; see § 19 99, cf. 19 

hlika, modest, TBr. ("possessing *hll = fen") 53 


The K-Suffixes of Indo- Iranian. 

First Part: TJie K- Suffixes in the Veda and Avesta. 
Chapter L Description of the Suffixes. §§ 1—28. 
Introductory, §§ 1 — 7. 
The secondary suffix lea, §§ 8—13. 

(Suffix 1 ha, § 9; Diminutive ka, § 10; 2 lea, % II \ 3 ka, § 12; 
4 fai, § 13.) 
Other ife-suffixes, §§ 14—28. 

(Suffix ika, § 14; aka, §§ 15—20; uka, §§ 21—24; uka, § 25 
Ika, § 26; Adverbial *, § 27; Primary ka, § 28.) 

Chapter IL Samdhi of the Suffixes. §§ 29—39. 
Of Secondary ka, §§ 29—37. 
Of other ^-Suffixes, §§ 38. 39. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

342 F. Edgertanj The R-Suffixeg of Indo-Lranian. [191L 

Chapter III. The Secondary Suffix ka (excl. DiminatiTes), g§ 40--58. 
Suffix 1 haj §§ 40--18 (Nouns or Adjectives of Similarity or 

Suffix 2 ka, §§ 49—52 (Adjectives of Appurtenance or Relationship.) 
Suffix 3 ka, §§ 53 — 55 (Possessive Adjectives or Substantives). 
Suffix 4 ;ta, § 66 (Words of Active Verbal force). 
Unclassified, §§ 57. 58. 

Chapter 17. The Diminutive Suffix ka. §§ 59-^91. 
Introductory, §§ 59. 60. 
I. True Diminutives, §§ 61—66. 
11. Diminutives of Endearment, § 67. 

III. Diminutives of Pity, § 68. 

IV. Pejorative Diminutives, §§ 69—86, including 

1. Diminutives of Contempt, §§ 70—76. 

2. Diminutives of Imprecation, §§ 77 — 84. 

3. Diminutives of Obscene Humor, §§ 85. 86. 
V. Generic Diminutives, §§ 87—89.' 

VI. Diminutives of Femininity, §§ 90. 91. 

Chapter V. Other ifc-Suffixes. §§ 92—103. 
Suffix ika, §§ 92-94. 
Suffix aka, §§ 95—97. 
Suffix ilka, §§ 98. 99. 
Suffix tka, §§ 100. 101. 
Primary suffix ka, §§ 102. 103. 

Chapter VL The Prehistoric Suffix. §§ 104—117. 
The suffix in RV., §§ 104—106. 
The suffix in Avestan, §§ 107—113. 
The suffix in Aryan (Indo-Iranian), § 114. 
The suffix in Lith. and in I.-E., §§ 115—117. 

Statistics. § 118. 

Index and Word-list (Vedic Words). 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Printed by W. Drugalln, Leipiig (aermany). 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 






Professor in the UniTersity of Ohlcago, 
Chicago, m. 

Professor in Yale UniTersity, 
New Hay en. 



G.P. QuackenboB:TheMaya- 
rSstaka, an anedited Sanskrit 
poem by Maytira 343 

George A. Barton: On the. 
Etymology of Ishtar .... 355 

Roland G. Kent: The Etymo- 
logy of Syriac daatabira . . 359 

MaxL. Margolis: The Wash- 
ington MS. of Joshua . . . 365 


George Sverdrup jr.: A. Letter 
from the Mahdi Muhammad 
Ahmad to General O.G.Gordon 368 

Carlos Everett Conant: 
Monosyllabic Roots in Pam- 
panga 389 

J.DyneleyPrince: ADivine 
Lament(CT.XV.Plate824-25) 395 

Edwin W. Fay: Indo-Iranian 
Word-Studies 403 




This number contains the Proceedings of the Annual Meeting held 
in Cambridge, Massachusetts , April 1911, and the List of Members, 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

The Mayurastaka, an unedited Sanskrit poem by Mayura. 
— ^By G. P. QuACKENBOS, A. M., Tutor in Latin, 
College of City of Xew York. 

What little knowledge we have of the poet Majrura rests 
largely on legend and tradition, but it is now generally accepted 
that he flourished in the seventh century of our era, was one 
of the habitues at the court of the emperor Harsavardhana, 
and was the rival, in the field of literature, of fiapa, author 
of the Kadambarl and of the Harsacarita. 

In an old legend, preserved principally in Jaina tradition, 
and existing in several versions, ^ we are told that ifayura, on 
one occasion, wrote a licentious description of the charms of 
his own daughter, Bai:ia's wife. That lady, enraged, cursed 
her father, who, in consequence of the curse, became a leper, 
and was banished from court. Nothing daunted, however, 
he set to work to regain his health and his lost position, and 
composed the Siiryasataka', consisting of a hundi*ed stanzas 
in praise of Surya, the sun-god. At the recitation of the sixth 
stanza, the sun appeared in bodily form, and cured the poet 
of his leprosy. Bana, jealous of Mayura's triumph, and seeking 

1 The principal versions of this legend are found in two anonymous 
commentaries on the Jaina poet Manatunga's Bhaktdmarastotraj in 
Madhusudana's commentary on Maytira's Sun/aiataka, and in the jFVa- 
bandhacintdmani of Merutunga, who was a Jaina. For the anonymous 
commentaries on the Bhaktamarastotra, see F. E. Hall, Subandhu'a Va- 
aavadattd, Calcutta, 1859, intro. pp. 7, 8, 49, and llajendralala Mitra, 
CatcUogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Library of His Highness, the 
Maharaja of Bikdner, Calcutta, 1880, p. 671, no. 14H3, and Biihler, On the 
Candikdsataka of Bdnahhatta, Indian Antiquary, vol. 1 (187:^), pp. Ill 
— 115; for the commentary of Madhusudana, see Biihler, On tJie Author- 
ship of the Matndvalif Indian Antiquary, vol. 2 (1873), pp. 127— 12S; 
and for the Frabandhacintdmani, see the translation of that work by 
C. H. Tawney, Calcutta, 1901, pp. 64—66. 

2 This is Mayura's best-known work. The most accessible edition is 
that in KfivyamalS Series, no. 19, Bombay (2ud ed.), 19C0. 

VOL. XXX r. Part IV. 04 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

344 Q. P. Quackenhos, [I9ii. 

to emulate his example, had his own hands and feet cut off^ 
and then composed the Candliaiaka^^ in honor of Candl, the 
wife of 6iva. But in the recitation of his poem, he did not 
have to proceed any further than the sixth syUahle of the 
first stanza before the goddess appeared and restored his limbs 
to their former condition. Xow it happened that a Jaina^ 
Manatunga, was present, and wishing to show that the Jainas 
were not lacking in miracle-working powers, he ordered him- 
self to be loaded with forty-two chains 2, and to be locked up 
in a room. He then began to compose the Bhaktdmarastotra ', 
which consists of forty-four stanzas. At the conclusion of 
each stanza, one of the forty-two chains dropped off, and 
when the whole forty-four stanzas had been recited, the locked 
doors flew open of their own accord, and he was free. The 
king, Harsa (or Bhoja, as some accounts call him), had w^it- 
nessed all three miracles, but deciding that Manatuiiga's was 
the greatest, he became a convert to Jainism. 

In one version of the legend, that, namely, given by the 
first anonymous commentator on the Bhaktdmarastotra, the 
name of the obnoxious poem that so displeased Mayura's 
daughter, and that brought upon Mayura the curse of 
leprosy, is said to be the Mayurdstaka. While recently 
working up the life and writings of Mayura for a forth- 
coming volume of the Columbia University Indo-Iranian 
Series, I noted that a poem of this name was recorded in 
Professor Garbe's catalogue* of the Sanskrit manuscripts at 
Tiibingen University. Through the kindness of Professor Garbe 
and of Dr. Geiger, the librarian at Tubingen, the manuscript 
containing the Mayurdstaka was forwarded to Professor Jack- 
son for my use. The material is birch-bark, folded in book 
form, each leaf being 7^8 by G^/s inches, with 16 lines 
of writing to a full page. The writing is in the idradd script^ 

1 Ed. with commentary, in Kavyamalfi Series, Part 4, Bombay {2nd ed.), 

2 Other accounts say 34 or 48 chains; cf. Hall, op. cit. pp. 8, 49. 

» Edited (transliteration and translation) by Jacobi, Indische Studien, 
vol. 14, Leipzig, 1876, pp. 359—376, with forty-four stanzas. Etting- 
hausen, Harsa Vardhana^ Empereur et Poete, Louvain, 1906, p. 127, n. 2, 
mentions several editions, one containing 48 stanzas. 

* Richard Garbe, Verzeichniss der indischen Handschriften der konig- 
lichen Universitdts-Bihliothek, Tubingen, 18f»9, no. 182, F. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The Mayurdstaka dc. 345 

and the date should probably be placed in the seyenteenth 

The Mayurdstakau, which covers one full leaf, anji parts of 
two other leaves, consists, as its name implies, of eight stanzas, 
(^f these, the first and the sixth are incomplete, owing to a 
tear in the manuscript. Stanzas 1, 2, and 4 are in the 
sragdhard meter, the others in sdrdiilavikrldUa. The dedi- 
cation is to Hari and Hai*a (Vi?nu and 6iva), and at the 
end is the colophon iti sntnayilrdslakam samdptam. After 
the colophon comes a kind of diagram, which may be some- 
thing astrological, though I have been unable to decipher 
anything from it except the words samvat 2. 

The theme of the poem is the description of a girl or young 
woman, and at times, especially through the double entendres 
and puns, the sentiment is decidedly erotic, and might very 
well have given offence to the person portrayed. In a general 
way the style is not unlike the style of other compositions 
ascribed to Mayura. For example, the puns and double 
entendres, already referred to, besides other Kavya elements, 

» The ms. in Garbe's Verzeichniss (see note preceding) 182 F was one 
of those purchased in 1894 by Marc Aurel Stein at SrTnagar in Kasmir 
(Verzeichniss, p. 3), and the date is according to the Saptarfi era (ibid., 
p. 5. n. 1; personal letter from Prof. Garbe, April 4 th, 1911). "At the end 
of the Durgastaka [one of the pieces in the collection contained in the 
manuscript in question] the copyist gives the date (Idukika) samvat 87, 
grdvati 5, gandu^^ (Stein in Garbe, Verzeichniss y p. 78), and, as Prof. 
Garbe writes me, "die Ahnlichkeit der auISeren Beschaffenheit aber zeigt, 
daJi die beiden darauf folgeuden Stiicke [Vetdlastotraj Mayurdstaka] in 
annahernd derselben Zeit geschrieben sein miissen". 

The Saptarsi era began B. C. 3076 (Biihler, in Weber, Indische Studien, 
vol. 14, Leipzig, 187H, pp.' 407—408). During the centuries which, in 
consideration of the average age of birch-bark manuscripts (see Biihler, 
Indische Palaeographies Straliburg, 1896, p. 88), can alone be here taken 
into account, the fifth of Sravana fell ou Saturday in the year 87 of 
any century of this Saptarsi era only in 4687 and 4487 — Saturday, 
Sravana 5, 4687 corresponding to Aug. 13, 1611 ((iregorian calendar), 
and Saturday, SrSvana 5, 4487 to July 25, 1411, of the Julian calendar 
(as reckoned according to Robert Schram, Kalcndariographische und 
chronologisehe Tafcln, Leipzig, 1908). Since of these two dates the former 
is the more likely, we may ascribe the completion of our manuscript to 
Aug. 13, IHU. (On the Saptarsi era, see Sewell and Dikshit, The Indian 
Calendar, London, 1896, p. 41 ; (nnzol, Handhuch der mathematischen und 
technischenVhronologie, Leipzig, 19(H>. vol. 1, pp. 382—384; A. Cunningham, 
Book of Indian Eras, Calcutta, 1883, pp. 6—17.) 


Digitized by LjOOQIC 

346 O. P. QuackenhoB, [1911. 

are common to it and to the Suryaiatakd, and that Mayura 
did not disdain the erotic sentiment elsewhere is shown by a 
perusal of the descriptive verse on two asses, which is found 
under his name in the Subhdsitdvali of Yallabhadeva, and 
also in the Sdrfigadharapaddhati.^ It may count for something, 
too, that the meter of three of the stanzas is the sragdhard^ 
the same as that in which the Suryasataka is composed, as 
well as most of the anthology stanzas attributed to Mayura. 

In view of all the facts and circumstances as set forth, it 
seems not unreasonable to believe that the poem Mayurd^taka, 
contained in the Tubingen manuscript, is a creation of the 
poet Mayura, although it must be acknowledged that the 
evidence is not especially strong. It may be argued, for 
example, that the name Mayurastaka may mean "the astaka 
on the peacock", or that the commentator on the BhalddTna- 
rastotra ascribed it to Mayura merely because of its name, 
or that it is the composition of another Mayura, not the 
seventh-century poet of that name. 

But on the other hand stand the facts that the name h-l- 
mayurdstakam is found in the colophon of the manuscript, 
that the subject-matter of the manuscript poem harmonizes 
with the content of the Mayurastaka described by the com- 
mentator, that there is not the faintest allusion to a peacock 
in any of the stanzas, and that there is a general similarity 
in point of style between the manuscript poem and the known 
writings of Mayura. The pros are, on the whole, stronger 
than the cons, and it can at least be said that there is no 
direct evidence to show that Mayura did not write the Mayii- 
rdstaka contained in the Tubingen manuscript. Until such 
evidence is adduced, I am inclined to accept it as his work. 

It gives me pleasure to express my thanks to Professor 
tJackson and to Dr. Gray for many valuable suggestions, and 
also to Professor Barret, who was good enough to verify my 
transliteration of the saradCi script. 

» Peter Peterson, The SiMdsitdrali of Vallabhadeva, Bombay, 1886. 
no. 2422; Peterson, The Faddftati of Sdn'igadluira, Bombay, 1888, no. 585. 
See also the modern anthology, Suhlidsitaratnahhayiddgdram, compiled 
by K.P. Parab, Bombay (3rd (d.), 1891," p. 327, v. 17.* 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol xxxi.]. The Mayurdstdlta &c. 347 


Verse 1. 
oqi namah ^rlhariharS.bhy&m 
ess, I k& prastut&qi^gx pracalitanayana haipsalll&^Trajantl 

dvau hast&u kuAkumardr&u kanakaviracita^ . . u 

. . ^um[g&in]gegata s& bahukusumayuta baddhaYlQ& hasanti 
tambulaip^ YSmahaste^ madanavaiagatft gubya® Sal&ip pravi^t^' 

J The meter is sragdhard, 

2 In the matter of transliterating the nasals, I have faithfully followed 
the manuscript, which is inconsistent, sometimes writing anusvdra in- 
stead of the appropriate nasal consonant. Compare, for example, lag^ 
ndmga (2a), priydmga (3d), and gagandmgand (8d), with hhrubhangam 
and anahga (7 b). Note also amtah for an^oA (3 c), canpaka "wiih. lingual 
nasal, instead of campaka (8 b), and sampakva for aampakva (5 b). In 
the use of the nasal before Ar, there appear to be no irregularities except 
ianikayanti for iankayanti (2b); of. kunkuma (lb), and panka (7c). 

' The word Hid is one of the stock terms used to define the natural 
graces of the heroine; cf. Daharupa, a Treatise on Hindu Dramaturgy^ 
tr. Haas, New York, 1911, 2.60, '*Sportiveness (/t/a) is the imitation of a 
lover in the actions of a fair-limbed maiden." 

4 One, possibly two consonants must come between the a and the u; 
the syllable containing the a must be heavy, and six syllables must be 
supplied after the u. 

> One syllable is missing. 

> Betel was as much an adjunct of love-making among the ancient 
Hindus as candy and confections are to-day. Usually it was brought by 
the man to the girl, but here the girl appears to be carrying it as a 
ffift to her lover; cf. Schmidt, Beitrage zur indischen Erotik^ Leipzig, 
1902, p. 728. 

^ Was the left hand the erotic one, as implied, for example, in the 
epithet "left-handed", when used to denote the obscene form in the 
Tantra cult? 

8 I take guhya to be a gerund (cf. Whitney, Skt Grammar, 992 c), 
but the author doubtless intended that it should be read also, though 
with short u, as first member of a compound with idldrn — guhyaidldm, 
"private chamber"; cf. guhyadesdn (4d). 

> In idradd, the same ligature represents both sta and ftha. Prof. 
Barret, who has transliterated part of the Paippalada Manuscript of the 
Atharvaveda, which is in idradd (cf. JAOS. vol. 26, 2nd part, pp. 197 
— 295), writes me: "about sta and stha; as far as I have seen, there is 
no difference made, the same sign serving for both." 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

348 G. P, Quackenhos, [1911. 


Om. Reverence to the illustrious Hari and Hara. 

Who is this (maiden), with beautiful limbs and wandering 

glance, approaching with the gait of a hamsa? 
Her two hands are moist with saffron, her composed of gold. 

She has on her [body]; she is decked with many flowers, 

girt wuth a lute, and is smiling. 
Concealing betel in her left hand, and having yielded to the 

power of love, she enters the [private] chamber. 

Verse 2. 

esa^ ka bhuktamukta pracalitanayana sveda^lagnaipgavastra 
pratyu§e yati balfi' mj-ga iva cakita sarvatas sainkayanti 
kenedaiji vaktrapadraam sphuradadhararasaiji satpad^enaiva 

svargah'i kenadya bhukto haranayanahato manmathah^ kasya 



Who is this maiden that, not partaking of food and with 
wandering glance, and with gaiments clinging to her 
limbs wnth perspiration, 

» The meter is sragdhard. 

2 For perspiration as a mark of love, see Sappho, frag. 2, v. 4, 6. 14 
fi'tSpvs KOKx^ercu, 

3 In erotics, bald means a young girl under sixteen, who wishes to 
be loved in darkness, and delights in betel (Schmidt, pp. 243—246; 
especially the citation (p. 244) from Anahgarahga, fol. 5 b). She is also 
a mrgl^ "gazelle" {cf.mrga 2 b, and harini in 3b and 8c), so eats little 
(cf. hhuktamvktd in 2a), and has high-set {unnata) breasts, cf. Schmi<lt, 
pp. 212—213. 

* SatjJada suggests bhrawara, which means both "bee" and "lover''. 

* In the ligature here transliterated ])y hk. I have taken the fir&t 
element to be the sign for jikvamHriya^ the surd guttural spirant, cf. 
T\Tiitney, SJd. Grannnar, 69, 170 d, 171c. Prof. Barret, however, in his 
transliteration of the Paippalada Manuscript of the Atharvaveda, adopted 
sk as the transcription of the character; compare, for example, JAOS. 
vol. 26, 2nd part. New Haven, 1906, p. 218 foot. v. 18, va8 kdmdy and 
p. 224 foot, V. 25, jdtas kasf/apo, with the l*aippalfida facsimiles, folios 
6a, line 3, and 7b, line 12, respectively. But he has since written me: 
"The signs which I transliterated ska and spa are not exactly represen- 
tatives of lingual s, but that seemed the best rendering." 

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Vol. xxxi.] The Mayurd§taka, cfec. 349 

At dawn goes here and there, timid [and] distrustful, like a 

How is this? Has this lotus face with its lower lip's welling 

nectar, heen sipped by a bee? 
By whom has heaven been enjoyed to-day? With whom has 

Kama, [once] slain by Siva's eye, been pleased? 

Verse 3. 

e^a^ IcS. stanaplnabharalcathinS,2 madhye daridrftvatP 
vibhranta hari^il* vilolanayana saiptrasta^yuthodgata 
aiptahsv(e6)dagajendragandagalita' samlllaya^ gacchati^ 

1 The meter is idrdulavikridita. 

2 Perhaps, "stiff' with the burden of her swelling breasts"; i. e. she 
must walk very upright, or the weight of her breasts would make her 
8 toop - shouldered. 

' There may be an obscene pun in madhye daridrdvati ; for the pass- 
ionateness of the mrgi, see Schmidt as cited p. 348, nbte 3. For daridrd- 
vattj not found in the lexicons, cf. Whitney, Skt Grammavy 1233 d. 

• For harinty "gazelle", see tnrgtj p. 348, note 3. 
5 The reading of the manuscript is samtrastha. 

• The manuscript is broken above the sv ligature, but the restoration 
of the e is unquestionably correct. 

^ According to folk-belief, even in modern India (cf. W. Crooke, The 
Foptdar Religion atid Folk-Lore of Northern India, 2nd ed., Westminster, 
1896, vol. 2,. p. 240), there is, in the forehead of an elephant, a magic 
jewel, the gajamukta, which grants to him who possesses it his every 
wish. The author seems here to be comparing his heroine to this 
magic jewel. 

8 I have rendered sanUilayd as "like"; cf. St. Petersburg Worterbuch, 
unabridged ed., s. v. Uld, 3. The compound of lild and gam is not found 
in the lexicons, but occurs twice in this poem; cf. 8c. 

9 The whole of line 3 may be read with a second rendering, con- 
taining an obscene pun: "She goes, possessed, through her wanton 
sport with [her lover], of that which falls from the temple of the 
rutting lord of elephants," i. e., possessed of the mada, which also 
means semen virile and i^po^nia. votLs-, this latter, in the case of the 
mrgi, has the odor of flowers (Schmidt, p. 213), and would therefore 
attract bees (or lovers; cf. p. 348, n. 4), just as the mada of a must- 
elephant does. [Prof. Jackson takes this second rendering to be the 
correct interpretation, as opposed to that presented in the text and in 
notes 7 and 8.] 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

350 (t. p. Quackenbas, [1911. 

dr^t^ft rupam idaip priy&iiigagahanaipi vrddho^ Qpi kama^ 



Who is this timid gazelle, with a burden of firm, swelling 

With roving glance, and slender of waist, gone forth from the 

frightened herd? 
She goes like as she were fallen from the temple of a rutting 

lord of elephants. 
Seeing this form, with its adornment of beautiful limbs, even 

an old man becomes a Kama. 

Verse 4. ^ praviralakusumaqL ke^bharam karena 
prabhra^t^tip cottarlyaip ratipatitagux)L&m mekhal&m dak^ipena 
t&mbulaip codvahanti yikasitavadanft^ muktake^a naragft^ 
ni^krantft guhyadeSan madanava^agata marutaip prarthayanti 


With her left hand doing up her heavy hair, on which few 

flowers [now remain], 
And with her right holding up her upper garment, her girdle, 

whose cord had slipped down 

1 The compound priydmgagakanam may be read in two ways. In 
the first way, take gahanam as from gahand, ^adornment", and the 
second reading, which is obscene, may be found by taking gahanam as 
"place of concealment", and priydmga as a tatpurusa compound, priya 
denoting the lover. 

5 Is vrddho a reference to Eana, the husband of Mayura's daughter? 
B&na may have been of the same age as Mayara, and so considerably 
older than his wife. 

3 The regular causative of the root kam is kdmayate. I therefore 
take kdmdyate to be a denominative from Kdma\ cf. Whitney, Skt. 
Qrammar, 1059 c, and Brugmann, YgL Gram, der idg, Spracheriy Strali- 
burg, 1892. 2. 769 (p. 1107). The meter requires that the second syllable 
of kdmdyate should be long. 

* The meter is sragdhard. 

* "With blooming face", or, punningly, "with open mouth", "yawning". 
8 The word nardgd is not found in the lexicons, but on the analogy 

of naroga, "not ill", I have taken it to mean "not passionate", i. e., 
"with passion sated". 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The Mayurd^taka, &c. 351 

During love, and her betel; with blooming face, with dishe- 
veled hair, with passion sated, 

Coming forth from the private chamber, having yielded to the 
power of love, she longs for the breeze. 

Verse 5. 

e^fi^ ka navayfiuvanfi ^^imukhl kantSpathl^ gacchati 
nidrSvyakulita vighurnanayana saippakvabimbadhara 
keiJair vyakulita nakhair vidalita^ dantai^ ca kha^dlkrta* 
kenedaip ratiraksasena ramita Sardulavikri4ita 


Who is this lovely one advancing along the path, moon-faced, 
in the bloom of youth, 

Bewildered with sleep, her eye rolling, her lower lip like a 
ripe hiimba fruit, 

Bewildered by her [disordered] locks, scratched by finger-nails, 
and torn to pieces by teeth? 

How is this? By a demon in love has she, imitating tiger- 
sport, been beloved! 

1 The meter is idrdtUavikridita. Note the pun possihly implied in 
idrdulavikriditdy line 4. 

2 I resolve as kdntd dpathH. Compare the Vedio dpatki (RY. 1. 64. 11), 
which evidently means, as Geldner {Der Rig-Veda in Auswahl^ Stuttgart, 
1909, vol. 2, p. 11) says, "auf der StraCe fahrend" (cf. also Bezzenberger, 

in Vipas, Abhandlungen zur idg, Sprachgeschichte Aug, Fick ge- 

widmetf Gottingen, 1903, pp. 175 — 176), a connotation which is also sup- 
ported by SSyana's commentary ad loc» Or, perhaps we should read 
kdntd pathij with pathi as fem. nom. sing, of *patha {*pathi)j with which 
compare the epithets of the Maruts— opa^At, mpathij antaspatha^ anu- 
patha, RV. 5. 52. 10; yet note tripathd. 

3 The manuscript reads vimdalitd. 

* References to scratching and biting, as concomitants of indulgence 
in ratij az'e found throughout Sanskrit erotic literature. For nakha- 
cchedya (scratching with the nails), see Schmidt, pp. 478 — 496, and for 
daianacchedya (biting with the teeth), ibid. pp. 496—508. Is there not 
also in khandikrtd a possible punning allusion to the khanddbhraka 
("broken-cloud") bite on the breast, in form of a circle, with uneven 
indentures from the varying size of the teeth (Schmidt, p. 504)? The 
reference to his daughter's disheveled appearance, as being due to the 
scratches and lacerations, may have been responsible for that lady's 
anger and her consequent curse of MayHra (see intro.). And in this 
connection it may be added that the obscene puns in verse 3 would 
prolbably not tend to lessen her displeasure. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

352 G. F. Quackcfibos, [1911. 

Verse 6. 

e§a* ka paripurnacandravadana gaurlmrga^ k^obhinl* 

Illamattagajendrahaqisagamaiia^ e . .' 

n(i^)h^vasadharagandbaSltalamukhl vaoa mrduUasinl 
sa ^aghyah puni^as sa jivati' varo yasya priya hidrsi 


AVho is this frantic tigress, with a face like the full moon, 
With the gait of the hainsa, or of the lordly rutting elephant 

in wantonness , 

AVith her face cooled by the perfume of her sighing lower lip. 

and gently mirthful in her speech? 
That man is to be envied, that lucky one lives, who has truly 

such a one as his beloved. 

Verse 7. 
esa^ ka jaghanasthall sulalita^ pronmattakamadhika 

» The meter is idrdillavikrldita* 

» I take gdurimrgd to mean "beast of GSuri" (with a pun on mrgd 
[cf. note on mrgi^ p. 348, n. 3] as the sort of girl the heroine is), and tlie 
beast of GSuri (in her incarnation as Durga) is the tiger. As ParvatI 
also, Gauri's vehicle is the tiger; cf. Moor, Hindu Pantheon, London. 
J810, platt's 20, 21, 24. My interpretation as *» tigress" seems also to be 
strengthened by the allusion to *' tiger-sport" in the last line of the 
preceding stanza. 

* The word ksobhini is not recorded in the lexicons except with 
lingual nasal as the name kaobhinij of a certain iruti in Samgitaadra- 
Bamgraha. 23 (cf. St. Petersburg Worterbuch, abridged ed., s. v.A*«o6AinO• 
it is here probably best regarded as the feminine of ksohhana or of 

< In Manu, 3. 10 {hamsavdramgdminlni) . the gaits of the hanisa and 
of the elephant are mentioned as among the desirable graces of women. 

* Seven syllables are needed to fill out the line. 

6 The manuscript is broken here, but part of a vertical stroke can be 
st'ou, and the restoration of an i seems certain, 

^ The manuscript reads jivatiJt. For the sentiment expressed in jlvati 
compare the well-known line of Catullus (5.1), YivdmuSy nica Lesbta. 
atque amemus, 

8 The nic^ter is idrdulavikrtdita. 

* Lalita is . one of the stock terms used to define the graces of the 
heroine; cf, Dasarupa^ tr. Haas, 2.<)8, ''Lolling {lalita) is a graceful 
posi^ of one of fair form.'* 

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Vol. xxxi.] The Mayurdstaka, &c. 353 

bhrubhangain kutilam tv anangadhanu^ahiprakhyain prabh&- 

rakacandrakapolapaukajamukhl k§amodarI sundarl 
violdandam^ idaip vibhati tulitaiji* veladbhujaip* gacchati 


Who is this lovely one that goes, with rounded hips, with 

an excess of ecstatic love — 
Her curving frown like the bow of the Bodiless (Kama), and 

like the moon in splendor — 
With lotus face like the cheek of the full moon, and she 

[herself] slender-waisted and beautiful? 
This neck of her lute seems like a raised quivering arm. 

^ In the ligature here transliterated by hpf I have taken the first 
element to be the sign for the wpadhmdniya, or surd labial spirant; cf. 
AVhitney, Skt. Grammar^ 69, 170 d, 171c. In Prof. Barret's transliteration 
of the FsippalSda Manuscript, this same ligature is transcribed by sp 
(cf. JAOS. vol. 26, 2nd part, New Haven, 1906, p. 213 foot, devda pitaro, 
and ras pari-, with the Paippalada facsimiles, folio 4b, lines 11 and 12), 
though Prof. Barret says (see above, p. 348, n. 5) that it does not exactly 
represent sp. If the word dhanttsahprakh/am be regarded as a compound, 
we should naturally expect the dental sibilant before initial jp, as is the 
case, for example, in such a word as vdcaspati (cf. WTiitney, Skt. Gram. 
loc. cit.), yet, in favor perhaps, of its being so regarded, it may be noted 
that above (stanza 6d) we have ildghyah purusas, which cannot be a 
compound, with visarga before initial p. However," it should be remarked 
that the Paippalada Manuscript, before initial _p, seems to use, indift'er- 
ently, either visarga or the ligature under discussion; cf. the instances 
given above with folio 6 a, line 7, devdh pradisd^ and folio 7 a, line 5, 
nirrtydh pd§ehhyo. 

2 The accusatives in line 2 are hard to explain, unless they may pos- 
sibly comprise an extension of the simple adverbial accusative, on which 
see Carl Gaedicke, Dcr Accusativ im Veda, Breslau, 1880, pp. 171—175, 
215—233. Or perhaps hhriibhaiKjam is to be regarded as neuter (cf. 
note on hhuja below), though it is not found as neuter elsewhere. If 
it is neuter, it probably becomes the subject of an asti understood. 

3 The form vlnidanda is not given in the lexicons; the regular spel- 
ling is vinddandaj though the word is given only by the lexicographers, 
and is not found in the literature. 

♦ In tiilitam, the manuscript shows only the upper part of the i, the 
vertical stroke being missing. 

5 Bhuja is not found as neuter elsewhere, but for neuters of this 
class of compounds (including vJmddndam)^ see Wackeruagel, Altindlschc 
Grammatik, Gottiugen, 1905, II. 1. 15 b (p. 39); and on the interchange 
of masculine and neuter (cf. damfah and danciam\ see Delbruck, Vgl. 
Synt. der idg. Sprachent Straliburg, 1893, 1. 37 (p. 130). 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

354 O. P. Quackenboa, The Mayurastaka, &c. [I9il. 

Verse 8. 

esSL^ k& ratih&yabhiiYa^Yilasaccandr&nanaiii bibhrati 
gatraip ca^pakad&magS.urasadr^^l' plnastaii&lambit& 
padbhySipi saipcarati pragalbha^haripl saiplllayS svecchaya 
kiip cSLisSl gagan&ipgana bhuvitale saippSdita brahmana 

iti ^imayurft^tfi'I^aip sam&ptam 


Who is this with a face like the shining moon through her 

<incitement to> and her <8tate of> amorousness, 
Drooping from [the weight of] her fiill-rounded breasts, with 

a body like the yellowness of a garland of cham- 

paka flowers, 
A wanton "gazelle", going on two feet, in dalliance as she 

Surely this is a celestial nymph, produced on earth by BrahmS. 
Here ends the illustrious Mayurdstaka. 

1 The meter is idrdulavikridita, 

> I have rendered bhdva in two ways, '^incitement to" and '^state oi'\ 

3 The manuscript reads mdurasadriam, which is unintelligible. I have 
emended to gdurasadriamy at the suggestion of my friend, Dr. C.J. Ogden, 
who referred me to the compounds kanakacampakaddmagdufifn (Bilhana^s 
CdurapaHcdiikd, v. 1), and campakaddmagdun (MahabhSrata 15. 25. 13). 

* FragcUbhd is another of the stock terms (cf. /i/d, la, and M»to, 7 a) 
defined in Hindu rhetorical treatises; it is translated "experienced" by- 
Haas, in his translation of the Dakarupa^ 2. 29. For pragalbhd, as a 
type of heroine, cf. Schmidt, pp. 264 — 266. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

On the Etymology of Ishtar. — By Geobge A. Babton, 
Professor in Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa. 

In the Journal of this Society, XXVIII, 112—119, Pro- 
fessor Haupt published a theory of the etymology of Ishtar. 
The article is packed with the wealth of philological material 
that we have learned to expect from the pen of this distin- 
guished Semitist. There was one crucial point, vital to the 
whole case, in which the argument rested on one single example 
— an example, too, which did not prove the conclusion drawn 
from it. The present writer was, accordingly, never convinced 
that the etymology offered was correct. As the subject is a dif- 
ficult one, no dissent was immediately expressed. Since it now 
appears that Dhorme has been mislead by it,^ it is not out 
of place to discuss the point a little further. 

Haupt derives the name Ishtar, rr\T\Sfy, &c. from the stem 
"liVft^, from which mtfK comes, by the iniSxing of a ri after the 
second radical. This H Haupt regards as perhaps the feminine 
ending 3r\ moved backward, although he recognizes that it may 
be the reflexive ri. Now it so happens that IXft^ begins with 
«, and ninitfy with y. The name is found in Hebrew, Phoe- 
nician, Moabitish, Aramaic, South Arabic, and Ethiopic, in 
all of which languages the y appears. That the same con- 
sonant stood at the beginning of the word in Semitic Baby- 
lonian, is shown by the fact that the name begins with L This I, 
as is well known, is often found in Babylonian and Assyrian 
where an y was originally the accompanying consonant. To 
derive the name of this deity, once universally worshipped by 
the Semites, from "^B^K, one must prove that in primitive Se- 
mitic K could be changed to y. In proof of this Haupt 
offers but one examj)le. The Hebrew ^riB^, Assyrian iHin, he 
derives from the Sumerian aHan. 

This derivation from A§ =- 1 and TA-A-AN = "amount" 
is, however, hardly tenaWe. Haupt refers for proof only to 

» La Religion Assyrio-Babylonienne, Paris 1910, pp. 85 and IKJ. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

356 George A. Barton, [1911. 

tlie work of SchoiT, AltbabyJonische EecJitsurkundenf p. 16:^ 
n. * and p. 208. All that these references prove is that 
TA-A-AN can mean "amount". They have no bearing on 
the compound AS-TAN. Moreover Prince has pointed out, 
{Sumerian Leooicon, p. 195), that iHin cannot well be derived 
from A^TAN, because as early as the time of Hammurabi 
(Laws, xi, 6), it made a feminine i^tiat The Sumerian origin 
of the one example on which the whole case rests is, accord- 
ingly, very questionable. If iStin were really derived from 
ASTAN, the initial y would be paralleled in modern Syriac 
in which Ireland appears as iiy;^^, and oxygen as v.^gnr>> 
(cf. Noldeke, Orammatik der neusyrischen Sprache, p. 60). As 
noted below, this phenomenon is accompanied in modern 
Syriac by an interchange of I and ^; this is paralleled in 
Babylonian and Assyrian by the confusion of all the gutturals 
except ^. That outlying dialects of Semitic in which distinc- 
tions between the gutturals were passing away could exhibit 
such phenomena, is not strange, but it is quite another thing 
to ask us to l)elieve that such interchange occurred in un- 
contaminated primitive Semitic. iStin appears in Hebrew in 
the Babylonian period of Hebrew history as ^MB^. It occurs 
in Jeremiah, but not in the text of the Book; only in the 
editorial title (1 : 3) and an exilic supplement (52 : 5). Its 
earliest occurrence is really in Ezekiel (40 : 49). Whether 
of Semitic or foreign origin, it does not appear in the Semitic 
dialects generally. 

nvitfy, on the other hand, is a primitive Semitic word. It 
is found in all the great divisions of the Semitic speech. To 
prove that it is derived fi-om the stem ntf«, it is necessary to 
show that in primitive Semitic « and y were interchangeable. 
Proof for this is altogether lacking. 

It is perfectly true that in widely scattered Semitic dialects 
« sometimes stood for y, l)ut, as Haupt admits, this was all in 
comparatively late time. It came about when in many part« 
of the Semitic world y was losing its original quality. 

Thus in Hebrew, VlD« (Esther) is probably a spelling of 
Jshtar taken over from the Babylonian after the quality of 
the y had disappeared. Simihuly, in the Targum Yerusalmi 
and the Palestinian Talmud T^yb occurs for T\vh, **to weary 
ones self" and \2}y2r\ for I5^«nn *nt is unfavorable". In the 
Talmud Wiiny is sometimes spelled WTT« (cf.Dalman, Aranidisdie 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] On the Etymology of Ishtar. 357 

Grammatik, 97, 39). Such examples prove the same confusion 
of these sounds in Jewish Aramaic. In late Punic, too, the 
distinction between M and V was lost. In CIS, I, 373* «DBf 
•*hear" occurs instead of the ordinary yOB^ (cf. 371 «), while in 
3872 tfy is written for the relative pronoun ordinarily spelled 
B^K (cf. 3852). In Palmyrene Aramaic we have ypynjf for 
appn« (cf. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, I, 198). 

In Mandaean, though there are numerous cases in which M 
has replaced y (cf. Noldeke, Mandaische Grammatik, 69fiF.), 
there seem to be few if any cases in which y stands for K, 
though it sometimes stands for % thus ^n^ becomes DHny (cf. 
ibid. 60 ft). In modern Syriac I is not distinguished fi'om ^, 
thus Ia*1 stands for and beside lou^ in the sense of "narrow", 
f*^ beside Ul, '^between" (cf. Noldeke, Orammatik der neu- 
syrischen Sprache, 60). 

This confusion is also found in late dialects of South Semitic, 
Thus in Tigre, Tigrina, and Amharic, *and' are hopelessly con- 
fused (cf. Brockelmann, Vergleichende Orammatik der semi- 
tischen Sprachen, pp. 124, 125). In the Mehri dialect of South 
Arabia the ^ has entirely disappeared and is replaced some- 
times by 1, sometimes by a and sometimes by (see Jahn, 
Orammatik der Mehri-Sprache pp. 2 and 9). 

Apart from such confusion, which arose from a weakening 
of the pronunciation of y as the language decayed, the only 
change of which there seems to be any trace is the change 
of y to H in certain cases. Thus in Syriac and Palmyrene y 
before another y was dissimilated to «. In Syr. i^Ai., ''rib", 
became i^:!t: In West Syriac, y before n became «; 'u/idana, 
"contract", became ^uhddnd (cf. Brockelmann, op. cit 241 fF., 
and Noldeke, Synac Grammar, p. 25). In Syriac, y before p 
is sometimes dissimilated to K, ^qldnd, "bracelet" becoming 
'qldnd (Brockelmann, p. 242). Of the opposite change of fc< 
to y the older dialects afford no example. 

Not only is this true, but the stem "118^« appears in South 
Semitic as well as North Semitic, where, as in North Semitic, 
it is spelled with «. In a South Arabic inscription X)??! 
is a goddess, parallel in name as in functions to rntf« (cf. 
Hommel, Aufsdtze und Ahhandlungen, II, 206). The occur- 
rence of this name in the south as well as in the north, 
proves that these two names, mg'K and niJIB'y, were from 
primitive times philolot<ically and orthographically distinct. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

358 George A. Barton, [I9ll. 

The etymology of Ishtar must accordingly be sought in a 
stem beginning with J. The present writer has twice sug- 
gested such an etymology (Hebraica X, 69 — 71, and Semitic 
Origins 102 ff.), deriving the name from the stem ^;.^. In the 
work last referred to it was suggested that, as jyX^ means an 
"irrigating ditch" and ^Xg- "that which is watered by rain 
alone", the name meant "she who waters", or "is watered". I 
should have added as an alternative meaning "the self-waterer". 
A writer in the Nation (vol. LXXV, p. 16), who withheld hLs 
name, but whose identity it is not difficult to divine, criticised 
this view because the Arabic lexicographers assert that the 
term J:* was applied to the palm tree because it "stumbled 
upon the water necessary to it and did not need to be irri- 
gated". Such a statement is, however, not decisive. It is 
doubtful whether an Arabian lexicographer's guess as to the 
origin of a custom or an etymology is superior to that of a 
modern scholar, especially as the lexicographer bears witness 
in the same context (Ldsan, VI, 215), that the term was 
applied to "whatever seed is watered by the water of stream 
or rain" (ji^^^ J-r-*^^ -*W? ^,y^ ^ £;jJ* c^ y^ J-;^^)- 
This is a statement of general usage, concerning which the 
lexicographer's testimony is valuable. It is of much more 
weight than his guess as to the reason of the usage. If the 
root j^ was applied to whatever seed was watered by natural 
processes, it certainly had something to do with water, or 
watering. Paton (Hastings Encyclopedia ofBeligion and Ethics, 
II, 116 if.) has accepted this etymology, suggesting that it was 
applied to the numen of a spring and meant the self-waterer. 
He points out that all over the Semitic world springs were sup- 
posed to be the dwellings of numina. This is a very probable 
suggestion, superior, I believe, to the application of the ety- 
mology made by me. 

In whatever way the meaning is to be explained, the evi- 
dence, philological and religious, points to an etymology from 
the root ^ as a term connected with irrigation. The O 
is most plausibly explained with Paton as the infixed O of 
a reflexive, infixed as in the viii*^ stem of Arabic, afterward 
undergoing metathesis with the following radical after the 
analogy of n before a sibilant in North Semitic. Parallel forms 
from both Kortli and South Semitic were cited by me in 
Hebraicaj loo. cit 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

The Etymology of Syriac dastab'trd,— Bj Roland G. 
Kent, Assistant Professor in the University of 
Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 

On two Aramaic, or rather Syriac, incantation bowls, listed 
as CBMi 16086 and CBM 16019, in the Archaeological Mu- 
seum of the University of Pennsylvania, there occurs the word 
HTariDl, which is here found for the first time. On CBM 
16086 the word occurs four times, in the following phrases: 

"This «T2J1D1 against all the demons and satans and devils 
and Liliths", etc. 

"He wrote against them a KTDTOl, which is for all time 
by the virtue of" certain magical syllables. 

"I have dismissed you" (the devils) "by the «TnnD*l". 

"Charmed and sealed and countersealed is this fc<T2J10T by 
the virtue of" certain cabalistic syllables. 

On CBM 16019 the word occurs for times likewise, in 
plirases that are practical duplications of those on CBM 16086. 

Prof J, A. Montgomery, who is preparing these bowls for 
publication, asked the writer to investigate the etymology of 
the word, which is manifestly non-Semitic. 

KT^iriDT may be read dastdbird or dastabSrd. Certain fea- 
tures are plain: 1. The final -a is the "emphatic Aleph", and 
is therefore to be disregarded from the etymological standpoint, 
as a Semitic addition to the original word. 2. The word, 
from its context, must denote either the bowl, or the writing 
on the bowl, or the charm that the bowl effects, or some 
similar idea. 3. The first part is evidently the Palilavi dost 
'hand', = old Persian dasta-, Avestan zasta-, Skt. hasta-. This 
as an element of a compound lends itself well to the idea 
necessary: "hand^^Titing" occurs at once as a natural meaning. 
4. Since MDT is from the Persian, the word is a borrowing 

' CBM = Catalojsrue of tlie Babylonian Museum. 

VOL. XXXI. Port. IV. 25 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

360 Roland G, Kenty [I9li. 

from the Persian — more narrowly speaking, from the Pahlavi 
or middle Persian, as the bowls are of about the sixth century 

What now is the element -bir- or -bir-? Unfortunately 
neither this word nor any word resembling it is to be found 
in the Pahlavi glossaries •; and recourse must be had to the 
consideration of the possibilities from the phonetic standpoint: 

In Pahlavi initial b represents older Iranian 6; thus Pahlavi 
brdB 'brother' = old Persian and Avestan brdtar-j Sanskrit 
bhrdtar-^ This Iranian b represents Indo-European b and 6fc», 
appearing in Sanskrit as b and bh respectively. Perhaps older 
dv initial appears as b in Pahlavi, though this is uncertain*. 
Iranian p after vowels becomes Pahlavi b^\ but as this TD is 
the second element of a compound, such an origin for 6 is 
here unlikely. 

Pahlavi I represents older i^; or i with compensatory leng- 
thening as in tlr — Avestan tiyri- *arrow''; or ya iyaK If 
on the other hand T:i be read -bSr-, Pahlavi e may represent 
the earlier diphthong ai, appearing in old Persian as ai and 
in Avestan as ae and oi ^ or a changed to e by the influence 
of a y in the next syllable, as in erdn =- Avestan a^ryana-^^: 
or a contracting with immediately following y that developed 
from (Avestan) y, as in anerdn = Avestan anayrdnam^^; it 
develops also from aya ahya aSy^^, 

Pahlavi r may represent earlier r**; less often yr*S 6r^*, 
Ari«, rn^'^, possibly rd (old Persian rd, Avestan r^)i8. 

The modern Persian ^ hir may be first disposed of. This 

1 Hoshanji and Haug, An old Zafid-FaMavi Glossary, ed. 2, 1870; 
West, Mainyo-i-Khard, with glossary, 1871; West and Hang, Glossary 
and Index of the JPahlavi- Texts Arda Vlraf, &c., 1874; de Harlez, Manuel 
du FeJUevi, 1880. 

2 Salemann, Mittelpersisrh, §20 a, in Geiger and Kuhn'a Grundriss 
der iranischen PhUologie, vol. I, part 3. 

» Bartholoraae, Vorgeschichte der iranischen Spracheny §3.2, 3, in 
Geiger and Kuhn, op. cit, vol. I, part 1. 

• Salemann, op, cit § 33 N. 2. s ib., § 15, § 18. 

• ib., § 36. T ib., § 39 1, § 21 d. • ib. § 39. 

• ib., §36. 10 ib., §41. n ib., §21 d. «» ib., §41. 
13 ib., § 30. u ib., S 21 d. 15 ib., § 22 b. »» ib., § 24. 
1' ib., § 30. *8 ib., § 30. As rd may become Pahlavi / with loss 

of the rf, it would appear likely that as r ordinarily remains r, this 
group might develop also into Pahlavi r. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The Etymology of Syriac dastablrcu 361 

has the meanings 'lightning; a well; a couch, bedcover; flood; 
to memorize; brother, hero, brave'; none of these would in the 
compound yield a suitable meaning. Apart from that con- 
sideration, j^ is in some meanings derived from Hebrew and 
in the others from Arabic, so that it is out of the question 

To turn now to the Avestan words ^ several fit fairly well 
the phonetic requirements ^r 

ba*rya-, neut. subst., 'carrying, receipt*. 

ba'^^rya- (graphic for barvya-), adj. *to be chewed, solid', in 
reference to food. 

ter*ta-, ptc, 'carried'. 

dvar-f masc. subst., 'door, gate' 3. 

Of these none seems semantically possible. 

Sanskrit yields a few words suitable for consideration: 

bhadrirj adj., 'bright, happy'; as neut. subst., 'fortune'. 

bhdryd; adj., 'to be supported or maintained'; as masc. subst., 
'soldier, servant'; as fem. subst., 'wife'. 

bhlra-, adj., 'frightening, terrifying'. 

bhirii'j adj., 'timid'. 

dvdrya-, adj., 'belonging to or being at a door'^. 

Here, at last, we find in bhlra- a likely source for T:): 
HTanOT may well be the Syriac representation of a hypothet- 
ical old Persian '^dastarblra-, Avestan ^zasta-Wory Sanskrit 
*fca«to-6/?ira-, 'a thing terrifying by the hand(writing)', that 
is, a 'written deterrent' as opposed to a 'spoken deterrent' 
against the demons. 

This implies, of course, that dasia* depends upon -Mr- in 
an instrumental relation; but in such compounds the first 
element may stand in any case relation to the second: of. 
Sanskrit hasta-kamala-m 'a lotus held in or by the hand', hasta" 
dipa-8 'a lantern carried in or by the hand', hasta-sqjnd 'a 

* Bartholomae, Altiranischea Wdrterhuch. 

5) Should initial jp be considered a possibility for the h of Tl, then 
we must take the following words also into account; pardna-, neut. subst., 
*feather, wing'; pa^rva-, adj., 'former'; pa^hya- (graphic for par vt/a-), 
adj., *first'; pdtar- pdOr-t masc. subst., 'protector'. Of these, the last, 
in a -ya- derivative, would yield a good meaning, but the phonetic deve- 
lopment seems to the writer highly improbable. 

* The bowls were placed at the corners of the house, not at the door, 
flo that derivation from this word is precluded. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

362 Boland O. Kent, [1911. 

sign made with the hand', hastabharana-m 'an ornament for 
the hand', hastalambha'S 'support for the hand, refuge, hope'; 
Greek x«/'>-«7*»7^/«» *a leading by the hand', x«*P^P«^ 'written 
by the hand', x^H^'l^^^ 'diviner by palmistry'; Latin mdn- 
stietus 'accustomed to the hand, tame'; Gothic handvrww&rhts 
'made with the hand'; English handbill 'a printed sheet to 
be distributed by hand', handbook 'book of reference suitable 
for carrying in the hand or for keeping at hand', handcuff, 
handpress, handshake, handiwork, manufacture. 

As for the meaning of dasta- = 'handwriting', this is a 
meaning found in English hand, German Hand, French main, 
Italian matio, as well as in Greek x<<ip &i^d in Latin mantis: 

Hyperides ap. Poll. II. 153 t^v avrov x€*ipa apv€i&6<u 'to deny 
his own hand'. 

I Epistle to the Corinthians xvi 21 6 aa-n'ou-fihs t^ I/*]} x^ 
IlavAov 'the salutation of me Paul with mine own hand'. 

Cicero in Catil. 3. 5. 12 manum suam cognovit 'he admitted 
his own hand'. 

Cicero ad Att. 8. 13. 1 lippiiudinia meae signum tibi sit 
Ubrarii manus 'let the scribe's handwriting be eyidence to you 
of my eye-trouble'. 

Cicero ad Att. 7. 2. 3 Alexidis manum amabam, quod tarn 
prope accedAat ad simHitudinem tiiae litterae 'I liked Alexis' 
hand, because it was so like your writing', 

HT^riDT seems now to mean a 'handwritten deterrent' in 
distinction from a 'spoken deterrent'. 'Hand' is indeed not 
infrequently used in opposition to 'word', but in the sense of 
'force'; so Hiad I. 77 circo-tv ko* x^P^*^ aprq^^w 'that you will 
defend me by word and by deed' *; but in the case oi a chai-m 
the meaning 'force' is impossible. The alternatives are a 
'written charm' and a 'spoken charm'; and the word 'hand' is 
readily available to distinguish the former from the latter. 
An interesting parallel to 'spoken deterrent' is found in Sanskrit : 
v&C', fem., 'voice' and k^atd- 'hurt, wounded, destroyed, violated', 
when compounded, form a neut. subst. vak-k^ata- 'offense by 
words', as opposed to physical assault: and vac- with dandor,, 
masc, 'stick', makes vag-danda- 'speech assault, reproof, repri- 
mand, verbal injury'. 

1) Cf. Iliad I. 395 fi ivti . . . ^^ koX fpytfi, and the common idiom X&ytp 
Kcd tpytfi. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] The Etymology of Syriac dastablrd. 363 

Phonetically and semantically, therefore, there is no ob- 
jection to this etymology for l^TDnOT; but there are two other 
possibilities in the Avestan, that should not be overlooked: 

1. boitvra-, neut. subst., *fight, strife', for earlier *6ai6ra-S 
would become Pehlevi *beu}r, and if borrowed with omission 
of the weak sound w would give Syriac -ber-, with an excellent 
sense: 'strife or fight by means of handwriting'. The omission 
of the tv is however a serious objection. 

2. Avestan var^zya- 'activity, work', a substantivized neuter 
adjective, = 'faciendum'. In old Persian this would appear 
as *v{a)rdya' (written *v(a)rdiya'y Now in the change from 
old Persian or Avestan to Pahlavi the group r + consonant + y, 
or consonant + r + y, loses the consonant and the y palata- 
lizes an a in the preceding syllable to e: Pehlevi der *= Avestan 
^daryya-; modern Persian terah = Avestan tqOrya-, Mr 'lion' 
= Avestan xMSrya- 'royal' 2. Hence old Persian ^vardya-, 
Avestan wr^zya- would become Pehlevi *v^r. Were this bor- 
rowed with a hardening of v to 6, HTDJIDl with TD from this 
source would mean 'handiwork, handwriting'. This etymology 
is however rendered questionable by the uncertainty of the 
treatment of Pahlavi v and by the question whether the 
change of a to e in the manner described would be complete 
and definite enough to cause the resultant e to be represented 
by Semitic \ 

To return then to Sanskrit ^hasta-bhira-, Avestan *zasta' 
blror, old Persian ^dasta-blra-: that we should find on a 
Syriac bowl a word which was borrowed from Pahlavi, al- 
though we have no trace of it in Persian of any date, is not 
so remarkable as it might at fiist sight seem. The sacred 
literature of the Parsis, as now extant, is but a small portion 
of the original writings. Even a casual glance at Bartholomae's 
Altiranisches Wo^ierbitch reveals that many words occur but 
once in the extant texts; whence it is evident that many 

1) Sanskrit bhara-j masc, 'fight' shows the root in simpler guise; 
Avestan hoiwra- has intensive reduplication, *bhai'bhra- ; cf. Bartholomae, 
hidogermanische Forschungen X. 100. This intensive reduplication is seen 
in Greek taJUboKoi 'cunningly wrought', xotirdXi; 'fine flour', mutpduraw *I dart 
quickly'; cf. Brugmann, Griechische Grammatik^ § 299. 1. 

2) Salemann, op. cit. § 41. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

364 Roland &. Kent, The Etymology of Syriac dasialnrd. [1911. 

words used in the lost portions perished with them*. There 
is therefore no inherent improbability in assuming the former 
presence of Avestan and old Persian *bira-, Pahlavi *&ir, sur- 
viving in Syriac dasta-bir-d. 

1 Yet it is possible that the aorist of the denominative verb to the 
stem Avestan ^bira- is concealed within the corrupt form Hraoiat, occur- 
ring PursisnIhS 18: tayiu^mazd aiayditi yd tanu.mazo btraoiat, trans- 
lated by Bartholomae "ein ^Isawerk im Pfandwert des Leibes muii ver- 
richten, wer ein Drttgwerk in Pfandwert des Leibes verbrochen hat'-. 
Cf. Bartholomae, op. cit, p. IX. 3; col. 965 s. v. biraoSat; col. 637 s. v. 
tanu . mazah'. If wc have here a denominative to *b%ra'j it must have 
progressed from the meaning 'terrify' to 'commit a terrifying, frightful 
act', a quite natural semantic change. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

The Washington MS. of Joshua. — By Max L. MARGoms, 
Professor in the Dropsie College, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Prof. Sanders, the editor of the Washington MS. of Deutero- 
nomy and Joshua belonging to the Freer Collection, discusses 
the textual problem presented by the new uncial at length. 
Its aspects are shown to diflfer in the two books. In Joshua 
«6 (= Washington MS.) and A (= codex Alexandrinus) stand 
closer together than in Deuteronomy, but still represent fairly 
independent traditions, as is shown by the 253 agreements 
between 8 and B (— codex Vaticanus)"* In the forms of 
names "8 agrees with A nine times as often as it does 
with B". 

In view of this close relationship it is to be regretted that 
the editor chose to base his collation on B rather than on A. 
I have therefore made a fresh collation. I found that Prof. 
Sander's work, if some thi-ee or four inaccuracies are excepted, 
is most perfect. The same cannot, however, be said of Swete's 
work. In round 50 places Swete's collation is inaccurate so 
far as the readings of A are concerned. # 

On the basis of my fresh collation, the relationship of 6 
and A as members of one and tlie same group is unmistakable. 
Certain omissions in 8 are intelligible, i, e. explainable as 
having arisen through homoioteleuton, only when the text of 
A is compared. Comp. 7, 17; 11, 5; 17, 8; and for the con- 
verse process, 19, 31. In some of these cases, it is true, another 
manuscript steps in in the place of A as the basis of the mu- 
tilated text underlying 8, so N. Which goes to show that we 
are dealing here with a group consisting of 8, A, N, possibly 
M, and a number of cursives. 

The disagreements between 8 and A in the proper names 
are, generally speaking, of a nature to substantiate rather 
than to invalidate the affinity of the two uncials, the diver- 
gence between them being triHing, when their common devia- 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

366 Max Margolis^ [1911. 

tion from B is compared. Comp. e. g. ooAoic 6 oAok A / ax^A 
[read axcAx, koi follows, — p^TO] B. There are, of course, in- 
stances in which it would seem that either 6 or A has moved 
nearer to B. But their proportionate number is in the fii-st 
place too small to be taken into account; and secondly, in 
nearly all of them we have to do with readings on which the 
two forms of the text as represented by B and A have never 
divided to an appreciable extent. This holds good even where 
the Hebrew is at variance. For, if A be but a text adjusted 
to the Caesarean standard codex, it can be shown that Origen 
was conservative in his treatment of the koivi^, introducing tacit 
emendations only where the common reading seemed at least 
to him to be hopelessly corrupt. Then the different hands of 
the two codices must be taken into account. When further- 
more the remaining group-members are consulted, the reading 
of 8 or A reveals itself as singular or sub-singular. 

As for the remainder of the text not covered by proper 
names, my own count yields 208 cases in which 6 goes with B 
against A. In 23 of them the various hands of the three 
uncials have come into play. Of the large remainder of 185 
instances in which 6 coincides with B against A, more than 
one half (95) show A in isolation which is absolute in by fiir 
the greater number (55). Of these absolutely singular readings, 
29 are clear errors; 4 are decidedly inferior; of the remaining 
22, two may perhaps represent corrections to minimize the 
dissonance with the Hebrew, while the bulk are of a trifling 
ckaracter. As for the 40 relatively singular readings, 10 may 
be pronounced to be errors and 6 inferior; in 4 there is a 
more or less certain adjustment to the Hebrew, while in one 
instance the omission of a redundant pronoun eases the Greek; 
the remaining 19 instances concern trifles. 

So far I am able to fiirnish accurate statistics. But my 
tabulation still remains to be finished. In a summary way I 
can see now that codex 121 is a close relation of A, sharing 
together errors and singular readings; also that some readings 
of A go back to the Koivrj in some other form than the one 
which is revealed in B. 

Where A has moved nearer to B, it is frequently a case of 
omitting asterisked passages. Both 6 and A are excerpts from 
the Septuagint column in Origen's work which have been 
adjusted to a Koiv/j text. Following the well-known prescription 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxu] The Washington MS. oj Joshua. 367 

of Jerome, obelized passages were on the whole retained, while 
asterisked passages were omitted. Yet the redactors of the 
two texts in question did not always coincide in the amount 

As to the relative merit of 9 and A, 6 is the more accurate 
text. But inferior readings are found even in 6. The two 
check each other's errors admirably. 

An accurate estimate of the place of 6 and A in the nar- 
rower group to which they belong is impossible without a 
fresh collation of its constituent codices, both uncial and cur- 
sive. In view of the inaccuracies in Swete's apparatus, as pointed 
out above, an edition of the complete text of 6 with the 
variants from A is deemed desirable by the present writer, to 
serve as a basis for a collation of the other group-members, 
like M and N and the rest. On our steep road to the earliest 
form of the Septuagint, we need resting places, points of 
vantage; such are the groups, narrower and wider, into which 
the extant texts may be divided. The proper names in the 
Book of Joshua are the milestones which guide the investigator 
in finding his way to texts held together by group affinity. 
Thus, in the Book of Joshua, there are all told six groups, 
of which three show traces of Origen's Palestinian text. Among 
these is the group to which both 6 and A belong. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

A Letter from the Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad to General 
C. O. Gordon. — By Geobge Sveedrup Jr., Professor 
in Augsburg Seminary, Minneapolis, Minn. 

This letter from the Mahdi to General Gordon isfoundina manu- 
script belonging to the collection of Arabic manuscripts made by 
Count Landberg, and presented to the Yale University Library 
in the year 1900 by Mr. Morris K. Jesup. The manuscript in 
question is a collection of letters, or rather copies of letters, 
written by the Mahdi on various occasions. It is a companion 
volume to one which is in the possession of the Egyptian In- 
telligence Office in Cairo. Some of the letters found in the 
Yale manuscript are also found in the Cairo manuscript. It 
differs from the Cairo manuscript in this, that it contains no 
letters of other dignitaries as the Cairo one does. The Cairo 
manuscript was captured in the battle of Toski, August 3, 1889. 
Just where or how Count Landberg obtained possession of 
this manuscript the writer has been unable to discover. 

The Yale manuscript is paged continuously up to page 5(>3, 
of which the last nine lines are blank. Pages 251 — 352 are 
missing, i. e. five quinion gatherings. There are in all 21 gather- 
ings; four quaternions, and the rest quinions. The pages have 
20 lines. The dimensions of the manuscript are nine and one 
eighth by six and three eighths inches; the written surface seven 
and one eighth by four and five-eighths inches. At the bottom 
of every odd-numbered page there is a catch-word. Count 
Landberg has added a table of contents. 

In the manuscript there are 148 letters and proclamations 
each beginning with the phrase: "In the name of Grod the 
Merciful" &c. The ^ vX^^ and the beginning word of quo- 
tations fi-om the Koran are written with red ink. No chrono- 
logical order is followed in the arrangement of the documents. 
The dates are missing ft-om many of the letters, among which 
is also tho Gordon letter. In his appended "Registre" Count 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] A Letter Jrom the Malidi Muhammad Ahmad, &c. 369 

Landberg says: "fort & regretter est cette omission surtout dans 
la lettre int^ressante, adressee k Gordon pacha". This omission 
can be supplied, at least for the date on which Gordon re- 
ceived the letter, as will be shown. The Gordon letter is found 
on pages 470 — 475 of the manuscript. 

The bibliography for the history of the Sudan for the period 
1880 - 1900 is larc^e, especially in periodical literature. Attention 
here is called only to the very important sources. First of all 
are the British Government "Blue Books". The most important 
then are: The Journals of Oemral C- O, Oordon, C. B., at 
Khartoum, printed from the original manuscript with an Intro- 
duction and Notes by A. Egmont Hake, Boston 1885; Letters 
of General C. O, Gordon to his sister M. A Gordon, London, 
1888; Fire and Sword in the Sudan, 1879-1895, by Rudolf 
C. Slatin, C. B., translated by F. R. Wingate, London 1896; 
A Prisoner of the Khaleefa (Twelve Years Captivity at Om- 
durman), by Charles Neufeld, London, 1899; Ten Years Cap- 
tivity in the Mahdi^s Camp, by Father Joseph Ohrwalder; The 
Life of Gordon, by Demetrius C. Bulger, two vol. s, London, 
1896; Mahdiism and the Egyptian Sudan, by Major F. R, Win- 
gate, D. S. O., R. A., 1891; and Modern Egypt, by the Earl 
of Cromer, two vol. s. New York, 1908. Lord Cromer's ap- 
preciation of General Gordon is far from impartial; but his 
book throws much light upon the many misunderstandings be- 
tween these two men. In Arabic there is the important 
^\>yyyJ\ ^j\3 hj Na'oum Bey Shoucair, Chef de Bureau in the 
Agent-General's Office in Cairo, printed in Cairo, 1904. Na'oum 
Bey Shoucair undoubtedly had much to do with gathering the 
material for Wingate's book. At any rate the two are very 
similar in plan and contents. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

370 Oearge Sverdrup, [l»ll. 

The Text of the Letter (Arab. ms. Yale 543). 

J4:; ^;$^ *J^ e- jbo^ -^i^ iui ?,' a^iAi uu ^y/" 

oujijT ^47P ;X4-^- ^^'^ s?.^^ 5^ *^*^*) ^^' "-J^' 

^U5^ iL,^; ^; 4^' ^'^^ «!^^ '-^^ ^>^r li^" ^!^ "^^^^ 
dJLo' 3iixj\ J4f\ ^1p jx^ >>);^\5 j\;iv\ 4y^^ <^^r 

^y^^ «wJ'»>^ 5j^^' (3^ Ulk^ oy^. (^ »ji--a^ »ij-X* ^•;^^. ^ 
e-^xp\ ^^V\^ &U.^\ ^^» l4-^y> ^>^^ ^^ e^ Jt*^^ <i^ 

^I^ J* •^S^^ 5 r^. ^^^'^ J^^^ V-^'^ ^^'^'^ ^^ 

5^ ^ V\ ^^1^ LJ^is ^^yi j^ ^^^ AjUi,^ ^^ ^^ j^\ 

* Supply (J\^? »> Sura 22wa59. c ^^g ^j^ d gura 

5719-21. « ms. \^»xjl. ^ ms. iJw«>. 

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Vol. xxxi.] A Letter from the Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad^ &c. 371 
^H^oo ^^ ik^.\^ L^^ uT^ i^\oJ^ ijaJu>^ JiL»M,^*MjL iS^\j 1^ M L^ 
^ ^ ^<t^^^ )^^ (> rtt'^^ tC'^^ cr^ ^^ "^^^ ^ ci^ ^kXljJb^^ 

^^y^\ P^ JlS <^» dL^M--^ AiJ\ k"^U>" ^uJ*^ UlJ J* 
l^X^T^ LXu^ U^so ^ J^t ^ J3» «U^_^ V^ U>JJ\ \^^1 

•^b ^^^«1j« 3li \^ "crsb'y-' S-^^ f^^--J' ^^ *-^5 *'^2» 

Jy^'^l ^3 i;»y: UjJ\ S;^ ?,1» <^ J^t J«^ CrsJI- LijJl cr; 
dLjL» *J« J-o« <UJl Jy-j ,^5 ^..■'J.V^Ib \j...;j dJJI iU; ^^'^ 

LJjJJ7 ^1^ pi^^ j^ ^\ J^ jUi o^^ ^^^^ (3^ i-w^ 
L4J^^ U^\ ^^^ U^l J* ^l-^^ jwjb ^^ ^1 J^ ^^ybl 

^JLo^ JLjLft dJJl j-o dJJl J^-*>; J^ ^'^-^4-* Cr* ^*y^® (3 J*^* 
Mj^ LJjJl ^^ ^j^\ j^Nb ^[^9 dJyu ^\ yU^ ^l*r^ J\ 

ji:-^ i|iL iji i4^ i^xii ^^ jojift iUji ji-o jis^ ^y* 


* Koran 7937-39. b ^^g ^^^^\^^\. c ^^^ U\^^.»jo. 

^^^^\^^\. <^ ms. g^X-J ^^^,*juiiJ\. f me. ^'-c^j> ^ "^s 

jliy. h ms. i9)\. i ms. ^V^. *^ Koran lOios. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

372 George Sverdrup, [1911. 


,3»M^^ Kji)^ ^^ ^^ ^* J-^ ^^ Jr***; ^^*^^ ^^^ ci^ e*^ 

aL, jJ^^ iJU, J^ iU^^ XjuI ^^? JJJ^ ^j^ ^^" yi::i-J^ 

5^ v£ot; jjf L. ^y ^t j^ ^iy\^ 5-^b j:^* o* ^^^^'* 

^^liLi J5vX^^® ^-^^^5 cuiift ^^ CUU^ ^iUlfc. ^^ '^^^ *Iv*^ 
dUU* aJU\ ^t J\ ,^a2 ^^UoiU viJ^JJ; iiJ\ ^^ ^U« «i^5 

^* tfyL4 ^a n .y J l ^* syl^ s^JcL JL1>ILJlm> ^^^i^* <iUA ^^^ (^5^ 
^^.-.*,*«i i^^i*^ ^y^ <i-4JU** ^^^ ^2^.»xJ\^* Jljo ^\ JU do^ 

• ma. ^. b in stem of ^^> not in lexicona. *^ ms. >U;Jl. 

<* Koran 44". « Koran GS^^-^s f j„g wX^y. ^ ms. A j..V»jb. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] A Letter frmn the Mahdi MuJiammad Ahmad, £c. 373 

osy u^;i ju ^5 ilkb^ »;*it io^ viuu»» c-y^^" o^» 

■^^-•^ llj» cJu-;1^ ujuku. Jin* wJi? Ui"u u^LjLV JUlIk; 
j*i jjU* jl>» j* ^i*" ^^ou» ju\> ^^jis:* «>uv\ 5;, vjxJJ.^ 

"fS ,. , •■j»^ "1 1*.^ I. II "Sjc^ ''i ■' *ri 
*j^ bjo. ^^ ^^xi,^^ e^^i 'y*^ ^l-J' -J^' ^t^' f o ; n* Jii 

i''^«« •f-*'?? »"< 'i^iT I . »^. »' fi*M i".*^ i^fT ' i1^ it-'T 
U^*<* ^ia.\ JUL* ^LJl J^d^ or* ^^' W^ ^'^i i~J'>>* bU* 

V ^f*8 iUyb. AiUfVI ^ *^\ ^yLiS \^^\ f>li5JT Lixi? V 
^.a.JLi J—i ^ <X*«i ^\ 5I /> ^ (^ J-U J^ 5^1 

c^tJ^^ '^5 y^^5 s^^sr" <^ '^^^'^ <^:>^v c^* '^^'5 '5/^^ 

^...JJl) <^yu» ^ L^>^) Cr*^^^ ](«X^ ^JJ\^ JJJ\ jJL» ^2^ bly 
*.r**C^^ f^ Ai> »^»^L-« (^ J-:wl» g^LL* >)LJ\ ^j ^^yL^^ C^.'i-^^ 
'^^r^ crj Li^ (^U^^ ^ ^jM^^ ^^A^\ c^,^l c^ >\a^\ 

ti:lij» jl;^ siUou pfj^ ^u>^\ os^t du»b i^jij: i^j^s ^jj»^ 

» ms. l4x>j?.v ** Koran 24S»-*o. « ms. ^►4^L^>U ** Koran 

3I88, e n,g. »U f Koran S^^s-i^l g ms. ^.^U. »» Koran 


Digitized by LjOOQIC 

374 George Sverdrup, [1911. 

^ J>-*»^ y^^ ^^ ^ vi^T*-^ 'ii ^<t^J^ --r^-VW ^^>"" 
l^ dJJ ^-^^^3* cr:tJ^^ c^.^^ U;Lai1i« ^^ tTpi iJo^t a:JA 
jJU:-" ^^ \^ dJJ\ ^\j^ i\j^^ f^^ &UpT ^ jkx^ UJ 

^ O^ O^ Uo^'f,^^ T^^^ ^^^^^ ^^-'^y. ^^^^^ Ua^ ^LJUJlm^ 

^^.^^J-JJ^ ^l Lo\^^ J>^"i^ c^^^'^^ c> <^S>^ r*^5*^ *^^*^ 

<UJt *Li ^^\ ^yJI ^ 4>^>tP* C^.^ (3 <»^"'^ er^^ «*Xa^^^ 

\>\ ctLi\ ^»Jlx>\^^' <^^^^JJlJo c^AJuU ^\ ^^^Xfc c^.'>-^^ ^^-^^-^^^^^"^ 

^^ <iU^ jIlJo ^2^ J^^475^ ^U^ y^ ^ ^^-ai^^ i3^r^^ 
jj^ iLT hj^ ^JJ\ 1,^1 \j^ ^ ^\ aJ\Js^ ir^^^-;^.;^*^^-*-^* 

>XiJ\ iy^ ^^- ^^ r^^y^^ ^\^t \y^^^» ^s^> \yxsik 

LwojJj. U->\^ "^^-^^l^ rt6^' y^^ ^-*-:t^ iwX-'^ fjAy^. ^^ ^^J^ ^>Lo 

^b d^ uj^i^ <»^<t^ ^^^y^^ «^y» ^i^y o^^ o^-^*^ uL«u 

* ros. sic ^\? ^ ms. i^-t-Uo^ c n,a_ v^^^-^- ** Koran 

8«. <8^ c Koran 2628-^^ f ^jg. cU^Ju^. « ms. ^^^^^s::^--^^. 

h ms. ^. * ms. J^\. k Koran 6^8» "r 34i. " ms. ^\. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. zxxi.] A Letter from the Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad, &c. 375 

^2^^A*i-J\ iiJLLl^ ik**»\^ »^Jlj8|jj^ ^^Js^ \^^^U ^^^-^a-jJb 
bdJ l^iXJj 1^ ^J ^ ^^iUjti LJjJ\ 4^. ^\m}\ ^tj \M >;^ 
^li ^ ^\ M^^ ^^^ 4^^ Ur?^^ ^^*-^" ^^'^^ P^5 ^^t^ ^^^ 

vj^^*- Jy^^ ^u» H^" (i^^ r^jy^ ^3 »i* ^^'^ ti^ ^^ 

^^^ *^^^'' ^^ ^y J* ol^t ^;j^ ^ \^ ^KJ djji y»jLo y^ 

J\J5\ \J.A^ U iftlMj tfJJLjo Ul ^JJ\ ^V\ ^^4^ CJLilLiP* V^ Lli 

V cxjwa*. ,^ \yi>j^ crtt^^ ^W^ o* r^^^ o>"*i^ ^►v****^^ 


470^^ In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate! 
Praise belongs to God, the Generous Patron, and prayer with 
peace upon our Lord Muhammad and his family. 

** From the Servant, humble in the eyes of his Lord, Mu- 
hammad al Mahdi ibn as Sayyid Abdullah to the representative 
of Britain and of the Khedive ^o Gordon Pasha. 

We hereby inform you that God (Praise belongs to him the Most 
High) in his patience and generosity is long suffering, but he does 
not neglect and he does not turn aside ^^ his wrath fi'om the 
guilty people, and he is the patron of the believers. The Most 
High said: God is the patron of those who believe; he leads them 
out 471^ of darkness into light; but they who do not believe, their 
patrons are demons who lead them fi*om light into darkness; 



^ ms. 

ms. J^ai.1. 

^ ms. 




Piirt IV. 

^►^J. « ms. y^^. ** ms. J.y**'^. 


Digitized by LjOOQIC 

376 George Sverdrup, [I9ii. 

*they are fellows of the fire, in which they shall remain for 

He has pointed out [the true way of life] in the glorious 
Koran and others of his ancient books and *by the tongue of 
every apostle, prophet, and faithful devotee, censuring this world 
and making the wise wary of it. He has called them *to 
the hereafter and incited them to it, for it is the house of 
continuance, strength, glory, great honor, the exalted place, 
•the sublime abode, and the pleasant life. Just as the word 
of the ilost High points out in regard to all this: "Know 
that this present life is only 'a toy, a plaything, a vain amuse- 
ment, a source of rivalry among you, and a striving for in- 
crease of property and children. It is like a rain-growth 
whose vegetation pleases the unbelievers, 'then it withers away 
and you may see it turn yellow and finally it becomes dry 
stubble. But in the hereafter [there will be] a severe punish- 
ment [for those who seek the glory of this world]; and pardon 
from *God, and favor [for those who renounce it]. The life 
of this world is only a deceitful provision. Hasten with emu- 
lation after pardon from your Lord, and Paradise, the extent 
of which • equals the extent of heaven and earth, prepared for 
those who believe in God and his apostles. This is the bounty 
of God which he will give ^®to whom he pleases and God is 
endowed with great bounty." •> 

One who is guided aright as to the signs knowns that he 
who acknowledges the truth of the ^^ belief in God and his 
Apostle is very near to God, he must attain his desire, he will 
get his reward and be given ^"what souls like and eyes de- 
light in. Verily no one can escape his punishment and penalty 
and every evil "of this world and the next except through 
him [God] together with great fear of his [God's] wrath and 
renunciation of this w orld and its life ^* and of any reliance 
upon it. It is transitory, base, deceitful, treacherous. There 
is no peace in it, and no pleasure ^^in comparison with the 
great good w^hich is wath God in the abode of joy. But 
whoever loves this world and cherishes it above the "next, 
God will cast him headlong into everlasting hell, as the word 
of the ]\Iost Hi;i;h says: "And he who has transgressed and 

' Koran U-S8-2o9. 
^ Koran 57i3--'i. 

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Vol. xxxi.] A Lette7'froni the Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad, die. 377 

has chosen this present life; ^^ verily hell shall be his abode."* 
So it is plain that there is no profit in the honor of this 
world and in its life, wealth and i® property, but only prolong- 
ed regret in the hereafter. To this effect there has come 
down from Jesus, son of Mary (upon our prophet and upon 
Him "be the blessing of God and his peace) the saying: "Oh 
company of disciples! Pass through this world, but make not 
youi- abode in it. Verily I have not found for you 20 in it an 
abiding place. Take the temples of God as [your] house and 
take your houses as temples, every one of you also the tra- 
veler." 471^ And from Him (upon whom be peace) [is the 
following]: "Oh company of disciples! Eat barley-bread with 
coarse salt, but do not eat except when hungry. Put on gar- 
ments made of woven hair-cloth and go out from this world 
saved. Verily I tell you 3 the sweets of this world are bitter 
in the next and the servants of God are not those who live 
in worldly pleasure." 

And from the Apostle of God *(God bless him and give 
him peace): ^*Two hungry wolves let into a sheep-cote would 
not do more damage to it than « the desire of man for condition 
and high station does to his religion." 

It is told that he (God bless him and give him peace) was 
walking along with a number of his companions * in one of the 
streets of Medina when they came upon a dead goat cast aside 
in it. So he said (God bless him and give him peace) "By 
Allah, 7 Surely this world is more despised by God than this 
goat by its owners to cast it aside." And because it is more 
» despised than a carcass, the Apostle of God (God bless him 
and give him peace) enjoined upon his companions and the 
rest of his people his word: ^ "Let that of this world which 
satisfies any one of you be like the provisions of a traveller." 
And he said (God bless him and give him peace) in giving 
warning against it: "It may be likened to two things. [The 
second is that] ^^this world is like the condition of a traveller 
under the shade of a tree, then he goes away and leaves it." 

There is no guide except God, as also the Most High said: 
""He therefore who is directed, will be directed to the ad- 
vantage of his own soul, but he who errs, he will err."*» 

* Koran 7937-39. 
^ Koran 10io«. 


Digitized by LjOOQIC 

378 Oeorge Sverdrtip, [1911. 

Since this is so, then it is *' plain that I am the one who 
invites to God, and the Khalifa of the Apostle of God (God 
bless him and give him peace) and that I am the Mahdi, the 
expected one, *^and this is no boast. 

God has authorized me to proclaim mercy upon whosoever 
obeys him and follows the direction of his prophet Muhammad 
(God bless him and give him peace), and vengeance "upon 
whosoever rebels against him and disobeys him and follows his 
devil, his own inclination and desire, and cleaves to this world. 
I have ad^^dressed you before this explaining my condition 
in detail and have invited you to Islam and the faith. You 
should "have answered with submission and obedience before 
you had seen what you have seen. And, what is more, that 
which I told you ^^ before was only to guide you aright, and 
for the sake of your peace and happiness in your condition 
and your property, if you had known and understood ^^the 
truth of what I said. How good my intention towards you 
was! And I have not ceased trying to promote your welfare 
and wishing you good in the hope ^•that God might open youi* 
breast to Islam and that you might turn to the command of 
God, the king, the all knowing, and that you might be one of 
those who submit themselves ^^and yield to the Lord of ser- 
vants and who fear the day of judgement, '*a day whereon 
the master and the servant will be of no avail to one another,"* 
nor rank, 473^ nor property, nor household, nor family, nor 
condition of wealth. But the promise is true and the threat 
reliable as ^he who is great in rank and strong in power said: 
"And he into whose right hand his book shall be given, will 
say: 'Take, read my book; verily I thought ^that I should be 
brought to my account.' His shall be a pleasant life in a 
lofty garden whose fruits shall be near at hand. *Eat and 
drink with enjoyment, because of what you have sent before 
you in the days which are passed. But he into whose left hand 
his book shall be given, will say * Would that I had not re- 
ceived this book and that I had not known what my account 
is! "Would that I had died! ^ly riches do not profit me and 
my power is gone ^from me.' Take him and bind him and 
cast him into the fire to }>o burned, then put hira into a chain 

» Koran 4MK 

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Vol. xxxi.] A Letter from the Mdhdi Muhammad Ahmadj &c. 379 

of the length of seventy cubits ^ because he believed not in the 
Great God."* 

And it has been reported to me that your deeds are good 
externally ®with the people of Islam. But God the Most High 
said: "But the unbelievers, their works are like the mirage in 
a plain, which the thirsty [traveller] thinks 'is water, until, 
when he comes to it, he finds it nothing; but he finds God 
with him and he will fully pay him his account, ^^and God 
is swift in taking account; or, as the darkness in a deep sea, 
covered by waves on waves, above which are clouds, "being 
darkness one above the other, when one stretches forth his 
hand, he can scarcely see it. And unto whomsoever God does 
not grant light, ^^ he enjoys no. light at all."*> 

So adorn your work with faith and cleanse it from the pol- 
lution of unbelief, since you will then become high in position 
"and youi* works will become good externally and internally, 
and the fruits thereof will be yours. 

You have gone to the pains of making inquiry in regard 
to us 1* formerly in that you addressed us and sent us a messenger 
and asked return of the embassy ;« and this is to me ^^^ evi- 
dence that you are the wisest of the people of your government 
since they have not addressed me as you have with their pro- 
fession of Islam. 18 You alone are excepted. But their wickedness 
has been revealed to me, that thev are the worst of men in 
unbelief; and they shall perish at my hand company after 
^' company. But my desire for you is escape from this so that 
you may be safe with those who are safe and that you may 
be of the perfect who ^® ponder "upon the creation of heaven 
and earth"^ and who understand in their sagacity the power 
of God and they say: "Oh Lord, By no means ^•have you 
created this in vain. Praise be to thee, deliver us from the 
torment of hell. Oh Lord! Verily, whom you cast into hell, 
him you covei; with shame, ^oand assuredly the evil-doers have 
no helpers. Lord, we have heard a crier summoning to the 
faith, saying. Believe in your Lord! 474^ We beliave. Oh 
Lord, so pardon us our faults and wipe away from us our evils 
and receive us among the pious, Oh Lord, and give us what 
you have promised us ^by your apostles and do not cover us 

a Koran 6919-33. b Koran 2439-40. 
^ See Remark 2. '^ Koran 'M^^. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

380 Ge4yrge Sverdrup, [1911. 

with shame on the day of resurrection. Verily, you do not 
abandon the promises.*'* 

See how gracious is the answer of God to them in his 
word: *"I wiU not permit the work of him among you who 
works to be lost, whether it l)e male or female; the one of you 
is from the other. They therefore who have left their countiy 
and have been turned out *of their houses and have suffered 
for my sake and have been slain in battle; verily 1 will v;\\ye 
out theii' evil deeds from them, and I will surely bring them 
into gardens * through which rivers How, a reward from God 
and with God is the most excellent reward. Let not the 
success 'of the unbelievers in the land deceive you, it is but 
a slender provision and then their receptacle shall be hell, an 
unpleasant couch. But they who fear the Lord shall have 
^gardens through which rivers flow, they shall dwell therein 
forever. This is the gift of God, for what is with God will 
be better for the rigliteous."** 

The reply which you have written to the dervishes who are 
shut up has come to me and he whom you mention giving 
information that 'you desire submission, but the interference 
of the counsellors who are with you hinders yorf.*^ On this 
account my pity increases for you ^^ and for them and for the 
weak** who are shut up fiora me, and T wish for them all 
right guidance. 

I have thought about your condition, standing ^* by the 
obligation God has imposed upon me, and 1 have written to 
you this [letter] and it is sent to you by four dervishes of our 
helpers who have freely given themselves to God in seeking 
for the joy which is with him, and great is the reward and 
God will reward them well. Tliey are *' Muhammad Ahmad 
and Basil', those whom we sent to you in the fii-st place with 
the reply to your letter, and with them are two Muslims, 
"Muhammad Yusuf, your lieutenant, and Jalyr (these are 
their names).* So if you choose prosperity and desire your 
salvation in the two abodes, [thon| on ^*the arrival of our 
answer to you and to the [others] named, hasten to reply to 
us and submit voursclf before our arrival and be with them^ 

* Koran 3i83-i92. »^ Korau 3iys-i97. 
<" Soe Remark ± ^ See Romark 3. 
^ See Remark 4. f See Rnnark 5. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] A Letter from the MaJidi Muhammad Ahmad, &c. 381 

^•in one state until we arrive in two days in haste, if God 
the Most High wishes, and behold he is "my protector. 

My intention is personally to hasten after them. So if, on 
our arrival, we find you Muslim then all will be well; but if 
not *8"then God will accomplish what is decreed ".• "And 
they who do wrong shall know with what treatment they shall 
be treated in the hereafter."*' 

^®So know that if you submit yourself, as we have advised 
you, before our an-ival, then our pledge of safety will be for 
you, your property, ^^your household, and everything which 
your hands control, both little and great, excepting the special 
perquisite of the Ameer as that is a booty. 475* And who- 
ever of the Christians who are with you that submits himself 
likewise is safe upon this condition which we have just written. 
^We pledge you safety upon this condition, all of you, with 
the pledge of God and his Apostle, and the pledge of the 
servant of God. So put an end to the shedding of your blood, 
'and look to your lives and property, and let not the greatness 
of your number, the assistance and the army upon which you 
rely, deceive you. *Our reliance is God, than whom there is 
no other. His might cannot be measured and his army cannot 
be defeated. How could it be, seeing that he is "the Wise 
and *the Knowing "?° The fulfillment of the covenant is 
surely binding upon us as soon as you agree to the conditions 
in our reply, otherTsdse not. 

A letter has been sent by us to our agent Muhammad 
Othman Abu Kerjah with orders in regard to you and we 
have authorized him to deal with you in accordance with our 

So if God has put into your heart the light of faith and 
you continue in grace, then go out to the said man and have 
a ^conference with him through the mediation of the dervishes 
who are sent and do not delay, as formerly, in following the 
erring ones, espicially ®the evil counsellors. 

[The saying] has come down: "When you see a wise man 
loving this world, be suspicious of him as to his position in 
regard to your religion, and do not ever listen to him *® in any 
advice of his." Verily they love this world and are nothing 

* Koran 843,46. b Koran 26228. c Koran 618,73- a4i. 

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382 Ge&rge Sverdrup, [1911. 

but dogs. His word is (God bless him and give him peace): 
"This world "is a carcass and those who desire it are dogs." 
Whether they like or not, the command of God, the Most 
High, is executed inspite of them. So the first demand **upon 
them is obedience and a reasonable reply. If they believe in. 
God, surely it is well for them. 

And were it not for the fact that I have the light of God 
"and the authorization of his Apostle (God bless him and 
give him peace) I would not have invited any one; nor would 
it be fitting that I say anything nor ^* busy myself with the 
matter, for a moment even. 

This is a warning to you, so hearken and turn ^^to your 
Lord and submit yourself to him before punishment comes 
upon you. Then you will not be helped. 

Verily God does not injure man in anything, ^®but man 
injures himself. So beware lest you injure youi'self and repent 
when "repentance avails not. 

Happy is the man who is warned by another and hastens 
to liis own good. So come to salvation before^ your wings are 

Peace be upon him who follows the right guidance. 

Remark L The letter is not dated in the manuscript. From 
the sources available it appears that Gordon received only 
three formal lettei-s from the Mahdi. At least no reference 
to any others has been found. Of these three the first one, 
which was received by Gordon Ifarch 22, 1884, is translated 
in full in Major (now vSirdar) Wingate's book: Mahdiisn% and 
the Egyptian Sudan (1891) pp. Ill — 115, and is dated March 
10, 1884* The second letter was received by Gen. Gordon 
Sept. 9, 1884, the day before the steamer "Abbas" was sent 
down the Nile.^ It together with the other documents was 
lost in the wreck of the "Abbas". The third letter was received 

* In Boulger'a Life of Gordon, London 1896, vol. ii. p. 136: "Even the 
Mahdi himself made his contribution to the general tribute, by sending 
(ion. (jordon on his arrival a formal *salaam' or message of respect.'' 
Gordon arrived at Khartoum Feb. 18, 1884. 

^ Gordon^ 3 Journals^ Sept. 11. The references to Gordon's Journals 
are made to "Tlie Journals of Major Gen. C. G. Gordon, C. B. at Khar- 
toum" edited by a Egmont Hake, Boston, 1885. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xatxi.] A letter from the Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad, &c. 383 

by Gordon Oct. 22, 1884,« and is translated in full in Appendix 
r pp. 453— 459 of the "Journals". This last letter tells of the 
wreck of the "Abbas" on Sept. 18, 1884. 

This points at once to our letter as the one Gordon received 
Sept. 9, and which was lost in the wreck of the "Abbas"; but 
as there is a possibility of other letters of which no mention 
has been found, further proof is necessary. 

The letter which Gordon received on Sept. 9 was sent by 
means of two Muslims and some dervishes.** The names of the 
two Muslims as given in Ibrahim's letter are Mohammed Yusuf 
and George Calamantino; and as given in the manuscript letter 
are Muhammad Yusuf and Jabir. In a letter from Abd-er- 
Rahman en-Nejumi,* el-Jabir is identified with Greorge Cala- 
mantino. The letter referred to in Gordon's Journals as being 
received on Sept. 9 and the manuscript letter were sent by 
the same messengers. 

Muhammad Yusuf was the Italian Giuseppe Cuzzi.** Cuzzi 
was taken captive at the fall of Berber, May 26, 1884, and 
sent to Abu Kerjah, who was in command of the besiegers of 
Khartoum. Abu Kerjah tried through the mediation of Cuzzi 
to induce Gordon to surrender, and failing in this he sent him 
to the Mahdi at Rahad.* The Mahdi sent him back to Khar- 
toum together with George Calamantino with letters for Gordon. 
In his Journal for Sept. 11 Gordon says: "Soon after Cuzzi 
had left for the Arab camp two dervishes came in with the 
Mahdi's letter." The facts seem to be that, when the messengers 
from the Mahdi arrived at the Arab camp besieging Khartoum, 
Cuzzi for some reason or other wanted to get into Khartoum 
before the letter was delivered, and as soon as he returned to 
the camp the letter was sent in. As stated in Gordon's Jour- 
nal, Sept. 11, there is some discrepancy in the account, for he 
says Cuzzi came into the city "yesterday" i. o. Sept. 10, while 

* See Gordon's Journals, Oct. 22. 

^ See the letter of Ibrahim Abd el-Kader in App. A to Gordmi's 
Journals, p. 371, -which is dated Sept. 9, 1884; and cp. the manuscript 
letter p. 474 1. 11, 13, and 14. 

' App. A 2 to Gordon's Jouryials, p. 374. 

* Gordoyi's Journals, Sept. 13. 

* R. C. Slatin: Fire and Sword in the Sudan, 1879—1895. p. 3()5. Father 
Joseph Ohrwalder: Ten Years Capti\nty in the Mahdi s Camp, p. 125 f. 
Rahad is about 200 miles south of Khartoum. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

384 Oecrge Sverdrup^ [1911. 

he says the letter was received Sept. 9. Slatin says' that 
Calamantino was admitted into the city but Cuzzi refused 
admittance. It may be that Cuzzi incuiTed Gordon's suspicion, 
and was refused permission to come into Khartoum a second time. 

The IMahdi says in the manuscript letter that he has autho- 
rized Abu Kerjah to treat with Gordon.** Gordon says in his 
Journals for Sept. 13: "Mahdi proposes that I should put 
myself on my surrender (!) under Abou Gugliz, who is a 
notorious breaker of the dervish rules." And in a letter from 
Gordon to Abd-er-Rahman is the following: "Mahomed Achmed 
informs us that he ordered Abou Kerjah to convert us to his 
faith.<= The letter is dated 2nd Zu'l Hejjeh 1301; Aug. 24, 
1884* In Gordon's Journals Abu Kerjah is consistently called 
Abou Gugliz. 

The following, which undoubtedly refers to our letter and is a 
good summary of it, is taken from a letter from Abd-er-Rahmau 
en-Nejumi to Gordon.® This letter has no date, but it was re- 
ceived by Gordon Sept. 21. It says: "The Imam has written 
to thee the truth in leading thee to God ; and also that which 
concerns thy salvation and that of those >;^dth thee and how 
thou mayest attain salvation in this world and in the next." 

The above evidence points clearly to our letter as the one 
that Gordon received Sept. 9, 1884. 

It is impossible to determine the date on which the letter 
was written. It must have been after June, 1884, and pro- 
bably before the Mahdi left Rahad, which according to Ohr- 
\valder was Aug. 8, and according to Slatin Aug. 22. Both 
Olii'walder and Slatin are very sparing in giving exact dates. 

Remark 2, Just what the reference in ms. letter p. 473 1, 
14 is, is not evident. It may be that Cuzzi when he came 
to the Mahdi represented himself as a messenger from Gordon, 
and told the Mahdi that he was authorized to tell him that 
Gordon would surrender if he dared, but that the Ulema of 
Khartoum prevented him.^ The Mahdi calls Cuzzi in the 

» Slatin, F, mid S. in Sudan, p. 304—305. 
^ Vide ms. letter 474 1. 6. 
^ App. M to Gordon^s Journals p. 397. 
^ Aug. 24 is wrong; it should be Sept. 23. 
* App. L to Gordon's Journals, p. 392. 
^ Ms. Jotter 475 1. 9. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] A letter Jrom the Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad, &c. 385 

letter "your wakil" (lieutenant).* It is impossible that Gor- 
don should ever have offered to suiTender and turn Mus- 
lim. Cuzzi may have presented things thus to the Mahdi to 
gain his favor. Ohrwalder says that the Mahdi received him 
well, loaded him with presents and then sent him back to 
Gordon with a letter. 

Giuseppe Cuzzi had been English Consulai* Agent at Berber. 
Shortly before the fall of Berber (May 26, 1884) Cuzzi had 
been dismissed by Sir Evelyn Baring (now Lord Cromer) for 
criticizing Baring's plan of opening the road fi-om Suakin to 
Berber. Gordon therefore thought that Cuzzi had betrayed 
Berber to the Arabs for revenge. Neither Slatin nor Ohr- 
walder say anything about (Juzzi as being a traitor, but cuxum- 
stantial evidence is against him. For after the fall of Berber 
Cuzzi was sent to Abu Kerjah who was besieging Khartoum. 
Abu Kerjah sent him to Gordon to induce him to suiTonder 
but failed. He was then sent to the Mahdi who received him 
so well. After the letter had been delivered to Gordon Cuzzi 
went again to Berber. He evidently had more freedom than 
Slatin or Ohrwalder. The probability too that he entered 
Khartoum alone before the letter was delivered points to some 
double dealing on his part — whether he was plotting against 
Khartoum or simply working to save himself is hard to tell. 
If Cuzzi was such a man, it is easy to believe that he posed 
before the Mahdi as an agent of Gordon. This would also 
give a good reason why the Mahdi should write this letter. 
The other two letters were written, each of them, because of 
some special reason — the fii-st one in answer to Gordon's 
letter appointing the Mahdi Sultan of Kordofan, and the other 
to tell Gordon about the capture of the steamer "Abbas". 

It may also be that the reference is to the first messages 
which Gen. Gordon sent to the Mahdi making overtures to 
him and appointing him governor of Kordofan, the fiist step 
in carrying out the British-Egyptian policy of evacuating the 
Sudan and withdi^awing the Egyptian troops. Tliat was what 
Gordon had been sent to the Sudan to do. 

Remark 3. By the "weak"** were probably meant the wives 
and children left behind in Khartoum by Muhammadans who 

* Ms. letter 474 1. 14. 
^ :Ms. letter 474 1. 10. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

386 Oeorge Sverdrup, [1911. 

had gone out to the Mahdi and submitted themselves to him. 
This was a cool piece of calculation on the part of these men; 
for, if Gordon held out till the English came, their families 
and property were safe, should the Mahdi succeed in taking 
Khartoum they could rely upon their fidelity in the Mahdi's 
cause to protect their families and property. Because Gordon 
permitted this he is criticized severely by Father Ohrwalder* 
who maintains that the ethics of war are not those of peace 
and had Gordon driven these **weak ones" out he would have 
saved on his food supplies and have been able to hold out 
longer. It was at no time Gordon's policy to hinder those 
who wished to go out to the Mahdi. He would not, however, 
permit those who went out to come back again. The men who 
went may have told the Mahdi that the reason they did not 
take their families with them was that Gordon would not 
permit them to do so. 

During the siege there were several attempts at conspiracy 
which Gordon nipped, putting the leaders in prison. The 
reference may be to such men. 

Remark 4. In the letter there are five persons mentioned 
by name:^ Muhammad Ahmad, Bash', Muhammad Yusuf, 
Jabir, and Abu Kerjah. Muhammad Ahmad and BaSir are 
spoken of as having been the messengers who brought the 
letter of March 10, 1884. Muhammad Ahmad is too common 
a name to be easily identified. There is a Muhammad Ahmad 
wad el Bedri who is called by Ohrwalder*^ one of the Mahdi's 
early and favorite adherents. Wad el BeSir is mentioned by 
Ohrwalder<* as being sent by the Mahdi to head the revolt 
of the tribes of Gczireh which is between the Blue and White 
Niles. Slatin" also mentions this man and calls him a brother- 
in-law of the ilahdi. Ohrwalder calls him a son-in-law of the 
Mahdi. These two men are probably the ones referred to in 
the letter. 

Muhammad Yusuf is Giuseppe Cuzzi, and Jabir is the Greek 
George Calaraantino.^ Abu Kerjah's name is spelled variously 
Abou Gurgy, Abu Girgeh, and Abu Girgah. He is also called 

* Ohrwalder op. ci. p. 152. 

^ Ms. letter p. 474 1. 13. 14 and p. 475 1. 6. 

^ Op. cit.. p. 10. ^ Op. (it., p. 94. 

^ Slatin. op cit., p. 280. ^ (^p. Rpmark 1. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] A letter from the Malidi Muhammad Ahmad, &c. 387 

Abou Gugliz. His full name is Hajji Muhammad Osman (or 
Othman) Abu ^erjah. Abu Kerjah is written ^^y> y>\. In 
Egypt both J5 and ^ are pronounced as hard g. Gordon's 
name is spelled in two ways: ^^>f> and ^>^ys^. 

Remark 5. Ms. letter, p. 474 1. 16. At first glance this 
seems to give a clue to the date of the writing of the letter; 
but, if the letter was writen before the Mahdi left Rahad, it 
would mean that the Mahdi expected to reach Khaiioum two 
days after the messengers with the letter did. There is no 
means at hand for determining how long it would take the 
messengers to cover the distance of about two hundred miles 
between Rahad and Khartoum. It would seem from this that 
the letter must have been written some time in August — 
probably after the middle — which would point to Slatin's 
date of Aug. 22 for the Mahdi's departure from Rahad as the 
correct one. 

Bemark 6. In the Appendix to Book III. of Major Win- 
gate's book: Mahdiism and the Sudan^ pp. 535 — 549, there is 
a tabulated list of the letters and proclamations of the Mahdi 
and his successor Khalifa Abdullah Taashi which are contained 
in a manuscript captured at the battle of Toski, Aug. 3, 1889, 
In this battle the English completely routed the Arabs, and 
their general en-Nejumi, the man who was chief in command 
of the Arabs besieging Khartoum from September on, was 
slain. In this list of letters there are two given from the 
Mahdi to Gordon, pp. 24—26 and 26—28 of the letter-book. 
The date given is Jumada el-Awal 1301, Christian date 1885 
(sic). It should of course be March 1884. These letters (the 
two are one letter with a short postscript of six or seven lines, 
as can readily be seen by comparing the resume of the con- 
tents with the letter itself) are translated in full in the body 
ofWingate's book, pp. Ill — 115. There are in this letter-book 
one hundred thirty three letters, ninety -nine of which are from 
the Mahdi. The book contains one hundred forty or more 
pages, of which pages 33 — 38 are missing. There is no chro- 
nological arrangement of the letters, which run from 1881 
to 1888. 

Remark 7. In regard to ^^L-Jl ^^. 

In his "Registre", Count Landberg says: "Que le manuscrit 
date d'une epoque posterieure k la mort du Mahdi, est prouve 
parce qu'on trouve parfoits apres son nom les mots ^U**J\ 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

388 Oeorge Sverdru}), A letter from the Mahdi &c. [Wll. 

This is hardly sufficient proof, for the use of the phrase after 
the Mahdi's name is found in letters clearly written before his 
death. There is a document, given as Appendix D to OordorCs 
Journals^ which is an answer written by the ITlema of Khar- 
toum to the Sheikh Abdel Kader Ibrahim and to Wad eu- 
Nejoomi, dated 23rd Zul Kada, 1301, Sept, 14, 1884. In this 
document (op. cit., p. 379) the Ulema complain that the followers 
of the Mahdi use this phrase in connection with his name. 
That the fact is so, can be seen from Appendix L. to the 
Journals^ a letter from Abderrahman en Najoomi and Abdallah 
en Noor to Gordon Pasha, where the phrase is used after the 
word "Mahdi". The examples of its use in this way could be 
multiplied. The Tlema say that Abd el-Ghani en-Xablusi 
said in his book, the Hadik en-Nadih: "No one ought to be 
distinguished by the Salaam excepting the prophets, for one 
cannot say, 'Ali, on whom be peace'; and this rule applies 
both to living and dead alike, excepting that a person present 
may be addressed thereby, for people say, * Peace be upon thee'.» 
In a footnote to the same page: "Peace be on him", the usual 
formula of salutation to a true believer if alive, and used of 
prophets when their names are mentioned. 

• Op. cit., p 379. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Monosyllabic Roots inFanipanga. — By Carlos Everett 
CoNANT, University of Chicago. 

One of the most interesting of the Philippine languages to 
the student of Indonesian phonology is the Pampanga,- spoken 
by about 280,000 people in the province of the same name 
which forms the northern boundary of Manila Bay. 

Altho its territory is contiguous to that of the Tagalog, 
spoken in Manila and the siuTOunding provinces, Pampanga 
presents a variety of striking phonological peculiarities not 
shared by its neighbor. Among these may be mentioned the 
following : 

1. The lack of h, a very frequent sound in Tagalog, Bisaya 
and Bikol, e. g. Pamp. nJcum 'judge': Tag. Bis. Bikol hiikum\ 
Pamp. apun 'afternoon'; Tag. Bis. Bkl. hapxin\ Pamp. hxiak 
*hair': Tag. Bis. Bkl. hiihiik. 

2. Vocalic change in the first syllable of a root ^ e. g. Pamp. 
katdm *a brush' but ketdman 'object brushed'; kulithuh 'cover' 
but kiluhuhan 'object covered'. 

3. The treatment of the Indonesian RGH consonant 2, which 
in Tagalog, as in most Philippine languages, becomes g, but 
appears as y in Pampanga, e. g. Pamp. yamid 'root': Tag. Bis. 
Bkl. gamut', Pamp. uytd 'vein': Tag. Bis. Bkl. ugdt 

1 The term *root' is employed in this paper in its traditional sense, 
namely, to indicate the dissyllabic type of base (Bi-andstetter's Grtirid- 
tcortf of. Wurzel u)id Wort in den Imloncslschen Spracheny Luceine 1910) 
characteristic of Indonesian lau«rua<^es. Whatever may have been the 
prehistoric type of the Indonesian root, which is retjarded by some 
scholars, notably Pater W. Schmidt, Brandt sti^ttcr and K. Wulff, as 
monosyllabic, the fact remains that the existin^^ lanj^ua^^es of the Indo- 
nesian branch jyar excellence reprularly build their derivatives on dissyl- 
labic bases, which, be their ultimate origin what it may, are felt and 
treated as roots subject to no further analysis, and hence may with 
entire propriety be spoken of as such in any discussion not concerninjr 
itself with the very problematic word structure of the parent speech. 

* Cf. Conant, The EG H Law in Phllipjnne La)igHage8, .lAOS vol. xxxi, 
p. 80 ff. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

390 Carlos Everett Conant, [1911. 

4. The representation of the indifferent vowel (pepet) i by a, 
while it appears regulai^ly as i in Tagalog, e. g. Pamp. ipds 
^roach': Tag. ipis; Pamp. bdyat * weight': Tag. big' at. 

5. Metathesis of initial consonant and following vowel, which 
is generally an a, e. g. Pamp. altdu <*latau *to float': Tag. litdu; 
Pamp. abyds <*bayas *rice': Tag. big&B^ this last example 
showing also the treatment of the RGH consonant and of the 
pepet vowel in Pampanga. 

6. The contraction of two concurrent like vowels, e. g. Pamp. 
tan *to stop, cease': Tag. Pangasinan taan\ Pamp. dun i:o 
reach shore, land (of boats)': Tag. Bis. Bkl. duuii. Such con- 
traction is also regular in Ibanag (spoken in the Kagayan 
Valley, North Luzon), e. g. Ibg. bag 'breech-clout': Tag. Bis. 
Bkl. bah&g; Ibg. big *all, nothing but, Ger. lauter': Iloko, Pang. 
biig. Sulu (spoken by the Mohammedan Malays of the Sulu 
Archipelago) contracts not only originally concurrent like 
vowels, e. g. Sulu to *right (hand)': Bis. Bkl. ^o'o, but also 
dissimilar concurrent vowels, e. g. Sulu nog 'descend': Bis. naag, 
Tag. (pa)n&og, and those brought together by secondary Sulu 
loss of intervocalic Z, e. g. Sulu o 'head': Tag. Bis. Ilk. tUo; 
Sulu 8dh 'fault, blame': Tag. Bis. Bkl. sda. Syncopation of 
intervocalic I also occurs in Tagalog, but less regularly than 
in Sulu (compare the examples last given), and without re- 
sultant contraction, e. g. Tag. ddan *way, road': Sulu dan: Bis. 
Bkl. ddlan. 

7. Apheresis and apocopation of accentless syllables, com- 
posed mostly of a single vowel, e. g. Pamp. te, the interjec- 
tional short form of pate 'dead'; sakj beside asdk 'to pack'; 
tun 'cook rice': Ilk. Ibg. Mai. Kawi, Makass. Bug. Mlg. Samoan, 
Tahiti, Chamorro tu7iu, Haw. kunu. 

As a result of the regular vocalic contraction pointed out 
above (6) and the sporadic loss of an accentless syllable, a con- 
siderable number of Indonesian dissyllabic roots have been 
reduced to monosyllables in Pampanga. Leaving out of account 
some twenty monosyllabic words consisting of enclitic pronominal 
forms, accentless adverbial and connective particles, the articles, 
and interjections (many of these being unquestionably of ono- 
matopoetic origin), there remain about thirty-five monosyllabic 

1 Of. Conant, The Pepet Lato in Philippine Languages, Anthropos 
vol. vi. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

VoLxxxi.] Monosyllabic Soots in Pampangcu 391 

roots in the language. The majority of these may readily be 
identified with roots of the ordinary dissyllabic form in other 
Philippine languages. 
I. Roots showing contraction of Pamp. oa to a: 

1. das K'^daas <*daes^ 'arriye': Tag. dais. 

2. Mn <*kaan <Vcaen *eat': Hk. kaatij Tag.ft(lm, Bis.M'on. 

3. mdi <*waaJ *dear, expensive': Tag. Bis. Mgd. Sulu, Mai. 
Sund. Dayak mahal. For loss of h in Pamp. see above (p. 1). 

4. pat <*paat <*paet ^chisel': Ilk. Pang, paet, Tag. p&itj 
Bis. pdhut, Mai. Dayak pahat. 

5. sap <*8aap <*saep *farm hand'; Bis. saiap^ Bkl. s&up 
-^apprentice, artisan's assistant'. 

6. tan <*taan ^stop, cease': Tag. tdan, tahan^ Pang, t&an^ 
Bis. ta&n^ Mai. Jav. Sund. Day. to'ian, Haw. kaa. 

7. Idt K'^laat *all': Tag. lah&t. 

II. Boots showing contraction of uu to n: 

8. dun *to reach shore, land (of boats)': Tag. Bis. Bkl. Pang. 
duuh (with varying accent), Tir. duhu, Ibg. dun. 

9. Uib *within': Tag. Bis. Pang. Ilk. liiub or ludA, Tir. dob. 

10. lud *proseguir para acabar': Ilk. luud *ruin, destruction, 
completely destroy'. 

11. luk *bay, inlet': Tag. Bis. Ilk. Pang. Bagobo look or luuk, 
Ibg. lut (for luM where the original surd stop has become in 
pronunciation the glottal stop and hence has lost its identity; 
€f. Ibg. but in use beside the correct historical form buk *hair': 
Ilk. buuk, Pang, buek, Pamp. biidk), Sulu lok. 

12. lun *cure (meats), preserve or dry (fruits)': Tag. Bis. Bkl. 
Ul'on or Ui'on. 

13. pun *base, stem, trunk, origin, beginning, capital': Ilk. 
Bkl. puun, Pang. poon{dn), Tag. Bis. ptih6n{an) Sulu, Mai. 
Sund. puhun, Tir. ftnin, Mgd. 2)uun or |;uw, Ibg. fun. 

14. sub 'steam': Ilk. siiubj Pang, suub, which are connected 
by metathesis with Tag. Bis. Mgd. Tirurai subu of nearly 
identical meaning. 

15. sun *rise (of tide), bo borne on the tide': Bis. suvn 
*wander aimlessly, go with the current'. 

16. tud *hit the mark, aim straight, be true': Bis. Pang. 
taud *true, consider true, believe'. 

> Wherever 2 aj)p(»ara in this paper it iiniicates the indift'erent vowel 
(pepct), whic'Ii re^'ularly becomes a in l^inip. 

TOL. XXXL Part IV. 27 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

392 Carlo8 Everett Conant, [191 u 

17. tug ^basket of woven palm leaves': TsLff.BiBAuhtAg, Ibg. tug, 

18. tu8 *make good, remedy, repair': Tag. tiius. 

III. Hoots showing contraction of t or u with the pepet 
vowel : 

19. ^ *a kind offish conal': Tag. siid, Bis. sihad, BkL sidd. 

20. tud *knee': Tag. Bkl. Bis. Sulu tuhud, Ibg. tudd, Tir. etur. 
Sund. tuur, Toba tut, Kawi tur, Kawi and (apparently) Toba 
have the same contraction. Compare also Toba buk 'hair' 
with Sund. buuk and the Phil, cognates in No. 11 above. In 
this connection it is interesting to note that Pamp. and Ibg. 
exactly reverse each other in their treatment of the words for 
*hair' and *knee', tho the vocalism of the two words is precisely 
the same: 

Philippine Tagalog Pampanga Ibanag 

*buek *haii*' buhuk^ bu&k ftu* 

*tued *knee' Witid tud tudd 

IV. Hoots showing apocope: 

21. tun *cook rice' Ilk. Ibg. Mai. Kawi, Makass. Bug. Mlg. 
Samoan, Chamorro, Tahiti tiinUy Haw. kunu. 

22. 8ut ^humiliate oneself to another': Bis. suta ^confess 

V. Roots showing apheresis: 

23. dam *borrow': Bkl, haddm^ hardm, Tag. hiram, Bis. hulAftu 
The penultimate vowel, lost in Pamp., is an original pepet. 
The medial consonant is a good example of the RLD law. 

24. pan ^perhaps, perchance' : Tag. apan, updn 'perhaps', Ilk. 
pan, apdn, papdn, or agpapdn *altho', Cebuan Bis. ap&n *but. 
however', Panayan Bis. apdh *but, however'. 

25. dot beside ind&t *quotiescumque'. 

26. pu beside apu *sir, Mr.' 

27. 8ak beside as&k *to pack'. 

28. te (as inter j.) beside pate *dead'. 

29. tan beside atan *stop, cease'. 

30. tas beside alas *high, height'. 

31. tin beside atin ^to have'. 

« Tag. buhUk, tuhud have u (instead of the regular t) for the pepet 
vowel by assimilation to the original u of the penult. Cf. Conaut, 
Fepet Law, Brandstetter, Prodromus, p. 41 ff., considers the monosyl- 
labic forms huh, tud as origiual, from which the dissyllabic forms are 
developed by expansion {Zerdehnung). Against this explanation, see my 
op. cit., Table V, Note 2. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. zxxi.] Monosyllabic Soots in Pampi^nga. 393 

The syllable most frequently lost by apheresis consists of 
the unprotected vowel a, either original, as in the case of 
Pamp. pan: Tag. Ilk. Bis. apdn; Pamp. pu: Pamp. Tag. Pang. 
Bkl. Bis. apU; or from pepet, as in dam (above No. 23). 

VI. Words showing contraction following syncopation of 

32. e (long open t « OEng. IT*) beside ai and alt *no, not*, 
from a+dt, cf. Ilk. di and adi, Bontok adi, Pang, an-di and 
dli'Wa, Ibg. zi (z for d initially before i as in Ibg. gild: Tag. 
Bis. etc. dila 'tongue') and art. 

33. me, from older mai from *rnali *come, go': Bkl. Sulu, 
Mai. Toba, marij Bis. um-ari generally shortened to marl in 
mari ka *come here!' But Pamp. {u)mai may have been original 
(see below). 

The history of this very common word is as interesting as it 
is complicated. Made up originally of demonstrative particles 
denoting place or direction, it has been an easy prey to con- 
tamination with other words and particles of similar meaning. 

To be connected with the foregoing cognates are Bontok 
timdli in umdli-ak 'I come', and, without urn-, dlika *come', 
where -fca is the enclitic 2 pers. pron., Pang, dia *here' (cf. 
gala dia 'come here'), Tag. halt 'come here'. In these examples 
we have evidently the demonstrative particle di (cf Blake, 
JAOS xxvii, 350 ff.) with the deictic particle a either prefixed: 
Bis. an, Bont. ali, Tag. halt (with initial breathing as often 
in Tag.), or suffixed: Pang. dia. Tag. and Bont. employ 
the adverb alone as an imperative, while Bis. may either use 
art aloni) or with the imperative prefix urn- in the same sense. 
Here the base is distinctly felt as ari, ait, and also in Sulu 
mariy kari. But in Bkl. Mai. Toba mari we have a stereo- 
typed form with initial »w, which, after loss of the original u 
of wm-, was no longer recognized as a prefixed element, cf. 
Mai. Toba miniim *drink' for IN um-inum. 

On the other hand Ilk. umdi (generally pron. mai)y Ibg. 
umdi, Tirurai mai, in mai dini 'come here', point to a root 
ai, which is actually found in the sense of 'walk, go, come' in 
both Ibg. and Tir. Magindanau ai 'foot' is doubtless the 
same word. 

That there has been a confusion between these two proto- 
types there can be little doubt, and to either of them could 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

394 C. E. Conant, Monosyllabic Roots in Pampangct. [1911. 

be referred Pamp. mai, Chamorro mage\ and the Polynesian 
mai 'hither, thence' found in Samoan, Haw. Tahiti and Mar- 

The present study has yielded no cognates for the following 
monosyllabic roots: bed *to order brought', dan *lower leg', din 
*to give', kid *to remove from the fire (frying pan, etc.)'. 

Puk *to assign' and tul *a measure for cotton' are Chinese 
loan words used in mercantile language, puk being Chin. ^ 
pu^ to allot, assign', and tul being ^ % teh f '3, basket used 
as a measure for raw cotton'. 

It is evident from the foregoing examination of monosyllabic 
roots that Pampanga, like Ibanag and Sulu, represents a stage 
of linguistic development much more advanced than the other 
Philippine languages, which show the unreduced dissyllabic 
root so characteristic of both Indonesian and Polynesian. 

But while the process of abbreviation was going on in Pam- 
panga, there seems to have been even here an instinctive 
tendency to restore the dissyllabic character of the affected 
words which, as monosyllables, were felt to be incomplete, by 
prefixing a weak, colorless vowel, generally a. The movement 
doubtless took its origin from the large number of words 
having an initial a resulting from metathesis (see above p. 390). 
Thus, under the influence of aUu <*tal{i (Phil, tela) 'thi-ee' 
and ap&t (Phil, ep&t) *four', *dwa (IN duo, rua, hia) *two' 
became adwd. Similarly Pamp. atydn (Phil, tian) 'abdomen', 
apy& (Phil, pia) *noble, good'. In the case of roots used al- 
ways with formative elements the monosyllabic character of 
the root was not felt and hence most of the monosyllabic 
roots denoting action remained in their reduced form. 

1 Cf. Conant, Consofiant Changes and Vowel Harmony m Chamorro^ 
Anthropos, vi, p. 143. 

Chicago, April 10, 1911. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

A Divine Lament (CT. XV. Plates 34— 26).— By J. 
Dyneley Prince, Ph. D., Professor in Columbia Uni- 
versity, New York City, N. Y. 


11. likir (LID SA) 2al (NI).ma-a? a (ID) nu-ma-al- 
Heart which is foil (and) strength I have no 
men (DU) 


12. nin-men (DU) kisahma (MAL) likir (LID SA) nu-tna- 
Though I am lady, in my sanctuary heart I have 
al'la-men (DU) 

no longer. 

13. c-we-am (RAM)-W2a (MA L) -m ha-da-id-e cn-wa sa (DI) in- 
His word drove me; when it 
ga-mu-ub-dtig (KA) i-de-ma (MAL) Sa i-ni-ih-gaba (GAB), 
reached me, my face verily it cast down. 

14. ud'ha nunuz'li a^r (RAM) -jriw (DU) -wa-mu xid-ha me 
When to my progeny I wished to go; then where 

were they? 

15. dim-di ud-ha nunuz-li ag (RAM) -gin (DU) -normu 
Weakling, when to my progeny I wished to go; 

ud'ba me-e li-e-a 

then where were they? 

16. lid c-we-am(RAM) An-na ma(ra) i-ir-a-bi 
When the word of Anu to me they brought; 

17. e-we-am(RAM) dimmer Mu-ul'lil'la (LAL) ma-ra i-ir- 
the word of Bel to me when 

they brought it; 

18. e {BIT) -mu-a mii'^-in-gin (DY) -na-ba 
into my house when they came; 

19. xar-ra-an kur*ra mu-H-in-tur {TV)'ra'ba 
upon the way of the land when they entered; 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

396 J. Dijneley Prince, fi9li. 

20. m& mu-H-in-gin (DU) -na-ba 

on the ship when they went; 

21. md mu-H-in-us-sa-ha 

on the ship when they stood; 

22. mu a mii-Si-in'tur (TV)ra'ba 

when to they entered. 

23. mU'{la) «u-«-5ir (BIT) -mal i-ni-in'tiir (TU) -ra-fra 
the men with shoes on, when they entered; 

24. §u nuAaX'Xa-ni {mU'^i-iYC^ir-ra-ha 

their unwashed hands (on me) . . when they laid them; 


1. ma-an-ga mA sag-ga (MAL) 

when, although ruler, on the prow of the ship (I stepped) 

2. ga-M-an-ga m& egir-ra ba-e-kib (RU) -a-ba 

when, although lady, on the stern of the ship I trod: 

3. ui{TM)'te amar (ZVR) -a-bi bore-te-a-ba 
when of its own accord that brood drew nigh; 

4. ur-ri me-ri su-e-sir (BU) ma-cd-la-ni hiscA-ma (MAL) wit- 
the foe, having shoes on their feet, into my sanctuary 


nakri ^U ina Mpisii semi ^akmi ana maStakiu irubam 

5. tir-ri-bi $u nu-lax-xa-ni ma-^u (KU) ^nu'si-in-ni-ir 
that foe his unwashed hands on me he laid. 
nakri yu qatd^u la mesidti idsi iMa 

6. su mU'H-in-ir wi(IM) mu'iin4e wa(MAL)-e wi(IM)-W 
His hand he laid on me; fear he caused; I fear of him 


qati^u ublamma uparridanni 

7. ur-ri'bi ^u-ni mu-si-in-ir me-da mu-un-gani' 
That foe his hand he laid on me ; in me he made a bowing 
men (DU) 


nakri ^H qatsii iiblamma ina pultixti tdviitanni 
S, ur-ri'bi ma (MAL) -e Mi(l^r) ba-da-an-te e-ne nu-imi- 
That foe I fear felt for him; he feared 

me not. 

andku adluxnia bU til iplaxanni 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] A Divine Lament 397 

9. ur-ri'hi tub (KU) 'tnu mu-un-kar dam-Orni ba-ni-in-ttig (KU) 
That foe my garments he seized; his wife he clothed with 

guhdti i^xiitannima a^Mtsu ulabbiSu 

10. ur-ribi za-mu tnu-un-tar duwu (TUR) -nifto-wi- 
That foe my jewels he snatched; his daughter he adorned 
in-la (L AL) 

with them. 

nakri $U ukni ipruma maratsu iSkun 

11. kirgiib (jyU) -ba-hi am {K-Kis) *gug me 
His courts I must tread; even I. 
nianzassu akdthas 

12. dim{GUl)-ma wi(IM)ma(MAL).^(KU)« am(A-AX)-^- 
When of my own desbe for myself the sanctuaries I 


ina ramdnia aSrdti e^teni^e 

13. ud^ba m(IM) ba4e ba-e (LW-l)V) -ta na-a(UD-DU) 
then fear I feel to go forth, (and) I go not forth. 

14. e (BIT) -ma (MAL) ba-an-ul'li-en inffar-ma (MAL) ba-ab- 
Out of my house they drove me; out of my enclosure 

they frightened me. 

ina bitia urrixanni ina igaria ugaUitanni 

15. tu [ocii] ni (IW) -te-a-dim (GIM) glMtr-ra iid-ba e-ir 

Like a temfied dove on a beam then I went up; 

khua summatum parittl ina guMiri obit 

16. su-din xu tal (Rl) -la-dim (GYM.) du{Xl)-de al-gi-ri 
like a sudin fluttering to a cleft I hetook me; 
khna sudinnit parihi ina nigiggi tderi 

17. //i6-« e (SlT)-mU'da xu-dim {GrYSi) im-ma-ra-tai (Rl) -en 
me out of my house like a bird they caused me to fly; 

ina bitia kima igguri uSapriMnni 

18. ga-^a-an men (DU) eri-mu-da rru-dlim (GIM) im-ma-ra- 
though I am lady, out of my city like a bird they caused 
tal (EI) -en 

mo to fly. 

19. egir-mu-a e{BlT)'mii egir-nm-a gu {KA) mu-un-de'de-e 
''Behind me is my house, behind mo", I say; 

btti arkia iltanassia 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

398 J. Dyneley Prince, [1911. 

20. nin-men (DU) eri-mu egir-mu-a gu (KA) mu-un-de-de-e 
"though I am lady, my city is behind me", I say; 

beliku cdi arkia 

21. Se-ib Ni-si'ln-ki-mu egir-miira gu{KA) tnu^un-de'de-e 
"the brick walls of my Nisin are behind me", I say; 

22. eS (AB) e (BIT) -gal-max-mu egir-mu-a gu (KA) mu-un- 
"the abode of my glorious temple is behind me", I 


23. Se-ib La-rordk-kirmu egir-mu-a gu (KA) murun-de'de-e 
"the brick walls of my Larak are behind me", I say; 

24. gig (MI) tuS (KU) -imina-mu egir-mu-a gu (KA) mu-un- 
"dark are my seven dwellings behind me", ' I 


25. me-e e(BIT)-witt e (BIT) -mu nu-me-en Ordim (GIM) in- 
I to my house "thou art no more my house", thus 
na-gu (KA) 

I speak. 

anakii ana hitia ul Mti attam ki aqbu 

26. me-e eri-mu eri-mu nu-me-en a-diw(GIM) in-na-gu (KA) 
I to my city "thou art no more my city", thus I speak. 

27. noran-ni'tu-tu ne um-mUka-a la-bi mu^ka-e 

"I cannot enter it" ; thus I speak (and) its beauty biteth me. 
lei errubhi aqbima laluSu ikkalanni 

28. wa-am (RAM) -da-wa (MAL) ne um-mi-ka {i)'8i'i$-bi 
"I shall be there no more"; thus I speak (and) weeping for it 

overw^helmeth me. 

Id uttak' .... ki aqbima gixita$u 



This text, Avhich is the last of the Prince- Vanderburgh 
series, CT. XV, 7 — 30, has been published with translation by 
Dr. Stephen Henry Langdon in his "Babylonian Psalms", 1909, 
pp. 1 — 6, but without commentary. The Assyrian paraphrase, 
which is not a translation of this text, I have taken from 
T. G-. Pinches "Lament of the Daughter of Sin", PSBA., 1895, 
pp. 66 ff., which is a parallel, but not an identical text with 
CT. XV, 24—25. I am indebted to Dr. F. A. Vanderburgh 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] A Divine Lament 399 

for his helpful collaboration and assistance in the publication 
of the entire series. 

There can be little doubt that this lament was written and 
sung by the priests of Nana, whose image was taken by the 
Elamites in 2270 B. C, according to the Prism Inscription 
of ASgurbanipal, Col. VI, 107—124. ASsurbanipal in 635 B. C. 
retook and restored the imago to its original habitat in XJruk 
(Erech) amid great rejoicings at his pious act. The goddess 
had been absent from her shrine for sixteen hundred and 
thirty five years. The fact that in the present hymn the 
lamenting deity does not mention ITruk, but Isin, does not 
militate against this idea, because we know that the dynasty 
of Isin prided themselves on their cult of Nana and that they 
were especially assiduous in building and restoring the shrines 
of this goddess. Nana's chief sanctuary was E-an-na (*house 
of heaven') in Uruk (Erech), but she also had temples in 
Agade (E-ul-ma§) and at Ur. This hymn is of particular im- 
portance from an historical point of view, as it confii'ms the 
A§§urbanipal record. It was, no doubt, sung and composed 
shortly after the rape of the godess in 2270 B. C. 


11. L1D-§A can only ^ likir (8897) »heart'. NI « zal 
= bara *be full', 5314. 

13. ha-da-uUe: in Kev. 14 = ardxu (ttrruani) *drive, cause 
to hasten'. That VL can mean this is clear from MSL. p. 85, 
primarily == 'bull'; note ul = naqapu 'gore, push', said of a bull, 
9144. en-na here probably = *when, as soon as' = adi 'until'. 
2809. sa-dug => kaMdu 'reach, arrive at', 9542. $a — Ui *verily', 
7047. gcd)a (GAB); val. du =-- patdru 'loosen', 4473; GAB also 
= labdnu 'cast down', said of the face, Sb. 342 (4481). 

14. nunuz = Upu, 8177; pir% 8179 'progeny', and li 
can == ana 'unto', V. 27, 44. RAM = ag =- madudtc 'love, 
measure, intend'; note it = mu'finc 'intend', 4744 (see MSL. 
21). me = ia'nu, 10366; idnu, 10365 'where'? The combin- 
ation li-e-a is difficult, but li «= ^wa^w, 1118; Suahij 1119 that 
one', so that li-e-a here may be regai'ded as a prolongation 
of li with the demonstrative sense; i. e., 'where are they'. 
Another possibility is to consider LI here to mean 'stand', 
since LI = gub and gub (DV) also « nazdzu 'stand'. This 
does not seem to me so probable as the first suggestion. The 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

400 J. DyneUy Prime, [l9li. 

context certainly demands the question *wliere are they', or 
^vhere were they'? 

15. I regard di after dim here as an ES. gloss to denote 
the correct pronunciation of dim = dem?2amii, 4253; trfaiw, 4255 

Ijines 11 — 15 indicate the goddess's state of mind on being 
informed of what is to follow; viz., that she is to become an 
exile from her children. 

16. To ma here we must add the postpositive -ra as in Obv. 
17. Note vna-hi (KIT), rev. 5. 

21. In the above lines, the goddess is made to describe 
the approach of her captors, and the route they took in re- 
moving her from her shrine. First (obv. 19), she is carried by 
way of the land; then she is placed apparently on a ship 
(obv. 20 — 21) to be carried away to Elam. That the captors 
were regarded as thoroughly alien desecrators is seen from 
line 23 following, and Rev. 4 — 5. 

23. sU'C-sir-maL: literally *skin or leather (SU) of the 
street' (E-SIR = siiqii), the whole combination meaning ^enu 
*shoe' + mal == Sakdnu, 5421, i. e., mu{lu) su-e-sir mal *the 
men who have shoes on' = the profane invaders of her shrine, 
which must be entered unshod by her worshippers. 

24. On ^'16 nu-lax-xa-ni 'unwashed hands'; another sign of 
their desecration; see Rev. 5. 


In lines 1 and 2, ma-an must = the double corner wedge 
sign = dannu 'mighty', 9955; sarru *king', here probably *queen', 
9961. The suffix -ga probably has the force of Id = Mma 
which here we may render "though". The idea is that al- 
though the goddess was queen and lady, she was compelled to 
step on the hostile ship, which was to bear her away from 
her shrine and people. Cf. the parallel from Pinches cited 
by Radau, Misc. Sumer. Texts, 1910, p. 386 and n. 1. The 
verb RU = hih in our text =» nad<i *set, place', sciL here 
'foot', corresponds to the Pinches version kar = Tidbasu. 

3. I render ni (IM) 4e *of their own accord, as IM clearly 
means ramanu here (Fossey, 4192) and not 'fear'. The 'brood' 
aw/ar (ZUR) = hfmi^ 9068, 'approaches' (te) her shi'ine to 
molest her of their oton volition. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] A Divine Lament 401 

4. Xow begins the Assyiian parallel from PSBA., xvii., 
p. 66, line 6, in this line an exact translation. Note the 
relative Sumerian suffix -ani in ma'dlrla-ni 'those who have', &c. 
For 1dsal==maMaku, see obv. 12, and cf. IV. 27, 8 — 9b. 

5. lax = misU 'wash', Sb. 76. Xote also wa-^(KU) for 
ma-ra in obv. 17. 

6. The Assyr. uparridanni *he hastens me away'; '"hustles" 
me out' (!) is a translation of a parallel text. In our Sumerian 
line ni (IM) is the direct object of the verb te; IM-TE « 
puluxtu 'fear', 8465. Note below on line 8. 

7. gam ^ qadddu 'bow down', used of the neck kiSadeu, 
Fossey, 3664. It is rendered by the Assyr. parallel ina pu- 
luxti t(Smitanni 'in fear he lowers me'; from matu 'lower, 

8. Cf. line 6 rev. with this, and note the ommission of nakri 
iu — uiri'hi from this line. The Assyrian translator uses 
acUux 'I am disturbed' for wi(IM) hordaran-te 'I feel fear 
for him'. 

9. kar really means ekemu 'seize, snatch', 7740, in contrast 
with the more vivid Assyrian iSxutannima 'he tears it off me'. 

10. za here for Pinches za-gin -■ uknt. tar {hud) means 'cuts 
off violently'. The Pinches version reads maratsu 'his daugh- 
ter', which is not indicated here by the sexless word dumii 
(TUR) 'child'. 

11. gug = kdbdsu 'tread', 1372. Note the overhanging me, 
clearly the first personal pronoun. 

12. dim(GrlM) = Summa 'if, when', 9125; = ki 'as, w^hen', 

13. I render ba-e (VD-DU) -ta as dependent on the pre- 
ceding verb. That the prefix na- can mean 'not', as a variant 
of nu, is seen from Fossey, 796 — 797. 

14. On id, see obv. 13. xu-lax-e «= galdtu] gulhitw, suglutu 
'terrify', Fossey, 1061—1063. 

15. Pinches's form paritti (thus corrected l)y Langdon) is 
of uncertain meaning. Cf. IV. 22, 5 a: labartiim parittum^f). 
The form abit Langdon translates as if from nahdtu 'repose', 
but it is from IV2 'dwell'. This is not indicated in the present 
Sumerian text, which plainly signifies 'go' « e-ir, 

16. 'Rl ^^ tal = pardhc 'fly*. 2571. du (KI) ^^ nigig^u here is 
undoubtedly cognate with di-da-al = nigiggu, PSBA. xvii. 65; 
du = di. The usual ideogram is ki-in-dar, ki-in-dir, 9683. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

402 J. Dyneley Prince^ A Divine Lament [1911. 

gi'H = gir-ri «= ^^u 'foot'; taUaJdu *going'; simply « *go'. I 
regard eHeri as an iStafal from a^m 'go, proceed'. 

18. I render gaSan *lady' here, just as nin may mean both 
*lord* and *lady*. 

21. se-ib -= iiftirttt, 7492. Ni-si-in-ki-mu *my Isin'. NI has 
the value i as well as ni. 

23. la-rarak-ki'tnti *my Larak' =« Larsa (?). Jastrow suggests 
(by letter) that larak may mean *a grainery'. My interpre- 
tation of the combination agrees with this; viz., la^lalu *fiiU- 
ness, plenty' (Fossey, 530) + postpos. -ra -f a& = epehi, *make\ 
The combination la-ra + dk-ki would then mean 'the place (ki) 
which is made (ak) for plenty' — 'storage' (la-ra), 

24. 'Seven dwellings' probably refers to her shrines. 

27. ne 'this' =- annu, 4580. See also next line below. 

28. wa (MAL) -ma (MAL) = ba6ii 'be', 5430. In 11604: 
isiS « nissatu] gixtu 'lamentation'. A-Sl is the 6aA*ft- w^eep-sign. 
I render Pinches's parallel gionta as equivalent to gtxtu 
'weeping'. U^andMnni 'it overwhelms me', from B^li; cf. IV. 
7, 14 — 15a: 'he shakes him' = itand^asf^u. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

IndO'Iranian Word- Studies. — By Edwin W. Fat, Pro- 
fessor in the University of Texas. 

1. A good deal of attention has been paid in late years to 
Foy's proposal (KZ. 35, 31) to separate Iranian haca *ab, ex' 
from Skr. saca *cum, una cum'. To solve this problem seems, 
however, a task of no great difficulty. Authorities so out of 
date as the Latin lexicon of Lewis and Short seem to me in 
their note on aecus 'secundum, alitor' to present the right 
point of view for the solution of the semantic problem, and if 
modern observers diflferently conceive the problem, almost no- 
body seems to doubt the cognation of sectAS^ with sequitxir^ 
nor of Skr. saca with sdcate. 

2. In Etymology, as well as touching the Homeric question, 
there will always be chorizonts, owing to the diflference in 
human temperaments and the inherently greater ease of ana- 
lysis as contrasted with synthesis. But temperament or no, 
preponderance of evidence now throws a searcher into one 
camp, now into another. Temperamentally, I sympathize with 
the antichorizonts, and certainly in regard to Iranian haca, 
the usage of which I now propose to examine, on the basis 
of the examples collected by Bai*tholomae in his magnificent 
lexicon. Now Bartholomae compares haca with Slir. saca, but 
not without acknowledging that he feels the force of Foy's 
objections. I suppose, however, that it is on the legal prin- 
ciple of asserting definition from usage that be rubricates his 
examples as though the primary sense of haca were *from'. 
But if haca is cognate with saca it were well to attempt a 
rubrication based on *cum' as the approximately original sense, 
that is for Indo-Iranian. 

3. Sporadically in Avestan, and still less in Persian, haca, 
though we more conveniently render it by 'from', is combined 
with the instrumental, which is not, on the face of things, a 

» The notion of inferiority clearly arises in our colloquial description 
of cigars and other goods of poorer quality as "seconds". 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

404 Edwin W. Fay, [1911. 

case to indicate the separative relation. But we can often 
here restore the sense of *cum', e. g. in Y. 10. 17 (ap. Bthl., 
1751, IL 1. 2), 

orezataSna hacl^a taSta zaranaenem aoi taxSe 
where, though as regards the context ai'genteo ex poculo 
aureum in <poculum> afiundo is the letter rendering, yet arg. 
cum p. may be defended as the original conception, of. in 
Latin the following, albeit far less concrete, examples from 
Ennius: Ann. 175, turn cum corde suo divum pater atque 
hominum rex | effatur and, much more specifically, ib. 540, 
efiudit voces proprio cum pectore sancto. 

In the latter example cum is attached to a "sociative'' with 
which it does the work of an ablv. of means, but in both con- 
texts the combination with ef- is noteworthy, and from a usage 
like 540 the separative relation might have developed. In such 
contexts as this (see Vahlen in Rh. Mus. 14. 666 for other 
examples) cum might also have developed — or shall we say 
have sunk to — use as a mere case exponent. Tliis is what 
has happened, in a sense, with OPers. hacd which, though 
used with the instrumental, is an invariable case exponent of 
the ablative. 

4. In Old Persian, the adjective hu-miOnya- 'rebellious' is 
construed with*: hacd + ablv. Etymologically miSriya- belongs 
with Skr. methete (dual) 'inter se pugnant, altercantur'. I see 
here a compromise construction, as though in Latin (1) aHe- 
natus [a] 4- ablv. had been so associated with (2) dltercans cum-\' 
instr. as to yield *(3) aiienatus cum + ablv.; or as though in 
Greek the interplay of (1) aAAor/jtwjw nvos and (2) oXXoTpiowrBai 
[irvv] TiVL had yielded *(3) aWorpiovcrBai <(njv> Ttvos. For the 
general psychological problem involved cf. Latin divortium 
facere cum dligua, and the English conflict between differ 
from and differ with. In Irish, fri 'adversus, in' reached the 
sense of *cum' in comparisons (*'gleich gegen « gleich mit"), 
which developed into a sociative and instrumental *cum', and 
at last, with verbs of separation, into *ab, ex' (cf. Windisch, 
Irische Texte, Wrtbch., pp. 577 — 578). The following examples 
are in point: Bh. 2. 2 («- 1750, II. 1. 1. C), dahydva^ iyd 
hacdma^ hamiO^'iyd abava^ = regiones quae cumme altercantes 
factae sunt; Bh. 1. 11 (= 1778, top, s. v. ham^) pasdva^ Icdra^ 
haruva^ hamiOHya^ ahava^ hacd ka'^hujiyd^ = inde populus 
universus stomachatus fuit cum (\'imbyse. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 

Vol. xxxi.] Indo-Iranian Word-Sttidies. 405 

5. In the Gathic passage Y. 37. 2 (« 1749, II. 1. 1. B), 
yoi gduS haca Syeinti =^ qui a bove habitant, we might rather 
interpret by qui cum bove stant (for habitant), and Mills 
renders by "who abide beside^ the kine". 

6. (Common in Gathic as in later Arestan is the locution 
a$dt haca which verbally « ritu^ cum, but idiomatically e ritu, 
e veritcUe. For the origin of this locution we might assume 
a contamination of an Indo-Iranian *rtdd^ *rected', combined 
w^ith *saca rtena *cum rectitudine' (cf. the actual form dn-rtdd 
"um der Silnde willen", Delbrueck, ai. Synt., § 74), but we will 
do better now to enquire what sacdy instrumental of a noun 
sac- 'a following, pursuit', might mean, and I would indicate 
my answer to the question by rendering asdt haca by *e-ritu 
consequential or, sacrificing the case relation, by *ritum secun- 
dum', cf. secUfS consuetudinem in OIL. 5, 4017; and secus merita 
eius, Inscr. Orelli 7, 70. 

7. But asdt haca *ritum secus' is a phrase so trite in its ad- 
verbial sense that we shall do well to examine its less phrase- 
ological uses, e. g., Y. 61. 5 (= 1749, II, 1. 1. B), yafid a$dt 
haca gam vidat vdstryo = num per ritum bovem acquirat 
agricola (ind. quest.). Here the ablative alone expressing cause 
or rather consequence, Avould suffice, but haca reinforces the 
consequential idea. Similar are Y. 43. 14, aSdt haca frastd 
= <haec petitio> ritum secus recipiatur; Y. 53. 1, yezi hoi ddt 
dyaptd asdt haca = ut ei det maiestates ritum secus; Y. 45. 4 
a. h. vaedd . . 7/5 Im ddt = ritum secus (per r.) cognovi . . quis 
earn <vitam> faciat; Y. 44. 17, perhaps especially perspicuous 
])ecause of rdOemo, yd rdOemo a. h, = qui socius ritu<m> secus. 
With other nouns note Y. 32. 2, xMBrdt haca . . paiti-mraot 
== per regnum . . respondit, V. 9. 2, yaoMdOrydt h. ■--= purifi- 
catione<m> secus. 

8. Seraantically, general lines of reasoning strongly recom- 
mend the definition of haca by 4n consequence of (see § f)), 
and the combination of haca in this sense with the ablative 
is just what we should expect, cf. Delbrueck, ai. Synt. § 74, 
"nicht selten tibersetzen wir den Abl. durcli in Folge von". This 

1 AVe might restore the sense of 'in-the-train' to haca, see g§ 6, 9. 

2 Interi)ret ritu according to the gloss ritus' ^prfTKclaj i. e. 'religio^ 

' I am transcribing these forms as though they were Sanskrit. 

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406 Edivin W. Fay, [1911. 

definition adequately absolves the examples under Bartbolomae's 
rubric II. 1. 3 (— 1750), to-wit: V. 18. 1, diwiat hada dOrava 
sanhaite « fraudis causa (better fraude<m> secus) sacerdos 
nominatur. Further note Y. 35. 10 («= 1751), where aSdat hcua 
(= ritu<ra> secus) is rendered by Bai'tholomae (col. 88, top) 
as "um des Asa willen" but by Mills as "by reason of thy 
Righteous Order": here the prior rendering may be etymolo- 
gically justified by "in pursuit of", and the latter by "in con- 
sequence of". 

9. With persons, the combination haca + ablv. designates 
the agent, the person in consequence of whom the act is per- 
formed. Examples are: V. 19, 6 (« 1750), batdOrydt haca 
tdviSi =^ matre ab vocatus sum; D. 6. 3 («- 1751) hacd-ma^^ 
a-me <mandatum>, where we might think of 'in attendance 
upon' as the primitiv sense of ha^, 

10. The next examples are of haca with the ablative after 
verbs of fearing. The act of shrinking which is the physiolo- 
gical expression of fear lies, I take it, behind the Vedic con- 
struction of the ablative with verbs of fearing, and the same 
note accounts for separatives as represented in the Latin lo- 
cution ah aliquo metuere, timere. In the Persian and Avestan 
usage of haiid with the ablative I suppose that the simple ab- 
lative, expressing the idea of (shrinks) *from\ has yielded to a 
some^vhat phraseological (shrinks) *in consequence of. The 
examples I have selected are P. 21 (= 927, mid.) niwyeiti 
zi..dtar$ ..haca.,aiwyo = metuit ille . . ignis ab aquis; Yt. 10, 99 
(= 1748, II. 1. 1. /3), yahmat hacd fratardsanta = quo ab 
metuebant; D. 5. 2, dahydva^ . . tyd hacd-ma^ aJtarsa'^ == regiones 
..quae ab-me(d) metuebant; Bh. 1. 13, hacd darSma'^i?) aiar- 
sa* -« <populus> ab <oius> saevitate metuebat; Bh. 4. 5, hacd 
draugd^ darSam patipayahivd = a fraudulentia valide cave; 
D. 4. 3, imam dahydtim a^ura^mazdd pdtiw hacd haindyd = 
banc regionem, A. M., servato ab exercitu. 

11. In the locution with verbs of fearing hacd *in conse- 
quence of had sunk nearly to the level of being a mere case 
exponent (cf. Brugmann, Kvg., § 593, and note the Spanish 
use of exponential a before names of personal direct objects), 
and there was the same possibility with verbs of obtaining 
and demanding (= seeking to obtain), which took a separative 
case. e. g. Homeric iraiSos cSc^aro « (a) filio accepit, Skr. grh^lydt 
sddlmtah «= *accipiat (a) bono', Latin Hinndd cepit (OIL., 

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Vol. xxxi.] IndO'Iranian Word-Studies. 407 

I. 530); cwrouTCiF T4WS (cic-, irofwl-) i« postulare (ab) aliquo, Skr. 
kend amhho ydcitam hhuydt » per-quem aqua petita <est> 
a-rege. Iranian examples are: Y. 44. 17 (1749, II, 1. 1. B, 
cf. col. 1670), kojSd zar^m cardnl haca xsmat » num voluntatem 
impetrem a vobis^ (= per vos, in Folge von); Bh. 1. 14 (1750, 

II. 1. 1. c) hacci amdxam taunidyd parabartam » a nostri (sic) 
gente ablatnm; Y. 62. 7 (1748, II, 1. 1. /3) vwpaeibyd haca 
izyeiti hub9r9tim •« omnibus ab postulat bene-sacrificatum; Y. 
31. 14 (1749, II, 1. 1. B), yd isudo daddnte dafiramm haca 
a^duno = quae postulata fiunt debitorum (neuter) ab ASa- 
discipulo.2 — In this category we may, with some reinforcement 
of the etymological sense of ham (see §§ 6, 9), render by *with 
compliance from' (i. e. on the part of). 

12. With the verbs of obtaining (cf. Lat. parare) we may 
associate verbs of begetting (cf Lat. parere), satisfying ourselves 
by citing the one example of Yt. 13. 87 (1748, II. 1. 1. P), 
yahniat haca frciOwdydsaJt ndfb = quo ex [cum] procreavit gentem. 

13. Much the larger number of examples of hacd + ablv. 
follow after verbs of motion, and it hardly seems likely that 
here we have a mere casual exponent brought over from the 
sepai-ative connotation with verbs of fearing (§ 10). For this 
usage it is tempting to seek for haca direct derivation from a 
rootnoun *5t'A:"'-, quasi -iter, cursus, trail, track', a definition 
certainly justified a priori by the usage of verb forms of the 
root sek^. This leads us to the simple definition of hacd by 
*away, weg (von) &c.' (cf. Fick-Stokes, Wtbch., p. 296).^ Still, 
in matters of definition the argument a posteriori frirnishes 
the line of procedui-e I prefer to follow, and it is worth our 
Avhile to ask whether, in the construction of verbs of motion 
with haca -f ablv., haca did not originally go with the verb, 
somewhat in the sense of Secundum' (= along), e. g. in Bh. 

1 Mills rendtrs by "shall I proct^ed to that oonferonce with you"? 

* This is what 1 understand Bartholomae to mean by his renderinjr 
(col. 733, mid.): die 8chuldl'orderungen die auf Grund der Buchungen 
an den J.»a-anlianger gestellt wurden. Mills renders by '-What prayers 
with debt-confessions are ottered with the ottering of the lioly". 

5 The assumption of a root noun sch}*} 'trail, track' leads to a pretty 
result for a somc^what isolated usatic of fVi viz: as in a 278, p 197, 
UZva I iroXXa ixaX', oaa-a (olk€ <pL\rji iirl iratS^y tirea'^at. If we read *^iri here, 
we have a reference to the route of the homegoing bride. In form, wo 
may compare skr. me sad (fJHr. 4. 1. 3. 7) -in my support, mihi auxilio', 
but lit«'raily something like 'mei (gen.) <in> comitatu'. 

VOL. XXXI. Part FV. 28 

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408 Edwin W. Fay, [1911. 

2. 12 (-= 1750, II. 1. 1. b), pasdva^ adam nijdyam hadd babi- 
raiiS = postea ego abii secundum Babylone [unless in a mili- 
tary context like this hacd meant in expeditione(m)], i. e. 'along' 
or *on' fi'om Babylon. In such contexts, if hacd were sub- 
sequently di'awn to the noun, 'secundum' would pass through 
'porro'^ to 'ex'. — Again, in sentences containing verbs with 
plural or joined subjects or objects, hadd in the sense of una, 
really to be taken with the verb, might have been drawn as 
a mere exponent to the sepai-ative ablative following. Examples: 
Y. 6. 19 (1746), yaozdya iacinti dpo zrayanhat haca puitikdt 
avi zrayb vourU'ka$9m — purificatae ruunt aquae una <a> mari 
P. ad mare V.; Yt. 10. 39 (1746), zarHvacit vazamna haca hd- 
zuhhyo «= tela quidem .. missa una <a> lacertis; Y. 3. 7 (1747), 
daeva han-dvardnti . .haca gdraSdSa = diaboli con-currunt . . una ^ <a> 
fossa; Yt. 9. 10 (1747), apa-hardni uva Su^amda barSnam^a hax:a 
mazda ddmal)yd = au-feram ambas famemque sitimque una <a> 
creatoris locis; Y.9. 53 (1747), ahmat haca asanhatda Soi^rdatca 
axbtat . . iMca dzuitidca = eo una <a> locoque domoque ab- 
sistet . . fortunaque opulentiaque; Yt. 8. 32 (409, s. v. us-han- 
dava-), dunman ham-hiStdnti us-handavat haca garbit == vapores 
constant (— coUiguntur) tts-hindu- una <ex>-iwan, 

14. Far be it from me to assert that these restorations of a 
vanished sense to examples of a developed hacd — a resto- 
ration that may be diagrammed in part by saying that una <a> 
yielded [una] a — prove an original meaning of 'una, simul\ 
but it is well to show from extant examples that the devel- 
oped sense may be but an accident, a mere consequence of 
the word's having become otiose in certain contexts; and if 
haca = una with verbs of motion came to be felt as otiose, 
its other ablative connections — I particulai*ly think of verbs 
of fearing with their note of physical recoil', see § 10 — 

1 i. e. Eng. *fortli\ — I find in the rather full English-French lexicon 
of Fleming and Tibbins that fortfi is dt'fined by "en avant, ensuite ; dehors, 
au dehors &c." This ought to mean that aller ensuite may be used to 
replace aller en avant^ but this usage is unknown to several high au- 
thorities on French diction whom I have consulted. 

5 The tautology of cod' and wui may be compared with the doubled 
aaa with hrojxat in Homer (t 371). 

3 Cf. (pe&yciv = 'to flee or escape from' (with gen., Odys.), but ^i/^a = 
<p6^oi, JciXte' (BO Hosyc.hius; cf. Lith. bugti 'terreri). 

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VoL xxxi.] Ind(hlranian Word-Studies. 409 

rendered it liable to be taken up as a mere casual exponent. 
With verbs of fearing, 'in consequence of readily yielded 
*from', and we bridge over to the purely local sense by assuming 
the start to have begun from the nouns of place-persons like 
Skr. Dyaus^ Greek *At%, Latin Orcus, 

15. The local sense may also be glimpsed in a context like 
the following where, after describing the origin of two moun- 
tains, the text- continues, Yt. 19. 2 (1747), ahmat hada garayo 
fraox^yan = inde successim (= ensuite) <hi> montes procre- 
scunt. Also note Yt. 19. 34, where v(iendmn9m dhmat haca 
x^ardno . .fraSusat (— evidenter ea ex gloria . . abscessit) may 
be etymologically realized by thinking of English *to part with\ 
contaminated with 'to (de-)part frofn\ 

16. In the old Persian we find a rather neat testimony to 
the role I have assigned, in the development of the idiom of 
hacd + ablv., to the construction after verbs of fearing, viz: 
D. 4. 2 (1752), where we have iyam ddhyau^ . . hacd aniyand 
naiy tarsatiy =» ea regio . . cum (sic) <a> hoste non metuit. 
Here we have the instrumental (cf. Bartholomae in Gr. Ir. 
Phil. I § 378. 6) retained with hadd (— *in consequence of). 

17. A quite isolated accusative regimen (cf. Lat. secies, 
secundum) is found in V. 12. 1 (1752), where haca is taken 
in the general sense of 'ad' (-* as regards), cvat aeSqm upa- 
mqnay9n jmOro haca pitarsm &c. -= quamdiu eorum <funera 
celebrantes> manent, filius propter patrem &c., where I take 
propter for 'in consequence of. In V. 5. 1, 2, haca 'from' is 
combined with the accusative in the locution 'fr'om the tops 
of the mountains (= ha£a hardhiavb gairanqm) to the depths 
of the valleys' (-« avijafnavo raonqm), and conversely; cf. also 
Yt. 10. 67 (1752) 'fi'om region to region' (haca karSvard 
avi k). In both these locutions 'secundum' (== down along, cf. 
sec. flumen) would serve, i. e. (1) 'down along the mountains 
<in>to the valleys' and 'along the valleys <up> to the moun- 
tains, and (2) secundum <alteram> regionem ad <alteram> r. 
We have besides (3) Y. 61. 5 (1752), tjaca him Jandma . . 
vlspdiS haca kar^vqn ydiS hapta = ut eam expellamus . . uni- 
versis [cum] <ex> regiones (sic) illis septem, where haca takes 
an instrumental of the adj. and an accusative of its noun. 
Here perhaps haca kar^van (« secundum regiones) represents 
a use originally distributive (cf. Lat. in dies), i. e., 'along region 


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410 Edwin W. Fay^ [Wll. 

after region; which tended to develop to the sene of xMra 
(jpraeter) regiones, 

18. I think I have now shown how, starting with an ety- 
mological sense of *in consequence, ensnite, in Folge', with 
instrumental regimen, we account, in not all too complicated 
a manner, for the development of a sense approximating 'from', 
which made haca a fit exponent — or shall I say coefficient? 
— for the ablative. With the accusative, the sense of 'secun- 
dum' may have developed into *ultra' (=» 'beyond, past'). 

19. This brings us to the support chiefly relied upon by the 
chorizonts who would separate Iranian haca from Skr. sacd^ 
viz: Olr. secli^ defined by Zeuss as 'practer, ultra, supra, extra'. 
The cognation of sech with the root of sechim 'sequor' seems 
to me properly upheld by Fick-Stokes (1. s. c), and by Brug- 
mann (Kvg., § 618), as against Foy and Thumb (see Walde^ 
s. v.).^ Thurneysen in his grammar defines sech by vorbei an 
(Eng. 'along past', often simply 'by'), and compares Lat. seats. 
but it does not appear whether he derives secus from sequitiir 
or not. As T see it, if we start with the sense of 'following', 
i. e. 'in attendance upon', we come easily to 'alongside of (a 
person) and then to 'by', and finally 'past, beyond', cf. e. g. 
in Windisch's Texte, p. 207, 26 luid seocu, which means <saxum> 
iit praeter eas. In other contexts eech may be rendered by 
our English use of via = 'by way of, Germ, ilber' in the address 
of a letter. See the description of a travel route in the Seel 
mucci Mic Datho § 20 (Windisch, 1, c. p. 106, 5 sq.) where 
sech is followed by various names of places 'past' which the 
traveller went. The adverbial use of sech (-= "auBerdem") is 
etymologically given by 'folglich; besides'. Welsh hep 'sine* 
has developed on the lines of Osc. perom 'sine' (: Lat. per) 
"eigentlich 'dariiber hinaus'" (Walde, p. 574). 

Sanskrit sakL 

20. As a corollary to the discussion of Iranian haid a word 
may be said of Skr. sdkd, which occurs ane each in the Eig 
and Atharva Vedas, and both times in a hymn which is a 
charm against snakes (or, for the Rik hymn, against poison 

1 I am entirely skeptical as to "Walde's explanation of «crf, which I 
am beginning to define by *away, weg, via' and to connect with A56«> 
see Class. Phil., 4. 301, fn. 

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Vol. xxxi,] Ind(hlranian Word-Studies. 411 

in general). I am prepared to admit that each of the hymns 
(RV. 1, 191 and AY. X. 4) is populai- rather than hieratic in 
point of diction and that linguistically considered they are late. 
But religiously considered, a snake charm is likely to be early 
and when in such a chaim a word is found that is virtually 
absent from the other literature* that word is no less likely 
to be a technical archaism than a popular neologism. Accord- 
ing to the lexica (supported by native authority) sakd- is a 
diminutive of the article so-, being defined as dieser geringere, 
— winzige (PW^), and compared with e^aka^ ydkA- (PWi). 
These comparisons are not illuminating, for e^aka- is not genu- 
inely extant, and yoke in RV. 8. 21. 18 (anyake yake — alii- 
cunque quicunque) seems to me clearly equivalent to a Greek 
*6-Ttv€s (sic) — that is to say that ya-Jca- compounded here does 
the usual work of yah kaJi (+ -co). But if sakd- really is a 
derivative of the article, I think rather of the -c(e) of Tjtc, 
illiCj istic, though this raises the question whether we restoi'o 
*ke (so Brugmann) or *A:e as the startform of Lat. -ce. For 
the full adjectivization of sa-k&s, as compared with ii/i-c(e), 
cf. Lat. ipsus I ipse, 

21. The passages for $akd are, in translation, as follows, 
"The little girl of the Kiratas, she the little one, digs a remedy" 
(Whitney's translation of AV. X. 4. 14) and ""This little bird, 
so very small, hath swallowed all thy poison up" (Griffith's 
Rig Veda, 1. 191. 11), and I can but think it curious that the 
two most genuine uses of one word are found in descriptiouH 
of antidote procurers. In either case sakd may be a partici- 
pial and mean *sequens' (= quaerens, cf. quaerit of the anti- 
dote-seeker in Aeneid 4, 513 — 516), or even 'secans'; or it 
may be an instrumental of a noun sa'k"^ *biir (= gladium; 
rostrum), allied to Lat. sacena, and saxum. If we were (juite 
sure that sakd meant 'small', we might still derive it from the 
root of secai, in the sense of ^segment' ('fragment'), cf. Eng. 
snip and bit,^ 

1 Of course I have at my command no other guide to u»ag<; than the 
Petersburg lexica. 

2 Thifl semantic correlation iH'rhaps obtains in the following words, 
Lat miyu/r (Fay, A.7P.. 26, 176), trfwc-pds (ib. 177), Lat paulum (ib. 188), 
parvus (194), 'fvilis (ii02), 8kr. dahhrds (dho)', further cf. 8kr. ksudrfU: 
ksod-ati (-^o Thlenb^ck). 

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412 Edtvin W. Fay, [1911. 

Sanskrit sods (advb.) 'sidewise. aside'. 

22. The relation of meaning between sdds and s&cale 'se- 
quitur' is, as Uhlenbeck recognizes in his lexicon, not obvious. 
I define sdci-, spoken of a dependant, a pediseqnus, one of 
the suite, by 'alongside of, beside' (cf. Ir. 8€ch§ 19) whence by 
subsequent restriction — or enlargement? — *on (the) side; aside'; 
cf. Eng. aside from (with a sense near to the sense of Welsh 
hep *sine' (§ 19, Jin.), and beside in "beside the question, the 
mark" &c. 

Sanskrit sak'thdn- *thigh'. 

23. With the root of secat I would join Skr. sak-Oidn- *thigh' 
One cannot read his Homer and find fArjpovs i^trafiov (= "the 
thighs they cut ofif'') without realizing that *sekt6' 'cut' would 
constitute a very proper designation for the thigh ^, cf. Eng. 
'cuts', of the different portions of a slaughtered animal. Flex- 
ionally, sakthan- has been modelled on asthan- 'bone'*. 

Two Sanskrit Words for the Hand. 

24. I have, in another place (AJP. 31, 416) explained Skr. 
an-gU'StharS 'thumb' as a compound of three members =« 'in- 
manu-stans'. In the same essay (pp. 416. 419) I interpreted 
the startform *tri-st(h)os 'third' (but *tri'St(h)is in Latin testis) 
as 'tip-standing' (of the left mid-finger), and the startform 
'^ksw-ek{s)'SthO'S 'sixth' as 'co-ex-stans' (of the second thumb 
in the digital enumeration). 

25. In view of these three finger-names in -stho-s (-sthi-s) 
— with which we may do well to compare Gr. iraXo(t)-<rri7 'palm' — 

I Possibly ftrfp^ originally simply meant *cut\ and belongs with fiipas 
*part', to a root iner, found in Lat. mor-d-et *bites'. 

J The phonetic difficulty with the relation of Lat. ossi-s (gen.) to Ski\ 
dsthi' was not solved by Johansson in IF. 14, 322, for the startform 
od-thi- would, to the best of our knowledge, yield Skr. *atthi' and not 
dsthi: But I know no phonetic obstacle to assuming for the startform 
*od-8thi-, whence -tsth- with the treatment of i'th in Latin, but a different 
treatment in Sanskrit. This *od-8thi' was a compound, and if (o)dsM- 
tended in the primitive speech to (o)8thj recomposition may have rein- 
troduced the vanishing (or vanished) d, I define od- by *8tone': Skr. 
dd-ri-8 *stone, cliff' (iddyu-s. if=stumi)), and -sthi- either means 'state